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OBSERVATIONS
ON THE
NATURE
O F
CIVIL LIBERTY,
THE
PRINCIPLES
O F
GOVERNMENT,
AND THE
JUSTICE and POLICY
OF THE
WAR with AMERICA.
TO WHICH IS ADDED,
A N
APPENDIX,
CONTAINING
A State of the National Debt, an Eftimate of the Money
drawn from the Public by the Taxes, and an Account of the
National Income and Expenditure fince the laft War.
Heu mijeri elves ; turn Hojiem, i mini c a que co/ira*
Vellra* Spes uritis. ViRG,
„_l_„ lau
B y R I C H A R D P R I C E, D. D. F. R. S.
LONDON Printed, 1776. I
PHILADELPHIA:
Re printed and Sold by J O H N D U N L A P, at the Newft
Printing-Office, in Market-Street.
MDCCLXXV*
-V;
+*++*******+♦+**+****♦♦+♦****♦♦♦**♦*♦♦**♦*+*
ADVERTISEMENT.
T N the following Obfervations, I have taken that liberty of ex-
** amining public meafures, which, happily for this kingdom,
every per/an in it enjoys. They contain the Jentiments of a private
and unconnected man ; for which, Jhould there be any thing tvrong
in them, he alone is anfwerable.
After all that has been written on the difpute with America, no
reader can expect to be informed, in this publication, of much that
he "has not before known. Perhaps, however, he may find in it
Jome new matter ; and if he Jhould, it will be chiefly in the Obser-
vations on the Nature of Civil Liberty, and the Policy of the War
with America ; and in the Appendix.
♦^♦*****f**f**4^**^^******->***4'***4^***4*<l***
c
( 3 )
OBSERVATIONS, <&c.
OU R Colonies in North America appear to be
now determined to do and fuffer every thing,
under the perfuafion, that Great Britain is
attempting to rob them of that Liberty to which
every member of fociety, and all civil communities, have a
natural and unalienable right. The queftion, therefore,
whether this is a reafonable perfuafion, is highly interefting,
and deferves the moft careful attention of every Englijhman who
values Liberty, and wifhes to avoid ftaining himfelf with the
guilt of invading it. But it is impoiTible to judge properly of
this queftion without correct ideas of Liberty in general; and
of the nature, limits, and principles of Civil Liberty in parti-
cular. The following obfervations on this fubjedr, appear
to me imoortanf, as well as juft; and 1 cannot make myfelf
ea(y without offering them to the public at the prefent period,
big with events of the laft confequence to this kingdom. I
do this, with reluctance and pain, urged by itrong feelings,
but at the fame time checked by the confeioufnefs that r am
likely to deliver fentiments not favourable to the prefent
meafures of that government, under which I live, and to which
I am a conftant and zealous weil-wifher. Such, however,
are my prefent fentiments and views, that this is a confidera-
tion of inferior moment with me; and, as I hope never to go
beyond the bounds of decent difcuffion and expoftulation, I
flatter myfelf, that I (hall be able to avoid giving any perf< n
juft caufe of offence.
The obfervations with which I ftiall begin, are of a more
general and abftradted nature; but being, in my opinion, of
particular confequence; and neceflary to introduce what I
have principally in view, I hope they will be- patiently read
and confidered.
SECTION,
i 4 )
SECTION L
Of the Nature of Liberty in General.
N order to obtain a more diftincl: and accurate view of the
nature of Liberty as fuch, it will be ufeful to confider it
under the four following general divifions.
Firft, Phyfical Liberty. Secondly, Moral Liberty.
Thirdly, Religious Liberty. And Fourthly, Civil Liberty.
Thefe heads comprehend under them all the different
kinds o( Liberty. And I have placed Civil Liberty lair, be*
caufe I mean to apply to it all I ihail foy of the other hinds of
Liberty.
By Physical Liberty I mean that principle of Sponta-
neity, or Self determination, which conditutes us Agents ; or
which gives us a command over our actions, rendering them
properly ours, and not effects of the operation of any foreign
caufe. Moral Liberty is the power of following, in
all circumftances, our fenfe of right and wrong ; or of acting
in conformity to our reflecting and moral principles, with-
out being controuled by any contrary principles,— Reli-
gious Liberty (tgnifies the power of exercifing, without
rooleitation, that mode of religion which we think beft; of
of maicing the decilions of our own confeiences, refpedjin*
religious truth, the rule of our conduct, 2nd not any of the
decilions of others. In like manner; Civil Liberty is
the power of a Civil Society or State to govern itfelf by its own
difcretion ; or by laws of its own making, without being fub-
jecl to any foreign difcretion, or to the impoiitions of any
extraneous will or power.
It Ihould be obferved, that, according to thefe definitions
of the different kinds of liberty, there is one general idea, that
runs through them all ; 1 mean, the idea of Self -direction, or
Self government. Did our volitions originate not with our-
/elves, but wi<h lome caule over which we have no power; or
were we under a neceility of always following fome will differ-
ent from our own, we fhould want Physical Liberty.
Jn like manner; he wh.de perceptions of moral obligation
are conrrouled by his paflions has loft his Moral Liberty, and
the molt common language applied to him is, that he wants
Self -government, ■ ■
He
« 5 )
He likewife who, in religion, cannot govern himfelf by his
conviclions of religious duty, but is obliged to receive for-
mularies of faith, and to pra£f.ife modes of worfhip impofed
upon him by others, wants Religious Liberty. And the
Community alfo that is governed, not by itfeU, but by fome
will independent of it, and over which it has no controul
wants Civil Liberty.
In all thefe cafes there is a force which {lands oppofed to
the agent's own will ; and which, as far as it operates, produces
Servitude. .'n the firlr. cafe, this force is incompatible with
the very idea of voluntary motion ; and the fubject of it is a
mere paflive inflrument which never O&s, but is always acled
upon. —In the fecond cafe; this force is the influence of
paffion getting the better of reafon ; or the brute overpowering
and conquering the will of the man. in the third cafe; it
is Human Authority in religion requiring conformity to parti-
cular modes of faith and worihip, and fuperfedin? private
judgment. And in the laft cafe, it is any will difrinc-i from
that of the Majority of a Community, which claims a power
of making laws for it, and difpoung of its property.
This it is, I think, that marks the limit, or that lays the line
between Liberty and Slavery. As far as, in any inftance, the
operation of any caufe comes in to reftrain the power of Self-
government, fo far flavery is introduced : Nor do I think that
a precifer idea than this of Liberty and Slavery can be formed.
I cannot help wifning 1 could here fix my reader's attention,
and engage him to confider carefully the dignity of that bleHin^-
to which we give the name of Lieerty, according to the repre-
sentation now made of it. There is not a word in the whole
compafs of language which exprefles fo much of what is im-
portant and excellent. It is, in every view of it, a bleflino;
truly facred and invaluable. Without Phyfical Liberty, man
would be a machine ailed upon by mechanical fprings, having
no principle of motion in himfelf or command over events"}
and, therefore, incapable of all merit and demerit.- With-
out Moral Liberty he is a wicked and detcftable being, fubje£i
to the tyranny of bafe lufts, and rhe fport of every vile appetite,
— --And without Religious and Civil Liberty he is a poor and
abject animal, without rights, wsthour property, and without
a confeience, bending his neck to the yoke, and crouching to
the will of every filly creature who has 'the fnfolence to pretend
to authority over him. ---Nothing, therefore, can be of fo much
confequence
,. ( 6 )
confequence to us as Liberty. It is the foundation of all ho-
nour, and the chief privilege and glory of our natures.
In fixing our ideas on the fubjecl of Liberty it is of particu-
lar life to take fuch an enlargeJ view of it as I have now given.
But the immediate object of the prefent enquiry being Civil
Liberty, I will confine to it all the fubfequent obfervations.
SECT. IT.
Of Civil Liberty and the Principles of Government.
T"p R O M what has been faid, it is obvious, that all civil
Jp government, as far as it can be denominated free, is the
creature of the people. It originates with them. It is con*
iju£ted under their direction; and has in view nothing but
:heir happinefs. AH its different forms are no more than fo
manv different modes in which they chufe to direct their
affairs, and to fecure the quiet enjoyment of their rights.
In every hee irate every man is his own le^iflator. All taxes
a're (:ee. gifts for public fervices. — All laws are particular pro-
v'ilons or regulations eftabSifhed by common" consent for
fining protection and fafety. And all Magijirates are
Truitees or Deputies for carrying thefe regulations in:o
execution.
Liberty, therefore, is too imperfectly defined when it is faid
co be cv a Government by Laws, and not by Men." If the
laws are made by one man, or a junto of men in a (rate, and
pftt by common consent, a government by them docs not
differ from Slavery. In this cafe it Would be a contradiction
in terms to fay that the (rate governs itfelf.
From hence it is obvious that Civil Liberty, in its mod per*
fc£t degree, can be enjoyed only in ffitall urates, where every
roesribei is 'capable of giviwg his mffrage in perfon, and of being
ciio&n into puhlk offices. When a Hate becomes fo numerous,
or when the d iff --rent parts of it are removed to fuch diltances
from one another, ae to render this impracticable, a diminution
or Liberty neeefiattly arifes. Theie are however, in theft
tirctim&anceK, methods by which fuch near approaches may
b.- made to perfect Liberty as ihall anfwer ail the purpofes of
tovernment, and at the fame time fecure every right ot human
feature.
The/
( 7 )
Tho* all the members of a ftate fhould not be capable of
giving their fuffrages on public meafures indr^i dually and per-
finally y they may do this by the appointment or Siib/lituies or
Representatives. They may entruft the powers of leg illation,
fubjecr. to fuch reftrictions as they fhali think neceffarv, with
any number of Delegates ; and whatever can be done by fuch
delegates, within the limits of their truft, may be ccnfidered 2s
done by the united voice and counfel of the Community.
In this method a free government may be efbblifhcd in a large
ftate; and it is conceivable that by regulations of this kind,
any number of ftates might be fubjecled to a fcheme of go-
vernment, that would exclude the defoliations of war, and
produce univerfal peace and order.
Let us think here of what may be practicable in this way
with refpec-t to Europe in particular. While it continues
divided, as it is at prefent, into a great number of independent
kingdoms, whofe interefts are continually ciafhing, it is im-
poffible but that difputes will often arife wnich muft end in
war and carnage. It would be no remedy to this evil to
make one of thefe ftates fupreme over the reft; and to give ic
an abfolute plenitude of power to fuperintend and controul
them. This would be to fubjeft all the ftates to the arbitrary
difcretion of one, and to eftablifh an ignominious flavery noc
poihble to be long endured, it would, therefore, be a remedy
wcrfe than the difeafe; nor is it poflible it mould be approved
by any mind that has not loft every idea of Civil Liberty. On
the contrary— Let every ftate, with refpeel to all its internal
concerns, be continued independent of all the reft ; and let a ge-
neral confederacy be formed by the appointment of a Senate
coniifting of Representatives from all the different ftates.
Let this Senate poflefs the power of managing all the common
concerns of the united ftates, and of judging and deciding
between them, as a common Arbiter or Umpire, in all difputes ;
having, at the fame time, under its direction, the common
force of the ftates to fupport its decifions. In thefe cir-
cumftances, each feparate ftate would be fecure againft the
interference of foreign power in its private concerns, and,
therefore would poflefs Liberty ; and at the fame time it would
be fecure againft all oppreilion and infult from every neighbour-
ing ftate.* Thus might the fcattered force and abilities of
a whole continent be gathered into one point; all litigations
fettled as they rofe ; univerfal peace preierved ; and nation
prevented from any more lifting up a (word agaivfl nation.
I have
C 8 )
. 1 have obferved, that tho', in a great (late, all the "indivi-
duals that compofe it cannot he admitted to an immediate
participation in the powers of legiflation and government,
yet they may participate in thefe powers by a delegation of
them to ,1 body of reprefencatives. In this cafe it is evident
that the ftate will be ftill free or f elf -governed; and that ic
will be more or lefs fo in proportion as it is more or lefs fairly
and adequately represented* If the perfons to whom the fruit
of government is commuted hold their places for fhort terms;
if they are chofen by the unbiafted voices of a majoriry of the
ftate, and fubjedt to their inliructions ; Liberty will be en-
jo. ed in its higheft decree. But if they are chofen for long
terms by a part only of the ftate ; and if during that term
they are fubjedt to no coniroul from their conftituents ; the
very idea of Liberty will be loft, and the power of chufing
conftituents becomes nothing but a power, lodged in a few,
to chuie at certain periods, a body of Mafiers for themfelves
and the reft of the Community. And it a ftate is fo funk
that :he body of its reprefematives are ekcled by a handful of
the meaneft • perfons in it, whofe votes are always paid for ;
and if alio, there is a higher will on which even thefe mock
representatives themfelves depend, and that directs their voices ;
In thefe circumftances, it will be an abufe of language to fay
that the ftate poffeftes Liberty. Private men, indeed, might
be allo»vVed the exercife of Liberty ; as they might alfo under
the moft despotic government ; but it would be an indulgence
or connivance derived from the fpirit of the times, or from an
accidental mildnefs in the adminiftration. And, rather than
be governed in fuch a manner, it w>u!d perhaps b? better to be
governed by the will of one man without any reprefentation :
For a reprefentation fo degenerated could anfwer no other
end than to miflead and deceive, by difguifing fhvery, and
keeping up a form of Liberty when the reality was loft.
Within the limits now mentioned, Liberty may be enjoyed
in every poffible degree ; from that which is complete and
perfect, to that which is merely nominal ; according as the
peop!e have more or lefs of a fhare in government, and of a
controuling power ovei the perfons by whom it is adminiftered,
In
* In Great-Britain, confifting of near fix millions of inhabitants, 57*3 Pr-
ions, moft of them the !o«cft of the people, eledt one half of the Houfe of Com-
mons ; and 3C4 votes chufc a ninth part. This may he fee* diftinftly made out
in the Political Dijpijitions, Vol. I. Book *, C. 4 a work (allot important and
n&ful jnttru£tion.
( 9 )
In general, to be free is Co be guided by one's own wilf;
and to be guided by the will of another is the characleriftic
of Servitude. This is particularly applicable to Political
Liberty. That ftate, I have obferved, is free, which is guided
by its own will; or, (which comes to the fame) by the will
of an ailembly of reprefentatives appointed by itfelf and ac-
countable to itfelf. And every ftate that is not fo governed ;
Or in which a body of men reprefenting the people make not
an eiTential part of the Legiflature, is in jlaverp In order
to form the m'oit perfe£t conftitution of government, there
may be the beft reafons for joining to fuch a body of reprefen-
tatives, an Hereditary Council^ confiding of men of the fir ft
rank, in the ftate, with a Supreme executive Magijlrate at the
head of ail. This will form ufeful checks in a legiflature -y
and contribute to give it vigour, union, tnd difpatch, with-
out infringing liberty : for, as long as that part af a govern-
ment which reprefents the people is a fair reprefentation ; and
alfo has a negative on all public meafures, together with the
fole power of impofing taxes and originating fupplies ; the
eftentials of liberty will be preferved.-- We make it our
boaft in this country, that this is our own conftitution. I will
not fay with how much reafon.
Of fuch Liberty as I have now defcribed, it is impoiTible
that there fliould be an excels. Government is an inftitution
for the benefit of the people governed, which they have
power to model as they pleafe ; and to fay, that they can
have too much of this power is to fay, that there ought to be a
power in the ftate fuperior to that which gives it being, and
from which all jurifdiclion in it is derived. Licentioufnefs,
which has been commonly mentioned, as an extreme of liber-
ty, is indeed its oppoiite. It is government by the will of
rapacious individuals, in oppofition to the will of the com-
munity, made knovvn and declared in the laws. A free ftate,
at the fame time that it is free itfelf, makes all its mem-
bers free by excluding licentioufnefs, and guarding their
perfons and property and good name againft infult. It is the
end of all juft government, at the fame time that it fecures the
liberty of the public again ft foreign injury, to fecure the liberty
of the individual againft private injury. I do not, therefore,
think it ftrictly juft to fay, that it* belongs to the nature of
government to entrench on private liberty. It ought never
to do this, except as far as the exercife of private liberty
J> encroaches
( io )
encroaches on the liberties of others. That is, it is licentioufnefs
it reftfains, and liberty itfelf only when ufed to deftroy liberty.
It appears from hence, that licentioufnefs and defpotifm are
more nearly allied than is commonly imagined. They are
both alike inconfiftent with liberty, and the true end of go-
vernment; nor is there any other difference between them,
than that the one is the licentioufnefs of great men, and the
other the licentioufnefs of little men ; or that, by the one, the
perfons and property of a people are fubjeel to outrage and
invafion from the king; or a lawlefs body of Grandees ; and
that, by the others, they are fubject to the like outrage from
a lawlefs mob.- In avoiding one of thefe evils, mankind
have often run into the other. But all well-conflituterl
governments guard equally againfl both. Indeed of the two,
'the Jaft is, on feveral accounts, the leaft to be dreaded, and
has done the leaif. mifchief. It may be truly laid, that if
licentioufnefs has deftroyed its thoufands, defpotifm has de-
ftrcyed its millions. The former, having little power, and
no fyftem to fupport it, neceffarily finds its own remedy ;
and a people foon get out of the tumult and anarchy attending
it. But a defpotifm, wearing the form of government, and
being armed with its force, is an evil not to be conquered
without dreadful ftruggles. It goes on from age to age, de-
bafmg the human faculties, levelling all diltinctions, and
preying on the rights and bleffings of fociety. It deferves
to be added, that in a ftate difturbed by licentioufnefs, there
is an animation which is favourable to the human mind, and
which puts it upon exerting its powers. But in a ftate habi-
tuated to a defpotifm, all is flill and torped. A dark and
lavage tyranny ftiflcs every effort of genius ; and the mind lofes
all its fpirit and dignity.
Before I proceed to what I have farther in view, I will
obferve, that the account now given of the principles of public
Liberty, and the nature of an equal and free government,
{hews what judgment we fhould form of that omnipotence,
which, it has been faid, muft belong to every government as
fuch. Great (irefs has been laid on this, but mofl: unreafona-
bly. Government, as has been before obferved, is, in the
very nature of it, a Trust; and all its powers a delega-
tion for gaining particular ends. This trtijl may be mis-
applied and abufed. It may be employed to defeat the very
ends for which it was inftitutcd ; and to fubvert the very
rights
( « )
rights vhich it ought to protecl A Parliament, for
inftance, confiding of a body of" reprefentatives, chofen for a
limited period, to make laws, and to grant money for public
fervices, would forfeit its authority by making itfelf perpetual,
or even prolonging its own duration ; by nominating its own
members; by accepting bribes; or fubjec~ting itfelf to any
kind of foreign influence. This would convert a Parliament
into a conclave cr junto of felf-created tools; and a ftate that
has loft its regard to its own rights, fo far as to fubmit to fuch.
a breach of truft in its rulers, is enflaved. Nothing, there-
fore, can be more abfurd than the dccrrine which fome have
taught, with refpe£t to the omnipotence of parliaments. They
pofiefs no power beyond the limits of the truft for the executi-
on of which they were formed. If they contradict this truft,
they betray their conftitucnts, and difiblve themfeives. All
delegated power muft be fubordinate and limited. If
omnipotence can, with any fenfe, be afcribed to a legislature,
it muft be lodged where all legislative authority originates ;
that is, in the People. For their fakes government is infti-
tuted ; and their's is the only real omnipotence.
I am fenfible, that all 1 have been faying would be very
abfurd, were the opinions juft which fome have maintained
concerning the origin of government. According to thefe
opinions, government is not the creature of the people, or the
refult of a convention between them and their rulers : But
there are' certain men who pofTefs in themfeives, indepen-
dently of the will of the people, a right of governing them,
which they derive from the Deity. This doclrine has been
abundantly refuted by many * excellent writers. It is a doc-
trine which avowedly fubverts Civil Liberty; and which
reprefents mankind as a body of valTals, formed to defcend
like cattle from one fet of owners to another, who have an
abfolute dominion over them. It is a wonder, that thofe who
view their fpecies in a light fo humiliating, mould ever be able
to think of themfeives without regret and fhame. The inten-
tion of thefe obfervations is not to oppofe fuch fentiments ;
but taking for granted the reafonablenefs of Civil Liberty, to
fhew wherein it confifts, and what diftinguifhes it from its
contrary. And in confidering this fubjecl, as it has been
now treated, it is unavoidable to reflect on the excellency of
a free government, and its tendency to exalt the nature of
B 2 man.
* See among others Mr. Locke on Government, and Mr. Prieftley's E flay on
the firft Principles of Government.
( ** )
man. Every member of a free {late, havingfhis, property
fecure, and knowing himfelf his own governor, polTeiTes a
cqnfc.toufnefs of dignity in himlelf, and feels incitements to
emulation and improvement, to which the miferabie daves of
arbitrary power muic be utter ftrangers. In fuch 2 (late all
the fprings of adion have room to operate, and the mind is
Simulated to the nobleft exertions.-}- Hut to be obliged,
from our birth, to look up to a creature no better than our-
selves as the mailer of our fortunes ; and to receive his will as
our law What can be more humiliating ? What elevated
ideas can enter a mind in fuch a fituation ? Agreeably to
this remark , the fubjecb of free flates have, in all ages, been,
mod: diilinguiihed for genius and knowledge. Liberty is the
foil where the arts and fciences have fiourifhed ; and the more
free a irate has been, the more have the powers of the human
mind been drawn forth into action, and the greater number
of brave men has it produced. With what luftre do the an-
tient free ftates of Greece mine in the annals of the world I
How different is that country now, under the Great Turk ?
The difference between a country inhabited by men, and by
brutes, is not greater.
Thefe are rerle£iions which mould be conftantly prefent to
every mind in this country--— --As Mcra I Liberty is the prime
bleiTing of man in his private capacity, fo is Civil Liberty in
his public capacity. There is nothing that requires more to
be watched than power. There is nothing that ought to be
oppofed with a more determined refolution than its encroach-
ments. Sleep in a (late, as Montefquicu fays, is always fol-
lowed by flavery*
The people of this kingdom were once warmed by fuch
fentiments as thole. Many a fycophant of power have they
facrshxed. Often have they fought and bled in" the caufe of
Liberty. But that time feems to be going. The fair inhe-
ritance of Liberty left us by our anceftors many of us are not
unwilling to refign. 1 An abandoned venality, the infeparable
companion of diffipation and extravagance, has poifoned the
fprings of public virtue among us : And fhould any events
ever arife that mould render the oppofition necefTary that took
place in the times of King Charles the Firft, and James the
Second, 1 am afraid all that is valuable to us would be loft.
The terror of the Handing army, the danger of the public
funds, and the all-corrupting influence of the treafury, would
deaden all zeal, and produce ceneral acquiefcencc and fervility.
S E C T. III.
f See Dr. PriefHey on Government, page 68, <5p, &c,
l3
SECT. III.'
Qf the Authority of one Country over another,
FROM the nature and princiles of Civil Liberty, as they
have been now explained, it is an immediate and neceflary
inference that no one community can have any power over
the property or legiflation of another community, that is not
incorporated with it by a juft and adequate rcprefentation. —
Then only, it has been (hewn, is a ftate freet when it is
governed by its own will. But a country that is fubject to
the legiflature of another country, in which it has no voice,
and over which it has no controul, cannot be faid to be
governed by its own will. Such a country therefore, is in a
Rate of flavery. And it deferves to be particularly confidered,
that fuch a il a very is worfc, on feveral accounts, than any
flavery of private men to one another, or cf kingdoms to
defpots within themfelves.« Between one ftate and another,
there is none of that fellow-feeling that takes place between
perfons iri private life. Being detached bodies that never fee
one another, and refiding perhaps in different quarters of the
globe, the ftate that governs cannot be a witnefs to the
fufferings occafioned by its cpprefiions ; or a competent judge
of the circumftanccs and abilities of the people who are go-
verned. They mull: alfo have in a great degree feparate
interefts ; and the more the one is loaded, the more the other
may be eafed. The infamy likewife of oppreflion, beine in fuch
circumftances fhared among a multitude, is not likely to be
much feit or regarded. On all the'fe accounts there is, in
the cafe of one country fubjugated to another, little or nothing
to check rapacity ; and the moft flagrant injuftice and cruelty
may be praclifed without remorfe or pit}'.- 1 will add, that
It is particularly -difficult to fnake off a tyranny of this kind.
A fingle defpot, if a people are unanimous and refolute, may be
jfoon fubdued. But a defpotic ftate is not eafily fubdued ; and
a people fubjeft to it cannot emancipate themfelves without
entering into a dreadful, and, perhaps, very unequal conteft.
I cannot help obferving farther, that the flavery of a people
to internal defpots may be qualified and limited ; but I don't
fee what can limit the authority of one ftate over another.
The exercife of power in this cafe can have no other meafure
than difcretion $ and, therefore, mull be indefinite and abfolute.
Once
( H )
Ones more. It fhould be confidered that the government
of one country by another, can only be fupported by a military
force; and, without fuch a fupport, muft be deftitute of all
wtighi and efficiency,
This will be bed explained by putting the following
cafe. There is, let us fuppofe, in a province fubje& to the
Sovereignty of a diftant ftate, a fubordinate legislature confid-
ing of an Aflfembly chofen by the people ; a Council chofen
by" that Aflembly ; and a Governor appointed by the Sovereign
State, and paid by the Province. There are, likevvife, judges
and other officers, appointed and paid in the fame manner,
for adminiilering jijVice agreeably to the laws, by the verdi&s
of juries fairly and indiscriminately chofen. i his forms a
conftkutiori feemingly free, by giving the people a fbare in their
own government, and feme check on their rulers. But, while
there ts a highet legiflative power, to the controul of which fuch
a conllitution is fubjedt, it does not itfelf poffefs Liberty, and
therefore, cannot be of any ufe as a fecuriiy to Liberty ; nor is
it pofnble' that it fhould be of long duration. Laws offentive to
the Province will be enacted by the Sovereign State. The legi-
slature of the province will remonstrate againfl therh. The ma-
gistrates will not execute them. Juries will not com/id upon
them ; and confequently, like the Pope's Bulls which once go-
verned Europe, they will become nothing but forms and empty
founds, to which no regard will be (hewn. In order to re-
medy this evil, and to give efficiency to its government, the
iupreme irate will naturally be led to withdraw the Governor^
the Council, and the Judges* from the controul o^ the Province,
by
* The independency of the Judges we efleem in this country one of our greeted
nrivileees -—Before the revolution they generally, I believe*, held their places
yur :n ; plcafurt King William gave them their places during good behaviour,
V - the aceeffion of the prefent Royal Family their places were given ihem during
tiodbehavidur, in eprtfequence of the Aft of Settlement, n Jk 13 W. III. c. z.
Yhit-nophwoa having been entertained By fcme.that though their com in iffiores
were made under the Act of Settlement to continue, during good behaviour,
vrt ihiVthev determined on the demife of the Crown ; it was enacled by a fh-
l^ made in the firft year of bis prefent Majefty, Chap z3. - That the
" Commits of judges for the time being foal! be, continue, and remain m
« full force during their good behaviour, notwithstanding the demife or Ins
«< Miettv or of any of his Heirs and Succefibrs;" with a provifo, " that it
« mav be lawful for his Majefty, his Heirs and Succcfiors, to remove any Judge
« unon the addrefs of both iWes of Parliament." And by the fame Statute
1 i' Hi irics -re fecured to them during the continuance of their commiiTions :
ti • Mn^Jlv according to the preamble of the Statute, having been pieafed to
dicd-ni iron /the Throne to both Houfes of Parliament, » Thar he looked up-
« on the. Independency and uprightnefs of Judges, as eflential to ^""Parti-
..aladfniniftrationof JulHc:, as one ot the hcit iecuntics to the Rights and
« Liberties of his loving Subject, and as molt conducive to the hmonr of his
"Crown." Awoit.iy
( iS )
by making them entirely dependant on itfelf for their pay and
continuance in office, as well as for their appointment. It will
alfo alter the mode of chufing Juries on purpofe to bring them
more under its influence : And in fome cafes, under the pre-
tence of the impofiibiHty of gaining an impartial trial where
government is rehfted, it will perhaps ordain, that offenders
ihall be removed from the Province to be tried within its
own territories: And it may tven go fo far rn this kind of
policy, as to endeavour to prevent the effects oi" difcontents,
by forbidding all meetings and alTociations of the people,
except at fuch times, and for fuch particular purposes, as
fhall be permitted them.
Thus will fuch a Province be exactly in the fame ftate *hat
Britain would be in, were our nrtt executive Magiflrate, oir
Houfe of Lords, and our Judges, nothing but the inftruments*
of a foreign democraticah power ; were our Juries nominated
by that power; or were we liable to be tranfported to a
diftant country to be tried for oxences committed here; and
retrained from calling any meetings, ccnfulting about any
grievances, or ailbciating for anv purpofes, except when leave
fhould be given us by a Lord Lieutenant or Viceroy.
It is certain that this is a ilate of oppiefiion which no
country could endure, and to which, it would be vain to
expert, that any people fhould fubmit an hour without an
armed force to compel them.
The late tran factions in Majfachufetts Bay are a perfect, ex-
emplification of what I have now faid. The government of
Great Britain in that Province has gone on exactly in the train
I have defcribed ; till at laft it became necellary to ftation
troops there, not amenable to the civil power ; and all termi-
nated in a government by the Sv/ord. And fuch, if a people
are not funic below the character of men, will be the iilue of
all governments in fimilar circum&ances.
It may be afked c< Are there not caufes by which one
c< ftate may acquire a rightful authority over another, though
" not Gomfclidated by an adequate Representation ?" -I
anfvver that there are no fuch caufes.- All the caufes to
which fuch an effect can be afcribed are Conquest, Com-
pact, or Obligations conferred.
Much
A worthy friend and able Lawyer has ftipplied me with this note, It affords,
when c^ntrafced with that dvpendence of the Judges which has been thought
reafonabJe in America, a fad fpeeiu.cn of the different manner in which a king?
<&om may think proper to govern iffeif, and the provinces fubjetf: tq it.
( Itf )
Much has been faid of the right of conqueft ; and biftory
contains little mere than accounts of kingdoms reduced by it
under the dominion of other kingdom*, and of the havock it
has made among mankind. But the authority derived from
hence, being founded on violence, is never rightful. The
Roman Republic was nothing but a faction again It the general
liberties of the world ; and had no more right to give law
to the Provinces iubject to it, than thieves have to the pro-
perty they feizf, or to the houfes into which they break.
Even in the cafe of a juif. war undertaken by one people
to defend ftfelf againfl the oppreflions of another people,
conquetf gives only a right to an indemnification for the
injury which occaiioned the war, and a rcalbnable fecurity
agajrift future injury.
"Neither can any flate acquire fuch an authority over other
/rates in virtue of any compacts or ccjjions. This is a cafe in
which compacts are not binding. Civil Liberty is, in this
refpeel, on the fame footing with Religious Liberty. As no
people can lawfully furrender their Religious Liberty, by
giving up their right of judging for themfelves in religion, or
by allowing any human beings to prefcribe to them what
faith they (hall embrace, or what mode of worfhip they {hall
prailife ; fo neither can any civil focieties lawfully furrender
their Civil Liberty, by giving up to any extraneous jurifdiclion
their power of legislating for themfelves and difpofmg their
property. Such a ceffion, being inconfiitent with the un-
alienable rights of human nature, would either not bind at
all ; or bind only the individuals who made it. This is a
blcfling which no one generation of men can give up for
another; and which, when loll, a people have always a right
to relume. Had our anceftors in this country been fo mad
as to have fubje&ed themfelves to any foreign Community,
we could not have been under any obligation to continue in
fuch a ilate. And all the nations now in the world who,
in confequence oi" the tarnenefs and folly of their predecefibrs,
are fubject to arbitrary power, have a right to emancipate
themfelves as foon as they can.
Vi neither conquejl nor compact can give fuch an authority,
much lefs can any favours received, or any Cervices performed
by one ilate for another. Let the 'favour received be
what it will, Liberty is too dear a price for it. A (rate that
has been obliged is not, therefore, bound to be enjlsved. It
oueht.
( 17 )
ought, if poSfible, to make an adequate return for the ferviccs
done to it ; but to fuppofe that it ought to give up the power
of governing itfelf, and the difpofal of its property, would be
to fuppofe, that, in order to fhew its gratitude, it ought to
part with the power of ever afterwards exercifing gratitude. —
How much has been done by this kingdom for Hanover?
But no one will fay that on this account, we have a right to
make the laws of Hanover ; or even to draw a iingle penny
from it without its own confent.
After what has been faid it will, I am afraid, be trifling o
apply the preceding arguments to the cafe of different crm-
munities, which are considered as different parts of the nme
Empire. But there are reafons which render it neceffary lor
me to be explicit in making this application.
What I mean here is juft to point out the difference of fitu-
ation between communities forming an Empire, and particu-
lar bodies or claffes of men forming different parts of a King-
dom. Different communities forming an Empire have no con-
nexions, which produce a neceffary reciprocation of inrerefts
between them. They inhabit different diitricts, and are go-
verned by d+fferent legislatures.-- -On the contrary. The dif-
ferent claffes of men within a kingdom are all placed on the fame
ground. Their concerns and intereSts are the lame ; and
what is done to one part muft affecl all — Thefe are Situa-
tions totally different; and a constitution of government that
may be confident with Liberty in one of them, may be entire-
ly inconfiftent with it in the other. It is, however, certain
that, even in the laft of thefe fituations, no one part ought to
govern the reft. In order to a fair and equal government, there
ought to be a fair and equal reprefentation of all that are
governed ; and as far as this is wanting in any government,
it deviates from the principles of Liberty, anJ becomes unjuffc
and oppreSIive.- But in the circumftances of different c< m-
munities, all this* holds with unfpeakably more force. The
government of a part in this cafe becomes complete tyranny ;
and fubjec~tion to it becomes complete Slavery. -
But ought there not, it is afked, to exift fomewhere in art
Empire a fupreme legislative authority over the whole ; or a
power to controul and bind all the different States of which
it confifts. This enquiry has been already anfwered. The
truth is, that fuch a fupreme commuting power ought to exiSfc
no-where except in fuch a Senate or body of delegates as
that defcribed in page 7 -> and that the authority or fupremacy
C of
( i3 )
of even this Senate ought to be limited to the common concerns
of the Empire. 1 think I have proved that the fundamental
principles of Liberty, neceiTarily require this.
In a word. An Empire is a collection of ftates or commu-
nities united by fome common bond or tye. If thefe ftates
have each of them free conftitutions of government, and, with
refpect to taxation and internal legifiation, are independent of
the other ftates, but united by compacts or alliances, or fub-
je£bon to a Great Council, representing the whole, or to one
monarch entrufted with the fuprcme executive power : In
thefe circumftances, the Empire will be an Empire of Freemen.
If, on the contrary, like the different provinces iubje£f. to
the Grand Seignior, none of the ftates poffefs any independent
legiflative authority 3 but are all fubjeel: to an abfolute mo-
narch, whofe will is their law ; then is the Empire an Empire
of Slaves. If one of the ftates is free, but governs by its
will all the other ftates ; then is the Empire, like that of the
Romans in the times of the republic, an Empire confifting of
One ftate free, and the reft in flavery : Nor does it make any
more difference in this cafe, that the governing ftate is itfelf
free, than it does in the cafe of a kingdom fubjecl: to a defpet,
that this defpot is himfelf free. I have before obferved, that
this only makes the fiavery worfe. There is, in the one cafe,
a chance, that in the quick fucceftion of defpots, a good one
will fometimes arife. But bodies of men continue the fame ;
and have generally proved the moft unrelenting of all tyrants.
A great writer before * quoted, obferves of the Ro?nan
Empire, that while Liberty was at the center, tyranny pre-
vailed in the diftant provinces ; that fuch as were free under
it were extremely fo, while thofe who were flaves groaned
under the extremity of flavery; and that the fame events that
dejl royed the liberty of the former, gave liberty to the latter.
The liberty of the Romans, therefore, was only an additional
calamity to the provinces governed by them ; and though it
might have been faid of the citizens of Rc?ne, that they were
the " freeft members of any civil fociety in the known world ;*'
yet of the Cubjcfis of Rome, it mud have been faid, that they were
the completed flaves in the known world. How remarkable
is it, that this very people, once the freeft of mankind, but at
the fame time the moft proud and tyrannical, Should become at
laft the moft contemptible and abject flaves that ever exifted ?
PART
* Monteftjuieu's Spirit of J-aws, Vol; I5 Book 11, C. xik.
( *9 )
PART II.
IN the foregoing difquifitions, I have, from one leading prin-
ciple, deduced a number of confequences, that feerri to me
incapable of being difputed. I have meant that they mould
be applied to the great queftion between this kingdom and the
Colonies which has occalioned the prefent war with them.
It is impofiible, but my readers muft have been all along
making this application ; and if they ftill think, that the claims
©f this kingdom are reconcileable to the principles of true liberty
and legitimate government, I am afraid, that nothing I fhall
farther^ fay will have any effect GO their judgments. I wifh,
however, they would have the patience and candour to go with
me, and grant me a hearing fome time longer.
Though clearly decided in my own judgment on this fubjecr,
I am inclined to make great allowances for the different judg-
ments of others. We have been fo ufed to fpeak of the Colo-
nies as our Colonies, and to think of them as in a ftate of fub-
ordination to us, and as holding their exiftence in America only
for our ufe, that it is no wonder the prejudices of many are
alarmed, when they find a different doclrine maintained. The
meaneft perfon amongft us is difpofed to look upon himfrlf as
having a body of fubjecis in America ; and to be offended at the
denial of his right to make laws for them, though perhaps he
does not know what colour they are of, or what language they
talk.— Such are the natural prejudices of this country.-
But the time is coming, I hope, when the unreafonablenefs of
them will be feen ; and more juft fentiments prevail.
Before i proceed, I beg it may be attended to, that I have
chofen to try this queftion by the general principles of Civil
Liberty ; and not by the practice of former times j or by the
Charters granted the colonies. The arguments/or them,
drawn from thefe lafl topics, appear to me greatly to outweigh,
the arguments again/} them. But I wifh to have this queftiori
brought to a higher teft, and furer iffue. The queftion with all
liberal enquirers ought to be, not what jurisdiction over them
Precedents, Statutes, and Charters give, but what reafon and
equity, and the rights of humanity give. This is, in truth,
a queition which no kingdom has ever before had occafion to
agitate. The cafe of a free country branching itfelf out in the
G 2 manner
( 2° )
manner Britain has done, and fending to a diftant world colo-
nies which have there, from fmall beginnings, and under free
legiflatures of their own, increafed, and formed a body of pow-
erful irates, likely foon to become fuperior to the parent ftate.
—-This is a cafe which is new in the hiftory of mankind ; and
it is extremely improper to judge of it by the rules of any nar-
row and partial policy ; or to confider it on any other ground
than the general one of reafon and juftice. Thofe who
will be candid enough to judge on this ground, and who can
diveft tfiemfelves of national prejudice?, will not, I fancy, re-
main long unfatisfied. But alas ! Matters are gone too for.
The difpute probably mult be fettled another way ; and the
fword alone, I am afraid, is now to determine what the rights
of Biitain and America are. Shocking fituation !---Detefted
be the meafures which have brought us into it: And, if we
are endeavouring to enforce injuftice, curled will be the war.
A retreat, however, k not yet impracticable. The duty
we owe our gracious fovereign obliges us to rely on his dif-
p fitibn to ftay the fword, and to promote the happinefs of all
the different parts of the Empire at the head of which he is
placed. With fome hopes, therefore, that it may not be too
late to reafon on this fubjecl, I will, in the following Sections,
enquire what the war with America is in the following refpecls.
1. In refpect of Juftice.
2. The Principles of the Conftitution.
3. In refped of Policy and Humanity.
4. The Honour of the kingdom.
And laftly, The Probability of fucceeding in It.
SECTION I.
Of the Jujlice of the War with America.
THE enquiry, whether the war with the Colonies is zjuji
war, will be beft determined by dating the power over
them, which it is the end of the war to maintain : And this
cannot be better done, than in the words of an ac~t of parlia-
ment, made on purpofe to define it. That adt, it is well
known, declares, " That this kingdom has power, and of
" riffht ought to have power to make laws and (ratutes to bind
«« the Colonies, and people of America^ in all cafes • whatever/'
— Dreadful
( 21 )
-—Dreadful power indeed ! I defy anyone to exprefs flavery in
ftronger language. It is the fame as declaring " that we have
" a right to do with them what we pleafe." 1 will not vvatfe
my time by applying to filch a claim any of the preceding ar-
guments. If my reader does not feel more in this cafe, than,
words can exprefs, all reifoning muft be vain.
But, probably, mod perfons will be for uilng milder lan-
guage; and for faying no more than, that the united legisla-
tures of England and Scotland have of right power to tax the
Colonies, and a fupremacy of legislation over America.
But this comes to the fame. If it means any thing, it means,
that the property, and the legislations of the Colonies, are fub-
jecl: to the abfolute discretion of Great Britain^ and ought of
right to be fo. The nature of the thing admits of no limita-
tion. The Colonies can never be admitted to be judges,
how far the authority over them in thefe cafes Shall extend.
This would be to deftroy it entirely. If any part of their
property is fubjec~t to our difcretion, the whole muft be fo. If
we have a right to interfere at all in their internal legislations,
we have a right to interfere as far as we thinlc proper. It
is felf-evident, that this leaves them nothing they can call
their cvjn. And what is it that can give to any people fuch
a fupremacy over another people ? 1 have already exami-
ned the principal anfwers which have been given to this
enquiry. But it will not be amifs in this place to go over
fome of them again.
It has been urged, that fuch a right mull: be lodged fome-
where, " in order to pieferve the Unity of the Britiih
Empire."
Pleas of this fort have, in all ages, been ufed to juftify
tyranny. 7'hey have in Religion given rife to num-
berlefs oppreffive claims, and flaviSh Hierarchies. And in the
Romi/h Cotnmunion particularly, it is well known, that the
Pope claims the title and powers of the fupreme head on
earth of the Christian church, in order to preferve its Unity.
With refpeft to the Britifi) E?npire^ nothing can be more
prepofterous than to endeavour to maintain its unity, by
Setting up fuch a method of eftablifhing unity, which, like the
fimilar method in religion, can produce nothing but mifchief.
The truth is, that a common relation to one fupreme
executive head ; an exchange of kind offices ; tyes of intereft
and affection, and compact^ are fufficient to give the Britifh
Empire
( ** )
Empire all the unity th»2t is neceflary. But if not — If,
inj order to pieferve its Unity, one half of it muft be en-
flaved to the other half, let it, in the name of God, want
Unity.
Much has been faid of " the Superiority of the Britifh State."
But what gives us our fuperion'ty ?---Is it ourlFeallh ?— This
never corners real dignity. On the contrary : Its effect is
always to debafe, intoxicate, and corrupt. Is it the ?iumbers
of our people? The colonies will foon be equal to us in num-
ber. h it our Knoivl edge -And Virtu?? They are probably
equally knowing, and more virtuous. There are names among
them that will not ftoop to any names among the philosophers
and politicians of this ifland.
44 But we are the Parent State." — Thefe are tjie magic
words which have fafcinated and mifleu us. The Englifh
came from Germany. Does that give the German ftates a
right to tax us ? — Children, having no property, and being
incapable of guiding thcmfelvcs, the author of nature has
committed the care of them to their parents, and fubjected
• them to their abfolute authority. But there is a period when,
having acquired property, and a capacity of judging for them-
felvef* they become independent agents; and when, for this
region, the authority of their parents ceafes, and becomes
nothing but the refpeel and influence due to benefactors. Sup-
pofing, therefore, that the order of nature in eftabiiiliing the
relation between parents and children, ought to have been the
rule of our conduct to the Colonies, we fhould have been gra-
dually relaxing our authority as they grew up. But like mad
parents, we have done the contrary ; and, at the very time
when our authority fhould have been moft relaxed, we have
carried it to the greateft extent, and exercifed it with the
greater! rigour. No wonder then, that they have turned upon
us ; and obliged us to remember that they are not children.
il But we have, it is faid, protected them, and run deeply in
" debt on their account. "—-The full anfwer to this has been
already given, (p. 16, 17.) Will any one fay, that all we have
dene for them has net been more on our vwn account*, than on
theirs ?
f This is particularly true of the bounties granted on tame American commodities
(as pitch, tar, indigo, &C.f) when imported into Britain ; for it is well known,
that the end of granting them was, to get thofc commodities cheaper from the
Colonics and in rfctHrn For cur manufactures, which we ufed to get from Rujfitt
•:id other f >rci And this is e>:pre(lcd in the -preamble of the laws
which
( 23 )
j/Wrj?— But fuppofe the contrary. Have they done nothing
for us ? Have they made no compenfations for the protection
they have received ? Have they not helped us to pay our taxes,
to fupport our poor, and to bear the burthen of our debts, by
taking from us, au our own price, all the commodities with
which we can fupply them ? — Have they not, for our advan-
tage, fubmitted to many restraints in acquiring property ? Muft
they likewife refign to us the diipofal of that property ?
Has not their exclufive trade with us been for many years one
of the chief fources of our national wealth and power ?— >
In all our wars have they not fought by our fide, and contri-
buted much to our fuccefs ? In the laft war, particularly, it is
well known, that they ran themfelves deeply in debt ; and that
the paTiament thought it neceffary to grant them ^onfiderable
fums annually as compenfations for going beyond h_ir abilities
in aflifting us. And in this courfe would they have continued
for many future years ; perhaps, for ever. In fhort, were
an accurate account Hated, it is by no means certain which
fide would appear to be mofr indebted. When allied asfree-
men, they have hitherto feldom difcovered anv reluctance in
giving. But, in obedience to a demand, and with the bayonet
at thier breaih, they will give us nothing but blood.
It is farther faid* " that the land on which thev fettled was
" ours." — : But how came it to be ours ? If failing alon&j a
coaft can give a right to a country, then might the people of
'Japan become, as foon as they pleafe, the proprietors of Britain.
Nothing can be more chimerical than property founded on
fuch a reafon. If the land on which the Colonies firft fettled
had any proprietors, they we;e the natives. The greateft part
of it they bought of the natives. They have iince cleared
and cultivated it ; and, without any help from us, converted
a wildernefs into fruitful end pleafant fields. It is, therefore,
now on a double account t'fcir property ; and no power on
earth cart have any right to d'.fturb them in the pofTefiion of it,
or to take from them, without their confent, any part of its
produce.
i But
which grant thefe bounties. See the Appeal to the JufKce, Sec. page ai third
edition It is, therefore, ftrange that Docler Tucker and others, 'fhou'd
have infifted fo much upon thefe bounties as favours and indulgences to the Co-
lonies. But it is ftill more ftrange, that the fame repiefentation fhculd have
been made of the compenfations granted them for doing more during the lafc
war in aflifting us than could have been reafenably expecled ; and alio of the
fums we have fpent in maintaining troops among them -without their confer.t j
and in oppofition to their vvifhes. See a Pamphter. entitled " The rights of
Great Britain ailerted again ft the claims of America,"
( H )
But let it be granted, that, the land was ours. Did they
not fettle upon it under the faith of charters, which promifed
them the eiijoyment of all the rights of Englijhmen ; and allowed
them to tax themfelves, and to be governed by legislatures of
their own, iimilar to ours ? Thefe charter were given them
by an authoricy, which at the time was thought competent;
and they have been rendered facrcd by an acquiescence on our
part for more than a century. Can it be wondered at, that
the Colonies fhould revolt, when they found their charters
violated ; and an attempt made to force innovations upon
them by famine and the fword ?■ But I lay no ftrefs on
charters. They derive their rights from a higher fource.
It is inconfiftent with common fenfe to imagine, that any
people would ever think of fettling in a diftant country, on
any fuch condition, as that the people from whom they with-
drew, fhould for ever be makers of their property, and have
power to fubji& them to any modes of government they pleafed.
And had there been exprefs itipulations to this purpofe in all,
the charters of the colonies, they would, in my opinion, be no
more bound by them, than if it had been Stipulated with them,
that they fhould go naked, or expofe themfelves to the incur-
tions of wolves and tigers.
The 'defective (late of the reprefentation of this kingdom
has been farther pleaded to prove our right to tax America.
We fubmit to a parliament that does not reprefent us, and
therefoie they ought. How ftrange an argument is this?
It is faying we want liberty; and therefore, they ought to
want it.— ---Suppofe it true, that they are indeed contending
for a better conftitution of government, and more liberty
than we enjoy. Ought this to make us angry ? Who is
there that does not fee the danger to which this country is
expofed ? Is it generous, becaufe we are in a fink, to en-
deavour to draw them into it? Ought we not rather to wifli
earnestly, that there may at leait be one free country
left upon earth, to which we may fly, when venality, luxury,
and vice have compleated the ruin of liberty here ?
It is, however, by no means true, that America has no more
right to be exempted from taxation by the Britijh parliament,
than Britain itfelf. Here, all freeholders, and burgefles in
borough0, are reprcfented. There, not one Freeholder, or any-
other perfon, is reprelented. Here, the aids granted by
the reprefented part of the kingdom muft be proportionably
paid
C H )
paid by therafelves; and the laws they make for others, they a^
the fame time make for' themfches. There, the aids they would
grant would not be paid, but received, by themfelves ; and the
Jaws ihey made would be made for others only.' ■ In (hort.
The relation of one country to another country, whofe repre-
fentatives have the power of taxing it (and of appropriating
the money raifed by the taxes) is much the fame v/ith the
relation of a country to a Tingle defpot, or a body of defpots,
within itfelf, invefted v/ith the like power, in both cafes, the
people taxed and thofe who, tax have feparate interefts ; nor
can there be any thing to check oppreflion,. befides either the
abilities of the people taxed, or the humanity of the taxers.—*
But indeed I can never hope to convince that perfon of any
thing, who does not fee an effential difference * between the
two cafes, now mentioned ; or between the circumftances of
individuals, and clafles of men ; making parts of a community
imperfectly reprefented in the legiflature that reprefents it ;
and the circumftances of a whole community, in a diftant
world, not at all reprefented. *
But enough has been faid by others on this point ; nor is
it poflible for me to throw any new light upon it. To finifli,
therefore, what I meant to offer under this head, I muft beg
that the following confiderations may be particularly attended to.
j The queftion now between us and the Colonies is, Whe«*
ther in refpect of taxation and internal legiflation, they arc
bound to be fubjeft to the jurifdiclion of this kingdom : Or,
in other words, Whether the Britijh Parliament has or has not
af right, a 'power to difpofe of their property, and to model
as it pleafes, their governments ? — To this fupremacy over
then., we fay, we are entitled ; and in order to maintain it,
we have begun the prefent war. — Let me here enquire,
jft. Whether, if we have now this fupremacy, we fhall
not be equally entitled to it in any future time?— They are
now but little fhort of half our number.. To this number
they have grown, from a fmall body of original fettlers, by
P a very
* It gives me pteafure to find, that the author of the Remarks on the
principal A3s of the 13 /A Parliament of Great -Britain > &c. acknowledge*
this difference.—— It has, however, been at the fame time mortifying
to me to find fo abls a writer adopting fuch principles of government,
as are contained in this work. According to him, a people have n»
property or rights, except fuch as their civil governors are pleafed not
to take from them. Taxes, therefore, he alferts, are in no fenfe the
lifts, much left the free gifts pf the people. See p. 58 & 191,
a very rapid increafe. The probability is, that they will go on
toencreafej and that, in 50 or 60 years, they will be double
our number ; * and form a mighty empire, confifting of a va-
riety of ftaies, all equal or fuperior to ourfelves in all the arts
and accomplifhments which give dignity and happinefs to hu-
man life. In that period, wi!l they be ftill bound to acknow-
ledge that fupremacy o/er them which we now claim ? Can
there be any perfon who will afiert this ; or whofe mind does
not revolt at the idea of a vaft Continent, holding all that is
valuable to it, at the difcretion of a handful of people on the
other fide the Atlantic? — But if, at that period, this wouli
be unreafonable, what makes it otherwise nowt-*- Draw the
line, if you can.-— But there is ftill a greater difficulty.
Britain is now, 1 will fuppofc, the feat of liberty and virtue,
«nd its legiflature confifts of a body of able and independent
jnen, who govern with wifdom and juftice. The time may
come when all will be reverted: When its excellent conflitu-
tion of government will befubverted : When, prefledby debts
and taxes, it will be greedy to draw to itfelf an increafe of
revenue from every diftant province, in order to eafe its own
burthens : When the influence of the Crown, ftrerigthened
by luxury and an univerfal profligacy of manners, will have
tainted every heart, broken down every fence of liberty, and
rendered us a nation of tame and contented vafFals : When a
general EUftien will be nothing but a general Auclion of Bo-
roughs : And when the Parliament, the Grand Council of
the nation, and once the faithful guardian of the ftate, and a
terror to evil minifters, will be degenerated into a body of Sy-
cophantSy dependent and venal, always ready to confirm any
meafures ; and little more than a public couVt for regiftering
royal edicts,— —Such, it is po'flible, may, fome time or other,
be the ftate of Great-Briism. *What will, at that period*
be the duty of the Colonies ? Will they be frill bound to un-
conditional fubmiflion \ Mull they always Continue an appen-
dage to our government, and follow it implicitly through every
change that can happen to it ?— Wretched condition, indeed,
of millions of freemen as good as ourfelves. Will you
fay that we now govern equitably ; and that there is no dan-
ger of any fuch revolution ? 'Would to God this were
Wnc,_-But will you not always fay the fame f Who fhall
judge
* S»e ©bftrvatioAs on Revcirfi«iary Payments,^. »o7» &c«
( »7 )
judge whether we govern equitably or not ?— rr-Can you give
the Colonies any fecurity that fuch a period will never come ?
Once more,
If we have indeed that power which we claim over the le-
giflations, and internal rights of the Colonies, may we not,
whenever we pleafe, fubjecl them to the arbitrary power of
the Crown ?- — ^1 do not mean that this would be a difad-
vantageous change: For I have before obferved, that if a
people are to be fubjecl to an external power over which they
have no command, it is better that power /hould be lodged in
$he hands of one man than of a multitude. But many pcrfons
think otherwife; and Aich ought to confider that, if this
would be a calamity, the condition of the Colonies muft be
deplorable — " A government by Kiag, Lords, and Commons,
(it has been faid) is the perfection of government ;" and fo ic
is, when the Commons are a juft reprefentation of the people;
and when alfo, it is not extended to any diftant people, or
communities, not reprefented. But if this is the bift9 a go-
vernment by a King only rauft be the tver/r; and every claim
implying a right to eftablifli fuch a government among any
people muft be unjuft and cruel." It is felf-evident, that
by claiming a right to alter the conftitutions of the Colonies,
according to our difcretion, we cjaim this power: And it is a
power that we have thought fit to exercife in one of our Colo-
nies; and that we have attempted to exercife in another.
Canada, according to the late extention of its limits, is a
country alraoft as large as half Europe, and ic may poflibly
come in time to be filled with Britifh fubjecls. The Quebec
ad makes the King of Great- Britain a defpot over all that coun-
ty. In the province of Majfacbufetts-Bay the fame thing
has been attempted and begun. '
The a# for better regulating their government patted at the
fame time with the Quebec a£t, gives the King the right of
appointing, and removing at his pleafure, the members of one
part of the legislature; alters the mode of chufing juries, on
purpofe to bring it more under the influence of the King ; and
takes away from the province the power of calling any meet-
ings of the people without the King's confent. * The
Judges, likewife, have been made dependent on the King for
their nomination and pay, and continuance in office.- If
all this is no more than we have a right to do j may we not go on
D 2 t#
t See page 15,
( *« )
to aboMfb the Houfc of Representative?, to >lfiuo'j all trials
by Juries, and to give up the province abfolutely and totally to
the will of the King ? May we not even eftablifh Popery Lh
the province, as has been lately dene in Canada, leaving the
fupport of Protefiantifm to the King's difcretion r — Can there
be any Englishman who, were it his own cafe, would not
fooner loofe his heart's blood than yield to claims fo pregnant
with evils, and deftrucYtve to every thing that can diftinguifh
a Freeman from a Slave ?
I will take this opportunity to add, that what I have now
faid fuggefts a consideration that demonftrates, on how dif-
ferent a footing the Colonies are with refpe£t to our govern-
ment, from particular bodies of men tvithin the kingdom, who
happen not to be reprefented. Here, it is impofiible that the
represented part fhould fubje£fc the unreprefented part to ar-
bitrary power, without including thernfelves. But in the Co-
lonies it is not impoflible. We know that it has been done.
S EC T. II.
Whether the JVar w&i America is jujlified by ike
Principles of the'ConJlitiitibn.
\ HAVE propofed in the next place, to examine the war
J^ with the Colonies by the principles of the Conftitution. —
I know, that it is common to fay that we are now maintaining
the Conftitution in America. If this means that we are endea-
vouring to eftablifli our own Conftitution of government there,
it is by no means true ; ncr, were it true, would it be right.
They have chartered governments of their own with which
they are pleafed ; and which, if any power on earth may change
without their confent, that power may likewife, if it thinks
proper, deliver them over to the Grand Seignior. Suppofe
the Colonies of France and Spain had, by compacts, enjoyed
for near 'a century and a half, free governments open to all
the world, and under which they had grown and flourished ;
•what fhould we think of thofe kingdoms, were they to at-
tempt to deftroy their governments, and to force upon them
their own mode of government ? Should we not applaud any
zeal
( 29
zeal they discovered in repelling fuch an injury ?- Rut the
truth \s, in the prefent inftafice, that we are not maintaining
}r>ut violating our own Ccnfiitution in America. The cfience
of our Conititution confins in its independency. There is in
this cafe no difference between fubietlion aad Gnv.ihilaihn . —
Did, therefore, the. Colonies pofTefs governments perfectly
the fame with ours, the attempt to fubje£fc them to ours would
be an attempt to ruin them. A free government loofes its na-
ture from the moment it becomes liable to be commanded or
altered by any fuperior power.
But 1 intended hcje principally to make t&e following ab-
jervation. The fundamental principle of cur government is.,
" The right of a people to give and grant their own money."
— It is of no confequence, in this cafe, whether we enjoy this
right in a proper raanner or not* Moir. cepainiy vv£ do not.
jt is, however, the principle on which our government, as at
free government, is founded. The fpir.it. or the Confritut'ien
"&ives it us ; and however imperfectly enjoyed, we glory in ic
is our flrft and greateft blefTm^. It was an attempt to encroach
upon this right, in a trifling inftance, that produced a civil
war in the re;gn of Charles. the iirfl. — Ought rot our brethren
fh America to enjoy this right as well as ourfelves ? Do th<
principles of the Conftitution give it us, but deny it to them J
Or can we, with any decency, pretend that when we give to
the King their money, we give him cur ewh f* — What differ-
ence does it make, that in the time otCharrUs the Firj'l the at-
tempt to take away this rig&t was mr.ee by one man \ but that,,
in {he cafe of jmerlyz* it is made by a body of men ?
In a word. This is a war undertaken not oniy agairil thfi
principles of our own Conftitu-Jon, but en purpofe to defiroy
other fimilar Constitutions in America ; 2nd to fubftitutc m
their room a military force. See page 14, 1 c — It is, therefore,
3 grofs and iL-gran: violation of the ConiHtutionS
E C T.
* Tbe author cf Taxgthz no Tyrapry will iir.rfcubtaHjr slfert fhk
without beiiratior, toY j»/ pu^e 69 j.J^n.i ;:<<•.; t'Ui pr*?«rt! Gtustion
Pfith refpect to the CoUries to t: at of tie im-urr' Scjttumt, wio
upon returning Jrom a war, found thtwjihxa jiat Cut "oj tt.iir cvl%
houses by tbeir s l a_v e s .
( so )
SECT. W.
Of the Policy of the War with America.
IN writing the prefent fection, 1 have entered upon a fubje&
of the hft importance, on which much has been faid by
other writers with great force, and in the ableft manner. *
But f am not willing to omit any topic which I think of great
importance,, meerly becaufe it has already been difcufled:
And,, with refpett to this in particular, it will, i believe, be
found that fome of the obfervations on which I fhafl infift,
fcave not been fufficiently attended to.
The object of this war has been often enough declared to be
** maintaining the fupremacy of this country over the Colonies/'
I have already enquired how far reafon and juftice, the princi-
ples of Liberty, and the rights of humanity, entitle us to this
tfupremacy. Setting afide, therefore, now, all confederations
oi this kind, 1 wouJd obferve, that this fupr-emacy i is to be
maintained,, either meerly for its own fakey or for the fake of
fome public intereft conneded with it and dependent upon it.
—If for its own fake, the only object of the war is the exten-
fion of dominion ; ana* its only motive js the luft of power. — •
All government, even- within a ftate, becomes tyrannical, as
far as it is a needlefs and wanton exercife of power ; or is car-
lied farther than is abfolutely necefFary to preferve the peace
and fecure the fafety of the ftate. This is what an excellent
writer calls governing too much ; and its effects muft
always be, weakening government by rendering it contempt-
ible and odious. — Nothing can be of more importance, in
governing diitant provinces and adjufting the clafhing interefts
of different focieties, than attention to this remark. In thefe
cireumftances; it is particularly necefTary to make afparing uh
©f power. — Happy would it have been for Gr rat-Britain, had
this been remembered by thofe who have lately conducted its
ftftairs. But our poUcy has been of another kind. At a
period when our policy fhouM have been mod concealed, it
has been brought moft in view ^ and, by a progrefliori of vio-
lent meafures, every one of which has increafed diftreft, we
(fcsve given the world reafon to conclude, that we arc acquainted
gfitb nu oiher method of goveining than by feres- What a
mocking
;* See particularly, A Speech intended to have been fpoken on the
rr-y tor altering the Clvrter of the Colony of MafVachufetti- Ray ;— «
Phe Coniidcrations on the meafures carrying on with refpeft to the Britifly
(Colonies j and the two Appeals ^o the jtvitice ?.nd Irtercft* or the People.
( 5« )
Shocking mifiake! — If our objett is power, we laould ha**
known better how to ufe it ; and our rulers fhould have con-
fidered, that freemen will always revolt at the fight of a naked
fword ; and that the complicated affairs of a great kingdom,
holding in fubordination to it i. multitude of <hitant communi-
ties, all jealous of their rights, and warmed with fpirits as
high as our own, require not only the moft fkilful, but the
ttioft cautious and tender management. The confequences of
a different management we are now feeling. We lee ourielv.es
driven among rocks, and in danger of being loft.
There are the following leafons which feem to make it too
probable, that the prefent coiiteft with America is a conteii
for power only, % abftraaed from all the advantages connected
with it.
ift. There is a love of power for its own fake inherent in
human nature ; and it cannot be uncharitable to fuppofe that
the nation in general, and the cabinet in particular, are too
likely to be influenced by it. What can be more flattering
than to look acrofs the Atlantic^ and to fee in the boundlels
Continent of America ificreafing millions, whom we have a
tight to order as we pleafe, who hold their property at «our<dtf-
pofal, and who have no other law than our will. With what
complacency have We been ufed to talk of them a-s our fub-
je£ts?-^-Is it not the interruption they now give to this plea-
fure ? Is it not the opposition they make to our pride, and not
an injury they have done us, that is the fecret fpring of our
prefent animofity againft them : — I wifh all in this kingdoEa
would examine themfelves carefully on this point. Perhaps,,'
fchey might find, that they have not known what fprrit they
are of. — Perhaps, they would become fenfible, that it was a
fpirit of domination more than a regard to the tree intereft»o£
this country, that lately led fo many of them, with fuch favage
folly, to addrefs the throne for the fiaughter of their brethren
jn Jfmefica, if they will not fubmk to them ; and to make of-
fers of their lives and fortunes for that purpofe. Indeed i am
perfuaded, that, were pride and the luft of dominion extermi-
nated from every heart among us, and the humility of Chriftians
infufed in theii room, this quarrel would be foon ended.
idly. Another
% I have heard it faid by a perfoa in one of the firft departments of
tht ftate, that the present conteft if for som'inios oa the fidt of the.
Colonies, as well as on our* : Aad Co it is, indeed, but with this <?£-,
ftntial difference — We are itruggiing for dormuion over others. T&p
tfre ftrujfglin^ for sflf danainion : Tiie ntfbieft of aft bte&ugf.--
( 32 )
9 idiy. ArrotJier reafon for believing that. this :is a contefl fas-
power only is, that our Minifters have frequently declare^
that their object i* not to draw a revenue from. America ; and
that many of thofe who are warmed for continuing it> repre-
sent the American trade as of no great confequencc
Bat what deferves particular consideration here is, that this
is a conceit from which no advantage can pofiibly be derived.
Not a revenue : For the Provinces of America, when defo-
lated,- v/ill afford no revenue; or if they (liould, the expence of
lubdurflg them and keeping them in- fubjecTlon, will much,
exceed jbat revenue. *Not any.cf the advantages of trade :
For it is a folly, yexc to infinity,- to think trade can be pro-,
moted by irnpoverifhing our cuttomers, arid fixing in their
rrjinds an everla&ing abhorrence of us.' -It remains, there -,
fore, that this war can have.no other object than the extenfion
of power. — Miferable refledlion ! -To fheathe our fwords*
In the bowels of our brethren, and fpread mifery and ruin.
among a happy people, for no other end than ,to oblige them
to acknowledge our fupremacy. How horrid !. .This is the
curfed ambition that led a Cafiir and ap Alexander^ and many
other mad conquerors, to attack peaceful communities, and to
lay waite the earth, ,, ■
But a vvorfe principle than even this influences fome among,
us. Pride and the love of dominion are principles hateful
enough ; but blind xefentment and the defire of revenge are
infernal principles y and thefe, I am afraid, have no fmali
fliare at prefenc in guiding our public conduct. One cannot
help indeed being aftonifhed at the virulence with which fomc
/peak on the prefent occaiion again!! the Colonies. For,
what have they done? Have they crofTed the ocean and inva-
ded us ? Have they attempted to take from us the fruitsof our
labour, and to overturn that form of -government which we
hold (o facred. This cannot be pretended. On the con-
trary. This is what we have done to them.— We have tranf-
ported ourfelves to their peaceful retreat%; and employed our
fleets and atmies to flop up their ports, to deftroy. their com-
merce, to feize their effects and to burn their towns. Would
ve but let them alone, and fuffer them to enjoy in fecurity
their property and governments, inftead of difturbing ust
they would thank and blefs us. And yet it is we who ima-
gine ourfelves ill ufed. The truth is, we expected to find
them a cowardly rabble, who would lie quietly at our feet,
and
C 33 )
and they have difappointeel us. They have rifen in their own
defence, and repelled force by force. They deny the pleni-
tude of our power over them ; and infill on being treated as
free communities. » It is this that has provoked us ; and
kindled our governors into rage.
I hope I ihall not be here underftood to intimate, that all
who promote this war are actuated by thefe principles. Some,
I doubt not, are influenced by no other principle, than a re-
gard to what they think the juft authority of this country over
its Colonies, and to the unity and indivifibility of the Britifh
Empire. I wifh fuch could be engaged to enter thoroughly
into the enquiry, which has been the fubjeft of the firil part
of this pamphlet; and to confider, particularly, how different
a thing maintaiaing the authority of government within a
ftate is from mainlining the authority of one people over
another, already happy in the enjoyment of a government of
their own. 1 wilh farther they would confider, that the deiire
of maintaining authority is warrantable, only as far as it is the
means of promoting fome end, and doing fome good ; and that,
before we refolve to fpread famine and hre through a country
in order to make it acknowledge our authority, we ought to
be allured that great advantages will arife not onlv to ourfelves
but to the country we wifh to conquer. That from the
prefent conteft no advantage to ourfelves can arife, has been
already fbewn, and will prefently be (hewn more at large. —
That no advantage to the Colonies can arife from it, need
not, I hope, be fhewn. It has however been aliened* that even
their good is intended by this war. Many of us are perfuaded^
that they will be much happier under our government, than
under any government of their own ; and that their liberties
will be fafer when held for them by us, than when trulfed in
their own hands.— — -How kind is it thus to take upon us the
trouble of judging for them what is moft for their happinefs ?
Nothing can be kinder exce'pt the refolution we have formed
to exterminate them, if they will not fubmit to our judgment.
— — What ttrange language have I fometimes heard ? By an
armed force we are now endeavouring to deftroy the laws and
governments of America; and yet 1 have heard it faid, that
we are endeavouring to fupport law and government there.
We are infilling upon our right to levy contributions upon
them ; and to maintain this right, we are bringing upon them
fill the miferies a people can endure; and yet it is afierted,
that we mean nothing but their fecurity and happinefs.
£ Bat
( 34 )
But I have wandered a little from the point T intended prin-
cipally to in lift upon in t< is fedli. n. which is, " the folly, in
" refpecf. of oohcv, of the meafures which have brougnt on
** this contcft ; and its pernicious and fata! tendency."
7>ie following obfervauons will, I beiieve, abundantly
prove this.
i/t. There are points which are. likely always to fufTer by
difcuiTion. Of this k:nd are mo-t points of authority and pre-
rogative j and the belt, polic, is to avoid, as much as poffible,
giving an occafion for calling them into queition.
The Colonies were at the beginning of this reign in the
habit of acknowledging our authority, and of allowing us as
much power over them as our in ereft required ; and m >re, in
fume initances, than ve could re.jfonably ciaim. This habit
they would have retained ; and h*d we, initead of impofing
new burdens upon them, and incieaiing their reftra nts, itudicd
to promote their commerce, and to grant them new indulgen-
ce s, they would have been always growing more attached to
us. Luxury, and, together with it, their dependance upon us,
and our influence || in their aflemblies, would have increased,
ti in time perhaps they would become as corrupt as ou f Kes;
and we might have fucceeded to our wifhes in eilabiiih ng
ou« authority over them - -But, happily for them, we have
chofen a different courfe. B> exertions of authority which
have alarmed them, they have been put upon examining into
the grounds of all our claims, and forced to give up their
luxuries, and to feek all their refources within themf Ives :
And the ilTue is lively to prove the lofs of all our authority
over them, and of all the advantages connected *ith it. So
little do men in power fometimes know how to pieferve
power; and fo remarkably does the defire of extending do-
minion fometimes deftrov it.- Mankind are naturally dif-
pofed to continue in fubje&ion to that mode of government,
be it /hat it will, under which the have been born and edu-
cated. Nothing roufes them into reiiitance but grofs abufes,
or fome particular opprelTions out of the road to which they
have been ufed. And he who will examine the hiftory of the
world will find, there has generally been more reafon for com-
plaining that they have been too patient, than that they have
been turbulent and rebellious.
Our
|1 This his '^een our policy with refpeft to the people of Ireland ; and
the cor)f> queme is, that we now its taeir Parliament as obedient as we
can with.
f 35 )
Our governors, ever fince I can remember, have been
jealous that the Colonies, iomc time or otnei, would throw off
their dependence. Thio jealoufy was not founded on any of
their acts or declarations. They have al vays, while ar peace
with us, difcliinicd any fuch dciign ; and thty have continued
to difclaim it fince they have been at war with us 1 have
reafon, indeed, to believe, that independency is, even at this
morwenr, generally dreaded ariong tnem as a calamity to
which they are in danger of being driven, in order to avoid a
greater. Tne jealoufy I have mentioned was, however,
natural ; and betrayed a fecret opinion, that the fubjection m
which they were held was more than ve could expect them
always to enduie. In fuch circumtance?, all poilible care
fhouid have been talcen to give them no reafon for difconcent ;
and to prefer ve them in fubjeciion, by keepmg in tnat l.ne of
conduct to which cuftom had reconciled them, or at leati never
deviating from it, except with great caution ; and particularly,
by avoiding all direct attacks 09 tneir property and legislations.
Had we done th's, the different interests of io many ftates
fostered over a valt continent joine/1 to our own prudence
and'moderation, woulJ have enabled us to maintain them in
dependence, for ages to come. But infiead of this, how
feave sve acted ? it is in truth too evident, that our whole
conduct, in (lead of being directed by that found policy and
forefight which in fuch circumstances wereabio!utel\ neceiTa.-y,
has been nothing (to fay the beft of it) but a feiies of the
blindeft rigour followed by letractation ; of violence followed
by conceifun , or mitajce, vveaknefsand ineonliitency.--— — A
recital of a few facts, within every body's recollection, will
fully prove this.
In the 6th of George the Second \ an act was paiTed for impo-
fing certain duties on all foreign fpirits, molaffes and fugars
imporred into the plantations, in this act, the duties impofed
are fa d to be given and granted by the Pailiament to
the King : and this is the firlt American act in which thefe
words have been ufed. But notwichilanding this, as the act
had the appearance of being only a regulation of trade, the
Colonies fubmitted to it ; and a fmall direel revenue was.drawn
by it from them. -In the 4th Gf the prefent reign, many
alterations were made in this a£t, with the declared purpofe
.of making provifion for raifing a revenue in America. Tnis
alarmed tne Colonies j and produced difcontents and remon-
E 2 (trances^
( sO
Frances, which might have convinced our rulers that this was
tender jr.iumi, on -vhich it became them to tread very gently,
• There is, however, no reafon to doubt but in time they
would have funk into a quiet fubmiilion to this revenue a<Sr%
as being at worit only the exercife or" a power which then
they feem not to have thought much of contefting j I mean,
the power of taxing them externally. But before they
had time to cool, a worie provocation was given them j and
the Stamp- Act was paiTed. This being an attempt to tax
them internally ; and a direct attack on their property,
by a power which w^uld not /ufftr itfelf to be qutftioned ;
which eafed itfelf "by loading them ; and to which it was lm-
poilible to fix any bounds -, they were thrown at on< e, from
one end o! the continent to the other, into reiiftance and rage.
'Government, d eading theconfequences, gave way ; and
th, i ai iam- nt (upon a change of miniitry) repealed the Stamp-
Aft, without requiring from them any recognition of its
authority, or dom^ any more to preierve its dignity, than
ailerting by the declaratory law, that it was pofleiTed of full
power and authority to make lavs to bind them in all cafes
whatever. -Upon this, pe^ce was reitored ; and, had no
farther attempts of the fame kind been made, they would un-
doubtedly have fuffered us (as the people of Ireland have done)
to enjoy our declaratory law. They would have recovered
their former habits of fubjedtion ; and our connexion with
them might have continued an increafing lburceofour wealth
and gl;rv. :3ut the fpirit of defpotifm and avarice, always
blind and reftlefs, loon broke forth again. The fcheme for
drawing a revenue from America^ by parliamentary taxation,
was refurrued j and in a little more than a year after the repeal
of the Stamp 4&, when all was peace, a third a£i was paiTcd,
impofing duties payable in America on tea, paper, glafs, pain-
ters colours, &c— — This, as might have been expected, re-
vived all the former heats ; and the Empire vvas a fecond time
threatened with the moft dangerous commotions. — Govern-
ment receded again ; and the Parliament (under another
change of miniitry) repealed all the obnoxious duties, except
that upon tea. This exception was made in order to main-
tain a ihew of dignity. But it was, in reality, facrificing
fafety to pride ; and leaving a fplinter in the wound to pro-
duce a gangrene. For fome time, however, this relaxation
anfwered its intended purpofes. Our commercial intercourfe
with
( 37 )
with the Colonies was again recovered ; and they avoided
fiothing but that tea which we had excepted in our repeal.
In this ftate would things hxwt remained, and even tea would
perhaps in time have been gradually admitted, had not the
evil genius of Britain ftepped forth once more to embroil the
Empire.
The Eajl-lndia company having fallen under difficulties,
partly in confequence of the lofs of the American market for
tea, a fcheme was formed for aflifting them by an attempt to
recover that market. With this view an aci was paffed to
enable them to export their tea to America free of ail duties
here, and fubjecl only to 3d. per pound duty, payable in
America. By this expedient they were enabled to offer it at a
low price ; and it was expected the confequence would prove
that the Colonies would be tempted by it ; a precedent gained
for taxing them, and at the fame time the company relieved.
Ships were, therefore, fitted out ; and large cargoes lent.
The fnare was too grofs to efcape the notice of the Colonies.
They faw it, and fpumed at it. They refufed to admit the tea -9
and at Boston fome perlons in difguife buried it in the
fea.— Had our governors in this cafe fatisfied themfelves
wkh requiring a compenfatfon from the province for the
damage done, there is no doubt but it would havebeen granted.
Or had they proceeded no farther in the infliction 0! punifh-
ment, than (topping up the port and deftroying the trade cf
Bofton, till compenfation was made, the province might
poffibly have fubmitted, and a fufficient laving wouid have
been gained for the honour of the nation. But having hi-
therto proceeded without wifd«m, they obferved now no
bounds in their refentment. To the Bofton port biil was
added a bill which deitroyed the chartered government of the
province ; a bill which withdrew from the jurifdiciion of the
province, perfons who in particular cafes fhould commit mur-
der ; and the Quebec bill. . At the fame time a ilrong body
of troops were itationed .at Bofton to enforce obedience to
thofe bills.
* All who knew any thing of the temper of the Colonies
faw that the efTectofall fudden accumulation of vengeance,
would probably be not intimidating but exafperating them, and
driving them into a general revolt. But our minztiers had
different apprehennons. They believed that the maleccntenu
in the cotany of Majjachujttf * v.ere a final! party, headed by
a
* See the Appendix.
( 3« )
a few factious men ; that the majority of the people would
take the fide of government, as ioon as thev law a force
among them capable of fupporting tnem ; that, at uorlr, the
Colonies in general would never make a common caufe with
this province ; and thar, the liTae would prove, in a few
months, order, tranquility and fubmiflio.i. Every one of
thefe apprehenfions was fal'fified by the event that followed.
When the bills 1 have mentioned came to be carried into
execution, the whole Province was thrown into confufion.
Their courts of jufrice were fhut up, and all government was
diiTolvel. The commander in chief found it neceflary to
fortify himftlf in Boston ; and the other Colonirs immedi-
ately refolved to m;jke a common caufe with this Colony.
So ftrangely mifinformed were our minifters, that this was
all a furprize upon them. They took fright, therefore; and
once more made' an effort to retreat; but indeed the mo.ft
ungracious one that can well be imagined. A propofal was
fen t to the Colonies, called conciliatory ; and the fubftance
of which was, that if any of them would raife fuch fums as
fhould be demanded of them bv taxing themfelves, the Par-
liament would forbear to tax them It will be fcarcejy
believed, hereafter, that fuch a propofal could be thought
conciliatory. It was only telling them ; " it you will tax
*c yourfelves by our order, we will fave ourfelves the trou-
" ble of taxing you." -They received the propofal as an
infult ; and rejected it with difdain.
At the time this conceffion was tranfmitted to America^
©pen hoiliJities were not berjun. In the fword our mmitlers
thought they frill had a refource which would immediately
fettle all clifputes. They confldered the people of New- E tig-
land as nothing but a mob, who would be foon routed and
•forced into obedience. It was even believed, that a few
thoufands of our army might march through all America, and
inake all quiet where-evcr thev went. Under this conviclion
our minifters did not dread urging the Province of Majfacbu-
[etts-Bay into rebellion, by ordering the army to feixe their
ft ores, and to take up fome of their leading men. 1 he
attempt was made. The people immediately fled to arms,
and repelled the attack. A considerable part ot the flower
oftheBritifn army has been deftroyed. Some of our beft
Generals, and the braveft. of our tror ps, are now djfgracefully
mod miferably imprifoned at Bo/ton. A horrid civil war is
tommmced ; — and the Empire is d-iitrac~ted and convulfed.
Can
( 39 )
Can it be pofiible to think with patience of the policy that
has brought us into thefe circumftances ? Did ever Heaven
punifh the vices of a people more feverely by darkening their
counfels ? How great would be our hdppinefs could we now
recal former times, and return to the policy of the lafi reign3?
But thfefe times are gone. — ! will, however beg leave
for a few moments to lo< k back to them ; and to compare the
ground we have left wi.h mat on which we find ourfelves.
This muft be done with deep regret ; but it forms a neceflary
part of my prefent Jehgn.
In thofe times our Colonies, foregoing every advantage
which they might derive from trading with foreign nations^
confemed to f;nd onl/ to us whatever it was for our intercil:
to receive from them i and to receive only from us whatever it
was for our interell to fend to them. They gave up'the power
of making furnptuary laws, and expofed themfelves to all the
evils of an increafing and wafteful luxury, became we were
benefitted by vending anions the n the materials of it. The
iron with which Piovi'ence had bleiled their country, they
were required by la as, in h hich they acquielced, to tranfport
hither, that our p- ople might be maim: ii* d by working it for
them into nails, ploughs, axes, &c. And, in feveral ir.Oances*
even one Colony was not allowed to (apply anv neighbouring
Colonies with commodities which could be conveyed to them
from hence. — But they yielded much farther. They con fen ted
that we fhould have the appointment of one branch of their
legiflaiure. By recognizing as their King, a King refident
among us and under our influence, the. gave us a negative oa
all their laws. By allowing an appeal to u^ in their civil dis-
putes, they gave us <li Ice wife the ultimate determination of ail
civil caufes among them. — in fliort. Trey allowed us every
power we could defire, except that of taxing them, and inter-
fering in their internal legislations : And they had admitted
precedents, which,' even in thefe inftances, gave us no incon*
liderable authority over them. By purchaLng our goods they
paid our taxes : and, by allowing us to regulate their trade in
any manner we thought molt tor our advantage, they enriched
our merchants, and helped us to bear our growing burdens-
They fought our battles with us. They gloried in their re-
lation to us. All their gaino centered among us ; and they
always fpoke of this country and looked to it as their home.
Such
C 40 )
Such wax the ftate of things. What is it now ?
Not contented with a degree of power, fufficient to fatisfy
any reafonable ambition, we have attempted to extend it.
Not contented with drawing from them a large revenue itt-
direclly, we have endeavoured to procure one direftly by art
authoritative feizure; and, in order to gain a pepper-corn in
this wav, have chofen to hazard millions, acquired br the
peaceable imercourfe of trade. Vile policy ! What a
fcourge js government fo conducted 1 'Had we never de-
ferted our old ground : Had we nourished and favoured Ame-
rica, with a view to commerce, inftead of confidering it as a
country to be governed: Had we, like a liberal and wife
people, rejoiced to fee a multitude of free States, branch-
ed forth from ourfelves, all enjoying independent legif-
latures fimilar to our own : Had we aimed at binding them
to us only by the ties of affeclion and intereft, and contented
ourfelves with a moderate power rendered durable by being
lenient aud friendly, an umpire in their differences, an aid
to them in improving their own free governments, and their
common bulwark againft theaflaults of foreign enemies : Had
this, 1 fay, been our policy and temper ; there is nothing fo
great or happy that we might not have expe&ed. With their
increafe our ftrength would have increafed. A growing fur-
plus in the re/enue might have been gained, which, invari-
ably applied to the gradual difcharge of the national debt,
would have delivered us from the ruin with which it threa-
tens us. The Liberty of America might have preferved our
Liberty; and under the direction of a patriot King or wife
Minitteij proved the means of reftoring to us our alraoft loft
Conftitution. Perhaps, in time, we might alfo have been
brought to fee the neceffity of carefully watching and refract-
ing our paper-credit : And thus we might have regained fafety j
and, in union with our Colonies, have been more than a
match for every enemy, and rifen to a fituation of honor and
dignity never before known amongfr. mankind.- But I am
forgetting myfelf. — Our Colonies arelikely to be loll: for ever.
Their love is turned into hatred, and their refpecl: for our go-
vernment into refentment and abhorrence. — — We mall fee
more dilHnclly what a calamity this is, and the obfervations
I have now made will be confirmed* by attending to the fol-
lowing facts.
Our
( 41 3
Our American Colonics, particularly the Northern one§,
have been for fome time in the very happieft ftate of fociety ;
or, in that middle (late of civilization, between its nrft rude
and its laft refined and corrupt ftate. Old countries confilf,
generally, of three clafles of people; a Gentry, a Yoe-
manr.y, and a Peasantry. The Colonies confift only of
a body of Yoemanry * fupported by agriculture, and all
independent, and nearly upon a level; in confequence of
which, joined to a boundlefs extent of country, the means of
fubfiftence are procured without difficulty, and the tempta-
tions to wickenefs arefoinconfiderable, that executions f are
feldom known among them. From hence arifes an encou-
ragement to population fo great, that in fonie of the Colonies
they double their own number in fifteen years ; in others, in
eighteen years; and in all, taken one with another, in twen-
ty'rive years. Such an increafe was, I believe, never be-
fore known. It demonftrates that they mull live at their
eafe; and be free from thofe cares, oppreffions, and difeafc*
which depopulate and ravage luxurious ftates.
With the population of the Colonies has increafed their trade,
tut much fafter on account of the gradual introduction of
luxury among them. In 1723 the exports to Pennfylvam*
were i6,ocol. — In 1742 they were 75,2951. — In 1757 they
were increafed to 268,4261. — And in 1773 to half a million.
The exports of all the Colonies in 1744 were 640,1 14].— w
In 1758, they were increafed to 1,832,948!. and in 1773, to
three millions. § And the probability is, that, had it not beea
for the difcontents among; the Colonies fine's the year 1764,
our trade with them would have been this year double to what
it was in 1773 ; and that in a few years more it would not
have been poffible for the whole kingdom, though co»fiit.ing
only of manufacturers, to (upply the American demand.
F This
* Excepting the Negroes in the Southern Colonies, who probably wilt
sow either foon become extinct, or have their condition changed ints
that of Freemen. It is not the fault of the Colonies th it they hav*
among rhem fo many of thofe unhappy people. They have m ide law*
to prohibit the importation of them ; but thefe laws have always bad
a negative put upon them here becaufe of their tendency to hurt our
Negro trade.
f In the province of Maflachufetts-Bay there has not been, I am
informed, more than one execution thefe 1 3 years.
§ Mr. Burke (in his excellent and admirable Spep-h on m win*
his resolutions for conciliation with theColon'es, p. 9, &c.) has ih-: t\
that oar trade to the Colonies, including that to Africa and the #^.<r-
laJies, was in 1771 ntnriy equal to the trade wkirh we carried on jvitk
tfae whole vfarid at the begiunlsjj »f this cent wry.
( 42 )
7 his trade, it mould be confidered, was riot only thus an
increafing trade; but it was a trade in which we had no ri-
vals; a trade certain, conftant, and uninterrupted; and
which, by the {hipping employed in it, and the naval (lores
fupplied by it, contributed greatly to the fupport of that navy
which is our chief national ftrength. -Viewed in thcfe
light's it was an object unfpeakably important. But it will
appear ftdl more fo if we view it in its connexions and depen-
dencies. It is well known, that our trade with Africa and
the Weft- Indies cannot eafily fubfift without it. And, upon
the whole, it is undeniable, that it has been one of the ma iff
fprings of our opulence and fplendour;" and that we have, in
a great meafure, been indebted 'to it for our ability to bear a
debt fo much heavier, than that which, fifty years ago, the
wiled men thought would fink us.
This ineftimable prize, and all the advantages connected
with America, we arc now throwing away. Experience alone
can {hew what calamities muft follow. It will indeed be
afton idling if this kingdom can bear fuch a' lofs without
dreadful confequences.- — — Thefe confequences have been
amply reprefented by others ; and it is needlefs to enter into
any account of them -At the time we {hall be feeling them
■ -The Empire difmembered ; the blood of thpufands fhed
in an unrighteous quarrel ; our ftrength exhauftec! ; our Mer-
chants breaking ; our manufacturers ftarving; our debts in-
creafing; the revenue finking; the funds tottering; and all
the miferies of a public bankruptcy impending. — —At fuch a
crifes fliould our natural enemies, eager for our ruin, feize the
opportunity -The apprehenfion is too diftreffing. -Let
us view this fubjecl: in another light.
On this occafion, particular attention mould be given to
the prefent singular fituatiori of this kingdom. T hit it a
circumftance of the utmoft importance ; and as I am afraid it
is not much confidered, I will beg leave to give a dillincl: ac-
count of it.
At the Revolution the fpecie of the Kingdom amounted,
according to * Davenant's account, to eighteen millions and a
half. From the Accession to the year 1772 there were
coined at the mint, near 29 millions of gold; and in ten'
years only of this time, or from January 1759 to January
1769
if S?e Dr. Divenant's Works, colle&erl and r«vifed by Sir Charkt
Whiiwoith, V*l. I. P-ig« 363, fee. 4.4.J, fcC.
( 43 )
I.769, there were coined eight millions and a half.* But It
has appeared lately, that the gold fpecie new \ch in the king-
dom is no more than about twelve millions and a half. *J*
Not fo much as half a million of Silver fpecie has been coined
theie fixty years ; and it cannot be fuppofed, that the quantity
of it now in circulation exceeds two or three millions. The
whole fpecie of the kingdom', therefore, is probably at this time
about f fourteen or fifteen millions. -Of this feveral millions
muft be hoarded at the hank. .Our circulating fpecie^
therefore., appears to be greatly decreafed. But our\vea!th,
or the quantity of money in the kingdom, is greatly increafed.
This is paper to a vafl: amount, iftued in almoft every corner
of the kingdom ; and, particularly, by the Bank of England.
While this paper maintains it* creo'it it anfwers all the pur-
pofes of fpecie, and is in all refp'r&s the fame with money.
Specie reprefents fome red value in goods or commodities.
On the contrary ; paper reprefi nts immediately nothing but
fpecie. It is a promife or obligation, which the emitter brings
himfelf under to pay a given (urn in coin ; and it owes its cur-
rency to the credit oi the emitter ; or to an opinion that he is
able to make good his engagement ; and that the fum fpecificd
may be received upon being demanded. — Paper, therefore, re-
prefents coin; and coin reprefents real Value. T-nat is,thcone is
zfign of wealth. The other is thefign of that 'fig v. — But farther.
Coin is an uni*uerjal figri of wealth, and will procure it tvery
where. It will bear any alarm, and ftand any fhock. — On the
contrary. Paper, owing its currency to opinion, has only a local
and imaginary value, it can ftand no ihock. It isdeftro\ecj
by the approach of danger ; 0/ even the fufpicion of danger.
In fhort. Coin is the bafis of our paper credit j and were
it either all deftroyed, or were onlv the quantity of it reduced
beyond a certain limit, the paper circulation of the kingdom
wouM fink at once. B^ut, wer" our paper deftroyed, the coin
would not only remain, but rife in value, in proportion to the
quantity of paper deftroyed.
From this account it follows, ihat a? far as, in any circum-
llances, fpecie is not to be procured in exchange for paper, it
reprefents nothing, and is worth nothing. — The fpecie of this-
kingdom is incdnfiderab!ea com pared with the amount of the}'
F 2 papef
* See Confederations on Money, Bullicn, &c, pn?e r and if.
f Or nearly the fame that it was in CrcmtL-iJVi tisie. See Dr.
Daveneat's works* Vcl. I. P*ge y% $.
( 44 )
paper circulating in it. This is generally believed ; and, there*
fore, it is natural to enquire how its currency is fupported. — .
The anfwer is eafy. It is fupported in the fame manner with
all other bubbles. Were all to demand fpecie in exchange for
tkeir notes, payment could not be made ; but, at the fame time
that this is known, every one trufts, that no alarm producing
fueh a demand will happen, while he holds tne paper he is pof-
fefTed of; and that if it mould happen, he will ftand a chance
for being firft paid; and this makes him eafy. And it alfo
makes all with whom he traffics eafy.-— But let any events
happen which threaten danger ; and every one will become
dimdent. A run will take piace, and a bankruptcy follow.
This is an account of- what has often happened in private
credit. And it is alfo an account of what will (if no change
of meafures takes place) happen fome time or other in public
credit. The defcription I have given of cur paper-circulation
implies, that nothingcan be more delicate or hazardous. It
is an immenfe fabrick, with its head in the clouds, that is con-
tinually trembling with every adverfe blaft and every fluctua-
tion of trade; and which,1 like the bafelefs fabrick of a vifion,
may in a moment vanifh, and leave no wreck behind. — The
definition of a few books at the Bank ; an improvement in
the art of forgery ; the landing of a body of French troops on
our coafb ; infurreclions threatning a revolution in govern-
ment ; or any events that mould produce a general panic,
however groundlefs,- would at once annihilate it, and leave us
without any other medium of tra£Ec, than a quantity of fpecie
fcarcely equal in amount to the money now drawn from the
public by the taxes. It would, therefore, become impoflible
to pay the taxes. The revenue would fail. Near one hun-
dred and forty millions of property would be deftroyed. The
whole frame of government would fall to pieces ; and a ftate
©f nature would. take place. — What a dreadful fituation ! it
has never had a parallel among mankind ; except at one time
in France after the eihbliihment of the Royal Mijjifippi Bank.'
In 1 720 this Bank broke ;* and, after involving for fome time
the whole kingdom in a golden dreamy fpread through it in
♦>ne day, defolation and ruin. — The diftrefs attending iuch an
event/in this free country, would be greater than it was in
France. Happily for that kingdom, they have (hot this gulph.
Paper-credit has never fince recovered itfelt there ; and their
circulating
* See Sir James Steuart's Enquiry into the Priciples of political
4>oc«-aemy, Vol. II. Book 4. Cfcap. yx.
( 45 ) *
Circulating ca(h confifts now all of folid cain, amounting, I
am informed, to no lefs a fum than fifteen hundied millions
©f Livres-y or near fixty-fe/en millions of pounds iferling. —
This gives them unfpeakable advantages; and, joined to that
quick reduction of their debts which is inseparable * from their
nature, places them on a ground of fafety which we have rea-
fon to admire and envy,
Thefe are fubjects on which I fhould have chofen to be {i-
Jent, did I not think it neceiTary that this country fliould be
apprized and warned of the danger which threatens it. This
danger is created chiefly by the national debt. High taxes are
neceiTary to fupport a great public debt; and a large fupplyof
cafh is neceflary to fupport high taxes. This cafh we owe to
our paper; and, in proportion to our paper, muft be the pro-
dudtivenefs of our taxes. King William's wars drained the
Jcingdom of its fpecie ; this funk the revenue, and diitreffed
government. In 1694 the Bank was eftablifhed ; and the
kingdom was provided with a fubftitute for fpecie. The taxei
became again productive. The revenue rofe ; and government
was relieved. Ever fince that period our paper and taxes
have been encreafing together, and fupporting cr.e another ;
and one reafen, undoubtedly, of the late increafe in the pro-
duclivenefs of our taxes has been the increafe of our paper.
Was there no public debt, there would be no cccafion for
half the prefent taxes. Our paper circulation might be reduced.
The balance of trade would turn in our favour. Specie wouid
flow in upon us. The quantity of property deuroyed by x
failure of paper-credit (fhould it in fueh circumftances happen)
would he 140 millions lefs; and, therefore, the fhock attend-
ing it would be tolerable. But, in the prefent ft ate or" ihingp,
whenever any calamity or panic (hall produce fueh a failure,
the fhock attending it will be intolerable. — May Heaven foon
raife up for us fome great ftatefman who {hall fee thefo things;
and enter into effectual meafures, if not now too late, for
extricating -and preferving us. Public
* Their debts conhft chit-fly of money railed by aEnairies os livre,
(hoi t annuities, anticipations c-f Uxes icr fh©M ;. ~i»os, Sec D'.'np* the
**ncle laft war they added to their perpetual annuities or.ty 12 millions,
iterling, according to Sir James Steuarfs recount -> wiitreas we acidrd
to theie annuities near 60 millions. Irt confequence therefore ol the
nature of their debts, as welj as of the msur'r-genienr they are now vC.ng
for haftening the reduction of them, they muft in a few years, if pea. «
continues, be freed from moft of their incumbrances ; while w<* pio-
h?bl« (it no evert t c<-mes foon that v»iil unkttrthea &* *t c-jicc) i**ii
fentinus with th; n- ail upon as.
( 4^ )
Public Banks are3 undoubtedly, attended with great conve-
niences. But they alio do great harm; and if their emiffions
are not reftrained and conducted with great wifdom, they may
prove the moft pernicious of all inftitutions ; not only, by
i 'ubftituting fictitious for real wealth ; by increafing luxury y
by raifing the prices of provifions; by concealing an unfavor-
able balance of trade; and by rendering a kingdom incapable
©f bearing any internal tumults or external attacks, without,
the danger of a dreadful convulfion : But, particularly, by
becoming inftruments in the hands of minifters of ftate to in-
creafe their influence, to lefien their dependence on the peo-
ple, and to keep up a delufive fhew of public profperity when,
perhaps, ruin may be near. There is, in truth, nothing;
that a government may not do with fuch a mine at its com-
mand as a public Bank, while it can maintain its credit; nor,
therefore, is there any thing more likely to be improperly
and dangerously ufed„— But to return to what may be
more applicable to our ftate at prefent.
Among the caufes that may produce a fail ure'of paper-credit,
there are two which the prefent quarrel with America calls upon
tis particularly to confider.-*— The firfr. is, " An unfavourable
" balance of trade." This, in proportion to the degree in
which it takes place, muft turn the courfe of foreign exchange
againftus; raife the price of bullion ; and carry off our fpecie.
The danger to which this would expofe us is obvious; and it
has been much increafed by the new coinage of the gold fpecie
which begun in 1772. Before this coinage, the greatefl part
of our gold coin being light, but the fame fri currency, as if It
had been heavy, always'remained in the kingdom. But, being
now full weight, whenever a wrong balance of foreign trade
alters the courfe of exchange, and gold in coin becomes oflefs
?alue than in bullion 9 there is reafon to fear, that it will be
melted down in fuch great quantities, and exported fo fafr, as
in a little time to leave none behind jf the confequence of
which
* Mr. Lowndes, in the difpute between him and Mr. Locke, con-
tended for a rsducYion of the ftandard ftlver. One of his reafons was,
that it would render the filver coin more commenfurate to the wants of
the nation ; and check hazardous paper-credit. Mr. Con-
nuiT, Sir Isaac Newton's fucceffor in the mint, has propofed, in
clirecl contradiction to the laws now in being, that all the bullion im-
ported into the kingdom mould be carried into the mint to be coined ;
and only coin allowed to be exported. " The height," he fays, M of
" paper- credit is the ftrongeft argument for trying this? and e<very other
method
( 47 )
which mull prove, that the whole fuperftru£ture of paper-credit,
now fupported by. it, will break down. — The only remedy, in
fuch circumftances, is an increafe of coinage at the mint. But
this will operate too flowly ; and by raifing the price of bullion,'
will only increafe the evil. — It is the Bank that at fuck a time
mult be the immediate furierer : For it is from thence that thofe
who want coin for any purpofe will always draw it.
For many years before 1772, the price of gold in bullion had
been, from 2 to 3 or 4 per cent, higher than in fin. This
was a temptation to melt down and export the coin, which could
not be reiiftcd. Hence arofc a demand for it on the Bank ;
and, confequently, the neceffity of purchaiing bullion at a lofs
for a new coinage. But the more coin the Bank procured in this.
way, the lower its price became in comparifon with that of
bullion, and the fafter it vanifhed ; and, confequently, the more
rieceflary it became to coin again, and the greater lofs fell upon
the Bank. Had things continued much longer in this train,
the confequences might have proved very ferious. I am by no
means ful?iciently informed to be able to affign the caufes
which produced the change that happened in 1772. But, with-
out doubt, the ftate of things that took place before that year
muft be expecled to return. The flu&uatioas of trade, in its.
belt ftate, render this unavoidable. £ut the conteft with ©ur
Colonies has a tendency to bring it on foon, and to encrcafe un-
fpeakably the cW^refs attending it.
All know that the balance of trade uith them is greatly in our
favour ; f and that this balance is paid partly by direct remit-
tances of bullion ; and partly by circuitous remittances through
Spain, Portugal, Italy, &c. which diminish the balance againiV
us with thefe countries. — ^-During the Uil year they have been
employed'
*i method that is likely to increafe the coinage. For whilft psper-cre-^
" ditdoes in a great mealure the bufinefs of money at home, Merchants.
*c and Bankers are not under a neceiHty, as they were formerly, of
" coining a quantity of fpecie for their home trade j'and as paper-cre-,
'! dit brings money to the. Merchants to be exported, the money may,
" go away infenfibly, and not ee hissed till it be too late •/
t( And where paper-credit is large and increafing, if the money be ex-,
n parted and the coinage decieafe, that credit may sink at once
".for want of a proportionable quantity of Specify which alone can.
•* fupport it in a time of diftrefs." See Mr. Condiut'% Obfertations om
the ftate of our Gold and Silver Coios in 1730, page 36 to 46.
■f According to the accounts of the exports to, and imports from the
N^rth-American Colonies, hid before Pari i.i men r ; the balance ir our,
favour appears to have been, for 1 1 years b«fs>re 1774, Htar a million
ami a Laif armuallv.
( 48 )
employed in paying their debts, without adding to then* ; and
their exportation and remittances for that purpofc have contri-
buted to render the general balance of trade more favourable td
u?, and, alfo, (in conjunction with the late operations of the
Bank) to keep up our funds. Thsfe remittances are now ceafed ;
and a year or two will determine, if this conteft goes on, how far
we can fuftain fuch a lofs without fuffering the confequences I
have defcribed
The fecond event, ruinous to our paper-circulation, which
may arife from our rupture with America, is a deficiency in the
revenue. As a failure of our paper would deftroy the revenue,
fo a failure of the revenue, or any considerable diminution of it,
would deitroy our paper. The Bank is the fupport of our
paper; and the fupport of the Bank: is the credit of govern-
ment. Its principal fecUrities are a capital of near eleven mil-
lions lent to government ; and money continually advanced to
* vaft amount on the Land-tax, Sinking-fund, Exchequer-bills,
Navy-Bills, &c. Should, therefore, deficiences in the revenue
bring government under any difficulties, all thefe fecurities
would lofe their value, and (he Bank and Government, and all
private and public credit, would fall together.- Let any
©ne here imagine, what would probacy follow, were it but fuf-
peeled by the public in general, that the taxes were fo fallen, as
flot to pruduce enough to pay the interefl of the public debts,
befide? bearing the ordinary expences of the nation ; and that, in
Order to fuppiy the deficiency and to hide the calamity, it had
been necefia'y in any one year, to anticipate the taxes, and to
borrow of the Bank.— ^In fuch circumftances I can fcarcely doubt,
but an alarm would fpread of the mod dangerous tendency. —
The next foreign war, fhould it prove half m expenfive ai the
laft, will probably occanon fuch a deficiency, and bring our af-
fairs to that crifis towards which they have been long tending
But the war with America has a greater tendency to do this ; and
the reafon is, that it affecls our refources more ; and is attended
more with the danger of internal difturbances.
Some have made the proportion of our trade depending on
North- America to be nearly one half. A moderate computa-
tion makes it a third, f Let it, ho\vever, be fuppofed to be
only a Fourth. I will venture to fay, this is a proportion of
our foreign trade, the lofs of which, when it comes to be felt,
will be found infupportable. In the article of Tobacct
alone
f See the f.ihftance of the EviJence on the Petition prefcnteii hy
fhe Weft-India t'hnters and Merchants to the Houle ol Co-nmons, a*
it was iitfreJated ta \i\z &\k, uad lamm-d up Oy Mr. Glovmr.
( 49 )
alone it will caufe a deduction from the Cufio?ns of at leaf!
300,000 1. per annum, f including the duties paid on foreign
commodities purchased by the exportation of tobacco. Let
the whole deduction from the revenue be mppofed to be only
half a million. This alone is more than the kingdom can at
prefent bear, without having recourfe to additional taxes, in
order to defray the common and necefTary expences of peace.
But to this mull be added a deduction from the produce of the
Excifes, in confequence of the increafe of the poor, of the dif-
ficulties of our merchants and manafacturers, of lefs national
wrealth, and a retrenchment of luxury. There is no poffibility
of knowing to what thefe deductions may amount. When the
evils producing them begin, they will proceed rapidly ; and they
may end in a general wreck before we are aware of any danger.
In order to give a clearer view of this fubject, I will, in an
Appendix, ftate particulary the national expenditure and in-
come for ten years, from 1 764 to 1 774. From that account
it will appear, that the money drawn every year from the
public by the taxes, falls but little fhortofa fum equal to the
whole fpecie of the kingdom ; and that, notwithstanding the
late increafe in the produ&ivenefs of the taxes, the whole fur-
plus of the national income has not exceeded 320,000!. per
annum. This is a furplus fo inconfiderabie as to be fcarcely
fufficient to guard againft the deficiencies arifing from the
common fluctuations of foreign trade, and of home confump-
tion. It is nothing when confidered as the only fund we
have for paying off a debt o£ near 140 millions. Had we
continued in a rtate of profound peace, it could not have ad-
mitted of any diminution. What then muft follow, when
one of the molt profitable branches of our trade is deftroyed ;
when a third of the empire is loft; when an addition of
many millions is made to the public debt ; and when, at the
fame time, perhaps, fome millions are taken away from the
revenue ? I fhudder at the profpect. A kingdom, on
AN EDGE SO PERILOUS, SHOULD THINK OF NOTHING
BUT A RETREAT.
G SECT.
f The annual averag« of the payments into the Exchequer, on
account of the duties on tobacco, was for five )ears, from 1770 to
1774,119,117!. exclufive of the payments from Scotland. — Near
one halt of the tobacco trade is carried on from Scotland -y and
above four fifths of the tobacco imported is afterwards exported
to France Germany and other countries. From France alone it
brings annually into the Kingdom, I am informed, about
150,0001. in money.
In 1775, being, alas! the parting ye»rf the duties on tobacco in
England brought into the Exchequer no kfe a fum than
29$,20Z1,
( 5° )
SECT. IV.
Of (be Honour cf the Nation^ as effected by the Wan
with America.
nE cf the pleas for continuing the context with America
is,. "That our honour is engaged; and that we cannot
" recede without the moil humiliating conceflions."
With reipedl to this, it is proper to bbferve, that a diftinc-
tion ihould be made between the nation and its rulers. It is
melancholy that there mould be ever any reafon for making
fuch a diifcin&ion. A government is, or ought to be, nothing
but an inilitution for collecting and for carrying into execu-
tion the will of the people. But Co far is this from being in
general the fact, that the meafures of government, and the
ienfe of the people, are fometimes in direc~l oppofiticn to one
another ; 'nor does it often happen that any certain conclufion
can be drawn from the one to the other,— I will not pretend
to determine, whether, in the prefent inflance, the dishonour
attending a retreat would belong to the nation at large, or only
to the perfons in power who guide its affairs. Let it be
granted, though, probably far from true, that the majority of
the kingdom favour the prefent meafures. No good argument
could be drawn from hence againfl receding. The difgrace
to which a kingdom muft fubmit by making concefSons, is
nothing to -that of being the aggrefTors in an unrighteous quar-
rel ; and dignity, in fuch circumftances, confifts in retracting
freely, fpeedily, and msgnanimouily.— For, (to adopt, on this
cccafion, words which I have heard applied to this very pur-
pofe, in a great aflembly, by a peer to whom this kingdom has
often looked as its deliverer, and whofe ill ftate of health at
this awful moment of public danger, every friend to Britain
muft deplore) to adopt, I fay, the words of this great man—
" Rectitude is dignity. Oppression only is
1 ' meanness; and justice, honour."
I will add, that Prudence, no lefs than Honour, requires
us to retraft. For the time may come when, if it is not done
voluntarily, we may be obliged to do it ; and find curfelves un-
der a ncceiiity of granting that to our diilrefTes, which we now
deny to equity and humanity, and the prayers of America. 1 h«
pcfiibility of this appears plainly from the preceding pages :
and (hould it happen, it will bring upon us difgrace indeed, dif-
grace greater than the worft rancour can wiih to fee accumif
on
( ?! )
on a kingdom already too much dishonoured.- -Let the reader
think here what we are doing A nation, once the protec-
tor of Liberty in diftant countries, and the fcourge of tyranny,
changed into an enemy to Liberty, and engaged in endeavour-
ing to reduce to fervitude its own brethren.— A great and
enlightened nation, not content with a controuling power
over millions of people which gave it every reafonable advan-
tage, infilling upon fuch a fupremacy over them as would
leave them nothing they could call their own, and carrying
defolation and death among them for difputing it.— What can
be more ignominious ?— How have we felt for the brave Cer-
Jicam, in their ftruggle with the Genoefr, and afterwards with
the Breach government } Did Genoa or France want mere
than an abfolute command over their property and lep-iilations ;
or the power of binding them in all cafes whatfoever ?
The Cvrjtcans had been fabject to the Gcnoefe ; but finding it
difficult to keep them in fubjedion, they ceded them to the
French.— W\ iuch ceifions of one people to another are dif-
graceful to human nature, But if our claims are juft, may not
we alfo, if we pleafe, cede the Colonies to France I There
is, in truth, no other difference between thefe two cafes than
that the Corficans were not defended from the people who
governed them, but that the Americans are.
There are fome who feem to be fenfible, that the authority
of one country over another, cannot be diitinguifhed from the
fervitude of one country to another ; and that unlefs different
communities, as well as different parts of the fame community,
are united by an equal representation, ail fuch authority is
inconfiitent with the principles of Civil Liberty. But they
except the cafe of the Ccionies and Great-Britain ; becaiife
the Colonies are communities which branched forth from,
and which therefore, as diey think, belong to Britain. Had
the Colonies been communities of foreigners, over whom we
wanted to acquire dominion, or even to extend a dominion
before acquired, they are ready to admit that their refinance
would have been juii.— In my opinion, this is the fame with
faying, that the Colonies ought to be worfe off than the reir of
mankind, becaufe they are our own Brethren.
Again. The Uniced Provinces of Holland were once fubject
to the Spanijb monarchy ; but, provoked by the violation of
their charters ; by levies of money, without their content;
by the introduction of Spanifh troops among them ; by innova-
G 2 tkms
( 5* )
cf government ; and the rejection
of their petitions, they were driven to that refinance which
we and all the world have ever fince admired ; and which
has given birth to one of the greateft and happier!: Republics
that ever exifted. Let any one read alfo the hiilory of the
war which the Athenians from a thirit of Empire, made on
the Syracufans in Cicify, a people derived from the fame origin
with them ; and let him, if he can, avoid rejoiciug in die
defeat of the Athenians.
Let him, likewife, read the account of the fecial war among
the Romans. The allied ilates of Italy had fought the battles
of Rcme, and contributed by their valour and treafure to its
conquelts and grandeur. They claimed, therefore, the rights
of Roman citizens, and a mare with them in legiflaticn. The
Romans, difdaining to make thofe their fe/Ioiv-Citizens, whom
they had always looked upon as their fubjecls, would not
comply ; and a war followed, which ended in the ruin of the
Roman Republic. The feelings of every Briton in this cafe
mull force him to approve the condudl of the Allies, and to
condemn the proud and ungrateful Romans.
But not only is the prefent conteil with America thus dis-
graceful to us, becaufe inconfiftent with our own feelings in
fimilar cafes ; but alfo becaufe condemned by our own practice
in former times. The Colonies are perfuaded that they are
fighting for Liberty. We fee them facrificing to this perfua-
fion every private advantage. If miftaken, and though guilty
of irregularities, they mould be pardoned by a people whole
anceftors have given them fo many examples cf fimilar conduct.
England mould venerate the attachment to Liberty amidft
all its exceffes ; and, inflead of indignation or fcorn, it would
be moil becoming them, in the prefent inilance, to declare
their applaufe, and to fay to the Colonies " We e:
" your miftakes. We admire your fpirit. It is the (pint
" that has more than once laved our/elves. We afpire to no
" dominion over you. We underlland the rights cf men too
" well to think of taking from you the incflimable privileges
" of governing yourfelves ; and, inllead of employing our
*' power for any fuch purpoie, we offer it to you as a friendly
** and guardian power, to be a mediator in your quarrels ; a
" protection againft your enemies; and an aid to you in
" eftablifhing a plan of Liberty that mall make you g
" and happy. In return, we afk nothing but your gratitude
*« and your commerce,"
This
( 53 )
This would be a language worthy of a brave and enlightened
nation. But alas ! it often happens in the Political J^'orM a*
it does in Religion, that the people who cry cut molt vehemently
for Liberty to theinfelves are the moil unwilling to grant it to
others.
One of the more violent enemies of the Colonies has pro*
nounced them "all Mr. Locke's difciples.." Glorious Litift!
How fhameful is it to make war againft them for that
reafon ?
But farther. This war is difgraceful on account of the
perfuafion which led to it, and under which it has been under-
taken. The general cry was laft winter, that the people of
New-England were a body of cowards, who would at cn;e
he tumbled into fubmiiuon by a hoftile look from our troops.
In this light were they held up to the public derificn in both
Houfes of Parliament ; and it was this peHuafion that, prob-
ably, induced a nobleman of the firft weight in the ftate to
recommend, at the palling of the Boflcn Pert Bill, coercive
meafures ; hinting at the fame time, that the appearance of
Hoftilities would be fufficient, and that all would be loon over,
sine clade. Indeed no one can doubt, but that had it
been believed fome time ago, the people of America were
brave, more care would have been taken not to pro voice diem.
Again. The manner in which this war lias been hitherto
conducted, renders it ftill more difgraceful. Ergliih valour
being thought infufficient to fubdue the Colonies, the law and
religion of France were efrablifiied in Canada, en purpofe to
obtain the power of bringing upon them from thence an army
of French Papijts. The wild Indians and their own Haves have
been mitigated to attack then: ; and attempts have been made
to gain the airhlance of a Large body of Ruffians. With
like views, German troops have been hired ; and the defence
of our Forts- and Garrifons trurled in their hands.
Thefe are meafures which need no comment. The laft of
them, in particular, having been carried into exeution with-
out the conicnt of Parliament, threatens us with immitic :
danger ; and mews that we are in the way to lofe even the
Forms of the conilitution— If, indeed, our minifters can, at any
time, without leave, not only fend away the national troops,
but introduce foreign troops in their room, we lie entirely at
mercy ; ana we have every thing to dread.
( 54 )
SECT. V.
Of the Probability of Succeeding in the War with
America.
LE T us next confider hew far there is a poffibility of fuc-
ceeding in the prefent war.
Our own people, being unwilling to enlift, and the attempts
to procure armies of Ruffians, Indians and Canadians, having
miicarried ; the utincft force we can employ, including fo-
reigners, does not exceed, if I am rightly informed, 30,000
efreoive men. Let it, however, be called 40,000. This is
the force that is to conquer half a million at leaf} * of deter-
mined men fighting on their own ground, within light of their
houfes and families, and for that facred bleliing of Liberty, with-
out which man is a beaft, and government a curfe. All
hiftory proves* that, in (uch a fituation, a handful is a match
for millions.
In the Netherlands a few frates thus circumftanced , withftcod,
for thirty years, the whole force of the Spanifh monarchy, when
at its zenith; and at lail humbled its pride, and emancipated
themselves from its tyranny,— The citizens of Syracus alio,
thus circumftanced, withftopd the whole power of the Athenians
and almoft ruined them. The fame happened in the conteft
between the houfe of Auftria, and the cantons \ of Switzerland.
—.-There is in this caule an infinite difference between attack-
ing and being attacked; between fighting to dcjlrcy, and
lighting to prfer-ue, or acquire Liberty. Were we, there-
fore, capable of employing a land force againft America equal
to its own, there would be little probability of fiicceis. But to
think of conquering that whole continent with 30,000 or
40,000 men to be tranfported acrofs the Atlantic, and fed from
hence, and incapable of being recruited after any defeat
This is indeed a foliy io great, that language does not afford
a name for it.
With refpecl to our naval force, could it fail at land as it
does at fea, much might be done with it ; but as that is
impo"
* A quarter of the inhabitants of every country are fighting
men. If, therefore, the Colonies coiiil oniy of two mil Hon s
of inhabitants, the number of fighting men in them will behalf
a million,
f See the appendix to Dr. Zably's Sermon, preacfeed at the
opening of the Provincial Congreft ot Georgia,
( 55 )
impoffible, tittle, or nothing can be dene Vvlth it, which will
not hurt our/elves more than the Ceknifts.-— Such of their
maritime towns as they cannot guard againft our fleets, and
have not been already deftroyed, they are determined either to
give up to our refentment, or* deitroy themfelves : The con-
sequence of which will be, that thefe towns will be rebuilt in
(afcr fituations ; and that we mall locfe feme of the principal
pledges by which we have hitherto held them in fubjeclion,
As to their trade ; having all the neceiTaries and the chief
conveniencies of life within themfelves, they have no depend-
ence upon it ; and the lofs of it will do them unfpeakable
good, by preferring them from the evils cf luxury and the
temptations of wealth ; and keeping them in that ftate of
virtuous fimplicity which is the greateft happinefs. I know
that I am now {peaking the fenfe of fome of the wifeft men in
America. It has been long their wifh that Britain would ihut
up all their ports. They will rejoice, particulary, in the laft
retraining a£k. It might have happened, that the people would
have grown weary of their agreements not to export, or import.
But this ac~r. will oblige them to keep thefe agreements ; and
confirm their unanimity and zeal. It will alio furnifh them
with a reafon for connfeating the eftates of all her friends of
our government among them, and for employing their failors,
who would have been otherwiie idle, in making reprifals on
Briti.fh property. Their fiiips before nfelefs and ctenfirting
of many hundreds, will be turned into Ihips of war ; and all
that attention, which they have hitherto confined to trade,
wil] be employed in fitiing out a naval force for their own
defence ; and thus the way will be prepared for their becoming,
much iboner than they would otherwiie have been, a great
maritime power. This act. of parliament, therefore, crowns
the folly of all our late meafures. — None who know me, can
believe me to be difpofed to fuperftition. Perhaps, however,
I am not, in the pre fen t inftance, free from this weaknefs,
1 fancy I fee in thefe meafures femething that cannot be
accounted for merely by human ignorance. I am inclined
to think, that the hand of Providence is in them working to
bring about fome great ends, -----But thb leads me to One con-
fideration more, which I cannot heip offering to the public,
and which appears to me in the higheldt decree important.
In
■: New-York has been long deferred by the greateit part ofthe
inhabitants 5 and thzy are determined to burn it themfelves,
r^i^er than fuffer us to burn it
( 5^ )
In this hour of tremendous danger, it would become us to
turn our thoughts to Heaven. This is what our brethren in
the Colonics are doing. From one end of North America to
the other, they are fasting and praying. But what are
we doing ?— Shoking thought ! we are ridiculing them as
Fanatics, and fcoffing at religion. We are running wild
after pleafure, and forgetting every thing ferious and decent
&i Majquerades.——-We are gambling in gaming hoijfes ; traf-
ficking for Boroughs ; perjuring ourielves at hitcl'oas ; and
felling ourielves for places. Which fide then is Providence
likely to favour ?
In America we fee a number of rifing Hates in the vigour of
youth, infpired by the nobleft of all pailions, thepahion for
being free ; and animated by piety. Here we lee an old
ilate, great indeed, but inflated and irreligious : enervated by
luxury ; encumbered with debts j and hanging by a thread.
Can any one lock without pain to the ifiue ? May we
not expect calamities that fhall recover to reflexion (perhaps
to devotion) our Libertines and Aiheifls ?
Is our cauie fuch as gives us reafon to afk God to blefs it r
—Can we in the face of heaven declare, "that we are not
" the aggre^crs in this war; and that we mean by it, not to
" acquire Or even preferve dominion for its own fake ; not
" conquest, or empire, or the gratification of refentment ;
" but folely to deliver ourielves from oppreiTicn ; to gain re-
" paration for injury ; and to defend curfelves againiT. men
" who would plunder or kill us?" Remember, reader,
whoever thou art, that there are no other jull caufes of war ;
and that blood fpilied, with any other views, mull feme time
or other be accounted for. But not to expofe myfelf by
faying more in this way, I will now beg leave to recapitulate
fome cf the arguments I have ufed ; and to deliver the feeling
of my heart in a brief, but earneft addrefs to my country-
men.
I am hearing it continually urged " Are they not our
fubjecls." —The plain anlvver is, they are not your fub-
jecls. The people of America are no more the fubjects of the
people of Britain, than the people of ' Torkjhire are the fubjecls
of the people of Middle/ex. They are your Fellow-flub] eels.
'* But nve are taxed ; and why fhouid not they be taxed?"
Tou are taxed by yourfelves. They infill on the fame pri-
vilege.—— They are taxed to fuppcrt their own governments ;
and
( 57 )
and they help alfo to pay your taxes by purchafing your manu-
factures, and giving you a monopoly of their trade. Mull
they maintain t-ivo governments ? Mull they fubmit to be triple
taxed?-— Has your moderation, in taxing yourieives, beenfuch as
encourages them to trull you with the power of taxing them ?
" But they will not obey the Parliament and the Laws"
Say rather, they will not obey your parliament and your
laws . Their reafon is : They have no voice in your parlia-
liament. They have no fhare in making * your laws, — -
" Neither have mojl of us." Then you io far want Liberty;
and your language is, " We are not free, Why will they be
free?" But many of you have a voice in parliament: None
of them have. All your freehold land is reprefented : But not
a foot of their land is repreiented ; At worft, therefore, you
can be only enflaved partially. They would be enllaved
totally. They are governed by parliaments chofen by them-
felves, and by iegiflatures fimiiar to yours. Why will you
diilurb them in the enjoyment of a bleiiing fo invaluable ? Is
it reafonable to infift, that your difcretion alone ihall be their
law ; that they ihall have no conlHtutions of government, ex-
cept fuch as your parliament fhali be pleafed to leave them ?—
What is your parliament ?— Powerful indeed and refpeclable :
But is there not a growing intercourie between it and the court?
Does it awe mimiters of ftate as it once did ? Infteaa of con^
tending for a controuling power over the governments of Ame-
rica, mould you not think more of watching and reforming
your own ? — Suppofe the worit. Suppofe, in oppofition to all
their own declarations, that the Coioniits are now aiming at
H independence.
* I have no other notion or flivery, but being bourn J by a 1 w
" to which I do not confent." See the cafe ot Ireland^ being
bound by acts of parliament in England, ftated by Willi m Mo-
Jyneux, Efqj Dublin.— ^-In arguing againft the authority of
Communities, and ail people not incorporated, over oj:e
another, I have confined my views to taxation and internal
legiflation. Mr. Molyneux carried his views much farther j
and denied the. right of England to make any laws even to re-
gulate the trade of Ireland. He was the intimate friend of
Mr. Locke} and writ his book in 1698, foon after the publica-
tion of Mr. Locke's Treatife on Government.
What I have laid in Part ift. Sect. 3d, of fubjefting a number of
ftates into a general council representing them all, I iuppofe
every one mutt confider as entirely theoretical j and not a pro-
pofal of any thing I wifh may take place under the Britifh
Empire,
C S8 )
independence.—4 1 If they can fubfift without you ;" is it to be
Wondered at ? Did there ever exift a community, or even an in-
diwidua/, that would not do the fame r — *' If they cannot fub-
fift without you ;" let them alone. They will foon come back
— -" If you cannot fubfift without them ;" reclaim them by *
kindnefs ; engage them by moderation and equity. It is
madnefs to refolve to butcher them. This will make them
deteft and avoid you forever. Freemen are not to be governed by
force; or dragooned into compliance. If capable of bearing to
be fo treated, it is a diigrace to be connected with them.
"If they can fubfift without you; and alfo you without them,"
the attempt to fubjugate them by confkating their effects,
burning their towns, and ravaging their territories, is a wan-
ton exertion of cruel ambition, which however common it has
been among mankind, delerves to be called by harder names
than I chuie to apply to it.— Suppofe fuch an attempt was to
be fucceeded : Would it not be a fatal preparation for fubdu-
ing yourfelves ? Would not the difpofal of American places,
and the diftribution of an American revenue, render that in-
fluence of the crown irrefiftibie, which has already ftabbed
your liberties ?
Turn your eyes to India : There more has been done than is
now attempted in America. There Englishmen, actuated
by the love of plunder and the fpirit of conqueft, have depo-
pulated whole kingdoms, and ruined millions of innocent
people by the moil infamous oppreftion and rapacity. The
juftice of the nation has ilept over thefe enormities. Will the
juftice of heaven ileep ? Are we not now execrated on both
fides of the globe. With
* fcom: perions, convinced of the fol'y as wtll as barbariy of at-
tempting to keep the Colonies by fHughfering them, have very
humanely propofed giving them up. But the h gheft autho-
rity has informed us, ^itb great reafon, "That trey are too
" important to be given up."— Di. Tucker has infixed on
the depopulation, produced by migrations from this country to
the Colonies, as a reafon for this meaf'ure. But, un'efs the king-
dom is made a prifon to its inhabitants, thefe migrations cannot
be prevented ; nor do I think that they have any great tendency
to produce depopulation. When a number of people quit a
country, there is more employment and greater plenty of the
means o$ fubfiftence left for thofe who remain ; and the vacancy
is foon filled up. The grand caufes of depopulation are, not
migrations: , or even famines and plagues, cr any other temporary
evils', but ih* permanent and llo^ly working evils of de?
bauchery, luxury, high taxes, and oppreflion.
( 59 )
With refpeft to the Colonifts ; it would be folly to pretend
they are fauitlefs. They were running fail into our vices.
But this quarrel gives them a falutary check : And it may be
permitted on purpofe to favour them, and in them the reft of
mankind ; by making way for the eftablifhment, in an exten-
iive country poflefTed of every advantage, a plan of government,
and a growing power that fhall aftonifh the world, and under
which every fubjecl of human enquiry mail be open to free
difcuflion, and the friends to Liberty, in every quarter of the
globe, find a fafe retreat from civil and fpiritual tyranny. 1
hope therefore, our brethren in America will forgive their ene-
mies. It is certain that they know not what they are doing.
CONCLUSION.
HAVING faid fo much of the war with America, and
particularly of the danger with which it th^a:ens us, it
may be expected that I mould propofe fome method of efcaping
from this danger, and of reftoring this once happy Empire
to a ftate of peace and fecurity. — Various plans of pacification
have been propofed ; and fome of them by perfons lb diftin-
guifhed by their rank and merit, as to be above my applaufe.
But till there is more of a difpofition to attend to fuch plans,
they cannot, I am afraid, be of any great fervice. And there
is too, much reafon to apprehend, that nothing but calamity
will bring us to repentance and wifdom.— In order, how-
ever,, to complete my defign in thefe obfervations, I will take
the liberty to lay before the public the following fketch of-.
one of the plans juft referred to, as it was opened before the
holidays to the houfe of Lords by the Earl of Shelburne ; who,
while he held the feals of the Southern department, with the
bufmefs of the Colonies annexed, pofFeffed their confidence,
without ever compromifing the authority of this country ; a
confidence which difcovered itfelf by peace among themfelves,
and duty and fubmiffion to the Mother-country. I hope I
fhall not take an unwarrantable liberty, if, on this occafion,
I ufe his Lordfhip's own words, as nearly as X have been abl«
to colled them.
H a "Meet
( 6o )
ft Meet the Colonies on their own ground, in the laft pe-
tition from the Congrefs to the king : The fureft, as well
as the moll dignified mode of proceeding for this country. —
Suipend all hoftilities Repeal the afts which immediately
diftrefs America, namely, the laft retraining aft, the
charter act, the ad for the more impartial adminiftraticn
of juftice, and the Quebec aft.— —Ail the other afts (the
cuftom-houfe aft, the poft-office aft, Sec.) leave to a tem-
perate revifal. There will be found much matter which
both countries may wilh repealed. Some which can never
be given up, the principal being that regulation of trade for
the common good of the Empire, which forms our Palladium,
Other matter which is fair fubjeft of mutual accommodation.
Prefcribe the moil explicit acknowledgment of your
right of regulating commerce, in its moil exteniive fenfe ;
if the petition and other public afts of the Colonies have not
already, by their declarations and acknowledgments, left it
upon a fufficiently fecure foundation. Belides the power
of regulating the general commerce of the Empire, ibme-
thing further might be expected j provided a due and tender
regard were had to the means and abilities of the feveral
provinces, as well as to thofe fundamental, unalienable rights
of Englijhmen, which no father can furrender en the part
of his Ion, no reprelenter on the j.a-t of his elector, no
generation on the part of the fucceeding one ; the right
of judging not only of the mode of raifmg, but the quantum,
and the appropriation of fuch aids as they mall grant.-
To be more explicit; the debt of England, without entering
into invidious diitinftions how it came to be contracted,
might be acknowledged the debt of every individual part of
the whole Empire, Afia, as well as America, included.
Provided, that full fecurity were held forth to them, that
fuch free aids, together with the Sinking Fund, (Great-
Britain contributing her fuperior mare) mould not be left as
the privy purfe of the minifter, but be unaiienably appro-
priated to the original intention of that fund, the difcharge
of the debt ; and that by an honeft application of the
whole fund, the taxes might in time be leilcncd, and the
price of our manufactures coniequently reduced, fo that
every contributory part might feel the returning bene-
fit always iuppcling the laws of trade duly obferved and
enforced,
«« The
( 6i )
'* The time was, I am confident— and perhaps is, when
** thefe points might be obtained upon the eafy, the conititu-
" tional, and, therefore, the indifpen fable terms of an exemption
*' from parliamentary taxation, and an admifiion of the facred-
*l nefs of their charters; inftead of facrificing their good
" humour, their affection, their effectual aids, and the aft of
f* navigation itfelf, (which you are now in the direct road
c< to do) for a commercial quit rent, * or a barren metaphy-
" iical chimsra.—- rHow long thefe ends may continue attain-
•? able, no man can tell.- — But if no words are to be relied on
•' except fuch as make againft the Colonies If nothing is
" acceptable, except what is attainable by force ; it only re-
" remains to apply, what has been fo often remarked of un-
V happy periods, £>uos deus <vult, &ff."
Thefe are fentiments and propofals of the laft importance ;
and I am very happy in being able to give them to the public
from fo reipectable an authority, as that of the diitinguimed
Peer I have mentioned ; to whom, I know, this kingdom, as
weli as America, is much indebted for his zeal to promote
thofe grand public points on which the prefervation of Liberty
among us depends ; and for the firm oppofition which, jointly
with many others (Noblemen and Commoners of the fim Cha-
racter and abilities, ) he has made to the prefent meafures.
Had fuch a plan as that now propofed been adopted a few
months ago, 1 have little doubt but that a pacification would
have taken place, on terms highly advantageous to this king-
dom. In particular. It is probable, that the Colonies
would have confented to grant an annual fupply, which, in-
creafed by a faving of the money now fpent in maintaining
troops among them, and by contributions which might have
been gained from other parts of the empire, would have formed
a fund confiderable enough, if unalienably applied, f to redeem
the
* See the Refolutions on the Nova- Scotia petition reported to the
I-L-ufe of Commons, November 29, 1775, hy Loid North, Lord
George Germaine, &c. and a bill ordered to oe brought in upon
the (aid Resolutions. There is indeed, as Lord Shelburne
has tinted, fomething very aftonifhing in thefe Refolutions..
They offer a relaxation of the authority of this country, in
points to which the Colonies have always confented, and by
which we are great gainers ; at the fame time, that, with a ri-
gour which hazards the Empire, we are maintaining its autho-
rity in points to which they will never confent j and by which
nothing can he gained.
.f See the Appendix.
( 62 )
the greateft part of the public* debt ; in confequence of which,
agreeable to Lord Shelburne's ideas, fome ofoui woril taxes
might be taken off, and the Colonies wouldx receive our manu-
factures cheaper, ; our paper-currency might be retrained ; our
whole force would be free to meet at any time foreign danger ;
the influence of the crown would be reduced ; our parliament
would become more independent ; and the kingdom might,
perhaps, be reftored to a fituation of permanent farety and
profperity.
To conclude. — An important revolution in affairs of this
kingdom feems to be appjoaching. If ruin is not to be our
lot, all that has been "lately done mull be undone, and new
meafures adopted. At that period, an opportunity (never per-
haps to be recovered, if loft) will offer itfelf for ferving efTen-
iially this country, as well as America ; by putting the national
debt into a fixed courfe of payment ; by iubje&ing- to new re-
gulations, the adminillration of the finances ; and eftabiifhing
meafures for exterminating corruption and restoring the consti-
tution,--For my own part ; if this is not to be the confequence
of any future changes in the miniftry, and the fyftem of
corruption, lately fo much improved, is to go on ; I think
it totally indifferent to the kingdom who are in, or who are
out of power.
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX.
Amount of the National Debt at Midfummer, 1775.
The amount of the capitals at the
Bank, South Sea and India Houfes
was, in Jan. 1775, 125,056.454!.
See the particulars in an account
by R. Helm, at the Stock Ex-
change,correfted for Jan. 5 1775.
Deduct 424,5001. Consolidated
Annuities, 246,300). Reduced;
161,6501. Old S. S. Annuities,
and 43,3501. Annuities 1771,
making in all a million of the
3 per cents, paid off in 1775 > aDC*
the remainder will be
Annuities for 99, 96, and 89 years,
granted in King William's time.
Suppofing 18 years to come of
theie Annuities, their value will
be (reckoning intereft at $% per
cent) 1 3I years purchafe,or nearly.
Annuities for li^es, with benefit of
furvivorfhip, in King William's
time, fuppofed worth four years
purchafe. — N B. The benefit of
furvivorfhip is to be coetinued till
the Annuities are reduced to Seven
and they are not yet reduced to
this number.
Annuities on lives, with benefit of
furvivorfhip. granted Anno 1765,
valued at 20 years putchafe •
Annuities for two or three lives,
granted in 1695 Alfo Annuities
on fingle lives, 1745,1746.1747.
The original amount ef thefe An-
nuities, taken all together, was
-near 1 30,000 1. Tbey are now re-
duced by deaths to about 8o,oooI.
I have valued tbem at 10 years
D.ur chafe *
Principal.
24,056,454
1,801,179
Intereft.
I36»455
30,268
1 0,80c
800,000
Total £.126,698,701
8o,oco
4,542 430
Long
( 64 )
Brought over.
Long annuity for 99 years 1761— -
The vaiueof this annuity is in the
ALLEYabout25 iyearspurchafe,
but the remaining term is really
worth 27 years purchase - -
UNFUNDED DEBT, confift-
ingofExcheq.Bills(i>25c cool.)
Naty debt (1,850,000!.) andCi-
vil Lift debt,fuppofed 500, cool.
The intercft is reckoned at no
more than 2 -§■ per cent*
Principal.
/•
126,698,701
6.70**750
3 600,000
Inter eft.
4542,430
248,25c
90,000
Totalofthe National Debt in 1775, 137,001,451 4,880.680
I have given the Navy Debt as it was about a year ago. It
muft be now greatly encreafed. The Civil Lift Debt has been
given by guefs. It is generally acknowledged not to be lefs than
the fum I have fpecified; and it is alio expected, that the Civil
Lift income will be raifed to 900,000 1. per annum In 1769
the (urn of 513,51 1 1. was granted by Parliament towards dis-
charging the arrears and debts then due on the Civil Lift.
By" an act of thefirft of George II. the Civil Lift was made
up 800,000 1. whenever, in any year, the duties and revenues
appropriated to it fell fhort of that Turn. The cleaj produce cf
thefe duties for 33 years, or from Midfummer 1727, to Midfum-
mer 1760, was according to a particular account in my pofTef-
fion, 26,182,981 1. 17s. 6d. or 795,242 \. per ann. They fell (hort,
therefore, taking one year with another, more than they exceded.
In 1747 tnev naa* been deficient for Jeven years together ;
and the whole deficiency amounted to 456,733!. 1 6s.— which,
in conformity to the act I have mentioned, was made good to
his Majefty out of the fupplies for that year. In 1729 alfo,
Xi7,oool. was granted out of the fupplies f>r the like reafon —
This is all the mosey, received by his late Majefty from Parlia-
ment, towards fupporting his houlhold and the dignify of* his
civil government; or 8 10,7491. per ann, — I have thought proper
to ftate this matter fo particularly here, becaufe accounts grolsly
wrong have been given of it.
The amount of the National Debt, it has appeared, was laft
year 137 millions. The great deficiencies of laft year, added to the
extraordinary expences of the prefect year, will increafo this debt
confiderabJy. Drawing out, embodying, and maintaining the mi-
litia in the laft war, coft the nation nea- half a million per ann.
We cannot reckon upsn a lefs expence in doing this now. Add
to
. C 65 )
to it, pay for foreign troops, and all the extraordinary expences of
our increafed Navy and Army, tranfport fervice, recruiting fervice,
ordnance,'&c. and it will be evident that the whole expence of this
unhappy year mnft be enormous. — But I expect that care will
be taken to hide it, by funding as little as pofBble, and that for
this reafon it will not be known in its full magnitude, till it comes
to appear another year under the articles of Navy debt, extraordi-
naries of the army, tranfport bills, ordnance debentures, Sec. making
up a vaft unfunded debt, which may bear down all public credit.
State of the National Account in 1775.
ANNUAL INCOME.
Customs in England, being the medium of the
payments into the Exchequer, for 3 years, ending
in 1773 — —■ — 2,528,275
Amount of the Excises in England, including the
malt tax, being the medium of 3 years, ending
in 1773 — — — - — 4,649,892
Land Tax at 3s. — — — 1,300,000
Salt Duties, being the medium of the years
1765 and 1766 — — — 218,739
Duties on Stamps, Cards, Dice, Advertifements,
Bonds, Leafes, Indentures, News-Papers, Alma-
nacks, &c. — — — — 280,788
Duties on houfes and windows, being the medium of
3 years ending in 177 1 — — — 3^S'3^9
Poll Office, Seizures, Wine Licences, Hackney-
Coaches, * Tenths of the Clergy, &c. — 250,000
Excises in Scotland, being the medium of 3 years
ending in 1773 — — — 95,229
Customs in Scotland, being the medium of 3
years ending in 1773 — — — 68,369
Inland taxes in Scotland, deduction of 6d. in the
pound on all Penfions, Salaries, &c. cafual reve-
nues, fuch as the duties on Gum Seneca, Ameri-
can revenue, fale of lands in the ceded Iflands,
&c. — Thefe are little articles, and I have fuppo-
fed them to amount to as much as will make the
whole revenue ten millions per ann. tho' it is almoft
certain they cannot produce fo much — — 223>339
Total £. 10,000000
I The
* Thefe branches of the revenue produced in 1754., 210,243!. I do
not know how much they have produced lately j but I believe I have
q(|imated them at the fcigheft. *
( 66 )
The annual medium of the payments into the Exchequer from
the Customs in England, for the lafl five years, has been
2,521,7691. In 1774 this payment was 2,547,7171 In
1775, it was 2,476,302 I. The produce of the Customs,
therefore, has been given i»ather too high.
The produce of the Excises in England has been higher in 1772
and 1775 than in any other two years; but the average of any
three fucceffive years, or of all the five years fince 1770, will not
differ much from the fum I have given. In 1754, or the year
before the laft war, the Customs produced only 1,558,254!.—
The Excifes produced 2,819,702 1 And the whole revenue,
excluiive of the Land-Tax at 2s, was 7,097,617 I.
ANNUAL EXPENDITURE.
— £-
Intereft on the National Debt in 1775, " 4,880,680
Peace eftablifhment for the Navy and Army, includ-
ing all mifcsllaneous and incidental expences 3,700,000
Annual increafe of the Navy and Civil Lift Debts 350,000
Civil Lift - - 8©o,ooo
9730,680
Surplus of the Revenue 269,310
£. -10,000,000
The eftimate for the peace eftablifhment, including mifcellaneous
expences, amounted in 1775 to 3,703,476 1. In 1774 it a-
nfOunted to 3,804432 1. excluiive of 250,0001. raifed by Exche-
quer Bills, towards defraying the expence of calling in the gold
coin. And the medium for eleven years, from 1765, has been
nearly 3,700,000!. According to the accounts which I have col-
lected, the expence of the peace eftablifhment, (including mifcella-
necus expences) was in 1765, 1766, and 1767, 3,540,000!. /«" ann.
♦In 1768, 1769, and 1774, it was 3,354,000!. per ann In
j 7 7 r, 1772, 1773. *774 ant* !775» the average has been nearly
four millions per annum, exclufive of the expence of calling in
the coin.
This parliament votes for the fea-fervice 4I. per month per man,
including wages, wear and tear, victuals, and ordnance. This al-
lowance is infufRcient, and fails fhort every year more or lefs, in
proportion to the number of men voted. Fram hence, in a great
mealure, arifes that annual increafe cf the navy debt, mentioned in
the third article of the National Expenditure, This increafe in
1772
( *7 \)
1772 and 1773 was 661,996!. or 335,000!. per aun. The num-
ber of men voted in thole two years, was 20,000. I have fuppofed
them reduced to 16,000, and the annual increase of the Navy-
debt to be only 250,0001. — — —Add ioo,oooI. for the annual
increafe of the Civil Lift Debt (fee page 64.) and the total will
be 350,0001.
A Second Method of Deducing the Surplus of the
Revenue.
UNAPPROPRIATED REVENUE.
Nett Produce of the Siking Fund, for the lad
five years, including cafual furpluffes, reckoned
from Lady-day to Lady-day ; being the annual
median*, after deducing from it about 45,0001.
always carried to it from the fupplies, in order to
replace fo much taken from it every year to
make good a deficiency in a Fund eftabliflied in £ .
1758. ...... 2.610,759
Nett annual produce of Land Tax at 3s. militia
deducted: and of the Malt Tax - - - 1.800,000
(N. B. Thefe two taxes in 1773, brought in only
1.665,4751.) :
There are fome cafual Receipts, not included in the
Sinking Fund, fuch as duties on Gum Senega,
Amecican Revenue, &c. But they are fo uncertain
and inconfiderable, that it is fcarcely proper to
^ive them as a part of the permanent Revenue.
Add however on this account -. -. - 50,000
Total of unappropriated * Revenue /. 4.460,759
Produce of the^ Sinking Fund, reckoned from Lady-
day to Lady-day.
I77o 2.486,836
I7?I 2.553,505
1.772 - — 2.683,831
1773 : — 2.823,150
1774 2.731,476-
1 2 In
* Thegrcateft part of this Revenue is borrowed of the Bank, an&fpent before
incomes into the Kxchequer. It is, therefore, in
fbntly due to the Bank, f,r which intcreft is paid.
( 68 )
In 1775 the finking Fund was taken for 2900,000!. including
an extraordinary charge of ioo,oooI. on the Aggregate Fund.
If there has been a deficiency, it is a debt contracted laft year,
which muft be added to other debts (referred to in Page 64)
arifing from deficiences in the provifion made for the expences of
laft year. This provifion amounted to 3.703,476 1 ; but it is faid
to have fallen fhort above a million.
ANNUAL EXPENDITURE.
Peace Eftablifhment, includiug the annual increafe
of the Navy and Civil Lift Debts (fee the for- £.
mer account) - ----- 4.050,000
Intereftat 2^ of 3.6000,0001. unfunded debt, which
muft be paid out of the unappropriated Revenue 90,000
Total 4.140,000
Surplus 320,759
Annual income £. 4.460,759
Thefe two methods of deducing the Surplus of the Revenue con-
firm one another, as nearly as could have been expected. They
cannot agree exactly, unlefs the mean produce of the Sinking Fund,
and of all the takes, are taken for the fame years, and from the
fame quarter in every year. •
There is a third method of proving that the permanent furplus
of the revenue cannot exceed the fum now (rated.
I have learnt from the higheft authority, that the national debt,
about a year ago, had been diminifhed near 9 millions and a half,
fince the peace in 1763 ; including a million of the 3 per cents dif-
charged laft year -—The money employed in making this reduction,
muft have, been derived from the furplus of the ordinary and
ftated revenue, added to the extraordinary receipts. Thefe extra-
ordinary receipts have confifted of the, following articles.
1 . The Land Tax at 4s. in the pound in 1764, i/6j, and 1 77 1 ; or
is. in the pound extraordinary for three years, making 1.300,000
2. ,The profits of Nine. Lotteries, making (at 150,000!. each
lottery) 1.350,000!. — • — 3. A contribution of 400,000!, per aim,
from the India company for five years,- making 2.ooo,oool.
4.110.000I. paid by the Bank in 1 764 for the privilege of exclufive
banking. Alfo the money paid by France for maintaining their
prifoners ; and the money arifing from the fale of Ftench prizes,
taken before the declaration of war ; from faving on particular grants
at
( 69 )
at the end of the war, &c. &c.-— which, all together, * I will fup-
pofe a million. Add 3.300,000!. arifing from a furplus of
300,0001. for eleven years; and the total will be 8.950,000!.
which is a fum more than fufficient for difcharging 9 millions and
a half of the public debt.
Sketch of an Account of the Money drawn from the
Public by the Taxes.
Nett Revenue -
Expence of collecting the Excise in England,
being the average of the years 1 767 and 1768,
when their produce was 4.531,0751. per ami,
6 per cent, of the grofs produce
Expence of collecting the Excifes in Scotland,
being the medium of the years 1772 and 1773,
and the difference between the grofs and nett
produce — 31 per cent, of the grofs •produce - -
Expence of collecting the Customs in England,
being the average of 1771 and 1772; bounties
included — 1 5 per cent, of the grofs produce,
exclusive of the drawbacks and over-entries - -
N. B. The bounties for 1771 were 202,8401. for
1772, 172,4681.
For 1772, 285,7641. or 10 per cent, nearly.
Perquisites, &c. to Cuftom-houfe officers, &c.
fuppofed to be — — — —
Expence of collecting the Salt-duties inENGLAND,
io^ per cent. - — t — — —
Bounties on fifh exported — — —
Expence of collecting the duties on Stamps, Cards,
Advertifements, &c. ^percent. — —
Expence of collecting the Land Tax at 3s. — 2^ per
cent, of the nominal produce — • — —
£•
10.000,00©
297,887
43>254
468,703
250,000
27,000
18,000
18,000
43i5CO
Total £. 1 1.166,344
It mud be feen, that this account is imperfect. It is, however,
fufficient to prove, that the whole money raifed directly by the
taxes, exceeds confiderably Eleven Millions. But as the
increafed
The Author of the Prefent State of the Nation, published in 1768, makes all
thefc extraordinary Receipts to amount to above two millions and a half. But
the greatefl: part of them were applied toiatisfy German claims, andfomc other
debts, not properly included in the current rrationul expenditure.
( 7° )
increafed pries of one commodity has a tendency to raife the price
of other commodities ; and as alio dealers generally add more than
the value of a tax to the price of a commodity, befides charging
jintereft for the money they advance on- the taxes ; for thefe rea-
fons, it feems certain, that the taxes have an indirect effect of
great coniequence; and that a larger fum is drawn by them from
the public, than their grofs produce. — [t is farther to be confider-
ed, that many of the perfons who are now Supported by collecting
the taxes would have fapported then-delves by commerce or agri-
culture ; and, therefore, in (read of taking away from the pub-
lic frock, would have been employed in increafing it. — Some have
reckoned, that on all thefe accounts the expence of the taxes is
doubled ; but this mud be extravagant. Let us fuppofe a quarter
only added ; and it will follow, that the money drawn from the
public by the taxes (exclufive of thofe which maintain the poor)
is near 14 millions per atzn ; a fum almoft equal to the whole fpecie
of the kingdom; which, therefore, had we no paper currency,
would be totally inadequate to. the wants of the kingdom.
Without all doubt fuch a ftate of things, in a great commercial
nation, is molt dangerous, and frightful ; but it admits of no
remedy, while the public debt continues what it is. With a
view, therefore, to the quick reduction of this debt, I will throw
away, after all I have faid on this fubject on former occafions, the
following propofals. It has appeared, that, fuppofing the taxes
not to become lefs productive, and the current national expence to
continue the fame that it had been for ten years before 1775, a
furplus.may be expected in the revenue of about 300,0001. per ami.
With a furplus fo trifling, nothing can be done ; but it might
be increafed, fir ft of all ; By keeping the Land Tax fof the fu-
ture at 4s. in the pound. — As rents have been almoft doubled,
this will not be much more to the prefent proprietors^ land, than
2s. in the pound was formerly. 'Tis, therefore, equitable ; ajid
it will add to the national income near 450,000 1. .
Secondly* All the money now fpent in maintaining troops in
America might be faved. The Colonies are able to defend
themfelves. They wifh to be allowed to do it. Should they ever
want the aid of our troops, they will certainly be very willing
to pay us for them. Indeed I am of opinion, they will never be
willing to make peace with us, without ftipulating that we fhall
withdraw our troops from them. Were there any external power
that claimed and exercifed a right of (rationing troops in thisj
country, without our confent, we fhould certainly think ourfelyes
eniirely undone. 1 will eftimate this laving at no more than :
200,000 1. per ann.
Thirdly,
( n )
Thirdly, I do not fee why the peace eftabjchment might not be
reduced to what it was, at an average, in 1&68, J769 and 1770.
This would produce a faving of 3 50.000 r&per ann. 1 might
here propofe reducing the peace-eftabliihment of the navy to what
it always was before thelaft war,. or from 16,000 to 10, ceo men.
But it would be infinitely better to reduce the Army ; and this
might produce a farther faving of great confequence. — =-Bu£
waving this, I mall only mention,
Fourthly, That contributions might be obtained from North-
America and other parts of the Britiih Empire, on the prineiple-
itated from the Earl of Sh elburne's authority, in page 60.—
I will eitimate this at no more than 300,000!. per ann -Add
the furplus now in our poffeflion ; and the total will be i/co,oco*
In the Introdu£iion<o the third edition to the treat; fe en Re *
werjionary Payments, } have explained a method of payirg cit with
a iinking fund of a ntiJlion per ann. \ a hundred millions of the
national debt in forty years. What then might not be done with
fnch a fund as this ?
In five years 18,986,300!. will fall from an intereft of 4 per cent '
to 3 per cent.— — Alfo 4,500,0001. $\ per cent. 1758, will fall
in fix years, to an interelt of 3 per cent. The long annuities
granted in King William's time, amounting to 136,4531. will,
in 18 years, become moftly extinct ; as will alfo the greater part,
of the Life Annuities fpecified in page 63. — All thefe favings
amount to more than 400,0001. per ann. And, were they to be
added to the fund as they fall in, its operations would be Co much
accelerated, that in a few years we mould fee this country above
all its difficulties, — « — Still more might be done by {hiking off
unneceffary places and penfions ; by giving up all the means of
corruption ; by reducing the pay of the great officers efftate; and
Amplifying the taxes. A minifter who appeared determined to
carry into execution fuch a fyftem, would foon gain the confidence
of the publj£ ; endear himfelf to all honeli men ; and in time come
to be bleffed as ihe Saviour of his country. But what am I
doing? -We have no fuch happy period before us. Cur mi-
nifters are active in purfuing meafures which mull increafe our
burdens. A horrid civil *ar is begun ; and it may foon leave us
nothing to be anxious about.
X At the time of writing the introduction here referred to, about
three years ago, I thought, or rather hoped, that the furplus of the re-
venue might be taken at 900,000!. per ann. But it muft he confidered,
that the nation was then in poifeilion of a contribution of 4oo,oocl, per
ann. from the India Company, which has been fince loft. — See the Ad-
ditional Preface to the 2d edition oj the Appeal to the Public on the Juk-
jeel of the National Debt.
F 1 N I S.
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