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ITTER JAHRGANG . HEFT 1

APRIL/JUNI 1914

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GSTASIATISCHE

ZEITSCHRIFT

BEITRÄGE ZUR KENNTNIS DER KUNST
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LEXTRËME '
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INHALT VON HEFT 1 :: APRIL-JUNI 1914

ABHANDLUNGEN
VINCENT A. SMITH, Indian Sculpture of
the Gupta Period. With 19 fîç. ... 1

N. TSUDA, Beiträge zur Geschichte der

japanischen Lackkunst 29

W. Ô. HADAWAY, Some Hindu ‘Silpa’
Shastras in their Relation to South
Indian Sculpture. With 15 fig. ... 34
JOHN C. FERGUSON, Wang Ch’uan . 51
M. W. DE VISSER, The Bodhisiattva
Titsang (Jizo) in China and Japan.

Ill, 2. With 4 fig 61

SAMMLUNGEN UND DENKMÄLER
E. A. VORETZSCH, Chinesische Samm-
lungen. Mit 5 Abb 93

MISZELLEN

Sadanga or the six Limbs of Indian

Painting (A. N. Tagore) 102

Representations made to China by the
‘‘China Monuments" Society . . . .103
ADOLF FISCHER (1856—1914) ... 104

Alle redaktionellen Sendungen werden an Dr. Willie
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BESPRECHUNGEN Btlu

RADHAKUMUD MOOKERJI, Indian

Shipping (William Cohn) 105

Admonitions of the Instructress in the

Palace (Otto Fischer) 105

HENRI CORDIER, Bibliotheca Japonica

(Nachod) 108

HENRI P. BOWIE, On the Laws of
Japanese Painting (William Cohn) .in
E. A. HEBER, Japanische Industrie-
arbeit (Ludwig Rieß) 113

SHÖSHÖ HAKKEI (Wm. Cn.) . . . .115

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BÜCHERSCHAU 120

KATALOGE 12 1

VERSTHFGERUNGSBERICHTE 123

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GLOSSEN 129

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INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD

A. D. 300—650. BY VINCENT A. SMITH, M. A.

In India the establishment of a vigorous dynasty ruling over wide dominions has
invariably resulted in the application of a strong stimulus to the development
of man’s intellectual and artistic powers. Such a dynasty, exercising its administra-
tive duties effectively, fostering commerce, maintaining active intercourse, commer-
cial and diplomatic, with foreign states, and displaying the pomp of a magnificent
court, both encourages the desire to do great things and provides the material pa-
tronage without which authors and artists cannot live.

Although hardly anything positive is known concerning Indian art before the
days of Alexander the Great and Chandragupta Maurya, the first emperor of India,
we possess sufficient evidence to prove that the firm establishment of the Maurya
dynasty in the lordship of the greater part of India brought about a marked advance
in the practice of the fine arts. The effects of the influence of the new imperial author-
ity are clearly seen in the notable sculptures which have come down from the days
of Asoka (c. 273 — 232 B. C.). Comparison of individual works in the series of Asokan
sculptures shows indications of progress, during his reign, and the finest of all, the
noble Särnäth capital, certainly is among the latest.

When the Maurya empire, after three remarkable reigns lasting about ninety
years (322 — 232 B. C.), began to decay, art too suffered a decline, although work of
high quality was still produced in the second century before Christ.

During the first century of the Christian era the intrusion into Indian politics
of the energetic foreign dynasty usually designated as that of the Indo-Scythians
or Kushäns gave a fresh impulse to art, resulting in the evolution both of the Graeco-
Buddhist school of Gandhära, and of distinct, though equally important, schools at
Mathurä, Amarävati, and elsewhere.

When the Indo-Scythian power in its term faded away, and upper India fell
a prey to anarchical confusion during the third century, art necessarily suffered,
and had to wait for its revival on the appearance of a new dynasty able and wil-
ling to provide artists with fields for the exercise of their genius, and with the
needful reward of their labours. Early in the fourth century such a dynasty, that
known to historians as the line of the Imperial Guptas, appeared on the scene, and
for the space of about a century and a half supplied all the favourable conditions
required for a brilliant efflorescence of Indian genius. That efflorescence was not
confined to any one form of activity — it extended to all forms — literary, artistic,

INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD.

and scientific. On this occasion I desire to confine myself to the consideration of
sculpture alone, including, however, the allied minor art of the die-cutter.

The Gupta Period, in relation to the history of Indian art, may be understood
in its widest sense as covering three or three-and-a-half centuries, from A. D. 300
to 600 or 650 in round numbers, and it is convenient to allow that extension to the
term. Gupta art thus understood is the last stage in the Early Art of India, and is
followed directly by the Mediaeval Brahmanical and Puranic art, conceived and
practised in a spirit quite different from that of the older schools.

The best efforts of Gupta art are confined to a narrower range of approximately
two centuries, extending from about A. D. 350 to 550. Nearly all the examples cited
in this paper may be assigned to one or other of those two centuries. I think that
most of the finest works date from the fifth century.

The Gupta empire had its seat of power in that wealthy section of the Gangetic
basin now comprised in Bihär and the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, the same
region in which, from the close of the twelfth century, the Muhammedan Sultans
of Delhi and their successors the Moguls established themselves most completely.
The more energetic Muslim sovereigns usually prided themselves on making as
clean a sweep as possible of the buildings and art work of the Hindu idolaters, who
had become their subjects.

In pursuance of that policy during the course of five centuries (1200 — 1700),
immense areas were absolutely denuded of all Hindu buildings, and, of course, at
the same time of all the works of art connected with those buildings. Hardly a vestige
of ancient Hindu India remains above ground in any of the districts surrounding
Agra and Delhi, while great cities like Kanauj were absolutely blotted out and reduced
to ruinous heaps. Kanauj as it now stands retains nothing ancient except its name,
and is merely a commonplace petty town of the usual Muhammedan type. The
few buildings of ancient India which remain standing more or less complete in the
Gangetic provinces are to be found only in remote places, lying out of the ordinary
tracks of the iconoclastic hosts of Islam. For that reason the relics of Gupta greatness
have to be either sought in the more unfrequented districts, or laboriously recovered in
a fragmentary condition by the spade and pick-axe of the excavator.

The importance of the Gupta period in the history of Indian art consequently
long remained unrecognised by writers on that subject, and it is only within the
last four or five years that I have realized the high artistic value of the scattered relics
of the days of the great Gupta monarchs. That observation may serve as sufficient
recantation of certain opinions expressed in publications prior to my History of
Fine Art in India and Ceylon (1911).

Students interested in the details of ancient Indian political history will find in
the third edition of my Early History of India, to be published early in 1914, a narra-
tive of the events of the Gupta Period as full as can be prepared from the existing

INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD. 3

material. But few readers of this journal can be expected to study books on Indian
history, however much they may be interested in the achievements of Hindu art.
It will therefore be advisable to introduce my discussion of Gupta sculpture by a
concise summary of the political history of the period under consideration.

Clear indications exist that the decay and extinction of the Indo-Scythian or
Kushän power in the Gangetic provinces were followed in the third century by a
time of anarchical confusion, concerning which little is on record. Early in the
fourth century a young Räja named Chandragupta, the ruler apparently of a small
principality at or near the ancient imperial city of Pätaliputra (Patna), greatly en-
hanced his influence and importance by espousing a princess belonging to the famous
Licchavi people of Vaisäli, who probably were of Tibetan descent. Chandragupta, with
the support of the Licchavi alliance, increased his dominions until they included
Oudh and extended along the upper course of the Ganges as far as Prayäga (Alla-
habad). When he died after a short reign, about A. D. 330, or possibly a little later,
he was succeeded by his son Samudragupta, one of the most remarkable monarchs who
have reigned in India. During a long and prosperous reign covering nearly half
a century, Samudragupta thoroughly subdued the rich Gangetic provinces lying be-
tween the Hüglï on the east, the Jumna and Chambal on the west, the Himalaya
mountains on the north and the Narbada river on the south. He also made a pro-
longed raid into the peninsula which resulted in the temporary subjugation of many
kingdoms, andin the acquisition of immense golden treasure. His diplomatic relations
extended from Ceylon to the Oxus. No such empire had been seen in India since the
days of Asoka six centuries earlier. It is obvious that the formation and maintenance
of a dominion so great and influential offered every opportunity for the develop-
ment of all modes of human activity, intellectual and artistic. The natural effects
resulting from the imperial rank won by the sword of Samudragupta were furthered
by the personal qualities of the sovereign, who was himself a skilled poet and musician,
as well as a liberal patron of art and literature.

About A. D. 375 or 380, Samudragupta handed on the sceptre to his equally
able son, Chandragupta II, who also enjoyed a long and prosperous reign, in the
course of which he added to the paternal dominions the rich provinces of Mälwä,
Gujarat, and Suräshtra or Käthiäwär, thus bringing the northern empire into direct
touch with the western ports and Alexandrian commerce.

In or about A. D. 413, Chandragupta II was succeeded by his son, Kumära-
gupta I, who for many years preserved his dominions undiminished. About the
middle of the fifth century his prosperity was impaired by the attacks of nomad
invaders, the Huns and allied tribes, who had swarmed into the tempting plains of
India from Central Asia. Their attacks, at first repulsed, were renewed with success
in the reign of Kumâragupta’s successor, Skandagupta ( circa A. D. 455 — 480),
and ultimately broke up the Gupta empire. For a short time, early in the sixth cen-

INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD.

tury, the White Huns were the masters of Northern India, but about A. D. 528, the
native princes succeeded in shaking off the foreign yoke to a large extent. India
then reverted for a time to its normal condition as a mass of small conflicting states
uncontrolled by any suzerain.

In the seventh century, Harsha of Kanauj (A. D. 606 — 647) re-established a
northern empire, nearly as large as that of the Guptas. When he died, another period
of anarchy ensued, but I need not carry the story farther.

The impulse to intellectual activity of all kinds given by the great Imperial
Guptas, from Chandragupta I to Skandagupta (A .D. 320 to about 480) survived even
after the empire had been shattered, and there is reason to believe that during the
sixth century many notable buildings were erected and works of considerable artistic
merit were produced. For the reasons already stated, the remains are fragmentary.
I do not know any building or work of art which can be assigned definitely to the
reign of Harsha (A. D. 606 — 647).

At present no monument can be attributed with certainty to the reign of Samudra-
gupta ( c . A. D. 330 — 375). His inscriptions at Allähäbäd and Eran unluckily have
lost their dates. The Eran record, which is much mutilated, seems to have been
connected with a temple, possibly the flat-roofed temple of Vishnu, which still exists.
But in that temple the river-goddesses are placed at the foot of the jambs, and not
at the top, as they are at Tigawä, and that fact indicates a later date for the Eran
shrine. In the earliest temples of the Gupta style, the river-goddesses were placed at
the top of the jambs1.

The little temple at Tigawä (fig. 1) may be assigned with some confidence
to the time of Samudragupta, and I am inclined to regard as about contemporary
the headless statue of Buddha from Särnäth (fig. 9 )2. Such a wealthy and accom-
plished king, as Samudragupta was unquestionably must have erected many splendid
buildings and ordered the execution of numerous works of art, but Muhammedan
destructiveness has deprived us of any certain monuments of his eventful reign.

His gold coins, which will be noticed with the other coins of the dynasty, possess
considerable artistic merit, and exhibit signs of European influence.

The dated inscriptions of Chandragupta II (A. D. c. 375 — 413) and of Kumära-
gupta I (A. D. 413—455) are fairly numerous and enable us to assign several im-
portant works of sculpture to definite dates.

The inscription at Udayagiri dated A. D. 401 fixes the date of the sculptures
there to approximately the same time, and the remarkable colossal bronze Buddha

1 A. S. R., X, 85, 89.

2 In H. F. A ., p. 162 I have assigned a date too late for the Tigawä temple. I now think
that the remarkable sculptures at Nächnä in the Ajaygarh State, Bundëlkhand, described by
Cunningham ( A . S. R.. XI. 97), may be safely attributed to the reign of Samudragupta. See
my paper on “The Väkätaka Dynasty of Berär”, which is expected to appear in the J. R. A. S.
for April, 1914.

INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD. 5

from Sultänganj is about contemporary. Most of the sculptures at Bilsar and Garhwä
seem to belong to the time of Kumäragupta II. The Mänkuwär image is dated in A. D.
448 (G. E. 129). The best Gupta sculptures at Särnäth and Mathura clearly are to
be referred to the fifth century, but it is not possible to distribute them between the
reigns of Chandragupta II and his successor.

The Eran sculptures are to be dated a little before and after A. D. 500, and show
signs of decadence. The excellent reliefs at Deogarh were assigned by Cunningham
to the seventh century, but I feel sure that they are not later than the sixth century,
and they may be as early as the fifth century, the time when Gupta art was at its
best1.

The annexed chronological table will help the reader to correlate the history
of art with that of the Gupta empire.

A. D.

Event

Remarks and References

c. 308

Licchavi marriage of Chandragupta.

319—20

CHANDRAGUPTA I acc.

Year 1 of Gupta Era (G. E.) began Feb.

Dominions, including Oudh, ex-

26, 320.

tended to Prayäga (Allähäbäd).

Artistic gold coins; no inscriptions; Vasu-
bandhu Buddhist author (£. H. /., 3rd
ed., App. N.).

c. 330

SAMUDRAGUPTA acc.

Artistic gold coins; inscriptions, but dates

Conquest of N. India.

lost; Sanskrit literature actively cul-

Campaign in S. India.

tivated, also music and other arts ; early

Embassy from king Meghavarna

Gupta flat-roofed temples , as at Ti-

of Ceylon.

Celebration of horse-sacrifice.

gawä; ? the headless Buddha statue
from Särnäth and Nächnä sculptures.

c- 375

CHANDRAGUPTA II acc.

Early gold coins artistic, later degenerate ;

Peaceful administration of N. In-

dated inscriptions; silver coins imitated

dia.

from hemidrachmae, dated 90, or 90

c. 395

Conquest of Mälwä, Gujarät, and

plus ? unit; many buildings at Särnäth,

Suräshtra (Käthiäwär).

Udayagiri, etc. with sculptures. The

401

Udayagiri inscr. (G. E. 82).

best art of the Gupta Period in this reign.

405— 41 1

Travels of Fa-hien In Gupta empire.

Science and literature cultivated.

407

Garhwä inscr. (G. E. 88).

409

Silver coins of western type (G. E. 90).

412

Sänchi inscr. (G. E. 93).

413

KUMARAGUPTA I acc.

Style of coinage degenerate. Much ar-

415

Bilsar inscr. (G. E. 96).

chitecture and sculpture at Bilsar, Garh-

417

Garhwä inscr. (G. E. 98).

wä, Mänkuwär, etc., with dated in-

417

Mandasör inscr. (V. E. 493).

scriptions. Science and literature culti-

1 References are: Udayagiri, H. F. A., p. 160, fig. in; Sultänganj Buddha, ibid., p. 171,
fig. 1 18; Bilsar, with inscr. dated A. D. 415 (G. E. 96), A. S. R. XI, 17; Garhwä, ibid., Ill, 53;
X, 9, seqq.: Mänkuwär image, H.F.A., p. 173, fig. 119; Eran pillar, ibid., p. 174, fig. 121;
Deogarh, ibid., p. 162, pi. XXXIV, XXXV. For other references to objects of Gupta art, see ibid.,
p. 164, note 2. The Mandasör sculptures are described and poorly illustrated in Ind. Ant., 1908,
p. 107, pi. I — III.

INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD.

A. D.

Event

Remarks and References

432

Mathura inscr. (G. E. 1 13) .

vate; Kälidäsa’s career mostly in this

436

Bharadi Dih inscr. (G. E. 1 17) .

reign (see E. H. /., 3rd ed. p. 304).

448

Mänkuwär inscr. (G. E. 129).

440—455

Dated silver coins (G. E. 121
to 136).

c. 450

War with Pushyamitras.

—

Celebration of horse-sacrifice.

455

SKANDAGUPTA acc.

Degenerate coinage; numerous dated in-

455

First Hun war.

scriptions. Architecture and sculpture;

456—7

Embankment repaired and temple

Kösam group of Siva and Pärvati da-

built at Girnär.

ted G. E. 139 = A. D. 458 (Anderson,

460

Kahäon inscr. (G. E. 141).

Cat. Arch. Collections in I. M., part II,

465

Indör inscr. (G. E. 146).

p. 286).

467

Garhwä inscr. (G. E. 148).

463—467

Dated silver coins (G. E. 144
to 148.)

c. 470 — 480

Second Hun war ; decline and
fall of the empire.

(The following kings ruled each
only portions of the former em-
pire.)

PURAGUPTA acc., in Magadha.

Probably Prakäsäditya of semibarbarous
gold coins.

NARASIMHAGUPTA BÄLÄDITYA

Coinage barbarous; erected buildings at

acc., in Magadha.

Nälandä.

c. 530

KUMARAGUPTA II, acc., in Ma-
gadha.

Bhitari seal, not dated.

c. 480

BUDHAGUPTA acc., in Mälwä.

Sculptures at Eran.

c. 4903510

TORAMANA, White Hun King.

c. 510

MIHIRAGULA, White Hun King

c. 528

acc.Def eat of Mihiragula by Indian
princes.

Mandasör inscr. and sculptures.

c. 490

Valabhi dynasty.

Used Gupta era.

c- 535—720

Later local Gupta dynasty in part
of Magadha.

Inscriptions.

606 — 647

HARSH A of KAN AU J.

Bäna author. No art work known which
can be assigned with certainty to this reign.

Nearly all Indian sculpture being closely associated with architecture, and all the
known Gupta sculptures being architectural decorations, a just appreciation of those
sculptures requires some knowledge of the style of architecture which they embellished.
Inasmuch as for reasons explained above, the large examples of the buildings of the
Gupta Period have been destroyed, we are dependent for our knowledge of the style
almost wholly on small structures in remote localities which had the luck to escape
Muslim fury. The earliest Gupta temples are little flat-roofed shrines, closely re-
sembling rock-cut temples, found at several places in Mälwä and the Central Pro-
vinces. The chief characteristic features of such buildings are enumerated by Cun-
ningham as follows:

INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD.

Fig. i. Early Gupta temple (? 4th cent.) at Tigawa, Jabalpur District, Central Provinces.
(A. S. photo H. 4,78 = No. 1248 of I. M. List).

“1. Flat roofs, without spires of any kind, as in the cave temples.

2. Prolongation of the head of the doorway beyond the jambs, as in Egyptian
temples.

3. Statues of the rivers Ganges and Jumna guarding the entrance door.

4. Pillars, with massive square capitals, ornamented with two lions back to
back, with a tree between them.

5. Bosses on the capitals and friezes of a very peculiar form like Buddhist stüpas,
or beehives, with projecting horns.

6. Continuation of the architrave of the portico as a moulding all round the
building.

7. Deviation in place from the cardinal points.”1

The later temples were larger and had steeples, and were lavishly decorated
with sculptures.

One of the most ancient and best preserved little temples of the kind described
above is that at Tigawä, Jabalpur District, Central Provinces, which is only i23/4
English feet square outside. The internal dimensions are 8X7V2 feet. The photo-
graph (fig. 1) illustrates the peculiarities of the style as described by Cunningham.
A similar little shrine exists at Sânchï, and the rock-hewn temples at Udayagiri
are nearly identical with the structural examples.2

1 A. S. R., IX, 42.

2 Tigawä, A. S. R., IX, pp. 42 — 47, pi. IX — XI; Sânchï temple, ibid., X, p. 60, pi. XVI, XX.

INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD.

I illustrate the figure of the Ganges
goddess at the top of one of the door-
jambs of the Tigawä temple, which is
probably a specimen of the art of the
reign of Samudragupta (fig. 2) . It should
be compared with the next following
illustration which shows the treatment
of the same subject at a time perhaps
half a century later, and in superior
style.

The extremely ancient sites of Bes-
nagar, Sânchï, and Udayagiri in the
vicinity of Bhllsä or Bhëlsâ (23 0 31, N°
lat., 770 490 E. long.) in the Gwalior
State of Central India or Mälwä exhibit
many remains of the Gupta period,
which include caves, small structural
temples, and a considerable number
of excellent sculptures. The rock-cut
shrines or cave-temples at the Udaya-
giri Hill are proved to date from the
reigns of Chandragupta II and his son
Kumäragupta I by three Gupta inscrip-
tions, two of which are dated respec-
tively in A. D. 401 (82 G. E.) and A. D.
425 (G. E. 106).

I have published a figure of the deified Ganges from the cave dated A. D. 401
( H . F. A., fig. hi).

The Ganges group at Besnagar (ibid., fig. 112) is still better, and may be assigned
to the same date approximately. It was found by Cunningham in a private house
close to a lofty temple-mound half a mile due east from the village, and must have
belonged to a temple of the Gupta age. With it was a small image of a lion which
evidently formed part of the capital of a column, presumably belonging to the same
temple. I now illustrate both objects (fig. 3 and 4). The river goddess stands facing
to the front with her legs crossed on a boldly designed conventionalized crocodile.
A small boy who stands below her left elbow on the rump of the monster may be
identified with Kärtikeya ( Gangäja or Gangäputr a), the son of the goddess by Siva.
I cannot identify the third figure in the group, a boy of larger growth, who grasps
the crocodile by the snout which he threatens to strike with his right fist. The whole
group is placed below some gracefully designed foliage.

Fig. 2. Ganges goddess on door-jamb of Tigawä temple,
? 4<li cent. (A. S. photo. No. H 3,65 = No. 1250 of
I. M. List).

INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD.

The principal figure is a thoroughly
naturalistic Hindu woman, naked to the
waist, after the ancient fashion, and clad
only in the national waist-cloth, such as
is still worn by the women of Bundëlk-
hand. Her pose is charmingly easy and
unaffected. The action of the boy threat-
ening the crocodile is rendered with
great spirit, and the whole composition
is in my judgment one of the most
pleasing to be found in the range of
Indian art.

The lion, although considerably
conventionalized and not equal to the
best work of the Maurya period, is a
dignified, well designed figure.1

Although no large temple of Gupta
age, with the exception of the conside-
rable Bhïtargâon brick temple in the
Cawnpore District, U. P., is now stan-
ding, the sculptures found at several
places demonstrate that temples of large
dimensions, decorated with all the re-
sources of the sculptor’s art, and very
different from the plain early temples
in the style of the Tigawä example,
were erected in the fifth century. One
such temple evidently existed at a place
called Garhwä, twenty-five miles to the
south-west of Allähäbäd. The ruins, still
but imperfectly explored, have yielded
five Gupta inscriptions, namely, one of
Chandragupta II (A. D. circa 375 — 413),
dated A. D. 407 (G. E. 88), three of his
son, Kumäragupta I (A. D. 413 — 455) one of which is dated A. D. 417 (G. E. 98),
the dates of the others being lost; and one of the reign of Skandagupta (A. D. 455 —
c. 480), dated A. D. 467 (G. E. 148). It is clear, therefore, that the destroyed Gupta
temple or temples from which the sculptures come should be assigned to the fifth

Fig. 3. The Ganges goddess at Besnagar, Gwalior
State, Central India (A. S. photo. No. 1307, V. 5).

1 A. S. R. X, 41, 42. For Udayagiri see ibid., pp. 46 — 56, pi. XVII — XIX. The small Gupta
temple at Sânchï is described ibid., pp. 60 — 63, pi. XX, XXI.

INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD.

century. Comparison with the closely
related remains at Bilsar in the Etah
(ïtâ) District, U. P. makes it almost
certain that the Garhwä sculptures were
executed in the first half of the century,
during the reign of Kumäragupta I.

Cunningham long ago observed
that the architectural remains “are of
very superior execution”, and that “the
sculptures upon them are remarkable
for their bold and deep carving, as well
as for the good drawing, and the easy
and often graceful attitudes of the fi-
gures.” He was especially charmed by
the beautiful decorative design on the
side of a square pillar, which he justly
praised as “one of the most pleasing
and graceful specimens of Indian archi-
tectural ornament”. Two sides of that
pillar have been illustrated in H. F. A.,
figs. 1 14 and 115.

At Bilsar in the Etah (ïtâ) District,
U. P., Cunningham found four columns
or pillars belonging to a large Gupta
temple. Two of the pillars are circular,
one of which bears an inscription of
Kumäragupta I, dated A. D. 415 (G. E.
96). The other two pillars are square,
and evidently stood at the entrance. I
give an illustration of the southern one
which closely resembles the Garhwä
pillar, reproduced in H. F. A., figs. 114,
1 15. The interlaced creeper with human
figures introduced is substantially the
same in both works, which must be con-
temporary. The large figure at the bot-
tom is that of a guardian spirit, very
similar to the figures on entrance stelae in Ceylon ( H.F.A. , PI. XX, XXI). The
central panel depicts Sri or Lakshmi, the goddess of fortune, seated on a lion and
bedewed with water by two elephants. The motive is common in Indian sculpture.

4»

Fig. 4. Lion-capital at Besnagar, Gwalior State, Cen-
tral India. (A. S. photo. No. 1307, V. 5).

INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD.

1 1

Cunningham says that one of
the upper mutilated images
near the top is that of the dei-
fied Jumna river on her tor-
toise, but I cannot make out
the details in the photograph1.

The work is of special interest
because of its precise date
(fig- 5)-

I now select for illu-
stration two highly complex
columns, with detached lion
capitals (fig. 6), and two ar-
chitraves carved with story-
telling reliefs (fig. 7). It is
needless to waste space by
describing the columns in
detail. The richness of the
ornament is apparent. The
combination of masks and
wreathshas a distinctly Roman
look, and is one of the many
proofs that Gupta art was
largely affected by European
influence. The garland from
Särnäth may be compared ( H .

F. A. PI. LXXXVIII, fig. D).

I wish I could explain the
meaning of the architrave re-
liefs, but I cannot. I am, how-
ever, inclined to agree with
Cunningham that the subject
is Buddhist, rather than Brah-
manical. The scene at the
right-hand corner of the top
stone seems to depict monks
with begging-bowls. The me-
dallion to the left of the same stone clearly represents the Sun-god (Sürya) 2 (fig. 7).

Fig. 5. Bilsar, Etah (Itâ) District, V. P. ; southern entrance
pillar of Gupta temple, erected in A. D. 415; height 9 feet,
2' 1" square. (A. S. photo. No. D 3,66 = No. 697 of I. M. List;
publ. in A.S. R., XI, PI. VI).

1 A. S. R., XI, p. 17.

2 For description of remains at Garhwâ, see A. S. R., Ill, pp. 53 — 61; X, pp. 9 — 15, with

INDIAN SCULPTURE OE THE GUPTA PERIOD.

Fig. 6. Garhwâ, Allâhâbâd District, U. P. ; columns and lion capitals of Gupta temple, 5th cent.
(A. S. photo. No. D 2,42 — No. 668 I. M. List).

The recent investigations and excavations at Särnäth, the famous Buddhist site
near Benares, have proved that building in that locality was specially active during
the Gupta Period, more particularly in the fifth century. The buildings were freely
adorned with excellent sculpture, of which many specimens have come to light —
so many, indeed, that it is difficult to select examples.

One of the most interesting results of the researches conducted under the super-
intendence of Dr. J. H. Marshall is the demonstration that the great Dhamëkh
stüpa is of Gupta age. Cunningham was not far wrong when he assigned it to the sixth
century, which is a probable date, but some of the work may be earlier. The building
is mainly composed of stone, and is decorated on the surface with wonderfully

plates. The inscriptions have been edited by Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions (1888), Nos. 7, 8, 9, 64,
66. There is now no doubt that No. 64 was incised in the reign of Kumäragupta I and No. 66
in that of Skandagupta.

Fig. 7. Garhwâ, Allahabad District, U. P.; architraves from Gupta temple. (A. S. photo.

No. D 2,39 = No. 668 I. M. List).

elaborate carved designs, described in considerable detail by Cunningham, who em-
ployed two men for twelve months in making full-sized drawings of the whole of
the bands of ornament, which, unfortunately, were never published. I have published
two illustrations of the designs ( H . F. A., figs. B, C. of PI. XXXVII), and now sub-
mit a third (fig. 8). The beauty of the designs, both floral and geometrical, is
unquestionable, and nobody can deny the remarkable skill displayed by the craftsmen
in the free-hand drawing of the most difficult curves.1

Some of the sculptures found at Särnäth may belong to the reign of Samudra-
gupta ( c . A. D. 330 — 375). The headless standing image of Buddha preaching (fig. 9),
bears a dedicatory epigraph in characters substantially identical with those of Samudra-
gupta’s Allähäbäd inscription. The simple robe without folds, and the clever way
in which the body is shown through the drapery are characteristic of the Gupta style.

The slab depicting scenes from the traditional biography of Buddha (fig. 10)
exhibits the fashion of wearing wigs, and may be assigned to the fifth century. The
subjects are the Annunciation, the Nativity, the horse Chandaka, symbolizing the
Departure from Kapilavastu, and the Enlightenment. In the Annunciation scene,
Mäyä is represented in an unusual position, lying on her right side. The Nativity
scene shows Buddha twice, firstly, as springing from his mother’s side into the arms
of the attendant deity, and again, as standing on a lotus flower for his bath. The
figures, as usual in Gupta art, are naturalistic and well-drawn.

The group depicting a hippogryph with two boys, one riding the monster, and
the other holding it by the tail and preparing to stab it, is designed with remarkable
spirit. The composition is one of a pair. The wig worn by the rider suggests that the
work may date from the fifth century. The execution is so good that I am not dis-

1 For description of designs, see Cunningham, A. S. R., I (1871), p. 109. For Gupta date,
see Marshall, J. R. A. S., 1907, p. 1000.

INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD.

Fig. 8. Dhamëkh stüpa, Sarnath; surface decoration; ? 6th cent., or possibly the 5th. (Photo No. 24

of 1903 — 04, Dir. Genl’s office).

posed to assign a later date. Mr. Oertel, I think, is right in believing that the artist
intended to represent the whole group as flying in the air. I am unable to assign
any special meaning to the fanciful design (fig. 11).

The image of a Buddha seated cross-legged and clasping his alms-bowl to his
breast, is unusual and curious. The suggestion has been made that the figure may
represent Avalökitesvara. It seems to me to be not very early in date, and to be more
curious than artistically interesting (fig. 12).

The magnificent lintel, 16 feet or 4 metres, 7 cent, in length, which was ex-
cavated with much difficulty from the area to the north of the main shrine at Särnäth,
is an example of the best period of Gupta art, that is to say, the fifth century, the time
of Kalidasa, the prince of Sanskrit poets. The relief is terminated at each end by an
effigy of Kuvëra, Jambhala, or Vaisravana, the obese demigod who plays a large
part in Buddhist mythology both in India and elsewhere. The story-telling reliefs
are divided into four sections by miniature models of sacred buildings, and depict
incidents in the tale of the patient monk, as related in the Kshäntivädin Jätaka
(No. 313 in the Cambridge translation). The story is too long to quote. The work
will bear the closest scrutiny with a magnifying glass, being perfect in execution as
well as charming in design. Special attention may be directed to the beautiful leaf
designs at the corners (fig. 13a and b).1

The most beautiful of the Särnäth Buddhas, is the seated figure ( H . F. A.,

1 I am indebted for photographs to Dr. J. H. Marshall, C. I. E., Director-General of the
Archaeological Survey of India.

INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD.

PI. XXXVIII) here reproduced from the photograph.

Its charms need no comment (fig. 14).

Nearly equally good is the standing Buddha in
the Mathura Museum ( H . F. A., fig. 117), also re-
produced from a photograph (fig. 15).

Both the Buddhas, like the lintel, are fifth
century work. The Mathura image is engraved with
a dedicatory inscription in fifth century script. The
elaborate haloes are characteristic of Gupta art and
contrast sharply with the plain haloes with scolloped
borders used in the Kushän period.

The details of the halo designs repay exami-
nation. The folds of the drapery of the Mathura
image betray the influence of the Gandhära school,
and are not characteristic of Gupta art in other
localities.

The most important and interesting stone
temple of Gupta age still standing is the “Gupta
temple” at Dëogarh on the Betwä river in the
Lalitpur subdivision of the Jhänsi District, U. P.

(24 0 32 0 N. lat., 78° 15° E. long.), which Cunning-
ham assigned to the seventh century, but in my
opinion probably dates from the first half of the
sixth century. Possibly it may be a little earlier.

The roof, which still exists in part, is pyramidal,
and in so far the building differs from the small
shrines of the Tigawä type, but it exhibits all the
other characteristics of the “Gupta style” as de-
fined by Cunningham. The temple is of only mode-
rate dimensions being 18Y2 feet square outside, and stands on a massive platform. It
was dedicated to Vishnu. The remarkable sculptures, including some of exception-
ally high quality, were inserted in panels let into the walls the of temple and the
platform. I have already published two of the finest groups, both from the south
wall of the temple, namely, Siva as an ascetic ( H . F. A., PI. XXXIV) and Vishnu
on Ananta (ibid., PI. XXXV). I now republish the latter work, partly on account of
its eminent merit, and partly for the sake of comparison with the Stockholm Endymion
(figs. 1 7 and 18). The subject is Vishnu as the Eternal, reclining on the serpent Ananta
(“Infinite” or “Eternal”), with the other gods watching above. The modelling of the
principal figure is admirable, and the extra arms which convention insisted on are
so skilfully treated as not to impair the symmetry of the composition. The almost

Fig. 9. Headless, standing Buddha,
sandstone; Queen’s College, Benares,
presumably from Särnäth; probably
late 4th cent., early Gupta. (Photo
No. 32 of 1903 — 4, Dir. Gen.l’s office;
published in Ann. 1903 — 4, PI. LXII, 1).

INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD.

insoluble problem of re-
presenting Siva’s bull as
flying without wings has
been attacked with wonder-
ful cleverness. The figures
at the base of the panel seem
to be intended for human
worshippers. The wigs, or
wig-like arrangment of the
hair, worn by the males,
appear on the Gupta gold
coins after A. D. 400, and
in many sculptures. The
large coppersilver seal of
Kumäragupta II (c. A. D.
540) exhibits the most con-
spicuous illustration of that
fashion of the time.

When I showed the
Vishnu sculpture on a
lantern slide to an Oxford
audience, it was much
admired. Dr. Farnell, the
learned Rector of Exeter

College, remarked on the
Fig. 10. Scenes in the life of Buddha. Särnäth; early Gupta, 4th . . r

or 5th cent. (Photo No. 568 of 1906—7, Dir. Genl’s office; pub- resemblance of the pose of
lished in J.R.A.S., 1907, PI. IV, 2. Vishnu to that of the Endy-

mion at Stockholm, and

wondered if the resemblance could be merely accidental. I replied that the likeness
was not fortuitous, the reality of the influence of European ideas on Gupta art being
established by many proofs, but at that time I was not personally acquainted with the
Endymion, and could not express an opinion as to the degree of resemblance. I have
now obtained a photograph through the courtesy of the Director of the National
Museum, Stockholm, and agree with Dr. Farnell in recognizing the general resem-
blance between the Indian and the Roman works. The Stockholm Endymion, supposed
to come from Hadrian’s villa, is a representative of a class of Graeco-Roman sculptures.

I now publish certain sculptures of less importance from the Deogarh temple,
namely, four panels, along with other fragments, from the end-stones and south
face of the platform on which the temple stands.

The panel at the lower left corner of the photograph is an illustration of the

INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD.

Rämäyana epic, depicting the incident of the cut-
ting off the nose of the goblin Surpanakhä, sister
of the giant Rävana, by Lakshmana. Rama is
seated with Sitä beside him. I cannot identify the
other scenes. Although these sculptures are seriously
damaged, they are, I think, not undeserving of atten-
tion as works of art. The mutilated figure of the
man drawing a bow in the right-hand lower panel
seems to me to be particularly well modelled, and
to exhibit the Hellenic restraint so characteristic
of Gupta art (Plate fig. 19).1

Most of the temples of the Gupta period seem
to have been mainly built of brick set in mud plaster,
stone being used only as a subsidiary material for
lintels and so forth. The decoration consisted to
a large extent of carved bricks and terracotta
alto-relievos set in panels. Edifices constructed of
such material naturally for the most part suffered
destruction in the course of time. The only known
brick temple of Gupta age still standing, although
in dilapidated condition, is that at Bhitargäoh,
twenty miles south of Cawnpore, which owed its
partial preservation to its sheltered position among
the windings of a small river, and out of the track
of Muhammedan armies. The bricks are of large size, ijl/2Xio '/2X3 inches. The
■ temple is rectangular in plan with recessed corners, being 47 feet long and 36l/2
broad. The structure, which had a pyramidal steeple, included semi-circular arched
vaults and pointed domes, the arches being built in the Hindu fashion with the
bricks laid edge to edge.

From the point of view of the historian of sculpture, the chief interest of
the Bhitargäoh temple lies in the remarkable terracotta reliefs and statuettes which
once filled the numerous panels on the exterior. I have published one specimen,
copied from Cunningham, in H. F. A., PI. LXXXIV. The Archaeological Depart-
ment has since recovered at Bhitargäoh more examples of the now forgotten
art of terracotta sculpture, and has published one notable, although much mutilated
work, a panel, 1 7V4X9 inches, representing the elephant-headed god Ganesa seated

1 The Deogarh Gupta sculptures have been well described by Cunningham in A. S. R.,
X, pp. 104 — 10, pi. XXXIV — XXXVI. The Sürpanakhä incident is identified correctly on p. 109.
For the Bhitari seal of Kumäragupta II, see my article entitled “Inscribed Seal of Kumära
Gupta”, with Dr. Hoernle’s remarks and full- sized illustration in J. A. S. B., Part I, vol. LVIII
(1889), pp. 84—105.

Fig. 11. Flying hippogryph &c., one
of a pair, from Chaukhandi, Särnäth;
height 3'; probably 5th cent. (Photo
No. 502 of 1906 — 7, Dir. Genl’s office;
publ. in Ann. 1904 — 5, p. 88,

PI. XXXI, 6).

INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD.

and receiving the attack of a man, whose figure is
moulded with great spirit. Cunningham, who visited
the temple in 1877 and 1878, when it was less
ruined than it is now, observed that many of the
terracotta figures “are boldly designed and well-
drawn”. He noticed particularly “some seated fi-
gures of men and women in conversation. One
woman, who was leaning forward with one leg drawn
back, was very skilfully moulded. But generally the
action is too violent, and the figures become gro-
tesque.” I regret that I have not yet received copies
of the photographs recently taken by the Archaeo-
logical Department.

The temple is now believed to date from the
early part of the Gupta period, not later than the
fifth century.1

The early indigenous coinage of India makes no
pretence to be artistic. Regular double-die coinage
with royal portraits and legends recording kingly
names and titles was an importation from Europe
which never became thoroughly acclimatized. The
brilliant realistic portraits on the Indo-Greek coins
of Eukratides, Menander and other kings, cannot be
regarded as the production of Indian artists. The
Kushän or Indo Scythian coins of the first century
of the Christian era present tolerable portraits of three
kings, Kadphises II, Kanishka, and Huviska, but as
works of art are entitled to little commendation.

The coinage of the later Indo-Scythians rapidly be-
comes barbarous. The gold issues of the Gupta dynasty exhibit a marked revival of
the art of die-cutting and all numismatists are agreed that certain coins of Samudra-
gupta and his son Chandragupta II struck between A. D. 350 and 450 are the most
artistic Hindu coins ever struck — indeed, almost the only Hindu coins which can be
considered as works of art. But even the best of those gold pieces — such as the
Tiger and Archer types of Samudragupta and the Lion-trampler type of Chandra-
gupta II, illustrated in H.F. A., PI. LXXIII — are of only moderate excellence when
compared with Greek or even Roman issues.

Notwithstanding the second or third rate artistic quality of the finest Gupta
coins, those pieces are of special interest as offering clear proof that Indian civili-

Fig. 12. ? Avalokitesvara seated

with alms-bowl; from S. E. of Asoka
column, Särnäth; height 4' 1"; per-
haps 5th or 6th cent. (Photo No. 46
of 1904 — 5, Dir. Genl’s office, publ.
in Ann., 1904 — 5, p. 82, PI. XXIXb).

1 A.S.R. XI, pp. 40 — 46, pi. XIV — XVII; Ann. 1908 — 9, pp. 5 — 16, with illustrations.

Fig. 14. Sarnath; seated Buddha in white sandstone; height 514 feet, or
1.60 m; 5th cent. (A. S. photo).

INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD.

Fig. 13a u.b. Särnäth; lintel; subject the Kshäntivädin Jätaka; probably 5th cent. (Photo No. 308 of

zation and art were largely influenced by European ideas and models during the
earlier part of the Gupta period, and especially between A. D. 350 and 450. Some of
the principal indications of such European influence on the coinage will now be
assembled. The abbreviated references are explained in the footnote. The foreign
ideas traceable in the Gupta coinage have been skilfully assimilated and Hinduized
in the best examples.

Most numismatists are agreed that the Indo-Scythian gold coins are imitations
of early Roman aurei in both metal and weight. The Gupta gold coinage certainly
is a continuation of the Indo-Scythian, with new types. Several of those types are
closely related to Roman devices. For instance, the garuda, or bird-topped standard
which frequently recurs, seems to be an adaptation of the Roman “eagle”. The
figure of the king on several coins of Samudragupta recalls both a Roman emperor
and the god Ares as represented on certain Macedonian coins. The cornucopiae in
the hand of the reverse goddess on a multitude of coins is obviously either Syrian
or Roman. The female deity seated on a wicker stool, as on the reverse of Samudra-
gupta’s Lyrist type, closely resembles Apollo on the omphalos covered with the agrê-
non net, as seen on Seleucid coins of Syria, and strange to say, is an almost
exact copy of Demeter as represented on a rare coin of Paros, in the British
Museum.

The Gupta reverse goddess, whether seated on a throne, a lotus-flower, or a
wicker stool appears to be the equivalent of the Greek rvyi], the Roman Fortuna.

The Horseman coins of Chandragupta II and his son much resemble certain
Macedonian coins, and the horseman spearing a lion on the coins of Prakäsäditya
appears to be imitated from a type of Commodus. The goddess seated on a lion, who
also appears in the Bilsar sculpture (fig. 5), may be compared with Cybele.

INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD.

1907 — 8, Dir.-Genl’s office; publ. in Ann. 1907 — 8, PI. XX; and J.R.A.S. 1908, p. 1094, PI. II).

The silver coins are obviously imitations of hemidrachmae, with some recol-
lections of Roman denarii. The Fantail peacock type has an exact prototype in a
coin of Julia Augusta, who died between A. D. 81 and 90. Coins of Paulina (A. D.
217 — 228), Mariniana (cir. A. 250), and Manlia Scantilla Augusta (A. D. 193) also
may be compared.

Apart from these details, the whole facies of the best Gupta coins clearly betrays
an imitation of European models, effected either directly or through Syrian inter-
mediaries1.

The common occurence of the word dinära in inscriptions proves that the Roman
term denarius was familiar in India.

The art of the Gupta period is the last stage in the humanist, naturalistic art

1 The Gupta coins have been illustrated in so many publications from the days of J. Prinsep
and E. Thomas until now, that it appears unnecessary to prepare a new plate. The principal
modern references are: V. A. Smith 1. “A Classified and Detailed Catalogue of the Gold Coins
of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty”, etc. (J. A. S. B., vol. LUI, part. I (1884), with 3 plates), cited
as “Gold Coins”-, 2. “The Coinage of the Early or Imperial Gupta Dynasty of Northern India”
(J. R. A. S., 1889, with 5 plates), cited as “Coinage" ; 3. “Observations on the Gupta Coinage”
(J.R.A.S., 1893, with 3 plates), cited as “Observations”] 4. “Further Observations on the
History and Coinage of the Gupta Period” (J. A. S. B., vol. LXIII, part. I, (1894), with 1 plate),
cited as “Further Obs.”] 5. “Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, vol. I, 1906,
with 3 plates, sec. 4, cited as “ Catal . I. M.” E. J. Rapson, “Notes on Gupta Coins” (Num. Chron,
1891, with i plate), cited as “Notes”. Three choice specimens, namely of Samudragupta — Tiger
and Archer types, and Chandragupta II — Lion-trampler type, are reproduced in H.F.A. ,
pi. LXXIII, figs. 7 — 9. The “Gold Coins” essay was my first publication on Indian numismatics,
and naturally required much subsequent correction. My most comprehensive work on the Gupta
coinage is that cited as “Coinage”. It, too, has received many additions and corrections in the
course of time. The details of the comparisons with western coin types will be found in “Gold
Coins” and “Coinage”. The other publications are mainly concerned with minute technical
descriptions.

Fig. 15. Mathurä, Jamälpur mound;
standing Buddha 7% feet or 2.20 m
high; Mathurä Museum Catal.,
No. A 5, PI. IX; H. F. A. fig. 117;
5th cent. (A. S. photo No. D 10, 227
= No. 844 I. M. List).

INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD.

of the schools of ancient India,
largely inspired by the kindly
spirit of Buddhism, which con-
sciously aimed at the happiness
of all sentient creatures. The
Hindu gods in Gupta art, even
if provided with extra arms in
accordance with ritual prescrip-
tion, are thoroughly human
beings who can sympathize with
men and women and be loved.

There is nothing terrible about
Siva the Ascetic at Deogarh ( H .

F. A., PI. XXXIV) , and the sleep-
ing Vishnu of the same temple,
although four-armed, is abso-
lutely free from all suggestion
of monstrosity, while in both
compositions the attendant deities
seem to be thoroughly happy
and pleased with themselves.

The Besnagar goddess of the
Ganges is a perfectly natural
Hindu woman placed in an
agreeable pose and beautifully
modelled (fig. 3). The Buddhist
sculpture is equally human and
naturalistic. The ideal ascetic as
conceived by the artist who sculp-
tured the exquisite seated Buddha
from Särnäth, while lacking the
grave impressiveness of the Cey-
lon Buddhas or the grim stern-
ness of the cave sculptures, is an
eminently lovable Saviour (fig.

14). The images of the Gupta
period are usually easy and

graceful in their attitudes, and

.... . Fig. 16. Standing Buddha, Cawnpore (Photo No. A 76, A. S.,

exhibit freshness and vitality of N. Circle).

treatment, combined with a sen-

rym

INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD.

Fig. 18. Endymion. Nationalmuseum, Stockholm. (From a photo by Johannes Jaeger).

timent of refined restraint which is wanting in much Hindu art. The snub-nosed
Tibetan features of the faces in the Bharhut and Sänchi reliefs are replaced by the
regular contours of the high-class Aryan countenance, with immense improvement
in the attractiveness of the figures. The technical execution of the best works
is equal or almost equal to the achievement of the Asokan artists. The skill with
which the transparency of the smooth close-fitting robes is indicated specially de-
serves notice.

The peculiar character of the Gupta sculpture seems to me to be undoubtedly
derived from Greece. There is no direct copying of Hellenistic models, as there
was in the Gandhära school, but I feel sure that somehow or other the Gupta artists
drank at the fountain of Greek inspiration. 'While Dr. Farnell was justified in de-
tecting a real resemblance between the Deogarh Vishnu and the Stockholm Endymion,
the Indian composition is not in any sense a copy or even an imitation of any Graeco-
Roman work. It is thoroughly Indian in subject and treatment, although the artist
has felt and understood the European sculptor’s conception of a beautiful pose. The
result is a charming combination of East and West, such as we see on a vast scale
in the inimitable Täj.

Though particular accounts of the intercommunication between India and
foreign countries during the Gupta period have not been preserved, enough is on
record to prove conclusively that in that eventful age India was far from being isolated
or unknown to the outer world, to which she gave and from which she received much.

INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD.

Fig. 19. The ‘Gupta temple’ at Dëogarh, Jhänsi District, U. P.; reliefs in panels on sides and
end-stones of platform; ? 6th cent. (A. S. photo No. D 3,58 = No. 754 I. M. List).

She maintained constant intercourse with the Chinese empire through political
missions, commercial voyages, and the incessant travels of innumerable Buddhist
pilgrims, who acted as missionaries of Indian ideas in religion, art, and literature,
which they introduced freely into China, while at the same time no doubt bringing
some Chinese notions to India. From A. D. 357 to 571 we read of ten “embassies”
sent to China from one part of India or another. It does not matter whether or not
some of the so-called “embassies” may have been the private ventures of merchants;
the extent of the intercourse is the material fact. The stream of Buddhist pilgrims
from China to the Holy Land of India began in A. D. 399 with Fa-hien, and continued,
practically without interruption, to the close of the seventh century. I-tsing, writing
in the latter half of that century, enumerates no less than sixty “religieux éminents”,
who came in search of the Law about that time.

Another stream of Indian sages flowed from India to China, one of the earliest

INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD. 27

being Kumärajiva in A. D. 383. The famous author Paramärtha went to China
in A. D. 548. The pilgrims and sages often travelled by routes now closed through
Tibet and Nepal, and so kept those countries in constant touch with the plains of
India.

Active communication was maintained with Cambodia, Java, and the other
islands of the Archipelago which had been colonized long before by Indian emigrants.
Chinese authority ascribes the conversion of the Javanese to Buddhism to the mis-
sionary efforts of Gunavarman, Crown Prince of Kashmir, who died at Nanking
in A. D. 431.

Pulakësin II, the king of Western India, sent a mission to the Persian monarch
in A. D. 625 or 626, and received a return embassy, which is commemorated on the
walls of an Ajantä cave.

The positive evidence of intercourse with Europe is less abundant, though we
hear of embassies or missions to Roman emperors in A. D. 336, 361, and 530. But
the indirect evidence afforded by the known course of commerce, the discovery of
Roman coins in India, and the manifest influence of European models on the Gupta
coinage, permits of no doubt that active communication was maintained between
India and the Roman empire. The conquest of the west by Chandragupta II, in the
closing years of the fourth century, as already observed, brought the Gangetic pro-
vinces into direct communication with the western ports, Barygaza and others, and
so through Alexandria with Europe. The overland route through Persia probably
was not much used in those times.

Mr. Kaye is fully justified in the observation that the period between A. D. 400 and
650 is “characterized by quite an extraordinary amount of intercourse between India
and foreign countries’’. There is no doubt that that intercourse resulted in the intro-
duction of Greek mathematical and astronomical science into India. The Hindu
astronomers Aryabhata and Brahmagupta, who adopted the Greek teaching, were
born respectively in A. D. 476 and 598.

To such constant and lively exchange of ideas with foreign lands in both East
and West the extraordinary intellectual vitality of the Gupta period was due. Art,
literature, and science all benefited by contact with fresh ideas, and I think I am
not wrong in discerning in the Gupta sculptures distinct traces of inspiration derived
from Hellas1.

1 The snub-nosed Tibetan features’ of the people in the early reliefs probably mean that the
Licchavis as well as other sections of the population of Northern India before the Christian era
were largely Tibetan in blood (see Ind. Ant., 1903, p. 233). That is a subject deserving of further
investigation. For the controversy about the architect of the Täj, see H.F. A., pp. 461 — 418.
The dates of the “embassies” to China are collected in Duff, The Chronology of India (1899),
from Journal Asiatique, 3e sér. t. VIII. For embassies to Rome, see Priaulx, The Indian Travels
of Apollonius of Tyana and the Indian Embassies to Rome (Quaritch, 1873). The accounts of
the seventh century pilgrims are abstracted in Chavannes, Religieux Éminents (Paris, 1894).

INDIAN SCULPTURE OF THE GUPTA PERIOD.

ABBREVIATIONS.

Ann.

A. S.

A. S. R.

E. H. I.
G. E.

77. F. A.
I. M.

I . M.

Ind. Ant.
J. A. S. B.
J. R. A. S.

U. P.

V. E.

Annual Reports of the Archaeological Survey of India, ed. Marshall, from 1902 — 3.
Archaeological Survey of India.

Archaeological Survey of India Reports, by Cunningham, etc., 1871 — 1887, vols.
I to XXIII, and Index volume XXIV by V. A. Smith, 1887.

The Early History of India, 3rd ed. in the press.

Gupta era of A. D. 319 — 20.

V. A. Smith, A History of Fine Art in India cfv Ceylon, Oxford 1911.

Indian Museum, Calcutta.

List. A List of the Photographic Negatives etc. in the collection of the Indian
Museum, Calcutta... and India Ofjice, London (Calcutta, Supt Gov* 1 Printing,
1900, price 4 rupees.)1
Indian Antiquary.

Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.

United Provinces of Agra and Oudh.

Vikrama era.

Note. In this essay the Sanskrit ^ and are represented respectively by ch and j, equivalent
to the German tsch and dsch. The Asiatic Societies transliterate 'T by c. I have also used sh in
preference to s to represent the Sanskrit tf, the cerebral sibilant.

For the colonization of Java and the Persian embassies, see 77. F. A., pp. 260, 290. On Roman
coins in India, see Sewell, J. R. A. S. 1904, p. 591, and Early Hist, of India., 3rd ed. pp. 306,
343. Mr. Kaye’s remarks will be found in /. R. A. S., 1910, p. 759.

1 The negatives formerly kept at the Indian Museum are now at Simla in the custody
of the Director-General of Archaeology. Multitudes of negatives have been added to the col-
lections in India and London since the List was published. Photographs may be bought at
moderate prices.

BEITRÄGE ZUR GESCHICHTE DER JAPA-
NISCHEN LACKKUNST. VON NORITAKE TSUDA.1

I. DIE NURISHI.

Die wesentliche Arbeit fällt bei allen japanischen Lackarbeiten dem Nurishi tÈfîiii
zu, der die farbigen Lackgründe schafft. Die Tätigkeit des Goldlackkünstlers, des
Makiëshi ist sekundär: sie ist nur eine Art der Dekoration, und auch ohne
sie ist ein in sich vollkommenes Werk der Lackkunst denkbar. Noch in der Rang-
ordnung der Tokugawa standen denn auch die Nurishi vor den Makiëshi. Trotz-
dem haben sowohl in Japan wie in Europa der Goldlack und seine Meister fast aus-
schließlich die Aufmerksamkeit der Forscher und Liebhaber auf sich gezogen und
Namen und Arbeit der Nurishi sehr zu Unrecht in Vergessenheit gebracht. Die
Nachrichten von ihrem Leben und Schaffen fließen daher sehr spärlich, wie auch
der folgende Versuch beweist, der zum ersten Male das Material zusammenstellt und
daher naturgemäß fehlerhaft und unvollständig geblieben ist.

1. SHUNKEI lebte in Sakai, Provinz Izumi, in der Zeit des Kaisers Goka-

meyama (1373 — 1392). Seine eigentlichen Namen sind unbekannt. Er gilt als der
Erfinder des Shunkei Nuri 2

Nach Kurokawa Mayori ist Shunkei nicht der Erfinder, sondern nur der Voll-
ender dieser Gattung. Als Beweise für ihre Existenz lange vor der Zeit des Meisters
führt er die Rahmen eines Byöbü3 4 im Tödaiji, Nara, und ein gelacktes Karabitsu
(Truhe chinesischer Form) im Töji im Akigori, Provinz Tosa, an.

Die Technik des Shunkei Nuri wurde besonders in der Provinz Hida ( Hida
Shunkei) und in Noshiro, Provinz Dewa, gepflegt ( Noshiro Shunkei ) (s. Nr. 10
und 12).

2. SHUKÖ gfcjfc, Gö Körakuan Priester aus Nara5, später, etwa dreißig-

jährig, Schüler des Ikkyü — (1394 — 1481) im Tempel Daitokuji bei Kyöto. Er
wurde der Begründer einer eigenen Schule des Chanoyu und Lehrer des Ashikaga
Yoshimasa (1435—1490). Auch die von ihm gefertigten Lackgeräte sind fast aus-
schließlich für das Chanoyu bestimmt. Er starb in seinem 80. Jahre, wann, ist
unbekannt.

1 Nach englisch geschriebenen Notizen des Verfassers. Die Erläuterungen und Berich-
tigungen in den Anmerkungen habe ich hinzugefügt. O. K.

2 Rein Japan II. 417, 427.

3 Wohl der bekannte Vogelfederschirm im Shösöin.

4 Familienname Murata, Name Shigeyoshi ;iÜu, geistlicher Name Kyüshin Höstii ffoC'üjäijj.

5 Im Shömyöji W&if.

JAPANISCHE LACKKUNST.

3. HANEDA GORÖ ^ÜJ2lS[5, Zeitgenosse des Ashikaga Yoshimasa (1435 bis

1490), lebte in der Nähe des Hokkaimon in Nara, seine Arbeiten sind danach

als Hokkaimon Nuri bekannt. Auch er verfertigte vor allem Teegeräte, unter denen
die beiderseits schwarz gelackten Haneda Bon ^EEJjSi; die bekanntesten sind. Er gilt
auch als der Erfinder der Natsume genannten Teedosen in Gestalt der Frucht der
Jujube (Zizyphus vulgaris, Lam.).

4. HIDETSUGU 'tÎï'K- Es gibt sechs dieses Namens.

a) Shinonoi Hidetsugu, Gö Zensai arbeitete in Nara für den berühmten

Chajin Shöö Seine Natsume sind besonders berühmt.

b) Noro Hidetsugu, Gö Zenkyö WWi, nennt sich auch Tcnkaichi Yoji

•JI-'J'C Hidetsugu, Sohn des vorigen. Er arbeitete für Sen no Rikyü (1520

bis 1591).

c) Zenshö Sohn des vorigen1 2 3 4 5.

d) Rinzai lebte in Kyöto und arbeitete für Kobori Enshü (Masakazu j|îc — • ,

1579 — 1647). Von seinen Teebüchsen waren die Nakatsugi genannten, bei

denen Deckel und Unterteil gleich groß waren, vor allem berühmt durch ihre aus-
gezeichnete Arbeit, die einen völlig luftdichten Verschluß verbürgte.

e) Y osai Ufff und f. Chöan

5. SEIAMI [SJjjjjf 3 arbeitete in Kyöto Teegerät für Sen no Rikyü und Hide-
yoshi, der ihm den Titel Tenka Ichi J\. |' — ‘ verlieh. Es gibt im ganzen drei Gene-
rationen gleichen Namens.

6. FUJISHIGE TÖGAN lebte in Nara. Nach der Zerstörung des

Schlosses in Osaka (1615) wurden er und sein Sohn6 von Iyeyasu nach Osaka ge-
schickt, um unter den Trümmern der Schatzhäuser nach Meibutsu-Chaire zu suchen.
Die Reste, die sie fanden, wurden von ihnen sehr geschickt mit Lack repariert, —
angeblich das erste Beispiel für die Verwendung von Lack zur Wiederherstellung
keramischer Arbeiten.

7. SEKI SÖCHÖ lebte um die Periode Kwanei (1624 — 1643). Er ist der

erste, der seine Arbeiten mit Lack bezeichnete. Vorher wurden die Bezeichnungen
stets eingraviert.

8. KONDÖ DÖSHI Sohn eines Lackmeisters Dökei jUSÜ, lebte in

Ayaköji in Kyöto und arbeitete Teegerät für Kobori Enshü und Katagiri Sekishü
/VflnJ'ïïîH'l (1605 — 1673). Das von ihm erfundene Ijiiji nuri mit feinen

Wellenmustern7 im Lack verschaffte ihm die besondere Schätzung der Chajin.

1 Gewöhnlicher Name Yagorö 3ülLg|l.

2 1504—1556 oder 1506—1558.

3 Arbeitete für Furuta Oribe (1545 — 1615).

4 oder Chösai HHf.

5 Name Shöho

6 Vielmehr sein Vater Togen Ü7C.

7 rnvwms.

JAPANISCHE LACKKUNST.

9. HIRAI1 IKKAN *1$, G5 Chösessai Kongo Sanjin ^|Ä]i]|IlA

und Chöchöshi ein Chinese, der sich in der Kwanei-Periode (1624 — 1643)

in Kyoto niederließ, dort ein bedeutender Chajin2 wurde und 1657 im 8. Jahre starb.
Seine Lackarbeiten sind aus Holz mit einem Überzüge gelackten Papiers oder aus
gelacktem Papier. Sie sind stets mit den Zeichen f$ oder bezeichnet und als
Ikkan Bari — bekannt. Seine Nachkommen arbeiteten in derselben Art3.

10. NARITA SANZAËMON lebte in der Provinz Hida4 in der

Periode Kwanei (1624 — 1643). Ein gelb gelackter Vogelkäfig, den er seinem Fürsten5
Kanamori Söwa 6 7 überreichte, begründete seinen Ruhm. Er gilt als der

Erfinder des Hida Shunkei oder Hekime Zaiku ÜtB&lOl. Die Arbeiten

dieser Art, meist Bon (Anbietplatten), sind mit einer Mischung gelben und roten
Lackes bedeckt, die einen bräunlichen Ton annimmt und die Maserung des Holzes
sehen läßt.

11. FUKUZÖ ijitnllc, weitere Namen unbekannt, soll in der Periode Öei (1394
bis 1427) oder Kii nach Wajima in der Provinz Noto gekommen und die Technik
des Negoro-nuri dorthin verpflanzt haben (Wajima-nuri ÜjlbJ^). Diese Schwarz-
und Rotlackarbeiten, meist Eßgerät, wurden aber erst bekannter, als in der Periode
Kwambun (1661 — 1672) am Komineyama bei Wajima ein Ton gefunden wurde,
der sich besonders gut als Bestandteil der Grundierung (Shitaji Tllil) eignete.

12. YAMAUCHI SANKURÖ Afiß, ein Lackmeister aus der Provinz Hida,

kam in der Periode Tenna (1673—1683) nach Noshiro in der Provinz Dewa und wurde
der Erfinder des Noshiro-nuri oder N oshiro-shunkei mit hellgelber

Lackhaut, die die Holzmaserung durchscheinen ließ. Das Noshiro-nuri soll meist
auf offener See gearbeitet worden sein, um jeden Staub fernzuhalten.

13. JIGOZAËMON nach sehr zweifelhafter Überlieferung der Er-
finder des / ögahana-nuri Lackarbeiten mit Malerei in farbigem Lack oder

Mitsudasö (gefärbter Lösung von Bleiglätte in Öl) auf Schwarzlackgrund.

Er soll der Sohn eines Priesters Yügen lji|îÿ sein, der in der Periode Bummei (1419
bis i486) mit einem Priester Rennyo jü^tl nach Etchü kam, in Kyüshü von einem
Chinesen die Lackmalerei erlernt und sich später in Jögahana (Etchü) niedergelassen
haben. Die Blütezeit des J ögahanalackes fällt ins 18. Jahrhundert.

14. NAKAMURA SÜTETSU Gö Köyü Shitsuö TïkWfàm, Yüzan

und Hösun-sai ffÜ8, gestorben im 5. Monat Genroku 8 = Juni/Juli 1695 im
79. Jahre, in Kyöto tätig. Von ihm stammt das Yozakura-nuri dessen lange

1 Der Name kommt von seinem gleichnamigen Heimatberge am Tungting-See.

2 Schüler des Sen-no Sötan (1578 — 1659).

3 In 12 Generationen.

4 in Takayama.

5 D. h. dem Sohne s. Fürsten Kanamori Arishige t>T®.

6 Gest 1656.

7 Rein II. 427. 8 Tsüshö Hachiröbei, Name Gempitsu

JAPANISCHE LACKKUNST.

geheim gehaltene Technik in der Zeitschrift Shikkökwai Zasshi Nr. 46,

p. 10, beschrieben wird. Die Kirschblüten werden danach mit einer Mischung von
Röiro- und Nashi-ji-Urushi gemalt und, nachdem sie getrocknet waren, mit Roiro-
Urushi übergelackt. Die Kirschblüten erscheinen so in vagen Umrissen gleichsam
wie in Nacht getaucht auf schwarzem Grunde1.

15. NISHIMURA HIKOBEI Söchü geb. 1720, gestorben

Ansei 2, 5, 14 = 3. Juli 1773 in Kyöto. Ein in Goldlack auf Schwarzlackgrund
gemalter Elefant2 gewann besondere Popularität und verschaffte ihm den Namen
Zöhiko

16. IKEDA GEMBEI ilii DB Sohn eines gleichnamigen Samurai der Familie

Tsugaru, der schon in der Periode Kwambun (1661 — 1672) nach Edo gesandt worden
war, um die Kunst des Lackes zu erlernen, aber vor Erreichung seines Zieles starb,
kam Genroku 10 = 1697 nach Edo und wurde der Schüler des Lackmeisters Seikai
Tarôzaëmon pf fêHvfilÆfëjP1]. Nach Beendigung seiner Lehrzeit kehrte er nach
Tsugaru zurück und nannte sich Seikai Gembei. Er ist der Begründer des Tsugaru-
nuri (auch Kara -nuri genannt), das dem Wakasa-nuri ähnelt, aber kein

Gold oder Silber verwendet3.

17. ÖKUBO TATSUGORÖ der Nachkomme von Lackarbeitern,

die in der Periode Genroku (1688 — 1703) aus der Provinz Ömi nach Handa in Awa
gekommen waren, lebte in der Periode Bunkwa (1804 — 1817). Er vervollkommnete
die Arbeiten von Handa mit Hilfe eines Goldlackmeisters aus Aizu und wurde zum
Samurai befördert. Seine und seiner Nachkommen Arbeiten kommen dem Kuroë-
nuri gleich, sind aber nur für den täglichen Gebrauch bestimmt.

18. SANÖ CHÖKWAN gewöhnlicher Name Jisuke Firmenname

Nagahamaya , geboren 1791, gestorben Ansei 3, 3, 2 = 6. April 18564 in Kyöto, fünfter
Nachkomme eines Koreaners Chökwan, besuchte in jungen Jahren verschiedene Lack-
werkstätten in ganz Japan und ließ sich erst 1825 dauernd in Kyöto nieder. Er ist
berühmt wegen seiner Schwarzlacke und Purpurlacke Diese soll er nach Jahren

vergeblicher Anstrengung den Arbeiten eines Goldlackmeisters in Edo nachgebildet
haben, der sich geweigert hatte, ihn das Geheimnis seines Purpurlackes zu lehren.

19. TANABE TERUFUSA arbeitete in Edo in der späteren Tokugawa-

zeit und ausschließlich für die Tokugawafamilie. Er ist an den Lackarbeiten für die
Grabtempel in Nikkö beteiligt.

20. MIKAMI JISUKE aus der Provinz Ömi, kam 1834, 1(3 Jahre alt,

nach Kyöto, wo er Schüler des Mikami Sasuke wurde, dessen Familiennamen er
1850 annahm.

1 Außer Gempitsu gibt es noch sechs Generationen desselben Namens.

2 Vielmehr Fugen auf dem Elefanten.

3 Rein II. 428.

4 Oder Bunkyü 3 = 1863.

JAPANISCHE LACKKUNST. 33

21. YAMAMOTO YASUBEI lebte in Shizuoka um die Periode

Bunsei (1818 — 1829). Er arbeitete Lackmosaik werke.

22. UKITSU ein Bauer in Nagoya und Amateurlackmeister, dessen übrige

Namen unbekannt sind, arbeitete um die Periode Kaei (1848 — 1853) Lackarbeiten
in der Art des Shunkei-nuri, die als Ukitsu-nuri bekannt sind und trotz ihres schein-
bar rohen Aussehens bei den Chajin von Nagoya besonders hochgeschätzt wurden.

23. KANDA GOBEI ip>i' EE] arbeitete zu Anfang der Periode Meiji in Hira-
kimura, Katö-gori, Provinz Harima, in der Art des Shunkei-nuri, meistens Jübako Ifffg.
Seine Werke, die er mit der eingebrannten Marke A^iff- zu zeichnen pflegte, sind
als Kiyomizu-Sashi ÏpfAlif bekannt.

24. KIMURA HYÖSAI AiN'A'Irf» 1817 in der Provinz Ömi geboren, wurde

Schüler des Lackmeisters Shibata Töbei EEJ fè in Kyoto. Seine Schwarzlacke

und Arbeiten in der Art des Negoronuri wurden sehr geschätzt. Er starb

14. Februar 1885. Sein jüngerer Bruder Yasaburö ( Hyösai II = — ist sein

Nachfolger.

25. HASHIMOTO ICHIZÖ 1817 als Sohn eines Schwertscheiden-

machers Matajirö in Edo geboren, folgte der Profession seines Vaters. Seine Arbeiten
tragen den Stempel fêrfî- Mit 50 Jahren wurde er Laienbruder und nahm den Namen
Suiami an. Nach der Abschaffung der Sitte des Schwerttragens arbeitete er

Nachahmungen von Bambusarbeiten in Lack ( Take Mozö-nnri Er starb

2. Februar 1882. Sein Adoptivsohn setzte seine Art fort.

1 Rein.

SOME HINDU ‘SILPA’ SHASTRAS IN THEIR
RELATION TO SOUTH INDIAN SCULPTURE.

BY W. S. HADAWAY.

The canons concerning the proportions of the human figure, as used by the
Hindu “Stapathy” or image maker, are found in a great variety of manuscript works
in various oriental libraries.

It is unfortunate, however, that though useful fragments abound in manuscripts,
there is no published work either in any Indian vernacular, or in any European
language, which treats of the particular “Shastras” or canons by which the workman
is guided in his modelling of the figure.

The Hindu image maker or sculptor, does not work from life, as is the usual
practice among Europeans, but he has in place of the living model, a most elaborate
and beautiful system of proportions, which he uses constantly, combining these with
close observation and study of natural detail. It is, in fact, a series of anatomical
rules and formulae, of infinitely more practical use than any European system which
I know of, for the Indian one treats of the actual proportion and of the surface form,
rather than the more “scientific” attachments of muscles and the articulation of bones.

There is in the Hindu system nothing complicated or difficult to understand or
remember, but, like every other canon of artistic proportion, these methods are no
more capable of producing “works of art” in unskilled hands than are any other
aids or methods.

That they have a very deep significance to the Orthodox Hindu, as practically
all the image makers art is hieratic, need not be considered here at length. It will
be enough for the present if I explain that each separate system is applicable to certain
deities, and to make an image of one deity by the system right and proper for another,
is a solecism of which no orthodox workman would be guilty.

We will return to the Manuscripts from which the details to be considered have
been gathered.

These Manuscripts are generally encyclopaedic in contents and the actual part
which has to do with proportions of images is more often than not the merest fragment

This is not really serious, so far as practical work is concerned, for every skilled
sculptor has the particular shastras he uses in his own mind, having learnt them by
word of mouth from his father or his master, when a child or young man.

Whether the workman speaks Tamil or Telugu or some other Indian vernacular
does not matter, for the Sanskrit slokas in which the systems are crystalized

SOME HINDU ‘SILPA’ SHASTRAS.

learnt by rote, probably long before
the actual purport of the words is
understood at all.

The meaning is explained and
studied as the workman progresses in
skill with his art. Besides this, some
workmen now-a-days have their
own manuscripts, in their own verna-
cular, but these are not common.

These shastras are the common
property of Hindu artisans, whether
of northern or southern India, but,
with the caste system, in which the
son follows the occupation of his
fathers, persons outside the artisan
caste have no concern with them,
and they have been, consequently,
neglected to a great extent by stu-
dents of sanskrit, unable to come into
immediate contact with the artisans
themselves.

It has been my privilege for
several years to work with some of
the best of the South Indian image
makers, and being a metal worker my-
self, I have been able to study their
art, both practically and theoretically,

particularly as it concerns sculpture Fig. i. Nava-thalam system. The figure is 9 “faces”

, , , high — divided asfollows: — face I part; torso 3 parts;

in stone, and casting in metal. leJs 4 parts. hair> neck> knee an/foo' ^ parJ/each’.

For many of the notes which I Total 9 parts, or 9 “thalams”.

have worked out practically, my me-
thod has been to have them translated from some manuscripts (in Sanskrit) into the
local vernacular (which here is Tamil) and then to have them again translated
into English by an artisan, assisted by another person who understood English.

This somewhat round-about method has been necessary, for without exception,
I have never been able to find a single Sanskrit scholar who understood enough of
the technical and artistic terms in use to translate directly into English, nor could
I find an artisan who understood both English and Sanskrit.

As I have, however, only used the translations as checks to the artisan’s own
working out of the systems, it is not a matter of very great importance.

(hiJ

A ^ //

2*3

J'1 \rt

fä K

WÂ

ft, ys

k n >

v-r,J

fiij

i-J

• ir ;> <
1

;

CiL

V/V

/o&

cr>

SOME HINDU ‘SILPA’ SHASTRAS.

Fig. 2. The Head is divided as follows:
— length of face i thalam; breadth
of face i thalam; hair, to top of
head /4 thalam. The thalam is again
divided into 12 equal parts or ‘an-
gulas’, each way. Forehead, 4 ans.
broad, 8 ans. long; nose 4 ans. long,
2 ans. broad; eyes 2 ans. long, 1 an.
broad; % space of eye occupied by
circle in centre, y3 of that occupied
by pupil; eyebrows 4 ans. long, 2
yavas broad; lips 1 an. below the
nose, lower lip twice the breadth of
the upper, length 3 ans; chin 2 ans.
below the lips, projections outward
of lip y2 an.

In the Madras Oriental Manuscript library there
are some sixteen books, which in some part deal
with Silpa shastras, and in the Tanjore Palace li-
brary are many more books of similar character.

The one, however, which has proved most use-
ful has been a manuscript found in the Trevandram
Palace library in Travancore, and this was trans-
lated for me by the Superintendent of the School of
Arts at Trevandram, Mr. Narayana Iyer, B. A.

“Silpa shastra” in India is a term rather loosely
applied to any treatise on the arts and crafts and a
“Silpi” or a “Stupathy” is a master workman, who
may work mostly as an image maker, or as a
sculptor of stone figures, or as a master stone
mason and builder.

The “Architect” of the West is quite unknown
in truly Hindu work.

There is no theorist who sits in an office and
prepares plans and calculates stresses, but the head
workman directs his co-workers as the work proceeds,
working with them on the spot.

In the following notes I am using freely the ex-
cellent material sent me by Mr. Narayana Iyer, and
here and there, as occasion demands, I shall add
explanations which will help to make the notes and
the diagrams more easily understood.

The Hindu Stupathy works with a definite
system of proportions according to the deity he is
to represent; the proportions varying, some deities
being fashioned according to one system, some to
another.

But first, the actual height of the figure to be
made is determined by measurements of the room or
shrine in which it is to be enclosed. This chamber,
or inner shrine, is called the “Garbha — Graha”.

There are two methods of determining the height of
the figure in question, and different religious effects are predicted according to which
is chosen.

A. The doorway of the shrine, through which the image is seen at the time of
worship is the chief object for making the calculation.

SOME HINDU ‘SILPA’ SHASTRAS.

The height of the doorway is taken, and 3/4 ths,
7/8 ths, or 8/9 ths of this height may be used as the
height of the actual figure, excluding the crown on
the head and the seat or stand below.

B. The breadth of the Garbha — Graha is also
sometimes reckoned, and 3/5 ths, 2/3 rds, or 1/2 of the
same is allowed for the height of the figure.

Thus, there are six optional heights allowable.

The height being determined by one of the six
proportions specified above, the next stage consists in
proportioning the figure itself.

The word in use for the larger measure of pro-
portion is “Thalam” a Sanskrit word meaning a short
span, and it is interesting here to note the similarity of
terms in use, by the Indian and the mediaeval Euro-
pean sculptors. “Spans”, “fingers” and “palms” are
words in constant use in old European books treating
of arts and crafts. Bearing in mind that the actual
image to be fashioned must be made according to one
definite system, the total height is divided, into one of
five different sets of proportions.

These are io, 9, 8, 7 or 5 equal parts of the whole
height, of the figure, and are called “Dasa” thalam,
“Nava” thalam, “Ashta” thalam, “Septa” thalam or
“Pancha” thalam, from the Sanskrit names of these
five numerals.

As the systems are all proportionate, they do not
depend on fixed measurements such as centimetres or
inches, but the span is taken to represent the actual
span of the figure being made.

The thalam or span is now divided into 12 equal

8 Angulas

Fig. 3. The proportions for the
hand are: palm 8 angulas long,
6 an. broad + ix/8 an. for the
thumb; at the wrist 4 an. broad;
middle finger 6 an. long; ring
and index fingers, 9/10 of middle
finger; little finger and thumb,
9/10 of index finger. Excepting
the thumb, the two lower joints
of the fingers of equal length and
the upper joint half of the one
below it. Circumference of the
thumb at the base is 6 an.; of
the second finger 3 an.; of the
other fingers 1/8 less than that of
the finger next it.

parts each part being termed an “Angula” or finger, naturally the breadth of the

finger of the image. The angula is again divided into 8 equal parts for purpose of

more minute measurement, and these parts are called “Yavas”.

For still more minute measurements, the yavas may be again divided, but it

is seldom necessary in practice.

Thus, 8 yavas equal one angula; and 12 angulas equal one thalam.

With strict rules laid down for even minute measurements of details, there is

still much latitude allowed in working several portions, and it is by the artistic use
of this licence that the really vast difference between a commonplace figure and

3«

SOME HINDU ‘SILPA’ SHASTRAS.

106

Fig. 4. A variation of the Nava-thalam system,
length of the face is the same as No. 1, but the
is longer and the legs shorter.

most perfect in its working out, and by
each, the total is one hundred and eight,
Hindus.

a genuine “work of art” is often de-
termined.

Beside the figure unclad, there
are three other portions of the image
with all of which the artist must con-
cern himself. These are: 1. the crown
on the head, which may be 1, 1 1/2 or
2 thalams in height, and may be either
round or somewhat flat and oval like
a tortoise, and which also at the top
may be convex in shape like an open
umbrella, or concave, like a lotus
flower; 2. the stand or seat worked
in lotus pattern or otherwise may be
of any height which will suit the fi-
gure; 3. the ornaments of the ears,
neck, and other parts, the wearing of
the attributes, whether arms, or other
sorts of objects, (specified for each
deity) and the clothing or drapery in
general are all left to the artistic skill
of the workman, but it is particularly
specified that they should look very
beautiful.

In practice distinctive differences
in head dress are an useful way of
distinguishing between Saivite and
Vishnavite deities, which are often
otherwiese very similar, especially
when no other distinctive attribute is
to be found.

Let us suppose that the image
maker is to fashion a figure of the
deity Vishnu from a block of stone.

Vishnu is one of the deities which
should be made on the nava thalam
system. This system is perhaps the
dividing the nine thalams into twelve parts
a sacred number in itself among orthodox

The

torso

SOME HINDU ‘SILPA’ SHASTRAS.

A reference to the diagram No. i will show the manner of mapping out the
figure. Eight thalams or parts of the whole height are accounted for by the face,
torso, and legs, and the ninth is sub-divided into four parts each of three angulas,
which make up the ninth thalam and gives the proportions for the hair, neck, knee
and foot. A further reference to the same diagram Nr. i shows that the lines marking
the thalams coincide with the nipples, navel, and middle of the figure.

This particular figure was worked out for me by my friend in Travancore and
on showing it to artists elsewhere it has been acknowledged to be correct in every
detail.

There are, however, many slight variations on this system in use, and the table
below compiled from different manuscript notes of several sculptors will show the
differences.

Table shewing variations of the
‘Nava-Thalam' system, according to
different authorities.

from the
‘Kasyapu' silpa,
(Oriental Mss.
Library,
Madras.)

from various Hindu
Stupathies.

Given by
in hi

Sariputra.

Dr. Coomaraswamy
‘Sinhalese Art'.

Brihat Sakra-

Samhita. carya.

from Travan-
core Ms.
worked out
in diagram
number I.

Crown of head (hair).

4 Vs

Hair to eyes.

—

Eyes to cheek.

Cheek to chin.

—

Neck.

3V4

Neck to nipple.

I2:7g

Nipple to navel.

I2Vs

Navel to middle.

I2Vs

Thigh.

21 V 4

Knee.

not given

3:i4

Knee to ankle (top of foot).

21 ’ 4

Foot.

not given

33/ 4

108

112

108

Although this table shows results from many different sources, besides the one
already explained and shown at the right hand side of No. i diagram, there is only one
other which totals to one hundred and eight parts, though the face in all cases is
twelve angulas or one thalam in length.

I give only the measurements of the height in the comparative table leaving out
of consideration the arms, hands and length of foot. These are given in some cases
but need not be considered at present.

To proceed with the nava thalam system, further proportions are specified as
follows:

Length of upper arm to elbow twenty four angulas; fore-arm to wrist twenty
two angulas; length of hand fourteen angulas. The face and hand, measurements

SOME HINDU ‘SILPA’ SHASTRAS.

are given in the diagrams Nos. 2 and
3 and these relate to the system shown
in full in diagram No. i.

The two variations of this nava
thalam system, diagrams Nos. 4 and
5 worked out for me by my assistant
Paramasiva Stupathy (an hereditary
temple image maker) show all the
principal measurements including the
breadths of the face, neck, torso, arms
and legs.

As to which deities these varia-
tions of the perfect nava thalam sy-
stem are applicable, my present know-
ledge of the subject is not sufficient
to state with accuracy.

It is a matter which is not so
much concerned with the Silpa Shas-
tras, but is treated at length in
another group of Shastraic writings
known as the “Manthra Shastras”,
religious sciences which treat of
Gods and Goddesses for mediation
and worship, for particular purposes
at different stages in one’s religious
development.

The Kasyapu Silpa, however,
gives the information that the nava
thalam system is suitable for Vasus
(devatis) , Murthis, Vidyasal, (gods
of learning), Lokapalakas (guardian
angels), and Vishnu; I think it may
also include Siva, as well.

The next system to be conside-
red is known as the “Dasa thalam”
system, and this is treated by the image maker as a modification of the nava thalam
system.

Diagram No. 6 will explain this ten thalam method and the differences in pro-
portions between it and the perfect nine thalam system, is shewn by the numbers on
the side of the drawing.

SOME HINDU ‘SILPA’ SHASTRAS.

It will be seen that the whole
height is here divided into one hundred
and twenty parts instead of one hun-
dred and eight, and that the extra
12 parts are made up by additions of
two to the face, one each to the neck,
knee and foot, three to the torso, and
4 to the legs. It is actually a ten
thalam system, but not a ten face sys-
tem, as the face is fourteen parts of
the whole height and not twelve.

While it is not my intention to
discuss at present the comparative
artistic excellence of the various sys-
tems, I think that most critics will
at once agree that in the variations of
the nava thalam method, the shoulders
of both the male and female figures
seem disproportionately wide.

I mention this merely to suggest
that an explanation may be found in
the fact that only a few Hindu deities
are modelled with a single set of arms,
and the artists may have felt the ar-
tistic need of very wide shoulders. It
is certainly the case that in deities
with many arms the wide shoulders
do not trouble one as they some times Fig. 6. Dasa-thalam system — A modification of the

do in single armed figures. ^a-thalam system Right side shews changes in

& & height. The diagram does not represent any particular

Of the three other systems, those deity,

of eight and seven thalams I have

had considerable difficulty in finding any artisan to make reasonable diagrams.

These systems are to be detected in the images of minor deities, and often in
the Krishna image when he is represented as a youth and not as a babe.

Of the five thalam system, the last of those used, Vighnesvara, the elephant
headed god, commonly known as ‘Ganesh’, ‘Ganesa’, or ‘Ganapathy’ and Krishna
as a babe, and dwarf figures, are made according to this method.

The diagram No. 7 shews all the given measurements for the Ganesa and the
only Krishna figure which I have been able to procure shows a division into sixty
four parts instead of sixty.

A v.

A r

.4 hlL

\ \

^ ' y

&f/p\

IT”

“J

\tr

3 3

12+ 2.= 14
3+1-4
12+ 1 = 13

12+ 1-13

12+1 = 13

12+1=13

12+ 1=13
3+1=4
12+ 1=13

12+1 = 13
3+1 = 4

100 120

SOME HINDU ‘SILPA’ SHASTRAS.

For a full appreciation of the eso-
teric significance of the various systems
as actually used, one needs much more
than a passing acquaintance with both
Hindu Mythology and the Hindu system
of ethics, but even a cursory knowledge
of the systems and of the Mythology
give one an excellent grasp of the gene-
ral idea of fashioning the deity or minor
deity of the numerous Hindu pantheon,
according to its use or relative importance
in the religious system.

The matter is very little understood
now-a-days, even in India, except by a
very few students among Brahmin priests
and by a few of the image makers them-
selves.

A word of explanation in regard to
the diagrams may be useful.

One must grasp that they are all
drawn in “elevation” exactly as an archi-
tect or a cabinet maker would make a
working drawing of the façade of a buil-

Fig. 7. Vighnesvara or Ganesha, Siva’s first Son: ding, or front of a cabinet.

Pancha-thalam system — The figure is 5 “faces” .

high, dividing each of the 5 parts (or thalams, or It IS, 01 course, quite impossible to ever

faces) again into 12 equal parts, the division of see a figure exactly in that way, for it is
the whole figure is as follows: face (or 1 thalam);

torso 28; hair 3; knee 3; foot 2; thigh 6; leg 6; a draughtsmans convention, assuming
Total 60, or 5 thalams. that the eye is on a level with each part

of the figure at one and the same time.
In actual sculpture, it would be the only method of marking out a figure not in
action, practically, if this method were used.

One cannot expect much artistic quality in a mere outline diagram; they are
only given as illustrative figures on which measurements could be shown in the flat.

For an artistic perception of these Hindu systems in practical use the only right
way, if one is to form a just opinion of their art, is to study carefully the best examples
available in actual sculptured figures in stone and metal.

The few photographs reproduced, will give one a slight idea of the real appea-
rance of both copper and stone figures, and I have selected but a few which have
been carefully measured and which tally with the systems explained though I doubt
if any actual example would ever be wholly accurate in every detail.

Fig. 8. Natesa (Dancing Siva). Gov’t Museum. Madras. Height 3 feet 11 inches. Nava Thalam

Measurement.

Fig. 9. Lakshmi. Musée
Guimet, Paris. Height
35 inches. To shew
tapering limbs.

SOME HINDU ‘SILPA’ SHASTRAS.

Fig. io. Natesa (Dancing Siva). Musée Guimet, Paris. Height 2 feet,

6 inches. Late work shewing accentuation of muscles.

It must always be borne in mind that any canon of proportion with artists, be
they eastern or western, are but guides and assistants, and these are no more absolute
and correct receipts for making “works of art” than any others, though doubtless
the most accurately fashioned image would always make the strongest appeal to the
student of religion, if he realized its accuracy.

One image, however, Fig. 8, which I have measured with great care, shows the

SOME HINDU ‘SILPA’ SHASTRAS.

Fig. ii. Sivakarni (Siva’s be-
loved one, a name of Par-
vati). Property of R. F. Sto-
ney, Esq. Height 57g in-
ches. Septa Thalam Mea-
surement.

Fig. 13. Krishna. Property of Author. Height
(figure alone) 4 inches. Pancha Thalam Mea-
surement.

nava thalam system with almost perfect accuracy, and although it has been repro-
duced before, I show it now again, as being the best example I have yet seen both
as a work of art and an exposition of this system.

The measurements were taken in inches, and will be given so, as the actual
height of the figure, which is thirty six inches, lends itself to the divisions and pro-
portions of this system.

All measurements of height should follow the pose of the figure, not of course
being taken in a vertical line as in the diagram which is of a figure standing erect.

The face of this Natesa Fig. 8 measures four inches, (one ninth of thirty six);
the space from the base of the neck to the nipple, to the navel from the nipple, and to
the middle from the navel, are also each four inches; from the middle to the top
of the knee, and from the base of the knee to the top of the foot are each eight inches;
and the hair, neck, knee and foot are each one inch, making the ninth part, each
of four inches. The height measurements are more easily taken on this figure than

SOME HINDU ‘SILPA’ SHASTRAS.

those of the breadths,
because of the ac-
tion, and certain
allowances have to
be made in mea-
suring such spaces
as that between the
arm pits owing to
the action of the
arm thrown across
the torso, and also
in the breadth across
the widest part of
the shoulders, for
the arm being for-
ward, would narrow
this part to a con-
siderable extent.

In modelling in
wax before the image
was cast, it would
have been possible
to verify even the
breadth measure-
ments.

The extra arms
follow the rule that
prescribes those
members to be
slightly shorter than
the principle arms,
that is, twenty an-
gulas in length of
forearm (six and
two-thirds inches)
instead of twenty

Fig. 12. Lakshmi. Gov’t
Museum, Madras. Height
9!2 inches. DasaThalam
Measurement.

SOME HINDU ‘SILPA’ SHASTRAS.

two angulas (seven and one
third inches) which is the
length of the principle fore
arm.

The hands, also, being in
various action are very difficult
of accurate measurement, but
they tally closely with the pro-
portions of the shastra, and
are, perhaps, the finest details
of the whole figure; the right
ear, which follows the common
South Indian practice of being
much elongated in the lobe,
cannot of course be reconciled
to the prescribed proportions.

Such minor details, matters
of mere local colour, so to say,
were quite properly left to the
discretion of the artist.

The differences of the ear
ornaments will be noticed one
ear having the ornament worn
by males, and the other that
worn by females, this is usual
as a symbol of Siva’s dual
sexuality.

The other photographs of
copper images show certain
characteristics of Hindu Sculp-
ture which may be briefly
mentioned.

The shastras stipulate that
limbs should be smooth and
tapering “like an elephant’s trunk’’, or “like the stock of the plantain”; this is well
shown in the Lakshmi of the Musee Guimet, Fig. 9, and in the first left arm of the
Natesa, Fig. 8. All the photographs show to a great extent the universal disregard
of surface modelling, a strong characteristic of Hindu sculpture, both in metal
and stone.

There can be no doubt that it makes for repose in the figure, and enhances the

Fig. 14. Ganesa. Gov’t Museum. Madras. Heigh 1 foot —
8 inches. Pancha Thalam Measurement.

SOME HINDU ‘SILPA’ SHASTRAS.

beauty of both metal and stone , in something
the same way that a cabochon cut gem enhances
the colour beauty of the gem so polished.

The tendency in modern work is toward more
Western methods and the Natesa from the Musée
Guimet Fig. io is a fair example in the legs of a
greater modelling in the proportionate thickening
of the calf and thinning of the ankle. I illustrate
this Natesa as a striking contrast to the earlier
one and not as a supreme example of Hindu art.

I suggest that one of the reasons for less sur-
face modelling may be in the fact that on a dark
skin muscle and bone do not produce the same
easily detected lights and shades that they do on
a white skin.

The small figure belonging to Mr. R. F. Stoney,

Fig. ii is a rare and fine example of the septa
thalam system of measurement; while its actual
height is only eleven and one half centimetres,
the accuracy of the measurements is most remark-
able, exactly seven faces, and the finish oft he
figure also is as perfect as a bit of finest gold-
smith’s work, every minute detail worked with the
greatest skill and artistic care. It shows most
conclusively the pride and skill the Hindu is ca-
pable of using in this art which has its inspiration
in his deep religious beliefs.

Of the other photographs, Fig. 12 Lakshmi, is
given as an example of dasa thalam. Fig. 13 Krish-
na, and Fig. 14 Ganesa, as examples of the pancha
thalam, and Figure 15 a female ‘Dwarapala’ or
door guardian, as an example of the ashta thalam
systems.

The last figure is the only one among those
illustrated, which is in stone; the other are all
of copper.

I have chosen specimens in these photographic reproductions to illustrate the
systems of proportion, rather than as examples of work of the very highest quality,
but all are good typical examples of South Indian sculpture.

In a later article, I shall endeavour to illustrate some of the finest of the many

Fig. 15. Dwarapala (Door Guardian).
Tribuvanam Temple (near Kumbako-
nam). Ashta Thalam Measurement.

50 SOME HINDU ‘SILPA’ SHASTRAS.

fine specimens known, and to analyze the wonderful composition of line and other
artistic qualities which have been systematically neglected hitherto, in any account
so far written of this sculpture.

The very few who have attempted to write on the subject of South Indian sculpture
have dwelt so much on the hieratic and mythological points of view and the inner
meanings and significance of the subject represented, that the real artistic qualities,
as understood by sculptors have been rather obscured, and relegated to the back
ground. All great art, more easily detected, perhaps, in sculpture than in painting, has
certain artistic principles running through it and these may be analyzed as well in
the arts of Eastern sculpture as of Western.

I can believe that this has not been done before in regard to the South Indian
images, only because they are so comparatively little known by writers who have the
requisite knowledge of sculpture, considered as sculpture, apart from the religious
significance of the subject represented.

WANG CH‘UAN. BY JOHN C. FERGUSON.

Mr. Berthold Läufer contributed in the first volume of this Review a valuable dis-
cussion on “A Landscape of Wang Wei” based upon rubbings from a stone

engraving. The landscape, of course, refers to Wang Chu’an this place being

as closely linked in Chinese literature with the name of Wang Wei as Stratford-on-
Avon is with Shakespeare. Wang Ch’uan was neither a large nor an important
place, when Wang Wei built a house there as a refuge from the cares of the world.
It would never have been known outside of its immediate neighborhood, if it had not
been the residence of Wang Wei and the subject of his famous poem.

In the mountainous district of the southern part of Lan-t’ien UBEl, on the
banks of a small mountain stream which wanders down through the valley, Wang
Wei built a home for himself. His had been a stormy, nervous life. As a youth he
must have been of a reflective turn of mind, for it is said that he could compose poetry
at nine years of age. His course of life was rapid and eventful. He attained to the
highest literary rank, and to a responsible position in the government service. The
rebel An Lu-shan admired his ability, and carried him off into captivity

where he tried in vain to compel Wang Wei to use his talents in favor of the rebellion.
Wang would not even curry favor with his captor by writing verses to entertain
guests. Through the prolonged efforts of his brother Wang Tsin EE|n, he was finally
released and brought back to the capital, but his reckless independence of spirit
landed him in further trouble with the princes. He preferred his literary and religious
friends to those whom he found in court circles. He did not hesitate to condemn the
extravagance and excesses of the Palace life. Public service, with its attendant cere-
mony and display, was hateful to him, and he longed for the quiet of the mountains
where he could live in peace. He had lost his wife when he was only thirty-one,
and he never took to himself another. It was a chastened, lonely man, introspective
by habit and sharpened by a full experience of the busy activities of official life, who
took up his abode at Wang Ch’uan. He was in the prime of life, and had an intense
love of nature. By the side of a mountain stream in a quiet valley he built his home,
and here he was visited by literary friends, but chiefly by Buddhist priests. His friend,
P’ei Ti », was often with him and took a share in poetical composition.

A great poet in China, as in Europe, must be born, not made, but he works in
a different way from our western poets. His lines of five or seven characters must
be all carefully balanced so that the p’ing and tseh may be antiphonal according
to the canon. In such work the help of a friend is most valuable. Wang Wei had two

52 WANG CH‘UAN.

intimate friends — P’ei Ti and Mêng Hao-jan The latter was the more famous,

but in connection with Wang Ch’uan interest centres in P’ei Ti, for it was with him
that Wang Wei collaborated in the poem which takes its name from the mountain
home.

Wang Wei’s poetry reminds one of Keats. It reveals an intimate knowledge
of the world, while at the same time showing a weariness with all its shadowy pleas-
ures. Wang was not a product of Buddhism, but was educated according to the
standard classical methods of his time. He was of such a disposition, however, that
he turned naturally to the restful doctrines of the new faith which was spreading
rapidly among all classes. His home in the quiet hills gave him ample opportunity
to express his opinions of the world in the studied phrases of poems. He wrote many
verses — more than a hundred, during his life in the mountains, but the one best
known to later generations is the one describing Wang Ch’uan. This poem would
have been immortal even if it had not been supplemented by a famous picture made
by the poet-artist. Wang Wei’s great fame as a literary genius rests upon his eminence
in all three branches of literary attainments — poetry, calligraphy, and painting.
To be a great poet, a great penman, and a great painter is a combination of higher
standard than even the three excellences which K’u Kai-chi was said to possess.
Wang Ch’uan is famous in Chinese literature for the two reasons of its being the
subject of one of the best poems, and the name of one of the most famous paintings.
The marvel is increased by the fact of the poem and the painting having been the
product of the same genius — Wang Wei.

The first character of the name of the place — Wang Ch’uan, has no connection
with the first character of the name of its illustrious resident, Wang Wei, though
it is probable that the stream was given a new name by Wang Wei so as to connect
it in sound with his own, or that Wang was influenced in his selection of this spot
by the implied connection of the place’s name with his own. Such hidden connections
have always been considered desirable by Chinese litterateurs, and Wang Wei was
no exception. He chose his style in a way which illustrates the pleasure derived
from this kind of hidden literary connection. Wang is a surname, and Wei is the
given name. In accordance with prevailing custom Wang chose a style by which
he was known among friends. He selected the two characters — Mo-chieh
the reason for the choice being that these two characters, Mo-chieh, added to his
given name, Wei, make up the word Wei-mo-chieh ÜJÿfn which was the name Vi-
malakirtti — a contemporary of Shakyamuni who visited China and was highly
honored in the Buddhist sainthood. Wang wrote his name Wang Wei Mo-chieh 3E$fi
Jiffn, i.e. Wang, with the given name of Wei and the style of Mo-chieh; but it could
also be read as if the four characters were joined together, in which case it would
sound as if Vimalakirtti Wang was being spoken of.1 Such pleasantries are much

1 The comments of Mr. Läufer on this subject are incorrect.

WANG CH'UAN. 53

admired among Chinese litterateurs, and there is every probability that such a latent
connection existed between the names of the region and its inhabitant.

The poem and the picture both represent Wang Ch’uan as a place of splendor
and magnificence, but this must be understood in the sense of poetical licence. Wang
Wei could only have had a very humble cottage in this secluded spot. If it had been
otherwise, he would have attracted the attention of the rapacious myrmidons of the
Court, and the place would have been confiscated. Neither the poem or the picture
have been misinterpreted in Chinese literature. It is well understood that such a place
as is depicted existed only in the realm of fancy. Keats can come again to our help
as an interpreter of Wang Wei.

Ever let the Fancy roam;

Pleasure never is at home :

Fancy, high-commissioned; — send her

She has vassals to attend her.

She will bring in spite of frost.

Beauties that the earth hath lost.

All the heaped Autumn’s wealth

With a stiff mysterious stealth:

Thou shalt, at one glance, behold

The daisy and the marigold.

Wang Wei’s fancy, helped by the genius of his friend P’ei Ti, clothed a barren
hill-side with beautiful, rare trees, with spacious court-yards, with a broad stream
upon which boats plied and on whose bank a pretty fishing pavilion stood, with a
deer park, with storks and birds — all the delights of eye and ear were brought to-
gether in this one lovely spot by the fancy of a brilliant genius. Life had been hard
and severe for him, but his spirit was untamed. It revelled in all of the sensuous
delights which it could spiritualize, even though it had spurned them when they
were thrust upon it.

The poem Wang Ch’uan has a brief introduction by Wang Wei.

‘T built a country house in the valley of Wang Ch’uan. The limits of the
valley extended to Mêng Ch’êng Ao, Hua Tzü Kang, Wên Hsing Kuan, Chin
Chu Ling, Lu Chai, Mu Lan Chai, Chu Yü Pan, Kung Huai Mo, Ling Hu T’ing,
Nan Ch’a, Chi Hu, Liu Lang, Luan Chia Lai, Chin Hsieh Ch’üan, Pai Shih T’an,
Pei Ch’a, Chu Li Kuan, Hsin I Wu, Ch’i Yüan, and Chiao Yüan. While leisurely
resting here with P’ei Ti1, we composed the following impromptu stanzas.”

1 P’ei Ti was an intimate friend of Wang Wei with whom he often collaborated in writing
poems. Such friends are known as shih yu poetical friends. P’ei Ti was a favorite of

54 WANG CH'UAN.

The names of the places mentioned in the introduction may be translated as
follows:

Mêng Ch’êng Ao. .... The Mêng Ch’êng fort.

Hua Tzü Kang. The Peaks of Hua Tzü.

Wên Hsing Kuan. Xîar^fî . . . The beautiful Apricot Resthouse.

Chin Chu Ling. Jrü'iÉt The cloven bamboo Ridge.

Lu Chai. The Deer Park.

Mu Lan Chai, ÿfv The Magnolia Park.

Chu Yü Pan. Chu Yü Trees on the Bank.

Kung Huai Mo. .... Approach to the Sophora Trees.

Ling Hu T’ing. The Lake Pavilion.

Nan Ch’a* 1. The South Residence.

Chi Hu. <$.$] The Notched Lake.

Liu Lang. $|l$i The Wavy Willows.

Luan Chia Lai. The Luan Waterfall.

Chin Hsieh Ch’iian. • • • The Fountain of Pure Gold.

Pei Shih T’an. ÊI^ÏIÜ The White Stone Rapids.

Pei Ch’a. -\t The North Residence.

Chu Li Kuan, 'ft Mila The Bamboo Rest House.

Hsin I Wu. The Glen of Hsin I Trees.

Ch’i Yiian. A Park of Varnish Trees.

Chiao Yiian. UX® A Park of Pepper Trees.

The poem has twenty stanzas, each of four lines with five characters. The
subject of each stanza is one of the places mentioned in the introduction. The stanzas
sing the praises or extol the beauties of these places, but do not give any description
of them by which they could be constructed in imagination. A translation is here-
with given of a few of the stanzas. .

MÊNG CH’ÊNG AO.

When I first lived at the entrance of Mêng Ch’êng
There was an abundance of old pomegranate trees.

Who is it that is now returning?

Such solitary grief must have been previously disturbed.

the founder of the Liang Dynasty, who entrusted him with the charge of raising money for his
military expeditions. The Emperor said of him that he was of greater assistance to him than
any other statesman. He was a native of Ho Tung in Shansi Province.

1 This character is usually pronounced chai, but in this place is read ch’a (%i) according to
the original text.

WANG CH'UAN.

HUA TZÜ KANG.

Birds without number have gone

The jointed hills are covered with autumn colours

Above and below is Hua Tzü Kang

My spirits have reached the limits of despondency.

WÊN HSING KUAN.

The elegant apricot is planted as a beam
The fragrant sprouts complete the house.

I did not think that the clouds on the rafters
Would go to make rain among men.

LU CHAI.

In the lone hills men are not seen
Only the sound of their voices is heard.

The fading light enters the deep forest.

The reflection is on the green moss.

These examples of the translated text of the poem are sufficient to show that
the beauties of Wang Ch’uan were not objective but subjective, being the product
of the fancy of Wang Wei1 and his friend P’ei Ti. The beauties constructed by imagin-
ative genius are always more permanent than those of the most skilled artificer.
The fanciful Wang Ch’uan of Wang Wei is admired by succeeding generations of
China who know nothing about the splendours of the real palaces and gardens of
the T’ang nobles who were his contemporaries.

The poem was supplemented by a picture of Wang Ch’uan made by Wang Wei
towards the close of his life. This picture did not long survive. No mention is made
of it among the 126 specimens of Wang Wei’s work found in the Imperial collection
of Hsüan-Ho 'ttfnllffp. In this Hua Pu an account of Wang Wei’s life is given.
Here it is stated that Wang’s fame does not rest upon the high position which he
attained in the government service, but upon his having left a record of Wang Ch’uan
in a picture. It is thus evident that the picture was known in the Imperial Academy
though it was not in the possession of the Emperor. Other specimens of
Wang Wei’s work have survived. The Mo-Lu-Huei-Kuan mentions a

small snow scene included in an album. The Ching-Ho-Shu-Hua-Fang fraMilrJÈjtÇ
gives detailed accounts of seven pictures of Wang Wei, one of which is the Wang
Ch’uan picture, but there is nothing in the account of this picture to help one to decide
whether a copy or an original is being described. Tung Ch’i-ch’ang lËîtô,
according to the Ni-Ku-Lu had seen several originals of Wang’s works,

1 This opinion is corroborated by the following passage from the life of Wang Wei in Hsüan
Ho Hua Pu. £

WANG CH‘UAN.

but he does not mention the Wang Ch’uan picture. It must have disappeared at
an early date owing to the ravages of fire or the sword.

The earliest copy which has come down to our present time is that of Kuo Chung-
shu of the Sung Dynasty, and I have had the rare opportunity of making a

careful and prolonged study of this remarkable specimen of Chinese art. It is in the
form of a scroll on silk. It is sixteen feet one inch in length, and one foot and a half
inch in height. There is a colophon by Chao Chung-mu which is three feet

and nine inches in length, and one by Yüan Nan which is one foot and one inch
in length. The silk is very finely woven and of dark yellow colour. As the scroll
is unrolled six seals are seen on the edge of the silk. Reading from top to bottom
these seals are (i) Chi Hsien Yüan Yü Shu Yin rïPP, (2) Lan Jun Yüan

mmm, (3) Shên Shih Ch’i Nan (4) Hsüan Tsai Tao Jên T’u Shu

Ai®#, (5) T’ang Tzü-wei T’u Shu (6) Yün Chien P’an Shih Chung

Lü Fu T’u Shu BUI-. At the end of the silk there are also six seals

which, being read from top to bottom are (1) Ju Kuang (2) same as preceding 5,

(3) T’ien Hsui Chün T’u Shu Yin, (4) Mou Ch‘en Chin

Shih A, (5) same as preceding 4, A 111 fllr, (6) not recognizable

At the beginning of the annotation by Chao Chung-mu there are two seals (1) Mo Ling
Hsiang Shih Tsang Shu Shih Yin tit and (2) same as number 5

in the first list viz. T’ang Tzü Wei T’u Shu W “failli la1* At the end of Chao’s writing
and immediately under his signature is a seal with two characters Chung Mu
Under the signature of Yüan Nan is a seal with two characters Yüan Nan l&Wl'
The signature of Kuo Chung-shu is at the end of the scroll immediately under the
third seal and over a tree. The signature is “A work of Kuo Chung-shu of Ho-pei
after the style of Wang Wei of the T’ang Dynasty” In

the first line of the signature there are six characters and in the second line five.
The writing of the signature is by the same hand as that of the name of the places
on the scroll. It resembles the style of Wên Chêng-ming when he wrote

small-sized characters. As far as I know there is no standard by which the genuine-
ness of this writing of Kuo Chung-shu can be judged and the best I can do is to call
attention to its similarity to that of Wèn.

The authenticity of this picture is well attested by various authorities.

The “Ch’ing Ho Shu Hua Fang” of Chang Ch’ou quotes from

the “Ku Hua Lu” -frjft&fc as follows:

1 This is a most important collection of seals. Of the first group ( 1) is a seal of the second Em-
peror of the Yüan Dynasty, Kublai Khan; (2) is unidentified; (3) is the seal of Shên Chou, 1427

1507; (4) is the seal of Tung Ch’i-ch’ang; (5) is the seal of T’ang Yin. These three were
among the most noted painters of the Ming Dynasty. (6) is the seal of a collector, P’an Chung-lü.
Of the second group ( 1 ) is unidentified ; (2) is again the seal of T’ang Yin ; (3) is the seal of Chao
Mêng-fu, the noted painter and calligraphist; (4) is unidentified; (5) is again the seal of Tung
Ch’i-ch’ang; (6) is unrecognizable. Of the third group (1) is the seal of Hsiang Yüan-p’ei, 1525
to 1590, a noted painter, collector and litterateur of the Ming Dynasty.

WANG CH‘UAN.

“The small-sized copy of Wang Wei’s Wang Ch’uan picture made by Kuo
Chung-shu is very pleasing. Together with the exquisite Shang Lu Erh Sung
scroll of Ma Ho-chih it is in the possession of Kao Shên-fu of

Wu-lin Kao was an exceptionally able critic and did not hesitate

to pay good prices for noted paintings. His collection was unusually valuable.”
In the “Lun Hua Chueh Chii” of Wu Hsiu (1824) under the

heading of Wang Wei mention is made of the copy of Wang Wei’s Wang Ch’uan
picture by Kuo Chung-shu, and of the copy of Wang Wei’s Ho Hsiang Ch’ing Hsia
picture by Chao Ta-nien Both pictures are certified by Tung

Ch‘i-ch’ang to be faithful reproductions of the style of Wang Wei.

In the “Hua Ch’an Shih Sui Pi” of Tung Ch‘i-ch’ang in

Vol. 2, he says that he secured at Chang-an a picture of Kuo Chung-shu called “Court-
ing Solitude at Wang Ch’uan”

The Hung Tou Shu Kuan Shu Hua Chi by T’ao Liang
(1836) has a note concerning a Sung copy of the Wang Ch’uan picture of Wang Wei.
It says that the painting was on silk which was 1,26 feet high and 12,19 feet

long. (Such measurements cannot often be given credence according to the opinions
of other critics. In this instance they evidently refer to the larger copy, the one I
have seen being the smaller one.) The Hung Tou continues:

“According to the statements of Shan Ku (Huang T’ing-chien
there were two copies of the Wang Ch’uan picture — one on narrow paper and one
on wide. Tung Yen-yiian says in his Kuang Chu’an Hua Po that

in the Wang Ch’uan poem mention is made of the South and North Residences,
the Peaks of Hua Tzü, the Notched Lake, the Bamboo Rest-house, the Chu Yii
trees on the Bank, the Glen of Hsin I Trees. The original pictures were lost,
he continued, but this is a true copy of them. The original picture is not men-
tioned in the Hsüan Ho Hua Pu. In his Hua Shih iftäl Mi Yuan-chang
says that a small picture of Wang Ch’uan was owned by Li of Chang-an
but that it was a copy. In the Northern Sung dynasty the original was rarely
seen. In the Ming Dynasty at the time of Yen Sung of Fên there

were three pictures of Wang Ch’uan but all were copies. From the above it
will be seen that the picture of which I am writing is different from that men-
tioned by Shan Ku, for this is painted on silk while that was on paper. Looking
at the stones in the picture it will be seen that the strokes are hsiao-fu-p’i /J
(small axe strokes), the leaves are made with small pencil lines and even the
eyebrows of the men are distinctly seen. The conception is true to the tradi-
tional style of Wang Wei and the picture must be the work of a noted artist
of the Sung dynasty. The name and seal of Wang Wei are found at the end
of the scroll, but, it must be remembered, these were not used during the T’ang
dynasty.”

WANG CH'UAN.

These references to the Wang Ch’uan picture of Kuo Chung-shu are all that I
have been able to find, but they are sufficient to establish the identity and authenti-
city of the scroll which I have seen. It is further attested by the seals which I have
mentioned above and which include those of such well-known men as the artists
Chao Mêng-fu ffifrifrM, Tung Ch’i-ch’ang T’ang Yin Shên Chou tfcjo],

the connoisseur Hsiang Mo-lin and the great Kublai Khan second

Emperor of the Yuan Dynasty.

The colophon of Chao Chung-mu consists of a transcript of the original

poem by Wang Wei and its chief value lies in furnishing a standard of proof-reading
for later copies. The annotation of Yiian Nan has a distinct value of its own, as it
states that this is the smaller of two copies, thus distinguishing it from the copy
mentioned by the Hung Tou Shu (vide supra). The annotation is as follows:1

“There are two Wang Ch’uan pictures. This is a copy of the narrower
one and shows greater freedom of conception. After I had gazed on it for a
long time I wrote the following stanzas.

The idea of a picture is preserved in a poem
The wealth of a poem is seen in a picture
There is no bringing back the colors of the hills
The clouds fold and unfold their hues
The fisherman lies concealed in his accustomed spot
Brahma lives in his old residence.

The customs of ancient times are handed down
This picture brings to me a feeling of refinement.”

This poem of Yiian Nan is a tribute to the faithful reproduction of Wang Wei’s
picture in this copy of Kuo Chung-shu. No praise could be higher.

This copy is called a reproduction — lin pen This means that the

artist had the original in front of him and that he copied directly from it. It
does not exclude tracing of the outlines by placing the silk directly over the
original while certain parts of the picture were being reproduced. The use of the
name lin pen shows that the author reserved to himself the liberty of adapting parts
of the picture to his own ideas. Another kind of copying is called mo pen
This is done by keeping the original under the silk during the whole time of making
a copy and the method provides for no originality or interpretation on the part of
the copyist. The freest method is that of fan \}j which means to imitate the style
of a certain person. Tung Ch’i-ch’ang drew mountain scenery after the style of
Mi Fei, and this was called fan Mi shan This fan method allowed entire free-

dom to a copyist in all other respects than the one distinct characteristic of the author.

J*L

1 Â&tfilfeWIPHf—

WANG CH'UAN. 59

Thus, in the same picture it was possible to follow the style of several men such as
one for landscape 1 1 1 tK , one for flowers and birds and one for human fi-
gures A%. Other terms for copying are lin mo miao mo fan ku

mo ku but the meaning of these phrases is included under the three

headings mentioned above. Young artists commence their work by making tracings
of old paintings — mo ku. The next step is to make reproductions — lin pên,
while the imitation of the style of an earlier artist — fan, is reserved to be the
last stage in the development of artistic training. Kuo Chung-shu was an artist
of no mean talents, but in making a copy of the work of so eminent a master as
Wang Wei, he only presumed to call it a lin pên and would not allow himself the free-
dom of making an imitation — fan. It was his compliment to the greatness of Wang
Wei’s genius.

Kuo Chung-shu is the greatest of all painters of measured pictures — chieh-hua
ifr-jlf:. Giles has translated chieh-hua as “boundary painting” and explains this
curious name by the phrase “putting a landscape into a given space.” However,
the name chieh-hua does not refer to landscape, but to buildings in a landscape.
These buildings should be correctly drawn as to dimensions and when such correctly
drawn buildings are the chief feature of a picture, the picture is called chieh-hua.
In such work Kuo Chung-shu was a master. T’ang Hou of the Yiian Dynasty who
wrote the Hua Chien (A. D. 1330) says:

“In the classification of paintings under thirteen divisions landscape paint-
ings are placed at the head of the list and measured pictures at the end. It is

generally taken for granted that it is easy to paint measured pictures

but it is in reality most difficult to make them conform to proper methods.
There were in early times masters in every class of painting but in the painting
of measured pictures the T’ang Dynasty produced no artists, and in the Five
Dynasties only Kuo Chung-shu became eminent1. In addition to him there were
Wang Shih-yiian EErtX, Chao Chung-i but Wei Hsien fgfJi and Kao

K’o-ming were much inferior to them. Recently Chao Mêng-fu in

teaching his son Chao Yung to paint measured pictures explained to him

that any class of painting may sometimes not be executed according to classical
standards except measured pictures which must always be painted according
to prescribed rules.”

Ma Yiian and Hsia Kuei were also great painters of chieh-hua, but

all authorities which I have consulted agree in recognizing Kuo Chung-shu as the
greatest master of this style of painting. In the Hsüan Ho Hua Pu he is classed as
a painter of “Palaces and Houses” but this division has not been followed by

later writers who have preferred the term chieh-hua. This class of painting ap-

1 Kuo Chung-shu was born in the Five Dynasties period but is usually assigned to the Sung
Dynasty in accordance with the custom of placing a man in the Dynasty in which he dies.

WANG CH‘UAN.

proaches more nearly than any other to our western standards of drawing, which
precede the work of painting.

There was ample scope for the master of chieh-hua in painting Wang Ch’uan.
The scroll contains eight groups of buildings and one of these groups — Wang K’ou
Chuang is an especially difficult subject. The whole scroll is classed as a

landscape, but the portions of it in which the buildings are the outstanding feature
are chieh-hua. The most beautiful of these buildings is the Bamboo Rest House
yrMfti. This building has no roof. The four walls of rectangular shape are very
thick. There is a pair of doors at the front and back, and on each side of the doors
there are windows. The building is in the midst of bamboo trees which reach down
to the water edge. Here a boat is connected with the shore by a plank on which a
servant is carrying two parcels strung on a pole over his shoulder. The boatman is
on the back of the boat looking out for its safety, and another person is shouting
directions to the carrying coolie from the mathouse on the boat. Following the
coolie are two other persons. This rest-house was a place of retirement where the
light of the sun or moon could be enjoyed without being exposed to the gaze of any
onlooker. Wang Wei’s stanza concerning this house is most beautiful.

Sitting alone where the bamboo grows
The harp sings to me its sweet tune
Hid by the trees where no man knows
I am greeted with light from the moon.1

The description given by Mr. Läufer of the various portions of the picture agree
in general with those painted by Kuo Chung-shu. The order is somewhat different
as may be seen by a comparison of his list with that given above. Mr. Läufer remarked
that “some doubt seems to have existed as to the proper place of the varnish trees
and the pepper trees” (Page 48), but these are placed by Kuo Chung-shu in the same
order as they occur in Wang Wei’s poem, and not at the beginning of the picture as
in the case of the stone engraving of which Mr. Läufer wrote. There are other minor
deviations in the stone engraving, but they are not important. Mr. Laufer’s de-
scription, with the necessary corrections of mistranslations, conveys a good idea of
the beauties of Wang Ch’uan as painted by Kuo Chung-shu, and imagined by Wang
Wei2.

2 Die an den Herrn Verfasser nach Peking gesandte Korrektur dieses Aufsatzes ist nicht
rechtzeitig zurückgelangt, sie hat daher ohne das Ms. gelesen werden müssen. Druckfehler,
soweit sie von einiger Bedeutung sind, werden in der nächsten Nummer der O. Z. berichtigt
werden. D. H.

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG (JIZO)

IN CHINA AND JAPAN. BYM.W. DEVISSER.

SECTION III.

CHAPTER II.

THE HEIAN PERIOD (794 858).

§ i. Mibu-dera.

The celebrated Jizö temple in Mibu, in the South of the Shijô, district

of Kyoto, called Mibu-dera , or Hödöji, (“Temple of the Precious

Streamer”) or Shinjökwö-in, ifrjpjfcfêo; (“Temple of the Pure Light of the Heart”),
perhaps dates from this time. We read in the Gar an kaiki ki (1689)1, mentioned
above, that it was unknown, when this shrine was erected, but that there was an image
of KANSHIN RISSHI, Jtfllti (687 — 763) in the hall, which caused the author

of the work to think that this priest might have established the temple. KANSHIN
was a Chinese bonze who in A. D. 754 arrived in Japan and founded the Ritsu or
Kairitsu (i. e. Vinaya) sect. He erected so-called Kaidan or Vinaya-altars, but
we do not read of temples founded by him. The first date fixed by the author of
the Gar an kaiki ki is the Shöryaku era (A. D. 990 — 994), at the time of the Emperor
Ichijö, when Bishop KWAIKEN, Kwaiken Sözu, became abbot of this

temple. We learn from the same passage, that at the author’s time (1689) a yearly
festival was celebrated in this sanctuary, which lasted from the 14th to the 24th day
of the 3rd month. At these occasions theatrical performances were given, represent-
ing King Emma, the King of Hell, punishing the sinners, or Jizö Son saving the
living beings. This was done to lead upon the right path those among the thousands
of visitors, men and women, old and young, who did not yet believe in Jizö’s powerful
compassion.

The Jizö Bosatsu reiken ki (1684)2, quoted above3, relates how in the Kenkyü
era (A. D. 1190 — 1198) Taira no Toshihira, a warrior, worshipped Jizö in this

temple. In spite of wind or rain, cold or heat he carried out his great vow of passing
two thousand nights in the shrine. During the last of these nights he dreamt that
a priest, clad in a black robe, appeared from behind the curtain hanging before the

1 Ch. IV, p. 29.

2 Ch. XIV, p. 3.

3 Sect. Ill, Ch. I, § 3.

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG.

image, and presented him with a linen bag of white rice (hakumai, Q/fcJ. He con-
sidered this dream to be a sign of Jizö’s high favour and went home rejoiced. At
that time the Shögun of Kamakura, the famous YORITOMO, suspected Toshihira
of some rebellious plot and despatched soldiers to arrest him and to take him to
Kamakura. This was done and Yoritomo was about to condemn him to death, when
a priest in a black garment appeared to him in a dream and in a loud and threatening
voice forbade him to kill Toshihira. The priest said that he lived in Mibu-dera at Kyoto
and that he was well-known to Toshihira, whom he could ask about him. The next
day Yoritomo summoned Toshihira and asked him about the matter, whereupon
the latter told him how he had passed two thousand nights in Mibu-dera and how
a priest in a black robe had given him a bag of white rice. This made such an im-
pression upon Yoritomo, who understood that the priest was the Bodhisattva himself,
that he at once acquitted Toshihira. Yoritomo had a devout belief in Jizö, as we
shall see below. Whoever heard the story was convinced that the Bodhisattva’s
divine assistance had saved Toshihira’s life, and his worship spread all the more.

The Taiheiki1 , relates how in A. D. 1340 Jizö of Mibu saved the life

of one of Nitta Yoshisuke’s rebels by delivering himself into the hands of the soldiers
as a substitute for the man who had taken refuge into his temple. The Bodhisattva
assumed the shape of a priest and gave him his rosary in exchange of his sword.
When the soldiers came they saw the man, with a rosary in his hands and reading
a sütra, but outside they found the priest with the bloody sword, bound him and
threw him into prison. But the next morning the priest had disappeared and a divine
odour was evidence of a deity having been there instead of a mortal. When the
Jizö shrine was opened, they saw that the image was bound with ropes, and filled
with repentance they became monks at once.

The Jizö Bosatsu riyaku shü2 (1691) tells us how Jizö of Mibu protected his
worshippers against fire, by warning them in dreams against it, so that they were
able to extinguish it in time.

The Mibu-dera engi, or “History of the founding of the Mibu

temple”3, which states that in A. D. 1005 the principal idol of this shrine, a Jizö image,
was erected (apparently in the place of an older one), gives a story about Jizö’s
merciful assistance of a poor maid-servant in Kyoto, who always ardently worshipped
him. One night she had to sew a silken cloth for a newly born baby (ubugi), which
her master intended to present to his relatives the next day. She zealously worked
till deep in the night, but when it was ready she burned the silk while ironing it.
In despair she prayed to Jizö for help. Although it was very cold she scooped water
from the well and after having cleaned herself (in a religious sense, mizugori,

1 Written about A. D. 1382; Ch. XXIV, p. 14.

2 Ch. I, p. 9.

3 An old book, explained and edited in Genroku 15 (1702). Ch. T, p. 17.

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG,

she turned her face to Mibu and worshipped Jizö, praying to him with all her heart,
till she was nearly dead with cold and weariness. The next morning, when her master
came and asked her about the cloth, she trembled with fear and looked at the fatal
spot. But behold, the silk was more beautiful than ever, and not a single trace of
the incident was to be seen. Her master thanked and praised her, but she herself
thanked Jizö for his divine assistance, and from that moment adored him more
than ever.

We further read in this work1 that sand from the compound of the Mibu temple
from olden times was believed to be an excellent mamori (charm) for obtaining
easy birth, after incantations fkaji ) had been made over it. If a woman applied
it to her body, she was sure to have an easy birth, and after her delivery she brought
the sand back to the temple. A woman who had suffered for three days without
being able to give birth to her child, suddenly felt better and was delivered of a healthy
babe when keeping in her hand some sand from Mibu which had been sent for in
the meanwhile.

§ 2. Kobo Daishi.

Several ancient Jizö images were attributed to KÖBÖ DAISHI (774 — 835), who
in 806 introduced the Yoga doctrine into Japan under the name of Shingon or “True
Words’ Y M antras, tantras ), after having studied in China for two years. Three of the Six
Jizö’s of Mount Köya, Köbö’s holy mountain in Kii province, were said to be his work:
that oiKe-ô-in, Jürin-in, “hfSjßai, and Yama no do, ill©'?'. The Jizö of Ke-ö-in

was called Kotsumi no Jizö or “Jizö who piled up the wood”, because he had

cut wood and piled it up on behalf of the old woman in whose house he stood. She
was ill and could not follow the command of the chief of the village, who in A. D. 1270
ordered the villagers to cut wood for making salt at the foot of Mount Katsuragi.
She complained that the wooden Jizö image, to which she used to make offerings
in the morning and at night, did not cut the wood for her. Then she fell asleep and
in her dream saw a small priest go out of the house and return after a while. “Old
mother”, said he, “I have done the work for you.” When she awoke, she actually
saw the firewood piled up as high as the roof, and the hands and feet of the image
were covered with mud, a sign that it had acted as her substitute.2

The Jizö of Jürin-in (the name of this temple was apparently derived from the
Sütra on the Ten Wheels, mentioned above3) appeared in the shape of a small priest
at the bed of the abbot when thieves were about to kill him, and saved the priest
by terrifying the thieves. Another time the abbot ordered the servant of the temple
to rake away the snow in the garden early in the morning, because Jizö every morning
rose early and went out to save the living beings; thus the snow had to be swept

1 Ch. T, p. 20.

2 Kwösekishü (1692), Ch. I, p. 2 a.

3 Sect. I, Ch. I, § 3.

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG.

away beforehand. The servant obeyed, but one day he uttered the wish that Jizö
might for once do the work himself. And behold, the next morning there was no
snow in the garden, and the snowy footprints on the verandah of the Jizö hall lead-
ing into the innermost of the room where the image stood were clear evidence of
the fact that Jizö himself had raked away the snow. Hence the Bodhisattva was
called Yuki-kaki (l^JJt) Jizö, “the Snow-raking Jizö”.1

As to the Jizö of the Yama no do, a poor priest, who passed night after night
in this chapel and prayed to become rich, dreamt that Jizö Bosatsu gave him a “Pearl
which grants all desires”.2 And he became rich, but at the same time wicked and
extravagant. Then Jizö again appeared to him in a dream and took back the precious
pearl, whereupon he became poor like before. This caused repentance and wisdom
to arise in his heart, and finally his fame spread far and wide.3

The Köya no shiori 4, injff© L 3? ^ , or “Guide of Köya” mentions three other
Jizö’s on this mountain. One of them, called Indö Jizö, or “Jizö who

leads (the souls to Paradise)”, was made by Köbö Daishi, that Jizö might lead the
living beings after their death to the Pure Land (Sukhävati). When Köbö died, this
image rolled its pupils with sorrow. Even at the present time all funeral processions
on Köya-san stop before this idol and pray to Jizö to lead the dead to the Pure Land;
then they continue their way to the burial place. The two other Jizö’s are called
Kazutori Jizö or “Counting Jizö”, because he counts the times the believers

visit the Inner shrine (Oku-in) and thereby judges the degree of their belief5, and
Dokumi (fîjJjL) Jizö or Ambai-mi no Jizö , i. e. “Jizö who tastes the food

whether it is not poisonous”, because he is said to daily test the offerings brought
to the ancestral hall.6

Köbö Daishi was also said to have made the Jizö image of Tokuseiji,
in Sumiyoshi district, Awa province. When in the Eiroku era (1558—1569) the
priest of this temple was ordered by the governor of the province to bring a letter
to Kyoto, he laid the letter-box (fumi-bako) before the image and supplicated Jizö
to assist him, as the very bad condition of the mountain roads and the roughness
of the sea as well as the busy time (it was towards the close of the year) made the
order extremely difficult to be fulfilled. After this prayer he felt asleep. How great
was his astonishment, when the next morning another letter, the answer from Kyoto,
was in the box instead of that of the governor. This was the work of Jizö, and with
a heart filled with gratitude and admiration for the Bodhisattva’s power the priest
took the letter to his lord. The same night a priest had arrived in Kyoto at the house

1 Kwösekishü, Ch. I, p. 2.

2 Nyo-i höju, Itn.iaïfïê, cintämani.

3 Kwösekishü, 1. c.

4 Written in 1895 by IMURA MAKOTO, JWÄ¥ ; p. 68.

6 L. c., p. 75.

6 L. c., p. 85.

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG. 65

of Miyoshi Nagatoshi, to whom the letter was addressed, and after having delivered
the letter had departed with the answer! This priest was Jizö himself!1

Two other Jizö images, ascribed to Köbö, were found in the same province
of Awa. That of Mujinsan Jizöji, in the village of Yatake, was

a very small idol, only one sun eight bu in length. The great Shintö god of Kumano
in the shape of an old man appeared to Köbö and gave him a sacred piece of wood,
that he might carve an image and place it on this spot. For both the wood and the
spot were filled with rei (fg, Chin, ling, power of manifestation), so that they should
give peace to the realm and felicity to the people. Then Kükai made a Jizö image
and erected a temple for it on that very spot. As the divine power of this idol was
manifest by its fulfilling all prayers offered up to it, great crowds of pilgrims flocked
to the temple. Afterwards the abbot of the shrine, Jôyü, /E^ï, by name, in con-
sequence of a divine revelation in a dream made a larger Jizö image and placed
the small one in its chest.2 He also made images of Amida and Yakushi Nyorai,
and erected shrines of the Great Shintö gods of Kumano and Ise whom he appointed
patron deities of the Buddhist temple. This story is an interesting specimen of the
clever way in which the Buddhist priests blended Shintoism with their own doctrine.3

Rikkôji, jÏ’OItF, in Awa province, also called Jizö-in, was said to have

been built by order of the Emperor Shömu (A. D. 724 — 749), who had a Jizö image
made to pray to it, that the Crownprincess might have an easy birth. This image was
called Koyasu (-p-jSc) no Jizö or “Easy birth Jizö“. Afterwards Köbö Daishi visited
the shrine and made a bigger image, which became the principal idol of the temple.4

We read the following in the engi or history of the erection of Köfukusan
Chödenji, % Uj ^ E0 t? , in Chödenji village, Iitaka district, Ise province. In olden
times there lived in this village a rich man, Renkö by name, who for many years
had been a devout believer in J izö Bosatsu, but to his great regret had neither a wooden
image nor a picture of the Bodhisattva. On the 24th day of the 7th month (a day
especially sacred to Jizö, as we remarked above5) of A. D. 770 he saw a divine red
light in the direction of Kamikawa village. He went there and discovered that the
light came from a withered tree floating on the water and carried by the tide to
Kawakami bridge. As he considered it to be a sacredtree, he had it brought to his
house and placed in a Buddhist domestic chapel, where he worshipped it. After-
wards, in the third month of A. D. 796, Köbö Daishi on his way to the Great Shrine
of Ise, visited Renkö and saw the withered tree. He carved it into a Jizö image, but
when he had finished the upper part of its body and began to carve its loins and legs,
the idol bled heavily. “It is a living Bodhisattva,” exclaimed the Daishi with fright,

1 Kwösekishü, Ch. I, p. 1 b.

2 This was often done with small Jizö images, as we shall see below.

3 Garan kaiki ki (1689), Ch. VII, p. 2.

4 Garan kaiki ki, Ch. VII, p. 7.

5 Sect. Ill, Ch. I, § 4.

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG.

and immediately stopped carving. For this
reason its lower part was, even in the seven-
teenth century, an old withered piece of wood,
with oystershells sticking to it.1

One of the oldest Jizö images of Japan is
the so-called Umoregi i.e. wood buried

in the earth) Jizö , so named because it was
dug out of the earth (Fig. n). This is the
idol of Jürin-in, the “Temple of the

Ten Wheels”2, a little chapel belonging to
Kwöryüji, a large Buddhist temple

in Uzumasa, Kyoto. This image is represen-
ted in the Kokkwa 3, where its history, dating
from A. D. 1230, is quoted. The traditions of
the temple as well as the Miyako meisho zue 4,
or “Pictures of famous places
in the Capital” ascribe it to Köbö Daishi. It
carries the precious pearl in its left hand, while
the right one hangs down with the open palm
in front. This is according to the Japanese
text the abhayamudrä, and both attribute and
mudrä are common to the ancient Jizö images
ascribed to Köbö. Also SEITAN ( Kokkwa
Nr. 159, p. 46) calls it a second form of the
abhayamudrä , but in my opinion it is the
varadamudrä, in which the hand is held down
instead of being raised. Further, its style
seems to indicate' that at any rate it does not
belong to a period later than the Fujiwara time
(from the middle of the ninth to the last quarter
of the eleventh century).

1 Seiyö zakki, “Miscellaneous records

on Ise province”, Vol. V, p. 54. A manuscript written
by YAMANAKA HYÖSUKE, 1Ü in A. D. 1656.

2 Cf. above, Sect. Ill, Ch. II, § 2.

3 Nr. 156, p. 230 (the Japanese text; there
are mistakes in the English text).

4 Written in 1786 by AKISATO RITÖ,

Fig. 11. Umoregi Jizo of Jürin-in, in Kwöryüji at
Kyoto (9th cent.), with pearl and varadamudrä).
Kokkwa Nr. 156, PI. VII.

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG.

We read in the history of this image, mentioned above, that it was discovered
in a hollow Bodhi tree in the wood, which gave forth a strange sound when struck
and emitted a brilliant light on the ten fast-days.1 As the people considered it the
work of foxes or tanuki2, a woodcutter cut the tree and found the image, which
was something more than three shaku long. The axe having hit its abdomen and
elbow, the woodcutter prostrated himself on the ground and asked forgiveness for
his evil deed. His fright changed into joy, however, when the Bodhisattva appeared
to him in a dream and praised him for having caused the image to appear, because
he, the Bodhisattva, had come into this world to save the living beings (instead
of being hidden). Thus he mended the idol, which had a majestic and beautiful face,
and placed it in a special chapel, called Jmin-in, at the rear of Kwöryüji. The fame
of its divine power soon spread and attracted large crowds of pilgrims, till it suddenly
disappeared in A.D. 1150, eleven days before a big fire destroyed the whole Kwöryü
temple. In the next five years the sound of wood-cutting was heard in the South-
west, and a brilliant light shone over the woods at night. At last a man who was
gathering fuel heard a voice calling from under the earth, and began to dig on the
spot till he found the image. He carried it home and worshipped it, but it was not
repaired before Jizö had in dreams admonished the monk who had placed it in a
shrine, to heal his painful wounds. When this monk in A. D. 1179 sent it to a maker
of Buddhist images, a priest of Kwöryüji heard this and bought it. Thus it returned
to its former sanctuary, where it is still at the present day. A man, who in A. D. 1221
had stolen it, brought it back two years later. He came at night and left it at the
eastern gate of Kwöryüji, with a wooden placard on which he had written the follow-
ing words: “I wished to make this image my chief idol, but in a dream it said to me:
‘Take me back to the Kwöryü temple, for I have made a strong vow to live there.’
For this reason I present the image to this temple.”

The Jizö image of Emmyöji, in Konishimi (/J'MM) village, Nishikibe

district, Kawachi province, a stone idol ascribed to Köbö Daishi, was famous
for giving easy birth and for curing the sick. This Jizö severely punished sacrilege,
for a man who had eaten some of the fishes (juna) of the little pond in the temple
compound, soon after suffered from leprosy which caused his death. The name
Emmyöji seems to indicate that this was an Emmyö Jizö, a “Lengthener of Life”,
but if this was the case, the image dated from the 17th century instead of from the

1 "HÜB , jü saijitsu: the following days of the month: 1, 8, 14, 15, 18, 23, 24, 28, 29 and 30.
These days are mentioned in the Sutra on the Original Vow of Kshitigarbha and in that on the
Ten Kings, as the days on which the officials of Hades (Äil V , godö no meikwan) fix
the degrees of punishment of the dead. Therefore they are days of saikai (ÜlJÄ, religious puri-
fication by abstaining from certain articles of food and from all uncleanliness), shôjin (fctÆ,
religious purification: abstaining from animal food) or of reading sütras.

2 Cf. my paper on the Fox and the Badger in Japanese folklore, Transactions of the Asiatic
Society of Japan, Vol. XXXVI, Part. III.

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG.

ninth, for the Emmyö Jizö sütra which gave rise to the cult of Emmyö Jizö was
probably written in the 17th century. The name of “Emmyöji” may then have
been given, however, to an old shrine — for temple names were often changed —
and also the image may have been much older than the name “Emmyö” suggests.1
Yet its antiquity was probably much exaggerated, like in the case of the seven mirrors,
shintai or “god-bodies” of the Shintö god Sannö (Ökuninushi, Hiyoshi) of Sannösha,
iliïSfc, inSaikachi (Miotti!) village, Osumi (^Æ) district, Sagami province. Tradition
said that these mirrors were presented by a Buddhist2, clad in white, to Köbö Daishi
during his stay in China. After his return to Japan, Köbö was said to have made
them the shintai of a Shintö temple which he erected (!) and called Sannösha. This
was said to have happened in the Daidö era (806 — 809). We would be very sceptic
with regard to this strange story even if the mirrors themselves did not deny it. But
we need not discuss their probable age, for on one of them we read the following
inscription: “Petitioner: Kakuju-maru, jMÈEfâiWÀi' On a lucky day in the be-
ginning of summer (4th month) of the 4th year of Kyöroku (1531).” This “petitioner”,
who in offering up his prayer presented a work of his own hand (Kakuju-maru is
apparently an artist’s name), represented a Jizö figure, sitting with crossed legs
on a lotus and keeping a pearl in his left, a khakkhara in his right hand, on the
back of the mirror. Later generations connected Köbö Daishi’s name with these
offerings and declared them to be Sannö’s shintai !3

In the same province the principal idol of a Jizö shrine in Nishi koiso (M/Jvfiü)
village was said to have been the jinembutsu, f$, or private Buddhist tutelary
deity of Tora, Soga Sukenari’s concubine, who in A. D. 1193 killed herself after
the heroic death of the two brothers. In this image another, much smaller Jizö
idol was hidden4, which was attributed to Köbö Daishi and which had been Soga
Sukenari’s jinembutsu .5

Aburakake ('$1^) Jizö or “Greasy Jizö”, in Andöji machi, in the

centre of Osaka, was pretended to be Köbö’s work. This image was called so because
if those who suffered from intermittent fever smeared it with oil and prayed to it,
they were sure to recover.6 7

If we may believe the author of the Genkö Shakusho1 , Köbö practised

1 Kwösekishü (1692), Ch. II, p. 2.

2 ÏËA, a Chinese term; ÎËT: is a Taoist doctor.

3 Shimpen Sagami füdoki kö, IftSStHîlilEinlIfiiii, or “Sketch of a new description of customs
and land of Sagami province”, written in 1841 by MASHA SHISHIN, foTA’-Hs, and 26 others.
Ch. XLVII, Osumi district, sect. 6, p. 10.

4 haragomori , “hidden in the belly” (haragomori no ko is a foetus), often used in the
sense of a small image being hidden in a larger one.

5 Shimpen Sagami füdoki ko, Ch. XLI, Yuruki district, sect. 3, p. 31.

6 Setsuyö gundan (1698), Ch. XII, p. 53.

7 Written before A. D. 1346 by the Buddhist priest SHIREN, f$|$, Kokushi taikeiV ol. XIV,
Ch. IX, p. 782.

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG.

a mystic Jizö doctrine, which he called “Jizö’s rule”, ililJÜcl/l, or “Method of breaking
the hells”, The name “Jizö’s rule” at once reminds us of the Ti-tsang

P‘u-sah i-kwei, the Tantric treatise mentioned above1, where the

Bodhisattva himself gave mantras and prescribed the way of making his effigy
and performing the homa (Jap. goma ) offerings. The Buddhist priest CHISEN,
a nephew of Köbö, deeply deplored his mother’s death and for three years continually
prayed to all the Buddhas that they might let him know his mother’s fate after death.
Then a deity in a dream revealed to him that she had fallen into hell. Chisen, filled
with sorrow, asked Köbö Daishi how he could save her from hell, whereupon Köbö
taught him the Jizö doctrine, i. e. the “Jizö rule”. After he had ardently

practised this doctrine, one night his mother appeared to him in a dream, clad in
a beautiful garment, and told him that she had been saved by his practising the
Jizö rule, and that she was now to be reborn in heaven.

§ 3. Dengyö and Jikaku Daishi.

Whereas the Shingon sect was represented by Köbö Daishi, the principal figures
of the Tendai sect were its founder, DENGYÖ DAISHI, and his eminent

pupil JIKAKU DAISHI, The former, whose priest name was SAICHÖ,

(A. D. 767 — 822), visited China in A. D. 802 and returned in A. D. 805. He
founded the Tendai sect, called after the T‘ien-t‘ai mountain in the Chinese province
Cheh-kiang, which formed the centre of this doctrine in China. Enryaku-ji, which
he had built on Hieizan in A. D. 788, became the centre of the Tendai sect in Japan.
His famous pupil ENNIN, Mt- (A. D. 794 — 864), whose posthumous title is JIKAKU
DAISHI, in 838 accompanied the Japanese ambassador Fujiwara no Tsunetsugu
to China and stayed there for nine years, visiting famous Buddhist temples and
copying many texts, which he afterwards published in Japan. The names of these
two men being repeatedly connected with Jizö images and sanctuaries, we may
conclude from this that the Jizö cult was propagated in Japan by the Tendai as well
as by the Shingon sect. The former sect preached the exoteric, the letter the esoteric
doctrine.

The Jizö Bosatsu riyakushü (1691)2 mentions a standing image of Jizö, ascribed
to DENGYÖ DAISHI, which in the Genroku era (1688 — 1703) stood in a private
house in Muromachi, Kyoto. This Jizö gave easy birth to the women who worshipped
him and saved them from an untimely death in child-bed.

The Jizö temple at Suzuka no Seki, #pü©Ül, in Ise province, was said to be
erected by Dengyö Daishi. This sanctuary, one of the famous places of the Tökaidö,
was consumed by fire in A. D. 1260, but was rebuilt in the Bummei era (1469 — 1486) ;

1 Sect. II, Ch. II, § i, p. 285 sqq.

2 Ch. IV, p. 33.

70 THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG.

the eyes of the image were opened by the celebrated Rinzai priest IKKYU OSHÖ1,
— {frfàfà, which shows that the shrine at that time belonged to the Rinzai branch
of the Zen sect. Afterwards it was burnt down again; its rebuilding took place in
A. D. 1696.2

The image of Höyake no Jizo or “Jizö who burned his cheeks”, in the

compound of Seshü-in, in Tanimachi, Osaka, where it stood in a

chapel at the end of the 17th century, was said to have suffered in hell as a substitute
for a woman, who in this way escaped the terrible punishment of the yakekane,
or “burning irons”. This image, was a reibutsu, i. e. an idol which

by much ling, ^ (manifestation of vital power), showed its divinity by hearing
the prayers of its worshippers and performing miracles. This image was said to be
the work of Jikaku Daishi. When YORITOMO went to Kyoto, he expressed his
gratitude to this Jizo for his wonderful protection.3

Jikaku Daishi was also mentioned as the founder of Daiscnji, a Jizö

shrine on the sacred mountain Öyama, ^Cflj, in Höki province. We learn this from
YOSHIDA TOGO’S Dai Nihon chimci jisho 4, where the Genkö Shakusho is quoted,
which declared the Shintö god of this mountain to be a manifestation of Jizo. The
Gar an kaiki ki 5, however, says that this temple was built by order of the Emperor
Shötoku (A. D. 765 — 77°) and that the fame of its great divinity was still prevalent
in the author’s days (A. D. 1689). Shötoku was said to have issued this order, because
he had heard about a miracle wrought by a private Jizö image in the possession
of a certain Toshikata, who lived at the foot of Mount Öyama and who had a strong
belief in Jizö. One day, when he came home after having shot a stag in the moun-
tains, and was about to worship Jizö, he was much frightened by seeing his arrow
sticking in the image and blood flowing out of the wound. He understood that the
Bodhisattva in his great compassion with all living beings had given his own body
as a substitute for the stag and had been wounded in its, place. This caused him to
shave his head and to become a monk; he had his house pulled down and a Jizö
shrine built on the spot. When the Emperor heard this story, he decided to erect
a temple there himself, in order to dedicate this to the miraculous image.

Other images attributed to Dengyö Daishi and Jikaku Daishi shall be mentioned
below, in the paragraphs devoted to the Six Jizö’s and Shögun Jizö.6

1 As kaigen no döshi,

2 Seiyö zakki (1656), Vol. II, p. 31; Tökaidö meisho ki, written in the

Kwambun era (1661—1672), by ASAI RYO-I, ( Onchi shôsho, Vol. I, Ch. V,

pp. 180, sqq.) ; Ise sangü meisho zue, Ch. II, p. 28.

3 Setsuyô gundan (1698), Ch. XII, p. 44.

4 Vol. I, p. 1007.

5 Ch. VI, p. 51.

6 This chapter, §§ 5 and 6.

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG. 71

§ 4. Obitoki-dera at Nara.

We read in the Nanto mcisho shü1, mvzpm, or “Collection of famous places
of the Southern Capital (Nara)’’ that Some-dono, i. e. Fujiwara no Akiko,

the Consort of the Emperor Montoku (A. D. 851 — 858), erected a Jizö temple
after having given birth to Prince Korehito in A. D. 851. This prince mounted the
throne in A. D. 859 as the first boy-emperor of Japan, and Fujiwara Yoshifusa,
his grandfather, reigned as his guardian; from that time the Fujiwara house had
the supreme power in its hands. A legend says that the Empress was pregnant for
33 months without being able to give birth to her child. As she suffered terribly,
the physicians exhausted their science without any effect, and high Buddhist priests,
known for the efficacy of their prayers, in vain practised their secret doctrines.
Offerings fnusa) were sent to all powerful Buddhas and Shintö gods and prayers
were offered up in their temples, but without any success. Then the Great Shinto
god of Kasuga, ^ R Kasuga Daimyöjin, Some-dono’s ujigami (ancestral god),
one night appeared to her in a dream and said: “There is in Soekami district (where
Nara is situated) a Jizö, made in the shape of a kuntai, (a waist cloth worn

by women) (!). In olden times, when I was present at Çâkyamuni’s expounding
the Law, I made an agreement with Jizö Bosatsu. I said to him that none of the
tortures of hell were more pitiful than the sufferings of women in a difficult child-
birth. The Bodhisattva answered: ‘If in those times they take their refuge to me,
I shall stop their sufferings and cause them to feel at ease.’ For this reason I (the
god of Kasuga) carved the Jizö image and put it up. Make haste to pray to it.”
Thus spoke the Shintö god, and messengers were sent at once to Soekami district
(i. e. to Nara). In no time the Empress gave birth to a son, Prince Korehito. Then
she erected a Jizö temple at Nara, and called it “ Obitoki-dera , IPtIWtF, or “Temple
for loosening the girdle”, because it was dedicated out of gratitude for an easy birth.
The number of pilgrims who soon flocked to this shrine was as numerous as the
visitors of a market place.

This curious story throws a clear light upon the blending of Shintö and Buddhism,
and upon Jizö’s nature as a special protector of women and a bestower of easy birth.

§ 5. The Six Jizö’s.

The idea of Jizö dividing himself into numberless bodies to save the living beings
of the six paths ( gati ) was found in the principal sütras, as we saw above.2 This
may have led the Chinese and Japanese Buddhists to the conception of six Jizö’s,
each of whom had the task of saving the beings of one of the gati. In China, however,

1 Written in A. D. 1675 by MURAI MICHIHIRO, W#it3l>, and ÔTA NOBUCHIKA,

Ch. VIII, p. 2.

2 Sect. I, Ch. I.

72 THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG.

we read about these six Jizö’s only in the Sütra on the Ten Kings1, written before
the 13th century by a Chinese monk who wanted to blend Buddhism with Taoism.
The author succeeded in spreading in China the belief in the Ten Kings of Hell,
invented by himself, but the Six Titsang’s never got hold of the Chinese mind. In
Japan, on the contrary, the Ten Kings remained in obscurity, and even NICHIREN
could not make them popular by writing a minute description of their departments
and courts3, while the Six Jizö’s shone in ever brighter glory.

If we may believe the author of the Gar an kaiki ki (A. D. 1689)3, the cult of
the Six Jizö’s dates from the ninth century. ONO TAKAMURA, /J'ffÜ (A. D.
802 — 852), a high official and one of the best authors of his time, was said to have
gone to hell and to have been ordered by King Yama to make six images of Jizö.
After his revival he obeyed the command and erected the six idols in Kii district,
Yamashiro province, that they might assist the living beings of the six gati. The
neighbouring village was afterwards called Roku Jizö mura or “Village of the Six
Jizö’s”. The divine power manifested by these images was so great, that their fame
reached the Emperor Montoku, who in A. D. 851 issued a special order to build
a temple there and to place the idols in this shrine. A thousand Buddhist priests
had to eulogize Jizö and to hang “precious flags”, on many trees in the moun-

tain woods; for this reason this region got the name of Kobata, “Tree-flags”,
and the temple was called Kobata-dera, besides its original name of Jömyöji,

or “Pure and Wonderful Temple”. Afterwards its name was changed into
Daizenji, or “Shrine of Great Virtue”. It was dedicated in A. D. 851, on

the 24th day of the 7th month, this day being specially devoted to Jizö’s worship,
apparently in connection with the festival of the dead (Ullambana). Thirty years
later the Emperor Yözei (A. D. 877 — 884) had the temple repaired and appointed
the Tendai priest ENCHIN, MB (814—891) (CHISHÖ DAISHI, abbot

of the shrine. Also the Emperors Murakami (A. D. 947—967) and Shirakawa (A. D.
i°73 — 1086) had it repaired and improved. In the reign of Go Ichijö Tennö, in
the 4th month of A. D. 1023, when a severe epidemy made many victims in the
capital, Jizö of Kobatadera, in the shape of a priest, appeared in a dream to the
Tendai priest NINKÖ HÖSHI, {Hlft’/irfllp, abbot of Gidarinji4, in Kyoto,

and advised him to order the people to worship the Six Jizö’s, in order to be freed
from the disease as well as from the sufferings of the three (evil) roads,

The abbot acted in accordance with this revelation, and an immense crowd, old
and young, men and women, went up to the temple of Kobata and prayed to the
Six Jizö’s. And behold, the disease suddenly stopped!

1 Cf. above, Sect. II, Ch. I, § 1.

2 Cf. above, Sect. II, Ch. I, § 4.

3 Ch. V, p. 18.

4 Cf. YOSHIDA TOGO’S Geogr. Diet., Vol. I, p. 29, who wrongly pronounces Kitarinji.

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG. 73

On the 24th day of the 7th month (again the same date) of A. D. 1157 the Prime
Minister TAIRA NO KIYOMORI1, who was a great believer in Jizö and

caused all people to worship this Bodhisattva, distributed the Six Jizö’s among six
villages: Roku Jizô mura (which he called thus in order to save from oblivion the
origin of the idols), Toba, Katsura, Uzumasa, Mizoro-ike and Yamashina2, all in
the neighbourhood of Kyoto.

Afterwards, also in the twelfth century, SAIKÖ HÖSHI, on the

24th day of the 7th month of an unknown year for the first time visited all the
six Jizö’s successively and caused others to follow his example. “From that time
down to the present day (A. D. 1689)”, says the author of the Garan kaiki ki,
“thousands of people yearly visit the six places on the 24th day of the 7th month,
and many groups of twenty, thirty or forty men from the neighbouring districts
go there in procession, beating bells and drums and reciting the invocation of Amida’s
holy name.”

The Gempei seisuiki3, under the heading of “Saikö’s stüpas (soto-

ba)”, relates how this priest to save the people from calamities, caused by their evil
deeds in former existences, made seven groups of Six J izö’s and erected these on seven
different cross-roads. He placed these images in a circle upon stüpas and thus dedicated
them on those seven spots. He said: “In my wordly life I was an unbelieving man,
and heaped crime upon crime from morning till night. Shall I therefore enter the
Eight Great Närakas (Hells) ?” And he prayed to the Bodhisattva to protect him in
the present and future life according to his original vow of great compassion.

In A. D. 1495 the Shögun ASHIKAGA YOSHIZUMI, had a new

temple built at Roku Jizô village, which was dedicated on the 24th day of the 5th
month. We learn from YOSHIDA TOGO’S Dai Nihon chimei jishoi that at the present
day there is still a Roku Jizô dö at the foot of Kobata yama, east of Fushimi. He
refers to the Yamashiro shi 5, lll^iS, which says that there is a Roku Jizô dö in the
compound of Daisenji, which was formerly called Kobata Jömyöji. He further
quotes the Myöseki shi, which states that the temple was erected in A. D. 852

by the Emperor Montoku, and that in A. D. 1157 five of the six Jizô images were
moved to Yamashina, Toba, Katsura, Tokiwa, ïjïM, and Mizoro-ike,

The Kobata temple apparently belongs to the Tendai sect, for ENCH1N and
NINKÖ HÖSHI were priests of this sect. DENGYÖ DAISHI (A. D. 767—822), the
founder of the Tendai sect, was said to have erected six stone images of Jizô at Saka-
moto, from where they were removed to six different spots in JIKAKU DAISHI S

1 1118 — 1181, the greatest of the Taira House.

2 mit, mmt.

3 Written about 1250; Teikoku Bunko, Vol. V, Ch. VI, p. 146.

4 Vol. I, p. 153.

5 Written in A. D. 1734.

74 THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG.

time (A. D. 794 — 864). The idol of the Jizö chapel in Baba-michi, on Hieizan,

according to the tradition was one of these six.1

Besides the Tendai sect the Shingon doctrine was connected with the cult of
the Six Jizö’s. Three of the six images worshipped in different shrines on Mount
Köya, the centre of the Shingon sect, which we mentioned above2, were attributed
to Köbö Daishi, and one (that of Yörö-in, to ONO TAKAMURA, the same

official who erected the Six Jizö’s of Roku Jizö village. The names of the makers
of the two other images are not mentioned. The Kwôsckishü (A. D. 1692)3 relates
the following story about the Jizö of Yörö-in. A proud priest, whose heart was
filled with pride instead of compassion, prayed at this temple to obtain a Bodhi heart.
But Jizö appeared to him in a dream and led him to a broad field (this is the usual
term for the way to hell). Then he said to him: “Here is the way leading to the
Six Roads (gati).4 Although you are constantly making offerings to me, your heart
is wicked and you cannot obtain the ‘fruit of Buddha’. I have led you to this place
to show you the miseries of the Three (evil) Roads, that you may obtain a Bodhi
heart.’’ After these words he showed him the punishments of the Mountain of
swords5, and of the Sword-trees6, the Hot water in caldrons7, the Furnace coal8,
the River of ashes9, the Filth10, the Copper pillars11 and the Iron couches12, and the
sufferings of the 136 hells.13 This frightful sight made such a deep impression upon
the priest that he was converted at once and Bodhi entered his heart. Then his guide,
who hitherto seemed to be a human being, assumed the shape of Jizö Bosatsu and
praised him, whereupon he awoke. From this time he was such a devout believer
in Jizö and his heart was so full of Bodhi, that his fame spread all over the country.

The Jizö of Saishö-in, the fifth of the six Jizö shrines on Köya san,

in the shape of a little priest gathered fuel on behalf of the poor priest of this temple
and lighted the fire for him. Afterwards the man saw that the forehead of the image

was blackened by smoke and that its hands and feet were covered with ashes.14

The sixth Jizö, worshipped in Sei-un-in, mM&c, aided a priest who had prayed
to him for assistance at the examination, to be passed in order to become head of
the Kwangaku-in15, Part of a sütra was to be discussed in the presence of

all the monks, and if the candidate performed this task with eloquence and sagacity,
he could become “Chief of the studies”16, and the way to the leadership of Köya

1 O yama no shiori, #D|il0 C ^ lJ , or “Guide of Hieizan”, written by KAKÖ-AN SHUJIN
ïsrîl^zËÀ, in A. D. 1832.

2 Ch. II, § 2. 3 Ch. I, p. 2.

4 fr, Rokudö no chimata.

5 TJlU, tözan. 6 MIbJ, kenju. 7 kwakutö. 8 rotan.

9 M:ïnJ, kega. 10 ^-i£, funshi. 11 döchu. 12 tesshö.

13 Cf. above, Sect. II, Ch. I, § 2.

14 Kwösekishü, Ch. I, p. 2.

16 “Institution for the encouraging of study” (on Köya san).
mi, gaku-tö.

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG. 75

san was opened to him. Thus this examination was of the greatest importance, and
when the monks saw that the man who had been the first to pray to Jizö for assistance
in this matter had a splendid success, they were sure that Jizö himself stood behind
him and spoke in his place. From that time the candidates always prayed to the
Bodhisattva before the examination.1

Another Jizö image on Köya san, ascribed to Ono Takamura, stood in Jizö-in.
When in olden times the governor of Shimotsuma in Kwantö, Tagaya by name,
made a pilgrimage to Köya san, the high water of the river Ki prevented him from
reaching his place of destination. Then there came a little priest-boy in a boat and
rowed him across the water. When he asked the priest of Jizö-in about this boy,
the man said that he did not know him. Tagaya wondered who it might have been,
but when praying in the Jizö chapel he saw little muddy footsteps, which made him
sure that Jizö himself had assisted him in crossing the river. His belief in the Bodhi-
sattva became stronger than ever, and on returning home he admonished his people
to worship him with firm belief.2 3

The Genkö Shakusho (before A. D. 1346) mentions the Six Jizö’s in three passages.
Fujiwara no Tsunezane consort, the daughter of Fujiwara no Sanesue,

from childhood worshipped the Buddhist deities. When she was twenty years old,
she fell ill, and her mother said to her: “I shall make seven Yakushi’s and worship
them, that you may recover and have a long life.” But her daughter answered:
“I am sure that I shall not recover; please carve Six Jizö’s instead of seven Yakushi’s.”
The mother fulfilled her wish and requested the abbot Jösan, rafffp, of Hieizan, to
pray on behalf of her daughter. He ardently prayed to Jizö, accompanying his prayers
with strokes on a gong. Then a purple cloud was seen hanging before the window,
a delicious smell pervaded the house, and the young woman, turned to the West
with her hands joined in prayer, softly departed to a better world. d

The Buddhist priest ENNÖ4, MWo died suddenly in his 57th year. His disciples
watched by his side and did not bury him, and after fourteen days he revived, but
could not speak. Three years later he regained his power of speech and related that
six Buddhist priests had taken him to Paradise (Jôdo, the Pure Land, i. e. Sukhä-

vati). He saw magnificent palaces, resplendent with gold and silver and precious
stones, and also Maitreya’s splendid palace, but he saw also King Emma (Yama) s
residence, and the eight cold and the eight hot hells. This sight was so frightful
that he could not bear it. On leaving hell, the six monks said to him: “We are the
Six Jizö’s.” He did not die before many years afterwards, after having reached
an old age, in the first years of the Nimpyö era (A. D. 1151).°

1 Kwösekishü, 1. c. 2 Ibidem.

3 Genkö Shakusho, Ch. XVIII, K. T. K. Vol. XIV, p. 941.

4 According to the Buddhist biographical dictionary, Nihon Bukke jivnmei jisho, p. 105 s.v.,
it is not known to which sect he belonged.

5 Genkö Shakusho, Ch. XIX, p. 962.

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG.

KORETAKA, 'IUri, a Shintö priest, was the head of Tama-oya jinja,
a Shinto temple in Suwö province. Yet he believed in Buddha’s doctrine and con-
stantly recited Jizö’s invocation ( myögö , “namu Jizö Bosatsu”). In A. D. 998

he fell ill and died suddenly, but revived after three days and spoke as follows: “I
hastily went to a broad plain, but erred about and could not find my way, when
six majestic Buddhist priests arrived. The first carried an incense burner, the second
joined his palms (in prayer), the third held a precious pearl, the fourth a khakkhara
(shakujö ), the fifth a flower basket and the sixth a rosary fnenju). The first priest
said to me: ‘Do you know us?’ When I answered: ‘No, I do not know you,’ he said:
‘We are the Six Jizö’s. We have appeared in six different bodies to save the living
beings of the Six Paths. Although you are a Shintö priest, you believed in us and
recited our name for a long time. Therefore we now cause you to return to the world
of men. You must carve our images and daily worship us.’ After having heard
these words I revived.” Koretaka erected a Buddhist temple and carved six Jizö
images, which he placed in this shrine and worshipped daily. Whoever saw
and heard this was moved to tears and was filled with admiration and gratitude
for Jizö’s blessing power fkudoku). Koretaka lived to an age of more than
seventy years, and on his death-bed he looked to the West, with Jizö’s name
on his lips.1

We may derive from this story that the fourteenth century, in the first half
of which the Genkö Shakusho was written, knew the Six Jizö’s represented with
the attributes carried by these six priests in hell. On the grave monuments of the
Genroku era (1688 — 1703), now sent to Europe in an astonishing number, Jizö is
often represented carrying a khakkhara, a precious pearl, or a rosary, or joining his
palms in prayer.

According to the Jizö Bosatsu reiken ki (1684) 2 TAIRA KIYOMORI (1118 — 1181)
had six Jizö images carved and placed in chapels at the six entrances of the capital;
the people called them the Six Jizö’s. Kiyomori was a devout believer in Jizö and
thought: “Jizö uttered a vow with regard to the roads (i. e. to protect those who
walked along the roads). Therefore, if I build a chapel and place a Jizö at each
of the six roads leading into the capital, the passers-by shall obtain great felicity
in future existences.” This story reminds us of the Six Jizö’s of Roku Jizö mura,
distributed by Kiyomori among six villages near Kyoto. Further, we have here
the first instance of the cult of Jizö as a deity of the roads, a protector of travellers,
in which function he superseded the ancient phallic gods of the roads, the Sae no
kami.

The number six was applied not only to the number of the images, but also
to their height. Kiyomori’s Six Jizö’s were six shaku high, and a stone lantern,
called Roku Jizö seki törö, which in the beginning of the nineteenth

1 Genkö Shakusho, Ch. XVII, p. 927.

2 Ch. XIII, p. 9.

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG. 77

century stood in a corner of the Kaminari-mon or “Thundergate” in Asakusa, the
famous district of Yedo, had the same height. On its six sides the Six Jizö’s were
represented. Tradition said, that it had been offered in A. D. 1146 by KAMADA
MASAKIYO, IliHJlEïre, a vassal of Minamoto no Yoshitomo, Yoritomo’s father.1

The Kazusa kokushi 2, or “History of Kazusa province” relates that

CHIBA HIDETANE, an eminent general, who in the Kwangen era (A. D.

1243 — 1246), when staying in Kazusa province, lost his beloved wife, on behalf
of her soul made six Jizö images and erected them at the roadside. For this reason
the neighbouring village got the name of Roku Jizô mura. According to another
tradition, however, this village owed its name to the six stone Jizö’s which formerly
stood before the Jizö-in. This shrine was still there in 1877, when the book was
written.

The Higo kokushi or “History of Higo province”3, states that two

Roku Jizö-tö or “Six Jizö-stüpas” (pagodas) were seen in this province, namely
in the villages of Kakiwara, and Nakao, That of the former village

according to its inscription dated from A. D. 1432, the other one from A. D. 1444. In
Ikegame, IfeU, a village in the same province, there were (in A. D. 1772) six Jizö images
on which the inscription “Tai-ei” indicated the Tai-ei era (1521 — 1527) as the time
when they were made and erected. This had taken place when the territories of
the villages were limited; from the place of these Six Jizö’s the numbers of miles
of the roads were fixed in all directions.4

The Füzoku gwahö 5, gives interesting details about the so-called Edo

Roku Jizö mairi or “Visiting the Six Jizö’s of Yedo”. In A. D. 1691 the Buddhist
priest MUKÜ, Mukü shönin, cast six standing Jizö images of bronze after

a wooden model, found by a man to whom Jizö had appeared in a dream and indicated
the spot where he could find a wooden Jizö image. Mukü placed the idols in the
six following temples of Yedo, respectively situated in Komagome, Sendagi, Nippori,
Shimoya, Ueno and Asakusa6: Zuisenji, Sennenji, Jököji, Shingyöji, Daibutsudö
and Shöchi-in7. These were the first Six Jizö’s of Yedo. Afterwards, in A. D. 1716,
the priest SEIGEN, iE it, erected six sitting Jizö’s, ten shaku high and cast of bronze.
He did so because in a severe illness he had vowed to cast and erect a large number

1 Edo meisho zue, iLPAtmit, “Pictures of famous places in Yedo”, written by SAITÖ

YUKIO, ^§§=£4# (1737—1799) in the Kwansei era (1789—1800), enlarged by his son YUKI-
TAKA, in the Bunkwa era (1804—1817), and finished by his grandson GESSHIN, »31,

in the Bunsei era (1818 — 1829) (cf. the latter’s preface), Ch. VI, p. 17.

2 Written in 1877 by YASUKAWA RYÜKEI, £ IHW», Ch. VI, p. 3.

3 Written in 1772 by MORIMOTO ICHIZUI, and edited in 1782, Ch. Ill, p. 166.

4 Ch. Ill, p. 51.

5 “Illustrated report on manners and customs”, edited by the Töyödö, at Tokyo,

Nr. 67 (Febr. 1894).

78 THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG.

of Ji zö images for the conversion of future living beings, if the Bodhisattva would
prolong his life. Jizö had assented in a dream, and had soon cured him. Then he
followed the example of Taira Kiyomori (who, as we saw above, in the twelfth century
erected six Jizö images at the six entrances of Kyoto), and after having cast six
Jizö’s placed them in the following temples: Shinagawa-dera, Taisöji, Shinjöji,
Tözenji, Reiganji and Eitaiji1, situated in the districts of Shinagawa, Yotsuya, Sugamo,
Sanya, and (the two last ones) in Fukagawa.2 Thus a second cult of the Six Jizö’s
was founded in Yedo, and the Koku Jizö mairi was performed by many believers
of the eastern capital.

It is a difficult question, whether the Japanese got the idea of the Six Jizö’s
from China or invented it themselves. If it is a Chinese conception introduced into
Japan before it ever rose in a Japanese mind, the Sütra on the Ten Kings would
seem to have introduced it, but this is impossible because the Japanese cult is ap-
parently older than this sütra. We do not know when it was written, but it was
called a counterfeit by the priest TSUNG-KIEN, who lived in the first half of the
thirteenth century3, and at the same time it was known in Japan, for NICHIREN
(if we may believe the statement in the beginning of the Japanese work on the Ten
Kings) then wrote his “Praise of the Ten Kings of the Flower of the Law”. Thus
the only fact we know about the date of the Chinese sütra is that it was written before
the thirteenth century. The oldest Japanese book in which the Six Jizö’s are men-
tioned dates from that same century. It is a Shingon work, which contains the
names, given to the Six Jizö’s by the Shingon priest KYÖSHUN, These names

are different from those found in the Chinese sütra, so that we may safely conclude
that KYÖSHUN did not know this text; otherwise he would have followed or at
least have mentioned it. He apparently used other works or invented the names
himself. As his name is not found in WASHI-NO-O JUNKEI ’s Nihon

Bukkc jimmei jisho 4, 11 I do not know when this priest lived. His

work, entitled Hishö kuketsu 5, P or “Oral instructions on secret books”,
was copied in A. D. 1295 by the priests INYU, and RAI-EN, The names

of the Six Jizö’s mentioned there are: Jizö son, Hö-in-shu, Hökö, Höshu, Jichi and
Kenko-i, i. e. Kshitigarbha, Ratnamudräpäni,

Ratnakära, Ratnapäni, “Holder of the Earth”, and “Strong Will”. These names,
except that of Jizö son, are terms of the Tantric school, represented by the Shingon
sect and by the secret branch of the Tendai sect. Ratnapäni e. g., and “Holder of
the Earth” were the great names to be given to Kshitigarbha seated on the North
side of the mandala (the Taizö-mandara, that of the World of Phenomena; the

1 millier, îft'14 if,

2 nn hi, mu, am, #un.

3 Cf. above, Sect. II, Ch. I, § 1.

1 Written in 1903. 5 Ch. XIV.

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG.

names of the Kongömandara or Mandala of the Diamond World were different)
according to the Mahdvairocana siitra, treated above.1 The Shingon priest RAI-YU,
Ißffö (A. D. 1226 — 1304), the author of the Hishö montö2 or “Questions and answers
on secret books” quotes the Jüzenshö, “hISös or “Book on the Ten Virtues”, which
gave the Sanscrit names of the Six Jizö’s in Chinese transcription. There we find
Ratnapâni, Ratnakâra, It'lSfiiMill (mostly translated into “Precious Place”, 'MjM,
or sometimes into “Precious Light”, Hôkô, flit), Dharaniddhara, etc.

SEITAN, the learned priest whose interesting paper onjizö, published in the Kokkwa,
we quoted above3, and another Japanese scholar, who wrote the article on Jizö in the
Tetsugaku daijisho 4 or “Great Philosophical Dictionary”, refer to many works, the
greater part of which was apparently written by Shingon or Tendai priests. They both
arrive at the conclusion that it is very difficult to make out the origin of the Six
Jizö’s.

They refer to the Kokkyöshü 5, UNSHÖ’S well-known work, written

in A. D. 1689, where the passage of the Hishö montö, mentioned above, is quoted.
Each of the Six Jizö’s is described there as being white and holding a red lotus flower
in his left hand. The first, who saves the beings in hell, holds the moon disk in his
right hand and upon the lotus the head of a child and a flag are visible. His name
is Visvaparipuraka 6 7, translated into “The Perfect One”. The

second Jizö, who saves the Prêtas, with his right hand makes the abhayamudrd
and there are three precious pearls upon the lotus which he holds in his left hand.
His name is Ratnakâra1, ft'I SlIjËft. The third Jizö’s right hand is resting on his
breast, while a precious wheel is seen upon the lotus. His name is Ratnapâni 8,
translated into “Precious Hand”, and his task is to save the Animals.
On the lotus of the fourth Jizö, who saves the Asuras, and whose name is Dhara-
niddhara9, JtfcJÉJjÉSJkjpt, a sword is represented, and his right hand forms the abhaya-
mudrä. The same mudrä is made by the right hand of the fifth Jizö, who saves
mankind; there is a seal (probably the “Buddha-seal”, or the “Seal of the Buddha
heart”, i. e. the svastika) upon the lotus in his left hand, and his name is Drha-
manas10 (according to the Tetsugaku daijisho; according to the Kokkyöshü it is

1 Sect. I, Ch. I, § 5.

2 Ch. X.

3 Sect. II, Ch. I, § I.

4 Edited in 1910 by the Döbunkwan, pp. 1166 sqq.

5 “Collection of echoes of the valley”, written in A. D. 1689 by the Buddhist priest UNSHÖ,
îïftfc; Ch. X, p. 17.

6 Translated into

7 Translated into “Precious Place”, or into 'fUt, “Precious Light”.

8 Translated into 1ST-, “Precious Hand”.

9 Translated into “Holder of the Earth”.

10 translated into Sîlllilt, “Strong Will”.

8o THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG.

lacking in all books). As to the sixth Jizö, his Sanscrit name is unknown, but its
transcription is given.1 There is a Karma ( ?) 2 upon his lotus, and his right hand
holds the sun disk.3 Finally, the author of the Kokkyöshü pretends to know the
true names of the Six Jizö’s, to wit: Jizö Bosatsu, Hösho, Höshö, Kenko-i, Jichi
and Hö-in-shu, UM, ifÄ, IS©#., and Thus he practically

agrees with the author of the ancient work Hishö kuketsu, quoted above; he only
gives “Precious Place” instead of “Precious Light” with regard to Ratnakära.

The abbot JÖGAN4, according to the author of the Tetsugaku daijisho

a great authority in such matters, also gives the same names, in the following order:
Jizö, Hösho, Höshu, Jichi, Hö-in-shu and Kenko-i, itilïlc, j flM,

^©.S- J ÖGAN states that the Six J izö’s are not mentioned in the genuine sütras. This is
true, for the Sütra on the Ten Kings is the work of a Chinese, and the Renkwa sammi
kyö, which the Imperial Prince RYÖJO, was said to have

obtained at the end of the thirteenth century from SAIONJI NYUDÖ, MSItFAÎË,
his foster father, to whom it was presented by a Chinese abbot in China, b3r its style
proves to have been written by a Japanese author, as we learn from SEITAN.5 The
latter possesses this sütra and even doubts whether the work entitled Jizö Bosatsu
Juki or “Secret records on the Bodhisattva Jizö” was actually written in the Shö-an
era (A. D. 1299 — 1301) by Prince RYÖJO, head (zasu) of the Tendai sect, to whom
it is ascribed. This book is based upon the Renkwa sammi kyö, mentioned above,
and contains the following names of the Six Jizö’s: Tanda (Danta?), Höju (“Precious
Pearl”), Hö-in (“Precious Mudrä), Jichi (“Holder of the Earth”), Jokaishö (“Who
takes away coverings and obstacles”), and Nikkö (“Sunlight”6). As the fifth name
is that of Sarvanivaranavishkambhi, another of the Eight Great Bodhisattvas7,
it is clear that the author of this sütra did not even know the difference between
this Bodhisattva and Kshitigarbha, and that he arbitrarily used some names found
in sütras of the Yoga school. As Jizö was usually represented with a precious pearl
in his hand, he called one of the Six Jizö’s Höju; only the term Jichi, “Holder of
the Earth”, was an ancient epitheton of Jizö, and Hö-in, “Precious Mudrä”, reminds
us of Hö-in-shu, mentioned by KYÖSHUN, RAIYU and JÖGAN.

These three authors are evidently the most reliable authorities with regard to
this problem, and the names which they give to the Six Jizö’s may be the most an-
cient ones. As to their images and their task (i. e. which "of the six gati was to be
converted by each of them), however, KYÖSHUN does not give any information,

1 2 «Jg, Karma.

3 (explained as a sun in a sundisk, \- H b h U lJ ).

4 I did not find his name in the Buddhist Biographical Dictionary, mentioned above; his

work is entitled: Higwan kongö nenshö kiketsu, ©L$r0

5 Kokkwa, Nr. 159, p. 50.

6 met, -m, ïïep, #jfi, mmm, n*0

7 Cf. above, Sect. I, Ch. I, § 4.

frobemnwier.

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG. 81

and the two others do not agree with eachother. With regard to their origin the author
of the Tetsugaku daijisho accepts the hypothesis of JÖGAN, who supposes them
to be the six “Venerable Ones” (Son, of the Taizö Jizö-in, or “Temple

of the Jizö of the Material World”, a mystic term for a mandala of the Yoga school.
These “Venerable Ones” remind us of the saints surrounding Kshitigarbha in the
mandala, described in the Mahävairocana sütra treated above.1 Jizö, says he, may
have been represented surrounded by five other Bodhisattvas, his “relatives”2 accord-
ing to the sütra, and these six images may have been called “the Six Venerable Ones”,
Roku Son, The monks of the Shingon and Tendai sects, who wished to pro-

pagate the Jizö cult, may have called these “Six Venerable Ones” the ,,Six Jizö's" ,
saviours of the six gati, to form a counterpart of the Six Kwannons. This may have
happened in the Heian period (A. D. 794 — 858), at the time of Köbö Daishi, Dengyö
Daishi, Jikaku Daishi and Ono Takamura. SEITAN3 also believes that five of the
Six Jizö’s were his kenzoku or “relatives”, and that their cult was started in
the time of Ono Takamura, who may have been the first to worship them in
public.

This hypothesis would be very plausible, if the Six Jizö’s had been entirely
unknown in China. But the fact that they are mentioned in the Sütra on the Ten
Kings proves the contrary. Although PETRUCCI’S hypothesis with regard to their
having been worshipped in Turkistan in the 9th and 10th centuries is based upon
a picture which I do not deem a sufficient proof4, it is very unlikely that the same
idea should have arisen independently in China and in Japan. Therefore, although
the Six Jizö’s were evidently worshipped in Japan long before the introduction of
the Chinese Sütra on the Ten Kings, their cult must have come from the continent,
because it was apparently known in China. Moreover, the idea of the “Six Muni”,
i. e. the six forms of Çâkyamuni as the “presidents of the six worlds”, found in
Tibet according to WADDELL (Lamaism, p. 345), on the continent may have been
transferred upon the two saviours of the six gati, Kshitigarbha and Avalokiteçvara,
and in this form have found its way to Japan, where thenceforth the Six Jizö’s
and the Six Kwannons were worshipped.

As to the Sütra on the Ten Kings, when this sütra, which KYÖSHUN did not
yet know, was introduced into Japan in the thirteenth century, it must have strengthen-
ed the belief in the Six Jizö’s, and many Japanese priests may have considered their
names, attributes and mudräs, described in this sütra, to be of Indian origin. Yet
the ancient names and explanations were partly remembered and the confusion was
increased by priests of the Tokugawa period, who invented new names, sometimes
even pretending them to be derived from the Sütra on the Ten Kings. The author

1 Sect. I, Ch. I, § 5. 2 kenzoku.

3 Kokkwa, Nr. 159, pp. 51 sqq.

4 Cf. above, Sect. I, Ch. II, § 3.

82 THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG.

of the Fukuden shokushu Sanyo \ )Pm EO e. g. asserts to have found the follow-
ing explanation in this sütra. Zenrin Jizö (“Wood of Meditation”), carrying

a khakkhara, converts the beings of hell. Muni (fe£H) Jizö (“Without a second” :
unequalled), carrying a Nyo-i, #11 (i. e. a scepter which grants all desires), con-

verts the Prêtas. Gosan (^HÜf) Jizö (“Protecting and Assisting”), carrying a rosary,
converts the animals. Shoryü (|§§hË) Jizö (“All dragons” [?]), with his palms joined,
converts the Asuras. Fukushö (1RU$) Jizö (“Subjecting and conquering”), carrying
an incense burner, converts mankind. Fukusoku (ffiJÈ») Jizö (“Subjecting and appeas-
ing”), carrying a garment, converts the Devas. In reality the Sütra on the Ten Kings
gives quite different names. We read there that Çâkyamuni said to Kshitigarbha,
that the latter should appear in six different forms, and that the Buddha described
these shapes as follows.

Yotenga Jizö (“Preparing or being in charge of the felicity [litt, con-
gratulations] of the Devas”), who in his left hand carries a cintämani, or

“pearl which grants all desires”, and with his right hand makes the “mudrä of explain-
ing the Law”1 2, blesses all devas and men. Hökwö-ö (IjjCjtï) Jizö (the “King who
emits light”), who in his left hand carries a khakkhara and with his right hand
makes the varadamudrä, J&JSIPP3, gives rain and causes the five cereals to prosper
(litt, completes them). Kongö-tö (^iÄ]i]lJfü) Jizö (“Diamond [i. e.Vajra] streamer”),
who in his left hand carries a “Diamond streamer” and with his right hand makes
the abhayamudrä4, converts the Asuras. Kongö-hi (^I^Jt^) Jizö (“Diamond com-
passion”), who in his left hand carries a khakkhara and with his right hand makes
the “leading and assisting mudrä”, ^ISIPP, blesses all the paths of the side births
(a term for animals), Kongö-hö (^[S]l]3l0 Jizö (Vajraratna, “Diamond

treasure”), who in his left hand carries a precious pearl and with his right hand
makes the Amrta (litt. “Sweet dew”) mudrä ( |]*Ü£f:|l) distributes food to the Prêtas
and satiates the starving. Kongô-gwan (^fï]>]®M) Jizö .(“Diamond Vow”), who in
his left hand carries a “Streamer of Yama” (Emma-tö), j&JMlpS (with a human
head) and with his right hand makes the “mudrä which completes discrimination”
(of good and evil, true and false), J&^PP, enters hell and saves the living beings.5

It is remarkable that the first of these Six Jizö’s saves both devas and men, and
that the second (whose task it would be to save mankind, if the first had not taken
this task) is designated as the special rain god, who causes the crops to thrive.

1 Composed in A. D. 1686 by NAMPÖ KOSSHI FUKATEI, Quoted by

SEITAN, Kokkwa, Nr. 159, p. 50.

* dtï£Ep, the “Preaching” mudrä.

3 “Granting wishes”.

4 “distributing fearlessness”.

5 The Butsuzô zuï (Ch. II, p. 17b) gives a picture of these Six Jizö’s, with exactly the same
names, attributes, mudräs and explanations. There the word waiasu, Jg, is used with regard
to Jizö’s saving the Devas and men, Asuras, animals, Prêtas and beings in hell. Fig. 12.

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG. 83

We need not ask which school invented these names, mudräs etc.: the Tantric
school is, of course, responsible for these Six Ti-tsangs. A Japanese work of the
Genroku era (1690), the well-known Butsuzö zu-i 1 or “A series of pictures of Bud-
dhist images”, is evidence of the fact that the Japanese took them up and placed
them side by side with the older traditions about the Six Jizö’s, whose ancient names
were partly retained and partly replaced by other names of later invention (Fig. 12).
After having mentioned the same names, attributes and mudräs as those found in the
Sütra on the Ten Kings, the author gives a second list2, containing the following
names: Chiji Jizö (“Holder of the Earth”), Höshö Jizö (“Precious nature“), Höshö
Jizö (“Dharma nature”), Darani Jizö (“Dhärani”), Keiki Jizö (“Cock and Tor-
toise”, probably a mistake for Kakki, “Crane and Tortoise”, the emblems of

longevity, especially because he is also called Emmei ( Emmyö ) or “Lengthener of Life”,
cf. above the Dragon Jizö, the dragon being filled with Yang, Light), and Hö-in Jizö
(“Dharma-mudrä”)3 (Fig. 13).

The first, who is also called Gosan (füllt) Jizö, i. e. “Protecting and assisting
Jizö”, has a rosary in his hands. The second, who has the names of Gasshö ('o*^')
and Hashö (($)$?) Jizö , i. e. “Jizö who joins his palms (in veneration)” and “Jizö
who breaks and conquers (the evil demons)”, joins his hands. The third, whose
name is also Fukyüsoku ('f'ffcJË') Jizö, i. e. “Jizö who never rests (from his blessing
labour)”, carries an incense burner with a long handle. The fourth, also called
Benni (|^jE) Jizö (a word for dhärani?), with his right hand makes the abhaya-
mudrä and in the left carries a small round dish (an almsbowl?). The fifth, who
also wears the names of Kwömi (jfe^:) Jizö, “Jizö of brilliant flavour” ( ?) and Emmei
(not Emmyö) {j&'fàt) Jizö, i. e. “Jizö who lengthens life” (cf. the Emmyö Jizö kyö
to be treated below, Ch. VI), carries the precious pearl in his left and the khakkhara
in his right hand. He is seated upon a lotus, the five others stand upon lotus
flowers. The sixth, who is also called Sanryü (tftifl) Jizö, i. e. “Jizö who assists the
dragons” (or “The assisting dragon”), carries a banner.

A work of the Kwan-ei era (1624 — 1643)4 gives three lists of names: those of
the Sütra on the Ten Kings, those given by the author of the Fukuden shokushu
Sanyo, who wrongly pretended to have found them in the same sütra (see above)
and, finally, the following six, which are partly identical with those of the Butsuzö
zuï: Höshö (“Dharma nature”), Höseki (“Pile of treasures”), Darani (“Dhärani”),
Hö-in (“Ratnamudrä), Zasshu (“Various mantras”), and Jichi (“Holder of the
Earth”)5. As we saw above, Ratnamudrä6 and “Holder of the Earth” are ancient, the
other names being inventions of the Tokugawa period.

1 Ch. II, p. 17b. Cf. above, Sect. II, Ch. I, § 4, p. 284, note 1, and Kokkwa, Nr. 159, p. 50.

2 Ch. II, p. 18a. 3 ftMJ, ÏÏ1Î, m\>.

4 Mn-en jihi shü, written in the Kwaneiera( 1624— 1643) by the priest H0YO,$&#.

5 s-tt, nm, pèh/e, sep, im.

6 The ancient name is Ratnamudräpäni, ffEPT-.

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG.

Fig. 12.

The six Jizö’s in the Butsuzö zuï (II, pp. 17b and 18a). Fig. 12: the ancient names, attributes and
mudräs mentioned in the Sütra on the Ten Kings. Fig. 13: new names and attributes.

The Six Jizö’s are called messengers in a Shingon work of unknown date.1 At
the question: “Are there relatives (kenzoku)2 of Jizö?” the following answer is given:
“There are six messengers ( shisha , manifestations of (Jizö’s) blessings bestowed

upon the six gati. They are: Emma shisha (“Messenger of Yama”), Jihö döji (“Boy
who holds treasures”), Tairiki shisha (“Messenger of Great Power”), Taiji tenjo
(“Female angel of Great Compassion”), Hözö tenjo “(Female angel, Store of trea-
sures”), and Settenshisha (“Messenger who assists the Devas”).3 These six Jizö’s
respectively save the beings of hell, the Prêtas, the Animals, Asuras, Men and Devas.
The author states that he borrowed these details from VAJRABODHI’S „Rules"
( I-kwei , mift, kalpa). This is a mistake, for he evidently means the work of this
name attributed to AMOGHAVAJRA, whose honorary title of “Great Broad

Wisdom”4 resembles Vajrabodhi’s name of “Diamond Wisdom”, This

work, quoted as Puh-kung I-kwei, or “Rules of Amoghavajra”, was

declared to be a Chinese counterfeit even by the ancients. Among the works of the

1 Mandara son-i-gen zushô, “Illustrated book on the position and appear-

ance of the Venerable Ones in the mandala’s,” quoted by SEITAN, Kokkwa Nr. 159, p. 52.

2 #S5, cf. above.

3 fàmm, æsi ët, rnmx-k,

4 (NANJÖ, App. II, nr. 155).

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG. 85

Chinese Tripitaka many of such “kalpas” are attributed to Amoghavajra, who in
the 8th century preached the Yoga doctrine in China.1 As we are warned against
such would-be quotations from ancient works by the false quotation from the Sütra
on the Ten Kings made by the author of the Fukuden shokushu Sanyo, mentioned
above, we do not attach much value to the statement of the Mandara son-i-gen
zushö. Yet there are a few interesting points in this passage. The name of “Yama’s
messenger” reminds us of the identification of King Yama with Jizö, found in the
Hokke jü-ö sandan eshö, attributed to NICHIREN.2 Yama, the fifth of the Ten Kings
of Hell, is there said to be a manifestation of Jizö. The latter’s qualification as a
“female angel” recalls his female nature3, and the word döji, “boy”, which reminds
us of Sudhanakumära, is also interesting in connection with Jizö’s frequent appear-
ance in the shape of a “little priest” or boy, to assist his worshippers.

On reflecting upon all the passages mentioned above, we arrive at the conclusion,
that the Six Jizö’s were probably introduced by Japanese Shingon priests in the
ninth century. That they did not invent, but introduce this conception, seems likely
from the fact that the Chinese Sütra on the Ten Kings, although of later origin,
mentions and describes the Six Ti-tsang’s, a proof of their being known in
China.

The Tendai sect took them up soon after their introduction. Afterwards, in
the thirteenth century, the Sütra on the Ten Kings came to Japan and strengthened
the cult of the Six Jizö’s. Their ancient names and attributes, however, were confused
with those found in this sütra, and in the Tokugawa period this confusion was in-
creased by the inventions of the priests, mostly belonging to the Shingon sect, who
propagated this cult throughout Japan.

§ 6. Shögun Jizö.

The Genkö Shakusho 4 (before A. D. 1346) contains the biography of the Hossö
priest ENCHIN5, who in A. D. 798 at the expense of the general SAKANOUE

TAMURAMARO, (758 — 81 1) built the famous Kiyomizu-dera on a hill

at Kyoto, and thenceforward lived in this temple. When the Emperor Kwammu
(782 — 805) despatched Tamuramaro at the head of the Imperial troops to Öshü
(the ancient province of Mutsu), to suppress the rebellion of Takamaru, r«i %, before
his departure the general visited his friend ENCHIN and requested the latter to assist
him by means of the power of Buddha’s doctrine. Enchin promised him to do his
utmost, and the general marched against the enemy, filled with confidence in this

1 Cf. above, Sect. I, Ch. I § 4, p. 189.

2 Cf. above, Sect. II, Ch. I, § 4, p. 281.

3 Cf. above, Sect. I, Ch. I, § 2, p. 186.

4 Ch. IX, Kokushi taikei, Vol. XIV, p. 783.

5 A pupil of HÖ-ON HOSHI, fSSriÉÇ.

86 THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG.

mighty protection. But chance was against him, and after having been defeated
in Suruga province he fled to Öshü, pursued by Takamaru. In a second battle a
complete defeat was imminent for lack of arrows, when suddenly a little Buddhist
priest and a little boy appeared on the scene and picked up the arrows lying on the
battlefield. They gave these to Tamuramaro, who then killed Takamaru, defeated
his troops and returned in triumph to his Imperial Master, whom he offered the
rebel’s head. Thereupon he went to Kiyomizu-dera and asked ENCHIN, by which
doctrine he had protected him so well. The priest answered: “Among my doctrines
(methods1) there is one devoted to Shögun Jizö, (‘Army-conquering Jizö’)

and to Shöteki Bishamon, (‘Enemy-conquering Vaiçramana’). I made

images of both these deities and offered and prayed to them.’’ Now the general
understood who had been the little priest and the boy who had picked up the arrows.
He entered the temple hall and looked at the images: arrows and swords had
apparently wounded them, and their feet were covered with mud! Tamuramaro was
struck with wonder and reported the matter to His Majesty, who was also deeply
impressed by this miracle2.

This story formed the base of Shogun Jizö’s cult, which soon enjoyed the high
favour of the warriors of warlike Japan. It was a secret doctrine, as we learn from
UNSHÖ’S Kokkyöshü (A. D. 1689)3, the important Buddhist work quoted above,
which at the question, from which sütra Shögun Jizö and his secret doctrine were
derived, answers that his name is not found in the sütras, but that he is the “Great
Manifestation of Atago” (Atago Daigongen4, very much adored by great men of
remote antiquity like EN NO SHÖKAKU 5, and UMPEN SHÖNIN, gÜJlÀ.

Enchin was a priest of the Hossö sect, the doctrine of which was based upon
the Yui-shiki-ron, i. e. the Vidyämätra çâstra, a work of VASUBANDHU, translated
in A. D. 650 — 669 by the famous pilgrim Hiien Tsang. Thus this sect is a branch
of the Yoga school, and it is clear why Kiyomizu-dera belongs to both the Hossö and

the Shingon sects. The cult of Shögun Jizö, which started from this temple, was
accordingly based upon a mystic doctrine of the Yoga school, which agrees well
with Unshö’s statement about its being a “secret doctrine”.

A similar story, evidently borrowed from this passage of the Gcnkö Shakusko,
was told about the Jizö of Jiin-in, a shrine in the compound of Jökwömyöji,

1 it, hö.

2 We find the same tale in the Jizö Bosatsu reikenki (1684), Ch. XIII, p. 16.

3 Ch. X, p. 18; quoted by SEITAN, Kokkwa, Nr. 160, p. 65.

6 A sage who lived in the seventh century, and who loved Buddha’s doctrine, at the
same time being a great magician. For more than thirty years he lived in a cave in the Katsu-
ragi mountains, where he went in A. D. 665, in his 32th year. The Emperor Mommu (697 — 707)
banished him to Izu-shima because his magic was said to have an evil influence upon the people;
but he was pardoned afterwards and returned. In 1799 the Emperor Kwökaku bestowed
upon him the title of Shimpen Daibosatsu or “Miraculous Great Bodhisattva”.

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG. 87

or “Temple of the Pure Light” at Kamakura. This standing image of
Ya-hiroi Jizö, (“Who picked up arrows”), was said to have been the mamori

honzon, or tutelary deity of ASHIKAGA TADAYOSHI, (1307

to 1352, Takauji’s brother), and in the shape of a little priest to have picked up arrows
on the battlefield and to have given them to Tadayoshi, when the latter was about
to be defeated for lack of arrows. When after the battle Tadayoshi saw his tutelary
image, it had an arrow in its hand as a second khakkhara. “Even at the present
day”, says the author of the Shimpen Kamakura shi1, who relates this

story, “the khakkara of this Jizö is the shaft of an arrow.”

SEITAN2 refers to a passage of the Nihon shokoku füdoki or “Records on customs
and geography of all the Japanese provinces”, which pretends to date from A. D. 713,
when the Empress Gemmei ordered the redaction of the Füdoki of the different
provinces. We may be sure, however, that it is a work from a much later time,
and that not much value must be attached to its statements with regard to the earliest
centuries of Japan’s positive history. This book says that Gyömanji, a Buddhist
temple in Tsuru district, Kai province, originally was a “secret house”, where

ILLA, 11 H, from Kudara, in the 14th year of the Emperor Bidatsu’s reign (A. D. 585)
practised the doctrine of Shögun Jizö. The words “secret house” seem to indicate
that it was a mystic cult, in which case the author made an enormous anachronistical
blunder, as the Yoga school at that time had just risen in India and had not yet
reached China, much less Korea. As to this Ilia from Kudara, he is mentioned in
the Nihongi 3, where we read that he was a high official with the title of Talsol4,
at the court of the king of Pèkché (Kudara). At the request of the Emperor
Bidatsu this “wise and brave man” came to Japan, accompanied by several other
officials. “At this time Ilia, clad in armour, and on horseback, came up to the gate
(leading to the Hall of Audience).” Afterwards his companions, the Pèkché officials,
conspired against him, because the advise he had given to the Emperor was very
dangerous for Pèkché. “Now Ilia’s body was radiant like a flame of fire, and there-
fore Tök-ni and the others were afraid and did not kill him. At length, during the
interlune of the 12th month, they awaited his loss of radiance and slew him. But
Ilia came to life again, and said: ‘This is the doing of our slaves, and not of Silla.
Having thus spoken, he died.”5 This is the story of Ilia; no mention is made of his
worshipping Shogun Jizö, and he did not live in Kai province but at Kuwa no ichi
in Ato, from where he afterwards moved to Naniwa. The author of the küdoki,
or others before him, may have been struck by the resemblance of Shögun Jizö, the

1 “A new history of Kamakura”, written in 1684 by KAWAI TSUNEHISA,

2 Kokkwa, Nr. 160, p. 66.

3 Ch. XX, K. T. K. Vol. I, p. 354, 12th year of Bidatsu’s reign (583) ; ASTON’S translation,
Vol. II, pp. 97 sqq.

4 Cf. ASTON, Nihongi, II, p. 283, note 3.

6 ASTON’S translation, Nihongi, Vol. II, pp. 98, 100.

88 THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG.

divine priest clad in armour and riding on horseback, with Ilia, the semi-divine
general (Talsol), whose body was radiant like fire and who came up to the Palace,
“clad in armour and riding on horseback.” This may have given rise to the story
about the latter’s worshipping Shögun Jizö. This idea being only found in the Nihon
shokoku füdoki, a counterfeit of later date, we may safely reject it and consider the
passage of the Genkö Shakusho to be the oldest reference concerning Shögun Jizö.
Enchin was probably the first to propagate this cult, which must have been very
attractive to the warriors of Japan. He probably gave this title to Jizö as a special
protector of the military class because the same term of shogun was known as a
translation of the sanscrit “prasenajit" , “Conqueror of the armies”. We find this
term in the title of nr. 988 of NANJÖ’S Catalogue of the Chinese Tripitaka, where
a “prasenajit räja or “King who conquers the armies” is mentioned.

In a curious book, written in 1556 by an unknown author and entitled Katsura-
gawa Jizö hi, tÈjIlililiitpE, Jizö is said to be the k‘ang, JL, constellation, the second
of the 28 constellations, consisting of four stars in Virgo. As the first constellation
(kioh, Jfj, consisting of four stars, one of Spica and three of Virgo) and the second
one were considered to be connected with the army, j|Ï , and to protect the inner
palace of the Emperor, SEITAN2 points out that it seems as if this queer identification
of Jizö with this constellation had its foundation in the cult of Shögun Jizö. This
supposition being very vague, however, we mention this book only for the sake
of curiosity. We have here, of course, a Taoistic idea, and it reminds us of those
semi -Taoistic, semi-Buddhistic works like the “Sütra on the Ten Kings” and the
“Doctrine of the wonderful Repentance (practised in worship of) the Ten Merciful
Kings”, treated above.3

UNSHÖ’S statement about Shögun Jizö’s being Atago Daigongen, the “Great
Manifestation of Atago” is confirmed by many other passages of works written in the
seventeenth and nineteenth centuries, as well as by this Gongen's image, represen-
ted in the Butsuzô zuï 4 (A. D. 1690), and accordingly in HOFFMANN’S Pantheon
von Nippon .5 We read there that a Buddhist priest erected a temple of this deity
on Mount Atago at Kyoto. It was, of course, like all those Gongen, a Shintö god,
who was declared to be a manifestation of a Buddhist deity! He is represented riding
on horseback, carrying a khakkhara in his right and a pr-ecious pearl in his left hand,
and wearing a helmet on his head and a sacerdotal robe over his armour. A round
halo is seen behind his head. His face is gentle like that of the other Jizö images

(Fig- M)-

1 8f¥3E. There was a King of this name in Buddha’s time.

2 Kokkwa, Nr. 160, p. 68.

3 Sect. II, Ch. I, §§ i sq. SEITAN says that the author of the Katsuragawa Jizö ki had

evidently read the two sûtras entitled and where the 28 constellations are treated.

4 Ch. Ill, p. 7a.

5 VON SIEBOLD’S Nippon, Vol. V, Tab. XXII, fig. 246.

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG. 89

YOSHIDA TOGO1 states that the Shintö god of
Atago at Kyoto was a Thundergod 2. He was especially
famous for giving protection against fire. There were
several temples of the same name in Japan. The
Sandai jitsuroku 3, 3$, e. g. mentions the Shinto

god of Atago, Is^eatH, in Tamba province, who in
A. D. 864 obtained the lower degree of the secondary
fifth rank ; and the Engishiki speaks about an Atago
temple, in Kuwata district (Tamba

province). The god of Atago at Kyoto, however,
had no rank before A. D. 880. They all belonged to
the same kind of deities and were akin to the god of
Matsu-no-o. Mount Atago at Kyoto was one of the
seven celebrated mountains from the time when the
shugendô priests (the so-called yamabushi,

lllIX, belonging to the Shingon and Tendai sects)
began to combine Buddhism with Shinto and to per-
form their cult on this mountain. The first men who
started this doctrine were Shingon priests (in the 9th
century, although tradition calls En no Shökaku4,
who lived in the seventh century, the founder of this
cult) ; those belonging to the Tendai sect (the Honzan-
ha5, those of the Shingon sect having formed

the Tözan-ha, lI]#R) started much later, in A. D.

1090. Thus we see priests of the Shingon sect, i. e. the Yoga school, dominating this
centre of Shogun Jizö’s cult, a fact which agrees with our statements above. There
were two temples on Atago: the ancient Shintö shrine, dedicated to a Thunder or Fire
god akin to the Shintö deity of Matsu-no-o, and the main temple, called by the Bud-
dhists the Honchi-dö, or “Hall of the Original deity” (i. e. Shögun Jizö, whose

manifestation was the Shintö god). This was, however, not the Buddhist temple
of the mountain, which wore the name of Haku-unji, ÖUTf, or “Temple of the
White Cloud”. That shrine was pulled down in 1868, when the Shintö god of the
mountain was declared to be Hi no kami, the God of Fire, because he protected
his worshippers against fire, being originally identical with the ancient Shintö god
Homusubi. At the same time the Buddhist name of Atago Gongen was abolished.6

1 Dai Nihon chimei jisho, Vol. I, pp. n8sq.

2 But the Wakan sansai zuë (Ch. LXXII, p. 1205) declares him to be Homusubi, the
ancient Fire god.

3 Written in 901, K. T. K. Vol. IV, Ch. VIII, p. 158.

4 Cf. above, this paragraph.

5 “Branch of the Original Temple.” 6 YOSHIDA, 1. 1.

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG.

The blessing power of Shögun Jizö of Atago is praised as follows in the Seiyô
zakki (A. D. 1656)1: “Shögun Jizö, manifesting himself as Dai Gongen, resides on
Mount Atago in the West of the Capital, and is the tutelary god of the gentry. Going
to the battlefields he kills the wicked and gives peace to the world. Moreover, he
removes calamities and fires, and gives many generations and felicity to the families,
or he bestows easy birth upon women. Oh, oh! Who should not revere the blessing
power of this Bodhisattva!”

There are several Atago mountains in Japan: in Tamba, Echizen, Echigo, Yedo,
Awa, Kazusa, Hitachi, Rikuzen, Uzen and Kai, and an Atago river inTötömi. Shögun
Jizö is the honchi-butsu or the Buddhist deity who manifested himself in the ancient
Shintö god of Atago-yama in Echizen.2 At Atago in Echigo there is an old Shinto
shrine of Atago Gongen, and this was declared to be a manifestation of Shögun Jizö.
But there was also a chapel of Bishamon (Vaiçramana), belonging to the Shingon
sect. Thus we find here the two deities, according to the Gcnkö Shakusho worshipped
by Enchin höshi, Shögun Jizö and Shöteki Bishamon, having together a Shingon
cult in connection with the name Atago!3

As to the Atago hill in the Shiba district of Yedo, we read in the Edo suzume 4,
that Shögun Jizö of Atago-yama in Yamashiro (i. e. at Kyoto) was wor-
shipped there by all people, and that he was said to protect the army and to cause his
believers to escape fire calamity. This belief is no doubt prevailing still at the present
day. The two Buddhist shrines at the foot of this hill, called Empukuji, and

Shimpukuji, both belong to the Shingi branch, %j\ Jk'ifc, of the Shingon sect.5

On Mount Atago in Rikuzen6 there is an image of Shögun Jizö, and there was
also a chapel of the thousand-bodied Âkâçagarbha, Kshitigarbha’s counter-

part among the Eight Great Bodhisattvas of the Tantric school.7

Atago Gongen of Tendö in Uzen was the tutelary deity of the Tendö castle,
and there was a Shingon shrine near by, which wore the name of Hödöji,

“Temple of the Streamer of the Law”.8 The streamer is often mentioned in con-
nection with Jizö’s cult, and the Shingon sect is again present here. The protection
of castles was one of Shögun Jizö’s functions, as we shall see below. This is quite
logical with regard to his being the conqueror of the armies of the wicked, i. e. of
the enemy. As to the Shingon sect, we may notice that also the Shögunji,
or “Temple of the Conqueror of the Armies”, in Kawachi province, belongs to this
sect. This temple is also called Taishidö, or “Hall of the Crownprince”,

because it was believed to have been erected by Shötoku Taishi.9 Another Shö-

1 Vol. V, p. 54. 2 YOSHIDA, 1. 1., Vol. II, p. 1887.

3 YOSHIDA, 1. 1., Vol. II, p. 1991.

4 “Sparrows from Yedo”, printed in 1677 (author unknown). Ch. IV, p. 55 ( Kinsei bungei

sösho). 3 YOSHIDA, 1. 1., Vol. II, p. 2908. 6 YOSHIDA, 1. 1., Vol. Ill, p. 4089.

7 Cf. above, Sect. I, Ch. I, § 4. « YOSHIDA, 1. 1., Vol. Ill, p. 4410.

9 YOSHIDA, 1. 1., Vol. I, p. 327.

THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG.

gunji, in Izumi province, was said to have been dedicated at the time of the Em-
peror Junna (A. D. 824 — 833) to Shögun Jizö of Atago-yama in Yamashiro.1

Another centre of Shögun Jizö’s cult was Mount Atago in Kai province. The
Kaikokushi or “History of Kai province’’ (1814) gives interesting details about
this worship in the sixteenth century. We read there2 that an image of
Jizö was (still in 1814) the principal idol of the Hözö-in or “Temple of the Store of
Treasures’’ on Atago-yama, where TAKEDA SHINGEN, (i. e. Takeda Haru-

nobu, whom we mentioned above3, and who lived 1521 — 1573), used to pray. In 1584,
when Ieyasu marched to Owari province, the Governors (Bugyö) of Kai province,
Naruse Kichiemon and Kusakabe Hyöemon, Ieyasu’s vassals, prayed to this Jizö,
that their lord might conquer Hideyoshi, who was actually beaten at Kowaki-yama.
Upon this occasion Kusakabe offered a big sword to the Bodhisattva, and erected
a shrine for him as the tutelary deity of the castle gate. Six villages of Kai province4
had temples of Shögun Jizö, also called Atago Jizö. One of these5 was built by
TAKEDA SHINGEN in 1539, when he had conquered Murakami Yoshikiyo after
having erected and worshipped an image of Shögun Jizö in his camp.

The Kwampö era (1741 — 1743) saw a Shögun Jizö dedicated in the Atago-sha
or “Shintö shrine of Atago” at Yukinoshita, Ü-/ "T, a village in the Kamakura district,
and thenceforth festivals were celebrated there twice a year, on the third day of
the 4th month, and on the fifteenth of the 8th month.6

In the Atago-dö in the compound of the famous Tendai temple Chüsonji, tF
(founded by Jikaku Daishi in A. D. 850 and enlarged by the Fujiwara’s of the 12th cen-
tury) at Hiraizumi village, Rikuchü province, a Shögun Jizö and eight Tengu images
(Mount Atago at Kyoto is also a famous Tengu mountain7) are found.8

When the general YAMAMURO TSUNETAKA in the Tembun era (1532 — 1554)
built the castle of Iihitsu, fSfln, in Kazusa province, he placed an image of Shögun 9
Jizö at the main gate, as a tutelary god of the castle. This idol was afterwards re-
moved to the Rempuku shrine, jlfcitH^F, in Iihitsu village.10

Mukuge Jizö or the “Long-haired Jizö” of Sairinji, M^tF, the “Temple

1 Senshüshi, or “Annals of Izumi province,” written in A. D. 1700 by ISHIBASHI

NAOYUKI, TRm&Z.

2 Ch. LXXIII, fINHffi, nr. 1, p. 12.

3 Sect. Ill, Ch. I, § 5.

4 Höshöji, Köbai-in, Chösengi, Daitsüji, Höjuji and Dösenji (Sa#, Ät&K, JfcÄ#,

jSIbÎtF, vfsl^) in Koarama, Ryüchi, Shimoyama, Okawara, and two in Nishiwara ( Kaikokushi ,
Ch. LXXXIII, Butsuji-bu, nr. 11, p. 5; Ch. LXXXI, same section, nr. 9, p. 6; Ch. LXXXVII,
same section, nr. 15, p. 8; Ch. XC, same section, nr. 17b, p. 23).

5 Höshöji at Koarama village.

6 Shimpen Sagami füdoki ko (written in 1841), Ch. LXXXII, Kamakura district, sect. 14, p. 16.

7 Cf. my treatise on the Tengu, T. A. S. J. Vol. XXXVI, Part. II.

8 Hiraizumi shi, written in 1885 by TAKAHIRA MAFUJI, nljT-Äfl.

9 Shogun is wrongly written 8? instead of 8?.

10 Kazusa-kokushi (1877), Ch. VI, p. 42.

92 THE BODHISATTVA TI-TSANG.

of the Western Wood” at Kyoto, was said to be the same as Shögun Jizö of Atago.1
Further, there was an image of Shögun Jizö in the Kwannon temple, in

Akura2, :£cJt, a village in Settsu province ; and in Samböji 3, a shrine in Kami-

Shakuji village near Yedo, Shögun Jizö was the principal idol, represented as a
Buddhist priest on horseback. Tradition says that long ago the priest in charge of
this shrine one night had a dream, in which the Bodhisattva spoke to him and said:
“I wish to go and save the living beings of the Six Paths, but my horse is still here.”
When the priest awoke and entered the shrine, he saw only the horse; the image
itself had been stolen. Then he made a new image and placed it upon the old horse.4

Among the 48 Jizö’s in the southern districts of Yedo, from the Kwansei era
(1789 — 1800) visited in a fixed order by many pilgrims, one Shögun Jizö is men-
tioned (nr. 27). As to Jizö’s protection against fire, Hiyoke and Hikeshi

Jizö (“Jizö who averts or extinguishes fire”), are nrs. 11 and 26 of this series.5

The Japanese Buddhists having thus made the gentle Jizö the Buddhist war
god, they made a further step in this direction by identifying him with Hachiman,
the “Eight banner” god of war of the Shintöists, the deified Emperor Öjin. We read
in the Saezurigusa 6, 5 ^'p- () j|l, that the shintai or “god-body” in the Hachimangü,
of Ichigaya, r #, in Yedo had the shape of a Buddhist priest and resembled
Jizö. It was a picture, attributed to Köbö Daishi and said to be an ancient painting
from the famous Hachiman temple of Iwashimizu, JStrJjK, founded in A. D. 859.
Also the shintai of Ana Hachiman, ^Al^ (in Yedo?), was a standing Buddhist
priest with a khakkhara in his hand, and Töji, the Shingon temple in Kyoto,

founded in 796 by Köbö Daishi, also possessed such a Hachiman idol. The Shingon
priests were, of course, again the men who in this way identified their Shögun Jizö
with the Shintö god of war.

It is very interesting to notice, that Ti-tsang, represented on horseback, was
also known on the continent. We have seen above (Sect. II, Ch. IV, § 2), that a
Chinese legend of the tenth century describes him leading a horse in hell (perhaps
a survival of Hayagriva’s shape). In Annam he is sometimes represented riding on
horseback (we do not read that he is clad in armour), in a Buddhist temple (where
also Kwanyin is worshipped and the ten hells are painted on the walls) and placed
near Kwan Ti , the War God.7

1 Jizö Bosatsu reikenki (1684), Ch. XIV, p. 16.

2 In Teshima district.

3 “Triratna temple”.

4 Edo meisho zue (1789—1817), Ch. IV, p. 135.

5 Füzoku gwaho, Nr. 67 (Febr. 1894), P- 75-

6 Written in 1859 by KATÖ JAKU-AN, An flit iS, Ch. LXXIII, p. 19.

7 Dr. H. H. JUYNBOLL kindly pointed out to me this fact, mentioned by L. CADIÈRE,

Sur quelques faits religieux ou magiques observés pendant une épidémie de choléra en Annam,

II, § 4 (le Protecteur), Anthropos V (1910), p. 1147.

SAMMLUNGEN UND DENKMÄLER.

CHINESISCHE SAMMLUNGEN.

In China sind häufig die Herrscher eifrige Kunstsammler gewesen. Vom Kaiser Wu-ti (gest.

87 v. Chr.) hören wir, daß er sogar Karawanen nach Westasien sandte, um Kunstgegen-
stände zu sammeln. Der T’ang-Kaiser T’ai-Tsung (627 — 649) ließ das ganze Reich nach alten
Meisterwerken durchforschen, der gedruckte Katalog der Gemälde-Sammlung des großen Samm-
lers auf dem Thron, des Sung-Kaisers Hui-Tsung (noi — 1125) mit seinen 6192 Gemälden
von 231 Malern ist noch heute vorhanden. Der Sammeleifer geht tief ins Volk hinein. Ein guter
Prozentsatz aller Gebildeten und Wohlhabenden ist Sammler, wenn häufig natürlich auch nur
in bescheidenem Maßstabe. Es ist nicht nur die Wertschätzung der gesammelten Objekte um
ihres inneren Kunstwertes willen, die den gebildeten Chinesen zum Sammler werden läßt, sondern
auch die Ehrfurcht vor dem von den Ahnen Überlieferten, die Achtung vor dem geschriebenen
Wort, den Inschriften auf Bronzen und Ton, in Stein und auf Gemälden treibt ihn dazu.

Kein Wunder, daß auch fremde Dynastien, die das Land beherrschten und die in staats-
männischer Weisheit die Neigungen ihrer barbarischen Untertanen der höheren Kultur der be-
siegten Chinesen unterordneten, an Sammeleifer nicht hinter den Herrschern chinesischer
Dynastien zurückstehen wollten. Dies gilt von Kublai Khans Mongolen-Dynastie wie von der
Herrschaft der Mandschus, der Dynastie der Tsing, die 1644 den Pekinger Kaiserthron bestiegen.

In der letzteren ragt von allen Kaisern der Ludwig XIV. Chinas, Kienlung (1736 — 1796)
als Sammler auf dem Kaiserthron hervor. Eine glänzende Erscheinung in seiner Jugend, ein
streitbarer Monarch, allzeit ein Mehrer des Reiches in kriegerischen Unternehmungen, ein
Kenner und Förderer der Literatur und der Kunst saß er 60 lange Jahre auf Chinas Thron. Da
war es nur natürlich, daß seine Koffer und Schränke sich füllten mit Dingen, die des Sammlers
Herz erfreuen. Ein guter Teil der Kunstschätze des Herrschers hat sich bei seinen Lebzeiten
in dem von ihm neu ausgebauten Palaste in Mukden angesammelt, ein anderer Teil ist heute
noch in anderen kaiserlichen Palästen zerstreut.

In dem Mukdener Palaste schlafen die Schätze seit 1796 einen tiefen Schlaf. Hof neben Hof
reiht sich im Palaste. In Schränken und Kisten verwahrt, mit dem feinen mandschurischen
Staube von Jahrzehnten, den alljährlich von neuem die nordischen Staubstürme über die Stadt
hintreiben, bedeckt, ruht dort verborgen manch herrlicher Schatz.

Ich wurde zuerst im Jahre 1908 auf die Sammlung aufmerksam, als mir Tang Shao Yi,
der bekannte chinesische Staatsmann erzählte, daß er als Gouverneur die Katalogisierung der
Mukdener Sammlung veranlaßt habe. Über 80 000 Stück altes Porzellan seien da registriert
worden, in einem Zimmer allein habe er etwa 250 Stück des Pfirsichhaut-Porzellans — - peau de
pêche — auf dem Boden stehend gefunden. Ein Teil dieser Porzellane sind heute in einem Ge-
bäude des Mukdener Palastbezirkes untergebracht und so den Besuchern des Palastes leicht
erreichbar. Es sind in der Hauptsache Stücke aus der Zeit Kienlung (1736 — 1796), aber auch
Yung Chêng (1723 — 1735) und Kanghi (1662 — 1722) sind vertreten. An Formen überwiegen
die Gegenstände des täglichen Gebrauches, besonders Service.

Einen ungleich höheren Kunstwert hat trotz ihrer geringen Zahl die in einem anderen Gebäude
untergebrachte Sammlung der Bronzen. Diese stehen vor und in etwa einem Dutzend hoher
Schränke, rund 800 Stück, die sich auf 459 verschiedene Arten verteilen. Auf den Flügeltüren
eines jeden Schrankes ist das Inhaltsverzeichnis aufgeklebt und von der Sammlung selbst ist ein
sorgfältig gezeichneter, handgeschriebener Katalog vorhanden. Man hat behauptet, daß den Ab-
bildungen in chinesischen Katalogen kein großer Wert beizulegen sei, weil die Zeichnungen

SAMMLUNGEN UND DENKMÄLER.

sich nicht strikt an
das Original hielten.
Daran mag etwas
Wahres sein, wenn für
spätere Auflagen Wie-
derabzeichnungen aus
früheren stattgefunden
haben , wobei dem
Zeichner das Original-
stück, wie das wohl
immer der Fall war,
nicht mehr als Vorbild
diente. Dieser Muk-
dener Katalog, wie üb-
rigens auch andere An-
haltspunkte sprechen
jedenfalls dafür, daß
der chinesische Zeich-
ner im allgemeinen
mit löblicher Genauig-
keit bei der Wieder-
gabe der Bronzen ver-
fahren ist.

Unter den Gelehr-
ten und Sammlern hat
längere Zeit die Mei-
nung geherrscht, als
berge die Mukdener
Bronze-Sammlung le-
diglich Nachahmun-
gen, als seien die alten
echten Bronzen, wenn
sie überhaupt jemals
vorhanden gewesen
seien, längst durch
ungetreue Palastbe-
Abb i. Bronzebecher. Kaiserlicher Palast zu Mukden. amte vertauscht wor-

den und als hätten die

Folgen der Revolution des Jahres 1912 das letzte aus der Sammlung verschwinden lassen, was
etwa noch Gutes aus früheren Tagen darin vorhanden gewesen sei.

Es lag die Gefahr vor, daß diese Ansicht eines jener gefährlichen Axiome wurde, wie es
das in den letzten Jahren ebenfalls mit Erfolg angegriffene gewesen ist, daß in den Umwälzungen,
die China im Laufe der Jahrtausende durchgemacht hat, alle altchinesischen Kunstschätze,
besonders alle Gemälde zugrunde gegangen seien und deshalb China im Gegensätze zu Japan
nichts Nennenswertes mehr berge. Daß die Mukdener Bronzesammlung in den Ruf einer Samm-
lung von Fälschungen kam, war nicht weiter wunderbar. Wer die Bronzensammlung sehen wollte,
wurde in das nur durch große Flügeltüren erhellte Gebäude, worin sich die Sammlung befand,
geführt; dann wurden von einigen der Schränke die Siegel gelöst und der Beschauer sah vor
sich ein Gewirr neben- und übereinander stehender Bronzen und Schwarzholzuntersätze, alles
bedeckt mit jenem dicken, echt mandschurischen Staube, der jeder Bronze das schmutzige Aus-
sehen gab, wie man es im Osten an den absichtlich mit Schmutz überzogenen Fälschungen zu
sehen gewohnt ist. Von der Näherbetrachtung schreckte jeden Besucher der starrende Schmutz ab.

Dank dem Entgegenkommen der mit der Hut der Sammlung betrauten chinesischen Be-

SAMMLUNGEN UND DENKMÄLER.

amten ist es mir möglich
gewesen, jedes einzelne
Stück der Mukdener Samm-
lung aus seinem Verließ
herausnehmen und reinigen
zu lassen , es bei hellem
Sonnenlicht zu betrachten
und zu prüfen, so daß ich
mir ein Urteil über die
Sammlung Zutrauen darf.

150 der besten Stücke sind
zur engeren Wahl gestellt
worden und rund 100 von
ihnen sind dann als die
besten und interessantesten
photographiert worden. Es
kann gar keinem Zweifel
unterliegen, daß ein paar
Dutzend der Bronzen, aus
der Mukdener Sammlung
herausgesucht, alles über-
trifft, was heute an alt-
chinesischen Bronzen in
europäischen Sammlungen
bekannt ist. Natürlich habe
sich in einer Sammlung von
800 Stück auch Nachah-
mungen eingeschlichen, so
besonders die gold- und
silbereingelegten Nachbil-
dungen der Chou-Zeit aus
der Sung-Zeit. Unter der
Menge der Darbietungen,
die große und kleine Satra-
pen ihrem Herrscher ent-
gegenbrachten, wird sich
eben auch manch minder-
wertiges Stück befunden
haben. Nicht nur für Bron-
zen gilt das. Man braucht
sich nur zu vergegenwär-
tigen, was auch heutzu-
tage noch öffentlichen und
fürstlichen Sammlungen
bisweilen als Geschenk an-
geboten wird.

Wir bringen in der
Abbildung einen kleinen
Bronze - Becher (Abb. 1).

Er trägt auf der unteren
Hälfte das lapidare Linien-
ornament des stilisierten Abb. 2. Grasende Gebirgsziege v. Kaiser Hsien Tsung. Datiert 1480.
Tao tieh ; seine Höhe ist Kaiserlicher Palast zu Mukden.

Abb. 3. Gänse am Ufer beim Mondschein von Lü Chi.
Kaiserlicher Palast zu Mukden.

Abb. 4. Eierpflanzen und Kohl von Ai Hsüan. Kaiserlicher Palast zu Mukden.

SAMMLUNGEN UND DENKMÄLER.

Abb. 5. Taoistische Paradieslandschaft von Chao Po-chü.
Kaiserlicher Palast zu Mukden.

16,25 cm; der Durchmesser
des Mundes 14,5 cm, der des
Fußes 10 cm. Es ist die
harte, rosafarbene, helle Bronze
der frühesten Zeit; herrlichste
dicke blaue, grüne und rote
Patina bedeckt das prächtige
Stück, Inschrift oder Zeichen
sind nicht zu erkennen; sie
mögen, wenn dies bei so
frühen Stücken, wie das in
Rede stehende, auch nicht ge-
rade wahrscheinlich ist, noch
unter der Patina verborgen
sein. Das vorliegende Stück
ist auf gut Glück aus den von
der Sammlung genommenen
Aufnahmen ausgewählt und
wird von vielen anderen über-
troffen ; ihre spätere Veröffent-
lichung in Buchform ist in
Aussicht genommen.

Nach jener langen, harten
Arbeit der Aufnahme der
Bronzen hat sich der Schreiber
noch während einiger Tage
den Genuß der Besichtigung
eines Teiles der etwa 500 Rol-
len umfassenden kaiserlichen
Gemäldesammlung gegeben.
Etwa 125 davon wurden in
Augenschein genommen.

Die Gemälde sind im
ersten Hofe des Palastes in dem
Gebäude zur Linken , gegen-
über dem Bronzengebäude
untergebracht; dort ruhen sie
im oberen Stockwerk, d. h.
unter dem Dache, in Kisten,
und ein jedes in besonderem
Kästchen mit Seide umhüllt
und im Vergleich zu den Bron-
zen mit wohltuender Sorgfalt
verpackt.

Jedes Bild ist mit dem
Siegel Kienlungs versehen, das
leider in einigen Fällen mit so
fettiger Siegelpaste aufgedrückt
ist, daß das in ihr enthaltene
Öl, trotz des Schutzes des dar-
auf liegenden Papieres, sich
mehrfach im Bilde selbst ab-
gedrückt hat. So beispielsweise

SAMMLUNGEN UND DENKMÄLER.

bei dem hier wiedergegebenen Bilde der grasenden Gebirgsziege von dem Ming-Kaiser Hsien
Tsung "Mni (75.75 cm und 42 cm), das von 1480 datiert ist (Abb. 2).

Welche Qualität einzelne der Bilder in der kaiserlichen Sammlung aufweisen, davon geben
die Abbildungen der Bilder von Lü Chi (Ming), Gänse am Ufer bei Mondschein (176 cm
X 106,5 cm), (Abb. 3), von Ai Hsüan (Sung), Eierpflanzen und Kohl (56 cm X 54,5 cm)
(Abb. 4), von Chao Po-chü (Chao Ch’ien Li) (Sung), eine taoistische Paradieslandschaft

(159 cm X84 cm) (Abb. 5) eine gute Vorstellung.

Von dem Maler Chiu Ving sind mehrere ganz ausgezeichnete Bilder in der Mukdener
Sammlung vorhanden. Bei einem von ihnen sind die Bergkonturen im Sung-Stil mit feinen
Goldlinien gehöht; auch trägt es den Namen des Meisters in Goldschrift. Einige dieser Werke
Chiu Yings übertreffen in dem Maße alles, was in asiatischen und europäischen Sammlungen
von diesem viel gefälschten Maler bekannt ist, insbesondere auch die auf Tafel 166 bis 175 der
„Masterpieces selected from the Fine Arts of the Far East“ Vol. X (Shimbi Shoin-Verlag.
Tokyo 1910) abgebildeten, daß sie als Standard-Werke der Kunst des Meisters bezeichnet werden
müssen. Alles, was wir von seiner Malkunst wissen, finden wir auf jenen Bildern wieder-
gegeben. Und so schwer es auch sein mag, chinesische Gemälde auf einen bestimmten Maler
zurückzuführen: hier liegt unseres Erachtens ein Fall vor, wo mit ziemlicher Sicherheit be-
hauptet werden kann, daß wir Originale des Meisters vor uns hahen. Das eine aber ist wenigstens
über allen Zweifel erhaben: wenn diese Bilder von Chiu Yings Hand sind, dann können die
vielen mit seinem Namen bezeichneten, aber qualitativ viel tiefer stehenden Gemälde nur Fäl-
schungen oder höchstens ihm nachempfundene Werke sein. Diese Auffindung unzweifelhaft
höher stehender Bilder Chiu Yings als der bisher gekannten gibt uns übrigens zu denken und
denjenigen Kritikern recht, die es verwerfen, iurare in verba magistri, den bisherigen Lehrmeistern
im Osten blindlings zu folgen und die Notwendigkeit der selbständigen Bewertung der hohen
ostasiatischen Kunst stabilieren.

Wie oben erwähnt, sind die Gemälde in Kästchen und Kisten verpackt und ihre Besichtigung
erfordert umständliches Auspacken. Es mag deshalb für den Besucher in Mukden, der bei der Be-
sichtigung der Bildersammlung von den Palastbeamten gefragt zu werden pflegt, was er sehen
wolle, von Interesse sein, unter der großen Anzahl der Rollen außer den obengenannten einige
von denen zu erfahren, die sich über den Durchschnitt erheben. Es sollen deshalb hier die folgen-
den genannt sein:

Liu Sung-nien (Sung), Makimono. Kueichi-Spieler.

Ch’ên Chü-chung (Sung), Eierpflanzen und Schmetterlinge.

Li Chi (Sung), Pfirsiche, Pflaumen und andere Früchte.

Yen Wên-kuei Steift (Sung), Landschaft. Berge, Kiefern und Figuren in feinster Miniatur-
malerei.

Lin Ch’un (Sung), Vögel und Blumen.

Wang Chên-p’ing BEflälS (Yuan), Paläste im See, Drachenboote, die Szene belebt von einer
großen Menge von Figuren. In der Zeichnung der Wirkung des Kupferstiches nicht unähnlich.

Chao Sung-hsüeh îgfôS = Chao Mêng-fu (Yuan), Mutter und Knabe im Reisfeld ar-

beitend.

Derselbe, blaugrüne Landschaft; großzügige Berge. Reisfelder am Wasser.

Derselbe, gezeichnet Tzü-ang =Ç-xb (Beiname des Chao Mêng-fu), Pferde in der Schwemme.

Kung K’ai HH3 (Yuan), Makimono, Heilige und Gnomen.

Tung Ch’i-ch’ang ISa (Ming), auf goldgesprenkeltem Grund eine Schwarz- und Weiß-
Landschaft im Stile des Sung-Meisters Mi Fei, ein willkommener Hinweis vielleicht, wessen
Schule wir die vielen gefälschten besseren Mi-Fei-Bilder zuzurechnen haben.

Yu Chih Album mit Vogel-, Insekten- und Blumenbildern im Sung-Stil.

Chiu Ying (Ming), eine Gartenszene.

Derselbe, eine Berglandschaft.

Derselbe, Makimono, Palastszenen. Vielleicht ist dies das Original für die in zahllosen
Kopien wiederkehrenden ähnlichen Szenen der schaukelnden, Enten fütternden und sich sonst-
wie vergnügenden Palastdamen. Dies Bild trägt nicht das bekannte Kürbissiegel des Meisters,

100

SAMMLUNGEN UND DENKMÄLER.

wie denn überhaupt die mit Chiu Ying bezeichneten Bilder im Mukdener Palaste verschieden-
artige Siegel des Malers aufweisen. Auch die Kürbissiegel weichen in Einzelheiten von ein-
ander ab.

Derselbe, eine Berglandschaft, die grünblauen Berge, in Sung-Manier, mit Gold gehöht.
In diesem Bilde, das auf bester, ganz glatter Seide gemalt ist, finden wir schöne Komposition
vereint mit feinster Detailmalerei. Die Augenbrauen der kleinen Figuren sind beispielsweise
mit Grau unterlegt und mit 6 — 8 der zartesten, nur mit scharfer Lupe erkennbaren Pinselstriche
wiedergegeben, das Grau des Gefieders der kleinen Kraniche ist weiß unterlegt, der Strich in
den Wasserwegen zeigt die sichere Hand eines Meisters. Das Bild trägt eine Kritik von Wên
Chêng-ming die nach dem Urteile von Literaten, wie sie aus dessen heute noch gut be-

kannten Schrift schließen, von ihm selbst stammt.

T’ang Yin (Ming), Landschaft mit Teetrinkern.

Derselbe, Makimono, duftige See- und Dorflandschaft.

Ein großer Kakemono mit 2 weißen Kaninchen. (Es fehlt uns eine Notiz darüber, ob das
Bild unsigniert ist; vielleicht ist der Name versehentlich nicht notiert.) Von diesem Bilde existiert
eine Photographie, die sich im Besitze eines Mukdener Altertumhändlers befindet.

Yen Hung-tzu Makimono, Schwarz- und Weiß-Arhats. Die Figuren sind in her-

vorragender Linienführung gemalt und das Bild, das wahrscheinlich ein Tsing-Bild ist, kann
als Beweis dafür gelten, was auch noch in späteren Jahrhunderten in Feinheit des Pinselstriches
geleistet wurde. Gleichzeitig aber gibt es uns zu denken, wenn wir, wie das häufig der Fall ist,
Bilder von derselben und vielleicht geringerer Qualität in ganz demselben Stile mit dem Namen
des Sung-Meisters Li Lung-mien bezeichnet finden.

Die Bilder sind durchweg recht gut erhalten.

Die große Masse der übrigen Bilder rührt von Malern der Tsing-Dynastie her, die nach
unserem Empfinden tieferen Kunstwertes ermangeln. Drei Gemälde aber müssen hiervon aus-
genommen werden, weil sie in ihrer Darstellung nach ein besonderes Interesse verdienen. Es
sind Bilder des Kaisers Kienlung selbst. Sie befinden sich in dem großen Gebäude im Innern
des Palastbezirkes, das in gewaltigen rotlackierten, mit goldenen Drachen geschmückten Schrän-
ken das Archiv der kaiserlichen Edikte bewahrt.

Auf dem einen, einem Makimono, ist Kienlung auf der Hirschjagd dargestellt. Zu Pferde
im Galopp den flüchtigen Hirsch verfolgend, hat der Kaiser gerade den tödlichen Pfeil dem
zusammenbrechenden Hirsch aufs Blatt gesetzt und die ihm zu Pferde folgende Begleiterin
reicht dem Kaiser den zweiten Pfeil.

Auf einem anderen, einem sehr großen Kakemono, ist der Kaiser in der Blüte seiner Jahre
auf dem Thronsessel im ganzen Prunke seines gelbseidenen Kaiserornats dargestellt.

Das dritte Gemälde, von ähnlichem gewaltigen Format wie das vorhergehende, zeigt den
Kaiser auf einer Schecke in voller Kriegsrüstung. Die Rechte umspannt die kurze Tartarenknute,
an Velasquezsche Bilder erinnern Roß und Reiter.

Wir kennen im Bildnis nur wenige von den Herrschern auf dem Thron des Reiches der
Mitte, und vielleicht gerade darum berührt es eigentümlich und wehmütig, in all der verfallenen
Pracht des Mukdener Palastes, inmitten des Archivs, das all die gêistige Arbeit dieses mächtigen
und begabten Kaisers birgt, ihn im Bilde vor uns erstehen zu sehen. Da ist die große Perlen-
kette, die er zu Lebzeiten trug und die noch heute im Palaste gezeigt wird, der Helm, den wir
kurz vorher sahen, das gelbseidene Kaisergewand, der Kettenpanzer, die Pfeile mit Enden aus
kostbarstem grünen Nephrit.

Noch manche anderen Kunstwerke, Schätze und auch Kuriositäten befinden sich in den
Sammlungen des Mukdener Palastes: Nephritschnitzereien, Lacke, einige ältere Potterien, kost-
bare Waffen — unter anderm mit Brillanten belegte Dolche, das Geschenk eines Königs von
Frankreich — , ein ausgestopfter, vom Kaiser erlegter Bär, Leder, Stühle aus Hirschgeweihen,
Seiden, Pelze, eine Menge der vergoldeten Cloisonnées der Kienlung-Zeit — alles in allem in-
dessen, soweit wir die Sachen sahen, Dinge in dem etwas lauten Geschmacke der damaligen

SAMMLUNGEN UND DENKMÄLER. ioi

Zeit und ohne den großen künstlerischen Wert der Bronzen und Gemälde, von denen wir
sprachen.

Für den ernsten Jünger chinesischer Kunst empfiehlt sich sehr der Besuch des Palastes.
Wer ihn beabsichtigt, sollte nicht die kalte Jahreszeit wählen, weil dann von den fröstelnden
Palastbeamten in den unheizbaren Räumen nur höchst widerwillig ein Behälter nach dem anderen
geöffnet wird. Frühling und Herbst sind die besten Jahreszeiten für einen Besuch, und eine
gute Menge Zeit und Geduld sollte der Besucher mitbringen. E. A. Voretzsch.

MISZELLEN.

SADANGA OR THE SIX LIMBS OF INDIAN PAINTING.

RUPABHEDA, PRAMÄNÄNI, BHÄVA, LÄVANYA YOJANAM, SÄDRISYAM,
VARNIKÄBHANGA ITI CHITRAM SADANGAKAM.

1. Rüpabheda — The knowledge of appearances.

2. Pramänäni — Correct perception, Measure and Structure.

3. Bhäva — Action of feelings on forms.

4. Lävanya Yojanam — Infusion of Grace, artistic representation.

5. Sädrisyam — Similitude.

6. Varnikäbhanga — Artistic manner of using the brush and colours.

Yashodhara in his commentary of Vätsayana Kämasitra Book I Chapter III has mentioned
the above six laws as forming the Six limbs of Indian Painting. The date of Vätsayana varies
from 671 B. C. to 200 A. D. and — Yashodhara wrote his commentary in the reign of Joy Sing I
of Joypore.

The Chinese Art Critic Hsieh Ho in the 5th Century A. D. wrote down the following Six
Canons of the Chinese Painting:

1. Spiritual tone and life movement.

2. Manner of brushwork in drawing lines.

3. Form in its relation to objects.

4. Choice of colours appropriate to the objects.

5. Composition and grouping.

6. The copying of classic models. (Vide The Kokka, No. 244.)

It is unimportant to try and fix the exact date of these Canons or to prove which of
them is older but it is significant that this thought about the Six Canons of painting should exist
in India and that HSIEH HO instead of dividing his Canons in 4 or 5 sections should divide them
into Six. The older book such as the Sutrathra and the Agama of Bävrabya from which Vätsayana
made large extracts for his Kämäsutra are nowhere to be found now, nor the Commentator
Yashodhara mentioned the books in which he might have found the six limbs of painting. But
in spite of this dearth of facts we have no doubt that the six laws of painting existed in India long
before the time of Vätsayana and Yashodhara. The Commentary of Yashodhara may be more
recent but that for not imply that the thought about the six laws of painting did not exist before
the time of Yashodhara. It was at the instance of the Raja of Joypore — which is still famous
for its paintings — that Yashodhara wrote the Commentary of Kämäsutra. So possibly at the
time of writing about Indian paintings he might have consulted some older treatise on Indian
painting and Court painters of Joypore and thus had come to know the six Canons of painting
handed down from generation to generation in the families of Joypore painters.

Besides we find Vätsayana in the concluding Chapter of Kämäsutra admitting that for
his compilation he did not rely on the older Stratas only but he had practical demonstrations of
all the Arts and Sciences given to him by men who had been still practising the sixty-four Arts
and Sciences. Thus even if we do not claim any priority over the six Canons of Chinese painting
we certainly have the right of saying that our thought of six limbs of painting is purely our own,
and is as important as the six Canons of Chinese painting mentioned by HSIEH HO. It is curious
that no European or Indian writing about Indian Art has taken any notice of these six laws
of Indian painting.1 Abanindro Nath Tagore.

1 Der Autor bereitet eine ausführliche Darstellung vor, die in der O. Z. erscheinen wird.

MISZELLEN.

103

REPRESENTATIONS MADE TO CHINA BY THE “CHINA
MONUMENTS” SOCIETY (PEKING)1.

President YUAN SHIH-K’AI.

November 29, 1913.

Sir: During more than five years the China Monuments Society has employed means to
bring the subject of monuments in China before the friends of China. It has cultivated among
Chinese and among foreigners a knowledge of China’s interests in her antiquities. In this work
it has been supported by men and women of all nationalities.

Various members of the Committee of this Society at intervals have brought the subject to
the attention of ministers of the Chinese Government in Peking. Others have made similar
representations to Chinese authorities in the provinces. The Secretary of this Society makes
it his duty to inform the world of the vandalism committed by both Chinese and foreigners in
China, and to utilize all opportunities to realize the complete control, protection, and preservation
in China of Chinese art and antiquities.

Owing to the increase of vandalism and theft of Chinese antiquities the Secretary has made
a special effort to bring this matter to your Excellency’s attention. To this end the represen-
tatives of Germany, France, the United States, and others, have mentioned it to your ministers;
and your Excellency’s adviser, Dr. Morrison, assured me at the beginning of this month that
he would make it his duty to bring the practical aspect of the question before you.

I have refrained from asking your Excellency for a special hearing on this subject because
of your Excellency’s occupation recently with more pressing matters. I take this opportunity,
however, to now submit through your aide, Dr. Koo, the following opinions:

a) The antiquities of a country belong to the people and are the immediate property of
the State. The contents and property of the temples belong to the people and are the proper
care of the State, which should be the final trustee. The antiquities of China are the richest
in the world, and their value is that of a cash income to China, possible to be made equal to
that of China’s revenue from almost any other single source.

b) Countries of European civilization have regularly plundered various countries of Asia
of their antiquities, until now China is the only remaining country of Asia to plunder in this
way. The work of filching and destroying antiquities from China has begun and is now an
industry of both European and Asiatic nations. Acts of vandalism and theft of antiquities are
crimes in all countries of European civilization and in Japan. This fact was recognized by
France in 1902, as your Excellency knows, when she restored to Peking astronomical instruments
taken in 1900 — 1901. Furthermore this kind of crime was fully recognized and abhorred by the
United States when in 1903 imperial jade tablets from the T’ai Miao, found within the territories
of the United States, were returned to China by the Smithsonian Institution.

Upon the basis of these facts and precedents and the moral obligation universally recog-
nized of the necessity of righting crime wherever possible, your Excellency would be justified
in expecting the governments of all self-respecting nations of the world to return to China all
unlawfully acquired Chinese antiquities in their national museums, or under national owner-
ship; and also that they will now and hereafter forbid the entry and shelter in any national
public building of any recently broken or otherwise suspicious Chinese sculptures, or immorally
obtained antiquity or other archaeological, historical, or art work from China that has been
or is the property of the State (China) in accordance with the inextinguishable rights of the
Chinese black-haired people.

If China should make new legal recognition of her monuments and antiquities and take
national possession of them and bring the matter in all its bearings under regulation and control,
she could do this; and she would have the moral support of all mankind and the immediate
political support of all self-respecting nations.

With assurances of high respect I have the honor to remain,

Yours, etc.,

Frederick McCormick.

1 Vgl. Kleine Mitteilungen

MISZELLEN.

104

ADOLF FISCHER (1856—1914).

Geboren den 4. Mai 1856 in Wien als Sohn eines wohlhabenden Fabrikanten, ging Anfang
der achtiger Jahre zur Bühne, trat unter dem Namen Adolf Werther u. a. auch am alten Berliner
Nationaltheater auf, übernahm später die Direktion des Stadttheaters zu Königsberg, trat aber
bald unter schweren Geldverlusten zurück.

Im Jahre 1884 finden wir ihn in Afrika, wo er mit dem Gefangenen des Mahdi, Karl Neu-
feld, zusammentraf und beinahe selbst gefangen genommen worden wäre. 1892 reist er zum ersten
Male nach Ostasien, und nun setzt sein Interesse für Ostasien ein, anfangs für Land und Leute
Japans, dann für die Kunst Japans und Chinas. Früchte der immer wiederholten Reise sind eine
Reihe von Publikationen, vor allem aber große Sammlungen von Kunstwerken. 1901 ging die
erste gegen eine Leibrente in den Besitz des Völkerkunde-Museums zu Berlin über. Fischer
erhielt den Titel Professor. 1905 — 1907 war er wissenschaftlicher Sachverständiger an der
deutschen Gesandtschaft in Peking.

Aus seinen späteren Sammlungen dachte er ein Museum ostasiatischer Kunst zu bilden
und trat deswegen 1904 mit der Stadt Kiel in Verhandlung. Als sich seine Kieler Pläne 1909
zerschlugen, trat Köln an Kiels Stelle. Fischer stellte Köln seine Sammlung und eine größere
Geldsumme zur Verfügung; Köln baut für die Sammlung Fischers ein Museum und stellt ihn
gegen Gehalt auf Lebenszeit als Direktor an. Nach seinem Tode wird seine Gattin, seine Helferin
bei allen seinen Arbeiten, sein Nachfolger. Im Jahre 1913, am 26. Oktober, wurde das Museum
für ostasiatische Kunst der Stadt Köln feierlich eröffnet. Nur kurze Zeit war es ihm vergönnt, sich
seines vollendeten Werkes zu erfreuen. Am 13. April starb er nach kurzem Krankenlager in Meran.

Fischers Publikationen, obwohl an Zahl ziemlich groß, sind nicht allzu belangreich. Eines-
teils Reiseberichte ohne besondere Tiefe oder wissenschaftlich bedeutsame Beobachtungen, andern-
teils Veröffentlichungen von Werken, die er gekauft hatte, die aber selten viel Neues brachten.
Fischer war auch kein rechter Mann der Feder oder der langsam reifenden wissenschaftlichen
Arbeit. Er war vor allem ein Praktiker, dem niemals theoretische Arbeit lag.

Auf das Aufspüren und Einkäufen von Kunstwerken war auf allen Reisen seine ganz außer-
ordentliche Energie in erster Linie gerichtet. Und wenn er wieder in der Heimat weilte, war es die
Verwirklichung seines Lebenszieles, der er jede Minute widmete, die Schöpfung eines ostasiatischen
Kunstmuseums. Niemand wird leugnen, daß es eine Tat war, die Spitzen einer Stadt, die Beamten
und die einflußreichen Persönlichkeiten für ein so ferne liegendes und gewagtes Ding, wie ein ostasia-
tisches Kunstmuseum, zu interessieren, ja zu enthusiasmieren. Als er seinen Vertrag abgeschlossen
hatte, erreichte seine Tätigkeitsfreude den Höhepunkt. Er gründete einen Museumsverein, der ihm
überraschend große Mittel zur Verfügung stellte. Er reiste wiederholt mit den neuen Mitteln zu neuen
Eroberungen nach dem Osten. Erst jetzt scheint er größere Summen für einzelneWerke aufgewandt
zu haben. Er reiste nach Amerika, um die Einrichtung des Museums zu Boston kennen zu lernen.
Er hielt Vorträge und veröffentlichte Artikel über seine Pläne und Ziele. Er arbeitete mit seinem
Baumeister die Inneneinrichtung des Museums durch und schuf hier, wie von allen Seiten anerkannt
wurde, etwas durchaus Neues und in mancher Beziehung Vollgelungenes. Die Tatsache der Grün-
dung des ersten Museums für ostasiatische Kunst, vielleicht auch die Art der Aufstellung, wird
Fischers Namen immer in der Geschichte des Museumsbetriebes bewahren.

In der großen Öffentlichkeit war Fischers Erfolg ein vollständiger. Kaum jemals wurde in
Deutschland ein kompliziertes, schwieriges Unternehmen, das doch eigentlich die Möglichkeit
vieler Standpunkte in sich trug, in der Presse so einstimmig begrüßt und gepriesen.

Es darf an dieser Stelle nicht verschwiegen werden, daß bei aller Anerkennung des Ge-
leisteten sich doch auch gewichtige Bedenken gegen Fischers Schöpfung erheben, und ganz be-
sonders gegen den Inhalt des Museums, gegen nur allzuviele in Köln gezeigte Stücke, gegen
ihre Datierung und Benennung. Leute, die die ostasiatische Kunst außerhalb der europäischen
Sammlungen kennen, haben bisher davon geschwiegen. Auf die Dauer wird sich aber die Kunst-
forschung auch dem Kölner Museum gegenüber nicht der Pflicht gerechter Kritik entziehen
können. Mag sie dann ein Opfer des Geredes von geheimen Neidern, von der Mißgunst der Zünf-
tigen gegen den Autodidakten werden, mit dem so viele Berichte über das Kölner Museum jedes
mögliche Wort des Zweifels von vornherein zu diskreditieren suchten. D. H.

BESPRECHUNGEN.

RADHAKUMUD MOOKERJI, INDIAN
SHIPPING, a History of the sea-borne
Trade and maritime Activity of the In-
dians from the earliest Times. With an
introductory Note by Brajendranath Seal.
Longmans, Green & Co., Bombay, Lon-
don and New York 1912. 8°. XXVII -f-
283 pp.

Gerade in diesen Tagen der großartigen tur-
kestanischen Entdeckungen, wo beinahe der
Anschein erweckt wird, als hätte es einstmals
nur einen Land verkehr zwischen Indien und dem
Westen und dem Osten gegeben, ist dieses Buch
besonders willkommen. Es zeigt, wie Indien
zu allen Zeiten einen starken Seeverkehr mit
dem Auslande gehabt hat, den stärksten aber
sichtlich unter den Gupta und unter Harsha, d. h.
vom IV. bis VII. Jahrhundert, also gerade in
einer Zeit, wo auch die turkestanische Kunst
blühte. Es scheint mir sehr leicht möglich,
daß die indischen Einflüsse, die China um den
Beginn der T’angdynastie trafen, dorthin auch
auf dem Seewege kamen. In dem Buche von Moo-
kerji macht die Behandlung des indischen See-
verkehrs zur Gupta- und Harshazeit natürlich
nur einen kleinenTeil aus. Denn der Verfasser be-
ginnt mit den frühesten faßbaren Nachrichten
und schließt mit der Periode der Moguldynastie.
Dementsprechend zerfallen seine Ausführungen
in sieben Abschnitte. Im ersten wird die Zeit
vor Asoka, im zweiten die Periode der Maurya,
im dritten die der Kushän behandelt. Der
vierte Abschnitt beschäftigt sich mit dem oben
bezeichneten Zeitalter. „This was the period
of the expansion of India and of much coloni-
zing activity towards the farther East.“ Es
folgt die Zeit, in der Südindien die Hauptrolle
spielte, und die muselmanische Zeit. Dem
historischen Teile geht ein allgemeiner Teil
voraus, in dem die Quellen kurz überblickt
werden. Sie rekrutieren sich aus der Sanskrit-
und Päliliteratur, dazu aus der chinesischen,

arabischen und persischen. Uns interessiert es
besonders, wenn die indische Kunst sich als
Quelle darbietet. Eine ganze Reihe von hierhin
gehörigen Abbildungen sind beigegeben, von
der Stupa von Sänchi, aus den Höhlen von
Ajantä und vor allem aus Borobudur. Auch
dem Seeverkehr Indiens mit Japan sind einige
kurze Bemerkungen gewidmet, die allerdings
kaum etwas Neues bringen. Daß Bodhidharma
nach Japan kam, ist nur eine Legende. Bod-
hisena, der 736 nach dem Inselreich übersetzte,
ist der Priester, der japanisch Bodai heißt und
als Baramon Söjö bekannt wurde. Dann wer-
den noch indische Ankömmlinge vom Jahre 799
und 800 erwähnt und auf die Autorität von
Takakusu hin wird behauptet, daß die Baum-
wolle aus Indien nach Japan kam.

Für uns ist Indien vor allem das Land tiefer
Philosophien und Religionen. Es ist gut, daß
auch einmal gezeigt wird, welche Fülle von
Abenteuerlust nötig war, um indischen Geist
über die ganze östliche Welt zu verbreiten,
welche Fülle von Gefahren zu überstehen
war, wenn man auf diesen schwachen Schif-
fen (die die Abbildungen zeigen) weite Meere
zu durchkreuzen hatte. Es ist ein erster Ver-
such, den Mookerji mit seiner Zusammen-
stellung macht. Sicherlich wird er noch nach
vielen Seiten hin zu ergänzen sein.

William Cohn.

ADMONITIONS OF THE INSTRUC-
TRESS IN THE PALACE. A Painting
by KU K’AI-CHIH, in the Department
of prints and drawings, British Museum,
reproduced in coloured woodcut. Text
by Laurence Binyon. London, printed
by order of the Trustees of the British
Museum, 1912.

Ku K’ai-chis Bilder zu den Lehren der Hof-
meisterin“ ) wurden im Jahre

1903 vom Britischen Museum erworben und im

BESPRECHUNGEN.

106

Januar 1904 im Burlington Magazine von
Laurence Binyon zum erstenmal publiziert.
Diese Bildrolle, die, als echt erwiesen, das
älteste originale Denkmal der chinesischen
Malerei für uns bedeuten würde, ist seither
wiederholt der Gegenstand kritischer Unter-
suchung und Vergleichung, der höchsten An-
erkennung ebenso wie des schärfsten Zweifels
gewesen. Sie liegt nun zum erstenmal in einer
vollständigen Veröffentlichung vor, und die
Herausgeber haben die Kosten nicht gescheut
eine Faksimile-Nachbildung in der Größe, den
Farben und der Montierung des Originals her-
steilen zu lassen. Das beigegebene Begleitheft
enthält eine Abhandlung von Binyon, die mit
Ruhe, Sachlichkeit und sympathischer Wärme
die Frage nach Gegenstand und Stil, Schöpfer,
Alter und Herkunft des Werkes noch einmal
erörtert. Der Autor sucht die vorgebrachten
Einwendungen gegen die Echtheit zu ent-
kräften und kommt zu dem Schluß, daß wo
nicht Gewißheit so doch die allerhöchste Wahr-
scheinlichkeit sich ergebe, die Bildrolle des
Museums sei Ku K’ai-chis eigenhändiges Werk.

Eine vorsichtige Abwägung aller sicheren
Argumente und aller Vergleichungsmöglich-
keiten, die heute gegeben sind, scheint mir zu-
nächst folgendes zu erweisen. Erstens: es ist
so gut wie gewiß, daß der Stil der vorliegenden
Bilder derjenige ist, welchen die chinesischen
Kenner der letzten zwei Jahrhunderte für den
Stil des Ku K‘ai-chi gehalten haben. Die Holz-
schnitte des Ku lie nü chuan und die Zuweisung
einer Steingravierung des Kung-fu-tse vom
Jahre 1 1 18 sprechen sehr dafür, daß man Werke
dieses Stils schon zur Zeit der Sung-Dynastie
dem Ku K’ai-chi zugeschrieben hat. Zweitens:
Vergleicht man die so gebildete Gruppe von
Werken — außer den genannten kommt noch
eine Bildrolle der Sammlung des verstorbenen
Tuan Fang hinzu (Kokka 253) — einerseits
mit den Flachreliefs des 2. Jahrhunderts n. Chr.
andererseits mit den buddhistischen Reliefs des
6. Jahrhunderts und mit den ältesten Resten
der Malerei in Japan, so zeigt es sich, daß der
Stil der Ku K’ai-chi zugeschriebenen Werke
in der Tat einer Zeichnungsweise völlig ent-
spricht, wie wir sie in der Mitte zwischen jenen
beiden Zeiträumen, d. h. im 4. Jahrhundert,
der Lebenszeit des Ku K’ai-chi, sich entwickelnd
vorstellen müssen. Vorausgesetzt, daß es eine
logische Entwicklung der chinesischen Dar-
stellung von Menschen und Vorgängen ge-

geben hat. Drittens: Im Hsüan ho hua p’ü
(1120) sind die Lehren der Hofmeisterin unter
den Werken des Ku K’ai-chi aufgeführt. Nach
dem Hua shih des Mi Fei (1051 — 1107) be-
fand sich eine Bildrolle mit demselben Titel
kurz zuvor im Besitz des Liu Yu-fang (Giles,
Introduction p. 19/20). Es besteht also die
Möglichkeit, ja die Wahrscheinlichkeit, daß
die Bildrolle des Britischen Museums ein Werk
uns vermittelt, das bereits im 11. Jahrhundert
als ein Werk des Ku K’ai-chi bekannt gewesen
ist. Viertens: Ihrem Erhaltungszustand wie
dem Stil der Zeichnung nach ist es unmöglich,
sie für ein Werk der letzten Jahrhunderte zu
halten. Es ist unwahrscheinlich, daß sie später
als gegen das Ende der südlichen Sung-
Dynastie entstanden ist.

Damit ist die Frage noch immer offen, ob wir
es mit einem Original des Ku K’ai-chi oder mit
einer alten Kopie oder selbst mit einer alten
Fälschung zu tun haben. Zwischen der Lebens-
zeit jenes Meisters und den Erwähnungen des
Werkes in der Sungzeit bleibt noch immer ein
Zwischenraum von 700 Jahren. Es ist Binyon
nicht gelungen, für ein höheres Alter des Gemäl-
des irgendwelche zwingenden Beweise beizubrin-
gen. Selbst die Argumente, die dafür sprechen
sollen, daß es aus den kaiserlichen Sammlun-
gen herrührt, sind herzlich schwacher Natur,
wenn man die bekannte Fälschergewandtheit
der Chinesen bedenkt. Die Brokate der Mon-
tierung sind keineswegs ungewöhnlich kostbar,
die Echtheit der Inschriften früherer Besitzer
und Kenner wäre erst zu beweisen, und ebenso
die Echtheit der zahlreich aufgedruckten
Stempel, von denen die ältesten auf die nur
allzu berühmten Sammler Sung Ch’i (998 bis
1061) und Kaiser Hui Tsung (110 — 126)
deuten sollen. Nichts ist leichter zu fälschen
als ein solcher Stempelabdruck. Die Angabe,
daß die Seide der ältesten Ausbesserungen
Sungseide, dre, auf welche das Bild ursprüng-
lich gemalt ist, noch älter sei, ist doch zu un-
bestimmt, als daß sie etwas bewiese. Die Be-
hauptung, die beigeschriebenen Textstellen, die
offenbar erst eine spätere Zutat sind, müßten
ihrer Schreibweise nach aus der T’ang-Dynastie
rühren, ist, wie mir scheint, durch nichts zu
begründen.

Das Hua p’in von Li Chih (1 1. — 12. Jahrh.)
sagt: Die alten Meister wie Ts’ao Pu-hsing
sind uns sehr ferne. Wu Tao-tse ist ein Künst-
ler verhältnismäßig neuerer Zeiten, und doch

BESPRECHUNGEN.

107

ist es unmöglich, auch nur ein einziges seiner
Werke sicher zu fassen. Wie viel schwieriger
muß es erst sein, Werke von Ku K’ai-chi oder
Lu T’an wei zu bekommen! Wenn wir, ver-
narrt in die alten Meister, behaupten: Dies
ist von Ku, das ist von Lu! so betrügen wir
nicht bloß die anderen, sondern uns selber
ebenso gut. (Giles, Introduction, p. 133.)

Wang Shih-chêng (1526 1593) äußert sich:

Ein Gemälde dauert 500 Jahre; nach 800 Jah-
ren ist der Geist entflohen, nach xooo Jahren
ist nichts mehr übrig (ibidem p. 169).

Mi Fei (1051 — 1107) schreibt: Heutzutage
sammeln die Leute Kopien nach Ku K’ai-chis
Bildern der berühmten Frauen, die unter der
T’angdynastie hergestellt wurden, um in Stein
graviert und auf Fächern nachgebildet zu
werden. Die Gestalten sind etwas mehr als
3 Zoll groß, von derselben Länge wie die auf
den „Lehren der Hofmeisterin“ im Besitz der
Familie Liu. — Er erwähnt dann eine Anzahl
Bilder seiner eigenen Sammlung, die dem Ku
K’ai-chi zugeschrieben aber in Wahrheit Fäl-
schungen (!) seien (ibidem p. 20).

Im Jahre 1225 besaß ein gewisser Wang Chu,
mit dem Beinamen Sung k’ing aus Sin-ngan
eine Bildrolle des Ku K’ai-chi oder hatte sie
in seiner Obhut, betitelt: Szenen der Güte und
Weisheit aus dem Leben der berühmten Frauen.
Von 15 Szenen waren nur 8 erhalten. Er fand
dann bei einem anderen Sammler eine Kopie
auf Papier nach demselben Werk, die 14 Szenen
enthielt, und benutzte sie, um sein Exemplar
zu vervollständigen. Ein späterer Besitzer oder
Verwahrer entfernte dann die Ergänzung wieder.
Diese Bildrolle befand sich 1644 und wahr-
scheinlich noch 1660 in den kaiserlichen Samm-
lungen. (Ed. Chavannes in T’oung Pao II, 10.
1909 p. 83—85.)

Die beiden ersten Zitate mahnen zur äu-
ßersten Vorsicht, bevor man ein Seidenrolle
für über 1500 Jahre alt erklären will, die nicht
durch eine Ausgrabung auf uns gekommen ist,
in dieser Zeit hunderte Mal den Besitzer ge-
wechselt haben und der Gefahr der Zerstörung
muß ausgesetzt gewesen sein. Die letzten
beiden Zitate beweisen, daß in der Sungzeit
zahlreiche Kopien nach Werken des Ku K’ai-
chi den Sammlern bekannt ja von ihnen ge-
sucht waren, Werken, die der Londoner Bild-
rolle nach Gegenstand und Einteilung sehr
ähnlich gewesen sein müssen. Es muß also
mit der Möglichkeit gerechnet werden, daß

auch diese selber eine solche Kopie sein kann.
Hier hätte eine genaue stilistische Untersu-
chung einzusetzen. Nun ist der Stil der Fi-
gurenzeichnung unserer Rolle offenbar nicht
derjenige der Sungzeit, sondern der Dynastien
zwischen den Han und den T’ang. Von Fi-
gurenbildern der Sungzeit innerhalb einer ähn-
lichen Aufgabe ist uns heute noch so wenig
Sicheres zugänglich, daß es kaum möglich wäre,
Elemente des späteren Stils oder den etwas
veränderten Linienduktus der jüngeren Zeit in
einer supponierten Kopie mit Sicherheit auf-
zuzeigen. Wohl aber glaube ich, daß es mög-
lich sein wird, solche ungewollte Veränderungen
an der einen Landschaft der Londoner Rolle
einmal nachzuweisen. Aber gerade hier läßt
die vorliegende Reproduktion im Stich.

Als ich das erstemal diese Rolle öffnete,
stand ich verblüfft. Waren dies die nämlichen
Bilder, die ich in ihrem Glasschrein in London
oft und lange betrachtet hatte ? Wohl schienen
es die bekannten Szenen in ihrer gleichen Folge,
wohl dieselbe Höhe des Streifens, wohl gegen-
ständlich alles dasselbe, aber wie roh und
plump wirkte alles in dieser Wiedergabe, von der
toten Schwere der Farben bis zur ungeschlach-
ten Bewegung und Gebärde der Menschen, bis
zur unfeinen Häßlichkeit der Gesichter, bis
zur ausdruckslosen Stumpfheit der Blicke!
Und welche letzte Zartheit und Verfeinerung
war dort überall spürbar gewesen! Ich habe
dann alle erreichbaren Reproduktionen nach
der Photographie verglichen, und überall zeigte
sich die unbedingte Überlegenheit selbst des
billigsten Zinkklischees über diese Faksimile-
publikation. Die Engländer waren schlecht be-
raten, als sie die Wiedergabe ihres Museum-
schatzes dem japanischen Holzschneider und
Farbendrucker blindlings anvertrauten. Er hat
nicht eine einzige Linie des Originals in ihrer
ursprünglichen Reinheit nachziehen können,
und so ist für den empfindlichen Betrachter
eine rohe Karikatur daraus geworden. Die
farbigen Tafeln der Kokka (abgesehen von den
ältesten Jahrgängen) und des Shimbi-Shoin-
Verlags sind darum unübertrefflich, nicht nur
an Schönheit, auch an unbedingter Zuverlässig-
keit, weil bei ihrer Herstellung mit dem viel-
farbigen Holzschnitt das exakte Verfahren der
Photographie verbunden wurde und die sichere
Grundlage abgab. Warum ist dies in London
nicht geschehen? Das Resultat ist, daß diese
kostspielige Publikation für den Forscher, der

BESPRECHUNGEN.

108

über stilistische Fragen Klarheit sucht, völlig
wertlos bleiben muß. Eine Wiedergabe durch
den Lichtdruck oder die Heliogravüre wäre
billiger und besser gewesen. Ist es denn nicht
die Kunstgeschichte, der mit einer solchen
Veröffentlichung vor allem gedient werden
sollte? Daß diese ihren obersten Zweck keines-
wegs erfüllt, ist ein Vorwurf, der den Trustees
des Britischen Museums nicht erspart bleiben
kann.

Otto Fischer (Göttingen).

HENRI CORDIER, Bibliotheca Japonica.

Dictionnaire Bibliographique des ouvrages
relatifs à l’Empire Japonais rangés par
ordre chronologique jusqu’à 1870 suivi
d’un appendice renfermant la liste alpha-
bétique des principaux ouvrages parus de
1870 à 1912. Publications de l’Ecole des
Langues Orientales Vivantes, 5. Série,
Tome VIII. Paris, E. Leroux. 4 °. XII S.
762 Halbseiten. 1913 (datiert 1912).
25 Francs.

Gewaltigen Umfang hat die Japan-Literatur
erreicht, zumal seit dem Emporwachsen des
Inselreiches zur neuen pazifischen Weltmacht
im letzten halben Jahrhundert; eine gar statt-
liche Masse aber bilden auch schon alle die im
16. und 17. Jahrhundert entstandenen Schrif-
ten, von denen manche heute zu den seltenen
Kostbarkeiten der Bibliotheken zählen. Einen
neuen Wegweiser durch diese schier kaum
mehr übersehbare und vielfach nur schwer zu-
gängliche literarische Hochflut wird daher
jeder mit Freude begrüßen, besonders aber,
wenn er von keinem Geringeren stammt, als
dem bewährten Altmeister der ostasiatischen
Bibliographie, Cordier, dem wir auch die große,
grundlegende ,, Bibliotheca Sinica“ verdanken.

Zwar bleibt das neue Werk, wie der Verfasser
selbst nicht unterläßt zu betonen, zurück hinter
den an eine solche Bibliographie heute zu
stellenden Anforderungen und Erwartungen;
auf eine Ausführung wie bei der ,, Bibliotheca
Sinica“ habe er aber verzichtet; vielmehr
nehme er nur einfach die 1859 von L. Pagès* 1

1 Bibliographie japonaise ou Catalogue des
Ouvrages relatifs au Japon qui ont été publiés

veröffentlichte Arbeit auf, die er nun, berich-
tigend und ergänzend, fortführe bis zur
Restauration von 1868 bzw. bis 18701.

Auch trotz dieser Selbstbeschränkung wird
der Benutzer gewiß dankbar dafür sein, daß
der Verfasser noch bei Lebzeiten für Ver-
öffentlichung des während einer langjährigen
arbeitsreichen Laufbahn emsig gesammelten
Materiales sorgt, das zum Teil aus nur den
wenigsten zugänglichen Quellen stammt und
sonst wohl der allgemeinen Benutzung leider
für immer entzogen geblieben wäre. Da das
eigentliche Werk (col. 1 — 614) nur bis 1870
reicht, so hält es der Verfasser für angebracht,
wenigstens die hauptsächlichsten der seitdem
erschienenen Arbeiten beizufügen in einem
Anhang (col. 617 — 712), für den ausdrücklich
das Streben nach Vollständigkeit verneint
wird2. Den Schluß — jedoch fürwahr last not
least — bildet ein alphabetisches, auch „Ano-
nymen“ berücksichtigendes Autorenverzeich-
nis von 22 dreispaltigen Seiten (col. 717 — 762),
das um so freudiger begrüßt sei, als die Be-
sitzer der „Bibliotheca Sinica“ ein solches
kaum entbehrliches Zubehör ja noch immer
schmerzlich vermissen. Als ein weiterer Vor-
zug gegen dieses, für manchen leider un-
erschwingliche große Werk (4 Bände: 200
Francs) sei der etwas bescheidenere Preis des
„Japonica“-Bandes (25 Francs) hervorgeho-
ben. Gleichwie die „Bibliotheca Sinica“ aber

depuis le XVe siècle jusqu’à nos jours. Paris, Ben-
jamin Duprat, 40, II, 68 S., 1859.

1 „Néanmoins les deux volumes de M. von
Wenckstern — tout en laissant à désirer fort com-
me travail bibliographique — pourront servir au
travailleur en attendant qu’une refonte complète
des matériaux soit entreprise par un homme com-
pétent. J’ai donc renoncé — ayant d’ailleurs
d’autres ouvrages en préparation que — vu mon
âge — je n’aurai sans doute pas le temps de ter-
miner — à donner une Bibliotheca Japonica sur
le plan de la Bibliotheca Sinica; je reprends simple-
ment dans ce volume le travail de Pagès, publié en
1859, et je le conduis, en le corrigeant et en l’aug-
mentant, jusqu’à la révolution de 1868 ou mieux
jusqu’en 1870“ (S. VI).

2 „J’ai cru utile d’ajouter en appendice à cette
bibliographie une liste des principaux ouvrages sur
le Japon, publiés depuis 1870“ (S. XI) . . „Cet
appendice, qui n’a nullement la prétention d’être
complet, est un choix d’ouvrages qui ne sera d’ail-
leurs pas inutile à ceux mêmes qui possèdent la
bibliographie de M. von Wenckstern, qui s’arrête à
1906“ (S. XII).

BESPRECHUNGEN.

109

zeichnet sich auch das neue Buch aus durch
die oft ziemlich umfangreichen Verzeichnisse
der einzelnen Briefe in den Sammlungen der
Sendschreiben sowie durch die reichlich bei-
gefügten bio- und bibliographischen Angaben
über einzelne Persönlichkeiten und Werke, ein
Wissensgebiet, auf dem die Kenntnisse des
Verfassers wohl von keinem anderen annähernd
erreicht werden. Das sehr beachtenswerte
Vorwort endlich (S. V — XII) umfaßt eine
Übersicht über die gesamte Literatur, die als
Hilfsmittel für die bibliographische Japan-
Forschung in Betracht kommt, wie sie in so
sachkundiger und reichhaltiger Weise bisher
wohl noch nirgends dargeboten worden ist.
Lebhafte Beachtung erregen werden hier die
anziehenden Einzelheiten über die Persönlich-
keit Pagès' ( 1 8 1 4 — 1886) , über sein literarisches
Wirken im allgemeinen wie über die unver-
öffentlicht gebliebene, neu bearbeitete Ausgabe
seiner Japan-Bibliographie im besonderen und
über die reichen Schätze seiner Bibliothek
(S. VI — VIII). Dem hohen Ansehen, in dem
die von niemand bestrittenen Verdienste eines
Gelehrten vom Range Cordiers stehen, würde
es aber sicher keinen Abbruch getan haben,
wenn er hier der Arbeit des auf diesem Gebiete
zu seinem Vorgänger gewordenen Wenckstern
in weniger geringschätzigem Tone gedacht
hätte1. Denn nicht viele, die sich ernsthaft mit
Japan beschäftigen, dürfte es geben, die nicht
voll warmer Anerkennung in den beiden Bän-
den W encksterns ein wertvolles, ja unentbehr-
liches Werk erblicken, das eine nur durch mit
seltener Hingabe gepaarten, jahrelangen gründ-
lichen Fleiß zu erzielende Leistung darstellt2.

Einen der wichtigsten Gesichtspunkte bei

1 ,,En 1895, M. Fr. von Wenckstern faisait
paraître une bibliographie du Japon dont le Dr. G.
Schlegel a montré quelques-unes des nombreuses
fautes qu’il ne me convient pas de perdre mon
temps à signaler. Toutefois il en est une fort grave,
c’est celle de s’être contenté de reproduire en fac-
simile — procédé facile de bibliographie — la
bibliographie de Pagès et de donner simplement la
bibliographie moderne. Il est vrai que dans un
second volume, supplément du précédent, M. Fr.
von Wenckstern s’est efforcé de compléter et de
corriger Pagès; il n’a réussi qu’à embrouiller le
lecteur“ (S. V— VI).

2 Näheres über das Werk und seine Vorzüge in
meiner Besprechung in den Jahresberichten der
Geschichtswissenschaft 30 (1907), III, S. 41 1- -413,
N. 454.

Beurteilung der Brauchbarkeit einer Biblio-
graphie bildet die Art der Einteilung des Stof-
fes, und schwerlich gelingt es hierbei irgend
jemand, es allen recht zu machen. Cordier
glaubt, ohne großen Nachteil die von Pagès
angewandte chronologische Reihenfolge bei-
behalten zu können, da ja bis 1870, abgesehen
etwa von Kämpfer, Thunberg, Siebold usw.,
besonders aber im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert,
die meisten der Schriften über das Inselreich
sich eigentlich nur auf ein einziges Sachgebiet
bezögen, die christliche Mission in Japan, und
die Nachteile der chronologischen Anordnung
durch den schon rühmend anerkannten Index
gutgemacht würden1. Hätte es sich aber dann
nicht empfohlen, das ganze, in dieser glänzen-
den, fast lückenlosen Fülle zum ersten Male
beigebrachte Material zur Geschichte der Mis-
sion zu einem besonderen Hauptabschnitt zu
vereinigen, den nur ziemlich knappen, wenn
auch durchaus nicht bloß auf Autoren wie die
genannten beschränkten Rest jedoch lieber
dem „Appendice“ beizufügen? Am dienlich-
sten freilich wäre es gewesen, den gesamten
Stoff, einschließlich des Anhangs, in eine kleine
Zahl sachlich gegliederter Hauptabschnitte
anzuordnen2. Gerade dieses Verfahren bildet
ja einen der Vorzüge des Wencksternschen
Werkes, mit genau dessen 24 Abteilungen man
deshalb noch nicht durchweg einverstanden zu
sein braucht. Der wesentliche Vorteil aber,
schon durch bloßes Durchblättern einer meist
nicht gar zu großen Zahl von Seiten sich rasch
einen Überblick über die Gesamt-Literatur
eines bestimmten Sondergebietes verschaffen
zu können, geht bei der chronologischen An-
ordnung gänzlich verloren. Bei dieser aber
vermag man, auch vermittelst des ja gewiß
sehr dienlichen Indexes, überhaupt nur dann
das Gesuchte zu finden, wenn man wenigstens
den Namen des Autors oder bei den Anonymen

1 „Les ouvrages dans la bibliographie de Pagès
sont rangés dans l’ordre chronologique que j’ai
conservé sans grand inconvénient, car sauf les
livres de Kaempfer, Thunberg, Siebold, etc., la
plupart des livres publiés sur le Japon jusqu’à
1870, surtout au XVIe et au XVIIe siècles, sont
relatifs à l’histoire des Missions chrétiennes dans
l’Empire du Soleil levant. Un index alphabétique
remédie aux inconvénients de l’ordre chronologi-
que“ (S. VII).

2 Z. B. etwa: Geschichte, Religion, Recht, Wirt-
schaft, Kunst, Kultur, Literatur, Erdkunde und
Naturgeschichte.

BESPRECHUNGEN.

I io

das betreffende Stichwort kennt, eine gewiß in
vielen Fällen leider nicht zutreffende Voraus-
setzung.

Sicher sind alle diese Übelstände niemand
klarer als dem Verfasser selbst. Erfreulicher-
weise scheut er sich daher auch gar nicht, hier
und da aus dem engen Maschennetze der chro-
nologischen Anordnung herauszuschlüpfen, in-
dem er zwischen die Jahreszahlen eine Reihe
von Sonderstichworten hineinflicht. So be-
ginnt das Werk nicht etwa, wie man doch ver-
muten sollte und wie es auch bei Pagès der
Fall war, mit unserer ältesten Quelle über
Japan, den Ausgaben der Werke Marco Polos,
sondern mit einer, übrigens erstaunlich reich-
haltigen, Literatur über das früher meist mit
Amerika identifizierte chinesische Fabelland
,,Fu-sang“ (col. i — 7) L Hieran reihen sich
zwei kürzere Abschnitte, und zwar „Les Chi-
nois“ (col. 7 — 9), wo die Beziehungen zwi-
schen China und Japan sowie chinesische Be-
richte über Japan zusammengestellt werden,
und ,,Les Arabes“ (col. 9 — 10), mit einigen
arabischen Quellen über Japan. Erst dann
kommen Marco Polo und daran anschließend,
unter dem Stichwort „Zipangou“ (col. 24 — 26),
Arbeiten über den Mongolenangriff im 13. Jahr-
hundert sowie Beiträge zur Geschichte der Ent-
deckung und der Kartographie Japans. All
diese Schriften, von denen man viele gerade
an jener Stelle bei chronologischer Reihenfolge
wohl kaum suchen würde, stehen der Mis-
sionsgeschichte übrigens nicht weniger fern
als die in dieser Hinsicht allein vom Verfasser
genannten Arbeiten Kämpfers, Thunbergs und
Siebolds. Solche Sonderstichworte von klei-
nerem oder größerem Umfange folgen im
Laufe des Werkes noch häufig, wie z. B. „Pre-
mière Ambassade Japonaise (1582 — 1590)“
(col. 94 — 104) und „Saint François Xavier“
(col. 127 — 186). Aus welchem Grunde die
Werke über diesen 1552 gestorbenen ersten
Jesuiten in Japan (1549 — 1551) nebst seinen
Briefen erst auf die Jahreszahlen 1591 — 1592
folgen, ist freilich nicht recht klar; der un-

1 Hinzuzufügen wäre hier noch der recht be-
achtenswerte neueste Beitrag zu dieser Frage von
japanischer Seite, der Fu-sang, wie übrigens vor
8 Jahrzehnten schon Klaproth, in den Südosten
Japans verlegt: Ryozaburo Sa kaki. Une nouvelle
interprétation du pays de Fou-sang; Verhand-
lungen des XVI. Internationalen Amerikanisten-
Kongresses zu Wien 1908, Band I (1910), S. 35 — 50.

erhebliche Umstand, daß die erste Ausgabe
seiner Biographie von Torsellini von 1594
datiert, kann doch wohl kaum dafür maß-
gebend sein, um so mehr als nach Xavier
Sendbriefe von 1582 kommen. All diese Son-
derabschnitte wie überhaupt sämtliche Artikel
des Hauptwerkes beschränken sich übrigens
nicht etwa auf die bis zum Jahre 1870 erschie-
nenen Werke allein, sondern umfassen die
überhaupt über die betreffenden Persönlich-
keiten oder Ereignisse erschienenen Beiträge
bis zur Gegenwart; im „Appendice“ kommen
daher, trotz des Vermerkes im Titel, alle jene
Werke von nach 1870 nicht vor. Wesentlich
erleichtert wäre die Benutzung der Einrich-
tung solcher Sonderstichworte, wenn sie in
einem Verzeichnisse übersichtlich zusammen-
gefaßt würden, eine gewiß kleine Mühe.

Was die Außenländer anbetrifft, so hat der
Verfasser Formosa und Korea, da bereits in
der „Bibliotheca Sinica“ behandelt, mit Vor-
bedacht hier nicht berücksichtigt, abgesehen
von mit Japan verknüpften Einzelheiten, wie
Hendrik Hamei und Psalmanazar; dagegen
beabsichtigt er in bezug auf Ryükyü- und Bo-
nin-Inseln möglichst vollständig zu sein (S. X) ;
leider sind die betreffenden Werke aber nicht
vereinigt zu besonderen Stichworten und daher
etwas mühsam aufzufinden.

Im „Appendice“ ist der bis zum Jahre 1912
gesammelte Stoff nicht chronologisch geglie-
dert, sondern alphabetisch. Er stellt in der
Tat eine sehr erwünschte Zugabe dar, wenn
auch nicht wenige über den, entsprechend dem
schon erwähnten ausdrücklichen Verzichte des
Verfassers auf Vollständigkeit, ziemlich knap-
pen Inhalt von nur 50 Doppelspalten (col.
617 — 712) etwas enttäuscht sein und gerade
manche der ihnen besonders wichtig und her-
vorragend erscheinenden Werke vermissen
werden. Von welchem Grundsatz sich der
Verfasser selbst bei seiner Auswahl leiten ließ,
bleibt unerwähnt. Über den höheren oder ge-
ringeren Grad von Wichtigkeit eines Werkes
wird Einstimmigkeit ja natürlich nie zu er-
reichen sein. Auf Lücken oder Sonderwünsche
hier näher einzugehen, erübrigt sich daher;
doch sei wenigstens erwähnt, daß das voll-
ständige Fehlen eines Namens wie Baelz und
aller der einzig dastehenden Prachtwerke des
Kunstverlages Shimbi Shoin (wie die verschie-
denen Sammlungen von „Meisterwerken“ ost-
asiatischer Kunst, das „Shösöin“-Werk und

BESPRECHUNGEN.

die ,, Tempelschätze“) in einer „Bibliotheca
Japonica“ peinlich berührt.

Ein hoher Grad von Undankbarkeit gegen
das im großen und ganzen doch sehr dienliche
und mühsame Werk wäre es aber, vielleicht
nur um Mängel festzustellen, den Nachdruck
gerade auf die verschiedenen, hier vorgebrach-
ten Einwände zu legen. Wer selbst irgendwie
sich mit bibliographischen Bestrebungen be-
faßt hat, wird am besten beurteilen können,
wie schwer solche Übelstände zu vermeiden
sind. Gerade aber wegen der hohen Bedeu-
tung, die Referent dem vorliegenden Werke
beimißt, glaubt er bei dem ernsten Interesse
der Leser dieser Zeitschrift an einem so wich-
tigen Hilfsmittel der japanologischen Wissen-
schaft durch seine näheren Ausführungen
ihnen die Benutzung zu erleichtern. Lediglich
aus diesem Grunde und mit Hinblick auf eine
spätere Neuausgabe gestattet er sich, auch
nachstehend noch auf einige Einzelheiten hin-
zuweisen, die ihm bei Durchsicht des Werkes
aufgefallen sind und deren Klarstellung man-
chem seiner Benutzer vielleicht zweckdienlich
sein dürfte1 * * * * & *. Nachod.

HENRI P. BOWIE. ON THE LAWS
OF JAPANESE PAINTING, an Intoduc-
tion to the Study of the Art of Japan.
With prefatory Remarks by Iwaya Sa-
zanami and Hirai Kinza. Illustrated.
Paul Edler and Co., San Franzisco.

Es sind Vorlesungen verarbeitet, die der Autor
vor verschiedenen kalifornischen Gesellschaften
hielt. Bowie lebte vom Jahre 1894 an neun

1 Unter den Schriften des 16. Jahrhunderts ver-
misse ich die älteste abendländische Quelle über die
zuerst nach Japan gelangenden Portugiesen: Tra-
tado que compôs o nobre & notauel capitäo An-
tonio Galuao, dos diuersos & desuayrados camin-

hos, por onde nos tempos passados a pimenta &

especearia veyo da India as nossas partes, &

assim de todos os descobrimentos antigos e moder-

nos, que sào feitos até a era de mil & quinhentos

& cincoenta. Corn os nomes particulares das

pessoas que os fizeram: & em que tempos e as

suas alturas, obra certo muy notauel & copiosa.
Herausgegeben von Francisco de Sousa Tavares,
Lissabon, 1563, bei Joham de Barreira (betr. Stelle
s. S. 75/76). — Works issued by the Hakluyt
Society, Band 30: The Discoveries of the World,
from their first original unto the year of our Lord

Jahre als Maler in Japan und war Schüler
japanischer Meister, z. B. von Torei Nishigawa
in Kyöto und von Shimada Sekkö und Shimada

1555, by Antonio Galvano, Governor of Ternate.
Corrected, quoted, and published in England, by
Richard Hakluyt (1601). Now reprinted, with the
original Portuguese Text. Edited by Bethune, Lon-
don, 1862, IV, 242 S. Die englische Übersetzung
allein ist vorher abgedruckt in A collection of
voyages and travels (Harleian Collection), Band 2,
S. 353—402, London, fob, 1745.

Col. 43—46. Zu der zuerst 1555 in Lissabon
veröffentlichten Sammlung von Jesuitenbriefen ist
noch hinzuzufügen eine französische Ausgabe, die
wegen des irreführenden Titels wohl in der „Biblio-
theca Sinica“ (II, col. 791), aber nicht hier auf-
geführt ist: L’institvtion des loix, covstvmes et
avtres choses merueilleuses & mémorables tant du
Royaume de la Chine que des Indes contenues en
plusieurs lettres missiues enuoyées aux Religieux
de la compagnie du nom de Iesus. Traduictes
d’Italien en Françoys. Paris, Sebastien Nyuelle,

1556, 160, I, 119 Doppelseiten.

Col. 76 — 77. Einige der von Satow, Jesuit Mis-
sion Press (N. 1 — 3), beschriebenen Werke in ja-
panischer Sprache aus der Jesuiten-Druckerei zu
Amakusa aus den Jahren 1591 — 1592 sind hier
irrtümlich in die Jahreszahl 1579 — 1581 hinein-
geraten. Doch kehren dieselben Werke dann noch
einmal mit annähernd gleichen Vermerken an der
richtigen chronologischen Stelle, col. 125 — 126,
wieder.

Col. 272 — 273, Sonderstichwort „Mexique“. Zu
den hier angeführten Arbeiten über die Bezie-
hungen Japans zu Mexiko am Anfang des 17. Jahr-
hunderts sind, abgesehen von dem in „Documen-
tes ineditos ... de America y Oceania,“ Band 8
(1867) veröffentlichten Tagebuche von Vizcaino
(vgl. Jahresberichte der Geschichtswissenschaft 29,
III, § 65, S. 337—338). hinzuzufügen:

Angel Nunez Ortega, Noticia histörica sobre las
relaciones politicas y comerciales habidas entre
México y el Japon durante el siglo XVII. Mexiko,
1879. Das sehr seltene Büchlein ist abgedruckt im
„Diario Oficial“ von Mexiko, Band 29, N. 61,
9. Sept. 1893.

M. S. (vermutlich Steichen ) Relations officielles

entre le Japon et l’Espagne au sujet du Mexique,
au 16e siècle. Mélanges Japonais 2 (1905),

S. 234 — 241.

Col. 276 — 279. Zu den Beziehungen Japans mit
England, Sonderstichworte John Saris und Richard
Cocks,, hinzufügen:

N. Murakami, Diary of Richard Cocks, Cape-
merchant in the Englisch factory in Japan,
1615 — 22. 2 Bände, Tokyo, The Sankösha, 1899.
LII, 439, 455 S., 8 Yen. Neudruck nach der von
E. M. Thompson gelieferten Ausgabe, Band 66

I 12

BESPRECHUNGEN.

Bokusen in Tökyö. Er hat sich also vor allem
mit der Kunst der japanischen Gegenwart be-
schäftigt. So sind auch die historischen Teile

und 67 der Hakluyt Society Publications, London
1883, LIV, 349, 368 S.

N. Murakami und K. Murakama, Letters writ-
ten by the English residents in Japan 1611 — 23
with other documents on the English trading
settlement in Japan in the 17th century. Tokyo,
The Sankösha, 1900, XXVI, 307 S., Yen 3.50.

Col. 280 — 285, Sonderstichwort „Deuxième Am-
bassade Japonaise“. Es fehlt die wohl fast lücken-
lose Sammlung aller Urkunden über die Gesandt-
schaft, zusammengestellt von N. Murakami in
Dai Nihon Shiryö (Geschichtliches Material über
Japan), Teil XII, Band 12, Tökyö 1909, XII, 476 S.
europäischer Text; IV, 564, 2 S. japanischer Text.

— Irrtümlich hineingeraten in dieses, die Gesandt-
schaft des Daimyö von Sendai (in Rom 16x5) be-
treffende Stichwort ist eine Arbeit von V alenziani
über die in gar keinem Zusammenhang hiermit
stehenden vier Gesandtschaften des Daimyö von
Aidzu, Gamö Ujisato, nach Rom in den Jahren
1584 — 1592 (col. 285). Es fehlt aber ein weiterer
Aufsatz Valenzianis hierüber: Nuovi particolari
sulle ambasciate segrete inviate a Roma dal prin-
cipe Gamö Ujisato, feudatario di Aidzu nel Giap-
pone sullo scorcio del secolo XVI. Rendiconti della
Reale Accademia dei Lincei, Classe di science mo-
rali, storiche e filologiche, Serie Quinta, Vol. IV,
S. 229 — 235. Rom, 1895.

Col. 290. Bei den sog. Gesetzen des Shögun
Ieyasu fehlt die wichtige deutsche Ausgabe:

O. Rudorf), Tokugawa-Gesetzsammlung, Mit-
teilungen der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Natur-
und Völkerkunde Ostasiens, Supplement zu Band V,
1889, 9 und 149 S. — Ferner

J. Carey Hall, Japanese Feudal Laws III, The
Tokugawa Legislation, Part 1 — 3. Transactions
of the Asiatic Society of Japan 38 (1911), Part 4,
S. 269—331.

Col. 421. Stichwort „Sidoti“. Die eine Über-
setzung aus dem „Seiyo Kibun“ von Arai Hakuseki
steht hier, zwei andere aber col. 581 ohne ent-
sprechenden Hinweis. — Gänzlich fehlt:

L. Lönholm, Arai Hakuseki und Pater Sidotti.
Mitteilungen der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Natur-
und Völkerkunde Ostasiens VI (1894), S. 149 — 189.

Col. 506. Hildreth, Japan, as it was and is. Nur
2 Ausgaben und diese ohne die bibliographischen
Einzelheiten wie Seitenzahl u. dgl., sind angeführt.
Gänzlich fehlt die beste Ausgabe mit Richtigstel-
lung der japanischen Bezeichnungen und Bei-
fügung der chinesischen Zeichen:

R. Hildreth, Japan as it was and is. Edited with
supplementary notes by K. Murakawa. Tökyö,
Sanshüsha, 1902, 611 S., Yen 3.50; 2. Auflage 1905,
S Yen.

seines Buches sehr oberflächlich und mager.
Weit reicher und interessanter ist das, was er
über den gegenwärtigen Kunstbetrieb erzählt
und über die Regeln, die noch heute für die
Maler alten Stiles in den Ateliers gültig sind.
Das zweite Kapitel ist der japanischen Kunst
im allgemeinen gewidmet. Die alten Schulen
werden auf nur zwei Seiten behandelt, etwas aus-
führlicher einige neuere Maler, wie Hashimoto

Col. 513 — 516, Stichwort M. C. Perry. Es fehlt
die letzte deutsche Ausgabe:

A. Wirth und A. Dirr, Die Erschließung Japans.
Erinnerungen des Admirals Perry von der Fahrt
der amerikanischen Flotte 1853/4. Bibliothek
denkwürdiger Reisen 2 (1910), Hamburg, Guten-
berg-Verlag, 376 S., 6 Mark.

Col. 573 578. E. M. Satow. Bei Kinse Shiriaku

(col. 574) fehlt die Neuausgabe:

Revised edition, with supplementary notes bv
Shuziro I Vatanabe. Tökyö, 1906, Naigwai Shup-
pan Kyokwai, VII, 178 S., 1/2 Yen.

Col. 642 — 643. Bei dem wichtigen Handbuche
Things Japanese von Chamberlain fehlen die stark
vermehrten letzten beiden Ausgaben, und zwar die
4. von 1902 (545 S.) sowie die 5. von 1905 (552 S.).

Col. 657 — 659. Karl Florenz. Die bibliographi-
schen Einzelheiten über die 1. Ausgabe von Teil III
des Nihongi sind nicht ganz vollständig. Die er-
heblich abgeänderte 2. Ausgabe in Oktav fehlt
ganz: Japanische Annalen A. D. 592 — 697. Ni-
hongi. Von Suiko-Tennö bis Jitö-Tennö (Buch
XXII XXX), Tökyö, 1903, LVIII, 422 S. —
Ebenso vermißt man den sehr wichtigen Aufsatz:
Die staatliche und gesellschaftliche Organisation
im alten Japan. Mitteilungen der Deutschen Ge-
sellschaft für Natur- und Völkerkunde Ostasiens
V (1892), S. 164 — 182.

Col. 660. Hier hat ein loser Streich des Setzer-
kobolds einen ganz neuen Autor „Ma“ geschaffen,
den es natürlich gar nicht gibt. Es handelt sich
um das Werk „Le Bouddhisme Japonais“ von
Fujishima (Vorname Ryauon). Vermutlich in der
Maschinenschrift des Manuskriptes oder im Satz
des Druckers ist hier unglücklicherweise das
zweite „i“ in dem Namen „Fujishima“ aus-
gefallen. So ist ein Verfasser „Ma“ mit den Vor-
namen Ryauon Fujish entstanden, wie er auch im
alphabetischen Index (col. 741 — 742) aufgeführt
ist, wogegen man den wirklichen Namen „Fujishi-
ma“ natürlich vergeblich hier sucht.

Bei einer Anzahl Werke findet der Leser einen
Stern, ein Zeichen, das im Vorwort nicht erklärt
wird und vermutlich, wie bei der „Bibliotheca
Sinica“, bedeuten soll, daß der Verfasser die be-
treffende Schrift nicht aus eigenem Augenschein
kennt.

Codenummer.

BESPRECHUNGEN.

Gahö f 1908, einer der bedeutendsten moder-
nen Meister, und das Ukiyoye. Einige seiner
Urteile über den Farbenholzschnitt seien hier
wiedergegeben: ,,A print is a lifeless produc-
tion, and it would be quite impossible for a
Japanese artist to take prints into any serious
consideration. They rank no higher than cut
velvet scenery and embroidered screens.“ Die
Holzschnitte sind „the joint production of the
artist, the wood engraver, the color smearer
and the printer“; „and that is one reason why
the artist-world of Japan objects to or ignores
them“. „It is well known that artists of the
Ukiyoe school frequently indicated only by
written instructions how their outline drawings
for the prints should be colored.“ „Frequently
more than one engraver was employed upon a
single print.“ Das dritte Kapitel behandelt die
Gesetze für den Gebrauch des Pinsels und der
übrigen Materialien, wie Seide, Papier, Tusche,
Farben, das vierte, fünfte und sechste die
Regeln, die für die Wahl und Darstellung der
verschiedenen Motive maßgebend sind. Diese
Abschnitte dürften die für den Europäer wich-
tigsten des Buches sein. Es wird geschickt aus-
geführt, wie scharfe Gebundenheiten den Weg
des japanischen Malers bestimmen. Auf diesen
Vorschriften gerade beruht u. a. ja der ungeheure
Kopistenbetrieb in Ostasien und ebenso die
Schwierigkeit für Europäer, Gutes und Schlech-
tes zu scheiden. Auch in der europäischen
Kunst gab es zu allen Zeiten eine Reihe von
Vorschriften, denen die Maler folgten. Niemals
aber wurden sie in dem Maße kodifiziert wie
in Ostasien. Viele sehen darin einen Grund,
ostasiatische Malerei prinzipiell abzulehnen.
Sie verfallen aber nur in jenen unausrottbaren
Fehler, sich nicht klarzumachen, welches die
Ziele und Absichten einer Kunst sind. Wenn
in der japanischen Malerei bestimmte Gesetze
bei der Wahl des Motives, bei der Behandlung
der Berge, Felsen, Wellen, Kleider, Blumen
aller Art usw. bestehen, so muß der Wert eines
Bildes darin liegen — nicht daß die Gesetze be-
obachtet — sondern wie sie beobachtet und mit
künstlerischemLeben erfüllt werden. Das künst-
lerische Leben ostasiatischer Malerei ist kon-
zentrierter und weniger an der Oberfläche
liegend als das europäischer Malerei. Die hier
angedeuteten Gesichtspunkte berücksichtigt B.
allerdings kaum, er begnügt sich mit der Aufzäh-
lung und Kommentierung, immerhin ausführ-
licher, als es in einem europäischen Buche

bisher geschah. Er geht auch nur wenig darauf
ein, daß wohl alle in Japan beobachteten Regeln
der Malerei aus China stammen. Wenn Petruc-
cis Übersetzung des Kie tze yüan hua chuan
vorliegen wird, wird das leicht bis ins Einzelne
verfolgt werden können. Im letzten Kapitel
wird über Signaturen und Siegel kurz gespro-
chen. 66 Tafeln sind dem Werke beigegeben,
von der Hand des Shimada Sekkö. Sie illu-
strieren gut die Ausführungen des Verfassers,
zeigen aber vor allem, wie wenig die Einhaltung
von Regeln und Gesetzen auch in Japan mit
dem innersten Wesen der Kunst zu tun hat.

William Cohn.

JAPANISCHE INDUSTRIEARBEIT.

Eine wirtschaftswissenschaftliche und
kulturhistorische Studie von Dr. oec.
publ. E. A. HEBER, Licencié en sciences
sociales. (Probleme der Weltwirtschaft.
Schriften des Instituts für Seeverkehr
und Weltwirtschaft an der Universität
Kiel. Herausgegeben von Prof. Dr. Bern-
hard Harms. VII.) Jena 1912. VIII und
282 S.

Ein schweizerischer Ingenieur, der drei Jahre
lang in seinem Berufe in Japan tätig war und
eine gründliche national-ökonomische Bildung
besitzt, widmet der Vergangenheit und Gegen-
wart der japanischen Industriearbeit eine eben-
so eingehende wie einsichtsvolle Untersuchung.
Die ersten beiden Kapitel geben eine historische
Übersicht über den mittelalterlichen Hand-
werksbetrieb, die Anfänge des Kapitalismus
und die in Konkurrenz mit dem Auslande bis
jetzt durchgeführte Industrialisierung Japans
mit Beziehung auf die Lage der Arbeiter. Dann
folgt in drei Kapiteln eine Beschreibung der
Arbeitsorganisation und Arbeitstechnik, wobei
zugleich statistische Daten für die Entlohnung
der Arbeitnehmer gegeben werden. Am aus-
führlichsten ist, wie leicht erklärlich ist, die
Besprechung der „Großindustrie“ (S. 54 — 121).
Darunter versteht der Verfasser außer Bergbau
und Hüttenwesen die Textilindustrie, Maschi-
nenindustrie, den Schiffsbau und die modernen
Fabrikationsweisen von Zündhölzern, Glas,
Zucker, Bier, Papier usw., durch die die euro-

BESPRECHUNGEN.

päische Konkurrenz allmählich aus dem Lande
gedrängt werden soll. Die ungünstigen und
zum Teil menschenunwürdigen Bedingungen,
unter denen die Arbeiter und Arbeiterinnen in
diesen Betrieben fast durchgängig beschäftigt
und entlohnt werden, treten auf Grundlage
des sorgfältig verarbeiteten statistischen Mate-
rials erschreckend hervor. Sie machen es ganz
erklärlich, warum die heimliche Flucht von
der Arbeitsstätte und der Widerwillen der
Japaner gegen die Maschinenarbeit so allge-
mein verbreitet sind. Zugleich bietet dieses
Kapitel allerlei technologische und wirtschafts-
geschichtliche Informationen. Namentlich die
Ausführungen über Bergbau und Hüttenwesen
(S. 85 — 96) und über Metallverarbeitung, Ma-
schinenindustrie und Schiffsbau (S. 96 — 109)
sind sehr lehrreich. Der Verfasser sieht die
Eisenindustrie als die Achillesferse der japani-
schen Wirtschaft an, sucht aber den Grund
ihrer Rückständigkeit nicht in dem Mangel
an einheimischen Eisenerzen, sondern in der
Unzulänglichkeit der modernen japanischen
Metallarbeiter und Ingenieure. Das vierte
Kapital ist der Heimarbeit gewidmet, die in
Japan über 10 Millionen Arbeiter beschäftigen
soll, also viel zu weit verbreitet ist. Für sie
war das statistische Material viel schwieriger
zu beschaffen, so daß sich der Verfasser in
seinem vierten Kapitel (S. 122 — 132) sehr kurz
faßt. Ausführlicher wird im fünften Kapitel
,,die Arbeit im japanischen Kunstgewerbe“
behandelt, obgleich der Wert der Gesamtpro-
duktion auf diesem Gebiete 25 Millionen Yen
schwerlich überschreitet und die Ausfuhr darin
kaum 3% des Gesamtexportes ausmacht. Der
Verfasser hat diesem Gegenstände eine beson-
dere Studie gewidmet, die den Titel führt ,,Über
Technik und Ökonomie des japanischen Kunst-
fleißes“. Es ist eine Geschichte des japanischen
Kunstgewerbes in nuce, die uns S. 133 — 162
geboten wird. Aus dem Überwiegen des de-
korativen über das konstruktive Element, dem
geringen Interesse für die plastische Form als
natürlichem Ergebnis der Qualitäten des Stoffes
leitet der Verfasser viele Schwierigkeiten beim
Übergang zur fabrikmäßigen Herstellung von
Gebrauchsartikeln her. Das mangelnde Ver-
ständnis für Statik hält er dagegen für keine
ursprüngliche japanische Charaktereigenschaft,
da ihm die alten Shintotempel in dieser Be-
ziehung einwandsfrei erscheinen. Auf Grund-
lage dieser geschichtlichen und beschreibenden

Übersicht der industriellen Betätigung des
japanischen Volkes läßt der Verfasser in drei
Kapiteln eine Untersuchung über den Wert-
faktor der japanischen Arbeit in Konkurrenz
mit der europäischen folgen. Er schätzt die
Durchschnittsleistung des japanischen moder-
nen Industriearbeiters auf weniger als die
Hälfte oder sogar ein Drittel der Durchschnitts-
leistung der europäischen Arbeiter ein. Sie
erscheint deshalb nach Verhältnis ihres Er-
trages nicht gar zu schlecht bezahlt, aber bei
den hohen Preisen der Lebensmittel und der
künstlichen Verteuerung durch Steuern, Mono-
pole und Zölle ist sie leider so gering, daß sich
der japanische Lohnarbeiter dabei unmöglich
bei Kräften erhalten kann. Die japanische In-
dustrie treibt Raubbau an der Volkskraft und
beschäftigt Frauen und Kinder in einem Um-
fange, wie er sonst nirgends auf der Welt vor-
kommt. Die Kurzsichtigkeit, mit der es die
japanischen Fabrikanten dazu gebracht haben,
daß das Erziehungs- und Lehrlingswesen immer
schlechter wird, und daß die Versuche des
Staates, wenigstens die Anfänge eines Arbeiter-
schutzes und einer Arbeiterwohlfahrtspflege
einzuführen vereitelt worden sind, wird im
9. und 10. Kapitel ernst und ruhig ausein-
andergesetzt. In einem Schlußkapitel wird der
psychologische Grund für die sozialen Rück-
stände in der japanischen Industrie aufgezeigt
und ein Vorschlag zur Besserung gemacht.
Nach dem Verfasser hatte die technische Ent-
wicklung in Japan dahin geführt, daß dem
Arbeiter seine Arbeit Selbstzweck war, während
sie im Maschinenzeitalter, das keine Stimmungs-
arbeit duldet, nur Mittel zum Zweck sein kann.
Die Überleitung zu der unentbehrlichen neuen
Auffassung ist aber sehr schwierig; nach An-
sicht des Verfassers kann sie nur gelingen,
wenn zunächst der Ernährungszustand des
japanischen Industriearbeiters verbessert, für
eine gründliche Fachausbildung des Nach-
wuchses gesorgt und mit Hilfe des Patriotis-
mus das Verantwortlichkeitsgefühl des Arbei-
ters und seine Pflicht zur Ausdauer bei ein-
töniger Arbeit stärker betont wird. Dazu muß
der Staat durch ein besseres Schulsystem und
eine vernünftige Fabrikgesetzgebung, ein groß-
zügiges Unternehmertum aber durch Erhöhung
der Löhne und bessere Behandlung der Arbeiter
Zusammenwirken. Weil beides noch fehlt, er-
klärt sich in Japan das schnelle Fortschreiten
und der gefährliche Charakter der sozialisti-

BESPRECHUNGEN.

sehen Bewegung, die durch scharfe Unter-
drückung nach dem jetzigen Rezept der Re-
gierung nicht wieder zu beseitigen ist.

Der Verfasser begnügt sich nicht damit,
seine eigene Auffassung darzulegen, sondern
geht auf die Urteile aller ernst zu nehmenden
Beobachter der wirtschaftsgeschichtlichen und
kulturhistorischen Fragen ein, die auf sein
Thema bezug haben. Er liefert uns daher die
beste Behandlung des schwierigen Problems,
das für Japan so folgenschwer sein kann und
in Europa in den letzten Jahren ein immer
steigendes Interesse gefunden hat.

Ludwig Rieß (Berlin).

SHÖSHÖ HAKKEI , Tökyö, Privat-
druck der Dökökwai.

Mit zu dem schönsten Besitz der reichen
Sammlung des Viscount Akimoto in Tökyö ge-
hört das Album mit den „Shöshö Hakkei“ ge-
nannten Landschaften, die den Stempel des Kei-
shoki (Shökei) tragen. Ob sie wirklich von diesem
berühmten japanischen Meister, der in der zwei-
ten Hälfte des 15. Jahrhunderts lebte, stammen,
ist schwer zu kontrollieren. Authentische Land-
schaften von Keishoki sind ja äußerst rar.
Wie dem auch sei, das Album des Viscount
Akimoto muß zweifellos zu den eindrucksvoll-
sten Schöpfungen der Ashikagazeit gerechnet
werden. Die Dökökwai hat es in mustergültigen
Lichtdrucken herausgegeben und auch in der
äußeren Ausstattung dem Vorbilde angeglichen.
Da es sich um monochrome Bilder handelt, so
kommen die Reproduktionen dem Originale
fast bis zur Ununterscheidbarkeit nahe. Es
muß immer wieder betont werden, daß ein
solches Reproduktionswerk weit mehr von den
Wesen und den Schönheiten japanischer Ma-
lerei enthüllt, als schlechte moderne Fälschun-
gen und Kopien. Jedem Japanreisenden sei
dringend empfohlen, für sich selbst oder als

Erinnerung für seine Angehörigen lieber Wie-
dergaben der wirklichen Meisterwerke des
Landes zu kaufen, für relativ billiges Geld, als
sich von Händlern wertloses Zeug zu hohen
Preisen aufschwatzen zu lassen. Kein vernünf-
tiger Mensch, der nach Italien reist, kommt
heute auf den Gedanken, Originale mit nach
Hause bringen zu wollen; jeder begnügt sich
mit Photos. In Japan liegen die Dinge nicht
viel anders als bei uns. Aber Wiedergaben
japanischer Bilder haben den Vorzug, den Ein-
druck des Originales meist in viel adäquaterer
Weise hervorzurufen, als es bei europäischen
Gemälden möglich ist. Einer so entzückenden
billigen Herausgabe eines Werkes in Album-
form wie es diese Shöshö Hakkei sind, kann
man in Europa nicht allzuvieles an die Seite
stellen.

Shöshö Hakkei, das sind die 8 Landschafts-
szenen aus der Umgebung der chinesischen
Flüsse Hsiao und Hsiang. Es handelt sich
nicht etwa um Naturstudien, sondern um
stereotype Stimmungsbilder. In der spätenT’ang-
zeit (9. — 10. Jahrh.) mag das Motiv entstan-
den sein, das nun hunderte Male in China und
Japan behandelt wurde. Als man in Japan sich
auf sich selbst zu besinnen begann, machte
man aus der „Shöshö Hakkei“ „Ömi Hakkei“.
Man wählte die Szenen vom Biwasee in Omi
in Japan. Aber sehr verändert hat sich das
Motiv gegen früher nicht. In prachtvoller
Prägnanz, unter Aufwendung winziger gra-
phischer und szenischer Mittel ziehen pano-
ramamäßig die zartesten Landschaften vor-
über. Eine Figur, ein Boot, ein Vogelschwarm,
ein Häuschen, ein Tempel unterstreichen die
beabsichtigte Stimmung etwas schärfer. Eine
wunderbare Tonigkeit liegt über jedem Blatt,
die zartesten luftperspektivischen Wirkungen
werden erzielt, ohne daß sich der Meister je
von den Gesetzen wissenschaftlicher Perspek-
tive hätte binden lassen. William Cohn.

ZEITSCHRIFTENSCHAU.

(Nur die in das Stoffgebiet der O. Z. fallenden Aufsätze werden zitiert. Um eine möglichst vollstän-
dige Übersicht über die Zeitschriftenliteratur zu ermöglichen, werden die Herren Autoren um Ein-
sendung von Separatabzügen oder um Hinweise auf ihre Ostasien betreffenden Arbeiten gebeten.)

ARCHIV FÜR RELIGIONSWISSEN-
SCHAFT (I/II 1914).

HANS HAAS, Religion der Japaner 1909/13.
Literaturbericht.

DER CICERONE (Heft 4, 5, März 1914).

0. MÜNSTERBERG, Chinesische Kunst in
Amerika. (25 Abb.)

DIE GEGENWART (Jan.).

MAX R. FUNKE, Wesen und Geschichte der
japanischen Kunst (vgl. S. 130).

KUNST UND KÜNSTLER (XII 4).

CURT GLASER, Chinesische Skulpturen.
Bemerkungen über die Ausstellung Perzyriski.

DESGL. (XII 5).

CURT GLASER, Ein Museum ostasiatischer
Kunst.

Bemerkungen über das Kölner Museum.

DIE KUNSTWELT (III 6).

F. BALTZER, Chinesische Architektur.

(7 Abb.)

MITTEILUNGEN DES SEMINARS FÜR
ORIENTALISCHE SPRACHEN AN D.
KGL. FR.-W.-UNIVERSITÄT ZU
BERLIN (XVI, Ostasiatische Studien).

CHING DAO WANG, Die Staatsidee des Kon-
fuzius und ihre Beziehungen zur konstitu-
tionellen Verfassung.

ANNA BERNHARDI, Chinesische Frauen-
namen.

W. LIMPRICHT, Im Garten von China.
(20 Abb.)

Reise durch die in Tschekiang liegenden Berg-
züge Tien mu schan und Tientai.

W. LIMPRICHT, Eine Durchwanderung der
Wutaischanketten. (20 Abb.)

Besprechung von Münsterberg, Chinesische
Kunstgeschichte. Band II. (Ernst Boersch-
mann.)

Im allgemeinen anerkennend.

ZEIT IM BILD (8. Jan.).

DR. BERGER, Chinesische Holzreliefs.

(5 Abb.)

Stücke aus der Sammlung des Barons G. von
Mehring. „Der Stil der Reliefs, nach dem man
ihre Entstehungszeit bestimmen könnte, weist
in eine ziemlich frühe Periode, ob aber in die
Zeit des Kaisers Kang-hi im 17. Jahrh. oder
noch in die Mingzeit soll nicht mit Sicherheit
behauptet werden.“

ENGLAND UND AMERIKA.

THE BURLINGTON MAGAZINE (Ja-
nuary 1914).

ANANDA K. COOMARASWAMY, Hands
and Feet in Indian Art. (14 fig., 1 pl.)

,,. . even in moments of deepest passion, the
faces of gods and men are not distorted, but
retain an amazing serenity, while the mo-
vement of thought is seen in swift and direct
movements of -the limbs.“

DESGL. (March).

R. L. HOBSON, Sung and Yüan Wares in
a New York Exhibition. (1 pl.)

„All the principal types of Sung and Yüan
wares, as at present understood, are represented
in the New York exhibition, which, I should
state, has been formed under the auspices of the
Japan Society and housed in the Knoedler Gal-
leries — all excepting the unobtainable Ju Chou
ware.“

ZEITSCHRIFTENSCHAU.

THE JOURNAL OF THE R. A. S. (Ja-
nuary 1914).

A. H. FRANCKE, Notes on Sir Aurel Stein’s
Collection of Tibetan Documents from Chi-
nese Turkestan.

BARON A. v. STAËL-HOLSTEIN, Was there
a Kusana Race?

„...Kusa (not Kusana) was the correct
name of the warlike race that gave Kaniska
to the Buddhist world.“

Varendra (F. J. Monahan).

Vgl. Kl. Mitt.

The Brahmanic and Kshatriya tradition
(A. Berriedale Keith).

Date of the Bharaut stupa sculptures (L.
A. Waddell).

„The more trustworthy evidence thus, in
the absence of dated inscriptions, points to the
bulk of the Bharaut inscribed sculptures dating
to the early Mauryan period of about Asoka’s
own time and so takes us back to General
Cunningham’s original estimate, that they “are
certainly not later than B. C. 200”, or, as we
may put it more positively, that they belong
to the third century B. C.”

Sur l’aridité et la secheresse du Turkestan
(E. Blochet).

Wie alte Quellen beweisen, regnete und
schneite es in Turkestan häufig.

THE JOURNAL OF INDIAN ART AND
INDUSTRY (Jan. 1914).

T. H. HENDLEY, Indian Museums (14 pl.).
History of Museums. The Eastern Museum
— a House of Wonders. Migration of Cu-
rios. History of Museums. Publications of
Museums. The Collections of Indian Princes.
The Planning of a Museum in India and the
Arrangement of its Contents. Indian Mu-
seums. Museums in Native States. London
Museums.

THE MODERN REVIEW (Calcutta, Ja-
nuary 1914).

SAMARENDRANATH GUPTA, The Classic
Art of Ajanta. II. (3 fig.)

The Artists: “Art was then an offering, not
an enjoyment; and the artists were not mere
artisans but bhaktas — devotees who offered the
best productions of their sadhana — constant de-
votion and practice — before the altar of their

117

faith and belief, leaving their works unsigned,
happy perhaps in the thought that their iden-
tity would be lost in their art, like devotees
losing the identity of their self in the consecra-
ted love and devotion of their Adored One.”
The Process used in the Paintings: “These facts
will sugest that the paintings at Ajanta were
more likely distemper paintings by nature than
frescoes.”

GAURANGA NATH BANDYOPADHYAY,

History and Archaeology.

Allgemeine Bemerkungen, Bemerkungen
über indische Archäologie und wie sie bisher
von den Engländern betrieben wurde. „But
yet the archaeology of India is at present an
almost unworked field, and we may say with
the eminent Indianist that India suffers to-
day on the estimation of the world more
through the world’s ignorance of the achieve-
ment of the heroes of Indian history than
through the absence or insignificance of such
achievements.”

DESGL. (Febr.).

S. GUPTA, The Classic Art of Ajanta III.
(8 fig.)

Pose and Grace of Figures: “Those who are
enthusiasts about the physical phase and the
technical laws of the modern art of painting,
those who hover in the materialised enclosure
of perspective and anatomy only, will perhaps
find it difficult to understand and appreciate
these magnificent works of inspiration in which
the spirit of suggestion and not mere represen-
tation was chiefly emphasised.”

DESGL. (March).

ABANINDRANATH TAGORE, Indian Icono-
graphy (22 pl.).

Interessante Ausführungen des trefflichen
indischen Malers über die in den Shastra fest-
gelegten Proportionen und charakteristischen
Vergleiche der menschlichenKörperteile mitBlu-
men, Blättern, Vögeln, Fischen, Muscheln. „Art
is not for the justification of the Shilpa Shastra,
but the Shastra is for the elucidation of Art.”
“What foolishness is it to imagine that a figure
modelled after the Shastras, would gain us a
passport, through the portals of art, into the
realms beyond where art holds commerce with
eternal joy.”

ZEITSCHRIFTENSCHAU.

1 18

BOSTON MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS
BULLETIN (Dec. 1913).

Exhibition of Additions to the Ross-Col-
lection. (D. W. R.).

Vgl. Kl. Mittl.

DESGL. (Febr. 1914).

An Introduction to the Special Exhibition
of Japanese Art of the Ukiyo-é School.
(J. E. L.) 6 fig.

TRANSACTIONS OF THE R. A. S. OF
JAPAN (XLI 3).

D. C. GREENE, Osada’s life of Takano Naga-
hide. Translated and edited with an intro-
duction.

DESGL. (XLI 4).

W. L. SCHWARZ, The Great Shrine of
Idzumo: some notes on Shinto, ancient and
modern.

FRANKREICH.

BULLETIN DE LA COMMISSION AR-
CHÉOLOGIQUE DE L’INDOCHINE
(1913, ire Livraison).

Procès-verbaux.

M. C. CADIÊRE, Mémoire de Bénigne Va-
chet sur la Cochinchine.

Bénigne Vachet naquit à Dijon en 1614.

BULLETIN DE L’ÉCOLE FRANÇAISE
D’EXTRÊME-ORIENT (XIII 3).

JEAN COMMAILLE, Notes sur la Décoration
Cambodgienne. (49 pl.)

«Il est incontestable que les temples de l’an-
cien Cambodge présentent avec ceux de l’Inde
méridionale, dans leur ossature et leurs orne-
ments, quelques analogies, mais personne n’ose-
rait affirmer une étroite filiation entre les pro-
ductions artistiques de ces deux pays.» «On
arrive ainsi à cette présomption que les archi-
tectes et les décorateurs d’Ankor ont voulu faire
œuvre personelle en s’affranchissant de lois
surannées et en modifiant d’une manière radi-
cale l’enseignement qu’ils tenaient de leurs
pays d’origine.» «...considéré dans son en-
semble, le travail des décorateurs d’Ankor se
tient dans un rang très honorable, et nous ré-
sumerons notre appréciation personelle par ces

quelques mots: excellence de l’ornementation
végétale, mais pénurie de motifs; intensité de
vie dans les bas-reliefs légendaires et juste ob-
servation du mouvement, mais mauvaise inter-
prétation de l’académie humaine; médiocrité
générale dans les sujets sculpturaux, sauf pour
le Nâga, qui est la seule des inventions cam-
bodgiennes que l’on ait à retenir comme figure-
type d’une époque et d’un art.»

BULLETIN DE LA SOCIÉTÉ FRANCO-
JAPONAISE DE PARIS (Oct.-Janv.,
XXXI— XXXII).

RAYMOND KOECHLIN, Kiyonaga, Buncho,
Sharaku.

Torii IV Kiyonaga; Ippitsusai Buncho; Uta-
gawa Toyoharu; Kitao Shighemâsa; Kitao Ma-
sanobu ; Kitao Keisaï Masayoshi ; Katsukawa
Shuncho; Toshusai Sharaku.

MARQUIS DE TRESSAN, Documents Japo-
nais relatifs à l’Histoire de l’Estampe.

I. Origines de l’estampe. II. Beni-e et Uru-
shi-e. III. Les Origines de la gravure en cou-
leurs.

LÉON FARAUT, Yeutchi Shuncho au Salon
d’Automne.

TYGE MÖLLER, Chronique des Ventes.

GAZETTE DES BEAUX-ARTS (Avril).

V. GOLOUBEW, Li Long-mien. (9 fig.)
Was bisher in Europa meist als Arbeit des

Meisters galt, wird als Kopie erkannt; auch
die neuerdings von R. F. Martin publizierte
Bildrolle, die eine Kopie von Li Long-mien
nach Wu Tao-tse sein soll. Dagegen wird Mar-
tins Hinweis auf die Verwandtschaft einiger
Teile dieser Bildrolle mit Zeichnungen Botti-
cellis zur Divina Comedia für fruchtbar ge-
halten.

REVUE DE L’ART ANCIEN ET MO-
DERNE (Mars).

RAPHAEL PETRUCCI, Kou K’ai-tche,
peintre chinois du IVe siècle.

T’OUNG PAO (Oct. 1913).

W. W. ROCKHILL, Notes on the relations
and trade of China with the eastern archi-
pelago and the coasts of the Indian ocean
during the fourteenth century.

ZEITSCHRIFTENSCHAU.

DESGL. (Déc. 1913).

ED. CHAVANNES, Note sur de prétendus
bas-reliefs de l’époque Han.

Vergl. Kl. Mitteil.

JAPAN.

BIJUTSU SHUEI (22, November 1913).

Chinesische Süd-Schule.

LIU CHIH (Ming) , Landschaft. Sg.

Hara, Yokohama.

T’ANG YIN, Landschaft. Sg. Nakane, Tökyö.
WÊN CHIA 3Cj| (Ende Ming), Landschaft.
Dies. Sg.

YEH TAO-PÊN (Ming), die 9 Weisen

vom Shang-Berge. Sg. K. Takahashi, Tökyö.
PA-TA-SHAN-JÊN, Landschaft. Sg. Hata,
Osaka.

WANG TO 3:1? (Ende Ming bis Anfang
Mandschu), Landschaft. Sg. Kuwana, Kyöto
MEI CH’ING (Mandschu), Landschaft.
Dies. Sg.

CH‘A SHIH-PIAO, Landschaft. Sg. K. Wa-
da, Tökyö.

WANG SHIH-KU TÜfUS- (Anfang Mand-
schu), Landschaft. Sg. M. Okazaki, Tökyö.
LO MU WAk, Landschaft. Sg. T. Nishimatsu,
Köbe.

THE KOKKA (No. 282).
WALL-PAINTINGS IN JAPANESE DWEL-
LINGS.

UNBEK. MEISTER DES 14. JAHRH., Sze-
nen aus dem Leben von Honen Shönin.
Samml. Graf Tokugawa, Tökyö.

KANO TANNYU, Szenen aus dem Landleben.
Samml. Marquis Tokugawa, Tökyö.
YAMAGUCHI SOKEN (1759—1818), Die
schöne Ch’u Lien-hsiang.

SUN CHÜN-TSE zugeschrieben, Landschaft.
Samml. Graf Tokugawa, Tökyö.
WATANABE SHIKÖ, Strom. Samml. Hi-
guchi, Osaka.

Die östliche Pagode des Taimadera.

DESGL. (No. 283).

THE SOGA SCHOOL OF PAINTING.
IWASA SHOI, Isemonogatari. Samml. Na-
bekura, Tökyö.

SHIH YUI TTia, Ning Ch’i auf einer Kuh, I
K’uan pflügend. Samml. Marquis Tokugawa.

119

TSUBAKI CHINZAN, Hahnenkamm und
Insekten. Samml. Yoshida, Tökyö.
MARUYAMA ÖKYO, Drachen. Kwanchi-
in, Tökyö.

CHÊNG MAO-YAO, Landschaft. Samml.
Nishikawa, Köbe.

ELFKÖPFIGE KWANNON, Yakushiji, Ya-
mato.

SOGA SHÖHAKU, Chang Liang. Samml.
Takamine, Tökyö.

KÖKOGAKU ZASSHI (IV 4, Dezember

I9I3-)

H. SAKURAI, Grundideen für das Studium
der Kostümgeschichte. II.

DESGL. (IV 5, Januar 1914).

A. GOTO, Über die altertümlichen Charak-
tere auf Schildkrötenschalen und Tierkno-
chen aus Gräbern in Honan.

DESGL. (IV 6, Februar 1914).

GOTO, Charaktere auf Schildkrötenschalen
und Tierknochen II.

DESGL. (IV 7, März 1914).

GOTO, Charaktere auf Schildkrötenschalen
und Tierknochen. III.

T. IWAI, Inschriften auf Monumenten in
Kyöto. IX.

KOTTO ZASSHI (66, Dezember 1913).

K. MAËDA, Kritik der Takumameister.

W. UMEZAWA, Die Nan-pin- und Nan-
t’ien-Schule.

DESGL. (67, Januar 1914).

S. ÖMURA, Der Vogelfederschirm des Shö-
söin. W. UMEZAWA, Die Nan-p’in- und
Nant’ien-Schule. II.

DESGL. (69, März 1914).

K. SAWAMURA, Wandgemälde.

H. TAKENOUCHI, Netsuke II.

S. HATA, Chinesischer Gemäldehandel und
die Sg. Tuan Fang.

NIHON BIJUTSU (178, Dezember 1913).

Y. KUWABARA, Kennerschaft von Schwert-
zieraten. VII.

BÜCHERSCHAU.

(Alle Büchersendungen direkt oder durch Vermittlung des Verlages Oesterheld & Co.,
Berlin W 15 an Dr. William Cohn, Berlin-Halensee, Kurfürstendamm 97/98.)

OSTASIEN.

KUNST.

E. FENELLOSA, L’Art en Chine et au Japon
Adaption par Gaston Migeon. Paris 1913.
154 P-

VERSCHIEDENES.

W. BARTHOLD, Die geographischen und
historischen Forschungen des Orients mit
besonderer Berücksichtigung der russischen
Arbeiten. Aus dem Russischen übersetzt von
E. Bamberg-Figulla. Mit einem Geleitwort
von Martin Hartmann. Leipzig 1913. 8°.
XIV und 225 pp. Quellen und Forschungen
zur Erd- und Kulturkunde, herausg. von
R. Stübe, Band VIII.

MÉMOIRES CONCERNANT L’ASIE ORIEN-
TALE (Inde, Asie Centrale, Extrême-Orient),
publiés par l’Académie des Inscriptions et
Belles-Lettres sous la Direction de M. M.
Senart, Barth, Chavannes, Cordier. Tome
premier. Leroux, Paris 1913. 40. 138pp.
63 pl. Pr. fr. 25.

INDIEN, INDOCHINA, MALAISIEN.

KUNST.

ANANDA K. COOMARASWAMY, The Arts
and Crafts of India and Ceylon. Containing
225 Illustrations. T. N. Foulis, London and
Edinburgh 1913. 8°. XXII and 252 pp. Price
6 s.

H. DUFOUR ET C. CARPEAUX, Ruines
d’ Angkor: Le Bayon d’ Angkor Thom. Le-
roux, Paris 1914. Textband und Atlas von
251 Tafeln. 4 °. Preis 100 fr.

G. SANDERSON, Types of modem Indian
buildings at Delhi, Agra, Allahabad, Luck-
now, Ajmer, Bhopal, Bikanir, Gwallior, Jai-
pur, Jodhpur and Udaipur. 93 pl. Allahabad
I9I3- 4°-

C. M. VILLIERS STUART, Gardens of the
Great Mughals, with 40 full page Illustra-
tions. Adam and Charles Black, London
1913. 8°. Pr. 12 s. 6 d.

R. B. WHITEHEAD, Catalogue of Coins in
the Panjab Museum, Lahore. Vol. I.: Indo-
Greek Coins. Vol. II: Coins of the Mughul
Emperors. Clarendon Press, Oxford 1914.
XII und 218 S., 20 Tafeln bzw. CXV und
441 S., 21 Tafeln. Geb. 20 s. und 50 s.

RELIGION UND PHILOSOPHIE.
ARTHUR AND ELLEN AVALON, Hymns
to the Goddess. Translated from the Sanskrit.
Luzac &Co., Londoni9i3. 8°. IX and 178pp.
J. N. FARQUHAR, The Crown of Hinduism.
Oxford University Press 1913. 8°. 469 pp.
A. ROUSSEL, Idées réligieuses et sociales
de l’Inde ancienne d’après les légendes du
Mahâbhârata (Sabhâ-Parva). Louvain 1914.
8°.

J. S. SPEYER, Die indische Theosophie. Aus
den Quellen dargestellt. H. Haessel, Leipzig
1913. 8°. 366 S. Preis br. M. 6, geb. M. 7,50.
TANTRIC TEXTS, Edited by Arthur Avalon.
Vol. I. Tanträbhidhäna with Vija-Nighantu
and Mudrä-Nighantu. Edited by Täränätha
Vidyäratna. Luzac &Co., London 1913. 8°.
TANTRIC TEXTS, Edited by Arthur Avalon.
Vol. IL Shatchakra Nirüpana and Pädu-
käpanchaka. Edited by Täränätha Vidyä-
ratna. Luzac & Co., London 1913. 8°.

SPRACHE UND LITERATUR.

V. SH. APTE, The practical Sanskrit-Eng-
lish Dictionary. Containing appendices on
Sanskrit prosody and important literary and
geographical names in the ancient history
of India. 2. ed., revised and enlarged. Bom-
bay 1912. 8°.

A. HILLEBRANDT, Lieder des Rgveda.
Übersetzt. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göt-
tingen 1913. Quellen der Religionsgeschichte
Band V.

VERSCHIEDENES.

J. D. ANDERSON, The Peoples of India.
University Press, Cambridge 1913. 16 °. X
and 1 18 pp., 2 maps. The Cambridge Manuals
of Science and Literature.

BÜCHERSCHAU.

ADHÉMARD LECLÈRE, Histoire du Cam-
bodge, depuis le ier siècle de notre ère. Paul
Geuthner, Paris 1914. 8°. XII et 547 pp.
A. H. FOX STRANGWAYS, The Music of
Hindostan. Clarendon Press, Oxford 19 14. 8°.
XII and 364 pp. Illustrations.

CHINA, TURKESTAN, TIBET.

KUNST.

ERNST BOERSCHMANN, Die Baukunst und
religiöse Kultur der Chinesen. Band II.
Gedächtnistempel. Mit 212 Bildern im Text
und 36 Tafeln. Georg Reimer, Berlin 1914.
40. XXI und 288 S. Preis br. M. 36, geb.
M. 42.

EDOUARD CHAVANNES, Mission Archéo-
logique dans la Chine Septentrionale. Tome I
Première Partie. La Sculpture à l’Époque
des Han. Ouvrage publié sous les auspices
du Ministère de l’Instruction publique et de
l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres.
Vol. XIII. Publications de l’école française
d’extrême Orient. Ernest Leroux, Paris 1913.
8°. 288 p. pl. 489—543.

F. R. MARTIN, Zeichnungen nach Wu Tao-
Tze aus der Götter- und Sagenwelt. Gr. Quer-
Folio. Bruckmann, München 1913. Titel-
bild und 50 Tafeln. V und 12 S. Preis M. 250.

RELIGION UND PHILOSOPHIE.
DAISETZ TEITARO SUZUKI, A Brief Hi-
story of Early Chinese Philosophy. Probst-
hain & Co., London 1914. 188 pp. Pr. 5 s.

SPRACHE UND LITERATUR.
MAURICE COURANT, La Langue chinoise
parlée. Grammaire du Kwan-Hwa septen-

12 I

trional. Leroux, Paris; Rey, Lyon 1913.
8°. XVII et 384 S.

VERSCHIEDENES.

D. CARRUTHERS. Unknown Mongolia. A
Record of Travel and Exploration in North-
West Mongolia and Dsungaria. London 1913
2 vols. With illustr. 8°. 688 pp. Pr. £ 1 8 s.
F. H. CHALFANT, Ancient Chinese coinage.
Reprint. London 1913. 40.

E. STANFORD, Atlas of the Chinese Em-
pire. Prepared for the China Inland Mission.
With 22 maps. 40. London 1913.

JAPAN UND KOREA.

KUNST.

CHANOYU KAMA ZUROKU
(Bilder von eisernen Kesseln für das Chanoyu).
Herausgegeben von der Gießergesellschaft.
30 Tafeln Folio. Tokyo, Shüseidö 1914.
Preis 2,30 Yen.

VERSCHIEDENES.

KUROITA, Kokushi no Kenkyü [S1JË05ÏÏ
% (Studium der japanischen Geschichte).
2. Auflage, 1. Teil. 336 S. Tökyö, Bunk-
waidö 1913. Preis 1,30 Yen.

MARQUIS DE LA MAZELIÊRE, Le Japon.
Histoire et Civilisation. Vol. 6. Le Japon
Moderne. La Transformation du Japon.
Avec 8 illustrations et 1 carte. Librairie
Plon, Paris 1913. 16 °.

F. S. G. PIGGOTT, The Elements of Sosho.
1914. 8°. 378 PP-

KATALOGE.

BÜCHER.

J. GAMBER, Paris Vie, 7 Rue Danton.
L’Orient. Catalogue 77. Darunter Chine,
Japon, Corée, Indo-Chine, Siam, Laos, Indes,
Thibet. 3470 Numéros.

PAUL GEUTHNER, Paris Vie, 13 Rue Jacob.
India. Catalogue 58. 1914. Part the Second.
No. 1772 — 3566.

DESGL. Ephémérides Bibliographiques
XXXVIII, darunter Asie Centrale, Extrême-
Orient, Inde Ancienne et Moderne. No. 3580
— 3597! 3856—3988; 3988—4010.

DESGL. Ephémérides Bibliographiques,
XXXIX, darunter Asie Centrale, Extrême-
Orient, Inde Ancienne et Moderne. No. 4580
— 4610; 4771—4885; 4950—4975-
OTTO HARRASSOWITZ, Leipzig. Bericht
über Neuerwerbungen. Neue Serie Nr. 13.
Januar 1914. Darunter III. Orientalische
Publikationen. No. 2896 — 3069.

LIST & FRANKE, Leipzig, Talstr. 2. Anti-
quariats-Katalog Nr. 440. Orientalia. 2403
Nummern.

LUZACS Oriental List and Book Review.

BÜCHERSCHAU.

London, 46 Great Russell Street. Nos. 11
to 12. Nov.-Dez. 1913.

MORICE’S ORIENTAL CATALOGUE No. 21,
1914. London W. C., 9 Cecil Court, Charing
Cross Road. British India and the Near East,
China, Japan, The Far East. 1251 Numbers.
J.-B. MULOT, Paris, 71 Rue Saint-Jacques.
No. 62. Orientalia. Extrême-Orient. 886
Numéros.

PAUL RITTI, Paris, 76 Avenue du Maine.
Bulletin mensuel. 40 Numéros.
VERSTEIGERUNGEN.

CERAMIQUE CHINOISE, Emaux de Can-
ton, émaux cloisonnés etc. 480 Numéros.
29 — 30 Dec. Paris, Portier.

JAPANESE INRO, LACQUER, SCREENS,
SWORDS, ETC. CHINESE CARPETS, POR-
CELAIN etc. 306 lots. 26th Jan. London,
Glendining.

JAPANESE COLOUR PRINTS, BOOKS,
KAKEMONO, CHINESE DRAWINGS. 292
lots. 29th — 30th Jan. London, Sotheby.
ANTIQUE CHINESE PORCELAIN AND
PICTURES. 1457 lots. Febr. 24th — 26th.
London, Eastwood & Holt.
CHINA-SAMMLUNG, ALTE JAPANISCHE
und Ostasiatische Kunstgegenstände u. a.
II. Teil der Kollektion des Herrn Guido Witt-
sack 765 Nummern (8 Tafeln). 26. — 27.
Febr. Frankfurt a. M. Rudolf Bangel.
CHINESE PORCELAIN, Snuff Bottles, Ena-
mels etc. Japanese Netsuke, Swords etc.
236 lots. London, Glendining.

OBJETS D’ART D’EXTREME-ORIENT, Cé-
ramique, Laque et Bois sculptés etc. 161 Nu-
méros. 5 Mars. Paris, Portier.

OLD CHINESE CARPETS AND RUGS,
88 lots (7 pi.). 13th of March., London,
Sotheby.

COLLECTION DE MONSIEUR STEIN,
ESTAMPES JAPONAISES, SURIMONO etc.
16 et 17 Mars. 516 Numéros. Paris, Portier.
THE COLLECTION OF JAPANESE CO-
LOUR PRINTS, DRAWINGS AND CURIOS,
FORMED BY THE LATE ALFRED EAST.
495 lots. 17th of March. London, Sotheby.
COLLECTION CERF, CERAMIQUE, BRON-
ZES, BOIS SCULPTES etc. 375 Numéros.
23 Mars. Paris, Portier.

ANTIQUE CHINESE PORCELAIN etc. 815
lots. March 25th and 26th. London, East-
wood & Holt.

CERAMIQUE, BRONZE, EMAUX, PEIN-
TURES CHINOISES etc. 260 Numéros.
28 Mars. Paris, Portier. 1

BLUE AND WHITE CHINESE PORCE-
LAIN, JAPANESE LACQUER, CHINESE
CARPETS AND RUGS. 540 lots. (5 pi.).
Mar. 31, 31. London, Glendining.
JAPANISCHE FARBENHOLZSCHNITTE
UND HANDMALEREIEN aus dem Besitze
eines norddeutschen Sammlers. 348 Num-
mern. 4. April. Berlin, Max Perl.
EUROPÄISCHE UND EXOTISCHE WAF-
FEN aus Berliner und anderem Besitz.
653 Nummern. 5 Tafeln. 5., 6. April. Ber-
lin, Rudolf Lepke.

ANTIQUITÄTEN, GEMÄLDE, Nachlässe und
Sammlungen: -j- Konsul Jacoby, Lübeck,

Dr. Falcione Nandor, Ungarn u. a. 640 Num-
mern (12 Tafeln). 21., 22. April. Lübecker
Kunst- Auktions- Haus, Cornelius C. M. Mi-
chaelson.

MUSEEN UND AUSSTELLUNGEN.
THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART.
SPECIAL EXHIBITION OF CHINESE PAIN-
TINGS from the Collection of the Museum.
Catalogue by John C. Ferguson. New York
1914. XV + 72 pp., 15 plates.
CHINESISCHE GEMÄLDE AUS DER
SAMMLUNG DER FRAU OLGA-JULIA
WEGENER, Berlin. Galerie A. Flechtheim,
Düsseldorf, vom 7. März bis Mitte April
1914. 35 S.

UTSTALLNING AF KINESISK KONST OCH
KONSHANDTVERK i STOCKHOLM 1914.
VI + 97 S., 525 No., 20 Tafeln.

VERSCHIEDENES.

ERNST ARNOLD, Dresden, Schloßstr. Preis-
verzeichnis japanischer Original-Farben-
holzschnitte. 72 Nummern.

JOHNSTON & HOFFMANN, Photographers,
Calcutta, 22 Chowringhee Road, Catalogue
of Views of India. 66 pp.

RICHARD HOLSTEIN, Berlin W9, König-
grätzerstr. 2. Altchinesische Bronzen, Töp-
fereien, Porzellane und Bilder. Sammlung
F. Knuth, Tsinanfu.

PALAZZO VENDRAMIN-CALERGI (Vene-
dig), Katalog zur Liquidation der Sammlung
weiland Sr. Königl. Hoheit des Prinzen
Heinrich von Bourbon, Grafen von Bardi.
Freihändiger Verkauf. 16 S. Text, 19 Tafeln.

VERSTEIGERUNGSBERICHTE.

(Für die Beschreibungen und Bestimmungen sind allein die Kataloge verantwortlich.)

ENGLAND. (Preise in englischen Pfund.)

JAPANESE COLOUR PRINTS, BOOKS
AND KAKEMONO. Jan. 29, 30. (So-
theby, London).

COLOUR PRINTS (147 lots) : 21. HARU-
NOBU, Viewing the Moon. 12. 10. — 23. Ki-
nuta no Tamagawa. 10. 5. — 20. HARU-
SHIGE, Niken Cha-ya no Hana. 20. 10.
KAKEMONO: 181. HOKUSAI, Ame-no

Uzume no Mikoto and Saruta-hiko. 5. 2. 6.

— 204. YEISHIN School, A Mandara of
Amida with Seishi etc. 16th Cent. 24.
TOTAL: 397.

CHINESE PORCELAIN, SNUFF BOTT-
LES, ENAMELS, EMBROIDERIES etc.
Febr. 23. (Glendining, London).

91. Rhinoceros horn cup. 6. — 98. Beaten
copper, gilt figure of a Tara with jewelled
necklace, Southern Tibetan work. 4. 5.
124. Large bronce urn, the details inlaid
silver. 6. 15. — 128. Lacquer story-teller’s
desk. 8. 5. — 153. Flambé vase. 10. 10.
159. Blue and white rouleau vase. 6. 15.

— 180. Imperial Yellow silk dress. 9. —

OLD CHINESE CARPETS AND RUGS.
March 13. (Sotheby London).

14. A carpet, with a shaded yellow and pink
field (7 ft. 7 by 5 ft. 6). 30. — 23. A carpet
with a warm apricot field (8 ft. 4 by 7 ft.
5V2). 45- (hi.) — 47. A rug, shaped as a
tiger’s skin (9 ft. 7 by 3 ft.). 29. (111.) —
49. A carpet, with a chrome field (10 ft. 6
by 6 ft.). 28. — 51. A carpet, with a pale
yellowish field (14 ft. 7 by 6 ft. 9). 69. -
52. A carpet, with a persimmon red field
(8 ft. by 5 ft. 4). 33. (111.) — 56. A carpet,
with a warm apricot field (8 ft. 10 by 6 ft.).
36. (111.) — 61. A thick carpet, the field in
a warm ripening apricot tint (11 ft. 5 by
7 ft. 10). 90. 71. A carpet, with a pale

apricot field (10 ft. 2 by 6 ft. 2). 49.

81. A carpet, with a warm apricot field (8 ft.
2 by 5 ft. 5). 42. —

TOTAL 1300. 14. 0.

JAPANESE COLOUR PRINTS, DRA-
WINGS AND CURIOS, Coll. Sir Alfred
East. March 1 7. 1 8. 1 9. (Sotheby, London).

5. KIYOSHIGE (Torii), Hashirakake. 7. 5.

40. UTAMARO, A princess going to Archery
Practice. 5. 5. — 68. TOYOKUNI, Spring
Blossoms. 5. — 81. KUNISADA, Chiushin-
gura, Act VIII. Triptych. 3. 3. — 78. HO-
KUSAI, Riuto Shoto, “The Pine Wave at
Riuto. 3. 3. — 95. Ejiri. 3. 12. — 102. Gai-
fu Kaisei, “Breeze, Fine Weather”. 15. 10.

103. Yama shita Haku-u, “White Moun-
tain under Rain”. 11. 10. — 108. Totomi
Sanchu. 5. 10. — 121. Sochu Shichi-ri-ga-
hama. 9. 10. — 165. Snow on the Sumida
River. 7. — 167. Kwa Cho. 7. — 218. HI-
ROSHIGE, Naniwa Meisho Zue. 3. 5.
225. Totsuka. 3. 3. — 283. Kanaya. 3. 12.-

6. — 332. KUNISADA, Two Female Musi-
cians. 5. 5. —

TOTAL: 937. 9. 6.

FRANKREICH. (Preise in Francs).

CÉRAMIQUE, LAQUE, BOIS SCULPTÉS,
BRONZES, JADES etc. 5 Mars (Portier,
Paris).

il. Cabinet en ancien laque rouge de Pekin.
462. — 31. Vase à vin (Bronze), en forme
d’un rhinocéros. 475. — 41. Brûle-parfum
(Cloisonné). 640. — 48. Coupe couverte en
jade blanc (22 cm). 1730. — 49. Coupe cir-
culaire en jade blanc (23 cm). 940. — 50.
Coupe circulaire en jade vert (26 cm). 1370.
— 51. Deux boîtes en jade blanc (12 cm).
1260. — 95. Bracelet thibetain en or. 445.

96. Bracelet thibetain en or 330. — 125.
Deux cornes de rhinocéros (60 cm). 781. —
132. Tsche Kong t’ou (album de peintures,
XVIIIe). 341. — 133/4. Cheng ti Ming wang
t’ou (album de peintures). 1880.

TOTAL: 31000.

124

VERSTEIGERUNGSBERICHTE.

ESTAMPES JAPONAISES, SURIMONO,
LIVRES etc. 16. 17. Mars (Portier, Paris).

1. KIYONOBU, Hosoye, Couple sepromenant.
220. — il. MASANOBU, Deux jeunes filles,
Hosoye, Urushiye. 220. — 66. KIYONAGA,
des jeunes gens, Oban. 792. — 65. Un jeune
homme, plusieurs geishas, Diptyche, Oban.
452. — 69. Deux jeunes femmes et une
fillette, Oban. 264. — 94. IPPITSUSAI, Acteur
en femme, Hosoye. 242. — 121. UTAMARO,
Portrait en buste d’une jeune femme, Oban.
220. — 128. „Sortie nocturne“, Oban. 218.
— 172. SHUNMAN, Jeunes femmes, Oban
Tateye. 330. — 225. Des jeunes femmes,
Triptyche Oban. 219. —

TOTAL: 19200.

CÉRAMIQUE, BRONZES, BOIS SCULP-
TÉS, MASQUES, ESTAMPES etc. 23
Mars (Portier, Paris).

1. Groupe en céramique et pierre de lard
(30 cm). 792. — 112. Deux lanternes en
émaux cloisonnés (45 cm). 615. — 194.
Kobako. 225. — 195. Bon. 330. — 216.
Sabre de médecin, en bois naturel. 220.
307. Distractions de femmes, Triptyche,
Signée Yeishi. 220. — 31 1. Une jeune prin-
cesse, Triptyche, Signée Yeishi. 220. — 338.
Une jeune courtisane, Signée Chobunsai,
Kakemonoye. 286. — 339. Grand meuble
cabinet en bois dur sculpté. 462. — 340.
Meuble en bois laqué noir. 610. — 342.
Pendule en bois laqué noir. 1052. — 343.
Encadrement de porte en bois sculpté. 264.
TOTAL: 19800.

JAPAN. (Preise in Yen = 2,50 francs.)

SAMMLUNGEN DES GRAFEN ÖTANI.
3. Serie, Kyoto, 7. November 1913. Er-
gänzung zu O.Z. II, 503.

TETSUZAN. Affen, Triptychon. 7830. — -
KEIBUN, Hirsch und Päonien, Diptychon.
5000. — DERS., Yoshimura KÖKEI #®c,
Nakaijma RAISHÖ Ansichten von

Kyoto, 2 Makimono. 7500. — Dreifüßiges
Köro, Seladon, mit Päonien. 7091. — Te-
bako, Goldlack, Kikyö und Karakusa. 5020.

— Ryöshibako, Gyöbu-Hirame, Yoshino-
yama. 15 000. — Bundai-Suzuri, Goldlack,
Tanzaku. 6390. — Räuchergarnitur, Gold-
lack, Chrysanthemum in Wellen. 5360. —

SAMMLUNG TAKAHASHI SUTEROKU.
Tokyo, 3. November.

NARA HÖGEN, Landschaft. 1558. — „TSU-
NETAKA“, 11 gesichtige Kwannon mit 28
Begleitern. 1000. — „KOSE ARIYUKI“,
Aizen. 61 1. — Monju. 600. — „TOSA
NAGAAKI“, Kwannondö Engi. 578.

SAMMLUNG KOSHIZAWA, Kanazawa,
13. Februar 1914.

IKKYU, Kalligraphie. 8600. (zurückge-
kauft). — SHÖKWADÖ, Pferde. 1700. —
DERS., Kalligraphie. 689. — DERS., Bam-
bus. 1000. — Kögö, Quittenform, Gosu.
10 000. Wassergefäß, roter Dekor, Wanli.
6800. — NINSEI, Kögö. 4100. — Chawan,
Annam. 569. — Chawan, Unkaku. 2576.

— Chawan, Hakeme. 591. — ICHINYU,
Chawan. 1519. — Chawan, Totoya. 1050.

— Chaire, Iga. 3359. — Chaire, Bizen.

3300. — Schüssel, Imbe. 1100. — Kögö,
Lack mit Perlmutter. 1350. — SHUNSHÖ,
Kuchenkasten, Goldlack, Dekor Katawa-
guruma. 960.

Gesamterlös über 100 000.

SAMMLUNG TAKAJIMA. NAGOYA,
20. Februar 1914.

TSUNENOBU, Jurö, Kranich, Bambus, Kie-
fer. Triptychon 1600. — TOYOHIKO,

Pflaume und Bambus, Diptychon. 2580. —

— ÖKYO, Porträt des Ikkyü, Vögel, Tripty-
chon. 3200. — BAIITSU, Diptychon. 1008.

— DERS., Arashiyama, Takao. 2 Byöbü.
7100. — Bemaltes Bronze-Köro. 2235. —
Tisch, Schwarzlack, Perlmutter. 2890. —
Schüssel, Gosu, Chrysanthemum in Rot.
1808. — Wassergefäß, Seladon. 1880. —
SHÖZUI, Mukozuke. 1668. — Desgl. 4390.

— DERS., fünfeckiges Chawan, signiert.
18 000. — Schüssel, Gohon Hakeme. 1000.

Chawan, Aoido. 2800. — Mizusashi, Im-
beart. 1020. — Schüssel, Kobizen. 3710. —
Hanaike, Seladon (Kinuta-Seiji). 3588.
Gesamterlös 163 500.

KLEINE MITTEILUNGEN.

VORTRÄGE UND VEREINE.

Ein INTERNATIONALER KONGRESS FÜR
ETHNOLOGIE UND VÖLKERKUNDE findet
vom i. — 5. Juni in NEUCHATEL (Schweiz)
statt. —

BAURAT E. BOERSCHMANN hieltim Januar
in der „Freien Vereinigung ostpreußischer
Künstler und Kunstfreunde zu Berlin“ einen
Vortrag über „CHINESISCHE GRABTEM-
PEL“ — .

Geheimrat Dr. JESSEN sprach im Januar im
Verein für deutsches Kunstgewerbe über „EIN-
DRÜCKE EINER STUDIENREISE NACH
NORDAMERIKA UND OSTASIEN“. —

In der Märzsitzung der BERLINER AN-
THROPOLOGISCHEN GESELLSCHAFT sprach
PROF. ADOLF FISCHER über das unter seiner
Leitung stehende Museum für ostasiatische
Kunst der Stadt Köln. —

Im VEREIN FÜR VÖLKERKUNDE IN
LEIPZIG hielt DR. E. ERKES, Assistent am
Völkerkunde-Museum, einen Vortrag über
„Peking im Wandel der Zeiten“ und OTTO
BURCHARD über „Anfänge und Entwicklung
der chinesischen Keramik“. —

In der JAPAN SOCIETY, LONDON, finden
oder fanden in der ersten Hälfte des Jahres
folgende VORTRÄGE über japanische Kunst
statt: am 1. April YONE NOGUCHI über
„Yoshitoshi, the last Master of the Ukiyoye
School“, am 13. Mai Dr. A. BREUER „About
Chinese Influence on Lacquer in Japan“. —
Im MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS ZU BOSTON
wurden im Februar und März folgende VOR-
TRÄGE über ostasiatische Themen gehalten:
am 5. Februar Prof. E. S. MORSE über „In-
dustrial Arts in Japan“, am 12. Februar Prof.
MASAHARU ANESAKI über „Buddhist Cosmo-
theism and Symbolism in its Arts and Rituals“,
am 19. Februar derselbe über „Buddhist Indi-
vidualism and the Transition of its Art to
Secular Art“, am 26. Februar Prof. MORSE
über „Japanese Pottery“. —

An der UNIVERSITÄT GÖTTINGEN hält in
diesem Sommersemester der Privatdozent DR.

OTTO FISCHER eine Vorlesung und Übungen
über die Kunst Ostasiens ab. —

IM KUNSTHISTORISCHEN SEMINAR DER
WIENER UNIVERSITÄT ist für das Sommer-
semester 1914 ein SEMINAR ÜBER CHINE-
SISCHE KUNST des ersten Jahrtausends n.Chr.
(mit Exkursionen) angesetzt. —

Im Januarheft der R. A. S. berichtet F. J.
Monahan über die „VARENDRA ANUSAND-
HÄNA SAMITI“ (Gesellschaft zur Erforschung
von Varendra), die im Jahre 1910 zum Zwecke
der Erforschung von Varendra, d. i. die Gegend,
die man heute „Barind“ nennt, gegründet
wurde. Das Barind ist archäologisch hochin-
teressant. Es enthält die Ruinen und Überreste
von vielen Städten, Festungen, Tempeln und
Palästen. Die Päladynastie, die drei Jahrhun-
derte hindurch in Bengal und Bihar herrschte,
war in Varendra zu Hause. Seit ihrem Be-
stehen hat die Gesellschaft in dem Gebäude
der Räjshähi Public Library zu Calcutta eine
Sammlung von mittelalterlicher Skulpturen
und alten Sanskrit-Manuskripten angelegt.
Außerdem gibt sie eine Serie von in Bengali
verfaßten Monographien zur Geschichte, Kunst
und Literatur von Bengalen heraus. Es sei er-
wähnt, daß nach Angaben von Täränath in
Varendra zwei große Bildhauer und Maler,
Dhiman und Vitapal, lebten. —

AUSSTELLUNGEN, MUSEEN, SAMMLUNGEN

UND KUNSTDENKMÄLER.

Im PAVILLON DE MARSAN DES LOUVRE
ZU PARIS fand die sechste Ausstellung JAPA-
NISCHER FARBENHOLZSCHNITTE statt.
Es wurden diesmal Werke der UTAGAWA-
SCHULE, vor allem von Hiroshige und Toyo-
kuni, gezeigt. —

Im Museum of Fine Arts zu Boston fand
eine Ausstellung der NEUERWERBUNGEN
DER SAMMLUNG DENMAN W. ROSS statt.
Dem Bulletin zufolge sind die Hauptstücke
eine chinesische Kwanyin aus Stein (vgl. O. Z
II, S. 328 und 504) und eine reliefierte Stein-
platte aus der Hanzeit. Von indischen Skulp-

KLEINE MITTEILUNGEN.

1 26

turen war ein Stück aus der Gegend von
Buddha Gaya, je eins aus Java und Cambodja
zu sehen. Unter den Bildern erscheint als
wichtigste Neuerwerbung eine Monju-Dar-
stellung aus der Kamakurazeit. Ein chinesi-
sches, sehr schlecht erhaltenes Bild wird der
T’angzeit zugeschrieben, eins der Sungzeit. Die
späteren Perioden sind reicher vertreten. Da-
neben gab es persische und indische Miniaturen,
chinesische Töpfereien und asiatische Gewebe
aller Art zu sehen. —

Im MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS ZU BOSTON
wurde am 24. Januar eine AUSSTELLUNG
von WERKEN der UKIYOYESCHULE er-
öffnet, die bis zum 23. Februar währte. —

Im HERZOGLICHEN MUSEUM ZU AL-
TENBURG fand eine AUSSTELLUNG JAPA-
NISCHER FARBENHOLZSCHNITTE aus Pri-
vatbesitz statt. —

Eine Ausstellung von 40 Werken chinesischer
und japanischer Malerei aus der SAMMLUNG
PROFESSOR DR. FUCHS war im Januar in
den Räumen des Tübinger Kunst- und Alter-
tumsvereins (Kunstsalon Kloeres) zu sehen. —

In der GALERIE FLECHTHEIMER in
Düsseldorf fand im März und April eine Aus-
stellung von 81 CHINESISCHEN GEMÄLDEN
aus dem Besitz der Frau OLGA JULIA WEGE-
NER statt. —

Der Deutsche W. JESSEL in Shanghai wird
seine SAMMLUNG CHINESISCHER GEMÄL-
DE der im Mai zu eröffnenden AUSSTELLUNG
GRAPHISCHER KÜNSTE IN LEIPZIG leih-
weise überlassen; die Sammlung soll in einem
besonderen Raum der Hauptausstellung ange-
schlossen werden. Sie umfaßt etwa 50 Ge-
mälde. Die Sammlung wird vor ihrer Versen-
dung nach Leipzig noch einige Zeit in Shanghai
öffentlich ausgestellt. —

Das chinesische Unterrichtsministerium plant
die ERRICHTUNG EINES NATIONALMUSE-
UMS IN PEKING. Vor kurzem wurden die
Kunstschätze des kaiserlichen Palastes zu Je-
hol nach Peking transportiert, um später in dem
neuen Museum aufgestellt zu werden. Von
dem Umfang und der Qualität der Werke wird
Fabelhaftes berichtet. Die Schätze des Muk-
dener Palastes, über die in dieser Nummer
E. A. Voretzsch berichtet, sollen folgen.

Das INDIAN MUSEUM ZU CALCUTTA be-
ging im Januar seine Centenarfeier durch ein
,,At Home“ des Superintendenten und durch
eine mit einer Ausstellung verbundene „Con-

versazione“. Viele Gelehrte und Museums-
beamten aus Indien waren zu diesem Feste
nach Calcutta gekommen. Auch die Indian
Section of the ROYAL SOCIETY OF ARTS IN
LONDON veranstaltete eine Festsitzung, in der
besonders die Frage eines indischen Museums
für London besprochen wurde. —

In dem angeblich über 1200 Jahre alten
KOREANISCHEN TEMPEL „HAIIN-SA“ im
Süden der Provinz Kyongsang entdeckte der
neue japanische Gouverneur Sasaki eine
SAMMLUNG VON 86 686 DRUCKBLÖCKEN,
wie sie vor der Erfindung beweglicher Typen
in Korea zum Druck buddhistischer Sutren ge-
braucht wurden. Die Druckblöcke sollen 800
Jahre alt und außerordentlich wichtige Doku-
mente des koreanischen Buddhismus sein. —

Messrs. JOHNSTON & HOFFMANN, the
Calcutta-Photographers, sent an expedition to
RAJGARI (more correctly Rama-Garha) CAVE
TEMPLES with the object of having everything
there of archaeological interest photographed.
The expedition experienced great difficulties in
getting there on account of bad roads and
heavy jungle but the photographers have done
the work and are now on their way back. The
caves of Rama-Garha are supposed to date
back two to three centuries B. C. The caves
have lately aroused an enormous amount of
interest and the Government is this month
despatching an expedition to investigate them
and take copies. Mr. Balkiston of the Archaeo-
logical Survey is in charge of the expedition.
The staff of artists accompanying him are
Samerendra Nath Gupta (lately appointed Vice
Principal, Lahore School of Art) and Ashid
Kumar Haidar an ex-student of the Calcutta
School of Art. —

Die CHINA MONUMENTS SOCIETY, Peking,
versendet eine kleine Broschüre mit dem Titel
„Plunder and Destruction of Antiquities in
China.“ Abgedruckt sind die beiden Briefe,
die wir in O. Z. II, S. 250 ff. brachten, außerdem
ein Brief von Frederick McCormick, dem Sekre-
tär der China Monuments Society, an den Her-
ausgeber der „North China Daily News“, eine
Notiz aus dem „North China Herald“, eine
Adresse des Sekretärs an den Saturday Club in
Shanghai, schließlich eine Eingabe der Gesell-
schaft an den Präsidenten der chinesischen
Republik. Diese Eingabe ist an anderer Stelle
dieser Nummer wiedergegeben. —

Eine große, bisher unbekannte SAMMLUNG

KLEINE MITTEILUNGEN.

CHINESISCHER KUNSTWERKE, die der
schwedische Zollbeamte in chinesischen Dien-
sten STREHLNECK zusammenbrachte, wurde
für eine hohe Summe von dem schwedischen
Sammler KLAS FÄHRAEUS angekauft. Der
Sammlung werden ungewöhnliche Qualitäten
nachgerühmt. Strehlneck stellte die Bedingung,
daß die Sammlung nicht zerstreut werden dürfte
und ein eigenes Gebäude erhielte. Ein Katalog
ist in Vorbereitung. —

Die SAMMLUNG CHINESISCHER POR-
ZELLANE HENRY SAMPSON, deren Wert auf
über vier Millionen Mark geschätzt wird, wurde
von dem Londoner Kunsthändler EDGAR
GORER erworben. —

MADAME F. LANGWEIL, die Inhaberin des
bekannten Pariser Antiquitätengeschäftes, aus
Colmar gebürtig, hat den MUSEEN VON
STRASSBURG, COLMAR UND MÜHLHAU-
SEN eine Reihe ostasiatischer Kunstgegenstände
geschenkt. Die für Straßburg bestimmten
Dinge werden im Großen Metzig gezeigt wer-
den. Frau Langweil zieht sich von ihrem Ge-
schäft zurück. —

NEUERSCHEINUNGEN.

Der Verlag E. A. Seemann, Leipzig, kündigt
ein TAFELWERK zum Katalog der Ausstel-
lung der SAMMLUNG MOSLÉ im Jahre 1909
im Berliner Kunstgewerbe-Museum an. 200
Lichtdrucktafeln mit 850 Abbildungen in zwei
Mappen im Formate 30 x40 cm sind geplant.
Der Subskriptionspreis beträgt, wenn die Be-
stellung vor Erscheinen des Werkes gemacht
ist, M. 150. — , vom Tage des Erscheinens ab
beträgt der Preis M. 200. —

PAUL GEUTHNER, PARIS, 12 RUE JA-
COB, kündigt für das Jahr 1914 u. a. das Er-
scheinen folgender Publikationen an: A. FOU-
CHER, The Beginnings of Buddhist Art and
other Essays in Indian and Central-Asian Ar-
chaeology (1 frontispice in colours, 50 pl.) ,
Preis 25 fr. ; Mission PELLIOT en Asie Centrale,
série archéologique: Les Grottes de Touen
Houang. Tome I. 64 pl. Preis ca. 40 fr. ;
J OUVEAU-DUBREUIL, Archéologie du sud de
l’Inde 100 pl. 2 vol. Annales Mus. Guimet
Bibl. Et. XXVI et XXVII. Preis 40 fr. —

In der unter Leitung von DR. VICTOR
GOLOUBEW herausgegebenen ,,ARS ASI-
ATICA“ wird in kurzer Zeit als zweiter Band
„SIX MONUMENTS DE LA SCULPTURE
CHINOISE“ PAR ED. CHAVANNES erscheinen

127

(Van Oest, Bruxelles und Paris). Das Werk
soll in Subskription 45 fr. br., 50 fr. gebunden
kosten. Die 15 Exemplare der Luxusausgabe
kosten je 100 fr. —

In O. Z. II, S. 381 berichteten wir schon ein-
mal über das in dem gemeinsamen Verlage von
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht (Göttingen) und der
Hinrichsschen Verlagsbuchhandlung (Leipzig)
erscheinende Sammelwerk „QUELLEN DER
RELIGIONSGESCHICHTE“. Ein neuer Pro-
spekt macht über die die 0. Z. interessierenden
Teile der Publikation folgende erweiterte An-
gaben :

„7. INDISCHE RELIGIONEN. Für das in-
dische Gebiet sind zunächst ins Auge gefaßt:
Einerseits Ergänzungen der hier schon in euro-
päischen Sprachen reichlich und gut vorhande-
nen Quellenschriften, anderseits Übertragung
von Texten, die ihrer Natur nach immer er-
neute exegetische Bemühung verlangen, so der
Rigveda (zum Teil erschienen), der Atharva-
veda, das Aitareya-Brähmana, das Srautasütra
des Äpastamba. Weiter der Anhang des Mahäb-
härata, der Harivamsa. Ausgewählte Texte der
Jainaliteratur. Aus dem Yoga: Patanjali’s
Yogasütra und Spezimina der jüngeren Yoga-
literatur. — Größere Bedürfnisse ergeben sich
auf dem Gebiete der jüngeren Hinduentwick-
lung, der Vaishnava-(Vishnupuräna) und der
Saiva- einschließlich der Tantraschulen und
der späteren Sektenbildung. Rämänuja und
Madhväcärya, Caitanya und die an ihn an-
schließende religiöse Lyrik, Heiligenlegende und
Ritual, und auf der sivaitischen Seite einige
charakteristische Proben aus der Tamil- und
Sanskritliteratur, auch hier besonders Hymnen,
Legenden, eins der Puränas aus dem .tarnuli-
schen Veda“, und, wenn sie zu erlangen sind,
Proben der Agamaliteratur. — Der Granth der
Sikhs in knapper und kritischer Form. Aus
dem Hindi wird des Tulsi Däs’ Rämäyana, aus
der jüngsten Sektengeschichte Dayänand auf-
zunehmen sein.

8. BUDDHATUM. Aus dem Kanon des
Hinayäna ist Dighanikäya bereits erschienen,
zu bringen sind noch vielleicht Dhammapada
(Udänavarga) auf Grund der vorliegenden
neuen Materialien, Mahävastu. — Aus dem
Mahäyäna sind ins Auge gefaßt Bücher der
Prajnä Päramitäklasse und besonders Spezi-
mina der Tantraliteratur. Aus dem Tibetischen :
die Darstellung des Klosters Kum-bum und
die Legende des Begründers der Bon-Religion.

KLEINE MITTEILUNGEN.

128

Aus dem Chinesischen: Klosterregeln, Litur-
gien, Göttergeschichten, Erbauungsschriften.
In Gebrauch befindliche Sütren (King’s). Über-
setzung von De Groot’s Filet de Brahma und
des Pai Ching Chang Kwei. — Organisations-
statuten der buddhistischen Kirchen. — La-
mai'smus. — Hier wird der Lehrplan der Jeta-
vana-Schule von Nanking als Leitfaden dienen.
Aus dem Japanischen Buddhismus ist bereits
erschienen: Haas, Amida unsere Zuflucht.
Ferner sind ins Auge gefaßt: Die Schulschriften
der sechs alten Sekten. — Das Vairocana-Sütra
der Schingon-Sekte. — Die „Mandalas“ der
Sekten mit Erklärung. — Legende und Folklore
Kobo Daishi’s. — Spezifisch japanische Texte
der Zen-Sekte (Schoyo Daischi’s Sodo kyo-
kwai shushogi; Kotoku Emmyo’s Zazen Yo-
jingi) . Die Goroku. — Für die jüngeren Sekten-
bildungen, die Jödo- und Shin-Shü, weitere
Beiträge aus Honen Shönin’s und Shinran Shö-
nin’s Schriften. Für die Hokko Shü, da Sad-
dharmapundarika-Sütra vorhanden ist, Ami-
tärtha - Sütra und Samantabhadradhyäna-
Sütra, und Nichiren’s Chü-ho-ke-kyö und
Ku-ketsu. (Die beiden letzten in Auswahl.)

9. OSTASIATISCHE RELIGIONEN. A. Für
die Religion Chinas ist folgender Entwurf fest-
gestellt: I. Staatsreligion. 1. Verzeichnis der
staatlich anerkannten Götter und ihrer Eigen-
art. 2. Opferriten und -tage und Personen, die
die Opfer vollziehen. 3. Opferliturgien, Kano-
nisation und Rangerhöhung nach Aktenstücken.
4. Erbauungsschriften. 5. Der Kaiserliche
Ahnendienst (Tsch'un ts’in fan lu und Pai hu
t’ung u. a.). II. Religion der Kirchen. 1. Bud-
dhismus s. Nr. 8; Auseinandersetzung zwischen
Buddhismus und Taoismus. Popular-Erbauung.
Kirchenzucht. — 2. Taoismus: a) Kloster-
taoismus, Klosterregeln, Liturgien, Götter-
geschichten, Erbauungsliteratur. King’s. My-
stische Literatur. Schriften zur Entstehung
oder Organisation des Taoismus. Auseinander-
setzung mit dem Buddhismus. — b) Zauber-
taoismus, Beschwörung, Psychographie, Le-
bensverlängerung, Magie. — Volkstümliche Er-
bauungs- und Ermahnungsschriften. — 3. Chi-
nesischer Islam s. Nr. 4. — 4. Sekten. —
III. Volksreligion. Ahnenkult und Beerdigung.
— Tempel und Götter. — Füchse, Geister. —
Feste, Wallfahrtsorte, Geburt, Hochzeit. —
Spruchweisheit. — Religiöse Romane, Sagen,
Erbauungsschriften, Märchen, Folklore. —
Wahrsagung, Geomantik.

EB. Für den Schinto Japans: die mythologi-
schen, religionsgeschichtlichen und kultischen
Teile von Kojiki, Nihongi und Engi-shiki
(Norito), Götterlisten, Ritus und Sakralstätten
(wenn möglich mit bildlichem Material) ô harai
no kotoba, das große Reinigungsritual. Haupt-
werke von Motoori (f 1801) und Hirata
(t 1843). — Literatur neuester Sekten: Rem-
mon-kyö, Tenri-kyö. — Über Japanisches Bud-
dhatum s. Nr. 8. “

Demnächst erscheinen: Kojiki und Nihongi,
übersetzt von Prof. Dr. K. Florenz, Tökyö;
Prajnä Päramitä, die Vollkommenheit der Er-
kenntnis, nach indischen, tibetischen und chi-
nesischen Quellen von Prof. Dr. Max Walleser,
Heidelberg.

J ederTeil der Sammlung ist einzeln käuflich. —

The ALL INDIA JAINA ASSOCIATION have
undertaken to publish in complete volumes the
hitherto unpublished works under the title of
“THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE JAINAS.”
All the unpublished works of the Jainas, both
of the Swerambara and the Digambara sects
will be included in this series, and each volume
will contain the original text with an English
translation, introduction and critical and ex-
planatory notes on different passages. Each
volume will be edited and translated by eminent
European and oriental scholars who have made
Jainism their special study and whose names
are landmarks in the fields of oriental research.
It is no mean criterion of a series that it has
enlisted the co-operation of scholars like Dr.
Hermann G. Jacobi, M. A., Ph. D., D. Litt.,
Jaina Darshana-divalkara (Bonn, Germany),
Dr. O. Strauss, Ph. D., Professor, Calcutta
University, Mahamahopadhya Dr. Satish Chan-
dra Vidyabhushan, M. A., Ph. D., Principal,
Sanskrit College, Calcutta, Mahamahopadhya
Dr. Ganga Nath Jha, M. A., D. Litt., F. A. U.,
and Major B. D. Basu etc. who are going to
edit separate volumes along with the most
learned Jaina Pandits of India. In Professor
Sarat Chandra Ghoshal, M. A., B. L., Saraswati
Kaoya Tirtha, Vidyabhushan Bharathi, the
Association have found a good general editor.

For further particulars and prospectus ap-
plication should be made to the Managing Di-
rector, Kumar Devendra Prasad Jain, Arrah. —

EINE DEUTSCH -CHINESISCHE ZEIT-
SCHRIFT erscheint jetzt in Tsingtau unter dem
Titel „DER WEST-ÖSTLICHE BOTE, Monats-
schrift zur Vermittlung deutscher Sprache und

KLEINE MITTEILUNGEN.

Kultur im fernen Osten“. Sie wird von der
deutsch-chinesischen Hochschule herausge-
geben und von einer Lehrkraft dieses Instituts,
Professor Dr. Lessing, redigiert, soll den deutsch-
sprechenden Chinesen als geeignete Lektüre
zur Weiterbildung dienen und zugleich deutsche
Kultur in China verbreiten helfen. Die wichti-
geren Artikel sind außer in deutscher Schrift
auch in chinesischen Charakteren gedruckt. —

Der Verlag SHIMBI SHOIN in Tökyö fordert
zur Subskription auf die 2. Auflage des seit
längerer Zeit vergriffenen wertvollen Werkes
JAPANESE TEMPLES AND THEIR TREA-
SURES auf. 200 Subskriptionen würden die Neu-
auflage ermöglichen. Der Preis beträgt 100 Yen.

PERSONALIEN.

Im Thronsaal des Regierungspalastes zu
Kalkutta fand in Anwesenheit des Vizekönigs
von Indien, Lord Hardinge, der zugleich Kanz-
ler der Universität ist, ein feierlicher Akt statt.
Der mit dem Nobelpreis ausgezeichnete in-
dische Dichter, RABINDRANATH TAGORE
und der Sanskritforscher an der Bonner Uni-
versität, Professor HERMANN JACOBY, wur-
den zu Ehrendoktoren der Literatur der Uni-
versität Kalkutta ernannt. —

Der HAMBURGER SENAT hat beschlossen,
am Kolonialinstitut je eine PROFESSUR FÜR
KULTUR UND GESCHICHTE INDIENS UND
JAPANS zu errichten. Die Wahl für die Indi-
sche Professur fiel auf Prof. Dr. STEN KONOW
von der Universität Christiania. —
KUNSTHANDEL.

FÄLSCHUNGEN VON HANSTEINEN: Im
Dezemberheft des T’oung Pao weist Ed. Cha-
vannes auf Fälschungen von Hansteinen hin.
„Jusqu’ici, par bonheur, il est le plus souvent
assez facile de découvrir les supercheries; en
effet, dans la plupart des cas, les fabricants
d’antiquités se sont bornés à reproduire des
pierres du groupe bien connu de Wou Leang
ts’eu, soit en les laissant telles quelles, soit en
y introduisant quelques modifications qui sont
destinées à donner le change mais qui, en
réalité, décèlent aussitôt l’inauthenticité du
monument.“ Chavannes publiziert die Ab-
reibungen von fünf Steinen, die im Besitz eines
Pekinger Kunsthändlers sind, und zeigt, woran
die Fälschungen zu erkennen sind. ,,Aux cinq
spécimens que je viens de décrire, j’en aurais pu
joindre onze autres que j’ai entre les mains;
mais il suffit, je suppose, d’avoir signalé le

129

piège pour que dorénavant les amateurs euro-
péens évitent d’y être pris; espérons, que les
prétendues dalles des Han, sculptées au ving-
tième siècle, resteront dans les entrepôts des
marchands chinois qui les détiennent.“ —

GLOSSEN.

In der „Gegenwart“ vom 17. Januar ver-
öffentlicht Herr MAX R. FUNKE unter dem
bescheidenen Titel „Wesen und Geschichte der
japanischen Kunst“ einen Aufsatz, der alles
in den Schatten stellt, was die schwergeprüfte
ostasiatische Kunstgeschichte je betroffen hat.
Die Länge des Artikels verbietet leider seinen
Abdruck; einige der prächtigsten Sätze und
Worte mögen immerhin eine Vorstellung von
dem Genuß geben, den seine Lektüre jedem
verschaffen muß.

,,Vom 13. — 15. Jahrhundert skulptierte
und malte man aus Herzenslust Porträts hoher
Persönlichkeiten, welche für den Buddhismus
Propaganda machten. Viele dieser Porträts sind
mit einem minutiösen Realismus um-
geben, so das Holzbildnis des fünften Vize-
Shogun von Kamakura, Tokiyori Hojo im
Jagdkostüm (13. Jahrhundert), und der Ka-
kemono Minamoto Y oritomo von Fuji-
wara-Takanobu (12. Jahrhundert). . . .“

,,.... Kämpfe zwischen beiden Höfen des
Westens und Ostens, zwischen den zwei
Kaiserfamilien Ashikaya, welche siegte,
und Kamakura, die sich nach Kyoto
zurückziehen mußte . . . .“

,,Und in all dieser Farbenpracht bewundern
wir von neuem die Frauen beim Bad, im Hause
und im Freien, junge Mädchen spielen mit
Katzen und lassen sich von ihren lang-
geschweiften H ähnen oder Liebhabern
bewundern; in schönen Roben, deren schmieg-
same lange Linien in grüner, schwarzer oder
violetter Harmonie widerstrahlen, sehen wir sie
in harmonischer Haltung trippeln, auf Matten
sitzen, in ihren graziösen Bewegungen des Kop-
fes, des Nackens und der Schultern, Raffine-
ments, die unser m Auge Überraschung, Erstau-
nen oder gar Schrecken auslösen. . . .“

,,Sie sehen das Nackte, aber sie betrachten es
nicht, nicht etwa, daß sie unfähig wären, es zu
zeichnen oder zu modellieren: die buddhistische
Kunst hat uns nur den Torso zum Betrachten
gelassen, wie z. B. den Torso des Ni-o im
Kofuku-ji zu Nara (8. Jahrhundert), doch nach
dem 14. J ähr hundert beschränkte sich das Nackte

KLEINE MITTEILUNGEN.

130

nur auf das Gesicht, auf eine leere Physiogno-
mie . .

Seit sechs J ahr hunderten, seitdem die große
buddhistische Bildhauerkunst nachgelassen hat,
lebt der Japaner nur noch in der Kari-
katur, die er auf die Tierwelt übertrug .“

,,Die Edlen und ihre Frauen verwandten ihre
Zeit auf die Fusuma, die Papierwände, und auf
die Biabu, die Wandschirme, zu den auf-
gezeichneten Sprüchen und Liedern Landschafts-
stücke zu malen. . . .“

Obgleich unser A uge no ch vom Bud-
dhismus umnebelt , bewundert es von neuem
Fläche wie Farben, die während ihres tausend-
jährigen Bestandes von ihrer Festigkeit und
ihrem Glanz nichts verloren haben. . .

,, Immer ist es das Rauschen eines Wasser-
falles, das Vergehen einer Jahreszeit, das Gleiten
des Mondes, klassische Bilder gewisser E in-
tagsf liegen, die das freudige Volk von heute
wie die Asketen von ehedem sich gefällt zu be-
trachten. . . .“

,,Von der Architektur losgelöst, die sie be-
schützt, eine bewegliche Kunst, gekommen von
außen, eine unbewegliche Skulptur als Basrelief,
bleibt sie den Gebäuden angehängt, die sie
schmückt, impressionistische Skulpturen von
Wolken, Blumen, Bäumen und Tieren. . . .“

„Dort wieder andere Tiergestalten! Der Hirsch
der buddhistischen Entstehungsgeschichten steht,
ganz Anmut, in schneeigem Stein auf der Spitze
von Toros (Votivlaternen) ... .“

„Der buddhistische Glaube, in einer Zeit von
sieben Jahrhunderten (7. — 14. Jahrhundert),
flößte den J apanern die Kunst der
menschlichen Figur ein, welche aus-
schließlich in der Unpersönlichkeit und Phy-
siognomie eines Buddha und seiner Schüler
dar gestellt wurde. . .

„ Aber sicherlich ist es Unrecht, wenn Doncho
die gemalten Fresken der vier Paradiese an den
Mauern des Kondo des Sanktuar im Horyu-ji
zu Nara einem koreanischen Künstler zuge-
schrieben werden, denn die Fresken sind bei der
Ausbesserung des Tempels im 8. Jahrhundert
angefertigt worden. . .

„Schon Vajrapäne fungierte als Schutzherr
neben Buddha auf den in Gandhära im Nord-
westen Indiens auf gefundenen Bas-Relief, und

gewisse Statuen der Nord-Wei-Dynastie (5. bis
6. Jahrhundert) sitzend, die Beine gekreuzt,
einer hinter dem anderen, haben alle dieselbe
Stellung, welche man an den Statuetten von
Gand-hära wiederfindet, dessen eine bis nach
Turf an, dem heutigen Chinesisch-Turkestan,
vor drang. . .

„Alles ist an ihnen [einer Reihe von Skulptu-
ren] indisch, selbst die Bekleidung und ihr
Faltenivurf des Arya Avalokitecvara,
der Bodhisattva an den Fresken des Kondo im
Horyu-ji, der Glücksgöttin Sri im Joruri-ji zu
Yamashiro, einer Statue aus der Tempyo-
Epoche ( 8. Jahrhundert) und den Bonten und
Teishakuten, Sangwatsudo im Todai-ji zu Nara
(in der zweiten Hälfte des 8. Jahrhunderts) . . .“

„Gegen Ende des 8. J ahrhunderts verschwan-
den die alten indischen Formen, an deren
Stelle fette , plumpe Gestalten traten ,
Kunstr eg ein , die im neunten J ahr -
hundert der Kanon festlegte. Auf den
Skulpturen von Jo-cho, ganz besonders der
Buddha im Hokai-ji zu Uji, und den Gemälden
von Y ens hin , Sodzu „Amida und die 25
Bodhisattva “ im Hachiman-ko zu Koya-san,
erscheint die menschliche Figur in wahre Fett-
wülste eingehüllt. In der Epoche der Kama-
kura, unter dem Meißel eines Tankei und
Unkei (Ende des 12. und Anfang des 13. Jahr-
hunderts) trat mehr Muskulatur auf,
eine j apanische Eigenheit , welche die
chinesische und koreanische Kunst nicht kennen;
nur Buddha in seiner edlen, indischen Gestalt
bleibt unverändert bestehen. . .

Die fünfzehnbändige ostasiatische Kunst-
geschichte, die der Verfasser dieses Gestammels
der Welt verheißt, wird zweifellos außer-
ordentlich interessant werden.

In den NÄCHSTEN BEIDEN NUMMERN
der O. Z. werden voraussichtlich u. a. folgende
Autoren vertreten sein: R. D. Banerji (Calcutta) ;
Ernst Boerschmann (Berlin); Otto Fischer
(Göttingen); Otto Franke (Hamburg); H.
Hackmann (Amsterdam) ; W. S. Hadaway
(Madras) ; H. H. Juynboll (Leiden); Otto Küm-
mel (Berlin); Marquis de Tressan (Paris); M.
W. de Visser (Leiden) ; Artur Wachsberger
(Wien); L. A. Waddell (London).

SCHLUSS DER REDAKTION: 31. MÄRZ 1914.

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5) er Dl ata e bes ‘ïJcrfaffers e;s bcs Q3Ertage» bietet 53»rgft^aft bafür, bag mit
bicfer etjîen, gufatnmenfaj'fcitôen ©efrf)id)te biefes jEjotfjïnferEj'far.ten .Äuaftgebietes

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,5$iinf f)arbt & Q5ißtmann / Verlag / £mp3tg

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Demnächst erscheint:

JHPHNISCHE
S CHWERT-ZIERJJTEN
SJJMMLUNG G.OEDER

Oesterheld & Co. Verlag / Berlin W 15

Ostasiatische Kunst

:: IMPORT ::

Japan : China
Persien

Lacke, Keramiken, Bronzen, Emaillen und
Metallarbeiten, Skulpturen aus Holz und
Elfenbein, Netzukes, Stoffe und Gewän-
der, Farbenholzschnitte, Steinarbeiten usw*

Spamersche Buchdruckerei in Leipzig.

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