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No. CCXXIII
EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND
GRAECO-ROMAN BRANCH
Jal
Ox VREYNGHUS PAPYRI
PAURTC Il
EDITED WITH TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES
RY
BERNARD P. GRENFELL, M.A.
FELLOW OF QUEEN’S COLLEGE, OXFORD
AND
ARIS) HUNT Wie
SENIOR DEMY OF MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXFORD; FORMERLY SCHOLAR OF QUEEN’S COLLEGE
WITH EIGHT PLATES 4
io
yg | 09
1S,
LONDON:
SOLD AT
Tue OFrices of tHE EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND, 37 Great RusseELt Sr., W.C.
AND 59 TEMPLE STREET, Boston, Mass., U.S.A,
AND BY
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., PATERNOSTER HOusE, CHARING Cross Roap, W.C.
BERNARD QUARITCH, 15 Piccapitity, W.; ASHER & CO., 13 BEDForD St., Covent GARDEN, W.C.
AND HENRY FROWDE, AMEN CoRNeER, E.C.
1899
Orford
HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIT
7 *
PRB Eevee
In the preface to Oxyrhynchus Papyri, Part I, we stated our
intention of adopting a chronological system in future volumes. The
present work is accordingly devoted to first century B.c. or first
century A.D. papyri, with the exception of the theological and some
of the classical fragments, and the ‘Petition of Dionysia’ (No.
cexxxvil), which on account of its great size and importance we
wished to publish as soon as possible.
The 193 selected texts in this volume do not by any means
exhaust the first century papyri found at Oxyrhynchus; but it is
probable that we have examined all the most important documents
of that period. The bulk of the papyri of the second and third
centuries, and of the Byzantine period, has not yet been touched.
In editing the new classical fragments (ccxi-ccxxii), we have
once more to acknowledge our great obligations to Professor Brass,
who again visited us last Easter. To him we owe a large part of
the restorations of the texts and many suggestions in the com-
mentaries. Some help which we have received on special points
from other scholars is noted in connexion with the _ individual
papyri.
vi PREEBAGE
The last year has been marked by the appearance of two works
of primary importance in the field of Greek papyri. Mr. Kernyon’s
Palaeography of Greek Papyri for the first time gathers together the
results in this department, especially from the point of view of the
British Museum collection. Since that book will long rank as
the standard authority on the subject, we have taken the opportunity
to notice some palaeographical questions respecting which we differ
from Mr. Kenyon, and on which the Oxyrhynchus Papyri throw
fresh light. But our points of divergence from his views are of
course inconsiderable in comparison with our general agreement with
them. Professor WiLcKEN’s Griechische Ostraka—the elaborate intro-
duction to which is a comprehensive survey of all the evidence
bearing upon the economic and financial aspects of Ptolemaic and
Roman Egypt—reached us when this volume was already in type.
We have therefore been obliged to confine to occasional footnotes
our references to that most important work.
The plan of this volume is practically the same as that of its
predecessor, except that we have given more details in the descriptions
of the papyri not published in full, and have added a grammatical
index, and an index of subjects discussed in the introductions and
notes.
BERNARD P. GRENFEELE:
ARE UI SS Et ON.
QUEEN’S COLLEGE, OXFORD,
Sept. 10, 1899.
CONTENTS
PAGE
PREFACE : : . : : : : ; : 4 c ‘ : é V
TaBLE OF Papyri . : : ; : . Vili
Nore on THE MEruHop oF PUELIGATION AND er OF IAgRUSVIATIONS USED . : ‘ xi
TEXTS
I. Tueoroeicat, CCVIII-X . ‘ 5 ; 3 ‘ : ; , I
II. New Crasstcat Fragments, CCXI-— XXII : ; ; ‘ nx
III. Fragments or Exrant CrassicaL AUTHORS, CCXXII-XXXIII 0 ; . 96
IV. Miscerranrous, CCXXXIV-VII : : ; : ‘ 5 Say
V. First Century Documents, CCXXXVIII- CCC . . : : : - 180
VI. Descriptions or First Century Papyri, CCCI-CCCC 6 ; : > 3038
ADDITIONS AND CorRrECTIONS TO Oxyrhynchus Papyrt, Part I ; : 5 BY
INDICES
I. New Crassicat anp THEoLocicat FRAGMENTS. 6 : : : 5 Ram
II. Kines anp Emperors . 0 o : ; : é : . 5 Sts
Ill. Monrus anp Days. é : : : ; : 2 ‘ 4 2 BRD
IV. Prrsonat Names : ; : : : : . ‘ : : 5 BR
VY. GEOGRAPHICAL . - . : : . : : : : : o BRE
VI. Sympors . : . : : é : : : . ; ; 6 BY
VII. Orricrats . . : b 2 : : : : 0 » 9a
VIII. Weicuts, Mrasurgs AND Cure : ; 5 6 : : ; ‘ 89
IX. Taxes c 6 : ; ; : : : : : : : 0 BBO
X. GRamMaTicaL . ; : é é : ; : : 3 : - 340
XI. Generat INpEx, GREEK. : ; ‘ ; ; : : : 5 BB
XII. Susyecr InpEx . . . 5 , . : . . : 5 5 AES
EIS OE PEATEs
I. No, CCXXIII (Col. m , ; : 6 . 5 . FRONTISPIECE
Tie Now CClx : : : ; ; : ; F To face page 8
Li SNowCGXT P = 13
IV. Nos. CCXIII, CCXXXII ; ‘ : s 5 25
V. Nos. CCXVI, CCXXV, CCXXXVI (a) (4) (c) . : : 5 7 AR
VI. Nos. CCXX (Col. 7), CCXXI (Col. 10) . : : y 45
VII. Nos. CCXLVI, CCLXXXII : 5 » 196
VIII. No. CCLXX - e253
CCVIII.
CCIX.
CCX.
CCxI.
CCXII.
CCXIII.
CCXIV.
CCXV.
CCXVI.
CCXVII.
CCXVIII.
CCXIX.
CCXX.
CCXXI1.
CCXXII.
CCXXIII.
CCXXIV.
CCXXV.
CCXXVI.
CCXXVII.
CCXXVIII.
CCXXIX.
CCXXX.
CCXXXI.
CCXXXII.
CCXXXIII.
VANE Ao Oy sore Avia alive
St. John i and xx
Ep. to Romans i (Plate 11)
Early Christian fragment .
Menander, Meptxetpouevn (Plate ITT)
Aristophanes (?) c
Tragic fragment (Plate ie
Epic fragment
Philosophical fragment
Rhetorical exercise (Plate V)
Letter to a King of Macedon
Historical fragment .
Lament for a pet
Treatise on Metres (Plate VI) .
Scholia on iad xxi (Plate VI) .
List of Olympian Victors .
Homer, Ziad v (Plate I romp)
Euripides, Phoenzssae
Thucydides ii (Plate V)
Xenophon, Zellenica vi
Xenophon, Oeconomicus
Plato, Zaches
Plato, Phaedo . j
Demosthenes, De Corona .
Demosthenes, De Corona .
Demosthenes, Contra Timocratem (Plate Iv)
Demosthenes, Contra Timocratem
A.D.
grd cent.
4th cent.
3rd cent.
1st or 2nd cent.
rst or 2nd cent.
2nd cent.
3rd cent.
Ist cent. B.c. Or Ist A.D.
Ist cent. B.c. Or ISt A.D.
grd cent.
3rd cent.
1st cent.
1st or 2nd cent.
2nd cent.
3rd cent.
3rd cent.
grd cent.
Ist cent.
1st or 2nd cent.
Ist cent.
2nd cent.
2nd or 3rd cent.
2nd cent.
1st or 2nd cent.
2nd or 3rd cent. .
3rd cent.
PAGE
114
Ily7
118
120
123
126
128
130
132
133
CCXXXIV.
CCXXXV.
CCXXXVI (a), (4), (0).
CCXXXVII.
CCXXXVIII.
CCI
COX:
COX
CCXEII
CCXLUL
CCXEIV,
CCXLV
CCXLVI.
CCXLVIL
CCXLVIIL.
COXEIX.
CCL
CCLI.
CCLIL.
CGEIm:
CCELY.
CCLY,
CCLVI.
CCLVII.
CCLVII.
Genie
COE
CCEXE
COLXID
CCLXIIL.
CCEXIV,
CCLXV.
CCLXVL
CCLXVII.
CCLXVIIL
CCEXIXe
GELXX:
COLXX:
CCEXXILE
CCLXXIUL
GOLXXIV.
UAVEILIB, (UX IZAU NARI
Medical Prescriptions .
Horoscope . :
Ptolemaic fragments (Plate v)
Petition of Dionysia
Official Notice :
Irregular Contributions
Extortion by a Soldier
Registration of a Mortgage .
Registration of a Sale .
Registration of a Mortgage .
Transfer of Cattle
Registration of Cattle .
Registration of Cattle (Plate VII) .
Registration of Property
Registration of Property
Registration of Property
Registration of Property
Notice of Removal
Notice of Removal
Notice of Removal
Census Return
Census Return
Census Return
Selection of Boys (émixpiois) .
Selection of Boys (emixpiots) .
Bail for a Prisoner :
Promise of Attendance in Court
Appointment of a Representative .
Notice of Death .
Sale of a Slave
Sale of a Loom
Marriage Contract
Deed of Divorce
Agreement of Marriage
Repayment of a Dowry
Loan of Money
Indemnification of a Surety (Plate Vv IIT)
Transfer of a Debt
Transfer of a Debt
Cession of Land .
Register of Property
A.D.
2nd or 3rd cent. .
About 20
B.C. 69-51 .
A.D. 186
72
66
37
About 98
77
79
23
26
66
go
80
80
61
44
19-20
19
About 20
CCLXXV.
CCLXXVI.
CCLXXVII.
CCLXXVIII.
CCLXXIX.
CCLXXX.
CCLXXXI.
CCLXXXII.
CCLXXXIII.
CCLXXXIV.
CCLXXXV.
CCLXXXVI.
CCLXXXVII.
CCLXXXVIII.
CCLXXXIX.
CCXC.
CCXCI.
CCXCII.
Cexecii:
CCXCIV.
CCXCV.
CCXCVI.
CCXCVII.
CCXCVIII.
CCXCIX.
Cee:
CCEE
CCCII-III.
CCCIV-XXVI.
CCCXXVII-XLIX.
CCCL-LXI.
CCCLXII-LXXxX.
CCCLXXXI-XCII.
CCCXCIII-CCCC.
TABLE OF PAPYRI
Contract of Apprenticeship .
Transport of Corn
Lease of Land
Hire of a Mill
Lease of Domain Land
Lease of Land
Complaint against a EReseand
Complaint against a Wife (Plate VII)
Petition to the Strategus
Extortion by a Tax-Collector
Extortion by a Tax-Collector
Claim of a Creditor
Payment of Corn
Taxation Account
Taxation Accounts
Work on the Embankments .
Letter of a Strategus
Letter of Recommendation .
Letter to a Sister
Letter from Alexandria
Letter of a daughter
Letter concerning Taxation .
Letter concerning a Property Return
Letter of a Tax-Collector
Letter concerning a Mouse-Catcher
Letter to a Relative
SAAvBos
Literary fragments 5
Documents concerning Teper :
Notices to the agoranomi
*Arroypacpat
Contracts, Wills, Leases
Taxation and Accounts
Petitions and Letters
66
17
B.C. 19
A.D. 17
sige) 9
88-9 .
20-50
39-35
45
About 50
About 50
82
23
22-5 .
65-83
83-84
25-6
About 25
27
22
ist cent.
Ist cent.
54
Ist cent.
Ist cent.
1st cent.
1st or 2nd cent. .
Ist cent.
17-59
77-100
Ist cent.
6-97 .
Ist cent.
Ist cent.
NOTE ON LE METHOD OF PUBLICATION AND
EIST OP ABBREVIATIONS, USED
IN the present volume a few slight modifications of the method followed
in its predecessor have been introduced. Of the new literary texts some are
given in a double form, an exact transcript of the original being accompanied
by a reconstruction in modern style. In other cases, where this more elaborate
system appeared for various reasons to be unnecessary, and in the extant literary
fragments, ordinary type alone has been employed. Here words have been
separated from each other, and where possible, supplements of the lacunae
added; but no stops, breathings, or other lection signs have been inserted
which are not found in the original. Corrections, if written in a hand different
from that of the body of the papyrus, are printed in a smaller type; if not,
in the same type as the rest of the text.
The non-literary texts are given in modern form with accents, breathings,
and stops. Abbreviations and symbols are resolved; an index of the latter
will be found at the end of the book. Iota adscript is reproduced wherever
it was written; otherwise iota subscript is printed. Additions and corrections
are simply incorporated into the text, and their occurrence is recorded in the
critical notes. Faults of orthography are corrected in these notes wherever
they seemed likely to cause any difficulty. Square brackets [ | indicate a
lacuna, round brackets ( ) the resolution of an abbreviation or symbol, angular
brackets ¢ ) the omission in the original of the letters enclosed ; double square
brackets [| ]] indicate that the letters within them have been erased in the
original, braces { }, that the letters so enclosed, though standing in the original,
should be omitted. Dots placed inside brackets represent the approximate
number of letters lost or erased. Dots outside brackets indicate mutilated
or otherwise illegible letters. Letters with dots under them are to be considered
uncertain.
xii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Small Roman numerals refer to the texts of this and the preceding volume ;
large ditto to columns; Arabic numerals by themselves to lines.
B. G. U=Agyptische Urkunden aus den Kéniglichen Museen zu Berlin,
Griechische Urkunden.
Brit. Mus. Pap. Cat.=Greek Papyri in the British Museum Catalogue, Vols. I
and II, by F. G. Kenyon.
C. P. R=Corpus Papyrorum Raineri, Vol. I, by C. Wessely.
G. P. I=Greek Papyri, Series I. An Alexandrian Erotic Fragment and other
Greek Papyri, by B. P. Grenfell.
G. P. 1l1=Greek Papyri, Series II. New Classical Fragments and other Greek
and Latin Papyri, by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt.
Gr. Ost.=Griechische Ostraka, by U. Wilcken.
O. P. [=The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, Part I, by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt.
Pap. Par.=Les Papyrus Grecs du Musée du Louvre (Notices et Extraits, tome
xviii. 2), by W. Brunet de Presle et E. Egger.
Rev. Pap.= Revenue Laws of Ptolemy Philadelphus, by B. P. Grenfell, with an
Introduction by the Rev. J. P. Mahaffy.
I. THEOLOGICAL
CCVIII. Sr. Joun’s Gosper, Cuars. I anp XX.
21-2X 75 cm.
THE following fragments of St. John’s Gospel are contained upon a sheet of
a papyrus codex. In its original position the sheet was folded down the middle,
thus forming two leaves, each of which had on either side a single column of
writing. The outer edges of the two leaves have been broken away, so that
only the beginnings and ends of lines remain. The left-hand leaf, which is the
more complete, having lost but three entire lines at the bottom of either side,
contains verses 23-31 and 33-41 from the first chapter. The right-hand leaf,
which, besides being more defective at the end, has a lacuna in the middle, gives
parts of verses 11-17 and 19-25 from chapter xx.
If, then, the original book contained the whole of the Gospel, which is
certainly the most natural supposition, our sheet was very nearly the outermost
of a large quire, and within it were a number of other sheets sufficient to hold
the eighteen intervening chapters. Written upon the same scale as the surviving
fragments, these eighteen chapters would fill twenty-two sheets. The whole
book would thus consist of a single quire of twenty-five sheets, the first leaf
being probably left blank, or giving only the title. Such an arrangement
certainly seems rather awkward, particularly as the margin between the two
columns of writing in the flattened sheet is only about 2 cm. wide. This is not
much to be divided between two leaves at the outside of so thick a quire. But
as yet little is known about the composition of these early books ; and it is by
no means improbable that the simpler and more primitive form of a large
number of sheets gathered into a single quire was prevalent before the more
B
2 TAEIE O XGYIREINYEN GLE Se eZ AeA aIol|
convenient arrangement of several small quires placed side by side came into
fashion.
And this sheet is in fact one of the earliest fragments of a papyrus book
that has been preserved. Like the Logia and St. Matthew fragments (O. P. I.
i and ii), it is of the third century. The handwriting is a round upright uncial
of medium size, better formed than that of the St. Matthew fragment, but, like
it, of an informal semi-literary type. It may be assigned with safety to the period
between 200 and 300, but it would be rash to attempt to place it within narrower
limits. In two cases corrections, or perhaps alternative readings, have been
added above the line in a smaller hand, which, however, is to all appearances
that of the original scribe. The contractions usual in theological MSS., 6C,
THC, XC. TINA, occur; as these are regularly found in the third century, they
must date from a considerably earlier period’. Points are not used; a blank
space, of the width of one or two letters, commonly marks a pause occurring
within the line. The rough breathing is found twice.
The text is a good one, and appears to have affinities with that of the
Codex Sinaiticus, with which the papyrus agrees in several readings not found
elsewhere. This agreement is unfortunately obscured by mutilation. But though
in the case of slighter variants the reading of the papyrus, where defective,
sometimes remains doubtful, enough remains to render it possible for the most
part to reconstruct the text with considerable confidence. In the absence of
positive indications, our supplements of the lacunae are taken from Westcott
and Hort’s text, with which the papyrus is usually in harmony. A collation
with Westcott and Hort is given below. °
It is commonly asserted (e.g. Kenyon’s Palacography of Greek Papyri,
p. 24) that the book form is characteristic of the close of the papyrus period,
and that the use of papyrus in codices was an experiment which was soon given
up in favour of the more durable vellum. But the evidence now available
does not justify either of these generalizations. When the papyrus book
first made its appearance in Egypt it is impossible to say; but at any rate
it was in common use for theological literature in the third century. Indeed
the theological fragments which can be placed in that century are almost without
exception derived from papyrus codices, not from rolls. This fact can scarcely
be due to accident ; and it points to a prevalence of the book form at that early
date much greater than is frequently supposed. Moreover, papyrus in the
book form did not run so insignificant a course. It may fairly claim to have
1 We notice that Mr. Kenyon (Padacography, p. 32) states that these compendia are confined to two
‘well-written literary papyri.’ Our first Oxyrhynchus volume would alone have supplied four more
instances. Mr. Kenyon’s remark (267d. p. 154) that they are found ‘in late theological papyri’ is therefore
somewhat misleading.
THEOLOGICAL 3
made a good fight, if not to have held its own, in Egypt against vellum so long
as Greek MSS. continued to be written there. At Oxyrhynchus it was certainly
the material more generally employed from the fifth to the seventh century.
The literary fragments of the Byzantine period which we have obtained from
other sources in Egypt during the last three or four years, and hope to publish
before long, have as often been papyrus as vellum. Only in Coptic MSS.
vellum, for some reason, seems to have been more commonly used.
We should therefore demur to Mr. Kenyon’s dictum (Palaeography,
p- 112) that ‘in the sphere of literary papyri there is no Byzantine period.’
Papyrus remained in use in Egypt, both for classical and theological literature,
down to the end of that period ; and the types of handwriting which appear upon
it have a continuous history of their own. Though no doubt the literary hand,
as practised upon vellum, reacted upon the papyrus script, we should say that
the debt of papyrus to vellum was unappreciable as compared with that of
vellum to papyrus. The prototype of the handwriting of the great biblical
codices is to be found in papyrus MSS. of the second and third centuries. The
broad heavy strokes, supposed to be characteristic of writing upon vellum, can
be shown in literary papyri considerably anterior to the vellum period. The
vellum hands, so far from affording any sure basis for determining the age of
literary papyri of the Byzantine epoch, are rather themselves to be referred to
the papyri for their explanation and date.
Fol. 1, verso.
[ey]@ por[n| Bolwrvros ev Tn eEpnpw
[ev]Ovvaz[e tyv odoy kv Kabws e
[wlev noaltas o mpodyntns Kat aver
[TlaApevoe [noav ek Tov papioat
5 |@|v Kat npal7noay avrov zt ovy Ba
mTt¢es et [ov ovkK €L 0 XS ovde nALas
ovde 0 mpolpyntns amexpiOn avrois o
iwmavr[ns Aeyov eyo Barrio ev v
Sate plecos vp oTnKer ov vpes
10 ovk oldalTe 0 omicw jou EpXopevE
ivios [oly ofuk ene agtos wa vow av
Tov Tov [imavtTa Tov vmro0dnpatos
TavTa ev Binavia eyeveTo we
pav jou iolpdavov omov nv o iwav
B 2
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
15 [vlns Bamrilgov 7 ewavpiov Bre
met Tov inv [epxopevov mpos avTov
kat Aeyer [ide 0 apvos Tov Ou o apa
THY apapl|Tlav Tov Koopjov oUTOS
coTl imep [ov ey@ Eloy omlaw pov
20 epxeTat alynp os eumpoobev pou
yeyov|ev OTL TpwTOS fLov HY Kayw
ovk nojew avrov aX wa havepo
On [rw topandr dia Touro ndOov e€
ylo...
Fol. 1, recto.
[kayo ovk ndew avrov| ad o men
[ras pe Bamrifew ev v]dar[e] «[Kee
[vos por evev eh ov av wOns To [ava
[kataBatvoy kat pevjov ew auto
5 [ovros earl 0 Banri(jov ev 7 a
[yim Kayo ewpaka Kal Hep apTupnka o
TL OVTOS EoTLV O €EkKXEKTO|S TOU 6v ™
Tavploy toTnKer 0 twavy|ns Kal EK
10 [Breas T@ iv TEplTarovvTt Aeyele
[
[
[Tov pabntwy avtov dlvo Kat ep
[
[Se 0 apvos tov Ov Kat nkolucav bu dvo
[uaOnrar AadovvTos Kat y]KoAovOy
[cay Tw inu orpapes dle o is Kat Oe
[acapevos avrovs ak\oAovOouvTas
ou 0€
15 [Aeyer avrows Te (nret|TeE elmav ay
[7@ paBBe o eyeTat Ep|unvevope
vov dwackade mov pevlets evel
[avrows epxerbe Kar oelrbe dOav
[our kat eday mov pever klat Tap avT@
20 [e“ewav THY npepay] ekelvyy [|
[pa nv ws dexatn nv avdlpeas 0 a
€
15
20
THEOLOGICAL
fOcAGostats ce es crea so aoeb spots, oc OlUOs TOY
[akovoavTwy mapa wwavvoly Kal a
[koAovOncavTav . . .
Fol. 2, recto.
punplem eo KAalovoa ws ovy ekdaLev
Tapekuiev els TO pvynpeov Kat Dew
pet duo [ayyedous ev Aevkois KabeCope
vious eva mpos Tn Kean Kal Eva mmpos
T[ols moow .. .
3 lines lost.
prov [Kat ovk oda mov €Onkav avTov
TavTa [emovca eotpagdy els Ta om
ow Kat [Oewpes Tov mV ecT@Ta Kat ov
kK noet [oT ins eoTLy AEeyel avTn iS
yuvar [Te KAaLELS TLVa (TELS EKELYD
Sokovlca oT 0 KnToupos eoTW deyet
auT@ [ke et ov eBactacas avtoy «ime
fio. mov €OnKas avToy Kay@ avTov
apw [Aeyel avTn MS paplap oTpape
[oa exewn Aeyer avTw eBpatote pap
[TCO ooo eons 6 oo o A Cag OS
H[n pov amrov ove yap avaBeBnxa pos
Tov ma...
Fol. 2, verso.
nrOley [o
Kal
[iS Kat corn els TO peco|y devel
6 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
[avrois e_pyvn viv Kal TOUT ELT@
[ederEev Tas yxeElpas Kat THY 7elv
5 [pay avros exapnoav ovy ot padnria é
[Oovres . .
3 or 4 lines lost.
9 AaBete Ta a
10 [yoy av Twev adpyTe Tas apjaptias
apewvTat avTols av Tlv@y| KpaTnTE
Kekpatnvrat Owpas de ets ek To do
dexa o AEyomevos Sidvpos oulk nv
15 [eAeyov avtw ot pabnrar ew|paka
pev Tov kv o Oe eumev avTot|s eav
[
[
[
[
[mer avt@y ore ovy nrOlev HS
[
[
[un Wo ev Tals xEpow Tov TulTov
.
Fol. 1, verso. 3. Either ameoradpevor (W(estcott)-H(ort) with S&ABCL) or o« ame-
cradpevo. (T(extus) R(eceptus) with later hands in SAC and other MSS.) may have
been the reading of the papyrus. The length of the line is rather in favour of the
omission of ox.
5. There is evidently no room in this line for xa exav (or emoy) avre, which is read
before 7 ovy by all MSS. It is noticeable that 8 omits kat ypwrncav avrov. "The papyrus
variant is the correlative of this, and suggests that the common reading is the result of
conflation.
6. nus (NAC, &c., T.R.) is slightly more probable than yeas (W-H., with BL) in
consideration of the length of the line.
8. warr| ns: "Iodvns W-H., with B.
1o. There can be no doubt that the papyrus agreed with S&BCL in omitting avros
eorw after oare. The longer reading would make a line of thirty-four letters, which is
clearly much too long. It is more difficult to decide between o oma and omow
(S&B, W-H.). The omission of the article reduces the line to twenty-three letters, two of
them being iotas, which is abnormally short. The first line of this column consists of
twenty-three letters only, but it includes four omegas and no iota. But, of course,
considerations of space are inconclusive for a single letter.
Ir. ey was certainly not read by the papyrus before ovx (so A and other MSS., T.R.),
and probably not after ee (so B, &c.), for its insertion would make the line longer than any
other in this column. eyo is omitted in NCL, &c., and bracketed by W-H.
17. The first of the two dots over the « of ide is visible.
24. The letter at the beginning of this line appears to be y; the vestiges are not
consistent with r or v. If e|y[@ is right here, cepayd in the previous line must have been
written in the uncontracted form.
Recto. 6. The first a of pepuprupyxa falls under @ of Barrfov; the supplement is
therefore a trifle long, nineteen letters as against seventeen in the previous line.
THEOLOGICAL 7
7. 0 exdexro|s. The lacuna here is larger by the space of one letter than in the two
lines preceding. It would therefore be hardly filled up by reading o wos. Moreover, in
this MS., wos would naturally have been written in the shortened form vs. There is indeed
apparent above and rather to the left of the s a spot of ink which might represent the end
of a stroke of contraction. But in other cases of contraction in the papyrus the horizontal
stroke projects beyond the letters over which it is placed, which the spot above s here does
not do. On the other hand o exAexros vs would be too long for the lacuna, besides being
open to the objection already stated to reading vs here. o ekAexros has the support of &,
and is printed in the margin by W-H., who give 6 vids in the text.
8. torneec (NAF, &c., W-H.) suits the lacuna better than etornxer (BCE, &c.) ; cf. Aras
fol. 1, verso 6, note.
12. avrov which is read before oc vo padyrac by A and other MSS., after duo by
CL, &c., and after paéyrac by SB, was apparently omitted altogether in the papyrus. It
certainly did not stand in the first position; and it is impossible to get twenty-five letters
into the lacuna of this line, which would be the result of assigning the word to either of
the latter positions. To suppose that Aadouvros was omitted would make the line too short.
15. 0 Se, which has been added above the line by the original scribe, is read by all
MSS. ; ef. fol. 2, verso 2. av[rw has been cancelled by dots placed over the letters. The
omission of the pronoun has no support from other MSS.
16. If, as is at least probable, r# was written at the beginning of this line, there would
scarcely be room enough for pedepunvevonevov, even supposing that paz. (ACFGL, &c.)
and not paBBe (SBE, &c.) stood here. pebepynvevdpevov is read by W-H. with ABCL and
other MSS. ; epynvevopevoy NP, &e.
rg. It seems on the whole more probable that the papyrus agreed with the majority
of MSS. in having ow here. The size of the lacuna is practically the same as in the two
lines preceding.
20. The reading is very uncertain. At the end of the line is a mark which resembles
the rough breathing in ]. 11 ; and the other vestiges are consistent with exewyy. But the line
is then abnormally short.
21. Considerations of space are slightly in favour of the addition of de after apa, but are
insufficient to justify its insertion. There is a strong consensus of manuscript authority
against it.
22. It is evident that the ordinary text ddeApds Bipwvos Wérpou cis ex trav dv0 (W-H., T.R.)
is considerably too long for the space here available. The question is whether this reading
would be sufficiently shortened by the omission (with & and C) of rev, or whether it is
necessary to suppose a variant peculiar to the papyrus, e.g. the omission of merpov. The v of
dvo stands slightly to the right of the v of twawvov in the next line, and therefore twenty-two
letters should approximately fill the lacuna in ], 22. This is the number produced by
omitting werpov; while if werpou be retained, and tov omitted, the number of letters will
be twenty-five. Probably the latter alternative is the safer.
Fol. 2, recto. 18. The omission of «Spare with AEGK, &c., T.R., would make the
line considerably too short.
19. The ordinary reading ‘PaSBovvi, 6 A€yerar Siddoxade, A€yer adty [6] “Invods produces
a line of at least thirty-four letters, which is obviously too long. D has kupte didacKade, which
looks rather like a conflation of two variants, and suggests that xe alone may have stood here
in the papyrus; cf. note on fol. 1, verso 5. Domine is found in a (Vercellensis).
Verso. 2. There is no authority for the omission of kat, which is added above the
line by the first hand. The reading of the papyrus here perhaps points to eras, with a
variant eo7y, in the lacuna.
3. tour’: tovro MSS., W-H.
8 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
4. kai ras yeipas W-H., with AB, and this may have been the reading of the papyrus.
avrots Tas xetpas . . . TAevpay avrov (EGKL, &c., T.R.) is excluded.
5 ff. There is a difficulty as to the number of lines lost after 1. 5. The corresponding
lacuna in the recfo consists of three lines, but there would certainly be room for four on
this side of the leaf if that number seemed more convenient. If all the longer variants are
assigned to the papyrus, namely, o moous before madw (AB, &c.) and arocreAdw instead of
neuro (DL, one of the later hands in &, &c.), four lines will be produced, consisting of
twenty-five, twenty-seven, twenty-five, and twenty-four letters respectively. On the other
hand the lacuna can be satisfactorily reduced to three lines by keeping the shorter version
of verse 21 and following in verse 22 the reading of 8, which omits the words xa tovro
eov. In view of the general agreement of the papyrus with §, the latter is slightly the
more probable hypothesis.
12. The letters in the lacuna must have been rather cramped if the papyrus had the
ordinary reading here. Perhaps de was written above the line, like «a in |. 2; it is omitted
in a and e.
14, 15. It is clear that the papyrus agreed with & in placing ov before nAéev, and
omitting addoe before payra. The ordinary reading ov« jv per airav Gre 7\Oev [6] "Inaods.
Zdeyor ody aire of HAXox pabytai would make |. 14 considerably too short, and 1. 15 impossibly
long.
17. Here again there can be little doubt of the agreement of the papyrus with N in the
omission of avrov, which is read by W-H. after yepow with the rest of the MSS. The
lacuna of this line and the preceding one are of the same size; and even when avrov is
omitted the number of letters lost in this line will be one more than in 1. 16.
CCIX. Sr. Paur’s EpristLe to THE Romans, Cuap, I.
Plate Il. 25-1 19-9 cm.
The first seven verses of the first chapter of the Epistle to the Romans, written
in a large rude uncial—no doubt a schoolboy’s exercise. There are several
mistakes in spelling, and part of verse 6 is omitted. Below are two lines in
a cursive hand which have no apparent sense or connexion with what precedes.
The cursive writing can be assigned with certainty to the first half of the fourth
century A.D., and the fact that the papyrus was found tied up with a contract
dated in 316 A.D., and other documents of the same period, tends to fix the date
more precisely. There is no reason to think that the uncial writing is appreci-
ably earlier than the cursive. The contractions usual in theological MSS. occur.
A
TIAYAOC: AOYAOC XPY IHY KAHTOC ATTOCTOAOC: APG)PIC
MENOC EIC EYAPTEAION OY O TIPOETIHTEIAATO AIA T[@OJN TIP
mHTWN AYTOY EN FP[A]PAIC AP’EIAIC TIEP] TOY YY AYTOY TOY
FENOMENOY EK CTI[E]PMATOC AAYA KATA CAPKA TOY OPICOEN
5 TOC YY OY EN AYNAMEI! KATA TINA ATIWCCYNHC €= ANAC
PLATE II
y eee
as wx ‘ay.
ane
igs
=: TRYAEDOV ROS
AMENOCETCCYAS “EF ,
a PATE RYTOYEN rf
PEND ENOY CK ett
TOSS YOVENY;
PACE NEEL», 7
MENA PIN BALD
Peer TO ICC BNE c
oN LETRUNKAIE
a rae
F ;
s 0 Sata he
Sa |
; ANP TIA AS
a FT gece
te
Re
, =
<rV iistet SEA TIOCTONGS- 7 Be
NDT OSS THATED ATOMS, 9 piggy
FAICAr Clare TOY TYAYPOy TOY a
PANTOCARYN KATA CP ATOYO picden:
oe 1 pera ARRATWCr NCEA _
ag XP nny KY HUN: > =
OP wn TEDL PTDCOLO Nin OND
DEppoy DN QUAN ORY: YXP Vir AN.
“ORk} iATAryH: {Pac OY. TKR
So
bic eee oks CYT potypry Rte re aS
oe! = os
yr ee Crs rem ap asys rade +. “—s Se ,
Are ) Aang j, eee es
No. CCIX
THEOLOGICAL 9
TACEWC NEKPWN THY XPY TOY KY HMWN Al OY E[AJALB]O
MEN XAPIN KA A[TT]OCTOAWN €IC YTTAKWON TICTEOC EN
TIAC] TOIC EONEC[I] YEP TOY ONOMATOC THY XPY TTIACIN
TOYC OYCIN EN [P]@MH ATATIHTOIC OY KAHTOIC [A]TIOIC
10 XAPIC HMIN KAI €[IP]JHNH ATTO OY TIROC HMWN KAI KY XPY
THY
and hand. AvpyAvos IIavdols . .\vuvictov Tay Tapa yevipatos
mept Tav yevnudtoy [. . .jov emi Tov Aoyelas . . [.| Tov
xat
On the verso.
I5 eal. . .on ambarodos
Ist hand. A
The only variant of any importance is Xpiotod ‘Inood in 10-11, where the
MSS. all have the reverse order; cf. 1, where the papyrus has the same order,
and the MSS. are divided on the point.
CCX. Earry CuHrisTiAN FRAGMENT.
17-3 8-7 cm.
Fragment of a leaf from a papyrus book containing a theological work, the
nature of which, whether historical or homiletic, is doubtful. Lines 14-17 of the
verso have an obvious connexion with Matthew vii. 17-19 and Luke vi. 43-4,
the saying that a tree is known by its fruits. In the parallel passage in the
papyrus the words are also put into the mouth of our Lord, as is shown by
the following sentence, eyo elm... elwt elkov; and this points to the work
having been an apocryphal gospel, possibly the ‘Gospel according to the
Egyptians.’ But the passage may of course only be a quotation from such
a work, and the writing on the vecto contains no indication that the book
was of a narrative character. In line 19 of the verso there is perhaps a reference
to Phil. ii. 6 ds ev poppij Geod txapxwv. Lines 11 sqq. of the reco begin a little
further out than the preceding four (the beginnings of the first six lines are lost),
an arrangement which, if it is not a mere accident, suggests that the longer lines
are a quotation ; cf. ccxx and introd. to ccxxi (p. 53).
The handwriting is a good-sized, rather irregular uncial, that on the recéo
being somewhat larger than that on the verso, and may be assigned to the third
10 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
century of our era. The ordinary compendia for deds, Incods, and zarnp occur,
as is usual in theological papyri of this period (cf. introd. to ceviii); avOpw7os is
contracted by the omission of the w, and there is another contraction on line 21
of the verso, of which the meaning is obscure.
Recto.
[. .Japrnf. . .Jarl
]. ee i. . var
.Jpow ov dvvarale
[.
[.
[u}ropewar de mol
[.Jrage ayyedos tral
[me]ou ayyedou Aex[
7 .]s npew Ta aB|
vata. ov[
ovTos Tal
10 eTt efer af
Tat
dou[
omre|
2 lines lost.
16 gew7{
ou
20
Verso.
Jr pod
aya|Oov Tol,
| Os ol.
je inf. k
] evey’kof
. .) ada [
jae epee 7,
aya)Oovs [evley' Ket 0,
elvey[k
. a yabos [
Kap|mos d[ev|dpov ayabouv
jumrof. .
alyabov eyw expe
|ro €lpl ELK@Y TNS
Jos ev poppy bv
|Oca ws etkov av
\H0w 0m Te
lv Tov ewat
jetTat opata
|vra Tov at.
] tev ore
|oav idev
Jevos en.
| avOpzo'.
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS It
i NEW CEASSICAL FRAGMENTS
CCXI. MeEnNANDER, TIEPIKEIPOMENH.
Plate III. 33:4 x 13-2 cm.
THE following fragment of a lost comedy contains one tolerably well pre-
served column of no less than fifty-one lines and the ends of a few lines from the
preceding column, written in a round uncial hand. The papyrus was found together
with a large number of documents dated in the reigns of Vespasian, Domitian,
and Trajan, e.g. O. P. I. xlv, xcvii, clxxiv, and ccclxxiii; and this fact, combined
with the strong resemblance of the handwriting of the papyrus to that of many
of the documents of that period, leaves no doubt that it dates from the end of
the first or the early part of the second century of our era.
The elision marks and (with two exceptions) the paragraphi denoting
changes of speakers are by the first hand. There is a tendency to separate
words, and pauses are generally indicated by a short space. The MS. has
been carefully revised by a second person, probably a contemporary, whose
handwriting is generally cursive, and who uses lighter ink. He is responsible
for (1) the punctuation by dots, of which three sorts are found: the high dot
(orvyuH) denoting a long pause, the low dot (éroorryp7j, see 32 and 47, and: cf.
introd. to ccxxvi) denoting a short pause, and the double dots denoting a
change of speaker (cf. ccxii and O. P. I. xi); (2) several corrections and various
readings, together with the occasional addition of letters originally elided, and
frequent alterations in the arrangement of speakers indicated by the first hand ;
(3) occasional insertions of the speakers’ names (cf. ccxii and O. P. I. xi);
(4) a few stage directions, for the occurrence of which in MSS. of so early
a period there is no parallel. The result is a fairly good and carefully arranged
text, though a few mis-spellings, e.g. EYATEMA in 18 and the wrong insertion
of two iotas adscript in 45, are not corrected. The occurrence of the Attic
forms 7oeiv (2 and 14) and tds (50) in a MS. of the Roman period is remarkable.
Concerning the authorship of the fragment there can be no doubt, since
lines 11-12 of the papyrus coincide with the quotation 6 8 dAdotwp éy® kat
! The correct position of the two small fragments photographed in the bottom right-hand corner of the
plate was found after the facsimile had been made. The larger of the two joins Col. II. 29-34, the smaller
goes at the top of Col. I.
12 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
(nddturos dvOpwros ascribed in the Etymologicum Magnum and elsewhere to
Menander (Men. ed. Meineke, p. 137=Kock, Fr. Inc. 862). The name of the
play is not given, but Meineke assigned the quotation to the Mepixepoyevn (* The
Shorn Lady’). The certainly known fragments of that play are of the scantiest ;
Meineke could only cite one, and Kock (who puts the dAdorwp quotation among
the unidentified fragments) has but two, neither of which gives any clue to the
plot. This, however, is partly known from an epigram of Agathias (Aw¢h. Pal.
V. 217) :—
Tov coBapdv Hod€pwva, tov ev OvpedAnor Mevavdpov
Kelpavta yAvkepovs tijs aXdoxXov TAoKapovs,
“Omdodrepos Todkeuov pipnoaro, kal Ta “PodavOns
Béorpvxa TavTdApois xepoly eAyioaro"
?AAN urns TeAEOEL Mucovpevos’ aitap éywye
Avoxodos ovx dpdwy tiv Tepixerpojevny.
(In line 2 there is a variant yAvkepds for yAveepovs, from which Scaliger
conjectured PAvxépas, which was accepted by Jacobs but not by Stadtmiiller-)
From this epigram it appears that the principal character in the play was
Polemo, a soldier of a violent disposition, who in a jealous mood went so far
as to cut off the hair of his mistress, and that she, if we accept the emendation of
Scaliger, was called Glycera. Some more details are supplied by Philostratus,
Ep. xxvi. p. 924 ovdé 6 to} Mevdvdpov Tod€pav Kaddv peipdxiov mepleKerper, GAN’
alypadwrod pev épwpérvns KateToAunoen dpytobels, iv odd€ aitds amoKelpas ivEerxero.
kale. yoov Katameoov kal petaytyvdoker TO Pdvy TGV TpLXGv. From this we gather
that Polemo’s mistress was a captive, and that he subsequently repented of
his rash deed.
The discovery of the present fragment completely establishes the correctness
of Meineke’s acute conjecture, as well as the emendation of Scaliger in the
epigram. In our papyrus we have Polemo, the rude and jealous soldier who
has been deserted by his mistress Glycera on account of his ill treatment of
her, and now wishes to be reconciled, together with several references (13 and
47) to a mdpowov or act of drunken violence committed by Polemo, i.e, the
cutting of Glycera’s hair. As Blass remarks, there can be no doubt that our
fragment belongs to the closing scene of the play, the plot of which can now
to a considerable extent be reconstructed. Besides Polemo and Glycera, the
characters include Glycera’s brother (11 and 50), her father Pataecus (37 sqq.),
Doris, a female slave of Polemo (2, °8, 15), Philinus and his daughter (51).
Glycera, a captive (Philostr. . c.) living with Polemo the soldier presumably
PLATE IIT
ag
& ae
Fie ae * 7
noe el 7
a, ce trees a oe
se re ss ‘ OTP CIA KOLA AREAS Ky Kren p |
“2 iv £ i: ~
“ ge oo as os Were oetrepecéer: Ce ie:
. a, aor TR SVAN FEET TTS EL we <
een aa Re SAK "ey 7 Z iTtom AV OY ee. oe roy
sea * FUER PYRE Bis Oy apxerkyy ie =
pt dem sania SPU ARAL: =
re Fes
agen Te ae eee 70's, We nae Ac’ AS
in s F rewes eda
kup yer ‘a bea | Rar ay abso
~ AS URS aS Uae peo
x Ny) = Peas nai bt ON
RS ice. NOY RS Sep eos “By PAD ACA K A
Sets SE Vac eh Say Ae tomer Apher pe
eo ay atte be Red hace pegs
NPeN Near secedy gb yao me
ee ey $ Age jays tit ree martial
Hy pees) Seely ee
wt Xa ele
igs ad Pris} teh S
we eee TA ep ot ene haae 2, abe
ley, ke eee” TP
ps ig
yd me,
Kaya ee FE
AR Vi’
§ ata ey
) ee oe Ee ete
OS ey er ey et be Nec
= CH PION eye
WEG Sour
> Sy pe
No. CCXI
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 13
at Athens, is visited by a man whom Polemo suspects of being her lover but
who is really her brother (10-11). In a fit of violent jealousy Polemo cuts off
Glycera’s hair, whereupon she deserts him, and in some unexpected manner
comes across her father, Pataecus, presumably a é€évos, with whom she takes
refuge (46-47, note). Polemo on finding out his error is filled with remorse,
which is no doubt heightened by the discovery that Glycera comes of honourable
parentage, and ardently desires to receive her back. This leads to the climax
of the play which is fortunately preserved in our fragment. Polemo and Doris
are engaged in dialogue before the house of Pataecus, which was on one side
of the stage, that of Polemo probably being on the other (cf. note on 49). Polemo
is in the depths of despair and threatens to commit suicide, while Doris comforts
him by offering to go and bring Glycera back. Polemo is overjoyed at this
suggestion and dismisses her (1-8). During Doris’ absence, Polemo makes
a short soliloquy on his mistake and the rashness of his conduct (9-14). Doris
then returns with the good news that Glycera is coming, and suggests that
Polemo should propitiate her by offering a sacrifice to the gods. Polemo is
delighted with the idea and orders hasty preparations to be made (15-26).
Doris then announces that Pataecus also is coming, at which prospect Polemo is
much alarmed and runs off into his own house, followed by Doris (27-30).
Pataecus and Glycera then come out, and Pataecus congratulates his daughter
on her approaching reconciliation. Polemo is brought back, and in 37 sqq.
Pataecus formally offers him Glycera in marriage, accompanying his offer with
some sound advice. Polemo joyfully accepts Glycera as his wife and is forgiven
by her (43-48). The fragment closes with the announcement by Pataecus
of the betrothal of his son to Philinus’ daughter, whose love affairs no doubt
formed a secondary intrigue in the play. It is improbable that the end of the
comedy was more than twenty or thirty lines off.
Gol I Col. Il.
JN: INEMAYTONATTIOTINIZEAIMI: MHAH[
|mol AMATIL.JOHCWAWPI* TOCBIW[
JEMENOF.] OTPICKAKOAAIM@) NXWPICQ[
JAOTOYC _ATTEICING)CCE : TTPOCOEQN > Olf
5 €ANTIPOOYMHOHC AK[. JC
JAEreEIC OYKENAITIOWANOYOEN €EYTOY[
€
JOON YTTEPEYAETEIC: BAAIZE* TWCEAL
AYPIONAPHCG@AG)PI + AAAOAEL
AKOYCON: EICEAHAYO: OIMOIL
TELE OXON CEL Spied Lavoe
10
etepx
15 Swpts
20
64
25
30
WCK[.] TAKPATOCM EIAH PACE
AAEAPONOYXIMOIXON + OAL
KAIZHAOTYTTOCANOJ.]WTTOC: AL
EYOYCETIAPWNOYN TOIFAPOY[
KAAWCTIOWN* TIECTIAGPIPIAL
ATAQA* TIOPEYCEOWCCE: KATETEAL
MATHNA®POA[.]T HNAAAENEAYET[
OTATHPETIES|. .]JAZEXPHNCENYNTIAL
EYAFEMAT W[.]TETONOTWMNTTOOL
(see JEK[. .JNHCEYTYXHKYInC[
“NHTONAla: OPOG)CFAPAETEIC OAL
CaS
MATEIPOCENAONECTI* THNYNO[
KANOYNAETTIOY * KAITAAAAAE] : [CJKAL
-YCTEPONENAP=ET = AAAATAYTHNC9|
MAAAONAEKATW TEPANONATIOBW[
AbEAW NETTIOECOAIBOYAOMAL. JTTIOAL
v 7s
TIOAAW PANEITOYN: ATETEL. . .JE[
v
_ KAIMH NEMEAAEE=IENATLAL
evoepx.[
AYTOC* TITAPTTAOHTIC : OTAL
wv,
Sel ee AKONTOCE. I[.JHNO[.]PAN[
a
aC€IMIKAYTHC[.|MMOHCOYCT
TIANY COYIAG)T Of. JY NAIAAAAX[
/_——_
OTEYTYXHKAC.TOTEAE[. . . .JAITHNAIL
TEKMHPIONTOYTECTI. .... ]HNOCTP{
)
Claes JAN €OYONI. JTTEPEY[
TATA
TI[. . .JME[. .]C : OPOG)CFAPAETEICL
[.JEAAWAEPEINAKOYE* TAYTHNIN[
TIAIAG)NETTIAPOTWICOIAIAWMI : AL
40 KAITTPOIKATPIATAAANTA: KAIKAAGQO[
TOAOITIONETTIAAO OY CT PATIWTHC[
€
TPOTIET[WICTIOIHCyCM|. ]AEEN|
mods ATTOAAONOCKAINYNATI[.JAGDAATIAL
45
TIAAINTITTPA=GOTTPOTTET[. |COYAEM[
_TAYKEPAI* AIAAAAT HOIPIATATHIMOL
[.. Jk NYNMENFAPHMINTEFONENAPXH[
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 15
_ATAOGN.TOCONTTAPOINON : OPOW[
AIATOYTOCYFTNGMHCTETYXHKAL
to ‘eovcimarai|,
CYNOYEAHTIATAIKE : €TePOYCZH[
oe)
50 ECTINTAMOYCMOIT@FAPY WAAMBAL
=a
“THNTOY$IAEINOYOYFATEP” = WFH[
For the following restoration we are in the main indebted to Professor
Blass.
(TToA.)
(Toa.)
(Aw)
(Aoo.)
(IToA.)
(TToa.)
éEépxe(tar) Awpis
(Aa.)
(Ac».)
(Tloa.)
Aw(pic)
iv’ €uavtov amomvi—ap. (Aw.) pi di [pdrAnvdda.
G@AXAa Ti [tlojcw, Awpi; mas Bidloopa
6 Tpickakodaipwr, xwpis av THs idATarns ;
drecw ws oé. (TMod.) mpos beady of[ov Evers.
eav mpobvpnOns, axlérlws [déw Taya. 5
ovk evdGrro(t) av ovdév, ed Tod[7 ic8. (Aw.) (ov.
Umépev héyes- BadiC’> eyw 8 Edlevdépay
atipiov adiow, Awpi, (0): adn 6 deft Eye
dkovoov. eloeAndvd> otpor [T'AvKépiov
ws Kalra Kpdros pw eiAngpas. [idévar maphy 10
aderpév, odxl poixdr: 6 | dddotwp eye
kal ¢nAdtuTos avO[p|@mos, a[4¥ — uv —
ev0ds emap@vovy, Toryapod|y am@ddpny,
Kad@s Tro@v. Ti é€a7t, Awpi gidr[rarn ;
ayabd: ropetce® ws oé. (TMod.) KareyéXla yé cov. 15
pa tiv “Adpodii|rny, aX evedver[o orarér,
6 matip emeg[yriage xphv oe viv md[Aa
evay(y)eAta Talv] yeyovét@y mobloupéver
[Ovew), exlelyns evtvxnkvias [Tdde.
vi) Tov Ai’, dp0as yap A€yeis: 6 Of- u — 20
pdyeipos evdov éoti: tiv by Ovéro.
Kavoty O&€ tov, Kal TaAN & Set; (TToA.) Kalvodv péy ovy
botepov evdpéer> ahdrAd Ta’rny odlarTéTo.
padrov d& Kaye (a)répavoy ard Bolpod mobev
apedov émibécbar Bovopa{t). (Aw.) mOalvadrepos 25
TOAA® ghavet yodv. (IMod.) dyere (-Y—U-
16 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
(Aw.) Kal pry euedrev e€vévar ft) xo mrarip.
cioepx (erat) { Toheuov
(TloA.) adrés; ri yap man tis; (Aw.) ® Ta&Aaw’ eyo,
Ch ches yeas axovtos . . . vnv Ofv|pay [
eloeipe KavTh o[v\umonoova , [el tu Set. 30
(Mataikoc) mévu cou pide 7d “ [alvvdiaddray/| Ojoopat.”
br evtvxnkas, TéTe Oe[SExO]ar THY Si[Kny
Tekpnploy Todr’ eaz[w “EdA}nvos tplédmov.
ad[r’ exkladeit@ Tis al... .. adzioy v —
TloJAem(wn) efi’ evOad’, aJAX €Ovoy [d]rép e&[mpagias, 35
[[Avképay trap ebpnkiv\iav ods [ovd’ id’ dvap
mvOd|uevols, Maras) dpfas yap déyers. [2 8 ody ey@
[HJEAAW A€yetv, Akove’ Tat’Tnv yr[nolwv
tratdwv én apo7@ co did@pt, (TMod.) AlauBdve.
(Tlat.) Kat mpotka tpia Tdédavra. (TloA,) Kal Kadals y’ exe. 40
(Mat.) 76 Aourdv emiAabod orpatidrns [@v, bres
mpomeTes tromons pinjoe ev (Y — Vu —
Tlode(man.) “AzroAAov, os Kal viv am[éjA@Aa tralp' odLyor,
mddw TL mpdéw mporer[é|s; odd plore,
Dduképa: diaddrA9dyn bt, pirtdrn, podlvor. 45
[Pry]ke(pa.) vov pev yap npiv yéyovey apx?) [mpaypadtov
adyabav 7d ody mdpowov. (ToA.) 6pOa[s, vy Ala.
(TAy.) && toiro ovyyvepns teTvynKals EE Epod,
(lod) otvOve 64, TIdrary’, MWodé(pav) eto(e)ror, Mararx(os) érépous (n[7nTEov
éoTiy ydpmous por 7@ yap b@ apBd\vw 50
tiv Tod Pirivov Ouvyarép* (CAy.) @ yh [kal Oeoé.
Polemo. ‘... that I might drown myself.
Doris. Don’t talk nonsense.
Pol. But what shall I do, Doris? How can I, unlucky wretch, live without my
darling ?
Dor. She will come back to you.
Pol. Good heavens! Do you really mean it ?
Dor. If you are set on it, I will bring her at once without any trouble.
Pol. There is no fear of my being backward, be sure of that.
Dor. I’m off.
Pol. Excellent! Go, I will give you your freedom to-morrow, Doris. But listen to
what I want you to say. (Dorts enters the house of Pataecus.) She has gone in. Ah me,
little Glycera, how you have taken me by storm! I might have known it was a brother, not
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 17
a paramour. J was the wretch and a jealous fool... ina fit of drunken violence. That
was my destruction—and it served me right. (Re-enter Doris from the house.) What
news, dear Doris?
Dor. Good news; she will come to you.
Pol. She was only mocking you.
Dor. No, by Aphrodite. She was putting on a gown, and her father was supervising.
You ought long ago to have been making a thankoffering for the attainment of your
desires, since she has had this good fortune.
Pol. By Zeus, you are right . . . the cook is within. Let him sacrifice the sow.
Dor. But where are the basket and the other necessaries ?
Pol. Oh, as for the basket, he can begin the sacrifice with that afterwards, but let him
kill the sow now. Nay, I too want to filch a crown from an altar somewhere and
put it on.
Dor. You will appear much more persuasive so.
ol Comerny
Dor. By the way, her father, too, was on the point of coming out.
Pol. Himself? What will happen tome? (Polemo enters his house.)
Dor. Alas! ... I, too, will enter and assist if I am wanted. (Dorzs follows
Polemo into his house. Enter Pataecus and Glycera.)
Pataecus. 1 thank you very much for that word ‘reconciled.’ When you have been
fortunate, then to be satisfied with the revenge—that is a mark of the Greek character. But
let some one call him out.
Pol. (re-entering). Here 1 am; I was only sacrificing for good fortune, having learnt
that Glycera had found in reality those of whom she had not even dreamed.
Pat. True. But please listen to what I have to say. This woman I give to you for
the procreation of children in wedlock—
Pol. J take her.
Pat. With a dowry of three talents.
Pol. That is splendid.
Pat. In future forget that you are a soldier, and don’t ever commit a reckless
deed again.
Po!. Apollo, 1, who was but now so appallingly near destruction, shall Z do another
reckless act? Never again, Glycera, if only you will make it up, dearest.
Glycera. Yes; for now your drunken violence has proved a source of blessing to us.
Pol. By Zeus, it has.
Gly. That is why I have pardoned you.
Pol. Come, join the sacrifice, Pataecus. (Polemo enters his house.)
Pat. I have another marriage to arrange ; Iam marrying my son to Philinus’ daughter.
Gly. Gracious heavens!’
6. The two paragraphi above and below this line were inserted by the corrector, being
thicker, shorter, and in lighter ink than the others. Their omission must have been a simple
error on the part of the first hand. Without them both ll. 5 and 6 would belong to Polemo,
and in that case tmépev A€éyers in 7 would have no meaning. ‘There is a spot of ink, perhaps
meant for a dot, under the N of OYOEN, and it is possible that a dot is lost above the N
where the papyrus is rubbed. If so a change of speaker was indicated after OYOEN. But
since there is a space left between the N and the € following, we should have expected the
two dots to have been placed after the N, as elsewhere, instead of above and below the
letter; and even if the ink spot under N means anything, it may be merely a brooreypy.
If, however, the change of speaker took place after OYOEN and not in the lacuna at the
C
18 TRELTES OXGYIREI NAN GEG wel Aen Le
end of the line, supply (Aw.) 8 rov[7’ tc6 vv, roiro referring to Doris’ promise in 1. 5 to
bring the girl.
8. The reading of the papyrus AWPI-AAA involves an impossible hiatus, which is
removed by the insertion (suggested by Blass) of o’ after Awpi and the alteration of o’ to 8’
in the previous line.
IO. xara kpdros p’ eiAnfas: Polemo’s metaphors are naturally military.
11. For the supplement see Menander Fr. 862 (Kock), quoted above.
12. The tip of a letter at the end of the line can only belong to A or @), and is much
more like A.
14. For ka\és roy with the passive, cf. Ar. Zccl. 804 dtappayo . . . kada@s momoets.
16. évedver[o orarév: oratés=yitdv Gpbocrddios. The meaning appears to be that
Glycera was preparing to come out.
17. TIA[AAI is extremely doubtful. The first letter may be T. The vestiges of the
second letter suit A, A, or A better than anything else.
18. The two letters after EYATEAIA might be read as TT and P instead of T and ), but
TIP[O]FTETONOTWN would not fill the lacuna. The two doubtful gammas might be C or T,
and the doubtful € might be O.
19. The first hand wrote E€YTYXHKYIAC, the termination being altered to HC by the
corrector. The form in -y7s was the common one in the Roman period, e.g. in the New
Testament. By ékeiyys is meant Glycera, and edrvynxvias apparently refers to her discovery
of her father, cf. 32, 46-47 and introd.
20. The traces of the paragraphus above this line, though slight owing to the damaged
surface of the papyrus, are clearly discernible. Between 20 and 2r there is also a para-
graphus which has been enclosed by the corrector between two comma-shaped signs.
Apparently the first hand considered that a change of speaker took place either in or at the
end of 20 (probably after A€Te}C, where he leaves a blank space), indicating the change
by the paragraphus between 20 and 21. The corrector, on the other hand, assigned both
20 and 21 to the same speaker (Polemo), and the comma-shaped signs enclosing the
paragraphus are brackets indicating its removal ; while in order to make matters clearer, he
added the name of the speaker against |. 22. In four other cases, between 29-30, 31-32,
33-34, and 49-50, the corrector has inserted a similar comma-shaped sign at the conclusion
of the paragraphus, and once (50-51) at the beginning of it; but as in each of these cases
the other end of the paragraphus is lost or effaced, it is impossible to be certain that they
were parallel to the bracketing of the paragraphus between 20 and 21. The probability,
however, that in these five instances also the corrector intended to cancel the paragraphi is
very strong. Whether he was right in doing so, is of course a different question, which
must be decided in each passage separately; but he appears to be, or may be, right except in
one instance (49-50), where the bracketed paragraphus seems certainly to be required.
This case might perhaps suggest that our explanation of the comma-shaped signs as
brackets is wrong, and that the corrector did 2o/ mean to signify by them the omission of
a paragraphus. But the insertion of these signs must have meant something, and if the
corrector wanted to omit a paragraphus—seeing that he has inserted two (above and
below 6) it is only to be expected that he should wish to do so—the method of enclosing it
in small brackets would be the most natural course to follow. Moreover, the hypothesis that
the paragrapht enclosed by the small brackets were not intended by the corrector to be
removed prevents any satisfactory explanation of 20, 21. As we have explained this
passage, the corrector assigned both lines to Polemo; but the first hand, by inserting
a paragraphus between these two lines, intended the division of speakers to be as follows:
(TToA.) vy tov At’, dpOds yap reyes. (Aw,) 6 8[... .| wdyetpos Evdoy eori. (TloA.) ry» bv Ol vero.
The second change of speaker is necessitated by the first, for some part at least of 21
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 19
must be spoken by Polemo, since there is a paragraphus between 21 and 22 which is
spoken by Doris. This is a less satisfactory arrangement than that gained by assigning
both lines to Polemo, though it is perhaps tenable. But if we suppose that the brackets
enclosing the paragraphus between 20 and 21 are meaningless, and that the corrector
did not intend any change in the arrangement of speakers, we have to suppose that he
twice omitted to insert in 20 and 21 the double points which he regularly uses elsewhere
to denote a change of speaker. Such an omission is very improbable; and since the
hypothesis that the brackets enclosing the paragraphus between 20 and 21 indicate its
omission by the corrector is the only legitimate explanation of that passage, we are justified
in explaining the other cases where the brackets occur in the same way, though, as has
been said, it does not follow that the bracketing was in all cases correct.
22. xavovy: the first ceremony in offering a sacrifice was to fill the baskets with sacred
barley which was sprinkled on the head of the victim and on the altar. But Polemo
is in such a hurry that he wishes to proceed to the sacrifice at once and have the
preliminaries afterwards (dorepov evdp£era). Cf. Eur. 7. A. 1471 kava 8 evapyéaOo rs.
26. The reading of the corrector, rodd@v av eins instead of roAX@ Gave yoor, is probably
not a correction but a variant from another MS. Cf. O. P. I. introd. to xvi.
28. For eioépyera in the sense of going into the house off the stage cf. 9 elaeAfdv6’.
Polemo must be the subject. It is clear that he enters his own house, not that of Pataecus ;
cf. 21 and the adscript Mod<(uw) eto(e)ior in 49. Since Pataecus’ house was on the stage
too (cf. 9-15), two houses were represented, as in the Tewpyés (cf. p. 19 of our edition).
The correct arrangement of the speakers in the next six lines is very difficult to unravel
owing to the lacunae and the number of alterations in the arrangement made by the
corrector, while any adscripts which he may have made in the margin of 29 to 34 are lost.
In any case 30 must belong to Doris, 32 and 33 to Pataecus; and we have followed what
appears to be the view of the corrector (cf. note on 20) in assigning 29 to Doris, 31 and 34
to Pataecus. If however the brackets enclosing the paragraphi between 29-30, 31-2, 33-4,
are disregarded, and the arrangement indicated by the first hand is retained, 29 belongs
presumably to Polemo, 31 and 34 certainly to Glycera.
29. The first letter can be € or C; the third is like H or N, the fourth like €, 0, O,
or C; the fifth resembles N or M, and the sixth [, T, orl. The supposed N of AAONTOC
is rather more like M; the three letters following AKONT can each of them be €, 0, or C.
The letter erased is perhaps T. The letter following HN might be O.
30. «CEIMI is corrected from G)CEIMI.
31. 70 “[o]vvdiaddax/ Opoouar” : Pataecus is repeating a word which Glycera has just
spoken within the house. Cf. 73 “ ya cavrév” Menand. Fr. 240 (Kock).
32. The dot after EYTYXHKAC here and after ATAOWN in 47 represents a dmoorcypn,
not an illegible letter. ded€y@ax rv dixny means ‘not to seek for any further revenge.’
35- The adscript at the side cannot be read as Aa(pis).
36. AP might be read AO, but not as AO or EP.
38. The top of the paragraphus above this line is visible before the lacuna.
y[noiwr] raisey éx’ dpdro: this was the usual formula in Athenian marriage contracts,
cf. Menander Fr. inc. 185 (Meineke) raidov onépe trav yyciwr didam col ye THY epavTod
Ovyarépa.
46-47. The (mpdypara) dya6é no doubt refer to Glycera’s discovery of her father.
Cf. also note on 32.
49. ETePOYC is corrected from €TAIPOYC. It is very difficult to see why the
paragraphus between this line and the line following should have been deleted, for
a change of person is indicated in 49 by the double dots after TIATAIKE, and the
corrector elsewhere (between 22 and 23) allows a faragraphus to stand where there
Cc 2
20 LET A ODSOY IED AN (GH OS apt Ae ovale
is a change of speaker in the middle and none at the end of the line. The adscript
Tode(pwv) eio(e)eor means that Polemo goes into his own house to sacrifice ; cf. note on 28.
50, 51. The removal of the paragraphus between these two lines by the corrector
seems to be an improvement, If the reading of the first hand is retained, the speaker in
51 (? Glycera) is made to anticipate in a remarkable way the news which Pataecus is
giving. It is much more satisfactory to assign (with the corrector) tiv tod bidivou Ovyarép’
to Pataecus, and suppose that a change of speaker was made after 6vyarép’. There may
have been two dots afier 6vyarép’, since the place which would have been occupied by the
lower one is lost. ‘The absence of a paragraphus after 51 may indeed be regarded as an
argument against the supposition that the corrector introduced a change of speaker into
51, for he sometimes inserts paragraphi besides removing them (note on 6). But seeing
that the corrector has carefully denoted the changes of speaker by the system of dots, he
may have been inconsistent in his use of the inferior system of paragraphi which
was employed by the first hand. How inadequately changes of speaker could be indicated
in drama by the system of paragraph is sufficiently proved by the present fragment.
CCXII. ARIsTOPHANES ?
21-9 X 11-6 cm.
Three fragments from a comedy. The use of jv (Fr. (a) I. 2) indicates
that they belong to the Old Comedy (Menander always preferred dy or édv) ;
and Fr. (4) 6 ]TArAOW[ coincides, so far as it goes, with a line quoted by
Athenaeus 15, 701 b (Kock, Fr. 599) from Aristophanes, éxpépere mevxas kar’
-Ayd0wva pwapdpovs. The accentuation makes the reference to Agathon in the
fragment certain; and the previous line 0vpa¢[é vey raxos (?) connects very well
with the line given by Athenaeus. It is not known from what play of
Aristophanes Athenaeus was quoting, nor, unfortunately, do these fragments
give any clue to its title. The expression car’ ’Ayd#wva also occurs (but at
the beginning, not, as in the papyrus, towards the end of a verse) in a line from
Aristophanes’ Thesmophoriazusae Secundae (Kock, Fr. 326), and it has been
suggested that the line éxpépere wevxas x.7.A. was also derived from that play.
This, however, is quite hypothetical ; though it is worth noticing that the only
speakers which can be distinguished in our fragments are women. Fr. (2)
contains parts of two rather short columns, of the first of which there remain
only the ends of about half the lines. The second column is complete at the
top and bottom, but the ends of the lines are missing. Both these columns
are occupied with a dialogue, the speakers in which are probably women (cf. I. 6
ybvat, IL. 1 bBpiCsperar); but the subject of their conversation is extremely
obscure. Fr. (4) is from the bottom of a column, but it cannot be the bottom of
(a) I, since the last two lines are lyrics and belong to the chorus, and will not
therefore combine with (2) II. 1. For the same reason this fragment cannot be
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 21
from the column preceding (a) I. (c) is also a detached fragment, the position
of which is quite uncertain. The script is a large round upright uncial, not
very regular, but bold and handsome in appearance. It is remarkable for the
use of the archaic form of Z (I) which is occasionally found in Roman papyri
(cf. G. P. I. ii). The date of the MS. can hardly be later than the middle of
the second century, and it may go back to the end of the first. The hands
of two correctors may be distinguished; cf. note on II. 6. The division of
a line between two speakers is marked by a blank space in which the usual
double dots are inserted; these, like the marginal paragraphi which also
denote the alternations of the dialogue, are no doubt by the first hand.
High and middle points occur at the ends of the lines of Col. I; and in Col. II
pauses in the sense are marked by points placed above the line. All these
stops have probably been added later, perhaps by the first corrector. The
other occasional lection signs are also unlikely to be original.
Fr. (a).
Goll: Cola ile
add’
]ZOMAI YBPITOMENAI: MAAIET |
JEPXETAI- HNNOYNEXWMENCKEY|
JANAICXOAH’ MHAENTIACONTOYTOYCOf
]TAre TIOYNFENOITAN : XA. [
5 1XMAC 5 TIECTITOYOOAEFOYCITL
]FYNAI- cE
vat TIAITEINEXOYCANTIBOAQ)|
| bAYAPIAKAIAHPOCYBPEWL
]. OMAI KAAGD CONEIAOCKAIKATT
10 JA€CO! TOL. .JWITAPWCTIEPTOIC! . [
yweroy 10. T[.- JANEMIAIOICOTINEOT[
€Y[. JAEKAITOYTECTIN’ €Y[
€C[. . .]TOXPHCEI!’ KAITIONO[
KA[. .JHNAETETAIF@CECOL
AAH[.JINGDIK[. . .JOYTO : NHAL
15 x WCTIEP[.JEAHNHTHAIOI) THNMEL
IAEINOMOIONECTI’ OAATIEIAOYL
OYKAZIONFAPECTIN: AIATOYTION[
EP’ El[.JETOICOEPATTOY CIKOINWCf
TOTIP[.]PMA’ TIANEIH? AAQPAITETTAL
20 €FWM.JNOYTEMIOTEPONAYTHC[
22 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Fr, (4). Fr. (c).
J.-L JNKAMETI[
]TPATIKW[ JO1AALAL
JINOYPAL[ ]NEIXOML
JTAFAOW[ ]bIAHKOF
5 JECTINACS 5 JCITIAEOL
]TATIAIC)’' TL YAN
TOGSnh ee wel el
JENENWIAAIC
Fr. (a) I. 9. The letter O is joined to the previous letter by a low curved stroke which
may very well belong to A, P, or C.
II. 3. The last letter may be €.
4. The last letter had a vertical stroke; Y, T, or N, e.g. would suit.
6. Above the C in the middle of the line as has been written in a minute and
probably contemporary hand. Over this the missing syllable has been written a second
time in larger letters by another hand, which is probably also responsible for the addition
int. The insertion of \ in 8 and of x in the margin opposite 15, and the addition of o as
a variant above the line in (4) 7 seem to be due to the first corrector.
11. The first letter is either € or C; the second is probably T or Y, but N or TI are
also just possible.
15. The small x in the margin may be the initial of the speaker’s name, or the
critical sign known as yi.
1g. €TTIA: the letter transcribed as € may equally well be O. If the third letter is |,
as is most probable, the fourth may be A, A, or 4; but they could perhaps be read as
a single letter, G).
20. TOTEPON: or TIPOTEPON. Cat the end of the line is very doubtful; P would
suit the traces rather well.
Fr. (6) 6. The doubtful T may be TT.
7, 8. These lyric verses, the ends of which are preserved, are shorter than the pre-
ceding iambic lines by about four syllables.
Fr. (c) 1. The doubtful TT may be Tr.
5. O before the lacuna may be C.
6. A might perhaps be read as X.
The suggested restorations in the following transcription are for the most
part due to Professor Blass.
Col. Il. 1-20.
A. bBprfdpevar. B. pa Ai a@drN eyo [(Y—v-
iv vodv éxapev, oxew[opeOa Y — bras
pndey mréov Tovtov cOlévwow — uv -
A. ri obv yévur dv; B. ey’, alwbxpwat por rode
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 23
5 Ti €ore Todd 3 €yovor 7[as Y— VU
maifew €xovoas, avTiBoro, [7d - Uv -;
A. ¢dvapia Kai Arjpos UBpeals Exyovos (?)
KaXXws dvedos Kal Kaz[dyehos — UV —
TovT|@ yap womep Toicl|y @ois ypynoréov
10 Tlois| avepiators, Ore veor[ri’ ovK et.
ev[x7)] 6€ Kal Tod7 eoTw: ev — VU -
€s [rod]ro xpyjoe Kal movolY — uv
B. kali piv déyerai y as eoO [dpouv —u —
GX O\ur@ kai tobro. A. vi) Al’, & pir, (2)
15 @omrep [aleAjvn y HArAlo Ti wey xpoav
ideiv byordy eat, Oédrer 8 ov[dapds.
B. ovx dgwov ydp eat. A. di& Tobmdv [U -
B. dép, ef [dé tots Oepdmover Kowwwolaipeba
TO mplalypa, ti dv ein; AdOpa Y—V-
: 2
A. 20 éy@ plély ovre midrepoy adbtas fo=
CCXIII. Tracic FRAGMENT.
Plate IV. Fr. (a) 8x 11-3, Fr. (6) 7-8 8 cm.
Part of a speech out of a tragedy, written in several columns on the verso
of an account. The rough unformed hand and the corrupt Greek indicate
that the writer was a schoolboy. The subject of the better preserved portion
is very clearly the fate of Niobe. The scene is laid in Lydia, and it is probable
that the speaker both here and throughout the fragments is Niobe’s father
Tantalus, who, after lamenting over his daughter’s petrified form, bewails (fr. 4)
the loss of his kingdom and the fickleness of fortune. It is an obvious and
tempting supposition that the author is either Aeschylus or Sophocles, both
of whom are recorded to have written tragedies upon the subject of Niobe.
Tantalus certainly figured among the dyamatis personae in the Niobe of Aeschylus,
and a few fragments are preserved of a speech made by him after the catastrophe
had taken place. Less is known of Sophocles’ play ; but according to Eustathius
(p- 1367, 21: cf. G. Hermann, Opusc. 3. 38; Welcker, Griech. Trag. 286 sqq.
takes a different view) he made Niobe herself go to Lydia, while her children
24. THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
were slain at Thebes. The question therefore as between the two dramatists
becomes one of style; and Professor Blass, to whom we are to a large extent
indebted for the restoration of the fragment, considers that its diction is
decidedly Sophoclean. The chief grounds for this conclusion are :—Fr. (a) I. 2.
émef in Aeschylus is never placed late in the sentence; on the other hand
this is a favourite construction of Sophocles, e.g. Phil. 1343, Tr. 1174 (ered)
O. R. 801 (sre). 3. ALGovpyys is only known from later authors ; but compounds
of Ad@os do not occur in Aeschylus, whereas from Sophocles we have AvoxddAnros,
AOoAEvVaTOS, ALOoaTad)s, and ALOdorpwros. 8. cOévew with the inf. is Sophoclean
(Ant. 1044, &c.), but is not found in Aeschylus. 9. rovyapody occurs four
times in Sophocles, in Aeschylus not at all. Fr. (4) I. 7. ofddpa is used twice
by Sophocles (27. 1053, Az. 150), never by Aeschylus. 10. kvxdeiy is Sophoclean
(Az. 19, Ant. 226, &c.), but does not occur in Aeschylus. These considerations
certainly outweigh the few instances of the use of Aeschylean words which
are not found in the extant plays of Sophocles:—Fr. (a) I. 6.? dé]uypos (Sept. c.
Th. 985), Fr. (6) I. 3. oxnarovxta (Pers. 297). There is also to be noted the
occurrence of several words not hitherto included in the tragic vocabulary,
eixoviopa (cf. Phalaec. Auth. Pal. xiii. 6), etxedos, revxiCew, and axapd.os and ArOody,
if those words are to be restored in Fr. (a) I. 8, 9.
The papyrus upon which the piece is written is in two separate fragments,
each containing the ends of lines of one column and the beginnings of lines of
another. In both cases the bottoms of the columns are preserved; it is therefore
evident that the fragments cannot be placed one above the other so as to
form only two columns. If they are to be united at all either the second
column of frag. (2) must be combined with the first of frag. (4), or the second
of frag. (6) with the first of frag. (2). The latter possibility is precluded by
the occurrence in the last line of (6) II of the word kepav|yés which cannot be
the beginning of the last line of (a) I, where only one foot and a half is
wanting. On the other hand there is nothing to invalidate the combination of
(a) II with (4) I. The aspect of the papyrus at the right edge of (a) and the
left edge of (0) is very similar; and the writing on the recto, of which there
are also three columns, is in favour of this position of the two fragments. The
speech will then have extended over three columns at least; but they may
have been short ones, and the whole speech need not have contained a number
of lines greater than is frequently found in the pjoes of extant tragedies.
With regard to the date of the MS., the document on the vecfo—a list of
names accompanied by amounts in money—is decidedly early, and probably
falls within the first century. The writing on the verso is unlikely to be divided
from that on the vecto by a very wide interval; and though it is difficult to date
Pirate IV
IDXXX99! ON
\ LEN odht WA! peal
29 pattie? ne ci Gir oe Shed Sebp fer
"Fae Ati eee IGE s.
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EE IEC Ree vai pias Ne
AY
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be RBS a LICL NRIOL oe er Pl Tay fag
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Ree mit Bypebhe Jde~ fees
Bay el tad
pd ere
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é. 224 = ote
‘ eet: . ae “ES =
tit te es é Lat
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Fa ra ae SEL Lae
(ee vy
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METI he LOI (Oy
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10~-/pyat 1 Te ea Oe Tekan
PLEA VI IN LSI «
oe WAAR RURULY Oren HX.
AM 9 fy IIE forty d 5
. meas Di VEC PAP Wt
sig diy LEO COM : éloty snail ee
Cha iate Pere hey W324
fe Fosbae HK my iacdiet yo
ae! Wen, iy
W dofdcA ay
its irr vos ad Kime.
eon yay ~ + e
ee BEmKee 4.
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Baa elles:
NM it OF ROWE DE
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SHEMET OI Fe oS:
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NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 25
hands of this uncultivated type, the present example appears to belong to the
earlier rather than to the latter part of the second century.
Fr. (a).
Col. I. Col. II.
JNHP@NTTAY[ 12 letters.
JTIETWNAETTIIMG) NOCPOBWN
JOOYPFECHKONICMAEIAHTEPA
JAIKW bAICINIKEAONTTET POIC
5 JE€INHCOIAAKAIMAFOYCTIATAC
JYFPG)IKAAABIKOIMHOHCETAI weital ohn
]CXONOAMBOCHTFAPTINEYMEOA LIN
JAIOICTIETPOICINYMTTAAINCOENE] [. JTE[
J@MCAITOITAPOYNOf[. .|PEITAIMOI » TH
10 JENOIKTPACYM®OPAAATIT EI PENAC [. JAIL
JNAIMOAONOEKOY CIOY CMI. |XAC G Croll
JMOIP@NANTIAAZON[...... |TOI HTOl
Fr. (4).
Gola: Collie
]C[.JPPANICMEOA MY.JH[
]HTTPATIOYAOMWNE€AH [. JEL
JNTOMONCKHTTPOYXIAI [
]YNEPHMIAI [
5 JONTECAIANH[.JAETO)! 5a
JEIXICMAIKAKQON [
|OAPAEYTYXHKPATEIN YI
]CTYXHC Hal..[
JATAPTPEXOYAIKHN ECOA.[
10]. TICKYKAEITYX[. -] 10 KEPAY{
(a). I. 2. The first letter is probably TT; it could perhaps be read as Y, hardly as M,
5: EINHC: H has been corrected from O or C.
6. The dot above the supposed Y may represent a diaeresis.
8. The traces of the first letter seem to suit nothing but A.
t1. There is room for one letter between the 0 (which appears fairly certain) and the
following €.
12. ANTIAAZON[: ANTIAAZON[TAI could also be read.
(4). I. 9. The first letter might be €.
to. The vestiges before TIC would suit | or N. Y in KYKA€! was corrected from |.
26 TCFTESS OXOY IRIEL YEN GENO S lotta
The letters YX at the end of this line do not appear in the facsimile owing to the fact
that the small piece of papyrus containing them was turned over when the photograph was
taken.
II. 1. The third letter may be Y.
Fr. (z). Col. I. 9=12.
2 [Y—U-|me rav8 Emel povos poor.
[kai piv ALl\Oouvpyes elkévicp’ Seiv mapa,
[
na + v2 a 4 4
TH pev xpola Kopaiow eikedov TeéTpais,
on
[Hoppiy 8 exjelyvns oda Keppatoorayeis
[mnyds: dilvypo KddvBi KoipnOjoera.
[méytorov eloxov OduBos: 7) yap mvedy EL
? adkap|diois méTpoiow, 7) 'pmadtv obéver
Beds ALO\@oat, Tovyapody Ofew|podvTi por
10 [ma.dds pléy olktp& ovpdopa ddmre dpévas,
[7 8 lordjvar podrov@ éxovelovs pdxas
[Ocoto.] Moipov avi’ a¢or{ra Bpolroi.
Fr. (6). Col. I.
IC
~u-~Y-= Us [elppaviopeda.
mov pot TUpavva oxA\rtpa; mod dépov €6n ;
a
[YU -—¥ odlyropov oKxnmrovyia
[¥-U-Y-. viv epnpia
5 (Y—vU-Y Jovres atavi[y] d€yo
[¥-U--— Terletyiopat Kakov
[Y-uU-Y-— alpddp’ edrvyh Kpareiv
[¥Y—-v- ¥—u-=vu Wloruxis
[Y-U-—“mdvtl]a yap tpoxod dikny
10 ayolupeévn tis Seom|étis KuKAEL THX|N.
(a). I. 3-12. ‘Lo, there may be seen the stone-wrought image, in colour like to the
dumb rocks, but with the familiar shape and founts of welling tears; a dark abode shall
be her resting-place. I am stricken with amazement! Either there is breath in the lifeless
stones, or the god has power to petrify. Thus as I gaze my heart is wrung by my
child’s piteous lot; yet to go forth and engage in wilful contests with the gods in despite
of Fate—that mortals dare not.’
(a). I. 2 sqq. Cf. Sophocles, An/. 823-833.
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 27
4. kapaiow rérpas ; cf. Homer, Z/. xxiv. 54 xopyy yaiar.
5. kduparoorayeis: the compound is new. xk@ppatos otayas is another possible
emendation which would be slightly nearer to the original; the form ordyes (for oraydves)
is found in Apoll. Rhod. 4. 626. If this is preferred the next line may begin [é6ev &:]bypo.
6. xadv8i: an unknown metaplasm for kadvBp.
(4). I. 2. rod Séuoy &y: the capital of Tantalus was at Mt. Sipylus, where a city
called Tantalis is said to have been destroyed by an earthquake ; cf. Arist. Mefeor. ii. 8
yevopevov cempod ra wept Simvdov averpdrn. The region was known as 7 xarakexavpévn, to
which no doubt épyia in 4 refers.
g, 10. For the wheel of Fortune, cf. Sophocles Fr. 713—
GAN obpos det woTpos ev uKY@ Oeod
TpoX@ kuxkNetrat Kal pera\haooe prow.
CCXIV. Epic FRAGMENT.
II X 7-9 cm.
Parts of forty-three hexameter lines, inscribed upon the two sides of a small
fragment of papyrus, presumably a leaf out of a book. What remains of the
lines on the verso, which is much rubbed and difficult to decipher, is indeter-
minate in character, the topic being the dangers of travel by sea. The recto
is occupied with a speech relating to Telephus. According to the legends
Telephus was king of Mysia at the time of the Greek expedition against
Troy. He opposed the landing of the Greek army on the Mysian coast, but
was wounded by Achilles. He was then pressed to join the expedition, but
declined on the ground that his wife was the sister of Priam. Achilles subse-
quently cured the wound with the rust of the spear which had inflicted it ;
and in return for this service Telephus pointed out to the Greeks their route.
The first five lines of the recto clearly refer to the initial stage of the story, and
describe how narrowly the Greek host escaped destruction at Telephus’ hands :—
‘The Achaeans would not have come yet alive to Ilium, but there would have
Menelaus fallen, and there Agamemnon perished, and Telephus would have
slain Achilles, the best warrior among the Argives, before he met Hector’ (2-5).
The situation is therefore posterior to that in the //zad. What follows is obscure.
The speaker, who is a Trojan woman (cf. 11 Aapddvov jperépovo, 14 avr), con-
tinues, and prays for a treaty between Greeks and Trojans; and a further
reference to Telephus is introduced (16). A satisfactory hypothesis which will
at once explain the situation disclosed in the vecfo and correlate this with the
contents of the verso (where the speaker is perhaps the same, cf. 5 érofyn) is not
easy to discover. The allusions to Telephus may be accounted for by supposing
that the speaker is his wife Astyoche; and Prof. Robert, to whom several
28 THE OXYRHYNCHUYS PAPYRI
restorations in the text are due, suggests that the scene is Italy, and that
Astyoche, who with her sisters Aethylla and Medesicaste was among the captive
Trojan women, is exhorting her fellow-slaves to set fire to the Greek ships ;
cf. Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 921, 1075. This is attractive, if rather difficult to
reconcile with vecfo 12-15. The style indicates the Alexandrian origin of the
poem.
The papyrus is written in a small, sloping uncial hand which may be referred
with little hesitation to the third century, to which also belong a number of
cursive documents with which this fragment was found. The handwriting is
very similar to that of ccxxxiii, which is of the same period. No stops or
lection signs occur, with the exception of the diaeresis.
Recto.
[eléamivys emedyoev aveioroicr Kradoior
[ov] Kev ett fwovtes es tdrov ndOov [ayxator
[evOa de Kev pevedaos exekdi7o ©[0 ayapepvav
[w]AeTo Kat Tov apiorov ev apyeios [axiAna
Tnregos eEevapige mpw ekToplos avtiov eOew
or
aA omogov pot Kat 7[0] apuvepev é[
Xpatopnoa de po af..... > ell
n Kat am apyeloilo) Aaxev yev[os] npakAnos
[T]nAepov ev Oarapors Todepov amrave|vde
10 [kAluTe proc aBavaroa [evs dle m\Acov ov yeveTnpa
Sapdavov nueTepoio Kat n[pa\kAnos akovw
Kat Tovtoy dpaccacbe plaxo|y dvowv ica de pvOos
[olurOeoin tTpwecot Kat alpyletotor yelv|erbw
[olde apyeiovs Oavele|iy [. .Jnoopar avry
15 gavOov gowigavres ,.. me. . XEULa KaLkov
TnAepov eft Tol... ..... ovjkeTe Owpnyx Oevres
I esl) IS GORRSGIS on ob B seo | Kae. . pov ayawov
[eweuce te luca: exew mf...... |€eoxov ayator
[Pees es Jerar peool......] evglk}oy «Arf
20) [Evsten wear ees Jros pe. [ . modus ec de pe. , .] . [
(ee teuie totes tone eereeeme Jo ov pot mapa pn
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 29
Verso.
[12 letters | Biorovear{. | de. . vev cwpats
oneness 2 ole wrmorror ova 7 6 evonce
[13 » jos @. pa modrvmAayKTo10 Oadac ons
les » |.) .. Gero vnt Oadracon
5 [17 3 Joa Kal Tooolv €TOLULN
(13. ,, J. . emt XOovos ebvoraipe
le (eae Jaci cesiansd vy es Twa Xwpov
[Exe mcrreseu ans i eceve [ese ates ].[ .M. .Jros nxnv
ves tee ceclieuret eee ey [ol wore, [a|2Oo]| eal: morTou
10 [.]. [.Juvo. [.Jv.. of. .] . L.Jr00 .[.] wxeavoro
vnmos ofs .jeAael, . .] . [. Klaz[a] Oe{. .Jov odever
dovpace mlov|roro[pjoufaj\e Tl. . .Jel.|. 08 [ojuridavoroe
am vv. (Jc... O..J.[.. Je. . Aov edotTo Baraccal
epmedos [.].... uni... i... .Ja [leaf .]. eAucros
MGM LYOUBOTOIS | KTEIe ae =o « boa oe | pecOpou
MOTO lle los oslo ob od00060c |r apevor
GUS? ASN eee llo Se 8 ned, 6 cybre Oe c ] Oaraccar
vavey Toul. . .|tu[. wjoAv [...... ov avOpwroiiow
K[. .jre[.] . [. .Jres corey [-....- Indev ap niyée
Obes bSohes See a eo \eOed)
[11 (eves ee 50 Tel
[
» ” 9[.]p 2 9 [
Recto. 1. The allusion is to the vine over which Dionysus caused Telephus to stumble
while pursuing the Greeks.
10. kAvre pow: Cf. CCXXill. 115.
14. The metre may be restored by the insertion of kev after ovde.
18. juoa : or voov 2
21. Robert suggests My|Seorxdory ; cf. introd.
Verso. 1. The doubtful ¢ may be yor 7. Of the letters transcribed as de . . vev, 8 may
be a and the first » may be p or possibly Ac; there may also be only one letter between the
supposed 6ée and ».
3. The traces between the doubtful a and » would suit A. It does not seem possible
to read kiya. ae may be read instead of p.
30 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
CCXV. PxHtLosopHicaL FRAGMENT.
23-2 X 18-3 cm.
Parts of three columns from a philosophical work, apparently couched
in the form of a letter, see I. 16-17 od 6 & dvOpwre and II. 12 & mpods Atos.
The handwriting is an irregular uncial, the letters varying much in size ;
€ especially tends to be very large. = is written with three separate strokes
of equal length. In its general appearance the papyrus bears considerable
resemblance to the semi-literary hands of the second century B.C., e.g. that
of the first three columns in the papyrus Didot of Euripides (ed. Weil). But
it is a distinctly later example, and was found with documents of the Roman
period, so that it is not at all likely to have been written before the reign of
Augustus. On the other hand it can hardly be later than the middle of the first
century A.D. There are a few corrections, some by the original scribe, others
in a probably different but contemporary hand. The paragraphi are original,
but the other marks of punctuation with one exception (see note on II. 19) have
been added later.
The principal topic discussed in the fragment is the popular idea of religion
and especially fear of the gods, which is severely criticized by the writer. The
style and vocabulary (which includes such words as cuprepiopd and céurvwa)
are post-classical, but on account of the age of the papyrus the work must
have been composed not later than the first century B.c. The author was
probably an Epicurean philosopher, possibly Epicurus himself who wrote zept
deGv and wept dovdrntos (Diog. Laert. x. 27).
Colmr Cole
i. lle allatllo 5.0.0 |. .|uTtKov Kat Kexalpio|pe
ne, yane \o|Olac orav Kaz. . VOY €av EUKAIPHL TIL @|y
[. .J¢ TNS PuTews ws eXeyov auTnyv THY Bewiplay ceau
[ot|kevov und oray ye TOU TLS OUYYEVETLY KATA
5 [vln Ova ovrar Aeynrat 7a 7
capka noovais| at oT ay
ou
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 3I
vx =o
Ady vTo Tey 7[[7]Jor[[A Jor
[djedolelka Tous Beous av
[Tas Kat oe Boluar [k]Jae Tov
‘Towls BolvlAlolua mavra Ka
10 [7 |aOvev Kat Tourois
lavjariOevar Xapleate
[poly pev yap tows more
[0 TloLouTos adAwy rw
[T@|y eat ouws de ov
15 [de] ravtn mor to BeBatov
\evloeBelas urapyec ou
(6 @| avOpare paxapio
[Ta|rov pey TL vopuce To
[dre]Anpevat Kados o To
20 |mrav|aplorov ev Tols ovat
StalvonOnva dvvape
(Oa) Kale Olavpage ravtny
ThIv Oujadnyuw Ka ceBov
[. .Je[.].¢ Tofv}ro eme|t Ta
Fy Neato carina ecm pears Jav7[. .
o ob Gaiam ]. [.Joon[. .
[Sele le sale lonavice
y
[. . |00[. .|0ocrv adda povo
.|ov,. .] opwy TnALKOU
30 [Tov] cEe“vwpatos Kata
THI\v O€\wpiay mrpos ry
[eav|rou ev darploviay x, .
Kay
..] Ota mel...
Thy THIv
. revOe. . Jpav wei,
Tag, Jue... al
15
kaOnkwow adda Tore
Kal TN Tov VOMwY cUpTE
pipopat xpcoperdffv] cov deos
de wn mpocalye] evrav0a
Hd von ifr] xapiorouwer
as Oeois o7t TavTa mparres
Tl yap w mpos dios To On de
yopevov d€\dorcas zo
Tepa adikely| exeivous
voui¢ev’ ovxovy dndov
ws ehatrouv’ Tews ouly
ov Tamelvov TL To datplo
viov doga¢ele]s evmep ear
TOU\TaL mpos ge: y Ka yl...
Caloben otc ls ure npas
Colyer ae ] mparrnl...
By
UY |e ne ad aiare ]. Tovral.. .
Poy sa |viocavnf. . .
BX Re oe | avOpolr .,
25 Kale yap oovjrat dew alvtovs
30
Col. III.
dedorkevar [Kat] Tiywav 7...
Wa KaTeXo evar Tar gf oBo
Hn entry |rac avTol ae
eT opOws z[ovT 0 o1ope|vor
KaBodrov 4 | BAaBnoeo| Bac
‘et|t ovk opOas] 70 duval, .
egactees Jov . [. Jer tov |
[eet . voc. .
yori. .
Tes mpos To THs BAa[Bns vo
32 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
kauy TTEVLA KAL THY T\aVTNS
Tal TO yap KaTa)
BraBnv epepev av,
Tpoaeooka TO €TT|
mpopudakny €yt|
15 |. .JeTeov mpoo7ro,
: [....] TovT@Y mp)
5 Kal xwpis TovT| [... .|JvT@y vied
[.. .] walkapear [
[...] Kae ov wad [
Toupevol pn Trap|
onpela TNS XaplTios vost
Covres avtous paldiws Kab z
20 |... .jov 0 mapal
€avTous Kal Tpoo| é pecan
10 agikerOar Kat KL sake ;
- |eeroj
ocovadnTorTe TpoT|oUsS....
I. 2. yule|o[ Ola: yun|r|a is also possible.
4 sqq. ‘Nor, indeed, even when this further statement is made by the ordinary man,
“T fear all the gods and worship them, and to them I wish to make every sacrifice and
offering.” It may perhaps imply more taste on his part than the average, nevertheless by
this formula he has not yet reached the trustworthy principle of religion. But do you, sir,
consider that the most blessed state lies in the formation of a just conception concerning
the best thing that we can possibly imagine to exist ; and reverence and worship this idea.’
6. tvxorrey is corrected by the first hand from moA\ov.
TI-12. xaptewre| po |v must be a mistake for yapréarepos.
30. oé€uvopa is used by Epicurus af. Diog. Laert. ix. 77.
32. A small fragment with i at the end of a line perhaps belongs to the end of this
line, and another fragment with |ep to 34, i.e. oa| x |ep.
II. 1-8. Blass considers the meaning of this obscure passage to be that the ideal
of the Supreme Being is to be honoured with feasting and pleasures like those commonly
enjoyed at the festivals of the gods, but the wise man will also sometimes do homage to
received opinions and the established laws relating to the worship of the gods; cf. Plutarch,
contra Epicur. beat, 21.p. 1102. In 8 either xpopevos simply or ypopevov cou must be read.
xp@pevos ov gives no satisfactory sense.
8-19. ‘But let there be no question of fear in this, nor any assumption that your
action will buy the favour of the gods. For why, ‘by Zeus,’ to use the vulgar
phrase, do you fear them? Is it because you think that you do them an injury?
Is it not plain in that case that you are making them inferior? Are you not then regarding
the divine power as something mean, if it is inferior to you?’
10. The reading vmodny{v] is very doubtful; the termination is more like -yy.
xapiorovia is a new word meaning ‘buying of thanks. ‘tadra mparreis must refer to
something lost at the top of the column, probably fear of the gods, which was the subject
of the first column and to which the speaker now reverts.
1g. oe: the lower stop is by the first hand, the higher was added by the person who
inserted the others.
20. There is not room for umea| evar.
25-28. The sense of this passage seems to be that men think it necessary to fear and
honour the gods in order that other men may be restrained by the fear of the gods
Pirate V
re aie Ce analy
es: wep TICS XC age y
2 COLE? FETONT i Gam *
mes: KNOT a4 ee
# ” ¥
aa
1 Ee EN pocan hase trem ¢ | YXTKTOX
2m GNI EEE rer, | eres
J O/C CINIjo Lue. AP : “MOYEN
“By aphtn OS wt
: Ribena 4, Boers Mon Bi THNGTECS DE
pirgiceTO!S iF [nH hegiaee AE pee
me TA CAA? , NCTEPON ere
ao eee , Sh Mevbiacand
“ * ORR Enero v
AN Nims
No. CCXXV
No. CEXXXVI (a)
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 33
from doing them wrong. jujre Bdrrew pyre B\dwrecOar was the Epicurean formula of justice
(Diog. Laert. x. 150). Something like of ado is wanted as the subject of émri@wrra, but there
is not room for that at the end of 28. The number of letters lost at the ends of 19 to 31
ought not to exceed 3 or 4. tov in 32 seems to be the end of the line.
CCXVI. RHETORICAL EXERCISE.
Plate V. 17-5 X 19-4 cm.
Parts of two columns from a speech by an anti-Macedonian orator upon a
letter of Philip. The florid, Asiatic style of the fragment points to its being
a rhetorical composition.
Palaeographically, the papyrus, which is written in a large handsome uncial,
is of considerable value, since its date can be fixed within narrow limits. It was
found with a number of documents dated in the reigns of Tiberius and Claudius
(e.g. ccliii, celxxxv, cexciii) in a mound which produced nothing later than about
A.D. 50. On the verso is a letter written in a cursive hand of the first half of
the first century, mostly covered up by another document of the same period,
which was gummed over it in order to strengthen the roll. The writing on
the recto, therefore, can hardly be later than Tiberius’ reign; while the great
scarcity of papyri at Oxyrhynchus before the reign of Augustus, combined with
the resemblance of the handwriting to that of early first century hands which
approximate to a literary type, makes it very improbable that the papyrus
goes back to the Ptolemaic period. Cf. cclxxxii and cexlvi (both on Plate VII),
the former of which presents many points of resemblance, while the general
appearance of the other is slightly later.
The corrections are apparently by the first hand.
Colle Col. II.
Go.
amo plas emtaTod|ns ares [. |v amokwAe Kal.......
Anv dovrevay avr eAlev [Ta] TELXNL THS TO[AEws TE
Oepias avTikaTarr acloe TTOKEV TLS ALXH|aAwWTOS
oat Kat Tov To TE PLAX nav yeyovev |trou| meE¢o
5 Tov oLxeTat hpovnpa ) 5 paxourTes y vavplaxolvyTes
TNS Nl yleLovias emi(nTat Aereippeda evr[av]Oa yap
yap €t| py Te dtapapraver avOpwrot mepryey|palupe
D
34 THE OXYRAYNCHUS PAPYRI
T@ Aofyilopor dyow nev voi Tacas Tas eATri[dals Tax
TovEL|n|oEW KaL HMELS THs avayKns Katp[ar] Sovdev
NO) Gy|GWwOcoaocac ].. ov
[ 13 letters Jayn aA 10 covow nye [|r] amopOnTos
[ 13 letters ]Sever eoTly 7 OnpoKkpatia opovio
[ 12 letters ] xae umep oupey mpos aAAnAovs Tots v[o
[ x7 letters et o“s Evpevopey KapTeEpel|y
2 lines lost.
17 [ 17 letters ye 15 [Ola ryv THs edevOepias Ta
&iv ovk evkat|a|\erTopev
e[v] Tous dervois error ape
€V TOLS OTAOLS VLKNOAS
€ K
vaviever ber Tas 6 amo
TOY ETLOTOAMY aTrELAaLS
20 Tous BalpBlapous e~arraraTals
n d€ Tov aOnvawy ToALsS
EMITATTELY OVX UIT aK |ovELY
lReverstenehe |.. Kaw Slexalge[er
‘(Are we) at a threat in a single letter to exchange freedom for slavery? Whither
has it vanished, that pride of empire for which we fought? I am considering whether
my reasoning is at fault. He says that he will declare war upon us; and so shall we upon
him ... Have the walls of the city fallen? what Athenian has been taken prisoner? where
either on land or sea have we failed in battle? If men have had all their hopes crushed
in war, they will be slaves to the necessity of the moment; but our democracy’s strong-
hold has not been violated, we live in harmony with each other, we abide by the laws,
we know how to be steadfast in times of peril, we never desert the banner of Freedom.
When his arms are victorious, then let him triumph. Let the threats in his letters deceive
barbarians ; but the city of Athens is wont to give commands, not to receive them. . . .’
II. 6. There is often not much difference between y and p in this hand, but the first
word is more like AceAecjpeba than AedAetppeba.
CCXVII. Letter to a Kine or Macepon.
13-1 X 7°3 cm.
Fragment of a letter addressed to a king, no doubt Philip or Alexander,
concerning the principles of government. Aristotle wrote a treatise on Baowela
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 35
for Alexander (Ar. Fr. ed. Rose p. 1489), and it is possible that the fragment
belongs to that or to the similar treatise of Theopompus (Cic. Ep. ad AZt. 12, 40).
The papyrus is written in an uncial hand resembling that of the Plato
papyrus facsimiled in O. P. I. plate VI, and may be ascribed with little hesitation
to the third century A.D. There is a remarkably high margin (7-2 cm.) at
the top.
KQTEXEL TA Tpaypalta IO ToXLy apxovow XLpo
ToAU apelvoy ama Tolyn|ras apxas oa).
TV TOY THTTOTE ) Uo,
yevonevay 7 on Ba gov|
5 GlAEla Tov TaUTNS TPO vac. |
TOV Kal TO TY Kal ) 15 Top .|
pov Tovrwy tur ) Tov[
vopov evar Oe Kau oval,|* [
paXrliora Tos ov KaTa A
*(Since) the rule of your monarchy is far superior to that of all monarchies that have
ever existed, its system and the characteristic feature of the present times ought to be law,
especially among those who do not enjoy elective offices in an organized state.’
II. ow[.: or possibly zal s.
CCXVIII. Hustortca, FRAGMENT.
13-6 x 12-4 cm. (Fr. a).
Parts of three columns from a prose work, apparently a collection of Mapddoéa,
or marvellous stories. This species of composition was popular at Alexandria ;
cf. Susemihl, Alexandr. Litteratur-Gesch. I. 463 sqq. The upper part of the
second column of the fragment is fairly well preserved, and gives a descrip-
tion of two curious local usages. The precise nature of the first is obscured
by the loss of the context, but it was a punishment for some kind of con-
jugal infidelity; and for the truth of the story given is cited the authority
of Zopyrus and Cleitarchus. This is followed by an account of a trial by
ordeal, which, on the death of a priest of Ares, the person chosen to succeed
him had to undergo. The trial consisted in holding the sword of the god
underneath the burning corpse, and from the manner in which this was done
the innocence or guilt of the nominated successor became evident. It is not
stated where these customs obtained. The barbarous nature of the first
Dez
36 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
suggests a non-Hellenic background ; while the mention of the priest of Ares
shows that the locality was at least under Hellenic influence. Combining
the internal evidence of the usages described with the citation of Zopyrus and
Cleitarchus, it may perhaps be inferred that the scene is Asia Minor. Cleitarchus
is presumably the historian of Alexander’s Asiatic expedition, whose veracity
was called in question by Cicero and Quintilian, and whose style displeased the
author of the treatise De Swblimitate (§ 3). The identification of Zopyrus
is more difficult. Several scattered references to a writer or writers of this name
are found. A Zopyrus of Colophon or Clazomenae, who was a historian and
geographer, is placed in the third century B.c. (cf. Susemihl, of. c¢¢. II. 467 sqq.).
Whether or no this is the Zopyrus quoted in our fragment remains a matter of
doubt. The position of his name in front of that of Cleitarchus perhaps
implies that he preceded Cleitarchus either in date or in point of authority. It
is possible that two other authors are quoted in connexion with the account of
the trial by ordeal (see note on Fr. (c)), but this is not sufficiently certain to make
their identity worth discussion.
The papyrus is written in a small, rather delicate, sloping uncial hand, which
may probably be referred to the third century. An addition in cursive has
been made at the top of Col. III. No stops, faragraphi, or other lection signs
occur. v at the end of a line is rather frequently written as a stroke above
the preceding vowel. The common )-shaped sign is used to fill up short lines.
Fr. (a).
Colts Colelic
|rnv ovea [katla puow polpdy mapapever
|rpai[.]. [yuvlackos aAns metpav pn Aap
leovro. .. [Balvov cay de pwpadn Tor [olv
|Tnow edb oTw 8
& ]. Kel. . ‘Jo [ees tor TapaBatvev amorenve
avlapvnow 5 [Tal] Ta fopla avrov Kal Tapa Tous
| mapnyyeale TAHOVS AUTNS KATAKALETAL Lo
L-\n mpokpiyyn Topovar (@mupos Kat KAELTapyxos
os opyta bets Tas €av lEepevs ato0avn TOU APEWS TE
TNS KPOVOS U 10 €YX@PlL@V KQL ELS TVA TOTTOV )
]
10 |Aas everronce ploTedAleTa|t EvkoopLwS VITO TH
]
| katraxAvope geperat Onpociov peta THY TPL
J
. . S QMEKTELVE THY NuEpav KatovT@y OE TH
or
10
ad
Hex|
Aez|
TO|
veil
Tara
Aacred|
Katyy|
apxo[
ovuvBal
Beas yj
Kaka,
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS
\Ka pn oXe.
Ja Tore
Is pewvay
Ajeyovr at
|rato
Col. III.
(nToveal
[ovyyevav o Xetporovnes umro
[rTlov Snpou ¢akopos umoTLOy
15 [ot] T@ vexpw To Tov Oeou ~rhos
Kat ovyns yevouevns Baberas
eav 7 vous hapPaver TA
yetvopevoy cay de eykKAnpa
Tos TIWOS EXN TUVELONOL ETL
20 Tw T[olv o[e\onpoy vroBAnOy
[vjac al
ee eae
lerau kat avros é[.. .|
[.Jee kalrnyloperas a mapevop|nce |
es Tov O[eo|y Sinyoupevos O..
exovd[. .v Aoyer [7 lov apf. .|
25 7 kaz|.).. [Jpov[.. -]. a. .]
pay o|
vmep 7|
apxeal
[
30 feu)
Fr. (4).
To pEpel gol...
TNoEVE|, a] jxeooaox(.]
Thy Ouyaltepa \v Aomegee TV
Bous avel v eott 0 EvTO
ouppolp 5. yevopevos )
Tovaca| Juey 7 Tap
ylav aol |rotarol. Vv
6 akovaoal loupat Tats
kaTno| | otkedAoy Kat
prrori pl EO!) |Or\[sisysreretere
peyebe(e ] eweday Te
- [. por
Tlo mediw Tov
\uo
37
38 THE OXYRHYNCAHUS PAPYRI
Fr. (c). Fr. (d).
[Eeeretrevereic Jeper| jof
[-...0.. JoAnot Jox|
fen usr Js Kae (yr jnz[
bse605 ] mepirupou, «z[
5 [.... enti Bracap{ 5 jora af
K[alretd[y] ofuly Kary . | Jyor|
TLXELpoval EvKaTaT|
[-...-].. LJuvexe.. [
TABt a | alUTlee ere oll Fr. (e).
10 Kp... vf]. Tea Sees =
To i6{, Je. . oper . | {.Jo7[
avta|, pleTplov KoAaciy pav pl
aos Sexrn. .||s ora} eLrg|
[Jal . Jra@vf. . Jef
stl oot Joax[
Col. Il. ‘. .. so long as the natural form remains, if he does not intrigue with another
woman. If, however, he is caught transgressing [these ordinances], he is mutilated, and the
members are burnt at her tomb. Such is the account of Zopyrus and Cleitarchus. If a
priest of Ares dies he is decently laid out by the natives and carried after the third day
to a public place. While the corpse is being burnt by the relatives, the temple-attendant
who has been elected by the people places beneath it the sword of the god. A deep
silence is maintained ; and if it is rightly done, he receives the customary privileges. But
if he has any crime upon his conscience, on the steel being held under the body... and
he [is liable to] accusations for his offence against the god...’
Fr. (a). I. 11. xeévos could be read in place of xpdvos. If xpdvos is right, ms may be
the termination of a word like rerpaerns.
12. karakdvopo: the letter after the second a is rather more like p than «, and the
traces following could be read as »; the letter before o may be ».
Il. 4. The letter written (by the first hand) over » at the beginning of this line most
resembles 8, but might be read as a. Possibly the scribe intended to record a variant
my ....ctav instead of ray... .ov, but then he ought to have written 7 above ray, Or
ovy | [yev|/dav may be read, with the insertion of (ind) before rav.
5. Ta popia: i.e, Ta aidota.
10. Thva: ]. ria.
13. [a |vyyevov: [y]erovwr is a possible alternative.
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 39
21. Perhaps d{p@dtvJera or aliaivjera, sc. 76 gdoyavov, But the corpse or the
operator may also be regarded as the subject of the mutilated verb.
22. The first a of xarnyopeas and the beginnings of the following lines (23-30), with the
exception of the top of r of rov in 23, are contained upon a detached fragment, which
could be placed here with no hesitation if it were not for 24; there, however, the reading
is not certain.
The doubtful ec at the beginning of the line may equally well be v, and it is tempting to
read adras €{av|r ]od katnyopet doa, But the letter before oa seems clearly to be a and not o.
mapevou| noev: the doubtful a is more like e.
28. Possibly there may be an « lost between e and Q{.
Fr, (0). 4. evto: the letter transcribed as v may be @.
Fr. (c). The appearance of the papyrus suggests that this fragment belongs to Colsis
and it could well be placed so that the first line joins II. 26. 28-might then run apxeA[ao]s
Kat ¢nv[ odoros ?, preceded in 27 by caropovar ; cf. II.6,7. Archelaus could be the yapoypados
ris Umd ’ANeEdvSpou warnGetons yns (Diog. Laert. ii. 4. 17), or the author of the “Idipu7, who is
included by Susemihl among the Hapadofoypapor.
4. tupou[ : it does not seem possible to read the second letter as a.
13. 5 may be read in place of a at the beginning of the line.
Fr.(e). 3. This line was the last of a column.
CCXIX. Lament ror A PET.
12:2 X 18-4 cm. (Fr. a).
Fragment from the end of a lament, apparently for the loss of a fighting-
cock. The speaker isa man or youth, who professes to be quite disconsolate
in his affliction, and intimates his intention of suicide. Whether there is some
allegorical signification underlying all this is doubtful. Of course a\cxtwp can
have the wider sense of ‘consort’; and |. 22 is not easy to explain on the
supposition that the loss of a bird is the only allusion. On the other hand,
it hardly seems possible to start from the more general meaning of ddcexrwp, and
to give the lamentation a merely erotic motive. The date of composition is
probably not much earlier than that of the actual papyrus. The piece was of
some length, for there are traces in the left-hand margin of the papyrus of a
previous column. It is written in rather flowery and poetical language, and
recalls the ‘ Alexandrian Erotic Fragment’ of G. P. I. Perhaps an attempt
will be made to reduce the present composition to a metrical scheme, as has
been effected by some critics in the case of the ‘Erotic Fragment.’ It is
noticeable that the ends of the lines so far as they are preserved correspond
with pauses in the sense, and that they are accordingly not quite uniform in
length; and that in each line the penultimate syllable is, or may be, short.
Hiatus is frequent.
The papyrus is written in a rough and rather difficult cursive hand of the
earlier part of the first century. It was found with a number of documents
40 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
dating from the earlier part of the century (e.g. cclix, cclxxxv); and though
perhaps scarcely so old as the oldest of these it is not likely to have been
separated from them by any considerable interval. « adscript is frequently
added where not required, as is common at this period; and there are two
or three other mis-spellings.
Fr. (a).
[ 15 letters |e. pl
fe SS" IS i. poco 36 ere lasek ealletey
[ 13 Jeeroy of. J. al...)
[ 12 ., ]-arnv cdtw.] KaddAovyy
5[ 12 y Jof..}. exer ev Ty[t o]dax
De Gs root, Joy. . Alees;
Oa |rov enny [...|v
ate pe oes |v Kat ToAXa |... pov
etxe le@albeNbass aes | adexropa pou [djuvapeba
10 |... .|7n.. cacal, .|aow eK TEpiTarou
aot. ]. eof... Joa map adidpooos
[.......Jkovo[..].[. Jvneel.jre tov Bapl... .|xn!
erastebers mlaidos epvAaccev o gidos pou Tpupav
[efosternls relkvoy TyI[plov ev Tals ayKadats
15 [amopolypat mov Badiow n vaus pou epayn
[rov K]a(rla[O]vpuov amrodecas opyiOa pou KAaLwL
[... dlepe To epvio[y] Tpopyv avTou TepidaBat
Tov playx |yjov Tov emepaoTou TOU eAAnVLKOU
xapliy TJovrou exadoupyy peyas ev TH Brot
[0]
20 Kat [eAleyouny paxapio|s avdpes ev Tos pidoTpogt
Wuxopaxar 0 yap alAlexTwp NoTOXNKE [ov
Kat Oaxabadrmados eparbes emev evKaTEALTTE
adr embers ALBov Eparou emt THY kapovav
Kallnlovyacopar vpele|s 0 vyrawere ptrou
Fr. (6).
log|
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 41
BHA
]
Jvovp)
les vogo|
\var|
|rroAc . [
Irep[
kata Wux[nv
Fr. (a). 15 sqq.‘... 1am at a loss where to go. My ship is shattered. I weep for
the loss of my sweet bird. Come, let me take the chick he nurtures (?), he, my warrior,
my beauty, my Greek cock. For his sake was I called great in my life, and deemed happy,
comrades, in my breeding cares. I am distraught, for my cock has failed me; he fell in
love with Thacathalpas (?) and deserted me. But I shall find rest, having set a stone upon
my heart; so fare ye well, my friends.’
Fr. (a). 2. The last letter of the line may be », in which case the preceding letter
IS a OTe.
8. ]pov: » might be read in place of p, and [oré|vwv restored.
10. Perhaps rnpjcas.
11. The letters between |oa and dpocos are very doubtful. Instead of zap, o(or y or
t)ev Or a(y, 7,)eAo might be read. The vestiges following suit 6 rather better thana, da
or Sov would be just possible.
15. |. eppayn.
17. Possibly there is a reference to some relic of the cock.
20. € in avdpes is strangely formed and may be intended for 0. There is a hole in the
papyrus above the final 1 of @iAorpodz, where the o would have been if it was written ;
ik, prorpopi| o(cs).
22. Oaxafadrds is conceivably the name of a hen. Or perhaps, as Blass suggests,
@axa is for raya. On euév for évé cf. Dieterich, Untersuch. 2. Gesch. d. Gr. Sprache, 190.
23. enarov is a later form of ¢uavrod frequent in papyri.
24. umes: vis badly formed, and may be meant for ».
Fr. (4). There is a blank space below the remains of the last line of this fragment.
Either, therefore, the fragment comes from the bottom of a previous column ; or, since the
lines in Fr. (@) are irregular in length, the blank space after line 7 may be accounted for
by supposing that a short line succeeded, in which case Fr. (4) gives the ends of some
lines from the upper part of the column preserved on Fr. (a). But it is not possible to
combine (a) 2 and (4) 8.
CCXX. Treatise on METRES.
Plate VI (Col. VII). Height 16-6 cm.
This papyrus contains on the vecéo fragments of a work on Prosody, on the
verso Homeric Scholia (ccxxi). The hand on the recto is a round well-formed
upright uncial of good size, which may be assigned to the end of the first or
42 LLY OXOVARAETRYIN GENS lela yooh
(more probably) the early part of the second century. Some additions and
corrections in the MS. have been made by a different second century hand. The
corrector is also responsible for the high points marking a pause which have
been inserted rather plentifully, and probably for the single accent that occurs
(VII. 8). The paragraphi are by the original scribe, who may also have
inserted the solitary rough breathing in XIII. 5. The scholia on the verso
seem to have been written before the end of the second century. Before being
utilized for this second purpose the papyrus, which had no doubt become worn,
was cut down, so that of the metrical treatise only the upper parts of the
columns—perhaps not more than one half of what they originally were—are
preserved,
The MS. is a good deal broken, but the approximate position of all but the
smallest fragments can fortunately be determined from the scholia. The
number of lines of Homer covered by a single column of scholia varies from one
to fourteen, and it is therefore impossible to tell exactly how many columns
a given number of lines may have occupied. For the purpose of placing the
fragments nine or ten lines of Homer at most may be taken as the average
amount treated ina column. Three columns of scholia occupy the same space
in the papyrus as two and a half columns of the metrical treatise. With these
premises the gaps between the various columns of the latter may be roughly
estimated. Between I and II, and between II and III, corresponding to I, IT,
and IIT in the scholia, as much as four or five columns may be missing. III-IV
(= Schol. III and IV), and V-VI (= Schol. V-VII), are continuous, and IV—V
may be so. VII-X (= Schol. VIII-XIII) are also continuous, but between
VI and VII at least one column has been lost, and very possibly more, though
measurements indicate that the number missing cannot be two. Between X and
XI two columns probably are wanting; XI-XII (= Schol. XIV-XV) are
continuous. XII-XIII are continuous if there is only one column of scholia
lost between XV and XVI; if the gap there extended to two columns, one
column between XII and XIII is missing. Between XIII and XIV (= Schol.
XVI and XVII) there is another lacuna of at least a column.
The metres treated of are the Nicarchean (Col. III), which is not otherwise
known; the Anacreontean, which is regarded as an Ionic metre (Col. VII) and
considered successively in its relations to the Phalaecean (Col. VIII) and
Praxillean metres (Col. IX), and the iambic dimeter (Col. X); the Parthenean,
which is apparently discussed first in connexion with the Anacreontean and
derived from the Cyrenaic (Col. XI), and secondly as a logaoedic form (Col.
XII); and the Asclepiadean metre (Col. XIV), which was about to be discussed
when the papyrus finally breaks off. The system expounded in connexion with
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 43
these different metres, though not in itself novel, is here presented in a novel
form. It is that of the metra derivata (yetpa mapaywya), and its essence is the
derivation of all metres either from the dactylic hexameter or the iambic
trimeter, the two metra principalia (apxéyova), by various forms of manipulation
(adiectio, detractio, concinnatio, permutatio) ; cf. Rossbach and Westphal, JZetrik
der Griechen, i. p. 119 sqq. Thus, for example, our author derives the
Anacreontean verse from the Phalaecean by cutting off the first syllables. This
metrical theory has been hitherto known to us exclusively from Latin writers,
though, as indicated by the use of Greel technical terms, it had certainly
a Greek origin. Westphal traces it back to Varro, and postulates (of. cit.
p- 173) the existence of a Greek treatise wepi yérpwv presenting this theory of
derivation. Of such a treatise the following fragments formed part, and they
thus fill up a gap in the history of the avs metrica. It may be noted that the
papyrus does not satisfy all the conditions which Westphal considered that
the Greek original would fulfil. One of these was an ignorance of the ‘ Anti-
spastic’ scheme of division, which is certainly to be found in our author; cf.
notes on VIII. 1, XIV. 13.
The metrical system upon which this work is founded is of course separated
by a wide interval from the more scientific metrical theory represented by
Aristoxenus and the early metricists, although some survivals of the old and
genuine tradition may even here be recognized (cf. notes on VIII. 9 sqq., IX. 2).
The period at which this particular treatise was written cannot be very
accurately fixed. The date of composition may have been B.C., but it must
have been considerably later than Callimachus, from whom a quotation is made.
On the other hand it cannot have been later than the end of the first
century A.D. on the ground of the date of the papyrus. The style is fair,
and shows care in the avoidance of hiatus. The treatise is addressed to a friend
(cf. I. 10, III. 17), who is perhaps also a pupil (cf. XI. 16); and some rather
naive autobiographical details occur (V, VI).
Not the least interesting feature of this MS. are the fragments contained
in it of unknown lyric poems which are quoted rather frequently in illustration
of the various metres discussed. The poets, citations from whom can be
identified, are Sappho, Anacreon, Aeschylus, Callimachus, and Sotades. Alc-
man, Simonides, and Pindar are also mentioned by name. Of the unknown
quotations one or two are quite possibly from Sappho. In the papyrus, quotations
are always so written that they project slightly into the left-hand margin.
We are indebted to Professor Blass for much assistance in the recon-
struction of this text, as well as for a number of valuable suggestions and
criticisms.
44 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Cola:
Iv{-Jel
Irenelels 7
5 y..ay.[
Jov ms yal
jrov tapBolv
] Kae tov d&iBpay{uy
] xaptev eore |
to @| piArare dia mI
|raror ddax{[
djei@ oor mapal
] eropevny [
T\nv Xopav Tel
15 €|v TouTots:
].ceo[.] Oaxal
Col. V.
(|) mpotepo ly Tovrou tov aAkpava kat
Tov oipw |viby KaTw
[@o|unv yap more mpwTos
fel€eupnkevar Tode TO
Io
. 20
Coluit:
T\epukotaly yleverbale
[
[Klara mpooOect|y Ka Ka
[tla apatpeoty [ov|rw dn )
[A]ov ort: Kat mlolot Kat oxy
fact Tos autos appo
[tTlepa xpynrac’ dio [kat] Kavov
[0] autos ectau k{ae Tlovrou
[k]ae tov hadaikeiolv" po )
[v]n Tn TeAevTaLa cuAAaBNL
[Bplaxurepos: Kat yap Kata
T)\v MpeTnY Xwpav Kat
[
[Toluro To peTpov To.s
[ducv AAaBos evaddao
[oeTat|: Kat TavT@y pe
[Tex eL] T@v TpoTreY oO
[Holws] Kat TO vikapyeLov
Stomrep] w@ didtate Kar ovr
vat|s xpnoetat [ad\rAa Kar
[
[AaBlars ov rats Sexi a] po
[
Bal olow ws Ki. .JeAf. .
Cole
about 9 letters |yatou[
5 5 JAous|
ae OS Wex|
Col. VI.
TavTehos iva doglaipe To
ovTt THL TOAEL KEXal picOat
Pirate VI
j bereve= TE PY aoRepronn
auld pO Kher secery epee advcds “e
‘ GRY SUE per TAIEMT or MPI PASH
Pein 4% cle. Bp Wve wd. Ook git One
4 ) ae ee ke pag Fes Te bares
+} 8 4 “89 “cosa DEO Cyeaapsysiche
Saini By Kava TORE OZ nape
Rey, HPT BDI ORIN ro raary ee
ai, eee ye 3 1 DORE f-TOE, tat elke
"EE papwarha agian tir>§
‘ ire Bin} Pi A bie career wr a
ra | shih, SoUse aay OT ASD
“ee uA ten ang a+ ded Vows ee Be He
e : ; LM Behe ANG DOT RPI EG
Fey Ey VG Gllgn pcanicn boty emierros
sd f “A ipPeetoas trea Jed WaAdtod DK OPE dea.
oN i QO» F got ie ‘ads LY Sin eme oa STE a cde
* J er iS iat we deerrest 9 recep dy 7 eriért
ne bie jah a ya, Py (ge all ACCP oR HEP OD |
3 eld? i Peis ae uy id Trane rmecas OF #
SOs revageonleon vu Fe "OTR GAMES HEMET «17 ne Mety CLR RD
rnorcime;m aero . J THe ARTA A NCRIETHS eee a
AKG
“i Yo sole (TET AG Ore r Er 0) eget ge 189. EN
af cy mis Keer, i, hy, ee ass ae lee Day HEP, ale | 4
UA. ait, ol ven Ayug MES pre Cr? Geyer
‘eco >- Bs eel Ngan w) 2 , OPH ie FA Igoe spud ee ae %
ths F2 ' "XH CP tem | aa Ly tpeeay yt 0 Srey pe areas /
y = Os ar TPeartiaxn CECE (!
Gere, fTP re eat ) pereeCrensees, 1
rf i Won <sie a) gang A a ih
WO. OF = EOCENE
hrittr cis oe . ener uelecnee Me 1h
cera aE ce j SCwEwAE gure 4,
hor ep Ot ey) Jo tno keys o “
Re per, i eo 1? 4x rey 5
Ky baal pi ‘ *% we is i -
Pop 14 <a | 4
‘ a Hf
No. CCXX
No. CCXXI
5 vos PETPOU’ PETA TAVTA
10
10
15
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 45
{uletpov' eyavpiorv 6 ws
[eluperns wv Katvou TL
[eupov .. . . Tov] aiaxv
[Aov Kexpnpevoyv avt|o:
]
[ 12letters |v thy
[> 2Ge jezre
[ 22 a |rav
| SY on |rroNeXe
ee lc
ColSVale
. . Aer
[YJ Bee au
Jw
[ava|kpeovtetoy €o7|t}
[He|Tpov To ToLoOUTO-
[pep] vdwp dep owor w
[wat]
[mo |Aot de taptwvikov
L J
[T@\v twvikay ‘yevous
[Aov] nvik av €xn TOY a
va|mratoroy [1 |pwrov
TaplamTAnoLws EKELVOLS
TOL|S PMEPETL TMV LOVE
[Kk@v| ToLs ToLo[v|ToLs
L
autT|o KaXovow emet TOU
[am|recOat Soke: kat pad
[Ka]: Tov Tplox|acov e&ns
Ova Toly TEpTek| Epau|y| oly
Kal Mpos TovT@ Kaw|oco
pos evar vuv ovy n pev
5 en mpodvuia exkero Om
[ 13letters |e kat ros
gar, i0letters |risy
Col. VIII.
5 ec Tis THS mpwTys dt
modlas TavTa Ta TXnMa
Ta Tplolat| Kal [K\aTaXuToL
fovoy autns Bpaxeray
OL
kat Ta oura Tov oTLXOU
TEAELWTEL TOUTO TO OL
feTpov: Le your ectw
_Tade (Pladratke[ta):
n Anpvos TO TaXaLoy EL
10 T[ts| aAAn:
[evgaluny tade Tolt|s Oeos
amract
mTEpa 0 ayva Tap Epwros a
ppodeita:
15 ToUT@Y yale ovtwy dha
Aatk|etlov' amoKomTeE
abalclav at mpwrat cur
AaBar kar yevnoeTat To a
VAKPEOVTELOY OUVTWS
20 7/0 mad|atov et] TLS adAN’
ou
10
15
on
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Colsexe
vos d€ Kat TapamAnows
Kat Tov mpaktAXELov OTL
Xov Tenwy Tis dvo Tas
mpotas cvAd\aBas trot
NOEL TO AVAKpEOVTEL
ov’ ka0oXouv Oe Kame Tov
Tov Tacas apedwv TLS
TAS EK TNS TPOTNS Xo
pas Tapa pay Bpaxevav:
ATOTEAETEL TO [LETPOV
OPOLMS’ OKOTTEL youv TAH
de° KaTaXEAOLTOTA TAS
TpwaTas cvdd\aBas:
pev epaved a cedava’
ovliayv TE Kat vyelav
oa puyouse Trades nBa:
duvarat de Tes vopigew
o t
ar =apBikav OieTtpov
KATAAHKTLKOV YELVE
aOa{e Tlode Kat [elreor[clv
Col xa.
ouTO"
[Tlade macyxew Berets |
Omolov Ev T@ pon
Bec TiOnot Tadw aLloxv
|Aos oluras:
[... .Jov duoxedadev
{okolmrew 6 ec Oedois Ere
[kat] dla cuvTopey ato
[Ko|mre Tov KupnvatKouv
Golexe
o plev OleA@v payer Oa
a
Io
15
20
oO
K[al. . . Jo“evoy ava
m\ai|rov Kat apxny erat
T\0 o|\xnpa ToLovTov
o dj€ Aluxrios pevertns
o [de] pev Oedrwy Haxe
o( Oat]
avamaloTov yap €xovTa
T|potlov TavTa ovjvjeu
mem |rel TOLS avaKpeov
T\€Lol|s* omovdevov de
nyouv tapBov kara mpw
[Tnv X|@pav aBovra ta
[At mrAeLoly adiorarat Tov
boooocecc IP lilo 60 Rell
[sac dho Sts ]s: tov Tievz[os
aieomeys | ewe To wAELov [
. .]@s ovT@ 70 pe
[tTpov]| mpo[klerai TL
Col. XII.
vov ual pxov mpos Ta
Aoyaord|ika vu pev ovy
umepTe|O|nivar der SnAwOn
copmeva ev Tw | META TOUTO UV
ToOpvHnparl T\a Tos oya
Ol|LKOLS Kat TWOE Kot
vos vTapxovT|a epw 6 ev
Oade paddov 7 epi Tor
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS
10 [To|v mpwrov [[ei]JovaraBor
[wloda* Kat 70 KaTaNeiTro )
Llevov mpodepopevos
[molinoers Tode TO plE])
[7po|v ovTws’
15 [. ...] mapOevoy kopnv*
[eu plev @ hidATate cages
[oot] Tode TO K@XoY Ka
[TaAleure’ Kat pn Ota mA ue
[ovlwy ckomer peraBalc
20 [ve 6] ewe]. €. [. .|7txov )
Col. XIII.
| rovto pl
TeAeuT|atav cvAdAaB| nv
Tl@l TpoKErplevat
|re dopors [
5 lueTpor Of
\rod]
T\ns yap Bpiaxecas
Jeuvo|
Jovy a
10 \ger[
|. . oy
3 lines lost.
15 ovddalByy of
|pay zrocov|
Bpaxevaly avr pal Kpas
\c oder Kale
| mpoecerat dl@vnv
20 lo de Aeye|
J..[
fecgovey evl,......
10 AaBov evdoyor {de rapa
AaBew Kavova pe [kat ka
Taber Oat TovTov 7 pore
pov ToLouToy:
ye
vue Yo Uw:
15 ro mapOeveroly Kadov
peevov petpi[ov .....
mivdapos Kal
THY TEUTT| NV
Col. XIV.
. Of. .). v To dwdeK
hsp she Nes emeve aN [otc oye
[.. .Jews pey ovy [,.....
[epc Tlov ackAnmad[ecov
10 [Aey@|uev: Tov de [kavova
[... .Jv 70n Tovroly Ka
Taypapopev’
7
Sao
uj-—u WH i
f4 [rov ao|kAnm{[ea|de[cov . .
4 lines lost.
19 [.Jo[
47
48 THE OXYRAYNGHUS “RAP YI
Frs. (a) and (2). Fr. (c). Ex (G7):
a Kepov 00s | al
én Wwe
TEO| Jna|
7 : ie (4): Joy(
5 TOU, |rec ,
do |puecoo, oma
oe |vecocs |
pel ‘
EO, ES)
Fr. (e) je
le
Fr. (4).
|co
|v
The recto of Frs. (2) to (7) is blank.
I. There is no clue to the subject of this column.
10. qbidrare: cf. III. 17, &c. gudia re might be read.
11. The first letter may be A or p.
16. This is a quotation in illustration of what has preceded.
III. ‘... which are naturally produced by addition and by subtraction. It is thus
evident that both metres employ the same feet and arrangement. Accordingly the scheme
of this metre is the same as that of the Phalaecean, only shorter by the last syllable. For
in that metre also the feet of two syllables are interchangable at the beginning of the verse,
and all the variations open to the Nicarchean metre are shared by it. Hence, dear friend,
it will employ not only the regular ten syllables, but also a larger number.’
The Nicarchean metre, which is the subject of discussion in this column, is unknown
from any other source. It is, however, clear from the comparison with the Phalaecean
(cf. VII) that the scheme was ¥ o (also UY —) -~>-Yu-Yy-v—.
4. The punctuator read ofrw dyrovdr1, which he took with what precedes. In the
absence of the context it is impossible to say that this may not be right; but, as the passage
stands, the punctuation followed in the translation seems preferable.
6. [xa]: there is barely room for this supplement, but [6] is not enough.
17. [dwmrep]: the supplement is a little long for the lacuna, which five letters would
sufficiently fill.
20. [AJe[o]ow : i.e, eleven, by the resolution of the first long syllable into two short
ones: cf. 10 sqq.
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 49
V. 1-7. ‘I once thought that I had been the first to discover this metre, and I prided
myself upon the discovery of a new metre. I subsequently found that it had been used by
Aeschylus, and still earlier by Aleman and Simonides.’
At the top of this column an omission in the text has been supplied by the corrector.
The place where the omission had occurred is marked by the sign in the right margin
opposite line 8, and the word ava (‘see above’) was no doubt written above the line at the
precise point where the additional words were to be inserted, corresponding to the dro
with which they are concluded. This is the regular method in such cases ; cf. ccxxiii. 83,
note and 126, O. P. I. xvi. III. 3.
1 sqq. It is impossible to tell what this metre was that the writer supposed himself to
have discovered. For the language cf. the lines of Pherecrates on the invention of the
metre called after his name (Hephaest. x and xv) avdpes, mpooyxere tov voov | e£evpnpart Kawa, |
OUMTTUKTOLS avarralcrots.
VI. ‘... completely, in order to appear really to have conferred a favour on the city,
and to be an innovator as well. As it is, let my good will be made known...’
mt woXev: i.e. the town in which the writer lived and which expected some novelties
from its professors and teachers.
3. xaw[oro|pos? cf. V. The compound is not found elsewhere.
VII. 3-17. ‘Of the Anacreontean metre this is a specimen :—
vv - uv - o— -
“Water bring and wine withal, boy.”
‘Many term this Parionic, because it appears to border on the class of Ionic metres,
especially when it has the anapaest standing first and the trochee next, similarly to such
parts of Ionic verses as these :—
vou - - v uv - -
“Unto Zeus, wielder of thunder.”’
2, In the metrical scheme there are some slight traces of ink above and below a hole
in the papyrus between the two trochees. But they do not appear to represent a line of
division, which ought to have been carried down to meet the horizontal line below. It may
then be assumed that the writer derived the Anacreontean verse from the Jonicus a matore
(cf. 7 sqq.), by cutting off the first and last two syllables from a series of three feet:
—-- |vu-¥oGu,-——|uv. For the admissibility of — u instead of u — in the
middle of the verse cf. 12.
5- The quotation is from Anacreon (Bergk, Fr. 62. 1).
10. There is not room for [ep Jamreo Oat.
17. This is the latter part of a Sotadean verse (one of the forms of the Jonzcus a mazore)
quoted by Hephaest. c. xi. The complete line is “Hpyy moré haciv Ala tov tepmixépavvov.
VIII. ‘If from the first two feet all the component parts are removed, and only a
short syllable and the rest of the verse are left, this dimeter will be effected. For example,
these are Phalaecean verses :—
- - — v v _- Vv - Vv
“Lemnos, foremost, in olden time, of cities.”
“Thus entreated I all the gods of heaven.”
“From Eros wings Aphrodite holy goddess.”
‘Cut off the first syllables from these Phalaecean verses, and the Anacreontean measure
will result, thus :—
vy vy - v - uv --
“most, in olden time, of cities.” ’
The Anacreontean metre, which is the topic of the preceding column, as well as of the
two columns following, is here considered in relation to the Phalaecean.
E
50 TUDE NO XEVREININ GEL SATAY
I. 7s mpwrtns Surodias: the division of the Phalaecean verse here indicated is the same
as that of Hephaest. (c. x.) who describes the Phalaecean verse as a catalectic trimeter
povnv tiv mporny (sc. ovtvyiay) dyticmactiKyy exov, ras bé éfjs adas lapBicds, Le. GY — vu,
v-vU [a A
aaluhe metaphorical sense of mpica is curious. There is no alternative to the reading.
g-14. The source of none of these three quotations is known. The fact that the
third of them, which has twelve instead of eleven syllables, is given as an instance of the
Phalaecean metre, is remarkable. This is possibly due to confusion, which some suppose
to be the explanation of the statement (e.g. Caes. Bass. p. 258) that Sappho used the
Phalaecean metre, though no example is quoted from her poems. But the citation is rather
to be regarded as a confirmation of the view of Wilamowitz-Méllendorff, who considers
the Phalaecean to be an Ionic metre, and the forms — ¥ —,v vw — v,— v — — and
yvuU--,4UU-—V,—uU-— ~ to be equivalent (AWélanges Weil, p. 449 sqq.). According to
Caes. Bass. p. 261 Varro called the Phalaecean verse Jonicum ¢rimetrum; and Synesius’
sixth Hymn offers an example of the mixture of Phalaecean and Ionic trimeters. On the
other hand this analysis does not agree with the scheme given by our author (cf. note on
VIII. 1), who makes ¥ G — v, not ¥ o -, the first foot. But the inclusion of the
dodecasyllabic VU Vb — —- Vv U — VU — yu — — under the Phalaecean metre may be a survival
of older tradition similar to that noticed in IX. 2, note.
12. The papyrus is damaged where a stop after amacc would have been if it were
written.
IX. ‘In an analogous and similar manner if from the Praxillean verse the first two
syllables are cut off, the Anacreontean metre will result ; or to make a general rule for this
case also, if all the syllables of the first foot are removed except one short syllable, the
metre will be produced in the same way. ‘Take these lines, of which the first syllables
have been left behind :—
“Then appeared the moon uprising.”
“From distress, and health’s enjoyment.”
vy v - v= v - -
“May I fly, my comrades; youth’s bloom.”
‘It may be thought that catalectic iambic dimeters produce the same result...”
1. Probably éropé |vos.
2. mpaktAdewov: the scheme of the Praxillean metre is ¥ — uy — YU -— vu — —
Hephaestion describes it (ce xi.) as Tpipetpa Bpaxvxaradykra, a Ty pev mparny exee leovexty Thy Bc
devrépay rpoxatkny, and quotes as an example the verse of Sappho wAnpns pev epaiver’ a oedava
which is also used as an illustration here (1. 14). Hephaestion’s division of the metre is
therefore —-— Uv, —- y—v,——. Our author divides differently. It is evident from his
description of the way in which the Anacreontean verse may be derived from the Praxillean
(Il. 7-10) that he regarded the first foot not as ¥—wuv, but as ¥*—vwv. His division
therefore is ¥ —u, 0» —Uu—-,u4——. This Blass considers to be the true analysis of the
metre, and‘a remnant of the older metrical tradition. The same scheme may be applied to
such analogous metres as the mpocodiaxdy: 4 — u, Vv — UV — (4 — UU, — vu — Hephaest.).
14. The quotation is from Sappho (Bergk, Fr. 53). The correct form éaiver’ is found
in the better MSS. of Hephaestion (c. xi).
15, 16. The source of these two quotations is unknown; they seem to be from the
same poem, and are very possibly, like that in 14, from Sappho. In 15 xdyleay must of
course be read for xa: vyeav. Blass suggests that this line may be completed :
épur’ | dviav re, Kvyiecay
dace |,
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 51
and the next: [yipas
Aavoi|oa pvyorpe raises’ 78a
Eanes
18. tapPik@v Sipetpor katadyxr.: the discussion of the relation of this metre (which is
also called Anacreontean, Hephaest. c. v) to the Anacreontean is continued in the next
column.
Vvev _- v - _
X. 2-15. ‘Whoever is for fighting.”
“If the first foot is made an anapaest the metre will be as follows :—-
v v = vo ’v,oo—-=-
“So the Lyctian Meneites.”
v vev - Vv - _-
“But whoever is for fighting.”
‘For with an anapaest at the beginning these are equivalent to Anacreontean verses; but
when a spondee or rather an iambus is placed in the first foot they diverge more from
themes
r. All that remains of the first letter of the line is a vertical stroke which may belong
toHINorP. It may be inferred from what follows that the quotation from Callimachus,
6 Averios Meveirns, had just preceded ; and »[erys| might be read here, though it is rather
long for the space. But o Avxrtos pe would not fill a line, and it is the practice in this MS.
to begin a fresh line for each quotation. ij [7é8e] may be conjectured.
2. The same quotation from Anacreon (Bergk, Fr. 92. 1) is made by Hephaest. c. v.
6. Quoted from Callim. Zpzgr. 37, 1 (Wilamowitz, who reads Mevoiras). d€ is of
course inserted in order to make the first foot an anapaest.
14. ma[Ac: the vestiges after +, which resemble a nearly horizontal stroke, may be
the bottom of a small a, but this is quite uncertain.
XI. ‘Such as :—
vv _- = Vv v _
“To endure this you are fain,”
just as Aeschylus again has it in the Prometheus, thus :—
“Gu evilly tongued.”
“If you would still like to have the case put briefly, cut off from the Cyrenaic measure
the first foot of two syllables. By producing the remainder you will construct this
metre, thus :—
“Ou maiden still unwed.”
“If now, dear friend, you understand this verse leave it and consider it no further; but
passon...’
The metre discussed in this column is uv —G Yu —, which in col. XII is called
Parthenean, and is there treated as akin to the Aoyavidid (cf. Hephaest. c. viii), the
scheme being uu -,c ¥,u— In this 11th column the same form is apparently con-
sidered under a different aspect, namely as a modification of the Anacreontean metre.
Here then the division will be different, uv, —G Yu, —; this is the scheme of the
Anacreontean verse mznus the final syllable.
t. 1. rot ]odro.
2. It may be inferred from 3 sqq. that the author of this quotation, as of the next,
was Aeschylus.
3, 4. &v T@ Tpopnder . . . aexu|dos: the quotation is not to be found in the Lpop. Aeou.,
and therefore must come from one of the other plays on Prometheus, the I. Hup¢épos
(Uvpkaed’s) or I. Avcpevos.
9. Tov kupyvaxov: the scheme of the Cyrenaic metre, it may be gathered from this
E 2
52 Italie, OP OIMENOMGSMUS, IPAUENIRM
description, wasuv¥y—-Uu-U-—vy— or 4¥—-Vvu-u—v-, according as the tpicvd-
AaBov of the corrector or the d&ovddaBov of the first hand is accepted as the correct reading.
This metre is only known from the present passage.
15. U U| map$evoy xopyy: this is apparently the latter part of a verse which had already
been quoted as an example of the Cyrenaic metre. The author is not known. The
phrase map6evos xépa is used by Euripides of the Sphinx, Phoen. 1730 mapbévov kdpas alveyp’
dovveTov evpav.
20. There is not sufficient space for em (é’) [€|replov o]rixov. The letter before e
is probably y, «, 7, o, or Tt.
XII. ‘A feature common to logaoedic verse. But we must now pass over the
characteristics common to logaoedic metres and to this, as they will be explained in the
following treatise. I will now rather speak of the more important ...I may reasonably
first adopt and lay downas the formula of this metre the following: vuo—Y¥G,u™. The
Parthenean verse as it is called is used by Pindar...’
On the subject of this column and its relation to what has preceded cf. note on XI.
ite I kot |vov.
XIV. 2. The traces suggest that the scribe wrote |ow and then inserted a small o
between and «.
3. After Ja » was originally written, but the second vertical stroke seems to have
been subsequently crossed out.
6. This line apparently contained a quotation which was ended in 1]. 7.
Io. [kavova : Gig SOI, Tit,
13. The scheme of the Asclepiadeus here given corresponds with that of Hephaestion
(c. x), who classes it under the ‘Antispastic’ metres, i.e. those which employ the dipody
of which the pure form is 0 ——vw. Cf. introd. and note on VIII. 1.
Frs. (a) and (4). The combination of these two fragments of which (@) contains
only the letters o[ and «|, is rendered probable by the appearance of the papyrus.
Fr. (d), 2. This seems to be part of a quotation.
CCXXI. Scuoria on Shad XX.
Plate VI (Col. X).
The following scholia on the twenty-first book of the //ad are written on
the verso of the preceding papyrus in a small, cramped, informal uncial hand.
The date of the metrical treatise on the vec/o, which is late first or early second
century, gives about A.D. 100 as the ¢erminus a quo for the date of the scholia.
On the other hand we should not assign them to a later period than the end of
the second century. The writing presents much resemblance to that of the
Herondas MS. (Brit. Mus. Pap. CXXXV). Mr. Kenyon now (Palacography,
PP: 94; 95) ascribes that papyrus to the first century or first half of the second.
We, however, are inclined to think a first century date improbable in the case
of the Herondas MS. Both it and the scholia are very like some of the semi-
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 53
uncial documents of the period from Trajan to Marcus. The Y-shaped 7 which
occurs in a correction upon the Herondas MS. (of. cz¢. p. 94) does not prove
much, for that form is quite common up to A.D. 200, e. g. in CcCxxxvii.
Points, breathings, and accents are sparingly used. Paragraphi (either the
éiuzAq or a straight line) often mark the conclusion of a note. «and v sometimes
have the diaeresis. Quotations frequently project by the width of one letter
from the beginnings of the lines. There are a large number of corrections, many of
which are certainly by the original scribe, some not less certainly are by a second
and probably contemporary hand, while others cannot clearly be distinguished.
Despite these, several blunders (chiefly due to the confusion of similar letters,
e.g. H and II) have been allowed to remain, A note in cursive was added in
the margin above Col. XVII; the remarkable signature in a semi-cursive hand
between Cols. X and XI will be discussed later.
Excluding the unplaced fragments, there are parts of seventeen columns, of
which four are practically complete while four others are fairly well preserved.
The papyrus is a portion of a txéyuynya or commentary on Book xxi, perhaps
on the whole //ad. Instances of a commentary upon a single book are
rare, though cvyypaypyara on special subjects are known. But considering the
length which this commentary on Book xxi, if it had been complete, would
have reached, it is improbable that this roll at any rate included notes on
another book besides ; and there is, as will be shown, some reason for supposing
that this commentary did not extend to other books of the //zad.
The first question which arises in connexion with these scholia, the date
of their composition, admits of a fairly definite answer. The date of the MS.
itself shows that they cannot have been compiled later than the second century
of our era. On the other hand, besides referring to the Alexandrian critics,
such as Aristarchus, Aristophanes, Zenodotus, and others, our author quotes
Didymus and Aristonicus, who were Augustan, and Seleucus, who was probably
contemporary with Tiberius (see note on XV. 16). But the great Homeric
critic of the second century, Herodian, who lived in the time of Marcus Aurelius,
is not mentioned, and it is a fair inference that these scholia are anterior to him.
The last half of the first century A.D. is therefore the period to which their
composition can with the greatest probability be ascribed.
The question of authorship is more difficult. It depends in the first
instance upon the view taken of the mysterious signature written at right angles
between Cols. X and XI, “Apporios “Appoviov ypappatikds eonperwodunv. The
natural meaning of this remark undoubtedly is, ‘I, Ammonius, son of Ammonius,
grammarian, made these notes’; cf. Marcell. w7t. Thucydid. § 47 ad ob 6
TOAELOS 1}p€aTo, eanpELodro Ta heyopeva ATavtTa Kal Ta mpaTTopeva (i.e. he put them
54 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
down in his notes), od py KddAdovs Eppdvtice Thy apxnv, AAN 7) Tod povov cHaa TH
onveldoer Ta Tpdypata. Uorepov b€... auverage pera KdAdovs & e€& apys povov
€onuerodto d1a tiv punynv, and the use of troonpevotoOa. in the same sense in
Diog. Laert. ii. 48. If then Ammonius, son of Ammonius, was the author or
compiler of these scholia, can he he identified with any of the known grammarians
called Ammonius? The most famous of these was Ammonius, son of Ammonius,
the head of the university at Alexandria. He wrote a commentary on the Jad,
to which several references are made in Schol. A, and Suidas states dredé£ato
THY cXodiy Apiotapxov 7d TOD povapynrat Tov Avyovorov ; cf. Didymus on /iiad x.
397. dedeEato ought to mean that Ammonius directly succeeded Aristarchus, who
died about 146 B.C., and though the phrase mpd 70d povapynoa tov Avyovsroy
rather suggests that he may have lived in the first century B.C., it is impossible
to identify him with the compiler of our scholia, who quotes grammarians
of the Augustan age. An Ammonius who wrote scholia on Homer before the
end of the first century A.D. is also known from the Brit. Mus. Odyssey
papyrus (CCLXX1), where some notes of his are added in the margin. It is possible
that he is identical with our author (but even the reading of his nam e, which is
always abbreviated a“, is not certain), or he may be identical with the successor
of Aristarchus. A third Ammonius is the author of the extant lexicon Tlept
diaopas 6uoiwy pnuatwv, the date of which is uncertain. Valckenaer assigned it
to the first century A. D., but later critics suppose it to be a work of the Byzantine
age based on first century materials (Cohn af. Pauly Aucycl. s.v.). Both the
lexicon and our scholia quote the same grammarians, and it is conceivable that
the Ammonius whose name was given to the lexicon was the author of the
scholia; but this too is the merest conjecture. It is moreover by no means
certain that the author of these scholia was called Ammonius. The occurrence
of a signature in the middle of a long book has no parallel, and no obvious
explanation suggests itself. The use of the first person éeonpecwodpnv would lead
us to think that the manuscript, if not the original MS. of Ammonius himself, was
at least a copy made directly from the original. But the existence at an Egyptian
country town of such a MS. of a work which, as will be shown, appears to have
played an important part in the history of Homeric criticism, would be most
remarkable. Moreover, not only is the signature in a style of a handwriting so
different from that of the body of the MS. that, though we are not prepared to deny
the possibility of their having been written by one and the same person, appear-
ances are all against that supposition ; but the signature may have been added as
much as a century later, so far as palaeographical considerations are concerned,
a fact which makes the insertion of a copy of the author's signature still more
inexplicable. One is tempted, therefore, to suppose that the meaning of
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 55
éonuetwoduny proposed above is incorrect, and that the explanation of the term
is to be found not in literary works or grammarians but in Egyptian documents.
onpevoty is frequently found in Greek papyri; in Byzantine contracts it is
sometimes used in the signature of the scribe as a mere equivalent of éypadn
(cf. B. G. U. 303, 310), but since the signature here is not apparently in the hand
of the body of the scholia, Ammonius cannot be identified with the copyist.
In the Roman period onpetotc@a is commonly used (nearly always in the form
ceonpeiwpar, rarely éonsetoodpny) for an official signature signifying approval ; and
if éonperwodpnv here does not mean ‘ made (these) notes, it must mean ‘signed,’
i.e. ‘approved.’ There is, however, no parallel for such an zmprimatur as
distinct from the signature of a corrector. There would be nothing strange
in Ammonius stating that he had revised the MS., cf. Revenue Papyrus
Col. XXXVIII. 2 dwpPwcdpeba ev Tois “AToAAwviov Tov bLovKnTod ; but onperovaOar
can hardly be a mere variant for dvopAodcAa, and the identity of handwriting,
which we should expect on this theory between the signature and the corrections
that are not due to the original scribe, is not apparent, though owing to the
paucity of the material for forming a judgement it is impossible to speak
definitely. And even if éonuetwodpyny means that the manuscript had been
approved by Ammonius, it is still very strange that the fact was recorded in
the middle of the papyrus.
We have now discussed the possibilities of Ammonius having been the
compiler, the scribe, or the ‘ approver’ of the scholia. None of these explanations
is altogether satisfactory. There remains the heroic alternative of supposing
that he had nothing to do with it at all, and that the signature is a mere scribble
without any connexion with the body of the papyrus, like the two lines which
follow the extract from the Epistle to the Romans in ccix. Such a theory,
however, is unwarrantable, since éonpewodynvy admits of at any rate two
explanations; and the accidental occurrence of a grammarian’s signature in
a Homeric commentary, yet without any reference to it, is very unlikely. The
choice lies between Ammonius the compiler and Ammonius the approver, and
in spite of the difficulties which arise we prefer to suppose that Ammonius was
the compiler. That éonjervwoduny can mean ‘ made (these) notes’ is certain, and
seeing that the term would apply to only very few literary compositions, while
the approval of a grammarian might just as well be appended, if it ever was, to
a manuscript containing verse or a ovyypappa, the occurrence of éonperoodyny
in the sense of ‘approved’ in connexion with a manuscript itself containing
notes implies an accidental coincidence which is hardly credible.
What is the relation of Ammonius (as we shall now call him) to the extant
scholia of the //iad? These are divided into two classes:—(i) the more
56 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
important, the scholia of the Venetus A, which, according to the subscriptions,
were compiled from the commentaries of Didymus, Aristonicus, Herodian, and
Nicanor ; (2) those of Schol. B (Ven. 453), Schol. T (the Townley, i.e. Brit. Mus.
Burney 86), and Schol. Gen. (Genavensis 44, edited by Nicole in 1891), which
have no subscriptions and differ materially from Schol. A, especially in paying
less attention than the latter to questions of reading and more to questions of
exegesis. Ammonius’ scholia are earlier than the date of the composition of
Schol. A, for they do not include, so far as we can judge, two out of the four
ingredients of those scholia, viz. Herodian and Nicanor. They coincide with
Schol. A on some points, especially on questions of reading; but this is natural,
since the other two ingredients of Schol. A, Didymus and Aristonicus, were
known to Ammonius. That Ammonius’ scholia were a source of the Ven. A
scholia is rendered unlikely by the subscriptions of the Ven. A; and though
Ammonius, so far as his scholia are complete, seems to have included notices of
the readings which in Schol. A are excerpted from Didymus and Aristonicus
as Aristarchean, there is not sufficient evidence to show that he was as full as
the compiler of the Ven. A scholia on purely critical points. It is, therefore,
extremely improbable that Ammonius’ scholia are either a source or an earlier
stage of the Ven. A scholia.
The case is otherwise with the second class of scholia, Scholl. B, T, and Gen.
These coincide in a marked way with Ammonius, and the notes of B and T often
seem to be an abbreviated version of our author. The agreement of Ammonius
with Schol. Gen. is even more conspicuous, because it is only in the twenty-first
book that the Geneva scholia are clearly distinguishable, by much new and
valuable information, from Scholl. B and T. Several remarkable notes in Schol.
Gen. on Book xxi, e.g. those on 195, 256, 282, 363, largely reproduce the scholia
of Ammonius. It is indeed a question whether the coincidence between Schol.
Gen. and Ammonius is not best explained by the hypothesis that Ammonius’
commentary was confined to Book xxi. Of the second class of scholia, there-
fore, Ammonius seems to be a real source, though it is curious that he is not
referred to in them by name. But we must leave the discussion of this topic, as
well as that of the sources of those scholia which our author gives on his own
authority, to specialists; and we conclude with a brief summary of the most
important features of the papyrus.
We have here for the first time an almost contemporary specimen of a first
century commentary on the //iad. The MS. of the Ven. A scholia is eight
centuries later than the materials from which it professes to have been compiled,
and it is impossible to be certain how far corruptions and interpolations have
crept in. The present papyrus can claim to be exempt at any rate from the
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 57
latter, and the statements which it makes concerning Homeric critics do not
admit of controversy.
Secondly, though, as has been said, owing to the elaborateness of the Geneva
scholia, our information concerning Book xxi is fuller than in the case of any
other book, and Ammonius’ scholia therefore contain fewer novelties than
would have probably been the case if a commentary by him on some other
book had been discovered, there are still a number of points in which he gives us
fresh information about the views of ancient critics and grammarians, or, what
is hardly less important, assigns a definite source to statements which were
previously anonymous. Amongst these may be mentioned the excerpts from
Hermapias (III. 17), Didymus (X. 12, XVII. 27), Dionysius Sidonius (XI. 1),
Protagoras (XII. 20), Seleucus (XV. 16), Crates (XVII. 30), the attribution of the
known variant teAdoas for y’ €Adoas to Aristophanes (X. 36), the notice of the
omission of v. 2g0 by the Cretan edition (XV. 27), and the new verse after
Book ii. 848 which was found, if we accept the ingenious conjecture of Blass, in
the edition of Euripides (VI. 17).
Thirdly, our author frequently uses illustrations drawn from classical Greek
literature, some of which are new, e. g. the quotations from Hesiod (?) (III. 3), an
unknown epic upon Heracles (IX. 8), Pindar (VII. 6, IX. 11), Alcaeus (XI. 9),
Sophocles (XI. 13), and Aristotle’s "Aroprjyara ‘Opnpixd (XIV. 30).
Lastly, whatever view be taken of the precise relation of Ammonius to the
class of scholia represented by Scholl. B, T, and Gen., the authority of that class
is greatly increased by the present discovery. Hitherto those scholia have been
at a disadvantage compared to Schol. A, owing to the absence of subscriptions
and the consequent uncertainty attaching to their materials and their date. It
is now clear that they are to a considerable extent based upon a compiler, who,
whether he was called Ammonius or not, lived as early as the first century A. D.
and had an intimate knowledge of his predecessors in Homeric criticism and of
Greek literature in general. For such statements as they make Scholl. B T Gen.
are henceforth entitled to as much authority as Schol. A.
The text of the scholia is printed after our usual method except that, for the
sake of clearness, the words or passages commented on are printed in capitals,
with the number of the line referred to in brackets at the side; capitals are also
used for the initial letters of proper names, which are here particularly frequent.
Owing to the unevenness of the hand, the number of letters lost in the lacunae
cannot be gauged so closely as in most literary papyri. The scholia cover the
first 363 lines of the book. There are gaps sometimes extending to several
columns between I-II, II-III, VII-VIII, XIII-XIV, XV-XVI, XVI-XVII.
We have followed in the notes the customary practice of referring to books
58
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
of the Z/iad and Odyssey by the letters of the Greek alphabet. In the restoration
of the text we have once more to acknowledge our great indebtedness to
Professor Blass. Mr. Allen has also given us help on various points.
on
(Golan
rel
\ra.puropl. . .Joovel (1)
avay\weokev twas o7é[dn
AelyovTas Tov én em| Pepopevov
] T@ *O.TE Xpovikw emi{
evkAeivew avtov alyvoovor Je
o7t To] On ovk eat addAolwloat Tov Tovoy
Twos] Tov mponyoupevaly TIOPON ot (1)
pev Ty SiaBacw opows lo ev B Kat
Opvoy] Addetoro mopov Kabl
|v kat mopevtos o Addfetos
Jar Tas Belo ogat ae
Jev T pe orxtioroy [dn Kewo «€
pos idolvy ofOadpowot tmarjtev oo
o €“oyn|oa mopous ados efepe evar
o. O€ TO plevpa amo Tov Elo}
]. Stappovy tovtol
TIro|Acuavos Apiotolpavyns poov
env dia tov 7H ypal per
-~
eup|nos w’ 4 amo opOns |
jus ayvoee 8 ort am.) Cola:
low Kat TO avemt|vypevov . : :
jv pev yap ovddal Jou, (63)
elt KaOapov zou 7s guot|fwos |
| em yevikns mal |.pous al
| dtotpepeos Ouplos de peyas gua \tgwor er,
eat dvorpe|peos BactAnos | 5 O HJOEAE OYMW | (65)
32
10
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vor ta de ani
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de To KXeos aj
59
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jw: evroyas |[
| Kat adds def
ives TeAevTal|
|rov ye xpovoly
| Srnorxopa {
(111)
Cole lite
Eoeecescom delAnv pev ws ot Arri{K|o.
eit eee oe |.cerav obev diedloly py
ow Hotodos ev) Mapes ooot vaiovor mredas
I 9 p
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[To pera peon|uBpiav Kataotnpa Set
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be Kat dete]Aos evs o Kev €XOn DeLedos oe
[
[
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[eomepav| eorepov tpiot Se dtalo|rnpacw
[
THV NpEp\av TeEplwpike|y| Not eon nHpE
[pa dern] APH T@ oldnpw {o| de Tw mpoo
... Lppalmias de mepiomat ty [nt] Bra
(Bn Bedovs) 7 Sopatos H OTE AOYP\| BAA\WN
[H ATTO NEYP|HPIN OICTO) wezeio{tar yap}
[ore cuatladny avtov ovdes alvede|e
ENTAYOO!] NYN HCO MET IXOYCIN [ro ev
7s vewre|pas Lados a de dia Tofu] KEK
(112)
(113)
(122)
[rav0o o Opjarg Bapvtover to yap [m\epiorray
60
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
2 All aaea anes Rare |7ns €x Tov evravO[t, J. THY
[. . . .Wepllom@pevny yey. 5 hae
Lose aoeuee ]s de Arrixoy gn... .JoTov
[....g0] SuarpiBe eav de [... .]n evo (122)
Beokavor crt | peradpacreoiyv..... jo
On ||| Mieaecciecee Joo Apworovek|os tx Ov
Go oo UMONACIN O C MUSINIIN oo 56- ik (122)
[Aas ee Jets AIM’ ATILOJA[IXMHCONTAI (123)
Se tashetee @|TONELY EUV ues e ial esas se
bce Secoursttans NS AHUNSAUG 5.5.6 G00 0 On 6 6
yal Ewen ceon Hn plpovrigolyres ... 2...
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7
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‘col OPWCKWN TIC (126-7)
Oe
fe)
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kadamep € 17 5; Jae
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tns Odvoojeas os Kev tor deuEnow odoly
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veot|nkos Tns Oadatrns emuToAns
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Cols;
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|ne [oo C] AP EH (136) |. Tovrov
KH|PO|@1| MAAAON 10 ~— |vavdn
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Col. VI
oe caceshishanwem ats ein eo a toon
(eeaeshene eienene lof. \etmaAyl. oo. coe. nner
62
Io
15
25
30°
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
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REN oon |#ews amo ts vAns TH... .. -
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T\evkpo\y os kat um avtov tov Ayapepuvo
vols mlpoonyopevtat Kaba Kali] Lorpos
gniot| Tevxpe pirn xepadrn Tedapone
Colm Valle
(144)
(146)
(155)
(155-6)
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20 apg|e|dede e\vn{ rac
Col. VIII
ja 5 Joe ]
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jour le |
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63
15
332)
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Ayedajilou e€ ovmep mavres mrozla\pou o
pevtjot y| Apiotapxos Opnptkoy avziolv
amoglawle Ta yap pevpata e€ wxkeariolv
eat [SeAlevkos 6 ev € [Hplaxderas trols
6 eropevO|ns pevpa Alyxedo|tov apyvr{po|
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Sapov AeyovTa Tov avdntikoy k\a|Aa
pov Ayedoiov Kpalvay tloly vdarols
mpocba pev to Axedouov {Tlov aod ora
Tov evpwTia Kpavay eX{LKo|s TE moTla
pov poa Tpedov Kadaplov elrepws
youv Aeyew wxeavou me[dja Kpavaly
moAXous te po Anpnrpols| Ovew A
XAwlwl oTt TavT@Y ToTa|uwY ovo
pa o Ayedaios Kali] e€ vdalto|s Kapmos
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Tov OXEOoY EV aTacL TOLS XpyopoLs
mpootatre ily AyeNaclar Ovew obefy
tovs EAdnvas tray|tlal.| motapov
vopige Ayxedoiov KAI PPEIATA MA (197)
KPA NAOYCIN oT¢ a@vTe Tov vaet pet pa
kpa de avte tov Babea TON MEN [AP EF (203)
XEAYEC TE KAI IXOYEC wows ore [pars
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10
15
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ColmeExe
oUTE vaTEpiKoUs EXoUTW adN’ EK TOV
Kadoupevov yns evrep||ck||ov ns alujro
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20
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30 Tes META TIAIONAC: ere IT acovas ANE
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F
65
(203)
(204)
(205) (213)
66
35
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
evdopevos Kat] evoapelvjos TIEP[I] MEN
KPATEEIC mepit|jocws de [ic|xupos e Al
CYAA aviolua: Kat mapa) KkaOykov
€= [E|MEOEN TF EAACAIC ouy] To y* mapa
[dle Apiotopaver med acas| TEAION
[KJATA MEPMEPA PE[ZE 7a] pepipyns
In the margin between Cols. X and XI at right angles
Appovios Appoviov ypaypatiKos ecnuelmoayny
Cole
agia Kaka EPATEINA [PE|EOPA 0 Xidwveos
“ gnow o7[t] o molt\n7ns e&€emeloey evs THY
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5 cel [Kalt mpo THS TapamoTapias payns
Io
eparetva OYAE TI TH AYNAMAI TIPO
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[Tlavzja] AAxkawos orevwm pilav) BavOw plo
[os] es Oadacoay tkave kat ev Odvocea
ali\a Ke tor ta Ouperpa Kai evpea treEp
Par covTa devyovrTes oTewoiTo ov
X ws Yogoxdrns orevagor vexverow v
70 VEKU@VY AIMHAODI[. ]]C apaviaTlKas:
15
20
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vndes nui ne ot de avtr Tov xopra
cnr. Tapa To aimatos aca Apna ov
K ev aon TAnopLOvn EKTOPI TIEIPH
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[@]]ros e€ evavTias Trokeunoat GW TIOTIO!
APTYPOTO=E AIOC TEKOC OY CY FE BOYAAC
E*PACAO KPONIG)NOC O TOI MAAA TIOAA €
TIETEAAE TPG)CI TIAPECTAMENAI KAI A
(214)
(217)
(218)
(219-20)
(220)
(221)
(225)
(226)
(229-32)
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MYNEIN EIC O KEN EAOH AEIEAOC OYE AYWN
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32 Actwva [[(dedo pn Kar Tecxos umrep) |}
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7
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(230)
(230)
(232)
(234)
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(236) (238)
(238-9)
68
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TONnIGY Ov |G. ee jee Kevdu
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Col. XIII.
The first five lines begin 7{, g[, of, |, Autys 7
6 de. jrnx[ ave
dvoero Auf uvns edu
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ws ek Atmyins
IO Tat ws ev .|
(240)
(246—7)
(246)
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niulgev med{toro o7t eAdevTEL ‘dia Troat
15
20
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3°
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pepecOar AK[POKEAAINIOWN peAatvo
pevos Kata Ta [akpa
7...) Ta yap yal
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vdaros [.]. . «|
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ETOY O[IMAT EXWN MEAANOCCOY OHPH
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kat alpOovos Kar apoBos Kar paxipos
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| dinpncba Ka ov Aoyov To
. To plev € SacuvTeov 70 de a
‘ ?
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(249-50)
(251)
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(282)
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25
30
35
THE OXYRAYNGHODS PAPY RI
[ov pa rT evalvdos amoepon XeLporl[os |].
ya
[mepovTa) kat Hpn deff c]] pe avioe mept
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[yas morapo|s Babuduwns Kar epoay
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ol yap a alrada Kar dpocwdes Kparns
de ethOera iv’ ne epxOevta Kat TY
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[vexnon oclov cay agiov n es Snpoot
ov opdeliw Kat T@ LOvwTn EKATEPw
[usov ENAYAJOYC xipappous ws Apiotap (283)
[xXos pewv] ev mapapnKeot ToTocs-
eta are cos enme lves at ev To avdAwowy
sip Paeeich eae | avAwves of oTEVOL Kat €
Tyinkes moTa\uo. o d€ Opar~ Ta Koilw
para e€ ov alc ex{l.[o[folucecs tar mo
Tapov wemd\nvTat Kat €pmivTdAN
6 pecOlpa vdjajros |[. .]] e« myyacov
ev
[wav|ras 6 opoOvvey avdouvs av
[Aos] may To oTelvoy Elo ovy
obs ts Jecoae are orevovper|.| Tns
... |pottpa XEIPI AE XEIPA [AJABON (286)
TEC] EMICTODCANT’ ETTEECI dia de
€.as| mistw eonoav7o Tov do
[yo ApiotoreAns de pn BonOn
gat] avtous AyiAdhec or. Hatoros
favr|eretaxto T@ Hav0w aromov
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. .jv TOIC] AE MYOWN HPXE TIO (287)
CEIA|AWN E[NJOCIXOWN o7e ITocet
5
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Col. XV.
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H[n] ovT@v tos eumev ws Kal
ev Odvocea exe Kadvwovs x(a
Odvocews tor de pvOwv 1 pxe
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THhv apodov onpem emipaver
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pavdpos ednye TO ov pevos adr €
7
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mpos Tavra Aeyet YedevKos ev TH y
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as] exvn Tov Beov exvat Tapexov
[Tlac [elrec mews ecpnKkace toll yap Tox
vot Oewy emitappobe [ecplev
kat {ujmo Acos de Kata 70 o|.w\Twpe
vov emrenpOnoay ev [dle Tw €
Tov Scop él |frexoy o autos {a|Oeree
cuv tos e€ns B ws meEpiocoluls ov
kK evar de ovd ev Tn Kpnrikn 10
TAMO) TE vio Tov toTapou AW?H
CEl evdwoe: ato Twv Tous ogous
Tous Tpaxndous uToTilevToy
(@imy Tews yap (vyopayovy
7t
(288)
(299)
(291)
(292)
72
TET SOX YAN (GT OS ear Aeros
Ta evdwWwow fevxbevtra Kat
o Kaddtpaxos nev o Bovs
YKI
ujm a|potpov exovarol|v |]s nl. : _]]Nwe
Colpxavalr
KkaOnpec KalTeBadde Kat dacuverac
O
OPCE KYAAOTIO/AEION EMON TEKOC
TIrodepacos [tnv maparedeuTov Tepe
omat oTt Tavita Ta ELS @Y ANyoVTA
5 €me TapecxalT
10
20
25
tov. pac ort
TaKTaL TO L Ki
kov vuv adX{
[.Jos avrov kal
TOMEC;X ClO) heen opaeo KuAXO
modetov Bed[tiov aberew tov orvyov
ovdeTepm yalp mpetovtas adda
p
ax{. -Jjatos 70 emOerov KELTQL
mpos THY i[AavOpwrevopevny
oT umo pev [
v{.|y xetpour[ at
TOLOUTO ovy é Sra
pavdpar Oe HICKOMEN @
Potlovpey evopigopev ort Eo
Tt [vd@l\o mupe [evavrioy
T.veov Tol
€ AYTAP €[TG@ ZEbYPOIO
ev B rept zlov
pHevav drfow o7t Cedupos ato eorre
pas Kat [n] anjo dvoews,....... ka.
AerTat Tapa [Opunpw gogos o de apye
(293)
(327)
(331)
(332)
(334)
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 73
atns oTt ets [Tpoiav ato tov wept Ile
Aomrovyna|ov ToT@Y TvEL EV OLS TO
Apyos to 6 e& [avepwy duo Kexpapevov
30 Avera EICO[MA mopevoopar Kadovoa (335)
auTous aAdoly adAaxober Znvodo
tos de ypade: [opraca wate To eloopmat
yvelolouac avitous H KEN ATTO TPWO)N KEDA (336)
MAC Tous Tpolas bAETMA.......... (337)
35 gw tyv ddrdya ka0os Hoiodos kav
pa de Oecmeciov KaTexev Xaos
Col. XVII.
Trey,
Pincers as jou{
Pe | HAE K[YTTEIPON ae €x Tov mo (351)
(Aewy ne) Kumra{t|plov
loo bo.6 5 oll ne oe3 Gil
Ballers .| €€ndOov [TEIPO|N(T E}rX/E (353)
[AYEC TE KIAl IXOYEC [oltre Kexwpic
[mevoe eyxleAves Kat txOves TINO|I (355)
[H TEIPOMJENO! 7 amogopa tov mv
[pos Katalmovoupevot pin O€ n K..
err KJAIETO A IC TIOTAMOIO 7 if (356)
[xus 0 morlapos oft] de Tov Kar ovv
10
[Secpov .lva.. tTnv de € avtwvy
[Hiav w | Kajt| avrov TouvTo mpocet
[mev ts mo\raplo.o alytipapruper de
15 [To pn mupt] Kaltop|evos Kat To avrap
eet BavOloio dapn pevos dia yap
[Reswarsrete lvou [ylpamreov ANA A EdAY (361)
[E KAAA PEEJO[PIA 7 PiAluntis avageots
lekoeeeneatees Jros [ole d[e] ewAnOve KNEI (363)
20 [CHN MEAAJOMENOC Apictapxos Kat
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
7+
[7 KadXor\paroy suv Tw ¥ KYLonY
[w cvos] THY KYLcav THKOY opot
[ws tar K]yionv & ex mediov ave
[pot pepoly Kvion Se ov povoy o «€
25 [murdouls adAa wav ALuTos Ta KvE|L
[on de olderore expnxev Opnpols
kupios| 6 ect peddery ws Adv
pos tla pedrn |eldew wpoiwoe dle
[7nv pely vo To vdatTt ynv Tw de
30 [Byte tTlo 8 vdwp tw AuTet Kparn{s
[d ev . dltopOwrixav ypapope
[vou pe|Adov nowy avte Tov pe[r
[Souelvou dia To Tovs apxatous
[Tt 0 Tlo ¥ py mpooTiOevar ayvio
Frs. (a) and (4). Fr. (@).
le Jap cov x
Js: Tepe Joo api
javrol JepeTat oto
Jetpeat jem eraepl
5 | yap o a6n[ 5 uyeraeri
\eavarran| eM Jval
lorwan| ful
jo aprigl mM
Slur xepals
10 |noed
jeouval Fr. (e).
|vevr| >
Joo[ PAL
luxav{
gece Jevo Of
15 |keTory|. joy Acyl
e yap Hl 5 Jamey
le
loot
Fr. (g).
Jeol,
Joraxpn|
Velen anf
Jae dedv[
5 |.wero|
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 75
leo Jepxir, jwa peyap,
|rnol jecgooyo|
per lyaour
Fr. (¢) blank. se Sais erie:
Fr. (4). Fr. (2): Fr. (2).
jov7| leony. | gf al
[ecrau| Juege de y[ Jou)
Juoras eg| jepis Kat al Jexi
| mpocan |ikos é |e
5 jeever| 5 |AnTo 5 eg 5 jer
jap ie
|rove Id
lapagy lal
Jeroy{. |p| Joaf
Fr. (2). Fr. (7). Fr, ().
Inf. - | zlolwrol eal lef
opel. t]oropoy, Jeur[ Jax
loxel Jo ev
|rod” eX Jaz
5 lar kat xi 5 joao{
joa ave |ra
me\pt TouTo[
I. Though the beginnings and ends of lines in this column are lost, the size of
the lacunae between the end of one line and the beginning of the next can be approxi-
mately determined by the quotations which occur in 13-15 and 26-27 and have from
25-30 letters ina line. In 2-13 about 10-13 letters are lost between the lines, between
13 and 16, 12-15 letters; in ll. 16 to 27, 14-18 letters, and in ll. 27 to 33, 16-20 letters
are required for the lacunae.
76 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
1-8. A scholium on the accentuation of ére 54 in v. 1, the general sense of which is
clear. ‘Some read 6r<8y, saying that when 6 is added to ore it causes ore to lose its
accent. But they ignore the fact that 6) cannot change the accent of a word preceding.’
Cf. Herodian on A 493 ‘Apiorapyos dred as Sydadn mapaddyws avaywooke. In 1 ] ore 8{
may be read.
3. Of the grave accent over « only the tip is preserved, but it must have been written.
Oxytone words of three syllables were accentuated at this period either with grave accents
on the first two syllables (e.g. in the Bacchylides papyrus) or with a grave accent on the
penultimate only (e. g. in ccxxiii).
5. The meaning, if any, of the dots above and below the o of ore is not clear. Blass
suggests em ppjuatt.
6. avrov: i.e. tov révov. Blass suggests r@ reve after ore[ dy in 3.
8-18. On the different interpretations of mépov inv. 1. Cf. Schol. A mépov ifov, rov
mopevtov adrov témov" “ Kat Opvov “Adetoio mépov.” of Se Tov podv, of Se wépov Zavdov xara mepi-
paow rov ZdvOov. “Apiotopdyns ypaer poor. Schol. B omits the quotation and the reading of
Aristophanes, Schol. T omits the quotation. The papyrus was somewhat fuller than any
of them. In 8-11 we have the view that sépos meant a ford, illustrated by the quotation
given in Schol. A (B 592); in 16-18 the view that it meant ‘flow,’ which is apparently
ascribed to Ptolemaeus (6 Ackadavirns, "Apurrapxetos), and in 18 the reading of Aristophanes.
The point of the quotation, otkrorov «.r.d. (1 258, 259), in 13-15 is not clear owing to
the mutilation of the previous line. It cannot be intended to illustrate the view that mépos
meant ford; probably it was cited in support of the theory that Hdv@ov mépov was equivalent
to Zavéov.
19-27. On the reading and derivation of evpjjos or evppetos inv. 1. This scholium
is very obscure. If the supplement of 18 is, so far as it goes, correct, which hardly
admits of doubt, not more than six letters are lost before the beginning of 19, and we
should there expect the termination of evpyos or evppetos as being the word to be commented
on. Instead of that however, we have quite clearly in 19 |pyv. Perhaps the scribe
wrote ev|pyy for ev|pyos because ypape follows. Apparently (19-21) some critic wished to
read éipyos, which is found in one MS. (L) and in a quotation from Strabo in place of the
usual etppeios, deriving it from a nominative etpets; cf. Schol. T ectppetos, do rod edpeds
(corrected by Maass into etpts) Kai kar’ érevOeowy Tov t, 7) dd Tov evpens evpee)os kal Kpacet.
To this derivation Ammonius objected in 21 sqq., but his objection and his own
theory are not clear, owing to the lacunae.
21. The doubtful v at the beginning of the line (? evpe]us) could equally well be read
as 9.
24. emt ka@apov tov 7S: i.e. ns preceded by a vowel. Ammonius is now discussing
evpens.
26. Oupos «.7.A.: B 196. The quotation apparently illustrates the form d:orpedéos,
not Bacwr7os.
28-33. These lines are apparently concerned with the accentuation of evppetos or evpyos.
32 and 33 look like a quotation from Homer, but we have not been able to identify it.
II. 1-4. A note on yf voitoos in 63, perhaps objecting to the epithet as inappro-
priate. Cf. Schol. T.
5-7. A note on the form #ede. Blass suggests rod pérpov xdp|w for the lacuna
in 6—7. The rest of the column is obscure.
III. 1-16. The first half of this note on SfAn in v. 111 presents many difficulties.
deikny pev in 1 corresponds to raérys dé in 8, and we should expect in 1 sqq. an explanation
of the general term deidy as equivalent to evening, which would balance 8-11 where deiAn
is said to be subdivided into dey mpwia and deiAn dia. |oeAay in 2 seems to be corrupt.
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 77
Possibly xadet thy éorépav should be read, but though an interchange of A and p is easy,
the o cannot be read as the second half of a. Or, conceivably, eAav ofev x.r.A. may have
something to do with the ancient derivation of didn, dre évdei 4 Tod HALov Edn (Schol. A).
3-4. The quotation in these lines is assigned with much probability by Blass to Hesiod.
In the third book (rév xara\éywv, which is sometimes omitted in quoting) that poet treated
of the story of the Argonauts, and the Mares were a tribe on the shores of the Black Sea
near Colchis (Hdt. vii. 79).
4. avros: sc. Homer. ‘This remark is repeated in 11 seqq., where the instance
(® 232) is quoted. The quotation from Phrynichus is quite obscure and seems to be
corrupt. The form deetAy which occurs in it (line 6) is acknowledged by the Etymologicum
Magnum beside the forms deiAy and detedos.
7. Blass suggests 4y|c@v and oy|ny in the next line, and thinks that these two lines
are not from Phrynichus but belong to another quotation from an Ionic poet.
8. For the Attic distinction between dein mpwia and Sein oia and the division of
the day into three parts (13-16) cf. Schol. T, whose language is very close to that
of the papyrus.
13-14. Cf. Schol. A on 232 7 deity deiedos elpntae as 7 éor€pa Eorrepos.
16. On”Apy in vy. 112. Cf. Scholl. B T, both of which record the variant dpy and
its explanation, but without mentioning Hermapias. Neither of them throws any light
on what the reading of ‘of S€” in 16 was. A corrector has written an y over the 7 of
Apy, apparently being dissatisfied with the form of the letter as written by the first hand,
which resembles x.
19, 20. Cf. Schol. T which is verbally the same; Schol. B is also practically
identical.
21-27. A scholium on the accentuation of evravéo., which Dionysius Thrax wished
to make properispome on the ground that the accentuation of it as perispome belonged
to the later period of the lonic dialect. Cf. Cramer, Amecd. Par. II. 291, where it is
stated that Dionysius accented it properispome, and Schol. A 76 evravot repionacréoy’
fore yap amo rod evravda ’Artixod. The latter part of the scholium is obscure owing to
the lacunae; perhaps the discussion turned on the rival derivations, evrad@a and évrav6i.
It is noteworthy that Ammonius like the other scholiasts gives joo as the reading
in v. 122, though xeioo is found in all the MSS. Whether he mentioned the other reading
is doubtful. The last word in 23 cannot be read as xeoo, though it may well be a
corruption of it; cf. XIV. 13, note. There is what looks like an acute accent over the
final «x, which is followed by a sign like a mark of elision.
26. The letter before aa is not r, so yey| par |rat cannot be read.
27. The v of roy is corrected, perhaps from s. We cannot guess the meaning of the
8 written above the line.
32-5. Cf. Schol. B drodtypyoovra, xatrapaywow" amd rod deiyew S€ etAnmrar TO Aeypav.
axndces S€ of xr Knddpevol Twa.
IV. 4. Perhaps a scholium on eiow ddds in v. 125, El]jCO) [AAOC are tou es ados ;
cf. Schol. B.
The rest of this column is taken up with a note on the various readings in wv. 126
and 127. From 27 onwards, the explanation of traAvéa given by Philetas, the papyrus
agrees with Schol. B. 7-13 also agree, so far as we can judge, almost verbally with the
explanation of the reading tsaife ascribed to of ’Apurrdpxewr by Schol. B in the sentence
immediately preceding the explanation of Philetas; cf. also Schol. A, which ascribes the
reading wmaite to Aristarchus, and gives the same explanation in slightly different terms.
There is, however, the difficulty that another writer in Scholl. B and T asserts that
Aristarchus read éwaiée, and the description of his explanation, in so far as it runs parallel
78 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
with 7-13 of the papyrus and the other note in Schol. B, differs only by the substitution of
ent tiv gpixa for imo thy ppixa, and a few other verbal changes. It would, therefore, be
possible to maintain that in 7-13 Ammonius ascribed the reading énaife, not tnaiéea, to
Aristarchus. But such a view is very improbable, for in 23 he seems to ascribe the reading
Umaifer to the Aristarchean copies, and the remains of 7-13 agree with Schol. B (2) more
closely than with Scholl. B T (1).
6. Possibly Apwroparys| «at. Porphyry states that Aristophanes read tratfe.
21. The quotation (6 389) clearly illustrates the reading és xe ¢dyyov, where Aristo-
phanes read os. Probably |mes in 17 is part of owes used as an explanation of as,
22, For ai Apuordpyecor (Sc. exddaes) cf. XI. 15.
V. 5. ava, if correct, recalls Schol. T adda dia 76 rods emi yijs dvatpovpevous eis adrdv
pimreo bat.
VI. 3. Inmevs: better “Imus, of Rhegium, perhaps a really old writer, but the works
which in the Alexandrian age went under his name were not genuine; see Wilamowitz-
Méllendorff in Hermes xix. pp. 442-53.
13. Cf. Schol. A ére Netwer 4 wept mpdOeors. avypnnévov in the next line explains
xrapever, Which is probably lost in the lacuna.
14. Blass suggests 6 péoos (sc. ddpioros) | avtt rabnrixod |.
15. mporapokuver: i.e. dodtxyeyxeas, cf. Schol. A as evedéas’ mapaurnreov yap trois adios
avaytvarKovras,
16-30. There was an ancient difficulty here that Asteropaeus was not mentioned in
the Catalogue, though he states that he has been at Troy eleven days and the Catalogue was
made five days previously. Ammonius offers two solutions, first, that the edition of
Euripides and others contained afier B 848 (avrap Mupatypns «.7.A.) a new verse (LInheydves
x.7.A.) mentioning Asteropaeus; and secondly, if this new verse be rejected, that Astero-
paeus may have been one of the subordinate leaders, and therefore was omitted in the
Catalogue like Stichius, Schedius, Phoenix, Patroclus, Antilochus, and Teucer, who is
addressed by Agamemnon as a leader in the verse Tedkpe pin kebahy Tehapane | kotpave
Aadv] (© 281). Cf. Schol. T on v. 140, where the same two explanations are given in
different language, and without mentioning by name the authority for the new verse.
Schol. B gives only the second explanation.
17. 7™ Kar e{vperidnv: besides the addition after B 848 which, if the conjecture is right,
is alluded to here, Eustathius says that after B 866 there was in that edition another new
verse, Tuodrw tnd nubdevte “Yons év wiove Syuo. The edition of Euripides was pre-Alexandrian.
24. kodvec: this word must have been intended, but the scribe apparently wrote 6 in
place of X, and over v there are traces resembling o, or a circumflex accent.
26. The scribe apparently first wrote oyidov, altering it to orcxcov.
29. For”lorpos, the follower of Callimachus, see Susemihl, Alex. Lit. Gesch. i. 622.
He maintained that only kings were called jjpwes, see Schol. A on B rro (Aristonicus) and
on T 34. The objection that Teucer is called pes in © 268 Istrus met by referring to the
verse (Tedkpe $idn, x7.) quoted here, which showed that Teucer was a koipavos dad», 1.€.
a Bacwets. For Ammonius’ use of Istrus’ argument see note on 16.
VIL. 6. ev TapOevecous : the v of ev appears to have been wrilten over something else.
The quotation which follows is probably from the MWap@évea of Pindar, cf. 12 tévra pdp[Bov
with O/. xiii. 94 cue 8° evOdy dkdvrwy tevra popBor, In|. 11 Blass suggests Sovpav ata ||héov,
10, Apparently the first hand wrote yevnv, which has been altered by the corrector to
men. Xeporroni|, is for kat dudrroni| s or -»,
13-14. For the supplements cf. Schol. B. In 16 Blass suggests 4@oy or pdvoy before ro.
18. kadov Opyn{c)xwov: ¥ 808. The quotation in the next line is from ¥ 561-2.
IX. 1-25. A discussion of the question whether v. 195 ovS€ Buéuppeirao péya oOevos
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 79
*Oxeavoio was to be retained. It was rejected by Zenodotus according to” Scholl. A Gen.
The consequence of omitting the verse was to make v. 196, €& obmep mdvres rorapol, k.7.d.,
dependent upon ’AyeAwios in v. 194, instead of on ’Qkeavoio; cf. Schol. Gen. yivera 6¢
*AyeA@os Tnyn Tar Gov mavTwv,
I—3 contain a quotation, obviously imitating the passage under discussion, from some
poet who clearly did not know the doubtful verse since he makes e& odzep depend on
*Ayehoiov.
3-5. A second argument in favour of rejecting v. 195, that it was not read by
Megaclides; cf. Schol. Gen. which also quotes Megaclides.
5-8. Ammonius next gives the contrary view. ‘Aristarchus, however, shows that it
(sc. rév oriyov) is Homeric, on the ground that the source of streams is the ocean.’
8-11. Ammonius now brings forward quotations in support of the explanation given
by those who rejected v. 195, namely, that ’AxyeAdios was used as a general name for water.
Cf. Schol. T rév yap adriv ‘OxearS "AxeAGdv haow. The first of these is a quotation from an
unknown epic poem on Heracles by (? Sel)eucus, in which ’AyeAdos appears to be used as
equivalent to 'Oxeards. But there are several difficulties. emop[ev6|ys in 9 is not satisfactory ;
we should expect eepyous, and though the third letter can be read as e, the letter before the
final s cannot be a or «, or indeed any vowel except y, so that a passive aorist seems
inevitable. apyupodwa, too, is curious ; apyupodivew would be expected.
11-17. ‘ This (i.e. the identity of ’AyeA@os with ’Qxeavds) is also shown by Pindar, who
says that the flute player’s reed (comes from?) the springs of Acheloius, that is to say of
water. ‘“ Thee, the most musical, aforetime the broad surface of the springs of Acheloius
and the winding river’s streams nourished, a reed” (i.e. once you were reed, now you are
a flute). Elsewhere, however, he says “ Child of the springs of ocean.”’ Here, too, we are
beset by difficulties. It is not clear why rovro d¢ euaivew and the following verbs should be
in oratio obliqua if they represent remarks of Ammonius himself. It is tempting at first
sight to make this a continuation of the opinion of Aristarchus in 5-8, but the arguments
in 18-25 are certainly directed against the view of Aristarchus, and the quotations from
Seleucus and Pindar, though the point is in neither case very obvious, appear to support
the same view as 18-25.
14. ta, if correctly read, is a corruption of o’, but it is possible that the supposed c
is a stroke crossing out a letter wrongly written.
15. evpwria : evpands as opposed to otevands is found, but not the abstract substantive
‘breadth’; here moreover the sense is very difficult, but there is no doubt about the
reading. There is a spot of ink above the @, which we are unable to explain.
16. For érépas in the sense of ev érepos cf. Schol. Gen. on v. 169, where dAXas appears
to be equivalent to év adXors.
17. mea is most probably for maiéa. The argument drawn from the comparison of
the two passages in Pindar seems rather far fetched.
18-20. * And many sacrifice to Acheloius before Demeter because Acheloius is a
name of all rivers, and water is the source of fruit.’
21-25. Cf. Macrob. Saf. v. 18 where the quotation from Ephorus is given more fully.
24. In Macrob. /.¢. the passage runs Sore moddol vouitovres ov rov roraudv Tov dia Tis
*Akapvavias peovra, aka 7d avvodoy dowp "AxAGov bro Tod xpnopod Kadeicba. It is not easy
to recover the precise reading of 24. The scribe perhaps wrote wavytas wotapoy for mavra
norapnor, the mistake being due to the acc. plur. preceding. rorapovs cannot be read.
26-7. Cf. Schol. B paxpa, Babéa ds 7b evavriov, k.T..
27—-X. 18. Cf. Scholl. A B T which together give the substance of this note, but not
so fully. Ammonius suggests three explanations for the conjunction of eels and fishes.
(1) 28-33, eels are selected as a type of fishes because they were specially fond of eating
80 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
flesh, and iydves is equivalent to a@\dox ixAves, just as wornrd in w 62 is equivalent to dda
mornta: cf. Schol. A and (for 28-9) Scholl. B T ad fin. (2) eels are selected because they
live in mud and eat human flesh; (3) there is a real distinction between eels and fishes,
a view which Ammonius supports by two quotations from Aristotle (the second given on
the authority of Didymus), and by the distinction made at Athens between taxes on eels
and those on fishes; cf. Scholl. BT, which give the substance of the quotations from
Aristotle without mentioning his name, and Schol. A which briefly alludes to this view.
33. tows 8: Sc. kar’ e€oxny eipnyrat.
37. kaa now Apiotoredys: Fist. An. Z 16, p. 570%. The quotation varies the order
of the sentences.
38. Cworokovow : @oroKovow Ar.
X. 2. ys evtépwv & airépara Ar. The second word was corrupt as written by the
first hand; the second hand apparently read evrepwy, though it is possible that the stroke
which he drew through the letter before is intended for an iota; cf. IX. 14. The
superfluous ns (js ?) is, however, not erased.
6, 7- eee eEavrAnOevros Ar., which is better. e&vadevros = exEvobevros.
Most MSS. of Aristotle have Evc6evros, but there is a variant efoc0éros or e£o.rbertos, i.e.
ex&vabevros.
11. v de to (: Hist. An. © 592%. capaprvpos=‘ without quoting him in full.’ The
passage in Aristotle runs f@o« 8 mar eyyédus Kal €mra kal dxt@ Eryn. tpopy b€ Kal of mordpioe
xp@vrar a@dndous 7 eaOlovres Kai Bordvas «al pitas, K.r.A. Cf. Scholl. BT act 8€ addAndopayous
abras elvae Kal (yy émta f Oxt® érm. Schol. A does not mention this.
14. Cf. Ar. De Gen. An. B 7414 ore dé Odea ov're Appeva kal ev TO Tav ixOvwv ever
éotiv, oiov air eyxédets Kal yevos TL KeoT pew, K.T.A.
15. Kat €v TW ayopavopika, «.t.A.: so Schol. T.
19-23. ‘He (sc. the poet) has anticipated what would take place on the third day
when he (the corpse) would float, or while (rere must be corrected to ére) he was lying on
the sand, the eels were already pressing in to devour him,’
25. Cf. Scholl. A B T wepi yap rods vedpods roddn eore 7 mysedn.
26-29. The derivation of épérreoOa from épa is found in Scholl. A B T, but not the
criticism of the word as inapposite.
31-2. The reading eicayevos is found in most MSS. Ammonius preferred «iSdpevos.
Aristarchus, as this passage shows, left the question open. Cf. Schol. A cicapevos, ypapera
kat eiddpevos (Didymus).
3. meptoows: cf. Scholl. A B T otk dvacrpemréov bé riyy “ rept.” ore yap avi tov mepiooas.
35. Cf. Schol. A (2) otras bia tov ye enébev y eXdoas. The variant weAdoas is known
from Schol. T, where however Aristophanes’ name was not given; Mr. Allen tells us that
meddoas is actually found in one MS. (Vat. 26, saec. xiil).
XI. 1-6. A discussion of the appositeness of the epithet eparewa in v. 218. ‘The
Sidonian says that the poet has lapsed into the narrative form, although the speech is
imitative ; but others say that the epithet refers to what was beautiful by nature, before the
battle by the river.’ 0 SiS@mos is Atordoros 6 Si8Hmos, see Susemihl, of. cz/. ti. 176. The point
of his criticism was that the epithet ¢eparewa was out of place here in a speech in which the
poet ought to have imitated the character of the speaker, and described things from the
speaker's point of view, whereas in a mere narrative epareva like any other epithet might be
employed; cf. Ar. Poetics, c. 3. With the view of Dionysius Sidonius cf. Schol. A ére
dkatpov 76 eiderov (Aristonicus), and with the other theory cf. Scholl. B T xad@s 76 éxideroy eis
évderEwv Tov Gre Ta ToLadTa pevpata pepiavrat,
4. de: the scribe first wrote ra and then de over it.
8. orevoywpoupevos : cf. Schol. A crevoywpovpevos . . . ot orevatwr.
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 81
g. The o of orevw has been corrected. The quotation from Alcaeus oréve p[av] Zdvdo
p[dos| és Oadaccay ikave is new. If tkave is scanned ixave, the metre is the same as that of
frag. 15 (Bergk).
11-13. |. getyouvre. The quotation is from 385-6. Sophocles must have paraphrased
that passage, very likely in the ’Ayay Svvdervov, and taken oreivorro in the sense of crevdgor.
15-18. The ancient critics were divided as to the meaning of gacov, some taking it to
be from ed, ‘cease,’ others from ée, ‘take your fill,’ in which case several critics preferred to
read éagov ; cf. Scholl. A BT, and Schol. A on © 557%, where it is stated that Didymus and
Hermapias wished to read éacas instead of éacas. Ammonius’ note is rather obscure ;
apparently according to him the Aristarchean copies read éacov with a smooth breathing
(otras, i.e. Yas) as being from édw (iva 14 ctvnbes jpiv 7), while others took gacov (or éacor)
as equivalent to ‘take your fill’ (yoprac@yr is vulgar Greek for xopéo6yr1), comparing aiuaros
doa” Apna (E 289, ai.).
18. If ov« ed is correct, it must be a criticism of Ammonius upon the view that
€avov=yxopracbnt:; but then the addition of the remark that doy means mAnopom seems
very unnecessary.
1g, 20. avtt tov “Exropos is a remark on the dative “Exrop:, but what is eyo? If it is
a quotation of ¢y# in v. 226, the note €ws méparos, k.r.A. does not seem very relevant, being
more like an explanation of meipyOqvar dvr:Biyv. The only alternative is to suppose that eye
refers to Ammonius himself. But Ammonius does not elsewhere speak of himself in the
first person, and the construction éya, gos épatos e& evavtias oNepoa Would be very abrupt.
Probably there is a corruption somewhere. — dvriBinv, which we should have expected to be
quoted since e& evavrias explains it, may have been omitted by ‘homoioarchon’ before avri
tov “Exropos. ‘The scribe does not seem to have understood the passage, for his division
ewarep | atos (corrected by the second hand to ewazepa | ros) suggests that he was thinking
of donep.
22. EPPACAO: our texts all have eipvoao, and so Ammonius in 36; hence éefpacao
seems to be merely a blunder.
25-36. Cf. Schol. B, which mentions the first of the two explanations suggested by
Ammonius for v. 230 (that it referred to the advice given by Zeus to the gods in Y 25 sqq.
Gudorepoot, k.t.A.), and quotes Y 25-6.
30. The erased words (which have also been bracketed) are the beginning of Y 30,
vv. 28 and 29 being omitted, though there is no trace of their ever having been obelized.
But as the line is erased, no importance need be attached to the omission.
32-36. The second explanation of v. 230 suggested by Ammonius (that the command
to help the Trojans had been given, though not mentioned by Homer, cf. atrap ’Amd\Xar,
kt... ® 515-6) is new.
34. os: our texts all have Poi8os in ® 515, but ovos is the better reading.
35. BeuBdero: i.e. peuBdero. Hesychius mentions the form BépAero (ice: BeuBXero), and
even the infinitives BeB\ew and BéBreoOa. Cf. the form Bapyapa for papyapa, Kiihner-Blass
I. 1°. 155, 259, 5:
36. The n of -nos is corrected, perhaps from 7. epycao: see note on 22 above.
37. oss ro: there is not the least doubt about the reading, which must be a mere
blunder for o roz, a quotation from v. 230.
XII. 1. Cf. Scholl. A Gen. @upedv péyav is from ¢ 240.
3. kein iS 1) mpaia deihy; cf. II]. 9-11. The seventh hour is about r p.m.
4. eva|tns or bexa}rns alone are too short for the lacuna, which suits evdexarns or
Swdexarys.
6. OYIGN: this spelling, which is found in one MS. (A), is the right one in
Homer.
G
82 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
10. The first word in the line could perhaps be read as vexpous, but the vestiges do not
suit very well, and more probably it is an adjective.
14-17. moppupeoy, k.7.\.: A 243-4.
17. pe[«Cov 1 kar a|v5pa: cf. Schol. T Ocias evepyetas 7d pa Spy rods pev vexpods exBadrewy,
rovs 8¢ Cavras éyxpUmrew KodrovvTa éautdy, Tov dé AyiAA€a TEpiiotagBa. KoATroUVTa there recalls
oloy év KoAT@ Twi IN 13.
19-20. AXIAAHA is mis-spelled as in XIV. 6.
20-25. ‘ Protagoras says that the following episode of the fight between Xanthus and
a mortal was intended to divide the battle, in order that the poet might make the transition
to the battle of the gods; but perhaps it was also in order that he might exalt Achilles...’
30-1. TIEAIONAE: our texts have medtow, which was the reading of Aristarchus. The
variant mediov8e is recorded by Schol. A. Cf. XIII. 11. ;
31-34. Cf. Schol. Gen. on v. 256, whence it appears that Zoilus had criticized this
passage because Achilles did not use his chariot. Ammonius’ note is an answer to this
objection. ‘ Achilles could not use his chariot lest he should endanger himself, being as it
were in a prison if the horses were tripped up.’
37. The dAj between this line and the next shows that a change of subject took
place, and we should expect a quotation of the particular word or words in vv. 246-7 to be
commented upon. It is therefore tempting to read medcJovSe, but the remains of the letter
before v do not suit o so well as ¢ or 7.
XIII. 6-7. ave|Svcero Xe w»ms: cf. Schol. T, where these words (from ¢ 337) are quoted
in support of Aizeys, which was an ancient variant for Sins in v. 246.
r1. For the restoration cf. Schol. A (Aristonicus).
13. épecOa was an ancient variant for mereo@at. Cf. Schol. A wéreaOat, ev OX pepeOar.
15-18. There must have been a remark to the effect that Homer could not have
described nature so well if he had been blind from birth. Cf. Scholl. B'T dxpi8eorara dé émi
TeV ToTauay Tmapepudager, K.T.A.
20. Cf. Schol. T ’Apisroparns dvoio, 6 de "Apiatapxos Tovoto, TOU KaTa TOY TOhELov Epyou.
22. Probably ped’ dppijs Bon in the lacuna ; cf. Schol. T.
25. opOad|pous [exovros: cf. Scholl. BT Gen. This is clearly an explanation of
the reading peAavdcaov, which we have therefore proposed in 23. There were three other
readings, peAavécrov, ‘black boned,’ which is ascribed to Aristotle by Scholl. B T Gen.,
cf. 30 sqq. below; pédavdés tov, the reading of Aristarchus; and péAavos tov, the ordinary
reading.
30-39. The quotation from Aristotle is from /7s/. An. I. 618> § 32. The first five
lines, however, are not a verbal quotation ; cf. the similar inexactness in IX. 37 sqq.
35. Perhaps ay|xn kale Ayas, cf. Ar. Zc. 1. 24, but these words do not occur in the
description of the black eagle with which the quotation is particularly concerned.
XIV. 1-16. A note on épxdéra in v. 282; cf. Schol. Gen., which to a large extent
agrees with this passage. The first nine lines here give the second view of Alexion
5 yodds, who read épOévra or épOérra, giving various examples.
2. Alexion was referring to Z 348, évOd pe Kip’ dmdepoe, which he says ought to be
written drogpoe. The practice of retaining the rough breathing of a verb, even when
compounded with a preposition, is common in literary papyri; cf. ccxxiii, 164, note.
4-7. These two parallels, év pa 1 @vavdos, «tA. (P 283) and "Hpy Se péya, x.7.A. (® 328)
are also found in Schol. Gen., but as illustrations of ep@évra, not, as here, of ép6evra.
6. amopoee: a mistake for amoepoete.
7. Cf. Schol. Gen. éor dacvvovow épbevra mapa (rhv Epony rovréat.) THY dpdcov. There
is not room for kaXeu tyv dpoc ov in 8. Perhaps epoay | be thy dpoa ov should be read.
8. xopis 8° abl’ pou is from « 222, where époa means the young lambs and kids.
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 83
The argument is ‘ He calls époa “dew,” quoting yepis 8 ad époa, since the tender are also
dewy.’ ely €ure at a |radat might be read, but there is not sufficient space for «rep €Lot ae
alraka, Cf. Etym. M. s.v. poa, .. . ai dradai Kai redetws véa petahopikds, &s "Apiotdvixos ev
Sypelous. Epon yap early » Spdaos. The subject of cadet, if correct, is presumably Alexion.
g-15. Cf. Schol. Gen., where the reading of Crates eiAéé&ra and the quotation from
Solon’s law are given.
12. ex € afovos: Schol. Gen. has evvedéo, clearly a corruption of ev € ago, besides
numerous other mistakes.
13. eGeudme: e£erhAne is of course meant; but the scribe has quite clearly written a 7
instead of an n, and there is a letter which looks like an iota between the first « and the
first d.
ev eay: eav here and in the next line is vulgar Greek for dv.
16-27. A note On évavdos in v. 283, which is obscured by the lacunae and the frequent
corrections, Aristarchus (followed by Ammonius) explained it as a torrent running in
a long and narrow channel; cf. Scholl. B T évavdos, yepappous dia orevod rémou Kal mepysnKous
Towovpevos Tv prow (but with no mention of Aristarchus).
18. a is corrected from ox.
Ig, 20. el epnxets : cf. Schol. A evavdous rods morapods rods émpykers.
20-24. Dionysius Thrax on the other hand explained évavAa as the cavities from
which rivers take their rise, comparing eymiwmAn@t, «.7.d. (® 311).
23. mya: a mistake for ryyéwr.
28-29. Cf. Scholl. BT.
30. sqq. Probably a quotation from Aristotle’s lost book ’Amopnuata ‘Opnpexd. The
difficulty here was that Poseidon and Athena did not actively help Achilles, the explanation
of Aristotle being that Hephaestus was the god opposed to Xanthus. Cf. Scholl. BT on
Vv. 288 ikaval ai mpocéjKat trep Tov Capojaa ’AxiAdEa .. . mpos S€ Tos KnTodvras mas SiadéyovTat
Bev avT@ of Deol, ovk emBonBovor de, pyréov bre erepos Hv 6 TH Skapavdpm avrireraypevos.
32. droroy apparently refers only to what follows, not to what precedes. If it governed
BonOijca as well as ceverOa it would better account for the ny (which however often supplants
ov at this period) ; but we should then expect dromoy at the beginning of the sentence, and
a comparison of Ammonius’ note with the parallel passage in Scholl. BT quoted above
shows that é6re “Hares dyreréraxro is the explanation of the difficulty and an argument
in defence of the passage, not a reason for objecting to it.
33. A reference to Y 325 Aivetay 8 éoaeveyv (scil. 6 Moceday), the point of which
is not clear. Perhaps ‘the absurdity of Aeneas being carried off...’ is Aristotle’s
criticism of that passage.
34-XV. 5. A note on the loose use of roto, Achilles being the only person present
besides Poseidon and Athena. The passage of the Odyssey referred to in XV. 3 rotor dé
piOwr, x.7.d, is € 202 (where our texts have rots dpa). In that passage only Calypso and
Odysseus were present. Cf. also » 47, where a similarly inexact use of rotox d€ pvdav Apxe
is found. In fact Homer never uses the dative singular in this phrase.
XV. 6. pn vroxeper: cf. Scholl. BT zpée, imoxaper.
6-27. A discussion of the reasons for omitting or retaining v. 290. Cf. Scholl. A T,
where the question is much more briefly alluded to. The points in Ammonius’ argument
are (1) 8-11, Poseidon does not mention his own name, but calls himself eyo, though he
had changed his form to that of man, and Achilles would not know who he was (cf.
Schol. T) ; (2) 11-15, Poseidon does not on leaving give any clear sign who he was, and
Scamander does not abate his anger (v. 305-6) as he would have done if he had known
that two such mighty gods as Poseidon and Athena were speaking ; (3) 16-22, Seleucus
in the third book of his work xara ray Apiorapxov onpetwy argued in defence of the verse
G2
84 THE OXYRHYNCAHUS PAPYRI
that although Poseidon and Athena had assumed human shape they had already implied
kara Td cuomdpevoy the fact that they were gods, by greeting Achilles as they had done,
especially in the line rofw ydp rot, x.7.d. (v. 289); (4) 23-4, Seleucus met the difficulty that
there was nothing in the book to justify Zyvés émawjoavros, which implies that they were sent
by Zeus, by the argument that this too could be explained kara 16 ovwrepevor 5 (5) 24-26,
nevertheless, in the fifth book of his Avp#arixd Seleucus athetized wv. 290-292 as superfluous ;
(6) 26-27, those verses were not in the Cretan edition.
8, 9. ovoza is by mistake written twice.
ro. Perhaps peraBeBrnxos. « and y are often hardly distinguishable in this MS.
rr. The dots over ca signify that these letters were to be omitted, cf. ceviil. 1. od8€ xara.
16. Seleucus was nearly contemporary with Didymus and Aristonicus. He was
probably put to death by Tiberius; see Maass, de deographis Graects, and Max Miller, de
Seleuco Homerico, Gottingen 1891.
20. Oeov: |, Geol.
23. kat uo Atos: ef. Schol. T.
26. eéns: 7 is converted from some other letter.
28. TE is a mistake for TE.
29-33. Cf. Schol. T, which has briefly Awpyoet, xom{e) doe Kupios de ray trotuyloy.
32. evdidwow : |. evdiddacr.
33. nddev o Bous k. 7. X.: Callim. Zpzgr. 55, 3-
XVI. x. Cf. Schol. T kara 8 jjpec, kaOypet, karéBaddev, and Schol. B xaréBadre... . kat
Sacvverat.
2-10. A discussion of the accentuation of kvddorodior, which Aristarchus made
proparoxytone (Schol. A), while Hermapias and Alexion 6 yodés made it properispome
(Schol. Gen.). Ptolemaeus (6 "Ackadovirns), as this passage shows, was of the same opinion
as Hermapias, and formulated the rule about substantives in -o» which is ascribed in
slightly different language to Alexion in Schol. Gen. 74 eis ay Ajyovra ovomara Kal THY Taped XaTHY
Zyovra pakpay drav kara KAyTiKiy exepnra mraow mepiomarar kar’ adTHy.
ro-18. Cf. Schol. A deretrae bre dikaipov 16 eniderov. 7 yap itavOpamevopevn Kat héyoura
“ uy rékos” ovk Oeev and Tod EMacTHpaTos mpoapeveiv. Schol. Gen., however, has the same
note with the substitution of ’Apuordyixos for aéeretrat, implying that Aristonicus only blamed
Vv. 331, Which indeed cannot be spared; and Cobet had supposed that the a@ereirac of Schol. A
was due to a mistake of the scribe.
12. ovderepo: i.e. neither Hera nor Hephaestus.
19-20. Cf. Schol. T jickoper, cixdras vopiCoper dre evavtiov éati 76 Udwp T@ rrupt.
24-26. Cf. Schol. T €épupos mapa tov Cépor, emel ard Stcews ny Cépov kadei. AS we have
restored the lacunae, # in 25 would refer to some word like pepis or xapa. But Schol. B is
slightly different, rapa rov (ichov, Kat 7 ad dices ron Copdmvora Kadetrat, If, starting from this,
we read #) dn[é dvccws voy in 25, we must supply Copdrvoa in 26, with some other name in
place of ‘Ounpe. ¢opédmvoa is not found in any extant classical author, and the word ¢dpos
ought to be introduced somewhere in this scholium; the remains too of 27 to 30 are
nearer to Schol. T than to Schol. B.
24-30. Cf. Schol. T dpyeorjy tov vérov, eet awd “Apyous eis thy Tpotay met. xademrny
OieXav, noi riy ek B Kexpapeyny avénov,
30-33. Cf. Schol. A ére Znvddoros ypaer dpaaca, &k S€ rovrov chavepds eore Sedeypevos 7d
eloopar yuooopat .. . ov Bovdera S€ yravat, dAAa TopevOnvar TapagKevacovaa,
33-4. Tous Tpalas: cf. Scholl. B T.
34-6. Cf. Schol. T pdéyza, tiv pddya ws “kadpa.. . Ocoméowov” avti rod Kadors. The
quotation is from Hes. Zheag. 700.
XVII. The note added in the margin at the top is in cursive ; cf. introd. p. 53.
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 85
2-3. Cf. Scholl. A T.
6-7. Cf. Scholl. A T and IX. 27, sqq.
g. Possibly » [xpy|ruxn. Cf. XV. 27. Schol. A & rox d€ fury.
11-14. Cf. Schol. T Urodepaios 6 UwdSapioy roy Kat cbvdecpor Kal tiv € dvrovupiay evoucer.
Gros: twes “Kai é rd8e” W 7 “Kal adroy 1d5¢€ emer ts rrorapoio.”
14-16. The two quotations adduced against the view of Ptolemaeus are from ® 361
and 383.
18. Cf. Scholl. BT dva & eprve, avéter &vOev kai ro ek Oepudrntos dvaornpa cdveris, from
which it becomes nearly certain that [A ]unris is a corruption of pduxris ; cf. XIV. 13, where
an 7 is corrupted into x. There is not room for ex @epyorn |ros at the beginning of rg.
19-26. The difficulties connected with kviony pedSdpevos are discussed at length in
all the scholiasts, except A which is brief; our text, so far as it goes, is nearest to Schol.
Gen. Up to 26 the question is of the reading «viony. This Ammonius attributes to
Aristarchus (so Schol. A B T) and to Callistratus (so Schol. Gen.), and he mentions the
variant xvion which he rejects as un-Homeric (so Scholl. B T), but he does not refer (so
far as the note is preserved) to the other ancient readings «vic and xvicns. The quotation
in 23-4 kviony 8 ek, x. 7.2. (8 549) is also found in a scholium attributed to Porphyrius in
Schol. B.
27-8. Cf. Scholl. B T, where however Didymus is not mentioned. Schol. A omits
this remark.
28-30. wpowwoe ... Auer: this part of the note is new.
30. Kparn[s: cf. Schol. Gen., where this explanation of the reading ped8dpevos as a
corruption of the archaic spelling peddopevo, i.e. peAdopeévov, is given at somewhat greater
length, but on the authority not of Crates but of Pisistratus the Ephesian and Hermogenes,
who no doubt copied their information from Crates.
32. pe|\dor is corrupt. 1. peASouevo as in Schol. Gen.
34. The sentence may be finished dyvo| joavrds twas mpoobeiva 76 G.
From the junction of two se/zdes and the writing on the recfo of Frs. (a) and (8) it is
certain that (4) is to be placed directly underneath (a), but the extent of the gap between
them, if any, is uncertain.
CCXXII. List of Otyvmpian VicrTors.
18 x 9-5 cm.
THIS fragment from a list of Olympian victors, covering the years B.C. 480
to 468 and 456 to 448, is written in a small semicursive hand upon the verso
of a money account. The latter document, the handwriting of which is an
ordinary cursive of the latter part of the second or of the beginning of the third
century, mentions the tenth and fourteenth years of an emperor who is probably
either Marcus Aurelius or Septimius Severus. The list upon the verso does not
appear to have been written very much later; and we can hardly be wrong
in assigning it approximately to the middle of the third century.
The names of the winners in thirteen events are given for each year, in
a regular order :—ordéuor, diavdos, ddALXos, TEevTAaOAov, TAAN, TUE, TayKpdrLov, Taldwv
oTdd.ov, Taldwy TaAn, Taldov avE, SmAlrns, TEOpimTOV, KéAns. This series follows
86 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
the traditional order of the date of foundation as given by Pausanias (v. 8) and
Eusebius, except that the two races for horses are transferred from their
chronological position between the 7 and wayxpariov to the last place. The
explanation of this may perhaps be found in the statement of Pausanias (v. 9. 5)
that since the seventy-seventh Olympiad the horse races had been run on one of
the later days of the festival. In placing them at the end, therefore, the compiler
of the list reflects this later practice. Precisely the same order is found in a list
of victors for the 177th Olympiad derived from Phlegon of Tralles (Miiller,
Frag. Hist. iii. p. 606), who wrote a work in sixteen books on the Olympian
festival, and lived in the time of Hadrian (Suidas s. v.). The only variation
is that the émA\imms is mentioned along with the ordé.oy and dfavdos, but the
reason of this is that these three races were all won by the same runner; and
the fact that he won the ézAirns is repeated in its proper position after the
name of the victor in the mayxpdtwov. Hence we may conclude that the order of
the contests in the papyrus was the regular order followed in such lists of
victors. It is noticeable that the aayjvy or mule-chariot race, although it was
run during the period covered by the papyrus (Paus. v. 9, Polemo af. Scholia
on Pindar OZ. v. ad iniz.), and victories in it were regarded as a worthy theme
for Pindar’s Epinician odes, is not included among the events here recorded.
The identity of the author of the particular compilation of which this
fragment formed a part must remain quite uncertain. Ultimately it may be
based upon the work of Hippias of Elis, who according to Plutarch (Vwma, c. 1)
was the first to edit the Olympian register, and who, at least for the period to
which the papyrus refers, had the authority of the official lists preserved at
Olympia. A treatise called “Odvpmiddes is attributed to Philochorus, and
Odvpmovikae as well as IvOortkar figure among the titles of Aristotle’s works.
The similarity in plan to the fragment of Phlegon already alluded to is striking.
The list might very well be derived from any one of these three writers. Its
general trustworthiness is a priort probable from its very completeness; and
its facts are corroborated, wherever they can be tested, by Pausanias. A few
corruptions in the names may be traced, but they are not sufficiently important
to affect the credibility of the list as a whole.
The number of interesting points upon which the papyrus throws new light
is very considerable. By a fortunate chance its information relates to a period
where it is particularly valuable, the period namely of the composition of the
Odes of Pindar and Bacchylides. The computation of the Pythiads from
B.C. 582, which is followed by the scholiasts on Pindar in dating his poems, is
confirmed (cf. note on I. 37). The dates of three of Pindar’s odes (OZ. ix, x, xi)
which have hitherto been a matter of doubt, and commonly, as it now turns out,
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 87
wrongly fixed (see notes on I. 16 and 37), are definitely determined. The
chronology of the three victories at Olympia of Hieron of Syracuse, upon which
depends the date of the first Olympian ode of Pindar and the fifth ode of
Bacchylides, is at length settled (I. 19 note). Fresh light is thrown upon
a difficulty in connexion with the occasion of Pindar O/. iv and v, as to which
the testimony of the ancient scholia has been discredited, though again the
solution to which the papyrus points is not in favour of modern critics (II. 22
note). The traditional date of Pindar O/. xiv is proved to be erroneous
(I. 14 note), though we are not enabled to correct it. The latest definite date
in the life of Bacchylides previously known was B.C. 468,-when the victory
celebrated in Ode iii was gained; it is now certain that the poet flourished
as late as B.C. 452 (note on II. 18). Hardly less important is the evidence
supplied by the papyrus for the history of Greek plastic art in the fifth century.
Polycletus of Argos and Pythagoras of Rhegium are both shown to have been
flourishing in the middle of this century. Polycletus can therefore be certainly
placed somewhat earlier, and Pythagoras somewhat later, than was before
possible (notes on II. 2, 14, 16). This affects the date of Myron, who on
one occasion, according to Pliny, was a rival of Pythagoras, and is also described
by the same author as the aegualis atgue condiscipulus of Polycletus (NV. 7.
xxxiv. 9). Naucydes of Argos is proved to have been a younger brother of
the elder Polycletus (II. 28 note); and one or two statues of which the pedestals
have been discovered can now be assigned to the latter artist, instead of to his
less famous namesake (notes on II. 14, 16). Finally, a long disputed point with
regard to the interpretation of a well-known passage in Aristotle's Ethics
(Eth. Nic. vii. 4. 2) is cleared up, and the opinion of ancient commentators is
entirely vindicated against the prevailing view of modern critics (II. 3 note).
But the value of this discovery lies not merely in the actual additions made
to our knowledge, the more salient features of which we have summarized. It
has also an important bearing upon the wider question of the credibility of early
scholiasts and commentators upon matters of fact similar in kind to those
contained in this papyrus. The existence during the third century at a some-
what remote and unimportant centre of Hellenic culture like Oxyrhynchus of
so complete and detailed a record indicates how widely diffused and easily
accessible such information was. Invention under these circumstances would
be ridiculous. People do not invent when not only are they able to tell the
truth, but failure to do so can easily be recognized. It follows that when
definite statements upon questions of this character are found in ancient com-
mentators, they are at least entitled to the utmost consideration and respect.
They are not of course free from confusion and corruption ; but to neglect them
88 EEE OXON GENTS 2A
or to dismiss them as mythical without strong preponderating evidence is incon-
sistent with the principles of sound criticism. It may indeed be said that the
general tendency of the fresh evidence gained from recent discoveries has been
to uphold the trustworthiness of tradition, as well with regard to the texts of
classical authors as to their interpretation.
In the commentary upon this fragment we are indebted for a number of
references and suggestions to Professor Blass, and also to his colleague Professor
Robert.
Coli:
[f€\vomOns xevos maw” cradiov (B.C. 480)
[. . .JK@v apyevos mar madrnv
.. .|}pavns nparevs mau? mug
[aor |vAos ovpakootos omerTnv
5 |... .|T@vda kat apoiroxov OnBaltwv Te?
apy|et@v Snpooios KeAns
os oka|uavdpos piTvAnvatos o7\adiov (B.C. 476)
(Oalvdis ap yleciols Savoy
]..y
wo Jl (L -]] Alelkov dorryor
TO}s| ent cee ] Tapavrivos Tevta®
bBSG Seg falpoveitns madnv
evdujos Aox|pos am itadias mug
Oeayerns Olacios mayKpariov
r
[tenet noe Aakov ma oradiov
15 [Oeoyvntos avyi|yntns ma madnv
[ay|noudaluos Aokpos am tradias mal? mug
aoT|vpos gupakooL.os ome” 0 Kpatio [Ja
[Onp.wvos akpayavrwov Tebp!
[Lep|wvos oupakooiov KeAns
20 [og dav\dis apyeos oradioy (B.C. 472)
...lyns emdaupios dtavdov
epyloreAns tpatpeos Soll. ]]Acxov
. .|apos piAno.os mevtabAov
[. . .|Mevns cap.os madnv
25 [evO|vuos AoKpos am tradias Tue
3°
35
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS
iKa\AALas aOnvaios mayKparioy
6
[. . .Jravdpidas KopivO.0s maw? oradcov
[. . .|Jkpatidas tapaytwos ma’
Tadnv
TeAA@y pawad.os maWov mug
[. . Jysas emdapvios omda™ dis
‘apy|ecov Snpocroy reOpimmov
[veplwvos ovpakolarou k\eAns
[on mlappeverdn[s moved|@via™ oradiov
Tap|meverdns o [avros| dtavdov
.. jendns Aaxoly dojArxov
[. . .|Tl@v tapar[rivos] mevta® 6 pidto
[epalppooros omoluytios m\adnv
pelvadKns omoulyrios mug
[. -|retywadas apyletos mayKpatiov
40 [Aukloppev abx[vaos mat] cradsov
[. . .]J7Hos mappac tos mal mad\nv 0 kadNic
[. . .Juns tipuvO.ols madov mg
[. . .]Aos aOnvaiios omAeity |v
[. . .Jvupou cupakolatou TeOpi\mmov
Col. II.
[. .Jvogos [ mevTabdov
AeovTia|kos peconvios amo aiKeAtas Tadnv
avOpwr os mug
TipavO[ns KAEwvaLos TAayKpaTlov
5 tkavey [ maw orad.ov
ppuvtx[os maw madnv
adkevieros empeatns mal mE
Awaca| omAeiT HY
StakTo| pidov T€Opimmov
Io ayia val keAns
mB duKalvy Aapioatos orad.ov
(B.C. 468)
(B.C. 456)
(B.C. 452)
go THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
evBovdo|s OvavAov
unmoBol Tos SoALxov
mudokAn[s nAecos mevTaOdAov
15 A€EovTLoK|OS fEToNVLOS amo oLKEALas TaAnV
aptatev [emidavpios mug
dapayntios podios mayKpatiov
Aakoy keLos mau oradiov
KAEodwpo|s tra. mradnv
20 a7o\Aoda| pos ma amuێ
dukos OecoalAos omdeETHV
capov Kaplapivaiov TeOpimmov
mubavos t| KeANS
Ty Kpitev ysleparos oradiov (B.C. 448)
25 eukAelons .[ OvavAov
avyeldas Kpnis dodtxov
Knto@v AoKplos tmevTa0Xov
Kip@v apy\elos many
aynotraos piodios mug
30 dapayntos plodios maykKpatiov
Aaxapidas Al maw orad.ov
moNvvikos [ mal madnv
apioTeav af mal mugé
AvKetvos Xl omAELTNV
I. 1. l. Zevomel@ns Xios. The names of the winners in the two preceding games, of
which the mention in the papyrus is lost, are known from Pausanias :—Oecayévys Odotos mig
(vi. 6. 5), Apopeds Mavtweds mayxpartoy (vi. 11. 5).
4. [aor|vdos aupaxoowos: cf. Paus. vi. 13. 1, where it is said that Astylus, who was
a native of Croton, entered as a Syracusan in order to please Hieron. Pausanias states
that Astylus was victorious on three successive occasions in the oradiov and diavdos. The
papyrus shows that he should have said émAirns instead of diavdos. He won the orddioy in
B.c. 488, 484, and 480, and the dmdirns in 484, 480, and 476 (1. 17).
5. [ Aa |ravba (Paus. vi. 17. 5), Or [Kpa|rovda.
7. [oxa]pavdpos : Diodor. xi. 48 gives the name, no doubt rightly, as Sxapavdptos.
8. Faetene this is probably the correct form of the name. The same man won the
arddiov at the next Olympic festival (cf. 1. 20 below); and the MSS. of Diodorus, who
records the fact (xi. 53), give the name as Aaédys (so Vogel), with the exception of P, the
oldest MS., which has Advis. The latter spelling is also found in the codex Palatinus in
Simonides’ epigram on this athlete (Ax/h. Pal. xiii. 14 =Simonides 125 Bergk).
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS gI
g. At the beginning of the line some letters have been crossed out and others added
over them. The result is a confused blur, in which it is scarcely possible to read any-
thing.
Pie This Tarentine may perhaps be identified with . . . ri» Tapavtivos, who won
the same event in 468 (cf. 36). A name of about the same length is required for the
Jacuna here.
II. palpwverns: the reading is very doubtful; the traces before « suit a (or e)p better
than y, and vp or vx could well be read in place of po.
12. For Ev@upos cf. Paus. vi. 6. 6. He also won the boxing match in 472, cf. 25 below
and Paus. /.c.
13. [Acayerns Alactos: cf. Paus. vi. 11. 4.
14. According to the scholia Asopichus of Orchomenos, to whom Pindar O/. xiv is
dedicated, won the raidwv orddvy either in the 76th or 77th Olympiad. The papyrus
proves that this was not the case. The date of O/. xiv is therefore still to seek.
15. Theognetus of Aegina is known from Paus. vi. 9. 1, Simonid. (?) Zpzgr. 149, Pindar,
Pyth. viii. 35. It is not, however, stated in which year his victory was obtained. The
supplement given in the text is therefore hardly certain, especially as it is rather long for
the lacuna, for which ten letters would be sufficient.
16. [ay|noi{Sa|yos: this is the victory which was the occasion of Pindar’s roth and
11th Olympian odes. The traditional date of Agesidamus’ success, based on one set of
scholia, is B.c. 484. Scholiast Vratisl., however, places it in B.c. 476, and this statement
(which Bergk, Poefae Lyricz, i. p. 6, dismisses as a ‘manifestus error’) is now confirmed by
the papyrus. Fennell (Pindar, Olymp. and Pyth., p. 90) had suggested the year 476 as the
date of the composition of the roth Olympian ode, while retaining the traditional date for
the actual victory of Agesidamus.
17. [aar|upos: |. [Aor |udos; cf. 4 and note.
For the addition at the end of this line cf. 36 and 41, where o gio and 6 kadd\uo are
similarly appended after the names of the respective contests. xpatio, dco, and kadduo can
only be interpreted as the superlatives xpdrio(ros), piAca(ros), and xdddto(ros) ; 0, as Blass
suggests, probably stands for otros. The word after xpario in this line (it does not occur
in the parallel cases) is possibly [x]a(vrov); it is not clear whether there is a letter or
merely a stroke of abbreviation over the 4. The explanation of these different epithets is
not obvious. The designation of a famous athlete like Astylus, who had been credited with
several previous victories, as xpdtweros is no doubt natural; and that a boy should be
described as xd\Xoros (cf. Paus. vi. 3. 6) is also appropriate enough. But why should
a winner in the wévra@\ov be called pitioros? And how were these designations assigned ?
Is it to be supposed that the judges in the games decided which of the competitors was
most conspicuous for xpdros, kaAXos, and dudia? It is noticeable that none of the winners
in 472 are singled out in this manner.
18. This victory of Theron is celebrated in Pindar’s 2nd and 3rd Olympian Odes.
The statement of Schol. Vat. that Theron won in s.c. 472 has rightly been discredited
by editors.
1g. Cf. Paus. vi. r2. 1, Pindar, O/. i., Bacchylides v. The conjecture of Bergk, who
placed Hieron’s first victory in the single horse race at Olympia in B.c. 476, correcting
ty oy ’OAvpmidda in Schol. Vratisl. to mv os” (Poet. Lyr. i. p. 4), and the chronology of
Hieron’s victories with Pherenicus proposed by Mr. Kenyon (Zacchy/. pp. 35-9), are now
confirmed. Hieron won the xéAys at Olympia in B.c. 476 and 472 (I. 32), and the
TéOpirmov in 468 (I. 44).
20. [dav ]dus : cf. 8, note.
22.1. ‘Iuepaios. This victory is celebrated by Pindar, O/. xii. According to Paus. vi.
92 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
4. 11 and the scholiasts on Pindar, Ergoteles was a native of Cnossos in Crete who
settled at Himera after being driven from his country by civil disturbances.
25. On Euthymus cf. 12, note.
26. [xa]\\as: cf. Paus. v. 9. 3. The base of Micon’s statue of Callias, which is
mentioned by Pausanias (vi. 6. 1), has been discovered at Olympia; cf. Lowy, Zuschr.
grich. Bildhauer 4x, Dittenberger-Purgold, Znschr. von Olympia 146.
27. |ravdpidas: the doubtful r may be y or o.
29. [7eA]\ov pawadwos: Pausanias (vi. 10. 9) describes Tellon more precisely as an
Oresthasian, and this name is confirmed by the pedestal of his statue which has been
found at Olympia (Dittenberger-Purgold of. at. 147, 148) inscribed TéAdov . . . ’Apkas
"Opec bactos.
30. |yas: the vestiges of the first letter are also consistent with z or X. It not clear
why dis is added at the end of this line. It can hardly mean that this person had
won the same race on a previous occasion since (1) the remark is not made in other
places where it would be expected, e.g. in reference to Astylus in 476 or Euthymus in
472; and (2) we know that this Epidaurian did not win at either of the two preceding
festivals (cf. ll. 4 and 17) and so a previous victory could have occurred at the earliest
twelve years before, which, though not impossible (cf. note on 4), is hardly probable. Blass
suggests that dis means a second victory on this occasion, and that |yys emdavpios, the
winner of the Séavdos (21), and |yas emSaynxos may be one and the same person; for dis
in this sense cf. Phlegon fr. 12 in Miller, Hrag. Hisv. iii. p. 606 ‘Exarépvas MaAnowos oradiov
kai Siavdoy Kal dmAiryy, tpis. Sis might also imply that the same race was for some reason
run twice over.
32. Cf. 19, note.
33- Cf. Diodor. xi. 65. Parmenides also won the diavaos, cf. 34.
37. The date of this victory, which was the occasion of Pindar’s 9th Olympian Ode,
is thus finally determined. The scholia on Pindar (OZ ix. 17, 18) make two statements :—
(1) that the Olympian and Pythian victories of Epharmostus occurred in the 73rd Olympiad ;
(2) that the Pythian victory occurred in the 3oth (or according to Schol. Vratisl. the 33rd)
Pythiad. Boeckh wished to reduce these conflicting dates to harmony by accepting the
statement of Schol. Vratisl. and correcting by a ‘certa coniectura’ 73rd Olympiad
to 33rd Pythiad (8.c. 458), placing the Olympian victory in 3.c. 456. G, Hermann, on
the other hand, adopted the 30th Pythiad as the true date, and harmonized this with the
Olympiad by emending 73rd to 78th. The papyrus proves that this was the right method.
It also confirms the computation of the Pythiads from B.c. 582 followed by the scholiasts
on Pindar, which was the basis of Hermann’s conjecture, and which is followed by Bergk
in his chronology of Pindar’s Pythian Odes (Poet. Zyr. i. pp. 6 sqq.). The computation
from 586 proposed by Boeckh and adopted by some recent editors, which antedates
the Pythian odes by four years as compared with the scholiasts is, so far as the chronology
of Pindar is concerned, shown to be false ; cf. Wilamowitz-MOllendorff, Arzst. und Athen
iii. p. 323 sqq. and Kenyon, Bacchyl. p. 37. That some ancient writers reckoned the
Pythiads from 586 x.c. appears from Pausanias x. 7. 3 (where he seems to be trying to
reconcile the rival dates, 586 and 582 8.c.) and from the Parian Chronicle. But the
scholiasts on Pindar (who are supported by Eusebius and Jerome) reckon the Pythiads
uniformly from 582 8.c. The supposed exception quoted by Boeckh in connexion
with Ergoteles of Himera (schol. ad Pind. OV. xii., cf. Bergk, 7. c.) can be easily explained.
Which of the two dates 586 and 582 B.c. is correct forms too large a question to be entered
on here.
39. |rermadas: the first « was connected with the preceding letter with a ligature at
the top, which would be consistent with ¢, y, 0, or r.
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 93
42. tipurOo[s: the first « is written over some other letter. It may perhaps be
inferred from the occurrence of the name here that the destruction of Tiryns by Argos
(cf. Paus. ii. 25. 8, Strabo viii. p. 373 &c.), which took place at about the same time as
that of Mycenae (s.c. 468, Diodor. xi. 65), had not occurred before the Olympian festival
of this year.
44. [...]vupov: the reading of the papyrus, which is quite certain, is a riddle. There
is no doubt that Hieron’s victory in the chariot race occurred this year; cf. the scholia
on Pindar, O/. i. 1, and the statement of Pausanias (viii. 42. 8), who, though giving no
dates, says that Hieron died before the dedication of his commemorative offering at
Olympia. Two explanations suggest themselves. Either [dvo|yiuov may be read, on
the hypothesis that the name of Hieron had become lost at this point in the lists. But
it is strange that the name of the winner on so famous an occasion, which had been
celebrated by Bacchylides (Ode iii), and the date of which was known to the Pindar
scholiasts, should not have been restored. Or it may be supposed that the scribe wrote
[‘Iepw |rvuou instead of “Iépwvos by a mere blunder. If the longer form ‘Iepmvupos had really
appeared in the official register, it ought also to have been found here in rg and 32.
II. x. Six or seven lines are lost at the top of this column and therefore twenty-four
or twenty-three at the bottom of Col. I.
|vouos: the reading is dubious. The first letter may be«, and the last « or vy or any
similar letter with a vertical left-hand stroke.
2. Neovria[ kos: cf. Paus. vi. 4. 3, where however no date is given. Leontiscus also won
the wady in 452 (1. 15). Pausanias tells us (/. c.) that his statue at Olympia was the work
of Pythagoras of Rhegium. The papyrus therefore supplies a new date for the life of
that important statuary, who was not certainly known to have flourished so late as this.
Pliny indeed (WV. #7. xxxiv. 49) places Pythagoras in the ninetieth Olympiad (p.c. 420-
417), but this statement has been generally recognized as an error, though it is not
perhaps so far wrong as has been assumed. ‘The earliest dated work of Pythagoras
is his statue of Astylus (Paus. vi. 13. 1), who gained his first victory in 488, and his
last in 476 (cf. I. 4 note).
3- avOpwr[os ... av: the papyrus here disposes of another vexed question of criticism,
with reference to a well-known passage in Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics (vii. 4)
Tovds pev ovv mpos Tadta .. . UrepBdddovras . . . dmAGS pev od NEyopev dxpareis, .. . ws Erépous Kal
ka? Spoudrnta Aeyopevous, damep “AvOpwros 6 Ta ONUpria veriKnKads’ exeiv—@ yap 6 Kowds Nbyos TOD
idiov puxp@ duepepev, aXN Guas Erepos jv. The ancient commentators explain ”AvOpwmos here
as a proper name; and Alexander Aphrodisiensis actually says that "Avépwros was a
moiKTns :—ivOpwros* Hv yap Kal (Stov dvopa TovTo TOU ’ONupmovikou TUKTOU 08 ev HOtKois epynpdvevorey
(Top. 61); cf. Alex. Aph. Zop. 22, Soph. Elench. 53 a, Suidas s. v. évOpwros, Eustath. II.
xii. p. 847, Mich. Eph. ad 27h. Nic. v. inv. fol. 56 b, Ald. Schol. ad Zh. Nic. vii. 4.
Modern critics have with few exceptions rejected this story, regarding dvépwmos as a general
term. The ancient explanation of the passage is now entirely confirmed. Cf. our note
in the Classical Review for July, 1899.
4. Cf. Paus. vi. 8. 4. The date of Timanthes’ victory was not previously known.
5: tkavwv: Robert suggests that this person may perhaps be identified with the Epauriov
who is said by Pausanias (vi. 17. 4) to have won a boys’ ordévoy at Olympia. That there
was some doubt about the spelling of the name is shown by the MSS. of Pausanias, which
vary between E and I for the initial letter, and v and » for the fourth.
7. 1. Adxaive[ros, for whom cf. Paus. vi. 7. 8. Pausanias says that Alcaenetus won
originally as a boy and subsequently as a man, and that his sons Hellanicus and Theantus
won the boys’ boxing match in the eighty-ninth and ninetieth Olympiads respectively. The
date supplied by the papyrus for the first victory of Alcaenetus is again a new fact.
94 THE OXYRAYNCAUS PAPYRI
8. The scribe seems clearly to have written A, and not », though it is tempting to
read, as Robert suggests, Mvacé|as Kupnyaios, who is known as a victor in the démdirms
from Paus. vi. 13. 7, 18. 1. It is of course quite possible that X« is a corruption for p;
the mistake is a very easy one. «€ could well be read after o; a second o, a, or v would
also suit the vestiges.
g. Ataxropidns was a name in use at Sparta (Hdt. vi. 71) and in Thessaly (Hdt. vi. 127).
I. Avko[v: the name is given as Avkcos in Euseb. Hell. Olymp. p. 41. 24, D. Hal. x. 53
(Avkos Ococahos dxd Aapicons). Possibly some confusion may have arisen between this
victor and the Avkos @eccadds who won the dmAimms on the same occasion (I. 21), if
indeed they are not to be regarded as identical.
14. The statue of Pythocles erected at Olympia by Polycletus in commemoration of
this victory is mentioned by Paus. vi. 7. 10; and the base of the monument, inscribed with
the names of both athlete and artist, has been discovered on the site (Lowy, of. c7z. gt,
Dittenberger-Purgold, of. c’#. 162, 163). The papyrus by fixing the victory of Pythocles
in B.C. 452 proves what was previously a moot point, that the statue was the work
of the great Polycletus (so Robert), and not his younger namesake, as has been maintained
by Curtius, Furtwangler, and Lowy. An important date for the florwt of Polycletus is
also supplied by the papyrus (cf. 16, note). According to Pliny (V. H. xxxiv. 49) he
flourished in Ol. go (b.c. 420-417), and this is generally accepted as the approximate date
of his famous statue of Hera (Paus. ii. 17. 4), which was probably completed after
the destruction of the old Heraeum in z.c. 423 (Thue. iv. 133). Plato (Profag. p. 311 c)
couples Polycletus with Pheidias as if he was a contemporary of the latter, and it is now
evident that he was not a very much younger contemporary, if he was executing
important commissions as early as the middle of the century.
15. For Leontiscus cf. 2, note.
16. apurroy: we are told by Pausanias (vi. 13. 6) that there was at Olympia a statue
of the boxer ’Apioriwy of Epidaurus by Polycletus of Argos. The pedestal of this statue
has been discovered at Olympia, bearing the inscription "Apiotiay Ccopideos ’EmtSavptos.
Hodvkderros eroinoe (Lowy, of. cz/. g2, Dittenberger-Purgold, of. cz/. 165). On palaeo-
graphical and orthographical grounds epigraphists have had no hesitation in referring
this inscription to the fourth century sB.c., and have therefore attributed the statue to
Polycletus the younger. But of course if ’Apsor[é |v is read here (for a similar omission
of « cf. I. 7, note), and the identification with the boxer mentioned by Pausanias is
accepted, the statue must have been by the elder Polycletus. The original inscription
must therefore have become defaced and was replaced by the one which is preserved.
17. For Aapaynros cf. Paus. vi. 7. 1. Pausanias does not give the date of his
victories. A pedestal bearing the name of Damagetus has been discovered at Olympia
(Dittenberger-Purgold, of. cz#. 152).
18. Naxkwv: |. Adywy. This victory was the occasion of two odes of Bacchylides
(vi and vii), which were accordingly composed not earlier than xB.c. 452. The title
of Bacch. vi (that of vii is not preserved) is Adyom Kelor oradcei OXpr(ia). If Lachon
was a boy, wadi ought to have been added as it is in the title of Bacch. xi. Mr. Kenyon
therefore very naturally supposed Lachon to be a man, and impugned the veracity of
the Olympic Register, in which his name is not given. Wackernagel and Wilamowitz,
who are followed by Blass, showed ground for believing that the victory of Lachon
commemorated by Bacchylides was won in the orddwy for boys; and this view is now
confirmed by the papyrus. The date of the event is also a valuable fact for the life
of Bacchylides. The latest precise date previously known in the poet’s literary career
was B.C. 468, when the third ode was written. By the discovery of this papyrus his
activity obtains a definite extension of sixteen years.
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 95
21. Cf. rr, note.
22. cap.ov Kap{apwaov teOpurmov: this name reopens the question of the occasion of
Pindar’s fourth and fifth Olympian odes. ‘They are addressed to Psaumis of Camarina,
who according to the scholiast on OZ. iv had won in the 82nd Olympiad reOpinr@ (v. 7.
immo); while according to the scholia on O/. vy Psaumis had been victorious reOpirmw
kal amnvy kat keAntt. Internal evidence makes it certain that O/. v at any rate was composed
in celebration of a victory in the dm or mule-chariot race. The statement of the
scholiast concerning Psaumis’ triple victory has accordingly been explained with much
probability as based on a misunderstanding of line 7; and O/ iv has usually been
considered to refer to the same victory in the dmnyyn, notwithstanding the testimony of
the scholiast. Now it is evident that this view is at least partially correct, for the papyrus
shows that Psaumis did not win the xedys in the 82nd Olympiad. But it appears more
than likely that the scholiast on O/. iv was so far right that Psaumis won the ré@purmov
in that year. camov is not far from Wadjuos; and xap{ can hardly be anything but the first
syllable of Kap|apwaiov, We have therefore a choice of alternatives. OJ. iv may actually
refer to this victory in the ré@purmov, and the victory in the mule-chariot race celebrated in
Ol. v may have been gained either on a subsequent or, less probably, on a previous
occasion. There is nothing in OV. iv inconsistent with such a theory. oxéoy in |. 11
is an indecisive word; if it had definitely implied the dyn the scholiast would obviously
not have said re@pinmm. Or both the fourth and fifth Odes refer to a victory in the dmjyn
which was won before this 82nd Olympiad, possibly in the 81st. If the names of winners
in that race were not usually included in lists like the present (cf. introd.), the scholiasts
might have no means of verifying the date; and after the theory of the three victories
in the 82nd Olympiad had been evolved from |. 7, to place the victory in the amy
and the supposed victory in the xéAys, in the same year as the ré@purmov, which was fixed,
would only be a natural step.
24. kpirov: Diodor. xii. 5 gives the name as Kpiowy (Kpiooor the oldest MS., and so
Euseb.) ; Kpiowy is also the spelling in Plato, Profag. 335 E, Leg. viii. 840 A.
25. The mutilated letter had a rounded first stroke; ¢, @, 0, 7, or » are most probable.
28. This kev apy| eos is clearly to be identified (so Robert) with the Xefuey of Argos
whose victory in the wa\y is mentioned by Pausanias and whose two statues by Naucydes
he considered to be amongst the best examples of that artist’s work (vi. 9. 3). For a
similar substitution of « for y in this MS. cf. 18 Aakwy. It has been a doubtful question
whether Naucydes was a younger brother of the elder, or an elder brother of the younger,
Polycletus. By placing Cheimon’s victory in B.c. 452 the papyrus shows that the former
view is correct.
29. aynotdaos plodiws? p before the lacuna is almost certain. Robert suggests
with much probability that this is a variation of the name of Damagetus’ brother, which
is given in Paus. vi. 7. I as "Akovoitaos. The fact that Damagetus also won in this year
(1. 30) and Acusilaus is described by Pausanias as a boxer confirms the identification.
*Axovai\aos is more likely to be the correct form.
30. For Damagetus cf. 17, note.
33- The letter after v might be A or pz.
34. The doubtful A may be x or perhaps p. It is known from Pausanias (vi. 2. 2)
that a Avkivos Adxwy won the chariot race about this time. But it is not likely that this
is the victory to which the papyrus refers, for in the first place that hypothesis involves
the supposition of the loss of a line between 33 and 34, since the 6émdirys always follows
maidoy wv&; and, secondly, if this Lycinus was the winner of the ré@permov and not of the
émXirns, his name ought to be in the genitive case.
96 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
ly PRAGMEN TESS OEE SrAN Dt
CLASSICAL TAUGHOKS
C@XXIII. Homer, /Zad V.
26 x 209-5 (first ten cols.) cm. Plate I (Col. VII).
THIS fine copy of the fifth book of the Z/iad is written upon the verso of
ccxxxvii, the ‘Petition of Dionysia.’ Before being utilized for the Homer the
roll had to be patched up and strengthened in places by strips of papyrus glued
on the vecfo. In its original condition it was of great length. Two fragments
of the twenty-ninth column are preserved ; and nine more columns would still
have been required to complete the book, while each column occupies from 8 to
} inches of papyrus. Probably other documents than the petition of Dionysia
were used in the composition of this roll. The writing on the vecfo of the
fragments of the twenty-ninth column is not the same as that of the petition ;
and a third hand may be distinguished on the recto of Col. XV. The MS. is
continuous as far as 1. 278, and the first eight columns, which were the core of
the roll, are practically perfect. In the tenth and eleventh columns the
condition of the papyrus gradually deteriorates, and finally becomes fragmentary.
The handwriting is a bold well-formed uncial of the square sloping type.
In general style it resembles the hand of the fragment of Plato’s Laws (O.P. I.
Plate VI), which was written before A.D. 295, and still more closely that of O. P.
I. xii, with which this papyrus was actually found, and which may be placed in
the first half of the third century. Other items of evidence are afforded by the
pieces of papyrus glued to the recto, which seem to date from about the beginning
of the third century, and by the few cursive entries on the verso, which are
apparently not very much later. On the other hand a ¢erminus a quo is provided
by the petition on the vecfo, which was written about A.D, 186. The date of the
Homer, therefore, may be fixed with much certainty in the earlier decades
of the third century. £ is formed by three separate strokes.
The MS. is very full of accents, breathings, and marks of elision, with which
FRAGMENTS OF EXTANT CLASSICAL AUTHORS 97
not even the Bacchylides papyrus is more plentifully supplied!. The method of
accentuation followed in that papyrus reappears, with some modifications, in the
present case. Here, too, the acute accent is usually placed upon the first vowel
of a diphthong, and the circumflex (which is sometimes of angular shape) over
both vowels. Oxytone words in the Bacchylides papyrus are not accented on
the final syllable, but all the preceding syllables bear the grave accent. In our
papyrus only the penultimate syllable (except a@velos, in 1. 9) has a grave
accent ; and when the word is followed by a stop or an enclitic it is usually
accented in modern fashion with an acute accent on the last syllable, e.g.
41 peconyts*, 92 moAAd 8. Monosyllabic oxytone words bear the grave accent,
except when followed by an enclitic, when the accent becomes acute. Words
followed by enclitics are accented in the manner now usual, except that in
perispome words the natural accent is superseded by the retracted accent, e. g.
176 wod\ev Te, 192 THY ke. There are some cases of mistaken or abnormal
accentuation, e.g. 17 GpvuTo, 33 Kvdos, 92 arCnwr, 196 Kpel, 221 Suwv, 245 el’.
Breathings are usually acute-angled, not square. The diaeresis is freely used,
and the length of vowels is occasionally marked.
It is difficult to determine whether or no the original hand is responsible for
the majority of these lection signs. On the whole it seems probable that the
stops, accents, breathings, and marks of length are almost entirely a subsequent
addition. Of the marks of elision some are certainly original, but more are
posterior. The diaeresis on the other hand appear to be mostly by the first
hand. It is not more easy‘to decide how many correctors of the MS. may be
distinguished, and to which of them individual corrections should be assigned.
The beginnings of the lines of the first column have been broken away and
afterwards restored on a fresh sheet of papyrus in a rough uncultivated hand.
To this hand may be attributed the occasional insertion in the margin of the
names of speakers, the addition after 83, and a few of the other alterations,
including, perhaps, that in 132. Another hand, to which most of the corrections
(among them the insertion of 126) are due, is earlier in date, as may be partly
inferred from the fact that the very ill-written supplements in Col. I are not
amended. Probably this first corrector was also responsible for the punctuation
and accentuation of the MS.
1 Mr. Kenyon considers (Palacography, pp. 26, 28) that only works intended for the market or large
libraries would be provided to any considerable extent with accents &c, ; while he also holds (zézd. p. 20)
that works designed for sale were never written on the verso. Our papyrus clearly makes it impossible to
maittain both of these positions; and it may be doubted whether either of them is really sound. Why
should not works intended for sale have been written on the back of previously used papyrus? Such books
could of course only have commanded a lower price; but there must have been a demand for cheap books
as well as dear ones. As for accentuation, that obviously must have been a matter of individual
preference.
H
98 THE OXYRAYNCHUS PAPYRI
The text is a fairly good one, though not of course free from errors. As
usual in the case of Homeric papyri of the Roman period, there are few
divergences from our vulgate. Of the peculiar variants rérayta: for xéxvvtar in
141 is the most striking. pévos for BedAos in 104 is an interesting confirmation of
the reading of the Geneva MS. A collation with La Roche's text (R.) is given
below. We do not, however, as a rule, notice as variants cases of the common
spelling e for 7.
CGolAlr
ev av tv\dedn dtopndet madras abnyy
dwxe pélvos Kat Odpoos w éxdndos peta Taow
apye.oo[e] | yevorro- de Kr€os EaOAov cpoiTo-
/Sat a ek | Kopvds Te Kat aowidos axdpatoy up
5 aoTep om|wpelv@® evadiyKioy Os TE paddLoTa
Aap poy | Tappdwnot Eedoupévos wKEavoto.
ot|
- SS
—r|[© JJovo | Tup Oatev aro KpaT0OS TE KQL @U@vV
Opa. a 5
[lOvelle Se pliv Kata peocoy 061 mAeoToL KXovEeorTO-
nv de Tis ev Tpwecor Sdépns advelos apdtpor
10 ipevs nlaroto.o: dvw de ot tees Horny
/onyeus | «datos Te paxns ev «dite méons
ol ine) a,
ro [[per]] | axpuvOere evavtio wppnOyrny
Gs
To pe |p urmoiv: 6 8 anlo| yOdvos dpruto régos-
fo & ore d\n oxedov noav ew addnoow iéovre(s]
15 pnyevs pla mporepos mpotet dodixdekio[y] €[y]xos-
6
tudede|@ & vmep wpov aplijotepovy nAvO akoKy
sete €BaX avrovy o & varepos epvuTo YaAdKw
tvdeidn|s- tou & ovy’ adiov Bedos Expuye yXELpos
ard eBadrle ornbos petapdgiov ace 8 ah immor:
6
20 etdai{o)s | amdpovoe AtT@v mepikadrEa Sibpov
FRAGMENTS OF EXTANT CLASSICAL AUTHORS
nN
30
40
41
43
45
ovd etry | mepiBnvar adedpeov KTapévoro-
p|
ovde ya | [oludé Kev avros uméxpuye Knpa pédawwar
ad{r) nopnlotos éputo adwoe Se vuKTe Kaddvypas-
ws dn of pln mayxv yepwr akaynpevos evn:
Cole
urmous 8 e€ehacas peyabupov tudeos ixos
dwkey ETalpolow KaTayelv KolXas ETL vas:
Tpwes Se peyadupuor eer idov tre Sdpytos
Tov pevy adevdpevov tov de Ktdpevov Tap bxeodt
Tact opivOn Ouvpos’ atap yAavkamis abnvn
XEtpos Edoio’ eméeaor mpoonvda Oodpov apna.
apes apes Bporodolye piaipove TeLyeoimrAHTa
ovk av On Tpwas pey eaoopey Kat ayatous
Kapvac® ommorépooiy]| marnp evs Kvdos opeén.
vor de xagdpmerOa: dios de adewpeba priv’
@s eimooa pdyns e€nyaye Oovpoy apna’
pev €
Tov emetta Kabetoev ex nilolyTe cxapdyvdpo
tpoéas & éxrewav Savaolt] ere & dvdpa éxaoros
nyeHovev: mpatos de dvag avdpav ayapénvov
apxov adidévev odiov péyav éxBare dippov
TpOT@ yap oTpePOévTe pitappeva ev Sdopu mH€éev}:
dépov peronyts: dia db orHbecpw edaccer /
PyoOvos
edopevevs 8 dpa haictoy eviparo [[texrovos]] wifoly
Bdpou' os ex rdpyns epiBddakos etdndAdvbeEL
Tov pev ap evdopevevs Sodpt KddTOS Eyxel paKkpe
, ae , \ \ ~
v0E immov emiBnobpevoy Kata Seglov @pov'
npite © €€ oxXéwv- otvyépos 8 dpa puv okoros Eider:
Tov pev ap etOopevjos exvAevov Oepdrovtes:
ae
\ , 4 u 4
vlov de arpoptowo ckapdvdpiov aipova Ops
50 atpeldns pevédaos EX Eyyel o€vdevTu
H 2
es)
10O
55
56
58
60
65
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Col ike
ecOdov Onpytnpa didake yap aprepis av7n
tA 4 4 , =
BddXrew dypia TavtTa Ta TE TpEPEl OUpEoLY VAN:
xv €
, t , Aa. =
ad dv or TérE ye Xpaiop aprepis tox{[aL]larpa
ovde exnBoAta Hiow To mpiv y €EkéKacTo:
adda pv atperons Sovpe KAelTos pevedaos
mpocbey eOev devyovta perdppevoy bvtace dovpt-
4 X Le 4 fa ’ 5
npire Se mpilv|jis: apdBnoe de tTévxe em avTar
penpiovns de hépexdov evypato TéKTovos Lov
s tL 7 tA
appovidew os xepow eniorato ddidada travta
€
révxe |x]loxa yép pw epiriato maddas abyvn:
os Kat adreédvdpw TEKTHVAaTO Vnas cELoaS
apxekdkous dt] maot Kakov Tp@EToL YyEVoYTO:
ot z[le]] avte em ov Tu Dewy ex Béorrata Ade
Tov pey pnpiovns ore On KaTé“apmTe Slwkoy
BeBAjKer yAouTov Kata degiov: 7H Se Sia mpo
DS “* Ta / >
Javrikpy Kata ktvoTlv Um ootéovy HAVO akoKn’
7°
ywé 8 épim owas: Odvatos 6€ piv appexadruer:
mndaov & ap emepve péyns avThvopos voy
os pa vd0os pev env: mixa & érpede Seia Oedvw
/\lcllioa prove réxecor XapiCopévyn mocei wo
Tov pev udréidns Sovpt KAitos eyyvbev eAOwv
BeBdjxe Kehadns Kata evviov oێi Sovpt
74 avTikpv 6 av odovrtas U0 yA@ooay Tdépe Yadkos-
76 ev[plimvdos 6” evaipovidns wyyvopa decoy
Colles
Pri pie 5 ev] kove[ys Puxp Jov [5 ee xaAkov o |Sover[,
viov UrepOvpov SodroméLovos Os pa oKapdvdpou
apntnp etétukto: Oeos & ws TéeTo Oyjpor
Tov ev ap evptrudAos evdipovos ayaos Uios
FRAGMENTS OF EXTANT CLASSICAL AUTHORS
80 mpoobey eOev ghevyovTa peradpopddny éXac’ @pov
—acydve aigas' amo & é£ece yxeipa Bapeav-
WandaBe Toppvpeos Oavatos Kat poipa Kparain:
atparoecoa de xelp medio méce'|[v]]| Tov de Kar dace
avy
>
@$ Ol pey TovéovTO KaTa KpaTepny Vopéewny:
85 Tvdéednv 8 ovk av yvouns woréporse peréry
NE META TpwETOLY Gpetéor N pEeT AXaLOLS:
Oive yap av rediovy ToTapor mAHOovTt corKws
yap Hor mi}
Xetpdppo os 7 Oka péwv exello||Sacce yepupas:
, , , ry ,
TOV \\T OUT ap TE ED@UpPE €E€ eve LOyavowmoty’
yepup
tA u - r 4 6 ré
go | OUT apa EpKEa toxe AA@G@V EplLUnAE@V
95
eMovr egamivns Or emPBpéian dios o¢Ppos-
ToAAd O wm avtov epya KaTipime Ka at(jov.
ws umo Tudédn muKivat KAovéovTo phadayyes
Tp@wy ovd dpa piv piuvoy mod€es Ep covTEs:
tov & ws ovy evonoe AvKdovOS ayhaos ULOS
Oivovr’ ap mediov mpo eOev KNovéovta hadrayyas.
ai em tudeidn etitdwweto KapmtAa Toga:
kat Bad’ [el] exaiccoovta tdyov Kata Segvoy Spov
Odpnkos yiarov: dia 8 €mrato mkpos olaros:
100 avtikpu de diécxe’ maddooeto 8 aipati Owpné-
a
wT
to 8 e[ul|e paxpoy dice AvKdovos ayhaos tos
a
Colmve:
—épvvcbat tpwes ple}ydOvpor Kévtopes ummrav:
105
BEBAntar yap apioros axawv: ovdé € Pijpe
€
60a cxjoacbat Kparepoy pevos ev eTEedy pe
Al o]Jpcev avag Sos vos amopybmevos AuKinOev’
ws épar evxdpevos’ tov S ov Bedos dv Sdépaccev
aX avaxepynocas rpbcO frrouv Kar dxerduy
7 , , 728. “*
éo7n kat obévehov mpocépn Katravyioy tiov
JOL
102
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
épo0 ménov Karavyiddn KataBnoeo Suppou
to oc
110 oppd por ۤ oped v]| epvons mLiKpov olaTov:
ws dp édn: abévedros de Ka inmav arto Xxapace
map de otas Bedos Oku dvapmepes e£épuo @j.ou"
aipa 8 avynkovri[ colle dia otpemroto XiTwvos,
6n rér émett’ nparo Bony ayabos Sdiopydns:
115 kKAvOé por avyt6xoro dios Téxos atpuTavyn
€l MOTE flol Kat TaTpL ira ppovéovaa mapecTns
Snio ev modcuo vuv aut eme Pia abnvy*
[[eJor d€ te po avdpa Ede Kat es opuny eyxeos «AOE
ds po éBare POdpevos Kat emévyerar: ovde pe Pio
dvd] oO]
120 dnpov ér’ [[avoxnollecOar Aapmpor paos nEALoLo"
ws épat evxdpuevos: tov 6’ exAve maddas abhvn:
yiia & &Onxev eadpa médas Kat xelpas Umepber
ayxou 8 torapévn Enea mrEpoevTa Tpoonvoa:
Oapoay vuv diopndes ene Tpdecot paxerOar
125 ev ydp to orHOecor pevos marpatov nika Karo
127 axAvy av Tot am opOadpov ehov n mpw emnev
126 f atpopov otov exeoke GakeorraXos urmota TUdEUS avw
Col. VI.
opp <0 yevdoxors etpev Oeov nde Ke avdpa:
Tom vuv at Ke Oeos mreipdpevos evOdd” ixnTat.
130 pn Te ot y’ abavatoicr Oeors avTiKkpy paxerbat
Tols aAdowss atap & Ke dios Ovyatnp appodéiTy
xadkw
eOna €s modepov. THY y ouTapey of€t Sovpt
n pev ap as etmovoe améBn yAavkamis abnvn’
rvdedns & e£adtis tov mpopdxowrw epixOn
135 kat mpiv wep bupw pepaws Tpweoor paxerOar
6 Ww Tpis Toccov eXEV f[LEVOS @® v
on TOTE Tpls Xr evos @s TE AEOVTA
FRAGMENTS OF EXTANT CLASSICAL AUTHORS
ov pa TE Tolunv aypw em etporr6xols olerot
xpdvon pév 7 avdns UrepddApevovy ovde dapacon:
Tov pév te obevos @poe” Emerita O€ T ov mpocaptyver
140 adAa Kata orabpous Svera ta 8 ephnya gpoPetrat
Jat pev T avxnoreivat er addndnoe TéTavTae
/avrap 6 eupepaws Babéns e€addeTE avdAns.
@S pEpaws TpecoL plyn KpaTepos SLopndns”
‘ ev dev actbvooy Kat vrréipova motpeva awy
145 Tov pev imep pagoio Badwv yadkypet dovpt
tov & erepov gipet peyddw KAneida Tap w@pov
L
1/\rAné amo 8 avxévos dpollu]] eépyabey 18 amo verou:
Tous pev ac 6 8 dBavta peT@xeTo Kat TodveLdov
Uiéas evpuddavTos ovetpomrddo.o yEpovTos
a
150 TOLS ovK epxopévors 6 yepwy ekpéw/lel|r ovecpous’
adrddé oheas kparépos dropndns ekevapréev’
Bn oO peta EdvOdv Te Odwvd Te pdwomos Vele
dupw Tndrvyéro: 6 de TéipeTo yrpal Avypar
GolfeVilile
TE
vioy [6) ov Ker’ addAov eme KTEedTEToL AdT (a Oa
155 ev0’ 6 ye tous evdpice: pirov & e€aivyto Ovpov
7 7 , va 4
apdlo|répw marépt de yoov Kat xijdea Avypa
/deim’ emer ov (wovTe paxns €K vooThoavTE
dé£at\o] ynpworar de dia Krijow daz€éovTo'
@
ev’ titjas mpidpo.o dulfo]] AdBe Sapdavidao
160 ey] eve Ouppm eovras exepnpovd TE Xpopioy TE
w[s] dje] A€wy ev Bovor Odpwov e& avyéva aéy
Toprtiojs ne Boos ~vhoxov Kdra PBookopevdwr.
ws Tous apudorépovs e€ immov Tuvdéos ios
Binloe Kaxs aekovras’ émeira be TEevxe EovAa"
165 em[molus 8 ots erdpoicr Sidov pera vnas eddvvew"
103
104 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
tov & idey aweias adamdfovta otixas avdpov'
Bn & ipev dv Te payny Kat ava Kdbvov eyxetdov
mdvoapov avtibeoy Si¢jpevos & mov epevpor
evpe AvKdovos tov apvpovd TE KpaTepov TE
170 orn Se mpbal avtoio eros TE pv avtioy nvda:
mdvdape tov tor Togov [[el|ide mrepoevres ofaror
, u 4 4 4 ’
Kat KAéos @ ov Tis To epifere evOdSE y avnp’
ov[ S]|é tes ev Avkin ceo y' ebxeTE Ewa apetvov:
adr dye Tod Edes avdpi Beros di yxelpas avacxov
175 6s Tis Ode Kparéet Kat On kla]ka ToAda Eopye
Tpwas’ eet ToddAOv TE Kat EcOoy yobvaT’ éduceE
em
ua 4
et py ris Oeos eo[[T]|t K[o\recodpevos Tpwecory
€ 7
epav pnvéecas’ xadrern de Oeou [[a]}n[lo]] pyres:
Col. VIII.
tov & avre mpoceelt|re AvKdovos ayAaos vos"
180 auveta tpwwy Bovrtnpbpe xadrKoxiTévev:
Tudéidn piv eyo ye Saippovt mavta cicko
aoriit yewdoxov avrwmdi Te Tpupadéin:
T
urtrous © «laopd@v’ adda 8 ov od e [Bjeos eotiv"
e 8 6 y avnp ov dnt Satppwr tudeos wos
185 ovxy 6 y avevde Oeov [[d]}éoe pawerau: adda Tis afy]xe
éotnk’ abavarialy vepérn etAvpévos wpovis)”
os TovTo[v] Bedos @ku Kixypevov Etpamrev add
non ydp ot [ep|nxa Bedos kde pw Badov @pov
de€vov: avrixp[u [[ . Jel] dua AdpyKols ylvddoro"
190 Kau pw éyo y epduny aidavat mpoldrpew
éumns 8 ovk eOapacca’ Oeos vb tis eo[T\t KoTHeLs*
immo 8 ov mapéact Kat appara tév kK emiBdinr
adda tov ev peydpotot AvKdovos EvdeKa Sippot
FRAGMENTS OF EXTANT CLASSICAL AUTHORS
195
200 B
Kado. mpwromayes veoTevxées: apgi de remot
nméntavta mapa o€ opw exact difvyes irot
eoTaou|v]| Kpet AevKoy epemTbpevor Kat odupas:
n pév pot para moAd\a yEepoyv alxpijta AVKAwY
EpXopévm emeTedA€ Sopois eve ToinTotow"
urmourty fe ekedeve Kat appacw euBeBadral|a]]
[ap|xévery Tpwecolv ava KpaTepas vopewas-
afAJA eyo ov reOdunv n T av Todlv] K[élpdiov nev
immov pedduevos py por devdcato popBis
avdpov elopevav ermbdres Edpweve addny:
/
trav[ Jap(os)
ap(0s) atverav
205
210
215
mro(y7™s)
atvelas
tray6ap(@)
Coley xe
ws Aimov [av|rap mlelfos es [etArjov [ecAn|Aovba
rogoii[y miclvr[fols [lal] ta O€ pw ovK ap epeddev ovyjocuv
non yalp Soijotow apiotjecow epjKa
tudeid|n TE] Kat alt|perdn: ex & apdorépoiiv
atpeKe[s] afin] éooeva Badov Hyetpa de paddov:
TO pa kKalK|\n dion amo macaddov aykiha Toka
npate tlw] edépunv dTe et Acov [ers Eplaretyny
nycou[nv] tpdecor hepwv x apt] exropt [d]éw-
ec de Ke viojotyja[w| Kat evdiopulat of|Oadrpotowy
eanelel eunv adloxjov re Kali] u[wepelpes peya dopa.
autik €met|r am [elueto kapn [rapo] addérpios gos
ec pn eyo Tade TOga haev@ ev ups [O€linv
Xepa[t] SiakAdooas: avep@dia ydp plot| omnder-
tov 6 aut atveras tpdwv awyos avt{ijov nuda:
au
pn & ovtws aydpeve: tapos 8 ove éocer|[e]] addos
mply] y emt vo Tad avdpe ovv immowow Kat bxeoguy
av7iBinv edOovTe cuv evTeot TreipnOnvar
ard ay tyov oxéov emiBioea dppa dna
oi ot Tpwto immot emlo|T|dpevor med.oLo
kpailrlva par eva kali] evOa Stoxépev nde [p]éBecOar
105
106 (ETE OXOGRAT NAN GALS SALVO
T® Kal V@i TOAW O€ GadoETOY EL TEP aV avTE
225 ¢evs emt Tujdeidn Siopydet Kid[os] opéEn
adr aye [vuly pdorerya Kat nvia of yladevTa
ao au
deEar ey [6] in(r)ov emPryoope bppa paxopat:
ne au TOveE Beto pPeAjocovow 8 Emor urmou
Colkexe
[tov] 8 [avre] m[pooeerme AvKaovos aydaos vios
230 avéecja [ov] wey [avTos ex nyia Kal Tew LTH
paddov vjr nr[wox@ emOoTt Kapmudov appa
éureroly et Tep [av alu[re peBwpeba Tvdeos viov
pn To [pev] detjoa[y|z[e patnoerov ovd €beAjnz[ov
exgepleue|y modepolco Tle ov POoyyov sobeor|res”
235 vat 6 ¢[maléals| peyadvpolu rudeos “vios
Javtw te [KT]éivy Kat eAdolon povvyas urjrfouls:
Jarra ob [y avjros eda{ulve Te alppata Kar Tho ino
tovde [8 eylwv emivra dedeEopat o€]et Sovpu
ro(iqms) Ss apa dlav|noavtes es ap|yata mlokiia Bavtes
240 eupeplawr] em TvdELn [eXov w|\kKéas Um7ToOUS
aQev(chos) Tous dle we! oOéevedos Kalmavnio|s ayAaos vLOS:
dro(pn der) = 2 , -
ru(Sadn) ala de [rud|édnv érea [|r elpdevra mpoonuda’
TvdEd|n] Sidundes eum Kexapio[pléve Pvp
avdp opdm (K)parepw emt cor pepa@Tie| paxerBar
245 €lv’ améXeOpov exovTas: 0 pev Tokay ed ELdws
mdvdapos’ tos 8 avre AuKdovos EévyeETE ELVaL’
awveas & tos plely aplvlpovols ayxicao]
évxetar exyeydpuev [pntnp de o eor| adpoderrn:
arr dye [d]n xafoped’ leh urmov py de plou ovrw
250 Ouve dja] mpopaxyor pln mos pirov nrop o\Accons
tov & ap u{rlodpa Wer mplocepn Kparepos Slioundns
coon ee po[Bov] & aydpeve e{rer ovde oe Trelioepev iw
m[.JBtov Ge ov yap plot ylevvdiov [advoKkagovTt] pdxeoOar
FRAGMENTS OF EXTANT CLASSICAL AUTHORS
270
285
Colfeak
ovde KaTanTwooEV ETL OL peE\vos EumriEedov EaTLY
oxveiw 6 urmov em Bavepev adja kat dvtos] [[av7| |]
[avrioy ey avTwy TpeLy fe ovk ea TradAlas abiivy
€ t
TOUT® re) ov TaAlv avuTis amolaeTov o|xel[a]|s urmol|us|]
[apgpo ab nuetov e y ov erepos ye plvyni|oliv
[addo de Tor epew av O ev ppeot BaddAcelo ojow:
:
au Kev prot TroAuBovdAos abynvn Kvdols opeen
“[apporepw Krewat ov de rovode pev| wxéas inmous
[avrov epukakeewy e€ avTuyos nvia| TéLvas:
ajweiao 6 eragat pepynpevos ummo|v:
ek 0 eAacat Tpwwy peT evKvnpidas] axatois
ans yap Tol yevens nS Tpwt mEp eupvorr|a (eds
°
dw v[tos mownv yavupndcos ovvek| dpiotat
immov [ocoot eaowv ur nw T nedLov TE}:
Ts yeviens exreev avag avdpov alyxéions
AdOpy [Aaopedovtos vocxwv OnAE\as immovs
Tov de e€ eyevovTo ev peyapoior yev|éOAn
Tovs plev] Teooapas avTos exwv atitad|N ent] Patvne
To Oe div] aweia [dwxey pnorwpe poPloifo
eu tovTw] Ke AdBol perv apoipeba Ke Kreos eoOdov
[@s ot pev| ToLtavta {mpos adAndAous ayopevjov
[tw de Tax] eylyjvOev [nAOov eXavvovT] wxéas iTmolv\s}-
[Tov mporeplos {mpooeeime Av\Kadovos ay|A\aos vLO[s
[kaprepoOupe Saippov ayavov Tvédléos wins
(n pada o ov Bedos wkv dapajoica|rio m\Kpo|s| ot\a|rd[s
Col. XII.
[BeBAnat] Kke[vewva dtapmepes ovde o v€Lw
[O\n[pov e]r aolxnoecOar epou de pey evxos edwxas
[roy & ov tapBincas mpocepn Kparepos Stoundns
107
108 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
[n]uBpore[s] ov\d evuxXes atap ov pey opal y ow
mpty y amomavoecOar mpw y 7 ETEpov ye TETOVTA
[at]uaros a@loja{e apna tadavpivoy moAemioTHy
no(iqrms) 290 [wls papevos m[poenke Bedos 8 cOvvey abyvn
[pilva map opb[adpov devkous 6 erepnoey odovras
tlolv 6 amo pev [yAwooav mpupyny Tape XaAKos aTelpys
altlxun & «€edlv0n] afapa vecatov avbepewva
npime & c& ox ew’ apaBnole de Tevye em avTw
295 aljoAa mappavowvra maperlpc[ocay de ot ummot
y oxtrodes’ tod 8 abOi AvOn Wuxy Te [pevos Te
7 alulp[ékas & amépovce avy aoridt dolupt Te paxpw
[dleluc]as pe} mas ot epycaato vekpov [axarou
alujo{] & ap avta Baive éwv ws adk{t memorbws
300 [mpoo Oe dé ot Sdpu 7 éoxe Kat aom[da mavToo evony
[rov] krdpevar pepaws Os tis tlov] y’ alvtios eAOo
[cpep|oarea tayov' 6 de xeppladioly AaBe xeupe
[rvd|édns péya épyov o ov dvo y alvdpe peporey
Col. XIV.
[arpa de rudednv pebere kpalrepdvuxals ummous
330 [expenaws o de kumpw emoxero v\nde xalAKo
[yeyvwokov o T avadkis env Beos ovjde Oelawv
[mpupvov umep Oevapos pee & apBpotov apa Oeloto
340 [tx@p olos mep Te peer pakapec|or Oeo.oiy
[ov yap otrov edove ov mivjova’ diOolmrja otvor
[rovvek avatpoves evor Kat] abdvaro Kahéovrat
[n de peya taxovoa ato co KaB|Badey vor
[kat Tov pev peta xXepolv eplvoaro| pld|yBos amé\\Aov
345 [Kuaven vedeAn py TIS davlady TaxuT@do|y
[xaAkov eve ornecor Baroy] ex Odp{oly [€]AocTo
[rn 8 emt paxpoy avoe Bony alyaOlos dujoundns
[ecxe dios Ovyarep mroepov Kat SnLo\rnTO[S|
FRAGMENTS OF EXTANT CLASSICAL AUTHORS
35°
355
360
365
379
[n ovx a@dis orte yuvatkas avadxijdas NITEpoTrevElLs
[ec de ov y €8 modc“ov THANTEaL H TIE 7 oELw
[prynoew modemov ye Kae e x €lrépl@be mvO)nfae
Colmar
[
Thy pev ap tlpis edovjol[a modnvepos cay operdov
axOopernly odiuvno} pelAac|veito de xpoa Kadov
evpev emeitja paxni[s| er apiotep|a Oolyipov apna
n Oe yvvé epi\rotoa Kajlovyyynto.o d\AoLo
ToAAa icoo\uevn yXpuviojaplr|vKas Areev [umous
=
T |e
[
[
[
[npevov nlépe 8 éyxos e[klexAN tT] Kat Tax[e UTM
[
[
[pire Kaory|ynre Kloludolac TE pe dos de pole) emmovs
[
opp es oAupto|y ikopalc| ty aBavarialy €dols eart
U
[Aecny Care €A]kos [0] pe Bpoz[ols dvracev [avnp
[rudedns os viv [ye Kat] aly dul marpe [p\axoltTo
[ws gato 7 8 ap\ns diwxe x\plulodumuKals ermous
[n 6 es didpov eBawer] alkn)xeufevn piArov nrop
[map de ot tpis eBatlvie Kar nuija Aa[eTo yxeLpe
[waorigey 3 eXaav| tw 6 ovk [akolvre mleTecOnv
faupa 5 ere ixjovTo Oewy edos alim|vy ofAvpsov
[evO unmou|s eornfale mloldjvepos aixjea {ips
Au[cac e£€ oxelov: Tapa 6 [aluBpoowoy Barev cidap
~
n & {ev yovrjac(c| aie OJjovnis] See al] O]|p[p0]8\ec]7/n
py[tpos ens n] 0 ayxas [eAjal¢elro Ovyazie|pa [nv
Xe[upe Te pv] Karéple~ey eros) + Epar [ex] T [ovopace
res vu ce toald épege PtlAoly TeKos ov|paviwver
Hiarypidi@s ws] ec TL Kakov pefovoay [evomrn
Col. XVII.
ev [mvAw ev vexvecot Baroy odvynow edwxer
alura|p [0] Bn [pos dwpa dios Kat pakpov odvpTroy
Knp axéwv [oduynot memappevos avtap oLotos
400 @uwm evi oti[Bapw ndndraTo Knde de Ovpov
109
EET OXON CLUS el Anya
Tot 6 ent] mali|nlov oduvnpata pappaka maccwv
nke€lcaT ov pev yap TL kataOvntos ye TETUKTO
oxéTALLos OBpipoepyos os ovK ober atovra pefov
os] t6€oilow exnde Oeovs ot odvpToy Exovar
[
405 [oole & en[e rovrov avnke Bea yAavKkwmis abnvy
[vy|m[cos ovde To olde Kata hpeva TvdEos vLOS
Col.X VITI.
420 [Towor de pudwy npxe Oca yravKa)mis ab[nvn
[fev maTep n pa TL jot KexoAwoeat] OTL Kev ELT
3 lines lost.
425 [mpos xpvoen mepovn Katapvgato yxellpa [apany
[ws aro pednoey de matnp avdpaly te Oc[wy Te
[kar pa kadeooapevos mpooedn xplulo|nv [appodecrny
[ov zor texvoy epov.dedoTtat mo\Acunila epya
[adda ou y YepoevTa peTepyeo] epya yal[joLo
430 [tavra 6 apni Bow Kat abnvyn malyta pedA[noe
[@s ol pley ToLavTa mpos adAndous aylopevoly
[auvera 6 emopovce Bony ayabos dio\uy[dns
[yeyv@ok@v o ol autos u7TrElpexXe| XElpas am[oddwv
[aAA 0 y ap ovde Ocov peyay agero] ter[o] © ace
435 [aivelay KTElvaL Kat amo kKAUT\a TEVX ED [dvoa
[Tpis pev emelT Emopouce kKaTak|\Tdpelvar peveaivov
[tpis de a ectupedrge hacwnv ac}rid amo[Adov
[@AA ore On To TeTaptov emecovto Ja|ipou [Loos
[Seva 8 opoxAnoas mpooepn ekalepyos am[oAAwy
440 [ppageo rvdedn Kar xafeo py dle Oeorole|y
[ur Bere Ppoveey eer ov Tror|e PijAjov dpfotov
{a0avatov Te Bewy yapat epxopevaly T alvOperev
Coleexoxaiiite
[apvevos Bid\rolto yevos Od nv €k ToTapoto
545 [aAgecov os 7 ev|pu pleer muAtwy dia yains
FRAGMENTS OF EXTANT CLASSICAL AUTHORS IIL
[os Texer opa\i\ox{ov mrodceco avdpecow avakra
[opoidoxos 6 ap| eti[kte SiokAna peyabvpov
[ex de dioKAnlos duduvpaove made yeverOnv
Col. XXIX.
[ovre trot avrTepepovTo paxn add atev o\Ticcw
[xagovO ws emvOovTo peta Tpwecoi|y apr{a):
fevOa Twa mpwrov tia & votarov e€levdplulgev
[exT@p TE Mplapolo mais Kat xaXk]eos ap{ns]:
705 [av7iBeov tevOpavt emt Se mAn€kim|n[ov opeoryny
1-24. The beginnings of the lines of this column, which have been restored in a later
hand (cf. introd.), are marked off in the text by a perpendicular line.
4. Sat or: baié of R., MSS. (Sate Se 01 Amb.).
8. wpoe: there is no known variant here. What was first written seems to have been
a mere blunder, like pey in 12.
12. amoxpwOevre : wo above the line is written in lighter ink than the other additions at
the beginning of this column, and seems to be subsequent to them. The initial a has
been converted from an original o. The insertion of v is due to the second hand.
16. The reading of the first hand rvdedew @ is peculiar to this MS. Tudeidew & R.
23. npnoros: |. “Haoros.
3. tTetxeourAjra, the reading of the first hand, is preferred by R. (so ALM): retxeorBAnra
Zenodotus. The second o of Sporodovye is wrongly marked long.
32. cacopev is a mistake; cacamer R.
33. The correction is by the second hand.
39. There is a mark over « of ex/ade which could be read as y (i.e. ey8ade) ; but it
may be accidental.
40. The accentuator has taken perafperm as two words; so too Genav. pera dpévo.
The normal accentuation appears in 56.
42. This line, dovanoev b€ mecav, dpaByoe dé revxe’ ex’ aitg, is also omitted by AC
Townl. Eton, and is bracketed by R.
43. Texrovos, the reading of the first hand, is found as a correction in H. It no doubt
came in from 59. Myovos R., with other MSS.
47. «ev: cite R. with ACEGMN.
53- The interchange of a and e« is fairly frequent in this MS., especially before a
following vowel; but e more commonly appears for a than zzce versa; cf. 89, 128, 142,
172, 173, 203, 218, 227, 246, 361.
54. y exexaoro: So vulg., ye xexaoro R.
57. Lhe papyrus agrees with A and other MSS. in omitting the repetition of 41 here.
The line is bracketed by R.
112 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
58. mpyyns': the grave accent was probably placed upon the first syllable before it
was observed that the word was followed by a stop (cf. 13) ; the acute accent was then added
on the final syllable, as is usual in this papyrus (cf. introd.). Theoretically, of course, all
syllables that do not bear the acute (or circumflex) accent may have the grave.
63. av: the vestiges above a may be the remains of either a breathing or an accent.
64. The correction is by the second hand.
Oeamata: |. Oéopata. de: soCMN Harl. 78y L, won R.
68. wé: |. yk. apdexarupev: apupexddoe R. with AEGHMNO.
71. The deletion of « is due to the corrector.
72. kduros: «Autos R, and so the papyrus in 45.
75. The omission of this line, jpure 8 ev kovins Wuxpov 8 €dXe xadkov ddovow, is peculiar
to the papyrus; cf. 83.
83. The corrector wished to insert line 75 between 83 and 84. He accordingly
wrote it out in the upper margin, placed a mark of omission in front of 83, and wrote
avw (‘see above’) at the end of the same line; cf. 126.
87. av: du R., and so the papyrus in 96.
89. 1. yépupae eepypevar. eepypevae MSS., eeppevae Aristarchus, R.
go. Before ovr has been placed a stroke like an iota, which seems to be a critical
sign; cf. 147. eye: toxyer R.
92. modXa 6: wodda & MSS., R.; cf. 16.
ka’: the first hand wrote tA, which has been altered by the corrector. xKad’
Reeviss:
98. The unelided ¢ (cf. 252) was deleted by the corrector, who, however, failed to
notice the trebled o in the following word.
102. The reading of the first hand opyvc@a may be a genuine variant (inf. for imper.),
or merely another case of confusion between a and «.
104. dy6a oxno(e)oOa: or 576 a{v)oxno(e)rOa; cf. 120, 285. avoxnoecba R. pevos:
Bédos MSS. (except Genav., which also has pevos), R. Didymus says that BéAos was
the reading of Aristarchus, on which R. remarks ‘de alia scriptura nihil est traditum.’ It
has been supposed that the variant rejected by Aristarchus was reAos. The agreement of
the papyrus with the Genavensis now makes it certain that it was pevos.
105. ATFOPVUMEVOS ¢ arropyujrevov MSS., R.
115. por: So ACDGHL. pev R., with NO Cant. Harl. pov M.
117. The first hand wrote ¢Ae, which has been converted by the corrector to Pida.
dita R, with AN. ¢ite D, pit’ CGHLMO, &c. The reading of the first hand may
of course be due to the interchange of « and a; cf. 89, 128.
118. roy Se re » avdpa: the same reading is recognized by Schol. A ad loc., and ad
fl. xv. 119. 0s dé ré w MSS., R.
119. pyaw: so MNO; got R., with ACDGL.
120. avoxnoeoOa, which was first written, was due to a reminiscence of 285. The
scribe then began to write over the line the whole word oweo@a, but, remembering that
this was unnecessary, stopped at @, and crossed out o@. He ought to have deleted the
« also.
126. The line omitted in the text has been supplied in cursive in the lower margin;
cf. 83. The omission is not supported by other MSS.
127. ayduy: aydty & MSS,, R.
128. yewwoxos: ywookos ACDG, &c.; the optative is also supported by L and
a variant in H. The subjunctive is read in EMNO Lucian xii. 7, Plato Adc7d, ii. 150 D.
yryvookns R. eqpev: nuev MSS., R.
KeclerkalsaCie na.
FRAGMENTS OF EXTANT CLASSICAL AUTHORS 113
132. xadx@ is the reading of the MSS. and R. This correction appears to be by a
later hand than most of the rest; cf. introd.
133. yAavewms is written over an erasure.
140, dvera: the termination ac has been written by the corrector over e, as in 117.
141. avynorewa: So most MSS.; dyyiorivae R., with D. reravra is a reading peculiar
to the papyrus; xéywrac MSS., R.
142. |, e€ddderae.
147. @pov has been corrected to wpo. épov MSS., R.
151. efevape€ev: the final y has been added by the corrector. é&evdpufe ACGHMNO,
R.; eéevdpiéev D,
152. vete: vie R.; and this is the usual spelling of the papyrus.
164. aexovras: for the retention of the rough breathing in compound words cf.
15 mporet, 183 europowy, and cexxi. XIV. 2, note.
166. The first hand wrote a\anefovra, which has been altered by the corrector.
171. mov Tov: mov got was originally written; the correction may be by the first hand.
172. 1. épiferar; cf. 53.
173. ovde: the first hand appears to have made some muddle in writing 8: anyhow
the corrector considered the result insufficiently clear. 1. etyerat.
175. kpareee has been converted by the corrector from xparei.
176. eAvoe: €Avcey MSS., R.
177. «ort, the reading of the first hand, is correct.
178. emt: there seems to be no support for the original reading azo.
182. yewwokav : ywooxov A, and most of the MSS., yyvdoxor R., with CL, &c.
183. urmovs 5: so M. The corrector’s reading urmovs r is preferred by R., with the
rest of the MSS.
189. .Je: there are indications that the superfluous word or syllable was struck out.
196. eoracv: the deletion of the original final v is probably due to the corrector.
199. The superfluous a at the end of the line was struck out by the first hand.
200. Tpweaow ava: Tpweoor Kata MSS., R.
201. meBopny: SoM; mOdpny R.
203. cOyeve: |. eSpevar. addnv: so most MSS.; ddnv R.
205. It is doubtful whether roforor or rofo.usw was read by the papyrus. The MSS.
are divided on the point. _réfoow R. The deletion of a before ra is probably by the first
hand. epeddev: so ADEO; ueAdoy R., with CGHLMN.
205 mg. e in aweay is corrected from a.
210. The first hand apparently wrote y itv (so G), y being subsequently altered
(probably by the corrector) to «. ére“IAov R.
212. of |@adpoiow : dfpOadpoior R., with ACDEGMNO.
218. uy 8: so MSS.; py oy R.
221. emPnoea: emBnoeo MSS., R.
222. of of: oio R., with MSS.
225. xvd[os]: the termination must have been unusually cramped to have been con-
tained in the available space.
227. emByoou{ar), the reading of the first hand, was preferred by Zenodotus, and
occurs in COS Cant. Vrat. c. Mosc. 1. 3. do8joopa R., with Aristarchus and most MSS.
231. ujr: id’ R.; cf. 266 dox u[ tos.
234. m00eov|res: so DE 557, 31 L; mobéovre R.
244. avdp’: a mark of elision was first mistakenly inserted between 4 and p.
245- €xovras : so most MSS. ; éyovre R., with GMN Harl. Mosc. 1. Vrat. b. Lesbonax
Tept oxnpaTov Pp, 186.
I
114 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
246. |. edyera.
247. ple|v apu[v|uovol[s: so AGLMNO, &c.; peyadyjropos R., with A sup. DHS schol.
ad //, xix. 291. Rhet. Gr. iii. 154, 7.
252. ow: oe is written when the word is a trisyllable, e.g. 350. The marginal
note may perhaps be interpreted Acounéys zm p(ds)] Siov S6éve(Nov) ; but Siov is not very
satisfactory, since that epithet is not applied to Sthenelus by Homer, nor are epithets
introduced into the other marginal entries. ap(és) rév cannot be read. ‘The letter before
vy transcribed as o might possibly be o.
255. The scribe began writing line 256 at the end of 1. 255.
257. @|keas urmovs, the original reading here, is also found in C, where, too, o is
written above the termination ovs. The correction in the papyrus is probably not by the
first hand, but there is too little of it left to make it possible to speak with certainty.
266. The reading of the first hand was apucrot. The o of the termination was altered
to a by the corrector, and above this is written, presumably by a third hand, another letter,
which may be o or dpioror R., MSS.
244. vie MSS., R.
293. e€ed[ vn]: so AHM and other MSS., and Aristarchus; ¢feov) R., with
CDEGLNO Vrat. a. A. Lucian 60, 27, and Zenodotus.
295. Over the first p of mape[r|pe{oav there is a mark like a heavy grave accent, which
seems accidental.
352- It is possible that this line was included in Col. XIV, and that Col. XV began
with 353.
359. The overwritten [7]e is probably not by the first hand. +e is the reading of C;
6¢ R., with the rest of the MSS.
363. 7 8 ap|ns: the size of the lacuna makes it certain that this was the reading of
the papyrus; so ADLMN. 77 8 dp’ ”Apns R., with CG@HOS Cant. Vrat. b. Mosc. 1.
366. [axo|vre: the space is insufficient for [aeko |yre, which is read by R., with GO Cant.
Baroce. Rhet. Gr. iii. 233, 16. dxuvre is found in the majority of the MSS.
370. det looks rather as if it had been altered by a later hand from an original 6); or
dec may have been written and e subsequently struck out. The papyrus is much rubbed in
this part. The superfluous @(?) following may be accounted for by supposing that the
scribe began to write dia deawy.
398. If the papyrus agreed with the ordinary text, the columns became rather shorter
at this point, XVII containing twenty-three lines, and XVI and XVIII only twenty-
two each.
399. knp : so AC. xap R.
425. The letters pa, which are all that is left of this line, may belong to the word dpaiy.
434. aclu: aiet R.
703. e&|evap[u|éev : so DEHLNOS Cram. An. Par. ili. 278, 16; eéevapéay R., with
ACGM Mor. Baroce. Harl. Lips.
CCXXIV. Euvripipes, Phoenzssae.
23°5 X 21-3 cm.
Parts of two columns, containing lines 1017-1043 and 1064-1071 of
Euripides’ Phoenissae, written in a large, heavy, formal uncial resembling that of
FRAGMENTS OF EXTANT CLASSICAL AUTHORS 115
the great Biblical codices and the Demosthenes fragment facsimiled in O. P. I.
Plate III. Like that fragment the present papyrus was found with documents
belonging to the later Roman period, and the date of both is certainly not
posterior to 300 A.D., while the evidence is at present all against assigning this
style of uncial to an earlier date than the third century. Stops, a few accents,
and the dots apparently denoting a correction in 1036 and 1037 have been
inserted afterwards in lighter ink, probably by a second hand, which also added
in cursive the name of the speaker in 1067. The apostrophe separating the y
and p. of orevaypos in 1039 a (the use of which makes it probable that the papyrus
is not older than the third century) is by the original scribe.
The papyrus is sometimes superior to the MSS., but shares some of their
blunders and introduces others of its own; and the stops are not very accurately
placed. Both the high and the low points occur, and it is possible that some of
those which we have printed as high, are intended for points in the middle
of the line ; cf. introd. to ccxxvi. Stops may have been lost at the ends of lines
1024, 1028, 1029, 1039, 1041.
Col. I.
1017 [marpio.| Kakolv aly alt molAts ehacoover:
[wetpwp|evac [t]o Aofirroly evTvyx[oltey av
[elBas [eBlas: w [rrelpoveca yas oxevpa*
1020 [v\epz[elpov 7 €xuJdvas.
[kalOpe[tjov al playa:
[7 ]oAv@opos moAvaTovos:
[p]Eomapber[ ols,
Oaioy TEpas
1024@ goiracw m7(€]pots:
1025 x[a]Aatot 7 wplolorrots:
Oipkatoly a mot ek
[Tomy veous medatpouv
[a] adupoly aluge povcav
[o|Aoper|av] 7 [epi juv
1030 [elpleple[s epepes ayea] marproe
[povia dovios ek] Dewy:
[
os| Tad nv o [mpaléas:
116 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
tadedepot de plalrepwv- Golamule
tad{e]be[ por] de [rap|Oeveovr- 5 ; c °
1035 eoTevatay o[t|Kolt|s* 1064a oppr[oac...
mmenuov Boav: 1065 obefy...
[em ]ine-neoly] pedos: [aprayatct .
[aA]Aos adAov emwtotuge: ayy|eA(os) on Tis ev...
diadox ats ava [wrjoAw: {alvolcyer . .
Bpovrat de orelvjay’ pos on pafA...
1040 axat T nv opoifols 1070 e&eXO alkovgov ...
omoTe TONES al plaviceey [An]é[ao...
a mrEpovaeca mapbevols tiv ar[dpwv
xpover 6 «Ba m[vOcais amoocroAatow
IOI7. mods: 1.€, modes.
101g. mrepovooa: this spelling is correct. The MSS. here and in 1042 have
MTEpovca.
1022. moAvpopos appears to be a mistake for modvPOopos, which is found in some MSS.,
most of which place wodvorovos first. Other MSS. have modvpoxéos.
1023. puorapbevos: the MSS. are divided between this and prfomdpbevor.
1024a. dovracw: dorraoe MSS.
1027-8. medatpou|| «| adupov: MSS. meSaipovo’ | dAvpov. In lyrics the papyrus scribes
felt little difficulty in dividing a word between two lines; witness the Bacchylides papyrus
passim.
1033, 4. tadedexor: a blunder for iadepor.
1035. eorevatay : eorévavov MSS, Cf. 1038.
1036, 7. The dots placed on either side of the third m indicates that the letters in
question were to be omitted. It is more usual under these circumstances to put the dots -
over the letters to be cancelled. But cf. O. P. I. xvi in which letters to be omitted are placed
between dots and have a line drawn over them. The revised reading of the papyrus in
1036 is therefore upmov Boav, the metre of which is correct. The MSS. have iniov Body or
jiov Body, from which Grotius conjectured iniov Body, Body. ‘The same holds good of 1037,
ininuoy pedos.
1038. adAov: so the MSS. add’ (Valckenaer) is necessary on metrical grounds.
emorotuée: exwtorute MSS. Cf. 1035.
1040. aya: i.e. aya. The MSS. have iaya which will not scan. Musgrave con-
jectured dyad.
1041. moAeos: SO Porson corrected the unmetrical éAews of the MSS.
apavicevev: SO the MSS,, corrected by Musgrave to dfavice’.
1042. mrepovoca: cf. note on Torg.
FRAGMENTS OF EXTANT CLASSICAL AUTHORS nL
CCXXV. Tuucypipes, II. 90-91.
13X5:4 cm. Plate V.
Ends of fifteen lines and beginnings of fifteen more, containing parts of
ch. 90-91 of Thucydides Book II, written in a good-sized and handsome, but
not very formal type of uncial, belonging to the middle or latter part of the first
century A.D. It is thus of about the same date as the much larger fragment of
the fourth Book printed in O.P. I. xvi. Like that MS. the present papyrus is
a good text and supports the vellum MSS. on the whole, while just as the other
papyrus by omitting dr. removed an anacoluthon, so in Col. II. 9 here a some-
what harsh construction xara ovveow is got rid of by the new reading apuvotpevat
for duvvovpevor. In cases where the MSS. differ, the papyrus does not con-
sistently agree with any one, but is nearest to C, the Laurentian codex.
Coli
(Aas emikatadaBov]res
[eEewoav Te mpos TH\v)
[ynv uropevyovcas kat] dt
[epOecpav avdpas Te T\ov
5 [aOnvatwoy amexretlvav
[ooo pn e€evevoar] av)
[Tv Kal Tov vewy T\Lvas
{avadovpevor €tAK\ov)
[kevas pay de avtotls av
10 [dpacw exov dn Tlas
[de Tivas o peconrijot
[rtapaBonOnoarres| Kat
[emeaBawvovres Evy] To.s
fordas es THY Oadracclav
15 [kat em Barres amo Tlov
Cole iis
Tnv Emla|Tpopyny es THY
evpuxepiiav Kar pOavov
ol auTouls TAnY plas VE
oS TpokaTapuyouvcat
mpos 7[nv vaviaKTov
Kal TXOUTAL AV TLTpwpoL
KaTa@ TO aro\|A@vlov
TapeckevagjovTo apu
voupevat nv [es THY
ynv emt opas (7AE@ouv
ot de mapayer|opevor
voTepov emrailwvigov
TE Apa TAEOVT[ES WS VE
VUKNKOTES Kal THY pL
av vauy tov abn
I. 3. The supplement is rather long for the lacuna. It is possible that rnv yn]v should
be read in the previous line, and that re was omitted.
&\[epOetpav|: the MSS. vary between the aorist and imperfect and between the
simple and compound verb, ¢péepov being the commonest reading.
118 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
10. #6, which has been omitted by some editors, must certainly have been read by
the papyrus.
VNG aie erta| Tpony : the MSS. vary between this and tmroorpopiy.
2, pOavovjor: hOavovraw MSS. Cf. O. P. I. xvi where in five cases v epeAxvorikdy is
added by the second hand.
5. mpos: so C; the other MSS. have és.
6. cyovca: so M and (as a correction) f; the others have tcxovca.
7. to: so C and some others ; it is omitted by most MSS.
8. apv|vovpevac: the MSS. have dyvvovpevor, which since the feminine oxodca (sc. vijes)
has just preceded is a distinctly awkward construction. The removal of grammatical
difficulties here and in Book IV (see introd.) in two Thucydides papyri, which are not
only nine centuries earlier than the oldest vellum MS. of that author, but are above the
ordinary standard of classical papyri in point of correctness, suggests that the difficulties of
Thucydides’ syntax may to some extent be the fault of scribes.
CCXXVI. XenopHon, fellenica, VI. 5.
14X12 cm.
Three short and narrow columns, of which the first two are nearly complete,
containing parts of Xenophon’s /Yedlenica, vi. 5. 7-9. The papyrus is written in
a medium-sized neat uncial of a rather early type, and is not later than the
second century, while it is possible that it even goes back to the end of the first.
The MS. is carefully punctuated, the high stop denoting a longer, the low stop
a shorter pause. The use of stops is said to have been systematized by Aristo-
phanes of Byzantium who, besides the high and low stops, used a dot in the
middle of the line to denote a pause still shorter than the low stop. There is as
yet no papyrus in which the systematic use of all three kinds of stops can be
clearly traced, though ccxxxi, so far as it goes, appears to keep the three classes
distinct. But the use of the high and low dots with different values is not
uncommon in literary papyri, e.g. the Oxyrhynchus Sappho (O. P. I. Plate IT),
the long Homer papyrus (ccxxiii, Plate I), and the Phoenissae fragment (cexxiv).
Mr. Kenyon’s statement (Palacography, p. 28) that ‘this system (i.e. that of
Aristophanes) cannot be traced in extant papyri’ must now be modified. What
is really rare is a text in which the distinction between the high and low dots is
so carefully and consistently maintained as in this Xenophon papyrus.
The variants of the papyrus are not many, nor important.
Coli:
[ou|k edv@[Kov Kat
[yap] 0 ora\ourmos
FRAGMENTS OF EXTANT CLASSICAL AUTHORS
Goleak
3 or 4 lines lost.
mplogeviov Kat
[kaAcBiolv ev [roLs
(Oeapot|s vopicaly
[Tes et] cuvedOor o
5 [Onpos]. moAv av
[rer] wAnBer Kpa
[7noale expepov)
[Tat Ta] of7rAa t\dov
[res co TO|UTO ole mE
10 [pt Tov) oracummo[y
Kat auto. aly bal
mAtoav|ro: Kat apie
[
[
[Ouar] pev ove edlar
[Tous] eyevovTo: [e
[
15 [met] pevto as pla
[xnv] @ppnoav. Tov
[ev] mpogevoy K[at
[@AXolus oAvyous pler
[avtjov am|o|krec)
20 [vova|t’ Tous de ad
[Aous| Tpew|a]wevor
Col. ITI.
Tals emt TO Tad
Aar{rLov pepo
cas [mudas kat 0a
volvot ply KaTadn
5 PO|nvat viro Tov
Sta[KovT@y es
We give a collation with Keller’s text.
I. 20, de: & Keller).
5
[nv] otos pln Bovr€
o0at trod{Aous atro
KTELVUVa|L TOY
modiT@v’ oft de me
pt Tov Kadi Biov
aVaKEX@pP| NKOTES
Umo To mpols pav
TivELat Te[LXOS Kat
Tas mudas [elre|e ov
KETL QUTOLS OL €)
[valyTtoe errexet—
povy, NOUKX Lav ely ov
15 NOpoiopevorr Kat
20
25
10
TAAGL [LEV ETTETTOL
gpowav emt Tous)
peav|T]uveas Kedev
ovtes Bone’)
mpos [dje Tous mrept
arao[i|rmov dre
Aeyor[T]o wept ovv
ahraylovr ere de
[karapalves nloav
[or pavT|wnts [por
Tov [Tns apTe
H{cJé[os vewy Ka
Tagul[yovTes Kat
eykA[eropevor
ovx|lav ELxov ot
de pleradimgav
119
120 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
II. 2. 0 otal cunros : rowovros 6 Stacunos K., with the MSS.
4. amo |krewovale: droxrwviva K.
7. Kadi| Biov: KadniBiov K.
9. pav|rwerar: Mavrtiveay K,
16. eneropdooay: enendupecay K.
18. kedevlovres Bone: Bonde kehevovres K.
25. pavt |unes : Mavrweis K.
III. 8. kalrau[ yovres : katrapevyovres K.
CCXXVII. XeEnopuon, Occonomicus, VIII.17 — 1X.2.
Height 26 cm.
Five incomplete columns, containing most of Xenophon’s Oeconomicus viii.
17-ix. 2, written in a round uncial hand strongly resembling that of the British
Museum Pap. CCLXXI, which contains the third book of the Odyssey (facsimile
in Kenyon, Pa/aeography, Plate xv). Mr. Kenyon, arguing from the likeness of
that papyrus to Brit. Mus. Pap. CCCLIV (op. céz., Plate xiv) dating from about
B.C. 10, considers that the Odyssey papyrus was written near the beginning of
the first century, though he admits (of. cit. pp. 83-84) that Pap. CCLXXI has
some later characteristics. Taking these into consideration, and also the fact
that Pap. CCLXXI is written in a formal hand and has scholia which cannot be
older than A.D. 50, we should prefer to admit the likelihood that it belongs to
the latter half of the first century, or even to the first two decades of the second.
To the same period we should also assign this papyrus of the Oeconomicus.
The vellum MSS. of the Oeconomicus are bad, and the papyrus too is corrupt
in several places, though sometimes it preserves good readings. A few
corrections (chiefly the insertion of iotas adscript) have been made, probably by
a second hand.
(Cola: Col. II.
loxupos [olulas ow Nov Oe (para ke
gover THv [ral Xopiopeva [udev
kat vreppoBou Kav omrola nt KaAov
[e]voL opforws ev de oTpopalTa Ka
5 [pltokovor To deov 5 Aov Oe xaAk[La Ka
AapPavei|y ners doy de Ta aplpe Tpa
de kat dvecpyyle| megas Kadoly de
vov \el\kacTois On Kal TO TAYTO\|Y Ka
kev [ely Ty’ oLKe TAYEAATELE [LANL
FRAGMENTS OF EXTANT CLASSICAL AUTHORS
10 at peylajror Kalu] Be
Bykvitals TNS ovKe
as ev dlarre|dot ex en
evpynolo|uev KaAnY
kau ev[pleTov x[@})
15 [play ex[aloros alu)
[Tov 7e@|s ovK av
[ro|AA[n n]Lov alovy]
€ola €l[n| ws pev
6n ayaboy TeTax Oat}
20 OKEVOY KATATKEV
[nly Kat ws padiov
Xopav ekaorols
QUT@Y EUpELY EV
okiat Oetvar EKa
25 OTOLS cUpPEpEl
ecpntalt] ws de ka
“ov parverat €TTEL
Sav umodnpara
epeEn|s] KenTar
30 Kav omlola ne Ka
Colmuli:
k[adov kat Kaba
pov [paverar ec
de [adnOn Tav
Ta [Aeyw e€eoTLv
5 @ lyuvat Kat Tet
[pay AapPaver|y
[avTwy ovTe (np\Lo
Oev[ras ote Te
ToNAa Tovnoav
10 Tas [a\Aa pny ov
de z[ovro de abu
10
20
25
30
OoTa oux oO oepVos
t
adda Kopyos Kav
XkvOpas[...-- ] ev
puOpov dlatverO\at
euKplv@s KEL] LE
vas Ta O€ add ato
TovTou TavTa Ka{A|
Aiw paweTar Ka
TQ KOO[LOV KELILE
va Xopos yap okKeu
ov ekacTa pave
Tat Kale] 7/0] Leoov
de maly\t[@v Tov
Tov Kadov gpairie
TAL EKTTOO@Y EKA
aTou KeLpelvjou wo
TE Kat KUK|AL|os
Xopos ov jovov
autos Kadfov Ole
apa eotiv afA\da@] Kat
TO fecov AUTOU
Col, IV.
Oovras AaBlev €
kKaoTa Tov7[ou /LEV
ou
To. epnv ey[@ ov
dev adXo afuriov
eaTly 7 oT[L Ev x
pal EkaoTOY KEL
Tal TETAY MEV
avOpwrov de ye
(nT@V Kat Tau
TQ EVLOTE QV TLS
(nTouvTa TroA
I2T
122 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
xaArlerov.....
15 os pl abnoopevoy
T[€ TAS Xwpas Kat
4 lines lost.
21 mAaclLa nov EXEL
7 Tao|\a mods aA
A opals omrotov
av 7[@V OLKET@Y
25 Kedevlons
Col. V.
3 lines lost.
a\pnxXavias evtro
pilav Tlva evpy
ou
kKu[la Ka €deLTO
poly ws TaxLoTa
nme p] <[Acyov dua
Tlal€ar’ Kale mows dn
10 [eyloy ed[nv @ tcxo
paxe dtatlaéas av
Ty 7. 8 ee pln THS
ye otkias 7[nv dv
vapuv €do[ Ee jor
15 mpe|tjov em[ider
€at a[u|rn' ov [yap mot
15
23
20
25
AAKLIS AVATELTTOL
TLS TMply eupeELy
[kat] Tour ovdey
[@AA]o atTioy eoTLy
[| To py elvan TE
[T@ypeEvov] o7rou
jexaoroy det] avila
[mevery rept ev Oly
3 lines lost.
[Oers doxw peluvn
kK[L|Apace ro[AXols
KeKoopr{ Tar w
ooKpates al\AAa Ta
olKnaTa w[iKo
Sopntat mplos av
TO exkeppleva
oTas ayyElla ws
[clupgopar[ara
[nt] Tlolis pedAAlovowy
[ev avjras ececbat
[wore] av7{a] e[Kadec
[ra mplerov[ra e
[vat €lv exao| Tox
We give a collation with Dindorf’s text (ed. II, Teubner, 1873).
I. 4. opotws: duos D., with MSS.
Fo drepnp|e|vor : Senpnpevar D.
14. ev[plerov: a natural blunder for evedperov.
24. exaorois: ws éxdotos D., with MSS. The omission of as in this place is no doubt
due to its occurrence in 21.
II. 8, 9. to mavrw[v xa|rayehacee: a corruption of the MSS. reading 6 mavrey xara-
yedacetev av,
FRAGMENTS OF EXTANT CLASSICAL AUTHORS 123
II. a\\a kouyos: add’ 6 konds MSS., D.
kav xuOpas (altered to kat xvépas; the final s was converted from 1), «.7.\.: the MSS.
here have 6érz kat xytrpas pyow evpvOuov paivec Oa edvxpwas Keyevas, Which makes no sense. The
most generally accepted emendation is @nui for gyoiv (so D.). Probably the papyrus had
gnow like the MSS., but it omits ér ; and this suggests the possibility that the words gyow
. keysevas are a gloss which has crept into the text, and that 67 was inserted subsequently
to save the construction. «dy for cai is not found in prose writers of Xenophon’s time.
15, 16. ta de add azo Touro mavta: Ta dé GAXa Ibn Tov amd TovTov dmavra MSS., D., which
is not satisfactory, and is rendered still more suspicious by the omission of 7, mov in the
papyrus. amd rovrov is omitted by one MS. Probably either it or 75) ov is a gloss.
25. wote: Sonep MSS., D.
UG 2% GES G 1D)
4. There is not room for yy, which is found in the MSS. (so D.) after eorw. It is
possible (though not probable) that it occurred after a\747 in 3.
6, 7. The MSS. have zeipav NapBavew adray otire te CnuiwOevras, which is too long for the
lacunae. Either 7 was omitted or \aBeiv was read instead of AapuBavew, in which case the
final v of 6 would belong to avre |p.
12sqq. The MSS. have a@upjoa, & yiva, epnv eyo, os yadrendv ebpeiv Tov pabnodperdy Te
ras x@pas, from which the papyrus must have differed considerably.
21. The reading of the MSS. is 6rt pupiomddowa jay aravra exer, dmravra must have
been omitted in the papyrus, probably with justice.
IV. 1. A]ovras: €dGdvra MSS., D. It is impossible to say whether the plural is
a mistake or due to a difference in the preceding clause which is lost in the lacuna.
to. The MSS. have kai raira eviore avritnrodvra moddakis av Tis mpdrepov mplv evpeiv amelmroe.
ay tts (yrouvra and avareimroe are corruptions of this reading.
14. [ka] tour ovdey: kai rovrov ad ovdey MSS., D, The blunder in the papyrus is
a natural scribe’s error. Cf. note on V. 21, 22.
Vi... 10; Cay ep[nv: &pnv eyo MSS., D.
11. dtat|aéas: the MSS. vary between this reading and éeragéas (so D.).
12. de: deci D. [mms] ye oumas: the MSS. have rijs oikias ry Sivan, but most modern
editors have agreed with Cobet in inserting ye after dvvauw ; the papyrus reading is probably
correct.
17. mox[c|\pace ol ANors : rodAois is omitted by the MSS, and D.
21, 22. av|ro eoxeupleva: aitd tovro MSS. One of these two words was omitted in
the papyrus; cf. note on IV. 14. Considerations of space make it more probable that
avré was written.
28, 29. [ra mplemov[ra evar ely exac[r@r: Ta mpemovra civar éxdorm MSS., a reading
which will not construe. Dindorf’s suggestion «i for etva has generally been accepted
by modern editors. But ev ékaor@, which was almost certainly the reading of the papyrus
and had been conjectured by Schneider, is probably right.
CCXXVIII. Prato, Laches, 197 A-198 A.
255 X15 cm.
The papyrus containing the following fragment of the Zaches, 197 A-198 A,
includes one practically complete column, with parts of the two immediately
adjoining it on either side. There are also two scraps apparently from the
124 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
bottom of a fourth successive column. The papyrus is written in an upright
square uncial hand of medium size and graceful appearance, which may be
assigned to the second century. The occasional corrections and lection signs
seem to be due to the original scribe. Changes of speaker are indicated by the
double point, as in ccxi and ccxii. The fragment offers a rather remarkable
number of variations from the ordinary text. Besides several instances of
transposition in the order of words, there are a number of small differences of
reading, some of which, e.g. o¢€ ye for éywye, in Col. II. 10, may be regarded as
improvements.
Col. I.
[Tous Beous klac ev Aleyleds
[@ o@xkpares] Kat nu
[os aAnOws] Tovz[o| amoKpt
[ov
{va w wikia mrolrepa co
5 [porepa npwly TavtTa
[ra Onpia evar d\ns & av
[Tes opoAoyoupely av
{Opera eva n majow evav
[TLoupevos ToA]“as pn
10 [de avdpea avta] Kadeuv :
ov yap TL eywye w| Aayns
[avdpea Kad olvte On
[pia ovre adXAo] To Tas det
arene oars En poBov
15 [pevov adA agoBlov Kat
[Hwpov n Kat Ta mratd.a]
mavTa over pe alvdpe
a Kahelv a Ot aylvo[tjav
ovdev dedorxev alAfA] o1pat
is}
°
[
[
[
[ro apoBov kat To| avdpet
[ov ov TavTov ec|rLy €
[yw de avdpeas per]
[kat mpopnOeas mlavu
[
Tio oALYoLS oLpat| pe
Coles
[Aot ely O[pac|ea Kad[@ av
[Spet]a de ra [p|povipa [re
[pt wlv Aeyw: Oeacat w clo
k[patles os €[v elavror [o
5 O€ ws oreTar Koopelt] Tole
Aofy}wx [[7]lovs de mavre[s 0
Ho[Ao]yovow avdpe.ous [ee
vali] Tovrous amoorepe[ev
en[tx leper TauTns TH|S
10 Tlpns: ovKovy cE ye [w
“Raxns ara Oapper [py
pl yap oe Ewa copoly kat
apaxov ye el Ep EoTlE
avépetot Kat addovs o[v
15 xvous aOnvaiwy : [ov
dev €pw mpos TavTa exalv
Eley Wa pn he Hys
ws adnbaos aigwvéa et
vat: poe y elmrns @ Aa
20 [x]ns Kat yap plot doKets ov
[dje noOnoOar ort dn Tav
[tn|v thy codpiay Ta
[pla d\a\uwvos tov npere
pov €Talpov TapelAnpa
25 0 de dapov Tax mpod
FRAGMENTS OF EXTANT CLASSICAL AUTHORS
Tewat OpacuTyro|s de
goBov pera ampopu|nber
PS} |h
[Kal ToALNS Kal Toy a
[
{as mavu Todas Klar ay
[
Spov ..
4 lines lost.
Col. III.
a€{ot n moALs avTNs Tmpo
eotar[ae: TPETEL {LEVTOL
Trou @ [Makaple TOV [LE
yloTa[y mpooTratourTt
5 Heyloltns ppovncews
plerexe doxer de
pou vifkas
2 lines lost.
10 [t]o TeOnlou THv avdper
av: alvTos ToLvuy oKO
TEL @ O[@KPaTES : TOUTO
pPeAA® |7roLeLy @ apie
Te = un pevToL pe
15 [oltov ad[noew oe Tns KoL
veovias Tov Noyou ar
Aa T poalexXe TOV vouyv Kal aU
K@l Ta TOAAG TANTLAGEL
os 6[n] doxet Tov copiorwy
kalA]AtaTa Ta ToLavT ovo
[para Srat|peli|y : Kat mpe
30 [mele @ cwxp_alres copiaTne
Ta TOLAVTA pfadrdov KOM
WlelverOar n avdplléle df
[okolmec T\a Aeyoueva: Tav
[r]a dy ea[r@ ex doxer xpn
20 [v]ac: adda doce ov de
[vlixca Aleye nywv madi
[el€ apx[ns ovo 8 ort Thy
avé|peav Kat apyas Tou
[Aoyo|v «[okorroupev
25 [@s pleplos apetns oKo
miouvTes : mavu ye:
oukouy [Kal OV TOUTO ame
Kpetv@ [ws poplov ov
Tov O[n Kat adov pLEepov
30 a ouvm[avTa apeTn KE
kAnTaL: |mws yap ov:
ap ovv almep €y@® Kal Ov
2 detached fragments from the bottom of Col. IV (?).
Bapplarea [de T]a pln
I. 1. e8 ye Bek.; the omission of ye is, however, supported by a number of MSS,
3. tour o]: tour Bek.
125
4. The scribe apparently intended wérepa and rérepov to be taken as alternative readings,
since he has not deleted the a. érepov Bek., with the majority of the MSS.
5, 6. This order of the words is peculiar to the papyrus.
ra Onpia Bek.
0 ‘ c n ay *
coperepa dys iu@v Tar evat
126 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
6. There is a thin oblique stroke above the a of wav, which is perhaps intended for an
accent. The scribe may have wished to distinguish 4 mdvres from dravres. But the stroke
is possibly accidental.
11, 12. It is evident that the usual order od ydp te (rou wf), & A., €ywye dvdpeia Kad@ is not
adapted to the lacunae here, which are of the same size in the two lines. The transposition
of éywye is a simple remedy.
13. ddXo oddev (Bek., with MSS.) is too much for the lacuna. On the other hand the
omission of ovdév leaves scarcely enough to fill it. Perhaps @\do 7, with no ze or with roe
for vc in |. 11, was the reading of the papyrus.
tas bey. ..: Ta Sewa td dyvolas (dvoias MSS.) py Bek. ras may be merely a clerical
error, but if so it is the only uncorrected one in the fragment.
22. avdpeas is more probable than avdpuas (Bek.), which makes a very short line.
27. A mark above the e of ampopnfecas is probably intended to cancel that letter. Both
spellings are supported by the MSS. dmpopnéeias Bek.
Il. 3. Only the lower point of the colon remains. Immediately below it is a semi-
circular mark which we have taken to be a circumflex accent over ev in the line below, but
this explanation is a little doubtful.
4, 5. os ed dde €avrov 87, ws oterac Bek. 5y (which is omitted in some MSS.) might be read
in place of [o]8e in the papyrus.
6. The superfluous r has been crossed out as well as cancelled by a dot placed above
it. in avdpec has been similarly dealt with in 32.
10. ovkouv &ywye MSS., Bek. The reading of the papyrus seems more pointed.
13. aquayoyv : the same reading is found in two of Bekker’s MSS.(e2 corr.).
Adpayov Bek.
19. y: ye Bek.
21. ovde py Bek. jy is also omitted in E.
ore 67: Ore 6Se Bekk. 68e is omitted in a large number of MSS. Cf. II. 5, note.
24. mapednpa: mapednpey Bek., with the MSS. The ordinary reading is of course
correct.
26. ta moANa:; om. ta MSS., Bek.
28. rout: toadra Bek.
29. kat: kat yap MSS., Bek.
III. 1. 4 wéds a&ot Bek.
mpolectay|ar: mpoioravac Bek. mpoeordvat is found in some MSS.
3. The addition of ov is peculiar to the papyrus.
14, 15. pe olov: so one MS. otov pe Bek.; several MSS. omit pe.
17. The line is a little long; possibly ov was omitted.
19. 67: 6€ Bek., with most MSS. ye corr. I.
27. ame|kpewo: but amoxpwar T. 3. arexpiva Bek.
30. ovvn[avra: Evpravra Bek.
COCXXIT X= Paro; PZacao og C) DB
17 X 4:9 cm.
Thirty lines, of which the beginnings are lost, containing parts of Plato’s
Phaedo 109 C, D, written in a small, somewhat cramped uncial. In the margin
at the top are two lines in a cursive hand of the second or early third century,
FRAGMENTS OF EXTANT CLASSICAL AUTHORS
which appear to be a heading.
century.
127
The MS. itself may be ascribed to the second
Breathings and accents! are sparingly used, and a mark of quantity is
found in line 8, a rare occurrence in prose MSS. Two kinds of stops are used,
the double point marking a longer pause, the high point a shorter one.
These
seem to have been inserted after the writing, but perhaps by the original
scribe.
the MSS.
Unlike the Laches papyrus, the present fragment does not vary from
There are slight traces of the first letter of the twenty-eighth and twenty-
ninth lines in a second column, perhaps « and a respectively, and there is
a critical mark resembling a comma in the margin against the supposed a.
the verso in second or third century cursive is written ’A[v]p X.
8. vdaros
ws ot tx8ues Tov oupay| ov
npELs Bt aepos
{Aou|s Tay mept Ta ToLavTa@ EL
[wOjorwy Aeyeiv ; ov dn vTo0)
loralOunv TavTa eat Kar. évy
NaS OVvY OLKOVYTAS EV TOLS
[kotA]ois avtns: NEeAnOevat Kat
[over ]Oat avw emt THS ynS OL)
[Kev] womep av el TLS EV pE-
[om Tlot muOmevt Tov TEA
10 [yous oltk@y: oLoiro Te [em
[rns ONE okey Kau Ola
[rov vdlatos bpwr Tov nAdov
[kat T]a adda aorpa TrI{v] Oa
\AaTTa|y nyotTo ovpavoy et
15 [vas dia] de Bpadutnra Te kale a
3- Evy[per|y : Evppeiv Bek.
[pel|y aer evs Ta KOLAa THS ynS:
[
[oevjecav pnderwrorie €
[me Ta alkpa THs Oadatry[s a
prypevo|s unde ewpakas [ee
[
(n exdus klae avaxvypas ex [rns
20 [Oadarrn]s evs Tov er[Oade
[Tomov oc] Kkabap wrepos
[kat kad lov TUyx[aver ov
[Tov Tapa opjice pyde ad[Aov
[axnkows €]in Tov ewpaxio
25 [Tos tavroy dn Tovro] Kat 7)
[was mremovOevat]|: ovkovvtas
[yap €v Tit Kodo] THS yns
[over Oat eave avjrns oukeLv
[Kat Tov aepa oupalvoy Kade"
[
@s ova TOUTOU oupav|ouv ovTos
1g. 77s, which is read by Bek. with the MSS., was perhaps omitted.
23. op|tor: opiow Bek.
26. The stop was possibly a double point, the lower one being lost.
On
1 For the use of accents in prose MSS. of the Roman period ef. ccxxxi, and another fragment of the
De Corona ee P. I. xxv), which last Mr. Kenyon overlooked in Stating (Palaecography, p. 30) that ‘accents
were inserted . . . so far as yet appears only in texts of the poets.’
128 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
CCXXX. Demostuenses, De Corona, §) 40-47.
28 xX 21 cm.
One nearly complete column, with the ends of the lines of the column
preceding and the beginnings of some lines of the column following, from a roll
containing the speech De Corona. The MS. is written in a round, rather
irregular uncial hand, dating fairly certainly from the second century, and
probably about the middle of it. The text is a careful one, and occasionally
shows slight variations from the MSS. It is inconsistent with regard to elision,
which is most frequent with 6¢ and its compounds. Terminations of verbs, so
far as appears, were never elided. A few corrections have been made by a second
hand, which is also responsible for the rough breathings added in II. 36 and
III. 14. The paragraphus is sometimes used, but no other stops. A horizontal
stroke is frequently placed at the end of the shorter lines in order to give an
appearance of equality in length.
We append a collation with the Dindorf-Blass edition (Teubner, 1885).
Colma: Colm:
€
memoinka akovTaly ab|nvat [em]averpe Al] viuy tajAw ert
[
[ov Kal AvTroupev@yv wloT €—
[wep ev ppovetre w OnBalro
[kat OerTadot TovTovs] jrev—
5 [€xOpous virodn]Weobe epor
[de muorevoeTe ov TlovTols Tos
[pypacww ypayas Tavtja de Bou
[Aopevos Seckvulvat Tor—
[yapouy €k TouvT@v] wxeTo—
10 [exeivous AaBwv es To p\nd o
TLOUV Trpoopav Tov pL\eTA—
tavTa pnd atcbave|oO ar a|rAr
[
[
CATAL TAVTA TH TPAy|UaTa EKEL
{vov eh eavtw Troino|acPar—
15 [e€ wv Tals mapovoas] cvppopas
[KexpyvTa or Tadatrwp|o{c] OnBat
[
oto d€ TauvTns TNS... |. . €@S
Tas amodelées ws 7a] TOUT@Y
adiknpata Tov vuy | a\plovT@y
TpPAayLaT@Vv yEyovEy alTLa
5 emeidn yap e€nmarnobe pev—
upers Urro Tou gidimmov Ova Tov
Tov Tov ev Tals m[plerBlevas
plcbwoavT@y eavrous [eKEL
v@ kat ovdey tpety ady[Oes a
10 TayyelAavToy €Enrary{yTo
de ot Tadaita@por poxets kKlat avy
pnvTo at models auTwv [TL eyeveE
TO Ol fey KaTamTVaTOL DETTE
Aot kat avaia|O\nrou OnBa{tor) Pfc}
15 Aov evelplylet|nv cwrnpa pi[dler
TOV NYOUYTO TAVT EKELVOS
nv avro.s ovde horny nkovoy
tN
an
30
35
ordinary reading zioreas.
MA.
FRAGMENTS OF EXTANT CLASSICAL AUTHORS
[aurw ovvepyos Kat cvvayoly]:
|orns Kat o devpo amayy]ethas
[Ta evdn Kat devakiloas tipas
[ouros eoriv 0 Ta OnBlawy odv—
[popevos vuv maby] ka drege
[@v ws oLKTpa Kal ToU]Twr Kat
[Tov ev dwxevot Klakwy Kat
[oo adda srerovOaci|y ot EXAN
[ves amravT@y avTos| wy actos
[OnAov yap ort ov pjev adyes
[ere Tors cvpBeBnKolowy a—
oxiWvn Kat Tous OnBatolus edees
[KTnHaTa €xov ev TH Bollwriat
[Kal yewpyov Ta ekevaly eyo
[de xatpw os e€vOus en|rovyny—
[vo Tov Tavta mpafavto|s—
[aAAa yap eumentoxa et|s Aoyous
:
Col. III.
” 5 kw |
duvev [Ta eavtwy acpadrws oXN
ce oray [BovdovTat ELT o1pat
ovpBeBykev [
2 lines lost.
almoA@Aekevat Tos d€ mpoE
oTnKoo|ty Kat TaAAa TANY Eau
Tous olfopfevors T@AELY TPw
TOUS €A\UTOUS TETTPAKOGLY 7)
I, Q. @xETO: @XET Bass).
13. mpay|uata: mpadypar’ B.
[ous auTika padXov appoloe dely]ew 35
129
et 7[c]s aAXo Te Bov{AlorrTo Aeyle
vpes 6 udlolpwpufevole ra [mempa
yHeva kat dvoxepalivjovres
NYETE THY ELpnynY o|uws
ov yap nv O TL ay emrolette [Kat
ot adXou de EAAHVES Oforcws—
vpely| mehevakiopevol Kat
dinpalprnkores [wy] nAmioav
nyolv T]nv etpnynv av7|o|t tTpo
mov t[tv\a ex moXX{ov) xpor[olv
TroA€|polupevot [ore ylap mrepi| tov
giAummos tAXuptous [klar TprBar
Aous Kat Tivas Twv EAANVOY
KaTeotpepero] kat du[y|apets mod
Aas Kat peyadas ero[te|ito Up eE—
QUT@t Kal TLVES EK T@Y TTOAE@Y
emt Ty [T\ns Elpnvns e€ovotar Badt
(ovres exerce OvepOeipovro—
ev ét]s ovros nv Tore traly\re[s
aOncbale arte yap pirwy Kat
fevov a Tore wlvopacovto
nvika eOwpodokovy y[uy ko
Aakes Kal Beoro[| ev || €xOpole Kat Tad
?
N & Tpoonkel TavTa akov{ovaty
15 ovdes yap w avdpes abnr[acoe
To Tov mpodidovTos oulupe
pov (nTov xpnpata av[adioKet
ovd errelOav wy av mpinTat ae
16. [ kexpnvrat ou radaurap of «| On Bail o« : of rahair@po Kéxpyytar B., omitting OyBaio.
1 (Sao + EWS:
dvv Jazews would suit them very well.
K
the vestiges on the papyrus are certainly inconsistent with the
The traces immediately before the supposed « resemble p» or
130 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
21. eotw is more probable than éoé’ (B.) owing to the size of the lacuna; it has also
in its favour the analogy of yéeyovev, II. 4.
odu| popevos vuv: vov ddvpopnevos B., with A Hermog. p. 242, 346 W. vv is omitted in
Vind. 1.
35. The lacuna is of the same size as in the previous line; it is accordingly pretty
clear that the papyrus read padXov, not pada toas, still less paddov tows. tows is omitted in
Vind. 1 Hermog. p. 344 W. paddov [icas] B.
Il. 1. »[vv: the letter transcribed as v might be read as 7, but there is room for four
letters between this and ]Aw. The reading »v» would perhaps also account for the
correction of dy to de. 8) madw eis (Vind. r) B.
3. vuv ma |p| ovre : vuvi [mapdvroy] B. viv is read in Hermog. p. 416 W., where
mapdvray is omitted.
4. yeyovev : yéeyov’ B.
8. eavtous: airods B.
exet|vo : Om, B.; abrods 76 bidinw@ S and other MSS.
g. obey vey adn] bes: ovdev ddnbes ipiv B.
11. de ot radautwpor : 8 ot [ radaimr@por | B. radaimwpo is omitted in Vind. 1.
avn |pyvto : avnpnvd B.
15. ped Jurrov : Tov Pidurmoy B,
Zia. des 0, B:
24. upet[y |: tpi B.
26. eupnuny avr{o |e : so S35 elpyynv aopevor kai adroit B.
27. t[w]a: mw B.
ek roAX| ov | xpov[ ov : ex mo\Aov B.
30. Kau Twas: Twas de Kai B.
32. emo[te|iro: emoreié’ B.
33- TLVES EK TWVY: TIVES TOV €k TOV B.
III. About nineteen lines are lost at the top of this column.
2. orav; so MSS. ; ot’ dv B., following a conjecture of Weil.
3. cvpBeBnxev : cupBEeByke B.
9. nleOnoGale: aicdécba B.
Il. tore: tor B,
12. nvixa eSwpodoxovy : omitted in Hermog. p. 165 and bracketed by B.
13. Geos: the correction is probably by the second hand; @cois is the ordinary
reading.
kat TAA |A a TpoonKe marta: SO Hermog. p. 165; Kai ravO’ & mpoonxer B,
15. @ avdpes: avdpes B., with SL.
17. xpnuara: xpypar’ B.
18. aec: So apparently the papyrus ; the reading is doubtful, but the word following
mpujrae Was Certainly neither xupios nor yernrat. mpinrar kpwos yéevnrac MSS., B.
CCXXXI. Demostruenes, De Corona, §) 227-229.
9:2 X 7-3 cm.
Eighteen nearly complete lines containing §§ 227-9 of the De Corona,
written ina medium-sized informal uncial resembling the hand of the Thucydides
fragment (Plate V), but having a somewhat later aspect. The papyrus may be
FRAGMENTS OF EXTANT CLASSICAL
AUTHORS 131
ascribed with confidence to the latter part of the first or the earlier part of the
second century. It is remarkable for its careful punctuation, all three kinds of
stops occurring (cf. introd. to ccxxvi), and, so far as can be judged from so small
a fragment, being accurately used.
spaces, of about the breadth of a single letter.
occasional accents that are found are due to the original scribe.
has no variants of importance.
ime)
ofkey colt glvoee may o7t av py
Oikaliws| nt mem|paypevov ex yap
auTov Tov aopov [rovtov mapade
ypatos wpodoynKe vuv y nuas
uTapxel eyvelopevous ene pev
Aeyetv vTep TNS TarTpidos: earfroy de
umep piAummou: ov yap av peta
meOe vpas e(nrer fn TolLav
TNS uTapxovens vmToAnWea|s
Mepl EKaTEpou: Kal pinv oT y ofv
xe dikara Aeyer peTdecOar Tavt7|nv
Thv dogav agiwv. eyo didak[o
patdiws ov Tiers wygous: ov yalp
OTLY 0 Tov TMpaypLatwv ouTos dofyL
opos aX avapivnoK@y exaloTa
ev Bpaxeot Noyiorais Kat papTuo[e
TOLS a@koVvovoLY UpLLY XpwpeEvo|s
[n] yap eun modurera ns ovzos Kaz[n
[ylopet aliyrle pey tov O\n|Bailovs pera
Hg co |r: éute B(lass).
4. B. omits viv y (so SL) after Gpoddynxe(v) with A, but vov is required in the papyrus.
6. eav{rov : adrdv B.
8, 9. To[ av |rns vmapxovons: Torys ovens tis B., with MSS.
ms may be due to homoioteleuton.
To. ofv]xe: ov B.
16. Bpaxeot Aoyiorats : Bpaxéow, oyorais dpa B.
K 2
They are accompanied by short blank
Both the points and perhaps the
The fragment
The omission of ovens
132 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
CCXXXII. Demosrnenes, contra Timacratem, §) 53-54, 56-58.
13X14 cm. Plate IV (Col. II).
The latter parts of two columns, containing portions of Demosthenes’
contra Timocratem, §§ 53-54 and 56-58, written in a medium-sized, sloping uncial.
The verso of the papyrus is covered with parts of two columns of cursive writing
(perhaps a letter) of the end of the second or (more probably) of the first half of
the third century. The Demosthenes on the vec/o, therefore, cannot have been
written later than the early part of the third century, and may well be as old as
the latter half of the second. It should be compared with the large Oxyrhynchus
Homer (Plate I) and the fragment of Plato’s Laws (O. P. I. Plate VI), both
somewhat later specimens of a type of hand which became common in the third
century. There are no breathings or accents, and only one stop occurs.
Col. II.
omoj\oa 6 emi TwY TplakovTa ETpa
xOn n Sixn edikac6[n dia n dy
plooia akupa evar [emloxes ELITE
plot Te Oelt|voTatoy malvTes av a
5 KovoavTes Pnoalre kal TL Haro
Col. I.
T av amevEaiobe ovx[t TavTa Ta
T\payuaTa amTrEp NV ETL TOY TPLAa
PAY pP7 Y TP
5
fear | mov [vopov y emita
[yHa €x]ov7[a] erogepey eyw pely
[ovk o1]uar Kat yap alic|xpoy re
[pe wy pyle xapigecOa dey vier
[Anpate| wept TovT@y akovTov
[upwy ealy a tives BovdovTat mpa
[xOnvat Aleye Tov pera TouTOY
lepeéns]
oowy O.\kn mpoTepoy eyeveTo
vopLos
n evOuva n]) dvadikacia trept Tov
ev dtkaoT]|npior 7 (0)dtae n Snpoot
at n 70 On|uoctoy amedoro un
[
eI
[
[
KovTa pn yeverOat eywy oft|uale
0 youv vojos ouroct evAaBoupe
10 Vos ws EOL OoKel TO TOLOUTOV
2M
QaTreliTe TA mpax Oevta €77 EKELY@V
#7) Kupla €lval OUVTOOL TOLYUY TV
QUTNV KATEYV@ TAaPAaVvOLLlayv TwV
emt TNS OnjoKpatias Tel Tpay LE
15 VOY NVYTTEP EKELY@Y Ofo\Lws youly
akupa Trovee KaiToL TL PyTopulEy @
avdpes abyvaiot TovToy Kupifov
“a
tov vouov cacavres yeve|oOat mo
FRAGMENTS OF EXTANT CLASSICAL AUTHORS 133
[ecoayely mlept TovT@y els TO Ou Te[poly Ta Sikacrnpia a Onpoxpla
[kaornptov jn|d erin dicey 20 Tolvpelyns TNS TOAEwS EK T@V OL @
Hloxo|rwy mAnpovrat tava af dc
I. rr. There is a difficulty about the reading of the beginning of this line. The
stroke before dae might just as well be an iota as the second half of H, but it is im-
possible to read nprandiae Or nproupedcar OF nprwudcar.
II. 2. 6y]noo1a: the absence of iota adscript is a slight argument in favour of
supposing that the scribe meant 6ypydo1a, not Snpooia, for in I. 11 the iota adscript is
written. But MSS. of this period are not consistent in either inserting or omitting it.
4, 5. av alkovcarres gnoare: SO MSS, dxovcavtes dv B(lass).
g. ovroct: so MSS. _ odros B.
IO. ws y euot: OM. y B.
Il. mpaxOevta: mpaydevr’ B., who also elides the final vowel of xipia in 12 and rar’
in 21 where it is retained in the papyrus.
15. nvTEp ckewov : ivrep Tov ex’ excivov tueis B, rev is omitted by S and some other
MSS.
CCXXXIII. Dernmostuenes, contra Timocratem, §§ 145, 146, 150.
10:8 X 9-3 cm.
Parts of two columns from another MS. of Demosthenes’ contra Timo-
eratem (§§ 145, 146 and 150), written in a small uncial which resembles on the
one hand that of ccxxxii (Plate IV), and on the other the fragment of Plato’s
Laws (O.P. 1. Plate VI). Like the epic fragment (ccxiv), the script of which
is almost identical, it may be ascribed with confidence to the third century. The
few corrections are due to a second hand, which also inserted probably all the
stops except that after voyors in line 16.
The only variant of note is that in lines 10, 11, where the reading of the
papyrus is obscured by the lacuna.
Col. I, Col, Il.
de
[eva pn dija To deca yxetpov a
[vay|kafow7 0 aywvicer bat
[n Kat] wavranlaciy amalpacKkev
[ot etely> ovroar Oe a em T[ols axpl
€
§ [Tos] Kira ws epi amalyTov
134 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
[elp]nueva eA Trpo's vuas
[Aey]ecv: ws dn cagpos yrviarecde
[ojre adn On Neyo eyw vey Epa olvdeva ... . Kata)
joure] yap av w avdpes Otkalo}ra oTnlow... . umevdu]
10 [Tipaly e€nv vu o Tt x|py] 7a voy [.. >. Tov]
[-\"oat n amotica ev ylap Tole evvela
[w\adew kau o Seopos [ve ov : 5 : : c
[k aly ovy e€ny decpoly Tiunoat
ouTe ooaly evde gis eo|Tiv 7
15 amaywyn mpoceyeypatro [av
[ev] tors vopors* Tov dev djetxOev
[Ta] 7 amaybevta SnoavTey
[or evdlexa ev Tw ~EvdAw EL
[wep pn| eEnv addovs 7 Tous fe
kaTadu|oeL Tov Onjlov ovvLov
20 [mt mpodloo.a THs ToAEwS 7 ETL
[
[Tas 7 Tous Ta TEAN wvoU|LE
4. de: the papyrus does not elide a final e, except in 16 (corrected).
7. 67: 6€ B(lass). yl@oecde: here and in 13 the supplements at the end make the
lines unusually long.
10-11. ma|.|nea: the MSS. here have raéeiv. Possibly the influence of dmortca
following made the scribe write ma@joa, in which case it was no doubt corrected. The
space between noa and the line above is lost. The doubtful 7 could equally well be «.
16. de decx@evra is altered by the second hand to 8 evderxevra (MSS., B).
IV. MISCELLANEOUS:
CCX XXIV. MeEpIcAL PRESCRIPTIONS.
30-6 X 8-7 cm.
FRAGMENT of a treatise containing medical prescriptions. The column which
is preserved is occupied with a classified series of specifics for earache ; the first
two or three letters from the beginnings of thirty-two lines of a second column
also remain, but are insufficient to indicate whether the ear was still the subject
MEDICAL PRESCRIPTIONS 135
of discussion. The medical work was written on the verso of the papyrus.
On the vecéo are parts of five lines from a memorandum concerning a lease made
“in the 14th year, and mentioning ‘the present 17th year.’ These dines are in
an upright cursive hand of the latter half of the second or the beginning of the
third century, so the reign referred to may be that of either Antoninus, Marcus
Aurelius, or Septimius Severus. The handwriting on the verso, therefore, which
is a round upright uncial of medium size, well formed but somewhat heavy, may
date from the end of the second century ; it can hardly be later than the first
half of the third.
Paragraphi are used to mark a pause ; the high point also occurs once, after
avadaBe in 1g. A horizontal dash is sometimes added at the end of the shorter
lines ; these are omitted in our transcription.
Colmer
Ara
] podi-
x |Acdévas
aX\Ao
Coli
a{AAlo. KaoTopHov Kai pn- [av| tpafras door dpo-
koviov icov poras [Bolv evOes els 7d ods.
em [dlatpdxov pddiora [a@dAo]. pvAAov mepoéas
[Helv “Arrixod, ef dé [aA]etias EvOes. adfAo}.
5 pn, poloTiKov, Kal Ned- 30 [xXoA]ijv Boos KpoKtd;t]
vas duels yAuKel xAua- . +. oas xpnoipos
vas evatage. dAdo. [kai] ovoTpéas evOes.
xadBadvnyv covoive aX \o. ocptpvay Kai
pbpo Seis mpdopigov (oTu rrypiav toa Tpl-
10 péXi Kal podivov, Kali] 35 [Was] evOes.
> ‘ a ‘ SEES
oloUmTNpov Eplov TreE- KAvo pol @TOS
pt pnrwrpida ovorpe-
Was kal yNalver év-
oTage. ado. powv
[pos] mévous.
(AiBlavwroy oivp
[diet|s ndioT@ Krvge
136 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
15 KuTivous pLepuK6- 40 [TO olUs, Kai obras xpo
Tas Tpivas Kal KpoKov Tolt/s| mpoyeypappeé-
tdwp emicragas 6- [volts éyxvpacty.
Tay puTra@des yevy- [aA Ao. mpadoov yxvaAdv
Tat avddaBe* mpos [Oe|puov evkdu€e.
20 [de riyv xpelav %XiKov 45 |@A\\o. oA Tavpeta
[o]poBm ev yAvkel dieis [) Kat atyeia 7) mpoBareia
[kjat yAtdvas evorage. | Twa mapatAnola
- (Oelpun kdv¢e. Ado.
evOera els 7[0} [melWKNS XVAD Oepu@
ous mpos Tovous. 50 |mlapatAnolos.
25 [orlumrnpiav Aliyunri-
Il. 1. 1. xacropiov. 21. |. dpoBor. 47. 1. Tut.
‘ Another :—Heat an equal quantity of beaver-musk and poppy-juice upon a potsherd,
if possible one of Attic make, but failing that of ...; soften by diluting with raisin wine,
warm, and drop in.
Another :—Dilute some gum with balsam of lilies, and add honey and rose-extract.
Twist some wool with the oil in it round a probe, warm, and drop in.
Another :—Pound some closed calices of pomegranates, drop on saffron-water, and
when it becomes discoloured draw the liquor off. When required dilute as much as the
bulk of a pea with raisin Wine, warm, and drop in.
Stoppings for the ear against earache.
Pound some Egyptian alum and insert into the ear an amount equal to the size of a pea.
Another :—Anoint a persea leaf and insert.
Another :—Thoroughly moisten a flock of wool with the gall ofan ox, roll up and insert.
Another :—Pound myrrh and alum in equal quantities and insert.
Clysters for the ear against earache.
Dilute frankincense with very sweet wine and syringe the ear; or use for this purpose
the injections described above.
Another :—Rinse with warm onion-juice.
Another :—Syringe with gall of a bull or goat or sheep, or other similar kind of gall,
warmed.
Another :—-The sap of a pine tree, warmed, to be used in the same way.’
2. pocas: potas (poyw) is the commoner form.
5. Aedvas duels yhuxet: cf. Arist. Prodlem. 3. 13 1d pev yAvKv deavrixdy.
8. covowor pipov: the method of preparing this unguent, ‘6 évior kpivivoy Kadovow,’ is
described by Dioscor. r. 62.
29. {ad ]etyas: [rpletyas is also a possibility; but the fact that the fragment offers
three other instances of the use of this participle, in all of which the spelling is rpiwas,
renders it less probable.
30. [xoA]nv: cf. 45.
41. [roli|s] mpoyeypappe| vo |is éyytpaow : i.e. those described in the first section (1-22),
which was perhaps originally headed éyxtpara.
HOROSCOPE 137
CCXXXV. Horoscore.
21 X13°5 cm. A.D. 20-50.
Horoscope of an individual born about 10 p.m., Sept. 28, A.D. 15-37.
The first four lines are introductory (cf. Pap. Paris 19), and are addressed to
a certain Tryphon. The horoscope was found with cclxvii, cclxxv, &c.,in which
Tryphon, son of Dionysius, is constantly mentioned, and no doubt he or his
grandfather (see cclxxxviii. 36) is the person addressed here. The handwriting is
a good-sized semi-uncial, and the papyrus was written probably very soon after
the date mentioned in the horoscope, and certainly not later than A.D. 50.
Four other horoscopes on papyri are known, Brit. Mus. Papp. XCVIII recto
(date lost, first or second century), CX XX (A.D. 81), and CX, a duplicate of Pap.
Par. 19 (A.D. 138), and a horoscope for a person born in A.D. 316 (Grenfell, Class.
Rev. viii. p. 70). The present document is less elaborate than the first three,
fuller than the last. It gives the sign of the Zodiac occupied by the sun, moon,
Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Venus, Mercury, and the four chief points in the
heavens, with the ¢#dvoy and ofkos of each. A unique feature is a diagram below
the text, some lacunae in which it serves to supplement, illustrating the position
of the heavens at the time when the birth took place. This diagram consists of
a circle divided by two diameters intersecting at right angles and connecting the
zenith with the nadir, and the point in the heavens which was rising with that
which was setting. The signs of the Zodiac are marked inside the circle, the
sun, moon, planets, and points of the heavens outside it, in a line with the sign
to which they belong. Beginning at the top we have (1) Aquarius (‘Ydpoxde,
vdpo being written over an erasure) at the zenith (jsecovpdvnua), (2) Pisces, (3)
Aries, (4) Taurus, containing the moon and the point which was rising (@pockdzos),
(5) Gemini, (6) Cancer, (7) Leo, at the nadir, (8) Virgo, (9) Libra, containing
the sun and Mars, (10) Scorpio, containing Mercury, Venus (A[¢podirn]), and the
point which was setting (éve1s, which is all but obliterated in the papyrus),
(11) Sagittarius, containing Saturn and Jupiter (Zevs is lost in a lacuna, but
cf. line 10), (12) Capricornus.
Though the hour, day, and month are preserved, a lacuna renders the year
of Tiberius’ reign, to which the horoscope refers, uncertain. If all the astro-
nomical observations in the text of the papyrus were correct, the data would
have sufficed to reconstitute it; but Dr. A. A. Rambaut, who has kindly investi-
gated the question for us, tells us that some of the positions assigned to the five
major planets must be inexact. If Saturn and Jupiter, the slow moving planets,
are taken as the starting-point, Saturn is only in Sagittarius on Sept. 28 during
the first four years of Tiberius’ reign, and out of these four years Jupiter is in
138 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Sagittarius only in A.D. 15. But during Tiberius’ reign the moon is in Taurus
on Sept. 28 only in A.D. 17, 25, 28, and 36, and in A.D. 15 the positions of Mars,
Venus, and Mercury, do not agree with those assigned to them in the papyrus.
As is usual in horoscopes, the day of the month is given both on the fixed
calendar (Phaophi 1) and xara rods apxalovs xpovous (Phaophi 11); cf. Brit. Mus.
Pap. CXXX. Col. IT. 46, CX. Col. I. 4, and Par. Pap. 19. 9, where in place of apxatous
we have Alyumriovs as opposed to the xpévor rév “EAAjvov. A comparison of the
variation, which in the reign of Tiberius is ten days, with the other two instances,
in which the variation is in A.D. 81 twenty-five days, and in A.D. 138 forty days,
leads to the conclusion that the dpyator ypévo. gained upon the regular calendar
approximately one day in four years. Hence, as Mr. J. G. Smyly remarked to
us, the dpyaiou xpévor in Roman papyri are to be explained in reference to the
ancient Egyptian year of 365 days with no leap year, but the starting-point
of the divergence of the dpyxatou. xpévor from the regular calendar was posterior
to the conquest of Egypt by Augustus in B.C. 30. Reckoning back from A.D. 81,
when the variation between the two calendars was twenty-five days, and sub-
tracting one for every four years, we should get about A.D. 21 as the date of our
horoscope!, and about B.C. 20 as the point when the aznus vagus indicated by
the dpxaio. xpévor began to diverge from the fixed calendar. This corresponds
very well with the date (B.C. 26-5) generally assigned to the introduction of the
fixed calendar by Augustus into Egypt. The épxato. xpévor were of course
a continuation of the old Egyptian system of 365 days without leap year, which
system Ptolemy Euergetes, and after him Augustus, tried to abolish. But the
recurrence of the year of 365 days in Roman papyri shows that if the true year
of 3652 days ordained by Augustus ever gained universal acceptance in Egypt,
it only did so for a very short period, and that though the correct year of 365}
was observed officially and by the Greeks, the native Egyptians soon relapsed
into the year of 365 days. The reckoning by dpyatou xpdvou is found in a papyrus
as late as A.D. 237 (G. P.II. Ixvii); and no doubt many of the extant private
documents of the Roman period are really dated in the same way, though
it is impossible, in the absence of a specific mention of the dpxato. xpovo, to
distinguish them.
"Avaykaiov nynodplevos|,. [....\va..[.....
yevéoets mapa ood, Tpidwv dyameré, ¢.......
Teipdoopar mpos Tods dobévras imi... .
xpovous. Tuv|x|divjovar d& obrot Kara [TO
' This is confirmed by a bilingual inscription referred to by Wilcken (Gr. Ost. I. 794), in which
Tybi 18, A. D. 30, corresponds to Mecheir 1 in the Egyptian calendar, a difference of 13 days.
PTOLEMAIC FRAGMENTS 139
on
éros TiBepiov pnvi Paddi a, Karla dé Tovs
dpxatovs xpdvous Paddu ia eis [iB,
@pa tetdptn THs vuKTos’ Tuvyxdve |"HXLos
ev Zuy® (odio dpoevikO oikw ‘Adi podirns,
A 2 4 ‘g col yw ’ 4
YerAjvn ev Tatpo (odie OndvK@ oikw | Adpodirns.
10 Kpévos Zeds ev Tokitn [f@|dim adpoer{tkd oikw
Abs, “Apns év Zuy@ oikw “Agpodirns, | Epps ’ Adpo-
dirn ev Skoprio (odio dprevik® ol|Kk@ ”Apews,
wpockoret Tadpos . . . oikos ‘Adpodiz|ns, pecoupd(ynpua)
‘Tdpoxd@ <adiov apoevixdy olkntnl. . Kpovov,
15 Ovvet SYxopmios oikos “Apews, md [ynv ev Aéo(vT.)
oikos ‘HXiov, oikoderroret 'Adpodirn.
2. |. ayamnré.
6. els [B: cf. Brit. Mus. Pap. CXXX. 45-48 kar’ dpxatous de Waxav veopnvia eis rhv Sevrepav.
It might be conjectured from these two instances that there was a difference between the
fixed calendar and the dpyaior ypévor with regard to the point at which the wé of a particular
day ended. But in speaking of a particular night it was customary to describe it in
reference to the day following, not to the day preceding ; cf. B. G. U. 454. 7, 651. 4, &c.
Ptolemy in his Megale Synfaxis, in order to avoid confusion, always denotes the date of an
event occurring at night by the numbers of both the day before and the day after the night
in question.
7. The lacunae here and in 11, 13, 15 can be filled up with certainty from the
diagram (see introd.), The names of the otcoe lost in g, 12, and 14 can be restored, since
the signs of the Zodiac are given and each sign had a particular otkos,
11. Usually Mercury’s position is noted last of the planets, but in the diagram also he
is mentioned before Venus.
13. No word is wanted between Tadpos and ofkos, but traces of three letters are visible
which, though faint, are not more so than some other words in the papyrus.
There is scarcely room for év at the end of the line, unless peaoupa(yna) was. still
further abbreviated. In the diagram ‘Yépoxé@ is dative, all the other signs being in the
nominative. Possibly we ought to read ‘Y8poxéos here and Aewy in 15, and supply verbs in place
of the substantives peooupdynua and ind yn, to correspond to the verbs @pockomet and diver.
16. oixodeomoret: the planet which was most often mentioned in the otko:, and therefore
was the ‘ruling’ star. Venus in this case has four out of the eleven ofa.
CCX XXVI (a), (4), (¢). Protemaic FRAGMENTS.
Plate V. (a) 4:3 x 6-2, (6) 4:2 X 7-1, (¢) 5:2 X 4:6 cm.
The three fragments here grouped together are the earliest dated papyri
found at Oxyrhynchus. Though very small they are interesting, not only as
giving the formula of the royal titles in the reign of Ptolemy Neos Dionysus
140 LTE OX NRL INGE Sie Are NER,
(Auletes), whose name has not been found on a papyrus before, but for palaeo-
graphical reasons, since papyri from the middle of the first century B.C. are
extremely rare. In fact the only hitherto published Greek document which
has a date in the period from 89-30 B.c. is G. P. II. xxxviii (with facsimile on
Plate IV), belonging to B.c. 81, or, more probably, to B.c. 56, the joint rule of
Berenice and Archelaus. (a) is written in an almost uncial hand, (0) and (c) are
much more cursive. They serve to illustrate the transition of the Ptolemaic
style to the Roman. (a) and (4), which have the same date, were found rolled
up together, and are probably copies of the same document. We give the text
of (4), which is the more complete, and of (c).
(6) B.C. 64.
|Baowrevov\ros Trodeplailov deod Néov Arovicov
[Promdto\pos Piradé\Agov Erovs oxrwKaidekd-
tov Ta 8| ddda tev Kowdy as ev ’Adre~avdpet-
[@ ypddpe|rar pnvos ITeperriov Kal Xolax
Bf ] &v “Ogupiyxoyv more zHs OnBa-
ee BINA hentai bllealidaleg sito a0 pa c
2. The supplements at the beginning of lines 2-4 are from (a).
3- Ta 8’ GidQa x.7.X.: a periphrasis, like pera ra xowd, to save the trouble of writing the
long list of priesthoods at Alexandria which generally occurs in protocols of the second
century B.c. Cf. the formula found in papyri from Heracleopolis, eq’ tepéov trav dvrev év
*AdeEavdpeia kal Tv GAwv Tav ypapopever KowWar, e. (oes (Goes IR, se
4. The Macedonian calendar was equated to the Alexandrian towards the end of the
second century B.c. In (a) the day of the month is given as the twenty-first, but probably
here a blank space was left, to be filled in afterwards ; cf. (¢) 5 and ccxxxviii. 9, note.
(c) B.C. 69-58 of 55-51.
Baotredorros [IItodepaiov beod Pirordropos
PDiradérpov Erlous
7a 8 dda tov [Kowdy ws ev ’AdeEavdpeta
ypaperar pnvos |
2nd hand EBOou\ ns év ’Okvptyxov
ist hand réder ris On{Baidos
apyns TIS |
PETITION OF DIONYSEA 141
TTroXepaiou |
U
| ]
1. Judging by line 3, about twenty-one letters are lost at the end of the line; so there
is not room for the insertion of Néov Avovicov.
2. From s.c. 79 to 69 Cleopatra Tryphaena was associated with the king in the dates
upon demotic contracts (Strack, Dynastie der Ptolemder, p.67). The length of the lacuna in
line 2 is also in favour of the number of the year having exceeded rz.
CCXXXVII. Perririon or Dionysia TO THE PRAEFECT.
A.D. 186.
This long and important papyrus, which contains on the verso most of the
fifth book of the //ad printed above (ccxxiii), is a petition addressed by
Dionysia, daughter of Chaeremon an ex-gymnasiarch of Oxyrhynchus, to
Pomponius Faustianus, praefect in the 26th year of Commodus (note on Col. V.
5). The latest date mentioned in the papyrus is Epeiph 3 of the 26th year
(VI. 36), when the acting strategus decided that Dionysia should send
a complete account of her case to the praefect, the result of which decision was
the composition of the present document. Since it is unlikely that there would
be any delay on Dionysia’s part in forwarding her petition, the papyrus was no
doubt written in the last two months of the 26th year or at latest in the early
part of the 27th year, i. e. in the late summer or autumn of A.D. 186.
Few documents offer greater difficulties of decipherment and interpretation
than this petition. No less than nine columns, measuring from 28 to 30 cm. in
width, can be distinguished ; but of these the first three, which correspond to
Cols. IX—XII of the Homer, and the last column, which contains only the first
halves of lines, are too fragmentary to be worth printing. Moreover, when the
roll was re-used for the Homer, little regard naturally was paid to the writing
on the vecto. The height of the papyrus was reduced, no doubt because the
edges had become ragged, and the top of each column is consequently lost, though
it is improbable that more than two or three lines at most are wanting. More
serious damage was done by glueing strips of papyrus over weak or torn places
on the vecfo; for when these have been removed the writing below is generally
found to have been obliterated by the glue, while even in those parts which have
not suffered in this manner, the ink has often become extremely faint or has dis-
appeared altogether. Following our usual practice, we have not marked a lacuna
by square brackets except where the surface of the papyrus has been destroyed ;
142 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
but though in some of the passages which have baffled us enough remains to
verify the true conjecture when it is made, only the resources of chemistry can
perhaps some day render legible most of the patches of effaced writing in Cols. IV
and V. In spite of these difficulties however, those parts of the papyrus which
are well preserved suffice to give the document a very high rank from both
the historical and the juristic points of view among recent discoveries of Greek
papyri, though we shall confine our commentary chiefly to questions of
interpretation.
The complaint of Dionysia, which is directed against her father Chaeremon,
falls into two parts. The first five columns narrate the history of the monetary
dispute, while the next two and a half turn upon the right claimed by Chaeremon
to take away his daughter from her husband against her will. The last column
and a half revert to the monetary dispute. It is fortunate that the later part,
which is much the more interesting, is also much the better preserved ; but
here too we have to bewail the fortune which has deprived us of the conclusion
of the list of cases before magistrates upon which Dionysia relied for support.
The monetary question between Chaeremon and his daughter is chiefly
concerned with the xarox7 of a property (oveia) which she claimed and he denied.
Owing to the mutilated condition of the earlier columns we have no one definite
statement as to what exactly this xatox# was, and we have to put together an
idea of it from a number of scattered and often imperfect references. For
the meaning of the terms xatoyy and xaréyew the most important passage is
VIII. 21 sqq. (especially 22 and 34~—36), which shows that these words refer
to a ‘claim’ or ‘right of ownership’ (kzjovs) as opposed to ‘use’ (a2) upon
the property of the husband, conferred in conformity with national Egyptian law
upon the wife, (6) upon the property of parents, conferred by them upon their
children; cf. also the Oxyrhynchus papyrus quoted in note on VIII. 37.
Examples of both kinds of «aroyy are found in Egyptian marriage contracts of
the Roman period (for reasons which we refer to on p. 240, we prefer to leave
the Ptolemaic marriage contracts alone). The return of the dowry and wapadepva
brought by the wife is uniformly guaranteed on the security of the whole property
of the husband. He obtained the use of the dowry, but in the event of his
losing any of it and the repayment becoming necessary, the wife had a kind of
first mortgage upon all her husband’s property (B. G. U. 183. 9, 251.7, C. P. R. 27.
22 and 28. 7). Examples of the second kind of xaroy7}, that conferred by parents
upon their children, are naturally rarer, since they would only occur where rich
parents were concerned. A good instance is C. P. R. 24, where a mother gives
év epvy Kata mpoopopay dvapatperov to her daughter zvzer alia half a house (of
which the other half already belonged to the daughter) and a property of three
PETITION OF DIONYSIA 143
arourae, retaining the right to olkjovs and evorxiwv dmopopa with regard to the
whole house, and the xapweia of half the property. Another is C. P. R. 28,
a marriage contract between two persons who had already lived some time.
together dypdpws. In line 8 sqq. of that document the husband and wife agree
to settle their property upon their children, cvyxwpotor pera tiv éxatépov TedevTiy.
A similar provision is found in B. G. U. 183. 10 sqq., where the mother of the
bride and bridegroom settles (cvvywpei) certain land and house property upon
the married couple pera riv éavtis redevtqy; cf. B. G. U. 251. 8 sqq., and 252.
10 sqq. But it is noticeable that B. G. U. 183, the only one of these five instances
which is very nearly complete, contains towards the end a provision that, so long
as the mother who settles the property lives, é\ ew adriy ri e€ovolav rap ldlwy rdvtwv
Twdew vroTiHerAat SiabecOat ols eav BovAnTat amaparodictws. Whether such aclause
was contained in any of the other cases is uncertain; but if, as is most likely,
C. P. R. 26 is the end of C. P. R. 24 (Hunt, Gét#. gel. Anz. 1897, p. 463), then
C. P. R. 24 contained no such provision reserving the right of the parent to
alter the whole settlement ; under the terms therefore of this contract the children
seem to have obtained a xarox# over the property settled upon them by their
parents, in the manner described in VIII. 35.
Applying this to Dionysia’s case, her xatoxy upon her father naturally
comes under the second head; cf. VI. 23, where it is stated that her dikarov
was laid down in her marriage contract with her husband, and VI. 14, where
Chaeremon states that he wished to recover what he had given her on her
Marriage (& mpoorveyxa airy, see note ad /oc.). It is possible that her claim also
involved the first kind of xarox7, if the ova in question was originally part of
the dowry of Dionysia’s mother ; cf. VI. 24, note. But in any case this point
is of secondary importance compared with her claim based upon her marriage
contract, in which the kparnovs of the otofa was guaranteed.
The step which apparently gave rise to all the dispute between Dionysia
and her father was the mortgaging of this odcia by Chaeremon for 8 talents,
to which proceeding Dionysia, her mother, and her husband all gave their
consent (VI. 24-5). But the details of the mortgage and the events which
followed are obscure. It is not stated to whom the property was mortgaged ;
but most probably it was to a certain Asclepiades, who is mentioned in IV. 12,
27 as a creditor in connexion with a sum of 7 (IV. 14) or 8 (IV. 25) talents and
the interest. It is clear that Chaeremon got into difficulties about the repay-
ment of the loan (IV. 19, 20), and that Dionysia tried to extricate him. A series
of agreements, covering two years, was made between Dionysia and her father
(IV. 6, 13, 26, 35), the object of which appears to have been the repayment of
the loan ; and one of the few fixed points is that Dionysia made herself in some
144 THE OXY RAY NCHUS PAP YERI
way responsible for part of the debt (IV. 7, 12, 14, 27), apparently on condition
that she obtained the income of some of Chaeremon’s property (IV. 7-12, 27-8,
cf. V. 21). It is in connexion with this last point that her xatox7 perhaps
became involved in the dispute. From 31~—33 it seems that she ultimately had
come to an arrangement with her father by which he was eventually to receive
once more the income of the property which had been guaranteed her on her
marriage, but that in the meantime she was to retain (xadéw, IV. 33) this income
until the repayment of the debt to Asclepiades, probably by instalments of
1 talent a year (cf. [V. 33 with 14), had been completed. To this retention of his
income by Dionysia Chaeremon objected, accusing Dionysia wep! dvdyov Katoxijs
(VII. 11), while he attempted to overthrow her position by demanding the
return of all that he had given her on her marriage, including the property in
question, the title to which had then been guaranteed her.
The scanty information which we can glean about the xaroxy is enough
to show that it was a very complicated affair and apparently involved two
points, (1) Dionysia’s right to the xparnovs of the property conferred by her
marriage contract, (2) her right to enjoy the income from it until she had paid
off the mortgage. It is tempting to simplify the question by eliminating one or
the other of these two points or by combining them into one. But the great
importance attached in the petition to the decree of Mettius Rufus, which
has an obvious bearing upon the first point but not on the second, the letter
of Chaeremon in VI. 12,sqq.,and the passage in VI. 23-7, are only explicable on
the supposition that the xaroy7 was secured to Dionysia by her marriage
contract; and the anxiety of Dionysia to get the mortgage paid off accords
very well with the hypothesis that the ownership was vested in herself. On
the other hand the various agreements enumerated in IV, culminating in her
statement in IV. 33 concerning the zpdéoodo. of the ovoia, clearly play an
important part in the kxaroyy question; but it is impossible, if we suppose
that the right to enjoy the income of the otcia as well as the ownership was
given to Dionysia upon her marriage, to explain the permission given by her
to Chaeremon to mortgage the property, or her insistence upon the decree
of Mettius Rufus, which draws so sharp a distinction between the xpijo.s of
a property which was reserved (retijpytar) to the parents and the xrjovs which
belonged (kexpdrytat, i.e. karéoxntar) to the children.
Besides the dispute concerning the karox7 between Chaeremon and _ his
daughter, there was also a difference regarding certain yopyytac which Dionysia
claimed from him (VII. 10, 11), and which are perhaps identical with the tpogat
of VI. 27. It is not clear whether her claim rested upon her marriage contract
(cf. C. P. R. 24. 18 in which a mother agrees to provide (xopnyetv) the newly
PETITION OF DIONYSIA 145
married pair with a certain amount of wheat for a year), or arose from one of
the contracts enumerated in IV (cf. IV. 8 where xopyyla: are mentioned). The
question of the xopnylat is separate from that of the xarox7, for though Dionysia was
victorious with regard to the latter, she had, as VI. 26-7 shows, not yet obtained
the former. In VI. 27 Dionysia also complains that she had never received the
dowry which her father had promised her; and possibly this included the
xopnyia. But this assertion seems to conflict both with the statement of
Chaeremon and the general probabilities of the case. It is more likely that
she had received a dowry besides the xatox at the time of her marriage, but
that Chaeremon had tried to take it away, and perhaps succeeded. The
question of the yopyyia, however, is in any case quite subordinate to that
of the KaTOX?}.
When we pass from the explanation of the xatoy7 itself to the steps which
both parties took to assert their claims, there are much fewer difficulties, since
the useful summary in VI. 8-11 serves as a key to the narration of events in the
preceding columns. It should be remembered that Cols. I-V relate to the pro-
ceedings concerning the ckarox7 and yopnyiat, and that Dionysia had been ordered
by the acting-strategus to lay the story before the praefect, in order that he might
have a full knowledge of the facts before giving judgement on the claim of her
father to take her away from her husband (VII. 4-8). But it is this claim which
is the primary subject of the present petition though it is not reached until
Col. VI.
The first step was apparently taken by Chaeremon, who towards the end
of the 25th year sent a complaint to the praefect, Longaeus Rufus, accusing
Dionysia of having defrauded him at the instigation of her husband Horion, and
asking for leave to recover what he had given her on her marriage (VI. 13-15).
A full account of this was probably given in Col. I, of which only a very small
piece remains, containing a mention of Longaeus Rufus. Rufus on Pachon 27
forwarded Chaeremon’s complaint to the strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome,
with a request that he would attend to it (VI. 15, 16, cf. VI.8). The top part of
the much mutilated Col. II contains the conclusion of a letter from one official
to another, dated in Pachon of the 25th year (the day is lost), in which the
phrase dvrlypadov bréral £a (cf. VI. 16) occurs; and it is most likely that the letter
which was quoted in II at length was the letter of Rufus mentioned in VI. 8 and
15. Inthe rest of Col. II Dionysia is the speaker, as the expression mpds pe Kai
tov dvépa pov shows. She was no doubt much disturbed by the letter which the
praefect had written after having heard only Chaeremon’s side of the case
(cf. VI. 8 tiv rod ‘Povpov emororjy ep’ Sr eypddn, and note), and resolved to appeal
to Rufus herself. Towards the end of Col. II a line begins ed@bs xarépvyov
L
146 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
éni t....atov Aoyyaior ‘Poliporv. The catalogue of grievances against Chaeremon
which Dionysia laid before Rufus occupies Col. IV. 1-34 and probably Col. III ;
cf. 1V. 35 ratra bd Tod PiBActdiov dveveyxovons pov. It is not likely that anything
important happened between the receipt of Rufus’ letter by Chaeremon and the
petition of Dionysia to Rufus, since in the summary of events in VI. 8, the
évtvxla of Dionysia to Rufus follows immediately upon the émorodr) rob “Povdov.
The date of this petition of Dionysia to Rufus is not given; but from the fact
that she had received the answer by Thoth of the 26th year (V. 9) and that the
letter of Rufus to Chaeremon which gave rise to it was written on Pachon 27 of
the 25th year (VI. 15), it may be inferred that the évrvxia reached Rufus in one
of the three intervening months. The position of affairs, therefore, at the end
of the 25th year was that Rufus had received one petition from Chaeremon,
which he had on Pachon 27 referred to the strategus, and also a counter-
petition from Dionysia. In this she defended herself against the charge made
against her, giving a list of grievances against Chaeremon, and citing (IV. 35-9)
both the last agreement between herself and her father, and a proclamation
by the late praefect Flavius Sulpicius Similis (cf. IV. 36 with VIII. 21 sqq.)
endorsing an edict of Mettius Rufus, praefect in A.D. 89, which regulated the
registration in the public archives of contracts concerning xaroxat. The bearing
of this edict upon Dionysia’s case has already been alluded to (p. 144).
Dionysia’s array of evidence seems to have impressed the praefect with the
justice of her case ; and ‘ probably being unable to believe that any one after ...
so many contracts had been drawn up through public officials would have dared
to write a letter to the praefect with fraudulent intent, he forwarded her petition
to the strategus with official instructions (imoypady, VI. 9) to examine the
correctness of her statements about the contracts, his object being (if we may
believe Dionysia) to make clear that if the facts were as stated no further
decision was necessary (V. 5-8). It is noticeable that the dispute about the
xatox7 now resolves itself into the question of the existence and precise terms
of the contracts between Dionysia and her father ; and therefore the legal right
claimed by Chaeremon in his letter to Rufus (VI. 12, sqq.) to recover any
presents he had made to his daughter on her marriage seems to have been
disallowed by the praefect. At any rate we hear no more of the legal aspect of
a father’s é€ovoia over his married daughter until we come to the second half
of the case dealing with the dréoraots.
The next step was that Dionysia appeared before the strategus in Thoth
of the 26th year, and requested him to carry out the instructions of the praefect
by obtaining from the keepers of the archives a full account of all the contracts
and other documents which were the subject of the dispute. To this course
PETITION OF DIONYSIA 147
Chaeremon, who also appeared, was unable to offer any objection (V. 9-14).
The strategus acceded to Dionysia’s request, and in the same month wrote
a letter to the keepers of the archives, the text of which is quoted, forwarding
a copy of Dionysia’s petition with the note of the praefect and asking for the
necessary information (V. 14-19). The keepers of the archives returned
a lengthy report, which gave all the evidence bearing apparently not only
on the disputed xaroy7 but on the monetary claims of Dionysia upon her father.
The results of the inquiry supported her contentions on both points. Chaeremon
was shown clearly, on the evidence of an droypapy in his own handwriting, to
have given Dionysia the rights which she claimed, and his attempt to repudiate
them was disallowed. The strategus accordingly, without recourse to a trial,
decided in her favour (V. 20-27). Four months had been occupied by the
examination of the documents, and in the meantime Longaeus Rufus had been
succeeded as praefect by Pomponius Faustianus; for it is to the latter that
in Tybi of the 26th year (V. 27, note) the strategus wrote announcing the
issue of the inquiry and forwarding a copy of the report of the BiBdropiAakes
(V. 27-30). Dionysia, too, herself wrote to Faustianus explaining that the
inquiry which had been ordered had taken place, and entreating him to settle
the dispute finally by giving instructions to the strategus that she was to remain
in undisturbed possession of her rights (V. 30-35). To this petition Pomponius
Faustianus, after examination of the documents forwarded by the strategus,
returned a favourable reply (V. 35-38). Lastly, Dionysia appeared once more
before the strategus with the praefect’s answer, and requested him to inform the
keepers of the archives that her rights were to be respected, and that no further
attempt on the part of Chaeremon to dispute them was to be allowed. To this
the strategus agreed, and the necessary instructions were sent (V. 38-VI. 4;
cf. VI. 11).
The case now appeared to have been finally settled ; but Chaeremon
declined to acquiesce in his defeat, and renewed his attack, though on different
grounds. This brings us to the second part of Dionysia’s petition (VI. 4
to VIII. 21), which may be subdivided into (a) a narrative of the events which
led up to the sending of the present document (VI. 4—VII. 8), (4) a statement
of her claim to remain with her husband (VII. 8-13), (c) the evidence in her
favour (VII. 13-VIII. 21). Appended to the last section is (VIII. 21 sqq.) some
evidence bearing upon the old question of the xaroy7.
Another four months had elapsed since the letter of the strategus was
written to the praefect in Tybi (of the 26th year); and within this period fall
the events narrated in V. 30-VI. 4. In Pachon, however, Chaeremon, ignoring
the results of the inquiry and the correspondence which had _ taken place,
L 2
148 CELTS OXLEY IN GMOS pel OYAERIL:
appealed to the praefect in a letter of which Dionysia quotes a part. In it
Chaeremon brought vague charges of sapavoyia and aceBe.a against her, and
referred to his previous petition to Longaeus Rufus in the year before and to
that praefect’s answer, which he accused Dionysia of disregarding. He also
accused Dionysia’s husband, Horion, of threatening to use violence against him,
and therefore claimed the right of forcibly separating her from her husband,
in support of which contention he adduced the Egyptian law on the subject and
several decisions of Similis,a former praefect, and others (VI. 4-29). Pomponius
Faustianus, however, who had hoped to have heard the last of Chaeremon’s
affairs, and like other praefects endeavoured to put some check on the numerous
private applications for redress sent to him (cf. VI. 6 and 35), declined to
institute.a new inquiry ; and on Pachon 30 in a letter quoted in full (VI. 32-35)
requested Isidorus, the strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, to settle the matter
in accordance with the instructions already given by Longaeus Rufus. On
Epeiph 3 the answer of the praefect was brought by Chaeremon into court
before the acting-strategus Harpocration, and Dionysia argued that the instruc-
tions of Rufus had already been carried out by the inquiry which had resulted
in her favour (VI. 35-41). The decision of the acting-strategus was of the
nature of a compromise. On the one hand he allowed that so far as the dispute
about the xatoyy was concerned the instructions of Rufus had been fulfilled ; but
since Chaeremon had introduced the further question of the right to take away
his daughter from her husband, and no instructions had been given on this head
either by Rufus or by Pomponius Faustianus, he referred the decision of this
new point back to the praefect, to whom he directed that the contending parties
should appeal, giving a full statement of all the facts (VII. 1-8). It was in
consequence of this judgement of the acting-strategus that, as has been said, our
papyrus, which presents Dionysia’s whole case, came to be written.
There follow (VII. 8-13) a brief summary of Dionysia’s arguments and
a statement of her demands. Chaeremon’s claim to take her away from her
husband is rebutted in somewhat Hibernian fashion by two arguments :—
(1) that no law permitted wives to be taken away against their will from their
husbands ; (2) that if there was a law which gave such permission, it at any rate
did not apply to daughters whose parents had been married by contract, and
who were themselves married by contract.
We at length (VII. 13, sqq.) reach what is the most interesting part of the
papyrus, the evidence produced by Dionysia, consisting of decisions of praefects
and other judges, opinions of eminent lawyers, and proclamations. This evidence
is divided into three sections. That in the first bears upon the disputed right
of a father to take away his married daughter from her husband against her will.
PETITION OF DIONYSIA 149
The second section is concerned with the proof that a judgement involving the
payment of money could not be evaded by bringing a fresh charge, as (according
to Dionysia) had been done by Chaeremon. The third relates to the law
concerning the registration of contracts in the archives, to which Dionysia
appealed in order that her father might be compelled to fulfil his monetary
engagements to herself.
Under the first head three extracts from tropvnpatispol, or official reports
of legal proceedings, are quoted, besides an opinion of a vouixds. One of these
(VII. 19-29) records a case tried before Flavius Titianus, praefect, in A. D. 128,
in which a father had taken away his daughter from her husband with whom
he had had a quarrel. The advocate for the father maintained that he was
acting within the Egyptian law in so doing ; nevertheless, the praefect’s decision
was that the woman should stay with her husband or her father as she chose.
The second case quoted (VII. 29-38) took place six years later before the
epistrategus Paconius Felix, and is very similar to the first. That the harsh
right of separating his daughter from her husband was conferred on a father
by the Egyptian law is there very clearly stated ; but the judgement of Titianus
was considered by the epistrategus to be a sufficient precedent for overriding the
Egyptian law, and the decision was again against the father. The third case
(VII. 39-VIIL. 2) is from a report of a much earlier trial which took place in
A.D. 87 before the zwridicus. The incompleteness of the extract renders some
points in the case obscure ; but apparently a father had deprived his married
daughter of her dowry and wished to take her away from her husband, while the
iuvidicus decided that the dowry must be restored, and probably refused to
allow the separation of the husband and wife. The fourth document quoted
by Dionysia (VIII. 2-7) is an opinion of Ulpius Dionysodorus, a voyxds who
had been consulted by Salvistius Africanus, a military officer exercising judicial
functions. The details of the case are not given, but here too there was
a question of a dowry which a father wished to take away from his daughter.
The issue turned on the point whether the daughter, being born of an dypados
ydpos, was still in the éfoveia of her father after her marriage. The vopuxds
decided that the éyypapos yayos contracted by the daughter annulled her
previous status of a child born e&€ dypadwv ydpwv, and that therefore she was
no longer in her father’s éfovcia. In its bearing upon the case of Dionysia, who
claimed to be é éyypdpwv ydpov (VII. 12), the opinion of Ulpius Dionysodorus
seems to be a kind of argument @ fortior7, since if the child of an typagos yduos
ceased on marriage to be in the efovofa of her father, the child of an éyypagos
yauos would still less be so after marriage ; cf. note on VIII. 2.
Having concluded her evidence in defence of her claim to remain with her
150 THE OXYRAYNCHTS PAPYRI
husband, Dionysia next assumes the offensive, and adduces evidence to show
that Chaeremon could not escape his liabilities to her by raising the new point
of his right to separate her from her husband. She quotes firstly (VIII. 8-18)
a decree of the praefect Valerius Eudaemon of A.D. 138, penalizing vexatious
accusations designed to postpone monetary liabilities; and secondly (VIII.
18-21) a very brief report of a trial in A.D. 151 before Munatius Felix, praefect,
who on that occasion refused to allow monetary claims to be affected by
accusations brought by the debtor against the creditor.
In the third and concluding section of her evidence Dionysia reverts to
the old question discussed in the earlier portion of the papyrus, the disputed
xatoxn. We have first (VIII. 21-43) the proclamation of the praefect Flavius
Sulpicius Similis in A.D. 182, reaffirming the decree of Mettius Rufus in
A. D. 89 of which mention was made in IV. 36-7. The proclamation of Similis,
which is partly effaced, was designed to regulate the prevailing custom allowed
by native Egyptian law of giving the wife in her marriage contract a claim for
both herself and her children upon the whole property of the husband. By
registering their marriage contracts in a BiBAvobyjxn different from that which con-
tained the aroypapai of their property, some persons had apparently concealed
their liability to their wives in order to be free to incur further liabilities. The
praefect proposed to stop this practice by requiring that the claims of a wife
upon her husband’s property secured her by her marriage contract should be
included among the other documents registering his property and deposited at the
public archives, so that the amount of his assets might be definitely known ; this
being in accordance with a previous decree of Mettius Rufus. A copy of this
decree is appended by Similis, and it is fortunately not only complete but of the
highest interest. Its subject is the better administration of axoypadat (property
returns) and the official abstracts of them, which had not been accurately brought
up to date. Holders of property are therefore required to register the whole of
their property at the public archives, and wives have to add to the statements of
their husbands a declaration of any claim upon the husbands’ property, while
children have to add a clause to the statements of their parents if their parents
have made over to them the title (xrijos) of any property, retaining only the use
of it during their lifetime. It is this last point which has a special bearing on
Dionysia’s case (cf. p. 144); for she argued in connexion with her own xaroy7 that
she had fulfilled all the requirements of the law (VII. 17, 18).
The concluding words of VIII give the date of the next piece of evidence,
a trouvnpaticpds of Petronius Mamertinus, praefect in A.D. 133; and the first
nineteen lines of IX were occupied with an account of this case. Unfortunately
no connected idea is attainable. We gather, however, from line 8 that one of
PETITION OF DIONYSIA 151
the parties in the suit was Claudius Dionysius, and that his advocate was called
Aelius Justus; and the occurrence of the words d~karov & tporevqveyxas TO Vid
cov yanody[ re in 7, and of d.ddoxov Tod Tarpds yeverOat in g, shows that the case, as
might be expected, related to some claim of a child upon a parent in connexion
with the rights conferred on the former by a marriage contract. Line 20 begins
Hyopalvounxorav Sadovistio “Adpixavo éemdpxw orddov xal e[al x«.7.A., cf. VIII. 3.
Apparently we have here another rporpovynois of a voyixds addressed to the
official who was the recipient of the first (cf. VIII. 2-7), and perhaps written by the
same vopixds, Ulpius Dionysodorus. The next four lines are hopeless ; but in 25
we have a date érovs B ‘Adpiavod Me[xelp or -cop7}, and in 26 another date |ixwy
*Adbp y, which seems to belong to a period of joint rule, i.e. when M. Aurelius
and Commodus were associated (A. D. 176-180). Which, if either, of these two
dates refers to the tpoopovynots is uncertain, and therefore they are of little use
in deciding the problem concerning the date of Ulpius Dionysodorus’ rpoopovnots
(VIII. 7, note). Line 28 begins ’Avvie Supiax@ 7@ kpariorw Hyewou, in the next
line k¥pie occurs, and in 35 eppécA(ar) edxouar, jyeuov Kipte. Lines 28-35 therefore
appear to be a petition addressed to M. Annius Syriacus, praefect in A.D. 163.
The subject of the petition, however, and that of the remaining six lines of the
column are quite obscure. ;
Whether the papyrus originally extended to another column or columns
cannot be determined. But we incline to the view that Col. IX was really the
last (though see note on VII. 14). If it had been complete, the distance to
which it would have extended suits the space that would be required for the
original beginnings of lines in the first column of the Homer on the verso and for
the blank space which would naturally have been left in front of them. At any
rate when the roll came to be re-used for the Homer, it did not extend beyond
Col. [IX on the vecto, which corresponds to Col. I of the verso; for the writer
of the Homer would not have added fresh papyrus (containing Col. XV
onwards) at the end of the verso if there had been more space available
at the beginning of it. Moreover, out of the three divisions of Dionysia’s
evidence (VII. 15-18) two have been concluded, and the third already occupies
a column and a half.
Did Dionysia ultimately win her case? That, too, of course is uncertain, and
we must be cautious in accepting her ex parte statements about the facts. No
doubt Chaeremon had plenty of arguments on his side. But if Pomponius
Faustianus was guided by the example of Flavius Titianus (VII. 29, 37), his
decision was most probably in Dionysia’s favour.
The papyrus is written in a flowing but clear cursive hand which tends
to vary in size. The y-shaped 7 is commonly used (cf. p. 53). A certain number
152 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
of mistakes in grammar and spelling occur. No doubt the present document
is a copy of the original which was sent to the praefect.
Col. IV.
16 ereele > ||
[16 letters] . af
[14 letters]pas Ae[36 letters]. To xpo.] . [
Elkdornv mporepov 7/26 letters]... . [#]uiov nv por mpal
Billa a, eels senloveiay Omnia nae Joxa . .{14 letters]... . @ kaiAoura THs TLuhs
6ga avrn[.]..[..-..- kon
22 letters]... dpodrdynpa dra Snpooiov yeyovévat T@ KB (Eret) petagd Hpav
pre Tov TaTépa
+... M[Ig letters Oey ev karaypnpatiou@ oikovopeiv ene Swpodoxovy Ta Aor
THS TLULNS
lO@leeNG ep a: |Raee ee eae re SovrAolvs Kai areAev| O€pou)s xopnyias exeyouevoy
[...] Tod Ky (€rovs) Tas mpoaddous TotTwr
. [|v bmapy[dvroy..... ror aus Jov @rAov av... . Tv adto brapyxér[T]ov
mpdcews amrodoOnvar bd Tod TaTpos
10 & édaveloaro ovvypawal...... Jov mammov pou... ., Kal rovrTov Tov 6podo-
yiplatjos abit@ did Tov émioKkomov Tmapate-
[Oévrjos adrov pnd ds epu(pe)pevyx[élvac rois evyeypappévors GAA pnd’ emfe}re-
Tpopévat por emi THY mpovolay
[7a dmrapxovroly..... | Kara 7a ouvkeipeva iva 7@ Aoxdnmddyn ar0di66-
vat Ouvndeinv. mad S€ po
[.....J.[..J.cvoud. 2 le... Ji... [. Jov épod6ynpa mpis adbrov rojoacba
emt Tod Ky (€rovs) wdéduv dia Snpootov emt 7O
a... | avadegaper[...... Jov. . adrob marépa .[..........] emododvas
(rdédavTov) a Ews dv ¢ mAHpNs ExTElon
RH PO eC LRN Chey Ao Gina S00 . OmodoyotvTa .,. Of...,...\ov mpds 7.8
vat sag reat GUanS 7|ccaiie neleenelS
oll. KEM oranepate | se HOUTOV. 05 Oavel@y aie .e |. «)[- «| TOY ioral,
To[t|s Taly evk|rjoewr BiBALo-
IODA sae Re nL ea J....[....]. GANG pare .[..].[-.]... cox...
mpa..|...|. ded@xévar pyr obovaxd
20
25
3°
PETITION OF DIONYSIA 153
[Olemara [...........]......[. .]Jo dpydprov rod [ddAljparos ... daro-
Sov7[d]s avtob Kara Ta did Snpooiov.....
aot CHCl ed ie eemee ete lool atat ae Ile sae cts) Teen ELOP@Ys (| st Devs [05 lyn ave
-[.]). 7... 0t70 Kata tiv mpoble|opiav
7a dpydpia wh dmegyncevar . vi... vidpima .[..).. @. [.] Tey Karexope vow
po wrapxovTwy. 6 dé] Kat map’ dAjé-
yov yeyevnobar Tov mapa ........ mos [almatroiy|ros Kai pi droap-
eA A BA > 4
Badvovtos 76 SprAnpa avayKdoba
He Tapa rod] matpos 76 mpo... cou .[.].... amov., , émorapévou bt ob
Teploropar amoomdmeva TH KaTEXO[E-
4 Sy SEs ~ Sy oC , s er
va pol evTibec Oat C5 oT lao se ee AUTA TAVTA TA UmroA ELT Opeva HOova €f£ou
ey TO dtkaio a T@ de
BS? “ats EO MP 08 .o0 f
matpi€... o.jravkal.la a.. .,.. mdvra dpetddueva AOTa Tihs av-
Tov pova kal... kNn...0u...ada mpoo...
eo , b] ‘ s\ ~ , € \ ~ > 4 > 4
oda (TddavTa) ok|r® pera TOV ToK[oy .]...... vov wep THS ovcias amé-
a
Sooiv Ta GAA adTos eyn els d BovdrAeTar. Kal mdr
TeTeNo .[.J... 2.6... meTa.. [.JamnoOa pe mpds adrov TO Kd (Fret) did
4 a > ~ 7
Onpociov guvxpnpariopod ato daveicas
..7@ (TddavTa).[.....).. €€ aldjray amodoivar piv to "AoKdAnmddn Ta
( ‘ 2
dgeropeva Kai rods ToKous exerv S& Ta AoTa els
a 2X , “a fal / ~ «
67 €av 7......)................ 2p Od TH mpooddm Tov drap-
XovTav wapa.... at Snpdoia kal damdvas
a 7 ray , 3 x
COSMIC Pow |e ummm OUR KOLAR Oy, pce eee meh davevat@\y ToKoL, amd
dé TOv amd Tod ke (€rovs) ero € . . ewy Kai kepaddavov (ra-
Aavra) ¢
ras 6& pyripds......J.......[..]... adrov Sidyev drodidévra or
> ~
LOVE STS oem eee tee. TAP EaUTOY
dws (Tédav7a ?) . . yerfoluévars adrdv bev kiuplevery maAw Toy mpocddwr
~ > = lol
macav eh bcov ¢f xpovoy povas dmodidbvra jot
TQL... ovT@s cue de dreid[n|hev .. TY. .) . Ta mepl THs KaToXAS Sikaca Tov
Ovop'(@povoy . Ta Kal mpds adtiv Thy dpodroytay
> 2 a \ a a oP 4 2 et
emloTapevn oTt mept plas [....).... mpocddwy éxdorov erous Kabé~w ews
dv ¥ alrd)dolols e€ avdyxns tov dpiope-
se , 7 , Pee , \ » .
vov yevnrlae xpnudtov O.. . .jro reToApnkévar adt@ ypdrpar riv émioroAny
,
\ 2 a 4 3 ,
mavita] Ta Ev To Tpdypari erevopévor
154 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
+ ~ Qe ars , > , a
A CPM TA 6 on bo eo ac | ra{drla dia 7/00] BiBrediov aveveyxotans pov TO
c , \ G ¢ a a
Povo Kai brotakdons 76 TE TEdEUTAloy KoL-
> « r / ] x XQ r la <2 6] X é 4 > AY
vov opfoAdynpa\ mpos Tov malrTe|pa, ® [dled Onpootov yevopevay avahopav
+ y ’ \ A \ , te
€x@, Kall] els Ta mpa@ta Kai Sipidr.dos Tod rye-
[polvevoalvro|s KadXiotos| mapaldety|uaole| émiatodtv KatakodovOjcavTos
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Tod BiBrLopvAakiov 7 bd TOY yuvatKkov Tals TeV
’ ~ t 4 ee XQ ~ , - ~ , Tt G \ -~
avdpav brootdcerw 7) id Tov T[éK\vov Tais TOY yovéwy ois 7 pev xpHafe}is
dia Onpoociwy rerApnrat xpn- (-paTiopar)
Col. V.
[70 letters] . oa|
opi 32 letters s|gouray. Pal -imelle essere nel ene tem Lettersi epee: ko wale a eiercwa|
[MOF ooo
nso lef2ailetters| | | Sacs =a teaeNccaT: —) ay lle eed iene (eee [Nee iccr | meen ee
[e- lnev Ta drodobn| o6|pe\ va
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[.l7[...]. € €avro[i] rod yévous drrod|i|do[d|s x a\uot
5 Tas.....[...]..[..Je.....f[.. . Poligos ev7vyaly] kai rdya amioredoas
ef pera ToaovTo [7AH|90s Tov HuEeTepwv dtkatwy Kai TO-
~ \ ‘4 , , > 4 ” > ‘\ ’ ‘
catta dia Snpociov ypdéppara [yevouelva eOdppnoey ay Tis Emtotodiy emi
~ 7 lol (3 4 € la
Taparoylop[o] ypdpew TH yE“ovia, bwéypawev
T...@,., avtov yy..a.f[..]...7@ BiBrAgcdiw 7@ ocrparnyo, “ wapa-
Oob{ov} é€erdoals] dv Te THS Euns dtayvecews Kara
” 2 OX ef > BY ~ oe >
TE 02g OMe CTE ete UI re ae , ovdev Erepoy olpat 7 Ondov OTL Ei
Ta adrnOn pavein pnde Kpicews SetoOat 76 mpaypa. Tav-
tns d& wroypapas tvxotca é[m)iveyxa 76 BiBdeidiov emi Tod Kz (ErOUS)
O00 emi mapovT. 7 marpi pov Xaiphpov, ngiwod TE Tov
10 oTparnylov emiaToAny [ypdwat| Tots tov evKTHoewv BiBdopiAage 5 mpoo-
poviowow av7@ wadvTa TH Tapakeipeva TOV
OT oCatON) oilo oll sane EE cocoa T@v yevomévoy perogd Hua@v KaTa
Xpovovs Kowdy dporoynpdtav Kal mapabécewv
20
25
PETITION OF DIONYSIA 155
r > \ , / ec n~ ,
A hak ete Uo Seen ee 2S a710 vy epmdd.ov eivalt| EVOjLeV
E| as dev €pmrddu0 fh yevopevy
a 4 end) , a 2? , a BY ya
rob mpdypatos bm avrod éerdoa Kara [7d] ddfavra
Tal soc CPO orale, Tiron: 6 6& mapdy dvayvacbévtos tov BiBdediov
mpd Brpatos eoumnoev, oddity avremeiv dv-
vd{pelvos] ..... mpos a{AnO\j dvta Ta 7O PiBredio evyeypappéva. 6 dE
atTpaTnyos akodovOas xpemevos TH TOU
Wyenovos evkerevoer axpei\Beor|élpay ovK adraydbev Ayjoato Thy e€éraow
érecbar 7 ex THS Tov BiBALopu|AdKoy
MpoogpovicTews ........-.. ex THs eLeTdoews TOV TpoopovnbevT@y 76
mpaypa gavyoera av. ..|. avys aé.ov
kal mpoo..... Tois Tav evKTialewr BilBiogdragi Tadic. t\oov PiPdrediov
érdobévros prot bd Atovuctas ov [malpetAnpmTat
avrlypagov : . 2. e- . [Ey those: |... @ 7@ Aapmpordt@ Hyepivi pe”
iis Exxev wroypagns emiaralrێlvra tpew dia
CN LOU LOU Pee eet a Wa= Vsucome alice te [..] 7& mlapa|keiueva Kal adviKkovta 7@
mpdypate Onrd@onTé pot. OO .ja. raira
“iN eeabsonG 1M ace eccien en ndD of BiBdopirAakes mavra mpocepovycav did
paxpav pndey mapadurortes [. . .] TOY TpE-
(gleplavyicwen we Bae ree Ae . To [| X]aiphpovos GAA pyde TOY TapaKEipévov
ait davelwy. 6 d& otpatniyos| evTuxev
KEL ROPOU eee ins ae: pndey eweujopevnv dia Tod BiBrediov adrdAG Kal
padrOv Tiva Tapadirodcay TOY Het Epoly dikatov
CEST CAs ate eta ier TT POO Ree see eee ypdipavres Kal amoypadpyy
yevonévny bd Tod matpds émi Tod Kj. (Erous)] dv Hs wdvTa
Gees al raed URC ORER ONS, Ces eC Rea Op neo Ache ata & avros elohveyKev els TO
BiBrLopvrdKiov epi Tobrov broplvy|wara COLE
[Ol ake heel aes | hace eee ek a SCN ara ve, Tov O& maTépa pndev EtEpov
} mpos éavtoy €yew kal Ta éEavTod [yp|dupaTa Trav
BAERS tice eee eRe pevov, Hynodpevos re pire Sikns deioBar 76
TpaypLa 7 0\covT@v Xpnpar|iocpaly Tept TOV
UO Mee ela Sars eo, os bro Tay Bu Brwo\puddkeov eTevnyLEVaV, TOL TH KUpio
eypawev emioroAr[y émi roo KS (érovs) ToBe
50 letters ze) acecaote TYTPLORRY VED 4 a (lo Go lla fo one ec
PaCA iC? ss. d-|lal i eeyacs cid Senne Ot Rae a ode av, ovdey O& FrTov cup-
méuWas 7H emtoToAH Kal avtlypapa |Tav m\poopovy-
156 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
PY GCOS r ora ete Coeortoks ace Rao aoc. Te maAw émi ot Tov KUptoy Karédpvyor,
kai évérvxov dvd BiBdediolu....). Te Kz (ETE)
Pema ciency olution: .v eێracw dn Tod mpdyplalros yeyevnobat
id Tod otpatnyot Kabas ad {nOéAno\as TH yevr[o}-
pévn efeTdoer yvotod oe Tis emiaToAns THS ypadhelons co vd THs
otpatnyias avtiypapov..... ese ESaaraceoas
RRA eR ey Ac vy ypdyat TO 7[0]8 vopod orpatny@ BéBalijé por péverv
Ta €K THS pntp@as p..... esate Ret aetea
Ge oa EAL See rare toe xXpnpaticpav dnrobpeva Sikiara|, Kat pndev vewrepifeo-
6a Kata Tov Ta....[...] paToB...
B5icn oeetehe ances Kaba Kal mdvres of tyyepoves exéde\vloav, Kall] ov 6 KUpLos
CVTUN CUA KEUNGU We et lel ene (Oe ee kag:
er ores sce (ts EE 6 Elbe eis, Oc ds Ths émiToAnsS Too oTparnyod Kal [7)ns Tey
BiBropvddkov mpocharvyjcews Kai [...)... . yevoue
(Ze Sates [EGA oleiecetnee. gevov dedpevoy TH curr Ojec cou Odtkat(o|docia
Xpdpevos iméypawds por TO [BiB)AauSi
ly Cul Rivas, poo eemce bec s dikaios xpnoba Svvacba. 6 d€ atparnyds Tis AowTAS
3 - - ‘\ ta
agicews cod Tiv..70..[... mplovoray
Aas a meet mpopavtevadpevos Ott Kal 7[H\s a76| To otpaty-
yoo Bonbeias SedpeOa. . pe .[. . .Javnv
40) larcdiceeit teks ces 0 Tov Sikatov Tuxev Kal pi) dyvepovetcBar bd Tod
matpos. e€ ay yap éToAunoey [,. .]. Ta Tatra
IS ob oot dia THs aipécews Tov dvdpa. pod yalp| Td BrBAcidvov emi
Th of vmoypaph mapeveyKiovons| Kal ava-
[Slovons dua tod avdpos pou 7 otpatnyG, agiwadons Te kabws OéAnoas
THs AomHs akidcews pl7] . . [. @]eednO7-
[va kal] émuoreiAae Tots T@Y EvKTHOEwY BiBropdrN ag BEBard pou Ta dikara
x g , Ua 6a a] /
Ta UrovTa péevery Kaba [mpoce|povncay
Colavil:
[20 letters]u@s vo[23 letters|r@ . [.|os Kop. . .\ui11 lettersJerar bueiv Aa-
[12 letters)... groow «idéra kal rhs Nolmals afidoews m\dons Kaba
nOéA(noev 6 Aaplmpdrlatos 1 yeluov mpdvorav
10
20
PETITION OF DIONYSIA ET t=)
[..J..[.].... pydev vewrepifec[dac . ...... . Toy marépa pera Ta
Tocat|ra ypdupata tiv jovyiay dyew Kal py-
A v7 5) a 5) \ r -
TE TO Kupim Eevoyrely prjte Emol Ere ame[irey|, 6 SE wdédw EmiBeuevds pot
ovK EAngev], GAN EmioTdpevos Stu mepl
~ ~ ’ , er , > > “~ ? ~ x ‘ 4 2
THS KaToX7NS ovKeTL oldy TE EaTW aiT@ Evkadely peTa Tas Toaa’Tas e£e-
Tdoes Kal TocaiTa ypdppata, éTépw emétpepey Tiv
> 2 ~ -~ ~ ~
kat €uovd émiBovdAyjv, Kai cod Tod Kupiov madd Kal?’ bpodrnTa TOY dAdov
« 7 c ve 7 4 ’
Hyenover royvws dvatagapévou mepi (Ovwti-
k@v (nThoEwv emLaToAds cot pi) ypdderv, 6 de ov povoy eypaev GAA kal
Tapav ykpeTnplacey TO mpaypa ws Kal oe
vu
Tov KUploy TAavAoaL duvdpevos. claTHncas yap Kal Tijv Tov “Povpou em-
‘ 24? a J la \ ‘ ’ s ‘
aToAiy eb OTM eypadn Kal THY EvTVXlav THY
2 ‘ ‘ ~ ‘P 4 f ) t ‘ ‘ ~ ~ ‘ 2 ,
epiv Kai tiv tod Povgov }tnv} troypapiy Kai Tod orpatnyou Thy efeTaow
kai Tov BLBALopvAdKaY Tiy mpocdovno
fh
kal tiv mepl Tovtay ypadeiody cot bd Too oTpaTnyoU EmLaToA}y Kal THY
Tpos Tavrny é€mov evtvxovons dobcioar
td cod Tod Kupiov vmoypapiy Kal Ta ex Tadrns Tots BiBALopiAake EmiaTad-
ara wWe@s cor did THS EmtaToAHS dedriAwKEV
7] 7)
rade’ Xatprjpwov Paviov yupvaciapyjoas ths ‘Ogvpvyxet@v Todews’ THs
Ouyatpés pov Aovucias, myepav KUpLe,
X ? , X\ > ~ A , , A 4 « 4
Toda els Ene adoeBs Kal mapavouws mpakdons Kata yvopunv ‘“Qpiwvos
"A 7 b x ee Eee 2
Triwvos avdpos avrns, avédwKa €miaro-
\ id c 4 a 4 , ~~ id a 4 > ~ Ey
Ajv Aoyyaiw ‘Povo 76 NapmpoTdto, adki@v TéTe & MpoorjveyKa avTH ava-
kopicacbat KaT& TodS véomous, oldpevos
J / 7 SN ~ » 2 Ne fe No» _ ~ ~
€k Tov(Tov) mavoacbar adtijy Tay els eve UBpewy' Kai Eypaev TO TOU vopod
artpatny@ (€rous) Ke”, Ilayav xg, vo-
~ ~ C3 fe
rdéas tov or’ euod ypapérvtay 7% advtlypapa bras evtvyxa@y ols Tapebeunv
, Nee, r) =~ eon >
dpovticn ta axbdovba mpagat. errel ovv,
fol fal ~ ~ ,
ktpie, emipéver TH adth arovoia evuBpifwv por, a€@ Tod vopou dddvTos
, , on \ , cae, ae) Ne
po e€ovoiav ob 7d pépos bmeTaga WwW eELonS
lard ay 4 E h 5 avdpo Kb Oeui o. Biav
dmdyovtt avtiy dkovoay EK 7Hs TOU avdpos olkias prepay LoL
~ ae
yeiverOar id ovtiv0s Tay ToD “Apiwvos 4 av-
~ ~ ~ , ~ ‘
rod tod ‘Qpiwvos cuvex@s emayyeAdopévov. amd de mredvov Talv] TeEpi
ow , 7 (92 ow? ’
Tov\rov mpaxOevTwy drtya gor Uaéraga iv El-
A ” , 2
Ofs. (rovs) xz, Tlaxév. 6 pev tadrynv tiv emorodjy eypawper, ovdepiav
25
3°
ELE WOXVRAL VINGHGS {PAP YR
pev ovte UBpw ovre aGAXO adikypa els avdrov
c ~ , ’ Ge Ve. ~ wv ? \ , \ v4
athas ef @ péppeTar deifar Exwv, emi POdv@ dE pévov [Ao\dopodpevos Kal
’ ’ -~ ,
dewa macxov am €epod, AéEywr bru dy
- , > lad ‘ ~ * > ‘ ‘ ~
Ora Tapexw dvoa avT@, kal THS Umodemopévns Euol Katoxny THs ovoias
eo > ~
iva pe avrtiy amoor(ep)nrat, Kal, TO Katvorepoy, Biav
‘
, « ‘\ ~ , ta fe ~ \ \
mdoxew wrod Tob avdpbs pov mpogepdpmevos tod Kal pera {Kau Hel[ra]} TH
‘ SY \ 2 ec A x ol a4
mpos auvTov pov cuvypadiy ev 7 €lxEev TO OikaLoy
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kabapov pov mpocevnveypévoy ovvyxwpyoavTés por Kat en(eita [tH| pln\zpl
0... vuvov cuvevdoxnoa Bovdrnbeica(s) abt@ wroti-
> 2
Oenévm tiv oboiay TavrTnv mpos Oda (Tddav7a) yn, ap ob pe dmv. ........
edn . TagivevKe TOU avdpds pe aTEpHoar EmLyeElpar,
pas N , -~ See? a Teele i » ms =
emt pi Svvata THs ovcias, iva pnd adm adrod yxopnycioba [......)..
cevd.|.. . Otvepat yuvy, aro Tov’ maTpos prjreE
Wy vmécyXETO Tpoika pnTE TL aAXO Umdpxov AaBodoa ard NOE KaTa Kalt|por
Tas xopnlynO\eicas Tpopas amodapPdvovoa. wméra<ev
dé kal Tas avtas Kpioes Zic\uiddos Kai brd Tob apyidixactod T@ Aoyyaiw
‘Potho ypapouévas érépas dpotas, pnde aideabeis bre ovde
CG “ ZS ? =~ > 7 at ’ 4
6 ‘Podpos mpocéoxev avrali|s avopoias ovoats eis mapddcypa....[..] .
(242 > ‘ AY « (2 a“ , P
érépwv . , atwv, GAA ad 6 KUplLos TH OeoyyaoT@ cov
pynen Kal TH amdaviTe mpoatpéce aveveykav Tijlv ypadetolav oo vd
= A 6 , Sf a . =
Tov oTpaTnyou emiaToAnv, Kal Ore POdver TO Tpaypa
axpeiBas [eElntacpévov, mpdpacis O€ eoTiv emiBovdkns 70....7a.. 6.
€LoUK . . ov KaTad ouvypadyy, avTéypaey TH oTpaTHY®
réde* Iolurévios Pavoriavos Iodép@ orpatny® |’ O\évpvyxe[c|r[oy xatpev.
Ta ypapevTa proc UO Natpyporos yupva-
s ~ 2 -~ / > , € 7 yw } é .\
aapxnoavtos THs Ogupvyxeit@y Toews altiopévou Dpciolva av|\dpa bvyarpos
aitod ws Biav br avtod mdcy\olyros
bmoTaxOnvat exéNevoa, Oras ppovticns akorovba mpagar Tois mlelpi To\v\rov
mpotepov ypadeior Ud Aoyyatou “Povpolv| tod dia-
onpotdtou| mpos Td pi melpt Tov alt@v mdéAW avTov ev7vyxdve. € p|-
parO(ar) ebyop(at). (érovs) Ks/, Ilaxav X. ravrnv
Thy émiotody maplevleyKovtos Tov Natphpyovos Kai avadédytos emi THs y Tov
’Ereiph ‘Apmokpariovt BaoiWikO ypa p\paret
(drjadexonévm kal Ta Kat& Thy oTpa(rnylav), mapodoa avTi did Tod avdpos
Z Arpt Z \ ae =
pov mpocektvnoa pty cod Ta ypdppata kai Tos {y|papetor
40
PETITION OF DIONYSIA 159
euperfeliy Héiwoa, améderEd te dre Ta akbAovda On Tois bd ‘Povd{ ov] mpé-
Tepov ypadeior empdy On. 6 pev yap Xatphypwv
Tepi KlaTjoxns as ov dedv7ws yevouevyns ad’T@ yeypdpe, 6 de “Potos {é€]
ov dvréypayyev av7® Kal e& av euod evtvxovans
bréyplawey eEeracOnvar nOeAnody| ef SedvTws 1) KaTox?) yéyovév plot] Kai
7@ otparnyo mepi tovtou brébeTo. 6 dé ovK pe
Anfoely GAN E[C\jtnocev axpeBla]s [7d mpla@ypa €x tov BiBdLod[vlAdkl@|y Kai
™ wyepovia mepi mavros OU emiatoAns avivey- (-KEv)
Gol VANS
[30 lettersja . [19 letters}. . [
fngeletters|)) nelle lity se - 1 Galettersjoujie 025 oy li. vorojin letters|o
@etells oo 0 a6 een eee
x[17 letters] px 6a roy yevoplévwly xo. Ju... . vi.mpal...| eK Toy ac,
[ieee lpeaeleaml@yF0p0) ey 10..u-voveuKal: .
Oa.......Jas tovTov GAG aKOdolvj}Oa mpaéae Tov] emiare|iNavta Tois
72 \ >) > ~ 4 [peas ? ] s , A ‘
BiB AjopirAake Kai mlelpit| av7[od y\pdWarra zd elpy\ulelva. eet de
6 X[ap\7 dc as Kai viv memolinjrat mapa 7@ {Alapumpora i 6
piipov ot 7 a pi 7@ [Alapmpordr@ Hyepovi
éevtuxias nélwoey tiv Ovyatépay akjovloay amooray ov-
r » 5 a - r e -~ A
dé mlep\i tovrouv ovr[e dia THs Tod dialo\npordrov Pov pov obre dia THs Tov
: p z : aap m
Aapmipolrdrov wyyepovos Ilopmeviov Palva|rit\avod emicroARs
fs , fe ~ = , 8 . , , ~ ‘ ,
Opata(t) pnt@s Kekedjevopévoy, dvvatat epi tovTov évTevyOnvat 6 apt po-
€ \ , a > A , wr 4
TAaTOS Hyeu@v TdVT@V Tov EV TH TpPadypaTi TpaxO€ v'-
TOV Oepéevov av7T@, wv’ ois €d iEn adkodovba ye ]
Tov) mapariOeuéevov avT@, Ww’ ols eav mpootdén akbdovOa yévyrali|. mav-
Taxddev ovdv, Hyepav {ovv} K[v\pie, Tod mpdyparos
mpo\dyAov yevopévov Kal Tis Tov maTpos pou mpos pe emnpeias evTVyXdvw
‘ ~ ee la ‘ bd a ,
go. Kai viv madv7a TapatiOepévn Ta Ev 7@ TPdypatt
KkaOas kal 6 Baoidixis diadexdpuevos Kai tiv otpatnylay 70€Ancev, Kai
d€opar Kehedoat ypapyvar TH otpatnyia tds Te Xopnyias
, , 4 x / , ‘a ? ‘ BA XA , iP
dmodidocbai por Kata Kaipov, emloxew ze abtov On Tore eredvTa por
MpoTepov pev ws avouou KaToyns xdpiv, viv d& mpopdoe vo6-
pov ovdév att@ mpoorkovtos: ovdeis yap vopos akovcas yuvaixas ar’
> ~ cal , ’
avépov droomay édeinow, ef 6& Kal €atw Tis, dAN ov mpos Tas
160
15
20
25
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
? ? , i
e€ evypdpov ydépov yeyevnpévas Kal evypdgos yeyevnuévas. bri d& Taira)
otras Exel, va Kai tadTns adtov THS mpoddcews amaddd
A=? , gin , r \ , , 2) 7 « s
fo, wréraéd cor amd mAcébvelv| wept TovTov KplOévT@y orLyas HyELover
Kal éemitpom@y kal apxidiKacT@y Kpicels, ETL TE Kal vo-
~ ‘ ~ - ~
puk@y tporhavyices, TEpt Tod Tas On TErELaS yuvaikas yevopéevas éauTov
on 7 wy 4 AX ~ > 4 ,
eivat Kuplas, eite BovdovTar Tapa Tois avdpdow peéverv
ere pj, Kal wrdxecOa matpdow od ovov, addX bre ot eeira
’ > , es BI a A x A (ap
éxt mpopdoe €Tépwv evkAnpdTov gevyev Tas ypnpatikas Odikas,
ara
6 kal dte Tas ovvypapas talpalriecOa trois BiBdropvrakios vdpupoy
kal Tas EK TOUT@Y ‘yevopévas KaTOoXas TdVTES TyEpoveEs
4 > ua 4 > A 4 4s \.\ ee ’ ‘
kal avtokpdropes xupias [elyjac kat BeBaias tebeAjKact, kai d7r ovderi
’ a , ‘A ‘ ¢ ~ 4 wv AN > 4
epettar éyery mpos Ta EavTodD ypdppata, iva Kall] ex TovTwY
On mote TMavonTar WEpl THY avT@Y Evox@y Tais ryEpoviats Kabos Kai ad
ypdpov n0€éXnoas. e€ vropvy-
paticpav Pdaoviov Teitiavod Tod yepovetcavtos. (Tous) 1B Oeot
~ -~ = ~ ’ r lal ?
‘Adpiavod, atm n, ei trod ev 7H dyopa Bryatos. Avtevioy
tov “AmodAwviov mpocedNOdvTos AéyovTos Te Ova ‘Lovd@pov vewrépov propos
, . € ra) 2 poses >
Nepmpdviov mevOepov Eav7old| €x penit\pos adop-
ro > 4 2 Sent | y+ ‘ 4 ? 7 4
pis els Svapdyny edOov\ra akovoay Thy Ovyatépa ameoTakéval, voonodons
Oe éxelyns Umodoinns Tov emiatpdtnyov Bdooor
petatabas advactpaglév|ra amopaiverar bre od det adbtov KadrverOar «it
auvo.keiy aAndOLS O€Aorev, GAA pendey TKovKEvaL’
x x cA 2 Tena] 4 -~ ‘ ~ G / ‘ ¢
Tov yap Seumpdviov amoollw|\micavta todTo Kal TO Hyepdve rept Bias
evTvydvTa emLoToAHY TapakeKopKévae iva of avTidt-
ko. exmrep pao aiteicOar oby éav Sox pr adroevxOjvar yuvarkos otkeiws
‘ > X ’ tA / ‘7s ,’
mpos avtov exovons. Aidvuos pHTwp armekpel-
~ ~ ’ 4
vato pi xwpis Aéyou Tov Yeumpdviov KekewvjoOa' rob yap Avtwv{ijov
s cal 7 Exe,
mpoceveykapevou Ovyarpopertias éykade, pi) evéyKav-
tos thy UBpw th Kata Tods vdpuouvs ouvKEexwpnpévn eEovoia Kexpnoba.,
, ~ > yo Ss ‘ > 4
nriacba & avrov Kai mepi[...... .jmes €[vK|Anpadror,
i < LA
TIpoBatiavis trép ‘Avtwviov mpocéOnkev, dv amepihuTos HY 6 ydpos, Tov
; 3 8 Bes
marTépa pte THS mporkos pynde THS maidds THS EKdedo-
, , , a
pévns e€ovoiav exew. Tectiavés: Stapéper mapa tim BovrAeTar eivar 7 ‘ye-
yaunpern. avéyvev. ceonp elwpat). €€ vmopulynpatio |u@y
30
35
40
PETITION OF DIONYSIA 161
Tlakeviov Pidtkos emotparryov. (Erovs) in Oeot “Adpiavod, Dawdu if, év
Th mapa dv SeBevvirov, emt trav Kata Pravijguos
"Appotvios emi mapoton Taexijker Ovyarp! attod mpds “Hpwva Ieranatos,
an 4 <7 Oh , ay ‘\ > ? ,
aidwpos prtwp brép Pravyjovos elev, Tov ody aitidpevov
3 , va rN , , ~ ~ Lol > ‘4
droomécat PBovdopevoy tiij\y Ovyarépa abtod avvoixodcay 76 dvridikw
kat vreprebciobar thy Sikny tye iva avayvecbn 6 Tov Alyunrioly véluos,
Ua Ace , ’ SP 3 ia
Seovrpov kai “Hrroddpov pynrépov amoxpewapévov
Tetiavoy tov Hyepovedoavta spolas trobécews axovoavra [e€| Alyymtiaxey
Tpocdrev pt) AkKoAoVOnKevat TH Tod v6-
fou dmavOpwria adr& z[ff] em{volla rH maidés, ef Botrera Tapa 7/6 dvpl]
pevev, Ilaxdévios PANE avayvocOnTo 6 vidlulos. alva-
yvoobévros Ilaxévios [PAE avdyveta Kal tov Tertravod Umrop| y \npa-
Tiopov. Reovrjpou propos avayr|[dvros], emi tod 1B (Erovs) ‘Aldpralvod
Kaicapos rob kupiov, Tadv{c| q, Lakaévios HAE Kabas 6 Kpdtiatos Tier \t-
‘ y 4 = va OS) 7A r 7 ? ceo
avo[s| Expewev, mevoovtar THs yuvackds: Kal éxéder{oely Ov [ép\yn-
ia 3 AQ > aor 4 A > 4 ‘ ~ > ‘ 4
véws avbtiy evexOjv'al, ti Bovderat. elmovons, mapa TO avdpi pévew,
II{a|kévios ParuE~ exédevoey bropygpari[o|Ojqvar.
e€ vropvnpaticpdv OvpBpilov] Sixaroddrov. (€rovs) ¢ Aopertiavod, Pape-
y[@O .|, Addun is Exdikos 6 avinp "AmoAASvios pds YaBeivoy
Tov Kai Kdowyv, ék tov pe0evToly’ Xapariov: perdd\d\a Ta mpbcwra
Aiy[b)jnria bvta map ols adkpatés éorw 4 Tov v[dluov droTop{ija”
Stopigopevos ydp cor A€yw [d)re Aly[U}rrioc od pvov Tod aperécbar Tas
[Ovyarléplas aly edwxay e~ovoiav, Exovow b& Kal oy édv Kal ida
KThoovTar pebérepa® Olt |uBpilols SaBeive: ef EpOaxas dat mpoika Sjods
tT Ovylarpi cov, aroxatdotnoov. YaBeivols: tlodrov pa..... al-
robpat. OvpBpios' zh Ovyarpii] oy. aBeivos: tovro 7H avdpi obey
[mpoo|jx[e] ovvivar. OvpBpios- xeipov éort dvdpds adpailpeicbac
Col. VIII.
av7[.... .Jve. [14 letters|yope . [. .Jnomac . [12 letters] . xo . off.] . eddac-
Hescoocodue di togedibadiccocols
pn... .. J... OJOof......) avriypagpoy rpocdporijoews vop|ixod. OvA-
trios Altjovvadd wpos| TOY Hyopavounkd-
M
162 TELE OXIA IN CLO SEAT AR
10
Tov vouikds Yadrouor{io ‘Ad|pikav® emdpx@ oréddov Kai [emi Toly KeEKpt-
févoy 7® TeypualTd\r@ yxalpev. Altov\vota
c A a SN ’ A“ x 4 , fol ~ 4 I 7 ? ,
td Tod matpos EKdobeiaa |mplos yauov ev TH Tod nlalTpos eEovalia ov|Kért
s 4 A ’ ec (4 > ~ “~ \\ > 4
yelverat. Kal yap el 1) paTHnp avtTHs TO TaTpl aypadws
o [k]at dua rodro avi dSoxel e€ aypadov ya evnoba, To
ouveKnoe [kat 7} ypdpov ydpov yeyevncba, 74
brs Tod matpos adriv exddc0ar mpds ydpuov ovKETL
, ’ , , 2 s x ~ x s s . ’
e€ dypdpov ydpwv éotiv. mpos todTo icws ypddeis, TELpidralte| Kal de
z eae .
Uromvnpariapav nopadt\oTrat mept THs mplo.jKos 1) mais
~ ~ a - at ~
tmd Tod tarps, Kal TodTo ad’tH Bonbeivy dvvarat. (Eros) kB Oe0d Adpiavod,
Mexeip k. avriypapoy diardyplajros. Ovanépi-
, 7 4 J 4 , . \ 7 fo. 7 7
os Evdainwv emapxos Alyimrov Eyer’ Kai wapadeiypatt Tw KadXioTw xXpo-
pevos yvaun Tod Kpatictov Mapepreivov,
“\ te. Si yi a ON ‘ ~ 4 ’ , 4 X\
kai adros iia mepwpakas bt moANOL TOY yphpaTta amatTovpévwy TO TH
Oikaia toveiy Tols amaitovar adévtes
2 iA (a 5] 4 ~ 4 » 7 on \
emavardoe pe(ovey evkAnpdtav mavTedas OvakpovecOa 7) Taparetvey Tijv
amddoow emxelpoval, of pey KaTa-
TANE(EW TodS Taxa av PoBnOévtas Tov Kivduvov Kai dia TodTO em’ EAdTTOVL
oupBioecOa mpoodokavtes, of de TH{S} emava-
4 ~ , > + ‘ > / +7 la ~ 2
Tdoet THS Oikns amavdnoey Tos avTOiKoUS ol6pEvoL, TapAayyeAAW THS TOLAVTNS
4 I Jn 3 2
mavoupyias amé{atxecOa, amodiddvtas
a > , Rl 4 ‘\ /? > ~ e wy ~
boa dpetdovor 7 meiOovtas Tods Sikaiws amaiTobvTas: ws et TLS XpNMaTLKHS
.... ovotdons dikns admaitnbels Kat pi)
, , , ? , a> \ ig \ mp
mapavtika dpvnodpevos ddeidev, TOUT EoTLv, py TapavTika TmracTa elvat
x 4 M X\ ‘ wa 4 > wy
TH ypdupata eimav Kal Kal\tn|yopjoev ypdwas ef cite TAaC-
15 TOY ypaupdray i padioupyias %) meptypapys evKadely emryxerph, 7) ovdev adT@
THs Tlolavrns Téxvyns Oheres EaTat avaykacOycera [dE
drodotvat ebéws & dpeiret, 7) Tapakatabeuevos Te TO dpytpiov iv’ ev BeBalw
x , Ca EJ la iy ay , ~ ~
70 avadaBeivy operOuleval 7, MEpas THS XpnpaTiKys
> UA uA (x N) IX lol a ~ . , ,
appisByntjcews NaBovons, Té7 édv Oapph Tois THS KaTnyopias €AEyxXoLS,
x ‘4 > ~ pal r id , Oe fd 10
Tov pel{ova ay@va «i\ochevoeTat, olv|dje] TOTE aOoos
2 , ,’ x ~ I ’ ra ’ va wv ~ > 7
€opevos, GAAX Tos TeTaypévols EmiTipors evexopevos. (€Tovs) € Beov Aidtouv
‘Avrovivov, "Emeup xd. (érous) ve ‘Avtovivov
Kaicapos tod xupiov, O00 13. KdrnOeions Pravias MnBias pos
Pdaviav “Edévnv kat braxovedons, Ac. . [. ..] . . 8 pytwp elmer
&y 7H
20
or
3°
PETITION OF DIONYSIA 163
tageu exke(yeOa, mept Tod xpnpatikod ad€iodpev. Movvdrios efrev" ovK ar-
éxeTat TH Xpnpatixad Sid TovT@y THY evKANpaToY’ «El
dé py, mdvres Epodow bri Kkatnyop®. Kal Sipidrdos diatdypatos. Pdaovios
SovAmixios Yipidis emap|xos| Aty’mrov Aéyer- diagy-
obvi por pabeiv ex tivos brobécews EreheiTo Tas AlyuTTiaKas yuvaikas
kata évx@piov vopi(o)pa KaTéxew Ta UmdpxovTa Tay
avdpav did Tav yapikav ovvypapay éavtais Te Kal Tots TEKVoIS mAELOTaKS
St! eyiavTod dupisByricewv yevopéver,
émigOnvavto ayvoeiv d Tois yeyapunkbor auvadddooovtes a... ... [.lo
|
ORG) as SOKO OMe ea HOUMN Mal cts Aaah & ia BISNY G's. set «t'
dvardger érépois PiBAropvdakins Tas ovvypapas KatayepiferOat, [K]leKedev-
kévat Mér\rov ‘Podgov roy] yevopevov emt... ....
” ‘ > 7 ~ ~ > ~ > ~ « 4 , a
emapxov Ta avtiypapa Tay cuvypapay Tais Tov avdpay broctdceow evti-
Oecbar Kai robro0 Siatdy|wate mpooretaxevar ob Kal
a i a a €
avriypagov inéraga, pavepiy mov Katakodovbeiy tais tod Merriov ‘Pov-
gov....... (tous) Ky// “AOdp 18. Mépxos Mérri-
os “Poidos emapxos Alytmrov eye Kdavdws “Apeos 6 Tod ’Ogupvy-
Xelrov otparnyos [€ldjAwoey por pire Ta Udita pire rd
va
Snuléova
mpdypara thy KabjKovcay AapPdvew Stoiknow dia 7d EK ToA@Y xpébveoV
‘ ad wy , , ~ \ > lad ~ 2
py Kad dv eer Tpdrov @kovopncba: Ta ev TH TeV év-
KTicewv BiBdL0OyKn Stalo|rp@pata, Kalror modrddKis KpiOev bad TaV mpd
€“od emdpxov tis Seotans abt& tuxeiv émavopbd-
a > ~ 2 la > \ y , > 7 4 a
wews: omep ov Kaas evdexeTat El pi) dvwbev yévoito avtiypapa. Kededw ody
mdvrTas Tods KTHTOpas evTds pnvav && amoypd-
Wacba tiv idiay kKrnow eis Thy Taev evKTice@v BiBALOoOAKnY Kal Tods
davearas as éav €xwor broOjkas Kal Tods dddous
boa édv Exwor Sixaia, tiv 6& adroypapiy ToeicOwcay Sndodvres mdOev
Exaotos Tav wrapxévtTav KataBéBynkey els adrods
KTHo{E}is, mapaTiBérooay Sé Kai al yuvaikes tals bmoatdoect Tay avdpav
éav kaTd Tia émlxaplov vopov Kpareitar Ta brdp-
c 7 oe ‘\ A , -~ ~ 7 G3 c \ ~ x
35 XOvTa, opolws oe Kal Ta TEKVa Tals TwY yovewy ois 7% pev xpHo{eE}is dia
Snpociwy TeTipntat xpnpaticpar, t Se KTA-
ois pera Odvaroy Tots téxvos KexpdrnTat, iva of cvvadddooovres pi) Kar’
dyvowav evedpevovtat. trapayyéAdw O& Kal Tois cuvadda-
M 2
164 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
ypatoypapos Kal Tois prvjpoot pydev Oixa emaTtddrpatos Tod BiBdopvaAak\ tov
TeACLooal, yvodaw as ovK Opedos Td] ToLoDTO GAA Kal
avtol @s mapa T& mpooTeTaypéva Troinoovtes Sikny bropevovat tiv mpoo7-
kovoav. eéav 6 eloly ev th BiBALoOjKyn Toy émd-
vo xpivev amoypapal, peta mdons axpeBelas puraccécbwcav dpotws de
kal Ta Ovactpepata, wv ef Tis yévoiro <ATnos Els
40 torepov mepi trav pi) dedvTws amoypawapéevoy e& exeivoy édeyxO@au. [iva]
6 [ojbv BleB\ata re Kai els drav dtapévn tov diac-
Tpopdreav %) xpyno{e}is mpos Td pH wad aroypadys denOjvat, mapayyédr-
Aw Tos BiBAvpirAake dia mevtaetias émavaveocdcbat
Ta diactpdpata perahepopéevns els TX KaLvoTroLovpEva THS TEAEVTAlas ExdoTOU
ovépatos wmrocTdoews KaTa KopENV Kal Ka-
7 idos. (€rovs) 0 Aopertiavold)|, pnvds Aouit{r}iavod 6. e€ bmopynpatic-
pov Iletpoviov Mapepreivov. (érous) in “Adp(tavod), "AOdp 16.
IV. 5. Aowa rijs tysys: the tun appears to be the sum of 8 talents for which
Chaeremon mortgaged the property settled upon Dionysia, cf. 1V. 7, 14 and VI. 25.
6. dic Sypootov: a public official or office such as the ayopavoyetoy Or pynpoveiov,
cf. note on VIII. 36. The main verbs throughout Col. IV, yeyovévat, eupepernxévar, &c., are
in the infinitive because Dionysia is quoting her previous petition to Longaeus Rufus.
9. Perhaps 6a ris 7 |v a\Nov.
10. Probably cvvypawal pevov rod manrov,
II. énl iv mpdvoav: exi seems superfluous. On the probable nature of this transaction
see introd, p. 144.
12. Asclepiades seems to have been the mortgagee, cf. 27 and introd. p. 143.
21. |. dpAnpua. avaykacOa is probably a mistake for nvayxacGat.
23. For evriéeoOa, if right, cf. VIII. 26 where it is used of the insertion of a claim in
the statement of a man’s property deposited in the Bi8doOnxn rav eyxtycewy,
26. Saveioas: the letters at the beginning of the next line might conceivably be 6a, in
which case atré (Chaeremon) is left without a construction. But davetoa, the subject being
Dionysia, would be expected. In any case daveioas can hardly be right.
30. tis d€ pyt[ pds: the part played by Dionysia’s mother in these transactions is obscure,
cf. note on VI. 24.
34. ai’r@ must be Longaeus Rufus, and the subject of ypaya is Chaeremon, cf. VI. 13
and introd. p. 145.
36. For yevopuevay |. yevouévny or, perhaps better, YEVOMEVO, Chuo:
37-9. The proclamation of Similis reaffirming the decree of Mettius Rufus is given at
full length in VIII. 22-43, g.v. For trooraces see note on VIII. 26.
39. 1. xpn|[parepar, 7) b€ Krjots petra Oavaroy Trois Téxvors Kexparnra, cf. VIII. 35-6.
V.5. ‘Potdos: Longaeus Rufus, praefect, as the present papyrus shows (introd. p. 145), in
the summer of a.p. 185; cf. B.G.U. 807. 10. He was succeeded by Pomponius Faustianus
between Sept. 185 and Jan. 186 (introd. p. 147). His probable predecessor was Flavius
Sulpicius Similis, who was praefect in Noy. 182 (VIII. 27, note). Neither Faustianus nor
Similis are known from other sources,
PETITION OF DIONYSIA 165
7. The troypapy of the praefect giving instructions to the strategus was appended to
the petition. It was then returned to the applicant, who had to bring it to the notice of the
strategus, cf. 9, 37, and 41.
mapatidec@ac means to report, cf. VII. 9. The reference in epijs diayvecews is obscure.
Probably the meaning is that Rufus had given a decision favourable to Chaeremon before
he had received the counter-petition from Dionysia, and now wished to modify it;
cf. introd. p. 145.
10. The BiBrcoptdAakes tov eyxtioewv were the natural persons to be referred to in the
case of a disputed title to real property, since the dzoypapai of such property were sent to
them ; cf. note on VIII. 31, and B. G. U. 11, a zpoodarnars of the Arsinoite BiBdcopidakes
upon the possession of a piece of land claimed by two persons of the same name.
12. yevouery: there is no trace of there having been a previous inquiry before that
which is referred to in line 7; so it is probable that yevouévy is a mistake for ywouévy or
yernoopevn. The p of mpayyaros is corrected from a.
13. The vestiges after 77 at the beginning of the line do not suit jyepovia.
17. Some verb like mpocérage is wanted at the beginning of the line.
18. Aapmrpordre nyepove: cf. VI. 2,144, &c. The epithet d:acnydraros is found in VI. 34 and
VII.6. The earlier praefects were called xpdriora, see VIL. 37, VIII. 8, and introd. p, 151.
21. The word after mpe\[7]ep[ov] is not Sixaéov, but the allusion must be to the xaroyy.
Apparently the answer of the ®:SdcopvAakes justified not only Dionysia’s original xaroyy upon
her father’s property (cf. introd. p. 143), but also her claims upon him in connexion with
the transactions narrated in IV.
évtuxov: this verb is used both of making and attending to a petition, cf. V. 5, 30,
35, VI. Io.
23. This amoypapn was probably a declaration by Chaeremon which mentioned Dionysia’s
claim upon him (cf. VIII. 35), and was the principal evidence proving the existence of the
karoxyn Which Chaeremon denied. ‘The date of Dionysia’s marriage contract by which she
obtained the caroyn (VI. 23), is nowhere stated. Presumably it took place in or before the
22nd year, which is the earliest date mentioned in IV (line 6).
27. oi: Pomponius Faustianus, who had succeeded Longaeus Rufus as praefect during
the inquiry; cf. VI. 32, VII. 6, and introd. p. 147.
33- pntp@as: cf. note on VI. 24.
34. pndev vewrepiCerbac: the subject is Chaeremon, cf. VI. 3.
35. xa@a x.7.A.: something like pndé r@ xupip evoxde is required for the preceding
lacuna, cf. VI. 4, 6, 35. The custom of appealing to the highest authority in the land on
quite trivial disputes was inherited from the Ptolemaic period, when similar appeals were
addressed to the king and queen, of which numerous examples are afforded by the papyri.
From VI. 6 it appears that one of the first acts of a new praefect was to issue a proclama-
tion against unnecessary petitions.
38. The dom} agiwors of Dionysia (cf. 42) apparently means her request for the help
of the strategus in asserting her rights (33). The strategus considered that the brief answer
of the praefect . . . dixalois xpnobar divacGa justified him in acceding to this request.
VI. 1-4. These lines are probably the conclusion of the commands addressed to the
BiBd.opvAakes by the strategus, cf. VI. rr ra ex rains rots BiBdopirake emoraApara.
VI. 4-VII. 8. ‘ Chaeremon, however, once more renewed his attacks upon me without
cessation, but recognizing the impossibility of accusing me any longer concerning my rights
to possession after such elaborate inquiries and so much correspondence had taken place,
turned his schemes in another direction; and though your highness had like your pre-
decessors recently proclaimed that applications concerning private suits were not to be sent
to you, he not only wrote but came in person and mutilated the case, as if he were
166 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
able to deceive even the lord praefect. Ignoring entirely both the circumstances under
which the letter of Rufus was written, my petition to Rufus, his answer, the inquiry held by
the strategus, the report of the keepers of the archives, the letter written to you on the
subject by the strategus, the reply to it which you sent to me on my petition, and the orders
consequently issued to the keepers of the archives, he merely wrote to you a letter to the
following effect: ‘From Chaeremon, son of Phanias, ex-gymnasiarch of Oxyrhynchus.
My daughter Dionysia, my lord praefect, having committed many impious and illegal acts
against me at the instigation of her husband Horion, son of Apion, I sent to his
excellency Longaeus Rufus a letter in which I claimed to recover in accordance with the
laws the sums which I had made over to her, expecting that this would induce her to stop
her insults. The praefect wrote to the strategus of the nome in the 25th year, Pachon
27, enclosing copies of the documents which I had submitted, with instructions to
examine my petition and to act accordingly. Since therefore, my lord, she continues her
outrageous behaviour and insulting conduct towards me, I claim to exercise the right given
me by the law, part of which I quote below for your information, of taking her. away
against her will from her husband’s house without exposing myself to violence either on
the part of any agent of Horion or of Horion himself, who is continually threatening to use
it. I have appended for your information a selection from a large number of cases bearing
upon this question. 26th year, Pachon.” Such was his letter. He could not indeed
cite a single insult or any other act of injustice against himself with which he charged me,
but malice was the root of his abuse and assertion that he had been shamefully treated by
me, saying that forsooth I turned a deaf ear to him, and a desire to deprive me of the
right which I retain over the property. Stranger accusation still, he professes that he is
exposed to violence on the part of my husband, who, even after my marriage contract with him
which stated that I brought him this right unimpaired, gave his consent to me and afterwards
to my mother .. . when we wished to agree to Chaeremon’s mortgaging the property in
question for a total sum of 8 talents. Since that time (he has continued) attempting to
deprive me of my husband, being unable to deprive me of my property, in order that I may
be unable to get provision even from my lawful husband, while from my father I have
had neither the dowry which he promised nor any other present, nay more, I have never
received at the proper times the allowance provided. He also appended the judgements
of Similis as before, and other similar cases quoted by the archidicastes in his letter to
Longaeus Rufus, unabashed by the fact that even Rufus had paid no attention to them
as a precedent on account of their dissimilarity (to the present case)... . But your
lordship exercising your divine memory and unerring judgement took into consideration
the letter written to you by the strategus, and the fact that a searching inquiry into the
affair had already been held, and that... was a pretext for plotting against me; and you
answered the strategus as follows :—‘‘ Pomponius Faustianus to Isidorus, strategus of the
Oxyrhynchite nome, greeting. The complaint which I have received from Chaeremon,
ex-gymnasiarch of Oxyrhynchus, accusing Horion, the husband of his daughter, of using
violence against him, has by my orders been appended to this letter. See that the matter
is decided in accordance with the previous instructions of his excellency Longaeus Rufus, in
order that Chaeremon may not send any more petitions on the same subject. Farewell.
26th year, Pachon 30.” On the receipt of this letter, Chaeremon brought it on
Epeiph 3 before Harpocration, royal scribe and deputy-strategus; and I appeared in court
through my husband, and not only welcomed your orders and desired to abide by them,
but showed that a decision in accordance with the previous instructions of Rufus had
already been reached. For while Chaeremon had written to protest against my claim as
being illegal, Rufus, as was proved both by his answer to Chaeremon and his reply to my
petition, desired that an inquiry should be held to investigate the justness of my claim, and
PETITION OF DIONYSIA 167
gave orders to the strategus onthe subject. ‘The strategus did not fail toexecutethem. He
held a searching inquiry on the evidence of the keepers of the archives, and wrote to the
praefect a report on the whole case.... (The decision of the deputy-strategus was) “. .. that
the strategus carried out Rufus’ instructions by the commands given to the keepers of the
archives, and by writing the aforesaid letter on the subject. But since Chaeremon in
the petition which he has now sent to his excellency the praefect claimed to take away
his daughter against her will from her husband, and since neither the letter of his late
excellency Rufus nor that of his excellency the praefect Pomponius Faustianus appears
to contain any definite order on this question, his excellency the praefect can receive
a petition concerning it giving a full account of the facts of the case, in order that
judgement may be given in accordance with his instructions.”’
VI. 5. érépm: érépwoe would have been better, for the meaning ‘ entrusted to some
one else’ is impossible.
8. mv rod ‘Povdou émiaroAnv: cf. 15 below; for the details of this summary see introd.
pp- 146-7.
ep’ dtw éypadn probably implies that Rufus was under a misapprehension owing to
having heard only one side of the case, when he wrote the comparatively favourable answer
to Chaeremon’s petition (15, 16): cf. also V. 7, note, and introd. pp. 145-6.
14. mpoonveyxa: mpoopepew is the word regularly used in marriage contracts for the
dowry and other presents from her parents brought by the bride.
kara tovs vduous : Chaeremon was probably right in so far that the native Egyptian law
gave him the power of taking back a dowry which he had given, cf. VII. 41.
15. €ypawev ; cf. note on 8 and introd. p. 145.
17. Tov vdpouv: cf. VII. 27, 34, 41. From those passages it is clear that Chaeremon
was quite correct in his contention that the native Egyptian law gave him the right to take
away his daughter from her husband. But on the other hand Flavius Titianus had over-
ridden this law (VII. 29). It is curious that the native Egyptian law, which has generally
been thought to be much more favourable to women than the Greek or the Roman law,
should have contained so harsh a provision, and that the rights of fathers should actually
in the second century a. p. have to be softened by Roman praefects and lawyers. There
is, however, no possibility of evading this conclusion. Patrva Pofesfas was certainly foreign
to Greek law (Mitteis, Recchsrecht und Volksrecht, p. 66); and to the hypothesis that this
right was given to fathers under the Ptolemaic regime there is the further objection that the
vopos is characterized in VII. 34, 40-1 as specifically ‘Egyptian.’ There is no trace of
this provision in the voluminous treatises of M. Revillout upon Egyptian law relating
to women; but perhaps this is not surprising.
19. Tov Teph rovTaY mpaxbevTwy diya: i.e. precedents from similar cases; cf. 28 below,
whence it can be inferred what Chaeremon’s evidence was. The phrase might mean the
facts bearing on the dispute between Chaeremon and Dionysia, cf. VII. 7 mavrov rav ev To
mpaypart mpaxOevrey, ‘the history of the affair’; but Chaeremon would not be likely to state
that he had only selected a few of the facts of the case, nor to fail to draw attention to the
precedents in his favour.
21. emi pOdvw seems to have the meaning of émipOdves, if indeed the absence of a final
s is not a mere blunder. The sense ‘on the charge of P6dvos,’ even though ed’ @ peuerat
immediately precedes, is not satisfactory, for Chaeremon had charged Dionysia with much
worse offences than vos.
The sentence 21-27 is very involved, and several serious corrections appear to be
necessary to obtain a satisfactory construction.
22. On the transactions concerning the xaroyy, see introd. pp. 142-5. xaroxny seems
to be a mistake for xaroy7s, but the construction of this line is very difficult.
168 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
24. p{n]rpi: cf. IV. 30, VIIL 25, note, and V. 33, which tends to show that Dionysia’s
rights came somehow from her mother. Combining this with the present passage, according
to which the consent of Dionysia’s mother as well as that of Dionysia seems to have been
necessary for Chaeremon’s mortgage of the property, it may be conjectured that the
ovaia in question was originally part of the dowry of Dionysia’s mother. Dionysia, however,
does not seem ever to lay much stress on rights derived from her mother. The ypdppara
of her father, including the aroypapy (V. 23) and épodroynpara (IV. 6, 36), were the important
evidence concerning the caroyn.
26. dro rod mwatpos k.t.d.: the truth of Dionysia’s assertion that she had not received
her dowry is doubtful, cf. introd. p. 145.
27. yopnyeiv is generally used of the provision made by the husband for his wife, as in
26, but it is also used of the parents; cf. C. P. R. 24. 18, and see introd. p. 144.
28. Suuididos: Flavius Sulpicius Similis, praefect in a.p. 182 (cf. VIII. 27). It may
be doubted whether Dionysia was quite ingenuous in saying that Rufus paid no attention to
the evidence of Chaeremon, for the letter of Rufus seems to have been favourable to him,
cf. note on VI. 8 and introd. p. 145.
31. dvréypawey is a slip for avréypayyas.
35. Possibly ce is lost after eppacA(ac); but a petition quoted in IX (introd. p. 151)
addressed apparently to Annius Syriacus, praefect in a. p. 163, concludes épp@cA(ar) edxopa,
iyyenov kop. The pronoun is also omitted in Brit. Mus. Pap. CCXIIL. verso 13, of the
third century. But the full phrase, which becomes practically universal in the fourth
century, occurs in an Oxyrhynchus papyrus as early as the 16th year of Trajan.
VII. 1-7. The judgement of the deputy-strategus, cf. ro below and introd. p. 148.
+. Above the 6 and » of dvvara are two signs like {y, and a similar sign recurs at the
bottom of IX. In all three cases the ink is not that used by the person who wrote the
petition.
8-19. ‘On all points then, my lord praefect, the affair being now clear, and the
malice of my father towards me being evident, I now once more make my petition to you,
giving a full account of the case in accordance with the decision of the royal scribe and
deputy-strategus, and beseech you to give orders that written instructions be sent to the
strategus to enforce the payment to me of the provisions at the proper times, and to restrain
at length his attacks upon me, which previously were based upon the charge of an illegal
claim, but now have the pretext of a law which does not apply to him. For no law permits
wives against their will to be separated from their husbands; and if there is any such law,
it does not apply to daughters of a marriage by written contract and themselves married by
written contract. In proof of my contention, and in order to deprive Chaeremon of even
this pretext, I have appended a small selection from a large number of decisions on this
question given by praefects, procurators, and chief justices, together with opinions of lawyers,
all proving that women who have attained maturity are mistresses of their persons, and can
remain with their husbands or not as they choose ; and not only that they are not subject to
their fathers, but that the law does not permit persons to escape a suit for the recovery of money
by the subterfuge of counter-accusations ; and thirdly that it is lawful to deposit contracts
in the public archives, and the claims arising from these contracts have been recognized by
all praefects and emperors to be valid and secure, and no one is permitted to contradict his
own written engagements. In this way too he will at length cease from continually troubling
the praefecture with the same demands, as you yourself wished in your letter.’
10. xopnyias: cf. VI. 27 and introd. pp. 144-5.
It, re after émiaxew is corrected from ée.
13. evypdpas yeyevnuévas seems to be a mere repetition of e& evypapov yapoy yeyernuevas,
and most probably yeyeynuévas is a mistake for yeyapnuévas; cf. VI. 23, from which it appears
PETITION OF DIONYSIA 169
that there was a avyypapy between Dionysia and Horion. It is clear, both from Dionysia’s
admission here (et ris eore) and from the mpoopearnots of Ulpius Dionysodorus in VIII.
2-7, that a distinction had arisen between the rights of a father over the person of a
daughter e€ dypddeov yanov who was not married eyypapes, and his rights over a daughter
e€ eyypdpov yazorv, who was married ¢yypapes, and that the freedom of children in the former
class was much less than that of children in the latter. Indeed it seems that daughters
e€ dypapev ydpov could not claim to have the judgement of Titianus made applicable to
themselves unless they were married éeyypapas, cf. VIII. 2-7 and VIL. 32, note. A parallel
instance is afforded by C. P. R. 18, which proves that a child by an @ypados ydpos could not
in the lifetime of the father make a will in favour of any one else. But it may be doubted
whether so far as the national Egyptian law was concerned Dionysia’s second position, that
no law allowed daughters ef eyypapov yapov who were eyypapos yeyapnpéevar to be taken away
from their husbands, is any more correct than her first statement that no law allowed any
daughters to be taken away, which is certainly untrue, cf. VII. 32, note. We should have
at any rate expected some reference by Dionysia herself or in the cases quoted by her in
VII. 19-43 to the passage of the law forbidding fathers to take away from their husbands
daughters €& éyypdpov yapov who were eyypapes yeyannuéva. But in the arguments of the
advocates in the trials before Flavius Titianus and Paconius Felix nothing is said about
€yypapor Or aypadot ydapor, and the natural inference from these trials is that the law made no
exceptions in the right which it conferred upon fathers to take away their daughters. The
strength of Dionysia’s case lay not in the Egyptian law, which on all points seems to have
been on the side of Chaeremon, but in the judgements of praefects and others overriding it.
14. emitpérov: enirporo in Roman papyri are generally procuratores Caesaris who
were concerned with the royal domains. But no judgements of this kind of émirpora or of
dpxidtkaorai occur in VII, VIII, or apparently in IX. In VII. 29-38, however, there is
a Umopympatiopds Of an epistrategus, and it is to this that empémev probably refers; cf.
B. G. U. 168, 1 and 4, where an epistrategus is addressed as emitpérov péyore. The
absence of any judgements of dpyiSiacrai perhaps points to another column having been
lost after IX, but cf. introd. p. 151.
16. The construction is difficult. 0% povov apparently has the sense of ‘not only not,’
which is assisted by oid’ e@etra following.
19-20. ‘Extract from the minutes of Flavius Titianus, sometime praefect. The
r2th year of the deified Hadrian, Payni 8, at the court in the agora. Antonius, son of
Apollonius, appeared and stated through his advocate, Isidorus the younger, that his father-
in-law Sempronius had been induced by his mother to quarrel with him and to take
away his (Sempronius’) daughter against her will, and that, when she fell ill on being
deserted, the epistrategus Bassus, being sympathetically disposed, declared that if they
wished to live together Antonius ought not to be prevented. But Sempronius took no
notice, and ignoring this declaration sent a petition to the praefect accusing Antonius of
violence, to which he received an answer ordering the rival parties to appear. Antonius
claimed therefore that, if it pleased the praefect, he should not be divorced from a wife
with whom he was on good terms. Didymus, advocate of Sempronius, replied that his
client had had good reason for having been provoked. For it was because Antonius had
threatened to charge him with incest, and he refused to submit to the insult, that he had
used the power allowed him by the laws, and had himself brought the action against
Antonius. Probatianus on behalf of Antonius added that if the marriage was not cancelled
the father had no power over the dowry any more than over the daughter whom he had
given in marriage. Titianus said: ‘The decision depends upon the question, with whom
the wife wishes to live. I have read over and signed this judgement.’
21. €k pnrpos apoppyns probably qualifies dmeomaxevac more than eAdovta,
170 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
23. dropaivera: daw is corrected from dav. If the indicative is retained, the subject
must be Antonius; but in that case (1) the present tense is curious since the other
verbs, when not in the infinitive, are in the past, e. g. dmexpeivaro in 25 and mpocébykev in 28,
(2) érx—@eAovev will then have to depend on a verb of speaking to be supplied out of pera-
malas avaorpapervra, (3) the construction after amoaivera: will be first a participle and then
an infinitive jKovxéva, (4) droaivera from its position ought to govern 67, which, since
6r1.—6edorev is clearly a declaration by the epistrategus, it cannot do. On all these grounds,
therefore, it is better to read dmoaives6a with Bassus as the subject, as in our
translation. &
25. arogevxOjvar: this shows that the dréonacis of the daughter by her father was no
temporary measure, but intended to be a permanent divorce.
247. Kara rovs vdpous: cf. 34-35, which leave no doubt about the right conferred by the
national Egyptian laws, and note on VI. r7.
28. anepidvros is used of a contract which is ‘not cancelled’; cf. cclxxi. 21, and the
clause sometimes inserted in (Fayfim) marriage contracts, e.g. B. G. U. 183. 10 and
251. 8, pevovons S€ emt xwpas tis cvyypapys tavrns arepidvrov eivar. ‘That Antonius and his
wife were married éeyypages is clear from the use of this word and of éxdedopévn, for which
cf. VIII. 5 and the Oxyrhynchus marriage contracts which frequently begin with the word
e€éSoro, e.g. ccclxxii. It is almost certain that the wife was also ¢& éeyypapeov ydapor, cf.
notes on 32 and VIII. 4. Probatianus’ argument, therefore, in so far as it concerns the
person of the daughter, resembles that of Dionysia in VII. 12 («7 6€ kat gor ris, GAN’ 02, k.7.A.) 3
and a general survey of Dionysia’s evidence leads to the conclusion that that argument, so
far as the Egyptian law was concerned, was unsound; cf. VI. 17-8, VII. 27, 34-5. That
Dionysia should use it was, after the judgements of Titianus and Paconius Felix, quite
natural. But in the mouth of Probatianus at the trial before Titianus it must have been
an appeal to equity, not to the Egyptian law, which undoubtedly was on the side of the
father and had to be overridden by the judge (VII. 34). But Probatianus was chiefly
concerned with the question of the dowry, the claim to the é£ovoia over the person of the
daughter having been discussed by Isidorus. On the rights of an Egyptian wife over her
dowry, which never became the property of her husband, see Mitteis, Reichsrecht und
Volksrecht, pp. 230 Sqq., though the new fact proved by this papyrus that the father had
by native Egyptian law considerable rights over the dowry puts the freedom of the woman
in a very different light.
A clause enacting that in the case of the wife’s death without children the dowry should
return to her family is sometimes found in marriage contracts from Oxyrhynchus, e. g.
cclxv. 30, 31. By the Theodosian code the husband might in this case receive as much as
half the dowry (Mitteis, of. c¢., pp. 248-50).
29. avéyvov. ceonpeiwpa: the official signature of the praefect giving legal validity to the
tropynpatiopos; cf. B. G. U. 136. 27, where avéyvoy alone occurs.
29-38. ‘Extract from the minutes of Paconius Felix, epistrategus. The 18th
year of the deified Hadrian, Phaophi 17, at the court in the upper division of the Sebennyte
nome, in the case of Phlauesis, son of Ammounis, in the presence of his daughter Taeichekis,
against Heron, son of Petaésis. Isidorus, advocate for Phlauesis, said that the plaintiff therefore,
wishing to take away his daughter who was living with the defendant, had recently brought
an action against him before the epistrategus and the case had been deferred in order that
the Egyptian law might be read. Severus and Heliodorus, advocates (for Heron), replied
that the late praefect Titianus heard a similar plea advanced by Egyptian witnesses, and
that his judgement was in accordance not with the inhumanity of the law but with the choice
of the daughter, whether she wished to remain with her husband. Paconius Felix said,
“Let the law be read.” Whenit had been read Paconius Felix said, “ Read also the minute of
PETITION OF DIONYSIA 171
Titianus.’ Severus the advocate having read “ The 12th year of Hadrianus Caesar the lord,
Payni 8 (&c.),” Paconius Felix said, “In accordance with the decision of his highness
Titianus, they shall find out from the woman,” and he ordered that she should be asked
through an interpreter what was her choice. On her replying ‘To remain with my
husband,” Paconius Felix ordered that the judgement should be entered on the minutes.’
30. €v tT mapa dvw SeBervirov can hardly be right. Perhaps mapa is a corruption of
ayopa, cf. 20 above.
31. ovv: the early part of Isidorus’ argument seems to be omitted ; cf. the next dmopun-
patios, 39 Sqq., which begins in the middle of the proceedings.
32. gvvoxodcay: the use of this neutral term (cf. VIII. 5 dypapos cuvexnce) might
suggest that in this case we have to do with an dypados yauos. The precise legal point
in these three trials is very complicated because a daughter might be (1) e& éeyypapov ydpov
and married éeyypapes as Dionysia claimed to be (VII. 13), (2) €& éeyypdpov yapov and
married dypdpas; (3) e& dypapor yayov and married eyypdpas, (4) &€& dypapor yauov and
married dypdpws; and we have to consider in each case (a) the native Egyptian law and
(4) the modifications introduced by praefects. As we have said (VII. 13, note), the native
Egyptian law seems to be perfectly general and admit of no exceptions. By it permission
was given to the father to take away his daughter, to whichever of the four classes she
belonged. It is clear, however, that the modifications introduced by the Romans did not
apply to all four cases in the same degree. The spoopornots of Dionysodorus (VIII. 2-7)
is concerned with a daughter in class (3) and the inference from it is (a) that the cases of
daughters belonging to classes (1) and (2) had already been decided, (b) that to daughters
in class (4) the native Egyptian law still applied, as indeed we should expect from Dionysia’s
admission in VII. 13 «i 6€ kal @orw tis, «7.4. It is impossible to suppose that the cases
tried before Titianus, Paconius Felix, and Umbrius all concerned daughters in classes (3) or
(4), for then we should have to admit that Dionysia cited no evidence bearing directly on
her own case. Moreover the case of a woman in class (3) had clearly not been settled at
the time of the mpooornars, which is later than the three trials. These, therefore, are con-
cerned with daughters in class (1) or (2). In the case tried before Titianus the daughter
belongs to class (1), see note on VII. 28; and as Titianus’ judgement formed a precedent in
the trial before Paconius Felix, it is clear that if the daughter in the latter trial belonged to
class (2) the epistrategus was not in the least influenced by the fact that, while she was
‘dypadhas yeyapnpern, in Titianus’ case the daughter was ¢yypdpos yeyapnévn. It is, therefore,
not very likely that the term ouvocxety in VII. 32 implies an dypados ydpos, especially as in
that case we should have expected a much more definite statement ; cf. note on cclxvi. 11.
If it does, then the case tried before Paconius Felix is, like the spoopévnaw of Dionysodorus
(VIII. 2-7), a kind of @ for#or? argument in Dionysia’s favour: i.e. if the efovcia of a father
did not extend over a daughter e& eyypapov ydpor and dypdpas yeyaunpevn, still less would it
do so in the case of one like herself e& éyypapov yapav and eyypapes yeyaunpérm. If, however,
in the trial before Paconius Felix the daughter belongs to class (1) (and the absence of
any argument on the father’s side that his daughter was dypdpws yeyapnuéyn is in favour of
this view), the second trial simply repeats the judgement of the first which, as we have seen,
bears directly on Dionysia’s own case. The third trial, that before Umbrius, is incomplete,
and probably the daughter belongs to the same class as in the second trial. cuveivar, which
occurs in VII. 43, is, like cvvoccetv, equally compatible with an éyypados or dypapos ydpos ;
cf. cclxvii. 19 ovvecpev Gddndots dypapws with cclxv. 37 ép’ dv av cuvdow addyAois _xpdvov, Which
occurs in a marriage contract.
34. mporaneyv: cf. VII. 40, where the word is again used in the sense of ‘persons,’ and
B: GU. 323) 02:
35- avayvwcOnro: |. dvayvecOyrw, and in the next line dvdyvere for avayverat.
172 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
38. evexOnva is no doubt a corruption of eAeyx@jvac, for the daughter was in court (31),
and a word meaning ‘asked’ is imperatively required by the context.
39-43. ‘Extract from the minutes of Umbrius, zwrzdzcus. The 6th year of
Domitian, Phamenoth ... Didyme, defended by her husband Apollonius, against Sabinus
also called Casius: extract from the proceedings. Sarapion :—“ Inquire of the witnesses who
are Egyptians, amongst whom the severity of the law is untempered. For I declare to you
that the Egyptians have power to deprive their daughters not only of what they have
given them, but of whatever these daughters may acquire for themselves besides.” Umbrius
said to Sabinus :—“ If you have already once givena dowry to your daughter, you must restore
it.” Sabinus:—“I request ...”” Umbrius :—‘ To your daughter of course.” Sabinus :—‘‘ She
ought not to live with this man.” Umbrius :—“ It is worse to take away (a wife) from her
husband (than a dowry from a daughter?)” ...’
40. Sarapion, who was no doubt the advocate of Sabinus, appears to be addressing the
Stxavodorns.
42, Apparently Sabinus had taken away the dowry which he had given to his daughter.
The dialogue which follows is obscure. The judgement of the d:xawoddrys was no doubt in
favour of the daughter, or Dionysia would not have quoted the case.
VIII. 2-7. ‘Copy of a lawyer’s opinion, Ulpius Dionysodorus, ex-agoranomus,
lawyer, to his most esteemed Salvistius Africanus, praefect of a troop and judicial officer,
greeting. Since Dionysia has been given away by her father in marriage, she is no longer
in his power. For even though her mother lived with her father without a marriage contract,
and on that account she appears to be the child of a marriage without contract, by the fact
of her having been given away in marriage by her father, she is no longer the child of
a marriage without contract. It is about this point probably that you write to me, my good
friend. Moreover, there are minutes of trials which secure the rights of the daughter
against her father in respect of the dowry, and this too can help her.’
2. A vouxes was frequently appointed to act as assessor where the judge was a
soldier and therefore not a legal expert. Cf. C. P. R. 18, the report of a trial before Blaesius
Marianus, érapxos omeipys mparns Paovias KiAikwv inmexys, who has the vouuxds Artemidorus as his
legal assessor. The present rpoopavnars is an answer by a vouixds to a technical question
addressed to him by an érapxos orddov acting as judge, and involves a point of law some-
what different from that of the cases tried before Titianus and Paconius Felix. In them, as
has been pointed out (VII. 32 note; probably in the case tried before the Sicarodérys as
well), the daughters were e& eyypapov yapov. But in the case with which the zpooparnats is
concerned the daughter was ¢& dypapev yanev, and therefore the decisions of Titianus and
Paconius Felix did not directly apply. Nevertheless the voy:xkds declares that the fact of
the daughter having herself contracted an éyypados yduos (cf. 5 1@ tmd rod matpos avrny
exddc6ae with note on VII. 28) annulled her status as a person ¢e& dypapoy ydpor, and
therefore she was freed from the éefovoia of her father and presumably could appeal to
tropynpaticpoi such as those of Titianus, Paconius Felix, and Umbrius, as precedents for
staying with her husband and keeping her dowry. This mpooavnois is Dionysia’s chief
evidence for her statement (VII. 14) that the law giving fathers the right to take away their
daughters did not apply to those who were éyypapes yeyapnpéeva, while the three tropymparirpot
are intended to justify her statement that the law did not apply to daughters e& eyypapav ydpov.
On both grounds therefore, as being herself not only e& éyypapov yapor but eyypapes yeyaun-
perm, Dionysia could claim the support of legal decisions and opinions, though we have
seen that the national Egyptian law was much more unfavourable to her than she allows
(VII. 13, note). That Dionysia, though herself e& eyypdfov ydyor, should appeal to
a decision regarding persons ¢& dypapov yapor, is intelligible, since the rights of children eé
dypapwv yauev were much more restricted than those of children é& eyypapoy yapor, and there-
PETITION OF DIONYSIA 173
fore the opinion of Ulpius Dionysodorus that an ¢yypados yapos freed a daughter e& aypdpov
yauov from the efoucia of her father a forforz applied with redoubled force to herself, who
had not only contracted an é€yypados yauos but was not even by birth e& aypapav yauov.
3. Zaroucr| tm "Ad |pcxay: another letter addressed to him with the same titles occurs
in the mutilated Col. IX (see introd. p.151). Of the writer’s name and titles only [ray
jyo |pavounxdrwy survives, but not improbably he was Ulpius Dionysodorus (cf. line 2 here).
A[tov |vota : the identity of this name with the writer of our papyrus may at first sight
appear more than a mere coincidence, especially as the date of this tpooparnors is uncertain,
cf. note on 7. But Salvistius Africanus is not mentioned in the early columns, and the
Dionysia who wrote the papyrus claimed to be e& eyypapor yayov. Moreover the date of
the rpoodarnots probably falls in the reigns of Hadrian or Pius.
4. yewerac: the firstcis inserted over the line. There are two transverse lines through
the 7 of ovkert, apparently in the same ink as that used by the person who inserted the signs
in VII. 7. Probably they are meaningless.
6-8. These lines are very obscure. kai 6¢ brouvy.—édivarar seems to have been put in
as an afterthought, and ind in 7 to be a mistake for amd. The tropynpariopoi would be
such trials as those before Titianus and Umbrius the dccatoddrns, in both of which the
question of dowry is discussed. rovro in 6 means the opinion of the voyexdés which has just
been given, while roiro in 7 refers to the preceding sentence kat Sv tomy. x.7.A. 3 cf. note
on 7.
7-18. ‘The 22nd year of the deified Hadrian, Mecheir 20. Copy of a decree.
“ Proclamation of Valerius Eudaemon, praefect of Egypt. Following a most illustrious
precedent, the opinion of his highness Mamertinus, and having myself from my own
observation discovered that many debtors when pressed for payment refuse to satisfy
the just claims of their creditors, and by the threat of bringing a more serious charge, attempt
either to evade altogether or to postpone payment, some because they expect to terrify their
creditors who perhaps may be induced through fear of the danger to accept less than the
full amount, others because they hope that the threat of an action will make their creditors
renounce their claims, I proclaim that such persons shall abstain from this form of
knavery, and shall pay their debts or use persuasion to meet the just demands of their
creditors. For any person, who, when an action for the recovery of a debt is brought
against him, does not immediately deny the claim, that is to say does not immediately
declare that the contract is forged and write that he will bring an accusation, but
subsequently attempts to make a charge either of forgery or false pretences or fraud,
either shall derive no advantage from such a device and be compelled at once to pay his
debts ; or else shall place the money on deposit in order that the recovery of the debts may
be assured, and then, when the money action has come to an end,if he has confidence
in the proofs of his accusation, he shall enter upon the more serious law-suit. And even
so he shall not escape his liabilities, but shall be subject to the legal penalties. The 5th
year of the deified Aelius Antoninus, Epeiph 24.”’
7. The dates at the beginning and end of the didrayna of Eudaemon constitute one of
the greatest difficulties in the papyrus. Since the date in 18 cannot refer to what follows
(another date comes immediately after it), we should naturally suppose the 5th year of Pius
to refer to the proclamation of Eudaemon and the 22nd year of Hadrian to the
mpoaporvnots Of Ulpius Dionysodorus. * This however is impossible, for the praefect from the
grd to the 6th year of Pius is known to have been Avidius Heliodorus (cf. C. I. G. 4955
with B. G. U. 113. 7), while the date of Eudaemon’s praefecture had already been assigned
with much probability to the last year or two of Hadrian on the evidence of O. P. I. xl,
which suits Eudaemon’s reference here to Petronius Mamertinus, praefect in 134-5 and
no doubt his immediate predecessor. The date therefore in line 7, the 22nd year of
174 DHE OXYRAYNEHAGS VAPYRI
Hadrian, must refer to Eudaemon’s proclamation, though it is unsatisfactory that it comes
before avriypadpov Siatdyparos instead of after it, for the rule is that the date should either
follow the title, as e.g. in VII. 20, 30, or be placed at the end, as in VIII. 27 and 43.
This difficulty, however, is as nothing compared to the problem which then arises concerning
the date in line 18. Unless there is some mistake in the papyrus as to these two dates,
the only document to which the date in 18 can apply is the zpoodarnots of Dionysodorus.
We should then have to suppose that Dionysodorus enclosed a copy of Eudaemon’s pro-
clamation and that the last sentence cat rodro airy Bonbeiv divarac refers to the proclamation.
This course has the advantage of supplying a date for the mpoo@arnots, which has not got
one at the beginning, and cannot claim the date in line 7 without leaving the proclamation
of Eudaemon undated; but the objections to it are quite insuperable. (1) We should
expect rode in place of rodro in 7, and some reference to the proclamation which he had
appended (cf. VI. 19, VIII. 27). (2) Though such an arrangement of dates is possible,
it is not in itself probable. In VIII. 27 where the é:draypa of Similis quotes the didraypa of
Mettius Rufus, the date of Similis’ edict is put at the end of his own é:draypa, and the date
of Rufus’ at the end of his (VIII. 43). (3) The proclamation of Eudaemon does not appear
to have the least bearing on the rpoopevnats, which is concerned with the rights of a father
over his daughter, while on the other hand there is every reason for Dionysia to quote the
proclamation after the evidence bearing on the drdéomacts question, since in VII. 16 she
declared her intention of proving firstly the injustice of the axéomaots, secondly drt ov8’ eppetrar
emt mpopace érépav eykAnudtay evye tas xpnpatixas Sikas, Which is the very subject of
Eudaemon’s proclamation and of the following troprvnpaticpds (VIII. 18-21). We are there-
fore reduced to the hypothesis that something has gone wrong in the arrangement of dates
in 7 and 18. Two methods of solving the difficulty may be suggested. The first is to
suppose that the date in 18 refers to a bropynpaticpds Or rpoopavnots which for some reason
has been omitted; but this is open to the objection that the mpoopaynos of Dionysodorus
will then be left without a date. The solution which satisfies every requirement except that
of inherent probability is to suppose that the dates in 7 and 18 have been wrongly trans-
posed. Then both the tpoopaynots and the proclamation will have dates and the date of
the proclamation will come in a natural place. But though as has been stated the present
papyrus is probably a copy and not the original of the petition, and there are a good many
minor mistakes, such an error is very difficult to explain.
8. Mapepretvov: Petronius Mamertinus, who is known from B. G. U. 114 and 19 to have
been praefect from Feb. 25, 134, to Feb. 11, 135. VIII. 43, where a tropmpatiopds of
his is quoted, shows that he was already praefect on Nov. 11, 133.
10. pecCdvoy ; i.e. more serious than an action for the recovery of a debt.
12. tis dikns apparently goes with emavardce, since there is no instance of dmavdav
governing a genitive. Otherwise it would be more satisfactory to construct it with
dravonoew in the sense of the ypnuarixy din, cf. 13 and VII. 16.
14. ei eire «.7.A. is perhaps defensible, but the sentence would be much improved by
reading era or cir’ ei.
16, 76 avadaBew operop| eva | 7: as it stands, épecAdueva must mean debts in general. ra
oethopeva would be an improvement. ‘There is not room for éPetddp{ evor ].
17-18. ovde tére x.t.A.: the sense of this is that even if the debtor won his pei{or ayy it
would not absolve him from the penalties incurred through failure to repay his debt at the
proper time. The usual penalty for non-payment of a debt was enforced payment of the
jpiddioy Or 1} times the original sum; cf. e.g. O. P. I. ci. 44.
18. (€rovs) € Oeod k.r.A.: See note On 7.
18-21. ‘The rs5th year of Antoninus Caesar the lord, Thoth 16. Flavia
Maevia having been summoned to defend herself against Flavia Helena and having obeyed,
PETITION OF DIONYSIA 175
her advocate . . . said: “We have been posted in the list (of accused persons), we demand
our rights in connexion with the money claim.” Munatius said: “ The money claim is not
barred by these new accusations. Otherwise every one will say that I am your accuser.” ’
19. This brief account of an application to a magistrate (probably the praefect, cf. note
on 20) is clearly an exemplification of Eudaemon’s decree. Flavia Maevia had brought
an action against Flavia Helena for the recovery of a debt, to which the latter
responded by herself bringing an accusation against Maevia. The advocate of Maevia
asks that the debt may not be evaded in this way, and the magistrate gives a favourable
reply, in accordance with the edict of Eudaemon.
20. Movvdrwos: doubtless L. Munatius Felix, who is known from Brit. Mus. Pap.
CCCLVIII. 17 to have been praefect about a.p. 150. His date is a matter of some
importance because Justin Martyr mentions him in the Afology (Cap. 29) and a /erminus
a quo for the date of that composition is thus obtained. The present passage shows that he
was praefect on Sept. 13, A.D. 151.
21. epovow: v above the line.
21-27. ‘And (a copy) of a decree of Similis. Proclamation of Flavius Sulpicius
Similis, praefect of Egypt. When I wished to know on what pretext it came about that
Egyptian wives have by native Egyptian law a claim upon their husbands’ property through
their marriage contracts both for themselves and for their children in very many cases, and
the question was disputed for a year,... that (because) they deposited their marriage
contracts at different record-offices, Mettius Rufus sometime praefect ordered that wives
should insert copies of their marriage contracts in the property-statements of their husbands,
and ordained this by a decree, a copy of which I have appended to make clear that I am
following the commands of Mettius Rufus. The 23rd year, Athyr 12.’
21 sqq. ‘These lines contain, in a somewhat imperfect condition, the edict of Similis
referred to by Dionysia in IV. 36, when discussing the disputed xatoxy. But as the main
object of Similis’ decree was to re-inforce the decree of Mettius Rufus, which is given in
15-43 and is practically complete, the partial loss of line 24 is not very serious and the
general sense of Similis’ edict is clear, for which see introd. p. 150. It must be remembered
that we are now dealing with the third point on which Dionysia declared in VII. 15-18 her
intention of bringing evidence; cf. introd. p. 149.
21. kat Systdidos Suardyparos depends upon avrtypadoy understood, cf. VIII. 7. There is
a considerable space left blank before kai, and it is quite impossible to connect datdyparos
with xarnyopo.
dia{nrovv7t: the question was apparently addressed to the legal authorities, who could
not agree; so Similis to make matters clearer issued this decree reaffirming that of Mettius
Rufus. The dative is governed by the verb meaning ‘answered’ at the beginning of 24,
which has resisted our efforts.
22. Cf. 34 below éav xara twa emiya@ptoy yopov Kpateirar Ta tmapxovra, On xaréxew, which
here interchanges with xpareiv, see introd. p. 142. émx@ptos vduos, ‘ native Egyptian law, was in
the Piolemaic period contrasted with wodurixds vdpos, the ‘ State (i.e. Greek) law’ introduced
by the Ptolemies (Mitteis, of. cz/., p. 50). Whether under the Romans the distinction was
maintained is uncertain, but émy@piws no doubt here means ancient Egyptian, like the
vonos in VII. 34, 40-41 (cf. note on VI. 17) and 6 ray Aiymriav vépos in C, P. R. 18
(cf. note on VII. 13).
25. érepos, i.e. they deposited the marriage contracts which gave their wives a xaroxn
over their property, not in the archives which contained the ordinary doypapai of their
property and which could be consulted by persons desirous of knowing its extent before
entering into contracts with them, but in another f:d06jxn, where they might hope that the
xatoxy would escape notice, cf. 36. One of the main objects of the decree of Mettius Rufus
176 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
was to ensure that the karoyat to which real property was liable should be registered
along with the statements of the property.
yevopevov; the word which follows is not émirporov,
26. troordoeow: cf. 34 and 42. The troordcers were distinct from the droypadai, which
were only one class of the documents concerning ownership. i7ésraots, of which the central
meaning is ‘substance, i. e. property (cf. e. g. O. P. I. cxxxvili xudive eu Kai rhs euas bro-
atdcews), is used here for the whole body of documents bearing on the ownership of a person’s
property (whether droypagai, sales, mortgages, &c.) deposited in the archives, and forming the
evidence of ownership. By the edict of Mettius Rufus (VIII. 31-43) all owners of
house or land property were commanded to register it (dmoypdpeoOac) within six months of
the edict, and in the taoardoers wives and children had to insert (evriBévar 26, Or maparibevat 34)
a statement of their claims, if any. The d:acrpepara were the ‘ digests’ or official abstracts of
documents referring to ownership of land and houses, and were also evidence for a title to
possession. The necessity of keeping the d:acrpepara up to date is the central point in Mettius
Rufus’ decree. For examples of official écacrpopara of about a.p. 100 containing
property lists with annotations stating subsequent changes, quite in accordance with the
commands given in 41—42, see cclxxiv and ccclx.
24. (€rous) ky: the reading is not quite certain, but there is not much room for error.
The absence of the emperor’s name points to the decree belonging to the current reign ;
ann though Commodus in Egypt counted his regnal years from the date of his father’s
accession he does not appear in dates upon papyri until a.p. 176, and his sole reign only
began in the middle of his 20th year. The date therefore falls between the 21st year
and the 25th, when Longaeus Rufus appears as praefect.
27-43. ‘Proclamation of Marcus Mettius Rufus, praefect of Egypt. Claudius
Areus, strategus of the Oxrhynchite nome, has informed me that both private and public
affairs are in a disorganized condition because for a long time the official abstracts in the
property record-office have not been properly kept, in spite of the fact that my predecessors
have on many occasions ordered that these abstracts should receive the due corrections.
This cannot be done adequately unless copies are made from the beginning. Therefore
I command all owners to register their property at the property record-office within six
months, and all lenders to register their mortagages, and all others having claims upon
property to register them, And when they make the return they shall severally declare the
sources from which the property acquired has come into their possession. Wives shall also
insert copies in the property-statements of their husbands, if in accordance with any
native Egyptian law they have a claim over their husbands’ property, and children shall do
the same in the property-statements of their parents, where the usufruct of the property
has been guaranteed to the parents by public contracts but the right of ownership after
their death has been settled upon the children, in order that persons entering into
agreements may not be defrauded through ignorance. I also command all scribes and
recorders of contracts not to execute contracts without an order from the record-office, and
warn them that not only will failure to observe this order invalidate their proceedings, but
they themselves will suffer the due penalty of their disobedience. If the record-office
contains any registrations of property of earlier date let them be preserved with the utmost
care, and likewise the official abstracts of them, in order that, if any inquiry is made here-
after concerning false returns, those documents and the abstracts of them may supply the
proofs. Therefore in order that the use of the abstracts may become secure and permanent,
and prevent the necessity of another registration, I command the keepers of the record-offices
to revise the abstracts every five years and to transfer to the new ones the last statement
of property of each person arranged under villages and classes. The gth year
of Domitian, Domitianus 4.
PETITION OF DIONYSIA 177
30. dtactpopara: see note On 26.
31. dmep od kadds «.7.\.: this is explained by what follows.
aroypayacba rv idiav krjow: throughout this decree the property in question is real
property, i.e. land or houses. By a curious chance we have in three Oxyrhynchus papyri
(cexlvii, ccelviii and O. P. I. Ixxii) examples of droypagat sent to the BiBdopvAakes in the gth
year of Domitian in accordance with this very decree of Mettius Rufus. On the origin and
nature of these dmoypapai see the luminous article by Wilcken in Hermes xxviii. Pp. 230 sqq.
The present decree, taken in combination with the new facts adduced by the Oxyrhynchus
aroypaat (sce below), throws fresh light on the subject, and suggests some modifications of the
views there expressed ; ef. Kenyon, Ca/. II. p. 150, whose explanation is entirely confirmed
by the present text. Wilcken groups the a@xoypapai of house and land property together
with the dzoypadai of cattle, and considers that droypapai of land, and perhaps those of
houses, were made yearly (cf. subject-index to B.G. U. p. 399, ‘alljahrliche Steuerprofessionen “re
like droypadai of cattle. There are, however, two notable differences between the droypadai of
houses or land and those of cattle. In the former class we uniformly find it recorded that
the droypaai are made in accordance with the orders of the praefect, while in the azoypaat
of cattle there is no such statement; and in the former class there is never any reference to
an aroypapn of the same property in the previous year (in cexlvili an aroypapy of the same
property is mentioned, but it took place seventeen years before, see below), while the aroypapat
of cattle often contain a mention of an dmoypapy of the same animals in the previous year.
Moreover the edict of Mettius Rufus, which gave rise e.g. to the droypapai O. P. I. Ixxii
and ccxlvii, does not apply to property other than land and houses. We must therefore
distinguish the axoypapai of cattle, which were made yearly and required no special orders
of the praefect, from the droypapai of houses and land. The latter kind may be further
subdivided into two classes: (a) those which are addressed to the strategus or Baowexds
ypapuarevs and report land property which is wnzwatered (@Bpoxos), i.e. B. G. U. 139 and
doubtless 108 (a.p. 202), 198 (a.p. 163), G. P. IL. lvi (a. p. 163); (b) those addressed to
the PiBdopvAakes, which register property in land or houses, whether acquired by sale or
inheritance, and the mortgages, if any, upon it, in the manner laid down by the decree
of Mettius Rufus.
The droypagat in class (a) are clearly of an exceptional character, and were sent in
when, owing to the Nile being low and a failure of the water supply having taken place, the
praefect issued an edict that persons whose farms had not been watered should make
areturn. The four instances mentioned show that a failure took place in the years 162-3
and 201-2; but they contain nothing to prove that such returns were annual. It is
significant that they are addressed to the strategus and basilicogrammateus, the officials who
controlled the taxation, while the other class is addressed to the keepers of the archives, who
Were concerned not with the taxation but with the title-deeds of property (eyxrjoas).
Were droypapai in class (b) sent in regularly every year? An examination of the
instances in the light of Mettius Rufus’ decree leads to the conclusion already reached by
Mr. Kenyon (/.¢.) that this was not the case. Whenever property changed hands by sale
or cession, or, no doubt, by inheritance, the change had to be notified; in fact the
notification had to be sent by the vendor before the sale took place, cf. e.g. B. G. U. 184,
379, Brit. Mus. Pap. CCXCXIX and CCC, and note on 36 below. But a general droypady
sent in by all owners of property, whether recently obtained or not, such as is ordained by
Mettius Rufus here, which stated not only the source (mé@ev kara8éBnxev 33), but any
trobjxae upon the property, and of which B. G. U. 112, 420, 459, O. P. I. Ixxii, Ixxv and
ccxlvii-l, ccclvili are examples, is not a priort likely to have been made every year; and
* So too Gr, Ostraka, I. 461 sqq., though he admits that there is no proof in the case of house property.
N
178 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
the tenour of Rufus’ decree strongly supports the other view. In the first place the general
dnoypapy Ordained in VIII. 31 is to take place within six months, i.e. of the date of the
decree, but there is nothing said about another general azoypady. On the contrary it is
distinctly implied in 41 that if the dorpapara and imoordves were properly kept up to date
by the BiSdcoq Drakes there would be no need of another general dnoypady at all. Secondly,
if it was a standing rule that all owners of houses and land had to send in an droypapy
every year, there does not seem much point either in this decree of Rufus ordering them to
do so within six months, or in the insertion in the dwoypadai themselves that they had been
ordered by a particular praefect. ‘Thirdly, the necessity for the general droypapy is stated
by Mettius Rufus to be due to the absence of avwbev avriypada (31), i. e. materials for making
a comprehensive list of all title-deeds to property, without which the existing abstracts of
documents bearing on ownership could not be revised. But if all owners of property had
to send in amoypapai every year, there would at any moment be in the archives sufficient
material for forming a general list, without having recourse to special measures. Lastly,
the evidence of the extant droypapai supports the same conclusion. It is very difficult, if
not impossible, on a theory that yearly axoypadai of real property were made, to account for
the fact that in the majority of dwoypapai the property returned had certainly been acquired
several years previously, while no reference is made to a previous amoypadn of the property by
the present owner. Prior to Domitian’s reign we have B. G. U. 112 and cexlviii-cel. The
first of these, which is quite clearly a general return of property of the same kind as that
ordered by Mettius Rufus, took place in accordance with the commands of the praefect
Vestinus. It records property acquired in the 5th and 6th year of Nero. The document
is not dated, but was probably written in the 7th year, to which ccl belongs. The date of
the previous droypadpy of o¢her property mentioned in that papyrus (xepts &v mpoareypayrapny
ecl. 4, ef. cexlix. 7) does not appear; but there is nothing whatever to imply that it took
place in the year before the papyrus was written. ccxlviii. 32 seems to show that another
general dmoypapn was held three years afterwards in the roth year of Nero.
cexlviii and ccxlix were both written on Oct. 10, a.p. 80. ccxlviii is a return of
property bequeathed in a. p. 75-6 and mentions (line 32) that the said property had been
registered in the dzoypapy of the roth year of Nero (a.p. 63-4). This is extremely
significant. If the property had been registered yearly, there is no reason for the selection
of a date so far back as a.p. 63-4 as the year in which a previous aroypapn took place.
On the other hand if general adxoypapai only took place from time to time, the reference in
A. D. 80 to an droypady in A. D. 63 is intelligible. An inference which may perhaps be drawn
from this view is that between 63-4 and 80 no general dmoypadn (at any rate for the
Oxyrhynchite nome) had occurred, and that therefore the previous aroypapy mentioned in
cexlix. 7 was that held in 63. But this is doubtful. The property of which details are given
in ccxlix was devised in a. p. 77-8.
cexlvii, ccclviii, and O. P. I. Ixxii which are dated in the 9th year of Domitian
all mention the very decree of Mettius Rufus that is preserved in our papyrus, though
they do not state when the property registered was acquired. On the theory that the amoypagai
were yearly, this coincidence must be explained as purely fortuitous. On the other theory,
however, the fact that they were written in the 9th and not in any of the other years of
Domitian’s reign is explained. B. G. U. 536 is a similar dwoypapy written in Domitian’s
reign (the precise year is lost), and it is specially interesting because it gives a list both of
property xa@apa dé re ders Kai droOjKns Kai TavTds Sceyyunparos and of property ev tzoOyxy,
quite in accordance with the decree of Mettius Rufus. There is but little doubt that this
papyrus too was written in the 9th year of Domitian. A general daroypapn is probably
implied by O. P. I. Ixxv (a.p. 129), which mentions no commands of a praefect but in
other respects resembles ordinary dmoypapai. It is not stated when the property was
PETITION OF DIONYSIA 179
acquired, but the will which secured the legacy was made in a.p. 84; and the whole tone of
the papyrus, as well as the reference to the previous aroypapy of the property by the father
of the present owner (cf. ccxlvili. 32), shows that the latter had been in possession for
some years. Another general aroypapn took place soon afterwards in a.p. 131, as is proved
by B. G. U. 420 and 459. That Similis in a. p. 182 intended when quoting Mettius Rufus’
decree to order a general dwoypady is almost certain, though the point with which he was
most concerned was the claims of wives over their husbands’ estates, and it is the part of
Rufus’ decree bearing upon that subject that he particularly wished to emphasize. Finally,
there is O. P. I. Ixxviii, which refers to an d@roypapy made in accordance with the éykeAevors
of Marcellus, a third century praefect. In this case the property had been lately bought
(16 évayxos cwvnpevos).
To summarize the results of the evidence on aroypadpai of houses and land, whenever
property was about to change hands by sale or cession the fact had to be notified by the
vendor to the BiBdAdvAakes, who recorded the change in their abstracts. Instructions for
a general amoypapy or for a return of @8poxos yj were issued by the praefects from time to
time, as circumstances required. So long as the S:SdcopiAakes looked after the title deeds
properly (from 41-43 it appears that every five years they had to make out a new complete
list of owners of bouses and land), there was little need for a general aroypapn by owners.
But when they failed in their duties, then a new general amoypadpy was held, in which every
owner had to state how he came by his property and what claims there were upon it.
General dmoypapvi are known to have taken place in a.p. 61, 63-4, 80, 90, 129, 131, 182
and in the third century; and no doubt several other occasions will be established.
évrds pnvav €€: i.e. from the date of the proclamation, cf. previous note. To give it
the sense of ‘ within six months of the date of acquisition’ is contrary to the spirit of the
whole decree, the object of which is clearly to proclaim a general dmoypapy of house and
land property and of the claims upon them, as a starting-point for a more accurate record of
changes in ownership.
32. tovs davetcras : cf. the extract from B.G. U. 536 quoted in note on the previous line.
33- kara8eB8yxev : this does not exclude property acquired otherwise than by inheritance ;
cf. O. P. I. 1xxii, which is an amoypapy of property acquired by sale, made in accordance with
this decree of Mettius Rufus.
34-36. Cf. 1V. 36-39. This was the portion of Mettius Rufus’ decree which applied
particularly to Dionysia ; cf. introd. p. 144.
Kata Twa éxtxoptov vopov: for the absence in Egypt of any rights possessed by the
husband over his wife’s dowry cf. note on VII. 28.
kpareirac: cf. 22, where xaréyew is used as equivalent to kparetv,
36. iva of cvvadddooorres «.7..: Cf, note On 25.
mapayyeAko: one d is added above the line. evedpevovrar: |. evedpevovrac.
rois suvadNaypatoypapors Kal tois pynpoot: Cf. CCXxxXviil. 2-4, note. At Oxyrhynchus
the office of the agoranomus was generally concerned with drawing up contracts, though
the pynpovetov also frequently occurs and more rarely the ypapeiov. In the Fayfim the usual
medium was the ypadeciov. In both nomes we find the agoranomus acting as prjpor, cf.
the Oxyrhynchus papyrus mentioned in the next note and B. G. U. 177. 6. In fact only
in the present passage and in Brit. Mus. Pap. CCXCIX. 20 (quoted in the next note) is
the prjyey, as such, found, and perhaps the title is a general one like cuvaddayparoypados.
37. wndev diya emiordAparos: in the case of a contract effecting a change of ownership
of land the scribes were not to draw it up without obtaining an order from the S:Bdi@dvAakes,
who must have first satisfied themselves that the property was free from tro0@jxa and other
claims. There are several examples of applications to the ByBr.wPvAakes by persons who
wished to dispose of their property, asking that instructions should be sent to the officials
N 2
180 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
who would draw up the contract, see B. G. U. 184, 379, and Brit, Mus. Pap. CCXCIX and
CCC. Brit. Mus. Pap. CCXCIX concludes 6&6 erdidep| ce] dros émto[rady | [7] punpove as
cabnce; cf. B. G. U. 379. 16 dd mpooayyedro| per | Oras emoreiAnTe TH TO ypacetov Kapar{ tbos |
avvxpnpari¢e w | Hue os Kabnxet. :
A similar application in an Oxyrhynchus papyrus of the reign of Trajan contains the
following passage :—émibil do |e [ro imépr| 7 |na ors etal reidys | Tois THS pNTpoTOAEws ayoparvd=
polis ovr] kal prfjpooe Teherooa (whence we have restored teAe@oar in VIII. 37) rov xpnua-
[recov] ws xaOjxe, and concludes with a declaration that the property is xa@apas a[76 |dons
KaTox7s dnp[o|otas «{ ai | iScorex| is } (written :Siodicys) ets tiv everr@cav nuepaly |. At the end
is the émfaradpa of the BiBAopvAaé :—Sapariov 6 civ O€on BeBdopt(Aaé) ayopavd( pots) wyT(po)-
méd(ews) xa(ipew). exer “Axedas ev dnoypap} ras dpovpas €&, bid emcredeire ws xaOnx(ec).
41. mpos To pi) madwy k.7.A.: the hopes of Rufus were not realized, for general arroypucpat
were held on several occasions subsequently, cf. note on 31.
43. kar’ eidos: cf. O. P. I. xxxiv. verso, I. 11 [ra et |5y rev ovrBodaiwr.
pnvds Aopircavod: Domitian gave his name to October (Suet. Dom. 13): probably
therefore Phaophi is meant; cf. Brit. Mus. Pap. CCLIX. 99 and Mr. Kenyon’snote. For the
imoprnuatiopds of Mamertinus, praefect in a.p. 133-5, See introd. pp. 150-1, and cf. note
on VIII. 8.
VV, FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS:
CCXXXVIII. Orrictat Notice.
19-4X9:5 cm. A.D. 72.
A NOTICE issued by some official, most probably the strategus, ordering all
persons who had deposited in the notarial offices business documents, such as
contracts, wills, etc., which documents were still peréwpor, to appear before the
agoranomi and have the documents completed within a certain time. The point
of the notice depends upon the interpretation of the obscure term peréwpos as
applied to contracts. The word also occurs in B. G. U. 136. 16 pretéewpa Todda
katadeAourevat, and 417. 3 Ta petewpa anmahdAdbar... amdddagov ody ceavtov amd
Tavros peTewpov, iva Hon ToTe Gpepysvos yevn Kal Ta eua petewpldia dn ToTe TUX HY
oxy; cf. O. P. I. cxvii. 4 dws anapricbr rd ev TH BiBALoOjKN perewpldi(o)v. The
meaning which seems to suit all these instances of yeréwpos best is ‘ provisional,
‘incompleted’; the contrasted word being reAeody in line 9. Possibly pro-
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 181
visional contracts had always to be made valid (or withdrawn) within the first
month of the year following that in which they were drawn up. But the present
papyrus scarcely justifies this inference.
The handwriting is a large clear semi-uncial; as the lines are of unequal
length, the lacunae at the ends of 11-18 may be two or three letters longer than
we have supposed.
Tods Exovras peredpous 10 Tavras evTos[....
olkovoulas €v TE TOL Tov €verT@7\ os
> cf A A a
ayopavoulat Kal pynpo- pnvos XeBacrod [..
4 \ , 5) A Na , r
VEL@L KAL Ypadiw@L Ev TOL kal opethovTais .. .
5 OveAndrvOdre teTadpTar EreL pepe [.. . . KaTaXo-
Avzoxpdropos Kaicapos i NEOMEY Gls oo eo0a5 6
OQveoraciavod SeBacrod Kai évKuKAd,.. 1...
mpocépyer bar Tos para er kal vily...
> s Y a , A oo a 7
ayopavopols Kal Te AcLovv Pepely ) OTL TOIS aw...
. . .
2-4. Te ayopavopiot kal prnpovelor kai ypapiwe: the proclamation unfortunately has no
address. But if the natural supposition, that it refers to the city of Oxyrhynchus, is correct,
the conclusion is inevitable that there were at Oxyrhynchus at this time three offices, or
three branches of one office, bearing different names, through each of which it was possible
to execute oikovopia. The singular dyopavopiw: x.r.A. is an objection to the hypothesis
that the regulation was issued for the whole nome, or had a still wider application. The
dyopavopeioy occurs frequently in the Oxyrhynchus papyri; but in the Fayfim very rarely.
We have not as yet found other evidence of the existence at Oxyrhynchus of the ypapeiov,
except in O. P. I. xliv. 23, where, as the name of a tax, it interchanges with dyopavopeiov,
It was, however, an institution common in the Fayfim (cf. Mitteis, Hermes xxx. 596 sqq.,
and a number of instances in Kenyon, Cav. II). On the other hand the pynpoveiov, which
is unknown in the Fayim, is frequently mentioned in the Oxyrhynchus papyri; cf. e.g.
cexlili, rr, cclxx. 12. How far its functions are to be distinguished from those of the
dyopavonetov is doubtful. The pynpoveiov is most commonly connected with contracts of
loan; testamentary business on the other hand appears always to be referred to the
dyopavopetov; while deeds of cession may be executed in either. The title pvjyov is coupled
with that of dyopavéyos in B. G. U. 177, 6 rae dyopavéuor dure 8é Kai punpom, and elsewhere ;
cf. notes on cexxxvii. VIII. 36 and 37. The conclusion to which this comparison leads is
that the functions of the ayopayopeioy, pynpovetov, and ypadeiov, to which may be added from
other Oxyrhynchus papyri (e. g. cclxxi. 7) the xaradoyeiov, were, so far as the execution and
registration of contracts are concerned, very much the same. We are therefore unable to
agree with Mitteis (/. c.), who draws a sharp contrast between the duties of the ypapetoy and
the ayopavopeiov, The registration (dvaypapn) of contracts, for instance, which was performed
in the Faytim by the ypadeiov, was effected at Oxyrhynchus by the dyopavopeioy, cf. ccxli-iii.
All these various notarial offices, though they were also repositories of documents (cf. e. g.
182 TEETEE NO XO Ee EN GUEROS lat aN
O. P. I. evii), must be distinguished from the PiBdtobjKn eyxtce@r, Which was especially
concerned with dazoypagdai; cf. ccxxxvii. VIII. 31, note.
Besides these local record offices in the nomes, there were also in Alexandria a Navatov
and, from Hadrian’s time onwards, a ‘Adpravy) BiBAtoOn«n, both of which seem to have received
copies of contracts from the local archives (O, P. I. xxxiv). Mitteis (/Zermes xxxiv. 91-8)
has proposed another explanation of that papyrus, regarding the Navaiov and ‘Aédpravy
Au3AcoOjxn Not as single libraries at Alexandria but as record offices in the several nomes,
and he identifies the Navatov with the ypadeior in villages, and the ‘Aépiavy Bi8Ac0OHKn with
the Sjypocia By3dwOjKy in the pyrpordAes. This hypothesis has the advantage of reducing
the number of official record offices, which certainly seem to be unnecessarily numerous ;
but it is counterbalanced by the enormous difficulty of supposing that by the singular
Navaiov (the word is otherwise only known as an epithet of Isis) the praefect meant all the
ypapeia (and, as we should now have to add, all the dyopavopeta, punpoveia, katadoyeia, etc.
throughout the towns and villages), and by 7 ‘Aépravy BiBdtoOjKn Sta rodTo Karackevao beioa
all the Sypooiae BiSdc0bjKar, which, as the Oxyrhynchus papyri, and especially the decree
of Mettius Rufus in ccexxxvii. VIII. 27 sqq., show, were established long before Hadrian’s
time in the pyrpordé\es throughout Egypt. The passage in B. G. U. 578. 19 in which an
dpxtdixaotns is asked (cvyxataywpicat) ev 1 tropvnparte eis dudorépas ras BiBAtoOnxas no doubt,
as Mitteis remarks, refers to the Navaiov and ‘Adpiaviy By8Av0Oy«n ; but so far from this being
an argument in favour of identifying them with local record offices, it supports the view that
they were libraries at Alexandria; for the dpyidicaorns, though his jurisdiction extended
beyond Alexandria, rarely held his court outside that city, and people came to him from
remote parts of Egypt to register contracts concerning property (G. P. II. Ixxi, cf. Milne,
Egypt under Roman Rule, p. 196 sqq.).
g. te{Aecocv: perhaps re[ ew or te{ Aetod(cAar), for the co-operation of the officials was
necessary to make the documents ‘complete’; cf. the émiaradpa of the fiBdwopvAaE quoted
in note on cexxxvii. VIII. 37. Though reAewdv occurs so frequently in papyri in connexion
with contracts, its precise meaning is not easy to gather. Sometimes (e.g. O. P. I. Ixviii. 5)
it comes to mean practically ‘ execute,’ referring to the notarial functions of the agoranomus
or other official who drew up documents. This meaning is strongly marked in Byzantine
papyri (e.g. O. P. I. exxxvi. 49), in which éreAccwOy da... is merely the signature of the
scribe and is equivalent to ¢ypady, and will cover most instances of the use of the word. But
the meaning ‘execute’ is hardly applicable in the present passage, where the oikovopia: are
already deposited in the record offices, although still peréwpor; it is out of place in cclxxi. 7,
where a ovyxepnots is TeActwOecioa Sid TAS epynepidos Tod Karadoyeiov (cf. cclxviii. 10); and its
suitability in the case of reAeodv in the application to the BiBAwpiAa& quoted in the note on
cexxxvii. VIII. 37 is doubtful. The redetwors dia tis epnpepidos suggests, unless we are
prepared to give éqnpepis a new meaning, that in the case of the catadoyeiov at any rate, the
‘completion’ consisted in the entry of the contract in some kind of official list. This comes
near to the avaypapy or official registration of contracts (cf. Mitteis, Hermes xxx. p. 599), which
was effected through the d@yopavopeioy or ypad<iov and was frequently resorted to in order to
secure their permanence, especially when the contract had been drawn up privately (cf.
introd. to cexli). But if the reAefwous in the case of the ayopavopeiov or ypapeiov implied or
included the dvaypapy we should expect to find reAcodv (Sia rod dyopavopetov, pvypovetou,
Or ypapeiov) interchanging with dvaypapew. This, however, is not the case; the variants
are ridecOa (O. PI. Ixxv. 10), moet (cexlix. 21), or yiverOa (ccl. 16); and, putting aside
the karadoyciov and its épnpepis, redetwors does not appear to have anything to do with
dvaypapn. ‘
We are therefore brought back to ccxxxviii and the peréwpor oikovouta, which were
already in the record offices but had to be ‘completed.’ The only explanation which we
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 183
can offer is to refer to the analogy of modern practice, and to suppose that the reAeiwors in
this instance consisted in the insertion of the day of the month and the signatures of the
parties. It is noteworthy that in many Oxyrhynchus contracts (e. g. cclxxili. 3) the day
of the month has been inserted by a later hand, and sometimes (e. g. cclxi. 3) the space
left for it has never been filled in. A corollary of this view would be that contracts unsigned
and without the day of the month were invalid.
CCXXXIX. IrreGuLAR ConrTRIBUTIONS.
15:7 X9:8 cm. a.v. 66.
Declaration on oath addressed to ‘the scribe of the Oxyrhynchite nome’
(6 ypadwr tov ‘O€vpvyxizny, a new title) by Epimachus, an inhabitant of Psdbthis,
stating that he had not exacted any irregular contributions, and that for the
future he would not be in a position to do so.
TO ypdgpovr tov ‘Ogupvyxiz[nv
’Eripaxos Iavoipios 700 IT\roXe pa(éov)
pntpos “Hpakdeias rs ’Emipdy{ou
Tav amd Kopns VoBews
5 THS KdTw ToTapylas. dpvdw
Népwova Krdatvdiov Kaicapa SB, a(oriv)
Teppavixoy Avtoxpatopa pn-
Oepiav Noyelav yeyovevat
bm enod ev TH adth Kobpn
10 eis pydéva Abyov 7@ KabOAou,
poe pay amd Tod viv mpootnaeo\O(at)
KOUNS, 7 Evoxos einv TO dpK©)-
(€rous) ty Népwvos KXavdiov Kaicapos
YeBacrod Teppavixot Avroxpdropos,
15 pn(vos) YeBaorod «PB.
‘To the scribe of the Oxyrhynchite nome from Epimachus, son of Pausiris, son of
Ptolemaeus, whose mother is Heraclea, daughter of Epimachus, an inhabitant of the
village of Psébthis in the lower toparchy. I swear by Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus
Germanicus Imperator that I have levied no contributions for any purpose whatever in the
said village and that henceforward I shall not become headman of a village; otherwise
let me be liable to the consequences of the oath,’ Date,
184 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
1. Cf. ccxlvi. 4 trois ypdpovor rov vo[udv. As that passage shows, 6 ypdpor is
distinct from the BaowWceds ypappureds. Apparently 6 ypapev rév vopdy is equivalent to
vonoypados, and in that case the latter term has nothing to do with vopixdés as we supposed in
our note on O. P. I. xxxiv. I. 9.
8. Aoyeia is used for irregular local contributions as opposed to regular taxes. Cf.
B. G, U. 515, where ra inép Noyeias emBdnOevra are contrasted with the ora dyudora, though
both are collected by the tpaxropes orev; and Brit. Mus. Pap. CCCXLII. 15 where,
amongst various complaints against a mpeuBtrepos of a village, it is stated map’ éxaora Noyeias
movetra },
II. mpoornoecOa means to become a mpoordtys kopuns; cf. note on cexcix. 4.
CCXL. Extortion sy A SOLDIER.
12-6 X10°5 cm. A.D. 37.
Declaration by a village scribe denying any knowledge of extortion by
a certain soldier and his agents in the villages for which the writer acted as
scribe. Cf. cclxxxiv and cclxxxv.
shoe Lay sgetei cara: ko |Moypappareds :
PEA ecko Yee Sec eay |roov ’Eprpov.
dpvio TiBépiov Kalicapa Néov ScBacriv Avtoxpdtopa
[Oco Aids ’Edeve]p{fov] SeBaorod visv ef piv
5 [py ovveldevar pe pydevi Siaceceropé-
[vou emt] TOY mpokepévay Kopav bd
~ , ~
A aces see Jos otpatiétov kal Tov Tap avTod.
r ’ ~ , Gy yw bl ~ Y:
[evopkod|v7e pée prow ed etn, EdtopKobv7e Oe
Ta évav|tia. (€rovs) ky TiBepiov Kaicapos SeBaczod,
10 = Me (cip) ug.
3- veov added over the line. 4. 1. 9 pny.
3 sqq- ‘I swear by Tiberius Caesar Novus Augustus Imperator, son of the deified Jupiter
Liberator Augustus, that I know of no one in the village aforesaid from whom extortions
have been made by the soldier... or his agents. If I swear truly, may it be well with me,
but if falsely, the reverse, The 23rd year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, Mecheir 17.’
2. The village-names were given in this line, cf. 6.
3. Néov YeBaorév: this title was also applied to Gaius, cf. cclxvii. 12, The name
Néos «Baords was given to the month Athyr in Tiberius’ reign; see B. G. U. 636. 3.
4. Oeod Aros "Edevde |p| fou | : cf, celiii. 17.
* On Aoyeia cf. Wilcken, Gy. Ost. 1. 253 sqq. The instances which he quotes are concerned with a tax
for the priests of Isis, and a mpoorarns Tov Ocod writes the receipts. But though in B. G. U. 515, as he
remarks, Aoyeia may mean a contribution for religious purposes, in both Brit. Mus. Pap. CCCXLII and our
Oxyrhynchus papyrus the word probably has a wider signification; and the mpoorarns ris kwpns is not to be
identified with the mpootarns Tou Geod.
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 185
CCXLI. Recistration or a MortGAcGE.
19:3 X 6-6 cm. About a.p. 98.
The three succeeding papyri are specimens of an interesting group of
documents (cf. cccxxvii-xl), which follow a formula not yet found outside
Oxyrhynchus. They are addressed to the agoranomus, and contain a notifica-
tion from an official not precisely specified, or his agent, to dvaypapew or
Kataypdpew a contract of sale or mortgage, the terms of which are cited at
length. The property alienated in such sales is sometimes slaves, more often
land or houses. To this notification is added a banker’s certificate that the
éyxvxAtor, or tax on sales and mortgages (cf. ccxlii. 31 sqq., ccxliii. 45 sqq.), had
been paid. The signification of the main transaction of course depends upon
the meaning to be here attached to dvaypadew or xataypape ; but there can be
little doubt that their sense is ‘register, i.e. enter on the official list of such
contracts. That dvaypdpew frequently has this meaning is certain; see Mitteis,
Hermes xxx. 592 ff., and cf. Brit. Mus. Pap. CCXCIII. 33 etc., and CCCVIII.
26, where the usual dvayéypamrat is replaced by evréraxrar. It is noticeable that
such registration is in hitherto recorded instances referred to the ypagetov, while
in the Oxyrhynchus papyri it is always effected through the dyopavopeior,
Evidently at Oxyrhynchus at any rate that institution combined to a large
extent the functions of a record and a notarial office. The agoranomi were
responsible, as the present group of documents shows, for the registration of
contracts; they received notice of the transfer and sale of land (O. P. I. xlv—
xlviii); and they had the custody of wills (O. P. I. cvi, evil). Cf. cexxxviii 2,
note, and Wessely, Die Aeg. Agoranomen als Notare in Mittheilungen aus
der Sammlung Pap. Erz. Rain. V. From the fact that these notifications were
written it may be inferred that the contracts to which they refer had been made
privately, or at any rate not before the agoranomi.
The present document is an authorization from Caecilius Clemens (ef.
eccxl, dated in the second year of Trajan) to the agoranomus to register a loan
of money from a man named Thonis to his brother on the security of a share
of a house.
Katkirrt(0)s KXjpns kal avAns Kai €l-
7@ ayo)pavopm x(at)petv. 20 gddev Kal e€ddwv
avdypayov daviov kal TOV GUVKUpOV-
‘ Fa na wy
cuvypapiv Odvios TOV TOV OVT@V
186 TLE NOX YIN CEROS 2A Varela
5 700 Apmaraos Tov em’ appid(ov) dpapov
TletoepwmOavi0s Tupvaciov mpos
xX a a? , ‘ -
prtpos Ilerocipios 25 T@ Qotpiw Kal To
Ths Apmranatos Tapletyo, ob brebe-
= eso, uA 9 Ne Cust ,
trav aw O€upvyx(ov) To aVT® 6 Opmoyvy-
10 7OXEws), apxeTuTTw- oLos avtov a6-dA( pos)
papov Oorpidos Ooudvas mpos Tat
kai” Howdos kai Xi a- 30 as ebypiotnoay
pamdos Kai 'Qoilpios adT@ KaTa& xipoypa-
4 ~ 4 \ X
kal Tov cuVVa- pov Kai diacaypadijv
15 ov beady peyio- Tpamé(ns dpaxpas
Tov, UToOnKNS TeTpakooliias.....
Tpitov pépous EVA iaet telly a oreo cal ronedeck
’ {3 > ° yy,
oikias, ev 7 alOpiov,
10. |. apyuractopopov. 12. ]. “Iowdos. 15. The final » of ouvvawy corr. fr. 6.
19. |. ciaddwv. 23. 1. dpopov. 26. |. umebero. 29g. |. mpos te. 30. |. nbypnorncer.
32. 1. deaypapny.
“Caecilius Clemens to the agoranomus, greeting. Register a contract of loan from
Thonis, son of Harpaésis, son of Petserothonis, his mother being Petosiris, daughter of
Harpaésis, of the city of Oxyrhynchus, chief bearer in the temple of Thoéris and Isis and
Sarapis and Osiris and the associated most mighty gods, on the security of the third part of
a house, in which there is a hall, with the court and entrances and exits and appurtenances,
situated in the Gymnasium square quarter by the temple of Osiris and the treasury, which
was mortgaged to him by his full brother Thomphuas in return for an accommodation in
accordance with a note of hand and a payment through a bank of 400 drachmae... ,
Biol oso
1. The status of the persons sending these notifications is in no case given ; probably
they were the farmers of the éykixAw» (O. P. I. xliv. 6)*. Sometimes they act on their own
authority, as here; sometimes they are described as cuveorayévor bd a second party, e. g.
cexliii. 1. Occasionally (ccexxvii, cf. cccxxix) the notice is sent by... kai of peroy(or),
a phrase which rather suggests a financial company (cf. O. P. I. xevi. 4, xeviii. 8, etc.) ; but
peToXoL dyo(pavdpor) occur iN CCCXX. 27.
CCXLII. RecGistraTIon oF A SALE.
23-7 XII-5 cm. A.D. 77.
Official notification to the agoranomus to register a contract of sale, to which
is appended a banker’s receipt for the é€yxvxkAvoy, or tax on sales ; cf. introd. to
1 On the éy«veAcoy see Wilcken, Gr. Ost. I. 182, who points out that this tax was levied chiefly on the
sale of houses, land, and slaves. This confirms our explanation here, cf. introd. to cexli,
THE SEN CLIN GORY. DOCOMEN AS 187
ccxli. The vendor is a woman named Thermouthion, who acting with her
husband as guardian had agreed to sell to a number of priests some land which
she had acquired from a certain Dionysia in the neighbourhood of the temple
of Sarapis. It is stipulated that the land should remain dedicated to the god
and not be made a source of income or alienated.
Incidentally, this and the next papyrus are of great importance as establish-
ing the ratio at this period between silver and Ptolemaic copper. The price paid
for Thermouthion’s land is given in both metals, the amount in silver being
692 drachmae and in copper 51 talents 5400 drachmae. That these two sums
are the whole price in different forms and not two parts of the price is evident
from the banker’s receipt for the éeyxvx\vov, the amount of which is exactly
10 per cent. (the regular proportion in the case of sales) of 51 talents 5400
drachmae of copper. If, therefore, the 692 silver drachmae were an integral part
of the price and not the equivalent in silver of the sum expressed in copper, the
treasury would have defrauded itself of 10 per cent. of 6g2 silver drachmae.
That alternative is obviously in the last degree improbable. The ratio of silver
to copper accordingly is 1: 450. The same result is obtained from other
Oxyrhynchus papyri, e g. cccxxxiii, where the price paid for some property is
7oo drachmae of silver or 52 talents 3000 drachmae of copper, the amount
of the éyxvxAvoy being 5 talents 1500 drachmae of copper ; ccxliii, where a sum
is similarly converted from silver to copper, and the proportion between them
is expressly stated to be 4: 1800, i.e. 1: 450; CCCXXXi, CCCXXXVii, CCCXXXViii
and cccxl. The ratio 1 : 450 is therefore conclusively established, but it must
be remembered that the copper drachmae meant in all these cases are those
of the Ptolemaic coinage, which in the second century B.C. exchanged with silver
at a ratio of 120: 1. A similar case in a Fayim papyrus of the conversion
of Ptolemaic copper into Roman silver occurs in Brit. Mus. Pap. CCLXVI (first
or second century) where the ratio is 1 : 5001.
‘ Through treating the copper drachmae in that case as Roman coins, not as Ptolemaic, the editor
naturally found this papyrus considerably at variance with Brit. Mus. Pap. CXXXI recfo in which twenty-
four silver are reckoned as equivalent to twenty-eight or twenty-nine copper drachmae (cf. O. P. I, ix verso
I sqq.)- But there is in reality no difficulty in reconciling the two statements, for the copper drachmae
in Pap. CXXXI are quite different from the copper drachmae of Pap. CCLXVI and these Oxyrhynchus
papyn. Usually in the Roman period, as always in the third century k.c. (Rev. Pap. App. 11), there is only
one standard and that a silver one. When, as in Pap. CXXXI, copper drachmae are met with, these are the
nominal equivalent of the same number of silver drachmae, but when payments are made in them they are
subject to a discount of one-seventh. Now it must be noticed with regard to this kind of copper drachmae
that the term drachma has lost entirely any signification of weight, and is merely an expression for the amount
of copper nominally equivalent to a silver drachma, just like the copper drachma in the third century B.C. ;
and that in order to find the ratio of value between two metals it is necessary to know what weight of one
exchanged for what weight of the other. In the third century B.c. it is probable on numismatic grounds
that one copper drachma (i.e. the amount of copper nominally equivalent to a silver drachma) weighed
120 times as much as one silver drachma, and therefore we can infer that the ratio was 120:1, though
in exchanging large sums of copper into silver, it was subject to a discount of about a ninth, But since
188 TELE OXY IN GETS) AEN ART:
ee
[KAavdios ’Avrwvivos 76 dyopavéuw yxalpey.|
[avdypawov viv...
tos THs Parpeods kal “Are ‘Aprarjoos tod Aj.......
pntpos Tavoopdmios ths ‘ApOodvos Tois [.,.....
5 lepedor Oorpidos kai “IowWos kat Yapdmidos kali toy ovv-
véwy Ocav peyictav Tob b& ‘ApOdyi.os Kat
IIdéevtos oot kal otodorais tay avtay [Oedy, dv
Tuyxdvee dvaribepévn jyolpaxvia mapa
Atovvoias THs Kat Taapditos ths Al ovucias
10 ’Emipdxov 76 pyvi Kacapeto rod dte[AOdvTos
evdrov €rous emi tov mpos "Oguptyxev mde
Saparelov emi Aavr\as “Eppatov éx Poppa [..... ré-
Aurev 4 Atovvoia 4 Kai Taapéis awd Bioppa
Tod Yapdmidos Oeod peyiorov mepiBorlolv [ex
for the Roman period the numismatists have not yet told us how much a copper drachma weighs, we
are wholly in the dark as to the ratio between the two metals. We know indeed from Brit. Mus.
Pap. CXXXI that twenty-eight copper drachmae were equivalent to twenty-four silver, but until we
know how much twenty-eight copper drachmae weighed we cannot tell what the ratio of copper was
to silver. The fact that there was a discount on copper of one-seventh does not make the ratio between
silver and copper 24:28 (Kenyon, Cat. I. p. 167, Il. p. 233), any more than the discount of one-ninth
in the third century B.c. (Rev. Pap. pp. 192, 199-200) makes the ratio 24:27. Such a view involves
a confusion of the ratio between the nominal or face value and the real value of copper (which ratio
in the time of Vespasian was about 24:28) with the ratio between silver and copper, which is a totally
different question. The monetary system of the Roman period, as has been stated, reverts to the system
of a single silver standard found in the earlier Ptolemaic period. During the intervening last two
centuries B.C a different system was in vogue, in which there were two standards, silver and copper
(Rev. Pap. Z.c.). The pre-existing ratio of 120 to 1 continued to be the proportion of value between
the two equal weights of silver and copper; but sums in copper coins were not calculated in terms of
their nominal equivalent in silver, but in relation to a purely copper standard. A copper drachma
meant no longer the amount of copper (120 drachmae in weight) which was nominally equivalent
to a silver drachma, but a drachma’s weight of copper which was worth 4, of a silver drachma. Thus,
the copper coin which in the third century B.c. was called an obol or one-sixth of a silver drachma
was in the second century B.C. called twenty copper drachmae, ‘The result of the change was of couise
that amounts paid in copper are enormously high, This kind of copper drachmae which really weighed
a drachma is still occasionally met with in the Roman period, and is meant in Brit. Mus. Pap. CCLXVI
and in some Oxyrhynchus papyri (introd. to cexlii). The greatly increased difference in value between
the metals is perhaps surprising, but it must be remembered (1) that the ratio of 120:1 can only be
traced up to about 90 B.C., and there is hardly any evidence for the next seventy years. It is therefore
possible that during that period the difference in value between the two metals was increasing and in B.C. 30
was much more than 120:1; (2) that Ptolemaic copper would naturally in the Roman period be at
a considerable discount as compared to Roman copper; (3) that under ordinary circumstances taxes in the
Roman period were paid in silver, and therefore it was a concession on the part of the government to
accept copper, much more Ptolemaic copper, at all.
Prof. Wilcken also finds a ratio of 450 : 1 between Roman silver and Ptolemaic copper in two second
century ostraca (Gy. Ost. I. 723), and is somewhat disturbed thereby, though, as the Oxyrhynchus papyri
show, unnecessarily. There is no contradiction between this ratio and the ratio of 120: 1; for the ratio
of 120: 1 is only known to apply to the third and second centuries B. C., and we are still ignorant, as has
been said, of the ratio of Roman and Ptolemaic silver to Roman copper.
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 189
15 wAdTous mHxVOS Huloous Tommy EK pépous Trept-
TETELXLTPEVOY, adY ToIs Evotat opTio.s,
éml TO edoat Tos wvovpévous Térovs TO Kupio
, \ s a > a a \ ‘
Sapdridt mpds xpnotiav rod avrod Oeod Kai ta dv-
ma pépn mepirexifev, Tors 6 adbrods Témous
20 ovK éuddpous muncovat mpos TO pévery avTods xpna-
THpia ToD avTod Oeod Kai Tod lepod, ovdEe pry €-
, ? ~ (pv ~ > 30 7) 17
f€oTat avrois éTEpors mwdelv Kat ovd|é\va 7z/p|ézor,
La A) (2 ’ ‘ 7 ‘ 4 ar
ov emplavto emi rovtos mapa OepplolvOiov rijs
Atovvctov rot Oodrvios pntpds Tecevipros rils
’4 x - ~ e ~ J A
25 Iletocopdémtos peta Kupiov Tod éavtns avdpos
Kegddwvos rod ‘Apbodyios tod EvBovdou pntpos
Oarovos, mdvitles tév adm ’Ogvptyywr mrédews,
TELS apy[v|pl oly (Spaxper) xgB x(@Axod) (radvrwv) va ‘Ev. éppaco.
(Erous) dexdrov Avdtoxpdéropos Kalcapos Ovecraciavod
30 SeBacrov, Xolax 8. 2nd hand. Kdavdios Avtwvivos ypy(udricor).
3rd hand 'Adé£a(vdpos) Kai of pé(roxor) Toi{s) dyo(pavdpuos) xal(pev). Téraxrac
TH ty Tod) Xo(iak) €vK(v«dlov) ‘Apbodris ‘Apbod{(vi0s)
K \ c \ Ry v (a a 4
al of avy avT@ lepells) KaO i(v) Exouvor
diaypa(dijv) xa(AKod) mp(ds) apy(dpiov) (rédAavTa) € “App. Eppo(cbe).
6-7. 1. 7 8€ “ApOdr[ er Kai] Mdetre Or dvt@y Kai orodotov. aecros corr. from mae (?).
12. l. Aavipas... AeAourev, 18.1]. Aowmd. 20. 1. woujoovor, 27. 1. mdvTwr.
1. In ccexxx Claudius Antoninus is described as 6 cuveorapévos bd Sapariwvos, and it is
possible that this may be the reading here. But in cexliii, dated the year after the present
papyrus (cf. ceexxxi, cecxxxiv), C]. Antoninus himself has an agent; so he may very well
be here acting independently.
4. The word lost at the end of the line gave the number of the purchasers, probably
Tésoapot OF Terre,
8. A participle is certainly required after diaribepévn, and the traces suit nyo, but jyyo[ pa-
xvia mapa is rather long for the lacuna.
II. ’Okuptyxov 7m oer: the title } “Ofvpuyxetr@v modes does not occur in the first century
papyri. ‘The earliest instance of it which we have yet found is ccxxxvii. VI. 12 (a. p. 186).
12. Navpas “Eppaiov: cf. ccxliii. 14, where an duodov ‘Eppatov is mentioned; and cf,
‘Inméwy TMapepnBodns, which is the name of an dudodor in ccxlvii. 21 and of a Aavpa in ccexciii.
The same interchange takes place, e.g. with Mupo8adavov (cf. ccliv. 5 with cccxxxviii),
Hotpenxns (cf. cclviii. 5 and cccxvi), Tenovevovbews (cf. ccli. g with O. P. I. Ixxvii. 9); and
it is clear that the terms audodov and Aavpa are coextensive. They denote an area larger
than that of a street with the houses fronting it (the term for which is puyn; cf. O. P. I.
190 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
xcix. 7), but somewhat less than that implied by ‘quarter.’ Oxyrhynchus had at least
fourteen dpoda, and Arsinoe still more}.
13-14. The relation of this sentence to the preceding is not quite clear. dvzev if right
—and the letters though faint seem certain—must be the termination of Nedumev, i.e.
NeNourev Or a compound of that verb. Two interpretations seem possible, though neither is
quite satisfactory. (1) [kai .. . X€|Nourey may be read, in which case NéAourev is the correlative
of the mutilated participle in 8. But no compound of Xeimew corresponds very well with
nyopaxvia, and on the other hand no word meaning ‘inherited’ appears suitable in 8 ;
moreover, the further specification of the property amo S{oppax.r.d. then comes in rather
awkwardly. Or (2) we may read |v xaradé|Aourev, the genitive depending on Soppa and the
whole clause further defining the position of the land sold.
16. optics: cf. ccxlili. 26 adv Trois eumeooupevars opriots.
30. xpn(uirioov): this is the usual form of signature by the official who sent these
notices to the agoranomus. In one instance (cccxxXxvii) xpy(udriov) is replaced by the
more specific dvaypa(wov),
32. evevedtov: cf. O. P. I xcix, introd. The amount of the éyxvx\cv on sales was
10 per cent of the price. It appears from cexliii that on mortgages the tax was 2 per cent.
34. xaX(kov) mplos) dpy(vpeov): this phrase, which applies only to Ptolemaic copper,
though not yet found in Roman papyri from other sources, was common in the first
century at Oxyrhynchus; e.g. ccxliii. 47, cccxxxili, and O. P. I. xlix. 17, 1. 4, xcix. ro.
The precise meaning of the addition mpés apydpuov is obscure ®.
"App: pis rather strangely formed and could be read as «a, but since in other cases the
amount paid for ¢y«t«Avov is an exact proportion of the sum changing hands according to the
contract, « is the safer reading.
CCXLIII. RecistrRatTion oF A MortTGAGE.
23-5 X 11-2 cm. A.D. 79.
Notification similar to the two preceding papyri (cf. introd. to ccxli)
authorizing the agoranomus to register a contract of mortgage. The borrower
is Dionysius, who, on the security of some house and land property, obtains from
Didymus a loan of 1300 drachmae of silver for twelve months at the usual
interest of 1 per cent.a month. The chief interest of this document consists
partly in an explicit statement of the ratio at this period between silver and
Ptolemaic copper (cf. introd. to cexlii), which is given as 4: 1800; partly in
the banker's receipt appended to the provisions of the contract, which shows that
the tax called éyxixAvoy was levied upon mortgages as well as upon sales, and
that its rate was 2 per cent. of the loan, payable by the mortgagee. The tax
due from purchasers, on the other hand, was 10 per cent. of the price. In the
‘ Prof. Wilcken (Gr. Ost. I. 712) considers that Aavpa means ‘quarter,’ but identifies dupodoy with
pipn. This, however, now seems hardly tenable. Cf. also the description of a YAds rémos at Hermopolis
in Gizeh Pap. No. 10259 ém dupddov Ppovptov ArBos év pUpy Aeyouevy 'AauyKpnTi.
2 Cf. Wilcken, Gr. Ost, I. 720 sqq., where the question is discussed at length.
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS TOL
upper and left-hand margins of the papyrus and in a blank space below line 43
have been scribbled a few lines which. have nothing to do with the main document
nor have any connected sense. On the verso is a good deal of nearly effaced
writing, for the most part in the hand responsible for the scribbling on the recdo.
Xapjpov Xaipjpovos Mapwveds 6 cuvec-
rapevos vd K{Nalvdiov ‘Avrovivoy 76 ady(o)pavé-
s > 4 ¢ 4
po xaipew. aridy\pawar ovvypadns brobyjKns
Astpov tod Yapariwvos tod Advpov pytpos
5 Xapiz[odjros 7Hs Ietociov trav an ’Ogvptyxov
, ~ € la a c 7
movews, [T\@v vrapyévT@y TO btroTWEwév@ Atovu-
cie TO Kali] “Apde Paviov rod Kai ‘Apc tod Paviov
untpiols Znvaplijov 7Hs Acovvolov tov amd 7Hs
av7|ns mé|\ews, Kal pepepiopévoy avT@ vd THS
10 pn{[t\pos Zinvjaplolv, omére mepinv, dt As eOeTw TreEpi
, A ~ ’ fal > lal , ‘4
kalt|abéolew|s dic tod ev TH adh modEL pynpoviov
7® Meyxeip pnvi rod dexdrov érovs Népwvos
[dlu{oAloyias, awd tis brapxotons avtH Emi Tov mpods
‘Oguptyyxav mé6dex Yapariov em adupddov ‘Eppaiou (oi-
15 Klas ev [7] m’pyos Sicteyos Kai mpoTvdwy
‘ 2 4 r Tote 4p ] \ ~
kal e€ddvov k\ai EOpiov Kal Kapd|pa K\at Ths mpoo-
¢ ree 4 2 ~ ? Q ~ , , ~
ovons To TUpyw EK TOU amd Pop(p)a pépouvs adArs
ev 7 ppeap NiOvov Kai Wirev Térwv, mpbTEpor
“Hpakdeidov tod Pidokévov kai Irodépas tHs “Aci-
20 wos, eK [T0|0 amd Boppa pépovs apgapévov amd 77S
Boplpyivals yolvias tod mpomvdA@vos emi vorov, Boppa
émi vorov [e€| aupotépwv Tay {Tov} pepay m™X@v
[d€lkfa E)€, AiBes ew’ amndrréryv dpoiws e€ apudo-
Tépov] Tov pepdy mHYaV TpidKovTa Ovo, waT Et-
SEAN x ? , ad a s rc ,
25 vali] émi 70 avt7w euBidt\ov mhxe[t|s pevtaKkociovs
[dé\xa d¥o, adv tlolis Eumeroupévos els TovrTOLS
, ~ da ~ ? ay DN NS ,
[ploprios maor, Kai 6Ans THS Ex TOD amd Pop(p)a pépovs
708 mUpyou avAns ev 7 70 dpéap, pétpa Kal Tavs
Boppa& emi vorov && [au\porépwy Tay pepo mhyes
30 elkoo. Téccapos, ALBds em] amnALtéTHY Spuolws EE apudgo-
192 ETE =O XOYVRCED YIN GELS PAP Yan
Tépwy TOY pepov mHXELS Evdeka, WoT civat
kai THS avdAns euBdrov mixers Staxooious é€H-
kjovTa Técoapos, adv Tols Kal Els TovTOUS cUvEL-
mecoupévars hoprios mao, dor eivar emi Td avTw
25 €uBdrov mhyeis ém(t)akootovs éBSopnKovta €&,
nm d\Ta d& akor\ovdws tH OndAovpévyn 6podo-
yeia’ av breeT@ atiT@ 6 mpoyeypappevos Arovtar-
os 6 kai ‘Apdis mpos adpyupiov Kaipadéov dpaxpas
xirias Tpiakocias TéKov Spaxpuatov éxdorns
40 pvas Tod pnvos éExdorou émi yxpdvov phvas déka
600 amd Tod elorovTos pnvis Pappovhr, av Teper
as Tav 6 (Spaxpav) Aw xa(dKod) (Tédavta) g¢ ‘I. Eppa(co). (Erovs)
ta Avtokpdtopos
Kaicapos Oveo\ra\ciavod SeBacrod, Papevsd.
and hand. Xarph(yor), Xp (“aTLC Or).
45 3rd hand, O€wy kai of péroy(ot) tpa(mefirar) TH adyo(pavdpu@) yal(pecr).
TétaKTal) TH Kn TOD Dape(vaO) evx(vKdiov) Aidupos
Napam(tovos) cal’ iv) exer Siaypa(pijv) xad(Kod) mpos apy(Upror)
(rdAavtov) a ’Eyr. (4th hand) O€ov ceon(petwpat) x/a\AK(od) mpéos
ap y(bptov)| (Té\avtov) [a] “Ey.
3. 1. cvyypadiy. 7. 1. ’Apocros. 10. |. ebero; cf. 37. 16. ]. at@piov. 25. l. ro
airé, and so in 34. 1. mevraxocious. 26. 1. rovrous. 30. |. reocapas and so in 33.
38. 1. Kepadaiov. 46. The name d.duzos perhaps by the 4th hand.
“Chaeremon, son of Chaeremon, of the Maronian deme, nominee of Claudius Antoninus,
to the agoranomus, greeting. Register a contract of mortgage for Didymus, son of
Sarapion, son of Didymus, his mother being Charitous, daughter of Petosius, of
Oxyrhynchus, of the property of the mortgager Dionysius also called Amois, son of Phanias
also called Amois, son of Phanias, his mother being Zenarion, daughter of Dionysius, of the
same city, being a share assigned to him by his mother Zenarion in her lifetime by an
agreement of cession executed through the record office of the same city in the month of
Mecheir in the tenth year of Nero, of her house near the Serapeum at Oxyrhynchus
in the quarter of Hermaeus, containing a two-storied tower and a gateway and passage
and hall and chamber, and of the court adjoining the tower on the north side and con-
taining a stone well, and of some open plots of land formerly in the possession of Heracleides,
son of Philoxenus, and Ptolema, daughter of Asinis, on the north side starting from the north
angle of the gateway towards the south, measuring from north to south on both sides
16 cubits, and from west to east also on both sides 32 cubits, making 512 square cubits,
together with all fixtures that may be included in them; the measurements of the court
northwards of the tower and containing the well are from north to south on both sides
24 cubits, and from west to east also on both sides 11 cubits, making for the court 264
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 193
square cubits, together with all fixtures which may be included in them ; total measurements,
776 square cubits, all these particulars being in accordance with the aforesaid agreement.
The property has been mortgaged to Didymus by the said Dionysius also called Amois for
a sum of 1300 drachmae of silver at the interest of a drachma for a mina each month for
a term of twelve months from the coming month Pharmuthi; the value of which sum,
reckoned at the rate of 1800 drachmae (of copper) for 4 drachmae (of silver), is 97 talents
3000 drachmae of copper. Farewell. The 11th year of the Emperor Caesar Vespasian
Augustus, Phamenoth.’
There follow the signature of Chaeremon authorizing the registration, and the
receipt of the bank of Theon and company for 1 talent 5700 drachmae of copper paid by
Didymus on account of the tax on sales and mortgages.
1. Mapwvetds: several new names of demes occur in this volume; see cclxi. 6 Avéiun-
tépewos 6 Kai Anvetos, Cclxiii. 18 "Emipdvevos, CCIXxili. g vdakiMadaocetos 6 Kat ’AdOateds,
12 vdakiadaocewos 6 kai “Hpdkdewos; cf. ccclxxiii and ccclxxvii. Probably in all cases the
demes are Alexandrian, like Swotxdopios 6 cat AAOaevs in O. P. I. xev. 15.
II. Sia tov... pympoviov: cf. CCXxxvili. 2, note.
25. For éuBdrov or, more correctly, euBddov cf. Brit. Mus. Pap. CLIV. 6 mnxes
euBadixot. The spelling ¢uSarixds occurs in Brit. Mus. Pap. CXCI. 19.
27. For gopria in the sense of fixtures cf. cexlii.16 and C. P. R. 206, in which a pépos
hoprioy mhuOxav Kai aidixov Kai [. . .|nt«K@y is sold for 600 drachmae,
36. rH Sydoupery dpodoyia: i.e. the dzodoyia mentioned in 13.
42. The tetradrachm or stater, being the silver coin in common use, was the regular
unit in a comparison of values ; cf. e.g. Rev. Pap. col. LX. 15, and Brit. Mus. Pap. CXXXI.
recto 447 ws ta(v) 8 (8paxpar) 6BoX (or) kn).
CCXLIV. TransFer or CATTLE.
28xX13-6cm. A.D. 23.
This and the following papyrus (ccxlv) are both addressed to the
strategus Chaereas, and are concerned with the registration of property in cattle.
The present document is a letter from a slave named Cerinthus, who states his
intention of transferring his sheep to the Cynopolite nome, which was on the
opposite side of the river, and requests that the strategus of that nome may be
notified of the fact. Below is the beginning of the letter written in accordance
with this request by Chaereas to Hermias, the strategus of the Cynopolite
nome.
An interesting palaeographical feature is the signature of Cerinthus, which
is one of the earliest examples of Latin cursive writing upon papyrus.
|X |arpéat oTpaTnya@L
mapa KnpivOov Avtwvias Apovaou
dovdov. BovAdpevos petayayetv
éxk tod ‘Ogupvyxirov eis tov KvviolroXirny
5 vopoy vopaly xdpw & exw ev aroypa(pi)
O
194 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Dek
emi rod ‘O&€\upuy|xirov ev TO eveotaru
evadto ever TiBepiov Kaicapos X<«Bacrod
mpoBara tpiaxéora elkoo. kal alyas
[éxarlov ééjKov|tja Kai Tods émakodouM(odvTas)
10 dpvas {klai épidovs, émidid@pe 7d drdpvy(pa)
dros ypdpn(s) Tat Tod Kuvorrodirov
[o]}rparny@] piéplety Ta onpaty(opev)a mpoBara
kal ev... a, [&] dmoypagie...
a iciin SHIA 9G 5 Bok Up trees
and hand. 15 Ceri{nthus] Antoniae - Drusi - ser(uus)
epid{e]doca - anno - viiii - Tib(eri)
Caesaris Aug(usti) - Mechir - die - oct(auo)
3rd hand. Xaupéas ‘Eppia {orpa(rnyS) Kvvolrodirov miciora xaiper.
emédwxév ror afmoypady|y KyjpivOo\s “Avrwvias Apovaov
20 dodAos BovjAd\ufevos 22 letters |. . €&
al
“To Chaereas, strategus, from Cerinthus, slave of Antonia, daughter of Drusus. 1 wish
to transfer from the Oxyrhynchite to the Cynopolite nome for the sake of pasturage 320
sheep and 160 goats and the lambs and kids that may be produced, which I have on the
register in the Oxyrhynchite nome in the present ninth year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus.
I therefore present this memorandum in order that you may write to the strategus of the
Cynopolite nome to register the aforesaid sheep and goats...
‘T, Cerinthus, slave of Antonia, daughter of Drusus, have presented this in the ninth
year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, on the eighth day of Mechir.
‘Chaereas to Hermias, strategus of the Cynopolite nome, many greetings. Cerinthus,
slave of Antonia, daughter of Drusus, has presented to me a return, wishing to...’
13. It does not seem possible to read atyas here after xa‘, where it is certainly expected.
17. There are some traces of ink which may indicate another short line below 17, but
are more probably accidental
CCXLV. ReEGISTRATION OF CATTLE.
BAe) Gils Noid, ADs
Property return addressed to the strategus Chaereas (cf. ccxliv) by two
persons, who make a statement of the number of sheep in their possession in the
twelfth year of Tiberius. The formula followed in this document also occurs in
eccl—ceclvi ; it is somewhat different from that found in the Fayiim papyri.
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 195
These Oxyrhynchus returns of cattle were usually sent to the strategus or
the toparch ; and two (cexlv and cccli) which are addressed to the former are
signed by the latter. They are also as a rule dated early in the month
Mecheir. ccxlvi shows some peculiarities. ccclvii and O. P. I. Ixxiv state the
present number of the cattle compared with that of the previous year.
Ist hand. én
and hand. Xaipéa orparnyae 15 emlpepmiypeva Tots
mapa Hpaxdelou tod Atovuctov rot ‘Immddou
"Ariwvos kai Ndpidos dia vopéws Tobrou
tod Koddovbav mple\oBvu- viod Stpdtwvos vew-
5 Tépov. amroypapopucOa TEpov Aaoypapoupévo(v)
eis TO eveaTos LB (€TOS) 20 els THY avdtiy Iléda’
TiBepiov Kaicapos XeBacrtov av Kat Takdpeba 7d Kab7-
Ta UTapXovTa Hpmelv kov TéXos. €v7[]x (Et).
mpoB(ara) éxdoT &E/ grd hand. Yapa(miwr) rom(épxns) oeon-
10 mp(6Bara) .B, & veunoerat (pelwpar) mpoBara
adv To(t)s émaKxoXoubob- déka Sto / iB.
ou dpvaot rept Iléka THs 2nd hand(?) 25 (érous) «8 TiBepiov Kaicapos
mpos AiBa torapyxias SeBacrod, (1st hand?) Me-
kal dv ddov Tod vopod x(elp) €.
‘To Chaereas, strategus, from Heracleus, son of Apion, and Naris, son of Colluthus
the elder. We return for the current r2th year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus the sheep
which we own as six each, or twelve sheep in all. They will pasture, together with the
lambs that may be produced, in the neighbourhood of Pela in the western toparchy and
throughout the nome, mixed with those of Dionysius, son of Hippalus, under Dionysius’
son, Strato the younger, as shepherd, who is registered as an inhabitant of the said Pela.
We will also pay the proper tax upon them. Farewell.
‘I, Sarapion, toparch, have set my signature to twelve sheep, total 12.
‘The 12th year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, Mecheir 5.’
CCXLVI. RecisTRATION oF CATTLE.
Plate VII. 34:3x8cm. a.p. 66.
Supplementary return addressed to the strategus, the royal scribe, and the
‘scribes of the nome. The sender registers as his property seven lambs, which
he states have been born subsequent to a previous return sent in by him for the
current year.
196 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
The body of the document is in a fine uncial hand of a literary type, while
the signatures of the various officials are very cursively written.
Tlarricko Koopnteda|a(yte)
Ths Tédews Kal otpa(rnyd) ’O€v{puyy(érov)
kal IIrodepa(iw) Baoikae ypa(uparer)
kal Tois ypdpovot tov vol pov
5 mapa “Apputvovos Tob IT0-
ciptos Tob Ieroctpios pln-
tpos Adtvpns THs Atoyévovs
Tov amd Kons POdy{ Los
TIS Mmpos amndLHTnv Tolmapxtas).
10 dmeypawdpnv Ta. erfeo-
T@TL UB (Ere) Népwvols
Kiavdiov Katoapos
YeBacrod Teppavixod
Adtoxpdtopos mepi Thy
15 avtTyv POdxW amd ylo-
vas av &X@ Opeppdraly
dpvas d€xa dvo, kal vijv
amoypdpopat Tovs ém|vye-
yovoras els tiv éver7|@oav
20 devtépay aroypagiy alm
yovns Tav avrav Opeplpa-
Tov apvas émTd, yivorv[rat
dpves émtdé kal bprito
Népova Kiatidiov Kaicapla
25 SeBaorovy Teppavixov
Adroxpdtopa pr vectra Kat).
€|ppo(a6e).
and hand. ’AmoAAdrtos 6 mapa) Ilan{ioKxov
oTparnyod ceon(welwpa) dpr(as) ¢.
30 (€rovs) 18 Népwvos rod xup(cjov,
"Ereih x.
3rd hand. ‘Qpiwv 6 m(ap&z) IroX(epatov) Ba(oidKod) yplappatéws)
Pirate VII
mA ay PATHIG
. Cito wIeIS Q
Tal ee eke if
1 ET eescer hie
ae, Fre ee
F £5 niga it RY ihe TAS a
Ma 5: = ‘SPAY \ MIN
i 2 ee} o1Ae ¥ +e
wee -*C: KOI MKS tA wo
~ “Be Lan
(Areraee ore
eo FERPAGOP “Oke
rt Fj KETTAR OAS
ET fe es “TH, ce
ee OH > Pre
e Yoo k
(ect M4 | &
WF TAS NY He
No. CCLXXXII
TIAMI CKO! Koen (Te,
THO} (O/. EQCKA lor fee
KAITOTO AGM RaCls Lise
KASTOIETPAGOCE JONING
ITAA APM ee
C) POCTOY MEIC) Pig
TO CAIAYM HCTHC eh
TW NAITO KWMH GY 6 Oo
THER POCATH NI USTHINT
PTET PATAMANS car hee
eT ade Rt NIE Pea Nc
KAAYAIOY KAICAPOC™
CERACTOYIEP MAN T Ke
ANT O KPT POC ITS PITH
A ne ATte.
NHC CONCXWIE PEMMATO
AP NACACKANY? feQIN'
9 or pAdomAITE TOYCET,
TON OTACElCTH NENEC
ACYTE PANAP OS ey HN:
PONHETWNAY TOON PEN
TINA PNACEITTALINeK
Ap NECEITTA KAIOME.
: Nepw NA KAMAN {KAICA
CORD. TONTEPMAN ON
NTO PATO PAM HYTTET
a
PRE 5 ) PE 7
P PA
Crew. > ARO Ce Ney
}
M U. bs ceca Mae age
Jah &
No. CCXLVI
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 197
geon(uel@par) dpiv(as) ¢.
(Erous) 1B “Népwvos Kaicapos
Tod Kupiov, ‘Ezrelp [X.
4th hand. 35 Zyjvev 6 napa) trav) Tov vou(dv) yp(apéovT@r) cEeon(pEelopat)
dpr(as) ¢. (€rovs) 8 Népar{o|s Kaicapos
Tob Kupio[u|, ‘Emjci|p A.
‘To Papiscus, ex-kosmetes of the city and strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, and
Ptolemaeus, royal scribe, and the scribes of the nome, from Harmiusis, son of Petosiris, son
of Petosiris, his mother being Didyme, daughter of Diogenes, of the village of Phthochis in the
eastern toparchy. I registered in the present r2th year of Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus
Germanicus Imperator in the neighbourhood of the said Phthochis twelve lambs which
were born from sheep in my possession, and I now register for the second registration
a further progeny of seven lambs born from the same sheep, total seven lambs; and I swear
by Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator that I have not prevaricated.
Farewell.’
There follow the signatures of Apollonius, agent of Papiscus, Horion, agent of
Ptolemaeus, and Zenon, agent of the ‘ scribes of the nome,’
; I. xoopyrevo{a(vre): cf. B. G. U. 362, 1X. 6, fr. vii. 4. Very little is known concerning
the functions of the xooyyrjs, but it appears from other Oxyrhynchus papyri (unpublished)
that one of his duties was the management of public festivals and games. ‘That the office
involved great expense is evident from C. P. R. 20.
4. Tois ypadovar roy voudy: cf. CCXXXix. I, note.
CCXLVII. RecistRaTION OF PROPERTY.
35X8-8 cm. A.D. go.
Registration of house-property addressed to the keepers of the archives
by Panechotes on behalf of his younger brother, who is described as not quite
of age. Cf. O. P. I. Ixxii, which is a similar return addressed to the same two
officials in the same year, and is also written on behalf of asecond party ; ccclviii;
and the two following papyri, which show that Epimachus and Theon were the
keepers of the archives ten years earlier. The decree of Mettius Rufus mentioned
in 15 is preserved in ccxxxvii. VIII; on the general subject of awoypaai see note
on line 31 of that column.
1st hand. € k Papeva(A) 0d. [ev 76 Kaur tpitov
and hand. Oéov kai’ Emipdyor [pélpos olkias Surupyi-
BiBALog(vAa Ee) as, €v KaT& pécov ai-
mapa Ilaveydérov Tot >= [Ap ov, kal THS mpocov-
p x 25 [Op iov, js ™p
198 | THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
5 Ilavoipios rod Iavexo- [ons] avAns Kal €Tépwv
Tou pntpos Toevappo- (xlenornpiov Kai €ic-
~ an Ye / Nis ta ‘
varos THs Ilavexarou édouv Kat e€6dov Kat
tév aw ’Ogvptyxwv 6X(Ews). TOY CVUYKUpOVTOY,
amroypagpopu| a. T@ opoyv\n- 30 KaTnvTnKos els avTov
10 afm pov ddA PO... .. €€ dvomaTos THS o7n-
amd THS avTHS TOAEwS pavvopéevns Kai pe-
4 a?) , 4 ? ,
MpooTpeXovTe TH Evvo- TnrAaxvias appore-
Ho Hrikia Kata Ta bd pov pytpos Toevap-
Tov KpatioTou iyEpLovos 35 pwvaros ard THs av-
13 Merriov ‘Potvpov mpoa- Ths {a} médews a&Kodov-
2, oS ¢ 4 ce a4 ‘4
TeTAYpeva TO UTap- Baws ofs Exer dikaios.
> a ’ ‘ > 4 , 4 , 4
Xov avT@ Els THY EvEo- (€rous) evérou AvToxparopos
cod t - n) A ~ 7 ~
Tooav imepuy emt TOD Kaiocapos Aopitiavod
mpos 'Oguptyxov r6X(Et) 4o SeBaorod Teppavixov,
20 Lapamiov em apdddov Sapevad 16.
“Imméov Tlapep Borns
‘To Theon and Epimachus, keepers of the archives, from Panechotes, son of Pausiris,
son of Panechotes, his mother being Tsenammonas, daughter of Panechotes, of the city
of Oxyrhynchus. I register for my full brother . . . of the same city, who is approaching the
legal age, in accordance with the commands of his highness the praefect Mettius Rufus, his
property at the present date in the Campus near the Serapeum at the city of Oxyrhynchus in
the Knights’ Camp quarter, namely a third part of a doubled-towered house, in the middle of
which there is a hall; and of the court attached and the other fixtures and the entrance and
exit and appurtenances. This has descended to him from the property of the aforesaid and
departed Tsenammonas, the mother of us both, in accordance with his rightful claims.
The ninth year of the Emperor Caesar Domitianus Augustus Germanicus, Phamenoth 14.
12. mpoorpéxovre rH evvduo Hruxia: cf. cclxxy. 8 ovdérw dvra ray erdv. The ‘ legal age *
was probably fourteen years, when men became liable to the poll-tax.
23. Surupyias : cf. Brit. Mus. Pap. CCCXLVIII. 12, C. P. R. 28. ro.
37. From the use of the present tense it seems that the subject of xe: is the legatee ;
but in the parallel passage in ccxlviii, 33-4 the Sika are those of the testator.
CCXLVIII. RecistRATION OF PROPERTY.
37 X 11-5 cm. A.D. 80.
Property-return similar to the preceding, sent to the keepers of the archives
by Demetrius on behalf of his son Amois, who had inherited some property
from his grandfather Sarapion.
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS
7
It is noticeable that Sarapion is stated to
have died in the 8th year of Vespasian (75-6), or at least four years earlier
than this registration ; cf. ccxlix. 13 and 25, and note on amoypadat on ccxxxvii.
VIII. 31.
Io
15
20
25
3°
‘Emipdyor Kali O€wvi
Bie]Bi A jropvjAage
mapa Anpuntplolvy Sapamiwvos rot O€wyvos
\ va -
faqs JAG GaSb oo dob oo aoe
Sapamiwvos tod ‘AAdgédvdpou..... .
tov am “Oguptyxev [réXews). aroypdpopat
Tat vide pov Apéite [Anpuntpliov rod
Sapariwvos tod Owvos tav dmd THs av-
TN SRA ON COSA [si a; Yoheor sesneo) Sav anes
- 5
CPEs Ol onoocanvesé Ta Ka-
fd bY) » 2, \ 2 > va
ThvTnkoTa [els adtov ef] ov[duaros
ToD pev martpos euold avjrod [dé mdmmou
Sapamiwvos Tob Oéwvos [,.......
Xov Tav amd THs av[7(Hs) 7d\Aco[s TeTEAEV-
fe ~ bd Pe a4 “~
THKOTOS TOL Gydda[t| ErEL Oeold
Odeoraciavod, ev pev thu ’O€vptylxov
move er apdd(doyv Idaretals
Hépos Hpicous pépovs KowwwvilKns olkias
kal aiOpiov kal avdAs, Kal wept Kepxe.
THs mpos AiBa tomapxias ex tod | Krn-
, 4 > QA ~ 2
aikA€ous KArpou amd KowarvKkey [éda-
Pov Hylov pépos KaTOLKLKIS yis a{pov-
~ JA ~ tA ‘ ? a ?
pov déka puds terdprov, Kai €k Tod ’Em-
4 e 4 > x‘ ~ >
Hdxov 6potws amd Kowwvixar {eda-
~av Hutov pépos KaToLKiKys yns
dpovpav ovo, Kal €v TH adTh Kopin
Stpotpoy pépos TeTdprov pépouls
Kolv@VLKHS eravhews ovvTren|T@-
kulas €v 7) mUpyos Kal TepioTepewy Kia av-
Aai Kal Erepa xpnorhpia mavTa ovviTreE-
mTok6Ta. 6 d¢ Yapawiwv eoriv dia [THs
200 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Tov dexatouv éetous Népawvos
amoypapns, emt d& mévTalv| akolAov-
Bas trois eis Tov adtov apam|lovja d\cK(ators).
35 (érous) y Avroxpdéropos Tirov Kaiojalpios Oveomactavod
YeBacrov, PacXpu) cy.
and hand. 4 @ me
10, The three letters after mpwr corrected. 18. The syllable px in nuoovs originally
omitted, and added above the line. 34. tos added above the line.
9. In the latter part of the line it was probably stated that Amois was a minor; cf.
ccxlvil. 12.
10. Perhaps xar[a ra keNevoOérra, but the difficulty at the beginning of the line renders
the supplement doubtful.
20. [Kry]ouxAous xAnpov : the names of the kAjpor are perhaps those of the first kdro:kot
who held them, just as the three pepides of the Fayfim were probably called after the three
first orpatnyot.
28. ovvTen| To |kutas : ‘in a state of ruin.’
31. The point of the statement that Sarapion had registered the property in the roth
year of Nero is not easy to understand on the theory of an annual registration ; cf. note on
ccxxxvii. VII. 31. On the other hand the remark need not necessarily imply that there
had been no general droypapy of property between that date (63-64) and the present year,
though it rather points in that direction.
CCXLIX. REGISTRATION OF PROPERTY.
21X7-2 cm. A.D. 80.
Supplementary property return, dated in the same year and on the same
day as ccxlviii, announcing in addition to property registered previously the
possession of a share of a house devised to the present owner by his brother,
who had died early in the year 78. Two years had therefore elapsed between the
decease of the testator and this registration of the property by the heir ; cf. introd.
to ccxlviii, and note on cexxxvii. VIII. 31.
"Emipdxor Kal O€ove BiBrALog(bAage) 15 avTH moda ev TO Ilappé-
mapa Aoyadtos tov Tearos vous eyouév@ Tapadel-
= in aN ’ 4 (2 la a
tod Kevratpov pnrpos ‘Ani- cou Tplrov pépos ExTou
as ts II[pwraros trav am ’Ogv- Hépous KolvwviKns mpos
5 pvyxov médews. amroypao- pe Kai rods adeXgpods Kat
par Kata Ta mpooTeTaypé- 20 €Tépous olkias a&kodovbas
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 201
va xwpis oy mpoareypa- H meroinrar Sua Tob ev TH
Wapnv Kal viv 70 Katnv- auth WoAEL ayopavopetou
T™ykos els pe e& dvdpmaros 7® Toe pyvi rod c (Erovs)
a e 43 3 4 ¢ 7
10 TOU dpoyynatov pov aded- SiabyKn as mepiexet.
god Ilomdlov t@v amd THs and hand. 25 (€rovs) y Adroxpdropos Tirov
auTns moAews ple|rnAdAa- Kaicapos Oveoraciavod Ye-
4 3 ta ~ 4 ~
XOTos aTEKVOU TL L (ETEL) Baorov
Oc0d Oveoraciavod ev 7|f PDawpu ty.
16. |. mapadciow, 27. vy corr. from 18.
CCL. REGISTRATION OF PROPERTY.
22-3xX 10-8 cm. A.D. 61 (?).
Supplementary property return resembling ccxlix; cf. note on ccxxxvii.
VIII. 31. The writer, whose name is lost, registers some property derived from
his father, who had died at the end of the 3rd year of Nero, in the course
of which year the writer's previous return had perhaps been sent in (cf. note
on 6). The date of the present document is missing, but it is approximately
fixed by the mention of the praefect Vestinus, who is known to have been
in office in the 6th, 7th, and 8th years of Nero; and that it should be
assigned to the 7th year is made probable by the fact that there is gummed
to its left margin a mutilated document which is to all appearance a similar
property return and which is dated in the month Germaniceus of the 7th year
of an emperor who is almost certainly Nero.
3 iA \ \ < ‘ ~ 4
epee ]. Groypdpopat kara Ta bald TOD Kpatiorou
[yyepovos] Aevxiov "IovAiou Ovnoreir[ov mpooreray-
[eva xlwpls av mpoateypawdpny [...... Are oee hee
eevee anes dle. maja ZlaoAS THS IEGboaonooo0noc
Benepe ateas, ctl ey Se Jou é€v rau TTairaioreiaft..... 2.1...
Rae a wear nae .v Tt y (€rec) Néporios Kiavdtov Kai-
{capos YeBaoro|i Teppavxod Adroixpdropos wept
tiv avt[yy K\opny ex tod Nikdvopos {kat Apipadkov
KAjpov eyopnevay Awpobéou aplovpas......
202 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
10 Téraptov évdéxa(rov), TX KaTnvTnK[éTa els Epme
e€ dvoparos Tod petnAdaxérTos mlarpds jou
Appoviov tod Yapamiwvos rais [emayopévais
Tob avrod y (érovs) ad is eOero idiol\ypdpou opodoyt-
as Ta vy (€ret) Oeod Krdavdiov kal did [tHs mpds Thv
15 yuvaikd pou TaaypedAdkoa AmeddGtos........
auvoikectou ovvypagns yeyovulals dia Tod ev
"Okupbyxov médE ayopavopiov TAL... ... pnul
Tod 1 (€rovs) Oeod Kdavdiov, ev piv ’Okupityxov mode
év THe Tay AvKioy mapepBorF olikiav Kat adbdAyv
20 kal €repa yxpnorTipia, Kai wept TO Vf... .. SR a:
ex tod Nikdvopos Kai Apipdkov KAnplov........
bmdpxolv\ros avr émokiov Tol... ......6-.
€x Tov amd Boppa pépous eis 6 evddlyiferar Kat
6 amd Boppa mepiotepeay Kai Ta [,. 1... 1... eee
25 youxe mpbrepov [Ambvy[tlos A[...........-
ec 6€ EXal@yi kata . [22 letters
dvo Terdprouv of25 letters
ov Kal T& Tod oTo|25 letters
dvnkov|T
° . . . . . . . . .
On the verso
30 2nd hand. Jjros rod “Appoviov am ’Oguptyy(wy mébrews) jn(Tpos)
Kepop ) (erav) of.
4. € iN yeppavxov corr. from a. 8. |. ek rev, OF KAnpov Aeyopevov in g; cf. 21.
6. It is not certain to what this date refers; if to mpoameypayapny, then the writer’s
previous a@roypapy was made in A.D. 56—7, in which year a general aroypagy must have been
held. But the construction of 3-10 is doubtful owing to the lacunae. Possibly kai viv
immediately followed mpoameypayydunv (cf. ccxlix. 8); the property mentioned in 3-10 would
then be part of the current return.
11. Perhaps another name (ending in -ros; cf. the verso) should be supplied in the
lacuna after marpds ; "Apporios will then be the name of the writer’s grandfather.
13-17. The property in question was secured to its present owner by two agreements,
(1) the éyodoyia between himself and his father in the 13th year of Claudius, (2) his marriage
contract of the following year, in which the provisions of the éuoAoyia were reaffirmed.
16. cwvoixeciou ouvypapys: cf. cclxvi. t1, Pap. Par. 13, 10 (quoted in introd. to
cclxvil).
25. you kai may perhaps be read.
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 203
30. (erav) «¢: if, as is the natural interpretation, this is the age of the writer of the
aroypapn, the date of which is approximately a.p. 61, he was only nine or ten years
old when his marriage, which is mentioned in line 18, took place. Possibly therefore ¢¢ is
a mistake ; but marriage at a very early age was not uncommon in Egypt at this period,
cf. Wessely in Weener Sttzungsberichte, 1891, p. 65. The age at which a boy ceased to be
dpnXé appears to be 14, cf. note on ccxlvii. 12.
CCLI. Novice or ReEmovAL.
32-5 X9-5 cm. A.D. 44.
This papyrus and cclii, and probably ccliii, are addressed to two officials
who combined the functions of the romoypaypareds (scribe of the toparchy, see
note on line 2) and kpoypaupateds or village-scribe, and announce (a) the removal
of an individual from the place where he was officially registered (dvaypapdpevos
or dmoypapdpevos, cclii. 4); () the fact that he no longer possessed any means
(xépos), presumably in the Oxyrhynchite nome. The truth of the statements °
is vouched for by oath. The removal of an inhabitant from his abode was
regarded by the authorities in Egypt with much suspicion, being often resorted
to for the purpose of evading evroupyia: or taxation. A decree of M. Sempronius
Liberalis, praefect in A.D. 154, stigmatizing persons émt &€vys as brigands, and
commanding them to return to their proper homes, is preserved in B. G. U. 372.
In O. P. I. exxxv we find a lead-worker bound over by surety to remain on
his holding.
The formula followed in these declarations concerning dvaxwpyots resembles
that found in announcements of death, e.g. cclxii. For their bearing on the
origin of the census in Egypt see introd. to ccliv.
Avot povkat Hn vs [aA707 etvac] Te mr ployeypa(upéva),
Tomoypa(mparedor) kali K@poypa(u- kia undéva) mépov v[rd|py(ev)
paredot) 7[@ adr@| Oodver aj... ..
Tapa Oapovvios [7\7s silallin Baers 6 oles oo c
"Ov{va|ppios tav an’ ’O€upty- 25 [elvopklolion [ulév plole
5 xolv m\oAews pera kuptov [e|B eine, emtopkovia|n dé ra
Yapalt \i@vos Tod Yapatriwvd(s). évavria. ev |rux(€ire).
6 vids pov Oo@vis Atovvciov 2nd hand. Oapovyi(o\v "Ovvaddplto|s émde-
dre xvols dvaypaddpevos Soka 70 br éluvnpa Kal ope-
em! Nav plas Tenovevotbews 30 peKa TOY TpoyEeypappmevov
204 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
10 avex(@|pynoev els THY épkov. . . wy Yapamiwvos
[E€lvnv Tae OveAOdvTe emlyéypappat avTAs KUpios Kal
x [pove. [d1]d a€iax [d\vaypdpeobar) ylélypapa trrep [aliras pr) eidvias
Tlodrov {ely Tois dvakexa(pnKkdow) ypappar| al.
[a]r6 Tod eveot@ros TeTdpTov 35 (€rous) 0 TiBepiov Kdavdiov
ts erous TiBepiov KXavdiov Kaji\capos S'«Bacz\od| I\e\ppavixod
Kaicap(o\s }eBacrob Adfrloxpdropos, Topi 1B.
Tep\ujavix|od Avtoxpdropos, st hand. [Oaluovvioy ws (€rav) vn pEo(7)
[kal onto TiBépiov dan(ii0s) 0p). [en = alee Le
[Kravéd.jov Kaicapa S«Bacrov Ao TA Dill Gs. le = elSXG)
20 [Teppau|kov Avroxpdtopa = ——S. aT €x(vos)
29. |. opepoka,
‘To Didymus and..., topogrammateis and komogrammateis, from Thamounion,
daughter of Onnophris, of the city of Oxyrhynchus, with her guardian Sarapion, son of
Sarapion. My son ThoGnis, son of Dionysius, who has no trade, registered in the quarter
of ‘Temouenouthis, some time ago removed abroad. Wherefore I ask that his
name be entered in the list of persons removed, henceforth from this year which is the
4th of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator; and I swear by
Tiberius Claudius, etc., that the aforesaid statement is correct, and that ThoGnis possesses
no means... If I swear truly may it be well with me, but if falsely the reverse. Farewell.’
Signature of Thamounion, written by her guardian, date, and official description of
Thamounion’s age and appearance.
2. On romoypappareis see Wilcken, Odservationes ad hist. Aegyplt, pp. 23 sqq.’ .They
were scribes of the toparchies into which the nomes were divided. The Oxyrhynchite nome
contained at least five (indices to O. P. I and II), and the Heracleopolite nome had several
(B. G. U. 552, etc.). Other nomes however, e.g. the Latopolite, perhaps contained only
two toparchies, an upper and a lower. The romoypappareis appear more frequently in the
Ptolemaic than in the Roman period, when their functions tended to become merged
in those of the kwpoypaypareis who originally were subordinate to them. Here and in
cclii and ccliv both titles are held by each of the two officials. Why applications such
as these should be addressed to them by persons who were living at Oxyrhynchus itself
is not clear. It seems that even in the metropolis of the Oxyrhynchite nome there were
Toroypappareis and kopoypappareis who were specially concerned with the revision of the census
lists; cf. ccliv. 1.
3. Oapovwos: in 28 and 38 and cccxxii she is called Thamounion, but in cclxxv. 2 her
name is Thamounis, as in O. P. I. xcix. 3.
11. €vyy: cf. note on cclxxxvi. 15.
24. Possibly Thoénis’ departure was due to his having become a soldier.
27. The word at the end of the line is doubtless etruxeire (cf. ccliii. 4) but the letters
before x are a mere scrawl.
31. The two letters before wy may be mj; in any case the name should have been
Sapariwy, as in 6.
' Cf. his Gr. Ost. I. 428 sqq. on tomapxiat,
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 205
CCLII. Notice or Removat.
16-5 X 9:7 cm. A.D. 19-20.
Notice, similar to ccli, addressed in A.D. 19-20 to Theon and Eutychides
(cf. ccliv. 1), who like the officials in ccli combined the functions of tomoypappareis
and kwpoypappateis, by Thodnis, son of Ammonius, stating that his brother
Ammonius, a weaver by trade, had gone away and no longer had any means.
The document is incomplete, but the lacunae can be filled up from ccliii, which
is a similar notice written by Thodnis in August A.D. 19 and refers to the
departure of the same Ammonius and of another person called Theon, probably
a third brother. This second document preserves the épxos, which is lost in
cclii. Why in the case of Ammonius more than one notice was necessary does
not appear. It is impossible that these notices had to be sent in annually.
Perhaps the fact that his departure took place about the same time as the
census (introd. to ccliv) has something to do with it; perhaps ccliii was not
addressed to the same officials as cclii.
Ofon Kai [E\rvyelin tomoypa(uparedor) Kai Kopoypla(pmparetor)
mapa Oodvios] Tod ‘Apupwvriov. 6 ddeddpos
pou "Appodvios "Appoviov yépd.o[s
admoypagpopevos émt 7[@ €ulrpoob\ely
5 UmdpxlovTe avT@ pépee olkias Navpas
[Tevper|ovbews eovn{pévos rapa
Aenoérns| yuvatkos pleTa Kupiou
Saparrio\vos akorovOws Tails els
[avriy| dopareles, dvexdpyoer
10 [els THv] Eevny pndevds ێTepou
[adr@ mépov| brdpxovros. [61d] em-
[Sidods] 7d drd{p}prynpa ag{e]@ ava-
[ypaép\ecOar trodrov ev Trois avak\e-
[x@pnké|or Kai mépov pl}| exovTos
15 [am6 Tod €lveaT@rols| Extov [érovs TiPe-
plov Kaic\apos XeBlactob
on duhatidns meses ea tte ss, ct os aoe aC)
[(Erous) ¢ TiBepiov Kai\capos S'cBaorod pl... .
206 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
1.1. kapoyp. 6.1. éwpevos. 9.1. dodadeias. 14. 1. yovor; the genitive is probably
due to rage being used in similar returns, e. g. cclxii. 12.
6-8. Cf. cclili. 3-5.
10. érépov, i.e. nO mdépos except the above-mentioned part of a house which he had
purchased. The house had in some way been disposed of before Ammonius went away,
cf. 4 €umpoobev imdpyxorte.
15. Cf. ccliii. 12, 24. Any other emperor but Tiberius is on every ground out of
the question.
18. Perhaps M[ecopn, cf. ccliii. 24.
CCLIII. Notice or ReEMmovaAt.
19-3 X13 cm. A.D. 19.
A notice similar to the preceding but written in the previous year; cf. introd.
to cclii.
ae Se cneyhete Teac Lotte Jorn| amroypa-
popevor eri Tlois Eumploobe|y brdp|xovol[y
[avrois pépeow] olkias Aavpas Tevpevod| O(ews)
[eovnpevor tap|a Aenodrns yuvatkos
[mera Kupiov) Sapamiwvos a&KoXov-
[Ows rais eis avlriy aopareias ave-
[xépnoav eis tly Eévnv pydevos
[élréplov adrois mlépov brdpxovtos.
616 [emididmpe T\d drépuvy[pla agov
10 dvaypdperbai Tlovrovs ev Trois avake-
xopnkbct [kal m]épov pr éxdvTov
[ard Tod eveor[@|ros € (€rouvs) TiBepiov Kaicapos
XeBacrobd Kai ¢.Jov spotwr.
>
EUTUX El.
and hand. 15 [Ood@ris ’Appovioly éemdédoxa 76 vropr[n-
[ua kal duviwm TiBépiov] Kaicapa SeBaordv
Adtoxpdropa Oeod Ards ’EdevOepiou
YeBacrod vidvy adnOA elvar ta mpoye-
[y|pappeva, cal pndéva molplov badpyev
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 207
20 [T]@ ’Apporfijo Kai T@ vewrépo
Oo péxpe THs eveotdons Ape
pas. evopKodvTt peu flor ev ein,
[€}mopxoby7[e de tT] évavria.
(€rous) € TiBepiov Kaicapos SeBaorod, Mecop{? . .
rr. |. éxyovor. 18. adnén ewa corr. from adn nvat. 22. First v in evopxovrte corr.
from p.
13. ?€[r|év. What we have regarded as the second vertical stroke of » is unusually
long and possibly represents an over-written «, in which case a contracted word .. wm( )
must be read.
CCLIV. Census RETuRN.
13 X11-3 cm. About a.D. 20.
One of the most interesting classes of Roman papyri consists of the census
returns (aoypadat kar’ oixiay, which must be carefully distinguished from azoypapat
of house and land property discussed in ccxxxvii. VIII. 31, note). The earliest
census in Egypt hitherto known is that which was held in A.D. 62 (Brit. Mus.
Pap. CCL. 79; Kenyon, Caz. II. 19). From that date to A.D. 202 the recurrence
of the census at intervals of fourteen years is attested by numerous examples.
On the origin of the cycle a good deal of light is thrown by the papyri published
in this volume, which carry it back certainly to the reign of Tiberius and with
all probability far into the reign of Augustus.
The question of the beginning of the cycle has recently attained an unusual degree of
importance owing to the brilliant attempt made by Prof. Ramsay in ‘ Was Christ born at
Bethlehem?’ to explain in the light of the Egyptian census returns the much disputed passage
in St. Luke ii. 1-4 respecting the droypapn held by Herod. We were able to lay a part
of our results last autumn before Prof. Ramsay in time to be utilized in his book, but we
can now present them in a fuller and more matured form which has undergone some
modifications. It will therefore perhaps not be out of place if, after a survey of the evidence
as it stands at present, we briefly turn aside to examine those of Prof. Ramsay’s arguments
which are based on the Egyptian census lists, and consider how far, if at all, his conclusions
are affected by the new facts concerning dmoypadai which are adduced in this volume.
The nature and purposes of the census in Egypt are discussed by Wilcken (Hermes xxviii.
pp. 246 sqq.)’, and more recently by Kenyon (Ca/é. II. pp. 17 sqq.). The returns in Fayim
papyri are addressed to the orparnyds, BaoidtKds ypappareds, kopoypappatevs, and Aaoypdor, OF
to one or more of these officials ; and consist of a statement by the householder (1) of the
house or part of it owned by him or her, (2) of the names and ages of himself and all the
' And now in Gr. Ost. I. 435 sqq.
208 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
other residents including children, slaves, and tenants. A notable characteristic is that the
returns always relate to the year before that in which they were written. Thus a census
return for 89—go was sent in during 90-91. ‘These returns and the lists drawn up from them,
of which Brit. Mus. Papp. CCLVII-CCLIX are examples, were evidence with regard to
a man’s age, address, household property, slaves, etc.; but their chief object undoubtedly
was to be the basis of a list of inhabitants liable to or exempt from the poll-tax. This is
amply proved by (1) the use of the term Aaoypadia for poll-tax in Egyptin place of the more
usual émxedadawv (though, as we shall see hereafter, at Oxyrhynchus emxepddaroy sometimes
occurs in early Roman papyri, e. g. cclxxxviil), (2) by the three Brit. Mus. papyri mentioned
above, (3) by the census returns themselves, in which any individuals who for various reasons
WeTe KaroiKor OF emexexpyrevor (Cf. introd. to cclvii), i.e. wholly or partly exempt from the poll-
tax, record the fact, e.g. B. G. U. 116 II. 18.
The three census returns published here, ccliv—vi, are all unfortunately incomplete ;
but they show the same general formula, and differ in some respects from other known
census returns, which nearly all come from the Fayfiim. As the differences are a matter of
some importance, we give first the text of a kar’ oikiay dmoypapy for a. D. 145-6 from
Oxyrhynchus, which resembles closely the formula of the Fayfim census returns and was
briefly described in O. P. I. clxxi (cf. ccclxi, part of a census return for 75-6).
Avooxdp@ otparny® Kai “loxvpiove Baowd(iK@) ypappa(ret)
mapa ‘Iépaxos "Akwpios Tou N...|.. i
dn’ O£uptyxov rodews. droypapopat k| ara
Ta Kedevobevta bid Ovadepiov Ipdxdou
5 Tov nyepLdvos, aroypapopa mpos
tiv Tov Steh@dvros O (érous) *Avrewvetvou
Kaioapos tov kupiov Kat’ oikiay dmoypa-
gay my (corr. from ro) trdpxyo{voa)y pot én’ appddov Spd-
prov Gonpidos vikiay ev tém@ Kadov-
10 per Aovicov Texverrar,
ep’ ts amoypa(popar)
aitos ey pytpos Avoyvatas “lépaxos
ard yupvaciou’, xadaivey (erav) &5,
‘Tepa€ vids pou pntpos *AdeEavdpas
15 amrehev6| epas.. . .
Beginnings of 5 more lines.
cclv is addressed to the orparnyds, Barwtxds ypapparets, romoypapparevs and kapoypapparevs,
cecliv to the two last-named officials, whom in ccli-iii we have already seen to be concerned
with the revision of the lists of persons’ names and property at Oxyrhynchus. The middle
part of the formula in these early Oxyrhynchus census returns differs from that of the later
one and of Fayfim returns in having no reference to the past year, nor do the phrases
droypapecOa, except perhaps in cclvi. 15, and kar’ oikiay aroypapy occur in them, cclv in
fact is called in line 18 a ypapy simply. On the other hand cclv (and probably ccliv and
cclvi as well) has at the end a declaration on oath which is not found in later census returns,
except in an incomplete one (unpublished) from Oxyrhynchus written in Noy. a.p. 132 and
referring no doubt to the census known to have been held for the year 131-2. But the
three Oxyrhynchus papyri in question nevertheless contain all the essentials of a census
return, viz. a statement by a householder of his house and of the names and ages of all the
inhabitants; and if any doubt remains, it is removed by an examination of their dates.
ceclv is dated in Oct. a.p, 48. As has been stated, the earliest definitely known census is
? Cf. introd, to celvii (p. 219).
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 209
that for a.p. 61-2, the returns for which were sent in in 62-3; but from the supplemen-
tary lists in Brit. Mus. Pap. CCLX of persons emxexpysévoe in A.D. 54-5 Mr. Kenyon
justly inferred the existence of a census for 47-8. The date in cclv therefore exactly suits
the date of that census, and the return was sent in in the following year 48-9, as would be
expected from the analogy of other census returns, though, as in the similar Oxyrhynchus
return of a. p. 132, it is noteworthy that the date is near the beginning of the Egyptian
year. For the census of 33-4 we have no direct evidence, unless cclvi, which is undated
but on account of the handwriting and the papyri with which it was found most probably is
of the reign of Tiberius, refers to it. For the census in a.p. 19-20 there is however good
evidence. The date of ccliv is lost, but the return is undoubtedly of the time of Tiberius,
and is addressed to Eutychides and Theon who are known from cclii to have been in office
during the 6th year of his reign. How long the rovoypappareis and xepoypapparets held
office is uncertain. A comparison of ccli with ccly shows that Didymus exercised those
functions from a. p. 44 to 48; but it is very unlikely that Eutychides and Theon remained
in office from the 6th to the 2oth years of Tiberius, and we may therefore safely refer
ccliv to the census of a. p. r9—20 in the 6th year of Tiberius.
That the fourteen years’ cycle was in existence as far back as a. D. 20 cannot reasonably
be disputed. Whether the returns were then called kar’ oixéay droypafpai and whether they
always refer to the year before that in which they were written may be doubted. It is curious
that at Oxyrhynchus as in the Fayfim the term «ar oikiay azoypady cannot be traced back
beyond the census of a. p. 61-2 (cclvii. 27) ; and cclv is called not an amoypapy but a ypapn.
But the term is a matter of little importance, if the fourteen-year censuses existed at any rate
as far back as a.p. 20. The differences between ccliv—vi and the later kav’ oixiay dnoypadat
suggest the probability that in the former we are nearing the beginning of the cycle.
Earlier than a. p. 20 the existence of the fourteen years’ cycle is not directly attested,
but there is plenty of indirect evidence. The census, as we have said, is intimately related
to the poll-tax, and lists of names and addresses of persons liable to or exempt from the
poll-tax were being made out in Augustus’ reign, a fact which presupposes some kind of
census; cf. cclxxxviii, which contains an extract from an émkpiors or list of persons partly
exempt from poll-tax in the 41st and 42nd years of Augustus, and cclvii, which twice
mentions a similar list of persons avo yupvaciov made in his 34th year. Receipts for
Naoypapia are found on ostraca of Augustus’ reign, the earliest that we have been able to
discover being one belonging to Prof. Sayce, which is dated in B.c. 9, but Prof. Wilcken
kindly informs us that he has one dated inB.c. 18-17 (no. 357 of his forthcoming Greechische
Ostraka). The lists of persons liable to or exempt from poll-tax are known, at any
rate from the middle of the first century, to have been based, as is natural, on census lists ;
and it is only reasonable to suppose that the procedure was the same in Augustus’ time.
Moreover two remarkable droypapai, G. P. I. xlv and xlvi, though presenting some unusual
features and difficulties which are discussed below, are distinct evidence in favour of the
existence of a census under Augustus. Granted then that general censuses were held at
this period, how far back can the fourteen years’ cycle be pushed? The interval of fourteen
years has a very definite purpose, because it was at the age of fourteen that persons had to
pay poll-tax, and unless we meet with some obstacle, the presumption is that the cycle
goes back as far as the Aaoypadia and emixpors can be traced. ‘There is good ground for
believing that censuses were held for B.c. 10-9 and a.p. 5-6 in the 21st and 35th years
of Augustus. Prof. Wilcken’s ostracon which was written in B.c. 18-17 shows that the
poll-tax was in force before the supposed census in B.c. ro-g. But there is some difficulty
in placing the fourteen years’ cycle earlier than that year. G, P. I. xlv and xlvi are
croypapai addressed to the xpoypappatevs of Theadelphia in the Fayim (which last winter
we found to be Harit) in 19 and 18 B.c. by a certain Pnepherds, dnudovos yewpyds. The
1p
210 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
formula consists of (a) the address and description of the writer, (4) a statement that he
registered himself (droypaqopac) for the year in which he was writing, (¢) a statement where
he lived (xaraytvopar), (d) the concluding sentence, 6 émdidone. So long as these two papyri
were separated by a long distance of time and by material differences in the formula from
ordinary kar’ oixiay amoypapai, they could not be used as evidence bearing on the census.
The interval of time is now bridged over by the Oxyrhynchus papyri; and the fact that
reference is made to the current not to the past year need cause no difficulty, since the three
Oxyrhynchus census returns do not refer to the past year, although cclvi is written early in
the year following the periodic year. That the two returns of Pnepherds, though he says
nothing about his family, have to do with a census of some kind can hardly any longer be
disputed; but their precise explanation remains doubtful, Since a general census in
two successive years is out of the question, one or both of them must be regarded as
exceptional. The second dzoypapy in B. c. 18 contains nothing to show what the exceptional
circumstance was, but the first suggests a clue by the words @é\y otvraé which occur in
line 8 after Porntignmn els 70 ta (€ros) Kaicapos. Why did Pnepherds want a contribution’?
It may have been due to him as a Snudav0s yewpyds, though the mention of the writer’s pro-
fession in these two papyri is rather discounted by the fact that such mentions are a common
feature of census returns (e.g. ccliv. 2 and B. G. U. 115. I. 7); or, possibly, he may have
been claiming exemption from the poll-tax on the ground of his being over sixty years of
age (cf. Kenyon, Cav. II. p. 20); or, what is more likely still, the reference is to something
unknown.
Neither of these papyri, therefore, proves anything with regard to a general census in
B.C. 20-I9 or 19-18’, though their similarity to the early Oxyrhynchus census returns
supports the view that even before B.c. 10-9 returns were being sent in and lists compiled
in a manner which, judging by the analogy of subsequent reigns, implies a general census.
But in the face of these two papyri indirect evidence is no longer sufficient for supposing
that the fourteen years’ cycle extends beyond B.c. 1o-9. Some kind of census seems
indeed to have been held in Egypt in quite early times, cf. Griffith, Zaw Quart. Rev. 1898,
p- 443 and some critics have on the evidence of ancient authors supposed that the poll-tax
and general census existed in Egypt in the time of the Ptolemies. What is more important,
a third century B.c. papyrus at Alexandria (Mahaffy, Bull. corr. Hell. xviii. pp. 145 Sqq.)
isa return by a householder of his household ; and droypadpai of property, similar to those
ordained by Mettius Rufus in a.p. 89 (ccexxxvii. VIII. 31, note), are known to have been
decreed from time to time by the kings (e. g. Brit. Mus. Pap. L; Mahaffy, Petrie Papyri I.
p. 36)”. But no mention of Aaoypadia has yet been found in the papyri or ostraca of the
Ptolemaic period*. The passages cited from ancient authors are very inconclusive.
Diodorus (xvii. 52. 6) mentions avaypapai as the evidence for the number of the citizens at
Alexandria when he was there in the reign of Ptolemy Auletes. But there is no reference
to the poll-tax, and without that there is no reason for postulating a periodic census. The
author of III Maccabees describes (ii. 28) a general droypady of the Jews with the view
to a poll-tax held by Philopator. But the statements of this writer, who belonged to the
Roman period, are of very doubtful value for the previous existence of Naoypapia, Josephus
1 Cf. the discussion of these two papyri by Wilcken (G7. Osv. I. 450), who thinks that the fourteen
years’ period had not yet been introduced in B. Cc. 18,
2 Cf. Wilcken, Gr. Ost. I. 435-8. He considers that the declarations of persons by householders,
which seem to have been combined with dmoypaat of real property in the Ptolemaic period (of. cit. I. 823),
may have been sent in yearly. But we do not think dmoypaai of real Pea were sent in -yearly under
the Ptolemies any more than under the Romans; cf. note on cexxxyii. VIII.
* Cf. Gr, Ost. I. 245 sqq., where the evidence is discussed at reste Wilcken too thinks that
Aaoypapia was probably introduced into Egypt by Augustus.
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 2I1
too (B. Jud. II. 16. 4) only supplies evidence for the poll-tax in Egypt in the Roman period.
In any case there is no sort of evidence for the existence of the fourteen years’ census
period under the Ptolemies.
The conclusion to which the data from both sides converge is that the fourteen years’
census cycle was instituted by Augustus. That general censuses were held in Egypt for
B. C. 10-9 and A. D. 5-6 is probable, and one or more censuses had in all likelihood cccurred
before B.c. 10-9, but in what year or years is quite doubtful.
To turn aside to Prof. Ramsay’s book, we quote first the passage (according to the
R. V.) in St. Luke (ii, 1-4) the accuracy of which is the subject of dispute; (1) Wow it
came to pass in those days, there went out a decree from Caesar Augustus, that all the world
should be enrolled. (2) This was the first enrolment made when Quirinius was governor of
Syrta. (3) And all went to enrol themselves, every one to his own city. (4) And Joseph also
wenl up from Galilee, out of the city of Nazareth, into Judaca, to the city of David, which is
called Bethlehem, because he was of the house and family of David.
Prof. Ramsay is on firm ground when he justifies from the evidence of Egyptian papyri
St. Luke’s statement that Augustus started, in part at any rate of the Roman world, a series
of periodic enrolments in the sense of numberings of the population; and since the census
which is known to have taken place in Syria in 4. p. 6-7 coincides with an enrolment year
in Egypt, if we trace back the fourteen years cycle one step beyond A. p. 20, it is prima
facie a very probable hypothesis that the numbering described by St. Luke was connected
with a general census held for .c. 10-9. Moveover the papyri are quite consistent with
St. Luke’s statement that this was the ‘ first enrolment.’
Prof, Ramsay interprets verse 3 (af. c7?. p. 190) as meaning that all true Hebrews in
Palestine went to enrol themselves, every one to his own city, and thinks the Jews are there
contrasted with the rest of the inhabitants, who were enrolled at their ordinary homes.
We must, however, confess that this interpretation seems to us scarcely warranted by
St. Luke’s words, and hardly in accordance with general probabilities of the case. St. Luke
has just stated in the most general way possible that all the world was to be enrolled.
Surely ‘all’ in verse 3 must have a wide signification, applying at least to all inhabitants of
Palestine, whether Jews or not. The essence of a census was that it afforded for taxation
purposes a list of the population with their places of permanent abode; and we have seen
from ccli-iii that in Egypt changes of address were carefully notified to the officials con-
cerned with the census. Nothing would be more natural than that when a census was
instituted every one without distinction of race should be ordered to go to his own city. If
a person were registered at some city in which he did not live, he might easily evade the
taxation. The non-Jewish population of Palestine, just like the population of Egypt and any
other countries that came under Augustus’ decree, must equally have gone ‘ every one to his
own city.’ Yet St. Luke clearly connects the going to his own city with Joseph’s visit to
Bethlehem, which therefore was in St. Luke’s eyes Joseph’s ‘own city’ (though he rather
inconsistently but quite naturally in verse 39 uses the same expression with regard to
Nazareth), Prof. Ramsay most ingeniously overcomes the difficulty that the Jews were not
registered like other people at their homes by the supposition that Herod, to avoid
offending their susceptibilities, held the census not after the Roman manner by households
but after the national Jewish manner by tribes. Into the merits of this explanation we
cannot enter fully ; but three points may be noted. (1) Unless the census held by Herod
failed in fulfilling the primary objects of a census, which is not very likely, Joseph though
enrolled at Bethlehem in the city of David must have stated in his éroypay that his home
was at Nazareth. (2) In the fac/s recorded by St. Luke ii. 1-4, and particularly in verse 3,
there is no necessary implication that the Jews were enrolled in any other but the ordinary
method which prevailed in the Roman world; it is only the reason which St. Luke gives
1a)
212 TEE VOXVREYNGHOS SPAP YR
for Bethlehem, not Nazareth, being Joseph’s ‘own city’ that supports the view that the
census was held in an exceptional way. St. Luke’s statement that ‘all went to enrol
themselves, every one to his own city,’ so far from being an argument that the census
was exceptional, is an argument for the reverse ; and it happens not infrequently that the
facts recorded by a writer may well be right while his explanation of them is wrong.
(3) If without rejecting the first chapter of St. Luke, his account of the census could be
combined with St. Matthew’s version of the Nativity, from which the natural inference is
that before the Nativity Bethlehem, not Nazareth, was the permanent abode of Joseph, all
the difficulty concerning the exceptional character of the census would be removed. But
the possibility of a solution on these lines belongs to another field of study.
The fourteen years’ cycle in Egypt carries us back to B. c. 10-9 as the year of the
general census ordained by Augustus. The keystone of Prof. Ramsay’s argument is
that the order applied to Syria and Palestine as well as Egypt. Nevertheless he places
Joseph's visit to Bethlehem in connexion with the census in the late summer of B. c. 6.
The interval of three years is explained by him thus: (1) The Egyptian census returns are
sent in in the year affer the periodic census-year, and generally towards the end of it.
Therefore the Egyptian census returns for B.c. to-—g would not be sent in till July or
August of 8 B.c. (2) The Syrian year corresponding to the Egyptian year Aug. 29, B.C. TO
to Aug. 28, B.c. 9 was April 17, B.c. 9 to April 16, B. c. 8 (of. cet. pp. 141, 142), and there-
fore the actual Syrian enrolment would not take place till the Syrian year B.c. 8-7. (3)
The enrolment in Palestine was delayed until the summer of B.c. 6 (i.e. the Syrian year B. c.
6-5) owing to the position of affairs in that country. The second argument, which is the least
important, is not a strong one, for the part of it depending on events which occurred in
B.C. 23 does not seem to have much bearing on the question of a census cycle which it is
essential for Prof. Ramsay to show began in B.c. 9; and the relevancy of the question which
Syrian year corresponded to which Egyptian when both are converted into Roman years
may be doubted. If the amoypapy decreed by Augustus resembled other censuses, e. g. that
described in III Macc. ii or the registration of property ordered by Mettius Rufus in ccxxxvil.
VIII, either he, or the governors of provinces for him, mentioned a fixed time in which
his commands were to be carried out; and if the Egyptians were executing the commands
at one time, there seems no reason why, if the season was suitable, the Syrians should not
have been doing so at the same time. Moreover if we are to take into account the
differences of the calendar between Syria and Egypt, it might be argued that the Egyptian
year B.C. 10-9 corresponds as nearly with the Syrian B.c. 10-9 as with the Syrian year
B.c. 9-8. The force of the first argument too is somewhat weakened by the new Oxyrhynchus
census returns which make no mention of the past year, though the only one which has
a date is written two months after the periodic year (judging by the cycle in later years) had
expired. The two droypadai for the years 19 and 18 B.c. are for the current year. Moreover
the aroypapat of property (valuation returns) in Egypt were for the current year; and in
Syria these valuations (droryyoes) were combined, as in most provinces, with a census of
the population both in the known dmroypapy held by Quirinius in a.p. 6 or thereabouts, and
in the census in Cilicia in a. p. 35. The presumption therefore seems to us rather in favour
of the idea that the orders of Augustus were being carried out in the Roman province of Syria
in the late summer and autumn of B. c. 9, or, in any case, making every allowance for
Prof. Ramsay’s first two arguments, not later than the autumn of p.c. 8. The census in
Palestine however is supposed to have taken place in the late summer of B.c. 6. There
thus remains a gap of at least two years which has to be explained by Prof. Ramsay’s third
argument. Whether this argument, which is much the strongest of the three, is sufficient,
is a question which falls outside our sphere. But if theologians could reconcile the
hypothesis that B.c. 7 was the year of the Nativity with the rest of the data for the chronology
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 213
of Jesus’ life, the probability of Prof. Ramsay's explanation being correct would be much
heightened. The statement of Tertullian, who connects the birth of Christ with the census
held by Sentius Saturninus (a governor of Syria known from archaeological evidence to have
been in office from 3. c. 9 to 7), just because it contradicts St. Luke, is, as Prof. Ramsay justly
observes, an important corroboration of the fact of a census under Herod ; but Prof. Ramsay
sacrifices much of the advantage which he might derive from Tertullian by connecting the
Hyenovia Of Quirinius and the birth of Christ with the governorship of Varus, and therefore
finding it necessary to explain Tertullian’s statement away. Evenif the adoption of B.c. 7 as
the date of the Nativity were to involve the rejection of St. Luke’s statement that Quirinius
was jyenov in Syria at the time, we are, with every wish to agree with Prof. Ramsay,
unable to attach the same importance to proving St. Luke right about Quirinius as to
proving the occurrence of a census under Herod, which to us seems a quite distinct and
much more important point.
Lastly, if our view that the droypapat of house and land property in Egypt were not
sent in yearly but from time to time is correct (ccxxxvii. VIII. 31, note), it has some bearing
upon the question whether, apart from St. Luke’s account, it is likely that the Romans
instituted a numbering in Palestine without a valuation of property. The census held by
Quirinius in a. p. 6, which St. Luke calls (Acts v. 37) ‘4 droypapy’ and which resulted in
a rebellion, combined the function of a numbering of the population (as is shown by the
famous inscription of Aemilius Secundus) with that of a valuation of property (dmoriynots
is Josephus’ word), and we know that in Cilicia about a.p. 35 the imposition of the poll-
tax by a census was coupled with a valuation of property. Augustus certainly instituted
the so-called provincial census or valuation of property throughout the provinces; and
there is nothing in the Egyptian papyri inconsistent with the belief that when Augustus
instituted the fourteen years’ census cycle, he also at the same time ordered a valuation of
property, which was the first of a series recurring at irregular intervals’. Moreover, the first
verse of St. Luke ii is not only compatible with the view that the droypapj ordered by
Augustus served this twofold purpose, but, if the general dmoypapy ordained by Augustus
was ever intended to be carried out through raca 7 oixoupévn, its historical character can
only be defended on the supposition that droypapeoOa was not limited to a numbering for
purposes of the poll-tax, since that tax was far from being generally imposed throughout
the empire. On the other hand the enrolment of king Herod, as described by St. Luke
in the rest of the chapter, and the evidence of Josephus, who implies that the drorépnots was
novel in a.D. 6, are inconsistent with the supposition that the dmoypapy held by Herod in
Palestine had anything to do with an dmoriynows; and since the dmoypadai of real property
in Egypt were during the Roman period clearly independent of the census, it is of course
a legitimate hypothesis that, at any rate until Palestine was definitely incorporated as
a Roman province after the death of Herod, there was no necessary connexion there
between the two kinds of droypapy. It must however be remembered that Egypt in this
respect seems, so far as we know, to have differed from most other Roman provinces where
a poll-tax was imposed; and there were very likely special reasons why in Egypt the
numbering and valuation were held in separate years. If it could be shown that these
causes also existed in Palestine, the truth of St. Luke’s account of Herod’s enrolment would
receive important corroboration. The explanation in Egypt may be that while dmormnoes
were held by royal decree in the Ptolemaic period (ccxxxvii. VIII. 31, note), Naoypapia and
periodic censuses do not appear to have been in existence before Augustus. To discuss
the question with regard to Palestine would require a detailed examination of several
* Cf. Wilcken, Gy. Ost. 1.823, where he points out that declarations of households were combined with
dnoypapai of property in Egypt under the Ptolemies.
214 THE OXYRHYNCAUS PAPYRI
passages in Josephus and III Maccabees, for which this is not the place. But in any
case, so far as the evidence of Egyptian papyri goes, the particular droypapn decreed by
Augustus may have had the double object of a numbering and an dmoripynows, in its
application to that country; and unless St. Luke is wrong in stating that the dmoypadn
concerned aca % oikoupévn, he cannot when he wrote verse 1 have been thinking at all
exclusively of a numbering apart from an droripnots.
The present papyrus is a census-return addressed to Eutychides and Theon
(cf. cclii. 1) by a priest called Horion living ina house owned by him in common
with various other persons. For the date at which it was written, probably
the summer or autumn of A.D. 20, see above. In the upper margin a line has
been washed out, and on the verso are four short lines of an account, which
has no reference to the dmoypady on the recto.
Evrvxién Kat Oo ton(oypapparedor) Kat Ko(poypappartedor)
mapa ‘Qpiwvos tod Ierocipios tepéos *Ioid(os)
eas peyi(arns) fepod Avo ‘AdeAgoy Aeyopévov
Tod ovros emt Told mpos [|'Olévptyxov 1é-
5 Ae Sapamijov ev Aa’pa MupoBadrdvov.
eiowv [ol|i kataywoper(ol) ev TH vrapxoton
po kal TH yu(vatki) Tdéords cat Tadpios ‘ApBixuos
kai Ilavmovt@tt NeyOecdpios Kai Oaexpée-
pn oikia ev TH mpokipér(w) Avo 'AdeA(PHv) AEyoueve),
10 oy eival
eon sods Jov pn(tpds) SwOearos) dreyx(vos) ame. .( )
[. . .Jexvexer marpi Kar . |
[. . .] . fep@ (€r@v) . we(cos) ped(ixpws) pa(kpo)rp(dcwros) |
3. 1. AdeApar. 7. 1. Tavpio. 8. « of mavrovrwr: corr. from o. x of Oaex over
the line.
“To Eutychides and Theon, topogrammateis and komogrammateis, from Horion, son
of Petosiris, priest of Isis, the most great goddess, of the temple called that of the Two
Brothers situated by the Serapeum at Oxyrhynchus in Myrobalanus quarter. The
inhabitants of the house, which belongs to me and my wife Tasis and to Taurius, son of
Harbichis, and to Papontés, son of Nechthosiris, and to Thaéchmere (?), in the aforesaid
(temple) of the Two Brothers, are as follows: ...’
3. Avo ’AdeAPOv: presumably the Dioscuri.
5. pupoBadavos is said to be the fruit of the guclandina moringa, whence was extracted
a kind of scentless oil.
8. Perhaps Oae,( ) pepy should be taken as two words, in which case pepy is
probably for pepe: and ry tmapyxovcy . . . oixia will require alteration.
11. Cf. notes on cclv. r1, cclvi. 15.
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 215
CCLV. Census RETuRN.
16 xX 11-5 cm. (fr. 6). a.v. 48.
Census-return similar to ccliv addressed in Oct. 48 to the orpartnyos,
BacArKos ypappareds, ToToypappareds, and kwpoypaypareds, by a woman called
Thermoutharion. At the end is an interesting declaration on oath that no
one else was living in the house ‘neither a stranger, nor an Alexandrian citizen,
nor a freedman, nor a Roman citizen, nor an Egyptian.’ On the importance of
the date, etc., see introd. to ccliv.
7
mi... vole
BalouAtk@ ypla(uparec)] Kat Ardvpaur [kal.] . [.Jo.( )
Toroypa(uparedot) Kal Kwpoypa(uparedor) mapa Oep| pov-
Oaptov THs Oowvios pera kupiou |
Awpliovt o\tpatnya klai
5 Amodda(viov) Tod Yarddov. eiow
[of] Katayetvouevor ev TH vTap-
- SE hi 4 ] ,
Xo[von por olkia Aavp|as voTou fee
OcppoulOdpiov amed(evOépa) tod mpo-
yleylpa(upévov) Sarddiov] as (eradv) £e,
10 Eon pEACX(pas) pakpom(pdcwros) ovA(7}) yova(rt) de Erja[e.
Teele
) Tpoyeypalupevn) plera
Kupiov Tod alvroly ‘Amodda(viov) dprto
[T}.Bépov Kravditov Kaicapa SeBlacrov
15 Teppavkdy Avtroxpdéropa ef pijy
OeppovOdpi[or|
[. . . .Jrwws Kal ew addnOelas em-
Oed@xévar Ti\v m|poKepevny
[ypalopyy trav map épol [olixovr[rov,
kal pndéva Erepov oik(e)iv map’ epol
20 pare én lgjevov prjre ‘AdeLavXpéa)
pdt drerebOepov pyre ‘Papar(dv)
pnde Alyin{riov €\é(w) Tov mpo-
yeypappévely. evop|koton pév pot
eb ein, €m\opxodvT: de 7[% evjavria,
25 [€rolus evdrov TiBepiov Kdavd|fov
216 MED EA OGY AR EIR IN GUUS EA BV
Kaioapo|s SeBacrod Ieppavixod
p pH
[Avroxpd]|ropos, Paadpi[. .
15. l. 7 pny. 24. |. én lopkovcy.
2. Advpor: cf. ccli. 1.
8, 9. dmeA(evOépa) Swradov: cf. cccv.
11. The figure probably gives the total number of persons returned. The two strokes
after 7 do not appear to mean anything, though it is not usual so early as this to find two
strokes placed after a number merely to show that it is a number, as is common in later
papyri, e.g. ccxxxvii. The owner apparently returns herself as one of the inhabitants of
her house, but at the end of the list, and not, as is the rule in Fayfm census returns, at the
beginning. In cclvi the owners do not seem to return themselves, from which we may
infer that they lived somewhere else. In ccliv the point is uncertain. Men are apparently
returned before women in these papyri; cf. cclvi. 9, note.
16. Cf. Brit. Mus. Pap. CLXXXI. Col. IL. 13, from which it would appear that the
mutilated word here began with the letters efv.
18. There is not room for [droypa|nv : cf. introd. to ccliv.
20-22. The lacunae can be filled up with certainty from the similar declaration in
a papyrus written in A.D. 132 (see p. 208).
21. dmededOepov : it is curious that there is no mention of slaves in this declaration, for
they were included in census returns (e. g. B. G. U. 137. ro), and even underwent emixpiots
in some cases; cf. B. G. U. 324 and introd. to cclvii.
CCLVI. Census Return.
15X68 cm. A.D. 6-35.
Census-return addressed to the strategus or, more probably like ccliv, to
the roroypayparets and kwpoypappareis, by three women and possibly a fourth
individual, enclosing a list of persons living in a house which the writers owned.
The owners apparently do not return themselves; cf. note on line 15.
The date of the papyrus is lost, but judging by the handwriting and the
other documents found with it we should connect it with the censuses of
A.D. 20 or 34 or even 6 rather than with that of A.D. 48. Later censuses
are out of the question. Cf. introd. to ccliv.
]- pC)
Trap kal auplorépwv Ololavios Kai rhs {rns} adjed-
ons Tapelvvéws rhs [.J..[.-... ]s éxarépas pera
Kupiouv pev Jporiols tof ‘Amoddopdvovs, Tadros Se
on
]xov, Tapevvéws dé Tod advdpds
claw of Kalrayevopevon ev TH brapxovon
new Kal elrox[olis olkia Aavpas XnvoBoolkav
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 217
] ov elva’
lOews arex(vos) (er@v) péo . -) pedlx(pws) pa(kpo)-
mpAcwmos) dono)
fe) ] brooTpaBos.
\pal ) Kpovioty) apn(rug) [(erav . pe(oos)] pedty(pos)
[or|ploly(yuAompbcwros) aon(pos).
lpnox( ) Taceiros y(vvi) rod Kpoviov drex(vos)
] orpoyyvaAo)rpXcwros) Kapr@ de€(cO).
Kpovjiou apn(rré) arex(vos) ws (er@v) € donpos,
15 ] . mpoyeypa(upév . .) mpoarroypadoy To ev[...
Alavpas [...- Jy. -]-[]--«-.. a7
6 more mutilated lines.
1. The letter before p is a little more like y than r; kwmuo|yp(auparei) is therefore the
most likely word, cf. ccliv. r.
2-3. It is not clear whether Taas is to be placed after «at in |. 2 or in the lacuna of
]. 3. In the former case there are only three senders of the return, and the first name in
2 is also feminine, ékarépas in 3 referring to all three women; in the latter case the senders
are four, and the first is probably a man.
9. (erav): the number of years is omitted, unless we suppose that pe means 45 instead
of peé(cos). But the space between the sign for éréy and ye is against this, and the e is
written slightly above the line, which suggests an abbreviated word. Moreover when
a description of a person’s appearance is given it is the rule to begin with his height.
It is probable that the person referred to in 9 and 10 is Kpévos himself whose son (?)
is returned in line 11, and wife in line r2 (and probably 13). The child mentioned in 14
may be his daughter ; cf. cclv. 11, note.
13. kapr@: ovdn is omitted.
15. The meaning of this line is obscure, and the lines following are too mutilated to
afford any help. Apparently a previous droypapy of some kind is referred to, and this may
well be a census return sent in fourteen years before. But it is not clear whether the owners
who were responsible for sending the return or the persons who were returned are meant.
So far as can be judged in this return, the owners do not include themselves, as the owner
in cclv does and as the analogy of Fayfim census returns would lead us to expect. But
since the landlord not the tenant was responsible for the returns, there is nothing surprising
in this.
CCLVII. Srrection or Boys (erékpicrs),
28-4 X 12-2 cm. A.D. 94-5.
This papyrus atid cclviii are concerned with the émixpiois, on which subject
see Kenyon, Caz. Il, pp. 43-46. He there distinguishes two kinds of éikpuots,
218 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
one the selection of soldiers for the army, with which e.g. B.G.U. 142, 143
(and O. P. I. xxxix) are concerned, the other the ‘selection’ of boys aged 11-14
for admission to the list of privileged persons who were exempt from poll-tax.
B. G. U. 109, 324, G. P. II. xlix and Pap. de Genéve 18 are examples of
applications to ex-gymnasiarchs dytes mpods 77 émixp(oer made by the parents of
boys who had nearly reached the age of 14 and had to be ‘ selected’ (émuxpiOjvar),
enclosing a statement of the claim (ra dékara). The evidence for this in each of
these four papyri is that of the census lists (kar’ oiktav dmoypapat) which were made
every fourteen years (introd. to ccliv). The nature of the claim is not precisely
stated in any of the applications; but the numerous kar’ olkiay amoypadal from the
Faytim, in which the phrase émuxexpymevos Karoixos often occurs, show that in that
province the ground of the application was usually, perhaps always, that the boy
in question was a kdarovxos or descendant of a privileged class of settlers ; ‘and
this is confirmed by Brit. Mus. Pap. CCLX (Kenyon, Caz. /.c.), which proves
clearly that xdrovko. were in most, if not all, cases exempt from the poll-tax of
20 (sometimes 40) drachmae payable by ordinary persons from the ages of 14
to 60, and that this remission of taxation was obtained through the éxlxpiors.
Several points however remained doubtful :—(1) whether women as well as
men were subject to the poll-tax and if so could be exempted ; (2) what was
the meaning of the phrase Aaoypadovpevor emixexpyevor applied to certain persons
in B. G. U. 137. 10, which seems to contradict the definite statement in
Brit. Mus. Pap. CCLX. 125-7 that an individual a76 Naoypadias xexwpiobar ba 76
éntxexploOar; (3) whether the remission of the poll-tax was confined to Greeks ;
(4) how slaves came under the éxixpiois, as appears from B. G. U. 324 ; (5) whether
there was any ulterior connexion between the two kinds of émixpiois. The two
Oxyrhynchus papyri here published supply much additional information about
the various forms of énikpio1s and go some way towards settling the problems
connected with it.
The general formula of the four Fayim applications is much the same as that
found in these two Oxyrhynchus papyri and an (unpublished) application dated
in A.D. 132, which closely resembles and explains cclviii. But there are some
notable differences. Neither cclvii nor cclviii is complete at the beginning,
and it is uncertain to what officials they are addressed. The application of
A.D. 132 is however addressed to the BiBdAtopvAakes, and it is most probable that
cclviii at any rate was also sent to them, and not, as in the case of the Fayim
applications, to specially appointed officials. Secondly, while the documentary
evidence which is appealed to in the Fayfim applications consists of kar’ oixlay
anoypapat, in our papyri a car’ oixiay droypady is only once (cclvii. 27) mentioned.
Thirdly, the Oxyrhynchus applications supply much more detail as to the basis
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 219
of the claim in each instance than those from the Faytm ; and classes of privileged
persons other than xdrovxor are introduced.
cclvii was written in A. D. 94-5 (lines 8, 9), and is an application by a man
whose name is lost, requesting that his son Theogenes, now 13 years old, might
be selected for the class of of a6 yuyvaciov. The meaning of this obscure phrase,
which recurs in the car olxiay admoypady quoted on p. 208, is explained by the
evidence adduced by the writer to prove that his son belonged to a privileged
class. He shows (1) that his own father Diogenes and his mother Ptolema
were ultimately descended in the male line from gymnasiarchs, (2) that his wife
Isidora was also descended in the male line from a person called Ammonius,
whose precise position is a little doubtful owing to a lacuna (note on 36) but who
was also almost certainly a gymnasiarch. It is clear from this that the phrase
ot ad yvpvaclov comes to mean persons descended from gymnasiarchs. The
documentary evidence quoted in support of the claim is, in the case of Diogenes,
the fact that he was ‘selected’ in A.D. 72-3 on the ground that his father
Theogenes was included as the grandson of gymnasiarch in a list of of é« rod
yupvaciov in A.D. 4—5; in the case of Ptolema it is a census-return of A.D. 61-2
in which she was entered as the descendant of a gymnasiarch ; and in the case of
his wife Isidora the writer appeals to the fact that her father Ptolemaeus was
‘selected’ in A.D. 60-1 on the ground that he was the descendant of a man
included in a list of privileged persons in A.D. 4-5. The necessity for giving
these details concerning the applicant’s father and mother was no doubt due to
the fact that the applicant himself had not been ‘selected,’ because he was absent
at the proper time (23-4) ; in clviii and the unpublished application of A D. 132,
the éxlxpiois of the father of the boy in question is sufficient evidence on the
father’s side.
In cclvii therefore the claim for eénikpicts, i.e. a partial or total exemption
from poll-tax, rests upon the descent of the boy in question from gymnasi-
archs, both on the father’s and the mother’s side. The office of gymnasiarch was
an important one in Egypt under the Romans, as in the other provinces where
Greek institutions predominated. It was a post of great honour (cf. O. P. I.
xxxiii verso), and involved much expense like the office of strategus or cosmetes.
It is not therefore surprising that the descendants of a gymnasiarch should
have received special privileges from the st2ie with regard to the remission of
poll-tax.
In cclviii however, the claim rests on a different ground. The point to be
proved by the parent who makes the application is that his son is €€ aupotépwv
yovéwy pntpoToAtGv dwdexadpdxyov. Owing to the lacunae in that papyrus the
meaning of this phrase would be by itself obscure, but it is explained by the
220 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
application of A.D. 132, which is complete, and in which one of the proofs
adduced is a 6puddoyos Aaoypadia for A.D. 128-9. The poll-tax from Domitian’s
time was normally more than 12, and very often 20 drachmae (Kenyon, Caz. II.
p- 20); the applicants therefore in cclviii and in the papyrus of A. D. 132 claim
that the privilege of paying 12 instead of probably 20 drachmae may be extended
to the boys in question. In both cases it was necessary to show that the father
and the maternal grandfather of the boy had been ‘selected’ as a pntpomoAirns
dwdexddpaxpos. The nature of the evidence in cclviii is lost, but in the papyrus
of A. D. 132 it was in the case of the father the dydAoyos Aaoypapia mentioned
above, and in the case of the maternal grandfather an émixpuois of A.D. 103-4.
Why the pytpotoAirat d6wdexadpaxpor had this privilege does not appear. If, as seems
likely, Tryphon and his family belonged to this class (cf. introd. to cclxxxviii),
the éxfxpusrs connected with it can be traced back to Augustus’ reign, like the
privileges of descendants of gymnasiarchs. The pytpomoAirar dwdexadpaxpor can
hardly have coincided with the xdrovxor, because most xdrouko: at any rate were
exempt from poll-tax altogether (Kenyon, Caz. II. p. 45), nor again is it at all
likely that they were descendants of gymnasiarchs like the applicant in cclvii.
It is more probable either that they formed a third and distinct class, or else
that the term is a general one and applies to all persons in Oxyrhynchus itself
who paid 12 instead of 20 drachmae for poll-tax, whatever the grounds of the
privilege.
To sum up the evidence with regard to éalkpios and poll-tax, Mr. Kenyon
seems right in rejecting the theory that the émikpuors was always a military
institution, and in drawing a sharp contrast between the ézikpuois of recruits
for military purposes and the émikpuus of boys nearing the age of four-
teen who on various grounds claimed to be partly or wholly exempt from
poll-tax. It is possible, as Mr. Kenyon observes (Caz. II. p. 44), that exemption
granted to xdrovko. may originally have been based upon an obligation of
military service. But if Aaoypapia was not imposed in Ptolemaic times, which
seems probable (cf. p. 210), the exemption from it granted to kdrovxou in the Roman
period is not likely to be connected with their ultimate military origin. More-
over, it is very doubtful whether the xdrovco: in nomes other than the Arsinoite
were to any large extent descendants of veterans. In any case the granting of
the privilege to the sons of gymnasiarchs has no apparent military connexion.
The term émixpiows itself is relative and does not connote a military rather
than any other kind of ‘selection.’ In fact we should be inclined to draw the
distinction between the two kinds of émixpois even more sharply than is done
by Mr. Kenyon.
Secondly, in the énixpiors of boys the ground of the application might
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 221
be of three kinds, according as the boy was descended on both sides from
(1) xarovxo., (2) gymnasiarchs, (3) pytpotoAtrar bwdexddpaxpyor. Most, if not
all, boys in the first class were entirely exempt from poll-tax (Brit. Mus.
Pap. CCLX. 124 sqq.). A difficulty, however, arises in the phrase found in
census-returns (e.g. B. G. U. 137. 10) Aaoypadovpevor emuxexpysevor. Mr. Kenyon
suggests that the persons so described are xdrovko. who had been exempted
from poll-tax by an émikpuors since the preceding census. If that is correct,
then all xaroukxo. were exempt from poll-tax; but the phrase pyrpomodtrac
dwbexddpaxpor found in the Oxyrhynchus papyri shows that there was a class
of privileged persons who paid part of the poll-tax, and possibly this is the
class to which the Aaoypadovpevor émuxexpyevor belonged; cf. note on cclviii. 8.
That the second class of privileged persons, the descendants of gymnasiarchs,
was altogether exempt from poll-tax there is no evidence to show, but it is
in itself likely. The privileges of the third class are sufficiently indicated by
their name.
Mr. Kenyon considers (Caz. II. p. 20) that in Egypt, contrary to the practice
in Syria, women were exempt from poll-tax and also that the privileges of
xdtouxot were confined to Greeks. On the former point the Oxyrhynchus papyri
support his conclusion. If women were subject to poll-tax, it would be ex-
pected that they could also under certain circumstances come under the émikpuors.
But it is noteworthy that not only are the persons to be selected in the three
Oxyrhynchus papyri boys, but, although evidence of descent from a privileged
class, whether from a gymnasiarch or from a pytpotoAims dwdexddpaxpos, had
to be traced through the mother as well as through the father, the documentary
evidence in the case of women in these papyri differs from that in the case
of men. In cclvii the privileges of Diogenes and Ptolema, the parents of the
father of the boy, are detailed because the father himself was davemixpitos; but
Diogenes was privileged because he was himself ‘selected, while Ptolema is
not stated to have been herself ‘selected,’ but is only the daughter of
a ‘selected’ person. Similarly in cclviii and the application in A.D. 132, where
at first sight the expression e€€ dudorépwy yovéwy pntpoTmodtav dwdexadpaxpov
might suggest that the mother as well as the father paid 12 drachmae instead of
20, the evidence produced shows not that the mother was herself émuxexpypevn, but
that she was the daughter of an ézuxexpyzévos. If the mother had been specially
exempt from poll-tax, the fact of her own émixpuors would have naturally been
alluded to in place of the ézfkpiois of her father; and the conclusion to which
this points is that no women paid poll-tax, but they were nevertheless entered
in kat’ oixtav aroypapai as privileged (cf. B. G. U. 116, II. 21 and cclvii. 27), because
a boy could only be ‘selected’ when he could trace descent on both sides
222 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
from privileged persons. In all applications for éaixpuovs the descent of the
mother of the boy is as important as that of the father}.
This being the case it may be doubted whether the privileges of kxarovxor
or any other classes which came under the emixpuovs were connected with their
nationality. It is only natural that most possessors of these privileges should
have been Greeks. But though the list of persons ‘selected’ in Brit. Mus.
Pap. CCLX contains none but Greek men’s names, the interchange of Greek
and Egyptian names in families and the adoption of Greek names by Egyptians,
combined with the fact that the names of the mothers in that list and elsewhere
are generally Egyptian, are strong arguments against laying much stress on
mere names. Moreover, Egyptian men’s names occur in applications for éaikpiots ;
e.g. in G. P. II. xlix the boy is called Anoubas, and in the Oxyrhynchus
application of A. D. 132 the boy’s grandfather is called Ptollis.
Lastly, with regard to B. G. U. 324 where two slaves are ‘selected,’ it is
practically certain that this means a remission of poll-tax in their case. Some
light is thrown on this case by the Oxyrhynchus application of A.D. 132, in
which the mother of the boy is an ameA\evOépa, and records the fact that the father
of her patroness was a pntpotoXitns bwdexddpaxpos. If a slave who was freed
could claim exemption for her son on the ground that the father of her patroness
was privileged, there is no reason why an ordinary slave should not be privileged
where his master was privileged.
Some further details connected with the ézixpicis are discussed in notes on
cclvii. 12, 22, 23. Incidentally this papyrus supplies valuable indirect evidence
with regard to the origin of the census in Egypt, which was closely connected
with the émixpiovs ; cf. introd. to ccliv.
[mapa Atoyévous 70d] Ocoyle-
vous pytpos IIz[ojAcuais...... Nestea: Bases
an’ “Oguptyxov roAEca[s] dugp[dé(ov)| “Hpakd{é-
ous Témov, KaT& Td Kedevobevta Te-
pl emkpicews TOY mpooBavovToy
CL
els Tods amd yupvactov dnd@ Toy vid[v
pov Ocoyévnyv pyzpos “Iovdépas I z{o-
Aepatou yeyovévat ty (€ry) els TO EvelaTos
10 (Eros) Avtoxpdropos Kaicapos Aopirialvov
? Professor Wilcken (Gy. Ost. I. 242) takes for granted that women paid poll-tax in Egypt, as in Syria.
But it is noteworthy that in none of the numerous receipts for Aaoypadia in his ostraca is there an instance
of a payment of the tax by a woman. ;
Io
to
3°
35
40
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS
SeBaorod Teppavixod eri tod adrod appéddiov,
dev napayevopevos mpos Tv Tovrov én[i-
kpiow Ond@ Klalr& tiv yevopévny TO € [(EreL)
beod Oveoractavod bd Yovrwpiov Yarz[ov
otparnynoavrio|s Kat A[.]. erpou yevopér[ou
BaciXixod) ypa(uparéws) Kai dy [a]\rAo[y] KabjKe
éemckexpioOar [rliv matépa prov Atoyévn[y Oc-
oyevjovs tod Piricxov pntpos ZtvOodr{cos
"AyiAr€ws em) tod abtod appddov, Kal [as
emhveykey amrodeiEers as 6 Tartijp [av-
Tod Ocoyér[n|s P[c]Atoxov vitos yupvacidpy|ov
éatly év TH TOD AO (Erous) Oeod Katicapos ypapne
Tay ek TOO yulpva|olov emi avappoddp-
xouw, eue de [ély avencxpiros TeTdx Bau
T® py evOnpfety], thy dé pnrépa pov
[IT}rorenav yeylalu[jobac 7G mJatpi pov mpd
¢ (€rovs) Népavos, Wy Kal [a|reypdyato Th Ka-
T olkiav dmoypapa. Tod éEns n (Erous) ovcay
ex matpos Pidicxov Tob Pirlokov yeyvpr[a-
aiapynkoros tiv avtyy modu, THY Oe
Kal Tod viod pr{tépa] Iodal[pav yleyauq-
abai por tau ¢ (éret) Népwvos, fs [Tov maré-
pa IIrodepailo\y ’Aplpoviov .. .|. ral.) .
emixekpla|Oat dpoiws TO adl[7@ (Ere) aupdd(ov)
tod avtod ‘Hpakdéous rérev, [ad as
emnveykey amodeiEes ws 6 [maTHp av-
rod “Appodrios IIrodepaiov k[......
év 7H Tov dO (Erovs) beod Kaicapos [ypadn én’
adupidov tod attod. Kai dpur[to
Avtoxpdtopa Kaicapa Aopi[riavoy
YeBaorivy Teppavixdy eivale ex THs
"Ioidépas tov Ocoyévny .[.......
223
, 7
emikplol[v
224 THE OXYRHYNCAUS PAPYRI
45 [17 letters lame nstee are
[14 letters J] Qa Wb so 6 6 <
[and hand. 12 letters A}oyévous eén[idédwxa
[kai dudpoxa Tov] Spor, ii
. . . . . 4 5
20. |. vidous.
‘To... from... , son of Diogenes, son of Theogenes, his mother being Ptolema,... ,
of Oxyrhynchus, living in Heracles-place quarter. Following the orders concerning the
selection of persons approaching the age for being incorporated among those from the gym-
nasium, I declare that my son Theogenes by Isidora, daughter of Ptolemaeus, is thirteen years
of age in the present 14th year of the Emperor Caesar Domitianus Augustus Germanicus,
and lives in the said quarter. Wherefore, coming forward for his selection, I declare that my
father Diogenes, son of Theogenes, son of Philiscus, his mother being Sinthodnis, daughter
of Achilleus, was selected at the selection which took place in the 5th year of the deified
Vespasian under Sutorius Sotas, ex-strategus, . . . ex-basilicogrammateus, and the other
proper Officials in the said quarter, in accordance with the proofs produced by him that his
father Theogenes, son of Philiscus, was entered as the grandson of a gymnasiarch in the
list of those from the gymnasium made in the 34th year of the deified Caesar, among
the persons who have no amphodarch; that I myself was placed among the unselected
owing to non-residence ; that my mother Ptolema married my father before the 7th year
of Nero and was registered by him in the house-to-house census of the following 8th
year as the daughter of Philiscus, son of Philiscus, ex-gymnasiarch of the said city ; that
my wife and the mother of my son, Isidora, married me in the 7th year of Nero, and
that ber father Ptolemaeus, son of Ammonius... had likewise been selected in the same
year (i.e. the 7th of Nero) and in the same Heracles-place quarter, in accordance with
the proofs produced by him that his father Ammonius, son of Ptolemaeus, was (included) in
the list of the 34th year of the deified Caesar in the same quarter. And I swear by the
Emperor Caesar Domitianus Augustus Germanicus that Theogenes is the son of Isidora,
and neither adopted nor supposititious . . . ; otherwise may I be liable to the consequences
of the oath.” Signature.
12. Applications for émixpeovs could be sent in any year, being dependent on the age
of the boy, and the lists were probably revised annually; but the formal revision by
government officials took place at intervals, as in the case of dmoypadai (ccxxxvii. VIII. 31, note).
It is to these general formal revisions and the official lists made from them that reference is
probably made here and in 33, for both Diogenes and Ptolemaeus must have been much more
than fourteen years old at the time of their emxpioes mentioned in 12 and 33. Otherwise
we must conclude that for some reason they were not selected until they were far on in
life; cf. B. G. U. 562. 14 where a man is transferred dé dvemix(pirwv) [Kai] e's aoypadiay
dveiA(nupévav) (as we should suggest) to the position of a xdrocos, But there seems no
reason why Diogenes and Ptolemaeus should have waited so long to claim their privileges,
and it is therefore better to suppose that the empioes of these particular years are referred
to because in them a special general revision took place. That in a.p. 72-3 was con-
ducted by the strategus and Baowixds ypapparevs; cf. B. G. U. 562. 14 sqq., where an
inquiry about a disputed claim is held apparently by an ex-gymnasiarch (if we are right in
preferring émx(pivarros) to emex(expysévov) in line 15), and the Bacirxos ypapparets is also
concerned in the case.
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 225
The general revision recorded here at Oxyrhynchus in a. p. 72-3 corresponds with the
date of Brit. Mus. Pap, CCL, which shows that a revision of the poll-tax lists was also
held in the Fayfim both in that year and in a.p. 54-5. Another occurred at Oxyrhynchus
in A. p. 60-1 (line 33) ; anda revision of the lists in a. p. 103 is indicated by the Oxyrhynchus
papyrus of a. p. 132 (cf. p. 220). This was perhaps connected with the émixpsovs held in the
Fayfim in a.p. 104-5 (B. G. U. 562. 14). The ypady) tay ex rod yepvaciov mentioned in 21
and 37 also points to a systematic revision in A.D. 4-5.
17. Piicxov: probably this Philiscus is identical with the elder Philiscus mentioned in
28, in which case Theogenes in 16 is the brother of the younger Philiscus in 28, and
Diogenes, the father of the writer of the papyrus was first cousin to his wife Ptolema (2, 25).
Theogenes and Ammonius, the grandfather of the writer’s wife, were contemporaries, and
were both entered in the same ypagy of a. pv. 4-5 (cf. 21 and 37).
22. emt dvandodapyay: it was essential to state the a@zodor to which privileged persons
belonged, since the amphodarchs were responsible for making up the lists of such persons in
towns every year (Kenyon, Caz. II. p. 45). Theogenes, however, was ‘among those who had
no amphodarch.’ Why he was entered in the list as not dwelling in a particular @podor it
is of course impossible to say, It is clear from the plural that others were in the same case ;
but it is unlikely that he lived in a village, for then the kopoypapparev’s would probably have
been responsible for his being entered in the list as coming from a particular village ;
cf. Kenyon, Caz. Il. p. 45 with cclxxxvili. 41. On the meaning of dydodoy see note on
cexlii. 12.
23. It is not quite clear why absence should have prevented the writer himself from
claiming the privilege of émixptois, since persons could be transferred from the list of
Aaoypapovpevor to that of emkexpimevor (cf. note on 12). But perhaps such transfer was not
possible after a certain age had been reached.
24-27. The natural inference from this passage would be that the marriage between
the writer’s parents, Diogenes and Ptolema, took place in the period between a.p. 60-1 and
the preceding census for a.p. 47-8. But the applicant himself married in a. p. 60-1 (Il. 30-1),
so unless there is a mistake in the date in line 31 the marriage of Diogenes and Ptolema can
hardly have taken place after the census of a.p. 47-8. Cf. ccclxi, part of a census return
written in a.p. 76-7, in which the marriage of the writer’s parents is stated to have taken
place [mpé rod] ¢ (grous) Népavos.
27. ovcay ek . . , yeyupvactapxnxdros: similarly in Fayfim census returns female de-
scendants of kxdrouwor are registered as such, not because they were themselves subject to
érikptots, but because a boy to be ‘selected’ had to trace descent on both sides from
privileged persons ; cf. introd.
36. A verb is required at the end of the line, and some compound beginning with
xara and meaning ‘was entered’ is probable. «{dro:cov is very unlikely, for there would
not then be room for a verb after it, and the ypapy of the 34th year of Augustus
mentioned here was probably a ypaqy ray ek rod yupvaciou like that in 21.
CCLVIII. Serrection or Boys (émikpiovs).
16-2 x 8-7 cm. A.D. 86-7 (?).
Application similar to the preceding, addressed probably to the B.BA.o-
ptdaxes, by the father of a boy aged thirteen, adducing evidence that his son
was the offspring on both sides of ‘inhabitants of the metropolis who paid
Q
226
12 drachmae.’
papyrus see introd. to cclvii.
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
On the meaning of this phrase and the interpretation of the
The supplements of the lacunae are based on
the similar application of A.D. 132, which follows the same formula. The
document was written in the reign of Domitian, but the exact year is not
quite certain, the papyrus being in a much damaged condition.
size)
20
2nd hand.
5. 1. dupddou TMoipevixijs.
The first two lines 4re obliterated.
.vov Tv €.... [12 letters
Adtpov trav an’ ’Ogupiyyx[ov ridews
em aduBddov IIupevikns. Kata Ta
4 2 ‘ ~ “2
kpiOévra emi Tov mpooBeBnKkéitay
> 4 > 2 b] 4
is tTptokaidekaérers ef €& appore-
pov yovéwy py[T|pomoActav dw-
A . 2 tf
dexadpdxpov eialiv erarn én (erays MitTels
~ > ~ > fd © cs
Tod avTod adudddov, 6 v{lds plov.....
os pntpos Oeweizos rhs [Ai\ddpou
, a3 Z
mpooBéBnkev els TpiokadeKalérer|s
T® eveoTort . (Eret) Adtoxpdz[opos
Kaicapos Aopitiavod SeBacrod
Teppavixod, d0ev ralpjalyevope-
vos is Thv TovToU emlikpiow et-
Hits GOS (WH Po ooascc Bes, Aho.0. bee
kal Tov TAs pn|t[pos abrod maré-
pa Alouuove (si. | eles ee
7s) (ei oue 16) ¢) (e «
,
er apgpddov[........ ds Kal Te-
TEAEUTNKE TID... ... érer Népw-
vos, Kal ouvt[w Avtoxpdtopa Kaicapa
Aouiriaviy Sef Bacrivy Teppavixoy
adnOn elvar [Ta mpoyeypappeva.
érous €x[Tlov [Avtoxpdropos Katcapos
Aouitifavod XeBacrod Teppavikod....
MNT sia ct eee ee pl eT LOEO@KA.
a Of apdodov above the line. 17. The first ¢ of ewe above the line.
8. The class of privileged persons who paid 12 instead of 20 drachmae poll-tax
g. # Of dwdexadpaxpov inserted above the line.
Io.
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 227
seems to have been limited to inhabitants of the pyrpémods. It is noteworthy that the
xdroixoc of Brit. Mus, Pap. CCLX are also pyrpomoNira, and in the case of a person transferred
from the Aaoypapovpevor to the xdrockoe it is specially stated that his mother was an inhabitant
of Arsinoe itself (line 141). But there were of course numerous karorko: in the villages
as well.
g. eratn: it does not appear possible to read these letters otherwise than we have done,
but one letter may perhaps be lost between a and the second r. Conceivably €()ra [€|ry
was intended; the scribe of this papyrus was rather apt to leave out letters, though in
other cases omissions have been afterwards supplied.
16. 6yd@ is required to govern etva, cf. cclvii. 12; but there is not room for it, unless
both it and émixpuow were abbreviated.
17. Probably emxex(pic@ac) or some such word is lost in this line and in 19.
18. kal rév: «)irov for xpirov, i.e. emilkprrov, could also be read, followed by ris be
ntpos avrov ; the vestiges after ry[s are too scanty to afford any trustworthy clue.
28. This line is apparently in a different hand from the body of the document, and
probably contains the signature of the writer. jyvds . . . is less likely.
CCLIX. Bait For A PRISONER.
36x17-8 cm. A.D. 23.
Copy of a declaration on oath addressed to the governor of a public
prison by a surety for a man who had been arrested for debt. Theon, the
surety, had secured the temporary release of the prisoner, Sarapion, some
months previously ; and he now undertakes to produce Sarapion within a month
or to pay the amount of the debt.
The declaration is followed by a short and rather obscure letter written by
Theon (cf. 1. 32),and beginning apparently with a message to Sarapion. Theon’s
object doubtless was to bring to Sarapion’s notice the conditions of his bond on
Sarapion’s behalf; cf. cclxix, where a copy of a loan is sent with a letter
requesting its recipient to try to recover the debt.
Avriypa(pov) x[«tpoypapoly.
Olwv ‘Appo(viov) lépons tis emyovis
Anpnrpiw to TeTaypévm mpods
Tm Tod Ards dudaky. dpvi@ TiBéprov
5 Kaicapa Néov SeBacrov Avroxpdropa
ef py kricecOa Hplé|pas tpidkovTa
év ails) a{mo|katacthnow dv éevyeytnpat
Tapa aod €k [T]ns moAcTiKHns gvAda[K|7s
T@® Paadu [To]i eveat@ros Erous
Q2
228 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
10 Sapalriwva) Yaparia(vos) tov elonypévoy [m|pos [olvy-
ypaupiy) (Sbypaglov] edtou xpvooi[v]] pvali|natv)
600 Maytavod eis NOyov ‘AdXivns Ths
Awovuciov adorns dua BidXou dvorxnreK[ ob
Umnpéeriou], €av S& py mapioT® ev Talis
15 Mpokelpevats muépacc)s exTeiow Ta
mpokeipeva{is} Tv xpvolov pyla-
ijov So avuTrepbéTws, pi) Exovrds
pov e{k}ovciav yxpovov Erepov [k]ri[alec-
Oar pnd perdye(v) euavrov els
20 €T]épavy dvdak[y|y. evopKkodv7e pév pla
ev ely, emopko[o|yte b& Ta evar[rija.
(€rovs) 6 TiBepiov Kaisapos SeBacrod, Iay(ov) xB.
brore|~ov Yapario(), xdpiv ob 7rOev 6
Atovicifo|s ered€oOy, Kai wept Tob
25 Ha{so|deépouv Ald}you ouvmeptAvooy avbrév,
kai AdBe 7[6] apy(vpiov). ovvgn7[olduler]
TovTov xdpiv. ovK aveTrevodpe[ O(a)|
€v tlov]r@ T@ mAoiw dtu ovK EAKe pl. .] .
» adtov ixavodorodv7|.| . pel. . «|
30 €ws éavroy avr[d|y moujow, et J€ [u}})
€uBEBnk(ev). Eppa(co).
Brere pe mas ME 7) KNTHP TOY
[Elopage xdpiv Tod yxepoypdpov.. . & )
real Cts les coal pout yi? eines blleeallo alle
35 [14 letters (?)KkalA(@s) dpa,
6. 1. # pe. 11. Second v of ypvcov over the line. 1. pal cjato(v). 16. The
t of -pevas is very close to the s, and is possibly a stroke cancelling the s. 1. rod xpuatou
pra cata, 28. |. ei\ke or €Axet.
‘Copy of a bond. Theon, son of Ammonius, a Persian of the Epigone, to Demetrius,
governor of the prison of Zeus. I swear by Tiberius Caesar Novus Augustus Imperator, that
I have thirty days in which to restore to you the man whom I bailed out of the public
prison in Phaophi of the present year, Sarapion, son of Sarapion, arrested through Billus,
assistant to the dioecetes, on account of a note of hand for a gold bracelet weighing two
minae to Magianus on behalf of Aline, citizen, daughter of Dionysius. If I do not
produce him within the said number of days, I will pay the said two minae of gold without
delay, and I have no power to obtain a further period of time nor to transfer myself to another
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 229
prison, If I swear truly, may it be well with me, but if falsely, the reverse. gth year of
Tiberius Caesar Augustus, Pachon 22.’
5. Néov «Baordv: cf. ccxl. 3 note.
13. BiAXov: Biddov might also be read. drorxyrexod: cf. introd. to ccxci.
23. indd[e|éov: the doubtful X may be y or possibly r, but éor[a]éov is not satisfactory.
There is room for two letters in the lacuna.
30. Above éauréy atréy are faint traces of about eight letters between the lines.
33- [€lopage: the third letter is certainly @ and not p: [é}rpage cannot therefore be
read. For the hyperbole cf. Brit. Mus. Pap. CXIIL. 12 (d). 11 6 ypedorns ep[d]vevoer pe.
CCLX. Promisr OF ATTENDANCE IN Court.
27-7 X 11-5 cm. A.D. 59.
Copy of declarations made by the two parties in a suit, Antiphanes, son
of Ammonius, and Antiphanes, son of Heraclas, of Oxyrhynchus, that they
would attend the court of the dpxidcxaorys at Alexandria for a stated period,
in order to effect a settlement of their dispute. The case had been referred
to the dpxidixaorys from the strategus of Oxyrhynchus,—whether by order of
the strategus or merely by mutual agreement of the litigants is not made clear.
The declarations of the two men, apart from necessary alterations in
names and one or two slight unintentional divergences, are verbally identical.
We therefore print only the first of them, which is the better preserved. The
body of the document is written by one hand and the signatures of the two
persons concerned by another.
’Avttypa( por),
"Avripdyns “Appoviov [r]dv am ’Ogupdyy(ov)
médews Tois Tapa TiBepiov Kdavdi[olv
"Appoviov otpatnyot Kai én trav mpocddo(v)
5 Tod ’Ogupvyyeirov, dpvto Népova Kdavdtov
Kaicapa XeBaor{ov Telppavxiy Adtoxpdétopa
ef py Ka{t]& [7a] ovlpjpovnbévta poi
kali] ’Avz[ijp[d]vec “Hpaxdrdros é€ Fs émounod-
pe[Oa] mpdo{s] éavrod(s) eri to orparnyod
10 TiBepiov KXav|d{fov] “Appeviov dvtikatactdoe-
ws tcacbale éulpav TO Yapariwvols
apxidixacrod [B}jpate em ’Ade~avdpeias
Ews Tplakddos Tod eveaT@ros pnvos
230 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
’Erecip, kai mpookaptephoey péxpt ov
15 & €x@pev mpds éavtods ey[BtBacbnu.
evopkobvTe pév por ev ein, edropk[odlyTe de
Ta veavtia, érovs méumtov Népwvos KXavdiov
Kaicapos Bacto} Teppavixod Avtoxparopfo]s,
’Exei@ 6. (2nd hand) O€alv ’Ovvddpios dmnpé-
20 THs émnkorlov|O[n|ka THe [alvOevTiK]ne
xtployp|a(pia). (érovs) « Népwvos Kdavdiov Kaicapos
[SeBaorod Telppar{ixod Alizio|xpdropos, Ereih 8.
7. 1. pay. II. ecaga: so too in the duplicate copy ; 1. éceaGat. 14. Second
€ of mpockaprepynoew corrected from a, 17. 1. evavtia.
‘Copy. - Antiphanes, son of Ammonius, of the city of Oxyrhynchus, to the agents of
Tiberius Claudius Ammonius, strategus and superintendent of the revenues of the Oxyrhyn-
chite nome. I swear by Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator, that in
accordance with the agreement made between me and Antiphanes, son of Heraclas, in
consequence of our confronting each other before the strategus ‘Tiberius Claudius Ammonius,
I will appear at the court of the chief justice Sarapion at Alexandria until the 3oth day
of the present month Epeiph, and will remain until our suit is decided. If I swear truly
may it be well with me, if falsely, the reverse. The 5th year of Nero Claudius Caesar
Augustus Germanicus Imperator, Epeiph 9.
I, Theon, son of Onnophris, assistant, have checked this authentic bond.’ Date.
4. aTpatnyod Kal emi Trav mpooddev: this title does not seem to occur elsewhere; but the
strategus was throughout the Roman period the chief financial administrator in the nome.
12. dpxidicaorov: cf. cclxvili. 1, cclxxxi. 1, O. P. I. xxxiv. Il. 3. Mr. Milne, who
summarizes the evidence upon the nature and extent of the jurisdiction of the dpyidiKcaorys
at this period (Lgypi under Roman Rule, p. 196), concludes that any civil case could be
referred to him at Alexandria when the litigants did not live in the same district, But in
the present instance both parties are distinctly stated to be residents of Oxyrhynchus; and
in cclxxxi there is no suggestion of diversity of residence.
14. mpookaprepnoew: cf. cclxi. r2 and O. P. I. lix. 10 mpoaedpetoa . , . Sixaornpio.
19. bmnperns: for the signature of a tmnpérns (of the strategus) giving official sanction
to a document cf. B. G. U. 581. 16, 647. 28.
CCLXIJ. Appointment or A REPRESENTATIVE.
24-6X 15:8 cm. A.D. 55.
Agreement by which a woman named Demetria appoints her grandson
Chaeremon to act as her representative in a lawsuit which was pending between
herself and a certain Epimachus. This document should be compared with
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 231
O. P. I. xcvii, a similar agreement between two brothers, the language of which
is often very close to that of the pfesent text, and with ccclxv, ccclxxvi.
In the margin at the top of the papyrus are two erased lines the first of
which reads érov[s devr ]épov Népw[vos K]Aavdiov Kaicapos, and at the bottom below
line 18 are two and a half more lines similarly erased and also containing a date.
These two expunged entries are apparently in different hands, neither of which
is identical with that of the body of the papyrus.
"Erous Sevrépou Népwvos Kdavdiov [K |aicalpjos
NeBacrod Teppavixod Avtoxpdropos, p[n|vds Néov
[|X ]eBacrod ev ‘Okuptyyxev Todt] THs OnBaidos.
[oporolyet Anuntpla Xapypovos dorijt peta Kupiov
5 [Tod rhs] v[e]dns adtas Anpunrplas dotns avdpis O€w-
vols Tod ‘Avridxou Avéipnropetou tod Kai Anvetov
T@® éauThs [plev viov@ ths dé wns Anpyrptas
EXPO Xaipyjpovr Xaipjpovos Mapavet év a-
yud, mepi av mpodépetar % dporoyotca Anpntpia
wv »\ ’ VA tA *~ ‘ + kN
10 €xev mpos “Emipayoy Ilodvdevxous 7 Kai adros
6 ’Eripaxos mpopéperat Exerv mpos adtyv, ov du-
vapnévn TpockapTepnoa TH KpiTnpio Sid ‘yuvai-
ketav adoOéveray, cuvectakévar avdTiv Tov Tpo-
yeypappévov vieviy Xalip|jpova eyékov
15 é€mi Te mdons e€ovolas Kai mavtTos KpiTnptov Ka-
0a Kai ath TH ovvectaxvia Anpntpla mapovon
eéqv: evdoket yap THde TH ovaTdoe. KUpla
y ovyypagne.
‘The 2nd year of Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator, the...
of the month Neos Sebastos, at the city of Oxyrhynchus in the Thebaid. Demetria,
citizen, daughter of Chaeremon, acting with her guardian Theon, son of Antiochus, of the
Auximetorean or Lenean deme, and husband of her granddaughter Demetria, citizen,
acknowledges to Chaeremon, son of Chaeremon, of the Maronian deme, her grandson and
brother of her granddaughter Demetria (the contract taking place in the street), concerning
the case which the contracting party Demetria claims to have against Epimachus, son of
Polydeuces, or which Epimachus claims to have against her, since she is unable owing to
womanly weakness to remain at the court, that she has appointed her said grandson
Chaeremon to appear for her before every authority and every court which would be open
to Demetria herself if she were present; for she gives her consent to this appointment.
The agreement is valid.’
3. A blank space was left for the date which has never been filled in; cf. ccxxxviii.
g, note.
232 DHE OXYRAYNGHOUS PAPYRI
CCLXII. Novice or DEATH.
23:3 7-9 cm. A.D. 61.
Notice addressed to Philiscus, farmer of the tax upon weaving, by
Sarapion, announcing the death of his slave who was by trade a weaver. The
formula resembles that of ccli-iii. On the verso are four short lines effaced.
PirloKxor €yAy(umTop.) yeps(vaKkod) Népova Krdatdiov Kaicapla
Tapa Yapatiwvos tod Yapa(riwvos), SeBaoriv Teppavixsy Adtoxpd(ropa)
6 dovAds pov 'Arroh\Aopadyns 15 a@AnOqe eivat.
yépd.os avaypadbpevos -(érous) ¢ Népwvos Kravdiou
5 én apupodov Teypovbews Katcapos XeBaorod Teppavixod
ereACUTnoev) Ev THLE EEvnt Avtokpd(Topos),
TOL EverTart ¢ (€ret) NEépawrvo(s) Mex(elp) ke SeBa(or7).
Knavdsiov Kaicapos ScBacrod Tep- 2nd hand. :dAfcKos ceonp(efopat),
pavi{K(od) 20 (€rous) ¢ Népwvos KXavdtov
Avroxpdropos, 1d aéio [Kalfcapos SeBacrob
10 dvaypapnvat ToUTov [Dep|pavixod
€v THL TOV TEeTEAE(UTNKOT@V) [Adro]xparopfos,
TaEeL, Kal dpvbor [Me}x(eip) kg [X«Ba(arp).
7. €corr. from e,
“To Philiscus, farmer of the tax on weaving, from Sarapion, son of Sarapion. My
slave Apollophanes a weaver, registered in Temgenouthis Square, died during absence in
the present 7th year of Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator. Where-
fore I request that his name be inscribed in the list of dead persons, and I swear by Nero
Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator that this information is true, Date, and
official signature of Philiscus.
5. Teypovdeas : this name is variously spelled, cf. introd. to cclxxxviii,
18, S«Baor7: cf. note on cclxxxvili. 5.
CCLXMIIL” Sate OF A SLAVE:
1616.6 cm. A.D. 77.
Declaration on oath addressed to the agoranomi by Bacche with her
guardian Diognetus, a member of the Epiphanean deme, stating that she had
sold to Heliodora an eight-year-old female slave, who was her absolute property,
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 233
and that she had received the price, 640 drachmae. Cf. O. P. I. c and B. G. U.
543, which is addressed to tots em) ypeOv reraypyevors and is a promissory oath
(Mitteis, Hermes xxxii. p. 658); the formula of the two Oxyrhynchus declara-
tions is almost the same as that of the Berlin papyrus, except that in them
we have the past tense dust... wempaxévar in place of the future dprio...
Tapaxwpycew. For the price of slaves at Oxyrhynchus cf. O, P. I. xcv, where
a female slave aged twenty-five is sold for 1,200 drachmae, and cccxxxvi,
ecclxxv.
The papyrus formed one of a series of documents glued together, and the
ends and beginnings of lines of those adjoining it are preserved.
Tots dyopavomols] €........ [.J..v malpa
Bdxyxns ths” Eppovos dorms pera xupiov
Atoyvitrov Tod Avovvatov ’Emidpaveiov,
dpvio Adtokpdropa Kaicapa Oveoractalvov
5 YeBaoriy wempakévar ‘HAroddpa pn-
tpos ‘“Hyroddpas peta Kuplov Tod avdpos
‘AroAXwviov Tod Arovvciov Tob Aovuciov
~ s 4 ‘\ c 4 4
Tod Kal Adtpouv tiv brdpxovody pot
SovAnv Napamodv ws éT@v oKT® aovkKo-
4 ‘\ © ~ va ‘\ >
10 gdvrntov mAry lepas vécov Kal éra-
pias, elval te €uod Kai pre broKeio-
Oar pnde érépors e€ndAdAoTpi@c bat
A , , 3 Z ,
Kara pndéva Tpbrov, améyewv dé
pe Tiy Tepijy apyvpiov dpaxpas
15 é£akocias Tecoapdkovta, Kal Ble|Ba-
ce, [eldopxoton pév jor ev ein, €-
[miJopxoton St Ta evavtia, Ardyvy-
tos Avovuciov ’E[mlipdveios emyé-
ypappat adtals K|tpios Kai éypaypa
¢ Q 7A ? 7 4
20 brép avTns pli) elidvias ypdpparia.
» Oe S72 ’ 2, 2
(€rovs) évdrov Av’toxpdropos Katcapos
Oveoraciavod SeBacrov, Pappoldi
KS,
‘To the agoranomi . .. from Bacche, citizen, daughter of Hermon, with her guardian
Diognetus, son of Dionysius, of the Epiphanean deme. I swear by the Emperor Caesar
Vespasianus Augustus that I have sold to Heliodora, daughter of Heliodora, with her
234 THE, OXYRHYNGHUOS: PAP YVR
guardian who is her husband Apollonius, son of Dionysius, son of Dionysius also called
Didymus, the slave Sarapous who belongs to me, and is about eight years old and without
blemish apart from epilepsy and leprosy; and I swear that she is my property and is not
mortgaged, and has not been alienated to other persons in any respect, and that I have
received the price, 640 silver drachmae, and will guarantee the contract. If I swear truly,
may it be well with me, but if falsely, the reverse.’ Signature of Diognetus on behalf of
Bacche, and date.
I. «,..,: only the tips of the letters after € are left ; emi trav ypeay will not suit.
10. mAqv iepas vooov Kai erapys: this saving clause is regularly found in contracts for
the sale of slaves, who were not guaranteed against being subject to epilepsy or leprosy.
CCLXIV. Satz or a Loom.
25X11 cm. A.D. 54.
Contract for the sale of a loom to Tryphon, son of Dionysius (cf. introd.
to cclxvii) by Ammonius. The agreement is followed by the signature of the
vendor, and a docket of the bank of Sarapion through which the purchase
money, 20 drachmae of silver, was paid.
Appovios ’Appoviov Tpiporr Arovyciou
xalperv. oporoy® mempakévat oo Tov brdp-
xovTd poor lardv yepdifakov] m[n]xov yepdraxatv)
Tplav Tapa tmadaoras Sto, ob avtia dvo
5 lorémodes Sto, emipy[npovevaly exerv Tapa a(od)
dia rhs emi Tod mpods ’Og[uptyyx(wv)| méAEc Yapartreiov
Yapamriwvos to} Aédyov tpamwéfns thy éotapévn(v)
mpos aAAHAovs TovTOV TipAY apyuvpiov YeBacrod Kai
TIrodepaikod vopiopatos dpaypas
10 e€ikoot, Klal| BeBatdoev oor THY mpdow Tdop
BeBardaler| exreioery cor rv Exxov Tapa cov
Tiny odv Hpioia Kai 7d BAdBos, Kupia % yelp,
(Erous) 16 TiBeplov KXavdlov Kaicapos SeBacrod
Teppavixod Avtoxpdropos, pn(vos) Kaiocapeiou te,
and hand, 15 Appévios Appoviov mérpaxa tov tardy
kal améxw Thy Tiny Tas Tov adpyupiov dpaxpa(s)
elkoot Kai BeBadow Kabdre mpdxita, ‘Hpa-
KAeidns Aliovjuciov eypawya brép adtov pr
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 235
eldéros ypdupara, (€rovs) 6 TiBepiov KXavdiou
20 Kaicapos YeBaotot Teppavixod Adbroxparopos,
pi(vis) Kaoapetou ve SeBaory.
3rd hand. €rovs TEeToapeTKAlOEKATOU
TiBepiov Kdavdiov Kaicapos
YeBaorod Teppavixod
25 Avroxpdropos, pn(vos) Kavoapeiou ve
YeBaorh, dua) rH(s) Nap(ariwvos) tp(amégns) yéyovev) 7 Sda-
YA apr).
‘ Ammonius, son of Ammonius, to Tryphon, son of Dionysius, greeting. I agree that
I have sold to you the weayer’s loom belonging to me, measuring three weavers’ cubits less
two palms, and containing two rollers and two beams, and I acknowledge the receipt from
you through the bank of Sarapion, son of Lochus, near the Serapeum at Oxyrhynchus, of
the price of it agreed upon between us, namely 20 silver drachmae of the Imperial and
Ptolemaic coinage ; and that I will guarantee to you the sale with every guarantee, under
penalty of payment to you of the price which I have received from you increased by half
its amount, and of the damages. This note of hand is valid. The 14th year of Tiberius
Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator, the 15th of the month Caesareus.
I, Ammonius, son of Ammonius, have sold the loom, and have received the price of
20 drachmae of silver and will guarantee the sale as aforesaid. I, Heraclides, son of
Dionysius, wrote for him as he was illiterate.’ Date, and banker's signature.
3. a[n|xev yepScaxa(v): cf. Brit. Mus. Pap. CLIV. myer redet Evdixd rexrovixar.
4. dvria were rollers upon which the web was wound as it was woven.
8. SeSavrod kai roAepatkod vopicpates: it does not appear what distinction in value,
if any, was made in the Roman period between Ptolemaic and Roman silver. Ptolemaic
copper was at a considerable discount (cf. introd. to cexlii); but Ptolemaic tetradrachms,
which have more silver in them than the Roman, ought to have been at a premium,
21. Katoapetou te S<Baory: cf. notes on cclxxxili. 11, ccIXxxviil. 5.
CCLXV. Marriace Contract.
2713-3 cm. A.D. 81-95,
This long and elaborate contract of marriage is unfortunately much mutilated.
At the beginnings of the lines in no case less than thirty letters are lost ; and
at the ends of lines, to judge from the sense, the gap is also considerable. In
these circumstances it is not possible to do more than follow the general
drift of the provisions, which notwithstanding their fragmentary character are
mostly fairly intelligible. The formula runs on the same lines as that found
in the marriage contracts of the C. P.R. The husband, Dionysius, acknowledges
236 THE OXYRHYNCAUS PAPYRI
to the bride, Sarapous, the receipt of the dowry of the latter, consisting of four
minae of gold, three dresses, and some land, the revenues of which are to be
used for the benefit of the household, the taxes upon this land being paid by
Dionysius (2-8). A further provisional settlement is made by the mother of
the bride upon her and her children, of some house-property and furniture
and probably a female slave, which were to be inherited on the mother’s death
(9-12, 20). Sarapous promises to Dionysius the obedience which a husband has
the right to expect from a wife, and Dionysius engages not to ill-use Sarapous
(13-14). In the case of a divorce the dowry is to be repaid by Dionysius;
but a share of it is reserved for any child of the marriage who decides to stay
with his father (17-22). Dionysius undertakes the responsibility of providing
for the children in an adequate manner, but apparently only so long as he
remains in possession of the dowry (24). In the event of the death of Dionysius,
arrangements are made for the appointment by Sarapous of a guardian to act
with herself in the management of the household and estate. Should the
guardian thus chosen also die, Sarapous is empowered to act alone (27-8).
If Sarapous died childless, or if her children died childless, her dowry reverts
to her own family (30, 31). The contract is signed, firstly, by Dionysius, who
again acknowledges receipt of the dowry, undertakes to make some provision
for the father of his wife during the father’s life-time, and releases him on his
own part from all further claims (37-42) ; secondly, by the mother of the bride,
who reserves to herself the right to dispose of the property, which at her death
was to pass to her daughter, in any other manner she pleased (43-45).
"Erous . , Avtoxpétopos Kaicapos Aopujriavod YeBactod Tepparvixod, [unvos]
Kawocapetov emayopévor [
- ~ ~ ,
oporoyel Aroviaros Ent|pos Aifovu|cias ris O€wvols tev] ax’ ’Ogv-
pvyxov Trodcws TH Zalpamoire
EX ELV tiv d€ Badavivny tiv Karli bdativny Kai Wertoy xpvodly
dpovpay dé|ka tpioous Kal ex Tod Ido[@|vos kai Aperpadkov apovpov déxa [
4 * > -~ 7 ’ ~ c \ ‘ > A
5 Katex|épioe Neihov €x roi Avovulco|dépou apovpdv ém7a kai emi [
SeBaorloh Teppavixod xapmie(i)rac 6 ylalu@v Arovicios odvv TH
yuvatkt Saplamodre
] kapmigerac kat €rofs] els [T]d Snpéctoy Kabjxovra dia
Tod Ty
A 2 ) A ‘ 2 ‘ Ne eN Ld
TOV TpoKEL|wevoy apoupoyv kai ou[y|racobpevos Kal Ta UTEP TOUTOU Ki
*"AmjodAdwviov Tod ‘ArrodAwviov ev dys TH aVTH Kal cuvywplel elvat
~ , , a , a feues ee
10 ] tov Avovvotov TEKV@V Tulov MLEpos T@Y UT avTIS
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 237
atone pOncopéveav
a ‘ , 7 ‘ \ A / ~
kKlapme(av kai evoiknow kai Ta GAA Tpdcphopa Tov
tm adz[is
] @dAov karaypnplalrigey i wav 7d bn’ evavrioly
] Gola djet mecOapxewy yaperiy yuvaika avdpos, Kai Kupievérwoaly
pdt Kakovxel|y avtyy pnd drrokdelleryy pndevds Tov brapy dvTaly
or
Tpoc\nkovtav mdvT@v ovtwv mepi Tadrad éx Tod Mocyiwvos
] é€mitpérav pnde pépos adtav dvev Tod avvertypapjvar Tf
€av O€ Tt SiadélpwvTa mpds aAdjdovs Kal BovAnrac Yapamovs amadddo-
> > -~ 4
aac8a amd tod Arovvatov
, la « A AN “~ 7 ~ , A ‘ ~
amro06Tw 0 ALoviaros T& TOv| xpvolov pvataia Técoapa Kal Tas TpEls
\ r\
oToAas eav Trepal
cay J€ zis Tav] brapxévTwy avrois e€ addijov Téxvov pH BovAr{ra
20 dov|Aclav Kai Tas amogopas ris dotdAns Idoveias kal .|
] odd ziv dovAny oddE Ta Ecbpeva eE adris ey/yova
7 DA > QA XX \ \ e ~ ‘ a ~
|v akupoy eivas mpos TO peTa TiHv EauTHs TeAEUTIY BEeBadcba [|
e ~ ta A X\ > la > lad -~
vy xa évdnroroby tpérov, Kal pi egéoTw alt@ Tadra po de pel,
THY Tpélmovoay eAevOepas maict madelay péxpe THS TOV mpoKeErpé|vov
nv Ta Tod yxpuciov dokipov pyvaata récoapa Kal Tas Tpels [oTOAAdS
Thiv Sapamody Kai tiv dovAnv Idovoiay év rois azo, |
’ col x a ’ , , ~ 2 3 - 7
|vTos avT@y Kal Tov Ecopévwy adTois €€ aAAHoY Tékvor [
a , > 7 BA wy a ‘ ‘ € ’ > ~
Tov TéKV\ov adnrikoy dvTev Ectwoav } Te Yapamods kai 6 br’ adrhs Ka-
[racTaOnobpevos emizporos
‘ t , bl 4 yy fa t ‘\
vy kai 6 ovvemitpomedoas emipeTadrAdén, Eto povn 7 Yapalrods
x \ A , ) , oy
30 7 Klat TOY yevouevwy emipeTadragadvtay atéxvoy pl
bal A > ‘ ? , ‘\ a ” > ~ a
eljs Tovs avTovs avameuméecOw Kal 7a Gra adTHS aravra [
a|moN[ebOn[olouévav brapyxévray madvtov Kal emirAoly
joee TH Sapamoid7 kai ofjs a|d\dols piotar ex Tod eEAS ef
dvakop|dns THs hepvans ovdepia EoTar map adrod ovde Tov tap’ a{vrod
35 T]a m[elprecopeva evotkra Tod mpoxetmévou tpirov pépovs [
lv pydevis amd@s tpir@ pndevi, ovK ovons TH af
] €¢ bv éav avvGo.v aGdAHAoLS xp[dlvor [
2nd hand, Aoviaros |repos Ex@ zHhv dhepviy [7\as Tov inalriov
Jevov &€ Kat yxpnornpioy Kai v.. [.|pevpatoy klai
40 ]... pov rod AvBiov KArjpou dpovpay pilav pnde & df
238 THE IOXVRAYNGLYS PAPYRI
T]@ warpl Zwiho ard tod viv emi Tov THS Cals avtov xpévov
p as (olf xp
t
ovdjey evKahd Tat matpi Zwtdkw mepi ovdevds almdas
ard hand. Kal’ dv] edly alp@par tpomov, Kal evaplectodpat ?
Tod mpoyeypa|upeér[ojy pou avdpos Ta en
45 adtrohecpOnajopévor eis adbtny €€ dv[dpatés pov
9. &»... cuvywp{ Over an erasure. 13. 1. avdpi. 23. Final » of ovdnrorouy corr.
3. Badaviny x.7..: this is the third of the three croAai mentioned in 18. Dresses
frequently appear in marriage contracts as part of the dowry. In celxvii. 7 we have a yurdv
yadaxruvos.
7. A similar clause making the husband responsible for taxes upon land brought to
him by the wife occurs in C. P. R. 24. 24.
9 sqq. Cf. e.g. B. G. U. 183. 25, where the settlement of property by a mother on
her daughter, who is to succeed to it on her mother’s death, is revocable, as here (cf. 43
below).
13. metOapxeiv: the same provision occurs in ccclxxii and other marriage contracts from
Oxyrhynchus; cf. C. P. R. 30. 22 (sixth cent.) traxovew b€ abté cada r@ vp@ Kai Ti) dxodovbia
ovpBaivew ode.
kuptevér@aal|y: some phrase like caraypapevor eis tiv €avr@y Broriay (ccclxxii. 9) probably
followed.
14. pnd€ xaxovyei|y x.7.A.: this clause recurs in ccclxxii, where the further stipulation
is made that for the wife py é€|&éorw aréxourov pnbé al. . . unde pOetpe (So another Oxyrhynchus
contract) | Tov KoWOy oikoV.
16. ouvencypapjvac: the subject is perhaps the mother ; cf. cclxxiii. 20-4, where, since
the mother has alienated the land, her cuvervypady is stated to be unnecessary.
19 sqq. The sense of this passage seems to be that if, in the case of a dissolution of
the marriage, any of the children elected to stay with their father, they should have some
share of their mother’s property. ‘The responsibility of Dionysius for the children’s education
is apparently limited to such time as he remains in the possession of his wife’s dowry.
Neither of these clauses seems to occur in other marriage contracts.
27. €av 6 Atovboros mpdrepos TeAevtHon has preceded somewhere in the lacuna.
30. Supply éay d€ 4) Saparods mporépa teevtHoy Tékvar adtois ji) bvrwy e& GAANAev i) k Jal K.T.A.
35. mpoxerpevov rpirov pépous: this is part of the property settled on Sarapous by her
mother in ro-1r.
CCLXVI. Deep or Divorce.
15:6 14:6 cm. A.D. 96.
Deed of separation drawn up between a husband and wife, who had been
married a little over a year. Thaésis the wife, who appears as the principal
party in the agreement, acknowledges to her late husband Petosarapis the
receipt of her dowry of 400 drachmae of silver, and declares that he is released
from all engagements entered into in their marriage contract and from all further
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 239
claims from herself. Petosarapis on his part acknowledges that he has no
further claims upon Thaésis. No ground for the separation is assigned, nor
is there any hint as to the side from which the initiative in the matter came.
Two other contracts of divorce are extant, one (G. P. II. Ixxvii) of the beginning of
the fourth century, the other (C. P. R. 23) of the second (cf. cclxviii and Brit. Mus. Pap.
CLXXVIII, a receipt for the repayment of a dowry). The former of these is very similar
to the present document. The husband renounces all further claims upon his wife, who
is declared free ‘to depart and marry as she will’; and the wife acknowledges the receipt
of her dowry. The other example is published by its editor, Dr. Wessely, as a marriage
contract, and thus construed it is one of the chief supports of the theory of the ‘fictitious
dowry’ in Graeco-Roman Egypt. The document in question is an agreement between
a husband and wife, Syrus and Syra, whose marriage contract is also preserved at Vienna
(C. P. R. 22). As interpreted by Wessely (Verhdliniss des gr. zum dg. Recht, p. 55, in
Wiener Sitzungsberichte, 1891), and by Mitteis (Rezchsrecht und Volksrecht, p. 282),
it is the correlative of the marriage contract, being the acknowledgement by the wife Syra
that she has received from the husband the dowry which in the contract she is represented
as bringing to him. The dowry, according to this view, was really a present from the
husband to the wife (donatio propler nuptras), but in the contract of marriage it was by
a legal fiction described as coming from the wife to the husband.
But an examination of the text (cf. Hunt’s corrections in Goff. gel. Anz. 1897, Nr. 6)
of this papyrus in the light of G. P. II. Ixxvii and of our Oxyrhynchus contract leads to the
conclusion that it must be explained differently. It is in fact, like them, an agreement for
separation, and the resemblances to a contract of marriage which Wessely and Mitteis have
found in it depend partly on conjectural supplements of the numerous lacunae, partly on in-
exact readings. Syra acknowledges the receipt of her dowry and other belongings (Il. 1-10),
and promises to advance no claims against Syrus pnd[é] mept [r]av [7 ]7 orpBrdcer dvnxd| vrwr],
pnd rept dv | emeypad |n abris 6 Supos Kipios ev Tois THs cupPiodeas [xpdvos| (Il. 12, 13, revised
text). It is sufficiently evident from this phraseology, and from Syra’s further statement in
line 20 that she had received back the property settled on her by her mother, that the
cupBiwots was henceforward a thing of the past. It is therefore inadmissible to read, with
the editor and Mitteis, in ]. 17 (the signature of Syra) [Svpa 7 kali Iodpuv [’Adpod: |oiov
ouvnpyat THY mp[os Svpov | ouvBiaat |v. ovrnppat iS a curious verb, but it certainly does not
imply ovpBioow. We must substitute some word like drofvyn|v, or read ry mpl oxecuerny
ovyypapn |v. Moreover, in |. 24 (the signature of Syrus), the vestiges remaining are not
consistent either with xpos Svpay . . . cupBiwow, or with 5¢€|Soxa ai[7y, at the end of the line.
The agreement is accordingly to be classed with the other two contracts of divorce, with
which it is in complete agreement.
The solitary piece of direct evidence for the fictitious dowry in Graeco-Egyptian
marriage contracts thus disappears ; and it is scarcely worth while to consider the value of
the other arguments which are urged in its favour. These arguments as stated by Mitteis
(op. cit. p. 282) and Wessely (op. crt. p. 54) are: (1) the analogy of demotic contracts of
the Ptolemaic period ; (2) the strictly business character of the transaction, which demands
that the material advantages brought by the wife should be compensated in some way by
the husband ; (3) the character of the dowry, which may consist largely of articles which
only the woman could use, and therefore have the appearance of presents from the husband.
The last of these arguments is open, as Wessely admits, to the obvious objection that such
articles could readily be converted into money. Moreover a valuable frousseau might of
itself reasonably be regarded as an acceptable adjunct to a wife. If the character of the
dowry is to be used as an argument, it is all in favour of the natural explanation that the
240 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
dowry really came from the wife’s side. The second a priori consideration, the necessity
of finding a guzd pro quo, is not more convincing, for, even admitting the necessity, it can
be satisfied otherwise than by supposing that when the papyri say ‘A has given to B,’ what
is meant is ‘B has given to A... The husband at least provided a home and made himself
responsible for his wife’s maintenance and clothing, cai 60a mpoonxer yuvarki yaper7.
There remains the analogy of demotic marriage contracts. They are divided by
Revillout into two classes, those of Upper Egypt, which show an earlier, and those of
Lower Egypt, which show a later, formula. The essential distinction between them is that
while in the former (according to Revillout’s translations) the husband makes a small
present to the wife, and agrees to pay a heavy penalty if he divorces her, in the latter this
express penalty is absent, and the husband receives from the wife a large dowry which he
is to forfeit on separating from her. The two formulae are brought into line by supposing
that the dowry which is liable to be forfeited corresponds to the penalty for divorce, and is
therefore fictitious. In the one case the husband simply states that he will pay a certain
sum, in the other the same effect is secured by a promise to pay back a sum which has
never been received. No sufficient reason is assigned for this elaborate fiction; and it is
to be noted that the whole theory rests upon the decipherments and translations of a single
scholar, whose conclusions, especially when based upon demotic documents, have to be
accepted with reserve. We notice, too, that on this question, in particular, Egyptologists
show an inclination to suspend judgement (e.g. W. Max Miiller, Zzebespoeste der alten Agypler,
Pp. 4, note).
That our distrust of Revillout’s ‘translations, is not unfounded, will be seen on
a reference to the passage of the contract from Lower Egypt which is the basis of the view that
the dowry there mentioned is fictitious. As translated by Revillout (ev. Hgypz. I. pp. 91-2)
this passage is: ‘Je te prends pour femme, tu m’as donné et mon coeur en est satisfait,
750 argenteus... Je te donnerai les 750 argenteus ci-dessus, dans un delai de 30
jours, soit au moment ot je t’établirai pour femme, soit au moment ow tu ten iras de
toi-méme.’ The husband thus engages to pay the dowry of his wife either on the ratifica-
tion of the marriage, or on separation ; and it is certainly not an unnatural explanation of
such an engagement that the so-called dowry was in reality a gift from the husband (donaéio
propler nuptias). But the words ‘Je te donnerai’ etc., strongly suggest the ordinary
provision of the Greek marriage contracts ensuring the restitution of the dowry in case of
divorce. For instance, in C. P. R. 22. 22 sqq., the husband promises on separating from
his wife to return the dowry éav pev avriy a ro |reurrnrat, mapaxpnpa, eav S€ att?) €Kxovdoa
dma AAdrryraL, €v Nuépars tpidxorra (cf. 24, 31 etc.). The limit of thirty days is the same as
in the demotic text; and éay 6€ ari éxodoa araddatrnra Corresponds very well with ‘ soit au
moment ov tu t’en iras de toi-méme.’ It is therefore very probable that the sentence
translated ‘soit au moment oii je t’établirai pour femme,’ is the demotic equivalent of ¢av
bev avtyy amonéurnrat, mapaxpnua, Which is the necessary correlative of eay d€ airy cxodoa
dradddrrnra. If so the contract ceases to be remarkable, and the supposed proof from
demotic contracts of the legal fiction falls to the ground. The explanation of Greek
documents of the Roman period may or may not be discoverable in demotic documents
dating from Ptolemaic times; but until it is known what the terms of those demotic
documents really are, any such explanation must be regarded as premature.
A more substantial basis for the theory of the fictitious dowry appears at first sight to
be supplied by No. cclxvii of this volume. That papyrus is an agreement between Tryphon
and Saraeus, who are contracting an dypacos yanos. ‘Tryphon acknowledges the receipt
from Saraeus of a dowry amounting to 72 silver drachmae, which he binds himself to repay
at the end of five months from the date of the agreement. Appended to this is an
acknowledgement by Saraeus, dated six years later, that she had received the sum mentioned ;
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 241
and we know from other documents that the pair were living together several years after
the date of Saraeus’ signature. What is the meaning of this transaction? It will be
noticed in the first place that the marriage is expressly stated to be dypados, and therefore
stands upon a different footing from the €yypapor ydpor for which the theory of the fictitious
dowry has been devised. The a@ypagos yapos was subject to special conditions, and the
existing evidence is insufficient to show what those conditions were. If, as is possible (cf.
introd. to ccxlvii), the object of such an arrangement was to secure to the contracting parties
greater freedom in separating if they found themselves uncongenial companions, it is quite
intelligible that the dowry should be repayable after a short period. At the end of that
period it could be repaid or could be the subject of a fresh agreement, the @ypaos ydpos
perhaps becoming éyypados, according as circumstances directed. At any rate there is
not at present any ground for maintaining that the dowry stated to be brought by Saraeus
to Tryphon was really a donattb propter nuptias, or gift from the husband to the bride.
We are here brought to a difficulty involved in the theory of the fictitious dowry which
has not yet been sufficiently taken into account. According to Mitteis, the criterion of the
real as opposed to the fictitious dowry is that the former is represented as coming from the
bride or her parents to the husband, the latter from the parents of the bride to herself (cf.
Wessely, of. c?#. p. 59). Now on this view the dowries mentioned in some existing contracts
will be partly real partly fictitious, those in others (e. g. ccxlvii and C. P. R. 28) will be entirely
fictitious. But all dowries alike had to be repaid by the husbands at separation, whether
voluntary on their own part or not. When therefore the dowry was altogether fictitious,
the wife was protected from divorce by a heavy penalty, which she might demand from her
husband without having fulfilled any of her obligations as a wife. Is it likely that pro-
spective husbands would have laid themselves open to fraud in this manner? Is it probable
that Tryphon, for example, would have bound himself to pay Saraeus on a certain day
a sum of 72 drachmae out of his own pocket, having no guarantee that he would see her
again after the conclusion of the contract?
But these are not the only difficulties with which the theory has to contend. There is
no adequate reason why a donatio propler nuptias on the part of the husband should be
converted by a fiction into the dowry, or part of the dowry, of his wife. Wessely suggests
that the ground of the fiction may be the distinction drawn by Greek and Roman law
between dowered and dowerless women. When Egyptian marriage contracts came to be
written by Greeks in Greek, the fiction of the existence of a dowry when there was none
would be intelligible if the absence of a dowry implied an inferiority of status. But how
does this explanation apply to the demotic contracts, the analogy of which is the main
support of the theory? Moreover, if the donatio propter nuptias was customary at this period
in Egypt, it is somewhat surprising that not only is the identity of the donafio always con-
cealed by an elaborate fiction, but that no Greek word to express it appears in the papyri
before the Byzantine period (icdmpoxov C. P. R. 30. 10). There is scarcely need to point
out that this proof from the use of a special term that the donafo existed in Egypt in the
sixth century, so far from implying its existence there in the period prior to the Constitutio
Antonina, when no such term is found, is rather an argument to the contrary. Finally, if it
was the rule in Egypt for the dowry, though nominally coming from the wife, to be
supplied by the husband, it is highly improbable that so strange an institution should have
escaped the notice of Strabo, who (iii. 18, p. 165) describes it as a peculiarity of the
Cantabri that among them the husband provided the dowry of his wife.
*Erous éxkaidle|kdétov Avtoxpdtopos Kaicapos Aopitiavod SeBacrod
Teppavixod, pr (vos) De{ppjavixod ev ‘O€(uptyxov) Té6X(Et) THS OnBaidos.
242 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
dporoye? Oanaorts Odvios rod "ApiOdvios pntpis) SrvOed-
Tos peta Kupiov Tod tmatpwod ’"Ovvddpio)s ’Ovvddppro[s] Tod Iap-
5 pévous pytpos Taapbérios TO yevopévm adtns avdpi
Tlerocapémt Qopmexvo.os tod Yapamlwvos pyrpoi(s) J.v0d-
A py tec) uA a 2 3 a ye
vios, mavres aw Ofguptyxov moAews, Ev ayuda), améxel
map avtod apyupiov SeBacrod vopicpatos Spaxpas TeTpa-
7 4 a - , ~ 3 ? € lod , ~
koalas Kepadaiov as mpoonvéykato avT@ ep Eéavth ev fepvij
10 plelreyyvou [7]7s pntpos abrod SiwOdvi0s [etooapdmios rod
JB... .) Kalr& ovlvypapiy cvvoxotov dia rod év ’Ogupiyxov
ToAEL ayopavoluiov Tails emayopévars TOU TEeToapacKa.oc-
Kdtouv érovs Avjroxpdropos Kaicapos Aopuitiavod SeBaorod
Teppavixod, j\s rijv emipopoy abridey dvadcdoxévar ait@
15 [kextaopévyny elis akipwow Evexa Tod [avja{vyny Tod ydpuou
AedoeoOat py|re mept Tov TpoKEipévov pnde TEepl Tapa-
7 > 3 Xv ‘ »”
pépvov ......Jo amecynkévar pdt mepl adrdov pnde-
> 4 (2 ~ > fn ¢ , \ pas. | X
vos mpdyparos| péxpe Ths éveatdéon{s 1 ]uépas. xKlal] adros dé
[
[
[
[
[
[yevérOar, Kai] pi) eyKadeiy ad7@ pdt eyxadécev pndé ere-
[
[
[
[6 Ilerocdpamlis bpodoyet ev dyuid [7] adh pr [€lvKadeiv
20
[mnd& evkaré|oew pnde enferedocoOlae 7H Oarole
[unde rots malp adbras mfelpl pnder[ds amdl@s péxpe [Tis
[eveor mans 7/Mepas ey aye) oce anenens eee ueea ee OLE ete
‘The 16th year of the Emperor Caesar Domitianus Augustus Germanicus, on the...
of the month Germanicus, at the city of Oxyrhynchus in the Thebaid. Thaésis, daughter of
Thonis, son of Amithonis, her mother being Sintheus, with her guardian her step-father
Onnophris, son of Onnophris, son of Pammenes, his mother being Taarthonis, acknowledges
to her late husband Petosarapis, son of Thompekusis, son of Sarapion, his mother being
Sinthonis, all of Oxyrhynchus (the agreement being executed in the street), the receipt from
him of the capital sum of 400 silver drachmae of the Imperial coinage which she brought to
him with herself as her dowry and for which his mother Sinthonis, daughter of Petosarapis,
son of ..., gave a joint guarantee, in accordance with a contract of marriage drawn up
through the office of the agoranomi at Oxyrhynchus on the intercalary days of the 14th year
of the Emperor Caesar Domitianus Augustus Germanicus. This bond she has thereupon
returned to him cancelled in order to effect the dissolution of the marriage ; and she neither
makes nor will make any claim, nor will proceed against him either on account of the
aforesaid sum or of the parapherna (which she has also received) or of anything else up
to the present date. Petosarapis likewise on his part acknowledges, in the same street,
that he neither makes nor will make any claim, nor will proceed against Thaésis or any
of her agents on any account whatsoever up to the present date...’
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 243
2. py(vds) Te[pp|avxod: the papyrus confirms the statement of Suetonius (Domz?. 13)
that Domitian had given the name Germanicus to the month of September (Thoth). Since
Domitian was murdered on Sept. 18, his 16th year only lasted from Thoth 1-21. Cf. Brit.
Mus. Pap. CCLIX. 138. This month Germanicus corresponding to Thoth must be
distinguished from Germaniceus, or Pachon. The day of the month has not been filled
in, as in cclxi. 3, cclxx. 2.
II. cu|vypapiy ovvoxiciov: cf. ccl. 16, where the contract was also drawn up at the
dyopavopetov. It is not quite clear whether the phrase cvyypady cvvorcuriou is synonymous or
contrasted with ovyypapy yapixn. In Pap. Par. 13 é€v euavt@ cvvorxiciov has been supposed
to refer to a ‘trial year’; and if that interpretation is correct, cvyypady cvvorxiciov here and
in ccl. 16 might imply an d@ypados yauos similar to that of Tryphon and Saraeus in cclxvii.
The fact that Petosarapis and Thaésis had only been married just over twelve months
would be quite consistent with such a view. But if, as we have suggested (introd. to
celxvii), cvyypapny is to be supplied with cuvvociov in Pap. Par. 13, a cvyypadi yapixy
would there be meant. cvvorxéstov is certainly used with reference to an éyypaqos ydpos in
a marriage contract of the Byzantine period (C. P. R. 30. 40); and the verb cuvorkety is
applied to a couple married éyypades in ccxxxvii. VII. 23. On the other hand we have the
expression dypapws cuveknce in ccxxxvii. VIII. 5. Probably the phrase ovyypady cvvotxeciov
covers both éyypador and cypapor yapor; cuvorxeiv like cvveiva (cf. ccxxxvil. VIII. 32, note)
is essentially a neutral term.
14. THv emiopov: sc. dpodoyiav. Cf. e.g. B. G. U. 196. 18 sqq. spodoyidy ... Hy Kal
dvadeddcOa ... cis Abérnow Kat axipwow. emitopos refers to the phrase frequently found at
the end of loans xupia 7 6podroyia ravrayn erepepopern Kal ravtt ro emupéporte (cclxix. 12, etc.).
15. [kexeacpevnv|: so ccclxii. 15, ccclxiii. 8. Contracts thus cancelled by having been
crossed out frequently occur, e. g. cclxvii.
éveka TOU [av Jaguyny Byes [ yeveo Oa : cf. G. P. II. Ixxvi. 19 Sa 16 redetay arotvyny.
CCLXVII. AGREEMENT OF MARRIAGE.
36-5 18-5 cm. A.D. 36.
This document relates to the terms of a marriage, but it is to be dis-
tinguished from the ordinary marriage contracts, the scope of which is altogether
different. The two parties concerned are Tryphon and Saraeus, whose marriage
is expressly stated to be dypados, i.e. not based upon a regular contract. The
agreement is concerned almost entirely with the dowry of Saraeus, consisting
of a sum of 40 drachmae of silver and a robe and a pair of gold earrings which
are together valued at 32 drachmae. This dowry Tryphon acknowledges that
he has received, and promises to return it unconditionally on Oct. 27, A.D. 36,
the agreement itself being dated May 22 of the same year. The other stipula-
tions are that in case of a separation the value of the gold earrings was to be
made up to their present worth; and that Tryphon was to make to Saraeus
an allowance of some kind if the separation was succeeded by the birth of a
child. Appended are the signatures of Tryphon and the guardian of Saraeus,
R 2
244 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
and the docket of the bank through which payment of the dowry was made.
Finally, below these is a declaration by Saraeus, dated June 9g, A.D. 43, that
she had received back the dowry described in the agreement. The contract,
including the signatures of Tryphon and of Saraeus’ guardian, has accordingly
been cancelled in the usual manner by a number of crossing diagonal strokes
of the pen (kexracpevn, cclxvi. 15).
We have already (introd. to cclxvi) stated our reasons for refusing to find
in this agreement any confirmation of the theory that the dowries described in
Graeco-Egyptian marriage contracts as brought by wives to their husbands
were really disguised donxationes propter nuptias or gifts from the husbands
to their wives; and owing to the paucity of information concerning dypador
yapou a satisfactory explanation of the relations between Tryphon and Saraeus is
not obvious. Fortunately, we have a good many more papyri relating to the
affairs of Tryphon, and these throw some light upon the subject.
Tryphon himself was born in the year 8 A, D. (cclxxxviii. 40), and was therefore
twenty-eight years of age at the time of his marriage with Saraeus. Saraeus,
however, was not his first wife. It appears from cclxxxii that he had been
married to a woman named Demetrous, with whom he had quarrelled ; and
that this marriage was prior to that with Saraeus is rendered practically certain
by a petition (cccxv) addressed by Tryphon to the strategus, complaining
of an outrage upon his wife Saraeus by Demetrous and her mother. This
petition is dated in Epeiph of the first year of an emperor whose name is lost,
but who, on account of the size of the lacuna, can only be Gaius. The outrage
of which Tryphon complained therefore occurred two months after this marriage
with Saraeus; and we can hardly be mistaken in recognizing in the Demetrous
of cccxv the supplanted wife, who was no doubt actuated by jealousy.
Another fragmentary papyrus (cccxxi), the date of which is missing, shows
that Saraeus gave birth to a daughter, whose nurture was the subject of a fresh
agreement between her and Tryphon. A son was born in A.D. 46-7 (O. P. I.
xxxvii. I. 5 and 22), and the pair were living together two years later (O. P. I.
XxxXvii, Xxxviii). Another son named ThoGnis was born of the marriage about
the year 54, for he was not yet fourteen years of age in 66, when he was
apprenticed to a weaver (cclxxv). That the boy was not taught his trade by
his father, who was also a weaver, may perhaps be accounted for by the fact
that Tryphon was at this time suffering from a partial loss of his eyesight
(O. P. I. xxxix), The last mention of Saraeus is in A.D. 59 (cccxx), when
she was still Tryphon’s wife.
The married life of Tryphon and Saraeus therefore extended over a period
of at least twenty-three years, notwithstanding the provision in their original
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 245
agreement for the return of the dowry at the end of five months, and the fact
that, according to Saraeus’ own acknowledgement, it was actually so returned
at the end of seven years. The simplest explanation appears to be that the
original contract was only intended to be a provisional arrangement. Revillout
once considered that a ‘trial year’ was one of the peculiarities of Egyptian
marriage institutions, but he subsequently withdrew the suggestion, which was
based on an incorrect interpretation of the demotic (see Max Miiller, Zzedes-
poesie der alten Agypter, p. 5, note). In contracts for éyypapo. ydyor there is no
question of a ‘triai year. But in the case of dypadou yduor the existence of some
such custom is apparently implied by Pap. Par. 13, almost the only Greek
document of the Ptolemaic period which is concerned with a marriage. The
important passage is:—rijs pntpds pov ’AckAnmddos ovvotons “Ioiddpm . . . Kad?
Hv €Oeto aitn cvyypapyy dpodoylas, bv js SvopoAoyeirar GAAa Te Kal €xew map’ adtis
iv Tporevyvexto epyynv Xadxod (radavta) B cal mepi Tod OnoecOa adth ev eravT@
avvoikiolov' expe 5€ TovTov cvveivar avtots ws dvip Kal yuvy. The construction of
OjcecOa adri ev erxravt@ cvvorxic(ov is not quite clear. Considering that cvvoi-
xalov avyypapy was a regular phrase (cf. ccl. 16, cclxvi. 11), and that é0ero
ovyypapynv has just preceded, it is not improbable that ovyypadnv is to be supplied
after cvvorxtolov. But if cvvorxiciov depends, as is usually supposed, upon éziavra,
there is no necessary implication that an éviavtds cvvoixiciov was the regular
method of commencing a marriage. All that is meant by kal zwepl rod OjoeoOar
x.7.A. is that Isidorus promised to make an arrangement with Asclepias
(respecting their marriage) within a year (i.e. the first year) of their cohabitation,
and that up to that point they should live together as man and wife. If they
found themselves uncongenial companions the further arrangement would pre-
sumably not be made. This state of affairs is quite analogous to that existing
between Tryphon and Saraeus ; and a comparison of these two cases indicates
that a short period (not always a year) of trial was sometimes the commence-
ment of an dypados yapos, which period might or might not be concluded by
a more permanent contract. Tryphon was perhaps impelled to adopt this
more cautious method by his experience of Demetrous. Why it was that he
did not repay Saraeus’ dowry at the expiration of the stipulated term, and that
he did repay it at a much later period, can only be conjectured. The payment
would no doubt depend upon the choice of Saraeus. Its actual occurrence, and
the fact that the pair are afterwards found living together, may be explained
either by supposing that there was a temporary rupture, or that the repayment
was the occasion of a fresh contract which placed their relations upon a different
footing. But which, if either, of these explanations is correct, there are not
sufficient data to determine.
246
Io
15
25
TLE SOX VIRLYIN GINS 2A PAR
Tpigov Avovvciov Ilépons rhs énlijyovas Sapacdrt ’Amiwvos
bY 7 ? 7 a? 4 ra £ ~ wy
peta Kupiou Ovvaedppios rob ’Avtimdrpou yxaipav. dporoya exe
SY a CIE ~ ‘ , 4 re 4 \ =
Tapa gov emi tod mpos ‘Ogvptyyav méder Sapameiov dia ris
Sapariwvos tod Kdedvdpov tpamé(ns apyvpiov Y«Bacrod
kat IIroXepatkod vopicparos Spaxpas Tecoapdkovra Kal
Tins EvoTiov xpvoGv fevyous évds apyupiov dpaxpas
€ikoot Kal xiT@vos yadaxrivov apyupiov Spaxpas déxa dvo,
ao , > 5) Ss AQ > NN i) 7 x c - fe
wot civat emt 76 adTd dpyupiou dpaypas EBdopyKovra dvo
(4 a3 IOV ~ , ~ € XN e ‘
kepadaiov ais ovdtv tat Kabddrov mpoonKrat, wrép ay Kal
te, A xX -~ > oe \ e ua
ovvTemecpat. Tas dé Tod apyupiov dpaxpxs €BdopyKov-
ta Ovo arodéow cor TH TpLakdds TOD Padgur Tod iovdvros
devrépov erovs Taiov Kaicapos Teppavixod Néov YeBacrot
AvrToK 4 ‘ 4 G 6é IN oe ‘ ’ 66
patopos, xwpis méaons bmepbéoews. eav O& pi) azrodar
Kaba yéypantat éxteic@ cor Td mpokeipevov Kepddatov
ye 7 los 4 ot or ) - Nie? A
Hed nHporias, rials] mpdgews oor ovons Ek TE Emo Kal eK TaY
« , 4 4 2 7 IX 4A
vmapxovT@y jot mdévT@v Kabdmep ey Sikns, eav dé
amad\ayopev dm adddApdAwv e€orat oor exe Td TOY evo-
‘4 ~ > ~ Bf 4 2 ‘ \ ,
Tiov ¢(evyos ev THL ton Statiplyloer. emel dé cbveoper
aArAHAOLS aypdpals| mporopoAroya. eav woatTws ex Siahopas
dn[adAay|Ouev am adrAHAwv] evKbou o[o]d ovon[s] Ews dv cot
[emeconewcbe . .Jamadl, . .Jovf 28 letters
fa 1) atro}ly? n é é i Tl [7@ €mup€povte
[Kupla 1) arolyijt [mavTayn emipepouévn Kat] mavti [74 pepovTt.
[€rovs a Tatov Kajicapos Teppfavixod Néolv YeBacro[d Adroxp|ér opos,
Tlayav Ke SeBaori.
and hand. [Tpvpely Acovyciov éxw tas Told) dpyupiov d[pay]pas éBdopy-
kovta oto
Kepadatolv kal arrodmom Kabdte mpoketat. Aéwv . |, .Jepwrtos yéypadha wre
p p p
avTov oa
pr €(d€)vac avdrov ypdpparia]. (€rovs) a Taifoly Kaicapos Teppav{ijcod Néov
SeBacrod Adroxpéropos,
Tlayov x{{] SeBaoriu.
3rd hand. ‘Ovvadpis’ Avtumdrpou emyéypappat TIS Yepandros ktpios. O€wov
30 Ilaanuos yéypapa trip avrob pr iddros ypdupara. (érous) a Tatov Kaicapos
Teppavixod Néov %eBaotod Avroxparopos, Ilaxav xe SeBaorj.
4th hand. €rovs mpoérov Tafov Katoapos Ieppavixod Néov YeBacrob
Adroxparopos,
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 247
Tlaxov SeBacrq. did ris Yapariwvos z[o\i KXedvdpou tparé(ns
yéyovey % Staypagpyt. (5th hand). Yepaneds ‘Amiwr(os) améxw 7d
35 mpoxipevov kepddeov Kepadréov Kai ovde(v)
ec. Aidvpos BonOod eypawev trép ddevs
pev «id(vias) ypd(upa)ra Kat emype adrfs [[pc]] af...
(€rous) y TeBpiov Tdavtiov Kaicapos XeBaor[olb
Teppavixod Avro{uxpa}xpdropos, IIaoiv te.
6. Spaxpas corr. from dpaypat. 36. For ce |. eyxadd. 1. imep airs. 37. 1. wy
eld{vias) .. . emvyéypappat. 38. 1. TiBepiov KAavdiov. 39. 1. Madu.
‘Tryphon, son of Dionysius, a Persian of the Epigone, to Saraeus, daughter of Apion,
under the wardship of Onnophris, son of Antipater, greeting. I acknowledge the receipt
from you at the Serapeum at Oxyrhynchus through the bank of Sarapion, son of Kleandrus,
of 40 silver drachmae of the Imperial and Ptolemaic coinage, and for the value of one
pair of gold earrings, zo drachmae of silver, and for a milk-white robe, 12 drachmae of
silver, making a total sum of 72 drachmae of silver, to which nothing at all has been added,
in consideration of which I have consented (to our marriage). And I will repay to you the
72 drachmae of silver on the 30th of Phaophi in the coming second year of Gaius Caesar
Germanicus Novus Augustus Imperator without any delay. If I do not repay in
accordance with the above terms I will forfeit to you the said sum with the addition of half
its amount, for which you are to have the right of execution upon me and upon all my
property, as in accordance with a legal decision. If we separate from each other, you shall
be empowered to have the pair of earrings at their present value. And since we are living
together without a marriage contract, I further agree if as aforesaid owing to a quarrel we
separate from each other while you are in a state of pregnancy, to...so long as you...
This receipt is valid wherever and by whomsoever it is produced.’
There follow (1) the signature of Tryphon, written for him by Leon, (2) the signature
of Onnophris, the guardian of Saraeus, written on his behalf by Theon, son of Paaeis, (3)
the docket of the bank through which the payment was made, (4) the signature of
Saraeus, written for her, in astonishingly badly spelled Greek, by Didymus, son of Boéthus,
acknowledging that she had received back the sum mentioned in the agreement. This
acknowledgement of Saraeus is dated Payni 15 in the 3rd year of Claudius.
Q-10. tmep dv kat ovvrémecopar: it is very unlikely that such a phrase would have been
used if the dowry were fictitious; cf. introd. to celxvi.
12, Neov Ye8acrod: cf. ccxl. 3, note.
37. xvptos would be expected after airjs, and that word was probably intended.
CCLXVIII. Repayment or a Dowry.
29:3 X 38-8 cm. A.D. 58.
Contract by which a woman Ammonarion and her daughter Ophelous
agree to accept from Antiphanes, a relative of Ammonarion’s deceased husband
Heraclas, a certain sum of money, in lieu of Ammonarion’s dowry and of
248 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Ophelous’ share of her father’s property. Ammonarion was entitled on the
death of her husband to the repayment of her dowry; and Ophelous was one
of her father’s heirs. By the present agreement Antiphanes, who probably also
inherited under the will of Heraclas, effects a composition on account of both
these claims against Heraclas’ estate. The relation of Antiphanes to Heraclas
is not certain; probably he was a nephew (cf. note on 8). The contract is
addressed to the dpyduxacrys.
A clause, making a reservation for Antiphanes, which had been omitted, is
inserted in the left-hand margin.
"Avriypapov. Oéwri dpyidikalor|je kal mpds TH emipere[Cla 7[O]v xpy[palricTa@v
kal Tov dA@v KpiTNplov
mapa "Appovapio tas ’“Apupolvijov tod Aovvoiov, os ev [IIrolAepaids
THs ‘Eppiov ypnpari(¢je, alv|ris Kai 7Hs tadrns
[Ojulylarpds ’Ade[Aodr]os tHs ‘Hpaxharos tov an ’Okuptyyov médews, -peTa
kupiolu] Tov dv[o] yuvaixay z[o|d THs
PAppov|apiov dplou|ntpiov adje|Apod Bnoapilo|vos rod ‘Hp[arojs, as ev rie
avth Ironde[plaidr: xpnpari¢e,
aitns ‘Ogvpiyxov 7od\elws. ocuvywpodpev
[mpos aAAHAOlvs emi Toicde, Sore eivar 4 [’Appovdpioly [Kal] ‘Apedods
evmibeis yeyovviat Kal amecynKutat
[rapa tod "Avt\ipdvovs did yetpds [e]€ oikov 5 Kat éme[icOn|oav Kepddatov,
4 pev “Appovdpiov av@ As mpoc-
[nvéyxato T]@ Tod pev 'Avtipdvous matpds addedg[a] Se TAS ’Adedo[O]ros
marpt eavjrjs & yevopéver
kai [perndAlaxore avdpt ‘Hpaxdare ’Avtipdvous ralv] dd tis adtas ’Ofv-
ptyxov modeos glelor[7]s
10 TeulAs apylypiov Spayxpav dxrakociwv Ka7[& ou|yx@pynow tiv TedcwOeioav
dud THs epnpepidos
év rots tum{polabev xpévors, x) dé ‘Apedods kal adfrhje eéorarar Tax ’Avti-
paver Tod Kar’ avrijy plél|pous
roy bd Tod peTnAAayxdros adtHs matpds ‘Hpakdaros drodeAtppevav TavToY,
Kal eivat d&kupov
[thy SnAovpévny rod ydpou cvyx@pno.y klal pn|deuiav THe Appovapiot Kai
THe Adedrodre pnd adrdrax
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 249
Urép attav KaradirerOa Effo|dov emi tov ’Avripdr[n] pynde emi ra Tod
“HpaxdGros drrodeAyppeva,
15 [A] pev “Applalvdpiov pate epi rhs StevduTnpevns pepvfjs, 4 d= ‘Aderods
pre epi TOV
[e€elorapévay Kabds mpoxertalt, apjporépos dé pnde mepl dAdov pnoevis
athO@s evypdmrov
9 aypadpov mpayparos Tav ex Tav emdvw xpldvov péxpe TAS eveoToons
nuepas, 7) THY
ecomevny Edlojdov akupov Kal (d)mpdcdexrov vmdpyew. év dé Tois mpoket-
Hévas ovK verte cwpar(vopos):
agiodpev ws Kabyx(el. (érovs) & Népwvos Kdavdiov Kiai|capiols SeBacrod
Teppavixot Atroxpdropos, pn(vis) Nepoveiov
20 YeBaarod y. avrtypa(pov), ’AmfoAAd]vi0s KaTakely JopioTat.
On the left-hand margin, at right angles to the text
and hand. pi) €Aarroupévov tod ’Avripdvovs év TH emf. ...... Ihe lacie ce OF
empiaro
’ ? a la ’ 7 gy 4 a ? IE 2 a
map avtod pépous alOptov axoovOws 7H «is avtov [yeyovula KaTaypagn.
8. 1. tis Se. 15. 1. 77 pev "App[@|vapio . . . rH de Qpedoore. 16. 1. au |porépacs,
18. « of xa corr. from e.
‘Copy. To Theon, chief justice and superintendent of the chrematistae and the
other courts, from Ammonarion, daughter of Ammonius, son of Dionysius, and however
else she is described at Ptolemais Hermiu, and from her daughter Ophelous, whose father
is Heraclas, of Oxyrhynchus, the two women acting with their guardian, the half brother of
Ammonarion on the mother’s side, Besarion, son of Heras, and however else he is described
at Ptolemais, and from . . . Antiphanes, son of Ammonius, of the said city of Oxyrhynchus.
We agree with each other as follows: —Ammonarion and Ophelous have given their consent
and have received from Antiphanes from hand to hand in cash the sum which they severally
consented to accept, Ammonarion, on account of the dowry, amounting to 800 silver
drachmae, which she brought to her late husband, the brother of Antiphanes’ father and the
father of Ophelous, Heraclas, son of Antiphanes, of the same city of Oxyrhynchus, in
accordance with a settlement completed some time ago through the daybook, and Ophelous
on her part resigns to Antiphanes her share of all the property left by her late father
Heraclas. The said agreement of marriage is void, and neither Ammonarion nor Ophelous
nor any one acting on their behalf has any further claim against Antiphanes or against the
property left by Heraclas, Ammonarion on account of the refunded dowry, and Ophelous
on account of the resigned inheritance, as is aforesaid; and neither of them has any claim
respecting any other matter whatever written or unwritten of past date down to the present
day, and any claim that is made shall be void and inadmissible. The above agreement has
no. .., for which we make due petition.’ Date.
I. mpos 7H emede| ila 7[O]y xpn[yalriorov x.r.A.: this is a regular title of the apyidicaorns
(cf. e. g. cclxxx. 1, B. G. U. 455. 2) which must have descended from the Ptolemaic period,
250 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
for the ypnuaricrai are never heard of, apart from this phrase, in Roman times. On the
dpxidtkao7ns, cf. cclx. 13, note.
4. ‘Hp[@ro]s suits the lacuna rather better than “Hp[ax\aro]s, but the latter name is not
impossible.
8. Some alteration is necessary in this line, which with dSedp[ée] does not construe,
and with ddeA¢[ov] makes nonsense; for there is no point in describing Heraclas as the
father of Ophelous’ brother when he was the father of Ophelous herself (I. 12), and when
this brother is not mentioned elsewhere in the document. The simplest remedy seems to
be to read ddedp{ 6x] and to transpose 6€ and rfs. This will make Ammonarion’s husband
the uncle of Antiphanes.
10. ka[ra ov|yyepnow : cf. cclxxxl. 6-7 depyyy Sodoa kara cvvympyow.
did ras efpnpepidos : cf. cclxxi. 7 cuvympnow TeArcwOcicav Sia ris eqpnpepidos Tod Karadoyetou,
and 11 Tede@Oeioay Sia Tod airod Katadoyetov. The ordinary meaning of édnpepis is
a journal or (with reference to accounts) a daybook. Unless therefore the word is here
used in a new sense, it must be supposed that the reAccwors in these two cases was effected
by an official entry in a register; cf. ccxxxviii. 9, note. For redetwors dia Tov xaradoyetov
cf. O. P. I. Ixviii. 5, Ixxiii. 34.
15. SevAvrypers : cf. cclxxi e€evdurioOa. evdAvtdw, duevdvtdw, etc., are the ordinary
forms.
18. cwpar(icpds): cf. B. G. U. 198. 6 sqq. droyp(dpopat) tas trapx(ovcas) rept Kopnv
Kapavida dia 8€ capariopod eis Zot{ 5 |otv Wererovxou kdypou x|a]r[ oce(«Kov) (dpovpas). The agree-
ment between Antiphanes and the two women evidently required the sanction of the
dpxidicaorys in order to become legal, and apparently the sanction consisted in the capariopds ;
but the precise meaning of the word is obscure.
19. py(vos) Nepwvetov SeBaorod: cf. Brit. Mus. Pap. CLXXXI. (a) 19, (b) 16. The
month meant is Pharmuthi, cf. Suet. Ver. 55, Tac. Amn. xvi. 12.
21-2. Cf. ccevi, from which the supplement in 22 is taken. But there is not room for
€n| axodovdovcn | alird BeBamoe ob emp. in 21 unless some of the words were abbreviated.
CCLXIX. Loan or Money.
20:5 X33 .¢m. A.D. 57-
Copy of acknowledgement of a loan of 52 silver drachmae for a term of
rather more than three months from Tryphon, son of Dionysius (cf. introd.
to cclxvii), to Dioscorus. The copy of this agreement is followed by a short
letter from Tryphon to a friend named Ammonas, who is requested to dun
Dioscorus for payment of the debt. The agreement is thus an enclosure in
Tryphon’s letter, and was sent to Ammonas in order to acquaint him with the
conditions of the loan.
Cola:
"Avtiypa(por). ArdjoKolpos Znvod[épov Iéploa rhs emvyovqs Tpipar(e
A.ovvcioly xalipev. d[pjoroy[@ exejy mapa cod emi tod mpds ’Ogvptyxov
moder [Saparjefov dia ths 'AlpyxiBiov] tod ’ApyiBiov tpamé{ns apy{u|plov
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 251
SeBaor[ob volulcparos dplay|uas mevtikovta dvo Kepadaiov
5 als ovdlév tT] Kabddov mipoc]fKr[al, as Kal dmodédow co TH Tprakddr
TB Ka{icapeljov pnvos tod [€vert@tos y (€rovs) Népwvos Kdavd[fou
Kaicaplos YeBjacrod Iepplavijkod Avtoxpdropos yapis méons
brep[Oérlews. dv S& plt) amodiOl Kabd yéypamta extelow oor
7[d mlpolkleiuevoy Ked[dA]acov ped rpiodrlas Kal Tod brepmecdy-
10 Tos xplévjov tods KabyjKovtas TéKous, THS mpad~ews qou
ovons ek Tle €uod Kai [x] TOv brapydvT@y adta: mdvTov
Kabdrep éy Sixns. xupija] 4 yelp mavrayh emipepoper[y
kal mavrt Ta@t émipépovtt. (Erovs) y Népolv]os KXavdiov Kaicapos
XeBacrobd Teppavixod [Aldtoxpdropios, plnvis Teppavixetou in SeBa(arf).
15 Umoypa(dijs) avtiypa(pov). ArdcKxopos Zyvoddpou [€]xau Tas Tod dpyuplov
dpaxpas mevriKolyra dto Kepadaiov Kal amoddcwr
Kabd7e mpoxetar. Zwiros “QNpov eypapa irip adbrov pi) €[i|ddros
ypaupata. (érouvs) y Népwvos Kiavdiov Kaicapos SeBacrod Teppavixod
Avroxpdropos, pnvis Teppavixetou in YeBaor#.
20 onpe(t\dcea(s) dvtiypa(pov). erovs y Népwvos Kdavdiov Kaicapos S«Bacrtot
Teppalvijkob Avroxpd[rjopos, pnvis Teppavxetou i XeBao(r)f.
dia O€wvos rod Yvpov toh cvvecrapévov bwd ApyiBiov tpame(etrov) yéyo-
(ver) 4 Scaypa(g7).
Col. II.
and hand. Tptgov ’Appovari edv cor O0 TO apyvpLov
7@ [Mldxp@ 7@ didrTa- dds att@ amoxyy,
T@ xalpev. €av Ov- 10 Kai éay eb[p|ns acpa-
vn €parnbels dxAn- Ajy dds ait@ Td dp-
5 gov Aidckopov Kal Ek- ytplov évévKal jot.
mpatov avrov Td doracat Tovs (a)ovds
xetpbypadov Kai TAVTAS. €ppwa{o}.
I. to. |. cou. 11. |. poe for avran. II. 4. » of oxyAnooy corr. from o. 8. 1. 86.
g. 1. dds; so in 11.
I. ‘Copy. Dioscorus, son of Zenodorus, Persians of the Epigone, to Tryphon, son
of Dionysius, greeting. I acknowledge the receipt from you at the Serapeum at Oxyrhynchus
through the bank of Archibius, son of Archibius, of the sum of 52 silver drachmae of the
Imperial coinage, which is the total amount of my debt. I will repay you on the 3oth of
the month Caesareus of the current 3rd year of Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus
252 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Imperator, without any delay. If I do not repay you in accordance with this agreement,
I will forfeit to you the aforesaid sum with the addition of one half, with proper interest for
the overtime, for which you are to have the right of execution upon me and upon all my
property, as if in accordance with a legal decision. This note of hand is valid wherever
produced and whosoever produces it.’ Date, copy of the signature of the borrower, and
copy of the docket of the bank through which the payment was made.
II. ‘ Tryphon to his dear friend Ammonas, also called Macer (?), greeting. If you can,
please worry Dioscorus and exact from him his bond. If he gives you the money, give
him a receipt, and if you find a safe person give him the money to bring to me. My
salutations to all your household. Good-bye.’
II. 2. 76 [M]|dxpo: it would be possible to read rov instead of rw, and Macer may be
regarded as the name of Ammonas’ father, which will necessitate the correction [M ]dxpov.
With the reading 76 [M |dxp@, cai must be understood between the two words,—unless indeed
we read [p]Jaxpé as an adverb qualifying ¢:Arar@, which does not seem very probable.
7. xetpsypapov : i.e. the money to which the xe:poypaor referred.
CCLXX. INpDEMNIFICATION OF A SURETY.
Plate VIII. 38-7x 15-8 cm. A.D. 94.
Agreement executed at Oxyrhynchus in the 13th year of Domitian between
Lucia, with her second cousin Heras as guardian, and Sarapion. Sarapion had
become surety for Lucia for the repayment of a loan of 3500 drachmae for two
years and interest at the usual rate of 12 per cent. a year, lent to Lucia by
Heraclides on the security of various farms belonging to her which amounted
in all to 24,5, arourae. By the present contract Lucia binds herself not to allow
Sarapion to be called upon for payment on her account under penalty of
forfeiting to him the ownership of the property.
With this contract should be compared cclxxxvi, a petition by a woman
who had entered into an engagement similar to that undertaken by Sarapion,
asking for leave to sequestrate the property of certain persons who had failed
to fulfil their obligations to her.
The document is a good specimen of the fine semi-uncial hand which
characterizes many of the contracts and official documents of the first and
second centuries at Oxyrhynchus. A noticeable feature is the increased size
of the first letter in each line.
"Erovs tpirkaiwexdrov Adbroxpdtopos Kaicapos Aopitiavod S«Bacrobd
Teppavixod, Meyeip , &v O€uptyxev more THs OnBatdos.
dporoyet Aovkla t Kai Oacas Aovkiov pyntpos YwOevios rHs O€wvos Tep-
celvn peta Kuplov Tob égaveyiov “Hpatos tod ‘Hpaxdeidov rod “Hpaxdeidov
Pirate VIII
<a
eereh i ligase iISAL 6 2 OY py TOK PATOPOKAIE DS CAQYAITAAN CY EROS OV
FEpMaMiiceys™ KAP Es DY PV AUNTTONE COR LNAOT
Cyne PEVAGYIG ATK OD CAASM acc{ N& on) ocTHtc BE WNT te P—
cenit pioxTe YEP MEV IOV PATS crown poK
Fee pont AONE poccaPAT TRO NUTORATS
. CLOVE PAKAENSE A POCHIPAT
prarosr©
paficicee 3
Nex tTON hy) A WE(TTPNSTONT pPEg DceotTe
A dPON KATENT pPa-TOvK TPT!
O RYTOCAPATTINSNE Kani JOP ocer 7 vite pAacl att
JOY. a! PHALONOCMHT? re TOOT HET CORES
AGEN Haid Ria OW SPONTA ® :
SCEIPO GAO TOV OE pNEIGaALO pay TOV KATO-SDNE is
> e HN alarow & = a oncevtea Wn WEP Fey
App Pl) BN oa ae OYxTOK OVOP yu4or
EKACTHENES QTaNH DATION. pvt Iman ocr Te
PIS E(< wif tov! eynbiciery (<i
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Morel tte pa ASE rent oe ANCE RAEI
é Nv acre Wo ONAL ONT oprtene roe os i
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10
20
25
3°
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 253
pntpos IIdovrdépyns Sapamioves Yaparion 76 Kai Krdpw {| Saparion
a s 4 , a ¢ 4 Q 4 ~
7® kal KXdpw} Sapamiwvos tot “Hpaxkdeidov pntpis KAdpas ths
~ ? a s
Napkicoov, waévres tév amd ‘Ogvpiyyov tédews, &y ayuda, amape-
ia . > 7 4 Q 7 ‘ ‘
véxAntov Kal dvelompaxtoy mapéfacbar tiv Sapamiwva tov Kai
Knydpov cai rods map avtod Kata mdvra tpbrov vrep As memoinrat
6 avtos Sapamiwv 6 Kal Kddpos éyytns ‘Hpaxdeidn ’AmodAwviov
Tod Xaiprjpovos pntpos “Hpaidos Acddpou amd ths adrhs modews
? © 7 \ a , A - wn oJ col .
Kad’ dpodroylay dia Tod adbrod pynpovetov 7@ evert@re pnvi Me-
? c « c ~ 4 , , ~ ‘ 7
xelp, av 4 6poroyotoa Seddévetcra map adbtod Kara Saveiov ovv-
‘ 5 ~ > ~ 4 n~ > cal ‘ ‘ > ‘A
ypapiy dia rod avrod pynpovetou 7@ avT@ pnvi Meyeip apyuptou
Spaypav tpicxiNiov mevtakostwy Kepadatov ToKov Spay piaiou
éxdoTns pvas KaTa& phva aro Tov avTov pnvods emi vrobHKn Tais
onpaveicais aris mept Sepdgiv ex toi Anpntpiov Mirnotou kdH-
pov KaTolkikhs Kal @vnpéevns apotvpais Tpiol jploe, Kal ex TOU avTov
, ew a V8 , 5) A , , yor
KAjpou amd KaTOLKIKhsS Kal @vnpévns apoupday deka dvo pel as
brébero Taapvyxet Owviwvos dpovpas émta tais otrais dpovpas
~ 4 7 ~
mevte, Kal ek Tov KaldXlov Tpitw péper KaToLKiKNS Kal @ynpéevns
> ~ > , a wv » ou Ob \ \ 4
dpoupov oKT@, 6 éoTiv apovpar Ovo Sipotpov, Kai Tepi Yvpov
kopnv €x Tod “Hpakdeidou ody to ’AdeEdvSpou Katotkikhs dpov-
pais e€ tuirer teTdpT@, Kal ék Tod ‘Ade§dvdpov Kal addAwv Ka-
TOLKIKHS Kal wynpevns els KaTOLKlav adpovpals eikoot Téeaoapst Tpi-
To Owdexdto, eis mpobecpiay tpraxdda ToBe rob mevtekai-
Oexdtou Erovs Avtoxpdtopos Kaicapos Aopitiavov YeBacrod
a IX x -~ ‘4 2 4 ‘ 2 ANN £
Teppavixod. éav d€ ris mpobecpias evatdons pr amodo h 6-
poroyotoa To “Hpaxdeidn 7d Kepd\Ajaroy Kal rods TéKous, ama-
TO S& brép adrils 6 Yaplamiwv 6 kat Kddpos, kvpicvjev av-
Tov Sapariwvia] tov [kai K\Adpoy trav mpokepévaly| dpovpdv
eikoot Tecodpoly tpitov djwSexdrov els Tov amavta y([plov[oy a
POW TP J AUDI {OP (o=
s dv mpdcews [aiTd yevolpévns Kal [alropépecOar Ta e€ adTaov
p B yevo\uévn p
‘ bg , ? \ noo \ ~ r © IN e ~~
Kai €répois adlras m@dleiv Kal xpao|Oar ws| eav aipara, pnde-
pias Th Opodoyovan 7 Tais [wap avdris €|p[ddlov K[a]radectro-
pévns én tov Sapatiova tiv Kai KAdpov pyde emi] rods mra-
> > ~ he EA x , , + Ny ses a
p avrod pydé emi tas mpokeipéevas apovpus pnde emi pépos
X 2 ‘ . 2 ’ ~ by , , bi 4
pnde emi ra €€ abta@v Kata pndéva Tpébrov, érdyialvKoy
eS ee , 6 ye \ a ’ > ~ 7 é BY
QuUT1)V TapeEac at avT@ K@L TOL Tap QAvTOvU TavTas ta Wav-
254 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
40 Tos pev BeBaias dnd mdvrov wdon BeBadoer Kai Kabapas
> > 7 X 4 4 “A a ~
amd Snpoctov Kai TeMeopdtoy mdvtov Tay Ews THs Tpobec-
va \ Jes a , IX , , e ia an
plas Kai adras THs mpobecpias. edv BE TL TovTwY 1) bpodoyotca
mapacwvypapy, akupov [EloTw Kal mporamoticdta TO [3% |apamio-
~ Y , BN ~ , » ~ TEND dS [ol >
vi T@ Kal KXdpo 7 Tois Tap avTov Kal 6 édv rapala|vvypaph eidos
45 76 Te BAdBos Kal émizripov dpyupiov Spaypas yxiAlas Kai eis 7d Snpo-
civ tas icas, Kai pndey Hooov Ta Siwpodroynpéva Kipia EoTo,
~ , - co 4 ~ ‘ 4 4 ~
Ths mpdgews yiwouévns TO Napatiw 7@ Kai KAdpwo €k Te THS
c 4 ‘ 2 ~ , ’ aA ‘ 3 ~ » c ,
dporoyovons Kal €k Tv mpoKipévov apoup@v Kal ek T@v adwv UTrapy(or)-
eta 4 , € c ,
TOV avTh mavT@y. Kupla 7 opodoyia.
3. First v of Aovxov corr. from « 8. 1. mapé£eaar, so in 39. 18. o of apovpats corr.
froma, 25. € Of es corr. from a. 24. First p of avroxparopos corr. froma. 3.2. Second
o in recoapor above line. 33. a of amopepeoOa corr. froma. 45. « Of kae exe Corr. from «.
48. roy a\\ov uapy by a different hand over an erasure.
18. Karotkixys Kal Omuérns: cf. cccxlvi. It is not clear whether two kinds of land are
meant. From this expression it might be inferred that the ‘catoecic’ was distinct from
‘bought’ land, cf. 25 karouxexns Kat ovnpevns els karotxiay, from which it seems that ‘ bought’
land might be converted into catoecic. But catoecic land could be ceded (wapaxwpeic Oar)
for a price (cf. e.g. C. P. R. 1) a transaction which practically amounts to a sale, though
where éveiaa is used in contracts for the sale of land, the land in question, so far as can be
judged, was not ‘catoecic,’ and rapayopeiy is not often used of land other than catoecic.
What the privileges of owners of catoecic land were is uncertain. The view of P. Meyer
that they were exempt from land taxes is rightly rejected by Mitteis (Hermes xxxii. p. 657).
The clause which occurs in connexion with changes of ownership in catoecic land, such as
we have in 40-2 below, only means that the new owner was to inherit no arrears of taxation
from the previous possessor. But if the holder of catoecic land was 7pso facto a kdrotkos,
which is likely enough, he was exempt from poll-tax (introd. to cclvii); and perhaps this
was his only privilege.
41. For the various burdens on land cf. C. P. R. I. 15, 16 ka@apa. . . amd pev Snpooiwv
redeopdrov mdvrav Kai [€érépoy ei |dav Kat dpraPidv Kal vavBiov kal dpiOuntixav Kai emyBodjs Kopys
kal KaTakpidtay TavT@r.
CCLXXI. TransFeR oF A DEBT.
37:6x 20 cm. A.D. 56.
Contract between Heraclea, with her guardian Nicippus, son of Nicippus,
a member of the Althaean deme, and Papontos, by the terms of which Heraclea
makes over to Papontos the right of execution on account of a sum of 200
drachmae which was due to her, in consideration of having received from
Papontos the 200 drachmae with interest. The sum due to Heraclea had not
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 255
been lent by her, but the right to exact it had itself been transferred to her by
another person who was the original lender of the money to a certain Pnepheros,
Who the original lender was is not made clear owing to a gap in line 10 which
has not been filled in; but most probably he was the Irenaeus who appears
in 19-20 as having surrendered his rights of execution; cf. note on 10. Both
the original contract between Irenaeus and Pnepheros and the contract by
which Irenaeus ceded his rights to Heraclea were now to be handed over
intact by Heraclea to Papontos. The usual penalties for violation of contract
are appended. No. cclxxii is a similar contract, but less well preserved.
On the verso are four much obliterated lines.
"Avriypa(pov). erovs devrépov Népwvos Kra{uvdiov K]aicapos SeBaorod Tep-
plavixjob Adroxparopos,
pnvos Katoapetou émayo(mévov) y, ev “Oguptyy(wv) m[drex] THs OnBaidos.
of Lodo}yet
“Hpdkdera “HpaxdeiSou dori pete [kupioly Niximrmov tod N{tjkirmou
"ANOatéws Ilamovrate ’Adivyxwos tod xK[al] Zwidhov rév an ’Oguptyyxor
TOAE@S
5 & ayuld mapakexopynkéva avT@ mp[a|éw Kai Kopidyv apyvpiov YeBacrod
kal IT{rore]uarkod vouiopa{rjos Spaxpav [dijaxoclwy, dv Kai aidri ‘Hpdkdeva
Tvyx[ave|e mapaxeyopnuévn Kara [ovv]xdpnow Ti Tedewbeioay
dia TH [€]pnpepidos Tob Katadoyelov t[@ Kaloapelo pyri tod évertaros
[Sev]
dlelu[r]épo[v] érovs Népwvos Knravdiov Kaicaplos SeBacjrod Teppavixod
Avjro|kpdropos,
10 dave[t|rbeco@y St brd IIvegep[@rt] Iamovt@ros ypln|patioavte
Tlép[on ris] emvyovis Kal érépay olvvy|épnow thy TedrcwOcioay
dia rofi] avrob Katadoyetou Tals én{ayopué|vars Tod Katoapetou pnvos Tod
mpatou érous Népwvos KAavdiov Kailcaplos SeBacrod Teppavixod Adro-
kpdtopos*
n[polom|apjaxexopnkévac 8 avt@ dpfolias iv Kai abty mapeKeyo-
15 py[t]ac mpagw dia ths els adbtiy ods mpokettar yeyovuiials ovr[yo-
pirews Tay Tod apy(vplov) (Spaypav) Siakocia|y, .]... k|.\v Ha{roly[ro .] . [. .
ovr[kex|wpnkévar avrijy éavt@ tiv mlpagiv] Kal Kopuidyy . [..
elo. , uT@Y TOD dpy(upiov) (Spaxpov) S Kal r@v Tok[wly, Kal 7a A{A]Aaq
emijreNfel|y Kaba
256 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
kal ad’tn kal To Elpnvalw ééqv, kal abrodev avadédwmxey To :
~ ‘ , > ‘ ‘ > , ~ © ta
20 Ilamovr@tt Tas els avtTnv Kat Tov Eipnyiatjov os mpoKertat
U4 7 A \ la 2 , \ 3 La,
auvxepyoes dvo as Kai mapégeTa evOEcpous Kal amepiddTous
dua To e€evavTnoOlale avtyyv b/d] tod ILamlolyratos Tats Tod
dpy(uptov) (dpaxpais) Siakoctats [k]at trois TéKos. tiv Oe mlapa Taira
eoomevnv
podfoly akupov eilvar, ere Kai [elkrivey [Hp]dxAccavy 7 tov [map
25 adltAls emeAevoduevoy 7[@ I]amovta@z{t] 7) Tots [wlap ad’tod Kaé? é-
Kdlat|nvy epodov 76 te BAGBols Klai exittpov aply(upiov) (Spaypas) é\karov Kai
eis 7d Slnudowoy tas tcas, Kai plndlev jooov Kupia [}| cuvypapr.
3. 0 Of npakAecdov corr. from 7. 11. 6 of cad corr.
4. ’AN@aéws: cf. cccxxiii. Generally there is an alternative to this deme-name ; cf.
Swpixdopios 6 cat “AX, O. P. I. xcv. 15, BvdAakHadaooeos 6 kat AX. Cclxxiii. 9, where the
Nicippus in question is perhaps a son of the Nicippus here, but is not likely to be
identical with him since cclxxili was written nearly forty years after cclxxi.
8. rH epnpepioos : cf. note on cclxvill. 10.
1o. A blank space is left after tré. As already stated, we think that the name should
have been Irenaeus, who is mentioned in 19-20, and whose position, if he was not the
original lender, is quite obscure. ‘The fact that one of the two cvyxepnoas concerned him
will then be explained. The objections to this view are (1) that if the writer of the
contract knew that the original lender was Irenaeus, it is very strange that he should have
left a blank, (2) that the érépa ovyxepyors on this theory will be a contract for loan, not
a contract for transference of executive rights like the first cvyyopyors mentioned in 7.
On the other hand, if we suppose that the name omitted in 10 was not Irenaeus, it is
inexplicable how the right of execution conferred by this contract between X and Pnepheros
was passed on to Heraclea and Irenaeus, as is indicated in 19-20; and as for the second
objection, not only is cvyxepeiv used in cclxviii in a sense approaching that of dpodoyeiv, but
since the money was lent kad’ érépav ovyxapnow, it is hardly possible to give cvyy@pyous in
11 any other meaning than that of a contract for loan. To make the papyrus intelligible,
it is necessary to insert Irenaeus’ name in the lacuna in ro.
17. a’tiv €avtoé: unless this is a mistake for a’rjy a’ré the subject must now be
Papontos ; in dvadédwxey in 19, however, Heraclea is once more the subject.
CCLX XII. TRaAnsFER or A DEpsT.
31-7 X 18-3 cm. A.D. 66.
Contract, similar to the preceding, between two men called Dionysius and
Sarapion and a woman whose name does not appear, by which they transfer
to her the right of exacting a debt of 249 drachmae from a certain Heracleus.
The total debt of Heracleus amounted to 947 drachmae two obols, and the
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 257
collection of the remainder of it was apparently to be shared by all three
jointly ; but the details in 15-18 are obscure. At the end are (copies of) the
signatures of Dionysius and Sarapion. The upper part of the papyrus is much
mutilated, but it is not certain that any lines are lost before the first.
15
20
30°
The first nine lines begin Yapal, maz{, cat t[, pov[, pel, Oeod y|, decdol,
mTopos ypi, Kepddrara [,
Ue pu joUNKO) ee eee dpy|uptov d\paxpav diakociwy TexoapdKovTa
evvéa eis [tAHpwow a|pyuptov) (Spayparv) évakociwv zecoapdk|ovta [€\mTa
ABoN(@r)
680 TOY alpol...... ojo avO is memou[kapev] xphoews Tod Klara
\ 7 € ~ ww 2 ~ \ > ,
oe pépous, dpuoroylolGpev Exe oe eEovollay celavTqe tiv anfat-
= » at 4 = Z > , ~
Tyla moveicba mapa Tod Hpaxdrou tév mpoKeipévov apy(upiov) (Spay pov)
Siakociwv Teaalalpdkovra evvéa, pevovons Kupias Hs mpoeicat
Huey aroxns, THs O& AowTAS Tod “HpakArouv ogeirjs ovens
Ty Tlpi@v Kowhs Kal TAS AouTAs THs bp érépwv brorehav Ha-
vnloojuéevns €xOécews TaY EK TOD VvoLodD waatTws ovons
~ a a Pend) Ee ’ 4 ~ Zz
Tay Tplav Kowlh|s, ep @ ov KataherpOjoerar Tois mpoyeypappée-
~ 2 ‘ S\ oe , ‘ > A £ ~~ 4
vous] maou émt Tov ETEpov Adyos TEpl ovdEevds aTA@S TpOTraL
ovdevi, pevovT@y Kupi@y TOV Tpoyeypappevov TavTev,
kupia me xelp. wmoypa(pns) avtlypa(pov). Arov’aros Arovvatov Tob Kai
Addpfolv
tod Avovyciov pntpos IItodepads ths ‘Eppinmov cvvKexopn-
\ ~ y a a a aD) , ~ ,
ka odv TOL Yapan|ijov rhv mpad—w tev rob apy(upiov) (Spaxpav) diakociwv
TecoapdKovTa evvéan, Kal ovdevy evKad@L Kabws mpoKETaL.
érépa(s) 6pot(@s). Sapatiov Adtpou tod Yapamiwvos pntpos
Avovuctas ths KXdpov cuvkexapynka adv Tet Atovuclor tiv
od ~ ~ 3 7 ~ 7 , bd , ‘
mpaéiv Tav Tod apy(upiov) (Spaxpav) diaxociov teccapdKovTa eévvéa, Kai
ovdev
évkaha@. Kabws mpoKkeitat. Erovs dwdexdtov Népwvos
Kravsiov Kaicapos YeBaorod Teppavixod Avroxpdropos, pyvos
Teppavixeiov [[r . .]] «.
17. pa corr.
18. exdecews: cf. O. P. I. cxxxvi. 24 and cexci. 3. The meaning which suits these
passages best is ‘list of arrears’; but the connexion between the ék@eors here and the debt of
Heracleus is obscure.
S)
258 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
CCLX XIII. Cersston or Lanp.
13:8 X II-7 cm. A.D. Q5-
Agreement between Julia Heracla, acting with her specially appointed
guardian Lucius Ofilius, and Theon, son of Nicippus (cf. cclxxi. 3), by the terms
of which Julia cedes to her daughter Gaia, as a free gift, five arourae of catoecic
land. Probably Theon was the husband, actual or prospective, of Gaia, who
is stated to have been under age; and the agreement is parallel to those clauses
in marriage contracts (e.g. cclxv. 4 sqq., C. P. R. 22. g sqq.) in which the
parents of the bride settle property upon her.
“Erous tecoapeckaidexdrov {1} Adtoxpatopos Kaiolapos
Aopitiavod YeBactod Teppavixod, pnvos [I]abv{e
(2nd hand) A, (1st hand) € ‘Ogvptyxov moder THs OnBaidiols.
dporoyet “IovAiia ‘H]pax[A|a ple|ra Kuptov tod dedjopu|évou
5 avTH Kata tal. jua..ve.v bro Taiov Se[mreu{iolv
Olvjeye[r]ou 70d [rylepovedcavros ak{odo}Ows
TH yer[oluev]n taBéArAn Aovkiov ‘OgedrXiov Aovki-
ov... petewa ‘AvO[elatiov O€wvt Neximmov
rod Niximmov hvdrakOahacceiw 7H Kal 'AO(aret
10 €y Gyud ouvKexwpnKevat TH EavTHs Ovyarpi
Tata 7H Kai Sapamidds Havoaviov tod Kai Atovu-
aiov Aorudvaxros Tod Tpidwvos Pvdagibadac-
aetov tod Kai “HpaxXelouv ovdémw ovton ev At-
kia amd Tod viv els Tov aet ypovoy Kata yap
15 avadpaiperov amd tav bTapxovcay avTh
mept Sepipw THs mpos iBa tomapxias ex Tov
Netkdvdpov KAjpov apoupav déka mévTE
e€ is av aiphra: tovTwv Kepadjns Kal{Tol-
KLKHS ys apovpas mévTe, as kal e€€o[Tar
20 TH Taia rh Kai Sapamidd awd rhode [ths dpo-
Noylas dc éavTAs petemypdgerOar [dia Tov
[klaradoytcpav, pr mpocdenOe ion THs
Ths pytpos ‘Iovdias “Hpaxdas ov{vemtypa-
“a ~ > a s ‘ ig
gis. Kpateiy ovy Kai kupievery [Hv Taiav
Kere TH Pulpetou <6,
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 259
25 Tv Kal Yapamidda oly eyydvos k[ai rots
> 7 A ,
[map avdrHs petadrnpropevors |... ...
.
‘The r4th year of the Emperor Caesar Domitianus Augustus Germanicus, the 30th of
the month Payni, at Oxyrhynchus in the Thebaid. Julia Heracla, acting with the guardian
assigned to ‘her by the (instructions) issued by Gaius Septimius Vegetus, the late praefect, in
accordance with the letter which he wrote, namely Lucius Ofilius, son of Lucius... , son
of Antistius, agrees with Theon, son of Nicippus, son of Nicippus, of the Phylaxithalassean
or Althean deme (the contract being executed in the street), that she has ceded to her
daughter Gaia also called Sarapias, daughter of Pausanias also called Dionysius, son of
Astyanax, of the Phylaxithalassean or Heraclean deme, being under age, from the present
time henceforth for ever by an unalterable deed of gift, out of the fifteen arourae owned by
her near Seryphis in the western toparchy in the lot of Nicandrus, five arourae of catoecic
land to be selected at will from the whole amount, which land Gaia also called Sarapias
shall from the date of this contract be permitted to transfer by herself to another
through the official assignments, without requiring the consent of her mother Julia Heracla
to the transfer. Gaia also called Sarapias shall therefore possess and own the land with
her children and heirs .. . ’
4. In the present case the xvpios was appointed by the praefect ; cf. O. P. I. lvi, where,
in the absence of the strategus and Baotdixos ypappareds, a woman applies to an évapyos eEnyntns
to appoint a xvpros for her, and the Geneva papyrus discussed by Erman (Zezfschr. d. Sav, St.
Xv. 241 sqq.), where the strategus is competent to appoint a guardian. According to Ulpian,
Marcus Aurelius assigned the appointment of guardians to the zwrzdicus or dixavoddrns.
5. Gaius Septimius Vegetus was praefect a.p. 86-88, cf. C. I. L, III. p. 856 and Bull.
de corr. Hell. 1896, p. 167.
7. It is possible that Aovkiov ’OpeAAlov depends upon raBerdy, and that Aovkiov...
’AvOectiov is the name of the xvpios; but the order of the words is rather against this
explanation, and ’O@éANos, if an official, would be expected to have a title.
21. peremvypapecOau : this word occurs frequently in documents dealing with a change
of ownership in catoecic land, e.g. B.G. U. 622. 4; cf. cclxv. 16. On the registration of
changes of ownership in land see note on cexxxvii. VIII. 31.
The supplements of the lacunae at the ends of 21-3 are from ccclxxili. 20 sqq. kai
eSivar 77 SeAnvn amd tiade tHs avr| ypapas perentypapec bat | dia tev kar| ad loxeopav tas 8€ka
dpovpas, |) mpoodenBeicy 10 letters |uevns wapovaias pnd€ cuverrcypapis.
22. Katadoxtcpoi: the office regulating the transfer of catoecic land; cf. introd. to
OP Pale xlv:
CCLX XIV. RecIsTER OF PROPERTY.
34°5X 21-5 cm. A.D. 89-97.
This papyrus offers an example of a é:dotpwua of the kind to which the
decree of Mettius Rufus (ccxxxvii. VIII. 28 sqq.) refers. It is part of an official
register of real property owned by various persons, with annotations referring
to transactions affecting the ownership and payments of taxes thereon. The
main body of the document was written in the year 8g9-go (I. 16), and gives
Ss 2
260 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
a list of the separate items of property, evidently based upon the dzoypapai of
the owners. Each item is separated from the next by a blank space, and
within these spaces and in the margin at the side are notes entered by different
hands at different times, keeping the register up to date, just as Mettius Rufus
ordered to be done. The latest year mentioned in these notes is the first of
Nerva. Cf. ccclx, which is part of another é.actpwya of about the same date.
One coluinn, which we here print, is fairly complete; parts of thirteen
lines of another column are also preserved.
ist hand. peTnvex On.
and hand. kal eéml tov a(vrov) dupddouv érépay olkiay Kat avdij(v)
& iv TO mply Widds Témos, ap ob} TaTpLiKoy peEv
TO Huou, mpos @L KEKApwTAaL EK THS Tpos THY
5 mpos matpos a(vTod) belay Anpntpody Yapariwvos
Siaipéoews TAC THXEIS EvVea TEéTApTOY
dydoov, av kal TO TédOS Era€ar.
kai [. .] €xee él Tod a(vrod) aupiddolv) ev vroOjKne
Aiov rod TIrodXi@vos .. [. . .Jou py(tpos) Oeppodro(s) THs
10 Sapamiwvos oikiav ev Al T..... Aov Kai aiOprov
kai avdAH, akoovOes ais eypawe [7]@ abra Yapariov
[avrés ze] Kai 4 yuvt) avtod Avovvoia [...... Jia weg
.[. .Ja[. Jovos pn(rpds) Napaedros ths “HpaxdleiSou
Saveiou avvypadpais tpiot did Tod ev THe a(dTH) m/d\Aec
15 pynpo(vetov), pide pey tau ¢ (Ere) Aopitiavod trod Kupiov
py(vi) Kavcapetor, thy de érépav rai SdiedO(6vTr) ny (EreL)
TiO ene oie) LAE)
Haag, tiv] 6& rpir[nly rae] a(dr@) SrerO(6vre) (Erer) p[n(vi)
Mey \eip,
Ta O€ mpoke(yeva avTov maTpiK|a& O|niwbér[ra
bmdpxovTa KarTHvt(noev) es a(vTov) peta Thy [ol mart(pos)
TEdEU|T HV.
3rd hand. 20 1B (€rous), émayo(uévov) €, dv evKukX(lov) 6 a(vrds) ye ..( ) Sapa-
miwy TéTakTal TéAos] avaved|o|ews
THS Mpoketpevns vroOnKns.
4th hand. vy (€rous), émayo{ pév@r) €, dv evkukX(lov) Ko AAHpaTos ?) y 6 Rapamiov
TéTakT(aL) T[/E|Aos €mlKaTaKoN(ovbodvv) THs
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 261
droOnKns.
@ (€rovs) Nepova rod kupiov, TiBi ie, 6 Sapamiwv 6 Kai Aoyévns
emnveyk(e) [. . .
25... ws deav Kata THS mpoK(Eepévyns) broOA|k|ns.
and hand. dmdpyer d& adbrae emi Tob dd ABds pf.......
dpous Hurcv pépos Tadgpov Klolw@rvi{Kod mpos Tiv
abtiv mpods matpds a(vrod) belay An p\nrplodv.
5th hand. a (érovs) Nepova rod kupiov, Kofax kK, O¢ évk(vkAéov) 6 a(vros)
Sapalrioy rérax7(ar Tédos
30 Tapou [Kal] Widav Térwy dvTwV €v TO KoViK( ) ETO KIO... 2.2...
In the left-hand margin, opposite lines 9-13
6ihhand See hekoeetenartes Ajo
tod IT\ro\Xtwvos ovTos
ev T|@ Sn(pooiw) dia ‘“Hp{ajisos
7™s| Ilavoipios époyvn(cias)
35 adeAlpns yuvaikos adrob
Atov|ycias avaypa(popévns) em appdd(ov)
SSO) wer) 06 ) otkiav Kal
avr |v Kat aiOpiov.
Opposite lines 14-23
7th hand. @ (€rovs) Nepota tov k(upiov), ..........
40 pn(vos) Kato(apetov) erayopévov) €, amedevdepo
Oa axyo(pavopwv) jnt(pomrddews) ‘Hpakdeid(ov) rod) Acoy(évous)
6 Sapario(v) 6 kai Avoy(évns) 7[0(0)| Kat “Hpakdeté(ov)
EVTETAKTAL) T@ART(aS) 50° pnyz(pos) Tavoipios
[liarnts Segre Fa a() THs) K(al) Oadrdob(rTos) els
AB) vec chaitees (Hoo oe AUle)) ado ) amo. . ( ) bu(oiws) e€ ioov.
Opposite lines 29-30
7th hand. (?) mrapeTeW(n)
Tois mpakT(opar)
55... MK ) aroypad ).
13. The original scribe wrote racevros ; the first three letters have been crossed out and
capa Written above the line by a different hand. 16. Above ere of erepay dev has been
written by a different hand; cf. 13. 1. 79 d€ érépa or (with the corrector) Sevrépa. 17. 1.
b€ rpirn.
I. petnvexOn: the heading means that the details following were transferred from a
262 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
previous diaorpopa, The same word is used in the clause of the decree of Rufus which
provides for the periodical renewal of the registers, 6a mevraerias emavaveotabat ra Siactpopata
perahepoperns cis Ta Kaworrowovpeva THs TeAevTaias ExdoTov dydpatos broatdcews (ccxxxvii. VIII.
41-42).
2 sqq. The owner who is the subject throughout the column is Sarapion also called
Diogenes, cf. 11, 24.
3. marpixoy pey k.7-A.: particulars as to how owners came by their property were required
by Rufus’ decree, ccxxxvii. VIII. 33.
7. 70 Tédos: i. e. the succession duty, which in the second century was 5 per cent., cf.
B. G. U. 326. II. 10 eikoorn kdnpovoprar.
8-9. év bmobjxne Atov: cf. ccxxxvii. VIII. 32. The note in the margin (31-38)
commencing opposite to |. 9 also refers to this mortgage of Dius, but it is obscured by
mutilation.
20. 60 évkukdiov: the tax on mortgages was 2 per cent., cf. introd. to ccxliii.
24-25. emnveyk(e)... ddecay: Sarapion paid off the mortgage upon the property.
247. dpous: the desert was the regular burial-ground; cf. G. P. II. Ixxvii. 22.
peépos raov: cf. B. G. U. 183. 24 elvar S€ avrois Kowas e& icov tv mpoonxovaaty) 7H¢s)
SataBodros rapyy.
37. Perhaps ‘In |re(av) ra(pepnBorjrs), cf. ccxlvii. 21; but, with the following abbreviation
uninterpreted, this explanation remains doubtful.
CCLX XV. Conrtrract oF APPRENTICESHIP.
37:9X9:7 cm. A.D. 66.
Agreement by which Tryphon, son of Dionysius (cf. introd. to cclxvii),
apprenticed his son Thodnis to a weaver named Ptolemaeus for the term of one
year. Weaving was the trade of Tryphon’s family, cf. cclxxxviii. The main
conditions of the contract are that Tho6nis’ expenses should in the first instance
be borne by his father, but that Ptolemaeus should pay Tryphon an allowance of
5 drachmae a month for food and 12 drachmae at the end of the year for clothing ;
that Thoonis should serve his full year, and should make up at the end of it
any days which he had missed ; and that Ptolemaeus should instruct his apprentice
to the best of his ability. Money penalties are imposed on failure to fulfil
these terms.
‘OlpjolAjoyodow a@aAdAn[Alos Tpidpeav Acovulaiou
tod Tpig¢ewvos pynrpos |Olapovr{to|s r7A[s
'Ovvddpios Kat Irodepaiols| Tavotpimvos
tod IItodepaiov pntpos ’Qpedodros THs
Odavos yépdios, aupstepor tov am ’O€v-
ptyxov trodews, 6 pev Tpidwr éydeddc-
Oat 7@ todepaiw tov éavtod vidy Oow-
25
35
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS
~ ~ >
viv pntpos Yapaedtos THs “Ariwvos ovdé-
mo dvTa Tav eT@V Em xpébvoy EviavTov
éva amd THS EverT@ons 1pLEpas, Siakovoi(v)-
ta Kal Towld|yra mavra Ta émitacodbpe-
va avT® bd Tod TItoepaiov Kata tiv
yepoiakiy Téxvnv Taocav ws Kal adbros
, 7 ~ ‘ , ‘ c
emiota(Ta)l, Tov maidds Tpepopévov Kal ipa-
ti{o}Copévou emi tov bAov yxpovoy bd
~ \ A ‘ a ‘ >
Tod matpos Tptigwvos mpos bv Kai elvat
ra Snpdcia mdvta Tod madds, ep Oo
Us ) ‘
ddéce. ait Kata pnva 6 IITodepatos
els Aédyov Statpopys Spaypas mévTe
‘ , ‘ ~ ~ iid ,
kal émt ocuvkdecou@ Tod ddov xpdvov
els Adyov ivaticpod Spaypas déka dvo,
’ de> A , , ~ N
ovk e€ovtos TO Tptidovt amoomay Tov
maida amd tov IIrodepaiov péxpt tod
x Zz ~ iY SRN )
Tov xpovov mAnpwOjva, doas 0 €av ev
ToUT@ dTakTHon Hepas emi Tas
wv SEN , \ \ ,
ioas avtov mapégeta [pe|ra Tov yxpo-
x 3 4 ¢ 4 t ,
vov 7 a{molreccdt@ exdo[T|ns )pepas
u 4 xX 4 ~ ’ >
apyuptov [Splaxpiy pilav, [rlod 8 amoora-
Onvar evtds Tod yxpoviov] ézirerpov
Spaxpas éxatov Kai els 7d Onpdo.ov
tas ioas. éay O€ Kai adrifs 6] IroAcpatos
phy eydiddén tov mai[dja evoxos
»” - wy 2 4 ¢
€o7® ToS tools EmiTei|uols. KuUpla
9 OWackadixy. (€rous) ty Nép\wvos KXavdiov
Kaicapos SeBacrod Teppavixod
Avroxpdropos, pnvos YeBacrod ka.
and hand. II7roAepzatos [Ialvctptvos
40
tod IIrodepaiou pntpos ’Qde-
Aovros THs O€wvos exacTa
Toijow ev TH eviavT@ evi.
Zwiros “Qpov tod Zwidov pyntpos
Aveiros tis Ywxéws eypawpa
263
264 TEE OXYVRAYNGHUS PAPYERT
Umep avtod pr) lddT0S ypdppara.
€Tous TplaKaLOEKaTOU
45 Népavos Kravdiov Kaicapos
YeBacrod Teppavixod
Auroxpatolpo|s, pn(vos) SeBacrov Ka.
10. v Of d:axovov above line. 25. 7 in ras corr. from o. 43. Ta IN ypappara corr.
‘Agreement between Tryphon, son of Dionysius, son of Tryphon, his mother being
Thamounis, daughter of Onnophris, and Ptolemaeus, weaver, son of Pausirion, son of
Ptolemaeus, his mother being Ophelous, daughter of Theon, both parties being inhabitants
of the city of Oxyrhynchus. Tryphon agrees that he has apprenticed to Ptolemaeus his son
Thodnis, whose mother is Saraeus, daughter of Apion, and who is not yet of age, for a term -
of one year from this day, to serve and to perform all the orders given him by Ptolemaeus
in respect of his weaver’s art in all its branches of which Ptolemaeus has knowledge. The
boy is to be fed and clothed during the whole period by his father Tryphon, who is also to
be responsible for all the taxes upon him, on condition of a monthly payment to himself by
Ptolemaeus of 5 drachmae on account of victuals, and at the termination of the whole
period of a payment of 12 drachmae on account of clothing. Tryphon is not to have the
power of taking away his son from Ptolemaeus until the completion of the period; and if
there are any days on which the boy fails to attend, Tryphon shall produce him for an
equivalent number of days after the period is over, or shall forfeit for each day 1 drachma
of silver. The penalty for taking him away within the period shall be 100 drachmae, and
an equal sum to the treasury. If Ptolemaeus fails to instruct the boy thoroughly he is to
be liable to the same penalties. This contract of apprenticeship is valid.’ Date, and
signature of Ptolemaeus.
8. Zapaedros: cf. introd. to cclxvii.
8-9. ovderw ovra toy éerav: cf. ccxlvii. 12, note.
17. Ta Snpdova: as Thobnis was an apAdu€ (cf. 8), we should have expected that he
would not have to pay any taxes, unless apprentices were liable for the yepavdéwy upon
their trade. But of course Thodnis may have reached the age of fourteen during his year
of apprenticeship. Tryphon seems to have paid part at any rate of the yepdvaxév before he
was fourteen, see introd. to cclxxxviii.
In ccexxii, which is a similar contract of apprenticeship, it is agreed that ris [imelp
Tov matOos aratnOnaopern(s) Aaoyp| adi jas kat xeparir| od | kai teens ovon(s) mpos [7H |v Oapovviov
(the mother of the apprentice). The xe:povdéov was the subject of a special arrangement,
which is rendered obscure by the mutilation of the papyrus. In this case too the apprentice
is described as ovdérw dy ray érév.
tg. In cccxxii Thamounion is to receive 4 drachmae a month eis Adyov dcarpopis.
24-31. Precisely the same provisions are made in cccxxii, except that the penalty
for removing the apprentice before he had served his time is 60 drachmae instead of roo.
CCLXXVI. ‘Transport oF Corn.
10-9 X 10-5 cm. A.D. 77.
Acknowledgement of receipt addressed by three steersmen on a cargo-boat,
one of whom is a Jew (... son of Jacob), through a soldier of the second legion
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 265
who was sailing on their boat, to the sitologi of a village. The receipt no doubt
related to a cargo of corn which was being conveyed to Alexandria ; cf. Brit.
Mus. Pap. CCLVI. recto (a), which is a similar receipt for a quantity of corn on
its way to Alexandria, given by the pilot of a public vessel to a sitologus. In
this case also the intermediary is a soldier; and it may be inferred that soldiers
or other responsible guards regularly accompanied these freights of grain
belonging to the government during their transportation from the upper country
to the coast.
ondshands 5) A( ) AC )
1st hand. “Erous dexd|tov Advtoxp|étopos Kaicapos
Ovecracar[ot YeBaoro\b, pnvos SeBacrod
n XeB(aorn), ev ‘Olvptyyaly médrec ths OnBaidos.
5 OpoAoyovolt...... ls “LaxovBouv kat I7ox-
Ads Nixoorpdrov kat. . .jev Tpvdewvos kv-
Bepynrar m[Ajolojv) vavAwotpou, éxare-
pos eves Ov emimddou KXavdiov KéXepos
oTpaTi@tou eye@vos Sevtépas ExaTov-
10 tapxias BpaBtpiov, PpiB. ‘HpakdArjov 7@
adv adAXols oiTorA6yas Snpociov Oncav-
pod K@uns AepperOay THs dvw ToTap-
xlas, mapirnpevac tralp| adtav tas emo-
[tT\adelcas alvTjois bd Tod TOU vopovd oTpaTn-
15 yoo Kndavd\iov| ‘Hpakdeéoly e€ emiarodrs
ypapeton{s b7d...... | Mapiov Ov{i\ydicos
TOU Em7|
Tov|
4. o¢8 inserted by the 2nd hand. 8. 1. eis.
8, 6¢ emmddov: cf. Brit. Mus, Pap. CCLVI. recto (a). 2, where read éa emumd| o |i Sexros
‘Arinos (for ZeErou ’Arwiov), CCCI. 10, G. P. II. xlvi (a). 7.
Q. eye@vos Sevrépas: no second legion is known to have been stationed in Egypt before
the Zraiana Fortis, which was not yet created. The Egyptian legions at this period were
the 3rd and the 22nd. If then devrépas here is not a mistake for Sevrépas Kai elkoorijs, it
must be supposed that one of the second legions, the 77 Augusta, or the 7 Adiutrix, or
a contingent from one of them, was transferred for a short time to Egypt in Vespasian’s
reign.
13. Tas ema T |aNetoas : SC. dprdaBas.
17. em| : perhaps émr| npyrod, or emi z[p or t[@...; hardly émr[pdrov, since that title
is usually preceded by the adjective xpatioros, and a military title is wanted.
266 THE OXYRHYNCAHUS PAPYRI
CCLXXVII. Lease or Lanp.
29X16-6cm. B.C. 19.
Lease of 36} arourae of land near the village of Pamis by Dionysius to
Artemidorus for one year. The land was to be sown with corn, and the produce
to be shared equally between landlord and tenant, the division being apparently
made at the village granary at the end of the year. The cost of transport and
the instruments for (or expenses of?) mowing (duytpa) were to be provided by
the tenant, those for harvesting (@épiotpa) jointly by both parties. An allowance
was made to the tenant for land-taxes.
Both landlord and tenant style themselves ‘Macedonians’ and inmapya ew
avépov, one of the numerous court titles given by the later Ptolemies. On the
meaning of the appellation see G. P. I. p. 40; the occurrence of it after the
Roman conquest confirms the view there expressed that the addition of én’
avdpev to immapxns or iyeudv was intended to distinguish these honorary officers
from real inmdpxau and jjyepnoves in active service.
The papyrus was written in the twelfth year of Augustus, and the hand-
writing retains a strongly marked Ptolemaic appearance.
"EpioOwcey Atovicros “Ade\Edvdpov Maxedov inmdpyns
éx avdpav “Aprepiddpar "Apreuiddpov Maxedouu
immdp|x|ne ew avdpav as exer wepi Tlapiv ex tod Pitwvos
4 2 4 / a 4 , ee
KAjpou apovp(as) TpidkovTa eE Hutov TEéTApTOY, wWaTE
5 omeipa els TO dwdéxaTov Eros Tupal, ep Hpecia TavTwy
TOY egopévvy ek THS yhs KapTa@v Kal yevnudtor,
ep ot ) pev Tapaywyr|t| EoTar Kal Ta Guntpa mpos Tov “Aprepid(wpov)
Ta Oe O€piatpa €k Tob Kowod SoOjcera. €av OE TL TpayOn
6 Apreplij\dwpos eis 7d Snpootoy 7} els Erepdy Te brép Atovy-
10 giov ». [.|rno[. . .Jodoyer rau Oe Ta cf. . .|\k. [Jy .. Tee At-
ovuvoiwt fyicv [..... Jeov ra 8 Alfovvoim.........
maont [BleBaleoe..... Juevns d€ al 16 letters
Kow@s Tal. .]. nua ¢€[, .Jras mept U[amey .jrf.......
Grol, Kal [amd Tlav wapacrabevtoy exéta EKaloros
15 TO €au7[ov 7 \utov.
(érovs) B Kaicaplos, OaXA) 0.
LEC STi GINGA ERY ae) OG OMIESINGARS) 267
and hand. ‘Aprepi|dopos pepicbwpa tiv ynv ed rpeoia
Kabas| mpoKelrat.
(Erous) «8 Kaicapos, Oa(6) 6.
1. Second o of enicAwoev corrected. 5. |. mpeoeia ; SO in 17.
CCLX XVIII. Hurre or a Mitt.
34:4X1I-Q cm. A.D. 17.
Lease of a mill by Isidorus to Heracleus, son of Soterichus (cf. ccev), for
seven months, at the rent of 2 drachmae 3 obols a month.
"EpficOacey 'Ioidwpols ’Lowdépou
‘Hpa{krXel@ Yor\npiixou Méplo|y ths €[me-
youlis €k Tov] brlap)x[6lvr@v adrar
poNov ptrAoly Efa] z[élAeoly OnBaec-
5 kov [amd Tob élveor|@|ros pnvos Meyeip
Héx[pt Mecop|) érayopévoy méumrns
tov alvtov €vec|r@tos Tpirov &T\ovs
TiPlepiov K jailcalpos SeBacrod, évorxiov
Tod éoTapélyjou mpos adAn ous
10 wmrelp] TOD onplat|vopevov ptAov éExdaTov
H[nvols adpylupl|ov dpaxpas dvo tpidBoXr(or).
a{7rod\déz7{@1] dé 6 plept|rOwpevos
Tat “Ioujddéplol 7d Kkar& [u}jva Tod pdAou
évo(i)kiov dv[ev] m&ons [d}repOéo{e|as.
15 akivouvos de 6 pvdlos| Kai Td evoiktov
mav[To|s Kivddvov, Kai peT& Tov ypovoy
anlokalractnodt@r 6 pavns Tov prov
byiqe Kal down, ofov Kai mapeidnger,
érov [elav cuvtdcon. 6 Iaidwpos év ’O-
20 guptyxeov m[dlAet, 7) Thy éoTapévny
TovTouv 7[L\ui[v] apyupiov dpaxpas éxaror,
Cees, \ \ IN: ‘ 2 ~
éxdotouv d& pln|vos o¥ éav pr amrodar,
268 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
TO evo(()Kiov peb Ayuodias, THS mpa-
éews [olons [rae IoWepar ex Te Tod
25 peplobwpevov Kall] ek Tov bTap-
XOvT@Y avTaL mavrov, Kabdrrep
éy dikns. Kupla 4 pllo|Owois mavTaynt
emipe pope nl.
— (€rous) y TiBepiov Kaicapos XeBacrod, Mey(cip) a.
30 2nd hand. ‘Hpd[kde\vos Y@rnpixou pepicbopat
Tov pvAov ews emrayoLevov
méumtns, Kal amodéow 7d ka-
Ta piva evoikioy], Kat peta Tov
Xpovoy amoKatagTHow TOV pv-
35 Aov vyth H Tv z[ov(Tov)] TELpAY
Spalx|pas éxardv], Kabd7e mpo-
Ketat. ALovvo.os Aror[v|otov
yéypapa wreép avTov pr) €i-
déros ypadppalTa).
40 (érovs) y TiBepiov Kaioapos SeBacrov,
Meyélilp a.
On the verse
ist hand. érovs y TiuBepiov Kaicaplo|s YeBaorov, Mey(eip) a.
plC\o[OQ(wors)] Iordé[plo(v) m[pols “H{pjdxr|eco\v-
11. 1. dpaxpor x.r.r.
‘Tsidorus, son of Isidorus, has leased to Heracleus, son of Soterichus, a Persian of the
Epigone, from the mills. which he possesses one perfect Theban mill from the present
month Mecheir until the 5th intercalary day of Mesore of the present third year of Tiberius
Caesar Augustus, at the rent agreed upon by the two parties for the aforesaid mill, namely
2 drachmae 3 obols of silver a month. The lessee shall pay to Isidorus the monthly
rent of the mill without any delay. The mill and the rent are guaranteed against all risks,
and atthe end of the time the servant shall restore the mill safe and uninjured in the condition
in which he received it, at whatever spot in Oxyrhynchus Isidorus may require, or shall pay
its value as agreed upon, namely, 100 drachmae of silver, and for every month that he fails
to return it, 1} times the rent; Isidorus having the right of execution upon both the
person and all the property of the lessee, as by a judicial decision. This lease is valid
wheresoever produced.’ Date, and signature of Heracleus written for him by Dionysius.
11. dpyupiou qualifies rprBorov as well as Spaynas 6v0. Not that there were silver coins
having the value of an obol at this period ; for the obol was, at any rate after the reign of
Ptolemy Soter (cf. Rev. Pap. p. 218), always a copper coin. But in adding up the instal-
ments of the rent the 3 obols were to be calculated as worth half a silver drachma, though
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 269
a silver drachma in the Roman period exchanged for seven obols on the average, not six.
Cf. O. P. I. ix verso. 1, note}.
17. 6 pans: the word pavys (or paris), which is properly a personal name, is known in
the sense of slave or servant from Schol. Ar. Av. 522, Eustath. Z/. p. 1220, 4, etc.; but its
occurrence here is very unexpected, and the context rather requires 6 “Hpd«\eos, or
6 pepicOopevos. It is not likely that Heracleus himself was a payns. Perhaps there may
be some corruption. ‘The second letter might be read as A, and possibly an iota is lost in
a lacuna between that and the first letter.
CCLX XIX. Least or Domain Lanp.
14:7 X 12-8 cm. A.D. 44-5.
Application addressed to a BaowWixds ypappareds by Theogenes, who was
‘desirous of securing a gain to the treasury, for the right of cultivating 40
arourae of domain land (SactArKy yn) near Nesla at a higher rent than that
paid by the present cultivators. The details of the rent are obscure owing
to the lacunae, but apparently in the case of half the land the new cultivator
was to pay his rent in corn at the rate of 5 artabae for an aroura, instead of
in green stuff. Cf. ccclxviii, and Brit. Mus. Pap. CCCL, which is a proposal for
the lease of 150 arourae of aiyvadiris yn, addressed to the BaciArkds ypappateds,
and no doubt, as Mr. Kenyon remarks, refers to domain land.
From the Oxyrhynchus papyrus it may be inferred that the right of
cultivating the royal domains was assigned to the highest bidder.
Tadarifor| BaowWtke ypappatet
mapa Oeoyévous Tod Oeoylévovs. Bolvddu(evos)
meiov mepitronoat Tos On| poa|ios,
emdéxopat suvxwpnbeion{s pjor amo
5 Tob éveaTt@Tos méum|Tlov Erovs TiBepiou
Knavéiov Kaicapos YeBaotod Teppavi{k(od)
Avrtokpdropos THS yewpylas TOV yeE-
w@pyoupevoy wd vidy Oéwvos Ia-
vexotou mept Néoda rs dvw Tomapy(éas)
10 €y pev 7T@ Aeyopévar ‘Epyne Baowdre-
KS ys apoupav TEeccapadkovTa,
TEAEG@L aVTL TOY mpoTEAOUpLEV|@Y
bmrétp TovT@v TiuAsS yAwp@v ev o7l....
1 Cf. Wilcken, Gr. Ost. I. 729 sqq.
270 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
7 t X\ > ~ x c 4 3 4
yeveol UTEP apoup@v ElKooL EKdaTH|S apov-
cee KN ~ > 4 , ‘ ¢ \
15 pyns ava mupod aprdBas mévTe Kal v[rép
~ BA > ~ yw 2
T@Y aAAwY apoup@y Eikoct Ev TI... ...
4. ovv Corr. 12. teAésau: tedeiv Should have been written. 13. Wot ev ér| épos.
CCLXXX. Lease or Lanp.
14:5 X 10-3 cm. A.D. 88-9.
Lease of 5 arourae of land for four years from Dionysius, son of Dionysius,
to Dionysius, son of Harpocration, at the rent of 17 bushels of wheat.
For the first three years any crops might be sown except woad (icdris); in the
last year half of the land was to be sown with wheat, half with beans (dpaxos).
In the event of a failure of the inundation in any of the years, that year was
not to be counted in the lease; cf. note on 5.
"Epicbwcev Atovictos Atovvciov rod Iav-
A a out BD , s
aiplovos tav ax Oguptyyxov médews
, € + ~ 4
Avovucio “Apmoypatiwvos Tod Sapariwves)
~ > x ~ f) ~ , , ~ 2
Tov amo THs av’Tns moAews Ilépon THs eme-
~ > ya la A 4 , A ~
5 yovns eis €rn Téacapa Bpoyas téccapes ard 7(od)
2 ~ > 7 a > 4
evesTa@ros oyddou étovls AvToKpaTopos
Kaicapos Aopitiavod YeBacrod Teppavixod
as Umapyovoas av’T@ rept Tix Nekoi
Tas wbTapxovoas @ Ep x TL
€k TOO pécou TEpLy@patos Kal THS mporeEpoly
’ a ~ ,’ X ~
10 Aptepidepou dwpaids amd KoLv@YiKaY
apovpav apovpas mevTe, waTE em pev
X ~ yA , bl) yy -~ \
Ta Tp@Ta etn Tpia Kat €ETOS omelpar Kal ~vAa-
pica Tatras ols eav aiphrar yéveot yopis
iodrews, ev O& TO EaydTw EvLaVT@ oTEIpat
an ?
15 TO pev Huov mup@ TO O dd Hywov Evda-
~ ’ i“ > 4) ie. x \ 4 + Pe
Hioca apdkw, ap ob TO pev Huiov els dpwoy
TO GY: é € A ’ ua > {KT v
6 d€ ErEpov Huov Els KoTHY, aTOTaKTO
7 ~ > ~ ? £ X 3
[@opov mupoli apraBav deka entra akw-
= ’
S{vvou klar €ros amétaxtoy mayTds Kw-
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 271
dvvov|, mapacexouévns 7.O] pepio-
[ 20 letters Jno[.Jr . [. .
[
[Owpéevm T]ns eoopér[ns] TO TaxLoT/\ ov
[
[ezolettensiy Olen eerie
On the verso
picb(wors) Ator(vatov) apo(uvpov) € wept [Tvyiv Nex@rer.
2. é of ofupuyxav corr. from o. 5. If Tégoapas. Q. Tov corrected. to. |.
Swpeds. 16. a of apwow corr. from &.
‘ Dionysius, son of Dionysius, son of Pausirion, of Oxyrhynchus, has leased to Dionysius,
son of Harpocration, son of Sarapion, of the same city, a Persian of the Epigone, for four
years and four inundations, beginning with the present eighth year of the Emperor Caesar
Domitianus Augustus Germanicus, the land belonging to him situated near Tychis Nechotis
in the middle basin, and previously held in gift by Artemidorus, his share, namely 5
arourae, on condition that during the first three years the lessee may sow and plant the
land with whatever crops he chooses, woad excepted, and in the last year he shall sow
half the land with wheat, and plant the other half with beans, of which half half shall be
ploughed while the other half is cut, at the fixed rent of 17 artabae of wheat guaranteed
for each year appointed against all risks, an allowance being made to the lessee . . .’
5. Bpoxas téocapas : apparently if there was no Apoyn the year was not to count as one
of the four years. Cf. the clause frequently found in leases, e.g. O. P. I. ci. 24-6, éav dé
Tis Tois és Ereae ABpoxos yevntat, mapadeyOnoera TH pepicOapeve.
8. Tuxw Nexazw: cf. cexc. 6, which shows that the name consists of two words,
not one.
Q. mepixyoua is here used for a space surrounded by mounds, not for a mound or
embankment itself.
10. On land év dwpea see Rev. Pap. p. 137. Land and even villages were assigned
by the Ptolemies to court favourites.
12 évdauqoa: cf. 15 and O. P. I. ci. 11, cii. 12; the word does not seem to occur
outside the Oxyrhynchus papyri. The context here and in 15 shows that £vAayav expresses
a process parallel to sowing, and is not contrasted with it.
14. lodrews: cf. O, P. I. ci. 12, where it is coupled with oyopenov.
CCLXXXI. CompraintT aGainst A Huspanp.
18-1 X 9-3 cm. A.D. 20-50.
Petition addressed to the apyx.dicaorys by a woman who had been deserted
by her husband, and who wished to recover the dowry which she had brought
him on her marriage. Cf. introd. to cclxvi and cclxxxii.
This papyrus was found with cclxxxiii, ccxciv, and a number of other
documents dated in the reigns of Tiberius, Gaius, and Claudius, and belongs
to the same period.
272
10
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
“Hpakveidne lepet kai apyedt-
KaoTHl Kal Tpos TH EmLpe-
Nela TOY XpnpatioTay Kal TOY
a@ov KpLTnplov
Tapa Stpas THs O€wvos.
suveBioca Yapariovi pepyvyv Tov-
~ \ , ,
T@ dota KaTa ouVYwpyoLy Els
Noyor apyupiov dpaxpay dtakool-
2 ‘ X a 2 ,
ov. €y@ pev ovy emideEape-
vn avtov els TH TOY yovewv
> ua XX
frou olknTHpla eLTOV Tray-
TEAMS OvTA aVeyKANTOV
€patiy ev amacer TapElyxo-
pny. 6 6& Japamioy kara-
20
nBovrA€eTo Adyov ov dtédeEl-
Trev Kakovxav pe Kai UBpl-
[¢jov kal Tas y€ipas em-
pépov Kai Tov avayKat-
> ~ 4 oe
ov evden Kkablotas, Uo-
X Ve 4
TEpov O& Kal evKaTE-
Aue pe AetTHY Kabec-
Técav. 610 a&i@ ovyTdéat
KaTaoTHoa avroy em cé
dns erravayKkacby ovy-
exopevos drrodobvat [|p]
‘ “ ‘\ c
poe THY [plepynv avy Hpt-
/ ~ X 55 A
oAig. Taly| pey yap ad-
ov Tov [dvT@Y Tpds adTor
15 xpnodpevos THe gepvy els ov 30 avréxoplat kai dvOégoua.
3. kav tov: v above line. 6. v of rov above line. 8. ot of dtaxoor above line.
15. aa Of xpyoapevos above line.
‘To Heraclides, priest, chief justice, superintendent of the chrematistae and the other
courts, from Syra, daughter of Theon. 1 married Sarapion, bringing him by cession a
dowry amounting to 200 drachmae of silver. As he was destitute of means I received him
into my parents’ house, and I for my part conducted myself blamelessly in all respects.
But Sarapion, having squandered my dowry as he pleased, continually ill-treated and
insulted me, using violence towards me, and depriving me of the necessaries of life;
finally he deserted me leaving me in a state of destitution. I therefore beg you to
order him to be brought before you, in order that he may be compelled perforce to pay
back my dowry increased by half its amount. This petition is without prejudice to any
other claims which I have or may have against him.’
1-4. dpxducaorme «7A. > Cf cclxviil. 1.
6-7. pepviy ... kata cvvyy@pnow: cf. cclxvill. Lo.
28-30. For the supplements cf. cclxxxil. 18-21, cclxxxvi. 22-5.
CEES Gur
Plate VII.
COMPLAINT AGAINST A WIFE.
17-5 X9:7 6m. A.D. 30-35.
Petition to the strategus from Tryphon, son of Dionysius, complaining that
his wife Demetrous had left him and carried off various articles belonging to
him. A list of the stolen property was added, but this is lost.
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 273
Demetrous was the first wife of Tryphon (cf. introd. to cclxvii), who married
Saraeus in A.D. 36. The date of this papyrus, which is written in a large uncial
hand, can therefore be placed with some certainty between the years 30 and 35.
"A[re |Edvdpar otpatny® Ta NMEeTEpA OY TO Ka-
mapa Tpidewvos tot Ato- @ ev brokertar. dd ata
vuolov tav am ’Ogupty- 15 @x[O}qvar tadrny [€}mi oe
[xlev m[d]Acws. ovveBio- bras THyN Gy mpoon-
5 [ca] Anpln|rpodre ‘Hpaxnei- [ket] Kal a7r0d@ prow TH
dov, kali é]y@ péy ovv é- neEeTEpa. TOV pey yap
TEXOpHYNTa avTH Ta E- ad\wv TOY OVT@Y
éjs Kal brép dvvapmwy. 20 plolt| mplos| avrijy avOdgo-
7 6 adAdTpia ppovynca- Hale] kali a|yOéopat. evrvy(e1).
IO oa@ THS KOLWAS cUUBLO- [€or] dt Toy Hpiecpy(pévor)
[oews] kata wréplals €€7- [.... .|pasov a€cov (Spaxpor) p
[Ae] Kal danvely)KkavTo
5. « Of npaxder above line. 6. y of eye corr. 14. afm: » was begun next to ¢
and then rewritten over the line. 20. |. avréxopa.. 22. |. iypy(ueror).
“To Alexandrus, strategus, from Tryphon, son of Dionysius, of the city of Oxyrhynchus.
I married Demetrous, daughter of Heraclides, and I for my part provided for my wife in
a manner that exceeded my resources. But she became dissatisfied with our union, and
finally left the house carrying off property belonging to me a list of which is added below.
I beg, therefore, that she be brought before you in order that she may receive her deserts,
and return to me my property. This petition is without prejudice to the other claims
which I have or may have against her. The stolen articles are:—a... worth 40
drachmae...’
12. dnnvé{y)xavro: the plural indicates that Demetrous had an accomplice; very likely
her mother was concerned, cf. cccxv, another petition against Demetrous, written two years
later. oe
panw\
)
CCLX XXIII. PrEtition To THE STRATEGUS.
Fr, (6) 12 x 16-1 cm. A.D. 45.
Petition to the strategus Tiberius Claudius Pasion (cf. cclxxxiv, cclxxxv),
from a certain Sarapion. The account of the circumstances out of which
Sarapion’s case arose is lost owing to the mutilation of the papyrus; but it is
clear that several persons were concerned in it, and one of these, a slave named
Euporus, had after a struggle been captured by Sarapion at Memphis. The
7
Us? errs
274 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
present letter to the strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome was written on the
day of the capture; and Sarapion requests that Euporus should be properly
guarded, and that the praefect Julius Postumus should be notified of the
impending trial. The date thus supplied for the praefecture of Postumus is
of importance. He is known to have still been in office in the year 47 from
Orell. Zuscr. Latt. 709; cf. C. I. G. 4957. 27.
Fr. (a). TiBepior Kd{avdior} Talotjor{c orpa(rnys)|
mapa {> |apam|ivos TO. €TEL
TiBepiiov| KXav[diov Kaiclapos YeBao[rod Teppavixod
Admoxpazopos: |... 2. 18c.. «i jv vewrépfov.. .]..apad....
5 [. .Joo[ 20 letters Jor[.Jx.[..... oso yeas
Fr. (4). te éuot mep[ 20 letters Jra.[. .]d¥o........-
dpyupiov taX[d|yrwv tpis....[....... lo 5 rer BraBn apn kKo-
A[ovO|nxev, mpos d& THY yeyovorftav pou Elm Oelow Kai . [. .] . mapiAlr.
KaramAéwv vuv eis "Are€dvdpe[ijav, Orov éativ 6 ”Apewos Kal 6
10 Evsropos kal 6 Tod ‘Amiwvos [a\deApos Kai emitporro[s Ka]AdCdpa(s),
Kal yevopuevos ev TH Méudea rh te Iovdia [d'\eBaorh tod evecta-
Tos pnvos Kaicapetou ovvédaBov tov onpatvopevov Soddov
Evmopov é& ob Sejoet yvwoOqvat macav thy TEpi THY Tpo-
7 > 7 a Ss 2 d ‘ \ « ~
yeypappéevoy adnbevav, ov Kal ayeloya emi ot pel ixavis
15 THS yeyovolias po emibécews Kal mAnyav emipopas bw adbtod TE
i trav adv avT@ mepixvbévt@y. 61d mponypar Td Urouvnpa emidod
kal Tov adv avT@ TEpLx : pony una éridov~
A 3 ~ IX 7 > , 7 wv XQ ek -~ Ae. 7
vat, kal d€i@u ay haivntat ev dopadeia Exew Tov adbrov Soddov Kal exrrép-
SAN Q s t ya , , a x S id, > ~
War emt tov Kipiov tyyepova ‘TobAtoy [Iléc}ropov apis tiv én adbrobd
€oopevny vm éuod mepi brov Too mpdypatos mpocéAevowv dv mpooyKet
20 Tpémov. (érovs) € TiBepiov KXavdiov Kaicapos [3 \eBacrod Teppavixod
Avrokpdropos,
> 4 — 3 4 ~
pn(vos) K[acaplefou te “IovAta SeBao[r ju.
8. 1. yeyovu[iay ; so in 15. 14. |. aynoxa. 18. tnv ex: € corr. from v.
ll. 9-21. ‘On my voyage to Alexandria, therefore, where Areus and Euporus and
Apion’s brother and guardian, Callidamas, live, I reached Memphis on the day Julia
Augusta, the 15th of the present month Caesareus, and seized the above-mentioned slave
Euporus, from whom the whole truth respecting the aforesaid matter will have to be learnt,
and have brought him to you at the expense of a severe and violent attack upon myself by
him and those by whom he was surrounded. I am, therefore, impelled to present this
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS '275
petition, and beg you, if you think fit, to keep the said slave guarded, and to send word to
the lord praefect Julius Postumus with a view to the proceedings which I shall take at his
court in the proper manner concerning the whole matter.’ Date.
4. popad ... cannot be read.
5. As many as a dozen lines may be lost between this line and the next.
II. 7H te “lovdia SeBaory# tod... Karapetouv: cf. C. I. G. 4957. 3 baddu a IouNia SeBaory
(a.p. 68), C. P. R. 25. 1 Mecopy xa... émi “IovAlas ZeBaoris (A.D. 136), B. G. U. 252. 2
Xoiak kn . . . emt "IovA(tas) [S«Bacrjs] (A.D. 98). There seem to have been a number of
days called "IovAta S<Baory, as there were many *pépa ZeBaorai, cf. note on cclxxxviii. 5%.
It is curious that in another papyrus of Claudius’ reign (cclxiv. 21) Caesareus 15 is called
not ‘Ievdia Se8acrn but S«Baorn simply.
14. dynoxa: unless Pasion was himself at or near Memphis the perfect must be
proleptic ; for this letter was written on the day on which the capture was effected (cf. 11
with 21), and Sarapion could not of course have got back from Memphis to Oxyrhynchus
the same day.
CCLXXXIV. Extortion spy A TAx-CoLLEcTor.
16-7 x 8-2 cm. About A.D. 50.
Petition to the strategus Tiberius Claudius Pasion from a weaver of
Oxyrhynchus, complaining that a tax-collector named Apollophanes had unjustly
compelled him to pay 16 drachmae in the year 47-48. The petition was
apparently sent in a year or two afterwards, though probably not later than
A.D. 50, since Pasion was already in office in 45 (cclxxxiii). Cf. the following
papyrus, and cccxciii-iv, two similar petitions written in A.D. 49-50; and
ccxxxix-xl,
TiBeptot Krdavdioar Iaci(wv) orpa(rny@)
mapa ’Adeédvdpov Tod ’ ArroX(Awviov)
[r]év dx’ ’Ogvptyyov tédea[s
[yep|dt@v Aavpas Spdpov
5 Oonpidos. StaceicOnv v7
"ArrodAopadvous yevop(év)ou
mpa&ktopos Tat n (rer) TrBepiov
Kravdiov Kaicapos S«Bacrod
Teppavixod: Avroxparop{ols
10 KaTa pépos apyupifoly dpay(uas)
1 Prof. Wilcken (G7. Ost. I. 813) explains the two instances of én "IovAias SeBaorjs differently, giving
them a local meaning, and even throws doubt on the ordinary interpretation of C. I. G. 4957. 3, which how-
eyer is amply confirmed by the Oxyrhynchus papyrus. The two cases with éni are, we admit, open to doubt ;
but we adhere to our former view.
2,
276 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
déka €€. did a€iau diada-
Bey Kat adbtod as edv cot
dox(7).
5. 1. Stereo nv. 11. 8 of d:adaBew corr. from a.
“To Tiberius Claudius Pasion, strategus, from Alexandrus, son of Apollonius, a weaver
of Oxyrhynchus, living in the quarter of the square of Thoéris. Apollophanes, ex-collector
of taxes, in the eighth year of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator
extorted from me among other people 16 drachmae of silver. I therefore beg you to
proceed against him as you may think fit.’
6. “AmodXopavous : cf. cclxxxv. 5.
4. rau n (érer): that the date refers to S:ecetoOny, not yevopevov, is shown by CCCXCiii.
4 sqq. drecicOnv ims Adpuros yevopévov mpdkropos Tat pev y (erec)... Spaxyads Séxa &f, Kai 79
SceAAnAvObrec O (rer) GAAas... «
CCLXXXV. Extortion sy A Tax-COLLECTOR.
24:4 9:8 cm. About A.D. 50.
Another petition to the strategus Pasion complaining of exactions by
Apollophanes, the same tax-collector who was impeached in the preceding
papyrus, in the first and the ninth years of Claudius. At the bottom of the petition
and on the verso are some unintelligible lines, written in large rude uncial letters.
The writer was perhaps a boy practising his hand. Cf. O. P. I. xc. 6-7.
TiBepiot KrXaviio Iaciwr{i| orpla- pes, Kal ard pnvis Néov YeBac-
lel =~ 3 4 54 ‘4
(t™ny@) 15 Tov evdrou erous TiBepiov
Tapa Yapariwvos tod O€wvos Krav {8} diov Katcapos 3'«Bacrot
~ yee hy) 4 , = , 4 a
tov ar Ofuptyyxov moAcws Teppavixotd Avtoxpadropos Ews
yepoiav Navpas Spéuov Tvupr[a- PappovOi, unvav &, kara pava
5 otov. ’Amoddopdvns yevoulevos dpaxpas dvo, at cvvayopevat (Spayx-
mpdktop xipwvaciou yep- pal) ké.
Siwy TO a (rer) TiBepiov KXavd{iov 20 816 afi StadaBetv kar’ adrob
Kaicapos YeBaorod Teppavixod as édy co paivnta. evTvyel.
Adroxpd|[rjopos mokAR Bia xpo-
10 pevos adipracev dy ijunv and hand. Oeovkaimriarrevekatayuvt
evdedupévo(s) xiT@va Aetvodv KQTLOVY EVETIVKWKQTL
aé(o\v Spaypav oxTo, Kat d.é- TEOUKALTOPWVEKALTO
oiév pe drXaS dpaxpas Téooa-
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 277
On the verso, at the top
25 2ndhand. [. . . Jovkatoepadevkacc
At the bottom, reverse direction
ovKatovvecouKaic beutib0e
KacovkatcovaTrovKkaiaO
11. Final » of Aewouy above line. 13. 1. téooapas. 24. m COIT.
‘To Tiberius Claudius Pasion, strategus, from Sarapion, son of Theon, a weaver of
the city of Oxyrhynchus, living in Gymnasium square quarter. Apollophanes, ex-collector
of the trade tax upon weavers, in the first year of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus
Germanicus Imperator using great violence seized from me a linen tunic which I was
wearing, worth 8 drachmae. He also extorted from me four more drachmae, and two
drachmae each month during the six months from the month Neos Sebastos in the ninth
year of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator to Pharmuthi;
total, 24 drachmae. I therefore beg you to proceed against him as you may think fit.’
6. xtpovakiov yepdioy: this tax, which more usually appears in the papyri as the
yepdiaxoy, seems to have amounted to about 36 drachmae a year; cf. introd. to cclxxxviii.
CCLXXXVI. Cram oF A CREDITOR.
17:3 X13°5 cm. A.D. 82.
Petition from a woman to a high official, perhaps the otparnyds. Owing
to the loss of the beginning some points are obscure; but apparently the writer
and her mother Thaésis, who both lived outside the Oxyrhynchite nome (cf. note
on15),had borrowed from a woman called Philumene the sum of 2000 drachmae
on behalf of Heron, the son of Philumene, and Zenarion who was probably
Heron’s wife, while Heron and Zenarion had made a contract with the writer
that they would take all the responsibility for the repayment of the debt. The
term of the loan having expired, the writer was called upon by Philumene for
payment, and accordingly appeals in the present document for leave of execution
upon the property of Heron and Zenarion, as was guaranteed her in her contract
with them. The writer thus occupied much the same position with regard to
the original loan as the surety in cclxx, who was guaranteed by the borrower
against loss; cf. g-13 here with cclxx. 7 sqq.
(eee cieacTo lettersiiing 2.) [i .. «.- IEC Aen create 2
Samavnocaca . Tov . ELov dpodSynkey Thy Znva-
278 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYPI
plov amoddoew per ern mélv]re TH TOD ”“Hpwvos pyrpi
[PjAroupévn “Hpwvols as edjd[verrjev 1% Pirovpévn esol
5 Te Kal TH pytpl pov Ofajot] kara ovyypagl[jy TerjewO[et|oav
dia tod ev TH O€vptbyxoly wéojAc prvnpoviov TO evdr@ ere
Geo} Oveoractavot Dap[ujodOc apyvpioly dpalypas diocyet-
Alias Kehadatov Kai rods TobTwv e€ apyns péxpt THS
2 Ta sf ‘ , 2 yd ‘ ‘
dmrodéaews Tokous, Kal mapé~ecOar emée Te Kal THY pn-
10 Tépa pou Oahow amrapevoxAnrovs Kal avetompdaKrovs
kata mdvtTa Tporov, 7 €xTEloELY 0 edy TpaxO@pev 7 BAra-
Baopev rovTov xdpw adv hpuworia ep ois dddois } aopddrca
4 ~ A , ’ eo -
mepléxer. THS de Pirovpévns map’ Exacta dioxAovons pe
~ > i ‘ , ~ 4 4 “ ~
mpoedOeiv HvdyKacpas, Kal ai ovvTdgar ypdar TG Tod
15 Ofupvyyxetrov Eevixav mpdkropt peradodvar TH TE
4 QA a Wd - = € U4
Znvapio kai TO “Hpwvt rodde tod bropuvyparos
[alvriypapoyv brews twapéxovTat pas amreptomdorous
\ > - € \\ ~ , ’ ~
[kal] amrapevoxArtous vmep THS Mpokepevns opecdys
s b 4, ~ BY La \ Red +7 > 4 ~
kal amoddcew Tadra, 7) €ld@ot edv Te is Tab’tnv mpayx ba
20 €gopevny por Tiv mpagiv mapa Te avT@y Kai €€ av
€av evpickw avtav emi Tov Tém@V UrapyxdvT@Y Kai
celiTiKav eOapay Kal éTépwv. Tov piv yap addov To
kat éuavtiv Kall] av érépwv exw mpds avtods Kal Tav
brévTev pot Otjkatwy mavtTwv avTéxopat Kal av-
25 O連opat év ovdevi EhatToupévyn. mpos SE Thv Tod yxpn-
paticpod TeAciwow Svaméctadpat ‘Hpaxdeidnv “Hpa-
kAeidov.
and hand. os KaOyjxel. (€rovs) mpétov Adroxpdropos Kaicapos
[Aoputijavod XeBaorod p[nvos| Teppavizeiou xB.
30 In the left-hand margin opposite line 28 @s (€r@v ?) A.
On the verso... Tod ‘Ogupvyy(irov) . . . [
‘,. . (Heron) agreed that Zenarion would repay after 5 years to his mother Philumene,
daughter of Heron, the 2000 drachmae of silver which Philumene lent me and my mother
Thaésis by a contract completed through the record office at Oxyrhynchus in Pharmuthi
of the ninth year of the deified Vespasian, both the capital and the interest on it from the
beginning up to the time of repayment, and would guarantee me and my mother against
any trouble or liability whatsoever under penalty of paying us in full any loss or damage
which we might incur in connexion with the transaction, in addition to half the amount,
with the other guarantees contained in the agreement. Since Philumene is continually
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 279
pressing me to repay, I have been forced to come forward, and request you to order the
collector of external debts to be instructed to serve Zenarion and Heron with a copy of
this memorandum, in order that they may secure us against any liability or trouble in
connexion with the aforesaid debt, and may repay it, or take cognizance of the fact that, if
I am made to pay anything on this account, I shall have the right of execution upon both
their persons and any property which I may find in their abodes, whether granaries or
other possessions. This petition is without prejudice to other claims which I have or may
have against them, and to all my legal rights. I have dispatched as my agent Heraclides,
son of Heraclides, to conclude the transaction.’ Date.
15. feuxav mpdkropc: this official is known in the Ptolemaic period from Turin
Pap. xiii, where he is mentioned in ,connexion with the exaction of a debt from one
Egyptian to another. Revillout (Rev. Zgyp/. I. p. 140) supposes that by ewxoi are meant
native Egyptians, who would be foreigners in the eyes of the Greeks. But this is not at all
probable. £é in the papyri (e.g. ccli. 11, ccliii. 7) often implies merely a place outside the
nome in which a person was registered; and in the present case the writer clearly lived
some distance from the abode of Zenarion and Heron, probably in a different nome, cf. 15,
21, 26. The function of the zpdxtrwp gexav would therefore seem to be that of a collector
of eva or debts owed to &év in the limited sense of persons who were living in another
nome, and therefore were under the jurisdiction of a different set of officials.
CCLXXXVII. Payment or Corn.
I2-5X1L cm. A.D. 23.
Receipt for 40 artabae 3 choenices of corn paid by a tax-collector on
behalf of certain villages in the western toparchy to the sitologi of a division
of the lower toparchy. Similar certificates issued by the sitologi are very
common among the Fayim papyri (cf. Kenyon, Caz. II. pp. 88-94). Other
instances from Oxyrhynchus are ccclxxxiii-v and O. P. I. Ixxxix.
[’Erovs] dexdrov TiBepiov Kalicapos X«Bacrod,
[unvols Néov] XeBaorod xg. [dporoyet.....
[kal] péroxor of ottoAoyoilytes z}iv mpos
[...()) pep(a) ths Kdtw Tomapy(tas) [pepeTp|no bat
5 [walpa “Apiordyd|pjov rob ’Apioterio|s (rep)
[A]Bds tomapy((as) 'Amiwvio|s Kwpa@v mTup(od)
[ovjyravr(a) dpréBas tecoapdkovta play x(olvikas) y,
[/ (wupod dpréBas)] ma x(olviKas) y.
‘The tenth year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, 26th of the month Neos Sebastos.
I,..., and my associates, overseers of the corn supply of the... division of the lower
toparchy, acknowledge that we have received by measure from Aristandrus, son of Ariston,
280 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
on behalf the villages of Apion in the western toparchy, of wheat in all 41 artabae
3 choenices, total 41 artabae 3 choenices,’
1. [érovs]: or perhaps [(érous) év- or 8o-].
4. For pepides in the toparchies of the Oxyrhynchite nome cf. ecclxxxiii—iv.
6. ’Ariwvos kopav: perhaps the Apion who gave his name to these villages was an
ancestor of the family of Flavius Apion which in the sixth century played so important
a part at Oxyrhynchus, cf. O. P. I. cxxxiii-cxxxix.
. ovvmavr(a): this word (abbreviated ovym—) also occurs in ccclxxxiv supod rpio( )
ovvr(avra) | &v |dexa téraprov, :
CCLXXXVIII. Taxation Account.
36-3 X18 cm. A.D. 22-25.
Copy of receipts for various taxes paid, usually through a bank, from the
eighth to the eleventh years of Tiberius by Tryphon, son of Dionysius (see introd.
to cclxvii), and his father Dionysius; cf. cclxxxix, a copy of similar tax
receipts forty years later referring to ThoGnis, probably a relative of Tryphon,
and cccviii-ccexiii. At the end of the present document is a copy of an
extract from an ézixpuis of the year A.D. 11-12, giving the names and ages
of the male members of the family of Tryphon’s grandfather, Tryphon himself
being set down as three years old at that time. On the émlxpuos see introd.
to cclvii. Here too the persons included in the list are privileged, probably
paying less poll-tax than others; and, as will appear, there is reason for
connecting Tryphon’s family with the class of yytpomoAtrat dwdexadpaxpor mentioned
in cclviii.
Four different taxes occur, (1) the yepdvaxdv “Imrodpdpov, (2) the émxepadator
‘Immodpdpov, (3) the wy, (4) the xwparixdy, The first of these is the tax on
weaving and a branch of the xepwrdgoy or tax on trades (cf. cclxxxv. 6), and
the second is of course the poll-tax, which is generally called Aaoypapia. The
point of the addition of ‘Immodpépou is that it is the name of the dydodov in
which Tryphon lived at this time ; cf. ccexcii. Similarly in cccviii the xoparixoy
and yepdvaxdy are described as Tever(ovdews) ; Tenevod0is, or as it is variously
spelled Teuyevotdis, Teprevod Ors, Teypod0us or Texoverodiis, was the name of an dpupodoy
at Oxyrhynchus which is frequently mentioned in the papyri. The amount paid
here for poll-tax (12 drachmae) corresponds to the sums paid on account of
Aaoypadia by Thoonis forty to fifty years later ; cf. ccclxxxix. The progressive
rise of this tax, which stood at 20 drachmae in the Fayiim from Domitian’s reign
onwards, cannot at present be clearly traced through the earlier part of the
century, but the publication of Professor Wilcken’s Griechische Ostraka will throw
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 281
much light on the subject!. It is not even certain whether, except in the case of
privileged persons, the tax was the same throughout Egypt. A comparison,
however, of the amounts paid here and in cclxxxix with those in cccxiii and
ccclxxxix, where apparently there are cases of payments of 16 drachmae, and
with Brit. Mus. Pap. CCL (cf. introd. to cclvii), makes us incline to the view that
12 drachmae, at any rate in Nero’s and Vespasian’s reigns, probably also in
that of Tiberius, were less than the usual amount at Oxyrhynchus; and that both
Tryphon here, as is indicated by the mention of him in the extract from the
én(xptows, and ThoOnis in cclxxxix, belonged to the same privileged class as the
writer of cclvii, that of the pnrporoAtrat bwoexddpaxy.or. The amount of the yepdvaxov
seems to have been about 36 drachmae, the total of the sums paid under this
head by Tryphon in the ninth year (2-6) and by Dionysius in the eleventh year
(20-24); cf. cccix and cccx, which give the same result. The payments for
yepo.axov by Tryphon in the tenth year amount to 324 dr. (11-15)+73 (31-4),
total 39; dr. In the eighth year (29-31) he only paid 73 dr. ; but the returns for
this year may be incomplete, as in cccviii, or what is more likely, Tryphon, who
entered his fourteenth year in the eighth year of Tiberius, had only just reached
the age at which he became liable to the tax. It is noticeable that there is no
payment recorded in the eighth year for poll-tax, which was paid from the age of
fourteen to sixty (introd. to cclvii). The yepdvaxév for the eighth year may therefore
be left out of account. Probably the amount of these taxes on trades varied
somewhat in different years according to the incomes of the tax-payers”.
The txy or tax on pigs (10, 19, 28, and cf. note on 28) is in the present
papyrus uniformly 2 dr. 13 obols. In cclxxxix, ccceviii, and cccxiii the amount
is rather less. No doubt it depended on the number of pigs kept *. The
Xopatixdr, or tax for the maintenance of embankments, is 6 dr. 4 obols both in
this papyrus (10 and 20, where the obols are mistakenly omitted, cf. 28, note)
and in cclxxxix, cccviii, cecix, and cccxiii ; the same amount is found in second
century Faydm papyri (Kenyon, Caz. II. p. 103). Mr. Kenyon (/.c.) thinks that
it was paid in lieu of the customary five days’ work on the embankments, which
is a very probable supposition, though there is no direct evidence to connect the
tax with the evasion of the corvée*. For other liabilities in connexion with
the maintenance of dykes see introd. to ccxc.
1 Gr. Ost. 1. 230 sqq. He there shows clearly that the amount of the poll-tax varied in different places
and even in different Aavpa: of the same place. In the Theban ostraca the payments vary from Io to 24 dr.
in the several Aatpar; at Syene the Aaoypadia was 16 dr. from Tiberius’ time to A.D. 92, rising later to
17 dr. 1 obol.
? Cf. of. cit. 1.172. On the Theban ostraca sometimes 2 dr., sometimes 3 dr. 3} obols are paid for
yepdiakov.
* Cf. op. cit, I. No. 1031 (A. D. 31, sum not given).
* Cf, op. c#t. I. 333 sqq. 6 dr. 4 obols is the xwparixdv also found on nearly ail the ostraca.
282
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
The first four lines of the document are written in an even, careful cursive;
the
rest in a larger and freer hand, but there seems to have been only one scribe.
The copy is not likely to have been made much later than the eleventh year
of Tiberius. Lines 7-11 are reproduced in cccxi.
(or,
In this and the following papyrus the number of the day of the month
when there are two figures, the second of them) regularly has a horizontal
stroke above it, which, for convenience of printing, we have omitted in the
transcripts.
‘Avriypa(pov). €rovs evdrou TiBepiov Kaicapos X<«Baorod, pnvos Néou
SeBacrod is, Siayéypa(nrat)
yepdiakod “Imodpipov) Tptgwv Arovciov) dia Iad{miols dpax(pas) ¢
tpi@Borov, / (Spaxpas) ¢ (rpt@Bodor).
Xolay xe 6 alvrd|s (Spaxpas) y (tretpdBoror) (HpusdBodov), / y (teTpHBoror)
(jptéBorov). Tor € 6 avrds (Spaxpas) y (TeTpeBodrov) (7) ui@Bodov).
Meyeip 16 6 adbros (Spaxpas) ¢ (rprdBodov), / (Spaxpas ¢ (rptéBodor).
DappovOc » 6 avdros (Spaypas) y (rerpéBoror) (jprwBorov), / y (TeTPd-
Bodov) (7)41déBoXor).
5 Iayav 8 (Spaypas) y (retpeBorov) (hpt@Borov), / (Spaxpas) y (retpeéBodror)
15
(jpuiBodrov). Ilaive SeBaorhje 6 adrds (Spaxpas) y (retpwPodor)
(7p416Bodov),
dda (Spaxpas) B (6Bor6Or) (ptBorov), / (Spaxpas) B (oBoddy) (7) u@Bodor).
rous évdrov TiBepiov Kaicapos XeBaorob, Mat B, diayéypa(mrat)
diz Atoyévous Tpa(mé(ns) emixepad(aiov) “Immodpipov Tpigov Arovvatov
adv Kataywylor (Spaxpas) 18, [ /(Spaxpas)] 6B, Kat tHe KO rod Tate
tixns 6 abros (dpaxpas) B (dBoddov) (A pedBodrov), / (Spaxpas) [8] (6Bodor)
(jpu@Borov), Kai tHe 8 Tod Mecopye xwparik(od)
(Spaypas) 5 (rerpéBodrov), / (Spaxpas) = (TezTpéBodrov). [E]rous Oexadrou
TiBepiov Kaicapos
YeBaorod, Xotay uf, Siayéypa(mra) yepovaxod *Imm{o|Spspov
Tpigov Arovvaotov dia Iladmtos (dpaypas) ¢ (tpidBorov), / (Spaxpas) ¢
(rpidBorov). Meyxetp is
6 abros (Spaxpas) ¢ (rpi@Borov), /(Spaxpas) ¢ (TpLbBodror). Pappodh xB
6 adros (Spaypas) ¢ (rptdBoror), /(Spaxpas) ¢ (tpidBoror).
Tlatve n [6 alvrds (Spaxpads) y (retpeBorov) (7ptdBorov), / (Spaxpas) y
(rerpéBorov) (xpuéBodrov). Mecopye y 6 a(bros) (Spaxpas) 5.
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 283
érous dexdrov TiBepiov Kaicapos SXeBacrov, Mexeip ty,
Siayéypa(mrat) dic Acoyévous [t]pa(mré¢ns) emixepar(atov) ‘Immodpopou Tpigav
Atovvotov odv Ka(raywylo) (Spaxpuds) n, Kal the Kd Tod PappovO
émix(epadaiov)
6 avros (Spaxpas) 6. Tatu xa SeBaorqe tuixhjs (Spaypas) B (dBorddv)
(416 Bodov).
20 “Emeih ts x@pa{rixod) (Spaypas) ¢. érous ta TiBeptov
Kaicapos [Xe\Baorod, [ulnvis YeBalo|rod vy, dtayéypa(mrat) yepd(cakod)
“Immodpoplolv Avor[vlou[s.... 2... ] da Avor(vatov) (Spay pas) ¢ (Tp@Bodov),
kat THe 10 rod TdBi (Spaypas) ¢ (Tpi@Bodov), [kali rhe [. .] ToD Papevod
(Spaypas) ¢ (TprdBodAor),
kal THe w¢ [To Ilatve (Spaxpas) ¢ (Tpr@Bodov), Kat THe te Tod Eel
(Spaxpas) >.
25 €rous ca Ti[Bleptov Katcapos SeBacrod, Mey(elp) te, diayéypa(mrat)
dix Atoyévovs Tpa(mé(ns) emtk(epadaiov) ‘Immod(pspov) Tptgov Atovyctov adv
Ka(Taywyiot) (Spaypas) n,
Kal THe vy Tod Ilayav emixepar(aiov) (Spaxpas) 8, kal tHe ty Tob Enel
wu[k|js (Spaxpas) B (6Bor6sv) (jurdBodrov), Kat rHlt] Kn Tod ‘Erreiph wuKjs
(dpaypas) s (reTp@Boror).
“érous n Ti[Bleptov Kailcjapos SeBacrod, Mexeip wn,
30 Siayéypa(mrat) ylelpdvaxod ['I}rmodpépov Tpidwv Arovyctov
diz Ilaldém]os (Spaxpas) ¢ (tpréBodor). érous t TiBepiov Kaicapos
Ye Bacro]d, (Pad|pe Sle\Baorhe, duayéypa(rra) yepdiakod ‘Imzod(popov)
T pigov Alfo\vvfoiov] [ca] ITadmios (Spaxpas) y (retTp@Borov) (1)p1déBoror).,
pnvos Néolv XeBaol[rod] y 6 adtis (Spaxpas) y (TeTpHBorov) (xp1dBoXov).
35 avriypapov). e€] emixpiolejos pa (Erovs) Kaicapos.
Tpigewvos tod Ardipov 6 Kvpos yépd(tos) (er@v) Ed.
Aidvpos vids pnr(pds) Tipa@ros yépd(cos) (era@v) AE.
Atovictos adeX(pos) pntpois) THS a(drAs) yépd(vos) (erov) AB.
Tptpov vilds] pntpis Oapovyios (e7av) y.
40 Ofol|rvi{s Tptgavos] pnrpXs) Tip@ros yépd(os) (erav) ka.
kal e& anloypapns Koluoypapparéov
HB (Erovs), (Oo@vis Atolyvaiov a (Erovs).
6. 1. ddas. 11. 6 of dexarov corr. from «. 23. Second rov corr.
39- ¥ of ufos corr. from r.
284 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
5. Lain S<Baorqje: the number is omitted, but was probably the same as that in 19,
where unfortunately the reading is uncertain. An astonishing number of jpépar SeBacrat
occur in the first century Oxyrhynchus papyri (see Index iii). Outside Oxyrhynchus it is
rare to find any notice taken of them’. In some months, e.g. Mecheir, Pharmuthi,
Pachon, and Payni, more than one day was 3<8aorn, even in the same reign ; cf. cclxix. I.
14 with cclxxxix. I. 4. No doubt the S<Sacrat jyépac were in some way in honour of the
Imperial family; but on what principles particular days were selected is unknown. Cf. also
note on cclxxxiii. 11 for an interchange of S<Bacrn with “IovAia S<Baorn.
7 sqq.: cf. ccexi, probably the original receipt of which this entry is the copy.
9. ov kataywyior: the point of this addition, which recurs in 18 and 26, always in
connexion with Tryphon’s payment of the poll-tax, is obscure. It does not occur in cclxxxix,
cecviii, ccexi, eccxiii. In Louvre Pap. 62. V. 17, 21 karaywyov means the ‘expenses of
transport’ (of copper). But that sense does not suit here.
20. (dpaxnas) ¢: probably the sign for 4 obols has been omitted by the copyist, cf. 11,
28 and introd.
22. Probably [Tpéperos], cf. 36 and 38.
28. tps towards the end of the line is probably a mistake for yoparicod for which
6 dr. 4 obols were the regular payment, whereas Tryphon is just before stated to have paid
2 dr. 13 ob. for the pig tax.
40. The lacunae in this line and 42 are filled up from ccexiv, an extract similar to the
present one, but referring to the following year, so that the persons are all one year older.
42. In cccxiv the younger ThoGnis is mentioned in his natural place after his brother,
the younger Tryphon.
CCLXXXIX. Taxation Accounts.
21:6 53cm. A.D. 65-83.
Copies of tax receipts, similar to cclxxxviii, for taxes paid chiefly by
Thoonis, son of Thoonis, in various years from the twelfth of Nero to the second
of Domitian. The entries have been put in at different times, but apparently
are all in the same hand. Their chronological order is I. 1-10, II, I. 11-20.
I, 17-20 are written parallel to I. 11-16, to the left of them. The entries for
the eighth year of Vespasian (II. 18) are incomplete, and it is probable that there
was once a third column containing the rest of the entries for that year and those
for the four following years, which are missing.
Three of the four taxes mentioned in cclxxxviii occur here, (1) the poll-tax
(here called as usual Aaoypadpéa) amounting to 12 drachmae, regularly paid in
two instalments of 8 and 4 drachmae, (2) the pig tax, which generally amounts
to 1 dr. 44 obols, (3) the tax of 6 dr. 4 obols for maintenance of dykes. In
addition to these a tax, of which the name is much abbreviated, of 1 drachma
occurs in I. 8, 10, and possibly another tax is mentioned in II. 7.
' Cf. Wilcken Gr. Ost. I. 812, where the evidence hitherto available is collected.
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 285,
The upper parts of the columns are written in a flowing but clear cursive,
but in the lower parts the hand tends to degenerate into a scrawl. Abbrevia-
tions are very frequent, and the meaning of some of them is obscure.
Besides the two names of taxes already mentioned, we are unable to resolve
the abbreviation which is commonly found before ThoGnis’ name, e.g. in I. 2, 15
(? A(avpas) TI(ommerexijs)), and another which generally occurs before the sign for
drachmae. dpy(vplov) would naturally be expected; but the letters, where they
are not a mere flourish, are irreconcilable with apy. The first letter appears to
be oc. Both these abbreviations recur in cccxiii, and the sécond occurred in
O. P. I. xcix. 19 before the sign for dpaxpds }.
Since the papyrus covers the eventful period of revolution 68—70, it is
interesting to note the method of calculating the years. The year 67-8 is the
14th of Nero, the latest date mentioned in it being Payni 4 (I. 9). The year
68-9 is treated as the second year of Galba up to Phaophi 5 (II. 1). Phamenoth 21
(March 17), however, and Germaniceus 5 (April 30) are in the first year of Otho,
whose name appears here on a papyrus for the first time, though he is known
from Alexandrian coins and a Theban hieroglyphic inscription to have been
recognized in Egypt?. As a matter of fact he died on April 12. Vitellius
is ignored in the papyrus, though coins were struck in his name at Alexandria ;
and the year 69-70 is the second of Vespasian, who had been crowned at
Alexandria on July 1, 69.
Colmes
“Ezous .8 Népwvos KXavdiov Kaicapos XcBactod Teppavixod Adtoxpdropos,
Pape(vod) xO YeBaorhi, Suayéypa(mra) dia Awpi(wvos) Kai Xarpy(povos)
Tpa(mré(ns) Aaoy(papias) 4B (Erovs) A 7 Ooa(vis) Ood{vi0s) roo Xaup7-
(oves)
pn(tpos) Tere ) Evda(ipovos) o . . . (Spaypas) oxrdr, /n. pn(vos) Teppant-
kefou B Naoy(padias) 1B (Erovs) 6 a(vrds) o . . . (Spaxpas) récoapas, / 6.
pn(vos) Teppavixeiov KO SeBaorhe wuK(js) 1B (Erovs) 6 a(dros) kat Evda(ipov)
adeX( pds) (Spaxpas) Tpeis Tpra(Borov), / y (rprdBoXor).
5 [Erel|g [. .] xopa(rixod) 1B (Zrovs) Ood (vis) Ood(vi0s) rod’ Ovvd(pptos) pn(Tpos)
Teroeo( ) Evda(iuovos) (Spaxpas) e€ retp(Borov), / > (retpdPodov).
[Uex(js) #8 (Erous) 6 a(vrés) o .}.. (Spaxpry) pilav, /a. cy (Erovs) pn(vos)
Teppavixetov x0 SeBaorhe daoy(padias) vy (Erovs)
1 Prof. Wilcken (Gr. Ost. I. 736) proposes to read there ora(rjpos) ; but we now no longer think that
the second and third letters of the abbreviation are 7a,
* Also from several of Prof. Wilcken’s ostraca, in none of which is there a mention of Vitellius.
286
Io
-~
OL
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
6 a(tros) of... (Spaxpas) oxtail, /n. "Ereih € Aaoypapias) vy (Erovs)
6 a(dtés) o... (Spaxpas) técoapas, / 8. vuKis) vy (érovs)
(Spaxpiv) pilav, fa}. $( ) vy [(Erous) 6] a(drds) o ... (Bpaypry) piav, / a.
pn(vos) Katoapetov € xa(parixod) vy (érous) 6 a(vtds) Ooa(vis) Ooa{vi0s)
(Spaxpas) €& [re|7[p(@Boror)|, / > (reTp@Bodov). pn(vos) S@rnpelou y aoy(pa-
pias) 1d (Erous) 6 a(drés) o.. . (Spaypas) oxrdéi, /n. Ia(in) 8
Aaoyp(apias) 1d (Erovs) 6 a(drds) Ooaws) ¢... (Spaxpas) réooapas, / 0.
wuk(js) 18 (ETovs) 6 a(dros) (dpaypijv) play (retpeBodov) (7jpLéBoror),
/ @ (retpeBoror) (7pu@Borov). G( ) 1d (Erovs) 6 a(vtos) a. . . (Spaxpry)
play, / a.
érovs tplrov Avtoxpatopos Titov Kaicapos Ovectraciavod SeBacrod,
Meyx(elip) kn, (Sta) THs Xatpr(povos) kai petsx(wv) Tpa(mé(ns) Aaoy(padgias)
y (€rous) X T Ooavis) Ood(vios) o . . . (Spaxpas) oxrdu, / 7.
pn(vos) Teppa(vixetov) € Aaoy(padias) y (Erous) 6 a(vtos) o ... (dpaypas)
técoapas, / 6. v«K(Hs) y (Erous) 6 a(vros) (Spaxpijy) play rerp(bBoror)
(j4t@Borov), / a (TeTp@Boror) (%pidBodror).
"Emeih € xopa(rikod) y (Erous) o . . . (Spaxpas) €& (reTp@Bodror), / 5 (TeTpd-
Bodov). a (€rovs) Av’toxpdéropos Kaicapos Aopiriavod
YeBaorod, pr(vos) Tepparixeiov vy, daoy(padias) a (érovs) X 7 Ooa(vis)
Ood(vios) « . . . (Spaxpas) técoapas, / 6. wtuKi(s) a (Erous) 6 a(drés)
(Spaxpry) pilav (retpéBodrov), / a (TeTp@Bodror). ema(youévev) y
xo(“aTiKov) a (Erous)
6 a(uros) (Spaxpas) e€ (rerpéBodor), / > (TeTpBodor).
érous devtépou AvtoKpdropos
Kaicapos Aopitiavod X«Baorod,
Meyx(cip) a, (Sta) tHe Xatpy(povos) kat perd(xov) tpa(mé(ns)
Aaoy(pagias) B (Erovs) X 7 Ooa(vis) Ood(vios) o . . . (Spaxpas) kro, / y.
Col. IT.
érovs B Xepoviov Té\Ba Adroxpdtopos Kaicapos YeBacrod, Paw&du) «,
Siayéypa(mrat) dia Awpiwvos) kai Xarpy(uovos) tpalwégns) ywpa(rixod) a
(Erous) X 7 Ooa@vis) Ood(vios) rod ’OvvaXppios) (Spaxpas) && terpd-
(Bodov), / = (retTpéBodor).
érovs mpatov Ad’toxpdropos Mdpxov”Odwvos Kaicapos XeBacrod, Pape(vo6)
ka [
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 287
Stayéypa(mrat) di& Awpi(wvos) kai Xatpy(povos) tpa(mré(ns) Aaoy(padias)
a (érovs) AX T Ooa(vis) Ood(vios) rod ’'Ovvd(pptos) o . . . (Spaxpas)
oxTau, / n.
pn(vos) Teppavixetov € Aaoy(padias) a (€rous) 6 a(drds) o .. . (Spaypas)
técoapas, / (5). wtuK(ns) a (Erovs) 6 a(vrds) (Spaxpiy) play rerp(oBo-
ov) (jut@Borovr), / a (reTpéBorov) (pp1dbBoror).
B (€rovs) Adrtoxpdéropos Oveoracravotd Kaicapos SeBao[roji, n(vos)
or
SeBacrod €, xopa(rixod) a (Erovs) X 7
Ooa(vis) Ood(vios) (Spaxpas) e€ (teTp@Bodrov), / > (TeTpdBodov). .. Pf ) a
(Erovs) Six Arstpov) xe( ) bBor(dv), / (6Bod4Sr). B (Erovs) Pape(vo) y
, Aaoy(padias) B (Erous)
Ooa(vis) Ooa(vios) « . . . (Spaxpas) bxrdu, /n. Papy(obOr) kz aoy(padias)
B (Erovs) Ooavis) Oow(vios) . .. (Spaxpas) ré[cloapas, / 5. wux(Fs)
B (€rovs)
. 6 a(b7ds) (Spaypry) play retpdé(Bordov) (}ur@Boror), / a (ret pbBorov) (741d Bodov).
pa(vos) Katoapetou kn xopa(tixod) B (Erovs) 6 [a(drds)] (Spaypas) [eg]
(retp@Borov), / s (reTpéBoXov).
10 y (€rovs) Dapevo)) y Aaoy(padias) y (Erovs) A wT Ooms Ood(vi0s)
og... (dpaxpas) dxre, /n. pn(vos) Teppavietov €
Aaoy(padias) y (Erous) 6 a(vrds) o.. . (Spaxpas) réooapas, / 6. wuK(js) y
(Erovs) 6 a(vtos) (dpayprv) play rterpéBorov) (ip1dBoXor), / «@
(retp@Borov) (jprdBorov). pn(vds) Katcapelov y yopa(tixod) y [(érovs)
m Ooavis) Oow(vios) (Spaxpas) && (rerpdPorov), / ¢ (retpwPBorov). 8
(Erovs) Mey(elp) xO (diz) tHs Xaupy(povos) Kal ’ Azrod(Aeviov) Too
kK(al)...( ) Tpa(mé(ns) Aaoy(padias) 6 (Erovs) Ooav1s) Ofod(vi0s)
+» (Opaxpas) dxrds, /n. pn(vds) Teppavixeiov € Aaoy(padias) 8 (érovs)
6 a(uros) &... (Spaxpas) récoapas, / 9. [d\cx(As) 8 (Erous) 6 a(vrds)
(Opaypiv) play (rerpeBodov) (tpt@Borov), / a (retp@Bodor) (x) ubBodov).
€ (Eros) Paar) € dud
Xaipy(povos) Kat vidv "Amod(Awviov) Tob x(a)... .( ) Tpa(méns) xopa-
(rtKod) 0 (Erous) OoaXris) Oow(vios) (Spaxpas) e& (rerpéBarov), /¢
(rerpBodov). Dapp(obO) ke YeBaorhr Naoy(padias) € (Erovs) Ooa(vis)
[Oca{v10s)
15 7... (dpaxpas) dxrdi, /n. Ia(ivt) B daoy(pagias) € (Erovs) Ooa(ns)
Oowvios) « . .. (Spaxuas) réccapas, / 4. wis) € (Erovs) 6 a(drds)
>!
iT]
288 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
(Spaypry) pilav (retp@Bodov) (7pedBodov), fa (rTeTpwBodrov) (jpid-
Bodor).
s (€rovs) Badgi & YeBaorhe yopa(rixod) € (Erovs) Ooa(vis) Oodvi0s)
(Spaxpas) e€ retp(@Bodor), / = (reTp@Borov). pn(vos) Teppa(vixetov) B
Aaoy(padias) ¢ (Eros) A wT Ooa(vis) Oodvios) F... (Spaxpas)
[oxrade], / 7.
Ila(ivt) y Naoy(padtas) > (€rovs) 6 a(vrés) &.. . (Spaxpas) réooapas, / 6.
wik(As) ¢ (€rovs) 6 a(vrds) (Spaxpry) play (retpwBorov) (jpi@Borov),
/ & (retpéBorov) (ijptéBorov). ¢ (Erovs) pn(vds) SeBaorod € [yo|pa-
(tuKod) > (Erous) A ‘z [Ooa(vis)
Ood(vios) (Spaypas) e€ (rerpdéBorov), /s (reTpdBorov). n (Erous) Papp(ob6r)
€ Aaoy(pagias) n (érovs) A T Ooa(vis) Oowvios) F... (Spaxpas)
oxTa@L, / 7.
I. 2. Thodnis’ grandfather is here called Chaeremon, but this ThoGnis is nevertheless
probably identical with the Thodnis whose grandfather is called Onnophris in I. 5, II. 2, 4,
and the woman Tereo(vs?) in I. 3 is also the same as the woman Teroeo(us?) in I. 5.
Thodnis was probably connected with Tryphon’s family; but he cannot be identical with
either of the two persons of that name mentioned in cclxxxviii. 40 and 42. He may, how-
ever, be identical with the ThoGnis of ccciv.
4. The sum paid for t«y here by ThoGnis and his brother is exactly double that paid
by ThoGnis alone.
5. The yoparexdy in this papyrus, as in cclxxxviii, is regularly paid during one of the
months of the inundation, Epeiph, Mesore (Kawdpetos), Thoth (S«8acrés), or Phaophi, a cir-
cumstance which agrees very well with the hypothesis that the tax was the alternative for
five days’ personal work (introd. to cclxxxviii). In most second century receipts for y@parixdy,
however, e.g. B. G. U. 359, Brit. Mus. Pap. CCXCVI, the payment takes place much later.
g. Serfpws = Payni, cf. Brit. Mus. Pap. CXLI. 2; but there is an error here, for the
second instalment of Aaoypadia is paid on Ma’, i.e. Halide), 4. Wa(xov) is unlikely there
because in this papyrus that month is called Germaniceus, and in II. 6 Ma must be
Payni since it is clearly distinguished from Germaniceus. Moreover, even if Wa~ in I. 9
could mean Ma(x#v), the order of the months would be wrong. Probably, therefore,
Swrpetou is a mistake for either Teppavxeiov or ayeroO, in which months the first instalment
of Xaoypadpia was paid in the other years.
IL. 7. xe(_): or, possibly, ade(Agor).
CCXC. Work on THE EMBANKMENTS.
27-3xX 9-1 cm. 83-84 A.D.
Part of a list of ‘private embankments.’ The portion preserved refers to
an embankment in process of construction at the village of Tuyis Nex@ris, and
a statement is given of the persons erecting it and of the size of their respective
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 289
holdings, in proportion to which their contributions were estimated. The
‘private’ embankments were the result of individual enterprise, and are opposed
to the public embankments (cf. 1. 34), which were more directly under the
control of the state.
The imposts upon landowners in connexion with the dykes are referred
to in the puzzling word vavuor, cf. note on cclxx. 41 and introd. to ccxcvi.
Tpadt) idtwrtx(@v) yopaz(or)
Tob y (€rous) Adtoxparopos
Kaicapos Aopitiavod
YeBaocrod Teppavikod,
evar 0€
ol
Tdyx(Los) Neka@(z10s), x@pna eyoOpevor)
Tldwis, To ayKpevov) Kar émiBor(iv)
av Ekao7(os) Exel (dpoupar)
bmd TeV vTroyeypappe vor)
10 avd(pav), axouviov) (juicv TéTaptov) 15°
“Dpiwvos “Apranaios) (dpoupat) ts,
Anprrpio)s Kat O€ov apdd(repor)
Ad(jpov) e€ twov ve (rpiror),
Adipn “Optwvo(s) Kat ‘Ap0oa(vis)
15 Ood(vios) rob ‘Apbod(vios) kat Taveyd(rns)
‘2 piw(vos) om,
YapBots Arovvciov y>
Xapan(iwv) kal Xarpy(pwv) x[ai] Adolyvcta
of y Avor(vaoiov) Yapan(fwvos) ’AOnva(iov) qa,
20 T@V eK TOU olkoVv (dix) ‘Qpiw(vos)
T™pooTaTou De
Tleroi(ptos) zo(b) K(ai) Avtiz( ) Ieroi(pios), reréd(eorar)
(Ota) Toroéws “Ovvéd(pios)
drromipm(Aas ?| a,
25 TacevOéos ’Ovved(pios) /s}.
Toévupis ’Epyed{7(ov) ?] Y
SrpovOns rpovb(ov) roi) Ieroi(pros) a,
‘Hpakveid(ns) ‘HpaxX(eidov) amromipm(das ?) a,
TiBepiou Kravdiov) O€wvo(s) vio(d)
U
290 DREN OXVRAVNGHES VPA PY
30 Yapariovos) Sis
Ileroipios ro(8) (at) “Avixyjr(ov) ‘Ivapo( )
vi@y y (fps),
ak apo(upar) va (fpicv) (rpirov),
Se SS
kai amd ALB(ds) Snpootov ya@par(os)
el aeceee tebe coe oreso Jo. .] . dnpoo )
25. B corr. from a.
6. Tux(tos) Nexa(zios): cf. cclxxx. 8.
7. car’ éemPBodnv: the general meaning of the passage clearly is that the contributions
of the individuals mentioned were proportional to the extent of their property. In Petrie
Papyri, Il. xxiii, the word is used in reference to x#pata in the sense of ‘building up’ ;
while in C. P. R. 1. 16 éi8oA1 k@pns is one of the burdens imposed upon land. Neither of
these meanings suits the present passage, which is rather to be compared with B.G. U.
444. 19 Ta | kata Ti diaiperw yeyevnoba Kat’ emtBodnv.
to. The length of the x@pa was apparently +3 of a oxowiov, For oxouiov as a measure-
ment of land, cf. Petrie Papyri, I]. xxxvi, and Brit. Mus. Pap. CLXVII, where Mr. Kenyon
(Cat. II. p. 130, note) gives it the value of roo cubits. ‘The Tabulae Heronianae mention
cxowia of 40 and 48 cubits; but more probably the longer cyouiov is meant here, for }# of
it, if the oyowtov refers to the length of the y@pa, is in any case a very short distance.
II, 12. ‘Qpiwvos .. . Anpytp{o)s: throughout the list the nominative and genitive cases
are indiscriminately used in the names of the landowners.
21. mpoorarov: cf. note on CCxCix. 4.
22. rereN(cora) dmomun(Ads): the meaning may be that Petsiris had discharged his
obligations in the matter; dmompm(Ads) recurs in 28. If reréA(eorac) is right Herot(pios) ro(0)
should have been Heroi(pts) 6.
CCXCI. Lertrer or a STRATEGUS.
23X15 cm. A.D. 25-26.
Letter from Chaereas, who was strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome
(cf. ccxlvi. 1), to Tyrannus, d:o1xn77s, with reference to certain details of financial
administration. Of the position and duties of the dvocxntyHs at this period little
is known; but the rank of Tyrannus was clearly very different from that of the
high official of the same title who is dignified by the adjective xpdrucros, and
is sometimes referred to in papyri of the third century. The tone of this letter
(cf. also cexcii) shows that the status of Tyrannus was probably inferior to
that of the strategus, who places his own name first and writes in the most
familiar manner. In the Ptolemaic period there seem to have been subordinate
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 291
dioecetae besides the chief of the treasury at Alexandria (Rev. Pap. p. 123);
and the chief financial officials of the nome, the oeconomus and antigrapheus,
were under their control. But the relations of the é:orcnr#s in the Roman
period to the strategus, who now became the most important financial official
in the nomes, is uncertain !.
The letter is written in a fine, bold, semi-uncial hand, with an unusual tendency
to separation of words. ccxcii, which is also addressed to Tyrannus, is in the
same handwriting ; probably both letters were written by a professional scribe
attached to the strategus.
Xatpéas Tupdvvar rar pidtaror
mreloTa xatpetr.
Tv] €xbeow rod 1B (€rovs) TiBepiov
Kaijcapjos XeBaorod ceitixiy Kat
5 aplyluptkiy evbéws ypdyor,
€[7rel] Yeovnpos poe evetetAaTo
Tpos anaitnow' Kal mpotypa-
W[é co) dvdpayabijy] Kai dmacteiv
Hléx|pe bytal{jvor maplalyévopac.
10 [pn oliv aueAnons Kal Ta amd
[. (Erous) pléxpe ta (Erovs) Erofijua mrotnoov
[els TH]v amattnow oriKa Kai
[apyupika.
Eppoco.
On the verso
15 Tupavyer Stok TAL.
3. exJeow: « is written above a y which has not been deleted.
“Chaereas to his dearest Tyrannus, many greetings. Write out immediately the list
of arrears both of corn and money for the twelfth year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, as
Severus has given me instructions for demanding their payment. I have already written to
you to be firm and demand payment until I come in peace. Do not therefore neglect this,
but prepare the statements of corn and money from the ... year to the eleventh for the
presentation of the demands. Good-bye. Addressed ‘To Tyrannus, dioecetes.’
3. &deow: cf. cclxxii. 18, note.
7. mpos araimmow: cf. ccxcvili. 19.
* Cf. Wilcken, Gy. Ost. I. 492 sqq. He thinks that each nome had a dxouwnrfs in the Ptolemaic period,
and that these d:orcnrai were in the Roman period succeeded by imperial procuratores.
U2
292 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
CCXCII. Letrer or RECOMMENDATION.
20X14:7 cm. About A.D. 25.
Another letter to Tyrannus (cf. introd. to ccxci), from Theon, introducing
and commending to the favourable notice of the dioecetes the writer’s brother
Heraclides.
_ The letter is in the same handwriting as ccxci, but is rather more cursively
written.
Oéoy Tupdvvot Tat Tipi@rTaror
TrEloTa yalpeLy.
“Hpaxrcidns 6 arodidobs oor tiv
emtaToAny eativ pou adedpés’
5 O10 Tapakad® oe peta madons duva-
pews Exe avdrov ouvertapé-
vov. npoétnoa de Kal “Eppilaly
tov adeApov Ova ypantod avnyeilabat
go. Tepi TovTov. yxapierat OE por Ta méyioTa
10 €dv cov THs éEmtonpactas TKyNL.
mpo O€ mévrov vbya(i\vey ce ey{o-
pat aBackdvTws Ta apiora
TpaTTov. €ppo(co).
On the verso
Tupdvvet dtotk(nTi)-
g. cot wept inserted above line. ]. yapicet.
‘Theon to his esteemed Tyrannus, many greetings. Heraclides, the bearer of this
letter, is my brother. I therefore entreat you with all my power to treat him as your
protégé. I have also written to your brother Hermias asking him to communicate with
you about him. You will confer upon me a very great favour if Heraclides gains your
notice. Before all else you have my good wishes for unbroken health and prosperity.
Good-bye.’ Addressed ‘To Tyrannus, dioecetes.’
6. cwveotapevoy : literally ‘as one recommended to you.’ Or perhaps cuvecrapévos here
has the sense which it has in the phrase cuveotapevos iré (e.g. CCCXxXi-ii), i. e. ‘ give him an
appointment.’ But though this was probably the writer’s real meaning, the use of ¢yey is
in favour of the other interpretation.
9. xapieoac: for the form cf. G. P. II. xiv (c). 7 xaptetai poe rodro moujeas.
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 293
C@CXCll Ernie TOMAN SISTER:
23° 12-7672. AnD» 27
Letter from Dionysius to his sister asking for instructions about some
clothes.
Atovicios Aidtun tHe adcd-
on mreloTta yalpev Kai dua
mavros| vyratver. [[p]] ovdepi-
av pot ddow améoteidas Tre-
5 pl tov ipatiov ovre dia ypa-
mov ovTe Side onpe(ijov, add’ &
Tt Kal viv KeiTar péxpt ob a-
moatethns por pdow. To de
pépovTé cor Thy émaroAry
10 Ocoly|are ikavov moimoov
[melp[t ob elav O€An. ovK eoTw
[Eerectaree aaves Aol. . .Jos, ca[v] be pe-
emeaneeccenes }rq. . .| Kat mpoced-
[| 13 letters Jecpay . . os mas
i | ng Neer fro lboon do
[. . €mlokom[ov dle buas kal
[rd|vras rovdis| év oka.
Eppaco.
(€rous) 16 TiBepiov Kaicapos SeBaorod, ’Abvp
ip.
On the verso
20 am6do(s) mapa Arov[uciov
Addn tHe ade[APH.
‘Dionysius to his sister Didyme many greetings, and good wishes for continued health,
You have sent me no word about the clothes either by letter or by message, and they are
still waiting until you send me word. Provide the bearer of this letter, Theonas, with any
assistance that he wishes for. ... Take care of yourself and all your household, Good-
bye.’ Date. Addressed ‘ Deliver from Dionysius to his sister Didyme.’
10, Gcaly are: or perhaps O¢wr 76 ixavdy,
15. The papyrus is in two fragments, the upper of which ends with ], 15, and one or
two lines may be lost between this and 16.
16. [em|toxon[od: cf. cexciv. 31.
204 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
CCXCIV.. Lretrer From ALEXANDRIA.
23-1X13 Cm. A.D. 22.
This letter is of more than ordinary interest, but it has unfortunately
suffered by mutilation. Sarapion, the writer, was concerned in some case which
was to go to the praefect’s court. Apparently news had reached Sarapion
on arrival at Alexandria that among other events his house had been searched
during his absence, and he now sends to his brother Dorion for further information,
with a view to a petition to the praefect. He adds for Dorion’s benefit a few items
of news: that he was thinking of entering the household of the chief attendant
at the praefect’s court, which would strengthen his position at the trial; and
that two officials in the retinue of the strategus (of the Oxyrhynchite nome?)
were under arrest by order of the praefect until the session commenced.
Whether the officials in question were connected with Sarapion’s case does not
appear. The writer concludes with some jocose remarks about his friends.
O GAROVWGHB ss o6 65608006
Yapariov Aalpiavi 76 adehp@ yai-
pw kal Oia mavtos v[ytaivy. emi TO yeyo-
vévae ev ‘AreEavdpia [7H . . TH broye-
5 ypappevov pnvos eulabov mapa tTwev
aduéwy els AdeEdvdpifav
a PAGAL, 5 DVNGS CoOROTAEs 6 5 oo UO one
map ¢pod ev avdAH, Kai 6 ofikos
Yexovdas npavvytat klai
c > ‘ > > A
10 6 elds] olkos npavyn7jac..........
‘ 4 > ~ A yA ,
kal ceotvntat ef TadTa otTws Ext aopa-
A@s. 0 odY ToLHoLs ypdpas por avTipevn{a|Lv
mepi TovTwy eiva Kai (é)ym adbros emda ava-
popiov TO tyepove. pi) ody aAdwS Toijows, ey
15 O€ av’ros ovm@ ovde Eviderra ews akovcw pao-
Ww mapx ood mepl amavrwy. eyw de Bid¢o-
par wrd piraly| yevérOar oikiakds Tod apxt-
? 7 lol
atdtopos ‘Amoddaviou civa ody atT@ emi O-
adoytopov €A[O|m. [6] perv nyovpmevos Tod oTpa-
20 [t\nyod klal “Iodlaros 6 payatpopébpos €v koo-
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 295
[T\wde(ia eloi|, ws eméragey 6 Hyeuo@v, Ews
, \ 4 3X 4 4 ‘ ’
emt diadfoyto|uos, €av poy TL micwot Tov apxt-
4 ~ Ld ‘Q o , x
ardtopa Solbv\at eikavov ews emi diado-
yiopov. epi S€) Tov dhadraxpod ypdyyov por was
to
a
5 Wadly advo adayxeveTa. py ovv aS TrL-
jons. eirov d€ Atoyévt TH Pirw cov pr adiKH-
oai pe me... .| els Oamdvnv ob ext pov
ouvavak|,.. y\4p T® apyiardropt. epwr@ JE cE
‘ ~ 4 > - ‘
kal Tapakanr[G ypa| wee poor avtipovnow Tepi
3° Tay yevouér[wv. mplo pevy mavT@y cEeavTov
2 7 vey 7 2 hos) -
emipehou ely Uiylaivys|. emicxorov Anpunrpodly
‘ 7 ‘ , wy
kat Awpiwva [Tov matlépa. €|p\pwco.
(€rous) 6 TiBepiov Kaicaplos SeBacrov, Xojiak ie.
On the verso
am6d0(s) Awpiov T@ aOEAPAL.
22. |. diadoyicpor. 24. k in dadaxpov corr. from a or X. 27. After pov a blank
space. 29. i ypaya. 31. |. emoxorod.
‘Sarapion to his brother Dorion greeting and good wishes for continued health.
On arriving at Alexandria on the... of the month below written, I learned from some
fishermen who were at Alexandria that ...and that Secunda’s house has been searched
and that my house has been searched, and... whether this is certainly so. I shall there-
fore be obliged if you will write me an answer on this matter, in order that I may myself
present a petition to the praefect. Be sure to do this; I am not so much as anointing
myself until I hear word from you on each point. I am being pressed by my friends to
enter the service of Apollonius, the chief usher, in order that I come to the session in his
company. ‘The marshal of the strategus and Justus the sword-bearer are in prison, in
accordance with the instructions of the praefect, until the session,—unless indeed they
persuade the chief usher to give security for them until the session. Let me hear about
our bald friend, how his hair is growing again on the top; be sure you do. I told your
friend Diogenes not to rob me over the expense of what he has of mine; for |am.. . with
the chief usher. I beg and entreat you to write me a reply concerning what has
happened. Before all else take care of your health. Look after Demetrous and our
father Dorion. Good-bye.’ Date. Addressed, ‘ Deliver to my brother Dorion.’
1. This remark inserted at the top of the letter perhaps informed Dorion of the date
when the session would commence. For d:adoyopds, cf. e. g. B. G. U. 19, I. 13 7a SteAndvOdre
Siaroyiope@.
II. oeovvnra is a curious word; there is no doubt about the reading. Perhaps
ceovAnra was intended, and ei ravra «.r.\. may be an elliptical indirect question.
15. evydera: a strangely formed perfect from eva\ecpo. In another (unpublished)
letter from Oxyrhynchus a man declares to his sister that as a token of sympathy he has
not washed fora month. The division @ac|w violates the ordinary canon; the writer else-
where shows himself to be rather uneducated.
296 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
25. Nadaxevo is a new verb having the sense of Aayree.
26-28. This remark is perhaps a humorous allusion to Sarapion’s relations to the
apxtotatop :—‘I have told your friend to mind what he is about, for have I not the usher
at my back?’ me{ pura] is rather long for the lacuna in 27, and zé[pa] scarcely fills it up.
CCXCV. LETTER or a DAUGHTER.
25x 8-4 cm. About A.D. 35.
A short letter composed of a series of laconic messages from a daughter
to her mother.
The papyrus was found with ccxciii, ccxciv, etc., and is of the same early
period.
Oaeicods Svpate 7H kia. yparov ou
pyntpl. ylvacke 671 10 THY HpLépav.
Yéreveos Ody domaca. ov
ade mrépevye. Appovav
5 By oK{A}UAXe éa- Tov] adedpov frou
THY eVITHVAL. Kall] . pan|.|y Kat
mpoadéyou ts Tov 15 [Tly[v ade|Apry
eviautov Aov- [ees eet Ile a
In the left-hand margin
kal Ocovay Tov matlélpa.
‘Thaisous to her mother Syras. I must tell you that Seleucus came here and has fled.
Don’t trouble yourself to explain (?). Let Lucia wait until the year. Let me*know the day.
Salute Ammonas my brother and... and my sister . . . and my father Theonas.’
6. evnivar: for eupnvac? But the sense is obscure.
7-8. mpoodéxov ... Aovkia: the same construction occurs in cccxcvill. 22-3 KAedyKos
Umaye, kat GAdos €devoerat. Perhaps the full-stop should be placed after emavtsv.
CCXCVI. LertTtTer CONCERNING TAXATION.
11-3x 7-4 cm. First century.
Letter from Heraclides to Asclatas, asking him to pay the bearer the poll-
tax for Mnesitheus and the vavBiov. The meaning of this word has long been
a puzzle to editors, but there is no need to discuss here the various solutions
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 297
which have been suggested, since much fresh light will be thrown on the question
by Mr. Smyly in his new edition of the Petrie Papyri. The vavBuor tax, i. e. the
duty of supplying vavS.a, was one of the imposts upon land, and is connected
with the building or repair of dykes or houses; cf. ccxc, Brit. Mus. Papp.
CCCLXXXIII. 2, CXCIII. 6, 7, 281. The papyrus was written in the first
year of an emperor, who is probably Gaius, Claudius, or Nero, on the back
of a piece of accounts.
“Hpakdneténs ’Ackdarau
x(atpew).
dos 7T@ Kopel(ovtl gov Thy
emlaToAY THY aoypadiav
5 Mvnoibéov Kai 76 vatBrov,
kal méurpov npety tepi
tav BiBdiov 7 eéjpricas.
€pp@(c0).
(Erous) a, pnvds Pape(vod) Kn.
1. l. ‘Hpaxdeidns: the e has been corrected from co. 35 lh Gath 7. 1, BiBriov,
‘Heraclides to Asclatas greeting. Give the bearer of this letter the poll-tax of
Mnesitheus and the naubion, and send me word about the documents, how you haye
completed them. Good-bye. First year, Phamenoth 28.’
7. eéhptias is probably equivalent to éereAeiwoas, cf. note on ccxxxvili. 9, and O. P. I,
CXVil. 4, 5.
CCXCVII. LeEtTTER CONCERNING A PROPERTY RETURN.
31-6X 9:4 cm. A.D. 54.
Letter from Ammonius to his father, requesting him to send information
for a supplementary return of lambs born since the first return of sheep for
the year had been dispatched; cf. ccxlvi which is an example of such
a supplementary return. cccxxvi is perhaps another letter from the same
Ammontus to his father.
1 Tn the last case the figures applied to the vav@(iov), which the editor explains as drachmae, are much
more probably the numbers of the vav@:a to be supplied. An individual vav@ioyv was worth extremely
little, as is shown by Petrie Pap. I. xxiii, and the tax of 100 drachmae per aroura for vavf.ov which the editor
supposes would be incredibly high,
298
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
"Appavios ’Appovior THY TpOTHY atro-
T@L TaTpl xatpev. 10 ypagyy er
KaA@S TOLHoELS [. . .]revTo[. a@ro|Aoyiop{o .)
ypdrpers dua mitTaktov [... -Jarek[. . .€ppjo(co).
Tov amroAoyLo pov [(Erovs)] 18 TiBepiov [KXa}vdiov
Tov [m]plo|Batwv Kaicapos YeBaocrod
Tl Gol MmpoaeyeveTo 15 Teppavixod Avtoxpdrop(os),
amd apvéas Tapa 'Encig 6.
On the verso
"Appoviot [at marpi.
‘Ammonius to his father Ammonius greeting. Kindly write me in a note the record
of the sheep, how many more you have by the lambing beyond those included in the first
return . . . Good-bye. The fourteenth year of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus
Germanicus Imperator, Epeiph 29.’
CEXGVIII” Perrier orn Axe Cormncnor:
22-9 18-5 cm. First century a. p.
A long and rather garrulous epistle, which occupies both sides of the
papyrus, from a man to a friend. The names of both writer and recipient
are
He
lost, but the former was an official apparently in the finance department.
talks of visiting various nomes and getting in arrears of payment, and
of reports received from Alexandria. But the letter is for the most part
occupied with private affairs.
ou
17 letters Jor Tae pidrdror yxaipery.
éoxov emtotorAiy map| Ilavoipiwvos th KE Tod eveaT@Tos pyvos
[ 17 letters | kat avéyvoy 7a dia adtas yeypappéeva mpo-
rov mept letters |s Tod Kartaxpiparos (Spaypav) 3 bre 6 mupds rhs
A paov-
[ Ties es ]6n, Kat dre % Opeth amédlpa oe, Kai drt mapa
II av-
aiplovos Tas aprd|Bas oxT® ovK EdaBes Kal [6r|e tiv amoxiy Evda-
Mm 12 letters melpi pty ody Tod Kataxkpipazio|s Tov mupoy md7-
. ‘
[oov WP gp jal mArjpwcov eet dpetdopev Snpooiwy Kat
10
15
20
39
35
40
PLR ST
[ 16
[
CENTURY DOCUMENTS 299
= Jas dv0 apugiddgous ayébpacoy Kai dbo émBo-
Aas gsi, ]...@....u aupiddégov kai
[ 20s: | oraripas tropgv[pjas ayépacoy is KOa{va)
[ iG) | Oacobrt adXo oder. Tadra ody olkovouHoas
[ TOmErs lie Mere THS peikpas emel Atay avTiy emt(nTov-
[ eh TloD doxyoAnpatos eav em ayabd mapayevyn trav-
[ Wy ] broprynpatiopol jvéxOnody pot an ’A)e-
[Eavdpetas . . . mep|t Tv KAnpovopid@v. edv S€ TL AAO tpocodel-
{Anrat 12 letters |uevos edOéws amodrrpyn ev téc@ Kal eis
[ROU 'Sevie ie crn Ronee molAcitny StaBaivo. pepévnka ev TO An-
[rorroneiTy . hpeplas A, poyrs (Spaypas) x amatioas. diéypaya
[ 17 letters le O€pa deddxact TOY KaTadoyiopaY, Kai
[ i a | wadior Yapariovi iwdziija memoinkey €v ov-
[ 14 Oat\robre ody [eUploper THYv amoyny émev-
[ 1G) ] aveveyx|. .. pole els Méugw xai ra ovpo-
Aa.
On the verso
Colle Coll
mrepi ‘Eppoddpov ypddele|s
pot Aiav adrov Bapivo-
, \ Zs ,
pat, TAAL yap TavTa TAapac-
Cel.
4 ’ A
VE@TEPOY EVT|do|oeLY
év Tois ypdppaolt| éveyxor,
, \ 3 4 > o~
emel amotagacbar ato
Oe, Kai 6 ’AvouvBas ad-
[To]y ody déws [B)AEres.
aomacat Iroepalv] Kai rods
gods mdvTas Kat dvopa.
aomd(eral ce Sapariov
kat mdvres of Tap par.
ovm@ mohA}) Umdpa éeyéve-
To ev Méugu emt rod mapévtiojs.
eméupapev Tots tmrardiouls
2X a x ‘
€av e€vpns Tapa Gol
GdoTE ToL eyparpla
iva eav etpns aylo-
pactiy Tod péplous
THS olkias THs €y
Tava iva mpadh {
‘ XA ~ >
wept d& THS amray-
Opwrias TOv amlaty-
, / , ‘ > ‘
cavT@lv) eyo av7ios.. .
. . (alrodalajo [....
A
emi(ntt T® €.[....
avTod Kal ovK atroye. .
KTLoTaL Ews Trapay|évn-
60 Tat aorrarioa Apalv
AY SA A
THY olkiay Kal..[..
300 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Tod adehpod cou Kuduous p Kal pH-
Aa y, Kal TH ddeApH cov
"Arrod\A@vodTt pHr(a) VY Kal TH
pekpa, €ppo(co). Late ks.
45 Alav adnpovodpev yapli\y
tis Operris Sapamovros.
g. |. auuramovs ; SO in 10. 38. 1. dmwpa. 60, |. dopadioa.
25 ff. ‘You write to me about Hermodorus that I am too severe with him, for he is
upsetting everything again. If you find where you are a young man to replace him, tell me
when you write, since I wish to get rid of Hermodorus, and Anoubas looks upon him with
no kindly eye. My salutations to Ptolema and to all your household individually. Sarapion
salutes you and so do we all. There has not been much fruit at Memphis up to the
present. I send however for your brother’s children 500 beans and 50 apples, and 50
apples for your sister Apollonous and the little one. Good-bye. Pauni 26. I am exces-
sively concerned on account of the foster-child Sarapous. I wrote to you on another
occasion, if you find a purchaser for the share of the house at Tanais, to let it be sold. As
for the cruelty of the collectors, I myself will be responsible for that . . .’
1. The number of letters lost at the beginnings of the lines is of course uncertain ;
it is estimated throughout the column on the basis of the supplements proposed in 2 and
6, which seem very probable. On the other hand in 16 and 19, where the lacunae are of
the same size as in 2 and 6, the sense is completed with a rather shorter supplement; so
possibly rds should be omitted in 6 and a shorter word (? dow) substituted for emorodny
in 2.
18. -ro]\eirmv: the name of a nome is to be supplied.
1g. dmautnoas: cf. CCXCl. 7, 12.
26. It is not clear whether éiav airéy Bapivoua is for Nay air@ Bapvvona or for Mav
avrdv Bapivo. The first makes better sense, but the second is nearer the Greek.
46. tis Operris: cf. 5.
58. ok dmoye|yadd]|kriorac? But the subject can hardly be the pixpé mentioned in
13 and 44, for she was old enough to eat apples.
59. &s mapay|év|ra: it is not clear whether this goes with what precedes or with
what follows.
CCXCIX. Letrer CONCERNING A Mouse-CaTcHER.
54x 10:8 cm. Late first century.
Letter from Horus to Apion about the payment of a mouse-catcher and
other matters.
a 6 4 Pe , ,
Npos “Ariove TO TELpELWTAaT@L YalpELY.
4 lel a4 ’ lel \ ~ ’
Adprovi puoOnpevth eaxa ab7@ dia ood apa-
Bava (Spaxpas) n iva puobnpetoer Evroka. Kaas moijoers
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 301
méuweis por avtds. Kai Atovvoiw mpoolt\étn Nepepov
4 A ‘ 4 > my” ad INA
5 Kéxpyka (dpaypas) n Kal tatras ovK emeuwe, iva eidjs.
€ppwa(o). Iatv xé.
5: 1. Kexpyka.
‘Horus to his esteemed Apion greeting. Regarding Lampon the mouse-catcher
I paid him for you as earnest money 8 drachmae in order that he may catch the mice while
they are with young. Please send me the money. I have also lent Dionysius, the chief
man of Nemerae, 8 drachmae, and he has not repaid them, to which I call your attention.
Good-bye. Payni 24.’
2. dia god must from the context mean ‘on your account, i.e. timép gov, not
‘through you.’
4. mpoorary: Cf. CCXXxixX. 11, Ccxc. 21. The mpoordrns kopns was probably the village
‘sheikh’ and chief of the mpeoSurepar or council of elders.
CCC. Lerter to A Retative.
11-6 X10-8 cm. Late first century.
Letter of a woman called Indike to Thaisous, probably a near relative
as she is addressed as xvpia, about the dispatch of a bread-basket. It is
addressed on the verso to Theon, an éAavoxpiorns at the gymnasium, probably
the husband of Thaisous.
‘Ivéiky, Oaewotre tH Kupla
xaipey.
emeuwa oor dia Tov Kapndcitov
Tavpeivov 76 mavdpi(o)v, rept ot
KaA@S TolnoEls avTipovnicacd
oO
a ’ a > ¢ ,
prot OTe exopicov. adomdfov O€wva
Tov Ktptov Kai NixéBovdAov Kai Avécko-
pov kat Oéwva kal ‘Eppoxdyy rods
I 4 > 4 c ~
aBackdvrous. domd¢erar vpas
10 Aoyyeivos. €ppo(ao).
Hn(vos) Teppavix( ) B.
On the verso
els TO yupvdol(ov) O€orve NixoBovXr(ov)
eheoxpeloTnt.
12. ]. €Xaoxpiorn..
302 TTS OVNCVIRALOYAN (GEL) Sil EVEN
‘Indike to Thaisous greeting. I sent you the bread-basket by Taurinus the camel
man ; please send me an answer that you have received it. Salute my friend Theon and
Nicobulus and Dioscorus and Theon and Hermocles, who have my best wishes. Longinus
salutes you. Good-bye.’
9. aBackarrovus: cf. CCXCil. 12.
Ir. Peppav(etov) or Peppar(od), cf. cclxvi. 2.
Vi~ DESCRIPTIONS
OFPCEIRSE CENTURY PAPY IN:
(a) Literary.
CCCI. StdAdvBos intended to be attached to a roll (cf. ccclxxxi) containing the
title SQ&PONOS MIMO! TYNAIKEIOI, written in uncials. Late first
or early second century. 2-8 x 12-5 cm.
CCCII. Fragment of a historical work containing the ends of 8 lines and
beginnings of 7 more. Col. II. 3-7 begin (Kv)(ixnvay [, tAnpOoas ral,
pev the modler,... amoxl, el[s Xlpvodrodw [. Early first century uncial.
6 x 8-6 cm.
CCCIII. Prose literary fragment containing the beginnings of g lines. Line
4 Anvns KiKdov ds em|, 5 CAdxiotos and téy{. Careful uncial. First century
—
A. D., probably not later than Nero’s reign. & is formed by three distinct
strokes (cf. p. 318). 7x 7-2cm.
(6) Papyri concerning Tryphon, son of Dionysius, and documents
found with them.
CCCIV. Acknowledgement by Tryphon of the loan of 104 drachmae from
Thodnis, son of Thodnis (cf. cclxxxix), with signatures of Tryphon and
Tho@nis, docket of the bank of Ammonius and Epimachus, and receipt
for the repayment. Cancelled as far as line 28. Same formula as
cclxix. Dated in the second year of Nero Claud. Caes. Aug. Germ.
Imp. (A.D. 55). Complete. 36 lines. 36x 13-9 cm.
CCCV. Acknowledgement by Heracleus, son of Soterichus, and his wife Ther-
moutharion, dmeAevbepa Swradov (cf. cclv. 8), of the loan of 104 drachmae
from Thoonis Ilar8éws. The money was paid through the lé.wtiKi) tpareca
of Harpocration. Signature of Heracleus, docket of the bank, and
receipt for repayment. Cancelled as far as line 30. Same formula as
cclxix. Dated in the sixth year of Tiberius Caes. Aug. (A.D. 20).
Nearly complete. 32 lines. 33-9 x 16-5 cm.
304 THE OXYRHYNCHUS) PAPYRI
CCCVI. Gizeh Museum Inv. No. 10003. Acknowledgement by Antiphanes,
son of Heraclas (cf. cclx. 8, cccxviii), of the repayment by Tryphon of
a loan of 160 drachmae contracted 6:d rod punpovelov in Payni. Dated in
Epeiph of the fifth year of Nero Claud. Caes. Aug. Germ. Imp. (A. D. 59).
Practically complete. 28 lines. 37-4 x 12-5 cm.
The papyrus concludes pi éAat{r)ovpévo(v) rob Tpvparios] ev rij
eEaxodovdovon To ’Avripdvet| BeBardoer js Hydpacey Tap adrod oilk|é{als
axoovdes Ti) eis adrd[y] yeyovvia kalray|papy ; cf. cclxviii. 21-2.
CCCVII. Gizeh Museum Inv. No. 10012. Horoscope. Imperfect. First century
A.D. 20 lines. 19:7 x19-6cm.
CCCVIII. Copies of tax receipts, similar to cclxxxviii and cclxxxix, in two
columns, recording various payments by Tryphon for yepd.axdv Teper(ovbews),
Aaoypadia, tuxy, and xwpatixov Te(yevotGews), from the sixth to the tenth
years of Tib. Claudius Caes. Aug. Germ. Imp. The payments under the last
two heads are 1 drachma 4 obols, and 6 drachmae 4 obols respectively,
those for yepd.axdév and Aaoypapta do not appear to be complete ; cf. introd.
to cclxxxviii. The entries were made at different times. A.D. 45-50.
Nearly perfect. 17 lines. 24-5 x 51-2cm.
CCCIX. Copies of tax-receipts, similar to the preceding papyrus, in four short
columns, referring to various payments by ThoGnios dzeA(«dOepos)
IroA(eyalov). The second column records the payment of 36 drachmae
in all (cf. cclxxxviii) for yepdvaxdy of the fifth year of Tiberius Caes. Aug. ;
the third, also dated in the fifth year of Tiberius, mentions payments
for xparixdy (6 drachmae 4 obols) and other taxes; the fourth column,
dated in the fourth year, also mentions ywparuxév (6 drachmae 4 obols), &c.
The first column, which is incomplete, records payments of yepd.akdv.
A.D. 17-19. Nearly perfect. 23 lines in all. 8 x40-8cm.
CCCX. Receipt showing that Apion, son of Tryphon, had paid 36 drachmae
in all for the yepd:axdy Tevpe(vovdews); cf. introd. to cclxxxviii and
cccviii. Dated in the second year of Nero Claud. Caes. Aug. Germ.
Imp., Payni 20 eBa(orf.) (June 14, A.D. 56). Complete. 6 lines.
11-7 x 14cm.
CCCXI. Receipt showing that Tryphon had paid in the ninth year of Tiberius
Caes. Aug. 12 drachmae for émux(epddaiov) “Immod(péyou), 2 drachmae
14 obols for divx, and 6 drachmae 4 obols for ywparixdy ; cf. cclxxxviil.
7-11. A.D. 22-3. Nearly complete. 6 lines. 11-2 x 8cm.
CCCXII. Receipt for a payment through the bank of Dorion and Ptolemaeus
of 3 drachmae 4} obols (i.e. a little over half the full amount) for xoparxéy
of the twenty-second year of Tiberius by a person whose name is lost.
DESCRIPTIONS OF FIRST CENTURY PAPYRI 305
Dated in the first year of Gaius Caes, Aug. Germ., Mesore (A.D. 37).
Nearly complete. 3 lines. 15x 20cm.
CCCXIII. Receipt for the payment by Paésis, son of Paésis, of taxes for the
seventh year of Claudius. The amounts paid are for Aaoyp(adia)
12+4 = 16drachmae, for ywparixdy 6 drachmae 4 obols, for tux 1 drachma
44 obols. Dated in the eighth year of Tib. Claudius Caes. Aug. Germ,
Imp., Phaophi (A.D. 47). Nearly complete, 5 lines. 22+3 x 24:7 cm.
CCCXIV. Extract from an ézlxpiois similar to that in cclxxxviii. 35-40, but
for the forty-second year of Caesar (Augustus); cf. note on cclxxxviii. 40.
Practically complete. Early first century. 8 lines. 17-5 x17-5cm.
CCCXV. Petition to Sotas, strategus, from Tryphon, complaining of an assault
by Demetrous and her mother upon his wife Saraeus érxvoy [od|oav ;
cf. introd. to cclxvii. Written in Epeiph of the first year of [Gaius]
Caes. Aug. (A.D. 37). Incomplete. 24 lines. 25-2 x 8-7 cm.
CCCXVI. Fragment of a petition addressed to Tiberius Claudius Pasion,
strategus (cf. cclxxxiii-v), by Tryphon in the eleventh year of Tib.
Claudius Caes. Aug. Germ. (A.D. 50-1). 22 lines. 17-2 x 7-6 cm.
CCCXVII. Duplicate of O. P. I. xxxix (cf. p. 319). Nearly complete. 13 lines.
Written on the verso, the recto being blank. As a junction between
two selides occurs, this is a clear instance of an exception to the rule
about recto and verso. A.D. 52. 29:2x14:8cm.
CCCXVIII. Contract for the loan of 160 drachmae from Antiphanes, son of
Heraclas (cf. cclx. 8, ccevi), to Tryphon. After ywpis maons imepOéoews
(cf. cclxix. 8) the papyrus proceeds ¢q) @ éndvayxov énl ty Tod apyuptov
aroddce Toijoer 6 “Avtipdyyns TepiapeOjvar tov Eéavrod viov ’Avtipavny
apijAlica [a\p’ Gv wémpaxey 6 dedaverxos “Avtipdryns to |Tpiipavr [dvrlalr]
emt tod xpos "Okuptyxwv wolAler Sapanielefov ev tie [rO|v Towmever dlelyouenn
Aavpa, Kal ep Ert\épov témov Todt[olv avalylpadi|vlar, Tay THs petamrorijs {K\al
anoypap|ijs| daravnparev jov\rwy zpos tov bedlalveuK\dra “Avtipdr(nv). ear
de [riffs perarfoujs ylev[onlev|n|s pr [a\7r08/ Gx] 6 ded{alp[eccpevos Kaba yéy'pa rra,
éx|reio a\rwu k.t.A. Cf. cecvi, the repayment of the loan. Cancelled. Dated
in the fifth year of Nero Claud. Caes, Aug. Germ. Imp. (A.D. 59).
Imperfect. 34 lines. 30x 18-4 cm,
CCCXIX. Acknowledgement by [Thamounis], daughter of Onnophris, Mepoivy
(cf. ecli. 3, cclxxv. 2), of the loan of 16 drachmae from her son Tryphon.
Same formula as cclxix. Dated in the second year of Gaius Caes. Aug.
Germ. (A.D. 37). Imperfect, the beginnings of lines being lost. 26 lines,
36 x 8-7 cm.
CCCXX. Contract for the loan of 314 drachmae from Tryphaena, acting with
x
306 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
her son-in-law Dionysius, to Tryphon, Saraeus, and Onnophris, Tryphon’s
brother. Similar formula to cclxix. Dated in the fifth year of Nero
Claud. Caes. Aug. Germ. Imp., Payni 25 (the day added later) (A.D. 59).
At the end a docket (in a second hand) with same date 6 ’AmoAAwviov 76
mpl Kexpn(uatixdros) Lexovysov tod cvvectapevov b7d Tov petdywv ayo(pave-
Pov) Kexpy(uariorar). Cancelled. Endorsed on the verso. Practically
complete. 28 lines. 36x17 cm.
CCCXXI. Beginnings of 27 lines of an agreement between Tryphon and
Saraeus concerning the nurture of their infant daughter. Cf. introd.
to cclxvii. Written in the reign of Gaius or Claudius. Cancelled.
26-2 x7 cm.
CCCXXII. Contract between Thamounion, acting with her son Tryphon, and
Abarus a weaver, apprenticing to him her son Onnophris (cf. cccxx) for
two years. Similar formula to cclxxv. Dated in the twenty-third year
of Tiberius Caes. Aug., Sebastus (A.D. 36). Incomplete. 47 lines.
34:8 x 9°5.
CCCXXIII. Part of the signatures to a loan of money (cancelled), with acknow-
ledgement of the repayment to the lender and docket of the bank of
Pamphilus stating wepudeAvrar 7) dtaypady. One of the parties was a member
of the Althean deme. Repayment dated in the twenty-second year of
Tiberius Caes. Aug., Choiach (A. D. 35). 18 lines. 18-3 x 12-2 cm.
CCCXXIV. Latter part of a petition, addressed probably to the strategus,
by Tryphon, complaining of an assault upon him and his wife Saraeus by
a woman and other persons unnamed; cf. introd. to celxvii. Signature
of Tryphon (in a second hand) written by Zoilus. Dated in the eleventh
year of Tib. Claudius Caes. Aug. Germ. Imp., Neos Sebastus (A.D. 50).
15 lines. 18-3 x11-2cm.
CCCXXV. Two fragments of a letter to Onnophris from his father (whose
name is lost), asking him to come, &c. Dated in the second year of
Tib. Claudius Caes. Aug. Germ. Imp., Neos Sebastus 20 eBaor
(Nov. 16 A.D. 41). 28 lines. 18-5 x 7-8 cm. (fragment 0).
CCCXXVI. Recto. Letter from [Ammoni]us to his father Ammonius (cf,
cexcvii) chiefly about writing materials. Lines 7-14, ovx éAaBov apytpiov
rapa [rOv TploToAwy ad ob amednyunioa. Tlaparéderka THe pytpt Purov|pev|ne
70 Bpoxlov Tob péAavos (‘the ink pot’) al rods K[add|wovs Kat Td ounAoly 6)rws
yaknon Tovs Kaddyous yeyplayjuevovs kal 7[dv| tpiBaxdy |...... | cal roy
XtT@va. Incomplete. 15 lines) About A.D. 45. On the verso address,
and in the same(?) hand a short account, tyun(s) ovpi() 4 drachmae,
oxdady(s) . ., Kévtpw(vos) . ., caxxl(ov) els odyp(a).., Kevtpwvop(tov) . ., Kaun-
DESCRIPTIONS OF FIRST CENTURY PAPYRI 307
Aiwvo(s) 3 drachmae 1 obol, cdyyaros 2 drachmae, iyavrapfov 2 obols.
17 X 12*5 cm.
(c) Notices to the agoranomi.
CCCXXVII. Notice sent to the agoranomus by a person whose name is lost
and ot pérox(ox) to register (karaypdpew) the sale of the half share of
a slave Dioscorus also called Dionysius, about thirty years of age.
Same formula as ccxli-iii. Late first century. Imperfect, only the
beginning being preserved. 8 lines. 4-5 x 8-2 cm.
CCCXXVIII. Beginning of a notice to the agoranomus from Theon, son of
Sarapion (cf. cccxxxvi), to register (kataypdpew) a sale. Same formula as
cexli-iii. About A.D. 85. 5 lines. 5:6x 7-6 cm.
CCCXXIX. Beginning of a notice to the agoranomus from Theon 6 ovvecra-
pevos b7d Aror(volov) cal 7(Gv) petdx(wv) to register a contract of loan.
Same formula as cexli-iii. Late first century. 7 lines. 5-5 x 6-4 cm.
CCCXXX. Notice from Claudius Antoninus, 6 ovveorapd vos id] Sapattwvos,
to the agoranomus to register the sale of 1} Biko (cf. O. P. I. c. 10) of
Wirol roxo. near the Serapeum ént 77 Aeyouévy] rev ‘Iaméwv yoproOjxne at
the price of 240 silver drachmae. Same formula as ccxli-iii. A.D. 77-83;
cf. cexlii, cccxxxi. Imperfect. 17 lines. 13-7 x 10-3 cm.
CCCXXXI. Notice from [Chaeremon] 6 ovvecrapyévos ind K\alvjélov [ Avrw-
veivov] (cf. ccxliii. 1) to the agoranomus to register the sale of 2 of a house
at the price of 400 silver drachmae or 30 talents of copper (cf. introd. to
cexlii). Same formula as cexli-iii. Dated in the third year of Imp. Caes.
Domitianus [Aug. Germ.], Phaophi (A.D. 83). Imperfect. 30 lines.
24 X 9-5 cm.
CCCXXXII. Beginning of a notice to the agoranomus from Dionysius 6 ow-
eotapevos 7d. Zivevos (cf. cccxxxvii) to register the sale of the third part
of a slave Sarapous, aged fourteen. Same formula as ccxli-iii. About
A.D. 89, cf. cccxxxiii. 10 lines. 7 x 8-5 cm.
CCCXXXIII. Notice from Zeno to the agoranomus to register the sale of
a house(?) sold for 7oo silver drachmae or 52 talents 3000 drachmae
of copper (cf. introd. to cexlii). Same formula as cexli-iij. Dated in
the eighth year of Imp. Caes. Domitianus Aug. Germ., Kawrapetov énayo-
pevov a@ (Aug. 24 A.D. 89). At the end a docket (cf. ccxliii. 45, sqq.)
dvaypa(py) 77) & TOY erayou(evwr) evKvkto(v) xadx(ob) mpds apy(vprov) (tadavra)
e “Ad (i.e. 73 of the price in copper). Perfect, but defaced in parts. 13
lines. 21-3 x 10-2 cm.
CCCXXXIV. Notice from Apollonius 6 o(vvecrapéros) td Arév\pov tod) o(vr-
eee
308 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
estapevov) i7d KAavdiov’Avtwre| (vou (cf. cexlii) to the agoranomus to register
the sale of a house at the price of [600 drachmae of silver or] 45 talents
of copper. Cf. introd. to ccxlii. Same formula as ccxli-iii. Dated
in the reign of Imp. Caes. Domitianus [Aug.] Germ. About 81-3 A.D.
Imperfect. 16 lines. 14:8 7-5 cm.
CCCXXXV. Notice from [Theon], son of Sarapion (cf. cccxxxvi), to the
agoranomus to register the sale of the sixth part of a house é’ dudddov
Lovda(.)k(ot) bought by Nuxaiq LA/Balye VovBiov rév aw “O€(updyxwr)
méd(ews) “Lovidalov from Tatios. Same formula as ccxli-iii. About
A.D. 85. Imperfect. 12 lines. 9-37 cm.
CCCXXXVI, Notice from Theon, son of Sarapion (cf. cccxxxv), to the
agoranomus to register the sale of a slave Ammonous ((olkoyeWys,
probably a child) at the price of [140 silver drachmae or] 10 talents 3000
drachmae of copper; cf. introd. to ccxlii. Same formula as ccxli-iii.
Dated in the fifth year of Imp. [Caes.] Domitianus Aug. [Germ.] (A.D.
85-6). Imperfect. Io lines. 6-1 x 7-4 cm.
CCCXXXVII. Conclusion of a notice from Dionysius (cf. cccxxxii) to the
agoranomus to register a sale at a price of 300 silver drachmae or
22 talents 3000 drachmae of copper; cf. introd. to ccxlii. Same formula
as cexli-iii. Dated in the eighth year of Imp. Caes. Domitianus Aug.
Germ., Pharmuthi (A. D. 89). g lines. 9-3 x 8-2 cm.
CCCXXXVIII. Notice from Caecilius Clemens (cf. ccxli, cccxl) to the
agoranomus to register the sale of the half share of an addi) éx’ aupddou
MvpoBeddvov for 60 drachmae of silver or 4 talents 3000 drachmae of
copper ; cf. introd. to ccxlii. Same formula as ccxli-iii. Dated in the
third year of [Trajan]; cf. ccexl (A.D. 99-100). Nearly complete. 17 lines.
13-5 x 6-2 cm.
CCCXXXIX. Notice from Phanias 6 cvverrapévos id Paviov Sapariwvos to the
agoranomus to register (avaypdpewv) a contract of mortgage of three-fifths
of a house and its appurtenances éz’ dydodov védov (= vdrov ?) dpdépov
for a period of three years. Instead of receiving interest the mortgagee
was to have the right of living in the house (évoikyo.s) on condition of
making a yearly payment, the nature of which is obscure, of 4 talents of
copper. Same formula as ccxli-iii. Dated in the reign of Imp. [Caes.]
Domitianus [Aug. Germ.] (A.D. 81-96). Nearly complete. 23 lines.
14:2 x 10 cm.
CCCXL. Notice from Caecilius Clemens (cf. ccxli) to the agoranomus to
register the sale of house property at the price of 180 silver drachmae or
13 talents 3000 drachmae of copper (cf. introd. to cexlii). Same formula
DESCRIPTIONS, OF FIRST, CENTURY PAPYRI 309
as ccxli-iii. Dated in the second year of Imp. Caes. Nerva Trajanus
Aug. Germ. (A. D. 98-9). Nearly complete. 19 lines. 19-4 x 6-8 cm.
CCCXLI. Beginning of a notice from Phanias and Diogenes also called
Hermaeus, oi dayoA(ovjevor) Tovs Katadoxicpovs (cf. O. P. I. xlv and xlvi),
to the agoranomus concerning a cession of land. Same formula as
O. P.I. xlv-vii. About 95-100 A.D. 13 lines. 10-2 x 6-6 cm.
CCCXLII. Similar notice to the agoranomus from Phanias and Diogenes
concerning a cession of land. Cf. cccxli. About 95-100 A.D. Incomplete.
16 lines. 10-1 X 7-3 cm.
CCCXLUI. Notice to the agoranomus (probably by Phanias) announcing
the payment of the tax on a mortgage of 2}; arourae of catoecic
land in the xAjpos of Theodotus near Psobthis in the upper toparchy.
Same formula as cccxlviii. Dated in the third year of Imp. Caes.
Nerva Trajanus Aug. Germ., Sebastus (A.D. 99). Incomplete. 149 lines.
17-5 X 6-1 cm.
CCCXLIV. Notice to the agoranomi from Panther and Hermogenes of zpoxe-
xwpiopevor t7d TiBepiov KAavdlov tod doxodovp(évov) rods Katahoxiop(ods) Ths
Aiyintov of a cession (mapaxépyots) of catoecic land near the village
Movxivaéa in the xAjpo. of Theodotus and Drimakus. Same formula as
cccxli. Late first century. Incomplete, the end being lost. 24 lines.
16-7 x 9:6 cm.
CCCXLV. Notice from Plutarchus (cf. O. P. I. clxxiv) to the agoranomi
announcing the payment of the tax on a mortgage upon land zepl
Séoga ... in the western toparchy. Same formula as cccxlviii. About
A.D. 88. Incomplete. 18 lines. 11-5 x 7:1 cm.
CCCXLVI. Notice from Dionysius also called Amois, émirnpyris Kat xetpioras
Katadox(ucpe@v) O€vpvyxeizov, to the agoranomi concerning the cession of
50 arourae of land karovkixyjs Kal (€)wvynpevns (cf. cclxx. 18) near Skd
in the xAjjpos of Strabas. Same formula as ccexli. Dated in the fourth
year of Imp. Caes. Nerva Trajanus Aug. Germ., Phaophi (A.D. 100).
Complete. 1g lines. 17-7 x 7-4cm.
CCCXLVII. Notice to the agoranomi from [Phanias]|, Heraclas, and Diogenes
(cf. O. P. I. xlv) of a cession of (catoecic) land. Same formula as cccxlvi.
About 95-100 A.D. Incomplete. 11 lines. 7-2 x 8-6cm.,
CCCXLVIII. Notice addressed to the agoranomi announcing the payment of
the tax upon a mortgage (retaypevov eis Katadoxicpovs TéAos b70b7Kys)
of 40 arourae of catoecic land near Psobthis in the xAjpos of Olympiodorus,
and of other land near Sway in the xAsjpo. of Heracles and Calli-
stratus, Same formula.as cccxliii and cccxlv and, with the substitution of
310 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
retaypevou k.T.A. for mapakexwpnyevov, as cccxli and O. P. I. xlv-vii. Late
first century. Imperfect. 16 lines. 8-7 x 8-8 cm.
CCCXLIX. Beginning ofa notice from [.|znvv0s and Didymus ot cuveoralyé|vor bd
*IovAtov Moveatov to the agoranomus, requesting him to free (mpds éAevdepa-
ow, apparently a blunder for 60s €A.) a female slave éAevdepovpevn td
Aia Tv “Adtov; cf O. P. I. xlviii-ix. Late first century. 7 lines.
5x7cm.
(a) amoypapat.
CCCL. Return addressed to Chaereas, strategus, by Thais, of sheep and goats
& veynoovtar .. . da [voéws Aropyoiov .. . Aaoypapovpevov eis Tadad.
Same formula as ccxlv. Dated in the eleventh year of Tiberius Caes.
Aug. (A.D. 24-5). On the verso scribblings. Imperfect. 17 lines.
21 X 10:5 cm.
CCCLI. Return addressed to Chaereas, strategus, by Taosiris, of sheep and goats.
Signature of Sarapion, roz(dpyys), as in ccxlv. Same formula as ccxlv.
Dated in the fourteenth year of Tiberius Caes. Aug., Mecheir (A. D. 28).
Perfect. 24 lines. 29-7 x 58cm.
CCCLII. Return, probably addressed to Chaereas (cf. cccl), of sheep and goats
pastured near a village rijs Oplouloepo tomapxilas (cf. O. P. I. lxii verso, 8),
with the signature of an official. Same formula as ccxlv. Dated in the
fourteenth year of Tiberius Caes. Aug., Mecheir (A.D. 28). Incomplete.
15 lines. 13:7 x5 cm.
CCCLIII. Return addressed to Chaereas by Sambathaeus, of sheep and goats
pastured near Pela, the shepherd Aaoypapoupevou |elpt ro Larvdpov Ezoikvov.
Same formula as ccxlv. Written in the thirteenth year of Tiberius Caes.
Aug. (A. D. 27-8). Nearly complete. 22 lines. 17-5 x5:5cm.
CCCLIV. Return addressed to Theon, romdpxns, by Heraclides tod ‘HpaxAtéov
Xapitnoiou . . . éxl two xpdvev Kexpnpuatixoros |. . .| tuos (‘sometime called
. . . tis’), of sheep and goats pastured wept Ye[pa rij\s Ouevoehs [To7ap x ias|.
Same formula as ccxlv. Written in the twentieth (?) year of Tiberius
Caes. Aug. (A. D. 33-4). Imperfect. 17 lines. 12x 7-5 cm.
CCCLV. Return addressed to Theon, romapyns, by Tsenpalemis, of sheep and
goats. Same formula as ccxlv. Written in the fifth year of Gaius Caes.
Imp. (A.D. 40-1). At the top in a second hand Nepwveto(v)... Incomplete.
15 lines. 11.8 x 5-6 cm.
CCCLVI._ Return of sheep and goats with the signature of Apollonius, rom(apxns).
Same formula as ccxlv. Dated in the thirteenth year of Tiberius Caes.
Aug., Mecheir (A.D. 27). Imperfect. 20 lines. 14:5 x 5:2 cm.
DES GeieeLON SO teil Sim CLNGURY. PA PYRT 3Ir
CCCLVII. Return addressed to a strategus (?) giving the number of sheep and
goats in the owner’s possession compared with that of the previous year,
which were registered émi rod [ayya Elceiov (cf. O. P. I. ciii- 7). Same
formula as O. P. I. Ixxiv. Late first century. Incomplete. Joined
on the left to a similar atoypagy, of which the ends of a few lines remain.
18 lines. 15x1oOcm.
CCCLVIII. Conclusion of a property return dated in the ninth year of Imp.
Caes. Domitianus Aug. Germ., Pharmuthi (A.D. go). Cf. ccxlvii and
note on amoypadai ccxxxvii. VIII. 31. 12 lines. 17:2 x 10cm.
CCCLIX. Beginning of a property return addressed to Epimachus and Theon
(cf. cexlvii-ix) by Ammonius. Same formula as ccxlix. Written in the
reign of Titus or Domitian (probably in A.D. 80 or 90; cf. note on
ecxxxvii. VIII. 31). a1 lines. 7-2 x 7-5 cm.
CCCLX. Fragment ofa list of owners of real property with marginal and inter-
linear annotations, similar to cclxxiv. First century. Parts of 26 lines.
20 X 15-1 cm.
CCCLXI. Conclusion of a census return (cf. introd. to ccliv), containing
a list of persons with ages, ending 7 6& pitnp j[plov eyapHOne Ta. Tatpl
‘eGv ape rod| ¢ (€rovs) Népwvos (cf. cclvii. 24), Kal [d\uvtouer Adrtio|kpdropa
Katoapa |Oveoractavoy SeBaordv ddn\0y civar ra Tpoyeypappeva. evopKodar
pev tmeiv [ed ely x.7.A. Dated in the ninth year of Imp. Caes. Vespasianus
Aug. (A.D. 76-77). 13 lines, 16-8 x 18-6cm.
(e) Contracts, wills, leases.
CCCLXII. Acknowledgement by Sarapous, acting with her cousin Apollonius,
of the repayment by Adrastus of a loan of 500 silver drachmae contracted
81a Tod pvnpovetov three months previously. Dated in the seventh year
of Imp. Caes. Vespasianus Aug., Mecheir (A.D. 75). Nearly complete.
1g lines. 12-8 x 13-1 cm.
CCCLXIII. Fragment of a similar acknowledgement of the repayment of
a loan contracted in the eighth year of Imp. Caes. Vespasianus Aug.,
Germaniceus. Written in A.D. 77-79. 20 lines. 8-3 x 10-5 cm.
CCCLXIV. Beginning of a contract by which Tiberius Claudius Sarapion rév
nyopavounkdr@v ’Ade€avdpetas appoints Theon as his agent to collect certain
debts (cvveotaxévar...dmartijoovra). Dated in the thirteenth year of Imp.
Caes. Domitianus Aug. Germ., Germaniceus (A. D. 94). Joined on the left
to a piece of another contract. 14 lines. 9-5 x 10-6cm.
CCCLXV. Conclusion of a contract, similar to O. P. I. xevii and cclxi,
312 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
appointing a fepresentative to appear at court. Late first century.
13 lines. 16-3 x 8-4 cm.
CCCLXVI. Agreement by which Sarapion, son of Ptolemaeus, cedes to a
woman acting with her guardian Thoonis 4} arourae of catoecic land.
Dated in the first year of Tib. [Claudius(?) Caes.] Aug. (A.D. 41).
Imperfect. 24 lines. 15 x 11-2cm.
CCCLXVII. Two fragments of an agreement concerning a yepd.akds tords
(cf. eclxiv). Dated in the fourteenth year of Tiberius Caes. Aug., Pachon
(A.D. 28). 19 lines in all. Fragment (0) 11-1 x 9-2 cm.
CCCLXVIII. Beginning of a contract for the lease of domain land (am Bacwi-
kév yewpylwy) near Pela from Sarapion also called Didymus to Artemon
for one year; cf. cclxxix. Written in the fourth year of Tib. Claudius
Caes. Aug. Germ. Imp. (A.D. 43-4). 6 lines. 7:1 x 13-6cm.
CCCLXIX. Acknowledgement, similar to ccclxii, of the repayment of a loan
of 430 silver drachmae contracted in the second year deod Titov. Written
soon after A.D. 81. Nearly complete. 28 lines. 12 x 8-6 cm.
CCCLXX. Conclusion of an agreement concerning a payment of 3320 drachmae,
ending ds kal dvaypayoper emt THY Onwoolay TpameCav Tals opiopevars TpoOEcpLats
Kata 70 €00s Kal elooloomen Ta bTadAdypara ed @ pevel Hulv 6 Adyos TEpl TOUS
emiTnpytas Kata TO dvadoyov Tis troa|racews|. Dated in the second year of
an emperor. Late first century. 14 lines. 10-3 x 12-2cm.
CCCLXXI. Beginning of a marriage contract, dated in the first year of Imp.
N[erva] Caes. Aug., Caesareus (A.D. 97). Parts of 5 lines. Written on
the vertical fibres (cf. O. P. I. cv). 4-4 x 14 cm.
CCCLXXII. Fragment of a marriage contract, beginning é&d0ro Taovyadpis
(the mother of the bride). The dowry included a sum of 160 drachmae.
Cf. cclxv. Dated in the seventh year of Imp. Caes. Vespasianus [Aug.]
(A.D. 74-5). Parts of 15 lines. Written on the vertical fibres ; cf. ccclxxi.
10 x 14cm.
CCCLXXIII. Loan of 1120 drachmae from Selene to Apollonia with her
guardian Themistocles Kawrdpevos 6 xai|.... In the event of Apollonia
failing to repay, Selene was to take possession of Io arourae of catoecic
land belonging to Apollonia near Sinaroi in the lower toparchy, the
neighbouring landmarks being Poppa yvns, dmndAtdrov mAevpiopds. Cf.
celxxiil. 21, note. Dated in the second year of Imp. Titus Caes. [Vesp.
Aug.] (A.D. 79-80). Imperfect. 32 lines. 13 x 10-5cm.
CCCLXXIV. Conclusion of a lease. After the usual penalties for non-payment
of the rent, the document ends énavayxoy 6€ Tov pe p|[oOwp|évov KuTnpo-
Aoyijre Kat Tapadodvar Tat Ardvpor THY yhv K\aOlapay ard Kumhpews. Dated
DESCRIPTIONS OF FIRST CENTURY PAPYRI. 313
in the thirty-sixth year of Caesar (i.e. Augustus), Phaophi (A.D. 6).
8 lines. On the verso, two lines of an account. 7 x12-8cm.
CCCLXXV. Contract for the sale of a female slave Dionysia, aged thirty-five,
and her two (?) children at the price of 1800 (?) silver drachmae. The
sale was made [emi] Tapovdivov kal Ole|uroroxA€ov's xal| Pidiocxov (the
agoranomi). Formula:—ézpiaro ... xat atrddev mapethnpey ... Kal ane-
oxev... MpoTwAret kat BeBaot.... Written about A.D. 79 (cf. ccclxxx).
Incomplete. 24 lines. 16:1 x 11cm.
CCCLXXVI. Agreement, similar to cclxi, by which Titus Flavius Clemens,
a soldier of Legio IIT (Cyrenaica), appoints a representative to appear
at court; cf. cclxi. Dated in the ninth year of Imp. Caes. Vespasianus
Aug., Epeiph (A.D. 77). Imperfect. 18 lines. 17-2 x 10-5 cm.
CCCLXXVII. Contract between Themistocles ... 6 «al EiAe(@wos and his (?)
freed woman Apollonarion, by which the latter undertakes to nurture
a foundling child; cf. O. P. I. xxxvii. Dated in the first year of Lucius
Livius Sul[picius Galba .. .] Imp., Caesareus (A.D. 67). Much mutilated.
26 lines. Joined to another document (fragmentary). 20x 11-8 cm.
CCCLXXVIII. Parts of 14 lines from the beginning of a contract. Dated in
the reign of [Imp.] Caes. Domitianus [Aug. Germ.]. 7 x 8-2 cm.
CCCLXXIX. Will of a woman, bequeathing to her two brothers Pachois and
Sus (dr. dative) and her sister Takois (?), or their offspring, her house
ex” audddov [vd\rov Kpnzetéos, and the half share of another oixidvoy, with
appurtenances, and the rest of her property, on condition that they shall
make some provision for Demetrous, perhaps the daughter of the testatrix.
Formula similar to O. P. I. civ. Dated in the reign of Imp. Caes. Domi-
tianus [Aug. Germ.] (A.D. 81-96). Imperfect. 30 lines. 20x 14-5 cm.
CCCLXXX. Contract made before [Taruthinus], Themistocles, and Philiscus
(agoranomi, cf. ceclxxv) for the sale of a female slave Sarapous, aged 30.
Same formula as ccclxxv. Dated in the [first] year of Imp. Titus Caes.
Vesp. Aug., “YrepBepereiov.. . Katoapeiov énayouévwv F¢ LeBa(orn) (Aug.
29 A.D. 79). Imperfect. 15 lines. 9:2 x 10-1 cm.
(f) Taxation and Accounts.
CCCLXXXI. Strip of papyrus containing the words @ (érovs) Odveonactavod
prnpovixdy | pnv(ds) Néov YeBacrod avrirow(ov). Perhaps a o/AdvBos, cf. ccci.
A.D. 76. Perfect. 2 lines. 430-5 cm.
CCCLXXXII. Notice from Phanias, romapyns, concerning a payment of
bpeA(jpara) (cf. ccclxxxiii), concluding with a SacwArKds épxos. Written
314 LEE SO XGIREYON GLY Sl All Yee
in the reign of Tiberius Caes. Aug. (A.D. 14-37). Incomplete. 7 lines.
9:5 X 7-7 Em.
CCCLXXXIII. Lower part of a series of receipts for corn, containing a receipt
for 3 artabae dnpoolo: pérpwr of wheat, being dpeiA(npara) of the twelfth
year of Tiberius, measured by two sitologi rudy kwpov in the eastern
pepts of the upper toparchy. Cf. cclxxxvii. Dated in the thirteenth year
of Tiberius Caes. Aug., Mecheir (A.D. 27). 9g lines. 9 x 6-7 cm.
CCCLXXXIV. Receipt for 11} artabae of wheat, édpevAn(para) of the eleventh
year of Tiberius, from the village of Taruthinus, measured through the
sitologi of the middle jepis of the eastern(?) toparchy. Cf. cclxxxvii.
Dated in the twelfth year of Tiberius Caes. Aug., Phaophi (A.D. 25).
Nearly perfect. 6 lines. 9-413 cm.
CCCLXXXV. Receipt for a payment of corn through the sitologi of the
eastern toparchy for the seventh year of Imp. Caes. Domitianus Aug.
Germ. (A.D. 87-8). Imperfect. 6 lines. 7-3 x 8-7 cm.
CCCLXXXVI. Receipt for 8 and subsequently 2 drachmae paid by Onnophris
and his son for a tax the name of which is illegible. Dated in the
seventh year of Tiberius Caes. Aug., Mecheir (A.D. 21). Complete.
7 lines. 13-1 x6 cm.
CCCLXXXVII. On the vecto, fragment of account of money payments (?) by
various persons. On the verso, part of an account of payments in kind
(wheat, meat, wine) in a different hand, headed SeBaorj. éy Sevenra.
Amongst the persons who appear as receiving (or paying?) are a
otabpodx(os), an expddios, dexavol, and a mpodrjrns. First century. On
the recto 23, on the verso 18 lines. 16-8 x 10-2 cm.
CCCLXXXVIII. Fragment of an account of payments for wine, hay, a mill-
stone, &c. First century. On the verso, part of an account. On the
recto 12, on the verso 10 lines. 8-8 x 6-3 cm.
CCCLXXXIX. Part of an account in two columns of which the first has only
the ends of lines. Col. II. 1-5, an account connected with building, headed
Kal Thu Ke TOD pn(vds) Néov SeBaorod. Among the entries are xaco7z(_ ) »,
ntn( ) wn, KAl.]0( ) 48, darpod( ) 8, oixod( +) n, épya( ) x. There follows
an account of payments for Aa(oypapia), xw(uarixdr), and tux«(y); cf. introd.
to cclxxxviiiix. The entries are—@Qew..( ) Aa(oyp.) 80 dr., xw(p.)
14 dr. 1 ob., tex. 5 dr. [5% ob.], total 100 dr, $ ob. “Apdi(ros) Aa(oyp.)
40 dr., yxa(u.) 136 dr. 14 ob., tux. 14 dr, total 194 dr. 13 ob. Zéva(v)
Aa(oyp.) 20 dr., xo(u.) 67 dr. 52 ob., tux. 12 dr. } ob., total 100 dr. ‘Hpa-
kAe(d(ov) yo(u.) 12 dr. 3 ob., dix. 26 dr. 44 ob., total 394 dr. 13 ob. “ApOod-
(vios) Aa(oyp.) 16 dr., xw(u.) 6 dr. 4 ob., tux. 13 dr. 3 ob., total 36 dr. 1 ob.
DESCRIPTIONS OF FIRST CENTURY PAPYRI 315
"Arpiwvo(s) Aa(oyp.) 24 dr., xo(u-) [3]3 dr. 2 ob., wx. 6 dr. [43 ob]., total
64 dr. 4 ob. Arovvar(ov) Aa(oyp.) 12 dr., xo(u.) 6 dr. 4 ob., tux. 5 dr. 53 ob.;
total 24 dr. 38 ob. Tap(__) Aa(oyp.) 20 dr., xw(p.) 9 dr. 33 ob. Since the
x(arixdv) tax was normally 6 dr. 4 ob. for each person (see introd. to
cclxxxviii), only the entries concerning Harthoonis and Dionysius seem
to be individual payments ; in these two cases the payments for Aaoypapia
are 16 and 12 dr. respectively ; cf. introd. to cclxxxviii. 32 lines. Early
first century. 21-2 x 12-8 cm.
CCCXC. Fragment of an account of money payments for various purposes.
Among the items are toy madatorpopvd(dxwv) 1 dr. 5 obols, xaprov
t dr. 3 obols. The month Germanicus (cf. cclxvi. 2) is mentioned. On the
verso, another account. First century. 34 lines in all. 23-2 x 12cm.
CCCXCI. Part of an account of receipts of wheat headed Adyos Anpyd(rov)
[mlupod pera Adyou [..... Line 4 begins dyopaoral év 1 Tyr mpdoKert(ar).
On the verso, parts of 3 lines of another account. First century. 13 lines
inall. 11-5 x 12cm.
CCCXCII. Fragment of an account of money payments by various persons.
Before each name is the title of an dudodor (cf. note on ccxlii. 12), e.g.
@or(p.d0s), ‘In7oa(pdpov), cf. introd. to cclxxxviii, THo(evixijs), Avlo(v)
ma(peuBodjjs). First century. 19 lines. 14-6 x 13 cm.
(g) Petitions and Letters.
CCCXCIII. Petition addressed to Tiberius Claudius Pasion, strategus (cf.
cclxxxiv), by Aristas, weaver, of the Aavpa ‘Inréwv TapeuBodjs, complaining
of the extortion of Damis, yevdjevos mpaxtwp, in the eighth and ‘ past ninth
year’ of Claudius. Same formula as cclxxxiv-—v ; cf. note on cclxxxiv. 7.
Written in the tenth year of Tib. Claudius Caes. Aug. Germ. Imp. (A. D.
49-50). Nearly complete. 18 lines. 15-6 x 6-3 cm.
CCCXCIV. Conclusion of a similar petition complaining of the extortion of
24 drachmae and a ipariov worth 16 drachmae. About A.D. 49. 7 lines.
21 x 8-2 cm.
CCCXCV. Part of a declaration by various persons, concluding with a BactAkds
dpxos. The word ovvtavpordpos occurs. Written in the reign of Imp.
Caes. Domitianus Aug. Germ. (A. D. 81-96). 19 lines. 10-2 x 7-1 cm.
CCCXCVI. Beginning of a letter from Dionysius to his brother Sarapion,
commencing Aujovdoros Sapariwv ro. ddedpar {xatpeu| cal 6a mlavT|ds
eéppwpévm edrvxeiv. Postscript added at the top ‘Ovvedpis 6€ cor peyadros
316 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
evxapiotet. emel 5€ perpiws elye rd Tiy Gpay eveonudvOn ovk cicyvo€g cor
ypld\wa. Address on the verso. Late first century. 9 lines.
5:I X 12-1 cm.
CCCXCVII. Letter written by Glaphyra announcing the dispatch of various
‘ articles, &c. The words Bovxiat and koAdvpar occur. Early first century.
Nearly complete but effaced in parts. 31 lines. 20-5 x7 cm.
CCCXCVIII. Letter beginning amjyyeAtrar Trodeplaliols t\mnperns, much effaced.
Dated in the ninth year of Tiberius Caes. Aug., Phaophi (A.D. 22).
13 lines. After a blank space is another letter in a different hand, dated
Payni 19, mentioning the eleventh year (A. D. 24-5). Incomplete. 16 lines
35°5 X 7-1 cm.
CCCXCIX. Letter from Apollonius to Dionysius announcing the despatch of
an dvyAdtns with two donkeys, and asking for news. First century.
Incomplete. 17 lines. 13 x9-5 cm.
CCCC. Letter from Dionysius to another Dionysius about a cargo and the
dispatch of wine, bread, cheeses, &c. Late first century. Complete, but
stained in parts. 30 lines. 23-8 x 9-5 cm.
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
HOPODeVRtiWwNCHUS: PAPY RI, A Rail
THE principal reviews of our first volume and articles upon individual papyri
contained in it are :—A ¢henaewm, Aug. 20, 1898, pp. 247-8 ; F. Blass, Lzterarisches
Centralblatt, July 16, 1898, pp. 1074-6, Neue Fahrbiicher f. klass. Alterthum,
1899, I. 30-49 (on vii, viii, ix), and Hermes xxxiv. pp. 312-5 (on cxix); W.
Crénert, Preuss. Fahrb. xciv. pp. 527-540; O. Crusius, Beil. zur Miinch. Allgem.
Zeit., Oct. 5, 1898, pp. 1-4; A. Deissman, Theolog. Literaturzeitung, Nov. 12,
1898, pp. 602-6 (on xxxiii); H. Diels, Sztzwngsber. d. k. Preuss. Akad, July 7,
18y8, p. 497 (on vii and viii); G. Fraccarolli, Bollett. dt Filol. class., Oct—Nov.
1898 (on vii, xiv, xv), and Rivista di Filol., xxvii. 1; A. Harnack, Szézungsber. d. k.,
Preuss. Akad., July 14, 1898 (on iv and v); H. Jurenka, Weener Studien, 1899,
pp- 1-16 (on vii); L. Mitteis, Hermes xxxiv. pp. 88-106 (esp. on xxxiii, xxxiv,
xxxvii, xl, xlviii, lvi, lxvii, lxviii, xxi, cxxix, cxxxvi); T. Mommsen, S7z¢zangsber.
d. k. Preuss. Akad., July 7, 1898, p. 498 (on xxxiii) ; T. Reinach, Rev. des études
grecques, 1898, pp. 389-418 (on ix); F. Riihl, Rhein. Mus., 1899, pp. 151-5
(on xiii); K. Schenkl, Zeitschr. f. Oesterr. Gymn., 1848, pp. £093-5 ; O. Schulthess,
Wochenschr. f. klass. Philol., 1899, pp. 1049-1058 ; C. Taylor, ‘The Oxyrhynchus
Logia and the Apocryphal Gospels,’ Oxford, 1899 (on i); P. Viereck, Berl. Philol.
Wochenschr., 1899, pp. 161-170; G. Vitelli, Athene e Roma, I. pp. 297-302 ;
H. Weil, Rev. des ét. grecques, 1898, pp. 239-244 (on xiv and xxxiii); U. von
Wilamowitz-Mollendorff, Gétting. gel. Anz., 1898, pp. 673-704.
We give below those corrections of the texts with which, after consulting the
papyti, we agree. Questions of interpretation are not entered upon asa rule. In
the case of the papyri at Gizeh we postpone the consideration of proposed sugges-
tions until we have again seen the originals. Where no name is given, the
corrections are our own.
v. Another fragment has been found containing line 4 (recto), which now
reads mAnpot tov dvOpwmor, cal. F.C. Conybeare (Athenaeum, July 9, 1898),
A. Harnack (/. c.), and V. Bartlet (Athenaeum, Oct. 6, 1898) have pointed out
318 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
that lines 1-9 of the vecfo are a quotation from the Shepherd of Hermas, JZand.
IOs
vii. 5. GuBpore is for 7uBpore (Diels). The ode has probably lost nothing at
the beginning.
xii. I. 13-15. 1. révtwy cata rév tpirov eé[mt ‘Poépuns of tijuntal tpalrov ex] tod
dyjpov 7pé0naav (Wilamowitz).
xv. IT. 5, 10, 15. 1. AYA€Il MOI! for AYAEIMO! (Wilamowitz).
€
Sail JUL Gs Ihe ér{[e]] for 6m, and IV. 1. 61aBadddvtwy (Blass).
Our arguments from the resemblance of this papyrus to the Bacchylides
MS. have failed to convince Mr. Kenyon, who (Palacography, pp. 75-7) adheres
to his former date for that MS., the first cent. B.c. We should, however, be dis-
posed in the present state of papyrus palaeography to place less reliance than he
does upon ‘test letters’ for distinguishing the hands of different periods. The
two letters which he selects (p. 73) as the most decisive criteria for literary papyri
of the Ptolemaic period, the A in which the right hand oblique stroke is formed
separately from the rest of the letter, and the = in three disconnected strokes,
are hardly satisfactory. This form of A is very common in the Roman period,
as well as in the Ptolemaic, e. g. the Harris Homer (Brit. Mus. Pap. CVII,
probably of the first cent. A.D.), O. P. I. vii, xii, xiii, xv, xviii, xxiii, xxiv, xxvi,
xxviii, besides numerous instances in the present volume; and = made by three
distinct strokes is commonly used in ccxxiii, which is of the third century, just
as the archaic I (Z) occurs in the Roman period, e. g. G. P. I. ii, and cexii of this
volume. The Ptolemaic characteristics of some letters, especially M, =, Y, in the
Bacchylides papyrus, do not seem to us to outweigh the Roman characteristics
of others, especially E, K, N, =, GW, and the general resemblance of the MS. to
some uncial papyri of the first and second centuries A. D.
xxxii. The lower part of this papyrus has been found since our original
publication. The end of the letter runs as follows :—
WY Valo oo508c emcee Ges|idie yee Pee
Cleric W7Z@dlo sano deen on
[A[b.pre.5 085 3.66 Peel nomecroca coro a
MG UP otodlaas Wedladaconcsss
illum uti. . .Jupsel.... - inter-
cessoris ult i\lum colmmendarem
estote felicissi|mi domine to-
tis annis cum [tuts omnibus
30 benle agentes
hanc epistulam ant e) ocu-
HOW ORRIN GLAS) eA YIRL, fAl Rede VT 319
los habeto domine puta t\o
me tecum loqui
wale
xxxiii. II. 13, note. dpuoxayadia is a mistake for dpiAoKadoxayadia (Crusius).
Mommsen considers that the emperor in the papyrus can be Commodus,
since M. Aurelius is called d’vus Antoninus in C. I. L. IIT. 239.
xxxiv. I. 5. 1. [ells 1d [rpsa|kovtdxAewrov, and II. 7 dAdo mm for dAdov
(Wilamowitz).
xxxix. 4. 1. (Pappod0c x0) SeBaor(7) for ceonp(ermpérns) ; cf. the duplicate copy,
ecexvii, where SeBaor7 is clear.
xliii verso. I. 7, 10. al. Wilamowitz suggests that the abbreviation at the
beginning of the line is for pds, which makes good sense, but the comma-shaped
sign which would represent the 7 comes after the p, not above it.
V. 6. 1. KéAoBos for xoAoBds (Wilamowitz).
xlv. 2 and xlvi 2. 1. of doyodovpevor for d1acxoAovpevor.
xlviii. 6, xlix. 8. 1. i275 Ala Tv “Advov (W. M. Ramsay, Wilamowitz).
lii. 16. Tepropdrav—=TedAtwparav (Wilamowitz).
lix. 14. 1. ’AwoAAo#éwva (Wilamowitz).
Ixii verso. 8. 1. Quorceps for Quoicadas.
Ixvi. 10. 1. Mytpode[pou........ for Mnrpode[pov avdipray, and in 18 dvdpiav
(i.e. avdpelav) for avdprav (Wilamowitz).
Ixviii. delete note on 34-5 (Wilamowitz).
Ixix. 14. 1. (3é)ovcay for otcay (Wilamowitz).
Ixxii. 5. 1. Séverra for “Evenra.
Ixxiv. 21.1. & veyjoovt(ar) wept, and in 23 vopod b1a, cf. ccxlv.
Ixxviii. 16. Sadocrapfov may be read Ladovrapiov. The Latin Salutaris
is meant (Wilamowitz). ;
Ixxxi. The verso contains eleven lines of an account.
Ixxxvi. 20-2. |. els dvfalv) nv] pe xataorivar TO plore mpoloé|re élyrvxeiv
(Wilamowitz).
Ixxxix. 4 and xc. 3. 1. (81a) o(roAdywv) for A(__) of(rov), cf. cclxxxix.
xevi. 2 and 26. 1. ov GA(Aors) for cvvad(Aaxrys ?) (Wilcken, Gr. Ost. I. p. 576).
Cf. cclxxvi. 11.
c. 4. 1. [.JerravaBarely TO Kai "ANOae?, the name of a deme; cf. xcv. 15
Dworxocptov rod cat AOaéws.
cv. 13. l. “Apluwvos, 16 Atos em’ aero, and 19 (mhplolropy rdAloladov
(Wilamowitz).
cxvi. 19. 1. xadjs for paxns (Wilamowitz).
exvii. On perewpidi(o)v, cf. introd. to ccxxxvill.
320
lie;)):
on i.
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS TO PART I
CxViii. 21-3. |. dyalOa ed|xouevos |emiOv\e (Wilamowitz).
Cxix. 12, TweTAdvyKav jpas éxe(t is what is meant (Wilamowitz, Blass, Hermes
but ys was apparently written, not yuas.
13. |. Aumev (i. €. Aoumdv) for Avpor (Wilamowitz).
exxii. 5. 1. (Hdjéws for [ed0|éws, and in 12 ® xprlon Hd€|a[s (Wilamowitz).
cxxiii. 3. There should be a full stop after juas (Wilamowitz). Delete note
clxvii. Written on the verso. On the recto ends of five lines.
clxxi. Text of the census return given on p. 208 of this volume.
clxxviii. For Seras read Heras.
PN Dar Cacs
I. NEW CLASSICAL AND THEOLOGICAL FRAGMENTS.
Numbers in heavier type are those of the papyri; small Roman
dyads 210. verso 4 ef saep.;
211. 15, 47.
"Aydbov 212 (4). 4.
*Ayapepvov 221. vi. 28.
dyyedos, 210. recio 5, 6.
ayew 211. 26.
*Aynoidaos 222. ii. 29.
*Aynoidapos 222. i, 16.
dyxaAn 219. 14.
dyvoeiy 221, i. 21.
ayopavopixds 221. x. 16.
ayy 221. vii. 16.
dyovia, 221. xii. 36.
adeAdds 211. 11.
ddtxeiy 215. ii. 14.
Geo @a 218 (a). 12.
a@avatos 214. recto 10.
aberciy 221. xv. 8, 25.
*"AOnva 221. xv. 1.
*AOnvaios 216. ii. 21; 221. x.
16; 222.1. 26, 40, 43.
dOpows 221. xii. 9g.
aiavns, 213 (2). 5.
Atyias 222. ii. 10.
Atyidas 222. il. 26.
Alyuwnms 222. i. 15.
Aiveas 2.21. xiv. 33.
aipey 214. verso 13.
Aioytdos 220. v. 6, Xi. 4.
aixpadoros 216. ii. 3.
akaipos 221. xvi. 13.
axapd.os (?) 213 (a). 8.
_ akoras 211. 5.
numerals indicate columns.
dkovew 211. 9, 38; 214. reclo
I1; 218. ili. 20.
*Axpayavtivos 222. i. 18.
d\aorwp PAA Teac
a\extop 219. 9, 21.
adnOivds 212 (a). Us
adiSpocos 219. 11.
*AAkatveros 222. ii. 7.
"ANkaios 221. xi. Q.
*Adkudv 220. Vv. marg.
adAnAopayos 221. x. 12.
adXowody 221. i. 7.
dros 212 (a). ii. 8,
apapttpes 221, x. 12.
dpeivoy 214. verso 16 ; 217. 2.
Gppos 2d Se 226
*"Appovios Aupoviov p. 66.
apive 214, recto 6.
dvaywookew 221. i. 3.
dvaykn 216. 11. 9.
avageows 221. xvii. 18.
avaipew 221. vi. 14.
*Avakpedvtecov 220. Vii. 3,
Vili. 18, 1X. 5, X. IT.
avaprnots 218. i. 6.
avaraotos 220. Vii. I1,X. 3, 9.
avartiooew 221. i. 22.
avatiOevac 215. i. 11.
aveptaios 212 (a). ii. 10.
ap 219. 20; 221. ili. 7,
KUL 7s XV Los
avOparevos 221, 1x. 34.
"AvOpwros 222. li. 3.
WwW
dvOpwros 210. verso 28; 211.
12; 214. verso18; 215.
16 BG LR PAIK ING i/s
Evopos 221. x. 34-
dvriBodeiv 212 (a). ii. 6.
dvrixatad\dacoew 216. i. 3.
*Avtidoxos 221. vi. 27.
dvtyaptupe 221. xvii. 14.
dyrios 218 (a). 12.
avrirdgoe 221. xiv. 32.
dvr@vupia, 221. xvii. 12.
dya.otos 214. recto I.
a&tos 212 (a). ii. 175;
Xda sp XAVa dds
aoworaros, 221. ix. 14.
dradés 221. xiv. 9.
dravevde 214. recto 9.
dren 216. i. I, ii. 19.
amevat 211. 4.
arobyyckew 218. ii. 8.
arokortew 220. vill. 16.
aroxreive 218. i. 13.
arodeixew 221. ill. 33.
*"ATroAddapos 222. ii. 20.
dmoddiva 211. 43; 216. ii. 1 ;
219. 16.
*Ard\Nov 211. 43.
arorviyew 211. 1.
aropew 219. 15.
drép@nros 216. ii. 10.
aroreivey 221. Xi. 25.
aroredety 220. ix. I0.
droreuvew 218. li. 4.
221.
322
dropaive 221. ix. 6.
dropopt 221. xvii. 8.
anrew 220. vii. Io.
*Apyeios 214. recto 4, 8, 13.
TAs 222. 2. 16; 8; 20;
Bits BO bh Leb
"Apyos 221. xvi. 29.
apyupodivns 221. ix. 2, 9.
dpnyew 214. verso 19.
"Apns 218. ii. 8.
"Apirrapyewos 221. iv. 22,
XI, L5.
*Apiorapxos 221. iv. 7, ix. 6,
Xe 315 MV O, XVa0L 7 XVI.
20.
’Aptotovkos 221, ill. 30.
dpiatos 214. recto 4.
*ApiororeAns 221. ix. 37,
xiv. 30.
*Aptorodayns 221.1 18, x. 36,
xiii. 20.
*Apioray 222. ii. 16, 33.
Gppa 221. xii. 32.
aporos 211. 39.
*Apaidoxos 222. i. 5.
dpxaios 221. xvil. 33.
apxew 217. 10.
dpxn 211. 46; 217.11 ; 220.
xe, Ale
don 221. xi, 18.
*AaokAnmiddevov 220. xiv. 9, 14.
domis 221. vil. 13.
*Aoteporaios 221. vi. 19,
vil. 6.
doroxe 219. 21.
"Aatidos 222. i. 4, (Acrupos)
The at fe
dromos 221. xiv. 32.
*Arrixds 221. ili. 10, 27.
avAnrikés 221. ix. 12.
aihov 221. xiv. 18, 19.
avédvew 221. ii. 6, xiii. 25.
avénrix@s 221. Xi. 31.
avpiov 211. 8.
apapew 211.
1b. fe
dpaipecis 220, iii. 3.
apavitew 221. xii. 35.
apanorikas 221. xi. 14.
apieva 211. 8.
220.
253
INDICES
aduxveioOar 215. ii. 10.
apioracOa 220. X. 15,
apobos 221. xv. 12.
*Adpodirn 211. 16;
Vili. 13.
"Ayatds 214. recto 17, 18.
"AyeAGos 221. ix. 2 ef saep.
*Ayidevs 221. xii, 18; 25,
ON Buln 205 13%
220.
Badigew 211. 7; 219. 15.
Bd@os 221. ix. 27.
Babis 218. ii. 16.
BapBapos 216. ii. 20.
Bapuroveiy 221. li. 22.
Baowela 217. 4.
BeBawos 215. i. 15.
BuigerOa 218 (c). 5.
Bios 219. 19.
Body 211. 2.
PdaBeiv 215. ii. 30.
PAaBy 215. iii. 3, 12.
Bonbeiv 221. xiv. 30.
BovrAcoOa 211. 25; 215. i. 9.
Bpaxts 220. iii. 20, vill. 4,
ix. 9.
Bopos 211. 24.
ydpos 211. 50.
yavpiav 220. v. 3.
yevernp 214. recto 10.
yeuxds 221. i. 25.
yevos 220. vii. 9.
yepas 214. recto 8.
yy 211. 51; 221. xvii. 29.
yivecOa 211. 18, 46; 214.
recto 13; 215. 1. 2; 218.
ii, 18.
ywookew 221. xvi. 33.
TAvxépa 211. 45.
y\éooa 221. x. 28.
yrjows 211. 38.
your 211. 26;
IXe nye.
yovatkeios 801.
yun 212 (a). Or
Il. 2.
220. viii. 7,
218.
Sayudvoy 215. il. 17.
Aapaynros 222. ii. 17, 30.
Aavits 222. 1. 8, 20.
daravav 221. x. 29.
dante 218 (a). Lo.
AapSavos 214. recto 11.
Saovvew 221. xiv. 2.
dedorxevar 215. 1. 7, ii. 13, 26.
SeciAn 221. ili. 6.
SeieXos, 221. iii, 4, 8, 12,
xii. 2.
Secxvovar 221. vi. 6.
12, 1-7 ED Oo a
Xu. I.
deiy 215. il. 25
Oewds 216. il. 14.
déxrns 218 (c). 13.
d€vdpov 210. verso 16.
beEi@ors 221. xv. 19.
d€os 215. ii. 8.
deordris 218 (0). 10.
déxeoOa 211. 32.
Anyntnp 221. ix. 18.
Snpoxparia 216, ii. 11.
Ojos 218. il. 14.
Snpoo.s 218. ll. 15; 221.
xiil. 14; 222. i. 6, 31.
OiaBaors 221. i. 9.
Stapety 221. xiv. I.
Sidkoopos 221. vi. 17, 22, 23.
Ataxropidns 222. ii. g.
SiahapBavew 215. i. 19; 221.
Viv, LO, il. 250,
ScadAadooew 211. 45.
duadyyis 215. i. 23.
Siapapravery 216. 1. 7.
Stavocicbat 215. i. 21.
Suappeiy 221. i. 17.
duaoré\New 221. x. 17.
Sidorypa 221. ili. 14.
diarpiBew 221. ili. 28.
diavdos 222. i. 8 ef saep.
diBpaxus 220. i. 8.
diddvac 211. 39.
Aldupos 221. x. 12, xVii. 27.
SunyeioOa 218. il. 23.
Supynuarixds 221. xi. 3.
duxafew 216. li. 23.
dikn 211. 32.
Siperpov 220. viii. 6, ix. 18.
StopOwrixds 221, xv. 25, Xvil.
30.
I. NEW CLASSICAL AND THEOLOGICAL FRAGMENTS 323
Sirodta 220. vill. I.
SiavAXaBos 220. iil.
Io.
divypos 218 (a). 6.
Oty@s 221. x. 31.
Soxety 220. vi. I, Vil. 10.
Sodixds 222. 1. G ef saep.
Sduos 213 (2). 2; 220. xiil. 4.
Soéaev 215. il. 18.
dépu 214. verso 12; 221. ili.
18, vil. 5.
Sovdeia 216. i. 2.
Sovdevery 216. il. g.
Spoowdns 221. xiv. 9.
OvvacGa 210. recto 3; 215. i.
21; 219. 9; 220. ix. 17.
duoxéAados 220. xi. 6.
dvorvyx7s 218 (2). 8.
ducxepos 221 (a). 9.
dvaxpynotos 221. vii. 14.
Awdarvn 221. ix. 21.
Apis 211. 2, 14, 22.
nia} Sab
eyxaradeize 216. li. 16; 219.
22.
éykAnpa 218. il. 18.
eykNivey 221. 1. 6.
éyxedus 221. ix. 29, X. 17,
Xvii. 7.
eyxe@pwos 218. ii. Lo.
os 218 (4). 2.
edeXew 220. xi. 2.
cidévat 218 (a). 5.
cixehos 218 (a). 4.
eixdvigpa 218 (2). 3.
cixov 210. verso 18, 20.
eioepyeoOa 211. 9, 28.
ciotevat 211. 30, 49.
exxarew 211. 34.
éxxeiobac 220. vi. 5.
éxovotos 213 (a). 11.
exminrew 221, xi. 2.
“Exrop 214. recto 5.
eXattovy 215. il. 16, 18.
eddxtatos 3808.
eAevdepia 216. i. 2, il. 15.
&ué 214. verso 14; 221. ix.
15.
eANetnew 211. 6; 221. vi. 13,
ix. 30.
"EAAny 211. 33.
“EAAnuixds 219. 18.
eAmis 216. ii. 8.
éppevey 216. li. 13.
éurakw 218 (a). 8.
eumedos 214. verso 14.
eumoeiv 218. 1, 10.
eppaivey 22). ix. 11.
evad\Adooety 220. ili. 13.
evavtios 221. xi. 20.
evapxeo Oa 211. 23.
évdoy 211, 21.
evdvey 211. 16; 221. x. 23.
eveivat 218 (a). 7.
evepyew 221. X. 19.
évOovoray 221. xii. 8.
evtodn 221. xi. 33.
e€ariyns 214. recio 1.
efarratav 216. il. 20.
e&evapiCew 214. recto 5.
e€epxeoOa 211. 14.
efevptoxew 220. vy. 2.
€&js 220. vii. 13; 221. xii.
220 XV2Os
e&tevar 211. 27.
e£0x7 221. ix. 29.
eneivat 212 (a). il. 17; 220.
1X 20s
eneferatew 211. 17.
emepaotos 219. 18.
éreoOar 220. 1. 13.
enu(yrety 216. 1. 6.
emtAavOdavery 211. 41.
emmew 221. xX. 21.
ertotacba 216. ii. 14.
emtoroAn 216. i. 1, li. 19.
emttatrew 216. ll. 22.
emriOevaa 211. 25;
28; 219. 23.
gpa 221. x. 28.
epay 219. 22.
épatewos 221. xi. 6.
epew 210. verso 13.
epenterOar 221. X. 29.
epynpia 218 (0). 4.
“Eppartas 221. il. 17.
épvov 219. 17.
épxecOa 212 (a). i. 2; 214.
recto 2.
épws 220. viil. 13.
YZ
215. ii.
eaOiew 221. x. 23, xvii. 28.
€omepos 221. ill. 14.
Erepos 211. 49.
érépws 221. ix. 16.
éroipos 214. verso 5.
evayyeAvoy 211, 18.
evoatovia 215. i. 32.
evdds 211. 13.
evxatpetv 215. il. 2.
eikoopios 218. il. 9.
eUAoyos 220. Xil. 10.
evAdyos 221. il. 7.
etpeTns 220. v. 4.
Evpimidns 221. vi. 17.
etpioxew 211. 36.
evpis 221. ix. ro.
evpwomia 221. 1x. 15.
evoeBeca 215. i. 16.
evtuxety 211. 19, 32.
edruxns 213 (0). 7.
epoppay 221, xil. 7.
"Eqopos 221. ix. 21.
éxew 212 (a). ii. 2, 4,6; 213
(a). 73 214. recfo18 ; 218.
il. 19; 219. 5; 220. vil.
II ef saep.
¢axopos 218. il. 14.
Cevyyiva: 221. xv. 32.
Zevs 211. 20; 212 (a). ii. 1,
I4; 214. reciéo 10; 215.
bay te HAR PPLOR ATE 175
221. xv. 23.
(pdérumos 211. 12.
(iy 214. recto 2; 218 (c). 3.
Qnreiv 218. ili. 12.
(vyopayew 221. xv. 31.
(Gov 221. xv. 31.
Zemupos 218. il. 7.
7Ba 220. ix. 16.
jyetcbar 218 (0). 10.
Hycpovia 216. i. 6.
nyepov 221. vi, 25.
7Oovn 215. il. 5.
"HAcios 222. il. 14.
jus 212 (a). il. 153
ite, 03h
jpepa 218. il. 12.
nuika Z2O. vil. 11.
221.
324
“Hpatevs 221, i. 3.
“HpdkA\ea 221. ix. 8.
“Hpak\js 214. recfo 8, 11.
"“Hpaoros 221. xiv. 31.
nxn 214, verso 8.
nos 221. iil. 15.
Oaxabadrras 219. 22.
Oadapos 214. recto g.
Oidacoa 214. verso 3, 4, 13,
17; 221. ix. 3, ro.
Oddrew 212 (a). ii. 16.
OapBos 218 (a). 7.
Oapotive 221, Xv. 13.
Odowos 222. i. 13.
Oavpagew 215, i, 22.
Oavpaivew 221. vii. 11.
Océ 218. ili. 10.
Ocayévns 222. 1. 13.
Gehew 220. X. I, 7, Xi. 7.
Ocdyyntos 222. i. 15.
Oeds 210. verso 12, 19, 21;
Q2ll. 4; 212 (4). 7; 215.
1b yy he eee PAUSE oi ade,
23; 220. viii, 11; 221.
XV. 9, 20.
Oepdrav 212 (a). ii. 18.
Ocooads 222. ii. 21.
Ocwpeiv 218 (a). 9.
Gewpia 215. i. 31, il. 3.
OnBaios 222, 1. 5.
Onpov 222. i. 18.
Ovnoxew 214, recio 4.
Ovnros 221. xii. 23.
Opaé 221. ili. 22, xiv. 20.
Ovyarnp 211. 51; 218. ili. 15.
Ovew 211, 35; 221. be, TREE
Aveda 221. Xvi. 30.
4ipa 211. 29.
Bipage 212 (4). 3.
Ovpeds 221. xii. 1.
Owpnocew 214. recio 16. e
iapBikds 220. ix. 18.
tapBos 220. i. 7, X. 13.
"Ids 221. ili, 23.
idea 221. xv. 10.
itos 217. 7.
idi@rys 215.i.13; 221. xiv. 15.
tévar 221. vil. 12.
haavy “type > PYPYM Ro. , roma, we.' C8
INDICES
iepevs 218. ii. 8.
‘Iépov 222.1. 19, 32, (‘Tepo-
vupos?) 44.
"Incovs 210. verso 13.
idivew 214. verso 6.
ixdvew 221. xii. 10.
‘Ikavov 222. il. 5.
"Trvov 214. recio 2.
iAvs 221, 1x. 34.
“Iwepatos 222. 1. 22, ii. 24.
‘Immevs 221. vi. 3.
‘InrdBotos 222. ii, 13.
ts 214. recto 16.
icos 214, reclo 12.
ioropeiv 218, ii. 6; 221. v. 7,
xiii. 31.
“Iorpos 221. vi. 29.
ioxupds 221. x. 33.
tows 215. 1. 12.
TIraXia 222. 1. 12, 16, 25.
ixOuBoros 214. verso 15.
ixOvs 221. ix. 31, X. 17, 27,
xvii. 7.
tyvos 221. xv. 20.
*Twvixds 220, vil. 9, 15-
kabapés 221. i. 24.
kaOnxew 215. 11.6; 221.x.34.
Kadyovxager 219. 24.
kaOoXou 215. ii. 30 ; 220.ix. 6.
kai pov 211. 27; 212 (a).
iis TS}
kaiew 218. il. 12.
Karxos, 214. reclo 15.
kawos 220. Vv. 4.
xawdcopos 220. vi. 3.
katpos 216. ii. 9; 217. 6.
kaxos 218 (6). 6; 218. ili. 11;
221. xi. I.
kdaNauos 221. ix. 12, 16.
kalew 219. 19.
Kallas 222. i. 26.
KadXipayos 221, Xv. 33.
KadAtoTros 222. 1. 41.
KadXiorparos 221. xvii. 21.
ka\Aorn 219. 4.
kdduBe (dat.) 218 (a). 6.
Kaduwo@ 221. xv. 3.
kad@s 211. 14, 40; 215.1. 19.
Kapapwaios 222. il. 22.
kavovy 211. 22.
cavov 220. iii. 6, xii. TI.
kapdia 219. 23.
kaprés 210. verso 16; 221.
ix. 20,
kaprepety 216. ii. 13.
cataypapew 220. xiv. II.
katabvew 215. i. 9.
karadvjpuos 219. 16.
katakalew 218. il. 6.
karak\vopds 218. i. 12.
karadapBavery 221, xii. 27.
karanéye 221. ix. I.
karaNeirew 220. Vill. 3, ix. 12,
bs Mn yf
karaAnktixds 220. ix. 19.
kararrovety 221. Xvii. Q.
katackevn 221. xi. 3.
katdotnpa 221. iil. g.
katariOevar 220. xii. 11.
karéyew 215, il. 27; 217. 1.
kurnyopia 218. ii. 22.
kdta 220. v. marg.
Keios 222. ii. 18.
keipew 221, ix. 29.
KeAns 222. i. 6 ef saep.
Kyrov 222. ii. 27.
Kipov 222. il. 28.
kwdvuvevey 221. xil. 33.
kivduvos 221. xii. 26, 36.
kalew 219. 16.
KXetrapxos 218. ii. 7.
KAeddwpos 222. il. 19.
K\ewvuios 222. ii. 4.
kdivew 214. recto 3:
khvew 214. recfo 10, 17.
xvion 221. xvii. 21-4.
KoiA@pa 22]. xiv. 20.
komav 218 (a). 6.
xowodv 212 (a). ii. 18.
kow@s 221, xi. 25.
kodaows 218 (c). 12.
ké\rros 221. xii. 13.
képn 220. Xi. 15.
KopivOtos 222). 1. 27.
kparetvy 218 (0). 7.
Kparns 221. xiv. 9, xvii. 30.
kpatiatos 222. i. 17.
kpatos 211. 10.
Kpns 222. ii. 26.
1. NEW CLASSICAL AND THEOLOGICAL FRAGMENTS 325
Kpnrtikn 221. xv. 27.
Kpirov 222. il. 24.
kreivew 221, iil. 7.
Kugixnvos 302.
kuxdewv 218 (0). TO.
KukAos 808.
k@Aov 220. xi. 17.
koAdvew 221. vi. 24.
coos 213 (a). 4.
Aayxavery 214. recfo 8.
AdOpa 212 (a). ii. Ig.
Adxov 222. 1. 9, 14, 35-
AapBavew 211. 10, 50; 218.
bb By Wa BRAO adie airs
221. x. 28.
Aapioaios 222. ii. 11.
Aaxapibas 222, li. 31.
Acxov 222. 11. 18.
Aeyey 210. verso 53 211. i. 6,
al.
Neireww 216. ii. 6.
Acovtioxos 222. ii. 2, 15.
Aempedtns 222. ii. 7.
Anpvos 220. vill. 9.
Ajpos 212 (a). ii. 7.
AiGos 219. 23.
AGodv 213 (a). 9.
Aovpyns 2138 (a). 3.
Aiwyn 221. xii. g.
Nios 221. xvii. 25, 30.
Arxyvevew 221. ix. 35.
Noyaordikds 220. Xil. 2, 5.
Aoytopds 216. i. 8.
Aoyos 211. i. 4; 218. ii. 24;
221. xi. 4, Xiv. I.
Aouros 211. 41.
Aoxpés 222. i.
ith, Bye
Norrifew 218 (4). 3.
Aopos 221. xv. 29.
Avkeivos 222. ii. 34.
Avkos 222. ii. 21.
Auképpav 222. i. 40.
Advxruos 220, x. 6.
Avkov 222. ii, 11.
Avows 214. recto 12.
T25 LO 255
payetpos 211. 21.
Mawvadwos 222.1. 29,
paxapios 215. i. 17, ili. 18;
219. 20.
Mapes 221. iii. 3.
Mapoveirns 222. i. 1.
payerOa 220. X. I, 7-
paxn 218 (a). 11; 214. recto
HD PPM HI Lee bd SI Rant
22, 23.
paxtos 219. 18.
Meyak\cidns 221. ix. 3.
peyas 219. 109.
péyeOos 218. ili. 23.
pedewv 214. verso 17.
pedaivery 221. xili. 13.
pédOew 221. xvii. 27, 32.
pedAXew 211. 27, 38; 221. x. 27.
peAos 221. xvii. 28.
Mevadkns 222. i. 38.
Meveirns 220. x. 6.
Mevédaos 214, recto 3.
péptuva 221. xX. 37.
pépos 220. vil. 15;
Vi. 25.
peonpBpia 221. ili. 9.
péoos 221. vi. 14.
Meconvos 222. ii. 2, 15.
peraBawew 220. xi. 19.
peraBadrcw 221. xv. 10.
perappatew 221. ili. 29.
pereyew 220. iii. 14.
perpios 218. (c). m2:
perpov 210. ili. 12 ef saep.
ponde ev 211. 42.
Minos 222. i. 23.
pipntixds 221. xi. 3.
pipos 3801.
MirvAnvaios 222. 1. 7.
Moipa 218 (a). 12.
potxos 211. 11.
podreivy 218 (a). 11.
povoyerns 221. X. 14.
pdvos 218 (a). 2.
popiov 218. il. 5.
221.
poppy 210. verso 19; 218.
15, St
podos 214. recfo 12.
vaiew 214, verso 18; 221.
it Bye
vaupayeiv 216. il. 5.
vads 214. verso 4; 219. 15.
veavi(k)everOa 216. ii. 18.
vexpos 218. il. 15; 221.
XU
veortiov 212 (a). il. 10.
veppos 221, X. 25.
vnmeos 214. verso 11.
vkay 216. ii. 17.
Nixdpxevov 220, ili. 16,
voeiv 214, verso 2.
voice 215. i. 18, ii. 15, ill.
WS PPAOS tbe 17/0
vopipas 218. il. 17.
vouos 215. ii. 7; 216. ii. 12;
217. 8; 221. x. 16.
vovs 212 (a). lil. 2.
EdvOos 221. xi. 9, Xii. 23,
XIV. 32.
EavOds 214. recto 15.
EevorreiOns 222. i. 1.
fipos 218. il. 15;
Vii. 17.
221.
d8evew 214. verso 11.
600s 219. 5.
’Odiooea 221. iv. 21, xi. IO,
XV. 3.
’Odvacet’s 221. xv. 4.
otecba 215. il. 25, 29; 220.
Vv. I.
oinréov 221. xi. 32.
oixeios 215. i. 4.
oixrpés 218 (a). 10.
otpor 211. 9.
owos 220. vii. 5.
otyerOar 216. i. 5.
odANivar 214. recto 4.
“Opnpixds 2.21. ix. 6.
“Opnpos 221. ix. 4, Xvil. 26.
dpows 212 (a). ii. 16.
dpoovv 221, xv. 18, xvi. 18,
Xvil. 28.
dpovoe 216. ii. rt.
Oporrons 221, vil. 10.
dveidos 212 (a). ii. 8.
évia 220. ix. 15.
dvopa 221. ix. 19, XV. 8, 9.
ovopatew 221. vi. 26.
OmAitns 222. i. 4 ef saep.
326
OrAov 216. ii. 17.
’Orovvriws 222. i. 37, 38.
épav 210. verso 25, 26; 212
(a2). ii. 16; 218 (a). 3.
épards 210. verso 23.
dpyitecOa 218. 1. 9.
bpOds 221. i. 20.
6pba@s 211. 20, 37; 215. ii.
POs Bic
épus 219. 16.
oppavifew 213 (0). is
édcoodnmore 215. iii. 11.
ovkouy 215. il. 15.
ouriavos 214. verso 12.
Oia 221, ili, 11, xii. 4.
maykpariov 222. 1. 13 ef saep.
maigew 212 (a). il. 6.
mais 211. 39; 212 (4). 6;
Pals), sieig BRO) ibe, O82
22). ix. 17; 222. i. 1 ef
Saep.
madaws 220. vill. 9, 20.
man 222. i. 2 ef saep.
madw 211. 443 215. i. 5, ii.
19.
mavapioros 215, 1. 20.
mavred@s 220, vi. I.
mavy 211, 31.
mapa 218 (a). 3.
mapaBaive 218. il. 4.
mapayyeANew 218. 1. 7.
mapadcxeoOa 221. vi. 23.
mapaapBavew 220. xii. Lo.
mapapevew 218. ii. I.
mapapnkns 221. xiv. 17.
mapavopety 218. il. 22.
mapamAnoias 220. vii. 14,
IXsals
mapamrordapwos 221, xi. 5.
mapararixos 221. il. 6.
mapeoxyatos 221, XVi. 5.
mapéxew 221. xv. 20.
Tap0evevoy 220. xil, 15; 2a.
Vil. 6.
mrapOevos 220. Xi. 15.
Tlaptortxds 220. vii. 7.
Mappevidns 222. i. 33, 34-
mapowew 211. 13.
mapowos 211. 47.
INDICES
Iappacws 222. i. 41.
nacxew 211. 28; 220. xi. 2.
Taratkos 211. 37, 49.
mamnp 210. verso 6; 211. 14.
Idrpokdos 221. vi. 27.
meday 214. recio 1.
mediov 218 (4). 12; 221. xii.
10, 29.
meCouayew 216, il. 4.
meidew 22l. ili. 19.
meipa 218. ii. 2.
méAas 221. iil. 3.
Hedondvynoos 221. xvi. 28.
méeprewy 221. Xv. 24.
mevrab\ov 222. i. 4 ef saep.
mépas 221. xi. 19.
meptypapew 216. il. 7.
meprrauBave 219. 17.
mepyszaxntos 216. i. 4.
meptopicew 22l. ili. 15.
mepimatos 219. 10.
mepiomay 221. i. 28, ili. 17,
222 Os XVIen 3 =
Trepicods 221. xv. 26.
Tepica@s 221. X. 33.
meptatedrew 218. ii. 8.
mérpa 218 (a). 4.
nérpos 218 (a). 8.
mSav 221. xii. 28.
mOaves 211. 25.
mpedn 221. x. 25.
Ilivdapos 220. xii. 17; 221.
Ibis WI
medtepos (?) 212 (a). il. 20.
minre 216. ii. 2.
miotts 221. xiv. 29.
mAnbvew 221. xvii. g.
mAnpovy 302.
mAnopovy 221. xi. 18.
mvevpa 213 (a). ii
moeiy 211. 2, (kadds moray)
14, al.
mountns 221. xi. 2.
Todepeiy 216. i. 9; 221. xi.
20.
médenos 214, rveclo 9.
TloA€nwv 211. 35, 43, 49.
mots 216. 2, 21; 217. 10;
220. vi. 2; 802.
ToAvrexos 222. il. 32.
movmdaykros 214. verso 3.
movromépos 214. verso 12.
movros 214. verso Q.
mopevew 211. 15; 221. ix. g.
mopevtds 221. 1. 11.
Tlooedév 221. Xiv. 35.
Tocedwmdrns 222. i. 33.
morapos 221. ix. 5 ef saep.
morepa 215. ii. 13.
movs 214. verso 5, 16; 220.
bly Zl, Hb TTic
mpayna 212 (a). ii. 19 ; 217. 1.
IIpa&iAderov 220. ix. 2.
mpacoew 211. 44; 215. il. 11,
21.
mpiewv 220. viii. 3.
mpoavapovety 221. X. 19.
mponyeioOar 221. i. 8.
mpoOvpetcOa 211. 5.
mpobvpia 220. vi. 5.
mpoeva 220. xiii. TQ.
mpoié 211. 40.
mpoxpivew 218. i. 8.
Ipopnbevs 220. nib, By
mporeTns 211. 42, 44.
mpos Atos 215. il. 12.
mpoodyew 215. il. 9.
mporayopevery 221. vi. 29.
mpoodoxav 215. iil. 4.
mpooba 221. 1x. 14.
mpoabects 220. iil. 2.
mpoodeyew 221. xvii. 13.
mpoorOevar 221. Xvil. 34.
mpoow 221. vi. 8.
mpoepery 220. Xi. 12.
mpopvdakn 215. ill. 14.
Iparaydpas 221. xii. 20.
mrepov 220. Vill. 13.
Hrodepaios 221. i. 18, xvi. 3.
TvOokdjs 222. ii. 14.
Ilvdov 222. ii. 23.
muvoaverOa 211. 37.
mv& 222. i. 3 ef sacp.
rip 221, xvi. 20.
padias 215. iil. 8.
petOpov 214. verso 15; 221.
ib: Zig. tly DOE
pety 221. 1x. 26.
petua 221. i. 16, 1x. 7, 9-
I. NEW CLASSICAL AND THEOLOGICAL FRAGMENTS 327
pnyviva 219. 15.
pumn 221. xvil. 9.
pirrew 221. vii. 8.
“Podios 222. ii. 17, 29, 30.
pon 221, ix. 16.
popBos 221. vil. 12.
pdos 221. xi. g.
Saplas (Vadis?) 222. ii. 22.
Sadpios 22. i. 24.
capxopayeiy 221. ix. 29.
odpé 215. ii. 15; 221. ix. 34.
cadpns 220. xi. 16.
o¢Becba 215. i. 8, 22.
Dedevkos 221. vi. 15, ix. 8.
oelnyy 212 (a). ii. 15; 220.
1k, 4)
céwveapa 215. i. 30.
ceverOa 221. xiv. 33.
onpetoy 215. ili. 11; 221. xv.
12, I¥.
onpevovv p. 66,
cbcvew 213 (a). 8.
ayy 218. ii. 16.
oidnpos 218.11. 20; 221. iii. 16.
Sidavos 221. xi. 1.
SixeAia 222. ii. 2, 15.
Sixehds 218 (4). 9.
Zipovidns 220. v. marg.
ciurav 221. xi. 32, XV. 19,
23.
Skdpavdpos 221. xvi. 17 ; 222.
ia
oxnrrovxia 218 (4), 3.
oxjntpov 213 (4). 1.
okAnpos 221. x. 26.
oxoreiv 212 (a). il. 2; 220.
a6 Ys, Uy
Sopoxdjs 221. xi. 13.
onovdcios 220. X. 12.
aradtoy 222. i. I ef saep.
orevate 221. xi. 13.
orevds 221, Xi. 9, Xiv. 19, 25.
oTevoxwpew 221. xi, 8.
otepavos 211. 24.
Sryoixopos 221, ii. 11.
Srixlos 221. vi. 26.
orixos 220. viii. 5, ix. 2;
221. vi. 24.
otpati@mns 211. 41.
ouyyerns 215. ii. 4; 218. ii.
si)
ovyyevis 218. ii. 3.
ovyyvopnn 211, 48.
ovddaBf 220. iii. 9, 17, viii.
Dake Ayel3y Xl. 2.
cupmeppopa 215. il. 7.
ouprotety 211. 30.
ouppopd 218 (2). 10.
ovviiad\Adooey 211. 31.
ouveidnots 218. ii. 19.
ouveurinrey 220. x. 10.
ounOns 221. xi. 15.
avvOecin 214. recto 13.
ovvovew 211. 49.
atvrowos 218 (4) 3; 220. |
xi. 8.
opddpa 2138 (4). 7.
Syedtos 221. vi. 26.
oxnpa 220. iil. 4, vill. 2, xX. 5.
axon 212 (a). i. 3.
o@tev 221. xii. 18.
Topper 301.
tadavrov 211. 40.
ta&is 216. li. 15.
tarewwds 215. ii. 17.
Tapaytivos 222. i. 10, 28, 36.
tapos 218. ii. 6.
téOpimmov 222. i. 18 ef saep.
reixifew 213 (0). 6.
Teixos 216. ii. 2.
Tekunptoy 211, 33.
Texvoy 219. 14.
Tedevtaios 220. iii. g, Xill. 2;
221. ii. 9.
TeNecovv 220. vill. 6.
TedNov 222. 1. 29.
Tedos 221. x. 17.
Tepvew 220, 1X. 3.
Tepmikepauvos 220. Vii. 17.
Tevx«pos 221. vi. 28.
Téws 221. xv. 31.
TKew 221. xvii. 22.
TnAtkovTos 215. i. 29.
Tndrepos 214. recio 5, 9, 16.
topew 219. 14.
ridevar 220. x.17, Xi. 4; 221.
Vil. 17.
Tiysav 215. ii. 2, 26.
TipavOns 222. ii. 4.
TipvvOos 222. i. 42.
Totyapovy 211.13; 218 (a). 9.
Toros 218. ii. 10 ; 221. xiv. 17.
tpaytkds 212 (4). 2; 221. iil. 5.
Tpaxndos 221. xv. 30.
tpepew 221. ix. 16.
Tpipetpov 220. xiv. 4.
Tpiokakooaijov 211. 3.
TpiavAdaBos 220. xi. Lo.
tpomos 211. 33; 215. ili. 11;
217. 5; 220. ili. 15.
tpopy 219. 17.
Tpoxatos 220. vii. 13.
Tpoxés 218 (64). 9.
Tpipav 219. 13.
Tpdes 214. recio 13;
XVi. 34.
tuyxave 211. 48; 215. i. 6.
Tup® 221. xii. Io.
tupArds 221. xii. 17.
Tvxn 218 (4), To.
221.
UBpi¢ew 212 (a). He Bee
UBpis 212 (a). ii. 7.
vyaivew 219. 24.
bylera 220. ix. 5.
bypos 221. ix. ro.
vdwp 220. vil. 55 221. ix.
nay Ploy bath Tish oh atsh
XVil. 29, 30.
tuds 211. 50.
vAn 221. vi. 7.
tmaxovew 216. ii. 22.
trap 211. 36.
Drapyev 215. i.
Bah Sty ie
brépev 211. 7.
tmepriOevar 220. Xil. 3.
umoBad\ew 218. ii. 20.
UrokapBavew 215. li. 20.7
brodnyis 215. ii. 10.
tropevew 210. recio 4.
dropynpa 220. xii. 15.
trootpew 221. xil. 33.
UroriGevae 218. ii. 14 ;
XV. 30.
troxwpeiv 221. xv. 6.
ts 211, 21.
vorepov 211. 23.
16; 220.
221.
328
cbaivew 211. 26; 220. ix. 14.
Padaikewos 220. iil. 8, vill.
8, 15.
pavat 221. i. 33 ef saep.
pepew 210. verso 11, 14, 153
212 (a). ii. 18; 215. iii. 3 ;
218. ii. 11 ; 219. 17 ; 220.
Vii. 5.
pevyew 220. ix. 16.
grey 211. 31.
Pireivos 211. 51.
pidtoros 222. i. 36.
idos 211. 45 ; 219. 13; 220.
i. 10 ef saep.
prdripos 218. ill. 22.
prorpdop.oy 219, 20.
cpruxtis (pruntis) 221. xvii. 18.
gpdvapta 212 (a), il. 7.
Poimé 221. vi. 27.
Poimcoa 221. ili. 5.
howiooew 214. recto 15.
ppagew 214. recto 12.
pny 218 (a). To.
II.
Protemy AULETES.
INDICES
ppovnpa 216. i. 5.
porvritew 221. iil. 35.
pvyixos 221. iii. 4 ; 222. ii. 6.
pvew 220. iil. 1.
prddooew 219. 13; 221. xi.
SURE f
pvos 215.1. 3; 218. il. 1 ;
221. xi. 4.
opav 218. il. 13.
xadxeos 221. vii. 9.
xapies 215. i. 11 ; 220. i. 9.
xaptlecOa 215. ii. 1; 220. vi. 2.
xapis 215. ili. 7; 219. 19.
xapior@via 215. ii. ro.
xeysdppous 221. xiv. 16.
Xetos 222. i. I.
xelp 221. vii. 8.
Xetporovety 218. li. 13.
xEtporovntos 217. 10.
xetpoov 221. xvi. 16.
xXetpa 214. recto 15.
x9av 214. verso 2, 6.
xopragew 221. xi. 16.
xpatopety 214. recto 7.
xpnv 211. 17.
xpnoda 212 (a).ii. 12; 215.
ii. 8; 220. iii. 6, 19.
xpovxds 221. i. 5.
xpovos 218.1. 11; 221. ii. 10.
Xpuadrodis 802.
xopa 220. i. 14, iil, II, ix.
{5 3585 Jip
xopitery 221, ix. 35> Xvii. 6.
xepis 211. 3; 215. iii. 5.
X@pos 214. verso 7.
Wuyn 219 (4). 8.
Wuxopayety 219. 20.
dn 212 (2). 8.
okeavds 214. verso 103; 221.
Ke LOs
@pa 214. verso 1.
domep 212 (a). ii. 9, 15.
KINGS AND EMPERORS.
TIroAepaios beds Néos AwWvucos Pitordtap &rddeApos 236 (a). 1, (4). 1. (om. Neos
Atévucos 2?) 236 (c). 1.
AuGUuSTUS.
Kaioap 277. 16, 19; 288. 35; 314; 374.
@cbs Katoap 257. 21, 37.
Ocbs Zeds 'ENevOeptos SeBactds 240. 4; 253. 17.
TIBERIUS.
TiBepios 235. 5.
TiB. Kaicap Néos SeBaords Abroxpdtwp Ocod Aws "Eevbepiov ZeBacrod vids 240. 3; (om.
Néos) 258. 16.
TiB. Kaicap Néos SeBaords Abroxpdrwp 259. 4.
TB. Kaioap S<Bacrés 240. 9; 244.7; (72d. Caesar Aug.) 16; 245. 7, 25; 252. 15,
18; 253. 12, 24; 259: 22; 278. 8) 29, 40, 41; 287.13) 288. 1, 7, 11, 16) 20) 25,
29, 31; 291. 3; 298.18; 294. 33; 805; 309; 311; 322; 323; 350; 3651;
352; 353; 354; 356; 367; 382; 383; 384; 386; 398.
Il. KINGS AND EMPERORS. 329
Gaius.
Tatos Kaioap Teppavkds Néos SeBacros Adtoxparwp 267. 12, 23, 27, 30, 32.
Tatos Kao, 38. Tepp. 312; 319.
Tatos Kao. S¢8. 315.
Taios Kato, Adtoxp. 355.
Crauntus.
TiBepios KAavdwos Kaicap SeBuords 366.
T.B. KAavd. Kaw, SB. Tepp. Adroxp. 251. 15, 18, 353; 255. 14, 25; 264. 13, 19, 23;
267. 38; 279.5; 283.3, 20; 284.7; 285.7,16; 297.13; 808; 818; (om.
Avroxp.?) 816; 324; 325; 368; 393.
Ocds KNavdios 250. 14, 18.
Nero.
Néepav KAavdios Kao, Se. Tepp. Adroxp, 239. 6, 18; 246. 11, 24; 250. 6; 260. 5,
17, 21; 261.1; 262. 7, 13, 16, 20; 268.19; 269. i. 6, 13, 18, 20; 271. 1, 9, 13;
271. 1, 9, 13; 272. 29; 275. 34, 45; 289.1. 1; 8304; 306; 310; 318; 320.
Népwy Kaicap 6 kipwos 246. 30, 33, 36.
Néepov 243. 12; 248. 32; 257. 26, 31; 258. 22; 361.
GaLBa.
Aovxtos AiBtos Sova| mikios Ta\Bas.. .| Avrokp. 377.
Sepowwos TadBas Avrokp. Kauo. S<8. 289. ii. 1.
Orno.
Av’rokp. Mapxos "O0wv Kao. 38. 289. il. 3.
VESPASIAN.
Abroxp. Oveoractavds Kava, S¢8. 289. ii. 6.
Atroxp. Kao. Oveom, 5€8, 288.6 ; 242. 29; 248.43; 268. 4,21; 276.3; 361; 362;
863 ; 372; 376.
Oveoractavos 381.
Geds Oveoracravds 248. 15; 249. 14; 257.13; 286. 7.
Titus.
Airokp. Tiros Kaicap Oveoractavis 3¢8. 248.35; 249. 25; 289.1. 11; 373; 380.
cds Tiros 369.
DomiTIAn.
Adrokp. Kato. Aoputiavos 38. 286. 28 ; 289. i. 14, 17.
Avrokp. Kato. Aow. 38. Tepp. 247. 38; 257. 9, 39; 258. 13, 23, 26; 265.1; 266.
I, 13; 270. 1, 27; 273.1; 280.6; 290, 2; 331; 333; 3384; 336; 337; 339;
858; 364; 378; 379; 385; 395.
Aopiriavos 6 KUpios 274. 15.
Aoputiavds 237. Vii. 393 Vill. 43.
Nerva.
Avroxp. Népovas Kato. 3<8. 371.
Népovas 6 kupios 274. 24, 29, 39.
TRAJAN.
Ad’rokp. Kao. Népovas Tparavos <8. Vepp. 840; 348; 346.
Behe
Haprian.
‘Adptavos Kaiaap 6 kuptos 287. Vil. 37.
“Adptavds p. 151; 237. vill. 43.
Ocds ‘Adpiavds 237. vii. 20, 30, Vill. 7.
ANTOoNINUS Pius.
INDICES
*Avravives Katcap 6 kvpwos 237. Vill. 18; p. 208.
@cds AtAtos Avrwvivos 237. vill. 18.
Ill MONTHS AND DAYS.
Egyptian. Macedonian.
000
Paar
*AOup
Xotak : Tlepirwos 236 (a), (0) 4.
Tope
Mexeip
Pappovde
Papevoad
Tlayov
Hav
"Ereip
Meoopy - ‘YrrepBeperevos 380.
eTrayopevat Tpepat
Mechir die oct. 244. 17.
(a) MONTHS.
Roman.
ZeBaords 238. 12; 2389. 15; 275. 36,
47; 276. 4; 288. 21, 34; 289. ii. 6,
17; 3822; 343.
Tepparixos 266. 2; 390.
Aopurtavds 237. Vill. 43.
ke SeBaords 261. 2; 285. 14; 287. 2;
288.1; 324; 325; 381; 389.
Nepavetos ZeBacrds 268. 19.
286. 29; 289. 1.3, 4, 6, 15, il. 5, 10, 13,
16; 800. 11 (?); 363; 364.
Zornpws 289. i. 9.
{29 269. i. 14, 19, 21; 272. 31;
( Kacapewos 242. 10; 264. 14, 21, 25;
266. 5) 269) 165) ave 2.6) nee
274. 16, 40; 283. 12, 21; 289. i. 8,
i. (9, 105) 883 871s) 8777 a80:
Nepavetos (?) 355.
(2) Days.
Paap. a, kara d€ apxatous Paddi ca 285. 5.
juéepa "lovNia SeBaorn (Caesareus 15) 283. 11, 21.
nHEépa ZeBaorn 387 (?) ; (Sebastus 8) 276. 4 ; (Phaophi) 288. 32; (Phaophi 4) 289. ii.
16 ; (Neos Sebastus 20) 825 ; (Mecheir 27) 262. 18; (Pharmuthi 27) 289. ii. 14;
(Pharmuthi 29) 317 (cf. p. 319); (Phamenoth 29) 289. i. 2; (Pachon) 267. 33;
(Germaniceus 18) 269. i. 14, 19, 213
(Pachon 27) 267. 23, 28, 31; (Germaniceus 29)
289. i. 4, 6; (Payni) 288. 5; (Payni 20) 810; (Payni 21?) 288. 19; (Caesareus 15)
264. 21, 25; (Caesareus 6th intercalary day) 380.
TV.
PERSONAL NAMES
San
IV. PERSONAL NAMES.
[See also Index VII.]
"ABapos 322.
“Adpuctos 362.
*AOnvaios 290. 19.
Ai\ws “Iovaros p. 151.
"Ax@pis p. 208.
*AdcEavSpos 242. 31; 248. 5; 277. 1.
*ANivn 259. 12.
*"Apidavs 266. 3.
*Appovus 237. vil. 31.
*Aupovapiov 268. 2 ef saep.
*"Aupovas 269. li. 1; 294, 12.
"Appovus 250. 12; 252. 2, 3; 253. 15, 20;
257. 32, 36; 259. 2; 260. 2; 264. I,
15; 268. 2,5; 297.1, 17; 304; 326;
359.
*Appaovovs 336.
Apis 248. 7, 37; 248.7; 346; 389.
*AvOcaT0s 273. 8.
’Avixntos 290. 31.
*AvouBas 298. 32.
*Avrioxos 261. 6.
*Avrimarpos 267. 2, 29.
*Avrit( ) 290. 22.
*Avtupavns 260. 2, 8; 268. 5 e/ sacp.; 306;
318.
*Avravia 244. 2, 19, (Anionia) 15.
*Avtovivos, KNavduos “Avr. 242.1, 30; 2438. 2;
330; 331: 334.
’Avravios 287. Vii. 20, 26, 28.
*AmehNGs 250. 15.
"Ania 249. 3.
"Amis 242. 3.
*Arioy 245. 3; 267. 1, 34; 275. 8; 283.
10; 299.1; 310.
*ArodAopavns 256. 4; 261. 3 ; 284. 6; 285. 5.
Amo wvapiov 377.
*Aro\Novia 873.
*Aro\Nomos 237. Vil. 21, 39 ; 246. 28; 255.
5, 12; 263. 7; 265. 9; 268. 20; 270.
10; 284.2; 289. ii. 12, 14; 294. 18;
320 ; 334; 356; 362; 399.
“Aro\A@vois 298. 43.
"Ardyxis 250. 25.
“ApBixis 254. 7.
"Apews 283. 9.
"Apns 235. 11, 15.
‘ApOoaus 242. 4 ef sacp.; 290. 14, 15 ; 389.
*ApiaravSpos 287. 5.
*Aptoras 393.
*Apioroy 287. 5.
“Appidots 246. 5.
“Apranots 241. 5,8; 242.3; 290. rr.
“Aprokparioy 237. Vi. 36; 280. 3; 305
*Apowdn 250. 4.
"Apoou, 298. 4.
*Aprepidwpos 277. 2, 7, 9, 17; 280. 10.
*Aprénov 368.
*ApxiBws 269. i. 3, 22.
"Acius 248. 19.
*AokNatas 296. I.
*AokAnmadys 237. iv. 12, 27.
*Aoruavaé 273. 12.
*Atpiov 389.
Avpi wos Tavdos 209. 12.
’"Adpixavés, Sadoviorios “App. p.
Vill. 3.
Adpodirn 235. 8, 11, 13, 16.
"Addyxis 271. 4.
"AxXe’s 257. 18.
Pe Ladd.
Baxyy 263. 2.
Byoapiov 268. 4.
Bi\dos 259. 13.
BonOos 267. 36.
BpaBipios 276. 10.
Taia 273. 11, 20, 24.
Ta\arws 279. I.
Ty 349.
TAadipa 397.
Aapis 393.
Aenoérn (?) 253. 6.
Anpunrpta 261. 4 ef saep.
Anpnrpis 248. 3; 259. 3; 290. 12,
| Anunrpots 274. 28; 282.5; 294. 31; 315;
379.
Adipn 287. vii. 39; 246. 7; 290.14; 293.
is Pate
S5=
Aiéupos 237. vil. 25; 248. 4, 46; 251. 1;
255. 2; 258. 4, 11, 19; 263. 8; 267.
36; 270.11; 272. 22,26; 288. 36, 37;
289. il. 7; 290. 13; 827; 3384; 349;
368 ; 374.
Ateis 275. 42.
Awoyas 249. 2.
Avyéevns 246. 7; 257. 16, 473; 274. 24, 42,
48; 288. 8, 17, 26; 294. 26; 341; 342;
847.
Awdyyntos 268. 3, 17.
Awvuvoia 237. Vv. 17, Vi. 12, Vill. 3; 242.9;
265. 12) 272. 27); 9274. 12290; mss
375.
Atovicws 242. 24; 248. 6, 8; 245. 16;
251575 259: 135 2497 (268. 35 7, Lo.
264-51, Lon aGo. 210, OCeaGipmiyn2 ci
268.2; 269.1. 2; 272. 22,27; 278.11;
PH 5 PAs 3 Op UO, Wis Cys B78
280. I, 3, 24; 282. 2.; 288. 2 ef saep.;
290. 17, 19; 298. 1, 20; 299. 4; 320;
329; 332; 337; 346; 350; 389; 396;
399; 400.
Atovvaddwpos, (OVAmtos Atov.) 23'7. Vili. 2, 13 ;
265. 5.
Aios 274. 9.
Aiéckopos 269. i. I, 15, il. 53
327.
Apoioos 244. 2, 19, (Drusus) 15.
Avo ‘AdeAgoi (A. ’AS. tepdv) 254. 3, 9.
Awpiov 289. i. 2, il. 2, 4; 294. 2, 32, 34;
312.
Aapdéeos 250. 9.
300. 7;
Eipnvaios 271. 19, 20.
‘Edévn 2877. viii. 19.
*Eriuayos 239. 2, 4; 242. 10; 247. 2; 248.
I; 249.1; 261. 10, 11; 304; 359.
*Epyea|r(ns)? 290. 26.
‘Eppaios 841.
‘Eppias 244, 18; 292. 7.
“Eppurrros 2°72, 23.
“Eppoyéms 844.
‘Eppodopos 298. 25.
‘Eppokdyjs 800. 8.
"Eppov 268. 2.
EvBovdos 242, 26.
Evdaipov 289. i. 3, 4, 5-
Evropos 283. 10, 13.
Evrvxidns 252. 1; 254. 1.
INDICES
Zevs 235. 10, 11; 259. 4; 849.
Znvapwv 248. 8, 10; 286. 2, 16.
Znvddwpos 269. i. 1, 15.
Znvev 246. 35; 332; 333.
Zuyév 235. 8, 11.
Zwitos 265. 41, 42;
275. 41; 324.
269. i. 17; 271. 4;
“HAtodwpa 268. 6.
“HAwSapos 287. vii. 33 ; 259. 25.
"H\wos 235. 7, 16; 849.
“Hpais 2770. 11; 274. 33.
“Hpakha 278. 4, 22.
“Hpaxhas 260. 8 ; 268. 3, 9, 12, 14; 806;
318 ; 347.
“Apdkdera 239. 3; 271. 3 ef saep.
“Hpaxhetins 248. 19; 264. 17; 270. 4, 10,
29; 271.3; 274. 13, 48, 49; 282. 5;
286. 26; 290. 28; 296.1; 354; 889.
“Hpdkdewos 245. 2; 278. 2, 30, 42; 805.
“HpaxAnos 272. 14, 16; 276. ro.
“Hpas 268. 4; 270. 4.
“Hpeov 287. vii. 31; 286. 3, 4, 16.
Oaey pep (?) 254. 8.
Gano 242, 27; 266. 3, 21; 286. 5, ro.
Cais 350.
Gaocas 270. 3.
Oacovs 295.1; 298. 12, 22; 300. 1.
OaddXovs 274. 51.
Oapovmov (Or Capodivis) 251. 3, 28, 38; 275.
2; 288. 39; 319; 322.
GeuaToKAns 373; 375; 377; 380.
Ocoyens 257. 1 ef saep.; 279. 2.
OcppovOdpiov 255. 3, 8, 11; 805.
OcppovOroy 242. 23.
Geppovs 274. 9g.
Gepeis 258. II.
O€ov 243, 45, 48; 247. 2; 248. 1, 8, 13;
249. 1; 252. 1; 258. 21; 254. 1;
259. 2; 260.19; 261.5; 265. 2; 267.
29; 269. i. 22; 270. 3; 2738. 8; 275.
5, 39; 279. 8; 281. 5; 285. 2; 290.
12, 209); 292. 1; 800. 6, 8, 12; 828;
829 ; 336; 354; 355; 359; 364.
Ocwvas 293, 10; 295. 17.
Oonpis 241. 11; 242. 5.
Ooprexvors 266. 6.
Soudvas 241. 29.
Gomos 809.
LV.
Coons 242. 24; 251. 7, 23; 252. 2; 253.
15; 255. 4; 256.2; 275. 7; 288. 40;
280. i. 2 ef saep.; 290. 15 ; 304; 305;
366.
Odus 241. 4; 266. 3.
Seviov 270. 20.
*laxouBos 276. 5.
‘Iepaé p. 208.
"Ivap@(s) 290. 31.
"Ivdicn 800. I.
‘TouNia ‘Hpaxka 273. 4, 23.
*TovAvos Movaatos 349.
‘Todoros p. 151; 294. 20.
"Inmados 245, 16.
"Iovdapa 257. 7, 30, 41-
*Toidwpos 237. vil. 21, 31; 278. 1 ef saep.
"low 241. 12; 242.5; 254. 2.
*Ioxupiav p. 208.
Kaixiddwos KAjpns 241. 1; 888; 340.
Ka\\tdapas 283. 10.
Kdowos 237. Vil. 40.
Ké\ep 76. 8.
Kevraupos 249. 3.
Keddlov 242. 26.
Knpw6os 244, 2, 19, (Cerinthus) 15.
K\apa 270. 6.
KAdpos 270. 5 ef saep. ; 272. 27.
KAavdios “Avrwvivos 242. I, 30;
330 ; 331; 334.
Kdavdios Atoviows p. 151.
KAavé.os Keep 76. 8.
TiBepios KXavdvos 344.
Tr8. KNavdwos Oey 290. 29.
T:8. KAavdwos Sapariov 364.
Kiéavdpos 267. 4, 33-
K\jpns 241. 1; 888; 340; (Tires Paovios
KAnp.) 376.
Koddovbos 245. 4.
Kpodvios 256. 11, 12, 14.
Kpdvos 235. 10.
243. 2;
Adurev 299. 2.
Aé€wv 267. 26.
Aoyyetvos 300. Io.
Adxos 264. 7.
Aovukia 270, 3; 295. 8.
Aovxws 270, 3.
PERSONAL NAMES
333
\ovatos Opehvos 273. 7.
Aovawos .. . perewas (?) 273. 8.
May.avds 259. 12.
Makpos 269, li. 12,
Mapwos 276. 16.
MnBia 287. viii. 19.
Mvnoideos 296. 5.
Movoaios 349.
Napis 245. 3.
Nadpxiooos 270. 7.
NetAos 265. 5.
Nexecopis 254. 8.
Nixaias 335.
Nixirmos 271. 3; 278. 8, 9.
NikéBovdos 800. 7, 12.
Nekdorpatos 276. 6.
Eévev (?) 389.
Owadps 251. 4, 28; 260. 19; 266. 4;
Vie By BOS Cli B18 PACKS to ip Mh, Zhe
290. 23, 25; 319; 320; 322; 325;
386; 396.
’Ooipis 241. 13.
OviviiE 276. 16.
O’Amos Atovycddapos 237. Vill. 2.
Opeddvos 2738. 7.
Haanis 267. 30.
Tlaams 288. 2, 13, 31, 33-
Tlaeis 24.2. 7.
Majors 313.
Tlapperns 266. 4.
Tapdiros 323.
Taveyorns 247. 4, 5, 73 279. 8.
Havénp 344.
Ilavrovr@s 254. 8.
Tarovras 271. 4 ef Saep.
IlarBevs 805.
IlavAos 209. 12; 335.
Tavoavias 273. 11.
Ilavoipis 289. 2; 247.5; 274. 34.
Tavowpiov 275. 3, 37; 280. 1; 298. 2,
Naxos 379.
Herajots 237. vil. 31.
erooapams 242. 25; 266. 6, 10, 20.
Tleréotos 243. 5.
Ierooipis 241. 7; 246. 5,6; 254. 2.
5.
334
TleroepwOaris 241. 6.
Hleroipis 290. 22, 27, 31.
Tl\ovcia 265. 20, 26.
TlAovrapyn 270. 5.
Tl\ovrapxos 845.
Tlvepep@s 271. ro.
TloAvSevxns 261. 10.
Tldé7Awos 249. 11.
IIpeiua 248. 4.
IIpoBariavds 237. vil. 28.
IIpwras 249. 4.
Irodepa 2438. 19;
298. 34.
Irodepaios 286. (c) 8; 289. 2; 246. 3, 32;
257. 7, 32, 36; 275. 3 ef saep.; 309,
312; 366; 398.
IIro\\as 276. 5.
Uro\Nev 274. 9, 32.
PAS, hy Bln PAP), pe)
SaBivos 237. Vil. 39, 42, 43, 44-
Sal. . eta 294. 7. és
Sadoviorios 'Adpixavds Pp. 151; 237. Vill. 3.
LapBabatos 358.
ZapBovs 290. 17.
Zapactis 267. 1, 29, 343; 274. 13; 275. 8;
315 ; 320; 321; 324.
Saparias 273. 11, 20, 25.
Sapamts 241, 12; 242. 5, 14, 18.
Lapariov 237. vil. 40; 248. 4, 47; 245. 23;
248. 5 ef sacp.; 250. 12; 251. 6, 31;
252.8; 253.5; 259. 10, 23; 260. 11;
261.2; 264.7, 20; 266.6; 267. 4, 33;
270. 5 ef sacp.; 272. 24, 26; 274. 5 ef
Saep.; 280.3; 281. 6,14; 2838.2; 285.
2; 290. 18, 19, 30; 294. 2; 298. 21,
30; 828; 335; 3386; 339; 351; 364;
366; 368 ; 396.
Laparovs 263. 9; 265.2 e/ saep.; 298. 46;
332; 362; 380.
Dexdvda 294. ae
Lexovvdos 320.
_ Zedevkos 295. 3.
ZAjuy 235. 9; 8738.
Seumpavios 287. Vil. 21, 24, 26.
Leounpos 237. vil. 33, 36; 291. 6.
PABavés 335.
Suwbeis 266. 3.
Swheas 254. 11.
2wOoans 257. 17.
Sudous 266. 6, 10; 270. 3.
INDICES
Sxoprios 235. 12, 15.
Erpatoy 245. 18.
Srpovbns 290. 27.
Supa 281. 5.
Supas 295. 1.
Svpos 269. i. 22.
vs 379.
Soxe’s 275. 42.
Dorddyns 255. 5, 9; 305.
Sernptyos 278. 2, 30; 805.
Taaypehiod 250. 15.
Taapois 242. 9, 13.
TaapGaus 266. 5.
Taadiyxis 270. 20.
Taetynkis 237. Vil. 31.
Taxois 879.
| Tapevms 256. 3, 5.
Taveyorns 290. 15.
Taowadpps 372.
Taootps 851.
TapovOwos 875.
TacerOevs 290. 25.
Taoevs 256. 12.
Tavpwos 300. 4.
Tavpis 254. 7.
Tavpos 235. 9.
Tavoipis 274. 50.
Tavoopams 242. 4.
Tads 256. 4.
Teoetpits 242. 24.
Tereo( ) 289. i. 5.
Tero( ) 289. 1. 3.
Teds 249. 2.
TiBepios KAavdtos 844.
TiBepios KAavdios O€wy 290. 20.
TiBepwos Kavdwos Sapariov 864.
Tip@s 288. 37, 40.
Tiros ®\aovios KAjpns 876.
To&drns 235. 10, 12.
Toroevs 290. 23.
Tpvpava 820.
Tpipov 235. 2; 264. 1; 267. 1, 25; 269.
Ih Ty thi 1 RABE 19 BUA, i Gy erp ® PA}
6; 282. 2; 288. 2 e/ sach; 304; 306;
308; 310; 315; 316; 318; 319; 320;
821; 322; 324.
Toevappovas 247. 6, 34.
Toevradnus 355.
Toevipts 290. 206.
V. GEOGRAPHICAL
Tupavvos 291. 1, 153 292. 1, 14.
‘Ydpoxdos 235. 14.
Pavias 237. vi. 12 ; 248. 7; 839; 341; 342;
382.
Parpens 242. 3.
Pidioxos 257. 17, 20, 28; 262. 1, 19; 875;
380.
Prd§evos 248. 19.
Pidovpern 286. 4, 13; 826.
Tiros ®\aovios KAjuns 376.
Pdavjots 237. Vii. 30, 31.
335
Pavia 237. Vili. 19.
Xaipypoy 237. v. 9, 21, Vi. 12, 32, 36, 38,
Wil Sento age aGle dn rae 270s Ti;
289. i. 2 ef saep.; 290. 18.
Xapuirnows 854.
Xapirovs 243. 5.
Woosts 335.
‘Qpiev 287. vi. 13, 18, 19, 33; 246. 32;
254. 2; 290. 11, 14, 16, 20.
*Qpos 269.1. 17; 275. 41; 299. 1.
"Qpedovs AGB. 3 e/ sact.; 275. 4, 38.
V. GEOGRAPHICAL.
(a) COUNTRIES, NOMES, TOPARCHIES, CITIES.
Aiyurriakds 23'7. Vil. 34, Vill. 22.
Aiyvmrios 287. vii. 33, 40, 41; 255. 22.
Alyutros 237. viii. 8, 21, 28; 344.
*ANeEdvdpera 236 (2). Bi 260) 02230.) 0);
294. 4,6; 298.15; 364.
*AdeEavdpevs 255. 20.
*Arrixés 284. ii. 4.
OnBakds 278. 4.
OnBais 236 (4). 5, al.
*TovSatos 835.
KuvoroXimns 244. 4, 11, 18.
An| roroXirns | 298. 18.
AvBios 265. 40.
Maxedov 277. 1, 2.
Mendis 283. 11; 298. 23, 30.
MiAnjovos 270. 17.
*O£upuyyitns (vopds) 237. viii. 28, a/.
*O£upuyxiray més 287. Vi. 12.
"O£uptyxor mods 236 (4). 5, al.
Ilépons tis emvyovns 259. 2; 267.1; 269. i.
18 CVA ines Pytsh OS PtsXOs Zc
' Tepoin 270. 3; 319.
IIroA\epais “Eppiov 268. 2, 4.
“Pwpavds 255, 21.
SeBervitns 287. vil. 30.
Torapxia, avo 276.12; 279.9; 3843; 383.
mpos dnnwornv 246. 9; 384; 385.
Cpocepo 352; (Opevoco) 854.
kato 239.5; 287. 4; 373.
NiBa 245. 13; 248.
273. 16; 287. 6; 345.
mpos 20;
(6) VILLAGES.
*Amiwvos kona 287. 6.
AecppeOav 276. 12.
Kepxe|. . 248. 19.
Movxivata 344,
Nepepar 299. 4.
Néoda 279. 9.
Udyya Eiolov 357.
Maps 277. 3, 13.
Tléla 245. 12, 20; 353; 368.
Séeverta 387.
Sepigus 270. 17 ; 273. 16.
Seopa 845.
Depo 354.
Swapol 373.
Sway 348.
Sko 846.
Svpov 270. 22.
Takao 265. 15; 350.
Tavas 298. 51.
Jroos "Epjpos 240. 2.
TapovOwos 384.
Toyis Nexatis 280. 8 ; 290. 6.
bOGxis 246. 8, 15.
VaBAs 239. 4; 343; 348.
336
INDICES
(c) émotxva, KAnpot.
emoiktoy Satvpou 358.
kA\npos *Ade~avdpov 270. 23, 24.
Anuntplov Manotou 270. 17.
Apipaxov 250. 21; 265. 4; 344.
*Empaxov 248. 23.
“Hpakdeidov 270. 23.
“HpakAcous 848.
Ocoddtov 843; 344.
‘Tlacovos 265. 4.
KadAlov 270. 21.
kA\jpos Kad\totparou 848.
Kryotkdéous 248. 20.
Jou AvBiov 265. 40.
Mooxiovos 265. 15.
Nikavopov 273. 17.
Nixavopos 250. 8, 21.
*Odvpmiodapov 848.
SrpaBa 3846.
Pikovos 277. 3.
(2) Gppoda, advpa.
Tupvaciov,
285. 4.
“Eppatov Navpa 242. 123 apdodoy 248, 14.
“Hpak\éovs Torey aupodov 257. 3, 34.
Oonpidos (apodov) 392; Spdpov Conp. app.
p. 208 ; Spop. Gonp. Kavpa 284A. 4.
‘Inméwy rapeuBodjs dupodov 247. 21; havpa
393.
‘Inrodpépov (dupodov) 288. 2 ef saep.; 811;
- 392.
Kpnridos, vorov Kpnr. aupodov 379.
Toudatkdv dodoy 335.
Spopov Tupy. audhodov 241. 23;
Avkiov mapenBonris (aupodov) 250. 19; 392.
MupoBadavov apdodoy 388 ; \Navpa 254. 5.
vorou Opopov auodoy 339.
I\areias appodov 248. 17.
Tloimenkys appodov 258.5; (audodor) 392;
Aavpa 316.
Iloupevav Neyonevn Navpa 818.
Tepovevovdews Kavipa 251. 9; 252.6; 2538. 3;
Teypovdews apupodov 261. 5; Teper(ovdews)
(dppodov) 808; Tevpe(voiGews) (cipdodor)
310.
XnvoBorkay Navpa 256. 7.
(e) tomo, &c.
Avovuoov Texvit@v, TOmos Kaovpevos Avoy. Tey.
p: 208.
Avs pudaxy 259. 4.
“Epps, 6 Neyopevos “Epp. 2'79. 10.
‘Innéwv xoptoOnkn, 1) dey. ‘Imm. xopt. 830.
Kdpros 247. 22.
‘Oowpeioy 241, 25.
Tlaraioretov 250. 5.
Happevous mapddeccos 249. 15.
Tlayis, xopa 290. 7.
Sapameiov 242. 12; 243. 14; 247. 20;
254. 5; 264. 6; 267. 3; 269. 3; 318;
330.
Tapetov 241. 26.
(f) DEMES.
*ANOateds 271. 4; 323.
Av&unroperos 6 Kat Anvevos 261. 6.
. 6 kai Eike(Ouos 377.
*Exupavewos 263. 3, 18.
Katrapetos 6 Kal
Mapoveds 248. 1; 261. 8.
Pu\akahdawewos 6 Kai ANOae’s 273. 9.
bud\akiladdooetos 6 Kat ‘Hpdxdewos 273. 12.
.. 878.
VI. SYMBOLS VII, OFFICIALS 337
VI. SYMBOLS.
(a) MEASURES.
& apoupa 290. 8, 11. | x xotvixes Tpeis 287. 7, 8.
(6) Corns.
S Spayun 242. 28, al. ZL tadavrov 242. 28, al.
2 Hpu@Bodrov 288. 3. et Oe, 237. iv. 14 ef saep.
S x 288. 4 ef saep. F rerpdBorov 288. 3 ef sacp.; 289.i. 5 ef saep.
2 bs gee 289. i. 10 ef saep. F rpimBorov 288. 2 ef sacp. ; 289.1. 5 ef saep.
= |
dBords 288. 6 ef saep.; 289. ii. 7.
(c) NUMBERS.
ie 4 290. 31, 33- | 2) #290. ro.
L 4.290. 32, 33.
(d) MISCELLANEOUS.
/, yiverar 246. 24, al. | § €rous, erav 237. iv. 6 ef saep.
} dia 289. i. 12, 19, il. 12; 290. 20, 23. Popéparor 245. to.
ZL €rovs, erav 287. vi. 15, al. f mpés 242. 34.
Vil OEIC UAIES:
(Military and religious titles are included.)
ayopavonos 288. 9; 241. 2; 242. 1, 31; BiBriopvrak eyxtnoewy 237. iv. 16; V. 10, £7,
243. 2, 45; 268. 1; 320; 327-349; 43-
375; 380. jyopavonnkas p. 154; 237. | Baordixds ypappare’s 237. Vi. 36, vil. 10;
Vili. 2. jy. AdeEavdpetas 364. 246. 3, 32, p. 208; 255. 2; 257. 15;
apxdixaorns 237. vi. 28, vii. 14; 260. II. 279. 1.
apx.d. kal mpos tH emusedeta TOY YpnLaTLOTaV
kal TOV GAA KpiTnpiov 268. 1. icpeds apxud.
«7A. 281. 1.
dpxuractopdpos Oonpidos Kai “loos kat Lapamdos
kai Ocipios kat Tay cuvvdev Oeay peyloTov
| ypapav, 6 yp. Tov *O£upuyxitny 239. 1. of yp.
Tov vopov 246. 4, 35.
yupvaciapyos 257. 20. yupvaciapynoas 237.
vi. 12 ef Saep.; 257. 28.
241. ro. dexavés 887.
apxioratop 294, 17, 22, 28. Sixacoddryns, OvpBpws 287. vii. 39, 42, 43
(A.D. 87).
BiBropiraé 237. v. 15 ef sacp.; 247. 3; | Svonrys 291. 15; 202. 14.
248. 2; 249.1; 8369. Storxntikos Urnpetns 259. 13.
338
exAnpumTop yepoiaxov 262. I.
€mapxos Alyimrou : See nyepov.
€rapxos atoAov kal ext Tov KeKpIpevev P. I51 ;
237. vill. 3.
exiakoros 237. iv. 10.
émurtpatnyos 287. Vii. 32. Bdooos 237. Vil. 22
(A.D. 129). Uakadwos &yAcé 237. vii. 30, 36,
37 (A.D. 134).
émurnpntns 276. 7 (?); 3870. emernpntis Kat
xetpiarns Katadoxicpay ’O€, 346.
enitporos 237. vil. 14.
nycuov 237. v. 15 ef sacp.; 294, 14, 21.
*TovAuos Hdaropos 6 Kvpios yy. 283. 18 (A. D.
45). Aevxros "lovALos Oinoreivos 250. 2 (A. D.
61). Tatos Senripios Oveyeros 6 myepovevoas
273. 5 (A.D. 86-8). Mapxos Meérrios ‘Pothos
énapxos Aiyinrov 287. viii. 25, 27 (A.D. 90) ;
Merrios “Povcbos 6 xkpdtistos ny. 247. 15;
Mér. ‘Poudbos 237. iv. 37 (A. D. 90). PAaovvos
Tittavos 6 tyyepovevoas 237. Vii. 20, 34, 363; 6
kpdtistos Tir. 237. vil. 37 (a.D. 128).
Tletpmyos Mapepretvos 237. vill. 43; 6
kpatictos Map. 287. viii. 8 (A.D. 133) |
Ovarépios Evdaipwv eapxos Aiyintov 237. |
viii, 8 (A.D. 138). Ovadeplos Tpoxdos 6 ny.
p. 208 (A. D. 145-6). Movvdrios (@7 dE) 237.
Vili, 20 (A.D. I51). “Avmos Supraxds 6
Kpdtiotos ny. Pp. 151 (A. D. 163). bAaovros
DovAmiktos Dipidis emapxos Alyinrov 237. viil.
21; Dipircs 237. vi. 28; 3. 6 tyepovevoas
237. iv. 36 (A.D. 182). Aoyyaios “Potdos
6 Napmporaros 237. vi. 14 ef saep.; A. “Pov-
gos 6 Stacnpdratos 237. vi. 34, Vil. 6;
‘Podhos 237. iv. 35 ef saep. (A.D. 185).
Tlopra@vios Pavotiavds 6 Nuprpdratos jy. 237.
Vii. 6; IL. bavoriavds 237. vi. 32 (A.D. 186).
Hyovpevos Tov oTpatnyov 294. 19.
iepevs 242. 33; 281. 1. fep. Gonpidos Kai
“Ioios Kat Sapanidos Kal trav avvvaav Oeay
peyliotov 242. 5.
254. 2.
immapxns én’ avdpav 277. I, 3.
iep. “Iowos Ocas peyiotns
Toroypappatets 251. 2;
INDICES
koopntevous 246. 1.
k@poypappatevs 240. 1; 251. 2; 252. 1;
254.1; 255. 3; 288. 41.
paxarpopépos 294. 20.
ponpov 287. vill. 37.
maraotpopuvaé 390.
mpaxtop 274. 54; 284. 7; 393.
286.15. 7. xetpwovagiov 285. 6.
mporrodos 326.
mpooratns 290. 20; 299. 4.
mpopytns 387.
m. Eevikov
otroddyos 276. 11 ; 383-385. oi ctrodoyovrtes
287. 3.
arokiorns 242. 7.
orpatnyos 237. v. 7 ef saep.; 244.12. Xatpeas
244, 1, 17 (A.D. 23); 850 (a. D. 24-5);
245.1 (a.p. 26); 291. 1 ; 853 (a. D. 27-8);
851; 352 (?) (A. D. 28). ‘Eppias orp. Kuvorro-
Mrov 244. 18 (4. D. 23). “AdéEavdpos 282. 1
(c. A.D. 35). Soras 815 (A.D. 37). TiBéptos
KXavdvos Haciay 283 (a. D. 45); 893 (A.D.
49-50); 816 (A.D. 50-1); 284.1; 285.
I (c. A.D. 50). Awpioy 255. x (a.d. 48).
TiBepios KXavdios "Appevios orp. kai emt Tay
mpocddav 260. 3, 10 (A.D. 59). Hamickos
koopnrevoas kai orp. 246. 1, 27 (A.D. 66).
LouvTwpios Sotas otpatyynoas 257. 13 (A.D.
72-3). KNavdios “Hpdkdetos 276. 15 (A.D.
77). Kdavdtos “Apecos 237. vili. 28 (A.D.
go). Atscxopos p. 208 (A.D. 145-6).
‘Ioidwpos 287. vi. 32 (A. D. 186).
ovvad\ayparoypapos 287. vill. 36.
torapxyns 245. 23; 851; 354-356; 382.
252. 1; 2564. 1;
255. 3.
imnpetns 259. 13; 260. Io.
xepiorns 846.
xpnuariorns 268. 1; 281. 3.
VIII.
VIII.
WEIGHTS, MEASURES, COINS
IX. TAXES 339
WEIGHTS, MEASURES, COINS.
(a) WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.
apoupa 248. 22, al.
dptaBn 279. 15; 280. 18; 287. 7.
petpov 248, 28. erpov Snpdowov 383.
pvaaioy 259. 11, 16; 265. 18, 25.
Trakaotn 264. 4.
mhxus 242. 15 ; 243. 22, 24, 29, 31; 274.
6. 7. yepdtaxds 264, 3. mm. euBarov 243.
26, 32, 35-
| cxowlov 290. 10.
| xotug 287. 7, 8.
(4) CoINs.
apyvpiov 237. iv. 19, al. apy. S<Bacrov vomio~
patos 266. 8; 269.1. 3. apy. SeBacrod kai
aratnp 298. IT.
Ilro\epaixod vopicpatos 264. 8; 267. 4; | Td\avrov 237. iv. 14 ef saep.; 242 28; 248.
271. 5.
Spaxpn 242. 28, a/.
Hput@BoArov 288. 3 ef saep.; 289.1. 10 ef saep.
pva 243. 40; 270. 16.
dBords 288. 6 ef saep.; 289, il. 7.
42; 283. 7.
tetp@Bchov 288. 3 ef sacp.; 289. i. 5
et Saep.
Tpi@Bor\ov 278. 11 ; 288. 2 e/saep.; 289. i. 4
ef saep.
| xadkds 242. 28; 248. 42. x. mpos apytprov
242. 34; 243. 47, 48; 353.
| xpvoioyv 259. 16; 265. 18, 25.
DX PACES.
yepdvaxdv 262. 1; 288. 2 ef saep.; 308-310.
Snpoota 287. iv. 28;
298. 8.
QTON Ale ALOs L705
eyxixhiov 288. 16; 242.32; 243.46; 274.
20, 22, 29; 338.
emukepadaov 288. 10 é saep.; 311.
xarayayuv 288. 9, 18, 26.
Aaoypapia 289. i. 2 ef saep.; 296. 4; 308;
313 ; 389.
Z
vavuB.v 296. 5.
téeheopa 270. 41.
téehos 245. 22; 274. 7, 20, 22, 29; 348.
tuxn 288. 10 ef saep.; 289. i. 4 ef Saep.;
808; 311; 313; 389.
$(
xetpovatioy 285. 6.
xopatixov 288. 10, 20; 289. i. 5 ef saep.;
808; 309; 311-313; 389.
) 289. i. 8, 10, ii. 7.
2
340
xX. GRAM
INDICES
MATICAL.
CLERICAL Errors.
for m 221. vii. 10.
y
OY my WEP Wb A,
7 5 «k 221. xvii. 18.
A 9 (eA) PAG, wh nO.
A 4, ~p(?) 222. ii. 8.
5) 7 AAD XIV. 13.
Ty yal. xy. 28.
Dittography 287. v. 7, vi. 23, vii. 13; 256.
Lipography 266. 3, 6; 269. ii. 13.
Metathesis 221. vi. 26; 260. 17.
Omission by omoioteleuton 227. iv. 14,
A Bg BBL OR SRY Ne we, WL UES
265. 14; 275. 14.
Wrong case by attraction 248. 3, 26, 33;
269. i. 10.
2; 267. 39; 270. 5.
Division oF Worps.
medaipov|o" (lyrics) 224. 10, 27.
nép|aros (corr.) 221. xi. 19.
pao|w 294. 15.
INTERCHANGE
ov|« 208. fol. 2 recfo, 12; 221. xi. 12, 18,
xii. 28, xv. 26.
|s 270. 32.
or Letrers, &c.
(a) Vowels.
a for « 22). xiv. 23; 222. i. 22; 223.
102 (?); 287. vil. 36; 241. 29; 243. 38;
280. Io.
e for a 221. ix. 17; 222. i. 22, ii. 7; 228.
53 ef saep. (see note ad loc.); 246. 16, 38;
252. 9; 267. 35; 800. 13.
« for » 235. 2. ¢ for e 269. i. 20.
n 223. 128; 254.5; 282. 22.
t and vice versa, passim.
pf exh 38 BRA os mpg eeBE Lyoie s
237. iv. 35 ef saep., Vi. 33, Vii. 11, vill. 35,
41, 433 248. 36; 252. 2; 270. 3; 278.
4; 281.13; 294. 13, 18, 23, 31; 896.
n for a 259. 11, 17.
€l 4,
ee ”?
€t
n 5, € 267. 20.
n , ¢ 218. ii. 10; 284. ii. 1.
GP ay CEE es
« omitted before o 266. 4.
t o 222. i. 17, il. 26.
+B) ”
t omitted after a 292. 11.
« 269. i. 20; 298. 6.
t * m OCU zl, Bs}
t for w 285. 12; 290. 12; 300. 4.
| « adscript, misplaced :
| after a 211. 45.
7 211. 45; 251. 21, al.
COAUSS 1h ih 1 Hh Sy HOR BIG),
6, 7, li. 2; 219. (2) 16, 17; 2651.
12, al.
o for 209. 7; 221. xv. 18; 287. vi. 33,
Vil. 35, Vili. 36; 243. 23, 30; 252. 6;
254. 3; 296. 7.
o. for v 267. 39; 283. 8, 15.
v ,, 0 269. ii. 9, 11; 298. 38.
» ot 242. 13,18, 20; 258.5; cf. 296. 3.
5, @ 269. ii. 8.
» 0 209. 2, 5, 7; 241. 10 ef saep.;
t
” ”
”
”
v
Uv
@
248. 10 ef saep.; 280. 6; 294. 31.
X, GRAMMATICAL
(6) Consonants.
B for p 258. 5.
Yi RiaGda Boe
8 ,, 17267. 36; 298. 9, 10 (augidagos for
audiraros?); 839.
65 for 6 285. 16.
k ,, x 221. vii. 8 (corr.); 222. ii. 18, 28;
227. iil. 12; 259. 28; 299. 5.
xé for € 259. 18.
A 4 p 242. 12.
w , p 228. 64, 231; 295.6; 298. 60.
py A222.i. 17.
|
341
of for ¢ 275. 15.
tr ,, 6257. 20; 267. 38.
cu spp OYE Vailk, Zigy
> ,, w 287. vi. 18; 240: 8; 243. 25;
260. 16; 298. 9, 10(?).
x for « 272. 18; cf. 291. 3.
Assimilation: éydiddoxew 275. 32. ey dinns
267. 16; 269.1. 12; 278. 27. éydtKos
261. 14. eyAnuntop 262. I. exOeous
272.18; 291.3. péu po 240.8; 253.
22.
ABNORMAL Forms.
avOo£ouna. 282. 20.
BéuBrero 221. xi. 35.
Seetdn 221. ili. 6.
Stevdurety 268. 15.
éuarod 219. (a) 23; 281. 13.
epavvav 294, g, 10.
nueoia 277. 5, 17-
Oviov 221. xii. 6.
kadvBr (Dat.) 213. (2) i. 6.
xdov 298. II.
Aadaxevew 294. 25.
efevdutew 271. 22.
éatov 295. 5.
petogv 237. v. 11.
veavixevetOa 216. ii. 18.
madi 298. 27.
moew 211. ii. 2, 14, 30.
ordyes(?) 218. (a) i. 5.
ovvotkicwov 266. II.
Tecoapeckatdexatos 264, 22; 273. I.
virds 257. 20.
dds 211. ii. 50.
dooas 284. ii. 2.
ACCIDENCE.
ayetoya 283. 14.
avaykacOar 237, lv. 21.
apyupodiva (Gen.) 221. ix. 2.
apovpns 279. 14. -xvins 211. li. 19. peraroins
318.
-aca for eoOa (Fut.) 228. 104 (corr.) ;
260. 11 ; 270. 8, 39.
BeBaraobar (Pres.) 265. 22.
exouicov 800. 6.
é\xe (Imperf. ?) 259. 28.
éuev — ene) 219. 22.
evyeyinua 259. 7.
éveyxe 210. verso 14.
évnderra 294. 15.
erevnypevav 237. V. 27.
ereroppocav 226. li. 16.
nkovkevat 237. Vii. 23.
juny (= nv) 285. ro.
Ocoyevny 257. Ns Atoyevny 257. 16.
icpéos 254. 2.
Gpopexa 251. 30.
Periphrastic Perf. 268. 6.
es Pluperf. 285. ro.
cuveotaxa 261. 13, 16; 364.
téooapes (Acc.) 280. 5; 285. 14.
tpretpnnevov 282. 22.
Xaplecar 292. g.
xpacda 270. 34.
a@vnpevos 270. 18, 19, 25; 346.
342 INDICES
SynTAx.
Anacolutha, &c. 287. vi. 31; 242. 6, 7; | Gen. Abs. for Acc. before Inf. 287. vii. 26.
242. 27 (cf. 266. 7; 269.i.1; 270. 7); | ndixos with Dat. 284. ii. er.
252. 14; 253. 11; 254. 7; 268. 15; | Imperative 2nd for 3rd Person 295. 7.
274. 16; 278. 11; 279. 12; 288. 6; | Indic. Fut. for Subj. ta puobnpetcer 299. 3
290. 11, 12 sqq.
avros redundant 299. 2.
adatpeicbai Twa Twos 287. Vil. 41.
Concord: Masc. for Fem. 295. 24.
kal aiAnv & nv 274. 2. (@a) Cvyopaxodrra
evdidwow 221. xv. 323 mpoBata & vepnoerat
245. ro.
eav with Indic. 287. vii. 28, vill. 34, 38.
eav for d with relative 221. xiv. 13, 14;
237. iv. 28, vi. 8, vil. 42, vill. 32-3; 268.
37, 43; 270. 34, 44; 273.18; 275. 24;
278. 19, 22; 280.13; 284. 12; 285.
21; 286. 11, 21; 293. 11.
éaurijs for airs 242.25. éavrovs for adAjAous
260. 9, 15.
ei with Subj. 287. vill. 14, 15.
et for 7 with pyy 240. 4; 255.
6; 260. 7.
ei etre 237. Vill. 14.
éxatepos for é€xacros 256. 3.
276. .
eevdureiv twa tut 271. 22.
emitpemew Twi emi Te 237. iv. TI.
ep’ 6 ov 272. 19.
és with Subj. without av 259. 30; 294. 15;
298. 59.
€ws emt 294. 21, 2
ay,
olkKtay
15; 259.
cr o
EKATEPOS eves
py) moujois 294. 14.
Inf. dy evar 254. 10; 256. 8. etvar dé 290. 5.
Fut. coupled with Aor. 259. 18; 874.
Jussive 888. dca pur) eidevar 267. 27.
katrot kpiOev 237. Vill. 30.
KAVA por 228. 115. KAdTE por 214. rec/o 10.
xoopntevey With Gen. 246. 1.
pev alone 270. 40. pe... te 287. vi. 37-8.
péxpe with Subj. without av 260. 14; 291. 9.
So péype 0b 293. 7.
py with Inf. after verbs of saying 287. v. 8,
vii. 23, 28, 34, Vili. 28. With Participle
237. v. 20, vi. 28, vil. 26; 252. 10; 258.
4, al. After énei 287. vi. 26.
pyre... unde 287. vii. 28; 255. 21-2; 268.
II, 12; 266. 17 (cf. 268. 15).
6= 67 237. Vv. 10.
ovris, pyndepiav ... Um ovrwos 2877. vi. 18.
ot pdvov for ov pdvov ov 23'7. vii. 16.
Parataxis 297. 3, 4; 299. 3, 4; 896.
meOapxew Tivos 265. 13.
| mAnpys extivew 287. iV. 14.
Subjunctive, final after 6 287. v.
Attraction 260. 15.
re, Superfluous 237. viii, 16.
Vil. 14.
tyas reflexive 293. 16.
to. By
éru te kal 237.
XI. GENERAL
aBdoxavtos 292. 12 ;
ayarnrés 235. 2.
dyads, én’ ayalo 298. 14.
dyew 287. vi. 3; 282. 15; 288. 14; 290. 6.
dyvoeiv 287. vill. 24.
ayvowa 237. Vill. 36.
ayvopovety 287. Vv. 40.
ayopa 237. vii. 20.
800. 9.
INDEX, GREEK.
| ayopavopetoyv 238. 3; 249.
|
ld
dyopafew 242. 8; 298. 9, 11; 306.
22; 260. 17;
266. 12; 274. 41.
ayopactns 298. 48; 391.
aypacos 237. 4, 5, 6; 267. 19; 268. 17.
dyuia 261. 8; 265.9; 266. 7, 20; 270. 7;
271. 5; 273. Io.
yov 237. vill. 17.
XI,
adnpovety 298. 45.
adicety 294, 26.
adiknpa 237. vi. 20.
dégos 237. vill. 17.
atyevos 234. ii. 46.
aidetoOar 237. vi. 28.
atOpwov 241. 18; 248. 16; 247. 24; 248.
19; 268. 22; 274. 10, 38.
aig 244. 8,
aipety 265. 43; 270. 34; 273. 18;
13.
aipeots 287. v. 41.
airety 287. Vil. 25, 42.
airacOut 237. Vi. 33, Vil. 27, 31.
dkivduvos 278. 15; 280. 18.
dkoovdeiv 237. Vii. 34.
dxddovbos 237. Vv. 14, Vi. 16, 34, 38, Vil. 4, 8;
243. 36; 247. 36; 248. 33; 249. 20;
252.8; 253.5; 268. 22; 273.6; 274.
Lo tins BYOGE
dkovew 287. Vil. 23, 34; 294. 15.
axpatos 287. vii. 40.
axpiBera 287. vill. 39.
axpiBns 237. Vv. 15, Vi. 31, 41.
dxpempiate 23'7. Vi. 7.
akupos 265. 268. 12, 18;
271. 24.
axvpoots 266. 15.
dxov 287. vi. 18; vii. 5, 12, 22.
deihew 284. ii. 29.
a@\7jdeva 255. 16; 2838. 14.
a\nOns 287. v. 8, 14; 251. 21; 253. 18;
258.25; 262.15; 361.
duets 294. 6.
a@\Aaxdbev 237. V. 15.
a\djous 237. Vil. 23; 264.8; 265. 27, 37;
267. 17, 19, 20; 268.6; 278. 9.
Gore 298. 47.
@érpios 282. 9.
dios 277. 14.
dpedety 237. V. 42, Vi. 40; 291. Io.
dpntpov 277. 7.
auduaBnrnots 237. vill. 17, 23.
dudiraros (?) 298. 9, Io.
dvayryvooxev 237. V. 13, Vil. 29, 33, 35) 393
298. 3.
avayxatew 287. iv. 21, Vili. 15; 286. 14.
avaykaios 235. 1; 281. 19.
dvaykn 23°77. iv. 33.
280.
22:
22,
270. 43;
dvaypapew 241. 3; 242.2; 248.3; 251. 8, |
GENERAL INDEX, GREEK
343
12; 252.12; 258. 10; 258. 20; 262. 4,
10; 274. 36; 318; 339.
dvadéyer Oat 237. iv. 14.
dvadwWovac 237. v. 41, Vi. 13, 36; 266. 14;
271. 19.
avaguyn 266. 15.
avakopidy) 265. 34.
avaxopifew 287. Vi. 14.
dva\apBavey 234, il. 19; 287. viii. 16.
ava\oyos $70.
avaunpddapxos 257. 22.
dvavéewots 274. 20.
dvaréurew 265. 31.
avanheiv 259. 27.
dvaotpepew 237. vil. 23.
avadaiperos 273. 15.
avapepew 287. iv.
298. 23.
avacbopa 237. iv. 36.
avapdpuv 294, 13.
dvaxwpew 251. 10, 13;
6, Io.
avdpayabeiy 291. 8.
dveykdntos 281. 12.
dveiompakxtos 270. 8; 286. Io.
dverixptros 257. 23.
ayeicba 292. 8.
aynxew 287. Vv. 19; 250. 29.
avépoios 237. vi. 29.
avopos 237. Vil. 11.
dvous 287. Vi. 22.
avrexecbar 281. 30;
24.
avrtypapew 237. Vi. 31, 39-
dytiypapov 237. v. 18, 29, 32, Vi. 16, viii. 2
et saep.; 259.1; 260.1; 268. 1, 20;
269.i.1, 15,20; 271.1; 272. 22; 286.
FEE Pele kets di, ENS
dvridtxos 237. vii. 24, 32, Vill. 12.
avtixatdataots 260. 10.
avriheyety 237. V. 13.
avriov 264. 4.
avritopov 381.
ey Ne il, sien Wb cies
252. 9, 13; 253.
282. 20, 21; 286.
| avrupwvetv 800. 5.
avriparnoi 294. 12, 29.
dvurépbetos 259. 17.
avobev 237. vill. 31.
aéws 237. v. 16; 282. 23; 285. 12.
agvodv 237. v. 9, 42, Vi. 14, 17, 38, Vil. 5,
Vill. 20; 251.12; 252.12; 253.9; 262.
344
9; 268. 19; 281. 23; 282. 14; 288.
17; 284.11; 285. 20; 286. 14.
aglwots 287. v. 38, 42.
arayyAXew 398.
arayew 237. vi. 18.
drareiy 237. iv. 21, Vili. 9, 13; 270. 29;
291. 8; 298. 19, 53; 364.
anaitnow 272. 13; 291. 7, 12.
adrad\dooey 287. Vil. 13; 265. 17;
720:
anavOparta 237. vii. 35; 298. 52.
ara& 237. vil. 42.
arapevéx\ntos 270. 7 ; 286. 10, 18.
dravéav 287. vill. 12.
areiev 237. Vi. 4.
amre\evbepos 237. iv. 8; p. 208; 255. 8, 21;
274. 47; 805; 309.
drepthuros 237. vil. 28; 271. 21.
anepionaotos 286. 17.
améyew 237. iv. 20, Vill. 12, 20; 268. 13;
264. 16; 266. 7, 18; 267. 34; 268. 6.
aniorevery 237. V. 4.
ardavntos 287. Vi. 30.
amas 237. vi. 21; 265. 36, 42; 266. 22 ;
268. 16.
aroypapecGar 237. Vill. 31, 40; 245. 5;
246. 10, 18; 247. 9; 248. 6; 249.5;
250. 1; 252. 4; p. 208; 257. 26.
droypapn 237. Vv. 23, Vill. 33, 39, 41; 244.
5, 13, 19; 246. 20; 248. 33; 274. 55;
288. 41; 297. 9; 818. kar’ oixiav aroyp,
p- 208; 257. 27.
arodney 326.
drodekvivat 237. Vi. 38.
arddekis 257. 19, 35.
drrobibdvac 237. iv. g ef Saep., V. 3, 4, Vil. 11,
Ville) LOPE AGW ali wae 2 ON 2OOniam ac.
16) 270: 529) 27S: 12222 AOL
26; 282. 17; 286. 3, 19; 292. 3; 293.
20; 294. 34; 298.55; 318; 375.
drodiwWpdckew 298. 5.
arddoo1s 237. 1V. 25, 33, Vill. 10 ; 286. 9 ; 818.
dnofevyyivar 237. Vil. 25.
anoxahiotravar 237. vii. 423
17, 34-
arrux\eiew 265. 14.
anoxpivew 237. Vil. 25, 33-
aro\apBavew 237. iv. 21, vi. 27 ; 298. 17.
arodelrev 265. 10, 32, 45; 268. 12, 14.
arodoytopos 297. 5, 11.
267.
259. 7; 278.
INDICES
ardvoa 237. Vi. 17.
arommrdavac 290, 24, 28.
aroo.wnayv 287. vii. 24.
| droonav 237. iv. 22, Vil. 5, 12, 22, 323 275.
Bao:
dmoatehhew 2938. 4, 7.
aroorepew 237. Vi. 22.
andaronos 210. 15.
arérakros 280. 17, 19.
droraccecba 298. 31.
arotivey 275, 27.
drotopia 237. Vil. 40.
dropatve 237. vii. 23.
aropepew 270. 33; 282. 12.
dropopa 265. 20.
dmoxn 267. 22; 269. ii. 9; 272. 16; 298.
Onrz2.
ampéadextos 268. 18.
apaxos 280. 16.
| dpyupixds 291. 5, 13.
apiotos 292. 12.
dpvéa 297. 8.
dpveicbar 237. vill. 14.
dpves 244, 10; 245. 12; 246. 17 e/ saep.
dppaBov 299. 2.
dpoevixes 235. 8 e/ saep.
dpxaios 235. 6.
| dpxerOa 248. 20.
dpyf 286. 8.
apwots 280. 16.
doeBns 237. vi. 13.
aonwos 251. 39; 256. 9, 11, 14.
doGeveca 261. 13.
douns 278. 18.
aoratecbar 269. ii.
36; 3800. 6, 9.
dorés 259. 13; 261. 4,5; 271. 3.
dotpoX( ) 889.
13; 295. 11; 298 34,
| acuxopayrnros 263. 9.
dopa\ea 252.9; 253. 6; 283. 17; 286. 12.
aopadns 269. il. 10; 294. 11.
dopaditew 257. vill. 6; 298. 60.
doxodcioba 841; 344,
aoxé\npa 298. 14.
draxreiy 2°75. 25.
arexvos 249. 13; 265. 30.
arexvos 251. 8, 41 ; 254. 11 ; 256.9, 12, 14.
avbevtixos 260. 20.
avAn 241. 19; 248. 17, 28, 32; 247, 26;
248. 19, 29; 274. 2, 11,38; 294.8; 338.
XI,
avtédev 271. 19; 375.
a’roxpatwp 237. vil. 18.
apapeiy 237. vii. 41, 43.
adapratew 285. 10.
apncE 256. 11,14; 265. 28; 318.
apiévat 237. Vill. 9.
apopun 2877. vii. 21.
Badavvos 265. 3.
Bapivew 298. 26.
Baowtkés 279. 10; 368.
BeBaos 237. Vv. 33, 43, Vil. 18, vill. 16, 40;
270. 40.
GENERAL INDEX, GREEK
BeBaoiy 263. 15; 264. 10, 17; 266. 22; |
375.
BeBaiwors 264. 11; 270. 40; 277.12; 306.
Bipa 287. Vv. 13, vil. 20; 260. 12.
Bia 287. vi. 18, 22, 33, Vil. 24; 285. 9.
Biatew 294. 16.
BiBdidiov 237. iv. 35, V. 7 ef saep.
BiB\oOjKn 23'7. vill. 30, 32, 38.
BiBXiov 296. 7.
BiBXLouAdKwov 237. iv. 38, Vv. 24, Vil. 17, Vili.
25, 37-
BddBy 283. 7.
BdaBos 264. 12; 270. 45; 271. 26.
Brarrew 286. 11.
Prérew 259. 32; 298. 33.
Bonfeca 237. v. 39.
Bonbetv 2377. vill. 7.
Boppwos 248. 21.
Bovxia 897.
BovrecOar 237. vi. 24, Vil. 15 ef saep.; 244.
3, 20; 265.17, 19; 279.2; 281. 16.
Bows 234. 11, 30.
Bpoxn 280. 5.
Bpoxiov 326.
yaxnoy (?) 326.
yadaktwos 267. 7.
yapeiv 2837. vii. 29, Vili. 243 257. 25, 30;
265. 6; 361.
yapixds 237. viil. 23.
yapos 237. vii. 12, 28, vill. 4, 5,6; 266.15;
268. 13.
yeveots 235. 2.
yevnua 209. 12, 13; 277. 6.
yevos 237. V. 4; 279. 14; 280. 13.
yepdiaxds 264. 3; 275. 13; 367.
345
yepdwos 252. 3; 262. 4; 275. 5; 284. 4;
285. 4, 6; 288. 36 ef sacp.
yeopyew 279. 7.
yewpyia 279. 7; 368.
yryvookew 237. V. 32; 283. 13; 295. 2.
yruxis 234. li. 6, 21.
yopun 287. vi. 13, Vill. 8.
yovets 237. iv. 39, Vill. 35; 258.8; 281. ro.
youn 246. 15, 21.
yovu 255. 10.
ypdupa 237. v. 6, 25, Vi. 3, 5, 37, Vii. 18, vill.
I4, 15; 251. 34; 268. 20; 264. 19;
267. 27. 30, 371°) 269. 1) 18: 275. 43",
278. 39; 298. 30.
ypanrov 292. 8; 2938. 5.
ypapn 255.17; 257. 21, 37; 290. 1.
ypapeiov 238. 4.
yins 373.
yepvacwoy p. 208; 257. 6, 22; 300. 12.
yuvatkeios 261. 12.
yovia 243. 21.
Saveifeww 257. iv. 10, 26; 270.13; 271.10;
286. 4; 318.
Savecov 287. iv. 16, v. 21; 241. 3; 270.13;
274. 14.
Saveatns 237. iv. 29, Vill. 32.
dardvy 237. iv. 28; 286. 2 (?); 294. 27.
Sarayvnpa 318.
Sexvivac 237. vi. 21.
bciv 287. iv. 38, vil. 23, Vili. 29, 30; 265.
13; 283. 13.
| Seuvés 237. vi. 21.
dciobar 237. v. 8, 26, 37, 39, Vil. 10, viil. 41.
befids 255. 10; 256. 13.
dedvtws 237. vi. 39, 40, Vili. 40.
dndoty 287. v. 8, 19, 34, Vi. II, Vill. 33;
243. 36; 257. 6, 12; 268.13; 274. 18.
Snudovos 237. iv. 39, Vill. 28, 35; 276. 11;
290. 34, 35; 870. 16 dnpdotov 265. 7 ;
270. 45; 271. 27; 274. 33; 275. 30;
277.9; 279.3. 6a Sypooiov 237. iv. 6
et saep., V. 6, 19.
daBatver 298. 18.
Sayer 28'7. iv. 30.
Stayvaots 237. Vv. 7
diaypadhew 288. 1 ef sacp.; 289. i. 2 ef sacp.;
298. 19; 370.
Siaypapy 241. 32; 242. 34; 243. 47; 264.
26; 267. 34; 269.1. 22; 323; 332.
346
diad€xeOar 237. vi. 37, Vii. 10.
Siatnrety 237. viii. 21.
Sabin 249. 24.
Siaipeots 274. 6.
Staxovetv 275. 10.
diaxpovew 237. vill, 10.
StadapBdvew 284. 11 3 285. 20.
Ovadeirew 281. 16.
Siadoyopos 294. 1 ef saep.
Stapdyn 237. vii. 22.
Ovapeverv 237. viii. 40.
duaroarehiew 286. 26.
duaceiew 240. 5; 284. 5; 285. 13.
dudonpos 237. vi. 34, Vii. 6.
diudoTpopa 237. viii. 30, 39, 40, 42.
Svaraypa 237. iv. 37, viii. 7, 26.
didrafis 287. viii. 23.
Suardooew 237. vi. 6.
Siaribévar 242. 8.
Staripnors 267. 18.
diarpopy 275. 19.
Suapépew 287. vii. 29; 265. 17.
Staopa 267. 19.
diSackadtxds 275. 34.
diSdvar 235.3 ; 237. iv. 17, vi. 10, 17, Vil. 41,
Az; ABO. il, O.10, Luc avan 4s) avon Los
277. 8; 294. 23; 296. 3; 298. 20;
299. 2.
diepxerOar 238. 5; 242. 10.
StevAureiv 268. 15.
Suevar 284, ii. 6, 9, 21, 39.
Sicdfew 237. vii. 32.
dikacodocia 237. V. 37.
Sikawos 237. vill. 13. Sixavoy 287. iv. 23, 32,
Vv. 4 ef Saep.; 247.37; 248. 34; 286. 24.
dixn 237. v. 26, vii. 16, 33, Vili. 12, 13, 38;
267. 16; 269.1. 12; 278. 27.
Siporpos 248. 27 ; 270. 22.
Swotknots 237. viii. 29.
Swopooyew 270. 46.
diopifew 237. iv. 32, Vii. 41.
Sioxdciy 286. 13.
Sumtpyios 247. 23.
dioreyos 243. 15.
Oixa 2877. viii. Bye
Soxeiy 237. V. 12, vil. 25, viii. 5 ; 284. 13.
ddkipos 265. 25.
dovdos 237. iv. 8; 244. 3,20; 262. 3; 263.
9; 265. 21, 22, 26; 278. 12, 17.
dpav 259. 35. *
INDICES
Spuxpeaios 243. 39; 270. 15.
Svvayis 282. 8; 292. 5.
divacba 237. iv. 12, V. 13, 38, vi. 8, 26,
vii. 7, vili. 7; 261. 11; 269. ii. 3.
dvwwew 235. 15.
Swdexddpaypos 258. 8.
dwped 280. ro.
8wpodoxeiv 237. iv. 7.
éav 242. 17.
éyyovos 265. 21; 273. 25.
eyypanros 268. 16.
eyypapew 287. iv. 11, v. 4.
eyypados 2377. vil. 12.
eyyvav 259. 7.
eyyin 2'70. Io.
eyxadeiv 237. Vi. 5, Vii. 26, vill. 15 ; 265. 42;
266. 16, 20, 21; 267. 36; 272. 25, 28.
€yxaraneirew 281. 21.
eykedevots 237. V. 15.
eykAnua 237. vil. 16, 27, Vili, 10, 20.
eykhigew 234, il. 44.
éyxtnots 237. iv. 16, V. 10, 17, 43, Vill. 29, 32.
éyxvos 267. 20; 815.
eyxupa 234. il. 42.
eyxopios 237. viii. 22.
edapos 249. 21, 24; 286. 22.
€Oos 370.
eidevar 237. Vi. 2,17, 19; 251. 33; 263. 20;
264. 19; 267. 27, 30, 37; 269. 1. 17;
275. 43; 278. 38; 286. 19; 299.5.
eldos 237. Vili. 43; 270. 44.
cioayew 259. 10.
| elaépyeoOa 287. viii. 17.
| elovevae 243. 41; 267. 11.
etcodos 241. 19; 247. 27.
eloepew 237. Vv. 24 ; 870.
| exdrepos 256. 3; 276. 7.
€xatovrapxia 276. 9.
exBiBatew 260. 15.
exd.Waokew 275. 32.
exdvddvar 2377. Vii. 28, vill. 4,5; 275.6; 872.
exduxos 237. Vil. 39; 261. 14.
&kdeois 272. 18; 291. 3.
éxkeioOat 287. Vili. 20.
exeyew 237. iv. 8.
exreurrew 287. Vil. 253 288. 17.
exmpacoeyv 269, il. 5.
extivey 237. iv.14; 259.15; 264.11; 267.
14; 269.1. 8; 271. 24; 286. 11; 318.
XT,
expodios 387.
edaoxpiorns 800. 13.
é\aoy 250. 26.
éeX\acooiv 268. 21; 286. 25; 306.
eAdoowv 237 Vill. IT.
ehéyxew 287. vii. 38, vill. 40.
€heyxos 237. vill. 17.
ehevdeporty 349.
ehevOepwors 3849.
eee 259. 28.
eAdoyifer 250. 23.
epBawvew 259. 31.
eupevew 237. iv. II, vi. 38.
eurinte 243. 26.
eumdd.ov 237. v. 12.
epmpoobev 252. 4; 258. 2; 268. 11.
eupaive (2?) 295. 6.
euarys 260. IT.
éupopos 242. 20.
evareihew 294. 15.
evaytios 240.9; 251.27; 258.23; 255. 24;
259. 21; 260. 17; 263.17; 265. 12.
évdens 281. 20.
evdéxecOa 237. Vill. 31.
evOnnew 257. 24.
evdvev 285. 11.
evedpevew 287. vill. 36.
eveivaa 242. 16; 268. 18.
evexew 237. vill. 18.
evOecpos 271. 21.
evOeros 284. ii. 23.
evautés 237. vill. 23; 275.9, 40; 280. 14;
295. 8.
éeuotava, évataons 270. 28.
evvonos 247. 12.
evoiknots 265. 11; 339.
evotkiov 265. 35 ; 278. 8 e/ saep.
évoxdeiv 237. Vi. 4, Vil. 19.
évoxos 289. 12; 257. 44; 276. 32.
evonpawew 396.
evotatew 234. il. 7, 14, 22.
evraccew 274. 43; 298. 29.
evreMNew 291. 6.
evriéevaa 234. ii. 27 ef saep.; 287. iv. 23,
viii. 26.
évroxos 299. 3.
evtés 287. Vill. 31 ; 288. 10; 275. 29.
evrvyxavew 287. V. 5, 21, 30, 35; Vi. 10, 16,
35, 39, Vil. 7, 9, 24.
evtuxia 287. vi. 8, vii. 5.
GENERAL
INDEX, GREEK 347
evBpifew 287. vi. 17.
evotiov 267. 6, 17.
e£axodovbciv 306.
eEaddorpiovvy 263. 12.
efaveyvos 270. 4.
eéapritew 296. 7.
efeivar 242. 21; 261. 17 ; 265. 23 ; 267.17;
271. 19 ; 273. 19; 275. 22.
e€€pxeoOar 282. Ir.
e€eraev 287. V. 7, Vi. 31, 40.
e€éraots 237. Vv. 12 ef Saép., V1. 5, 9-
e&evdutetv 271. 22.
| éfjs 257. 27; 265. 33; 282. 7.
| e&varavac 268. 11, 16.
| e€ddiov 2438. 16.
e£ob0s 241. 20; 247. 28.
e€ovoia 287. vi. 17, Vil. 27, 29, Vili. 4; 259.
18; 261. 15 3 272. 13.
e&o 255. 22.
emayye\New 287. Vi. 19.
éraxohovbety 244. 9; 245. 11 ; 260. 20.
eravaykatew 281. 25.
eravayxov 270. 38; 318; 374.
eravaveoty 237. Vill. 41.
emavataots 237. Vill. 10, II.
eravépOwors 237. Vill. 30.
émdvw 28°77. Viil. 38 ; 268. 17.
eravdts 248. 28.
erapy 2638. Io.
émepxeoba 266. 16, 21; 271. 25.
enmnpea 237. Vil. 9.
émBorn 290. 7; 298. g.
emiBovdn 237. vi. 6, 31.
emylyvecOa 246. 18.
emypapew 251. 32; 263. 18; 267. 29, 37.
emdexeoOa 279. 4; 281. 9.
emdidovat 2387. V. 17; 244.10, 19; 251. 28;
252. 11; 258. 9,15; 255.16; 257. 47;
283.16; 294. 13. epidedoca 244. 16.
emevat 237. Vil. II.
em(ntety 298. 13, 57-
erideots 283. 8, 15.
emtkatako\ouvbew 274. 22.
emxpivev 257. 16, 33-
emikptots 25'7. 5, 11, 15; 258.16; 288. 35;
314.
eruedcca 268. 1; 281. 2.
extpeheiy 294. 31.
empevew 237. Vi. 17.
entetahrAdcoe 2865. 29, 30.
348
emupeyvovar 245. 15.
emnpoveve 264. 5.
erivota 237. Vil. 35.
emuopxew 240. 8; 251. 26; 253. 23; 255.
24; 259. 21; 260. 16; 263. 16.
ert&evos 255. 20.
emma 265. 32.
emithous 276. 8.
emionuacia 292, 10.
emoxorrety 293. 16; 294. 31.
emotatew 284, ii. 17.
erioraApa 237. vi. 11, Vill. 37.
erioracba 237. iv. 22, 33, Vi. 43 275. 14.
emtoreANew 237. V. 43, Vii. 4; 276. 13.
ematoAn 287. iV. 34, 37, V. 6 ef saep.; 276.
15; 292. 4; 293. 9; 296. 3.
enicxew 237. Vil. II.
emracoew 275. 11 ; 294. 21.
emre\New 271. 18.
emirOevar 237. Vi. 4.
enitywov 287. vill. 18; 270. 45; 271. 26;
275. 29, 33.
emitpémew 237. iV. 11, Vi. 5.
éerirporos 265. 16, 28 ; 283. Io.
emupepew 237. V. 9, 27; 257. 19, 35; 267.
22; 269.1.12, 13; 274.24; 278. 28;
281. 18.
emupopa 283. 15.
eriopos 266. 14.
emixetpety 237. Vi. 25, Vili. 10, 15.
emtxopnyew 282. 6.
emixa@ptos 287. Vili. 34.
eroixwov 250. 22; 274. 30.
epavvav 294. g, Io.
epya( ) 889.
epov 234 ii. 11.
Epupos 244. 10.
Eppnveds 237. vil. 37.
€ppacba evxopa p. 151; 287. vi. 35.
EpxevOa 237. vii. 22; 259. 23; 294. 19;
295. 3.
eporay 269. ii. 4; 292. 7; 294. 28.
€rxaros 280. 14.
ernowos 237. lv. 29, V. 4.
€roipos 291. 11.
evapeoreiy 265. 43.
evooketv 261. 17.
evOéws 237. vill. 16; 291.5; 298. 17.
evopxeiy 240. 8; 251. 25; 258. 22; 255.
23; 259. 21; 260. 16; 263. 16; 361.
INDICES
eim4ns 268. 6.
etpioxew 269. ii.
28, 48.
evruxey 245. 22; 251. 27; 253.14; 282.
21; 285. 21; 396.
evxaptoreiy 896.
eVyerOar 292. II.
evxpnorev 241. 30.
epnuepis 268. 10; 271. 8.
eprevaa 237. vii. 8, 16, 18.
epodos 268. 14, 18; 270. 35; 271. 24, 26.
éye with Inf. 287. vi. 21.
10; 286. 21; 298. 22,
(edyos 267. 6, 18.
¢nv 237. iv. 31.
Gnrety 237. vi. 41.
(nrnows 237. vi. 7, vill. 39.
(@diov 235. 8 ef saep.
fon 265. 41.
nyeioOa 2385. 1; 237. v. 15, 26; 294. 19.
jnyenovia 237. v. 6, Vi. 41, Vii. 19.
ndvs 234. il. 39; 298. 33.
prtkia 247. 13; 278. 13.
NAikos 234. ii. 20.
juiodia 264. 12; 267.15; 269.1. 9;
23; 281. 27; 286. 12.
Hucous, ep yeocia 277. 5.
nm ) 889.
jooov 237. v. 29; 270. 46; 271. 27.
qouxia 237. vi. 3.
78.
Oavaros 2377. viii. 36.
Oappetv 237. v. 6, Vill. 17.
Geta 274. 5, 28.
Oedew 237. Vv. 31, 42, Vi. 2, 40, Vil. TO, 18,
19, 23; 293. 11; 298. 32.
dua 287. iv. 18; 298. 20.
Ocdyvaatos 237. Vi. 29.
Oeds 241. 15; 242. 6 ef saep.; 272. 6.
Oepiorpov 277. 8.
Ocppds 284. li. 44, 48, 49.
Oéows 257. 43.
Ondukds 235. 9g.
Onoavpds 276. 11.
Opéupa 246. 16, 21.
Operrés 298. 5, 46.
Ovyarpouiéia 287. vil. 26.
ididypados 250. 13; 259. 11.
XT,
tos 237. vii. 41, Vili. 32. idia 2877. vill. 9.
iStwrixds 237. vi. 6, vill. 28; 290. 1; 305.
iepdv 242. 21; 254. 3, 13.
iepds 263. 10.
ixavodorety 259. 29.
ixavés 288. 14; 298. 10; 294. 23.
iuavrapwv 326.
tuaritew 275. 14.
inariov 265. 38; 293.5; 298. 21; 394.
ivaticpds 275. 21.
ioaris 280. 14.
tos 284. ii. 2; 267.18; 270. 46; 271. 27;
274. 52; 275. 26, 31; 290. 13.
287. v.17. tows 287. vill. 6.
icravac 264. 7; 278. 9, 20.
iordémodes 264. 5.
ioréds 264. 3, 15; 367.
icxvew 396.
\¥
TO LOOV
xa@apos 237. vi. 24; 270. 40; 874.
cad’ ev 282. 13.
kaOnxew 237. vill. 29; 245. 21; 257. 15; |
265. 7; 268. 19; 269. i. 10; 286. 28.
xabioravac 265. 28 ; 281. 20, 22, 24.
cadddov 239. 10; 267. 9; 269.1. 5.
kaworroveiv 23'7. Vill. 42.
xawéds 237. vi. 22.
kaipos 237. vi. 27, Vil. II.
kairo. 237. viii. 30.
kaxovxety 265. 143; 281. 17.
kaapos 326.
xa\etv 237. vill. 19.
xadéds 237. iv. 37, Vill. 8, 31; 259. 35;
265. 3. xalas roeiv 297. 3; 299. 3;
300. 5.
kapapa 248. 16.
kaunXitns 800. 3.
kaun\iov 326.
kapreia 265. 11.
kaprrifew 265. 6, 7.
kapros 256. 13; 277. 6.
kacor( ) 389.
kaotoptov 234. ii. I.
caraBaivey 237. Vill. 33.
katayivecOa 254. 6; 255. 6; 256. 6.
kataypapew 327 ; 328.
xataypagr 268. 22; 306.
xaTdbeots 243. 11.
xatakohovdeiv 237. iV. 37, Vili. 27.
kardkpipa 298. 4, 7.
GENERAL INDEX, GREEK
cowards 248, 18 ef sacp.;
349
xatadermeww 268. 143; 270. 35; 272. 19.
karadoyeiov 271. 8, 12.
kataloxiopds 238. 14; 273. 22; 298. 20;
841; 344; 346; 348.
katavrav 247. 30; 248.11; 249.8; 250.
10; 274. 19.
xatamA\cly 2838. 9.
katarAnooew 237. Vili. 10.
xatapevyew 237. V. 30.
karaxpnpatifey 265. 12.
kataxpnpariopés 237. iV. 7.
karaxpnoOa 281. 15.
katayopilew 237. Viil. 25 ; 265. 5 (?); 268. 20.
karexew 287. iv. 20, 22, 23, Vill. 22.
| katnyopey 237. Vill. 14, 21.
kaTnyopia 237. viii. 17.
katoxia 270, 25.
karoxikos 248. 18, 22, 25; 270. 18 ef saep.;
273. 18; 346.
katoyn 287. iv. 32, Vi. 5, 22, 39; 40, Vil. 11,
17.
keicOar 293. 7.
kedeveww 287. V. 35, Vi. 34, Vii. 7 ef Saep., Vili.
25, 31; p. 208; 257. 4.
xevtpav 326.
kevtpovopiov 326.
kepadaov 237. iv. 30; 243. 38; 266. 9;
267. 9 ef saep.; 268.7; 269. i. 4, 9, 16;
270. 15, 29; 272. 9; 286. 8.
xepahn 273. 18.
xivduvos 287. Vill. 11; 278. 16; 280. 19.
xweiv 287. vii. 26.
kAnpovopos 298. 16.
kAnpos 248. 21; 250.9, 21; 265. 40: 270.
17; 273.17; 277.4; 343; 344; 346;
348.
kAnpovv 274, 4.
kdutew 284. ii. 39, 48.
KAvopos 234. ii. 30.
rA[ . |8( ) 889.
xowss 236. (4) 3, (c) 33 287. iv. 35; 272.
iis UCR CY No Ch 13}
249. 18; 274.
27; 280. Io.
KOd\Anua (?) 274. 22.
xod\Avpa 397.
komidn 271. 5, 17.
kopifew 296. 3; 300. 6,
kovik( ) 2°74. 30.
xonn 280. 17.
332
Kootweta 294. 20.
Kparet 237. Vili. 34, 36 ; 273. 24.
kpivew 287. vii. 15, 37, Vili. 30; 258. 6.
kpiows 237. -V. 8, vi. 28, vil. 14.
kpitnpov 261. 12, 15; 268. 1; 281. 4.
kpdkos 284. ii. 16.
kpokus 234. li. 30.
xracba 287. Vil. 42; 259. 6, 18.
krjots 237. vill. 32, 34, 35-
Krnrop 237. Vill. 31.
Kvanos 298. 41.
KuBepyntns 276. 6.
kumnpis 874.
Kumnpodoyew 374.
kuptevery 237, lv. 315
273. 24.
kupwos (title), kipre 237. v. 27 ef saep. xvpia
800. 1. (=guardian) 242. 25; 251. 5,
32; 252. 7; 253. 5; 255. 4, 13; 256.
4; 261. 4; 268. 2, 6, 20; 266. 4; 267.
2 20 ACS Oa On 4c ads made
4. (Adj.) 287. iv. 38, vii. 15,18; 261.17 ;
264. 12; 269. i. 12; 270. 46, 49; 271.
iis PUR iis. Ohi. pps Play evils Py ksh wife
288. 36.
kurwos 284. il. 15.
kodvew 237. Vil. 23.
koun 388.
265.) 13082705130):
Aadayevew 294. 25.
AapBavew 237. vi. 27, Vill. 17, 29; 259. 26;
298. 6; 326.
Aaprpds 287. v. 18, Vi. 2, 14, Vil. 5, 6, 7-
Aaoypadeicba 245. 19; 350; 353.
Aeaivew 234. il. 5.
Aeyear Sevrepa 276. 9.
Anyew 287. vi. 4.
Ajppa 391.
ABavords 284. il. 38.
Awovs 285. 11.
Aurds 281. 11, 22.
Noyela 210. 13; 239. 8.
Adyos 2387. vil. 26; 289. 10; 259. 12;
272. 20; 275. 19, 21; 281.8, 16; 370;
391.
Aodopeitv 237. vi. 21.
Aoumds 237. iv. 5 ef Saep., V1. 23
270. 20; 272. 16, 17.
242. 18;
paxpompoowros 254, 13; 255. 10; 256. 9.
INDICES
paxpds 237. Vv. 20.
pavns (?) 278. 17.
pavOavew 237. vill. 22; 294. 5.
peyas 237. Vili. 10, 17; 292. 9; 396.
| peOerepos 237. Vil. 42.
peaAay 326.
pede 284. ii. 10.
pedixypos 254. 13; 255. 10; 256. 9, II.
peuper Oa 237. vi. 21.
péevew 237. V. 33, 43, Vil. 15, 35, 38; 242.
20; 272. 15, 21; 298. 18; 370.
pepicew 248. 9.
peépos, kata pt. 284, Io.
peoos 247, 24; 251. 38; 254.133; 255. 10;
256. 9, 11; 280. 9.
pecoupavna 235. 13.
perayew 244, 3; 259. 19.
peradidovar 286. 15.
peradapBavey 278. 26.
pera\dA\av 237. vii. 40.
pera\\aooav 247. 32; 249. 12; 250. 11;
268. 9, 12.
peraéu 237. iv. 6, Vv. It.
peraradns 237. vil. 23.
perarouta 318.
perapepew 287. vill. 42; 274. 1.
pereyyvos 266. 10.
peremcypapew 273. 21.
| peréopos 238. I.
péroxos 242. 31; 243. 45; 256. 7; 287.
3; 289. 12, 19; 320; 327; 329.
perpew 287. 4.
| perpws 396.
| pnkovov 234. ii. I.
pidov 298. 43, 43.
pnrorpis 234. ii. 12.
pntporodts 274. 41.
pytporoXitns 258. 8.
Bytp@os 237. Vv. 33-
pxpos 298. 13, 44.
puobovv 277. 1, 17; 2'78. 1 ef sacp.; 280.1,
20; 374.
pio@wors 278. 27, 43; 280. 24.
punpn 237. vi. 30.
pynpoveioyv 238. 3; 243. 11; 270. 12, 14;
274. 15; 286.6; 306; 362.
pynpovkov 881.
poyis 298. 19.
povos 237. iv. 23 ef saep.; 265. 29.
287. iv. 38, vi. 7, 21, Vii. 41.
peovov
ATI,
piew 284. il. 15.
pidos 278. 4 ef saep.
puoOnpevery 299. 3.
puoOnpeutys 299. 2.
pupov 284. li. 9.
vaviwouy.os 2786. 7.
venety 245. 10; 350.
veorepiCew 237. Vv. 34, Vi. 3.
veatepos 237. vil. 21; 245. 18;
283. 4; 298. 29.
voueds 245.17; 850.
vopn 244. 5.
vouikds 237. Vii. 15, Vili. 2, 3.
voutpos 237. iv. 20, Vii. elo
vopicna 237. Vill. 22.
vépnos 237. Vi, 14, 17, Vii. 11 ef saep., Vili. 34.
vooew 237. Vil. 22.
vécos 263. Io.
p0é 235. 7.
2538. 20;
fém 251. 11; 252. 10; 253. 7; 262. 6.
fevixos 286. 15.
évAapav 280. 12, 15.
ote Oar 237. v. 8, vi. 14, Vili. 12.
oixely 255. 18, 19.
oiketos 237. Vil. 25.
oixntnpiov 281, 11.
oiktakds 294. 17.
oikidiov 379.
olkoyerns 336.
oixodeororew 235, 16.
oixod( ) 389.
olkovopety 237. iv. 7,
oikovouta 238. 2.
oixos 235. 8 ef saep.; 268. 7; 290. 20;
293.17; 294. 8, to.
oivos 284. ii. 38.
olds 7 civar 2377. Vi. 5.
oiaunnpés 234. ii, 11.
Odtyos 237. iv. 20, V. 4, Vi. 19, Vil. 14.
Gdos 237. iv. 25, 31, Vi. 25; 248. 27; 245.
14; 275. 15, 20; 283. 19.
opviev 239.5; 240. 3; 246. 23; 251. 18,
29; 253. 16; 255. 13; 257. 38; 258.
23; 259. 4; 260.5; 262. 12; 263. 4;
361.
Vill. 29; 298. 12.
GENERAL INDEX,
GREEK 351
époyynows 241. 27; 247.9; 249. 10; 274.
34.
dpovorns 237. vi. 6.
dporoyey 237. iv. 15; 261. 4, 9; 264. 2;
266. 3, 20; 267. 2; 269. i. 2; 270. 3 ef
saep.; 271.2; 272.13; 278. 4; 275.1;
276.5; 286. 2; 287. 2.
6poroynpa 237. iv. 6 ef saep., V. 11.
dpodoyia 237. iv. 32; 248. 13,36 ; 250.13;
270. 12, 49; 273. 20.
duounrpios 268. 4.
éymdatns 399.
évopa 237. vill. 42; 247. 31; 248. 11;
249.9; 250.11; 265. 45; 298. 35.
énéte 243. 10.
éropa 298. 38.
opav 237. Vv. 22, vil. 7.
épifew 237. iv. 33; 265. 33; 370.
épkos 239.12; 251. 31; 257. 44, 48.
époBos 284, ii. 21, 26.
bpos 274, 27.
| éadnroroty 265. 23.
éotpaxov 234, ii. 3.
ovdéro. 273. 13; 275. 8.
] ovAn 255. 10.
ods 234. ii, 24 ef saep.; 287. vi. 22.
ovata 237. iv, 25, Vi. 22, 25, 26.
ovo.akds 237. iv. 17.
opethew 237. iv. 8, 24, 27, viii. 13, 14, 16;
238. 13; 272.7; 298. 8.
open 272. 16; 286. 18.
opeAnua 882; 383; 384.
dpedos (ompedes) 237. vill. 15.
bpAnua 237. iv. 19, 21.
oxeiv 269. ii. 4.
maweta 265. 24.
tradiov 298. 21, 40.
mais 237. Vil. 28, 35, Vill. 6; 265. 24; 275.
14 ef Ssaep.
mavaptov 800. 4.
mavoupyia 237, villi. 12.
mavraxn 267. 22; 269.1. 12; 278. 27.
mavraxobev 237. vii. 8.
mavreAns 287. Vili. 10; 281. 11.
mannos 237. iv. 10; 248. 12.
mapayye\New 237. Vili. 12, 36, 41.
mapayiyvesOac 257. 11; 258. 15;
298. 14, 59.
mapaywoyn 277. 7.
291. 9;
302
mrapddetypa 237, iv. 37, Vi. 29, vill. 8.
mapadexecOar 280. 20.
mapadidova 374.
mapdbeow 237. V. 11.
mapaxadew 292. 5; 294. 29.
mapakatariOévar 237. Vili. 16.
mapakeioba 237. V. LO, 19, 21.
mapakodovéeiv 283. 7.
mapaxopiceyv 237. Vil. 24.
mapadapBavew 237. lv. 35, V.
278. 18; 375.
mapadeinew 237. V. 20, 22.
mapadoy.opds 237. v. 6.
mapavonos 237. Vi. 13.
mapamAnowos 234. il. 47, 50.
mapaovyypapew 270. 43, 44.
maparetvey 287. Vill. 10.
maparibevar 237. iv. 10, 38, V. 7, vi. 16, vii. 8,
Q, Vill. 34; 274. 53; 826.
mapavutika 237. Vili. 14.
napapépe 237. V. 41, Vi. 36.
mapaepva 266. 17.
mapaxwpew 271.5, 7, 14.
mapaxopno 344,
mapeivat 237. V. 9, 13, Vi. 7, 37, Vii. 31; 261.
16; 283. 8; 298. 30.
mapexew 237. Vi. PUK & SOS Chl wire
275. 26; 281. 13; 286. 9, 17.
mapiorava 259. 14; 277. 14.
nas, Oia mavtds 293. 2; 294. 3; 396.
mdaoxew 287. Vi. 21, 23, 33.
matpixos 274. 3, 18.
matpwds 266. 4.
mavew 237. Vi. 15, Vil. 19.
meOapxeiv 265. 13.
neiew 237. vill. 13; 268. 7; 294. 2.
meipav 235. 3.
méeuvew 296.6; 298. 40; 299. 4,5; 800. 3.
mevOepds 237. Vii. 21.
mevraetia 237. Vill. 41.
mépas 237. Vili. 16; 282. 11.
Tepratpew 318.
mepiBoros 242. 14.
meptypady 287. vill. 15.
mepetvat 2438. 10; 265. 35.
mepiexe 249. 24; 286. 13.
meprvew 323.
meptopav 237. iv. 22.
mepimoe 279. 3.
mepiorepeov 248, 29; 250. 24.
TGS PAS} 108} 5
4
22°
22,
INDICES
mepiterxyifew 242. 15, 19.
Teptye 283. 16.
mepixopa 280. 9.
mepoéa 284. ii, 28.
mevKn 284. ii. 49.
mupackew 268. 5; 264. 2, 15; 298. 51;
318.
mitrakioy 297. 4.
mAavay 237. vi. 8.
mAaotés 237. Vill. 14.
madtos 242. 15.
mrAaoraks 237. Vill. 23.
mAeupiopos 378.
| mAnyn 288. 15.
| mAnpns 287. iv. 14.
mAnpovy 275. 24; 298. 8.
mov 259. 28; 276. 7.
roe 237. iV. 13, Vii. 5, Vill. 9 ef saep. ; 242.
20; 249.21; 259. 30; 260.8; 270.9;
CHe-h sip Shs Pls aGe Me)8 Pil, i 2
293. 10; 294. 12, 14; 297.3; 298. 21;
299. 3; 300. 5; 318.
modirikos 259. 8.
mohvs 237. Vi. 19, Vil. 14, Vili. 9, 29; 244.
18; 274. 6; 279. 3; 291. 2; 292. 2;
293. 2; 298. 38.
mrovos 284. il. 24, 37.
mopos 251. 22; 252, 11,14; 253. 8, 11, 19.
roppupa 298. 11.
mpaots 237. iv. 9; 264. 10; 270. 33.
mpacov 284. ii. 43.
mpacoew 237. vi. 13 ef Sacp.; 277.8; 288.
II, 19; 292. 13.
mpagts 267.15; 269.i.10; 270. 4, 7; 271.
Ry ati at pS CYP Os 75 Bis CYA 22s
286. 20.
mperew 265. 24.
mpeaBvtepos 245. 4.
mpiavba 242. 23; 375.
mpoayew 283. 16.
mpoaipects 237. Vi. 30.
mpoaroypaperba 249. 6; 250. 3.
mpoarroypados 256. 15.
mpoBareos 234. il. 46.
mpoBaroy 244. 8, 12;
297. 6.
mpoypapew 284. ii. 41; 248. 37; 251. 21,
30; 272. 19, 21; 283.13; 291.7; 361.
mpddnros 237. Vil. 9g.
mpoepxerba 286. 14.
245. 9, 10, 23;
XI.
mpobeopia 237. iv. 19; 270. 26 ef saep.; 370.
mpoevaa 272. 15.
mpoi& 237. vi. 27, vii. 28, 42, vili. 6.
mpotoravar 239. IT.
mpopavrevecOa 237. V. 39.
mpovora 237. iv. IT, V. 38, Vi. 2.
mpomuAov 243. 15, 21.
Tpormdew 375.
mpooayew 267. 9; 269. i. 5.
mpocarorivew 270. 43.
mpooBaivey 257. 5; 258. 6, 12.
mpooyiverOa 297. 7.
mpoodeiaba 278. 22.
mpoadexerOar 295. 7.
mpoodoxav 237. Vili. II.
mpoceva 243. 16; 247. 26.
mpooérevars 283. 19.
mpooepxeoOa 237. vii. 21; 238. 7.
mpocexew 237. Vi. 29.
mpoonke 237. vii. 11, 43, Vill. 38; 265. 15;
282. 16; 283. 19.
mpooxaprepew 260. 14; 261. 12.
mpockeicba 391.
mpockuvetv 237. Vi. 37.
Tpocpuyvivar 2BA. il. g.
mpdcodos 237. iv. 8, 28, 31, 33-
mpovonodoyev 267. 19.
mpocopeitiey 298. 16.
mpoorapaxwpew 271. 14.
mpootdccev 237. vii. 8, vill. 26, 38; 247.
15; 249. 6.
mpoorOeva 237. vii. 28.
mpootpexew 247, 12.
mpoahepew 237. Vi. 14, 24, Vii. 26; 266. 9;
268. 7.
mpdagopos 265. 11.
mporpaveiy 237. V. 10 ef saep,
mpooparvncts 237. Vv. 16, 36, vi. g, vil. 15,
viii, 2.
npdcorov 237. vii. 34, 40.
mporedey 279. 12,
npdopacts 237. Vi. 31, Vil. II, 13, 16.
mpopepev 237. vi. 23; 261. 9, 11.
mpoxetpiCery B44.
mpa@ros 237. iv. 36; 248. 10; 280. 12;
297.9; 298. 3.
muvOaver Oar 237. Vii. 37.
mupyos 243. 15, 17, 28; 248. 20.
GENERAL INDEX, GREEK
mupos 277. 5; 279.15; 280. 15, 18; 287.
6, 83 298: 4, 7/5 SOL. {
303
more 242, 22; 270. 34; 274. 43; 298. 7.
padiupyta 237. vill. 15.
pnrés 2877. vii. 7.
pntrop 237. vii. 21 ef saep., Vili. 19.
poa 284. ii. 14.
pidwos 284. i. 2, ii. Lo.
puradns 284. ii. 18.
Pao.orikds (?) 284. ii. 5.
povvivat, epponevos 396.
2
os)
oaypa 826.
aaxkiov 326.
seruus 244. 15.
ceovynra 294, 11.
onpavew 244. 12; 245. 23; 246. 20,
32, 355 247. 31; 270) 17. 278) ro:
283. 12.
onpetoy 293. 6.
onpeody 237. vil.
onpetwors 269. i. 20.
owrtkos 286. 22; 291. 4, 12.
owrav 237. V. 13, vi. 8.
oxadn 826.
opnrtoy 826.
opuipva 284. ii. 33-
covowos 234. ii. 8.
onetpew 277. 5; 280. 12, 14.
orabpovyos 887.
otepety 237. Vi. 25.
aToln 265. 18, 25.
otparevew (?) 251. 24.
orpatnyia 237. V. 32, Vi. 37, Vii. 10.
otpariwrns 240. 7; 276. 9.
29; 243. 48; 262. 19.
orpoyyv\orpdcwros 256. II, 13.
otuntnpia 284. li. 25, 34.
ovyypapew 237. iv. 10.
avyypapn 237. iv. 38, vi. 23, 31, Vii. 17, Vili.
23, 25,26; 241 4; 248.3; 250. 16;
259.10; 261. 18; 266.11; 270. 13;
271. 27; 274. 14; 286. 5.
ovyketo Oa 237. iv. 12:
ovykAetopos 275. 20.
ovykvpew 241, 21; 247. 29.
ovyxpnpaticp.os 287. iv. 26.
ovyxepetv 237. Vi. 24, Vil. 27; 265.9; 268.
Ro CHR ape PYPE OR. Re OFRL LCs
279. 4.
ovyxopnots 268. 10, 13; 271. 7 ef saep.;
281. 7.
Aa
354
ounrety 259. 26.
ovdAapBdavew 283. 12.
ovpBaivey 287. vill. 11.
cupBiovy 281. 6; 282. 4.
oupBiaors 282. Io.
ovpBorov 298. 23.
otpras 287. 7.
oupmeibeww 267. 10.
cuprepme 237. V. 29.
cupreprvew 259. 25.
cuprinte 248. 28, 30.
cuppevety 260. 7.
cuvayew 285. 19.
ovvad\doce 237. vill. 24, 36.
cuvavark, 294. 28.
cuvedevar 240. 5.
cuvewat 237. Vii. 433 265. 37; 267. 18.
ouveprinrew 243, 33.
ouvertypapew 265. 16.
ouvemtypapy 273. 23.
cuveritporevey 265. 29.
ouvexew 281. 25.
ouvexns 237. Vi. 19.
auvevookety 237. Vi. 24.
avynOns 237. V. 37.
ovmoravar 237. viii. 13 ; 243.1; 261. 13, 16;
269.1.22; 292. 6 ; 8320; 329-332; 334;
339; 349; 364.
ovvoixety 237. Vii. 23, 32, Vill. 5.
ovvotxestoy 250. 16 ; 266. II.
ouvvracoew 265. 8; 278. 19;
286. 14.
ouvravpotados 395.
cupe( ) 326.
atoraots 261. 17.
cvoTpepew 234. li. 12, 32.
tpagew 259. 33.
copatiopds 268. 18.
281. 23;
raBed\ia 278. 7.
Tapetov 241. 26.
ta&is 287. Vill. 20; 262. 12.
rapdooew 298. 27.
racoew 237. vill. 18; 242. 31; 243. 46;
245. 21; 257. 23; 259. 3; 274. 7
et sacp.; 348.
Tavpews 284. il. 45.
tapos 274, 247, 30.
taxa 237. v. 4, Vill. IT.
Taxiotos 280. 21.
NDICES
Texvoy 237. lV. 39, Vill. 23, 35, 36; 265. 10
et Saep.
tekew 237. vill. 22; 259. 24; 279. 12;
290. 22.
tédevos 237. Vil. 15; 278. 4.
Tedevovy 237. Vill. 37; 238. 9; 268. 10;
271. 7, 1; 286. 5-
Tedciwors 286. 26.
Tedeutaios 237. iv. 35, Viil. 42.
tedevrav 248. 14; 258. 21 P 262. 6, 11.
Tedevty 265. 22; 274. 19.
réxyn 237. Vill. 15; 275. 13.
Tpew 237. iV. 39, Vill. 35.
rideva, 243. 10; 250. 13.
Tyn 237. iv. 5, 7, 24; 242. 28; 248. 41;
263.14; 264. 8, 12, 16; 267.6; 268.
10; 278. 21, 35; 279. 13; 326; 391.
Tiwios 237. Viil. 3,6; 292.1; 299. 1.
Towvtos 237. Vill. 12, 15, 37-
téxos 237. iv. 25, 27, 29, v.43; 248. 39;
269.1. ro; 270: 15, 29/5 Avi. 16, 23)
286. 9.
To\pav 237. iv. 34, 40.
Tonos 242. 15, 17, 19; 248. 18; p. 208;
274. 3, 30; 283. 20; 286. 21; 318;
330.
TogodTos 237. V. 5, 26, Vi. 3, 5-
tpare(a 241. 33; 264. 7, 26; 267. 4, 33;
269.1. 3; 288.8 ef saep.; 289. 2 ef saep.;
305; 370.
tpametizns 248. 453; 269. i. 22.
tpepew 275. 14.
tpiaxas 260. 13 3; 267. 11; 269.1. 5 ; 270. 26.
TpiBakds 326.
TpiBew 234. ii. 16, 26, 34.
Tpirkaidexaerns 258. 7, 12.
tpomos 237. Vili. 29; 242. 22; 263. 13 ;
265. 23, 36, 43; 270. 9, 38; 272. 20;
286. IT.
tpopn 237. vi. 27.
Tuyxdvew 235. 4, 7; 287. Vv. 9, 40, Vill. 30;
242.8; 271.7; 282. 16; 292. Io.
UBpitew 281. 17.
UBpis 237. vi. 15, 20, Vil. 27.
tyaivew 291. 9; 292. 11; 293. 3; 294.
3, 31.
vyms 278. 18, 35.
vdarivos 265. 3.
vowp 284. il. 17:
XG.
vid 261. 5, 7-
vidous 257. 20.
viovds 261. 7, 14.
Urakovew 237, Vili. 19.
bra\Naypa 370.
treivat 237. v. 43; 286. 24.
brepbeois 267. 13; 269.1.8; 278.14; 818.
breprinrew 269. i. 9.
imepribevar 237. vil. 33; 248. 6, 37.
imnperns 898.
tmurxveio Oat 237. Vi. 27.
trdBAnros 257. 43.
tro ynv 235. 15.
troypapew 287. V. 6, 37, Vi. 40; 290. 9;
294. 4.
broypapn 237. v. 9, 18. 41, vi. 9, 11; 269.
ih tS CYP os
broyves 287. vi. 6, vil. 32.
tndbeots 237. vii. 34, Vili. 22.
troOjkn 237. vill. 32; 241. 16; 248. 3;
270. 16; 274. 8 ef saep.; 348.
broxeio Oar 237. vil. 16; 268. 11 ; 282. 14.
broNapBavew 237. iv. 32.
imohéyew 259. 23.
tmokeinew 237. iv. 23, Vi. 22.
brdAouros 237. Vil. 22.
tropever 237. viil. 38.
tndpynua 237. v. 24; 244. 10; 251. 20;
252. 12; 258.9, 15; 283.16; 286. 16.
tropynpatiCew 237. vil. 38.
Uropynuationés 237. Vil. 19, 29, 36, 39, Vilil.
6, 433; 298. 15.
indatagts 237. iV. 39, Vill. 26, 34, 42; 870.
vrooréhiew 246. 26.
unéotpaBos 256. 10.
trordocew 237. iV. 35, Vi. 15 ef saep., vii. 14,
Vill, 27.
broredns 272. 17.
brorevar 237. Vi.
20.
UaTepos, cis UoTepovy 237. Vill. 40.
tpapety 282. 22.
24, 40; 241. 26; 270.
gaivey 237. v. 8, 16; 272. 17; 283. 17;
285. 21.
badaxpés 294. 24.
pavepés 237. vill. 27.
aos 293. 4, 8; 294. 15.
pepev 237. vii. 26; 288. 14,18; 244. 12;
269. ii. 12; 298.9; 298. 15, 30.
GENERAL INDEX, GREEK
655
gepyn 265. 34, 38; 266. 9; 268. 9, 15;
281. 6, 15, 27.
hevyew 237. vii. 16; 295. 4.
POdvew 237. vi. 30, Vil. 42.
POdvos 237. vi. 21.
pitos 269. il. 2; 291. 1; 294. 17, 26;
298. 1.
poBeicba 237. vill. 11.
popos 280. 18.
hopriov 242. 16 ; 248. 27, 34.
dpéap 248. 18, 28.
ppovrifew 287. vi. 16, 34.
dvdaxn 259. 4, 8, 20.
purdooew 237. Vill. 39.
pvardov 284. ii. 28.
poyew 234. ii. 2.
opay 237. vill. 9.
xXa\Bavoy 284. ii. 8.
xXapi(ec Oa 292. 9.
xapis 278. 14. yapw 237. vil. 11; 244. 5;
259. 23, 27, 33; 286. 12; 298. 45.
xapms 890.
xelp 264. 12; 269.1. 12; 272. 22; 281. 18.
Oia xetpds 268. 7.
xXEtpoypapia 260. 21.
xetpoypapoy 241. 31;
ii. 7.
Xelpov 237. vil. 43.
xedfew 266. 15.
xerov 267. 7; 285.11; 298.11; 326.
xAuaivew 284. i. 3, il. 6, 13, 22.
xA@pdés 279. 13.
xXoAn 284. ii. 30, 45.
xopnyety 237. vi. 26, 27.
xopnyia 237. iv. 8, vii. Lo.
xoprobykn 830.
xpav 299. 5.
xpela 284. ii. 20.
xpnpa 237. iv. 24, Vill. 9.
xpnuatiCew 242. 30; 248. 44; 268. 2, 4;
271. 10; 320; 354.
xpnuarixds 237. vil. 16, vill. 13, 16, 20.
Xpnuaritpés 237. iv. 39, V. 26, 34, Vill. 35;
286. 25.
xpnoyos 234. li. 31.
xpnoGa 234. li. 40; 287. v. 14, 37, 38, Vil.
24, Vili. 8; 257. 44; 270. 34; 285. 9.
xpiow 237. iv. 39, Vili. 35, 41; 272. 12.
xpnoteia 242. 18.
259. 1, 33;
Aaz
356
xpnorypiov 242. 20;
250. 20; 265. 39.
xpdvos 235. 4, 6; 287. iv. 31, V. II, Vili. 29,
39; 243. 40; 251. 12; 259. 18; 265.
2/3 Picts tie, libpS PGI Th Uh@s BAO, 36
273. 14; 275. 9 ef saep.; 278. 16, 34;
354.
xpvoovs 259. 11; 265. 3; 267. 6.
xvdbs 234. il. 43, 49.
xodaivew p. 208.
x@pna 290. I, 6, 34.
247. 27; 248. 30;
INDICES
Wéehuov 259. 11; 265. 3.
Wevderda 237. iv. 34, Vv. 22.
Widds 287. vi. 11; 248. 18; 274. 3, 30;
330.
aveioOa 242.17; 252. 6; 258. 4; 270. 18
et saep.; 346.
avy 242, 2.
pa 235. 7 ; 396.
apockorety 235. 13.
acavtoas 267. 19; 272. 18.
XII.
DISCUSSED IN
INDEX OF SUBJECTS
INTRODUCTIONS AND NOTES|!.
(The numbers refer to pages.)
Accentuation 76, 97, 112, 127.
Aeschylus quoted 51.
Age, attainment of legal, 198.
Agoranomus and agoranomeion 179-82,
185.
Alcaeus quoted 81.
adexrop 39-
Alexander Aphrodisiensis on Anthrépos 93.
Alexandrian archives 182.
Alexandrian calendar, introduction of, 138.
Ammonius the grammarian 53-5.
duodov, meaning of, 189, 225.
Anacreon quoted 49, 51.
Anacreontean metre 49. 51.
annus vagus 138.
Anthologia Palatina V. 217, Scaliger’s con-
jecture 12.
Anthrépos, the boxer, 93.
Antispastic metres 43, 52-
droypapat of property 177-9, 193-201, 213-
14. dmoypacai kar’ oikiay 207-14.
Apostrophe, use of, 115.
aroriunots 212-14.
Apprentices, taxes on, 264.
Archaizing 21.
Archelaus the historian 39.
Archidicastes 230, 249.
Ares, priests of, 35.
Aristotle, on Baoweia 34; Eth. Nic. vii. 4. 2
(“AvOpwros) 87, 93 ; quoted 80, 82, 83.
Aristophanes frag. 599, context of, 20.
Asclepiadean metre 52.
Augustus’ introduction of census and poll-
tax 209-14.
Bacchylides, date of his literary activity 87,
94; Ode iii date 93; ode v date 87, g1 ;
odes vi, vii date 94.
Bacchylides papyrus, date of, 3.
Books, early forms of, r, 2.
Byzantine period, uncials of, 3.
Census 207-14.
Clitarchus the historian 36.
Contractions in papyri 2, 8, ro.
Copper and silver 187-8, 190, 268.
Cosmetes 197.
Cyrenaic metre 51-2.
Completion of contracts (reAelwors) 182-3,
250.
Day and night, calculation of, 139.
Deme-names 193, 256.
Demotic contracts 240.
Digests of droypapai 176, 259.
1 This index does not include the subject-matter of the papyri, for which see Table, pp. vill-x.
ALT,
Dioecetes 290-1.
Divorce 2309.
Domain land 269.
Donatio propler nupiias 239-41.
Dowry 142-3, 170, 239-41, 243-5-
Dykes, maintenance of, 281, 288.
Egyptian law on marriage 142-5, 149-50,
167-175.
Egyptians, Gospel according to the, 9.
&xOeots 257.
Ephorus quoted 79.
émtBodn 290.
Epicurus, fragment of (?), 30.
émixptots 217-22, 224-5.
éxitporo 169.
emiopos 243.
Eta, y-shaped, 53, 151.
Euripides’ edition of the Ziad 78.
enuepis 250.
Geneva scholia on //. xxii 56.
Germanicus, month, 243.
Grapheion 179, 181-2.
Greeks and poll-tax 222.
Guardians, appointment of, 259.
Gymnasiarchs, privileges of their descen-
dants, 219-21.
Heracles, epic poem on, quoted 79.
Herondas papyrus, date of, 52-3.
Hesiod quoted 77.
Hiero’s victories at Olympia 91-3.
Houses of the planets 139.
Ihad XXI. 515, new reading, 81.
Tonicus a mavore 49.
*IovNia SeBaory 275-
inmdpyns en’ avdpav 266.
Istrus 78.
Josephus on droypapai 210-14.
karahoyeioy 181.
katotkot 218, 220-2; KarToiKixy yi) 254.
KaTox7 142-5.
Latin signature 193.
Aavpa, meaning of, 189.
Legio secunda 265.
Letters, formula of concluding, 168.
Noyeia 184.
UND EXMOL SE SOB TE CIS
357
St. Luke’s account of the Nativity 211-14 ;
parallel to Luke vi. 43-4 p. 9.
III Maccabees on aroypadai 210.
Macedonian calendar 140.
pdvns 269.
Marriage 142-80, 235-47.
Meineke on the Mepixetpopévn 12.
peTéwpos 180, 182-3.
EntporoNra, privileges of, 219-20, 225-7.
metra derwvata in Greek 43.
Metrical prose 39.
punwovetoy I81—2.
pov 179-80.
Mortgages, tax upon, Igo.
Mule chariot-race, omission of, 86.
Myron, date of, 87.
Nativity, date of the, 211-14.
vavBiov 296—7.
Naucydes, date of, 87, 95.
Neroneus Sebastus, month, 250.
Nicarchean metre 48.
Niobe, tragedies on, 23-4.
voptkot 172.
Obols of silver 268.
Olympia, date of statues at, 92, 94; order
of victories at, 86.
Olympian register 94.
Ordeal, trial by, 35.
Otho, mention on a papyrus of, 285.
Oxyrhynchus, name of city, 189.
Papyri (new readings or suggestions)
B. G. U. 562 p. 224. Brit. Mus. Pap.
CCLVI recto 265; CCLXVI 187. C.P.R.
22 p. 239. G. P. I. xlv—vi 209-10. Papyrus
ap. Revue egypt. 1. gt p. 240. Pap. Par.
13 Pp. 245.
Paradoxographi 35, 39.
Paragraphi 17-20.
Parthenean metre 51.
Patria potestas 167.
Pausanias on Olympic victors 90-5.
Tlepixecpopevn, plot of, I 2-3.
Tepixoua 271.
Phalaecean metre 49, 50.
Philostratus on the Teprxetpopevn 12.
Phlegon 86.
Phrynichus quoted 77.
358
Pindar, quoted, 78-9; dates of O/. i 87,
915193); Ola, ison SOL sv, Vv) 875605)
Ol. ix 86, 92; Ol. x, xi 86, 91; Ol. xii
91; Ol. xiv 87,91. Chronology of PyZh. 92.
Poll-tax 208-14, 217-22, 280-1, 284.
Polycletus, date of, 87, 94.
Praefects 164, 173, 175, 274-
Praxillean metre 50.
mpoorarns 301.
Ptolemaeus Neos Dionysus, mention of,
140.
Punctuation by dots 11, 118, 131.
Pythagoras of Rhegium, date of, 87, 93.
Quantity-mark in prose 127.
Quarters of Oxyrhynchus 189.
Quirinius, census of, 211-14.
Quotations, how noted, 9, 43, 53-
Ramsay, W. M., Was Christ born at
Bethlehem ? 211-14.
Record-offices 181-2,
Registration of contracts 185.
Religion, popular, 30.
Rolls, composition of, 96.
Sale, papyri designed for, 97.
Sales, tax upon, 186.
Sappho quoted 50.
Scholia on the /iad 56.
Scholiasts, value of, 87.
Schoolboy exercises 8, 23.
Scribes of the nome 184.
INDICES
TeBaorat nuepar 284.
onpecodvobar 53-55.
ci\vBos 303.
Silver 235; and see Copper.
Sinaiticus, Codex, 2.
Slaves and poll-tax 222; price of, 233.
Sophocles ’Ayatéy Sivdeurvoy (?) quoted 8r.
Sotadean metre 49.
Soterius, month, 288.
Stage directions 11.
OUVOLKEG LOY 243, 245.
oxouwtoy 290.
Topatiopos 250.
Telephus 27.
Tertullian on the Nativity 213.
Thesmophoriazusae Secundae 20.
Thucydides papyri 117.
Tiryns 93.
Toparchies 204.
Topogrammateis 204.
Trial year of marriage 245.
Tryphon, life of, 244-5.
indaracis 176.
Weaving, tax upon, 281.
Women exempt from poll-taxy 221-2.
= in three strokes 30, 96, 303.
&evk@v mpaxrap 279.
€vhapav 271.
Zopyrus the historian 36.
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