Observations on the importance of the American Revolution, and the means of making it a benefit to the world

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OBSER VAT IONS

ON THE

IMPORTANCE

OF THE

AMERICAN REVOLUTION,

AND

The Means of making it a Benefit to
the World.

By RICHARD PRICE, D.D. L.L.D.

And Fellow of the Royal Society of London, and
of the Academy of Arts and Sciences in New-
England.

Printed in London in 1784.

T O

The Free andUnited States of
America,

THE FOLLOWING OBSERVATIONS

ARE HUMBLY OFFERED,

A s

A LAST TESTIMONY

O F

THE GOOD-WILL

O F

The Author.
July 6. 1784.

OBSER

G

yr

l

7 - -l

Dr. Price's obfervatio
tion are fo replete with i

Worthy the perutal of ei
5 have its dictates imprinl
narks are (acred, and to ■

Vf,

v

T O

The Free and United States of
America,

THE FOLLOWING OBSERVATIONS

ARE HUMBLY OFFERED,

a s

A LAST TESTIMONY

O F

THE GOOD-WILL

O F

The Author.
July 6. 1784»

OBSER

fpè ]L<VO /-jn>w~trt y/-e*J^ Let* OAJLUTfl^ fi* Al

ifj- 60 Ati- On J y-yix^j A^Aj^tA Û *Â*

Dr. Price's obfervations on the American revo-
tion are fo replete with theoretic reaibning, that it

tion are io repi.--

vvorthy the perut'al of every American, who ought
I have its muâtes imprinted on his mirid, as the re-
;. ,l s are faered, and to us interefting truths.

*

? ft ***** • Wd¥ ****** ^<5** ****** $ 1

OBSERVATIONS, &c.

Of -the Importance of the Revolution
-t. which has ejlablified the Independence of
the United States,

T TA VIN G , from pure conviction, taken
JLji a warm part in favour of the Britifh
colonies (now the United States of Ameri-
ca) during the late war ; and been expofed,
in confequence of this, to much abufe and
fome danger; it mil ft be fuppofed that I
have been waiting for the iffue with an-
xiety 1 am thankful that my anxiety

is removed ; and that I have been fpared to

be a witnefs to that very iffue of the war

which has been all along the object of my

B vvifhes

[ 2 J

willies. With heart-felt fatisfaclion, I fee
the revolution in favour of univerfal liberty
which has taken place in America ; — a revo-
lution which opens a new profpecl in hu-
man affairs, and begins a new sera in the hif-

tory of mankind j a revolution by which

Britons themfelves will be the greater!:
gainers, if wife enough to improve properly
the check that has been given to the defpo-
tifm of their miniilers, and to catch the
flame of virtuous liberty which has faved
their American brethren,

The late war, in its commencement aitd
progrejs, did great good by diiïeminating
juft fentiments of the rights of mankind, and
the nature of legitimate government ; by ex-
citing a fpirit of refiftance to tyranny, which
has emancipated one European country,
and is likely to emancipate others; and by
occaiioning the eftablifhment in America of
forms of government more equitable and
more liberal than any that the world has
yet known. But, in its termination, the
war has done flill greater good by preferv-
ing the new governments from that de-
ftrudtion in which they mufl have been in-
volved, had Britain conquered ; by provid-
ing,

[ 3 1

ing, in a fequeftered continent poffeffed of
many lingular advantages, a place of refuge
for oppreft men in every region of the
world ; and by laying the foundation there
of an empire which may be the feat of li-
berty, fcience and virtue, and from whence
there is reafon to hope thefe facred bleffings
will fpread, till they become univerfal and
the time arrives when kings and priefts (hall
have no more power to opprefs, and that
ignominious flavery which has hitherto de-
bafed the world is exterminated. I there-r
fore, think I fee the hand of Providence
in the late war working for the general
good; and can fcarcely avoid crying out,
// was the Lord' s doing.

Reafon, as well as tradition and revela-
tion, lead us to expect that a more improv-
ed and happy ftate of human affairs will take
place before theconfummation of all things.
The world has hitherto been gradually
improving. Light and knowledge have
been gaining ground, and human life at
prefent, compared with what it once was,
is much the fame that a youth approaching
to manhood is compared with an infant.

B 2 Such

[ 4 ]

Such are the natures of things that this
progrefs mufl continue. During particular
intervals it may be interrupted, but it can-
not be deftroy'd. Every prefent advance
prepares the way for farther advances -, and
a fingle experiment or difcovery may fome-
times give rife to fo many more as fuddenly
to raife the fpecies higher, and to refemble
the effects of opening a new fenfe, or of the
fall of a fpark on a train that fprings a mine.
For this reafon, mankind may at laft arrive
at degrees of improvement which we can-
not now even fufpect to be poffible. A
dark age may follow an enlightened age;
but, in this cafe, the light, after being
fmothered for a time, will break out again
with a brighter luftre. The prefent age of
increafed light, confidered as fucceeding the
ages of Greece and Rome and an interme-
diate period of thick darknefs, furnifhes a
proof of the truth of this obfervation.
There are certain kinds of improvement
which, when once made, cannot be entire-
ly loft. During the dark ages, the im-
provements made in the ages that preceded
them remained fo far as to be recovered im-
mediately at the refurredtion of letters, and
to produce afterwards that more rapid pro-
} gref§

[ 5 ]

grefs in improvement which has diflinguifh-
ed modern times.

There can fcarcely be a more pleafing and
encouraging object of reflection than this.
An accidental obfervation of the effects
of gravity in a garden has been the means
of difcovering the laws that govern the
folar fyftem*, and of enabling us to look
down with pity on the ignorance of the
moft enlightened times among the antients.
What new dignity has been given to man,
and what additions have been made to his
powers, by the invention of optical glaiTes,
printing, gun-powder, &c. and by the late
difcoveries in navigation, mathematics, na-
tural philofophy, &c. ?

But among the events in modern times
tending to the elevation of mankind, there
are none probably of fo much confequence
as the recent one which occafions thefe ob-
fervations. Perhaps, I do not go too far
when I fay that, next to the introduction
of Chriftianity among mankind, the Ame-

* This refers to an account given of Sir Ifaac New-
ton in the Preface to Dr. Pemberton's View of his
philofophy.

rican

[ 6 ]

rican revolution may prove the irioft im-
portant ftep in the progreffive courfe of
human improvement. It is an event which
may produce a general diffufion of the
principles of humanity, and become the
means of fetting free mankind from the
fhackles of fuperftition and tyranny, by lead-
ing them to fee and know " that nothing
" is fundamental but impartial enquiry, an
" honeft mind, and virtuous practice——
" that date policy ought not to be applied
** to the fupport of fpeculative opinions

" and formularies of faith." ff That the

" members of a civil community ar.e con-
"federates, not fubjetts ; and their rulers,
" fervants, not majiers. — <— And that all
" legitimate government confifts in the do-
" minion of equal laws made with com-
" mon confentj that is, in the dominion
" of men over themfehes ; and not in. the
" dominion of communities over commu-
" nities, or of any men over other men."

Happy will the world be when thefe
truths mail be every where acknowledged
and practifed upon. Religious bigotry,
that cruel demon, will be then laid afleep.
Slavifh governments and flavifh Hierarchies
will then fink; and the old prophecies be

verified,

[ 7 3

verified, " that the laft univerfal empire
" upon earth (hall be the empire of reafon
" and virtue, under which the gofpel of
" peace (better underflood) ft all have free
" courfe a?id be glorified, many will run to
" and fro and knowledge bh increafed, the
" wolf dwell with the lamb and the leopard
" with the kid y and nation no more lift up
" a fword againjl nation."

It is a conviction I cannot refill, that the
independence of the Englif/j colonies in
America is one of the fteps ordained by
Providence to introduce thefe times -, and
I can fcarcely be deceived in this convic-
tion, if the United States mould efcape
fome dangers which threaten them, and
will take proper care to throw themfelves
open to future improvements, and to make
the moft of the advantages of their prefent
fituation. Should this happen, it will be
true of them as it was of the people of the
Jews, that in them all the families of the
earth Jh all be blefjed. It is fcarcely poffible
they mould think too highly of their own
confequence. Perhaps, there never ex-
ited a people on whofe wifdom and virtue
more depended ; or to whom a ftation of
more importance in the plan of Providence

has

[ 8 ]

has been aflïgnech They have begun nobly*
They have fought with fuccefs for them-
felves and for the world -y and, in the midft
of invafion and carnage, eflablifhed forms
of government favourable in the highefl

degree to the rights of mankind. But

they have much more to do ; more indeed
than it is poflible properly to reprefent.
In this addrefs, my defign is only to take
notice of a few great points which feem
particularly to require their attention, in
order to render them permanently happy in
themfelves and ufeful to mankind. On
thefe points, I mail deliver my fentiments
with freedom, confcious I mean well ; but,
at the fame time, with real diffidence, con-
fcious of my own liablenefs to error.

Of

[ 9 3

Of the Means of promoting human Improve*
ment a?id Happinefs in the United States.
— And firft, of Public Debts.

T T feems evident, that what firft requires
the attention of the United States is the
redemption of their debts, and making
compenfation to that army which has car-
ried them through the war. They have
an infant credit to cherifh and rear., which,
if this is not done, mud perim, and with
it their character and honour for ever. Nor
is it conceivable they fhould meet with
any great difficulties in doing this. They
have a vafl refource peculiar to themfelves,
in a continent of unlocated lands poiTefiing
every advantage of foil and climate. The
fettlement of thefe lands will be rapid, the
confequence of which muft be a rapid in-
creafe of their value. By difpofing of
them to the army and to emigrants, the
greateft part of the debts of the United
States may probably be funk immediate/^.
But had they no fuch refource, they are very
capable of bearing taxes fufficient for the
purpofe of a gradual redemption. Sup-

[ 10 ]

pofîng their debts to amount to nine millions
fterling, carrying intereft at 5 J per cent, taxes
producing a revenue of a million per ann*
would pay the intereft, and at the fame time
leave a fur plus of half a million per ann.
for a finking fundi which would difcharge
the principal in thirteen years. A furplus
of a quarter of a million would do the
fame in 2of years. After difcharging the
principal, the appropriated revenue being
no longer wanted, might be abolifhed, and
the States eafed of the burthen of it. But
it would be imprudent to abolifh it en-
tirely. 100,000/. per ann. referved, and
faithfully laid out in clearing unlocated
lands and other improvements, would in
a fhort time increafe to a treafure (or con-
tinental patrimony) which would defray
the whole expenditure of the union, and
keep the States free from debts and taxes
for ever f , Such a referve would (fup-

* The lands, forefts, imports, &c. &c. which once
formed the patrimony of the crown in England, bore
moil: of the expences of government. It is well for
this kingdom that the extravagance of the crown has
been the means of alienating this patrimony, for the
confequence has been making the crown dependent on
the people. But in America fuch a patrimony would
be continental property, capaple of being applied only
to public purpofes, in the way which the public (or
its delegates) fhould approve,

? pofing

[ ii ]

pofing it improved fo as to produce a
profit of 5 per cent.) increafe to a capital
of three millions in 19 years, 30 millions
in 57 years, 100 millions in 81 years, and
261 millions in 100 years. But fuppoiing
it capable of being improved fo as to
produce a profit of 10 per cent, it would
increafe to five millions in 19 years, 100
millions in 49 years, and 10,000 millions
in 97 years ;

It is wonderful that no ftate has yet
thought of takine this method to make
itfelf great and rich. The fmalleft appro-
priation in a finking fund, never diverted,
operates in cancelling debts, jufl as money
increafes at compound intereft.; and is5
therefore, omnipotent *. But, if diverted,
it lofes all its power. Britain affords
a ftriking proof of this. Its finking fund
(once the hope of the kingdom) has, by

* One penny put out at our Saviour's birth to 5 per
cent, compound intereft would, before this time, have
increafed to a greater fum than would be contained irt

TWO HUNDRED MILLIONS of EARTHS all folid gold.

But, if put out to fimple intereft, it would have amount-
ed to no more than feven /hillings and fix-pence. All
governments which alienate funds deftined for reim-
burfements, chufe to improve money in the lajl rather
than the firji of thefe ways.

C 2 the

[ M ]

the practice of alienating it, been rendered
impotent and ufelefs. Had it been in-
violably applied to the purpofe for which
it was intended, there would, in the year
1775, have been a fur plu s in the revenue
of more than five millions per atin. But
inftead of this, we were then encumbered
with a debt of 137 millions, carrying an
intereft of near 4! millions, and leaving no
furplus of any confequence. This debt
has been fince increafed to 280 millions,
carrying an intereft (including expences of
management) .-of nine millions and a half. —
A monftrous bubble; — and as no effectual
meafures are likely to be taken (or perhaps
can now be taken) for reducing it within
the limits of fafety, it muft, fome time
or other, produce a dreadful convulfion.
Let the United States take warning — Their
debts at prefent are moderate. A Sinking
fund, guarded * againft mifapplication,
may foon extinguifh them, and prove a
refource in all events of the greateft im-
portance. Let fuch a fund be eftablifhed.
Could a facrednefs be given it like that of

* When not thus guarded, public funds become
the woift evils, by giving to the rulers of ftates a
command of revenue for the purpofes of corruption.

the

[ 13 1

the ark of God among the jews, it would
do the fame fervice.

I mufl not, however, forget that there is
one of their debts on which no finking
fund can have any effect ; and which it is

impoflible for them to difcharge :

A debt, greater, perhaps, than has beea
ever due from any country ; and which
will be deeply felt by their lateft pofterity.
— But it is a debt of gratitude only —
Of gratitude to that General, who has
been ra'ifed up by Providence to make
them free and independent, and whofe
name muft mine among the firft in the fu-
ture annals of the benefactors of mankind.

The meafure now propofed may prefervc
America for ever from too great an accu-
mulation of debts; and, confequently, of
taxes — an evil which is likely to be the
ruin not only of Britain, but of other Eu-
ropean States. — But there are meaiures of
yet greater confequence, which I wifh ar-
dently to recommend and inculcate.

For the fake of mankind, I wifh to fee
every meafure adopted that can have a ten-
dency to preferve peace in America; and
to make it an open and fairflage for difcuf-
fion, and the feat of perfect liberty.

Of

[ H ]

Of Peace,
And the Means of perpetuating it.

/^IVIL Government is an expedient for
^^ collecting the wifdom and the force of
a community or confederacy, to preferve
its. peace and liberty againft every hoftile
invaiion, whether from within or from
without. — In the latter of thefe refpedts,
the United States are happily fecured ; but
they are far from being equally happy in
the former refpect. Having now, in con-
fequence of their fuccefsful refinance of
the invaiion of Britain, united to their
remotenefs from Europe, no external enemy
to fear, they are in danger of fighting with
one another. — This is their greateji danger;
and providing fecurities againft it is their
bardeft work. Should they fail in this,
America may fome time or other be turned
into a fcene of blood ; and inflead of being
the hope and refuge of the world, may
become a terror to it.

When a difpute arifes among individuals
in a State, an appeal is made to a court of

law ;

[ 15 ]

law; that is, to the wifdom and juflice
of the State. The court decides. The
lofing party acquiefces ; or, if he does
not, the power of the State forces him
to fubmiffion; and thus the effects of
contention are fuppreft, and peace is main-
tained.— Tn a way fimilar to this, peace
may be maintained between any number
of confederated States ; and I can almofl
imagine, that it is not impoffible but
that by fome fuch means univerfal peace
may fome time or other be produced, and
all war excluded from the world. — Wiiy
may we not hope to fee this begun in
America? The articles of confedera-
tion make çonfiderable advances towards
it, When a difpute arifes between any of
the States, they order an appeal to Congrefs,
— an enquiry by Congrefs, — a hearing,—
and a decifion. — But here they flop. — What
is mofl of all neceffary is omitted. No
provifion is made for enforcing the déci-
dons of Congrefs ; and this renders them
inefficient and futile. I am by no means
qualified to point out the befl method of
removing this defect. Much mufl be given
up for this purpofe, nor is it eafy to give
up too much. Without all doubt the

powers

[ i6 ]

powers of Congrefs mud: be enlarged. la
particular, a power nmft be given it to
colled, on certain emergencies, the force
of the confederacy, and to employ it in
carrying its decifions into execution. A
State againft which a decifion is made, will
yield of courfe when it knows that fuch a
force exifts, and that it allows no hope
from reii Ranee.

By this force I do not mean a standing
army. God forbid, that {landing armies
mould ever find an eftablifhment in Ame-
rica. They are every where the grand
fupports of arbitrary power, and the chief
caufes of the depreffion of mankind. No
wife people will truft their defence out of
their own hands, or confent to hold their
rights at the mercy of armed Jlaves. Free
States ought to be bodies of armed citizens,
well regulated, and well difciplined, and
always ready to turn out, when properly
called upon, to execute the laws, to quell
riots, and to keep the peace. Such, if I
am rightly informed, are the citizens of
America. Why then may not Congress
be furnifhed with a power of calling out
from the confederated States, quotas of
militia fufficient to force at once the com-
pliance

t 17 ]

pliance of any State which may fhew an
inclination to break the union by refifting
its decifions ?

I am very fenfible that it will be diffi-
cult to guard fuch a power againft abufe;
and, perhaps, better means of anfwering
this end are difcoverable. In human af-
fairs, however, the choice generally offered
us is " of two evils to take the leaft."
We chufe the reflraint of civil govern-
ment, becaufe a lefs evil than anarchy;
and, in like manner, in the prefent in-
stance, the danger of the abufe of power,
and of its being employed fometimes to
enforce wrong decifions, muft be fubmitted
to, becaufe a lefs evil than the mifery of
inteftine wars. Much, however, may be
done to lefTen this danger. Such regula-
tions as thofe in the ninth of the articles of
confederation will, in a great meafure, pre-
vent hafty and partial decifions. The ro-
tation eflablifhed by the fifth article will
prevent that corruption of character which
feldom fails to be produced by the long
poffeffion of power ; and the right referved
to every State of recalling its Delegates
when difTatisfied with them, will keep
them conftantly refponfibie and cautious.

D The

[ iS 1

The obfervations now made mu ft be ex-
tended to money tranfactions. Congrefs
muft be trufted with a power of procuring
fupplies for defraying the expences of the
confederation ; of contracting debts, and
providing funds for difcharging them :
and this power muft not be capable of
being defeated by the oppofition of any
minority in the States.

In fhort, the credit of the United States,
their ftrength, their refpe£tablenefs abroad,
their liberty at home, and even their ex-
iftence, depend on the prefervation of a
firm political union ; and fuch an union
cannot be preferved, without giving all
poffible weight and energy to the authority
of that delegation which conftitutes the
union.

Would it not be proper to take perio-
dical furveys of the different ftates, their
numbers of both fexes in every ftage of
life, their condition, occupations, proper-
ty, &c. ? Would not fuch furveys, in

conjunction with accurate regifters of
births, marriages and deaths at all ages,
afford much important inftrudlion by mew-
ing

u

[ 19 ]

ing what laws govern human mortality, and
what Situations, employments, and civil
inftitutions, are moft favourable to the

health and happinefs of mankind ?

Would they not keep constantly in view
the progrefs of population in the ftates, and
the increafe or decline of their refources ?
But more efpecially, are they not the only
means of procuring the neceffary informa-
tion for determining accurately and equita-
bly the proportions of men and money to
be contributed by each ftate for fupporting
and Strengthening the confederation ?

D2 Of

[ 26

Of Liber ty.

^pHE next point I would infift on, as
an object of fupreme importance, is
the eftablimment of fuch a fyftem of per-
fect liberty, religious as well as civil, in
America, as (hall render it a country where
truth and reafon (hall have fair play, and the
human powers find full fcope for exerting
themfelves, and for (hewing how far they
can carry human improvement.

The faculties of man have hitherto, in
all countries, been more or lefs cramped
by the interference of civil authority in
matters of fpeculation, by tyrannical laws
againft herefy and fchifm, and by flavifli
hierarchies and religious eftablimments.
It is above all things defirable that no fuch
fetters on reafon mould be admitted into
America. I obferve, with inexpreffible
fatis faction, that at prefent they have no
exiftence there. In this refpect the govern-
ments of the United States are liberal to a
degree that is unparalleled. They have the
diftinguiflied honour ' of being the firft

ftates

[ 21 ]

fiâtes under heaven in which forms of go-
vernment have been eftablifhed favourable
to univerfal liberty. They have been thus
diflinguimed in their infancy. What then
will they be in a more advaned flate ;
when time and experience, and the concur-
ring afïiftance of the wife and virtuous, in
every part of the earth, mall have intro-
duced into the new governments, correc-
tions and amendments which will render
them ftill more friendly to liberty, and
more the means of promoting human hap-

pinefs and dignity? May we not fee

there the dawning of brighter days on
earth, and a new creation riling. But I
muft check myfelf. I am in danger of be-
ing carried too far by the ardor of my
hopes.

The liberty I mean includes in it liberty
of conduct in all civil matters — liberty
of difcuffion in z\\ fpeculative matters — and
liberty of confcience in all religious mat-
ters And it is then perfect, when un-
der no reftraint except when ufed to injure
any one in his perfon, property, or good
name ; that is, except when ufed to deflroy
itfelf.

Ir*

[ 22 ]

In liberty of difcuffion, I include thé
liberty of examining all public meafures,
and the conduct of all public men ; and of
writing and publifhing on all fpeculative
and doctrinal points.

0/ Liberty ^/ Discussion^

Y T is a common opinion* that there are
A fome doctrines fo facred, and others of
fa bad a tendency, that no public difcuffion
of them ought to be allowed. Were this a
right opinion, all the perfecution that has
been ever practifed would be juftified. For,
if it is a part of the duty of civil magiftrates
to prevent the difcuffion of fuch doctrines*
they muft, in doing this, act on their own
judgments of the nature and tendency of
doctrines ; and, confequently, they muft
have a right to prevent the difcuffion of
all doctrines which they think to be too fa-
cred for difcuffion or too dangerous in their
tendency ; and this right they muft exer-
cife in the only way in which civil power
is capable of exercifing it, " by inflicting

" penal^es

[ 23 ]

" penalties on all who oppofe facred doc-
*' trines, or who maintain pernicious opi-

" nions." In Mahometan countries,

therefore, civil magiftrates have a right to
filence and punifh all who oppofe the di-
vine miffion of Mahomet, a doctrine there
reckoned of the moil facred nature. TJ*e-
like is true of the doctrines of tranfubftan-
tiation, worfhip of the Virgin Mary, &c.
in PopiJJj countries ; and of the doctrines of
the Trinity, faasfaction, &c. in Proiejiant
countries; In England itfelf, this prin-
ciple has been acted upon, and produced
the laws which fubject to fevere penalties
all who write or fpeak againft the Su-
preme Divinity of Chrift, the Book of
Common Prayer, and the Church Articles
of Faith. All fuch laws are right, if the
opinion I have mentioned is right. But
in reality, civil power has nothing to do
with any fuch matters ; and civil gover-
nors go miferably out of their proper pro-
vince, whenever they take upon them the
care of truth, or the fupport of any doc-
trinal points. They are not judges of
truth ; and if they pretend to decide about
it, they will decide wrong. This all the
countries under heaven think of the ap-

plica*

1 24 ]
plication of civil power to do&rinal points
in every country but their own. It is, in-
deed, fuperftition, idolatry, and nonfenfe,
that civil power at prefent fupports almoft
every v/here, under the idea of fupporting
facred truth, and oppofing dangerous error.
Would not, therefore, its perfect neutrality
be the greater!: blefling ? Would not the
intereft of truth gain unfpeakably, were all
the rulers of States to aim at nothing but
keeping the peace ; or did they confider
themfelves as bound to take care, not of
the future, but the prefent in te reft of men; —
not of their fouls and their faithy but of
their perfons and property j-^-not of any ec-
clefafticaly but fecular matters only ?

All the experience of paft time proves
that the confequence of allowing civil
power to judge of the nature and tendency
of doctrines, mud be making it a hindrance
to the progrefs of truth, and an enemy to
the improvement of the world.

Anaxagoras was tried and condemned in
Greece for teaching that the fun and ftars
were not Deities, but mafles of corruptible
matter. Accufations of a like kind con-
tributed to the death of Socrates. The
threats of bigots and the fear of perfecu-
j tion?

[ 25 ]

tion, prevented Copernicus from publifli-
ing, during his whole life time, his difeo-
very of the true fyftem of the world. Ga-
lileo was obliged to renounce the doctrine
of the motion of the earth, and fuffered a
year's imprifonment for having afferted it.
And fo lately as the year 1742, the befl
commentary on the firft production of hu-
man genius (Newton's Principia) was
not allowed to be printed at Rome, becaufe
it afferted this doctrine; and the learned
commentators were obliged to prefix to
their work a declaration, that on this point
they fubmitted to the decifions of the fu-
preme Pontiffs. Such have been, and fuch
(while men continue blind and ignorant)
will always be the confequences of the in-
terpofition of civil governments in matters
of fpeculation.

When men affociate for the purpofe of
civil government, they do it not to defend
truth, or to fupport formularies of faith
and fpeculative opinions; but to defend
their civil rights, and to protect one ano-
ther in the free exercife of their mental
and corporeal powers. The interference,
therefore, of civil authority in fuch cafes

E is

[ 26 ]

is directly contrary to the end of its in-
ftitution. The way in which it can befl
promote the intereft and dignity of man-
kind, (as far as they can be promoted
by the difcovery of truth) is, by encou-
raging them to fearch for truth where-
ever they can find it ; and by protecting
them in doing this againft the attacks of
malevolence and bigotry. Should any at-
tempt be made by contending feds to in-
jure one another, its power will come in
properly to crufh the attempt, and to main-
tain for all feels equal liberty, by punifliing
every encroachment upon it. The con-
duel: of a civil magiftrate, on fuch an oc-
cafion, mould be that of Gallio the wife
Roman proconful, who, on receiving an
accufation of the apoflle Paul, would not
liften to it, but drove from his prefence the
accufers who had laid violent hands upon
him, after giving them the following ad-
monition : — If it were a matter of wrong
pr wicked lewdnefs, reofon would require that
I Jhould bear with you. But if it be a quef
tion of words and names and the law, look
you to it. For I will be no judge of fuch
matters. Ads xviii. 12. &c. How much
happier would the world have been, had
all magiftrates adted in this manner ? Let
I Ame-

[ 27 ]

America learn this important leffon, and
profit by the experience of pad times.
A diffent from ejiablijhed opinions and
doctrines has indeed often miferably di-
sturbed fociety, and produced mifchief and
bloodshed. But it mould be remembered,
that this has been owing to the ejiablifh-
ment of the points diffented from, and the
ufe of civil power to enforce the reception
of them. Had civil government done
its duty, left all free, and employed it-
felf in procuring in (lead of retraining fair
difcuflion, all mifchief would have been
avoided, and mankind would have been
raifed higher than they are in knowledge
and improvement.

When Chriftianity, that firft and beft of all
the means of human improvement, was firft
preached, it was charged with turning the
world upfide down. The leaders of Jewifh
and Pagan eftablifhments were alarmed, and
by oppofing the propagation of it, converted
a religion of peace and love into an oçcafion
of violence and flaughter ; and thus verified
our Lord's prophecy, that he was come
not to fend peace, but afford on earth. All
this was the effect of the mifapplication

E a qî

[ 28 ]

of the powers of government. In (lead of
creating, they mould have been employed
in preventing fuch mifchief, and been a5live
only in caufing the Chriftian caufe to re-
ceive a fair hearing, and guarding the pro-
pagators of it againfl infult. — The like
©bfervation may be made concerning the
firtt reformers. — What we all fee would
have been right in Pagan and Popi/h go-
vernments with refpecl: to Chriftianity and
the Reformation > would it not be now
right in Cbrijiian or Protejlant govern-
ments,, were any attempts made to pro-
pagate a new religion, or any doctrines
advanced oppofite to thofe now held facred ?
Such attempts, if unfupported by reafon
and evidence, would foon come to nothing.
An impoflure cannot ftand the tell: of fair
and open examination. On the contrary,
the caufe of truth will certainly be ferved
by it. Mahometanifm would have funk as
foon as it rofe, had no other force than that
of evidence been employed to propagate it ;
and it is an unfpeakable recommendation of
Chrijlianity, that it made its way till it
became the religion of the world in one
of its moft enlightened periods, by evidence
only, in oppolition to the itrongeft exer-
tions

C 29 ]

tions of civil power. There cannot be a
more ftriking proof, that nothing but fair
difcuflion is neceflary to fupprefs error and
to propagate truth. I am grieved, indeed,
whenever I find any Chriftians fhewing a
diipofition to call in the aid of civil power
to defend their religion. Nothing can be
more difgraceful to it. If it wants fuch
aid, it cannot be of God. Its corruption
and debafement took place from the mo-
ment that civil power took it under its-
patronage $ and this corruption and de-
bafement increafed, till at laft it was con-
verted into a fyftem of abfurdity and fuper-
ftition more grofs and more barbarous than

Paganifm itfelf. The religion of Chrift

difclaims all connexion with the civil efta-
blifhments of the world. It bas fuffered
infinitely by their friendjhip. In (lead of
filencing its opponents, let them be encou-
raged to produce their ftrongeft arguments
againfl: it. The experience of Britain ha3
lately fhewn that this will only caufe it
to be better understood and more firmly-
believed.

I would extend thefe obfervations to all
points of faith, however facred they may

be

[ 3° ]

be deemed. Nothing reafonable can fuffer
by difcuffion. All doctrines really facred
muft be clear and incapable of being op-
pofed with fuccefs. If civil authority in-
terpofes, it will be to iupport fome mif*
conception or abufe of them,

That immoral tendency of doctrines which
has been urged as a reafon againft allowing
the public difcuffion of them, may be
either avowed and direct, or only a confe-
quence with which they are charged. If
it is avowed and direcl9 fuch doctrines
certainly will not fpread. The principles
rooted in human nature will refift them -,
and the advocates of them will be foon
difgraced. If, on the contrary, it is only a
confequence with which a doctrine is charged,
it fhould be confidered how apt all parties
are to charge the doctrines they oppofe
with bad tendencies. It is well known,
that Calvinifls and Arminians, Trinitarians
and Socinians, Fatalijls and Free-willers>
are continually exclaiming againft one ano-
ther's opinions as dangerous and licentious.
Even Christianity itfelf could not, at its firft
introduction, efcape this accufation. The
profeflbrs of it were confidered as Atheijls,
becaufe they oppofed Pagan idolatry -, and

their

t 31 ]

their religion was on this account reckoned
a deftructive and pernicious enthufiafm.
If, therefore, the rulers of a State are to
prohibit the propagation of all doctrines in
which they apprehend immoral tendencies,
an opening will be made, as I have before
obferved, for every fpecies of perfecution.
There will be no doctrine, however true or
important, the avowal of which will not in
fome country or other be fubjected to civil
penalties. — Undoubtedly, there are doc-
trines which have fuch tendencies. But
the tendencies of fpeculative opinions have
often very little effect on practice. The
Author of nature has planted in the human
mind principles and feelings which will
operate in oppofition to any theories that
may feem to contradict them. Every feet,
whatever may be its tenets, has {omzfaho
for the neceffity of virtue. The philofo-
phers who hold that matter and motion
have no exiftence except in our own ideas,
are capable of believing this only in their
clofets. The fame is true of the philofo-
phers who hold that nothing exifls but
matter and motion ; and at the fame time
teach, that man has no felf determining

power j

[ 3* ]

power i that an unalterable fate governs
all things; and that no one is any thing
that he can avoid being) or does any thing

that he can avoid doing. Thefe philo-

fophers when they come out into the
world ajjS as other men do, Common
fenfe never fails to get the better of their
theories -, and I know that many of them
are fome of the beft men in the world,
and the warmeft friends to the true in-
térêts of fociety. Though their doc-
trine may feem to furnifli an apology for
vice, their practice is an exhibition of
virtue ; and a government which would

filence them would greatly injure xtfelf.

Only overt acts of injuftice, violence or der
famation, come properly under the cogni-
zance of civil power. Were a perfon now
to go about London, teaching that " pro-
" perty is founded in grace," I mould,
were I a magiftrate, let him alone while
he did nothing but teach, without being
under any other apprehenfion than that he
would foon find a lodging in Bedlam. But
were he to attempt to carry his doctrine
into its confequences by actually Jiea/ing,
under the pretence of his right as a faint
to the property of his neighbours, I fhould

think

[ 33 ]

think it my duty to lay hold of him as a
felon, without regarding the opinion from
which he acted.

I am perfuaded, that few or no incon-
veniencies would arife from fuch a liberty.
If magiftrates will do their duty as foon
as violence begins, or any overt a&s
which break the peace are committed, no
great harm will arife from their keep-
ing themfelves neutral till then. Let, how-
ever, the contrary be fuppofed. Let it
be granted that civil authority will in this
cafe often be too late in its exertions ; the
juft inference will be, not that the liberty
I plead for ought not to be allowed; but
that there will be two evils, between which
an option muft be made, and the leaft of

which muft be preferred. One is, the

evil juft mentioned. The other includes

in it every evil which can arife from mak-
ing the rulers of States judges of the ten-
dency of doctrines, fubjedting freedom of
enquiry to the controul of their ignorance,
and perpetuating darknefs, intolerance and
flavery. I need not fay which of thefe
evils is the leaft.

Of

[ 34 î

Of Liberty 0/* Conscience, and Civ it

Establishments ^Religion.

TN Liberty of Conscience I include
much more than Toleration. Jefus Chrift
has eftablifhed a perfect equality among his
followers. His command is, that they
mall aflame no jurifdiclion over one ano-
ther, and acknowledge no mafter bed des

bimfelf It vzy therefore, prefumption in

any of them to claim a right to any fupe-
riority or pre-eminence over their brethren.
Such a claim is implied, whenever any of
them pretend to tolerate the reft. — — Not
only all Cbrijlians, but all men of all reli-
gions ought to be confidered by a State as
equally entitled to its protection as far as
they demean themfelves honeftly and peace-
ably. Toleration can take place only where
there is a civil eftablithment of a particu-
lar mode of religion ; that is, .where a pre-
dominant feci: enjoys exclufrce advantages,
and makes the encouragement of its own
mode of faith and worfhip a part of the
conftitution of the State ; but at the fame

time

[ 35 }
time thinks fit to suffer the exercife of
other modes of faith and worfhip. Thanks
be to God, the new American States are at
prefent ftrangers to fuch eftablifhments.
In this refpecl, as well as many others,
they have (hewn, in framing their confuta-
tions, a degree of wifdom and liberality
which is above all praife.

Civil eftablifhments of formularies of
faith and worfhip are inconfiftent with the
rights of private judgment— They ingender
ftrife — Thev turn religion into a trade —
They (hoar up error — They produce hy-
pocrify and prevarication — They lay an
undue byafs on the human mind in its
enquiries, and obftrudl the progrefs of

truth. Genuine religion is a concern

that lies entirely between God and our
own fouls. It is incapable of receiving any
aid from human laws. It is contaminated
as foon as worldly motives and fanclions
mix their influence with it, Statefmen
mould countenance it only by exhibiting
in their own example a confcientious re-
gard to it in thofe forms which are moil:
agreeable to their own judgments, and by
encouraging their fellow-citizens in doing
the fame. They cannot as public men give
F 2 it

[ 36 ]

it any other afTiftance. All be fides that
has been called a public leading in religion,
has done it an effential injury, and pro-
duced fome of the word confequences.

The Church Eftabliihment in England is
one of the mildeft fort. But even here
what a fnare has it been to integrity ?
And what a check to free enquiry ?
What difpofitions favourable to defpotifrn
has it foftered ? What a turn to pride
and narrownefs and domination has it
eiven the clerical character ? What ftrusr-
gles has it produced in its members to
accommodate their opinions to the fub-
fcriptions and tefts which it impofes ? What
a perverfion of learning has it occasioned
to defend obielete creeds and abfurdities ?
What a burthen is it on the confeiences of
fome of its beii clergy, who, in confe-
quence of being bound down to a fyftem
they go not approve, and having no flip-
port except that which they derive from
conforming to it, find themfelves under
the hard neceffity of either prevaricating

or Jiarving ?> -No one doubts but that

the Englilh clergy in general could with
more truth declare that they do not, than
that they do give their unfeigned affent to

all

[ 37 3

all and every thing contained in the thirty-
nine Articles and the Book of Common-
Prayer ; and yet, with a folemn declaration
to this purpoie, are they obliged to enter
upon an office which above all offices re-
quires thofe who exercife it to be examples
of fimplicity and fincerity. — Who can
help execrating the caufe of fuch an evil ?

But what I vvifli moll to urge is the ten-
dency of religious eftablifTiments to im-
pede the improvement of the world. They
are boundaries prefcribed by human folly
to human invefligaticn ; and inclofures
which intercept the light and confine the
exertions of reafon. Let any one imagine
to himfelf what effects fimilar eftabliih-
ments would have in Philcfophy, Naviga-
tion, Metaphyficks, Medicine or Mathe-
maticks. Something like this took place
in Logick and Philcfophy ; while the
ipse dixit of Ariftotle and the nonfenfe
of the fchools maintained an authority like
that of the creeds of churchmen : And the
effect was a longer continuance of the
world in the ignorance and barbarity of
the dark ages. But civil eftablifhments of
religion are more pernicious. So apt are
mankind to mifreprefent the character of

the

[ 38 ]

the Deity, and to conned: his favour with
particular modes of faith, that it muft be
expected, that a religion fo fettled will be
what it has hitherto been — a gloomy and
cruel fuperftition bearing the name of re-
ligion.

It has been long a fubject of difpute,
which is worft in its effects on fociety,
fuch a religion or fpeculative Atheifm. For
my own part, I could almoft give the pre-
ference to the latter. Atheism is fo re-
pugnant to every principle of common
fenfe, that it is not poflible it fhould ever
gain much ground, or become very preva-
lent. On the contrary ; there is a par-
ticular pronenefs in the human mind
to Superstition, and nothing is more

likely to become prevalent. Atheism

leaves us to the full influence of mod
of our natural feelings and focial prin-
ciples ; and thefe are fo flrong in their
operation, that in general they are a fuf-
cient guard to the order of fociety. But
Superstition counteracts thefe prin-
ciples, by holding forth men to one another
as objects of divine hatred; and by putting
them on harraffing, filencing, imprifoning
and burning one another in order to do
God fervice. — Atheism is a fanctuary for

5 vice

[ 39 -.]

vice by taking away the motives to virtue
anting from the will of God and the fear
of a future judgment. But Superstition
is more a fandïuary for vice, by teaching
men ways of pleafing God without moral
virtue, and by leading them even to com-
pound for wicked nefs by ritual fervices,
by bodily penances and mortifications, by
adorning fhrines, going pilgrimages, faying
many prayers, receiving abfolution from the
pried:, exterminating heretics, &c. — Athe-
ism deftroys the facrednefs and obligation
of an oath. But is there not alfo a religion
(fo called) which does this, by teaching that
there is a power which can difpenfe with
the obligation of oaths, that pious frauds
are right, and that faith is not to be kept
with heretics ?

It is indeed only a rational and liberal
religion ; a religion founded on juft no-
tions of the Deity as a being who regards
equally every fincere worfhipper, and by
whom all are alike favoured as far as they
act up to the light they enjoy; a religion
which contifts in the imitation of the moral
perfections of an almighty but benevolent
governor of nature who directs for the
beft all events, in confidence in the care

of

i 40 ]

of his providence, in refignation to hi$
will, and in the faithful dilcharge of every
duty of piety and morality from a regard
to his authority and the apprehenfion of a

future righteous retribution.- It is only

this religion (the infpiring principle of
every thing fair and worthy and joyful,
and which in truth is nothing but the
love of God and man and virtue warming
the heart and directing the conduct.) — It is
only this kind of religion that can blefs
the world, or be an advantage to fociety.—
This is the religion that every enlightened
friend to mankind will be zealous to pro-
mote. But it is a religion that the powers
of the world know little of, and which
will always be beft promoted by being
left free and open.

I cannot help adding here, that this is

in particular the Chrijlian religion.

Chriftianity teaches us that there is none
good but one, that is, God ; that he willeth
all men to be faved, and will punifh nothing
but wickednefs ; that he defires mercy
and not facrifice (benevolence rather than
rituals) ; that loving him with all our hearts,
and loving our neighbour as ourfelves, is
the whole of our duty ; and that in every

nation

[ 4f ]

nation he that feareth him and worketh
righteoufnefs is accepted of him. It refis
its authority on the power of God, not of
man ; refers itfelf entirely to the under-
(landings of men ; makes us the fubjects of
a kingdom that is not of this world; and
requires us to elevate our minds above tem-
poral emoluments, and to look forwards to
a flate beyond the grave, where a govern-
ment of perfect virtue will be erected under
that Mefiiah who has tajled death for every
man, — What have the powers of the world
to do with fuch a religion ? — It difclaims all
connexion with them ; it made its way at
firft in oppofition to them ; and, as far as
it is now upheld by them, it is disho-
noured and vilified.

The injury which civil eftabli foments do
to Chriilianity may be learnt from the fol-
lowing confiderations,

Firft. The fpirit of religious eflablifh-
ments is oppofite to the fpirit of Chriili-
anity. It is a fpirit of pride and tyranny
in oppofition to the Chriftian lowly fpirit ;
a contracted and felfifh fpirit, in oppofi-
tion to the Chriftian enlarged and benevo-
G lent

[ 42 ]

lent fpirit -> the fpirit of the world in op-
poiition to the Chriftian heavenly fpirit.

Secondly. Religious eflablifliments are
founded on a claim of authority in the
Chriftian church which overthrows ChrifVs
authority. He has in the fcriptures given
his followers a code of laws, to which he
requires them to adhere as their only guide.
But the language of the framers of church
eflablimments is — We have authority in con-
16 troverfiesoffaith and power to decree rites
" and ceremonies. We are the deputies of
** Chrift upon earth, who have been com-
" miffioned by him to interpret his laws,
** and to rule his church. You mull: there-
•* fore follow us. The fcriptures are infuf-
** ftcient. Our interpretations you mull
" receive as Ghrift's laws ; our creeds as
" his doctrine; our inventions as his in-
" ftitutions."

It is evident, as the excellent Hoadly
has fhewn, that thefe claims turn Chrifi
out of the government of his own king-
dom, and place ufnrpers on his throne. —
They are therefore derogatory to his ho-
nour ; and a fubmiffion to them is a breach

of

[ 43 I

of the allegiance due to him. They have
been almoft fatal to true Chriftianity ; and
attempts to enforce them by civil penalties,
have watered the Chriftian world with the
blood of faints and martyrs.

Thirdly. The difficulty of introducing
alterations into church eftablifhments after
they have been once formed, is another
objection to them. Hence it happens, that
they remain always the fame amidft all
changes of public manners and opinions*;
and that a kingdom may go on for ages in
idolatrous worfhip, after a general convic-
tion has taken place, that there is but one
object of religious worfhip, namely, the
God and Father of our Lord Jefus Chrift.
What a fad fcene of religious hypocrify
muft fuch a difcordance between public
conviction and the public forms produce ?

* This is an inconvenience attending civil as well as
ecclefiaftical eftablifhments, which has been with great
wifdom guarded againff. in the new American confHtu-
tions, by appointing that there fhall be a revifal of them
at the end of certain terms. This will leave them
always open to improvement, without any danger of
thofe convulfîons which have ufually attended the cor-
rections of abufes when they have acquired a facrednefs
by time.

G 2 At

[ 44 ]
At this day, in fome European countries,
the abfurdity and flavifhnefs of their hie-
rarchies are ieen and acknowledged j but
being incorporated with the ftate, it is
fcarcely poffible to get rid of them.

What can be more ftriking than the State
of England in this refpecl ? — The fyflem
of faith and worfhip eftablifhed in it was
formed above two hundred years ago, when
Europe was juft emerging from darknefs
and barbarity. The times have ever fince
been growing more enlightened } but with-
out any effect on the eflablifhment. Not a
ray of the increafing light has penetrated it.
Not one imperfection, however grofs, has
been removed. The fame articles of faith
are fubfcribed. The fame ritual of devo-
tion is pradtiied. — There is reafon to fear
that the abfolution of the fick which forms
a part of this ritual, is often reforted to as
a paflport to heaven after a wicked life ;
and yet it is continued. — Perhaps nothing
more mocking to reafon and humanity ever
made a part of a religious fyflem than the
damning claufes in the Athanafian creed ;
and yet the obligation of the clergy to
declare affent to this creed, and to read
it as a part of the public devotion, re-
mains.

The

[ 45 ■]

The necefiary confequence of fuch a
ftate of things is, that,

Fourthly, Chriftianity itfelf is difgraced,
and that all religion comes to be confidered
as a ftate trick, and a barbarous mummery.
It is well known, that in fome Popifh
countries there are few Chriftians among
the higher ranks of men, the religion of
the State being in thofe countries miftaken
for the religion of the Gofpel. This in-
deed fhews a criminal inattention in thofe
who fall into fuch a miftakej for they
ought to confider that Chriftianity has been
grievoufly corrupted, and that their ideas
of it mould be taken from the New Tefta-
ment only. It is, however, fo natural to
reckon Chriftiany to be that which it is
held out to be in all the eftablifhments of
it, that it cannot but happen that fuch an
error will take place and produce fome of
the worft confequences. There is pro-
bably a greater number of rational Chrift-
ians (that is, of Chriftians upon enquiry)
in England, than in all Popifh countries.
The reafon is, that the religious eftablifh-
ment here is Popery reformed ; and that a
confiderable body diffent from it, and are
often inculcating the neceffity of diftin-

guifhing

[ 46 ]

guifhing between the Christianity eftablifh-
ed by law and that which is taught in the

Bible. Certain it is, that till this di-

itinction is made, Chriftianity can never
recover its juft credit and ufefulnefs.

Such then are the effects of civil efta-
bliihments of religion. May heaven foon
put an end to them. The world will
never be generally wife or virtuous or
happy, till thefe enemies to its peace and
improvement are demolished. Thanks be
to God, they are giving way before in-
creafmg light. Let them never fhew them-
felves in America. Let no fuch monder
be known there as human authority
in matters of religion. Let every
honefl and peaceable man, whatever is
his faith, be protected there ; and find an
effectual defence againft the attacks of' bi-
gotry and intolerance. — In the united States
may Religion fiourifh. They cannot be
very great and happy if it does not. But let
it be a better religion than moft of thofe
which have been hitherto profeffed in the
world. Let it be a religion which enforces
moral obligations; not a religion which re-
laxes and evades them. — A tolerant and Ca-
tholic

[ 47 ]
tholic religion ; not a rage for profelitifm.—
A religion of peace and charity ; not a
religion that perfect! tes, curfes and damns.
—In a word, let it be the genuine Gof-
pel of peace lifting above the world, warm-
ing the heart with the love of God and
his creatures, and fuftaining the fortitude
of good men by the allured hope of a
future deliverance from death, and an in-
finite reward in the everlafling kingdom of
our Lord and Saviour.

From the preceding obfervations it may
be concluded, that it is impoilible I mould
not admire the following article in the de-
claration of rights which forms the foun-
dation of the Mafjachafetf s conftitution.— *
" In this State every denomination of
" Chriftians demeaning themfelves peace-
<c ably and as good fubjecls of the com-
" monwealth, ihall be equally under the
" protection of the law ; and no fubordi-
" nation of any one feci: or denomination
" to another ihall ever be eftablifhed by
« law*."

* The North Carolina constitution alfo orders that
there fhall be no eftabliihment of any one religious church
or denomination in that State in preference to any other*

This

[ 48 ]

This is liberal beyond all example. — I
mould, however, have admired it more
had it been more liberal, and the words

ALL MEN OF ALL RELIGIONS been fub-

ftituted for the words every denomination
of Chrijiians.

It appears farther from the preceding
obfervations, that I cannot but diflike the
religious tefts which make a part of feveral
of the America?! conftitutions.— — In the
MaJJachufetf s conflitution it is ordered,
that all who take feats in the Houfe of Re-
prefentatives or Senate mall declare " their
" firm perfuafion of the truth of the
*' Chriftian religion." The fame is re-
quired by the Maryland conflitution, as a
condition of being admitted into any places
of profit or trurt. In Penfylvania every
member of the Houfe of Reprefentatives
is required to declare, that he " acknow-
" ledges the Scriptures of the Old and
" New Teftament to be given by divine
" infpiration." In the State of Delaware,
that " he believes in God the Father, and
<c in Jefus Chrift his only Son, and in the
Kt Holy Ghoft, one God blefled for ever-
" more/' All this is more than is re-
quired even in England, where, though
5 every

[ 49 ]

every perfon however debauched or athe-
iftical is required to receive the facrament
as a qualification for inferior places, no
other religious teft is impofed on members of
parliament than a declaration againft Popery*
—It is an obfervation no lefs juft than com-
mon, that fuch tefts exclude only bonefi
men. The ^/j-honefl: never fcruple them.

Montes qjj ieu probably was not a
Chriftian. Newton and Locke were not
Trinitarians > and therefore not Chrijlians
according to the commonly received ideas
of ChrifUanity. Would the united States,
for this reafon, deny fuch men, were they
living, all places of truft and power among
them ?

H Of

[ 5° î

Of Education.

QUCH is the ftate of things which I with
to take place in the united American
States. — In order to introduce and perpe-
tuate it, and at the fame time to give it
the greateft effect on the improvement of
the world, nothing is more necelTary than
the eftabliihment of a wife and liberal plan
of Education. It is impoffible properly
to reprefent the importance of this. So
much is left by the author of nature to
depend on the turn given to the mind in
early life and the impreiiions then made,
that I have often thought there may be a
fecret remaining to be difcovered in educa-
tion, which will caufe future generations
to grow up virtuous and happy, and acce-
lerate human improvement to a greater de-
gree than can at prefent be imagined.

The end of education is to direct the
powers of the mind in unfolding them-
felves ; and to affift them in gaining their
juft bent and force. And, in order to this,

its

[ 5* ]

its bufinefs mould be to teach how to think,
rather than what to think -, or to lead into
the beft way of fearching for truth, rather
than to inflrucl: in truth itfelf. — As for the
latter, who is qualified for it ? There are
many indeed who are eager to undertake
this office. All parties and feds think they
have difcovered truth, and that they alone are
its advocates and friends. But the very dif-
ferent and in confident accounts they give
of it demonftrate they are utter Grangers
to it; and that it is better to teach nothing,
than to teach what they hold out for truth.
The greater their confidence, the greater
is the reafon for diftrufiing them. We
generally fee the warmeft zeal, where the
object of it is the greateft nonfenfe.

Such obiervations have a particular ten-
dency to fhew that education ought to be
an initiation into candour, rather than into
any fyftems of faith ; and that it mould
form a habit of cool and patient inveftiga-
tion, rather than an attachment to any
opinions.

But hitherto education has been con-
dueled on a contrary plan. It has been
a contraction, not an enlargement of the
II 2 in-

[ * 1

intellectual faculties ; an injeflion of falie
principles hardening them in error, not
a difcipline enlightening and improving
them. Inftead of opening and ftrengthen-
ing them, and teaching to think freely, it hath
cramped and enflaved them, and qualified
for thinking only in one track. Inftead of
inftilling humility, charity, and liberality,
and thus preparing for an eafier difcovery
and a readier admiffion of truth ; it has in-
flated with conceit, and fluffed the human
mind with wretched prejudices.

The more has been learnt fcomfuch edu-
cation, the more it becomes neceffary to
z/wlearn. The more has been taught in
this way, of fo much the more muft the
mind be emptied before true wifdom can
enter. — Such was education in the time of
the firft teachers of chriftianity. By fur-
nifhing with fkill in the arts of difputation
and fophiflry, and producing an attachment
to eftablifhed fyftems, it turned the minds
of men from truth, and rendered them more
determined to refill: evidence, and more
capable of evading it. Hence it happened,
that this heavenly inftru&ion, when firft

com-»

t 53 ]

communicated, was to the Jews a ftumbling
block, and to the Greeks fooliftmefs ; and
that, in fpite of ?7iiracles them/elves, the
perfons who rejected it with moft difdain,
and who oppofed it with moft violence, were
thofe who had been educated in colleges,
and were beft verfed in the falfe learning
of the times : And had it taught the true
philofophy inftead of the true religion, the
eifecT: would have been the fame. The
doctrine " that the fun ftood ftill and that
" the earth moved round it," would have
been reckoned no lefs abfurd and incredible,
than the doctrine of a crucified Mejfiah.
And the men who would have treated fuch
an inftruction with moft contempt, would
have been the wife and the prudent ; that
is, the proud fophifts and learned doctors
of the times, who had ftudied the Ptole-
maick fyftem of the world, and learnt, by
cycles and epicycles, to account for all the
motions of the heavenly bodies.

In like manner, when the improvement
of Logick in Mr. Locke's EJfay on the
Human Under ft anding was firft published
in Britain, the perfons readieft to attend
to it and to receive it were thofe who had

never

[ 54 ]

never been trained in colleges ; and whofe
minds, therefore, had never been per-
verted by an inftruction in the jargon of
the ichools. To the deep profeflbrs of the
time, it appeared (like the doctrine taught
in his book on the reafonablenefs of
chriftianity) to be a dangerous novelty
and herefy ; and the Univerfity of Ox-
ford, in particular, condemned and repro-
bated the author. The like happened

when Sir Isaac Newton's difcoveries
were firft published. A romance (that is,
the Philofophy of Descartes) was then
in pofleffion of the philofophical world.
Education had rivetted it in the minds of
the learned; and it was twenty-feven years
before Newton's Principia could gain
fuliicient credit to bring it to a fécond
edition. — Such are the prejudices which
have generally prevailed againft new lights.
Such the impediments which have been
thrown in the way of improvement by a
narrow plan of education. — Even now the
principal object of education (efpecially in
divinity) is to teach eftabliflied fyftems as
certain truths, and to qualify for luccefs-
fully defending them againft opponents;

and

t ss 1

and thus to arm the mind againft convic-
tion, and render it impenetrable to farther
light. Indeed, were it offered to my op-
tion which I would have, the plain fenfe
of a common and untutored man, or the
deep erudition of the proud fcholars and
profeffors in moil: univerfities, I fhould
eagerly prefer the former, from a per-
fuafion that it would leave me at a lefs
diftance from real wifdom. An unoccupied
and fimple mind I think infinitely prefer-
able to a mind warped by fyftems; and the
entire want of learning better than a learn-
ing, fuch as moft of that is which hitherto
has been fought and admired — A learning
which puffs up, while in reality it is no-
thing but profounder ignorance and more
inveterate prejudice.

It may be worth adding here, that a nar-
row education (mould it ever happen not
to produce the evils now mentioned) will
probably produce equal evils of a contrary
nature. I mean, that there will be danger,
when perfons fo educated come to fee the
abfurdity of fome of the opinions in which
they have been educated, that they will
become prejudiced againft them all, and,
confequently, throw them all away, and.
5 rul>

[ 56 ]

run wild into fcepticifm and infidelity. — •
At prefent, in this part of the world this
is a very common event.

I am by no means qualified to give a juft
account of the particular method in which
education ought to be conducted, fo as to
avoid thefe evils : That is, fo as to render
the mind free and unfettered ; quick in
difcerning evidence, and prepared to follow
it from whatever quarter and in whatever
manner it may offer itfelf. But certain it
is, that the beft mode of education is that
which does this mofl effectually; which
guards beft againft filly prejudices ; which
enflâmes mofl with the love of truth ; which
difpofes mofl: to ingenuity and fairnefs, and
leaves the mind mofl: fenfible of its own
need of farther information. — Had this
been always the aim of education, mankind
would now have been farther advanced.—-
It fuppofes, however, an improved ftate of
mankind; and when once it has taken
place, it will quicken the progrefs of im-
provement.

I have in thefe obfervations exprefled a
diflike of fyftems; but I have meant only

to

r 57 ]

to condemn that attachment to them as
ftandards of truth which has been too pre-
valent. It may be neceflary in education
to make ufe of them; or of books explain-
ing them. But they mould be ufed only
as guides and helps to enquiry. Inftruclion
in them mould be attended with a fair ex-
hibition of the evidence on both fides of
every queftion ; and care mould be taken
to induce, as far as pofîible, a habit of be-
lieving only on an overbalance of evidence;
and of proportioning affent in every cafe
to the degree of that overbalance, without
regarding authority, antiquity, Angularity,
novelty, or any of the prejudices which too

commonly influence affent. Nothing is

fo well fitted to produce this habit as the
flaidy of -mathematics. In thefe fciences no
one ever thinks of giving his affent to a
proposition till he can clearly underftand it,
and fee it proved by a fair deduction from
propofitions previoufly underftood and prov-
ed. In thefe fciences the mind is inured
to clofe and patient attention; fhewn the
nature of juft reafoning; and taught to form
diftind ideas, and to expect: clear evidence
in all cafes before belief. They furnifh,
therefore, the bed exercife for the intellec-
I tual

[ 58 3

tuai powers, and the bell defence againft
that credulity and precipitation and confu-
sion of ideas which are the common fources
of error.

There is, however, a danger to be avoid-
ed here. Mathematical ftudies may abforb
the attention too much -y and when they
dp, they contract the mind by rendering it
incapable of thinking at large ; by difqua-
lifying it for judging of any evidence ex-
cept mathematical; and, confequently, dif-
pofing it to an unreasonable fcepticifm on
all fubjecls which admit not of fuch evi-
dence. There have been many inftances

cf this narrownefs in mathematicians.

But to return from this digrefîion, — I
cannot help obferving on this occafion, with
refpect to Christianity in particular, that
education ought to lead to a habit of judg-
ing of it as it is in the code itfelf of
Chriftianity ; that the doctrines it reveals
fhould be learnt only from a critical and
fair enquiry into the fenfe of this code -,
and that all inftruclion in it fhould be a
preparation for making this enquiry and
a communication of affiflance in examin-
ing into the proofs of its divine original,
and in determining to what degree of

evidence

[ S9 ]
evidence thefe proofs amount, after allow-
ing every difficulty its juft weight. a

This has never yet been the practice among
Chriftians. The New Teftament has been
reckoned hitherto an infujjicient ftandard of
Chriftian Divinity; and, therefore, formu-
laries of human invention pretending to
explain and define it (but in reality mifre-
prefenting and difhonouring it) have been
fubftituted in its room ; and teaching thefe
has been called teaching Ghrijlianity* And
it is very remarkable, that in the Englifh
Univerfities no Lectures on the New Tefta-
ment are ever read, or even fuffered to be
read ; and that, through all Chriftendom, it
is much lefs an object of attention than the
fyjlems and creeds which have been fathered
upon it*

I will only add on this fubject, that it is
above all things necefTary, while inftructiori
is conveyed, to convey with it a fenfe of
the imbecility of the human mind, and of
its great proneneis to error ; and alfo a
difpofition, even on points which feem the
moil clear, to liiten to objections, and to
confider nothing as involving in it our final
intereft but an honest heart.

ï 2 Nature

t 60 ]

Nature has fo made us, that an attach-
ment muft take place within us to opinions
once formed -, and it was proper that we
mould be fo made, in order to prevent that
levity and defultorinefs of mind which muft
have been the confequence had we been
ready to give up our opinions too eafily and
haftily. But this natural tendency, how-
ever wifely given us, is apt to exceed its
proper limits, and to render us unreafon-
ably tenacious. It ought, therefore, like
all cur other natural propenfities, to be
carefully watched and guarded ; and edu-
cation mould put us upon doing this. An*
obfervation before made mould, in parti-
cular, be inculcated, " that all mankind
" have hitherto been mod tenacious when
*' moll in the wrong, and reckoned them-
** felves moil enlightened when moft in the
'* dark/' This is, indeed, a very morti-
fying fact ;. but attention to it is neceffary
to cure that miferable pride and dogmati-
calnefs which are fome of the worft ene-
mies to improvement. Who is there

that does not remember the time when he
was entirely fatisfied about points which
deeper reflexion has fhewn to be above his
eomprehenlion ? Who, for inftance, does-
3 not

[ 61 3

not remember a time when he would have
wondered at the queftion, " why does
" water run down hill ? " What igno-
rant man is there who is not perfuaded
that he underftands this perfectly ? But
every improved man knows it to be a ques-
tion he cannot anfwer; and what difhin-
guifhes him in this inftance from the lefs
improved part of mankind is his know-
ing this. The like is true in numberlefs
other inftances. One of the beft proofs of
wifdom is a fenfe of our want of wifdom -?
and he who knows moil: poffefifes moft of
this fenfe.

In thinking of myfelf I derive fome en-,
couragement from this reflexion. I now
fee, that I do not underftand many points
which once appeared to me very clear.
The more I have inquired, the more fen-
fible I have been growing of my own dark-
nefs ; and a part of the hiftory of my life
is that which follows.

In early life I was ftruck with Bifliop
Butler's Analogy of religion natural and
revealed to the conjlitution and courfe of na-
ture. I reckon it happy for me that this

book

[ 6à ]

book was one of the firft that fell into
ipy hands. It taught me the proper mode
of reafoning on moral and religions fub-
je&s, and particularly the importance of
paying a due regard to the imperfection of
human knowledge. His fermons alfo, I
then thought, and do flill think, excellent.
Next to his works, I have always been an
admirer of the writings of Dr. Clark*
And I cannot help adding, however ftrange
it may feem, that I owe much to the phi-
lofophical writings of Mr. Hume, which
I likewife ftudied early in life. Though
an enemy to his Scepticifm, I have profited
by it. By attacking, with great ability,
every principle of truth and reafon, he
put me upon examining the ground upon
which I flood, and taught me not haftily

to take any thing for granted. The firft

fruits of my reading and ftudies were laid
before the public in a Treatife entitled A
Review of the principal 'Quejlions and Diffi-
culties in Morals. This publication has
been followed by many others on various
fubjeds. — And now, in the evening of a
life devoted to enquiry and fpent in en-
deavours (weak indeed and feeble) to ferve

the

[ 63 ]

the beft interefts, prefent and future, of
mankind, I am waiting for the great
teacher, convinced that the order of
nature is perfect ; that infinite wifdom and
goodnefs govern all things ; and that
Chriftianity comes from God: But at the
fame time puzzled by many difficulties,
anxious for more light, and refting with
full and confiant aiTurance only on this

one truth -That the pradice of virtue

is the duty and dignity of man ; and, in all
events, his wifeft and fafeft courfe.

Of

[ H ]

Of the Dangers to which the American
States are expofed.

IN the preceding obfervations, I have
aimed at pointing out the means of pro-
moting the progrefs of improvement in the
united States of America. I have infifted,
particularly, on the importance of a juft
fettlement of the federal union, and
the eftablifhment of a well-guarded and
perfect liberty in Speculation, in govern-
ment, in education, and in religion.

The united States are now Setting out, and
all depends on the care and forefight with
which a plan is begun, which hereafter
will require only to be flrengthened and
ripened. This is, therefore, the time for
giving them advice -, and mean advice (like
the prefent) may fuggeft fome ufeful hints.
. -In this country, when any improve-
ments are propofed, or any corrections
are attempted, of abufes fo grofs as to
make our boafts of liberty ridiculous*, a

clamour

* The majority of the British Houfe of Com-
mons is chofen by a few thoufands of the dregs of the

people, who are conftantly paid for their votes.

Is

t 65 J

clamour immediately arifes againft inno-
vation, and an alarm fpreads, left the at-
tempt to repair mould dejiroy. — — In Ame-
rica no fuch prejudices can operate. "There
abufcs have not yet gained facrednefs by
time. 'There the way is open to focial dig-
nity and happinefs j and reafon may utter
her voice with confidence and fuccefs.

Is it not ridiculous to call a country fo governed free ?
- — See a ftriking account of the State of the Britifli
Parliamentary Reprefentation, in Mr. Burgh's Political
Difquifitions, Vol, I. p. 39, &c.

K Of

[ 66 ]

Of Debts and Internal Wars.

T HAVE obferved in the introduction to
this Addrefs, that the American States
have many dangers to fhun. In what
follows I mall give a brief recital of fome
of the chief of thefe dangers.

The danger from an endlefs increafe of
public debts has been already fuffici-
ently noticed.

Particular notice has been likewife taken
of the danger from internal wars. — -
Again and again, I would urge the necef-
fity of purfuing every meaiure and ufing
every precaution which can guard againft
this danger. It will be mocking to fee in
the new world a repetition of all the evils
which have hitherto laid wafte the old world
— War raging where peace and liberty were
thought to have taken their abodes — The
points of bayonets and the mouths of can-
non fettling difputes, inftead of the collected
wifdom of the confederation — and perhaps
one refllefs and ambitious State rifing by

bloody

f 67 ]

bloody conqueft above the reft, and becom-
ing 'àfovereign State, claiming impioufly (as
Britain once did) " full authority to make
" laws that mall bind its fifter States in all
" cafes whatever," and drawing to itfelf
all advantages at their expence. I de-
precate this calamity. I ihudder when I
confider how poffible it is; and hope thofe
perfons are miftaken who think that fuch
are the jealoufies which govern human
nature, and fuch the imperfections of the
bell: human arrangements, that it is not
within the reach of any wifdom to difcover
any effectual means of preventing it, with-
out encroaching too much on the liberty
and independence of the States, I have
mentioned an enlargement of the powers
of Congress. Others have propofed a
confolidation of the powers of government
in one Parliament reprefenting all the
States, and fuperfeding the particular par-
liaments by which they are now feparately
governed. But it is obvious, that this will
be attended with greater inconveniencies,
and encroach more on the liberty of the
States, than the enlargement I have pro-
pofed of the powers of Congress. If

K z fuch

[ 68 ]

fuch a parliament is not to fuperfedc any of
the other parliaments, it will be the lame
with Congress as at prefent conftituted.

Of an unequal Distribution of
Property.

|T is a trite obfervation, that " dominion
" is founded on property/' M oft free
States have manifefted their {cniQ of the truth
of this obfervation, by ftudying to find out
means of preventing too great an inequality
in the diftribution of property. What tu-
mults were occafioned at Rome in its beft
times by attempts to carry into execution
the Agrarian law ? Among the people of
Ifrael, by the direction of heaven, all eftates
which had been alienated during the co.urfe
of fifty years, returned to their original
owners at the end of that term. One of
the circumftances that has been moil fa-
vourable to the American States in forming
their new conftitutions of government has
been the equality which fubfifts among
them.

The

[ 69 ]

The happieft ftate of man is the middle
ftate between the Jhvage and the refined, or
between the wild and the luxurious ftate.
Such is the ftate of lociety in Connec-
ticut, and fome others of the American
provinces ; where the inhabitants con lift, if
I am rightly informed, of an independent
and hardy Yeomanry, all nearly on a
level — trained to arms, — inftrucred in their
rights— cloathed in home-fpun — of fimple
manners — ftrangers to luxury — drawing
plenty from the ground — and that plenty,
gathered eafily by the hand of induftry;
and giving rife to early marriages, a nume-
rous progeny, length of days, and a rapid
increafe- — the rich and the poor, the haughty
grandee and the creeping fycophant, equally
unknown — protected by laws, which (be-
ing their own will) cannot opprefs; and
by an equal government, which wanting
lucrative places, cannot create corrupt can-

vafiings f and ambitious intrigue.- O dir

ftinguiihed people ! May you continue

* In this State, and alio the State of MaJJachufetts,
Nezv Jeiyrey, &c. any attempt to canva% or even the ex-
prefiion of a wi(h to be chofen, will exclude a candi-
date from a feat in the Houfe of Reprefentatives. The
fame is true of any ftain en his moral character.

long

t 7° ]

long thus happy ; and may the happinefs
you enjoy fpread over the face of the whole
earth ! — But I am forgetting myfelf. There
is danger that a ftate of fociety fo happy will
not be of long duration ; that fimplicity and
virtue will give way to depravity -, that equa-
lity will in time be loft, the curfed luft of do-
mineering mew itfelf, liberty languish, and
civil government gradually degenerate into
an infiniment in the hands of the few to
opprefs and plunder the many. — Such has
hitherto been the prog re fs of evil in human
affairs. In order to give them a better
turn, fome great men [Plato, Sir Thomas
More, Mr. Wallis, &c.) have propofed plans,
which, by eftablifhing a community of
goods and annihilating property, would
make it impoffible for any one member of
a State to think of enflaving the reft, or
to confider himfelf as having any intereft
diftin£t from that of his fellow-citizens.
Such theories are in fpeculation pleafing;
nor perhaps are they wholly impracticable.
Some approaches to them may hereafter be
made \ and fchemes of government may take
place, which {hall leave fo little, beiîdes
perfonal merit, to be a means of diftinclion,

as

[ 7* ]
as to exclude from fociety moft of the caufes
of evil. But be this as it will; it is out of
doubt that there is an equality in fociety
which is effential to liberty, and which
every State that would continue virtuous
and happy ought as far as poffible to main-
tain.— It is not in my power to defcribe
the beft method of doing this. — I will
only o'bferve, that there are three enemies
to equality again ft which America ought to
guard.

Firft; " Granting hereditary honours and
titles of nobility. Perfons thus diftin-
guifhed, though perhaps meaner than the
meaner! of their dependents, are apt to con-
fider themfelves as belonging to a higher
order of beings, and made for power and
government. Their birth and rank necef-
farily difpofe them to be hoftile to general
liberty ; and when they are not fo, and
difcover a juft zeal for the rights of man-
kind, it is always a triumph of good fenfe and
virtue over the temptations of their fituation.
It is, therefore, with peculiar fatisfa&ion that
I have found in the articles of confederation
an order that no titles of nobility mall be
ever granted by the united States. Let

there

[ 72 ]

there be honours to encourage merit ; but
let thern die with the men who have earned
them. Let them not defcend to pofterity
to fofter a fpirit of domination, and to
produce a proud and tyrannical ariftocracy.
— In a word; let the united States continue
for ever what it is now their glory to be — a
confederation of States profperous and happy,
without Lords — without Bishops* — and
without Kings.

Secondly ; The right of primogeniture.
The tendency of this to produce an im-
proper inequality is very obvious. The
difpofition to raife a name, by accumu-
lating property in one branch of a family,
is a vanity no lefs unjuit and cruel, than

* I do not mean by Bifliops any officers among Chrif-
tians merely fpiriiual ; but Lords fpiritual, as diftin-
guimed from Lords temporal, or Clergymen raifed to pre-
eminence, and invc&ed with civil honours and authority
by a State eftablifhment.

I muft add, that by what is here faid I do not mean
to cxprefs a. general preference of a republican conftitution
of government. There is a degree of political dege-
neracy which unfits for fuch a conftitution. Britain7,
in particular, confifts too much of the high and the low,
(of J "cum and dregs) to admit of it. Nor will it fuit Ame-
rica^ fhould it ever become equally corrupt.

dangerous
6

t. 73 ]

dangerous to the intereft of liberty ; and no
wife State will encourage or tolerate it.

Thirdly; Foreign Trade is another
of the enemies againfl which I wifh to
caution the united States. But this ope-
rates unfavourably to a State in fo many
more ways than by deftroying that equa-
lity which is the bafis of liberty, that it
will be proper to take more particular
notice of it,

Of

[ 74 ]

Of Trade, Banks, and Paper Credit.

T7 0REIGN trade has, in fome refpedts,
the mod: ufefuî tendency, By creating
an intercourfe between diftant kingdoms,
it extends benevolence, removes local pre-
judices, leads every man to confider him-
felf more as a citizen of the world than of
any particular State, and, confequently,
checks the exceffes of that Love of our
Country* which has been applauded as

one

* The love of our country is then only a noble paf-
fion when it engages us to promote the internal hap-
pinefs of our country, and to defend its rights and liber-
tics againft domeftic and foreign invafion, maintaining
at the fame time an equal regard to the rights and liber-
ties of other countries. But this has not been its mofl
common effects. On the contrary, it has in general
been nothing but a fpirit of rivalfhip between different
communities, producing contention and a third: for con-
queft and dominion. — What is his country to zRujftan,
a Turk, a Spaniard, &c. but a fpot where he enjoys no
rights, and is difpofed of by owners as if he was a beaft f
And what is his love to his country but an attachment
to degradation and flavery ? — What was the love of their
country among the jfews but a wretched partiality for
themfélves and a proud contempt for other nations ?

Among

[ 75 ]

one of the nobleft, but which, really, is one
of the mofl: deftruBive principles in human

nature. -Trade alio, by enabling every

country to draw from other countries con-
veniences and advantages which it cannot
find within itfelf, produces among nations
a fenfe of mutual dependence, and promotes
the general improvement. — But there is
no part of mankind to which thefe ufes of
trade are of lefs confequence than the
American States. They are fpread over a
great continent, and make a world within
themielves. The country they inhabit
includes foils and climates of all forts,
producing not only every nece£ary9 but
every convenience of life. And the vaft
rivers and wide-fpread lakes which inter-
feet it, create fuch an inland communica-
tion between its different parts, as is un-
known in any other region of the earth,
They poffefs then within themfelves the

Among the Romans alfo what was it, however great in
many of its exertions, but a principle holding together
a band of robbers in their attempts to crufh all liberty
but their own? — Chriilianity has wifely omitted to re-
commend this principle. Had it done this, it would
have countenanced a vice among mankind.— -It has done
what is infinitely better — It has recommended uni-
versal BENEVOLENCE.

L 2 beft

[ 76 ]
beft means of the m oft profitable internal
traffic, and the ampleft' fcope for it. Why
mould they look much farther ? What
occaiion can they have for being anxious
about pufhing foreign trade -, or even about
raifing a great naval force ? — Britain, in-
deed, confifting as it does of unarmed in-
habitants, and threatened as it is by am-
bitious and powerful neighhours, cannot
hope to maintain its exiftence long after
becoming open to invafion by lofing its

naval fuperiority. But this is not the

cafe with the American States. They have
no powerful neighbours to dread. The
vaft Atlantic muft be croffed before they
can be attacked. They are all a well-
trained militia -, and the fuccefsful refiftance
which, in their infancy and without a
naval force, they have made to the invafion
of the firft European power, will probably
difcourage and prevent all future invafions.
Thus Angularly happy, why fhould they
feek connexions with Europe, and expofe
themfelves to the danger of being involved
in its quarrels ? — What have they to do
with its politics ? — Is there any thing very
important to them which they can draw
from thence — except Infection ? In-
deed,

[ 77 ]
deed, I tremble when I think of that rage for
trade which is likely to prevail among them.
It may do them infinite mifchief. All na-
tions are fpreading fnares for them, and
courting them to a dangerous intercourfe.
Their befr. intereft requires them to guard
themfelves by all proper means -, and, parti-
cularly, by laying heavy duties on impor-
tations. But in no cafe will any means
fucceed unlefs aided by Manners. In this
inftance, particularly, there is reafon to fear
that an increafing paflion for foreign frip-
pery will render all the befr. regulations
ineffectual. And mould this happen, that
fimplicity of character, that manlinefs of
fpirit, that difdain of tinfel in which true
dignity confifls, will difappear. Effemi-
nacy, fervility and venality will enter 3
and liberty and virtue be fwallowed up
in the gulph of corruption. Such may
be the courfe of events in the American
States. Better infinitely will it be for
them to confift of bodies of plain and
honefi; farmers, rather than opulent and
fplendid merchants. Where in thefe

M^^^r>msLj^^is prevail ?

Wf,e VfifttUBfflWtfre moft on

an equality, and moil at their eaie'h*^

it

[ 73 J

it not in thofe inland parts where agri-
culture gives health and plenty, and trade
is fcarcely known ? Where, on the con-
trary, are the inhabitants moil: felfifh, lux-
urious, loofe, and vicious; and at the fame
time moil unhappy ? Is it not along the
fea coafts, and in the great towns, where

trade nourishes and merchants abound ?

So ftriking is the effect of thefe different
lituations on the vigour and happinefs of
human life, that in the one population
would languiih did it receive no aid from
emigrations ; while in the other it increafes
to a degree fcarcely ever before known.

But to proceed to fome obfervations of
a different nature-

The united States have, I think, par-
ticular reafon to dread the following effects
of foreign trade.

By increafing importation to feed luxury
and gratify prodigality, it will carry out
their coin, and occafion the fubftitution of a
delufive paper currency , the confequence
of which will be, that ideal wealth will
take place of real, and their fecurity come

/ 0Wlf(on tne ftrengt1a anc* duration of a

7 Bubble, I am very fenfible that paper

/i ( et* riU. P^&corU^ crh firrxXau^ credit

filSca J _ . 0

[ 79 ]

credit is'one of the greateft of all conve-
niences ; but this makes it likewife one of
the greateft of all temptations. A public
Bank, (while it can circulate its bills) faci-
liates commerce, and affifts the exertions
of a State in proportion to its credit. But
when it is not carefully reftricred and
watched ; when its emiffions exceed the
coin it can command, and are carried near
the utmoft length that the confidence of
the public will allow ; and when, in con-
fequence of this, its permanence comes to
depend on the permanence of public cre-
dulity— în thefe circumftances, a Bank,
though it may for a time (that is, while a
balance of trade too unfavourable does
not occafion a run, and no events arife
which produce alarms) anfwer all the ends
of a mine from which millions may be
drawn in a minute ; and, by filling a king-
dom with cafh, render it capable of fuf-
taining any debts, and give it a kind of
Omnipotence. — In fuch circumftances,
I fay, notwithstanding thefe temporary ad-
vantages, a public Bank rnuft at lajl prove
a great calamity ; and a kingdom fo f up-
ported, at the very time of its greateft

exer-

[ So ]

exertions, will be only driving more vio-
lently to increafe the horror of an ap-
proaching convulfion.

The united States have already verified
fome of thefe obfervations, and felt in fome
degree the confequences to which I have
alluded. They have been carried through
the war by an emiffion of paper which had
no folid fupport, and which now has loft
all value. It is indeed furpriiing that,
being fecured on no fund and incapable
of being exchanged for coin, it fhould
ever have obtained a currency, or anfwered
any important purpofe.

Unhappily for Britain, it has ufed the
means of giving more inability to its paper-
credit, and been enabled by it to fupport
expences greater than any that have been
yet known, and to contract a debt which
now ajlonifies, and may hereafter produce
a cataftrophe that will terrify the world. —
A longer duration of the late war would
have brought on this cataftrophe immedi-
ately. The Peace has put it off for the
prefent. God grant if ftill poflible, that
mealures may be adopted which mall put
it off for ever.

Of

[ 8i ]

Of Oaths.

AATHS are expedients to which all
^^^ States have had recourfe in order to
obtain true information and afcertain facts
by fecuring the veracity of witnefTes. But
I know not how to relifh that imprecation
which always makes a part of an oath.
Perhaps,- there is no fuch neceffity for it
as is commonly imagined. An Affir-
mation folemnly made, with laws in-
flicting fevere penalties on falfhood when
detected, would probably anfwer all the
ends of oaths. — I am, therefore, difpofed
to wifh, that in the united States impre-
catory oaths may be aboliihed, and the
fame indulgence in this refpect granted to
all which is now granted to the Quakers.
But I am afraid they will think this too
dangerous an experiment; and what is
of mofl confequence is to avoid,

Firft, Such a multiplicity of oaths as
will render them too familiar.

And, Secondly, A flight manner of ad-
miniftering them. England, in this re-

M fpect,

[ 82 ]

fpect, feems to be funk to the loweft pof-
Jible degree of degeneracy. Oaths among
us are required on fo many occafions, and
ib carelefsly adminiftered, as to have loft
almoft all their ufe and efficacy. It
has been afferted, that, including oaths of
office, oaths at elections, cuftom-houfe
oaths, &c. &c. there are about a million of
perjuries committed in this kingdom annu-
ally. This is one of the moll: atrocious

of our national iniquities; and it is a
wonder if we are not to be vifited for it
with fome of the fevered of God's judg-
ments.

Of

Of the Negro Trade and Slavery.

T

HE Negro Trade cannot be cen-
fured in language too fevere. It is a
traffick which, as it has been hitherto car-
ried on, is mocking to humanity, cruel,
wicked, and diabolical. I am happy to
find that the united States are entering into
meaiures . for diicountenancing it, and for
abolishing the odious ilavery which it has
introduced. 'Till they have done this, it
will not appear they deferve the liberty
for which they have been contending. For
it is felf-evident, that if there are any men
whom they have a right to hold in Ilavery,
there may be others who have had a right

to hold them in ilavery. I am fen fi hie,

however, that this is a work which they
cannot accomplish at once. The emanci-
pation of the Negroes muft, I fuppofe, be
left in fome meafure to be the effect of
time and of manners. But nothing can
excufe the united States if it is not done
with as much fpeed, and at the fame time
with as much effect, as their particular
M 2 cir-

[ 3+ j

circumftances and fituation will allow. I
rejoice that on this occafion I can recom-
mend to them the example of my own

country. In Britain, a Negro becomes a

freeman the moment he lets his foot on
BritiJJj ground.

Conclusion.

OUCH is the advice which I would humbly
(but earnejlly) offer to the united States

of America. Such are the means by

which they may become the feats of li-
berty, fcience, peace, and virtue -, happy
within themfelves, and a refuge to the
world.

Often, while employed in writing thefe
papers, have I widied for a warning voice
of more power. The prefent moment,
however aufpicious to the united States if
wifely improved, is critical ; and, though
apparently the end of all their dangers, may
prove the time of their greater!: danger.
I have, indeed, fince finifhing this Ad-
drefs, been mortified more than I can ex-

prefs

[ §5 ]

p re is by accounts which have led me
to fear that I have carried my ideas of
them too high, and deceived myfelf with

vifionary expectations. And mould this

be true — Should the return of peace and
the pride of independence lead them to
fecurity and diffipation — Should they lofe
thofe virtuous and fimple manners by
which alone Republics can long fubfifl —
Should falfe refinement, luxury, and im-
piety, fpread among them ; exceffive jea-
loufy diftracr. their governments -, and
claming interefls, fubject to no ftrong

controul, break the federal union The

confequence will be, that the faireft ex-
periment ever tried in human affairs will
mifcarry ; and that a Revolution which
had revived the hopes of good men and
promifed an opening to better times, will
become a difcouragement to all future ef-
forts in favour of liberty, and prove only
an opening to a new fcene of human de-
generacy and mifery.

FINIS.

[ 89 ]

ADVERTISEMENT.

'T^HE following letter was written by the
late M. Turgot, Comptroller General
(in the years 1774, 1775, and 1776) of the
finances of France. It contains obferva-
tions in which the United States are deeply
concerned ; and, for this reafon, I now
convey it to them, not doubting but that
the eminence of M. Turgors name and
character will recommend it to their at-
tention, and that it will do honour to his
memory among all the friends of public
liberty.

N

A Monjietar

»

t 90 1

A Monfieur Price,

A Londres.

A Paris, le 22 Mars, 1778.

/[R. FRANKLIN m'a remis, Monfieur,
A de votre part, la nouvelle édition de
vos obiervations fur la liberté civile, &c. Je
vousdois un double remerciment; i° de votre
ouvrage cent je connois depuis longtems
le prix, et que j'avois lu avec avidité, malgré
les occupations multipliées, dont j'etois af-
failh, lorfc u'il a paru pour la premiere fois -,
2° de l'honnêteté que vous avez eue de re-
trancher l'imputation de maladreffe * que
vous aviez mêlée au bien que vous diriez
d'ailleurs de moi dans vos obiervations addi-
tionelles. J'aurois pu la mériter, fi vous
n'aviez eu en vue d'autre maladreffe que
ctlle de n'avoir pas fçu démêler les refforts

* VV hat is here faid refers to an account of M. Tur-
cot's admin iilration in the fécond tract on Civil Liberty
and the War with America, p. 15c, &c. In the fuit edi-
tion of this tract I had mentioned improperly his want
cf addrefs among the other caufes of his difmiiiion
from power. This occafioned a letter from him to in-
form me of the true reafons of his difmiiiion, and begun
that correfpondence of which this letter is a part, and
which continued till his death.

d'intrigues

[ 9i ]

d'intrigues que faifoient jouer contre moi
des gens beaucoup plus adroits en ce genre
.que je ne le fuis, que je ne le ferai jamais,
et que je ne veux l'être. Mais il m'a paru
que vous m'imputiez la maladreffe d'avoir
choqué groffierement l'opinion générale de
ma nation ; et à cet égard je crois que vous
n'aviez rendu juftice ni à moi, ni à ma
nation, où il y a beaucoup plus de lumières
qu'on ne le croit généralement chez vous, et
où peut-être il eft plus ailé que chez vous
même de ramener le public à des idées rai-
fonnables. J'en juge par l'infatuation de
votre nation fur ce projet abfurde de lub-
juguer l'Amérique, qui a duré jufqu'à ce
que l'aventure de Burgoyne ait commencé à
lui defliller les yeux. J'en juge par le fyftême
de monopole et d'exclufion qui règne chez
tous vos écrivains politiques fur le com-
merce, (J'excepte Mr. Adam Smith et le
Doyen Tucker) fyftême qui eft le véritable
principe de votre féparation avec vos colo-
nies. J'en juge par tous vos écrits polé-
miques fur les queftions qui vous agitent
depuis une vingtaine d'années, et dans lef-
queîs avant que le vôtre eut paru, je ne me
rappelle prefque pas d'en avoir lu un, où le
vrai point de la queftion ait été faifi. Je
n'ai pas conçu comment une nation qui a
N 2 cultivé

[ 92 ]

cultivé avec tant de fuccès toutes les
branches des fciences naturelles a pu refter
fi fort au deffous d'elle même, dans la
fcience la plus intereflante de toutes, celle
du bonheur public ; dans une fcience où
la liberté de la prefle, dont elle feule jouit,
auroit dû lui donner fur toutes les autres
nations de l'Europe un avantage prodi-
gieux. Eft-ce l'orgueil national qui vous a
empêchés de mettre à profit cet avantage ?
Eft-ce parce que vous étiez un peu moins
mal que les autres, que vous avez tourné
toutes vos fpéculations à vous perfuader que
vous étiez bien ? Eft-ce l'efprit de parti, et
l'envie de fe faire un appui des opinions
populaires qui a retardé vos progrès, en
portant vos politiques à traiter de vaine *
métaphyfique toutes les fpéculations qui
tendent à établir des principes fixes fur
les droits et les vrais intérêts des individus
et des nations ? Comment fe fait-il que
vous foyez prefque le premier parmi vos
écrivains qui ayez donné des notions juftes
de la liberté, et qui ayez fait fentir la
faurTeté de cette notion rebattue par pref-
que tous les écrivains les plus républicains,

* See Mr. Burke's letter to the Sheriffs of Briflol

que

[ n ]

que la liberté confiftp à n'être fournis
qu'aux loix, comme "fi un homme opprimé
par une loi injufte êtoit libre. Cela ne feroit
pas même vrai quand on fuppoferoit que
toutes les loix font l'ouvrage de la nation
affemblée; car enfin l'individu a auffi des
droits que la nation ne peut lui ôter, que
par la violence et par un ufage illégitime de
la force générale. Quoique vous ayez eu
égard à cette vérité, et que vous vous en foyez
expliqué, . peut-être méritoit-elle que vous
la dévelopaffiez avec plus d'étendue, vu
le peu d'attention qu'y ont donnée même
les plus zélés partifans de la liberté.

C'eft encore une chofe étrange que ce ne
fût pas en Angleterre une vérité triviale de
dire qu'une nation ne peut jamais avoir
droit de gouverner une autre nation -, et
qu'un pareil gouvernement ne peut avoir
d'autre fondement que la force, qui eft auffi
le fondement du brigandage et de la ty-
rannie; que la tyrannie d'un peuple eft de
toutes les tyrannies connues la plus cruelle
et la plus intolérable, celle qui laifle le
moins de reflource à l'opprimé ; car enfin
un defpote eft arrêté par ion propre intérêt,
il a le frein du remords, ou celui de l'ooi-

nion

[ 94 ]

nion publique, mais une multitude ne cal-
cule rien, n'a jamais de remords et fe de-
cerne à elle même la gloire lors qu'elle
mérite le plus de honte.

Les événemens font pour la nation
Angloife un terrible commentaire de
votre livre. Depuis quelques mois ils
fe précipitent avec une rapidité très ac-
célérée. Le dénouement eft arrivé par rap-
port à l'Amérique. La voila indépendante
fans retour. Sera-t'elle libre et heureufe ?
Ce peuple nouveau fitué fi avantageufe-
ment pour donner au monde l'exemple d'une
conftitution où l'homme jouiffe de tous fes
droits, exerce librement toutes fes facultés,
et ne foit gouverné que par la nature, la
raifon et la juftice, faura-t'il former une
pareille conftitution ? faura-t'il l'affermir fur
des fondemens éternels, prévenir toutes les
caufes de diviiion et de corruption qui
peuvent la miner peu-à-peu et la détruire ?

Je ne fuis point content je l'avoue des
conftitutions qui ont été rédigées jufqu'à-
préfent par les différens Etats Américains.
Vous reprochez avec raifon à celle de la
Penfylvanie le ferment religieux exigé pour

avoir

t 95 3

avoir entrée dans le corps des repréfentans.
C'eft bien pis dans les autres ; il y en a une,
je crois que c'eft celle des Jerfeis qui exige
("j") #****##********■&
Je vois dans le plus grand nombre l'imi-
tation fans objet des ufages de l'Angleterre.
Au lieu de ramener toutes les autorités à
une feule, celle de la nation, l'on établit des
corps différens, un corps des repréfentans,
un confeil, un gouverneur, parce que l'An-
gleterre a une chambre des communes, une
chambre haute et un Roi. On s'occupe a
balancer ces différens pouvoirs; comme fi
cet équilibre de forces, qu'on a pu croire
neceffaire pour balancer l'énorme prépon-
dérance de la Royauté, pouvoit être de
quelque ufage dans des Républiques fondées
fur l'égalité de tous les citoyens; et comme
fi tout ce qui établit différens corps n'êtoit
pas une fource de divifions. En voulant
prévenir des dangers chimériques, on en
fait naitre de réels ; on veut n'avoir rien à

(f) It is the conftitution of Delaware that impofes the
teft here meant. That of the Jerjies, with a noble iibe-
raiity, orders that there ihall never in that province be
any efrablifhment of any one religious feci: in preference
to another, and that all Proteftants of all perfuafions
ihall enjoy equal rights and privileges.

craindre

[ 90 ]

craindre du clergé, on le réunit fous là
barrière d'une profcription commune. En
l'excluant du droit d'éligibilité, on en fait
un corps, et un corps étranger à l'Etat.
Pourquoi un citoyen, qui a le même in-
térêt que les autres à la defenfe commune
de fa liberté et de fes propriétés, eft-il
exclus d'y contribuer de fes lumières et de
fes vertus, parce qu'il eft d'une profeffion
qui exige des lumières et des vertus ? Le
clergé n'eft dangereux que quand il exifte
en corps dans l'Etat; que quand il croit
avoir en corps des droits et des intérêts,
que quand on a imaginé d'avoir une religion
établie pat la loi, comme fi les hommes
pouvoient avoir quelque droit, ou quelque
intérêt à régler la confcience les uns des
autres -, comme fi l'individu pouvoit facri-
fier aux avantages de la focieté civile les
opinions auxquelles il croit fon falut éter-
nel attaché ; comme fi l'on fe fa u voit, ou fe
damnoit, en commun. Là où la vraye tolé-
rance, c'eft-à-dire l'incompétence abfolue
du gouvernement fur la confcience des in-
dividus, eft établie, l'eccleiiaftique au milieu
de l'aflemblée nationale n'eft qu'un ci-
toyen, lorfqu'il y eft admis ; il redevient
eçcleiiaftique lorfqu'on l'en exclut.

Je

[ 97 J

Je ne vois pas qu'on fe foit affez occupé
de réduire au plus petit nombre poffible,
les genres d'affaires dont le gouvernement
de chaque Etat fera chargé; ni à féparer les
objets de légiflation, de ceux d'adminiftra-
tion générale et de ceux d'adminiftration
particulière et locale ; à constituer des af-
femblées locales fubfiftantes, qui rem-
pliffant prefque toutes les fondions de
detail du gouvernement difpenfent les
affemblées générales de s'en occuper, et
ôtent aux membres de celles-ci tout
moyen, et peut-être tout défir d'abufer
d'une autorité qui ne peut s'appliquer qu'à
des objets généraux et par là même
étrangers aux petites pallions qui agitent
les hommes.

Je ne vois pas qu'on ait fait attention à
la grande diftindtion la feule fondée fur la
nature entre deux claffes d'hommes, celle
des propriétaires de terres, et celle des non-
propriétaires ; à leurs intérêts et par confé-
quent à leurs droits différens, relativement
à la légiflation, à i'adminiitration de la juf-
tice et de la police, à la contribution aux
dépenfes publiques et à leur emploi,

O Nul

[ 98 J

Nul principe fixe établi fur l'impôt; on
fuppofe que chaque province peut fe taxer
à fa fantaifie, établir des taxes perfonnelles,
do ixes iur ics con fom mations, fur les
importations, c'eft-à-dire fe donner un
intérêt contraire à l'intérêt des autres
provinces.

On fuppofe par tout le droit de régler le
commerce; on autoriie même les corps exe-
cutifs, ou les gouverneurs à prohiber l'ex-
portation de certaines denrées dans certaines
occurrences ; tant on eft loin d'avoir fenti
que la loi de la liberté entière de tout com-
merce eft un corollaire du droit de pro-
priété ; tant on eft encore plongé dans le
brouillard des illufions Européennes.

Dans l'union générale des provinces en-
tre elles, je ne vois point une coalition, une
fuiion de toutes les parties, qui n'en fafle
qu'un corps im, et homogène. Ce n'eft
qu'une aggregation de parties, toujours trop
féparées, et qui confervent toujours une
tendance à fe divifer, par la diverfité de
leurs loix, de leurs mœurs, de leurs opinions;
par l'inégalité de leurs forces actuelles; plus
encore par l'inégalité de leurs progrès ulté-
rieurs.

[ 99 ]

rieurs. Ce n'eft qu'une copie de la Ré-
publique Hollandoife ; et celle-ci même
n'avoit pas à craindre comme la Répub-
lique Américaine les accroifTemens pof-
fibles de quelques unes de fes provinces.
Tout cet édifice efl: appuyé jufqu'à pré-
fent fur la bâfe fauffe de la très ancienne et
très vulgaire politique; fur le préjugé que
les nations, les provinces, peuvent avoir des
intérêts, en corps de province et de nation,
autres que celui qu'ont les individus d'être
libres et de défendre leurs propriétés contre
les brigan et les conquerans : intérêt pré-
tendu de faire plus de commerce que les
autres, dene point acheter les marchandifes
de l'étranger, de forcer l'étranger à con-
fommer leurs productions et les ouvrages
de leurs manufactures : intérêt prétendu
d'avoir un territoire plus vafte, d'acquérir
telle ou telle province, telle ou telle ifle, tel
ou tel village: intérêt d'infpirer la crainte
aux autres nations: intérêt de l'emporter fur
elles par la gloire des armes, par celle des
arts et des fciences.

Quelques-uns de ces préjugés font fo-
mentés en Europe, parce que la rivalité
ancienne des nations et l'ambition des
O 2 princes

[ xoo ]

princes oblige tous les Etats à fe tenir armés
pour fe défendre contre leurs voiiins armés,
et à regarder la force militaire comme l'objet
principal du gouvernement. L'Amérique a
le bonheur de ne pouvoir avoir d'ici à bien
longtems d'ennemi extérieur à craindre, fi
elle ne fe divife elle même; ainfi elle peut
et doit apprécier à leur jufte valeur ces pré-
tendus intérêts, ces fujets de difeorde qui
feuls font à redouter pour fa liberté. Avec
le principe -facré de la liberté du commerce
regardé comme une fuite du droit de la
propriété, tous les prétendus intérêts de
commerce difparoifTent. Les prétendus in-
térêts de poffeder plus ou moins de terri-
toires s'évanouiffent par le principe que le
territoire n'appartient point aux nations,
mais aux individus propriétaires des terres ;
que la queftion de favoir fi tel canton, tel
village, doit appartenir à telle province, g,
tel Etat ne doit point être décidée par' le
prétendu intérêt de cette province ou de cet
Etat, mais par celui qu'ont les habitans de
tel canton ou de tel village de fe raflembler
pour leurs affaires dans le lieu où il leur eft
le plus commode d'aller; que cet intérêt
étant mefuré par le plus ou moins de

chemin

[ »oi ]

chemin qu'un homme peut faire loin de
fon domicile pour traiter quelques affaires
plus importantes fans trop nuire à fes af-
faires journalières, devient une mefure na-
turelle et phyfique de l'étendue des jurif-
dictions et des Etats, et établit entre tous
un équilibre * d'étendue et de forces,
qui écarte tout danger d'inégalité, et toute
prétention à la fupériorité.

L'intérêt d'etre craint eft nul quand on ne
demande rien à perfonne, et quand on eit
dans une pofition où l'on ne peut être at-
taqué par des forces confidérables avec
quelque efpérance de fuccès.

La gloire des armes ne vaut pas le bon-
heur de vivre en paix. La gloire des arts,
des feiences appartient à quiconque veut s'en
faifir ^ il y a dans ce genre à moiïïbnner pour
tout le monde; le champ des découvertes

* This feems to be a particular of much confequence.
The great inequality now exifting, and which is likely
to increafe, between the different otates, is a very un-
favourable circumftance ; and the embaraflment and
danger to which it expofes the union ought to be
guarded againft as far as poflible in laying out future
States.

eft

t *02 3

eft inépuifable, et tous profitent des décou-
vertes de tous.

J'imagine que les Américains n'en font
pas encore à fentir toutes ces vérités,
comme il faut qu'ils les fentent pour affurer
le bonheur de leur poftérité. Je ne blâme
pas leurs chefs. Il a fallu pourvoir au
befoin du moment par une union telle
quelle, contre un ennemi préfent et redou-
table -, on n'avoit pas le tems de fonger à
corriger les vices des conftitutions et de la
compofition des différens états. Mais ils
doivent craindre de les éternifer, et s'oc-
cuper des moyens de réunir les opinions et
les intérêts et de les ramener à des prin-
cipes uniformes dans toutes leurs pro-
vinces.

Ils ont à cet égard de grands obftacles à
vaincre.

En Canada, la conftitution du clergé Ro-
main, et l'exiftence d'un corps de noblefle.

Dans la Nouvelle Angleterre, l'efprit en-
core fubfiflant du Puritanilme rigide, et
toujours, dit on, un peu * intolérant.

* This has been once true of the inhabitants of New-
England^ but it is not fo now. See p. 47.

Dans

[ *?3 ]

Dans la Penfylvanie, un très grand nom-
bre de citoyens établiflant en principe reli-
gieux que la profeffion des armes eft illicite,
et fe refufant par conféquent aux arrange-
mens néceffaires pour que le fondement de la
force militaire de l'Etat, foit la réunion de la
qualité de citoyen avec celle d'homme de
guerre et de milicien ; ce qui oblige à faire
du métier de la guerre un métier de mer-
cenaires.

Dans les colonies méridionales, une trop
grande inégalité de fortunes, et fur tout le
grand nombre d'efclaves noirs dont l'efcla-
vage eft incompatible avec une bonne con-
ftitution politique, et qui même en leur
rendant la liberté embarrafferont encore
en formant deux nations dans le même
Etat.

Dans toutes, les préjugés, l'attachement
aux formes établies, l'habitude de certaines
taxes, la crainte de celles qu'il faudroit y
fubftituer, la vanité des colonies qui fe font
cru les plus puiffantes, et un malheureux
commencement d'orgueil national. Je crois
les Américains forcés à s'agrandir, non pas

par

[ io4 ]

par la guerre, mais par la culture. S'ils
laiffoient derrière eux les délerts immenfes
qui s'étendent jufqu'à la mer de l'Oued:
il s'y etabliroit du mélange de leurs bannis,
et des mauvais fujets échappés à la féverité
des loix, avec les fauvages : des peuplades
de brigands qui ravageroient l'Amérique,
comme les barbares du nord ont ravagé
l'empire Romain ; de là un autre danger,
la néceffité de fe tenir en armes fur la fron-
tière et d'être dans un état de guerre con-
tinuelle. Les colonies voifines de la fron-
tière feroient en conféquence plus aguerries
que les autres, et cette inégalité dans la
force militaire feroit un aiguillon terrible
pour l'ambition. Le remède à cette inéga-
lité feroit d'entretenir une force militaire
fubfiftante à laquelle toutes les provinces
contribueroient en raifon de leur population -,
et les Américains qui ont encore toutes les
craintes que doivent avoir les Anglois re-
doutent plus que toute chofe une armée per-
manente. Ils ont tort. Rien n'eft plus aifé
quedelierlaconftitutiond'unearméeperma-
nente avec la milice, de façon que la milice
en devienne meilleure, et que la liberté n'en
foit que plus affermie. Mais il eft mal aifé
de calmer fur cela leurs allarmes.

Voila

[ i°5 J
Voila bien des difficultés, et peut-être
les intérêts fecrets des particuliers puiffans
fe joindront-ils aux préjugés de la multi-
tude pour arrêter les efforts des vrais fages
et des vrais citoyens.

Il eft impoffible de ne pas faire des vœux
pour que ce peuple parvienne à toute la
profpérité dont il eft fufceptible. Il eft
l'efpérance du genre humain. Il peut en
devenir le modèle. Il doit prouver au
monde, par le fait, que les hommes peuvent
être libres et tranquilles, et peuvent fe
païfer des chaînes de toute efpece que les
tyrans et les charlatans de toute robe ont
prétendu leur impôfer fous le prétexte du
bien public. Il doit donner l'exemple
de la liberté politique, de la liberté
religieufe, de la liberté du commerce et
de l'induftrie. L'afyle qu'il ouvre à tous
les opprimés de toutes les nations doit con-
foler la terre. La facilité d'en profiter pour
fe dérober aux fuites d'un mauvais gou-
vernement forcera les gouvernemens d'être
juftes, et de s'éclairer ; le refte du monde
ouvrira peu-à-peu les yeux fur le néant des
illufions dont les politiques fe font bercés.
Mais il faut pour cela que l'Amérique s'en
P garanti lie,

[ io6 ]

garantiiTe, et qu'elle ne redevienne pas
comme l'ont tant répété vos écrivains mi-
nifteriels une image de notre Europe, un
amas de puiffances divifées, fe difputant
des territoires ou des profits de commerce,
et cimentant continuellement l'efclavage des
peuples par leur propre fang.

Tous les hommes éclairés, tous les amis
de l'humanité devroient en ce moment ré-
unir leurs lumières et joindre leurs réfle-
xions à celles des fages Américains pour
concourir au grand ouvrage de leur legis-
lation. Cela feroit digne de vous, Mon-
fïeur ; je voudrois pouvoir échauffer votre
zèle ; et fi dans cette lettre je me fuis livré
plus que je ne l'aurois dû peut-être à l'effu-
fion de mes propres idées, ce dêfir a été
mon unique motif, et m'exeufera à ce
que j'efpere de l'ennui que je vous aurai
caufé. Je voudrois que le fang qui a coulé,
qui coulera encore dans cette querelle
ne fût pas inutile au bonheur du genre
humain.

Nos deux nations vont fe faire récipro-
quement bien du mal, probablement fans
qu'aucune d'elles en retire un profit réel.

L'ac-

[ io7 ]

L'accroiflement des dettes et des charges,
•$• "sjf ^ % ^ ^ ^ ^f "^ v v v "H? e t 1 a ruine
d'un grand nombre de citoyens en feront
peut-être Tunique refultat. L'Angleterre
m'en paroit plus près encore que la France.
Si au lieu de cette guerre vous aviez pu
vous exécuter de bonne grace dès le premier
moment, s'il êtoit donné à la politique de
faire d'avance ce qu'elle fera infailliblement
forcée de faire plus tard, fi l'opinion na-
tionale avoit pu permettre à votre gou-
vernement de prévenir les evenemens, en
fuppofant qu'il les eut prévus, s'il eût
pu confentir d'abord à l'indépendance de
l'Amérique fans faire la guerre à perfonne,
je crois fermement que votre nation n'au-
roit rien perdu à ce changement. Elle y
perdra aujourd'hui ce qu'elle a dépenfé, ce
qu'elle dépenfera encore ; elle éprouvera^
une grande diminution pour quelque teins
dans fon commerce, de grands boulever-
femens intérieurs fi elle eft forcée à la ban-
queroute ; et quoiqu'il arrive une grande
diminution dans l'influence politique au
dehors, mais ce dernier article eft d'une
bien petite importance pour le bonheur
réel d'un peuple, et je ne fuis point du tout
de l'avis de l'Abbé Rainai dans votre èpi-
P 2 graphe.

[ io8 ]

graphe. Je ne crois point que ceci vous
mené à devenir une nation meprifable, et
vous jette dans l'efclavage.

Vos malheurs feront peut-être au con-
traire l'effet d'une amputation néceffaire ;
ils font peut-être le feul moyen de vous
fauver de la cangrene du luxe et de la
corruption. Si dans vos agitations vous
pouviez corriger votre conftitution en ren-
dant les elections annuelles, en repartiffant
le droit de repréfentation d'une manière
plus égale et plus proportionnée aux in-
térêts des repréfentés, vous gagneriez
peut-être autant que l'Amérique à cette
révolution ; car votre liberté vous refteroit,
et vos autres pertes fe rêpareroient bien
vite avec elle et par elle.

Vous devez juger, Monfieur, par la fran-
chife avec laquelle je m'ouvre à vous fur ces
points délicats, de l'eftime que vous m'avez
infpirêe, et de la fatisfaclion que j'éprouve
à penfer qu'il y a quelque reffemblance entre
nos manières de voir. Je compte bien que
cette * confidence n'eft que pour vous.

Je

* In compliance with Mr. Turgors defire, this let-
ter was kept private during his life. Since his death I

have

[ io9 ]

Je vous prie même de ne point me répondre
en détail par la porte, car votre rêponfe feroit
infailliblement ouverte dans nos bureaux
de pofte, et Ton me trouveroit beaucoup
trop ami de la liberté pour un miniftre,
même pour un miniftre difgracié !

J'ai l'honneur d'etre, Monfïeur, avec
toute la confideration poffible,

Votre très humble,
et très obeifTant ferviteur,

TURGOT.

have thought the publication of it a duty which I owe
to his memory, as well as to the United States and
the world. I can add, with much fatisfaclion, that my
venerable friend whofe name introduces this letter; and
alfo, that fome intimate friends of Mr. Turgct's, who
have been confulted on this fubject, concur with me in
this fentiment.

Note

Note for Page 5th.

Who could have thought, in the firft ages of the world,
that mankind would acquire the power of determining
the diftances and magnitudes of the fun and planets ?

-Who, even at the beginning of this century, would

have thought that in a few years they would acquire the
power of fubjecling to their wills the dreadful force of

lightening, and of flying in areoftatic machines ?

The laft of thefe powers, though fo long undiscovered, is
only an eafy application of a power always known and
familiar. Many fimilar difcoveries may remain to be
made, which will give new directions to human affairs ;
and it may not perhaps be too extravagant to imagine that
((hould civil government throw no obftaclcs in the way)
the progrefs of improvement will not ceafe till it has ex-
cluded from the earth, not only vice and war, but even
death itfelf, and reftored that paradifaical ftate, which,
according to the Mo/aie hiftory, preceded our prefent .
ftate.

Note for Page 53d.

The imperfection of real knowledge may often produce
an unreafonable incredulity. Had the beft philofophers
been told a few years ago " that there exifted fifties
M which had the command of lightening, and always ufed
" it to kill their prey," they would have thought the
information abfurd and ridiculous.

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