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If  ORIGIN 


OF  THE 


SIKH  POWKF  TTS^  THE  } 


POLITICAL  LIFE  OF 


MUHA-RAJA  RUNJEET  SINGH. 

MITFl    AN    ACCOUNT    OV   THE    PRESENT    CONDITION', 
KKf.UaoN.  [.\\i  rSTOMS  OF  THE  SIKHS. 


COMPILED  BV 

HENRY   T.    PRINSEP, 

OF  THE  BENGAL  CIVIL  SERVICE, 

rnOM   A  REPORT  BV  CAPTAIN   WILLIAM   MURRAY,   LATE   POLITiC  VI- 
AGEXT  AT  UMBALA,  AND  FKOM  OTHER  SOURCES. 


CALCUTTA: 

G.  H.  HUTTMANS,  MILITARY  ORPHAN  PRESS. 

1834. 


ftP7 


PREFACE. 


X  HERE  is  an  interest  attaching  to  the  character 
and  fortunes  of  Rlnjeet  Singh,  and  to  the 
dominion  he  has  establislied  over  the  Punjab  and 
the  Sikh  nation,  which  promises  to  ensure  to 
the  following  pages  a  favorable  reception  from 
the  British  Public.  This  interest  is  founded 
not  less  upon  the  geographical  position  of  the 
territory  of  the  new  state,  than  upon  the  fact 
of  its  having  been  silently  growing  up  under  our 
eyes,  till  our  wonder  is  excited  at  the  accumu- 
lation of  power  and  of  wealth  at  the  command 
of  its  present  head.  The  desire  to  learn  the 
steps  and  the  means,  by  which  the  founder  of 
any  empire  has  risen  to  greatness,  is  a  natural 
curiosity  of  the  human  mind,  intense  in  propor- 
tion to  the  exaltation  reached :  but  in  this 
instance  there  is  proximity  to  our  own  posses- 
sions, with  the  collisions  that  have  occurred  in 
consequence,  to  add  to  tlie  interest   felt  about 

a 


IV  PREFACE. 

RuNJEET  Singh  ;  besides  that  the  tract  of  coun- 
try, now  forming  the  Sikh  kingdom,  is  in  the 
high  road  by  which  every  conqueror  from  the 
west  has  penetrated  into  Hindoostan  ;  and  spe- 
culation is  always  more  or  less  afloat,  as  to  the 
possibility  of  a  similar  conquest  being  again 
attempted,  by  the  armies  of  Europe  associated, 
or  by  those  of  the  Northern  Autocrat  alone, 
whose  views  of  aggrandizement  seem  insatiable, 
and  have  long  been  directed  towards  Persia  and 
the  East. 

The  time  thus  appears  to  be  favorable  for  an 
attempt  to  offer  to  the  Public  some  information 
as  to  the  present  condition  of  the  Punjab  and 
its  Ruler :  and  every  one  must  have  felt,  that 
there  is  a  blank  in  the  intelligence  possessed  on 
this  subject,  not  consistent  Avith  the  general 
state  of  knowledge,  or  the  eagerness  with  which 
information,  and  in  particular  political  and  sta- 
tistical information,  is  in  these  days  poured  forth 
upon  the  Public,  by  every  one  who  thinks  he 
has  any  thing  to  communicate,  that  will  be 
listened  to  or  received.  The  early  history  of 
the  Sikhs  is  pretty  generally  known  :  few  are 
ignorant,  that  they  are  a  religious  sect,  esta- 
blished in  the  time  of  Babur  by  Nanuk  Shah, 
the  propagator  of  doctrines  of  universal  toleration, 
and   llic  zealous  i>rojector  of  an   union  of  faith 


PREFACE.  V 

between  the  Hindoos  and  Mahommedans,  on 
the  basis  of  the  unity  of  the  Godhead.  In  like 
manner  it  would  be  superfluous  to  recapitulate 
in  a  work  like  this,  how  the  sect  was  continued, 
and  its  tenets  and  creed  embodied  in  sacred 
volumes  called  Grunths,  by  a  succession  of  ten 
sainted  Gooroos,  ending  with  Gooroo  Govind, 
who  lived  in  the  time  of  Aurungzeeb,  and  who, 
meeting  persecution,  converted  his  followers 
from  peaceable  and  industrious  citizens,  into 
deadly  enemies  to  the  Moghul  empire  and 
Mooslim  faith.  All  this  has  been  fully  traced 
and  explained  in  various  publications  :  so  also 
the  vain  attempts  of  Ban  da,  and  other  Martyrs 
who  followed  Gooroo  Govixd,  against  the  too 
great  strength  of  the  Dehlee  sovereignty  and  its 
officers,  under  the  immediate  successors  of  Au- 
rungzeeb :  but  the  rise  of  the  sect,  from  the  dust 
into  which  it  seemed  to  be  beaten  down  by  per- 
secution, to  its  present  splendour  of  exaltation, 
has  not  hitherto  been  made  the  subject  of  any  one's 
investigation  and  research  ;  and  the  matter  con- 
sequently comprised  in  this  volume  is  given 
confidently  as  new,  and  as  not  to  be  found  else- 
where. It  is  our  duty  and  our  present  object  to 
explain  where  and  how  it  has  been  obtained. 

The  British  Government  has  since  1808  been 
the  protector  of  the  Sikh  territorj^  ly^'^o  between 

a  2 


VI  PREFACE. 

the  Sutlej  and  Jumna  :  Its  officers  have  been 
appealed  to  for  the  adjustment  of  all  disputes 
between  the  chiefs  and  their  neighbours  or 
dependants,  and  the  references  to  the  Supreme 
Council  of  Government  at  the  Presidency  are 
frequent,  and  involve  questions  of  great  intri- 
cacy, making  the  management  of  our  relations 
in  that  quarter  by  no  means  the  least  troublesome 
part  of  the  business  submitted  to  its  decision. 
Lord  William  Bentinck  was  led  by  the  per- 
ception of  this  circumstance  to  seek  from  the 
officers  employed  in  the  management  of  Sikh 
affairs,  some  general  information  as  to  the  his- 
tory and  condition  of  the  chiefs,  and  the  habits 
and  customs  of  the  sect.  Accordingly,  when 
preparing  for  his  journey  to  Hindoostan,  in 
1830,  he  called  upon  Captain  Murray,  the  Poli- 
tical Agent  at  Umbala,  who  had  for  more  tlian 
fifteen  years  been  employed  in  conducting  our 
relations  with  the  Sikh  chiefs  on  the  British  side 
of  the  Sutlej,  for  a  report  upon  the  subject.  Cap- 
tain Wade,  the  Assistant  at  Loodeeana,  who 
had  latterly  been  entrusted  with  the  subordi- 
nate charge,  under  the  Resident  at  Dehlee,  of 
the  correspondence  with  Runjeet  Sin  oh,  was 
similarly  called  upon,  and  botli  officers  submit- 
ted voluminous  reports,  containing  valuable 
information  on  all  the  points  required.  That  of 
Captain   Murray   seemed  to  be   the   result   of 


PREFACE.  Til 

much  reading  and  research,  and  to  be  prepared 
from  materials  collected  during  the  whole  period 
of  his  residence  amongst  the  Sikhs.     He   had 
evidently  consulted  with  care  all  the   Persian 
and  other  books,  that  afford  any  insight  into 
the  history  of  the  Sikhs,  or  of  the  Moghul  and 
Afghan  officers  who  came  into  contact  or  colli- 
sion with  them  ;     while  his  account  of  the  rise 
and  fortunes  of  Runjeet   Singh    appeared  to 
have  been  compiled  from  the  reports  and  verbal 
mformation  of  intelligent  persons  who  had  served 
under  him,  corrected  and  tested  by  a  laborious 
examination  of  the    Akhbars  or  native   news- 
papers,   files   of  which   Mere    recorded   in   his 
office  :  a  valuable  Appendix  was  added,  contain- 
ing the  result  of  his  personal  observations  and 
enquiries  into  the  habits,  customs,  rules,  and 
observances  of  the    Sikhs.      The   report   was 
defective   in   arrangement,   being  put  together 
with  no  view  to  publication,  but  unfortunately 
this  highly  esteemed  and  distinguished  officer 
died   very   soon   after   the   Governor    General 
visited  those  parts,  when  it  was  his  Lordships 
intention  to  have  requested  him  to  prepare  from 
his  expose,  a  volume  calculated  to  diffuse  the 
information  he  had  collected,  and  to  give  public 
and  general  utility  to  the  result  of  his  labours. 

There  is  no  doubt,  that,  if  this  officer  had 
lived,  the  work  would  have  been  executed  in  a 


X  PREFACE. 

follow,  to  the  date  of  the  decease  of  the  promi- 
nent character  of  the  work,  to  be  added  here- 
after, in  case  at  any  future  period  the  public 
should  take  sufficient  interest  in  the  affairs  of 
the  Punjab,  to  call  for  a  renewed  publication. 

It  may  be  proper  to  add,  that  whilethe  first  part 
of  this  work  was  already  in  the  Printer's  hands, 
a  Persian  account  of  the  affairs  of  the  Sikhs 
in  the  Punjab,  was  obligingly  communicated  to 
the  Compiler  by  Sir  Charles  Metcalfe.  The 
manuscript  had  been  delivered  to  Sir  Charles 
by  its  author,  Khooshwuqt  Raee,  who  was  for 
many  years  the  Agent  and  Intelligencer  of  the 
British  Government  at  Umritsur.  The  narra- 
tive comes  down  to  1812  only,  but  is  very  full 
in  respect  to  the  early  history  of  the  Sikh  Sir- 
dars, and  contains  much  information  and  useful 
matter,  not  to  be  found  elsewhere.  The  oppor- 
tunity which  was  thus  presented  of  comparing 
an  original  work  of  this  kind  with  the  Memoir 
of  Captain  Murray,  has  not  been  lost.  The 
result  has  afibrded  a  satisfactory  corroboration 
of  the  accuracy  of  this  officer :  indeed,  the  corres- 
pondence of  date  and  circumstance  in  many 
important  particulars  leads  almost  to  the  con- 
clusion, that  Khooshwuqt  Raee's  narrative  must 
have  been  amongst  the  materials  from  which 
the    Memoir  was  prepared.     Some  occasional 


PREFACE.  XI 

discrepancies  and  additional  facts  or  illustrations 
have  been  noted  separately  at  the  close  of  the 
volume.  The  Compiler's  grateful  acknowledg- 
ments are  particularly  due  to  Sir  Charles 
Metcalfe,  for  the  liberal  frankness  with  which 
so  valuable  a  material  has  been  made  available 
to  improve  and  correct  this  publication,  and  it 
is  to  the  same  high  quarter,  that  he  is  indebted 
for  access  to  the  materials  from  which  the  Map 
has  been  constructed,  which  is  prefixed  to  the 
volume. 

H.  T.  P. 

Calcutta,  May,  1834. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PAGE 

Affairs  of  the  Punjab  on  the  decline  qf  the  Dehlee  Sovereignty  to  the 
Batik  qf  Paneeput  and  separation  of  the  territory  from  Hindoostan,       1 

CHAPTER  II. 

Operations  of  the  Afghans  in  the  Pwyab.  The  condition  of  the  Sikh 
associations,  and  the  rise  and  exploits  of  the  principal  Chiefs  and 
Misuls.  The  Punjab  abandoned  to  them  by  the  Afghans.  Their 
proceedings  for  the  occupation  qf  the  territory, 21 

CHAPTER  III. 

Feuds  and  contentions  of  the  Sikhs.  Rise  and  fall  of  different  Chi^t. 
The  history  of  Churut  Singh  and  Maha  Singh,  ancestors  of  Runjeet 
Singh,  traced  to  the  death  qf  the  latter,  and  Rut^jeet's  assumption  of 
the  direction  of  affairs, 38 

CHAPTER  IV. 

The  early  administration  of  Runjeet  Singh.  His  aggrandizement  at 
the  expense  of  other  Sikh  Sirdars,  to  his  treaty  tciih  the  British 
Goternment,  and  exclusion  from  the  countries  east  qf  the  Sutl^,    , .     50 


XIV  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  V. 

British  arrangements  with  the  Chiefs  east  of  the  Sutl^.  Transactions 
in  the  Punjab  tending  to  the  further  aggrandizement  of  Runjeet 
Singh, 71 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Marriage  of  Khuruk  Singh,  the  heir-apparent  of  Runjeet  Singh,  attend- 
ed by  Colonel  Ochterlony.  Acquisition  of  the  Kohi-noor  Diamond 
from  Shah  Shooja.  Severe  treatment  and  flight  of  that  Prince  to 
Loodeeana.  Conquest  of  Kashmeer,  by  Futeh  Khan  Vuzeer,  and 
acquisition  of  Attuk,  by  Runjeet  Singh, , 89 

CHAPTER  VII. 

First  expedition  of  Runjeet  Singh  against  Kashmeer.  Fails.  Failure 
of  Runjeet  Singh's  health.  Expedition  against,  and  capture  of 
Moolian.  The  army  deprived  of  its  plunder.  Death  of  Futeh  Khan, 
Vuzeer  of  Kabool.    Runjeet  Singh's  advance  to  Peshawar, 101 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Second  expedition  and  conquest  of  Kashmeer.  Arrangements  for  conso- 
lidating the  Sikh  authority  in  the  hills.  Conquests  on  the  Indus. 
Arrival  and  entertainment  of  French  Officers.  Disgrace  and  confine- 
ment of  Suda  Koonwur,  Runjeet's  Mother-in-law, 121 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Operations  in  Pcshawur.  Affair  with  a  party  qf  Moosulman  fanatics. 
Mohuniinud  l^zcem  Khan  retires  and  leaves  Peshawur  to  Runjeet 
Singh.  Death  of  that  Chief— also  (f  Sunsar  Chund.  Disturbances 
in  the  Gundgurh  Mountains,  i'ar  Mohnmniud  confirmed  as  Governor 
for  Runjeet  Singh  at  Peshawur.  Futeh  Singh  Aloowala  retires  from 
the  Durbar.  Rise  of  Seyud  Ahmed,  the  Mohummcdan  Saint  and 
reformer,  troubles  occasioned  by  him,  Unrodh  Chund  of  Kangra 
moved  to  a  discreditable  alliance,  flies  across  the  Suttej.  His  pos- 
sessions seized.  Further  disturbances  and  troubles  from  Seyud 
Ahmed.    His  d(feat  and  death, 136 


CONTENTS.  XV 

CHAPTER  X. 

Mission  of  Lieutenant  Bumes  with  a  present  qf  dray  horses  for  Run- 
jeet  Singh.  His  journey  through  Sindh,  and  up  the  Indus  and  Ratee 
to  Lahor.  Mission  to  Lord  William  Bentinck  at  Shimlu.  Meeting 
arranged  hetween  the  Governor  General  and  Runjeet  Singh.  Takes 
place  in  October  1831.  Commercial  Treaty  concluded  between  the 
British  Government  and  Sindh, 152 

CHAPTER  XI. 

The  character  and  policy  of  Runjeet  Singh.  His  revenues.  Strength 
of  his  army.     General  observations,    17^ 

APPENDIX. 

On  the  Planners,  Rules,  and  Customs  of  the  Sikhs.  By  Captain 
W.  Murray, , 191 


CHAPTER     FIRST* 


A.  D.  1742  to  1761. 


Affairs  of  the  Punjab  on  the  decline  of  the  Dehlee 
Sovereignty  to  the  Battle  of  Paneeput  and  separation 
of  the  territory  from  Hindoostan. 

Jlhe  empire  founded  iu  Hindoostan  by  Babur,  and 
supported  by  the  vigour  and  abilities  of  several  genera- 
tions of  celebrated  Princes,  fell  speedily  to  dissolution 
after  the  accession  of  Mohl  mmud  Shah.  The  invasion 
of  Nadir  Shah  gave  a  violent  shock  to  its  stability, 
which  was  already  undermined  by  the  growing  power  of 
the  Mahrattas  ;  and  the  inroads  of  the  Abdalee,  Ahmed 
Shah,  though  made  in  support  of  the  faith  of  Mohum- 
-AfUD,  and  successful  in  checking  that  reaction  of  Hindoo 
vigour,  which  threatened  at  the  time  to  overwhelm  it, 
accelerated  nevertheless  the  fall  of  the  house  of  Tymoor, 

•  This  Chapter  is  entirely  from  Captain  Mprray,  who  has  the  merit  of 
being  the  first  to  collect  and  put  together  in  a  consistent  narrative,  the 
loose  fragments  and  materials  that  exist,  in  respect  to  the  events  in  the 
Punjab  at  this  period. 


2       YUHEEA  KHAN  VICEROY  OF  LAHOR.        A.  D.  1742. 

which  he  uniformly  treated  with  neglect  and  humiliation. 
The  court  of  Dehlee  ceased  thenceforward  to  be  looked 
up  to  as  the  source  of  protection,  of  honors,  or  of  punish- 
ments. The  satraps,  and  officers,  nominally  acting  under 
its  authority,  assumed  every  where  independence:  the 
provinces  were  dismembered,  and  a  spirit  of  disaffection 
was  roused  in  all  parts  of  the  empire.  The  history  of 
Hindoostan  ceases  from  this  period  to  be  that  of  any 
ruling  dynasty,  and  must  be  traced  in  the  detail  of  the 
events  of  each  province,  and  in  the  transactions,  by 
which  the  several  Nuwabs,  Rajas,  and  Princes, — the 
sects,  nations  or  associations  of  chiefs,  rose  each  in  turn 
to  power,  in  displacement  of  the  royal  authority,  and  in 
successful  rivalry  with  one  another.  It  is  the  object  of 
the  following  pages  to  collect  and  exhibit  in  continuous 
narrative,  the  occurrences  of  this  description  in  the 
Punjab,  and  to  trace  the  rise  of  the  chief  who  now 
sways  the  destinies  of  that  province,  and  of  a  large  bor- 
dering territory,  with  a  vigour  of  authority,  unknown  to 
any  other  part  of  India,  not  subject  to  the  dominion  of 
Europeans. 

YuHEEA  Khan,  the  son  of  Zukareea  Khan. 
commonly  styled  Khan  Buhadoor,  held  the  viceroyalty 
of  Lah6r,  when  the  Jat  Zumeeudars  of  the  Punjab  em- 
poverished  by  long  extortion,  and  driven  at  last  to 
desperation,  took  to  rapine  and  plunder  for  the  support  of 
themselves  and  families,  and  as  a  bond  of  union  and  ex- 
citement against  their  oppressors  revived  in  their  customs 
and  ceremonies,  the  latent  flame  of  the  Sikh  ritual.  They 
proclaimed  the  faith  and  tenets  of  Govind  Singh,  the 
last  acknowledged  Gooroo  or  spiritual  guide  of  the  Sikhs, 
and  took  the  Pakiil  of  initiation   into  the  mysteries  of 


A.  D.  174:3.  THE    SIKHS    GROW    FORMIDABLE.  3 

/ 

that  religion.  The  long  hair  on  the  head,  and  flowing 
beard,  the  entire  renunciation  of  tobacco,  and  the  use 
of  the  audible  salutation  of  "  Wah  Gooroo-jee  ke  futeh" 
(victory  to  Gooroo  jee,)  proclaimed  that  the  ploughshare 
had  been  exchanged  for  the  avenger's  sword,  and  that 
the  maxims  and  precepts  of  the  grunth  of  GooROO 
GoviND  had  prevailed  over  the  more  peaceable  doc- 
trines of  the  vedas  and  shastras  of  pure  Hindooism. 
The  spirit  of  the  revived  sect  displayed  itself  at  first 
in  secret  association  and  isolated  acts  of  depredation. 
Bodies  of  armed  men,  in  tens  and  twenties,  called 
Dharicee  in  the  dialect  of  the  province,  that  is,  high- 
waymen, infested  the  routes  of  communication,  attacked 
villages  or  plundered  in  towns,  according  as  their  local 
connections  invited  to  either  mode  of  seeking  wealth  or 
the  means  of  support.  The  early  neglect  of  the  ruling 
authority  enabled  the  associations  to  prosper,  and  the 
most  successful  chiefs  purchased  horses  with  the  proceeds 
of  their  spoil,  and  mounted  and  armed  their  followers. 
Their  example  and  success  made  the  cause  popular  with 
the  young  and  adventurous,  so  that  the  number  who  took 
to  these  courses  augmented  daily,  until  the  chiefs  formed 
their  respective  dehras  or  encampments  in  open  defiance 
of  the  ruling  authority,  and  sought  celebrity  by  bold  and 
hardy  enterprizes,  which  gave  security  in  the  awe  they 
inspired,  while  the  wealth  and  reputation  resulting 
afforded  the  means  of  further  strengthening  themselves. 
The  distractions  of  the  Moghul  empire,  and  the  intrigues 
and  imbecilities  of  the  vice-regal  court  at  Labor,  gave 
encouragement  to  the  system  pursued,  not  only  hv  the 
neglect  to  punish,  but  by  the  occasional  availment  of 
the  services  of  individual  chiefs,  so  that  many  of  them 
/  assumed  an  organized  martial  appearance,  and  not  content 

A  2 


-^ 


4   THE  SIKHS  DEFEATED  AND  PROSCRIBED.     A.  D.  1744-45. 

with  ravaging  the  open  country,  approached  the  sacred 
reservoir  of  the  Sikhs  at  Umritsur  and  maintained  them- 
selves in  that  vicinity.  The  different  associations  were 
united  by  common  interest,  no  less  than  by  the  profession 
of  a  ne^v  faith  ;  and  a  system  of  general  confederation 
for  defence,  or  for  operations  requiring  more  than  single 
efforts,  was  early  arranged  between  the  chiefs. 

The  evil  had  spread  and  had  acquired  some  head  be- 
fore the  attention  of  the  Governor  Yuheea  Khan  was 
sufficiently  roused  to  induce  him  to  make  an  exertion  to 
put  it  down.  At  length,  however,  his  revenue  failing 
from  these  disorders,  he  sent  out  a  small  detachment  of 
government  troops  under  command  of  Jusput  Raee, 
brother  of  his  Dewan  or  prime  minister,  Lukhput 
Raee.  They  proceeded  first  against  a  body  of  insurgent 
Sikhs  who  were  devastating  the  country,  and  driving  off 
the  flocks  and  herds  in  the  vicinity  of  Yumeenabad, 
which  lies  to  the  North  of  Labor.  The  detachment  was 
overpowered,  and  Jusput  Raee  being  slain,  his  men 
dispersed.  Lukhput  Raee  Dewan,  however,  hastened 
from  Labor  to  avenge  his  brother's  death,  and  the  insur- 
gents retreated  before  him  into  the  north  eastern  corner  of 
the  Punjab,  where  he  inflicted  on  them  a  severe  chastise- 
ment. The  Dewan  brought  back  with  him  many  prison- 
ers, whose  heads  were  struck  off'  without  remorse  in  the 
Ghora-Nuklias,  or  horse  market,  outside  the  city  wall  of 
jLahor.  The  spot  is  now  called  by  the  Sikhs  "  Shuheed- 
ffunj,"  the  place  of  martyrs,  in  memory  of  this  event, 
and  a  sumadh  or  tomb  has  been  erected  there  in  honor  of 
the  Bhaee  Jaroo  Singh,  which  marks  the  site.  After 
this  success  a  proclamation  was  issued  in  the  name  of 
the  Governor  Yuheea  Khan,  denouncing  death  to  all 


A.  D.  1745-6.  INTRIGUES    AT    LAHOR.  5 

persons  who  invoked  the  name  of  GoorooGovind,  and 
a  reward  was  oflFered  for  the  heads  of  his  disciples.  This 
rigour  and  snmmary  proscription  checked  the  progress 
of  Sikh  proselytism,  and  the  enthusiasm  of  the  votaries 
of  the  Gooroo  was  considerably  diminished.  Many  cut 
their  long  hair  and  curtailed  their  flowing  beards  to  avoid 
detection  and  death,  and  others  fled  across  the  Sutlej 
into  the  adjoining  province  of  Sirhiud,  where  they  found 
protection  or  concealment  in  the  wide  wastes  which  lie 
to  the  west  of  Puteeala  and  Xaba. 

Not  long  after  this  event,  the  younger  brother  of 
Ylheea  Khan,  by  name  Shah  Nuwaz  Khan,  rose 
in  insurrection  against  him,  and  succeeded  in  establishing 
himself  in  the  two  provinces  of  Labor  and  Mooltau,  mak- 
ing prisoner  Yuheea  Khan,  with  all  his  state  officers. 
He  nominated  a  Hindoo,  named  Kaonra  Ml'l,  to  he\ 
Dewan  in  lieu  of  LuKHPUT  Raee,  but  left  Adeena 
Beg  KnAN'T'wEoliad  risen  under  his  father  Zl  kareea 
Khan,  and  governed  with  much  vigour  the  difficult 
district  of  the  Jalundhur  Dooab,  in  both  civil  and  mili- 
tary charge  of  that  tract.  Ylheea  Khan  escaped 
from  Labor,  and  hastening  to  Dehlee,  laid  his  com- 
plaint before  the  Vuzeer,  his  uncle  Kumur-ood-deen 
Khan,  who  was  at  the  same  time  privately  informed, 
that  Shah  Xuwaz  Khan,  in  fear  of  the  consequences 
of  his  act,  had  opened  a  correspondence  with  Ahmed 
Shah  Abdalee.  The  Shah  had  recently  seized  Kabool 
and  Peshawur  in  ejection  of  the  Dehlee  Soobahdar, 
Nasir  Khan,  an  event  that  had  excited  much  alarm 
at  the  capital.  The  Vuzeer  availing  himself  of  his 
relationship  appealed  to  his  nephew's  sense  of  honor,  and 
addressed  to  him  a  strong  remonstrance  on  his  defection 


6  LAHOR    TAKEN    BY    AHMED    SHAH.  A.  D.  1747, 

from  allegiance,  desiring  him  not  to  seek  the  degrada- 
tion of  serving  Ahmed,  the  gusool  or  mace-bearer  of 
Nadir,  but  to  be  faithful  to  the  hereditary  sovereign  of 
his  family  and  race.  The  young  man's  pride  was  touch- 
ed, and  although  doubtful  what  might  be  the  issue  of  the 
complaint  of  his  elder  brother,  he  prepared  himself 
to  oppose  the  advance  of  the  Dooranees,  and  with- 
drew from  further  correspondence  with  Ahmed  Shah. 
Undeterred  by  this  change  of  counsels,  the  Abdalee 
crossed  the  Indus  near  the  fort  of  Attuk,  in  the  year 
1747,  and  sent  his  domestic  priest,  Sabir  Shah,  in 
advance  to  Labor,  hoping  through  his  negotiations  or 
intrigues  to  bind  Shah  Nuwaz  Khan  to  his  first  offers, 
or  at  all  events  to  secure  a  friendly  reception  to  his  army. 
Shah  Nuwaz,  however,  was  now  staunch  in  his  alle- 
giance to  Dehlee,  and  placed  himself  in  the  best  posture 
of  defence  his  scanty  means  would  permit.  He  further 
/  gave  to  his  court  a  pledge  of  fidelity  by  causing  the 
>i,  agent  of  the  Abdalee  to  be  murdered.  Ahmed  Shah 
was  greatly  incensed  at  this  violence  done  to  the  person 
of  his  ambassador  and  confidential  servant,  and  crossing 
the  Ravee,  marched  immediately  to  attack  Shah  Nuwaz 
Khan  in  the  entrenched  position  he  had  taken  up  under 
the  walls  of  Labor.  The  resistance  offered  was  slight; 
the  defences  were  soon  mastered  by  the  Dooranee  war- 
riors, and  Shah  Nuwaz  escaping  fled  to  Dehlee;  the 
city  of  Labor  was  shortly  after  reduced,  and  its  resources 
fell  a  prey  to  the  Abdalee,  who  raised  there  a  heavy 
contribution. 

Ahmed  Shah  when  at  Dehlee  in  the  train  of  Nadir 
Shah,  bad  not  been  an  inattentive  observer  of  the  state 
of  things  at  that  Court.     The  imbecility  of  Mohummud 


A.  D.  1748.         HIS    FURTHER    ADVANCE    OPPOSED.       7 

Shah,  the  overgrown  power,  the  discords  and  intrigues 
of  the  great  Ameers  or  grandees,  and  the  little  obedi- 
ence paid  to  the  royal  authority  at  the  capital  as  well 
as  in  the  interior,  had  not  failed  to  attract  his  attention, 
and  the  confusion  likely  to  follow  the  departure  of  the 
invading  army,  afforded  matter  of  speculation  for  an 
ambitious  man  seeking  where  eventually  to  push  his  own 
fortune.  The  unparalleled  success  which  had  attended 
his  first  efforts  in  Afghanistan,  and  the  advantage  to 
which  he  systematically  turned  his  present  means  in 
laying  the  foundation  of  future  grandeur,  encouraged 
him  to  hope  from  w  hat  he  saw  and  heard  of  the  condition 
of  things  at  Dehlee,  that  the  time  was  favorable  for  an 
attempt  to  erect  for  himself  an  empire  on  the  ruins  of 
that  of  the  house  of  Tvmoor.  Having  mastered  Labor, 
therefore,  he  determined  on  an  immediate  advance  towards 
Dehlee,  and  crossing  the  Beah  and  Sutlej  without  oppo- 
sition, approached  Sirhind. 

The  Vazeer  Kumur-ood-deen  Khan  was  not  defi- 
cient in  energy,  and  made  preparation  to  meet  the  invader. 

Calling  out  the  principal  chiefs  of  Rajpootana  with  their 
respective  quotas,  he  placed  the  king's  eldest  son  Prince 
Ahmed  in  nominal  command,  and  with  this  force  and  the 
troops  at  the  capital  took  up  an  intrenched  position  at 
the  village  of  Munoopoor,  nine  miles  from  Sirhind.  The 
Abdalee  Shah  having  reconnoitered  the  position  deemed 
himself  too  weak  to  attempt  a  storm  of  the  works  :  en- 
camping in  the  neighbourhood  therefore,  he  directed  his 
efforts  against  the  supplies  of  the  Dehlee  army,  and  sent 
detachments  to  cut  oft'  convoys  and  intercept  the  commu- 
nications with  the  capital.  This  led  to  continual  skir- 
mishes and  partial  engagements,    which   amused   both 


5f 


8  RETREAT    OF    AHMED    SHAH.  A.  D.  1748. 

armies  for  a  month  without  producing  any  thing  decisive. 
An  event  however  then  occurred  that  brought  about  an 
immediate  change  in  the  aspect  of  things.  The  Vuzeer 
was  killed  whilst  at  evening   prayers  by  a  random  shot 

.  from  the  Dooranee  artillery,  and  from  that  time  forward 
there  ceased  to  be  any  commander  in  chief  in  the  Dehlee 
camp.     The  Rajpoot  chiefs  who  had  come  upon  his  invi- 

"  tation,  and  were  held  together  by  his  influence  and  repu- 
tation, feeling  confidence  in  no  other  leader,  began  to 
desert  the  royal  standard,  and  retired  to  their  respective 
estates.  The  Abdalee  hearing  of  this  deemed  the  moment 
favorable  to  assume  the  offensive,  and  ordered  an  attack, 
notwithstanding  the  inferiority  of  his  numbers.  A  panic 
fell  on  the  imperial  army  and  disorder  began  to  spread  in 
the  camp.  Meer  Munoo,  however,  son  of  the  deceased 
Vuzeer,  seized  the  critical  moment,  and  bringing  a  body 
of  fresh  troops  to  the  points  assailed,  led  them  himself 
to  the  charge,  and  repulsed  the  Dooranees  with  consi- 
derable slaughter ;  so  much  so  that  Ahmed  Shah  deemed 
it  necessary  to  relinquish  his  designs  for  the  present, 
and  retired  precipitately  across  the  Punjab  in  order  to 
repair  his  losses.  His  retreat  was  unmolested,  and  he 
recrossed  the  Attuk  without  making  any  effort  to  main- 
tain his  footing  at  Labor.  The  Punjab  was  thus  reco- 
vered for  the  Moghul,  and  the  Government  of  Labor  and 
iMooltan  was  conferred  by  the  Dehlee  Court  on  Meer 
Munoo,  with  the  title  of  Mooyyunool-Moolk,  in  re- 
ward andacknowledgmentof  his  service  on  this  important 
occasion. 

The  invasion  of  the  Abdalee,  and  the  occupation  of 
the  forces  on  both  sides  in  the  struggle  for  empire 
on  the  plains  of  Sirhind,  were  favorable  to  the  further 


A.  D.  1748.  AHMED    SHAH    RETURNS.  9 

rise  of  the  Sikhs,  whose  depredations  were  for  the 
interval  unchecked,  and  who  again  showed  themselves 
by  day,  and  ventured  even  to  satisfy  their  religious  pre- 
judices by  stolen  visits  to  the  shrines  of  their  faith  at 
Umritsur.  The  new  Governor  of  Labor,  Meei^  Munoo,  > 
confirmed  Kaon R A  Ml  l  in  the  oflBce  of  Dewan,  and 
found  the  disorders  created  by  these  associations,  and  by 
fanatics  of  the  sect  who  sprung  up  in  numbers,  to  be  one 
of  the  first  objects  requiring  his  attention.  A  small  party 
of  Sikhs  had  the  audacity  to  throw  up  a  mud  work  which 
they  called  Ram-Rounee,  (but  which  having  been  since 
enlarged  is  now  called  Ramgurh)  in  the  district  and  im- 
mediate vicinity  of  Umritsur,  and  Sikh  plunderers 
scoured  the  country  in  all  directions.  Meer  Munoo 
surrounded  and  captured  Ram-Rounee,  and  stationed  de- 
tachments to  preserve  the  peace  of  the  country,  who  had 
orders  to  detain  all  Sikhs,  and  to  shave  their  heads  and 
beards.  By  these  energetic  measures  the  public  confi- 
dence was  restored:  the  Sikhs  were  again  compelled  to 
fly  the  country  or  hide  their  heads,  and  proselytes  to 
their  faith  and  habits  became  more  rare. 

Ahmed  Shah  Abdalee  had  retired  only  to  recruit  his 
strength,  and  was  by  no  means  inclined  to  relinquish  his 
designs  on  Hindoostan,  In  the  following  season  from 
that  of  his  first  invasion,  that  is,  after  the  close  of  the 
rains  of  1748,  he  again  crossed  the  Indus,  and  inter- 
rupted all  Meer  Munoo's  plans  for  establishing  himself 
in  his  government  and  better  ordering  its  administration. 
Being  apprehensive  that  his  force  was  too  weak  to  resist 
the  invader,  he  applied  to  Dehlee  for  reinforcements,  and 
in  order  to  gain  time  sent  a  mission  to  the  Abdalee  camp 
to  offer  terms  of  compromise  and  negociate  for  the  Shah's 

B 


10    ENTERPRIZE  OF  SHAH  NUWAZ  KHA^.     A.  D.  1749. 
retirement.     He  followed   up  this  measure  by   himself 
m  Tg  out  of  Lah6r,  and  pitched  his  camp  at  Soudhura, 
on  the  south  bank  of  the  Chun^b.     This  state  of  prepara- 
Ton   and    the  known   character   of  the   Labor    v.ceroy 
terredthe  Abdalee  for   the   time   from   «-^   ° 
force  his  way  into  Hindostan.     He   was   -tent  Jh    e 
fore  to  accept  a  promise  of  the  revenue   of  the   four 
^Xicts,  Pnr'uroor,  Goojrat,  Se.l-Kot,  -d  ^"^f  ;^^^ 
which  had  formerly  been  assigned  to  NadiR  Shah,  and 
then  retraced  his  steps  toKabool. 

r^l,  success  of  MEER  MUNOO  and  the  credit  resulting 
^^''    .>---<.,.'.-    o-r^ndees  at  Dehlee.  and  instead  ot 
excited  envy  in  ttitr  ^....  .  ^^Kur^nurt,  an  intrigue  there 
meeting  further  reward  from  the  cox  .^^^^^^^  ^^ich  was 
deprived  him  of  the  government  of  M.        '  ^^^.g^oy   in 
conferred   on  Shah  Nuwaz  Khan.     1-    ^^^  ^^^j^^-^. 
possession,    however,    was   not   of  a  temper  u  ^^   ^^^ 
patiently   to    such   supercession,    and   he   detach.^^^^^^ 
minister  KaonrA  Mul  to  oppose   the    new  govt^^^^, 
^  Shah  Nuwaz  Khan  advanced  to  the  frontier  of  %  ^^.^ 
tan,  with  a  force  collected  for  the  purpose  of  securino^^^_ 
investiture,  but  finding  himself  overmatched  could  ;^^^ 
ceed  no   farther.     For  about  six  months  he  maintai»^^_ 
I  j  himself  on  the  frontier  without  any  thing  decisive  occ;^^ 
'^  ring,    but   at  the  end  of  that  time   he  was   induced    ^^ 
hazard  a  battle  with  theDewan,  in  which  he  was  defeate^ 
and  slain.    Meer  Munoo  created  Kaonra  Mul  Ra,^ 
,    for  this  service,  and  invested  him  with  the  subordinat 
f  f      charge  of  Mooltan  and  the  adjoining  districts. 

As  might  be  expected,  Meer  Munoo  failed  to  remit 
to  Kabool  the  revenues  of  the  four  districts  stipulated,  and 
the  Abdalee  Ahmed  Shah  had  thus  a  pretext  for  again 


e 


A.  D.  1751.        AHMED   SHAH'S   THIRD    INVASION.         11 

crossing  the  Indus,  which  he  did  in  the  season  1751-2, 
and  advanced  to  the  right  bank  of  the  Chunab.  Sookh 
Jeewuv,  a  Hindoo,  was  sent  thence  to  Labor  to  demand 
the  fulfilmentof  the  engagement.  Meer  Munoo  replied, 
that  the  promise  had  been  made  in  the  exigency  of  the 
moment,  and  he  did  not  look  upon  himself  as  bound  to 
abide  by  the  strict  letter,  but  free  to  act  according  to  cir- 
cumstances. He  offered,  however,  to  pay  now  what  might 
be  due,  upon  the  condition  of  the  Dooranee  army  being 
immediately  withdrawn.  Not  expecting  this  offer  to  be 
jccepted,  Meer  Munoo  called  in  Adeena  Beg  Khan  ' 
and  Raja  Kaonra  Mul  with  their  respective  forces,  to 
Labor,  where  an  intrenched  camp  was  prepared  at  Shah- 
durra  in  the  environs.  He  himself  advanced  to  meet  the 
Abdalee,  and  retired  before  him  as  he  moved  eastward  un- 
til both  chiefs  approached  Labor,  when  the  viceroy  entered 
his  entrenched  position  under  the  walls  of  the  city.  For 
four  months  he  maintained  himself  in  this  post,  and  was 
proof  against  every  endeavour  of  the  Shah  to  entice  him 
out  of  his  entrenchment.  The  blockade  maintained  was 
however  strict,  and  supplies  then  began  wholly  to  fail. 
The  only  food  or  forage  for  the  horses  and  ammunition 
cattle  consisted  of  chopped  straw  from  the  roofs  of  huts 
and  bazars,  and  grain  and  flour  were  selling  at  an  exor- 
bitant price.  A  council  of  war  was  called  in  this  emer- 
gency, when  Adeena  Beg  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  as 
no  succour  or  reinforcement  could  be  expected  from 
Dehlee,  an  action  ought  to  be  risked  before  their  pro- 
visions wholly  failed,  as  might  be  expected  in  a  few  days, 
if  the  blockade  continued.  Raja  Kaonra  Mul  was  - 
opposed  to  this  advice,  he  observed  that  the  Viceroy's  i  i 
troops  were  mostly  raw  levies,  who  were  no  match  in  the  ' 
field  for    the    hardy   veterans   of  the    Shah.     That  the 

B  2 


12  MEER    MUNOO    DEFEATED.  A.  D.  1752. 

country  for  a  wide  space  round  had  been  foraged  and 
wasted,  and  the  distress  for  provisions  was  not  less  in 
the  Dooranee  camp  than  in  their  own — that  in  twenty 
days  more  the  hot  weather  would  set  in,  when  the 
northern  troops  of  the  Shah  would  find  the  sun  and  wind 
intolerable  in  the  plains,  and  hence  would  be  compelled  , 
to  retreat  or  to  attack  them  in  their  lines  to  disadvantage.^^ 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  advice  of  the  Hindoo  was 
the  preferable  and  more  prudent  course,  but  the  viceroy 
was  young,  and  not  free  from  the  impatience  and  impe- 
^'tuosity  of  youth,  and  the  opinion  of  Adeena  Beg  fell 
'^  more  iu  accordance  with  his  own  disposition.  •  Early  in 
the  morning  therefore  of  the  12th  April  1752,  his  army 
moved  from  its  lines  and  took  up  ground  on  an  elevated 
spot  marked  by  an  old  brick-kiln.  The  Shah  prepared 
immediately  for  action.  His  artillery  was  ordered  to 
advance,  and  a  cannonade  was  kept  up  between  the  two 
armies  until  the  afternoon,  when  the  Shah  observing 
some  confusion  ordered  a  charge  by  a  select  body  of 
cavalry,  which  was  so  far  successful  as  to  induce  Mekr 
MuNOO  to  retire  again  within  his  entrenchments.  In  the 
•  retreat  Raja  Kaonra  Mul's  elephant  chanced  to  tread 
^'  -  I  on  an  old  grave,  the  earth  of  which  sinking  strained  and 
nearly  disabled  the  animal.  Before  the  Mahout  could 
extricate  him,  the  Raja  was  overtaken  and  slain  by  a 
Dooranee  horseman,  and  his  loss,  when  it  came  to  be 
known  in  the  entrenched  camp,  occasioned  a  panic  and 
desertion  so  general,  that  the  viceroy  was  compelled,  by 
diminished  numbers,  to  retire  within  the  city  wall.  In  this 
exigency  Aueena  Beg  Khan  abrnjjlly  withdrew  with 
his  troops,  and  Meer  Munoo,  finding  the  fortifications  of 
the  city  out  of  repair  and  untenable,  was  induced  to  yield 
to  circumstances,  and  tendered  his  submission  to  the  Shah, 


A.  D.  1752.  L.AHOR    AND    KASHMEER    TAKEN.  13 

The  Abdalee  was  well  pleased  so  to  close  the  campaign  : 
he  sent  his  principal  officer,  JuhanKhan,  into  the  city, 
to  conduct  the  viceroy  to  his  presence,  and  treated  him 
with  all  courtesy  and  respect,  declaring  his  admiration  of 
the  determined  spirit,  conduct  and  deportment  displayed 
by  him  on  all  occasions.  He  exacted  a  large  sum  of 
money  from  him  for  the  expences  of  the  campaign,  and 
then  reinstated  him  as  viceroy  on  his  own  part  both  of 
L<ah6r  and  Mooltau. 

Before  retiring  to  his  own  dominions,  Ahmed  Shah 
determined  on  the  occupation  of  Kashmeer,  and  a  stronf 
detachment  was  sent  thither  under  command  of  Ubdool- 
LA  Khan,  who  succeeded  in  penetrating  to  the  valley, 
and  establishing  the  Shah's  authority  there  without  opposi- 
tion. The  Hindoo,  Sookh-Jeewl  N,  a  Khutree  of  Ka- 
bool,  was  selected  for  the  government,  and  the  rainy 
season  being  now  near,  the  Shah  re-crossed  the  Indus, 
and  carried  back  his  army  to  Kabool. 

3Ieer  Munoo  did  not  long  survive  these  events:  he 
was  killed  by  a  fall  from  his  horse,  whereupon  his  widow, 
a  woman  of  spirit  and  address,  proclaimed  her  infant  son 
as  successor  in  the  viceroyalty,  and  succeeded  in  estab- 
lishing an  administration  in  his  name.  Before  ten 
months  had  expired,  however,  this  hope  was  likewise 
cut  off,  the  infant  dying  of  the  small  pox.  The  Begum 
then  proclaimed  her  own  name,  and  dispatched  agents  to 
Delilee  and  to  Kabool  to  procure  her  acknowledgment. 
To  the  Vuzeer  at  Dehlee  her  daughter  was  offered  in 
marriage,  and  he  came  to  the  banks  of  the  Sutlej  to  cele- 
brate the  nuptials.  By  these  acts  the  Begum  secured 
herself  against  present  supercession,  and  her  authority 


14     MEER  MUNOO'S  WIDOW  SUCCEEDS  HIM.     A.  D.  1753-54. 

was  displayed  in  an  act  of  cruelty,  the  motives  of  which 
have  left  a  taint  of  scandal  on  her  reputation.  Upon  the 
accusation  of  having  designs  upon  the  viceroyalty,  Meer 
Bhbkaree  Khan,  an  influential  officer  of  the  late  vice- 
roy, was  seized  by  her  order,  and  carried  into  the  interior 
apartments,  where  he  was  so  severely  beaten  with  shoes 
and  sticks  as  to  expire  under  the  punishment.  The 
Begum's  personal  concern  in  such  an  act  gave  credit  to 
the  imputation,  very  generally  believed  at  the  time,  that 
it  was  committed  in  revenge  for  some  personal  disap- 
pointment of  a  kind  never  forgiven  by  a  woman. 

A  female  viceroy  was  not  likely  to  display  much  acti- 
vity in  suppressing  associations  like  those  of  the  Sikhs, 
which  meddled  not  with  her  ease  and  pleasures  at  the 
seat  of  government.  Their  number  and  audacity  accord- 
ingly increased  rapidly,  and  bands  of  these  bearded  depre- 
dators were  continually  to  be  seen,  traversing  the  various 
districts  of  the  Punjab,  sweeping  off  the  flocks  and  herds, 
and  laying  waste  the  cultivation,  unless  redeemed  by  a 
pronjpt  contribution.  Disorder,  anarchy,  and  confusion 
gained  head  in  the  province,  as  in  all  other  parts  of  Hin- 
doostan. 

It  was  not  until  after  an  interval  of  four  years,  that 
is,  in  the  season  1755-6,  that  Ahmed  Shah  Abdalee 
appeared  again  in  the  field.  In  all  his  previous  incursions 
he  had  been  met  by  the  energy  of  local  governors,  and  the 
Dehlee  court  had  made  efforts,  or  at  least  had  displayed 
some  interest  and  anxiety  in  checking  his  advance. 
On  the  present  occasion,  such  was  the  condition  of  wreck 
and  revolution  to  which  the  empire  was  reduced,  that  no 
one   ofl'ered   any   where  to   impede   his  march,   and  he 


A.  D.  1755.      AHMED  SHAH  MARCHES  TO  DEHLEB.       15 

traversed  the  Punjab  and  entered  even  the  imperial  city 
without  experiencing  the  smallest  opposition.  His 
detachments  plundered  Muthra  and  threatened  the  city 
of  Agra,  and  the  Shah  having  formed  a  matrimonial  con- 
nexion with  the  family  of  Tymoor,  laid  the  capital  under 
heavy  contribution,  and  confiscated  to  his  own  ase  the 
property  of  the  grandees  and  principal  inhabitants.  His 
cupidity  being  thus  satisfied,  he  retired,  leaving  the 
throne  of  the  Moghul  in  the  same  weak  hands,  and 
helpless  condition  in  which  he  found  it.  But  he  seized 
on  the  Punjab  and  Sirhind,  and  gave  the  government  of 
both  provinces  to  his  son  TvMOOR,  with  whom  he  left 
his  confidential  officer  JuHAN"  Khan  and  a  detachment 
of  troops  of  no  great  strength,  and  then  returned  to 
Kabool. 

Since  the  death  of  Meek  Munoo,  Adeena  Beg 
Khan  had  assumed  entire  independence  in  his  subordi- 
nate government  in  the  Jalundhur  Dooab,  and  had  appro- 
priated the  revenues  to  his  personal  use  and  in  providing 
the  means  of  maintaining  himself.  One  of  the  first  acts 
of  the  young  Prince  Tymoor  was  to  summon  this  chief 
to  Labor  as  a  dependant  of  his  government.  The  wary 
veteran  however  evaded  prompt  compliance,  alleging  the 
necessity  of  his  presence  in  his  districts  to  check  the 
increasing  audacity  of  the  Sikhs  who  were  encamped  in 
his  vicinity,  and,  were  he  to  desert  his  post,  might  secure 
a  permanent  hold  in  the  country.  The  Afghan  Prince 
not  satisfied  with  this  excuse,  sent  a  detachment  of  his 
troops  to  seize  Adeena  Beg,  whereupon  the  latter 
strengthened  himself  by  association  with  the  Sikhs,  of 
whom  he  took  a  considerable  body  into  pay,  and  with 
them    retired    before   the   Afghans    into    the   northern 


16     ADEEN  A  BEG  SUCCOURED  BY  HOLKUR.      A.  D.  1756-57. 

hills.  Being  now  fully  committed  with  the  Dooranees, 
his  mind,  fertile  in  resources,  sought  the  means  of  suc- 
cour and  relief  in  a  quarter,  which  would  not  readily 
have  occurred  to  another.  He  applied  to  the  Muhrattas, 
whose  reputation  for  enterprize  and  daring  adventure 
was  then  high,  and  whose  chiefs  were  at  the  time  encamp- 
ed near  Dehlee.  He  stipulated  for  the  payment  of  a 
daily  sum  for  their  aid,  and  pointed  out  the  rich  harvest 
of  spoil  that  was  within  their  reach.  The  expedition  was 
entered  upon  with  alacrity,  and  MuLHAR  Rao  Holkur, 
with  some  other  chiefs  of  that  nation,  marched  immediate- 
ly for  the  Punjab,  where  they  were  joined  on  passing  the 
Sullej  by  Adeena  Beg,  with  a  swarm  of  Sikh  plunderers, 
and  the  whole  advanced  rapidly  on  Lahor.  The  Prince 
Tymoor  and  Juiian  Khan  were  unable  to  stem  this 
torrent  of  invasion,  and  retired  precipitately  to  the  Indus. 
Their  retreat  was  harassed  by  frequent  attacks,  and  most 
of  their  baggage  taken.  The  Muhrattas  then  overran  the 
whole  country,  and  their  main  body  returned  to  Dehlee, 
but  a  detachment  of  this  nation  was  left  in  the  occupation 
of  Lahor. 

Adeena  J^eg  Khan  did  not  long  survive  this  event. 
He  died  in  1758,  having  latterly,  and  indeed  for  a  long 
time,  played  a  very  conspicuous  part  in  tlie  diplomacy  of 
the  Punjab  and  Ilindoosfan.  His  address,  experience, 
and  extensive  knowledge  recommended  him  early  to  the 
notice  of  the  viceroys,  who  in  succession  ruled  Lahor: 
under  them  he  rose  through  the  gradations  of  office, 
until  his  services  were  at  last  recompensed  by  the  dele- 
gated administration  of  a  troublesome  but  very  fertile 
region.  During  a  season  of  unusual  disorder  and  diQi- 
culty,  he  maintained  his  station,  and  kept   his  territory 


A.  D,  1758.  HIS    DEATH    AND    CHARACTER.  17 

prosperous  and  profitable:  while  in  the  midst  of  strug- 
gles for  dominion  between  contending  nations,  and  in  the 
conflict  of  parties,  and  the  intrigaes  of  chiefs,  all  stronger 
than  himself,  he  contrived  to  acquire  something  at  every 
change,  and  availed  himself  of  every  opportunity  to  ag- 
grandize and  strengthen  his  power,  with  adepth  of  cunning, 
and  a  readiness  which  gained  for  him  a  high  reputation 
for  wisdom.  He  was  a  master  of  the  arts  and  shifts  of 
Indian  diplomacy.  The  Sikhs  he  amused,  and  secured 
immunity  from  their  depredations,  by  occasionally  paying 
for  their  services,  and  he  would  even  buy  their  forbear- 
ance when  too  weak  to  coerce  them.  When  his  ruin  was 
determined  upon  by  the  Abdalee  Afghans,  he  bribed 
the  Muhrattas  to  enter  the  field  against  them,  and  by  this 
means  eflected  the  expulsion  of  the  prince,  who  drove 
bim  to  such  extremity,  together  with  his  minister,  whom 
he  suspected  as  the  instigator  of  the  mischief.  How  he 
would  have  played  his  part  in  the  great  struggle  impend- 
ing between  the  Muhrattas  and  Abdalee  Afghans  can 
only  be  surmised,  death  having  saved  him  from  the 
vengeance  or  politic  mercy  of  the  Shah.  He  left  no  issue 
or  successor  to  perpetuate  his  name  and  authority,  but  his 
memory  lives  in  the  Punjab,  and  he  is  respected  even  by 
the  Sikhs  as  the  last  of  the  Moghul  rulers  in  their  country. 

The  Muhrattas  were  now  the  ruling  power  of  Hindoo- 
stan  ;  their  forces  traversed  the  country,  from  the 
Dukhun  to  the  Indus,  and  Himalaya,  and  no  one  ven- 
tured to  take  the  field  against  them.  The  Moosulman 
Soobahdars,  who  had  asserted  independence,  in  the  deca- 
dence of  the  Moghul  empire,  trembled  for  their  prin- 
cipalities, and  seemed  to  have  no  alternative  but  sub- 
mission,    and   the    payment  of    Chout   to   this   upstart 

c 


18       RE-APPEARANCE    OF   AHMED    SHAH.       A.  D.  1759. 

Hindoo  sovereignty,  or  absolute  extinction.  In  this 
state  of  things  the  re-appearance  of  the  Abdalee, 
Ahmed  Shah,  east  of  the  Indus,  was  hailed  by  a  large 
party  in  llindoostan  as  a  source  of  salvation,  and 
welcome  succour.  Shooja-ood-Doula,  in  Oudb,  the 
celebrated  Nujeeb-ood-Doula,  who  governed  Dehlee 
and  the  Northern  Dooab,  the  Rohilla  Chiefs,  and  all 
the  Mohummedan  families  settled  in  the  Dooab,  or 
west  of  the  Jumna,  prepared  to  range  themselves 
under  the  standard  of  the  Shah,  and  to  fight  the  great 
battle  for  their  faith  and  independence  under  his  leading. 
The  Muhratta  detachment  retired  before  the  Shah  from 
Labor  to  Dehlee,  pillaging  and  laying  waste  the  country 
as  they  went.  The  fertile  plains  of  Sirhind  conse- 
quently exhibited  an  appearance  of  desolation,  that 
induced  the  Abdalee,  as  well  for  the  convenience  of 
obtaining  supplies,  as  to  unite  with  the  Mohummedan 
chiefs  of  Hindoostan,  to  cross  the  Jumna  at  Boorea  into 
the  Dooab.  Here  he  fell  in  with  and  overpowered  a 
Mahratta  detachment  under  Duttajee  Sindheea  who 
was  slain,  and  MuLHAR  Rao  HoLKUR  was  overtaken 
soon  after  by  two  Afghan  generals,  who  routed  his  troops, 
and  had  nearly  taken  the  chief  himself  by  surprise. 
When  the  rainy  season  approached,  the  Abdalee  can- 
toned his  army  in  the  Dooab  between  Sekundra  and 
Anoopshuhur,  the  country  round  Dehlee,  and  to  the  west 
of  the  Jumna,  having  been  completely  ravaged  and  laid 
waste  by  the  Muhrattas. 

The  court  of  Poona  on  being  apprised  of  the  arrival 
of  the  Shah,  and  of  thedefeat  of  DuttajeeSindheea 
and  Mulhar  Rao  Hulkur,  prepared  for  a  great 
effort  to  maintain  their  supremacy  in   Hindoostan.     The 


A.  D.  1769.  OPPOSED    BY    THE    MUHRATTAS.  19 

retainers  of  the  state  were  called  out,  and  an  immense 
army  advanced  towards  Dehlee,  under  the  command  of 
SUDASHEEO  Rao  Bhao,  commonly  called  the  Bh^o, 
with  whom  went  Wiswas  Rao,  the  Peshwa's  eldest 
son,  and  the  heads  of  all  the  principal  Muhratta  families. 
On  the  march  the  chiefs  in  advance  fell  in  and 
swelled  the  train,  and  the  whole  reached  Dehlee,  pillag- 
ing without  remorse  as  they  went,  and  eucountering  no 
where  any  opposition. 

The  Jnrana   which    divided  the  two  armies    was  still 
nnfordable,  and  the  Bhao,  after  a  short  halt  at  Dehlee' 
moved  northward  to  Kurnal,  where  his  army  was  occupi- 
ed   for   a   few   days   in   the   siege   of  Koonjpoora,   the 
possession  of  a  Puthan  family,  on  the  west  bank  of  the 
Jumna.     The  place  was  taken  by  storm  after  an  obsti- 
nate resistance    by  the    head    of  the   family,    Xuabl'T 
Khan,  who  was  slain  in  the  last  assault.     The  Mahratta 
army  then  moved    back  on  Paneeput,  and  allowed  the 
Shah  to  ford  the  Jumna  with  all  his  cavalry,  on  the  23d 
of  October.     The  Bhao  judged  himself  to  be  unequal 
to  cope  with  the  Shah  in  the  open  field  ;  he  accordingly 
threw  up  intrenchments  and  took  up  a  position  about  the 
town  of  Paneeput,  and  there  waited  the  attack    of  the 
enemy.     The  Abdalee  strengthened  by  the  junction  of 
the  confederate  forces  of  Oudh,  Rohilkhund,   and  of  all 
the  Mohummedan  Chiefs  of  upper  Hindoostan,  surround- 
ed the  Mabrattas,  and  aimed  to  cut  off  the  Bhao's  sup- 
plies.    For   three  months,  the  two  armies  lay  close  to 
each   other,  occupied  in  skirmishes  and   partial  actions, 
and  the  Shah  maintained  his  blockade.     At  the  end  of 
this  time,  want  began  to  be  felt  in  the  Bhao's  lines,  and 
the  distress  from  this  cause  increased  to  such  a  degree 

c  2 


20  BATTLE   OF    PANEEPUT.  A.  D.  1761. 

as  to  compel  the  Bhao  to  risk  an  action.  On  the  7th  of 
January  1761,  he  led  his  army  out  of  their  intrenched 
position  at  day  break,  and  prepared  for  the  final  struggle. 
The  Muhrattas  were  entirely  defeated,  and  both  WiswAS 
Rao  and  the  Bhdo  were  slain  in  the  action,  with  many 
other  principal  Muhratta  chiefs.  There  have  been  few 
battles  attended  with  greater  carnage  than  history  as- 
signs to  this.  The  lowest  computation  of  the  loss  sus- 
tained by  the  Muhrattas,  fixes  the  number  engaged  at 
200,000,  of  whom  more  than  half  were  slain  in  the  action 
or  pursuit :  and,  considering  how  far  from  their  own 
country  they  fought,  and  that  the  intermediate  tract  was 
mostly  hostile,  our  wonder  at  the  loss  will  be  lessened. 
But  the  moral  effect  on  the  Muhratta  nation  was  greater 
even  than  the  actual  loss.  Their  entire  force  had  been 
put  forth  for  the  struggle,  and  defeat  was  for  the  moment 
felt  as  the  annihilation  of  their  ambitious  hopes,  and  the 
destruction  of  their  power. 

The  Abdalee  remained  for  a  few  days  after  this  im- 
portant victory  in  the  city  of  Dehlee  regulating  the  affairs 
of  Hindoostan.  He  then  returned  through  the  Punjab 
to  Kabool,  appointing  Khaja  Obyd  and  Zyn  Khan 
to  be  his  governors  in  Lah6r  and  Sirhind,  which  he  de- 
signed permanently  to  annex  to  his  own  dominions. 


CHAPTER    SECOND* 


A.  D.  1761  to  1771. 


Operations  of  the  Afghans  in  the  Punjab.  The  condition 
of  the  Sikh  associations,  and  the  rise  and  exploits  of 
the  principal  Chiefs  and  Misids.  The  Punjab  aban- 
doned to  them  by  the  Afghans.  Their  proceedings  for 
the  occupation  of  the  territory. 

Ahmed  Shah  made  no  stay  in  the  Punjab,  and  troubled 
himself  little  with  the  disorders  that  prevailed  in  its  inter- 
nal administration.  The  governor  he  left  at  Labor  was 
little  better  than  the  military  commandant  of  an  out-post, 
collecting  revenues  and  levying  contributions  as  he  could, 
for  the  support  of  his  detachment,  and  in  aid  of  the  gene- 
ral resources  of  the  Shah.  The  imperfect  hold  thus 
retained  of  this  territory,  and  the  weakness  of  the  detach- 
ment left  with  the  Afghan  governor,  Khaja  Obyd,  were 
highly  favorable  to  the  Sikhs,  who  throve  upon  the  dis- 
order which  prevailed ;  and,  in  the  neglect  with  which 
they  were  treated,  secured  strong  holds  and  fastnesses  in 
different  parts  of  the  country,  and  added  greatly  to  their 

•  In  this  Chapter  several  facts  have  been  added  to  Captain  Mcrray's 
Narrative,  on  the  authority  of  the  Report  of  Captain  Wade,  whose  infor- 
mation as  to  the  origin  of  the  family  of  Rixjeet  Singh,  will  have  been 
derived  from  the  most  authentic  sources. 


22  RUNJEET   SINGH'S   ANCESTORS.  A.  D.  1750. 

power  and  resources.  Amongst  others,  the  ancestors  of 
RuNJEET  Singh,  the  present  ruler  of  the  Punjab,  ap- 
peared early  in  the  field  as  leaders  of  enterprize,  and 
acquired  a  reputation  that  was  daily  on  the  increase.  The 
family  boasts  of  no  antiquity,  the  first  of  whom  any  tradi- 
tionary recollection  is  preserved  was  a  petty  Zumeendar, 
named  Desoo,  a  Jath,  of  the  Sansee  tribe,  who  resided  in 
a  village  of  the  district  of  Manjha,  called  Sookur-chuk. 
His  patrimony  was  confined  to  three  ploughs  and  a  well, 
and  little  is  known  of  him,  except  that  he  was  the  father 
of  NoDH  Singh,  whose  son  Churut  Singh,  founded 
the  fortunes  of  the  family,  by  establishing  a  Surdaree 
or  chieftainship,  which  his  descendants,  MuHA  Singh 
and  Runjeet,  have  improved  into  the  sovereignty  over 
a  wide  and  fertile  territory. 

NoDH  Singh  was  the  first  of  the  family  who  embraced 
the  Sikh  religion  :  he  sought  in  marriage  the  daughter  of 
GooLAB  Singh,  a  Zumeendar  of  Mejithia,  who  was 
already  initiated  in  the  rites  of  that  faith,  and  the  Pakul 
was  proposed  as  the  condition  of  the  nuptials.  Nodii 
Singh  yielded;  and,  after  his  marriage,  gave  up  his 
father's  plough,  and  purchasing,  or  otherwise  procuring  a 
horse,  joined  the  association  headed  by  Kapoor  Singh, 
of  Goojrat,  which  bore  the  title  of  FyzooUapoorea. 

NoDH  Singh  is  stated  to  have  died  in  1750;  when 
Churut  Singh,  following  his  father's  courses,  but  dis- 
daining to  serve  in  a  subordinate  capacity,  associated  with 
himself  his  brothers-in-law DuL  Singh  and  JoniiSiNGH, 
and  with  tlieir  help,  raised  some  followers,  whom  he  main- 
tained and  kept  together  by  successful  predatory  enter- 
prizes.     His  wife  was  of  Ciujuraolee,  a  village  lying  not 


A.  D.  1762.      THE    SIKHS   MAKE   HEAD  AGAINST   THE   ATGHAXS.       23 

far  north  of  Labor,  and  through  the  inflaence  of  her 
family,  he  obtained  leave  to  erect  in  its  vicinity  a  small 
mad  fort  to  serve  as  a  place  of  safe  custody  for  his  plan- 
der,  and  of  retreat  for  his  family  and  followers.  The  post 
was  convenient,  from  its  vicinity  to  Labor,  as  a  rallying 
point  for  other  Sikh  associations ;  and  in  17G2,  it  attracted 
the  attention  of  Khaj  a  Obyd,  who  marched  with  a  force 
to  raise  it  and  eject  Churut  Singh  from  the  neighbour- 
hood. The  Sikhs,  however,  attached  importance  to  the 
post,  and  a  large  body  tendered  their  aid  for  its  defence. 
When  the  governor  approached  Gajaraolee,  they  threw 
a  select  body  into  the  gurhee,  and  hovering  about,  watch- 
ed his  camp.  Khaja  Obyd  had  entertained  for  the 
enterprize  a  number  of  Sikh  troops,  who  opened  a  clan- 
destine correspondence  with  their  brethren,  and  ultimately 
deserted  in  a  body  to  the  enemy.  The  governor's  other 
troops  immediately  took  panic  and  dispersed,  and  Khaja 
Obyd  himself  had  barely  time  to  mount  a  fleet  horse  and 
escape,  when  the  Sikhs  broke  into  his  camp  and  plunder- 
ed all  bis  baggage. 

After  this  defeat,  the  Afghan  governor  dared  scarcely 
to  show  himself  beyond  the  walls  of  Labor;  and  the  Sikh 
Dul,  or  assembly  of  chiefs  and  followers,  was  publicly 
held  at  Umritsur,  where  the  bathings  and  other  ceremo- 
nies of  the  Dewalee  being  performed,  it  was  resolved  to 
invest  Jundeeala,  a  place  held  byXERUNJUNEEGooROO, 
a  Hindoo,  who  had  made  submission  and  taken  service 
with  Ahmed  Shah,  and  hence  had  incurred  the  ven- 
geance of  the  votaries  of  GooRoo  Govind. 

The  report  of  these  events   roused  the  attention   of 
Vhmed  Shah,  who,  in  November  1762,  again  appeared 


24  AHMED   SHAH    RETURNS.  A.  D.  1763. 

on  the  Indus.  From  thence  he  made,  with  a  select 
detachment,  one  of  those  long  and  rapid  marches,  for 
which  he  was  celebrated,  in  the  hope  of  surprising"  the 
Sikhs,  who  had  invested,  and  were  still  employed  in 
the  siege  of  Jundeeala.  They  obtained,  however,  a 
few  hour's  notice  of  his  approach,  and  breaking  up  their 
camp,  dispersed  in  different  directions,  most  of  them 
flying  beyond  the  Sutlej.  The  Shah  rejoined  his  main 
body  at  Labor,  and  ordered  his  governor  of  Sirhind  to 
watch  the  Sikhs,  and  call  out  the  several  Moosulman 
Sirdars  and  Jageerdars,  with  their  contingents,  to  operate 
against  them.  The  Shah  was  informed  by  express  soon 
after  this,  that  the  main  body  of  the  Sikhs  was  at  Kos 
Ruheera,  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Sutlej,  (whose  course 
from  Feerozpoor  is  from  east  to  west,)  and  that  Zyn 
Khan,  with  the  Baroach  and  Muler  Kotila  Moosulmans, 
was  watching  their  movements.  The  Shah  immediately 
prepared  a  strong  detachment  of  cavalry  provisioned  for 
three  days  ;  and,  leaving  Labor  as  secretly  as  possible, 
led  them  himself  against  the  enemy.  On  the  evening  of 
the  second  day  he  crossed  the  Sutlej,  and  made  a  halt 
of  a  few  hours  only  at  Loodeeana.  By  sunrise  on  the 
following  morning  he  joined  Zyn  Khan,  and  found  him 
already  engaged  with  the  Sikhs,  for  these  latter  trusting 
to  their  great  numerical  superiority  had  thought  to  over- 
power the  Sirhind  governor,  and  attacked  him  in  his 
camp.  The  appearance  of  the  high  sheep-skin  caps  of 
the  Shah's  body-guard  and  northern  troops,  gave  an 
immediate  turn  to  the  battle,  and  the  Sikhs  were  broken 
and  fled.  The  pursuit  was  continued  west  as  far  as 
Hureeana-Burnulla,  and  the  slaughter  was  great.  It  has 
been  estimated  at  from  25  to  30,000  men,  but  Captain 
Murray  states  he  was  assured  by  an  old  Moosulman  of 


-i.D.  1762.  EXCESSES    AGAINST   THE   SIKHS.  25 

Malei*  Kotila,  who  was  ia  the  action,  that  the  entire 
killed  and  wounded  of  the  Sikhs  in  this  battle  did  not 
exceed  12,000.  The  want  of  muster-rolls  and  the  irregular 
formation  of  Indian  armies,  which  are  always  mere  asso- 
ciations of  chiefs,  all  representing  their  force  larger  than 
the  reality,  must  necessarily  make  it  difficult,  if  not  impos- 
sible, ever  to  ascertain  the  real  loss  sustained  in  action. 
This  disaster  is  however  characterised  in  Sikh  tradition, 
as  the  Ghuloo-GIiara  or  bloody  carnage.  Ala  Singh, 
of  Puteeala,  chief  of  tlie  Phool  family,  was  made  prisoner 
at  Buruala,'  and  carried  by  the  Shah  to  Labor.  There, 
at  the  intercession  of  Shah  Wl  lee  Khan  the  minister, 
he  was  released  upon  an  engagement  to  pay  tribute, 
and  his  manly  conduct  and  demeanour  having  secured 
him  the  Shah's  favor,  he  was  honored  with  the  title  of 
Raja,  and  dismissed  with  a  rich  dress  of  state. 

The  Shah  in  irritation  against  the  sect  for  the  trouble 
they  had  given  him,  not  less  than  from  bigotted  zeal  against 
all  idolaters  and  infidels,  signalized  his  march  through 
Umritsur,  by  the  demolition  of  the  Sikh  temple  of  Hur- 
mundur  and  of  the  sacred  reservoir.  The  first  was  blown 
op  with  gun-powder,  and  the  reservoir,  besides  being  de- 
faced and  filled  up  as  far  as  materials  and  time  permit- 
ted, was  polluted  with  the  blood  and  entrails  of  cows 
and  bullocks,  a  sacrilege  even  greater  in  the  eyes  of  the 
schismatic  disciple  of  GooRoo  GovixVD  than  of  the 
orthodox  Brahminical  Hindoo. 

The  Shahs  attention  was  now  turned  towards  Kash- 
meer,  where  his  Governor  Sookh  Jeewun  had  fur 
nine  years  conducted  the  administration  without  remit- 
ting any  portion  of  the  revenues  to  the  Royal  treasury, 

D 


26  THE   SIKHS   TAKE   SIRHIND  A.  D.  1763. 

The  co-operation  of  Runjeet  Deo,  Raja  of  Jumraoo, 
having  been  secured  with  some  difficulty,  a  strong  de- 
tachment was  sent  from  Labor  under  command  of  NooR- 
OOD-DEEN,  and  the  Raja  conducted  it  across  the  Peer 
Punjal  mountains  into  the  valley,  which  submitted  after 
a  slight  resistance.  Sookh  Jeewun  being  made  pri- 
soner, was  punished  with  the  loss  of  his  eyes.  Ahmed 
Shah  having  made  these  arrangements  to  secure  his 
territory  east  of  the  Indus,  returned  to  Kabool  at  the 
end  of  the  year  1762.  He  left  Kabulee  Mul,  a 
Hindoo,  as  his  Governor  of  Labor. 

No  sooner  had  the  Abdalee  departed,  than  the  Sikhs 
re-appeared  in  the  field.  A  Goormutta,  or  council  of  the 
sect,  was  held  publicly  at  Umritsur,  and  a  large  body  of 
them  marched  thence  to  Kusoor,  (or  Kasoor,)  which  was 
taken  and  sacked,  and  yielded  a  considerable  booty. 
Elate  with  this  success  they  collected  a  larger  force,  and 
determined  on  the  attack  of  Sirhind.  They  appeared 
before  the  place  with  40,000  men,  who  encamped  in  two 
divisions,  to  the  east  and  west  of  the  town.  In  the 
month  of  December  1763,  the  Governor  and  Zyn  Khan 
moved  out  to  risk  an  action  with  the  Sikhs.  The  forces 
joined  battle  at  Peer  Zyn  Munayra,  a  village  about  seven 
miles  east  of  Sirhind,  when  fortune  favored  the  Sikhs, 
and  the  Moosulman  leaders  were  slain.  The  town  of 
Sirhind  was  then  carried,  and  most  of  the  buildings 
razed  to  the  ground,  the  Sikh  animosity  against  the 
place  being  excited  by  the  recollection,  that  the  wife  and 
infant  son  of  their  saint  GooROO  Govind  had  there 
been  inhumanly  put  to  death  by  Vuzeer  Khan,  the 
governor  for  Aurungzeeb.  Not  a  house  was  left  standing, 
and  it  is  even  to  this  day  deemed  a  meritorious  act  by  a 


A.  D.  1764.  AND    LABOR.  27 

Sikb,  to  pull  down  three  bricks  from  any  standing  wall  of 
Sirhind,  and  convey  them  to  the  Satlej  or  Jumna  to  be 
cast  there  into  the  river. 

The  audacity  of  this  enterprize  recalled  Ahmed  Shah 
to  Labor,  he  re-appeared  there  in  January  17G4,  being 
his  seventh  invasion  of  Hindoostan.  His  arrival  was  the 
signal  for  the  Sikhs  to  disperse  and  seek  refuge  in  the 
deserts  west  and  south  of  Puteeala  and  Nabah.  Raja 
Ala  Singh,  of  the  former  place,  had  obtained  the  ruins 
of  Sirhind  from  the  Joomla  chief,  Bhaee  Boodha 
Singh,  to  whom  the  town  had  been  assigned  by  unani- 
mous vote  of  the  chiefs  who  made  the  capture,  the  Raja 
giving  him  a  few  productive  villages  in  exchange.  By 
the  influence  of  the  minister.  Shah  Wi  lee  Khan,  he 
obtained  from  the  Shah  a  confirmation  of  his  tenure.  The 
disorders  which  prevailed  were  matter  of  deep  regret  to 
the  Abdalee,  but  the  means  or  time  was  wanting  for  their 
effectual  cure,  and  he  retraced  his  steps  to  Kabool, 
without  having  done  anything  for  the  punishment  or 
suppression  of  the  Sikhs.  He  was  no  sooner  gone,  than 
they  collected  again,  and  ventured  to  attack  Labor. 
Kabulee  Ml  l  was  compelled  to  fly,  and  the  city  being 
mastered,  was  parcelled  out  by  the  captors  in  three  divi- 
sions, which  were  assigned  respectively  to  Lehna  Singh, 
GoojUR  Singh,  and  Sobha.  Ahmed  Shah  returned 
to  punish  this  outrage,  and  advanced  as  far  as  the  Sutlej, 
the  Sikhs  flying  before  him  to  the  deserts  south  of  the 
Ingraon,  and  no  enemy  appearing  on  whom  he  could 
wreak  his  vengeance.  On  his  arrival  at  the  Sutlej,  Umur 
Singh,  the  grandson  of  Raja  Ala  Singh,  then  recent- 
ly deceased,  waited  upon  him,  and  received  investi- 
ture  with   the   title    of    Muha-Raja-Rajugan-Muhindnr 

D  2 


28  DEATH    OF   AHMED    SHAH.  A.  D.  1773. 

Buhadur,  which  title  is  now  borne  by  the  head  of  the 
Puteeala  family.  In  the  midst  of  these  operations  aDusta, 
or  body  of  12,000  of  the  Shah's  army,  suddenly  quitted  his 
camp  without  orders,  and  marched  back  to  Kabool.  The 
Shah  followed  to  reclaim  or  punish  them,  but  his  retreat 
was  liarrassed  by  parties  of  Sikhs,  who  plundered  much 
of  his  baggage,  and  hung  on  his  flanks  and  rear  until  he 
had  passed  the  Chunab. 

The  Shah  having  thus  quitted  the  field,  the  Sikhs 
remained  undisputed  masters  of  the  Punjab,  and  spread- 
ing over  the  country  occupied  it  as  a  permanent  inhe- 
ritance, every  Sirdar,  according  to  his  strength,  seizing 
what  fell  in  his  way,  and  acknowledging  no  superior, 
nor  submitting  to  the  control  of  any  body,  nor  to  any 
constituted  authority  whatsoever.  Their  proceedings  were 
unmolested  by  any  further  interference  from  the  west, 
where  Ahmed  Shah  continued  to  reign  until  his  death  in 
1773,  from  a  cancer  in  his  face.  His  son  and  successor 
Tymoor  enjoyed  his  throne  in  peace  for  twenty  years, 
and  made  no  attempt  to  recover  Labor,  and  the  Punjab. 
These,  with  the  province  of  Sirhind,  and  the  country  east 
as  far  as  the  Jumna,  fell  into  the  possession  of  the  chiefs 
and  associations  who  had  hitherto  subsisted  on  plunder, 
and  were  for  the  most  part  of  low  origin,  and  wholly 
deficient  in  education  and  useful  knowledge. 

The  Sirdars  or  chiefs  of  the  Sikh  nation  had  been  fol- 
lowed into  the  field  by  relations,  friends,  and  volunteers, 
and  not  ordinarily  by  hired  retainers.  Most  of  these 
looked  upon  themselves  as  partners  and  associates  in  each 
enterprize,  and  regarded  the  lands  now  acquired  as  a 
common  properly  iu  which  each  was  to  have  his   share, 


A.  D.  1765  to  1773.  SIKH    ASSOCIATIONS.  29 

according  to  the  degree  in  which  he  might  have  contri- 
buted to  the  acquisition.  The  associations  were  called 
31isuls,  implying  that  they  were  confederacies  of  equals, 
under  chiefs  of  their  own  selection.  The  chief  was  to 
lead  in  war,  and  act  as  arbiter  in  peace :  he  was  respected 
and  treated  with  deference  by  the  inferior  Sirdars,  but 
these  owned  no  obligation  to  obey,  beyond  what  they 
might  consider  to  be  for  their  own  reciprocal  benefit,  or 
for  the  well  being  of  the  Misul.  The  confederacies  had 
each  their  distinguishing  title,  and  at  this  period  there 
are  twelve  principal  Misuls  enumerated,  which  together 
could  bring  into  tiie  field  about  70,000  horse.  The  fol- 
lowing is  a  recapitulation  of  them. 

yumber  of  Hor$f> 

1st.  "TheBhungee  3Iisul,  at  the  head  of  which 
were  the  chiefs  Huree  Singh,  Jhundee 
Singh  and  Ghunda  Singu,  originally  three 
Jat  cultivators  of  the  Dooab.  The  Misul  de- 
rived its  name  from  the  extraordinary  addiction 
of  its  members  to  the  use  of  BJiung,  an  intoxi- 
cating smoking  material,  prepared  from  the 
leaves  of  the  Hemp  plant.  Its  possessions  are 
now  incorporated  iu  the  Labor  dominions, 10,000 

2nd.  The  Ramgurheea  Misul,  taking  its  name 
from  a  village  east  of  Labor,  of  which  the  chief, 
JuSA  Singh,  was  originally  a  Thoka  or  carpen- 
ter. Its  possessions  are  also  incorporated  in 
RuNJEET  Singh's  dominions,   3,000 

3rd.  The  Ghunneya  Misul,  headed  by  Jy 
Singh,  a  Jat  of  Ghunuee,  which  lies  also  east 
of  Labor.  Its  possessions  have  likewise  been 
seized  by  RuNJEET  Singh, 8,000 


30  SIKH    MISULS.  A.  D.  1773. 

4th.  The  Nukreea  Misul,  deriving  its  name 
from  Nukree,  a  tract  of  country  lying  south- 
west of  Lahor,  and  bordering  on  Mooltan.  It 
had  several  leaders,  all  Jat  cultivators,  of  low  ex- 
traction. Its  possessions  have  been  seized,  and 
it  no  longer  exists  as  a  separate  body 2,000 

5th.  The  Aloowala  M/*j//,  headed  then  by 
JuSA  Singh,  Kulal,  or  mace-bearer,  who  rose 
to  great  eminence  amongst  the  Sikhs,  and  by  his 
followers  was  honored  with  the  title  of  Badshah. 
His  possessions  lay  on  both  sides  of  the  Sutlej, 
and  the  present  chief,  a  descendant  of  J  USA 
Singh,  holds  those  to  the  east  under  British  pro- 
tection. He  is  a  grandee  of  the  Court  of  RuN- 
JEET  Singh,  treated  with  distinction,  but  subject 
to  continual  exactions  on  account  of  his  Punjab 
territory, 3,000 

6th.  The  Duleeala  Misul,  headed  by  Tara 
Singh  Ghyba,  a  shepherd  of  Dulee,  a  village 
on  the  Ravee,  east  of  Labor,  who  received  the 
nickname  of  Ghyba,  from  his  ingenious  devices 
for  conveying  goats  and  lambs  across  the  torrents 
to  feed.  Tara  Singh's  possessions  are  incor- 
porated in  RuNJEET  Singh's  dominions,  but  the 
Roopur,  and  some  other  Sirdars  of  the  Misul, 
having  possessions  east  of  the  Sutlej,  are  under 
British  protection, 7,500 

7th.  The  Nishan-wala  Misul,  headed  by  SuN- 
GUT  Singh  and  Mohur  Singh,  the  standard 
bearers  of  the  Dul,    or  assembled  Sikh  army, 


A.  D.  1773.  SIKH    MISULS.  81 

whence  the  name  was  derived.  The  families  of 
both  chiefs  are  extinct,  and  Umbala,  one  of  its 
possessions,  lapsed  in  consequence  to  the  British: 
Shahabad  belonging  to  subordinate  chiefs,  is 
under  protection, 12,000 

8th.  The  FyzooUapoorea  Misul,  sometimes 
styled  Singltpoorea,  headed  by  KUPOOR  SiNGH 
and  Khooshhal  Singh,  of  Fyzoollapoor,  a  vil- 
lage near  Umritsur,  the  Mohummedan  name  of 
which  the  Sikhs  changed  to  Singhpoor.  The 
chiefs  were  Jat  Zemindars,  Kupoor  Singh  was 
styled  Nawab  by  his  followers  ;  their  possessions 
west  of  the  Sutlej,  have  been  seized,  but  those  to 
the  east  are  still  held  by  their  descendants  under 
British  protection, 2,500 

9th.  The  Krora-Singhea  Misul,  headed  by 
Krora  Singh,  and  afterwards  by  Bhugaeel 
Singh,  both  Jats.  Krora  Singh  left  no  heir. 
Bhugaeel  SiNCH's^ossessions  in  the  Punjab 
have  been  absorbed,  but  his  widow  holds  Chi- 
loundee  and  22  other  villages  east  of  the  Sutlej, 
under  British  protection.  Chicheroulee  belong- 
ing to  a  subordinate  chief  of  the  Misul,  is  also 
under  protection,  and  Bhuddwur  has  lasped,  ....    12,000 

10th.  The  Shiiheed  and  Nihung  Misul,  head- 
ed by  KuRUM  Singh  and  Goor  Buksh Singh. 
The  name  which  signifies  Martyrs,  was  acquired 
by  the  first  chiefs,  ancestors  of  those  named, 
who  were  beheaded  by  the  Mohummedans  at 
Dumduma,  west  of  Puteeala.  Their  possessions 
lie  east  of  the  Sutlej,  and  are  protected, 2,000 


32  SIKH     MISULS.  A.  D.  1773. 

llth.  The  Plioolkea  and  Bhykea  Misul,  head- 
ed by  Raja  Ala  Singh,  and  afterwards  by 
Raja  Umur  Singh,  his  grandson,  of  Puteeala. 
Phool  was  the  Jat  progenitor  of  the  Puteeala, 
Nabah,  Jeend,  and  Kythul  chiefs,  all  of  whom 
are  under  British  protection, 5,000 

12th.  The  Sookur-Chukea  Misul,  headed  by 
Churut  Singh,  ancestor  of  Runjeet  Singh, 
the  present  sovereign  of  Labor,  whose  progeni- 
tors were  Jdt  Zumeendars  of  Sookur-Chuk,  ....      2,500 


69,500 


In  the  above  list  the  Misul  of  Churut  Singh  holds 
the  last  place,  and  was  formed  probably  after  the  suc- 
cessful defence  of  Gujraolee,  and  the  defeat  of  Khaja 
Obyd  had  raised  the  reputation,  and  given  a  new  dis- 
tinction to  that  chief.  Every  Misul  acted  independently, 
or  in  concert,  as  necessity  or  inclination  suggested,  but 
there  was  generally  an  assembly  of  the  chiefs  called  the 
Surhut  Khalsa,  held  twice  a  year  at  Umritsur  during 
the  Bysakhee  and  Dewalee  festivals,  which  occur  in 
April  and  October.  On  these  occasions,  after  bathing 
in  the  sacred  reservoir,  they  generally  held  a  Goor~ 
multa,  or  special  council,  where  expeditions  of  import- 
ance, or  any  matters  of  more  than  ordinary  moment 
were  submitted  to  their  united  wisdom.  If  the  joint 
forces  of  several  Misuls  took  the  field  upon  any  pre- 
datory enter  prize,  or  to  collect  Rakha  (Black  Mail), 
the  army  assumed  the  denomination  of  a  Dul  of  the 
Khalsa  Jee. 


A.  D.  1773.  SIKH    LORDSHIPS.  33 

"When  the  Misnls  acquired  their  territorial  posses- 
sions, it  became  the  first  duty  of  the  chiefs  to  partition 
out  the  lands,  towns,  and  villages  amongst  those  who 
considered  themselves  as  having  made  the  conquest, 
Shamil,  or  in  common.  Every  Surkunda,  or  leader  of 
the  smallest  party  of  horse  that  fought  under  the  stand- 
ard of  the  Misnl,  demanded  his  share,  in  proportion  to 
the  degree  in  which  he  had  contributed  to  the  acquisition, 
and,  as  they  received  no  pay  from  the  chief,  and  he  had 
no  other  recompense  to  offer  for  their  services,  there  was 
no  resource  but  to  adopt  this  mode  of  satisfying  them. 
The  sirdaree  or  chief's  portion  being  first  divided  off, 
the  remainder  was  separated  into  Puttees  or  parcels  for 
each  Surkunda,  and  these  were  again  subdivided  and 
parcelled  out  to  inferior  leaders,  according  to  the  number 
of  horse  they  brought  into  the  field.  Each  took  his  portion 
as  a  co-sharer,  and  held  it  in  absolute  independence. 

It  was  impossible  that  this  state  of  things  should  subsist 
long  in  the  Punjab,  any  more  than  it  had  done  in  England, 
France,  and  other  countries  of  Europe,  when  they  similar- 
ly  fell   a   prey    to  hordes  of  associated    warriors,    who 

acknowledged  no  systematic  general  authority  or  govern-  . 

ment.      When  the  link  of  a  common  enemy  and  common     /      » 
danger  was  removed,  and  the  chiefs  were  converted  from     \      I 
needy  adventurers  to  lords  of  domains^  discords  and  mutual       \ 
plunderings  commenced,  as  temper,  ambition,  or  avarice,        1 
excited^To'  contention.       Cause    of  quarrel    was    never     J 
wanting  in  the  confusion  of  the  coparcenary  system.   The 
disputes  and  divisions  which  subsisted  in  each  lordship, 
favoured  the  designs  of  the  aspiring  from  without,  whose 
aid  being  solicited  by  one  of  the  parties,  an  opening  was 
frequently  found  to  ejectboth.  In  cases  of  frontier  disputes, 
orof  injury,  or  wrong  of  any  kind  sustained  or  fancied,  the 

E 


34  STATE    OF    MANNERS,  A.  D.  1773. 

chief  would  call  upon  his  kindred  and  retainers  to  fur- 
nish him  the  means  of  redress,  and  they  would  feel 
bound  by  a  sense  of  honor  not  to  fail,  when  the  Chara, 
or  gathering  was  demanded  in  such  a  cause ;  but  in  a 
matter  of  internal  strife  within  the  Misul,  every  one 
would  be  free  to  choose  his  own  side,  and  either  party 
would  deem  it  fair  to  fortify  itself  with  any  aid  it  could 
command  from  without.  Upon  occasions  of  gathering, 
it  became  customary  for  the  chief,  or  person  demanding 
it,  to  pay  a  rupee  per  kathee  or  saddle ;  in  other  respects, 
the  service  was  gratuitous,  and  plunder  was  the  reward 
expected  by  those  who  joined  either  standard.  The 
past  life  and  habits  of  the  Sikhs  precluded  any  scruples 
on  their  part  as  to  the  conduct  or  character  of  their 
associates.  The  most  daring  culprits  found  ready  admis- 
sion into  their  ranks,  and  it  was  a  point  of  honor  to  deliver 
no  one  upon  demand  of  a  neighbour,  whatever  might  be 
the  crime  laid  to  his  charge.  Hence  arose  the  practise 
of  GaJia,  or  self-redress,  by  individuals,  no  less  than  by 
chiefs  ;  and  every  owner  of  a  village  was  compelled  to 
surround  his  possession  with  a  wall  and  ditch,  while  in 
towns,  or  places  held  in  joint  property,  the  houses  of  the 
coparcenary,  and  of  all  who  were  exposed  to  the  appetence 
or  revengeful  passions  of  others,  were  built  as  towers  or 
keeps,  and  a  fort  in  joint  tenancy  would  ordinarily  be 
divided  by  an  inner  retrenchment,  as  a  protection  against 
treachery  from  the  fellow  occupant. 

The  tenure  that  has  been  described  above  is  the  Pittefi- 
daree,  that  of  every  associate  in  the  Misul  of  less  rank 
than  a  Sirdar,  down  even  to  the  single  horseman,  who 
equipped  and  mounted  himself:  all  these  regulated  entire- 
ly the  management   of  their  piitee,   fining,  confining,  or 


.  D.  1773.  AND   LAND   TENURES.  35 

even  further  illtreating,  according  to  their  pleasure,  any 
Zumeendar,  or  working  Ryot  of  their  allotment.  His 
complaint  could  not  be  listened  to  or  redressed  by  any 
superior  ;  but  in  case  of  quarrel  with  an  equal,  reference 
would  be  made  to  the  Surkunda,  and  if  his  decision  fail- 
ed to  give  satisfaction,  an  appeal  might  be  made  to  the 
general  Sirdar.  The  more  ordinary  mode,  however,  was 
to  collect  friends  aud  relations,  and  seek  a  prompt  self- 
redress.  It  was  not  legitimate  for  a  Puteedar  to  sell  his 
tenure  to  a  stranger,  but  he  might  mortgage  it  to  satisfy 
any  present  want,  and  at  his  demise  might  settle  by  wiU, 
to  which  of  his  male  relations  it  should  go.  Reciprocal 
aid  for  mutual  protection  and  defence,  was  the  relation 
on  which  a  Puteedar  stood  in  other  respects  to  the  Sir- 
dar, and  the  only  condition  of  his  tenure. 

Besides  the  Puteedaree,  however,  there  were  three 
other  tenures  created,  arising  out  of  the  circumstances, 
in  which  diflferent  chiefs  found  themselves,  from  the  man- 
ner of  their  association  with  those  who  composed  their 
Misul.  These  were  the  Misuldaree,  the  Tabadaree  and 
the  Jageerdaree. 

Bodies  of  inferior  strength,  or  petty  chiefs  with  their 
followers,  attached  themselves  sometimes  to  a  Misul, 
without  subscribing  to  any  conditions  of  association  or 
dependence.  The  allotments  of  land  assigned  to  such, 
would  be  considered  as  the  free  reward  of  their  co-ope- 
ration, and  would  be  held  in  no  sort  of  dependence ;  they 
were  called  Misuldaree.  If  dissatisfied  with  his  chief  a 
Misuldar  might  transfer  himself  with  his  possessions  to 
another,  under  whose  protection  or  conntenance  he  might 
prefer  to  continue. 

E  2 


36  LAND    TENURES.  A.  D.  1773. 

A  Tabadar  was  on  the  other  hand  a  retainer,  as  the 
word  is  understood  in  Europe,  one  completely  subser- 
vient ;  the  lands  which  were  his  reward,  were  liable  to 
forfeiture  for  any  act  of  disobedience  or  rebellion,  and 
at  the  caprice  of  the  Sirdar  might  be  resumed  upon  any 
occasion  of  displeasure. 

The  third  class  of  tenures  or  Jageers  were  given  to 
needy  relations,  dependents,  and  entertained  soldiers 
who  deserved  well,  and  the  holders  were  liable  to  be 
called  upon  for  their  personal  services  at  all  times,  with 
their  quotas  or  contingents,  equipped  and  mounted  at 
their  own  charge,  according  to  the  extent  of  the  grant. 
These  were  even  further  under  the  power  of  the  Sirdar 
than  the  Tabadaree  grants.  Both  were  hereditary  only 
according  to  his  pleasure,  the  lands  of  them  formed  part 
of  the  allotment  set  apart  for  the  Sirdaree,  and  the  Misul, 
or  association,  had,  of  course,  nothing  to  say  in  such 
assignments. 

The  religious  and  charitable  appropriations  and  grants, 
viz,  those  made  to  Sikh  Gooroos,  Soodees,  and  Baidees, 
or  to  endowments  for  temples,  and  for  charitable  distribu- 
tions of  alms,  and  sometimes  even  to  Moosulman  Peer- 
zadas,  need  no  description,  for  they  had  nothing  to  dis- 
tinguish them  from  what  are  found  all  over  India. 

The  above  explanation  has  been  necessary  to  give 
some  idea  of  the  state  of  things,  which  resulted  from  the 
two  provinces  of  Labor  and  Sirhind  being  left  to  be 
occupied  by  the  Sikhs,  when,  finally  abandoned  by  the 
Afghans,  as  they  had  previously  been  by  the  Moghul  and 
Dehlee  officers.     The  European  reader  will  at  once  be 


A.  D.  1773.  FEUDAL  SYSTEM.  37 

struck  by  the  similarity  between  the  condition  of  things 
above  described,  and  the  relations  which  have  been  handed 
down  to  as  of  what  occurred  in  England,  when  the  Saxons 
similarly  spread  and  occupied  that  country  ;  and  when 
Ciovis  and  the  Franks  seized  the  fairest  portion  of  Gaul. 
The  arrangements  for  government  were  the  very  rudest 
that  the  most  ignorant  tribes  ever  devised  :  and,  though 
the  ideologist  may  find  something  attractive  in  contem- 
plating such  attempts  to  realize  in  practise  the  dream  of 
universal  independence  and  equality  of  condition  between 
individuals,  he  must,  indeed,  be  a  bold  speculator  in 
politics,  who  would  assume  that  any  class  could  find  hap- 
piness, contentment,  or  rest,  in  a  country  ruled  by  seven- 
ty thousand  sovereigns,  as  were  the  unfortunate  provinces 
of  Labor  and  Sirhind,  when  the  Sikhs  assumed  dominion 
over  them. 


CHAPTER    THIRD. 


A.  D.  1773  to  1791. 


Feuds  and  contentions  of  the  Sikhs.  Rise  and  fall  of 
different  chiefs.  The  history  of  Churut  Singh  and 
Maha  Singh,  ancestors  of  Rnnjeet  Singh,  traced  to  the 
death  of  the  latter,  and  Runjeefs  assumption  of  the 
direction  of  affairs. 

Xn  resuming^  the  progress  of  events  in  the  Punjab,  the 
narrator  has  henceforward  only  to  record  the  squabbles 
and  petty  feuds,  which  arose  amongst  the  chiefs  thus  left 
in  possession,  and  as  these  ordinarily  were  of  little  inter- 
est and  less  variety,  those  only  deserve  relation,  which 
contributed  to  produce  the  status  now  observed,  in  other 
words,  those  in  which  the  ancestors  of  RuNJEET  Singh, 
or  himself,  bore  a  part. 

The  hill  Raja  of  Jummoo,  RuNJEET  Deo  by  name, 
had  a  misunderstanding  with  his  eldest  son  Brij-Raj, 
and  desired  to  set  aside  his  pretensions  to  the  succession 
in  favour  of  the  youngest,  Meean  Dulel  Singh.  In 
order  to  secure  his  hereditary  rights,  Brij-Raj  broke 
into  rebellion,  and  applied  to  CiiURUT  Singh,  offering 


A.  D.  1774.  CHURUT   SINGH   SLAIN.  99 

a  large  yearly  tribate  on  condition  of  his  aiding  to  effect 
the  deposition  of  his  father.  Churut  Singh  having 
an  old  enmity  against  Runjket  Deo,  closed  with  the 
offer,  and  strengthening  himself  by  association  with  Jy 
Singh  of  the  Ghuneea  Misul,  their  nnited  force  march- 
ed into  the  hills  and  encamped  at  Oodhachur,  on  the  bank 
of  the  Busontee  river.  The  Raja  having  received 
timely  notice  of  the  designs  of  the  heir-apparent,  had 
made  corresponding  preparations  for  resistance.  The 
defence  of  the  capital  he  reserved  to  himself,  but  col- 
lected a  force  to  oppose  the  invasion,  composed  of  auxi- 
liaries from  Chumba,  Xoorpoor,  Busehur,  and  Kangra,  in 
the  hills,  to  which  were  added,  besides  a  party  of  his 
own  troops,  the  confederated  forces  of  the  Bhungee 
Misul  under  Jhunda  Singh,  whom  he  induced  to  lend 
his  services  in  the  extremity.  The  two  armies  lay  en- 
camped on  opposite  sides  of  the  Busontee,  and  in  a  par- 
tial skirmish  between  the  Sikh  auxiliaries  Churut 
Singh  was  killed  by  the  bursting  of  his  own  matchlock. 

He  was  45  years  of  age,  and  had  risen  from  a  com- 
mon Dharwee  or  highwayman,  to  be  Sirdar  of  a  separate 
Misul,  with  a  territory  computed  to  yield  about  three 
lakbs  of  rupees.  He  left  a  widow,  Desan  by  name, 
with  two  sons  and  a  daughter,  called  respectively  Maha 
Singh,  Suhuj  Singh  and  Raj  Koonwur.  Theeldest 
son  Maha  Singh,  then  ten  years  of  age,  succeed- 
ed to  the  Sirdaree,  but  the  widow  and  Jy  Singh 
Ghunee  assumed  the  immediate  direction  of  affairs. 
It  was  determined  by  them  to  assassinate  Jhunda  Singh 
Bhungee,  who  was  the  main  stay  of  the  Jummoo 
Raja's  party,  and  the  avowed  enemy  of  both  the  Sookur- 
Chukeea  and  Ghunee  Misnls.     A  sweeper  was  tempted 


40  JHUNDA    SINGH    ASSASSINATED.  A.  D.  1774. 

by  a  large  bribe,  to  undertake  this  hazardous  eiiterprize, 
and  he  succeeded  in  effecting"  his  purpose  by  firing 
at  and  mortally  wounding  the  Bhungee  chief,  as  he  was 
walking  unattended  through  the  Jummoo  camp.  The 
Sookurchukeea  and  Ghunee  Sikhs  being  satisfied  with 
the  revenge  thus  taken,  withdrew  soon  after  from  the 
enterprize  in  which  they  had  engaged.  The  Bhungee 
troops  had  similarly  left  the  opposite  camp  on  the  death 
of  their  chief.  Thus  Bru-Raj  Deo  was  left  alone  to 
settle  with  his  father  his  rights  of  inheritance  to  the  Raj  : 
before  the  departure,  however,  of  Maha  SiNGPl,  he  went 
through  the  ceremony  of  an  exchange  of  turbands  (Dus- 
tarhudlee,)  withBRiJ-RAJ,  which  bound  him  to  brother- 
hood for  life.     These  events  occurred  in  1774.* 

Several  subordinate  Sirdars  of  Churut  Singh's  re- 
cently formed  Misul,  mistrusting  the  youth  of  Maha 
Singh,  or  dissatisfied  with  the  Regent  widow,  aimed 
now  to  shake  off  their  dependence.  Of  these,  oneDHURUM 
Singh  was  the  first  to  commit  himself  by  an  overt  act  of 
rebellion.  He  relied  on  the  succour  and  countenance  of 
Giiunda  Singh,  Jhunda  Singh's  successor,  in  the 
Sirdaree  of  the  Bhungee  Misul,  but  was  deceived  in  his 
expectations,  and  suffered  forfeiture  of  his  lands  for  con- 
tumacy, before  any  aid  could  come  to  his  relief.     The  rest 

•  Captain  Wadf.  gives  1771  as  tlio  dato  of  Cnrm!T  Singh's  death,  and 
states  It  to  have  occurred  in  a  general  action  with  the  Bhungee  Sikhs  at 
Suhawara,  near  Jusar  Dodeh,  in  the  Rich,hua  Dooab.  Me  concurs  in 
assigning  the  bursting  of  his  matchlock  as  the  cause  of  Ciurit  Singh's 
death,  but  says  that  Jhlnda  SiNCiii  was  siiot  by  a  man  of  his  own  party 
in  the  course  of  the  action.  The  discrepance,  except  that  of  date,  is  not 
very  material;  but  it  is  singular  that  such  an  event  should  be  so  difl'er- 
ently  reported  to  the  two  otlicers— Captain  Mikrav  is  deemed  the  supe- 
rior authority,  and  his  version  has  tlierefore  been  adliered  to.  In  like 
manner,  Captain  A\'adk  differs  from  Captain  Mi  ki;\v  in  the  date  assigned 
to  the  birth  of  Maha  Singh.  Captain  W.  places  it  in  1757,  making  him 
14  years  old  in  1771,  wlien  Chi'RI  r  Singh  died  according  to  his  version. 
Captain  Mi'RUay  fixes  it  iu  1704,  making  him  10  years  old  in  1774. 


A.  D.  1778.  MAHA   SINGH'S   FIRST   ENTERPPIZE.  41 

were  deterred  by  this  example,  and  the  momeDt  appearing 
favorable,  the  nnptials  of  Maha  Singh  were  celebrated 
in  1776,  with  the  daughter  of  Gi  JPLT  Singh,  of  Jeend, 
to  whom  he  had  previously  been  betrothed,  Jy  Singh 
and  a  large  armed  force  of  Sookurchukea  and  Ghunee 
Sikhs  crossed  the  Sutlej  with  the  Burat  to  Badrookh, 
where  the  young  chief  was  met  by  his  bride ;  and  a  large 
concourse  of  Sirdars  of  the  nation  did  honor  to  the  cere- 
mony, it  being  with  them  obligatory  to  give  attendance 
on  such  occasions,  and  the  omission  being  looked  upon 
as  a  slight  and  a  wide  deviation  from  propriety. 

Maha  Singh  is  next  heard  of  as  the  associate  of  Jy 
Singh  in  an  enterprize  for  the  capture  of  Rusool-Xugur, 
now  called  Ram-Xugur  by  tlie  Sikhs,  situated  on  the 
east  bank  of  the  Chunab,  and  held  by  a  Jat  Moosulman, 
named  Peer  Mohummed,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the 
ancient  tribe  of  Chutta,  styled  sometimes  Miinchureea, 
from  a  considerable  town  in  their  occupation,  and  many  of 
whom  have  embraced  the  religion  of  the  Koran.  The 
pretext  for  this  attack  was,  that  the  tribe  had  given  up  to 
the  Bhuiiffee  Misiil  a  large  piece  of  ordnance,  left  behind 
by  the  Abdalee  Shah,  and  placed  with  them  in  deposit, 
from  inability  to  cross  it  over  the  Chunab.  This  o-un  was 
of  much  celebrity,  and  is  now  known  as  the  Bhungee 
Top  :  it  was  claimed  for  the  Khaha  or  Sikh  nation  at 
large,  to  be  appropriated  by  an  assembly  of  chiefs.  Rusool 
Nugur  was  besieged  and  blockaded  for  four  months,  and 
the  Bhungee  Sikhs  being  employed  at  the  time  in  plunder- 
ing and  seeking  possessions,  or  in  levying  tribute  in  the 
Mooltan  and  Buhawulpoor  districts,  neglected  to  aflbrd 
succour  or  relief.  The  place  consequently  fell  to  Maha 
Singh,  who  acquired  great  reputation  by  this  early  feat 

r 


42  BIRTH    OF    RUNJEET    SINGH.  A.  D.  1780. 

of  arms,  so  much  so,  that  many  iudependent  Sirdars, 
who  had  hitherto  attached  themselves  to  the  Bhungee 
Misul,  transferred  their  services  and  preferred  to  follow 
his  leading  in  war,  and  to  live  under  his  countenance 
and  protection. 

Two  years  after  this  event,  on  the  2d  November  1780, 
a  son  was  born  to  Ma  HA  Singh,  by  his  wife,  of  the  Jeend 
family,  and  named  Runjeet  Singh.  The  child  was 
attacked  by  the  small-pox  at  a  very  early  age,  and  the 
disease  taking  an  unfavorable  turn,  his  life  was  endanger- 
ed, whereupon  the  father,  according  to  Asiatic  custom, 
made  large  donations  to  the  poor  in  charity,  fed  multi- 
tudes of  Brahmins  and  holy  men  to  secure  their  prayers, 
and  sent  gifts  to  the  sacred  temples  at  Kangra  and 
Juwala-Mookhee.  The  boy  recovered,  but  with  the 
loss  of  one  of  his  eyes,  whence  he  is  termed  Kana,  or 
the  one-eyed  ;  and  his  face  in  other  respects  is  marked 
with  the  disease.  Ma  HA  Singh  wps  engaged  at  this 
period  in  settling  the  territory  he  had  inherited  or  acquir- 
ed, and  in  extending  his  influence  and  connexions.  The 
Bhungees  lost  their  principal  Sirdars,  and  having  aimed 
to  establish  themselves  in  Mooltan,  brought  down  on 
themselves  an  Afghan  army,  which  retook  the  city  from 
them,  and  further  ejected  them  from  Buhawulpoor  and 
Munkera.  The  consequence  was,  that  the  power  of  the 
Misul  was  effectually  broken,  and  the  rising  fortune  and 
reputation  of  Maha  Singh  enabled  him  to  extend  his 
relations  and  strengthen  himself  from  its  ruin.  He  was 
cautious,  however,  of  engaging  in  any  direct  hostility  with 
his  Sikh  brethren,  well  knowing  that  to  follow  such  means 
of  aggrandizement,  would  breed  ill  will,  audlead  probably 
to  a    confederacy,   and   gathering'  for   his    destruction. 


A.  D.  1781.  AMBITIOUS   VIEWS   OF    MAHA   SINGH.  4S 

Again,  the  Afghan  power  was  still  too  formidable,  and 
too  united,  for  bim  to  hope  to  aggrandize  himself  at  the 
expense  of  that  nation.  His  restless  spirit  was,  however, 
not  long  in  finding  a  quarter  in  which  to  pursue  his 
schemes  at  pleasure. 

Raja  RuNJEET  Deo  of  Jummoo  was  dead,  and  his 
son  Brij-Raj  Deo  having  succeeded  to  that  Raj, 
proved  unworthy  and  debauched,  so  that  discontent  pre- 
vailed in  the  principality,  and  afforded  an  opening  for 
interference.  Maha  Singh  tempted  by  this  state  of 
things,  resolved  to  exact  tribute,  and  enforce  fealty  from 
his  turband  brother ;  he  accordingly  moved  with  a  force 
into  the  hills,  and  Brij-Raj  being  in  no  condition  for 
resistance,  fled  to  the  Trikota-Devee  mountain,  a  three- 
peaked  eminence,  where  is  an  UstJian  or  temple  of  Bi- 
shun-Devoe,  in  which  the  Hindoo  Devotee  presents  an 
offering  of  cocoanuts,  deemed  more  agreeable  to  the 
benevolent  goddess  than  the  heads  of  goats.  The  town 
of  Jummoo  was  at  this  period  very  prosperous  and  rich, 
for,  iu  consequence  of  the  distractions  of  the  Punjab, 
many  of  the  wealthy  merchants  had  been  induced  to  seek 
an  asylum,  or  to  establish  a  branch-firm  within  the  hills 
beyond  their  influence.  Jummoo  was  well  situated  for 
this  purpose,  while  under  Runjeet  Deo  the  resort  of 
this  class  of  persons  to  his  dominions  was  encouraged,  and 
they  lived  in  ease  and  security.  Maha  Singh  and  his 
Sikhs  sacked  the  town,  and  ravaged  the  whole  territory  of 
Jummoo,  and  he  is  reported  to  have  brought  away  a  large 
spoil,  including  much  specie  and  valuables  of  all  kinds. 

By  this    conduct  Maha  Singh,  though  he  enriched 
himself,  raised  also  many  enemies.     The  Bhungee  Sikhs 

F  2 


44  QUARREL  WITH    JY    SlNGlI,  A.  D.  1781. 

who  had  long  maintained  a  connexion  with  Jummoo, 
were  highly  irritated,  and,  what  was  even  of  more  conse- 
quence to  Maha  Singh's  rising  fortunes,  the  displea- 
sure and  jealousy  of  his  old  Mentor  and  guardian,  Jy 
Singh,  of  Ghunee,  was  incurred.  This  chief  was  now  in 
the  zenith  of  his  power,  and  was  of  a  haughty  imperious 
temper.  Maha  Singh  on  his  return  from  the  hills  pro- 
ceeded with  his  booty  to  Umritsur,  with  the  double  pur- 
pose of  paying  his  respects  to  J  Y  Singh,  and  performing 
his  ablutions  in  the  holy  reservoir.  The  old  chief  receiv- 
ed him  with  marked  coolness  and  displeasure,  so  much  so 
that  Maha  Singh  assuming  the  demeanour  of  an  inferior, 
approached  with  a  tray  of  sweetmeats  in  his  hand,  and 
begged  to  be  made  acquainted  with  the  cause  he  had 
given  for  offence,  professing  his  sense  of  filial  obligation 
and  attachment  to  Jy  Singh,  and  offering  any  atone- 
ment in  his  power.  Jy  Singh  was  stretched  at  length 
on  his  couch,  and,  drawing  his  sheet  over  him,  called 
out  loudly  and  rudely,  that  he  desired  to  hear  no  more 
of  the  Bhugtea's  (dancing  boy's)  pathetic  conversa- 
tion. Maha  Singh  retired  in  high  indignation  at  this 
reception,  and  determined  to  be  revenged  for  the  insult. 
He  mounted  his  horse,  and,  with  a  few  followers,  made 
his  escape  secretly  from  Umritsur,  where  Jy  Singh's 
power  and  influence  were  paramount,  and  returned  to  his 
home  to  seek  the  means  of  executing  his  purposes.  Being 
too  weak  to  enter  the  field  against  the  Ghunee  and  Bhun- 
gee  Misuh  alone,  he  cast  about  for  associates,  and  deter- 
mined to  make  a  friend  of  JusA  Singh,  Sirdar  of  the 
Ramghureea  Misul,  who  had  recently  been  ousted  from 
his  possessions  in  the  Punjab  by  a  confederacy  of  the 
^  Aloowala  and  Ghunee  associations,  and  the  latter  had 
been  considerable  gainers  by  the  aggression.      Agents 


A.  D.  1782.  WHO    YIELDS   TO   MAHA   SINGH.  45 

were  immedialely  dispatched  to  recall  JusA  Singh,  and 
to  assure  him  of  aid  and  support,  if  disposed  to  make  aa 
effort  for  the  recovery  of  his  lost  possessions.  The  des- 
poiled chief  was  liviog  by  depredations  in  the  Dooab  of 
the  Jamna  and  Ganges,  with  the  wilds  of  Hansee  and 
^  Hisar  for  his  place  of  refuge ;  having  satisfied  himself  of 
the  motives  of  Maha  Singh's  offer,  and  being  convinced 
that  it  was  sincere,  he  lost  no  time  in  returning  into  the 
Punjab,  with  all  the  force  he  could  collect. 

The  combined  troops  of  M  aha  Singh  and  Jrs  A  Singh 
now  appeared  suddenly  within  a  few  miles  of  Battala,  the 
principal  town  of  Jy  Singh's  possessions,  and  where 
he  had  fixed  his  residence.  Here  they  were  joined  by 
SunsarChund,  Raja  of  KotKangra  in  the  hills,  and  by 
Umlr  Singh  Bugreh,  and  some  other  disaffected  tri- 
butaries of  the  Ghunee  Sirdar,  who  had  been  stirred  up  by 
Maha  Singh.  Jy  Singh  was  now  called  upon  to  render 
up  the  share  oftheRamghureea  possessions,  which  had  been 
allotted  to  him,  and,  on  his  refusal,  the  invaders  proceeded 
to  occupy  and  ravage  the  country.  Jy  Singh  made  a 
gathering  of  his  Misul,  and  placing  his  sonGooR  Bukhsh 
Singh  at  the  head  of  8000  horse,  sent  him  to  punish  and 
expel  the  invaders.  An  action  ensued,  in  which  GooR 
Bukhsh  exposed  himself  with  youthful  rashness,  and  was 
slain  ;  whereupon  his  followers  dispersed  and  fled,  and 
the  victors  soon  after  made  themselves  masters  of  Battala, 
when  Jy  Singh  being  humbled,  was  compelled  to  sue 
for  peace.  It  was  granted  to  him  by  the  young  chief  he 
had  insulted,  under  condition  that  he  should  render  up 
the  Ramghureea  lands  to  JusA  Singh,  and  the  fort  of 
Kangra,  which  he  had  obtained  by  stratagem,  to  SUN- 
SAR  CfiUND.     These   terms  being  accepted,  the  allies 


46  MARRIAGE  OF   RUNJEET   SINGH.  A.  D.  1785. 

retained  the  town  of  Battala,  but  towards  tlie  close 
of  the  year  SUDA  KooNWUR,  widow  of  GooR  BuKiiSH 
Singh  succeeded  by  intrigue  with  the  inhabitants  in 
ejecting  the  garrison  and  recovering  it. 

Jy  Singh  had  set  his  hopes  on  the  promise  afforded 
by  the  character  of  GooR  Bukhsh;  and  though  he  had 
two  other  sons,  by  name  Bagii  Singh  and  Nidhan 
Singh,  he  treated  them  with  neglect,  his  whole  affections 
being  engrossed  by  the  family  of  his  deceased  son.  The 
widow,  SuDA  KooNWUR,  had  paramount  influence,  and 
gained  an  entire  ascendant  over  the  old  man,  and  as  she 
was  of  an  aspiring,  bold  spirit,  she  procured  that  a  sepa- 
rate appanage  of  some  villages  about  Sohnan  and  Hajee- 
poor  should  be  set  apart  for  the  surviving  sons,  while  she 
regulated  every  thing  at  Battala  for  the  interest  of  her- 
self and  her  only  child  by  GooR  Bukhsh,  a  daughter. 
At  her  suggestion,  a  negociation  was  opened  for  the  affi- 
ance of  the  girl,  whose  name  was  Mehtab-koonwur, 
to  RuNJEET  Singh,  the  young  son  of  Maha  Singh, 
whom  she  hoped  thus  to  bind  to  a  permanent  reconcilia- 
tion, and  through  his  friendship  and  powerful  support  to 
secure  for  herself  the  Sirdaree  upon  her  father-in-law's 
decease.  Maha  Singh  assented  readily  to  the  union, 
and  the  Mungnee,  or  betrothment,  of  the  children  was 
duly  performed  in  the  year  1785,  and  contributed  further 
to  raise  Maha  Singh  in  power  and  reputation ;  for 
through  the  friendship  of  the  Ramghureea  Sirdar,  and 
Kangra  Raja,  which  was  permanently  secured  by  his 
aid  in  the  recovery  of  their  lost  possessions,  added  to 
the  influence  resulting  from  this  close  connexion  with  the 
Ghunee  Misul,  there  was  no  one  in  the  Punjab,  or  of 
the  Sikh  nation,  that  could  compete  with  him  in  authority, 


A.  D.  1791.  FURTHER    PROJECTS.  47 

or  command  eqnal  means  if  called  upon  for  an  exertion. 
The  result  was  favorable  to  the  prosperity  of  the  country, 
and  the  Punjab  for  several  years  during  this  chiefs 
ascendancy,  enjoyed  a  repose  and  tranquillity  to  which  it 
had  long  been  a  stranger. 

Until  1791  M  AH  A  Singh  continued  to  administer  in 
peace  the  territory  he  had  acquired,  and  to  exercise  his 
influence  for  the  benefit  of  those  connected  with  him. 
In  that  year  Gooji  R  Singh,  the  Sikh  chief  of  Goojrat, 
died,  and  Saheb  Singh,  his  son,  succeeded  to  the  Sir- 
daree.  The  sister  of  Maha  Singh  had  been  given 
in  marriage  to  Saheb  Singh  by  Churut  Singh, 
but  the  ties  of  affinity  had  little  influence  in  restrain- 
ing ambitious  views,  and  the  desire  of  aggrandizement 
^^hich  filled  the  mind  of  Maha  Singh,  was  not  to  be  so 
checked.  He  deemed  the  moment  favorable  for  asserting 
superiority  over  Goojrat,  and  for  claming  tribute.  Saheb 
Singh  evaded  compliance,  alleging  that  his  father  was  an 
adherent  of  the  Bhungee  Misul,  and  had  never  fought 
under  the  standard  of  the  Sookurchukeea,  to  whom  he 
acknowledged  no  dependance.  Maha  Singh  marched 
on  receiving  this  reply  and  besieged  Saheb  Singh  in  his 
fort  of  Soodhurp.  The  Goojrateea  chief  applied  in 
his  distress  to  the  Bhungee  Sikhs,  and  KuRUM  Singh 
DooLOO  came  with  the  strength  of  that  Misul  to  interrupt 
the  siege.  Though  not  strong  enough  to  enter  the  field 
with  Maha  Singh,  they  hovered  about  his  camp,  and 
put  him  to  considerable  inconvenience  for  supplies  ;  a 
detachment  of  the  Sookurchukeeas  however  succeeded 
after  a  time  in  beating  up  the  quarters  and  plundering  (he 
camp  of  the  Bhungees,  after  which  the  siege  proceeded. 
Maha  Singh  had   been  three  months  before  the  place. 


48  DEATH    OF   MAHA   SINGH.  A.  D.  1792. 

■when  in  the  early  part  of  the  year  1792  he  became  seri- 
ously ill.  The  siege  was  immediately  broken  up,  and  the 
(  chief  being  carried  back  to  his  principal  place  of  resi- 
dence Goojraolee,  expired  there  in  the  twenty-seventh  year 
of  his  age.  He  was  brave,  active,  and  prudent  beyond  his 
years,  and  left  a  high  reputation  amongst  his  nation,  for  all 
the  qualities  of  a  Sirdar.  He  shook  off' the  trammels  of  his 
mother's  guardianship  at  the  early  age  of  seventeen,  and 
some  time  after,  having  detected  her  in  an  intrigue  with  a 
Brahmin,  put  her  to  death  with  his  own  hand  ;  an  act  of 
barbarous  justice,  that  does  not  seem  to  have  lessened  his 
reputation,  or  in  any  way  to  have  affected  his  character 
injuriously  in  the  eyes  of  his  cotemporaries. 

Maiia  Singh  left  only  one  son,  the  present  Runjeet 
Singh,  who  was  then  in  his  twelfth  year.  His  mother 
became  regent,  and  was  assisted  by  the  minister  of  her 
husband,  LuKHOO  or  LuKiiPUT  Singh.  Suda  Koon- 
WUR,  the  minor  chief  s  mother-in-law,  exerted  also  much 
influence  in  the  conduct  of  affairs,  and  in  the  year 
following,  viz.  in  1793,  the  demise  of  Jy  Singh  left 
the  Ghunee  Misul  likewise  under  her  direction,  every 
thing  having  been  prepared  beforehand,  for  the  exclusion 
of  the  sons  of  that  Sirdar. 

Little  care  was  taken  of  the  education  of  Runjeet 
Singh:  the  means  were  furnished  to  him  of  gratifying 
every  youthful  passion  or  desire,  and  his  early  years  w  ere 
passed  in  indulgence  and  in  following  the  sports  of  the 
iield.  He  was  never  taught  to  read  or  write  in  any  lan- 
guage. While  still  in  tutelage,  however,  a  second  marriage 
was  contracted  for  him  with  Raj  Koonwur,  a  daughter 
of  the  Nukee  chief,  KiiujAN  Singh. 


A.  D.   1793.  RLNJEET    SINGH's    FIRST    MEASURES,  49 

Upon  attaining-  the  age  of  17  years,  Runjeet  Singh, 
in  imitation  of  his  father,  assamed  in  person  the  conduct 
of  affairs,  and  dismissed  the  Dewan  :  it  is  further  stated 
that,  under  the  guidance  of  Dul.  Singh,  his  father's 
maternal  uncle,  who  had  long  borne  ill-will  to  the  Dewan, 
Ll  KHOO  was  dispatched  on  an  expedition  to  Kitas, 
where  he  was  slain  in  an  aff'ray  with  the  Zameendars,  not 
without  suspicions  of  contrivance.  His  father's  example 
gave  sanction  to  an  act  of  further  cruelty  in  Runjeet 
Singh.  The  regent  mother  was  accused  of  having  led 
a  life  of  profligate  indulgence,  the  late  Dewan  being  not 
the  only  paramour  admitted  to  her  favors.  Upon  receiving 
evidence  to  this,  it  is  said,  that  RuNJEET  Singh  gave 
his  sanction  to,  or  at  least  connived  at,  her  being  put  to 
death,  and  the  old  chief,  DuL  Singh,  is  designated  as  the 
perpetrator  of  the  act  by  means  of  poison.*  Runjeet 
Singh,  with  the  advice  of  Suda  Koonwur,  carried 
on  now  in  person  all  the  affairs  of  his  Sirdaree,  and  the 
difficulties  he  experienced,  with  the  means  by  which  he 
extricated  himself,  and  made  every  circumstance  contribute 
to  his  further  rise,  will  form  the  subject  of  the  Chapters 
which  follow. 


*  The  above  particulars  are  from  Captain  Wade's  Report.  Captain 
MiRRAY  merely  states,  that  "  he  dismissed  the  Dewan,  and  caused  his 
mother  to  be  assassinated."  Captain  Uade  assigns  the  year  1787  for  the 
decease  of  Maha  Singh,  and  states  him  to  have  been  born  in  17.57,  as 
before  remarked,  which  are  discrepancies  of  date  with  Captain  Mi  rray, 
for  which  I  am  unable  to  account;  the  latter  is  the  authority  followed. 


CHAPTER    FOURTH. 


A.  D.  1794  to  1808. 


The  early  administration  of  Runjeet  Singh.     His  aggran- 
dizement  at  the  expense  of  other  Sikh  Sirdars,  to  his 
treaty   ivith    the  British   Government,   and  exclusion 
from  the  countries  east  of  the  SutleJ. 

In  the  course  of  the  years  1795,  1796,  and  1797,  the  j 
Punjab  was  twice  exposed  to  invasion  by  Shah  Zuman,  ' 
who  had  recently  succeeded  the  peaceful  Tymoor  on  the 
throne  of  Kabool.  The  Sikhs  ventured  not  to  oppose 
bim  openly  in  the  field,  and  his  coming,  therefore, 
was  a  source  of  infinite  confusion,  leadings  to  a  temporary 
abandonment  of  their  possessions  by  the  Sirdars  near  his 
route.  In  1798  the  Shah  advanced  again,  and  entered 
Labor,  without  opposition ;  but,  after  a  few  months  stay 
there,  finding  it  impossible  to  make  any  arrangements  for 
the  permanent  occupation  of  the  country,  or  to  render 
the  Punjab  in  other  respects  a  source  of  advantage  to 
himself,  he  retraced  his  steps  to  his  hereditary  dominions 
west  of  the  Indus,  and  the  Sikh  Sirdars  returned  each  to 


INTRIGUES.  51 

the  territory  he  had  acquired,  and  which  Lad  been  evacu- 
ated on  the  Sliah's  approach.  Runjeet  Singh  was 
one  of  those  who  retired  before  the  Shah,  and  on  this 
last  occasion  he  joined  other  Sirdars  similarly  circum- 
stanced with  himself,  or  otherwise  linked  to  his  Misul, 
and  made  an  expedition  across  the  Sutlej,  where  he  em- 
ployed the  interval  of  the  Shah's  stay  at  Lahor  in  a  tour 
for  the  exaction  of  tribute,  and  for  the  reduction  to  his 
authority  of  any  towns  or  villages  he  could  master. 

Upon  the  retirement  of  the  Shah,  Runjeet  Singh 
began  to  entertain  designs  for  securing  Labor  to  him- 
self, and  his  motber-in-law,  Su  da  Koonwur, encouraged 
and  lent  her  aid  to  forward  his  views.  The  city  was  at 
this  time  in  the  joint  possession  of  Chyt  Singh,  Mo- 
HUR  Singh,  and  Saheb  Singh.  Runjeet  Singh, 
however,  by  an  opportune  service  to  ZuMAN  Shah,  ob- 
tained from  that  prince  a  grant  with  permission  to  take 
possession.  Tbe  Afghan  had  been  compelled  to  preci- 
pitate bis  retreat  from  the  Punjab,  by  intelligence  of 
designs  from  Persia  on  the  side  of  Herat,  having  for  their 
object  the  support  of  the  claims  of  Shah  Mahmood. 
On  arriving  at  the  Jhilem,  that  river  was  found  swollen 
with  temporary  rain,  so  that  the  Afghan  artillery  could 
not  be  crossed.  Not  thinking  it  expedient  to  wait  on 
this  account,  Shah  Zuman  wrote  to  Runjeet  Singh, 
to  extricate  and  forward  to  him  the  guns  left  behind, 
holding  out  tbe  hope,  that  his  known  wishes  in  respect  to 
Labor  might  be  complied  with,  if  this  duty  were  well 
performed.  The  politic  Sikh  raised  eight,  out  of  the 
twelve  guns,  from  the  bed  of  the  river  into  which  they 
had  sunk,  and  forwarded  them  to  the  Shah,  from  whom  he 
received  in  return  the  grant  he  desired.     The  remaining 

G  2 


52       LAHOR   MASTERED   BY    RUNJEET    SINGH.       A.  D.  1799. 

four  guns  were  raised  only  in  1823,  and  are  now   in  tiie 
arsenal  at  Lahor^. 

Armed  with  this  authority  as  au  influence  over  the 
Mohummedan  population  of  the  to*i'>  ^*  nd  assisted  by 
the  credit  and  troops  of  Suda  Koonwur,  Runjeet 
Singh  prepared  an  expedition  for  thef  ^'zure  of  the  city 
of  Lahor.  The  three  Sikh  chiefs  in  possession  were 
shameless  in  conduct,  profligate  and  debannhcH  and 
neglectful  of  the  means  of  securing  themselves.  They 
had  few  troops  or  retainers,  and  their  administration  was 
most  unpopular.  In  order  to  prepare  the  way  for  the 
success  of  his  scheme,  RuNJ  EET  Singh  deputed  Kazeb 
Ubdoor-ruhman,  a  uotive  of  Rusoolnugur,  to  open  an 
intrigue  with  some  of  the  principal  Moosulman  inha- 
bitants. Meer  MoiiKi  m,  manager  for  Chyt  Singh, 
with  MoHUMMUD  Ashik  and  Meer  Shadee,  were 
won  over  to  assist  the  project,  and  promised  on  the 
approach  of  Runjeet  Singh,  to  open  one  of  the  gates 
to  him ;  accordingly  he  marched,  accompanied  by  his 
mother-in-law,  and,  having  been  admitted  without  oppo- 
sition, Chyt  Singh  and  his  two  co-partners,  were  com- 
pelled to  accept  Jageers  for  subsistence;  and  Runjeet 
Singh  thus  established  his  own  authority,  and  made 
arrangements  to  secure  his  conquest.  His  successful 
aggression  and  acquisition  of  a  place  so  famous  excited 
the  jealousy  of  all  rival  Sirdars,  and  an  assembly  of  troops 
for  recovery  of  this  city  took  place  at  Basim.  GoOLAB 
Singh  Bhun^ee,  Saheb  Singh  of  Goojrat,  and  Nu- 
/'JUM-ood-deen  of  Kasoor,  were  the  chiefs  at  the  head  of 

*  The  fact  of  Runjeet  Sin<;'s  having  obtained  a  praiit  of  Labor  from 
the  Af^baii  Sovcroisn,  is  not  incnlioneu  by  Cajjlaiu  ,\1uukay.  The  state- 
nieut,  with  the  eircunistances  under  whicfi  it  was  alleged tu  be  procured, 
is  made  on  the  authority  of  Captaiu  Make. 


A.  D.  1802.  BIRTH    OF    KHLRUK    SINGH.  53 

the  confederacy  most  active  in  hostility  to  Runjeet 
Singh.  After  a  few  months  of  debate  however,  and 
some  fruitless  skirmishes,  finding  the  young  chief  well 
prepared,  their  army  broke  up,  and  the  city  was  left  ever 
after  in  Runjeet  Singh's  uninterrupted  possession. 

The  Moosulmans  of  Kasoor,  a  considerable  town,  stated 
to  be  about  25  kos  S.  E.  of  Labor,  incurred  the  just 
resentment  of  Runjeet  Singh,  as  well  by  the  part 
their  chief  had  taken  in  this  confederacy,  as  by  depreda- 
tions since  committed  by  them  up  to  the  gates  of  the  city. 
His  next  enterprize  was  against  their  possessions,  and  in 
1801-2  NiJUM-ooD-DEEN  was  compelled  to  submit  to 
terms,  binding  himself  to  furnish  a  quota  of  troops  under 
his  brother  KooTUB-ooD-DEEN,  and  to  become  a  feuda- 
tory of  Runjeet  Singh.  In  the  same  year  the  young 
I  chief,  having  proceeded  to  bathe  in  the  sacred  reservoir 
of  Gooroo  Ram-Das  at  Tarun-Turun,  met  there  Sirdar 
FuTEH  Singh,  of  the  Aloowala  Misul,  and  contracting 
a  friendship  with  him,  made  an  exchange  of  turbands. 

The  year  1802  was  marked  by  the  birth*  of  Khuruk 
Singh,  the  present  heir-apparent  of  Maha  Raja  Run- 
jeet Singh:  his  mother  was  Raj-Koonwur,  daugh- 
ter of  Khujan  Singh  of  Nukee.  In  the  same  year,  the 
fort  of  Cheniot  held  by  JuSA  SiNGH,  son  of  theBhungee 
chief,  KuRUM  Singh  Dooloo,  was  besieged,  and, 
after  a  short  resistance,  taken  by  Runjeet  Singh,  who 
made  to  the  expelled  chief  a  trifling  allowance  for  main- 
tenance. 

*  Captain  Wade  places  this  event  after  the  decease  of  Dcl  Singh,  and 
peudiug  measures  to  occupy  his  Jageer  and  fort  of  Aleepoor,  which, 
according  to  Captain  MirMiAV,  would  make  it  in  1804.  The  year  1802,  is, 
however,  assigned  as  the  date  by  both  Ollicers. 


54  FURTHER   ENTERPRIZES.  A.  D.  1802-3. 

In  the  month  of  December  1802,  Runjeet  Singh 
assembled  his  own  and  SuDA  Koonwur's  forces,  and 
being  joined  by  the  Aloowala,  the  three  united  Misuls 
w  fell  suddenly  on  the  family  of  Goolab  Singh,  the  last 
Bhungee  Sirdar  of  note,  who  had  been  always  at  feud 
with  Maha  Singh  when  living,  and  was  at  the  head  of 
the  confederacy  which  had  attempted  to  recover  Labor. 
Goolab  Singh  had  died  in  1800,  leaving  a  widow  nam- 
ed Ranee  Sookha,  and  a  son  Goordut  Singh,  still 
a  minor,  under  her  guardianship.  The  moment  was  con- 
sidered favorable  to  break  for  ever  the  power  of  the 
Bhungees.  Accordingly,  the  widow  was  called  upon  to 
surrender  the  fort  of  Lohgurh  in  Umritsur,  to  give  up  the 
great  Bhungee  gun,  and  in  other  respects  to  submit  to 
the  confederates.  Feeling  unequal  to  resist,  the  helpless 
widow  evacuated  Lohgurh,  and  fled  with  her  child,  and 
the  family  has  since  sunk  to  indigence  and  obscurity. 

Pending  this  operation,  a  domestic  feud  occurred  in 
Kasoor;  and,  Nujum-ood-deen  being  assassinated,  was 
succeeded  in  the  Sirdaree,  by  Kootub-ood-deen,  his 
brother.  The  juncture  appearing  favorable,  Runjeet 
Singh  moved  down,  with  a  large  force  of  confederated 
Sikhs  against  that  territory,  but  after  plundering  the 
open  country  for  three  months,  finding  he  could  make  no 
impression  on  the  strong  holds  which  are  numerous  in 
the  district,  he  accepted  a  pecuniary  payment,  and  retired. 
In  March  of  this  year.  Raja  Sunsar  Chund,  of  Kot 
Kangra,  in  the  hills,  made  a  descent  into  the  plains  and 
plundered  some  villages  in  the  territory  of  SuDA  KoON- 
WUR,  that  is,  belonging  to  the  Ghunee  Misul.  She  called 
for  the  aid  of  her  son-in-law,  who  marched  immediately 
^■wilh  FuTEH  Singh  Aloowala,  and  soon  expelled  the 


A.  D.  1804.  RAPACITY.  55 

moantaineersi  The  occasion  was  taken  to  invest  Soojan- 
poor,  wbicb  was  held  by  the  Sikh  chief  BoODH  SiNGH 
^Bhugut,  from  whom  a  sum  of  ready  money,  a  large 
piece  of  ordnance,  and  the  three  districts  of  Bubrampoor, 
Dhuromkot,  and  Sookhalgurb,  were  extorted. 

From  the  Jalandhur  Dooab,    where  these  operations 
had  carried  him,  Runjeet  Singh  crossed  the  Ravee, 
and  returned   to  Labor  by  a  detour  through  Sealkot  and 
Rusoolnugur,    plundering   as   he    went.     The   widow  of 
.  Choor-Mul  was,  during  this  march,  deprived  of  Phug- 
/   wara,  which  was  given  in  an  exchange  to  Ft  TEH  Singh 
Aloowala.     Sl  nsar  Chund  ventured  again  into  the 
plains  towards  the  close  of  the  year,  and  seized  several 
towns  in  the  Jalundhur,  but  decamped  again  on  the  march 
thither  of  Run  J  eet  with  a  body  of  Aloowala  and  Ghunee 
confederates.     In  February  following,  the  Hill  Raja  again 
appeared,  and  having  seized  Hosbyarpoor  and  Bijwara, 
attempted  to  maintain  himself  there.     From  both,  how- 
ever, he  was  expelled  by  the  Sikhs,  and  Rln J  eet  Singh, 
after   this    service,    made  a  tour  of  exaction,  in   which, 
either  as  gift  or  tribute,  he  obtained  considerable  sums 
from  the  old  Sikh  chiefs,  Tar  A  Singh  Ghyba,  Dhlrlm 
Singh,   of  Uraritsur,   and  Boodh  Singh,  of  Fyzoolla- 
poor.     His  conduct  excited  the  jealousy  and  fears  of  all 
the  Sirdars,  who  had  hitherto  enjoyed  independence,   and 
immunity  from  molestation.     They  saw  that  Runjeet 
aimed  to   reduce  them  to  fealty  and    subservience;  yet 
were  they  so  divided,  and  filled  with  jealousies,  and  with- 
out a  head  or  leader,   that  they  attempted  nothing,  and 
could  devise  no  scheme  to    relieve  themselves  from  his 
arbitrary  exactions,  and  from  the  forfeiture  and  resump- 
tion with  which  he   seemed  systematically  to   visit  the 


56         EXACTIONS    FROM    CHUNAB    SIRDARS.  A.  D.  1804. 

family  of  every  chief  tliat  died.  It  was  in  this  year 
that  DuL  Singh,  the  brother-in-law  of  Churut  Singh, 
died,  when  RuNJEET  acquired  Akulgurh*  and  Jum- 
mabad  by  escheat,  these  places  being  held  as  dependen- 
cies of  the  Sookurchukea  Misul.  DuL  Singh  had  been 
in  disgrace  some  time  before  his  death. 

The  dissensions  of  the  four  sons  of  Tymoor   Shah, 

HUMAYOON,    MUHMOOD,    SlIAH    ZUMAN,    and    ShAH 

SiioojAH,  began  at  this  time  to  produce  distractions  in 
the  Afghan  empire,  which  led  to  the  royal  authority 
being  every  where  held  in  contempt.  Runjeet  Singh 
was  encouraged  by  this  state  of  things  to  direct  his  views 
westward,  and  after  a  Dusera,  passed  in  more  than  ordi- 
nary excess  at  Labor,  he  determined  in  the  year  1804  to 
seek  further  aggrandizement  by  the  seizure  of  the  depen- 
dencies of  that  empire,  east  of  the  Indus.  He  accord- 
ingly crossed  the  Ravee  in  October;  and,  having  the 
.'Aloowaia  chief  in  attendance,  moved  to  Ilamnugur  on 
the  Chunab,  and  thence  to  Jhung,  held  by  Ahmed  Khan, 
a  chief  of  considerable  note.  The  Khan  made  his  sub- 
mission, and  bought  off  the  invaders.  Saheewal  and 
Kot  Maharaja,  possessions  of  two  Balooch  Moosulmans, 
were  next  visited,  and  an  acknowledgment  of  supre- 
macy with  presents  of  horses  and  other  gifts,  saved  them 
from  ravage.  As  the  season  advanced  preparation  was 
made  to  visit  the  neighbourhood  of  Mooltan,  but  the 
governor  Mozuffur  Khan  anticipated  the  design,  and 
averted  the  evil  from  his  subjects  and  dependents  by  the 
transmission  of  timely  and  rich  presents.  Relations 
were  then  established  with  all  the  Moosulman  chiefs  and 


•  Formerly  Alcepoor,  a  possession  of  the  ('hitta  Moosulmans. 
irao  was  chaDRed  by  the  Sikhs  ou  their  capturiUj;  the  place  in  1770. 


Tho 


name 


A.  D.  1805.  RUNJEET   VISITS    HURDWAR.  57 

families  settled  about  the  Cbnuab  and  Jhylum ;  and, 
although  the  amount  obtained  in  this  first  visit  in  the 
way  of  tribute,  or  by  gifts,  was  not  large,  the  effect 
of  the  operations  of  the  season  was  beneficial  for  the 
ulterior  views  of  the  aspiring  Sikh,  for  the  chiefs,  as 
far  as  the  Indus,  began  to  see  to  what  quarter  their  hopes 
and  fears  must  thenceforward  be  directed :  most  of  them 
at  once  made  their  election  for  submission  to  the  ruler  of 
Labor,  and  withdrew  from  this  period  from  further  con- 
nexion with  the  KalK)ol  court  or  its  officers. 

In  February  1805  Runjeet  Singh  returned  to  his 
capital,  which  was  now  established  at  Labor,  and  cele- 
brating tliere  the  Hoolee  Saturnalia,  he  went  afterwards 
with  a  slight  attendance  to  the  annual  fair  held  at  the 
time  of  performing  ablutions  in  the  Ganges  at  Hurdwar. 
The  ceremonies  of  his  religion  being  there  completed,  he 
returned  towardsthe  beginning  of  June,  and  employed  the 
rains  in  farming  out  the  revenues  of  the  districts  retained 
in  his  personal  administration  to  the  highest  bidders.  This 
has  ever  been  his  only  scheme  of  revenue  management. 
The  farmer  has  full  powers  even  of  life  and  death  over 
those  committed  to  his  tender  mercies,  and  his  lease  is  a 
mere  licence  to  rob. 

After  the  Dusera  of  1805,  the  Sikh  army  was  again  led 
by  Runjeet  Singh  into  the  Mohummedan  Territory  be- 
tween the  Chunab  and  Indus,  and  the  chief  of  Jhung  was 
called  upon  to  settle  for  an  annual  tribute,  the  demand 
upon  him  being  now  raised  to  120,000  rupees.  Before 
however  this  negociation  could  be  brought  to  a  conclusion, 
Rlnjeet  Singh  was  recalled  by  intelligence  of  the  near 
approach  of  JuswuNT  Rao  Holkur  and  Ameer  Khan 

H 


58  holkur's  flight  to  lahor.  a.  d.  1803-6. 

from  the  east,  pursued  by  the  British  army  under  Lord 
Lake.  Futeh  Singh  Aloowala  was  accordingly 
left  to  make  arrangements  with  the  chiefs  of  the  west, 
and  RuNJEET  hasteningback  in  person  to  Umritsur,  met 
there  the  fugitive  Muiiratta,  with  whom  he  had  no  easy 
part  to  play.  Juswunt  Rao  threatened  to  continue 
his  flight  westward  towards  the  Kabool  dominions. 
Lord  Lake  however  had  arrived  on  the  Beah  or  Beas, 
and  was  prepared  to  follow,  and  it  was  neither  convenient 
nor  wise  to  permit  operations  of  the  kind  that  must 
ensue,  to  be  carried  on  in  the  Punjab.  On  the  other  hand 
Runjeet  Singh,  though  he  would  have  proved  an  use- 
ful auxiliary  to  either  party,  was  sensible  of  his  inability 
to  offer  open  resistance.  In  this  state  of  things  the  rela- 
tions he  maintained  with  Juswunt  Rao  Holkur  were 
friendly,  but  not  encouraging,  and  that  chief  being  disap- 
pointed in  the  hope  of  raising  the  Sikh  nation  to  a 
co-operation  in  hostility  with  him  against  the  British, 
yielded  to  the  difficulties  by  which  he  was  surrounded, 
and  made  his  terms  with  Lord  Lake  in  a  treaty  conclud- 
ed on  the  24th  December  1805.  Friendly  engagements 
were  further  exchanged  by  the  British  Commander  with 
Runjeet  Singh,  and  the  Aloowala  Sirdar  ;  and  in  the 
course  of  January  180G  the  two  armies,  which  had  inspired 
so  much  alarm  in  the  Punjab,  returned  to  Ilindoostan, 
leaving  the  Sikh  chiefs  to  celebrate  the  Hoolee  unembar- 
rassed by  their  presence,  and  with  joy  and  rejoicings 
commensurate  to  the  fears  they  had  entertained.  Runj  eet 
Singh's  excesses  at  this  festival  produced  a  disease  which 
confined  him  for  four  months.  Towards  the  end  of  the 
rains,  ho  re-appeared  in  a  new  field,  and  entered  on  mei\- 
sures  which  in  their  sequel  had  material  influence  on  his 
future  destiny  and  fortunes. 


A.  D.  180G.  RUNJEET   CROSSES   THE   SUTLEJ.  59 

The  Rajas  of  Puteeala  and  Xaba  were  at  fend  on 
account  of  some  lands,  situated  between  the  village  of 
Doluddee  and  the  town  and  fort  of  Naba.  The  Jheend 
chief.  Raja  Bhag  Singh,  was  the  ally  of  Xaba,  and  so 
were  the  Ladwa  and  Kythal  chiefs,  but  their  anited  forces 
uere  unequal  to  a  contest  with  their  powerful  neighbour 
of  Puteeala.  In  this  extremity,  Bhag  Singh,  of  Jheend, 
the  maternal  uncle  of  Runjeet,  was  deputed  to  invite 
his  assistance  to  the  weaker  party  ;  and,  the  Dusera  was 
no  sooner  over,  than  the  ruler  of  Labor  hastened  across 
the  Sutlej  to  take  part  in  this  quarrel.  He  passed  the 
river  at  Loodeeana,  and  mastering  the  place,  presented  it 
to  Raja  Bhag  Singh  in  exclusion  of  Ranee  Nooroon- 
XiSSA,  mother  of  Rao  Ilias,  to  whom  it  had  belontred. 
Saneewal  was  next  seized  from  another  defenceless 
widow,*  this  class  of  occupants  being  regarded  by  Run- 
jeet as  his  legitimate  prey.  The  place  was  given  in 
Jageer  to  MohkumChund  Dewan,  but  restored  after- 
wards on  realization  of  a  Xuzurana  of  30,000  Rupees. 
Driving  the  Puteeala  troops  out  of  Doluddee,  the  invader 
approached  Munsoorpoor,  where  Maha  Raja  Saheb 
Singh,  successor  to  Umur  Singh,  was  in  position  with  his 
main  body.  The  Maha  Raja,  by  a  sum  of  money  and  the 
present  of  apiece  of  artillery,  propitiated  the  Labor  chief, 
and  JuswuNT  Singh,  of  Xaba,  contributed  also  to  satis- 
fy his  cupidity,  whereupon  he  was  induced  to  remove  the 
scourge  of  his  ill-organized  all-ravaging  army  back  into 
the  Punjab.  Doluddee  was  restored  to  Puteeala  at  the 
intercession  of  Raja  Bhag  Singh,  and  Rlnjeet  Singh 
taking  the  opportunity  to  pass  the  Dewalee  and  perform 
his  ablutions  in  the  holy  tank  of  Thanesur,  re-crossed  the 

•  M\EE  LucHjHMEE,  widow  of  SoDHA  SiXGH— She  invited  the  aid  of 
Ri  NJEET  Singh,  being  at  issue  with  her  son,  who  held  her  at  the  time  in 
conliuemeut. 

H  2 


60  KASOOR   TAKEN.  A.  D.  1806-7. 

Sutlej  after  that  festival,  and  bent  bis  course  via  Rahoon, 
the  residence  of  Tara  Singh  Ghyba*  to  the  holy  fires 
of  JuwalaMookhee.  Here  be  met  RajaSuNSAR  Chund, 
of  Kangra,  who  solicited  his  aid  against  Umur  Singh, 
the  Goorkha  commander,  before  whom  all  the  chiefs  of  the 
bills,  from  the  Gogra  to  the  Sutlej,  had  fallen  in  succession, 
and  whose  detachments  were  then  ravaging  Kangra. 
The  price  demanded  by  Runjeet  for  his  services  being 
deemed  excessive,  the  interview  led  to  no  present 
arrangement  bet,vveen  the  chiefs,  but  as  the  difficulties  of 
the  Hill  Raja  increased,  the  negociation  was  afterwards 
renewed. 

The  year  1807  was  marked  by  the  lapse  and  resump- 
tion of  Pursroor  and  Chumara,  possessions  of  NuR 
Singh  deceased,  an  old  Sikh  Sirdar.  A  Jageer  for 
mere  subsistence  was  assigned  to  the  son.  Runjeet 
next  prepared  a  formidable  expedition  against  Kasoor, 
which  had  long  been  a  thorn  in  the  side  of  his  power,  and 
from  the  conquest  of  which,  as  being  a  Moosulman  pos- 
session, he  hoped  for  an  access  of  credit  and  popularity 
amongst  his  own  sect  and  nation.  In  February  1807  he 
invaded  the  territory  with  a  large  force,  and  KooTUB- 
ood-deen  was  compelled  to  shut  himself  up  in  his  for- 
tress at  Kasoor.  Internal  seditions  and  broils  completed 
the  ruin  of  this  Puthan  family,  and  in  March  the  chief 
surrendered  at  discretion.  He  was  left  in  possession  of 
a  small  territory  south  of  the  Sutlej,  and  bound  to  furnish 
a  contingent  of  troops   on   demand.     Kasoor  itself  and 

*  Captain  Wade  states  that  Tara  Singh  died  during  this  expedition, 
and  that  on  this  occasion  Kunji-kt  Singh  made  an  acquisition  of  eif^hthikiis 
of  Rupees  in  cash,  and  of  the  jewels  of  the  deceased  chief,  whicli  were  of 
great  value.  The  treasure  is  alle(?cd  to  be  the  first  of  nuy  extent  that  was 
BO  obtained.  (Jai)tain  MiiiutAY,  however,  places  the  death  of  Taha  Singh 
in  1807-H,  during  the  second  expedition  of  Riinjki;t  Singh  across  the  Sut- 
lej, and  (Japtuiu  W,  appears  to  nave  cvufouudeii  the  two  visits. 


INTRIGUES  IN  PUTEEALA.  61 

all  the  territory  held  by  the  family  in  the  Puujab  was 
resumed,  and  assigned  for  the  present  in  Jageer  to  Xyal 
Singh  Utharawala.  From  Kasoor,  Runjeet  Singh 
proceeded  S.  W.  towards  Mooltan,  and  occupied  and 
kept  garrisons  in  various  dependencies  of  that  govern- 
ment. In  April  the  town  of  Mooltan  was  mastered,  but 
the  governor  held  out  the  fort,  into  which  the  principal 
inhabitants  had  retired  with  their  valuables.  Being  unpro- 
vided with  the  means  of  siege,  Runjeet  accepted  a  sura 
of  money  from  Mozuffur  Khan,  and  returned  to  Labor 
in  May.  In  the  interval  before  the  rains,  he  detached  a 
force  against  Deena-nugur  under  the  Kangra  hills,  and 
levied  exactions  in  that  neighbourhood  from  several 
Sikh  and  mountain  chiefs,  who  had  hitherto  enjoyed  im- 
munity from  their  dependence  on  the  Ghunee  Misul, 
with  the  head  of  which,  SUDA  KooNWUR,  RuNJEET 
stood  in  such  close  relation.  The  measure  gave  offence 
to  that  lady,   and   the  foundation  was  thus  laid  for  the 

differences  and  intrigues  which  led  eventually  to  her  ruin. 

.,     /  1... 

The  wife  of  the  Puteeala  Raja  was  an  ambitious 
intriguing  woman  who  had  long  sought  to  set  aside  her 
husband,  or  at  least  to  procure  the  assignment  of  a  sepa- 
rate territory  for  her  minor  son  KuRUM  Singh.  When 
JuswUNT  Rao  Holkur  passed  through  Puteeala  on  his 
way  to  the  Punjab,  she  had  endeavoured  to  make  him  in- 
strumental to  her  views,  and  that  wily  chief  made  the  state 
of  things  which  prevailed,  conducive  to  his  own  enrich- 
ment, but  being  pressed  for  time,  in  consequence  of  the 
approach  of  Lord  Lake,  he  left  matters  between  the  Raja 
and  Ranee  as  they  were.  The  quarrel  being  now  renew- 
ed, the  Ranee  sent,  in  the  rains  of  1807,  to  invite  Rln- 
JEET  Singh   to   espouse   her  cause,  promising  him  a 


62      RUNJEET    AGAIN    CROSSES   THE    SUTLEJ.       A.  D.  1807. 

famous  brass  piece  of  ordnance  belonging  to  tbe  family, 
and  which  bore  the  name  of  Kuree  Kahn,  and,  also  a 
diamond  necklace  of  known  value,  as  the  price  of  his 
assistance.  The  Labor  chief  gladly  seized  the  occasion  to 
intei'fere,  and  crossed  the  Sutlej  at  Hureeke-Putun, 
Ivhere  that  river  is  joined  by  the  Beah.  In  the  month  of 
September,  on  his  route  towards  Puteeala,  he  seized  all 
the  remaining  possessions  of  the  deceased  Ilias-Raee, 
and  distributed  them  amongst  his  dependents  and  allies. 
Before  Runjeet  Singh  reached  Puteeala,  the  Raja  and 
Ranee  had  come  to  a  reconciliation,  the  latter  having, 
through  the  mediation  of  the  Jheend  and  Thanesur 
chiefs,  obtained  for  her  son  a  separate  Jageer  of 
50,000  Rupees  per  annum.  The  Raja  now  made  some 
demur  to  render  up  the  gun  and  necklace  promised  by 
his  Ranee,  but  Runjeet  Singh  appealed  to  the  invita- 
tion he  had  received,  and  his  appeal  being  backed  by  the 
condition  of  his  force,  the  two  articles  were  given  up 
according  to  promise,  though  with  evident  reluctance; 
and  Runjeet  marched  with  them  in  possession  to  reduce 
Nurayungurh,  which  was  surrendered,  and  made  over  to 
the  Aloowala  chief,  after  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  take 
it  by  storm,  which  was  attended  with  a  loss  of  near  400 
killed  and  wounded. 

While  engaged  before  Nurayungurh,  the  old  chief 
Tara  Singh  Ghyba,  who  was  serving  with  Runjeet 
Singh,  died,  and  his  followers  secretly  conveyed  the 
corpse  across  the  Sutlej  to  his  fort  of  Rahoon,  where  the 
funeral  obsequies  were  performed,  and  the  widow  and 
sons  made  preparation  to  maintain  their  possessions. 
While  the  body  however  was  yet  on  the  pyre,  RuNJEEr 
Sing  ii's  detachment,  which  had  followed  on  the  event  being 


A.  D.  1807.  BIRTH    OF   SHEER   SINGH.  63 

ascertained,  arrived  to  demand  a  surrender  of  treasures, 
and  to  enforce  a  resumption  of  the  chiefs  territory.  After 
a  slight  resistance,  the  family  was  compelled  to  submit,  and 
though  the  sous  at  first  received  a  small  provision  for 
subsistence,  they  were  soon  deprived  of  even  this  means 
of  support,  and  have  since  lived  in  indigence.  On  his 
route  back  from  Nurayungurh,  Runjeet  Singh  seized 
Moonda,  south  of  the  Sutlej,  from  the  son  of  Dhurum 
Singh,  and  sold  it  to  the  Jhecnd  Sirdar  :  and  Bhulolpoor 
and  Bhurtgurh  were  similarly  taken  from  B  HUG  HA  EEL 
Singh's  widow.  In  December,  Runjeet  Singh  re- 
turned to  Lah6r,  and  was  presented  by  his  wife,  Mehtab- 
KooNWUR,  with  twins.  The  boys  were  named  Sheer 
Singh  and  Tara  Singh,  but  Runjeet  has  never  fully 
acknowledged  themashisown  offspring.  Mehtab-Koon- 
wur's  fidelity  had  for  some  time  been  suspected  by  her 
husband,  and  she  had,  in  consequence,  been  living  with  her 
mother,  Suda  Koonwur.  The  report  ran,  that  the  boys 
were  procured  by  the  latter  from  a  carpenter  and  weaver, 
and  were  produced  as  born  to  her  daughter,  the  public 
having  for  some  time  previously  been  prepared  for  the 
birth,  by  reports  circulated  of  Mehtab  being  with  child. 
Sheer  Singh  has  latterly  been  honored  with  military 
commands  and  a  Jageer,  and  was  fortunate  in  having 
been  the  leader  of  the  expedition,  wherein  the  Mohum- 
medan  pretender,  Seyud  Ahmed  was  slain  in  1831 ;  but 
neither  before  nor  since  this  event,  has  he  ever  been 
recognized  by  Runjeet  as  his  own  son,  and  Tara 
Singh  is  treated  with  uniform  neglect. 

The  commencement  of  1808  was  marked  by  the  seizure 
of  Pathun  Kot,  under  the  Kangra  hills,  belonging  to 
J  YMUL  Ghunea,  and  by  exactions  from  chiefs  in  the  hills 


64  ALARM    OF   EASTERN    CHIEFS.  A.  D.  1808. 

and  plains  in  that  direction.  Mohkum  Chund  Dewan 
was  employed  simultaneously  in  settling  arrangements 
with  the  dependents  of  the  Duleeala  Misul,  at  the  head  of 
which  Tara  Singh  Ghyba  had  continued,  while  he  lived. 
Most  of  the  feudatories  were  confirmed  on  their  agreeing 
to  transfertheir  allegiance,  and  furnish  contingents  of  horse 
to  be  constantly  in  attendance.  Seeal-Kotand  Sheikhoo- 
poora,  south  of  the  Sutlej,  were  next  seized,  and  annexed 
to  the  immediate  territory  of  the  Lahor  chief  by  Mohkum 
Chund,  and  the  Dewan  being  kept  in  the  field  during 
the  rains,  seized  various  other  places  on  both  sides  of  the 
Sutlej,  from  the  Anundpoor  Mukawal  valley  downwards, 
and  confirmed  to  his  master  all  that  had  formerly  be- 
longed to  Tara  Singh  or  to  Bhughaeel  Singh. 

The  extensive  permanent  occupations  and  usarpations, 
thus  made  by  RuNJEET  Singh  on  the  east  and  south 
banks  of  the  Sutlej,  excited  the  alarm  of  the  Sikh 
chiefs,  situated  between  that  river  and  the  Jumna,  and, 
after  a  conference,  it  was  determined  by  them,  to  send 
a  mission  to  Dehlee,  composed  of  Raja  Bhag  Singh,  of 
Jheend,  Bhaee  Lal  Singh,  ofKythul,  and  Chyn  Singh 
Dewan,  of  Puteeala,  in  order  to  solicit  that  their  posses- 
sions might  be  taken  under  the  protection  of  the  British 
Government.  The  mission  reached  Dehlee,  and  waited 
on  Mr.  S  ETON,  the  Resident,  in  March  1808.  The  an- 
swer they  received,  though  not  decisive,  was  encouraging 
to  their  hope,  that  the  Labor  ruler  would  not  be  suflered 
to  extend  his  usurpations  eastward,  to  their  prejudice 
and  eventual  annihilation.  Intelligence  of  this  mission, 
however,  no  sooner  reached  Lah6r,  than  Runjeet 
Singh,  feeling  disquieted,  dispatched  agents  to  invite 
the  three  chiefs  who  composed  it  to  wait  upon  hiva,  that 


A.  D.  1808.  BRITISH    MISSION   TO    LAHOR.  65 

he  might  endeavour  to  allay  their  fears.  They  accord- 
ingly went  to  his  camp  at  Umritsur,  where  they  were 
received  with  marked  favor  and  attentions,  and  no  effort 
was  spared  in  the  endeavour  to  detach  them  from  the 
design  of  forming  any  connexion  with  the  British  Go- 
vernment. 

Pending  these  transactions,  the  alarm  of  an  invasion  of 
India  being  meditated  by  the  French  Emperor,  Napo- 
leon Buonaparte,  becoming  rife,  Lord  Minto  deter- 
mined to  send  missions  to  ascertain  the  condition  of  the 
countries  intervening,  and  the  feeling  of  the  rulers, 
chiefs,  and  people.  The  growing  power  ofRuNJEET 
Singh,  whose  authority  was  now  completely  established 
in  the  Punjab,  made  it  essential  to  include  his  court,  and 
the  collision  threatened  by  the  recent  proceedings  and 
known  designs  of  RuNJEET,  east  of  the  Sutlej,  formed  an 
additional  motive  for  deputing  a  British  Agent  to  Labor. 
Mr.  now  Sir  Charles  Metcalfe,  was  the  negoci- 
ator  selected  on  this  occasion,  and  the  announcement 
of  the  intended  deputation  was  received  by  Runjeet 
Singh,  while  the  Jheend  and  Kythul  chiefs  were  in 
attendance  on  him.  To  them  the  contents  of  the  des- 
patch were  communicated,  and  the  matter  formed  the 
subject  of  much  anxious  conference  and  deliberation. 
It  was  determined  to  receive  Mr.  Metcalfe  at  Kasoor, 
whither  Runjeet  marched  for  the  purpose  in  September 
1808.  On  the  envoy's  arrival,  he  was  received  with 
the  usual  attentions,  but  had  scarcely  found  the  opportu- 
nity to  enter  on  the  subjects  proposed  for  discussion  with 
the  Sikh  chief,  when  the  latter  suddenly  broke  up  his 
camp  from  Kasoor,  and  crossed  the  Sutlej  with  his  army. 
Fureed-Kot  was  immediately  occupied  by  him  and  made 

I 


66        RUNJEET    AGAIN    CROSSES   THE    SUTLEJ.       A.  D.  1808. 

over  to  SuDA  Koonwur  in  ejection  of  Goolab  Singh, 
and  RuNJEET  then  proceeded  ag-ainst  the  Moosulman 
possession  of  Muler  Kolila.  The  Puthan  family  hold- 
ing it  was  reduced  to  extremity,  and  agreed  to  a  large 
money  payment,  giving  abend  of  a  lakh  of  rupees,  to  which 
the  Puteeala  Raja  was  induced,  by  the  deposit  of  some 
strongholds,  to  be  security.  Mr.  Metcalfe  accompanied 
RuNJEET  Singh  to  Fureed-Kot,  but  refused  to  counte- 
nance any  military  operations  east  of  theSutlej.  He  ac- 
cordingly remained  near  that  river  until  his  Govern- 
ment should  determine  what  to  do  in  the  juncture,  and 
addressed  in  the  interval  a  strong  remonstrance  against 
such  aggressions,  committed  in  the  very  face  of  his 
proposition  to  make  the  matter  the  subject  of  discussion 
and  negociation  between  the  Governments.  In  the  mean 
time  RuNJEET  Singh  continued  his  progress  to  Umbala, 
which  with  its  dependencies,  he  seized,  and  made  over  to 
the  Naba  and  Kythul  chiefs.  He  then  exacted  tribute 
from  Shahabad  and  Thanesur,  and  returning  by  Puteeala, 
made  a  brotherly  exchange  of  turbands  with  the  weak 
Raja  Saheb  Singh.  After  this  expedition  he  again 
gave  Mr.  Metcalfe  the  meeting  at  Umritsur.  The 
Government  at  Calcutta  had  in  October  determined  on 
its  course,  and  the  envoy  was  now  instructed  to  avow, 
that  the  country  between  the  Sutlej  and  the  Jumna  was 
under  British  protection,  and  although  that  Government 
had  no  design  to  require  the  surrender  of  possessions 
occupied  before  its  interposition,  it  must  insist  on  the 
restoration  of  all  that  had  been  seized  during  the  late  expe- 
dition of  RuNJEET  Singh.  To  enforce  this  demand,  and 
support  the  negociation,  a  body  of  troops  was  advanced  to 
the  frontier  under  Colonel,  afterwards  Sir  David  Och- 
TERLONY,  andauarmy  of  reserve  was  formed  and  placed 


A.  D.  1809.  ADVANCE   OF   BRITISH    ARMY.  67 

under  the  command  of  Major  General  St.  Leger,  to  be 
prepared  for  any  extended  operations,  the  activity,  and 
supposed  hostile  desig^ns  of  RuNJEET  Singh  might  ren- 
der necessary. 

Colonel  OcHTERLONY  crossed  the  Jumna  at  Booreea 
on  the  16th  January  1809,  and  as  he  approached  Umbala, 
RuNJEET  Singh's  detachment  left  there  retired  to  the 
Sutlej.  Taking-  en  route  the  several  places  visited  by  the 
Sikh  army,  the  British  commander  reached  Loodeeana 
on  the  Sullej,  and  took  up  a  position  there  on  the  18th 
February  following.  His  march  was  hailed  by  the  people 
and  chiefs,  as  affording  the  promise  of  future  protection 
and  tranquillity,  and  they  vied  with  one  another  in  the 
display  of  their  gratitude  and  satisfaction. 

Up  to  this  period,  Runjeet  Singh  had  maintained 
in  the  conferences  to  which  the  envoy  was  admitted,  that 
the  Jumna,  and  not  the  Sutlej,  was  the  proper  boundary 
of  the  British  possessions,  and  that  in  right  of  his  supre- 
macy over  the  Sikh  nation,  no  less  than  as  Governor  of 
Labor,  he  was  warranted  in  asserting  feudal  superiority 
over  all  the  chiefs  of  that  nation  between  those  two  rivers. 
The  existing  independence  of  Puteeala  and  the  other 
principalities,  had  no  weight  in  argument  with  a  chief, 
whose  domination  was  the  right  to  plunder  and  usurp, 
according  to  the  condition  of  his  army,  and  who  aimed 
only  to  secure  himself  this.  The  arrival  of  Colonel  OcH- 
TERLONY  on  the  Sutlej,  however,  opened  his  eyes  to  a 
new  fear,  which  was,  that  if  he  longer  resisted,  oflers  of 
protection  might  be  made  to  chiefs  in  the  Punjab,  which 
would  effectually  curb  his  ambitions  views,  and  must 
involve  him  in  collision — and,  perhaps,  hostility,  with  a 

I  2 


68  NEGOCIATIONS.  A.D.  1809. 

power  he  never  thought  himself  capable  of  seriously 
opposing  in  the  field.  His  resolutions  were  hastened  by 
an  event  that  occurred  in  his  camp.  The  Mohurrum,  the 
first  and  sacred  month  of  the  Mohummedaus,  commenced 
in  1809  towards  the  end  of  February,  and  the  followers 
of  this  faith,  in  the  suite  of  the  envoy,  prepared  to  cele- 
brate the  deaths  of  HusuN  and  HooSEiN,  the  two  sons 
of  Ulee,  with  the  usual  ceremonies.  The  Akalees,  or 
fanatic  priests  of  the  Sikhs,  took  umbrage  at  this  per- 
formance of  Mooslim  rites  in  the  Sikh  camp,  and  at 
Umritsur;  and  collecting  in  a  body,  headed  by  Phoola 
Singh,  a  bigot  of  notorious  turbulence,  they  opened  a 
fire  of  matchlocks,  and  attacked  the  envoy's  camp.  The 
escort  was  called  out,  and  though  composed  of  two  compa- 
nies of  Native  Infantry  and  sixteen  troopers  only,  this  small 
body  charged  and  routed  their  party,  after  which,  the  biers 
were  buried  with  the  usual  forms.  Runjeet  himself 
came  up  at  the  close  of  the  fight  ;  and  immediately 
it  was  over,  advanced  in  person  to  make  apologies  to  the 
envoy,  expressing  his  admiration  of  the  discipline  and 
order  displayed  by  the  British  detachment,  and  promis- 
ing his  best  exertions  to  prevent  any  repetition  of  such 
disorders.  The  circumstance  made  an  impression  on  his 
mind  as  to  the  unfitness  of  his  own  troops  to  cope  with 
those  under  European  discipline,  and  determined  him  to 
secure  peace  and  friendship  at  the  sacrifices  demanded. 

The  British  Government  were  sensible,  that,  having 
interfered  to  impose  restraints  on  (he  ambition  of 
Runjeet  Singh,  it  had  little  to  expect  from  his  friend- 
ship in  case  of  any  necessity  arising  to  arm  against  inva- 
sion from  the  west.  Had  danger,  indeed,  from  that  quar- 
ter been  more  imminent,  it  would  probably  have  been 


A.  D.  1809.  TREATY   WITH    RUNJBET.  09 

deemed  politic  to  extend  our  direct  influence  farther  into 
the  Punjab,  in  reduction  of  the  power  of  a  chief  who 
showed  himself  so  unfriendly.  But  by  the  time  arrange- 
ments had  to  be  concluded,  the  apprehension  of  any 
necessity  of  preparation  for  such  an  event  had  worn  off, 
and  the  only  object  that  remained  was,  to  secure  our  own 
frontier,  and  for  the  credit  of  our  power  to  take  redress 
for  the  offensive  aggressions  which  the  Labor  ruler  had. 
recently  committed  eastof  theSutlej.  RunjeetSingh 
expressed  a  strong  desire  at  this  time  to  obtain  a  written 
pledge  of  our  pacific  and  friendly  intentions  towards  him- 
self; and  the  restoration  of  the  places  seized  during  his 
late  inroad  having  been  obtained  from  him,  a  short  treaty 
declaratory  of  mutual  peace  and  friendship  was  conclud- 
ed by  the  envoy,  at  Umritsur,  on  the  2oth  April,  1809. 
It  was  to  the  following  effect : — 

After  the  usual  preamble  expressive  of  the  desire  for 
peace,  and  stating  by  whom  the  engagement  was  settled, 

"  Article  the  First. — Perpetual  friendship  shall  subsist 
**  between  the  British  Government  and  the  State  of  Labor: 
**  the  latter  shall  be  considered  with  respect  to  the  for- 
"  mer,  to  be  on  the  footing  of  the  most  favored  powers, 
"  and  the  British  Government  will  have  no  concern  with 
"  the  territories  and  subjects  of  the  Raja  to  the  north- 
"  ward  of  the  river  Sutlej. 

"Article  Second. — The  Raja  will  never  maintain  in 
"  the  territory,  which  he  occupies  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
"  Sutlej,  more  troops  than  are  necessary  for  the  internal 
"  duties  of  the  territory,  nor  commit  or  suffer  any  encroach- 
"  ment  on  the  possessions  or  rights  of  the  chiefs  in  its 
"  vicinity. 


70  ITS    EFFECT.  A.  D.  1808. 

"  Article  Third. — In  tlie  event  of  a  violation  of  any  of 
**  the  preceding  articles,  or  of  a  departure  from  the  rules 
"  of  friendship  on  the  part  of  either  State,  this  treaty  shall 
"  be  considered  to  be  null  and  void."  The  fourth  and 
last  article,  provides  for  the  exchange  of  ratifications. 

The  treaty  being  concluded,  Mr.  Metcalfe  came 
away  on  the  1st  May  following.  All  further  discussions 
with  RuNJEET  Singh  were  then  dropped,  audit  became 
a  principle  in  all  relations  with  this  chief  to  confine  com- 
munications, as  much  as  possible,  to  friendly  letters  and 
the  exchange  of  presents,  but  the  British  officers  on  the 
frontier,  were  instructed  to  watch  the  proceedings  of 
RuNJEET  Singh,  and  to  require  instant  redress,  in  case 
of  any  infringement  of  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  by  inter- 
ference with,  or  encroachment  on  the  rights  and  territo- 
ries of  Chiefs  and  Sirdars,  east  or  south  of  the  river  Sut- 
lej.  The  continued  prosecution  of  this  course  of  policy  to 
the  present  date,  has  weaned  the  chief  from  all  apprehen- 
sion of  danger  to  his  own  authority,  from  the  ulterior 
views  for  which  he  long  gave  us  credit ;  and  there  is  now 
established  between  the  two  powers  as  complete  and  per- 
fect a  good-fellowship  as  can  exist  with  states  constituted 
like  those  of  India.  It  is  based  however  on  no  better 
foundation  than  the  personal  character  of  Runjeet 
Singh,  and  his  personal  conviction  that  the  British 
Government  desires  to  see  him  prosperous  and  powerful, 
and  would  regard  the  extinction  of  his  rule,  and  the  con- 
fusion and  convulsions  which  must  follow,  as  a  serious  evil 
of  mischievous  influence  to  itself.  Of  this  however,  more 
hereafter. 


CHAPTER    FIFTH. 


A.  D.  1809  to  1811. 


British  arrangements  with  the  Chiefs  east  of  the  Siitlej. 
Transactions  in  the  Punjab  tending  to  the  further 
aggrandizement  of  Rnnjeet  Singh. 

X  HE  declarations  with  which  the  British  force  under 
Colonel  OcHTERLONY  advanced  to  the  Sutlej,  were  in 
strict  conformity  with  the  application,  made  by  the  chiefs 
occupying  the  country  between  the  Indus  and  Sutlej, 
through  the  mission  deputed  by  them  to  Dehlee  in  March 
1808.  Protection  was  promised,  and  no  demand  of 
tribute  or  of  contribution  of  any  kind  made,  to  defray  the 
charges  incurred  by  the  obligation  to  afford  it.  The 
recency  of  their  experience  of  the  rapacity  of  a  Sikh 
army,  and  the  conviction  that  there  could  be  no  security 
to  themselves,  and  still  less  to  their  families,  under  a  ruler 
like  the  chief  who  had  now  the  ascendant  in  the  Sikh 
nation,  made  all  the  Sirdars  rejoice  that  their  prayer  had 
been  acceded  to  by  the  British  Government  ;  and  the 
advance  of  its  forces  to  the  Sutlej  was  looked  upon  in 
consequence  with  no  jealousy,  but  as  a  measure  necessary 
to  effect  the  purpose  contemplated. 


72      BRITISH    DECLARATION  OF  PROTECTION.       A.  D.  1809. 

A  treaty  having  been  now  concluded  with  Runjeet 
Singh,  it  became  necessary  to  fix,  somewhat  more  speci- 
fically than  had  been  hitherto  done,  the  relations  that  were 
to  subsist  henceforward  between  the  protecting  power 
and  its  protected  dependents.  It  was  determined  to  give 
the  desired  explanation  of  the  views  of  the  British 
Government  on  this  subject,  by  a  general  proclamation, 
rather  than  by  entering  into  any  separate  engagement 
with  the  numerous  chiefs  affected  by  the  measure.  Ac- 
cordingly on  the  6th  May  1809,  an  Italanama,  or  general 
declaration,  was  circulated  to  the  Sirdars,  intimating  to 
them  as  follows. 

First.  That  the  territories  of  Sirhiud  and  Malooa,  (the 
designation  assumed  by  the  Sikhs  of  Puteeala,  Xaba, 
Jheend,  and  Kythul)  had  been  taken  under  British  pro- 
tection, and  Runjeet  Singh  had  bound  himself  by  treaty 
to  exercise  in  future  no  interference  therein. 

Second.  That  it  was  not  the  intention  of  the  British 
Government  to  demand  any  tribute  from  the  Chiefs  and 
Sirdars  benefiting  by  this  arrangement. 

Third.  That  the  Chiefs  and  Sirdars  would  be  permit- 
ted to  exercise,  and  were  for  the  future  secured  in,  the 
rights  and  authorities  they  possessed  in  their  respective 
territories  prior  to,  and  at  the  time  of  (he  declaration  of 
protection  by  the  British  Government. 

Fourth.  That  the  Chiefs  and  Sirdars  should  be  bound 
to  offer  every  facility  and  accommodation  to  British 
troops  and  detachments,  employed  in  securing  the  protec- 
tion guaranteed,  or  for  purposes  otherwise  connected  with 


A.  D.  1809.  OBLIGATIONS    UNDER   IT.  73 

the  general  interests  of  the  state,  whenever  the  same 
might  be  marched  into,  or  stationed  in,  their  respective 
territories. 

Fifth.  In  case  of  invasion  or  war,  the  Sirdars  were  to 
join  the  British  standard  with  their  followers,  whenever 
called  upon. 

Sixth.  Merchants  conveying  articles,  the  produce  of 
Europe,  for  the  use  of  the  detachments  at  Loodeeana,  or  of 
any  other  British  force  or  detachment,  should  not  be  sub- 
ject to  transit  duty,  but  must  be  protected  in  their  passage 
through  the  Sikh  country. 

Seventh.  In  like  manner  horses  for  the  cavalry  when 
furnished  with  passports  from  competent  oflHcers,  must  be 
exempt  from  all  tax. 

The  above  declaration  being  published  and  circulated, 
became  the  charter  of  rights,  to  which  the  chiefs  have 
since  looked,  and  appealed,  for  the  settlement  of  all  ques- 
tions that  have  arisen  between  them  and  the  British 
Government.  The  matters  specifically  provided  for,  were 
those  that  immediately  pressed.  There  has  been  much 
however  of  intricate  dispute  between  rival  candidates  for 
Sirdarees  ; — between  chiefs  who  had  divided  their  terri- 
tory before  the  declaration  of  protection  was  published, 
and  had  bound  themselves  to  their  co-proprietors  by 
mutual  obligations  ;  between  chiefs  and  their  dependents 
of  the  Sikh  nation,  as  well  as  Zumeendars,  as  to  the 
extent  of  right  and  authority  possessed  at  the  time  of 
the  declaration  of  protection ; — and,  perhaps  more  than 
all,  boundary  disputes  and  quarrels  regarding  participated 

K 


74  COLONEL   OCHTERLON\'s    MEASURES.  A.  D.  1812. 

rights.  These  differences,  whenever  they  have  arisen, 
have  required  adjustment  and  arbitration  by  the  British 
officers  on  the  spot,  and  have  formed  the  subject  of  con- 
tinual references  to  the  Supreme  Government  at  Cal- 
cutta. The  regulation  of  successions  was  also  a  matter, 
that  from  the  first  required  to  be  undertaken  by  the  pro- 
tecting' authority,  and  failing  heirs  of  any  kind  according 
to  Sikh  custom  and  law,  the  escheat  is  considered  to  fall 
to  the  protecting  state. 

Until  the  year  1812,  the  duties  of  protection,  and  the 
settlement  of  these  mutual  disputes,  though  giving  con- 
stant employment  to  Colonel  OcHTERLONY,  the  British 
officer,  appointed  superintendent  of  Sikh  affairs,  produc- 
ed nothing  of  sufficient  moment  to  require  relation.  In 
that  year,  however,  the  disorders  in  Puteeala  consequent 
upon  the  Raja's  imbecility,  produced  a  crisis  that  called 
for  an  exertion  of  authoritative  interference.  The  pro- 
tected territory  was  invaded  by  a  public  depredator,  for 
whose  punishment  and  expulsion  the  Puteeala  Raja  was 
called  upon  to  furnish  a  quota  of  horse.  This  chief  holds 
territory  yielding  a  revenue  of  more  than  thirty  lakhs  of 
rupees,  yet  the  whole  force  he  could  furnish  on  the 
occasion  consisted  only  of  two  hundred  horse  of  the  very 
worst  description,  and  these  arrived  so  late  in  the  field  as 
to  be  of  no  use.  Colonel  OcriTERLONY,  taking  with 
him  the  Chiefs  of  Jheend  and  Naba,  proceeded  to  Putee- 
ala to  remonstrate  with  Muha  Raja  Saheb  Singh  upon 
the  evidence  of  inefficiency  ad'orded  by  this  state  of  things, 
and  it  was  endeavoured  to  persuade  him  to  discard  the 
low  favorites  who  ate  up  his  revenues,  and  prevented 
those  better  disposed  from  carrying  on  any  consistent 
system  df  government,  and  from  introducing  the  desired 


A.  D.  1812.  PUTEEALA    RAJA    DEPOSED.  75 

improvements  into  the  administration.  The  attempt  to 
procure  a  change  of  ministers  by  persaasioD  failed,  but 
the  Raja  made  many  professions  of  a  determination  to 
exert  himself  to  effect  the  desired  reforms.  Being  left 
again  to  himself,  his  conduct  became  so  violent  and  irre- 
gular, as  to  betray  symptoms  of  an  aberration  of  reason, 
and  the  Colonel  was  compelled  to  proceed  again  to  his 
capital,  in  order  to  allow  his  outraged  subjects  and  depen- 
dents to  put  things  on  a  better  footing,  and  to  prevent 
the  Raja's  removal  from  power  from  producing  convul- 
sions, or  a  breach  of  the  general  tranquillity.  Saheb 
Singh  was  now  deposed,  and  placed  under  limited 
restraint.  ASKOOR  Ranee,  his  wife,  in  association 
with  a  shrewd  Brahmin  minister  named  Xundee  Rao, 
was  appointed  regent  for  the  heir-apparent,  the  pre- 
sent Raja,  KuRUM  Singh,  who  was  then  a  minor,  and 
affairs  were  conducted  in  his  name.  Maharaja  Saheb 
Singh  died  a  few  months  after  his  deposal.  The 
Ranee's  doubtful  reputation  for  chastity,  and  known 
character  for  turbulence  and  intrigue,  made  her  admi- 
nistration unpopular,  while  the  profusions  of  Saheb 
Singh  had  secured  him  many  partisans.  Hence  the  part 
taken  by  the  British  Superintendent  in  the  establishment 
of  this  scheme  of  administration,  although  his  motives 
were  appreciated  by  the  discerning,  made  a  great  sensa- 
tion amongst  the  Sikhs,  by  the  lower  order  of  whom,  and 
particularly  by  the  turbulent,  and  designing,  the  Raja's 
removal  from  power  was  regarded  as  an  act  of  tyranny  and 
injustice,  produced  by  intrigue,  and  influenced  by  worse 
motives.  When  Colonel  Ochterlony  was  at  Puteeala, 
in  prosecution  of  these  measures,  he  was  attacked  in  his 
palanquin  by  an  Akalee  fanatic,  who  with  his  drawn  sword 
had  nearly  taken  the  Colonel's  life.     He  escaped,  however, 

K  2 


76    RUNJEET  PROCEEDS  INTO  THE  HILLS.    A.  D.  1809. 

with  slight  wounds  by  seizing  hold  of  the  sword,  and 
the  assassin  being  secured,  was  sentenced  to  be  confined 
for  life  at  Dehlee. 


In  the  above  notice  of  occarrences  east  of  the  Sutlej, 
the  events  of  the  Punjab  have  been  anticipated.  It  is 
now  time  to  resume  the  narrative  of  RuNjEET  Singh's 
usurpations,  and  of  the  expeditions  and  enterprizes  by 
which  he  consolidated  and  extended  his  dominions. 

The  first  operation  in  which  the  Labor  army  was  engag- 
ed after  Mr.  Metcalfe's  departure  in  May,  1809,  was 
against  Kangra,  in  the  hills  ;  but  before  moving  in  that 
direction,  Runjeet  Singh  gave  order  to  place  the  fort 
of  Feelor,  on  the  Sutlej  opposite  to  Loodeeana,  and  also 
Govind-gurh,  in  Umritsur,  where  his  treasure  was,  and 
still  is  deposited,  in  the  best  possible  condition  for  de- 
fence. The  walls  were  rebuilt,  and  a  deep  ditch,  scarped 
with  masonry,  was  added  to  the  works  of  both  strong- 
holds, which  being  completed,  the  chief  moved  into  the 
hills. 

Kangra  was  at  this  time  besieged  by  Umur  Singh 
Th^pa,  the  Goorkha  commander,  but  held  out  against 
him.  The  garrison,  however,  being  reduced  to  extremity, 
Raja  Sunsar  Chund  tendered  the  place  to  Runjeet 
Singh,  on  condition  of  his  lending  troops  to  raise  the 
siege,  and  expel  the  Goorkhas  from  the  territory  west 
and  north  of  the  Sutlej.  Tbe  engagement  was  gladly 
entered  into  by  RuN.i  eet,  and  on  the  28th  May,  he  arrived 
with  his  army  at  Puthan-Kot,  in  the  Jalundhur  Turaee,  a 
possession  of  Jymul  Giiuneea,  which  heseized  and 
confiscated.     Thence  he  sent  a  detachment  to  strengthen 


A.D.  1809.  GETS    POSSESSION    OF   KANGRA.  77 

the  forces  of  the  confederate  hill  chiefs,  who  were  at  the 
time  engaged  in  the  attempt  to  cut  ofFUMUR  Singh's  sup- 
plies, and  so  compel  his  retirement.  Umur  Singh  made 
an  effort  to  deprecate  this  interference,  and  sent  to  offer 
to  RuNJEET  Singh,  a  money  equivalent  for  Kangra. 
The  fort,  however,  had  a  value  in  the  eye  of  tlie  aspiring 
Sikh,  which  made  him  regardless  of  the  temptation  offered 
to  his  avarice.  This  stronghold  has  the  reputation  in 
Hindoostan  of  being  impregnable.  SuNSAR  Chund, 
notwithstanding  his  engagement,  could  not  reconcile  it 
to  his  honor  to  part  with  the  fort,  and  evaded  Runjeet 
Singh's  importunity  for  a  Sikh  garrison  to  be  admitted 
within  its  walls.  In  August,  having  proceeded  in  person 
to  the  vicinity,  and  being  still  put  oft'  with  excuses,  the 
Sikhs  patience  became  exhausted.  He  accordingly 
placed  the  Raja's  son,  who  was  in  attendance  with  him, 
under  restraint,  and  having  ascertained  that  the  army  of 
Umur  Singh  was  in  great  straight  for  supplies,  and  short 
of  ammunition,  he  directed  a  chosen  body  of  Sikhs  to 
advance  boldly  to  the  gate,  and  demand  entrance.  They 
suffered  considerably  in  killed  and  wounded  as  they 
ascended,  but  on  reaching  the  gate  were  received  into 
the  fort,  which  thus  fell  into  the  power  of  Runjeet 
Singh,  on  the  24th  of  August  1809.  Umur  Singh 
being  foiled  in  his  purpose,  and  having  no  desire  to  involve 
himself  with  the  Sikhs,  came  to  an  understanding  with 
Runjeet  Singh,  and,  having  secured  by  his  connivance 
the  means  of  transport,  retired  across  the  Sutlej. 

On  the  31st  of  September,  Runjeet  Singh  having 
completed  arrangements  with  the  hill  chiefs,  and  taken 
the  necessary  steps  to  secure  his  possession  of  Kangra, 
returned  to  the  Jalundhur  Dooab,  and  seized  the  Jageer 


78  RE-ORGANIZES    HIS    ARMY.  A.  D.  1809. 

of  Bhughaeel  Singh's  eldest  widow,  who  had  recently 
died  there  :  his  Dewan  was  similarly  employed,  in  seiz- 
ing the  districts  of  Brioop  Singh  Fyzoollapoorea,  whose 
person  he  secured  treacherously  at  an  interview. 

It  was  at  this  time,  and  influenced  apparently  by 
observation  of  the  efficiency  and  discipline  maintained 
by  the  British  Sipahees  with  Mr.  Metcalfe,  that  RuN- 
JEET  Singh  commenced  the  formation  of  regular  batta- 
lions on  the  British  model,  entertaining  for  the  purpose 
Poorhees,  that  is,  natives  of  the  Gangetic  provinces, 
and  Sikhs  from  the  other  side  of  the  Sutlej.  These  he 
formed  into  bodies  of  three  and  four  hundred,  and  procured 
deserters  from  the  British  ranks,  whom  he  employed  to 
drill  them,  and  nominated  to  be  commanders  with  superior 
pay.  His  artillery  was  also  formed  into  a  separate  corps 
under  a  Darogha,  or  superintendent;  and  the  cavalry 
attached  to  himself,  he  divided  into  two  classes,  one  called 
the  GhoT-chur  Suwars,  and  the  other  the  Ghor-chur-Klias, 
the  first  being  paid  in  money,  and  the  latter  by  Jageers, 
both  classes  however  were  mounted  on  horses,  the  proper- 
ty of  the  state. 

Jodh  Singh,  of  Vuzeerabad,died  towards  the  close  of 
1809;  and  on  the  first  day  of  the  new  year  RuNJEET 
Singh  arrived  there  to  enforce  the  resumption  of  his 
territorial  possessions.  A  large  sum  of  money  was  ten- 
dered by  GuNDHA  Singh,  the  son  of  the  deceased,  as  the 
price  of  his  confirmation,  and  the  Labor  chief's  avarice 
being  tempted,  he  refrained  from  present  occupation  of 
the  estates,  and  conferred  the  Sh&land  Turband  of  inves- 
titure on  the  heir.  A  dispute  between  the  father  and  son 
of  Goojrat  aflording  the  opportunity,   he   succeeded    in 


A.D.  1810.  SHAH    SHOOJAH    JOINS    RUNJEET.  79 

expelling  both,  and  in  confiscating  that  territory  ;  after 
which,  he  proceeded  to  the  country  east  of  the  Jihlum,  as 
far  as  Saheewal,  and  exacted  tribute  and  contributions  from 
the  Balooch  and  other  Moosulman  chiefs  of  that  quarter. 

On  the  2nd  of  February,  in  the  midst  of  these  opera- 
tions, it  was  announced  to  Runjeet  Singh,  thatSiiAH- 
Shooja  was  approaching  to  seek  refuge  in  his  territory, 
having  been  compelled  to  yield  to  the  ascendancy 
acquired  by  his  brother,  SilAH  Maiimood,  through  the 
vigour  and  talents  of  the  Vuzeer  Futeh  Khan.  The 
Ex-Shah  joined  the  camp  of  Runjeet  at  Khooshab  on 
the  day  following,  viz.  the  3rd  February  1810,  and  was 
received  with  much  outward  respect,  Runjeet  having 
gone  forth  in  person  to  conduct  him  in,  and  sending  a 
Zeeafut  of  1250  Rs.  to  his  tents  upon  his  alighting.  The 
Shah,  however,  returned  to  Rawul  Pindee  on  the  12th 
February,  to  join  his  brother  Zuman  Shah,  leaving 
Runjeet  Singh  to  prosecute  his  operations  against 
the  Moosulman  chiefs  east  of  the  Indus.  A  succour  of 
men  and  money  had  been  tendered  by  the  Government  of 
Kashmeer,  and  by  Ata  Mohummud  Khan,  son  of  the 
old  Vuzeer  Sheer  Mohummud  ;  and,  thus  aided.  Shah 
Shooja  made  an  attack  on  Peshawur,  and  was  received 
there  on  the  20th  of  March.  In  September  following, 
however,  he  was  expelled  by  Mohummud  Uzeem,  bro- 
ther of  Futeh  Khan,  and  driven  again  across  the 
Indus,  whereupon  he  endeavoured  to  obtain  admission 
into  Mooltan  without  effect.  In  the  mean  time,  however, 
events  of  interest  had  occurred  in  the  Punjab. 

The  Saheewal  chief  had  accepted  terms  from  Runjeet 
Singh  on  the  25th  of  January,    but  failing  to  pay  the 


80  MOOLTAN    BESIEGED.  A.  D.  1810. 

entire  amount  agreed  upon  (80,000  rupees,)  that  town 
was  invested  on  the  7th  February.  Futeh  Khan,  the 
Sirdar,  surrendered;  but  upon  some  demur  in  giving-  up 
a  dependency  of  Saheewal,  named  Lukhomut,  he  was  sent 
in  irons  to  Labor,  and  kept  there  in  close  confinement 
with  all  his  family,  the  whole  of  his  estate  being  seques- 
tered. On  the  15th  February,  Runjeet's  army  was 
before  Ooch,h,  the  proprietors  of  which  place,  Seyuds  of 
Geelan  and  Bokhara,  waited  on  the  Sikh  with  horses,  and 
this  conduct,  added  to  the  estimation  in  which  their  tribe 
is  held  for  sanctity  by  both  Hindoos  and  Mohummedans, 
propitiated  the  chief,  and  they  were  left  in  possession 
under  an  engagement  to  pay  tribute.  On  the  20th  Febru- 
ary, such  was  the  rapidity  with  which  RuNJEET  Singh 
prosecuted  his  measures,  the  whole  Sikh  army  was  before 
Mooltan  ravaging  the  surrounding  territory,  consequent- 
ly upon  a  refusal  by  Mozuffur  Khan  to  pay  the  sum 
of  three  lakhs  of  rupees,  which  had  been  demanded  from 
him:  RuNJEET  Singh  now  demanded  the  fort  of  Mool- 
tan, declaring  that  he  desired  it  for  Shah  Shooja,  to 
whom  Mozuffur  Khan  was  bound,  and  had  engaged 
to  render  it.  This  specious  pretext  made  no  change  in 
Mozuffur  Khan's  resolution  to  defend  the  place  to  the 
utmost.  RuNJEET  Singh  reconnoitred,  and  marked  out 
ground  for  different  batteries,  and  lines  of  approach, 
assigning  them  to  diflerent  chiefs,  with  the  promise  of 
rich  Jageers  to  those  who  made  the  quickest  advance,  and 
most  impression.  Arrangements  were  made  to  secure 
the  transmission  of  supplies  by  water,  as  well  as  by  land, 
from  Labor  and  Umritsur,  and  every  thing  betokened  a 
determination  in  the  Sikh  chief  to  master  this  important 
possession.  The  garrison  was  not  disheartened,  but 
made  the  best  dispositions  possible  for  defence.     A  large 


A.D.  1810.  THE   SIEGE   FAILS.  81 

supply  of  grain  had  been  laid  in,  and  the  fort  contained 
an  abundance  of  fresh  water.  The  little  impression  made 
on  the  walls  by  the  Sikh  artillery  confirmed  the  courage 
of  the  defenders.  The  great  Bhungee  gun,  which  dis- 
charged a  ball  of  two  and  a  half  maunds  kuchha,  had 
been  brought  down  for  the  siege,  but  the  materials  for 
such  an  operation  were  so  defective  in  the  Sikh  army, 
and  the  necessary  science  and  experience  were  so  want- 
ing, that  RuNJEET  Singh  having  suffered  the  loss  of 
many  valuable  men  and  officers,  and  particularly  of  Atar 
Singh,  a  favorite  and  confidential  companion,  who  was 
blown  up  in  a  mine,  was  compelled  to  grant  terms  to 
MozuFFUR  Khan,  and  retired  on  receiving  payment  of 
a  lakh  and  80,000  rupees.  On  the  25th  of  April,  he 
returned  to  Labor,  mortified  greatly  by  his  ill  success,  and 
throwing  the  blame  on  his  officers  and  Jageerdars.  He 
now  devoted  himself  to  increase  the  number  of  his  regular 
battalions,  and  formed  a  corps  of  Sikhs,  called,  "  Orderly 
Khas,'^  or  select  orderlies,  to  whom  he  gave  superior  pay, 
and  the  advantage  of  carrying  his  diistuks,  or  orders,  to 
chiefs,  and  districts,  on  whom  they  were  thus  billeted  at 
high  rates.  A  horse  artillery  was  likewise  formed,  and 
improvements  were  set  on  foot  in  every  branch  of  the  ser- 
vice, which  were  all  closely  superintended  by  Runjeet 
in  person. 

GuNDHA  Singh,  who  in  January  preceding,  had 
secured  by  the  sacrifice  of  his  father's  treasures,  a  tem- 
porary confirmation  of  his  estates,  did  not  long  enjoy 
what  he  purchased  so  dearly.  In  June  1810,  a  strong 
detachment  was  sent  to  Vuzeerabad,  and  the  entire 
possessions  of  the  late  Jo dh  Singh  were  sequestered,  a 
few  villages  only  being  left  to  afford  subsistence  to  the 

L. 


82  AN    INSTANCE  OF    BAD    FAITH.  A.  D.  1810 

youthful  victim  of  this  insidious  policy.  The  surviving 
widow  of  Bhugaeel  Singh,  RaueeRAM-KooNWUR, 
was  at  the  same  time  expelled  from  Buhadurpoor,  which 
she  held  as  a  Jageer  for  subsistence.  She  took  refuge  at 
Loodeeana,  and  obtained  a  few  villages  which  had  belong- 
ed to  her  husband,  on  the  protected  side  of  the  Sutlej. 

After  the  Dussera,  in  the  month  of  October  following, 
RuNJEET  Singh  moved  in  person  to  Ramnugur,  on  the 
Chunab,  and  summoned  to  his  presence  Nidhan  Singh 
of  Huttoo.  The  Chief  refused  attendance,  except  under 
guarantee  of  a  Sodee,  or  Sikh  priest,  whereupon  his  fort 
of  Dushut  was  invested  on  the  17th  October.  Runjeet 
Singh's  batteries,  however,  opened  against  the  place 
without  avail  in  producing  a  surrender,  and  an  attempt 
made  to  influence  the  garrison,  by  severities,  and  ill  usage 
of  their  wives  and  families,  who  fell  into  the  besieger's 
power,  was  equally  ineffective.  The  Sikh  Priest  Bydee 
JuMEEYUT  Singh  was  then  employed  to  mediate  for 
the  submission  of  this  spirited  Chief,  and  upon  bis 
guarantee  and  the  promise  of  a  Jageer,  the  Sirdar  waited 
onRuNJEET  Singh,  who  regardless  of  the  solemnity 
of  the  engagement  he  had  contracted,  put  him  in  irons 
on  the  30th  October.  In  the  beginning  of  Novem- 
ber, Bagh  Singh  Huloowala,  with  his  son  Soobha 
Singh,  who  were  in  camp  with  their  followers,  fell  under 
the  displeasure  of  the  Labor  Chief,  and  were  placed 
under  restraint,  and  all  their  territorial  possessions 
confiscated;  after  which  RuNJEET  Singh  returned  to 
his  capital,  and  detached  Mohkum-Chund  Dewan  to 
enforce  the  collection  of  tribute,  and  to  complete  arrange- 
ments in  the  hills,  where  the  Rajas  of  Bhimbhur  and 
Rajaoree,  and  the  tribe  of  Chibh-Bhtlo,  were  refractory. 


A.  D.  1810-11.      SHAH    MUHMOOD   CROSSES   THE   INDUS.    83 

In  December  1810,  Sahbb  Singh,  who  had  been 
expelled  from  Goojrat,  was  invited  to  return,  and  invest- 
ed with  a  considerable  Jageer,  and  Bagh  Singh 
Huloowala  m  as  released  from  confinement,  and  similarly 
honored.  In  tbe  same  month,  the  release  of  Xidhan 
Singh  was  obtained  by  the  Bydee  priests,  who  felt 
their  honor  concerned  in  his  treatment,  after  one  of  their 
body  had  been  inveigled  to  give  a  personal  guarantee. 
They  accordingly  sat  Dhurna  on  Rlnjkbt,  until  he  con- 
sented to  release  his  prisoner:  NiDHAN  Sixgh  would, 
however,  accept  no  Jageer,  or  stipend,  but  retired  from 
tbe  Labor  dominions,  and  took  service  with  the  governor 
of  Kashmeer. 

In  Januarj-  IvSU,  Futbh  Khan,  of  Saheewal,  was  ^ 
liberated  with  his  family  at  the  intercession  of  an  Oodasee 
priest,  and  retired  to  Buhawalpoor.  A  small  Jageer 
was  likewise  conferred  on  Dhurum  Singh,  the  ejected 
proprietor  of  Dburum-Kot,  in  the  Jalundhur,  after  which, 
RuNJEET  Singh  proceeded  on  a  tour  to  Pind-Dadup^ 
Khan,  in  which  vicinity  he  captured  three  small  forts 
belonging  to  Moosulman  Chiefs  ;  but  on  the  24th  Febru- 
ary, intelligence  reached  bis  camp,  that  Shah  MuiixiooD 
had  crossed  the  Indus  with  12,000  Afghans,  before  whom 
the  inhabitants  of  the  country  were  flyiug.  Runjeet 
Singh  immediately  took  up  a  position  at  Rawul-Pindee, 
and  deputed  his  secretary,  HUREEM  Uzeez-OOD-Deen, 
to  enquire  of  the  Shah  his  views  in  this  incursion.  This 
agent  was  crossed  by  emissaries  from  the  Shab,  on  their 
way  to  Rawul-Pindee,  for  the  purpose  of  explaining,  that 
the  punishment  of  Ata  Mohummud,  and  the  governors 
of  Atuk  and  Kashmeer,  who  had  aided  Shah  Shoojah's 
late  attempt  on   Peshawur,  was  the  only  object  of  the 

L  2 


84        KHOOSHHAL   SINGH's    RISE   TO    FAVOR.         A.  D.  1811. 

present  march;  whereupon  Runjeet  Singh,  being 
relieved  from  his  apprehensions,  waited  upon  the  Shah,  and 
after  a  friendly  interview,  both  returned  to  their  respec- 
tive capitals.  Runjeet  Singh  found  at  Labor,  a  car- 
riage from  Calcutta,  which  had  been  forwarded  as  a 
present  from  the  Governor  General,  Lord  MiNTO.  This 
being  the  first  vehicle  on  springs,  in  which  he  had  ever 
sat,  the  novelty  and  ease  of  motion  were  highly  gratify- 
ing to  him,  and  an  agent  was  deputed  to  Calcutta  to 
make  suitable  acknowledgments  for  the  present.  The 
Chief,  however,  was  too  wily  to  adopt  generally  this  mode 
of  conveyance,  which  would  have  imposed  the  necessity 
of  first  making  roads. 

In  April  and  May,  Runjeet  Singh  had  armies  in 
three  directions,  one  about  Kangra,  collecting  tributes, 
a  second  acting  against  Bhimbhur  and  Rajaoree,  and  the 
third,  under  his  son  Khuruk  Singh,  accompanied  by 
Dewan  Mohkum  Chund,  resuming  the  possessions  of 
the  Nukee  Chiefs.  Runjeet  Singh  remained  in  per- 
son at  his  capital,  directing  the  whole,  and  this  period  of 
his  life  is  marked  by  the  sudden  rise  to  favor  of  a  young 
Gour  Brahmin,  named  Khooshhal  Singh,  upon  whom 
the  most  extravagant  gifts  were  daily  lavished,  and  who 
was  raised  to  the  important  and  lucrative  ofTice  of  Deohree 
Wala,  or  Lord  Chamberlain,  with  the  rank  of  Raja, 
and  vested  besides  with  extensive  Jageers.  Runjeet 
Singh  had  ever  led  a  most  dissolute  life;  his  debauch- 
eries, particularly  during  the  Iloolee  and  Dussera,  were 
shameless,  and  the  scenes  exhibited  on  such  occasions 
openly  before  the  Court,  and  even  in  the  streets  of  Lah6r, 
were  the  conversation  of  Hindoostnn,  and  rival  the 
worst  that  is  reported  in  history  of  the  profligacies  of 


A.D.  1811.      IMPUTATIONS   TO   WHICH    IT    GAVE    RISE.      85 

ancient  Rome.  The  Chief  himself  would  parade  the 
streets  in  a  state  of  inebriety,  on  the  same  elephant  with 
his  courtezans,  amonji^st  whom  one  named  Mora  acquir- 
ed most  celebrity  by  her  shamelessness,  and  by  the  favor 
with  which  she  was  treated.  Coin  was  at  one  time  struck 
in  her  name,  and  her  influence  seemed  without  bounds. 
In  August  of  this  year,  however,  she  was  discarded,  and 
sent  to  be  incarcerated  in  Puthan-Kot,  and  the  favor  she 
enjoyed  seemed  to  be  transferred  to  the  Brahmin  youth 
and  his  brothers.  If  this  conduct  in  the  ruler  of  Labor 
should  excite  surmises,  as  to  the  motives  of  the  ex- 
traordinary attachment  shown  to  a  graceful  youth  of 
the  appearance  of  Khooshhal  Singh,  the  reader 
must  yet  make  allowances  for  the  habits  in  which  the 
Chief  was  brought  up,  and  the  examples  by  which  he 
was  surrounded.     The  Sikhs  are  notoriously  addicted  to 

*  paederasty,  and  other  unnatural  lusts,  and  the  worst  that 
is  said  of  Roman  and  Grecian  indulgence  in  such  propensi- 
ties, would  find  a  parallel  at  the  Durbars  of  the  Chiefs 
of  this  nation  on  either  side  of  the  Sutlej.  The  truth  of 
history  forbids  the  veil  being  thrown  altogether  over  such 
facts  and  traits  of  character,  howsoever  revolting  it  may 

''be  to  allude  to  them.  But  the  reputation  ofRuNJEET 
Singh,  though  justly,  it  is  feared,  tainted  with  the  foal 
blemish,  does  not  suffer  in  the  eyes  of  his  nation  from 
this  cause,  howsoever  the  circumstance  may  be  regarded 
by  strangers. 

Of  the  twelve  original  Misuls,  or  confederacies  of 
the  Sikhs,  there  were  now  remaining  in  the  Punjab, 
only  that  of  RuNJEET  Singh  himself,  the  Sookur- 
chukea,  with  the  Ghuneea,  Ramgurhea,  and  Aloowala, 
all  closely  associated   with  him,   and  ranged  it  may  be 


86  BHOODH    SINGH    EXPELLED.  A.D.  1811. 

said  under  his  standard.  The  Phoolkea  and  Nihung 
Misuls,  which  being  settled  east  of  the  Sutlej,  enjo3'ed 
the  advantage  of  British  protection,  and  the  Fyzoolla- 
poorea,  which  had  possessions  on  both  sides  that  river, 
and  the  head  of  which  Boodh  Singh  Sirdar  had 
uniformly  declined  to  give  his  personal  attendance  on 
RuNJEET,  complete  the  list  which  RuNJEET  SiNGH 
was  aiming  further  to  reduce.  The  conduct  of  BooDii 
Singh  at  last  brought  down  upon  him  the  vengeance  of 
the  Labor  ruler.  On  the  19th  September  1811,  Dewan 
MoHKUM  Chund,  attended  by  Jodh  Singh  Ram- 
GURHEEA,  and  other  Sirdars,  entered  the  Jalundhur 
Dooab,  with  the  declared  design  of  seizing  the  FyzooUa- 
poorea  possessions  in  the  Punjab.  Boodh  Singh 
waited  not  for  the  attack,  but  fled  immediately  to 
Loodeeana  for  personal  security.  His  troops,  influenced 
by  the  point  of  honor,  made  a  resistance  of  some  days, 
before  surrendering  the  principal  forts  of  Jalundhur  and 
Puttee,  but  gave  both  up  on  the  Gth  and  7th  of  October, 
before  any  impression  had  been  made  on  the  walls,  or 
defences,  and  after  a  needless  sacrifice  of  lives.  Boodh 
Singh  has  since  been  content  with  the  lot  of  a  protected 
Sikh  chief,  living  on  the  means  afforded  by  his  posses- 
sions East  and  South  of  the  Sutlej.  In  December  of 
the  same  year,  Nidiian  Singh,  son  of  the  old 
Ghuneea  Chief  Jy  Singh,  was  deprived  of  the  sepa- 
rate Jageer  assigned  to  him,  in  order  to  secure  the 
Sirdaree  to  his  elder  brother's  widow,  Suda  Koonwur. 
His  person  was  seized  and  placed  under  restraint  at 
Labor,  while  a  detachment  marched  to  capture  his  two 
forts  of  Hajeepoor  and  Phoolwara,  no  tie  of  affinity  being 
recognized  as  a  motive  for  deviating  from  the  systematic 
prosecution  of  the  course  of  policy,   by  which  it  appears 


A.  D.  1811.  SHAH    ZUMAN    COMES   TO    LAHOR.  87 

RuNJEET  Singh  regulated  his  conduct,  viz.  the  deter- 
mination to  level  into  subjects  and  dependents,  owing  all 
to  himself,  every  one  who  was  in  a  position  to  assert 
independence,  or  who  prided  himself  on  a  separate 
origin,  and  enjoyed  patrimonies,  won  by  his  own  or  his 
ancestor's  swords.  Runjeet  Singh,  who  was  himself 
free  spoken,  and  allowed  great  latitude  in  conversation  to 
his  courtiers,  received  at  this  period  a  rebuke  for  the  grasp- 
ing disposition  he  displayed  in  his  treatment  of  the  old 
Sikh,  Sirdars  from  Jodh  Singh  Ramghureea,  himself  a 
reduced  chief  of  the  class.  When  taking  his  leave  to 
join  MoHKUM  Chund  in  the  operations  against  the 
FyzooUapooreea  Sirdar,  Runjeet  Singh  ordered  him 
presents  as  a  mark  of  favor.  He  begged,  however,  with 
characteristic  frankness,  that  such  honors  might  be  dis- 
pensed with  in  his  case,  for  he  should  deem  himself  for- 
tunate in  these  times,  if  allowed  to  keep  his  own  turbanc 
on  his  head.  Runjeet  Singh  took  no  offence  at  this 
freedom,  but  smiled  and  told  him  to  be  faithful  and  of 
good  cheer. 

The  year  1811  closed  with  a  visit  to  Labor  by  Shah 
ZuMAN,  the  brother  in  exile  and  misfortune  of  Shah 
Shooja,  with  the  addition  of  deprivation  of  sight.  He 
came  with  his  family  and  dependents  in  the  course  of 
November,  bat  experiencing  only  neglect  from  the  Sikh 
chief,  returned  soon  after  to  Rawul-Pindee,  where  he 
had  been  residing  for  some  months.  Shah  Shooja, 
since  his  failure  in  September  to  obtain  entrance  or  recep- 
tion at  Mooltan,  embarked  in  a  desperate  attempt  to  push 
his  fortune  again  beyond  the  Indus.  He  was,  however, 
defeated  with  the  loss  of  his  principal  oflBcer,  Ukrum 
Khan,  and    was  compelled  to  seek  personal  safety  in 


88     THE  EX-PRINCES  APPLY  TO  BRITISH  GOVT.    A.  D.  1811. 

secret  flight.  The  brothers  had,  in  the  early  part  of  the 
year,  deputed  a  son  of  ZuMAN  Shah  to  Loodeeana,  to 
learn  if  there  was  any  hope  of  assistance  in  men  or  money 
from  the  British  Government.  The  Prince,  however, 
though  received  with  much  attention  and  civility,  was 
distinctly  informed,  that  no  such  expectations  must  be 
entertained  by  either  member  of  the  royal  family  of 
Kabool. 


CHAPTER    SIXTH. 


A.  D.  1812—1813. 


Marriage  of  Khuruk  Singh,  the  heir-apparent  of  Runjeet 
Singh,  attended  by  Colonel  Ochterlong.  Acquisition 
of  the  Kohi-noor  Diamond  from  Shah  Shooja.  Severe 
treatment  and  flight  of  that  Prince  to  Loodeeana. 
Conquest  of  Kashmeer,  hy  Futeh  Khan  Vuzeer,  and 
acquisition  of  Attuk,  hy  Runjeet  Singh. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1812,  the  Court  of  Lahor 
was  occupied  iu  preparations,  for  celebrating-  with  due 
magnificence  the  marriage  of  the  heir-apparent  KooN- 
WLR  Khuruk  Singh,  with  the  daughter  of  Jymul 
Ghuneea,  the  same  chief  from  whom  Runjeet  Singh 
had  taken  Puthan-Kot,  in  the  Jalundhur  Turaee.  An 
invitation  was  sent  to  Colonel  Ochterlony  at  Loo- 
deeana to  honor  the  ceremonies  with  his  presence,  and 
an  envoy  being  despatched  to  conduct  him  to  Labor, 
the  Colonel  crossed  the  Sutlej  on  the  2-3d  of  January, 
with  a  small  escort,  to  which,  by  particular  desire  of 
Runjeet,  a  galloper  gun  was  attached,  the  Sikh  Chief 
having  intense  cariosity  to  see  how  this  branch  of  artillery 

M 


90  MARRIAGE   OF    KHURUK    SINGH.  A.  D.  1812. 

was  equipped  in  the  British  service.  Colonel  Ochter- 
LONY  was  accompanied  hy  the  Rajas  of  Naba,  Jheend, 
and  Kythul,  and  on  arriving  near  Umritsur  on  the  28th, 
received  the  Istuqhal,  or  meeting  of  honor,  from  the 
Chief  of  the  Sikhs,  who  had  gathered  to  his  court,  on 
this  occasion,  all  his  Sirdars,  and  indeed  the  whole  nation 
of  Sikhs  appeared  to  be  assembled  to  do  honor  to  the 
nuptials. 

The  ceremony  was  performed  at  the  residence  of 
Sirdar  Jymul  Singh  in  Futehgurh,  and,  after  its 
conclusion  on  the  Gth  of  February,  the  whole  party  return- 
ed to  Umritsur.  SuDA  KooNWUR  alone  was  not 
present;  indisposition  was  assigned  as  the  reason  of  her 
non-attendance  on  the  occasion,  but  her  dissatisfaction  at 
the  failure  of  an  attempt  to  procure  from  Runjeet 
Singh,  her  son-in-law,  the  public  acknowledgment  dur- 
ing these  ceremonies,  of  the  two  boys  she  had  brought 
up  as  twins  born  to  her  daughter,  was  generally  be- 
lieved to  be  the  true  cause  of  her  absence. 

Runjeet  Singh  received  Colonel  Ochterlony 
with  marked  distinction,  appointed  his  principal  officers 
to  show  him  every  object  worth  seeing  at  Labor,  and 
pressed  upon  him  an  invitation  to  stay  and  see  the  festivi- 
ties of  the  Hoolee,  which  would  be  celebrated  in  March. 
The  Colonel  declined  this  honor  for  himself,  but  the 
Sikh  Chiefs  who  had  come  with  him  gladly  accepted  it, 
and  the  Bhye  of  Kythul  obtained  by  cunning  and  intrigue 
during  the  orgies,  a  grant  from  the  Labor  Ruler  of 
Goojurawul,  on  the  protected  side  of  the  Sutlej.  The 
frank  confidence  displayed  by  Runjeet  Singh  in  his 
present  reception  of  Colonel  Ochterlony  was  much 


A.D,  1812.        ATTENDED    BY    COLONEL   OCHTERLONY.        91 

in  contrast  with  the  suspicions  mistrnst  with  which  3Ir. 
Metcalfe  bad  been  treated.  Runjeet  showed  the 
Colonel  his  troops,  and  particularly  the  new  battalions  he 
was  raising,  and  further  took  him  over  the  fortifications 
of  Labor,  and  inspected  with  him  some  new  works  he 
was  constructing  for  their  improvement,  and  to  connect 
the  Juma  Musjid  with  the  palace.  His  prudent  Dewan, 
MoHKUM  CnuND,  and  the  Sirdar  Gl'NDHa  Singh,  are 
I  reported  to  have  remonstrated  against  the  communication 
of  such  knowledge,  to  a  professional  person  of  a  nation, 
that  might  have  designs  which  would  enable  him  to  turn 
it  to  account  adversely.  Runjeet,  however,  observed 
with  shrewdness,  tbat  if  such  were  their  sentiments, 
they  should  have  advised  his  withholding  the  invitation 
altogether  from  the  Colonel,  for  it  was  too  late  to  begin 
now  to  show  distrust. 

After  the  conclusion  of  these  ceremonies  and  festivi- 
ties, the  armies  of  Labor  resumed  active  operations. 
KooNWUR  Khuruk  Singh  was  sent  with  a  strong 
force  against  Bhimbur  and  Rajaoree,  where  Sooltan 
Khan,  the  Moosulman  holder  of  the  former  territory, 
proved  a  formidable  enemy,  having  recently  over- 
powered and  slain  his  relation  Ismaeel  Khan,  who  had 
been  left,  as  the  result  of  previous  operations,  in  the 
possession  and  management  of  a  large  portion  of  the 
territory.  DuL  Singh  was  at  the  same  time  sent  with 
another  force  to  plunder  and  levy  tribute  from  Muzuf- 
FUR  Khan  at  Mooltan;  and  a  third  under  Desa  Singh 
■was  again  detached  to  Kangra.  Runjeet  Singh  in 
person  made  a  tour  into  the  Jalundhur  Dooab  towards 
the  Turaee,  whither  he  summoned  various  hill  chiefs, 
and  made   with   them  fresh  arrangements  attended  with 

M  2 


92  SHAH    ZUMAN    AGAIN    SEEKS   LAHOR.  A. D.  1812. 

increase  of  tribute.  The  resumption  of  Shoojanpoor 
from  BooDii  Singh  Biiugut  was  the  only  operation  of 
that  kind  effected  on  this  occasion.  Returning-  to  Lahor 
on  the  23d  of  May,  Runjeet  Singh  received  intelli- 
gence there  of  the  success  ofKnuRUK  Singh  against 
Bhimbur,  Jummoo  and  Ukhnoor.  The  Koonwur  was 
honored  with  a  grant  of  these  places  in  Jageer,  and  he 
placed  them  in  the  management  of  Bpi YE  Ram  Singh. 
DuL  Singh  had  also  succeeded  in  extorting  a  consider- 
able sum  from  Mozuffur  Khan  of  Mooltan. 

In   August  of  the   same  year,   Jymul   Singh,    the 
father-in-law  of  KiiURUK  Singh,  died  suddenly,  and  it 
was  generally  believed,  that  his  death  was  occasioned  by 
poison   administered   by  his   wife.      Runjeet   Singh 
constituted    himself  the  heir  to  all  the  treasure,  accumu- 
lated by  this  chief  during   a  long  life   of  parsimony   and 
usurious  dealing.     Much  of  his  wealth  was,  at  the  time  of 
his  decease,  out  at  interest  with   Muhajuns  of  Umritsur, 
all  of  whom  were  called  upon  to  account  with  the  Lahor 
treasury.     In  the  following  month  the  families  of  the  two 
ex-Shahs  of  Kabool,  i.  e.  of  SiiAii  ZuMAN  and  of  Shah 
Shooja  sought  an   asylum   at  Lahor.     The   latter  chief 
Lad  added  largely  to  his  experience  of  adversity.    After 
escaping  from  the  unfortunate  cnterprize,  he  had  under- 
taken in  September  preceding,  his  person  was  seized  by 
Juhan  Dad  Khan,  the  Governor  of  Attuk,  by  whom 
lie  was  sent  to  his  brother  Ata  Mohummud  of  Kash- 
meer,   who   held   him   a   close   prisoner.     The   helpless 
Shaii  Zuman  brought  both  families  to  the  Sikh  capital, 
where   RuNJEET   SiNOH   professed    much    interest  in 
the  misfortunes  and  fate  of  Shah  Shooja,  and   seemed 
as  if  disposed   to  make  an   eflort  against  Kashmeer  to 


A.  D.  1812.  BHIMBUR    AND    RAJAOREE    REDUCED.  93 

procure  his  liberation,  and  to  obtain  that  province  for 
him.  He  was  then  preparing  an  expedition  against 
Bbimbar,  in  the  Peer-Punjal  range  of  mountains,  and 
the  wife  of  SliAH  Shooja  was  led  by  these  profes- 
sions to  believe,  and  to  represent  to  her  husband,  that 
he  would  find  a  friend  in  the  ruler  of  Labor.  The 
Shah  made  his  escape  from  confinement  during  the 
operations  subsequently  undertaken  against  the  valley  by 
FuTEH  Khan  Vuzeer,  and  was  led  by  these  hopes  to 
direct  his  (light  towards  Labor.  He  made  good  his  way 
out  of  Kashmeer,  by  seeking  the  Peer-Punjid  mountains  ; 
where,  finding  an  opportunity  to  join  the  force  under 
MoHKUM  CfiUND,  he  came  down  with  him  to  Labor, 
there  to  experience  only  new  persecutions,  excited  by  the 
desire  kindled  in  the  breast  of  Runjeet,  to  obtain 
possession  of  the  famous  diamond  the  Koh-i-Noor,  and 
other  rich  jewels  ascertained  to  be  still  in  this  Prince's 
possession.  The  relation,  however,  of  the  means  by  which 
these  were  extorted,  belongs  to  a  later  period. 

After  the  Dussera,  at  the  close  of  the  rains,  the  Sikh 
army  was  assembled,  and  led  entire  by  Runjeet  Singh 
in  person,  against  the  Moosulman  Chiefs  of  Bhimbur 
and  Rajaoree,  who,  though  pressed  by  the  expeditions 
before  directed  against  them,  made  head  again,  imme- 
diately the  force  was  withdrawn,  and  were  now  assisted 
by  a  confederacy  of  Chiefs  and  Jageerdars  of  their  faith, 
and  by  succour  from  the  Governor  of  Kashmeer.  The 
possessions  of  these  Chiefs  commanded  the  approaches 
to  the  Peer-Punjal  mountains,  and  there  is  reason  to 
believe  that  Runjeet  Singh  had  even  at  this  time,  an 
eye  to  the  conquest  eventually  of  the  valley  of  Kashmeer, 
to  which  the  occupation  of  both  Bhimbur  and  Rajaoree 


94   MEETING  OF  RUNJEET  AND  FUTEH  KHAN  VUZEER   A.  D.  1812. 

was  a  necessary  preliminary.  The  Sikh  army  defeated 
the  confederated  Chiefs  with  great  loss,  and  Runjeet 
Singh  pushing  his  success,  occupied  both  Bhimbur  and 
Rajaoree,  in  the  early  part  of  November,  and  received 
the  submission  of  the  discom6ted.  Mohummedan  Chiefs 
of  both  places  on  the  13th  of  the  month.  The  rest  of 
the  confederates  were  compelled  to  fly  into  Kashmeer, 
where    they    were    received    by    the    Governor,    Ata 

MoflUMMUD. 

FuTEH  Khan,  the  Vuzeer  of  Shah  Muhmood,  was 
at  this  time  upon  the   Indus,  whither  he  had  come   to 
punish  the  two  brothers,  who  held  Attuk  and  Kashmeer, 
for  the  assistance  they  had  rendered   to  Shah  Shooja, 
and  to  recover  the    two  provinces  for   Kabool.     He  had 
sent  forward   a  detachment  of  8000  Afghatis  to  Rohtas, 
and  was  already  planning   operations  against  Ata   Mo- 
hummud   of  Kashmeer,  when    Runjeet  obtained  his 
successes  against  the  Bhimbur  and  Rajaoree  chiefs.      It 
became  essential,  that   engaged  as  the  Labor  and  Kabool 
forces  were  so  closely  upon  the  same  field,  the  two  leaders 
should  come  to  a  mutual  explanation   of  their  views   and 
intentions;  accordingly   Runjeet    Singh   sent  agents 
with  an  overture  for  this  purpose,  and  invited  the  Vuzeer 
to  an  interview  upon  the  Jihlum,  in  order  that  they  might 
concert  a  joint  expedition  against   Kashmeer.     Futeh 
Khan  being  no  less  desirous  to   come  to  an  understand- 
ing with  the   Sikh,  the   meeting  was  agreed  upon,  and 
took  place  on  the  1st  December,  when  it  was  settled  that 
Runjeet  Singh  should  place  a  force,  under  his  Dewan 
MoHKUM  Ciiund,  at  the  Vuzeer's  disposal  in  the  expe- 
dition he  meditated,  and  should  give  every  facility  for  the 
passage  into  Kashmeer,  by  thepasses  of  Rajaoree,  which 


A.  D.  1813.        KASHMEER   REDUCED    BY    THE   VUZEER. 


95 


he  had  recently  subdued.  The  aid  of  a  detachment  of 
Afghans  to  be  employed  afterwards  against  Mooltan, 
and  a  share  of  the  plunder  of  Kashmeer,  were  the  returns 
stipulated  for  this  succour.  Runjeet  Singh  desired 
a  portion  of  the  revenues  of  the  valley,  but  the  politic 
Vuzeer  objected  to  any  participation  in  the  permanent 
resources  of  the  province,  and  preferred  agreeing  to  a 
Nuzurana  of  nine  lakhs  from  the  spoil  expected.  Having 
on  these  terms  secured  the  assistance  of  12,000  Sikhs, 
under  the  Dewan  Mohklm  Chund,  the  Vuzeer  pro- 
ceeded on  his  expedition,  and  the  joint  armies  commenced 
their  march,  while  Runjeet  returned  to  Labor.  A 
heavy  fall  of  snow  impeded  their  progress,  and  the  Sikhs 
being  less  inured  to  the  severities  of  a  mountain  winter 
than  the  northern  troops,  were  outstripped  by  the  Vuzeer ; 
who,  penetrating  into  the  valley  in  February,  drove  Ata 
MoHUMMUD  from  his  stockades,  and  in  a  short  time 
reduced  him  to  submission,  and  obtained  all  the  strong- 
holds in  the  province,  without  receiving  much  assistance 
from  MoHKUM  Chund  and  the  Sikhs.  Runjeet 
Singh  made  great  rejoicings  at  Labor  on  receiving 
news  of  this  success,  treating  the  operation  as  a 
joint  one,  tending  equally  to  his  own  as  to  the  Vuzeer's 
glory.  A  deep  intrigue  was,  however,  in  progress, 
which  the  issue  of  the  Kashmeer  expedition  brought 
immediately  to  light.  JuHAN  Dad  Khan,  the  gover- 
nor of  Attuk,  despairing  after  his  brother's  defeat  in 
Kashmeer,  of  his  own  ability  to  resist  the  Vuzeer  sin- 
gle handed,  andkuowinghe  had  little  favor  to  expect  from 
him,  had  previously  placed  himself  in  correspondence 
with  Runjeet  Singh,  to  whom  he  promised  the  fort  of 
Attuk  for  a  Jageer,  in  case  he  should  be  reduced  to  ex- 
tremity.    Runjebt,  accordingly,  when  he  returned  liim- 


90  RUNJEET    SINGH    ACQUIRES    ATTUK.  A.  D.  1813. 

self  to  Labor,  left  a  detachment  under  Dya  Singh,  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  Indus,  to  be  ready  to  occupy  that 
important  fortress,  whenever  it  should  be  given  up.  In 
March,  1813,  Runjeet  Singh  heard  that  his  officer  had 
been  admitted,  and  that  the  place  was  held  and  adminis- 
tered in  his  name.  He  accordingly  lost  no  time  in  re- 
inforcing' the  detachment,  with  a  strong  convoy,  containing 
every  thing  necessary  to  place  the  fort  in  a  complete  state 
of  defence,  and  DeveeD AS  andHuKEEM  Uzeez-ood- 
Deen  were  sent  as  commissioners  to  settle  the  country 
surrounding,  which  formed  the  dependency  of  Attuk. 
Futeh  Khan  Vuzeer  cried  out  against  this  usurpation, 
and  deeming  himself  absolved  by  it,  from  the  conditions 
upon  which  he  had  obtained  the  co-operation  of  the  Sikhs 
under  the  Dewan,  he  dismissed  them  without  any  share 
of  the  booty  obtained;  and  then  nominating  his  brother, 
Uzeem  Kuan,  governor  in  Kashmeer,  he  marched  to 
Attuk,  and  made  upon  Runjeet  a  demand  for  its  surren- 
der. This  was  spun  out  into  a  negociation — and,  of  course, 
evaded  by  the  Sikh.  With  the  Dewan  Mohkum  Chund, 
Shah  Shoo j a  came  to  Labor,  where  a  demand  was 
immediately  made  upon  him,  and  upon  his  principal  wife,  to 
surrender  the  Koh-i-noor  diamond,  a  Jageer  being  pro- 
raised  with  a  fort  as  the  condition  of  compliance.  The 
Shah  denied  that  he  had  it,  and  the  VuFA  Begum 
declared,  it  had  been  placed  in  pawn  with  a  Muhajuu  to 
obtain  supplies  for  the  Shah  in  his  distresses.  Runjeet 
Singh  disbelieving  these  assertions,  placed  guards  round 
the  Shah's  residence,  and  allowed  no  access  or  egress 
without  strict  search.  The  exiled  family,  however,  being 
proof  against  the  severity  of  mere  restraint,  the  prohibi- 
tion of  food  was  added,  and  for  two  days  the  Shah, 
with  his  wives,  family,  and   servants,   sufl'ered  absolute 


A.  D.  1813.      SEVERITIES  PRACTISED  ON  SHAH  SHOOJA.      97 

deprivation ;  but  their  firmness  was  even  proof  against  this 
trial,  and  RuNJEET  Singh,  from  a  regard  to  his  own 
reputation  determined  to  proceed  with  more  art,  and 
ordered  food  to  be  supplied.  On  the  first  of  April,  there 
were  produced  in  his  durbar  two  notes,  purporting  to  be 
from  the  Shah  to  Futeh  Khan  Vuzeer,  and  to  other 
Afghan  chiefs,  descriptive  of  his  sufferings,  and  praying 
for  their  efforts  for  his  deliverance.  These  were  stated 
to  have  been  intercepted,  but  were  generally  believed  to 
have  been  fabricated.  It  was  now  assumed  to  be  indis- 
pensable to  take  precautions  against  the  intrigues  and 
machinations  of  the  Shah,  and  a  guard  of  two  companies 
of  Sikhs,  from  the  newly  raised  corps,  being  added  to  that 
previously  set  over  the  premises  where  he  resided,  threats 
of  a  transfer  of  the  Shah's  person  to  Govind-gurh,  with 
treatment  of  the  most  galling  and  injurious  kind  were 
resorted  to,  in  order  to  enforce  compliance  with  the 
demand  for  the  jewel.  Having  tried  remonstrance  in 
vain,  the  Shah  next  resorted  to  artifice,  and  solicited  two 
months'  delay,  to  enable  him  to  procure  the  diamond  from 
certain  Muhajuns  with  whom  it  was  asserted  to  be  pledg- 
ed, and  he  said  that  some  lakhs  of  rupees  must  be  expend- 
ed to  effect  this.  Runjeet  Singh  reluctantly  consent- 
ed to  allow  the  time  solicited,  and  severities  were 
accordingly  suspended  for  a  season.  They  were  renewed, 
however,  before  the  period  expired,  and  Shah  Shooja, 
wearied  out  by  them,  and  seeing  that  the  rapacity  of  the 
Sikh  would  not  hesitate  even  at  the  sacrifice  of  his  life 
for  its  gratification,  agreed  at  last  to  give  up  the  precious 
jewel.*     Accordingly,   on  the  1st   of  June,   RuNJEET 

*  This  diamond  was  one  of  those  described  by  Tavernier,  as  adorning 
the  Peacock  tlirone  at  Delilee.  It  is  the  largest  known  to  exist,  and  is 
by  Hindoos  supposed  to  have  belonged  to  the  Pandoos  of  Mythological 
celebrity,  before  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Moghul  Sovereigns.    It  i* 

N 


98        THE    KOH-I-NOOR   DIAMOND    EXTORTED.      A.  D.  1813. 

waited  on  the  Sbah,  with  a  few  attendants  to  receive  it. 
He  was  received  by  the  exiled  Prince  with  much  digoir 
ty,  and  both  being  seated,  a  pause  and  solemn  silence 
ensued,  which  continued  for  nearly  an  hour.  Runjeet 
then  getting  impatient,  whispered  to  one  of  his  atten- 
dants to  remind  the  Shah  of  the  object  of  his  coming. 
No  answer  was  returned,  but  the  Shah  with  his  eyes 
made  the  signal  to  an  Eunuch,  who  retired,  and  brought 
in  a  small  roll,  which  he  set  down  on  the  carpet  at  equal 
distance  between  the  Chiefs.  Runjeet  desired  Bhoo- 
ANEE  Das  to  unfold  the  roll,  when  the  diamond  was 
exhibited,  and  recognized,  and  the  Sikh  immediately 
retired  with  his  prize  in  hand.  The  Shah  was  now  left 
more  at  liberty,  his  guard  being  withdrawn  :  a  letter  was, 
however,  intercepted  a  few  days  after  from  Kazee  Sheer 
MoHUMMUD,  one  of  his  followers,  toMoHUMMUoUzEEM 
Khan,  the  new  governor  of  Kashmeer,  containing  a  pro- 
position to  assassinate  Runjeet  Singh,  and  advising  the 
Vuzeer  Futeh  Khan  to  make  a  simultaneous  attack  on 
Labor.  The  Sikh  sent  for  one  of  the  Princes  of  the  exiled 
family,  and  through  him  transmitted  the  letter,  with  its 
writer,  who  had  been  seized,  to  the  Shah.  The  Ex-king 
sent  both  back,  begging  of  RuNJEET  Singh  to  punish 
the  Kazee  as  he  might  deem  fitting.  In  the  idea,  that 
a  confession  of  the  Shah's  privity  would  be  extorted,  the 
guard  on  duty  were  desired  to  lay  on  with  their  shoes 
and  with  sticks.  The  Kazee  fainted  under  the  blows  he 
received,  declaring,  however,  to  the  last,  his  master's 
entire  innocence,  be  was  then  committed  to  prison,  whence 


nearly  an  iuch  and  a  half  in  length,  and  an  inch  wide,  aiid  rises  half  an 
inch  from  its  gold  setting.  Nauir  Shah  robbed  the  Dehlee  family  of  it, 
and  Ahmed  Shah  Abdalee  got  possession  of  it  in  the  pillage  of  Nadir 
Shah's  touts  after  Lis  ussussiuation. 


A.  D.  1813.  MARCH    FOR  THE   RELIEF   OF   ATTUK.  99 

Shah  Shooja  after  a  time  pnrchased  bis  release  by  a 
payment  of  20,000  ropees. 

FuTEH  Khan  Vuzeer  after  bis  return  from  Kashmeer, 
bad  sat  down  before  Attak,  and  pending  tbe  negociation 
at  Labor,   upon  his  demand  for  its   surrender,   closely 
blockaded  tbe  fort     Dewan  Mohkum  Chund  had  been 
sent  to  tbe  vicinity,  to  act  as  occasion  might  require,  and 
in  tbe  beginning  of  July,  intelligence  was  received  from 
bim,  that  the  garrison  was  reduced  to  such  straight  for 
supplies,   that,  unless  very   shortly  relieved,   they   must 
surrender.     Runjeet  Singh  held  a  council  upon  this, 
and  it  was  determined  to  relieve  the  fort,  even  at  the 
risk  of  tbe  attempt  producing  hostilities  with  the  Vuzeer: 
Orders  to  this  effect  were  accordingly  sent  immediately 
to  tbe  Dewan,  who  being  encamped  at  Boorban,  march- 
ed at  break  of  day  on  the  12th  July  1813,  to  execute 
them.     On  that  day  he  made  a  short  march  to  an  outpost 
on  a  rivulet,  held  by  a  piquet  of  tbe  Vuzeers  army,  which 
retired  in  tbe  night.     The  Dewan  marched  again  next 
morning  leisurely  along  the  rivulet,  that  his  men  might 
drink,  and  be  always  fresh  for  action,  tbe  weather  being 
extremely  hot.     At  ten  in  the  morning,  he  came  to  the 
Indus,  at  about  five  miles  from  tbe  fort.     The  Kabool 
army  was  here  drawn  up  to  oppose  his  further  advance, 
its  van  being  composed  of  a  body  of  Moolkea  Moosul- 
mans,    supported   by   a   body   of  cavalry   under    Dost 
MoHUMMED  Khan.     Tbe  Dewan  took  up  bis  ground, 
forming  bis  cavalry  in  four  divisions,  and  tbe  only  battalion 
of  infantry  that  had  yet  come  up,  in  square.     Tbe   Mool- 
keas  immediately  made  a  resolute  charge  on  the    batta- 
lion, but  were  received  with  so  heavy  a  rolling  fire  as  to  be 
driven  back  with  severe  loss.   The  Dewan  ordered  up  for 

N  2 


100  FUTEH    KHAN    VUZEER   DEFEATED.  A.  D.  1813. 

the  support  of  his  battalion,  some  fresh  troops,  and  artillery 
under  Ghousee  Khan,  which  had  come  in  sight,  but 
his  order  was  not  obeyed.  Dost  Mohummud  now 
attacked  with  his  horse,  and  the  Sikhs  were  sinking 
before  him,  when  the  Dewan  in  person  on  his  elephant, 
carried  up  two  guns,  which  discharging  grape  checked 
the  Afghans.  By  this  time  it  was  noon,  the  heat  of  the 
sun  had  become  intense,  and  a  strong  hot  wind  blew  the 
dust  into  the  faces  of  the  Afghans.  Under  these  disad- 
vantages, the  Vuzeer  did  not  think  proper  to  carry  the 
troops  he  had  in  reserve  into  action,  and  those  who  had 
been  engaged  being  exhausted,  the  battle  ceased.  The 
Vuzeer  retired  across  the  Indus  to  Peshawur,  leaving  the 
Dewan  free  to  relieve  the  fort,  which  having  effected, 
MoHKUM  Chund  returned  to  Labor  in  August,  to 
receive  the  reward  of  his  service,  and  to  prefer  his  com- 
plaint against  the  officers,  whose  disobedience  had  so 
nearly  proved  fatal.  They  received  the  punishment, 
attaching  to  correspondence  with  the  enemy,  which  was 
detected  as  the  motive  of  their  so  critically  holding  back 
from  the  action. 

In  the  rains  of  1813  nothing  particular  occarred,  but 
toward  the  close  of  that  season  Runjeet  Singh  com- 
menced preparation  for  an  expedition  into  Kashmeer. 
In  October  he  visited  Juwala-Mookhee,  and  Kangra,  and 
thence  marched,  via.  Seeal-Kot  and  Vuzeerabad  to  the 
Jyhlura,  where  he  summoned  all  his  Jageerdars,  and  all 
the  tributary  hill  chiefs,  to  be  in  attendance  with  their 
respective  quotas.  Strict  muster  was  taken  of  each 
party  as  it  arrived,  and  fines  were  imposed  if  the  number 
was  short,  or  the  equipment  in  any  respect  deficient. 
Great  preparation  had  also  been  made  to  bring  an  effec- 


A.  D.  1813-14.  FURTHER   EXTORTIONS.  101 

ti\  e  artillery  into  the  field,  and  to  improve  that  monnted  on 
camels,  and  the  whole  having  been  reviewed,  RuNJEET 
Singh,  on  the  11th  November,  crossed  the  Jyhlum, 
and  entered  the  town  of  Rohtas.  The  V'uzeer  FuTEH 
Khan  was  brought  from  Peshawar  by  these  preparations 
to  the  Derajat,  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Indus,  which  cir- 
cumstance, added  to  intelligence,  that  the  snow  lay  still 
deep  on  the  Peer-Punjal  mountains,  induced  RuNJEET 
Singh  to  snspend  his  proposed  expedition  until  the  fol- 
lowing spring.  He  accordingly  sent  a  detachment  to 
occupy  and  seize  the  passes  in  the  hills  beyond  Rajaoree, 
and  to  select  places  for  grain  and  store-depots,  and  then 
returned,  via  Rohtas,  to  Labor,  where  he  arrived  on  the 
26th  of  December. 

The  confiscation  of  the  hill  territory  of  Hureepoor, 
and  its  annexation  to  the  Labor  Khalsa,  (fiisc),  was  the 
first  act  which  marked  the  return  of  the  Sikh  ruler  to  his 
capital.  Bhoop  Singh,  the  Raja,  whose  treacherous 
seizure  and  confinement  preceded  the  confiscation,  receiv- 
ed on  its  completion  a  small  Jageer  for  subsistence.  The 
next  act  of  Runjeet  Singh  was  more  shamelessly 
extortionate.  Hearing  that  Shah  Shooja  had  still 
some  jewels  of  rare  value,  a  demand  was  made  for  them; 
and,  on  the  Shah's  declaring  that  he  had  none  left,  the  Sikh 
determined  to  judge  for  himself,  and  sending  Bhy  a  Ram 
Singh  with  a  party  of  females  to  search  the  interior 
apartments,  caused  to  be  brought  into  his  presence,  every 
box  or  packet  the  Shah  possessed.  The  Shah's  head 
Eunuch  was  then  made  to  open  them,  and  Runjeet 
seized,  and  retained  for  himself,  all  the  most  precious 
articles,  with  the  swords,  pistols,  and  two  cart  loads  of 
carpets,  and  women's  dresses.  The  Shah  was  then 
ordered  to  remove  from  the  Shahlemar  garden  and  palace 


102      ESCAPE  OF   SHAH    SHOOJA'S    BEGUMS,      A. D.  1814-15. 

to  a  common  house  in  the  city,  and  was  subjected  there 
to  strict  surveillance.  After  experiencing  every  kind  of 
indignity  and  discomfort,  he  determined  to  attempt  an 
escape  with  his  family.  Towards  the  end  of  November, 
it  was  reported  to  Runjeet  Singh,  that  the  Begums  of 
Shah  Shooja  were  missing,  whereupon  the  Shah's  per- 
son was  placed  under  a  guard,  and  alternate  threats  and 
promises  were  employed  to  induce  him  to  declare  where 
they  were  gone.  He  denied  all  knowledge  of  their  mo- 
tions or  intentions.  The  city  was  searched,  and  egress 
forbidden  to  all  veiled  women,  and  all  merchants  having 
property  of  the  Shah's,  or  of  any  members  of  his  family, 
in  deposit,  were  ordered  to  surrender  it  into  the  Sikh 
treasury.  These  precautions  were,  however,  taken  too 
late.  It  was  ascertained  that  the  Begums  had  left  the 
house  of  Shah  Shooja  in  the  dress  of  Hindoo  females, 
and  thence  had  been  conveyed  to  the  banking  house  of 
Baluk  Ram,  the  agent  or  correspondent  of  Soogun 
Chund,  a  great  banker  at  Dehlee,  and  treasurer  of  the 
British  Residency  there ;  that  by  him  they  had  been  assist- 
ed in  passing  out  of  the  city,  and  provided  with  the  means 
of  making  their  way  to  Loodeeana,  where  they  had  arrived 
safely,  and  making  themselves  known  to  Captain  BiRCH, 
the  Assistant,  in  temporary  charge  of  the  station,  were 
received  with  hospitality  and  attention.  Baluk  Ram 
was  seized  by  Runjeet  Singh  for  the  part  he  had  taken 
in  this  evasion,  and  was  compelled  to  show  his  books,  and 
render  up  all  property  in  his  possession  belonging  to  the 
Shah  or  his  family.  He  received,  however,  no  further 
punishment. 

In  April  1815,  Shah  Shooja  himself  made  his  escape 
in  disguise  from  the  close  confinement  in  which  he  was 
held.     His  guard   was   disgraced,   and   a  reward  oflerod 


A.  D.  1815.      AND  SHAH    SHOOJA. — HIS    ADVENTURES,      103 

for  recovery  of  the  prisoner,  but  the  Shah  succeeded   in 
reaching  the  hills,  where  he  was  hospitably  received  by 
the  petty  Raja  of  Kishteewar.     Here  he  collected  a  body 
of  3000  men,  and  in  the  winter  season  made  an  attempt  oq 
Kashmeer  :  but  the  cold  prevented  his  passing  the  Peer- 
Punjal  range,  and  his  troops  dispersed.     His  condition 
was  now  desperate,  but  after   a  long  and  circuitous  jour- 
ney over  the  Kooloo  mountains  with  few  attendants,  and 
fewer  comforts,  he  atlast,  in  September  1816,  joined  his 
family  at  Loodeeana,  and  placed   himself  under  the  pro- 
tection   of    the    British    Government.     A    provision    of 
50,000  Rs.  per  annum  was  assigned  for  the  maintenance 
of  the  Shah   in  his  exile,  while  he  might  remain  in  the 
British  territory.     With  the  intermission  of  one  unfortu- 
nate enterprize,  he  was  led  to  engage  in  for  the   recovery 
of  his  lost  power,  after  tlie  murder  of  Ft  teh  Khan  in 
1818,    he  has   since   continued   to   avail  himself  of  this 
asylum,  and  he  has    been  joined  at   Loodeeana  by  his 
sightless  brother  Shah  Zuman,  whom,  with  his  family 
already  in   abject  poverty,  Rlnjeet  Singh   took  no 
trouble  to  detain.     To  this    prince  a  separate   allowance 
of  24,000  Rupees  per  annum  has  been  assigned.     The 
chronological  order  of  events  has   been  somewhat  antici- 
pated, in  order  to  bring  the  misfortunes  of  these  princes 
into  one   connected    relation.     The   first    expedition   of 
RuNJEET   Singh  against  Kashmeer  will  take  ns  back 
into  the  year  1814.     The  events,  however,  which  pre- 
ceded or  attended  it,  will  more  fitly  form  the  subject  of 
another  chapter. 


/> 


CHAPTER    SEVENTH. 


A.  D.  1814  to  1818. 


First  expedition  of  Runjeet  Singh  against  Kashmeer. 
Fails.  Failure  of  Runjeet  Singh's  health.  Expedi- 
tion against,  and  capture  of,  Mooltan.  The  army 
deprived  of  its  plunder.  Death  of  Futeh  Khan, 
Vuzeer  of  Kabool.  Runjeet  Singh's  advance  to 
Peshaivur. 

XVUNJEET  Singh  having  celebrated  the  Hoolee  and 
bathed  at  Umritsur,  moved  his  army  in  April  1814,  into 
the  Hill  country  about  Kangra,  to  enforce  the  collection 
of  his  tributes,  and  the  personal  attendance  of  the  Rajas 
Viith  their  contingents.  Having  thus  strengthened  him- 
self with  a  large  body  of  hill-men,  he  moved  to  Bhimbur 
on  the  4th  June;  and,  advancing  slowly  from  thence,  was 
metby  AgurKiian,  the  chief  of  Rajaoree,  throughwhose 
territory  lay  the  route  to  Kashmeer.  On  the  11th  June, 
thearmy  arrived  at  Rajaoree,  and  disencumbering  itself  of 
heavy  baggage,  equipped  itself  for  mountain  movement, 


A.  D.  1814.  EXPEDITION    AGAINST    KASHMEER  105 

preparatory  to  the  passage  of  tbe  famoas  Peer-Punjal 
range.  An  attempt  had  been  made  to  gain  the  Poonch 
Kaja,  RooH-ooLLAH  Kfjan,  to  the  Sikh  cause,  but  he 
pleaded  engagements  with  Kashraeer,  and  the  presence 
of  his  son  as  a  hostage  with  Uzeem  Khan,  the  governor. 
After  a  consultation  of  the  principal  officers  however,  it 
was  determined,  nevertheless,  that  the  main  army,  com- 
manded by  Rlnjelt  Singh  in  person,  should  pursue  the 
Poonch  route,  and  endeavour  to  penetrate  by  the  Toshu 
Mydan  pass,  while  a  strong  diversion  should  be  made  by 
Buhramgulla  towards  Soopyn  in  the  valley. 

The  cavalry  being  dismounted,  and  every  man  furnish- 
ed  with   provisions   for  three   days,   a  detachment    was 
formed,    and    sent    forward    on    the    loth    June,    under 
Ram  Dyal,  a  grandson  of  MoHKUM  Chl'ND  Dewan, 
with  whom   were   DuL  Singh    and    other  Jageerdars. 
They  appeared  before  the  post  at  Buhramgulla  on  the 
18th,  and  after  a  little  negociation,  obtained  possession 
of  the  pass,  on  payment  to  the  defenders  of  the  arrears 
due   to    them    by    the    Poonch   Raja.      Heavy    rain    set 
in  on    the  20th  June,  and  the  Sikh  army    beginning   to 
suffer  from  the  wet  and  cold,  and   the  supplies  already 
running  short,  the  march  of  the  main  body  was  delay- 
ed until  the  26lh.     On    the  28th,    however,   Runjeet 
Singh    reached    Poonch,  and  found  it  evacuated  ;  the 
Raja  having  given  orders  to  his  people  to   attempt  no 
resistance  in  arms,   but  to   desert  their  towns  and  vil- 
lages,   to   bury  or   remove   the  grain,    and    to  hover  in 
small    parties    on    the    flanks    of   the    invaders.       The 
consequences  of  this  system  had  already  begun  to  be  felt, 
and    compelled   a   halt  at  Poonch  for  further  supplies, 
until   the   13th   July.     Thence  advancing  by  Mundee, 

o 


106      A  DETACHMENT  REACHES  THE  VALLEY.       A.  D.  1814. 

RuNJEET  Singh  reached  Toshu  Mydan  on  the  18lb, 
where  he  found  Mohummud  Uzeem  Khan  with  the 
forces  of  Kashmeer,  drawn  up  to  oppose  his  progress. 
The  Sikh  army  took  up  its  position  in  face  of  the 
enemy,  and  remained  for  some  days  inactive.  Here 
RuNJEET  Singh  received  intelligence  from  the  detach- 
ment  at  BuhramguUa.  On  the  19th  July,  Ram  Dyai 
and  the  Jageerdars  ascended  the  Peer-Punjal  moun- 
tains, by  the  Suraee  and  Mudpoor  pass,  driving  before 
them  the  Kashmeer  troops  left  to  defend  it.  Runjeet 
Singh  was  uneasy  at  this  precipitancy,  thinking  his 
detachment  out  of  reach  of  support,  and  liable  to  be 
overpowered ;  he  sent  off  immediately  therefore  a  rein- 
forcement under  Bhya  Ram  Singh.  The  Rajaoree 
chief  recommended  an  attack  of  Uzeem  Khan,  as  the 
best  means  of  preventing  his  undertaking  any  thing 
against  the  detachment,  but  Runjeet  Singh  having 
reconnoitered  the  position,  deemed  the  attack  too  hazard- 
ous. It  is  probably  the  only  thing  that  would  have 
prevented  the  disasters  which  followed. 

In  the  mean  time  Ram  Dyal  having  passed  the 
mountain  barrier,  and  debouched  upon  the  valley  at 
Heerapoor,  was  attacked  on  the  22d  July,  by  a  party  sent 
against  him  by  Uzeem  Khan.  The  Kashmeerian, 
were  defeated,  and  followed  to  Soopyn.  On  the  24ths 
Ram  Dyal  assaulted  the  town  :  but  it  was  well  defended 
by  Shookoor  Khan,  and  the  assailants  were  repulsed, 
whereupon  the  Sikhs  retired  again  to  the  Peer-Punjal 
mountains  to  wait  reinforcements.  Bhya  Ram  Singh, 
hearing  of  this  discomfiture,  deemed  it  necessary  to  halt 
at  Buhramgullee,  with  the  support  he  was  bringing  up, 
in  order  to  secure  the  pass. 


A.  D.  1814.  RUNJEET's    DEFEAT    AND    RETREAT  107 

MoHUMMUD  UzEEM  Khan  seeing  matters  in  this 
critical  position,  tliought  the  time  favorable  for  oflensive 
operations  against  the  main  army,  which  had  already 
suffered  much  from  sickness,  and  more  from  desertion. 
On  the  29th  July,  Roohoollaii  KriA\,  the  Poonch 
chief,  approached,  and  commenced  a  desultory  fire  on 
the  Sikh  position.  On  the  following  morning  he  renewed 
his  attack  with  more  vigour,  and  Run  J  BET  SiNGii  was 
compelled  to  fall  back  on  Mundee.  Being  pursued  thither, 
he  fired  the  town,  and    directing  his  disciplined   batta- 

uns  to  cover  the  retreat,  continued  his  retrograde 
march  to  Poonch,  which  he  reached  on  the  31st  July, 
with  the  loss  of  many  men,  and  his  principal  officer 
MiT-SiNGH  BuHRANEEA,  and  stripped  of  nearly  all  his 
baggage.  The  army  was  now  no  longer  in  a  state  of 
organization  or  discipline,  and  setting  fire  to  Poonch, 
Rlnjeet  Singh  quitted  the  camp  and  continued  his 
flight  to  Bhoohee,  whence  he  with  a  few  attendants  took 
the  nearest  route  to  Labor,  which  he  reached  on  the  12th 

August. 

Ram  Dyal  and  the  Jageerdars  serving  with  him  in 
the  detachment  which  had  penetrated  into  the  valley, 
were  surrounded,  and  their  supplies  were  cut  off,  but 
the  detachment  was  allowed  by  UzEEM  Khan  to  re- 
tire, and  was  furnished  with  a  safe  conduct  to  the  Sikh 
frontier,  in  consideration  of  the  friendship  professed 
by  this  Governor  for  Dewan  Mohklm  Chlnd,  its 
commandant's  grandfather.  That  distinguished  officer 
of  Rlnjeet  Singh  had  himself  been  prevented  by 
indisposition  from  taking  part  in  the  expedition.  He 
warned  his  master  however  of  the  difficulties  he  must 
expect   if  he  allowed  himself  to   be  overtaken  in  the 

o  2 


108      DEATH  OF  MOHKUM  CHUN  D  DEWAN.       A.  D.  1814-15. 

hills  by  the  rainy  season,  and  particularly  pointed  out 
the  necessity  of  providing  large  depots  in  Bhimbur  and 
Rajaoree,  in  anticipation  of  a  determined  opposition 
from  the  Moosulmau  chief,  and  the  whole  population  of 
Poonch.  All  had  happened  exactly  as  he  predicted, 
and  the  ruler  of  Labor  returned  to  lament  the  deprivation 
of  his  Dewan's  experience  and  judgment,  no  less  than 
his  tried  skill  and  valour,  in  this  important  expedition. 
The  illness  however  which  prevented  him  from  accom- 
panying the  Sikh  army  increased,  and  in  the  course 
of  October,  soon  after  the  return  of  RuNJEET  Singh 
to  Lah6r,  he  died  amidst  the  regrets  and  lamentations 
of  all  well-wishers  to  the  power  of  the  Sikhs,  and  to  the 
dominion  of  Run  J  eet  Singh.  In  his  private  character 
the  Dewan  was  liberal,  upright,  and  high-minded :  he 
enjoyed  the  confidence  of  the  troops  placed  under  his 
command,  and  was  popular  and  much  respected  amongst 
the  entire  Sikh  community. 

The  losses  sustained  by  Run  J  eet  in  this  expedition 
required  some  time  to  repair.  The  Sikh  army  was  not 
therefore  in  a  condition  to  take  the  field  at  the  close  of 
the  Dussera  of  1814  as  usual  :  but  in  April  1815,  a 
force  was  employed,  under  Ram  Dyal  and  DuL 
Singh,  ravaging  the  Mooltan  and  Buhawulpoor  ter- 
ritories, and  exacting  tributes  and  contributions  in  that 
neighbourhood.  RuNJEET  Singh  himself  passed  the 
hot  weather  at  Adeena-nugur,  raising  and  disciplining 
new  battalions  ;  and  especially  recruiting  men  of  the 
Goorka  nation,  of  whose  valour  he  began  to  enter- 
tain a  very  high  opinion,  from  having  watched  tho 
operations,  which  during  the  season  had  passed  in  the 
hill  country  east  of  the  Sutlcj.     The  British  Government 


A.  D.  1815.  RUNJEET    REPAIRS    HIS   LOSSES.  109 

had  engaged  in  hostilities  with  the  Goorkhas,  and  Colonel, 
afterwards  General  Ochterlony,  had  taken  the  field 
there  against  Umur  Singh,  who  for  six  months, 
maintained  himself  at  Ramgurh  and  Malonn,  and 
baffled  the  known  skill  and  the  superior  forces  of  this 
experienced  commander.  His  final  discomfiture,  and  the 
dispossession  of  the  Goorkhas  from  all  the  hill  territory 
west  of  the  Gogra  or  Kalee  river,  occasioned  a  break- 
ing up  of  their  power,  which  was  highly  favourable  to 
Kunjeet's  views,  and  procured  him  many  men  of  this 
nation  particularly  well  adapted  for  hill  warfare. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  defeat  of  the  Sikh  expedition 
against  Kashmeer  encouraged  the  Moosulmau  Chiefs 
of  Bhimhur  and  Rajaoree  to  break  out  into  rebellion, 
and  towards  the  close  of  the  year  J814,  the  sou  of  the  lat- 
ter who  was  detained  as  a  hostage  at  Labor,  effected  his 
escape  and  joined  his  father.  The  Bhimbur  insurgents 
were  headed  by  the  brother  of  Sooltan  Khax,  who 
since  he  made  his  submission  in  1813,  had  been  himself 
detained  by  Runjeet  Singh,  and  was  now  a  close 
prisoner  at  Labor. 

In  October,  after  the  Dussera  of  1815,  the  Sikh  army 
was  called  out,  and  its  rendezvous  for  muster  appointed 
at  Seealkot.  A  division  was  sent  in  advance  under  Ram 
Dyal  and  Dul  Singh  to  punish  the  Bhimbur  and 
Rajaoree  Chiefs,  and  to  ravage  their  territories  with 
fire  and  sword.  Poonch  was  saved  from  a  similar 
visitation  by  its  greater  elevation,  and  by  the  setting  in 
of  winter  with  severity.  Runjeet  Singh  was  not  yet 
prepared  for  an  attempt  to  retrieve  his  fortune  and  lost 
reputation,    by    another  expedition   against   Kashmeer. 


110  CONFISCATIONS.  A.  D.  1816. 

He  was  content  therefore  to  employ  the  season  in  con- 
firming his  authority  in  the  hills  before  subdued,  and  in 
punishing  the  disobedient  and  refractory  Rajas  and  Chiefs 
on  this  side  the  Peer-Punjal  range.  He  returned  to 
Labor  on  the  28th  December,  where  he  was  waited  upon 
by  Beer  Singh,  the  Rajah  of  Noorpoor,  in  the  hills,  who 
had  failed  to  attend  the  summons  to  rendezvous  at  Seeal- 
Kot.  A  heavy  mulct  was  imposed,  which  being  beyond 
the  Chiefs  means,  he  offered  his  Thakoors,  or  house- 
bold  Gods,  of  silver  and  gold,  in  pawn,  but  these  not 
sufficing,  he  was  arrested  at  the  door  of  the  Durbar,  or 
hall  of  audience,  on  the  20th  January  1816,  and  next 
day  was  sent  off  in  a  Palkee  to  witness  the  seizure 
and  confiscation  of  his  all,  and  to  render  an  account  to 
the  sequestrators.  He  declined  the  petty  Jageer  offered 
to  him  for  subsistence,  and  after  a  fruitless  attempt  to 
recover  his  fortress  and  territory  by  force,  took  refuge 
within  the  British  territory.  A  second  example  was  made 
of  the  Raja  of  Juswoul  Omed  Singh,  for  a  similar 
failure.  .  Being  stripped  of  his  possessions,  however,  he 
accepted  the  Jageer  tendered. 

After  completing  his  arrangements  in  the  hills, 
RujvjEET  Singh  having  bathed  at  Turun-Tarun,  moved 
with  his  army  into  the  territories  of  Mooltan  and 
Buhawulpoor,  where  the  still  unripe  <;rops  and  abundant 
herds  presented  the  means  of  enforcing  contributions  or 
inflicting  irredeemable  injury.  The  Sikh  detachments 
penetrated  down  the  Indus,  to  the  verge  of  the  Siudh 
territory,  and  Mohummud  Khan,  Chief  of  Bhukur 
and  Leeah,  of  the  family  ejected  by  the  present  Meers  of 
Sindh,  having  recently  died,  a  demand  of  tribute  was 
made  on  his  successor  Hafiz  Ahmeu  Khan.     On  his 


A.  D.  181G.  EXPEDITION    DOWN    THE    INDUS.  Ill 

refusal,  his  forts,  Khangurh  and  Muhmoodkot,  were  occu- 
pied, and  Phoola  Singh  Akalee  was  allowed  to  perpe- 
trate there  atrocities  and  insnlts  to  the  Mohummedaa 
population  of  the  most  revolting  description.  Hafiz 
Ahmed  soon  after  paid  down  a  sum  of  money  to  procure 
the  withdrawing  of  the  Sikh  garrisons,  and  thus  recover- 
ed his  forts  with  part  also  of  the  plunder  extorted. 
Ahmed  Khan  of  Jhnng  was  now  summoned  to  the 
presence,  and  called  upon  for  a  large  contribution.  On 
pleading  inability,  he  was  sent  prisoner  to  Labor,  while 
three  battalions  proceeded  to  occupy,  and  annex  to  the 
Khalsa,  the  whole  of  his  possessions,  reckoned  to  yield 
about  four  lakhs  of  yearly  revenue.  They  were  farmed 
to  Lala  Sookh-Dyal  for  1,GO,000  rupees.  Futeh 
Singh  Aloowala  was  at  the  same  time  employed  in 
seizing  Ooch  and  Kot-Muharaja,  the  first  held  by 
Seyuds,  who  had  hitherto  been  respected,  and  were 
now  provided  with  a  Jageer ;  and  the  second  by  a  chief 
named  Rujub  Ulee  Khan,  who  was  sent  prisoner  to 
Labor. 

RuNJEET  Singh  returned  from  the  south  west,  and 
re-entered  his  capital  on  the  20th  May.  Here  he  learned 
that  the  Vuzeer  Futeh  Khan  had  employed  the  season 
in  a  march  across  the  Pukholee  and  Dumtour  hills,  into 
Kashmeer,  where  he  aided  his  brother  in  enforcing:  the 
collections,  and  establishing  his  authoritv  in  the  valley, 
and  then  returned  by  the  same  route.  The  Sikh  detach- 
ment under  Ram  Dyal  and  Dul  Singh  had  remained 
upon  the  frontier  to  watch  his  motions. 

A  domestic  matter  now  occupied  the  attention  of 
RuNJEET  Singh.     His   second    wife,    the  mother  of 


112      KHURUK  Singh's  MOTHER  DISGRACED.        A.  D.  1816. 

Koonwur  KnuRUK  Singh,  was  accused  of  scandal- 
ous improprieties,  and  particularly  of  too  notorious  and 
close  an  intimacy  with  Bhya  Ram  Singh,  the  Koon- 
wur's  Dewan.  Runjeet  Singh  had  lavished  much 
territory  in  Jageer  upon  the  heir-apparent,  and  the 
management  was  undertaken  by  his  mother  and  the 
Dewan,  upon  the  usual  condition  of  maintaining  an  effici- 
ent contingent  of  horse,  for  service  with  the  Sikh  army. 
Complaint,  however,  was  loud  and  frequent,  that  the 
"Jageers  were  the  scene  of  extortion  and  mismanagement, 
while  the  condition  and  equipment  of  the  Koon  war's  con- 
tingent was  deemed  by  Runjeet  highly  discreditable. 
He  first  endeavoured  to  procure  a  reform  by  exciting  the 
pride  of  his  son,  who  was  of  age  to  take  an  interest  in 
such  things,  but  the  influence  of  the  mother  and  Dewan 
preventing  any  amendment,  the  Sikh  ruler  was  at  length 
compelled  to  interfere  more  authoritatively.  The  Dewan 
Ram  Singh  was  thrown  into  confinement,  and  ordered 
to  account  for  his  stewardship  of  the  Jageers,  and  the 
Koonwur's  mother  was  directed  to  fix  her  residence  in 
the  fort  of  Shekhoopoor.  Khuruk  Singh  was  repri- 
manded for  allowing  such  proceedings  ;  and  Bhooanee 
Das  of  Peshawur,  was  assigned  to  him  as  a  new  Dewan. 
Several  lakhs  of  rupees  and  some  valuable  jewels  were 
extorted  from  Ram  Singh,  whose  banker  Ootum 
Chund  of  Umritsur,  was  also  called  to  account,  and 
made  to  refund  what  he  held  for  the  cx-Dewan. 

After  the  Dussera  in  October,  Runjeet  Singh's 
first  journey  was  into  the  hills,  where  he  paid  a  visit  to 
Raja  SuNSAR  Chund  at  Nadoun,  and  collected  his 
yearly  tributes  ;  thence  returning,  he  eflected  the  confis- 
cation of  the  Jageers  and   territories   of  Beer  Singh 


A.  D.  1817.  RUNJEET'S    HEALTH    FAILS.  113 

and  Dewan  Singh,  two  brothers  of  the  late  Jodh 
Singh  Ramgarheea,  valued  at  five  lakhs  of  rupees  yearly 
revenne.  The  persons  of  both  chiefs  were  seized,  as  they 
came  to  the  Durbar  to  pay  their  respects,  without  suspi- 
cion of  any  design  against  them  being  entertained  by  the 
Labor  ruler.  Umritsur  was  illuminated  for  the  return  of 
its  sovereign  on  the  13th  of  December^ 

The  constitution  of  RuNJEET  Singh,  though  it  must 
have  been  excellent  to  have  carried  him  so  long  through 
a  course  of  life  consisting  of  alternate  toils  and  de- 
baucheries, each  extreme  in  degree,  began  now  to  yield 
to  these  incessant  trials.  His  digestion  failed,  and 
with  loss  of  strength,  thinness  of  body,  and  the  incapacity 
for  much  exertion,  were  superinduced.  Towards  the 
commencement  of  1817  his  health  was  seriously  im- 
paired, and  he  submitted  to  a  course  of  regimen  prescrib- 
ed by  his  native  physicians,  which 'continued  for  forty 
days,  but  produced  in  the  end  little  permanent  benefit. 
No  military  enterprize  or  other  active  operation  is  re- 
corded as  having  been  undertaken  in  this  year.  The 
Sikh  ruler's  principal  source  of  anxiety  in  the  coarse  of 
it,  arose  from  an  attachment  to  Ram  Lal,  the  brother 
of  his  chamberlain,  Khooshhal  Singh,  upon  whom 
such  unlimited  bounties  had  been  lavished,  and  who 
had  become  the  great  court  favorite,  and  the  bottle  com- 
panion of  bis  master.  Ram  Lal  could  not  be  induced 
by  the  most  seductive  offers  to  give  up  his  Brahmiuical 
thread,  and  adopt  the  Sikh  ritual  and  customs  as  his  bro- 
ther had  done.  In  order  to  avoid  farther  importunity 
on  the  subject  he  fled  to  his  home  east  of  the  Sutlej, 
where  he  was  beyond  the  reach  of  the  Labor  ruler,  who, 
provoked  that  he  should  have  escaped,  wreaked  a  real 

p 


114  MOOLTAN    ATTACKED,  A.  D.  1817-18. 

or  pretended  vengeance  on  his  chamberlain,  by  remov- 
ing him  from  oflBce,  and  placing  him  under  restraint. 
Ram  Lal  returned  for  his  brother's  sake,  and  ultimately 
received  the  Pahul  or  Sikh  initiation,  and  changed  his 
name  to  Ram  Singh. 

The  following  season  was  employed  in  preparation  for 
an  expedition  against  Mooltan,  of  which  the  resources  had 
been  annually  drained  by  forced  contributions,  ravage, 
and  waste,  so  as  to  lead  Runjeet  Singh  to  hope  that 
MozuFFUR  Khan's  means  of  defence  and  preparation 
were  now  so  impaired,  as  to  make  the  city  and  fort  an  easy 
conquest.  Before  undertaking  this  enterprize,  however, 
Runjeet  Singh  gave  liberty  to  Ahmed  Khan  of 
Jhung,  whom  he  had  held  in  close  confinement  for  nine 
months.  A  small  Jageer  was  assigned  to  him  for  subsist- 
ence. The  Sikh  army  had  been  ordered  to  rendezvous 
in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1818  on  the  south-west 
frontier  of  the  Sikh  dominion.  KooNWUR  Khuruk 
Singh  was  now  appointed  to  the  nominal  command, 
aided  by  MisUR  Dewan  Chund,  who  had  risen 
by  his  merit  and  activity  from  a  low  situation  to  be 
Commandant  of  the  Artillery,  and  who  undertook  for 
the  reduction  of  the  fort  of  Mooltan,  if  vested  with  the 
chief  command  during  the  siege.  The  jealousy  of  the 
Jageerdars,  who  objected  to  serve  under  a  man  of  yester- 
day, obliged  Runjeet  Singh  to  adopt  the  plan  of  send- 
ing his  heir-apparent  in  nominal  command  of  the  whole. 
All  the  boats  on  the  Ravee  and  Chunab  were  put  in 
requisition  to  carry  supplies  and  stores  for  the  army,  and 
the  march  was  commenced  in  January  1818.  A  demand 
was  made  of  an  exorbitant  sum  in  cash  and  of  five  of 
MozuFFUR  Khan's  best  horses,   and   this    not   being 


A.  D.  1818.  AND   TAKEN    BY    STORM.  115 

immediately  complied  wilh,  his  two  forts  of  Mozuffur- 
gurh  and  Khangarh  were  stormed  and  taken.  In  the 
course  of  February  the  city  of  Mooltan  was  occupied, 
and  its  citadel  closely  invested  without  much  loss.  The 
approaches  were  made  according  to  no  consistent  plan, 
but  every  Jageerdar  and  chief  erected  his  own  battery, 
and  a  promiscuous  fire  was  kept  up  from  guns  and  small 
arms  against  every  part  of  the  defences.  The  means  of 
the  garrison  were  however  so  deficient,  that  even  ander 
this  irregular  method  of  attack,  the  wall  of  the  citadel 
was,  by  the  continual  fire  kept  up,  breached  in  several 
places,  and  the  upper  works  and  defences  were  nearly  de- 
molished in  the  coarse  of  the  month  of  April.  In  May  the 
approaches  were  carried  close  to  the  Dhool-kot,  or  fausse 
braye  of  the  works,  and  the  army  became  eager  to  be  led 
to  the  storm  ;  butRuNJEET  SiNGH,  who,  though  absent, 
regulated  every  thing  connected  with  the  siege,  forbad 
any  risk  being  run,  and  continued  his  offer  to  the  Nuwab 
of  a  Jageer  if  he  would  surrender.  He  was  obstinate  in 
his  refusal,  and  seemed  determined  to  hold  out  to  the  last 
extremity.  While  matters  continued  in  this  state,  an 
Akalee  fanatic,  Sadhoo  Singh,  on  the  2d  of  June, 
advanced  without  orders  with  a  few  companions,  and 
attacked  sword  in  hand,  the  Afghans  in  the  Dhool-kot, 
who,  being  at  the  time  asleep  or  negligent,  were  over- 
powered. The  men  in  the  Sikh  trenches,  seeing  this, 
advanced  simultaneously  on  the  impulse  of  the  moment 
to  support  the  attack,  and  the  entire  outwork  was  carried 
with  a  slaughter  of  those  defending  it.  Flushed  with 
this  success,  the  assailants  attempted  the  fort,  and  found 
ready  entrance  by  the  breaches  made,  the  garrison  not 
expecting  assault,   nor  being  prepared  for  a  consistent 

and  determined  resistance.     The  citadel  was  thus  sud- 

p  2 


116        BOOTY    RECOVERED  FROM  THE  ARMY.        A.  D.  1018. 

denly  carried,  MozuFFUR  Khan  with  his  four  sons, 
and  household,  made  a  final  stand  at  the  door  of  his 
residence,  but  fell  covered  with  wounds.  Two  of 
his  sons.  Shah  Nuwaz  Khan  and  Huq  Nuwaz, 
were  also  killed  on  the  spot,  and  a  third  was  left  badly 
wounded.  Surfuraz  Khan,  the  fourth,  who  had  been 
vested  by  his  father  with  the  government  under  himself, 
was  found  in  a  vault  or  cellar,  and  taken  prisoner.  The 
citadel  was  now  sacked,  and  an  immense  booty  fell  to 
the  troops  engaged  in  the  assault.  Runjeet  Singh, 
however,  was  not  content,  that  his  treasury  should  be 
defrauded  of  the  wealth  known  to  have  been  laid  up  in 
this  citadel,  and  which  he  had  long  coveted  and  hoped 
to  have  secured  by  a  surrender  on  capitulation.  lie 
accordingly  issued  peremptory  orders  for  the  immediate 
return  of  the  whole  army  to  Labor,  with  exception  to  a 
detachment,  under  Jodh  Singh  Kulseea,  of  sufficient 
strength  to  hold  the  place,  and  conduct  the  local  adminis- 
tration. SooKH  Dyal,  who  had  taken  the  farm  of  Jhung, 
as  above  stated,  was  nominated  to  the  civil  government. 
Upon  the  arrival  of  the  army  at  Labor,  proclamation  was 
made,  that  the  plunder  of  Moollan  was  the  property 
of  the  State,  and  all  soldiers,  officers,  or  Jageerdars, 
possessing  any  article  of  spoil,  or  any  money  obtained 
in  the  sack  of  the  fort,  were  ordered  to  bring  the 
same  in,  and  to  account  for  the  whole  to  the  treasury, 
under  penalty  of  heavy  mulct  or  confinement.  It  affords 
a  strong  proof  of  the  awe,  in  which  the  power  and  sources 
of  information  possessed  by  Runjeet  Singh,  were 
held  by  his  troops,  that  this  order  produced  no  outrage 
or  general  resistance.  Most  of  the  spoil  was  traced  and 
collected  for  the  treasury,  and,  though  rendered  up  with 
much  discontent,  and  with  many  efforts    at  concealment, 


A.  D.  1818.  DEATH    OF    FUTEH    KHAN    VUZEER.  HT 

still  the  severities  practised  on  the  obstinate,  and  the  mu- 
tual jealousies  and  envy  of  their  fellows,  felt  by  those  who 
had  been  compelled  to  disgorge,  led  generally  to  the 
discovery  of  all  that  was  valuable,  so  that  the  Toshuk' 
khana,  or  jewel-office,  of  the  Labor  ruler,  was  enriched 
by  this  respoliation  of  the  troops.  There  is  but  one 
example  of  similar  audacity  in  a  commander,  and  that 
was  the  terrible  Nadir  Shah,  who,  upon  his  return 
from  India,  when  his  army  was  crossing  the  Attuk,  plac- 
ed a  guard  at  the  ferry,  and  as  every  one  came  over, 
searched  his  person  and  baggage,  for  every  article  of  the 
spoil  of  Dehlee,  that  the  soldiers  or  followers  of  his 
army  might  have  secured. 

SuRFURAZ  Khan  and  his  wounded  brother  Zoolfi- 
KAR  Khan  were  conducted  to  Labor,  where  Runjeet 
Singh  assigned  them  a  small  stipend  for  subsistence. 
The  capture  of  Mooltan  was  the  only  operation  of  the 
season,  the  whole  Sikh  army  having  been  employed  against 
the  place  since  January,  and  the  rains  having  set  in  as  it 
fell.  During  that  season  Gov  in  d  Chund,  Kaja  of 
Datarpoor,  in  the  hills,  dying,  his  territory  was  annexed 
to  the  Khalsa,  and  his  son  was  held  in  durance  until  he 
consented  to  accept  a  Jageer. 

This  season  of  necessary  inactivity  produced,  however, 
another  event  of  great  influence  on  the  future  fortunes  of 
Runjeet  Singh.  In  the  month  of  August  1818,  the 
Vuzeer  Futeh  Khan,  whose  energy  and  talents  had 
raised  Shah  MUHMOOD  to  the  throne  of  Kabool,  and 
who  alone  kept  together  the  turbulent  and  discordant 
materials  of  which  the  Afghan  empire  had  been  composed, 
was  plotted  against  by  the  Prince  Kamran,  the  son  of 


118  TROUBLES   IN    AFGHANISTAN.  A.  D.  1818. 

MuHMOOD,  and  being  treacherously  seized,  was  first 
blinded,  and  soon  after  put  to  death  by  his  order.  The 
Vuzeer  had  fifty  brothers,  all  at  the  head  of  governments, 
or  otherwise  in  the  possession  of  power  and  wealth,  and 
the  cry  to  vengeance  was  general  throughout  the  kingdom. 
MoHUMMUD  UzEEM  posted  from  Kashmeer,  leaving 
a  younger  brother,  Juuur  Khan,  in  the  valley.  Taking 
the  direction  of  the  measures  of  resistance  organized, 
he  defeated  the  troops  of  Kamran,  and  dislodged  his 
garrisons  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Kabool,  Ghiznee, 
and  Kandahar,  so  that  in  a  few  months  the  authority  of 
the  weak  Shah  Muhmood,  and  his  rash  ill-advised  son, 
was  confined  to  the  city  and  plain  of  Herat,  and  the  rest 
of  the  xVfghan  territory  was  assumed  and  portioned  out  in 
separate  governments  and  independent  principalities,  by 
the  powerful  members  of  this  extensive  family.  The 
plea  put  forward  by  K  AMR  AN  for  his  conduct  towards 
the  Vuzeer  FuTEii  Khan,  was,  his  having  plundered 
the  property  of  Feeroz-ood-deen,  a  prince  of  the  blood 
royal,  whom  he  expelled  from  the  government  of  Herat, 
in  order  to  recover  it  for  Muhmood.  The  real  cause, 
however,  was  jealousy  of  his  power  and  reputation,  and 
the  vain  conceit  entertained  by  Kamran,  that  the 
Vuzeer's  abilities  could  be  dispensed  with,  and  affairs 
conducted  as  well  by  the  household  and  family  of  the 
imbecile  nominal  sovereign. 

The  intelligence  of  these  events  determined  Runjekt 
Singh  to  carry  his  army  across  the  Indus  in  the  ensuing 
season,  more  especially  as  a  detachment  of  Sikhs  had 
recently  been  overpowered  by  the  Kliutuk  Moosulmans, 
and  every  motive  of  policy  required,  that  this  should  not 
pass  unrevenged.     The  troops  having  been  called  out  iu 


A.  D.  1818.  RUNJEET    TAKES    PESHAWUR.  119 

October,  advanced  to  Attuk  under  Runjeet's  personal 
command,  and  the  river  being  forded  with  some  loss, 
the  fortress  of  Khyrabad,  with  Jugheera,  and  the  territory 
on  the  opposite  bank,  were  reduced  and  occupied.  Xo 
immediate  resistance  was  offered,  Feeroz  Khan,  the 
chief  of  the  Khntuk  tribe,  made  his  submission,  and 
RuNJEET  Singh  having  ascertained  that  no  organized 
force  was  in  the  field  to  oppose  him,  directed  an  advance 
on  Peshawur.  The  city  was  entered  on  the  20th  Novem- 
ber, Yah  Mohummud  Khan,  the  governor,  retiring, 
as  the  Sikhs  advanced,  into  the  mountains  occupied  by 
the  Yoosufzye  tribes  of  Afghans. 

RuNJEET  Singh  remained  with   his  army  three  days 
in  Peshawur,  and  then  returned,  leaving  as  governor  on 
his  behalf,  Juhan  Dad  Khan,  to  whose  treachery  he 
was  indebted  for  the  possession  of  Attuk,   but  whom  he 
had  left  unrewarded  hitherto,  and  without  the  promised 
Jageer.     He  furnished  him,  however,  with  neither  troops, 
nor  money,  to  maintain  the  possession.  Accordingly,  the 
Sikh  army  had  no  sooner  crossed  the  Indus  on  its  return, 
than  Yar  Mohummud  came  down  from  the  mountains 
with  the  Yoosufzyes,  and  expelled  the  Sikh   governor: 
Juhan  Dad  Khan   fled  to  the  southward,  and  there 
fell  in  with  Shah  Shooja,  whom  the   state  of  affairs 
in  Kabool  had  tempted  from  Loodeeana  again  to  try  his 
fortune.     From  him  he  received  a  free  pardon,  and  join- 
ed his  standard.     The  curse  of  Fate  was,  however,  on 
every    enterprize    undertaken    by    this    prince,    whose 
character,  though  amiable  in  many   respects,  and    irre- 
proachable in  all,  possessed  not  the  energy  to  inspire  awe, 
and  attach  followers  in  troubled  times,  or  to  give  confi- 
dence to  those  disposed  otherwise  to  favor  his   cause. 


120     FAILURE  OF  SHAH  SHOOJA's  ENTERPRIZE.    A.  D.  1818. 

Shah  Shooja  returned  destitute  to  Loodeeana,  after  a 
few  months  of  vain  wandering,  and  fruitless  negociation 
with  the  Meers  of  Sindh,  and  other  quondam  tributaries 
and  dependents  of  the  Afghan  empire  now  no  more ;  and 
Juiian  Dad  Khan  then  made  his  peace  with  the  Court 
of  Herat,  and  proceeded  thither,  despairing  of  obtaining 
favor  or  advancement  at  that  of  Labor. 


CHAPTER    EIGHTH. 


A.  D.  1819  to  1822. 


Seeond  expedition  and  conquest  of  Kashmeer.  Arrange- 
ments for  consolidating  the  Sikh  authority  in  the  hills. 
Conquests  on  the  Indus.  Disgrace  and  confinement 
of  Suda  Koonwur,  RunjeeVs  Mother-in-law.  Arrival 
and  entertainment  of  French  oncers. 

In  February  and  March  1819,  Dksa  Singh  Mujhiteea 
was  employed  by  Runjeet  Singh,  with  Raja  Sunsar 
Chund,  in  collecting  the  hill  tributes.  In  the  coarse  of 
their  operations  they  came  in  contact  with  the  Raja  of 
Kuhloor,  whose  capital,  Bulaspoor,  is  on  the  British  side 
of  the  Sutlej,  but  who  held  at  that  time  extensive  posses- 
sions north  and  west  of  that  river.  This  chief  refusing 
the  tribute  demanded,  Desa  Singh  marched  to  occupy 
his  territory,  and  having  dispossessed  him  of  all  he  held  on 
the  right  bank  of  the  boundary  river  of  British  protection, 
sent  a  detachment  across  it  against  Bulaspoor.  Captain 
Ross,  the  Political  Agent  in  the  adjoining  hills,  and  Com- 
mandant of  a  battalion  of  Goorkha  light  troops,  stationed 

Q 


122   SECOND  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  KASHMEER.    A.  D.  1819. 

at  Subathoo,  marched  immediately  to  the  point  threat- 
ened, and  was  joined  there  by  a  detachment  from 
Loodeeana,  ordered  ontby  the  Resident  at  Dehlee.  This 
promptitude  alarmed  the  Sikh  ruler,  and  Desa  Singh 
was  ordered,  not  only  to  recall  his  detachment,  but  to 
wait  upon  Captain  Ross,  and  offer  every  explanation 
and  apology  in  his  power. 

Nothing  material  occurred  in  the  early  part  of  this  year, 
but  the  season  was  occupied  in  preparation  for  a  second 
expedition  against  Kashmeer.  To  this  Runjeet  Singh 
was  encouraged,  partly  by  his  recent  success  against 
Mooltan,  which  had  given  him  confidence  in  his  troops, 
and  had  added  largely  to  their  reputation,  but  mainly  by 
the  state  of  the  Afghan  power,  and  the  knowledge,  that 
MoiiummudUzeem  Khan  had  carried  with  him  the  most 
efficient  of  the  troops  in  the  valley,  to  forward  his  other 
designs,  and  was  far  absent,  and  in  no  condition  to  render 
assistance  to  the  Governor  he  had  left  behind  him.  Misur 
Dewan  Chund,  the  conqueror  of  Mooltan,  was  selected 
by  Runjeet  Singh  to  command  the  present  expedition, 
the  Sikh  ruler  being  influenced,  partly  by  his  bodily  infir- 
mities, partly  by  a  superstitious  notion,  that  fortune  and 
fate  were  against  his  personal  success  in  the  valley,  but 
mainly  perhaps  by  the  knowledge,  that  the  more  impor- 
tant task  of  expediting  supplies,  and  supporting  the 
armies  operating  in  advance,  could  best  be  performed 
by  himself,  to  determine  to  remain  within  his  own  frontier, 
and  in  the  plains  of  the  Punjab. 

lu  the  month  of  April,  the  Sikh  army  was  marched 
towards  the  frontier,  and  a  select  and  strong  division 
was  formed  there  under  the  Misur's  command  to  lead  the 


J*? 


A,  D.    1819.  THE   VALLEY    PENETRATED.  128 

advance.     A  second  army  was  formed    to    support  this 
officer,  and  placed  under  the  command  of    KooNWUR 
Khuruk  Singh;  while  Runjeet  Singh  kept  with 
himself  a  reserve  to  be  employed  as  occasion  might  require' 
in  expediting  stores  and  supplies. 

By  the  beginning  of  June,  Misur  Dew  AN  Chund 
Lad  occupied  Rajaoree  and  Poonch,  and  all  the  hills 
and  passes,  south  of  the  Peer-Punjal  range.  The  sup- 
porting division  was  accordingly  advanced  to  Rajaoree, 
to  keep  open  the  communications.  The  Chief  of  this 
last  place  was  in  rebellion,  and  acting  with  the  Raja  of 
Poonch  in  the  defence  of  the  Peer-Punjal  passes.  Rln- 
JEET  Singh,  however,  had  given  liberty  to  Sooltan 
Khan  of  Bhimbnr,  after  a  conBnemeut  of  seven  years, 
and  had  secured  the  aid  of  his  advice  and  co-operation, 
by  holding  out  hopes  of  extensive  benefit  to  result  to  him 
from  the  success  of  the  enterprize.  On  the  23d  June, 
the  Misur  attacked  the  Rajaoree  and  Poonch  Rajas  in 
their  position  at  the  Dhakee  Deo  and  Maja  passes,  and 
carried  them,  thus  securing  to  himself  a  road  over  the 
Peer-Punjal.  Khuruk  Singh  with  his  division  advanc- 
ed now  to  Surdee  Thana,  and  Runjeet  Singh  with  his 
reserves  came  up  as  far  as  Bhimbur,  while  Misur 
Dewan  Chund,  crossing  the  barrier  mountains,  descend- 
ed into  the  valley,  and  took  up  a  position  at  Suraee  Ulee 
on  the  road  to  Soopyn. 

JuBUR  Khan,  who  had  been  left  by  Mohummud 
UzEEM,  Governor  in  Kashmeer,  was  at  Soopyn  with 
five  thousand  men,  to  make  his  stand  for  the  possession 
of  the  valley.  The  troops  he  had  were  however  raw,  and 
hastily  raised,  and  unable  to  compete  with  the  disciplined 

Q  2 


124  CONQUEST    OF   KASHMEER.  A.  D.  1819. 

battalions  led  by  Misur  Dewan  Chund,  which  besides 
outnumbered  them  greatly.  On  the  5th  July,  the  Sikhs 
having-  been  furnished  with  supplies  and  reinforcements 
from  the  rear,  the  Misur  advanced  to  Soopyn,  and  imme- 
diately on  coming  in  view  of  the  Kashnieer  army,  order- 
ed an  attack,  which,  after  a  few  hours  of  smart  fighting, 
attended  with  considerable  loss  on  both  sides,  was  com- 
pletely successful.  The  Afghans  and  troops  of  Jubur 
Khan  fled  at  once  across  the  mountains  towards  the 
Indus,  leaving  the  valley  to  be  occupied  without  further 
opposition  by  the  victorious  army  of  RuNJEET  Singh. 
Great  was  the  joy  of  this  chief  at  his  success.  The  cities 
of  Lah6r  and  of  Umritsur  were  illuminated  for  three 
nights,  and  Motee  Ram,  son  of  the  late  Dewan 
MoHKUM  Chund,  was  sent  as  governor  of  the  valley, 
accompanied  by  a  strong  body  of  troops,  for  the  reduc- 
tion of  Durbund  and  other  strong  holds,  and  with  instruc- 
tions to  spare  no  effort  to  bring  the  Poonch  and  Rajaoree 
chiefs  to  accept  terms  and  make  their  submission. 

The  arrangements,  consequent  upon  the  subjugation  of 
Kashmeer,  occupied  Runjeet  Singh  for  the  remainder 
of  the  year  1819.  Towards  its  close,  the  Sikh  army  was 
again  called  out,  and  led  by  Runjeet  Singh  in  person 
to  Mooltan,  whence  operations  were  directed  for  ravag- 
ing the  territories  of  the  Nuwab  of  Buhawulpoor,  and 
southward  as  far  as  Bhukur,  belonging  to  the  Meers  of 
Sindh,  with  a  view  to  extort  augmented  tribute  and 
contributions.  Dera  Ghazee  Khan,  on  the  west  bank 
of  the  Indus,  was  at  the  same  time  wrested  from  its 
Governor,  Zuman  Khan,  and,  in  the  settlement  made 
with  the  Buhawulpoor  chief,  the  place  was  given  to  him 
in  farm  at  a  heavy  rent. 


A.  D.  1820.  DEATH    OF   RAM    DYAL.  125 

RuNJEET  Singh  retarned  to  Labor  in  April,  1820, 
bringing  witb  bim  a  horse  of  bigb  repute,  tbat  be  bad 
extorted  from  Hafiz  Ahmed  Khan  of  Munkera.  Many 
subsequent  enlerprizes  were  undertaken  for  similar 
animals  ;  the  love  for  tbem,  and  the  desire  to  possess  all 
of  any  repute  for  excellence,  being  a  growing  passion 
carried  by  the  Sikh  chief  almost  to  folly.  The  horse 
acquired  in  this  instance,  bore  the  name  o(  Soofed- Puree. 

In  Kashmeer  the  troops  were  employed  in  petty  opera- 
tions against  isolated  chiefs.  One  of  these.  Sheer 
ZuMAN  Khan  of  Gundgurh,  having  risen  in  rebellion. 
Ram  Dyal,  the  governor's  son,  and  the  hopeful  grand- 
son of  the  late  Dewan  Mohkum  Chund,  was  employed 
against  him,  and  unfortunately  met  his  death  in  an  action, 
that  took  place,  which  was  a  source  of  deep  regret  to 
Runjeet  Singh,  no  less  than  to  his  father  Motee 
Ram,  and  of  general  sympathy  with  all  ;  for  he  was 
a  rising  officer  of  great  promise  in  the  Sikh  army. 
The  Raja  of  Rajaoree,  Agur  Khan,  was  in  the 
course  of  May  seized,  and  made  prisoner  by  Goo- 
lab  Singh,  brother  of  Meean  Dheean  Singh,  the 
Deohreeivala,  or  Lord  of  Privy  Chambers,  of  the 
Labor  Court.  For  this  service,  the  family  obtained 
in  Jageer,  the  principality  of  Jummoo,  with  which 
they  had  long  been  connected.  In  June,  the  troops 
employed  in  Kashmeer,  having  suffered  much  from  sick- 
ness, were  relieved,  and  the  Governor  Motee  Ram, 
who  was  of  pacific  devotional  habits,  was  changed  for 
a  more  martial  chief  in  the  person  of  Huree  Singh 
Nalooa,  a  Sikh  Jageerdar,  who  had  killed  a  tiger  single- 
handed  on  horse-back,  with  the  sacrifice,  however,  of 
his  horse. 


126     APA   SAHEB  &  MK.  MOORCROFT  AT  LAHOR.    A.  D.  1020. 

In  this  season,  the  Court  of  Labor  received  two  visitors, 
one  the  ex- Raja  of  Nagpoor,  Moodajee  Bhoosla, 
commonly  called  Apa  Saheb,  who  escaped  as  a  fugitive, 
and  in  disguise,  after  the  campaign,  which  ended  in  the 
capture  of  Aseergurh,  and  which  finally  reduced  the  last 
JVIahratta  opponent  in  arms  of  the  British  Supremacy  in 
India.  The  fugitive  resided  some  time  at  Umritsur,  while 
RuNJEET  Singh  was  with  his  army  to  the  south-west, 
but  on  this  chief's  return,  he  was  required  to  quit  the 
capital  and  dominions  of  the  Sikh,  whereupon  he  retired 
to  seek  refuge  in  the  hills  with  Raja  SuNSAR  Chund. 
There,  engaging  in  some  intrigue  with  the  Kabool  Princes 
at  Loodeeaua,  he  was  required  by  the  Raja  to  leave  his 
court,  whereupon  he  proceeded  to  Mundee,  where  the 
chief  Eesiiuree  Sein  gave  him  temporary  protection. 
The  British  Government,  though  aware  of  the  locality 
of  this  fugitive's  residence,  made  no  demand  for  his 
person,  and  troubled  itself  no  further,  than  to  obtain 
information  of  his  proceedings  and  designs. 

The  other  visitor  was  the  Superintendent  of  the 
Company's  Studs  in  India,  the  adventurous  traveller 
Mr.  MooRCROFT,  who  passed  through  Labor,  on  his 
route  to  Ludak,  as  a  merchant  proceeding  to  purchase 
horses  in  Bokhara.  He  was  received  with  much  civili- 
ty and  attention  by  the  Sikh,  and  from  Ludak,  which  he 
reached  via  Mundee,  made  good  his  route  across  the  nor- 
thern mountains  into  Kashmeer.  Thence  descending  into 
the  plains  he  went  to  Bulkh,  and  met  his  death,  by  fever, 
in  a  rash  attempt  to  pass  a  tract  of  unhealthy  country,  of 
the  malaria  of  which  at  the  particular  season,  he  was  fully 
forewarned,  but  relied  too  confidently  on  his  European 
remedies,  and  on  bis  own  medical  skill. 


A.  D.  1820.        INTRIGUES   AGAINST   SUDA    KOONWUR.       127 

After  October  the  muster  of  the  Sikh  army  was  taken 
at  Seeal-kot,  whither  RuNJEET  Singh  proceeded  by 
the  route  of  Buttala.  Thence,  skirting  the  hills,  and 
sending  detachments  against  the  turbulent  Chib-Bhao 
tribe  to  ravage  their  possessions  ;  he  proceeded  to  Rawul 
Pindee,  and  dispossessing  the  chief,  NUND  Singh, 
annexed  it  to  the  Khaisa.  Rl'NJEET  Singh  returned  to 
Labor  on  the  13th  December,  and  for  the  rest  of  the  sea- 
son was  occupied  chiefly  in  domestic  arrangements. 

Sheer  Singh,  the  eldest  of  the  children  brought 
forward  by  Suda  Koonwur,  had  been  adopted,  and 
brought  up  by  her  with  great  expectations.  He  was  now 
approaching  man's  estate,  and  began  to  be  clamorous  for  a 
Jageer,  and  separate  establishment.  Runjeet  Singh 
himself  encouraged  him  in  this,  hoping  that  the  Ranee 
would  make  a  provision  suitable,  from  the  possessions 
of  the  Ghunee  Sirdaree  in  her  management.  She,  how- 
ever, desired  to  force  the  recognition  of  the  young  man, 
and  the  making  provision  for  him,  on  Runjeet,  who 
was  obstinate  in  refusing.  The  wily  Sikh  fomented  the 
dispute  between  Sheer  Singh  and  his  adoptive  mother, 
and  gained  over  Bysakh  Singh,  an  old  and  highly 
confidential  retainer  of  the  Ghunees,  who  was  in  great 
trust  with  Suda  Koonwur.  After  this  intrigue  had 
been  carrying  on  for  some  time,  and  Sheer  Singh's 
complaints  had  made  their  impression,  unfavorable  to 
Suda  Koonwur,  Runjeet  Singh  thought  matters 
ripe  for  an  authoritative  act  of  interference  on  his  part. 
He  accordingly  sent  to  his  mother-in-law  an  order,  in 
October  J  820,  to  set  apart  half  of  her  own  Jageer  for  the 
suitable  maintenance  of  the  two  youths  Sheer  Singh 
and  Tara  Singh,  whom  she  had  brought  up  with  such 


128  SUDA    KOONWUR   DISGRACED.  A.  D.  1820. 

high  expectations.  She  remonstrated  against  the  order 
in  vain,  and  being  herself  in  the  Sikh  camp,  then  pitched 
at  Shah-Dehra,  and  consequently  in  the  power  of  RuN- 
JEET  Singh,  she  felt  the  necessity  of  complying  so  far, 
as  to  execute  a  deed  making  the  assignment  required. 
But  she  had  no  sooner  done  so,  than  she  plotted  the 
means  of  escape,  and  after  a  time  left  the  camp  secretly 
in  a  covered  carriage.  Intelligence  of  her  evasion  was 
conveyed  to  Runjeet  by  Bysakh  Singh.  Desa 
Singh  was  accordingly  sent  with  a  detachment  of  horse 
to  bring  her  back,  and  she  was  committed  by  her 
son-in-law's  order  to  close  confinement.  Xot  content 
with  this  punishment,  Runjeet  Singh  ordered  a 
division  of  his  army  to  march  and  sequester  all  her 
wealth  and  territory,  and  this  was  effected,  after  a 
resistance  of  a  few  weeks  by  one  of  her  female  attendants, 
who  was  in  charge  of  the  fort  of  Uttul-gurh,  her  princi- 
pal strong  hold.  Thus,  after  an  influence,  maintained 
for  nearly  thirty  years,  fell  at  last  this  high-spirited 
woman.  She  had  been  serviceable  to  Runjeet  Singh, 
indeed,  was  the  main  stay  of  his  power,  in  the  early 
part  of  his  career,  and  it  was  through  her  intrigues, 
and  with  her  aid,  that  Runjeet  was  able  to  assume 
authority  so  early,  and  to  put  aside  his  Mother  and 
her  Dewan.  The  independence  she  asserted,  and  ths 
high  tone  she  was  accustomed  to  assume,  had  for  some 
time  been  irksome  to  the  Sikh  ruler  in  his  growing 
fortunes,  and  her  ruin  was  prepared  by  the  course  of 
events,  no  less  than  by  her  own  unbending  disposition. 
She  bore  the  restraint  of  her  confinement  with  great 
impatience,  continually  beating  her  breast  in  lamentation, 
and  venting  imprecations  on  the  head  of  her  ungrateful 
son-in-law. 


A.  D.  1821.  EXPEDITION    AGAINST   MVNKERA.  12S 

Another  domestic  event  which  in  the  time  of  its  occar- 
rence  somewhat"  preceded  the  catastrophe  of  Suda 
Koonwur's  fall,  was  the  birth  of  a  son  to  KoONWlR 
Khuruk  SiNGfi.  The  event  took  place  in  Febrnary 
1821,  and  was  the  occasion  of  great  festivity  and  rejoic- 
ing;  the  child  was  called  Nou-XiiiAL  SiNGfi.  In 
April,  RuNJEET  moved  to  Adeenanugor,  and  remain- 
ed there  till  July,  occupied  in  collecting  the  hill  tributes. 
The  two  petty  territories  of  Kishteewar  and  Man-K6t, 
were  in  this  interval,  annexed  to  the  Labor  Khalsa.  The 
harshness  of  Hlree  Singh  having  made  him  unpopular 
and  obnoxious  to  the  inhabitants  of  Kashmeer,  he  bad 
been  removed  again  in  December  1820,  and  the  mild  and 
peaceable  Motff  R  \  \f  was  now  re-appointed  governor. 

The  above  events  having  occupied  the  hot  season  and 
rains  of  1821,  the  Sikh  army  was  called  out  as  nsual  after 
the  Dussera,  and  Runjeet  Singh  taking  the  command 
in  person,  led  it  to  the  Indus,  into  the  possessions  of  the 
Chief  of  Munkera,  Bhukur,  and  Leea,  south  of  Mooltan. 
Annual  contributions  and  forced  presents  had  for  some 
time  been  habitually  extorted  from  Hafiz  Ahmed,  the 
Xuwab  :  it  was  determined  to  reduce  and  assume  posses- 
sion of  the  whole  of  his  country.  With  this  view,  the  army 
marching  by  Ram-Nngur,  Noor-Meeanee,  Pind-Dadur- 
Khan,  and  Bheera-Khooshab,  reached  the  Indus  at 
Meeta-Thana,  and  on  the  5th  November,  was  encamped 
opposite  to  Dera-Ismaecl-Khan.  A  detachment  of  8000 
men  was  sent  across,  and  the  place  was  surrendered  on 
the  9th  by  Manik  Raeb.  Bhukur,  Leeah,  Khangurh, 
andMoujgurh,  were  then  all  successively  reduced  without 
resistance.  3Iunkera,  fortiGed  with  a  mud  wall,  and  hav- 
ing a  citadel  of  brick,  but  protected  more  by  its  position^ 

R 


130  SIEGE   OF    MUNKERA.  A.  D.  1821. 

in  the  midst  of  a  desert,  was  now  the  only  stronghold 
remaining-.  It  was  situated  amongst  sftud  hills,  in  which 
there  was  a  difficulty  of  supplying  a  besieging  army  with 
fresh  water.  A  division  was  advanced  for  the  investment 
of  this  place  on  the  18th,  and  Beeldars  were  set  to  dig 
wells,  and  seek  every  where  for  water,  the  troops  being 
supplied  in  the  first  instance,  at  great  expense  and  trouble 
by  land  conveyance  of  this  necessary  from  Moujgurh,  on 
camels,  ponies,  or  bullocks.  By  the  25th  November, 
wells  sufficient  having  been  sunk,  a  further  division  was 
advanced  to  complete  the  investment  of  the  place,  and 
RuNJEET  Singh  moved  there  himself  soon  after,  with 
his  head-quarters,  to  superintend  the  conduct  of  the 
siege.  Each  Jageerdar  as  usual  was  allowed  to  conduct 
his  own  approaches,  and  an  active  rivalry  and  spirit  of 
competition  was  kept  up  amongst  them  by  RuNJEET 
Singh.  Between  the  26th  November,  and  the  6th  and 
7th  of  December,  the  besieger's  works  were  carried  close 
to  the  ditch  of  the  place,  but  not  without  suffering  from 
the  continual  fire  of  the  besieged.  The  Nuwab  Hafiz 
Ahmed,  conceiving  that  enough  now  had  been  done  for 
his  honor,  proposed  terms,  and  stipulated  for  the  surrender 
of  Munkera,  under  condition  of  his  being  allowed  to 
march  out  with  his  arms  and  personal  property,  and  of 
receiving  the  town  of  Dera-Ismaeel-Khan,  with  a  suit- 
able Jageer.  Runjeet  Singh  granted  the  terms,  and 
desired  to  be  put  in  possession  of  one  of  the  gates  of 
the  fort.  Solemn  pledges  were  exchanged,  and  rich 
dresses  sent  to  the  Nuwab,  and  every  means  taken  to 
allay  his  suspicions.  On  the  14th  December  1821,  he 
admitted  a  Sikh  detachment,  and  surrendered  the  gates 
to  it;  and  on  the  18th,  he  came  out  with  300  followers, 
and  encamped  at  a  spot  assigned  to  him  within  the  Sikh 


A.  D,  1822.  ARRIVAL   OF   FRENCH    OFFICERS.  131 

positiou.  On  the  20th,  he  waited  on  RuNJEET  Singh, 
and  was  received -with  marked  attention.  An  escort  was 
sent  with  him  to  Dera-Ismaeel-Khan,  and  the  treaty,  as 
a  new  example  of  Sikh  faith,  was  observed  to  the  letter, 
and  fully  executed.  An  engagement  for  tribute  was  now 
enforced  on  the  Balooch  Moosulmaus  of  Tonk  and  Sagur 
west  of  the  Indus,  and  the  Sikh  army  then  mov^d  to  Dera- 
Deen-Punah.  Runjeet  Singh  here  embarked  on  the 
Indus,  sending  his  army  by  land  to  Mooltan.  At  Dera 
Ghazee  Khan,  he  arranged  with  the  Nuwab  of  Buhawul- 
poor  for  an  increase  of  tribute,  and  of  rent  upon  the  farms 
he  held  of  that  place,  and  Mitteen  KoL  On  the  10th 
January  1822,  he  rejoined  his  army  at^ilooltan,  but  on  the 
16th  posted  on  to  Labor,  leaving  it  to  follow.  On  arrival 
at  his  capital  on  the  27th,  he  learned  that  one  of  his 
principal  Sirdars  and  Jageerdars,  Jv  Singh  Utareewala, 
had  gone  over  to  the  Afghans  west  of  the  Indus. 

It  was  in  March  of  the  year  1822,  that  the  first  Euro- 
pean adventurers  presented  themselves  at  Runjeet 
Singh's  Durbar,  seeking  military  service,  and  enter- 
tainment. There  arrived  in  that  month  two  French 
officers,  one  Monsieur  VENTURA,  an  Italian  by  birth, 
and  the  other  Monsieur  Allard.  Both  had  left  Europe 
to  seek  their  fortunes  in  the  East,  upon  the  death  blow 
given  at  Waterloo,  to  the  hopes  of  the  military  youth  of 
France.  They  had  since  been  employed  in  Persia,  but 
liking  not  the  subordinate  place  they  were  there  required 
to  fill,  they  made  their  way  after  a  time,  through  Kan- 
dahar, and  Kabool,  to  Labor.  Runjeet  Singh  was  at 
first  very  suspicious  of  their  motives,  and  could  not  at  all 
understand  what  could  have  induced  two  young  men  to 
leave  their  native  country,  and   travel  so  far.     He  could 

R  2 


132  runjeet's  suspicions.  a.  d.  1822. 

not  believe,  that  employ  in  his  service  was  a  sufficient 
object  to  have  induced  such  a  journey.  They  had  stated 
their  views  verbally,  and  had  besides  given  several  repre- 
sentations in  Persian,  but  these  failed  to  satisfy  the  sus- 
picious chief.  He  accordingly  desired  them  to  write 
down  their  views  and  wishes  in  their  own  language,  and 
having-  thus  obtained  a  paper  in  the  French  language, 
RuNJEET  sent  it  to  his  Agent  at  Loodeeana,  to  be  there 
literally  translated  for  him*,  and  returned.    On  obtaining 

*  The  French  paper  referred  to,  was  to  tlie  following  effect. 
A  Sa  Majeste  le  Roi. 

Sire, — Les  bontes  dont  voire  INIajest^  nous  a  combles  depuis  notro 
arri\6e  en  cette  capitale  sent  innombrables.  Elles  correspondent  a  la 
haute  idee  que  nous  nous  etions  faits  de  I'excellence  de  son  bon  coeur  ; 
et  la  renommee,  qui  a  porte  jusqu'  a  nous  le  nom  du  Roi  de  Labor,  n'  a 
rien  dit  en  coraparaison  de  ce  que  nous  voyons.  Tout  ce  qui  entoure 
votre  Majesty  est  grande,  digne  d'un  souverain,  qui  aspire  a  rimmorta- 
lit^.  Sire,  la  premiere  fois  que  nous  avons  eu  I'honneur  d'dtre  present^s 
h  votre  Majesty,  nous  lui  avons  expos6  le  motif  de  notre  voyage.  La 
reponse  qu'elle  a  daign^e  nous  faire  nous  tranquillise;  mais  elle  nous 
laisse  dans  I'incertitude  pour  I'avenir.  C'est  pour  ce  motif  que  nous 
avons  eu  I'honneur  de  faire,  ilya  deja  quelques  jours,  uneaddresse  a  votre 
Majesty,  pour  savoir  si  notre  arriv^e  dans  ses  etats  lui  etait  agreablc,  et 
si  nous  puissions  lui  etre  de  quelque  utility  par  nos  couuoissances  de  I'art 
de  la  guerre,  acquises  comme  officiers  superieurs  sous  les  ordres  imme- 
diats  du  Grand  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  souverain  de  la  France.  Votre 
Majeste  ne  nous  a  pas  tire  de  I'incertitude,  puisque  nous  n'avons  pas 
encore  rien  d'ordres  de  sa  part.  Nous  avons  done  renouvell^  notre 
demande  en  langue  Francaise  d'apr^s  le  conseil  de  Noor-ood-deen 
Saheb,  qui  nous  fait  croire  qu'un  employe  aupr^s  de  votre  auguste 
personne  connoit  notre  langue.  Dans  cette  incertitude  nous  suppliou$ 
votre  Majeste  de  daigner  nous  faire  transmettre  ses  ordres,  que  nous 
suivrons  tonjours  avec  la  plus  grande  ponctualit^. 

Nous  avons  I'honneur  d'etre,  avec  le  plus  profond  respect. 

Sire, 
De  Votre  Majesty  les  tres  humbles,  irha  ob^issans 

et  trfes  devours  Scrviteurs, 
Ch.  Ventura.  Ch.  Allard. 

Lah&r,  1st  April,  1822. 


A.  D.  1822.       VENTURA  AND  ALLARD  ENTERTAINED.       133 

this  satisfaction,  Runjeet  Singh  gave  to  the  two 
French  officers  assurance  of  employ  ;  and  houses  in 
Labor,  with  handsome  salaries,  were  at  once  assigned  to 
them.  Monsr.  Ventura  was  an  Infantry  Colonel  in  the 
French  service,  Monsr.  Allard  had  similar  rank  in  the 
Cavalry.  They  were  both  set  to  instruct  troops  in  the 
European  method  of  exercise  and  manoeuvre.  The  native 
commandants  were  at  first  extremely  jealous  of  the  favor 
shown  to  these  Europeans,  and  of  their  exercising  any 
authority  or  command ;  more  especially  because  on 
Runjeet  Singh's  asking  their  opinion  of  the  troops  in 
their  present  condition,  they  had  expressed  themselves 
very  slightingly  as  to  their  state  of  discipline  and  drill. 
At  first  they  were  employed  on  the  troops  at  the  capital, 
which  were  under  Runjeet's  own  eye,  and  Monsieur 
Allard  received  orders  to  raise  a  corps  of  Dragoons,  to 
be  disciplined  and  drilled  like  the  Cavalry  of  Europe. 
These  officers  by  their  conduct  won  further  confidence  in 
the  course  of  time,  and  some  others,  particularly  Monsieur 
Court,  who  was  brought  up  at  the  Polytechnic  Institu- 
tion  at  Paris,  have  followed,  and  joined  them  in  subsequent 
years.  Ventura  is  now  (1833)  employed  with  upwards  of 
10,000  men  in  a  separate  command  of  importance  towards 
Mooltan,  and  there  is  a  perfect  confidence  and  good 
understanding  between  him,  and  those  serving  under 
him.  The  feeling  is,  however,  still  so  adverse  to  Euro- 
peans on  the  part  of  the  Sirdars,  as  to  make  the 
situation  of  these  officers  very  hazardous  and  delicate 
in  the  event  of  Runjeet  Singh's  decease.  Monsieur 
Ventura,  moreover,  in  1829,  had  a  quarrel  with  the 
heir-apparent,  Khuruk  Singh,  which  was  with  difficul- 
ty  adjusted,    and    the  consequences   of  which    will   be 


134   SUDAKOONWUR'S  LANDS  SOUTH  OF  SUTLEJ     A.  D.  1823. 

likely  to  be  felt  injuriously  when  this  prince  shall  succeed 
his  father. 


Towards  the  beginning  of  April,  Runjeet  Singh 
went  to  Ukhmur,  in  the  Jummoo  hills.  His  array  was  in 
the  field,  under  MisuR  Dewan  Chund,  watching  the 
movements  of  Uzeem  Kfian,  who  had  come  down  to 
Peshawur  ;  where  being  joined  by  the  fugitive  Jageerdar, 
Jy  Singh  Atareewala,  he  was  pushing  back  the  Sikh 
posts  and  garrisons  towards  the  Indus,  and  even  threaten- 
ed Khyrabad,  the  principal  station  held  by  them  on  the 
western  bank.  In  June,  Runjeet  returned  to  his 
capital,  without  achieving  any  enterprize  of  note. 

Amongst  the  possessions  of  SuDA  KooNWUR,  was  a 
small  territory,  called  Himmutpoor  Wudnee,  lying  south 
of  the  Sutlej,  and  held  by  her  under  grant  from  Runjeet 
Singh,  made  in  September  1808,  in  consideration  of  a 
payment  of  15,000  rupees.  This  territory  being  on  the 
protected  side  of  the  Sutlej,  could  not  be  confiscat- 
ed with  the  rest.  Runjeet  Singh,  however,  compel- 
led his  mother-in-law  to  execute  in  his  favor,  a  deed 
of  relinquishment  of  right  to  the  territory,  and  armed 
with  this,  his  agent  proceeded  to  take  forceable  posses- 
sion. Upon  resistance,  however,  by  Suda  Koonwur's 
manager,  and  complaint  to  the  British  authorities,  this 
deed  was  at  first  not  admitted  as  valid,  and  the  lands  were 
ordered  to  i)e  left  in  the  former  management.  They 
continued  thus  to  be  preserved  from  the  grasp  of  the 
Labor  ruler,  until  1828,  when  upon  further  representa- 
tion, the  Supreme  Government  consented  to  Runjeet 
Singh's  assuming  them  under  his  management.     Suda 


A.  D.  1828.  GIVEN    UP    TO    RUXJEET.  135 

Koonwur's  position  was  not  in  the  least  improved  by 
this  result.  She  continued,  and  to  this  day  (1833) 
continues,  to  be  held  a  close  prisoner,  and  howsoever 
humanity  may  plead  in  her  behalf,  one  does  not  see  how 
she  could  well  be  treated  otherwise,  being  what  she  is, 
and  has  been. 


CHAPTER    NINTH. 


A.  D.  1823  to  1831. 


Operations  in  Peshawur.  Affair  with  a  party  ofMoosid- 
man  fanatics.  MoJimnmud  Uzeem  Khan  retires  and 
leaves  Peshawur  to  Runjeei  Singh.  Death  of  that 
Chief — also  of  Sunsar  Chund.  Disturbances  in  the 
Gundgurh  Mountains.  Yar  Mohummud  confirmed  as 
Governor  for  Runjeet  Singh  at  Peshawur.  Futeh 
Singh  Alooivala  retires  from  the  Durbar.  Rise  of 
Seyud  Ahmed,  the  Mohummedan  Saint  and  reformer, 
troubles  occasioned  by  him.  Unrodh  Chund  of  Kangra 
moved  to  a  discreditable  alliance,  Jlies  across  the  Sutlej. 
His  possessions  seized.  Further  disturbances  and 
troubles  from  Seyud  Ahmed.     His  defeat  and  death. 

In  October,  after  the  Dussera  of  1823,  the  Sikh  army 
was  assembled  at  Rohtas,  aud  muster  taken  of  the 
Jageerdars'  contingents.  Ru^JEET  SiNG  was  on  this 
occasion  more  than  ordinarily  severe  in  taking  account  of 
the  numbers,  and  equipment  of  the  men  produced,  and 
amongst  other  chiefs,  who  fell  under  his  animadversion 
for  neglect,  was  DuL  Singh  Miherna,  an  old  Jageerdar, 


A.  D.  1022-'23.        RUNJEET    MARCHES   TO    PESHAWUR.       137 

who  had  served  with  mach  zeal  and  honor.  lie  was 
threatened  with  a  heavy  mulct,  and  in  other  respects 
treated  disparagingly  ;  whereupon  he  took  poison  at 
night,  and  so  relieved  himself  from  further  troubles.  The 
army  moved,  in  December,  towards  Rawul  Pindee, 
whence  Hukeem  Uzeez-ood-deen  was  sent  forward  to 
Peshawur,  to  demand  tribute  from  Yah  Mohummud 
Khan  the  Governor.  This  chief,  being  unprepared  for 
resistance,  collected  some  valuable  horses,  and  forwarded 
them  as  tribute,  which  satisfying  Runjeet  Singh  for 
the  time,  he  returned  to  his  capital  in  January,  making 
the  pilgrimage  of  Kitas  on  his  route. 

Mohummud  Uzeem  Khan  disapproved  of  the  com- 
promise made  by  his  brother  of  Peshawur,  and  marched 
from  Kabool  to  superintend  the  affairs  of  this  quarter  in 
person.  He  arrived  at  Peshawur  on  the  27th  January  ; 
and  Yar  Mohummud,  fearing  to  meet  him,  sought  a 
temporary  refuge  in  the  Yoosufzye  hills.  RuNJEET 
Singh  now  ordered  his  array  to  cross  the  Indus,  and  the 
the  river  was  forded  on  the  13th  March.  Feeroz  Khan, 
the  chief  of  the  Khutuks,  being  dead,  a  sequestration  was 
made  of  all  his  possessions.  On  the  14th  March,  the 
army  entered  Akora,  where  it  vas  joined  by  the  fugi- 
tive, Jy  Singh  Utareewala,  who  was  now  anxious 
to  make  his  terms,  and  be  re-admitted  to  favor.  His 
pardon  was  granted.  Intelligence  was  soon  after  brought, 
that  Mohummud  Zuman  Khan,  nephew  of  Uzeem 
Khan,  with  Sudeeq  Khan,  son  of  the  deceased 
Khutuk  chief,  Feeroz  Khan,  were  in  position  at 
Noushuhur  near  the  camp,  with  about  4000  men,  and 
had  already  cut  off  some  parties  of  foragers.  Run- 
jeet Singh  ordered  his  army  to  be  formed,  directly  he 

s 


138    OBSTINATE  RESISTANCE  OF  MOOSULMANS.     A.  D.  1823. 

learned  this  intelligence,  and  marched  forthwith  to  attack 
the  Moosulmans.     The  battle  commenced  with  a  furious 
charge    led  by  Phoola  Singh  Akalee,   a  Sikh  despe- 
rado, who  was  in  the  habit  of  rushing  forward,  with  some 
followers  of  like  zeal,   at  the   commencement  of  action. 
The  Moosulmans,  however,  also  felt  their  battle  to  be  a 
religious   one,   and  met  the  fanatic   Sikhs  with   corres- 
ponding zeal  and  bigotry  ;  so  that  the  latter  were  com- 
pletely destroyed,    and  their  leader  slain.     Fresh  troops 
were  now  ordered   up    by   Runjeet    Singh,  but  the 
Mohummedans    stood   firm,   and   resisted   every   attack 
until  sunset,  by  which  time  they  had  lost  nearly  half  their 
originally  small  number,  but  still  maintained  their  ground 
on  two  insulated  hills.     Runjeet  Singh  now  ordered 
his  cavalry  to  surround  the  whole  position  of  the  enemy, 
and    directed     his  Nujeeb   and    Goorkha   battalions,    to 
charge   and   dislodge   them.      Twice    did  these   troops 
advance  to  the  charge,  and  twice  were  they  repulsed  by 
the    determined   body    opposed   to  them,    nor  could   the 
utmost  efforts  of  Runjeet's    army  dislodge  them  from 
their   position   before   nightfall.     In   the   course  of  the 
night,  the  remnant  of  the  band  cut  their  way  through  the 
surrounding  posts  of  the  Sikhs,  and   so   made   good  their 
retreat  to  the  mountains. 

There  were  not  more  of  the  Moosulmans  engaged  on 
this  occasion,  than  between  four  and  five  thousand  men, 
and  these  were  mere  mountaineers  and  villagers,  who 
turned  out  for  the  Ghazee,  that  is,  to  fight  the  religious 
battle  against  the  infidel  Sikhs.  Disciplined  professional 
soldiers  there  were  none  amongst  them,  yet  did  they 
resist,  for  a  whole  day,  the  entire  army  of  Runjeki 
Singh,  who  had  in  the  field   against  them  not  less   thau 


A.  D.  1823.  PESHAWUR   OCCUPIED.  139 

24,000  men,  and  all  his  best  troops.  There  were 
upwards  of  1,000  men  (Captain  Wade  says  2,000)  killed 
and  wounded  on  the  side  of  the  Sikhs,  and  amongst  them 
four  officers  of  distinction,  Phoola  Singh  Akalee, 
Ghurba  Singh,  and  Kurum  Singh  Chahul,  two 
Jageerdars,  and  Bl  lb hudur  Singh  Goorkhalee.  The 
last  named  was  the  officer  who  had  defended  Xalapanee, 
with  so  much  determination,  against  Generals  Gillespie 
and  Martin  DELL,  at  the  commencement  of  the  British 
war  with  Xipal.  After  peace  was  re-established,  he 
formed  an  ill-fated  connexion  with  the  wife  of  another, 
and,  by  the  law  of  Nipal,  his  life  became  forfeit  to  the 
injured  husband.  This  led  to  his  expatriating  himself, 
and  taking  employment  from  Runjeet  Singh,  where, 
after  serving  with  distinction,  he  died  in  a  manner  worthy 
<>f  his  reputation. 

MoHi  MMUD  UzEEM  Khan  was,  during  this  action  of 
the  Ghazee,  or  fighters  for  the  faith,  at  Chumkawa, 
about  four  miles  and  a  half  east  of  Peshawur.  He  made 
no  effort  to  succour,  or  support  the  warriors,  and  was 
■watched  in  his  position  by  a  Sikh  force  under  Kripa 
Ram,  Sheer  Singh,  and  Huree  Singh,  which  had 
advanced  by  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river.  Upon  learn- 
ing that  the  party  was  overpowered,  and  had  dispersed,  he 
retired  himself  to  Julalabad  on  the  Kabool  road,  leaving 
the  field  clear  to  Runjeet  Singh  and  the  Sikh  army. 

On  the  17th  March,  Runjeet  Singh  made  his  entry 
into  Peshawur,  and  advanced  the  army  to  KhyburDurra, 
where  it  was  employed  in  pillaging  and  destroying  the 
caltivation.  It  suffered  much,  however,  from  the  activi- 
ty and  bigotted  spirit,  with  which  the  Moosulman  popula- 

s  2 


140        DEATH  OF  MOHUMMUD  UZEEM  KHAN.       A.  D.  1823. 

tion  attacked  its  parties,  and  cut  oif  all  stragglers  ;  and 
the  camp  was  kept  during  the  night  continually  on  the 
alert  by  their  daring  skirmishes. 

In  April,  Runjeet  Singh  secured  the  submission  of 
Tar  Mohummud  Khan,  who  came  with  some  fine 
horses,  including  the  far-famed  Kuhar,  and  with  a  request 
to  be  allowed  to  hold  Peshawur  as  a  tributary  of  Labor, 
The  Sikh  was  well  content  to  make  a  settlement  for  the 
city  and  surrounding  territory  on  this  basis.  Having 
effected  it,  he  returned  to  his  capital  in  person  on  the 
26th  April. 

Mohummud  Uzeem  Khan  died  in  the  following 
month,  and  the  event  contributed  to  produce  further  con- 
fusion in  the  affairs  of  Afghanistan  ;  for  while  he  lived, 
he  was  looked  upon  as  the  head  of  the  family  in  succes- 
sion to  FuTEH  Khan,  whereas  after  his  death  the 
numerous  brothers  and  nephews  of  that  chief  acknow- 
ledged nobody,  and  their  quarrels  and  contentions  covered 
with  outrage  and  disturbance,  all  the  fairest  portion  of 
the  Afghan  territory.  Muhmood  and  his  son  Kamran 
were  confined  to  the  fort  and  city  of  Herat,  beyond 
which  their  name  was  no  where  respected,  nor  could  they 
exercise  any  authority. 

After  the  Dusserah,  in  October,  the  Sikh  army  being 
again  called  out,  was  led  by  Runjeet  Singh  down  the 
Indus,  with  the  professed  design  of  an  attack  upon 
Siudh.  The  river  was  crossed  in  November,  and  the 
whole  of  that  month  was  occupied  in  reducing  Bhutec 
villages,  and  exacting  contributions  from  the  Balooch 
and   other   Jageerdars,    whose   possessions    lay   on   the 


A.  D.  1824.         HUREE   SINGH    BESET    IN    THE   HILLS.         141 

extreme  northern  frontier  of  the  Sindhian  territory.  The 
Labor  Chief  was  however  content  with  having  thns  felt 
his  way  this  season,  and  in  December  moved  his  army 
homeward.  At  the  close  of  the  year  Raja  SUNSAR 
Chund  of  Kangra  died,  and  was  succeeded  by  his 
son  Unrodh  Chund.  A  Nazurana  was  demanded  on 
the  succession  ;  and,  upon  the  young  Raja  demurring  to 
the  payment,  RuNJEET  Singh  summoned  him  to  attend 
in  person  at  his  summer  residence  of  Adeenanugur.  He 
was  persuaded  by  the  Fuqeer  Uzeez-ood-deen  to 
obey  the  summons,  and  met  the  court  at  Juwala  Mookhee. 
On  arrival,  an  exchange  of  turbands  took  place,  and  mutual 
pledges  were  interchanged,  between  him  and  Khuruk 
Singh  on  the  part  of  the  Durbar;  and,  after  much 
negociation,  a  lakh  of  rupees  was  at  last  settled,  and  paid, 
as  the  Xuzurana  of  accession,  by  Unrodh  Singh. 

HuREE  Singh  Nulowa,  who  had  been  left  with  a 
force  to  overawe  the  turbulent  Moosulman  population  of 
the  mountains  about  Gundgurh  and  Durbund,  contrived 
by  several  harsh  and  vexatious  proceedings,  and  particu- 
larly by  the  seizure  of  a  Seyud's  daughter  of  beauty,  and 
credit  in  her  tribe,  to  drive  the  whole  into  insurrection. 
The  insurgents  collected  in  such  force,  as  to  compel 
HuREE  Singh  to  stockade  himself,  and  remain  on  the 
defensive,  and  he  wrote  to  Runjeet  Singh,  represent- 
ing the  difficulties  of  his  situation,  and  soliciting  rein- 
forcements. Runjeet  ordered  him  to  put  on  a  bold 
face,  and  maintain  himself  as  he  could,  but  sent  no  im- 
mediate reinforcements,  indeed  the  rains  had  set  in,  and 
it  was  not  easy  to  do  so.  Huree  Singh  in  the  mean 
time  being  attacked,  suffered  a  severe  loss,  and  was  com- 
pelled to  retire  before  the  insurgents.     The  Sikh  army 


142   CAMPAIGN  IN  THE  KASHMEER  MOUNTAINS.    A.D.  1824. 

was  in  consequence  of  this  disaster,  called  out  earlier  than 
usual,  and  directed  against  the  hills  between  the  Indus 
and  Kashraeer,  in  the  early  part  of  October.  By  the 
19th,  RuNJEET  had  penetrated  with  a  division  of  his 
troops  to  Gundgurh,  but  found  the  population  dispersed, 
and  nothing  but  empty  walls  and  deserted  houses  ;  the 
place  with  all  the  surrounding  villages  was  burnt  and  pil- 
laged, the  unripe  crops  were  used  for  forage  to  the  army, 
andRuNJEET  Singh  following  the  deserters,  determined 
to  ford  the  Indus  after  them,  an  attempt  in  which  many 
lives  were  lost,  but  the  object  was  effected  on  the  3rd 
November.  When  the  army  was  well  across,  Mohum- 
MUD  Yar  Khan  was  summoned  to  attend  from  Pesha- 
wur,  which  after  some  hesitation  he  did  on  the  16th 
November,  bringing  a  present  of  horses,  which  were  at 
first  rejected,  as  of  inferior  quality,  but,  being  replaced  by 
others,  the  offering  was  accepted,  and  the  terms  on  which 
Peshawur  had  been  assigned  were  renewed  with  fresh 
protestations  and  oaths  of  allegiance  on  the  part  of  the 
Afghan  chief.  On  the  30th  November,  the  Sikh  army 
re-crossed  the  Indus,  not  without  further  loss,  from  the 
depth  and  bad  footing  at  the  ford.  On  the  10th  Decem- 
ber, RuNJEET  Singh  re-entered  his  capital  by  no  means 
satisfied  with  the  result  of  the  expedition  of  the  season, 
for  he  had  incurred  heavy  expenses  in  preparation,  and 
yet  had  been  able  to  inflict  no  blow  on  the  turbulent 
body  of  Mohummedans  in  insurrection,  and  had  levied 
very  little  in  the  way  of  tribute  and  contribution.  No 
further  expedition  was  attempted  in  1824,  nor  in  the 
early  part  of  the  following  year.  Indeed  the  Burmese 
war  had  been  commenced  by  the  British  Government, 
and  RuNJEET  Singh  seemed  to  watch  with  intense 
interest  all  the  events   and  operations  of  it.     The  most 


A.  D.  18-25.  IXTRIGUES    AND  SEQUESTRATIONS.  143 

exag;gerated  reports  were  spread   at  first  of  the    suc- 
cesses  of  the  Burmese,   and   there   were   not   wanting 
counsellors   to  instil  into   the   ear  of  the   Lahor  ruler, 
that  the  time  was    approaching,   when  the   field   would 
be    open  to   him   to    the    east.     It   was  at   this   period, 
that   Mr.    Moorcroft    forwarded    to    Calcutta,  a  let- 
ter  of  Prince  Neselrode,  the  Russian  Minister  for 
Foreign  Affairs,  addressed  to  Runjeet  Singh,  purport- 
ing to  introduce  an  agent  named  Agha  Mehdee.     The 
agent  it  seems  was  endeavouring  to  make  his  way  by  the 
difiicult  route  of  Tibet,  and  either  died,  or  was  murdered, 
some  few  stages  from  Ludak.     There  Mr.  Moorcroft 
obtained  his  papers,  and  amongst  them  this  letter,  which 
he  procured  to  be  translated  afterwards  by  31.  Ksoma 
de  Koros,  with  whom  he  fell  in  on  his  travels.     The 
letter,  except  as  introductory  of  the  agent,  was  merely  one 
of   compliment,    with    assurances    of   protection    to   any 
merchants  of  the  Punjab,    who  might  penetrate  to  the 
Russian  dominions. 

No  Military  enterprize  was  undertaken  in  the  season 
1824-1825:  but,  towards  April  1825,  sequestration  was 
made  of  all  the  Jageers  and  possessions  formerly  assign- 
ed to  Dewan  Mohkum  Chund,  and  now  managed  for 
MoTEfiCHUNDby  Kripa  Ram,  the  Dewan's  grandson. 
The  bad  management  of  the  Jageers,  and  the  inefficient 
contingent  kept  up  by  this  agent,  were  the  assigned 
reasons,  MoTEE  Ram  himself  being  left  in  his  govern- 
ment of  Kashmeer,  and  subjected  to  no  indignity,  or 
diminution  of  favor,  consequent  upon  the  sequestration. 
In  the  Dusseraof  1825,  the  army  was  called  into  the  field, 
with  the  avowed  purpose  of  an  expedition  against  Sindh. 
With  this  view,  Runjeet  Singh  marched  the  troops  to 


144      FLIGHT  OF  FUTEH  SINGH  ALOOWALA.      A.  D.  1825-26. 

Pind-Dadur-Khan,  but  learning  there,  that  the  Sindh 
country  was  suffering  from  scarcity  and  famine,  he  gave 
up  the  design,  and  returned  to  Lahor  on  the  24th  Novem- 
ber. An  agent  he  had  sent  into  Sindh  to  demand  tribute, 
returned  with  Vakeels  from  the  ruling  Meers,  who  for 
some  time  continued  to  reside  at  Labor.  It  was  at  this 
period  that  RuNJEET  Singh's  close  associate  hitberto, 
and  turband  brother,  Futeh  Singh  Aloowala,  conceiv- 
ed some  suspicions  as  to  the  safety  of  his  position  at  the 
Lah6r  Durbar,  and  suddenly  left  that  capital  to  place 
himself  in  security  within  the  possessions  held  by  him  on 
the  protected  side  of  the  Sullej.  Runjeet  Singh  was 
much  vexed  at  this  sudden  step  of  his  old  ally,  and  made 
great  efforts  to  induce  the  chief  to  return,  and  resume 
Lis  place  in  his  Durbar.  The  British  officers,  while  they 
confirmed  him  in  the  assurance  of  the  inviolability  of  his 
territory  on  the  protected  side  of  the  Sutlej,  advised  his 
not  yielding  to  vague  suspicions,  as  a  ground  for  breaking 
a  friendship  of  so  long  standing,  as  had  subsisted  between 
himself  and  Runjeet.  Guided  by  this  advice  Futeh 
Singh  some  time  after,  that  is,  in  April  1827,  yielded  to 
the  invitations  of  the  Labor  ruler,  and  returning  to  his 
Durbar  was  well  received,  the  Maha  Raja  sending  his 
grandson  Nou-NiiiAL,  to  give  him  the  meeting  of  honor. 
He  soon,  however,  became  an  object  of  rapacity,  being 
called  upon  to  pay  tribute,  or  take  in  farm  at  no  easy  rent, 
much  of  the  territory  he  had  hitherto  enjoyed  free,  by  the 
assignment  of  his  turband  brother. 

The  year  1826  passed  without  any  military  enterprize 
or  event  of  importance.  Sadiq  Mohummud  Khan, 
the  Nuwab  of  Bahawulpoor,  died  in  April,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  BuiiAWUL  Khan,  the  present  Nuwab,  who 


A*  D.  1826-27.  RISE   OP   SEYtD    AHMED.  145 

renewed  his  father's  leases  and  engagements  with  Run- 
JEET  Singh,  for  the  territory  he  held  west  and  north 
of  tLe  Sutlej.  In  September,  a  qaestiou  arose  apon  the 
application  of  Qootub-ood-deen  of  Kasoor  to  be  re- 
ceived under  British  protection,  as  holder  of  Mundot 
and  Ramnawala  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Sutlej,  but  the 
feudatory  relations  this  chief  had  come  under  to  Runjeet 
Singh  for  these,  as  for  his  other  possessions,  forbad 
the  British  Government  from  holding  out  the  hope  that 
he  could  be  received  under  protection  as  an  indepen- 
dent Chief.  An  ansucces«ful  attempt  by  Beer  Singh, 
Ex-Raja  of  Noorpoor,  in  the  Uills,  to  recover  the 
territory,  from  which  he  had  been  ejected  since  1816, 
forms  the  only  other  event  recorded  in  this  year.  He 
was  defeated  and  made  prisoner  by  Desa  Singh, 
A  main  cause  of  the  inactivity  of  the  Sikhs  arose  from 
the  increasing  infirmities  of  Rlnjeet  Singh  :  His 
indispositions  and  ailings  increased  upon  him  so  much, 
towards  the  end  of  the  year,  that  he  applied  to  the  British 
Government  for  a  medical  officer,  and  Dr.  Andrew 
Murray  was  sent  over  from  Loodeeaua  to  attend  his 
Highness. 

It  was  in  the  early  part  of  1827,  that  the  reformer 
Seyud  Ahmed,  raised  the  green  standard  ofMohummud 
in  the  Mountains  inhabited  by  the  Yousuf-Zyes,  and  com- 
menced a  religious  war  against  the  Sikhs.  This  indivi- 
dual was  originally  a  petty  officer  of  horse  in  the  service  of 
Ameer  Khan.  Upon  the  breaking  up  of  the  military 
establishment  of  that  Chief  in  1818-19,  Seyud  Ahmed 
took  a  fanatic  turn  ;  and  fancying  he  had  received  special 
revelations,  went  to  Dehlee,  and  associated  himself 
with  some  Mooluvees  of  sanctity  of  that  city.     One  of 

T 


146  SEYUD    AHMED    DEFEATED.  A.  D.  1827. 

them  collected  these  revelations  into  a  book ;  and  from 
it  the  Seyud,  and  his  associates,  and  followers,  com- 
menced preaching  against  many  irregularities  that  had 
crept  into  the  practise  of  the  Mohammedan  religion. 
Amongst  the  principal  were,  the  reverence  paid  by  the 
Mooslims  of  Hindoostan  to  the  tombs  of  saints  and  rela- 
tions, the  manner  of  their  celebrating  the  death  of  HUSUN 
and  HooSEiN,  the  sons  of  Ulee,  and  other  similar 
customs,  which  these  reformers  denounced  as  idolatrous, 
and  as  deviations  from  the  pure  precepts  of  the  Koran. 
In  1822,  Seyud  Ahmed  came  down  to  Calcutta,  and 
was  there  much  followed  by  the  Moosulman  population. 
Thence  he  took  ship  to  make  the  pilgrimage  of  Mekka. 
On  his  return,  he  travelled  through  Hindoostan,  and 
declared  the  intention  of  devoting  himself  to  the  service 
of  his  religion,  by  waging  an  interminable  holy  war 
against  the  Sikh  infidels.  Many  zealots  and  fanatics 
joined  him,  and  subscriptions  of  money  were  poured  in 
upon  him  from  all  parts  of  the  British  possessions.  Thus 
armed  and  prepared,  he  made  his  way  to  the  hills  near 
Peshawur,  and  raised  the  Mohumdee  Jhenda  as  above 
stated  amongst  the  Yoosufzye  Moosulmans.  Runjeet 
Singh  was  compelled  by  the  formidable  character  of  the 
insurrection  thus  organized,  to  send  a  strong  force  across 
theAttuk,  for  the  protection  of  Khyrabad  and  his  interests 
in  that  quarter.  In  the  month  of  March  1827,  the 
Seyud  at  the  head  ofacountless  irregular  host,  ventured 
to  attack  this  force,  which  was  commanded  by  BooDH 
Singh  Sindoowaleea,  and  had  thrown  up  works  to 
strengthen  itself  in  its  position.  The  Sikh  discipline 
and  superior  equipment  secured  them  an  easy  victory, 
and  the  Seyud,  being  entirely  defeated,  retired  with  his 
followers  into  the  hills,  whence  he  kept  up  a  desultory 


A.  D.  1827.  MISSION    TO    LORD    AMHERST.  147 

and  annoying  warfare  with  the  Sikhs,  directed  against 
their  convoys  and  small  detachments. 

Lord  Amherst  passed  the  hot  season  of  the  year 
1827,  at  the  station  of  Shimla,  near  Subathoo,  in  the 
hills  east  of  the  Sutlej.  The  proximity  of  this  posi- 
tion to  Lahor  induced  Runjbet  Singh  to  send  a 
mission  of  compliment  to  His  Lordship,  with  presents, 
and  amongst  others  a  handsome  tent  of  shawl  for  the 
King  of  England.  The  mission  was  received  with 
distinction,  and  a  retarn  compliment  made  of  the  same 
kind.  Captain  Wade,  the  officer  at  Loodeeana,  through 
whom  the  correspondence  with  the  Lahor  ruler  was 
jnducted,  and  some  officers  of  the  Governor  General's 
personal  suite,  were  deputed  to  Labor  with  return  pre- 
sents, and  a  suitable  retinue,  to  express  the  Gover- 
nor General's  satisfaction  at  the  terms  of  cordiality 
and  friendship,  which  subsisted  between  the  two  states. 
In  1828,  the  British  Commander  in  Chief,  Lord  Com- 
BERMERE,  passed  the  warm  season  at  Shimla,  and  a 
complimentary  Vakeel  was  sent  over  by  Runjeet 
Singh,  to  offer  his  congratulations.  It  was  his  Lord- 
ship's desire  to  procure  an  invitation  in  person  to 
Lahor,  but  the  wily  Chief  evaded  compliance  with  this 
wish. 

At  the  Durbar  of  Lahor,  at  this  time,  the  entire  favor 
of  the  Chief  was  engrossed  by  Raja  Dheean  Singh, 
the  Chamberlain,  and  his  brothers  Goolab  Singh  and 
SoocHET  Singh,  Meeans  of  Jummoo,  where  their 
influence  had  betu  re-established  under  Runjeet 
SiNGHS  authority,  by  the  grant  of  the  place  in  Jageer  in 
1819,  as  before  related.     Heera  Singh,  a  boy  of  about 

T  2 


148         FAVOR  SHOWN  TO  DHEEAN  SINGH.         A.  D.  1827-28. 

twelve  years  of  age,  son  of  Raja  Dheean  Singh, 
was  the  object  of  particular  favor,  RuNJEET  Singh 
seldom  suffering  him  out  of  his  sight,  and  seeming  to 
delight  in  humouring  all  his  whims  and  caprices.  In 
common  with  his  father  and  uncles,  he  was  created  Raja, 
and  RuNJEET  Singh  studied  to  procure  him  a  high 
matrimonial  alliance.  It  was  about  this  time  that  Raja 
Unrodh  Chund,  son  of  Sunsar  Chund  of  Kangra, 
paid  a  visit  to  Labor,  with  his  family,  on  his  route  to 
attend  the  nuptial  ceremonies  of  the  Aloowala's  son, 
NiHAL  Singh.  He  had  with  him  two  sisters,  on  whom 
Raja  Dheean  Singh  cast  his  eyes,  desiring  them  to  be 
joined  in  matrimony  with  his  family.  The  pride  of  the 
hill  chief  was  roused  at  the  proposition  of  so  degrading 
an  alliance,  but  the  influence  of  Runjeet  SiNGH  pro- 
cured from  him  a  written  promise,  that  the  two  young 
women  should  be  at  his  disposal.  Themother  of  Unrodh 
Ghund,  however,  succeeded  in  carrying  them  off,  and 
took  refuge  with  them  in  the  hills  under  British  protec- 
tion, whither  Unrodh  Chund  himself  soon  followed, 
leaving  his  possessions  on  the  other  side  of  the  Sutlej  at  the 
mercy  of  Runjeet  Singh,  who  sequestered  the  whole, 
and  received  the  surrender  of  them  without  any  resistance 
from  Futeh  Chund,  Unrodh's  brother.  A  Khawas  or 
concubine  of  Raja  Sunsar  Chund,  named  Guddun, 
was  enticed  away  from  the  family,  and  fell  on  this  occa- 
sion into  Runjeet  Singh's  hands,  with  several  children 
she  had  borne  to  the  late  Raja.  Two  of  the  daughters 
the  Sikh  married  himself,  and  upon  a  son  he  conferred 
the  title  of  Raja  with  a  considerable  Jageer.  The  nup- 
tials of  Heera  Singh  were  at  the  same  time  celebrated 
with  great  pomp,  though  not  with  a  member  of  the  Kau- 
gra  family. 


A.  D.  1829.  SEYUD    AHMED'S   RE-APPEARANCE.  149 

In  the  course  of  1829,  Seyud  Ahmed  again  appeared 
in  the  field  in  great  strength,  and  his  vengeance  was  di- 
rected against  Yar  Mohummud  Khan,  who, he  declar- 
ed, had  sacrificed  the  caase  of  his  religion  by  swearing- 
allegiance,  and  accepting  service  from  the  Sikhs.  As  the 
Seyud  approached  Peshawur,  Yar  AIohummud  moved 
ont  with  such  troops  as  he  could  collect  for  its  defence. 
In  the  action  which  followed,  however,  he  received  a 
mortal  wound,  and  his  troops  dispersed.  Peshawur  was 
saved  to  Runjeet  Singh  by  the  opportune  presence 
there  of  Monsieur  Ventura,  who  had  gone  with  a  small 
escort,  to  negociate  with  Yar  Mohummud  Khan  for 
the  surrender  of  a  famous  horse  called  Lylee.  The  horse 
had  been  demanded  in  the  previous  year,  but  the  Afghans 
declared  it  was  dead.  The  falsity  of  this  declaration 
being  discovered,  a  written  engagement  bad  been  extort- 
ed from  Yar  Mohummud,  pledging  himself  for  its  deli- 
very, and  Monsieur  Ventura  was  deputed  to  enforce  the 
execution  of  this  deed.  Upon  the  death  of  Yar  Mohum- 
mud, he  took  upon  himself  to  make  dispositions  for  the 
defence  of  Peshawur,  and  wrote  to  Runjeet  Singh  for 
instructions  as  to  his  further  proceedings.  The  Sikh 
directed  the  city  to  be  delivered  over  to  Sooltan  Mo- 
hummud Khan,  brother  of  the  deceased  Yar  Mohum- 
mud, but  urged  the  securing  possession  of  the  famous 
horse  Lylee,  as  an  indispensable  preliminary.  Monsieur 
Ventura  succeeded  fully  in  thisnegociation,  and  brought 
away  Lylee,  leaving  SooLTAN  MoHUMMUD  in  posses- 
sion of  the  government  of  Peshawur. 

M.  Ventura  had  not  been  long  gone,  when  Seyud 
Ahmed  appeared  again,  with  his  host  of  Yoosufzyes, 
before  Peshawur,  and  Sooltan  Mohummud,  venturing 


150  SEYUD  AHMED  TAKES  PESHAWUR.  A.  D.  1830. 

an  action,  was  defeated,  so  that  Peshawur  fell  under  the 
temporary  power  of  the  fanatic  Chief.  Runjeet  Singh 
took  the  field  with  his  army  in  the  early  part  of  1830,  to 
punish  this  pretender.  On  his  crossing-  the  Attuk,  how- 
ever, and  approaching  Peshawur,  the  insurgent  force  dis- 
solved before  him,  and  nothing  tangible  appeared  oa 
which  he  could  wreak  his  vengeance.  He  returned  to 
Labor,  leaving  a  strong  detachment  across  the  Indus,  to 
act  as  occasion  might  offer,  and  having  restored  Sooltan 
MoHUMMUD  to  his  government.  This  Chief,  after  the 
departure  of  Runjeet  Singh,  found  it  convenient  to 
come  to  terms  with  Seyud  Ahmed,  who  again  came 
down,  and  by  a  sudden  attack  carried  Peshawur.  The 
Governor  consented  to  allow  free  passage  to  men  and 
money  proceeding  to  join  the  reformer — to  place  the 
administration  of  justice  in  Peshawur  in  the  hands  of  a 
Kazee,  and  oflicers  of  the  reformed  faith  and  principles, 
and  to  pay  monthly  to  the  Seyud  the  sum  of  3000  rupees. 
The  city  was  on  these  conditions  restored  to  Sooltan 
MoHUMMUD,  but  the  Seyud  had  no  sooner  retired,  than 
the  Kazee  and  two  Moolvees  left  to  administer  justice 
according  to  his  reformed  principles,  were  slain  in  a  popu- 
lar tumult.  Seyud  Ahmed's  difficulties  increased,  for  the 
Yoosufzyes  took  oflence  at  some  innovations  he  desired  to 
introduce  into  the  marriage  ceremony,  and  were  alarmed 
by  his  announcing  the  doctrine,  that  a  tenth  of  all  income, 
or  revenue,  should  be  subscribed  for  religious  and  state 
purposes.  The  wild  untutored  mountaineers  rose  against 
the  preacher's  authority,  and  not  only  rejected  these  doc- 
trines, but  compelled  the  Seyud,  and  his  immediate  fol- 
lowers, to  leave  iheir  mountains.  He  lied  across  the 
Indus,  and  found  a  temporary  refuge  in  the  mountains  of 
Pekhlee  and   Dhumtour.     RuNJBET  Singh,  however, 


A.  D.  1830-31.  IS    SLAIN    IN    BATT1.E.  151 

sent  a  detachment  against  him,  under  Sheer  Singh, 
and  in  the  early  part  of  1831,  the  detachment  was  fortu- 
nate enough  to  fall  in  with  him,  when  after  a  short,  but 
smart  engagement,  the  Seyud's  force  was  dispersed  and 
himself  slain.  IJis  head  was  cut  oft",  and  sent  in  to  be 
recognized  and  identified.  His  followers  in  Hindoostaa 
have,  however,  difficulty  in  believing  yet,  that  he  is  dead; 
and  still  hope  to  see  him  revive  in  energy,  and  display 
himself  in  some  great  action,  for  the  permanent  benefit 
of  the  faith  of  JMoiilmmud,  and  for  the  extension  of  the 
dominion  and  power  of  its  professors. 

Since  the  death  of  the  Seyud,  the  neighbourhood  of 
Peshawur  has  been  comparatively  tranquil,  and  there  has 
been  no  occasion  to  call  oat  the  Sikh  army,  nor  has 
RUNJEET  Singh  engaged  in  any  military  enterprize  of 
importance. 


CHAPTER    TENTH. 


A.  D.  1829  to  1831. 


Mission  of  Lieutenant  Biirnes  %vitJi  a  present  of  dray 
horses  for  Rui^jeet  Singh.  His  journey  through  Sinclli, 
and  up  the  Indus  and  Ravee  to  Lahor.  Mission  to 
Lord  WilUa^n  Bentinck  at  Shimla.  Meeting  arranged 
hetioeen  the  Governor  General  and  Runjeet  Singh. 
Takes  place  in  October  1831.  Commercial  Treaty 
concluded  between  the  British  Government  and  Sindh. 

W^riEN  Lord  Amherst  returned  to  Europe  in  1828, 
he  carried  with  him  the  shawl  tent  presented  by  Run- 
jeet Singh  to  the  King  of  England.  It  was  determined 
to  send  from  England  a  return  present,  and  a  very  extra- 
ordinary selection  was  made ;  upon  whose  advice,  has  not 
transpired.  It  was  resolved  to  send  to  Runjeet  Singh, 
on  the  part  of  His  Majesty,  a  team  of  cart  horses,  four 
mares  and  one  stallion,  upon  sonie  conception,  that,  in 
his  love  for  horses,  Runjekt  Singh  must  be  a  breeder 
of  the  animal,  and  would  be  well  pleased  to  have  mares 
of  large  size  to  cross  with  the  breeds  of  the  Punjab.  The 
fact,  however  is,  that  RuNJEET  has  no  breeding  stud  nor 


A.  D.  1829.      PRESENT  FROM  THE  KING  TO  RUNJKET.      153 

establishment,  and  cares  only  for  entire  horses  of  high 
coarage,  well  broken  in  to  the  manege  of  Hindoostan, 
that  he  can  ride  himself,  on  parade,  or  on  the  road,  or  set 
his  choice  sirdars  and  favorites  upon.  The  result  fally 
showed  this,  for  when  the  cart  horses  arrived  at  his  court, 
the  stallion  was  immediately  pnt  into  the  breaker's  hands, 
and  taught  the  artificial  paces  usual.  This  animal  with 
its  enormous  head,  and  coarse  legs,  stands  always  in  the 
palace  yard,  or  before  the  tent  of  the  chief,  decorated 
with  a  golden  saddle,  and  necklaces  of  precious  stones, 
and  is  sometimes  honored  by  being  crossed  by  Runjbet 
Singh  himself.  The  mares  are  never  looked  at,  and  are 
matters  of  absolute  indifference  to  the  Sikh.  It  is,  how- 
ever, an  anticipation  to  state  what  happened  on  the  ar- 
rival of  the  animals,  their  adventures  on  the  road  to  Labor, 
involved  matters  of  higher  interest. 

It  was  resolved  to  make  the  transmission  of  this  pre- 
sent, a  means  of  obtaining  information  in  regard  to  the 
Indus,  and  the  facilities,  or  the  contrary,  it  might  offer  to 
navigation.  The  recent  successes  of  Russia  in  Persia, 
and  the  probability  of  that  power  entertaining  further 
designs,  either  present,  or  hereafter,  when  the  succes- 
sion of  Abbas  Meerza  to  the  throne  of  Persia,  micrht 
render  that  kingdom  a  province  of  Russia,  made  it  desir- 
able, that  every  intelligence  should  be  collected,  as  to  the 
frontier  states  of  India,  and  the  means  of  defence  offered 
by  this  great  river  barrier  in  particular.  The  dray 
horses  were  accordingly  sent  out  to  Bombay,  and  the 
Supreme  Government  instructed  Sir  John  Malcolm, 
the  Governor  of  that  presidency,  to  take  measures  to  have 
them  forwarded  under  charge  of  an  intelligent  and  pru- 
dent officer,  in  boats  up  the   Indus.     Some   demur  was 

u 


154      MISSION  OF  LT.  BURNES  UP  THE  INDUS,      A.  D.  1830. 

anticipated  on  the  part  of  the  rulers  of  Sindh  to  allowing 
them  passage  through  the  Delta  and  lower  part  of  the 
river,  but  it  was  assumed  that  the  governing  Meers, 
situated  as  they  were  relatively  to  Runjeet  Singh 
on  one  hand,  and  the  British  Government  on  the  other, 
would  not  readily  incur  the  risk  of  offending  both  powers, 
by  refusing  a  passage  altogether,  if  it  were  insisted 
upon. 

Sir  John  Malcolm,  having  received  the  horses,  for- 
warded them  to  Kuchh,  and  appointed  to  the  Mission  to 
Labor,  in  charge  of  them,  Lieutenant  Burnes,  the  Assis- 
tant to  Colonel  Potting er,  who  was  in  Political  charge 
of  that  district  and  of  the  British  relations  with  Sindh. 
The  young  officer  thus  selected  had  been  in  the  Quarter- 
Master  General's  Department,  and  was  in  every  respect 
qualified  for  the  duty.  With  him  was  sent  Ensign  Lec- 
KIE,  as  a  companion,  and  to  take  the  charge,  in  case  of 
any  thing  happening  to  Lieutenant  Burnes.  Sir  John 
Malcolm  added  to  the  dray  horses  the  present  of  a 
carriage  of  his  own,  as  useless  an  article  to  Runjeet 
Singh  as  the  mares.  The  highly  ornamental  carriage 
sent  to  him  by  Lord  Minto  in  1810,  after  being  used 
for  a  few  days  as  a  novel  plaything,  had  ever  since 
remained  neglected  in  the  great  arsenal  at  Labor.  The 
carriage  and  horses,  however,  being  laden  in  appropriate 
vessels,  were  dispatched  from  Kuchh  towards  the  end  of 
the  year  1830,  and  Sir  John  Malcolm  thought  the 
most  politic  course  would  be,  to  send  them  without  previ- 
ous notice  or  correspondence  with  the  Meers  of  Sindh, 
thinking  the  necessity  they  would  thus  be  under  of  decid- 
ing suddenly,  would  be  likely  to  contribute  to  the  success 
of  the  expedition. 


A.  D.  1831.         OPPOSITION  OF  THE  MEERS  OF  SINDH.        155 

Lieutenant  BuRNES  accordingly  started,  carrying  with 
him  the  letters  announcing  the  purpose  of  his  comino^, 
and  entered  with  his  fleet  one  of  the  mouths  of  the  Indus. 
Passing  up  to  the  first  inhabited  town  he  forwarded  his 
dispatches  to  Hydurabad.  After  a  detention  of  some 
days,  he  was,  on  the  1st  February,  met  by  an  officer  and 
guard  from  Darajee,  who  requested  him  to  wait  at  the 
mouth  of  the  river,  till  orders  should  arrive  from  Hydura- 
bad. With  this  he  complied,  but  there  experienced  so 
much  incivility  from  the  Kurachee  people,  who  relieved 
the  guard  from  Darajee,  that  he  resolved  to  return  and 
wait  in  Kuchh  till  the  Meers  should  decide  upon  his 
coming.  The  reply  of  the  Meers  to  the  applications  made 
for  this  purpose  being  delayed  beyond  reason,  Lieut. 
BuRNES  sailed  again  for  the  Indus,  and  entered  the 
Pvteeanee  mouth  of  that  river.  Permission  to  land  beinar 
still  refused,  aud  even  fresh  water  being  withheld,  Lieut. 
BuRNES  found  it  necessary  again  to  retrace  his  steps, 
and  was  nearly  lost  in  a  storm,  which  scattered  his 
fleet,  and  drove  the  vessel  which  carried  himself  upon  the 
bar  at  the  mouth  of  the  Pyteeanee.  The  month  of 
February  was  lost  in  tliese  fruitless  attempts  to  penetrate. 
The  objections  of  the  Meers  seemed  to  be  insuperable. 
They  were  at  this  time  founded  mainly  on  the  alleged 
difiiculty  of  the  navigation,  and  on  the  distracted  state  of 
the  country  between  Sindh  and  Labor,  both  of  which 
were  greatly  exaggerated,  in  order  to  dissaade  Lieut. 
BURNES  from  attempting  the  route  by  the  river  Indus. 
The  mission  having  returned  to  Kuchh,  as  above  stated 
on  the  23d  February,  Colonel  Potting  er  opened  a  cor- 
respondence with  the  Meers,  and  sent  an  agent  to  Hydu- 
rabad to  endeavour  to  overcome  the  repugnance  shown  to 
letting  it  pass  through  Sindh.     He  made  light  of  course  of 

u  2 


156   LEAVEFORTHEMISSIONTOPASSOBTAINED.    A.  D.  1831. 

all  that  was  stated  of  the  difficulty  of  navigation,  and  of 
the  dangers  from  the  unsettled  state  of  the  country  ;  and 
pointed  oat  that  the  horses  and  bulky  carriage  could 
not  by  possibility  be  forwarded  in  any  other  way  than 
by  water,  so  that  it  would  be  a  most  unfriendly  act 
to  both  Governments  to  refuse  a  passage.  The  season  of 
1831  was  fast  wearing  away,  and  there  was  still  delay  in 
the  Council  at  Hydurabad,  in  making  up  its  mind  on  this 
important  matter.  A  strong  letter  however  of  Colonel 
Potting ER  at  last  convinced  the  Chiefs,  and  Meer 
Moor  AD  Ulee,  the  ruler  of  the  country,  in  particular, 
that  permission  for  the  horses,  and  other  articles  of  pre- 
sents, to  pass  up  to  Labor,  could  not  in  decency,  and  with- 
out giving  offence,  be  refused.  The  requisite  leave  was 
accordingly  forwarded,  and  Lieutenant  BuRNES  sailed 
again  on  the  10th  March,  and  on  this  occasion  entered 
the  Rucliel  mouth  by  Kurachee  Bundur,  the  extreme 
western  channel  of  the  river.  Here  difficulties  were 
made,  and  delays  interposed,  so  as  to  induce  Lieutenant 
BuRNES  to  start  by  land  for  Hydurabad,  in  the  hope  of  re- 
moving them  by  personal  negociation.  He  had  proceed- 
ed no  further  than  Tatta,  when  after  much  chicanery  he 
received  the  required  permission  to  pass  by  the  route  of 
the  Indus.  Boats  of  the  country  were  now  furnished  to 
him,  and  every  possible  assistance  rendered  for  his  con- 
veyance to  Hydurabad,  no  effort  being  spared  to  obliterate 
the  effects  of  the  previous  unfriendly  treatment  he  had 
experienced.  At  the  capital  he  was  received  in  Durbar 
with  great  distinction,  a  chief  of  rank  was  appointed  to 
attend  him  on  his  journey,  and  the  best  accommodation- 
boats  on  the  river,  even  those  of  the  ruling  Meer  himself, 
were  assigned  for  his  conveyance.  Every  where  in  Sindh 
he  met  with  the  same  attention,  and  proceeded  on  his 


A.  D.  1831.  LT.  BURNES   SAILS   UP    THE   INDUS.  157 

voyage  by  Tatta  to  Hydarabad,  and  thence  after  a  short  stay 
to  Bbukar,  making  bis  observations  as  the  boats  leisurely 
proceeded.  The  Mission  reached  Tatta  on  the  15lh,  and 
Hydarabad  on  the  18th  April,  1831,  and  the  month  of 
May  had  closed  before  it  left  the  Indus,  and  entered  the 
Chuuab.  The  river  was  then  at  its  lowest,  but  no  where 
was  there  the  slightest  difficulty,  or  obstruction  to  the 
navigation. 

It  may  be  necessary  to  state,  that  Sindh  is  divided  into 
three  independent  Governments:  the  first,  and  by  far  the 
most  considerable,  is  Hydurabad,  ruled  at  this  time  by 
Meer  Moorad  Ulee,  last  survivor  of  the  four  brothers, 
who,  in  1780,  effected  the  revolution,  which  transferred 
the  dominion  of  the  country  to  the  present  Talpoor  Meers. 
The  second  division  is  that  of  Khyrpoor,  to  the  north  of  the 
first,  and  lying  on  both  sides  of  the  river  Indus.  Its  pre- 
sent ruler  is  Meer  Roostum  Khan,  the  eldest  son  of 
Meer  Soohrab  Khan  recently  deceased.  The  third 
division  is  that  of  Meerpoor,  lying  towards  Kuchh,  and 
ruled  by  Meer  Ulee  Moorad  Khan.  These  sub-divi- 
sions of  the  country,  had  their  origin  in  a  partition  made 
amongst  the  principal  conspirators,  by  whose  exertions 
the  Talpoorees  obtained  power. 

Having  passed  through  the  Hydurabad  territory. 
Lieutenant  Burnes  was  received  with  even  increased 
attention  and  kindness  by  the  ruler  of  Khyrpoor,  who 
professed  a  strong  desire  to  cultivate  a  more  inti- 
mate relation  with  the  British  Government,  and  made 
Lieutenant  Burnes  the  bearer  of  a  communication 
to  this  effect  to  the  Governor  General.  By  this 
chief  the  mission  was  carried  forward  to  the   territory  of 


158  ARRIVAL   AT    MOOLTAN,  A.IK  1831. 

the  Nuwab  of  Buhawulpoor,  without  experiencing  the 
smallest  obstruction  or  difficulty  of  any  kind  :  there  was 
found  no  where  less  than  eight  feet  water,  and  the  cur- 
rent was  moderate,  and  easily  overcome,  even  where  from 
rocks,  or  hard  soil  at  the  banks,  the  water-way  was  con- 
tracted. The  month  of  May  was  now  passing,  during 
which  the  navigation  of  the  Ganges  is  much  obstructed 
by  strong  westerly  winds,  and  by  the  want  of  water,  but 
no  difficulty  of  the  kind  impeded  the  passage  up  the 
Indus  at  this  season.  The  Buhawulpoor  chief  was  alrea- 
dy in  political  relation,  both  with  Runjeet  Singh  and 
with  the  British  Government :  from  him  therefore  Lieut. 
BuRNES  was  sure  of  receiving  every  kindness.  On  the 
30th  May,  the  fleet  reached  Mittunkot,  and  embarking 
on  other  boats  provided  by  the  chief  of  the  Daood- 
pootras  (BuHAWUL  Khan)  entered  the  Chunab,  or  as  it 
is  sometimes  called  the  Punjnud,  being  the  united  stream 
of  the  waters  of  the  Punjab.  A.  little  below  Mooltan,  the 
escort  and  party  sent  by  Runjeet  Singh  to  receive  and 
conduct  the  Royal*  present,  met  Lieutenant  BuRNES 
with  boats  of  the  Punjab,  adapted  to  the  navigation  of  the 
winding  Ravee.  In  these  Lieutenant  BuRNKS  and  his 
party  embarked  on  the  12th  June,  and  soon  reached 
Mooltan.  The  mouth  of  the  Ravee  is  further  up  the 
Sutlej,  and  he  did  not  enter  that  branch  till  the  23d  June. 
The  rainy  season  overtook  the  Mission  while  in  that  river, 

*  It  is  a  singular  circumstance,  that  Sir  J.  Malcolm  in  all  the  instruc- 
tions he  gave  Lientenant  Colonel  Pottinger  and  Lieutenant  Bvrnes 
in  regard  to  this  Mission,  never  mentioned,  nor  gave  the  smallest  intima- 
tion to  either  officer,  that  the  draj  liorses  were  a  present  from  the  Ring  of 
Kugland.  They  made  the  discovery  after  the  difficulties  in  respect  to  the 
passage  through  Sindh  had  been  overcome,  when  a  direct  correspondence 
with  the  Mission  was  opened  by  tl»e  Governor  General.  Up  to  this  time, 
they  had  believed,  and  had  represented  the  present  to  be  sent  from  the 
British  Government  in  India. 


i 


A.  D.  1831.  AND    AT    LAHOR.  159 

and  the  progress  np  it  was  tedloas  in  the  extreme,  being 
dependent  entirely  on  the  track  rope. 

On  the  17th  of  July,  Lieutenant  Burnes  reached 
Labor,  where  his  arrival  with  the  present  from  the  King 
of  England,  and  with  the  letter  of  Lord  Ellen  borough 
vhich  accompanied  it,  was  a  source  of  great  pride  and 
rejoicing  to  Runjeet  Singh.  The  attention  he  paid 
to  Lieutenant  BuRNES  was  very  marked,  and  he  had  in- 
vited Captain  Wade  over  from  Loodeeana,  to  assist  at 
the  ceremonial  of  reception.  From  Labor,  Lieutenant 
Burnes  proceeded  to  Shimla,  to  render  to  the  Go- 
vernor General  an  account  of  his  mission,  and  to  lay 
before  his  Lordship  the  valuable  information  obtained 
during  it.  This  enterprizingand  zealous  officer  obtained 
His  Lordship's  permission,  to  return  to  his  presidency  of 
Bombay  through  Persia,  and  to  explore  the  route  of 
Bulkh  and  Bukhara,  after  first  crossing  the  Punjab  and 
Kabool  territory,  in  order  that  he  might  be  the  means  of 
adding  information  of  this  little  known  route,  to  the  stores 
of  intelligence  already  contributed  by  him. 

The  very  favorable  disposition  in  which  the  ruler  of 
Labor  seemed  to  be  at  this  juncture,  encouraged  Lord 
William  Bentinck  to  hope,  that  a  proposition  for  a 
personal  meeting  between  himself  and  Runjeet  Singh 
would  be  likely  to  be  well  received.  He  accordingly 
instructed  Captain  Wade,  when  at  Labor,  on  the  occa- 
sion above  related,  to  sound  the  Chiefs  confidential 
advisers  on  tlie  subject.  As  anticipated  by  His  Lord- 
ship, the  Ruler  of  Labor  showed  great  desire  for  the  meet- 
ing, but  some  difficulty  was  at  first  started  in  respect  to 
the   etiquette  of  a  previous  return  mission,    Runjeet 


160    MEETING  OF  RUNJEET  &  THE  GOV.  GENL.    A.  D.  1831. 

Singh  having  paid  his  Lordship  the  compliment  of 
sending-  one,  similarly  composed  to  that  which  waited 
on  Lord  Amherst.  The  mission  had  been  received 
by  Lord  William  Bentinck  in  April,  soon  after  his 
arrival  at  Sliimla:  its  members  were  the  Dewan  Mootee 
Ram,  son  of  Mohkum  Chund,  Huree  Singh  Sirdar, 
and  the  secretary,  Fuqeer  Uzeezooddeen.  They 
had  been  treated  by  the  Governor  General  witb  much 
distinction,  and  a  return  mission  of  some  of  the  princi- 
pal officers  of  His  Lordship's  suite  had  been  promised, 
or  rather  held  out  in  expectation.  The  personal  meet- 
ing between  the  heads  of  the  two  states  would  neces- 
sarily deprive  Runjeet  Singh  of  this  compliment;  for 
in  the  first  place,  the  time  would  scarcely  allow  of  both, 
seeing  that  the  intendtjd  journey  of  the  Governor  General 
to  Ajmeer  and  Rajpootana  required,  that,  if  arranged 
at  all,  the  interview  should  take  place  before  the  end  of 
October,  and  in  the  second,  if  a  formal  mission  were  sent, 
immediately  before  the  meeting,  it  would  have  the  ap- 
pearance in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  of  being  sent  to  suppli- 
cate, or  induce  the  ruler  of  the  Sikhs  to  come  to  the 
interview,  whereas  the  rank  and  position  of  the  Head  of 
the  British  Government  required,  that  the  honor  of  a  per- 
sonal conference  with  him  should  be  sought. 

With  a  liberality,  not  inconsistent  with  his  general 
character,  Runjeet  Singh,  having  made  up  his  mind  to 
the  interview,  gave  up  the  point  of  etiquette,  and  pre- 
paration was  made  on  both  sides,  for  the  meeting  to  take 
place  on  the  Sutlej  about  the  20lh  of  October,  without  any 
previous  return  mission  :  the  neighbourhood  of  Roopur 
was  subsequently  fixed  upon  as  the  most  appropriate  and 
convenient  spot  for  the  meeting. 


A.  D.  1831.  PREPARATIONS.  161 

In  order  to  give  tbe  requisite  eclat  to  the  occasion,  and 
to  form  a  suitable  escort,  the  Governor  General  ordered 
up  to  Roopnr  from  Meerut  and  Kurnal,  two  squadrons 
of  European  lancers,  with  the  mounted  band  of  the  regi- 
ment, (H.  M,  16th  Lancers,)  an  European  Regiment 
(H.  M.  31st  Foot)  two  battalions  of  Native  Infantry 
(the  14th  and  32d,)  and  eight  guns  of  horse  artillery, 
also  two  squadrons  of  Colonel  Skinner's  Irregular 
Horse.  The  escort  was  thus  composed,  in  order  to 
exhibit  to  Rlnjeet  Singh,  whose  curiosity  was  much 
excited  as  to  the  formation  and  equipment  of  the  various 
arms  and  corps  of  our  military  force,  as  much  variety  as 
possible.  In  marching  the  Europeans  through  the  Sikh 
territory,  the  population  was  somewhat  scandalized  at  as- 
certaining, that  beef  was  killed  in  camp  for  their  rations. 
The  slaughter  was  made  in  the  night,  as  secretly  as  pos- 
sible, still  the  fact  transpired,  and  became  matter  of  com- 
plaint from  the  Sikh  Sirdars.  The  reply  to  them  was, 
that  it  was  no  business  of  theirs  to  enquire  what  was 
done  within  the  precincts  of  a  British  camp,  that  our 
customs  prevailed  there,  and  these  could  not  be  yielded 
to  their  scruples,  though  every  care  should  be  taken  to 
prevent  the  obtrusion  of  any  thing  that  was  ofTensive. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  the  prejudices  of  the  Sikhs  were 
much  outraged  by  the  slaughter  of  oxen,  but  it  would 
have  been  extremely  bad  policy  to  yield  the  point  in  this 
instance;  for  were  it  conceded,  and  the  necessity  to  arise 
hereafter  of  bringing  a  considerable  force  of  Europeans 
into  the  country,  similar  concession  woqjd  be  expected 
when  it  would  be  impossible  to  grant  it,  and  the  popula- 
tion would  be  excited,  from  the  want  of  previous  know- 
ledge and  preparation  for  the  thing,  as  a  necessary  evil 
attendant  on  the  march  of  Europeans,  no  less  than  by  the 

w 


162  ARRIVAL   AT    ROOPUR.  A.  D.  1831. 

recollection,  that  heretofore  the  concession  had  been  made 
to  their  religious  feelings. 

The  troops  having  arrived  at  Roopur,  the  Governor 
General,  who  had  left  Shimla  on  the  19th  October,  and 
in  descending  took  the  opportunity  of  making  an  excur- 
sion in  the  Hills  with  few  attendants,  entered  the  camp 
on  the  evening  of  the  22d.  Runjeet  Singh  came  into 
his  camp,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Sutlej,  on  the 
morning  of  the  25th,  escorted  by  10,000  of  his  best  horse, 
and  about  6,000  trained  infantry.  He  was  immediately 
waited  upon  by  a  deputation  from  the  Governor  Gene- 
ral, headed  by  Major  General  Ramsay,  brother  to  the 
Commander  in  Chief,  Lord  Dalhousie,  and  by  his 
Lordship's  Principal  Secretary.  Koonwur  Kiiuruk 
Singh,  with  six  principal  Sirdars  of  the  Sikhs,  came  at 
the  same  time  to  present  the  Muha-Raja's  compliments 
to  the  Governor  General.  It  was  arranged,  that  Run- 
jeet Singh  should  visit  the  Governor  General  next 
day  in  the  morning. 

As  the  time  approached  for  the  meeting,  Runjeet 
Singh  began  to  entertain  apprehension,  that  some  trea- 
chery or  foul  play  must  be  designed  :  late  over  night,  he 
sent  to  Monsieur  Allard  to  say,  that  he  should  not 
attend  the  meeting  of  the  morrow.  Monsieur  Allard 
waited  upon  him  immediately,  and  exerted  himself  to 
remove  these  suspicions,  and  restore  confidence,  oHering 
to  stake  his  own  head,  that  nothing  would  happen  that 
was  disagreeable.  He  left  the  Muha-Raja  still  irreso- 
lute, and  the  astrologers  were  summoned.  They  con- 
sulted the  Grunth,  and  declared  the  result  favorable,  but 
told  His  Highness   to  take  with  him  a  couple  of  apples. 


A.  D.  1831.  FIRST    MEETING.  1G3 

and  to  present  them  to  the  Governor  General  and  to  his 
Secretary :  if  they  were  at  once  taken  without  demur, 
he  was  to  consider  it  as  a  good  omen,  and  might  proceed 
in  full  assurance,  that  the  result  of  the  meeting  would 
give  him  satisfaction.  On  the  morning  of  the  26th  Octo- 
ber, a  deputation  went  to  conduct  the  Muha-Raja  to 
camp,  and  he  started  at  sunrise.  A  bridge  of  the  flat- 
bottomed  ferry  boats  of  the  Sutlej  had  been  constructed 
for  the  convenience  of  communication.  Runjeet 
Singh  made  to  cross  over  before  him,  3000  of  bis  best 
Gorchur  cavalry,  dressed  in  new  yellow  silk  quilted 
coats,  also  about  800  of  Monsieur  Allard's  dragoons  ; 
he  then  took  his  breakfast  of  a  highly  spiced  cordial,  and 
sent  over  the  chiefs  he  meant  should  attend  on  their 
elephants.  This  occupied  some  time,  for  the  boats  were 
fragile  and  would  allow  but  few  elephants  to  be  on  the 
bridge  together.  Lastly,  His  Highness  passed  over  in  per- 
son, and  then,  to  prevent  all  confusion,  ordered  the  guard 
at  the  bridge  to  permit  none  else  from  his  camp  to  cross 
over.  With  the  escort  and  attendance  thus  formed,  the 
Sikh  Chief  crossed  the  open  plain,  at  the  further  end  of 
which  lay  the  camp  of  the  Governor  General,  from  the 
centre  of  which  a  street  was  formed  of  the  British  troops 
collected.  On  reaching  the  end  of  the  line,  the  Muha- 
Raja  stopped  to  examine  each  corps,  and  put  an  infinity 
of  questions  as  to  their  equipment,  asking  the  use  and 
cost  of  every  strange  article,  that  caught  his  eye.  In 
the  middle  of  the  street  he  was  met  by  the  Governor 
General,  and  presented  the  apples,  as  enjoined  by 
the  astrologers  :  they  were  freely  and  at  once  taken. 
His  Highness  then  crossed  into  the  Governor  Gene- 
ral's houda,  and  the  two  Chiefs  proceeded  together  to 
the  tents  of  audience  that  had  been  prepared.     lo  an 

w  2 


164  CONDUCT   OF    RUNJEET    SINGH.  A.  D.  1831. 

outer  tent,  all  the  European  gentlemen  were  collected, 
and  RuNJEET  Singh  was  detained  in  it  a  short  time, 
that  several  of  them  might  be  presented  to  him,  standing, 
as  he  passed  through.  In  a  further  tent  chairs  were  laid 
out,  and  the  Muha-Raja,  with  the  chiefs  of  his  nomina- 
tion, and  some  select  officers  of  the  suite,  was  led  thither 
by  the  Governor  General  for  a  more  private  conference. 
It  was  amusing  to  see  the  pains  taken  by  Runjeet 
Singh  in  the  arrangement  of  his  part  of  the  ceremony. 
He  waited  at  the  door  of  the  outer  tent,  and  himself 
called,  and  told  off,  the  chiefs  that  were  to  proceed  to 
the  inner,  making  them  precede  himself  in  order  to 
prevent  confusion  or  crowding.  They  were  all  like  him- 
self dressed  in  yellow,  that  and  light  green  being  the 
favorite  colours  of  his  court,  and  called  Busuntee, 
or  the  colours  of  spring.  Some  wore  elegant  highly 
polished  armour,  with  scarfs  of  this  colour,  and  the 
splendour  of  the  attire  of  all  was  very  striking.  The 
inquisitive,  and  apparently  frank  manner  of  the  Sikh 
Chief,  made  the  conference  pass  off  with  more  liveliness 
than  is  usual  on  such  occasions  of  ceremony.  Presents  of 
every  variety  of  manufactured  stuffs,  which  had  previous- 
ly been  sent  for,  from  Calcutta,  Dacca,  and  Bunarus, 
■with  guns  and  jewels  of  value,  a  fine  Burmese  elephant, 
and  two  select  thorough-bred  young  horses  from  the 
Hissar  stud,  were  laid  out,  or  passed  in  review  before 
his  Highness.  Dresses  of  honor,  and  presents  were 
also  laid  out  for  the  heir-apparent,  and  other  chiefs, 
according  to  a  list  obtained  from  his  Highness.  Tiie 
Muha-Raja  examined  carefully  every  article  of  his  own 
present,  and  then  sent  for  the  keeper  of  Lis  wardrobe, 
and  desired  him  to  receive  charge,  and  pack  up  the 
articles  forthwith.     He  took  his  leave,  apparently  highly 


A.  D.  1831.  RETURN  VISIT  OF  THE  GOV.  GENL.  165 

pleased  with  the  interview,  and  at  the  door  of  the  tent, 
called  up,  and  paraded  before  the  Governor  General,  his 
own  favorite  horses,  telling  the  names,  and  merits  of 
each.  Again,  as  he  passed  through  the  street  of  troops, 
he  stopped  to  examine  the  difterent  corps,  and  his  enqui- 
ries into  every  minute  particular  were  renewed.  It  was 
noon,  before  he  reached  his  own  camp  in  returning. 

On  the  following  day,  the  Governor  General  returned 
the  visit,  and  was  met  at  the  bridge  of  boats  by  RuN- 
JEET  Singh.  His  Lordship  was  escorted  by  the 
Lancers,  who,  with  their  mounted  band,  preceded  the 
cavalcade.  RuNJEET  Singh  was  much  struck  with 
their  appearance,  particularly  with  that  of  the  Band ; 
and,  after  they  had  crossed,  and  drawn  up  on  the  farther 
side  of  the  river,  he  went  up  to  them,  and  listened 
for  some  time  to  their  playing,  while  the  suite  crossed. 
The  Sikh  troops  formed  line,  from  the  bridge  to  the 
Muha-Raja's  tents,  which,  consisting  chiefly  of  JfiTMnd^* 
and  Shumeeanas,  tastefully  arranged,  wereof  red  color,  and 
covered  a  large  space.  The  lining  of  all  the  Shumeeanas, 
under  which  the  chairs  were  placed  for  the  Governor 
General  and  his  suite,  was  of  shawl,  beautifully  worked, 
and  that,  under  which  sat  the  Governor  General  and  His 
Highness  himself,  was  a  sheet  of  inlaid  pearls  and  jewels 
of  great  value.  The  Muha-Raja,  after  the  party  were 
seated,  introduced  his  chiefs  in  succession,  and  each  as 
he  came  forward,  presented  Nuzurs  of  Dutch  gold  se- 
quins, both  to  his  Highness  and  to  the  Governor  Gene- 
ral. The  horses  were  again  brought  forth,  and  exhi- 
bited in  superb  trappings,  and  after  an  hour  passed  in 
lively  conversation,  the  presents  for  the  Governor  General 
were  laid  out,  and  His  Lordship  took  his  leave. 


166  ENTERTAINMENTS    AND    REVIEWS.  A.  D.  1831. 

Evening"  entertainments  were  afterwards  exchanged, 
and  reviews  held  of  the  troops  collected  on  both  sides. 
The  Muha-Raja  seemed  particularly  struck  with  some  of 
the  evolutions  exhibited  before  him  by  the  British  Re- 
giments, and  sent  his  Sirdars  up  to  the  ranks,  to  examine 
particularly  how  they  were  executed.  He  himself  also 
went  up  to  the  squares  formed  by  the  Infantry,  to  see 
how  many  ranks  knelt,  and  how  many  kept  up  fire,  show- 
ing in  all  things  a  most  insatiable  curiosity. 

On  the  31st  October,  the  last  day  of  the  interview,  the 
Muha-Raja  came  across  the  river,  to  witness  some  artil- 
lery practice  with  grape  and  spherical-case  shot.  His 
astonishment  at  the  effect  on  the  curtain  at  different 
distances,  from  four  hundred  to  one  thousand  paces,  was 
extreme.  After  amnsinjj  himself  afterwards  with  firinar 
at  a  chutur,  or  umbrella,  with  one  of  the  six  pounders, 
and  exhibiting-  feats  of  hoi'semanship,  and  dexterity,  by 
his  Sirdars,  he  was  presented  by  the  Governor  General 
with  two  nine  pounder  horse  artillery  guns,  with  horses, 
and  equipments  complete. 

The  evening  of  this  day,  was  that  of  the  parting  in- 
terview, which  it  was  arranged  was  to  take  place  at  the 
entertainment  given  by  the  Governor  General.  At 
RuNJEET  Singh's  particular  request,  a  paper  was  exe- 
cuted, and  delivered  to  him  on  this  occasion,  promis- 
ing perpetual  friendship  from  the  British  Government. 
A  complete  model  of  an  iron  suspension  bridge,  made 
up  at  Calcutta  for  the  purpose,  was  also  presented  to  his 
Highness,  and  excited  his  applause  and  admiration.  On 
the  following  morning,  viz.  the  1st  November  1831,  both 
camps  broke   ground,   and   commenced  their  march  iu 


A.  D.  1831.  SINDH    AFFAIRS.  1C7 

opposite  directions,  after  a  week  of  magnificence  and 
mutual  display,  reminding  one  of  the  days  of  "  tUe  field 
of  cloth  of  Gold." 

No  business  of  importance  was  transacted  at  this  in- 
terview: RuNJEET  Singh,  however,  invited  the  two 
officers  he  thought  most  in  the  Governor  General's  con- 
fidence to  his  lent,  and  in  the  midst  of  much  desultory 
conversation,  put  to  the  official  secretary,  who  was  one 
of  them,  several  questions  in  respect  to  Sindh,  as  if 
desirous  to  open  a  negociation,  and  concert  measures,  io 
relation  to  that  state  ;  or  at  least  to  come  to  an  understand- 
ing, as  to  the  views  of  the  British  Government  in  respect 
to  it.  He  said  the  vukeels  of  Sindh  were  in  attendance 
in  his  camp,  and  he  asked  if  he  might  introduce  them  to 
the  Governor  General.  Upon  being  answered  in  the 
affirmative,  he  added,  that  it  was  a  very  rich  country, 
and  much  treasure  had  been  accumulated  there,  ever 
since  Nadir  Shah's  invasion  of  Hindoostan,  that  there 
was  no  standing  army,  and  no  soldiers,  except  the  popu- 
lation at  large,  who  would  be  called  from  the  plough  to 
take  the  field  against  an  invading  force.  He  then  made  al- 
lusion to  the  Meers  having  sent  back  Lieutenant  Bu  rnes, 
and  to  their  general  character  for  pride  and  haughtiness. 
It  appeared  evident  that  the  Muha- Raja  had  learned,  or 
at  least  suspected,  that  the  British  Government  had  some 
further  views  in  respect  to  Sindh;  also,  that  nothing 
would  be  more  gratifying  to  him,  than  to  be  invited  to 
co-operate  in  an  attack  upon  that  state.  Notwithstand- 
ing however  the  desire  thus  shown,  to  come  to  an  under- 
standing on  the  subject,  it  was  not  thought  advisable  to 
make  any  communication  yet  to  the  ruler  of  Labor;  for 
it  was  conceived,  that,  if  made  aware  of  the  intentions  of 


1G8      COL.  pottinger's  mission  to  sindh.      a.  D.  1031. 

the  British  Government,  he  might,  with  every  profession 
of  a  desire  to  forward  them,  contrive  by  intrigue  and 
secret  working  to  counteract  the  negociation. 

On  the  very  day  before  His  Highness  arrived  at  Roo- 
pur,  instructions  had  been  issued  to  Lieutenant  Colonel 
PoTTiNGER  to  prepare  for  a  mission  to  Sindh,  with  a 
view  to  the  negociation  of  a  commercial  treatry,  having 
for  its  object,  to  open  the  navigation  of  the  Indus  to  the 
trade  of  Europe,  and  of  India.  The  negociation  was  to 
be  separate  with  each  of  the  three  independent  Meers, 
but  Colonel  Potting er  was  directed  to  proceed  first 
to  Hydurabad,  to  arrange  with  Meer  M00RA.D  Ulee, 
for  a  free  passage  for  vessels,  and  merchandize,  through 
the  mouths,  and  Delta  of  this  great  river.  The  basis  of 
the  negociation  was  to  be,  to  obtain  guarantees  against 
the  levy  of  irregular  duties,  or  wanton  obstruction  of  any 
kind  to  boats  and  merchandize,  to  offer  a  guarantee  against 
loss  of  revenue  to  the  Sindh  Government  from  the  adop- 
tion of  the  scheme,  and  so  to  procure,  that  the  river  Indus 
should  become  again  the  channel  for  extensive  commerce, 
and  be  frequented  securely  by  the  craft  and  vessels  of 
all  the  adjoining  districts,  and  even  of  Europe.  The 
object  of  entering  upon  this  negociation,  at  the  particular 
juncture,  was  perhaps  in  some  measure  political,  having 
reference  to  the  necessity  of  being  prepared  against  the 
possibility  of  designs  on  the  part  of  Russia,  should  she 
succeed  in  establishing  her  influence  in  Persia.  The 
Governor  General,  however,  was  not  prepared  to  make 
any  avowal  or  display  of  such  motives,  and  a  commercial 
treaty,  stipulating  for  the  free  navigation  of  the  river, 
seemed  to  him  the  better  form  in  which  to  open  relations 
with  the  Governments  and  Chiefs  who  occupied  its  banks. 


A.  D.  1831-32.  REFLECTIONS.  169 

Tbe  main  argnment,  however,  against  treaties  of  this 
description  is  their  tendency  to  lead  to  embarrassing  dis- 
cussions, and  to  produce  irritation,  and  acrimonious  feel- 
ings, while  the  views  acted  upon  by  the  British  Govern- 
ment are  not  properly  understood  by  the  Chiefs.  The 
whole  of  Sindh  is  held  in  Jageers  by  Chiefs,  who  claim 
to  be,  and  are  de  facto,  independent,  exercising  almost 
sovereign  authority  in  their  respective  domains.  These 
Sirdars  will  not  readily  be  brought  to  respect  boats  and 
merchandize,  passing  through  their  possessions,  but 
detention  will  take  place  on  the  plea  of  examination,  and 
presents  will  be  expected,  or  forced  purchases  made,  or 
obstructions  of  different  kinds  offered,  the  complaint 
against  which,  even  if  the  assembly  of  Meers  at  Hydura- 
bad  should  be  disposed  to  listen  to  such  a  complaint  at 
all,  must  lead  to  long  and  irritating  discussions,  and  yield 
little  redress  in  the  end.  The  perpetual  residence  of  a 
British  Agent,  to  take  up  the  advocacy  of  such  representa- 
tions, will  be  indispensable,  and  his  doing  so,  will  pro- 
duce continual  bickering  and  discontent,  and  generate 
ill-will  in  those  with  whom  he  comes  into  collision.  It 
is,  however,  most  probable,  that  merchants  will  fear 
to  incur  the  risk  and  trouble,  incident  to  such  adven- 
tures, and  will  thus  allow  the  treaty  to  become  a  dead 
letter,  like  the  commercial  treaties  already  concluded 
with  Siam  and  Cochin  China,  and  even  with  the  Burmese 
Court,  where  the  British  Government  has  a  Resident 
Envoy  to  look  after  the  execution  of  the  stipulations 
entered  into. 

The  East  India  Company  in  its  earlier  commercial 
treaties  appears  to  have  acted  on  a  different  principle, 
the  extension  of  its  own  trade,   and    the   privileges  of 

X 


170  REFLECTIONS.  A.  D.  1821-32. 

its  own  boats,  vessels,  and  merchandize,  being  the 
usual  objects  of  stipulation  and  solicitude.  Its'agent  was 
on  the  spot  to  conduct  the  trade,  and  to  see  that  the 
conditions  were  not  violated,  and  on  this  very  footing, 
the  Company  had  formerly  a  commercial  treaty  with 
Sindh,  which  soon  after  the  establishment  of  the  Talpoor 
Meers,  was  put  an  end  to  by  the  rude  expulsion  of  the 
British  Agent.  The  revival  of  negociation  for  a  mere 
commercial  treaty,  with  silence  in  respect  to  any  Political 
object,  appears  calculated  to  produce  an  impression, 
that  the  Government  still  has  a  mercantile  profit  exclu- 
sively in  view ;  and  such  an  understanding  will  neither 
elevate  its  character,  nor  add  to  its  weight  and  influence, 
in  guiding  the  counsels  of  the  different  chiefs  with  whom 
relations  of  the  kind  may  be  established.  But,  after  all, 
the  great  objection  to  such  a  connexion  seems  to  be,  that 
it  offers  no  impediment  to  the  courts  with  which  we  enter 
into  such  relations,  opening  or  continuing  intrigues  and 
direct  negociations  with  the  very  states  against  which 
it  may  be  desired  to  make  preparation.  At  the  very  time 
of  entering  upon  the  negociation  with  Sindh,  it  was 
known,  that  an  agent  from  Persia  was  at  Hydurabad, 
offering  a  daughter  of  the  king  in  marriage  to  the  favorite 
son  of  Meer  Moorad  Ulee.  If  however  the  state  of 
Sindh  were  allowed  to  connect  itself  in  close  relation 
with  Persia,  the  commercial  treaty  we  might  conclude, 
would  be  no  bar  to  the  Russians  insinuating  themselves 
where  the  Persian  court  had  paved  the  way  for  their 
influence.  They  might  thus  turn  the  resources  of  Sindh 
against  us,  or  at  least  neutralize,  or  obstruct  any  advan- 
tage we  might  hope  to  derive  from  tliem,  in  the  defence 
of  the  western  frontier  of  India.  If  ever  Hindoostan  is 
invaded  from  the  west,  the  battle  must  clearly  be  fought 


A.  D.  1831-32.     POTTINGER  ARRIVES  AT  HYDURABAD.     171 

upon  the  Indus,  and  it  would  be  a  failure  of  common 
foresight,  were  measures  not  taken  to  secure,  that  the 
chiefs,  states,  and  tribes,  upon  its  banks,  should  be 
unanimous  and  hearty  in  their  exertions  to  repel  the 
invader.  It  may  be  said,  however,  that  the  time  is  not 
come  for  making  provision  for  such  objects  :  but  whether 
the  danger  be  near,  or  remote,  it  would  scarcely  be 
consistent  with  prudence  to  engage  in  measures  likely  to 
produce  alienation,  or  to  lower  the  respect  and  influence, 
which  as  holders  in  declared  and  full  sovereignty  of  the 
principal  part  of  Hindoostan,  the  British  Government 
ought  naturally  to  possess  with  the  remainder. 

Colonel  Potting  ER,  on  receipt  of  his  instructions,  sent 
immediate  intimation  to  the  Meers  of  Sindh,  and  in  par- 
ticular to  Meer  MooRAD  Ulee  at  Hydurabad,  of  his 
being  commissioned  by  the  Governor  General  to  confer 
with  them  on  some  important  matters,  and  he  requested 
the  requisite  permission  to  proceed  to  Hydurabad  for 
the  purpose.  This  having  been  granted,  after  some 
demur,  and  the  Bombay  Government  having  provided 
the  necessary  escort,  establishment,  and  equipment  for 
the  Envoy  of  the  Supreme  Government,  Colonel  Pot- 
ting er  moved  from  Kuchh,  and  arrived  at  Hydura- 
bad in  the  course  of  February,  1832.  He  immediately 
explained  the  views  of  the  British  Government,  and 
delivered  the  letter  from  the  Governor  General  to  Meer 
MooRAD  Ulee,  in  which  they  were  stated  at  length. 
A  series  of  long  and  tedious  discussions  was  then  com- 
menced, during  which  several  projects  and  counter- 
projects,  and  drafts  of  treaties,  were  mutually  exchano^ed. 
After  much  negociation,  a  Treaty  was  at  last  concluded 
with  Meer  Moorad  Ulee  Khan,  on  the  part  of  the 

X  2 


172  TREATY    WITH    SINDH.  A.  D.  1832. 

assembled  Chiefs  at  Ilydurabad,  on  the  20th  April  1832, 
corresponding  with  which,  the  following  Engagement  was 
executed  by  the  Governor  General  at  Shimla  on  the  19lh 
June  following. 


"  A  Treaty,  consisting  of  seven  Articles,  having  been 
*'  concluded  on  the  10th  Zeehij  1247  A.  H.  corresponding 
"  with  20th  April  1832,  between  The  Honorable  East 
"  India  Company  and  His  Highness  Meer  Moorad 
"  Ali  Khan  Talpoor  Buhadoor,  Ruler  of  Hydurabad 
"  in  Sindh,  through  the  Agency  of  Lieutenant-Colonel 
"  Henry  Pottinger,  Envoy  on  the  part  of  the  British 
"  Government,  acting  under  the  authority  vested  in  him 
"  by  the  Right  Honorable  Lord  William  Cavendish 
*'  Bentinck,  c.  c.  b,  and  o.  c.  h..  Governor  General 
**  of  the  British  Possessions  in  India,  this  Engagement 
*'  has  been  given  in  writing  at  Shimla,  this  day,  the  19ih 
"  June  1832,  both  in  English  and  Persian,  in  token  of 
**  the  perfect  confirmation  and  acknowledgment  of  the 
"  obligations  which  it  contains,  in  the  manner  following: 

Article  I.  "  That  the  friendship  provided  for  in  for- 
**  mer  Treaties,  between  the  British  Government  and 
"  that  of  Sindh  remain  unimpaired  and  binding,  and  that 
'*  this  stipulation  has  received  additional  efficacy  through 
"  the  medium  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Pottinger,  Envoy, 
**  &c.  so  that  the  firm  connection  and  close  alliance  now 
•'  formed  between  the  said  States  shall  descend  to  the 
"  Children  and  Successors  of  the  House  of  the  above 
•'  named  Meer  Moorad  Ali  Khan,  principal  after 
"  principal,  from  generation  to  generation. 

Article  II.  "  That  the  two  Contracting  Powers  bind 
"  themselves  never  to  look  with  the  eye  of  covetousness 
"  on  the  possessions  of  each  other. 


A.  D.  1832.  TREATY    WITH    SINDH.  178 

Article  III.  "  That  the  British  Government  has 
**  requested  a  passage  for  the  merchants  and  traders  of 
"  Hindostan,  by  the  river  and  roads  of  Sindh,  by 
"  which  they  may  transport  their  goods  and  merchan- 
"  dize  from  one  country  to  another,  and  the  said  Govem- 
"  ment  of  Hydurabad  hereby  acquiesces  in  the  same 
"  request  oq  the  three  following  conditions  : 
1st.     •'  That  no  person  shall  bring  any   description   of 

"  Military  Stores  by  the  above  river  or  roads. 
2d.     "  That  no  armed  vessels  or  boats  shall  come  by  the 

"  said  river. 

3d.     *'  That  no  English  merchants  shall  be  allowed  to 

"  settle  in  Sindh,  but  shall  come  as  occasion 

"  requires,  and  having  stopped  to  transact  their 

**  business,  shall  return  to  India. 

Article  IV.     "  When  merchants  shall  determine    on 

"  visiting  Sindh,  they  shall  obtain  a  passport  to    do   so 

"  from  the  British  Government,   and  due  intimation  of 

*'  the  granting  of  such  passports  shall   be  made  to   the 

"  said  Government  of  Hydurabad,  by  the  Resident   in 

"  Kutch  or  other  Officer  of  the  said  British  Government. 

Article   V.     "  That  the  Government  of    Hydurabad 

"  having  fixed  certain,  proper,  and  moderate  duties  to 

"  be  levied  on  merchandize  and  goods  proceeding  by  the 

"  aforesaid  routes,   shall  adhere  to  that  scale,    and  not 

"  arbitrarily   and  despotically  either  encrease  or  lessen 

"  the  same,  so  that  the  affairs  of  merchants  and  traders 

"  may  be  carried  on  without  stop  or  interruption,   and 

"  the    custom-house    officers    and    farmers    of    revenue 

"  of  the  Sindh  Government,  are  to  be  especially  directed 

"  to  see  that  they  do  not  delay  the  said  merchants,  on 

"  pretence  of  awaiting  for  fresh  orders  from  the  Govern- 

"  ment,  or  in  the  collection  of  the  daties ;  and  the  said 


174  TREATY    WITH    SINDH.  A.  D.  1832. 

"  Government  is  to  promulgate  a  Tariff',  or  table  of 
"  duties  leviable  on  each  kind  of  goods,  as  the  case 
"  may  be." 

Article  VI.  "  That  whatever  portions  of  former 
"  Treaties  entered  into  between  the  two  States  which 
*'  have  not  been  altered  and  modified  by  the  present  one, 
"  remain  firm  and  unaltered,  as  well  as  those  stipulations 
'•  now  concluded,  and  by  the  blessing  of  God,  no  devia- 
"  tion  from  them   shall  ever  happen." 

Article  VII.  "  That  the  friendly  intercourse  between 
**  the  two  States  shall  be  kept  up  by  the  dispatch  of 
"  Vakeels  whenever  the  transaction  of  business,  or  the 
"  encrease  of  the  relations  of  friendship  may  render  it 
"  desirable." 


The  following  Supplemental    Engagement    was  also 
concluded  with  Meer  Moorad  Ulee  Khan: — 

"  The  following  Articles  of  Engagement  having  been 
**  agreed  on,  and  settled  on  the22d  April,  1832,  between 
**  the  Hon'ble  East  India  Company  and  his  Highness 
*'  Meer  Moorad  Ali  Khan  Talpoor  Buhadoor, 
"  Ruler  of  Hydurabad,  in  Sindh,  as  supplemental  to  the 
*'  Treaty  concluded  on  the  20th  April  1832,  through  the 
"  Agency  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Henry  Pottinoer, 
"  Envoy  on  the  part  of  the  said  Hon'ble  East  India 
"  Company,  under  full  power  and  authority  vested  in  him 
"  by  the  Right  Hon'ble  Lord  William  Cavendish 
"  Bentinck,  g.  c.  b.  and  g.  c.  ii..  Governor  General 
"  of  the  British  Possessions  in  India :  this  Engagement 
"  has  been  given  in  writing  at  Shimla,  this  day,  the  19th 
"  June  1832,  both  in  English  and  Persian,  in  token  of 
"  the  perfect  confirmation  and  acknowledgment  of  the 
"  obligations  which  it  contains,  in  the  manner  following  : 


A.  D.  1832.  TREATY   WITH    STNDH.  175 

Article  I.  "  It  is  inserted  in  the  Vth  Article  of  the 
"  perpetual  Treaty,  that  the  Government  of  Hydurabad 
"  will  furnish  the  British  Government  with  a  statement 
"  of  duties,  &c.  and  after  that,  the  OflScers  of  the  British 
"  Government,  who  are  versed  in  affairs  of  traflSc, 
"  will  examine  the  said  statement.  Should  the  state- 
"  ment  seem  to  them  to  be  fair  and  equitable,  and  agreea- 
"  ble  to  custom,  it  will  be  brought  into  operation,  and 
"  will  be  confirmed,  but  should  it  appear  too  high.  His 
"  Highness  Meer  Moorad  Ali  Khan,  on  hearing 
*'  from  the  British  Government  to  this  effect  throngh 
"  Colonel  Potting  ER,  will  reduce  the  said  duties. 

Article  II.  "  It  is  clear  as  noon-day,  that  the  panish- 
"  ment  and  suppression  of  the  plunderers  of  Parkhur,  the 
"  Thull,  &c.  is  not  to  be  effected  by  any  one  Government, 
"  and  as  this  measure  is  incumbent  on,  and  becoming  the 
"  States,  as  tending  to  secure  the  welfare  and  happiness 
"  of  their  respective  subjects  and  countries,  it  is  hereby 
"  stipulated,  that  on  the  commencement  of  the  ensuing 
"rainy  season,  and  of  which  Meer  Moorad  Ali 
"  Khan  shall  give  due  notice,  the  British,  Sindh,  and 
"  Jodhpoor  Governments  shall  direct  their  joint  and 
"  simultaneous  efibrts  to  the  above  object. 

Article  III.  "  The  Governments  of  the  Honorable 
"  East  India  Company  and  of  Khyrpoor,  namely, 
"  Meer  Roostum,  have  provided  in  a  treaty  conclud- 
"  ed  between  the  States,  that  whatever  may  be  settled 
*•  regarding  the  opening  of  the  Indus  at  Hydurabad 
"  shall  be  binding  on  the  said  contracting  powers.  It 
"  is,  therefore,  necessary  that  copies  of  the  Treaty  should 
"  be  sent  by  the  British  and  Hydurabad  Governments 
"  to  Meer  Roostum  Khan  for  his  satisfaction  and 
"  guidance." 


17(5  TREATY    WITH    SINDH.  A.  D.  1032. 

It  deserves  to  be  noticed  that  neither  of  the  above  trea- 
ties was  definitively  settled,  until  the  Chief  of  Kh3'rpoor 
had  already  entered  into  an  engagement  with  the  British 
Government.  The  jealousy,  indeed,  that  was  felt  at  this 
proceeding,  and  the  fear  lest  the  Khyrpoor  Chief  should 
be  severed  for  ever  from  the  association  of  Talpoor  Meers, 
were  mainly  instrumental  in  bringing  Meer  Moorad 
to  sign.  The  engagement  with  Meer  Roostum  Khan 
was  to  the  following  efiect: 

"  A  Treaty,  consisting  of  4  Articles,  having  been  con- 
"  eluded  on  the  2d  Zeekad  1247,  A.  H.,  corrrespond- 
"  ing  with  the  4th  April,  1832,  between  the  Hon'ble 
"  East  India  Company  and  Meer  Roostum  Khan, 
'*  Talpoor  Buhadoor,  Chiefof  Khyrpoor  in  Sindh,  through 
*'  the  Agency  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Henry  Pottin, 
'*  ger.  Envoy  on  the  part  of  the  British  Government 
"  acting  under  the  authority  vested  in  him  by  the  Right 
"  Hon'ble  Lord  WiLLIAM  CAVENDISH  Bentinck, 
"  G.  c.  B.  and  G.  c.  H.,  Governor  General  of  the  British 
"  possessions  in  India,  this  engagement  has  been  given 
"  in  writing  at  Shinila,  this  day,  the  19th  June  1832, 
"both  in  English  and  Persian,  in  token  of  the  perfect 
**  confirmation  and  acknowledgment  of  the  obligations 
"  it  contains  in  the  manner  following: 

Article  I.  "  There  shall  be  eternal  friendship  between 
'•  the  two  States. 

Article  II.  "  The  two  Contracting  Powers  mutually 
'*  bind  themselves  from  generation  to  generation  never  to 
"  look  with  the  eye  of  covctousness  on  the  possessions  of 
"  each  other. 

Article  IIL  "  The  British  Government  having  re- 
**  quested  the  use  of  the  River  Indus  and  the  roads  of 
"  Sindh    for    the    Merchants    of   Hindoostan,   &c.   the 


A.  D.  1832.  TREATY   WITH    KHYRPOOR.  ITT 

"  Government  of  Khyrpoor  agrees  to  grant  the  same 
"  within  its  own  boundaries,  on  whatever  terms  may  be 
"  settled  with  the  Government  of  Hydarabad,  namely, 
"  Meer  Moorad  Ali  Khan,  Talpoor. 

Article  IV.  "  The  Government  of  Khyrpoor  agrees 
"  to  furnish  a  written  statement  of  just  and  reasonable 
"  duties  to  be  levied  on  all  goods  passing  under  this 
"  Treaty,  and  further  promises,  that  traders  shall  suffer 
"  no  let  or  hindrance  in  transacting  their  business." 


CHAPTER  ELEVENTH. 


The  character  and  policy  o/Runjeet  Singh.    His  revenues. 
Strength  of  his  army.     General  observations. 

JLhe  personal  character  of  the  present  ruler  of  Labor 
and  that  of  his  government  will  best  have  been  gathered, 
from  the  perasal  of  his  acts,  as  related  in  the  preceding 
Chapters ;  nevertheless  it  may  be  useful  to  sum  up  the 
result,  and  to  explain  the  present  condition  of  his  terri- 
tory, its  resources,  and  the  military  means  at  this  Chief's 
command. 

It  has  before  been  stated,  that  Runjeet  Singh  bad 
no  education  in  any  branch  of  learning  or  science.  He 
cannot  read  or  write  in  any  language,  but  the  habit  of 
bearing  papers  read  in  Persian,  Punjabee,  and  Hindee, 
and  great  assiduity  in  his  attention,  even  to  the  minutiae  of 
business,  have  given  him  a  facility  in  following,  and  un- 
derstanding for  tbe  most  part  what  is  so  submitted  to 
bim :  so  that,  although  quite  unable  to  appreciate  elegan- 
cies of  style,  or  to  dictate  verbatim  what  sbould  be  writ- 
ten, he  transacts  business  rapidly,  is  ready  with  a  short  and 
decided  order  upon  any  report  or  representation  read  to 
bim,  and  when  the  draft  of  his  instruction  is  submitted, 
after  being  prepared  in  due  form,  be  sees  at  once  whether 


CHARACTER   OF   RUNJEET  SINGH.  179 

it  fully  meets  his  view.  Confidential  secretaries  are  per- 
petually in  attendance,  and  are  frequently  called  up  ia 
the  night,  to  expedite  orders,  as  the  sudden  recollection, 
or  caprice  of  the  Mulia-Raja,  suggests  the  issuing  of  them. 
His  memory  is  excellent,  and  stored  with  minute,  as 
well  as  important  circumstances.  His  disposition  is  at 
the  same  time  watchful,  and  his  eye  quick  and  search- 
ing, so  that  nothing  escapes  his  observation ;  while  the 
perspicacity  displayed  in  hb  appreciation  of  character, 
and  in  tracing  the  motives  of  other's  actions,  gives  him 
a  command  and  influence  over  all  that  approach  him, 
which  have  beeu  mainly  instrumental  to  his  rapid  rise. 
With  great  acuteness,  he  has  a  lively  imagination ;  and 
though  never  for  an  instant  forgetful  of  any  ends  he  may 
have  in  view,  there  is  a  frankness  and  naivete  about  his 
conversatioD,  peculiarly  agreeable.  His  observations 
and  remarks  are  given  ordinarily  in  short,  terse,  incohe- 
rent phrase,  or  in  the  shape  of  interrogatories,  but  they 
are  such,  as  remain  fixed  in  the  recollection  of  the  person 
to  whom  they  are  addressed,  as  uncommon,  and  as  dis- 
playing an  original  thinker.  He  has  great  power  of  dis- 
simulation, and,  under  the  greatest  frankness  of  manner, 
and  even  familiarity  in  his  intercourse,  can  veil  subtle 
designs,  and  even  treachery.  In  action  he  has  always 
shown  himself  personally  brave,  and  collected,  but  his 
plans  betray  no  boldness  or  adventurous  hazard.  Ad- 
dress, and  cunning,  nay,  even  corruption,  have  always 
been  preferred  by  him,  as  instruments  of  success,  to  any 
dash  of  enterprize,  calculated  to  excite  admiration  or 
inspire  awe.  His  fertility  in  expedients  is  wonderful, 
and  he  is  never  at  a  loss  for  a  resource  in  the  greatest 
diflSculiies,  but  many  of  his  actions  evince  caprice,  and 
even  instability  of  purpose,  for  the  motive  of  them  cannot 

Y  2 


180  CHARACTER   OF   RUNJEET   SINGH. 

be  traced  or  imagined.  His  uniform  conduct  and  career 
through  life,  prove  him  to  be  selfish,  sensual,  and  licentious 
in  the  extreme;  disregardful  of  all  ties  of  affection,  blood, 
or  friendship  in  the  pursuit  of  ambition,  or  pleasure  ;  and 
profligately  greedy — plundering  and  reducing  to  misery 
without  the  slightest  feeling,  or  remorse,  widows,  orphans 
and  families  possessing  claims  to  consideration  and 
respect,  that  one  wonders  should  not  have  been  recogniz- 
ed, even  if  it  were  only  from  policy.  In  his  youth  he 
was  lavish  in  his  gifts  to  favorites,  and  there  was  libera- 
lity in  his  general  dealings,  but,  as  age  has  come  over 
him,  avarice,  and  the  desire  of  hoarding,  have  become  the 
ruling  passions,  and  he  is  approached,  even  by  his  confi- 
dential officers  and  those  in  favor,  with  more  apprehen- 
sion of  robbery  and  exaction  from  themselves,  than  of 
hope  to  add  to  their  accumulated  means  through  his  indul- 
gence. His  temper  was  in  youth  excellent,  and  always 
under  command,  but  the  irritability  of  an  impaired  con- 
stitution frequently  now  overpowers  him,  and  he  has  been 
known  to  break  out  into  fits  of  passion,  and  to  descend  to 
use  personal  violence  towards  the  objects  of  his  rage ; 
but,  withal,  there  is  no  ferocity  in  his  disposition,  and  he 
has  never  taken  life,  even  under  circumstances  of  aggra- 
vated offence. 

His  stature  is  low,  and  the  loss  of  an  eye  from  the 
small  pox  takes  away  much  from  his  appearance,  which 
however  is  still  far  from  being  unprepossessing,  for  his 
countenance  is  full  of  expression  and  animation,  and  is  set 
off*  with  a  handsome  flowing  beard,  grey  at  50  years  of 
age,  but  tapering  to  a  point  below  his  breast.  In  his 
youth  he  must  have  had  much  vigour  and  activity,  but  he 
is  now  so  emaciated,  and  weak,  as  to  be  compelled  to 


CHARACTER   OF    RUNJEET    SINGH.  181 

adopt  a  singular  method  of  mounting  the  tall  horses,  on 
which  he  loves  to  ride.  A  man  kneels  down  before  him, 
and  he  throws  his  leg  over  his  neck,  when  the  man  rises 
with  the  jVIuha-Raja  mounted  on  his  shoulders:  he  then 
approaches  the  horse,  and  Runjeet  Singh,  putting  his 
right  foot  into  the  stirrup,  and  holding  by  the  mane, 
throws  his  left  over  the  man's  head,  and  the  back  of  the 
horse,  into  the  stirrup  on  the  other  side.  His  love  of  his 
horses  is  extreme,  and  has  been  already  several  times 
mentioned.  He  has  them  continually  in  his  sight,  cover- 
ed with  jewels  and  rich  caparisons,  and  they  are  the 
objects  of  his  frequent  caresses.  He  is  himself  plain  and 
simple  in  dress,  and  quite  unreserved  in  all  his  habits ; 
and  his  diet  consists  of  high  stimulants  of  which  he  par- 
takes sparingly.  He  has  great  delight  however  in  mili- 
tary parade,  and  display,  and  spends  nearly  the  half  of 
every  day  in  seeing  reviews,  or  examining  equipments,  or 
in  some  way  studying  to  promote  the  efficiency  of  some 
branch  of  his  army.  He  also  seems  to  take  pleasure  in 
seeing  his  courtiers  and  establishments  decorated  in  jew- 
els and  handsome  dresses,  and  it  is  not  to  be  denied,  that 
they  show  considerable  taste,  for  the  splendour  of  the 
display  of  his  Durbar  is  very  striking.  Although  no 
bigot,  and  active  in  restraining  the  zeal  and  fanaticism  of 
the  Akalees,  and  others,  Runjeet  Singh  is  yet  scru- 
pulous in  the  performance  of  all  the  prescribed  observ- 
ances of  the  Sikh  faith,  and,  for  a  certain  number  of  hours 
every  day,  has  the  Grunth  read  before  him  by  Gooroos, 
and  is  liberal  in  his  charities  to  Fuqeers  and  men  of  re- 
puted sanctity.  He  is  indeed  superstitious  in  the  extreme, 
readily  conceiving  fancies  in  respect  to  his  destiny,  and 
fortunes,  and  never  failing  to  consult  astrologers  before 
entering  upon  any  important  undertaking. 


182  CHARACTER    OF    RUNJEET    SINGH, 

With  respect  to  the  policy  and  iaternal  Governmeut  of 
RuNJEET  Singh,  the  most  remarkable  feature  is,  the 
entire  absence  of  any  thing  like  system,  or  principle  ia 
his  management.  His  career  throughout  has  been  that  of 
an  encroaching  usurper,  and  seizer  of  all  within  his  reach, 
but  what  he  has  so  possessed  himself  of,  he  subjects  to  no 
systematic  administration.  The  whole  is  committed  to 
farmers,  with  full  power  to  deal  with  the  lives  and  pro- 
perties of  the  producing  classes  of  the  population,  RuN- 
JEET  Singh  trusting  to  his  own  military  means,  for  the 
control  of  these  farmers,  and  for  the  exaction  from  them 
of  any  extra  gains  he  may  learn  that  they  have  made. 
Nevertheless  his  extortions  are  directed  chiefly  against 
the  old  Sikh  families,  and  his  own  state  officers :  mer- 
chants and  traders  are  protected,  and  the  duties  and 
taxes,  to  which  they  are  subjected,  are  not  for  the  most 
part  immoderate.  Runjeet  Singh  has  however  shown 
a  disposition  himself  to  become  a  dealer  in  some  articles, 
as  in  shawls,  salt,  &c.  and  all  that  he  touches  becomes  of 
course  monopoly,  or  in  some  other  shape  the  source  of 
exaction  and  corrupt  gain. 

It  cannot  be  said,  that  Runjeet  Singh  has  yet  given 
to  the  Punjab  any  constitution  or  fixed  form  of  Govern- 
ment. There  is  no  law,  written  or  oral,  and  no  courts 
of  justice  have  been  any  where  established.  The  Gooroo- 
Mata,  or  old  council  of  the  Sikhs,  has,  with  every  other 
institution  adapted  to  the  state  of  things  which  existed 
before  the  establishment  of  the  supremacy  of  the  present 
ruler,  been  entirely  discontinued.  The  last  council  of  the 
kind  was  held,  when  llolkur  fled  into  the  Punjab,  and 
the  British  armies  followed  in  pursuit,  and  it  was  a  ques-. 
tion  what  part  the  Sikhs  as  a  nation  should  take  in  the 


AND   OF    HIS  GOVERNMENT.  183 

juncture.     Runjeet  Singh,  though  the  most  iafluential 
chief,  pretended  not  then  to  any  supremacy  of  dominion, 
and  the  question  was  one,  which,  as  it  concerned  the  whole 
body  of  the  Sikhs,  required  that  all  should  have  a  voice 
in  determining.     At  present  the  Government  appears  to 
be  a  pure  despotism,  the  standing  army,  ever  ready  for 
active  service,  and  eager  to  be  employed  where  plunder 
and  exaction  are  the  objects,  forms  the  whole  machinery 
of  administration.      By  it  only  the  treasury  is  filled,   and 
control  exercised  over  state  officers,  powerful  subjects,  and 
indeed  over  every  class  of  the  population.     The  personal 
influence,  and  verbal  orders  of  the  head  of  the  state,  form 
again  the  exclusive  hold  upon  the  discipline  and  affec- 
tions of  the  troops.     Thus  the  whole  power  and  authority 
centres  in  the  single  individual,  whom  fortune,  and  his 
own  abilities  have  placed  at  the  head    of  affairs;    and, 
upon  his  being  removed  from  the  scene,  unless  there  be 
another  to  fill  his  place,  with  equal  energy,  and  command 
over   the    attachment  and  affections  of  his    dependents, 
which,  it  is  to  be  feared,  is  not  the  character  of  Khu- 
RUK  Singh,  every  thing  must  necessarily  fall  into  con- 
fusion. 

The  territorial  possessions  of  Runjeet  Singh,  com- 
prize now  the  entire  fork  of  the  Punjab,  as  bounded  by 
the  Indus  and  Sutlej,  the  two  extreme  rivers.  He  holds 
besides  Kashmeer,  and  the  entire  hill  country  to  the 
snowy  range,  and  even  Ludak  beyond  the  Heemalaya :  for 
though  many  of  the  Rajas  of  this  tract  still  remain  in  their 
possessions,  they  have  been  reduced  to  the  character  of 
subjects,  paying  tribute  equal  to  their  utmost  means,  and 
contributing  men  to  the  armies  of  Labor,  whenever  called 
upon.  Besides  this  extensive  territory,  Runjeet  Singh 


184  REVENUES    OF    RUNJEET   SINGH. 

has  abont  45  Talooks  entire,  or  in  share  with 
others,  on  the  British  side  of  the  Sutlej ; 
and  westward  of  the  Indus,  he  holds  Khyra- 
bad,  Akona,  and  Peshawur,  Durra-Ghazee- 
Khan,  which  has  been  farmed  to  the  Nuwab 
of  Buhawulpoor,  and  Durra-Ismaeel-Khan, 
assigned    to    Hafiz    Ahmed    Khan    of 
Munkera,  as  before  related.     He  also  levies 
tributes  from  the  Balooch   Chiefs  of  Tonk 
and  Sagur  to  the  southward.    Captain  Mur- 
ray estimates  that  the    amount   of  Land 
Revenue  and  Tributes,  annually  levied  from        Rupees. 
the  whole  of  these  possessions,  is 1,24,03,900 

Besides  which,  the  Customs  of  the  Punjab 
yield  to  Run  J  eet  Singh, 19,00,600 

An  Item,  called  Mohurana,  being  a  Fee 
on  every  paper  submitted  for  the  Seal  of 
RuNJEET  Singh,    5,77,000 

Making  a  total  Khalsa  Revenue  of 1,48,81,500 

The  same  Officer  estimates  that  there 
remains,  still  appropriated  in  Jageers,  or 
held  by  old  Sikh  families,  and  establishments, 
without  paying  any  thing  to  the  Khalsa, 
territory  yielding, 1,09,28,000 


Thus  making  the  entire  resources  of  the 
country  under  the  dominion  of  Run  J  eet,  Rs.  2,58,09,500 

This  total  is  not  very  wide  of  the  revenue  set  down  in 
the  books  of  the  Moghul  Government,  as  the  produce  of 


REVENUES   OF    RUNJEKT    SINGH.  185 

the  Lalior  Sooba ;  autl,  considering  that  Kashnieer,  and 
some  territory  south  of  the  Sutlej  is  included,  the  corres- 
pondence of  amount  is  in  favor  of  the  correctness  of  the 
estimate,  for  the  province  cannot  be  so  productive  under 
the  Sikhs,  as  it  was  in  the  peaceable  times  of  the  Moghul 
dominion. 

RuNJEET  Singh  has  for  many  years  been  hoarding 
treasure,  and  the  fort  of  Govindgurh,  built  by  him,  and 
kept  always  in  excellent  repair,  is  the  principal  place  for 
its  deposit.  Captaiu  Murray,  speaking  from  the  best 
information  he  could  collect,  which,  however,  was  neces- 
sarily very  imperfect,  and  vague,  estimates  the  value  of 
the  property  accumulated  by  Runjeet  Singh  in  cash, 
jewels,  horses,  and  elephants,  to  be  not  less  than  ten 
crores  of  rupees,  or  the  same  number  of  millions  of 
pounds  sterling.  By  some  the  estimate  is  carried  much 
higher,  but  such  computations,  being  for  the  most  part 
conjectural,  err  generally  on  the  side  of  excess. 

The  military  force  of  the  Labor  State  is  set  down  by 
the  same  officer,  and  his  authority  is  the  safest  to  follow 
on  the  point,  as  follows  : 

1st.  The  available  regular  troops, 

Cavalry  disciplined  by  Monsieur  Al- 
LARD,  and  the  special  troops  mounted 
on  horses  of  the  State,  the  Gorchur,        Men. 
and  Gorchur  Khas,    12,811 

Infantry,  Disciplined  Battalions, 
Nujeebs,  and  troops,  more  or  less  drill- 
ed under  the  eye  of  the  Muha-Raja, . .      14,941 


186  MILITARY    FORCES   OF    RUNJEET    SINGH. 

Total  regular  troops,  horse  and  foot,  27,752 

Garrison  corps,  including  the  troops 
employed  in  Kashmeer, —  Cavalry,  ...  3000 

Infantry,  variously  armed  and 
equipped, 23,950     26,950 

Contingents  of  Sirdars,  consisting, 
in  the  plains,  principally  of  cavalry, 
but  in  the  hills  of  foot  soldiers, 27,312 

Total  troops,  horse  and  foot, 82,014 

The  artillery  of  Runjeet  Singh  consists  of  376 
guns,  and  370  swivels,  mounted  on  the  backs  of  camels, 
or  on  light  carriages  adapted  to  their  size.  For 
these,  there  is  no  corps  of  artillery  regimented,  and 
organized,  as  is  the  custom  in  European  armies,  but 
there  is  a  Darogha,  at  the  head  of  a  large  establishment, 
which  if  Runjeet  Singh  were  making  preparation  for  a 
siege,  could  not  be  set  down  at  less  than  4  or  5000  men;  but 
in  time  of  peace,  or  when  no  such  operation  was  in  agita- 
tion, the  number  would  be  infinitely  reduced.  Several 
of  the  corps  of  cavalry,  and  all  the  battalions  of  infantry, 
have  guns  attached  to  them,  the  gunners  of  which  are 
borne  on  the  strength  of  the  respective  corps.  The 
Jinsee,  or  heavy  train  only,  is  distinct  from  the  rest  of 
the  army. 

The  above  accumulation  of  resources,  and  of  force, 
has  grown  up,  and  been  produced  entirely  by  the  care 
and  exertions  of  the  Muha-Raja.  His  father  left  him 
nothing,  but  a  body  of  Sikh  cavalry,  little  superior  to 
that  of  his  neighbours,  who  have  all  now   been   reduced 


REFLECTIONS.  187 

to  the  condition  of  subjects.     Runjeet  Singh  has,  in 
the  formation  especially  of  his  military  force,  evinced  the 
same  enquiring  activity,   the  same  attention  to  minutiae, 
and   perseverance   in    watching    the     execution   of    his 
plans,   which   characterized   the   first    Peter   of  Russia; 
and,  compared  with  all  that  we  see  and  hear   of  other 
chiefs  who  have  raised  themselves   to  high  dominion,  he 
ranks  amongst  those,  whose   means   have  been  the  least 
exceptionable,   his    career  being   stained    by  no  bloody 
executions,  and  by  much  fewer  crimes,  than  are  chargeable 
against  most  founders  of  dynasties.     The  want  of  a  gene- 
ralizing mind,  to  refer  things  to  fixed  principles,  and  to 
lead  to   the  formation  or  adoption   of    systems,    and   a 
deficiency  of  the  intelligence  resulting  from   education, 
or  from  habitual  converse  with  men  of  high  cultivation, 
have  been  the  main  defects  of  his  character,  and  are  the 
causes  of  Runjeet  Singh's  Government  being  based 
on  no  solid  forms,  and  institutions,  which  can  be  reckoned 
upon  to  carry  on  the  machine,   when  the  present  regu- 
lator of  all  is  removed  from  the  scene.     But  where  were 
such  to  be  found  amongst  an  association  of  Sikh  banditti, 
formed  from  the  outcasts  of  society,  and  from  the  dregs 
in  particular  of  the  agricultural  class,  men   all  in  most 
desperate   circumstances  and   driven  by  want  to  adopt 
the  life  of  robbers?     All  that  was  educated,  and  refined, 
had   disappeared  from  the    Punjab,   before    Runjeet 
Singh    was    born.     The  natural  effect  however  of  the 
nnion  of  authority  in  his  person,  has  been,  to  create  a 
court,  where,  in  the  course  of  time,  scienceaud  refinement 
will   be    reproduced,   or  collected    from   the   countries 
around,  as  the  habits  of  peace  and  luxury,  come  to  super- 
cede the  bustle,  and  perpetual  activity  of  war  and  mili- 
tary expeditions. 

z  2 


188  GENERAL   REFLECTIONS. 

And  let  not  those,  who  are  disposed  to  give  to  RuN- 
JEET  Singh  the  credit  due  to  him  as  founder  of  a  king- 
dom and  dynasty,  take  exception  at  the  circumscribed 
limit  of  his  dominion,  as  lowering  his  merit  in  comparison 
with  others,  The  circumstances  of  his  position,  with  the 
British  Government  on  one  side, — fresh  risen  to  a  majes- 
ty of  power,  that  it  would  have  been  madness  for  him  to 
think  of  encountering,  and  with  the  prejudiced  and  fanatic 
Moosulraan  population  of  Afghanistan  upon  every  other 
frontier,  have  been  barriers  against  extension,  which  it 
was  impossible  to  overcome,  and  effectually  forbad  the 
hope  of  carrying  the  Sikh  dominion  beyond  its  present 
limits.  The  gain  that  has  already  been  made  upon  the 
latter,  and  the  manner  in  which  the  brave  and  bigotted 
Mohummedans,  have,  in  many  instances,  been  reconciled 
to  the  sway  of  a  hated,  and  even  despised  sect,  are 
amongst  the  most  creditable  features  of  the  policy,  and 
career  of  Uunjeet  Singh. 

Towards  the  British  Government  his  conduct  has  been 
marked  with  equal  sagacity.  Careful  not  to  oH'end  to  the 
point  leading  to  actual  rupture,  he  contrived  to  make  his 
gain  of  the  juncture,  at  the  very  moment  when  the  British 
Government  stept  forward  to  confine  his  dominion  to  the 
Sutlej,  and  to  wrest  from  his  grasp,  the  valuable  tract 
between  that  river  and  the  Jumna,  which  was  all  held 
by  Sikhs,  and  regarded  by  him  therefore  as  his  legitimate 
and  certain  prey.  When  the  ill-will  and  suspicion, 
engendered  by  this  interference,  had  subsided,  and  he 
felt  assured  that  the  interposing  Government  had  no 
desire  to  push  its  conquests,  or  further  to  interfere  with 
his  ambitious  views,  he  cultivated  the  friendship  of  its 
oflicers,    and    has    since  desired  to  exhibit  himself  to  the 


GENERAL   REFLECTIONS.  189 

world  as  united  by  close  relations,  and  on  the  best  under- 
standing with  it.  He  seems  to  be  now  thoroughly  con- 
vinced, that  its  friendship,  and  engagements  may  be 
relied  upon,  and  there  cannot  be  a  doubt,  that  if  ever  the 
occasion  should  arise,  to  render  it  necessary  to  make  pre- 
paration against  invasion  from  the  west,  he  would  side 
heartily  with  us,  and  show  zeal  in  repelling  the  invader. 
His  professions,  his  interest,  and  bis  inclinations,  are  all 
for  us  at  present,  and  he  derives  no  little  strength  and 
security,  from  giving  it  out,  that  he  is  on  such  terms  with 
the  British  nation. 

Having  thus  conducted  the  reader,,  in  the  foregoing 
pages,  through  the  gradations  by  which  the  Sikh  power 
has  been  raised  to  its  present  flourishing  and  imposing 
condition,  it  remains  to  lay  before  him  some  insight  into 
the  habits  and  manners  peculiar  to  this  sect,  to  enable 
him  to  appreciate  the  character  of  the  nation,  and  the 
peculiar  traits  which  distinguish  it  from  the  rest  of  the 
population  of  Hindoostan.  This  has  been  amply  done 
to  hand  by  Captain  Murray,  who  has  collected,  in  an 
Appendix  to  the  report  he  laid  before  Lord  WiLLiAJVi 
Bentinck,  the  result  of  his  own  observations,  during 
a  residence  of  more  than  fifteen  years  amongst  the  Sikhs, 
attended  with  hourly  intercourse  with  individuals  of  all 
classes,  added  to  the  necessity  of  listening,  to  represen- 
tations of  all  descriptions,  with  a  view  to  the  arbitration 
or  adjustment  of  their  disputes.  Captain  Murray's 
remarks  and  the  facts  he  has  collected,  though  put  toge- 
ther without  much  regard  to  arrangement,  and  evidently 
with  no  view  to  publication,  are  nevertheless  so  replete 
with  useful  information  and  intelligence,  that  to  withhold 
them  would   be  unpardonable.     On  the  other  hand,  the 


190  CONCLUSION. 

weight  of  the  authority  would  be  lost  if  they  were  to  be 
recast  and  combined  into  a  more  studied  form  by  another 
hand.  It  is  proposed,  therefore,  to  conclude  this  little 
volume,  by  the  transfer  verbatim  into  it  of  the  Appendix, 
devoted  by  this  officer  to  the  delineation  of  "  the  Man- 
ners, Rules,  and  Customs  of  the  Sikhs."  The  curious 
reader  will  be  well  repaid  the  labour  of  a  perusal. 


APPENDIX. 


ON  THE  MANNERS,  RULES,  AND  CUSTOMS 
OF  THE  SIKHS, 

BY  CAPTAIN   W.  MURRAY. 


J.  HE  accomplishments  of  reading  and  writing  are  oncom- 
mon  amongst  the  Sikhs,  and  are  chiefly  confined  to  Hin- 
doo and  Moosulman  Mootsiuldees,  or  clerks,  who  acquire 
a  sufficient  knowledge  of  the  Persian  language,  to  enable 
them  to  keep  the  accounts,  and  to  conduct  the  epistolary 
correspondence  of  the  Chiefs.  The  Goormookha,  or 
Punjabee  written  dialect,  is  familiar  to  many  Sikhs ;  but, 
in  general,  they  express  a  rooted  aversion  to  the  acqui- 
sition of  the  Arabic  and  Persian  lanffuasres,  resultinff 
chiefly  from  the  ideas  instilled,  and  prejudices  imbibed 
in  early  age  against  every  thing,  however  useful  and 
rational,  that  bears  relation  to,  and  is  connected  with,  the 
religion  and  education  of  the  Moosulmans. 

Concerns  are  transacted  by  oral  testimony,  verbal 
agreements,  and  promises.  The  test  of  right  is  confined 
to  the  memory  of  the  oldest  inhabitants  of  a  neighbour- 
hood, and  tradition  preserves  old    customs.     Falsehood, 


192  APPENDIX. 

fraud,  and  perjury  are  the  natural  concomitants  of  such 
a  mode  of  conducting  affairs.  Money,  fear,  and  favor, 
can  purchase  an  oath,  can  determine  a  village  boun- 
dary dispute,  and  screen  a  criminal  from  detection,  and 
the  infliction  of  punishment.  In  some  instances  an 
accused  person  will  call  for  the  Dibh,  or  ordeal  of  inno- 
cence, plunge  his  fingers  in  boiling  oil,  bear  a  heated 
ploughshare  on  his  hands  for  50  to  100  yards,  challenge 
his  accuser  to  the  trial  by  water,  and,  if  he  escape  unhurt, 
his  purity  is  declared,  and  freely  acknowledged. 

AVitchcraft  and  spells,  (Jadoo  and  Moot),  have  a  pow- 
erful influence  over  the  fancies  and  actions  of  the  Chiefs 
and  other  inhabitants  of  the  Sikh  States.  A  sudden  indis- 
position, a  vomiting  of  blood,  or  any  unusual  ailment, 
for  the  nature  and  cause  of  which  a  native  cannot  very 
readily  account,  are  generally  attributed  to  the  malice 
and  invention  of  a  rival,  or  to  an  evil  disposed  member 
of  the  family.  The  possession  of  a  waxen  or  dough 
effigy,  some  party-colored  threads,  and  small  human  bones 
discovered  in  the  dwelling,  or  about  the  person  of  a  sus- 
pected individual,  are  convincing  proofs  of  guilt  and 
wickedness.* 

*  "  The  harmless  flame,  which  insensibly,"  says  Gibbon,  "  melted  a 
waxen  image,  might  derive  a  powerful  and  pernicious  energy  from  the 
aflrighted  fancy  of  tlic  person  whom  it  was  maliciously  designed  to 
represent."  One  of  the  reasons  Raja  Juswunt  Singh  of  Nabah,  assign- 
ed for  his  wish  to  disinlierit  his  eldcbt  son  and  heir  was,  lliat  he  had  been 
engaged  in  some  mischievous  practises,  and  destructive  enchantments, 
witli  one  Biiaee  Digiianoo,  to  ruin  the  health  of  his  father.  Sirdar 
Bhoop  Singh  of  Roopur,  advanced  a  similar  charge  against  his  uncle 
Darwa  Singh.  Both  these  Chiefs  l)ear  the  cl>aracter  of  being  well 
informed  men,  and  wiser  than  their  neighbours.  Rutun  Koonwur,  tho 
widow  of  MuMTAD  Singh,  Chief  of  Thanesur,  adopted  a  sickly  boy,  to 
whom  she  became  immoderately  attacliud,  and  vainly  hoped  he  might  bs 


APPENDIX — SUPERSTITIONS.  193 

Good  and  bad  omens, *=  lucky  and  unlucky  days,  and 
particular  hours  of  the  day  and  night  for  commencing  a 
journey  and  returning  home,  are  carefully  observed  by 
the  Sikhs,  and  by  ail  other  classes  in  the  Punjab,  whether 
engaged  in  the  most  momentous  enterprizes,  or  in  the 
common  concerns  of  life.  Prior  to  the  field  being  takea 
with  an  army.f  a  visit  of  ceremony  being  paid  to  a  dis- 
tant friend,  or  a  pilgrimage  being  made,  the  Muhoorut, 
or  auspicious  moment  for  departure,  and  return,  must  be 

admitted  to  succeed  to  the  laaded  property  she  held  for  life.  In  1828,  the 
boy  died,  aad  Ruttln  Koonwur,  in  a  paroxism  of  grief,  filed  a  formal 
complaint,  charging  his  death,  through  magical  arts,  to  her  nephew 
Jdmerct  Singh,  producing  in  Court  some  body  clothes,  and  on  no  better 
evidence  directing  her  Vakeel  to  prosecute  him  for  murder.  The  case 
was  set  at  rest  by  reasoning  on  its  absurdity,  and  Rctcn  Koonwir 
consoled  herself  by  the  adoption  of  another  boy.  In  September  1829,  a 
Thanadar  of  the  Thanesur  Ranee,  hanged  a  Brahmin  suspected  of  magic. 
The  Ranee  dismissed  the  Thanadar  from  his  situation. 

*  To  hear  a  partridge  call  on  your  right  hand  as  you  enter  a  town- 
cranes  passing  from  left  to  right— meeting  a  bareheaded  person — a 
jackass  braying  as  you  enter  a  town  or  village— a  dog  shaking  his  head 
and  ears  on  quitting  home— to  meet  a  corpse  or  a  Brahmin— to  hear  a 
female  jackall  howling  during  the  night— sneezing  on  going  out  or  com- 
ing into  a  house  or  room,  &c.  6tc.  are  bad  omens.  The  contrary  are  good 
omens.  To  hear  a  partridge  call  on  your  left— craaes  passing  from  right 
to  left— to  meet  a  Mehtur  or  Sweeper— to  behold  pearls  in  your  sleep.  If 
a  Moosulnian  dream  of  seeing  the  moon,  it  is  as  good  as  an  interriew  icith 
the  Prophet,  Sfc.  If c.—Aa  eminent  Native  Merchant  came  to  me  on  business 
from  Uuiritsur,  and  died  at  Loodeeana,  of  the  Cholera  Morbus.  His 
followers  very  gravely  told  me  that  my  remedies  must  be  unavailing,  for 
on  entering  the  town,  many  bare-headed  men  of  the  Goojur  cast  had 
been  met  by  the  deceased. 

t  A  gang  of  burglars  being  brought  before  me  in  1819,  admitted  in 
evidence,  that  two  pieces  of  coloured  muslin  had  been  tossed  over  their 
left  shoulders,  on  hearing  a  jackall  call  on  their  right  hand,  soon  after 
quitting  Kurnal,  where  the  burglary  had  been  perpetrated.  Dessa-Sool, 
or  unlucky  days — Saturday  and  Monday,  to  the  east— Sunday  and  Friday, 
to  the  west— Tuesday  and  Wednesday,  to  the  north,  and  Thursday  to 
the  south.    The  contrary  are  Siddh  Jog,  or  lucky  days. 

2  A 


194  APPENDIX — SUPERSTITIONS. 

predicted  by  a  Pundit,  and  the  Pundit  on  his  part  is 
guided  by  the  jogme  or  spirits  ;  which  pervade  every 
quarter  of  the  compass.  To  avert  the  pernicious  conse- 
quences likely  to  ensue  from  unfavorable  prognostics  or 
dreams,  charity  is  recommended,  and  in  general  given 
very  freely  on  such  occasions,  by  natives  of  rank  and 
wealth.  These,  and  many  hundred  other  absurd  pre- 
judices and  superstitious  notions,  are  carried  into  the 
most  solemn  affairs  of  state.  It  is  no  uncommon  practise 
of  RuNJEET  Singh,  when  he  contemplates  any  serious 
undertaking,  to  direct  two  slips  of  paper  to  be  placed 
on  the  GruntJi  Soldi,  or  sacred  volume  of  the  Sikhs.  On 
the  one  is  written  his  wish,  and  on  the  other  the  reverse. 
A  little  boy  is  then  brought  in,  and  told  to  bring  one  of 
the  slips,  and,  whichever  it  may  happen  to  be,  his  High- 
ness is  as  satisfied  as  if  it  were  a  voice  from  heaven. 
A  knowledge  of  these  whims,  and  prepossessions,  is 
useful  and  necessary.  They  obtain,  under  varied  shapes, 
and  in  diversified  shades,  throughout  the  Eastern  world, 
warping  the  opinions,  and  directing  the  public  and  pri- 
vate affairs  of  all  ranks  in  society,  from  he  despot  to  the 
peasant,  from  the  soldier  in  the  battle-field,  to  the  crimi- 
nal at  the  tree  of  execution.  It  must  be  a  pleasing  duty 
to  every  public  servant  to  endeavour  to  gain  the  confi- 
dence, and  win  the  affections   of  the  Chiefs  and  people 

*  When  the  Surhind  Division,  composed  entirely  of  Sipahecs,  was 
directed,  under  the  command  of  Sir  David  Ochtkri.ony,  against  tiie 
Goorkha  power  in  1814,  it  was  suggested  by  Nund  Singh,  the  accredited 
agent  of  /Ii/nji^et  Singh,  that  the  first  march  should  be  made  at  the 
Dusehra.  It 'jcing  mentioned  to  him,  that  tiiis  was  too  early,  he  beg- 
ged that  tlio  tents  and  a  few  men  might  move  out  on  that  day.  He 
was  gratified,  and  the  success  that  attended  this  Division  in  all  its  opera- 
tions, was  attributed  more  to  the  choice  of  an  auspicious  hour,  than 
to  the  wiiidom,  prudence,  and  gallantry  of  its  commander,  his  officers, 
and  men. 


APPENDIX — JUSTICE.  195 

of  a  conquered  country,  by  the  impression  of  his  acquaint- 
ance with,  and  seeming^  regard  to  their  peculiarities  and 
propensities,  and  in  the  superintendence  and  manage- 
ment of  their  concerns,  to  know  the  bents  by  which  he 
may  seize  and  work  upon  them.  To  touch  upon  such 
feelings  without  giving  offence,  demands  on  all  occa- 
sions, the  exercise  of  discretion,  temper,  and  judgment : 
but  when  successfully  done,  it  is  easy  by  a  kindly  manner 
and  persuasive  address,  to  lead  the  misguided  and 
ignorant  from  error  and  antiquated  usages,  to  appreciate 
the  advantages  attendant  on  intellectual  improvement, 
and  the  benefits  resulting  from  science  and  moral  feeling. 

In  the  Sikh  States,  the  administration  of  civil  and  cri- 
minal justice  is  vested  in  the  Sirdar,  or  chief.  Crimes 
and  trespasses,  as  in  the  middle  ages,  are  atoned  for  by 
money :  the  fines  are  unlimited  by  any  rule,  and  generally 
levied  arbitrarily  according  to  the  means  of  the  offender, 
whose  property  is  attached,  and  his  family  placed  under 
restraint  to  enforce  payment.  These  amerciaments  form 
a  branch  of  revenue  to  the  chief,  and  a  fruitful  source 
of  peculation  to  his  ofiicers,  who  too  frequently  have 
recourse  to  the  most  harsh  and  cruel  means  to  elicit 
confessions,  and  extort  money  for  real  or  imaginary 
offences.  He  who  gains  his  point,  pays  his  Shookurana, 
or  present  of  gratitude,  and  he  who  is  cast,  pays  his 
Jureemana,  or  penalty.  The  wealthy  may  secure  jus- 
tice, but  the  indigent  are  likely  to  obtain  something  less. 
The  larger  the  bribe  the  more  chance  of  success.  A  case 
where  the  right  is  clear  and  undeniable,  is  often  allowed 
to  lie  over,  that  the  present  may  be  augmented.  All 
officers  under  the  chief,  and  employed  by  him  in  districts 
and  departments,  follow  his  example  ;  but  are  ultimately 

2  A  2 


196  APPENDIX — CRIMES. 

thrown  into  a  hora,  or  dungeon,  and  required  to  refund, 
and  when  they  have  satisfied  the  cupidity  of  their  supe- 
rior, they  are  generally  permitted  to  resume  their  func- 
tions, honored  with  the  shawl  as  a  mark  of  favor.  Capi- 
tal punishment  is  very  seldom  inflicted.  The  most  incor- 
rigible culprits  are  punished  with  the  loss  of  either  one 
or  both  hands,  and  deprivation  of  nose  or  ears  ;  but  muti- 
lation is  rare,  for  whoever  has  the  means  to  pay,  or  can 
procure  a  respectable  security  to  pay  for  him  within  a 
given  time,  may  expiate  the  most  heinous  transgressions*. 

On  the  commission  of  a  daJca  or  burglary,  a  quzzakeef, 
or  highway  robbery,  the  chief,  within  whose  jurisdiction 
the  act  has  been  perpetrated,  is  called  upon  to  make 
restitution  ;  and,  should  he  decline,  the  chief  whose  sub- 
ject has  suffered,  resorts  to  the  Lex  talionis,  and  drives  off 
several  hundred  head  of  cattle,  or  retaliates  in  some  way 
or  other.  This  summary  method  of  obtaining  indemnifi- 
cation for  all  robberies  attended  with  aggravating  circum- 
stances, is  a  measure  of  absolute  necessity,  as  many  of 
the  petty  Chiefs,  their  Officers  and  Zumeendars,  harbour 
thieves,  and  participate  in  their  guilty  practises. 

When  a  petty  theft  is  substantiated,  either  through  the 
medium  of  a  Muhur-khaee,  or  the  production  of  a  Mooddo 
or  Numoona,  (the  confession  of  one  of  the  thieves,  or  a 
part  of  the  stolen   property)  the  sufferer  has  generally 

*  Statutes  were  passed  in  the  rcipns  of  Henry  8th,  Edward  6th, 
Elizabeth,  anclJ  ames  1st,  sauctioninjj,  and  directing  the  loss  of  the  right 
and  left  hand,  and  of  an  ear,  for  oifences  which  would  by  a  Sikh,  scarce- 
ly be  deemed  deserving  the  infliction  of  a  mulct. 

t  This  is  an  Arabic  or  Turkish  word.  In  the  provincial  dialect  we 
have  Dharwee. 


APPENDIX — SrCCESSIONS.  197 

as  a  preliminary  to  pay  the  Chuharum,  or  foartb,  as  a 
perquisite  to  the  Chief,  or  his  Thanadar,  ere  he  can  recover 
the  amount  of  his  losses.  Independent  of  this,  the  Muhnr- 
khaee,  or  approver,  generally  stipulates  for  a  full  pardon, 
and  that  no  demand  shall  be  made  on  the  confessing  delin- 
quent for  his  Kundee,  viz.  any,  or  such  portion  of  the 
property,  as  may  have  accrued  to  him  as  his  dividend  of 
the  spoil.  This  share  of  the  spoil  becomes  chargeable  to 
the  other  thieves,  and  on  settling  accounts  it  is  distributed 
equally  amongst  them. 

In  all  cases  of  stolen  cattle,  it  is  an  established  rule 
when  the  Soordgh-Khoj,  or  trace  of  the  footsteps,  is  car- 
ried to  the  gate,  or  into  the  fields  of  any  village,  the 
Zumeendars  of  that  village  must  either  shew  the  track 
beyond  their  own  boundary,  and  allow  the  village  to  be 
searched,  or  pay  the  value  of  the  cattle.* 

The  rules  of  succession  to  landed  property  in  the 
Sikh  States  are  arbitrary,  and  are  variously  modified  in 
accordance  to  the  usages,  the  interests  and  prejudices 
of  different  families,  nor  is  it  practicable  to  reduce  the 
anomalous  system  to  a  fixed  and  leading  principle.  A 
distinction  obtains  in  the  Canons  of  Inheritance,  between 
the  Manjhee  and  Malwa  Sikhs,  or  Singhs  :  the  former 
are  so  termed  from  the  tract  situated  between  the  Ravee 
and  Beeah  rivers,  from  which  they  originally  sprung, 
migrating  thence  and  extending  their  conquests  through 
the  Punjab,  and  into  the  Sirhind  province,  where  being 
of  a  military  and  predatory  character,  they  soon  conquered 

•  HiME,  in  treating  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  sajs  "If  any  man  could 
track  his  stolen  cattle  into  another's  ground,  the  latter  was  obliged  to 
shew  the  tracks  oat  of  it,  or  pay  their  value." 


198  APPENDIX — SUCCESSIONS. 

for  themselves  a  permanent  possession.  The  Malwa 
Chiefs,  are  the  Puteeala,  Jheend,  and  Naba  Rajahs,  and 
the  Bhaee  of  Khytul.  The  three  first  named  are  descen- 
dants of  a  common  ancestor  named  PHOOL,who  was  Chou- 
dhuree  of  a  village  near  Balenda,  and  are  from  him  often 
collectively  styled  the  Phoolkeean.  The  progenitor  of  the 
Bhaee  of  Khytul,  having  rendered  some  service  to  one  of 
the  Sikh  Gooroos,  the  appellation  of  Bhaee,  or  brother, 
was  conferred  upon  him  as  a  mark  of  distinguished  appro- 
bation ;  and  the  persons  of  all  the  Bhaees  are  conse- 
quently held  in  a  degree  of  respect  above  their  fellows. 

The  practice  of  succession  to  property,  both  real  and 
personal,  amongst  the  Manjhee  Siughs,  is  by  Bhaee- 
bund  and  Choonda-hund.  The  first  being  an  equal 
distribution  of  all  lands,  forts,  tenements,  and  moveables, 
among  sons,  with,  in  some  instances,  an  extra  or  double 
share  to  the  eldest  termed  "  Khurch-Sirdaree,"  assimi- 
lating to  the  double  share  in  the  law  of  Moses.*  Choonda- 
bund  is  an  equal  division  among  mothers  for  their 
respective  male  issue.f 

"When  aManjheeSingh  dies,  leaving  no  male  offspring, 
his  brothers,  or  his  nephews  of  the  full  blood,  assume  the 
right  of  succession,  to  which  the  widow  or  widows 
become  competitors.     According  to  the  Shasters,  (if  they 

•  Deuteronomy,  Chap,  xxi,  v.  15,  16,  17. 

t  This  practice  of  Choonda-buiul  is  apreeable  to  the  Hindoo  Law. 
Vyara  says  "  If  there  be  many  eons  of  ope  man,  by  different  mothers, 
but  in  equal  number  and  alike  by  class,  a  distribution  amongst  the 
mothers  is  approved  to  Brihaspati."  If  there  be  many  springs  from  one, 
alike  in  number  and  in  class,  but  born  of  rival  mothers,  partition  must 
be  made  by  tliem,  according  to  law,  by  the  allotment  of  shares  to  the 
mothers. 


APPENDIX — SUCCESSIONS.  199 

may  be  considered  applicable  to  public  property  and 
Chiefsliips,)  tbe  prior  title  of  tbe  widows  is  held  ;*  but 
the  Sikhs,  with  a  view  to  avoid  an  open  and  direct  viola- 
tion of  a  known  law,  have  a  custom  termed  Kurawa  or 
Chadur-dula,  which  obtains  in  every  family,  with  the 
exception  to  those  of  the  Bhaees.  The  eldest  surviving^ 
brother  of  the  deceased  places  a  white  robe  over,  and  the 
neeth,  or  ring  in  the  nose  of  the  widow,  which  ceremony 
constitutes  her  his  wife. 

This  practice  accords  with  the  Hindoo  and  Mosaic 
Lawsi*  and  acts  as  a  counteractive  to  the  many  evils  atten- 
dant on  female  rule.  If  tbe  free  will  of  the  widow  were 
consulted,  it  is  scarcely  to  be  doubted,  she  would  prefer 
the  possession  of  power,  and  the  charms  of  liberty,  to  tbe 
alternative  of  sacrificing  her  claims  to  her  brother-in-law, 
and  taking  her  station  amongst  his  rival  wives.  Judging 
from  the  masculine  disposition, — want  of  modesty,  and 
of  delicate  feeling,  which  form  the  characteristic  feature 
of  Sikh  females,  necessity,  and  not  choice,  must  have  led 
them  to  yield  to  the  adoption  of  an  usage,  which  must 
often  be  repugnant  to  their  natures,  and  disgusting  to 
their  thoughts. 

On  failure  of  brothers  and  nephews,  the  general  prac- 
tice is,  equal  division  of  lands,  and  personal  effects, 
amongst  the  surviving  widows  of  Manjhee  Singhs. 

*  In  the  Bengal  and  most  generally  current  Shasters,  this  is  the  rule : 
but  not  in  tbe  Mithila  province,  fTirhoot,  &c.)  the  widow  is  there  ex- 
cluded, and  receives  only  a  maintenance. 

t  Deuteronomy,  Chap,  xxv,  v.  5  to  10. 

t  Yajcyawoleva  says,  "  If  abrotherdie  without  male  issue,  let  another 
approach  the  widow  once  in  the  proper  season."  And  Menc  ordains. 
"  having  espoused  her  in  due  form,  she  being  clad  in  a  white  robe." 


200  APPENDIX— SUCCESSIONS. 

Adoption  by  the  widows  is  not  allowed,  and  the  female 
line  is  entirely  excluded  from  the  succession,  to  prevent 
the  estates  merging'  in  the  possessions  of  another  family. 

The  inconvenience,  and  evil,  originating  in  the  pre- 
vailing practice  amongst  the  Manjhee  families,  of  sue- 
cessive  and  minute  sub-divisions  of  landed  property, 
aggravated  by  the  system  of  coparcenary  possession,  are 
seen,  felt,  and  acknowledged,  and  the  mischief  of  such  a 
system  cannot  be  too  soon  remedied.* 

Amongst  the  Malwa  Singhs,  the  rights  of  primo- 
geniture in  the  males  are  respected,  and  Jageers,  or 
grants  of  land,  are  assigned  for  the  maintenance  of 
younger  sons,  by  which  the  many  inconveniences,  notic- 
ed in  the  practice,  or  rule  established  amongst  the 
Manjhee  families,  are  obviated. 

*  The  Agrarian  Law  thus  adopted  amongst  the  Manjhee  Singhs,  and 
the  condition  to  which  it  has  reduced  many  families,  may  receive  illus- 
tration from  the  analogous  picture  drawn  by  Sir  John  Davis  in  his  work 
entitled  Discovery  of  the  causes,  why  Ireland  was  never  entirely  subdued  by 
the  English.  "  The  custom  of  Gavil-kiud  did  breed  another  mischief,  for 
"  thereby  every  man  being  born  to  land,  as  well  bastard,  as  legitimate, 
"  they  all  held  themselves  to  be  gentlemen.  And  though  tiieir  portions 
"  were  never  so  small,  and  themselves  never  so  poor,  for  Ciavil-kind  must 
"  needs  in  the  end  make  a  poor  gentility,  yet  did  they  scarce  descend  to 
*'  husbandry,  or  merchandize,  or  to  learn  any  mechanical  art  or  science. 
"  Besides  these  poor  gentlemen  were  so  aifected  to  their  small  portions  of 
"  land,  that  they  rather  cliose  to  live  at  home  by  theft,  extortions  and 
"  cashering  than  to  seek  any  better  fortunes  abroad.  The  lesser  proprietors 
"  should  be  encouraged  to  attach  themselves  to,  and  acknowledge  the 
"  authority  of  some  neighbouring  superior.  This  is  an  arrangement  that 
"  will  not  be  attended  with  the  least  loss  to  them  in  a  pecuniary  point  of 
"  view,  and  it  will  ensure  the  certainty  of  having  so  many  horse  at  com- 
"  mand  under  one  leader,  instead  of  havingmany  individuals,  without  a 
"  head,  or  what  is  worse,  so  insignificant,  as  not  to  be  remembered  ia  a 
"  moment  of  exigency." 


APPENDIX — SUCCESSIONS.  201 

The  Malwa  Singhs,  with  exception  to  the  Bhaees, 
sanction  and  admit  the  usage  of  Kurawa,  thereby  oppos- 
ing a  bar  to  disputed  succession  between  the  brothers, 
nephews,  and  the  widows  of  a  deceased  chief. 

The  Bhaees  of  Khytul,  and  other  places,  although  they 
reject  the  union  by  Kurawa,  yet  set  aside  the  claims  of  a 
widow,  in  favor  of  the  brothers  and  nephews  of  one  dying 
without  male  issue.  The  widows  of  Bhaees  receive  small 
Jageers  for  their  support  during  life. 

The  Mahomedan  families  scattered  over  the  Sikh 
States,  who  have  been  enabled  to  preserve  their  existence, 
and  the  shadow  of  power,  reject  the  ordinances  of 
their  Law-givers,  and  are  guided  by  rules  of  their  own 
forming.  Were  the  Mahomedan  and  Hindoo  laws  on 
inheritance,  as  inculcated  by  the  Shura  and  Metakshara, 
to  be  made  the  leading  principle  in  succession  to  landed 
property,  very  few,  if  any,  of  the  many  principalities  in 
India  would  remain  entire,  and  a  common  distribution 
would  become  universal,  to  the  extinction  of  great 
estates,  and  the  annihilation  of  the  chiefs  with  their 
aristocratical  influence. 

When  the  country,  overrun  by  the  Sikhs,  had  been  par- 
celled out  into  new  allotments,  the  former  divisions  into 
districts,  as  established  during  the  reigns  of  the  Dehlee 
Emperors,  and  recorded  by  the  Kanoongoes,  or  rule- 
tellers,  became  void,  and  much  angry  litigation  arose 
in  respect  to  the  village  boundaries,  and  waste  lands. 
The  cultivators  originated  the  cause  of  dispute,  and  the 
effect  was  in  most  cases  an  appeal  to  arms,  and  an  effusion 
of  blood,  before  the  claims  of  the  parties  c^uld  be  heard, 

2   B 


202  APPENDIX— BOUNDARY    DISPUTES. 

and  decided  by  a  convention  of  neighbouring  Zumeendars, 
selected  to  draw  a  line  of  demarcation,  and  bound  by 
a  solemn  oath  to  act  impartially.*  The  litigants  made 
choice  of  an  equal  number  of  Moonsifs  or  arbitrators,  in 
some  cases  one  each,  in  others  two  to  three  each.  These 
committees  would  prolong  their  sittings  for  weeks  and 
months,  being  all  the  while  fed  and  paid  by  the  parties, 
caressed  and  threatened  by  their  chiefs,  their  relatives 
and  friends,  influenced  by  party  spirit,  governed  by  fear, 
and  little  verifying  the  saying  common  amongst  them  of 
"  Punch  men  Purmesur."  Five  different  modes  of 
accommodation  were  in  general  adoption  amongst  these 
Punchayts — 1st,  An  equal  division  of  the  land  in  dis- 
pute.— 2nd,  The  Punchayt  selected  the  oldest  and  most 
respectable  member  of  their  committee  to  define  the 
limit,  the  others  consenting  to  abide  by  his  award. — 3rd, 
A  moiety  of  the  line  of  demarcation  was  drawn  by  the 
arbiters  of  the  one  party,  and  the  remaining  portion  by 
those  of  the  other. — 4th,  The  Punchayt  referred  the 
final  adjustment  to  an  old  inhabitant  of  a  neighbouring 
village,  upon  whose  local  knowledge  and  experience  they 
placed  more  reliance  than  on  their  own  limited  informa- 
tion.— 5th,  It  sometimes  occurred  to  the  Punchayt  to 
leave  the  division  in  the  hands  of  one  of  the  disputants, 
whose  probity  and  reputation  were  established  in  the 
vicinity. 

Village  boundary  disputes,  attended  with  aggravating 
circumstances,  between   the    Chiefs   and   cultivators    of 

*  The  oath  administered  to  the  person  who  erects  the  boundary  pillars, 
if  a  Hindoo,  is  the  Gunga-Jul,  or  the  Chour,  or  raw  hide  of  the  cow,  or 
swearing  by  his  son.  If  a  Moossulman,  the  Qoran,  or  the  placing  his 
hands  on  his  son's  head.  The  Chour,  and  swearing  by  his  own  child, 
are  the  most  binding. 


APPENDIX — BOUNDARY    DISPUTES.  203 

contiguous  and  rival  states,  are  of  daily  occurrence,  and 
the  right  and  title  to  the  smallest  slip  of  land  is  contest- 
ed with  an  obstinacy  quite  disproportionate  to  its  intrinsic 
value.  Little  attention  is  paid  by  the  Chiefs  or  their 
subjects  to  the  justice  or  reasonableness  of  a  case ;  it  is 
quite  sufficient,  according  to  Sikh  notions,  that  a  claim  be 
advanced  and  presented,  as  something  may  be  obtained, 
and  nothing  can  be  lost  by  the  reference  to  a  Punchayt, 
which  will  use  its  endeavours  to  please,  and  harmonize  its 
decision  to  the  wants  and  wishes  of  those  by  whom  it  has 
been  selected. 

Bloodshed  between  Zumeendars  in  a  boundary  dispute, 
is  sometimes  atoned  for  by  giving  a  nata,  or  daughter,  in 
marriage  to  a  relative  of  the  deceased,  or  commuted  to 
the  payment  of  150  to  200  rupees,  or  125  beegahs  of 
land.  In  general,  however,  revenge  is  sought,  and  the 
Khoo7i-buIia,  or  price  of  blood,  deemed  insufficient  satis- 
faction, particularly  when  a  mother  has  to  lament  the 
loss  of  a  favorite  child,  or  a  wife  with  a  family,  the 
bereavement  of  a  husband. 

Claims  to  islands  in  a  river  flowing  between  two 
Manors,  and  to  alluvions,  are  determined  by  what  is 
called  the  Kiichmuch,  or  KisJitee-hunna,  which  practice 
or  rule  assigns  the  land  to  the  proprietor  of  the  bank,  or 
main,  upon  which  the  alluvion  is  thrown,  and  from  which 
the  water  has  receded.  If  the  island  be  formed  in  the 
centre  of  the  river,  and  there  be  depth  of  water  on  each 
side  of  it,  sufficient  for  boats  to  ply,  in  this  case  it  be- 
comes the  joint  property  of  the  Chiefs  on  both  banks.* 

*  This  appears  a  very  ancient  custom,  being  mentioned  by  Blackstone, 
who  derives  bis  information  from  Bracton. 

2  B  2 


204  APPENDIX — WATER-COURSES. 

This  custom  which  obtains  in  the  Sikh  States,  with  regard 
to  alluvion,  is  universal,  so  far  as  my  knowledge  in  the 
local  laws  and  usages  of  India  has  extended,  wherever 
lands  are  liable  to  such  accident  by  an  alteration  in  the 
course  of  rivers.  In  the  case  of  lands  cast  by  the  change 
of  the  stream  from  one  side  of  the  river  to  the  other, 
though  one  Chief  gains,  and  another  loses,  yet  it  is 
customary  to  preserve  the  rights  of  the  Zemindar,  if  he 
consent  to  cultivate  the  lands.  The  decided  enmity  of 
two  Chiefs  is  seldom  a  bar  to  an  arrangement,  in  which 
each  finds  or  perceives  an  advantage  to  himself,  either 
immediate  or  prospective,  for  streams  in  India  are  so 
subject  to  change,  that  the  land  lost  one  rainy  season 
may  be  regained  in  the  next,  or  even  in  the  cold  weather, 
when  the  river  falls  and  the  floods  cease. 

The  use  and  abuse  of  the  ancient  privilege  of  the 
Zumeendars  in  damming  up,  and  turning  the  coarse  of  a 
stream  into  artificial  Kools,  or  cuts,  for  the  purpose  of 
irrigating  the  lands  in  its  vicinity,  causes  disputes  and 
bloodshed  ;  and,  after  much  angry  dissention,  the  result 
is  generally  a  compromise  stipulating  for  a  reciprocal 
enjoyment  of  the  gifts  of  nature.  In  some  instances, 
and  in  contiguous  estates,  the  parties  will  agree  to  take 
equal  shares  of  the  water,  either  by  the  hour,  or  the  day, 
or  by  measurement ;  in  other  cases,  one  will  receive  two- 
thirds,  and  his  neighbour  one-third  only,  according  to 
their  respective  and  pressing  wants.  The  land-holders, 
whose  possessions  are  adjacent  to  the  hills  from  which  and 
their  base,  these  streams  and  springs  take  their  rise, 
require  and  demand  a  very  large  portion  of  the  water  for 
their  rice  lands,  into  which  it  is  diverted  by  numberless 
water-courses,  drawn  with  great  ingenuity  by  the  culti- 


APPENDIX — WATER-COURSES.  205 

vators  into  distant  and  countless  parterres.  Those  who 
hold  land  at  a  distance,  and  lower  down  the  river,  in  the 
more  arid  districts,  are  querulous,  that  the  streams  do 
not  flow  unobstructed  in  their  natural  course,  which 
would  give  them  the  unabsorbed  portion  to  irrigate  their 
wheat  and  barley  crops. 

It  seems  to  be  a  question  how  far  a  Chief  may  be  justi- 
fied in  entirely  obstructing  the  course  of  a  natural  stream, 
and   in  appropriating   the   waters  to   his    own  exclusive 
advantage,  to  the  serious  detriment  and  loss  of  his  neigh- 
bours, whose  rights  he  may  seem  bound  to  respect,  so  far 
as  they  have  relation  to  property.     On  the  whole,  it  ap- 
pears most  just,  that  all  should  partake,  as  far  as  circum- 
stances will  admit,  of  a  share  in  the  water  of  a  natural 
stream  or  rivulet,  and  that  when   the   absolute   wants  of 
those  on  the  upper  part  of  the  stream  have  been  supplied, 
the  surplus  should  be  again  turned  into,  and  permitted  to 
flow  in  its  bed,  to  satisfy  others  lower  down,  whether  for 
irrigation,  or  the  consumption  of  the  people,  and  cattle, 
in  the  arid  districts.     The  lesser  currents  do  not  swell  in 
the  hot  mouths,  as  is  the  case  with  the  larger  rivers, 
which  debouche  from  the  Himala,  and  are  fed  in  warm 
weather  by  the  liquefaction  of  the  snow  :  the  supplv  of 
water    in    them  is  hence  often  so  scanty,    as   scarcely 
to   administer   to    the    necessities    of  those  near    their 
heads,   whilst  the  distress  of  others,  farther  down  the 
stream,    induces    them    to    become    more     clamourous 
as   the   quantity   decreases,    and  ultimately   stops   short 
of  them. 

Bunds,  or   dams,   are  always   constructed,    after  the 
ains  have  ceased,  to  raise  the  water   to   a  level  with  the 


206  APPENDIX — MARRIAGES. 

surface,  and  to  render  it  applicable  to  the  purposes  of 
irrigation  ;  were  a  total  prohibition  of  this  beneficial 
practice  to  be  enacted,  large  tracts  on  many  estates, 
through  which  streams  flow,  in  deep  channels,  would 
become  uncultivated  ;  and  the  villages  depopulated,  to 
the  serious  loss  of  the  proprietors,  and  the  ruin  of  their 
Zumeendars.  With  the  view  of  relieving  the  deficiencies 
experienced  from  the  want  of  the  fluid  in  the  arid  districts 
lower  down,  a  substitute  for  the  dam  might  be  found  in  a 
Hydraulic  wheel  of  simple  construction,  to  draw  the  water 
to  the  level,  and  in  places  where  the  banks  are  compara- 
tively low,  it  will  only  be  requisite  to  dig  the  kool,  or  cut, 
for  the  reception  and  carriage  of  the  water  deeper,  and  to 
raise  it  in  the  cut  by  sluice  boards.  The  churras,  or  lea- 
thern bags,  in  common  use  at  wells,  with  a  relief  of  bul- 
locks, might  also  be  serviceable  in  other  spots.  All  these 
expedients,  however,  fall  very  short  of  the  utility  and 
cheapness  of  the  dams,  when  water  requires  to  be 
conveyed  many  miles,  and  every  kool  is  a  canal  in 
miniature. 

Nuptial  contracts  are  made  in  early  youth  by  the 
parents  or  nearest  of  kin,  who,  in  too  many  cases,  are 
influenced  more  by  pecuniary  and  sordid  motives,  than 
by  the  welfare  of  the  children.  Disagreements  are  very 
common  relative  to  betrothments,  (mungnee),  and  to 
breaches  of  a  promise  of  marriage,  (nata  or  nishut) 
amongst  all  classes  of  the  inhabitants.  In  some  instances, 
real  or  imaginary  diseases,  or  bodily  defects,  will  be 
alleged  by  one  of  the  contracting  parties,  as  a  reason  why 
the  bargain  should  be  annulled  ;  in  others,  a  flaw  in  the 
cast,  and  in  most  a  discovery,  that  the  girl  had  been  pro- 
mised to  two,  three,  or  four  difl'erent  families,  from  all  of 


APPENDIX — MARRIAGES.  207 

which  the  needy  parents  or  guardians  had  received 
money,  ornaments,  or  clothes.  If  both  parties  be  the 
subjects  of  one  Chief,  they  appear  before  him,  and  either 
he,  or  his  oflScers,  satisfies  them,  or  refers  the  decision  to 
a  Punchayt  of  the  same  class  as  the  disputants.  If  the 
complainant  and  defendant  happen  to  reside  in  separate 
jurisdictions,  and  either  of  the  Chiefs  persevere  in  evad- 
ing a  compliance  with  the  rule  in  such  cases,  or  reject 
the  award  of  a  Punchayt,  Gaha,  or  self-indemnification, 
is  adopted  by  the  opposite  party,  and  the  subjects,  pro- 
perty, and  cattle  of  his  neighbour  are  picked  up,  and 
detained  until  satisfaction  be  oflfered  and  procured.  The 
other  side  issues  its  letters  of  marque,  and  this  pernici- 
ous system  is  frequently  carried  to  the  commission  of 
serious  outrage,  and  to  infractions  of  the  public  tran- 
quillity.* 

It  is  not  a  rare  occurrence  for  a  parent  or  a  guardian 
to  be  convicted  of  marrying  a  girl  to  one  man,  after  her 
betrothraent  to  another.  The  Chief,  or  a  Punchayt,  in 
general,  in  such  cases,  gives  a  verdict  that  the  plain- 
tifiF  is  entitled  to  a  female  from  the  family  ;  and  if  there 
be  not  one,  the  parents  or  guardian  must  find  a  sub- 
stitute ;  or,  as  a  dernier  expedient,  to  which  the  in- 
jured party  very  unwillingly  assents,  the  money  he  may 
have  expended,  or  a  trifle  in  excess  with  interest,  is 
decreed  to  be  restored  to  him,  that  he  may  find  a  spouse 
elsewhere. 

•  A  demand  was  made  on  the  state  of  Putteeala,  by  a  subject  of  the 
Nabah  Rajah,  for  the  price  of  a  buffaloe  ralued  at  15  Rupees,  but  which 
on  the  settlement  of  the  account  by  reprisal,  exceeded  900.  The  case  is 
still  in  dependance  between  them.  Between  the  same  states  and  by  the 
same  system,  one  rupee  accumulated  in  a  few  years  to  1500. 


208  APPENDIX — WIDOWS. 

Amongst  all  the  Jat  families,t  and  some  others  of  the 
lower  classes  in  the  Punjab,  a  custom  prevails,  on  the 
demise  of  one  brother  leaving  a  widow,  for  a  surviving 
brother  to  take  his  sister-in-law  to  wife  by  Kurawah  or 
Chadurdalna,  (see  inheritance.)  The  offspring  by  the 
connexion  are  legitimate,  and  entitled  to  succeed  to  a 
share  of  all  the  landed  and  personal  property.;]:  It  is 
optional  with  the  widow,  to  take,  either  the  eldest, 
(Jeth),  or  the  youngest,  who  is  generally  preferred  and 
deemed  most  suitable.  Should  she  determine  to  relin- 
quish worldly  ideas,  and  to  reside  chaste  in  her  father- 
in-law's  house,  she  may  adopt  this  course;  but  such 
instances  are  very  rare,  particularly  in  the  case  of  young 
females,  and  are  not  to  be  looked  for  in  a  society,  and 
amongst  tribes,  notorious  for  the  laxity  of  their  morals 
and  for  the  degeneracy  of  their  conceptions. 

In  default  of  surviving  brothers,  and  in  accordance 
with  acknowledged  usage,  the  widow  is  at  the  disposal 
of  her  father-in-law's  family  :  From  the  moment  she  has 
quitted  the  paternal  roof,  she  is  considered  to  have  been 
assigned  as  the  property  of  another,  and  ceases  to  have 
a  free  will.  Where  the  Hymeneal  bond  is  so  loosely  and 
irrationally  knit,  it  is  not  a  matter  of  surprise,  that  the 
feeble  tie  and  servile  obligation,  which  unite  the  wife 

t  Intermarriages  between  the  Jat  Sikh  Chiefs,  and  the  Aloowaleah 
and  Ranigurhcah  families,  do  not  obtain,  the  latter  being  KuMs  and 
Tliokas  (mace  bearers  and  carpenters)  and  deemed  inferior. 

i  The  present  Rajah  of  Nabah,  Juswunt  Singh,  and  six  oftheSingh- 
Pooreah  Chiefs,  are  by  a  connubial  union  of  this  nature.  Malia  Raja 
RuNjEET  Singh  has  gone  some  steps  furtlier :  He  took  by  Kurauiik 
a  lady  betrothed  to  his  father  Maha  Singh  :  He  has  also  taken  Dva 
KooNwuR  and  Rutun  Koonwur,  the  widows  of  Saheb  Singh,  the  chief  of 
Goojrat,  his  own  uncle-in-law. 


APPENDIX — WIVES.  209 

to  the  hasband,  should  make  but  an  insincere  and  heart- 
less impression.  Females  are  daily  accused  before  Chiefs 
and  their  officers  of  breaches  of  conjugal  virtue,  and  of 
having  absconded  to  evade  the  claims  of  a  father,  or 
mother-in-law,  or  the  established  rights  of  a  Jeth,  or  a 
Daiwiir.  When  they  have  fled  into  the  territory  of 
another  Chief,  it  is  often  difficult  to  obtain  their  restitu- 
tion, but  the  solicitations  of  a  Punchayt,  and  the  more 
forcible  argument  of  reprisals,  are  in  the  end  efficacious, 
and  the  unfortunate  woman,  if  she  do  not  in  a  fit  of  despe- 
ration take  opium,  or  cast  herself  into  a  well,  is  necessi- 
tated to  submit  to  the  law  of  the  land,  which  she  will  again 
violate  on  the  first  opportune  occasion.  Sense  of  shame, 
or  feelings  of  honor,  have  no  place  in  the  breast  of  a  Jat,* 
and  the  same  may  be  said  of  men  of  other  low  tribes. 
They  will  make  strenuous  exertions  for  recovery  of  their 
wives,  after  they  have  absconded,  and  will  take  them  back 
as  often  as  they  can  get  them,  bickering  even  for  the 
children  the  woman  may  have  had  by  her  paramour,  as  some 
recompense  for  her  temporary  absence,  and  for  the  ex- 
pense and  trouble  they  have  incurred  in  the  search  for  herf 

Debtors  and  revenue  defaulters  who  abscond,  and  find 
protection  in  a  foreign  state,  are  seldom  demanded,  and 
if  demanded,  never  surrendered  by  even  the  most  petty 
Chief.  The  promise  is  made,  that,  when  the  delinquent 
has  the  means,  he  shall  discharge  whatever  sum  may 
appear,  on  a  scrutiny  into  his  accounts,  to  be  fairly  due 

•  The  old  Chief  Tara  Singh  Ghvba  often  declared,  that  a  Jat's  nose 
reached  to  Mooltan,  and  that  if  he  lost  a  part  of  it  for  any  offence, 
there  would  still  be  enough  remaining.  Implying  that  he  was  a  stranger 
to  shame  and  could  survive  disgrace. 

t  Law  of  Moses,  Deuteronomy,  Chap.  23d  v.  15  and  16. 

2  c 


210  APPENDIX — ENDOWMENTS. 

by  him.  It  is  not  uncommon  for  a  deputation,  composed 
of  the  heads,  or  of  some  respectable  inhabitants  of  a 
town  or  village,  from  which  a  person  has  removed,  to 
proceed  and  wait  upon  the  Chief  with  whom  a  fugitive 
may  find  an  asylum,  and,  entering-  into  stipulations  for 
his  personal  safety,  to  receive  him  back,  if  he  be  willing 
to  return. 

In  the  Sikh  states  there  are  no  compulsory  laws  for 
raising  money  for  the  relief  of  the  indigent.  Most 
fuqeers  belong  to  a  punt,  or  sect,  and  each  sect  has  its 
temples,  which  are  endowed  with  lands  and  villages, 
(termed  Oordoo  and  Poora)  by  the  chiefs,  and  to  which 
Churhawa,  or  offerings  of  grain  and  money,  are  made  by 
its  votaries.  An  elemosynary  establishment  is  some- 
times founded,  in  places  of  great  resort,  by  chiefs  and 
wealthy  natives,  and  named  Suda-hirt,  at  which  every 
stranger  is  entertained  for  a  certain  number  of  days,  and 
fed  gratis.  Every  Hindoo  temple  has  its  Muhimt,  or 
head,  to  whom  are  attached  his  immediate  Chelas  or  fol- 
lowers, who  parade  the  country,  towns,  and  villages,  ask- 
ing, or  demanding  charity,  which  forms  the  support  of 
their  superior  and  themselves,  and  is  freely  distributed  to 
the  needy  stranger  and  weary  traveller,  who  may  stop  at 
their  gate,  or  desire  a  lodging  and  a  meal  within  the  courts 
of  the  Thakoor-Dwara. 

The  Moosulman  classes  have  their  Peerzadas,  who 
make  their  rounds  amongst  their  mooreeds,  or  disciples, 
and  receive  from  them  such  neeaz,  or  offerings,  as  they 
can  afford,  or  may  choose  to  present.  Since  the  decline 
of  the  Muhomedan,  and  the  rise  and  establishment  of  the 
Sikh   power,  the   Peerzadas   have  to  lament  the  loss  in 


APPENDIX — MENDICANTS.  211 

many  instances,  and  the  diminution  in  others,  of  their 
village  endowments.  They  still  retain,  however,  a  por- 
tion of  the  lands  they  held  during  the  reigns  of  the  Empe- 
rors of  Delhi,  attached  to  their  principal  rozas,  tombs, 
or  seminaries,  but  the  rents  from  them,  and  the  trifle 
given  in  neeaz,  are  barely  sufficient  to  maintain  them- 
selves and  families  in  respectable  circumstances,  and  to 
support  the  Khadims,  or  servitors,  in  constant  attend- 
ance at  the  tombs  of  their  saints. 

Every  village,  independent  of  the  fixed  dues  to  the  black- 
smith, carpenter,  washerman,  to  choomars,  and  sweep- 
ers, has  its  mulha,  or  incidental  expenses,  charged  on  its 
cultivators  for  what  are  termed  aya,  gya,  or  grain,  ghee, 
&c.  given  to  wandering  fuqeers  and  needy  passengers. 
The  punch  or  heads  of  the  villages,  who  supply  the  mulha, 
collect  it  in  cash  from  the  villagers,  twice  during  the 
year,  and  it  not  unfrequently  gives  rise  to  altercation  and 
dispute,  from  the  real  or  supposed  inclination  of  the 
punch  to  impose  upon  them,  under  the  specious  and  pious 
name  of  charity,  much  of  which  finds  its  way  into  the  col- 
lectors own  pocket. 

Hindoo  and  Moosulraan/j/^^ersare  found  located  in  and 
around  every  town  and  village,  and  each  has  his  Tukeeah, 
or  place  of  abode,  to  which  a  few  beegahs  of  laud  are 
assigned,  the  gift  of  the  Zumeendars,  who,  in  other  res- 
pects, also,  take  care  of  the  common  holy  fraternity,  that 
their  blessing  may  continue  to  be  upon  them. 

The  Jinsee,  or  grain  lands,  are  cessed  by  .the  Kun, 
(appraisement),  or  the  Butaee,  (division  of  the  produce 
in   the  field;)   both  are    exceptionable.      It  requires   a 

2  c  2 


212  APPENDIX — LAND  REVENUE. 

very  discerning  and  experienced  man,  to  estimate  the 
quantity  in  a  field  of  standing-  grain  :  In  some  it  is  over, 
and  in  others  under  rated.  The  Butaee  is  detailed  and 
tedious,  an  establishment  also  is  required  to  watch  the 
different  Kuhvarah,  or  heaps  of  grain  on  the  field. 
Cultivators  are  apt  to  steal  it  during  the  night,  and  in 
stormy  and  wet  weather  much  of  it  is  damaged,  ere  it 
can  be  housed.  It  is  a  common  saying  "  Butaee  lootaee," 
or  Butaee  is  plunder.  Some  Chiefs  exact  a  half  of  the 
produce,  others  two-fifths,  and  a  few,  one-fourth.  Sugar- 
cane, cotton,  poppy,  indigo,  and  all  the  lands  under  the 
denomination  of  the  Zuhtee,  are  assessed  at  fixed  rates, 
and  the  rent  is  received  in  cash. 

In  the  Sikh  states,  the  lands  of  most  towns  and  villages 
are  parcelled  out  into  puttees,  turufs,  or  divisions, 
amongst  the  Punch,  or  Zumeendars,  who  are  answerable 
for  the  Sirkars  or  Ruler's  share.  In  some,  where  there 
are  no  ostensible  heads,  the  lands  are  held  by  hulsaree,  or 
ploughs.  Thus,  if  in  a  village  society,  there  be  twenty- 
five  ploughs,  and  2500  beegahs,  the  Jinsee  and  Zubtee 
lands,  are  equalized  amongst  the  Asamees,  or  husband- 
men, which  gives  100  beegahs  to  each  plough,  and  each 
Asamee  pays  his  own  rent,  much  on  the  principle  of  a 
Ryotwar  settlement.  In  general,  the  Punch  hold  a  few 
beegahs,  and  also  the  Puchotrah,  (5  per  cent.)  on  the  net 
collections,  in  Inaum. 

The  system  of  assessment  by  the  Kun  or  Butaee, 
pleases  the  agricultural  community,  and  the  Chiefs,  who 
pay  their  armed  retainers  and  establishments  every  six 
months  in  kind,  with  a  small  sum  in  cash  called  posha- 
kee  or  clothing  :  it  also  accords  with  their  internal  plan 


APPENDIX — TRANSIT  DUTIES.  213 

of  management.  On  some  small  estates,  with  compara- 
tively few  followers,  it  works  well,  but  it  is  not  at  all 
adapted  to  extended  territory  and  great  governments.* 

The  chief  sources  of  oppression  on  the  people,  under 
Sikh  rule,  emanate,  1st,  from  the  exaction  of  the  Siwaee- 
Juma,  or  extraordinary  imposts,  levied  in  cash  on  every- 
village  under  the  general  head  of  the  Huq-Huhoohnuzur- 
bhet,  and  branching  out  into  a  variety  of  names.  2nd, 
The  inhuman  practice  of  Kar-hegar,  or  the  impress  of 
labour  of  the  inhabitants  without  recompense  ;  and  3rd, 
the  violence  to  which  they  are  exposed  from  licentious 
armed  dependents,  quartered  in  the  forts  and  towers 
which  cover  the  country,  and  prey  on  the  villages. 

Every  major  and  minor   chief  exercises  the  privilege 
by  prescription  of  taxing  trade,  yet    the  duties,  though 
levied  at  every  ten  to  twenty  miles,   are  light.     A  prac- 
tice called  hoonda-hara   prevails  in  the   mercantile  com- 
munity.    A  trader  gives  over   charge  of  his    caravan  of 
goods  to  a  nanukpootrah,  who  engages  to  convey  it  for  a 
stipulated   sum  from  Jughadree  to  Umritsur,  the  empo- 
rium of  the   Sikh   states,    paying  all  the  duties.      The 
nanukpoolraJis,  from  the  sanctity  which  attaches  to  their 
persons   as    the  descendants  of  Nanur,  the  founder  of 
the  Sikh  faith,   enjoy   certain  exemptions,   and   are  less 
subject  to  molestation  from  custom   house  importunity 
than  others.     Beema,  or  insurance,  may  be  had  at  a  cheap 
rate  from  the  Nouhureeah  merchants  to  all  parts  of  India. 
Should   any  grievous   or  vexatious  tax  be  imposed   on 

•  RcNJEET  Singh,  when  urged  by  his  oflBcers  to  abandon  the  farming 
system,  and  introduce  the  Run  and  Butaee,  always  replies,  "  that  he 
cannot  give  his  time  and  attention  to  the  weighing  and  housing  of  grain." 


214  APPENDIX — SUTTEES. 

the  trade  by  a  chief,  he  suffers  an  alienation  of  this  branch 
of  his  revenue,  by  the  route  being  changed  through  the 
possessions  of  another,  who  has  the  power  to  protect,  and 
the  inclination  to  encourage  the  transit  of  traffic  through 
his  domains.* 

■  Sikh  women  do  not  burn  with  the  corpse  of  their  hus- 
bands. A  single  exception  occurred  in  1805,  in  the 
town  of  Booreeah,  on  the  death  of  the  chief  Rae  Singh, 
when  his  widow  made  a  voluntary  sacrifice  of  herself, 
rejecting  a  handsome  provision  in  land.  There  exists  no 
prohibition  against  the  Suttee.  In  all  cases  they  are  un- 
derstood to  be  willing  victims,  and  much  real  or  pretend- 
ed dissuasion  is  exercised  by  the  public  functionaries, 
and  by  friends  and  relations,  to  divert  the  miserable 
creature  from  her  destructive  intentions.  That  affection 
and  duty  have  not  always  place  in  this  class  of  felo  de  se, 
which  would  explain  and  extenuate  such  a  deed,  and  con- 
vert the  offspring  of  superstition  into  a  noble  act  of  self- 
devotion,  is  obvious  from  the  frequency  of  Suttee,  and 
from  the  fact  that  it  is  not  only  the  favored  wife,  but  a 
whole  host  of  females,  that  sometimes  are  offered  up  to 
blaze  on  the  pyre  of  their  deceased  lord.f 

In  most  cases  of  Suttee,  it  will  generally  be  observed, 
that  a  slow  reluctant  promise  has  been  exacted  from,  or 

*  RiJNJEET  Singh  became  anxious  to  establish  a  Copper  Mint  at  Umrit- 
8ur,  and  prohibited  the  importation  of  pice  from  Jughadree.  The  mer- 
chants of  Jughadree  retaliated,  and  withheld  the  exportation  of  copper 
from  their  town,  and  gained  their  point. 

The  llajah  of  I'utecala  has  attempted  to  raise  the  duties  in  trade,  and 
failed,  from  his  territory  being  avoided. 

t  This  allusion  is  made  to  the  frightful  scenes,  which  occurred  on  the 
demise  of  the  Hill  Uajahs  of  Kooloo,  Nahuu,  and  Juswoul,  aad  other 
places. 


APPENDIX — SUTTEES.  215 

made  by  the  wretched  woman  in  an  unguarded  moment, 
when  under  the  impulse  of  grief.  A  multitude  is  imme- 
diately assembled  round  her  dwelling  and  person;  cla- 
mour and  precipitancy  succeed,  no  time  is  permitted  for 
reflection  ;  honor,  shame,  and  duty  all  now  combine  to 
strengthen  her  bloody  resolution,  and  the  scene  is  hurried 
through  and  closed.* 


*  In  1826,  after  the  domain  of  Umbala  lapsed  to  the  Hon'ble  Company, 
a  very  young  Brahmin  woman  heard  of  the  demise  of  her  husband  in  a 
foreign  land  and  expressed  a  determination  to  immolate  herself  with  part 
of  his  clothes.  A  concourse  of  people  instantly  gathered  around  her  and 
the  utmost  excitation  prevailed.  Being  absent  at  the  time,  the  office 
Moonshee,  theThanadar  of  Umbala,  and  the  Soobadar  on  duty,  all  three 
Hindoos  of  high  caste,  took  upon  themselves  the  task  and  responsibility 
of  preventing  the  sacrifice,  dispersed  the  multitude,  and  induced  the 
young  creature  to  await  a  reply  to  the  express  they  had  despatched  to 
me.  A  threat  to  confine  and  prosecute  all  instigators,  and  a  pension  of 
three  rupees  per  month  saved  the  Brahminee,  and  she  survives,  honored 
in  her  family  and  respected  in  society  as  a  living  Suttee,  totally  falsifying 
the  current  belief,  that  recantation  brings  disgrace,  scorn,  and  contempt. 
On  the  demise  of  the  Hill  Rajas  of  Bulaspoor  and  Nahun  in  1824  and 
1827  there  was  no  Suttee,  and  the  practice  has  disappeared  in  the  Hill 
States  under  the  protection  of  British  Government. 


NOTES. 


Page  2— Last  line  of  the  page. 

Initiation  by  drinking  of  the  Pahul  is  a  rite  established 
by  GooROO  GoviND,  and  is  thus  described  by  Khoosh- 
wuQT  Raee.  The  candidate  and  the  initiator  wash  their 
feet  with  water,  and  then  put  sugar  into  the  liquid  and  stir 
it  with  a  knife,  while  they  repeat  five  quatrains,  the  first  of 
which  runs  as  follows  : 

Surawuk  sidh  sumoh  sidhanuk  dekh  phiryo  ghur  Jogee  Jutee  Kee, 
Soor  surawuk  sidh  surawuk  sunt  sumoh  uuek  mutee  kee — 
Sare  hee  desko  dekh  phiryo  mut  kooo  nu  dekhut  pranputee  kee 
Sree  Bhugwan  kee  Bhuye  kripa  bin  ek  rutee  bin  ek  rutee  kee. 

I  have  been  round  and  hare  seen  all  kinds  of  devotees,  Jogees  and  Jutees, 
Holy  men,  practisers  of  austerities,  men  wrapped  up  in  contemplation  of 

the  Divinity  with  all  their  many  ways  and  habits, 
Everj'  country  have  I  travelled  over,  but  the  truly  godly  I  have  seen  no 

where, 
Without  the  grace  of  God,  friend,  Man's  lot  weighs  not  the  lowest  fraction. 

The  other  quatrains  are  very  nearly  to  the  same  effect,  we 
add  the  whole  in  the  original  character  for  the  benefit  of  the 
curious,  but  do  not  think  it  worth  while  to  translate  the 
remainder, 

^T^TT^.^  fw:^^Tf^^  W'rJ^ilT^    '^^^iT(?i'i  !l 

^;^iT^.r^^  ^it^^rft'i  '^:3RT^i%i!  ^^t^^ii 

2    D 


218  NOTES. 

^  ^f^^  ^^J'f^  'J^'T  %I5T  T^  'I^  ^T?T  f^'^r-^  I 

^T^^T^r^m^^TT^  ^^^%oim^  WTiTi  TO  II 
^^^^^TT  ^nt^Z"^TT  ^^^i^^^FT  f^^TT^^^  I 
^^TTW'rT    ^t  f^if  ^^rr  t^Trfl  f^^t^  ^^  ^^  II 

^^f%^r^  f;T?T  ^^^T'^  ^^T^  ^^r^  ^^R  •^%'T  I 
w^^m'f  ^t  ^^^  fTTTTTT^^r  TO  ff ^  'I  ff^^  II 

^^TWT^T  li^r?5^1^  f^^  cg-TTToI^T^  ^-^^  -^^^  II 

Between  eacli  quatrain  the  breath  is  exhaled  with  a  pufF,  and 
the  beverage  of  mixed  sugar  and  dirty  water  stirred  as  above, 
is  then  drunk  to  the  toast  of  "  ivah  !  wah  !  Govind  Sikh  ! 
ap  hee  gooroo  chelaJ'  Hail!  hail!  Govind  Silch  !  himself 
preceptor  and  pupil."  The  neophyte,  after  this  ceremony,  is 
a  Sikh  complete.  It  is  said  that  when  GooRoo  Govind  had 
only  five  followers,  he  went  through  this  form  with  them, 
drinking  of  the  water  which  had  washed  their  feet,  and  they 
drinking  that  which  had  washed  his. 

Page  27 — Third  line  from  the  bottom. 

Umur Singh,  of  Puteeala,  wasthc  sonof  Surdol  Singh, 
who  sun'ived  his  father  Ala  Singh,  two  or  three  years, 
according  to  Khooshavuqt  Raee.  When  Umur  Singh 
waited  on  Ahmed  Shah,  he  was  ordered  to  shave  his  head 


NOTES.  219 

and  beard  before  entering  the  Royal  presence.  By  a 
Nuzitrana  (or  present)  of  a  lakh  of  rupees,  he  purchased 
permission  to  appear  bearded  and  unshorn.  Khooshwuqt 
Kaee  says  the  title  of  Muhindur  was  obtained  from  Shah 
Alum  in  the  time  of  Saheb  Singh,  and  the  style  Muha- 
Raja  Rajugan  Buhadur  was  that  conferred  on  Umur  Singh 
by  Ahmed  Shah. 

Page  39 — End  of  the  paragraph. 

Khooshwuqt  Raee  gives  the  same  account  of  the  death 
of  Churut  Singh,  which  he  says  happened  at  Oodhoo- 
Chuk,  on  the  Busuntur,  after  the  two  armies  had  been  for 
six  months  encamped  on  opposite  sides  of  the  stream,  skir- 
mishing with  one  another,  K.  R.  also  confirms  the  story 
of  the  assassination  of  Jhunda  Singh,  but  says  he  was 
riding  about  at  the  time  with  two  or  three  orderlies.  He 
gives  the  same  date  for  these  events  as  Captain  Murray. 

Page  40 — Last  line. 

Khooshwuqt  Raee  says  that  Gunda  Singh,  head  of 
the  Bhungee  Misul,  being  applied  to  by  Dhurum  Singh 
for  aid  against  Maha  Singh,  made  answer  "Why  should 
1  destroy  this  youth  and  make  over  his  inheritance  to  a 
servant  ?" 

Page  41 — Eighth  line  from  the  bottom. 

Khooshwuqt  Raee  says  the  Bhnngce  Top  had  been  taken 
by  Churut  Singh  from  Lehna  Singh,  but  the  carriage 
breaking  down  in  the  attempt  to  carry  it  to  Gujraolee,  it 
was  left  in  deposit  with  the  Zumeendars  of  Rusool  Nugur, 
until  it  should  be  re-demanded  by  the  captor.  The  restora- 
tion of  the  gun  to  the  Bhuugees  was  therefore  a  breach  of 
faith. 

Page  43 — Ninth  line  from  the  bottom. 

Khooshwuqt  Raee  names  several  families  which  had 
found  refuge  in  Jummoo,  during  the  troubles  of  the  Punjab. 

2  D  2 


220  NOTES. 

Amongst  others,  Mulika  Zumanee,  a  Delilee  Queen,  and 
one  of  the  widows  of  Meer  Munoo.  Huree  Singh,  the  son 
with  other  members  of  the  family  of  Raja  Kaon  r a  Mul,  was 
also  living  there  in  splendour;  and  Dilput  Raee,  the  son  of 
LuKHPUT  Raee,  had  likewise  settled  there,  with  the  remains 
of  several  other  families  of  Nobles  of  the  Dehlee,  or  Vice 
Regal  Courts.  Runjeet  Deo  treated  all  these  refugees 
with  much  distinction,  and  particularly  enjoined  his  son  to 
continue  to  them  the  same  courtesy.  Brij  Raj,  however, 
was  no  sooner  seated  on  the  Gudee,  than  he  made  them  the 
objects  of  his  extortion.  From  HuREE  Singh  he  is  said 
to  have  obtained  50  lakhs  of  rupees. 

Page  43 — End  of  the  second  paragraph. 

Khooshwuqt  Raee  states  the  plunder  obtained  by  Mah  a 
Singh,  from  Jummoo,  at  two  Krores  of  Rupees,  but  this 
seems  much  exaggerated.  He  also  states  that  Brij  Raj 
had  been  killed  in  an  action  with  a  Bhungee  detachment, 
and  his  son,  Chyt  Singh,  was  the  Raja,  when  Maha  Singh 
captured  and  sacked  the  town. 

Page  44 — 14th  line  from  the  bottom. 

According  to  K,  R.,  Jv  Singh  ordered  his  people  to 
shoot  Maha  Singh,  and  Goor  Bukhsh,  his  son,  in  vain 
interceded  to  save  him, — he  also  says,  that  Maha  Singh  went 
off  immediately  from  the  interview,  and  was  pursued  and  fired 
at  as  far  as  the  village  of  Mejithia,  but  escaped  fortunately 
without  injury. 

Page  49 — End. 

Khooshwuqt  Raee  is  silent  in  respect  to  the  fate  of 
Runjeet  Singh's  Mother,  but  admits  that  the  Dewan  was 
made  away  with,  and  adds  that  Runjeet  was  for  some  time 
after  distrustful  of  the  whole  race  of  Mootusudees,  and  would 
employ  none. 


NOTES.  221 

Page  53— End  of  the  page. 

JusA  Singh  of  Chunduneeot,  or  Cheniot,  is  said  to  have 
surrendered  to  Rlnjeet  Singh,  upon  a  promise  of  restora- 
tion sw'om  on  the  Holy  Grunth,  but  \ras  nevertheless  made 
prisoner  immediately  on  presenting  himself,  and  stripped  of 
all  his  possessions.  Runjeet  Singh  being  taxed  with  the 
perjury,  called  for  the  holy  volumes  on  which  he  had  sworn, 
and  the  wrappers  being  opened,  some  bricks  in  the  shape  of 
books  were  all  that  was  found. 
Page  54 — End  of  the  paragraph. 

GooLAB  Singh  Bhungee  died,  it  is  said,  from  excessive 
drinking.  Lohgurh  stood  a  siege,  and  was  taken  by  assault, 
— the  besiegers  having  found  entrance  by  a  wicket  gate,  left 
open  to  act  as  an  embrasure  for  an  enormous  gun.  The 
place  was  taken  in  the  midst  of  a  storm  in  the  month  of 
December,  and  Goordut  and  his  mother  escaping,  were 
all  night  exposed  to  the  cold  and  rain,  but  found  refuge  at 
last  with  Jodh  Singh,  head  of  the  Rumgurheea  Misul, 
whose  fort  Ramgurh  was  not  very  far  distant.  Runjebt 
Singh  found  his  aunt,  the  sister  of  Maha  Singh,  in  the 
fort,  and  sent  her  ofl'  in  a  ruth,  or  covered  cart,  next  morn- 
ing, to  share  the  misfortunes  of  Ranee  Sookha. 
Page  60 — End  of  the  paragraph. 

The  result  of  Runjeet  Singh's  expedition  of  this  season, 
from  the  time  of  his  leaving  Umritsur  until  his  return,  is 
stated  by  Khooshwuqt  R  aee,  to  have  been  seven  elephants, 
nine  pieces  of  ordnance,  fifty  horses,  and  about  two  lakhs  of 
rupees  in  cash. 

Page  60 — Also. 

In  1807,  Jodh  Singh  was  gained  over  to  close  alliance 
with  Runjeet,  and  K.  R.  gives  a  long  detail  of  the  means 
used  to  cajole  him.  Amongst  other  things,  Runjeet  Singh 
asked  permission  to  inspect  the  fort  of  Ramgurh,  and  went 


222  NOTRS. 

there  thinly  attended.  He  professed  great  admiration  of 
the  fortifications,  and  ordered  the  foundations  of  a  fort  for 
himself,  afterwards  called  Govindgurh,  to  be  laid  down  accord- 
ing to  the  same  plan.  Jodh  Singh  was  the  son  of  Jus  a 
Singh,  Maha  Singh's  ally  against  Jy  Singh.  He  joined 
with  his  Misul  the  army  that  was  led  by  Runjeet  Singh 
against  Kasoor  in  1807,  which  is  stated  at  30,000  horse, 
being  the  united  force  of  the  Sopkurchukeeas,  Ghuneeas, 
Aloowalas,  and  Rumgurheeas.  After  eight  days'  fighting, 
an  out-work  of  the  place  was  carried,  whenSnuRF-ooD-DEEN 
and  others  deserting,  Kootub-ood-deen  surrendered. 

Page  61 —Tenth  line. 

MozuFFUR  Khan  is  said  to  have  paid  eighty  thousand 
rupees,  and  to  have  given  five  horses  to  be  rid  of  the  Sikh 
army.  During  the  march  back,  a  Zumeendar  came  up 
mounted  on  a  fine  horse  to  pay  his  respects.  Runjeet 
Singh  coveted  the  horse,  and  his  over  zealous  courtiers 
demanded  it  rudely.  The  rider  being  ofiended,  rode  up  to 
Runjeet's  elephant  and  made  several  cuts  at  him.  The 
guard  and  attendants  gathered  round,  but  none  was  found 
that  could  match  the  Zumeendar  in  horsemanship  and  sword- 
play.  After  having  wounded  and  unhorsed  several,  he  was 
shot  and  his  horse  thus  secured. 

Page  63 — Eleventh  line. 

It  was  about  this  time,  that  is,  towards  the  close  of  1807, 
that  MoHKUM  Chund  presented  himself  at  the  Court  of 
Runjeet  Singh,  and  was  appointed  Dewan.  He  had 
served  in  this  capacity  with  Saheb  Singh  of  Goojrat,  and, 
until  his  appointment,  Runjeet  Singh  had  no  oflicer  of 
this  description. 

Page  63— The  end. 

K.  R.  assigns  the  capture  of  Puthan  Kot  and  Seeal  Kot 
to  the  previous  season,  that  is,  1807-8. 


NOTES.  223 

Page  68 — Middle  of  the  page. 

Khooshwuqt  Raee  says  the  Akalees  intended  to  have 
taken  their  revenge  upon  the  mission  by  a  night  attack,  to 
prevent  which  Runjeet  Singh  sent  500  of  his  best  troops 
to  mount  guard  about  Sir  Charles  Metcalfe's  camp. 
In  the  morning,  Sir  Charles  moved  to  a  greater  distance 
from  Umritsur,  and  the  Akalees  dug  up  and  burned  the 
buried  biers  and  every  relic  they  could  find  of  the  Mohume- 
dan  rite. 

Page  77 — Middle  of  the  page. 

SuNSAR  Chund  played  a  double  part  through  the  whole 
of  this  negociation.  After  his  engagement  with  Runjeet 
Singh,  he  entered  into  treaty  with  Umur  Singh,  promis- 
ing to  surrender  the  fort  to  him,  and  thus  obtaining  leave 
to  bring  away  his  family,  contrived  to  throw  into  the  place 
his  brother  with  four  months  supplies,  thus  hoping  to  keep 
it  against  both  claimants.  Runjeet  Singh,  however,  seiz- 
ed Unrodh  Chund  as  a  hostage,  and  obtaining  from 
Sunsar  Chund  an  order  to  be  received  into  the  place,  brib- 
ed Umur  Singh,  whose  army  was  sickly  and  pressed  for 
supplies,  in  order  to  secure  access  to  the  gate,  when  no 
opposition  was  ofifered  to  his  entrance. 

Page  78 — Last  line. 

K.  R.  saj's  that  upon  Goolab  Singh's  flying  to  Run- 
jeet's  camp,  Saheb  Singh  of  Goojrat,  the  father,  took 
fright  and  fled  to  Bhimbur,  whereupon  his  whole  territory, 
and  the  treasure  and  property  in  his  forts,  were  quickly  taken 
possession  of  by  Runjeet,  and  a  Jageer  of  12,000  Rs.  per 
annum  was  assigned  to  Goolab  Singh.  The  plunder  of 
this  family  is  stated  to  have  yielded  between  five  and  six 
lakhs  of  rupees  in  cash  and  seven  hundred  villages.  In 
1810,  Saheb  Singh  gave  himself  up  and  obtained  a  Jageer 
of  rupees  25,000  per  annum. 


224  NOTES. 

Page  79 — Fourth  line  from  tlie  bottom. 

According  to  Khooshwuqt  Raee,  Shah  Shooja  was 
invited  to  Mooltan  by  Moozuffur  Khan,  with  whom  Vufa 
Begum,  with  the  Shah's  family,  had  already  taken  refuge,  and 
had  brought  the  Shah's  jewels.  Moozuffur  Khan  declar- 
ed, he  required  the  Shah's  aid  and  countenance  to  enable 
him  to  withstand  the  attacks  of  Runjeet  Singh.  He  no 
sooner,  however,  made  his  appearance  under  the  walls,  than 
the  fort  guns  were  opened  on  him,  from  which  K.  R.  sur- 
mises that  the  Kiladar  wished  the  death  of  the  Shah,  in 
order  that  he  might  plunder  the  jewels,  or  if  he  surrender- 
ed, that  it  was  his  intention  to  have  given  him  up  to  Prince 
Kamran,  which  would  equally  have  answered  his  purpose. 
Shah  Shooja  rode  away  beyond  the  reach  of  the  fort  guns, 
but  remained  in  the  neighbourhood  until  Moozuffur  Khan 
repenting,  assigned  over  four  Purgunas,  with  a  Jageer  of 
10,000,  for  the  Shah's  personal  expences. 

Page  153 — Tenth  line  from  the  bottom. 

And  page  170. 

Abbas  Meerza  died  in  the  early  part  of  the  present 
year  1834.  It  must  be  recollected,  however,  that  this  work 
was  compiled  and  prepared  for  publication  in  1833.  Tlic 
argument  holds,  whoever  may  be  the  competitor  for  the  Per- 
sian Throne,  whose  cause  may  be  espoused  by  the  Russian 
Autocrat,  The  party  at  the  Court  of  Tehran,  who  look  to 
that  quarter,  will  not  have  been  extinguished  by  the  death 
of  the  individual  Prince,  whose  name  was  to  the  contract 
entered  into. 


INDEX  OF  PRINCIPAL  PERSONS. 


A. 

Adeena  Beg  Rhav,  an  officer  of  the  LaLor  Soobah,  page  5 — joins  Meer 
INfunoo  against  the  Abdalees,  11 — his  advice,  11 — withdraws  after 
the  defeat,  12 — summoned  by  the  Afghan  Governor  of  Labor,  15 — 
retires  into  the  hills  and  associates  with  the  Sikhs,  15,  16 — calls  in 
the  Mahrattas,  16 — his  death  and  character,  16,  17. 

Agcr  Khas,  Chief  of  Rajaoree,  leagued  with  the  Bhimbhur  Chief  against 
Runjeet  Singh,  91 — submits,  94 — aids  the  first  expedition  against 
Kashmeer,  104,  105 — advises  the  attack  of  Mahomed  Uzeem  Khan's 
position,  106 — leagued  with  Poonch  against  Runjeet  in  the  second 
expedition  against  Kashmeer,  123 — imprisoned,  125. 

Ahmed  Khan,  of  Jhung,  submits  to  Runjeet  Singh,  56 — exactions  from 
him,  sent  prisoner  to  Lah6r,  111 — restored  to  liberty,  114. 

Ahmed  Shah — Contributes  to  the  fall  of  the  Moghul  Empire,  1,  2 — 
intrigues  with  the  Soobadar  of  Labor,  a — marches  to  revenge  the 
death  of  his  messenger,  6 — captures  Labor,  6 — his  views  on  Hin- 
doostan,  7 — retires  worsted  in  an  action,  8 — grants  terms  to  Meer 
Munoo  of  Labor,  9,  10 — returns,  sits  down  before  Labor,  11 — defeats 
Meer  Munoo  and  takes  it,  12 — conquers  Kashmeer,  13 — marches  to 
Dehlee  without  opposition,  14,  15 — occupies  Sirhind  and  the  Pun- 
jab, 15 — returns,  associated  with  Chiefs  of  Hindoostan,  18 — gains 
advantages  over  the  Mahrattas,  18,  19 — overthrows  them  at  Panee- 
put,  20 — advances  in  1762-63  to  put  down  the  Sikhs,  23 — defeats 
them  at  Hureeana  Bumala,  24 — destroys  the  tank,  &c.  at  Umritsur, 
25 — again  reduces  Kashmeer,  26 — confers  honors  on  the  Grandson 
of  Ala  Sing  of  Puteeala,  27— recalled  to  Kabool,  28— his  death,  28. 
2   E 


226  INDEX. 

Ala  Singh,  Raja  of  Puteeala,  captured  by  Ahmed  Shab,  receives  favora, 
25 — is  confirmed  in  the  possession  of  Sirhind,  27 — ^succeeded  by  his 
son  Surdol  Singh,  Note  to  page  27. 

Allard,  Monsr.j  a  French  Officer  in  Runjeet  Singh's  employ,  his  arrival 
at  Labor,  131 — address  to  Runjeet  Singh,  132 — attends  the  meet- 
ing with  the  Govenior  General,  his  advice  to  Runjeet,  1G2. 

Amherst,  Earl,  Governor  General, — his  intercourse  with  Runjeet  Singh, 
147 — carries  home  presents  to  the  King  of  England,  152. 

Apa  Saheb — Moodajee  Bhoosla,  seeks  refuge  in  Labor,  126. 

AsKooR,  Ranee  of  Pateeala,  quarrels  with  Raja  Saheb  Singh,  her  hus- 
band, 61,  62 — made  regent  on  her  husband  being  deposed  by  Colonel 
Ochterlony,  75. 

Ata  Mohummed  Khan,  son  of  Vuzeer  Sheer  Mohummed  of  Kabool,  79 
— leagued  with  the  Governors  of  Attuk  and  Kashmeer,  83 — holds 
Shah  Shooja  prisoner  in  Kashmeer,  92. 

B. 

Baluk  Ram,  Soogun  Chund's  Gomashta  at  Lah6r,  aids  the  flight  of  Shah 
Shooja's  Begums,  102. 

Beer  Singh,  Raja  of  Noorpoor,  in  the  hills,  expelled,  110. 

Bentinck,  Lord  Wm.  C.  Governor  General  of  India,  proposes  an  inter- 
view with  Runjeet  Singh,  159 — proceeds  to  Roopur,  162 — meeting 
with  Runjeet,  161,  105,  166 — Instructions  for  Commercial  Treaty 
with  Siiidh,  168. 

Bhaee  Lal  Singh,  of  Kythul,  joins  in  soliciting  British  protection,  61 — 
accompanies  Colonel  Ochterlony  to  Khuruk  Sing's  wedding,  90. 

Bhag  Singh,  Huloowala,  serving  with  Runjeet,  is  imprisoned,  82 — and 
released,  83. 

Bhag  Singh,  of  Jheend,  invites  Runjeet  Singh  to  take  part  in  a  quarrel 
with  Puteeala,  58 — alarmed  at  bis  encroachments,  solicits  Britisli 
protection,  64 — accompanies  Colonel  Ochterlony  to  Khuruk  Siugli's 
wedding,  90. 

Biioop  Singh,  Raja  of  Ilureepoor,  in  the  hills,  expelled,  101. 

Bhva  Ram  Singh,  Dewan  of  Khuruk  Sin^^h,  92 — employed  against  Kash- 
meer, 100 — disgraced  and  mulcted,  112. 

Boodh  Singh  Bhugl't,  of  Soojanpoor,  exactions  from  him,  55. 

BooDii  Singh,  of  Fyzoollapoor,  exactions  from  him,  65 — his  person 
secured,  78 — expelled,  flies  to  Loodcoana,  80. 

Bkij  Raj  Deo,  eldest  son  of  Runjeet  Deo,  of  Jummoo,  rebels  and  calls  in 
Churut  Singh,  38— makes  an  exchange  of  Turbands  with  MiUia 
Singh,  40— succeeds  to  the  Raj,  his  ill  conduct,  43. 


INDEX.  227 

BrHAWUL  Khan  succeeds  his  father,  Sadiq  Mohnratnud  Khan,  as  Nawab 

of  Buhawalpoor,  141 — his  reception  of  Lieutenant  Bumes,  1j8. 
BcLBHCDCR  Singh,  Gonrkhalee  defendant  of  Nalapanee,  slaun  in  action 

■with  Yoosnf  Zyes,  139. 
BcRNES,  Lieutenant — sent  in  charge  of  Horses  to  Labor,  154 — his  diflS- 

culties  in  Siadh,  155,  156 — sails  up  the  Indus,  157,  158 — arrives  at 

Labor,  159. 

c. 

Chubct  Singh,  ancestor  of  Runjeet  Singh,  22 — defends  Gujraolee  against 
the  Afghans,  23 — his  Misul,  32 — takes  part  against  the  Jummoo 
Raja,  33— dies  by  the  bursting  of  his  matchlock,  39. 

Chyn  Singh,  Dewan  of  Puteeala,  joined  in  a  mission  to  Dehlee,  to  seek 
British  protection,  64. 

Chyt  Singh,  joint  Sirdar  of  Labor,  51— reduced  by  Runjeet,  takes  a 
Jageer,  52. 

D. 

Desa  Singh,  Mujhitheea,  employed  in  collecting  hill  tributes,  121— 
crosses  the  Sutlej  against  Belaspoor,  but  is  recalled,  122. 

Dheean  Singh,  Raja — Chamberlain  of  Runjeet,  obtains  a  grant  of  Jum- 
moo, 125 — his  great  favor,  147 — aims  to  connect  himself  by  marriage 
with  Sunsar  Chund,  148. 

Dhcrvm  Singh,  rebels  against  Malia  Singh,  is  subdued,  40. 

DiL  Singh,  an  associate  of  Churut  Singh,  22 — instigates  the  putting  to 
death  of  Runjeet  Singh's  mother  and  the  Dewan  Lukhoo,  49 — his 
disgrace  and  death,  56^ 

DuL  Singh  Mcherna,  Jageerdar,  employed  by  Runjeet  Singh,  105,  108, 
109 — destroys  himself  because  reproached,  136,  137. 

F. 

Feeroz  Khan,  Chief  of  the  Khntuk  Moosulmans,  119 — makes  terms  with 
Runjeet,  119— his  deatli,  137. 

FuTEH  Khan,  Sirdar  of  Saheewal,  surrenders  to  Runjeet  Singh,  79,  SO — 
liberated,  83. 

Fcteh  Khan,  Vuzeer  of  Kabool,  expels  Shah  Shooja,  79 — conquers 
Kashmeer,  93,  94,  95 — his  interview  and  treaty  with  Runjeet,  94 — 
dissatisfied  at  the  seizure  of  Attuk,  90— his  action  with  Dewan 
Mokhum  Chund  at  Attuk^  99— recalled  to  the  Indus,  101 — put  to 
death  by  Prince  Kamran,  117. 

2  E  2 


228  INDEX. 

FuTEH  Sing,  Aloowala,  his  friendship  and  exchange  of  turbands  with 
Runjeet  Singh,  53 — joins  in  several  enterprises,  54,  55,  56 — left  on 
the  Chunab,  while  Runjeet  Singh  goes  to  meet  Juswunt  Rao 
Holkur,  58 — grants  made  to  him,  55,  62 — engagement  made  with 
him  by  Lord  Lake,  58 — employed  against  Ooch,  111 — distrusts 
Runjeet  and  flies  across  the  Sutlej,  but  returns,  144. 

G. 

GnuNDiV  Singh,  successor  of  Jhunda  Singh,  as  head  of  the  Bhungee 

Sikhs,  40. 
GooLAB  Singh,  Bhungee  Sirdar,  heads  a  confederacy  against  Runjeet 

Singh,  52 — dies  of  hard  drinking,  his  family  stripped,  54. 
GooLAB  Singh,  brother  of  Dheean  Singh,  chamberlain,  125,  147. 
GooRDUT  Singh,  son  of  Goolab  Singh  Bhungee,  expelled  from  Lohgurh 

and  reduced  to  poverty,  54. 
GooROO  GoviND,  last  Gooroo  of  the  Sikhs,  institutes  the  Pahul,  2  and 

Note. 
GujpuT  Singh,  of  Jheend,  his  daughter  marries  Maha  Singh,  41. 
GuNDHA  Singh,  son  of  Jodh  Singh,  of  Vuzeerabad,  pays  a  large  price  to 

secure  his  succession,  78 — is  stripped  of  all,  81. 

H. 

Hafiz  Ahmed  Khan,  Chief  of  Bhukur  and  Leeah,  110 — extortions  from 
him,  111 — his  country  reduced,  129 — treaty  with  him  faithfully 
observed,  130. 

Heera  Singh,  son  of  Dheean  Singh,  his  favor  with  Runjeet  Singh,  147, 
148. 

HoLKAR  MuLHAR  Rao,  his  march  to  Labor  to  succour  Adeena  Beg  Khan, 
16 — defeated  by  a  detachment  of  Abdalees,  18. 

Juswunt  Rao,  flics  before  Lord  Lake  to  Lah6r,  57 — peace  con- 
cluded there  between  him  and  the  British  Government,  68. 

HuREE  Singh,  Nalooa,  appointed  Governor  of  Kashmeer  by  Runjeet, 
125 — removed  for  his  severities,  129 — employed  against  Mohummed 
Uzeeui  Khan  at  Peshawur,  139 — overpowered  in  the  hills  near  Kash- 
meer, 141— sent  on  a  mission  to  the  Governor  General  at  Shimla,  160, 

J. 

Jaroo  Singh,  Bhaee  of  the  Sikhs,  his  Sumadh  or  tomb,  4. 
Jhunda  Singh,   Chief  of  the  Bhungee  Misul,  29 — ally  of  the  Rnja  of 
JumiuuO;  39 — assassinated,  40. 


INDEX. 


229 


JoDH  Singh,  sob  of  Jusa  Sing  of  Ramgurh,  gives  an  asylum  to  Ranee 
Sookha,  54,  (Note)— Runjeet  Singh's  efforts  to  gain  him,  60,  (Note) 
—services,  86— rebukes  Runjeet  for  his  rapacity,  87— his  brothers 
plundered,  113. 

JoDH  Singh,  of  Vuzeerabad,  his  death,  78— succeeded  by  Gundha 
Singh,  78. 

JcBCR  Khan,  brother  of  Futeh  Khan  Vuzeer,  left  Governor  in  Kash- 
meer,  118— defeated  and  expelled  by  Misur  Dewan  Chund,  123, 124. 

JcHAN  Dad  Khan,  Governor  of  Attuk,  betrays  Shah  Shooja,  92— sur- 
renders Attuk  to  Runjeet  Singh,  95,  96— appointed  by  Runjeet 
Governor  of  Peshawur,  119 — expelled,  his  further  adventures,  120. 

Jcsa  Singh,  Chief  of  the  Ramgurheea  Misul,  29— expelled  by  the  Ghu- 
neeas,  44 — forms  an  alliance  with  Maha  Singh,  45 — recovers  his 
possessions,  45. 

JrsA  Singh,  of  Cheniot,  reduced  by  treachery,  53— anecdote  in  respect 

to  him,  Note  to  53. 
JcspCT  Raee,  brother  of  Lukhput  Race,  killed  in  action  by  the  Sikhs,  4. 
Jymdl  Ghuneea,  Chief  of  Puthankot,  his  fort  seized  by  Runjeet  Singh, 
63 — and    surrounding    possessions,    76 — his    daughter    married    to 
Khuruk  Singh,  89,  90— his  death,  92. 

Jy  Singh,  Atareewala,  deserts  to  the  Afghans,  131— leagued  with  Mo- 

humed  Uzeem  Khan,  134 — returns  to  his  allegiance,  137. 
Jy  Singh,  Chief  of  the  Ghunee  Sikhs,  29 — associates  with  Churut  Singh 
in  Jummoo  affairs,  39 — with  Maha  Singh  in  the  attack  of  Rusool- 
nugur,  41 — affronts  Maha  Singh,  44 — combination  against  him,  45 — 
his  son  slain,  he  yields,  46 — dies  in  1793,  48. 

K. 

Kaboolee  Mcl,  Ahmed  Shah's  Governor  of  Labor,  26 — expelled  by  the 
Sikhs,  27. 

Kamran,  Prince,  son  of  Shah  Muhmood,  of  Kabool,  plots  against  and 
destroys  Futeh  Khau  Vuzeer,  117,  118. 

Kaonra  Mll,  appointed  Dewan  of  Labor,  vice  Lukhput  Raee,  5 — de- 
feats Shah  NuwEiz  Khan  10 — killed  in  action  with  the  Dooranees, 
12 — his  son  and  family  find  an  asylum  at  Jummoo,  43,  Note. 

Khaja  Obyd,  left  by  Ahmed  Shah,  Governor  of  Labor,  20 — ill  sup- 
ported, 21— attacks  Churut  Singh  in  Gujraolee,  and  fails,  23. 

Khooshhal  Singh,  his  rise  to  favor,  84,  85 — Runjeet's  conduct  to  him 
and  his  brother,  113. 

K.HCRUK  Singh,  son  of  Runjeet  Singh,  his  birth,  53— employed  on  various 
occasions,  84,  91,  123— his  marriage,  90,  91 — his  mother  disgraced 


230  INDEX. 

and  himself  reprimanded,  112 — commands  nominally  against  Mool- 

tan,  114 — attends  tlie  meeting  witli  the  Governor  General,  162. 
KooTUB-OoDDEEN,  of  Kasoor,  53 — succeeds  his  brother,  5-1 — attacked  by 

Runjeet  Singh,   GO — his  application  for  British  protection  refused, 

145. 
KuMUK-OoDDEEN  Khan,  Vuzeer  of  the  Moghul  Empire,   uncle  of  the 

Soobadars  of  Lah6r,   5 — dissuades  his  nephew  from  alliance  with 

Ahmed  Shah,  6 — prepares  to  oppose  Ahmed  Shah,  7 — killed  while 

at  prayers,  8. 
KuRDM  Singh,  Raja  of  Puteeala,  succeeds  his  father,  Saheb  Singh,  75. 

L. 

Lake,  Lord — pursues  Holkur  to  Labor,  58,  61. 

Lehna  Singh,  Labor  assigned  to  him,  27. 

LuKHoo  or  LuKHPUT   Singh,   Dewan  of  Maha  Singh,  48 — suspected  of 

criminal  intercourse  with  his  widow,  49 — is   circumvented  and  slain, 

49,  and  Note. 
LoKHPUT  Raee,  Dewan  of  Labor,  his  successes  against  the  Sikhs,  4^ 

removed  by  Shah  Nuvvaz  Khan,  5 — his  son  finds  an  asylum  in  Jum- 

moo.  Note  to  page  43. 

M. 

Maha  Singh,  son  of  Churut  Sing,  succeeds  bis  father,  39 — early 
distinguislies  himself,  40,  41 — attacks  and  captures  J umnioo,  43— 
quarrels  with  Jy  Singh,  44 — is  victorious  over  him,  45 — attacks 
Goojrat,  47 — dies  in  the  expedition,  48 — his  character,  48. 

Mehtab  Koonwur,  daughter  of  Suda  Koonwur,  and  lirst  wife  of  Runjeet 
Singh,  4G — presents  him  with  twins,  63. 

Malcolm,  Sir  John,  Governor  of  Bombay,  forwards  the  King's  present 
to  Runjeet  Singh,  153,  154 — withiiolds  information  that  tlie  present 
is  Royal,  158,  Note. 

Meer  Mourad  U  lee,  Chief  of  Sindh,- his  conduct  towards  Lieutenant 
Burucs,  155, 15G — account  of  him,  157 — ^Colonel  Pottiuger  sent  envoy 
to  him,  170,  171— Treaties  with  him,  172  to  175. 

Meer  MiJ NOG,  son  of  Kuniur-Ooddecn  Vuzeer,  distinguishes  himself  in 
action  with  the  Abdalecs,  8 — Governor  of  Labor  captures  Ram 
Rounee  from  the  Sikha,  9 — makes  terms  with  Ahmed  Shah,  9,  10 — 
defeats  Shah  Nuwaz  Khan's  attempt  on  Labor,  10 — again  attacked 
by  Ahmed  Shah,  11— is  defeated  and  submits,  12 — liis  death,  13 — 
bis  widow  attempts  to  niainlaiu  hcri>t'lf,  14, 


INDEX.  231 

Meer  Roosttm  Khan,  Chief  of  Kbyrpoor,  his  reception  of  Lieutenant 
Burnes,  157 — treaty  with  him,  176,  177. 

Metcalfe,  Sir  Charles,  British  Envoy  to  Labor,  65 — treatment  of  him 
by  Runjeet,  60 — his  Camp  attacked  t)y  Akalee  fanatics,  68 — treaty 
concluded  by  him  with  Runjeet  Singh,  69. 

MisiLs  of  the  Sikhs,  recapitulation  of  tliem,  29  to  32. 

Misi'R  Dewan  Chund,  commands  at  Mooltan,  114 — takes  it,  115 — leads 
second  expedition  against  Rashmeer,  122 — conquers  the  valley,  124 
— further  employment,  134. 

BIoHKUM  Chind  Dewas,  enters  the  service  of  Runjeet  Singh,  Note  to 
page  G3 — employed  in  resumptions,  64,  82,  84 — his  advice  to  Run- 
jeet, 91 — employed  with  Futeh  Khan  Vuzeer  against  Kashmecr, 
95— brings  back  Shah  Shooja,  93,  96 — defeats  Futeh  Khan  Vuzeer  at 
Attuk,  99,  100 — his  death  and  character,  108. 

MoHisiMi'D  UzEEM  Khan,  brother  of  Futeh  Khan  Vuzeer,  Governor  of 
Kashmeer,  98 — his  defence  against  Runjeet  Singh,  106 — geu?rosity 
toMohkum  Chund's  grandson,  107 — takes  the  lead  after  his  brotaer's 
death,  118 — leaving  Jubur  Khan  in  Kashmeer,  123 — marches  to 
Peshawur  to  oppose  Runjeet  Singh,  137 — retires,  139 — hisdeath,  HO. 

MooRCROFT,  Mr.  visits  Labor,  126 — obtains  the  papersofa  Russian  Envoy 
to  Runjeet,  143. 

Mora,  a  Courtezan,  her  shameless  conduct,  85. 

MoTEE  Ram,  son  of  Dewan  Mohkum  Chund,  made  Governor  of  Kash- 
meer, 124 — removed,  125 — re-appointed,  129 — his  father's  Jageers 
resumed,  143 — sent  on  mission  to  Lord  Bentinck,  160. 

Mozcffcr  Khax,  of  Mooltan,  makes  presents  to  Runjeet  Singh,  56,  61, 
92 — is  besieged,  80 — the  siege  fails,  81 — conduct  towards  Shah 
Shooja,  Note  to  page  79 — besieged  again,  114,  115— killed  in  the 
stonn,  116. 

N. 

Nidhan  Singh,  of  Huttoo  or  Athoo,  is  reduced  and  imprisoned,  contrary 

to  treaty,  82 — released,  83. 
NiDHAS  Singh,   son  of  Jy  Singh  Ghnneea,  receives  a  Jageer  instead  of 

the  succession,  46 — his  Jageer  resumed,  86. 
NiJABUT  Khan,  slain  in  defence  of  Koonjpoora  against  Mahrattas,  19. 
Noon  Singh,  ancestor  of  Runjeet  Singh,  22. 
Nor  NiHAL  Singh,  son  of  Khuruk  Singh,  his  birth,  129 — sent  to  give  the 

Istuqbal  to  Futeh  Singh  Aloowala,  144. 
NiJEEB-OoD-DocLA,  joins  Ahmed  Shah  against  the  Mahrattas,  18. 


232  INDEX. 

Nujcm-Ood-Deen,  of  Kasoor,  makes  terms  with  Runjeet  Singh,  53— is 
assassinated,  54. 

o. 

OcHTERLONY,  Coloncl — Commands  the  force,  advanced  to  the  Sutlej,  71— 
Ills  arrangements  with  protected  Sikhs,  72,  74 — deposes  the  Putee- 
ala  Raja,  74 — his  life  attempted,  75,  76 — attends  Khuruk  Singh's 
wedding,  89  to  91. 

P. 

Phoola  Singh,  Akalee  fanatic,  attacks  Sir  C.  T.  Metcalfe's  camp,  68— 
commits  excesses  in  Hafiz  Ahmed's  country,  111 — killed  in  action 
with  Yoosuf  Zyes,  138. 

PoTTiNGER,  Colonel — British  Agent  in  Kuchh,  negociates  Lieutenant 
Burnes'  reception  in  Sindh,  154,  155 — sent  Envoy  there,  168 — nego- 
ciates Commercial  Treaties,  169  to  174. 

R. 

Ram  Dyal,  grandson  of  Dewan  Mohkum  Chund,  employed  against 
Kashmeer,  105 — generous  conduct  of  Mohumed  Uzeem  Khan  to 
him,  107 — further  employment,  108,  109 — killed  in  action  in  Kash- 
meer, 125. 

RooHooLLAH  Khan,  Raja  of  Poonch,  105 — attacks  Runjeet's  camp,  107 — 
his  posts  carried  by  Misur  Dewan  Chuud,  128. 

RuNJEET  Deo,  Raja  of  Jummoo,  in  the  hills,  gained  by  Ahmed  Shah,  26 
— his  son  rebels,  38 — his  death,  43,  and  Note  to  ditto. 

RcNJEET  Singh — his  birth  and  early  danger  from  small  pox,  42 — marries 
the  daughter  of  Suda  Koonwur,  46 — and  a  daughter  of  the  Nukee 
Sirdar,  48 — assumes  the  Government  from  his  mother  and  her  Dewan, 
49 — intrigues  and  takes  Lahor,  52 — maintains  himself  against  a  con- 
federacy, 53 — makes  divers  acquisitions,  54,  55,  56 — conduct  to- 
wards Holkur  and  Lord  Lake,  58 — crosses  the  Sutlej,  59 — takes 
Kasoor,  60 — marches  to  Puteeala,  61,  62 — mission  of  Sir  C.  T. 
Metcalfe  to  him,  65 — treaty  concluded  with  him,  69 — takes  Kangra, 
76,  77 — besieges  Mooltan,  80 — present  to  him  from  Lord  Minto,  84 — 
profligacy,  85 — extortions,  86,  87 — invites  Colonel  Ociitcrlony  to  his 
son's  wedding,  89,  91 — operations  in  the  hills  and  designs  on  Kash- 
meer, 93,  94 — gains  Attuk,  95— obtains  the  Kohi-Noor  Diamond, 
98— first  expedition  against  Kashmeer,  105  to  107— exactions,  108  to 
111— reprimands  Khuruk  Singh  and  punishes  his  motlier,  112 — 
takes  Mooltan,  114,  115— makes  his  aimy  disgorge  ili  plunder,  116, 


INDEX.  233 

117 — first  advance  to  Peshawur,  119— conquers  Kashmeer,  122,  123, 
124 — intrigues  against  Suda  Koonwur,  127— disgraces  and  plun- 
ders her,  128 — takes  Munkera,  130 — entertains  French  OflScers,  131, 
133 — second  expedition  to  Peshawur,  137 — captures  it,  139 — his 
favorites,  85,  113,  148 — present  of  cart  horses  to  him,  152 — his  re- 
ception of  Lieutenant  Burnes  with  them,  158,  159 — agrees  to  meet 
the  Governor  General,  IGO — meeting,  162  to  166 — his  character  and 
resources,  178  to  190. 

s. 

'^  \HF.B  Singh,  of  Goojrat,  succeeds  his  father  and  is  besieged  by  Maha 
Singh,  47 — leagued  against  Runjeet  Singh.  52 — flies  his  country, 
78  (Note) — accepts  a  Jageer,  83. 

Saheb  Sixgh,  Raja  of  Puteeala,  succeeds  his  father  Umur  Singh,  59 — 
Runjeet  Singh  interferes  in  his  quarrel  with  the  Naba  and  other 
Chiefs,  59 — his  quarrel  with  his  wife,  61 — again  visited  by  Runjeet, 
62 — exchanges  turbands  with  him,  66 — deposed  by  Colonel  Ochter- 
lony,  74 — his  death,  75. 

Seyud  Ahmed,  a  Moosulman  reformer,  his  rise,  145, 146 — defeated,  146 — 
re-appears  and  gains  a  victory,  149 — masters  Peshawur,  150 — is  de- 
serted and  expelled  by  the  Yoosuf  Zyes,  150 — slain  in  action,  151. 

Shah  Zcman,  succeeds  Shall  Tymoor  at  Kabool,  50 — invades  the  Punjab 
and  loses  his  guns,  51 — retires  across  the  Indus,  79 — and  to  Labor, 
87, 92 — pensioned  at  Loodeeana,  103. 

Shah  Niwaz  Khan,  usurps  the  Soobadaree  of  Labor,  5— expelled  by 
Ahmed  Shah,  6 — attempts  Labor  against  Meer  Munoo,  but  is  defeat- 
ed and  slain,  10. 

Shah  Shooja,  son  of  Tymoor  Shah,  56 — retires  into  the  Punjab,  79 — 
fails  in  an  enterprize  to  recover  his  dominions,  87 — second  failure,  92 
— the  Kohi-Noor  Diamond  extorted  from  him,  96,  97,  98 — further 
ill  usage,  101 — his  wives  and  family  escape  to  Loodeeana,  102 — 
himself  also,  103. 

Sheer  Singh,  presented  to  Runjeet  as  bom  of  his  wife  Mehtab  Koonwur, 
63 — claims  a  separate  establishment,  127 — employed  in  the  expedi- 
tion to  Peshawur,  139 — routs  and  slays  Seyud  Ahmed,  150,  151. 

Shooja-Ood-Doi'la,  Nuwab  of  Oudh,  joins  Ahmed  Shah,  18. 

Sindheea-Dcttajee,  defeated  and  slain  by  a  detachment  of  Abdalees,  18. 

SooLTAN  Khan,  Chief  of  Bhimbur,  usurps  the  Raj  and  resists  Runjeet 
Singh,  91 — imprisoned  and  reduced,  94, 101,  109 — released  and  em- 
ployed in  the  second  expedition  against  Kashmeer,  123. 
2    F 


234  INDEX. 

SooKH  Jeewijn,  a  Hindoo  in  Ahmed  Shah's  service,  11 — appointed  Go- 
vernor of  Kashmeer,  13 — rebels,  is  reduced,  and  blinded,  26. 

SuDA  KooNWUR,  widow  of  Goor  Bukhsh  Singh  of  Ghunee,  46 — marries 
her  daughter  to  Runjeet  Singh,  46 — succeeds  to  the  Sirdaree  of  the 
Ghunees,  48— adviser  of  Runjeet  Singh,  49— aids  in  the  conquest 
of  Labor,  50,  51— exactions  from  her  dependents,  61— presents  Run- 
jeet with  twins,  declared  to  be  born  of  her  daughter,  63 — not  at 
Khuruk  Singh's  wedding,  90— intrigues  against  her,  127— her  fall 
and  imprisonment,  128 — question  as  to  her  right  to  protection  for 
territory  South  of  the  Sutlej,  134, 135. 

SuDA  Sheeo  Rao  Bhao,  leads  the  Mahratta  armj'  sent  against  Ahmed 
Shah,  19 — slain  in  the  battle  of  Paneeput,  20. 

SuNSAR  Chund,  Raja  of  Kangra,  invades  the  Turaee,  54,  55 — pressed  by 
Goorkhas,  solicits  aid  from  Runjeet  Singh,  60 — loses  Kangra,  76, 
77 — employed  in  collecting  tributes  for  Runjeet,  121 — his  death,  141. 

T. 

Tara  Singh  Ghvba,  head  of  the  Dooleeala  Misul,  30 — extortions  on  him 
by  Runjeet  Singh,  55,  60— dies  while  serving  with  Runjeet,  62 — bis 
family  plundered,  63. 

Tara  Singh,  twin  brother  of  Sheer  Singh,  alleged  sons  of  Mehtab  Koon- 
wur,  63. 

TvMooR,  son  of  Ahmed  Shah,  left  Governor  of  Labor,  15 — expelled  by 
the  Mahrattas,  16 — succeeds  to  the  Tbroue  of  Kabool,  28 — dies,  and 
is  succeeded  by  Shah  Zuman,  50 — dissensions  among  his  sons,  66, 

u. 

Umur  Sisgii,  Raja  of  Puteeala,  27 — obtains  titles  from  Ahmed  Shah, 
27j  28 — anecdote  of  him,  Note  to  page  27 — succeeded  by  Saheb 
Singh,  69. 

Umcr  Singh  Thapa,  Coorkha  Commandant,  invades  Kangra,  60— be- 
sieges it,  76 — is  foiled,  and  retires  across  the  Sutlej,  77  and  Note — 
campaign  of  Colonel  Ochterlony  against  him,  109. 

Unrouh  Chunu,  Raja  of  Kangra,  succeeds  his  father  Sunsarchund,  141 — 
visits  Labor  and  flies  to  British  territory  to  avoid  a  degrading  con- 
nexion, 148. 

UzEEZ-OuD-Dr.EN,  Fuqeer  and  Hukcem,  employed  ou  confidential  mis- 
eious  by  Runjeet  Singh,  96,  137,  160, 


INDEX,  235 

V. 

ViFA  Begcm,  wife  of  Shah  Shooja,  received  into  Mooltan,  79,  Note- 
brought  to  Lahor  by  Shah  Zuman,  92— cajoled  by  Runjeet  Singh, 
93 — severities  on  her  to  extort  jewels,  96— escapes  to  Loodeeana, 
102. 

Vkntcra,  Mo.NSR.,  a  French  Officer  in  Runjeet's  service,  his  arrival  at 
l<ah6r,  131,  132^*mployment,  133 — saves  Peshawur  critically,  149. 

w. 

Wade,  Captain— British  Agent  at  Loodeeana,  discrepancies  between  his 
account  and  Captain  Murray's,  40,  49,  52,  53 — sent  on  a  mission  to 
Labor  by  Lord  Amherst,  147 — invited  to  Labor  to  meet  Lieutenant 
Burnes,  159 — negociates  meeting  of  Runjeet  with  the  Govenior 
General,  160. 

"WiswAS  Rao,  son  of  the  Peshwa,  19 — killed  at  Paneeput,  20. 

y. 

Yar  Mohcmmed  Khan,  Governor  of  Peshawur,  119 — expelled  by  Run- 
jeet, recovers  the  citj-,  119 — submits  to  pay  tribute,  137— retires  from 
Mohuroud  Uzeem  Khan,  137 — restored  by  Runjeet  Singh,  140— 
summoned  to  the  Indus,  142 — killedinaction  with  Seyud  Ahmed,  149. 

YiHEEA  Khan,  son  of  Zukureea  Khan,  Viceroy  of  Labor,  2 — attempts  to 
put  down  the  Sikhs,  4 — is  ejected  by  his  brother  Shah  Nuwaz 
Khan,  5 — flies  to  his  uncle  the  Vuzeer  at  Dehlee,  5. 

z. 

Zvs  Kha>",  left  by  Ahmed  Shah  Governor  of  Sirhind,  20— engages  the 
Sikhs  and  is  critically  supported  by  Ahmed  Shah,  24— killed  in 
action  near  Sirhind;  26. 


THE    END. 


Printed  at  tMe  Bengai  iiiiitary  Orphan  Prest,  by  O.  H.  UuUmann. 


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PLEASE  DO  NOT  REMOVE 
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UNIVERSITY  OF  TORONTO  UBRARY 


DS  Prinsep,  Henry  Thoby 
^^5  Origin  of  the  Sikh  power  in 

P3P7  the  Punjab  and  political  life 

1834  of  Maharaja  Ran jit  Singh 


7?