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WATERLOO AND ST HELENA
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NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
OF A STAFF OFFICER
CHIEFLY RELATING TO THE WATERLOO
CAMPAIGN AND TO ST HELENA MATTERS
DURING THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON
BY LIEUT.-COL. BASIL JACKSON
EDITED BY R. C. SEATON, M.A.
LONDON
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET
1903
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INTRODUCTION
These Notes and Reminiscences were printed
for private circulation in 1877, the author not
thinking that they were of sufficient interest to
justify publication. The reader will probably be
of a different opinion. They are now published
by the kind permission of Mrs Simcoe, of Wol-
ford, Devon, the author's daughter.
Lieutenant - Colonel Basil Jackson died in
October 1889, at the advanced age of ninety-
four. His death was noticed in the Times and
other papers of the day, the former referring
to him as "one of the four surviving heroes of
Waterloo." The other three at that time were
the Earl of Albemarle, General Whichcote, and
Lieutenant-Colonel Hewitt.
It is certain that Colonel Jackson rendered
essential service in the Waterloo Campaign. For
instance, he mentions (pp. 5, 97) having made, on
vi INTRODUCTION
the instructions of Sir Hudson Lowe, a special
report of the route by which the Prussians
retired after Ligny. This report was trans-
mitted to General Gneisenau, and undoubtedly
helped to form his speedy decision to retreat
northward by a by-road to Wavre immediately
after the defeat.
It has been stated — apparently with a view
to detract from the weight of Colonel Jackson's
testimony in favour of Sir Hudson Lowe — that
the latter's younger son, Major-General Edward
William De Lancy Lowe, married a daughter of
Colonel Jackson, and in the notice of Major-
General Lowe in the Dictionary of National
Biography this statement is repeated. It is,
however, a pure fabrication. I have the author-
ity both of Mrs Simcoe and of Miss Lowe for
saying that Major-General Lowe never even
met the lady in question.
I have added in square brackets a few foot-
notes where they seemed desirable, by way of
giving additional information. In the prepara-
tion of these notes I have to thank my friend
Dr J. H. Rose — the author of the well-known
Life of Napoleon I. — for much valuable assist-
ance. I also acknowledge the courtesy of Dr
J. F. W. Silk in allowing me to reproduce
INTRODUCTION vii
the sketch of Napoleon and views of St Helena
from his admirable collection. The portrait of
Colonel Jackson is from a photograph, taken
a year before his death, by Messrs Busten of
Ross.
R. C. S.
PREFACE
I venture to inscribe this little volume to a
fair friend, who, after perusing it in manuscript,
not only gave it commendation, but was induced
to transfer to canvas one of the Waterloo scenes
therein described.
Before dawn of the morn after the battle,
when on my way to the army with the Duke's
order for it to march, I paused for a few minutes
at the little farm of La Haye Sainte (around
which there had been fierce struggles), to survey
the scene before me.
This was the time chosen for the picture,
which is painted, I presume to think, very skil-
fully and correctly, as to the run of the ground,
and the touching — nay, appalling — appearance
of its still occupants, which, but a few hours
before, were valiant men and noble horses !
Several friends who have read my manuscript
have urged me to publish ; but " there is a time
for all things ; " and possibly, had it been in
a PREFACE
existence sixty years ago, when the book trade
reaped an abundant harvest from the field of
Waterloo, it might have answered a publisher's
purpose to bring it out. But when many years
have been suffered to pass by, and when we
only hear of Waterloo as a bridge, a place, or a
road, it was far too late. Some portion of my
Recollections did appear in the United Service
Magazine* about thirty years back, which I
deemed sufficient.
About St Helena, my few readers will prob-
ably feel interested, as I was a good deal
behind the scenes in the drama enacted there,
as they will find on perusal.
Ross, August 1877.
* [October and November 1843, and March 1844.]
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
The accompanying Illustrations (with the exception of the
portrait of Colonel Jackson and the drawing of Hougomont)
are reproduced from Sketches, Prints, Lithographs, etc., in
the collection of J. Frederick W. Silk, Esq., M.D. Dr
Silk is a relation of the Dr Alexander Baxter, Chief Surgeon
of the Island, 1816-1819, who is well-known to readers of St
Helena literature.
Colonel Basil Jackson (from a photograph) Frontispiece
Face page
Hougomont, from a drawing by Sir Edwin Landseer,
R.A., in the possession of Mr A. H. Hallam
Murray, ...... 94
Napoleon at St Helena. From a contemporary
sketch presented to Dr Baxter. Has been
ascribed variously to Captain Marryat and Com-
missary Ibbetson. A very similar sketch was
presented by Sir Henry Irving to the United
States Military Academy in 1893, . . 118
St Helena from the North-West. From an engrav-
ing of a picture by W. J. Huggins, in the Royal
Collection, . . . . . .122
xii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Face page
View of James Town. From a coloured print by
G. H. Bellasis, published in 1806, . .126
The Briars. Napoleon's First Residence at St
Helena. From a contemporary sketch by Major
Stewart, . . . . . .130
Longwood. From a lithograph by Durand-Brager,
1844, 144
Plantation House. The Residence of Sir Hudson
Lowe. From an engraving after G. H. Bellasis,
published in 18 16, . . . . .150
St James' Bay, from Ladder Hill. From a litho-
graph by Durand-Brager, published in 1844, . 188
The Room in which Napoleon Died. As it
appeared in 1850. From a coloured lithograph
of a drawing by Lieutenant Stack, . .194
Napoleon's Tomb. From a lithograph by Durand-
Brager, 1844, ..... 202
NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
CHAPTER I
In September 1808, in my thirteenth year, I
entered the Military College, and, having com-
pleted the prescribed course of instruction when
not quite sixteen, was appointed ensign in a line
regiment ; but, in order to enable me further to
prosecute my studies, permission was given me
to pass six months more at the College. Mean-
while, the Governor was so good as to recom-
mend my being transferred from the 26th
Regiment to the Royal Staff Corps, a superior
service, the officers of which were expected to
be acquainted with the duties of the Quarter-
master - General's Department, together with
those of civil engineers ; the sergeants and
rank and file being chiefly artisans, having
some trade of a kind to be useful with an
army in the field.
Although not quite perfection, the Military
College, in my day, was an admirable school of
1 A
2 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
discipline, as well as education generally, and
I have always felt thankful for the training I
there received. In my humble opinion, a great
mistake was made in changing it from a school
for boys to one of candidates for the army,
between the ages of eighteen and twenty-one ;
thus obtaining, what Lord Hardinge, the then
Secretary for War, characterised as the " ready-
made article." The plan has worked very badly,
as may well be supposed, and will, I doubt not,
in process of time, compel a return to the
original system.
I joined the headquarters of my corps at
Hythe, in January 1812, and nothing worth re-
cording happened to me till towards the end of
1 81 3, when the general rising of nations against
Napoleon induced our Government to send a
small force to Holland to encourage the rise of
the Dutch ; and, not a little to my surprise and
gratification, I had the good fortune to be speci-
ally appointed to serve in the expedition, on the
staff of the Quartermaster-General. The force
in question was between 6000 and 7000 men.
We were, I believe, of some use in keeping
the French garrisons of Antwerp, Bergen-op-
Zoom, and other fortresses, within their walls.
To recount our marches and counter-marches,
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 3
through the snows of the terribly severe winter
of 1 813- 14, would be of little interest to the
reader ; neither would our failure to damage the
French men-of-war ensconced in the basin of
Antwerp, by means of shells and Congreve
rockets, nor our abortive and disastrous en-
deavour to take the strong fortress of Bergen-
op-Zoom by surprise, be of much interest at the
present day. However, our proceedings were
very useful to me, as giving me experience, and
enabling me gradually to acquire some know-
ledge of my duties as a staff officer, in which,
at starting, I was, as a mere boy, anything but
competent.
In the early spring of 18 14, the fortresses
we were employed in watching, together with
the territory of Holland and Belgium, were
evacuated by the enemy. The division of the
army to which I was attached marched into
Antwerp, while our headquarters were estab-
lished at Brussels ; our gallant old Commander,
Sir Thomas Graham, there resigned his com-
mand to the hereditary Prince of Orange, who
held the rank of General in the British Service ;
and our force, which at that time may have
numbered 10,000 men, was distributed over the
Belgic territory, where it lay cantoned, and
4 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
eventually formed the nucleus of the army of
Waterloo.
One of my first duties, when attached to our
headquarters at Brussels, was to visit many of
the principal towns in Belgium, and ascertain
what barrack accommodation they afforded for
our troops ; my tour comprised Dendermond,
Ghent, Bruges, Ath, Tournay, Mons, etc. ; in
some of those I found that old monasteries had
been converted into this useful purpose, being
of great extent, and in most respects suitable.
When at Tournay, feeling curiosity to see the
great fortress of Lille, I went thither — an im-
prudent step, as it contained a large French
garrison, not well disposed towards us redcoats.
However, I was enabled to walk round the
ramparts, dined at a restaurant, and regained
Tournay without meeting with anything un-
pleasant. This trip gave me an extensive
knowledge of a large portion of the country,
which was useful to me afterwards.
About this time Sir Hudson Lowe was
appointed Quartermaster-General, succeeding
Colonel, afterwards Earl, Cathcart, who was
much liked by his subordinates, and whom we
saw depart with regret. His successor, how-
ever, proved to be all we could desire, as an
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 5
active, diligent, and accomplished officer, who
not only worked hard himself, but also kept
his officers on the alert, evincing towards them
at the same time the utmost consideration. He
was desirous of obtaining information about the
highways and byways of the country, and kept
me a good deal upon the trot ; and I remember
making a special report on the route by which
the Prussians retired after the battle of Ligny.
Sir Hudson remained with us until a few weeks
before the Waterloo Campaign opened, when he
was given a command in the Mediterranean, his
force occupying Toulon and Marseilles.
When Bliicher's headquarters became estab-
lished at Liege, several of his generals visited
Brussels, and were hospitably entertained by Sir
Hudson Lowe, their old companion-in-arms, he
having been our military attache with the army
of Silesia. Having no aide-de-camp, he gener-
ally invited me to act as such when entertaining
the Prussian officers, and I felt greatly inter-
ested in hearing them talk over the incidents of
their memorable campaigns, terminating in the
occupation of Paris by the Allies. The conver-
sation was always in the French language, Sir
Hudson not being sufficiently versed in German
to speak it with ease.
6 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
Brussels was exceedingly gay at this period
as the residence of the newly-made King, and
headquarters of our troops, the dlite of whom
were lodged in the city ; then families flocked in
from home, all tending to render the place alive.
Reviews of the troops often occurred, taking
place in the park whenever any great person-
age came. Then we had races, fox-hunting,
and cricket, all of which were patronised by the
Prince. The hunting, however, was a great
failure ; in the first place the Belgian foxes had
no idea that they were to run before the hounds,
not being trained, I presume, to do so from their
birth like our own ; moreover, the farmers could
not see the propriety of our riding over their
land : indeed, the Prince had to pay a consider-
able sum as indemnification for alleged injury
to the crops. This drove us to hunt in the forest
of Soignies, but, as the stupid foxes would not
run, hunting had to be given up.
CHAPTER II
Louis XVIII. being now comfortably seated
at the Tuileries, and tranquilly reigning
throughout France, the allied forces withdrew
from Paris, several bodies of Prussians passing
through Brussels on their way to Germany.
They were composed of hardy, rough-looking
men, with well-worn habiliments. Some females
marched with them, sitting astride, and looking
as warlike as the soldiers. The artillery was
not imposing in the eye of an Englishman,
accustomed to see our magnificent display in
that arm.
Bodies of French soldiers also passed through
the city, composed chiefly of prisoners captured
during the disastrous retreat from Moscow, two
years before — a mere dirty, ragged mob. Who
could believe that those poor hobbling, shabby
creatures had formed part of the finest, best
appointed, and most numerous army of modern
days ? But one small detachment appeared in
very different guise : it was preceded by four
8 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
small field guns, and the soldiers had arms and
well-filled knapsacks ; this was the garrison of
some fort in North Holland, which, having held
the place till hostilities ceased, had marched
homewards with all the honours of war. The
men had the proud and martial port of the
French imperial soldiers, their countenances
wearing nothing of the scowl of the released
prisoners I have mentioned. Thus were many
thousands of trained and seasoned warriors re-
turned to France, ready, aye and eager, to range
themselves under the eagles when Napoleon
surprised the world by landing in France from
Elba.
The English families rendered Brussels very
gay, and I must say that my countrywomen con-
trasted most favourably with the Belgian ladies,
exciting indeed the admiration of the Brussels
gentlemen. " II faut avouer que le sexe est beau
en Angleterre" was an exclamation I heard more
than once ; and certainly we had several fine
specimens of British beauty. There were fre-
quent bajls in the magnificent room called the
Concert Noble, where the dlite of both natives
and foreigners assembled to display their charms
to the best advantage ; but the latter far eclipsed
their rivals. The dances were waltzes, quad-
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 9
rilles, and occasionally a colonne, or what we call
a country dance. I must say that, in dancing,
the English, both male and female, had to yield
the palm to the Bruxellois. However, not liking
to be outdone, even in dancing, many of our
officers took lessons, and in time were able to
make at least a respectable appearance, both in
the quadrille and waltz.
Of course there were flirtations, which meant
nothing, but the young ladies of the place had
got a notion into their silly heads that English-
men were prone to enlevements, and I had good
reason for thinking that some of our young
waltzing belles felt disappointed that no enleve-
ment took place. I n the winter of 1 8 1 4- 1 5 there
was snow enough for sledge-driving, and gay
parties were formed to enjoy an amusement so
novel to most of us. We had, too, Court recep-
tions, such as levies and drawing-rooms ; and I
was present when Lord Castlereagh invested the
King of the Netherlands with the Order of the
Garter — an imposing ceremony.
Thus were we amusing ourselves, when a
rumour came that Napoleon was again in
France ; but for a day or two it was thought
to be only an idle shave ; # we were, however,
* [Shave, i.e., a false rumour.]
10 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
soon undeceived, and thought that in all prob-
ability we should soon see him in Belgium.
Accordingly, there was a universal bustle of pre-
paration ; the spade and the pick-axe were set
to work to repair and strengthen the frontier
fortresses of Mons and Tournay ; and soon
troops of all arms began to reach Ostend, our
Home Government fully appreciating the call
for vigorous and prompt action. But we hailed
with joy the arrival of the great Duke from the
Congress at Vienna, to take command of the
assembling army, which was indeed a motley
one, being composed of British, Dutch, Belgians,
Hanoverians, Brunswickers, etc. Many of our
own were weak second battalions, chiefly those
who had been under Sir Thomas Graham ; and
the foreigners were mostly young levies, the
Brunswickers and Hanoverians being for the
greater part mere boys. Many of the Dutch and
Belgians had served under Napoleon's eagles,
and had, of course, strong French proclivities.
The headquarters of our cavalry was atNinove,
fifteen miles from Brussels, and I saw some 7000
reviewed before old Bliicher. Both men and
horses appeared very creditable, and the day was
very fine. I was present on the occasion, and
also when the Duke reviewed the Brunswick
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 11
troops, some 9000 strong, at Vilvoorde, six miles
from Brussels, on the Antwerp road. They were
well clothed and accoutred, and the Duke of
Brunswick seemed proud to exhibit them.
I shall now vary my tale by introducing a bit
of gossip. I was sitting one afternoon in the
park with an elderly Belgian lady, when a very
great man walked past us, and immediately after
a carriage drew up at an entrance on the opposite
side of the park, and a lady alighted, who was
joined by the great man. My friend and I,
prompted by curiosity, arose to see the result of
the junction, following with our eyes the lady
and gentleman until they descended into a
hollow, where the trees completely screened
them. We then perceived another carriage
arrive, from which an old lady descended, whom
I recognised as Lady M. N., who went peering
about as if looking for some one or something,
but was completely baffled by the tactics of the
lady and gentleman, and left the park re infectd.
She was clearly in search of her daughter, Lady
F. W., of whom " busy fame whispered light
things." But I must proceed to matters of more
moment.
CHAPTER III
Early on the 15th June 181 5, we learned that
the French were crossing the frontier at Charle-
roi. In the evening, about seven o'clock, I got
a summons to the Quartermaster - General's
office, Sir William Delancey,# our chief, having
received the Duke's orders for collecting the
allied army.
For two or three hours I was engaged with
others in writing out orders for the several
divisions to march, which were expedited by
means of hussars, men selected for their steadi-
ness. Each was told the rate at which he was
to proceed, and time for reaching his destina-
* [Sir William Howe De Lancy, whose sister married
Sir Hudson Lowe, succeeded the latter as Quartermaster-
General in the Low Countries early in June 181 5, and
was killed at Waterloo. Of him the Duke of Wellington
wrote in his Waterloo despatch : " This officer is a
serious loss to His Majesty's service, and to me at this
moment."]
THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 13
tion. It was his duty to bring back the cover
of the despatch, on which the officer receiving
it had to state the exact time of its delivery. I
thought my duty for the day was ended when
the despatches had been sent off; but my friend,
Colonel Torrens, whispered in my ear that he
had put me in for a ride, and Sir W. Delancey
handed me a packet, saying, " I am told you
know the road to Ninove ; here is a letter for
Colonel Cathcart ; be as speedy as possible."
In a few minutes I was in the saddle, wend-
ing my way in the darkness to Ninove, by a
cross road. As I approached that place, I
found lights in adjacent villages and men stir-
ring about, indicating that the order for march-
ing had been issued. Colonel Cathcart was the
Assistant Quartermaster-General to the whole
of the cavalry, and an excellent officer, to whom
I was well known. "You may tell Delancey
that in an hour or so we shall be on our march
to Nivelles, in accordance with the order re-
ceived."
On my way back, I fell in with several officers
of rank, making for their troops, having hurried
from the Duchess of Richmond's ball ; and I,
knowing all the arrangements for the army
generally, was able to tell them what roads to
14 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
take in order to intercept their divisions. I
could boast of a good acquaintance with the
greater part of Belgium ; for, besides having
been often sent about to arrange for quartering
troops, I had been employed by our active
chief, Sir Hudson Lowe, in examining and re-
porting upon various routes between Brussels
and the French frontier ; indeed, when any
distant business required the presence of an
officer of the department, it commonly fell to
me, probably as a junior.
My return to Brussels from Ninove was at a
leisurely pace, and it may have been about four
o'clock on the morning of the 16th that I,
threading the Rue de la Madeleine, reached
the beautiful Place Royale, and heard sounds of
movement in the park adjacent. On entering
it, I found a large body of our troops in line,
which their Commander, the redoubtable
Picton, was inspecting, accompanied by his staff.
I reined in my horse, and awaited the termina-
tion of the ceremony. It was truly a splendid
division, of which Picton might feel proud.
The order was given for the whole to form sub-
divisions, and then "quick march." I posted
myself at the Hotel Bellevue to see them pass.
First came a battalion of the 95th Rifles (now
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 15
the Rifle Brigade), dressed in dark green, and
with black accoutrements. The 28th Regiment
followed, then the 42nd Highlanders, marching
so steadily that the sable plumes of their bonnets
scarcely vibrated. The 79th and 92nd, both
Highlanders, were also there. The full kilted
dress may have somewhat of a theatrical aspect,
but is certainly very imposing — indeed, an
ordinary battalion of our infantry has a mean
appearance when contrasted with the wearers of
the " garb of old Gaul." I thus saw something
of " the pomp and circumstance of glorious war,"
and heard the last of the measured tread of the
troops, which alone disturbed the stillness of
the morning. Forth they went by the Porte
de Namur : —
" And Ardennes waves above them her green leaves,
Dewy with Nature's tear-drops, as they pass,
Grieving, if aught inanimate e'er grieves,
Over the unreturning brave, — alas !
Ere evening to be trodden like the grass
Which now beneath them, but above shall grow
In its next verdure, when this fiery mass
Of living valour, rolling on the foe
And burning with high hope, shall moulder cold and
low."
These lines truly tell the fate of many
hundreds of those noble soldiers, who marched
16 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
forth confident of victory ; for ere the sun, whose
early rays gilded their bright arms, had set, grim
death had made sad havoc among them. But
not in vain was the sacrifice, since it must be
admitted that Picton's indomitable energy, and
the determined pluck of his regiments, saved
the important position of Quatre Bras, repel-
ling every effort of Ney and his corps darmie,
until other troops arrived from Nivelles, and
helped to secure that point ; and they did this
after performing a forced march of twenty miles,
oppressed by summer heat, and the heavy weight
of knapsack, arms, and ammunition.
I think it was about 2 p.m. of that day when
Brussels first heard the booming of distant
guns ; and then began the cry of Sauve qui pent
among the numerous English families residing
there. All the post horses were soon engaged
in transporting them to Antwerp or to Ghent ;
but numbers were forced to remain, at least for
the present. As to the inhabitants, they had
seen so much of armies traversing their city in
the preceding year, that the aspect of things
seemed little more in their eyes than the
threatening of a whirlwind, which might or
might not seriously and injuriously affect them.
Besides, half of the inhabitants were French at
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 17
heart, and if Napoleon should prevail, they
would only be welcoming friends.
The cannonade soon became almost continu-
ous, seeming very near ; and as I knew that
the Duke and headquarters staff had gone in
the direction of Waterloo, I felt it to be only
my proper course to endeavour to join head-
quarters ; the roar of the cannon, moreover,
aroused my boyish ardour, and I was speedily
mounted and on my way. I had not got over
many miles, when I overtook Colonel Nicolay,#
of my own corps, and, of course, pulled up to
join him. As he did not suggest my pushing
on, I felt bound to remain with him, and accom-
modate myself to his sober pace ; so we jogged
on together at a far more gentle rate than that
at which I had been riding.
While traversing the forest of Soignies, the
cannonade was so loud as to lead us to believe
that the battle was raging within very few miles
of us, probably near Waterloo. On emerging,
however, from its glades, the firing seemed to
be more distant than we had supposed. Just
as we reached the farm of La Haye Saint e, so
celebrated as a post of importance in the great
* In after years Governor of Mauritius, an excellent
officer and wise administrator.
B
18 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
battle of the 18th, we met Sir George Scovell,
one of the Duke's trusted staff officers. He
told us that our troops had been successful in
holding their position at Quatre Bras, against
heavy odds, up to the moment of his coming
away, but that the firing had seemed to follow
him. This was bad, the inference being that
our troops were retiring, and, coupled with the
condition of Sir George's horse, which was
white with foam, indicative of extreme haste,
caused us sinister augury.
Pressing on, we reached the long village of
Genappe, and began to meet wounded men and
stragglers, to some of whom we spoke and
gleaned hope that the Duke was still maintain-
ing himself at Quatre Bras. The cannonade
appeared now to come from the left of our road,
for which at the time we could not account ;
but doubtless the heavy firing we had been
hearing proceeded from the great battle of
Ligny, and not from the action at Quatre
Bras, the direction of the wind accounting for
this mistake.
After leaving Genappe we encountered quite
a stream of disabled soldiers, British and foreign.
As two Brunswickers passed, I heard one of
them say, " Unser Herzog ist todt" (''Our
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 19
Duke is dead "), which, alas ! proved but too
true.
" He rushed into the field, and, foremost fighting, fell."
Dressed in black, having their shakos orna-
mented (if so the term may be used) with a
skull and cross bones, the Brunswick soldiers
wore a grim aspect. I was told that the dress
and bones were to be worn as a perpetual
mourning for the Duke who fell at the Battle
of Jena, in 1806, father of the hero who was
killed at Quatre Bras.
The Brunswick contingent had been for
some weeks stationed at Vilvoorde, five miles
from Brussels, as I have mentioned, and I
frequently saw the Duke on occasions of cere-
mony, and admired his soldier-like appearance
and gallant bearing.
On nearing Quatre Bras we fell in with a
remarkable group of human beings, clustered
upon some sort of wheel carriage, that turned
out to be a Dutch 12-pounder gun, upon which
sat or clung a dozen or more of wounded men,
bloody and dirty, with head or limb bound up,
and among them two or three females. It was
with great surprise that I heard my name issue
from the cluster, and, on close inspection, per-
20 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
ceived that it proceeded from Brough, of the
44th, whom I had last seen at Bergen-op-Zoom.
He said that Picton's division had suffered very
severely, but kept its ground ; that he was him-
self wounded, and but too happy to avail him-
self of his present seat on the gun-carriage,
feeling, however, as if the jolting would kill him
outright, and exclaiming, "Oh! that I had my
horse." How his countenance gleamed when I
told him that we had just passed his handsome
Andalusian, an animal he had brought from
Spain, and of which he was exceedingly proud.
CHAPTER IV
The shades of evening were creeping over the
scene of action at Quatre Bras when we arrived
there, and too late to see Ney's last effort against
the position ; but considerable bodies of the
enemy seemed still to wear a threatening as-
pect, but, save by a few shots of artillery and
the popping of skirmishers, there was no more
firing that evening. The Duke remained for
some time longer near the Bois de Bossu, in-
tently watching the dark masses in our front,
which stood scarcely beyond the range of our
most advanced field-pieces ; but it was evident
the business of the day was over. Some of our
acquaintances belonging to the staff gave us,
in the meantime, an account of the severe and
bloody battle ; all agreeing that our troops had
never been more severely pressed in maintaining
their position ; it was also said that the Duke
had exposed his person more than on any former
occasion, and that his escaping without a wound
22 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
was wonderful. Then followed an eulogium of
our troops ; and the old Brunswick regiment of
cavalry — so long in our service — was well spoken
of; but the foreign troops generally had been
disappointing.*
The next question was that of quarters for
the night — not for the troops who had so hardly
fought ; they had the cold ground for their bed,
with the canopy of heaven for a cover-lid, and
short commons, if any, for supper — but for the
staff, who could go where they pleased, and
get housed. Genappe was scarcely a couple of
miles in the rear, and would, we know, be head-
quarters ; so thither Colonel Nicolay and I went,
with other staff officers. On entering the prin-
cipal auberge, we found a long table, with covers
laid for at least twenty persons, the arrangement
of which an officer of the Duke's staff was super-
intending, acting as a sort of major domo ; there
were hampers of wine in the room, from which he
was selecting bottles for the table. On observ-
ing my companion, whose rank entitled him to
* [This is scarcely fair. The stand made by Prince
Bernhard of Saxe- Weimar at the beginning of the fight
at Quatre Bras was most creditable, and but for him and
Perponcher's decision to hold that place — quite inde-
pendent of Wellington who was far in the rear — it would
have been lost. See Rose's ATapoIeon, ii. 462.]
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 23
some consideration, he proposed his remaining
to sup with His Grace ; the invitation was,
however, declined, so we left the house and
succeeded in getting a billet from the Mayor
on a worthy shoemaker, who received us very
hospitably, desiring his wife to boil a chicken
and fry an omelette. After despatching these
with much gusto, we retired to excellent beds.
It was then after eleven, and I had just fallen
asleep, when a tremendous clatter of horses in
the street caused me to jump out of bed in some
surprise ; when I found that the horsemen were
moving in the direction of our army. I tried
to recompose myself to sleep, but the incessant
clatter of hoofs, jingling of steel scabbards, and
rattle of artillery kept me awake for hours, as
I thought. This was the whole, or nearly so,
of the British cavalry, which had moved from
Ninove by Nivelles, and were proceeding to-
wards Quatre Bras.
The last horseman of the rear-guard had
scarcely passed, when I judged it was time for
me to be up and to horse. Before daylight, I
was again with the army, and when the sun
rose, a truly magnificent spectacle presented
itself, as I rode along that part of the Nivelles
and Namur chaussde, behind which most of our
24 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
divisions were ranged in position. There was
no point from which the eye could command
the whole of the ground occupied, none being
sufficiently elevated ; and besides, the Bois de
Bossu, a wood of some extent, closed the pros-
pect on the right ; the tall rye, moreover, which
mostly covered the undulating land, served to
conceal most of the infantry, breaking, as it were,
the continuity of line. Still, the extent of ground
it covered, the large number of guns visible,
with lighted match, ready to open their destruc-
tive fire, and the heavy bodies of cavalry in rear,
gave evidence that a powerful army now awaited
the onset of the enemy.
In our front, and perhaps a couple of miles
distant, the prevailing verdure of the fields was
broken here and there by dark patches, known
to be the masses of the French ; but they must
have had some troops nearer to us, but hidden
by undulations of the ground, as a support to
skirmishers, who kept up a constant popping,
responded to by those of our own, in the low
ground between the armies, where grew some
straggling willows and stunted alders, which,
together with the partially standing crops,
afforded sufficient cover to render the firing
a useless waste of ammunition.
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 25
A few changes were made in the disposition of
the troops after the Duke of Wellington arrived
on the ground, soon after daylight ; arms were
then piled, and the men, still wearied with their
exertions of fighting and marching the day
before, lay down to get a little rest. The Duke
too, after riding about, and satisfying himself
that all things were in order, dismounted and
sat down on the ground very near the point of
intersection of the chaussdes, called "les Ouatre
Bras." He was habited in his usual field cos-
tume, namely, a short blue frock coat, and shorter
cloak of the same colour, leather pantaloons, and
Hessian boots ; his plain and low cocked-hat was
surmounted by no feather, such as we see in the
statue near Apsley House : the large drooping
plume we borrowed from the Prussians, and it
became pretty general amongst our staff officers
after we got to Paris. On the Duke's black
English cockade were attached three very small
ones, of about an inch in diameter, being those
of Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands, in
token of his holding rank in the armies of those
countries. I remained for some time at a short
distance from the great man, who occasionally
addressed a word to Lord Fitzroy Somerset,
Barnes, Delancey, and others of his principal
26 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
staff officers. He was then awaiting the return
of Sir Alexander Gordon, an aide-de-camp, who
had been sent off between six and seven o'clock,
escorted by a squadron of the ioth Hussars, to
learn something of the Prussians, of whose defeat
at Ligny, we, that is the army at large, were in
ignorance, though the Duke and his chief officers
had been apprised of it the night before.*
I availed myself of this period of quietude to
go and examine all the ground which had been
so hardly contested the day before. Descending
by the Charleroi road, I looked around some
farm-houses, not far from the point of Quatre
Bras, in and about which were many wounded
men ; and I noticed numerous shot holes in their
roofs and walls.
It was for possession of these that severe
struggles had been made, the gallant French
Cuirassiers having repeatedly charged past the
houses, even up to "les Quatre Bras;" hence,
not only was the corn entirely trodden down for
* [This was not so. The Prussians most unaccount-
ably did not apprise Wellington of their retreat. It was
not until Gordon's patrol found out the truth — on which
was based the order to Picton to retire on Waterloo,
mentioned below — that a Prussian orderly came to the
Duke's headquarters and confirmed the news. See
Rose's Napoleon, ii. 479.]
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 27
a considerable distance on each side of the road,
but it was cut up, and trampled, just as may be
seen in a London street on an occasion of sick-
ness. The ground was strewed with battered
helmets, damaged cuirasses, broken swords and
muskets, shattered gun-carriages, and othersigns
of fierce strife ; and that it had been a bloody
contest was shown by the manly form of many
a bold Cuirassier, lying stretched by the side of
a dead opponent. An eye-witness told me that
on one occasion eight or ten bold fellows had
ridden into a farm-yard, in order to clear it of
some of our men, and, endeavouring to get out
on the opposite side, were, to a man, mown down
by a couple of our guns, like pigeons from a trap.
I then rode towards the advanced posts in
front of our left, passing over the ground where
the 42nd Highlanders had been surprised by the
Cuirassiers, who, concealed by the tall rye, were
upon them before they could even think of form-
ing square. Here lay many of the " unreturning
brave," whom I had seen leave Brussels full of
" high hope " but a few short hours before. The
corn there was only partially trodden down, and
hence, although the dead and wounded were
many, the eye detected but few at a time. The
dead lay in every attitude, but generally on their
28 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
backs, with placid countenances, evincing little
trace of suffering in their last moments. I
occasionally spoke to and endeavoured to cheer
some of the wounded. Not a murmur did any
of the poor fellows utter ; they knew they would
be cared for when circumstances should permit,
and meanwhile bore hunger, thirst, and pain with
manly resignation. It is not in battle only that
the British soldier evinces his fortitude and
thorough manliness ; his high qualities are
equally apparent when he lies on the bed of
suffering. Let us rejoice that the legislature and
country at large have at length been awakened
to the soldier's merits, and to his unworthy treat-
ment in times past, and that there is some
promise of amendment for the future.
Keeping a sharp look-out lest any French
horsemen should pounce upon me amongst the
tall rye, I rode along the irregular line of our
skirmishers ; but indeed there was little risk,
all firing having ceased. Having satisfied my
curiosity, I was returning towards the head-
quarters staff, when my attention was drawn to a
group near the Bois de Bossu, and, on moving
towards them, I recognised the uniform of the
33rd Regiment, of which I knew a few of the
officers, and witnessed a most affecting and im-
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 29
pressive scene. On the ground lay a tall form,
enveloped in a military cloak, around which were
standing, bare-headed, three or four officers ; two
soldiers were leaning on their spades, wherewith
a shallow grave had been dug. One of the
officers was endeavouring, in broken accents, to
read our beautiful burial service ; another, Ralph
Gore, stood motionless as a statue, with eye fixed
on the cloaked mass at his feet ; young Haigh,
a boy of eighteen, was crying like a child ; even
the hardy soldiers seemed powerfully affected.
I needed not to be told whose body lay there.
Throwing myself from my horse, I too became
a mourner. When the service ceased, I cast an
inquiring look towards Haigh, who, stooping
down, withdrew from the corpse a portion of its
covering, and, as I expected, exposed to my gaze
the remarkably handsome features of Arthur
Gore. Poor fellow ! but two short weeks before,
when employed on some mission, having to pass
the village in which the 33rd were quartered, I
fell in with young Gore, who prevailed upon me
to remain and meet at dinner his elder brother
and Haigh. We had all been at the Military
College together, and left it about the same
time. As may be supposed, we passed a right
merry evening, and little did I then think where
30 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
and under what sad circumstances we were again
to meet. Poor Haigh was killed on the follow-
ing day at Waterloo. His name, with that of
Arthur Gore, and several other fine young fellows
of their regiment, is recorded on a tablet in the
little church at Waterloo.
It was remarked by the good people of
Brussels, how very youthful were our officers
generally. Accustomed to the burly forms and
bushy whiskers of the French officers, it sur-
prised them to see lieutenants, and even captains,
still in their teens. Contrasting the quiet and
gentlemanly deportment of these with the more
brusque manners of the French and German
officers, which they had been taught to think
more military, being moreover in great ignor-
ance of the exploits of our Peninsular army, I
became aware that we were little thought of as
soldiers, and the vast superiority of our navy
was more than hinted. The great battle at
their gates must have dispelled their delusion,
and, no doubt, if circumstances should ever again
take British troops into their country, our lads
will neither be twitted with their youth nor the
superiority of our " blue-jackets." The conqueror
of Scinde is reported to have said that he never
wished to see a captain above six-and- twenty ;
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 31
I must not stop now to discuss the question,
whether young or old officers are best in the
junior grades, but will hazard an opinion that,
for battle, the headlong dash of the English lad
of twenty is better than the calculating coolness
of riper years. And even as regards soldiers, I
may cite the opinion of an experienced officer
who served throughout the Peninsular cam-
paigns, and that of Waterloo — Fullarton, of
the Rifles : he said, " Give me young soldiers,
old ones are apt to become too cunning."
On returning to the place where I had left
the Duke, when I went on my ramble round
the outposts, I found him still seated on the
ground, where he remained till Gordon and his
escort returned with jaded horses, soon after ten
o'clock. On hearing his report, the Duke said
a few words to Delancey, who, observing me at
hand, directed me to find Sir Thomas Picton,
and tell him to make immediate preparation for
withdrawing to Waterloo. I found Picton at a
farm-house a short distance along the Charleroi
chaussde, who gave me a surly acknowledgment
of the order ; he evidently disliked to retire from
a position he had so gallantly held the day
before, and no wonder !
The first intimation that the army was about
32 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
to retire was the getting in the wounded ;
troopers were sent to the front, who placed such
disabled men as could manage to sit, on their
horses, they themselves rendering support on
foot. At times a poor fellow might be seen
toppling from side to side, requiring two men to
keep him on his seat : the horses moving gently,
as if conscious that their motions were torturing
their suffering riders. Some again required to
be carried in a blanket, so that every man found
with life in him was in one way or another
brought in and sent to the rear. It was about
mid-day ere this important duty was completed,
and the troops then began to move off by
brigades, in such a manner as should prevent
the enemy from observing what we were about.
I was immediately told to ride off to Mont St
Jean, where I was to meet the Quartermaster-
General. I accordingly made for Genappe,
and, as the road was filled with troops, and
I cared nothing for the poor farmer's interests,
took my way across his cornfields, gaining the
village by a short cut. There I found sad con-
fusion prevailing, country waggons with stores,
ammunition tumbrils, provision waggons, and
wounded men, so blocking the village street that
it was scarcely possible for any one to pass along
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 33
it. Aware of the great importance of freeing the
defile, at a moment when our retreating troops
might be pressed by the foe, I instantly set to
work to try and remedy the disorder. Let the
reader picture to himself a single police constable
at the point where Gracechurch Street crosses
Cornhill, at a moment when, as far as he can
see, all the passages are choked by omnibuses,
drays, waggons, carts, cabs, carriages, and other
impedimenta, while that bewildered functionary
is vainly endeavouring to restore order, and he
will have some idea of the difficulty I experi-
enced in executing my self- imposed task.
Happily I knew a few pithy objurgations in
two or three languages, very familiar to the
ears of those I had to deal with ; and these,
together with the free application of the flat of
my sword to the backs of the most refractory,
proved efficacious. Whilst engaged in this
scene of confusion, I felt some one clap me on
the shoulder, and found it to be Sir W.
Delancey, who said, "You are well employed
here, remain and keep the way clear ; I shall
not want you at Mont St Jean."
CHAPTER V
My duty as a military constable over, I pushed
for Brussels via Mont St Jean and Waterloo,
not sorry to escape further duty that day, as
well as anxious to see about my servants,
horses, and baggage, having left no orders with
my men on the previous day. That night the
rain fell in torrents, drenching our troops to the
skin, who, arriving late at their position, had
no time to prepare even the most trifling pro-
tection against the storm.
I have stated that much bustle prevailed at
Brussels on the 16th June, during the fighting
at Quatre Bras and Ligny, but it was trifling
as compared with the disorder I witnessed on
the morning of the 18th, when the Park, Place
Royale, and streets adjacent, were not only
encumbered by vehicles of all kinds, but also by
multitudes of wounded men, who had flocked in
during the night from the Prussian and British
armies. The city being defenceless, no hospi-
tals had been prepared for them, nor, owing to
34
THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 35
the suddenness of the sanguinary battles, had
any steps been taken by the Municipality to
provide even temporary shelter ; hence the poor
fellows were compelled to remain in the streets
until the authorities could devise measures for
their relief, or that, compassionating their for-
lorn situation, charitable citizens took them in
and administered to their necessities. It is
pleasing to record how much Christian charity
was shown by many at that distressing time, a
single family having, as I was credibly informed
afterwards, received and tended no less than
fifty wounded Englishmen, a gratifying tribute
of respect for the character of our soldiery, who
indeed had earned golden opinions among the
worthy Bruxellois during the long period of
their sojourn in the city. The residence of that
family of good Samaritans was in the Place de
Louvain, but I regret to say I have forgotten
their name.
Besides the thousands of wounded, there were
present numbers of marauders, chiefly cowardly
rascals who had abandoned their colours, and
were prowling about for plunder ; these were
mostly the scum of Blucher's army — not true
Prussians, I trust, though clad in Prussian uni-
forms ; they stole several horses left by British
36 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
officers who were in the field, besides commit-
ting other depredations. My excellent friend
Colonel Torrens, afterwards Adjutant-General
in Bengal, was robbed of two fine animals, for
which he had paid a large sum only a few days
before. On the night of the 17th, he had been
sent by the Duke to direct Sir Charles Colville
to fall back from Braine le Comte to Hal ;
and after performing this duty, had ridden on to
Brussels for a fresh horse, when, to his dismay,
the two in question were gone from his stable.
Knowing that I intended to pass the previous
night in the city, he was proceeding to my
quarters, that I might assist in trying to recover
the animals. I met him on the morning of the
1 8th as I was about to start for the army ; we
wasted some hours in a fruitless search, but the
horses were seen no more.
In order to show that we did not suspect the
Prussians without reason of perpetrating this
and other robberies of horses, I shall here relate
an incident that afterwards occurred in France.
I was sent back on duty from Pont St Maxence
to some distance in the rear, when, falling in
with a squadron of Prussians, I remarked a
trooper in the ranks leading two English horses,
which I looked at narrowly, hoping to recognise
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 37
those stolen from my friend Torrens. A little
further on, and while the squadron was still in
sight, I met one of our commissaries, who
hurriedly asked if I had noticed any English
horses with it ; on my answering in the affirma-
tive, he hastened on, while I, rather curious to
see the end of the affair, rode after him. No
sooner did he see the horses than he seized the
bridle of one of them, which action being resisted
by the dragoon, the commissary drew his sword
and flourished it over the fellow's head ; mean-
while, the officer at the head of the squadron,
perceiving that something was wrong, and the
Englishman being no linguist, I explained that
the gentleman with a long feather and gold
epaulettes, who in the eye of the Prussians was
a full Colonel at least, claimed the horses as his
property. Upon which he said a few words to
the soldier, who at once surrendered them.
Surely both honesty and discipline must have
been at a low ebb in that squadron, when a
private could thus be marching in the ranks,
leading a couple of stolen horses. The com-
missary told me that his stable having been
broken open the night before, and as Prussians
were near, he had rightly suspected them of the
theft. But to return from this digression.
38 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
After relinquishing our bootless search,
Colonel Torrens and I started for Waterloo.
The clouds were heavy that morning, but the
pouring rain of the night was followed by a
gentle drizzle, which continued to fall long after
the battle began. We were scarcely beyond the
Namur Gate when we heard firing, but not
heavy, and apparently more distant than the
position near Waterloo ; it, however, caused us
to push on through the forest as fast as the state
of the road would permit. The quantity of
rain which had fallen had made it fetlock deep
in mud on either side of the pavement, where
we were forced to ride, the paved portion of the
road being entirely occupied by wheel carriages
of various kinds, hastening to the rear ; indeed,
the whole of the wide road was at times so
encumbered, as to oblige us to leave it altogether,
and thread our way among the trees. The
immediate rear of every great army, when actu-
ally engaged, will always present scenes of con-
fusion ; but on that occasion the suddenness and
rapidity of our operations, the diversity of troops
forming the Anglo-allied force, together with the
necessity for everything to move upon a single
road, created an extraordinary amount of dis-
order.
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 39
The road from Brussels to Waterloo enters
the forest of Soignies at about two miles from
the city, and is sheltered by noble trees nearly as
far as the hamlet of Mont St Jean, which lies
more than a mile beyond the village of Waterloo ;
the breadth of the forest in that part is some
seven or eight miles. Ere we had got half
way through it, the roar of cannon became loud
and prolonged ; but we needed not this testi-
mony to prove that the battle was raging, for
we encountered numbers of affrighted fugitives,
nearly all wearing foreign uniforms, from some
of whom we learned, as they hurried breathless
along, that our army had given way, and all was
lost. This was startling news, and at first we
knew not what to make of it ; still, we could not
believe that things were so bad as that, and
concluded that probably some of the foreign
troops might have been routed, but hoped that
the British remained staunch. All apprehension
was, however, banished by meeting a wounded
staff officer, whom we knew, who informed us
that when he left the field the army held its
position, and had just repelled a severe attack
on its right. On clearing the forest, we came in
sight of the position, and saw that all was right.
I have no intention of eking out these personal
40 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
recollections by giving any account of the general
features of the battle ; the changes have been
too often rung upon them for my poor pen to
dilate on the repeated efforts of the enemy to
dislodge us from our ground, which was main-
tained throughout the day against fearful odds
by the determined pluck of our chief, and, I may
say with truth, the courage and determination
of the British troops. This reminds me of a
trifling incident that occurred a few weeks before.
The Duke was inspecting one of his divisions,
when his Quartermaster-General, not Delancey,
said somethingof the fine and soldier-likeappear-
ance of the men. " Yes," observed His Grace,
" but wait till you see those fellows fight." This
was repeated to me by the Quartermaster-
General.
I would here remark that whatever may be
the defects discernible in these pages, they will
state nothing but what I either actually wit-
nessed myself, or what I know really to have
occurred. Possibly many of my recollections
may be deemed of little interest ; but as an
eminent person observed to me recently, apropos
of an incident represented in Sir William Allan's
fine illustration of the battle, " Waterloo has
lost none of its interest ; " a remark, by the way,
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 41
which engendered in me the idea of scribbling
these pages. As the last gleaner lingering over
a field that has been searched over and over,
but few ears of corn could be expected to fall
to my share, and so, not to leave my field quite
empty-handed, I am compelled to pick up a few
straws of little value, which, coming from such
a field as Waterloo, are perhaps worth pre-
serving.
As few can have any idea of the number of
persons usually attached to the headquarters of
a large army, it may be as well to state that the
Duke's tail at Waterloo comprised at least forty
officers. There was his personal staff, consist-
ing of his military secretary and six or eight
aides-de-camp, the Adjutant and Quartermaster-
Generals, each with a suite of half-a-dozen
officers ; the commanding officers of engineers
and artillery with their following. Besides our
own people, we had Generals Alava, Muffling,
and Vincent, attended by their aides-de-camp, so
that we formed an imposing cavalcade, sadly
diminished at the close of the battle, as will be
seen.
It will readily be conceived, that none save
individuals attached to the headquarters staff
can possibly move about so as to see what takes
42 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
place in various parts of the field of battle, all
others being necessarily confined within a more
or less limited sphere of action and of vision, and
therefore only cognizant of events occurring in
their immediate vicinity. Hence a person may
see much fighting and yet know very little about
the battle in which he is taking part. Probably
there never was a battle when a General-in-Chief
afforded to the headquarters staff better oppor-
tunities of witnessing its principal events than at
Waterloo ; for wherever there was an attack,
thither went the Duke, exposing himself to the
hottest fire, as if, like Father Murphy in the
Irish Rebellion, he could catch and pocket the
enemy's bullets ; indeed, his escaping without
a wound was marvellous. On one occasion
especially I trembled for his safety ; it was during
an attack on the left of La Haye Sainte, between
three and four o'clock, when he remained for
many minutes exposed to a heavy fire of
musketry. All the staff, except a single aide-
de-camp, had received a signal to keep back, in
order not to attract the enemy's fire ; we re-
mained, therefore, under the brow of the ele-
vated ground, and, the better to keep out of
observation, dismounted. As I looked over my
saddle, I could just trace the outlines of the
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 43
Duke and his horse amidst the smoke, standing
very near the Highlanders of Picton's division,
bearing a resemblance to the statue in Hyde
Park when partially shrouded by fog, while the
balls — and they came thickly — hissed harmlessly
over our heads. 1 1 was a time of intense anxiety,
for had the Duke fallen, heaven only knows
what might have been the result of the fight !
I have said that a single aide-de-camp was in
attendance on that perilous occasion, Lord
Arthur Hill, the most portly young man in
the army, who, when a lad at the Military
College, was always called " fat Hill;" being
at a little distance behind the Duke, I can only
suppose that he escaped being riddled, by not
finding himself directly within the line of fire.
At times the situation of the staff, like that
of the troops, when standing to be pounded by
round and grape shot, was trying enough, while
at others it was very exciting ; but nothing that
occurred seemed to produce any effect on the
Duke, whom I had frequent opportunities of
observing, as he would often turn and counter-
march, thereby closely passing all who followed.
His countenance and demeanour were at all
times quite calm, rarely speaking to any one,
save to give an order, or send a message ; in-
44 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
deed, he generally rode quite alone, that is, no
one was at his side, seeming unconscious even of
the presence of his own troops, whilst his eye
kept scanning intently those of his great oppo-
nent. Occasionally he would stop and peer for
a few seconds through the large field telescope
which he carried in his right hand ; and this his
horse, the docile Copenhagen, his old Penin-
sular favourite, permitted without a sign of im-
patience. Thus he would promenade in front
of the troops, along the crest of their position,
watching the enemy's preparations for their
attacks. I well remember that once, when he
was about to pass in front of a battalion of
Nassau troops, two aides-de-camp rushed for-
ward and said, " My Lord Duke, they are
Nassauers." At first I thought he was going
to persist in going on, and felt heartily glad
when he turned his horse and went in another
direction. These Nassauers formed part of the
Dutch or Belgian contingent, and had served
under the French eagles ; indeed, their arms,
dress, and general bearing were perfectly French;
it looked a splendid battalion, but inspired us
with no confidence. Unquestionably it was only
prudent of the Duke to avoid passing in their
front, for the drawing of a single trigger, at such
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 45
a moment, might have done a thousand times
more injury to the cause of Europe than was
effected by all Napoleon's cannon. It is but
just to state that the battalion in question was
the only one, of a body of three thousand men,
that remained on its ground in the first line ; all
the rest had clearly "no stomach for the fight,"
as they coolly withdrew early in the day out of
harm's way. I should mention, however, that
they were not the only soldiers who preferred to
be in the rear, as great numbers of the foreign
troops generally were of the same way of think-
ing ; but we must bear in mind that there was
a powerful feeling in favour of Napoleon, espe-
cially among the Dutch and Belgians, thou-
sands of those then brought against him having
long fought under his eagles. Then, as regards
the Hanoverians and Brunswickers, they were
mostly very young soldiers, who had not been
embodied many months, likely to make good
ones in time ; but Waterloo was a trying battle
for veterans, and bodies of mere recruits could
not be expected to withstand such troops as
were brought against them. The wonder is that
they stood at all.
It certainly showed a vast amount of nerve in
the Duke to hazard a battle against Napoleon
46 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
with so motley a force as his army presented ;
but, under the circumstances, he could not do
otherwise. He has written it as his opinion,
that " Forty thousand British troops formed a
good position anywhere." He had not more
than thirty thousand at Waterloo, # but they
sufficed to form a good position. " I never saw
our infantry behave so well," he wrote soon after-
wards. Well might he say, as I have quoted
already, " You should see those fellows fight."
Happily " those fellows " fought under the
prestige of many Peninsula battles, in which,
as they had been chiefly defensive on our
part, they had learned how to repel the fierce
onslaughts of their gallant opponents, and
the same tactics carried them triumphantly
on this grand occasion. The coolness with
which the "thin red line" awaited the
approach of massive close columns, pouring
in a deadly fire at the right moment, [was
splendid], then [came] a rushing charge with
a British cheer, and the business was done,
or, in the Duke's language, "the enemy just
* [The British troops at Waterloo numbered 23,990.
Perhaps, however, the King's German Legion (5800) is
here included, which makes the number up to nearly
30,000.]
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 47
came on in the old style, and were driven off
in the old style."
Having alluded to the wholesale abandon-
ment of the field by some of our auxiliaries, let
me mention here, that, having been sent to order
up a battery of Dutch guns, which stood in
reserve close to the farm of Mont St Jean, a
staff officer whom I met told me that just in-
side the forest were swarms of foreign soldiers.
After delivering my message to the commander
of the guns, who refused to move them, alleging
that he had expended all his ammunition, I
peeped into the skirts of the forest, and truly
felt astonished ; entire companies seemed there,
with regularly piled arms, fires blazing under
cooking kettles, while the men lay about smoking
as coolly as if no enemy were within a day's
march ! That such a scene should have pre-
sented itself so close to the battle then raging,
is, I believe, wholly unprecedented. General
Muffling, in his account of Waterloo, estimates
the runaways hidden in the forest at 10,000 —
a number not, I believe, exaggerated. #
* [See Professor Oman's article in the Nineteenth
Century for October 1900 on the bad behaviour of the
Dutch-Belgians at Waterloo,]
CHAPTER VI
The admirable discipline of our troops, includ-
ing the German Legion, which did such good
service in the Peninsula, was conspicuous
throughout the day ; more especially when the
French formidable - looking Cuirassiers were
riding between and round the squares, contem-
plating the bristling bayonets, which they dared
not approach ; while not a shot was fired at
them, as any firing might have caused some
degree of unsteadiness. This extraordinary
state of things may have prevailed for more
than half-an-hour : a useless bravado, for, after
the failure of serious charges previously made
against our squares of steel, it was unlikely that
loose demonstrations were calculated to disturb
them. And, indeed, as to the so-called charges,
I do not think that on a single occasion actual
collision occurred. I many times saw the gallant
and daring Cuirassiers come on with boldness
to within some twenty or thirty yards of a
48
THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 49
square, when, seeing the steady firmness of our
men, they invariably edged away and retired.
Sometimes they would halt and gaze at the
triple row of bayonets, when two or three brave
officers would advance and strive by voice and
gesture to urge the attack, raising their helmets
aloft on their sabres, the better to be seen by
their irresolute men ; but all in vain, as no efforts
could make them close with the terrible bayonets,
and meet certain destruction. Had their efforts
been directed against squares of the second line,
they would have had some chance of success ;
as I repeatedly noticed unsteadiness among our
foreigners, men running from them to the rear,
when two or three staff officers would intercept
them and drive them back. I more than once
assisted in this, and was surprised at the ease
with which the fellows were driven back to their
duty. Respecting cavalry attacks against good
infantry formed in squares, it is admitted by, I
may say, all officers of any experience, that until
cannon has taken effect, so as to produce dis-
order in a square, they are worse than useless,
tending to give confidence on one side, while
they dishearten the other.
Now and then we of the staff had to run, in
order to get away from the enemy's cavalry,
D
50 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
but, being well mounted, were soon out of their
reach ; but on one occasion my friend Torrens
was caused much annoyance ; his horse, a hard-
mouthed animal, actually ran away with him, so
that when he returned he was received with a
little bantering, and complimented on the speed
of his horse. Another, a very young fellow, was
soon after carried at full speed to the rear, a
freak for which his rider could not at the moment
account. It happened thus. The French cavalry
having made a rush upon a battery commanded
by Major Lloyd, he, with his officers and gun-
ners, sought refuge in a square of the Guards ;
Lloyd, however, did not enter the square, but
found shelter under its lee. When the enemy
withdrew, the six guns remained untouched ;
seeing which, Lloyd ran up to them, followed by
the young staff officer in question, and, seizing
a rammer, tried one of the pieces, which he found
loaded ; this he fired upon the retiring foe, then
not a hundred and fifty yards distant ; a second
gun was also found loaded, and the Cuirassiers
treated with another parting salute. This was
the work of only a minute or two, and as yet the
gunners had not returned. The officer above
alluded to was in the act of looking into an
ammunition box for the means of charging an-
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 51
other gun, when his horse suddenly wheeled
round, plunged violently, and went off at a rac-
ing pace to the rear (happily), the rider losing
his cocked-hat at the same moment. On master-
ing his steed, and returning to the front, a greet-
ing, with some allusion to John Gilpin, met his
ear. Having recovered his hat, and rejoined
those to whom he had afforded amusement, the
aide-de-camp of General Alava told him his horse
was wounded, and bleeding very much. On
examination, it was found that a ball had entered
the animals belly, which fully accounted for his
erratic freak. The brave Lloyd fell soon after-
wards while directing his guns.
I have already said that in action few can
know much of what is going on at a distance
from their immediate sphere of observation. I
shall here give an instance. About two o'clock
an attack in great force was made upon Picton's
division on our left. On the enemy being driven
off in confusion, our cavalry charged down upon
them, killing and wounding a great number, and
capturing upwards of two thousand, who were
at once sent under an escort of Dutch soldiers
to Brussels. An hour or more afterwards, hap-
pening to be on the right of our line, I came
upon a battalion of the Rifles, many of whose
52 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
officers I knew. The men were lying down at
the moment, and Captain Fullarton, with the
officers of his company, came round me to ask
what I knew of the action at other points of the
field. I then told them of the attack on Picton,
the repulse of the French, and their loss, espe-
cially in prisoners, of all which they knew nothing
whatever. Many years afterwards, I met Ful-
larton at Halifax, Nova Scotia, when he re-
minded me of our meeting at Waterloo, and how
I had gladdened the battalion to which he be-
longed by the intelligence I then communicated.
It was posted on the right of the Nivelles road,
not far from Hougomont, and, I think, had not
then been called upon to act, but was awaiting
the progress of the battle with nervous anxiety.
Fullarton was a brave and good officer, and had
seen much fighting under Wellington in the
Peninsula ; he died when Commandant at Hali-
fax, and I saw him laid in his grave.
After my fruitless mission to the Dutch
battery above alluded to, at the farm of Mont
St Jean, I was returning to the front, when I fell
in with Colonel Nicolay, and we were proceeding
together along the chaussde towards La Haye
Sainte, when two or three cannon balls came
bounding along it ; they were nearly spent, as
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 53
it is termed, though retaining force enough to
kill either man or horse. When I proposed
that we should quit the chaussde and get out
of the line of fire, the Colonel scorned to give
way to a few cannon balls, so I left him to
face them alone, whilst I sloped a little to the
right, and then fell in with Sir Edward Barnes,
shot through the shoulder, supported in his
saddle by his aide-de-camp, who begged me to
go off to the nearest cavalry, and request that a
man might be sent to assist in taking the General
to the rear. Barnes seeming faint from loss of
blood, I drew forth my " pocket pistol,'' as it is
termed, and offered him a little of the liqueur
with which it was charged, which he at first
declined, but afterwards accepted. I then ob-
tained a horse artilleryman, whose help was
urgently needed. Barnes was a noble officer
in action — quite a fire-eater ; he wore that day
his full embroidered uniform, which rendered
him very conspicuous, as all the rest of the
staff were in blue undress coats, or rather
showed nothing but cloaks, as a drizzling
rain prevailed till the afternoon. #
It will readily be understood that a junior
like myself could be little more than a spectator
* [Hardly correct. The rain cleared off about n a.m.]
54 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
generally ; indeed, save that I carried two or
three messages, I had really nothing to do dur-
ing the day ; my chief, Delancey, having been
mortally wounded, although he lived for a day
or two after the battle, no one troubled himself
to notice me, so I rode about as I pleased. I
think it was after seven o'clock that perfect still-
ness reigned on our front, and I, in my ignor-
ance, fancying we were to have no more attacks,
thought I would take a look in the rear of our
left, in order to see if our friends the Prussians,
who all day had been anxiously expected, were
approaching ; while riding towards the village
of Ohain I heard guns at a distance on my right
hand,but not many — probably the first that were
fired against the enemy at Planchenoit. Con-
tinuing my ride, I saw, some way off, a body of
cavalry approaching, which proved to be Prus-
sians, and soon came upon some infantry in
skirmishing order ; when, observing an officer,
I advanced and spoke to him. He told me he
was preceding the corps of General von Roder,
and the General himself came in view at that
moment, near enough for me to recognise him
— having seen him before at Brussels ; he, how-
ever, took no notice of me ; so, after remaining
a few minutes, observing the slow advance of
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 55
the skirmishers, which to me seemed intolerable,
knowing how ardently our allies had been ex-
pected to take part in the battle, and telling the
officer I had spoken to that the British army
was holding its ground, but greatly needed sup-
port, I retraced my steps. # My looking for the
Prussians had taken some time, for my horse,
rather fagged as well as wounded, carried me
at a slow pace. On my way back the firing
had increased near Planchenoit, a sound I was
glad to hear.
Meanwhile important events had taken place,
which I was deeply grieved to have missed. The
final French attack had been repulsed, and when
I got back to the crest of our position, I found it
unoccupied, and our troops at the moment could
be seen mounting the slope on the other side of
the valley. Hurrah, the battle was gained ! Of
course I hastened on, making for the chaitssde
towards La Belle Alliance, but soon found it
completely blocked by French guns and tum-
brils, heaped upon each other in a mass of con-
* [These statements are evidence that Gneisenau care-
fully restrained the Prussian advance where it would
relieve Wellington. Gneisenau distrusted the Duke,
and was for some time uncertain whether he really had
determined to fight at Waterloo. — See Rose's Napoleon,
ii. 489.]
56 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
fusion ; and, on getting to the top of the sloping
ground, close to the farm of Rossomme, came to
a spot where many hundreds of French muskets
lay in quite regular order, as if they had been
put down by word of command ; one of the farm
buildings was in flames, and the lurid glare,
defining the outlines of abandoned guns, fully
horsed, gleaming too on the bright row of
muskets, presented a striking scene, worthy the
pencil of an artist. Of course I did not linger
there ; crossing to the left of the chaussde, I found
myself involved with Prussian infantry, stream-
ing from the direction of Frischermont, in no
military order whatever, as they swept onward
bayoneting every wounded Frenchman they
came upon. Seeing a knot of them standing
close to a wall, I rode up and perceived a wounded
English light dragoon sitting against it, and
there seemed to be some hesitation as to his
fate, when I called out, " Er ist ein Englander,"
upon which the men raised their bayonets, and
the poor fellow was saved. The disorder of
the Prussians I had got amongst was so great
that I was glad to push on, and soon overtook
our 52nd Regiment, and near it our glorious
Commander, but thinly attended, and heard an
order given for all our people to keep to the right
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 57
of the road, leaving it clear for the Prussians.
Very soon our bugles sounded the "halt," and
the 52nd formed up in line, as quiet and orderly
as if at the termination of a review. It was com-
manded by Colonel Colborne (afterwards Lord
Seaton), a splendid soldier, who had greatly dis-
tinguished himself in the Peninsula. The Duke
remained for a short time talking with Colborne,
whilst I was doing the same with Northey, a
young subaltern of the regiment, who gave me
some interesting particulars about what has
since been termed, and with truth, the " crisis
of Waterloo." He said the Duke was close to
his regiment just after the repulse of the last
and most serious attack of the day, when two
heavy columns all but gained the crest of our
position ; that the Duke was observed using his
field telescope, but, as it seemed, nervously ; for
he kept sliding its tube in and out. Certainly it
was a moment when even the Iron Duke might
feel excited. I heard him say to Colborne, as he
shook hands on departing, that he would en-
deavour to send some flour for his men. He
then turned his horse towards Waterloo, followed
by five persons only.
On nearing the farm of La Belle Alliance, a
group of horsemen were seen crossing the fields
58 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
on our right ; on seeing them, the Duke left the
road to meet them. They proved to be Marshal
Bliicher and his suite. The two great chiefs
cordially shook hands, and were together about
ten minutes ; it was then so dark that I could
not distinguish Blticher's features, and had to
ask a Prussian officer whom the Duke was con-
versing with, although I was quite close to him
at the time, but of course not near enough to
hear what was said. On leaving Bliicher, the
Duke rode at a walk towards Waterloo. Dark-
ness shrouded the spectacle of the dead and
dying near La Haye Sainte ; but the frequent
snorting of our horses as they trod between them
showed that the ground, so fiercely contested
during the day, was very thickly strewed with
bodies of the brave.
I may, just in allusion to the place of meeting
of Wellington and Bliicher, observe that much
discrepancy exists among its chroniclers ; and,
indeed, the Duke himself has said that it was
at Genappe. Now, of course, the statement of
so insignificant an individual as the present
writer cannot be supposed to carry any weight
against such high authority in a matter of
opinion ; but this is one of fact, and most
assuredly, when the Duke called "halt" that
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 59
night, our most advanced troops were not within
two miles of Genappe. " Voila l'histoire," as
Henry IV. of France exclaimed, on receiving
contradictory accounts of the same event from
eye witnesses.
CHAPTER VII
When the Duke reached Waterloo, the village
clock had struck ten. During the ride back,
which was at a walk, and may have taken from
half to three quarters of an hour, I did not
observe the Duke speak to any of his little suite ;
indeed, he was evidently sombre and dejected ;
and well might he be so, even after such a
triumph, for death had been busy that day
among his old and well-tried companions in
many a well-fought field ; hence, we may believe
that he only yielded to the dictates of his heart,
when, on the following day, he wrote : " The
losses I have sustained have quite broken me
down, and I have no feeling for the advantages
we have gained." The few individuals who
attended him, wore, too, rather the aspect of a
little funeral train than that of victors in one of
the most important battles ever fought. But,
in truth, we were really a set of mourners, since
all had left friends or associates, more or less
60
THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 61
valued, stretched upon that bloody field — how
many we then knew not.
The little inn at Waterloo was chiefly used by
waggoners engaged in transporting merchan-
dise between France and Belgium ; indeed, of
stabling there was sufficient for an entire squad-
ron, in an immense sort of barn, having mangers
all round, leaving ample space in the middle for
the large two - wheeled vehicles used in the
traffic. This place was filled with horses of our
foreigners, and I could see little prospect of
finding room for my own, which was hungry,
tired, and though severely wounded, was not
disabled. By the aid of a kind Dutch sergeant,
I was at length enabled to get him standing-
room and a supply of hay. On entering the inn,
I was rejoiced to meet my kind friend Colonel
Torrens, whom I had not seen during the latter
part of the battle ; I had lost sight of him soon
after his having had a very narrow escape, his
horse's head having been completely smashed
by a shower of grape shot ; when, with the cool-
ness of an old Peninsula man, though under a
heavy fire, he had managed to disengage the
saddle and bridle of the dead animal, which were
speedily transferred to the horse of a trooper that
had become riderless.
62 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
In the spacious common room of the inn we
found three or four small tables laid for supper,
and several foreign officers, looking hungry and
impatient, sat awaiting its appearance, and loudly
discussing the events of the day. One table was
secured by Torrens, and a smoking stew soon
placed thereon. At that moment a Dutch officer
in a staff uniform came up, and, with many bows
and apologies, begged leave to join us. I had
not tasted food since early morning, and before
we sat down fancied myself hungry, but not
a morsel could I swallow ; my stomach was in
no condition to take food ; the emotions of the
day overcame all appetite ; neither could my
friend do justice to the stew ; but our Dutchman
was able to eat for all, at the same time amusing
us by recounting his exploits. No wonder the
enemy had been vanquished, when such a terrible
fellow headed charge after charge made by the
Dutch cavalry. For some time we enjoyed
drawing out the little braggadocio ; but, weari-
ness succeeding, we began to think of repose.
Torrens told me he had reserved the room
marked for Sir W. Delancey, and that I could
have it, and, with the hope of a good night's
sleep after a day of such anxiety, excitement,
and fatigue, I sought my chamber. On enter-
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 63
ing it, a deep groan met my ear, and, raising my
candle, I perceived a burly form stretched upon
the bed, habited in a blue uniform, having his
legs cased in what we call jockey boots, which
caused me at once to recognise a French officer,
as I had noticed during the day that remarkable
style of military dress. I civilly asked the inter-
loper how he came to be there ; when, raising
himself by a painful effort to a sitting position,
and pointing to the back of his head, he said,
"Regardez, monsieur." Advancing the light
close to his head, I saw a fearful gash, seeming
as if a portion of the skull had been cut out ;
the wound had bled profusely, masses of coagu-
lated blood adhering to the hair, whilst the
pillow and bed were in a horrid state. "For
the love of heaven," said he, " pray procure me
a glass of water, as I am dying of thirst, and
feel very faint, having lain here several hours,
and not a soul has been near me." I, of course,
got him some water, which afforded much relief,
and he then asked how the battle had gone,
since his capture early in the action : I fancy
that must have been after the repulse of d'Erlon
[in his attack] upon Picton's division, about two
o'clock, when our heavy cavalry made fearful
havoc among the enemy's disordered masses,
64 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
making a large number of prisoners, as I have
mentioned. Poor fellow ! what an expression
of grim despair his countenance assumed, when
I informed him how we had routed our foe in
his successive attacks, horse and foot, Garde
Imperiale included. Gnashing his teeth, he
uttered, " Plutot la mort ; " then, a moment
after, adding philosophically, " Cependant,
nous avons eu nos triomphes, et Ton lutte
en vain contre la destinee."
Compassionating the man's wretched condi-
tion, I obtained warm water and tenderly washed
his wound ; I also got him a basin of bouillon,
and indeed did all I could to make him as
comfortable as circumstances permitted, for
which he showered upon me every grateful ex-
pression the French vocabulary supplies, assur-
ing me le Capitaine le Maire would thenceforth
look upon every Englishman as a brother. Bid-
ding him good-night, I returned to the common
room, intending to roll myself in my cloak and
select a soft plank in the floor as a bed ; but,
unhappily, several foreigners sat drinking and
noisily discussing the events of the battle, each,
of course, claiming for his own countrymen the
glory of it. Among them was a little Dutchman,
who shone pre-eminent upon tactics, regarding
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 65
which, as a staff officer, he was qualified to pro-
nounce ex cathedra.
Unobserved by the noisy party, I lay down
in a corner, but sleep was out of the question ;
as over-excitement had deprived me of appetite,
so now it kept me awake ; till at length, the
voices in the room becoming more and more
indistinct, I gradually sank into a state of un-
consciousness. An appalling dream succeeded,
in which I beheld the chief incidents of the
battle in distorted forms. There were furious
attacks, and triumphant shouts as our battalions
were overwhelmed. In the midst of a vast mass
of fugitives, who, strangely enough, belonged
to the enemy's Imperial Guard, I was flying to
seek shelter in the forest, when a shot killed my
horse, and in an instant I found myself in the
powerful grasp of Captain le Maire, who, raising
his sword, cried in a voice of thunder, " Scelera t,
regois la mort en paiement de tes mensonges."
The gleam of his blade caught my eye as I
cast on him a look of reproach ; but just as the
infuriate and ungrateful wretch was about to
plunge it into my breast, his brawny frame was
suddenly transformed into the slender figure of
Colonel Torrens, and I heard him pronounce
my name. Relieved from the terror of instant
E
6$ NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
death, I began to breathe freely, and, endeavour-
ing to collect my scattered senses, asked the
cause of his visit ; when he told me he had just
been with the Duke, who had given him an
order for the army to move forward. He then
said that I must be on the field at daybreak,
and show the order to every officer holding any
command ; and " Here," said he, " is the Duke's
memorandum," putting into my hand half a
sheet of foolscap, containing but three lines, as
follows : —
Memorandum. — The troops belonging to the
allied army will move upon Nivelles at day-
light.
(Signed) Wellington.
" You will understand," continued the Colonel,
" that you must be careful to show, and, when
necessary, interpret, the order to our foreign
leaders ; you are, in fact, to act as a sort of
whipper-in, and don't forget to arouse the
skulkers in the wood."
It was then past one, and as I was to be on
the ground before three o'clock, any more sleep
was not to be thought of; besides, I wanted to
see my horse, and ascertain whether the wound
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 67
had rendered him unfit for work. I had some
trouble to find the hostler, who lay snoring
beneath a manger, and no little difficulty in
getting him to move when discovered ; how-
ever, the old resource — bribery — had its usual
effect, and the man became at once as active as
a horse-booth keeper at Epsom on the Derby
Day. The injury to my horse was in the lower
part of the belly, a ball having passed between
the skin and ribs for a distance, as ascertained
afterwards, of about eighteen inches, without
causing a very dangerous wound. The parts
adjacent were much swollen, but the animal did
not seem in pain, so I prescribed a feed of oats,
and by two o'clock was in the saddle, on my
way to the field ; the shades of night being
rendered doubly dark by the lofty trees of the
forest.
By the way, on visiting that locality many
years afterwards, I found the trees had been
cleared away between Waterloo and Mont St
Jean, and I had a difficulty in recognising the
locality as it was in 1815.
Being rather before my time, I rode at a
walk, musing, as I advanced in the darkness, on
the momentous events of the last three days, in
which I felt proud to have borne a humble
68 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
part. I was weary, too, and drowsy, sufficient
to " steep my senses in forgetfulness," and felt
a doubt of the reality of all I had witnessed,
fancying the battle, the defeat of the enemy,
their flight, with our pursuit, might after all be
only a series of dreamy delusions. But as the
fall of our book, when we sink into a dozing
state, immediately restores our faculties, so on
that occasion, a trip of my steed brought back
my wandering senses ; and the outlines of the
farm buildings of La Haye Sainte, traced
before me in the gloom, served to satisfy me
that all was not a dream. As I passed those
walls, riddled by cannon shot, around which
there had been such fierce strife, such daring
valour exhibited on one side, and determined
resolution on the other ; and when, moreover,
I imagined myself the sole human being
capable of movement over ground, whereon
thousands and thousands of brave men, dead,
dying, and suffering, were at that moment lying,
who but a few short hours before were full of
health and vigour, I felt deeply awe-stricken,
and though not then of an age to moralise pro-
foundly, my reflections were more philanthropic
than soldier-like, more creditable to my feelings
than to my ambition.
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 69
What desolation unfolded itself as the light
increased ! Every vestige of crops had dis-
appeared, the ground looking like a vast fallow,
strewed with the wrecks of a mighty army — nay,
I may say of armies ; for, if the presence around
of an abundance of cannon, muskets, and other
ddbris, together with the bodies of the fallen,
attested the utter ruin of the French, I had but
to look across the wide valley to behold enough
of what the historian of the Peninsular War,
Napier, terms, the " blood and bones " of the
British, to make it clear that Wellington could
have no very imposing army left ; and might
exclaim, with Pyrrhus, " Such another victory,
and we are undone." A shallow, hollow way,
as the road rises towards the position of the
French, I found completely blocked by guns and
tumbrils packed and wedged together, and, in-
deed, pitched topsy - turvy one upon another,
many having evidently rolled down the banks,
some ten feet high ; the space occupied by this
confused mass was about fifty yards, and may
be likened to the appearance which a railway
presents after a tremendous smash. I counted
twenty guns.
The Duke says in his despatch that on the
repulse of the last great attack, he ordered the
70 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
whole of his troops to advance, but I had the
means of seeing that all did not move forward,
for two small 2nd battalions, namely, of the 33rd
and 69th regiments, did not get beyond Hougo-
mont. Having suffered severely at Quatre Bras,
they had been united to form one battalion, and
when posted near our centre on the 18th, had
come in for more than their share of the fighting.
When the Imperial Guard made the last grand
attack of the day, a withering fire (even when
united, it formed but a weak battalion) was
poured in ; its Commander and numbers fell, its
array was broken, and confusion ensued ; but
the efforts of the brave Colonel Muttlebury, of
the 69th, rallied the men, and they gallantly
kept their ground. But physical power has its
limits, and the same men who had rallied at a
trying and critical moment, were wholly unable
to move forward and take part in the pursuit of
the enemy. I found the poor fellows, a wretched
remnant, bivouacked under the trees of Hougo-
mont, preparing to bury the bodies of their fallen
comrades.
It may readily be understood that the duty on
which I was employed afforded me ample means
of seeing the state of things just as the darkness
had left them the night before, and such as no
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 71
other person could observe, since I alone, as
bearer of the Duke's order, had to visit every
part. Of course, I first sought out the leaders of
the British troops, and then those of our allies.*
Here and there I came upon little shelters, which
had been hastily prepared to screen some officer
of rank who had been wounded, consisting of a
couple of blankets, or some other slight cover-
ing ; but they were few, as generally the soldiers
managed to transport their wounded officers to
the rear.
As, I believe, no provisions had reached the
troops, I had to listen to remonstrances against
marching on empty stomachs ; but there was no
help for it, move they must, and very soon most
of them began to march across the fields in the
direction of the Nivelles road, the men, as may
be imagined, looking haggard, with uniforms
soiled by lying on the wet ground, and in all
respects wearing a very different aspect from
that of the trim soldiers as seen at home.
* [In the Autobiography of Sir Harry Smith we read
(i. 274): "Before daylight next morning (19th June) a
staff officer, whose name I now forget, rode up to where
we were all lying and told us of the complete deroute of
the French, and the vigorous pursuit of the Prussians,
and that it was probable that our Division would not
move for some hours." There is little doubt that this
staff officer was Lieutenant Jackson.]
72 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
When I had finished my mission, and was re-
turning to make my report, I chanced to fall in
with a small party of a Hanoverian Hussar
regiment, and, on addressing its Commander, he
told me his soldiers were in no condition to
march, that the regiment had been almost anni-
hilated, and that those with him, numbering
some 140 men, were all that remained of 800.
Much as I felt for a Commander so circum-
stanced, I could do no more than express my
sympathy, and regret that, the order for all to
march being imperative, he had no option. I
afterwards learned that this regiment had de-
clined to share in the conflict, and had gone off
almost bodily to the forest. The men were in
some sort volunteers, finding their own horses
and equipments, and belonged generally to a
superior class of society to that whence soldiers
are usually drawn. * When we succeed in induc-
ing a better class of men to engage in our own
ranks, let us hope for a better result.
Early that morning, two troops of our spring
waggons, forty-eight in number, came up from
* [This was the Cumberland regiment of Hanoverian
Hussars (volunteers). See Siborne, The Waterloo Cam-
paign, pp. 464, 465 ; also Professor Oman in the Nineteenth
Century for October 1900.]
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 73
Brussels, the Captain in command telling me his
orders were to follow the army ; and they were
about to file off in the direction of Nivelles, when
the chief medical officer of our army urged the
propriety and necessity of at once getting up the
wounded. Some hesitation occurred as to how
the Captain ought to act, when the Duke rode
up and directed that every waggon should re-
main until all the wounded were picked up.
Before night, I believe that all the British
wounded were removed from the ground, and
lodged under such shelter as Mont St Jean and
Waterloo afforded, where the medical staff had
little or no rest, whether by day or night, for
upwards of a week.
I remember seeing in published accounts, that
the wounded of our allies, and also those of the
French, were brought in indiscriminately with
our own. Very philanthropic and praiseworthy
it sounded, but I much fear we cannot claim
such a stretch of humanity. The truth is, that,
as far as our means allowed, the wounded of the
British and " King's German Legion " were first
thought of, and then those of the Hanoverians.
The Brunswickers, Dutch, and Belgians, all had
ambulances, or hospital waggons, for the use of
their own wounded ; but the French were left
74 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
for the waggons of the country to gather in, and
the poor fellows, being in great numbers, lay long
on the ground ; this was very sad, as it was only
on the fourth day after the battle that the last
were got in. It is painful to think of their suffer-
ings from pain, cold, and even hunger, during so
many weary days and nights : numbers indeed
must have perished who would have lived, could
they have received care and surgical attention.
No food was supplied to them save what the
peasant women, who went about with pitchers
of water and bread, were able to afford, the
humble offering of true Christian charity. The
villages and hamlets adjacent received the
French, who filled the churches, barns, and out-
houses, each little community clubbing contri-
butions of meat, bread, and vegetables, to make
soup for their sustenance.
The bodies of the slain were stripped in an
incredibly short time, becoming in the course of
a few days horrible objects ; those lying exposed
to the sun turning nearly black, as well as being
much swollen ; while such as lay around Hougo-
mont, partially shaded by its trees, retained their
natural whiteness. Not aware of the shocking
sights offered by a battle-field, a party of English
ladies and gentlemen visited the ground from
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 75
Brussels, but a single glance so shocked our fair
countrywomen, as to make them fly away like
scared doves.
To clear the ground of dead men and horses
occupied ten or twelve days, which disgusting
duty was performed by the peasantry. The
human bodies were thrown into large holes,
fifteen or twenty feet square, while those of the
animals were honoured with a funeral pile and
burned, their carcasses, many of which became
inflated to an enormous size, being dragged with
great labour to the heaps of faggots. The officer
in command of the Royal Waggon Train, who
furnished me with the above details, also narrated
an incident creditable to the feelings and fidelity
of an English soldier. The man had been
servant to Sir Henry Ellis, who commanded the
23rd Fusiliers, a distinguished officer, and had
remained behind, in order to find the body of his
master ; having succeeded, he applied to my
informant for assistance to bury it, urging that
it would be discreditable to allow any but English
hands to render that service to his honoured
master. His request was complied with, and
four British soldiers carried Sir Henry's body,
and laid it in the churchyard of Braine L'Alleud.
Many years afterwards, on mentioning the cir-
76 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
cumstance to Colonel Enoch, then employed at
the Horse Guards, he told me that he was
Adjutant of the 23rd at Waterloo, and how Sir
Henry, before the action began, called all his
officers around him, and told them that it was
his positive order that no man should fall out of
the ranks to assist any one wounded, whether
officer or soldier, and that the order comprised
himself as well as others. On receiving a musket
ball in his side, he quietly left the square alone,
and was seen to fall from his horse soon after.
Such was the discipline of the regiment, that his
orders were strictly obeyed, and he was left where
he fell. It was thought in the regiment, that if
succoured immediately, his valuable life might
possibly have been saved.
CHAPTER VIII
It was past mid-day ere I felt myself at liberty
to leave the field, for up to that hour soldiers
continued to appear in small bodies, seeking
their regiments, numbers of our foreigners
emerging from the forest. The hamlet of Mont
St Jean then presented a bustling scene as the
wounded arrived there, while troops, guns, and
waggons with stores of ammunition and pro-
visions came up from Brussels, taking the
direction of Nivelles, the road to which, branch-
ing off to the right from Mont St Jean, in a
word, the high road, presented a complete re-
flux of the tide that had ebbed so hastily the
day before.
Death in every varied form had by this time
become so familiar to me, that I scarcely noticed
the bodies which lay in my way, but I felt a
sickening sensation on seeing the remains of a
Brunswick soldier, apparently quite a lad, lying
partly buried in the mire on the high road. A
77
78 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
heavy wheel must have passed over his head,
crushing it flat, and scattering the brains. This
was at Mont St Jean, but no one thought of
pulling the body aside from the road, any more
than one would think of withdrawing a dead cat
or dog from the street. We read that in the
East there prevails a degree of indifference
both to human life and suffering which we, in
our more advanced civilisation, feel shocked at ;
but such is the ductile nature of man, that habit
can reconcile him to almost anything ; and I
verily believe that, after another battle or two,
even such a sight as the pyramid of heads, which
we are told was raised in front of the Emperor
Baber's tent, would have had no more effect upon
me than it probably had upon a staff officer of
Baber. However that might be, I was glad to
depart from the sad scene in my, as yet, only
semi-barbarised state, and betake myself to the
Waterloo hostelry, that I might obtain refresh-
ment, the morning's exercise, after a fast of six-
and-thirty hours, having sharpened my appetite
to a painful extent. My poor nag, too, seeming
spurred by a pleasing idea of oats and hay, soon
took me to its door.
Having made a report of my mission, and
partaken of some food, I bethought me of the
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 79
wounded Captain le Maire, so I tapped at the
door of his chamber, and, receiving no response,
opened it, and entered ; but lo ! the bird had
flown. The people of the inn said he had dis-
appeared, but further knew nothing. Possibly
his wound, though fearful to look at, may not
have prevented his stealing into the friendly
forest for concealment, and finally escaping to
France.
My next object was to go to Brussels, and
see after my two servants, horses, and effects ;
and, having obtained the necessary permission
from my immediate superior, I started, and, not-
withstanding the somewhat enfeebled condition
of my wounded horse, was soon in the city,
where I found numbers of wounded men, and
many, I believe, with whole skins, chiefly
Prussians from Ligny, lying in the streets, to
whom the kind inhabitants were distributing
food. I found the place in considerable disorder,
but thought that a great battle fought so near
sufficiently accounted for this. Little did I then
imagine that a panic had reigned the day before,
owing to a report, generally credited, that we
were defeated, and in full retreat. On reaching
my quarters, what was my surprise to find the
horses jaded and covered with mud, and my two
80 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
fellows wisping them with great vigour. On
my angrily enough demanding an explanation,
one of them said, " We are only just come back
from Antwerp." " But what on earth took you
to Antwerp ? " " Why, we were told the battle
was lost, and the French coming in, and so we
thought it best to do like the rest." "Well,
and what made you return ? " I asked. " Well,
we were no sooner inside the ramparts of
Antwerp, than we heard it was a false alarm,
and we returned." So my nags had been all
night upon the road, and travelled fifty miles,
because the men took fright.
Of the English families then at Brussels, there
was one with which in after years my dearest
interests became identified.* When Colonel
Muttlebury marched with his regiment on the
1 6th, his wife and two little girls remained in
the city ; and the condition of the poor lady may
well be conceived on the afternoon of that day,
when a tremendous cannonade arose. I have
already said how terribly distinct the firing at
Quatre Bras and Ligny resounded in the city,
and the alarm it caused, especially in the breast
of one who knew her husband must be engaged.
* [Colonel Jackson married a daughter of Colonel
Muttlebury.]
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 81
It was not till about mid-day of the 17th, when
our wounded began to arrive, that anything
became known of the fighting. Descrying from
her window the uniform of her husband's regi-
ment, Mrs Muttlebury rushed into the street,
and learned from the mouth of a soldier, that it
had been hotly engaged, and had suffered severe
loss, but that when he left it, the Colonel was
still unhurt. In the course of the day came a
couple of lines, pencilled upon a drum head, from
himself. Thus relieved, the anxious lady was
tranquillised for the night, thinking that prob-
ably the strife was all over.
Heavy clouds and rain ushered in the morn-
ing of the 1 8th, fit emblems of the tears that
dreadful day was destined to call forth ; it was
the Sabbath, too ; and what a day for wholesale
slaughter of the Creator's image ! Once more
the roar of cannon struck terror to the heart of
Mrs Muttlebury, as she clasped her children to
her breast, and taught them to pray for the
preservation of their father. Then there was
hurrying through the street — cries of alarm, and
her landlady rushed in, shrieking out that the
French were at the gates, and she must try and
hide the terrorised little group, or her own life
would be forfeited, because she had harboured
F
82 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
English persons. Her own dastardly man-
servant had fled, and the misery of the poor lady
attained its climax. But religion, the Chris-
tian's blessed anchor, lent its support ; she
sought her prayer-book, and read the Lessons
and Psalms for the day ; and found consolation
in the ninety-first Psalm : " He shall defend thee
under His wings, and thou shalt be safe under
His feathers ; His faithfulness and truth shall
be thy shield and buckler." Again, in the
seventh verse, "A thousand shall fall beside
thee, and ten thousand at thy right hand ; but
it shall not come nigh thee." She clung to these
assurances, as an omen from on high, addressed
specially to her case ; they inspired a holy con-
fidence that her dear husband would be spared.
Towards evening, a great commotion was
heard, and an English staff officer appeared in
the street, waving his cocked-hat, and calling
out words which the uproar drowned. At length
Mrs Muttlebury caught the words, "The French,
here they come ; " and verily there they came ;
not, however, as victors flushed with conquest,
but as miserable dejected creatures, mostly bare-
headed, bleeding, and with soiled and rent gar-
ments, unhappy prisoners, in numbers perhaps
2000 ; the same whom I had seen marched off
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 83
after the failure of the first attack on Picton's
division, as I have mentioned. A feeble detach-
ment of Dutch infantry, not more than 160
strong, sufficed to escort and control so large a
body of dejected men. The arrival of the
prisoners, about six o'clock, marching through
the principal streets, tended greatly to allay the
general trepidation, though the continuance of
firing plainly told that the battle still raged.
By dawn next morning, however, news of our
victory arrived, and while Mrs Muttlebury,
agitated by anxiety, dread, suspense, and hope,
was awaiting intelligence of her husband, he
himself, begrimed with the stains of battle, and
exhausted by hunger and fatigue, rushed into
the room ; and the ecstasy of one long embrace
sufficed to efface in both the remembrance of all
past suffering.
But let me return to my own little proceed-
ings. The state of my horses, after the way-
ward run of my men to Antwerp, precluded all
idea of immediately following the army ; so I
was fain to remain for the night in the city. On
the following morning, early (the 20th), I started,
having my servants and baggage with me, not
daring to trust them again out of my sight. On
reaching Mont St Jean, I saw a goodly show of
84 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
captured guns ranged near a large farm building,
and stopped to count them — one hundred and
thirty-three pieces ; I had expected to find more,
as we had formed a very large estimate of the
enemy's artillery. In after years the discrepancy
was thus accounted for. I had the pleasure of
knowing Sir Alexander Dickson, the excellent
officer who had been in chief command of the
artillery in the Peninsula ; and, when conversing
with him about Waterloo and the French guns,
he asked if I had ever heard what took place
respecting them. He then told me that on the
day after the battle, meeting Sir George Wood,
who commanded our artillery, he asked whether
steps had been taken to collect the captured
pieces. Sir George said he had not given the
matter a thought, but would have it seen to.
Accordingly, parties of the artillery were ordered
for the purpose, but no guns could be found, all
having disappeared from the field. This was a
pretty business, and Sir George had nothing for
it but to inform the Duke. His Grace, usually
so calm, flew into a towering passion, frighten-
ing poor Sir George out of his wits ; and well
he might storm, upon losing so many solid tro-
phies of his victory ; and ended by swearing by
the guns must be found. Meanwhile a re-
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 85
port had come in that the Prussians, on the allied
army marching off, had gone over the ground in
considerable numbers, and in a surprisingly short
time taken away every piece to Genappe. A
Captain of artillery was then sent to remonstrate
and see what could be done to recover our legi-
timate spoil, and in the end he was lucky enough
to persuade the Prussian Commander to deliver
up one-half of the guns in his possession ; so the
French had two hundred and sixty-six pieces
present on the 1 8th June.# What proportion had
been turned against the Prussians at Plan-
chenoit, no one can say ; but any captured there,
belonged, of course, to them; still, the lion's share
was properly ours — perhaps not less than two
hundred guns. However, as things turned out,
we were fortunate in bagging one hundred and
thirty-three. The Prussians were thus sad
rogues in those days, both wholesale and retail,
as I have now recorded, a propos of horses as
well as cannon. Let me add, that not a whisper
of this affair of the guns was breathed by our
prudent artillery — at least, none ever reached me
* [Dr J. Holland Rose in his recent Life of NapoIeo?i
(ii. 493) says that Napoleon had 246 cannon against 156
of the Allies. The figure 246 for Napoleon is founded
on the very careful estimate in Houssaye's Waterloo,
p. 322.]
86 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
while I remained with the army. I afterwards
found it recorded in the published journal of
General Mercer, who commanded a troop of
horse artillery in the battle. His little book is
full of interesting details.
In order to take a last view of the well-fought
field, I turned off the road on leaving Mont St
Jean and rode along the crest of our position.
It being the first appearance of my fresh horse
upon battle ground, he snorted and shied at the
bodies, and I had some difficulty to get him past
them ; they were then lying where they had
fallen, none having been removed ; but when I
came to the place, or rather places, where the
wounded and dead of the Imperial Guard lay,
almost on the crest of our position, on the right,
near Hougomont, the animal's fears abated, and
he consented to approach them. I talked with
two or three of the poor fellows, who differed in
the accounts they gave as to how they had been
overthrown : one said cavalry had charged them,
another that it was infantry ; in fact, they seemed
bewildered. As they lay, they formed large
squares, of which the centres were " hollow."
Several endeavoured to attract my notice, saying
they had been left for two days unheeded, and
beseeching me to try and get them removed.
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 87
One would call out, " Ah, mon officier, I suffer
dreadfully from hunger, cold, and my wound ; "
another would pray, " Monsieur le Capitaine "
to have "pitie de lui ; " while a third begged
Monsieur le Colonel to do something for him —
this with a twinkle of the eye, when addressing
a boy of twenty years. I did not await further
promotion ; but said bon jour to the brave
fellows, with an expression of regret, that, being
merely a powerless subaltern, I could do nothing
for them. I have generally found in the French
soldier, a pleasant, lively, and shrewd fellow ;
and many a talk I have had with him in the
course of my rambles about his country, deriving
therefrom both amusement and information.
On overtaking my servants, I asked why they
had not paused for a few minutes to view the
field ; when my factotum, a sturdy little Welsh-
man, standing some five feet nothing, though a
soldier, told me he had no taste for such a sight,
and was, moreover, unwilling to fatigue the
horses by going off the road. " But," said I,
V you don't object to overloading them by adding
this," drawing forth from my baggage two huge
French cavalry sabres from the load of a little
Cossack horse. "Oh," said little Taffy, "they
are for our defence when we get into France."
CHAPTER IX
I must now permit myself to make a few brief
observations upon this important battle. Of
the numerous incidents it presents, it strikes me
that the repulse of Count d'Erlon's formidable
attack on the 1 8th, early in the day, upon Picton's
weak division, is the one most deserving of our
admiration. To form a just opinion of Picton's
nerve, judgment, and decision, we must remem-
ber that, to meet the onset of three columns,
amounting to 13,000 bayonets, we had only
3000 British infantry — all that remained of the
4600 with whom he had borne the brunt of the
severe action of Quatre Bras ; that a Dutch
brigade, originally posted in his front, fled almost
before the enemy came within musket shot ; and
further, that he had no troops whatever behind
him as a reserve in case of disaster. The main-
tenance of, perhaps, our entire position, depended
on the ability of 3000 men, formed only two
deep, to drive back three massive columns,
THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 89
each of which far exceeded the strength of
his own.
Preceded, as usual, by a cloud of skirmishers,
and covered by the fire of sixty or seventy pieces
of cannon pealing across the valley, which told
with effect, d'Erlon's columns came steadily on,
notwithstanding the fire of our guns, which
played upon them, until they got within long
musket range of the Dutch, who, as I have
already said, fled to the rear ; and the French
could then see no opponents before them, the
British having been kept just under the brow of
the rising ground. But on the instant, when, at
a distance of some fifty or sixty yards, the enemy
halted, and began to deploy into line, Picton
moved up Kempt's Brigade to a straggling
hedge running along that part, helping to conceal
our men, which poured a withering fire upon the
enemy, followed by a charge with the bayonet.
Having but a moment to glance at the unex-
pected foe, unable to form any estimate of his
strength, while hidden by the smoke, staggered
by so sudden and unexpected a fire, confounded,
panic-stricken, the French fell into immediate
confusion, broke, and fled. The second column,
being treated in a similar manner, followed suit ;
and the brigade of British heavy cavalry dashing
90 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
down the slope under Ponsonby, in the midst of
their confusion, the enemy had not a chance of
rallying under the sabres of the dragoons, and
over 2000 were captured. Would that the
gallant Picton could have seen the glorious
success of his daring ! A musket shot hit him
in the temple at the moment he gave the
word to charge, and he fell dead upon the
spot.
To make the non-military reader comprehend
how such large bodies of good infantry could be
so speedily disposed of by one weak division, I
may be allowed to say a few words upon the
columnar mode of attack, generally successful
when practised by the French, until they tried
it against the British troops.
The system is as old as the Macedonian
phalanx, and had been more or less followed at
various periods by most continental nations, up
to the time of Gustavus Adolphus ; but that
great Commander, perceiving the folly of placing
a body of men in a situation to prevent them
from using their fire-arms, caused his Swedes
to attack in line. Marlborough, Frederick, and
others confirmed by their practice the opinion
of Gustavus ; but the undisciplined armies of the
French Revolution abandoned that order of com-
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 91
bat, relying on the moral effect of rapidly pushing
forward large masses against the weakest parts
of an enemy's position — a method that rarely
failed of success against continental armies ; for,
impelled by natural ardour and enthusiasm, they
dashed on with the dan for which they have
credit, and actually frightened the defenders by
their rapid and imposing advance.
The least reflection must satisfy any one, that,
while massed in close columns, an enemy is really
only formidable to the imagination : for, as the
foremost ranks mask all those behind them, it
is only from a narrow front that fire can be given
first ; and before the entire body can be brought
to act physically, that is, by using their muskets,
the manoeuvre of deploying, or forming into line,
must be resorted to, which is commonly begun
from the rear, the front maintaining a fire to
cover the operation. Now there is nothing which
so greatly discomposes troops as volleys of
musketry poured in during such an evolution ;
and, if instantaneously followed by a determined
bayonet charge, their defeat becomes inevitable.
No one knew this better than Picton, who had
seen many formidable-looking columns so driven
off in the Peninsula ; and when those of d'Erlon
came on, in what the Duke calls the " old style/'
92 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
relying on the steadiness and pluck of his own
men, he felt confident the enemy would be
" driven off in the old style."
At Waterloo, the French had a fine oppor-
tunity of wiping out the stain of their Peninsula
defeats. Numerically, the armies opposed to
each other were nearly equal ; but how differently
were they composed ! Napoleon's force consisted
of his old Imperial soldiers, while Wellington
commanded a motley body, as we have seen ;
and, moreover, most of the foreigners were, as I
have said, young soldiers, who had never before
seen a shot fired. Again, a large portion of the
allied army was not present, having been posted
in the vicinity of Hal, some miles distant, the
Duke fearing an effort to turn his right at that
point — a disposition of his force much criticised,
especially by General Count von Gneisenau, the
chief of Bliicher's staff; and, if I may be per-
mitted to give my humble opinion, I think the
criticism not unreasonable. Be that as it may,
the arrangement deprived the Duke of a goodly
portion of his army, when all were much needed
in the conflict. My own estimate is, that he had
no more than from 18,000 to 20,000 infantry
actually present on whom he could place reliance.
Then the French cavalry far outnumbered the
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 93
British, and the enemy's guns were ninety in
excess of our own.
The French soldiers are, perhaps, as brave
as our own, but their courage is of a different
kind : our men like to come to close quarters
with their opponents, whereas the French prefer
keeping at a reasonable distance, preferring
the report of a musket to the gleam of the
bayonet ; in equal numbers they are a match
for the soldiers of most nations, and are on the
whole excellent troops, but difficult to keep
within the rules of discipline.
In all their battles the French have shown
much predilection for attacking and defending
posts and villages, and, adhering to this practice,
Napoleon spent the entire afternoon of the 16th
in assailing St Amand and Ligny, both of which
were carried after many severe struggles and
great loss : it is true they lie in the low ground,
and in front of Bluchers position, and hence it
could not be attacked in that part till those
villages were taken ; but it is questionable
whether Napoleon ought not to have made his
greatest efforts upon the extreme right of
Bliicher, when, if successful, he would have cut
off the communication between the Prussians
and British, driving the former towards Namur,
94 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
and preventing all possibility of the latter re-
ceiving Prussian support.
Again, at Waterloo, the first attack was upon
Hougomont, a country house with out-buildings,
which had to sustain several severe attacks ; but
all were repulsed. The little wood close to the
house was occupied at first by Nassau troops,
who soon disappeared, leaving the defence of
the house and out-buildings to a detachment of
our Guards, who gallantly held the post. Seeing
the importance attached to it by the enemy, the
Duke, after the first grand onset by Jerome
Bonaparte, sent thither a strong reinforcement,
which rendered it perfectly secure. It appears
to me, that to penetrate Wellington's left centre,
and thereby render himself master of the chaussde
to Brussels by Mont St Jean, should have been
Napoleon's great object ; as, if successful, he
would have cut off our communication with the
Prussian army. Had such been his tactics, and
the attack made at the same moment when
Jerome assailed Hougomont, and made, more-
over, with his best troops, viz., the Imperial
Guard, it might have gone hard with us. The
object, then, of the Hougomont attack should
have been considered of secondary importance,
and chiefly with a view to preventing Wellington
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[To face page 94.
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 95
from weakening his right in order to strengthen
his left centre.*
There has been much controversy respecting
the amount and value of the Prussian co-opera-
tion at Waterloo. For myself, I think it not
unlikely that several causes produced delay in
their reaching our field. First, we must re-
collect the defeat of Ligny, and that a beaten
army is always differently actuated from a suc-
cessful one. Secondly, the road between Wavre
and the field of Waterloo had been rendered very
bad by recent rain ; and thirdly, not knowing
that Wellington had great difficulty in maintain-
ing his position at Quatre Bras, the Prussian
Generals may have resented the non-assistance
of the British at their battle, as they had been
led to expect. The extreme deliberation of their
approach by Ohain I have before pointed out ;
and I may here mention that, in talking over
this with Captain Siborne, whose history of the
campaign, I think, evidences Prussian proclivity
— he was of German descent — he admitted that
our ally ought to have been up sooner.
* [Napoleon at first only intended the attack on
Hougomont to be a diversion, his main object all along
being to pierce Wellington's left centre. The Hougo-
mont attack became severe and protracted owing to the
persistent folly of Jerome Bonaparte.]
96 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
As regards Napoleon, it must be allowed
that his difficulties were great. Amongst his
Generals, he seems to have not known whom to
trust. It is clear he feared Soult, the best of
them, and so kept him near his person, with no
command ; # then Ney, brave, but with no head,
only joined the very day the Sambre was crossed,
taking command of a corps d amide destined to
assail Wellington. In his zeal confidence might
be placed, as he would fight with a halter round
his neck, after the treachery of Grenoble.
Lastly, Grouchy tells us that, on the morning
of the 17th, instead of following close on the
heels of Bllicher's retreat, he was engaged walk-
* [In this paragraph Colonel Jackson falls into serious
error. Soult, so far from having no command, was Chief
of the General Staff of the French army in this campaign,
and signed all Napoleon's orders. On the other hand
de Bourmont was only General of Division, and com-
manded the 14th division of infantry, which was in the
corps of Gerard. See Houssaye's Waterloo, p. 103, note.
Again, it is suggested that on the morning of the 17th
Napoleon distrusted Grouchy. It is clear, however, that
Napoleon did not distrust him at 11 a.m. of this day, or
he would not have given him so important a command
and mission. Napoleon's delay on this morning was due
to his belief that he had crushed the Prussians, who were,
he thought, making for Namur or in that direction, and
also to his ignorance — up to 11 a.m. — that Wellington
was still clinging to Quatre Bras. See Rose's Napoleon,
ii. 481.]
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 97
ing to and fro with Napoleon near Ligny, talk-
ing of the state of parties at Paris ! Did the
Emperor distrust him, in dread lest, like Judas,
he might betray his master ? Surely we need
feel no surprise at Napoleon's mdfiance of his
chief men, when we recollect that de Bourmont,
his Chief of the Staff, deserted to the Prussians
just before the passage of the Sambre. He,
however, did not remain with them, but came
on to us, and was for the greater part of the
1 8th riding with the headquarters staff — a con-
spicuous figure, wearing a bright cuirass.
I have mentioned being employed in examin-
ing and reporting upon various roads leading
from Brussels towards the French frontier, and
that one of my reports touched upon the little
river Dyle, naming the bridges spanning it at
Wavre, Limale, and Limelette. The report
also described the nature of the road running
from Wavre through the village of Gembloux
to the point of its junction with the chaussde
leading from Quatre Bras to Namur. As the
Prussians retreated, after Ligny, by this route,
and subsequently skirted the Dyle when moving
from Wavre to unite with us at Waterloo, it is
possible that a British subaltern may have
rendered some service to our gallant allies. I
G
98 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
know that the said report was transmitted to
Count Gneisenau, Bllicher's Chief of the Staff.*
Now for our march to Paris. I reached
Nivelles on the evening of the 20th, and thence
proceeding by Mons, rejoined headquarters at
Le Cateau on the 22 nd, taking care not to lose
sight of my baggage. On the way, I fell
into company with some French officers, of the
suite of Louis XVIII., who had come from
Ghent, where that monarch sojourned, after his
expulsion from the Tuileries. They talked
much and loud, had a swaggering air, looking
like conquerors. Two or three Belgian officers
were of the party. One of them, who had
evidently been in the French service, discoursed
to me upon their great superiority in the art of
war, saying, " II faut convenir qu'ils sont en
tout nos maitres." To which I replied, that
we English had received instruction in a very
agreeable manner, seeing the pupils had on all
occasions beaten their masters. This rejoinder
clearly gave offence, as the Belgian assumed a
sulky aspect, and said not another word.
* [See remark on this in my Introduction.]
CHAPTER X
On entering France, I was surprised to find the
peasantry ignorant of the French language,
speaking only an incomprehensible patois, not
then being aware how little French is spoken
in their class, throughout the length and breadth
of the land, most provinces having their patois,
used by them, the better classes only speaking
French.
During our march to the vicinity of Paris,
few occurrences came under my notice worthy of
mention. The people were everywhere civil and
obliging, and as they had no fear of molestation
from us, everything went on as usual. I believe
it was intended that the Prussian army should
keep clear of the roads followed by the British ;
but this arrangement was not carefully carried
out, for a body of Prussians during several days
preceded us upon one route, to our great incon-
venience ; as at their approach the inhabitants
99
100 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
of the villages fled, when our friends rifled every
house ; so that when we came up not a soul
was to be seen, nor could the staff purchase an
article of food. It was sad to find cellars knee-
deep with cider, the casks having been staved,
and furniture and bedding destroyed, while, in
many instances, we found houses burnt. The
crops, too, suffered a good deal ; for, not content
to march upon the road, the troops often
deviated from it, and moved over the adjacent
fields, thereby treading down a belt of consider-
able width. All this, it is true, was only re-
taliating upon the French what their armies
had done when masters in Prussia ; and possibly
we English, who felt pained at witnessing such
wanton destruction, might have acted similarly
under the like provocation.
We halted at the little town of Gonesse, about
ten miles short of the capital, which continued
our headquarters during the negotiation, which
ended in the military convention of Paris. But
after it was signed, the Prussians had some de-
sultory fighting towards Versailles, which I saw
from a height, having ridden out in that direc-
tion ; or, speaking more correctly, I heard the re-
verberation of their guns among the fine scenery
around St Cloud and Marly, which, with their
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 101
smoke rising between the wooded hills, produced
a fine effect.
The convention was signed on the 3rd July,
and on the following day Lieutenant-Colonel
Torrens and Major Stavely, of the Royal Staff
Corps, were despatched to Paris, as Commis-
sioners, to see it duly carried out by the French.
I felt particularly desirous to go with them, and
begged Torrens to ask permission to take me ;
but only two officers could be allowed to go ; and
a providential refusal it was, as will be seen.
They started, escorted by a sinister-looking
French officer, sent for that purpose, and to pass
them through the advanced posts ; an orderly
dragoon attended them. They found the way
barricaded at three several points, ere they
reached the Faubourg St Denis, defensive lines
having been raised against the hostile armies.
The French soldiers were in much disorder,
scowling at the English officers as they passed,
but this was no more than might be expected ;
when, however, they had got within the last
barrier, the soldiers raised a tumult, and stopped
them. Then a cry arose of a bas les Anglais !
Some shots were fired, one of which killed the
dragoon, Stavely receiving at the same moment
a severe wound in the left side, being dragged
102 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
from his horse ; while Torrens, seeing no other
chance of escape, drove the spurs into his horse
and rapidly broke through the mob uninjured.
The French officer, whose duty it was to protect
those under his care, slunk away as soon as
the affray became serious, and was no more
seen.
Instead of being despatched, as he expected,
Stavely was allowed to stagger into a cabaret
close by, and seat himself in a room with many
riotous half-drunken soldiers, some of whom
menaced him by look and gesture, but refrained
from otherwise molesting him, as he sat apart,
leaning on a table, being weak from loss of blood.
Meanwhile, Torrens galloped on, passing un-
challenged into the city through the Porte St
Denis, and, seeing an officer on reaching the
Boulevards, he requested him to direct him to
the residence of Davoust, who then commanded
in Paris, whom he luckily found at home, and
who, on being told of what had occurred, sent
off an officer of rank to the scene of the affray ;
and Stavely, being found by him in the situation
I have described, was immediately conveyed to
Davoust's hotel. Such is the account I received
from the lips of Torrens and Stavely, when we,
a few days after, peaceably entered the capital.
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 103
So, as I have said above, I had a fortunate
escape from an unexpected peril.
While the usual suspension of arms existed
until the French should withdraw from Paris, I
one day mounted into a windmill, standing on
elevated ground near St Denis, and directly
afterwards Lord Hill also ascended, to observe
the French troops who remained close to that
place, expecting to see them march off ; we were
near enough to see that they were making pre-
parations for moving. I had not before met His
Lordship, and was greatly struck with his ur-
banity and kind manner in questioning and talk-
ing to so young an officer as myself. On leaving
the mill I thoughtlessly proposed to a friend that
we should ride down and see something of the
soldiers as they were departing, thinking there
was no fear of meeting with anything unpleasant,
since hostilities were over. We were about to
enter within the entrenchments at a part where
an abattis had been removed, when we met
Mackworth, one of Lord Hill's aides-de-camp,
coming out in an excited state, who said, "Go
back, unless you want to get into danger ; " that
he, having been sent with a message from Lord
Hill to the officer in command of the French, had
been surrounded and menaced by the soldiery,
104 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
and esteemed himself fortunate in escaping from
them. Of course we had sense enough to take
his advice, and retire.
On the 5th of July our headquarters were
transferred to Neuilly, and on the 7th the troops
closed upon Paris, but none entered the city,
a division being encamped in the Champs
Elysees, others in the Bois de Boulogne, and
cantoned in the neighbouring villages ; the head-
quarters staff being quartered in Paris. I was
allotted a Colonel's billet on Monsieur Marchand,
Ordonnateur-en-chef 'of the French armies, living
in the Rue Neuve de Luxembourg. He re-
ceived me very courteously, and provided
accommodation for myself, servants, and horses,
at an hotel garni in the Rue St Honore. He
also invited me to dinner, asking whether I
would meet his family and dine with them at
three o'clock, or with him at six. I gallantly
accepted the former proposition ; but afterwards
got a message putting me off till six, at which
hour I found the family assembled, and was
hospitably entertained. The reason, perhaps,
of meeting such civility at first may have arisen
from my host's esteeming himself fortunate that
a Prussian had not been quartered on him. He
had held his important office under Napoleon,
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 105
and was continued in it by Louis for some time,
in order to organise the Department under the
new rdgime. On taking my leave in the even-
ing, Monsieur Marchand said he hoped to be
favoured with my company at six, whenever it
might suit my convenience to dine at his house.
Considering this as merely politeness, I did not
take it cm piedde la lettre ; but on the following
day Monsieur Marchand called upon me, was
very civil, hoped I found myself comfortably
lodged, and ended by saying his family reckoned
upon seeing me at six. His manner was so
frank and hearty, that I did not scruple to go ;
and by degrees the intimacy increased, after
some coyness on my part, until, and very shortly,
I regularly availed myself of the kindness prof-
fered, whenever not otherwise engaged ; and in
process of time was rewarded by being told I
was "digne d'etre Francais ! " the highest com-
pliment that a foreigner can receive in Paris.
I occasionally met there officers of high stand-
ing in the French army ; but the family lived
very quietly, the only guest besides myself being
a sort of aide-de-camp, whose chief duty seemed
that of escorting Madame in her drives or
promenades on the Boulevards. After coffee,
the carriage was in waiting for a drive to the
106 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
Bois de Boulogne, or elsewhere, generally-
followed by taking an ice at Tortoni's, and a
stroll along the Boulevard des Italiens, a part
always quite thronged between eight and nine
o'clock ; the evening occasionally ended by
driving to the Champs Elysees to hear les
trompettes Anglaises, a light brigade being
encamped just at the entrance to them. The
52nd regiment had some good performers on
the key-bugle (an instrument unknown to the
French), who always played for some time at
tattoo, and had usually a crowd of admirers.
An interesting sight, which I witnessed, was
the descent of the four Venetian horses from
the triumphal arch in the Place Carrousel. At
the request of the Austrian Emperor, who said
he had no officer present who would undertake
their removal, the Duke of Wellington com-
mitted the task to Major Todd, an able officer
of the Royal Staff Corps, whose fertility in
expedients under difficulties had been on several
occasions evinced in the Peninsula. As the
horses stood in view of the King's windows at
the Tuileries, it was settled, from a feeling of
delicacy, that the work necessary should be per-
formed during the hours of darkness. Accord-
ingly, Todd began his preparations at nightfall,
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 107
with a few officers, and a score of workmen of
his own corps, furnished with hammers and
chisels to loosen the horses, which were fixed
upon the arch by means of lead. The first
operation was proceeding briskly, when suddenly
a clattering of arms was heard in the narrow
staircase of the arch, and a number of armed
men belonging to the National Guard emerged,
and, for the first time within the memory of
man, a British position was carried at the point
of the bayonet.
When Todd and his people were driven down
as prisoners, a mob had collected, and a tumult
arose ; but with the city occupied by the allied
troops, it was not likely that any serious conse-
quences would result. Still, it was not pleasant
to be driven along with bayonets in close
proximity to their persons. In this manner
they were thrust within the precincts of the
Tuileries, up to the main entrance of the palace,
and, ascending a flight of steps, entered the hall,
while the mob was thrust back by the King's
Guard.
Although I have made no mention of myself,
I was unluckily involved in this scrape, for,
as I had heard of the intended removal of the
horses, curiosity prompted me to go and see
108 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
the modus operandi, and so I became a prisoner
with the rest, my asseveration that I was on
the arch merely as a spectator being of no avail,
for I met with nothing but a volley of sacrds,
and the point of a bayonet, which I actually
felt on my person.
Shortly after we had entered the hall, the
King's first minister, the Due de Richelieu, came
downstairs, and politely inquired how we came to
be there ; and I, at Todd's request, and happening
to be the best Frenchman of the party, explained
what had occurred. The Duke was, or pre-
tended to be, in entire ignorance of the intention
to remove the horses, and suggested that after
the interruption of the work, it would be advis-
able to attempt nothing more that evening, and
he would see into the matter. But how were
we to make good our retreat, with an excited
mob waiting outside ? The Duke whispered to
an officer, who then led us through the palace
to the front entrance, and, passing into the
gardens, we gained the Rue de Rivoli. Todd
went straight to Wellington, to make his report,
which made His Grace very wroth, who vowed
that he would spare the King's feelings no
longer. He at once applied to the Emperor of
Austria for a sufficient guard to protect the
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 109
officers and workmen on the following day,
resolving that the work should be executed by-
daylight. Determined to see the result, I went
next morning to the Place Carrousel, and found
the square lined by a body of 3000 Austrian
troops, composed of infantry, cavalry, and
artillery, which force was maintained till the
business was concluded, a couple of days later.
I witnessed the descent of the famed horses, the
Carrousel presenting at the time an imposing
spectacle. Along three sides of the square,
ranged two deep, was a splendid body of Austrian
Cuirassiers, in white uniform and black helmets,
in front of whom stood 2000 of the Hungarian
Guards, composed of the finest men I ever saw
under arms, also dressed in white, the whole
being flanked by artillery, with lighted match,
ready for instant action, had madness prompted
the mob to offer interruption to the work in
hand. As each horse was safely lowered, accla-
mations arose from the troops, mingled with
groans from the populace, who thronged in the
rear, and out of sight. Todd was rewarded by
the thanks of the Emperor Francis, together
with a gold snuff-box, in testimony of the able
manner in which his task was executed. It was
indeed cleverly done.
110 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
The front of the car to which the horses were
attached was ornamented by a gilded spread-
eagle of large size, which — shall I avow an
intended larceny ? — I planned to carry off, and
for that purpose engaged a couple of the work-
men to loosen the screws which held it to the
car, and on leaving work the same men were to
bag the bird, and convey it to my quarters. It
happened, however, that some Prussian officers
chanced to mount upon the arch while the work-
men were away at dinner-time, when, finding
the Imperial bird ready to take wing, their
organs of acquisitiveness — for a development of
which, by the way, our Prussian friends were
celebrated — could not resist the tempting bird,
which somehow disappeared, but how, and un-
observed, I could not imagine, as the figure was
very large ; probably it now adorns some military
institution at Berlin, instead of the United
Service Museum in Scotland Yard.
CHAPTER XI
While in Paris, my military duties being light,
I had ample time to enjoy the pleasures that
meretricious capital afforded, and passed nearly
four months very agreeably. One morning, as
I was about to start upon a party of pleasure,
an orderly dragoon appeared, and handed me
an official-looking packet, the contents of which
rather startled me. The first letter I opened
was from the Quartermaster-General, Sir George
Murray, to inform me that the Duke of Welling-
ton had no objection to my accepting Sir Hudson
Lowe's offer if it suited my views. The next
was from Sir Hudson to me, saying he had been
appointed to the Government of St Helena, and
the " Horse Guards " having agreed to his desire
for a detachment of the Royal Staff Corps to go
thither, he had expressed a wish for me to
accompany it. Now this was all very flattering,
and I at once resolved to accept the proposal.
in
112 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
I think I had reason to feel surprised, as well
as flattered, a mere boy of twenty, to be chosen
by a man of Sir Hudson's experience to accom-
pany him on his important duty ; for although,
whilst serving under him in Belgium, he had
shown me marks of kindness, and even more
than once placed trust in my discretion, still, I
was by no means prepared to imagine that I
could have any place in his thoughts. It is true
that I ever served him to the best of my ability,
but it was in a very subordinate capacity. I
always looked up to him as to a superior man,
who seemed to have no other thoughts but
scrupulously to perform his duties, and see
that those around him performed theirs. We
liked him much, and were sorry when he left
us. I can remember his attending the Duke
in an examination of much of the ground
between Brussels and the frontier, and his
suggesting the propriety of raising some field-
works, precisely where our great battle was
fought. # I believe I have stated that he left
* [Sir Hudson Lowe had written as follows : " Should
any intermediate post be taken up between the frontiers
and Brussels, supposing the latter line of operation be
thought the most suitable — query in respect to the con-
struction of a work at Mont St Jean at the junction of
two principal ckausse'es."]
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 113
us for an independent command in the Medi-
terranean.*
It chanced that Colonel the Hon. Dawson
Darner was to leave Paris in a day or two with
the Duke's despatches, which would frank his
journey, and my excellent friend Colonel Torrens
having told him that I was also bound for Eng-
land, he kindly offered me a seat in his carriage,
by which I was enabled to perform the journey
free of cost.
This arrangement rather hurried me, for I had
horses and sundries to dispose of, and various
matters to arrange, friends to take leave of, etc.
I parted with regret from the family of Monsieur
Marchand, who had, during the whole of my
stay, quite overwhelmed me with attentions ; in-
deed, I seldom dined away from their table. By
that time, Colonel Nicolay had been joined by
his very pretty, sprightly, and clever wife (now,
while I write in March 1877, Lady Nicolay is
still alive, and in the enjoyment of her faculties,
at the age of 91 !). To both I was under great
obligations. My little factotum I had to send
* [In June 1 8 1 5 Sir Hudson Lowe left the Low Countries
to take up the command of the British troops at Genoa,
which were to act with the Austro-Sardinian army and
the fleet under Lord Exmouth on the southern coast of
France.]
H
114 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
by way of Ostend, to pick up part of my baggage
in depot there.
It was only on the eve of my departure that
I became aware of a passport being necessary ;
I immediately hastened to our Ambassador's to
obtain one, but was too late, his Secretary having
left the office. Here was an awkward dilemma ;
Colonel Dawson had arranged to start next
morning, and without a passport I could not
travel. It has been said that necessity is the
mother of invention, and so I found it on this
occasion. I went off to the office of the Quarter-
master-General to ask for a military route ; but
again had the disappointment of finding no
officer present, only a clerk in charge, to whom
I was well known. Having obtained a sheet of
foolscap paper, I sat down and penned a most
formal and imposing document, wherein all
authorities, civil and military, were requested,
not only to let me pass freely to Calais, but also
to afford me aid and protection in case of need.
It was written in French, all in due form ; then,
as no official document is valid abroad without
an official seal, I obtained the office one, as large
as a crown piece, and my feuille de route only
wanted signing. This, however, caused no diffi-
culty, for I appended my own name, but so
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 115
written and adorned with flourishes that no
Frenchman could possibly decipher it. My
passport was demanded two or three times on
our way, and found to be quite en regie.
Of course Sir George Murray did not become
aware of this little matter, as I did not tell the
clerk about it ; but it was in truth a pardonable
bit of trickery, such as the circumstances of my
case warranted.
On halting at Boulogne to take some refresh-
ment, the waiter suggested that we might
perhaps be spared the journey to Calais by
taking a passage in a fishing vessel, which could
land us at Dover. On inquiring, we found that
a Boulogne lugger was about to start, and would
take us to Dover for four napoleons ; so we
agreed upon the matter. Considering the state
of feeling in France after the battle of Waterloo,
it was perhaps not altogether prudent in English
officers to entrust themselves to the crew of a
fishing boat, and, indeed, it was not reassuring
when the skipper, or head man, observing a
brace of pistols in my possession, took them,
saying he would put them in a safe place. How-
ever, we reached Dover after a rapid passage,
that is, got within a few hundred yards of the
pier, when a boat came off to take us on shore,
116 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
for which we had to pay two guineas. Precious
sharks are, or were, the Dover men !
It is beyond my province to venture any
criticism of the Waterloo campaign, but as my
scribblings are not for the public, I shall append
one or two remarks, the result, in after years, of
a careful study of it. I know it is a sort of
treason to cast blame on the great Duke, but,
as was said by Napoleon, " Qui n'a pas fait des
fautes n'a pas fait la guerre."
"All's well that ends well;" but I think it
likely that an impartial and competent critic
might find much to criticise in the brief Waterloo
campaign, both on the part of the French and
of the Allies. Without assuming that I am my-
self warranted in casting blame on Commanders
like Napoleon, Wellington, and Bliicher, I may
perhaps, as having studied carefully all the opera-
tions of the campaign, be allowed to hazard a
few remarks, which may be taken, as the saying
is, for what they are worth.
First, as both Bliicher and Wellington had
every reason to expect that Napoleon would open
the ball, ought they not to have had their armies
more in hand, and nearer each other? Wel-
lington's army had been cantoned in the eastern
portion of Belgium, by divisions, for several
FIELD _Qj; WATE^QQ
nt'SfJein-
Scale of 1 Mile.
RELATING TO THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 117
weeks, continuing in the same cantonments up
to the opening of hostilities. In this respect the
Prussians were not so much disseminated, and
were therefore more rapidly collected. Then, as
the two armies were destined to co-operate, why
was there so great a gap left between them —
some forty miles — and this, when expecting the
onset of the greatest and most energetic Captain
of modern times ? The tardiness of the allied
Generals, especially Wellington, may be said to
have jeopardised the fate of Europe; for had both
armies been so situated as to afford each other
mutual support, a single battle would have settled
the campaign ; for the Allies would have engaged
with a force nearly double that of the French ;
the result, therefore, could scarcely have been
doubtful. Whereas, by the faulty disposition of
the Allies, previous to the commencement of hos-
tilities, Napoleon gained the immense advantage
of fighting them in succession, beating Blucher,
and going very near to beating Wellington.
Had Ney acted with more vigour in assailing
our position at Quatre Bras, and gained posses-
sion of that important point, the communication
between Wellington and Blucher would have
been completely cut off, and been attended with
the worst consequences.
118 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
The Duke had taken it into his head that
his right might be turned by way of Hal ; but
surely such a manoeuvre could never have been
imagined by Napoleon, for, had our right been
turned, it would only have forced us towards the
Prussians. But this notion of the Duke para-
lysed two divisions that were left near Hal,
when their presence was much needed at Water-
loo. But nothing succeeds like success. The
Duke is reported to have said that, if he got into
a scrape, his soldiers got him out of it. I cannot
but think that Waterloo was a striking instance.
NAPOLEON AT £T HELENA.
Trom a, contemporary Sketch presented to DrALexBAXTER
while Chief Surgeon ofthz island (7876-1819)
CHAPTER XII
My detachment of the Royal Staff Corps, con-
sisting of a sergeant and sixteen men, had been
hurried from Hythe to Hilsea Barracks (near
Portsmouth), for immediate embarkation, late in
October 1815, where I joined it, and obtained a
lodging at Kingston Cross, about a mile on the
road to Portsmouth ; the frigate, however, which
was to take a new Governor and suite to St
Helena, and on board of which I and my men
were to sail, only arrived at Spithead towards
the end of December, when I got an order to
embark.
Having to wait some time on the wharf, my
sergeant begged me to advance money to enable
the men to lay in a few necessaries, a request
which I, most unwisely, acceded to — the conse-
quence being that many of them, like true British
soldiers, got drunk. When all had staggered in,
the boat started and we gained the ship, but some
of the men, being unable to climb up the side, had
119
120 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
to be hoisted on board, to my infinite mortifica-
tion.
Next day the Governor, his family, and officers
came off, and towards evening the anchor was
raised, and we sailed. # Scarcely had we cleared
the Isle of Wight, when the wind rose, and the
sky looked threatening. Before the topsails
could be reefed, the gale was upon us. My cot
was slung in the ''steerage" amongst the middies,
a confined and wretched place in the olden time ;
but repose that night was out of the question, for,
the gale having come so suddenly, there had
been no time to get boxes, etc., fixed, so that they
were knocked to and fro as the ship lurched and
pitched, causing indescribable noise and con-
fusion ; the hubbub on deck, too, was alone
enough to prevent sleep. In short, I felt as if
in Pandemonium, and longed for day.
The deck next morning was strewed with
ddbris ; there lay the main- topsail yard broken
in two pieces, with other damaged spars ; sails
in tatters amid a confusion of ropes were scattered
about. Through the exertions of our energetic
first lieutenant, in the course of the short
December day, the chaos was restored to order,
in spite of the heavy gale which continued.
* [The Phaeton sailed 29th January 18 16.]
RELATING TO ST HELENA 121
Nothing ever made a greater impression upon
me than the grandeur of the warring elements
above, and the magnificence of the tremendous
sea when crossing the Bay of Biscay. How I
enjoyed sitting on the taffrail, watching the noble
vessel plunging head foremost into its depths, as
if going to the bottom, and then rising majesti-
cally, as having only made her salaam to vast
and threatening power!
We had the same weather all the way to
Madeira, where we anchored. I went on shore
with one of the lieutenants, named Hoare, who,
having purchased a quarter-cask of wine, left me
to go and get some provisions for the gun-room
mess. When we met again, he was issuing from
a store, and on my asking whether he had ob-
tained what he wanted, he said yes, but that he
had been dealing with a rascal. The shop-
keeper heard and understood the meaning of the
last word, looked viciously, and seemed about to
strike. Hoare seized a ham in self-defence, and
as the man was trying to rescue it, it fell into a
barrel of flour, and as my companion was about
to withdraw from the affray, his opponent flung
the ham at him, and covered him with flour.
This ended the fight, not greatly to the credit of
the naval uniform, I fear. Having cleaned his
122 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
coat and epaulette, we adjourned to the hotel,
where, as one of the officers of the frigate told
us, " One could not open one's mouth under a
dollar, nor shut it under two."
Hoare had sent off his wine to be put on
board, but was annoyed to find, on regaining
the frigate, that the captain had refused to allow
it to be received, and had ordered it back to the
shore. This was most annoying to Hoare, who
represented the serious inconvenience it would
cause ; but the captain was obdurate, although
Hoare said the cask could be put into his own
cabin. Shortly after, it was Hoare's turn to
dine with the captain ; this he declined to do,
and for such a breach of naval etiquette and
discipline, he was placed in close arrest, and so
remained during several weeks, until Sir Hudson
Lowe made intercession on his behalf.
In these steaming days, when mail ships make
the run from Plymouth to St Helena within a
fortnight, the reader will learn with surprise
that our fast sailing frigate was three months
on her voyage. Regardless of winds, a steamer
goes direct to her destination, whereas the trade
winds, which in the Atlantic are constant with-
in the tropics, blowing towards the equator
from the north-east and south-east, compel a
fft
O co"
£ .2
|5 ^
2 i
[.Face pa</e 1-22.
RELATING TO ST HELENA 123
sailing vessel to cross the ocean, till almost
reaching South America, when she is able to
alter her course, and make, to use a seaman's
term, southing, until, having got out of the
south-east trade wind, and into the " variables,"
she can make " easting."
Such was the course formerly commonly-
pursued. I say commonly, for what is termed
the eastern passage, namely, by hugging the
African coast, and so making a more direct
course, was seldom taken by ships for the Cape
of Good Hope and India ; the objection being
that lengthened calms often render the progress
very uncertain. It was adopted, however, by
Admiral Sir George Cockburn and his squadron,
when carrying out Napoleon, and performed in
ten weeks.
The voyage of the Phaeton was unmarked
by any incident, save that of falling in with a
ship in about the latitude of the Cape of Good
Hope, which looking very suspicious, our
captain sent an officer to ascertain her quality.
She proved, as was suspected, a slave ship,
having on board three hundred Africans, but
could not be interfered with, since her papers
showed, or pretended to show, that she was
only taking the slaves from one Portuguese
124 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
settlement to another, which was then permitted
by law.
Our good ship continued to be steered as if
for the Cape, when, being far enough to the
east, she turned towards St Helena, and getting
into the south-east trade wind, was carried to
the island in ten or twelve days more.
Knowing nothing of navigation, and as we
had seen no land since leaving Madeira, I felt
admiration for the precision with which we
dropped down upon the diminutive island. For
several days the officers on whom the naviga-
tion depended had been unusually busy with
their sextants and chronometers, and hopes
were expressed that we should not miss the isle,
as had done the Glatton 64, acquiring there-
by the unenviable name of " blind Glatton " — a
mishap which sometimes befell ships, and was
indeed experienced by two fine frigates a few
weeks after our arrival, bearing Admiral Sir
Pulteney Malcolm and three foreign commis-
sioners. We saw them one morning a long
way to leeward, and it took them an entire day
to " beat up " to the anchorage.
Surely the heart of Napoleon must have sunk
within him at sight of the forbidding aspect of
the dark lofty mass the island presents ; for its
RELATING TO ST HELENA 125
windward side looks like a gigantic perpendicular
ragged wall, some fifteen hundred or two
thousand feet high, showing apparently not a
fissure by which it could be entered. But on
the leeward side are several ravines, inviting
you, as it were, to scramble up them and gain
the interior.
As the trade wind does not vary in its
direction, the island serves as a huge break-
water, under the shelter of which vessels can
anchor anywhere along the shore where there
is " holding" ground. But as a rule they lie
opposite the town, for obvious reasons.
On rounding the eastern part of the island,
we came in sight of the flag-ship at her anchor-
age, and fired the usual salute to the flag, which
was duly returned. Meanwhile, our cable had
been prepared for anchoring, but, by some
untoward accident or negligence, the anchor
slipped, dragging after it the cable. There was
nothing for it but to let it run out, or the frigate
would have been arrested in her course a mile
or two short of the anchorage, which would
have been awkward indeed.
The aspect of the pretty little town from the
anchorage is very inviting, with its neat little
church, its white houses of an English type, and
126 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
ornamented by a sprinkling of cocoa-nut trees
on the left hand, rising from the botanical
garden. The valley or ravine is just wide
enough for the buildings, the hills, or rather
mountains, rising on each hand to a height of
about six hundred feet, where they overlook the
sea, but gradually becoming higher, till they
attain an elevation of from twelve hundred to
fifteen hundred feet. They are not generally
precipitous, the slopes not much exceeding 50°,
and presenting alternately ledges of rock and
indurated clay.
On landing, we military officers went to the
boarding-house of Mr Saul Solomon, and were
well entertained at a cost of thirty shillings per
diem each, and fifteen shillings per servant. I
remained there but four days, for which six
pounds seemed to me an extravagance for a
subaltern officer. In conjunction with Lieu-
tenant Wortham, of the Royal Engineers, a
lodging was hired, and we shook the dust off
our feet at the door of Mr Solomon.
At a part called Deadwood, six miles from
the town, some wooden barracks recently
from England were in process of erection,
and my men were wanted for the work. To
enable me to visit them, the Governor kindly
H J
2'l
[face page 120
RELATING TO ST HELENA 127
lent me a horse from his stables for this
purpose.
Two roads lead from the town to the upper
regions, one towards the eastern, the other to
the western part of the island. These have
been practised in the sides of the mountains
zig-zag fashion. My duty carried me in the
eastern direction. To reach Deadwood I had
to pass the entrance to Longwood, which I
longed to explore, and to fall in with some of
the French persons there ; but without special
permission, no one, whether military or civil,
could pass in. At length my curiosity was
partially gratified, when, riding with Sir George
Bingham, a gallant soldier in command of the
troops, who won his K.C.B. by good service in
the Peninsula under Wellington, he proposed a
visit to the Countess Bertrand, then residing in
a small house about a mile short of Longwood.
I found Madame Bertrand very agreeable and
chatty. She questioned me about Paris, with
all the yearning of a Frenchwoman for that
abode of bliss* She was very tall and graceful,
though not a beauty. Soon after I had oppor-
* [Madame Bertrand was a Creole. Her father,
General Arthur Dillon, was an Irishman in the French
service who perished in the Revolution.]
128 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
tunities of seeing her often, and we became very
good friends.
Her husband we met on re-mounting our
horses, and I was presented to him. He wore
a military dress, which was truly French from
far above the crown of his head to his feet ; for
his cocked-hat was of the loftiest, while his legs
were encased in jack-boots reaching to mid
thigh. A blue coat, thrown open so as to show
an expanse of white waistcoat, across which was
displayed the blue riband of the Legion of
Honour, and nankeen small clothes completed
the dress of General Count Bertrand. He
seemed a man on the wrong side of fifty, per-
haps he was fifty-five ; # his hair, like Marmion's,
was "coal black and grizzled here and there ;"
he wore a melancholy, depressed look, shrugged
his shoulders like most of his countrymen, and
his demeanour was quiet and impressive.
My first entry to Longwood was with the
Governor, when, meeting the Count de Montho-
lon, I was presented to him. The Count was
a sort of maire du palais, and ruled the house-
hold. In introducing me, the Governor said
that I should be almost daily there, and if any
* [General Bertrand was forty-two at this time, and
Count de Montholon thirty-two.]
RELATING TO ST HELENA 129
repairs were wanted, he was to apply to me.
After this, I saw him from time to time, on little
business matters, but it was long before we
became really acquainted. Indeed, from not
feeling drawn towards him, I was so remiss as
not to pay my respects to his Countess ; but we
became very good friends in time, as will be
seen. The Count was rather short, standing
under five feet seven inches ; he never wore a
military dress, but always appeared in jack-boots
like Bertrand. His age about forty, and he
was good-looking, with dark complexion.
Count Las Cases and General Gourgaud I
first met at the house of Mr Balcombe — The
Briars — where Napoleon had been accom-
modated for many weeks, while Longwood
House was being prepared for his reception —
occupying a kind of summer-house detached
from the main dwelling. On introducing me to
Las Cases, our host gave him a merciless slap
on the back, saying, "This is my friend Las
Cases." As may be imagined, the poor little
man winced under so unusual a style of intro-
duction, but soon recovered from the shock.
He had been an emigrant in England for several
years, and spoke our language with facility.
A dwelling for Count Bertrand being under
130 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
construction near Longwood House, and the
shell nearly completed, I had to see the rest of
the work carried on, and the Governor desired
me to attend to the Countess's wishes as far as
possible. She lost no time in availing herself
of my delegated authority by proposing to have
a verandah added. Thinking this to be some-
what more than the Governor contemplated in
his orders to me, I consulted him about it. " By
all means," he said, " have a verandah erected."
Then I consulted the lady as to its dimensions.
" You must make it wide," she said, "as it will
serve for the children to play in." Well, from
one thing to another, the verandah became a
good-sized room, and I used to compliment
the Countess on her cleverness in verandah
planning.
When superintending this addition to the
house, I saw that lady constantly, and we be-
came pretty intimate, but her husband was not
often visible, being much in attendance upon
his master ; however, I learned to like him,
respecting him too for his fidelity to Napoleon,
and thinking him a sensible, discreet man, but
not possessing remarkable ability ; and longer
acquaintance served to satisfy me that my early
impressions were not incorrect.
ffi
c^
o
[Fact- paye 13U.
RELATING TO ST HELENA 131
With General Gourgaud I soon was on
friendly terms, and paid him frequent visits,
which seemed to afford him pleasure in his
rather solitary situation ; for, save with the
Bertrands, he had no social intercourse with
any, though living under the same roof as the
Montholons and Las Cases. I say under the
same roof, seeing that a large addition had been
made to Longwood House, all one storey high,
in order to lodge the Montholons, Las Cases,
Gourgaud, the surgeon O'Meara, and a Captain
of the Line, as general observer of all that went
on in connection with the establishment, but
especially to make sure that Napoleon was safe,
but which, indeed, he had scant means of ascer-
taining.
CHAPTER XIII
Notwithstanding my daily presence at Long-
wood, and often strolling round the house and
in the garden, I saw nothing of our great
captive for several months, all my watchings for
a glimpse of him proving vain. At length,
when riding one day close to the house, on
turning a corner, I came plump upon three
figures advancing, the centre person wearing
his small cocked-hat square to the front, the
others, one walking on each side of Napoleon,
bare-headed. Turning a little aside to get out
of the way, I took off my hat and made a low
bow, which was returned by Napoleon raising
his. He was dressed just as we see him in his
portraits, viz., with a green cut-away military
coat, white waistcoat, breeches, and silk stock-
ings ; of course he bore the tri-coloured cockade,
and the star of the Legion of Honour.
Occasionally, but very rarely, I have seen
him strolling in the garden, when, of course, I
132
ST HELENA 133
took care to avoid, if possible, his seeing me.
Keeping himself, as he did, much secluded, in
fact seldom leaving the house for weeks together,
the orderly captain on duty, whose business it
was to ascertain one way or another that the
captive was safe, had an arduous and unsatis-
factory task to perform.
Shortly after the arrival of the Governor at
the island, Sir George Cockburn carried him
round the island in his flag-ship, the Northumber-
land 74 ; a trip in which he was accompanied
by several officers, including myself. We were
on board a couple of days, and landed at two or
three places when practicable ; but only once on
the windward side, at a little inlet called Sandy
Bay, which is in some degree sheltered from the
surf, and where boats can enter unless the wind
is very strong, and consequently the surf great.
Coming to a part where a huge rock stands
separated from the island by a narrow passage,
the Admiral, after speaking to the sailing-master,
ordered the ship to be steered through it, which
would have been hazardous, save for the steady
trade wind, which was favourable, and precluded
all danger.
When the ship came abreast of a part called
" Holdfast-Tom," where, according to tradition,
134 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
our sailors, when they captured the island, effected
a landing and scaled the precipice, some fifteen
hundred feet high, the Governor called me to
him, and said, " You are an active young fellow ;
what say you to being landed, and mounting the
rocks up to a point where a picket of soldiers is
stationed?" This being just before the dinner
hour, my appetite prompted me with an amend-
ment, viz., that I should on some future occasion
attempt to descend, instead of mount, the appar-
ently inaccessible crags. Although not much
given to joking, I think it likely His Excellency
did not really intend me to make trial of my scal-
ing powers ; and I fancied I observed a twinkle in
the Admiral's eye, as he said he thought my pro-
position was perhaps the best. A few days later,
I took two of my men, provided with ropes, and
the descent was accomplished, though at some
risk to our necks, by making our way down an
adjacent ravine, if I may so term a division be-
tween jagged rocks, and we ended the rather
perilous adventure by climbing up the precipitous
rocks, as the sailors are said to have done, to the
no small surprise of the picket, the corporal of
which informed me that the men were in the habit
of getting down to the shore by what he called
a path for the purpose of fishing.
RELATING TO ST HELENA 135
This reminds me of a sad catastrophe which
befell two officers of the 66th Regiment, who,
having got down by the corporal's path, were
fishing from the extremity of a ledge of rocks,
jutting some distance into the sea, when one
of those " rollers," occasionally witnessed in the
Atlantic, coming suddenly upon them, both were
swept into eternity, A soldier attending upon
them, who at the moment was engaged in seek-
ing small crabs as bait, nearer the shore, happily
escaped.
As the Northumberland kept quite close to the
land, especially when on the windward side, our
trip was highly interesting ; stupendous perpen-
dicular rocks, at a height of two thousand feet, in
certain parts, seeming to dwarf the line-of-battle
ship to a mere cock-boat — at least such she must
have appeared to an observer on the summit ;
all was truly sublime, but far from beautiful, as
not a vestige of vegetation could be seen.
I have more than once spoken of the rugged
and bare appearance of the island as viewed from
without, but have said little of its interior. The
forbidding shell has, however, a kernel of a totally
different character, being diversified by hill and
dale and refreshing verdure ; not only in the
bottoms of the valleys, but also on the hill slopes
136 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
there is grass, but a dearth of trees throughout,
save at Longwood, where the monotonous gum-
wood covers an area of thirty or forty acres.
We found tolerable bridle-roads, zig-zagging
up and down the hills, but only two real high-
ways, such as wheels could roll on ; one, as before
mentioned, leading to Longwood from the town,
the other to Plantation House, the country
residence of the Governor ; but at the period I
am scribbling about, the only carriage ever seen
was a very ancient one, drawn by four bullocks,
which at rare intervals carried Lady Lowe be-
tween the Governor's town and country houses ;
and also such of her fair visitors as were judged
worthy the honour of travelling at a snail's pace
in the old vehicle.
This casual mention of Lady Lowe reminds
me that I owe an apology to her memory for
not sooner introducing her, as she was no ordi-
nary person. Her Ladyship was a sister of my
former chief, Sir William Delancey, who fell at
Waterloo, a widow somewhat over forty # when
she married Sir Hudson Lowe, on the eve of his
departure for St Helena ; she was altogether a
very attractive person, being pretty, elegant,
possessing a sprightly wit, and great conversa-
* [Lady Lowe was thirty-five at this time.]
RELATING TO ST HELENA 137
tional powers, with excellent taste in her toilette.
Her presence made the dinner parties of Planta-
tion House very agreeable, and, as the table and
wines were of superior quality, our visits thither
were truly enjoyable.
Lady Lowe was formed to please in any
society, and in after years it was said that the
Prince Regent saw her often at the Pavilion, and
admired her ; nay, the gossips of Brighton went
so far as to fancy that Lady C became
alarmed for her empire, and very heartily con-
gratulated Lady Lowe, when Sir Hudson was
named for a West India Government ; in thank-
ing Lady C , she made her look rather blank,
by saying she had no intention of going with
him. Probably all this was just idle gossip, with
no foundation. #
I shall now attempt a slight sketch of the
worthy Governor. He stood five feet seven,
spare in make, having good features, fair hair,
and eyebrows overhanging his eyes ; his look
denoted penetration and firmness, his manner
* [" My mother and Lady C never exchanged a
word. My mother was never but once at the Pavilion
during George IV. 's time, and then it was at a children's
Twelfth Night Ball in 1825, when I was six years old. The
King spoke to us, but Lady C never came near us." —
Note by Miss Lowe.]
138 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
rather abrupt, his gait quick, his look and general
demeanour indicative of energy and decision.
He wrote or dictated rapidly and was fond of
writing, was well read in military history, spoke
French and Italian with fluency; was warm and
steady in his friendships, and popular, both with
the inhabitants of the isle and the troops. His
portrait, prefixed to Mr Forsyth's book, is a
perfect likeness.
I have said that with Sir Pulteney Malcolm
came three foreign commissioners, Russian,
French, and Austrian. The first, Count Bal-
main, was a very plain sample of the Tartar,
holding the rank of Colonel ; was clever, well-
informed, and conversable. The Marquis de
Montchenu was a perfect representation of the
ancien rdgime — a man of nearly seventy, who
had been many years an dmigrd in Germany,
apparently seeing nothing of that country, nor
acquiring a word of its language. Speaking of
him on some occasion, with a Frenchman who
knew mankind, and French kind especially, he
observed, " I have always thought Louis
XVIII. an able man, but he never showed it
more than in sending the Marquis de Mont-
chenu to look after Bonaparte at St Helena."
The Austrian, Baron Sturmer, was a true
RELATING TO ST HELENA 139
diplomate of the Metternich school, polished in
manner, quiet and gentlemanly in demeanour,
and a man of some ability. Of the trio of com-
missioners, he was the only one married ; his
wife was an exceedingly pretty Parisian, but
voila tout.
These gentlemen never got access to Napo-
leon, who would not receive them ; they gave
the Governor some trouble in seeking to render
themselves of consequence ; they mixed not in
society, and one and all seemed intent on saving
money. They were a useless expense to their
several Governments, and it may well be asked,
que diable allaient-ils faire dans cette galere ?
The Russian and Austrian had a joint mdnage
in a pretty country house about four miles from
James Town ; the Frenchman lived in the town
itself, and, as he liked whist, was always ready
to come to our little card meetings, held in turn
at the lodgings of a few officers of the like pro-
clivity, where slight refreshments were given ;
and, as for a very long time we were not asked
to meet at his house, one of our wags dubbed
him Marquis de M outer chez nous — a good play
upon Montchenu. Au reste, he was pompous
and harmless, giving less trouble than the
others.
140 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
A little brig had sailed from Portsmouth
about a month before we started, with a cargo
of nine horses, belonging to the Governor and
officers of the staff, and through Sir Hudson's
kind intervention I was permitted to embark
one that I picked up at Portsmouth ; but week
after week passed, and still no brig made its
appearance. Concluding at length that the
little craft must have gone either to Otaheite
or to the bottom, I was agreeably surprised to
learn that a very small brig was in sight, which
turned out to be our horse transport. Probably
her captain knew no more of navigation than
what enabled him to reach London from New-
castle, and hence it is not surprising that he
had spent between five and six months groping
about the ocean, peeping in at Brazil and other
places. Marvellous to say, only two of the
animals died during an incarceration of so many
months in the vessel's hold, never lying down,
nor having exercise save what the pitching and
rolling of the brig gave them.
But I must bear in mind that all real interest
connected with the island is centred at Long-
wood, and that the treatment of the great
captive by our Governor is a matter of import-
ance, especially as regards the reputation of the
RELATING TO ST HELENA 141
latter, which I trust these pages may help to
place in its proper light.
When chatting one day with Count Bertrand,
I expressed regret that, as a mere subaltern, I
had little chance of being presented to Napoleon.
To my great surprise, he said that possibly it
might be managed, and he would think of it.
Not long afterwards, recurring to the subject,
he said that Napoleon was not indisposed to
receive me, and, if I would bring Major Emmett,
he thought he could contrive to have us both
presented. Now Emmett (our Commanding
Royal Engineer) was known to entertain very
liberal sentiments in politics, and hence was in
some favour at Longwood ; doubtless, the idea
of receiving me arose from a desire of Bona-
parte to have a talk with him. On telling
Emmett what Bertrand had let fall, he was much
pleased, and agreed to accompany me to Long-
wood.
We went thither accordingly, and, on calling
at Count Bertrand's house, were told by the
Countess that her husband was with Napoleon ;
after waiting as long as politeness allowed, in
expectation of the Count's appearing, we took
our leave, and were about to go away re infectd,
when we encountered Mr O'Meara, and, on
142 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
telling him our object, he said he thought he
could assist us. He went at once to Napoleon's
apartments, and returned in a few minutes to
say that Napoleon would see us presently ;
Bertrand then came out, and desired us to follow
him.
On entering the drawing-room, we found
Napoleon standing at the fireplace, leaning on
the mantelshelf, with cocked - hat in hand,
evidently a studied position. When we were
announced he advanced towards us, and, ad-
dressing my companion, the following dialogue
took place. (I shall give Bonaparte's questions
in French verbatim, as I noted them down on
the same evening.)
" Combien avez-vous de service ? "
" Nine years."
" Ou avez-vous servi ? "
" In Spain, Portugal, France, and America."
" Vous avez fait des sieges ? "
" Yes, those of Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajos."
" Vous avez manque" la breche a Badajos, un
peu brusque" la chose ? "
" We were obliged to risk an assault, and had
it failed, we must have raised the siege. It
would then have been doubtful whether, with our
scanty means, the place could have been taken."
RELATING TO ST HELENA 143
" Eh ! cependant les places se prennent.
Vous aviez du canon a Elvas — de combien est
Elvas eloign^ de Badajos ? "
" Three leagues."
" Ah ! trois lieues ; ce seraient done les pro-
jectiles et le transport qui auraient cause" des
difficult^ ; mais la Guadiana est navigable,
n'est-ce pas ? Non, ah ! Que faisiez-vous done
de votre argent ? Quand il n'y a pas d'autres
moyens de se rendre maitre d'une place, il faut
ouvrir la bourse et fermer les yeux."
Napoleon then spoke of Burgos, when Emmett
said that a horn-work there had created a diffi-
culty, upon which Napoleon, with animation,
said that he had ordered its construction.
" Est-ce qu'il fut emport£ ? "
4 'Yes, on the first night."
"D'assaut?"
" Yes, by assault."
" II n'6tait done pas deTendu ? "
"It was defended, but was entered by the
gorge."
" Est-ce que la gorge n etait pas palissad^e ? "
4 'The palissades were cut down."
Napoleon then referred to the celebrated lines
of Torres Vedras, seeming to think that Mass£na
ought to have attacked them.
144 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
Lastly, Napoleon, alluding to two or three
block-houses then in course of erection at the
island, asked what Emmett expected to attack
them, " est-ce les rats et les souris ? " We were
then dismissed.
During the interview, I was standing very
close to the great man, observing him narrowly.
I estimated his height at something under five
feet seven. His make thick about the shoulders,
with very short neck ; eyes grey, which at times
appeared wholly devoid of expression. He was
habited as I have already described him.
In process of time, Count de Montholon threw
off his reserve towards me, and our acquaintance
grew into intimacy. He told me that he was
constantly engaged in writing to dictation, and
that frequently he was sent for in the night-time,
when Napoleon could not sleep, and so employed
for many hours. One morning I met him with
a quantity of foolscap writing paper in his hand,
which he allowed me to glance at ; it had evi-
dently been hastily scrawled over in pencil.
" Now," he said, " I must set to work to tran-
scribe and curtail all this, to be ready for inspec-
tion when called for."
If what follows may be relied on, it would
seem that the great man and his scribe were not
p I
I*
[.Face pagre 144.
RELATING TO ST HELENA 145
always of one mind in their work. Meeting
Montholon again, armed with his roll of fools-
cap, and asking how the memoirs were pro-
ceeding, his reply was that he had just quarrelled
with the Emperor, who would insist that prosody
signified the art of versifying. " We were
speaking of Rogniat,# who says that war can
be reduced to certain principles, and that he
who is master of those principles connait la
guerre; the Emperor observed that this asser-
tion was a grande bitise, that, although the study
of tactics teaches how to manoeuvre troops, it
requires genius to become a great captain, which
assuredly cannot be acquired by study ; and that
Rogniat might as well have said that the study
of solfege teaches how to compose ckefs-d'ceuvres
of music, and that of prosody to become a poet
like Homer or Virgil. " I," said Montholon,
''ventured to remark that it was podtique he
meant, and not prosody, which has quite another
signification. He replied, ' No ; that podtique
sounds poor, insipid, ne frappe pas Poreille,
whereas prosodie, prosopopde, cela frappe loreille!
I took the liberty to observe that neither
prosodie nor prosopopde taught the art of making
* General Rogniat, of the French Engineers, had just
published a Treatise on War.
K
U6 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
verses. ' Say then rhetoric,' was the rejoinder.
1 Neither does rhetoric,' I replied. Then the
Emperor became angry, telling me I so altered
his dictation quil ne sy reconnaissait pas, com-
pletely spoiling his style, which all the world
allowed to be original. ' But, Sire,' I said,
1 where can we find your style ? I am not
acquainted with it. May I be so bold as to ask
what you have written to show it?' 'Look,'
he said, ' at my proclamations, my articles in the
Moniteur' ' But, Sire, I do not perceive in
those any marks of style ; you bluntly express
your ideas, and that is all ; and as regards
articles of greater length which have appeared
as your own, I do not know of any two which
resemble each other in style. Can you say that
your discours au Champ de Mai, et le Manifeste
co nt re la Mais on d Autriche sont de la meme
plume ? No, Sire, those who wrote to your
dictation retrenched, as I do, all that is super-
fluous.' Certainly nothing less resembles the
true style, or manner, of the Emperor, than that
which is attributed to him. The Emperor ended
the scene, in great irritation, by vowing he would
never dictate another page ; to which I replied,
that such a resolve was perhaps unfortunate for
the world, but that to me it would onlybe a boon."
RELATING TO ST HELENA 147
The anger of Napoleon soon, however, blew
over, and Montholon continued to write and re-
trench. His labours comprised several volumes,
which were published in after years, and com-
manded a certain amount of interest, though
less than might have been expected. They are
entitled, Mdmoires pour servir a t Histoire de
France, and, as I think, do credit to Montholon's
pen and judgment.
I presume that no one will doubt that
Napoleon had an intense hatred of England,
and of everything English ; but, if he gave
utterance to remarks such as the following, we
may infer that his hatred was mingled with
profound respect.
Meeting Montholon on the day when in-
telligence came of the sad end of that eminent
man Sir Samuel Romilly, he told me he had
just left Napoleon, whose remarks upon the
occurrence were very striking. According to
Montholon, he thus expressed himself: " What
a nation are the English ! This suicide is
as if I had killed myself after Marengo, on
learning the death of Josephine. Ah ! had I
commanded a British army, I might have lost
ten battles of Waterloo, without being aban-
doned by a man from its ranks, or losing a vote
148 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
in Parliament." Not very complimentary to
the French, whether civil or military ! But in-
deed I gathered during my intercourse with the
persons at Longwood, that, on the whole,
Napoleon entertained anything but a flattering
opinion of the nation whose destinies he had so
long and so successfully swayed.
I learned with regret in after years, that truth-
fulness was not the characteristic of Napoleon's
adherents at St Helena, but could never see
just reason to doubt that what Montholon
told me were Napoleon's remarks about the
British people and army was really said.
General Gourgaud, whom I often had a chat
with, very soon found himself uncomfortable in
the seclusion of Longwood, of which he used to
complain to me. It was believed that Napoleon
early took a dislike to him ; but from whatever
cause, I clearly saw that he would gladly leave
the island. Count Las Cases had already left,
having been detected in violating the established
rules by entrusting to a servant of his, who was
quitting his service, a letter addressed to a lady
in England, containing a communication in-
tended for Lucien Bonaparte, who was resid-
ing at Rome. In consequence of this, he and
his son, a lad of fourteen, were withdrawn from
RELATING TO ST HELENA 149
Longwood, and soon afterwards sent to the Cape
of Good Hope.# I do not think that Las Cases
and Gourgaud were intimate, but the departure
of the former added to the seclusion of the poor
General, who, being at bitter enmity with
Montholon, saw only the Bertrands, with whom
he continued on friendly terms. In such a state
of things he naturally got depressed and melan-
choly, and at length made up his mind to depart.
Having communicated his desire to the Gover-
nor, the latter was rather embarrassed how to
dispose of him, until such time as an oppor-
tunity should occur for sending him to the Cape.
I was then occupying a couple of rooms in a
small cottage, situated in a beautiful part of
the island ; and Sir Hudson asked me if I
could there receive Gourgaud, saying, he pro-
posed it from thinking such an arrangement
would be agreeable to him, as we were on very
friendly terms. Having but two small rooms
at my disposal, this was out of the question ;
so a house was hired near the Governor's
residence, and, at a time appointed, I was
deputed to conduct the General thither, and to
remain with him.
* [Las Cases and his son left Longwood 25th Novem-
ber 1816, and St Helena, 30th December.]
150 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
On our way, we had to pass by Plantation
House, and Gourgaud took the opportunity of
paying his respects to Sir Hudson, who received
us in his library, and, thinking he might like
to be tete-a-tete with Gourgaud, I left the room.
On remounting our horses, the General ex-
pressed his great astonishment that the Gover-
nor had not sought to take advantage of his
excited state to glean from him information
about Longwood doings ; " Je ne reviens pas de
mon etonnement, non, je n'en reviens pas." And
certainly the Governor did evince great delicacy,
and well might Gourgaud feel astonished.
On that day, and repeatedly afterwards, the
General and I dined at Plantation House, and
the change from Longwood served to restore
his health and spirits. With Lady Lowe he
was quite charmed, being able to appreciate
her wit and sprightly conversation.
I was very pleasantly domiciled with Gour-
gaud for a couple of months, and having thrown
off the maladie du pays, he became cheerful.
Having been with Napoleon in the fatal expedi-
tion to Moscow, he had much to narrate that I
found interesting. Most deplorable were his
accounts of the disastrous retreat, and of their
sufferings from cold and hunger. On one
T3 s5
o *
c «
a; C5
Si
w g5
§ I
O e
[Face paj/e 100.
RELATING TO ST HELENA 151
occasion an aide-de-camp having got a small
quantity of lentils, they furnished quite a feast
to a party of the staff.
The house occupied by Baron Sturmer and
Count Balmain was within a short walk, and
we occasionally visited it, but were never asked
either to luncheon or dinner, although great
professions were made of desire to show Gour-
gaud kindness. The Baroness was fond of
jewellery, and a fine diamond pin worn by the
General was much admired. " You must make
me a present, as a memorial of our friendship ;
let it be an dpingle, car fa pique et fa attache"
was her modest way of evincing her longing
desire to possess the diamond ; but it proved a
failure, as may well be imagined.
Baron Sturmer sent to Prince Metternich
an account of conversations held with Gour-
gaud, which the Prince forwarded to Lord
Bathurst. I never could think them worth
attention ; indeed, the General seemed to enjoy
playing upon the curiosity of the two com-
missioners. Only fancy his asserting that
Napoleon could escape from the island at any
time ! Here is what Sturmer wrote about it : —
Sturmer. — Pensez-vous qu'ilpuisse s'£chapper
d'ici ?
152 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
Gourgaud. — II en a eu dix fois l'occasion, et
il la encore au moment meme ou je vous parle.
Stunner. — Je vous avoue que cela me parait
impossible.
Gourgaud. — Eh ! que ne fait-on pas quand
on a des millions a sa disposition ? Au reste,
quoique j'aie a me plaindre de l'Empereur, je ne
le trahirai jamais. Je le repete, il peut s'6vader
seul et aller en Amerique quand il le voudra ;
je n'en dirai pas davantage.
Stunner. — S'il le peut, que ne le fait-il?
L'essentiel est d'etre hors d'ici.
Gourgaud. — Nous le lui avons tous conseille\
II a toujours combattu nos rai.sons et y a r£siste\
Quelque malheureux qu'il soit ici, il jouit
secretement de l'importance qu'on met a sa
garde, de l'interet qu'y prennent toutes les
Puissances de l'Europe, du soin que Ton met a
recueillir ses moindres paroles, etc. II nous a
dit plusieurs fois, "je ne peux plus vivre en
particulier ; j'aime mieux etre prisonnier ici que
libre aux Etats-Unis." #
Now, while willing enough to tell all he knew
* [This conversation is given in Forsyth, iii. 392-394.
In the official report of Stunner's despatches, edited by
Dr H. Schlitter, the reader is referred to Forsyth for the
report. Dr Schlitter gives only a certain portion of the
despatch, omitted by Forsyth.]
RELATING TO ST HELENA 153
about Longwood, Gourgaud gave me little in-
formation of any matters of material value. He
maintained, however, that there was no difficulty
in communicating with England surreptitiously ;
but this we were aware of, nor could it be
prevented, unless all the dwellers at Longwood
could have been placed au secret. It was found,
as we shall see by-and-bye, that Mr O'Meara
was the grand medium, as his letters passed
freely, that is, they were not subjected to in-
spection like those written by the French.
At times Gourgaud would talk strangely,
even going so far as to more than insinuate that
Napoleon had suggested to him self-destruction ;
this was on an occasion when death by means
of the fumes of charcoal was talked of. Of
course I believed not a word of this. Then he
said that, a propos of fame and reputation,
Bertrand had declared he would rather be Caesar
dead than be himself alive ; to which Gourgaud
had told him he had only to put a pistol to his
head, and so become Caesar or Alexander. In
truth, my companion was a foolish, vain fellow,
without sense enough to conceal his weaknesses.
Before leaving Longwood, he showed me a
sword, on which was depicted a French officer
shooting a Cossack with a pistol, and under-
154 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
neath with a date that I do not remember, " Le
chef de bataillon, Gourgaud, tua un Cosaque
qui se pr£cipitait sur l'Empereur." I may add
that Montholon told me this was a myth — at
least declared that no such occurrence took
place ; but which can we believe ?
The Governor's instructions required that
any of the French who might leave the island,
should be sent for a time to the Cape of Good
Hope ; but, seeing that Gourgaud had been
more than two months away from Longwood,
and a suitable vessel from India touching at
our island on her way home, he very kindly
waived his instructions, and engaged a passage
in the said vessel ; but the poor man was with-
out funds, and what could he do on arrival in
England penniless?
In his exigency, Gourgaud resolved to apply
to Bertrand, and asked me to go to Longwood
and try to obtain a loan. We rode over together,
and, leaving the General outside, I found Bert-
rand at home, engaged with two gentlemen,
who proved to be commanders of Indiamen, in
the Company's service. Feeling pretty sure of
not being understood by those persons, when
speaking French, I made my business known.
Immediately Bertrand assumed an unlending
RELATING TO ST HELENA 155
aspect, assuring me, however, that he was quite
willing to assist Gourgaud in his difficulty, but
that, he having declined to accept a sum offered
him by the Emperor, he, Bertrand, could not
comply, unless Gourgaud would now consent
to receive what had been offered, adding, that
it would be disrespectful towards the Emperor
were he to accede; his words were, "quilne
me mette pas dans la position de manquer
a I y EmpereurT
Whilst the negotiation, if 1 may so term it,
was in progress, the two captains remained
seated, Bertrand and I — I was going to say —
standing ; but, becoming extremely energetic, he
closed upon me, repeating again and again the
phrase I have italicised, until he pushed me
into a corner, whence I could retreat no farther.
The scene must have seemed most extra-
ordinary to the two spectators, and I must
have been to them an object of commisera-
tion.
On rejoining Gourgaud, and making known
my failure, he felt greatly disappointed, having
been confident of Bertrand's assistance — vowing,
however, that he would not have Napoleon's
money — I think 8000 francs — for which sum a
draft would have been given upon the banker
156 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
Lafitte, of Paris, who had been entrusted with
a large sum by the ex- Emperor.
Of course I immediately informed the Gov-
ernor of my mission and its results, and on the
following morning he enclosed to me a cheque
on his own banker for ^ioo, which I handed to
Gourgaud, who expressed himself as very grate-
ful. On the afternoon of the same day I accom-
panied him to James Town, to see him safely on
board.
It was sunset when we pushed off from the
wharf, and, as there is no twilight in the tropics,
it was getting dark. We had not got far from
the shore, when the guard-boat of the flag-ship
stopped us, and the parole was demanded. Not
expecting to be so late, I had not thought of
providing myself with the password, so I ex-
plained to the officer in command of the boat the
nature of the duty I was upon, but all in
vain, so I had only to return and obtain the
necessary word. Again we started, only to
be again stopped, and peremptorily ordered
back although giving the parole, the officer
saying his orders were not to allow any boat
to approach a vessel after sunset without special
permission.
Here was an unfortunate dilemma. The ship
RELATING TO ST HELENA 157
had cleared out and was ready to sail ; she would
not lose precious hours by waiting for a pas-
senger, even though he was a ci-devant French
General. It then occurred to me to request that
we should be taken to the flag-ship, and have the
business submitted to her Captain. This was
assented to, and on explaining the matter to him,
he, as the chief authority afloat, ordered the
officer in charge of the guard-boat to escort us
to the vessel, when I took leave of my charge,
and returned to the landing steps, but still
escorted by the guard-boat. Gourgaud had thus
an opportunity of seeing that leaving the island
was attended with no little difficulty. The Gov-
ernor smiled with evident satisfaction when I told
him of my evening's adventures.
Gourgaud told me that, under Napoleon's
directions, he had written a full account of the
Waterloo campaign, but that it had never been
finished, as Napoleon could never decide upon
the best way of ending the great battle ;
that he, Gourgaud, had suggested no less
than six different ways, but none were satis-
factory.
His animosity to Montholon was violent, and
he vowed that, should they ever meet in Europe,
he would call him to account. After close
158 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
questioning, I could not elicit that there had ever
been adequate cause for this enmity, but was led
to think that it arose from jealousy of Mon-
tholon's sway over Napoleon's household, and of
the favour in which he stood.
To finish about Gourgaud, I may add that on
his reaching England, after one or two interviews
with the Under Secretary of State, he fell into
the hands of certain Radicals of note, who re-
presented to him the folly of his conduct in
turning against Napoleon ; that as his adherent
he was really somebody, whereas he was only
ruining himself by appearing as inimical. In
short, they so worked upon the poor weak man,
that he was induced to try and make it appear
that he was still rkomme de [Empereur ; this
he did by inditing a letter to Marie Louise, in
which he inveighed against the treatment of
Napoleon at the hands of Government and Sir
Hudson Lowe, which being duly published,
Gourgaud fell to zero in the opinion of all right-
minded persons.
The immediate consequence was, that Govern-
ment arrested him, and sent him out of the
country in charge of a police constable, by virtue
of the Alien Act then in force. He was taken
to Hamburg, where he got into pecuniary diffi-
RELATING TO ST HELENA 159
culties ; in his distress he applied to Madame
de Montholon, who, having left St Helena, was
then residing at Brussels, and she, still despising
the man, sent him a hundred Louis dor.
Eventually he returned to France, where, in his
own opinion, he became a man of some note,
married money, or, as he expressed it, fit un
mariage de convenance> drove a tilburie anglaise,
and dressed in the height of Parisian fashion ;
but what most surprised me, was to learn
from the Montholons, that he had become
un homme raisonnable ; moreover, and to my
astonishment, I learned they were actually
on visiting terms with their St Helena arch-
enemy.
In order to account for my knowledge of these
little matters, as well as of others that the reader
will come to, I ought to mention my having
visited Paris in 1828, and, when strolling on the
Boulevards, met Montholon, who invited my
wife and self to pass a few days at his Chateau
de Fremigny. Being very desirous to have
some talk with him about St Helena, when all
reserve on his part might be dispensed with, I
accepted the friendly proposal.
On arrival, we found Fremigny to be a
charming country house, standing in extensive
160 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
grounds. There were other visitors besides
ourselves, all, save a French officer, being
English. The Count's horses and carriages
were also from England, as was his valet ; in
short, he seemed possessed with Anglomania.
Our stay became prolonged, and I had a good
deal of conversation with both host and hostess,
upon matters of interest, relating to St Helena.
He enlarged upon what he termed la politique
de Longwood, spoke not unkindly of Sir Hudson
Lowe, allowing he had a difficult task to execute,
since an angel from Heaven as Governor could
not have pleased them.
When I more than hinted, that nothing could
justify detraction and departure from truth in
carrying out a policy, he merely shrugged
his shoulders, and reiterated, " C etait notre
politique, et que voulez-vous ? " That he and
the others respected Sir Hudson Lowe, I had
not the shadow of a doubt ; nay, in a con-
versation with Montholon at St Helena,
when speaking of the Governor, he ob-
served that Sir Hudson was an officer who
would always have distinguished employment,
as all Governments were glad of the services
of a man of his calibre.
Happening to mention that, owing to his
RELATING TO ST HELENA 161
inability to find an officer who could understand
and speak French, the Governor was disposed
to employ me as orderly officer at Longwood,
Montholon said it was well for me that I was
not appointed to the post, as they did not want
a person in that capacity who could understand
them. " In fact," he said, " we should have found
means to get rid of you, and perhaps ruined you."
Now, it was [so decided] simply because an
officer of the rank of Captain had always acted
at Longwood, and the Governor knew that to
have sent them an officer who was only a
Lieutenant, would have been deemed a kind of
insult by Napoleon, and as such resented. I
was subsequently glad the project failed, when
I came to see all the difficulties incident to an
employment which could not possibly be satis-
factory to the officer, since he was in a manner
responsible for the captive's safety, without
having the means of being certain of it, as I
knew that for weeks together the patient orderly
officer, though constantly prowling about the
house, never got a glimpse of Napoleon. I can
only therefore surmise that Government felt
that the position of the island, the nature of its
coasts, and the well-considered precautions of
our watchful Governor, precluded the possibility
162 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
of evasion, notwithstanding Gourgaud's asser-
tions to Baron Sturmer.*
* [There is plenty of evidence that the British Govern-
ment knew of plans of escape, and took them seriously.
Whether any were really feasible or not, is another ques-
tion. See especially a plan of escape described by Dr J.
H. Rose in his essay " Napoleon's detention at St Helena,"
p. 510, of Owens College Historical Essays , recently
published. Sir Hudson Lowe's conduct shows that the
official rules were never relaxed until quite a late period
of the captivity.]
CHAPTER XIV
But I must think of bringing my recollections
to a close, and fear I have already tired the
reader's patience — indeed, he has to thank me
for cutting out many pages ; still, I must beg
to trespass a little longer upon it, as I could
wish those who may not have fallen in with Mr
Forsyth's excellent and important work,# to
become better acquainted with the true char-
acter and conduct of Sir Hudson Lowe, so
different from the pictures which odious calumny
and downright lying have put forth. Perhaps
I could not do better than extract portions of
Mr Forsyth's preface, with this object.
* A French gentleman — a Bonapartist — to whom I
lent this book, told me, after reading it, that it satisfied
him Sir Hudson Lowe had been a much injured man. —
" History of the Captivity of Napoleon at St Helena ;
from the letters and journals of the late Lieut. -Gen. Sir
Hudson Lowe, and official documents not before made
public. By William Forsyth, M.A. In three volumes.
John Murray, Albemarle Street, 18^3."
163
164 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
" When his vast pile of papers was committed
to me by Mr Murray,* I was not asked to make
out a case for Sir Hudson Lowe, nor, had I
been asked to do so, would I have consented.
I regarded the duty of examining the papers
left by him as a solemn trust, for the due and
truthful discharge of which I was responsible
to the public, and a still more searching tribunal,
my own conscience : Amicus Socrates, amicus
Plato, sed magis arnica Veritas. . . .
" As to the style and manner in which I have
performed the task, it is not for me to judge.
That question will be decided by the public for
themselves, and every writer must submit him-
self to their impartial opinion, from which there
is no appeal. But I do claim for myself the
right to be believed, when I assert that the
present volumes have been written with the
most minute and scrupulous regard to truth.
"If the language in which I have frequently
spoken of O'Meara seems severe, let the reader,
before it is condemned, consider whether it has
not been deserved. I am not one of those who
* [The words, " When his vast pile of papers was com-
mitted to me by Mr Murray," are not a verbal quotation,
but give the effect of the preceding sentences. The
verbal quotation begins, " I was not asked . . ."]
RELATING TO ST HELENA 165
think that such conduct as he has been guilty
of in slandering others may be sufficiently cen-
sured in the dulcet tones of gentle animadver-
sion. He merits a sterner and more fearless
judgment. Such writers are the pests of litera-
ture. They corrupt the stream of history by
poisoning its fountains, and the effect of his
work has been to mislead all succeeding authors,
and perpetuate a tale of falsehood.
"As regards Napoleon, if I know anything
of myself, my sympathies were in his favour. I
cannot now sufficiently express my admiration of
his genius ; but neither can I blind myself to
the fact that he did not exhibit in misfortune
that magnanimity without which there is no
real greatness, and that he concentrated the
energies of his mighty intellect on the ignoble
task of insulting the Governor of St Helena,
and manufacturing a case of hardship and
oppression for himself. I have endeavoured to
hold the balance even, and it is not the weight
of prejudice, but of facts, which has made one
of the scales preponderate.
" It will be to me a source of sincere and last-
ing satisfaction if I have, with the most rigid
adherence to truth, and by the mere force of
166 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
facts, succeeded in vindicating the memory of
those who have been long calumniated, and
proving that neither the British Government
nor Sir Hudson Lowe was in fault as regards
the treatment of Napoleon at St Helena. #
" Let me now say a few words respecting the
materials I have used. And here I cannot do
better than quote the late Sir Hudson Lowe's
own account of the papers in his possession,
which he drew up when he contemplated a
publication of them in his lifetime — a design,
however, which, unfortunately for his reputation,
he failed to execute. He says, ' There are per-
haps few, if any, public administrations of any
kind, of which the records are so full and com-
plete as those of my government at St Helena.
There is not only a detailed correspondence
addressed to the proper department of His
Majesty's Government, reporting the occurrences
of almost every day during the five years that
Napoleon Bonaparte remained under my custody,
but the greater part of the conversations held
with Bonaparte himself, or with his followers,
* [This paragraph concludes Forsyth's preface. The
next paragraph immediately follows that ending with the
word " preponderate." Then comes a long gap before the
concluding paragraph.]
RELATING TO ST HELENA 167
was immediately noted down with an ability and
exactness which reflect the highest credit on my
military secretary [Major Gorrequer]. This
gentleman was not only a perfect master of
the French language, but possessed a memory
equally remarkable for its accuracy and tenacity,
and was therefore eminently qualified to report
the conversations atwhich hewas himself present,
and to detect any error to which a misapprehen-
sion of the meaning of foreigners might lead
other persons who repeated what passed at in-
terviews with Bonaparte and his followers."
I think it was a great mistake to allow of Mr
Barry O'Meara becoming Napoleon's medical
adviser, and another great mistake was in not
stipulating that, as such, he should be subject to
the same restrictions as the French gentlemen
of his suite. Without his assistance the great
captive and his attendants could have caused
comparatively little trouble and anxiety ; whereas
Mr O'Meara was able to go about as he pleased,
was able to obtain full information as to all
measures taken for Napoleon's safe keeping,
could correspond with England, and in many
other ways serve the objects of his immediate
master. All this would not have been prejudicial
had he been true to his salt ; but I know that he
168 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
was fully enlisted iox Napoleon's service during
the voyage from Rochefort to England. Being
a man of some tact and ability, he contrived for
a good while to keep on good terms with Sir
Hudson Lowe, who was pleased to learn how
things went on at Longwood, never suspecting
that a British officer, a surgeon in our Navy,
could be disloyal. At length suspicion arose,
and proof was obtained of his aiding in a secret
correspondence, when the Governor, of course,
shut him up in Longwood, and shortly after sent
him to the Cape of Good Hope, whence he
sailed for England. * He then addressed a long
letter to the Admiralty, full of abuse of Sir
Hudson Lowe, but overshot the mark by more
than insinuating that the Governor desired the
death of his captive. This passage in his letter
ran thus : " On some of these occasions he [the
Governor] made to me observations upon the
benefit which would result to Europe from the
death of Napoleon Bonaparte, of which event
he spoke in a manner which, considering his
situation and mine, was peculiarly distressing to
* [The actual dismissal of O'Meara from St Helena was
in consequence of orders from Government (see Forsyth,
iii. 47). He was sent direct to England, sailing from St
Helena by H.M. sloop Griffon, 2nd August 1818.]
RELATING TO ST HELENA 169
me." The reply from the Admiralty was as
follows : —
" It is impossible to doubt the meaning which
this passage was intended to convey, and my
Lords can as little doubt that the insinuation
is a calumnious falsehood ; but if it were true,
and if so horrible a suggestion were made to
you directly or indirectly, it was your bounden
duty not to have lost a moment in communicat-
ing it to the Admiral on the spot, or to the
Secretary of State, or to their Lordships.
"An overture so monstrous in itself, and
so deeply involving not merely the personal
character of the Governor, but the honour of
the nation and the important interests com-
mitted to his charge, should not have been
preserved in your own breast for two years, to
be produced at last, not (as it would appear)
from a sense of public duty, but in furtherance
of your personal hostility against the Governor.
" Either the charge is in the last degree false
and calumnious, or you can have no possible
excuse for having hitherto suppressed it.
" In either case, and without adverting to the
general tenor of your conduct as stated in your
letter, my Lords consider you to be an improper
person to continue in His Majesty's service, and
170 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
they have directed your name to be erased from
the list of naval surgeons accordingly."
The late Dr Walter Henry, who at St Helena
was Assistant- Surgeon to the 66th Regiment,
and afterwards rose to a high position in the
medical staff of the army, with whom I was
intimate at the island, and who was a personal
friend of O'Meara, until he lost his character,
thus writes in his interesting and amusing
volumes : # —
" I have been informed since, on authority
which I cannot doubt, that Mr O'Meara had a
friend in London, the private secretary of Lord
M ,f who found it convenient to have a
correspondent in St Helena, then a highly in-
teresting spot, who should give him all the
gossip of the island for the First Lord of the
Admiralty, to be sported in a higher circle after-
wards for the Prince Regent's amusement. The
patronage of Lord M was thus secured; and
Mr O'Meara, confident in this backing, stood
out stiffly against Sir Hudson Lowe. The
latter was quite ignorant of this intrigue against
* Events of a Military Life : being Recollections after
Service in the Peninsular War, Invasion of France, the
East Indies, St Helena, Canada, and Elsewhere. Picker-
ing, London, 2nd edition, 1843.
t [Lord Melville, then First Lord of the Admiralty.]
RELATING TO ST HELENA 171
the proper exercise of his authority ; and when
he discovered it afterwards, he found it was a
delicate matter to meddle with, involving the
conduct of a Cabinet Minister, and affecting,
possibly, the harmony of the Ministry. Even
after the development of the vile poisoning
charge against the Governor, the influence of
the First Lord was exerted to screen O'Meara,
but in vain ; for Lord Liverpool exclaimed, as
in another well-known instance, of a very differ-
ent description, * It is too bad ! '
" Still Mr O'Meara has had his reward. He
is now beyond the reach of praise or blame, but
it can scarcely be deemed harsh or uncharitable
to say, that his conduct at St Helena made him
very popular with the Liberal section of politi-
cians. He has been embalmed in a couplet by
Lord Byron, was pensioned deservedly by the
Bonaparte family, admitted to the affections of
a rich old lady on account of his politics, and
again largely pensioned by his doting wife ;
besides being admired, quoted, and panegyrised
by all Bonapartists yet extant, all the Level-
lers, Jacobins, and Radicals, and a large pro-
portion of the Democrats and Republicans in
the world." *
* [Henry, ii. 43 foil.]
172 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
It behoves me now to say somewhat about
what Montholon terms the politique of Long-
wood. When Napoleon came to take a survey
of his position at St Helena, and of political
circumstances in Europe, he early made up his
mind that the sole possibility of his ever leav-
ing the island rested on the remote prospect
of a change in British public opinion regard-
ing him. In our Parliament, certain influ-
ential members of the opposition had cen-
sured Government for so unworthily treating
an exiled sovereign, who had cast himself upon
British hospitality ; and, as a drowning man
catches at a straw, he deluded himself with the
idea that these persons were really his friends,
instead of seizing the truth that their declama-
tion was simply to annoy their opponents.
The policy of Longwood — heartily and assidu-
ously carried out by his adherents, who liked
banishment as little as the great man himself —
was to pour into England pamphlets and letters
complaining of unnecessary restrictions, insults
from the Governor, scarcity of provisions, miser-
able accommodation, insalubrity of climate, and
a host of other grievances, but chiefly levelled
at the Governor as the "head and front " of all
that was amiss.
RELATING TO ST HELENA 173
Certainly Longwood House * could hardly be
deemed a suitable residence for so important a
captive, and provisions may not have been of
the highest quality, although the best the island
afforded, but no others of the complaints were
valid. As to the house, it offered the only
situation calculated to insure security, a para-
mount object, and which Sir G. Cockburn
kepi in view when seeking a proper place of
residence. Let me here mention that, from
whatever cause, Napoleon had taken a great
dislike to the Admiral, and this was flag-
rantly shown by grossly insulting him. It
happened in this wise : the Admiral and
Governor went together to Longwood, in
order for the latter to be presented to the illus-
trious exile. On the door of the audience room
being opened, the Governor's name was called,
and he stepped forward ; but when the Admiral
advanced, a servant placed his arm across the
doorway, and kept him back.f This insulting
* [Longwood was about the only house from which
escape was difficult. Plantation House was the centre of
the semaphores of the island, and was therefore expressly
reserved by the East India Company to be the residence
of the Governor.]
f [There is no evidence that this was done by order of
Napoleon. In fact, he afterwards sent his apologies to
the Admiral. — See Forsyth, i. T43.]
174 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
and undignified proceeding on the part of Napo-
leon was never generally known until Gourgaud
left, when he told me of it, adding that both he
and the other French Generals felt shocked and
ashamed that such an insult should have been
offered to a British Admiral.
But, pour revenir a nos moutons, so well did
the Longwood clique, including Mr O'Meara,
take their measures, hesitating at no vitupera-
tion or falsehood to further their ends, that
they so far succeeded as to cast a heavy slur on
the Governor, both in England and France ;
they ransacked history for prototypes of him,
and discovered them in the execrable Gournay
and Mautravers, the murderers of Edward
the Second ; nay, as we have seen, O'Meara
denounced him to the Admiralty as having
spoken to him of the advantage that would
accrue to Europe at large if Napoleon were
disposed of!
This reads truly farcical, but shows the
fiendish nature of the Longwood conspirators,
although its absurdity must strike any person
of reflection, considering that Sir Hudson Lowe,
a young Major-General, was holding a most
important office, with a very large salary, and
was consequently deeply interested in prolong-
RELATING TO ST HELENA 175
ing so honourable and lucrative an employ-
ment, even putting out of sight all moral con-
sideration.
As may well be imagined, I felt curious
to glean a knowledge of Napoleon's habits,
thoughts, and opinions, etc., and, situated as I
was, there was no lack of opportunities, as the
reader will see, when I mention that not only
did my duties bring me into contact with most
of the French, but for a considerable time I lived
in a cottage on the confines of Longwood Park,
and messed with the orderly officer, and the
surgeon attached to the establishment (Dr
Verling, Royal Artillery). Hence I was, so
to say, living under the same roof with the
Montholons, and, indeed, with Napoleon him-
self. Having plenty of time at my disposal,
and being always well received by the Count
and Countess, I scrupled not to visit them daily,
and seek to profit from intercourse with persons
of their cultivated minds ; moreover, this enabled
me to improve my French, for although I could
speak it with facility, my knowledge of it was
far from perfect.
It will readily be conceived that the intimacy
which thus arose tended in a great measure to
lessen reserve, and that I was treated as a kind
176 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
of ami de la maison. Then it must also be
borne in mind that at Fr£migny the talk about
Napoleon was naturally more free than at St
Helena. In the following meagre remarks jotted
down, some learned at Fr6migny, others at
Longwood, it will be seen that several bear re-
lation to the period when he was in power.
He could not tolerate persons who were
independent of him ; therefore disliked the
wealthy, whilst he revered la noblesse.
It was a necessity in him to say unpleasant
things to persons about him, and to disparage
merit.
Mistrustful and on his guard with all who
approached him — apt to talk too much, and then
to recourir apres, or seek to undo what he had
said.
Ignorant on many subjects, but readily acquir-
ing a knowledge of anything worth treasuring.
Of a good disposition naturally — had much
feeling — desiring affection, though doing his
best to defeat such object.
Timid by nature — hence his want of ease
when in company.
Constantly seeking to entrap persons, but
deceiving nobody by his dissimulation.
Could bear no obstacle to his will, or con-
RELATING TO ST HELENA 177
tradiction, but ready to welcome truth if well
motivde.
Flattery failed towards him ; probity and
diligence succeeded, because they served his
interests ; whereas flattery only touched his
passions, and those he sacrificed to his in-
terests.
Immorality le froissait — the memoirs of
Madame d'Epinay were distasteful to him.
An organised system of espionnage existed in
his household, and he ever sought to set its
members at variance, in which he was only too
successful.
Wanted good manners, from not seeing good
society in early life.
Often used coarse and vulgar expressions, as
calling people/" betes, etc.
Thought much of his personal appearance
— anxious to learn what people said of his
physique.
Fond of teasing (taquinerie).
Absence of dignity in his deportment and
manner. "II lui manquait d'etre ne sur le
.A ))
trone.
Thought with precision, but was diffuse in
expressing his thoughts, having a poor com-
mand of words, though fancying himself master
M
178 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
of the French language, which was not the
case.
Could not have friends, for he loved no one,
and frequently inflicted mortal wounds on the
amour propre of others.
For his ministers he often selected mediocrity
rather than talent, lest his projects should be
penetrated.
With his servants at times too familiar — at
others capricious and violent, administering
coups de poing.
He had no religion — was a materialist.
Talking with a lady of rank and wit, whose
father had been a fermier gindral of the
revenue, he asked if she remembered what
Mezeray says zfooxiX fermier s g due1 raux? " Yes,"
she replied, "and I also remember what he
says of parvenus ." We may feel sure that, if true,
it occurred before he wore the imperial purple.
As to his daily habits at the island, there is
little to be said. He rose late, partook of a
slight breakfast ; often passed hours together
in a tepid bath, read after his manner, which
was to glance over a page avec le pouce, thus
getting through two or three volumes in less
than as many hours ; dined early, usually alone,
and very abstemiously, drinking a little claret
RELATING TO ST HELENA 179
and water ; had a horrid habit of spitting, and
when lying in bed would indulge it without
regard as to where the cr achat might fall,
whether on bed-curtains or carpet. All stood
in his presence, and when on his death-bed,
poor Antommarchi (his doctor) was kept stand-
ing until ready to faint ; # slept badly, and, as
we have seen, would have Montholon often
roused out of bed for dictation.
That Napoleon had moral courage in the
highest degree is certain, but it is equally certain
that he had not the kind of courage which
prompted Gustavus Adolphus to rush into the
midst of the fight at Llitzen, or, like the hero of
Trafalgar, to make himself a mark for the foe
by appearing in the battle decorated with stars
and orders. Most assuredly, it is seldom the
duty of a Commander-in-Chief to expose him-
self in the van, but occasions will arise when
personal danger should not be considered. For
his fame, Napoleon ought to have headed the
Imperial Guard in the last onset at Waterloo ;
but he forgot what he told his army when about
* [So in Lady Malcolm's Diary of St Helena, p. 43, we
read of Admiral Malcolm : "He was four hours with him
(Napoleon) ; they walked all the time in the drawing-
room with their hats under their arms."]
180 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
to cross the frontier — that the time had arrived
when every brave Frenchman should conquer
or die !
Were I inclined to swell out these pages, I
might do so by recounting how, after entire
approval of Sir Hudson Lowe's conduct during
a very onerous and important duty by Govern-
ment, neither any considerable employment nor
pension was granted to him — and how, in his
Life of Napoleon, Sir Walter Scott did him
injustice ; how he returned from Ceylon, in
order to publish a refutation of the injustice,
but was dissuaded by Lord Bathurst ; # and how
the Duke of Wellington rose in the House of
Peers in his vindication. All, however, is
afforded us by Mr Forsyth ; and, moreover, I
must bear in mind that few persons are deeply
* [What Lord Bathurst disapproved of was not Sir
Hudson Lowe's defending himself in writing, but his
returning from Ceylon in order to do so. Previously he
had written to Sir Hudson Lowe in a letter dated 28th
November 1823 : "I have always thought that whatever
might have been the result of your late proceedings [i.e.
against O'Meara for libel] you owed it to yourself, after
all that had been said against you, to draw up a full and
complete vindication of the administration of your govern-
ment at St Helena, coupled with all the documents in
your statement. It will be for consideration when it will
be prudent to publish it." (See Forsyth, iii. 323 and
33i-)]
RELATING TO ST HELENA 181
interested, like myself, in the memory of Sir
Hudson Lowe.
I have in my possession some letters, written
to me by Sir Harris Nicolas, when he was
engaged in sifting Sir Hudson's papers, having
been entrusted with them by Mr Murray, of
Albemarle Street, but who died before the work
he was preparing had advanced very far. I
cull from them a couple of extracts, which are
valuable as being from the pen of an impartial
writer :—
" Boulogne,
u i\th March 1848.
" You will be glad to know, that the memoirs
of Sir Hudson Lowe are in the press, and that
I am perfectly satisfied with the result of the
St Helena investigation. Not a spot will, I
hope and believe, rest upon his memory, and
such an exposure of lying, malignity, and
scoundrelism on the part of O'Meara, Mon-
tholon, Las Cases, Antommarchi, etc., as the
work will exhibit, will be almost unprecedented.
You will perceive that I have given every docu-
ment of the slightest interest, and I have pointed
out every lie that has been uttered, so far as my
proofs extend,"
182 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
" Boulogne,
u loth March 1848.
"Your remarks on St Helena are more
important than you can be aware of, because
they bear on many points in which I wished for
additional evidence. I wish I had read them
before the article on Montholon in the next
Quarterly was written ; however, I shall use
them strongly in the work. I feel very sensibly
indeed the kind manner in which you aid me,
and it is very probable that I shall often trouble
you. Mr Murray speaks of his having seen
you, and is much obliged for your attention.
By the time I have finished, I think I shall have
been in company with more liars than any living
author. My God ! if people meet in the next
world with a knowledge of each other, and with
an exposure of their several falsehoods and
villany, what must have been the scenes between
Sir Hudson, Las Cases, and O'Meara ! "
It might have been expected that the death
of Sir Hudson Lowe would have put a stop,
and for ever, to the vituperation which pursued
him to the grave. Within the last few months,
however, the St James s Magazine published a
series of papers, purporting to be written by a
RELATING TO ST HELENA 183
man of the name of Stewart, who pretended to
have been a confidential servant of Napoleon at
Longwood. I read the papers, and can aver
that no such person was so employed, that is,
confidentially. In fact, the man's statements
are a tissue of ridiculous falsehoods from begin-
ning to end. The name of Sir Thomas Reade, *
who was at the head of the St Helena Staff,
also comes in for a share of abuse. His son,
our consul at Cadiz, wrote me on the subject,
and also to the late Admiral Rous. Here is
the Admiral's reply : —
u 13 Berkeley Square,
11 22nd July 1876.
" Dear Sir, — The account of Napoleon at St
Helena in the St James s Magazine is a tissue
of falsehoods. In page 249 of the June number,
I am reported to have been present at an alter-
cation between the author and Sir T. Reade,
and to have given Mr Stewart two dollars. I
never knew Mr Stewart, and I left St Helena
in June 18 19, having commanded H.M.S.
Podargus on the station from April 1817.
* Sir Thomas Reade was an officer who distinguished
himself by valuable service in the Mediterranean, for
which he received the honour of knighthood.
184 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
" I state, upon my honour, that I do not
believe either Sir Hudson Lowe or Sir Thomas
Reade was capable of performing any act deroga-
tory to the character of a gentleman. To the
best of my knowledge all reports of ill-treat-
ment to Napoleon were systematic falsehoods,
fabricated with a view of keeping alive a
sympathy in Europe to enable his friends to
succeed in obtaining a more agreeable exile. —
I am, yours truly,
" H. J. Rous."
The insertion of this letter recalls to my
memory our St Helena racing, over which
Captain Rous ruled with all the authority he
so long exercised at Newmarket. We had our
Turf Club, and an excellent mile-and-a-half
course at Deadwood. It is true that our horses
were not of high quality, but they afforded
quite as much amusement as if they had been
thoroughbred. Rous infected me with his
racing taste, and he found me an apt pupil,
though invariably opposed to him. The Gover-
nor was very liberal in his patronage, giving
two handsome plates annually, and generally
attended the sport in person ; he also placed
his horses at the command of Captain Rous,
RELATING TO ST HELENA 185
and as they, or some of them, were English,
and the best in the island, he enjoyed great
advantages. The light weights of both army
and navy furnished jockeys, and all turned out
in proper racing equipment.
Garrison races always afford fun and amuse-
ment, but I shall not dwell upon those of the
island ; one trifling incident, however, occurred,
which shows the value of blustering when it
is judiciously used. Rous had entered his
Admiral's horse, by name Slamby, to run in a
handicap race with several others ; well, Slamby
and another came in together, and almost every-
body thought it a " dead-heat." Not so Rous ;
he rushed towards the stand of the stewards,
vociferating, " Slamby has won, I'll bet a
thousand pounds." This took effect with the
stewards, who announced Slamby as winner ;
Rous then said aside to me, " If that was not a
dead-heat, I never saw one." So much for the
excitement of racing, coupled with anxiety to
gratify his Admiral !
Although so long Nestor of the English turf,
I do not suppose the Admiral ever appeared as
a jockey at home, but at St Helena he did on
one occasion so exhibit himself. More than
once he spoke to me of riding himself, but being
186 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
a fine man, over six feet, I think, I never ex-
pected to see him ride. However, he proposed
a match between an animal of mine and a
strong English horse which a friend lent him
for the purpose, he and I to be the jockeys,
which was accepted, and he turned out faultless
in dress from top to toe. As we rode together
to the starting-post, I found he had misgivings
as to the result of the race, and he said he
hoped I would bring him in handsomely — that
is, not win by too great a distance. I won it,
as I expected, but think he bore me a grudge
ever after for not bringing him in handsomely
enough ; in fact, I was afraid of making it a
close thing.
Dr Henry, whom I have already had occasion
to quote, relates the following incident, which I
well remember : —
" During the first day's sport after our arrival,
an awkward circumstance occurred on the
course, which everybody regretted when it could
not be helped. A certain half-mad and drunken
piqueur of Napoleon, named Archambault, took
it into his head to gallop within the ropes when
the course was cleared, and the horses coming
up. For this transgression he was pursued by
one of the stewards, and horse-whipped out of
RELATING TO ST HELENA 187
the forbidden limits. This gentleman knew not
that the offender belonged to the Longwood
establishment, or he would, no doubt, have
spared his whip — particularly as Napoleon at
the time was sitting on a bench outside his
residence, looking at the crowd through a glass,
and we were apprehensive that he might in-
terpret the accidental chastisement his servant
had received, into a premeditated insult to the
master.
" But we did Napoleon injustice by the sup-
position. Mr O'Meara told me the next day,
that he had distinctly witnessed everything that
passed, and had been very angry when he saw
Archambault galloping alone along the course,
and was pleased to see him chastised ; and that
he had called him into his presence, and ex-
pended on him a few f- bites and sacrd
cochons, afterwards."*
Having opened Dr Henry's book, I am in-
clined to take more extracts, to show that the
island is not the wretched barren rock which its
libellers have described it to be, nor unhealthy,
but, on the contrary, very salubrious.
"There is a wooded mountain ridge in St
Helena, called Diana's Peak, three thousand feet
* [Henry ', ii. 26.]
188 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
above the level of the sea, from which the view
is wonderfully grand and vast. The eye com-
mands the whole island, with a circle of three or
four hundred miles of ocean, until the distant
horizon mingles with the sky. This is a cele-
brated spot for picnics, although the labour of
clambering to the top is no trifling undertaking
for a lady ; and the narrow ledge, or back-bone,
at the summit affords but a very nervous pro-
menade. The whole mountain is covered with
the Geoffrcea, or cabbage-tree, shaped exactly
like a large umbrella. Under this dense shade
enormous ferns arise, some eighteen or twenty
feet in height ; but here, as all over the island,
there is a dearth of wild flowers. . . . The rides
on the highlands generally were remarkably
agreeable ; the air was cool, the road good, and
every turn or fresh elevation presented some new
and striking combination of picturesque objects.
The road running round Diana's Peak to Sandy
Bay Ridge was a general favourite, as it afforded
at almost every step the most wild and extra-
ordinary prospects. On attaining the top of the
ridge, a scene of singular sublimity expands at
once, looking quite unearthly, and like a bit of
some strange planet at first, until the old associ-
ation with our own globe is renewed, by the
< a.
[Face page 188.
RELATING TO ST HELENA 189
names of two rocky obelisks standing boldly out
of the vast hollow. These are called Lot and
his wife ; for the uncanonical people here have
made a pillar of the gentleman as well as the
lady. Sandy Bay is seen to windward, in the
distance, with its line of white surf; and here
and there a pretty patch of cultivation strikes the
eye, niched in some sheltered nook ; fantastic,
peaked, and splintered mountains rise all around,
and beyond all appears the illimitable ocean, with
the cruising vessels, like white specks upon its
surface, perhaps stretching out to arrest the
course of some strange ship coming right down
on our island." *
Then as regards salubrity, here is Dr Henry's
statement: — " For a tropical climate, only 150
from the Line, St Helena is certainly a healthy
island, if not the most healthy of this description
in the world. During one period of twelve
months, we did not lose one man by disease out
of 500 of the 66th, quartered at Deadwood. In
18 1 7-18- 19 Fahrenheit's thermometer, kept at
the hospital there, ranged from 550 to 70°, with
the exception of two calm days, when it rose to
8o°. It was about 120 higher in the valleys and
in James Town on an average ; but from the
* [Henry, ii. 62, 63.]
190 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
situation of the latter, and the peculiar radiation
of heat to which it was exposed, the tempera-
ture was sometimes upwards of 90°. The great
source of health and comparative coolness in St
Helena is the south-east trade wind, coming
from an immense extent of the Southern Ocean,
which winnows the rock, and wafts over it every
morning a cloudy awning that mitigates the
strong sun. This is not without concomitant
humidity in the highlands for half the year ; but
the inconvenience is as nothing compared with
the comfort, fertility, and salubrity which the
clouds bestow.
" Notwithstanding the assertions of Napo-
leon's adherents, who had an interest in painting
the place in as dark colours as they could, I
must maintain that, correctly speaking, we had
no endemic disease in the island. Human life,
certainly, did not extend to the same length as
in cooler regions, though some organs appeared
to be privileged there ; diseases of the lungs,
for instance, being very rare. It has been
stated that there are no old people in the island,
but this is certainly a mistake, though the pro-
portion may appear small to an English eye.
I believe it is as large as in Spain and the
south of Italy ; and I have seen some blacks of
RELATING TO ST HELENA 191
eighty, and whites approaching ninety. The
upper parts of St Helena, including the residence
of Bonaparte, are decidedly the most healthy ;
and we often moved our regimental conval-
escents from James Town to Deadwood for
cooler and better air. The clouds moved so
steadily and regularly with the trade wind, that
there appeared to be no time for atmospherical
accumulations of electricity, and we never had
any thunder or lightning. No instance of
hydrophobia in man or any inferior animal had
ever been known in St Helena." *
Amongst a people like the French, who have
thrown off all worship save that of la Gloire,
there can scarcely be a doubt that Napoleon
will go down to their posterity as the " Great,"
a title which writers of history have rarely
awarded to any but wholesale spoliators and
shedders of torrents of blood — the scourges of
mankind. I was about to let my pen run on,
and presumptuously dwell a little upon the
character of Napoleon, but bethought me in
time of the valuable maxim, so often overlooked,
Ne sutor ultra crepidam ; besides, we have only
to turn to the pages of Mr Forsyth, to find it
depicted with equal truth and eloquence : —
* [Henry, ii. 45,46.]
192 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
" If Napoleon," says that writer,* "behaved
in exile with the dignity and fortitude which
his worshippers pretend, and Sir Hudson Lowe's
conduct was such as they ascribe to him, then
indeed the Governor was the tyrant, and the
prisoner the victim. But the very reverse of
this was the case. Napoleon outraged Sir
Hudson Lowe with every species of insult.
His constant habit was to speak of him in
epithets which no gentleman can hear applied
to himself without his blood tingling in his
veins. His object throughout seems to have
been to provoke and foster a quarrel, in hopes
of having some tangible cause of offence to
complain of. We have seen that he expressed
(disappointment and vexation that he could not
make the Governor angry. The imperturbable
temper of the latter, imperturbable at least
towards his prisoner, was a rock against which
the wave of his passion expended itself in vain.
That brain, on whose tissues at one time hung
the diplomacy of Europe, busied itself at St
Helena in schemes of which the immediate
purpose was to mortify and annoy Sir Hudson
Lowe. On one occasion, when by a stratagem
of Montholon he obtained a copy of a note
* [Forsyth, iii. 306 foil.]
RELATING TO ST HELENA 193
addressed by the Governor to the Marquis de
Monchenu, he was, we are told, joyful as on a
day of victory. Alas ! how was the mighty
fallen! His complaints of ill-treatment were
loud but insincere, and were dictated, not by
suffering, but by policy. I do not believe that
Napoleon seriously contemplated as a possibility
clandestine escape, for no man had a clearer or
more just discernment when decision was neces-
sary, and he knew that his island prison was
too well guarded to render any plan of evasion
practicable. But he never ceased to cherish the
hope that he would be allowed to return to
Europe. He thought a change of ministry in
England might effect this, for, ignorant of the
latitude of attack in which political parties
amongst ourselves indulge, he naturally built
much upon the language of the Opposition.
If Lord Holland became Prime Minister, it
seemed an inevitable consequence that Napoleon
must be free. But interest in his fate might
die away if it were not kept alive by sympathy
and compassion. I f he declared himself satisfied
with his treatment, there would be little to
expect from the zeal of partisans in his behalf.
'At one time,' says Sir Hudson Lowe, ' I had
hoped that I might help him to support his
N
194 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
great reverse of fortune, but I soon discovered
that his first and strongest wish was to aggravate
and heighten the grievances of his situation,
and that the greatest unkindness I could be
guilty of was to leave him no cause of
complaint.' Therefore it was that the cry of
suffering arose at St Helena, and was carried
across the Atlantic, to be echoed by rumour
with her thousand tongues, until men began
really to believe that the illustrious prisoner
was treated with causeless and disgraceful
severity.
" No one can study the character of Napoleon
without being struck by one prevailing feature,
— his intense selfishness. This was caused
partly, no doubt, by the unparalleled success
which had for twenty years attended his career,
and which made him look upon himself as a
being born under a star, and as one whose
destiny it was to rule, while it was the destiny
of others to obey. Under the chariot- wheels
of his ambition he was ready to crush every-
thing that opposed his path, without compunc-
tion or remorse. He regarded others merely
as instruments to be used by him, and to be
flung aside when he had no longer occasion for
them. A memorable example of this occurs in
p* §
Oh «
ffi ~
o
[jFace f a(/e 194.
RELATING TO ST HELENA 195
his treatment of the noble-minded Josephine.
Because she gave no promise of an heir to the
throne, he snapped the cord of affection in a
moment. The ties of duty and of love were
nothing in his eyes when he found that his wish
for a son was not likely to be gratified. How
little feeling did he show when he heard of the
death on the battle-field of any of the Generals
and Marshals to whom he seemed to be most
attached ! Indeed, as has been already men-
tioned, he said of himself that his soul was of
marble, and it was thus insensible to some of
the finest feelings of our nature. Not that
Napoleon was without gentleness and even play-
fulness in his disposition. When pleased and
unopposed, there was a charming vivacity in his
manner which irresistibly won all hearts. He
was fond of espieglerie even with grown-up
people, and in the case of children, who were
always favourites with him, there was no limit
to his good humour. But he could not brook
contradiction or opposition, and had not the
slightest consideration for others when they
stood in the way of his caprice. He was the
sun round which others were to revolve, but,
though attracted by his influence, they were kept
at too great a distance to feel the warmth of his
196 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
friendship or affection. Each of them might
say with Helena : —
' In his bright radiance and collateral light
Must I be comforted, not in his sphere.'
" Another feature in the character of Bona-
parte which must not be lost sight of, and which
has an important bearing upon the question of
his treatment at St Helena, was his habitual
disregard of truth. His moral sense was so
blunted that he had no scruple in resorting to
deceit, and, if necessary, to falsehood, if he could
thereby accomplish an object in view. It has
been said of him by a French writer, with sar-
castic severity (Jules Maurel), that he was in
the Moniteur the first journalist of the Empire,
and that he kept what he won with his pen
much longer than what he won with his sword.
He here gave himself an unbounded licence of
invention, and made events assume whatever
complexion he pleased, taking care that it was
such as harmonised with his projects, and
flattered the vanity of the French nation. It
was thus that the victories of Wellington in the
Peninsula were ignored ; and after terrible re-
verses, France was told that the English would
have been crushed by Napoleon, if he had
RELATING TO ST HELENA 197
thought that the proper moment for the catas-
trophe had arrived.
" At St Helena he gave full scope to this
propensity. The letters which he there dictated
to his obsequious followers, and which have
made such an impression on the public mind,
are filled with glaring misstatements of facts.
They may be called the bulletins of his exile,
which were intended to deceive the people of
Europe, as the bulletins of his battles were
intended to deceive the French. Even Bertrand
was ashamed of them, and more than once dis-
owned the responsibility of their authorship,
although he submitted to the humiliation of
writing them, and subscribed them with his
name. 'That monologue of six years,' says
Lamartine,# 'which he addressed to the world
from the summit of his rock, and the most
trivial words of which were registered by his
courtiers to be transmitted to his myrmidons
as the gospel of party, was nothing more than
a long diplomatic note, void of good faith,
addressed to his partisans, and speaking in turns
the language of all the factions that he wished
to nourish with his memory, instead of being
the disinterested, sincere, and religious effusion
* [In his Histnire dc la Restauration, vi. 4.08.]
198 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
of a soul which bequeaths, with its greatness,
its failings, its truth, and its repentance to the
world. '
"Can we then be so infatuated with hero-
worship, so dazzled by the splendour of intel-
lectual gifts, as to allow ourselves to treat gently
and speak lightly of this contempt of veracity,
this disdain of the first and simplest require-
ment of the moral law ? No more pernicious
lesson can be taught than the doctrine that
success, which elevates a man to the pinnacle of
power, absolves him from the obligation to
observe the imperishable distinction between
right and wrong. And we do in effect teach
that doctrine when we forbear to censure in
Napoleon Bonaparte a want of truth, which we
should condemn in another as a meanness and
a disgrace.
"When we turn from his character to his
actions, and ask in what respect he benefited
mankind, the answer is most unsatisfactory.
Perhaps no man ever, for the sake of his own
restless ambition, inflicted so much positive
misery upon his species. His path was that of
the destroyer. Kingdoms were trodden down
under the iron heel of conquest, and wherever
he appeared with his armies, blood was poured
RELATING TO ST HELENA 199
upon the ground like water. A fierce soldiery
was let loose upon the countries of Europe,
which spoiled the inhabitants, ravaged the fields,
and swept away, as with a whirlwind, the ac-
cumulations of years of industry and peace. A
military despotism on a scale of unparalleled
magnitude was established, which abrogated all
political rights, and strove to trample out all
national distinctions. I f the sorrows of a single
hero or heroine in a tale of fiction can move our
hearts and powerfully awake our sympathies,
let us think for a moment on the amount of
human suffering caused by the career of Napo-
leon. It is hardly an exaggeration to say that
the land was as the Garden of Eden before him,
and behind him a desolate wilderness. Tears
did not fail to flow for each homestead burned,
each family outraged, each peasant and each
soldier slain, in that long series of years during
which he ruled the destinies of France. And
what did France gain under his sway ? A code
of laws which is his best title to her gratitude,
and that which she values more — military glory.
But at what a price was that glory purchased !
The bravest and the best of her sons died in
distant fields of battle, amidst the sands of Egypt,
or the snows of Russia. A ruthless conscription
200 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
depopulated the villages, and at last reached, in
its downward course, youths who were just
emerging into manhood, but who were still
rather boys than men. Her treasure was ex-
hausted, her liberties were gone. A system of
espionnage betrayed familysecrets to the minister
of police, whose agents were everywhere, and
whose omnipresence no one could escape. And
at last came bitter retribution for the long-
continued and daring attempt against the rights
of nations. Her soil was invaded, her capital
was taken ; and Pandours and Cossacks bivou-
acked in the Champ de Mars, while English
soldiers kept guard at the Louvre, and foreign
bayonets brought back the King whom she
had driven into exile and proclaimed an
outlaw.
" Of his merits as a great Captain we need
not speak. Such a world-conqueror will perhaps
never be seen again. But we may hope the
time is coming, if, indeed, it has not already
come, when men will sit in stern judgment upon
those who, without adequate and just cause, and
for the sake of their own aggrandizement, involve
nations in strife. War is in itself an unmiti-
gated curse. It is indeed the abomination of
desolation. It may impose upon the imagina-
RELATING TO ST HELENA 201
tion with all its proud pomp and circumstance,
and few sights can be conceived of more thrill-
ing interest than the march of a great army in
compact array. But follow that army to the
battle-field. See it after the shock of conflict,
when the clash of swords is over and the
artillery has ceased to thunder. Listen to the
cries of the wounded and the groans of the
dying : follow the surgeon, and observe what
his mission is when the battle is won, and acres
of God's fair earth are strewed with corpses and
converted into a vast charnel house. And
what sorrow accompanies the tidings of every
victory ! The child is fatherless, and the wife
a widow, and the wail of mourning for those
who have fallen mingles with the shout with
which the nation exults in its success. War
may be a necessity in defence of outraged rights,
and to repel aggression, but it ought ever to be
looked upon as a miserable calamity, and he
who wantonly provokes it is one of the worst
enemies of his race. No man ever felt this
more strongly than Wellington. No great
Commander was more anxious to avert the
horrors of war. He said that the most
dreadful thing next to a battle lost was a
battle won ; and it is one of his best titles to
202 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
the gratitude of Europe that he always fought
for peace.
" But who can say this of Napoleon? His
whole public life was one series of acts of
hostile aggression, and we do not find it
recorded that he ever betrayed compunction
or expressed remorse for the loss of the
countless thousands whom his ambition
caused to perish by the cannon and the
sword."
I may here just allude to a few of the numer-
ous publications that appeared from time to time
for the purpose of keeping alive an interest in
Europe about Napoleon. The first that reached
us did not, however, emanate from Longwood,
neither could it be surmised there who was its
author. It was entitled Manuscrit de Ste
He'lene* purporting to give the opinions of
Napoleon on a variety of subjects, but — so far
as I can recollect — making no complaints of
his treatment on the island. It was cleverly
written, and evidently by a man conversant
with public affairs in France.
This gave rise to a small volume written by
* [The full title is Manuscrit venu de Ste Helene
d'une maniere inconmie. London, 1817. This book is
generally attributed to M. Lullin de Chateauvieux.]
[Face page 202.
RELATING TO ST HELENA 203
Montholon, entitled Manuscrit de File a" Elbe*
which combated some of the propositions stated
in the Manuscrit de Ste Helcne, but I remember
little about it, and was not struck by the ability
of the writer. I think it did not dwell on the
grievances of Longwood.
A pamphlet was published by an inferior ser-
vant of Longwood, named Santini, who left for
Europe ; for what cause I do not recollect. I
have no doubt that it was written for him ; he
was an ignorant man.t
Immediately on reaching England, Las Cases
put forth a pamphlet. On its receipt at Long-
wood, Montholon read to me the opening chap-
ter ; and a good laugh we had at the ridiculous
vanity of the little man in describing his family
as of higher antiquity than that of the King of
France. Of course it was full of complaints of
his master's unworthy treatment in exile.
His rather voluminous journal appeared as
soon as it could undergo revision and sundry
additions ; for, when printed, it differed in many
* [I can find no trace of this book, and doubt its
existence. Montholon was not with Napoleon at Elba,
and in any case it is a strange title for an answer to
anything from St Helena.]
t [This pamphlet was really written by Colonel Mace-
roni, an officer who had served under Murat.]
204 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
respects from the manuscript which he carried
home.#
The most virulent publication was Mr
O'Meara's Voice from St Helena, in which he
strove to avenge his " ill-treatment " by the
Governor, and was penned with an affected
candour that had its effect on the public mind.
One or two little pamphlets, which I have
forgotten, and occasional letters in opposition
newspapers, served to keep Napoleon before the
public.
Meanwhile, nothing appeared on the per
contra side but a short pamphlet, of little account,
from the pen of Mr Theodore Hook, who passed
a few weeks at St Helena when on his way
home from the Mauritius, where he had been
treasurer, and where he was seized with what
he termed a " complaint in his chest." The
pamphlet was entitled " Facts illustrative of
the Treatment of Napoleon in St Helena."
But, though powerful in fiction, "facts" were
quite out of his province ; at all events, we did
* [In Las Cases' journal, as published, several passages in
the manuscript are suppressed. When Las Cases was
arrested at Longwood, Sir Hudson Lowe had the manu-
script of his journal copied, and a copy of the passages
suppressed is now in the British Museum among the Lowe
papers. Some of these passages are quoted by Forsyth.]
RELATING TO ST HELENA 205
not think much of " Theodore's facts," though
written with a praiseworthy intention, and [yet],
looking at the numerous publications emanating
from Longwood, Hook's facts remind us of the
"one halfpenny worth of bread to an intolerable
deal of sack."
I forget how many volumes were published
by Montholon in after years, entitled Mdmoires
pour servir a r Histoire de France — I think
some seven or eight ; one or two purported to
be written by Las Cases, the Waterloo one by
Gourgaud, and one, I think, by Bertrand ; all,
however, were revised and published by Mon-
tholon, as I was informed.*
I have reason to believe that no portion of
those volumes was dictated by Napoleon with
greater self - gratification than the lengthy
chapter entitled "Manage de l'Empereur."
The reader may plainly see how proud he was
of espousing a daughter of the House of Haps-
burg. In truth, his tendencies were purely
aristocratic. I well remember being told at St
Helena of the extreme annoyance he felt when
* [The author seems here to be confusing these Me-
moir es pour servir by Montholon and Gourgaud with the
Recueil de pieces authentiques sur le captif de Sainte
Helene to which many, including Las Cases, Gourgaud,
Bertrand and Montholon, contributed.]
206 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
some ship captain who caught a glimpse of him
at Longwood, described him, in a published
letter, as wearing round his head a red kerchief ;
"Comment," said he, "on me fait porter le
bonnet rouge ! "
My principal object in writing about St
Helena is to justify Sir Hudson Lowe, and I
think that if I append a few extracts from his
private journal and notes, my readers will see
that he was no ordinary man. His military
career was one of extraordinary activity and
success, exhibiting wonderful energy and re-
markable ability. He entered the army in 1787 ;
was a Captain in command of a levy, styled the
Corsican Rangers, in 1795, stationed at Minorca.
The Corsican Rangers formed part of the ex-
pedition to Egypt, landing and being warmly
engaged on the 8th March 1800 [1801], and
sustaining in several conflicts heavy loss. The
regiment was present at the battle of Alexandria,
and Major Lowe received the first proposals for
the surrender of Cairo. His zeal and ability in
command of the outposts, on various occasions,
obtained for him this flattering encomium from
General Moore : " Lowe, when you're at the
outposts, I always feel sure of a good night's
rest." And the same gallant and distinguished
RELATING TO ST HELENA 207
officer, when writing [27th October 1801] to
Major Lowe's father, thus spoke of his son :—
" In Sir Ralph Abercrombie he lost, in common
with many others, a good friend ; but, however,
his conduct has been so conspicuously good,
that I hope he will meet with the reward he
merits."
Sir Robert Wilson, writing of the cam-
paign,# says of the Corsican Rangers, " This
corps in every action, and especially in
the landing, distinguished itself particularly ;
and Major Lowe, who commanded it, gained
always the highest approbation. Indeed, it
was a corps which, from its conduct and ap-
pearance, excited general admiration, and did
honour to the nation of the First Consul of
France."
At the Peace of Amiens, this corps was dis-
banded, and Major Lowe was placed on half-
pay ; but was soon afterwards appointed to the
7th Royal Fusiliers. Congratulating him upon
this appointment, General Moore wrote [21st
April 1802], " It is nothing more than you well
deserve, and if I have been at all instrumental
in bringing it about, I shall think the better
of myself for it. ... I trust you will always
* [In his History of the British Expedition to Egypt.]
208 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
consider me as a person warmly interested in
your welfare."
In 1803, Major Lowe was appointed one of the
permanent Assistant Quartermaster-Generals
at home. "If," wrote Sir John Moore [15th
June 1803], "J have had the good fortune to
get you employed in the way you wish, I am
glad of it. I have known you a long time, and
I am confident your conduct, in whatever situa-
tion you are placed, will be such as to do honour
to those who have recommended you."
At this time, Major Lowe was sent on a
secret mission to Portugal, for the purpose of
ascertaining the military condition and resources
of that country, in the districts of Oporto,
Viafia, Valencia, Chaves, Braganca, and Almeida.
Having carefully inspected these places, he re-
ported favourably of the troops and defences,
and expressed an opinion of the practicability
of defending the country by united British and
Portuguese means. Immediately afterwards he
was sent to the Mediterranean to raise another
corps of Royal Corsican Rangers, of which he
was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel.
After much difficulty, he succeeded in raising
his regiment, which formed part of Sir John
Craig's expedition to Naples ; and Lieutenant-
RELATING TO ST HELENA 200
Colonel Lowe commanded the advance of the
army, but the troops returned to Sicily re
infecta.
The island of Capri having been captured,
Colonel Lowe, with part of his regiment, was
sent to garrison it [June 1806]. When the
island was attacked by an overwhelming
French force, # the little garrison made a
gallant defence during sixteen days, when the
town was evacuated, and the garrison marched
out with all the honours of war [October
1808].
Colonel Lowe and his regiment next took
part in an expedition to the Bay of Naples
under Sir John Stuart, but soon returned to
Sicily, and shortly after joined an expedition
under Brigadier-General Oswald, which drove
the French from the islands of Cephalonia,
Zante, Ithaca, and Cerigo [October 1809].
The first division, under Colonel Lowe, disem-
barked at Zante. Cephalonia was next attacked,
and taken. " I have," says General Oswald in
his despatch, "nominated Lieutenant-Colonel
Lowe to the important duty of commanding
* [The numbers were : Garrison, 1362 (of whom 700,
Maltese troops, were untrustworthy); French assailants,
at least 3000.]
210 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
this island, certain that so delicate a trust could
not be reposed in more able hands."
Yielding to Colonel Lowe's opinion, General
Oswald attacked Santa Maura, when Colonel
Lowe greatly distinguished himself, and the
island became the presidency of a Government,
comprising the Islands of Cephalonia and Ith-
aca. In announcing this appointment, General
Oswald said he was confident " that it would be
most grateful to the Government and popula-
tion of Cephalonia and Ithaca, to know that
they would still enjoy the benefits arising from
the civil administration of an officer who had
shown himself the common father of all ranks
and classes of these communities." Here
Colonel Lowe remained for [nearly] two
years. #
In January 1812, he obtained the rank of full
Colonel, after twenty-four years of very active
service ; and in January of the following year
was sent to the north of Germany, to inspect
a body of troops raised by the authority of the
Emperor of Russia, and named the " Russian-
* [From April 1810 to February 181 2. On his de-
parture the inhabitants of these islands presented Colonel
Lowe with a gold sword, accompanied by an address of
thanks.]
RELATING TO ST HELENA 211
German Legion." Landing at Stockholm, he
had interviews with the King and Queen and
Crown Prince of Sweden, and met the cele-
brated Madame de Stael and her daughter.
Madame de Stael had fitted up a little theatre
in her house, and she and her daughter went
through some of the finest scenes in Racine's
tragedy of Iphigdnie. The performance was
admirable. The appearance of Bernadotte (the
Prince Royal) greatly struck Colonel Lowe.
" I have never seen," he wrote, " so remarkable
a countenance as that of Bernadotte ; an aquiline
nose of most extraordinary dimension, eyes
full of fire, a penetrating look, with a counten-
ance darker than that of any Spaniard, and hair
so black that the portrait painters can find no
tint dark enough to give its right hue ; it forms
a vast bushy protuberance round his head ; and
he takes great pains, I understand, to have it
arranged in proper form."
Colonel Lowe joined the headquarters of the
Emperor of Russia at Kalisch, in Poland, and
the Emperor informed him that the corps of
which he was in pursuit, was between Narva
and Konigsberg, scattered over an extent of
five hundred miles. After performing the duty
of inspection, Colonel Lowe was an eye-witness
212 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
of the hard-fought battle of Bautzen [20th and
21st May 1813].
In July, he was directed to inspect the whole
of the levies in British pay in the north of Ger-
many, amounting to nearly twenty thousand
men ; for which laborious duty he got no re-
muneration.
In October, he was attached to the allied
Russian and Prussian army under the command
of General Bliicher, and was with him in every
action in which he was engaged from the battles
of Mockern and Leipsic, until the surrender of
Paris. He was present at the general actions
of Brienne, La Rothiere, Champaubert, Mery,
Craone, Laon, Fere-Champenoise, and Paris ;
forming in all, including Bautzen, Wurschen,
Mockern and Leipsic, thirteen actions, in eleven
of which the enemy's army was commanded by
Napoleon in person. He was privy to many
important deliberations, in which, as the only
British officer of any rank employed with
Bliicher's army, he was able to offer suggestions
upon measures influencing the fate of the war,
particularly during the time of the conferences
at Chatillon, when he strongly and eagerly
advised the march against the French capital,
as the only means by which the power of Bona-
RELATING TO ST HELENA 213.
parte could be overthrown, and a solid peace
obtained.
When the capital of France was entered by
the allied armies, Colonel Lowe brought the
news of Napoleon's abdication to England. He
was immediately knighted by the Prince Regent ;
the Prussian Order of Military Merit was soon
after conferred upon him, as also the Order of
Saint George from the Emperor of Russia.
These were accompanied by very gratifying
letters. His promotion to the rank of Major-
General followed, and he was appointed Quarter-
master-General to the British troops in the Low
Countries. In May 1815, he was offered the
command of a division of British troops at
Genoa, which was landed at Marseilles early in
June.
The following letter [dated 23rd November
18 14] received by Sir Hudson, when at Brussels,
from the Prussian General Count Gneisenau,
bears such honourable testimony to the merits
of Sir Hudson Lowe, that I am induced to give
it in extenso : —
"It is with great satisfaction, my very dear
and honoured General, that I have received your
letter of the 15th of September, which tells me
that you have still preserved the remembrance
o 2
214 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
of a man who is infinitely attached to you, and
who in the course of a memorable campaign, if
there ever were one, has learnt to appreciate
your rare military talents, your profound judg-
ment on the great operations of war, and your
imperturbable sang f void in the day of battle.
These rare qualities and your honourable char-
acter will link me to you eternally. You may
always pride yourself, General, on having be-
longed to the small number of those who opposed
to timid counsels a firmness not to be shaken
by the reverses we sustained ; and you have
never departed from the conviction that to bring
Europe back to a just and equitable equilibrium,
and to overthrow the Government of Imperial
Jacobinism, its capital ought to be seized.
Without that there is no safety. Happily the
event has justified your calculations. . . . Your
appointment,^ my dear General, must place you
in continual relation with the Duke of Welling-
ton. You would oblige me infinitely by being
the medium of presenting to that hero the senti-
ments of respectful homage which I feel for him.
By the circumspection with which he conducted
the war in the Peninsula, he prepared and led to
* [As Quartermaster-General to the British troops in
the Low Countries.]
RELATING TO ST HELENA 215
that state of things which enabled Europe to
emancipate herself; and it was after his fine
campaign against Massena, that they began in
Russia to believe in the possibility of resistance,
and commenced making preparation for it.
Grateful posterity will count the Duke of Wel-
lington among the benefactors of the human
race. *
In 1825, Sir Hudson Lowe was appointed
to the command of the troops at Ceylon, and,
as the " Eastern Question " was even then
one of moment in the Councils of Europe,
he resolved to go out by the overland route,
which few up to that time had tried. Sir
Hudson's object was to see as much as he could
of Turkey, and form his own opinions of its
defences. On reaching Vienna, he was sur-
prised to learn that the Emperor Alexander,
having heard of his proposed route, had sent
instructions to his minister at Vienna, and at
other places, not only to furnish him with the
necessary passports for travelling through any
part of the Russian dominions, but had given
* [This letter also appears in Forsyth, i. no. The
original is in French. See also other correspondence
between General Gneisenau and Sir Hudson Lowe, pub-
lished by Dr J. H. Rose in the English Historical Review
for July 1 90 1.]
216 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
directions also that he should be received with
the highest military honours wherever he passed.
This would have probably led him to take the
route of the Black Sea, Georgia, and Persia, but
a very few days afterwards the news arrived of
the Emperor Alexander's death ; he, therefore,
resolved on pursuing the route he had at first
intended, viz., by Egypt and the Red Sea.
" I went," wrote Sir H. Lowe, "from Vienna
through Hungary and Transylvania, and across
the noble frontier of the Carpathian mountains,
to Wallachia. Here I found an Austrian
minister established, but no Russian or ac-
credited agent for any other European Power.
From Wallachia I crossed the Danube, which
was at that time frozen over and covered with
snow ; in fact, I was riding across the river
without being aware that I was upon it, until
the banks were pointed out by my guide, which
circumstance I have here mentioned as a proof
that the river, although there are no bridges
over it, offers no good frontier, as an army with
all its train of carriages might have passed over
any part with facility between the fortresses at
that time. I then crossed the Balkans, which
appeared to me not to present so good a line of
frontier as the Carpathian mountains, but still
RELATING TO ST HELENA 217
a very defined and a very noble one, presenting
commanding positions at almost every turn of
the road. I passed also the position of Shumla,
which I examined with some care, knowing it
had been the scene of contest in former wars.
Upon my arrival at Constantinople, I learnt that
Sir Stratford Canning, who had been just then
appointed to the embassy, had not arrived
there, being wind - bound at Gallipoli. He
arrived, however, shortly afterwards, when I
pointed out to him the route I intended to take
in proceeding to Egypt. I mentioned my in-
tention to visit the Dardanelles, or rather the
position of the Chersonesus, which forms the
right bank of the strait of the Hellespont, and
was most readily and obligingly furnished with
every necessary passport for the prosecution of
my journey.
11 Having hired a small vessel to take me from
Constantinople to the Dardanelles, I landed at
Gallipoli, and had every opportunity I could
desire for visiting that point and its neighbour-
hood. I crossed the Strait to Abydos, after-
wards travelled over the plain of Troy and
through part of Asia Minor to Smyrna, from
which I embarked for Egypt in the Zebra sloop
of war."
218 NOTES AND REMINISCENCES
All the observations and suggestions of Sir
Hudson Lowe were duly sent to Lord Bathurst
for the information of the Cabinet, and were
subsequently printed, along with much other
matter having relation to the East, for private
circulation.
Sir Hudson went to Ceylon with the under-
standing that he should succeed to the govern-
ment of that island eventually ; but when the
vacancy next occurred there had been a change
of Ministry at home, and he met with a cruel
disappointment.*
I think that those of my friends to whom I
shall send copies of my little publication, will
now be of opinion that I may take a pride in
having been honoured with the regard of Sir
Hudson Lowe.
* [The next vacancy occurred near the end of 1830, a
short time after Earl Grey had become Prime Minister.]
PRINTED BY
OLIVER AND BOYD
EDI V BURGH
DC Jackson, 3asil
241 Notes and reminiscence;
.5
J3
1903
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