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rs 



n 




Front the Ubr.iry of 
CAPTAIN THOMAS J. J. SEE 



Presented la Stanford by bis st 



PAUSANIAS'S 
DESCRIPTION OF GREECE 



PAUSANIAS'S 



DESCRIPTION OF GREECE 



TRANSLATED WITH A COMMENTARY 

BY 

J. G. FRAZER 

M.A., LL.D. GLASGOW ; FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLBCB, CAMBRIDGE ', 
OF THE MIDDLE TEMPLE, BARS1STER>AT-LAW 



IN SIX VOLUMES 

VOL. IV 
COMMENTARY ON BOOKS VI-VIII 



MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited 

NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 

1898 

All rifkis reterP€d 

^ ': 



CONTENTS 



PAGB 

Commentary on Book VI. Elis (Continued) . i 

„ „ „ VII. AcHAiA 115 

„ „ „ VIII. Arcadia .187 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



FIG. 



I. The Fortune of Antioch (Marble Statue in the Vatican) 
2-4. Exploits of Pulydamas (Marble Reliefs at Olympia) 

5. Wounded Giant (from the Gable of the Megarian Treasury) . 

6. Ground- Plan of Hippodrome at Olympia (Conjectural Restoration) 

7. Ground- Plan of Market- Place at Elis (Conjectural Restoration) 

8. Aphrodite on the Goat (Coin of Elis) . 

9. Dionysus (Coin of Elis) 
I a Hercules and Nemesis (Coin of Erythrae) 

11. Hercules on the Raft (Scarab) . 

12. Artemis Laphria (Coin of Patrae) 

13. Priestess of Artemis in Car (Coin of Patrae) 

14. Eurypylus and the Chest (Coin of Patrae) 

15. Chest of Eurypylus (Coin of Patrae) . 

16. Athena (Coin of Patrae) 

17. Mother Dindymene and Priestesses (Coin of Patrae) 

18. Poseidon (Coin of Patrae) 

19. Harbour of Patrae (Coin of Patrae) 
2a Ilithyia (Coin of Aegium) 

21. Aesculapius and Health (Coin of Aegium) 

22. Zeus suckled by a Goat (Coin of Aegium) 

23. Hercules in the Cave (Coin of Bunt) . 

24. Fortune and Love (Coin of Aegira) 

25. Athena (Coin of Pellene) 

26. Ground-Plan of one of the Gates of Mantinea 

27. Apollo, Marsyas, and the Muses (Marble Relief found at Mantinea) 

28. The Dioscuri (Coin of Mantinea) 

29. Ulysses with the Oar ? (Coin of Mantinea) 

30. Ground-Plan of Theatre and Market-Place of Mantinea 

31. Plan of Alea ..... 

32. Brickwork at Thelpusa 

33. Arion and Demeter (Coin of Thelpusa) 

34. Market- Place of Megalopolis (Conjectural Restoration by E. Cnrtius) 



PAGB 

7 
18 
68 

83 
104 

los 

107 

127 

128 

145 
146 

147 
id, 

id. 

id. 
ISO 

id. 
161 
162 

163 
171 
179 
184 
203 
207 
209 
id. 
211 
277 
286 
292 
321 



Vlll 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



FIG. 



35. Plan of Theatre and Thersilium at Megalopolis 

36. Ground-Plan of Temple at Lycosura .... 

37. Head of Demeter (Fragment of Colossal Statue found at Lycosura) 

38. Head of Artemis (Fragment of Colossal Statue found at Lycosiu-a) 

39. Head of Anytus (Fragment of Colossal Statue found at Lycosura) 

40. Marble Drapery of Colossal Statue (found at Lycosiu'a) 

41. Ground-Plan of the Temple of Apollo at Bassae (restored) 

42. Marble Head from the Temple of Athena Alea at Tegea 

43. Marble Head from the Temple of Athena Alea at Tegea 

44. Atalanta and the Boar (Coin of Tegea) 

45. Bronze Statuette in British Museum (Copy of the Apollo of Canachus) 

46. 47. Athena gives Sterope and Cepheus the Hair of Medusa (Coins of 

X ^gea «•...... 



PAGE 

369 
372 

373 
374 
376 
396 
427 
42$ 
429 

430 
434 



PLATES 



I. Megalopolis 
II. Mantinea and Tegea 



To face page 318 
420 



>> 



CORRIGENDUM 



Page 6$, Hne 16 from foot. For three silver wine-jugs read two silver wine-jugs 



BOOK SIXTH 



ELIS {Continued) 

1. I. statnes whether athletes or not. Among the men 

who, without being athletes, had statues at Olympia, were the sooth- 
sayer Thrasybulus (vi. 2. 4); Lysander (vi. 3. 14); the philosopher 
Aristotle (vi. 4. 8) ; Archidamus, King of Sparta (vi. 4. 9) ; Philip of 
Macedon, Alexander the Great, Seleucus, and Antigonus (vi. 11. i ; vi. 
16. 2); Areus, King of Sparta, and Aratus (vi. 12. 5); Pyrrhus, King 
of Epirus (vi. 14. 9) ; Hiero, tyrant of Syracuse (vi. 15. 6) ; Demetrius 
Poliorcetes and his son Antigonus (vi. 15. 7) ; Ptolemy II., Philadelphus 
(vi. 17. 3); the rhetorician Gorgias (vi. 17. 7), and the historian Anaxi- 
menes (vi. 18. i). 

1. I. There are not statnes set np of all the Olympic victors. 

Pliny on the other hand asserts that at Olympia it was the custom to 
set up statues of all who had won prizes in the games {i\aL hist, xxxiv. 
16). The truth seems to have been that every victorious althlete 
received permission from the Eleans to set up a statue of himself (cp. 
Paus. vi. 3. 6, vi. 13. 9); but that, as all the expense and trouble of 
making, transporting, and setting up the statue had to be borne by the 
athlete or his friends (cp. Paus. vi. 8. 3, vi. 14. 6), many athletes were 
prevented by poverty, death, or other cause from availing themselves of 
the permission. See Dittenberger and Purgold, Die Inschriften von 
Olympia^ P- 235 sq, Pliny further tells us (J,c.) that only those athletes 
who had won three victories were allowed to set up portrait-statues of 
themselves. If he is right, the statues of the others would seem to have 
been made after a general pattern or a few such patterns, without any 
individual likeness to the men in whose honour they were set up. But 
to the rule laid down by Pliny there seems to have been occasionally 
at least an exception, since we hear of a competitor (Xenombrotus by 
name) who had a portrait-statue of himself set up at Olympia after a 
single victory in the horse-race {Die Inschriften von Olympioy No. 1 70 ; 
see note on vi. 14. 12). No statue of a victor might be larger than 
life (Lucian, Pro imaginibus^ 1 1), but this rule would seem not to have 
been rigidly enforced (see note on vi. 6. i * Callias of Athens '). Cp. 
Chr. Scherer, De Olympionicarupn statuis (Gottingen, 1885), p. 9 sqq. 

VOL. IV B 



2 STATUE OF TROILUS bk. vi. bus 

For lists of the Olympic victors, so far as they can be made out from 
ancient writers and inscriptions, see J. H. Krause, Olympia (Wien, 
1838), p. 236 5qq,\ G. H. F5rster, Die Sieger in den olympischen 
Spielen (two parts, Zwickau, 1 891-1892). 

1. 2. many have won the wild oliye by the accident of the lot. 
In the competitions in which the athletes contended in pairs (as in 
boxing, wrestling, and the pancratium) lots were drawn to decide who 
should contend with whom. If the number of competitors was uneven, 
one man had to be left out of the first heat ; and in the second heat he 
naturally enjoyed a great advantage, since he was fresh, while his 
antagonist was tired. Hence it was possible for an inferior athlete, 
who had the good luck to draw a bye (as we should say), to win the 
prize over a better man **by the accident of the lot," as Pausanias says. 
See Lucian, Herfnotimus^ 40, where the mode of drawing lots at the 
Olympic games is described. Lots of the size of beans, inscribed with 
the letters of the alphabet, were thrown into a silver urn. Two of 
the lots bore the letter A ; two more the letter B ; and so on. The 
competitors who drew the two A's contended together, and so with the 
rest. If the number of competitors was uneven, one letter was inscribed 
on a single lot only, and the man who drew it (the ephedras as the 
Greeks called him) stood out of the first heat. See J. H. Krause, 
Olympia^ p. 109 sqq. 

1. 3. Alypns a pupil of Nancydes. As to Alypus see vi. 8. 

5 ; X. 9. 10. He is known only from Pausanias. As to Naucydes, see 
note on ii. 22. 7. 

1. 4. fh)m his own stud. Cleogenes meant that the horse was 
bred from one of his own mares by one of his own stallions. So the 
Spartan Damonon, in mentioning a victory which he had won in a 
chariot-race, says of the horses that they were Ik rav avrw wnrwv k^ic 
Tw av[T]cIi [Mnrto)] : i.e, got by his own stallion out of one of his own 
mares (Roehl, /. G. A. No. 79). See note on vi. 2. i. 

1. 4. another of Troilns. This statue, as Pausanias tells us in 
the next section, was by Lysippus. The inscribed bronze plate, which 
was fastened to the base of the statue, was found in the northern part 
of the Prytaneum at Olympia, 6th June 1879. On the under side of 
the plate there are two clamps to attach it to the pedestal. The in- 
scription runs thus : 

*EXX^vaiv ^pxov t6t€ 'OXi'/ATTtijt, "qviKa fJLOi Zcvs 

BioK€V viKrj(raL irptarov 'OXvfjLiridSa 
ITTVOLS d6ko<l>6poiSi rh 8€ 8€VT€pov adris €<f>€^rjs 

anrois* vtbs 8* i}v Tptatkos 'Akxivoov, 

"I was the first man in Greece" (literally "I ruled the Greeks") 
" that day at Olympia, when first Zeus allowed me to win an Olympic 
victory with prize-winning steeds ; the next time < I won the victory > 
with horses again " (i.e. a chariot and horses). '* And I Troilus was 
the son of Alcinous." The sculptor Lysippus probably carved his 
name on the stone pedestal which has not been found. The victory 
(presumably the first victory) of Troilus was won Ol. 102 (372 B.C.), 



CH. I STATUE OF CYNISCA 3 

but from the character of the inscription it is judged that the statue 
was not made till some time afterwards. This statue is supposed to 
have been one of the earliest works of Lysippus. It must have been in 
bronze, as Lysippus worked in metal exclusively. 

See Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 166 ; Archdologische Zeitung, 37 
(1879), p. 145 j^., No. 288; Loewy, Inschriften griech. Bildhauer^ No. 94; E. 
Hoffmann, Sylloge epigram. Graec, No. 382 ; Brunn, Gesch, d, griech, Kiinstler^ 
I* p. 358 sq, ; Overbeck, Gesch, d. griech, Plastikj^ 2. p. 140. 

1. 5. Oleon, a Sicyonian. See note on v. 21. 3. 

1. 6. the lineage and Olympic victories of Oynisca. See iii. 
8. I. 

1. 6. on this basement there is a statne of Oynisca. A 

piece of what seems to have been the pedestal which supported this 
statue was found (not in its original position) in the northern part of 
the Prytaneum at Olympia, nth June 1879. The pedestal, of which 
only about a third is preserved, is of black limestone and round ; it 
appears to have been about 3 feet in diameter. It bears two inscrip- 
tions, namely an epigram on Cynisca on the round top, and the sculptor's 
name on the vertical side. The epigram, to which Pausanias has already 
referred (iii. 8. 2), is preserved also in the Greek Anthology (^AnthoL 
Palat, xiii. 16), from which we can restore the mutilated inscription on 
the pedestal as follows : 

2Tra/»Tas /xcv [jSoo'iX^cs fftoll 7raT€/oc9 koX a.ht\^oi' 
[a/Ojuari 8* wKi/TrdSoiv tmrcovj vticoxra KvvMTKa 
Ciicdva TavS* €[oTao*a'] fxovav 8c fu <^/ai yvvaiKuiv 
*£AAa8o9 €K TTcwras Td[v]8€ AajSctv crrcc^vov. 

" My fathers and brothers were kings of Sparta. I, Cynisca, conquer- 
ing with a chariot of fleet-footed steeds, set up this statue. And I say 
that I am the only woman of all Greece that ever won this crown." 

The inscription on the vertical side of the base is this : 'AxrcXXcas 
KaAAiicAiovs €Trd7/o-€, "Apelleas, son of Callicles, made (it)." Behind 
the epigram, on the top of the pedestal, there is the trace of a footprint. 
Probably the pedestal supported only the statue of Cynisca, not the 
chariot and horses ; for the expression used by Pausanias (XiOov 
Kprjirls, ' a basement of stone *) is more applicable to a long pedestal 
than a round one ; he would probably have called a pedestal of the 
latter sort a ictwv or a (rrqkrj. Or our pedestal may have formed a 
semicircular projection from the long pedestal which supported the 
chariot. 

From the forms of the letters the inscription is judged to date from 
the first third of the fourth century B.C. This agrees with the date of 
Cynisca, whose brother Agesilaus lived about 442-361 B.C. The 
sculptor Apellas (or Apelleas, as his name should be spelt) is mentioned 
by Pliny (Na/, hist, xxxiv. 86), who says that the sculptor represented 
women in the act of praying {adoranies^ not adomantes is the reading 
of the MSS.) Perhaps Cynisca was so represented by him. See the 
following note. 



THE lAMIDS BK. VI. elis 



See Die Inschriften voft Olympia^ No. i6o ; Archdologische Zeitung^ 37 (1879), 
p. 151 sq,^ No. 301 ; Loewy, Inschriften griech, Bildkauer, No. 99 ; E. Hoffmann, 
Syllogt epigram, Graec, No. 381 ; Brunn» Gcsch. d, grieck. Kiinstler, I. p. 287 ; 
id., in Sitzungsberichte of the Bavarian Academy (Munich), Philos.-philolog. CI., 
1880, p. 484. 

1. 7- He is represented praying to the god. Cp. v. 25. 5 note. 
Mr. Chr. Scherer argues that many of the victorious athletes were thus 
represented (De Olympionicarum siatuis^ p. 31 sqq.) 

2. I. Stratus. In 1892 Mr. Joubin excavated an ancient Greek 
temple at Stratus in Acamania. The temple is peripteral and of the 
Doric order; it measures 34 metres by 18.20. The whole of the pave- 
ment, with the lower portions of most of the columns, is preserved. 
A large altar was discovered to the east of the temple. See AeArtov 
apyikioXoyiKov^ 1S92, p. 39- 

2. I. the Lacedaemonians were keener breeders of horses etc. 
The Lacedaemonian passion for horse-breeding and horse-racing is well 
illustrated by a long inscription found at Misira^ near Sparta. It 
records the victories won by Damonon in chariot-races and horse-races. 
See Roehl, /. G, A, No. 79 ; Roberts, Greek Epigraphy^ No. 264. 

2. 2. Lycinos brought foals to Olympia etc. The race between 
chariots drawn by foals was not introduced till 01. 99 (384 B.C.) (see 
v. 8. 10), and the great sculptor Myron flourished in 01. 80 (460 B.C.) 
(Pliny, Nat. hist, xxxiv. 49). It seems impossible, therefore, that 
Myron can have made the statues of Lycinus. H. Brunn proposed to 
get over the difficulty by an alteration of the text (see Critical Note, vol. 
I. p. 588). If we accept his emendation, the statues were made by 
Myron, not for Lycinus, but for Arcesilaus, who must have been a con- 
temporary of Myron's, since his son Lichas was alive in 420 B.C. (see 
next note). Another solution would be to suppose that there was 
another and later sculptor of the name of Myron ; and in fact there is 
other evidence which might be held to point in this direction. See note 
on vi. 8. 5, * Philip, an Azanian.' 

2. 2. entered his chariot in the name of the Theban people etc. 
This was in 01. 90 (420 B.c.) Lichas was an old man at the time. 
See Thucydides, v. 50. 4 ; Xenophon, Hellenica^ iii. 2. 21. 

2. 3. the Lacedaemonians marched against the Eleans etc. 

See iii. 8. 3-5 ; v. 20. \ sq.\ v. 27. 11 note. 

2. 4. the lamids. On this family of diviners, see Bouch^-Leclercq, 
Hisioire de la divination dans Pantiquit^^ 2. p. 63 sqq. A scholiast on 
Pindar {Olymp,- vi. 1 1 1) gives some details as to their mode of divining. 
He says : " There was an oracle at Olympia, of which the founder was 
lamus, who divined by means of burnt offerings, which manner of 
divination is still employed by the lamids. For taking up the skins of 
the victims they place them on the fire and so they divine. But some 
say that they divined by cutting the skins ; for they took and rent the 
hides of the victims, and they divined by obser\'ing whether the rents 
were straight or not." For the latter statement, the authority cited is 
" Heraclides in his book On Oracles.^^ 

2. 4. about which I shall have more to say etc. See viii. 10. 
5 ^99' 



CH. II DIVINATION BY THE LIVER 5 

2. 4* a spotted lizaxd is creeping toward Ms right shoulder etc. 
This kind of lizard (called by the Greeks the galeotes^ said to be the 
gecko) appears to have been especially observed by diviners ; for in 
Sicily there was a race of diviners called Galeots (Fa Accural or FaAcot ), 
who may have derived their name from the reptile. They claimed to 
be descended from Galeus, a son of Apollo ; but galeus {galeos) is only 
another form oi galeotesy <a spotted lizard' ; and that the lizard stood in 
some close mythical relation to Apollo seems proved by the statue of 
Apollo the Lizard-Killer {Saurokionos), See Stephanus Byz., s,v, FaXco)- 
rai ; Hesychius, s.v, FaAcot ; Aelian, Nat, anirn. xii. 46 ; Cicero, De 
divinationey i. 20. 39 ; Bouch^-Leclercq, Hist de la divination dans 
fantiquit^y 2. p. 74 sq, Cp. Welcker, Antike Denhndler^ i. p. 406 
sqq. The lizard is especially observed in divination by the Polynesians 
and Malays. See Meyners d'Estrey, in L Anthropologies 3 (1892), 
pp. 71 1-7 1 9. Prof. Haddon tells me that the lizard is also used 
in divination by the natives of Torres Strait. For another possible 
derivation of the name Galeots, see note on v. 23. 6. The two deriva- 
tions might be reconciled by supposing that the ancient barbarian 
inhabitants of Little Hybla had the lizard for their totem, in other words, 
that they called themselves Lizards, and regarded lizards as sacred 
or as their kinsfolk. Similarly a tribe in Libya called their towns or 
kraals as well as themselves after apes, and apes lived, in the houses, 
being regarded as gods by the people (Diodorus, xx. 58). There were 
various families or tribes in antiquity who called themselves Snake- 
bom (ophiogenes\ and treated snakes as their kinsfolk (Pliny, Nat, 
hist, xxviii. 30 sq. ; Varro, in Priscian, x. 32, vol. i. p. 524, ed. Keil ; 
Strabo, xiii. i. 14; Aelian, Nat. anim. xii. 39). Cp. J. G. Frazer, 
Totemism, p. 22. 

2. 4. a dog cut in two with its liver exposed. On divina- 
tion by inspection of the liver of animals, see Schol. on Aristophanes, 
IVaspSy 831 ; Cicero, De divinatione^ ii. 13. 32 ; Artemidorus, Onirocr. 
ii. 69 ; Hesychius, s.v. pvrd. ; Hippolytus, Refut. omn. haeres. iv. 40 ; 
Bouch^Leclercq, Hist, de la Divination^ i. p. lyi sq. This mode of 
divination is sometimes depicted on Greek vases ; the hero, about to go 
forth to battle, is consulting a liver which is presented to him by 
a naked youth. As to these and other representations of the subject on 
ancient monuments, see Fr. Lenormant, in Gazette Archdologique^ 6 
(1880), pp. 203-215. Lenormant published (pp. cit. plate 34) a Greek 
bronze statuette representing a young man holding a laurel branch in 
his right hand and what Lenormant took to be the liver of a young lamb 
or kid in his left. The figure, according to Lenormant, is that of a 
diviner presenting to the god the liver after ascertaining from an inspec- 
tion of it that the omens were favourable. This presentation was what 
the Greeks called koWu^Iv^ and the Latins Ware. Divination by means 
of the liver has been practised by other peoples, as by the Chaldaeans 
and Assyrians (Fr. Lenormant, La divination chez les Chaldiens^ P- 55 
sqq.) When Col. Dalton visited a village of the Abors in Eastern 
India, a pig's liver was brought to him on a tray, and he was asked 
what he thought of it. He said he thought it was a good, healthy- 



6 THE FORTUNE OF ANTIOCH bk. vi. elis 

looking liver. " Ah," they answered, " but what docs it reveal in 
regard to your intentions in visiting us ? " And when the colonel 
suggested that they should try to find that out from his words and looks, 
they stated that the words and looks of men are ever fallacious, but 
that pig's liver never deceived them (Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, p. 
25). The Toumbuluh tribe of Minahasa (northern Celebes) divine by 
means of a fowPs liver (J. G. F. Riedel, in Internationales Archiv fur 
Ethnografhte, 8 (1895), PP- 95> 97> 99)- As to the sacrifice of dogs, 
see note on iv. 14. 9. 

2. 5* Pindar says that he was a son of Apollo etc See 

Pindar, OL vi. 58 sqg. 

2. 7- Entychides, a Sicyonian. According to Pliny {Nat, hist, 
xxxiv. 51) this sculptor flourished in the 121st Olympiad (296-293 B.C), 
a date which ajgrees with the statement of Pausanias that Eutychides 
was a pupil of Lysippus. Another sculptor of the same name, who 
flourished about the end of the first century B.C., is known to us from 
the inscribed bases of statues by him which have been found at Delos 
(Th. Homolle, in Monuments Grecs, No. 8 (1879), pp. 38-43; id,, in 
Bulletin de, Corr, Hellinigue, ^ 8 (1894), p. 336 j^. ; Loewy, Inschriften 
griech. Bildhauer^ Nos. 244-249). 

2. 7* an image of Fortune for the Syrians on the Orontes. 
This is probably the statue of which the Byzantine historian John 
Malala has given a description (Chronogr. xi. p. 276, ed. Dindorf). It 
was of gilded bronze and represented the Fortune of the city of Antioch 
seated above the river Orontes and in the act of being crowned by 
Seleucus and Antiochus. It was placed in the theatre of Antioch 
by the emperor Trajan. The statue is believed to be figured on coins 
of Antioch, and there is a marble statue in the Vatican which is un- 
doubtedly a copy of the same statue which appears on the coins. It is 
probably, therefore, a copy of the one which Eutychides made for 
Antioch. The Fortune of the city is represented as a draped woman 
seated on a rock. Her head is adorned with a mural crown ; her left 
hand rests on the rock, her right holds a bunch of ears of com. At 
her feet the river Orontes, represented as a youthful male figure, is 
rising from the waves. The statue is graceful and pleasing, but lacks 
the austere dignity which sculptors of the best Greek period imparted 
to their images of the gods. 

See K. O. MUller, 'De antic^uitatibus Antiochenis,' m\x^ Kunstctrchaeologische 
Werke^ j. p. 36 sqq, ; MUller-Wieseler, ZJ^w/twa/w, i. taf. xlix. Nos. 220, bcdef; 
Michaehs, in Archtuologische Zeitung^ 23 (1866), pp. 255-257 ; H. Brunn, Gesch, d, 
griech, Kiinstler^ I. p. 412 j^. ; Overbeck, Gesch, d, griech. Plcuiik^ 2, p. 172 
sq, ; A. S. Murray, Aist, of Greek Sculpture^ 2. p. 3^4 sq, ; W. Helbig, Unter- 
suchungen Uber die campanische IVandmaierei, p. 285 ; P. Gardner, Types of 
Greek coins, p. 197, with pi. xv. 32 ; iV/., in fournctl of Hellenic Studies, 9 (1888), 
pp. 75*77 ; Baumebter's Denkmdler, p. 519, fig. 560. Cp. note on iv. 30. 6. 

2. 8. Timon. This victor in the chariot-race is mentioned again 
by Pausanias (vi. 12. 6); from the latter passage we learn that his 
father's name was Aegyptus. He is to be distinguished from Timon 
the pentathlete (v. 2. 5 ; vi. 16. 2). Cp. Krause, Olympia, p. 390 sqq. 



CH. II DAEDALUS OF SICYON 7 

2. 8. Dasdalni^ a SicyoniuL The statement of Pausanias that 
Daedalus made the trophy to commemorate the victory of the Eleans 




over the Lacedaemonians fixes the date of the sculptor to about Ol. 95 
(401-399 B-c), the date of the war (see note on v. 27. 11). His 
date is further determined by the fact that he made statues of Eupole- 



8 STATUE OF SOPH I US bk. vi. elis 

mus and Aristodemus, Olympic victors in the years 396 B.C. and 388 
B.C. respectively (Paus. vi. 3. 4 and 7, with the notes). He seems to 
have been at work as late as 369 B.C. (Paus. x. 9. 5 sq, with the notes). 
Two or more probably three inscriptions of statues by him have been 
found, one at Ephesus, and one or rather two at Olympia. They 
confirm the statement of Pausanias (vi. 3. 4) that the sculptor's father 
was named Patrocles. See Die Inschriften von Olympia^ Nos. 161, 
635 ; Archdologische Zeitungy 37 (1879), p. 45 j^., No. 221 ; Loewy, 
Inschriften griech. Bildhauer^ Nos. 88, 89 ; Overbeck, Schriftqttelleny 
§§ 987-994 ; H. Brunn, Gesch. d. griech, KUnsUery i. p. 278 sq, ; and 
the note on vi. 6. i, *Narycidas.' 

2. 10. at the Olympic festival, which was held in the year after 
the fonndation of Messene etc. Messene was founded in Ol. 102. 3 
or 4 (369 B.C.) (Diodorus, xv. 66) ; hence the \nctor>' of the Messenian 
boy Damiscus must have fallen in 01. 103 (368 B.C.) 

3. I. Ptolemy calls himself a SSacedoniaii etc. Cp. x. 7. 8. So 
in an inscription found at Delos the Syrian King Antiochus the Great 
(223-187 B.C.) calls himself a Macedonian (Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscr. 
Graec, No. 205). No doubt the descendants of the Macedonian con- 
querors long despised the subject races among whom they lived and 
disclaimed any blood relationship with them, much as the Normans 
looked down on the conquered Saxons. 

3. I. Asterion, son of Aeschylus. Nothing more is known of 
this sculptor. 

3. 2. a Messenian boy, Sophias. A fragment of the pedestal of 
his statue was found at Olympia in the bed of the Cladeus in 1885, 
after the close of the German excavations. It is of grey limestone, and 
bears a mutilated inscription which, as restored by Messrs. Ditten- 
berger and G. H. Forster, runs thus : — 

2o]<^tos .... 
^Mcjtro-ai'tos 
[ToGSc kXcJoj viKYjfi M€(r(r[7/vtov OS TTOTc n«rj/] 

" Sophius, a Messenian. I celebrate the victory of the Messenian 
Sophius, who was proclaimed first in the boys' foot-race." The 
inscription apparently belongs to the second half of the fourth century 
B.C. It certainly cannot be earlier than 01. 104 (364 B.C.), since the 
victor in the boys' foot-race in the preceding Olympiad was the 
Messenian Damiscus, before whom no Messenian, with the exception 
of Leontiscus and Symmachus, had gained an Olympic victory for 
centuries (Paus. vi. 2. 10 sq.) See Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 
172 ; G. H. Forster, Die olympischen Sieger^ Teil i. p. 30. 

3, 4. a wrestler, Aristodemus of Elis. His victory in 

wrestling at Olympia was won in 01. 98 (388 B.C.) (Eusebius, Chronic, 
ed. Schone, vol. i. p. 206). 

3. 5. Damocritos, a Sicyonian. An inscription with the name of 
this sculptor was copied by Spon at Rome ; it was from the pedestal of 
a portrait-statue by him (Loewy, Inschrift. griech, Bildhaiiery No. 484). 



CH. Ill CANTHARUS—PYRILAMPES 9 

The dates of the various artists here mentioned by Pausanias are given 
as follows by H. Brunn : — Critias, 01. 75 (480 B.C.) ; Ptolichus, about 
01. 82 (452 RC.) ; Amphion, about Ol. 88 (428 B.c.) ; Pison, 01. 93. 4 
(405 B.C) ; Damocritus, about 01. 100 (380 B.C.) See Brunn, Gesck, 
d, griech, Kunstler^ i. p. 105. As to Critias (or Critius, as he should 
be called) see note on i. 8. 5. As to Amphion, cp. x. 15. 6. As to 
Pison, cp. X. 9. 8. 

3. 6. Canthams, a Sicyonian. As a pupil of Eutychides (see note 
on vi. 2. 7) this sculptor probably flourished in the first half of the third 
century B.C. He is mentioned again by Pausanias (vi. 17. 7) and by 
Pliny {Nat, hist, xxxiv. 85). 

An inscription from the pedestal of a statue by this sculptor is built 
into a staircase at the church of St. Theodore at Hagii Theodori^ a 
suburb of Thebes (C. I. G. G. S. i. No. 2471). 

3. 7- Enpolemus was victor at Olympia etc His victory was 
won in 01. 96 (396 B.C.) (Paus. viii. 45. 4 ; Eusebius, Chronic, ed. 
Schone, vol. i. p. 204). 

3. 7. the Olympic GounciL Wherever great festivals and games 
were celebrated, there seems to have been a sacred Council, whose 
business it was to see that the ceremonies were properly performed, and 
the rules of the games duly observed. The Olympic Council is often 
mentioned in inscriptions {Die Inschriften von Olympia^ Nos. 355, 356, 
357, etc) We hear of similar Councils at Actium (Dittenberger, Sylloge 
Inscr. Graec. No. 280), and Eleusis (C /. A, iii. No. 702 ; cp. vol. 2. 
p. 511). 

3. 7. to fine both the judges who had decided in fiftTour of Eupo- 
lemns. The judges, being Eleans (see v. 9. 4-6 note), were perhaps 
prejudiced in favour of the Elean Eupolemus and against his Ambraciot 
adversary Leon. The impartiality of the umpires at Olympia was not 
above suspicion (Plutarch, Quaest. Platon. 2 ; Diodorus, i. 95). It has 
been observed that the proportion of Elean victors in the games was 
suspiciously large (Krause, Olympia^ p. 131). On the other hand it is 
to be remembered that Elis would naturally contribute a larger propor- 
tion of competitors than the remoter districts of Greece. 

3. 8. Oebotas. See vii. 1 7. 6 sq, 

3. 9- Nicodamus. See note on vi. 6. 3. 

3. 9* the same dread of the Isthmian games that the Eleans 
themselves have. See v. 2. 2 ; vi. 16. 2. 

3. 10. ancient leaping-weights. See v. 26. 3 note. 

3. II. Pantias, who came of the school of Aristocles. See note 
on vi. 9. I, *Theognetus Ptolichus.* 

3. 12. it befell Gaulonia to he laid utterly waste. Cp. Strabo, 
vi. p. 261. 

3. 13. Olympus. An otherwise unknown sculptor. 

3. 13. Pyrilampes. Cp. vi. 15. i ; vi. 16. 5. The inscribed base 
of a statue by " Pyrilampus (j/Vr), a Messenian, son of Agias," has been 
found at Olympia {Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 400 ; Archdo- 
logische Zeitung, 35 (1877), p. 194, No. 105 ; Loewy, Inschriften griech, 
Biidhctuerj No. 274). This Pyrilampus is probably either the same 



10 STATUE OF ATHENAEUS bk. vi. elis 

Pyrilampes mentioned by Pausanias or at all events a member of the 
same family. 

3. 15. iMdnted both walls. This proverb is mentioned by Suidas 
(j.z/. Svo Toi'xovs dXcit^is), and it is employed by Curius in a letter to 
Cicero {EpisL ad familiares, vii. 29. 2, duo parietes de eadem Jidelia 
dealbare). In regard to the charge of time-serving here brought by 
Pausanias against the Samians, Prof. Percy Gardner remarks that 
*' Panofka with justice replies that the dedications, although all by 
Samians, were by no means by the same persons, but by the members 
of factions bitterly opposed one to the other. The history of Samos, 
like that of nearly all Greek cities, is a continuous record of faction- 
fights between aristocratic and democratic parties, and of the alternate 
victories of each. Thus, while the popular faction poured adulation on 
Alcibiades and Conon, the wealthy faction heaped honours on Lysander " 
(P. Gardner, Satnos and Samian coins^ p. 41). 

4. I. the statue of an Ephesian boxer, Athenaeus. The base of 
this statue was found at the extreme south-west comer of the excavated 
area at Olympia, 13th December 1879. It is a longish rectangular 
block of black limestone. On the upper edge of the short front side is 
the following inscription : — 

'A^i'aios 'A/wraAcov '£</>€(ru>$. 

"Athenaeus, an Ephesian, son of Harpaleus." From the style of the 
letters the inscription seems to belong to the fourth century B.C., which 
gives us approximately the date of Athenaeus. The footprints on the top 
of the base show that the statue was life size, and that the boxer was 
represented in the act of lunging out at his adversary. As Pausanias 
tells us more about Athenaeus than can be gathered from the inscrip- 
tion, it is clear, as Prof. G. Treu observes, that he must have had other 
sources of information, perhaps the official register of the victors. See 
Die Imchriften von Olympia^ No. 168; Arch&ologische Zeitung^ 37 
(1879), p. 206 sq.^ No. 326. 

4. I. a Sicyonian, Sostratus. Upon a base of black stone found 
by the French at Delphi there is engraved a metrical inscription which 
records the many victories of this athlete exactly as Pausanias here 
enumerates them. The inscription, as restored by Mr. B. Haussoullier, 
runs thus : — 

irAJciOTois Si) SiKVOJva irdrpaVy [2(u](r«rT/oaTov vUy 
SftXTT/KiTC, KaWurrois t iJyAar<ras <rTC<^vois* 

v]iKa>[v] iravKpariov rpls '0Ai»/M7rta, Sis 8* cvt UvSot, 
8to8€Ka 5* ef 'l<rO/JLOv [koI Nc/iAJcas <rr€<f>dvovs' 

t]ovs B* akkovs awo[pov aT€<l>a\vovs [«rt]8€ifai dpidfiovy 
irajwras S' aKTi[7raA.oi;s rrdv]Ta [e]K/oaT€is dfia\€l. 

" Sostratus, son of Sosistratus, thou didst glorify thy native Sicyon by 
very many and very glorious crowns, being victorious in the pan- 
cratium thrice at Olympia, and twice at Pytho, and (carrying oflf) 
twelve crowns from the Isthmus and Nemea. But to enumerate the 
other crowns is impossible. Thou didst put down thy adversaries and 
conquer every one without a combat." Probably, as Mr. Haussoullier 



CH. IV STATUE OF BOY WITH FILLET ii 

conjectures, a similar inscription was engraved on the statue of Sos- 
tratus at Olympia, and Pausanias may have derived his information 
in part from the inscription. But that Pausanias had access to other 
sources is shown by his mention of Sostratus's surname of Acrochersites 
and his mode of fighting. See Bulletin de Carresp, HelUnique^ 6(1882), 
pp. 446-448, No. 76 ; E. Hoffmann, Sylloge epigram, Graec, No. 383. 

4. I. Acrochersites. On the mode of wrestling here described by 
Pausanias (aK/^oxctpi^co-^ai) see Stephani, in Compte Rendu (St. Peters- 
burg), 1 867, p. 1 2 sq. Two bronze statues of wrestlers in this attitude 
were found at Herculaneum, and are now in the Museum at Naples. 

4. 2. the hnndred and fonrth Olympiad is not recorded by 

the Eleans. The celebration of the 104th Olympiad fell in 364 B.C. 
Sec V. 9. 5 j^. ; vi. 8. 3 ; vi. 22. 2 sq, ; Xenophon, Hellenica^ vii. 4. 
28-32 ; Diodorus, xv. 78. The latter historian records that the battle 
for the presidency of the games was upon this occasion fought in 
presence of the multitude of spectators who had gathered to witness the 
games, and who, in their festal robes with wreaths of flowers on their 
heads, watched the combat at their leisure, impartially applauding the 
doughty deeds done on both sides. 

4. 4* Pythagoras of Bheginm. See note on vi. 6. 4. The statue 
of Leontiscus by him, here mentioned by Pausanias, is mentioned also 
by Pliny (JNat, hist, xxxiv. 59). As to the sculptor Clearchus see iii. 
17. 6 note. Nothing more is known about the sculptors Euchirus, 
Syadras, and Chartas ; the first of them is mentioned, indeed, by Suidas 
(s,v, Scdcrr/KiTos), but the notice is borrowed from Pausanias, and is 
bungled in the borrowing. 

4. 5. the statue of the boy binding a fillet etc. Prof. C. Robert 
has argued {Hermes^ 23 (1888), p. 444 sqq,) that this statue must have 
been no other than the figure of a boy in a similar attitude on the throne 
of Zeus. See v. 11. 3. But this seems very improbable; the figure 
on the throne was probably in relief, not in the round. Others have 
identified the statue here described by Pausanias with the statue of 
Pantarces mentioned by him below (vi. i o. 6). But this seems at least 
equally improbable. See the note on the latter passage. The three 
works (the statue of the boy with the fillet, the relief, and the statue 
of Pantarces) are rightly regarded by Prof. Furtwangler as distinct 
and independent {Meisterwerke d, griech, Plastik, p. 62 note 3). On 
representations in ancient art of boys or men binding fillets on their hair, 
see Stephani, in Compte Rendu (St Petersburg), 1874, pp. 214-216. 

4. 5. Silanion, an Athenian. This sculptor flourished 01. 113 
(328 B.C.), according to Pliny {Nat. hist, xxxiv. 51). Prof. Michaelis 
argued that the date of Silanion's activity should be placed about forty 
years earlier (*Zur Zeitbestimmung Silanions,' Histor, u. philolog. Auf- 
sdize E, Curtius gewidmety^ip, 10 7- 114). But Mr. J. Delamarre defends 
Pliny's date on the strength of two Oropian inscriptions (C. /. G, G, S. i . 
Nos. 4253, 4254). See J. Delamarre, * Le sculpteur Silanion,' Revue de 
PkHologie^ 18 (1894), pp. 162-164. The inscribed base of a statue by 
Silanion has been found at Pergamus (Frankel, Inschriften von Perga- 
mon^ No. 50). According to Pliny {I.e.) Silanion was a self-taught 



12 POL YCLES AND HIS FA MIL Y bk. vi. elis 

artist. His strength seems to have lain in portraiture. The subjects 
of a number of his works are known. See Overbeck, Schriftquelleny 
§§ 1 3 50- 1 363; /V/., Gesch, d, griech. Plastik^^ 2. pp. 10-12 ; H. Brunn, 
Gesch, d. griech, Kiinstlery i. pp. 394-398 ; /V/., in Siizungsberichte d. 
philos. philolog. u. histor. CI. d, k, b, Akad. d. Wissen. zu Miinchen^ 
1892, p. 663 sqq. ; A. S. Murray, Hist, of Greek Sculpture^ 2. p. 328 
sq. \ Fr. Winter, ^SW^moHj Jahrbuck d. archdol. Inst. 5 (1890), pp. 
1 51-168. Cp. vi. 14. 4 and 11. 

4. 5. Polycles. This sculptor was one of a family of artists known 
to us Arom ancient writers and inscriptions, but whose dates and relation- 
ships are somewhat difficult to determine. 

1. Pausanias twice mentions the sons of Polycles as sculptors. 
Thus he says that the statue of the boxer Agesarchus was by the sons 
of Polycles (vi. 12. 8 sq.\ and again that they made the image of 
Cranaean Athena near Elatea (x. 34. 8). From this latter passage, 
taken in connexion with a passage immediately preceding it (x. 34. 6), 
we learn that the sons of Polycles were named Timocles and Timar- 
chides, and that they were Attic by birth. In the present passage 
Pausanias tells us that Polycles made a statue of Amyntas, who was 
victorious in the pancratium for boys. Now we know that the pancra- 
tium for boys was not introduced until Ol. 145 (200 B.C.), and that the 
victor in that year was Phaedimus (Paus. v. 8. 11). Hence the victory 
of Amyntas and the statue of him by Polycles cannot have been earlier, 
and may have been much later, than 01. 146 (196 B.c.) 

2. Pliny mentions {Nat. hist, xxxiv. 50 and 52) two sculptors of 
the name of Polycles, one of whom flourished in Ol. 102 (372 B.C.), the 
other in 01. 156 (156 B.C.) The former cannot be the Polycles of 
Pausanias, since the Polycles of Pausanias, as we have just seen, must 
have lived later than 196 B.C. It remains therefore that the Polycles of 
whom Pausanias speaks was the Polycles who flourished in 156 B.c. 
Contemporary with this later Polycles was a sculptor Timocles (Pliny, 
Nat. hist, xxxiv. 52). 

3. In another passage {Nat. hist, xxxvi. 35) Pliny mentions two 
sculptors, Polycles and Dionysius, the sons of Timarchides, who made 
images of Jupiter and Juno in the temples of these deities which stood 
within the cloistered court called the Colonnade {porticus) of Octavia at 
Rome. The Colonnade of Octavia occupied the site of a colonnade 
called the Colonnade of Metellus because it had been built by Metellus 
Macedonicus (Velleius Paterculus, i. 11), doubtless after his return in 
146 B.C. from his conquest of Macedonia. The temples enclosed by the 
colonnade seem to have been dedicated in 1 79 B.C. (J. H. Middleton, 
The remains of Ancient Rome, 2. p. 200), but neither from this date nor 
from the date of the colonnade can we legitimately infer the date of the 
images, since we do not know that they were made for the temples or 
the colonnade. In the same passage {Nat. hist, xxxvi. 35) Pliny 
mentions a sculptor Timarchides who made an image of Apollo holding 
a lyre in a temple beside the Colonnade of Octavia. This Timar- 
chides was probably the father of the two sculptors Polycles and Diony- 
sius whom Pliny mentions in the same paragraph. 



CH. IV POLYCLES AND HIS FAMILY 13 

4. In 1880 Mr. Homolle found in Delos a statue with the following 
inscription : 

Faiov *0^kWiQV MadpKOV (sic) vlhv ^€pov 'IrakiKol 
SiKaiocrvvrjs €V€Ka Koi (fnXayaOCas rtjs cis kavrovs 

'AiroXktovL, 

^lovvcTLos TifMipxiSov 

Kol Ttfiap^iSrjs IioX.VKk€Oits 

*A0rjvaLOi. cTTotTycrav. 

*'The Italians (dedicated) to Apollo (this statue of) Gaius Ofellius 
Fenis, son of Marcus, on account of his justness and kindness to them- 
selves. Dionysius son of Timarchides, and Timarchides son of Polycles, 
both of them Athenians, made (the statue)." The statue in question, 
a fair specimen of late Greek work, occupied one of the niches in the 
market-place which was especially frequented, if not built, by the Italian 
merchants resident in Delos. It cannot have been made earlier, and 
probably was made some time later, than 190 B.C., the date of the first 
appearance of the Romans in Delos. On the other hand it cannot be 
later than 90 B.C., the date of the outbreak of the Social War in Italy, 
for after that date the name * Italians ' would not have been used. The 
statue may belong, Mr. Homolle thinks, to the end of the second centur>' 
B.C. With this date the palaeographical character of the inscription 
agrees, and it is confirmed by the fact that the market-place in which 
the statue stood appears to have been built not long before 130 B.C. 
See Bulletin de Corresp, helUnique^ 5 (1881), p. 390 sqq. ; Hennes, 19 
(1884), p. 305; Loewy, Inschrifien griech. Bildhauer, No. 242; W. 
Gurlitt, Ueber Pausanias, p. 362. 

5. In his excavations on the site of the temple of Cranaean Athena 
near Elatea Mr. Paris discovered a fragment of a pedestal bearing, in 
letters of the second century B.C., the inscription IIOAYKAHSTIN, 
w^hich may conjecturally be thus supplied : TLo\vk\^]s liLp.\apxi^ov]. 
" Polycles, son of Timarchides (made the statue)." 

6. In December 1894 the base of a statue was found near the south- 
west comer of the Dionysiac theatre at Athens. It bears the following 
inscription in letters which are certainly not earlier than the middle 
of the second century B.C., and which may be as late as Sulla's time 
{j^ B.C., date of Sulla's death) : 

TLfjLap\i8rjs IiokvKk€Ovs OopiKtos V€(aT€pos €'7roir)a'€V. 

"Timarchides the younger, son of Polycles and of the township ot 
Thoricus, made (the statue)." This proves that there were two con- 
temporary sculptors each called Timarchides, and each with a father 
named Polycles. Thus we get two Polycleses as well as two Timar- 
chideses, living in the second half of the second century B.C. or in the 
early part of the first century B.C. See Mittheil. d, arch. Inst, in Athen^ 
20 (1895), p. 216. 

7. On a large pedestal at Lindus in Rhodes there is a mutilated 
inscription, which may perhaps be restored thus : — 



14 POLYCLES AND HIS FAMILY bk. vi. elis 

*A<r[T]vK/5aT[iy 'AWrJvK/jaTevs 

IIoAvkX^s noTAvKAcvs ? kqX\ 
[MJvooTtfios 'ApiaT(u[v45a CTroo/cravJ. 

"Astycrate, daughter of Astycrates. Polycles, son of Polydes, and 
Mnastimus, son of Aristonidas, made (the statue)." See Inscr, Grace. 
InsuL I. No. 855 ; cp. Loewy, Inschriften griech. Btldhauer^ No. 197. 
If this restoration is correct, we have a sculptor Polycles, whose fathei^s 
name was also Polycles ; but the restoration of even the first two letters 
of the father's name is very uncertain. 

8. In Rome a marble base was found with the following inscrip- 
tion : 

" Poenus, a Macedonian. Polycles made (the statue)." The inscription 
appears to be, not the original, but a later copy. See Loewy, Inschriften 
griech, Bildhauer, No. 486. 

On the whole, if we leave out of account the Lindian and Roman 
inscriptions, which contribute little or nothing certain to the solution of 
the question, we find that the evidence points to the existence of a 
family of sculptors who lived in the second century B.C, and who bore 
the names of Polycles, Timocles, Timarchides, and Timarchides, and 
that two at least of these names (namely Polycles and Timarchides) 
were each borne by two members of the family. Many family-trees 
have been suggested by modem scholars. The best perhaps is the one 
proposed by Mr. W. Gurlitt, which, though it was drawn up before the 
Athenian and Elatean inscriptions were found, is perfectly reconcilable 
with, or rather is confirmed by, them. It is as follows : 

PoLYCLBS I., an Athenian, 
after 296 B.c. (Paus. vi. 4. 5) ; about 156 b.c (Pliny, N. H. xxxiv. 5a) 



Timocles Timarchides I. 

about 156 B.c (Pliny, N. H. xxxiv. 53); Paus. vi. 12. 9^ x. 34. 6 and 8 

Pausanias, vi. za. 9, x. 34. 6 and 8 



( 



Polycles II. Dionysius of Athens 

Second century b.c (Elatean inscription) Between 130-90 B.& (Delian inscription) 

Plmy, xxxvi. 35 Phny» ^« H. xxxvi. 35 

Timarchides II., an Athenian of Thoricus 
Between 150-78 b.c f Athenian inscription) 
Between 130-90 b.c. (Delian inscription) 

Prof. C. Robert proposed a family-tree which, so far as the names 
and relationships go, agrees with the foregoing, but differs from it as to 
dates, since Prof. Robert would assign Polycles I., with his sons Timocles 
and Timarchides I., to the third, instead of to the second century B.C. 
His reason for doing so is this. In a passage quoted by Eusebius 
{Praefar. Evang, vi. 8. 17 sq,) from a work of the Stoic philosopher 
Chrysippus, who died in 207 B.C., mention is made of a boxer Heges- 
archus. This Hegesarchus is identified by Prof. Robert with the boxer 
Agesarchus whose statue was made by the sons of Polycles (Paus. vi. 



CH. IV STATUE OF CYNISCUS 15 

1 2. 8 sq,) from which it would follow that the sons of Polycles lived 
not later than the second half of the third century B.C., and that their 
father Polycles I. cannot have flourished much after the middle of that 
century. But to this view there are grave objections, (i) The date 
assigned by Prof. Robert to Polycles I. agrees with the date of neither 
of the two sculptors of that name mentioned by Pliny (see above). 
(2) The date assigned by him to Timocles (third century B.a) contra- 
dicts Pliny, who puts Timocles in the middle of the following century, 
namely 156 B.C. (Nat, hist, xxxiv. 52). (3) If Dionysius was at work 
between 130 and 90 B.C., as the Delian inscription seems to show, it is 
unlikely that his father Timarchides I. should have been at work (as 
Prof. Robert supposes) in the third century B.C. 

On the whole subject, see Th. Bergk, *Ueber den Hercules des Polycles,* 
Zeitschrift fiir Alterthumswissenschaft, 1845, pp. 787-791, 793-795; Brunn, 
Gesch, a, griech, Kunstler, i. p. 536 sqq. ; C. Bursian, in FUckeisen* s Jahrbucher, 
9 (1863), p. 99 sq,\ OverbecK, Gescn. d, griech, Plastik,* 2, pp. 428-430, 439; 
Homolle, m Bulletin de Corresp, helUnique^ 5 (1881), pp. 390-396; C Robert, 
in Hermes^ 19 (1884), pp. 300-315 ; Locwy, Untersuchungen 2ur griech, KunstUr- 
geschickte, p. 9; «/., Inschriften griech, Bildhatury Nos. 242, 486; W. Gurlitt, 
Ueber PausaniaSy pp. 361-365, 416 j^. ; P. Paris, Elatie (Paris, 1892), pp. 125-136 ; 
F. Mtinzer, in Mitthnl, d, arch, Inst, in A then, 20 (1895), PP* 216-219. 

4. 6. in wrestling alone. The Greek is fjLowoTrdkrjs, The word 
seems to designate an athlete who practised wrestling by itself, and not 
as part of the pentathlum or pancratium. See W. Dittenberger, in Die 
Inschriften von Olympia, p. 287 sq. The same word occurs in the 
epigram carved on the base of Xenocles's statue {Die Inschriften van 
Olympia^ No. 164 ; see note on vi. 9. 2). 

4. 10. All this I have set forth etc. See iii. 10. 5. 

4. II. Oyniscns. The upper part of the pedestal of this statue 
was found in the Byzantine church at Olympia, 27th March 1877. It 
is a quadrangular block of white Peloponnesian marble. Round the 
edge of the upper surface runs the following inscription : 

irvKTafs TOvS*] dvWriK€V aTr* cvSo^oio Kwutkos 
Mav[T]tV€as viKtav waTphs (EXwv ovofia, 

'<Cyniscus, of famed Mantinea, who bore his father's name, being 
victorious over the boxers, dedicated this (statue)." The sculptor's 
name was probably cut on the lower part of the pedestal which is lost 
From the archaic forms of the letters the inscription cannot be much 
later than the middle of the fifth century B.c. The sculptor must, there- 
fore, have been the elder Polyclitus (see note on ii. 22. 7). From the 
disposition of the holes for fastening the statue upon the pedestal, it is 
inferred that the weight of the body rested on the left foot, while the 
right foot was behind and only touched the ground lightly with its fore 
part The marks show that the statue was of bronze. 

See Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 149 ; K. Purgold, in Olympia : Ergeb- 
nisse, Textband 2. p. 148 sq, ; Archdologische Zeitung^ 40 (1882), p. 190, No. 
436 ; Roehl, /. G, A, No. 99, pp. 35, 17 J ; uLy Imagines Inscr, Gr, Ant, p. 27 ; 
Loewy, Inschriften griech, Bilahauery No. 50 ; £. Hoffmann, Sylloge epigram, 
Graec. No. 377 ; Roberts, Greek Epigraphy^ No. 280. 



1 6 ERGOTELES—PULYDAaMAS bk. vl elis 

It has been conjectured that the statue called *the Westmacott 
Athlete' in the British Museum is a copy of Polyclitus's statue of 
Cyniscus. * The Westmacott Athlete * represents a young man of 
vigorous, athletic form, standing and apparently in the act of placing 
the victor's wreath on his head, but the right arm is broken off short ; 
the left arm hangs by the side. The style of the statue is thoroughly 
Polyclitian, and the footprints agree closely with those of the Olympic 
pedestal. The original must have been a fiunous work, for numerous other 
replicas and imitations of it have come down to us, including particularly 
two statues at Rome, one in the Barracco Collection, the other in the 
garden of the Palazzo del Quirinale. See A. Philios, in 'Effn^fjuepls 
dpxaLoXoyLKrj, 1890, p. 207 sg^., with pi. 10 and 11 ; Collignon, 
Histoire de la Sculpture Grecque, i. p. 499, with fig. 255 ; and especially 
A. Furtwangler, Meisterwerke d. griech. Plastik^ pp. 452-471. 

4. II. Ergoteles won two victories at Olympia etc. 

Pindar composed his twelfth Olympic ode in honour of this Ergoteles. In 
that ode (z/. 16 sqq.) the poet alludes to the sedition which drove Ergoteles 
from his native Cnosus, and to the two Pythian and the two Isthmian 
victories won by him. As, however, he makes no allusion to a second 
Olympic victory gained by Ergoteles, it follows that the ode was written 
in honour of the first of the two victories, which fell in 01. ^^ (472 B.C.), 
as we learn from the Scholia on Pindar (p. 261, ed. Boeckh). The 
Pythian victories of Ergoteles fell in the twenty-fifth and twenty-ninth 
Pythiad (Schol. on Pindar, lx.\ both of which preceded 01. tt. See 
Boeckh, Explic, Pindar^ p. 205 sqq. On the other hand, as Pindar 
makes no reference to the Nemean victories of Ergoteles, it follows 
that these victories were won after the composition of the ode, and 
therefore after Ol. 77 (472 B.C.) 

5. I. Pulydamas. Cp. vii. 27. 6 ; Philostratus, De arte gymnastica^ 
22. The victory of Pulydamas, or Polydamas, as he is also called, 
was won in 01. 93 (408 B.C.), as we learn from Eusebius {Chronic, vol. 
I. p. 203, ed. Schone), who adds that Pulydamas went to Persia, slew 
lions in presence of Ochus {i.e. Darius II., king of Persia), and fought 
bare-handed with armed men. Tzetzes refers to the exploits of Puly- 
damas in slaying lions and in outrunning a chariot (quoted in Dindorf's 
Teubner ed. of Diodorus, vol. 2. p. 149). The account which Suidas 
(s.v, noAv6a/Aa$) gives of this athlete is copied almost verbally from the 
present passage of Pausanias. Lucian tells us that the statue of Puly- 
damas at Olympia was believed to cure fever {Deorum concilium^ 12). 

5. 3. in the second yeax of the hundred and second Olympiad. 
That is, 371 B.C. But Diodorus (xv. 75) places the sack of Scotusa in 
367 B.C. The massacre is mentioned also by Plutarch {Pelopidas^ 29). 

5. 4. The highlands of Thrace are the home of lions. 

Herodotus, after telling how the camels in the army of Xerxes were 
attacked by lions in Thrace, remarks that lions were common in the 
region between the river Nestus in Thrace and the river Achelous in 
Acamania, but that they were found in no other part of Europe (vii. 
125 sq.) Aristotle, who was a native of this district, twice states that 
lions were found in Europe between the rivers Nessus and Achelous 



CH. V FEATS OF PULYDAMAS 17 

(Hist, amm, vi. 31, vii. 28, vol. i. pp. 579 b. 6 sq.^ 606 b. 14 sgq,, 
Berlin ed.) The statement is repeated by Pliny {Nat, hist, viii. 45, 
where Mestutnque is a mistake of Pliny or his copyist for Nestumque or 
Nessumque), Xenophon says {Cyneget, 11): " Lions, leopards, lynxes, 
panthers, bears, and such like wild beasts, are caught in foreign lands 
about Mt. Pangaeus and Mt Cittus in the interior of Macedonia, about 
the Mysian Mt Olympus and in Mt. Pindus, and at Nysa in the interior 
of Syria." Dio Chrysostom says (Orat. xxi., ad init,) that in his time 
(about 50-117 A.D.) lions no longer existed in Europe, though formerly 
they had been found in Macedonia and other places. The existence of 
lions in Europe within historical times was questioned by Maury (Ret'ue 
archiologique^ 2 (1845), p. 521 sqq.) Since Maury wrote a monument 
has come to light which perhaps confirms the statements of the ancient 
writers as to the existence of lions in Europe. In 1861 a marble 
tombstone was found near the church of the Holy Trinity in the west 
of Athens. On the stone is represented in relief a man lying on a bed, 
behind and above whose head is a lion ; another man is standing at the 
feet of the prostrate man, and is trying to defend him. Behind him the 
half of a ship is seen. The epitaph, which is somewhat obscure, says 
that the man was a Phoenician, that he was attacked by a lion, but that 
friends coming from the ship defended him and buried him on the spot. 
There are also two lines in Phoenician giving the man's name. The 
inscription is not older than the second century B.C See Bulletino 
deii^ InsiitutOy 1861, p. 140 ; Annali delV Jnstituto^ 1861, p. 321 sqq,^ 
with Tav. d' agg. M. i. In Palaeolithic times the lion ranged over a 
great part of Europe ; its remains have been found in France, Germany, 
Italy, and Sicily (Sir J. Lubbock, Prehistoric Times^ p. 291 sq.^ 

5. 7* the band called Immortals. These were the foot-guards of 
the Persian king, 10,000 in number. A thousand of them had golden 
pomegranates on the butt-ends of their lances ; the other nine thousand 
had silver pomegranates. See Herodotus, vii. 41 and 83. The exca- 
vations of Mr. Dieulafoy in the palace of the Persian kings at Susa 
during the winter of 1885-1886 brought to light a magnificent frieze of 
enamelled bricks representing these foot-guards. The figures are life 
size and the colours are brilliant. The swarthy dark-bearded warriors 
are represented in gay robes, holding long lances in their hands, with 
bows and quivers slung over their shoulders. The frieze is now in 
Paris. There is an excellent reproduction of it in the Museum of 
Science and Art at Edinburgh. See American Journal 0/ Archaeology, 
3 (1887), p. 87 sqq,, with the coloured plates xiii. xiv. ; Perrot et 
Chipiez, Histoire de Vart dans I antiquity, 5. p. 541, ^%. 348. 

5. 7* Of the feats I have enumerated, some are represented on 
the pedestal of his statue. A portion of this pedestal, with some of 
the reliefs referred to by Pausanias, was found at Olympia by the Germans, 
and is now in the Museum there. It is a quadrangular block of white 
marble. On one side of it is represented in relief the combat of Puly- 
damas with the lion. The lion is rearing on its hind-legs, with its left 
hind-paw on the left knee of Pulydamas, while his tail lashes the ground. 
The lion's head rests on the right shoulder of Pulydamas, who appears 

VOL. IV c 



I8 FEATS OF PULYDAMAS bk. vi. kus 

to be strangling the beast. On the opposite side of the pedestal, the 
victorious Pulydamas is represented standing on the slain lion. On the 
third side of the pedestal Pulydamas appears in the middle lifting a 
man off the ground ; but the marble is mutilated, and only the feet of 






his adversary are seen in air. At the left end of the s 
seated on a throne. He is represented a 



s Darius, 




flowing robe. On the right of the scene are three v 
robes, but the upper bodies of two of them are lost. 



omen also in long 
This scene repre- 




sents some feat of strength performed by Pulydamas before the Persian 
king, but apparently not the combat with the three ' Immortals.' 

The upper sur&ce of the pedestal shows that it was intended for 
the reception of another block above it. Probably therefore the pedestal, 
which Pausanias expressly describes (§ t ) as lofty, was composed, like 



CH. VI NARYCIDAS—CALLIAS 19 

the pedestal which supported the victory of Paeonius, of a number of 
blocks, one above the other. The reliefs, representing the exploits of 
Pulydamas, would then run in a series of horizontal bands round the 
pedestal See Olympia: ErgebtUssey Tafelband 3. pi. Iv. 1-3; Die 
Ausgrabungen zu Olympia^ 3 (i 877-1 878), pi. xvii. A; K. Purgold, in 
Historische u. philologische Aufsdtze Ernst Cur tins gewidmet^ pp. 
238-244. 

5. 8. the prophecy of Homer. The words are addressed by 
Andromache to Hector in their parting scene {Iliad, vi. 407). 

5. 8. PalydaxnaA had gone into a cavern etc. Cp. Diodorus, 

Frag. ix. 14, ed. Dindorf, with the passage of Tzetzes there quoted. 

6. I. Naryddas. Three fragments of a pedestal of yellowish-grey 
limestone, conjectured to be the pedestal of the statue of Narycidas, 
were found at Olympia in 1878, 1879, and 1880. The fragmentary 
inscription is thus restored by Professors Dittenberger and Furtwangler : 

[ov Ti /ioi/^ Ttfiav €v] 'Okvfnria tc^vos tcrxov 

\_KvSaLViov y€V€av 7r]aT/3t8a d'* [a] yap ura 
[i}A^€ fjLoi €v Hvdol 0* or] eviKtav kcu rpls €V 'l[(r]dfJuol 

[Aafw.p€TOv 7ra?s wi' Na/ov]Ki&is #iy[a]A€vs. 
[Aat3aAos €7r]ot»y<r€ naT/30KA€[o5 #A€ta]<ri05. 

*' Not in Olympia alone was I honoured for my strength, thereby 
glorifying my family and fatherland. For equal honour fell to my lot 
when I conquered at Pytho and thrice at the Isthmus. I am Nary- 
cidas of Phigalia, son of Damaretus. Daedalus, a Phliasian, son of 
Patrocles, made (the statue)." If the last line of the inscription is 
restored aright, we can hardly doubt that Daedalus the Phliasian, son 
of Patrocles, is identical with Daedalus the Sicyonian, son of Patrocles, 
whom Pausanias mentions here and elsewhere (vi. 2. 8 note). The 
inscription belongs to the early part of the fourth century B.C., which, 
as we have seen (note on vi. 2. 8), was the date of Daedalus the 
Sicyonian. The sculptor may at some time have settled at Phlius. 

See Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 161 ; Archdologische Zeitung^ 
37 (1879), pp. 46, 144 sq.; Loewy, Inschriften griech, Bildhauer^ 
No. 103 ; G. H. Forster, Die olympischen Sieger^ Teil i. p. 24. 

6. I. Oallias of Athens. The pedestal of this statue, consisting of 
a simple block of Pentelic marble, stands to the north-east of the 
temple of Zeus. It is not in its original position. On the upper (hori- 
zontal) surface of the pedestal is the inscription — 

KaAAtas AiSvfilov 'Adrjvalos 

TrayKpoTiov 

MiK(tfv €iroirja'€v 'AOrfvalos. 

^'Callias an Athenian, son of Didymius, (victor in) the pancratium. 
Micon, an Athenian, made (the statue)." The traces on the top of the 
pedestal prove that the statue was of bronze and larger than life, and 
that the figure was in an easy attitude, the weight resting equally on 



20 CALLIAS — EUCLES bk. vi. elis 

both legs. See Die Insc An/ten von Olympia^ No. 146 ; Archdologische 
Zeitungy 34 (1876), p. 227 ; Loewy, Inschriften griech. Bildhauer^ No. 
41; Roberts, Greek Epigraphy ^ No. 165; Roehl, /. G, A. No. 498. 
From Pausanias (v. 9. 3) we learn that the victory of Callias in the 
pancratium was won in Ol. ^^ (472 B.C.) In an inscription found on 
the Acropolis at Athens (C /. A. i. No. 419) Callias is mentioned as 
having been victorious at Olympia, twice at the Isthmus, four times at 
Nemea, and also at the Great Panathenian festival. From the pseudo- 
Andocides {contra Alcibiadem, 32) we learn that Callias was ostracised. 
As to the artist Micon, he was best known as a painter (see note on i. 
17. 3); but according to Pliny {Nat. hist, xxxiv. 88) his statues of 
athletes were esteemed. A fragment of a base of Pentelic marble, 
found on the Acropolis at Athens, is inscribed with the sculptor's name, 
which, as restored by some scholars, is " Micon son of Phanomachus." 
See C /. yi. I. No. 418 ; Loewy, Inschr. griech. Bildhauer^ No. 42 ; 
Kaibel, Epigrammata Graeca^ No. 763. From the date of Callias's 
victory we may infer that Micon flourished in the first half of the fifth 
century B.C 

6. I. Androsthenes won two victories. The first of these 

victories fell in Ol. 90 (420 B.C.), as we learn from Thucydides (v. 49). 

6. 2. a statue of Eucles. The base of this statue was found at 
Olympia, in the East Byzantine wall, 3rd March 1878. It is of black 
limestone. On the top are the marks of the feet of a bronze statue of 
about life size ; the right foot was in advance of the other. The 
inscription is on the vertical side, and runs as follows : 

[Ei»ic]A^S KaAAtai'aKTOS *Po6i05. 
[Nav]*cv57ys IIaTpo*cA^os hroirjc^. 

" Eucles, a Rhodian, son of Callianax. Naucydes, son of Patrocles, 
made (the statue)." See Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 159; 
Archdologische Zeitungy 36 (1878), p. 84, No. 129; ho^wy^ Inschriften 
griech. Bildhauer, No. 86. As a grandson of Diagoras the Rhodian 
(vi. 7. I note) Eucles probably won his Olympic victory about the end 
of the fifth or the beginning of the fourth century B.C. The style of 
the inscription certainly points to a considerably later date ; but the 
pedestal with the inscription may have been renewed. As to the 
sculptor Naucydes and his brothers, see note on ii. 22. 7. Elsewhere 
(vi. I. 3) Pausanias calls Naucydes an Argive. In an inscription found at 
Olympia, Polyclitus, one of the brothers of Naucydes, is also called an 
Argive (see note on vi. 7. 10). But in another inscription found at 
Olympia, Daedalus, the other brother of Naucydes, is called a Sicy- 
onian {Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 635 ; Loewy, Inschriften 
griech. BildJiauery No. 89), and he is always called a Sicyonian by 
Pausanias (vi. 2. 8 ; vi. 3. 4 and 7 ; vi. 6. i ; x. 9. 6). To explain this 
seeming discrepancy, H. Brunn reminds us that a close connexion sub- 
sisted between the artistic schools of Argos and Sicyon, and that the 
elder Polyclitus, though generally called an Argive, is once called a 
Sicyonian (Pliny, Nat. hist, xxxiv. 55). He thinks that the Argive school 



CH. VI DAMOXENIDAS—EUTHYMUS 21 

of art died out about 01. 100 (380 B.C.), and was replaced by the Sicy- 
onian school. This opinion is shared by Prof. W. Klein. See H. 
Brunn, in Sitzungsberichte of the Bavarian Academy (Munich), 1880, 
Philosoph. philolog. CI. p. 472 sqq, ; W. Klein, in Arckaeolog, epigraph, 
Miitheilungen aus Oesterreich^ 5 (1881), p. 99. 

6. 2. the house of the Diagorids. See vi. 7. i sqq. 

6. 2. Polyditns, an Argive etc As to the younger Polyclitus, 
see note on ii. 22. 7. 

6. 2. a public Mend of the Phocian nation. A decree of the 
Phocian confederacy conferring the position of public friend {J>roxeno5) 
on three men of Larissa has been fouiid inscribed on a stone at Elatea, 
the chief city of Phocis. See Bulletin de Corr, Hel Unique 10 (1886), 
P- 359 5Q'\ P» Paris, AlaUe, pp. 61, 210 sqq. Other examples of 
proxeny (public friendship) conferred on individuals by confederacies are 
known from inscriptions. See S. Reinach, TraiU d^epigraphie Grecque^ 
p. 361. As to the Phocian confederacy, cp. x. 5. i sq. 

6. 3. Nicodamus made the statue of Damoxenidas. The 

pedestal of this statue was found 8 metres south of the second column 
of the temple of Hera (counting from the east), i8th October 1879. 
Its original position was probably to the east of the north-east comer 
of the temple of Zeus, near the statues of Callias (§ i, above), Eucles 
(§2), and Euthymus (§ 4, below). The pedestal is of black limestone. 
On the top is the print of the left foot of a life-size statue ; the boxer 
seems to have been represented lunging out with his left foot far in 
advance to deliver a blow. The inscription is on the upper (horizontal) 
side of the pedestal. It runs thus : 

" Nicodamus made (the statue). Damoxenidas a Maenalian." The 
second line (containing the name of the boxer) belongs to the original 
inscription, and dates from about the beginning of the fourth century B.c. 
The first line (containing the name of the sculptor) is much later, dating 
perhaps from the first century B.C. This shows that the inscription was 
partially renewed about that time. See Die Inschrifien von Olympian 
No. 158 ; Archdologische Zeiiung^ 37 (1879), p. 208, No. 328 ; Loewy, 
Inschrifien griech, Bildhauer^ No. 98. The sculptor Nicodamus must 
have been at work soon after 420 B.C., since he made a statue of Andro- 
sthenes, who won a victory in that year (§ i of this chapter). For 
mention of other works by Nicodamus see v. 25. 7 ; v. 26. 6 ; vi. 3. 9. 
6. 4. Euthymus. The lower block of the base which supported 
the statue of Euthymus was found at Olympia 2 metres east of the 
pedestal of the Eretrian bull (see v. 27. 9 note) on 5th March 1878. 
It is of Pentelic marble and bears the following inscription : 

Ev^v/A09 AoKphs 'A(rTVKX.€os rpls ^OXv/jlvl iviKtov 
ciKova 8* €(rTrf(r€V rrjvBe Pporols €(ropav. 

KvOvfJuo^ AoKphs dirh Z€<f}vpiov dvWrjKt. 
Jlvday6pa^ Xa^tos iiroi-qarev. 



22 STATUE OF EUTHYMUS BK. vi. elis 

"I, Euthymus a Locrian, son of Astycles, was thrice victorious at 
Olympia, and he {sic) set up this statue for mortals to behold. Euthy- 
mus a Locrian from Zephyrium dedicated (this statue). Pythagoras a 
Samian made (it)." An examination of the stone shows that the words 
Tr\v^ PpoTois kiTopav were carved by another and less skilful hand than 
the rest of the inscription, and that the word dvtOrjKc is an addition 
made to the original inscription by the same less skilful hand. Hence 
it is supposed that the statue was originally dedicated, not by Euthymus 
himself, but by some one else whose name was mentioned in the second 
line, and that for some reason this name was struck out and the inscrip- 
tion altered into its present form. This explains the awkwardness of 
making Euthymus speak in the first person in the first line and in 
the third person in the second line. Messrs. Dittenberger and Purgold 
suppose that the statue was set up not by Euthymus himself, but by his 
native city Locri ; that the original inscription recorded this fact ; and 
that the Eleans, offended at any state besides their own presuming to 
award such an honour, caused the inscription to be altered in such a 
way as to make it appear that the statue had been erected by Euthymus 
himself. 

See Dig Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 144 ; K. Purgold, in Olympia: Ergeb- 
nissct Textband 2. p. 151 ; Arcndologische Zeitung^ 36 (1878), p. 82, No. 127 ; 
Roehl, /. G, A, Na 388 ; i/., Imagitus Ins, Gr. Ant. p. 46 ; Loewy, Inschriften 
griech, Bildhauer, No. 23 ; Kaibel, in Rheinisches Museum^ N.F. 34 (1879), 
p. 203; Roberts, Greek Epigraphy ^ No. 156; E. Hoffmann, Sylloge epigram, 
Graec, No. 378. 

According to Pliny {Nat. hist vii. 152) the statue of Euthymus at 
Olympia and another statue of him at Locri were struck by lightning on 
the same day, in consequence of which the Delphic oracle commanded 
that sacrifices should regularly be offered to Euthymus, both in his life- 
time and after his death. 

The first Olympic victory of Euthymus was won in Ol. 74 (484 
B.C.), as Pausanias tells us (§ 5). This gives a clue to the date of the 
sculptor Pythagoras, who made the statue. He also made a statue of 
Astylus, who won Olympic victories in 488, 484, 480 B.c (See vi. 
13. I note.) Pliny must therefore be mistaken in saying {Nat. hist. 
xxxiv. 49) that Pythagoras flourished in 01. 90 (420 B.C.) Pausanias 
always speaks of this sculptor as a citizen of Rhegium (vi. 4. 4 ; vi. 6. 
I ; vi. 13. 7 ; vi. 18. i). Pliny, indeed {Nat. hist, xxxiv. 59), and 
Diogenes Laertius (viii. i. 47) distinguish the sculptor Pythagoras of 
Rhegium from the sculptor Pythagoras of Samos. But as the statue of 
Euthymus was by Pythagoras of Samos, and Pausanias, in mentioning 
the name of the sculptor (§ 6), does not distinguish him from Pythagoras 
of Rhegium, we may assume that the two were identical. Probably 
Pythagoras was one of those Samians who, at the instigation of Anaxilas 
tyrant of Rhegium, settled in Zancle (Messene), ousting the old inhabit- 
ants (Herodotus, vi. 23 sqq.) This took place about 494 b.c. ; and as 
the Samians in Zancle may have been subject to Anaxilas of Rhegium 
(cp. Thucydides, vi. 4), it is possible that the sculptor Pythagoras 
described himself sometimes as a Samian, sometimes as a Rhegian. 



CH. VI EUTHYMUS AND THE GHOST 23 

As to the sculptor and his works see Overbeck, Schriftqtullen, §§ 489-507 ; 
id.^ Gesch. d, griech. Plastik^^ i. p. 263 sqq, ; H. Brunn, Gesch. d, griech. 
KunstleTy i. p. 132 sqq. ; Lucy M. Mitchell, Hist, of Ancient Sculpture^ p. 277 
sqq, ; A. S. Murray, Hist, of Greek Sculpture^^ I. p. 239 sqq, ; CoUignon, Hist, 
ae la Sculpture Grecque^ i. pp. 409-412. 

Prof. Waldstein has argued that the so-called Choiseul-Gouffier 
Apollo in the British Museum and the statue conunonly called < Apollo 
on the omphalos^^ which was found in the Dionysiac theatre at Athens 
in 1862 and is now in the National Museum at Athens, are copies of 
the statue of Euthymus by Pythagoras of Rhegium. They appear to 
be undoubtedly copies of the same statue, of which there are two other 
replicas, one in the Uffizi gallery at Florence, and another (inferior one) 
in the Capitoline Museum at Rome. The statue represents a young 
man of extremely powerful build, standing in an easy attitude. From 
the severity of its style the statue probably belongs to the first half of 
the fifth century B.C. Another theory is that the statues in question are 
copies of the Apollo of Calamis. See i. 3. 4 with the note, where the 
literature of the subject is given (vol. 2. p. 66). 

6. 4- the river Oaecinos the wonderful phenomenon of the 

grasshoppers. The story that the grasshoppers chirped as usual in the 
territory of Locri but were silent in the territory of Rhegium, is told by 
other writers, but they place the boundary, not at the Caecinus, but at 
the Halex. See Strabo, vi. p. 260 ; Timaeus, quoted by Antigonus 
Carystius, Histor. MircJ>. i ; Conon, Narrationes^ 5. Diodorus says 
(iv. 22) that Hercules, being disturbed in his sleep by the chirping of 
the insects, prayed that they might disappear; the gods heard his 
prayer and grasshoppers were never afterwards seen in that district. 
For references in ancient writers to the song or chirping of the grass- 
hopper, see Stephani, in Compte Rendu (St. Petersburg), 1865, p. 
80 sqq, 

6. 5. Theagenes, the Thasian. See vi. 11. 2 sqq. 

6. 7- Euthymus fought with the Hero. The following story of the 
victory of Euthymus over the Hero or ghost is told more briefly by 
Strabo (vi. p. 255), Aelian (Var. hist. viii. 18), Suidas {s.v. EvOvfioi)^ 
and Eustathius (on Homer, Odyss. i. 185). Of these writers, Suidas 
copies Pausanias, and Eustathius copies Strabo. The name of the 
drunken sailor who became a Hero was Polites, according to Strabo 
and Eustathius. Suidas calls him Alybas. According to Strabo, the 
Hero's shrine was near Temesa, and was shaded with wild olive trees. 
(As to the wild olive, cp. Apollonius Rhodius, ii. 841 sqq.^ with the 
Schol. on V. 848 ; E. Rohde, Psyche^ p. 161.) The supernatural 
beings whom the Greeks called Heroes seem to have been always the 
souls of dead men, who in their lives had rendered themselves conspicu- 
ous for good or evil. Heroes, in this sense, were often regarded as 
dangerous. Thus it is said : " They are thought to be mischievous. 
Hence persons passing their shrines keep silence, lest they should suffer 
some harm " (Hesychius, s.v. Kptirrovas). On the nature and worship 
of these Heroes, see J. Wassner, De heroum apud Graecos cultu (Kiliae, 
1883); E. Rohde, Psyche^ pp. 137-186; and the work of Ukert, 
referred to in the next note. 



24 STA TUE OF CHARMIDES BK. vi. elis 

6. 8. the ghoBt of the miizdered ouul The word translated 
* ghost ' in this chapter is Saifuav. No one word in English bears all 
the meanings of Saifnovy which must be translated variously according 
to the context. Here it is used of the spirit and ghost of a dead man, 
which is active after death. The word occurs in the same sense in a 
sepulchral inscription of Paros, published in the Bulletin de Correspond- 
ance helUntque^ 6 (1882), p. 246: 

Toxpoy 5* a/Li<^i irv/o la-ffxi^v^ Tifiaiai <r€j8ovT€S 
Saifjiovi /lov vkpd^v cri'V ySovLoio'i Stols* 

" They sacrificed a bull in the fire to my ghost and to the gods below." 
On SaifjLov€s in general, see Ukert, * Ueber Damonen, Heroen und 
Genien,' Abhandlungen d. phil. hist. Classe d, kon, sacks, Ges, d, 
Wissen. (Leipsic), i (1850), pp. 137-219; Gerhard, * Ueber Wesen, 
Verwandtschaft und Ursprung der Damonen und Genien,* Abhand- 
lungen d konig. Akad. d. Wissen su Berlin^ PhiloL hist. Abhandl., 
1852, pp. 237-266; Ad. Wahrmund, * Ueber den BegrifF SalfiMv in 
seiner historischen Entwickelung/ Zeitsckrift fUr die oesterreichischen 
Gymnasien^ 10 (1859), pp. 761-783. 

6. 8. to appease the Hero and to give him every year etc 

The tastes of the dead man were inferred from those which he had dis- 
played in his life. Similarly an English officer, d\nng in a remote part 
of India, was worshipped as a demon by the natives and received 
offerings of spirits and cigars {Journal of t/ie Anthropological Society oj 
Bombay^ i (1886), p. 104). 

6. 10. the town is inhabited to this day. Strabo mentions 
(vi. p. 255) that in his day the natives of Temesa pronounced the name 
of their town Tempsa, but Strabo himself uses the form Temesa. 

7. I. Oharmides, an Elean, a boxer. A large block of the 
pedestal which supported the statue of Charmides was found in the East 
Byzantine wall at 01>Tnpia, 15th March 1878, immediately south of the 
pedestal of Euthymus (vi. 6. 4), beside which Pausanias saw it. The 
block is of grey marble. From the footprints on the top it appears 
that the statue was of bronze and about life size, and that Charmides 
was represented standing still with his feet close together. The in- 
scription, engraved on the upper surface of the block, is as follows : 



BaXctOV TTUKTa 



\y- 



o8€ Xa/3/x[t^ ayXa^i' €?!S]o[?] 
i'a[/A]aT* [*OAi'/A7rta]8o5. 



" Thou beholdest in this the glorious form of Charmides, an Elean 
boxer, a memorial of an Olympic victory." The date of the victory of 
Charmides is unknown, but the position of his monument between those 
of Eulh>'mus and the Diagorids raises a presumption that he belonged 
to the fifth centur>' n.c. The inscription is not the original one, but a 
copy of it made perhaps in the first centur>' B.C., and the block on 
which it is carved had, as the marks prove, previously served as the 
base of a different statue. See Die Imchriften if on Olympia^ No. 1 56. 



CH. VII DIAGORAS AND HIS FAMILY 25 

7. I. the Rhodian athletes, Diagoras and his fomily. The 

family of Diagoras was as follows : 

Diagoras 

Acustlans Damagetus Dorieus Pherenice CalUpatira^Callianax 

I I 

Pisirodus Eucles 

Pindar composed his seventh Olympic ode in honour of the victory of 
Diagoras in the boxing-match at Olympia, which took place in 01. 79 
(464 B.C), according to a scholiast on Pindar (p. 157, ed. Boeckh). 
The same scholiast informs us that a copy of the ode, engraved in letters 
of gold, was dedicated in the sanctuary of Lindian Athena in Rhodes ; 
and he describes, on the authority of Aristotle and Apollas, the statues 
of Diagoras and his family at Olympia in the following terms : " At 
Olympia, next after the statue of Lysander, stands the statue of 
Diagoras ; it is four cubits and five fingers high ; the right hand is 
uplifted, the left hand is inclined towards the body. Next to this 
statue is the statue of Damagetus, his eldest son, who bore his grand- 
father's name and competed in the pancratium ; the statue is four cubits 
high, or five fingers less than that of his father. Next to it is the 
statue of his brother Dorieus, also a boxer. After him, thirdly, is 
Acusilaus, with the boxing- strap on his left hand, but lifting up his 
right hand in an attitude of prayer. These sons of the victor stand on 
pedestals with their father. After them are statues of two sons of his 
daughters, victors also ; one of them is Eucles, who beat Andron in 
boxing, and after him is Pisirrhothus " {sic\ This description of the 
statues is doubtless taken by the scholiast, directly or indirecdy, from 
Aristotle's work on the Olympic victors (Diogenes Laertius, v. 26 ; 
Frag, hist, Grace, ed. Miiller, 2. p. 182 sqq.) Apollas, the other 
authority referred to by the scholiast, is almost unknown (cp. Frag, 
hist, Grace, ed. Miiller, 4. p. 306), but he probably copied from Aris- 
totle. It will be observed that both Pausanias and Aristotle (as cited 
by the scholiast on Pindar) profess to describe the statues of Diagoras 
and his family in the order in which they stood, and that the two orders 
differ from each other. According to Pausanias the order was as 
follows : — Acusilaus, Dorieus, Damagetus, Diagoras, Eucles, Pisirodus. 
According to Aristotle the order was as follows : Diagoras, Damagetus, 
Dorieus, Acusilaus, Eucles, Pisirrhothus (Pisirodus). In order to 
reconcile this apparent discrepancy Dr. Purgold suggests that the 
statues of Diagoras and his three sons stood in one row, which Aristotle 
enumerated from left to right, while Pausanias described it from right 
to left, and that the statues of the two grandsons stood apart from the 
others, perhaps on the opposite side of the road, as thus : 

Diagoras Damagetus Dorieus Acusilaus 

D n D D 

Eucles [ I [ j Pisirodus. 



26 DIAGORAS AND HIS FAMILY bk. vi. elis 

Prof. Dittenberger, on the other hand, prefers to suppose that the 
positions of some of the statues in question were changed between the 
time of Aristotle and that of Pausanias, and he finds a confirmation of 
this view in some of the inscriptions belonging to them (see below). 

Portions of the inscribed pedestals of four of the statues have been 
found at Olympia ; the four are those of Diagoras, Damagetus, Dorieus, 
and Eucles. As to the inscribed base of the statue of Eucles see above, 
note on vi. 6. 2. With regard to the other three : 

(i) Five small fragments of a base of white marble were found at 
Olympia in 1876 and 1880. On the upper edge of the stone is the 
inscription : 

Aia['yo/o]a5 Aa/x[ay]7}TOV *Po[8ios]. 

" Diagoras, a Rhodian, son of Damagetus." See Die Inschriften von 
Olympia^ No. 151. 

(2) A block of white marble, which had formed part of a pedestal, 
was found built into one of the later brick walls of the Leonidaeum. 
It bears the inscription : 

/\a/myrjTos Aiayopa *P[o5ios]. 

" Damagetus, a Rhodian, son of Diagoras." See Die Inschriften von 
Olympia^ No. 152 ; Archdologische Zeitung^ 38 (1880), p. 52, No. 334. 
From the fact that the pedestal was found far from its original position, 
built into the wall of an edifice which certainly existed in the time of 
Pausanias, Prof. Treu and the late G. Hirschfeld inferred that Pausanias 
cannot have seen the statue of Damagetus, but must have borrowed his 
notice of it from an older ^ni^r {Archdologische Zeitung^ 40 (1882), 
pp. 75 sq.^ 1x3)- But, in the first place, the brick wall where the 
pedestal was found belongs to a Roman restoration which, according to 
Dr. Dorpfeld's repeated investigations, was later than the time of 
Pausanias. And, in the second place, the pedestal itself belongs, not 
to the Roman restoration at all, but to a Byzantine wall with which one 
of the doorways of the Roman edifice was built up. Thus the fact of 
the pedestal having been built into a Byzantine wall cannot prove that 
Pausanias did not see it and its statue in their original place. See 
Dittenberger and Purgold, Die Inschriften von Olympia^ p. 262 sqq, 

(3) A block of Parian marble, which had formed part of a pedestal, 
was found in three pieces at Olympia in 1877. Two of the pieces 
were found near the base of the statue of Telemachus (see vi. 13. 11 
note) ; the third piece was found i o metres west of the pedestal of the 
Victory of Paeonius (see v. 26. i note). On the block an inscription, 
containing a long list of athletic victories, is carefully cut in archaic 
letters of the Ionic alphabet. The inscription is mutilated. As restored 
by Messrs. Dittenberger and Purgold it runs as follows : 



CH. VII DORIEUS, SON OF DIACORAS a? 

['OAv/iirtai a-ayitpnrtov] ['lo-^/iot 5n}£] 

['OA.u/in-iin ■Ka.yKpo.ru>v\ ['lo-f/toi jnJf) 

['OAv/iffioi xayitpaT]iov '\iiSji.\ol'\ 

[«al ,ro]v«p<iT«,[v] [N.,.^0 7r[^^] 

As thus restored, the inscription records that Dorieus, a Rhodian, son 
of Diagoras, won three victories at Otympia in the pancratium ; three 
victories at Pyiho (Delphi) in boxing, one of these three having been 
won without a contest ; eight victories at the Isthmus, of which five 
were in boxing, one in the pancratium, and two in contests which are 
□ot specified ; and seven victories at Nemea in boxing. This list of 
victories tallies with the li^ which Pausanias gives of Dorieus's victories 
(g I and 4 of this chapter), except thai Pausanias does not mention the 
three Pythian victories, contenting himself with remarking that Dorieus 
woD a victory at Pytho without a contest. But in the inscription as it 
stands the name of the victorious athlete is wanting ; and others 
(including Messrs. Treu, Roehl, and Loewy) have preferred to suppose 
that the missing name is not that of Dorieus but that of Theagenes Che 
Tbasian, who won two victories at Olympia, three at Pytho, nine at 
Nemea, and ten at the Isthmus. See Paus. vi. 1 1. 4 sq. But to this 
view it is objected by Messrs. Dittenberger and Purgold that on the stone 
there is not room enough for mention of the nine Nemean victories of 
Theagenes ; and further that the mention of a Pythian victory, won 
without a contest, is a strong argument in favour of Dorieus (who is 
expressly said by Pausanias to have won such a victory) and against 
Theagenes (who is not said by Pausanias to have won such a victory). 
Victories won without contests were rare ; Pausanias mentions only two 
examples (vi. 7. 4; vi. 11. 4), and if Theagenes had won such a 
victory, it is highly probable that Pausanias would have recorded it. 
Finally, if the athlete commemorated had been Theagenes the Thasian, 
the inscription would have been in the Thasian alphabet, whereas it is 
in the Ionian, which is known to have been currently used fay the 
Rhodians (Kirchhoff, Siudien zur GesMchte des griech. Alphabets,* p. 
47 tq.) On the whole, the evidence is decidedly in favour of the view 
that the inscription in question refers to Dorieus the Rhodian rather 
than to The^^enes the Thasian, The second Olympic victory of 
Dorieus was won in 01. 38 (438 b.c) (Thucydides, iii. 8), and hence 
his first and third victories fell in Ol. 87 (432 B.C.) and OL 89 
(434 B.C.) respectively. The monument at Olympia, with the long 
list of his many victories at the various games, was probably erected at 
the end of his career as an athlete, say about 420 B.C. ; and with this 



28 DORIEUS AND DIAGORAS bk. vi. eus 

date the style of the inscription agrees perfectly. See Die Inschriften 
von Olympia, No. 153; Archdologische Zeitung^ 35 (1877), P« ^89, 
No. 87; /V/., 37 (1879), p. 212; Roehl, /. G. A. No. 380; Loewy, 
Inschriften griech, Bildhauer^ No. 29 ; Foucart, in Bulletin de Corr. 
Helldniqtu^ 11 (1887), pp. 289-296; Roberts, Greek Epigraphy^ No. 
24, pp. 59 J^., 377. It is remarkable that while the inscription on the 
pedestal of Dorieus's statue is in the style of the fifth century B.C., the 
inscriptions on the pedestals of his father and elder brother, Diagoras 
and Damagetus (Nos. i and 2 above), clearly belong to a later age, 
namely the second half of the fourth or even the beginning of the third 
century B.C. In this fact Prof Dittenberger sees a confirmation of his 
view that the positions of the statues of Diagoras and his family were 
changed between the time of Aristotle and that of Pausanias (see 
above). He supposes that when the statues were shifted, the pedestals 
and inscriptions, or rather some of them, were renewed ; and that 
among those which were renewed were the pedestals of Diagoras, 
Damagetus, and probably of Eucles also. See W. Dittenberger, in 
Die Inschriften von Olympia^ p. 260 sq. 

7. 2. The statue of Diagoras is by Oallicles. As the victory of 
Diagoras was won in 464 B.C., and the sculptor Callicles was probably 
not at work till after 420 B.C. (see next note), the statue of Diagoras 
would seem to have been made many years after his victory (H. 
Brunn, Gesch. der griech. Kiinstler^ i. p. 246). 

7. 2. Theocosmus made the statue of Zeus at Megara. See i. 40. 
4, from which it appears that this sculptor, father of the sculptor Callicles, 
was a contemporary of Phidias and was at work at the time of the out- 
break of the Peloponnesian war (431 B.C.) See also x. 9. 8. 

7. 2. Eucles. See vi. 6. 2 note. 

7. 2. Oallipatira. See v. 6. 7 sq. with the note. 

7. 3. the young men carried their £ather etc. A scholiast 

on Pindar {OL vii., Introd., p. 158, ed. Bockh) says : " It is said that the 
sons being victorious at Olympia on the same day as their father, took 
and carried him about the racecourse (stadium) amid the admiration of 
the Greeks." It will be observed that Pausanias does not, like the 
scholiast, say that Diagoras himself won a victory on the same day as 
his sons. The triple victory could hardly have been won in 464 B.C., 
and we do not know that Diagoras won any Olympic victory after that 
year. Cicero {Disput. Tuscul. i. 46. iii), like Pausanias, only says 
that Diagoras's two sons were victorious on the same day, and he 
reports the saying of a Spartan who, congratulating Diagoras on that 
occasion, told him, " Die, Diagoras, for you will not ascend into 
heaven " {i.e. you can never hope to be happier than you are to-day). 
Plutarch, who reports the same saying {Pelopidas, 34), states that 
Diagoras saw his grandsons crowned as well as his sons. 

7. 3. pelted him with flowers. Cp. iv. 16. 6. 

7. 3- being descended from the daughter of Aristomenes. See 

iv. 24. 2 sq. 

7. 4- Dorieus won eight victories etc. See above, p. 27. 

7. 4- He and Pisirodus had gone to Thurii etc. Xenophon 



CH. VII HELLANICUS—PYTHOCLES 29 

says {HelUnica, i. 5. 19) that Dorieus had fled from Athens and 
Rhodes in consequence of being condemned to death by the Athenians ; 
that in the Peloponnesian war he fought against Athens ; and that, 
while in command of two Thurian vessels, he was captured in 407 B.C. 
by the Athenians, but released by them without ransom. We know 
from Thucydides also (viii. 35 and 84) that Dorieus commanded a 
Thurian squadron against Athens in the Peloponnesian war. Cp. 
Diodorus, xiii. 38 and 45. 

7. 7- their treatment of Thrasyllus etc. See Xenophon, 
Hellenica^ i. 7; Diodorus, xiii. 101-103. Cp. S. A. Naber, ' De slag 
bij de Arginusen,' Mnemosyne^ i (1852), pp. 217-256; von Bamberg, 
in Hermes^ 13 (1878), pp. 509-514; A. Philippi, * Die Arginusen- 
schlacht und das Psephisma des Kannonos,* Rheinisches Museum^ N. F. 
35 (1880), pp. 607-609. 

7. 8. Hellanicns. The pedestal of his statue was found at 
Olympia, nth March 1878, in the East Byzantine wall, to the south ot 
the Eretrian bull (see v. 27. 9 note). It is a block of reddish-violet 
marble, of a fine crystalline structure. On the upper surface is the 
print of the left foot of the statue, together with a round hole for the 
attachment of the right foot, which was drawn back and only touched 
the ground with the ball of the foot, like the statue of Cyniscus (vi. 4. 
1 1 note). The inscription, which is carved on the upper surface of the 
pedestal, runs thus : *EAAavi*cos 'AActos €ic Ktirpkov. " Hellanicus, an 
Elean from Lepreus." This confirms Pausanias's statement (v. 5. 3) 
that whenever any citizens of Lepreus won prizes at Olympia "the 
herald proclaimed them Eleans from Lepreus." The victory of 
Hellanicus, as Pausanias informs us, was won in 01. 89 (424 B.c.) 
The inscription, however, is much later; to judge from its style it 
belongs to the first century B.C. It was doubtless cut to replace the 
original inscription, which had worn away, but of which there are still 
feint traces on the upper surface of the base. See Die Inschrifien von 
Olympia^ No. 155. 

7. 10. cheese from the basket. Le, new-made cheese. As soon 
as the milk had coagulated, it was taken out of the pail and placed in 
baskets, to let the whey ooze out of it. Some farmers placed weights 
on the baskets, to squeeze out the whey the fester. When taken out of 
the baskets, the cheeses were placed on clean boards in a cool shady 
place. See Columella, De re rustica, vii. 8 ; Palladius, vi. 9 ; Pollux, 
vii. § 175. Pausanias here tells us that the athletes used to eat the 
cheese fresh from the basket, as soon as the whey had been strained off. 

7, 10. that of Pythocles is by Polyclitus. The pedestal of 

this statue was found at Olympia between the Pelopium and the temple 
of Hera, 4th June 1879. It is a quadrangular block of black lime- 
stone, and bears on its upper surface the four following inscriptions, 
of which the mutilated inscriptions {a) {b) are the original ones ; the 
other two are copies, made perhaps in the first century B.C. or a.d. 



30 STATUE OF PYTHOCLES bk. vi. elis 

(a) UvBokX 

(b) Wo\vk\<^ito% 

(c) Yi.vQoK\ri% *AX€io5 

(d) [IIoAvJ^cAciTos hroUi 'A/aycio?. 

" Pythocles, an Elean. Polyclitus, an Argive, made (the statue)." 
The inscription (a) is in the Ionic, (d) in the Argive alphabet. The 
date of the original inscription (namely a and b) appears to be soon 
after the Peloponnesian war, i.e, at the close of the fifth century B.C. 
or at the very beginning of the fourth century B.C. It is, therefore, a 
moot point whether the sculptor who made the statue was the elder or 
the younger Polyclitus. He was certainly a contemporary of Daedalus 
the Sicyonian (see note on vi. 2. 8) and his brother Naucydes ; it is 
natural, therefore, to conclude that he was their brother Polyclitus (see 
note on ii. 22. 7). This conclusion is generally accepted, but the 
question still remains whether the Polyclitus who made the statue of 
Pythocles and was brother to Daedalus and Naucydes is to be 
identified with the elder Polyclitus, who made the great image of the 
Argive Hera about 423 B.C. (see note on ii. 17. 4), or with the younger 
Polyclitus, who built the Rotunda in the Epidaurian sanctuary of 
Aesculapius about 350 B.C. (see note on ii. 27. 3). We have seen 
reason to identify him vnth the younger Polyclitus (note on ii, 22. 7) ; 
but Messrs. Robert, Dittenberger, and Purgold argue that he was the 
elder sculptor of that name. A consideration which weighs with them 
is the position of the image of Hebe by Naucydes side by side with 
the great image of Hera by the elder Polyclitus (ii. 17. 5 s^.) ; they 
infer that the images were contemporary and that the sculptors were 
brothers. 

The marks on the pedestal of Pythocles show that at some time the 
original statue was removed and replaced by another, which stood in 
quite a different attitude. The removal of the statue was probably the 
occasion of renewing the inscription, and if the renewal took place in 
the first century B.C. or A.D. it will follow that this was the date of the 
removal of the statue. It seems probable, therefore, that the original 
statue was removed by some Roman, possibly by the emperor Nero, 
and transported to Italy, and that after its removal the Elean authori- 
ties replaced it by another, in order not to leave the pedestal empty. 
This conclusion was confirmed by the discovery at Rome in 1891 of a 
marble pedestal which had supported either the original statue of 
Pythocles or a replica of it. The pedestal was found near the comer 
of the Via del Sole and the Salara Vecchia, and it bears the following 
inscription : HvOokXtjs 'HActos vevradXos. IIoAvkAcitou 'Apyciov. 
" Pythocles of Elis, a pentathlete. (A work) of Polyclitus the Argive." 
See Mittheil. d. arch, Instituts^ Romische Abtheilung, 6 (1891), pp. 
304-306; Athenaeum^ 5th March 1892, p. 314; A vierican Journal 
of Archaeology^ 7 (1891), p. 546. The marks on the top of the 
Olympian pedestal show that the original statue stood resting on the 
right foot, while the left leg was drawn back and touched the ground 
only with the ball of the foot. This was the attitude of some of the 



CH. VIII PYTHOCLES—EUBOTAS 31 

most famous statues of the elder Polyclitus, and the fact has been used 
as an argument in favour of the elder Polyclitus having made the statue 
of Pythocles. Prof Furtwangler argues that two existing statues 
of athletes, one in the Vatican at Rome (cp. W. Helbig, Fiihrer durch 
die offentlichen Sammlungen^ i. p. 28) and one at Munich (Brunn, 
Besckreibung der Glyptotheky^ No. 303), are copies of Polyclitus's statue 
of Pythocles. They are in Polyclitus's style and the size of their feet 
agrees with the original foot-marks on the Olympian pedestal. They 
represent a young naked athlete standing with the weight of his body 
on the right foot, his left foot being somewhat drawn back. The head 
is turned to the left : the right arm hangs by his side ; and the left arm 
from the elbow is stretched out, the hand grasping a small vessel of 
the shape called aryballos. 

See Die Inschriften von Olympia^ Nos. 162, 163 ; K. Purgold, in Olympia : 
Ergebnisse^ Textband 2. p. 149 sq. ; Archdologische Zeitung^ 37 (1879), p. 144, 
No. 286 ; Roehl, /. G. A. No. 44 ; Loewy, Itischriften griech, Bildhatier, No. 
91 ; Roberts, Greek Epigraphy^ No. 83 ; Collitz, G. D, I, 3. No. 3275 ; C 
Robert, Archdologische Mdrcnen, p. 104 sqq, ; Furtwangler, Meisterwerke d. 
griech, Plastiky p. 471 sqq, 

8. I. Phradmon, an Argive. He was a contemporary of Myron 
and the elder Polyclitus, and flourished in 01. 90 (420-417 B.C.), 
according to Pliny {Nat, hist xxxiv. 49). He made a fine statue of an 
Amazon (Pliny, Nat, hist, xxxiv. 53), and a bronze group of twelve oxen 
which stood in the sanctuary of Itonian Athena in Thessaly {Ant hoi, 
Palat, ix. 743). A Roman writer classes him with Polyclitus and 
Ageladas (Columella, De re rustica^ x. 30). Cp. H. Brunn, Gesch, d, 
griech, Kiinstler^ i. p. 286. 

8. I. lie also inscribed at Olympia the names of the victors etc. 
Cp. vi. 6. 3. 

8. 2. The story, as told by some humbugs, is this etc. The 
story is told by Pliny on the authority of Scopas, who wrote a work on 
the Olympic victors (Pliny, Nat, hist, xxxiv. 82), and by Augustine on 
the authority of Varro (Augustine, De civ, dei, xviii. 17), Both these 
writers give the name of the athlete as Demaenetus, but they agree 
with Pausanias that he was a Parrhasian. As to the transformation 
into a wolf at the sacrifice of Lycaean Zeus, see viii. 2. 6 note. 

8. 3. Eubotas the Oyrenian. His victory in the foot-race was 
won 01. 93 (408 B.C.) (Xenophon, Hellenica, i. 2. i ; Diodorus, xiii. 68). 
The occasion when Eubotas was said to have won the chariot-race was 
01. 104 (364 B.C.) See vi. 4. 2 note. The interval between the two 
victories of Eubotas is considerable ; but we must remember that the 
prize in the chariot-race was awarded, not to the driver, but to the 
owner of the chariot ; there is therefore no reason why a victor in the 
chariot-race should not have been an old man. 

8. 4. The occasion of Timanthes' death etc. The following story 
has been copied from Pausanias, with some verbal changes, by Suidas 
(j.T/. Ti/idvOrjs). 

8. 5. Fldlip, an Azanlan f^om Pellana. A bronze plate, which 
had apparently been let into the front of a pedestal, was found east 



32 PHILTP—CRITODAMUS bk. vi. elis 

of the north-east comer of the Wrestling-School (Palaestra) at Olympia, 
19th May 1878 ; it bears the following inscription : 

*128€ ora? 6 IIcAao-yos ctt* *AA</)€t<fJ iro*ca Trvicra? 

t5/a noAi»8€VK€M)y ;(€/xrtv €<f>av€ vofjuov^ 
S.fjjos €Kapv\6i] viKa<f>opos' aAAa irdr^p Ztv 

Koi irdXiv *ApKaBii^ Kakov dfi€iP€ kAco?, 
Tifjuauarov Sc #tAt7r7rov, 05 IvSa&i roivs OLirh vdxnav 

reavapas eu^ct^ TraiSas ckAivc fJMXi^. 

" Standing in this attitude the Pelasg^an (/.^. Arcadian) boxer once at 
the Alpheus displayed the science of Pollux (t'.e. boxing) with his hands, 
when he was proclaimed victor. But, O father Zeus, give fair renown 
to Arcadia again, and honour Philip, who here laid low in fair fight four 
boys from the islands." This inscription was doubtless attached to the 
base of a statue of Philip, who is probably the Philip here mentioned 
by Pausanias. The only doubt is created by Pausanias's statement that 
the statue of Philip was by Myron. The great sculptor Myron flourished 
in the first half of the fifth century B.C. ; but this inscription, to judge 
from the character of the letters, belongs to the beginning of the third 
century, or possibly to the end of the fourth century B.C. Various 
solutions of the difficulty were suggested by E. Curtius. Two 
Arcadian boy-boxers called Philip may have won Olympic victories at 
different times ; or the Myron who made the statue may not have been 
the great sculptor but a later namesake ; or lastly, the statue may have 
been by the great Myron, but may have been afterwards taken to repre- 
sent Philip. Messrs. Loewy, Hoffmann, Dittenberger, and Pui?gold 
prefer the second of these solutions, and in fact there is some in- 
dependent evidence that there was a later sculptor called Myron. See 
note on vi. 2. 2, * Lycinus brought foals.' 

Curtius further pointed out that the inscription read by Pausanias 
on the pedestal of Philip's statue cannot well have been earlier than 
the latter part of the fourth century B.C. ; since before that time Pellana, 
the birthplace of Philip, was in the hands of Sparta, and a native of that 
town would not have dared to proclaim himself as an Azanian, z.e, 
as an Arcadian. 

See Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 174 ; Archdologische Zeitungy 36 (1887), 
p. 84 sq,^ No. 130; Kaibel, in Rheinischcs Museum^ N.F. 34 (1879), P- 205; 
Loewy, Imchriflen grUch. Bildhaiier, No. 126 ; E. Hoffmann, Syiioge efn^ani' 
matum Graecorumy No. 388 ; cp. Scherer, De Olympjonicartwi statuisy p. yj'sq. 
As to Pellana, see iii. 21. 2 note ; as to Azania, see viii. 4. 3. 

8. 5. Oritodamos from Olitor. A block of the pedestal of his 
statue was found at Olympia (26th April 1879) to the east of the 
Roman triumphal gateway, in front of the south-east colonnade. The 
block is of black limestone, and bears the inscription : 

Al\a KActTo/oios. 



CH. IX THEOGNETUS—XENOCLES 33 

" Critodamus of Clitor, son of Lichas. Cleon, a Sicyonian, made (the 
statue)." The inscription seems to date from the first half of the 
fourth century B.C., which agrees fairly with what we otherwise know of 
the date of the sculptor Cleon (see note on v. 21. 3). Pausanias, it 
will be observed, calls the athlete first Critodamus and afterwards 
Damocritus. The inscription proves that the first of the two names is 
correct See Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 167; Archdologische 
Zeiiung^ 37 (1879), P- M6, No. 289; Loewy, Inschriften grieck, Bild- 
hauery No. 96. 

8. 5. Alypus. See vi. i. 3. 

8. 5. The history of Promachus etc. See vii. 27. 5 sqq, 

8. 6. Ageladas the Argive. See note on iv. 33. 2. 

8. 6. when Isagoras seized the Acropolis of Athens etc 

See Herodotus v. 72, who specially mentions Timasitheus among the 
accomplices of Isagoras who were put to death by the Athenians. Cp. 
Paus. iii. 4. 2 note. 

9. I. Theognetns his statue is by Ptolichns. Simonides 

wrote an epigram in honour of Theognetus {AnthoL Palat. xvi. 2, where 
Ocoyvip-oi' is a correction for Bco/c/oitov). As Simonides died in 01. 78. 
3 (466 B.C), the victory of Theognetus must have been not later than 
OL 78. I (468 B.C.) This fixes approximately the date of the sculptor 
Ptolichus. The sculptor Aristocles of Sicyon, here mentioned by Pau- 
sanias, must be distinguished from two other sculptors of the same name, 
viz. (i) Aristocles the Cydonian (v. 25. 11), and (2) Aristocles son of 
Cleoetas (v. 24. 5 note). As to the pupils and family of Aristocles the 
Sicyonian, see also § 3 of this chapter and vi. 3. 11. H. Brunn places 
them thus : 

(i) Aristocles, about 01. 70 (500 B.C.) 

(2) Synnoon, pupil of the preceding. 

(3) Ptolichus (son of the preceding), about 01. 80 (460 B.C.) (But 

Ptolichus should rather be placed about 468 B.C. See above.) 

(4) and (5) Unknown, but at work between 01. 80 (460 B.C.) and 

01. 90 (420 B.C) 

(6) Sostratus, after 01. 90 (420 B.C.) 

(7) Pantias (son of the preceding), about 01. 100 (380 B.C.) 

See Brunn, Gesch, d.griech. KUnstler^ i. p. 80 sq. ; /W., Sitzungsberichte 
of the Bavarian Academy (Munich), Philosoph, philolog. Cl.^ 1880, 
p. 480 sq. As to Ptolichus, see also vi. 10. 9 ; as to Pantias, vi. 14. 12. 
As to Canachus, see note on vii. 18. 10. 

9. 2. a statue of Xenocles. The pedestal of this statue was found 
at Olympia, i6th January 1878, 4 metres north-east of the pedestal 
of the Messenian Victory (see v. 26. i), in the East Byzantine wall. 
The pedestal is of coarse-grained yellowish marble, and bears the 
following inscriptions : 

{a) HcvokA^s l£tv6v<f>povos MatvoAios 
(Jf) TioXvK\t{i)ros €7roi(ry)o"€. 

(r) [MjaivdAtos BcvokA.'^S viKaara l^vdv<l}povos vios, 
(wrr^s fU){v)voTraX.av riaapa o'tJfJLaff' IXwv. 

VOL. IV D 



34 XENOCLES — SOSTRATUS bk. vi. elis 

(a) "Xenocles a Maenalian, son of Euthyphron." 

{p) ** Polyclitus made (the statue)." 

(^) " I, Xenocles a Maenalian, son of Euthyphron, won a victory, 

having conquered four wrestlers without myself receiving 

a fall." 

Inscriptions (a) and {b) are on the upper (horizontal) side of the 
pedestal ; (c) is on the front vertical side. On the upper surface the 
footprints of the bronze statue, which was about life size, are visible. 
The feet were turned somewhat outwards ; the left was a little in front 
of the right. From their style it appears that the inscriptions may be 
dated between 400 and 380 B.C. It is, therefore, doubtful whether the 
sculptor was the elder or the younger Polyclitus (see above, note on 
vi. 7. 10, * Pythocles '). See Z?/V? Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 164 ; K. 
Purgold, in Olympia: Ergebnisse^ Tafelband 2. p. 150; Archaologische 
Zeitungy 36 (1878), p. 83x^7.; Kaibel, in Rheirdsches Museum^ N.F. 
34 (1879), P' 206; Loewy, Inschriften griech, Bildhauer^ No. 90; E. 
Hoffmann, Sylloge epigram. Graecorum, No. 380. Prof. Furtwangler, 
however, thinks that the inscription might be dated about 420 B.C., in 
which case the statue must have been by the elder Polyclitus. He 
identifies two existing statues, one at Paris and one at Rome, as copies 
of Polyclitus's statue of Xenocles. His grounds for doing so are that 
the statues are in the style of Polyclitus and that the relative position 
of the feet agrees with the footprints on the Olympian pedestal. They 
represent a boy standing at rest, the weight on the right foot, the left 
foot slightly advanced, the head looking to the right. Prof. Furtwangler 
enumerates other statues, torsos, and heads which he conceives to be 
copies or imitations of the statue of Xenocles. See A. Furtwangler, 
Afeisterwerke d, griech. Plastik^ pp. 415, 491 sqq. 

9. 3. Sostratus. Sculptors of this name are mentioned by Pliny 
{Nat. hist, xxxiv. 51 and 60) and Polybius (iv. 78). In the Dionysiac 
theatre at Athens the base of a statue has been found signed by the 
sculptor Sostratus, son of Euphranor. And in the Piraeus there is an 
inscription from the base of a statue containing the name of the sculptor 
Sostratus. See Loewy, Inschr. griech. Bildhauer^ Nos. 105, 106. Cp. 
Brunn, Gesch. d. griech. Kiinstler^ i. pp. 81, 295, 298, 299, and note 
on viii. 26. 7. 

9. 3. the sanctuary of Peace in Borne. The Temple of Peace at 
Rome was built by Vespasian to commemorate the conquest of Judaea 
and his own accession to the empire. It was begun in 70 A.D. and 
dedicated in 75 A.D. In it were deposited vast numbers of the finest 
works of art, gathered from many distant lands. "In this temple," says 
Josephus, " was gathered and deposited everything to see which men 
had previously travelled all over the world." Amongst the spoils which 
it contained was the golden candlestick from the temple at Jerusalem. 
According to Herodian the temple was the largest and most beautiful 
building in Rome. Pliny says that it was one of the most beautiful 
buildings that the world had ever seen. It was destroyed by fire in the 
reign of Conunodus. See Josephus, Beil. Jud. vii. 5. 7 ; Dio Cassius, 



CH. X THE CHARIOT OF GELO 35 

Ixvi. 15; Herodian, i. 14. 2 sq.\ YXvay^ NcU, hist, xxxvi. 102; J. H. 
Middleton, The remains of Ancient Rome^ 2. p. 13 sqq, 

9. 3. a pliantom annonnced the victory. This story is told 

also by Aelian ( Var, hist, ix. 2), who mentions that according to another 
version Taurosthenes despatched a pigeon with a purple flag fastened to 
it, which flew to Aegina with the news of victory in one day. 

9. 4* Oratinns, a Spartan. Nothing more is known of this 
sculptor. 

9. 4* the chariot of Gelo. In the Wrestling-School (Palaestra) 
at Olympia there were found in 1878 and 1884 three large blocks of 
a pedestal of Parian marble, which is believed to have supported the 
chariot of Gelo. The inscription on the blocks is mutilated, but with 
the help of Pausanias's observations it may be restored thus : 

TXavKias Aiyivdras €[7r]oti/o"€. 

" Gelo of Gela, son of Deinomenes, dedicated (the chariot). Glaucias an 
Aeginetan made it.** See Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 143 ; Archd- 
ologische Zeitungy 36 (1878), p. 142 ; Roehl, /. G. A, No. 359 ; Cauer, 
Delectus Inscr. Graec,^ No. 68 ; Loewy, Inschriften griech, Bildhauer^ 
No. 28; Roberts, Greek Epigraphy^ No. 126; Colli tz, G, D, I, 3. No. 3410. 
Gelo's victory was won (as Pausanias tells us) in OL 73 (488 B.C.) He 
had made himself tyrant of Gela in 01. 72. 2 (491 B.c.) See Dionysius 
Halicam., Antiquit. Rom, vii. i. It was not till 485 B.C. that Gelo 
made himself master of Syracuse. Pausanias appears to have taken 
the date of Gelo's occupation of Gela and transferred it by mistake to 
his occupation of Syracuse. Hence his argument that the Olympic 
victor could not have been the tyrant Gelo falls to the ground. Cp. 
Clinton, Fasti Hellenici^ imder the years 491 and 485 ; Freeman, 
History of Sicily^ 2. pp. 124, 127. The fact that Glaucias of Aegina 
made this chariot for Gelo proves that Glaucias flourished in the early 
part of the fifth century B.C. Other works of his are mentioned by 
Pausanias below (§ 9 of this chapter; vi. 10. 3 ; vi. 11. 9). 

9. 6. Gleomedes of Astypalaea. His story is told also by Plutarch 
{Romulusy 28), Eusebius {Praepar, Evang, v. 34), and Suidas (s,v, 
KXeo/Ai^6f7s). Suidas copies from Pausanias. Cp. Rohde, Psyche^ p. 
197 sq. From an inscription found in the sanctuary of Aesculapius at 
Epidaurus we learn that Astypalaea was a colony of Epidaurus, or at 
least that it was so regarded by the Epidaurians, who accorded to the 
Astypaleans immunity from imposts and participation in their rites 
{Csi\y?ud\2iS^Fouilles d*£pidaurej i. p. 73, Inscr. No. 233). According 
to Scynmus (Orbis descriptio, 551) Astypalaea was a colony of Megara. 

10. I. Glanciis the Oarystian. The Olympic victory of Glaucus 
seems to have been gained in 01. 75 (480 B.C.) For a writer in 
Bekker's Anecdota Graeca (i. p. 232) says that Glaucus was crowned 
at Olympia in the twenty-fifth Olympiad, irkfnrrqv koX €iKo(rrrjv 'OAv/a- 
riaSoy where, as Siebelis pointed out, we must necessarily read efiSofirj' 
Kwrrrjv for cikoot^v. This is proved by the statement of the same 



36 GLAUCUS — ICCUS bk. vi. elis 

writer in the Anecdota that Glaucus was assassinated at the instigation 
of Gelo, tyrant of Syracuse ; for Gelo was tyrant of Syracuse from 01. 
73. 4 to 01. 75. 3 (485-478 B.C.) The correction is further confirmed 
by the fact that the statue of Glaucus was by Glaucias of Aegina 
(§ 3), for this sculptor was a contemporary of Gelo's (see note on 
vi. 9. 4). The writer in the Anecdota states that Glaucus won three 
victories at the Pythian, and ten at the Isthmian games ; and that he 
was four cubits high all but five fingers. That Glaucus was a famous 
boxer is proved by the repeated mention of him by ancient writers 
(Demosthenes, xviii. 319, p. 331; Aeschines, iii. 189; Lucian, Pro 
imaginibus^ 1 9 ; Anecdota Graeca e codd. BibL Reg, ParisiensiSy 
cd. Cramer, 2. p. 154). Suidas (s,v, FAav/cos) copies his account of 
Glaucus from Pausanias. Philostratus tells the same anecdote of 
Glaucus that Pausanias tells, but attributes the exhortation at the 
critical moment to the trainer Tisias instead of to the boy's father 
(De arte gymnastica^ 20). As to Glaucus the sea demon, from whom 
the athlete was supposed to be descended, see an article by J. de 
Witte, *Le dieu marin Glaucus,* Revue archdologiqiu^ 2 (1845), pp. 
622-630 ; and cp. ix. 22. 7 note. 

10. 4. His statue has not only a shield but also a helmet 

and greaves etc On some Greek vases the armed race is 

represented as it was run in the old style, the runners being armed 
with shield, helmet, and greaves, as Damaretus was represented in his 
statue. On other, generally later, vases the runners have shields and 
helmets but no greaves. See Daremberg et Saglio, Diction, des anH- 
quitis^ I. pt. 2. p. 1644; Schreiber, Bilderatlas^ Taf. xxii. 3 and 5; 
and especially Fr. Hauser, * Zur Tiibinger Bronze,' Jahrbuch d, archaoL 
InstitutSy 2 (1887), pp. 95-107; ib, 10 (1895), PP- 182-203. "In 
the oldest vase-paintings," says Mr. Hauser, " the wearing of greaves 
is not constant, as we should expect it to be from the statement of 
Pausanias as to the equipment of the runners in the armed race. In 
fact greaves can be shown only in three representations of this date (say 
roughly about 520 B.c), while in four they are wanting. From this 
time onward the wearing of greaves prevails more and more, but shortly 
before the middle of the fifth century B.C it ceases suddenly and once 
for all" (Jakrbuch d arch, Inst, 10 (1895), p. 199). The shield which 
the runners in the vase-paintings carry is always round ; the helmet is 
generally of the Attic shape, with round cheek-pieces and a round slit 
above the eyes (Jb.) As to Damaretus and the introduction of the 
armed race, cp. v. 8. 10 ; viii. 26. 2 ; x. 7. 7. 

10. 5. the Argives Eutelidas and Chrysothemis. These sculp- 
tors are not otherwise known. They probably flourished about Ol. 70 
(500 B.C), since they made the statues of Damaretus and his son 
Theopompus, of whom the former won \nctories in 01. 65 and OL 66 
(520 and 516 B.C) Cp. Brunn, Gesch, d, griech, KUnstler^ i. p. 61. 

10. 5. Iccus, a Tarentine. He flourished in Ol. ^^ (472 b.c), 
according to Stephanus Byzantius (s,v, Tapas). The strictness of his 
training is referred to by Plato {Laws^ viiL pp. 839 e-840 a, cp. Pro- 
tagorusy p. 316 d) and Aelian {Nat, amm. vi i ; Var, hist. xi. 3). Lucian 



CH. X PANTARCES—AGIADAS 37 

mentions him among the famous trainers (Historia quomodo conscri- 
benda^ 35). 

10. 6. a statne of Fantarces, an Elean. He won the prize in the 
boys' wrestling-match in 01. 86 (436 B.C.) See v. 11. 3. The statue 
of Pantarces here mentioned by Pausanias has been by some identified 
with the statue of the boy by Phidias, which Pausanias mentioned above 
(vi. 4. 5). But (i) on the base of the latter statue the only name 
inscribed seems to have been that of the sculptor, Phidias. Now it is 
highly improbable that the statue of an Olympic victor should not have 
been inscribed with the victor's name and the contest in which he had 
been victorious. (2) If the statue of Pantarces here noticed had been 
by Phidias, Pausanias would almost certainly have said so. (3) It is 
very unlikely that he would have mentioned the same statue twice 
over in such a way as to lead the reader to suppose that he was 
describing two separate works. Cp. Flasch, * Olympia,' in Baumeister's 
Denkmdlery p. 1099 note 2 ; C. Robert, in Hermes^ 23 (1888), p. 444 ; 
A. Furtwangler, Metsierwerke d, griech. Plasiik^ p. 62. 

It is said that Phidias inscribed the name of his favourite Pantarces 
on the finger of his great statue of Zeus at Olympia (Photius, Lexicon^ 
s,v. Tafivovorla Nc^o-ts). But the Pantarces whose name was so in- 
scribed was said to be an Argive. Hence he may have been a different 
person from the Olympic victor, who was an Elean. The Olympic 
victory of Pantarces the Elean in 436 B.C. is sometimes appealed to 
as evidence that Phidias was at work on his great image of Zeus at 
this time (vol. 3. p. 534). But if the favourite of Phidias was a 
different person from Pantarces the Elean, this arg^^ment would fall 
to the ground. See G. Loeschcke, in Historische Untersuchungen A, 
Schdfer gewidmet^ pp. 34-38; C. Robert, Lc,\ Overbeck, Gesck, d. 
griech, Plastik^^ i. p. 368 Anm. 3. 

The statue here mentioned by Pausanias is not to be confounded 
either with the supposed likeness of Pantarces on the throne of Zeus 
(v. II. 3) or with the statue of him erected by the Achaeans (vi. 15. 2). 

10. 6. Ai^eladas. See note on iv. 33. 2. 

10. 6. the image of Zens, which was dedicated by the Oxeeks 
etc See v. 23. i. 

10. 9. that of Agiadas is by Serambus. Two fragments of white 
marble which perhaps formed part of the base of this statue were 
found at Olympia in 1879. One of the fragments was found near the 
temple of Hera, the other to the east of the temple of Zeus. The 
inscription, as restored by Roehl, runs thus : 

[EtKova f aActos t6.vK *Ayt]a8as a.vkB\y\K^ 
[ttu^ Trats viK6xTa\% KoXbv ({[ywra Aios]. 
[2rjpdfiPov rov €v Aiyjtv^t fi l[8ov €v6d8€ Fkpyov], 

" Agiadas, an Elean, dedicated this statue, having been victorious as a 
boy in boxing at the goodly games of Zeus. Behold me here, a work 
of Serambus, the man of Aegina." The restoration is, however, very 
uncertain. See Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 150; Archdologische 



38 TELLON^THEAGENES bk. vi. klis 

Zeitungy 37 (1879), p. 161, No. 312 ; Roehl, /. G, A, No. 355 ; Locwy, 
Inschriften griech, Bildhauer^ No. 416; Roberts, Greek Epigraphy^ 
No. 123; E. HofTmann, Sylloge epigram. Graecorum^ No. 372. 
Nothing more is known of the sculptor Serambus. 

10. 9. the statue of Tellon. The white niarble base which sup- 
ported this statue was found at Olympia outside the Blast Byzantine 
wall, 1st December 1877. On the upper (horizontal) surface is a 
mutilated inscription of the fifth century B.C. : 

*0\ji\€a'6axTto^ 7rat[s]. 

A later copy of the inscription, doubtless made to replace the original 
which even then had become illegible, was cut probably in the first 
century B.c Like the original inscription, the copy is on the upper 
(horizontal) face of the stone. With the help of these two copies and 
of Pausanias, the inscription may be restored as follows : 

TcAAwr Tov8* dv€$r]K€ AailjfJiovos vIo[s dyavov 
'ApKCLS 'Opco-^cMTios 7ral[s d^rh irvy/iaxtas]. 

"Tellon, an Arcadian of Oresthasium, son of glorious Daemon, dedi- 
cated this (statue), being victorious among the boys in boxing." From 
the marks on the top of the base it appears that the statue was of 
bronze and life size ; it rested equally on both feet, but the left foot was 
somewhat in advance of the right. See Dte Inschriften von Olympia^ 
Nos. 147, 148; Archdologische Zeitung^ 35 (1877), p. 190, No. 91 ; 
icL^ 38 (1880), p. 70; Kaibel, in Rheinisches Museum^ N.F. 34 (1879), 
p. 204 ; Roehl, /. G. A, No. 98 ; Roberts, Greek Epigraphy^ No. 279 ; 
E. Hoffmann, Sylloge epigr, Graec. No. 376. 

11. 2. Theagenes, a Thasian. He won a victory at Olympia in 
boxing in 01. 75 (480 B.c) See vi. 6. 5. He is said to have once 
eaten a whole bull for a wager (Athenaeus, x. p. 412 de). Plutarch 
says that Theagenes won 1200 crowns (Pausanias § 5 says 1400), "of 
which he considered the most to be rubbish"; and he tells a story 
illustrative of his jealousy and touchy sense of his own pre-eminence as 
an athlete {Praecept ger. reipub, 15. 7). Lucian {JFIist quomodo con- 
scrid, 35) couples Theagenes with Pulydamas of Scotusa, as to whom 
see vi. 5. 

A block of white marble, inscribed with a long list of victories, 
which was found at Olympia in 1877, is supposed by some to have 
belonged to the pedestal of Theagenes's statue ; but more probably it 
belonged to that of Dorieus the Rhodian. See above, p. 26 sqq. 

11. 4- I have already narrated etc See vi. 6. 5 sq. 

11. 6. When he departed this world etc. The following story 
about the statue of Theagenes is also told at length by Dio Chrysostom 
{Orat, xxxi. vol. i. p. 377 sq, ed. Dindorf) and Eusebius {Praepar, 
Evang, V. 34). The latter writer adds that after the land had recovered 
its fertility in the manner described in the story, the people of Thasos 
for the future wore their hair long in honour of Demeter. Cp. Ukert, 



CH. xii OFFERINGS OF HIERO 39 

* Ueber Damonen, Heroen und Genien,' Abhandlungen d, philoL 
histor, CI. d, k. sacks, GeselL d, IVissen, Leipzig, 1850, p. 183; E. 
Rohde, Psyche^ p. 181 sq, 

11. 6. sank the statue in the sea. It is said that when Scipio 
Africanus, the younger, died, a statue of Apollo wept for three days. 
So the Romans, by the advice of the soothsayers, voted that the statue 
should be cut in pieces and flung into the sea (Dio Cassius, xxxvi. 84, 
voL I. p. 129 ed Dindorf). 

11. 9. he heals diseases, and is honoured by the natives. 
Lucian mentions {Deorum concilium^ 12) that the statue of Theagenes 
in Thasos cured fevers, as the statue of Pulydamas did at Olympia. 
Athenagoras says that the Thasians worshipped Theagenes as a god 
(SuppiiccUio pro ChristianiSy 14, p. 62, ed. Otto). 

12. I. Hiero tyrant of Syracuse. One of the offerings dedi- 
cated by Hiero at Olympia (though not for an Olympic victory) is in 
existence. It is a bronze helmet, of Etruscan shape, and has evidently 
been used. It was found at Olympia in 18 17, and was presented to the 
British Museum by George IV. On the upper part of the helmet is the 
inscription : 

*Iap(l)V 6 A€lVOfJL€V€OS 
Kol Tol ^VpaKOO'LOl 

T<^ At Tvpdv airh Kvfias. 

** Hiero, son of Dinomenes, and the Syracusans (dedicated) to Zeus 
these Etruscan spoils from Cumae." In 474 B.C. Hiero, being besought 
by the people of Cumae to deliver them from the Etruscan cruisers 
which scoured the seas, sent to Cumae a fleet which gave battle to the 
£truscans and defeated them with great loss (Diodorus, xi. 51 ; Schol. 
on Pindar, Py^A. i. 137). The helmet in question was probably one of 
many weapons taken from the Etruscans in this sea-fight and dedicated 
by Hiero at Olympia. We can hardly doubt that it was actually worn 
by one of the Etruscan seamen in the battle. 

Sec Dt€ Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 249 ; Roehl, /. G, A, No. 510 ; Kaibel, 
Epigrammata Gr<U€a^ No. 745 ; Hicks, Greek historical inscriptions^ No. 15 ; 
Caner, Delectus Inscr, Graced No. 95 ; Collitz, G. D, I. 3. No. 3228 ; Roberts, 
Greek Epigraphy j No. in ; E. Hoffmann, ^//^^ epigr, Graec, No. ^10; Journal 
of Hellenic Studies^ 2 (1881), p. 66 j^. ; Newton, Essays on Art and Archaeology y 
p. 59 sq, ; Freeman, History of Sicily^ 2. p. 250 sq, 

A votive offering dedicated at Delphi for a victory won by Hiero in 
the Pythian games was found by the French at Delphi in 1896. It 
is a bronze statue 1.80 metres high, and represents a young man clad 
in a robe which reaches to his feet and wearing on his head the victor's 
wreath ; in his right hand he grasps the reins of two horses, of which 
some remains have been foimd. The statue is a masterpiece and in 
nearly perfect preservation. See Berliner philolog, Wochenschrifty 
6th June 1896, p. 734; id,^ 13th June 1896, p. 769; /V/., 27th June 
1896, p. 832; /V/., I St Aug. 1896, p. 1 02 1 sq,\ Cotnptes Rendus de 
PAcad. des Inscriptions^ 24 (1896), p. 186 sqq, 

12. I. Onatas Galamis. See notes on v. 25. 5 and 10. 



40 DAIPPUS^SONS OF POL YCLES bk. vi. elis 

12. 4. He met his death at the hands of Dinomenes etc. 

Pausanias has here made a mistake. It was not Hiero II., but his 
grandson Hieronymus who was assassinated in 2 1 5 B.C. by a band of 
conspirators, among whom a certain Dinomenes played a leading part 
(Livy, xxiv. 7 ; cp. Polybius, vii. 7 ; Diodonis, xxvi. 15). His grand- 
father, Hiero II., died peacefully, beloved and honoured, at a great age, 
in the same or the preceding year (Livy, xxiv. 4 ; Polybius, vii. 8 ; 
Lucian, Macrobiiy 10; Valerius Maximus, viii. 13, Ext. i). 

12. 5. some account both of Aratus and of Areas etc. See ii. 8 
sq, ; iii. 6. 4 sqq, 

12. 6. Daippus. He was a pupil of Lysippus and flourished in Ol. 
121 (296 B.C.) (Pliny, Nat hist, xxxiv. 51 and 66). Cp. Paus. vi. 16. 
5 ; Brunn, Gesch. d. griech. Kiinstlery i. p. 407 sq, 

12. 8. the elegiac verses (on his statue) declare that the 

Tritaeans are Arcadians. In the time of Pausanias the town Tritia 
belonged to Achaia (vii. 22. 6 sqq,)\ hence Pausanias is surprised to 
find that in the inscription on the base of Agesarchus's statue Tritia was 
reckoned to Arcadia. It has been suggested that Tritia may have been 
annexed by Arcadia at the time when Arcadia was at the height of its 
power, soon after the foundation of Megalopolis (Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 
324 note 2). The geographer Dicaearchus, who flourished about 300 
B.C., seems to have reckoned Tritia to Arcadia (Cicero, Epist, ad Atti- 
cunty vi. 2. 3). But this would hardly explain why it belonged to 
Arcadia in the time of Agesarchus, that is, probably about the middle 
of the second century B.C. (see next note). Perhaps the most probable 
solution of the difficulty is that proposed by Brunn {Gesch, d, griech, 
KUnstler^ i- P- 538). He conjectures that the Romans after their con- 
quest of Achaia in 146 B.C. may have severed Tritia from Achaia and 
assigned it to Arcadia, with the intention of thus curtailing the power 
of the rebel Achaeans. But it was afterwards assigned to Patrae in 
Achaia by Augustus (Paus. vii. 22. 6), and so belonged to Achaia in 
Pausanias's time. The present passage of Pausanias has been misunder- 
stood by Prof. C. Robert {Hermes^ 19 (1884), p. 301 sq,)y as was 
pointed out by Mr. Loewy {Inschr. griech, Bildhauer^ p. xxiii. sq,) Cp. 
W. Gurlitt, Ueber Pausanias^ p. 363. 

12. 9. the sons of Polycles. See vi. 4. 5 note. The subsequent 
mention of them, to which Pausanias here refers, occurs in x. 34. 6 and 
8. As the sons of Polycles probably flourished about the middle of the 
second century B.C., this so far helps us to fix the date of Agesarchus, 
whose statue they made. Eusebius mentions a boxer Hegesarchus 
{Praepar, Evang. vii. 8. 17 sq.)y but he is probably a different person 
from the Agesarchus of the present passage of Pausanias, though Prof. 
Robert would identify them. See above, p. 14 sq, 

13. I. Astylus of Orotona. He was victorious in the 73rd, 74th, 
and 75th Olympiads (488, 484, 480 B.C) See Eusebius, Chronic, vol. i. 
p. 203, ed. Schone ; Dionysius Halicamasensis, AntiquiL Rom, viii. i. 

13. I. the sanctuary of Lacinian Hera. It stood on the pro- 
montory of Lacinium, near Crotona, and was revered by the Italian 
Greeks who assembled in great numbers to hold the festival of the 



CH. xiii CHIONIS—LEONIDAS 41 

goddess (Aristotle, Mirab. Auscult, 96). In the days of its prosperity 
the sanctuary was crowded with votive offerings (Strabo, vi. p. 261). 
Here women, robed in black, mourned for Achilles (Lycophron, Cas- 
sandra^ 856 sgq,, with the scholia of Tzetzes). It is said that the ashes 
on the altar of the goddess standing under the open sky were never stirred 
even by the most violent storm (Pliny, Nat hist, ii. 240), and that 
if a man cut his name on a tile of the temple he would live as long as 
his name remained on the tile (Servius, on Virgil, Aen, iii. 552). In 
173 B.C the Censor Q. Fulvius Flaccus unroofed the temple and trans- 
ported the tiles to Rome, but the Senate ordered them to be restored 
(Livy, xlii. 3). Cp. Preller, Romische Mythologies i. p. 288 ; /V/., 
Griech, MyihologiCy^ i. p. 163. 

13. 2. Chionis. Chionis won Olympic victories in 01. 28, 29, 30, 
and 31 (668, 664, 660, 656 B.c) See iii. 14. 3; iv. 23. 4 and 10 ; 
viii. 39. 3 ; Eusebius, Chronic, vol. i. p. 197, ed. Schone. (Eusebius, 
however, gives the name of the victor in 01. 28 as Charmis.) The 
armed race was not introduced till 01. 65 (520 B.C.) See v. 8. 10. 
Myron flourished 01. 80 (460-456 B.C.) (Pliny, Nat, hist, xxxiv. 49). 

13. 3. proved at Olympia that he excelled etc. This and the 
next sentence are copied almost verbally by Suidas (s,v, ^Iwirofiaxos), 
Pausanias's words imply that the long race, the short race, and the 
double race were all run on the same day and in the order mentioned. 
Krause thought that these races must have been run in a different order, 
namely, short race, double race, long race, because that was the chrono- 
logical order in which they were instituted (see Paus. v. 8. 6 with the 
notes). But there is no reason to suppose that the order of the games 
was determined by such antiquarian considerations rather than by con- 
siderations of practical convenience. That the long race must have been 
run early in the day seems to be proved by the fact that once an Argive 
runner, after winning the long race at Olympia, announced his victory 
in person at Argos the same day (Eusebius, Chron, vol. i. p. 205, ed. 
Schone). Further, the order in which Pausanias mentions the races 
(namely long race, short race, double race) is confirmed by the fact that 
this was the order followed at other places, if we may judge from the 
order in which the victors are mentioned in inscriptions (C /. G, G, S, i. 
Nos. 414, 416, 417, 420, 1765). Cp. Krause, Olympia^ p. 98 sq,\ 
Dissen, on Pindar, vol. i. p. 269. 

13. 4. a Bhodian, Leonidas. He is mentioned by Philostratus 
{Meroica^ xx., 41). His victories were won in 01. 154, 155, 156, 157 
(164, 160, 156, 152 B.C.) See Eusebius, Chronic, vol. i. p. 209, ed. 
Schdne, who adds that Leonidas was the first and only man who won 
twelve Olympic crowns in four Olympiads. 

13. 5. son of Duris etc. Duris was tyrant of Samos, and a con- 
temporary of Theophrastus (Athenaeus, viii. p. 337 d). The exile of 
the Samians referred to by Pausanias is probably the period of the 
Athenian occupation (365-322 B.C.), when the native population was 
driven out and lived in exile, till they were restored by Perdiccas. The 
sculptor Hippias is otherwise unknown. See Brunn, Gesch, d, griech, 
Kunstler^ i. p. 423 sq, ; Vischer, in Rheinisches Museum^ N.F. 22 



42 ARISTION—TELEMACHUS bk. vi. elis 

(1867), p. 318 sqq, ; C. Curtius, Inschriften und Studien zur Geschichte 
von SafnoSy p. 5 sqq. ; P. Gardner, Samos and Samian coinSy p. 58 sqq» 
13. 6. Aristion, son of Tlieopliiles. The pedestal of this statue 
was found (30th October 1879) in the East Byzantine wall, about 10 
metres south of the base of the Messenian Victory (v. 26. i). It is 
a quadrangular block of black limestone. From the footprints of the 
statue on the upper surface of the pedestal it appears that the statue 
was life size, and that it rested equally on both feet, which were some- 
what turned out. The inscription, which is much weathered, is cut on 
the upper surface of the pedestal, in front of the footprints. It runs 
thus : 

*ApurTi(i}v 0€o<f>[k€os 'ETTtSaupios. 
HoAvKActTos ejroi7iar€. 

"Aristion of Epidaurus, son of Theophiles. Polyclitus made (the 
statue)." To judge from the character of the letters, the inscription 
belongs to the middle of the fourth century B.C. ; the sculptor was there- 
fore the younger Polyclitus. See Dte Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 
165; K. Purgold, in Olympia: Ergebnisse^ Textband 2. p. 150 sq.\ 
Archdologische Zeitung^ 37 (1879), p. 207, No. 327 ; Loewy, Inschriften 
griech, Bildhauer^ No. 92 ; Collitz, G, D, I 3. No. 3348. Prof. Furt- 
wangler thinks that a number of existing statues of Hermes, especially 
one in the Lansdowne Collection, give us an idea of the pose of Poly- 
clitus's statue of Aristion {Meisterwerke d. griech, Plastiky p. 502 sqq.) 

13. 7. a Sicyonian, Oanachus. There were two sculptors of 
Sicyon named Canachus. This is the younger of the two. He 
flourished in 01. 95 (400 B.C.) (Pliny, Nat. hist, xxxiv. 50), and was one 
of the sculptors who made the statues dedicated by the Lacedaemonians 
at Delphi in commemoration of their victory over the Athenians at 
Aegospotami (405 B.C.) See Paus. x. 9. 10; Brunn, Gesch, d. griech, 
KUnstler^ i. pp. 76, 277. As to the elder Canachus, see note on 
viii. 46. 3. 

13. 8. Tisander. He appears to have been mentioned by Pindar. 
See Pindar, ed. Bergk, Fragm. 263. Naxus was destroyed by Diony- 
sius, tyrant of Syracuse, in 403 B.C. (Diodorus, xiv. 15). 

13. II. Telemaclms. The base of his statue was found at Olympia, 
15th May 1877, on the south edge of the terrace of the temple of Zeus, 
between the East Byzantine wall and the small gateway of the South 
Terrace wall. It seems to be in its original position. The stone is a 
coarse g^ey limestone. On the upper surface are the footprints of a 
life-size bronze statue, which must have rested equally on both feet. 
The following inscription is carved on the vertical side of the base : 

TrjXifiaxos TrjX€fJLd\[ov\, 
'OXvfiTna T€6pL7r7r(p Ilv^ta k€A,?^[t]i. 

" Telemachus, son of Telemachus (victorious at) the Olympian games 
with a four-horse chariot and at the Pythian games with a racehorse. 
Philonides made (the statue)." There is some difference of opinion as 



CH. XIV TELEMACHUS—ARISTOPHON 43 

to the date of the inscription. Messrs. Dittenberger and Purgold assign 
it to the end of the fourth century or the first half of the third century 
B.a ; Prof. Furtwangler and the late G. Hirschfeld assign it to the 
second half of the fourth century B.C. ; Mr. Loewy thinks it cannot be 
earlier than the beginning of the 'Hellenistic' period nor later than 
the middle of the second century B.C. The sculptor Philonides is only 
known from this inscription. See Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 
177; Archdologische Zeitung^ 35 (1877), p. 95 sq,y No. 60; Loewy, 
Inschriften griech, Bildhatur^ No. 142. 

It is to be observed that the bases of the statues of Telemachus, 
Epitherses (15. 6), Antigonus (15. 7), and Philonides (16. 5) have all 
been found to the south of the temple of Zeus, and in the order men- 
tioned by Pausanias, taking them from east to west. It seems probable, 
therefore, as Prof. Furtwangler has observed, that from the present 
passage as far as 16. 5 Pausanias is describing in order, from east to 
west, the statues which lined the broad street (used for processions) 
which ran to the south of the temple of Zeus in a direction from east to 
west See Furtwangler, va Archdologische Zeitung^ 37 (1879), P* '4o« 

The inscribed bases of two statues of another Telemachus, a son of 
Leon, who won an Olympic victory with a racehorse, probably about 
the beginning of the first century B.C., have been found at Olympia. 
One of the statues was erected in honour of Telemachus by the Olympic 
Umpires {Hellanodikai) and the Olympic Council. See Die Inschriften 
7/on OlympiOy Nos. 199, 406; Archdologische Zeitung^ 34 (1876), p. 
140 sq,^ No. 18. 

13. II. The statue of Aristoplion, son of Lysinns etc. A 
fragment of greyish -blue Hymettian marble, found at Olympia 12th 
October 1876, is conjectured to have formed part of the pedestal of 
Aristophon's statue. It bears a few letters of an inscription, which 
Messrs. Dittenberger and Purgold propose to restore as follows : — 

*0 [8^/ios o 'A^i/raiwvl 
['A]pMrTo[<^<Ii>i^a AixTLVov Alt *OX,vfnrL((i\. 

" The Athenian people (dedicated this statue of) Aristophon, son of 
Lysinus, to Olympian Zeus." The restoration is confirmed by the fact 
that the fragment was found to the south of the East Byzantine wall, 
close to the base of Telemachus (see the preceding note) ; for Pausanias 
mentions the statue of Aristophon immediately after that of Telemachus. 
It is further confirmed by the discovery at Athens of a dedicatory 
inscription, bearing the name of Aristophon, son of Lysinus, which in 
style and material agrees exactly with the Olympian inscription (C /. A. 
ii. No. 1475). ^oth inscriptions apparently belong to the latter part of 
the fourth century B.C. See Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 1 69. 

14. 3. the games which the lonians of Smyrna celebrate. 
Olympian games were held at Smyrna (Philostratus, Vit, Sophist, i. 25. 
23), also games in honour of the Emperor Hadrian, which seem to have 
been called the Hadrian-Olympian games (Philostratus, op, cit, i. 25. i ; 
Artemidorus, Onirocr, i. 63). See Krause, OlympiOj p. 224 sqq. 



44 MILO—XENOMBROTUS BK. vi. elis 

14. 5. The statne of Milo, son of Diotimns. A fragment of a 
pedestal of dark limestone, found to the east of the Council House at 
Olympia, bears the following fiagmentary inscription : 

T]t/iOV dv€6rjK€V, 

It may possibly have been part of the pedestal which supported the 
statue of Milo. But the form of the fAefa on the inscription (0 instead 
of 0) is against the supposition. See Archdologische Zeitungy 40 (1882), 
p. 90, No. 429 ; Roehl, /. G, A, No. 589. 

14. 5. Milo gained six victories at Olympia. This is 

mentioned also by Diodorus (xii. 9) and Eusebius {Chronic. voL i. 
p. 201, ed. Schone), the latter of whom adds that Milo won also six 
prizes at the Pythian games, ten at the Isthmian, and nine at the 
Nemean. One of his Olympic victories was won in 01. 62 (532 B.C), 
according to Eusebius (/.^.) The account which Pausanias here gives 
of Milo is copied almost verbally by Suidas {5,v, MtAwv). 

14. 6. His feats with the pomegranate and the quoit etc 
Philostratus describes {Vit, Apollon. iv. 28) the bronze statue of Milo 
at Olympia as standing on a quoit, the left hand grasping a pome- 
granate, the fingers of the right hand stretched straight out, and a fillet 
encircling the brows. But this may be an imaginary description, con- 
cocted from the stories current about the feats of strength which Milo 
exhibited, and which are here described by Pausanias. Even if 
Philostratus's description were true, it would fiimish no ground for 
holding, with Mr. Scherer (JDe Olympionicarum statuis^ P- 23 sqq,)^ that 
the statue of Milo conformed to the type of the Apollo of Canachus (as 
to which see note on viii. 46. 3). Milo's feat with the pomegranate is 
mentioned also by Aelian {Var, hist, ii. 24 ; iV/., Nat. anim, vi. 55). 

14. 8. he was killed by wild beasts etc. The story of the death 
of Milo is told in substantially the same way by Strabo (vi. p. 263), 
Valerius Maximus (ix. 12. 9), Aulus Gellius (xv. 16), and a scholiast 
on Theocritus (iv. 6). 

14. 9. Pyrrhus, son of Aeacides etc. See i. 1 1 sqq. 

14. II. the tyranny of Aristotimus. See v. 5. i note. 

14. II. Qorgns, a Messenian. His victory must have been later 
than 01. 103 (368 B.C.) See vi. 2. 10 sq, ; Brunn, Gesch, d, griech, 
Kunstler^ i. p. 296 sq, ; and the following note. 

14. II. Theron, a Boeotian. The inscribed pedestal of a statue 
by this sculptor has been found at Pergamus, from which it appears 
that he flourished in the first half of the second century ac. The 
marks on the upper surface of the pedestal show that the statue was of 
bronze. See Die Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen zu Pergamon^ VorldU" 
figer Bericht (Beriin, 1880), p. 1 1 1 x^. ; Loewy, Inschriften griech. Bild- 
hauer^ No. 156 ; Frankel, Inschriften von Pergamon^ i. No. 49. 

14. . 1 1. Silanion. See note on vi. 4. 5. 

14. 12. Xenombrotus. Three fragments of the base which 
supported the statue of Xenombrotus were found at Olympia in 1878 
and 1880. They are of a grey marble veined with white and blue. 
The marks seem to show that Xenombrotus was represented standing 



CH. XV XENOMBROTUS—ARCHIPPUS 45 

in front of or beside his horse. The inscription, to which Pausanias 
refers, is engraved on the base, and runs as follows : 

[Avra ?rev^o]/i€VOis ervfia ^ans, i7r[7ra5]a [vt/cav] 

[iceev^ icaAAioTav] efvai oAv/XTrtodi, 
[J K]<^v 5[o"]i[ov 8po/xi]Kov Huratov ae^Aov 

irp&ros lAwv [MJcpcwros v[a(r]ov €(ra[y]a[y€To" 
T0t[09,] OirOto[v] 6[p]^S, 'St€Lv6flPpOT<3{s' o, & vtv] 'EAAots 

aifiSiTOV aci6[et] fiv(afi€va iTnroorvvas. 

" If you would know, the tale is true that the most glorious victory in 
the horse-race was won in that Olympiad in which Xenombrotus 
gained the holy prize for speed at Pisa and so was the first to make the 
isle of Merops known (at Olympia), Such was he as you behold. 
Greece hymns his fame of horsemanship in deathless song." The 
inscription appears from its style to date from about 350-330 B.c The 
expression " such was he as you behold " shows that the statue was a 
portrait of Xenombrotus. See Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 1 70. 
As to portrait-statues of victors, see above, p. i. 

14. 12. Meropian Oos. Cos was called Meropian and the Coans 
were called Meropes after a mythical king Merops or his daughter 
Meropis (Hyginus, Astronomical ii. 16 ; Stephanus Byzant. s»v, Mepo^; 
Antoninus Liberalis, Transform, 15). 

14. 1 2. Pantias. Cp. vi. 3. 1 1 ; vi. 9. 3 ; and the note on vi. 
9. I. 

14. 13. Tisamentui. See iii. 11. 6 sqq, 

14. 13. Stomins. As this sculptor made a statue of Hieronymus 
who defeated Tisamenus, and Tisamenus was present at the battle of 
Plataea (479 B.C.), Stomius may have flourished in 01. 75 (480-477 ac.) 
(Brunn, Gesch, d, griech, Kiinstler^ i. p. 117 sq,^ 

15. I. Archippns, a Mitylenian. A round pedestal of dark grey 
marble which seems to have supported the statue of Archippus was 
found at Olympia, 21st April 1876, to the south of the temple of Zeus, 
between the South Terrace wall and the north wing of the Council 
House. It bears the inscription : 

*A[/)X*^"ro5 

MirrtAiyratbs. 

"Archippus, a Mytilenian, son of Calliphanes." From its style the 
inscription seems to date from the end of the fourth or the beginning 
of the third century B.c See Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 173. 

15. 2. Theomnestos of Sardes. Pliny {Nat, hist, xxxiv. 91 ) mentions 
a Theomnestus among the sculptors who represented athletes, armed 
men, hunters, and persons sacrificing. Further, an inscription from the 
base of a statue made jointly by Theomnestus, son of Theotimus, and 
Dionysius, son of Astius, has been found in Chios. As we learn from 
the present passage of Pausanias that Theomnestus made a statue of a 
native of Chios, it is probable that the Theomnestus of Pausanias and 
the Theomnestus of the inscription are identical. See Brunn, Gesch. d. 



46 CAPRUS^EPITHERSES bk. vi. elis 

griech, Kunstler^ i. p. 522 ; Loewy, Inschriften griech, Bildhauer^ No. 
286; /V/., Untersuchungen zur griech, Kiinstlergeschickte^ p. 10. 

15. 3. Olitomachiis. Aelian bears witness to the strict temperance 
of this athlete (NcU, anim. vi. i ; Var, hist iii. 30). Cp. ^Anecdota 
Graeca e codd, Biblioth, Reg. Parisiensis^ ed. Cramer, 2. p. 154. Pindar 
mentions an athlete named Clitomachus who won a victory at the 
Isthmus {Pylh. viii. 51), but the Clitomachus mentioned by Pausanias 
was of course a different person, since he won a victory in 01. 141 
(216 B.C.) Pausanias's account of Clitomachus is copied by Suidas 
{s,v, KActTOftaxos). 

15. 3. the Thasian Theagenes. See vi. 6. 5 sg, ; vi. 11. 2-9. 

15. 4. Oaprns, an Elean. Cp. v. 21. 10. 

15. 5. When Capms had won in the wrestling etc. This passage 
shows that at Olympia the wrestling, boxing, and pancratium regularly 
took place on the same day and in the order of mention, though on the 
present occasion Caprus persuaded the umpires for once to bring on 
the pancratium before the wrestling. That the pancratium took place 
late in the day may be inferred from an inscription of Roman times, 
found at Olympia, in which it is mentioned that a pancratiast, Tiberius 
Claudius Rufus, continued the contest till night had fallen and the stars 
were shining (Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 54 ; Archdologische 
Zeitungy 36 (1878), p. 91 sg.. No. 147). Pausanias mentions an 
occasion when the pancratium lasted into the night (v. 9. 3), but that 
was in the old days, before 01. 77 (472 B.C.), when all the contests 
were held in one day. The same order (wrestling, boxing, pancratium) 
would seem to have been followed, at least in the men's contests, in 
the games of Amphiaraus at Oropus, if we may judge from the order 
in which the victors are mentioned in inscriptions (C. /. G, G. S. i. Nos. 
414, 416, 417). The contests are mentioned in the same order in 
another inscription found between Thespiae and Plataea (C /. G. G, S. 
i. No. 1765). 

15. 6. Epitherses. A part of the pedestal of his statue was found at 
Olympia, 14th January 1879, to the south of the temple of Zeus, opposite 
the sixth column (counting from the west), but only 1 1 paces from 
the south wall of the Altis. It is a block of Pentelic marble, with holes 
at the back for clamps by which it was fastened to another block. The 
inscription, which is carefully cut, is as follows : 

'^irtOcpairj MrjTfioSiopov 
viKYfravra avSpas irvyfirjv 
'OXvfnria Bis koI rrjv ■7r€pio8ov, 

UvOoKplTOS Tl/iOXaptOS 'PoStOS CTTOiyO'C. 

" The people of Erythrae (dedicated this statue of) Epitherses, son of 
Metrodorus, who was twice victorious in the men's boxing-match at 
Olympia, and won victories at all the great games. Pythocritus, a 
Rhodian, son of Timocharis, made (the statue)." The date of the 
inscription can hardly be determined on palaeographical groimds, as we 
know too little about the history of writing at Erythrae, but a clue to 



CH. XV DEMETRIUS— ANTIGONUS 47 

its date is furnished by the name of the sculptor (see below). See Die 
Insckriften von Olympia^ No. 186 ; Archdologische Zeitung^ 37 (1879), 
p. 54, No. 229; Loewy, Insckriften griech, Bildhauer^ No. 176. The 
sculptor Pythocritus is mentioned by Pliny {Nat hist xxxiv. 91), and 
two Rhodian inscriptions from the pedestals of statues by him have 
come down to us. He seems to have flourished at the end of the third 
or the beginning of the second century B.C. See Brunn, Gesch, d. 
griech, Kiinstler^ i. p. 461 ; Loewy, op, cit Nos. 174, 175 ; Ditten- 
berger and Purgold, in Die Inschriften von Olympia^ p. 315 sq,^ on 
No. 186. 

15. 6. I pointed out a little above etc. See vi. 9. 4 sq, 

15. 7. The Paleans etc The island of Cephallenia was divided 
into four petty independent states, each with its own capital These 
towns were Same, Pronni, Crane, and Pale. This subdivision of the 
island explains its political insignificance in antiquity. The name of 
Pale is still retained in the modem Paliki^ the name of the peninsula on 
which Pale stood. See Bursian, Geogr. von Griechenland^ 2. pp. 371, 
373 sq., 377. 

15. 7* Demetrius who inarched against Seleucns etc. The 
Demetrius meant is Demetrius Poliorcetes. See i. 10. 2 ; i. 16. i. 

15. 7- a statne of Demetrius and a statue of Demetrius' 

son Antigonus. Portions of the inscribed bases of both these statues 
have been found at Olympia. ( i ) A slab of grey limestone, which formed 
the upper part of the base of Antigonus's statue, was found (8 th May 
1876) south of the temple of Zeus, at the sixth column reckoning from 
the west. It bears the inscription : 

1*0] 8a/xos 6 BvfavT[i(ov] 
j8a]o"tX^ 'AKTiyovov. 



cc 



The Byzantine people (dedicated this statue of) king Antigonus." 
See Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 304 ; Archdologische Zeitung, 
35 {^^77)y P- 38, No. 36; Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscr. Graec. No. 
161 ; Hicks, Greek histor, Inscr. No. 166. Mr. E. L. Hicks suggests 
that this statue may have been dedicated by the Byzantines out of 
gratitude for a crushing defeat which Antigonus Gonatas, son of 
Demetrius Poliorcetes, had inflicted in 276 B.C. on the Gauls settled in 
Thrace, who were a continual danger to Byzantium. See Justin, xxv. 2 ; 
Polybius, iv. 46 ; Livy, xxxviii. 1 6. 

(2) Two fragments of a pedestal of grey limestone were found at 
Olympia in 1879. They bear a mutilated inscription, which may be 
restored as follows : 

1*0] 8a[/xos 6 Bv]favTi(uv 

j8a](rtA{iJ Aa/xjarptor. 

"The Byzantine people (dedicated this statue of) King Demetrius." 
See Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 305. 

Pausanias thought that the two kings commemorated by these 
statues were Demetrius Poliorcetes and his son Antigonus Gonatas. 
More probably, however, the Antigonus conmiemorated was Antigonus 



48 DEMETRIUS— ANTIGONUS bk. vi. eus 

the One-eyed, the father (not Antigonus Gonatas, the son) of Demetrius 
Poliorcetes. For another inscription found at Olympia records a vote 
of thanks and congratulation to the two kings Antigonus and Demetrius 
(Die Inschriften von Olympiay No. 45 ; Archdologische Zeitung^ 37 
(1879), P' 125 sq.^ No. 254). But these two kings are almost certainly 
Antigonus the One-eyed and his son Demetrius Poliorcetes, who 
assumed the title of kings simultaneously in 306 B.C. as a consequence 
of Demetrius's victory at Salamis in Cyprus (see i. 6. 6 note), whereas 
Demetrius Poliorcetes and his son Antigonus Gonatas were never 
kings at the same time. Moreover in the congratulations Antigonus is 
mentioned before Demetrius, which would not have been the case if 
Demetrius had been his father. And that the Antigonus and 
Demetrius to whom the congratulations are voted are the same 
Antigonus and Demetrius whose statues are here mentioned by 
Pausanias is made probable by the fact that the pedestals of their 
statues are made of the same sort of stone (a fine-grained limestone 
not often employed at Olympia) on which the vote of thanks and 
congratulations is engraved. 

15. 9. another statue of Areus. For the other statue of Areus, 
see vi. 12. 5. 

15. 10. Caprus. See above, § 4 ^^., and v. 21. 10 note. 

15. 10. Faeanins, an EleaxL See vi. 16. 9 note. 

16. I. Ananchidas. His statue has been already mentioned (vL 
14. 11). Schubart suggested that Pausanias's notes may have here 
got mixed up {Zeitschrift fiir Alterthumswissenschafty 9 (185 1), p. 297). 

16. I. EurydamuB who commanded the Aetolians etc. See 
X. 16. 4. 

16. 2. The statue of Antigonus and the statue of Seleucus. 

Statues of Antigonus and Seleucus have been already mentioned (vi. 
II. i). 

16. 2. the capture of Demetrius. See i. 10. 2 ; i. 16. i. 

16. 2. Timon won victories in the pentathlum etc. See v. 2. 5. 
As to the reason why he abstained from competing at the Isthmian 
games see v. 2. 1-4 ; cp. vi. 3. 9. He is to be distinguished from 
Timon the victor in the chariot-race (vi. 2. 8 ; vi. 12. 6). 

16. 3. Antigonus the guardian of Philip. See vii. 7. 4. Honours 
were lavished on him by the Greeks at the Nemean games. See 
Polybius, ii. 70. 

16. 4- the winter Nemean games. See ii. 15. 3 note. 

16. 5. a statue of Philonides. The base of this statue was found 
in the south-west comer of the Altis, 21st March 1879. It is of yellow 
sandstone and bears the inscription : 

B[a](riA,c(os *AA.€[^vS/3ov] 
'qfi€f)o8f>6fias Kol 
PrjfiaTurTrjs rrjs *A(Tias 
#tA,(ovi87ys Ztfrov Kprjs 
X.€fKrovaxri.os dv€$r)K€ 
Ad 'OAvyxTTi^. 



CH. XVI PHILONIDES—LEONIDAS 49 

*' Philonides, son of Zotes, a native of Chersonese in Crete, and a 
courier and road-measurer to King Alexander in Asia, dedicated (this 
statue) to Olympian Zeus." See Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 
276; Archdologiscke Zeitung^ 37 (1879), P- I39> No. 275; Ditten- 
bciger, Sylloge Inscr. Graec, No. 115; Hicks, Greek hist. Inscript 
Na 129. A mutilated copy of the same inscription was found to the 
north of the Byzantine church at Olympia, 27th November 1879. See 
Die Inschriften van Olympia^ No. 277 ; Archdologiscke Zeitung, yj 
(1879), P" 209, No. 329. The office of road-measurer (jSrffjuarurnis, 
literally * stepper ') to Alexander the Great was previously known from 
Athenaeus, who mentions (x. p. 442) one Baeton, a 'road-measurer' 
to Alexander the Great and author of a work on the stages of Alex- 
ander's march from day to day. Another road-measurer to Alexander 
the Great was named Diognetus (Pliny, Nal. his/, vi. 61). The 
* road-measurer ' had probably to estimate by paces and to record the 
length of each day's march. A road which had thus been measured by 
paces was said to be ^c^i/fiaTMr/xcvT;, literally * paced' (Polybius, iii. 
39, xxxiv. 12 ; Strabo, vii. p. 322). See Droysen, Gesckickte des Hel- 
Ufttsmus^ i. 2. p. 383. 

16. 5. a statue of Leonidas, a native of Naxos. The base of 
this statue was found before the east end of the north front of the 
Leonidaeum, loth April 1880. It was built into a Byzantine edifice. 
The base is of black limestone and bears a mutilated inscription which 
may be restored as follows : 

*H [7ro]X[is 17 ^m^iZUav^ 
AcwviTSJyyv A€(i)To[v Na^tov] 
All 'OXv/iTTiy a.v^6\ff^K€v\ 

" The city of Psophis dedicated (this statue of) Leonidas, a Naxian, 
son of Leotes, to Olympian Zeus." The style of the inscription 
points to the second half of the fourth century B.C. See Die Inschriften 
von Olympia, No. 294 ; Archdologiscke Zeitung, 39 (1881), p. 89 sq,. 
No. 391. From the name of Leonidas's father we learn that the 
Leonidas in question is the same man who built the Leonidaeum. 
See V. 15. I note. Hence we are justified in supplying Na^tov in the 
present inscription. 

16. 7. Lysippus, an Elean. A fragment of a pedestal of black 
limestone, conjectured by Dr. Purgold to have formed part of the 
pedestal of the statue of Lysippus, was found at Olympia about 20 
paces south of the west end of the Byzantine church. It bears the 
following fragmentary inscription : 

€]jro[i]fiy€ 'A/aycios* 
I [dv€]^TyKav. 

Sec Arckdologiscke Zeitung, 39 (1881), p. 85 j^.. No. 387; Roehl, 
/. G. A, No. 44 a. A clue to the date of Lysippus the Elean is 
famished by the fact, mentioned by Pausanias, that his statue was by 
Andreas the Argive. For the pedestal of another statue by this sculptor 

VOL. IV E 



so DINOSTHENES bk vi. bus 

has been found at Olympia, which enables us to date the artistic 
activity of Andreas about 169 B.c. The pedestal in question supported 
a statue set up by the Achaean League in honour of Q. Marcius 
Philippus, who in the inscription is described as Consul of the Romans. 
Philippus was consul twice, namely in 186 and in 169 B.C (Livy, 
xxxix. 8, xliii. 11). In the latter year he commanded in the war 
against Perseus and received an embassy from the Achaean League 
(Polybius, xxviii. 10 sq,) Hence the consulate referred to in the 
inscription is probably the latter of the two. See Die Inschriften 
von Olympia^ No. 318; Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscr, Graec, No. 227; 
Loewy, Inschriften griech, Bildhauer^ No. 475. We may infer, 
then, that Lysippus the Elean lived in the first half of the second 
century B.C. 

16. 8. he set up a slab etc. This stone has been found at 
Olympia in two pieces. One piece was found (5th November 1880) 
1 5 metres east of the apse of the Byzantine church ; the other was 
found (21st January 1881) in the court of the Wrestling - School 
(Palaestra). The stone is grey limestone. The back is rough hewn ; 
the front bears the following inscription : 

A€tv[o(r]^€i^9] 

A€[l]vO0r^€[v]€o[s] Ao- 
K€8ai[fl0]v&0$ TO) 

t All *0[A,]v/«rty 

vtKouras oTaStoi/. 
[d7r]6 Too'Se ras (TTo- 
Xas cA, AaKcSa- 
Lfiova c^aKari- 
ot, TpiaKovra, aTT- 
o Tas 8^ irhr ra- 
V irpdrav ard- 
\av TpiaKov- 

TO. 

" Dinosthenes a Lacedaemonian, son of Dinosthenes, a victor in the 
foot-race at the Olympic games, dedicated (the statue) to Olympian 
Zeus. From this stone to Lacedaemon is 630 (furlongs), and from it 
to the first stone is 30 (furlongs)." See Die Inschriften von Olympia^ 
No. 171 ; Archdologische Zeitung, 39 (1881), p. 87, No. 389 ; Cauer, 
Delectus Inscr, Graec,^ No. 26. 

It will be observed that Pausanias gives the distance of the stone 
from Lacedaemon as 660 furlongs, whereas the stone says 630. Pau- 
sanias seems to have added the 30 furlongs mentioned on the stone 
as the distance between Lacedaemon and the first stone. It appears 
that "the first stone" was set up 30 furlongs beyond Lacedaemon, 
probably in the sanctuary of Apollo at Amyclae, which is just about 
30 furlongs distant from the theatre of ancient Sparta (E. Curtius, 
PeloponnesoSy 2. p. 245). As the one inscribed stone was set up in 



CH. XVI DINOSTHENES—PAEANIUS $« 

the sanctuary at Olympia, it was natural that the other should also be 
set up in a sanctuary. Similarly we hear of copies of a treaty, engraved 
on stone, being set up at Olympia and in the sanctuary at Amyclae 
(Thucydides, v. i8. 9). This is Brunn's explanation of the inscription, 
and it has been accepted by Mr. W. Gurlitt {Ueber Pausanias, p. 163) 
and Mr. G. H. FSrster {Die olympischen Sieger^ i. Teil, p. 29). The 
question, however, still remains : why should Dinosthenes have recorded 
on the base of his statue the distance from Olympia to Lacedaemon 
and perhaps Amyclae? To this £. Curtius replied that Dinosthenes 
may have been a road - measurer (see note on § 5, * Philonides ') 
and may have helped to determine the measurements which he thus 
recorded. 

See E. Curtius, in Archdolcgische Zeitung^ 39 (188 1 ), pp. 93-96 ; G. Hirsch- 
feld, ib, 40 (1882), pp. 103-105 ; Schubart, in FUckciseris jahrbikher, 29 (1883), 
p. 471 ; H. Bruno, id, 30 (1884), p. 23 sq. 

The French surveyors estimated the distance by the old road from 
Sparta to Olympia at 105 to 106 kilometres, that is about 65 to 66 
miles (Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 127). The distance mentioned on the 
stone of Dinosthenes (630 furlongs) is equal to 11 1.7 kilometres or 
about 69 miles, if we reckon the Greek furlong {stade) at I77*4 metres. 
Sec vol. 2. p. 13. 

The Olympic victory of Dinosthenes probably fell in 01. 116 
(316 B.C.) It is true that Eusebius calls the victor of that year 
Demosthenes {Chronic, vol. i. p. 205 sg, ed. Schdne) and that 
Diodorus (xix. 17) calls him Dinomenes. But both of them agree in 
stating that he was a Laconian, and probably the names Demosthenes 
and Dinomenes are merely clerical errors for Dinosthenes, the form 
of the name which Pausanias has preserved and which is confirmed 
by the inscription. At least we know, from the combined testimony 
of Pausanias and the inscription, that Dinosthenes was an Olympic 
victor, and his name occurs nowhere else in the list of Olympic victors 
preserved by Eusebius. 'The assumed date of the victory (316 B.C.) 
agrees also well with the style of the inscription. 

16. 8. Sthexmis. See note on vi. 17. 5. 

16. 9* Paeanius, son of Damatrius. The base of this statue was 
found at Olympia, i6th February 1881, built into a water-basin in an 
early Byzantine edifice, at the back of the southern part of the Echo 
Colonnade. It is of grey limestone. On the upper surface are the 
footprints of the statue ; they show that it rested on the right foot, 
which was in advance, while only the tip of the left foot touched the 
ground. The inscription is : 

IXatai/ios Aafixrrplov 'HA,€u>s* 

** Paeanius an Elean, son of Damatrius." See IH'e Inschriften von 
Olympia^ No. 179; Archdologische Zeitung^ 40 (1882), p. 195 sq,^ 
No. 438. The Olympic victory of Paeanius fell in 01. 141 (216 B.C.) 
In the following Olympiad (212 B.C.) he was defeated by Caprus. See 
vL 15. 4 J^. and 10. As to the Pythian victories of Paeanius, see vL 



52 GLAUCON — DEMOCRATES bk. vi. elk 

15. 10, where three such victories are recorded, whereas here Pausanias, 
through forgetfulness perhaps, speaks of only two. 

16. 9. a chariot of an Athenian, Glaucon, son of Eteocles. 
The pedestal which supported this chariot was found at Olympia in 
1880, to the north-west of the Byzantine church. It consisted of two 
blocks of grey limestone, which were found separately, built into late 
walls. On the top of the base are holes for attaching the chariot. 
The inscription is : 

All 'OrXv/iTTiy FAaiTJKCUV 
'Et€OkA€[oi;s] 'A^T/varos. 

<< Glaucon an Athenian, son of Eteocles (dedicated this chariot) to 
Olympian Zeus." The dimensions of the base (.68 metre long by 
.76 high and .46 broad) show that the chariot must have been a 
miniature one. From the ornamental character of the letters, the 
inscription seems to belong to the third century B.C. See Die Insckriften 
von Olytnpia^ No. 178; Archdologische Zeitung^ 39 (1881), p. 88 sq,y 
No. 390. Glaucon is mentioned in an Attic inscription. See U. 
Kdhler, * Inschrift des Glaukon,' MittheiL d, arch, Inst, in Aiken,, 9 

(1884), pp. 49-53. 

17. I. But if you will go to the right etc. It has been asked 
why Pausanias has divided the statues of the Olympic victors into two 
groups, the one comprised in vi. 1-16, the other in 17-18. Dr. D6rp- 
feld supposes that the first group comprised the statues which stood 
within the Altis, round about the temple of Zeus ; and that the second 
group comprised those which stood beside the road followed by the 
processions, and which therefore, before the Altis was extended by Nero 
(see note on v. 10. i), were mostly outside the Altis. See Ddrpfeld, in 
MittheiL d. arch, Inst, in Athen^ 13 (1888), p. 335 sq. Dr. D5rpfeld's 
solution is unsatisfactory. For Pausanias's words imply that the second 
group of statues extended from the Leonidaeum to the great altar of 
Zeus, and the altar of Zeus was at all times within the Altis. Moreover 
Pausanias appears to have included in the first group the statues which 
lined the great processional road on the south of the temple of Zeus, and 
which therefore, according to Dr. Dorpfeld, must have been outside the 
Altis until the sacred precinct was extended by Nero (see note on vi. 13. 
11). Indeed, Dr. Dorpfeld's view seems to be completely disproved 
by the fact that two of the statues in the second group are described by 
Pausanias as being not far from the pillar of Oenomaus (vi. 18. 7). For 
the pillar of Oenomaus was between the great altar and the temple of 
Zeus (vi. 20. 6), and must therefore always have been within the Altis. 

17. I. the Leonidaeum towards the great altar. As to the 
Leonidaeum, see note on v. 15. i. As to the great altar, see v. 13. 
8 sqq, 

17. I. Democrates, a Tenedian. A bronze tablet, inscribed with a 
long decree in honour of this Democrates, was found at Olympia (21st 
January 1876), south of the south-west comer of the temple of Zeus. 
The decree is in the Elean dialect and seems to have been voted by 
the Council or Senate of Elis. It provides that Democrates shall rank as 



CH. XVII DEMOCRA TES—STHENNIS 53 

a public friend {proxenos) and benefactor of the city ; that he shall have 
a seat of honour at the festival of Dionysus, a share of the sacrifices, etc 
It is further provided that the decree shall be graved on bronze and set 
up in the sanctuary of Zeus by one Aeschinas, the superintendent of the 
horses. The inscription seems to belong to the period between the 
death of Alexander the Great and the Roman conquest, perhaps to 
the first half of the third century B.C. It is framed between miniature 
Corinthian pilasters and surmounted by a miniature gable, in which 
a bunch of grapes is represented between two double axes, the badge 
or crest of Tenedos (see note on x. 14. i ). See Die Inschriften von 
Olympia^ No. 39 ; Archdologische Zeitungy 33 (pub. 1876), pp. 183-186, 
No. 4 ; Cauer, Delectus Inscr, Graec,^ No. 264 ; Collitz, G. D. I. i. 
No. II 72. Aelian tells how Democrates used to draw a ring round 
himself in the arena and defy his adversaries to drag him out of it ( Var, 
hist iv. 15). 

17. I. Dionysicles Lysns. Nothing more is known of these 

sctdptors. 

17. 2. Fhilinus gained five victories in running at Olympia 

etc. Two of his victories were in the short foot-race, and were won in 
01. 129 and 130 (264 and 260 B.c.) (Eusebius, Chronic, vol. i. p. 207, 
ed. Schone). 

17. 5. Sthennis, the Olsoithian* Cp. vi. 16. 8. A sculptor named 
Sthennis flourished in Ol. 113 (328 B.C.), according to Pliny {Nat, hist, 
xxxiv. 51); and a sculptor of this name made for Sinope a statue of the 
hero Autolycus which was carried off by Lucullus. See Strabo, xii. p. 
546 ; Plutarch, Lucullus^ 23 ; cp. Appian, Mithrid, 83. Pliny also 
mentions statues of Demeter, Zeus, and Athena by Sthennis, which 
were in the temple of Concord at Rome {^Nat. hist, xxxiv. 90). Further, 
from an inscription found in the sanctuary of Amphiaraus, near Oropus 
(C /. ^. (7. 5. i. No. 279; Loewy, Inschr. griech, Bildhauer^ No. 103 a), 
we learn that an Athenian sculptor named Sthennis, son of Herodorus, 
made a statue for king Lysimachus. Prof. Benndorf has suggested 
that the Athenian Sthennis may be identical with the Olynthian Sthennis, 
since, after the destruction of Olynthus by Philip, Sthennis may have 
migrated to Athens and received the citizenship. On this hypothesis 
the two statues by Sthennis at Olympia (Paus. vi. 16. 8; vi. 17. 5) 
were executed before the destruction of Olynthus, while consequently 
Sthexmis still described himself as an Olynthian. But Olynthus was 
destroyed in 348 B.C., and Lysimachus did not assume the title of king 
till 306 B.C. Hence on Prof. Benndorf s view we should have to assume 
that Sthennis was at work before 348 and after 306 B.C., which is possible 
but not very probable. 

Two other pedestals of statues signed with the name of the sculptor 
Sthennis (but without further designation) are in existence. One of 
them (Loewy, op, cit. No. 83) was found on the Acropolis at Athens, 
and therefore may presumably be referred to the Athenian Sthennis ; it 
seems to date from the latter part of the fourth century B.C. Another 
(Loewy, op, cit. No. 481) seems to be a later copy, not an original 
inscription. A fragment of a base of Pentelic marble, found in the 



54 STHENNIS — DAETONDAS bk. vi. elis 

Dionysiac theatre at Athens (Loewy, op. cit. No. 541), bears a dedi- 
catory inscription by Sthennis, son of Herodorus of the township {deme) 
of Diomia; this Sthennis is probably the Athenian sculptor. From 
another inscription found in the sanctuary of Amphiaraus near Oropus 
(C /. G. G. S. i. No. 315; Loewy, op, cit. No. 1 1 2 a) it would seem 
that the Athenian Sthennis had a son who was also a sculptor, and 
who bore his paternal grandfather's name of Herodorus. 

On the whole it must be left an open question whether the Olyn- 
thian Sthennis and the Athenian Sthennis were one and the same 
person, and whether, supposing they were two, the notices in Pliny, 
Strabo, and Plutarch (see above) refer to the Olynthian or the Athenian 
sculptor. 

See Bninn, Gesch, d. grUch, Kiinstler^ i. pp. 389, 391 ; Loewy, Inschriften 
griech, Bildhauer^ Nos. 83, 103 a (pp. 83, 384), 112 a (pp. 90, 384 5a,\ 481, 
541 ; O. Benndorf, in Zeitschrtft f, die bsterreichische Gymnasien^ 26 (1875), PP* 
740.743. 

17. 5. Daetondas, a Sicyonian. In the olive-wood below Delphi 
was found a fragn:nent of a base of bluish marble bearing the signature 
of a sculptor Daetondas. Probably this is the Daetondas mentioned by 
Pausanias ; for the latter sculptor appears, from what Pausanias says, to 
have been a contemporary of Alexander the Great, and the character 
of the inscription agrees well with that date. See Loewy, Inschriften 
griech. Bildhauer^ No. 97. Cp. Brunn, Gesch. d. griech. Kiinstler^ 
I. p. 418. 

An inscription from the pedestal of a statue by a sculptor Daetondas 
exists at Thebes ; it seems to date from the early part of the third 
century B.C. (C. I. G. G. S. i. No. 2472). 

17. 6. the CUytids. The pedigree of Clytius, the founder of the 
Clytid family, was, according to the present passage of Pausanias, as 
follows : 

Amythaon 

Melampns 

Mandus 

Oides 

Amphiaraus 

Alcmaeon 

Clytius 

This differs from the family-tree of Melampus given by Homer {Odyss. 
XV. 241 sqq.^ as follows : 

Melampus 



Antiphates Mantins 



Oleics 



. ,1 Polyphides Clitus 

Amphiaraus i 

! Theoclymenus 



Alcmaeon Amphilochus 



CH. XVIII GORGIAS—ANAXIMENES 55 

From inscriptions found in Chios it appears that a branch of 
the Clytids was settled in that island. The inscriptions confirm 
the form of the name Clytid (KAvrtSat) as against the form Clytiad 
(KAvTia8i;s), which appears in the text of Herodotus (ix. 33). The 
name Oicles, which seems to have been a family name of the Cl3rtids, 
also occurs in Chian inscriptions. See B. Haussoullier, in Bulletin de 
Corresp, hellinique^ 3 (1879), PP* 45*58, 242-255. 

17. 6. the daughter of Phegens. Her name was Alphesiboea. 
See viii. 24. 8. 

17. 7* Oanthams, the Sicyonian. Cp. vi. 3. 6 note. 

17. 7- the statue of Qorgias, the Leontinian. The base of this 
statue of the famous rhetorician was found by the Germans at Olympia 
(i6th December 1876), 10 metres north of the north-east comer of the 
temple of Zeus. It is of black limestone. The inscription is as follows : 

l^apfiavTiSov Topyias AcoKTtvos. 
rrjfJL ftkv oScAfc^]^!/ /^rjiKpdrrfs Trjy Topyiov «rx€v, 

€K Tttirnys B' au[T]y ytyvcrat ^ImroKpdrrjs, 
^ImroKpaTOvs 8* EvyxoA.7ro[9, 09 €t]Kova t-^vS* cxvc^t/kcv 

SiavtaVf irai8€ias K[a]t <l>i\i\as €]v€Ka. 

Vopytov axrKTJ(rai ^vxrjv dperrjs is dytovas 

ov£cis TTCi) dvrjTiov KaWiov' rj^p€ T€\vrjv' 

0$ Kol ^AwoXXtavos yvdXois €(Ka»v avaKctrat, 

ov vXovTOV 7rapa8€tyfi\ cvtrc^cias 8^ t/sottwv. 

" Gorgias of Leontini, son of Charmantides. Deicrates took to wife the 
sister of Gorgias, and by her he had a son Hippocrates, and Hippo- 
crates had a son Eumolpus, who dedicated this statue for two reasons, 
for education's and affection's sake. No mortal ever yet discovered 
a fairer art to train the soul for virtuous struggles than Gorgias. In 
Apollo's vale his statue stands, a proof of his piety, not a display of his 
wealth." The inscription apparently belongs to the early part of the 
fourth century B.C. See Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 293 ; 
Archdologische Zeitung^ 35 (1877), p. 43, No. 54; Kaibel, Epigram- 
maia Graeca^ No. 875 a; E. Hoffrnann, Sylloge epigr. Graecoruntj No. 
357. The latter part of the inscription refers to the gilt or golden 
statue of himself which Gorgias dedicated in the temple of Apollo at 
Delphi. See x. 18. 7 note. 

17. 8. at Athens on an embassy. Gorgias's embassy to 

Athens occurred in 427 B.C. (Diodorus, xii. 53 ; cp. Thucydides, iii. 86). 
As to the embassy and the effect of Gorgias's eloquence on the Athenians, 
see Plato, Hippias Major ^ p. 282 b ; Philostratus, ViL Soph. i. 9. 2 ; 
Dionysius Halicamasensis, De Lysia judicium^ 3 ; Plutarch, De genio 
Socraiis, 13. 

17. 9. Gorgias lived a hundred and five years. Others said 
variously 107, 108, or 109 years. See Zeller, Philosophie der Griecheny 
I.* p. 948, note 3. Prof. Zeller inclines to date the life of Gorgias 

483-375 B.C. 

18. 2. Anazimenes. This writer appears, as Pausanias indicates, 



$6 THE TREASURIES bk. vi. klis 

to have composed three histories, i. A history of Philip of Macedonia 
in at least eight books (Harpocration, 5,v, Ka^vA.17) : 2. A history of 
Alexander the Great in at least two books (Harpocration, s.v, 'AXkC- 
/iaxos ; Diogenes Laertius, ii. 2. 3) : 3. A history of Greece from the 
earliest times under the title of * the First Histories ' (Athenaeus, vL 
p. 231 c). The scope of this last work is described by Diodorus 
(xv. 89) as follows : ** Anaximenes of Lampsacus recorded the earliest 
history of Greece, starting with the theogony and the first race of men. 
He brought his history down to the battle of Mantinea and the death of 
Alexander, comprising almost all the affairs of both the Greeks and 
the barbarians in twelve books." Suidas tells us (s,v. 'Avo^tficvjys) 
that Anaximenes was a pupil of Diogenes the Cynic and a tutor of 
Alexander the Great, whom he attended in his campaigns. 

18. 2. The following anecdotes are told of him. These two 
anecdotes are told in almost the same words by Suidas {s,v. *Ava^4- 

18. 7' Praxidamas, an Aeginetan. He is mentioned by Pindar 
as the first Aeginetan (Aeacid) who won an Olympic victory. Pindar 
adds that Praxidamas was crowned five times at the Isthmus and thrice 
at Nemea (Pindar, A-emeans, vi. 27 sgg,) Praxidamas is also mentioned 
by the pseudo-Plutarch (De nobiliiaie^ 20). Although Pausanias here 
tells us that the statues of Praxidamas (01. 59 = 544 B.C.) and Rexibius 
(Ol. 61 = 536 B.C.) were the first statues of athletes set up at Olympia, 
he had previously mentioned the statue of Eutelidas (01. 38 = 628 B.C.), 
expressly saying that it was ancient and the inscription on it worn with 
age (vi. 15. 8). 

19. I. On this terrace are the treasuries. The situation of the 
treasuries on a terrace overlooking the Altis, inunediately at the foot 
of Mt. Cronius, is accurately described by Pausanias, except that the 
treasuries lie rather to the east than to the north of the temple of Hera. 
A flight of steps, dating perhaps from the time of the Persian wars, 
leads up to the terrace. These steps are mentioned by Pausanias (v. 
21. 2). At the back of the treasuries a substantial retaining wall with 
buttresses protected them against landslips from Mt. Cronius. 

Before the German excavations it had been supposed, on the 
analogy of the so-called Treasuries of Mycenae and Orchomenus, that 
the Olympic treasuries were circular. Indeed a learned traveller (the 
late W. Vischer) thought he had perhaps discovered the remains of one 
of the round treasuries at the south-east side of Mt. Cronius. How- 
ever, the remains proved to be those of a modem brick-kiln. 

Pausanias mentions ten treasuries. The foundations of twelve have 
been discovered. This discrepancy is explained by the fact that before 
Pausanias's visit to Olympia two of the treasuries (those numbered il. 
and III. on the plan) had been destroyed to make way for a paved road 
leading up to Mt. Cronius. From the direction taken by the aqueduct 
of Herodes Atticus, it is inferred that the paved road in question must 
have been made at the same time as the aqueduct, probably by Herodes 
Atticus, and therefore in the lifetime of Pausanias. If the road is 
rightly dated, it affords conclusive proof that Pausanias described the 



CH. XIX THE SICYONIAN TREASURY 57 

treasuries as they were in his own time, and that he did not copy 
his description (as some critics have supposed) from the works of 
Polemo, who wrote some three and a half centuries before him. 

The foundations of all twelve treasuries are in more or less perfect 
preservation ; but only in the case of three of them (the treasuries of 
Sicyon, Megara, and Gela) have architectural members been discovered 
in sufficient quantities to enable us to restore them with fair proba- 
bility. All the treasuries are in the form of a small oblong temple 
with an ante-chamber. Hence Polemo calls them temples (Polemo, 
Fragm. 22, ed. Preller ; Athenaeus, xi. p. 479 f- 480 a) ; and if 
Pausanias had copied from Polemo, he would probably have called 
them so too. The ante-chambers of all the treasuries, except that of 
Gela and perhaps of Epidamnus, opened through two pillars between 
aniiu. The treasury of Gela, the largest of all, has the form of a 
prostyle temple, its ante-chamber or rather porch being surrounded by 
pillars on three sides. All the treasuries seem to have been built in the 
Doric style. The precious objects were doubtless kept in the inner 
chambers. All the treasuries face to the south, not, like temples, to 
the east. 

See Die Funde von Olympia^ p. 23 ; Flasch, ' Olympia,' in Baumeister's 
I>enkm&kr, p. 1 104 b ; Ad. Botticher, Olympia? pp. 207, 224 sq, ; Curtius und 
Adler, Olympia und Umgegend^ p. 33 sq, ; Baedeker,' p. 344 sq, ; Curtius, * Die 
Schatzhauser von Olympia,' Stizungsberichte d. philos, hisior, CI, d, k, preuss. 
Akad, d, Wissen, (Berlin), Sth March 1896, pp. 239-251 ; id.y quoted by 
Schubort, in FUckeisen^ s JahrbUcher^ 29 (1883), p. 475, note 4; Fr. Richter, De 
th€sauris Olympian effossis (Berlin, 1885). As to Vischer's mistake, see his 
£rinnerungenj p. 470 n.* 

19. I. the treasury of the Sicyonians. Pausanias describes the 
treasuries from west to east (cp. § 14). The Sicyonian treasury is 
the most westerly of the twelve. It was identified by an inscription, 
2cjcv<$vc[oft] on one of the antae of the ante-chamber. This inscription, 
which was not found in its original position, seems to date from the first 
half of the fifth century B.C. The treasury is 12.44 metres long by 7.30 
broad. Well-preserved examples of all the architectural members of 
the treasury have been found, so that it is possible to restore the build- 
ing completely on paper. It was in the Doric style throughout. The 
blocks were found scattered up and down the Altis, but were easily 
recognised because they consist of a fine-grained yellowish-red sand- 
stone, such as has been used in the construction of no other building in 
Olympia. On the other hand ancient Sicyon appears to have been 
largely built of exactly the same stone. Hence it has been conjectured 
by Dr. Dorpfeld that all the blocks were quarried and hewn at Sicyon 
and brought round by sea ready to be put together at Olympia. This 
is confirmed by the masons' marks on the stones ; for these marks 
consist of letters of the Sicyonian alphabet. The foundations of the 
treasury are built of a variety of materials. The upper courses are 
mostly constructed of the same coarse shell-limestone of which most of 
the edifices at Olympia were built. The lower part of the foundations 
consists of small stones (pebbles, shell -limestone, and breccia, also 
fragments of roof-tiles) bonded with clay mortar. A frieze of triglyphs 



58 THE SICYONIAN TREASURY bk. vi. eus 

and metopes ran all round the top of the walls on the outside ; twenty- 
nine out of the original thirty-six blocks have been found. The gables 
were unsculptured. The roof was covered with marble tiles. Traces 
of red and blue paint were visible on many of the stones of the building 
(for example on the triglyphs) at the time of their discovery. All the 
blocks of the upper building were clamped together with iron clamps of 
the r-J pattern ; in the foundations, on the other hand, no clamps were 
employed. With regard to the date of the treasury, its architectural 
style agrees so closely with that of the temple of Zeus that we might 
suppose it was built at the same time, namely about the middle of the 
fifth century B.C. ; and with this date the character of the inscription 
and of the masons' marks on the stones agrees perfectly. But from a 
slight technical indication (a small round projection on the upper edge 
of the triglyphs and metopes) Dr. Dorpfeld thinks it probable that the 
treasury is later than the Parthenon at Athens, and that hence it belongs 
to the second half of the fifth century B.C., although in Athenian build- 
ings of the fifth century B.a the old r-J shaped clamps, such as are 
found in the treasury, were replaced by the newer HH shaped clamps. 

See Olympia: Ergebnisse^ Tafelband i. plates xxvii,-xxx. ; W. Dorpfeld, in 
Olympia: Ergebnisse, Textbond 2. pp. 40-44; id.^ in Die Ausgrabungen zu 
Ofympia, 4 (1878- 1879), PP» 3S"37> ^i^h pi. xxxiii.; id,, *Das Schatthaus der 
Sikyonier,* Mittheil, d. arch, Inst. in. Athen, 8 (1883), pp. 67-70; Ad. Botticher, 
Olympia,"* p. 220 sqq, ; Flasch, * Olympia,' in Baumeister s Denkmdler, p. 1104 B 
sq, ; Baedeker,' p. 344 ; Adler, in Archdologiscke Zeitung, 39 (188 1), p. 66. For 
the inscription and masons' marks, see Dit Inschriften von Olympia, Nos. 649, 
668; Arckdol Zeitung, 39 (1881), pp. 169-179; Roehl, /. G, A, Nos. 27 b, 
27 c ; Collitz, G, D, /. 3. No. 3167. 

19. 2. Myron built it in the thirty-third Olympiad. The 

idea that the Sicyonian treasury was built in or soon after 01. 33 (648 
B.C.) is entirely precluded by the style both of the structure and of the 
inscription (see preceding note). Pausanias's mistake appears to have 
arisen from observing that the bronze shrines, or one of them (see ncjct 
note), was a votive offering of the tyrant Myron. From this he inferred 
that the treasury itself was built by Myron. In reality it appears to 
have been built at least a century and a half after Myron's time ; in 
the interval Myron's oflfering must have been deposited elsewhere. 

See A. Kirchhoff, in ArchdoL Zeitung, 39 (188 1), p. \^\ sq.\ K. Purgold, ib, 
p. 176 sqq. ; W. Dorpfeld, in Olympia : Ergebnisse, Textband 2. p. 43 ; 
Dittenberger and Purgold, Die Inschriften von Olympia, p. 663 sq., on No. 649 ; 
A. Botticher, Olympia,"* pp. 220-222 ; Flasch, * Olympia,' in Baumeister's Denk- 
mdler, p. 1104 B. 

19. 2. two chambers, one in the Doric, the other in the Ionic 
style. Before the German excavations at Olympia it was believed that 
these two chambers formed part of the building ; and they were 
adduced as evidence that as late as the seventh century B.C. the walls of 
rooms were still lined with bronze. Further the fact that one of them 
was in the Ionic style was pointed to as a proof that at that time the 
Greeks of the Peloponnese had already begun to build in the Ionic 
style. These conclusions were upset by the discovery of the treasury 
itself. For its walls show not the least trace of having ever been lined 



CH. XIX TARTESSIAN BRONZE 59 

with bronze ; and the style is pure Doric throughout. Hence we must 
conclude that these bronze *• chambers ' were portable models ; and 
probably it was only the Doric one which was dedicated by Myron ; 
the Ionic one may have been a much later offering. Still the 
• chambers ' must have been very substantial models, since the lesser of 
them weighed 500 talents (§ 4), which, in the Aeginetic standard, is 
approximately equal to 19 tons. See, in addition to the references at 
the end of the preceding note, Adler and Curtius, in Archdologische 
Zeitung^ 39 (1881), pp. 66, 67 ; F. Adler, in Die Ausgrabungen zu 
Olympia^ 5 (1879-1881), p. 30 sq, 

19. 2. Tartessian bronze. The copper mines of Spain, especially 
of Andalusia, within which the ancient Tartessus was comprised, were 
famous in antiquity. Strabo says (iii. p. 146) that nowhere in the 
world was copper produced in such quantities and of so fine a quality 
as in Turdetania, which corresponds to part of Andalusia. Cp. Dio- 
dorus, v. 36. 2 ; Sc3annus, Orbis Description 164 sqq,\ Pliny, Nat. hist, 
iii. 30 ; Mela, ii. 86 ; H. Bliimner, Technologie und Terminologies 4. 
p. 65 sq. 

19. 3. Tartessus is a river in the land of the Iberians. Accord- 
ing to Strabo (iii. p. 148) Tartessus was the ancient name of the Baetis 
(the Guadalquivir)^ and he quotes Stesichorus to show that the poet 
called the Baetis the Tartessus. The tides on the river are mentioned 
also by Philostratus (Vit. Apoll, v. 6). At the present day large 
steamers ascend the Guadalquivir as far as Seville. 

19. 3. some think that Oarpia was anciently called Tar- 
tessus. Carpia is no doubt the Spanish seaport which the ancients 
also called Carthaea (Appian, Bell, Civile^ ii. 105), but more com- 
monly Carteia (Strabo, iii. p. 141 ; Livy, xxviii. 30, xliii. 3; Hirtius, 
Bell, Hispan, 32 ; Pliny, Nat, hist, iii. 7 ; Mela, ii. 6. 96). The site 
of the city, identified by the description of Mela \l,c.\ by ruins, and by 
the discovery of coins, was at the head of the bay of Gibraltar, at a 
place now called El Rocadillo about 4 miles north-west of Gibraltar 
(Smith's Diet, of Greek and Roman Geogr. i. p. 527). The view that 
Carteia was the ancient Tartessus is mentioned also by Strabo (iii. p. 
151) and Mela (ii. 6. 96), and it is apparently accepted by Pliny {Nat, 
hist, iii. 7). The other opinion, mentioned by Pausanias, that Tartessus 
was at the mouth of the Baetis (the Guadalquivir) is recorded also by 
Strabo (iii. p. 148). Tartessus, as is well known, is the Tarshish of 
the Bible ; the two forms Tartessus and Tarshish seem to be the 
respective Greek and Semitic corruptions of the name of a native 
Iberian tribe (H. Kiepert, Lehrbuch d, alien Geographie^ § 419). 

19. 4* the treasury was dedicated by Myron. The translation 
should rather be : " the chamber was dedicated by Myron." 

19. 4* a bronze-plated shield. The Greek is 0071$ cTrtxaXxos, 
an expression which Pausanias perhaps borrowed from Herodotus (iv. 
200). It may possibly mean no more than *a bronze shield' (cp. 
Bahr on Herodotus, Lc) The adjective here translated * bronze- 
plated' is elsewhere applied by Pausanias to a tripod (v. 12. 5). 

19. 4* the Myazdans. See x. 38. 8 note, and the Critical Note 



6o THE CARTHAGINIAN TREASURY bk. vi. rus 

on the present passage (vol. i. p. 589). From the present passage it 
appears that Pausanias had not visited Myania at the time when he 
was writing his description of Olympia. 

19. 5. Thncydides mentions thecityoftheMsronians. 

See Thucydides, iii. loi. 

19. 6. Miltiades, son of Oimon, who was the first to reign 

etc. Pausanias has here made a slip ; the first Athenian tyrant of the 
Chersonese was not the famous Miltiades, son of Cimon, who led the 
Athenians at Marathon, but his uncle Miltiades, son of Cypselus. See 
Herodotus, vi. 36-38. The same mistake is made by Cornelius Nepos 
{Miltiades, i). 

19. 6. old Attic letters. See note on i. 2. 4. 

19. 6. Patrocles of Orotona. This is a different person from the 
Sicyonian sculptor of the same name who is mentioned by Pausanias 
elsewhere (vi. 3. 4). Cp. note on x. 9. 10; Brunn, Gesch, d, griech. 
Kunsiler, i. p. 277 sq, 

19. 7. the treasury of the Oarthaginians. This is probably the 
fourth treasury from the west (marked iv. on the plan). Treasuries II. 
and III. appear to have been pulled down shortly before Pausanias 
visited Olympia. See note on § i. Properly the treasury should have 
been denominated, after its founders, the treasury of the Syracusans. 
The name * treasury of the Carthaginians* was probably a popular 
designation which came into use in later ages when more interest was 
taken in the Carthaginian spoils which it contained than in its 
Syracusan founders. At least this explanation of the name seems more 
probable than Freeman's notion that the treasury was so called " in 
proud scorn." The Syracusan victory which it is commonly supposed 
to have commemorated was the great defeat of the Carthaginians at 
Himera in 480 B.C. See Herodotus, vii. 165-167 ; Diodorus, xi. 21 sq.\ 
Ad. Holm, Geschichte Sid liens , i. pp. 205-207; Yrt^mzxi, History of 
Sicily, 2. p. 192 sqq. But the style of the architecture points, in Dr. 
Dorpfeld's opinion, to an earlier date, and this indication is confirmed 
by an inscription {Die Inschriften von Olympia, No. 661, ^vp[aKwrMav\ 
" of the Syracusans ") which seems to have been carved on some part 
of the building and which from its style is judged by Prof. Dittenberger 
to be not later than the end of the sixth century B.C. Further, a piece 
of sculptured relief, which appears to have adorned the gable of the 
treasury (see below), is considered by Prof. Treu to be too archaic in 
style to have been executed as late as the period immediately after the 
battle of Himera. Both the inscription and the relief are carved on 
blocks of the same dazzling white limestone of which the entablature 
is made (see below). Thus the concurrent testimony of architecture, 
epigraphy, and sculpture points to the treasury having been built not 
later than the end of the sixth century B.C. If we accept that testimony, 
we must apparently abandon the idea that the Syracusan treasury was 
founded by Gelo, since Gelo did not make himself master of Syracuse 
until 485 B.C And indeed Pausanias, interpreted strictly, affirms 
only that the votive offerings in the treasury were dedicated by Gelo ; 
he does not say that the treasury itself was founded by him. (The 



CH. XIX THE EPIDAMNIAN TREASURY 6l 

translation of this passage, vol. i. p. 312, should be corrected accord- 
ingly.) These offerings were, we can hardly doubt, spoils captured by 
Gelo from the Carthaginians at Himera. The three linen corselets 
in the treasury had probably been worn by three soldiers of the Cartha- 
ginian host in the battle. As to the use of linen corselets by the 
ancients see note on i. 21. 7. 

Nothing of the treasury is standing but the foundations, which are 
10.19 metres long by 6.50 metres broad. They consist of two courses 
of masonry resting on a substratum of pebbles. The stone is the coarse 
shell-limestone of which so many buildings at Ol3anpia are constructed. 
The blocks are mostly hewn in polygons, which is remarkable, as the 
polygonal style of masonry hardly occurs elsewhere at Olympia. 
Numerous broken blocks of a dazzling white limestone, comprising 
blocks with clamps of the n"i shape, pieces of an architrave, fragments 
oftriglyphs and metopes, and many pieces of a peculiarly moulded 
geison^ are conjecturally supposed by Dr. Dorpfeld to have belonged 
to the treasury of the Carthaginians or (as it should rather be called) of 
the Syracusans. Fragn:nents of this white limestone were discovered 
near the foundations of the treasury and partly built into them. But 
Dr. Dorpfeld does not consider that the attribution of the architectural 
members in question to the Syracusan treasury is perfectly certain. 
See W. Dorpfeld, in Olympia : Ergebnisse^ Textband 2. p. 46 ; Olympia : 
Ergebnissey Tafelband i. pi. xxxiv. A fragment of a limestone relief, 
representing a naked human leg grasped apparently by an arm, is con- 
jectured by Prof. Treu to have formed part of a sculptured decoration 
in the front gable of the Carthaginian treasury. He supposes that the 
scene represented was one of combat in which a vanquished foe was 
grasping, with a suppliant gesture, the knees of the victor. See G. 
Treu, in Olympia : Ergebnisse^ Textband 3. p. 15 sq, 

19. 8. The tliird and fourth of the treasuries are offerings of 
the Epldanmians. . . . These are the fifth and sixth treasuries from 
the west (numbered v. and vi. on the plan). Of these the treasury 
called by Pausanias the fourth (No. vi. on the plan) was doubtless 
the treasury of the Byzantines, whose name has here dropped out 
of the text of Pausanias, though it occurs in the next section (§ 9). Of 
the Epidamnian treasury (No. v.) nothing remains but foundations, 
and even these are incomplete, the back foundation-wall being totally 
destroyed, so that it is impossible to determine the exact length of the 
building. The foundations, so far as they exist, are composed of a 
single course of soft limestone resting on a deep substructure of pebbles 
bonded with clay-mortar. The blocks of limestone are carefully cut so 
that only their outer edges are in contact. Iron clamps are not used 
to bond the blocks. From the greater breadth of the treasury Dr. 
Ddrpfeld thinks that it must have had six supports (four columns 
between antae) on its southern facade, instead of the usual number of 
four. See W. D6rpfeld, in Olympia: Ergebnisse^ Textband 2. p. 47. 
A fragment of a limestone relief, representing the head, mane, and 
breast of a horse, is conjectured by Prof. Treu to have belonged to a 
sculptured decoration of the front gable of the Epidamnian treasury. 



62 THE SYBARITE TREASURY bk. vi. elis 

The horse seems to have borne a rider. The mane is long and care- 
fully carved, though in a stiff conventional style. Considerable remains 
of colour are to be seen on the fragn:nent. The background is bright 
blue ; the mane was painted in alternate strips of blue and red ; the 
bridle is red ; the body of the horse seems to have been yellow. See 
G. Treu, in Olympia: Ergebnisse^ Textband 3. pp. 16-18 ; Die Ausgra- 
bungen zu Olympia^ 5 (i 879-1 881), p. 16, with pi. xxv. B; Ad. 
Botticher, Olympiad p. 244 ; Friederichs - Wolters, Gipsabgusse^ 
No. 296. 

The Byzantine treasury (No. vi. on the plan) is not much better 
preserved than the Epidamnian. However, in addition to the founda- 
tions, there are preserved some pieces of the wall of the treasure- 
chamber and a small part of the floor. The foundations consist of 
three courses of shell-limestone, without any substruction of pebbles. 
See Dorpfeld, l.c. Three fragments of limestone reliefs representing 
a waterfowl, a cock, and a hen (all mutilated) are conjectured by Prof. 
Treu to have belonged to a sculptured decoration of the front gable 
of the Byzantine treasury {Olympia : Ergebnisse^ Textband 3. pp. 23-25). 
From a fragnment of Polemo, preserved by Athenaeus (xi. p. 480 a), 
we learn that the Byzantine treasury contained a cedar- wood image of 
Triton holding a silver cup, also a silver Siren, and various vessels of 
silver and gold. 

19. 8. It contains a representation of Atlas etc. Dr. Purgold 
has argued that this group of Hercules and Atlas in the Gardens of the 
Hesperides and the group of Hercules fighting Achelous (see § 12) 
originally occupied the gables of the temple of Hera ; he supposes that 
they were taken down to protect them from the weather, from which, 
being of wood, they were liable to suffer. See Berliner philologiscke 
Wochenschrifty 7 (1887), pp. 130-132. As to Atlas upholding the 
sky, see note on v. 11. 5. The Greek word translated * firmament* in 
the present passage is tt6\o%. On the various significations of this 
word, see the learned discussion of Prof. E. Maass in his Araiea 
(Berlin, 1892), p. 123 sqq. He shows that it was variously employed 
in the sense of the firmament or celestial globe, the axis of that globe, 
a pole of the axis, a sun-dial, etc. 

19. 8. The Hesperides were removed etc. See v. 17. 2. 

19. 9- The Sybarites also built a treasury. This is the seventh 
treasury from the west (No. vii. on the plan). It must have been built 
before 510 B.C., for in that year Sybaris was destroyed. Only the 
northern half of the treasury is preserved, and even that merely to 
a height of one course. This course is composed of coarse shell- 
limestone, and rests on a bed of sand and fine pebbles. The breadth 
of the treasure-chamber is about 5.60 metres ; its length is unknown. 
Even the general plan of the building is unknown, but can be inferred 
from the analogy of the other treasuries. In the treasure-chamber lie 
some slabs of the pavement ; they are of shell-limestone, and have on 
their upper surface certain holes of which the purpose is not known. See 
W. Dorpfeld, in Olympia : Ergebnisse, Textband 2. p. 47 sq, A frag- 
ment of limestone bearing a small piece of floral ornament (?) carved in 



CH. XIX THE CYRENIAN TREASURY 63 

relief is conjccturally assigned by Prof. Treu to one of the gables of the 
Sybarite treasury {Olympia: Ergebnisse^ Textband 3. p. 25 sq.) 

19. 9. Lupiae is the ancient Sybaris. This is, of course, 

absurd. Lupiae or Lupia was in Calabria, while Sybaris was far away 
in Lucania. Sir £. H. Bunbury thought that the only reasonable 
explanation of Pausanias's strange mistake is that " he confounded Lupia 
in Calabria (the name of which was sometimes written Lopia) with the 
Roman colony of Copia in Lucania, which had in fact arisen on the site 
of Thurii, and, therefore, in a manner succeeded to Sybaris " (Smith's 
Diet, of Gr. and Rom, Geogr,^ article * Lupiae,' vol. 2. p. 217). 

19. 10. a treasury of the Libyans of Oyrene. This is the eighth 
treasury from the west (No. viii. on the plan). It is the smallest and 
perhaps the oldest of all the treasuries. In spite 'of its small size it 
seems to have been built on the same general plan as the others, in 
other words, to have consisted of a chamber with a shallow ante-chamber 
or porch. The foundations and part of the upper walls arc preserved. 
They are constructed of hewn blocks of the coarse shell-limestone and of 
a soft marly limestone. The shell-limestone is employed in the portions 
of the building above ground and in a part of the foundations ; the 
marly limestone is employed only in the two lower courses of the founda- 
tions. Dr. Dorpfeld thinks that the part built of marly limestone is the 
older, and that the other material (shell-limestone) was only employed 
in rebuilding and extending the treasury at some later time. Neither 
clamps nor dowels appear to have been used to bind the stones together. 
To the north of the treasury of Gela a slab of hard limestone was found 
bearing the inscription Kvpa\yaloC\ (* Cyrenians *) in large letters. 
From the size and shape of the stone Dr. Dorpfeld is of opinion that 
it formed part of an anta of the Cyrenian treasury. See Olytnpia: 
Ergebnissey Tafelband i. pi. xxxii. ; W. Dorpfeld, in Olympia: Ergelh 
nisse^ Textband 2. p. 48 ; Die Inschriften von Olytnpia^ No. 246 ; 
K. Purgold, in Archdologische Zeitung^ 39(1881), p. 180, No. 399; 
Roehl, /. G, A. No. 506 a. 

A fragment of a limestone relief (0.23 metre high, 0.28 metre broad, 
and 0.26 metre thick) representing a woman carrying or struggling with 
a small lion is believed to have formed part of a sculptured decoration 
of the front gable of the Cyrenian treasury. The woman thus repre- 
sented is probably Cyrene, the patron goddess of the city of that name. 
For Pindar tells how Apollo found her struggling, unarmed, with a lion 
(Pyth, ix. 25 sqq.)\ and in two sculptures brought from Cyrene and 
now in the British Museum the goddess is similarly portrayed. In the 
Olympian relief the goddess is grasping one of the lion*s forelegs in her 
left hand ; her right arm, her head, the lower part of her body, and the 
lower part of the lion's body, are all broken off. Prof. Treu is of opinion 
that she was portrayed carrying the lion and moving to the spectator's 
right, probably pursued by her lover Apollo. Prof. Studniczka thinks 
that she may have been kneeling and struggling with the beast. The 
breast and arms of the goddess are bare ; her long curls fall down on 
her shoulders. Remains of red paint are to be seen on her robe ; her 
hair and the lion's mane seem to have been painted red ; and traces of 



64 THE SELINUNTIAN TREASURY wc VL kus 

bright blue were visible on the background at the time of its discovery. 
Further, a fragment of another limestone relief, representing the body of 
a cock, is believed to have also belonged to the sculptured decoration of 
the gable of the Cyrenian treasury, since the stiff conventional style in 
which the wings and feathers are rendered agrees closely with the 
representation of cocks on Cyrenian vases. Prof. Treu conjectures 
that a cock and hen, facing each other, may have occupied each of the 
ends of the gable. From the archaic style of these sculptures it would 
seem that they date from the early part of the sixth century B.C. The 
treasury may very well have been built in the reign of Battus II. (574* 
554 B.C), when Cyrene received a great influx of Greek colonists, and 
hence presumably a large increase of wealth (Herodotus, iv. I59)- ^^ 
G. Treu, in Olympia: Ergebnisse^ Textband 3. pp. 19-23 ; Fr. Stud- 
niczka, Kyrene (Leipzig, 1890), pp. 28-39; /V/., in Roscher's Lexikan^ 
s.v, * Kyrene,' vol. 2. p. 1724 sq. 

19. 10. Selinns was destroyed by the Oarthaginiaiis. 

Selinus was destroyed and most of the people put to the sword by the 
Carthaginians in 409 B.C. (Diodorus, xiii. 54-58). An inscription 
found at Selinus gives a list of the gods by whose help the Selinuntians 
conquered in war. They were "Zeus, and Fear, and Hercules, and 
Apollo, and Poseidon, and the Tyndarids, and Athena, and the Apple- 
bearer (or Sheep-bearer) (Demeter), and the All-powerful Goddess 
(Pasicratia), but especially Zeus." See Roehl, /. G. A» Na 5 ' 5 J 
Roberts, Greek Epigraphy y No. 117. However, their gods failed them 
in the last struggle with the Carthaginian. Hannibal, the Carthaginian 
general, said that the gods of Selinus had departed from the city, being 
offended with the people (Diodorus, xiii. 59). 

19. 10. the people of Selinus dedicated a treasnry. This is the 
ninth treasury from the west (No. IX. on the plan). From its position, 
hemmed in between the Cyrenian and the Metapontine treasuries 
(Nos. VIII. and x.), it is clearly of later date than both of them. Por- 
tions of the foundations and walls, pieces of the pavement of the treasure- 
chamber, and the pedestal of a statue in the chamber, are preserved, 
probably also a part of the entablature. The material of the walls is a 
fine hard shell-limestone, quite different from the coarse gritty shell- 
limestone of which the temple of Zeus and so many other buildings at 
Olympia are constructed. Some pieces of an ancient Doric entablature, 
found partly on the terrace of the treasuries, partly at the Prytaneum, 
are made of the same fine hard limestone, and as their dimensions agree 
with those of the Selinuntian treasury we may safely conclude that the 
entablature belonged to the treasury in question. Of the walls of the 
treasure-chamber only a single course, composed of a double row of 
slabs set up side by side on their narrow edges, is preserved. The 
slabs were bonded together by large swallow -tailed clamps made of 
wood ; of course only the holes made to receive these clamps are pre- 
served. The floor of the treasure-chamber is double. The lower and 
original floor consists merely of mortar laid inmiediately on the earth ; 
it is well preserved. Above it is a later stone pavement resting on 
supports so as to leave a hollow space between it and the original floor. 



CH. XIX THE METAPONTINE TREASURY 65 

The stone of which the pavement and its supports are constructed is the 
common coarse shell-limestone of Olympia. The ground-plan of the 
treasury cannot be restored with certainty, since hardly a stone of its 
southern half is preserved. The style of the entablature, of which some 
remains have been found (see above), is simple and archaic. Some 
blocks of the pediment have also been discovered. On the ground of 
its architectural style and of certain technical indications Dr. Dorpfeld 
dates the treasury approximately in the second half of the sixth century 
B.C See W. Dorpfeld, in Olympia : Ergebnisse^ Textband 2. p. 49 sq, ; 
Olympia: Ergebnisse^ Tafelband i. plates xxxii., xxxiii. 

19. II. the treasnry of the Metapontines. This is the tenth 
treasury from the west (No. x. on the plan). Although only half a 
course of hewn stones is standing, the ground-plan of the building can 
be restored with certainty, since the foundations, constructed of large 
boulders, are preserved entire. Thus we see that the treasury consisted 
of a chamber about 9.60 metres long and 8.30 metres broad, with an 
ante-chamber or porch a little over 2 metres deep. The half-course of 
ashlar masonry seems to have formed the highest part of the founda- 
tions, and not to have belonged to the upper walls of the building. It 
is constructed of blocks of the common coarse shell-limestone of Olympia 
not united by clamps. In the foundations were found built some tri- 
glyphs and metopes of soft marly limestone. Dr. Dorpfeld thinks that 
they belong to the treasury, having been either rejected by the masons 
on account of some flaw while the treasury was building, or built into the 
foundations during some later restoration. See Olympia : Ergebnisse^ 
Tafelband i. pL xxxii. ; W. Dorpfeld, in Olympia: Ergebnisse, Textband 
2. p. 50. A fragment of a limestone relief, representing the back part 
of the body of a mule, is conjectured by Prof. Treu to have formed part 
of a sculptured decoration of the front gable of the Metapontine treasury. 
It retains traces of colour (red and bluish green). See G. Treu, in 
Olympia: Ergebnisse^ Textband 3. p. 18 sq. 

The antiquary Polemo, quoted by Athenaeus (xi. p. 479 f) tells us 
that in the treasury of the Metapontines at Olympia there were 132 
silver and three gold-plated cups, three silver wine-jugs, and one silver 
sacrificial vessel. 

19. II. in my time nothing was left of it etc. Cicero speaks of 
having visited Metapontum {De finibuSy v. 2). Elsewhere he remarks 
that Magna Graecia, once so flourishing, in his days lay utterly waste 
{De amicitiay iv. 1 3). The site of Metapontum, according to Sir E. H. 
Bunbury, " was probably already subject to malaria, and from the same 
cause has remained desolate ever since " (Smith's Diet of Greek and 
Roman Geogr,^ s.v, * Metapontum '). 

19. 12. The people of Megara built a treasnry. This is 

the eleventh treasury from the west (No. xi. on the plan). Pieces of 
all the architectural members of this treasury have been found, so that 
a complete restoration of it is possible, though only the foundations and 
part of one course of the walls are standing. Blocks of the stylobate, 
drums and capitals of columns, architrave blocks, triglyphs and metopes, 
horizontal and slanting geisa^ simas, roof-tiles, and pedimental reliefs 

VOL. IV F 



66 THE MEGARIAN TREASURY bk. vi. elis 



were all found built into the Byzantine fortification wall, to the south- 
west of the temple of Zeus. The material of the entablature is a fine 
shell-limestone thinly coated with stucco. But the sitna (projecting 
edge of the roof) and the roof-tiles are of terra-cotta, and the pedi- 
mental reliefs are of marly limestone. So complete is the preservation 
of the architectural members that few ancient buildings are so well 
known to us as the Megarian treasury. That these remains do actaally 
belong to the Megarian treasury, though they were found so &r away 
from it, is proved, first, by the evidence of Pausanias, who describes 
the pedimental reliefs, and, second, by the inscription Mc7[a/:>]c(0F (' of 
the Megarians '), which is carved on a block of the architrave. 

The foundations are carelessly and somewhat irregularly constructed 
of large blocks of shell-limestone. The treasure-chamber measured on 
the inside 8.17 metres in length by 5.10 metres in breadth. The 
blocks of the stylobate show the marks where the two columns of the 
porch stood and the holes into which gratings between the colunms 
and the emtae were fixed. The central opening between the colunms 
was closed with a double door. The Doric capitals closely resemble 
those of the temple of Zeus in the shape of the echinus. At the neck 
they have four rings and three cuttings, the latter, however, only on the 
outer side. Almost all the drums of the two columns have been found. 
They have twenty flutes. The total height of the columns seems to 
have been about 3.50 metres, but this is not quite certain. Apparently 
the shafts had no entasis or swelling in the middle. The architrave 
was composed of a double row of slabs set up, face to face, on their 
narrow edges. On the central block of the architrave, over the entrance, 
was car\*ed in later, apparently Roman, times the inscription M£rAP££2N 
(* of the Megarians *). A triglyph frieze extended only along the fitgade ; 
it did not run round the building. Almost all the blocks of it have been 
found. The gcison ran all round the building, but it is only on the facade 
that it had mutulcs and guiiac. The >ft*all of the pediment consisted of 
five stones, which have all been found. In front of it were set up slabs 
of marly limestone adorned with sculptured reliefs (see below). The 
holes in the Ixick of the trigl>'phs and getsa show that the roof of the 
ante-chamber or porch was constructed of eight wooden beams. The 
roof-tiles were of terra-cotta ; many fragments of them have been found. 
.\t the gable they ended in a painted ornamental cornice {sima) of 
terra-cotta, the colours of which (reddish yellow and dark brown) are 
well preser\eil. .\ lion's head projected from each end of the sima. 
Traces of cv"»lour have been obser\ed on other parts of the building 
beside the sim.u Thus red appeared on the architrave, and dark blue 
on the trijjlyphs and on the mutules of the getson. But no traces of 
(uintevl onianuMUs were delected by Dr. Dorpfeld on the metopes and 
on the capitals of the columns. Iron clamps of the hH shape were 
en^ ployed to bind toi:ether the buxks of the upper building, but not 
the stones of the foundations. With regard to the date of the treastuy, 
the style Ivih oi the urvhitev^tuix' and of the sculptures i>oints to the 
second half ot" the >i\ih anuurv luc. 



CH. XIX THE MEGARIAN TREASURY 67 

See Ofympia: Ergebnisse^ Tafelband i. plates xxxvL-xxxviii. ; id,^ Tafelband 
2. pi. cxix. ; W. Dorpfeld, in Ofympia: ErgebnissCy Textband 2. pp. 50-53 ; ^., 
in Die Ausgrahungen tu Ofympia^ 4 (1870-1879), pp. 37-40, with pi. xxxlv. ; 
Flasch, 'Olympia/ in Baumeister's Denkmdler, p. 1104 c sq, ; R. Bomnann, 
in Olympia: Ergebnisse, Textband 2. p. 195 sq, ; Ad. Botticher, Ofympia f p. 
214 ; Baedeker,' p. 345. For the inscription see Die Inschriften twn Ufympia, 
No. 653 ; Archdologische Zeitung, 37 (1879), p. 211 sq,, No. 333, 

19. 12. small cedar-wood figures etc Dr. Purgold holds that 
these figures originally adorned one of the gables of the temple of Hera. 
See note on § 8. As to the combat of Hercules with Achelous, see 
note on iii. 18. 16. The figure which Pausanias calls Zeus was perhaps 
in reality Oeneus, the father of Dejanira. 

19. 12. beside the Hesperides etc. See v. 17. 2. 

19. 13. In the gable is wrought in relief the war of the 

giants etc Fragments, more or less incomplete, of all the figures here 
described by Pausanias were found built into the West Byzantine wall 
of the Altis, at its southern end. That these fragments do indeed 
belong to the Megarian treasury is proved, not only by their correspond- 
ence with the description of Pausanias, but also by the fact that along 
with them were found the architectural remains of that treasury. From 
the remains of the tympanum which have been discovered Dr. Ddrpfeld 
calculates the height of the pediment at 0.744 metre and its breadth at 
5.70 metres. The figures of the relief, however, projected somewhat 
from the pediment under the eaves, and the total amount of free space 
for them is reckoned to have been 0.84 metre in height and about 5.95 
metres in length. The size of the figures is not quite half that of life. 

The fragments of the reliefs have been carefully pieced together 
and the missing portions conjecturally restored by Pro£ Treiu There 
seem to have been five pairs of combatants and two animals. In the 
middle of the pediment a god (probably Zeus) was represented striking 
down a giant, the god being on the left side, and the giant on the right 
side of the central point of the gable, viewed from the spectator's 
standpoint. The figure of the giant is preserved almost entire (Fig. 5). 
He is sinking on his left knee, and his head is drooping, but he is still 
defending himself with his right arm, or (as Prof. Treu thinks) endea- 
vouring to extract a weapon from a wound in his side. On his left arm 
he carries a round shield, and he is armed with a breastplate, greaves, 
and heknet. Of his adversary (Zeus) nothing is preserved but the 
naked left leg, from the knee downwards, and a shapeless mass supposed 
by Profl Treu to be part of the body and head of the god. He appears 
to have been striding towards the sinking giant, perhaps with the 
thunderbolt uplifted in his right arm to hurl at his vanquished foe. In 
the eastern or right-hand side of the gable (viewed from the spectator's 
standpoint), the figure next to the sinking giant was that of a naked 
god striking at a prostrate giant. Only the lower part of the body, the 
left foot, and the left hand of the god are preserved. Prof. Treu 
restores him as Hercules, striding to the spectator's right, armed with 
a bow in his extended left hand and heaving up a dub in his raised 
right hand. This combination of weapons seems odd to us ; but Her- 



68 THE MEGARIAN TREASURY bk. ti. eus 

cules is often tlius represented in archaic Greek art (Collignon, /fistmre 
d£ la Sculpture Grccque, I. p. 384 ; Furtwangler, in Roscher's Lexikon^ 
t. p. 2141 Jff.) Of 
the &]]en adversary 
of Hercules little 
more than a shape- 
less mass is left. To 
the right of this 
sorely mutilated giant 
a god anned with 
helmet, breastplate, 
shield, and greaves 
is kneeling ; be is 
probably Ares, and 
would seem to have 
been represented 
thrusting a spcar 
into another &llen 
giant, who is aimed 
with a leathern 
corselet, but has no 
greaves. In the 
extreme right-hand 
(eastern) comer of 
the pediment is a 
snake. In the left- 
hand or western side 
of the gable, imme- 
diately to the left 
of Zeus, we may con- 
jecture, with Prof. 
Treu, that Athena vas 
. represented, anned 
THKASvHvX with aegis and hel- 

met, in the act of 
1 fallen giant, although of the goddess all that remains is her 
Of her adversary, the fallen giant, there are considerable 
he is armed with a helmet and leathern corselet, but wears 
no greaves. To the left of this prostrate giant another god, probably 
Poseidon, seems to have been kneeling and spearing another giant. Of 
Poseidon, if it be he, the mutilated head, the upper part of the body, 
and the left arm (without the hand) are preserved. Of his lallen 
adversary there are considerable remains ; he is lying on his back and 
covering himself with his shield. Lastly, in the extreme left (western) 
comer of the gable, a sea-monsier seems to have been represented, 
though litilc of it but a shapeless mass is left. 

The material of which the figures are made is a soft whitish-yellow 
limestone, apparently the same of which the large archaic head of Hera 
is made (sec note on v. 17. I ). The stone is quarried close to Olympia, 




CH. XIX THE MEGARIAN TREASURY 69 

on the western side of the valley of the Cladeus (see the geological map 
in Bdtticher's Olympiad pi. iii.) The relief is composed of ^'^^ blocks 
of this stone ; and as the joints of the blocks bear no relation to the 
figures, most of which seem to have been divided impartially between 
several blocks, it is clear that the figures were carved after the blocks 
had been placed in position. That they were painted is proved by the 
traces of colour which were visible at the time of their discovery. The 
background was bright blue ; the prevailing colour of the figures was 
red. The flesh, as well as the hair and armour, of the combatants 
seems to have been painted, probably with a pale red or yellow. In 
point of style the figures closely resemble those of the metopes of 
temple F at Selinus (Baumeister's Denkmdler^ Figs. 346, 347, p. 331). 
They would seem to date from the middle or the second half of the 
sixth century B.C. At the time of their discovery they were the oldest 
known examples of pedimental sculptures in Greek art ; but now they 
must probably yield the palm of antiquity to the quaint, brightly painted 
sculptures of this class which were found some years ago on the Acropolis 
at Athens. 

Sec Olympia: Ergebnisse, Tafelband i. plates ii. iii. iv. ; G. Treu, in Olym- 
pia: Ergebnisse, Textband 3. pp. 5-1$; id,^ in Die Ausgrabungcn zu Olympia^ 
4 (1878-1879), pp. 14-16, with plates xviii., xix. ; Ad. Botticher, Oiympia^^ ^^o, 
214-219; Flasch, * Olympia,' in Baumeister's Z>^«^/wrt/fr, pp. 1104 u ; Overbeck, 
Gesclu d. griech, Plastik^^ \, pp. 121- 123; Lucy M. Mitchell, History of Ancunt 
Sculpture^ p. 211 j^. ; Collignon, Histoire de la Sculpture Grecquty i. pp. 236-239 ; 
Fri«lerichs-WoIters, GipsabgUsse^ §§ 294, 295, pp. 136-139; M. Mayer, Die 
Giganten und Titanen^ pp. 286-289 ; O. Bie, Kanlpfgruppe und Kdtnpfertypen in 
der Aniikt (Berlin, 189 1), pp. 72-75 ; Baedeker,' pp. Ixxvi., 354. 

19. 13. this victory was won when Phorbas was archon 

for life at Athens etc. As the Megarian treasury dates from the latter 
part of the sixth century B.C. (see on § 1 2), it is out of the question to 
suppose, with Pausanias, that the victory it commemorated was won 
before 776 b.c. (the time when the Olympiads began to be recorded). 
Pausanias's mistake seems to have arisen from his exaggerated idea of 
the antiquity of Dontas, the sculptor who made the cedar- wood figures 
in the treasury (^ 12, 14), and whom Pausanias appears to refer to the 
mythical ages. But as a pupil of Dipoenus and Scyllis (see note on ii. 
15. i) he probably flourished in the latter half of the sixth century B.C. 
Hence the cedar- wood figures were probably made about the same time 
as the treasury itself. See Flasch, * Olympia,' in Baumeister's Denk- 
mdieTj p. 1104 C; Ad. Botticher, Olympiad p. 217 sqq, 

19. 14- the Lacedaemonian Dontas. Elsewhere (v. 17. 2) Pau- 
sanias calls this artist Medon. One of the names must be wrong. H. 
Bnmn thought that the sculptor's name was Dontas ; Prof. Robert thinks 
that it was Medon. In the absence of inscriptions it seems impossible 
to say which is right See Critical Note on v. 17. 2, vol. i. p. 585. 

19. 14. The last of the treasuries dedicated by the people of 

Qeldi. This is the most easterly of the treasuries (No. xii. on the plan). 
It is also the largest and probably, with the exception of the Cyrenian 
treasury (No. viii.), the oldest of them all. Little more than the 



TO THE TREASURY OF GELA BK. vi. bus 

foundations are standing, and even they are not entire. Enough, how- 
ever, remains to enable us easily to maJce out the ground-plan. More- 
over, almost all the columns and most of the entablature were found 
built into the East and West Byzantine walls, so that a restoration of 
the building is possible. The treasury consists of two parts, which 
were erected at different times. The original edifice was a simple 
quadrangular chamber 13.17 metres long from east to west by 10.85 
metres broad from north to south. It had gables at its east and west 
ends. At a later time a portico was built along the whole south side of 
the treasury. The later date of this portico is proved by a variety of 
evidence, (i) While the foundations of the quadrangular chamber 
consist of one or two courses of ashlar masonry, the foundations of the 
portico are formed of small unhewn stones. Now this latter sort of 
foundation occurs only in the five westernmost treasuries, which were 
probably the latest. (2) The portico must have been added after the 
two treasuries to the west (the Megarian and the Metai>ontine 
treasuries) were already built ; for the southern facades of these two 
treasuries are in a line with the south side of the chamber of the 
treasury of Gela, not with its portico. (3) The rude way in which the 
half-columns of the portico were attached to the south wall of the 
chamber cannot be original ; a piece of each of the half-capitals pro- 
jects beyond the edge of the walL 

The three steps which run round the chamber on three sides (east, 
north, and west) are also a later addition. The walls of the chamber 
are built exclusively of hewn blocks, mostly of shell -limestone, with 
a few blocks of marly limestone among them. The interior of the 
chamber was paved with a single course of shell-limestone, but in the 
middle of the pavement there is a second course of marly limestone. 
Wliat this basement of marly limestone supported is not known. Dr. 
Dorpfeld formerly conjectured that columns stood on it, but he admits 
that no eNndence of the existence of such columns is forthcoming. Nor 
is it known on which side was the entrance to the treasury before the 
portico was built. No trace of a door has been detected either in the 
east or the west wall. 

In the West Byzantine wall were found numerous blocks of geisa 
and pediments, which have been proved to belong to the treasury of 
Gela. These blocks are of special interest because they were cased 
with terra-cotta plaques, on which patterns are painted in daric brown 
and dark red colours on a light yellow ground. These painted plaques, 
of which countless fragments have been found in the By-zantine wall, 
•were nailed to the stone blocks, as is proved, first, by the holes for nails 
in the plaques, and, second, by the nails themselves, which are still 
sticking in most of the stones at distances corresponding to the holes 
in the plaques. The patterns painted on the plaques include bands of 
maeanders and of double twist. These plaques were fastened all along 
the ginsa and sim.i ho\\\ on the gable ends and the long sides of the 
building. On the gable ends they were attached not only to the 
ascending but also to the horizontal i:^e:sa. The effect must have been 
to give a gay many -coloured aspect to the gables as well as to 



CH. XIX THE TREASURY OF GEL A 71 

cornice of the building. This use of terra-cotta plaques to encase 
certain of the outer and more exposed portions of a stone building is 
believed to have been derived from a time when the only building 
material was timber. In these early days the projecting eaves of the 
wooden roof were especially liable to suffer from exposure to the 
weather ; and hence they were protected by being cased with terra-cotta 
plaques. Through the force of custom this practice of casing the eaves 
was continued even after edifices had begun to be built of stone, and 
when consequently such a casing had become superfluous. The practice 
seems to have been characteristic of Sicily and Magna Graecia ; for Dr. 
Ddrpfeld and his colleagues discovered evidence of its having prevailed 
in Gela, Selinus, Syracuse, Crotona, Metapontum, and Paestum. This 
fiact, coupled with the resemblance of the capitals of the portico to the 
capital of a column still existing at Gela, goes to show that the treasury 
of Gela was built by Sicilian architects, and that the terra-cotta plaques 
were imported ready made from Gela. 

The treasure-chamber was roofed with terra-cotta tiles, specimens 
of which have been found. They were of two sorts, namely fiat tiles 
with raised edges, and semicircular tiles to cover the junctions of 
the flat tiles. Along the ridge of the roof ran a row of pipe -like 
tiles, from each of which rose an ornamental plaque in the shape of a 
palmette. 

The portico had six columns on its south front and two columns 
and one half-column on each of its two short sides, the columns at the 
comers being reckoned twice over. The columns are Doric; they 
supported, as usual, an architrave and a frieze of triglyphs and metopes. 
The columns taper considerably. They have four cuttings round the 
neck, and as many rings round the lowest part of the echinus. The 
architrave is unusually high compared to the triglyph frieze. Neither 
the regulae nor the mutules have guttae. It appears that the portico 
had a roof that sloped very slightly, but no gable. The blocks of the 
entablature (architrave and triglyph frieze) were bonded with iron 
clamps of the r— ' shape. The drums of the columns were fastened 
together by means of strong quadrangular wooden dowels. In the 
original building (the treasure - chamber) neither clamps nor dowels 
appear to have been employed. 

With regard to the date of the treasury Dr. Dorpfeld is of opinion 
that the quadrangular chamber dates from the first half of the sixth, 
and the portico from the first half of the fifth century B.c. He thinks 
that the fine style and the decorative patterns of the terra-cotta plaques, 
with which the gables and the outside cornice of the treasure-chamber 
were cased, prove that they cannot be older than the sixth century ac ; 
and that on the other hand the building, from its position, cannot be 
later than the Megarian treasury, which appears to have been built in 
the second half of that century. 

See Olympia: Ergebnisse, Tafelband i. plates xxxix.-xli. ; id,, Tafelband 2. 
plates cxvi, cxvii. ; W. Dorpfeld, in Olympia: Er^bnisse^ Textband 2. pp. 53-56 ; 
i/., in Die Ausgrabungen zu Olympia, 5 (1879-1881), pp. 31-35, with pi. xxxiii. 
and xxxiv. ; R. Bornnann, in Olympia : Ergebnisse, Textband 2. p. 193 s^. ; Dir 



72 EXEDRA OF HERODES bk. vi. elis 

Funde von Olympia^ p. 36 sq,^ with pi. xxxviii. ; Flasch, 'Olympia,' in Bau- 
meister's Defikmdler^ p. 1104 D sq, \ Ad. Botticher, Olympiad pp. 208-214; 
Baedeker,' p. 345. 

Here is perhaps the most appropriate place to notice a structure 
which Pausanias does not mention, though it certainly existed at the 
time when he wrote his description of Olympia. This is the great 
double tank, built and supplied with water by Herodes Atticus, and 
known as the Exedra. 

In the close hot climate of Olympia the need of a supply of good 
drinking water is especially felt. For months together rain hardly £edls ; 
between May and October a shower is a rarity. The great festival was 
always held in summer (July or August), when the weather at Olympia 
is cloudless and the heat intense. Hence the multitudes who flocked to 
witness the games must have been much distressed by the dust and the 
burning sun, against which the spreading shade of the plane-trees in 
the sacred precinct could have afforded only an imperfect protection. 
Indeed Lucian, doubtless with a strong touch of exaggeration, speaks of 
the spectators packed together and dying in swarms of thirst and of dis- 
tempers contracted from the excessive drought (J)e morte Peregird^ 1 9). 
The water of the Alpheus is not good to drink ; for even in the height 
of summer it holds in solution a quantity of chalky matter. The water 
of the Cladeus, on the other hand, is drinkable in its normal state ; but 
even a little rain swells it and makes it run turbid for a long time. 
Hence it was necessary to sink wells and to bring water from a distance. 
This was done even in Greek times. Nine wells, some square, some 
round, some lined with the usual shell-limestone, others with plaques of 
terra-cotta, have been found at Olympia ; and water was brought in 
aqueducts from the upper valley of the Cladeus. But in Roman times 
the water supply was immensely improved and extended by the munifi- 
cence of the wealthy sophist Herodes Atticus. He brought water in an 
aqueduct from the springs in the side valleys of the Alpheus, near the 
modern village of Miraka^ distant from Olympia about two miles. One 
of the pillars of the aqueduct may still be seen at the meeting of two 
brooks in the valley of Miraka^ also the tunnel at the foot of Mt. 
Cronius, from the place where it enters the Altis just above the treasury 
of Gela till it reaches the reservoir above the Exedra. The tunnel is 
.40 metre wide and 0.72 metre high ; its sides are built of bricks in a 
semicircular form. As a monumental termination of his aqueduct 
Herodes Atticus built the so-called Exedra with its spacious tanks and its 
statues. The structure consisted essentially of two large tanks, an 
upper semicircular tank measuring 16.62 metres in diameter, and a 
lower oblong tank measuring 21.90 metres in length by 3.17 metres in 
breadth, and 1.20 metres in depth. The water flowed from the reservoir 
into the upper tank, and from the upper tank into the lower tank 
through two lions' heads, which are still in their places. The upper 
semicircular tank was paved with large slabs of polished marble and 
roofed over with a great half cupola, forming a sort of apse. This apse 
was built, partly of hewn stone, partly of brickwork with a core of 
rubble and mortar ; some of the bricks are stamped with the name of 



CH. XIX EXEDRA OF HERODES 73 

Herodes. Considerable portions of the structure, including all that 
could be well seen from below, were thickly coated with stucco and 
incrusted with marbles of various hues — white, grey, red, and green. 
At the back, towards the hill, the apse was supported by eight buttresses, 
which still exist On its inner side, round the semicircular tank, it 
was divided into a series of niches which contained marble statues of 
members of the imperial house and of the family of Herodes Atticus. 
The niches, which were divided from each other by Corinthian pilasters, 
fell into two sets, namely eight round niches corresponding on the 
inside to the eight buttresses on the outside, and seven oblong niches 
in the intervals between the round niches. The oblong niches, corre- 
sponding on the inside to the intervals between the buttresses on the 
outside, were double the size of the others. As to the statues which 
stood in the niches, see below. 

At each end of the lower oblong tank rose a small rotunda, built 
wholly of marble, consisting of a cupola supported by eight unfluted 
Corinthian columns, and enclosing a statue in the middle. The diameter 
of each of these little rotundas was only 3.80 metres. The tiny columns 
were of Carystian, the rest of the structure was of Pentelic marble. The 
roofs were formed of marble tiles carved in the shape of olive-leaves 
overlapping each other like scales. Lions' heads projected from their 
cornices. In each rotunda are still to be seen the remains of the low 
square pedestal which supported the statue. 

On the middle of the parapet of the lower tank stood a large marble 
bull facing eastward. It was found lying in the tank, 20th March 1878. 
On the right flank of the bull is carved the following votive inscription : 

*Pi}yiAAa Upeia 

ArjjJLTjTpo^ rh v8(i}p 

Kol TO. 7r€pl TO vSiap r(j> Ait. 

" Regilla, a priestess of Denieter, (dedicated) the water and its 
appurtenances to Zeus." See Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 610; 
Archdologisclu Zeitung^ 36 (1878), p. 94, No. 149. It thus appears that 
Herodes Atticus dedicated the aqueduct and Exedra in the name of 
his wife Regilla. The dedication cannot, therefore, have been later than 
160 or 161 A.D., the date of Regilla's death ; probably, as we shall see, 
it took place some years earlier. 

Of the marble statues which stood in the niches of the apse fourteen 
have been found, in a more or less battered state, some of them with 
their inscribed bases. The greater part, however, of the bases was 
sawn into slabs and employed to pave the Byzantine church in the fifth 
century A.D. The statues are larger than life. They fall into two sets, 
namely ( i ) those which represent members of the imperial family and 
were set up by Herodes Atticus ; (2) those which represent Herodes 
Atticus himself and his family and were set up by the city of Elis. The 
statues of the first set, representing members of the imperial family, 
were set up in the eight round niches ; the statues of the second 
sety representing Herodes Atticus and his family, were set up in the 



74 EXEDRA OF HERODES bk. vi. elis 

seven oblong niches, two pedestals with their statues being placed 
in each oblong niche. Thus there were eight pedestals set apart for 
the statues of the imperial &mily, and fourteen for those of the £unily 
of H erodes Atticus. But the number of statues did not correspond to 
that of the pedestals, for in each set a single pedestal supported two 
statues of young children (a brother and a sister). Among the statues 
of the imperial family were portraits of Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, L. 
Aelius Aurelius Commodus (afterwards the Emperor Verus), the elder 
Faustina (wife of Antoninus Pius), the younger Faustina (wife of 
Marcus Aurelius), and two children of Marcus Aurelius and Faustina. 
Probably there was a statue of Marcus Aurelius, but neither the statue 
nor its pedestal has been found. It is conjectured that the statues 
of Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius were placed in the two little 
rotundas at each end of the lower tanlc A clue to the date of the 
erection of the Exedra is furnished by the fact that two and only two 
children of Marcus Aurelius and Faustina were represented by statues. 
For the marriage of Marcus Aurelius and Faustina took place in 145 
A.D. (Th. Mommsen, in Hermes^ 8 (1874), p. 205) ; hence the Exedra 
cannot have been built before 147 A. D. On the other hand it was 
probably not built later than 150 or 151 A.D., since in one or other of 
these years was bom to Marcus Aurelius and Faustina another child, 
Anna Lucilia by name, who married her uncle, the emperor Lucius 
Verus, in 164 A.D. Thus the Exedra would seem to have been built 
between 147 and 151 a.d. Dr. Adler, however, would date it between 
154-157 A.D. on the ground that Herodes probably built it to testify 
his gratitude for the honour conferred on his wife Regilla, who had been 
made priestess of Demeter in Ol. 131 (153 A.D.) But it does not seem 
to be made out that the priesthood of Regilla fell in Ol. 131 (153 A.D.), 
though certainly it cannot have fallen in the subsequent Olympiad, Ol. 
132 (157 A.D.), since the name of the priestess for that year, Antonia 
Baebia, is known to us from an inscription {Die Inschriften von Olympian 
No. 456). The latest possible date for the completion of the Exedra is 
161 A.D., since Regilla, in whose name the Exedra was dedicated, died 
in that or the preceding year, and Marcus Aurelius, who succeeded 
Antoninus Pius on the throne in 161 A.D., is mentioned as a private 
man in one of the inscriptions of the Exedra. Thus the Exedra must 
have been completed at least thirteen years before Pausanias wrote his 
description of Olympia (see note on v. i. 2). The haste and negli- 
gence of the masonry betray the decline of art. Only the capitals of 
the Corinthian columns of the two little rotundas are carefully and 
tastefully carved. 

See Olympia: Ergebnisse^ Tafclband 2. plates Ixxxiii.-lxxxvi. ; id. Tafelband 
3. plates Ixv.-lxix. ; F. Adler, in Olympia: Ergebnisse^ Textband 2. pp. 134-139; 
Die Attsgrabungen zu Olympia, 3 (1877-1878), p. 32, with plates v., xxi., xxxvii. ; 
Die Fuftde von Olympia^ p. 26 5q.\ Ad. Botticher, Olympiad pp. 401-410; 
Curtius und Adler, Olympia und Umgegend, pp. 43-47 ; Flasch, * Olympia,' in 
Baumeister^s DenkmaUr, p. 1 104 E sq. ; Baedeker,^ p. 343 sq. For the inscriptions 
on the bases of the statues, etc., see Die Inschriften von Olympia, pp. 615-640, 
Nos. 610-628; Archdologische Zeitung, 35 (1877), pp. 101-104; iV/., 36 (1878), 
pp. 94-97. 



I 

CH. XX MOUNT CRONIUS 75 

The aqueduct of H erodes is mentioned by Philostratus ( Vit Soph, 
iu I. 9) and Lucian (J)e morte Peregriniy 19 sq^ Lucian tells us how 
the mountebank Peregrinus denounced Herodes and his aqueduct for 
pandering to the luxury and effeminacy of the day. It was the duty of 
the spectators, he said, to endure their thirst, and if need be to die of it. 
This doctrine proved unacceptable to his hearers, and the preacher had 
to run for his life pursued by a volley of stones. 

20. I. Mount Oronilis. This is the hill which rises immediately on 
the north of the Altis to a height of over 450 feet (Curtius und Adler, 
Olympia und Umgegend^ p. 12). Its steep sides are thickly clothed 
with bushes and trees (firs, holly oaks, etc) The view from the top 
is pleasing, embracing the valley of the Alpheus with the low soft 
wooded hills of Elis all round. The mountains of Arcadia are seen 
on the eastern horizon. To the west the view of the sea is cut off by 
the hill which rises on the other side of the valley of the Cladeus. It 
was Hercules who gave the hill its name ; it had been nameless before 
(Pindar, Olymp, xi. 49 sqq, ; cp, /<£, 01. i. 114, v. 17, vi. 64, viii. 17). 

20. I. On the top of the mountain the Basilae etc. As to these 
sacrifices, Dionysius of Halicamassus {Aniiquit Rom, i. 34) speaks of 
'* the Cronian hill in Elis, which hill is in the land of Pisa near the river 
Alpheus. The people of Elis esteem the hill sacred to Cronus, and they 
assemble and do homage to it with sacrifices and other marks of honour 
at set times." The title (Basilae) of the priests who offered the sacrifice 
to Cronus seems clearly connected with basileus^ *king.' Hence, as 
Curtius suggested, the priesthood probably dated from the old regal 
days and may have been held by the kings themselves {Abhandlungen 
of the Prussian Academy (Berlin), 1894, p. nil). The vernal equinox, 
the season when the Basilae sacrificed on the top of the mountain, has 
been celebrated with religious rites elsewhere. Thus in Nepaul "on 
the 8th (Ashtami) the Gorkhas observe a festival, for that one day only, 
in honotur of the vernal equinox" (H. A. Oldfield, Sketches froftt Nipal^ 
2. p. 314). "Another festival is not only observed by the Parsis in 
India and elsewhere, but is common to Persians, Arabs, and Turks, it 
being the day fixed for the computation of the incoming solar year, 
and also for the collection of revenue. It corresponds with the vernal 
equinox and falls about the third week in March. It is called Jamshedi 
Naoroz, and strictly speaking is * New Year's Day,* but in India it is 
simply a day of rejoicing, and is observed in honour of a Persian king 
named Jamshed, who first introduced the principles of cultivation, and 
the proper method of reckoning time on the solar system" (A. F. 
^^xXlixt^Kurrachee (Karachi\ past^ present^ and future^ (Calcutta, 1890), 
p. 190). 

20. 2. Sosipolis etc. See note on v. 17. 3. On the slope of 
Mount Cronius, immediately above the treasuries, there is a broad level 
space, through which a road now runs. Here may have stood the joint 
temple of Sosipolis and Ilithyia. Immediately to the west of the row of 
treasuries, between the treasury of the Sicyonians and the Exedra of 
Herodes, there is a tiny temple consisting of a single chamber with 
a narrow portico. The temple, like the treasuries, faces south. The 



76 SOSIPOLIS BK. VI. ELis 

chamber is built of squared blocks of marly limestone ; the foundations 
of the portico are of stone, but the upper portion seems to have been of 
wood. In the chamber is a square foundation, probably the base of an 
image. In front of the temple is a large altar. Prof. C. Robert pro- 
poses to identify the temple as the temple of Sosipolis, and the altar in 
front of it as the altar of llithyia. But this cannot be right For 
Pausanias says that the temple was divided into two parts, an inner and 
an outer, and that Sosipolis was worshipped in the inner part, while the 
altar of llithyia stood in the outer part. Now the temple which Prof. 
Robert would identify as that of Sosipolis has only a single chamber, 
and the altar which he identifies as the altar of llithyia is not in the 
temple at all, but outside of it. The altar is probably the altar of 
Hercules, which was near the Sicyonian treasury (Paus. v. 14. 9). Dr. 
Dorpfeld conjectures that the little temple was a temple of Hercules. 
See Dorpfeld, in Olympia: Ergebnisse^ Textband 2. pp. 44 j^., 164. 

Prof. C. Robert further conjectures that Sosipolis was the infant 
Zeus, whose shrine would appropriately be at the foot of the hill 
which was named after his father Cronus. At Magnesia on the 
Maeander Zeus was worshipped under the title of Sosipolis ("saviour 
of the city "), as we learn from Strabo (xiv. p. 648). See C. Robert, 
'Sosipolis in Olympia,' MitiheiL d. arch, Inst, in Athen^ 18 (1893), 
pp. 37-45 ; L. R. Famell, The Cults of the Greek States^ i. p. 38. 
The temple of Zeus Sosipolis at Magnesia on the Maeander was 
discovered and excavated by members of the German Archaeological 
Institute in 1892. The temple, a small edifice of the Ionic order 
and of fine workmanship, is situated in the middle of the "sacred 
market-place " (see note on vi. 24. 2), immediately to the west of the 
great temple of Leucophryenian Artemis (see note on i. 26. 4). The 
temple opens to the west, and is prostyle in front, and in antis behind 
— an arrangement hitherto unknown in Greek temples. Though 
the temple lies in ruins, its remains are so complete that it might be 
rebuilt almost entire. In the cella were found some pieces of the image 
and its pedestal. A long inscription carved on the north-west anta of 
the temple identifies the edifice as the temple of Zeus Sosipolis, and 
furnishes important details as to his worship. At the beginning of 
sowing, which fell at the new moon in the month Cronion, a bull was 
dedicated to Zeus. On this occasion the sacred herald, attended by the 
priest, the priestess of Leucophryenian Artemis, nine boys, and nine 
maidens, oflfered up prayers for the welfare of the city and country, for 
peace, riches, good harvests, and the increase of the herds. On the 1 2th 
day of the month Artemision the consecrated bull was sacrificed, and 
the images of the Twelve Gods were brought to the sacred market- 
place, where a wooden rotunda was erected and three couches for 
the gods set up beside the altar of the Twelve Gods. Then a ram 
was sacrificed to Zeus, a she-goat to Artemis, and a he-goat to the 
Pythian Apollo. See Berliner pJiilolog, WocJienschrift^ 14 (1894), p. 
1049 ^^Q' 5 Jahrbuch d, arch. Inst. 9 (1894), Archaologischer Anzeiger, 
p. 76 sgq. 

20. 5. the child was changed into a serpent. Heroes (as to 



CH. XX THE HIPPODAMIUM TJ 

whom see note on vi. 6. 7) appear to have often assumed the shape of 
serpents. See i. 24. 7 ; i. 36. i note. Plutarch {Cleomenes^ 39) says 
that '< the ancients thought that the serpent, of all animals, was most 
akin to the heroes." 

20. 7- at the processional entrance is the Hippodamimn. 

The site of the Hippodamium has not been identified. It has already 
been mentioned by Pausanias (v. 22. 2) in connexion apparently with 
the entrance to the stadium. In the present passage he describes it 
immediately after describing the treasuries and the sanctuary of Sosipolis 
at the foot of Mt. Cronius, and immediately before he comes to the 
entrance into the stadium. We should naturally therefore, with Dr. 
Dorpfeld and Mr. Botticher, look for the Hippodamium at the north- 
east comer of the Altis. This view, however, seems contradicted by 
Pausanias's statement that the Hippodamium was at the processional 
entrance, for this was the gate at the south-west comer of the Altis 
(see note on v. 15. 2). Hence Prof Flasch would place the Hippo- 
damium in the south-west corner of the Altis, where however, according 
to Dr. Dorpfeld, there is absolutely no room for it. Dr. Adler, on the 
other hand, thinks that the Hippodamium can have been nowhere but 
at the south-east comer. 

See Dorpfeld, in Mittheil. d, arch, \Inst, in Athen^ 13 (1888), p. 334 sq, ; 
Flasch, * Olympia,* in Baumeister's DenkmdUr, p. 1097 ; Ad. Botticher, Olympiad 
p. 192 sq, ; Die Funde von Oiympia, p. 24 ; Curtius und Adler, Olympia und 
Umgegend, p. 4a 

20. 7- the death of Ohrysippns. Chrysippus, a bastard son of 
Pelops, was murdered by Atreus and Thyestes at the instigation of 
their mother Hippodamia (Hyginus, Fab, 85). 

20. 8. statues which they made from the fines etc. See v. 
21. 2 sqq. 

20. 8. the Secret Entrance. This is the tunnel leading from the 
north-east comer of the Altis through the embankment which bounds 
the stadium on the west. The tunnel is 32.10 metres (100 Olympic 
feet) long, 3.70 metres broad, and 4.45 metres high. The sides are 
lined with masonry, and it was roofed with a stone vault, of which part 
has been rebuilt by the Germans. Much importance was formerly 
attached to the vault as the supposed earliest known example of a Greek 
arch. But the vault has proved to be Roman. Bricks were found in 
it. It is supposed to be later than the casing walls at the sides, and to 
have been necessitated by the raising of the embankment. Mr. R. 
Borrmann thinks it was probably constmcted in the first century B.c. 
or a little earlier. The stone with which the sides of the tunnel are 
lined is the ordinary coarse shell-conglomerate of Olympia. The blocks 
are squared and are bound together with iron clamps of the r- n shape, 
run with lead. 

Sec Olympia: Ergcbnisse^ Tafelband I. pi. xlvi. ; W. Dorpfeld, in Dii Ausgra- 
bungen zu Olympia^ 5 (1879- 1881), p. 37 sq,^ with pi. xxxv. ; R. Borrmann, in 
Olympia : Ergebnisse, Textband 2. pp. 66-68 ; Die Fufide von Olympia^ p. 22 ; 
Curtius und Adler, Olympia und Umgegend^ p. 31 ; Flasch, 'Olympia,* in 
Baumeister's DenkmdUr^ p. 1 104 G ; Baedeker,^ p. 345. 



78 THE STADIUM bk. vi. blis 

The west end of the tunnel opens on a sort of lane about 6.50 metres 
wide, bounded on the north by the terrace on which the treasuries stand, 
and on the south by the north wall of the Echo Colonnade. In this lane, 
a little to the west of the mouth of the tunnel, are the remains of a gate- 
way which served as a sort of ornamental entrance to the tunnel. Two 
Corinthian columns, flanked by two half-colunms, supported an entablature 
(architrave and frieze). The entrance was through the central opening, 
between the two columns. The socket-holes in the stone threshold of 
this opening prove that it was closed by a gate. On the other hand the 
two side openings between the columns and the half-columns were 
closed with permanent stone barriers, of which there are some remains. 
The columns have twenty flutes. Their capitals resemble those of the 
little round temple at Tivoli that overlooks the falls of the Tibur. Well- 
preserved remains of colours (red, gp'een, and yellow) prove that originally 
the whole surface of these capitals was painted. The entablature is 
remarkably low in comparison with the height of the columns. It is 
executed in a hasty and careless style. There are traces of red paint on 
it. The gateway probably dates from the first century of our era. 

See F. Adler, in Die Ausgrabungen zu Olympian 4 (1878-1879), p. 50^ with 
pi. xxxviiL (where the columns are wrongly restored as Ionic) ; R. Bomnann, in 
Olympia: Ergebnisse, Textband 2. pp. 68-70; Olympia: ErgebnissttlvSxS^iuA 
I. pi. xlviii. ; Flasch, * Olympia,' in Baumeister's DenkmaUr^ p. 1 104 G. 

20. 8. the stadimiL Only a small portion of the stadium has 
been excavated by the Germans, enough however to determine its 
dimensions and plan. It extended in a north-easterly direction from the 
north-east comer of the Altis, from which it was divided by an embank- 
ment. The level portion of the stadium is a quadrangle 212^ metres 
long by about 29.70 metres wide. The width, however, is not uniform. 
At the west end it is 28.60 metres ; at the east end it is 29.70 ; and at 
an intermediate point, where some trial trenches were made, it seems to 
have been 30.70 metres. The level of the stadium is about 10 feet 
lower than that of the Altis. It is enclosed on all sides by slopes of 
earth. On the long north side the slope of Mount Cronius and the adjoin- 
ing hills formed the natural boundary. On the other three sides (the 
long south side and the short east and west sides) the stadium is enclosed 
by artificial embankments. On the earthen slopes which thus surrounded 
the racecourse the spectators sat; there were no tiers of stone seats. 
A stone sill is believed to have run all round the racecourse, just at 
the foot of the earthen slopes. This sill exists at the western end of 
the racecourse, but has not been found at its eastern end. On the 
inner side of this sill and about a metre (3 feet 3 inches) distant from 
it an open stone gutter extends all round the racecourse, with numerous 
small basins at regular intervals along it. The water which circulated 
in it was doubtless intended for the refreshment of the spectators, and 
probably too for that of the athletes in the intervals of competition. 

The racecourse, thus bounded by the gutter on all sides, is quad- 
rangular at both ends. The discovery of this was a surprise ; for from 
what was previously known of Greek stadiums archaeologists had 



CH. XX THE STADIUM 79 

expected to find the racecourse quadrangular at one end only and 
semicircular at the other. But recent excavations at the Epidaurian 
sanctuary of Aesculapius have proved that there also the stadium, i,e, 
the level part of it, was similarly quadrangular at both ends and, like 
the Olympic stadium, surrounded by a stone gutter. (See Addenda, at 
the end of vol. 5.) As these are, so far as I know, the only two Greek 
stadiums as yet excavated which have been found in tolerable preserva- 
tion, it becomes probable that this was the universal arrangement ; that, 
in other words, the actual racecourse was always laid out as a long 
rectangle, though the slope of earth, natural or artificial, which bounded 
the racecourse, would seem to have always curved round in the form of 
a semicircle at one end of the stadium. At least this semicircular slope 
is to be seen in a number of existing Greek stadiums, including those of 
Athens, the Isthmus, and Sicyon. 

There is evidence that at some period the artificial embankments 
which enclose the stadium on three sides were raised very considerably. 
The object of the change was no doubt to provide room for more spec- 
tators. The height of the embankments, as thus raised, was over 
6.50 metres; and the number of spectators who could find room on 
the slopes is estimated at from 40,000 to 45,000. Before the altera- 
tion it is calculated that the number of spectators who could be accom- 
modated was from 20,000 to 30,000. The change necessitated at 
least two others. The Secret Entrance at the north-west comer, which 
had hitherto been an open passage, was now vaulted over (see above, 
p. 77) ; and the Echo Colonnade had to be shifted a little to the 
west, as its back wall threatened to give way (if it did not actually give 
way) under the increased < thrust ' or pressure caused by the raising of 
the embankment (see note on v. 21. 17). Dr. Ddrpfeld was formerly 
of opinion that the shifting of the colonnade and the roofing over of the 
Secret Entrance took place in Macedonian times ; and he conjectured 
that the raising of the embankment, which is supposed to have been 
the cause of both these changes, may have been carried out by Philip 
of Macedonia as a means of propitiating the Greeks after his victory at 
Chaeronea. But if Mr. R. Borrmann is right in holding that the roof- 
ing of the Secret Entrance was a work of about the first century B.C., it 
would seem that we must date the raising of the embankments of the 
stadium at the same time. 

It is not quite clear from Pausanias's description whether the start- 
ing-point was at the west or the east end of the course. But probably 
it was at the west end. For the runners entered the stadium through 
the Secret Entrance at the west end, and it seems more likely that 
they should at once have taken their places at the line, than that they 
should have had to traverse the whole length of the stadium to reach 
thenL Moreover, the umpires' seats, which must of course have been 
beside the goal, would seem to have been at the east end of the stadium, 
since Pausanias tells us (§ 10 of this chapter) that in passing over the 
embankment of the stadium at the point where the umpires sit you 
came to the hippodrome. The position of the hippodrome has not, 
indeed, been ascertained ; but the most probable hypothesis seems to 



8o THE STADIUM bk. vx. elis 

be that it lay immediately to the east of the stadium. If these views 
are right, it follows that the starting-point of the race was at the west, 
and the goal at the east end of the stadium. 

Both starting-point and goal have been laid bare by the German 
excavations, but as they are almost exactly alike we cannot by inspec- 
tion of them tell which is which. Each consists of a stone sill, about 
1 8 inches broad, extending across the racecourse at right angles to its 
length. The western sill or starting-point (if it is so) is distant about 
1 1 metres from the west end of the stadium ; the eastern sill or goal (if 
it is so) is distant about 9^ metres from the east end of the stadiunL 
Each sill extends nearly but not quite across the full breadth of the race- 
course, and consists of a row of slabs of white limestone laid carefully 
together, end on, but not united by clamps. In each sill are a number 
of square holes at intervals of about 4 feet. These holes seem to have 
been meant for the reception of wooden posts. The whole of the 
western sill is divided by these holes into twenty sections ; the eastern 
sill is similarly divided into twenty-one sections, of which, however, the 
most northerly is much shorter than the rest. Each runner doubtless 
had a section allotted to him. Further, between each pair of holes two 
straight parallel grooves are cut in the stone about 6 or 7 inches from 
each other. These grooves are Y-shaped or triangular in section, but 
the side of the groove towards the course slopes more than the other. 
They were probably intended to give each runner a firm foothold at 
starting. He would place one heel on the one groove, and the other 
heel on the other. 

The reason why the starting-place and the goal are thus alike would 
seem to be as follows. The umpires appear from Pausanias's descrip- 
tion to have had a fixed seat at one end, probably the east end, of the 
course. In the single race the runners started at the west end, raced 
to the east end, and stopped. But in the double race, as it was neces- 
sary that the race should finish up beside the umpires at the east end, 
the runners started from the east end, raced to the west end, then 
turned and raced back to the east end. Hence a starting-place was 
needed at the east end as well as at the west end. Thus, whereas the 
goal was always at one end (probably the east end), the starting-point 
was at one end or the other according as the race was single or double. 
It is to be observed that when Pausanias speaks of the starting-place of 
the runners (g 9) he is speaking strictly only of the runners in the single 
race (crraStoS/jo/Aoi). 

With regard to the mode in which the double race was run. Dr. 
Dorpfeld thinks that when it was run all the wooden posts in the 
western sill were removed except the one in the middle, which then 
served as a turning-post, the runners racing round it on their way back 
to their starting-point at the eastern end of the course. He points out 
that the central hole in the western sill is in fact larger than all the rest, 
so that it must have held a larger and more conspicuous post, which 
might very well serve as a turning-post But, as Prof. Flasch has 
pointed out, such an arrangement would entail a serious disadvantage 
on the runners who at starting stood farthest from the centre, as they 



CH. XX THE STADIUM 8i 

would have more ground to traverse than the competitors who started 
from nearer the centre, and hence nearer the turning-post We may 
conjecture, then, either that all the posts were left standing in the 
western sill and that each runner raced round a separate post, or that 
without turning round a post at all they merely raced to the western 
sill, touched it, and turned back. The former is the view advocated by 
Pro£ Flasch, but the latter view is to some extent supported by vase- 
paintings of runners in the armed race. See above, note on vi. lo. 4. 

The distance between the starting-point and the goal, measured 
from the middle point between the two grooves at one end of the course 
to the corresponding point at the other end, is 192.27 metres. Hence, 
as the stadium measured 600 feet, the Olympic foot was equivalent 
to 0.32045 metre. The Olympic foot was thus considerably larger 
than the ordinary Greek foot, which, as determined by Dr. Dorpfeld's 
measurement of the Hecatompedon of the Parthenon, was only .2957 
metre. See DSrpfeld, in MittheiL d, arch, Inst, inAthen^ 7 (1882), 
pp. 277-312; and vol. 2. p. 13. We have seen (vol. 3. p. 498) that 
the Olympic foot was the unit of measurement employed in several of 
the buildings at Olympia. The reason why the Olympic foot was 
longer than the ordinary Greek foot was said to be that Hercules 
had measured the Olympic stadium with his own feet, which were 
larger than the feet of ordinary mortals ; and hence the Olympic 
stadium was longer than all other stadiums, though every stadium 
measured 600 feet (Aulus Gellius, i. i). 

See F. Adier and W. Dorpfeld, in Die Ausgrabungen zu Olympia^ 5 (1879- 
1881), pp. 23, 36-38, with plates xxxv. and xxxvi. ; Olympia: Ergebnisse^ Tafel- 
band I. pi. xlvii. ; R. Bomnann, in Olympia : Ergebnisse^ Textband 2. p. 63 sqq, ; 
J^ Funde von Olympia, p* 21 ; Curtius und Adler, Olympia und Umgegendj 
p» 2g sq. ; Ad. Botticher, Olympia,'* pp. 230-235 ; Flasch, 'Olympia/ in Baumeis- 
ter*s JJenkmdler, p. 1 104 F sq. ; Baedeker,' p. 345 sq. For the testimony of 
ancient writers as to the double race see J. H. Krause, Gymftastik und Agonistik 
der Hellenen, p. 344 sqq. 

Many ancient articles of bronze, such as small tripods, small figures 
of animals, pieces of large kettles, basins, nails, weights, and, above all, 
fragments of weapons, were found by the Germans in the embankments 
of the stadium. It is conjectured that whenever soil had to be removed 
from any portion of the Altis to make room for a new building or for 
any other purpose, it was dumped down on the embankments of the 
stadium. Hence, as the soil of the Altis was almost saturated with old 
bronze votive offerings which had been thrown away, it was natural that 
these objects should reappear in large numbers in the embankments of 
the stadium. The most interesting of these discoveries is a series of 
round bronze shields, most of them entire, which were found in the 
south embankment, under the mass of earth which was heaped up at 
the time when the embankments were raised considerably. See A. 
Furtwangler, in Olympia : Ergebnisse^ Textband 4. (* Die Bronzen *), p. 6. 

20. 9. tiie priestess of Demeter Chamyne. The marble base of 
a statue bearing the following inscription was found at Olympia by the 
Germans (21st October 1876) to the north-east of the temple of Zeus : 

VOL. IV G 



82 THE HIPPODROME bk. vi. elis 

(Aaav 

[Xa]/AW(uas ^Ac^(u>s) 
Ap)(€Xao9 rrfv yvvaiKa, 

<< Flavius Archelaus (dedicated this statue of) his wife the priestess of 
the Chamynaean goddess" {Die Inschriften von OfymptOy No. 485; 
Archdohgische Zeitung^ 34 (1876), p. 225 sq,^ No. 30). The husband 
of this priestess, T. Flavius Archelaus, held the office of priest (dco- 
Kokos^ at Olympia for the third time in 245-249 A.D., and for the 
fourth time in 01. 261 (265 A.D.) {Die Inschriften von Olympia^ Nos. 
121, 122). In 01. 256 (245 A.D.) he was alutarchos {op, cit. No. 483). 
A statue of him, of which the inscribed pedestal is preserved, was 
erected by the city of Elis {op. cit. No. 484). As to Demeter 
Chamyne, see vL 21. i. 

20. 9. they do not hinder maidens from beholding the games. 
Married women were not allowed to witness the games (v. 6. 7). 
Hence some have questioned Pausanias's statement in the present 
passage that maidens were permitted to witness them. See Krause, 
Ofympicty p. 54 sqq. Both matrons and maidens seem to have been 
allowed to witness the games in Cyrene (Pindar, Pyth. ix. 97 sqq. ; 
Boeckh, Exp He. Pindar^ p. 327 sq.) Amongst the lonians women 
were free to witness the Ephesian games down to the time of Thucy- 
dides (Thucyd. iii. 104). 

20. 9. Endymion. See v. i. 3 sqq. ; v. 8. i sq, 

20. 10. the horse-races. The Olympic hippodrome is supposed 
to have lain to the south-east and east of the stadium, but to have been 
so completely washed away by the Alpheus in the course of ages that it 
is impossible to determine its exact situation and dimensions (Curtius 
und Adler, Olympia und Umgegendy p. 30 sq. ; A. B6tticher, Olympiad' 
p. 119 ; Baedeker,' p. 346). It seems perfectly possible, however, that 
the hippodrome is preserved under the deep accumulation of alluvial 
soil, and that excavations might bring it to light. The stadium is 
similarly buried except at its two ends. 

20. 10. the starting-place of the horses. The following descrip- 
tion of the mode of starting the chariot-races and horse-races is explained 
by the subjoined ground-plan, drawn by Hirt from Pausanias's descrip- 
tion and accepted by the writers in Baumeister's Denkmaler, s.v. 
* Hippodrom,' and Smith's Dictionary of Gr. and Rom. Antiquittes^ 
s.v. * Hippodromus.' See A Hirt, Geschichte der Baukunst bei den 
Alten^ 3. pp. 148-150, with pi. xx. 8. Hirt, however, appears to be 
wrong in the position which he assigns to Taraxippus. See note on § 
15. A different ground-plan is given in Guhl und Kohner's Das Leben 
der Griechen und Romer^^ p. 147. But it contradicts the description of 
Pausanias in placing the stations for the chariots at starting on one 
side only of the * prow.* It must therefore be rejected. The subject is 
discussed at length and a new ground-plan proposed by Mr. E. Pollack, 
Hippodromica (Leipsic, 1890), p. 54 sqq. He differs from Hirt in 
placing the ' prow,' with all Uie stations for the chariots, on one side 



CH. XX 



THE HIPPODROME 



83 



only of the Hippodrome. The subject has also been discussed by 
Godfrey Hermann {Opuscula, 7. pp. 388-404, « De hippodromo Olym- 




nC 6.— CROUND>PLAN OF HIPPODROME AT OLYMPIA (CONJBCTURAI. XBSTORATION). 

piaco '). In Hirt's plan, as here reproduced, a a'ls the Colonnade of 
Agnaptus, b is the altar of unbumt brick set up in the middle of the 
* prow,* c is " the tip of the beak " where the bronze dolphin stood, d d 
are the turning-posts, on one of which stood statues of Pelops and 
Hippodamia (§19 of this chapter), and e is the goal, with the seats of 
the umpires beside it 

20. II. In front of the chaxiots or race-horses stretches a rope 
as a harrier. This barrier of rope is mentioned, in very similar 
language, in a metrical inscription which celebrates a victory won by 
Attalus, the father of the first king of Pergamus, in the chariot-race at 
Olympia. The inscription was found at Pergamus. See Frankel, 
InscM/ten van Pergamon^ No. 10 ; E. Pollack, Hippodromica^ ?• 73 
sqq. The language of the inscription seems to imply that there was 
only one rope, and that on its being let down all the chariots rushed out 
simultaneously. From Pausanias's description, on the other hand, we 
infer that separate ropes were stretched in front of each stall, and that 
these ropes were let down, not simultaneously but successively. From 
this discrepancy Mr. Pollack infers {l.c) that in the time of Attalus I., 
who reigned 241-197 B.c, the method of starting the chariots described 
by Pausanias was not yet introduced, and hence that its inventor 
Cleoetas cannot be the artist of that name who would seem to have 
flourished in the fifth century B.C. (see note on v. 24. 5). But this is 
to press the poetical language of the inscription too hard. It is not 
to be expected that a poet, celebrating the glories of his royal patron, 
should describe the mode of starting the chariots with the minuteness 
ai>propriate in an antiquary like Pausanias. 

20. II. An altar of unhnmt brick. Besides this temporary altar 
there were a number of permanent altars at or near the starting-place 
of the hippodrome. See v. 15. 5 j^. What Pausanias in that passage 
calls the Wedge he here compares to the prow of a ship. 

20. 1 2. a bronze eagle etc. The hoisting of the bronze eagle and 
the lowering of the dolphin were apparently the signal given to the 
spectators that the race was about to begin. Whether it could have 



74 EXBDRA OF HERODES bk. vi. elis 

seven oblong niches, two pedestals with their statues being placed 
in each oblong niche. Thus there were eight pedestals set apart for 
the statues of the imperial &mily, and fourteen for those of the family 
of Herodes Atticus. But the number of statues did not correspond to 
that of the pedestals, for in each set a single pedestal supported two 
statues of young children (a brother and a sister). Among the statues 
of the imperial family were portraits of Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, L. 
Aelius Aurelius Conmiodus (afterwards the Emperor Verus), the elder 
Faustina (wife of Antoninus Pius), the younger Faustina (wife of 
Marcus Aurelius), and two children of Marcus Aurelius and Faustina. 
Probably there was a statue of Marcus Aurelius, but neither the statue 
nor its pedestal has been found. It is conjectured that the statues 
of Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius were placed in the two little 
rotundas at each end of the lower tank. A clue to the date of the 
erection of the Exedra is furnished by the fact that two and only two 
children of Marcus Aurelius and Faustina were represented by statues. 
For the marriage of Marcus Aurelius and Faustina took place in 145 
A.D. (Th. Mommsen, in Hermes^ 8 (1874), p. 205) ; hence the Exedra 
cannot have been built before 147 A. D. On the other hand it was 
probably not built later than 150 or 151 A.D., since in one or other of 
these years was bom to Marcus Aurelius and Faustina another child, 
Anna Lucilia by name, who married her uncle, the emperor Lucius 
Verus, in 164 A.D. Thus the Exedra would seem to have been built 
between 147 and 151 A.D. Dr. Adler, however, would date it between 
154-157 A.D. on the ground that Herodes probably built it to testify 
his gratitude for the honour conferred on his wife Regilla, who had been 
made priestess of Demeter in 01. 131 (153 A.D.) But it does not seem 
to be made out that the priesthood of Regilla fell in 01. 131 (153 A.D.), 
though certainly it cannot have fallen in the subsequent Olympiad, 01. 
132 (157 A.D.), since the name of the priestess for that year, Antonia 
Baebia, is known to us from an inscription {Die Inschriften von Olympia^ 
No. 456). The latest possible date for the completion of the Exedra is 
161 A.D., since Regilla, in whose name the Exedra was dedicated, died 
in that or the preceding year, and Marcus Aurelius, who succeeded 
Antoninus Pius on the throne in 161 A.D., is mentioned as a private 
man in one of the inscriptions of the Exedra. Thus the Exedra must 
have been completed at least thirteen years before Pausanias wrote his 
description of Olympia (see note on v. i. 2). The haste and negli- 
gence of the masonry betray the decline of art. Only the capitals of 
the Corinthian columns of the two little rotundas are carefully and 
tastefully carved. 

See Olympia: Ergebnisse^ Tafelband 2. plates lxxxiii.-lxxxvi. ; id. Tafelband 
3. plates Ixv.-lxix. ; F. Adler, in Olympia: Ergebnisse, Textband 2. pp. 134-139 ; 
Die Ausgrabungen zu Olympia, 3 (1877-1878), p. 32, with plates v., xxi., xxxvii. ; 
Die Funde von Olympia^ p. 26 sq, ; Ad. Bdtticher, Olympiad pp. 401-410 ; 
Curtius und Adler, Olympia und Umgegend^ pp. 43-47; Flasch, * Olympia,* in 
Baumeister's Denkmaler^ p. 1 104 E sq, ; Baedeker,' p. 343 sq. For the inscriptions 
on the bases of the statues, etc, see Die Inschriften von Olympia, pp. 615-640, 
Nos. 610-628; Archdologische Zeitung, 35 (1877), pp. 101-104; «V/., 36 (1878), 
pp. 94-97. 



i 

CH. XX MOUNT CRONIUS 75 

The aqueduct of Herodes is mentioned by Philostratus ( Vit Soph, 
ii. I. 9) and Lucian {De morte Peregrini^ 19 sq^ Lucian tells us how 
the mountebank Peregrinus denounced Herodes and his aqueduct for 
pandering to the luxury and effeminacy of the day. It was the duty of 
the spectators, he said, to endure their thirst, and if need be to die of it. 
This doctrine proved unacceptable to his hearers, and the preacher had 
to run for his life pursued by a volley of stones. 

20. I. Mount OronilUL This is the hill which rises immediately on 
the north of the Altis to a height of over 450 feet (Curtius und Adler, 
Olympia und Umgegend, p. 12). Its steep sides are thickly clothed 
with bushes and trees (firs, holly oaks, etc) The view from the top 
is pleasing, embracing the valley of the Alpheus with the low soft 
wooded hills of Elis all round. The mountains of Arcadia are seen 
on the eastern horizon. To the west the view of the sea is cut off by 
the hill which rises on the other side of the valley of the Cladeus. It 
was Hercules who gave the hill its name ; it had been nameless before 
(Pindar, Olymp, xi. 49 sqq, ; cp. icL^ 01, i. 1x4, v. 17, vi. 64, viii. 17). 

20. I. On the top of the mountain the Basilae etc. As to these 
sacrifices, Dionysius of Halicamassus (Aniiquit, Rom, i. 34) speaks of 
** the Cronian hill in Elis, which hill is in the land of Pisa near the river 
Alpheus. The people of Elis esteem the hill sacred to Cronus, and they 
assemble and do homage to it with sacrifices and other marks of honour 
at set times." The title (Basilae) of the priests who offered the sacrifice 
to Cronus seems clearly connected with basileus^ *king.' Hence, as 
Curtius suggested, the priesthood probably dated from the old regal 
days and may have been held by the kings themselves (Abhandlungen 
of the Prussian Academy (Berlin), 1894, p. 1 1 1 1). The vernal equinox, 
the season when the Basilae sacrificed on the top of the mountain, has 
been celebrated with religious rites elsewhere. Thus in Nepaul " on 
the 8th (Ashtami) the Gorkhas observe a festival, for that one day only, 
in honour of the vernal equinox" (H. A. Oldfield, Sketches from Nipal^ 
2. p. 314). "Another festival is not only observed by the Parsis in 
India and elsewhere, but is common to Persians, Arabs, and Turks, it 
being the day fixed for the computation of the incoming solar year, 
and also for the collection of revenue. It corresponds with the vernal 
equinox and falls about the third week in March. It is called Jamshedi 
Naoroz, and strictly speaking is * New Year's Day,' but in India it is 
simply a day of rejoicing, and is observed in honour of a Persian king 
named Jamshed, who first introduced the principles of cultivation, and 
the proper method of reckoning time on the solar system" (A. F. 
Baillie, KurracJue {Karachi), past, present, and future, (Calcutta, 1 890), 
p. 190). 

20. 2. Sosipolis etc. See note on v. 17. 3. On the slope of 
Mount Cronius, immediately above the treasuries, there is a broad level 
space, through which a road now runs. Here may have stood the joint 
temple of Sosipolis and Ilithyia. Immediately to the west of the row of 
treasuries, between the treasury of the Sicyonians and the Exedra of 
Herodes, there is a tiny temple consisting of a single chamber with 
a narrow portico. The temple, like the treasuries, faces south. The 



76 SOSIPOLIS BK. VI. ELis 

chamber is built of squared blocks of marly limestone ; the foundations 
of the portico are of stone, but the upper portion seems to have been of 
wood. In the chamber is a square foundation, probably the base of an 
image. In front of the temple is a large altar. Prof. C. Robert pro- 
poses to identify the temple as the temple of Sosipolis, and the altar in 
front of it as the altar of Ilithyia. But this cannot be right. For 
Pausanias says that the temple was divided into two parts, an inner and 
an outer, and that Sosipolis was worshipped in the inner part, while the 
altar of Ilithyia stood in the outer part. Now the temple which Prof. 
Robert would identify as that of Sosipolis has only a single chamber, 
and the altar which he identifies as the altar of Ilithyia is not in the 
temple at all, but outside of it. The altar is probably the altar of 
Hercules, which was near the Sicyonian treasury (Paus. v. 14. 9). Dr. 
Dorpfeld conjectures that the little temple was a temple of Hercules. 
See Dorpfeld, in Olympia: Ergebnisse^ Textband 2. pp. 44 sq.^ 164. 

Prof. C. Robert further conjectures that Sosipolis was the infant 
Zeus, whose shrine would appropriately be at the foot of the hill 
which was named after his father Cronus. At Magnesia on the 
Maeander Zeus was worshipped under the tide of Sosipolis (** saviour 
of the city"), as we learn from Strabo (xiv. p. 648). See C. Robert, 
* Sosipolis in Olympia,* MittheiL d, arch. Inst, in Athetiy 18 (1893), 
pp. 37-45 ; L. R. Famell, The Cults of the Greek States^ i. p. 38. 
The temple of Zeus Sosipolis at Magnesia on the Maeander was 
discovered and excavated by members of the German Archaeological 
Institute in 1892. The temple, a small edifice of the Ionic order 
and of fine workmanship, is situated in the middle of the '* sacred 
market-place " (see note on vi. 24. 2), immediately to the west of the 
great temple of Leucophryenian Artemis (see note on i. 26. 4). The 
temple opens to the west, and is prostyle in front, and in antis behind 
— an arrangement hitherto unknown in Greek temples. Though 
the temple lies in ruins, its remains are so complete that it might be 
rebuilt almost entire. In the cella were found some pieces of the image 
and its pedestal. A long inscription carved on the north-west anta of 
the temple identifies the edifice as the temple of Zeus Sosipolis, and 
furnishes important details as to his worship. At the beginning of 
sowing, which fell at the new moon in the month Cronion, a bull was 
dedicated to Zeus. On this occasion the sacred herald, attended by the 
priest, the priestess of Leucophryenian Artemis, nine boys, and nine 
maidens, offered up prayers for the welfare of the city and country, for 
peace, riches, good harvests, and the increase of the herds. On the 1 2th 
day of the month Artemision the consecrated bull was sacrificed, and 
the images of the Twelve Gods were brought to the sacred market- 
place, where a wooden rotunda was erected and three couches for 
the gods set up beside the altar of the Twelve Gods. Then a ram 
was sacrificed to Zeus, a she-goat to Artemis, and a he-goat to the 
Pythian Apollo. See Berliner philolog, Wochenschrift^ 14 (1894), p. 
1049 sqq. ; Jahrbuch d, arch, Inst, 9 (1894), Archaologischer Anzeiger, 
p. 76 sqq, 

20. 5. the child was changed into a serpent. Heroes (as to 



CH. XX THE HIPPODAMIUM 77 

whom see note on vi. 6. 7) appear to have often assumed the shape of 
serpents. See i. 24. 7 ; i. 36. i note. Plutarch {CleomeneSy 39) says 
that *' the ancients thought that the serpent, of all animals, was most 
akin to the heroes.'' 

20. 7- at the processional entrance is the HippodaminnL 

The site of the Hippodamium has not been identified. It has already 
been mentioned by Pausanias (v. 22. 2) in connexion apparently with 
the entrance to the stadium. In the present passage he describes it 
immediately after describing the treasuries and the sanctuary of Sosipolis 
at the foot of Mt. Cronius, and immediately before he comes to the 
entrance into the stadium. We should naturally therefore, with Dr. 
Ddrpfeld and Mr. Botticher, look for the Hippodamium at the north- 
east comer of the Altis. This view, however, seems contradicted by 
Pausanias's statement that the Hippodamium was at the processional 
entrance, for this was the gate at the south-west comer of the Altis 
{see note on v. 15. 2). Hence Prof. Flasch would place the Hippo- 
damium in the south-west corner of the Altis, where however, according 
to Dr. Dorpfeld, there is absolutely no room for it. Dr. Adler, on the 
other hand, thinks that the Hippodamium can have been nowhere but 
at the south-east comer. 

See Dorpfeld, in MittheiL d, arch. \Inst, in Athen^ 13 (i888)» p. 334 sq, ; 
Flasch, *01ympia,* in Baumeister's Denkmdler^ p. 1097 ; Ad. Botticher, Olympiad 
p. 192 sq, ; Die Funde von Olympia^ p. 24 ; Curtius und Adler, Olympia und 
Umgegendt p. 4a 

20. 7. the death of Ghrsrsippns. Chrysippus, a bastard son of 
Pelops, was murdered by Atreus and Thyestes at the instigation of 
their mother Hippodamia (Hyginus, Fab, 85). 

20. 8. statues which they made from the fines etc. See v. 
21. 2 sqq. 

20. 8. the Secret Entrance. This is the tunnel leading from the 
north-east corner of the Altis through the embankment which bounds 
the stadium on the west. The tunnel is 32.10 metres (100 Olympic 
feet) long, 3.70 metres broad, and 4.45 metres high. The sides are 
lined with masonry, and it was roofed with a stone vault, of which part 
has been rebuilt by the Germans. Much importance was formerly 
attached to the vault as the supposed earliest known example of a Greek 
arch. But the vault has proved to be Roman. Bricks were found in 
it. It is supposed to be later than the casing walls at the sides, and to 
have been necessitated by the raising of the embankment. Mr. R. 
Borrmann thinks it was probably constructed in the first century B.C. 
or a little earlier. The stone with which the sides of the tunnel are 
lined is the ordinary coarse shell-conglomerate of Olympia. The blocks 
are squared and are bound together with iron clamps of the r-n shape, 
run with lead. 

See Olympia: Ergebnisse, Tafelband I. pi. xlvi.; W. Dorpfeld, vnDieAusgra- 
bungen su Olympia^ 5 (1879- 1 881), p. 37 sq,^ with pi. xxxv. ; R. Borrmann, in 
Olympia : Ergebnisse^ Textband 2. pp. 66-68 ; Die Funde von Olympia, p. 22 ; 
Curtius und Adler, Olympia utid Umgegend, p. 31 ; Flasch, * Olympia,' in 
Baumeister's Denkmaler, p. 1 104 G ; Baedeker,' p. 345. 



78 THE STADIUM bk. vi. elis 

The west end of the tunnel opens on a sort of lane about 6.50 metres 
wide, bounded on the north by the terrace on which the treasuries stand, 
and on the south by the north wall of the Echo Colonnade. In this lane, 
a little to the west of the mouth of the tunnel, are the remains of a gate- 
way which served as a sort of ornamental entrance to the tunnel. Two 
Corinthian columns, flanked by two half-columns, supported an entablature 
(architrave and frieze). The entrance was through the central opening, 
between the two columns. The socket-holes in the stone threshold of 
this opening prove that it was dosed by a gate. On the other hand the 
two side openings between the columns and the half-columns were 
dosed with permanent stone barriers, of which there are some remains. 
The columns have twenty flutes. Their capitals resemble those of the 
little round temple at Tivoli that overlooks Ae falls of the Tibur. Well- 
preserved remains of colours (red, green, and yellow) prove that originally 
the whole surface of these capitals was painted. The entablature is 
remarkably low in comparison with the height of the columns. It is 
executed in a hasty and careless style. There are traces of red paint on 
it The gateway probably dates from the first century of our era. 

See F. Adler, in Die Ausgrabungen zu Olympian 4 (1878-1879), p. 50^ with 
pL xxxviiL (where the columns are wrongly restored as Ionic) ; R. Bomnann, in 
Olympia : Ergebnissey Textband 2. pp. &-70 ; Olympia : Ergelmtsse^ Tafelband 
I. pi. xlviii. ; Flasch, 'Olympia,* in Baumeister's Denkmdler^ p. 1104 G. 

20. 8. the stadinnL Only a small portion of the stadium has 
been excavated by the Germans, enough however to determine its 
dimensions and plan. It extended in a north-easterly direction from the 
north-east comer of the Altis, from which it was divided by an embank- 
ment. The level portion of the stadium is a quadrangle 212^ metres 
long by about 29.70 metres wide. The width, however, is not uniform. 
At the west end it is 28.60 metres ; at the east end it is 29.70 ; and at 
an intermediate point, where some trial trenches were made, it seems to 
have been 30.70 metres. The level of the stadium is about 10 feet 
lower than that of the Altis. It is enclosed on all sides by slopes of 
earth. On the long north side the slope of Mount Cronius and the adjoin- 
ing hills formed the natural boundary. On the other three sides (the 
long south side and the short east and west sides) the stadium is enclosed 
by artificial embankments. On the earthen slopes which thus surrounded 
the racecourse the spectators sat; there were no tiers of stone seats. 
A stone sill is believed to have run all round the racecourse, just at 
the foot of the earthen slopes. This sill exists at the western end of 
the racecourse, but has not been found at its eastern end. On the 
inner side of this sill and about a metre (3 feet 3 inches) distant from 
it an open stone gutter extends all round the racecourse, with numerous 
small basins at regular intervals along it. The water which circulated 
in it was doubtless intended for the refreshment of the spectators, and 
probably too for that of the athletes in the intervals of competition. 

The racecourse, thus bounded by the gutter on all sides, is quad- 
rangular at both ends. The discovery of this was a surprise ; for from 
what was previously known of Greek stadiums archaeologists had 



CH. XX THE STADIUM 79 

expected to find the racecourse quadrangular at one end only and 
semicircular at the other. But recent excavations at the Epidaurian 
sanctuary of Aesculapius have proved that there also the stadium, i.e, 
the level part of it, was similarly quadrangular at both ends and, like 
the Olympic stadium, surrounded by a stone gutter. (See Addenda, at 
the end of vol. 5.) As these are, so far as I know, the only two Greek 
stadiums as yet excavated which have been found in tolerable preserva- 
tion, it becomes probable that this was the universal arrangement ; that, 
in other words, the actual racecourse was always laid out as a long 
rectangle, though the slope of earth, natural or artificial, which bounded 
the racecourse, would seem to have always curved round in the form of 
a semicircle at one end of the stadium. At least this semicircular slope 
is to be seen in a number of existing Greek stadiums, including those of 
Athens, the Isthmus, and Sicyon. 

There is evidence that at some period the artificial embankments 
which enclose the stadium on three sides were raised very considerably. 
The object of the change was no doubt to provide room for more spec- 
tators. The height of the embankments, as thus raised, was over 
6. 50 metres ; and the number of spectators who could find room on 
the slopes is estimated at from 40,000 to 45,000. Before the altera- 
tion it is calculated that the number of spectators who could be accom- 
modated was from 20,000 to 30,000. The change necessitated at 
least two others. The Secret Entrance at the north-west comer, which 
had hitherto been an open passage, was now vaulted over (see above, 
p. 77) ; and the Echo Colonnade had to be shifted a little to the 
west, as its back wall threatened to give way (if it did not actually give 
way) under the increased ' thrust ' or pressure caused by the raising of 
the embankment (see note on v. 21. 17). Dr. Dorpfeld was formerly 
of opinion that the shifting of the colonnade and the roofing over of the 
Secret Entrance took place in Macedonian times ; and he conjectured 
that the raising of the embankment, which is supposed to have been 
the cause of both these changes, may have been carried out by Philip 
of Macedonia as a means of propitiating the Greeks after his victory at 
Chaeronea. But if Mr. R. Borrmann is right in holding that the roof- 
ing of the Secret Entrance was a work of about the first century B.C., it 
would seem that we must date the raising of the embankments of the 
stadium at the same time. 

It is not quite clear from Pausanias's description whether the start- 
ing-point was at the west or the east end of the course. But probably 
it was at the west end. For the runners entered the stadium through 
the Secret Entrance at the west end, and it seems more likely that 
they should at once have taken their places at the line, than that they 
should have had to traverse the whole length of the stadium to reach 
them. Moreover, the umpires' seats, which must of course have been 
beside the goal, would seem to have been at the east end of the stadium, 
since Pausanias tells us (J^ xo of this chapter) that in passing over the 
embankment of the stadium at the point where the umpires sit you 
came to the hippodrome. The position of the hippodrome has not, 
indeed, been ascertained ; but the most probable hypothesis seems to 



So THE STADIUM bk. vi. elis 

be that it lay immediately to the east of the stadium. If these views 
are right, it follows that the starting-point of the race was at the west, 
and the goal at the east end of the stadium. 

Both starting-point and goal have been laid bare by the German 
excavations, but as they are almost exactly alike we cannot by inspec- 
tion of them tell which is which. Each consists of a stone sill, about 
1 8 inches broad, extending across the racecourse at right angles to its 
length. The western sill or starting-point (if it is so) is distant about 
1 1 metres from the west end of the stadium ; the eastern sill or goal (if 
it is so) is distant about 9^ metres from the east end of the stadium. 
Each sill extends nearly but not quite across the full breadth of the race- 
course, and consists of a row of slabs of white limestone laid carefully 
together, end on, but not united by clamps. In each sill are a number 
of square holes at intervals of about 4 feet These holes seem to have 
been meant for the reception of wooden posts. The whole of the 
western sill is divided by these holes into twenty sections ; the eastern 
sill is similarly divided into twenty-one sections, of which, however, the 
most northerly is much shorter than the rest Each runner doubtless 
had a section allotted to him. Further, between each pair of holes two 
straight parallel grooves are cut in the stone about 6 or 7 inches from 
each other. These grooves are Y-shaped or triangular in section, but 
the side of the groove towards the course slopes more than the other. 
They were probably intended to give each runner a firm foothold at 
starting. He would place one heel on the one groove, and the other 
heel on the other. 

The reason why the starting-place and the goal are thus alike would 
seem to be as follows. The umpires appear from Pausanias*s descrip- 
tion to have had a fixed seat at one end, probably the east end, of the 
course. In the single race the runners started at the west end, raced 
to the east end, and stopped. But in the double race, as it was neces- 
sary that the race should finish up beside the umpires at the east end, 
the runners started from the east end, raced to the west end, then 
turned and raced back to the east end. Hence a starting-place was 
needed at the east end as well as at the west end. Thus, whereas the 
goal was always at one end (probably the east end), the starting-point 
was at one end or the other according as the race was single or double. 
It is to be observed that when Pausanias speaks of the starting-place of 
the runners (§ 9) he is speaking strictly only of the runners in the single 
race (crraStoS/od/ioi). 

With regard to the mode in which the double race was run. Dr. 
Dorpfeld thinks that when it was run all the wooden posts in the 
western sill were removed except the one in the middle, which then 
served as a turning-post, the runners racing round it on their way back 
to their starting-point at the eastern end of the course. He points out 
that the central hole in the western sill is in fact larger than all the rest, 
so that it must have held a larger and more conspicuous post, which 
might very well serve as a turning-post But, as Prof. Flasch has 
pointed out, such an arrangement would entail a serious disadvantage 
on the runners who at starting stood farthest from the centre, as they 



CH. XX THE STADIUM 8i 

would have more ground to traverse than the competitors who started 
from nearer the centre, and hence nearer the turning-post We may 
conjecture, then, either that all the posts were left standing in the 
western sill and that each runner raced round a separate post, or that 
without turning round a post at all they merely raced to the western 
sill, touched it, and turned back. The former is the view advocated by 
Pro£ Flasch, but the latter view is to some extent supported by vase- 
paintings of runners in the armed race. See above, note on vi. lo. 4. 

The distance between the starting-point and the goal, measured 
from the middle point between the two grooves at one end of the course 
to the corresponding point at the other end, is 192.27 metres. Hence, 
as the stadium measured 600 feet, the Olympic foot was equivalent 
to 0.32045 metre. The Olympic foot was thus considerably larger 
than the ordinary Greek foot, which, as determined by Dr. D6rpfeld*s 
measurement of the Hecatompedon of the Parthenon, was only .2957 
metre. See Dorpfeld, in MittheiL d, arch, Inst, in Athen^ 7 (1882), 
pp. 277-312; and vol. 2. p. 13. We have seen (vol. 3. p. 498) that 
the Olympic foot was the unit of measurement employed in several of 
the buildings at Olympia. The reason why the Olympic foot was 
longer than the ordinary Greek foot was said to be that Hercules 
had measured the Olympic stadium with his own feet, which were 
larger than the feet of ordinary mortals; and hence the Olympic 
stadium was longer than all other stadiums, though every stadium 
measured 600 feet (Aulus Gellius, i. i). 

See F. Adler and W. Dorpfeld, in Die Ausgrabungtn zu Olympioy 5 (1879- 
1 881), pp. 23, 36-38, with plates xxxv. and xxxvi. ; Olympia: Ergebnisse^ Tafel- 
band i. pi. xlvii. ; R. Bomnann, in Olympia : ErgebnissCy Textband 2. p. 63 sqq. ; 
Die Funde von Olympia^ p. 21 ; Curtius und Adler, Olympia und Umgegend^ 
p. 29 sq, ; Ad. Botlicher, Olympiad pp. 230-235 ; Flasch, * Olympia,' in Baumeis- 
tcr*s Denkmdlery p. 1 104 F sq, ; Baedeker,' p. 345 sq. For the testimony of 
ancient writers as to the double race see J. H. Krause, Gymtuistik und Agonistik 
dtr Hellenen, p. 344 sqq. 

Many ancient articles of bronze, such as small tripods, small figures 
of animals, pieces of large kettles, basins, nails, weights, and, above all, 
fragments of weapons, were found by the Germans in the embankments 
of the stadium. It is conjectured that whenever soil had to be removed 
from any portion of the Altis to make room for a new building or for 
any other purpose, it was dumped down on the embankments of the 
stadium. Hence, as the soil of the Altis was almost saturated with old 
bronze votive offerings which had been thrown away, it was natural that 
these objects should reappear in large numbers in the embankments of 
the stadium. The most interesting of these discoveries is a series of 
round bronze shields, most of them entire, which were found in the 
south embankment, under the mass of earth which was heaped up at 
the time when the embankments were raised considerably. See A. 
Furtwangler, in Olympia : Ergebnisse, Textband 4. (* Die Bronzen '), p. 6. 

20. 9. the priestess of Demeter Chamyne. The marble base of 
a statue bearing the following inscription was found at Olympia by the 
Germans (21st October 1876) to the north-east of the temple of Zeus : 

VOL. IV G 



82 THE HIPPODROME bk. vi. elis 

lXjojolv 

Ap)(€Xaos rrfv yvvatica. 

<* Flavius Archelaus (dedicated this statue of) his wife the priestess of 
the Chamynaean goddess" (Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 485 ; 
Archdologische Zeitung^ 34 (1876), p. 225 sq,^ No. 30). The husband 
of this priestess, T. Flavius Archelaus, held the office of priest (dco- 
k6\o%) at Olympia for the third time in 245-249 A.D., and for the 
fourth time in Ol. 261 (265 A.D.) (Die Inschriften von Olympia^ Nos. 
121, 122). In 01. 256 (245 A.D.) he was cdutarchos {op. cit. No. 483). 
A statue of him, of which the inscribed pedestal is preserved, was 
erected by the city of Elis {op. at. No. 484). As to Demeter 
Chamyne, see vL 21. i. 

20. 9. they do not hinder maidens from beholding the games. 
Married women were not allowed to witness the games (v. 6. 7). 
Hence some have questioned Pausanias's statement in the present 
passage that maidens were permitted to witness them. See Krause, 
Olympia^ P* 54 ^99' Both matrons and maidens seem to have been 
allowed to witness the games in Cyrene (Pindar, Pytk. ix. 97 sqq. ; 
Boeckh, Explic. Pindar^ p. 327 sq.) Amongst the lonians women 
were free to witness the Ephesian games down to the time of Thucy- 
dides (Thucyd. iii. 104). 

20. 9. Endymion. See v. i. 3 sqq. ; v. 8. i sq. 

20. 10. the horse-races. The Olympic hippodrome is supposed 
to have lain to the south-east and east of the stadium, but to have been 
so completely washed away by the Alpheus in the course of ages that it 
is impossible to determine its exact situation and dimensions (Curtius 
und Adler, Olympia und Umgegend, p. 30 sq. ; A. B6tticher, Olympiad 
p. 119 ; Baedeker,' p. 346). It seems perfectly possible, however, that 
the hippodrome is preserved under the deep accumulation of alluvial 
soil, and that excavations might bring it to light. The stadium is 
similarly buried except at its two ends. 

20. 10. the starting-place of the horses. The following descrip- 
tion of the mode of starting the chariot-races and horse-races is explained 
by the subjoined ground-plan, drawn by Hirt from Pausanias's descrip- 
tion and accepted by the writers in Baumeister's DenknUUer^ s.v. 
* Hippodrom,' and Smith's Dictionary of Gr. and Rom, Antiquities^ 
s.v. * Hippodromus.' See A. Hirt, Geschichte der Baukunst bei den 
Alten^ 3. pp. 148-150, with pi. xx. 8. Hirt, however, appears to be 
wrong in the position which he assigns to Taraxippus. See note on § 
15. A different ground-plan is given in Guhl und Kohner's Das Leben 
der Griechen und Romer^ p. 147. But it contradicts the description of 
Pausanias in placing the stations for the chariots at starting on one 
side only of the * prow.* It must therefore be rejected. The subject is 
discussed at length and a new ground-plan proposed by Mr. E. Pollack, 
Hippodromica (Leipsic, 1890), p. 54 sqq. He differs from Hirt in 
placing the ' prow,' with all the stations for the chariots, on one side 



CH. XX 



THE HIPPODROME 



83 



only of the Hippodrome. The subject has also been discussed by 
Godfrey Hermann {Opuscuia^ 7. pp. 388-404, « De hippodromo Olym- 




riG. 6.— CROUNZ>-PLAN OF HIPPODROME AT OLYMPIA (CONJBCTURAI. XBSTORATION). 

piaco '). In Hirt's plan, as here reproduced, a a\s the Colonnade of 
Agnaptus, b is the altar of unbumt brick set up in the middle of the 
* prow,' c is " the tip of the beak " where the bronze dolphin stood, d d 
are the turning-posts, on one of which stood statues of Pelops and 
Hippodamia (§19 of this chapter), and e is the goal, with the seats of 
the umpires beside it 

20. II. In front of the chaxiots or race-horses stretches a rope 
as a harrier. This barrier of rope is mentioned, in very similar 
language, in a metrical inscription which celebrates a victory won by 
Attains, the father of the first king of Pergamus, in the chariot-race at 
Olympia. The inscription was found at Pergamus. See Frankel, 
Inschriften von Pergamon^ No. 10; E. Pollack, Hippodromicay p. 73 
sqq. The language of the inscription seems to imply that there was 
only one rope, and that on its being let down all the chariots rushed out 
simultaneously. From Pausanias's description, on the other hand, we 
infer that separate ropes were stretched in front of each stall, and that 
these ropes were let down, not simultaneously but successively. From 
this discrepancy Mr. Pollack infers (/.r.) that in the time of Attains I., 
who reigned 241-197 B.C., the method of starting the chariots described 
by Pausanias was not yet introduced, and hence that its inventor 
Cleoetas cannot be the artist of that name who would seem to have 
flourished in the fifth century B.C. (see note on v. 24. 5). But this is 
to press the poetical language of the inscription too hard. It is not 
to be expected that a poet, celebrating the glories of his royal patron, 
should describe the mode of starting Uie chariots with the minuteness 
appropriate in an antiquary like Pausanias. 

20. II. An altar of unbnmt brick. Besides this temporary altar 
there were a number of permanent altars at or near the starting-place 
of the hippodrome. See v. 15. ^ sq. What Pausanias in that passage 
calls the Wedge he here compares to the prow of a ship. 

20. 1 2. a bronze eagle etc. The hoisting of the bronze eagle and 
the lowering of the dolphin were apparently the signal given to the 
spectators that the race was about to begin. Whether it could have 



84 TARAXIPPUS bk. vi. elis 

been seen by the charioteers is doubtful. Perhaps the signal to start 
was g^ven by the trumpet at Olympia as elsewhere (Sophocles, Elecira, 
711 ; Statius, Thed. vi. 404 sq.; Ovid, Metam, vi. 652 sq,) Mr. 
Pollack suggests that the eagle was chosen as the symbol of Zeus, and 
the dolphin as the symbol of Poseidon, the horse-god, who had an 
altar at the starting-place of the chariots (v. 15. 5); and that as the 
hoisting of the eagle represented the bird's flight, so the lowering of 
the dolphin represented the fish's dive into the depths (£. Pollack, Hip- 
podromica^ p. 71). 

20. 1 4. Gleoetas. See note on § 11 < In front of the chariots,' and 
note on V. 24. 5. 

20. 15. the terror of the horses, Tarazippns. Dio Chrysostom 
says {Or, xxxii. vol. i. p. 426, ed. Dindorf) : "In the middle of the 
hippodrome at Olympia there is an altar of Poseidon Taraxippus, at the 
place where the horses used to be most frightened and where most 
chariots were broken. So the Eleans, thinking there was some demon 
at the bottom of it, resolved to found an altar. And they say that 
since then the place has been safe from him." Lycophron speaks of 
" the steep hill of Cronus, where is the grave of the earth-bom Ischenus, 
which scares horses" {Cassandra^ 42 sqJ) On this passage Tzetzes 
remarks {SchoL on Lycopkrotfs Cassandra^ Lc.)\ "A famine having 
arisen, an oracle declared that the only way of ending the famine was 
for one of the nobles to be sacrificed. When all hesitated, Ischenus 
volunteered to be sacrificed. And sacrificed he was, and his grave is 
shown at what they call the hill of Cronus, near the turning-point of the 
course at Olympia. And they bestowed many honours on him the day 
on which he was sacrificed, and they held games. They call him Tarax- 
ippus because he startles and confuses the horses in the race, either 
by some secret and inexplicable power, or because a laurel grows on 
the grave and when it shakes the horses are startled by the shadow 
of the leaves." Hesychius tells us {s,v, Tapd^imros;) that, according 
to some people, Taraxippus was a name of Pelops himself, whose grave 
was at Olympia. A jesting allusion is made to Taraxippus by Aristo- 
phanes {KnightSy 247). A poet of the Anthology refers to "the 
sanctuary of Taraxippus " at Olympia {AnthoL Palat. xiv. 4. 5). 

It will be observed that whereas Pausanias describes Taraxippus as 
being situated on the embankment which formed the longer side of the 
hippodrome, Dio Chrysostom speaks of it as " in the middle of the 
hippodrome." But this is probably only a loose rhetorical way of 
speaking and proves nothing as to the exact situation of Taraxippus. 
Hirt, therefore, seems to be certainly wrong in supposing that the round 
altar of Taraxippus formed one of the turning-posts in the racecourse 
{Geschichte der Baukunst bet den Alten^ 3. p. 146). The subject of 
Taraxippus is discussed at length by Mr. £. Pollack {Hifipodromica^ pp. 
85-102). Following a suggestion of Prof. C. Wachsmuth he thinks 
that what startled the horses was the sight of their own shadows 
suddenly revealed to them by morning light when they rounded the 
post at the eastern end of the hippodrome. 

With Taraxippus we may compare some similar superstitions in 



CH. XX TARAXIPPUS US 

other places. <* When I was nearly dashed to pieces by restive horses, 
one of which broke away from my carriage and was precipitated over 
a precipice on the Ghat between Poona and Mahabalesvar, I was told 
by a wise-looking native who witnessed the accident that the road in 
that district was infested by demons who often caused accidents, and 
that if I had taken care to propitiate Ganesa before starting I should 
have escaped all molestation and all risk of being upset" (Monier 
Williams, Religious thought and life in India^ p. 2 1 6). A story is told 
of a Breton carter, whose cart always stuck in the mud at the same 
place. He found that this was caused by a devil, whom he was about 
to thrash, when the devil promised never to do it again. See S^billot, 
Traditions et superstitions de la Haute-Bretagne^ i. p. 182 sq. There 
is a place in a pass in £^t Africa which is especially difficult for cattle. 
Every native who passes it anoints a certain rock with butter or fat 
(Hildebrandt, * Ethnographische Notizen liber Wakamba und ihre Nach- 
bam,' Zeitschrifi fur Ethnologie, 10 (1878), p. 384). With the sacrifices 
offered to Taraxippus we may also compare the sacrifices offered before 
a boat-race by Burmese boatmen to the spirits {nats) of the stream to 
ensure that they will cause no accident to the boat in the race (Forbes, 
British Burma, p. 223 ; Shway Yoe, The Burman^ i. p. 285, 2. p. 59). 
In the cemetery at Bir-el-Djebbana, near Carthage, some ancient 
leaden plates were found a few years ago, on which are engraved 
prayers in Greek and Latin addressed to demons, imploring them to 
hinder the rival horses and charioteers in the race. The horses and 
charioteers are named, and the demon is adjured to bind fast their 
limbs and dim their eyes, so that they may not be able to run or to see, 
etc See Bulletin de Corresp. hellMique, 12 (1888), pp. 294-302. 

20. 18. Orpheus. On Orpheus as a magician, see Lobeck, AglaO' 
phamus^ P- 235 sq, 

20. 19. At Nemea there was no hero etc. Pausanias speaks 

as if the Nemean games had ceased to be celebrated in his time. 
Probably, however, he only means that the chariot -races had fallen 
into desuetude. Cp. ii. 15. 3 ; vi. 16. 4. 

20. 19. a bronze statue of Hippodamia holding a ribbon etc 
From Pausanias's description of the statue C. Botticher inferred that 
the ribbon was bound upon the victor's brows in the racecourse, 
whereas the crown of wild olive was presented to him in the temple of 
Zeus (see v. 12. 5). Further Botticher argued that the ribbon was the 
original badge of victory at Olympia, and that the olive crown was 
introduced later. He thought that at the Pythian games also the 
ribbon preceded the crown as a badge of victory. He refers to 
Pausanias, vi. 14. 10; x. 7. 5. See C. BStticher, *Das Bild der Hip- 
podameia im Hippodrom zu Olympia,' Archdologische Zeitung, 5 (1853), 
pp. 7-13 (with plate li. i and 2). Thucydides tells us (iv. 121) that 
the Scionians, to mark their gratitude to Brasidas, tied ribbons on him 
" as if he were an athlete." On a vase-painting figured by Daremberg 
and Saglio {Diet, des Antiquit, i. p. 1084, fig. 1335) we see a victori- 
ous athlete with long ribbons or rather sashes tied round his left arm 
and left leg and streaming down behind him ; in his hands he holds two 



86 THE GYMNASIUM bk. vi. elis 

wreaths, and on his head he wears a curious peaked cap with a long 
pennon hanging from it Cp. iv. i6. 6 ; vi. i. 7 ; vi. 2. 2. On the 
ancient custom of fastening ribbons to persons, animals, and things as 
a mark of esteem, see Stephani, in Compie Rendu (St Petersburg) for 
1874, pp. 1 37-1 7 4« Stephani rejects B6tticher*s views mentioned above. 

As Pausanias does not describe the other turning-post in the race- 
course, we may infer that it was a simple coliunn, such as we see 
depicted in a vase-painting of a horse-race. See Smith's Diet, of 
ArUiqtdties^ i. p. 964. 

21. I. Demeter snmamed Chamyne. The name Chamyne is 
doubtless connected with xafmC^ *on the ground,' and signified 'the 
earth goddess.' From the same root comes the Lithuanian i^emyna, 
* the earth goddess.' See G. Curtius, Grundsiige d, griech, Etymclogie^ 
p. 197. This aspect of Demeter is illustrated by the story that she was 
embraced by lasion or lasius among the furrows of a ploughed field 
and had by him a son Plutus (* wealth') (Homer, Odyssey^ v. 125 sqq,\ 
Hesiod, Theog, 969 sgq,) Cp. Preller, Griech. Mythologiey^ i. p. 776 ; 
W. Mannhardt, Mythologische Forschungen^ p. 238 sqq. 

21. I. Pantaleon tyrant of Fiaa. Cp. 22. 2. According 

to another account Pantaleon was an insolent and cruel king of Elis. 
See Heraclides Ponticus, De rebus publicise 6 {Frag, hist, Grace, ed. 
Miiller, 2. p. 213). But Strabo (viii. p. 362) agrees with Pausanias in 
making him -king of Pisa and says that he helped the Messenians in 
their second war with Sparta. Cp. B. Niese, in Hermes y 26 (1891), 
p. 30. 

21. 2. the gyxnnasiTim. The great gymnasium lay just outside 
the north-west comer of the Altis. Only a small part of it has been 
excavated. It may be described as an immense open court surrounded, 
probably on three, perhaps on four, sides by colonnades. Remains of 
the colonnades on the south and east sides have been excavated. Both 
are of the Doric order. The south colonnade was 5.23 metres deep ; its 
back was formed by the north wall of the Wrestling-School or Palaestra 
(see below, p. 88 sqq.) But it was of later date than the Wrestling- 
School, as may be seen by the way in which the east wall of the colon- 
nade merely abuts on the wall of the Wrestling-School, without being 
jointed into it. This south colonnade had but one row of columns along 
the front ; there was not a second row of columns down the middle of it. 
On the east the colonnade ended flush with the west front of the gateway 
of the gymnasium. How far the colonnade extended to the west we 
cannot tell, as on this side it has been swept away by the Cladeus. 

The east colonnade ran north and south for a distance of 210.51 
metres. Only its southern and northern ends have been excavated. 
Its depth from front to back was 11.78 metres. It opened to the west, 
and had two rows of columns, one along the front, the other down the 
middle. Both rows of columns were of the Doric order. The interval 
between the columns, measured from axis to axis, is 3.14 metres. The 
strong east wall of the colonnade is built of great squared blocks of 
shell-limestone; the upper part was probably built of bricks. At the 
back, that is on the east side, this wall is strengthened by solid 



CH. XXI THE GYMNASIUM 87 

buttresses at intervals of about 9.25 metres. Of the drums of the 
columns some are fluted, others unfluted. The Doric capitals are very 
small ; the echinus is low and almost straight. None of the entablature 
has been found. The slendemess of the colunms (the inner are .55 
metre and the outer .53 metre in diameter) and the wide interval 
between them justify us in assuming that the entablature and roof were 
of wood, or of wood and tiles. The walls were coated with plaster, the 
remains of which show traces of red paint At the foot of the third 
column of the inner row, counting from the south, there are two square 
holes or notches on opposite sides (east and west) of the column, and 
corresponding to these holes are two similar square holes in the east 
and west walls of the colonnade. (The southern end of the west front 
of the colonnade was closed by a wall as far as the third column from 
the south.) It is conjectured that in these holes were fastened wooden 
sills, and that in these wooden sills in turn were fastened the stone sills 
or rows of stones from which the runners started to race. Several 
blocks of the stone sills were found close to the colonnade. They 
resemble the stone sills of the stadium (see above, p. 80) in having 
each two straight parallel grooves with sides at different angles to the 
perpendicular. It is conjectured that there may have been similar holes 
at the foot of the third column from the north end of the colonnade, 
and that they may have served to attach similar sills which formed 
the goal If so, the distance between the marked columns being almost 
exactly equal to an Olympic furlong (192.27 metres), it becomes prob- 
able that the athletes practised running in this colonnade when the 
weather was either too rainy or too hot to admit of practising imder the 
open sky. The south and east colonnades are probably contemporary ; 
they seem to be somewhat later than the Palaestra, and may therefore 
be ascribed to the second century B.C 

See Olympia : Ergebnisse^ Tafelband 2. pi. IxxviiL ; P. Graef, in Olympia : 
Ergebnissey Textband 2. p. 127 sq, ; «/., in Die Ausgrahungen %u Olympia, 5 
(1879-1881), p. 41 sq,y with pi. xxxvi. ; Die Funde von Olympia, p. 18 ; Curtius 
und Adler, Olympia und Umgegendy p. 21 sq, ; Ad. Botticher, Olympia? p. 373 
sq,\ Flasch, 'Olympia,' in ]£iumeister's Denkmaler, p. 1104P; Baedeker,' p. 

349 J^- 

A stately portal, mentioned by Pausanias as <* the entrance into the 
gymnasium,'' led into the gymnasium from the east. It stood in the 
angle between the extremities of the southern and eastern colonnades 
of the gymnasium, facing the north-west gate of the Altis. Only the 
foundations and pavement are standing, together with just enough of 
the walls to allow us to make out the ground-plan ; but remains of the 
columns, half-columns, entablature and gables have been found. The 
eastern and western facades of the portal consisted respectively of four 
Corinthian columns supporting an architrave and a frieze adorned with 
rosettes, festoons and ox-heads carved in relief, the whole being sur- 
mounted by a gable. The central portion of the structure, between the 
fe^des, was flanked on the north and south by walls terminating at 
their eastern and western ends in half-columns. Two rows of four or, 
if we include the columns of the fa9ades, six Corinthian columns, ran 



88 THE PALAESTRA bk. vi. bus 

parallel to the flanking walls, dividing the portal into a broad central 
passage and two narrower aisles on the north and south. The doorway 
proper was in the middle of the central passage, between two short 
cross -walls ending in half- columns. The columns have twenty flutes. 
Their height could not be exactly determined. No traces of colour 
were detected on the capitals, architrave, and frieze ; but traces of red 
and blue were observed on a block of the geison. The basement which 
supported the portal is raised upon three steps. Measured on the 
lowest step the whole structure is 15.50 metres long by 9.81 metres 
broad. The material of which the portal is constructed is mostly the 
coarse shell-limestone of Olympia ; but for the steps of the two ^nts 
and for the inner pavement a soft whitish-grey limestone is employed. 
From the proportions and some of the details of the building (especially 
the rough and hasty style in which the rosettes, festoons and ox-heads 
are carved) it appears that the portal is of the Roman period ; it may 
date from the end of the second or the beginning of the first century 
B.C The Corinthian capitals, however, are carefully modelled and well 
executed. 

See Olympia: Ergebnisse^ Tafelband 2. pis. Ixxvi., Ixxvii. ; R. Bomnann, in 
Olympia: Ergebnisse, Textlmnd 2. pp. 121-126; iV/., in Die Atisgralmngen zu 
Olympia, 5 (1879-1881), p. 42 sg., with pl. xl. ; Flasch, 'Olympia/ in Bau- 
meister's DenkmUUr, p. 1 104 P. 

21. 2. another smaller enclosure etc This is the Palaestra or 
Wrestling-School, immediately to the south of the great gymnasium. It 
is a square measuring about 66 metres (72 yards) on each side. The 
structure consists of an open square court measuring about 41 metres 
on the sides and surrounded by a Doric colonnade about 4.70 metres 
deep, with rooms opening off the colonnade on the west, north, and east 
sides. On the south side there are no rooms opening off the colonnade, 
but the colonnade is here about twice as deep as on the other three 
sides and is divided into two aisles by an inner row of fifteen Ionic 
columns running down its whole length from east to west. Some of 
the rooms opening off the colonnade on the other three sides have 
simple doorways, but most of them are entered through rows of Ionic 
colunms. Five of the rooms had stone benches running roimd the 
walls, and were probably used for the lectures and discussions of 
philosophers and rhetoricians (cp. Vitruvius, v. 11. 2). In one of these 
rooms on the west side of the court these benches still remain entire ; 
in the others their former existence is proved by marks on the pave- 
ment or by the stone supports which still stand in their original places. 
In two of these bench-encircled rooms there are remains of altars or of 
the bases of statues. In the room at the north-east comer there is a 
well-preserved bath about 1.40 metres deep, its sides built of bricks. 
The floor of the lecture-rooms was of concrete ; that of the other rooms 
was of earth. From the central room on the north side a simple door- 
way led into the great gymnasium. But the two chief entrances into 
the Palaestra were at the two ends of the south side. They consist 
of small vestibules entered through two Corinthian columns between 



CH. XXI THE PALAESTRA 89 

aniae. Thus all three Greek orders of architecture (Doric, Ionic, and 
Corinthian) are represented in the Palaestra. Stone benches lined two 
of the walls of each of the vestibules for the convenience of persons 
passing through or waiting for admission. Each vestibule led into a 
small anteroom. In the eastern of these anterooms are the founda- 
tions of a hearth or altar, and the ground about it was full of ashes. 
The Doric columns of the Palaestra have the slender proportions of the 
later Greek architecture ; the proportion of the diameter to the height 
is I :6.7. They are fluted only on the side next the court Their 
capitals are very small, the abacus low, and the echinus almost straight. 
The number of colunms on each side of the court was nineteen, the 
comer columns being reckoned twice. Some of the Ionic columns 
in the south colonnade are, like the Doric columns, fluted only on 
the side next the court ; others are fluted above but unfluted below. 
Many traces of colour have been observed on the capitals ; red and 
dark blue are the prevailing colours. The Palaestra seems early to 
have been sanded up ; hence it has been better preserved than some of 
the other buildings at Olympia. Most of the columns were found just 
as they had &llen. Some of them have been set up again. The lower 
part (socle) of the outer walls was built of regularly hewn and accurately 
jointed stones ; the upper part was probably of brick or of rubble 
bonded with mortar. The roof and entablature were probably of wood, 
since they have wholly disappeared. The masonry is very careful and 
good ; in particular all the architectural members are finely chiselled. 
To judge from its style, the Palaestra may have been built at the end 
of the third or the beginning of the second century B.C The wood- 
work of the building seems to have been destroyed by fire, for charred 
wood and ashes were discovered in many places lying under the &llen 
stones on the ancient floor. 

A water-channel, supplied with water by a conduit which entered 
the Palaestra near its north-east comer, ran round the four sides of the 
open court In the north part of this open court there is a peculiar 
pavement, the purpose of which is uncertain. The pavement is com- 
posed of earthenware tiles, of which some are smooth, others are ribbed, 
that is, covered with a number of small ridges arranged in straight 
parallel lines close together. There are two belts of the ribbed tiles 
extending east and west, each belt consisting of four rows of tiles placed 
side by side. The two belts of ribbed tiles are separated by a double 
row of smooth tiles, of the common roof-tile sort, that is, flat with 
flanged edges. The north belt of ribbed tiles is bounded on its northern 
edge by a single row of smooth tiles of the sort described. Each belt of 
ribbed tiles is 1.60 metres broad; the breadth of the whole pavement 
is 5.44 metres, and its length 24.20 metres. 

Mr. P. Graef formerly supposed that the pavement was used for 
wrestling on ; sand, he thought, was strewed on it, and the ribbed tiles 
aflforded the wrestlers a firm footing. But a hard pavement is unsuit- 
able for wrestling, as the Greeks themselves knew. For when the Ten 
Thousand held games at Trapezus, they objected to wrestle on a hill 
because the ground was hard and rough (Xenophon, Anabasis^ iv. 8. 26). 



90 THE SOUTH COLONNADE bk. vi. elis 

Professor Fedde's explanation of the pavement is much more plausible. 
He thinks that the two belts of ribbed tiles were ^ leaping-paths,' the 
ribbed tiles affording the leaper a firm footing. 

See Olymfia: ErgebnUse^ Tafelband 3. pis. IxxiiU-lxxv. ; P. Graei^ in Olym- 
tia: Ergebntssey Text band 2. pp. 113-121 ; l^/., in Die Ausgrabungen %u Olympia^ 
5 (1879-1881), p. 40 sq,y with pis. xxxriiL, xxxix. ; Die Fundc von Olympian 
p. 18; Curtius und Adler, Olympia und Umgegend, p. 22 ; Ad. Botticher, Olympiad 
pp. 366-373; Flasch, 'Olympia/ in Baumeisters DenkmdUry p. 1104 O sq,\ 
Baedeker,' p. 349 ; Fedde, Der FUnfkamp der Hellenen (Breslau, 1888), p. 13 sq. 

21. 2. Abutting on the wall of the eastern colonnade of the 
gynmasimn are the houses of the athletes. These houses could not 
have been back to back with the colonnade, otherwise they must have 
faced east, whereas Pausanias tells us that they faced south-west. We 
must suppose that the houses stood in a row running north-west and 
south-east, the north-west house of the row abutting on the back of the 
colonnade. The houses fronted south-west, and the line of their fronts 
formed an acute angle with the back wall of the colonnade. Their 
remains may lie in the still unexcavated ground to the north of the Pry- 
taneum. The building marked 'Roman Baths' on the plan, east of the 
gynmasium and north of the Prytaneum, may have been attached to the 
houses of the athletes. Cp. Flasch, < Olympia,' in Baumeister's Denk- 
tnaler^ p. 11 04 P. 

Before we quit Olympia to resume, with Pausanias, the itinerary 
of Greece, a few words may be given to a building which he has omitted 
to notice. This is the great colonnade immediately to the south 
of the Coimcil House. Its ancient name is unknown ; the Germans 
have called it the South Colonnade. It faced south, and was prob- 
ably built for the convenience of the crowds who assembled outside 
the sacred precinct between the Altis and the Alpheus. A road led 
past the east end of the colonnade to the Roman triumphal gateway 
of the Altis. Only the two ends of the colonnade have as yet been 
excavated, but this is enough to allow us to determine its plan and 
dimensions. Raised on a basement of three steps of white limestone, 
very carefully wrought and jointed, the colonnade measured 80.65 
metres in length from east to west by 14.08 metres in depth from north 
to south. The foundations of the steps are built very carefully and 
durably of < headers and stretchers,' i,e, of blocks laid lengthwise and 
crosswise in alternate courses. The blocks of each course are bonded 
together with iron clamps of the ^^ shape, run with lead ; and they 
are attached to the blocks of the next course by dowels. On three sides 
(west, south, and east) the colonnade was open ; on the north side it was 
closed by a wall. The outer columns were of the Doric order ; there 
were thirty-four of them on the long south front and six at each of the 
narrow east and west ends. The distance between each pair of colunms, 
measured from axis to axis, was 2.38 metres on the south front, but 
2.40 metres on east and west ends. The echinus of the capitals is 
straight, and there are four rings under the neck. In each of the 
drums of the columns there are two holes for dowels, which were nm 



CH. XXI THE SOUTH COLONNADE 91 

with lead. The Doric entablature, comprising as usual an architrave 
and a triglyph frieze, is hewn out of a brownish and rather soft sand- 
stone which is quarried near Olympia. The roof ended in gables at the 
east and west ends. The sima or overhanging edge of the roof is of 
terra-cotta ; its decoration, which includes a scroll and a maeander 
pattern, with lions' heads projecting as gargoyles at intervals, is an 
inferior copy of the sitna of die Leonidaeum, with which it agrees in 
dimensions as well as in pattern. In the interior of the colonnade a 
row of seventeen Corinthian colunms, set at wide intervals which do not 
correspond to those of the outer Doric columns, extended along the 
whole length of the building and served to support the roof. The bases 
of these Corinthian columns are low and ugly ; the number of flutes of 
each column is twenty ; the capitals are of very unequal workmanship, 
some being very rough and hasty, others more careful in style. 

The date of the colonnade can be determined only from its style. 
It belongs to the later group of buildings of which the Leonidaeum is 
the earliest example. Amongst the marks of a late date are the low 
capitals with their straight lifeless echinus, and the negligent style of 
the decoration of the sima. The building apparently dates from the 
third or second century B.a This does not, however, apply to the 
Corinthian coliunns of the interior, which are clearly still later. Their 
capitals exhibit all the characteristics of the age of Hadrian, and their 
drums are fastened together quite differently from the drums of the outer 
Doric columns. It is possible that these Corinthian columns replaced 
an original row of wooden supports which had decayed through time. 

See Olympia: Ergebnissey Tafelband i. pis. lix.-lxL ; id,^ Tafelband 2. pL 
cxxiii. ; R. Borrmann, in Olympia : Ergebmsse^ Textband 2. pp. 79-83 ; Die AuS' 
grabungen zu Olympia^ 4 (1878-1879), p. 50 sq,^ with pi. xxxix. ; id,, $ (1879- 
1881), p. 31 ; Die Funde von Olympia, p. 20; Curtius und Adler, Olympia und 
Umgtgend, p. 85 ; Ad. Botticher, Olympia,'^ p. 398 ; Flasch, ' Olympia,* in 
Baumeister's Denkmdler, p. 1 104 K ; Baedeker,' p. 347. 

21. 3. the bonndaries between Arcadia and Elis etc. Pausanias 
has now finished his long description of Olympia and resiunes his 
itinerary. He continues the route from Heraea in Arcadia to Olympia, 
which in his account of Arcadia he carries from Heraea as far as 
the Erymanthus and the boundary between Arcadia and Elis (see viii. 
26. 3). It is worthy of note how often Pausanias carries his itinerary of 
a route up to the border of the province he is describing, then drops it, 
but only to resume and continue it across the border when he comes to 
deal with the next province. For other examples compare ii. 25. i sqq, 
with viii. 6. 4 sqq, ; ii. 38. 7 with iii. 10. 6 ; iii. 26. 11 and iv. i. i with 
iv. 30. I ; iv. 36. 7 with v. 5. 3 (see the Critical Note on the latter 
passage, vol. i. p. 583) ; vi. 26. 10 with vii. 17. 5. This piecing together 
of the routes, this picking up of the thread of description exactly at the 
point where the plan of his book had compelled him to drop it, shows 
how carefully Pausanias planned and edited his work. 

Supposing himself to be coming from Heraea in Arcadia, Pausanias 
now crosses the Erymanthus at its junction with the Alpheus and pur- 



92 ERYMANTHUS—DIAGON bk. vi. elis 

sues his route westward down the valley of the Alpheus in the direction 
of Olympia. 

21. 3. Across the river Erymanthus at the ridge of 

Sanrus. The Erymanthus, descending from the lofty mountains of north- 
western Arcadia, flows between hills into the broad open valley of the 
Alpheus and joins that river on its northern bank. At its junction with 
the Alpheus it flows over gravel between abrupt cliffs of pudding-stone. 
Its water, seen at least from the southern side of the wide valley on a sunny 
day, is of a bright blue colour. After fording the river and climbing the 
farther bank, the path leads through open pastures, and then, to avoid 
a great bend of the river, ascends a pass or col to the north of the hills 
of Aspra Spitia (a modem village). This pass would seem to be what 
Pausanias calls the ridge of Saurus. It is a wooded gorge, in which fine 
oaks and pines, now singly now in clumps, are scattered in wild variety. 
When we have reached the summit and begin to descend again towards 
the Alpheus, a series of magniflcent views of the river winding between 
wooded hills opens up before us. 

See Boblaye, Recherchcs^ p. ia8; W. G. Clark, Peloponnesus^ p. 264; 
Baedeker,' p. 313. 

21. 4. DiagoxL This is now the Tzemberoula river ; it flows into 
the Alpheus from the south exactly opposite the Erymanthus on the 
north, as Pausanias says (Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 128). Beyond this 
meeting of waters the valley of the Alpheus assumes a softer and gayer 
aspect Moderate heights rise on the right bank, their gentle slopes 
thickly wooded with trees and shrubs of the most varied sorts. Pine- 
trees, maples, planes, and tall lentisk bushes succeed each other, 
varied here and there by fields and green pastures. Across the 
Alpheus lie the beautiful wooded hills of Triphylia, where many a 
picturesque village is seen nestling among pine woods, and many a 
height, crowned by church or ruins, stands out abruptly and precipitously 
above the river. The whole country, with its woods and streams, and 
the broad river flowing majestically through the middle of the landscape, 
is like a great park. The illusion, however, is broken by the path, 
which scrambles up hill and down dale, struggles through thickets, and 
splashes through streams and torrents, in a &shion which resembles 
anything rather than the trim, well-kept walks and avenues of an Eng- 
lish park. Such is the scenery and such the path by which Pausanias 
is now moving westward towards Olympia. 

See Welcker, Tagebucht I. p. 281 sq, ; Vischer, Erinnerungenund Eindriickt^ 
pp. 461, 463 ; W. G. Clark, Peloponnesus ^ p. 264 sqq, ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 316. 

Dio Chrysostom has described {Or, i. vol. i. p. 1 1 j^. ed. Dindorf) 
how he lost his way in this charming country and fell in wnth an old 
dame of the Meg Merrilies type who professed to have the gift of second 
sight He says : " Going on foot from Heraea to Pisa by the side ot 
the Alpheus, I was able, up to a certain point, to make out the path. 
But by and by I found myself in a forest and on broken ground, with 
many tracks leading to sheepfolds and cattle-pens. And meeting with 



CH. XXI LEUCYANIAS—PHRIXA 93 

no one of whom I could ask the way I strayed from the path and 
wandered up and down. It was high noon ; and seeing on a height a 
clump of oaks, as it might be a grove, I betook myself thither, in the 
hope that from thence I might spy some path or house. Here then I 
found stones piled carelessly together, and skins of sacrificed animals 
hanging up, with clubs and staves, the offerings, as I supposed, of 
shepherds ; and a little way off, seated on the groimd, was a tall and 
stalwart dame, somewhat advanced in years, in rustic attire, with long 
grey hair. Of her I asked what these things might be. She answered, 
very civilly, in a broad Doric accent, that the spot was sacred to 
Hercules, and as for herself, she had a son a shepherd and often 
minded the sheep herself; that by the grace of the Mother of the Gods 
she had the gift of second sight, and all the herdsmen and farmers of 
the neighbourhood came to ask her about their crops and cattle." 

21. 4. a temple of AesctQapius. This would seem to have stood 
on a hill which rises on the right (north) bank of the Alpheus, a little to 
the west of the village of Louvrou, The path to Olympia runs at the 
foot of the hill, between it and the river. See Curtius und Kaupert, 
Olympia und Umgegend^ Map i. 

21. 5. a river Leucyanias. Leake (Morea^ 2. p. 210) identified 
this with the torrent of BakireikOy which descends from the woody 
heights of Lola and joins the Alpheus, to the west of the khan of 
J/(W//7V? (* mulberry tree*), nearly opposite Palaeo-Phanaro, But it is 
perhaps rather the stream which descends from below the hamlet of 
Nemouta and, after a course of five miles, joins the Alpheus to the east 
of Mouria, This is the view of Boblaye {Recherches^ p. 128), Curtius 
{Pelop. 2. p. 50), and Kaupert (Curtius und Adler, Olympia und Umge- 
gendy Map. i.) 

21. 5. you will cross the Alpheus and be in the territory of 
Pisa. Pausanias has been pursuing the regular route to Olympia on 
the right (north) bank of the Alpheus. He now crosses over to the 
left (south) bank to visit Phrixa. As he has told us (§4) that the 
Diagon, falling into the Alpheus from the south, formed the boundary 
between Arcadia and Pisa, we knew already that the territory of Pisa 
extended to the south of the Alpheus. There is therefore nothing to 
surprise us in the statement that, crossing to the left bank of the Alpheus 
at Phrixa, the traveller finds himself in the territory of Pisa. But what 
is surprising is the seeming implication that the territory which the 
traveller has just quitted on the north bank of the Alpheus did not 
belong to Pisa. For from another passage (viii. 26. 3) it appears that 
all the district west of the Erymanthus belonged to Elis, that is (in 
former days) to Pisa. Perhaps, however, all that Pausanias means is 
that after crossing to the left of the Alpheus the traveller will still be in 
Pisan territory. But if that had been his meaning, we should have ex- 
pected him to say koX kvrhs yyyi &rQ <€ti> t^s Xlto-aias. See Critical 
Note, vol. I. p. 589. 

21. 6. Phrixa. This town occupied the singular conical mountain 
on the south bank of the Alpheus, which forms a conspicuous object 
viewed both from the neighbourhood of Olympia and from the side of 



94 PHRIXA — HARPINA bk. vi. elis 

Heraea. Its steep wooded sides rise picturesquely from the bed of the 
river. The modem village of Palaeo-Phanaro stands on the south- 
eastern slope of the hill. An hour's climb from the bed of the Alpheus 
up a narrow and dangerous path, hemmed in between the precipitous 
banks of the river on one side and rugged rocks on the other, takes us 
to the top. Here, in the early part of the century, some large square 
blocks still marked the site of Phrixa. The ancient remains are now 
reduced to a single cistern. The prospect from the hill-top embraces 
the green, rolling hills of Pisa, the Alpheus meandering through the 
plain of Olympia, and on the western horizon a streak of the Ionian 
Sea. 

According to Stephanus Byzantius {s,v, ^pt^a^ cp. s,v, Ma#curro$), 
Phrixa lay 30 furlongs from Olympia. In reality the distance is 
35. It was said to be one of the towns founded by the Minyans 
when they were expelled from Laconia (Herodotus, iv. 148). The 
Eleans were forced by the Spartans to grant Phrixa its freedom in 
399 B.C. (Xenophon, I/ellemcaj iii. 2. 30). The town is mentioned by 
Polybius (iv. yy and 80). 

See Dodwell, Tcur thrtmgh Greece^ 2. p. 340 sqq, ; Boblaye, Recherckes^ p. 
136 j^. ; Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 210; Curtius, Pehp, 2. p. 90; Bursian, Gtogr. 2. 
p. 286 ; Baedeker,' p. 312. 

21. 6. Clymenns. Cp. v. 8. i ; v. 14. 8. 

21. 6. the river Jardanns. Homer speaks of the Cydonians who 
dwelt about the streams of the Jardanus in Crete (Odyssey^ iii. 292). 
The name Jardanus is identical with the Semitic Jordan. It is natural 
to find the Semitic river-name in Crete, where Phoenician influence 
must have been strong. We have already seen (v. 5. 9 note) that 
Jardanus was the old name of a river in Elis, which in like manner 
points to Phoenician influence in the west of Greece. See Olshausen, 
in Rheinisches Museum^ N.F. 8 (1853), p. 324 sq, 

21. 7. the water of Parthenias. We must assume that, after 
visiting Phrixa on the left bank of the Alpheus, Pausanias recrosses to 
the right bank and pursues his way westward along it The Parthenias 
is probably the torrent of Bakireika^ to the west of the khan of Mouria, 
See note on § 5, "a river Leucyanias." It is so identified by Boblaye 
{Recherches^ p. 129), Curtius {Pelop, 2. p. 50), and Kaupert (Curtius 
und Adlcr, Olympia und Umgegend^ Map i.) Leake, however, identified 
it with the stream which joins the Alpheus to the east of Miraka {Moreay 
2. p. 211; see note on § 8). Strabo mentions the Parthenias (viii. 
p. 357). Note that while the name of the mare was Parthenia, the 
name of the river was Parthenias. In the translation the name of the 
river should be corrected accordingly. 

21. 8. the Harpinates Harpina. From the order in which 

Pausanias mentions the river and the town, we infer that the ruins of 
the latter were to the west of the river. Considerable remains of walls, 
supposed to be those of Harpina, were seen by Major Harriott in 1831, 
on the river of Miraka^ a little to the north of the village of that name. 
This would agree fairly with Lucian's statement that Harpina was 20 



CH. XXII PISA 95 

furlongs to the east of Olympia, as you went by the hippodrome. It 
was at Harpina that the mountebank Peregrinus is said to have publicly 
burned himself upon an immense pile of wood.. See Lucian, De morte 
Peregriniy 35 sq. Cp. also Strabo, viii. p. 357 ; Stephanus Byzantius, 
s.v, 'ApfTTiva, 

See Boblaye, RechercheSf p. 129 (who looks for Harpina near the village of 
Vtltta); Leake, Aforea, 2. p. 21 1 ; id,, Peiopcnnesiaca, p. 7.\%\Joum€Uofthe 
Royal Geographical Society, London, 5 (1835), p. 366; Curtius, Pelop. 2. p. 50; 
Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 287. As to Harpina, mother of Oenomaus, see v. 22. 6. 

21. 9. the grave of the suitors of Hippodaxnia. This is identified 
with an eminence called the Suitors' Hill beside the Alpheus, about a 
mile or more to the west of the hamlet of Saraki, It is on the left of 
the path as you go to Olympia. See Baedeker,^ p. 313; Curtius und 
Adler, Olympia und Umgegend, Map i. Lists of the suitors of Hippo- 
damia are g^ven by scholiasts on Pindar (fllymp, i. 114 and 127). 
They agree only partially with that of Pausanias. 

22. I. the kordax, a dance in vogue among the people of Mount 
Sipylus. The kordax, as danced by the mountaineers of Mt Sipylus, 
was probably one of those wild religious dances which are common in 
the East. Transferred to the stage it became a mere ballet. Cp. Prof. 
W. M. Ramsay, va Journal of Hellenic Studies, 3 (1882), p. 54. 

22. I. a bronze coffer wherein the bones of Pelops are preserved. 
Cp. V. 13. 4-6. According to Pliny (A''. H, xxviil 34) the famous ivory 
shoulder-blade of Pelops was shown at Elis. If we may believe the 
historian Dionysius of Miletus (referred to by Clement of Alexandria, 
Protrept, iv. 47, p. 42, ed. Potter), the Palladium was made of the 
bones of Pelops. The bones of other famous men have been supposed 
to act as talismans, ensuring the safety of the land in which they are 
laid. See note on viii. 47. 5, "some of the hair of Medusa." 

22. I. vines were planted over all the ground where Pisa once 
stood. No remains of Pisa have been found in modem times. But as 
we infer from Pausanias's description that it lay to the east of Olympia, 
and as the distance, according to a scholiast on Pindar {fll, xL 51), was 
6 furlongs, we can fm its site with tolerable certainty. It probably 
stood on the eastern side of the brook of Miraka, where it falls into the 
Alpheus. Here an isolated height rises up, closing the valley of Olympia 
on the east. It may have been the acropolis of Pisa. The path from 
the valley of the Alpheus to the neighbouring village of Miraka skirts 
the northern foot of the height That Pisa was close to Olympia may 
be inferred from Pindar, who uses the two names as synonymous ; and 
Herodotus (ii. 7) speaks of Olympia and Pisa as the same place when 
he says that it was 1485 furlongs "from the altar of the Twelve Gods 
at Athens to Pisa and the temple of Olympian Zeus." According to 
Polemo (cited by a scholiast on Pindar, OL i. 28) Pisa was " a place in 
Elis surrounded by high banks." Strabo tells us (viii. p. 356) that the 
site of Pisa was pointed out on a height between two mountains called 
respectively (like the two Thessalian mountains) Ossa and Olympus. 
From the eminence, just to the south of the village of Miraka, on which 



96 PISA — DATE OP PHIDON bk. vi. rlis 

the citadel of Pisa may have stood, a beautiful view is to be had of the 
whole plain of Olympia. '* The eye embraces the broad and sinuous 
course of the Alpheus, with the green and finely feathered hills, decorated 
with the el^ant umbrella pine and flowering evergreens. Another view 
towards the east overlooks a variegated valley bounded by the Elean 
hills, surmounted by the loftier sununits of Arcadia, from whose seques- 
tered labyrinths the Alpheus is seen eliciting its yeUow current, which 
glides in a broad channel, along the projecting base of a pointed hill, 
where the ruins of Phrixa meet the eye" (Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 338). 
Some traces of ancient walls have been observed at the foot of the 
height, beside the Alpheus, especially at the place called Franconisi, 

Some people in antiquity derived the name of the city from a fountain 
called Pisa ; others denied that there ever had been such a city at all, 
maintaining that the name Pisa had always designated only the fountain 
(Strabo, viii. p. 356). In Strabo's time the fountain was called Bisa, 
and was pointed out near the town of Cicysium. The brook of Mtraka 
is formed by the union of two arms which descend from the hills and 
meet in a pool, whence the united stream flows between steep slopes of 
earth to join the Alpheus. Its water is copious and clear as crystal. 
Where it crosses the road to Olympia it forms a natural basin, now 
called Bakalu Curtius believed that this basin was the fountain 
or water-basin {Kpt\vy\) from which, according to some, the city took its 
name. 

See Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 211 sq, ; id,^ Pehfxmnenaca, p. 6 sq. ; Boblaye» 
Recherches, p. 126 sq. ; Curtius, Pelop, 2. p. 51 ; i</., reported \n Berliner philoUg, 
Wochenschrifi, 14 (1894), p. 448, and xnjahrbuch d, arch, Inst, 9 (1894), Archao- 
logischer Anzeiger, p. 41 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 289 sq, ; Baedeker,' p. 313 ; 
Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 317. 

22. 2. in the eighth Olympiad they called in the Argive Phidon. 
The eighth Olympiad fell in 748 B.C. Herodotus says (vi. 127) that 
Phidon's son was one of the suitors of Agariste, daughter of Clisthenes, 
tyrant of Sicyon. This would make Phidon a contemporary of Clis- 
thenes who flourished in the first quarter of the sixth century B.c. 
There is thus a discrepancy of over 150 years between the dates 
assigned to him by Pausanias and Herodotus respectively. The historians 
Thirlwall, Clinton, K. O. Miiller, Grote, Duncker, Holm, and Th. 
Reinach accept the earlier date assigned to Phidon by Pausanias. On 
the other hand, the numismatists, Prof Gardner and Mr. Head, incline 
to accept the Herodotean date of Phidon. For Phidon appears to have 
been the first to coin money in Greece (Pollux, ix. 83 ; Etymolog, 
Magnum^ p. 613 s,v, 6^M.crK0% ; Strabo, viii. p. 358 ; M armor Parium^ 
line 45 5q\ and the evidence of the early Greek coins is in fevour of 
the later date assigned to Phidon by Herodotus. Others have supposed 
that there were two tyrants of Argos named Phidon. Some have 
altered the text of Pausanias to reconcile him to Herodotus ; while on 
the other hand others have altered the text of Herodotus to reconcile 
him to Pausanias. 

See Clinton, Fasti Hellenici^ I. p. 247 sqq, ; Thirlwall, Hist, of Greece^ i. 
p. 408 sq, ; Grote, Hist, of Greece^ 2. p. 315 sq, ; K. O. MUller, Dorier,'^ i. 



CH. XXII DYSPONTIUM—PYLUS 97 



p. 157 ; DUncker, Gesch, d, Alterthums^ 5. p. 384 j^^. ; Busolt, Gritck, Geschkhte, 
I.' p. 611 sqq,\ Holm, Griech. Geschichte^ I. pp. 244, 255 sq, ; Curtius, Griech, 
Geschichte,'^ I. p. 660 sq, ; Gardner, Types of Greek coins^ p. 6 sq, ; Head, Historia 
Numorum, p. 331 ; Hultsch, Metrologie^^ p. 521 ; Mahlv, in Rheinisches 
Museum^ N.F. 9 (1854), pp. 614-616; G. F. Unger, 'Die Zeitverhaltnisse 
Pheidons/ i'/iiA?/?^, 28 (1869), pp. 399-424; ib, 29 (1870), pp. 245-273; W. 
Ridgeway, The origin of metallic currency and weight standards (Cambridge, 
1892), p. 211 sqq, ; Exl. Meyer, Gesch. d, Alterthums, 2. p. 544 sqq, ; J. Beloch, 
Griechische Geschichte^ I. p. 282; Th. Reinach, 'Le date de Pneidon,' Revue 
Numismatique, 3me SiSrie, 12 (1894), pp. 1-8. 

That Phidon on one occasion took the conduct of the Olympic 
festival out of the hands of the Eleans and celebrated it himself is 
related also by Herodotus (vi. 127) and Strabo (viii. p. 358), but 
they do not mention the number of the Olympiad. 

22. 3. These Olympiads, together with the hnndred and fourth 
etc. According to Pausanias, 01. 8 (748 B.C.), OL 34 (644 B.c), and 
OL 104 (364 B.C.), were not celebrated by the Eleans, the two former 
being celebrated by the Pisans, the last by the Arcadians (see vi. 4. 2 
note ; vi. 8. 3). On the other hand, Strabo says (viii. p. 355) that the 
Eleans presided over the games for the first twenty-six Olympiads ; but 
that after 01. 26 (676 B.c.) the Pisans got the management of the 
festival into their own hands till the fall of Pisa. Eusebius, like Strabo, 
takes no notice of the celebration of 01. 8 by the Pisans, but says that 
they celebrated OL 28 (668 B.C.), OL 30 (660 B.C.), and OL 104 
(364 B.C.) See Eusebius, Chronic, voL i. pp. 198, 206, ed. Schone. 
Cp. Busolt, Griech. Geschichie, i.^ p. 615 note 2. 

22. 4. Macistns. See note on v. 6. i. 

22. 4. Dyspontitun. This town was in the plain, on the road 
from Elis to Olympia. In Strabo's time it was deserted ; most of the 
inhabitants had emigrated to Epidamnus and Apollonia (Strabo, viiL 
P- 357)- Cp. Stephanus Byzant. s.v. AvcrTrovrtov. Leake thought that 
Dyspontium was probably situated "at the foot of the hills between 
Paledpoli {Elis) and the ridge (ending in Cape Ichthys) which separates 
the plain of Gastuni from that of Pyrgo" (Morea, 2. p. 193). Boblaye 
thought that the ruins near the village of Mertia or Myrtia (situated on 
the south side of the ridge mentioned by Leake) might be those of 
Dyspontium {Recherches^ p. 131). Prof. Curtius conjectures that the 
modem town of Pyrgos may occupy the site of Dyspontium (Curtius 
und Adler, Olympia^ p. 8). Prof. Curtius's former conjecture that 
Dyspontium might be at Skaphidi seems inadmissible, as that village 
lies too far west of the road from Olympia to Elis (Curtius, Pelop, 2. 

p. 73). 

22. 4. Pisa and all the towns were destroyed etc. This 

seems to have happened in or soon after OL 52. i (572 B.C.) (Clinton, 
Fasti Helleniciy i. p. 236; Curtius, Griech. Gesch.^ i. p. 217; Busolt, 
Griechische Geschichtey i.^ p. 239). 

22. 5. Pylus in Elis. Pausanias tells us that the Elean Pylus was 
80 furlongs from Elis, and at the junction of the Ladon with the 
Peneus. (This tributary of the Peneus is, of course, not to be con- 
founded with the more famous Ladon, the tributary of the Alpheus.) 

VOL. IV H 



98 PYLUS—LASION bk. vi. elis 

The distance of Pylus from Elis is given by Diodorus (xiv. 17) as 
70 furlongs, and by Pliny {Nat. hist, iv. 14) as 12 or 13 Roman 
miles (the reading of the MSS. of Pliny varies between xii. and 
xiii.) The description of Pausanias seems to show that Pylus must 
have been situated near the modem village of Agrapidachori, The 
village stands on a wooded hill on the left bank of the Peneus, at the 
point where it is joined by a river from the south. This tributary is 
probably the Ladon. Its delta contains some traces of an ancient 
town, probably those of Pylus. Leake and Boblaye, however, identified 
Pylus with some ruins near the village of Koulougli^ about 5 miles 
higher up the valley of the Ladon. Here, on the summit of a height 
about a mile to the east of the village, are remains of massy walls, built 
of rough fragments of stone mixed with mortar. An ancient fortress 
seems to have stood here, but it was rebuilt in the Middle Ages. 
Between the height and the river is a small cultivated plain. More 
probably, however, the ruins near Koulougli are those of Oenoe (or 
Boenoa, as the natives called it), which Strabo identified with the 
Homeric Ephyra on the river Selleeis. For Strabo, as emended by 
Meineke, says that Oenoe was 120 furlongs from Elis on the way to 
Lasion, and this is exactly the distance of the ruins at Koulougli from 
Elis. This Ephyra was the seat of Augeas, king of the Epeans, whose 
daughter Agamede was skilled in all drugs. See Strabo, vii. p. 328, 
viii. p. 338 ; Homer, Iliad^ ii. 659, xi. 740 sq, ; Odyssey^ i. 259 (with 
Mr. Merr/s note), ii. 328 sq. On this hypothesis the Ladon was the 
Homeric Selleeis. The scenery of the district for a good many miles 
in all directions is rich and pleasantly diversified. Low wooded hills, 
clothed chiefly with pines, rise out of luxuriant valleys, watered by 
winding streams, and interspersed with villages. 

See Leake, Morea^ I. p. 3 sq,^ 2. p. 226 sqq, ; id,^ Pelopanntsiaca^ p. 219; 
Boblaye, Rechtrches^ P* 122 sq. ; Curtius, Ptlop. 2. p. 39 sq. ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. 
p. 306 J^. ; Baedeker,^ p. 333. 

Pausanias has omitted to mention an ancient town that lay in the 
wild upper valley of the Peneus, in the heart of the Elean highlands, 
not far from the Arcadian frontier. This was Lasion, a place which, 
from its proximity to the Arcadian boundary, was the subject of border 
feuds, the Arcadians claiming possession of it, though in fact it appears 
to have belonged properly to Elis. It changed hands several times in 
the fifth, fourth, and third centuries B.C. See Xenophon, Hellenica^ iii. 
2. 30, vii. 4. 12 ; Diodorus, xiv. 17, xv. ^^ ; Strabo, viii. p. 338. The 
ruins of this secluded little town were discovered by G. F. Welcker in 
1842 near Koumani^ a village at the head waters of the Peneus. They 
may be visited on the way from Olympia to Psophis, though the visit 
necessitates a short detour to the west. The route first follows the 
valley of the Cladeus through soft woodland scenery of the richest and 
most charming kind, between low hills crowned with clumps of pines. 
Then, still following the glen of the Cladeus, we ascend through 
romantically beautiful forests of pines and ancient oaks, and emerge on 
a wide breezy tableland, backed on the north by the high mountains of 



CH. XXII LASION 99 

northern Arcadia. In the middle of the plateau, which is open and 
well cultivated, lies the scattered village of Lola. Crossing the northern 
end of the tableland, which is here carpeted with ferns, we again ascend 
a steep slope, and find ourselves on a still higher tableland, covered 
with fine oak forests. After traversing the forest for some time we quit 
the path to Psophis, which continues to run northward, and take a path 
which strikes westward. The time from Lola to the parting of the 
ways is about two hours. Another half-hour's ride through the forest, 
which grows denser as we advance, brings us to Koumani^ a trim well- 
to-do village, beautifully situated among oak-woods. The time from 
Olympia is about six hours. 

The ruins of Lasion, now called Koutiy are to the north of the 
village, apparently on the same level with it, but a profound ravine 
divides them from the village, and half-an-hour's laborious descent and 
ascent of its steep sides are needed to bring us to the ruins. The site 
is an exceedingly strong one. Two tributaries of the Peneus, coming 
from the higher mountains to the north-east, flow in deep ravines, which 
meet at an acute angle. Between them stretches a long, comparatively 
narrow ridge or tongue of land, which on three sides falls steeply down 
to the glens ; only on the east the ascent is gentle. The top of the 
ridge is quite flat, and well adapted to be the site of a city. At one 
point it narrows to a mere isthmus or neck which divides the level 
summit into two parts, an eastern and a western. The western and 
smaller part measures about no paces in length and half that in 
breadth ; it was doubtless the ancient citadel. A finely-built wall of 
ashlar masonry, extending across the narrowest point of the neck, 
divides the citadel from the rest of the city. In the citadel there is a 
ruined church of St. Demetrius, and on its extreme western edge the 
ruins of a square Greek tower. At other points also ancient walls may 
be observed. 

The eastern and larger part of the ridge is more or less covered 
with ruins, of which two groups may be distinguished. At the west end 
are the foundations of a small square building between two long walls 
which run at an oblique angle towards each other. The foundations, 
lying east and west, may be those of a temple within a sacred precinct. 
More towards the middle of the plateau, but nearer its southern than its 
northern edge, lie five considerable ruins close to each other. Two of 
them are foundations of small quadrangular buildings lying east 
and west They were probably temples. Among the ruins \^scher 
observed a fragment of an Ionic column and several pieces of an entab- 
lature. Finally, at the eastern end of the ridge, where the ascent is 
easiest, a very fine piece of the city wall is still standing. Square 
towers, about 7 feet broad, project from it at intervals. Walls and 
towers are built of well and regularly cut blocks ; the masonry resembles 
that of Messene. There seem to be no traces of fortification-walls on 
any other side of the plateau ; perhaps none existed, the inhabitants 
thinking the deep ravines a sufficient defence. 

The situation of Lasion is not only strong but beautiful. Tall 
plane-trees overhang the streams in the deep glens £ar below the ruins. 



xoo HERACLEA — LETRINI bk. vi. elis 

To the north and north-east rises at no great distance the grand and 
massive range of Mount Erymanthus ; while westward the view extends, 
between the heights that hem in the narrow valley of the Peneus, away 
over the lowlands of Elis to the distant sea. 

See Welcker, Tagehtuh^ i. pp. 285-289 ; Curtius, Pelop, 2. p. 41 ; Vischer, 
Erinnerungen und Eindriiche^ pp. 473-476 ; Bursian, Gtogr, 2. p. 306 sq, ; Guide- 
Joanne^ 2. p. 362 sq, * 

22. 5. Pylon, son of Oleson. See iv. 36. i, where Pausanias calls 
him Pylus. 

22. 6. a verse of Homer. See Iliad^ v. 544 sq. 

22. 7. Heradea. According to Strabo (viii. p. 356) Heraclea was dis- 
tant about 40 furlongs from Olympia. He, like Pausanias, mentions the 
river Cytherus, the sanctuary of the loniad (^V) nymphs, and their heal- 
ing waters. The site of Heraclea is conjectured to be near Brouma^ a 
village on the hills about 5 miles north-west of Olympia. The stream 
which runs past it to join the Alpheus would then be the Cytherus. 
Leake identified Heraclea with the modem Strephi^ a village to the 
south of Brouma. But Strephi could hardly be said to be on the hill 
road to Elis which Pausanias is now describing See Leake, Morea^ 2. 
p. 192 j^. ; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 129 ; Curtius, Pelop, 2. p. 72 ; 
Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 288. For other healing waters, with their kindly 
nymphs, see v. 5. 11. Pliny has a long dissertation on medicinal waters 
{Nat, hisL xxxi. 4 sqq,") Hercules seems to have been especially 
associated with warm or healing springs. See Diodorus, v. 3. 4 ; 
Preller, Griech. Mythologies 2. p. 269. This was the point of Jugurtha's 
exclamation when they thrust him down into the cold clammy dungeon, 
" Hercules, how cold your bath is !" (Plutarch, Marius^ 12). 

22. 7. GargettUB. There was an Attic township of this name 
(Stephanus Byz. s.v, ra/jycrros). 

22. 8. to Elis by the plahL The road to Elis by the plain, as 
distinguished by the road across the hills (§ 5), seems to have been 'the 
Sacred Way.' See v. 25. 7. It must have descended the vale of the 
Alpheus into the plain of Pyrgos^ and thence have skirted the foot of 
the hills to Elis. The distance is 3 or 4 miles greater than across the 
hills. See Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 187. 

22. 8. LetrinL This is supposed to have been situated at the 
village and monastery of St. John (Hagios Joannes\ which stand at the 
southern foot of an isolated range of heights, 3 miles to the west of 
PyrgoSy on the way to the port of Katakolo, Here have been found 
ancient wells, fragments of columns, and walls built of squared stones 
coated with stucco. The salt-water lagoon of Mouria, which stretches 
to the south of the village for about 4 miles, has probably absorbed in 
itself the small lake of which Pausanias speaks (§ 11). 

See Leake, Morea, 2. p. 187 sq. ; Boblaye, Recherches, p. 130 sq. ; Curtius, 
Pehp. 2. p. 73 ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 289 ; Curtius und Adler, Olympia und 
Umgegend, p. 7 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 333. 

22. 8. Alpheaean Artemis. Strabo (viii. p. 343) speaks of the 
sacred grove of this goddess at the mouth of the Alpheus, 80 furlongs 



CH. xxixx CITY OF BUS loi 

from Olympia. In her sanctuary there were paintings by two Corinthian 
artists, Cleanthes and Aregon. One painting represented Artemis soar- 
ing on the back of a griffin. In another painting, by Cleanthes, Zeus 
was depicted in the pangs of childbirth, bringing forth Athena, while 
Poseidon offered him a tunny-fish. See Athenaeus, viii. p. 346 b c, 
compared with Strabo, Lc, As to Alpheaean Artemis, cp. schoL on 
Pindar, Pyth, ii. 12, and Nem, i. 3. Cp. v. 14. 6; Preller, Crieck, 
Mythologies^ i. p. 309 sq, 

22. 9. daubed mud on her own &ce. The myth may have origin- 
ated in a practice, observed by her worshippers, of smearing their 
foces with mud at one of her rites. The custom was practised at some 
Bacchic and purificatory rites (Demosthenes, De corona^ P* 3 1 3 > Lobeck, 
AglaophtimuSy p. 653 sqq^ It is also practised by savages at their 
initiatory rites. See Andrew Lang, Custom and Myth^ p. 40 ; and for 
the same custom among South African tribes, see the Rev. James 
Macdonald, Light in Africa^ p. 157 ; iV£, m Journal of the Anthropolo- 
gical Institute^ 19 (1890), p. 268. 

22. II. called Artemis Elaphiaean from the hunting of the deer. 
On the relation of Artemis to deer, see Stephani, in Compte Rendu (St. 
Petersburg), for 1868, pp. 7-30. He enumerates a few vases, coins, etc., 
on which Artemis is represented riding on a deer or stag. Much more 
commonly, as in the frieze of the temple of Apollo at Bassae, she is 
portrayed driving in a car drawn by two or four deer or stags. See 
Miiller-Wieseler, Denktndler^ i. pi. xxviii. No. 123 b; 2. pi. xvi. Nos. 
171, 171 a, 171 b; Baumeister's Denkmdler^ fig. 1465 ; A. H. Smith, 
Catalogue of Sculpture in Brit, Museum^ i. p. 280. Hence at the festival 
of Artemis at Patrae the priestess, who probably represented the goddess, 
drove in a chariot to which deer were yoked (Paus. viL 18. 12). In 
the sanctuary of Demeter and Proserpine at Lycosura, Artemis was 
represented clad in a deer-skin (viii. 37. 4). In Corcyra many terra- 
cotta figurines have recently been discovered, which appear to have 
been votive offerings in a temple of Artemis. Many of these figurines 
represent the goddess with a stag or, still oftener, a doe in her arms 
or at her side. See Lechat, *Terres cuites de Corcyra,' Bulletin de 
Corresp, helldnique^ 15 (1891), pp. 1-112, with plates iii.-viii. Deer 
were sometimes sacrificed to Artemis. See vii. 18. 12 and note on x. 
32. 16. Cp. A. B. Cook, \n Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 14 (1894), p. 
134^^7. 

23. I. the city of Ells. The northern part of the province of Elis 
consists of a level coast-land in the west and a hilly region in the east. 
This hilly region was known in antiquity as Acroria (* highlands') ; the 
level coast-land was called * Hollow Elis,' though this name seems to 
have been extended so as to include the whole northern part of Elis, 
highlands and lowlands alike. See Curtius, Pelop. 2. pp. 20, 96 sq. ; 
Bursian, Geogr, 2. pp. 275, 301. (For the name * Hollow Elis,* see 
v. 16. 6 ; Strabo, viii. p. 336; Thucydides, iL 55. For the name 
Acroria, see Diodorus, xiv. 17 ; Xenophon, Hellenica, iii. 2. 30, iv. 2. 
16, vii. 4. 14.) 

The city of Elis stood on the border between these two districts, on 



loa CITY OF ELIS bk. vi. elis 

the edg^ of the plain where the river Peneus issues from the hills. The 
village of PcUaeopolis (*old city'), at the south-western foot of the hills, 
a mile or more to the south of the river, occupies the site, or part of 
the site, of the ancient Elis. Between the village and the river rises 
the ancient acropolis, a hill about 460 feet high, conspicuous by its 
peaked form and by a ruined Prankish tower which crowns its summit. 
This hill is now called Kaloskopi (* fair view ') ; the Venetians called it 
Belvedere, 

The ancient remains of Elis are insignificant. They consist of 
several masses of Roman brick and mortar, with many wrought blocks 
of stone and fragments of sculpture scattered over a space of two or 
three miles in circumference. The most remarkable of the ruins is a sort 
of tower or square building measuring about 20 feet on the outside, which 
within is in the form of an octagon with niches. Like most of the other 
remains it is built of alternate courses of Roman brick and rubble. It 
is said that towards the end of last century some statues were excavated 
in the soil below the niches. The foundations of the Prankish castle 
on the acropolis are built of the large squared blocks of the ancient city. 
It is possible that in the plain many ancient remains may be buried, as 
formerly at Olympia, under a deposit of alluvial soiL Excavations 
might prove fruitful. 

See Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 316 sq, ; Leake, Aforea, i. p. 4 sg^, ; id,, 2. p. 219 
sqg. ; Boblaye, Recherches, p. 122 ; Curtlus, Pelop, 2. p. 22 sgq, ; Bursian, Gtogr, 
2. p. 301 sgg, ; Baedeker,' p. 333; Guide-Joanne, 2. p. 331 sg. 

Strabo says (viii. p. 337) that the Peneus flowed through the city of 
Elis, beside the gymnasium. As Pausanias, however, does not speak 
of the city being built on both banks of the river, and as the remains are 
on the left (southern) bank, we may infer that only a small part of the 
city can have occupied the north bank of the river. 

The city of Elis was not founded till 471 B.C. Previously the popu- 
lation had lived in dispersed villages or townships. But in that year 
the capital was built and the scattered population collected into it. See 
Strabo, viii. p. 336 sg, ; Diodorus, xi. 54. This tradition is probably 
more trustworthy than the legend mentioned by Pausanias (v. 4. 3) that 
Elis was founded in prehistoric times by Oxylus. 

23. I. an old gymnasium. The gynmasium was beside the river 
(Strabo, viii. p. 337). 

23. I. the customary training before they repair to Olympia. 
This training lasted thirty days (Philostratus, Vii, Apolloru v. 43 ; 
Johannes Chrysostomus, HomiL in princip, actor, i. vol. 3. p. 59, ed. 
Montfaucon). 

23. 3. Hercules, sumamed Assistant. Cp. v. 8. i ; v. 14. 7. 

23. 3- be whom the Athenians call Love Returned. See 

i. 30. I. 

23. 3. when the sun is declining in the west. Sacrifices are said 
to have been offered to the dead at sunset and to the heavenly gods at 
sunrise (schol. on Apollonius Rhodius, i. 587). 

23. 3* it is their wont to bewidl him. So at the sanctuary of 



CH. XXXV CITY OF ELIS 103 

Lacinian Hera in southern Italy the women, clad in black, mourned 

for Achilles (Lycophron, Cassandra^ 856 sqq,^ with the scholium of 

Tzetzes on v. 857). As to the sanctuary of Lacinian Hera see note 

on vi. 13. I. 

23. 4. boxing with the softer gloves. See viii. 40. 3. 

23. 4- Sosander and Polyctor. See v. 21. 16 sq, 

23. 5. Love holds a palm-branch etc. A group such as Pausanias 

describes is represented on a Roman relief which has come down to us. 

Love and Love Returned are seen contending for a palm-branch. See 

Roscher's Lexikon^ i. p. 1368. 

23. 8. the army of Oxylos. See v. 3. 6 - v. 4. 4. 

24. I. the contests called heavy. Gymnastic exercises were 
divided by the ancients into two classes, the light and the heavy. The 
light exercises were running, javelin-throwing, and leaping ; the heavy 
exercises were wrestling, boxing, quoit-throwing, and the pancratium. 
See Philostratus, De arte gymnastica^ 3; Pollux, iii. 148; Diodorus, 
iv. 14; Plutarch, Quaest, Conviv, viii. 4. 4 ; Dionysius Halicam. 
Antiquit, Rom. vii. 72. 2 ; Galen, De sanitate tuenda^ iii. i. 

24. 2. The market-place of Ells is not constructed after the 
fluhion which prevails in Ionia etc. Excavations conducted in 
1891-1893 by the German Archaeological Institute at Magnesia on the 
Maeander have revealed the ground-plan of an Ionian market-place. It 
is an oblong, not exactly quadrangular space, measuring 188 metres in 
length by 95 metres on one side and 99 metres on the other. This 
space is regularly and neatly paved with flagstones, and is bounded on 
each side by a double colonnade, to which three marble steps lead up 
from the open space. The first or outer row of columns in each 
colonnade is of the Doric order ; the second row, extending along the 
axis of each colonnade, is of the Ionic order; but the interval between each 
pair of Ionic columns is double that between each pair of Doric columns. 
The back of the eastern colonnade is a simple wall. On the other hand, in 
the northern and western, and apparendy also in the southern colonnade, 
there are in the back wall a number of doors leading into chambers, 
most of which perhaps served as shops or warehouses, though two of them 
were certainly sanctuaries. All these edifices are built of a bluish-white 
marble. In the open space surrounded by the colonnades are the ruins 
of a small but elegant Ionic temple, the temple of Zeus Sosipolis (see 
note on vi. 20. 2). Three openings lead from the market-place, one at 
the south-west, one at the south-east, and one in the middle of the 
eastern side. This last led to the temple of Leucophryenian Artemis 
(see note on i. 26. 4). Dr. Kern, who assisted at the excavation, is of 
opinion that the market-place is not an ordinary commercial market-place, 
but was a '* sacred market-place," such as is known from an inscription 
{^Mittheil. d, arch, Inst, in Athen^ 7 (1882), p. 75) to have existed at the 
Thessalian Magnesia. Religious assemblies and festivals were probably 
held in it See Jahrbuch d, arch, Inst, 9 (1894), Archaologischer 
Anzeiger, p. 76 sqq,; Berliner philolog, Wochenschrift, 14 (1894), pp. 
987 sqq.y 1049 ^99' 

24. 2. It is built in the older style. Elsewhere Pausanias notices 



CITY OF BUS 



BK. VI. BLIS 



market-places built in the old style at Pharae in Achaia (vii. 32. 2), 
Tithorea in Pbocis (x. 32. 10), Abae in Pbocis (x. 35. 4), and Hyampolis 



m 



Q 




DHJKCTUIAL BSSTOKATION). 



in Pbocis (x. 35. 6). The annexed ground-plan (fig. 7) is a con- 
jectural restoration of the tnadcet - place of Elis made by Hirt from 
Pausanias's description. 

24. 3' the Oturdiona of the LaWB. These officials are mentioned 
under the title thesmophtdakes in the treaty of 420 rc between Elis, 
Athens, Argos, and Mantinea (Tbucydides, v. 47). Pausanias calls them 
nonu^hulakts, 

21. 5. a statue of Pyirtao, son of PlstociateB. Accordit^ to 
Diogenes Laertius, the &tber of the sceptic Pyirho was named Plis- 
tarchus. Pyrrho was a native of Elis. In his youth he had been a 
painter. In the gymnasium at Elis there was one of his paintings ; it 
represented the torch-race, and was only moderately well painted. He 
was highly honoured by his fellow-citizens, who made him chief priest, 
and granted to philosophers an immimity from all burdens for his sake. 
See Diogenes Laertius, ix. 1 1, §g 6t, 62, 64. 

24. 6. Averter of BrU. See i. 3. 4 note. 

24. 8. Smnkenness giving him wine. See ii. 37. 3 note. 

24. 8. a ttonb of one Silenns in tbe land of the Hebrews. 
Reland conjecttired that Silenus is here a Greek corruption of Shiloh 
{Palaestina, p. 1017). The Greeks believed that the Hebrews wor- 
shipped Dionysus. Sec Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv. iv. 6. Hence they 
would expect to find in Palestine a worship of Silenus, his attendant 
divinity. 

24. 9- the roof being supported br oakra pillars. The structure 
must, from Pausanias's account of it, have been ancient. It thus, with 
the oaken column in the temple of Hera at Olympia (v. 16. i), points 
to a time when the Greeks built their houses and temples of wood. 
Professor Helbig inclines to ascribe the use of this primitive style of 
architecture in Elis to the conquering Aetolians (see v. 4), a rude race 
who, secluded in their native mountains, remained in a semi-barbarous 
state even down to the palmy days of Greek civilisation, like the High- 
landers of Scotland down to last century. His view is countenanced by 
the tradition which connected this wooden structure in the market-place 



CH. XXV APHRODITE WITH TOXTOISS AND GOAT 105 

of Elis with the name of Oxylus, the Aetolian cbieft^n, who had led his 
highland host to the conquest of Elis. There was a statue of Oxylas 
in the market-place of Elis with an inscription setting forth that he 
was a descendant of Aetolus and had founded the city of Elis (Stiabo, 
X. p. 463 sq.) See Helbig, Das homerische Epos aus den DtnkmSier 
erldutert^ p. 65. 

24. 10. tlie women called tlie Sixteen. See v. 16. 2. 

25. 1. the goddeu stands with one foot on a tortolB& This 
statue of Aphrodite by Phidias is mentioned by Plutarch (/itr tt Osiris, 
75 J Conjug. Praecept. 32), who interprets the tortoise as a symbol that 
women should stay at home and keep silence. There are two ancient 
bronzes, one Greek and one Etruscan, in which Aphrodite is repre- 
sented with one foot on a tortoise (Roscher's Lexikon, I. p. 412). She 
is so represented also on an ancient bronze candelabrum (£. Curtius, 
Religious character of Creek coins, p. 1 3 sq. ; but the candelabrum may 
be one of the two bronzes referred to in Roscher, I.e.) In the Madrid 
copy of the statue of ' the crouching Aphrodite,' one foot of the goddess 
rests on a tortoise (Bemouilli, Aphrodite, pp. i ;o (note 2), 323). In a 
silver relief from Tarentum, now in the British Museum, the left hand 
of the goddess rests on a tortoise {Bemouilli, op. cit. p. 150 note 3). 
It is said that the Thessalian women, jealous of the seductive charms 
of Lais, beat her to death with wooden tortoises in a sanctuary of 
Aphrodite (Schol. on Aristophanes, Plutus, 179; Athenaeus, xiii. p. 
589 a). Two vases in the shape of tortoises have been found in the 
island of Melos. They are now in the British Museum (BemouiUi, op. 
cit. p. 150 note 2). 

25. I. Aphrodite seated on a Immze lie-goat. This statue is re- 
presented on coins of Ells belonging to the reigns of Hadrian, Septimius 
Severus, and Caracalla {fig. 8). The goat is depicted galloping from left 
to right. The goddess is seated on his back 
sideways, facing the spectator. A flap of her 
mantle is drawn over her head like a veil. The 
rest of the mantle wraps her sides and back com- 
pletely, and extends nearly to her feet, leaving, , 
however, her head, breast, and upper body ex- I 
posed. The breast and upper body of the god- 
dess seem to be clothed in a close fitting tunic, 
which also appears again at her feet, from 
beneath the mantle. Her right hand is on her 
breast, her left on the neck of the goat. See coat (com at wua). 
R. Weil, in Histor. u. pkilolog. Au/satze £. 

Curtius gnt/iiimet, p. 134 sq., with plate iii. 8; Imhoof-Blumer and 
Gardner, JVum. Comm. on Paus., p. 72 sg., with pi. P xxiv. Representa- 
tions of Aphrodite riding on a goat are not very uncommon on ancient 
monuments (reliefs, vases, etc.) ; several have been discovered in recent 
years. Some of them, from their resemblance to the coins of £hs 
described above, are probably copies, more or less indirect, of the 
group by Scopas at Elis. The monuments in question include two 
painted vases, two lerra-cotta relief (both found in the Crimea), a 




io6 APHRODITE ON THE GOAT bk. vi. elis 

marble relief of the fourth century B.C found on the southern slope of 
the Acropolis at Athens, another marble relief of Roman date found 
at Sparta (BulleHno delP InstitutOy 1873, p. 183; MittheiL d, arch, 
Inst in Atheny 2 (1877), p. 420 5q,\ two reliefs on mirror - cases, 
several eng^ved gems, etc. 

See Archdohg, Zeitung, 9 (185 1 ), p. 375 sq,, with pi. xxxiv. ; Stephani, in 
Compie Rendu (St. Petersburg) for 1859, p. 129 sq,^ with Atlas, pi. iv. i ; /V/., 
for 1869, p. 84 sqq, ; Bernouilli, Aphrodtte^ p. 1 10 sq, ; Bulletin de Carresp, 
helUnique, 7 (1883), p. 91 ; Roscher's Lexikon, i. p. 419 ; R. Weil, /.r. ; and 
especially Max Boehm, ' Aphrodite auf dem Boc^Lf* Jahrbuch d, archdolog, InsH- 
tulSy 4 (1889), pp. 208-217. A vase-painting of a woman clad in a star-spangled 
robe and carrying a lyre, whom Lajard and Gerhard took to be Aphrodite, seems 
undoubtedly to be a Bacchante, as Stephani was the first to point out. See 
Archdologische Zeitung^ 12 (1854), pp. 263-273 ; ib, pp. 273-276, with plate Ixxi. ; 
Stephani, in Compte Rendu (St. Petersburg) for 1859^ p. 130 note I. 

It is said that when Theseus was about to sail for Crete to slay the 
Minotaur, the Delphic oracle commanded him to invoke the help of 
Aphrodite ; and as he was sacrificing to her beside the sea, the victim 
was changed from a she-goat into a he-goat. So he called Aphrodite 
'the Goddess on a he-goat' {Epitragid) (Plutarch, Theseus^ 18). But 
Aphrodite appears also to have been called simply ' the goat goddess ' 
(Tragia). See Boehm, op, cit p. 210. Hence it would seem that 
the goddess was formerly conceived in goat-form, and that the repre- 
sentation of her riding on a goat is a later rationalisation of the old 
conception. Mr. L. v. Schroeder has suggested that Aphrodite con- 
ceived as a goat may have been a mythical figure analogous to the 
Swan-maidens of fairy tales, who have power at certain times to divest 
themselves of their swan-skins and to appear as fair maidens. Indeed, 
from the association of Aphrodite with the swan, upon which she is 
often represented riding (A. Kalkmann, * Aphrodite auf dem Schwan,' 
/ahrbuch d, arch, Inst i (1886), pp. 231-260), he infers that Aphrodite, 
in one of her aspects, was originally a Swan -maiden. See L. v. 
Schroeder, Aphrodite ^ Eros und Hephdstos (Berlin, 1887), p. 39 sqq. 
As to the Swan-maidens of fairy tales see S. Baring-Gould, Curious 
Myths of the Middle Ages^ pp. 561-578; W. A. Clouston, Popular 
Tales and Fictions^ i. pp. 1 82-1 91 ; M. R. Cox, An Introduction to 
Folk-lore^ pp. 120-122. Tales of this type "are found in Sweden, 
Russia, Germany, in the Shetland Islands- — in short, almost throughout 
Europe, as well as in Asia and Africa. In Finland the maidens are 
geese ; elsewhere they are more appropriately described as ducks ; or 
they may be doves, as in Bohemia, Persia, and the Celebes Islands ; 
or pigeons, as amongst the Magyars and in South Smaland. In the 
guise of a vulture the bird maiden is found in Guiana, and American 
Indians tell their version of her widespread story " (Miss M. R. Cox, 
op, cit, p. 121). 

On Vulgar {Pandemos) Aphrodite in her relation to oriental religion, 
see Mr. Ph. Berger, in Gazette arch^ologique^ 6 (1880), p. 24 sqq, 

25. 2. when Hercules was leading an army against Pylns etc. 
Cp. V. 3. I ; and for the war waged by Hercules against Pylus and his 
wounding of Hades, see Homer, Iliad, v. 395 sqq, (cp. ib, xi. 689 sqq,)\ 



CH. XXVI IMAGE OF SATRAP 107 

Hesiod, Shield of Hercules^ 357 sqq,\ Pindar, Olymp, ix. 29 sqq,\ 
Apollodorus, ii. 7. 3. There seems to have been an idea that Pylus 
was the gate (J>ule) of Hell. Perhaps Hercules's expedition against 
Pylus formed part of the legend of his descent to Hell to recover 
Alcestis or bring up Cerberus. See Mr. Leafs note on IlicuL^ v. 
395 sqq. 

25. 3* Homer sasrs in the Iliad. See //. v. 395 sqq, 

25. 4. Sosipolis. See vi. 20. 2 sqq. 

25. 6. gave it the name of Satrap. At the village of Ma^ddy 
between Batroun (Botrys) and Djebail (Byblus) in Phoenicia, a Greek 
inscription was found, which Renan read as follows : "Erovs icy vtio^s 
Kaura/jos Sc/Socrrov 'Afcriafc^s^Oa/Aos 'A/38oiKrt)3ov dv€dr]K€v 'EaTpdirQ d€i^ 
€K tQv tStcov. ** Dedicated to the Satrap god by Thamus son of Abdusi- 
bus, out of his own property, in the twenty-third year after the victory of 
the emperor Augustus at Actium." The inscription thus dates from 8 B.C. 
The name Satrap, being the Persian title of the viceroys or lieutenant- 
governors of the provinces of the Persian empire, seems to show that 
the god whose statue stood in the most crowded quarter of Elis was 
of Asiatic origin. This is confirmed by his identification with Corybas, 
who was also an Asiatic divinity. Mr. Clermont-Ganneau has developed 
an elaborate and somewhat fanciful hypothesis to account for the 
existence of an image of the Satrap god at Elis. It is possible, how- 
ever, as he suggests, that the Satrap god is Adonis, whose name, like 
Satrap, is an Oriental word signifying * lord * or * master.' See Clermont- 
Ganneau, <Le dieu Saimpy^ /ouma/ asiatique, 7me S^rie, 10(1887), 
pp. 157-236. 

25. 6. after the extension of Patrae. The emperor Augustus 
increased the territory and the population of Patrae by making some of 
the Achaean towns dependent on it and by transporting to it the in- 
habitants of others. See vii. 17. 5 ; vii. 18. 7 ; vii. 22. i and 6. Attis 
and the Dindymenian Mother were worshipped at Patrae (vii. 20. 3), 
and they had a sanctuary at Dyme (vii. 1 7. 9). Dyme was one of the 
towns absorbed in Patrae ; hence the people of Patrae may have 
borrowed the worship of these deities from Dyme. Further, the Cory- 
bantes were associated with the worship or the myth of Attis (Lucian, 
Dialog, diorum^ 12). Hence it is possible, 
as Pausanias seems to indicate, that the wor- 
ship of Corybas or Satrap may have been 
borrowed by Elis directly from Patrae and 
indirectly from Dyme. Lobeck suggested 
that the worship of these oriental deities may 
have been introduced at Dyme by the Cilician 
pirates who were settled in that city by Pom- 
pey (Strabo, xiv. p. 665 ; Plutarch, Pomfey, 
28). See Lobeck, Aglaopkamus^ p. 11 52. 

26. I. the Menins. See v. i. 10; fig. 9.-diokvsus (coim of 

Theocritus, xxv. 15. 

26. I. Dionysns : the ima«re is by Praxiteles. On a coin of Elis 
(fig. 9), belonging to Hadrian's time, Dionysus is represented standing ; 




xo8 DIONYSUS AT ELIS bk. vi. elis 

in his raised right hand he holds a drinking-horn, in his left a thyrsus ; 
on his right side is a panther, on his left a tambourine. This is believed 
to be a copy of the statue of Dionysus by Praxiteles. See Imhoof- 
Blumer and Gardner, Num. Commentary on Pausanias^ P- 73 ^9' 

26. I. No god is more revered by the Eleans than DionyBna. 
Dionysus was worshipped at Elis as a bull. See note on v. i6. 2. As 
to Dionysus in bull form see The Golden Bought i. p. 325 j^. In the 
Archdologische Zeiiung, 9 (i 85 1), pi. xxxiii. there is a representation of the 
child Dionysus with clusters of grapes round his brow, and a calfs head, 
with sprouting horns, attached to the back of his head See Gerhard, ib., 
pp. 371-373. Again, on a red-figured vase Dionysus appears as a calf- 
headed child seated on a woman's lap. See Gazette archdologiqiUy 5 
(1879), pi. 3, with the article of Fr. Lenormant, * Dionysos Zagreus,' pp. 
18-37. On a Greek vase from the Cyrenaica, now in the Louvre, young 
Bacchus, crowned with ivy, is represented driving a car which is drawn 
by a bull, a winged griffin, and a panther. See Monuments grecs. No. 
8 (1879), pi. 3, with the remarks of Mr. Heuzey, pp. 55-58. The 
Eleans are said to have identified Dionysus with the sun {Etymolog. 
Magnum, p. 277, s,v, Atowcros). 

26. I. Three empty kettles are taken into a building etc. The 
following religious miracle, or rather pious fraud, is also told by the 
pseudo-Aristode {Mirab, auscult. (123 [134]), and more shortly, on the 
authority of Theopompus, by Athenaeus (i. p. 34 a). Cp. Kalkmann, 
PausaniaSy p. 41 sq. The ancients were perfectly familiar with a 
variety of devices for breaking seals and then resealing them in such a 
way as not to show that they had been tampered with. See Hippolytus, 
Refut, omn, haeres, iv. 34. We may compare a similar imposture which 
is practised in Mingrelia. On the eve of the feast of St. George, the 
prince of Mingrelia, surrounded by a train of courtiers, places his seal 
upon the door of the church of St. George. Next day (20th October) 
he goes again to the church door and examines the seal to see that it 
has not been broken. Having done so, he opens the door, and inside 
the church is always found an ox. The people think that St. George 
has introduced the ox into the church by a miracle, and they draw 
omens from the manner in which the animal behaves. The fact, how- 
ever, is that the priests drag the ox into the church with ropes, and 
screen themselves from prying eyes by giving out that it is as much as 
a man's life is worth to peep at the church while they are about this 
business. See Lamberti, 'Relation de la Colchide ou Mingrellie,' 
Recueil de Voyages au Nord, 7 (Amsterdam, 1725), pp. 168-170, 
294-298. 

26. 2. The people of Andros also say etc. Similarly Pliny tells us, 
on the authority of Mucianus who was thrice consul, that every year, on 
the 5th of January, a certain fountain in the temple of Dionysus in 
Andros tasted of wine, but that if the liquid were taken out of sight of 
the temple it tasted like water again. The day on which this miracle 
happened was called Theodosia. See Pliny, Nat. hist, ii. 231, xxxi. 16. 
Cp. L. VxtYi^r^AusgewdhlteAufsdtse, p. 295 sq. Thus, according to Muci- 
anus, the miracle was annual, according to Pausanias it was biennial. 



CH. XXVI CYLLENE 109 

26. 2. the Table of the Sim. See i. 33. 4 note. 

26. 3. a sanctnary of Athena. Pliny tells us {Nat, kisL xxxvi. 
177) that the walls of the temple of Minerva (Athena) at £lis were coated 
with stucco to receive paintings by Panaenus, brother of Phidias, and 
that the stucco was tempered with milk, mixed with saffron. This last 
ingredient was probably intended " to tone down the white of the marble 
[, the stucco being composed of powdered marble mixed with lime,] and 
give a creamy tint to the stucco " (J. H. Middleton, The remains of 
Ancient Rome, i. p. 73). Pliny reports a saying that if you wetted your 
thumb and rubbed it on the wall, you could smell and taste the saffron. 

26. 3. They say it is by Phidias. Pliny, however, says {Nat, 
hist, XXX. 54) that the image of Athena at Elis was by Colotes, a pupil of 
Phidias who had helped his master to execute his great statue of Zeus 
at Olympia. The inside of Athena's shield was painted by the same 
artist, Panaenus, who painted the frescoes on the walls of the temple 
(Pliny, Lc) Cp. Murray, Hist, of Greek Sculpture, 2, p. 136. 

26. 3. Acock. Cp. note on v. 25. 9. 

26. 4. Oyllene. Strabo (viii. p. 337) agrees with Pausanias that 
Cyllene was 1 20 furlongs from the city of Elis. Ptolemy (iii. 1 4, p. 
236 sg,, ed. Wilberg) and Strabo (viii. p. 338) mention that the river 
Peneus flowed into the sea between Cyllene and the promontory of 
Chelonatas. This promontory, stated by Strabo (viii. p. 337) to be the 
most westerly point of Peloponnese, is undoubtedly the rough, hilly 
promontory on which stands the castle of Chlemoutzi or Tomese, The 
Peneus at present flows into the sea south of this promontory ; hence 
from Strabo's description we should expect that Cyllene lay still farther 
to the south. But from Ptolemy {l,c,) it appears that in antiquity the 
Peneus flowed into the sea to the north of this promontory. Cyllene 
must therefore have been still farther to the north of Chelonatas, and 
this is confirmed by Pliny {Nat, hist, iv. 13). Cyllene is perhaps to be 
sought north of the lagoon of Kotiki, in the marshes of Manolada, which 
are at present separated from the sea by a broad sand-dune dotted with 
pine-trees. The convenient harbour, mentioned by Pausanias, would 
appear to have been gradually sanded up in the course of ages. Leake 
and Boblaye, indeed, identified Cyllene with the modem Glarentsa, a 
small trading-town at the northern foot of the Chelonatas promontory, 
because ** there is no other harbour on this coast, except that of Kunu- 
pdli, which is too &r to the north to have been the port of Elis (iv. 23. 
I ) ; whereas Glardntza^ in its distance from Paledpoli, agrees exactly to 
the 120 stades [furlongs] which Strabo and Pausanias agree in stating 
to have been the interval between Elis and Cyllene." But this identifi- 
cation of Cyllene is inconsistent with the evidence of Strabo and Ptolemy 
that the mouth of the Peneus was between Chelonatas and Cyllene. 

See Chandler, Travels in Greece^ p. 283 ; Leake, Aforea, 2. p. 174 sg. ; 
Boblaye, Recherches^ pp. 120 j^. ; Curtius, Pelop, 2. pp. 33 sq,, 102 sq, ; Bursian, 
Gtogr, 2. p. 308 ; Baedeker,' pp. 316, 318. Professor von Duhn would place 
Cyllene at K&unoupeli still farther to the north than Manolada (Mitiheil, d, arch, 
Inst, in Athen, 3 (1878), p. 76). 

26. 4. a later passage etc. See Homer, Iliad, xv. 518 sq. 



no SILK AND SILK' WORMS bk. vi. elis 

26. 5. In Oyllene there is a sanctuary of Aesculapius. There 
was a fine ivory statue of Aesculapius at Cyllene by the sculptor Colotes 
(Strabo, viii. p. 337). 

26. 5. The image of Hermes etc. This image is mentioned also 
by Artemidorus {Onirocr, i. 45), Lucian (Jupiter Tragoedus^ 42), and 
Hippolytus {RefuL omn. haeres. v. 7. p. 144, and 8. p. 152). Cp. Philo- 
stratus, ViL ApolL vi. 20 ; W. Roscher, Hermes der Windgotiy p. 75 sqq. 
In India the god Siva is commonly represented by a similar symbol 
(Monier Williams, Religious thought and life in India^ pp. 68, 83). 

26. 6. fine ilaz. The Greek word is bussos. See note on v. 5. 2. 

26. 6. the threads of which the Seres make their garments etc. 
This is one of the chief passages in ancient writers on silk and silk- 
worms. The first Greek writer to describe the silk-worm is Aristotle. 
He says {Hist, anim, v. 19, p. 551 b, ed. Bekker), without, however, 
mentioning the name Ser or the Seres, that the insect is a large worm 
with horns, which changes first into a caterpillar, then into a botfUniUos 
(cocoon ?), and then into a nekudalos (moth ?) ; the women (he goes on) 
undo the cocoons, reel off the threads, and then weave them. Aristotle 
adds that in Cos a woman named Pamphile was the first to weave silk. 
Silk, both raw and manufactured, was brought from China to the Roman 
empire by two routes. On the one hand, it came by the overland route 
from northern China through Samarcand to the Caspian ; on the other 
hand, it came through India, down the Ganges (or Brahmaputra ?) to 
Malabar (Limyrice or rather Dymirice, i.e, the Tamul country), and so 
by the Persian Gulf or the Red Sea to the Mediterranean. See Peripius 
Erythraei Maris^ § 64 {Geographi Graeci Minores^ ed. Miiller, i. p. 
303 sq,)\ Ptolemy, i. 11. Silk-worms were first introduced into 
Europe about 530 A.D. in the reign of Justinian. The eggs were 
brought by some monks to Constantinople from Serinda, which appears 
to have been Khotan, in Turkestan. See Procopius, De Bello Gothico^ 
iv. 17. 

Pausanias appears to have been better informed as to silk and silk- 
worms than many classical authors who wrote before him and some of 
those who wrote after him. Many ancient writers, for example, thought 
that silk was gathered from trees. See Virgil, Georg, ii. 121; Pliny, 
Nat, hist, vi. 54 ; Solinus, 50. 2 ; Dionysius, Orbis Description 752 sqq, ; 
Seneca, Hercules Oetaeus^ 666 sq, ; id., Hippolytus ^ 389 ; Ammianus 
Marcellinus, xxiii. 6. 67 ; Martianus CapeUa, vi. § 693. Pausanias 
alludes to this view when he says that silk was not made from bark. 
But the ancient authors just referred to do not, in point of fact, assert 
that silk was made of bark ; they only speak of it being gathered or 
combed from trees. And it appears that the wild silk-worm does spin 
long threads from trees and bushes, which threads are gathered to make 
a coarse kind of silk. See Yates, Textrinum Antiquorum^ p. 207 sqq. 
But Pausanias is right in affirming that the true silk is produced by 
insects which are kept and fed in houses. He also appears to be the 
first ancient writer who calls the silk-worm Ser, This is the Chinese 
word for silk or the silk-worm. In Chinese the word is See or Szu^ in 
Corean Sir^ in Mongol Sirkek^ in Manchu SirghS, The name for silk 



CH. xxvx SILK AND SILK- WORMS x 1 1 

in some modem European languages is derived from the same word, 
with the substitution of /for r ; as English silk^ Danish Silcke^ Slavonian 
Chelk. See Yates, op, ciL p. 245 sq,\ Yule, Cathay and the way 
thither y i. p. xliv. note i ; Marquardt, Privatleben der Romer^ p. 492. 

It has been suggested that Pausanias derived his information, 
directly or indirectly, from a member of the Roman embassy which was 
sent by the emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus to China, and reached 
the Chinese court in October 166 A.D. This embassy is not mentioned 
by Greek and Roman writers, but it is recorded by Chinese historians. 
The embassy went by sea, for it entered China by the frontier of Jih-nan 
(Annam), bringing presents of rhinoceros' horns, ivory, and tortoise- 
shell. The Chinese themselves seem to have been surprised at the 
nature of these presents. Perhaps, as Col. Yule has suggested, the 
ambassadors had lost their original presents by shipwreck or robbery, 
and replaced them with trumpery purchased in eastern bazaars. It is a 
plausible conjecture that the embassy was sent with a view to open up 
or stimulate the trade with China by sea, when the overland route 
through Persia was closed by the Parthian war (162-165 A.D.) See 
Yule, Cathay and the way thither^ i. pp. xlv., Ixii. ; Richthofen, ChinUy 
I. p. 512 ; Hirth, China and the Roman Orient^ pp. 42, 47, 82, 94 sq,^ 
173 sqq, ; Th. Hodgkin, Italy and her invaders ^ 2. p. 31 sq. 

But Pausanias's account contains a number of errors. '* It looks," 
according to Col. Yule, "as if it had come originally from real informa- 
tion, though afterwards misunderstood and perverted. The * shelter 
adapted to winter and summer ' seems to point to the care taken by the 
Chinese in regulating the heat of the silk-houses ; the ' five years ' may 
have been a misunderstanding of the five ages of the silk-worm's life 
marked by its four moultings ; the reed given it to eat when the 
spinning season has come may refer to the strip of rush with which the 
Chinese form receptacles for the worms to spin in " (Yule, Cathay and 
the way thither ^ i. p. clviii.) Pausanias is also wrong in saying that 
the silk- worm has eight feet. It has fourteen, namely six proper feet 
before and eight holders behind (Yates, Textrinum antiquorum^ p. 188 
note ♦). 

As to the houses in which the silk-worms are reared, in China <* the 
houses in which the worms are kept should be wide and clean, and 
free from all noxious smells" (Gray, China^ 2, p, 226 sq,) In Burma 
"the whole operations [of silk-growing] are carried on in the rickety 
bamboo hut of the cultivator" (Shway Yoe [J. G. Scott], The Burman^ 
I. p. 324). In India the rearers of the variety of silk- worm known as 
Bombyx fortunatus " prefer a south aspect for the rearing-house, but 
all rearing-houses do not face the south : they are covered with specially 
thick thatch, and generally have but one small window and a door. 
The window is always kept shut at night, and during the cold season in 
the daytime also ; the door is always kept shut at night, and in the cold 
weather all chinks are carefully filled up, the fermenting refuse from the 
trays being often piled up inside the rearing-house to further raise the 
temperature" {^Indian Museum Notes, Issued by the Trustees. VoL i. 
Nr. 3 (Calcutta, 1890), p. 150). 



112 LARISUS — ARAXUS BK. vi. elis 

As to silk in antiquity and the relations of Greece and Rome with China, see 
Yates, Textrinum antiquorumy pp. 160-249 ; Yule, Cathay and the way thither ^ 
I. p. xxxiiL sqq, ; fit/., * Introductory Essay' to Gill's ^iv^^ Golden Sand, i. 
p. [40] sq, ; Marquardt, Privaileben der Romer^ p. 491 sqq, ; BlUmner, Techno* 
logic, I. p. 190 sqq, ; Hirth, China and the Roman Orient ; W. Heyd, Histoire 
du Commerce du Levant au mayen'Stge, I. p. 2 sqq, ; Bunbury, History of ancient 
geograthy, 2. pp. 476 sq,, 529 sqq, ; Richthofen, ChincL, i. p. 512 x^. ; H. Nissen, 
* rfer Verkehr zwischen China und dem romischen '^€v^^^ Jahrlmch des Vereins 
von Alterthumsfreunde im Rheinlande, 95 (1894), pp. 1-28. Fragments of silk 
have been found in ancient Greek tombs in the south of Russia {Compte Rendu 
(St Petersburg) for 1878-79, p. 134 sq,) 

Chinese intercourse with the West would have to be dated very 
much earlier than is commonly supposed if the porcelain bottles, 
inscribed with Chinese verses, which are said to have been found in 
ancient Egyptian tombs near Thebes, had really been deposited there 
when the tombs were made. See Annali deW Instituto^ 8 (1836), pp. 
321-326, with tav. d' Agg. G. But it has been proved that these bottles 
were not really found in the graves ; further that they were imported 
into Egypt from the East in recent times ; and that the Chinese verses 
on them are from the works of poets who flourished in the seventh and 
eighth centuries a.d. See Wilkinson, Manners and customs of the ancient 
Egyptians (ed. 1878), 2. pp. 152-154 ; Nissen, op. cit, p. 4 sq, 

26. 10. the river Larisus. This river is now called the Mana or 
SHmana, a stream which does not fail in summer, and after rain in 
winter often does mischief. It flows through an oak forest, which here 
covers the country for many miles. Towards the sea the river loses 
itself in a wide swamp, which makes the neighbourhood unhealthy. The 
distance of 1 57 furlongs from Elis to the Larisus, as given by Pausanias, 
is fairly correct ; Leake took five hours to travel the distance. Dodwell, 
however, took eight hours and forty minutes. See Leake, Morea^ 2. pp. 
165 sq,y 170; Dodwell, Tour^ 2, p. 314; Bohlaye, RechercheSy p. 20; 
Bursian, Geogr, 2, p. 309; Baedeker,^ p. 331 ; W. G. Clark, Pelopon- 
nesusy p. 277. The scenery about this part of the country is thus 
described by Mure : ** The road for more than half-way to Patras was 
still through the same beautiful woodland scenery. I seldom remember 
to have seen finer oaks, never, perhaps, so great a number of equal 
dimensions in continued succession. The whole country, for miles 
around, recalled to mind the wilder parts of Windsor Park. At intervals 
of a mile or two occurred pastoral settlements, of the usual romantic 
character, in the midst of the extensive glades of green pasture or ferny 
heath, which opened up from time to time through the mazes of the 
forest" {Joumaly 2. p. 298). 

26. 10. Oape Araxus. This is now Cape Papa. But the name 
may have included the range of hills now called the Mavro Vouno 
(* Black Hill '), which forms the north-western extremity of Peloponnese 
and is a conspicuous feature in the landscape. On the most southerly 
height of this range, where the chain of lagoons begins that stretches 
southward along the coast of Elis, there are remains of an ancient 
fortress which belonged to the people of Dyme in Achaia. In antiquity 
it was known simply as the Fortress ( Teichos) ; it is now called the 



CH. XXVI CASTLE OF KALLOGRIA 113 

Castle of Kallogria, Wide and deep marshes, communicating with the 
sea and abounding in fish and wild fowl, nearly surround the hill on 
which the ruins stand ; some islands, clothed with trees and bushes, rise 
above the level of the swamp. The fortress seems to have had only 
one entrance, which faces the sea, and is approached by a difficult 
and winding path. The summit of the rocky hill, about 1 00 yards long, 
is enclosed by a thick wall faced with great unhewn stones, put together 
without cement ; the core of the wall, between the facings, is composed 
of rubble and mortar. On the side of the sea this wall is 1 5 feet thick. 
On the opposite or land side a wall extends from the summit to the foot 
of the hill, ending in the marsh. There are also some remains of walls 
and towers built entirely of small stones, but they seem to belong to a 
later age. In antiquity the walls were nowhere less than 30 cubits 
high, and their circuit was a furlong and a half. The fortress was said 
to have been built by Hercules in his wars with the Eleans. Perhaps 
it is to be identified with the city of Larisa, which, according to 
Theopompus, stood near the river Larisus, at the border between 
Achaia and Elis (Strabo, ix. p. 440). 

See Polybius, iv. chs. 59, 65, and 83 ; Dodwell, Tour^ 2. j). 312 st/. ; Leake, 
Moreay 2. pp. 163-165 ; Boblaye, Rechcrches^ P« ^9 sq, ; Curtius, Pelop, I. p. 426 
sq, ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 321 sq, ; Baedeker,* p. 329. 



VOL. IV 



BOOK SEVENTH 



ACHAIA 

1. I . Aegialns. Another form of the name was Aegialia. See Homer, 
Ilicui^ ii. 575; Strabo, viii. p. 383; Stephanus Byz., j.z/. AiyiaAds ; 
Eiymolog, Magnum^ p. 28, s,v, AiyiaAeia. Herodotus tells us (vii. 95) 
that the lonians of Achaia were called Aegialian Pelasgians. On the 
legendary history of the Achaeans, see Strabo, /.r. ; Apollodorus, i. 7. 3 ; 
Conon, NarrationeSy 27. On the Achaean race there is a dissertation 
by Gerhard, * Ueber den Volksstamm der Achaer,* in the Abhandlungen 
of the Berlin Academy, 1853, pp. 419-458. 

1. 2. his son Xuthus. According to Euripides (lon^ 63 sq,) Xuthus 
was a son, not of Hellen, but of Aeolus, who was a son of Zeus. The 
common legend seems to have been that Hellen had three sons, Dorus, 
Xuthus, and Aeolus (Apollodorus, i. 7. 3 ; Strabo, viii. p. 383 ; Conon, 
Narrationes^ 27). 

1. 2. a daughter of Erechthens. Her name was Creusa (Apollo- 
dorus, i. 7. 3 ; Conon, Narrationes^ 27 ; Euripides, /<?«, 10 sq,) 

1. 3. Achaeus returned to Thessaly. According to another 

legend, Achaeus, being banished from Athens on account of an accidental 
homicide, went to Lacedaemon, the people of which were hence called 
Achaeans after him (Strabo, viii. p. 383). According to others, Achaeus, 
after his banishment, went to Peloponnese and founded the tetrapolis of 
Achaia (Conon, NarraiioneSy 27). 

1. 3. Xuthus' other son. Ion. According to the Attic legend Ion 
was a son of Apollo by Creusa, the daughter of Erechtheus (Euripides, 
lon^ 10 sqq.) 

1. 4- Homer, in his list of the forces etc. See ///W, ii. 575. 

1. 5. his tomb is in the township of Potamus. See i. 31.3 note. 

1. 6. Archander and Architeles, sons of Achaeus. Cp. ii. 6. 5. 
According to Herodotus (ii. 98) Archander was a son of Phthius, and a 
grandson of Achaeus. Another legend represented Archander and 
Architeles as sons of Acastus and as having driven Peleus from Phthia 
(Schol. on Euripides, Troiades^ 1128). 

1. 7- Being expelled by the Dorians from Argos and Lacedaemon 
etc. Cp. ii. 18. 8 ; ii. 38. i ; iii. i. 5. 

1. 8. Tisamenus fell in the battle. According to another legend 
Tisamenus was slain by the Dorian invaders (Apollodorus, ii. 8. 3). 




fi6 COLONISATION OF IONIA BK. vii. achaia 



2. I. NileiiB and the rest of the sons of Ck)dras set out to found 
a colony etc With the following account of the colonisation of Ionia 
from Greece, compare Herodotus, i. 145 sqq, ; Hellanicus, cited by a 
scholiast on Plato, Symposium^ p. 208 d ; Aelian, Var, Hist, viii. 5 ; 
Eusebius, Chronic,^ ed. Schone, voL i. p. 185; /V/., voL 2. p. 60; 
Strabo, xiv. p. 632 sqq, ; Vitruvius, iv. 1.3 sqq. The leaders of the 
colonists were, according to the Attic legend, Athenians of the royal 
house of Codrus. But Codrus himself was said to be of Messenian 
descent, his father Melanthus having been king of Messenia. Again, 
N ileus, one of the leaders of the colony and described by Pausanias as 
a son of Codrus, was, according to Strabo (xiv. p. 633), a native of 
Pylus in Messenia. Again, the founder of Colophon, one of the Ionian 
cities, is said to have been Andraemon, a native of Pylus (see Mimner- 
mus, cited by Strabo, xiv. pp. 633, 634). From this and other evidence 
the late J. Topifer argued that Melanthus and Codrus were interpolated in 
Attic legend for the purpose of representing Attica as the metropolis of 
the Ionian cities, whereas in truth the ancestors of the Ionian nobility 
had gone direct from Messenia to Ionia without ever settling in Attica 
at alL See J. Topffer, Attische GenealogU^ pp. 225-240 ; also the notes 
on i. 3. 3, ii. 18. 8. 

2. 2. lolans. On the Sardinian expedition led by lolaus, cp. i. 29. 
5 ; X. 17. 5 ; Diodorus, iv. 29 sq, lolaus was said to have built the 
curious round towers, now known as nouraghes^ many of which still 
exist in Sardinia. See [Aristotle,] Mtrab, Auscult, 100 (104). As to 
the nouraghes^ see Perrot et Chipiez, Hisioire de Part dans Pantiquit/^ 
4. p. 22 sqq. According to Fr. Lenormant, lolaus is a Semitic god, 
lol. See Gazette arMologique^ 2 (1876), p. 126 sqq, Cp. Movers, 
Die Phoenizier^ i. 536 sqq, 

2. 2. the Minyans who had been expelled from Lemnos. See 
Herodotus, iv. 145. 

2. 2. Theras, son of Antesion etc. Cp. iii. \, t sq,\ iii. 15. 6. 

2. 5. Anax. He was said to be a son of Earth and Sky (Stephanus 
Byzantius, s,v, MtAiyros). 

2. 5. Miletus. As to this legendary founder of the city of the 
same name see Schol. on Apollonius Rhodius, i. 186. According to 
some he was a son of Apollo by Aria, daughter of Cleochus. 

2. 5. the Oarians, the former inhabitants of the land. The 
Carian inhabitants of Miletus are mentioned by Homer {Iliady ii. 867). 
Prof. G. Meyer argues that the Carian language was a branch of the 
Aryan or Indo-European family of speech. See his article, *Die 
Karier,' in Bezzenberget's Beitrdge zur Kunde der Indogerm, Sprachen^ 
10 (1886), pp. 147-202. Prof. Sayce had previously come to the same 
conclusion from an examination of the Carian inscriptions. See his 
article in Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature^ 2nd series, 10 
(1874), pp. 546-564. 

2. 6. the wives and daughters of the Milesians they married. 
Herodotus tells us (i. 146) that the lonians who emigrated from Athens 
to Asia and deemed themselves the noblest of the lonians, took no 
women with them, but married the Carian women whose husbands they 



CH. n COLONISATION OF IONIA 117 

had slain. Therefore the women bound themselves by an oath never to 
eat with their husbands nor to mention their husbands' names, because 
their husbands had slain their fathers and their former husbands and 
their children. And the women taught their daughters to observe the 
same rules. The rules that a wife shall not eat with her husband nor 
utter his name are commonly observed by barbarous tribes. "The 
wives of the Caribs never eat with their husbands ; they never name 
them by their name ; they serve them as if they were their slaves ; and 
what is still more remarkable is that they have a language quite different 
from that of their husbands, just as the Carian women probably had " 
(Lafitau, Mcmrs des sauvages AtfUriquains^ i. p. 54 j^.) The difference 
of language between husbands and wives, which occurs among some 
savage tribes, is not, however, to be accounted for by the custom of 
captiuing wives of a different tribe. See F. Fleming, Kajffraria^ 
p. 96 sq, ; iV/., Southern Africa^ p. 238 sq, ; Kranz, ZuluSy p. 1 14 sq, 

2. 7. the Amazons. It has been suggested that the traditions of 
the Amazons in Asia Minor originated in recollections of the warlike 
women of barbarous tribes like the Cimmerians, who forced their way 
into Asia Minor from the north, and maintained themselves there for 
longer or shorter periods. See O. Klugmann, ' Ueber die Amazonen 
in den Sagen der kleinasiatischen Stadte,' Philologus^ 30 (1870), 

pp. 524-556. 

2. 7> from Ephesos the city took its name. On Ephesus, see 
£. Curtius, ' Beitrage zur Geschichte und Topographie Kleinasiens,' 
Abhandlungen of the Berlin Academy, 1872, pp. 1-44 ; /V/., Gesammelte 
Abhcmdlungeriy i. pp. 233-265. 

2. 8. Androclns. Cp. Strabo, xiv. pp. 632, 640 ; Stephanus Byz., 
s.v, Bevva. Androclus was supposed to be of Messenian descent 
through his father Codrus (see notes on i. 3. 3, ii. 18. 8), and there is 
reason to believe that some at least of the founders of the Ionian cities 
were Messenians (see note on vii. 2. i). Hence it is natural to connect 
Androclus with the Messenian king whom Pausanias calls Androcles 
(iv. 4. 4 etc. See Index). Moreover, there was an Athenian £unily of 
Androclids (Hesychius, s,v. *Av8poKk€i$ai.)y who doubtless traced their 
descent from an ancestor named Androclus or Androcles. But whether 
this Athenian family was connected with Androclus, king of Ephesus, 
or Androcles, king of Messenia, or with both, we cannot say. See 
J. Topffer, Attische Genealogies pp. 244-247. The descendants of 
Androclus at Ephesus retained the title of king and some of the insignia 
of royalty down to Strabo's time (Strabo, xiv. p. 633). For a legend of 
the foundation of Ephesus see Athenaeus, viiL p. 361 ; cp. P. Gardner, 
Santos and Samian coins, p. 8 1 sq. 

2. 9. the tomb is shown to this day. In the course of his exca- 
vations at Ephesus Mr. J. T. Wood discovered what he took to be the 
tomb of Androclus in the situation described by Pausanias. The Mag- 
nesian gate was discovered by him, at the south-eastern foot of Mt. 
Coressus (see note on vii. 5. 10, * Pion'), and consequently at the south- 
east comer of Ephesus. From this gate a road led on the eastern side 
of Mt Coressus to the temple of Artemis, which was outside the city, 



ii8 COLOPHON — CLARUS bk. vii. achaia 

to the north-east. On this road many tombs were found by Mr. Wood, 
and about half-way between the gate and the temple he discovered 
what he believed to be the lower part of the tomb of Androclus. 
'< These foundations consisted of several courses of cushioned masonry 
composed of immense blocks of white marble, mounted on a plinth 
which formed a base 42 feet square. There was a doorway on the east 
side" (J. T. Wood, Discoveries at Ephesus^ p. 126 j^.) 

2. 10. the Prienians had for their founders Philotas etc 

Cp. § 3 ; Strabo, xiv. pp. 633, 636. 

2. II. the river Maeander, which choked np the month with 
mnd etc. As to the alluvial soil deposited by this river see viii. 24. 11. 
The extent to which soil was brought down by the Maeander is illus- 
trated by the statement of Strabo (xii. p. 580) that whenever the river 
in one of its winding reaches had swept away a comer, the owner of the 
land was allowed to bring a lawsuit against the Maeander, and if the 
river was cast in the suit the plaintiff recovered damages, which were 
paid out of the tolls levied at the ferries. With regard to Myus, which, 
according to Pausanias, was deserted by its inhabitants on account of 
the swarms of gnats that infested it, Strabo says (xiv. p. 636) that its 
population was so reduced that it was incorporated with Miletus. 
Vitruvius (iv. 1.4) attributes the destruction of Myus to inundations. 
When Chandler visited the ruins of Myus last century, he found that the 
gnats still swarmed there and were very troublesome (Travels in Asia 
Minor^ p. 167). In modem times the inhabitants of the village 
of Karditsa in Boeotia were forced by swarms of gnats to shift the site 
of their village (Fiedler, Reise^ i. p. 106). 

3. I. Colophon Clams. The exact site of Colophon was 

long uncertain, but in recent years Dr. C. Schuchhardt claims to have 
discovered it. He identifies Colophon with the extensive ruins which 
he found between the Turkish villages of Tratscha and Deirmendere^ 
about 8 miles from the sea. From near the ruins a stream flows south- 
ward to the sea, through a valley hemmed in by mountains on the east 
and west. This stream is now called the Awdschi-tschai (* hunter's 
river*). According to Dr. Schuchhardt it is the cold river Ales, 
mentioned by Pausanias (vii. 5. 10; viii. 28. 3). Colophon was known 
from ancient writers to be an inland town ; its port was Notium. See 
Scylax, Periplus^ 98; Pliny, Nat, hist, v. 116. Notium, the port of 
Colophon, is identified by Dr. Schuchhardt with the considerable 
remains which occupy a hill beside the sea. The hill stretches in a 
crescent shape from east to west, the two homs of the crescent running 
into the sea as promontories. Immediately to the west of the hill, the 
Awdschi-tschai stream falls into the sea. Towards the westem end of 
the hill are the remains of a temple, which was formerly supposed to be 
the temple of Apollo at Clams. But Dr. Schuchhardt places Clams 
farther inland, in a side valley to the south-east of the village of 
Giaurkoi. Here in the face of a cliff there is a cavem, in the bottom 
of which fine clear water is said to lie all the year through. A few 
hundred paces in front of the cave Dr. Schuchhardt found a broken 
Corinthian capital and some foundation - walls. He thinks that the 



CH. Ill CLARUS—LEBEDUS 119 

place tallies with the account which Tacitus has given of the mode of 
consulting the oracle of Clams. According to Tacitus {Annals^ ii. 54) 
the priest of Apollo, before giving the oracular responses, retired to a 
cavern and drank of a mysterious spring. (Cp. Paus. ix. 2. i note.) A 
draught of the prophetic water was believed to shorten the life of the 
prophet (Pliny, Nat. hist, il 232). See C. Schuchhardt, * Kolophon, 
Notion, und Klaros,* Mittheilungen d. arch, Inst, in Athen^ 11 (1886), 
pp. 398-434. There is a paper on the same subject by Mr. A. M. 
Phontrier, in Motxrciov kqX PipX.LO$rJKrj rrjs €vayy€X.iK7Js (rxoXrjSf 
Smyrna, 3 (1878-1880), pp. 185-221. Prof. W. M. Ramsay considers 
it highly probable that Dr. Schuchhardt's identification of the site of 
Colophon is right {Historical Geography of Asia Minor^ p. 431). The 
legend of the foundation of the oracle, as it is here narrated by 
Pausanias, has been examined at length by Mr. Otto Immisch 
(* Klaros, Forschungen tiber griechische Stiftungssagen,' in Supplem. 17 
oi Fleckeiseris Jahrbiiclier^ Leipzig, 1889). As to the oracle see Bouchd- 
Leclercq, Histoire de la divination dans Pantiguit^y 3. pp. 249-255. 

3. I. Manto. See ix. 33. i sq, ; Apollodorus, iii. 7. 4. A different 
story of Manto's relations to Rhacius is told by a scholiast on Apollonius 
Rhodius (i. 308), who names as his authorities "the writers of the 
ThebaidJ* The story is this. Manto, on going forth from Delphi at 
the bidding of Apollo, fell in with Rhacius, a Mycenaean, who married 
her and went with her to Colophon. There she wept over the devasta- 
tion of her native land ; her tears formed a spring of water, and an 
oracle of Apollo was established on the spot The scholiast, it will be 
observed, calls Rhacius a Mycenaean, whereas Pausanias apparently 
represents him as a Cretan. But, as Siebelis points out, there was a 
Mycenae in Crete (Velleius Paterculus, i. i. 2). Cp. K. O. Miiller, Z?i> 
Dorier^ i- PP- 114 ^^., 227 sqq, ; O. Immisch, * Klaros,' in Fleckeisetfs 
JcJirbiicher^ Suppl. 17 (1889), P* '34 ^^9' 

3. 4- I liave already told how Colophon was laid waste. 

See i. 9. 7. 

3. 5. The city of Lebedns was destroyed by Lysimachns etc. 
See i. 9. 7 note. Horace speaks of Lebedus as " a village more deserted 
than Gabiae and Fidenae" {Epist, i. 11. T sq,^ 

3. 5. its warm baths are the most numerous etc. Chandler says : 
*'We left Hypsile at eight in the morning, and in about an hour 
descended into a narrow bottom, which was filled with a thick smoke or 
mist, occasioned, as wc discovered on a nearer approach, by steam 
arising from a small tepid brook, called Elijah ; the bed of a deep green 
colour. The current, which tasted like copperas, is confined in a 
narrow channel below, and turns two over-shot mills, falling soon after 
into a stream, then shallow, but flowing from a rich vale between the 
mountains, in a very wide course ; the bed of stone and white sand. 
We are now in the territory of Lebedus, which was noted, beyond any 
on the sea-coast, for hot waters. , . . The stream now supplies two 
mean baths on the margin, one with a large cross carved on a stone in 
the pavement" {Travels in Asia Minor^ p. loi). 

3. 6. Teos. The topography of Teos was specially studied by the 



120 TEOS — ERYTHRAE bk. vii. achaia 

late G. Hirschfeld. See his paper * Teos,' in Archdologische Zeitungy 
31 (pub. 1876), pp. 23-30. Cp. Chandler, Travels in Asia Minor^^ 
p. 95 sqq. ; Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor^ 2. p. 11 sqq. The 
temple of Dionysus at Teos has been described and illustrated in the 
Ionian Antiquities^ published by the Dilettanti Society, part i. (1759), 
pp. 1-12, with plates i.-vi. ; and in the Antiquities of lonia^ published 
by the same Society, part iv. (1881), pp. 35-39, plates xxii.-xxv. Teos 
was a great seat of the worship of Dionysus and of the dramatic associa- 
tion known as < the artists of Dionysus.' See Strabo, xiv. p. 643 ; C. /. 
G, Nos. 3067, 3068 ; O. Liiders, Die dionysischen KUnstler^ pp. 20 sq,y 
74 sqq, ; P. Foucart, De collegiis scenicorum artificum afud Graecos, pp. 
7 sq,y 19 sq,y 22, 26, 32 ; Fr. Poland, De collegiis artificum Dionysia- 
corum (Dresden, 1895), p. 10 sqq, Pausanias's statement that the 
Carian population was not expelled from Teos by the Greek settlers, 
but that the two races fused peaceably, is confirmed by an inscription 
which throws an interesting light on the social organisation of the Teian 
people. It appears from this inscription that the territory of Teos was 
distributed among a certain number of lowers,' to each of which a 
section of the people was assigned. Each section had its common 
altar, its special religious rites, and sometimes its own legendary hero, 
from whom its name was supposed to be derived. Now the names of 
some of these *■ towers ' are Asiatic rather than Greek, and th^se Asiatic 
names seem to prove that the original Asiatic population was not ex- 
tirpated by the Greek immigrants. See C. /. G, No. 3064, cp. 3065, 
3066 ; Grote, History of Greece^ 3. p. 1 86 sq, 

3. 6. Athamas Apoecus. According to Strabo (xiv. p. 633) 

Teos was founded by Athamas, the Ionian colony was settled in it by 
Nauclus {sic)^ a bastard son of Codrus, and afterwards fresh settlers were 
introduced by the Athenians Apoecus and Damasus, and the Boeotian 
Geres. 

3. 7. Erythrae Erythrus. The foundation of Erythrae by 

Erythrus, son of Rhadamanthys, is mentioned also by Diodorus (i. 79 
and 84). In an inscription found near Erythrae the town is spoken of 
as * the city of Erythrus ' (Kaibel, Epigrammata Graeca^ No, 904). On 
the history of Erythrae see H. Gaebler, Erythrd (Berlin, 1892), p. 3 sqq, 

3. 7. the Lydans came originally firom Orete etc. See Herodo- 
tus, i. 173, vii. 92. The supposed Cretan origin of the Lycians may 
have been simply inferred from the resemblance which Herodotus tells 
us (i. 173) subsisted between the manners and customs or institutions 
of the Cretans and Lycians. Cp. O, Treuber, Geschichte der Lykier^ p. 
19 sq. One of the remarkable institutions of the Lycians was the custom 
of tracing descent through females (Herodotus, Lc) ; and traces of 
female kinship are found in Crete (J. F. M*Lennan, Studies in ancient 
history (London, 1886), p. 236 sq,) Indeed Sarpedon, whom tradition 
pointed to as leader of the Cretan emigrants, himself afforded an example 
of the preference for the female line over the male ; for in the Trojan 
war he commanded the Lycians by right of descent in the female line 
from Proetus, king of Lycia, being preferred to his cousin Glaucus, who 
was descended from Proteus in the male line. See Homer, Ilieuiy 



CH. IV CLAZOAIENAE 121 

vi. 144 sqq. ; McLennan, op, cit. p. 207 ; Bachofen, Das Mutierrecht^ 
p. 394. Recent researches are said to have proved that the Lycian 
language was Aryan, and had close affinities with Zend (Roberts, Greek 
Epigraphy^ § 122). Cp. Treuber, op, cit p. 30. There is a series of 
articles on the Lycian language by Mr. W. Dcecke in Bezzenberget^s 
Beitrdge^ 12 (1887), pp. 124-154,315-340; ib, 13 (1888), pp. 258-289 ; 
ib, 14 (1889), pp. 181-242. 

3. 7* Buaphylians becanse they too are of Oreek race. The 
Pamphylian inscriptions, including the long one from Sillyon, are couched 
in a barbarous and scarcely intelligible dialect of Greek. See Prof. 
W. M. Ramsay and Prof. Sayce, * On some Pamphylian inscriptions,' 
Journal of Hellenic Studies^ i (1880), pp. 242-259; KirchhofT, Studien 
zur Gesch, d, griech, AlphabetSy^ P* 5© ^99- > Roehl, /. G, A, No. 505. 
The people of Side in Pamphylia affirmed that their ancestors were 
Greeks f^om Cyme in Aeolis, who on settling in Pamphylia forgot the 
Greek tongue and picked up a barbarous language which differed from 
the neighbouring dialects (Arrian, Anabasis ^ i. 26). 

3. 7. CleopOB, son of Oodms. He is called Cnopus by Strabo 
(xiv. p. 633), Polyaenus (vii. 43), Stephanus Byzantius {s,v, 'EpvOpd), 
and the historian Hippias of Erythrae (cited by Athenaeus, vi. p. 258 sg.) 

3. 8. Scyppium. It was also called Scypia or Scyphia (Stephanus 
Byzantius, s.v, ^Kv<fiCa). 

3. 9. by carrying a mole from the mainland etc This mole or 
causeway, erected by order of Alexander the Great, is thus described 
by Chandler : " The mole was two stadia or a quarter of a mile in 
length, but we were ten minutes in crossing it ; the waves, which were 
impelled by a strong Inbat, breaking over in a very formidable manner, 
as high as the bellies of our horses. The width, as we conjectured, was 
about thirty feet. On the west side, it is fronted with a thick, strong 
wall, some pieces appearing above the water. On the opposite is a 
mound of loose pebbles, shelving as a buttress, to withstand the furious 
assaults of storm and tempest. The upper works have been demolished, 
and the materials, a few large rough stones excepted, removed. We 
computed the island to be about a mile long, and a quarter broad'' 
(Travels in Asia Minor ^ p. 87). The name Clazomenae (KXa^o/uvai) 
appears to mean < the screaming swans ' ; the delta of the Hermus, 
which faces Clazomenae across the bay, abounds in wild swans ; and 
the swan appears on the coins of the city. See Coins of the Ancients^ 
p. 38, pi. 19, Nos. 24, 25, 26 ; P. Gardner, Types of Greek Coins^ pi. 
X., No. 50; Head, Historia Numorum^ p. 491. 

3. 10. Philogenes. Philogenes the Athenian is mentioned as the 
founder of Phocaea by Strabo (xiv. p. 633). 

4. 3. Samothrace. According to Strabo (x. p. 457) the story of 
the colonisation of Samothrace from Samos was a vainglorious figment 
of the Samians. The legend is also mentioned by Antiphon (quoted by 
Suidas, s,v, ^/lodp^rj ; cp. Antiphon, ed. Blass, fragm. 49) ; Herap 
elides Ponticus (frag. 21, in Miiller's Fragm, hist, Graec, 2. p. 218); 
and Scymnus Chius {Orbis descript, 693 sqq,^ in Miiller's Geogrc^hi 
Graeci Minores^ i. p. 223). The recent explorers of Samothrace, Messrs. 



122 THE SAMIAN HERA bk. vii. achaia 

Conze, Hauser, and Benndorf, incline to accept the tradition ; they 
attribute to the old Samian colonists the great gate and the massive 
walls of the city of Samothrace, of which they give photographs. See 
Conze, Hauser, and Benndorf, Neue Untersuchungen auf Samotkrake 
(Wien, 1880), p. 106, with plates lxviii.-lxxii. 

4. 4- The sanctuary of Hera at Samos. On the scanty remains 
of this famous sanctuary see Toumefort, Relation (Pun Voyage au 
Levaniy i. p. 162 sq. (Amsterdam, 17 18); L. Ross, Reisen auf den 
griechischen Inseln, 2. p. 1^2 sq,\ Gu^rin, Description de Pile de 
Patmos et Pile de Samos^ p. 2 1 4 sqq, ; Girard, * L'H^raion de Samos,' 
Bulletin de Corresp, helUnique^ 4 (1880), pp. 383-394. On the 
measurements of the temple, see F. Hultsch, Heraion und Artemision 
(Berlin, 1881), p. 7 sqq,\ id,j <Die Maasse des Heraion zu Samos,' 
Archdologische Zeitungy 39 (1881), pp. 97-128. 

4. 4. the river Imbrasus. The original name of this stream is 
said to have been Parthenius (* the maiden's river '). See Strabo, x. p. 
457 ; i^i xiv. p. 637 ; Schol. on ApoUonius Rhodius, i. 187, ii. 866; 
Pliny, Nat. hist, v. 135. Hence Hera was called the Imbrasian 
goddess (Apollonius Rhodius, i. 187). The stream flows about 400 
paces to the east of the temple of Hera. Its banks are fringed with 
oleanders and agnus castus. In summer the bed of the river is nearly 
dry; in winter it is never full except after heavy rain. See Gu^rin, 
Description de Vile de Patmos^ etc, p. 169 sq, ; cp. L. Ross, Reisen auf 
den griech, Inseln^ 2. p. 143 sq, 

4. 4- the willow which still grows in her sanctuary. This was, 
according to Pausanias (viii. 23. 5), the oldest tree in existence. For 
another legend about Hera in which the willow appears conspicuously, 
see note on iii. 16. 11. 

4. 4. the image is a work of an Aeginetan, Smilis. The 

Samian Hera was at first represented by a mere board, for which an image 
in human shape was substituted in the reign of Procles (Clement 
of Alexandria, Protrept, iv. 46, p. 40, ed. Potter; as to Procles see 
above § 2). In later times her image, doubtless the one by Smilis, 
represented a bride, and the rite of marriage formed part of her annual 
festival (Lactantius, Instit, i. 17). Her image by Smilis is represented 
on Samian coins of the imperial age from Hadrian to the younger 
Valerian. The goddess is portrayed standing stiffly upright, her upper 
arms glued to her sides, her lower arms, from the elbows downwards, 
stretched out (to the front, apparently). A long fillet, composed of a 
string of balls ending in a tassel, hangs from each hand. She is clothed 
in a long robe, which reaches to her feet ; she wears a veil, which, 
however, leaves her face free ; her head is crowned with a high calathos. 
See Overbeck, Griech, Kunstmythologie^ 3. pp. 12-16; P. Gardner, 
Samos and Samian coins ^ p. 18 sqq. About 1875 a votive statue of 
Hera was found some 30 feet to the north of the sanctuary of Hera at 
Samos. The statue is in the archaic style. The goddess stands stiffly 
upright ; a long robe descends to her feet, leaving the toes of both feet 
visible ; the feet are close together ; the right arm hangs by the side ; 
the left hand is raised to the breast ; the head is wanting. The 



CH. IV THE SCULPTOR SMI LIS 123 

image bears the inscription : X.ripafivrjs ft* av6^Ty]#c[€]v rrjfrrii. ayakfixi. 
" Cheramyes dedicated me as a pleasing gift to Hera." The type of 
the statue is not the same as that on the coins, and therefore presum- 
ably is not copied from the statue by Smilis. On the other hand, it 
somewhat resembles an archaic statue of Artemis discovered at Delos. 
Sec Girard, * Statue archaique de Samos,' Bulletin de Corresp, hellin, 
4 (1880), pp. 483-493 ; Homolle, De antiquisstmis Dianae simulacris 
Deliacis (Paris, 1885); Preller, Gnech, MythologiCy^ p. 172, note i; 
CoUignon, Histoire de la Sculpture grecque^ i. pp. 162-164. 

The date of the sculptor Smilis is uncertain. That he was an 
historical person there is no real reason to doubt, though Pausanias 
represents him as a contemporary of the fabulous Daedalus. He made 
the images of the Seasons, seated on chairs in the temple of Hera at 
Olympia (v. 17. i). From the fact that these images are mentioned 
by Pausanias along with works by Doryclides and Theocles, pupils of 
Scyllis and Dipoenus, H. Brunn inferred that Smilis must have been a 
contemporary of Doryclides and Theocles, and that accordingly he 
probably flourished between Ol. 50 (580 B.C.) and Ol. 60 (540 B.C.) 
Overbeck assigned the same date to Smilis, though on somewhat 
different grounds. Formerly he was inclined to place him a good deal 
earlier, making him a contemporary of Rhoecus and Theodorus, the 
former of whom was the architect of Hera's temple at Samos 
(Herodotus, iii. 60 ; as to the date of Rhoecus and Theodorus, see note 
on viii. 14. 7). Prof. Furtwangler argues that Smilis was probably a 
Samian, not an Aeginetan artist. He points out that it is unlikely that 
the Samians would have employed an Aeginetan sculptor, since there 
was enmity between Samos and Aegina (Herodotus, iii. 59) ; that 
Pausanias is the only authority for calling Smilis an Aeginetan ; and 
that in Pausanias the term * Aeginetan ' is applied to a particular class 
of archaic images to which the image of Hera at Samos appears to 
have belonged. Hence Prof. Furtwangler believes the statement of the 
Aeginetan origin of Smilis to be nothing more than a mistaken inference 
drawn from the * Aeginetan ' style of Smilis's statue of Hera. 

See Brunn, Gesch, d, griech, KunsiUr^ i. p. 26 sqq, ; f^., Die Kunst hei 
Honur, p. 43 sq,\ id,^ 'Zur Chronologie der altesten griech. KUnstler,' in 
Sitzungsberichte of the Bavarian Academy (Munich), 187 1, Philosoph. philolog. CI., 
p. 542 sqq, ; Overbeck, SchriftquelUnt §§ 340-344 > id- » Griech, Kunstmythologii, 
3. p. 185 sq, ; id,^ Gesck, d. griech, Plastik,^ I. p. 92 so, ; A. S. Murrajr, History of 
Greek Sculpture^'* i. p. 180 x^. ; A. Furtwangler, Metsterwerke d, grtech, Plcutik^ 
pp. 720-723. As to the • Aeginetan* style ofsculpture see note on v. 25. 13. 

4. 5. Daedalns came of the royal honse of Athens, the 
Metionids. According to one tradition he was a son of Metion. See 
note on ix. 3. 2. 

4. 5. He had slain his sister's son etc. In societies where female 
kinship prevails with exogamy, the relation between a man and his 
sister's sons is in some respects closer than that which exists between 
him and his own sons. For his own sons belong to a different clan, 
namely to the clan of their mother ; whereas his sister's children belong 
to his own clan. Therefore to slay his sister's children is, according to 



124 SMYRNA— PANIONIUM bk. vxi. achaia 

the primitive rules of the blood-feud, a more heinous offence than to 
slay his own children. See J. J. Bachofen, AnHquarUche Briefe 
(Strasburg, 1880), i. p. 120 sqq. 

4. 6. as Homer signifies in the Iliad. The reference is probably 
to Ilicul^ xviii. 591 sq,^ where it is said that Daedalus wrought a 
representation of a dance for Ariadne in Cnosus. 

4. 6. Oocalos reftised to snrrender him etc. Minos pursued 
Daedalus to Sicily, and there he was murdered by the daughters of 
Cocalus, who poured boiling pitch or boiling water on him. See 
Zenobius, iv. 92 ; Philostephanus and Callimachus, cited by a schol. 
on Homer, Iliad^ ii. 145; Hyginus, Fab, 44; Diodorus, iv. 79; 
Epitoma Vaticcma ex Apollodori bibliotheca^ ed. R. Wagner, p. 56 sq. ; 
Apollodorus, ed. R. Wagner, p. 177 sq. According to Diodorus, 
Cocalus received Minos with a show of hospitality, but murdered him 
in a warm bath, and gave out that his royal guest had been acci- 
dentally drowned in it. In the time of Diodorus various remarkable 
natural objects, such as a cave filled with warm vapour, and a rocky 
caldron from which the river Alabon rushed into the neighbouring sea, 
were still pointed out as the works of Daedalus. See Diodorus, iv. 
78 sq, 

4. 9. Amphidus. He is mentioned by the historian Hippias of 
Erythrae (cited by Athenaeus, vi. p. 259 b). 

5. I. the Old City. Smyrna stands on the south side of the gulf 
of Smyrna. The Old City according to Strabo (xiv. pp. 634, 646) 
was situated on a bay, 20 furlongs distant from the more modem city. 
The site of this Old City seems to have been on the opposite (northern) 
side of the gulf, on the southern slopes of lamanlar Dagh^ the western 
part of Mount Sipylus. Here at various points are very considerable 
ancient remains ; a necropolis, two, or perhaps three, ancient acropolises, 
etc But the maps of the district are very insufficient, and it is difficult 
to reconcile the descriptions of travellers. 

See Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor^ etc I. p. 47 sqq, ; G. Hirschfeld, 
' Alt-Sm3nma,' in £. Curtius's 'Beitrage zur Geschichte und Topographie 
Kleinasiens/ Abhandlungen of the Berlin Academy, 1872, pp. 74-84; W. M. 
Ramsay, ' Newly discovered sites near Smyrna,' Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 
I (1880), pp. 63-74 (cp. Prof. Ramsay's sketch-map in icL 2. p. 274) ; W. 
Weber, *Hi^ron de C^b^le* etc in Mou^-ccov k<lX ptfiKtodifficri r^f e^T^eX. 
<rxo\vs, Smyrna, 3 (1878- 1880), pp. 105- 1 18; Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de Part 
dans VantiquUi^ 5. p. 39 sqq, I regret that the larger work of Weber, Le Sipylos 
et ses monufnents (Paris, 1880) is not accessible to me here in Cambridge 

5. I. PanionituxL See Herodotus, i. 143 and 148; Strabo, xiv. 
p. 639. Panionium, a sacred territory dedicated to Poseidon, where 
the lonians held their national assemblies and festivals, appears to have 
been situated near the modem village of Tskangli^ on the coast between 
Ephesus and Miletus. The spot, *< situated in a delightful and well- 
watered vaUey between two projecting points of the mountain, was 
admirably suited to the Panionian festival : and here Sir William Cell 
found, in a church on the sea-shore, an inscription in which he dis- 
tinguished the name of Panionium twice " (Leake, Journal of a tour in 
Asia MinoTy p. 260). Cp. Chandler, Travels in Asia Minor^ P« 1 5^ sq. 



CH. V NEMESES OF SMYRNA 125 

5. 2. As he slept under the plane-tree etc Alexander's dream, 
as it is here described by Pausanias, is represented on coins of Smyrna. 
He is seen sleeping under a tree, with the two Nemeses standing 
beside him. See Eckhel, Docirina numorum veterum^ 2. p. 548 sqq, ; 
Head, Historia numorum^ p. 510. 

5. 3. two Nemeses. On coins of Smyrna the two Nemeses 
are sometimes depicted driving in a chariot drawn by griffins (see 
Miiller-Wieseler, Denkmdler^ 2. pi. Ixxiv. No. 954). On other coins of 
the same city the two Nemeses appear " each with right hand raised 
to her breast, the one holding in her left a bridle, the other a sceptre, 
and with a wheel at her feet" (Head, Historia Numorum^ p. 510). 
Cp. preceding note. The Nemeses are mentioned in the plural in 
inscriptions of Smyrna. From one of these inscriptions we learn that 
games were celebrated in their honour, and from an inscription found at 
Halicamassus it appears that games were held in their honour at that 
city also. See C. /. G, Nos. 2663 (with Bockh's comments), 3148. 
Cp. L. Fivel in Gazette arMologiquCy 4 (1878), p. 105. The sanc- 
tuary of the Nemeses at Smyrna is mentioned by Pausanias elsewhere 
(ix. 35. 6; cp. i. 33. 7). 

5. 3. the father of the goddess (Nemesis) at Bhamnns was 
Ocean. Cp. i. 33. 3. Nemesis was said to have transformed herself 
into a swan in order to avoid the importunities of Zeus (Eratosthenes, 
Catasterisfniy 25), and in art she is sometimes represented with a swan. 
Hence Mr. L. v. Schroeder argues that she was one of those Swan- 
maidens of popular tales who can doff and don their swan-form at 
pleasure {Ap/irodite, Eros^ und Hephdstos^ p. 43 sqq,) As to the 
Swan-maidens see above, p. 106. 

5. 4. Ionia enjoys the finest of climates. Cp. Herodotus, i. 142, 
with Bahr's note. Some of the ancients maintained that the climate of 
Ionia was the finest in the world ; others gave the preference to the 
climate of Attica (Aristides, i. p. 402, ed. Dindorf). Hamilton says: 
" The soft Ionian climate must be felt before it can be appreciated. . . 
There is an exquisite softness in the air of this climate at the commence- 
ment of spring, when the ground is enamelled with flowers, of which no 
description can convey an idea" {Researches in Asia Minor^ i. p. 59). 

5. 4. the sanctuary of the Ephesian goddess. See note on iv. 
31. 8. 

5. 4. one at Branchidae. This was the sanctuary of the Didy- 
maean Apollo. The place itself is sometimes called Didyma, not Bran- 
chidae. See ii. 10. 5 ; v. 13. 11 ; vii. 2. 6. Elsewhere, as here, 
Pausanias speaks of the place as Branchidae (i. 16. 3 ; viii. 46. 3 ; ix. 
10. 2, cp. V. 7. 5). Herodotus generally speaks of the temple at Bran- 
chidae, but once (vi. 19) he speaks of "the temple at Didyma," indi- 
cating at the same time that it was the same as the temple at Branchidae. 
Strabo (xiv. p. 634) speaks of the oracle of the Didymaean Apollo at 
Branchidae. The name Branchidae is said to be etymologically related 
to the Sanscrit Brahman and the Latin flamen. See A. Kaegi, Der 
Rigveda^ p. 1 59. 

After its destruction by Xerxes the temple was rebuilt by the 



126 APOLLO OF BRANCHIDAE bk. vii. achaia 

Milesians on a very great scale (Strabo, Lc, ; see Brunn, in Sitzungs- 
berichte of the Bavarian Academy (Munich) for 1 87 1, Philosoph. philolog. 
CL, p. 522 sqq,) Chandler has thus described the site: "The temple 
of Apollo was 1 8 or 20 stadia, or about 2| miles, from the shore ; and 
180 stadia, or 22^ miles, from Miletus. It is approached by a gentle 
ascent, and seen afar off; the land toward the sea lying flat and level. 
The memory of the pleasure which this spot afforded me will not be 
soon or easily erased. The columns yet entire are so exquisitely fine, 
the marble mass so vast and noble, that it is impossible perhaps to con- 
ceive greater beauty and majesty of ruin. At evening a large flock of 
goats, returning to. the fold, their bells tinkling, spread over the heap, 
climbing to browse on the shrubs and trees growing between the huge 
stones. The whole mass was illuminated by the declining sun with a 
variety of rich tints, and cast a very strong shade. The sea, at a dis- 
tance, was smooth and shining, bordered by a mountainous coast with 
rocky islands. The picture was as delicious as striking" {Travels in 
Asia Minor^ p. 1 50). 

The temple is measured and delineated in the Ionian Antiquities 
(pt i.), pub. by the Dilettanti Society (London, 1759), pp. 27-53, 
plates i.-x. The temple was connected with the port on the north by a 
Sacred Way, which was flanked on each side by a row of statues. In 
1858 ten of these statues were removed under the direction of Sir 
Charles Newton. They are now in the British Museum. The statues 
are in the archaic style. They are seated in chairs, their hands resting 
on their knees, and draped in tunics which reach to their feet. With 
two exceptions they represent male figures. From inscriptions on them 
it is believed that these statues date from 580 to 540 B.C., so that they 
may have been already in position on either side of the Sacred Way, 
when the envoys of Croesus arrived at Branchidae to consult the oracle 
before he went to war with Cyrus. In type and style the statues remind 
us of Egyptian sculpture ; they may have been executed by artists who 
had studied in Egypt. 

See Sir C. T. Newton, Travels and Discoveries in the Levant^ 2. p. 147 sqq, ; 
id.y Essays on art and archaeology, p. 75 sqq. ; A. S. Murray, History of Greek 
Sculpture f^ I. p. 116 sqq. ; Overbeck, Gesch. d. griech. Plastik^^ l. p. ico sqq, ; 
Lucy M. Mitchell, Hist, of ancient sculpture^ p. 179 sq. For the inscriptions 
from the Sacred Way, see Roberts, Greek Epigraphy ^ Nos. 133-140. 

5. 4. the temple of Athena at Phocaea. Cp. ii. 31. 6. 

5. 5. the temple of Athena at Priene. The ruins of this temple 
have been examined and delineated for the Dilettanti Society first in 
last century and again in this. The temple occupied a platform of rock 
bounded by terrace walls. Immediately behind it rises a grand precipice 
to the height of 1000 feet; the summit of this height was the ancient 
acropolis. The temple was a small hexastyle (six columns at each end), 
of the Ionic order, measuring 1 2 1 feet 8 inches long by 64 feet wide. It 
" is one of the most complete and best proportioned of its class known 
to exist anywhere. The relative proportions of the cella to the pronaos 
and posticum and the arrangement of the peristyle are all typical, and 
unsurpassed for elegance by anything found elsewhere " {^Antiquities of 



CH. V ATHENA OF PRIENE laj 

Ionia, Pt. iv. p. 32). "The sculptured ornaments throughout the build- 
ing, such as the honeysuckle pattern on the cymation, are delicately 
carved and of excellent style. The temple was constructed of a bluish 
marble quarried in the neighbouring mountain. It is of fine grain, and 
admits of a high polish. The capitals of the anlae and a sculptured 
frieie , . . were of fine white marble. The masonry is of a superior 
character, the joints being so close that the eye hardly detects them" 
{ib. p. 30). The temple was built in the ^e of Alexander the Great, 
by whom it was dedicated to Athena Polias, as we learn from an in- 
scription found on the site. The architect u'as Pytheus (Vitruvius, 
i. I. 12 ; vii. I. 13). 

On the marble floor of the temple, when it was cleared by Mr. 
Pullao for the Dilettanti Society in 1868, were seen the lower courses 
of a large pedestal at the west end of the cello. On this pedestal no 
doubt stood the image of which Pausanlas here spealcs admiringly. Of 
the image itself some fragments were found, and are now in the British 
Museum. They consist of a colossal left foot, a fragment of a colossal 
left hand, and the whole of a colossal left upper arm (made up of 93 
fis^ments). The statue would seem to have been about 20 feet high. 

Since the temple was cleared by Mr. Fullan in 1868 it has become 
a quarry for the masons of the nearest Greek village, who have worked 
up into doorsteps, tombstones, etc., the fine marble blocks which were 
shaped and dressed by the workmen of Alexander's age. 

See Ionian Auliquitits (London, 1759), pp. 13-2$, with plates i.-xii. ; Anli- 
fuitiis ef lenia. Hi. iv. (London, iSSi), pp. 11-34, with plates i.-xxi. ; Chandler, 
Traeili in Asia Miner,'' p. 160 ; Newlon, Emnsim art and arikaeeUgy, p.gosf. j 
E, L. Hicks, \n hurnat of Hettinic Studifs, 6(1885), P- 264 w. ; Baumeisler's 
Dtnkmakr, p. 283. For insciipt ions found at Friene, see ^w Jeumai <if HelUnie 
Shfi/ie/, 4(1884], pp. 237-242 ; Hicks, Grai historical InKripiiom.'Sta. 123,124; 
Diltcnbetgcr, Syllo^ Jnscr. Grate. Nos. II7, 24I ; Newlon, Essays, p. I20; 
'E^^pli 6.pxiio\(r,iiH,, 1886, p]J. 218-224. 

S. 5. the image of Hercules etc. On coins of Erythrae, from the 
age of Augustus onward, there is often 
figured an archaic image of Hercules, 
probably the one here mentioned by 
Pausanias. The hero is represented naked 
and without the lion's skin, his usual 
emblem. He is standing upright in a stiff J 
posture, resting equally on both feet li 
his right hand, which is raised above hi; 
head, he holds his club ; in his left ! 
lance. See A. Furtwiingler, in Roscher^s 
Lexikon, I. p. 2137; P. Gardner, Types 
of Greek Coins, pi. xv. No. 8 ; B. V. Head, 
Hisloria Numoruin, p. 499. As the image 
was said to have come from Tyre, it may 
have represented the Tyrian Hercules or 

Melcart. From Pausanias's description of its style, Mr. Helbig infers 
that the image was a Phoenician work in the Egyptian manner (fias 





itf HERCULES OF ERYTBRAE ix. tt-_ msais 

homteritcke Epot aia dem DemkmMUm erUnUrt* p. 4"E;. Tie i^eed 
that the image flgoied W Eryduae on a rafi is iwnajtaWv ilh:5?a3d ^ 
a (encf of tcantw, on wUdi Hercnles is represented cm bis nt- He 
■i pwtrayed as a naked man, of poweifb] build, Ij-ing oa his back ob a 
nft 1 in bis ri^t hasd be gras^ Ies 
dnb, in his left he holds the cons- of 
tbe sail, Thich is bellying out in ifae 
«ind. Under tbe laA aie a mssber 
I of earthen ptcher^ serving as 5aa:s. 
Simitar rafts, consisting of tows of 
' empty earthen pots &stened :ogcdie- 
and cuneied with palms and [daaks, 
are still in use in Egypt- Aboi-c 
Hercules, as he lies on his raft, aie 
a star, the disc of the son. and the 
(icaual. crescent moon. Such embtems are 

common on Phoenician moomnent^ 
and go to show that the Hercules represented is the Phoenician 
Hercules or MelcarL At his back is his bow, which, with his dub, 
serve* to identpfy him as Hercules. Nine or ten such scarabs are 
known. See E. Courbaud, ' La naiHgalion d'Hercule,' yUUmgts 
tCArchMogie et d'Hiiloirt, Ecole Fran^ise de Rome, 12 (1893), 
pp. 374-2«8. 

Hercules was worshipped at Erythrae under the title of Worm- 
Killer (Ipoktonos), because he killed a sort of worm {ip^) which destroyed 
the vines ; Erythiae was said to be tbe only place that was free from 
this pcM (StralKJ, xiii. p. 613). The sanctuary of Hercules at Erj-thiae 
is mentioned in an inscription found on the site (MoiircMV icai 
fii^kuiBt'iKjf T^( tvayytK. tj-\o\^t, Smyrna, a (1876-1878), p. 58; 
Dittenber^ger, Sylloge Inscr. Craec. No. 160). 

As to the Hercules of Erythrac, my friend the late W. Robertson 
Smith wrote to me as follows : " Why is he Tyrian ? Pausanias comes 
back 10 him ix. 27. 8, but this leaves it unclear whether he was really 
Phoenician or only thought to be so from his cult. From the latter 
one would fancy him rather Thracian. Women, according to Silius 
[Italicus, iii. 23], were excluded from Hcrcules's temple at Gades, as 
they certainly were at Rome [see Macrobius, Sal. i. 12. 28 ; Aurelius 
Victor, Or. gent. Rom. 6 ; Plutarch, Quaesl. Rom. 60 ; Gellius, xi. 6. 2]. 
But here those women who offer their hair are admitted. The rope, 1 
suppose, is a rope of hair offerings, and as this in the Dea Syria [of 
Lucian, g 6] is in Phoenician ritual a substitute for the offering of one's 
chastity one can understand why only slave women and the like 
frequent the temple. Was there a similar reason for the exclusion of 
women from the worship of Hercules at Rome ? All this wants looking 
into. What seems clear is that the legend is aetiological like those in 
Plutarch, Qu. Rom., etc. etc., and thai the Thracian women used to 
offer their hair at the temple. If I am right in thinking that the hair 
ofTeriiig is a surrogate, the worship will be really Lydian. See 
Athenaeus, xu. p- S i S e sg." Cp. the next note. 



CH. V THE WONDERS OF IONIA 129 



5. 7- liad lost his eyesight. Bachofen thought that in Oriental 
religions blindness is a symbol of religious prostitution. He refers to 
the blindness of Ilus (Plutarch, Parallela^ 17), of Anchises (Servius on 
Virgil, Aen, ii. 687), of Lamia (Diodorus, xx. 41 ; Movers, Die 
Phoenizier^ i. p. 476 x^.), and of Oedipus. See Bachofen, Die Sage von 
Tanaquily p. 68 sq. ; id.^ Das Mutterrecht^ pp. 146 sq,^ 170 sq,^ 246, 275. 
5. 9. There is also in Erythrae a temple of Athena. This 
temple is mentioned in inscriptions (Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscr, Graec. 
Nos. 84, 160). 

5. 9. Endoens. See note on i. 26. 4. 

5. 10. the peculiar mountain of Pion. It used to be supposed 
that this was the round moimtain which bounded Ephesus on the 
east But the researches of Mr. Wood at Ephesus have conclusively 
proved that this mountain was Coressus ; and that consequently Mt 
Pion must be the long serrated mountain which bounded Ephesus on 
the south, and which modem topographers, before Mr. Wood, had called 
Coressus. The city-wall can still be traced winding along the lofty and 
irregular ridge of Mt. Pion. See J. T. Wood, Discoveries at Ephesus^ 
p. 2 sqq,^ 79 sqq, (Mr. Wood adopts Prion as the form of the name. 
The name wotdd then mean 'a saw,' and be well applicable to the 
serrated ridge. But this form of the name seems to rest on a false 
reading in Strabo, xiv. p. 633. The form Pion is confirmed by Pliny, 
N€U. hist V. 115.) It is not known what the peculiarity of Mt Pion 
was to which Pausanias refers. From the evidence of coins on which 
Zeus is represented seated on the top of Mt Pion with a thunderbolt in 
his left hand, while with his right he pours out rain, E. Curtius con- 
jectured that Zeus was worshipped as a rain-giver on the top of the 
mountain (*Beitrage zur Geschichte und Topographie Kleinasiens,' 
p. 2 sq. ; Gesammelte Abhandlungeny 2. p. 233 sqq.) At the highest 
point of Mt. Pion, 1 300 feet above the sea, a large area has been cleared 
and levelled in antiquity. Here Mr. Wood found several large cisterns 
sunk in the rock, and at the eastern extremity of the ridge he came 
upon the remains of a large earthenware water-pipe at a high level 
(Discoveries at Ephesus^ p. 7). These discoveries appear to confirm 
Curtius's conjecture that there may have been a sanctuary or precinct 
of Rainy Zeus on the top of the mountain. 

5. 10. the spring Halitaea. "On the low dry ground to the 
north of the marsh or harbour, and which was covered with broken tiles 
and pottery, we found a beautiful spring flowing into the marsh close 
by" (W. J. Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor^ 2. p. 25). Hamilton 
thought that this spring might be Halitaea. Pliny mentions a spring 
called Callippia in Ephesus {NcU, hist, v. 115). 

5. 10. Biblis. Cp. vii. 24. 5. The tragic story of Biblis's love is 
told by Parthenius {Narrat, Am. 1 1). 

5. 10. the Ales. See note on vii. 3. i. 

5. 10. its wondrons and salnbrions baths. See vii. 3. 5 note. 

5. II. Cape Macria. The late G. Hirschfeld identified with 
Macria a cape in the district of Teos, off which there lies an island. 
The island he takes to be Macris, mentioned by Livy (xxxvii. 28). 

VOL. IV K 



130 THE WONDERS OF IONIA bk. vii. achaia 

There are still hot springs on the cape. See Hirschfeld, * Teos,* Archd- 
ologische Zdtung^ 31. p. 23 sqq, 

5. II. The Olazomenians have also baths. Strabo (xiv. p. 645) 
mentions warm springs between Clazomenae and Smyrna. They are 
probably identical with the warm springs called the Agamemnonian 
springs which were situated 40 furlongs from Smyrna. There was a 
legend that warm baths had been prescribed by the soothsayers for the 
wounded Greeks in the Trojan war. See Philostratus, Herotca^ iii. 35. 
Chandler believed that he had found the springs and the bath. " You 
descend by steps to the bath, which is imder a modem vaulted roof, 
with vents in it for the steam ; and adjoining to this is a like room now 
disused. The current, which is soft and limpid, is conveyed into a 
small round basin of marble, and runs over into a large cistern or reser- 
voir beneath. Our thermometer rose in the vein to one hundred and 
fifty. . . . The warm rill emerges in two or more places in the bed 
of the river, and in cool weather may easily be discovered, a thick mist 
rising from it visible afar off" (Chandler, Travels in Asia Minor ^^ p. 
83 sq,) 

5. 12. the river Meles. Chandler identified this with the river 
which fiows near Smyrna ; he describes it as a clear stream, shallow in 
summer, but swelling to a rapid and deep torrent in winter {Travels in 
Asia Minor^ p. 69). Hamilton, on the other hand, calls the river 
near Smyrna " a dirty, muddy stream " ; and identifies the Meles with 
the river at Boumoubat^ near the ruins of Old Smyrna, at the north- 
eastern comer of the Gulf of Smyrna. The river at Boumoubat^ accord- 
ing to him, is a "bright and sparkling river . . . celebrated for its 
agreeable and wholesome qualities" (W. J. Hamilton, Researches in 
Asia Minor ^ i. p. 51). The latter identification is confirmed by an 
ancient Greek inscription on a pillar in the mosque at Boumoubat^ the 
translation of which is : "I sing the praises of the river Meles, the god 
who saved me from all pestilence and evil." See Arundell, Discoveries 
in Asia Minor^ 2. p. 406. 

5. 1 2. a grotto where they say that Homer composed his poems. 
Chandler searched for this grotto at Smyma. In the bank above the 
aqueduct he found " a cavem, about four feet wide, the roof of a huge 
rock cracked and slanting, the sides and bottom sand " (Travels in Asia 
Minor^ p. 72). Hamilton, who also visited this cavem, describes it as 
a long and narrow passage or gallery cut in the soft calcareous tuff; he 
thinks it is part of an ancient aqueduct and of no very great antiquity. 
He also visited some caves overhanging a ravine in the mountains above 
Boumoubatj which are popularly known as the Caves of Homer. " They 
are plain and unimportant, about five feet high, and extend from twelve 
to fifteen feet into the rock ; they were probably sepulchral " (Hamilton, 
Researches in Asia Minor ^ i. p. 55). 

5. 13. Oenopion. Cp. vii. 4. 8. 

6. I. These cities were twelve in number. Lists of the 

twelve Achaean cities are also given by Herodotus (i. 145), Polybius 
(ii. 41), and Strabo (viii. p. 385 sq,) The lists of Herodotus and 
Strabo tally exactly, but their list differs from the lists of Polybius and 



CH. VII THE ACHAEAN LEAGUE 131 

Pausanias, and the lists of these two last authors disagree with each 
other. Rhypes and Aegae, mentioned by Pausanias, are mentioned also 
by Herodotus and Strabo, but not by Polybius. Cerynea, mentioned by 
Pausanias, is mentioned also by Polybius, but not by Herodotus and 
Strabo. Patrae is included in the list by Herodotus, Strabo, and 
Polybius, but is not included by Pausanias. Leontium is included by 
Polybius, but not by any of the others. In respect to the other cities, 
the lists all agree. 

6. 4* tho Achaeans were warm allies of the Patreans. In 419 
B.C. Alcibiades, at the head of an Athenian force, persuaded the Patreans 
to connect their city with the sea by means of long walls (Thucydides, 
V. 52). When some one warned the Patreans that, if they did so, the 
Athenians would swallow them up, " Perhaps so," retorted Alcibiades, 
" but at least they will do it gradually and begin at your feet, whereas 
the Lacedaemonians will begin at your head and swallow you at one 
gulp" (Plutarch, Alcibiades^ 15). From Pausanias's statement it would 
seem that the rest of the Achaeans sympathised with the Patreans in 
thus casting in their lot with Athens. But the Greek text of the passage 
is probably corrupt, and the meaning is somewhat uncertain. 

6. 5. the wrestler OhiloiL See vi. 4. 6. 

6. 9. the people were brought back by Oassander. Cp. iv. 27. 

10 ; ix. 3. 6 ; ix. 7. I. 

7. I. the Achaean League. The history of the Achaean League 
or Confederacy and questions relating to it are treated of by Thirlwall, 
History of Greece^ 8. p. 86 sqq, ; E. A. Freeman, History of Federal 
Government^ 1. p. 218 sqq. ; M. Dubois, Les ligues Etolienne et AclUenne 
(Paris, 1885); Klatt, Forschungen zur Geschichte des achdischen 
Bundes (Berlin, 1877) ; id.^ Chronologische Beitrdge zur Geschichte des 
achdischen Bundes (Berlin, 1883); G. F. Unger, *Das Strategenjahr 
der Achaier,* Sitzungsberichte for 1879 of the Bavarian Academy 
(Munich), Philosoph. philolog. CI., pp. 117-192; A. Weinert, Die 
achdische Bundesverfassung (Demmin, 1881) ; Hill, Der achdische 
Bund seit 168 2/. /. Chr, (Elberfeld, 1883); B. Baier, Studien zur 
achaeischen Bundes -verfassung (Wiirzburg, 1886); C. Wachsmuth, 
*Ueber eine Hauptquelle fiir die Geschichte des achaischen Bundes,' 
Leipziger Studien zur classischen Philologies 10 (1887), pp. 269-298. 
The two last writers investigate the authority or authorities followed by 
Pausanias in his sketch of the history of the Achaean League. They 
both come to the conclusion that he followed, not Polybius, but some 
historian now lost, whose work was coloured by a strong bias in favour 
of the Achaean League. 

7. 2. the federal assemblies at Aegiuxn. Cp. vii. 24. 4; 

Livy, xxxviii. 30. See also note on vii. 24. 2. 

7. 3. Agis captured Pellene. Cp. ii. 8. 5 ; viii. 27. 14. 

7. 3. Oleomenes gained a decisive victory over the 

Achaeans etc. Cp. ii. 9. i sq, 

7. 4- subjugating Megalopolis. See viii. 27. 151^.; viii. 28. 7. 

7. 4- I shall again have occasion to mention 01eomene& See 



7. 4- I shall again have occasion t 

viii. 8. II ; viii. 27. 15 sq, \ viii. 29. 4 sq. 



132 THE ACHAEAN LEAGUE bk. vii. achaia 

7. 5. the poisoned cup. See ii. 9. 4. 

7. 6. the keys of Greece. According to other writers Philip called 
these three fortresses, not the keys, but the fetters, of Greece. See 
Polybius, xviii. 1 1. 5 ; Appian, Macedan, 8. p. 330, ed. Mendelssohn ; 
Livy, xxxii. 37 ; Plutarch, Flamimnus^ 10. 

7. 7* In my account of Attica etc. See i. 36. 5 sq, 

7. 8. Otilios. Pausanias means Publius Villius Tappulus. On the 
mistakes in Pausanias's account of his operations, see the paper of Prof. 
C. Wachsmuth (cited above in note on § i), p. 277 sq, Hestiaea 
(Oreus) was captured by the Roman fleet under the command of 
Apustius in 200 B.C. (Livy, xxxi. 46). Anticyra was taken by 
Flamininus in 198 B.C. (Livy, xxxii. 18). Elsewhere (x. 36. 6) Pausanias 
repeats his statement that Anticyra was taken by Otilius. 

8. I. sent to the Achaeans, desiring etc. On this and what 
follows, see Livy, xxxii. 19-23 ; Appian, Macedon. 7. p. 329 sq.^ ed. 
Mendelssohn ; C. Wachsmuth, op. cit. p. 279 sq. 

8. 3. they had joined it before, when etc. See ii. 8. 4 sq. 
8. 5. These walls had been hastily run np at the time of the 
Invasion, first of Demetrins etc. See i. 1 3. 6 note, and vol. 3. p. 324. 
8. 6. I shall treat of this topic etc. See viii. 51.3. 

8. 9. Ye Macedonians, who glory etc. These Sibylline verses are 
also quoted by Appian {Macedon. 2. p. 327, ed. Mendelssohn). 

9. I. They requested the officers of the League to summon a 
diet etc. With this and the following section cp. Polybius, xxii. 13 
and 15 sq.^ ed. Hultsch (xxiii. 10-12, ed. Dindorf) ; Livy, xxxix. 33. 

9. 3. The Senate sent a commission, with Appius at its head 
etc. For a fuller account of the affairs described in ^ 3 and 4 of this 
chapter, see Livy, xxxix. 33 and 35-37. 

9. 5. the Achaeans had despatched a counter embassy etc. See 
Polybius, xxiii. 4, ed. Hultsch ; C. Wachsmuth, op. cit. p. 285 sq. 

9. 6. they intrigued to have them restored etc. See Polybius, 
xxiv. 10-12, ed. Hultsch ; C. Wachsmuth, op. cit. p. 287. 

10. I. the Samian captains deserted the Ionian fleet. See 

Herodotus, vi. 13 sq. 

10. 2. Eretria betrayed by Philagrus etc. See Herodotus, 

vi. loi. 

10. 2. Thessaly was betrayed by the Aleuads etc. See 

Herodotus, vii. 6 and 130. 

10. 2. Attaginus and Timegenidas. See Herodotus, ix. chapters 
16, 38, 86-88. 

10. 2. Xenias, an Elean, tried to betray Elis. See iii. 8. 4 ; v. 
4. 8. 

10. 6. led an army against . . . Abrupolis, king of the Sapaeans 
etc. The Sapaeans were a Thracian tribe in the neighbourhood of 
Abdera (Strabo, xii. p. 549 sq.) Abrupolis made a raid on the gold 
mines of Pangaeum, but was defeated and expelled from his kingdom by 
Perseus (Polybius, xxii. 8. 2, ed. Hultsch). As Abrupolis was an ally of 
the Romans, his expulsion formed one of the grounds on which Eumenes, 
king of Pergamus, accused Perseus before the Roman senate of being 



CH. XX THE A CHAEAN LEAGUE 1 33 

an enemy of Rome (Livy, xlii. 13 and 40 ; Appian, Macedonica^ xi. 2) ; 
and historians assigned it as the first of the causes which led to the 
rupture between Perseus and the Romans (Polybius, /.r.) 

10. 7* ten Roman senators were sent to settle the afElAirs of 
Macedonia etc. See Polybius, xxx. 13. 8 sqq, ; Livy, xlv. 31. 9 sqq, ; 
C. Wachsmuth, op, at p. 288 sq. \ Baier, Siudten sur achaeischen 
Bundes-verfassung^ p. 5. 

10. 12. three hundred prisoners were released. Cp. 

Polybius, xxxv. 6. 

11. I. the Romans despatched a senator to arbitrate etc 

According to Polybius (xxxi. 9) two senators, Gains Sulpicius and 
Manius Sergius, were sent by the senate to oversee the affairs of Greece 
and to arbitrate between Lacedaemon and Megalopolis (not Argos, as 
Pausanias says) in a dispute about a piece of territory. Cp. C. Wach- 
smuth, op, ciL p. 289 ; Baier, op, cit, p. 6 sq, Mr. Baier remarks that 
Polybius must be right and Pausanias wrong, since the former was in 
Rome at the time referred to, and must have known the whole history 
of the dispute. A mutilated inscription found at Olympia perhaps 
refers to this dispute. Stt Archdologische Zeitungy 37 (1879), p. 127 
sqq,y Inscr. No. 259. 

11. 3. Plenron. On the ruins of Pleuron, see a paper by Mr. £. D. 
Colnaghi, in Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature^ 7 (1863), 
pp. 239-244. 

11. 4* the Athenian democracy pillaged Oropns. Cp. Aulus 
Gellius, vi. (vii.) 14. 8 ; Polybius, xxxii. 25, xxxiii. 2, ed. Hultsch. 
Although Pausanias and Aulus Gellius speak only of the devastation of 
Oropus by the Athenians, we know from an inscription, which refers to 
this affair (C /. G, G, S, i. No. 411), that the whole native population 
was expelled from the country, but was afterwards restored through the 
intervention of the Achaean League (see below). This occupation of 
Oropus by the Athenians seems to have taken place in 156 B.C. Cp. 
F. Durrbach, De Oropo et Amphiarai sacro, p. 63 sqq, 

11. 5. at the petition of the Athenians. The Athenians sent as 
ambassadors to Rome Cameades the Academic philosopher, Diogenes 
the Stoic, and Critolaus the Peripatetic (Aulus Gellius, vL (vii.) 14. 9 ; 
Plutarch, Cato Major, 22). 

11. 7* The Oropians then appealed for help to the Achaeans 

etc An inscription found in the sanctuary of Amphiaraus near Oropus 
throws some fresh light on these transactions (C. /. G, G, S, i. No. 4x1; 
'E<fn)fjL€pU dpxaf'oXoyiK'qy 1885, p. 97 sqq,) At an assembly of the 
Achaean League, held in CorinUi, the cause of the Oropians was earnestly 
pleaded by a certain Hiero of Aegira. In consequence of his repre- 
sentations a special meeting of the League was called at Argos to 
consider the case. Here Hiero lodged the Oropian envoys in his own 
house, sacrificed on their behalf to Saviour Zeus, and advocated their 
cause so successfully against the Athenian representatives that he pre- 
vailed on the League to succour the Oropians and to restore them to 
their country with their wives and children. The grateful Oropians set 
up a bronze statue of Hiero, and made proclamation of having done so 



134 THE ACHAEAN LEAGUE bk. vii. achaia 

at the great games of Amphiaraus. Cp. F. Diirrbach, De Oropo et 
Amphiarai sacro^ P« 63 sqq, 

12. 4. the S^te had ordered them to submit all caees, except 
capital ones etc. See vii. 9. 5. 

13. I. a revolt headed by Andriscns, son of Persons. According 
to Livy (^Epit 48. 49) this Andriscus was an impostor, a man of the 
lowest class, who falsely gave himself out to be a son of Perseus. 

13. 7. the town of lasns. This Laconian town is not otherwise 
known. 

14. I. the Roman Senate deemed it fkir etc. Cp. Justin, xxxiv. i ; 

Livy, Epit 5 1 ; Polybius, xxxviii. 7 ; Baier, op. cit p. 7 sqq, 

14. 5. to wait for another assembly of the League etc. It is 
generally supposed that the Federal Assembly of the Achaean League 
met twice a year, in spring and autumn. See Freeman, History of 
Federal Government^ i. p. 275 ; T>\}bo\s, Les ligues Atoltenne et AcfUenne^ 
p. 115 sq. The present passage certainly seems to imply that the 
Assembly met only every half-year. However, Prof. G. F. Unger 
attempts to prove that the Assembly met four times a year. See Sitz- 
ungsberichte of the Bavarian Academy (Munich), Philosoph. philolog. 
CI., 1879, P- 134 SQQ' ; cp. Baier, op. cit. p. 14 sqq. With the present 
passage of Pausanias compare Polybius, xxxviii. 9. 

14. 6. Now when a king or a state goes to war etc The 
following argument to show that the downfall of the Achaean League 
could not properly be described as a misfortune, is a covert polemic 
against Polybius, who expressly refers to that event as an instance of 
misfortune. See Polybius, xxxviii. 3, § i sqq.^ and 5, §§ 5-7, xxxix. 9, § 9 ; 
C. Wachsmuth, op. cit. p. 294 sqq. 

15. 4. Oritolans was not seen alive after the battle. According 
to Livy {Epit. 52) Critolaus poisoned himself 

15. 10. he paid the forfeit. According to Polybius (xxxix. 9. 10) 
Pytheas retired with his wife and children to Peloponnese, and roamed 
up and down the country. 

16. 9. assessors. These assessors were ten in number (Polybius, 
xl. 9 sq.) Statues of them and of Mummius were set up at Olympia. 
See vol. 3. p. 634 sq. 

17. 3. Nero set it free. According to Plutarch {Flamininus^ 

12) Nero personally announced ' the liberation of Greece in a speech 
which he delivered to the people from a platform in the market-place at 
Corinth during the celebration of the Isthmian games. Suetonius says 
{Nero^ 24) that the announcement was made by Nero in the stadium at 
Corinth, on the day of the Isthmian games, just before the emperor 
left Greece. Cp. Pliny, Nat. hist. iv. 22 ; Philostratus, Vit. Apoll. 
V. 41 ; Dio Cassius, Ixiii. 11. The official text of Nero's speech was 
discovered a few years ago inscribed on a stone in the church of St. 
George at Acraephnium (Acraephia) in Boeotia. From this inscription 
we learn that the speech was delivered at Corinth on the 28th of 
November, when Nero held the tribunician power for the thirteenth time. 
This would seem to make the date of the speech 66 A.D. ; but if Sue- 
tonius is right (see above) the date was 67 a.d. The speech affords us 



CH. XVII DYME 135 

incidentally a glimpse of the decay of Greece ; for Nero expresses a 
wish that he had been able to confer the boon on Greece in its palmy 
days, because then there would have been more people to share the 
benefit See Bulletin de Corr. helUniquey 12 (1888), pp. 510-528; 
AcAtiov apxaLoXoyucov, 1 888, pp. 192-194. 

17. 3. Plato's sa^^ing. See Plato, Republic^ vi. p. 491 e. 

17. 4* Vespasian commanded that they should again pay tribute 
etc Cp. Philostratus, Vit Apollon, v. 41, who agrees with Pausanias 
in saying that intestine strife furnished Vespasian with the pretext for 
withdrawing the freedom of Greece. Apollonius of Tyana is said to 
have written some uncomplimentary letters to the emperor on the 
subject, which Philostratus has preserved. 

17. 5. the river Larisos. See vi. 26. 10 note. 

17. 5. Dyme. The remains of Dyme are generally identified with 
the ruins in the neighbourhood of Karavostasi, a hamlet lying in low 
swampy ground among woods. To the north-west, a mile beyond the 
village, a narrow pass in the hills leads to the salt-water lagoon of 
Kalogrioy which is well stocked with fish and is separated from the sea 
only by a low sandbank, through which there is an opening navigable 
by boats. Near the village, on its eastern side, Leake found several 
remains of ancient Greek masonry ; others he found below the village, 
toward the lagoon ; and in all the fields round the hamlet were frag- 
ments of wrought stone and broken pottery. About two miles to the 
east of Karavostasi is a hill with a chapel of St. George (not St. Con- 
stantine, as is usually stated). Here there were formerly some scanty 
ancient remains, mostly Roman, but they seem now to have disappeared. 
The hill may possibly have been the acropolis of Dyme. Its position 
agn'ces fairly with the distance of 60 furlongs from Cape Araxus men- 
tioned by Strabo (viii. p. 337), and with the distance of 40 furlongs 
from Olenus mentioned by Strabo (viii. p. 386) and by Pausanias 
(vii. 18. i), if we suppose that Olenus was at Kato-Achcda. But more 
probably we should identify Dyme with the remains near Kato-Achcda^ 
and about 7 miles east of Karavostasi^ which are usually supposed 
to be those of Olenus. See notes on § 8 and vii. 18. i. The coimtry 
between Karavostcui and Kato-Achaia is now covered with beautiful 
woods of ancient oaks. There is no underwood between the massive 
boles of the trees, but in spring the ground is carpeted with luxuriant 
grass, sprinkled here and there with asphodels. Scattered about in the 
woods are the tents of the wandering Albanian herdsmen, who pasture 
their fiocks here in summer, but drive them to the hills when the grass 
withers up with the summer heat. 

See Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 311 sq, ; Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 160; Boblaye, 
Recherches^ p. 20 ; Curtius, Pelop, I. p. 423 sq, ; Bursian, Gtogr, 2. p. 321 ; von 
Duhn, in Mittheil. d, arch, Inst, in Atken^ 3 (1878), p. 76 sq. ; Guide-Joanne, 2, 
p. 329 ; A. Philippson, Pehponnes, pp. 297, 305. 

17. 5. Snlpicins allowed his army to sack it. Livy, writing of 
the year 198 B.C., mentions that Dyme had recently been captured and 
sacked by a Roman army (xxxii. 22. 10). Appian speaks of the injuries 



136 DYMB BK. VII. ACHAIA 

inflicted on Greece by Sulpicius {Maced, 7). In the year 208 RC. 
Sulpicius sailed with a fleet from Naupactus and ravaged the coast 
between Corinth and Sicyon (Livy, xxvii. 31). An inscription found at 
Dyme and now in the library of Trinity College, Cambridge, proves 
that even after the conquest of Greece some attempt at rebellion was 
made at Dyme. A certain Sosus, aided by one of the magistrates, 
drew up a new constitution for the city and burned the public offices 
with the archives. For this he and his accomplice were condemned to 
death by the Proconsul Q. Fabius Maximus. The inscription seems to 
date either from 120 or 115 B.C. See C. 7. G, No. 1543; Bursian, 
Geogr, 2. p. 320. 

17. 5. AngnstuB annexed it to Patrae. This is doubted by 
Mommsen. Coins of Dyme show that a Roman colony was settled in 
the town first by Julius Caesar and afterwards by Augustus (Mommsen, 
Romische Geschichie^ 5. p. 238, note 3), and it is spoken of as a colony 
both by Strabo (xiv. p. 665) and Pliny (A'<a/. hisL iv. 13). Cp. G. F. 
Hertzberg, Gesch, Griechenlands unter der Herrschaft der Rotner^ i. 
p. 496. Previously Pompey had settled at Dyme many of the pirates 
whom he had conquered (Strabo, viii. p. 387 sq.y xiv. p. 665 ; Plutarch, 
Pompeius^ 28 ; Appian, Mithrid, 96). Some of these gentry afterwards 
betook themselves to their old trade and scoured the neighbouring sea 
(Cicero, Ep, ad AtUcum^ xvi. i. 3). 

17. 6. Oebotas. Cp. § 13 sg. and vi. 3. 8. 

17. 7- they call Amphiarans and AdrastnB Phoronids. Amphi- 
araus and Adrastus were Argives, and the Argives are said to have 
been called Phoronids of old (Stephanus Byzantius, s,v. "Apyos) after 
Phoroneus, the first man bom in the land (Paus. ii. 15. 5). 

17. 7. they style Theseus an Erechthid. Theseus was descended 
from Erechtheus on his father's side (Plutarch, Theseus^ 3). 

17. 8. the grave of Sostratus. At the village of Kato-Achma^ 
7 miles to the east of Karavostasiy a Greek inscription has been 
found recording the epitaph of a youth named Polystratus, who had 
been greatly esteemed by Hercules ; he was slain by the Molinids 
(Molionids) ; Hercules wept for him and cut off a lock of his hair in 
his honour. Probably this is the epitaph of the tomb described by 
Pausanias ; if so, Pausanias has made a mistake in the name, and the 
ruins near Kato-Achaia are probably those of Dyme, not Olenus (see 
note on 18. i ). For the inscription see Kaibel, Epigrammata Graeca^ 
No. 790. 

17. 8. offered him some of the hair of his head. It seems to 
have been customary in ancient Greece and Italy for a mourner to cut 
off some locks of his hair and to lay them on the grave. So Orestes 
laid a lock of his hair on the tomb of his father Agamemnon (Aeschylus, 
Choeph» 4 sqq,) Hecuba left a tress of her grey hair on Hector's grave 
(Ovid, Metam, xiii. 427 sq,) Achilles shore a lock of his yellow hair 
and placed it in the hand of his dead friend Patroclus (Homer, lUcuLt 
xxiii. 141 sqq,) At Lecce in Apulia the women who are hired to mourn 
tear out their hair and throw it on the corpse (R. Andree, Ethnogra- 
phische Parallele und Vergleiche^ p. 150 ^^.) Among the Servians 



CH. XVII ATTIS AND SWINE 137 

until comparatively recent times relations used to cut off their hair and 
£uten it to the grave (G. A. Wilken, Ueber das Hctaropfer^ P* 65). A 
similar custom still prevails among the Arabs. On one grave Captain 
Conder saw forty-five, on another thirty- three plaits of women's hair 
fastened on strings (Conder, Heth and Moab^ p. 331). See also 
Goldziher, Muhammedamsche Studien^ i. p. 248 sq,\ W. Robertson 
Smith, Religion of the Semites^ p. 323 sqq, "The natives of many 
parts of Australia, when at a funeral, cut off portions of their beards, 
and singeing these, throw them upon the dead body ; in some instances 
they cut off the beard of the corpse, and burning it, rub themselves and 
the body with the singed portions of it " (Sir George Grey, Journals of 
two expeditions^ etc., 2. p. 335). For more examples of the same sort, 
see G. A. Wilken, l,c. Greek maidens sometimes cut off a lock of their 
hair before marriage and placed it on the tomb of some famous hero or 
heroine. See Paus. i. 43. 4 note. 

17. 9. Zens sent a boar etc. That Attis was slain by a wild 

boar sent by Zeus is mentioned also by a scholiast on Nicander {Alex, 
8). On the Attis legend and ritual in general, see W. Mannhardt, 
Antike Wold- und Feldkulte^ p. 291 sqq, ; The Golden Bought i. p. 
296 sqq, 

17. 10. the Galatians of PesBinaB abstain from swine. Julian 
states generally that the worshippers of Attis abstained from swine's flesh 
{Oral, V. p. 177 b, ed. Spanheim). Pigs were not eaten in the city of 
Comana Pontica ; indeed pigs were not even allowed to enter the town, 
much less the holy precinct (Strabo, xii. p. 575). Worshippers of the 
Asiatic deity called <the Tyrant Men' abstained from pork (Dittenberger, 
Sylloge Inscr. Graec. No. 379, line 4 ; Foucart, Des associoHons 
religieuses chez les GrecSy p. 2 1 9). In Crete, according to Agathocles 
of Babylon, the pig was esteemed very holy and no one would eat it 
(Athenaeus, ix. pp. 375 f-376 a). No part of a pig might be brought 
into the sanctuary and precinct of Alectro at lalysus in Rhodes (Ditten- 
berger, op» cit. No. 357, line 25 sq,) The worshippers of the Syrian 
goddess abstained from eating pigs, some because they thought pigs 
unclean, others because they thought them holy (Lucian, De dea Syria^ 
54). A Jew or an Egyptian priest would rather have died than have 
tasted pork (Sextus Empiricus, *Y7rorwr. iii. 123, p. 173, ed. Bekker; 
cp. Plutarch, Quaest, Conviv, iv. 5). With regard to the pig in its 
religious aspect Prof. W. M. Ramsay says : " Whatever be its origin, 
the difference between western Asia Minor and Greece on the one hand, 
and eastern Asia Minor, beginning from Pessinus, on the other hand, is 
most striking. In the west the pig is used in the holiest ceremonies ; 
its image accompanies the dead to their graves to purify them, and the 
living wash with their own hands (in Greece at least) the pig which is 
to be their sacrifice. In the east the very presence of a pig in the holy 
city is a profanation and an impurity. My theory of explanation is 
that the religion which prevailed throughout Asia Minor in early time 
was the religion of a northern race which had no horror of the pig, 
and that Semitic influence subsequently introduced that horror into the 
eastern parts of the country " {Historical Geography of Asia Minor^ 



138 ATTIS AND THE ALMOND bk. vii. achaia 

p. 32 sq,^ Professor Ramsay thinks that the line of demarcation between 
the pig-haters and the pig-eaters was the river Halys. But the facts 
cited above show that pig's flesh was a forbidden food in Crete, Rhodes, 
and the western parts of Asia Minor, for the god Men was worshipped 
in Phrygia, Lydia, and Pisidia. The line of demarcation cannot there- 
fore have been a very sharp one. Besides, the religious horror of an 
animal is only another side of the religious veneration for it ; originally 
the conceptions of holiness and uncleanness are not differentiated from 
each other. Compare what Lucian says of the reasons why the 
worshippers of the Syrian goddess abstained from swine (see above). 
Cp. W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites^ pp. 152 sqq.y 448 
sqq, ; The Golden Bough, 2. p. 50 sqq. Moreover abstinence from 
swine is practised not merely by southern people (as Prof. Ramsay 
thinks), but also by some northern peoples, as by the Yakuts of Siberia 
and the Votiaks of the Government of Vologda, neither of whom are 
Mohammedans (Latham, Descriptive Ethnology, i« P* 363). As to 
Pessinus, see Mordtmann, * Gordium, Pessinus, Sivri Hissar,' in Sifz- 
ungsberichte of the Bavarian Academy (Munich), i860, pp. 169-200. 

17. 10. they have a local story about Idm etc. The following 
legend is given at greater length, with some variations, by Amobius 
{Adversus Nationes, v. 5-7), who cites as his authority Timotheus " a 
theologian of some renown." As to Agdistis see note on i. 4. 5 (vol. 
2. p. 74 sq.) 

17. II. an almond-tree with ripe frnit etc. Hippolytus also 
mentions that Attis was produced from an almond {Refut, omnium 
haeres. v. 9). The Phrygians, according to Hippolytus, even affirmed 
that the father of the universe was an almond. The account given by 
Amobius is different. He says that from the severed genitals of 
Agdistis sprang a pomegranate tree, and that by putting in her bosom 
one of the pomegranates from this tree the daughter of the river 
Sangarius (Amobius calls her Nana) conceived and bore Attis. After- 
wards Attis, when about to wed the daughter of the king of Pessinus, 
was terrified by Agdistis, mutilated himself, and expired. Violets 
sprang from his blood. His disconsolate bride also slew herself and 
was buried, and an almond grew from her body(?). See Amobius, 
Adversus Nationes, v. 6 sq. 

The idea that a virgin may conceive and bear a son, as Nana bore 
Attis, appears in the legends and folk-tales of many lands both of the 
Old and the New World. Such stories are told either for amusement or 
to exalt the marvellous character of some god or hero by representing 
him as the son of a virgin. To take examples. There is a Punjaub 
legend that "some mandan [semen virile] escaped one day from a 
Rishi, and he knew that if it fell on the ground a man would be bom 
from it, so he put it into a flower and threw the flower into a river in 
which a ChameU Rijp{llt princess was bathing. She took up the flower 
and smelt it, and so became impregnated " (Indian Antiquary, 1 1 
(1882), p. 290). The Indians of the province of Huarochiri in Peru 
used to tell how there was a lovely virgin named Cavillaca, who was 
admired by the god Ceniraya. "He turned himself into a very 



CH. XVII MARVELLOUS BIRTHS 139 

beautiful bird, and went up into the lucma tree, where he took some of 
his generative seed and made it into the likeness of a ripe and luxurious 
lucma^ which he allowed to fall near the beautiful Cavillaca. She took 
it and ate it with much delight, and by it she was made pregnant 
without other contact with man " {^Rites and Lmws of the VncaSy trans- 
lated by C. R. Markham (Hakluyt Society), p. 125). In the very 
ancient Egyptian tale of * The two Brothers * a princess conceives and 
bears a son through having swallowed a chip of a Persea tree, which 
had sprung from the blood of a bull into which one of the two brothers 
had been transformed (G. Maspero, Contes pofiulatres de vAgypte 
ancienne^ p. 26 ; Flinders Petrie, Egyptian Tales^ Second Series, p. 
64). In a tale told by a Turkish tribe of South Siberia a maiden picks 
up a piece of ice, breaks it and finds in it two grains of wheat, by 
eating which she is impregnated (W. RadlofT, Proben der Volkslitteratur 
der tiirkischen Stdmnte Siid-Sibiriens^ i. p. 205). In a story told by 
the Mandan Indians of North America a virgin conceives by eating of 
a piece of buffalo flesh which she had taken from the side of 0-kee-hee- 
da (the Evil Spirit) (Catlin, North American Indians^ i. p. 179). The 
Hottentot god or hero Heitsi-eibib is said to have been bom of a virgin 
who conceived him by swallowing the juice of a certain grass (Theo- 
philus Hahn, Tsum-^Goam^ the supreme being of the Khoi-Khoi^ p. 69). 
In a Siamese story an apple tree is fertilised by a gardener with his 
urine. A virgin princess eats of the fruit of the tree and becomes 
pregnant (A. Bastian, Die Volker des ostlichen Asiens, i. p. 354). In 
a Cambodian legend a maiden is impregnated by the beams of the 
sun {ib. p. 416; for other exampes of this sort, see The Golden Bought 
2. p. 235 sqq,) In another Cambodian legend a maiden conceives 
through drinking accidentally the urine of a holy hermit (Bastian, ib. 
p. 452 sq.) The Laosions tell of a girl who was impregnated merely 
by a look {ib, p. 169). Annamite stories tell how a virgin conceived 
by eating of a fish which had been washed in a man's urine ; how 
another conceived by eating the rind of a water-melon, the rest of which 
had been eaten by a prince ; and how a third conceived by eating a 
lovely flower (Landes, * Contes et l^gendes annamites,' in Cochinchine 
franqaise^ Excursions et reconnaissances^ Nos. 23 and 25, tales 62, T^^ 
102). In a Tjam story a girl is impregnated by drinking of a certain 
spring and bathing in its water ; and in another Tjam tale the means 
of impregnation are almost the same as in the first of the Annamite 
stories cited above (Landes, * Contes tjames,' Cochinchine franqaise^ 
Excurs, et reconn. No. 29, pp. 52, 75, tales i and 3). The Papuans 
of various parts of New Guinea tell how a virgin conceived through 
having the fruit of a certain tree thrown at her breast (A. Goudswaard, 
De Papoewds van de Geelvinksbaai^ p. 90 ; Otto Finsch, Neu-Guinea 
und seine Bewohnery pp. 11 1, 130; B?iSti2Jiy Indonesien, 2. p. 35; C. 
Hager, Kaiser Wilhelms-Land^ P- 29 sq,) The Manchu emperors of 
China are said to be descended from a young girl who conceived by 
eating some red fruit (Latham, Descriptive Ethnology, i. p. 269). In 
Aztec mythology the great god Huitzilopochtli was said to have been 
bom of a woman who conceived by placing in her bosom a small ball 



140 OLENUS BK. VII. ACHAIA 

of feathers which she found floating in the air (Sahagun, Histoin 
ginircde des choses de la Nouvelle-Espagne^ traduite par Jourdanet et 
Simeon (Paris, 1880), p. 201 sq, ; Bancroft, Native races of the Pacific 
StateSy 3. pp. 296, 310 j^. ; the woman, however, was not a virgin). 
In the mythology of the north-west coast of America a maiden is said 
to have conceived by swallowing a blade of grass into which the 
mythical hero Jeshl had transformed himself (Holmberg, <Ueber die 
Volker des Russischen Amerika,' Acta Societaiis Scientiarum Fennicae^ 
4 (1856), p. 337). Many other stories of miraculous births have been 
collected by the Compte H. de Charencey {Le folklore dans Us deux 
Mondes (Paris, 1894), pp. 121-256) and £. S. Hartland {The Legend 
of Perseus^ vol. i. (London, 1894), p. 71 sqq,) 

17. 12. that no part of Attis' body should moulder. According 
to Amobius {Adv, Nationes^ v. 7) Jupiter granted that the body of Attis 
should never decay, that his hair should always grow, and that his little 
finger should live and be always in motion. 

17. 1 3. the nmner Oebotas. Elsewhere (vi. 3. 8 ; cp. above, 
%(i sq,) we learn that the victory of Oebotas was won 01. 6 (756 B-C), 
and that his statue was set up 01. 80 (460 B.C) In the present passage 
Pausanias implies that between these dates no prize was won at Olympia 
by an Achaean. This, however, is a mistake. For in 01. 23 (688 B.c) 
a victory was won in the foot-race at Olympia by Icarus, who was a 
native of Hyperesia in Achaia (Paus. iv. 15. i ; Eusebius, Chronic, vol. 
I. p. 195, ed. Schone ; Stephanus Byzantius, j.t/. *Y9rc/Mio-/a) : in OL 67 
(512 B.C) Phanas of Pellene won victories in the foot-race, the double 
race, and the armed race (Eusebius, Chronic, vol. i. p. 201, ed. Sch5ne) ; 
and in 01. 71 (496 B.C.) Pataecus of Dyme in Achaia won a victory in 
the trotting race (Paus. v. 9. i). It would seem that in writing the 
present passage Pausanias had not a list of the Olympic victors before 
him. Cp. A. Kalkmann, Pausanias^ p. 130 sq, 

17. 14- To this day Achaeans etc. The Greek is 8ia/Aevci 6c U 

ffi€ €Ti *Axato>v TOts dywvtfKT^ai fieXXovai to. 'OKvfima kvayl(€i,v t^ 
OiptaTijlL, This impersonal use of 8ul/jl€V€l followed by an infinitive 
occurs below, vii. 24. 5 ; vii. 27. 8 ; viii. 44. i ; ix. 18. 7 ; ix. 36. 6 
It is not noticed in Liddell and Scott's Lexicon, and I do not remember 
to have met with it in any other Greek writer. 

18. I. Pirns Olenus. The river Pirus is now called the 

/Camnilza, a broad and deep river, not easily forded ; it is in fact the 
largest river of Achaia. Strabo says (viii. p. 386), if his text be right, 
that Olenus stood beside a great river, which can hardly be any other 
than the Pirus. In our texts of Strabo, indeed, the river is called the 
Melas, but this name seems to be a clerical error, arising by dittography 
from the preceding word fieyas. Hence it is natural, relying on the 
joint testimony of Pausanias and Strabo that Olenus was beside the 
river Pirus, to identify it with the ruins at KcUo-Achaia, a village about 
a mile to the west of the mouth of the Pirus {KamnitzcC) river. " Five 
or six yards behind the village there is a ridge in the plain, which seems 
to have been formed by the ruins of Olenus. There are traces also of 
its walls in the adjacent fields, and two or three pieces of Roman 



CH. XVIII OLENUS 141 

masonry. The vestiges extend over a considerable space of ground, 
and are the more remarkable, as Pausanias tells us that Olenus was 
never a large city, and as neither he nor Strabo [viii. pp. 386, 388] 
speak of it but as a ruin " (Leake). '* The acropolis occupied a small 
roimd hill. The few remains of the walls which are left are nearly of a 
regular construction" (Dodwell). "The ruins consist of the founda- 
tions of the city-walls placed on the top of a natural bank, now shaded 
by oaks" (Gell). The statement, in which Pausanias and Strabo 
(viii. p. 386) agree, that Olenus was distant 40 furlongs from Dyme, 
agrees fairly with the view that Olenus was at Kato-AchcUa and Dyme 
at the hill of SL George (see note on vii. 17. 5), since the distance 
between these places is about 5 miles, or 45 Greek furlongs. 

On the other hand there are some grounds for identifying the ruins 
at Kato-Achaia with those of Dyme rather than of Olenus. For the 
distance of Dyme from Patrae was 120 Greek furlongs (13^ miles) 
according to Pausanias and Strabo (viii. p. 386), or 15 Roman miles 
according to the Tabula Peuttngeriana^ and these distances agree 
^irly with the actual distance (12^ English miles) oi Kato-Achaia from 
Patrae ; whereas Olenus, according to both Pausanias and Strabo (/.r.), 
was only 80 Greek furlongs, or about 9 English miles, from Patrae. 
Moreover the extent of the ruins, and still more the discovery of Latin 
inscriptions referring to the imperial family, seem to show that the 
place cannot be Olenus, which was already deserted in the time of 
Strabo {Lc) And the epitaph of Polystratus, found at Kato-Achaia 
(see note on vii. 17. 8), is in favour of identifying the ruins as those of 
Dyme. At the same time it is to be remembered that the evidence of 
inscriptions is not decisive, since they can be easily transported from 
the place where they were originally set up. Thus at Kato-Achaia 
there is an inscription from an honorary monument erected by the city 
of Pharae (C /. G, No. 1544); yet no one (except Pouqueville) has 
proposed on that accoimt to identify the ruins at Kato-Achaia as those 
of Pharae, which was 70 furlongs from the sea (Paus. vii. 22. i). But 
on the whole the evidence seems to point to the conclusion that the 
ruins at Kato-Achaia are those of Dyme, and that Olenus was situated 
on the coast some 3^ miles farther to the east. 

Strabo (viii. p. 386) mentions a sanctuary of Aesculapius at Olenus. 

See Pouqueville, Voyage de la Grice, 5. pp. 374-379 ; Dodwell, T(mr, 2. p. 
310; Leake, Morea, 2. pp. 155 sq^., 160 sq, ; Cell, Itinerary of the Morea, p. 
23 sq, ; Boblaye, RecherckeSy pp. 16 sq,^ 20 sq, ; Curtius, Pelop, I. p. 428 sq, ; 
Bursian, Geogr* 2. p. 322 sq, ; von Duhn, in Mittheil, d. arch, Inst, in Athen^ 
3 (1878), p. 72 sqq, ; Baedeker,' p. 331 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 328 sqq. For 
inscriptions at Kato-Achaia see also Bulletin de Corresp, helUnique, 2 (1878), 
pp. 41 sqq,, 94 sqq. ; Bezzenberger' s Beitrdge, 5 (1880), pp. 320-325 ; Cauer, 
Delectus Inscr, Graec,^ Nos. 267, 268 (also p. 352) ; Colhtz, G, D, I, 2. Nos. 
1612-1623. 

18. I. DezamenoB and the reception he gave to Hercules. 

It is said that while Hercules was staying with King Dexamenus, the 
latter was about to give, much against his will, his daughter Mnesi- 
mache in marriage to the Centaur Eurytion ; but Hercules slew the 



142 TRIPTOLEMUS IN HIS CAR bk. vii. achaia 

Centaur and rescued the bride (Apollodorus, ii. 5. 5). According to 
another version of the story, the daughter of Dexamenus was named 
Hippolyte : she was to be married to Azan, and at the wedding feast 
the Centaur Eurytion attempted to do her violence, but was slain by 
Hercules (Diodorus, iv. 33. i). In another version of the story the 
daughter of Dexamenus whom Hercules rescued from the Centaur was 
named Dejanira (Hyginus, Fab, 33) ; and she is so named on a vase 
on which the scene of the rescue is depicted (Roscher's Lexikon^ i. p. 
999 sq,) 

18. 2. the river Glancos. This stream, now called the Ltvka^ 
falls into the sea 3 miles to the south of Patrae {Patras), It divides 
the fertile maritime plain in two. Its bed, not less than half a mile 
wide, is strewn with large boulders, and shaded in many places by 
oleanders, agnus-castus, and other water-loving shrubs. When swollen 
with rain, the stream is very formidable ; but in summer its bed is a stony 
desert. The glen from which it comes down is deep, wild, and narrow ; 
oakwoods and pinewoods clothe some parts of the mountain-sides, but 
com, maize, and vines are grown on their lower slopes. 

See Dodwell, Tour^ i. p. 120 ; ib, 2. p. 309 ; Leake, Morea^ 2. pp. 123, 154 ; 
Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 22 ; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 435 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. pp. 312, 
324; Baedeker,' p. 331; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 327; Philippson, Peloponnes^ p. 
266. 

18. 3. yoked the dragons to the car of TriptolemtiB etc The 

legend was that Demeter gave Triptolemus a car drawn by winged 
dragons or serpents, on which he flew about sowing the world with com 
or distributing it to mankind. The dragon-car was sometimes feebly 
rationalised into a ship shaped like a dragon. See Sophocles, Frag. 538 
(in Dindorf s Poetae Scenici Graeci) ; Philochorus, Frag. 28 {Frag. 
Hist Graec, ed. Miiller, i. p. 388); Apollodorus, i. 5. 2; Nonnus, 
Dionys, xiii. 194-196, xix. 84; Aristides, Or, xiii., vol. i. p. 167, ed. 
Dindorf; Schol. on Aristides, vol. 3. p. 54, ed. Dindorf; Joannes 
Antiochenus, Frag, Hist, Graec, ed. Miiller, 4. p. 538 sq, ; Ovid, 
Metam, v. 642 sqq. ; /V/., Tristia, iii. 8 (9). i sq. ; Servius, on Virgil, 
Georg. i. 19 and 163; Probus, on Virgil, Georg. i. 19. On ancient 
monuments, especially in vase-paintings, Triptolemus is represented 
riding in his car. Sometimes the car has wings attached to the wheels, 
but no serpents ; sometimes it is drawn by serpents without wings ; 
sometimes both tfie serpents and the wings are depicted attached to the 
car. See Compte Rendu {Si, Petersburg) for 1859, Atlas, pi. ii. ; id,^ for 
1862, Atlas, plates ii. iii. iv. ; /V/., for 1881, Atlas, pi. v. 11 ; Archdolo- 
gische Zeitung^ 23 (1865), pi. cciv., with Gerhard's note, pp. 11 3-1 16; 
Annali delP Inst, 44 (1872), pp. 226-230; Monumenti Inediti^ 9 
(1872), pi. xliii. ; Fr. Lenormant, *Triptoleme en Syrie,' Gazette archdo- 
logique^ 4 (1878), pp. 97-100; Gerhard, *Bilderkreis von Eleusis,' 
Abhandlungen of the Royal Academy of Berlin, 1862, p. 267, with 
pi. ii. ; /V/., Gesammelte Abhandlungen^ pi. Ixxvii. ; Strube, Bilderkreis 
von Eleusis^ p. i sqq, ; /i/., Supplem, zu den Studien Ober den Bilder- 
kreis von Eleusis^ pi. i. A list of the works of ancient art in which 



CH. xviii PATRAE 143 

Triptolemus or Demeter is so depicted is given by Stephani, in Compte 
Rendu (St Petersburg) for 1859, P* ^2 sqq. The legend that Tripto- 
lemus was the first who taught the people in this part of Arcadia to sow 
and plough is mentioned also in the EtymoL Magnum (s.v, 'Aporj, p. 147). 

18. 4. the plots of the Titans. The story was that the Titans 
amused the youthful Dionysus with toys, and while he was playing they 
seized him, tore him limb from limb, boiled his flesh in a kettle, roasted 
it on spits over the fire, and devoured it. See Clement of Alexandria, 
Protrept, ii. \^ sg. p. 15, ed. Potter; Amobius, Adversus NcUiones^ 
V. 19 ; Firmicus Matemus, De errore prof an, relig, 6 ; Lobeck, Aglao- 
phamus^ P* 555 ^^9' 

18. 6. in conseanence both of the unspeakable reverses etc. 
According to Polybius (xl. 3, ed. Dindorf ; xxxix. 9, ed. Hultsch) the 
Patreans suffered a great reverse in Phocis shortly before 146 B.c. The 
reverses to which Pausanias refers must, if he is right, have taken place 
in 279 B.C., the year of the irruption of the Gauls into Greece. Bursian 
thought Pausanias must have mistaken the date of the disaster {Geogr, 
2. p. 326, note 2). Pausanias, however, refers to the subject in other 
passages (vii. 20. 6 ; x. 22. 6) in such a way as to show apparently that 
he had exact information as to the expedition of the Patreans against 
the Gauls. 

18. 7* Bnt Angustns brought back the people from the 

other towns to Patrae. Cp. v. 23. 3 ; x. 38. 4. Strabo says 
(viii. p. 387) that after the victory at Actium the Romans settled a large 
part of their army at Patrae, and that in his time the city was a popu- 
lous Roman colony. Cp. Pliny, Nat, hist iv. 11; Mommsen, Romische 
Geschichte^ 5. p. 238 ; Hertzberg, Geschichte Griechenlands unier der 
Herrschaft der Romery i. p. 493 sq. 

18. 8. the acropolis of Patrae. Patrae is now Patras or Patra, 
The ancient city occupied a ridge about a mile long, which projects 
from the slopes of Mount Voidia in a southerly direction, and to the 
west is separated from the sea by a plain which increases in breadth 
from north to south, from a quarter to more than half a mile. The 
height at the northern end of the ridge, now occupied by the medieval 
castle, was probably the ancient acropolis ; some pieces of the ancient 
walls are intermixed with the modem masonry on the north-eastern side. 
The castle is separated by a hollow from the heights which form the 
connexion with Mount Voidia, These heights, as well as the castle 
hill, are of very irregular shape, being cut into deep ravines by torrents, 
and broken into white precipices. Mount Voidia itself is lofty and 
conspicuous ; much of it is covered with very ancient and dense forests 
of ozik and fir. Towards Patras it falls away in green knolls and fertile 
glens. Near the middle of it runs the road to Arcadia through a 
narrow wooded pass, which at the beginning of this century was known 
as the Makelaria or Butchery, from the frequent murders perpetrated 
there by a gang of robbers, who had their dens in the forests and 
caverns of the mountain. The view from the castle is very beautiful. 
The coast is seen trending away in a grand sweep to the south-west, 
skirted by the fruitful plain of Patras; across the vast bay rise in the 



144 PATRAE bk. vil achaia 

west the distant summits of Zacynthus and Cephallenia. To the north, 
across the gulf, are the Aetolian and Achamanian mountains, and full in 
fieice of Patras tower up from the brink of the water the two pyramidical 
masses of Kakeskala and Vardssova, Farther off, to the north-west, is 
the low, flat coast of the bay of Missolonghiy where Byron died. Still 
£EU-ther to the west, close to Cephallenia, the little island of Ithaca is 
seen appearing above the sea. 

That the ancient city did not originally extend to the sea seems to 
be proved by Thucydides's statement (v. 52) that in 419 B.C Alcibiades 
persuaded the people of Patrae to build walls from their city down to 
the sea. At the beginning of the present century some large foundations, 
barely perceptible, are said by Dodwell to have marked the line of these 
two long walls which united the city and the port In Roman times, 
however, as at the present day, the city seems to have reached to the 
sea. 

The ancient remains in Patras are very scanty. To the east of the 
castle hill are considerable remains of the Roman aqueduct, which here 
crossed the valley on a double row of arches. The remains of the 
music-hall (or theatre) will be noticed further on. There are besides 
a number of fragmentary pieces of sculpture (statues and reliefs) in 
various parts of the town. For example, in George's Square {piateia tou 
Georgiou) there are at present lying two marble Corinthian columns, two 
small unfluted columns, pieces of a marble cornice, and a marble sarco- 
phagus of coarse, late style, decorated with sculptured wreaths, winged 
heads, etc In the house of Mr. Wood, the British Consul, there is pre- 
served a marble relief of fair style (3 feet long by 16^ inches high) 
representing a procession of seven grown persons, men and women, who 
are advancing with offerings and a sheep for sacrifice towards a male 
figure, who is seated on the spectator's right, with his right arm raised 
and the upper part of his body bare ; behind this seated male figure, on 
the extreme right, stands a woman. Perhaps the seated male figure 
may be Aesculapius and the woman behind him Health ; but the serpent, 
the symbol of Aesculapius, is wanting. 

The remains of antiquity seem not to have been much more 
numerous in Patras when Wheler visited it in 1675. ^^ says: 
" Returning thence south-eastwards, towards the town, we past by the 
ruins of a roimd temple of brick, masoned together with a very hard 
cement, and the building very massive : over against which, northwards, 
is a demolished Greek church, dedicated to the Holy Apostles ; which 
hath been sustained by marble pillars of the lonique order. Not far 
from hence appear some parts of the antient walls of the town : one 
of those heaps of ruins may have been the temple of Cybele, the 
Mother of the Gods ; wherein Attes also was honoured. But we could 
not find the theatre, nor the Odeum, nor many other temples, which 
Pausanias speaks of. Under the wall of the town is a place, that 
seemeth to have been a circus, or stadium, or perhaps a naufnachia for 
water combats. For the consul told me, that many in the town can 
yet remember, that there was an iron ring fastened to the wall ; which 
they suppose was to tie vessels to ; supposing that the sea came up 



CH. xvtii PATRAB 145 

thither in former days ; but the other buildings, nearer the sea-side, 
evince that errour. Perhaps water might be brought thither by a 
channel or ^ueducc : but the sea is near a quarter of a mile from 
thence, and lies much lower. The sides consisted of ranges of arches ; 
which Monsieur Spon remembers he hath seen represented on medals 
of Patras. Not far thence is the foundation of a church, dedicated to 
St. Andrew ; where they believe that apostle baptized the king he had 
converted to the faith. The building seemeth to have been formerly a 
Roman sepulcher. That which induceth me to think so is a vault 
underneath it, round which are niches ; in every one of which are two 
holes at the bottom, made with earthen pots ; which are plaistered Up, 
round about, to the top : just such as I saw several at Baia, by PuhuoIo 
in Italy." Dodwell, who visited Pa/nw in 1801, says; "The soil is 
rich, and has probably risen considerably above its original level, and 
conceals the foundations of ancient buildings : indeed the earth is 
seldom removed without fragments of statues and rich marbles being 
discovered. Some marble columns and mutilated statues were found 
here a few years ago, in the garden of a Turk ; who, with a truly 
Tut^ish stupidity, immediately broke them into small pieces. Towards 
the middle of the town is a fount called Saini Catarina's well, near 
which is the foundation of the cella of a temple, consisting of square 
blocks of stone ; upon which is a superstructure of brick. . . . The 
house of the imperial German consul stands on the ruins of a Roman 
brick theatre, of such small dimensions, that it cannot be the Odeion 
[Music Hall], which Pausanias says was the finest in Greece next to 
that built by Herodes Atticus, at Athens." 

The modem Pairas, a busy commercial city engaged chiefly in the 
export of currants, is the largest town in Peloponnese, with a population 
of 39,000, The streets are wide and flanked with arcades. 

See Wheler, Jotinuy inia Grcict, p. 292 sqq. ; Chnndlet, Travels in Grctce, 
p. 376 sqq. ; Dodwell, Tour, i. p. 113 sqq. ; Leake, Merea, z. p. IZ3 sqq. ; 
Fouqueville, Voyage de la Grice, 4. pp. 347-370; Boblaye, Htcherckes, p. 23; 
More, Journal, z. p. 300 iqg. ; Curtias, Pehf. I. p. 434 sgq. j W. G. Oark, 
Pelcp. p. 378 sgq. ; Bursian, Geogr. x. p. 324 iff. ; MillAeil. d. arrh. Init. in 
Athen, 3 (1878), p. 66 sqq. ; id., 4 (1879), p. 125 sq. \ Baedeker,' p. 28 sqq. ; 
Philippson, Piloponncs, p. 36z ; Guidt-Joanne, 3. p. 314 sqq. The marble relief 
in Mr. Wood's house, as well as the remains in Ceo^e's Square, are described 
from my own notes. 

18. 8. the image of L&pliria. See iv. 31. 7 
note. This image is represented on coins of Pat- 
rae (Fig. i z). The goddess stands clad in a short 
tunic, with a robe falling over her left shoulder ; 
her right breast is bare. Over her right shoulder i 
appears the tip of her quiver ; in her left hand is 
her bow, the end of which rests on a pedestal. 
To the left is a dog. To judge from the style of 
the statue, it may have been made about the ^ 
middle of the fifth century B.C., but hardly earlier. (com ok \■K^v,Kt). 
it is one of the earliest statues which represent 
Artemis in Amazonian form. See Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num. 

VOL. IV L 





146 PATRAE BK. vii. ACHAiA 

Comment, on Pausamas, p. 76 tq., with pi. Q vi. vii. viii. ix. x. ; Catalogue 
of the Creek Coins in the British Museum : Peloponnesus, pi. v. 1 7, 

18. I o. the viuth of AitemiB Iiod been atiired by OeoeoB. 

Oeneus, king of Calydon, had omitted to sacrifice to Artemis at his 
harvest festival, when he sacrificed to all the other deiiies. Hence 
Artemis in revenge sent the famous boar to ravage the king's lands. 
See Homer, //, ix. 533 sgq. 

18. 10. OaaacblU Gallon. See notes on vi. 1 3. 7 ; ii. 32, 5. 

18. 12- riding on a car drawn by deer. On coins of Patrae of 
imperial date the priestess is represented in a chariot 
drawn by two stags (Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, 
Num. Comment, on Pausanias, p. 78, with pi. Q xiii. ; 
Catalogue of the Greek Coins in the British Museum: 

' Peloponnesus, pi. v. 21). She doubtless represented 

the goddess herself. See note on vi. 22. 11. Cp. 

Back, De caerimoniis quibus homines deorum vice 

fungebantur, p. 3 sq. 
"t>> aVtIL"'"^^ ^^- '"■ *** P«>Pl8 bring the edible kinds of 
(coiH OF tatkab). l>ir^ s'c. A holocaust of live animals of various 

kinds was offered to the Syrian goddess at Hierapolis. 
It is thus described by Lucian {De dea Syria, 49): "But of all 
the festivals the greatest I know of is held by ihem in the beginning 
of spring ; by some it is called 'the Pyre,' by others 'the Torch.' 
At this festival they offer the following sacrifice. They hew down 
great trees and set them up in the court. Then they bring goats 
and sheep and other live animals and hang them from the trees, and 
birds too, and raiment and jcucls of gold and silver. When all is ready, 
they carry the victims round the trees and set fire to the pile, and 
straightway ihey are all burned." For another example of holocausts 
of animals of different sorts, see iv, 31. 9. On sacrifices of birds among 
Ihe Greeks, see G. Wolff, ' Gefliigelopfer der Griechen,' Philologus, 28 
{18O9), pp. 188-191. 

19. 1. EurypylnB. There is a paper on Eur^-pylus by K. Schwenk 
in Rheinisches Museum, N.F. 10 {i8s6X pp. 384-392 ; and a shon one 
by Aug. Schultz, in Fleckeisen's fahrbiicher, 27 (1881), pp. 305-307. 

19. 4- the people should sacrifice to the goddess a youth and 
a maiden. Mr. Clermont-Ganneau thinks that this tradition of human 
sacrifice points to the former practice of (he Semitic worship of Moloch 
at Patrae. He even conjectures that in Milichus, the name of the 
neighbouring stream (g 9), we have an echo of the name of Moloch. 
See Clermont - Ganneau, ' Le dieu Satrape,' Journal asiatique, 7mc 
SSrie, 10 (1877), p. 221. With greater probability Mr. Famell 
suggests that we have here a tradition of human sacrifices designed to 
cause the crops to grow. He points out that the sacrifices were said 
to have been instituted in consequence of the wrath of Artemis, who 
would not suffer the earth to yield its fruit (g 3), and that the human 
victims were said to have worn wreaths of corn (vii. 20. i). See L. R. 
Famell, The Cults of the Greek States, 2. p. 455. 



PATRAE 



147 




19. 6. in this chest was an inu^ of DionTsna. 
Patrae of Hadrian's time a man is represented 
running to an altar and holding a box on fais left 
ann (Fig. 14). It is probably Eurypylus running to 
the altar of Artemis Tridaria to be healed of his 
insanity. See g 8 sq. On other coins of the city the 
Genius of Patrae is portrayed standing with one 
hand resting on the box, while he extends the other 
hand over an altar. A coin of 

#SeptimiQS Severus represents the '"=■'■<— " 
box resting on the altar. Other p"™"^ "^ 

coins of Patrae represent a " round 
box with conical cover, wreathed with ivy, within ivy 
wreath, sometimes between ears of corn." Probably 
on all these coins the box represents the chest or 
Fio. IS.— CHEST oi" casket which contained the image of Dionysus. See 
ojVatrab). Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num. Comm. on Pau- 

lanias, p. 75, with pi. Q i. ii. iii. iv. 
19. 7. he steered, not foi Thessalr. Had it not been that he 
wished to consult the god at Delphi, Eurypylus would naturally have 
returned to Thessaly, where was his home (Homer, //. ii. 734 sgq.) 



I of Patrae 
a goblet 



# 






. a temple of Panachaean Athena. 

(Fig, 16), Athena appears standing in a distyle temple, h 
and a lance. On one side of her is her shield, ( 
other her owl. This must represent a temple-image, 
probably the gold and ivory image of Panachaean 
Athena. A similar figure of Athena holding a goblet ii 
one hand and a spear in the other appears on the coin 
of many cities of Peloponnese. These other cities may 
have copied on their coins the well-known type of the 
statue at Patrae. See Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, !" 
Num. Comm. on Pausanias, p. 78 sg., with pi. Q xiv. 

20. 3. a Banctnary of Mother DindTinene. A coin of Patrae 

(Fig. 17) represents a female figure draped, with a turreted crown on 

her head. She is standing on a pedestal. In 

r right hand she holds a bunch of grapes, in her 

left something else. On either side of her is a 

similar female figure, apparently grasping her, 

I and dancing or leaping. The central figure is 

probably the image of Mother Dindymene; the 

other figures are probably her worshippers or 

priestesses engaged in a wild religious dance. 

See Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num. Comm. 

.._ ., ^"^^ "" PatsaniaSf p. 79, with pi. Qxvi. 

CcoiH or FATRAi). 20. $. a toiDple of Olrmpian Zeus. 

Vitruvius mentions (ii. 8. 9) that the temple of 
Zeus and Hercules at Patrae was built of bricks, though the colonnades 
and epistyle were of stone. Cp. Pliny, Nni. hist. xxxv. 172. 

20. 4. inthelUad tJie verses. SeeHomer,//.xxi. 446-448. 




148 PATRAE — THE MUSIC HALL bk. vii. achaia 

20. 6. the Ifnsie HalL This Music Hall, described b>' Pausanias 
as the grandest in Greece except the one at Athens, was disco\'ered and 
exca\'ated in 1 889. It is situated in the upper quarter of PairaSj a little 
below and to the west of the castle, and is in excellent preservation ; 
not only the seats and the stage but e\'en the walls which supported 
the roof are standing. The building fstces south. Sixteen or se\-enteen 
tiers of seats, rising above each other in a semicircle, are preserved. 
The seats are built of thin, flat bricks laid in horizontal courses, but 
they were cased with white marble ; a great part of the marble casing 
remains. Each seat is about 15 inches high and 23 inches broad 
(inclusive of the marble casing) from front to back. Three staircases, 
each 2 feet 6 inches u-ide, lead up through the seats. They were paved 
with white marble, and the pavement is in great measure preserved. 
Each staircase consists of twenty-eight steps. Every row of seats was 
terminated on the side of the staircase by a marble ornament in the 
shape of a lion's leg and paw ; so that each staircase was bounded on 
each side by a row of these ornaments, one above the other. At the 
back of the auditorium, and rising above it, are considerable remains of 
the wall which supported the roofl It is built of bricks, stone, and 
mortar. The bricks are flat and are laid in horizontal courses, which 
apparently run right through the thickness of the walL The orchestra 
is semicircular and measures 31 feet 6 inches in diameter. It seems to 
have been paved with white marble ; at least there are in front of the 
stage a couple of marble blocks which appear to be remains of a pave^ 
ment Two staircases lead up to the stage, which is 1 6 feet 8 inches 
deep from front to back. Part of the white marble casing of the stage 
is preserved. The wall at the back of the stage is preserved to a 
height of 20 feet or so ; it is built of, or at least faced with, horizontal 
courses of thin bricks laid flat with mortar between the courses. In 
this wall is a series of semicircular niches with round arched tops ; 
there are twelve of these niches above, and eight larger ones below. At 
the foot of the back wall of the stage, at its eastern end, is a piece of 
marble moulding in its original position. The paradoi are nine paces 
long, 6 feet wide, and are paved \»ith marble. The supporting-walls of 
the auditorium, built of, or at least faced with, thin bricks laid fiat in 
horizontal courses, are well preser\'ed. The eastern parados leads into 
a square chamber, which measures 14 feet by 13 feet 5 inches. The 
chamber is paved with a mosaic in black and white ; the ground of the 
mosaic is white, but this white ground is chequered by black lines 
forming squares, which are set obliquely, diamond-like. The walls of 
the chamber are preserved to a considerable height ; they are built of 
bricks, stones, and mortar, like the wall at the back of the auditorium ; on 
the outside they are faced with thin bricks laid flat in horizontal courses. 

Lying at the west end of the stage is a large circular block of coarse 
pebble-conglomerate, perhaps a drum of a column. The block measures 
about 3 feet in diameter ; in the middle is a square hole, which may be 
a dowel-hole. Outside the Music Hall, in the street, are lying some 
small pieces of unfluted columns. Roman and Byzantine coins, also 
lamps, have been found on the spot 



CH. XXI PATRAE 149 

The preceding description of the Music Hall is drawn almost entirely from 
notes made by me on the spot, 19th and 20th October 1895. See also AeXWoi^ 
dpxcuoXoyiK^f', March 1889, P* 62 sq, ; Berliner philologische Wochenschrift ^ 9 
(1889), p. 1066; American Journal of Archaeology y 5 (18^), p. 378. 

20. 6. the Patreans helped the Aetolians against the 

Qallic host. Cp. vii. 18. 6 ; x. 22. 6. 

20. 6. the one at Athens. As to the Music Hall of Herodes 
Atticus at Athens, see above, vol. 2. p. 241 sq, * 

20. 6. erected by the Athenian Herodes in memory of his dead 
wife. The wife of Herodes Atticus was Appia Atilia Regilla ; she died 
about 160 or 161 A.D. From an inscription found at Athens some 
years ago it appears that Regilla was priestess of the goddess called 
Fortune of the City. See MiitheiL d, arch, Inst, in Atken^ 8 (1883), 
p. 288 ; /V/., 9 (1884), p. 95. Herodes was accused of having murdered 
her by causing a slave to beat her while she was pregnant His grief, 
which some thought to be hypocritical, expressed itself in extravagant 
forms. See Philostratus, ViL Sophist, ii. i. 18 sqq. There is a long 
life of Herodes by Philostratus (pp. cit, ii. i), and inscriptions have 
been found which supplement our knowledge of him and his family. 

See W. Dittenberger, 'Die Familie des Herodes Atticus,' Hernusy 13 (1878), 
pp. 67-89; K. Buresch, *Triopeion, Herodes, Regilla,' Rheinisches Museum^ 
N.F. 44 (1889), op. 489-509; Ch. Hlilsen, *Zu den Inschriften des Herodes 
Atticus/ ib, 45 (1890), pp. 284-287 ; W. Froehner, Les Inscriptions grecques du 
Louvrey Nos. 7, 8 ; Kaibel, Epigrammata Graeca^ Nos. 160, 1046 ; W. Gurlitt, 
Ueber Pausanias, p. 58 sq. 

20. 7- Patreus, Prengenes, and Atherion. Preugenes was the 
father of Patreus, who was the founder of Patrae (iii. 2. i ; vii. 18. 5). 
Who Atherion was does not appear ; and I confess I do not understand 
the force of the remark that Preugenes and Atherion " are represented 
as boys because Patreus is so also." 

20. 8. the Lady of the Lake. This was Artemis of the Lake. 
Cp. ii. 7. 6 note ; iii. 23. 10 ; iv. 4. 2 ; iv. 31. 3 ; viii. 53. 1 1 ; Famell, 
The Cults of the Greek States^ 2. p. 427 sq, 

21. 2. the oracles given hy the doves. The prophetic priestesses 
at Dodona are commonly supposed to have been called Moves' (Hero- 
dotus, ii. 55-57; Strabo, vii. frag^. (vol. 2. p. 453, ed. Meineke) ; 
Schol. on Sophocles, Trachin, 172). But it seems doubtful whether 
they ever really bore this title. As Mr. Famell observes, " Herodotus 
merely tries to explain away the miraculous by supposing that the so- 
called * doves ' were once women ; Strabo suggests that the name 
denoted ' old women ' in the Molossian dialect ; Pausanias takes it for 
granted [x. 12. 10] that the Peleiades [* doves'] were priestesses, but 
it is clear from his own statements that this was not a name used for 
them at Dodona at any period of which he had knowledge" {The Cults 
of the Greek States^ i. p. 39 note). The late W. Robertson Smith 
suggested that tjie priestesses of Dodona were called doves from the 
crooning voice in which they gave their oracles, " resembling the Arabic 
j<i/*, or the dove-like moaning of* Hebrew demon-wizards (Isa. viii. 19 
compared with xxxviii. 14)." Similarly he thought that the title of 



ISO PATXAE %K. TO. ACBAi* 

' beei ' which was given to the priestesses of various shrines see note 
on ^'iiL 13. I , may have meant ■ the humming priestesses.' He 
mniixls us thai the great orade of the Philistines was the oiade cf 
the Fly-BaaL See his article * On the forms of diii-inatioa and magic,' 
fX.c, Joumai ofPkilology, 14 ^1885 . jl 120 ^. In the East Indian 
island of Ambmna there is a holy place called Xo^satet. or the navd of 
the island. Here there is a sacred tree, and it is said that from time 
to time three white doves come and perch on the three branches. When 
the>- do so, then is the time 10 consult the spirits See Van HoeveO, 
Ambon en de Oelisers, p. 1 55. 

21. 3. Uie iprinc whicll is in Calrdoi etc. " From tmder the 
mountain, close to the sea. at Crio Neri, flon-s a little braddsh rivulet, 
about two bthoms deep in the centre ; from the ground on either side 
well two springs of fresh and very cold water. Round the point dt tbe 
mountain some mineral springs bubble up from the beach, close to the 
sea. . . . There arc the remains of walls and fragments of tiles scattered 
about. These appear to be mediaeval or modem. . . . May not Crio 
Neri be a siulable position for the port in Calydon, mentioned by 
Pansanias in coimexion with the story of Corcsus. the priest of Bacchus, 
and the cruel virgin Callirhoe : I should like to fancy that the springs 
noted above are those mentioned in the story I'Paus. lib. \\\. 2\\. The 
sea at this point has encroached on the land, and I have been told of 
the remains of walls, visible under water, but, ha\-ing no boat, cookl 
not search for them" 'D. E. Colnaghi, 'On ancient remains in tbe 
neighbourhood of Missolonghi,' Transactions cf the Riyjl StKuty of 
Lileraiuri, 2(id Series, 7 ' 1 863 , p. 548 sg. ■ 

21. 6. a precinct Bacred to a njitiTe wmnan etc Bachofen has 
pointed out the close relation of Dionysus to women ; he was especially 
worshipped by them. See Bachofen, Das MalUnwhl, p. 331 sq.^. 

21. ;■ Beside the harbour is a temple of Poseidon etc On 

coins of Patrae Poseidon appears standing nith one foot on a rock ; he 

^^^^ holds a dolphin and a trident 

^^^^^ ^S^^^^ f'S- '^ - ^ct>c'^ '^O'"^ of the 

^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^H^^^^K ^'''^ vessels ihc foreground. 

^^^H^H^V ^^^^^^^^^^V described above a temple 

^^^^^^^ ^^H^^^^r '" '^^ background (Fi^. 19). 
^^^•^^ ^^^BB^^ '^''^ temple and imaye so r»- 

Fic I'.-toiiiBON no. ■- — Hjupc ■» Of ptesentcd must therefore be 

(MIS CF PAT«Ai>. FATii*Eic-,-isirFATKAE). ^bosc which Pausanias men- 
tions. See Imhoof-Blumer and 
Gardner, Xum. Comm. on P,iusanias. p. 8r, with pi. Qxi.\.-x.\i. 

21. 7- Poseidon Asidulins .-securer';, Cp. ill. 11. 9. 

21. 8. Homer, in the description of the chariot-race etc The 
verses quoted are l/iaJ, xxiii. 5S4 sg. 

21. II- a Kiting, This magic spring has been idemitied with a 
spring or rather well at the church of St. Andrew, which sands at the 
west end of Patras, beside the sea. The well is underground, and is 



CH. XXI PATRAE—TffE MAGIC WELL 151 

arched over with a small brick vault. A few steps lead down to it The 
mouth of the well is covered with a wooden lid. The water, which is 
drawn up in a bucket, is clear but not cold ; it seemed to me almost 
tepid. Miraculous properties are still ascribed to it. Beside the well, 
in its little underground chamber, is a shrine of St Andrew, with a 
picture of the saint. At the back of the picture is a recess, said to 
be the saint's bed. The tomb of the saint is shown in the adjoining 
church, which is a large and handsome edifice, apparently new. 

See Dodwell, Toury i. p. 120; Gell, Itinerary of the Morea^ p. 4; Leake, 
Morea^ 2. p. 135 sq. ; iil\xits Jourttaly 2. p. 302 ; Curtius, Pelop, I. p. 441 ; W. G. 
Clark, Pehp. p. 286 ; Baedeker,* p. 29. Dodwell gives a picture of the well- 
house. I have described it from my own observation. 

21. 1 2. an infallible mode of divination etc. Omens of death or 
recovery from sickness have elsewhere been drawn from the water of 
holy wells. " St. Andrew's well, in the village of Shadar [in Bemera, 
one of the Hebrides,] is by the vulgar natives made a test to know if a 
sick person will die of the distemper he labours under. They send one 
with a wooden dish to bring some of the water to the patient, and if the 
dish which is then laid softly upon the surface of the water turn round 
sun-ways, they conclude that the patient will recover of that distemper ; 
but if otherwise, that he will die" (Martin, * Description of the Western 
Islands of Scotland,' /'z«^^r/^«'j' Voyages and Travels, 3. p. 576). Cp. 
Brand, Popular Antiquities, 2. p. 383, Bohn's ed. ; C. F. Gordon 
Gumming, In the Hebrides (London, 1883), p. 214 sq, "The spring 
of Tobar-na-demhumich was held to denote whether a sick person 
would overcome his complaint From this well water was drawn before 
sunrise, and the patient was immersed in it. The water was then 
examined. If it remained clear, the patient was likely to recover ; when 
its purity was sullied, death was regarded as near " (Ch. Rogers, Social 
Life in Scotland, 3. p. 212). Near the village of Karuwalankirei, in 
Malabar, there is a well to which sick people are brought every Friday. 
They offer betel, saffron, rice, and cocoa-nuts. Then they throw a 
lemon into the fountain. If the lemon swims, the patient will recover ; 
if it sinks, he will die. See Phillips, Account of the Religion, Manners, 
and Learning of the people of Malabar {^ovAon, 17 17), p. 59. With 
the Greek superstition described by Pausanias we may also compare a 
Scotch one described by Miss Gordon Gumming. The family of Willox, 
hereditary cattle-curers at Nairn, possess a crystal ball which, when it 
is dipped in a bucket of water, " becomes a magic mirror, reflecting the 
face of the bad neighbour who has bewitched the cattle, and thus 
breaking the spell" (C. F. Gordon Gumming, op, cit. p. 74). Damascius 
mentions the case of a ' sacred woman ' who divined by means of pure 
water in a crystal goblet ; she professed to see the future reflected in 
the water (Damascius, Vita Isidori, 191). 

21. 14. a sanctuary of Aesculapius. "As Pausanias says that 
the temple of Aesculapius stood aboi'e the acropolis near the gates 
leading to Messatis, it seems evident that Messatis occupied a situation 
on the ridge northward, or north-eastward, of the citadel, and as 



152 PHARAE — THE ORACLE bk. vil achaia 

Pausanias also tells us that Messatis was between Aroe, on the site of the 
acropolis, and Antheia, the latter must have been situated still farther 
in the same direction. It is in fact ver>' natural that such strong and 
lofty positions should have been the places of retirement of the inhabit- 
ants in those times of insecurity which preceded the foundation of 
Patreus, as well as when they again dispersed after the Gallic in\'asion of 
Greece" (Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 137). Cp. above \-ii. 18. 2-6. 

21. 14. more charmiiig women are nowhere to be aeen. The 

Greek is : 'Aif^poSiTp oc, eiirep akXais yvvai^i^ /tercim #cai raiVacs. 
All the translators and topographers, so £ir as I have observed, who 
refer to this passage, have interpreted it as a slur upon the morality of 
the women of Patrae. E. Curtius saw in Pausanias's remark " a sure 
trace of the worship of Mylitta introduced by the Phoenicians." All 
this is beside the mark. The expression 'A<^po6ftn;s ficretrrc, as my 
friend Mr. W. Wyse points out to me, is clearly equi\-alent to the 
adjective €7raif>p66iTo^j * lovely,' 'charming.' As to the fine flax by 
which the women of Patrae earned their livelihood, see note on v. 5. 2. 

22. I. Fharae. About a third of a mile from the left bank of the 
Pirns {Kamnitsa) river, between the \-illages of Prcveto and Isari^ there 
are some insignificant ruins of an ancient tou-n. They are probably the 
remains of Pharae, since the position corresponds tolerably well (according 
to Leake) with the distances of Pharae from Patrae, and from the mouth 
of the Pirns, namely 150 furlongs from the former and 70 furlongs 
from the latter. Boblaye, Bursian, and Curtius think that the 150 
furlongs to Patrae are reckoned not by the direct road over the hills, 
but by the valley of the Pirus to its mouth and so along the coasL 

See I^eake, Morea^ 2. p. 158 ; Boblaye, Richerches, p. 21 ; Curtius, Pelop, i. 
p. 431 ; Bursian, Ceogr, 2. p. 323; Baedeker,' pp. 331, 333; Guide-Joanfu, 2. 
p. 329. 

22. I. plane-trees so big that people picnic in their hollow 

trunks. Cp. iv. 34. 4. In Lycia there was a plane-tree beside a cold 
spring at the wayside ; the trunk was hollow and so vast that the 
Roman governor Licinius Mucianus with eighteen guests dined in it, 
reclining on beds of leaves furnished by the tree, and listening to the 
patter of the rain among the branches. Near \'elitrae grew a plane-tree 
in which there was room for fifteen people to dine, besides the servants 
who waited on them. The emperor Caligula dined in it and called 
it his nest. See Pliny, Aat, hist. xii. 9 sq. For more examples of 
gigantic plane-trees in ancient and modem times, see Hehn, Kultur- 
pfianzen und Hausthicrc^^ p. 234 sqq, (p. 217 sqq, English trans.) 

22. 2. beside it an oracle is established etc. With this mode of 
divination by means of chance words heard and accepted by the hearer 
as omens, compare ix. 11. 7 ; Bouche-Lcclercq, Histoirc dc la divination 
dans ran/iquiU^ I. p. 154 sqq. It was called cicdonism or cledomantia^ 
from cledon, * a chance voice,' At the present day Greek girls of the island 
of I OS (AV^) resort to this mode of divination to discover the names of 
their future husbands. On the Eve of St. John (23rd June) a girl takes an 
unused jar, and fills it with water at the well without speaking. Into the 



CH. XXII PHARAE— SACRED FISH 153 

jar each girl puts something, such as an apple, a ring, a pin, etc. The jar 
is then covered with a red cloak, and left out all night " that it may see 
the stars." Next morning it is brought in and placed on a table, while 
the girls sing a song imploring St. John to reveal their true-love's name. 
Then the red cloth is removed, and the things are taken out of the jar. 
Finally, each girl pours a little of the water from the jar into her shoe 
and goes out into the street, and the first name she hears called out 
(such as Andronico or Themistocles) is the name of her future husband. 
See J. T. Bent, The Cyclades^ p. 161 sq, 

22. 4- The Egyptians liave a similar mode of divination at the 
sanctuary of Apis. At the sanctuary of the bull Apis in Memphis the 
method of divination was this. The worshipper prayed to the deity in 
the sanctuary, then passed out of it, and received the prophetic answer 
to his petition from children outside the shrine, who, skipping to the 
music of flutes, delivered the oracle sometimes in prose and sometimes 
in verse. See Aelian, Nat, anim, xi. 10 ; Dio Chrysostom, Or. xxxii, 
vol. I. p. 404, ed. Dindorf ; Xenophon of Ephesus, Ephesiacoy v. 4. 
Other modes in which Apis is said to have vouchsafed his answers are 
described by A. Wiedemann on Herodotus, ii. 153. 

22. 4. they do not catch the fish in it because they esteem 
them sacred. For other examples of sacred fish, see i. 38. i ; iii. 
21. 5. The fish, particularly the eels, in the fountain of Arethuse at 
Syracuse were sacred and inviolate ; persons who had been driven by 
the exigencies of war to eat of these fish were visited by the godhead 
with great calamities (Diodorus, v. 3. 5 ; Plutarch, De soUertia 
animaliumy 23). At Troezen it was of old unlawful to catch the sacred 
octopus, the nautilus, and the sea -tortoise (Clearchus, quoted by 
Athenaeus, vii. p. 317 b). The lobster (Tcrrt^ evaXtos) was generally 
esteemed sacred by the Greeks and was not eaten by them ; if the 
people of Seriphos caught a lobster in their nets they put it back into 
the sea ; if they found a dead one, they buried it and mourned over it as 
over one of themselves (Aelian, Nat, anim, xiii. 26). A Greek inscription 
found at Smyrna runs thus : " Do not hurt the sacred fish ; do not 
damage any of the vessels belonging to the goddess ; do not carry them 
out of the sanctuary to seal them. The wretch who does any of these 
things, may he die a wretched death, devoured by the fish. If one 
of the fish die, let it be sacrificed the same day on the altar. As for 
such as help to guard and augment the honours of the goddess and 
her fishpond, may the goddess grant them a happy life and do them 
good " (Moixreiov /cai /Si/SkioOTJK'q tyjs €v ^fjLvpvg evayytkiKTJs (rxokrjs* 
UeploSos A. (i 873-1 875), p. 102, No. 104; Dittenberger, Sylloge 
Jnscr. Graec. No. 364 ; C. T. Newton, Essays on Art and Archaeology^ 
p. 195 sq,) At Myra (or Limyra) in Lycia there was a temple of 
Apollo with a spring near it. In this spring there were fish which the 
priest fed with the flesh of the sacrificed victims. If the fish ate the 
fiesh, the sacrificers regarded it as a happy omen. See Aelian, Nat. 
€Utim. xii. i ; Pliny, Nat. hist. xxxi. 22, xxxii. 17 ; Plutarch, De sollertia 
animalium^ 23. When Cyrus and the Ten Thousand came to 
the river Chains, they found it full of large tame fish, which the native 



154 SACRED FISH bk. vii. achaia 

Syrians would not let them catch, because they regarded the fish 
as gods (Xenophon, Anabasis, i. 4. 9). The Syrians of Bambyce 
(Hierapolis) esteemed fish sacred and never ate them ; near the great 
sanctuary there ^%'as a lake full of tame fish which were said to know 
their names and to come at call (Lucian, De dea Syrioy 14 and 45). 
Indeed the Syrians in general held fish sacred and refused to eat them. 
See Ovid, Fasti, ii. 461-474; Diodorus, ii. 4. 3; Athenaeus, iv. p. 
157 b, viii. p. 346 cd; Plutarch, De superstitione, 10; Menander, 
quoted by Porphyry, De abstineniia, iv. 15 ; Hyginus, Fab, 197; id., 
Astronomica, ii. 30. Persons who had been initiated into the Eleusinian 
mysteries worshipped the red mullet and would not partake of it 
(Plutarch, De solleriia animalium, 35. 11; Aelian, Nat aninu ix. 
51 and 65; cp. Porphyry, De absiinentia, iv. 16). The red mullet 
was also a forbidden food to the priestess of Hera at Argos (Plutarch, 
Lc, ; Aelian, Nat anim. ix. 65). The priests of Poseidon at Megara 
who were called Hieromnemones (sacred recorders) would not eat fish 
(Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv, viii. 8. 4). The priest of Poseidon at 
Leptis would eat nothing that came out of the sea (/V/., De solleriia 
anitnalium, 35. 11). The worshippers of the Phrygian Mother of the 
Gods had to abstain from all fish (Julian, Orat v. p. 176 b). The 
Pythagoreans would not eat fish (Plutarch, Quaest Conviv. viii. 8 ; 
Porphyry, Vit Pythag. 45 ; Diogenes Laert., viii. i. 34). Fish were 
tabooed to the Egyptian priests and to many Egyptian laymen (Hero- 
dotus, ii. 37 ; Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 7 ; id., Quaest Conviiu viii. 8 ; 
Strabo, xvii. p. 812; Lucian, Astrot 7; Juvenal, xv. 7; Clement of 
Alexandria, Strom, vii. 6. 33, p. 850, ed. Potter; id., Protrept ii. 39, p. 
34, ed. Potter ; Porphyr>% De abstin. iv. 7). The Caledonians abstained 
from fish (Dio Cassius, Ixxvi. 12). The Homeric Greeks appear to 
have done so also, except in cases of extreme necessity (Homer, 
Odyssey, iv. 363 sqq., xii. 329 sqq. ; Plato, Republic, iii. p. 404 b ; 
Athenaeus, iv. p. 1 5 7 b). For other statements as to the sacredness of 
fish and the refusal of certain persons to partake of them, see Varro, 
Rcr. rust. iii. 17. 4; Sextus Empiricus, 'Yttotiwt. iii. 223; Eusebius, 
Pracpar. Evang. vi. 10. 5 ; Lobeck, Aglaophamus, p. 190 n. I. In 
India fish are worshipped as incarnations of Vishnu ; they are often 
kept in tanks and fed as a religious duty (Monier Williams, Religious 
Life and Thought in India, p. 328). The laws of Manu prescribed 
abstinence from fish, except in certain specified cases {Manu^ v. 15 sq.) 
At the present day many tribes in various parts of the world, especially 
in Africa, have a superstitious horror of eating fish. Examples are too 
numerous to be quoted here. 

22. 4. In the olden time all the Ghreeks worshipped nnwronght 

stones. Cp. i. 44. 2; ii. 31. 4; iii. 22. I ; ix. 24. 3; ix. 27. i ; 
ix. 38. I. The Aenianes had a sacred stone which they worshipped; 
they sacrificed to it and covered it with the fat of the victim (Plutarch, 
Quaest. Graec. 1 3). The worship of rude stones has been practised all 
over the world. The wild Karens of Burma worship certain stones, 
sacrifice hogs and fowls to them, and pour the blood upon them (Forbes, 
British Burma, p. 295). In Aneitum, one of the New Hebrides, 



CH. XXII SACRED STONES 155 

" smooth stones, apparently picked up out of the bed of the river, were 
regarded as representatives of certain gods, and wherever the stone was, 
there the god was supposed to be. One resembling a fish would be 
prayed to as the fisherman's god. Another, resembling a yam, would 
be the yam god. A third, round like a bread-finit, the bread-fiiiit god 
— and so on" (G. Turner, Samoa^ p. 327). The great oracle of the 
Mandan Indians was a large porous stone. Every spring and some- 
times during the summer a deputation visited the stone to consult the 
oracle. They solemnly smoked to the stone, alternately smoking them- 
selves and passing the pipe to the stone. Some white marks on the 
stone, made by one of the deputation while the rest slept, were believed 
to convey the answer of the oracle (Lewis and Clarke, Travels to the 
source of the Missouri River^ London, 181 5, i. p. 224 ; cp. Maximilian, 
Prinz zu Wied, Reise in das innere Nord-AmericOy 2. p. 186 j^^. ; Rela- 
tions des Jdsuites^ 1836, p. 108 sq, (Canadian reprint) ; E. James, Expedi- 
tion to the Rocky Mountains^ i. p. 252 sq,\ H. Schoolcraft, Indian 
Tribes^ 3. p. 229). In the Highlands of Scotland every village is said 
to have had its Gruagach stone, on which the people poured libations 
of milk (C. F. Gordon Cummring, In the Hebrides (London, 1883), 
pp. 70 sq.y 335). "In certain mountain districts of Norway, up to the 
end of the last century, the peasants used to preserve round stones, 
washed them every Thursday evening (which seems to show some con- 
nexion with Thor), smeared them with butter before the fire, laid them 
in the seat of honour on fresh straw, and at certain times of the year 
steeped them in ale, that they might bring luck and comfort to the 
house" (Tylor, Primitive Culture^ 2. p. 167). Almost every village 
of Northern India has its fetish stone in which the spirit of a god 
or deified man is believed to reside. See W. Crooke, Popular religion 
and folk-lore of Northern India, p. 293 sqq. In the neighbourhood 
of Gilgit (North- Western India) every village has a large stone which 
is the object of reverence. In some villages goats are annually 
sacrificed beside the stone and the blood sprinkled on it (Biddulph, 
Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh, p. \\^ sq,) The Ingouch tribe of 
the Caucasus worship certain rocks and offer costly sacrifices to 
them, especially at fimerals ; solemn oaths, too, are taken in presence 
of the sacred rock (Potocki, Voyages dans les steps (^Astrakhan et du 
CaucasCy i. pp. 124, 126). In Syria certain round black stones were 
esteemed sacred and were supposed to possess magic powers. They 
were called baetyh\ which is the same word as Bethel. See Pliny, 
Nat. hist, xxxvii. 135; Damascius, Vita Isidori, ^ 94, 203; Genesis 
xxviii. 18 sq.\ Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, i. § 205. For 
other examples of the worship of stones, see A. Bastian, * Der Stein- 
cultus in der YJ\hxiO%x2c^\^^ Archiv fiir Ethnographie, 3 (1868), pp. 
I -1 8; Tylor, op. cit. 2. p. 161 sqq.\ Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation,^ 
p. 301 sqq. Cp. W. Robertson Smith, Religion of t/ie Semites,^ p. 201 
sqq. See also below, x. 24. 6 note. 

22. 6. Tritia. Cp. vi. 12. 8 note. The site of Tritia is supposed 
to be at Kastritsa, a place 2 miles in a straight line to the north of the 
large village of Hagios Blasts, near the sources of the Selinus (as to 



156 TRITIA — RHIUM BK. vii. ACHAIA 

which see vii. 24. 5 note). The town occupied the south-eastern and 
eastern slope of a strong height and was surrounded by a massive wall, 
which was further strengthened by large square towers projecting at 
regular intervals. The space within the town walls is full of potsherds 
and architectural remains. Within the citadel are foundations of con- 
siderable buildings. There are also a great many ancient graves. 

See Leake, Aforea, 2. p. 117 ; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 433 ; Bursian, Gtogr, 2. 
p. 324 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 330 ; and especially von Duhn, in MittheiL d, arch, 
Inst, in Atkent 3 (1878), p. 70. 

Boblaye hesitated between Kastritza and a place farther north, 
called St AndreWy to the south of Gauzoumistra, where there are some 
ruins ; but he inclined to identify Si, Andrew with Tritia. See Boblaye, 
RechercheSy p. 2 1 sq. But the more generally accepted view is that the 
ruins at St, Andrew (Agios Andreas) are those of Leontium, a town 
mentioned by Polybius (ii. 41, v. 94). The place is on the road from 
Kalavryta to Patras, about half-way between the two. The ruins are 
on an elevation to the right, as you go to Patras, In most places the 
walls are nearly level with the ground, but may still be traced round 
the ancient town, which appears to have been of some extent. A 
church of St. Andrew among the ruins has given the place its modem 
name. 

See Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 452 ; Leake, Morea^ 3. p. 418 sqq. ; Curtius, Pelop. 
I. pp. 448 jy., 456 sq, ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 330 ; von Duhn, in Mittheil, d, arch, 
Inst, in Atneny 3 (1878), p. 69 sq. 

22. 6. Nicias. See note on iii. 19. 4. As to paintings on Greek 
tombstones, see Mittheil. d. arch. Inst, in Athen^ 4 (1879), P* 3^ ^QQ' \ 
id.y 5 (1880), p. 164 sqq, 

22. 8. Ares had connection with Tritia, a daughter of 

Triton etc. K. O. Miiller was of opinion that Tritia, daughter of 
Triton, was a form of Athena, and that it was only the legend of the 
virginity of Athena which obliged the people of Tritia to represent their 
ancestress as distinct from Athena. The mythical relation of Athena to 
Triton (see Paus. ix. 33. 7) is so far in favour of M liner's view. See 
J. Escher, Triton und seine Bekdmpfung durch Herakles {L,€v^z\%y 1890), 
p. 27 sqq. ; L. R. Famell, The Cults of the Greek States^ i. p. 269. 
On the relation of Athena to Ares there is a dissertation by F. A. Voigt, 
Beitrdge zur Mythologie des Ares und der Athena (Leipzig, 1881) ; see 
especially p. 254 sqq. 

22. 9. the €k)d8 called Greatest. These may have been the 
Dioscuri (cp. i. 31. i ; viii. 21. 4), or Demeter and Proserpine (cp. iv. 
I. 5 ; iv. 2. 6 ; iv. 3. 10 etc. ; viii. 31. i), or the Cabiri (see note on 
iV. I. 7, vol. 3. p. 407). 

22. 10. Bhimn. This is the cape at the narrowest point of the 
Gulf of Corinth, about 5 J miles north-east of Patrae. The extremity of 
the perfectly flat cape is occupied by a Turkish fort called the Castle of 
the Morea {Kasiro-Moreas)^ which was formerly allowed to fall into 
decay, but is now garrisoned, protected on the landward side by a moat, 



CH. XXII RHIUM—PANORMUS 157 

and equipped with machine guns. The fort is also used as a prison. 
From the ramparts the views up and across the Gulf of Corinth are very 
fine. Immediately opposite Rhium, on the other side of the strait, is 
the companion fort of the Castle of Roumelia {Kastro-Raumelis), Dark 
swirls on the smooth surface of the water between the two Castles 
seem to show that a current runs fast in the narrows. Farther to the 
east, on the northern shore of the gulf, Naupactus is clearly visible, 
with its mediaeval walls ascending the steep slope of the hill behind the 
town. The mountains on that side of the gulf are grand, and, when 
touched with the lights and shadows of evening, exceedingly beautiful. 
The mountains to the south of Rhium, across the strip of maritime 
plain, are rugged and broken. 

In antiquity there was a sanctuary of Poseidon at Rhium (Strabo, 
viii. p. 336). The breadth of the strait was estimated by Thucydides 
(ii. 86) at 7 furlongs ; by Strabo (viii. p. 335) ^t 5 ; by Pliny {NaL hist, 
iv. 6) at less than a mile ; and by Scylax {Peripius^ 35) at 10 furlongs. 
This last estimate agrees with the present width of the strait, which is a 
mile and a quarter. It is conjectured that under the influence of wind, 
tide, and earthquakes thp breadth of the strait may have varied at 
different times. But the evidence seems to show that the strait is nar- 
rowing. The inner and apparently much older portion of the Castle of 
the Morea is now separated from the shore by a broad flat about 250 
yards across. If, as seems probable, this oldest part of the fortress 
stood originally on the shore, the sea must have retreated to this extent 
since the fort was built. The natives also affirm that the sea is 
retreating. 

See Chandler, Travels in Greece ^ p. 275 ; Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 147 sqq, ; 
Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 23 ; Curtius, Pelop. 2. p. 446 so. ; Bursian, Geogr, i. 
p. 146 ; Baedeker,^ p. 33 ; Guide-Joanne ^ 2. p. 394 sq, ; rhilippson, Peloponnes^ 
p. 261 sq, 

22. 10. PanonutlB. This is the bay between Cape Rhium and 
Cape Drepanum. There is a Turkish fountain on the beach, and near 
it formerly stood a tekieh or tomb of a Turkish saint, from which the 
bay has taken in modern times the name of the bay of Tekieh, Here a 
naval battle took place between the Athenian and Peloponnesian fleets 
in 429 B.C. (Thucydides, ii. 86). See Leake, Morea^ 3. pp. 195, 
41 5 j^. ; Boblaye, Rec/terches^ p. 23 ; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 447 ; Bursian, 
Geogr, 2. p. 312. 

22. 10. the Fort of Athena. On Cape Drepanum (see 23. 4) 
Dodwell saw a ruined fort which he thought might be the Fort of 
Athena, The place is called Palaeo-Psatho-Pyrgo. Leake, on the 
other hand, was disposed to regard the Fort of Athena as a harbour, 
and to place it at Psatho-Pyrgo^ in the bay to the east of Cape Dre- 
panum. See Dodwell, Tour^ i. p. 127; Leake, Morea^ 3. p. 416; 
Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 24 ; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 447 ; Bursian, Geogr. 
2. p. 312. 

22. 10. the harbour of Erineus. This is now called the bay of 
Lambiriy or in full Lambiri'ta-ampelia, On the west side of the bay the 



IS8 MILICHUS—CHARADRUS—SELEMNUS bk. vii. achaia 

mountains rise abruptly from the sea, and are clothed nith forests. The 
eastern side of the bay is formed by the flat delta of the Salmeniko 
river. A sea-fight took place in the bay between the Athenian and 
Corinthian fleets in 413 B.C. (Thucydides, vii. 34). See Dodwell, Toury 
I. p. 127 ; Leake, Morea^ 3. pp. 193 sq.^ 410 ; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 458 
sq, ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 313. 

22. 1 1 . the river Milichus. This is almost certainly the stream 
which coming down from a glen in the hills crosses the high-road from 
Patras to Aegium about twenty minutes walk ( 10 or 11 furlongs) north of 
Patras. At this point of its course the stream flows in a gravelly, but not 
broad, bed between vineyards. The road crosses it by a bridge. Beside 
the bridge is a garden with cypresses. Higher up the stream, among 
the hills, are the villages of Voundeli and Sykena. 

Cp. Cell, Itinerary of the Marea, p. 6 ; Leake, Afarea, 3. p. 417 ; Boblaye, 
Recherches, p. 22 sq, ; Curtius, Pelcp, I. p. 445 ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 312. 

22. II. the Charadms. Between the Milichus (see preceding 
note) and Rhium two streams of some size fall into the sea. The first 
of them, some 2 miles north of the Milichus, has an exceedingly 
broad and stony bed ; the breadth of the bed is probably over a quarter 
of a mile ; a good many minutes are spent in traversing it When I 
crossed it (20th October 1895) there was no water in it ; but it is clear 
that in rainy weather a raging torrent must sweep over this broad, 
nigged bed, and such a stream would very appropriately be called 
Charadrus ('torrent'). About a mile to the north of this torrent-bed 
another stream crosses the path, flowing in a broad, gravelly bed 
through uncultivated ground overgrown with shrubbery. This stream, 
which descends from the village of Velvitsi^ is commonly identified with 
the Charadrus (Leake, Morca^ 3. p. 417 ; Boblaye, Recherches^ P- 23 ; 
Curtius, Pelop. i. p. 445 sq. ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 312; Philippson, 
Peloponnes^ p. 263) ; but it may possibly be the Selemnus (see 23. i 
sqq. ) A small stream of clear water was flowing in the gravelly channel 
when I saw it It is about a mile to the south of Rhium, and comes 
down from the mountains which rise a little way inland, beyond the 
narrow maritime plain. Among the mountains it flows in a very deep, 
nigged bed, and, when it is swollen with rain, the passage of the stream 
is difficult and dangerous (Philippson, I.e.) 

23. I. Argyra Selemnus. The Selemnus is probably the 

stream which comes down from the village of Kastritza and joins the 
sea a little to the east of Cape Rhium. About three-quarters of a mile 
to the south of the Castle of the Morea Vaudrimey saw some ruins, in- 
cluding those of " a triumphal arch or monumental gate." They may 
possibly be the ruins of Arg>Ta. But what Vaudrimey took to be ** a 
triumphal arch or monumental gate " is clearly not ancient but medi- 
aeval ; it is apparently a castle gateway facing north and south, and 
distant, as it seemed to me, nearer a quarter than three-quarters of a 
mile south of the Castle of the Morea. I obser\ed nothing else resem- 
bling a Roman arch in this neighbourhood. See Boblaye, Recherches^ 



CH. XXIII DREPANUM—AEGIUM 159 

p. 23 ; Leake, Moreuy 3. p. 417; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 446; Bursian, 
Geogr, 2. p. 312. 

23. 4. the Bolinaeus Bolina. The Bolinaeus is probably the 

river of Platiana (or Platanos) which falls into the bay of Panormus, to 
the east of the Selemnus. In this neighbourhood Leake observed " a 
flat-topped height overlooking the maritime level ; it has some appear- 
ance of artificial ground, and answers exactly to the site of Bolina." See 
Leake, Morea, 3. p. 195, cp. p. 417 ; Curtius, Pelop. i. p. 447 ; Bursian, 
Geogr, 2. p. 312. 

23. 4. Drepanam. This cape, the most northerly point of Pelo- 
ponnese, retains its old name in the form of Dhrapano, It is a long 
sandy spit running out into the sea in a crescent shape ; hence its name 
of Drepanum or * sickle.' See Dodwell, Tour^ i. p. 127 ; Leake, i1/<?r^a, 
3. pp. 195, 414; Boblaye, Recherches^ P- 23 sq, ; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 
447 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2, p. 312. As to the story of the mutilation of 
Sky by Cronus, Mr. Andrew Lang has shown that it is one of a world- 
wide class of myths invented to explain the separation of Earth and 
Sky (A. Lang, Custom and myth^ P- 45 ^99-) 

23. 4. Bhypes. This place was, as Pausanias mentions, 30 fur- 
longs from Aegium ; it must therefore have been half-way between 
Aegium and the harbour of Erineus, which was 60 furlongs from 
Aegium (22. 10). On the right bank of the Tholopotamos river there 
are some ruins, which would seem to be those of Rhypcs, since they are 
equidistant from Aegium and Erineus (bay of Lambiri) ; the distance of 
the ruins from each of these places is a little over 3 miles. Leake, 
without any sufficient reason, would place Rhypes farther to the west, on 
the bank of the Salmeniko river, perhaps on the exact site of the village 
of Salmeniko, But it does not appear that he found any ruins there, and 
the distances of the Salmeniko river from Aegium and Erineus do not 
agree with the statements of Pausanias. Prof, von Duhn identifies 
Rhypes with the ruins of a considerable city a fiill hour to the south-west 
of Aegium. The ruins occupy the summit of a high table-mountain 
called Trapeza ('table'). The circuit-walls may be traced, also many 
foundation -walls. The town appears to have been destroyed by an 
earthquake. Rhypes is mentioned by Herodotus (i. 145) among the 
twelve Achaean cities. In the time of Strabo it was deserted and its 
territory belonged to Aegium and Pharae (Strabo, viii. p. 387). Mys- 
cellus, the founder of Crotona, was a native of Rhypes (Strabo, ib,) 

See Leake, Morca^ 3. pp. 193, 417 5q,\ id,, Peloponnesiaca, pp. 408-4x0; 
Boblaye, Rccherches^ p. 24 ; Curtius, Pelop, I. p. 458 sq, ; Bursian, Geogr, 2, p. 
330 ; von Duhn, in Mitiheil. d, arch. Inst, in Athen, 3 (1878), p. 66 ; Guide- 
Joanne, 2. p. 395. 

23. 5. Aegimn. The modem town of Aegium or Vostiisa occupies 
the site of the ancient city. It stands in a beautiful position at the 
comer of a table-land stretching from the mountains to the gulf. The 
torrents on either side have pushed out spits of alluvial soil into the sea, 
thus creating a sort of sheltered roadstead. On the seaward side is a 
steep cliff some 150 feet high, and between the foot of the cliff and the 



l6o AEGJUM BK. VII. ACHAIA 

shore is a narrow strip of level ground. The lower town, comprising the 
railway station and some large warehouses, stands on this strip of level 
ground beside the sea. Here, too, the principal spring of the town 
issues from sixteen mouths. Beside it there grew, down to 1858 or 
later, a magnificent plane-tree, measuring forty-five feet in girth at a 
height of three feet above the ground. The modem breakwater rests 
upon ancient foundations about five feet broad. Beside the breakwater 
another spring issues through nine mouths. About half-way up the cliff 
which separates the upper from the lower town there is a terrace some 
150 feet wide. Thus the town rises from the water's edge in three 
steps, and the houses being divided between the shore, the terrace, and 
the table-land present a picturesque appearance when viewed from the 
sea. The upper and lower towns are connected by a road which ascends 
a ramp or inclined plane, and also by an underground passage through 
the conglomerate rock. The greater part of the town, with its busy 
bazaar, lies on the table -land. The fertile plain round the town is 
covered with luxuriant grape and currant vineyards, interspersed with a 
few olive and mulberry plantations. The modem town, with its popula- 
tion of 7000, lives almost entirely by the cultivation and export of 
currants. Of the ancient city hardly any traces are left Probably 
much of it was built of brick, since the fields near the town have been 
found strewn with fragments of brick and painted tiles. A few pieces of 
sculpture and some insignificant inscriptions have been discovered. In 
a field overlooking the sea, a little to the east of Aegium, Mr. (after- 
wards Sir) C. T. Newton noticed " part of a fluted column and some 
remains of buildings which had just been dug up ; near them was a 
piece of massive wall. The column was of travertine covered with 
stucco." He saw also two fine statues of white marble, and some frag- 
ments of a third. " One of these statues appeared to be a Mercury, 
very similar to the celebrated one in the Vatican ; the other a female 
figure, with a head-dress like that of the younger Faustina, probably an 
empress in the character of some goddess. These statues are well pre- 
served and are good specimens of art of the Roman period." Polished 
stone axes and flints of the neolithic age have been found in the neigh- 
bourhood of Aegium. 

See Dodwell, Toitr^ 2. p. 304 sq. ; Gell, Ititurary of the Morea^ p. 7 ; Leake, 
Morca^ 3. p. 185 sqq. ; Boblaye, Rccherches^ p. 24 sq. ; Welcker, Tagebuck, 2. pp. 
323-325 ; Curtius, fe/op. l. p. 459 sq. ; W. G. Clark, /^e/op. p. 289 sqq. ; C. T. 
Newton, Travels and discoveries in the Levant ^ i. p. 10 sqq. ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. 
p. 331 ; Mittheil. d. arch. Inst, in Athcn^ 3 (1878), pp. 63 sqq.^ 95 sqq. ; Archdo/o- 
gische Zeitung, 38 (1880), p. 1 01 ; Baedeker,' p. 245 sq. ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 
396 sq. ; Philippson, Peloponnes, pp. 260, 279. 

23. 5. Phoenix Miganitas. These rivers cannot be identified 

with certainty. The Miganitas is perhaps the dreaded torrent now 
called Gaidaropnikies (*drowner of asses'), which flows into the sea 
about a mile to the west of Aegium. It comes down from a deep glen 
in the mountains, the steep sides of which are partly occupied by corn- 
fields, partly wooded with clumps of pines. If this identification is right, 
the Phoenix is either the Tholopotamos^ which falls into the sea about a 



CH. xxiii ILITHYIA AT AEGWM i6t 

mile to the west of the Gaidaropniktes, or more probably perhaps the 
larger river Salnieniko, about 2 miles farther wesL This last river 
takes its name from the fCaljrvia of Salmeniko, a village among the hills 
about 5 miles distant from the sea. At this point the stream issues 
from a glen in the limestone mountains, and its valley opens out and 
becomes well cultivated. The slopes of the mountains above the village 
are partly wooded with oaks. All these streams are torrents which in 
the rainy season rush down in spates, but in the height of summer 
either dry up altogether or shrink to mere rivulets trickling along their 
broad stony beds. Their sudden floods often spread great devastation 
among the currant plantations of the maritime plain, and do great 
injury to the railway and road. 

See Leake, Morta, 3. p. 192 sq. ; Bobtaye, Rahtrcha, p. 15 ; Cortius, Pe(ap. 
I. p. 459 ; Bursian, Gtogr. 3. p. 313 ; Gutdt-Jeaimt, 2. p. 395 ig. ; PhilippsoD, 
Ptloponna, pp. a6i, 263, 265, 273. 

23. 5. Stmto, an athlete. See v. 21. 9 note, where he is de- 
scribed as an Alexandrian. He may have been bom at Alexandria and 
have settled at Aegium. 

23. 5. Dithyia, Her ima^e is draped etc Some coins of Aegium 
present us with a female figure which may be a copy of the image of 
llithyia mentioned by Pausanias. The figure is clad in a long tunic and 
wears a polos or firmament. In her raised right hand she holds a 
torch ; in her extended left hand another torch. 
See Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num. Comm, 
on Paus. p. 83, with pi. R vi., vii. Cp. Critical 
Note, vol. I. p. 592. Characteristic of llithyia in 
art is " the gesture of the hands, one of which in 
many representations of coins and vases is tip- 
raised with the palm opened outwards, a gesture 
which belonged to a sort of natural magic or ^^^ «,— ilumyia 
mesmerism, and was supposed to assist childbirth" (com or aioiuh). 
(L. R. Famell, The Cults of the Greek States, 2. 
p. 613 sq.) Elsewhere (i. t8. ;) Pausanias says that the Athenians 
were the only people who represented llithyia as draped from head to 
foot He probably had not yet visited the sanctuary of llithyia at 
Aegium when he made that statement. For other examples of images 
draped in real clothes see vol. 2. p. 574 sq. 

23. 7. images of Health and Aesculapias. On a coin of Aegium, 
belonging to the reign of Commodus, Aesculapius is represented seated, 
holding a sceptre in his right hand. In front of him is an altar, with 
a serpent coiled round it j and beyond the altar stands the female 
figure of Health, with her right hand extended over the altar. It can 
hardly be doubted that this group on the coin is a copy of the group by 
Damophon which Pausanias describes ; for the same figures of Aescula- 
pius and Health occur separately on other coins of Aegium and must 
therefore be copies of statues. The coins thus afford us information as 
to Damophon's artistic style. In representing Aesculapius he appears 
to have followed the type of the Olympian Zeus of Phidias. The 
figure of Health is majestic, and here again he would seem to have 
VOU IV H 





i6fl HOMAGYRIAN ZEUS BK. vu. achaia 

followed the traditions of the school of Phidias. This is the opinion of 
Messrs. Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, who think that the coins confirm 
the judgment of the late H. Bninn as to the 
high religious and moral aim of Damophon's 
art {Gesch. d. grinh. Kunitler^ i. p. 291). See 
Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num. Comm. on 
Paul. p. 84, with pi. R ix. x. xi. Fragments of 
statues by Damophon were discovered at Ly- 
cosura in 1889. See note on i-iii. 37. 3. 

23. 7. tlie Phoenician legend that 
Aescnl&pins etc. The Phoenician counterpart 
of Aesculapius is commonly thought to have 
been Eshmun, one of whose symbols was a 
tTH (com or ABctuM). serpent. See Moven, Die PAoenitier, i. p. 527 
sff. ; Alois Miiller, ' Esmun. Ein Beitrag zur 
Mythologie des orientalischen Alterthums," Siizungsberichie of the 
Vienna Academy, Philos.-histor. CI, 45 (1864), pp. 496-523. Perhaps 
Pausanias's adversary was not very serious ; but the germ of his theory 
that the sun (Apollo) is the father of the air (Aesculapius) may possibly 
be traced to the cosmological speculations which Philo of Byblus 
attributed to Sanchuniathon. See Philo of Byblus quoted by Eusebius, 
Prtupar. Evaitg. i. 10. z ; Frag. Hist. Graec. ed. Miiller, 3. p. 565. 
The late W. Robertson Smith, in one of his unpublished lectures on 
Semitic religion, argues that Eshmun was not a specialised god of 
healing like Aesculapius, but merely the Baal or supreme god of Sidon, 
resembling in character and functions all other Baals (that is, local or 
tribal gods). 

23. 8. For at Iltane etc. See ii. 1 1. 5 sq. Pausanias is pointing 
out that the Greeks regarded both Aesculapius and Health as children 
of Apollo, in other words as products of the Sun, and that they identified 
these two products of the solar activity by giving both names 
(Aesculapius and Health) to one and the same image. Thus he proves, 
to his own satisfaction at least, that the Greek story of the parentage 
of Aesculapius was identical with the Phoenician, both being merely a 
mythical way of stating certain physical facts. Cp. Critical Note on 
this passage, vol. i. p. 592- 

24. I. At Sparta idso there is a barrow to TalthrUns. See 
iii. 12, 7. 

24. 2. Homagyrian Zens Aphrodite and Athsna. This 

sanctuary of Homagyrian Zeus was doubtless the sacred grove of Zeus 
known as the Hamarium, where the Federal Assembly or Diet of the 
Achaean League met. The Hamarium was at Aegium (Strabo, viii. 
PP- 385, 387)- There was an altar of Hestia in the Hamarium, beside 
which were set up tablets engraved with the decrees of the Achaean 
League (Polybius, v. 93, 10). Polybius calls the sanctuary the Hom- 
arium, but the form Hamarium is established by an inscription found 
at Levidi (near Orchomenus) in Arcadia, from which we learn that the 
official oath taken by representatives of the Achaean League was by 
Mamarian Zeus, Hamarian Athena, and Aphrodite, the three deities 



CH.XXIV ■ HOMAGYRIAN ZEUS 163 

whose images Pausanias saw in the sanctuary of Homagyrian Zeus. 
See Foucart, 'Fragment inAiii d'un decret de la ligue Ach^enne,' 
Revue archiohgique, N. S. 32 (1876), p. 96 sqq. ; Dittenbet^er, Syllage 
Ittscr. Graec. No, 178 ; Hicks, Greek historical Inscriptions, No. 187 j 
Colliti, G. D. I. 2. No. 1634. The Achaean colonies of Sybaris, 
Crotona, and Caulon in Italy established a common sanctuary of 
Homarian (Hamarian) Zeus, where their representatives met for 
deliberation and concerted a common policy, evidently in imitation of 
the Hamarium in their old home (Polybius, ii. 39). It would seem, 
therefore, that Pausanias is wrong in speaking of Homagyrian Zeus ; 
the true form of the name was Hamarian. Possibly in Pausanias's 
time the ancient and unintelligible adjective Hamarian had been 
explained or corrupted into Homagyrian. Some would derive the name 
Hamarian from the Locrian hamara 'day,' and suppose that it means 
'of the broad daylight.' See Preller, Gritch. Mylhol* 1. p. 148 ; L. R. 
Famell, The Cults of the Greek States, i. p. 43. All the bronre 
coins of the Achaean League have on the obverse a figure of Zeus, 
standing and naked, holding a figure of Victory and a long sceptre. 
This is probably Hamarian Zeus, and may be a copy of his statue in 
the Hamarium. On the reverse of the same coins is a female figure 
seated, holding a wreath and a long sceptre. She may be Hamarian 
Athena or Aphrodite or Panachaean Demeter. Messrs. Imhoof-Blumer 
and Gardner prefer to regard her as Achaia personified, remarking 
that similarly Aetolia appears on coins of the Aetolian League, Bithynia 
on Bithynian coins, Roma on Roman coins, etc. See Imhoof-Blumer 
and Gardner, Num. Comm. on Paus. p. 86, with pi. R xv. xvi. ; Cata- 
logue of the Greek Coins in the British Museum : Peloponnesus, plates 

24. 3. a copions aprln«. This is doubtless one of the two 

abundant springs which may still be seen on the beach at Aegium. See 
note on vii. 23. 5. 

24. 3. a sanctiux7 of Safetr. Safety seems to have been an 
especially Achaean goddess. Cp. viL 21.7. 

24. 3. ther Bend them to Arethnaa. Cp. note on v. 7. 2. 

24. 4- Zens reprssented as a child a work of Agsladas. 

There was a legend that Aegium look its name 

from a goat {aix), which there suckled the infant 

Zeus (Strabo, viii. p. 387). This legend is figured 

on a coin of Aegium (Fig. 22): the in&nt Zeus 

is being suckled by a she-goal ; on either side is 

a tree ; above is an eagle with outspread wings 

(Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num. Comm. on 

Paus. p. 8; sq., with pi. R xiv.) Other coins of 

Aegium represent an archaic image of Zeus '"^gv"'^ *cmt"'^(co'n 

standing on a basis, naked and beardless, holding or aeciuh). 

a thunderbolt in his raised right hand and an 

eagle in his extended left ; on one of them appears to be the legend 

AiriEflN HAIS, " the child of the people of Aegium." Of these 

twQ representations of Zeus on the coins one is probably a copy 




i64 THE RIVER SEUNUS bk. vil achaia 

of the image mentioned by Pausanias ; as he makes no mention of the 
goat, the probability seems rather in favom* of the latter. Moreover, 
the latter type agrees closely with the type of Zeus on the coins of 
Messene, which some suppose to be a copy of the image of Zeus which 
Ageladas is known to have made for the Messenians. The resemblance 
between the coin-types of Messene and Aegium is in favour of the 
supposition that they are copies of the two images of Zeus which 
Ageladas made for the Messenians and Aegians respectively. On the 
other hand, this type of Zeus is too common on coins of other places to 
allow us to argue with confidence from the resemblance in question. 
See Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num. Comm. on Paus. p. 85 sq.y 
with pi. R xii. xiii. ; and note on iv. 33. 2. 

24. 4* the most beantifol boy was chosen to be priest etc We 
often hear of a priesthood held by a boy or girl up to the age of 
puberty but not after. See ii. 33. 2 ; \ni. 26. 3 ; viii. 47. 3 ; x. 34. 8. 
The intention was doubtless to secure the chastity of the priest or 
priestess. Cp. ix. 27. 6. 

24. 4. The Achaean diet still meets at Aegium. Cp. vii. 7. 
2 note. 

24. 4- the Amphictyons meet at Delphi. The Amphictyonic 

Council seems to have still met at Delphi in the time of Philostratus ; 
at least he speaks of its meetings as if they were still regularly held 
(Philostratus, Vtt. ApolL iv. 23). 

24. 5. the river Selinns. This is the rapid stream now called the 
river of Vostiisay which flows into the sea in a north-north-easterly 
direction 3 miles to the east of Aegium. In the upper part of its 
course it flows for 4 or 5 miles through a very deep and savage gorge 
between mountains that rise on either side to a height of about 4000 
feet above the stream. At the northern end of this gorge is the village 
of Kounina. From this point onwards till the river issues from the 
mountains on the maritime plain, its valley is wider. On the west side 
the mountains rise in steep rocky terraces wooded with pines ; on the 
eastern side of the valley they are much less steep, and here on a hill 
stands the large monastery of Taxiarchis among beautiful gardens. 
The mountains above the monastery are clothed with fir-woods, which 
come so low down as almost to touch the olive-groves — those repre- 
sentatives of a warmer climate. Higher up than the gorge already 
mentioned the Selinus is formed by the meeting of two streams which 
come down from the villages of Lapata and Vlasia. The latter stream 
is the more considerable. On its southern side is perched on a high 
rock the picturesque monaster)' of Makellaria. Above this point the 
stream issues from an inaccessible ravine enclosed by walls of rock. The 
village of Vlasia^ still higher up the stream, lies at the mouth of a deep 
glen, from which the head water of the river issues. It may be reached 
by carriage from Patras in five or six hours. The slopes of the 
surrounding mountains are wooded with firs, and many chestnut trees 
grow near the village. 

See Leake, Morea, 3. p. 407 : Cell, Itinerary of the Morea, p. 10 ; Boblaye, 
Recherches^ p. 25; Curtius, Pehp, i. p. 465; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 311; 



CH. XXIV DESTRUCTION OF HEUCE 165 

Baedeker,' pp. 30, 245, 309; and especially Philippson, FeloponruSt pp. 263 sq,y 
265, 282. 

24. 5. a most holy sanctnary of Heliconian Poseidon. In 

historical times the great sanctuary of the Ionian Greeks was that of 
Heliconian Poseidon at Panionium (Herodotus, i. 148 ; Strabo, viii. p. 
384, xiv. p. 639; as to Panionium see note on vii. 5. i). Besides the 
seats of his worship here mentioned by Pausanias, inscriptions prove that 
Heliconian Poseidon was worshipped in Samos and at Sinope. See 
MittluiL d, arch. Inst, in Atherty 10 (1885), p. 32 sqq,; Bulletin de 
Corresp, helUnique^ 13 (1889), p. 299 sqq. On his worship, cp. C. 
Wachsmuth, Die Stadt Athen im Alterthuniy i. p. 394 sqq, 

24. 6. Homer also refers to Helice and Heliconian Poseidon. 
See Iliady ii. 575, \'iii. 203, xx. 404. 

24. 6. in after time the Achaeans of Helice etc. According to 
the testimony of a contemporary, the historian Heraclides Ponticus, the 
destruction of Helice by an earthquake took place on a winter night in 
the year 373 B.C., two years before the battle of Leuctra. The city 
was situated a mile and a half from the sea, and all this intermediate 
space, along with the city itself, vanished under the waves. Two 
thousand Achaeans were sent to bury the dead, but they could find 
none. Eratosthenes, who visited the site many years afterwards, was 
told by sailors that the bronze statue of Poseidon was standing under 
water and formed a dangerous shoal. See Strabo, viii. p. 384 sq. The 
circumstances which, in the opinion of the Greeks, drew down the 
wrath of Poseidon on Helice and so occasioned the earthquake, are 
somewhat variously related. But it seems that the Ionian Greeks had 
sent envoys requesting that they might get the image of Poseidon from 
the people of Helice, or at least the plan of his temple or altar, and 
that the people of Helice impiously maltreated or murdered the envoys 
in the very sanctuary of Heliconian Poseidon. See Strabo, Lc, ; Diodorus, 
XV. 49; Aelian, Nat anim. xi. 19; Seneca, Natur, Quaes/, vi. 23 and 
26, vii. 5 and 16. Pliny and Ovid, like Pausanias (§ 13), assert that 
the ruins of Helice were visible under the sea (Pliny, Nal, hist, ii. 206 ; 
Ovid, Met. xv. 293 sqq,) 

Similarly, the city of Callao in Peru, which was submerged in the 
earthquake of 1746, is said to be sometimes visible under the sea 
(Tschudi, Peru. Reiseskiszen^ i. p. 48). "There is a legend that the 
old city of Goa [in India] was overwhelmed by a sudden rush of the sea, 
and that its houses may still be seen in calm weather below the waters " 
(Visscher, Letters from Malabar ^ trans, by Drury, p. 33 n.) Breton 
peasants tell of the town of Is which sank into the sea ; the fishermen 
say that on stormy days you can sec, in the troughs of the waves, the 
tops of the church-spires, and in calm weather you can hear, from the 
depths of the sea, the church-bells chiming the hymn of the day (Renan, 
Souvenirs d*Enfance et de Jeunesse^ p. i sq.) Similar tales of drowned 
cities, villages, castles, and churches are common in many lands. 
They are told especially of lakes, and as stories of this kind are current 
in districts of Ireland and Scotland where prehistoric crannogs or lake- 



166 SIGNS OF EARTHQUAKES bk. vil achaia 

dwellings are known to have existed, it is a plausible conjecture that 
some of them may have originated, if not in traditions of such dwellings, 
at least from glimpses of the remains under water. 

See W. G. Wood-Martin, The Lake Dwellinp cf Ireland, p. 28 x^. ; and for 
more examples see Sotion 41, 42, in Westermann^ Scriptores rerum mirab, Graeci, 
p.190 ; Grimm, Detitsche Sagen, No. 132 ; Kuhn, Sagen aus IVestfaUriy I. No. 171 ; 
iV/., Mdrkische Sagen und Mdrchen, No. 80, p. 81 ; Bartsch, Sagen, Mdhrcken und 
Gehrdufhe aus Mecklenburg, i. Nos. 549, 553, 554 ; Bechstein, Myiken und Sagen 
Tirols, pp. 23^, 237 ; K. Lyoker, Deutsche Sagen und Sitten in hessiscken Giuten, 
p. 136 J^. ; Berenger-Feraud, R^miniscerues populaires de la Provence, p. 305 sqq, ; 
Burne and Jackson, Shropshire Folklore, p. 73 sqq. ; The Gefitleman s Magaxim 
Library, edited by G. L. Gomme, English traditional lore, p. 21 ; Giraldas 
Gimbrensls, Topography of Ireland, ch. 9 ; Bastian, Die Volker des ostlichen Asien, 
4. p. 372 ; Livingstone, Travels and Researches in South Africa, '^. 327; Proceedings 
of the Royal Geographical Society, 1887, p. 47 ; Thirlwall, * On some traditions 
relating to the submersion of ancient cities,' Transactions of the Royal Society of 
Literature, 2nd Series, 6 (1859), pp. 387-415; R. Basset, *Lcs Villes englou- 
Xits,' Revue des Traditions Populaires, 6(1891), pp. 165, 431-435, 495-499, 513- 
528, 634-637 ; id,, 8 (1893), PP- 474-479. 603 ; id,, 9 (1894), pp. 79, 251 sq,, 612- 
617 ; id., 10(1895), pp. 101-104, 310-316, 367 sq,, 494 sq,, 610-616 ; id,, II (1896), 
pp. 35-38. Heine in his Reisebilder (l. p. 148, Hamburg, 1876) has given the 
old legend an imaginative turn, much as Renan has done in his Riminiscences, 
referr^ to above. 

Earthquakes in Greece are still very common. Observations ex- 
tending over twenty years prove that they are commonest in February 
and March, least common in June and July. The hour at which they 
are oftenest felt is about half-past two in the morning ; half an hour 
after noon is the time when they are rarest See Neumann and Partsch, 
Physikalische Geographie von Gricchenland, p. 320. Aegium, the 
nearest neighbour of Helice, has repeatedly suffered from severe earth- 
quakes, notably in 23 A.D., 18 17, 1861, and 1888. See Tacitus, Ann. 
iv. 13; Leake, Morca, 3. p. 402, note a; Neumann and Partsch, op, 
cit, p. 325 ; Baedeker,^ p. 246. The earthquake of 1888 is said to have 
almost destroyed the town. It must have been quickly rebuilt, for 
when I visited Aegium in May 1890 the place bore few traces of the 
catastrophe. 

24. 7- eaxthquakes axe preceded either by heavy and continuouB 
rains etc. With the following list of signs of an approaching earthquake, 
compare Sir Charles Lyell's description of the phenomena attending 
earthquakes : " Irregularities in the seasons preceding or following the 
shocks ; sudden gusts of wind, interrupted by dead calms ; violent rains 
at unusual seasons, or in countries where, as a rule, they are almost 
unknown ; a reddening of the sun's disk, and haziness in the air, often 
continued for months ; an evolution of electric matter, or of inflammable 
gas from the soil, with sulphurous and mephitic vapours ; noises under- 
ground, like the running of carriages, or the discharge of artillery, or 
distant thunder ; animals uttering cries of distress, and evincing extra- 
ordinary Jilarm, being more sensitive than men to the slightest move- 
ment ; a sensation like sea -sickness, and a dizziness in the head, 
experienced by men : — these, and other phenomena, . . . have recurred 
again and again at distant ages, and in all parts of the globe " {Principles 



CH. XXIV SIGNS OF EARTHQUAKES 167 

of Geology ^'^ 2. p. 81). Aristotle in his discussion of earthquakes 
(^Meteor, ii. 7. and 8. p. 364 a 14 sqq.) mentions some of the symptoms 
described by Pausanias, such as the heavy rains, the droughts, the haze 
over the sun, and the subterranean noises. He mentions one ominous 
sign which Pausanias does not ; namely a long, accurately-levelled line 
of fine mist seen at sundown or soon after it in a clear sky. On ancient 
views of earthquakes, see also Joannes Lydus, De ostentis^ 53-58. 

24. 8. Springs of water mostly dry up. Modem observation 
has shown that earthquakes are sometimes accompanied by the drying 
up of springs ; for example, this was observed in New England, 27th 
October 1827, and at Lisbon in 1755. Even rivers are sometimes 
wholly or partly dried up. In 1 1 10 there was a dreadful earthquake at 
Nottingham, and the Trent became so low there that people walked 
across it. During the earthquake of 11 58 the Thames was so low that 
it could be crossed on foot even at London. In 1787, when a shock 
was felt at Glasgow, the flow of the Clyde stopped for a time. . In 1881 
a river in the Philippine Islands, after a severe shock of earthquake, 
ceased to flow for two hours. On the other hand, new springs are 
sometimes formed during an earthquake. See J. Milne, Earthquakes 
(London, 1886), p. 154 sqq, 

24. 8. the sky is shot with sheets of flame. Observation has 
shown that in some parts of the world, particularly Italy, earthquakes 
are often attended by a display of the Aurora Borealis. It is said that 
before the earthquakes which shook England in 1849 ^"^ 1850 the 
weather had been unusually warm, the Aurora had been common and 
brilliant, while the whole year had been remarkable for flre-balls, light- 
nings, and corruscations. Glimmering lights were seen in the sky 
before the earthquakes in New England (i8th November 1755); and 
strange lights appeared in the heavens before the Sicilian earthquake of 
1692. On the other hand, in Japan, where earthquakes occur daily, 
the Aurora is almost never seen. See J. Milne, Earthquakes^ p. 264 sq, 
Aristotle, who was eleven years old at the time of the destruction of Helice, 
speaks of a great comet that was seen in the west about the time of the 
earthquake {Meteor, i. 6. p. 343 b i sq^ 

24. 12. The sea advanced fax over the land etc. The great 
wave of the sea which accompanied the earthquake at Helice is men- 
tioned also by Aristotle {Meteor, i. 6. p. 343 b 2 sq.^ ii. 8. p. 368 b 8) 
and Strabo (viii. p. 384). Aelian says that ten Lacedaemonian ships, 
which happened to be anchored in the roadstead, were engulphed with 
the city {Nat. anim. xi. 19). In modem times destructive earthquakes 
have often been accompanied by immense waves of the sea. At the 
great earthquake of Lisbon in 1755 the sea first drew back till the 
whole bar at the mouth of the Tagus was uncovered ; then it came on 
in mountainous waves, 30 to 60 feet higher than the highest tide, and 
swamped the city. At the same time the coast of Spain was swept by 
a mighty wave ; at Cadiz it is said to have been 60 feet high. The 
coasts of Chili and Peru have been often devastated by tremendous 
waves and earthquakes together ; and the waves are said to be more 
dreaded than the earthquakes. In the earthquakes which destroyed 



t68 CERYNEA — BUR A bk. vii. achaia 

Lima and turned part of the coast about Callao into a bay, a frigate i»'as 
carried by the waves to a great distance up the country and left high 
and dry at a considerable height above the city. See Lyell, PrindpUs 
of Geolo^^ 2. p. 147 sqq, ; J. Milne, Earthquakes^ p. 165 sqq, 

24. 13. a city on Mount Sipylns etc See note on v. 13. 7. Its 
destruction by an earthquake is mentioned also by Strabo (i. p. 58, xiL 
p. 579) and Pliny t^Nctt. hist. ii. 205). 

25. 3. when Cylon and his fiustion had seized the AcropoliB etc 
See Herodotus, v. 71 ; Thucydides, i. 126 ; Plutarch, Solon^ 12 ; Aris- 
totle, Constitution of Athens^ i. 

25. 3. The Lacedaemonians also slew men etc. See iv. 24. 4 sq. 
According to Aelian ( Var, hist, vi. 7) only five houses in Lacedaemon 
(Pausanias says none) )%'ere left standing after the earthquake. Diodorus 
says (xv. 66) that almost the whole city was brought to the ground. Cp. 
Thucydides, i. 10 1. 

25. 5. Gerynea. Strabo says (\iii. p. 387) that Cerynea was situated 
on a lofty rock. The remains of an acropolis and other ruins were 
observed by Vietti above Rhizomylo^ on the mountain which rises above 
the left bank of the Bouphousia river, where that stream issues from the 
mountains into the maritime plain. The ruins, which are about 3 
miles from the sea, are probably those of Cerynea. Vietti appears to be 
the only modem traveller who has visited them. The Bouphousia river, 
which rises in the mountains of Kerpini and issues from a gorge into 
the coast-plain, is doubtless the Cerynites river. 

See Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 25 sq, ; Leake, Pelopontusiaca^ p. 387 sq, (where 
he retracts the view stated in his Morea^ 3. pp. 183 sq.^ 403 sq,^ as to tne site of 
Cer>'nea) ; Curtius, Pelop. I. p. 467 sq. ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. pp. 313, 334 sq, ; 
Baedeker,' p. 245 ; Guide-Joanne ^ 2, pp. 368, 397. 

The wine of Cerynea was supposed to produce abortion in women ; 
even bitches, if they ate of the clusters of the vine, were said to miscarry 
(Theophrastus, Nist, plant, ix. 18. 11; Aelian, Var, hist, xiii. 6 ; Athe- 
naeus, i. p. 31 f). 

25. 7* a sanctuary of the Eomenides, said to have been founded 
by Orestes. Orestes is said to have sacrificed a black sheep to the 
Eumenides at Cerynea after his acquittal at Athens, whereupon the 
goddesses became propitious {eumeneis) to him, and so were called 
Eumenides (Schol. on Sophocles, Ocd. Col, 42). 

25. 7- statues of women etc. See ii. 17. 3 note. In front of the 
temple of Apollo in the island of Thera three large statues of women, 
probably priestesses, were found in 1896 {Athenaeum^ nth July 1896, 
p. 74 sq.) 

25. 8. Bura. Between the Bouphousia (Cer>Tiites) and Kalavryta 
(Buraicus) rivers there rises a massive hill, which falls away on the 
south and west in a line of stupendous precipices. This is the hill or 
mountain of Bura ; it is now called by the natives Idra, On the north 
the hill is separated from the sea by a strip of level coast-land ; on the 
southern side it is connected by a neck or saddle (which is, however 
far below the summit of the hill) with the loftier mountains which begin 



CH. XXV BURA 169 

here and stretch away into Arcadia. On this neck or saddle are the 
remains of Bura. They consist of extensive, though insignificant, 
remains of walls and foundations, spread along the southern and 
part of the western foot of the hill, as far as a copious spring which 
gushes from the bottom of the precipice. Among the ruins is a chapel 
of St. Constantine, which probably occupies the site of an ancient 
sanctuary. Mixed with the ruins are huge blocks of rock which appear 
to have been hurled from the beetling crags above by an earthquake, 
perhaps the same earthquake which destroyed the city. The whole 
neighbourhood gives one the impression that it has been subjected to 
gigantic convulsions of nature. The crags tower up to dizzy heights 
above the traveller, and the rivers find their way through tremendous 
gorges to the sea. 

At the south-western foot of the hill of Bura, where the precipices 
rise highest, lie the ruins of the ancient theatre, with remains of fifteen 
rows of seats ; the orchestra is about 32 paces broad. From some of 
the seats there is a fine view of the Corinthian Gulf, with the mountains 
of Northern Greece rising beyond it. A few remains of the town walls 
may be seen below the theatre. 

The citadel of Bura probably occupied the summit of the hill. The 
western &ce of the hill is a sheer wall of rock ; a single path here leads 
to the summit. 

See Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 302 sq, ; Cell, Itinerary of the Morea,ja, 9 ; Leake, 
Morea^ 3. pp. 183 sq,y 397 sqq, ; iV/., Peloponnesiaca^ p. 387 sa, (Leake at first 
took the ruins to be those of Cerynea, but afterwards identifi(^d tnem with those of 
Bora) ; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 26 sq. ; Curtius, Pelop, I. p. 469 sq* ; Bursian, 
Gtogr, 2. p. 336 sq, ; von Duhn, in Mittheil. d. arch. Inst, in, Athen, 3 (1878), 
p. 02 sq, ; Baedeker,' p. 308 sq, ; Guide-Toamtty 2, p. 369. The remains of the 
theatre appear to be described by Baedeker (Lolling) sdone. I did not observe 
them, though I passed along by the path which here skirts the foot of the preci- 
pices on my way from Megaspeleum to Aegium. 

25. 9. The images are works of Enclides, an Athenian. As 

Pausanias expressly says that the earthquake which destroyed Bura did 
not spare even the images, it follows that these images by Euclides must 
have been set up after the earthquake of 373 B.C. Probably they were 
set up not very many years after, for the sculptor Euclides was a con- 
temporary of Plato's and owed him three minae, as the philosopher 
mentioned in his will (Diogenes Laertius, iii. 42). Another work of 
this sculptor is mentioned by Pausanias (vii. 26. 4). 

25. 9. The image of Demeter is clothed. The Greek is : koI tq 
ATJfjLijTpC eoTiv icOris, It is strange that Pausanias should have thought 
it worth while to mention that the statue of Demeter was draped, since 
a nude statue of Demeter would be unheard of The remark seems to 
imply that the other statues by Euclides, namely Aphrodite, Dionysus, 
and Ilithyia, were nude. But a nude Ilithyia would also be strange. 
Mr. L. R. Famell has proposed to translate the Greek, " * There is a 
raiment for the Demeter of the shrine,' that is to say, that in the shrine 
was preserved a sacred raiment to be worn by the statue on solemn 
occasions" {Classical Review^ 2 (1888), p. 325 ; cp. his Culls of the 



I70 BURAICUS — MEGASPELEUM BK. vii. achaia 

Greek States^ 2. p. 613). He is probably right, though the Greek words 
do not necessarily imply anything more than sculptured drapery. See 
ii. 30. I, * AiroXXjuiVi fuv 5^ (oavov yvfivov Itrri T€X>^ ttjs €n\iapCoVy 
ry 6c 'Apr€fiiSi coriv laOrfs, Kara ravra 8c icai rt^ Atovur^, where a 
nude statue is dearly opposed to a draped one. 

Coins of Bura represent Demeter or Ilithyia standing draped in a 
long robe ; her right hand is raised, her left holds a torch (Imhoof- 
Blumer and Gardner, Num. Comm, on Pausanias^ p. 88 sq.y witii 
pL S i.) 

25. 10. a river named Buraicns. This is the river now called the 
Kcdavryta river because it descends from the town of that name. The 
valley, which is broad and open at Kaiavryta^ contracts to the north of 
the town into a narrow defile flanked by huge rocks. In this narrow 
valley is the great monastery of Megaspeleum, the largest and wealthiest 
monastery in Greece, and indeed one of the largest and richest monas- 
teries of the Eastern Church. Formerly it had dependencies even in 
Russia. The building and its situation are in the highest degree pic- 
turesque. It is a huge whitewashed pile, with wooden balconies on the 
outside, eight stories high, perched at a great height above the right bank 
of the river, on the steep slope of a mountain and immediately over- 
hung by an enormous beetling crag which runs sheer up for some 
hundreds of feet above the roof of the monastery. It is this overhang- 
ing cliff which gives to the monastery its name of Megaspeleum (* great 
cave '). So completely does it overarch the lofty building that when in 
the War of Independence the Eg^tian soldiers of Ibrahim Pacha 
attempted to destroy the monastery by letting fall masses of rock upon 
it from the cliff above, the rocks fell clear of the monastery, leaving it 
unharmed. The steep slope of the mountain below is occupied by 
the terraced gardens of the monks, which with their rich vegetation, 
and the cypresses rising here and there above them, add greatly to the 
picturesque effect of the scene. A single zigzag path leads up this 
steep terraced slope to the monastery. The bare precipices above, 
crowned with forests, the deep wooded valley below, and the mountains 
rising steeply on the farther side, make up a landscape of varied delight 
and grandeur, on which a painter would love to dwell. 

The river (the Buraicus) which winds through the depths of this 
romantic vale, on approaching the sea bursts its way through a 
stupendous gorge between the hill of Bura on the west and another hill 
of the same precipitous character on the east ; on either side of the gorge 
the crags, beautifully fringed with trees and shrubs, rise to an immense 
height. A view of the gorge is given by Dodwell ( Tour, vol. 2. facing 
P* 303)? but it hardly does justice to the grandeur of the scenery. 

See Dodwell, Tour^ 2. pp. 448-450; Leake, Morea^ 3. pp. 176-179, 397; 
Fiedler, Keise^ i. pp. 405-410 ; Curtius, Pelop. i. p. 473 ; Vischer, Erinnerungen^ 
pp. 481-484 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 335 sq. ; Baedeker,' p. 307 sq. ; Guide-Joanne^ 
2. p. 369 sq, ; Philippson, Pcloponnts, p« I34« A view of the monastery forms 
the frontispiece to Cell's Xarrative of ajourtify in the Morea. 

25. 10. a small image of Hercules in a grotto. The cave was on 
the north side of the hill of Bura, facing the sea, near the monastery of 



CH. XXV HERCULES AT BURA 171 

Troupia. This monastery, which is a branch of the great monastery of 
Megaspeleum, is delightfully situated on the north-eastern side of the 
hill of Bura. It stands in the midst of woods, interspersed with olive 
groves, vineyards, and cornfields, on the crest of a steep height, the foot 
of which is separated from the sea by a plain covered with currant 
plantations. Its windows command a glorious prospect of the Gulf of 
Corinlfa, with the mountains of Locris rising beyond its blue sparkling 
waters. From the monastery a path ascends through thick bushes and 
pinewoods to a pyramidical rock, in the face of which were formerly 
three grotioes of moderate size. These grottoes had been enlarged 
artificially, and in their sides were cut niches for votive -offerings. 
Over the middle of the three grottoes was a human head carved in 
the rock. At the entrance there was a portico or colonnade, and 
an artificial terrace resting on supporting walls. To Che right of the 
grottoes and higher up the hill are considerable remains of two temples, 
of which the western seems to have been the finer ; among the remains 
of it are great slabs of Pentelic marble. The earthquakes of recent 
years are said to have obliterated the grottoes with their remains of 
antiquity. 

See Gell, Itimrary of the Morea, p. 9 ; Boblaye, Rechcrchcs, p 36 sq. \ Leake, 
Mcrta, 3. p. 397 ; Cuitius, Rcieji. I. p. 471 ; Bursian, Gtogr. 2. p. 337 ; vod 
Duho, in Miltkiil. d. anh. Iml. inAtluH, 3 (1878), p. 62 ; Guide-Joanm, 2. p. 398. 

On a coin of Bura (Fig. 33) the grotto, Che portico, and one of 
the two temples on the hill above Che grotto are 
dearly represented. The figure of Hercules, ap- 
parently holding a spear, is portrayed standing in 
the cave. But on another coin of Bura there is an 
archaic figure of Hercules holding, not a spear, but 
a club. This is probably a truer copy of the image 
of Hercules in the grotto. See Imhoof- Blumer 
and Gardner, Num. Contm. on Pausam'as, p. 89, with 
pi. S ii. iii. Curtius believed that the worship of ' 
Hercules at Bura was of Semitic origin (Geiammclte 
Abhandlungen, 2. p. 226). 

After describing the view from the monastery of Troupia on the hill 
of Bura, Leake makes the following remarks on the scenery of the Gulf 
of Corinth, which are worth transcribing because they convey the im- 
pression made by this wonderfully beautiful gulf on one who in general 
was not given to dwell on the charms of nature. He says : " \ doubt 
whether there is anything in Greece, abounding as it is in enchanting 
scenery and interesting recollections, that can rival the Corinthiac Gulf. 
There is no lake scenery in Europe that can compete with it Its coasts, 
broken into a infinite variety of outline by the ever-changing mixture of 
bold promontory, gentle slope, and cultivated level, are crowned on 
every side by lofty mountains of the most pleasing and majestic forms ; 
the fine expanse of water inclosed in this noble frame, though not so 
much frequented by ships as ii ought to be by its natural adaptation to 
commerce, is sufficiently enlivened by vessels of every size and shape to 




B (coin 01 



172 DIVINA TION B Y DICE bk. vii. achaia 

present at all times an animated scene. Each step in the Corinthiac 
Gulf presents to the traveller a new prospect, not less delightful to the 
eye than interesting to the mind, by the historical fame and illustrious 
names of the objects which surround him. And if, in the latter pecu- 
liarity, the celebrated panorama of the Saronic Gulf, described by 
Sulpicius, be preferable, that arm of the Aegaean is in almost every part 
inferior to the Corinthian sea in picturesque beauty ; the surrounding 
mountains are less lofty and less varied in their heights and outlines, 
and, unless where the beautiful plain of Athens is sufficiently near to 
decorate the prospect, it is a picture of almost unmitigated sterility 
and rocky wildness exhibited in every possible form of mountain, pro- 
montory, and island. It must, however, be admitted that it is only by 
comparison that such a scene can be depreciated " {Morea^ 3. pp. 397- 
399). I can only confirm this estimate of the superior charms of the 
Gulf of Corinth. Its waters seemed to me of an even deeper blue ; and 
the delicacy of the morning and evening tints — azure, lilac, and rose — 
on the mountains is such that it is hard in looking at them to believe 
they are of the solid earth ; so unsubstantial, so fairy -like, do they 
seem, like the gorgeous phantasmagoria of cloudland or mountains seen 
in dreams. 

25. 10. divination by means of dice and a tablet etc. We are 
told that in Greek sanctuaries there used to be dice {astragali)^ and that 
people divined by throwing them (Schol. on Pindar, Pyth. iv. 337). 
Tiberius, while still a private man, divined by throwing golden dice 
(tcUi) into the fountain pf Aponus, near the Euganean hills ; in the time 
of Suetonius the dice could still be seen there in the water (Suetonius, 
Tib, 14). The mode of divination which is here briefly described by 
Pausanias appears to have been this. The dice were four-sided {astra- 
gali^ literally * knuckle-bones,' so called because knuckle-bones were 
originally used for the same purpose) ; and each of the four sides had a 
figure of some sort, probably a number, painted or car\'ed on it. The 
person who inquired of the oracle took up four of these dice and threw 
them on the table. Four figures were accordingly turned up ; and 
according to the combination of figures turned up an omen was drawn. 
The oracular meaning of all possible combinations of the figures was ex- 
plained on a diagram which was hung up beside the table ; and by con- 
sulting this diagram the inquirer ascertained the interpretation of that 
particular combination of figures which he had turned up. 

This explanation is confirmed by a number of Greek inscriptions 
found in recent years in Asia Minor, which give the various oracular 
interpretations to be put upon the various combinations of throws of 
dice. From the inscriptions it appears that each die had four sides 
which were numbered respectively i, 3, 4, 6, the numbers 2 and 5 
being omitted. The dice were therefore astragali^ like those at Bura, 
and bear out the statements of the ancients (Pollux, ix. 100 ; Eustathius, 
on Homer, Odyssey^ i. 107, p. 1397. 35 sqq.) that the numbers 2 and 5 
were wanting on astragali. All the inscriptions suppose that five of 
these dice were used in each throw (not four^ as at Bura). For each 
possible throw there was generally a name, the name being always that 



CH. XXV D J VINA TJON B V DICE 173 

of a divinity. Here are a few specimens of the oracles, translated from 
the inscriptions. 

" 1. 3. 3. 4. 4=15. (The throw) of Saviour Zeus." 

One one, two threes, two fours. 

The deed which thou meditatest, go do it boldly. 

Put thy hand to it. The gods have given these favourable omens. 

Shrink not from it in thy mind. For no evil shall befall thee. 

" 6. 3. 3' 3* 3 = 1 8. (The throw) of Good Cronus." 

A six and four threes. 

Haste not, for a divinity opposes. Bide thy time, 

Not like a bitch that has brought forth a litter of blind puppies. 

Lay thy plans quietly, and they shall be brought to a fair completion. 

" 22 = 6. 4. 4. 4. 4. (The throw) of Poseidon." 

One six and all the rest are fours. 

To throw a seed into the sea and to write letters, 

Both these things are empty toil and a mean act. 

Mortal as thou art, do no violence to a god, who will injure thee. 

" 24 = 4. 4. 4. 6. 6. (The throw) of child-eating Cronus." 

Three fours and two sixes. God speaks as follows. 
Abide in thy house, nor go elsewhere. 
Lest a ravening and destroying beast come nigh thee. 
For I see not that this business is safe. But bide thy time. 

Probably the dice in the cave of Hercules at Bura were similarly num- 
bered, and a similar list of interpretations was painted or carved on the 
tablet or board that hung beside the table on which the dice were 
thrown. 

For the inscriptions see G. Kaibel, ' Ein WUrfelorakel,* /r<fr»;«, 10(1876), 
pp> 193-202; id.s Epigrammata Graeca, No. 1038; G. Cousin, in Bulletin de 
Corresp. helUnique^ 8 (1884), pp. 496-508; J. K S. Sterrett, in Papers of the 
American School of Classical Studies at Athens^ 2 (1888), pp. 79-90; ia^^ 3 (1888), 
pp. 2o6-2i/^ 'f Jot*rtial of Hellenic Studies, 8 (1887), p. 261 sq,\ Hermes^ 25 
(1890), p. ZiZsqq, 

The Greeks also practised divination by means of divining pebbles 
called thricdj but the exact mode in which they used them is not 
known. See Zenobius, Cent v. 75; Stephanus Byzant., j.v. Bpia; 
Bekker's Anecdota Graeca^ p. 265. On many Greek vases two men are 
depicted consulting the divining-dice or, perhaps more probably, the 
divining pebbles, in presence of Athena. See Welcker, Antike Denk- 
fndler^ 3. p. i sqq, ; Monumenti Ineditiy 8 (1867), tav. xli. (vase-paint- 
ing by Duris) ; Annali deW Instituto^ 39 (1867), p. 143 sqq, Cp. 
Bouch^-Leclercq, Histoire de la divination^ 2. p. 403 sqq. Such pictures, 
together with the legendary connexion of Athena with the thriai or 
divining-pebbles, make it probable that the dice-playing, which we know 
was practised in her sanctuary at Scirum in Attica, had an oracular signifi- 
cance. See Pollux, ix. 96; Eustathius, on Homer, Odyssey^ i. 107, p. 
. 1397* 25 sq,\ Bekker's Anecdota Graeca^ p. 300, s.v, '2K€Lpa<f>€ia ; 
Photius, Lexicon, s.v. (rKLpa(f>€ia ; EtymoL Magnum, p. 717, s,v, Zkci/xi. 
On the tripod at Delphi there was a bowl containing oracular pebbles ; 



174 GORGE OF DIAKOPTON bk. vil achaia 

when a person inquired of the oracle, these pebbles danced up and 
doi^-n (Suidas, s,v, 11 v6^ ; Mythographi Graeci^ ed. Westennann, p. 384). 
Divination by thro\%ing dice, bones, sticks, pebbles, etc, is practised 
by many barbarous and savage peoples. With the oracle here described 
by Pausanias we may especially compare a mode of di\ination practised 
by Chinese and Cochinchinese sailors : " A book is prepared, in which 
a number of sentences are written and numbered, and a similar number 
of small pieces of sticks are prepared i^ith corresponding numbers on 
them. These are placed in a hollow bamboo and shaken until one 
of them foils out, the number of the piece of wood is then compared 
with the corresponding motto, and according as this answer is fovourable 
or otherwise, the junks pursue their voyage or wait until they obtain a 
more favourable answer" (A. Bastian, Die Vblker des ostlichen Astern^ 
3. p. 125 note, quoting Moore). Di\4nation by bones, such as the 
Greek astragali were originally, is especially practised in Africa. 

For examples of that and like modes of divination see VerhoKdlungtm der 
Berlitur GeselL f. Anthropologic (1882}, p. 542; Callaway, in Journal of the 
Anihropoiogical Institute, i (1072), p. 178 ; J. Mackenzie, Ten Years north of the 
Orange River, p. 381 ; Lichtenstein, Reisen im suJiithen Africa, 2. p. 518; G. 
Fritsch, Die Eingeborenen Sud-Africas, p. 104 sq. ; Callaway, Religious system of 
the Amazulu, pt. iiL p. 327 sqq. ; E. Holub, Siebenjahre im Sud-Afrika, I. p. 
436 ; Josaphat Hahn, * Die Ovaherero, ' Zeitschrift der GeseiJ, f Erdkunde su 
Berlin^ 4 (1869), p. 505; Santos, 'Histor}* of Eastern Ethio[Ha,' Pinkeiton's 
Voyages and Travels, 16. p. 696 ; Munzinger, Sit ten und Recht der Bogos, p. 90 ; 
Bouche, La c6te des Eulazis, p. 120 ; Journal of the Indian Archipelago, N.S., 2. 
(1858), p. 357; Bastian, op. cit., 3. p. 76; fie/., 4. p 379; Lemire, Cochinchine 
Franfaise, p. 304; Royal Geogr, Soc., Supplementary Papers, I (18S6), p. 70; 
Veth, Borneo's Wester- Afdeeling, 2. p. 313 j^. ; R. Taylor, TcikaaMaui, or New 
Zealand and its inhabitants, p. 205 sq, 

25. 1 1, the Grathis. Pausanias continues to move east\%-ard along 
the coast of Achaia. Beyond the Buraicus river, where it issues from 
its romantic gorge, the strip of fertile plain which has skirted the coast 
all the way from Aegium comes to an end. The mountains now- 
advance to the shore, and the road runs for a short distance along the 
summit of cliffs that border the coast Then the mountains again 
retreat fi-om the shore, lea\-ing at their base a small maritime plain 
clothed with olive groves. A stream, the river of Diakopton, crosses 
the plain and flows into the sea. It comes do^^n from a ^nld and 
magnificent gorge, thickly wooded >%nth tall firs and shut in by stupen- 
dous precipices of naked rock. Seen at nightfall under a lowering sky, 
^^^th uTcaths of white mist drooping low on the black mountains, the 
entrance to this gloomy gorge might pass for the mouth of hell ; one 
could fancy Dante and his guide wending their way into it in the 
darkness. 

Eastward of this little plain the mountains, clothed with pine forests, 
again rise in precipices from the sea, hemming in the rail\n-ay at their 
foot .A line of fine crags runs along the face of the mountains for a 
long way, their crests tufted with pinewoods, and the lower slopes at 
their feet also clothed in the same mantle of sombre green. After thus 
skirting the shore for 3 miles, the mountains once more retire and 



CH. XXV THE CRATHIS—AEGAE 175 

leave between their feet and the sea a plain some 4 miles long and 
300 yards wide, occupied partly by olive groves and partly by currant 
plantations, interspersed among which are many houses. This is the 
plain of Akrata. At its western end the river of Akrata^ the ancient 
Crathis, issuing from a valley in the hills, crosses the narrow plain and 
falls into the sea. Its broad and shallow stream, which never dries 
up even in the height of summer (cp. Herodotus, i. 145), is spanned 
by a long stone bridge with seven arches. The accumulation of soil 
brought down by the stream has formed a delta protruding into the sea, 
and through this flat expanse of level alluvial ground, now covered with 
currant plantations, the river finds its way into the sea. Separated from 
the sea by this delta is a high bluff which is a conspicuous feature of the 
coast as seen from Aegium and many other points of the gulf On the 
inner side of the bluff the left bank of the river is high and steep, while 
the right bank is low and often flooded. Here, on the high left bank, 
where the khan of Akrata now stands, probably stood the ancient 
Aegae. Strabo (viii. p. 386) agrees with Pausanias in saying that 
Aegae was beside the Crathis, and he tells us (p. 387) that even in his 
time the city was deserted. It is not, therefore, surprising that no 
remains of antiquity have been observed here, except potsherds and 
fragments of wrought stones scattered about in the fields. 

See Leake, Alorea, 3. pp. 175, 394-396 ; Dodwell, Tourj 2. p. 301 sq, ; Curtius, 
Peiop, I. pp. 471*474; Guide- Joanne, 2, p. 398; Philippson, Peloponnes^ pp. 

25. 1 1. From tMs Grathis the river beside Orotona got its 

name. Cp. Herodotus, i. 145. 

25. 1 2. Aegae. See the last note but one. Homer's mention of 
Aegae, quoted by Pausanias, is in ///W, viii. 203. 

25. 1 3. a faded painting. For paintings on tombstones, cp. ii. 7. 
3 ; vii. 22. 6 note. 

25. 13. The women are proved by drinking bull's blood. Pliny, 
doubtless referring to the same sanctuary as Pausanias, says that the 
priestess of Earth at Aegira drank bull's blood before she descended into 
the cave to prophesy {Nat, hist, xxviii. 147). Thus Pliny seems to regard 
the draught of bull's blood as a mode of inspiration (cp. The Golden 
Bought I. p. 34 sq,\ while Pausanias regards it as an ordeal. Probably 
the blood was supposed to act both ways, an unchaste priestess being 
poisoned, a chaste one being inspired by it. Bull's blood was com- 
monly supposed by the ancients to be a deadly poison. See Roscher, 
* Die Vergiftung mit Stierblut im classischen Altertum,' Fleckeisen^s 
Jizhrbiichery 29 (1883), pp. 158-162 ; to the passages cited by him add 
ApoUodorus, i. 9. 27. Yet we hear of bull's blood being drunk as a 
cure for blood-spitting and consumption (Aelian, Nat, anitn, xi. 35). 
On ordeals in classical antiquity, see Funkhanel, * Gottesurtheil bei 
Griechen und Romem,' PhilologuSy 2 (1847), pp. 385-402. Poison 
ordeals are especially common in Africa (A. H. Post, Afrikanische 
Jurisprudens (Oldenburg und Leipzig, 1887), 2. pp. 1 10-120). The 
idea that bull's blood is poisonous reappears in a modem Neapolitan 



1 7^5 A EG IRA bk. vii. achaia 

folk-tale (Basile's Peniamerone, 2. p. 65, of Liebrecht's German trans- 
lation). 

26. I. the port of Aegira The npper city. The narrow 

maritime plain of Akrata (see above, p. 174 j^.) is closed on the east by 
a hill which thrusts itself foru-ard from the mountains till its northern foot 
almost touches the sea-shore. On the south the hill is joined to the 
higher mountains inland by a narrow but lofty neck. Here the hill 
may be 1000 feet or so high. From this point it descends northward, 
first in a series of terraces, and then in an abrupt slope, to the sea-shore, 
where it leaves just room enough for the railway to run at its base. On 
the east and west sides it is defended by precipices and precipitous 
slopes. This is the hill of Aegira. The somewhat scanty ruins of the 
ancient city may be seen on the terraces of the hill and on the neck 
which connects the hill with the mountains on the south. They may 
be most conveniently visited from Derveniy a village on the coast about 
4 miles to the east of Aegira, where the hills advance almost to the 
water's edge. There is a station at Derveni on the railway line from 
Corinth to Patras. From the village a ride of a hour and a half 
through olive -groves and vineyards (which here extend far up the 
hill-sides) takes us to the neck which connects the nearly isolated hill 
of Aegira with the mountains on the south. Here extending along the 
neck for a good many yards in a direction from south to north are some 
massive remains of fortification - walls, about 8 feet high and 4 or 5 
feet thick. They are either late Roman, Byzantine, or mediaeval, 
being roughly built of stone, bricks, and mortar. A little farther north, 
still on the neck, are the remains of a sort of tower of solid masonry. 
The stones of which it is built appear to be ancient squared blocks, but 
as there are some bricks and mortar in the joints the tower is probably 
mediaeval. Beside it lie a number of large squared blocks. Passing 
across the neck, we ascend to the summit of the hill which, as I have 
said, descends northward toward the sea in a series of terraces. These 
terraces are broad enough to support, at various elevations, a town of 
some size. On one of these terraces, some way below the summit, I 
found a piece of an ancient foundation-wall running east and west for 
some yards ; it consists of a row of solid squared blocks. These founda- 
tions may have formed part of a temple. They stand on a platform 
which is supported on the east by a wall of squared blocks laid in two 
horizontal courses. The terrace on which these remains are to be seen 
is strewn with potsherds, and is supported on the east by a wall 27 
paces long, built of squared blocks of breccia, of which one to three 
courses are standing. To the south and south-east of this terrace, on 
the eastern slope of the hill, are a few small isolated pieces of wall, three 
courses high, which seem to have supported terraces. Still farther to 
the south is a piece of Roman wall constructed (like the buildings at 
Pellene and Sicyon) of thin bricks laid flat, with mortar between them. 

Lower down, to the north, on the eastern side of the hill, is a 
rocky knoll on which are some ancient squared blocks ; and farther to 
the north, a good deal lower doun, is another small piece of Roman 
wall built of bricks in the style already described. Near it I found two 



CH. XXVI AECIRA . 177 

mutilated Greek inscriptions cut in large well-formed letters ; one of 
them was from the base of a statue of a certain Zeno which had been 
set up by the city (see below). Just to the north of these broken 
marble blocks the fortification-walls of Aegira are preser\'ed in two long 
pieces of about 100 yards and 80 yards respectively. They form a 
right angle, the longer piece facing the east and the shorter piece facing 
the north. Both are built, in the most regular style, of squared blocks 
of breccia laid in horizontal courses. The eastern wall is standing to a 
height of four and five courses ; the northern wall to a height of two to 
four courses. 

At the northern foot of the hill, near the sea and immediately above 
the railway line, are some half-dozen ancient tombs, of no great size, 
hewn in the face of an overhanging rock. In some of them the quad- 
rangular holes for the reception of the bodies are quite apparent 

The situation of Aegira is, from a military point of view, a very 
advantageous one, being at once strong and commanding. Occupying 
an isolated hill, which is protected on three sides by precipices or steep 
slopes, and on the fourth side is accessible only by a narrow and easily 
defensible ridge, it might bid defiance to an enemy, while at the same 
time it completely dominated the coast road, which ran on the narrow 
strip of shore, not many yards wide, between the foot of the hill and the 
sea. From a commercial and agricultural point of view, on the other 
hand, the site has little to recommend it. The mountains on either 
side come down so near to the sea that only a small space of level or 
shelving ground is left for the operations of the husbandman ; and 
though there is a good beach, there is no shelter for vessels. What 
Pausanias calls the port of Aegira was probably situated on the narrow 
strip of flat land between the foot of the hill and the sea. The place 
is now called J/at/r« Utharia (* black rocks'). There are here two 
little creelcs in the rocks, beside which Leake observed foundations of 
ancient Greek walls, together with some squared blocks in a small level 
corn-field, just within the rocks. 

Polybius has described Aegira as situated on the Corinthian Gulf, 
between Aegium and Sicyon, on strong and not easily accessible hills, 
facing towards Parnassus, and at a distance of 7 furlongs from the 
sea (Polybius, iv. 57). This estimate of the distance of the place from 
the sea is probably more correct than the 1 2 furlongs of Pausanias, 
though indeed it is difficult to speak of Aegira as distant from the sea 
at all, since the hill on which it stands almost touches the water's edge. 
Pausanias's estimate of the distance of the port of Aegira from Bura is 
also wrong ; the distance is 102 Greek furlongs (about 1 1 miles) instead 
of 72 (Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 27). 

I have described Aegira from notes made by me on the spot, 1 8th October 
1895. The two inscriptions copied by me are as follows : 

(1) HKANEINIONZHNONAHIIOAIS 

(2) KAAONAKINATNO 
KAIONACOTCnAlAACB 
BHPOX CTACEIIONC 
CEMNOT TEPMAMOAOX 
TABIOT 

VOL. IV N 



178 • AEGIRA BK. VII. ACHAIA 

As to Aegira and its port see Leake, Aforea, 3. p. 386 sq, ; Dodwell, Tour^ p. 
301 ; Gell, Itinerary of the Aforea, p. 13 ; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 27 sq, ; 
Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 474 sq, \ Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 338 sq, ; von Duhn, in 
MUtheil, cL arch, Inst, in Athen^ 3 (1878), p. 61 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 398; 
Philippson, Pehponnes^ p. 135 i'^. 

28. 2. In Homer the city is named Hyperesia. See Iliady ii. 573. 

28. 2. they got together all the goats and tied torches to 

their horns etc. Hannibal deceived the Romans by a similar stratagem 
(Livy, xxii. 16 sq,) Mr. Famell suggests that the legend related by 
Pausanias points to a custom, observed in the worship of Artemis, of 
tying lighted torches to the horns of goats and then turning the 
animals loose over the fields with the intention of evoking by sympathy 
the fructifying warmth of the earth. He compares the practice, 
observed at the spring festival of the Syrian goddess at Hierapolis, of 
tying goats, sheep, and other animals to tree-trunks and then burning 
them alive (Lucian, De dea Syria, 49). See L. R. Famell, The Cults 
of the Greek States, 2. p. 459 ; and for examples in modem Europe of 
the use of fire to promote, by sympathetic magic, the growth of the 
crops, see W. Mannhardt, Baumkultus, p. 497 sqq. The story here told 
by Pausanias bears witness at all events to the association of Artemis 
with the goat. See Stephani, in Compte Rendu (St Petersburg) for 
1 869, p. 1 04 sq, ; Famell, op. cit, 2. p. 449 sq, ; and note on iii. 1 8. 4. 

28. 4. Oreus Hestiaea. The change of name from Hestiaea 

(Histiaea) to Oreus is mentioned by Strabo (x. p. 445). 

28. 4. a sanctuary of Zens etc. On coins of Aegira Zeus appears 
seated, holding in one hand an image of Victory, in the other a sceptre. 
The type is a common one, but it may be a copy of the image by Eu- 
dides. See Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num. Cofnm. on Paus. p. 90, 
with pi. S vi. Among the ruins of Aegira Prof, von Duhn observed 
the foundations of a temple of some size finely built of large blocks. 
They are near the point where the road from the port enters the lower 
city. Possibly they are the remains of the temple of Zeus. See von 
Duhn, in Mittheil. d. arch. Inst, in A then, 3 (1878), p. 61. 

26. 5. Iphigenia. Cp. ii. 35. i. 

26. 6. the image of Hercules at Sicyon etc. See ii. 10. i. 

26. 7. they must observe certain rules of purity. If the 
Galli, the eunuch priests of the Syrian goddess at Hierapolis, chanced 
to see a corpse, they might not enter the sanctuary' that day ; but next 
day, after purifying themselves, they were allowed to enter. The 
relations of a deceased person were not allowed to enter the sanctuary 
for thirty days after the death ; and before entering they had to shave 
their heads. Similarly all persons who entered the sacred city 
(Hierapolis) for the first time had to shave their head and eyebrows ; 
and on their pilgrimage from their home to the sanctuary they were 
obliged to drink cold water and to bathe in it ; and they had to sleep on 
the ground, for they might not lie on a bed from the time they set out 
on their pilgrimage till they returned home. See Lucian, De dea Syria, 
53-55. It is possible that some of these rules were observed by the 
worshippers of the Syrian goddess (Astarte) at Aegira. 



• 



CH. XXVI FHELLOE—DONUSSA 179 

26. 8. an imaee of FortmiB a 'winged Love, On coins of 

Aegira ihe goddess of Fortune is represented standing, with a turreted 

crown on her head, the horn of plenty in one hand, 

and a sceptre in the other. On one of the c 

(Fig. 24) Fortune is thus portrayed, and opposite 

her stands Love winged, his legs crossed, leaning o. 

a Jong torch or staff. This must be a copy of the 1 

group described by Pausanias. See Imhoof-Blumer 

and Gardner, Num. Comm. on Pausaniat, p. 

with pi. S viii. ijc 

25. 10. a straight and steep road leads ^^^ 

tlmiigh the monntaiiu to Fhelloe. Phelloe may \ 
have been near the site of ZachoU, a village lying 01 
in a deep wooded valley enclosed by lofty table- 
mountains of imposing aspect on the east and west (Miai 
the east and EvroHina on the west). The distance of the place from 
Aegira and the nature of the district answer to Pausanias's description. 
The village is about 5 miles from the coast. The stream which 
traverses the valley finds its way between white chalky hills into the sea 
about 4 miles east of Aegira, immediately to the east of the village of 
Derveni. Leake thought that some remains of Phelloe were to be seen 
on the road from Zacholi to Vlogoka, a village nearer Aegira. 

See I^eake, Marea, 3. p. 389 ; Boblaye, Rethertkes, \ 
p. 478 ; Barsian, Geogr. a. p. 339 ; Guide-Joannt, x. ] 

26, II. the sanctuary of the Hontress. i.«. of Artemis. Seeg3. 
26. 1 2. Pallas. There was a legend that in the fight between the 

gods and the giants Athena slew Pallas and clothed herself in his skin 
(Apollodorus, i. 6. i; Tzcties, Schol. on Lycephron, 355). With this 
savage legend wc may compare a custom which was sometimes observed 
by the Tahitians in battle. " When a man had slain his enemy, in order 
fully to satiate his revenge, and intimidate his foes, he sometimes beat 
the body flat, and then cut a hole with a stone battle-axe through the 
back and stomach, and passed his own head through the aperture, as 
he would through the hole of his tipuia or poncho ; hence the name of 
this practice. In this terrific manner, with the head and arms of the 
slain hanging down before, and the legs behind him, he marched to 
renew the conflict" (Ellis, Polynesian Researches, I. p. 310). 

26. 1 2. Fhorbag, who was a son of Triopas. Cp. Homeric Hymn 
to the Pylkian Apollo, 33 (as emended by Schneidewin) ; Hyginus, 
Astronom. ii. 14. 

26. 13. Donnssa. This town is generally supposed to have been 
situated on what is now called Ml. Korypki, a pointed and isolated 
mountain, 2400 feet high, which rises abruptly near the coast between 
Aegira and Pellene, about 4 miles west of Xylokastro. The mountain 
is loftier and more conspicuous than the acropolis of Corinth, and 
is visible from most parts of the Gulf. On the summit is a chapel of 
the Panagia Spiliotissa. Prof, von Duhn, however, conjectures that 



i8o ARISTONAUTAE bk. vii. achaia 

Donussa may have been on Cape Avgo {,^^%%^\ which, with its white 
cliffs and conical shape, is a conspicuous object in the Gulf of Corinth. 
This cape is about 5 miles to the west of Mount Koryph^, 

See Leake, Morea, 3. pp. 213, 220, 385 ; Gell, Itinerary of the Morea^ P- 14 » 
Curtius, Pelop. I. p. 484 sq. ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 342 sq, ; Bae<leker,' p. 245 ; 
von Duhn, in Mittheil, d, arch, Inst, in Athen^ 3 (1878), p. 61. 

26. 13. mentioned by Homer. See Iliad, ii. 573. 

26. 13. when Pisistratus collected the scattered verses of 
Homer etc. The earliest author who mentions Pisistratus's recension 
and edition of the Homeric poems is Cicero. He says that Pisistratus 
was the first who arranged the books of Homer in the order in which 
they now stand {De oratore, iii. 34). Aelian affirms that Pisistratus 
collected the Homeric lays, and so created the Iliad and Odyssey 
(Var, hist, xiii. 14). Eustathius in his commentary on Homer (p. 5) 
refers to the Iliad as a continuous and harmonious whole which had 
been put together by learned men at the command of Pisistratus. 
Suidas tell us {s,v, '^Ofirfpos) that the various lays of the Iliad were com- 
posed by Homer separately, and that the task of putting them together 
into one epic poem was afterwards accomplished by many hands, but 
chiefly by Pisistratus. " They say," writes Josephus (contra Apionem^ 
i. 2) " that even Homer did not commit his poems to writing, but that 
his songs were got by heart and afterwards united, and that is the 
reason why they contain so many discrepancies." Cp. Fr. A. Wolf, 
Prolegomena ad Hotnerutn, xxxiii. ; P. Cauer, Grundfragen der Homer- 
kritik (Leipsic, 1895), P- 8° ^99- 

26. 1 3. Aristonautae. This was either near the modem Kamari or 
farther east at the mouth of the Trikala or Xylokastro river, the ancient 
Sythas (see vii. 27. 1 1 note). In favour of the latter place is Pausanias*s 
statement of the distance (120 furlongs) of Aristonautae from Aegira, 
for this agrees with the distance of the mouth of the Trikala river from 
Aegira, and as the direct route from Pellene to the sea must always 
have been by the valley of the Trikala river (the ancient Sythas) it is 
natural to suppose that the port of Pellene was situated at the mouth of 
the river. The pretty little modem town of Xylokastro, charmingly 
situated by the sea on the eastern bank of the Trikala river, has there- 
fore some claims to represent the ancient Aristonautae. There is no 
natural harbour here, only a fine shelving gravelly beach. The trim 
houses are embosomed in verdant gardens shaded with trees. At the 
back of the town, between it and the foot of the low hills which rise 
a little way off, are groves of cypresses and olives, the former being 
especially conspicuous. At the eastern side of the town, beside the sea, 
is a very beautiful wood of pines with a bright green (not dark) foliage. 
The river, spanned by a long stone bridge and by an iron railway 
bridge, flows in a broad gravelly bed immediately to the west of the 
town. It issues from a picturesque rocky glen, the bottom of which is 
green with vineyards, olive-groves, and c>T5resses. The panorama of 
mountains across the Gulf of Corinth is magnificent. Altogether Xylo- 
kastro is one of the most charming places on the delightful coast of 



CH. XXVII PELLENE i8i 

Achaia. In the olive-groves at the back of the town, near the railway 
station, I observed a square basement, as of a large altar, resting on 
what seemed to be a substruction of ancient masonry. This may 
perhaps be a vestige of Aristonautae. On the other hand, it has been 
urged that there is no harbour and no ruins, at least of any extent, at 
the mouth of the Trikala river ; whereas near Kamari, about 4 miles 
to the west of Xylokastro^ there is a small harbour with considerable 
ancient remains, including ruins of a town wall. These ruins are near 
the point where the Phonissa river issues from a narrow gully into the 
coast plain. There are remains of brick buildings in the neighbour- 
hood, and coins are found here occasionally. 

See Leake, Morea, 3. p. 390 sg. ; id. , Pelop<mnesiaca^ p. 404 ; Boblaye, 
Kecherches^ p. 28; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 480; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 342; von 
Duhn, in MittheiL d. arch, Inst, in Athen^ 3 (1878), p. 60; Guide-Joanne^ 2. 
P* 399; Philippson, Piloponnes^ pp. 119, 125. I have ^tsicrCtieA Xylokastro ito\\\ 
personal observation. I spent a night there (i6th October 1895) on my way from 
Sicyon to Pellene. 

27. I. The city of Pellene. The ruins of Pellene are situated on 
the summit of a mountain which rises on the western side of the river of 
Trikala (the ancient Sythas), near the small hamlet of Zougra. It is a 
ride of two hours and a half from Xylokastro^ the little town at the 
mouth of the river, to Zougra. We cross the river by a large stone 
bridge not far from its mouth, and then ascend the valley on the 
western bank of the stream. The bottom of the valley is fruitful ; vine- 
yards and fine groves of olives occupy the greater part of it, and tall 
cypresses rise here and there, like dark spires, above the greener foliage. 
The hills which enclose the valley on the east and west are not very 
high, but they are gashed and tortured by great scaurs and precipices of 
white and whity- brown earth. On the western side of the valley in 
particular a long line of high white precipices nms almost unbroken 
along the brow of the hills. The white, probably argillaceous, earth, 
which is thus cleft and gouged into precipices, is the same which 
forms the great precipices on the eastern side of Sicyon. Indeed it 
prevails nearly all the way along the southern coast of the Gulf of 
Corinth from Sicyon to Derveni, near Aegira, This chalky earth forms 
a plateau of varying height separated from the shore by a stretch of 
level plain which averages perhaps a mile in width. The seaward face 
of this plateau is steep, high, and white ; its edges are sharp as if cut 
with a knife, and ragged like the edge of a saw. Every here and there 
it is rent by a stream or torrent which has scooped a deep bed for itself 
out of the friable soil. The valley of the Sythas, up which we go to 
Pellene, is nothing but one of these water-worn rifts on a gigantic scale. 
The only exception to this formation of chalky earth on the coast 
between Sicyon and Derveni is formed by a line of high, dark, steep 
mountains, seamed with the beds of torrents and partly wooded with 
pines, which begins with the fine sharp-peaked Mount Koryphi a few 
miles to the west of Xylokastro and stretches westward parallel to the 
coast for some miles. But to return to the valley of the Sythas. As 
we ascend it through vineyards and olive -groves, between the rugged 



i82 PELLENE bk. vii. achaia 

broken hills with their long lines of white precipices, the massive 
Cyllene, with its high, bare, pointed summit, looms in front of us at no 
great distance, blocking the southern end of the valley. After riding up 
the valley for an hour or more along a road which, for Greece, is excel- 
lent, we begin to climb a mountain which rises on the western side of 
the river. A long, toilsome, winding, dusty, or, in rainy weather, muddy 
ascent, impeded rather than facilitated by a Turkish paved road of 
the usual execrable description, brings us in time to the litde hamlet 
of Zougra, As we rise up the steep slope, our fatigue is to some extent 
compensated by the fine prospect that opens up behind us to the 
Corinthian Gulf and the mountains beyond it. The village of Zougra 
stands on the north-eastern slope of the mountain, not very far below its 
summit. 

The summit of the mountain is neither rocky nor precipitous. It 
forms a sort of ridge which extends north and south, sloping away in 
broad irregular earthy declivities or shelving plateaus both to the east 
and the west. The ancient city would seem to have been clustered on 
both these slopes, the eastern and western, and this is apparently what 
Pausanias means by saying that the city was " divided into two parts by 
the peak which rises between them." But his description of the top as 
sharp and precipitous is quite inaccurate. The eastern slope, above the 
glen of the Sythas, is considerably the broader, and here the larger part 
of Pellene probably stood. The views from the top are fine. To the 
north is seen, far below, a great expanse of the Gulf of Corinth and the 
mountains beyond it, from Gerania to Parnassus. To the east, across 
the Sythas, are the jagged slopes, partly wooded with pines, of the hills 
on the eastern side of the river. To the south are seen bare rugged 
mountains, gashed and seamed with ravines and the beds of torrents ; 
and beyond them rises, not far off, the naked cone of Cyllene. On the 
west the view is shut in by a high bare reddish, rather featureless, 
mountain, considerably higher than the one on which are the ruins of 
Pellene. 

These ruins are scattered and insignificant. On the highest point 
are the remains of a small square fort, which, however, appears not to 
have been ancient, though some ancient hewn blocks have been used in 
its construction or are lying about. On the south-eastern slope, between 
the top and the hamlet of Zougra^ are a good many large ancient 
squared blocks, some of them in their original positions. The most 
considerable piece of wall in this direction is only a few feet long, ^\t^ 
courses (about 7 feet 6 inches) high, and three rows (about 6 feet) 
thick ; it is built of squared blocks of breccia laid in horizontal courses. 
The breccia of which the wall is built is native to the mountain, where 
it crops up on the surface. Among the remains on this south-eastern 
side of the top I observed a piece of a drum of a small column, much 
weathered, and a capital of a small Doric column, fluted, and with three 
rings round the neck ; the capital measured 2 feet in diameter. 

The western slope, below the highest point, is strewn with sherds of 
common red pottery. Here, too, about 100 yards or so to the west of 
the summit, are the remains of a Roman building constructed in the 



CH. XXVII PELLENE 183 

style so commonly observed in Roman buildings in Greece ; it is built, 
namely, of thin bricks laid flat in regular horizontal courses, with mortar 
between the courses ; the bricks extend right through the walls, and are 
not a mere outer facing. One part of the building was circular or semi- 
circular in the interior, though quadrangular on the exterior. The 
brick walls rest on a socle of substantial squared masonry, two courses 
high. A great piece of the brick wall has tumbled down, but two 
pieces of it, about 9 feet high and 15 feet long, are still standing. 
Immediately beyond the semicircle (for not more than a semicircle is 
now standing) the ground slopes steeply away to a glen on the south ; 
the semicircle faces the glen, so it cannot have been the apse of a 
church, since there is no room for a church here. A little lower down 
the hill, about due south of the summit, a spring rises under a massive 
rock of breccia, forming a tiny weedy pool. 

The eastern slope of the hill, below the summit, is strewn with 
pottery, and scattered about at intervals are some ancient squared 
blocks. Here on a knoll a few such blocks lie together, and amongst 
them I noted two small unfluted drums of columns. Most of the 
blocks on the knoll are not of breccia, but of a sort of yellow sandstone, 
which takes a whitish blotched appearance on the outside through 
exposure to the weather. I conjecture that at Pellene the foundations 
of most edifices were built of breccia, and the architectural members 
(perhaps also the upper walls) of sandstone. 

A good deal lower down the hill to the east are two very small 
pieces of wall built of bricks and mortar in the style already described. 
A few yards below them are the remains which the natives call the 
Porta (* gate *). They consist of a piece of fortification wall twelve paces 
long, and three courses (3 feet 7 inches) high at one end, while at the other 
end, though the level of the wall is the same, only two courses are 
visible. At the latter end the wall is 4 feet 4 inches thick, and is 
formed of two rows of blocks laid side by side. But in front of the 
wall are other blocks, apparently in position ; so that the original thick- 
ness of the wall may be greater than that I have mentioned. The wall 
faces down a slope in an easterly or north-easterly direction towards the 
Gulf of Corinth, which is here in view. It stands in a sort of dip, the 
ground rising on the west towards the summit and on the east to a 
knoll. The place is about half a mile or so to the south-west of, and 
approximately on the same level as, the hamlet of Zougra, Near it 
there is said to be a small tomb cut in the rock, with a triangular 
entrance. But this I did not see. 

I have described Pellene from personal observation, having visited it from 
XyhkastrOy 17th October 1895. See also Leake, Morea, 3. p. 214 sqq, ; Boblaye, 
Hecherches^ p. 29 ; Curtius, Pelop, i, p. 480 sqq, ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 341 sq, ; 
Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 399 sq, 

27. 2. The image is of ivory and gold etc. On coins of Pellene 
(Fig. 25) the goddess Athena is represented standing; she wears a helmet 
and a long tight-fitting robe, divided into horizontal bands or flounces. 
In her left hand she holds in front of her an oval shield, on which ther^ 



IS4 PELLENE—THE MYSAEUM BK. VIL ACHaja 

is a device of some sort ; in her ritjht hand she grasps a lance which she 

is thrusting. The coin is interesting because it illustrates what Pausanias 

considered to be Phidias's early style. See Imhoof- 

• Blumer and Gardner, Num. Comm. on Paus. p. 91, 
with pi. Sx. It would appear to have been customary 
for the priestess of Athena at Pellene to attire her- 
self on a certain day as ihe goddess, iv'earing her 
panoply and a helmet with a triple crest See 
I'olyaenus, viii. jg. 
27. 4- KBiues called Theozetda j^rixM 

no. IS-— ATHKMA (COIN ^^ lUonoy. PindaT repeatedly refers to the games 
or riLLuisX held at Pellene (O/. vii. 156, ix. 146 .r;., xiii. 155; 

Nem. X. 82). In two of these passages {01. ix. 146 
sq. and Nem. x.. 82) he implies that the priie in the games was a warm 
cloak, and this is confirmed by the express statements of the scholiasts on 
these passages, who, however, give the names of the games variously as 
Theoxenia, Philoxcnia, Hermaea, and Diia. One of the scholiasts (on 
01. ix. 146) slates that the Theoxenia were held in winter. The cloaks 
of Pellene were famous (Pollux, vii. ty ; Hesychius, i.v. Wtkkijvueai 
\Xalvax \ Schol. on Aristophanes, Birds, 1421 ; cp. Suidas, s.V. 
II«A,A^»Tj). Strabo (viii. p. 386) mentions the cloaks of Pellene and 
the custom of giving them as prizes at the games, but he speaks as if 
the custom had fallen into disuse. Probably, therefore, in bis time, as 
in the days of Pausanias, money prizes had been substituted for the 
cloaks. A festival called Theoxenia was also celebrated at Delphi in 
the month Thcoxenius, A curious custom was observed at it. Whoever 
brought the largest leek (yijfluAXis) received a pwrtion from the table of 
the gods. The leek would seem to have been placed on the table of 
the gods to be eaten by Latona, the mother of Apollo ; for the custom 
was explained by a story that when Latona was pregnant with Apollo 
she had hankered after a leek. See Athenacus, ix, p. 372 ; Plutarch, 
De sera numinis vindicia, 13; Bdckh, Explicatwnes ad Pindarum, 
p. 194; Polemo, ed. Preller, p. 67 sq.; Aug. Mommsen, Delphica, 
p. 299 sqq. 

27. S- Promachna. Cp. vi. 8. 5. Philostratus tells an anecdote 
of him, and mentions his victory over the redoubtable Pulydamaa {De 
arte gyinnaslica, 22). 

27. 6. Pnlydunaa of Scotnaa. See vi. 5. 

27. ?■ Ohaeron. This tyrant was a pupil of Plato and Xenocrates. 
The sour Alhenaeus quotes him (xi. p. 509 b) as one among many 
instances of men who had been depra\'ed by Plato's teaching. 

27, 9- the Hys&eiim. This was probably near the head of the 
valley of the Sythas or river of TiHkala, which flows at the eastern foot 
of the mountain of Pellene. Here at the head of the valley, in a breezy 
wholesome situation high up on the northern slope of the lofty Mt. 
Cyllene, is the village of Trikala, which gives its modem name to the 
river. The (■illage is grouped in three separate hamlets, among gardens 
and orchards, on the left bank of the white, muddy stream, which, 
emerging from a deep and narrow rai-ine, rushes foaming and tumbling 



CH. XXVII THE CUIUS— THE SYTHAS 185 

in cascades over its rocky bed at a great depth below. The distance 
of Trikala from Pellene (about 7 miles) corresponds well to the 60 
Greek furlongs mentioned by Pausanias ; and as the character of the 
district, with its abundant rills and streams, also answers to his descrip- 
tion, we may conclude that the Mysaeum was in this neighbourhood. 
But its exact site has not been determined. 

See Leake, Morea^ 3. pp. 221-223 (who is wrong in saying that Trikala is not 
more than 30 furlongs from Pellene) ; Boblaye, Reckerches^ p. 30 ; Curtius, Pehp. 
I. p. 484; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 343; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 400; Philippson, 
Peloponnesy p. 121. 

27. II sq, the CriuB a river Sythas. These rivers are 

probably the Phonissa (river of Mazi) and the river of Trikala respect- 
ively, which descend from the mountains above Pellene, the former 
flowing on the western, and the latter on the eastern side of the ancient 
city. The river of Trikala (the Sythas) falls into the sea at Xylokastro 
(see above, p. 1 80), and the Phonissa (* murderess *) at Kamari^ between 
3 and 4 miles farther west (see above, p. 181). See Boblaye, 
ReckercheSy p. 29 ; Curtius, Pelop. i. p. 479 sq, \ Bursian, Geogr, 2. 
p. 314 ; Baedeker,^ p. 245 sq, ; Philippson, Peloponnes^ pp. 122, 125. 

Leake and the French surveyors are certainly wrong in identifying 
the Crius with the stream which flows into the sea to the west of 
Aegira, and which is now called the Vlogokitikos, Their mistake is 
due to misunderstanding Pausanias*s words irphs Aiy€Cpas, which are 
simply meant to distinguish the westerly from the easterly of the two 
rivers ; the former is " toward Aegira," the latter is toward Sicyon. See 
Leake, Morea, 3. p. 391 sqq. As to the Sythas see ii. 7. 8 note; ii. 
12. 2 ; and the Critical Note on the present passage, vol. i. p. 593. 



BOOK EIGHTH 



ARCADIA 

The passages of ancient authors illustrative of the local cults of Arcadia 
have been collected by Mr. W. Immerwahr in his book Die Kulte und 
My then Arkadiens, I. Die arkadtschen Kulte (Leipzig, 1891) ; and the 
origin of these cults has been investigated by Mr. V. B^rard, in his 
work De Vorigine des Cultes Arcadiens (Paris, 1894). Mr. B^rard 
attempts to prove that Arcadian religions are to a large extent of 
Semitic origin, having been imported by Phoenician traders. Cp. Mr. 
E. E. Sikes*s review of the book in The Classical Review^ 9 (1895), PP« 

67-71. 

Amongst other ancient writers who composed special works on 

Arcadia were Aristotle (Harpocration, j.t/. fivpioi kv McyaXi; ttoXci ; 

Aristotle, Fragmenta^ ed. V, Rose (Leipsic, 1886), No. 483) ; Demaratus 

(Plutarch, Parallela^ 16 ; Frag, hist, Graec, ed. Miiller, 4. p. 379) ; 

Architimus (Plutarch, Quaest, Graec. 39 ; Frag, hist. Graec. ed. 

Miiller, 4. p. 317) ; Nicias (Athenaeus, xiii. p. 609 e ; Frag. hist. Graec. 

ed. Miiller, 4. p. 463); Hellanicus (Schol. on Apollonius Rhodius, i. 162 ; 

Frag, hist, Graec, ed. Miiller, i. p. 53) ; Aristippus (Diogenes Laertius, 

ii. 8. 83; Clement of Alexandria, Strom, \, 21, p. 383, ed. Potter; 

Schol. on Theocritus, i. 3 ; Frag, hist, Graec, ed. Miiller, 3. p. 327) ; and 

Ariaethus of Tegea (Dionysius Halicam., Antiquit, Rom, i. 49 ; Frag. 

hist, Graec. ed. Miiller, 4. p. 318 sq,) 

1. 3. Homer says that they came to Troy etc. See Iliady ii. 

612 sqq, 

1. 4. Godlike Pelasgus etc. According to this legend Pelasgus 
was sprung from the earth. This legend was followed by Hesiod also 
( Apollodorus, iii. 8. 1 ) ; but according to another tradition Pelasgus 
was a son of Zeus and Niobe (Apollodorus, l,c. ; Dionysius Halicam., 
Antiquit, Rom. i. 17. 3 ; Tzetzes, Schol, on Lycophron^ 481). Pausanias 
has furnished us with a long list of the early Arcadian kings from Pelasgus 
down to Aristocrates II. (viii. i. 4-viii. 5. 13). But whether Arcadia 
was ever really united under a single monarchy, seems doubtful. That 
the Arcadian cantons did in early times possess a certain measure of 
political unity is proved by the fact that from the middle of the sixth to 



i88 EARLY HISTORY OF ARCADIA bk. viii. arcadia 

the latter part of the fifth century B.C. they issued a federal coinage 
(Head, Historia Numorum^ p. 372). The historical worth of Pausanias*s 
list of Arcadian kings is examined by Dr. F. H. von Gaertringen, Zur 
arkadischen Konigsliste des Pausanias, He comes to the conclusion 
that the list was made up at a late date by Rhianus (see iv. 6. i note), 
and afterwards redacted by Sosibius, a contemporary of Ptolemy 
Philadelphus (Athenaeus, xi. p. 493 e f), about the middle of the third 
century B.C. 

1. 5. shixtB made of pig-skins. As to skins of animals worn by 
the Arcadians, cp. iv. 11. 3. Dio Chrysostom represents a poor 
peasant of Euboea as clad in a skin {Or, vii. vol. i. p. 116, ed. Dindorf), 
which confirms the statement in Pausanias as to the dress of poor people 
in Euboea in his own time. 

1. 6. There are many acorn-eating men etc. This oracle is 
recorded more fully by Herodotus (i. 66). 

1. 6. the country was named Pelasgia. That Pelasgia was the 
ancient name of Arcadia is mentioned also by Hellanicus (cited by 
Stephanus Byzantius, s,v, 'ApKas) and Eustathius (Comment, in Diony- 
stum Penegetem, 414). 

2. I. the Lycaean games. See viii. 38. 5 note. With regard to 
the order in which the various Greek festivals were instituted, Aristotle 
held that the Eleusinian mysteries were the oldest, that the Panathenian 
festival came next, that the races which Danaus caused his daughters' 
suitors to run were the third, that the Lycaean games were the fourth, 
the funeral games of Pelias the fifth, the Isthmian games the sixth, the 
Olympic games the seventh, the Nemean games the eighth, the funeral 
games of Patroclus the ninth, and the Pythian games the tenth. See 
the scholium on Aristides, Panathen, p. 323, ed. Dindorf; Aristotle, 
FragmenfUy ed. V. Rose (Leipsic, 1886), No. 637; Immerwahr, Die 
arkadischen Kulte^ p. 3. According to Helladius the games were insti- 
tuted in the following order — the Panathenian, the Eleusinian (celebrated 
by the Thessalians in honour of Pelias), the Isthmian, the Olympian, 
the Nemean, and the Pythian (Photius, Bibliotheca^ p. 533 b, ed. Bekker). 

2. I. the name Panathenian is said to have been given them 
in the time of Theseus. Cp. Plutarch, Theseus^ 24 ; Aug. Mommsen, 
Heortologie^ p. 84 j^. 

2. 2. Cronos and Zeus wrestled at Olsrmpia etc. Cp. v. 7. 6 sq, 
and 10. 

2. 3. the surname of Supreme etc. Sec i. 26. 5 note. Cecrops 
was said to have founded the altar as well as the ritual (Eusebius, 
Praepar, Evang, x. 9. 15). 

2. 3. Lycaon brought a human babe to the altar of Lycaean 
Zeus. A slightly different version of the legend was that Lycaon enter- 
tained Zeus at table and to test his guesf s divinity served up a dish of 
human flesh, and that for this impiety he was turned by the god into a 
wolf (Ovid, Metam. i. 216-239; Servius, on Virgil, Aen, i. 731). 
According to some it was Lycaon*s own son Nyctimus whom the cruel 
father thus slew and dished up (Clement of Alexandria, Protrept, ii. 36, 
p. 31, ed. Potter; Nonnus, Dionys. xviii. 20 sqq, ; Amobius, iv. 24); 



CH. II WERE'WOL VES ON MOUNT L YCAEUS 189 

according to others, the victim was Lycaon's grandson Areas (Hyginus, 
Astronom, ii. 4). In another version of the legend it was not Lycaon 
but his sons who did the wicked deed (Apollodorus, iii. 8. i ; Tzetzes, 
SchoL on Lycophrofiy 481 ; Hyginus, Fab. 176). See Immerwahr, 
Die arkadischen Kulte^ p. 1 4 sq, Mr. V. B^rard argues that Lycaean 
Zeus was originally a Semitic Baal, whose worship was imported into 
Arcadia by the Phoenicians (De Vorigine des Cultes Arcadiens^ p. 49 sqg,) 

2. 4* the men of that time sat with them at table. 

Amongst the men who were said to have entertained the gods at table 
were Lycaon (see the preceding note) and Tantalus ; and it is remark- 
able that Tantalus, like Lycaon, is said to have tested the divinity of his 
guests by setting before them the flesh of his own son (Servius, on 
Virgil, Georg. iii. 7, and Aen. vi. 603 ; cp. Hyginus, Fab. 83). Both 
legends point to a custom of human sacrifice. 

2. 4. Such were Aristaeus etc. Diodonis says (iv. 81) that 
Aristaeus received divine honours from men for the benefits which he 
had conferred upon them by his useful discoveries. For some of these 
discoveries see note on viii. 4. i * Adristas.' 

2. 6. a man has always been turned into a wolf etc. Cp. § 3 
above, and vi. 8. 2. According to the story mentioned by Plato {Re- 
public^ ix. p. 565 de) a human victim was sacrificed at the sanctuary of 
Lycaean Zeus, one of his bowels was mixed with the bowels of animal 
victims, the whole was consumed by the worshippers, and the man who 
unwittingly ate the human bowel was changed into a wolf According 
to Euanthes, a Greek writer quoted by Pliny {Nat, hist. viii. 81), lots 
were cast among a certain family, and he upon whom the lot fell was 
the were-wolf. Being led to the brink of a tarn he stripped himself, 
hung his clothes on an oak-tree, plunged into the tarn, and, swimming 
across it, went away into desert places. There he was changed into a 
wolf and herded with wolves for nine years. If during the nine years 
he abstained from preying upon men, he returned to the tarn at the 
end of the nine years, swam back across it and recovered his human 
shape and the very clothes he had put off; but he now found himself, as 
a man, nine years older than he had been when he became a wolf. In 
this version of the story it is not said that the man who became a wolf 
had eaten human flesh at the sacrifice offered to Lycaean Zeus. But it 
is probably implied that he did so ; for immediately after telling the 
story Pliny mentions, on the authority of the writer Scopas, the case of 
a Parrhasian named Demaenetus who at the sacrifice to Lycaean Zeus 
tasted the bowels of a boy victim and was consequently turned into a 
wolf ; but in the tenth year he was changed back into a man, practised 
boxing, and won a prize at Olympia. Augustine tells the same stories 
as Pliny, quoting Varro as his authority {De civ. Dei^ xviii. 17). Varro, 
in turn, probably copied from the Greek writers mentioned by Pliny. 

The ancients were familiar with the idea of were-wolves, that is, of 
men who have been transformed or who have the power of transforming 
themselves by magic into wolves for a longer or shorter time. Cp. 
Virgil, Eclog. viii. 98 sq. ; Petronius, 62. It was believed that every 
man of the Neuri, a tribe of eastern Europe, was annually turned into a 



I90 WERE'lVOLVES bk. viii. arcadia 

wolf for a few days (Herodotus, iv. 105). The belief in were- wolves has 
prevailed widely in mediaeval and modem Europe. In Germany the 
man is supposed to turn into a wolf by putting on a girdle or shirt made 
of wolf-skin or a girdle made of human skin. According to some, the 
man so transformed remains a wolf for nine days ; according to others, 
he is a wolf for three, seven, or nine years. To draw the were-wolf s 
blood is supposed to change him back into a man. The belief that 
men can turn into wolves or other wild animals is not confined to 
Europe, but is found in many parts of the world. 

See Grimm, Deutsche hfythologie^^ 2. p. 915 saa, ; Hertz, Zitr IVerwoIf {Siuil- 
gart, 1862) ; E. B. Tylor, Primitive Culture f i. p. 308 sqq, ; R. Andree, 
Ethnologische Parallelen und Vergleiche (first series), pp. 62-80 ; Sebillot, Tradi" 
tions et superstitiotis de la Haute- Br etagne^ I. p. 289 sqq, 

A close parallel to the were-wolves of Mt. Lycaeus is furnished by a 
negro family at Banana (West Africa), who by means of a charm com- 
posed of human embryos are believed to turn themselves into leopards 
in the gloomy depths of the forest ; but as leopards they spare human 
lives, for if they once lapped human blood, they would remain leopards 
for ever (A. Bastian, Die deutsche Expedition an cUr Loango-Kiiste^ 2. 
p. 248). 

2. 7. Niobe on Mount Sipylns sheds tears in summer. Cp. 
Homer, //. xxiv. 614 sqq. ; Ovid, Met vi. 311 sq. ; Paus. i. 21. 3, and 
note on v. 13. 7, vol. 3. p. 555. 

2. 7. they blow through a pierced shell. The trumpet-shell of the 
Tritons and the music they drew from it are often mentioned by classical 
writers. See Virgil, Acn. vi. 171 sqq.^ x. 209 sq. ; Lucan, Pharsal. ix. 
348 sq. ; Silius Italicus, xiv. 373 sq. ; Pliny, N. H. ix. 9 ; Hyginus, 
Astronom. ii. 23 ; Nonnus, Dionys. vi. 272 sqq. ; Stcphani, in Comptc 
Rendu (St. Petersburg) for 1870-71, p. 40 sqq. ; F. R. Dressier, Triton 
und die Tritonen (Wurzen, 1892-93), Teil i. p. 11. The line in Words- 
worth's sonnet. 

Or hear old Triton blow his wreathM horn, 

will occur to the reader. 

3. I. the other sons founded cities where they chose. The 
following account of the various settlements of the sons of Pelasgus may 
have been taken by Pausanias, directly or indirectly, from Pherecydes, 
who enumerated the sons of Pelasgus and the settlements which they 
founded (Dionysius Halicam., Ant. Rom. i. 13; Frag. hist. Graec. ed. 
Miiller, i. p. 92). 

3. 2. Macareus. Mr. V. B^rard compares this name with the kindred 
names Macar (x. 38. 4), Macaria (below, § 3) etc., and connecting it 
etymologically with Melcarth sees in it a proof of Phoenician influence 
in Arcadia {De Torigine dcs Cultes Arcadiens^ p. 17). Cp. note on x. 
17. 2, *Maceris.' 

3. 2. Homer made a surname of Hermes. See Iliad, xvi. 185. 

3. 3. Homer calls 'rich in sheep.' Sec Iliad, ii. 605. 

3. 5. Oenotrus crossed in ships to Italy etc. See Dionysius 

Halicam., Antiquit. Rom. i. 11-13. 



CH. IV EARL Y HISTOR Y OF ARCADIA 191 

3. 6. she turned Callisto into a bear. In the great series of his 
paintings at Delphi, Polygnotus represented Callisto seated on a bear- 
skin (x. 31. I o). Callisto's son was Areas, * the bear man ' (from arkos 
=^arktos, *a bear'). Hence the Arcadians are the Bear-folk. Cp. 
Andrew Lang, Custom and Myth^ p. 128. It is worth noting in this 
connexion that Atalanta, a descendant of Areas, was said to have been 
suckled by a bear (Apollodorus, iii. 9. 2). There is an elaborate mono- 
graph on the Callisto myth by Mr. R. Franz, *De Callistus fabula,' 
Leipziger StudienfUr class. Philologie^ 12 (1890), pp. 233-365. Acrisius 
was said to have been descended from a bear (Heraclides Ponticus, in 
Frag. hist. Graec. ed. Miiller, 2. p. 223). 

3. 7- the stars known as the Great Bear. It is a curious coin- 
cidence that by the Innuits (Esquimaux) of Alaska and some Indian 
tribes of North America the same constellation is called the Great Bear 
(W. H. Dall, Alaska and its resources^ p. 145 ; Lafitau, Mceurs des 
sauvages Amdriquains^ 2. p. 239 ; Charlevoix, Histoire de Id Nouvelle 
France^ 6. p. 148). The Iroquois tell how a party of hunters, pursuing 
a bear, were attacked by a monstrous stone giant, who destroyed all but 
three of them. The three, together with the bear, were carried up by 
invisible spirits to the sky, where the bear can still be seen, pursued by 
the first hunter with his bow and by the second with his kettle, while 
the third, who is further behind, is gathering sticks. In autumn the 
arrows of the hunters wound the bear, and his blood, dripping from the 
sky, tinges the leaves of the forest with a blood-red stain. See E. A. 
Smith, * Myths of the Iroquois,' Second Annual Report of the Bureau of 
Ethnology (Washington, 1883), p. 81. 

3. 7. which Homer mentions etc. See Odyssey^ v. 272 sq, 

4. I. which last art he acquired from Adristas. This Adristas 
is otherwise unknown, but the name is probably derived from a verb 
atrizesthai^ *to wind thread off a reel' (Hesychius, j.v. drpi^erai). 
From the same stem comes atrion, * the warp of a web ' (cp. G. Curtius, 
Griech. Etymologie^^ p. 60). Sylburg conjectured that the name 
Adristas in the text of Pausanias is a corruption of Aristaeus ; he pro- 
posed therefore to read 'Apiaratov for 'ASpurra. It is true that to 
Aristaeus was ascribed the invention of various useful arts, such as the 
cultivation of the olive and of silphium, the making of olive-oil and of 
cheese, and the construction of beehives and the extraction of honey 
(Diodorus, iv. 81 ; Schol. on Theocritus, v. 53 ; Schol. on Aristophanes, 
Knights^ 894; Justin, xiii. 7. 10; Pliny, A^. H. vii. 199); but the 
invention of spinning is not said to have been one of his discoveries. 
See W. H. Roscher, * Der Heros Adristas,' Fleckeiseti s Jahrbucher^ 27 
(1881), pp. 670-672. 

4. 2. Epimeliads. The Epimeliads or Epimelids, as they were 
generally called, were the nymphs who cared for flocks and herds 
(Bekker's Anecdota Graeca^ P- 17 line 7 sqq. ; Schol. on Homer, //. xx. 
8). Some mortal men are said to have challenged them to dance, and 
being vanquished were turned by the nymphs into trees (Antoninus 
•Liberalis, Transform. 31). 

4. 2. Antolans. Cp. viii. 25. 11. 



192 EARLY HISTORY OF ARCADIA bk. viii. arcadia 

4. 3. Agfl-tiin. The Arcadian district of Azania is said to have 
comprised seventeen cities and to have been divided among three 
tribes, the Parrhasians, the Azanians, and the Trapezuntians (Stephanus 
Byzantius, 5,v, *A(avia). It included the western and north-western 
parts of Arcadia ; for we are told that it bordered on Elis (Strabo, viii. 
p. 336), and that it included Psophis (Polybius, iv. 70) and Pheneus 
(Stephanus Byzantius, s.v, ^cvcos) ; and from the mythical genealogies 
given by Pausanias below (§§ 4 and 5) we infer that it included Clitor 
and Lycosura. Cp. K. O. Miiller, Dorier^ 2. p. 436 ; E. Curtius, Pelop, 
I. p. 181. 

4. 3. the people in Phrygia who dwell about the cave called 
Stetmos. As to the cave see x. 32. 3. The city of Azani in Phrygia 
is mentioned by Strabo (xii. p. 576). The ruins, including a theatre, 
a stadium, and a beautiful Ionic temple of Zeus in good preservation, 
are at a place called Tchavdour^Hissar (W. J. Hamilton, Researches in 
Asia Minor (London, 1842), i. pp. 101-104 ; Smith's Diet, of Greek 
and Roman Geogr, i. p. 353). According to Hermogenes (cited by 
Stephanus Byzantius, s,v, *A(avol) the true name qf the city was 
Exouanoun, which in the native language meant * hedgehog-fox,' and 
the name was explained by a story that in time of scarcity a certain 
Euphorbus had appeased the gods by sacrificing to them a hedgehog 
and a fox, and that in consequence the people had made him their 
priest and king. The legend points to the existence of a race of 
priestly kings or popes, with spiritual and temporal power, such as 
reigned at Pessinus, Comana, and other cities of Asia Minor (W. M. 
Ramsay, Historical Geogr, of Asia Minor^ p. 146 sq,) 

4. 3. poets speak of Tegea as 'the lot of Aphidas.' The ex- 
pression is used by Apollonius Rhodius {Argonaut, i. 162). Cp. Paus. 
viii. 45. I. 

4. 4. Elatus Elatea. Cp. x. 34. 2. 

4. 5. On the death of Azan games were held. Cp. v. 1.8. 

As to funeral games see note on i. 44. 8. To the examples there given 
add that of the Thracians, amongst whom the funeral of a wealthy man 
was regularly celebrated with games, in which the \\nnners received 
prizes (Herodotus, v. 8). 

4. 6. The story of the death of Ischys etc. The reference seems 
to be to ii. 26. 6, though the death of Ischys is not there expressly 
mentioned. 

4. 6. Autolycos. Autolycus was the Master Thief of Greek story. 
He stole cattle and had the power of so changing the shape and 
colour of the stolen beasts that it was impossible for their owners to 
know them again. Thus he amassed great wealth, for he was never 
detected. See Pherecydes, 63 {Frag. hist. Grace, ed. Miiller, i. p. 87 
sq,) ; Hyginus, Fab. 201 ; Ovid, Metam. xi. 313 sqq. ; Ser\'ius, on Virgil, 
Aen, i. 79 ; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron^ 344 ; Eustathius, on Homer, 
//. X. 267, p. 804, line 25 sqq.\ iti., on Homer, Od. xix. 396, p. 187 1, 
line 6 sqq, 

4. 7. killed by a seps. Aepytus was said to have been 

killed on a branch of Mt, Cyllene where snakes of the sort called seps 



CH. V EARL Y HISTOR Y OF ARCADIA 193 

abounded. See viii. 16. 2 sq. As to the description which Pausanias 
here gives of the snake, it has been observed by the French surveyors 
that " a better description could not have been given by a naturalist 
who had made a special study of reptiles " {ExpMition scientifique de 
Mor^e^ voL i. Relation^ par Bory de Saint- Vincent, p. 400 j^.) Another 
ancient writer describes the seps of Mt Othrys in Thessaly as a viper 
whose colour varied according to the nature of the soil in which it 
lived ; those which lived in grass were green, and those which lived in 
sand were sandy-coloured ; their bite was venomous and caused thirst 
([Aristotle,] Mirab, Ausculi, 164). Aelian says that the colour of the 
seps changed with that of the ground over which it moved, and that its 
bite produced putrefaction and instant death {Nat, anim, xvi. 40). The 
creature seems to have been a viper of the species called Coluber 
ammodytes by Linnaeus. It abounds in the East and is justly dreaded 
by the inhabitants of the Morea. Very small bright -coloured individuals 
of the species are seen in spring. The larger individuals, measuring 
from 1 5 to 18 inches in length, have a sort of horn-like protuberance 
on the muzzle, which gives them a peculiar appearance. See ETcpidition 
scientifique de Morie^ vol. 3, i^re partie, Zoologie^ par J. G. and E. G. 
Saint-Hilaire, p. 74. 

4. 9. put her and the child into a chest etc. Auge's son was 
Telephus. See note on i. 4. 6. Cp. viii. 47. 4 ; viii. 48. 7. 

4. 10. Areithous. See viii. 11. 4 note. 

4. 10. Ancaeus sailed with Jason to Colchis. On this expedition 
he was accompanied by his uncles Amphidamas and Cepheus, the sons 
of Aleus (Apollonius Rhodius, Argon, i. 161 sqq, ; as to Amphidamas 
and Cepheus, see § 8 of the present chapter). 

5. I. a more probable account than the one I gave formerly. 
See i. 41. 2 note. 

5. I. Timandra married Echemus. Cp. Apollodonis, iii. 10. 6. 

5. 2. Agapenor led the Arcadians to Troy. See Homer, 

//. ii. 609. 

5. 2. the storm carried Agapenor and the Arcadian fleet 

to Oyprus. Cp. Apollodorus, ed. R. Wagner, p. 219. That some of 
the Cypriotes were of Arcadian descent is mentioned by Herodotus (vii. 
90). The legend of an Arcadian settlement in Cyprus is so far coun- 
tenanced by the resemblance between the Arcadian and Cypriote dialects. 
See Cauer, Delectus Inscr, GraecJ^ pp. 289, 303. 

5. 2. Agapenor built the sanctuary of Aphrodite at Old 

Paphos. Strabo says (xiv. p. 683) that Paphos (/>. New Paphos) was 
founded by Agapenor ; but though he mentions the ancient sanctuary of 
Aphrodite at Old Paphos, he does not speak of Agapenor as it;5 founder. 
The sanctuary of Aphrodite at Old Paphos has been excavated by 
English archaeologists in recent years. See Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 
9 (1888), pp. 147-263. . 

5. 2. Qolgi. General di Cesnola identified the modem village or 
town of Athieno as the site of the ancient Golgi, and here he excavated 
a temple which by some was supposed to be that of Aphrodite. This, 
however, has been disputed by Mr. Neubauer. 

VOL. IV O 



194 PASS OF THE PRINUS bk. viii. a&cadia 

Sec Rei'ue arcUologiquCy N. S. 22 (1870-71), pp. 363-372 ; »</., 23 (1872), p. 
336 sq, ; id.f 24 (1872), pp. 221-228; Ccsnola, Cyprus^ chs. 4 and 5; Gautie 
archiologique, 4 (1878), pp. 146-150, 192-201 ; R. Neubauer, 'Der angebliche 
Aphrodite-tempel zu Golgoi/ Cofnmentatiotus philologicac in honorem Tkeodori 
Afommseni (Berlin, 1877), PP* 671-693. 

5. 3. Laodice. Cp. viii. 53. 7. 

5. 5. entrance to which is still forbidden. Cp. viii. 10. 

2 sq. For other sanctuaries which no one was ever allowed to enter, 
see iii. 20. 8 ; \m, 30. 2 ; viii. 38. 6. The sanctuary of Fear at Sparta 
was always kept shut, although we hear of it being once open by 
accident (Plutarch, CleomeneSy 8). Cp. Lobeck, Aglaophamus^ p. 279 
note [s]. Other sanctuaries were open to the priests or priestesses 
alone, and sometimes even to them only once a year. See vi. 20. 7 ; 
vii. 27. 3 ; \\\\. 36. 3 ; viii. 47. 5 note. The image of Hera at Aeg^um 
might be seen by no one but the priestess (viL 23. 9). 

5. 6. three generations before. Cp. Apollodorus, iL 8. 2 ; 
Herodotus, ix. 26. 

5. 6. secured himself and the Arcadians etc. Cp. Herodotus, 
i. 171. 

5. 8. the ancient wooden image of Black Demeter at Fhigalia. 
See viii. 42. 3 sq. 

5. 9. I shall have to make more mention of Chaiillus etc See 
viii. 48. 4 and 5. 

5. 1 1, a sanctuary of Artemis snmamed Hymnia. See \m. 13. i. 

5. 13. he, too, was stoned to death etc. See iv. 22. 7. As to 
the defeat of the Messenians at the Great Trench see iv. 1 7. 

6. 4- & pass into Arcadia from Argolis by Hysiae. See ii. 24. 5-7 
with the notes. 

6. 4- two other passes one through Prinos the other 

through the Ladder. Pausanias here resumes the description of 
the passes from Argos to Mantinea which he had broken off in ii. 25. 
The pass of the Ladder {Kiimax) which he here describes (^ 4 and 5) 
is a continuation of the route described by him in ii. 25 ^ 4-6 ; the 
pass of the Prinus (§ 6 down to 8. 3) is a continuation of the route 
described in ii. 25. 1-3. 

From Argos two main passes lead westward over the chain of Mount 

Artemisius to Mantinea, and these can without difficulty be identified as 

the pass of the Prinus and the pass of the Ladder respectively. The 

Prinus is the southern and more direct of the two. The road starts 

from Argos in a northerly direction, but soon bends round to the west, 

and in about an hour from Argos enters the narrow, somewhat tame and 

monotonous, valley of the Charadrus. After following the valley of the 

Charadrus for about an hour and a half, the path diverges from it to the 

north at a place called Chelonas. It follows the course of a northern 

tributar}' of the Charadrus and gradually ascends to Karya^ a little village 

nestling among olive-groves and fig-trees in a sheltered hollow on the moun> 

tain-side. The white-walled, red-roofed houses are dotted over the 

slope, each with its green plot of field and garden beside it. The 

village is not, however, at the summit of the pass. Beyond it and 



CH. VI PASS OF THE LADDER 195 

higher up is a ruined chapel of St. Elias, conspicuous from the fine 
clump of very old holly oaks that grows beside it. As the ancient 
Greek name for the holly oak was prinos (modern Greek prinari\ we 
may infer that the pass received its name of Prinus or * holly oak ' from 
a clump or wood of these trees. The pass then ascends very steeply 
into a region of dark, sharp-pointed pines, crosses a number of clear and 
copious rills (the sources of the Inachus), and runs for some time at the 
bottom of the deep bed of a stream. It never, however, follows the bed 
of the Inachus, but skirting the hills at a much higher level keeps the 
glen of that river in view for a long time at a great depth below. On 
the south is seen the bare rocky peak of Mt. Malevos, one of the highest 
summits of the range of Artemisius. From the watershed a stony path 
leads steeply down into the flat sodden expanse of the Fallow Plain, on 
the farther side of which rises a bleak chain of grey limestone hills. A 
winding stream conveys the water of the plain to a chasm below the 
village of Tsipiana which stands on the steep hill-side at the foot of the 
pass. On a ledge high above the village is a monastery among 
cypresses, and higher still there shoots up a* huge fantastic pinnacle of 
rock. The traveller who has reached Tsipiana is in Arcadia. 

This route has been described by \V. G. Clark {Peloponnesus ^ p. 114 sqq,)^ 
Conze and Michaelis (' Rapporto d' un viaggio nella Grecia/ Annalidelt Ittstifuto^ 
33 (1861), pp. 21-26), and W. Loring (Journal of Hellenic Studies y 15 (1895), 
p. 80 x^.) I followed the same route from Argos as far as ChelonaSy after which, 
instead of diverging to the right (north), I kept straight on to the hamlet oi Mazi, 
then ascended to the hamlet of Tournikion the crest of the ridge, and so descended 
to Tsipiana (see note on ii. 25. i). But that the route by Karya (not by Tour' 
niki) was the ancient Prinus is proved by Pausanias's statement that the Prinus 
])assed the sources of the Inachus (ii. 25. 3 ; viii. 6. 6). For these sources are on 
the northern side of Mt. Artemisius, whereas Toumiki is on the southern side. 

The pass of the Ladder is to the north of the Prinus pass and is 
much more circuitous. After leaving Argos in a northerly direction, 
the route, instead of turning sharp round to the west up the valley of 
the Charadrus, follows the broad stony bed of the Inachus in a great 
curve first to the north-west and then to the south-west The villages 
of Kato-Belesi and Kapareli are passed in the valley. After Kapareli 
the path winds in a series of zigz«igs up a very steep mountain-wall, and 
then descends, in another series of zigzags, the face of an equally steep 
mountain- wall to the village of Sanga, There can be little doubt that 
the pass received its name of the Ladder {Klimax) from this very steep 
ascent and descent over the ridge. The steps of which Pausanias 
speaks are still in use ; they may be seen near the top of the pass, on 
its castem side. Apparently they are built up of small pieces of rock 
rather than cut in the rock itself So sharp is the descent on the 
western side that seen from near Sanga the zigzags look very like a 
ladder and would account for the name of the pass even if there were 
no steps. The summit of the ridge now goes by the name of Partes 
(* gates ') on account of the sharp-pointed rocks which here shoot up 
and between which, as through doon^'ays, the path runs. From Sanga 
the route goes over the low ridge of Mt. Alesius to the village oiPikemi^ 



196 MELANGE A BK. viii. akcadia 

and then skirts the western foot of Mt Alesius in a south-westerly direc- 
tion to Mantinea. 

This route was traversed and described by L. Ross {Ketsen, pp. 136-138) and 
Mr. W. Loring {Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 15 (1895), P* 81 sq,) 

The two passes of the Prinus and Ladder {Kiimax) were first properly identified 
by L. Ross, Reisen^ pp. 129-139, who is rightly followed by E. Curtius {Pelop, I. 
pp. 244-246; id,, 2. p. 414 sq.\ Bursian {Geogr, 2. pp. 63 sq,j 208, 2x4), Mr. 
Fougeres, in the Guide-Joanne (2. p. 379 sq.\ and Mr. Loring (joum, of Hellenic 
Studies^ 15 (1895), pp. 80-82). Leake indicated correctly the line of tne Ladder 
pass {Morea, 3. p. 53) ; but he is wrong in making the Prinus road go by 
Toumiki, and his mistake as to the Fallow Plain (see note on viii. 7. i) lan£ him 
in a muddle. See his Peloponnesiaca, pp. 367-377. He seems not to have crossed 
either of the passes. 

6. 4- Melangea, from which the drinking-water comes down to 
Mantinea. Mclangea may have been on the site of Pikemi^ a village 
situated in a recess on the western side of the Alesius, about three- 
quarters of an hour to the north-east of Mantinea. Here there are 
abundant and perennial springs, and skirting the western foot of Mt 
Alesius between Pikemi and the ruins of Mantinea L. Ross obser\'ed 
an artificial dam, with squared blocks of stone strewn along it. He 
thought that it had formed part of the aqueduct which brought the 
water from Pikemi (Melangea) to Mantinea. Mr. Loring, however, 
remarks that low ground inter\'enes between the springs and the site of 
the town, so that if Melangea was at Pikemi there must have been a 
raised aqueduct to convey the water to Mantinea, and of such an 
aqueduct he found no trace. 

See Leake, Morea, i. p. 109 ; /V/., 3. p. 53 ; L. Ross, Reisen, p. 136 ; Curtius, 
Pelop. I. p. 244 ; Bursian, Geo^. 2. p. 214; Baedeker,' p. 300; Guide-Joanne, z. 
p. 380; W. Loring, \ii Journal of Helleuic Studies^ 15 (1895), P« 81 sq. Boblaye 
{RechercheSf p. 141). wrongly identified Melangea with the ruins at Tsipiana. 

6. 5. the fountain of the Meliasts etc. Rather less than a mile 
to the north of Mantinea, at the western foot of Mt. Alesius, is a copious 
spring now called Tripcchi, It rises just opposite to, and east of, the 
conical insulated hill of Goitrtsouli, which springs abruptly from the plain 
a little way to the north of Mantinea. Tripechi is probably the spring 
of the Meliasts. Beside it is a great quadrangular foundation, which 
probably formed part of the hall of Dionysus. It measures 37 metres 
long by 22 metres broad, and is formed of large, unsquared stones. 
The present road passes through it. Below the road there are other 
foundations, which apparently also belonged to the precinct of Dionysus 
and were perhaps connected with the upper part by a staircase. The 
discovery of a statue of a Satyr at the place confirms the supposition 
that the ruins are those of the shrine of Dionysus. 

See L. Ross, Reiscn, p. 136; Curtius, Pelop. i. p. 144; Bursian, Geogr, 2. 
p. 214 ; Guide Joanne^ 2. p. 380 ; Bulletin de Corr. hellhtique, 14 (1890), p. 77 sq, 

6. 6. on this mountain there is a temple of Artemis etc See 
ii. 25. 3. 

6. 6. Aeschylus and others call the Inachus an Argive river. 



CH. VII THE FALLOW PLAIN 197 

In the extant tragedies of Aeschylus the poet seems nowhere to call the 
Inachus expressly an Argive river. 

7. I. the Fallow Plain. This is undoubtedly the small plain of 
TsipianOy surrounded by hills except on the south. On the west it is 
bounded by the low range of Mt. Alesius, which, running north and 
south, divides it from the plain of Mantinea. On the east rise the high 
rocky slopes of Mount Artemisius, with the village of Tsipiana nestling 
at its foot. The red-roofed houses of the village, \vith a large church in 
their midst, rise one above the other on the steep hill-side. On the 
west the village is united by a ridge to a rocky, flat-topped hill which 
runs out like a promontory into the Fallow Plain and partly encloses it 
on the south. On this flat-topped hill are the ruins of Nestane (see § 4 
note). 

Viewed from the promontory-like hill of Nestane, the Fallow Plain, 
fallow no longer but covered with a patchwork of maize-fields, is seen 
stretched out in a dead level on the north, with a stream meandering 
through it in serpentine curves. Just at the northern foot of the hill 
this stream disappears into the large chasm mentioned by Pausanias. 
The plain is said to be flooded in winter. To the south of the hill of 
Nestane it extends away to the south till it is terminated by low blue 
hills at the foot of which, dimly perceptible, lies Tripolitsa, In the 
middle distance, on a low projecting hill, is a ruined mediaeval castle. 
The rural solitude of the scene, with its green spreading plain, its wind- 
ing river, its ruined castle, its lonely hills, is truly Arcadian. 

See Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 141 ; L. Ross, Rciscn^ p. 133 sq, ; Curtius, Pelop» 

1. p. 245 ; W. G. Clark, Pehp, p. 127 sqq, ; Vischer, JSn'nrumn^en, p. 342 sq, ; 
Annali deir ImtitutOy 33 (1861), p. 26 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 208 ; Guide-Joanne^ 

2. p. 379 sq, ; Philippson, Pelopomies^ p. 70. Leake has wholly misplaced the 
Fallow Plain, which he identified with the vale or plain of Louka^ 3 or 4 miles to 
the south of Tsipiana (Morea, 3. p. 54 sqq, ; id,, Pelopon, pp. 367-377). 

7. 2. Dine. See note on ii. 38. 4. 

7. 2. the Argives threw horses into Dine. The Rhodians 

annually flung a chariot and four horses into the sea, for the use of the 
Sun, who was supposed to ride round the sky in a chariot (Festus, p. 
181, ed. Miiller). The Illyrians annually drowned a horse as a sacrifice 
(Servius, on Virgil, Georg. i. 12). The Trojans are said to have thrown 
live horses into the river Scamander as offerings (Homer, Iliad^ xxi. 
132). The Magi in Xerxes's army sacrificed white horses to the river 
Strymon (Herodotus, vii. 113). When a storm had shattered the fleet 
of his enemy Augustus, the admiral Sextus Pomgeius was fully confirmed 
in his belief that he himself was a son of Poseidon ; so he put on a 
sea-blue robe and threw horses (and some said men) into the sea (Dio 
Cassius, xlviii. 48). Tiridates prepared to sacrifice a horse to the river 
Euphrates (Tacitus, Annals^ vi. 37). Alexander the Great sacrificed 
bulls and flung the carcasses, along with golden cups, into the Indian 
Ocean as offerings to Poseidon (Arrian, Anab, vi. 19. 5). The 
people of Tiryns are said to have been a merry and laughter-loving 
folk ; but at last, tired of frivolity, they appealed to the Delphic oracle 
to tell them how they might become more staid and demure. The 



198 SACRIFICES TO WATER-GODS bk. viii. arcadia 

oracle informed them that if they could cast a bull into the sea as a 
sacrifice to Poseidon without laughing they would be sober and serious 
ever after. So they composed their features and proceeded to con- 
summate the sacrifice ; but a remark let fall by a little boy upset their 
gravity, and they remained as merry as ever. See Athenaeus, vi. p. 
261 d e. For the custom of throwing bulls into the sea to Poseidon 
see also Suidas, s.v, ireplx/njfjLa ; Plutarch, Septem sapient, conviv, 20. 
Near Syracuse there was a pool called Cyane, where Pluto was said to 
have carried off Proserpine. Beside this pool an annual festival was 
held, at which bulls were dro>\'ned in the pool as a public sacrifice, and 
pri\'ate persons offered inferior victims (Diodorus, v. 4). On Greek 
sacrifices to water-divinities see Paul Stengel, * Die Opfer der Fluss- 
und Quellgottheiten in Griechenland,* Fleckcisen^s Jahrbiicher^ 28 (1882), 
PP- lZZ-12fi » on sacrifices of horses, see the same writer's article, *Die 
Pferdeopfer der Griechen,' Phiiologus^ 39 (1880), pp. 182-185. 

The custom of sacrificing animals, and especially horses, to water- 
spirits has been practised beyond the limits of the ancient world. 
Russian peasants believe that the water-spirit, called Vodyany, sleeps in 
winter, but wakes up, angry and hungry, in spring. So to appease 
him, in some places, they buy a horse, which they feed well for three 
days ; then they tie its legs together, smear its head with honey, deck 
its mane with red ribbons, tie two millstones to its neck, and at 
midnight throw it into an ice-hole, or, if the frost has broken up, into 
the middle of a river. The water -spirit is also the patron of bees ; 
hence it is usual to shut up the first swarm of the year in a bag and to 
fling it, weighted with a stone, into the nearest river as an offering to 
him. See W. R. S. Ralston, Songs of the Russian Peasants^ pp. 1 49, 
153. A horse was drowned in Lake Pilatus to propitiate the spirit of 
the storm who was believed to dwell in its depths (E. H. Meyer, 
AchilleiSy p. 453 sg,) When the Chinese admiral Tsch'in-leng sailed 
to conquer the kingdom of Lieu-Khien, the sky grew dark and his 
warriors were afraid. So the admiral slew a white horse and offered 
it to the sea-god. Then the weather cleared. See A. Pfizmaier, * Die 
fremdlandischen Reiche zu den Zeiten der Sui,' Sitzungsbcrichte d. 
philos. histor. Ciasse d, kais, Akad, d. IVissen, (Vienna), 97 (1881), 
p. 420. 

7. 2. Fresh water rising in the sea may be seen at the 

place called Gliinierimn in Thesprotis. This spring of fresh water 
in the sea was rediscovered in modem times by Mr. J. H. Skene of 
Zantc. It is in the harbour of Agio Janni (St. John), the Chimerium 
of the ancients. Mr. Skene says : " I had occasion recently to sail 
into the port of Agio Janni in a small yacht, during a dark night, and 
blowing hard with violent squalls. In beating into the harbour I was 
astonished to perceive the sea become suddenly as calm as a mirror, 
although the wind was increasing, but the calmness lasted only for a 
moment, and had the appearance as if a few barrels of oil had been 
emptied over the waves in a particular spot. It was too late that night 
to make any investigation into the causes of this, but on the next 
morning I returned with a light breeze in search of the spot, and found 



CH. VII NESTANE 199 

a circular space of perfectly smooth water, the diameter of which might 
be about 40 feet ; and it appeared to be raised above the surface of the 
surrounding sea. The water rose from beneath with such violence as 
to form a series of small circular waves beyond the ring diverging from 
the centre, which was turbid, and bubbled up like a spring. We steered 
across it, and found that the cutter's head swerved about as in a 
whirlpool, which convinced me that it was occasioned by a powerful 
submarine source, or perhaps the outlet of one of the Katabothra 
or subterranean channels, which flow out of the lake of Jannina" 
{Journal of the Royal Geographical Society^ 17 (1847), p. 140). It 
was in this harbour of Chimerium {Agio Janni) that the Corinthian 
fleet anchored before and after its defeat by the Corcyraeans in 422 
B.C. (Thucydides, i. 46-52). Some geographers, as Bursian {Geogr, 
von Griechenland, i. p. 28), C. H. Miiller (on Ptolemy, iii. 13. 3), and 
Lolling (* Hellenische Landeskunde und Topographie,' Iwan Mtiller*s 
Hafiddtich derklass, Al/ertumswissenschaft^ 3. p. i 56), have consequently 
supposed that the harbour of Chimerium {Agio Janni) was identical with 
the Sweet Harbour mentioned by Strabo (vii. p. 324). But this is in 
opposition to Strabo's own testimony, who says that the Sweet Harbour 
was that into which the river Acheron flowed. It was, therefore, the 
modem Port Phanari. See note on i. 17. 5. Besides the springs of 
fresh water in the sea here mentioned by Pausanias, there was one near 
the rocky island of Aradus (now Ruad) on the Phoenician coast. The 
way in which the islanders got the water was this. They took a leaden 
vessel shaped like a wine-strainer, wide at one end and narrowing to a 
funnel at the other end, and to the funnel they fastened a long leathern 
tube. Then they let down the vessel from a boat into the sea till its 
broad mouth covered the spring ; the fresh water them bubbled up the 
leathern tube and was collected in pitchers. See Strabo, xvi. p. 754 ; 
cp. Lucretius, vi. 890 sq. It is said that the boatmen of the island 
still draw fresh water from the spring, which is now called Ain Ibrahim 
(Smith's Did. of Or. and Rom, Geogr.^ s,v, * Aradus'). Many springs 
of fresh water were said to rise in the sea off" the Chelidonian islands 
on the Pamphylian coast (Callimachus, quoted by Antigonus, Histor, 
Afirab, 129). 

7. 3. Off Dicaearchia there is boiling water etc. Cp. iv. 

35- 12. 

7. 4. a village called Nestane. There can be little doubt that the 
ruins of Nestane mentioned by Pausanias are those that still crown the 
little outlying hill which projects like a promontory from Mt. Artemisius 
into the Fallow Plain, immediately to the west of Tsipiana, The hill 
is connected by a low ridge with Mt. Artemisius and the village of 
Tsipiana, Its top is flat and measures about 160 paces from east to 
west. At its western end the hill falls precipitously to the plain below. 
On the eastern side of the hill, facing the connecting ridge and some- 
what below the summit, are the remains of ancient fortification-walls, 
with a well-preserved gateway resembling in plan the gates of Tiryns 
and Mycenae, though on a very much smaller scale. The gateway is 
between two thick walls ; the inner of the two walls is the circuit-wall, 



200 NESTANE BK. viii. arcadia 

the outer wall is parallel to it and stops some feet beyond the gateway, 
which is thus at right angles to the circuit-walL The outer wall ends 
in a square tower -like bastion, from which the defenders would rake the 
flank of an enemy attacking the gate. The thickness of the walls 
appeared to me to be about eleven feet. W. G. Clark thought that they 
varied in thickness from fifteen to twenty feet They are built of roughly 
squared blocks of stone laid in approximately horizontal courses. The 
stones are about three or four feet long by two or two and a half high ; 
but one stone may be about six feet long. A block which formed part 
of the threshold is still in its place ; it contains the hole or socket in 
which the axle of the door revolved, and from the socket a groove runs 
inwards. North of the gateway the circuit- wall extends for about thirty 
paces, its thickness being still (as I judged) about eleven feet In this 
direction there runs a terrace about fifty feet ^^-ide, which has the appear- 
ance of having been levelled artificially. About the middle of the 
summit W. G. Clark saw the basement of an oblong building, about 
fifty-four feet by twenty-two. All I observed there were three or four 
very large square blocks of stone. 

The resemblance of Nestane to Tiryns and Mycenae in natural 
situation, in the style of its fortifications, and in the appearance of arti- 
ficial levelling at the top of the hill, suggested to me that excavations 
here might perhaps bring to light a palace of the Mycenaean type. But 
my friend Mr. W. Loring, who has since visited the site, is of opinion 
that the ruins belong to a much later age. 

I visited Nestane, 22nd April 1890, and have described the ruins mainly from 
my own obser\-ations. See also Boblaye, Recherches, p. 141 (who wrongly took 
them to be the remains of Melangea) ; \V. G. Clark, Pelop, p. 127 sq, ; Curtius, 
Pelop, I. p. 245 ; Vischer, Erimurttngen^ p. 343 ; Conze and Michaelis, in 
Annali delV Insiitttto^ 33 (186 1 ), p. 26; Guide-Joanne ^ 2. p. 379. 

7. 4. Philip's spring. On the ridge which joins the hill of Nestane 
to the village of Tsipiana there is a copious spring a few hundred yards 
from the village. The water issues from four pipes. The masonry is 
modem, but the spring is probably the one mentioned by Pausanias. 
See \V. G. Clark, Pelop. pp. 127, 130 ; Vischer, Erinnerungen^ P- 343 ; 
Conze and Michaelis, in Annali delP Instituti\ 33 (1861), p. 26. 

7. 6. The bull is crowned etc. This oracle is also quoted by 
Diodorus (xvi. 91). 

7. 7. Olympias killed Philip's infant son etc. According to 
Justin (ix. 7) Olympias first slew Cleopatra's infant daughter (not son) 
in the mother's lap and then compelled Cleopatra to hang herself. 
Philip had divorced Olympias on a suspicion of infidelity and married 
Cleopatra (Justin, ix. 5). Pausanias calls Cleopatra the niece of Attains ; 
according to Justin (/.*-.) she was his sister; according to Diodorus 
(xvi. 93, xvii. 2^ she was his aunt. 

7. 7. she killed Aridaeos also. Cp. i. 1 1. 4 note. 

7. 7- the deity was going to mow down the race of 

Oassander. Sec ix. 7. 2 $q. 

7 8. the story of Glaucus etc. See Herodotus, vi. 86. Cp. 
Paus. ii. 1 8. 2. 



CH. VIII MANTINEA 20i 

8. I. the Dancing-grotmd of Maera a fountain called Ame. 

The road to Mantinea leads nearly due west from the hill of Nestane 
across the southern end of the Fallow Pl^in. This part of the plain, 
lying at the western foot of the hill of Nestane, is probably * the dancing- 
ground of Maera.' After crossing the plain, the road rises over the low 
shoulder of Mt. Alesius (the "slight eminence" mentioned by Pausanias) 
and then descends into the plain of Mantinea. On the slope of Mt. 
Alesius, near the way-side, is a copious spring called Kopsocheria^ which 
has been identified as the fountain of Ame. More probably, however, 
Arne is the still more copious spring, or rather group of springs, in the 
Mantinean plain at the point where we enter it after crossing Mt. 
Alesius, on the way from Nestane to Mantinea. 

See Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 141 ; Vischer, Erinmrungen^ p. 343 so, ; W. G. 
Clark, Pelop. p. 131 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 213 note 2 ; Conze and Michaelis, in 
Annali delV Jnstiiuto, 33 (1861), p. 27 sq. ; Guide-Joanne, 2. p. 379; W. Loring, 
xnjoum, of Hellenic Studies , 15 (1895), p. 81. 

8. 2. gave him a foal to swallow instead of the child. The 
same legend is mentioned by Festus {s.v, *Hippius,' p. loi, ed. Miiller) 
and Servius (on Virgil, Georg, i. 12). 

8. 4. Mantinea. There is a paper on the history of Mantinea by 
Mr. G. Schwedler, *De rebus Mantinensium,' in Commentationes philo- 
logicae quibus Ottoni Ribbeckio — gratulantur discipuli Upsienses (Leipsic, 
1888), pp. 363-371. 

8. 4* Mantinens founded the city on a different site etc. 

See viii. 12. 7 note. Mantinea originally consisted of four or five 
separate villages or townships, the populations of which were united in 
a single city by the Argives. See Xenophon, Helientca, v. 2. 7 ; Strabo, 
viii. p. 337 ; Diodorus, xv. 5. 

8. 4. the present city. The ruins of Mantinea are situated in a 
flat, marshy, and treeless plain about nine miles north of the present 
town of Tripolitsa. The plain is about seven miles long from north to 
south, but in the latter direction it melts into the plain of Tegea ; the 
division between the two is marked only by the protrusion of rocky hills 
on either side, which here narrows the plain to about a mile in width. 
On the east the plain is bounded by the chain of Mt. Alesius, bare and 
high on the north, low and bushy on the south ; between the two sections 
of the chain thus marked off from each other is the dip through which 
the path goes to Nestane and so by the Prinus route to Argos. On the 
west of the plain rises the high rugged range of Mt. Maenalus, its lower 
slopes bare or overgrown with bushes, its higher slopes belted with dark 
pinewoods. Seen from the plain to the north of Mantinea on a bright 
autumn day, this fine range, with its dark blue lights and purple shadows, 
presents the appearance of a tossing sea of billows petrified by magic. 
Finally, on the north the plain of Mantinea is divided from that of 
Orchomenus by a low chain of reddish hills. A great part of the plain, 
including almost all the southern part, is covered with vineyards, the 
rich gp-een foliage of which, when the vines are in leaf, contrasts with 
the grey arid slopes of the surrounding mountains. But the site of 



202 MANTINEA BK. viii. arcadia 

Mantinea itself is now mostly corn-land. Not a single house stands 
within the wide area, and hardly one is within sight In spring the 
swampy plain is traversed by sluggish streams, little better than ditches, 
the haunts of countless frogs, which sun themselves on the banks and 
squatter into the water with loud flops at the approach of the wayfarer. 
The whole scene is one of melancholy and desolation. As the plain 
stands about 2000 feet above the sea, the climate is piercingly cold in 
winter as well as burning hot in summer. The marshes now render 
the site unhealthy at all times, but in antiquity it was doubtless better 
drained. Of the oak-forest through which the road ran from Mantinea 
to Tegea in the days of Pausanias nothing is left. Indeed the oak has 
long ago retreated from the plains to the mountains of Arcadia. 

The ruins of Mantinea lie towards the eastern side of the plain, not 
far from the foot of Mount Alesius. Immediately to the north of the 
ruins rises the isolated conical hill of Gourtsouli^ with bare uniform 
slopes, its summit crowned by a chapel and a clump of trees. This 
hill was probably the site of the oldest city (see note on viii. 12. 7). 

The circuit of the walls of Mantinea is nearly complete, with their 
gates and flanking towers ; but inside the walls the whole area is under 
tillage. Even the considerable area excavated a few years ago by the 
French archaeologists is again almost entirely buried under the soil. 
One of the crops raised is hashish for the Egyptian market. The 
general outline of the walls is elliptical or oval, approaching to circular. 
The longer axis lies north and south. The circuit of the walls measures 
nearly 2^ miles (3942 metres) ; it is almost entire, but there is a short 
gap on the eastern side and a longer, one on the south-west. The 
masonry is a splendid specimen of Greek fortification-walls of the best 
period, closely resembling the style of the walls of Messene. The walls 
were obviously built at the time when Mantinea was restored by 
Epaminondas after the battle of Leuctra (371 B.C.); probably it was 
the same Theban engineers who built Mantinea and Messene. The 
wall is built directly on the surface of the soil, without any foundations. 
It is composed of parallel courses of large blocks, mostly trapezoidal in 
shape. But in some places the masonry is fine polygonal. Two, three, 
and four courses are standing. (Leake says that in no place are there 
more than three courses above ground. But he is mistaken. I counted 
four courses in many places.) The average height of the wall is from 
3 to 6 feet, and is so uniform that there is little doubt that (as 
Leake first perceived) the upper part must have been built of sun-dried 
bricks which have mouldered away. The curtain, or wall between the 
towers, is regularly composed of three parts, namely an outer facing of 
large wrought stones put together without cement, an inner facing of 
smaller stones, and an intermediate space which is filled up with a 
rubble of broken stones mixed with mortar. The outer facing is about 
5 feet thick, the inner facing about 18 inches. The total thickness of 
the wall averages about 14 feet (4.20 metres). 

Square towers project from the wall at average inter\'als of about 
82 to 85 feet (25 to 26 metres). Sometimes the interval between 
the towers measures nearly 100 feet (30 metres), but this is excep- 



CH. VIII 



MANTINEA 



203 



tional. (These are the measurements given by Mr. Foug^res. I paced 
the distances between a number of the towers ; they measured variously 
28, 29, 30, and 33 paces, which agrees fairly well with Mr. Foug^res's 
measurements.) Travellers, differ in their estimate of the number of 
towers ; the ruins are in some places so dilapidated that it is not easy 
to say whether there was a tower there or not. Leake counted 1 1 8 
towers; Gell 116; Boblaye 120; Ross 130; Conze and Michaelis 
(without reckoning the towers at the gates) counted 93 certain and 5 
nearly certain. I counted about 102. The French archaeologists, who 
have recently studied Mantinea with care, reckon that, allowing for the 
towers which have disappeared, there were 109 flanking towers and 13 
for the defence of the gates, or 122 in all. All the flanking towers are 
square. Their dimensions vary ; generally they measure about 22 feet 
(6.60 metres) in front, and project about 15 or 16 feet from the line of 
the wall. Each tower communicated with the interior of the city by an 
opening in the circuit-wall. Inside the towers were staircases, probably 
of wood, which led up to the top of the wall. 

Eight of the gates of the city can still be traced ; but it seems 
probable that there were two more, one on the south and one on 




FIG. 26. — GROUND'PLAN OP ONB OK THE CA1 BS OF MANTINBA. 



the south-west, which have now wholly disappeared. The plan of the 
various gates differs somewhat in detail, but the object aimed at in all 
of them was to expose an enemy attacking the gate to a cross fire of 
missiles from walls and towers. At all the gates, except one, the circuit- 
wall overlaps, so that the approach to the gate is through a passage, 
from both sides of which the assailant could be attacked by the 
defenders ; and all the gates (except the one) open in such a direction 
that an enemy attacking the gate would have his right or unshielded 
side exposed to the inner wall. The entrance to each gate was defended 
by two towers, one on each side of the entrance. Some of these towers 
are round, others square, one at least is pentagonal. The gate on the 
north-west, leading to Clitor, is constructed on a different plan from all 
the rest. Here there is no overlapping of the circuit-wall ; the entrance 
leads straight through it at right angles. But the approach to this gate 
from the outside was through a sort of outer court shaped like a half- 
moon, each horn of which was defended by a round tower ; and inside 
the gate there was a rectangular court. Thus an enemy approaching 
the gate would have been assailed from the towers and from each side 
of the half-moon ; and if he forced his way through the gate, he would 



204 MANTINEA bk. viii. arcadia 

find himself caught, as it were, in a trap in the inner court This 
gateway is very ruinous, but enough remains to enable us to restore the 
plan of it. In general plan it resembles the Arcadian gate of Messene, 
though the details are different. (See note on iv. 31. 5.) The best 
preserved of all the gates is the one at the north-east, through which 
the road went to Melangea and thence to Argos by the pass of the 
Ladder. 

The whole circuit of the walls is protected on the outside by a wet 
ditch, formed by a small stream which flows in from the south-east and 
after encompassing the city so as to make it an island, re-unites its 
waters on the other side, flows away from the north-western side of the 
city, and disappears into a chasm about 2 miles off, at the foot of the 
western mountains. This stream is the Ophis mentioned by Pausanias. 
Its very circuitous course in the plain, after it leaves the walls of 
Mantinea, explains and justifies its name of Ophis (* snake'). 

The most minute and accurate description of the walls of Mantinea is by Mr. 
Foug^res in the Bulletin de Corresp, helUniqtu^ 14 (1890), pp. 65-90. See also 
Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 421 sqq, ; Gell, Itinerary of the Morea^ p. 139 5q.\ id.^ Journey 
in the Aforea, p. 136 sq, ; Leake, Morea^ I. p. 100 sqq. ; iV., 2. p. 280; id,^ 
Pelop, p. 380 sq, ; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 139 sq, ; V^MX^y Journal^ 2. p. 207 5qq, ; 
Fiedler, Reise^ i. p. 312 ; L. Ross, Reisen^ ?• 124 sqq, \ id,^ IVanderungen, i. 
p. 226 sq, ; Curtius, Pelop, I. p. 235 sqq. ; W. G. Clark, Pelop, p. 132 sqq, ; 
Vischer, Erinnerungen^ p. 344 sqq, ; Welcker, Tagebuch, i. p. 168 sqq, ; Bursian, 
Geogr, 2. p. 209 sqq, ; Baedeker,' p. 300 sq. ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 373 sq, ; 
Philippson, Pehponnes, p. 94 ; W. Loring, in Journ. of nellen. Studies, 15 (1895), 
p. 86. I visited Mantinea, 23rd April 1890, and again, 12th October 1895. 

8. 5. Homer's lines. The passages referred to are Iliad^ ii. 723, 
xii. 202 and 208. 

8. 5. Philoctetes suffering from the wound. On some 

representations of this subject in ancient art, see A. Michaelis, * Filottete 
fentOy^ An/tall delP Instituto^ 29 (1857), pp. 232-274; L. A. Milani, 
* Nuove Monumenti di Filottete,' Annali delP Inst. 53 (1881), pp. 249- 
289. 

8. 6. the battle of Dipaea. See iii. 11. 7 ; Herodotus, ix. 35. 

8. 6. they fought against the Lacedaemonians. This was at the 
battle of Mantinea in 418 B.C. See Thucydides, v. 64 sqq. ; and as to 
the topography of the battle, Leake, Morea^ 3. p. 57 sqq. The stream 
which on that occasion, before the battle, king Agis diverted into Man- 
tinean territory was no doubt the one which flows in a northerly direc- 
tion from near Tegea, crosses the boundary of the Mantinean territory 
just beneath the hill of Mytika (the ancient Scope, see below, viii. 1 1 . 7 
note), and disappears into a chasm in the south-west comer of the Man- 
tinean plain. This chasm is of the earthy kind, and hence is very 
liable to be silted up. When this happens, the surrounding country is 
at once flooded. The Mantineans were doubtless in the habit of 
damming it up at the frontier, so as to make it flood the Tegean plain, 
while the Tegeans would be equally anxious to keep its channel open 
till it reached Mantinean ground. Hence the constant feuds which the 
two peoples waged on the subject of the water (Thucydides, v. 65). See 
Mr. W. Loring, \n Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 15 (1895), ?• 85. 



CH. VIII MAN TINEA 205 

8. 6. shared in the Sicilian expedition. Cp. Thucydides, vi. 29. 

8. 7* Agesipolis soon took the city by diverting the river 

Ophis etc. This was in 385 B.C See Xenophon, Hellenicay v. 2. 4-7 ; 
Diodorus, xv. 5 and 12. Xenophon mentions that the Ophis flowed 
through the city. As no stream runs through the city now, it would 
seem that when the city was rebuilt after the battle of Leuctra (371 B.C.), 
the precaution was taken of altering the channel of the stream, so that 
it now flowed round, instead of through the city. Xenophon says that 
Agesipolis " dammed up the river which flowed through the city, and 
which was a very large stream. Hence the channel being blocked up, 
the water rose above the foundations of the houses and above the 
foundations of the city-wall. Thus the lower bricks being soaked and 
giving way under the upper bricks, the wall first cracked, and then 
began to topple over. For a while they made shift to prop it with logs 
and to prevent the tower from falling. But the water proving too much 
for them, they feared that the whole circuit of the walls might come 
down and the city be taken by the sword " etc. Here, as Leake has 
justly observed (Morea^ 3. p. 70), the words of Xenophon imply that 
the foundations of the walls were of stone, while the upper part was of 
unbumt brick. Thus the walls of the older city were constructed in 
much the same way as those of which the remains are still to be seen. 
They consisted of a foundation, or rather of a socle, of stone, on which 
rested an upper wall of unbumt brick. Similarly the walls of Athens 
which faced toward Mts. Pentelicus and Hymettus were of unbumt 
brick (Vitruvius, ii. 8. 9 ; Pliny, Nat, hist, xxxv. 172 ; C, I, A,\\, No. 
167). The upper part of the walls of Thespiae seems to have been of 
unbumt brick, while the lower part was of stone (H. N. Ulrichs, Reisen 
und Forschungen in Griechenland^ 2. p. 84) ; and the walls of Tegea 
were apparently constructed in the same way. See note on viii. 44. 8. 
Cp. E. Fabricius, Theben^ ?• 1 5 sqq, ; W. Dorpfeld, * Der antike Ziegel- 
bau und sein Einfluss auf den dorischen Stil,' Historische und philolog, 
Aufsdtze Ernst Curtius gewidnut^ pp. 139-1 50 ; Helbig, Das homerische 
Epos^ p. 68 ; and note on v. 16. i. At the point where the branches 
of the Ophis, after encircling the walls of Mantinea, reunite. Cell ob- 
served a mound which he thought might be the one raised by Agesipolis 
to flood the city {Itinerary of the Morea^ p. 142 ; ;V/., Journey in the 
Moreay p. 137). 

8. 8. bricks afford greater security etc. This observation is 
repeated by Suidas {s,v. *Ayis), who, however, supposes the comparison 
to be b^ween the advantages of burnt and unbumt bricks. 

8. 9. it had been struck out by Cimon etc. The capture of Eion 
by Cimon in 476 or 470 B.C. is mentioned by Herodotus (vii. 107), 
Thucydides (i. 98), Plutarch {Cimon, 7), and Polyacnus (vii. 24) ; but 
none of these writers mentions that Cimon flooded the city by damming 
up the Strymon, as Pausanias seems to imply that he did. 

8. 10. the people were brought back etc. Cp. ix. 14. 4. 

8. II. defeated the Spartan king Agis etc. See viii. 10. 5-10. 

8. II. They also fought against Cleomenes. This was at 

the battle of Sellasia. See note on iii. 10. 7. 



2o6 THE MANTINEAN RELIEFS bk. viii. arcadia 

8. II. they changed the name of their city to Antigonea. Pau- 
sanias speaks as if the Mantineans voluntarily changed the name of 
their city to Antigonea out of compliment to Antigonus. The truth 
seems to have been that Mantinea revolted from the Achaean League, 
and that the Achaeans conquered it, treated it with severity, and 
changed its name to Antigonea. It was still called Antigonea in 
Plutarch's time. See Plutarch, Aratus^ 45 ; cp. Polybius, ii. 57 sq. 

9. I. an image of Aescnlapius, a work of Alcamenes. It is con- 
jectured that Alcamenes may have executed this image in or soon after 
420 B.C., when Mantinea concluded an alliance with Athens (Thucy- 
dides, V. 47). See K. O. Miiller, *De Phidiae vita et operibus,' i. 19 
(Kunstarchdologisdie Wcrke^ 2. p. 31); E. Reisch, in Eranos Vindo- 
bonensis (Wien, 1893), ?• 21 sq, 

9. I. Latona and her children by Praxiteles. These may 

have been the originals or replicas of a corresponding set of images by 
the same sculptor which stood in a sanctuary of Apollo at Megaia 
(i. 44. 2 note). 

9. I . On the pedestal of these images are represented the Mnsee 
and Marsyas. On the nth of August 1887, the excavations con- 
ducted at Mantinea by Mr. Foug^res for the French School of Archae- 
ology brought to light three slabs adorned with reliefs which appear to 
be the sculptures here mentioned by Pausanias (Fig. 27). The slabs 
were found in a Byzantine church situated within the walls of 
Mantinea, about 126 yards from the south wall. Being laid face 
downwards they had served as flagstones in the church. The slabs 
are of white marble, and nearly of a size ; one of them measures 
1.35 metres in length by .96 m. in height ; the other two are 1.36 
m. long by .96 m. and .98 m. high. The holes in the slabs for 
fastening them show that they were attached to some monument, 
probably to three sides of a pedestal. From the similar disposition 
of these holes, as well as from the style of the sculptures, there can 
be no doubt that they belong to the same monument On each slab 
are carved three figures in relief. In the right-hand comer of one slab 
— the slab which probably occupied the front of the pedestal — Marsyas 
is represented playing the double flute. He is completely nude, and is 
standing with his legs apart, blowing with might and main, as his 
swollen muscles plainly indicate. In the opposite or left-hand comer 
Apollo, clad in a loose flowing robe, is seated in an attitude of dignified 
calm, his left hand resting on his lyre, his right hand holding a flap of 
his robe. In the centre of the slab, between Apollo and Marsyas, is a 
Phr>'gian slave, easily recognisable by his Phr>'gian cap and his tunic 
which barely reaches to his knees ; in his right hand- he holds a knife, 
ready to flay Marsyas. On another slab three of the Muses are repre- 
sented standing ; one holds aloft in her right hand a lyre, another grasps 
a parchment-roll, the third is reading a tablet. On the third slab there 
are also three Muses. The one on the right is seated holding a sort of 
mandoline j the one in the centre stands in a musing attitude, with 
nothing in her hands, which are hidden in the folds of her ample 
robe ; the one on the left stands with a double flute in her hand. 



2o8 THE MANTJNEAN RELIEFS BK. viii. ARCADIA 

Probably there was a fourth slab with the remaining three Muses ; it 
would be attached to the fourth side of the pedestal. Prof. Waldstein, 
however, thinks that the four slabs were in a row on the front side only 
of the pedestal ; and to this view Overbeck and Mr. Cawadias have 
assented. The subject of the reliefs is plainly the musical contest 
between Marsyas and Apollo, the former playing the flute, the latter the 
lyre, and the Muses acting as umpires. See Hyginus, /^a3. 165. There 
can be little doubt that these are the reliefs seen and briefly described 
by Pausanias. Though he does not expressly say that the scene repre- 
sented was the contest between Marsyas and Apollo, the mere mention 
of Marsyas playing the flute and of the Muses would be sufficient for 
Greek readers, to whom the legend of the contest was familiar. The 
artistic merit of the reliefs is high. The figures are easy and graceful ; 
equally free from the stiffness of the early period of Greek sculpture and 
from that florid luxuriance and ambitious straining after effect which 
characterised the sculpture of the decline. In short they have the 
simplicity, dignity, and repose of the best period of Greek art It is 
now generally ag^reed that the reliefs are those described by Pausanias, 
and that they were probably executed, if not by Praxiteles himself, by 
one of his pupils from designs furnished by the master. In particular 
the contrast between Mars>'as and Apollo, the former straining every 
nen'e in the contest, the latter seated in perfect calm, assured of victory 
and confident in his divine power, is ver>' striking and worthy of a g^reat 
artist. The reliefs are now in the National Museum at Athens. 

Sec G. Fougeres, * Bas-reliefe de Mantinee/ Bulletin de Corresp. kilUnique^ 
12 (1888), pp. 105-128; 0\'erbeck, 'Ueber die in Mantinea gefiindenen Rdiefe,' 
BerichteUber die Verhandl, d, kon. sacks. Gesell, d, IVissen. zu Leipzig. Philolog.' 




tinean Reliefs,* American Journal of Archae*>logyy 7 (i89i\ pp. 1-18 ; Cavi'adias, 
rXwrrA rov 'E^ruroO Moi"<reioi', Nos. 2 1 5-2 1 7 ; \V. Amelung, Di€ Basis des Praxi- 
teles aus Mantinea (Munich, 1S95). 

9. 2. a likeness of Polybins. Likenesses of Polybius, the historian, 
car\*ed in relief or in the round, were also set up at Megalopolis (viii. 
30. 8), Lycosura (viii. 37. 2\ Pallantium (\'iii. 44. 5), and Tegea (viii. 
48. 8). Another was found some years ago at Clitor, in Arcadia. It is 
a relief, representing in profile a crop-haired, beardless man under forty. 
His right arm is raised ; a long si>ear rests on his left arm ; a round 
shield and a helmet with a large crest stand on the ground in front of 
him. The foce, especially the nose, is mutilated a good deal, but the 
features are expressive and approach the Roman t>*pe. It appears to 
be the first authentic portrait of Polybius which has come to light See 
L. Gurlitt, 'Ein Kriegerrelief aus Kieitor,' MitfhciL d, arch, Inst, in 
Athen^ 6 (i88i\ pp. 154-166 ^Mr. Guriiit did not identif>- the relief as 
a portrait of Polybius, but see the article next cited;* ; A. Milchhofer, in 
Archdolo^ische Zvitunc. 39 (iS8i\ pp. 153-15S. There >*-as a statue 
of him also at Oh-mpia, dedicated by the city of Elis ; the inscribed 
pedestal was found by the Germans at Ol\-mpia in 1877 {Die Inschriften 



CH. IX 



MANTINEA 



209 



von Olympia^ No. 302; Hicks, Greek historical inscriptions^ No. 201 ; 
Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscr, Graec, No. 243). 

9. 2. Saviour Zeus. There was a sanctuary of Zeus in the market- 
place of Mantinea, where the archives were kept (Thucydides, v. 47. 
II). It may have been the one mentioned by Pausanias. But there 
appear to have been more sanctuaries than one of Zeus at Mantinea ; 
for on the site of the market-place, about 1 20 yards east of the theatre 
(see § 3 note), I copied (23rd April 1890) the following inscription : 

02 
AI02 EYBO[Y]A 

It is probably to be restored Atbs EvjSovAcws, *of Zeus the Good Coun- 
sellor.' This title was often applied to Zeus (Hesychius, j.v. Ev^ouAcvs; 
Diodorus, v. 72 ; see note on i. 14. 3 *Eubuleus'). From the situation 
of the inscription in the market-place it may possibly have belonged 
to the sanctuary of Zeus mentioned by Thucydides. The inscription 
has not, so far as I know, been published. The French excavators do 
not even mention it. 

9. 2. a sanctuary of the DioscurL On coins of Mantinea there 
is represented an altar or edifice, above which the busts 
of the Dioscuri appear in profile (Fig. 28) ; they wear 
the usual pointed caps and carry spears on their 
shoulders. On the reverse of these coins is represented 
a fisherman (?) wearing a conical cap, with his clothes 
girt up about his waist in a peculiar way ; he wears 
boots with tumed-up toes which seem to end in serpents, 
and in his hands he carries what have been variously 
interpreted as lances or harpoons (Fig. 29). See 
Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num, Comm. on Paus* 
p. 94, with pi. S. xviii. xix. The latter type has puzzled numismato- 

logists. Mr. Svoronos has explained it as represent- 
ing Ulysses carrying in his right hand a javelin and 
in his left an oar which he is in the act of planting 
in the ground, in obedience to the oracle of Tiresias 
(Homer, Odyssey y xi. 121 sqq,) See Svoronos, 
* Ulysse chez les Arcadiens,* Gazette archMogique^ 
13 (1888), pp. 257-280. Cp. note on viii. 14. 5. 

9. 2. one of Demeter and the Maid. Two in- 
scriptions found at Mantinea (?) throw some light 
on the ritual of this sanctuary. It appears that there 
was a festival called Koragia^ i,e. * The bringing of the 
Maid' (from the lower world, cp. Hesychius, s.v. Kopdyetv). A pro- 
cession and sacrifices formed part of the festival. Apparently a new 
robe was presented on this occasion to the goddess (Proserpine) and 
a temporary hut or shelter of some sort was erected within which 
her secret rites were performed. The image of the goddess was regu- 
larly received by the priest into his house. There were also certain 
ceremonies at the opening of the temple on the thirtieth day of the 

VOL. IV P 




PIG. a8.— THE DIO- 
SCURI (coin op 
mantinea). 




pig. 39. — ULYSSES 

with the oar? 
(coin op man- 
tinea). 



210 MANTINEA — THE THEATRE BK. viii. ARCADIA 

month (€v to4S T/jtaKoorois). Although there were priests, it would seem 
that the ceremonies were chiefly in the hands of a corporation or chapter 
of priestesses called Koragou They had a special chapel called the 
Koragion, The inscriptions from which we derive this information con- 
tain decrees in honour of two women, Nicippa, daughter of Pasias, and 
Phaena, daughter of Damatrius, who had liberally contributed to the 
celebration of the worship. The former lady is probably the Nicippe, 
daughter of Paseas, whom Pausanias mentions in § 6 of this chapter. 
See S. Reinach, Traiti tPt^igrapkie grecque^ P- 141 sqq, ; Immerwahr, 
Die arkadischen Kulte^ p. 100 sqq, 

9. 3. a temple of Hera beside the theatre. The theatre at 
Mantinea was partially excavated by the French in 1887-88. It is 
situated near the centre of the area enclosed by the city-walls, but a 
little more to the north-east. As it was built on a dead flat, the back 
had to be supported artificially. This was done by means of a wall of 
massive polygonal blocks forming rather more than a semicircle, of 
which the radius was 33.50 metres (about no feet). Thus the total 
breadth of the theatre was 67 metres (about 220 feet). The space 
enclosed by the supporting- wall was filled with rubble and mortar, on 
which the seats rested. The theatre faced east. Curiously enough, 
the wings are not symmetrically placed with regard to each other, nor 
is the stage symmetrical with the rest of the theatre. Only a few of the 
lower tiers of seats are preserved ; they were divided into seven blocks 
by eight staircases radiating from the orchestra, two of the staircases 
being at the extremities of the wings. The seats are all alike and of 
the simple pattern commonly adopted in Greek theatres. They consist 
of two parts ; the back part is a hollow for the feet of the spectator 
sitting in the tier above ; the front part is slightly raised and forms 
the seat proper. Some of the seats are of native limestone, others of 
white marble. Outside staircases led up to the seats from the wings and 
from the west and south-west. The orchestra is a section of a circle of 
which the radius was 10.85 nietres (about 35i feet). Three walls of the 
stage have been preserxed, namely the front wall and the two short side 
walls. The front wall is 21.07 metres long (about 69 feet). It is 
built of two courses of white limestone, of which the whole of the 
lower is preserved. On the upper course are the holes and traces of 
the columns which here, as at Oropus, decorated the front of the stage ; 
there appear to have been sixteen such columns. In the middle 
of the front wall is a doorway. The stage-walls are built of rough 
blocks, fitted with earth and mortar. They are of Roman date, and so 
apparently is the rest of the theatre, except the supporting-wall and the 
outside western staircase, the remains of which are built of fine poly- 
gonal masonry. At the back of the stage there was a large quad- 
rangular hall, which probably served as a greenroom. In the angle 
between the southern wing of the theatre and the stage buildings the 
remains of two rectangular edifices were discovered by the French 
archaeologists. Of the more northerly of the two little more than the 
foundations are preserved. They measure about 54 feet by 30 feet. 
The building is turned east and west and appears to have been a temple 




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212 MANTINEA BK, VIII. ARCADIA 

of the sort called prostyle in antis^ ue, with two columns between aniae 
on the front, but without a back-chamber {apisthodomos). It may have 
been the temple of Hera, which, as Pausanias tells us, was near the 
theatre. The other edifice is still more ruinous. It is a rectangle 
12. 1 o metres long by 6.75 m. broad, turned north and south. Mr. 
Foug^res conjectures that it may have been the sanctuary of Zeus in 
the market - place where a copy of the treaty of alliance between 
Mantinea, Athens, Elis and Argos was deposited in 420 B.C. (Thucy- 
dides, V. 47. 11). See G. Fougeres, in Bulletin de Corresp, /lellMque, 
14 (1890), pp. 248-254 ; Guide-Joanne^ P- 375 ^9- 

9. 3. fetched his bones from Maenalus etc. Cp. viii. 36. 8. 

9. 5. one is of a round form etc. In the market-place of Mantinea 
(see note on § 9), near the north-east comer, the French excavators 
laid bare the pavement of a circular building composed of limestone 
slabs arranged in concentric rings round a central circular slab. It 
measures 6.10 metres across. The workmanship is good. On the 
outer ring, at the north side, is a block of marble, which I took to be a 
base of a statue ; but it may have been, as Mr. Fougeres suggests, part 
of the base of a circular colonnade. See Bulletin de Corresp. hellMique^ 
14 (1890), p. 261. This circular building may possibly have been the 
tomb of Antinoe or * Common Hearth,' as it was called. But its 
distance from the theatre (about 140 yards) is against the identification. 
As to Antinoe see viii. 8. 4 ; as to the Common Hearth, see note on 
viii. 53. 9. 

9. 5. Ghrylus, son of Xenophon. Cp. viii. 11. 6. 

9. 6. a temple of Aphrodite. L. Ross {Reisen^ p. 125 sq,) 
thought he perceived the foundations of this temple to the west of the 
theatre ; but Mr. Fougeres thinks it probable that he was deceived by 
the lines of stones with which the peasants have bordered certain paths 
in order to keep carts and horses out of their fields. It is these rows of 
stones, according to Mr. Fougeres, which several travellers have mis- 
taken for the lines of the ancient streets {Bulletin de Corresp. hclU'nique^ 
14 (1890), p. 246). 

9. 6. Nicippe, daughter of Paseas. See note on § 2 above (' one 
of Demeter and the Maid '). 

9. 6. They also worship Athena Alea, and they have a sanctuary 
and image of her. A mutilated archaic inscription found at Mantinea 
contains a list of debtors of Alea, doubtless the goddess whom Pausanias 
calls Athena Alea. As interpreted by Mr. Homolle the inscription 
relates to a crime which had been perpetrated in the sanctuary of 
the goddess. Several men and a girl had been murdered ; twelve of 
the criminals had been tried and condemned, while a thirteenth man, 
Phemandros by name, was accused but not yet tried. The murderers 
were to pay fines to the goddess ; and if the fines were not paid, the 
families or clans of the guilty persons were to be excluded for ever from 
the sanctuary. See G. Fougeres and Th. Homolle, in Bulletin de 
Corresp. hellMquey 16 (1892), pp. 568-576, 580-596. The chief seat 
of the worship of Athena Alea was at Tegea. See viii. 45. 4. 

9. 7. Antinous is esteemed by them a god. The head of 



CH. IX WORSHIP OF ANTINOUS ' 213' 

Antinous appears on coins of Mantinea ; one such coin was found on 
the spot. See Dodwell, Tour^ 1, p. 423 ; Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, 
Num, Comm, on Pans, p. 95 ; Catalogue of Coins in the Brit, Mus.^ 
Peloponnesusy p. 177, pi. xxxiii. i and 2. On some Mantinean (?) 
coins Antinous is identified with Pan, the inscription on the coin being 
ANTINOft HANI (L. Dietrichson, Antinoos (Christiania, 1884), p. 
304 sq,) An architrave, found in the Byzantine church about 200 yards 
to the south-east of the theatre at Mantinea, bears the following inscrip- 
tion, which I copied on the spot, 23rd April 1890. It has not yet, so 
far as I know, been published in full (cp. Bulletin de Corresp, hellknique^ 
14 (1890), p. 267 sq,) The block is about 12 feet long, and, when I 
saw it, lay upside down. 

ri0TAI0SErPTKAH2HPKAAN02A0TIB0TAAI02IIEI02THNST0AN2TN 
TAI2ENATTHESEAPAI2THMANTINEfiNII0AEIKAIT0EniX0PI0eE0ANTIN00KAT 

2KETA2EAIAT0NKAHP0N0M0X 

r(tttos) louAios Ev/oukXt/s "H/oKAavos, A(ovKtos) Ovi^oi;AA.tos Ilctos t^v 
OToav <ri»v | Tttts kv aiV^ €^€8pai^ tq MavTtvcwv iroX^i koX ry kirL\(s)pLt^ 
^€<J) 'AvTti'oo) KaT\<.€>(rK€V(ur€ Sia rhv KX-qpovofiov. 

** Gains Julius Eurycles and Lucius Vibullius Pius built the colonnade 
with the halls in it for the city of the Mantineans and for the native god 
Antinous on account of the heir." In the last line of the inscription I 
presume that A (after ^IKEYASE) is for A (the bottom line of the letter 
may have been effaced, or my transcript may be wrong). Further, 
KaT€crK€va<r€ seems to be a mistake of the mason for Karco-Kcvao-av. 
The last words of the inscription ("on account of the heir") are not 
intelligible to me. The colonnade, with its halls, thus dedicated to 
Antinous, appears to have adjoined the south-east comer of the market- 
place (see note on § 9). The games celebrated at Mantinea in honour 
of Antinous (see § 8 and 10 § i) are mentioned in an inscription found 
on the citadel of Argos (Dietrichson, op. at, p. 328). An inscription 
found at Olympia mentions "the great games of Antinous," which may 
be the Mantinean games (Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 452 ; cp. 
/V/., No. 450). Games in honour of Antinous were also celebrated at 
Argos, Athens, and Eleusis, and they seem to have continued well into 
the third century A.D. See C /. G. No. 1 124 ; C. L A, iii. No. 1202 ; 
Dietrichson, op, cit. p. 97 sq. ; Hertzberg, Gesck, Gnechenlands unter 
der Herrschaft der RdmcKy 2. p. 345 sqq. 

9. 7. An Egyptian city on the Nile is named after Antinons. 

Antinous died a mysterious death in Egypt, and Hadrian founded a city 
called Antinoupolis on the spot where he died (Dio Cassius, Ixix. 1 1 ; 
Ammianus Marcellinus, xxii. 16. 2 ; cp. Spartianus, Hadrian, 14). 

9. 7. lie receives homage. See note on v. 4. 2. Dio Cassius 
says (Ixix. 1 1 ) that Hadrian set up " statues, or rather images " of 
Antinous in all parts of the world. 

9. 7* Antinous was a native of Bithyninm. So too says 
Dio Cassius (Ixix. 11), adding that in his time the city was called 
Claudiopolis. 



214 MANT/NEA—THE MARKE' bk. viii. ARCADIA 

9. 8. the original of which is in the Oeramicns. See i. 3. 4. 

9. 9. the market-place of Mantinea. This was cleared by the 
French in their excavations of 1887-88 (see Fig. 30, p. 211). It is a 
large rectangular space to the east of the theatre, measuring 1 60 metres 
from east to west by 90 m. from north to south (175 yards by 98). 
On the north and east it was bordered by colonnades which, with the 
exception of the one next the theatre, appear to be of Roman date. 
Inscriptions found in the north colonnade and dating, apparently, from 
the first century A.D., speak of great reconstructions effected in the 
market-place by one Euphros>Tius, son of Titus, and by his wife Epigone, 
daughter of Artemon. They restored temples, and built banqueting- 
halls and treasuries for societies. Epigone further erected a bazaar 
{tnacellus) surrounded by workshops, an exedra or semicircular hall 
"which by itself would be an ornament of the city," and a marble 
colonnade that added much to the beauty of the market-place. 

The western side of the market-place was occupied by the theatre. 
At the western end of the north side, close to the northern wing of the 
theatre, is a small paved rectangle with traces of columns. It seems to 
have been originally a portal to the market-place, but to have been 
afterwards blocked up and rendered useless by the construction of the 
theatre. To the east of this portal extended a colonnade, the front line 
of which was found by the French archaeologists to exist for a length 
of 31 metres (about 102 feet). It is a pavement of white limestone 
with a row of nine round holes in which no doubt Doric columns were 
set. The massive foundations of this colonnade are a proof of its 
antiquity. It may be a remnant of the original market-place. In any 
case it is probably earlier than the reconstructions carried out in the 
Roman period by Euphrosynus and Epigone. In front of it are the 
foundations of a semicircular structure, which may have been either the 
pedestal of a group of statuar>' or a seat {exedra). 

To the east of this colonnade, still on the north side of the market- 
place, was an entrance to the market-place, beyond which another line 
of colonnades extended eastward. First, there is a colonnade 38 metres 
long resting on a three -stepped basement ; but as the top step or 
stylobate proper has disappeared it is impossible to tell the number or 
architectural order of the columns. At the back of this colonnade was 
constructed an edifice somewhat resembling the Exedra of Herodes 
Atticus at Olympia (see above, p. 72 sqq.) It includes a semicircular 
portion at the back and an oblong portion in front. The former portion 
is enclosed by a semicircular wall of bricks resting on a foundation of 
small stones ; the latter is divided by partition walls into a number of 
compartments. The diameter of the semicircle is 38 metres. The 
thickness of the walls proves that the semicircular portion was roofed 
with an arched vault, which may have been decorated with statues. 
Mr. Fougiires thinks that the building was in two stories. It may have 
been the exedra which is known from an inscription to have been built 
by Epigone, probably in the first century a.d. Within it were found 
the remains of an earlier edifice which must have been pulled down 
when the exedra was built. This earlier edifice would seem to have 



CH. IX MANTINEA—THE MARKET 215 

been a square court, measuring 27 metres on each side, with rows of 
Doric columns in the interior. One row of columns ran along each 
side of the court, and there were three colunms in each row. The 
drums of the columns have twenty flutes each ; they are made of con- 
glomerate coated with stucco, and are of a heavy dumpy shape. This 
square court with its columned interior may have been perhaps an old 
bazaar which was replaced by the new bazaar built by Epigone. 

To the east of the exedra extended a covered gallery or colonnade 
with two rows of columns in the interior. The bases of the columns, 
roughly constructed of rubble and mortar supporting slabs, are still in 
their places. The columns and roof were probably of wood. At the 
back of this colonnade, and abutting on the exedra of Epigone, are a 
number of badly -built rooms surrounding a small paved rectangular 
court. This was probably the bazaar surrounded by workshops in the 
Oriental style which Epigone bestowed on Mantinea. The inscription, 
already referred to, speaks of it in lofly terms, but it seems to have 
been a poor affair in reality. In the room at the south-west angle 
there was a mosaic pavement with representations of animals. The 
entrance to the bazaar was on the east. 

The eastern side of the market-place was bounded by another 
colonnade, with a single row of columns in the interior. This may 
have been the marble colonnade erected by Epigone. Abutting on its 
back, at the north-east, are two quadrangular halls built of rubble and 
bricks. They may be the banqueting-halls mentioned in the inscrip- 
tion. 

At the south-east comer of the market-place a street entered it 
from the south, coming probably from the Tegean gate. Just before 
entering the market-place the street skirted on the right a long 
colonnade, of which eleven unfluted columns were found in their places. 
The columns are slender ; the distance between each pair of columns 
is 4.30 metres (about 14 feet). At the back of the colonnade is a 
large building built of bricks and of slight materials and divided into 
a number of compartments. The French archaeologists thought that 
this colonnade with the rooms at the back of it might be " the colonnade 
and halls " dedicated by Eurycles (and Vibullius) to Antinous, of which 
the architrave has been found (see note on § 7). This seems im- 
probable. The columns are, as the French themselves admit, too 
slender and too far apart to support this heavy stone architrave ; and, 
as the French also admit, the style of the colonnade which has been 
discovered is much simpler than that of the architrave. There seems, 
therefore, no reason to suppose that the architrave has any connexion 
with the colonnade. 

Just to the west of the point where the street enters the market- 
place at its south-east corner, a small rectangular structure projects into 
the market-place. The basement is of marble, carefully wrought ; it 
supported a colonnade which ran round the three outer sides of the 
building (four columns in front and three at the sides, counting the 
columns at the angles twice over). It measures 8 metres in front and 
4.50 m. at the sides. In style it resembles the architrave of Eurycles 



21 6 M4NTINEA BK. viii. arcadxa 

and VibuUius, and may have been part of the buildings dedicated by 
them to Antinous. 

To the west of this structure there is a large building opening on 
the market-place. It forms a quadrangle 35 metres long by 19 m. 
deep, with projecting wings at the ends. The masonry is good Greek 
work. On the south side of the building, away from the market-place, 
is an Ionic colonnade ; it is apparently a later addition to the building ; 
the columns, of which there were originally ten, seem to be of the 
Macedonian epoch. The French excavators think that the building 
may be the Council House. See Bulletin de Corresp, hclUn, 14 
(1890), pp. 256-269; Guide-Joanne^ 2. pp. 376-378. 

9. 9. a shrine of the hero Podares. In the market-place, near 
its north-west angle and close to the theatre, the French discovered the 
foundations and parts of the walls of a building which may be the 
shrine of Podares. It is a rectangle turned east and west. The 
foundations are of rough stones ; the walls are built of blocks well 
squared and carefully fitted. The workmanship is Greek, not Roman. 
Near the building were found fragments of tiles, of which the one was 
inscribed with the name of Podares (IIOAAPEOS), the other with some 
letters of it (IIOAAPI). The building had been converted into a 
Byzantine church. See Bulletin de Corr, helUn, 14 (1890), p. 255 
sq. ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 378. 

9. 10. Grylns, son of Xenophon. Cp. above § 5 ; below 11. 6 ; 
i. 3. 4; ix. 15. 5. Aristotle, cited by Diogenes Laertius (ii. 6. 55), 
says that the number of epitaphs and panegyrics written on Grylus, 
partly to console and gratify his father Xenophon, was endless. 

9. 10. Oephisodoms. He fell in the battle while commanding the 
Athenian cavalry jointly with Grylus ; Dinarchus mentioned him in a 
speech (Harpocration, s.v. Kyj(f)w68(apos ; cp. Diogenes Laertius, ii. 
6. 54). 

10. I. a stadium. On the slope of Mt. Alcsius the English 
traveller W. G. Clark saw a semicircular grassy recess, which he took 
to be the round end of the stadium (Peloponnesus, p. 131 sg.) 

10. 2. the sanctuary of Horse Poseidon. According to Polybius 
(ix. 8. 11) the sanctuar>' of Poseidon was 7 furlongs from Mantinea 
and the ground about it was flat (xi. 1 2. 6). The latter statement is 
quite consistent with the remark of Pausanias that the sanctuary was at 
the skirts of the mountain. At the hamlet of Kalyina^ about 1200 
metres (1400 yards) south of the Tegean gate of Mantinea, Mr. 
Foug^res found two long and broad flags of limestone deeply imbedded 
in the sandy soil ; they appear to have formed a threshold. Now (i) 
the enormous weight of the blocks makes it unlikely that they have 
been transported from their original site ; (2) fragments of antiquity, 
including a Doric capital and a relief representing Poseidon seated with 
his trident in his hand, have been found here ; and (3) some marbles, 
scattered in the neighbouring hamlet (especially an inscription con- 
taining an act of enfranchisement dated by the priest of Poseidon), 
are said by the peasants to have been brought from this spot. For 
these reasons Mr. Fougeres concludes that this stone threshold marks 



CH. X SANCTUARY OF POSEIDON 217 

the site of the sanctuary of Poseidon. The distance from Mantinea 
agrees well enough with the 7 furlongs of Polybius or the 6 of 
Pausanias. See Bulletin de Corr, kelUn. 14 (1890), p. ^o sg. \ and 
Critical Note, vol. i. p. 595. Poseidon was the chief god of Mantinea ; 
hence the Mantineans bore the trident of Poseidon as the scutcheon on 
their shields (Schol. on Pindar, Olyffip, xi. 83). From inscriptions it 
appears that the Mantineans dated their years by the priests of Poseidon, 
as the Argives did by the priestesses of Hera. See Immerwahr, Die 
arkadischen Kulte^ ?• 37- 

10. 2. Agamedes and Trophonius. See ix. 11. i ; ix. 37. 4 sqq. ; 

X. 5. 13. 

10. 3. merely stretched a woollen thread across it etc. We are 
reminded of the tricolour ribbon which, stretched round the Temple 
during the days of the September massacres, protected Louis XVI. and 
his family from the fury of the Parisian mob. See Carlyle, French 
Revolution^ bk. i. chap. 5. 

10. 3. Aepytns made his way into the sanctuary etc. Cp. 

viii. 5. 5. 

10. 4. the wave on the Acropolis. Pausanias here refers to the 
salt well of Poseidon in the Erechtheum. See i. 26. 5 note. 

10. 4* the god whom in their own tongue they call Osogoa. He 
is called Zeus Osogoa ('Oo-oywa) in inscriptions found at Mylasa. See 
Bulletin de Corresp, helUnique^ 5 (1881), pp. 98-101. Cp. C. /. G. 
Nos. 2693 ^» 2700. Strabo also (xiv. p. 659) mentions the sanctuary of 
Zeus Osogoa at Mylasa, and says that it was in the city. 

10. 5. a victory over Agis and the Lacedaemonians. Cp. viii. 8. 1 1 . 
This battle is not mentioned by any other ancient writer, and Pausanias's 
statement that Agis was killed in the battle is implicitly contradicted by 
Plutarch, who describes in detail how Agis was seized by conspirators 
in Sparta and put to death {Agis^ 19 sq,) Plutarch is doubtless right, 
and it has been questioned whether Pausanias's account of the battle is 
not a blunder of his. Leake, however, thinks that the battle was 
probably fought " soon after the liberation of Corinth by Aratus in the 
year B.C. 243, Agis being then opposed to him ; whereas, before his 
death, which happened about 240 B.C., Agis became allied with Aratus 
against the Aetolians " {Morea^ 3. p. 86). Cp. Vischer, Erinnerungen^ 
p. 350 note **. 

10. 7- Aratus and his troops fell slowly back. The tactics here 
described were adopted by Hannibal at the battle of Cannae. See 
Polybius, iii. 115 sq \ Livy, xxii. 47. 

10. 9- i^ods are present at fights etc. Cp. x. 8. 7 note ; x. 23. 2 
note. 

10. 10. a deer is a longer lived animal etc. According to Hesiod 
the crow lived nine generations of men, deer lived four times as long as 
crows (hence thirty-six generations), the raven lived thrice as long as a 
deer, the phoenix nine times as long as the raven, and the nymphs lived 
ten times as long as the phoenix. See Plutarch, De de/, orac, 1 1 ; 
Pliny, Nat, hist, vii. 153. Cp. Schol. on Oppian, Cyneg, iii. 117. 
There was a story that 100 years after the death of Alexander the 



ai8 MANTINEA TO TEGEA bk. vrii. arcadia 

Great, live deer were found with golden necklaces which he had put on 
them (Pliny, NcU. hist. viii. 119). To restore Aeson to youth, Medea 
is said to have infused into his veins a decoction made partly of the 
liver of a stag and the head of a crow which had lived nine generations. 
See Ovid, Metam, vii. 273 sg. Cp. /V/., iii. 194 ; Virgil, Eclog. vii. 30 ; 
Cicero, Tuscul. iii. 28. 69. Aristotle disbelieved in the longevity of 
deer {Hist, anim. vi. 29, p. 578 b, 24 sqq,) Cp. Stephani, in Comptc 
Rendu (St. Petersburg) for 1863, p. 140 sq, 

11. I. the roa4 from Mantinea to Tegea leads througlL the oak 
WOOCL This wood has now entirely disappeared. The Mantinean and 
Tegean plains at the present day are treeless. Vineyards cover most 
of the southern part of the Mantinean plain. 

11. 2. she would make their old father young again etc. This 
story is illustrated by a painting on a fine black-figured vase, in which 
the ram is depicted issuing alive from the caldron, hailed with joyful 
surprise by the daughters of Pelias, while the aged king himseU sits 
looking on with interest (Miss Harrison, Greek Vase Paintings^ pL ii. ; 
Baumeister*s Denkmdler^ fig. 1394, p. 1201). Stories like that of 
Medea and Pelias are current among European peasants in Scandinavia, 
Germany, Russia, and Italy. They tell how Christ, or St. Peter, or 
the Devil, going about the earth in disguise, restored an old person to 
youth or a dead person to life by boiling him in a kettle or burning him 
in a smith's forge, and how a bungler (generally a smith) tried to do 
the same and failed. See Grimm's Household Tales^ No. 81, * Brother 
Lustig' ; Dasent's Popular Tales from the Norse^ *The Master Smith' ; 
Ralston, Russian Folk-tales^ * The Smith and the Demon,' p. 5 7 sqq. ; 
Crane, Italian Popular Talesy * The Lord, St Peter, and the Blacksmith,' 
p. 188 sq, Cp K. O. Miiller, Orchomenos und die Minyer, p. 262 sq» 

11. 4. At this point the road grows very narrow. This probably 
refers to the point on the road between Mantinea and Tegea where the 
plain narrows to about a mile in width through the projection into it of 
two opposite spurs of the mountains, one on the west side, the other on 
the east. The spur on the west side is now called Mytika (* little nose '). 
It is nearly 4 miles north of the modem Tripolitsa, The ancient 
Phoezon was probably not far off. See L. Ross, Reisen, p. 123 ; Curtius, 
Pchp, I. p. 246; Baedeker,'^ p. 299; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 371 ; 
Philippson, Peloponncs^ p. 94. 

11. 4* the tomb of Areithous, sumamed Crorynetes ('club- 
man'). This Areithous is mentioned by Homer (//.vii. 8 sqq,^ 137 sqq^ 
He was treacherously slain by Lycurgus, king of Arcadia (Paus. viii. 
4. 10). 

11. 5. It was here that the cavalry fight took place etc. The 
battle of Mantinea, in which Epaminondas fell, is described by Xenophon 
{Hellenica^ vii. 5) and Diodorus (xv. 84-87). Cp. Leake, Morea^ 3. p. 
76 sqq, ; A. Schacfer, * Die Schlacht bei Mantinea,' Rheinisches Museum^ 
N.F. 5 (1847), pp. 45-69 ; \V. Loring, in Journal oj Hellenic Studies, 
15 (iS95\ p. 87 sq. It is disputed whether the battle was fought in 
363 or 362 B.C. See U. Kohler, in Mitt/uil, d, arch, Inst, in At/ten, i 
(1S76), p. 197 sqq,\ G. F. Ungcr, *Die Mantineiaschlacht, 363 v. 



CH. XI HILL OF SCOPE 219 

Chr.,' Philologus, 49 (1890), pp. 1 21-133. Prof. Unger maintains that 
the battle was fought in August 363 B.C. 

11. 5. the Lacedaemonians allege that it was a Spartan who 
slew him. According to Plutarch {Agesilaus^ 35) it was a Laconian 
named Anticrates who gave Epaminondas his death-wound. He was 
rewarded with honours and immunities, and his family were to be free 
from taxes for ever. This immunity was actually enjoyed in Plutarch's 
time by Callicrates, a descendant of Anticrates. All Anticrates* s 
descendants, according to Plutarch, bore the general name of Machaeri- 
ones because the fatal blow was supposed to have been given with a 
knife {tnachcurct), 

11. 7. Scope ('the look'). This is commonly identified with the 
rocky hill of Mytika (see note on § 4) ; but this is a pure conjecture. 
Pausanias does not even say that the spot was an eminence. It may 
have been in the plain for all we know. See Leake, Morea^ i. p. 112 
sq, ; /V/., 2. p. 282 sq, ; /V/., 3. p. 94 ; L. Ross, Reiseity p. 123 ; Curtius, 
Pelop, I. p. 247 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 215 ; Baedeker,'^ p. 299 ; Guide- 
Joanne^ 2. p. 372. Mr. W. Loring plausibly identifies Scope, not with 
the summit of the hill oi Mytika^ which is a clear 1000 feet above the 
plain, but with a shoulder of it at least 600 feet lower down. Here he 
found the ruin of a small tower about 14^^ feet square, built of excellent 
hewn polygonal masonry with rough bossy surface, very like the masonry 
of a great part of the walls of Mantinea and probably dating, like them, 
from the fourth century B.C. The peasants call it the Windmill {Anema- 
ntylos\ and some of the better-educated inhabitants of Tripolitsa regard 
it as the tomb of Epaminondas. Mr. Loring cleared out the inside of 
the tower till he reached the rock without finding any traces of human 
burial. Hence he concluded that the ruin was that of a small watch- 
tower {skope^ literally * look ') built on the boundary of the Mantinean 
and Tegean territories, of which it commands a fine view. In the time 
of Pausanias the border feuds between the neighbour towns had long 
ceased under the pax Romana^ and with the advent of peace the watch- 
tower had probably fallen into decay. But it may well have retained 
its name, and from the name popular fancy may have evolved the tragic 
conception of the dying hero taking here his last lingering look at the 
fight, much as popular fancy has given to one of the hills near Granada 
the name of * the last sigh of the Moor,* because from it the last Moorish 
king is supposed to have looked back wistfully for the last time at 
Granada. That the mortally-wounded Epaminondas should really have 
been carried over such rough ground to such a height is, as Mr. Loring 
justly observes, incredible. See W. Loring, \n Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 

15 (1895), p. 82 sq, 

11. 10. Similarly Hannibal was afterwards deceived etc. This 
story is told also by Appian {Syriac, 11) and Plutarch {Flamin. 20), 
both of whom quote the ambiguous oracle. That the grave of Hannibal 
was at Libyssa is mentioned also by Pliny {Nat, hist, v. 149) and 
Ammianus Marcellinus (xxii. 9. 3). 

11. 12. this Sicily is a small hill not far from Athens. According 
to Suidas (p. 950, ed. Bekker) Archidamus son of Agesilaus was warned 



220 MANTINEA TO METHYDKIUM BK. viii. Arcadia 

by the Delphic oracle to beware of Sicily ; so he avoided the island of 
Sicily, but fell in battle at Sicily, * the three-legged hill ' in Attica. The 
hill of Sicily is thought to be a little rocky hill south of the Ilissus, 
opposite the Museum hill ; there are traces of walls on its northern 
summit. See Kaupert, in Monatsberichte of the Berlin Academy, 1 7th 
July 1879, p. 620; Curtius, Die Stadtgeschichte von Athen^ p. 113. 
Formerly Curtius inclined to identify the hill of Sicily with the rocky 
hill which projects from the Museum hill on the south-west, on the 
north side of the Ilissus {Rheinisches Museum^ 8 (1853), pp. 133-137). 
The hill of Sicily is mentioned in a fragmentary itinerary of the Piraeus, 
which exists only in a papyrus found a few years ago by Mr. Flinders 
Petrie at Hawara in Fayoom. See Berliner philolog, Wochcnschrift^ 9 
(1889), p. 1546 sqq, ; Curtius, Die Stadtgeschichte von Athen^ p. cxx. 

12. I. The oaJcs of Arcadia are of different kinds. On 

the different kinds of oaks found in Greece, see Fiedler, Reisey i. p. 519 
sqq, ; Philippson, Peloponnes^ p. 529 sqq, ; Neumann und Partsch, 
Physikalische Geographic von Gricchenland^ pp. 376-383. Extensive 
oak-woods are still found on the mountains of Western Arcadia and the 
high plateaus of Elis, which border on Arcadia, but I do not remember 
to have noticed oaks on the Arcadian plains. 

12. I. floats of it for anchors and nets. The cork-floats which 
buoyed up fishing -nets are often mentioned by ancient writers. See 
Pindar, Pyth, ii. 144 sqq,y with the Schol. ; Aeschylus, Choeph, 506 sq. \ 
Aelian, Nat, anim, xii. 43 ; Alciphron, i. i ; Plutarch, De genio SocratiSy 
22 ; Ovid, Trist. iii. 4. 1 1 sq. ; Pliny, Nat, hist. xvi. 34 ; Sidonius 
Apollinaris, Epist. ii. i, p. 214, ed. Baret. Cp. Yates, Textrinum 
AntiquorutHy pp. 432-434. The cork-tree seems not to grow wild in 
any part of European Greece at the present day (Leake, Morea^ 3. p. 52). 

12. 2. From Mantinea a road leads to Methydrium etc. The 
plain of Mantinea is bounded on the west by a low rocky range of hills 
which divides it from a narrow plain. This narrow plain or valley (the 
plain of Alcimedon) runs north and south, parallel to the Mantinean 
plain, from which it is entered on the east by two defiles, one 
at the village of Kapsia i\ miles due west of Mantinea, the other 
at the village of Simiaiies^ about 2 miles farther to the north. A 
traveller from Mantinea to Methydrium might go by either of these 
defiles, for the routes join in the plain of Alcimedon, but the route by 
Kapsia is the more direct and is probably the one taken by Pausanias. 
It runs due west across the plain from Mantinea for about 2 miles, 
passes through the defile of Kapsia^ and turns north through the plain 
of Alcimedon. This narrow plain is traversed by the pebbly bed of the 
torrent Kapseiros^ and is bounded on the west by the massive, pine-clad 
heights of Mt. Maenalus. The peak of Mount Maenalus, which now 
goes by the name of Mt. St. Elias^ is probably the Mount Ostracina of 
Pausanias. We follow the plain northwards till we come opposite the 
defile of Simiadcs^ which communicates with the Mantinean plain on 
the east. Here we turn westward up the wild ravine of the Xen'as 
between the pyramidal peaks of Mt. Aidinion the south and the rounded 
summits of Mt. Ostracina on the north. Above the ravine is Kardara, 



CH. XII MANTINEA TO ORCHOMENUS 221 

a hamlet of charcoal-burners. After following the bed of the torrent 
(which is generally dry) for about an hour and a quarter, we emerge 
from the gorge upon a ridge, from which the eye ranges over masses 
of bare, grey mountains, sparsely dotted with larch -trees. The path 
then runs between the wooded heights of Mt. Ostracina {St Elias) on 
the north and walls of yellowish rock on the south. In this neighbour- 
hood, perhaps, was Petrosaca, the boundary between the territories of 
Mantinea and Megalopolis. 

See Guide-Joanne f 2. p. 380 ; cp. Leake, Morea, 2. pp. 278-281 ; Gell, Itinerary 
of the Aforea, p. 144 ; id., Journey in the Morea, p. 367 ; Boblaye, Rechtrches, p. 
142 ; Curtius, Pelop, I. p. 242 sq. ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. pp. 207, 214 sq, ; Baedeker,' 
p. 301 ; W. Loring, in Journal of Hellenic Studies, 15 (1895), p. 83 sq, Petro- 
saca is mentioned by Stephanus Byz. (x.z'. Il6rp6<ra«ca) as a place in Arcadia. 

12. 4. Hercules heard the jay etc. "The lower regions of 

the Arcadian mountains are covered with oaks, among which are fre- 
quently heard the hoarse screams of the jay, still called Ktoxra " (Sib- 
thorp, in R. Walpole's Memoirs relating io European and Asiatic 
Turkey^ (London, 18 18), p. 283). 

12. 5. two that lead to Orchomenus. The two roads to Orcho- 
menus seem to have led, one to the east, the other to the west of the 
conical hill of Gourtsouli, which rises in an isolated position less than a 
mile to the north of Mantinea. The present road goes to the west of 
Gourtsouli. Of the two routes Pausanias is generally supposed to 
describe the easterly one first, but in the opinion of Leake and Mr. W. 
Loring he describes the westerly route first (see note on § 7 * Ptolis '). 
See Leake, Morea, 3. p. 97 ; L. Ross, Reisen, p. 128 j^. ; Guide-Joanne, 
2. p. 381 ; W. Loring, va Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 15 (1895), p. 84. 

12. 5. Ladas. Cp. ii. 19. 7 ; iii. 21. i ; x. 23. 14. 

12. 5. the poem called the Thesprotis. This was probably the 
same with " the book about the Thesprotians," which was attributed to 
Musaeus and from which Eugamon of Cyrene, the last of the Cyclic 
poets (about 568 B.C.), stole without acknowledgment. See Clement of 
Alexandria, Strom, vi. 2. 25, p. 751, ed. Potter; Welcker, Der epische 
Cyclus, I. p. 31 1 sqq, (ed. 1835) ; W. Christ, Gesch, d, griech, Utteratur, 
pp. 63, 80. 

12. 7. a mountain Ptolis. Most topographers agree in 

identifying this mountain with the conical hill of Gourtsouli, which rises, 
with bare uniform slopes, from the plain less than a mile to the north of 
Mantinea, forming a conspicuous feature in the landscape. It is crowned 
by a ruined chapel and some holly-oaks ; but no ancient remains have 
been discovered. See Boblaye, Recherches, p. 1 40 ; L. Ross, Reisen, 
p. 128 ; Curtius, Pelop. i. p. 242 ; Welcker, Tagebuch, i. p. 198 sq, ; 
Vischer, Erinnerungen, p. 349 ; W. G. Clark, Pelop, p. 132 ; Bursian, 
Geogr, 2. p. 209 ; Baedeker, ^ p. 300 ; Foug^res, in Bulletin de Corresp. 
hellhi, 14 (1890), p. 65 ; Guide-foanne, 2. p. 381. 

Leake, on the other hand, identified the hill of Ptolis with a lower 
insulated hill about a mile to the north of Gourtsouli {Morea, 3. p. 97 ; 
Pelop. p. 381 sq.), and Mr. Loring inclines to agree with him on the 
ground that Gourtsouli cannot be said to be in " a small plain " distinct 



222 PTOLIS — ANCHISIA bk. viii. arcadia 

from the plain of Mantinea, whereas the other hill is hidden from Man- 
tinea by the hill of Gourtsouli and so is, in a sense, cut off from the 
larger plain. Hence Mr. Loring is disposed to identify Gourtsouli with 
the " lofty mound of earth " which, in the time of Pausanias, was called 
the grave of Penelope, although Gourtsouli is in fact a natural hillock, not 
a sepulchral mound. As Gourtsouli is on the right of the more westerly 
route from Mantinea to Orchomenus, it would follow on this hypothesis 
that Pausanias is at present describing the westerly and not (as is com- 
monly supposed) the easterly route to Orchomenus. Further, it would 
follow that Maera is to be sought, not in the neighbourhood of the 
village of Kakouri^ but about a mile and a half farther west, near the 
khan of Bildij and that Mount Anchisia is not the low range of reddish 
hills which rises beyond the khan, bounding the plain of Mantinea on 
the north, but the great mountain Armeniades which rises above the 
village of Kakouri and is a conspicuous landmark from all parts of the 
Mantinean plain. See W. Loring, in Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 1 5 
(1895), p. 84 sq. To this view of Mr. Loring's I would object that the 
hill of Gourtsouli is too high to be regarded as a sepulchral mound. I 
do not know its height, but I have seen it more than once, and speaking 
from impression I should say it was not less than 200 feet high. Leake 
himself describes Gourtsouli as '* a steep and lofty cone," and wonders 
that it was not included within the fortifications of Mantinea. 

12. 7. Alalcomenia Iffaera. About 3 miles north of Man- 
tinea, and three-quarters of a mile south of the village of Kakouri^ 
there is a copious spring called Karydaj and near it, on a small hillock, 
Virlet observed the foundations of a temple and some other ruins. 
The spring may be Alalcomenia, the ruins may be those of Maera. See 
Boblaye, RechercheSy p. 149; Curtius, Pelop. i. p. 243; cp. Leake, 
Morea^ 3. p. 97 ; Guide-Joanttey 2. p. 381. But if we accept the views 
of Leake {Morea^ 3. p. 97) and Mr. Loring {Journal of Hellenic Studies ^ 
15 (1895), p. 84 sq.\ we must look for Maera farther to the west, near 
the khan of Bildi, See the preceding note. 

12. 8. Mount Anchisia. On the common hypothesis. Mount 
Anchisia is the low ridge of reddish hills (500 to 600 feet high) which 
bounds the plain of Mantinea on the north and separates it from the 
plain of Orchomenus. But Leake and Mr. Loring identify Mount Anchisia 
with the high rocky peak (about 3500 ft. high) which rises at the east 
end of the ridge, above the village of Kakouri^ and which now goes by 
the name of Mt. Armenia or Armeniades. 

See Leake, Morea^ 3. pp. 97, 98 ; Boblaye, Rechcrches^ p. 149 ; Curtius, 
Pelop, I. p. 243; Bursian, Gcogr, 2. pp. 205, 207; Baedeker,^ p. 301 ; Guide- 
Joanne, 2. p. 381 ; \V. Loring, m Journal of Hellenic Studies, 15 (1895), P* 84 j^/. 

12. 9. ruins of a sanctuary of Aphrodite. On the southern slope 
of Mt. Anchisia, near the foot of the hill, is the khan of Bildi (see note 
on § 7, *Ptolis'), about 4 miles distant from Mantinea. Here the 
French surveyors found some ruins which they believed to be those of 
the sanctuary of Aphrodite. See Boblaye, Recherchcs, p. 381 ; Curtius, 
Pelop, I. p. 243 sq, ; Guide-Joanne, 2. p. 381. 



CH. XIII ARTEMIS HYMNIA 223 

13. I. In the territory of Orchomenus the sanctuary of 

Artemis Hymnia. The boundary between Orchomenus and Mantinea 
probably lay on the crest of the low rocky ridge of Mt. Anchisia, which 
divides the plain of Mantinea on the south from the plain of Orchomenus 
on the north. From the summit of the ridge a fine view extends south- 
ward and northward over the two plains. On the farther (northern) side 
of the plain of Orchomenus is seen rising the high hill, on the summit 
of which stood the ancient Orchomenus. Beyond it to the north towers 
the huge mass of Mt. Cyllene. From the ridge we descend into the 
plain of Orchomenus. To our left (westward) is the large village of 
Levidiy situated on the slope of the hill and overlooking the southern 
end of the Orchomenian plain. A chapel of the Panagia, situated on a 
knoll shaded with trees to the east of the village, is supposed to mark 
the site of the sanctuary of Artemis Hymnia. In an old church 20 
minutes below the village on the left bank of the torrent Leake saw 
some pieces of very handsome Doric columns. He supposed that 
Levidi occupied the site of the place Elymia, mentioned by Xenophon 
{Hellenica^ vi. 5. 13). See Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 276 sqq, ; /V/., 3. p. 99 ; 
id.^ Pelop, p. 380; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 149; Curtius, Pelop, i. 
p. 222 sq, ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 205 ; Baedeker,^ p. 301 ; Guide- 
Joanne^ 2. p. 381. 

As to Artemis Hymnia, see an article by Stephani, 'Apollon et 
Artemis,' in Gazette arch^ologique, 2 (1876), pp. 135-139. He points 
out that on gold coins of Syracuse the head of Artemis is represented 
with a lyre behind it ; that on an Etruscan mirror she appears 
playing on the lyre ; that on another she holds two fiutes while Apollo 
holds the lyre ; and that in vase-paintings she is also depicted with 
a lyre. 

13. I. Essenes. The word is said to have meant a king (Calli- 
machus, Hymn to Zeus^ 66 ; Hesychius, s,v. coxr^v), but properly a 
king bee {EtymoL Magnum^ s.v, "Eo-ot/v, p. 383 ; Suidas, s,v, "Eaxrrjv), 
(The ancients mistook the queen bee for a male and hence spoke of 
king bees, see Aristotle, //ist. anim. pp. 553 J^., 623 sqq. ; Aelian, Nat, 
aninu i. 10, v. 10 5q,\ Virgil, Georg, iv. 21, 68 ; Robert-Tomow, De 
opium mellisque apud veteres significatiotu^ P- 30 •^^^•) As the priests 
of the Ephesian Artemis appear thus to have been called * king bees,' it 
is worth noting that the bee was a very common type on coins of 
Ephesus. See B. V. Head, Coins of Ephesus, Mr. Head states (pp. 
cit, p. 8) that the priestesses of the Ephesian goddess were called *bees' 
(^Melissae), I do not know what authority he has for this statement. 
But the Delphic priestess was called a * bee ' (Pindar, Pyth, iv. 1 06), and 
the title was given especially to the priestesses of Demeter (Schol. on 
Pindar, I.e.; Callimachus, Hymn to Apollo^ no; Hesychius, s.v. 
McAtoxrat ; Porphyry, Dc antro nympharum^ 18 ; cp. Servius, on Virgil, 
Acn. i. 430) ; but also to priestesses of Proserpine (Schol. on Theocritus, 
XV. 94) and of the Great Mother (Lactantius, Divin, Institute i. 22). 
Deborah in Hebrew means *a bee.' Cp. Robert-Tomow, op, cit. p. 91 
sqq. ; A. B. Cook, \vi Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 15 (1895), p. 11 sqq. 
The priestesses at Dodona were perhaps called * doves ' (see note on vii. 



224 ORCHOMENUS BK. viii. arcadia 

21. 2). The youths who poured out the wine at the Ephesian festival of 
Poseidon were called < bulls ' (Athenaeus, x. p. 425 e). The young girls 
who performed the sacrifices to the Brauronian and Munychian Artemis 
imitated bears and were called ' bears.' Legend said that this was done 
as an expiation for the killing of a tame bear which had lived in the sanc- 
tuary of Artemis. Every Attic maiden between the ages of five and ten 
was obliged thus to be a * bear,' as a necessary preliminary to nuirriage 
(Schol. on Aristophanes, Lysist, 645 ; Harpocration, s,v, dpKrewrai ; 
Suidas, s,v, a/aicrcGtrai and apKTos ^ Bpavptavlois ; BekkeHs Anecdota 
Graeca, p. 206, 4 ; ib. p. 444, 30). It seems not improbable that in 
all these cases the animal from which the worshipper took his or her 
name was sacred to the god or goddess ; and that, in early times at 
least, the worshipper disguised himself in the skin of the sacred animal, 
or in a costume which mimicked the animal. On an Assyrian cylinder 
a figure in an attitude of adoration is disguised in a gigantic fish-skin. 
At a still earlier period the animal may have been the god himself, and 
the person who dressed in its skin would play the part of the god. See 
W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites^ pp. 292 sq,^ 435 sqq,\ 
Back, De Graecorum caerimoniis in quibits homines deorum vice 
fungebantur (Berlin, 1883), p. 26 sqq. At the festival of the Syrian 
goddess at Hierapolis the worshipper, after sacrificing a sheep, spread 
the skin on the ground, knelt on it, drew the feet over his shoulders and 
the head over his head, and in this attitude prayed the goddess to accept 
the sacrifice. See Lucian, De dea Syria^ 55. 

13. 2. The former city of Orchomenus. The ancient Arcadian 
city of Orchomenus occupied the summit of a high conical hill, which 
rises to the height of 3070 feet above the sea. The hill, isolated on 
three sides, is connected by a low ridge of bare brown earth with the 
higher mountains on the west. On the north and south it slopes steeply 
to two plains (the northern and southern plains of Orchomenus), while 
on the east it is bounded by a narrow and deep defile, which divides it 
from the rugged slopes of Mount Trachy. The defile connects the two 
plains with each other ; and through it after rainy weather the water 
pours in a rapid stream from the southern into the northern plain, which 
is 100 to 200 feet lower than the other. Copious springs rising at the 
foot of Mount Trachy contribute still more to render marshy the southern 
part of the northern plain. Indeed throughout the winter and as late 
as the end of May this part of the plain is still an impassable swamp, 
as it was in the days of Pausanias (§ 4 and viii. 23. 2). Orchomenus 
thus occupied a strong and commanding position, overlooking the two 
plains (of which the northern is considerably the larger) and dominating 
the defile through which the direct road went from Tegea and Mantinea 
to Pheneus and the north of Arcadia. The hill itself, though steep and 
lofty, is nowhere precipitous. The slopes are of earth littered with 
stones ; the rock hardly crops up on the surface. Owing to the great 
elevation above the sea of the plains from which it springs the hill 
hardly appears high. It is dwarfed by the lofty mountains around, and 
cannot vie in grandeur of aspect with the imposing Acro-Corinth or the 
Larisa of Argos. The summit, which is crowned by a ruined mediaeval 



CH. XIII ORCHOMENUS 225 

tower built as usual of small stones and mortar, may be some 800 feet 
or so above the plain. The view from it is fine. At our feet lies 
stretched the wide fiat expanse of the northern plain with its patch- 
work of maize-fields, through which a stream, issuing from the springs 
at the foot of Mount Trachy, winds its sluggish way. The springs are 
in full view from the hill-top, and just beyond them the road to Pheneus 
and the road to Stymphalus are seen to diverge, the former striking 
straight northward across the plain, the latter skirting the foot of the 
mountains that bound the plain on the east. Beyond the plain to the 
north loom grandly the great mountains about the Lake of Pheneus, 
their high grey summits partly clothed with dark pine-woods. Rugged 
and lofty mountains rise also on the north-east in the direction of 
Stymphalus ; a high and toilsome pass leads across them to Alea. 
Turning now to the south we see the other plain, which may measure 
some 2 miles in length and breadth, spread out beneath us. Except 
for a stretch of vineyards in the middle it is now mostly in com, and so 
in autumn presents only an expanse of brown earth. At the south- 
western end of the plain a long gradual slope leads up to the large 
village of Levidi^ above which tower the grand peaks of Mount 
Maenalus. Over the low ridge that forms the southern boundary of 
the plain is seen in the distance the plain of Mantinea and Tegea, with 
far blue mountains terminating it on the south. 

Considerable but scattered remains of the ancient walls and towers 
of Orchomenus may still be seen encircling the hill some way below the 
summit. They may be best visited from Kalpaki\ a poor hamlet which 
stands on the south-eastern slope of the hill below the line of the ancient 
walls but at some distance above the plain, near the entrance to the defile. 
The line of the city wall is far from being continuous ; isolated pieces of 
it, varying in height from two to five courses of stones, and in length 
from a few feet to a good many yards, are preserved at intervals more 
or less wide. To find them all, if the traveller's time is limited, it is desir- 
able to procure a g^ide at Kalpaki, The highest piece of wall seen by 
me measured 9 feet ; the longest about 80 yards or so. The latter piece 
was on the south-eastern side of the hill. Square towers, averaging 
about 2 1 feet in breadth, projected at intervals from the walls ; I 
counted remains, more or less ruinous, of fifteen of them, mostly on the 
south-eastern side of the hill. The masonry of both walls and towers 
is on the whole quadrangular, though the blocks are in general not 
very accurately squared and jointed, and the courses not always strictly 
horizontal. Some of the blocks are very massive, especially in the 
towers ; for in Greek fortification the towers as a rule, on account of 
their exposed position, are built of larger blocks and in a more careful 
style than the rest of the walls. It has been stated that three distinct 
lines of walls, one above the other, can be distinguished on the sides 
of the hill, the lowest being built in the regular quadrangular or ashlar 
style, and the two upper in the Cyclopean style. I cannot confirm this 
from my own observation. It is true that the pieces of walls which I 
observed were often widely separated from each other and stood at 
different heights on the hill-side, but I could not be sure that they did 

VOL. IV Q 



226 ORCHOMENUS bk. viii. arcadia 

not all belong to a single circuit-wall. However, on the south-eastern 
slope of the hill, where it faces across to Mount Trachy, I did observe 
a small piece of very regular masonry resembling the walls of Mantinea 
and Messene, and a few yards above it another piece of wall built in a 
quite different and much more irregular style, with rather loose joints 
and with some polygonal blocks in the courses. The length of this 
latter piece of wall was some 20 or 30 yards, and its height about 7 
feet 6 inches. One of the blocks in it was 5 feet 6 inches long. The 
hill is strewn with fragments of plain red pottery. 

Below the line of the walls a few ancient remains of a different sort 
may be seen. Thus at a small chapel and a threshing-floor, just out- 
side the west end of the hamlet of Kalpaki^ there are a few marble 
blocks and apparently three Doric capitals, though two of them are now 
so worn as to be almost unrecognisable. Two of the blocks lie in the 
chapel before the holy pictures. These are apparently the miserable 
remnants of a Doric temple, of which Dodwell caused some pieces to be 
excavated at the beginning of the nineteenth century. He says : " The 
cottage which we occupied stood upon the remains of a Doric temple of 
white marble, some large masses of which are scattered about in the 
vicinity. I employed the countrymen to excavate, and they dug out 
some Doric capitals in perfect preservation, and of an elegant form. 
The columns had only eighteen fiutings." Leake observed here two 
Doric capitals of white marble, differing from each other in size and 
shape ; in one of them the echinus met the abacus almost at a right 
angle ; the other had " the elegant acute, or flattened capital [echinus] 
of the more ancient Doric." These may be the remains of one of 
the two sanctuaries of Poseidon and Aphrodite mentioned by Pausanias. 
For the village of Kalpaki probably stands on the site of the Orchomenus 
of Pausanias's days, which, as he tells us, was lower down than the circuit 
of the ancient walls. Leake observed traces of walls below Kaipakt 
which seemed to show that the later Orchomenus reached nearly to the 
plain. At the south-eastern foot of the hill, below Kalpaki ^ a spring 
issues from a wall of the kind so common in modem Greece. The 
water flows into a marble basin, and an ancient squared block of marble 
lies beside the spring. This is probably the spring mentioned by 
Pausanias from which the people of Orchomenus procured their water. 
Leake saw two fluted shafts of monolith columns near the spring ; and I 
was told that the two marble blocks in the chapel to the west of the 
village had been brought from the spring. Here therefore may have 
stood the other sanctuary of which Pausanias speaks. 

Another spring rises at the opposite or north-western foot of the 
hill, a little above the northern plain. The marble basin into which the 
water flows is made of an ancient block. A few yards to the north-west 
of the spring are the remains of a small edifice built of grey stone ; 
some of the blocks seemed to me ancient ; but whether the building itself 
was so or not, I could not decide. The place is a quarter of a mile or 
so to the east of the hamlet of Rhousi^ which stands on the ridge that 
runs westward from the hill of Orchomenus. 

Dodwell saw near a spring, at the northern foot of the hill, a church 



CH. XIII CAIRNS 227 

of the Panagia, which was entirely built of the ruins of a Doric temple, 
amongst which he noted triglyphs, plain metopes, and fluted drums of 
columns, all of white marble, but of small proportions. Here too he 
saw some fragments of antefixes of terra - cotta painted with dark red 
foliage. Farther down in the plain, towards the marsh, he found 
another church built of ancient blocks of stone and marble, with an 
Ionic capital near it. And still farther, toward the village of Rhotisi^ he 
saw yet another church in which were some marble triglyphs. 

I have described Orchomenus mainly from my own observations, made on 13th 
October 1895. See also Dodwell, 71w/r, 2. p. 425 sqq, ; Gell, Itinerary of the 
Morea, p. 144 sq, ; i</., Journey in tht Morea, p. 369 sq. ; Leake, Morea^ 3. 
p. 99 sqq, ; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 149 sq, ; Curtius, Pelop, I. p. 219 sqq, ; 
Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 203 sqq. ; Baedeker,' p. 302 ; Guide-Joanne, 2. p. 382 sq, ; 
Philippson, Peloponnesy p. 73 sq, 

13. 2. it stands in a great cedar etc. The image may have 
stood either in the hollow trunk of the tree or among the branches. 
See C. Botticher, Baumkulfus, figures 45-48. As to Artemis as a tree- 
goddess see Famell, The Cults of the Greek States^ 2. p. 428 j^. 

13. 3. Down from the city are cairns. Large cairns, composed 
of rough stones, have been observed by modem travellers in the plain 
at the southern foot of the hill of Orchomenus. They are on the left 
as you approach the hill from the south. See Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 425 ; 
Leake, Morea^ 3. p. 100; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 222. It has been 
customary in many lands to rear heaps of stones, branches, etc., upon 
the graves of persons who have died violent deaths, and every one who 
passes has to add a stone, a twig, or a clod to the pile. The motive 
sometimes assigned for the custom is to prevent the ghost of the buried 
man from coming forth and doing harm to the traveller or to other 
people. The custom is best known in Europe (as in Germany, France, 
Sweden, and Scotland), but is also practised in many other parts of 
the world. Thus of the Maoris of New Zealand it is said that " when- 
ever they pass the place where a man has been murdered, it is customary 
for each person to throw a stone upon it" (R. A. Crxas^^ Journal of a 
Ten Months Residence in New Zealand^ p. 186). As to the Creek and 
kindred tribes of Indians in North America it is said that " to perpetuate 
the memory of any remarkable warrior killed in the woods . . . every 
Indian traveller as he passes that way throws a stone on the place " 
(Adair, History of the American Indians^ p. 184). In Bolivia "wherever 
a murder has been committed, heaps of stones called * apachetas ' . . . 
are placed, and each Indian who passes spits out his juice of coca-leaf 
and adds another stone " {Journal of the Royal Geographical Society ^ 47 
(1877), p. 211). Near Caracas in Venezuela are two small heaps of 
stones by the wayside, marking the spot where a man was murdered ; 
whoever passes the place takes up a stone, kisses it, and throws it on 
the heap (K. Martin, Bericht iiber eine Reise nach Niederlandisch West- 
Indien^ Erster Theil (Leyden, 1887), p. 166). In some parts of Celebes 
there are great heaps of stones over places where men have been 
murdered ; and hardly any one will pass such spots without adding a 
stone to the heap (B. F. Matthes, Einige EigenthUmlichkeiten in den 



228 CAIRNS BK. VIII. ARCADIA 

Festen und Gewoknheiten der Makassaren und Buginesen^ p. 25). About 
an hour to the north-west of Kanakir in Armenia is a great cairn, under 
which some martyred Christian nuns are said to lie buried : every Tartar 
who passes by it flings a stone on the cairn, but every Armenian passer-by 
takes one away (Haxthausen, Tremskaukasia, i. p. 222). The ancient 
Greeks had also their cairns by the wayside to which every passer-by 
added a stone. They were called Hermaea^ and were said to be raised 
in honour of Hermes. But the legend told to explain the origin of the 
custom seems to show that, in some cases at least, these cairns may 
have been erected over the graves of murdered persons. For it was 
said that when Hermes was tried by the gods for the murder of Argus, 
all the gods flung stones at him as a mode of ridding themselves of the 
pollution contracted by bloodshed ; the stones thus thrown made a great 
heap, and the custom of rearing such heaps continued ever after. See 
Eiymolog, Magnum^ s,v, ^Epfialov, p. 375 sg. ; Comutus, De naiura 
deorum^ 1 6 ; Babrius, xlviii. i sq. ; Suidas, s,v, 'Ep/iaiov : Schol. on 
Nicander, TA^, 150; Eustathius, on Odyssey^ xvi. 471. The three 
cairns on which perhaps stood the images of Hermes that marked the 
boundary between Argolis and Laconia, are still called by the natives 
*the place of the slain.' See note on iu 38. 7. Perhaps, then, the 
heaps of stones seen by Pausanias near Orchomenus were cairns of this 
sort ; they were reared (as he tells us) over men who had been slain, 
and each passer-by may have added a stone to the pile. In modem 
Greece such cairns are still reared, but, in some cases at least, for a 
different purpose. " The method used by a modem Greek to draw down 
curses upon his enemy is this. He takes a quantity of stones and places 
them in a conspicuous part of the road, cursing his neighbour as he 
places each stone. As no man is supposed to be anathematized 
without having committed some heinous sin, it becomes the duty of all 
good Christians to add at least one stone, and its consequent curse, to 
the heap, so that it often increases to a considerable size." These 
heaps are called anathemata. See Gell, Itinerary of Greece^ p. 7 1 sq. 
Rough stones were heaped over the murdered Laius and his attendant 
(Paus. X. 5. 4). On the custom of rearing heaps of stones, etc., over 
graves and in other connexions, see F. Liebrecht, in Philologus^ 20 
(1863), pp. 378-382; id.y Zur Volkskundey pp. 267-284; R. Andree, 
EthnograpJiische Parallelen und Vergleiche^ pp. 46-58; B. Schmidt, 
* Steinhaufen als Fluchmale, Hermesheiligtiimer und Grabhtigel in 
Griechenland,' Fleckeisen^s Jahrbiic/icr, 39 (1893), PP« 3^9-39 5- 

13. 4-5* a deep golly between the city and Mount Trachy etc. 
We now follow Pausanias on his way to Pheneus. Descending from 
the hill of Orchomenus we turn northward into the deep gully or defile 
which divides the hill of Orchomenus from Mount Trachy (see above, 
p. 224). Though deep and narrow the defile is short, only a few 
hundred yards in length. The sides of the hills on both sides are steep 
but not precipitous. In the bottom of the defile is the bed of a stream, 
which, when I traversed the gully (13th October 1895), was dry. After 
passing through the defile we emerge on the northern plain of Orcho- 
menus. The routes now diverge. The one to the left, skirting the 



CH. XIII THE ROAD TO STYMPHALUS 229 

swamp at the northern foot of the hill of Orchomenus, leads westward 
to the ruins of Caphyae, which lie at the foot of the hills that enclose 
the plain on the south-west (see viii. 23. 2 note). The route to the 
right skirts the foot of Mount Trachy, on the eastern side of the plain. 
Following this latter route, which is the one to Pheneus, we come, in 
about thirty-five minutes from Orchomenus (^Kaipakt)^ to a fine source 
rushing in several clear streams out of the rocks at the foot of the 
mountain. ■ The water forms a swamp in front of the springs. This 
source is no doubt the springs called Teneae by Pausanias (§ 5). 
Shortly before reaching them Gell saw a large heap of stones which he 
took to be the tomb of Aristocrates mentioned by Pausanias. Beyond 
the springs the roads again diverge. The road to Stymphalus continues 
to skirt the foot of the mountains in a north-easterly direction, but the 
road to Pheneus turns to the left and strikes northward across the plain, 
following the line of an ancient causeway, of which some remains are to 
be seen. However, in winter and as late as the end of May this direct 
road to Pheneus is impassable on account of the swamps ; my dragoman 
told me that he once nearly lost a mule in attempting to follow it. At 
such times, therefore, the route to Pheneus continues to coincide with 
the road to Stymphalus for some way farther, hugging the foot of the 
hills instead of striking out boldly across the plain. At the point where 
the roads to Pheneus and Stymphalus diverge, about a mile beyond the 
springs of Teneae, the French surveyors observed some massive ruins 
near another spring ; Peytier thought that these ruins might mark the 
site of Amilus mentioned by Pausanias. 

See Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 429 sq, ; Gell, Itinerary of the Morea^ p. 150; id,^ 
Journey in the Morea^ p. 370 sq. ; Leake, Alorea^ 3. p. 102 sqq, ; Boblaye, 
Recherches^ p. 150; Curtius, Pelop, I. p. 223 sq, ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 203 ; 
Guide-Joanne y 2. p. 382 sq. ; Baedeker,^ p. 302. 

13. 5. one leads to Stymphaltis. The road to Stymphalus, 

after diverging from the road to Pheneus (see the preceding note), 

continues to skirt the foot of the mountains in a north-easterly direction. 

Behind us we leave Mount Trachy, which seen from the north is an 

imposing mountain, its steep sides rent by parallel gillies. Gradually 

the hill and plain of Orchomenus disappear behind us, and the path 

leads into a savage glen, hemmed in by wild rocky mountains, bare and 

desolate, towering high on either side. Away up in the face of a 

precipice on the right of the path is seen the little monastery of 

Kandyloy hanging in what appears an almost inaccessible position. In 

winter a torrent flows down the middle of the glen to swell the marsh 

in the plain of Orchomenus. A mile or so beyond the monastery we 

reach the village of Kandyla^ straggling in the wide gravelly bed of the 

torrent, shaded by plane-trees and mulberry-trees, and shut in on all sides 

by high rocky mountains, their sides covered with fir-woods and their 

summits tipped with snow for a good part of the year. From the upper 

end of the village a pass leads eastward over the mountains to Bougiati 

and the ancient Alea ; the path, which is very rough and steep, ascends 

a wild gully overhung on the south by a huge beetling crag ; the descent 



230 THE ROAD TO STYMPHALUS bk. viii. arcadia 

on the eastern side of the mountains, towards BougicUi^ is so steep as 
to be almost impassable for horses. But at present we are following 
the path to Stymphalus, which, leaving the village of Kandyla in a 
northerly direction, ascends the mountain by zigzags along the edge of 
precipices. The snow sometimes lies deep here as late as March, 
making the ascent difficult and dangerous. The pass runs north-east 
between the lofty Mount Skipieza^ nearly 6000 feet high, on the left, 
and the sharp-peaked Mount St, Constantine^ crowned with a Prankish 
castle, on the right. We reach the first col or summit of the pass in 
about an hour and twenty minutes from Kandyla, From this point a 
path branches off to the right, descending into the narrow vsilley of 
Skotini which we see stretching eastward down below. Our path 
keeps on to the left, skirting the side of Mount Skipieza, Half an hour 
more takes us to a second col or summit, from which we look down on 
the plain and lake of Stymphalus and across to the majestic mass of 
Mount Cyllene towering on the farther side of the valley. The way 
now goes down a ravine shut in on both sides by lofty fir-clad mountains 
and known as the Wolfs Ravine {Lykorrhcuma) from the wolves that 
are said to abound in it. Thus descending we reach the valley of 
Stymphalus and the western end of the lake. 

The pass which has just been described was crossed from the side 
of Stymphalus by a Macedonian army in the dead of the winter of 
218 B.C. The snow lay deep on the ground, and it was with difficulty 
and suffering that the army forced its way across. See Polybius, iv. 70. 
The opposite end of the pass, on the side of Orchomenus, was the scene 
of a battle in 221 B.C. between an Achaean army under Aratus and a 
marauding force of Aetolians. Most of the fighting would seem to 
have taken place in the glen, near the site of the modem Kandyla, 
The Achaean army was beaten, and might have been cut in pieces if 
the towns of Orchomenus and Caphyae had not opened their gates to 
the fugitives from the battle-field. See Polybius, iv. 1 1 sg. The Mount 
Oligyrtus mentioned by Polybius in his narrative of both events is 
probably the modern Mount Skipieza. 

See Dodwell, Toury 2. p. 429 sqq, ; Gell, Itinerary of the Morea, p. 146 sq, ; 
Leake, Morea, 3. pp. 105 sqq., 122 sqq. ; Curtius, Pelop, I. pp. 206-20S ; Guide- 
Joanney 2. p. 383. I followed the route described only as far as Kandyla^ from 
which place I crossed the mountains to Alca. 

13. 6. On the road to Pheneus etc. After crossing the northern 
plain of Orchomenus from a point beyond the springs of Teneae (see 
above, p. 229) the road to Pheneus passes the monastery of the Holy 
Trinity {Hagia Triadd) on the right and ascends a wooded and rocky 
glen. A rugged and difficult ascent of about half an hour brings us to 
a bleak plateau, overgrown with bushes, between Mount Skipicsa on 
the right (east) and Mount Saita on the left (west). In a quarter of an 
hour more we reach a col or summit of the pass, from which we see 
stretched below us on the north the deep blue waters of the lake of 
Pheneus. We then descend towards the lake through the ravine men- 
tioned by Pausanias. It is a deep and beautiful gully walled in and 



CH. XIV THE LAKE OF PHENEUS 231 

darkened by lofty precipices. Formerly it was overhung with oak-trees, 
which with the dark pines on the higher slopes of the mountains and 
the birches and other northern trees in the glen itself, added much to 
the gloomy magnificence of the scene. Well down in the glen we pass 
a fine spring gushing from a rock near a chapel and forming a stream 
at once. It is probably the spring mentioned by Pausanias. Soon 
after we reach the village of Ghioza or Guioza^ prettily situated near 
the southern end of the lake. In this neighbourhood must have stood 
the ancient Caryae. 

See Gell, Itinerary of the Morea^ p. 150 j^.; id, ^Journey in the Morea, p. 
371 sqq, ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 203 ; Baedeker,' p. 302 ; Guide-Joanne, 2. p. 
382 sq, 

14. I. The plain of Pheneus. The lake of Pheneus (for what was 
a plain in the time of Pausanias is now a lake) is a broad and beautiful 
sheet of greenish-blue water encircled by lofty mountains which descend 
in rocky declivities or sheer precipices to the water's edge, their upper 
slopes clothed with black pine-woods and their summits capped with 
snow for many months of the year. Right above the lake on the north- 
east towers the mighty cone of Cyllene, nearly 8000 feet high, the 
loftiest mountain but one in Peloponnese ; while on the north-west 
Dourdouvana (nearly 7000 feet high) rears its long serrated crest, 
culminating in a sharp bare peak of grey rock, at the foot of which, 
embowered in trees and gardens, nestles the village of Phonia^ the 
representative of the ancient Pheneus. Here on the north, between the 
village and the lake, is the only stretch of level ground that breaks the 
mountain ring, and the luxuriant green of its vineyards and maize-fields 
contrasts pleasingly with the sombre hue of the pine-forests all around. 
The first sight of this blue lake embosomed among forest-clad moun- 
tains takes the traveller by surprise, so unlike is it to anything else in 
Greece ; and he feels as if suddenly transported from the arid hills and 
the parched plains of Greece to a northern land — from the land of the 
olive, the vine, and the orange, to the land of the pine, the mountain, 
and the lake. 

So completely is the lake fenced in by mountains on all sides that 
no stream can issue from it above ground, and the water escapes only 
by two subterranean emissories or KatavothraSy as they are called by 
the Greeks, at the south-eastern and south-western ends of the lake. 
Through the latter emissory the water passes under the mountain, and 
issuing on the other side, about 6 miles from the lake and 800 feet 
below its level, forms the source of the Ladon (see viii. 20. i note). On 
the state of these emissories it depends whether the great mountain- 
basin of Pheneus is a fertile plain or a broad lake. From antiquity down 
to the present century the periods in which the basin has been com- 
pletely drained have alternated with periods in which it has been 
occupied by a lake. In the time of Theophrastus (fourth century B.C.) 
the bottom of the valley seems to have been generally dry land, for he 
mentions that once, when the emissories had got choked up, the water 
rose and flooded the plain, drowning the willows, firs, and pines, which 



232 THE LAKE OF PHENEUS bk. viir. arcadia 

however reappeared the following year when the flood subsided 
(Theophrastus, Histor, Plant, iii. i. 2 ; cp. /Vil, v. 4. 6). In the 
following century part of the valley at least would seem to have been 
a lake, for the geographer Eratosthenes, quoted by Strabo (viii. p. 389), 
informs us that the river Anias formed in front of the city of Pheneus 
a lake which was drained by subterranean passages, and that when 
these passages were closed the water rose over the plain, but that when 
they were opened again it was discharged into the Ladon and hence 
into the Alpheus in such volume that the sacred precinct at Olympia 
was flooded, while the lake on the other hand shrank. Strabo himself 
mentions (/.r.) that the flow of the Ladon was once checked by the 
obstruction of the emissories consequent upon an earthquake. According 
to Pliny (A^rt/. hist, xxxi. 54) there had been down to his time five 
changes in the condition of the valley from wet to dry and from dry to 
wet, all of them caused by earthquakes. In Plutarch's time the flood 
rose so high that the whole valley was under water, which pious people 
attributed to Apollo's anger at Hercules, who was said to have stolen 
the prophetic tripod at Delphi and carried it off to Pheneus about a 
thousand years before {De sera nu mints vindicta^ 12). However, later 
on in the same century the waters had again subsided, for Pausanias 
found the bottom of the valley to be dry land, and knew of the former 
existence of the lake only from tradition. From the time of Pausanias 
down to the beginning of the nineteenth century we have no record of 
the condition of the valley. In 1806 when Leake and Dodwell visited 
it, the great valley was still a swampy plain, covered with fields of 
wheat or barley except at the south-western end, where round the 
entrance to the emissory the water formed a small lake which never 
dried up even in summer. But in 1821, doubtless through the 
obstruction of the emissories, the water began to rise over the plain, 
and by 1 829-1 830, when the French surveyors mapped the district, the 
whole basin was occupied by a deep lake 5 miles long by 5 miles wide. 
On January ist, 1834, the emissories suddenly opened again, the Ladon 
became a deep and raging torrent, the valley was drained, and fresh 
vegetation sprang up on the rich slimy soil. But when Welcker visited 
Pheneus in 1842, the valley was again occupied by a lake, and had 
been so, if he was correctly informed, since 1838 at least. And a lake 
it would seem to have been ever since. At least Beul^, who travelled 
in Peloponnese about the middle of the century, describes the lake as 
8 miles long by 7 miles wide. In 1853 the S\viss scholar Vischer 
found a great lake, exactly as the French surveyors had represented it 
on their map ; the hill on the north-west side of the valley, on which 
are the scanty remains of the ancient acropolis, projected like a 
peninsula into the lake, and the site of the ancient city was deep under 
water. W. G. Clark in 1856 describes with enthusiasm the "wide 
expanse of still water deep among the hills, reflecting black pine-woods 
and grey crags and sky now crimson with sunset " ; according to him 
the lake was 7 miles long and as many wide. In June 1888 Mr. 
Philippson found a broad clear lake of deep green colour ; and in 
September-October 1895 I viewed with pleasure the same beautiful scene. 



CH. XIV THE LAKE OF PHENEUS 233 

though I would describe the colour of the water as greenish-blue rather 
than green. The lake has shrunk, however, a good deal since the 
middle of the century. A long stretch of level plain, covered with 
\nneyards and maize-fields, now divides the ancient acropolis of Pheneus 
from the margin of the lake. The water would seem* to be still sinking ; 
at least the depth of the lake at the eastern emissory in 1888 was only 
1 5 metres (49 feet), whereas it is said to have been 30 metres (98 feet) 
in 1883. The lake is about 2300 feet above the level of the sea. 

See Dodwell, Tour^ 2. pp. 436-441 ; Gell, Ituterary of the Morea^ p. 151 j^. ; 
id,^Jourftey in the Morca^ p. 373 sqq. ; Leake, Marea, 3. p. 135 sqq, ; Boblaye, 
Reclurchesy p. 153 jy. ; L. Ross, Rcisetiy p. 107 ; G. F. Welcker, Tageimchy i. 
p. 302 sq. ; E. Beule, Etudes sur le Pilopontitse, p. 147 sqq, ; E. Curtius, Pelop, 
I. p. 184 sqq. ; Vischer, Eritmerungeny ^. ^g^ sqq, ; W. G. Clark, Peloponnesus ^ 
p. 311 sqq, ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 198 sqq, ; Baedeker,' p. 302 sq, ; Guide- 
Joanne^ 2. p. 383 sq, ; A. Meliarakes, t'eorypa^fa to\j yofiov *Apyo\l5os Kal 
Kopty0ias, p. 145 sqq, ; A. Philippson, PehponfteSf pp. 126 sq,^ 144 sqq, 

14. I. there remain on the mountains certain marks to which, 
they say, the water rose. The marks observed by Pausanias are 
still to be seen. About 100 feet above the present level of the lake a 
horizontal line, exactly like a high-water mark, runs round the sides of 
the mountains which environ the lake, especially at its southern end. 
The trees and shrubs extend down the sides of the mountains to this 
line and there stop abruptly. Below the line the rock is of a light 
yellow colour, and almost totally bare of vegetation. Travellers differ 
as to the explanation of this sharp line of discolourment. Some, like 
Pausanias, regard it as an old high-water mark. Leake suggested that 
it might be due merely to evaporation ; W. G. Clark that it might be 
the junction of two geological strata. The German geologist Mr. 
Philippson, to whom we are indebted for the fullest account of the 
geology of Peloponnese, is of opinion that the line is undoubtedly a 
water-mark and indicates the level of the water as it was in 1830, the 
date of the French survey. But surely the mark is as least as old as 
the time of Pausanias. 

See Dodwell, Tour^ 2. pp. 436, 441 ; Gell, Itinerary of the Morea^ p. 152 ; 
«/., Journey in the Morea^ p. 374 ; Leake, Morea^ 3. p. 147 sqq, ; Pouqueville, 
Voyage de la Gricey 5. p. 327 ; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 135 note ; Curtius, Pelop, 
I. p. 188 sq, ; \V. G. Clark, Pelop, p. 317 sq, ; Philippson, Peloponnes^ p. 146. 

14. I. Mount Oryzis, and another mountain, Sdathis etc. One 

of the two chasms or emissories {Katavothras) mentioned by Pausanias 
is on the south-eastern side of the lake, at the foot of a branch of Mt 
SkipiezcLt between the villages of Guioza and Mosa, The other is 
toward the south-west comer of the lake, at the foot of Mt. Saita, One 
of these mountains must therefore be Sciathis and the other Oryxis. 
From the similarity of names Leake concluded that Saita was Sciathis, 
and hence that the branch of Skipieza was Oryxis. On the other 
hand Curtius urged plausibly that Oryxis (* digging') means the 
Canal-Mountain, and that this must be Mount Saita^ since the canal or 
channel dug by Hercules led in the direction of Clitor (see viii. 19. 4) 



234 THE OLBIUS bk. viii. arcadia 

and hence to the south-western emissory at the foot of Mt. ScuiOy not 
to the south-eastern emissory at the foot of the branch of Mt. Skipieza. 
Hence Curtius identified Mt. Saita with the ancient Oryxis and the 
branch of Mt Skipieza with the ancient Sciathis. He is followed 
by Bursian and Baedeker (Lolling). See Leake, MorecL^ 3. pp. 143} 
151 ; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 1 53 ; Curtius, Pelap, i. p. 187 ; Baedeker,* 
p. 302 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 383 ; A. Meliarakes, Vwgypa^ia. rov voyjoio 
'Afyyoki&os koI Kopivdias, p. 150. 

14. 2. these chasms are artificial, having been made Ij 
Hercules etc. Down one of these chasms, according to the local 
legend, Pluto carried off Proserpine (Conon, Narrai. 15). The story 
now told by the natives is as follows. Once on a time the lake was 
owned by two devils. One devil resided at Guioza on the south side 
of the lake, while the other had his abode on the west side, somewhere 
toward Lykouria, The two often quarrelled, as it is the nature of 
devils to do. At last, however, they settled their differences by a most 
internecine combat at a spot near the top of Mt. Saita, The devil who 
lived on the west side of the lake was the wilier of the two and pelted 
his foe with balls made of the fat of oxen. As soon as these balls 
touched the devil's burning-hot skin they took fire and scorched him so 
that he fled and burst a passage for himself through the mountain. 
The waters flowed in after him and left the plain dry. See Leake, 
Morea^ 3. p. 148 ^^. ; Beul^, Atudes sur le Pdoponnhe^ p. 156 ; cp. 
Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 440. 

14. 3. Hercules dug a bed for the river Olbius. At the beginning 
of the nineteenth century, when the lake of Pheneus was dried up, the 
work which Pausanias attributes to Hercules could be seen extending 
for some distance along the middle of the plain, on the left bank of 
the river Aroanius or Olbius. It had, however, the appearance of 
having been a causeway or embankment erected to prevent the river 
from flooding the southern and eastern side of the plain rather than of 
having been an artificial canal for the river to flow in. It was a mound 
of earth paved with stones. Perhaps when the canal became damaged 
and useless, as it was in Pausanias's time, it may have been turned 
into an embankment for the purpose indicated. See Dodwell, Tour^ 2. 
p. 440; Q^^ Journey in the Morea, p. 373 sq, ; id.. Itinerary oj the 
Morea, p. 151; Leake, Morea, 3. p. 151 sq, ; Curtius, Pelop, i . p. 
186 sq. ; Welcker, Tagebuch, i. p. 303. 

14. 3. the river Olbius, which some of the Arcadians call Aroa- 
nius. At the northern end of the lake of Pheneus, as we have seen, there 
is now a fertile plain of some breadth. A stream called the Phoniatiko 
traverses it in a broad gravelly bed, coming down from near Karya, a 
village about 10 miles distant to the north-east. A smaller stream 
descends from the north-west through a narrow valley between the 
back of the mountain of Phonia and the mountain of Zarouchla, This 
latter stream enters the lake separately to the west of the Phoniatiko; 
but formerly, when the lake was dried up, the streams united in the 
plain, a little to the south of the hill of Pheneus. It has been con- 
jectured that one of these streams was the Olbius and the other the 



CH. XIV THE CITY OF PHENEUS 235 

Aroanius, and that after their junction the united stream was by some 
called the Olbius and by others the Aroanius. As Pausanias mentions 
the Aroanius on his way from Pheneus to Pellene and Aegira (viii. 15. 
6), the main stream which comes down from Karya would seem to be 
the Aroanius. Strabo calls the united stream the Anias (viii. p. 389). 

See Leake, Morea^ 3. p. 141 sq. ; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 154 ; Curtius, Pelop, I. 
pp. 186, 194 ; Vischer, Erinrurtingen^ p. 494 ; Beul^, Etudes sur U Pilo- 
pottftise, p. 155 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 198 sq. ; Philippson, Peloponnes^ p. 126. 

14. 4. the city of Pheneus. The ancient Pheneus has bequeathed 
its name to Phonia, a considerable village prettily situated among fine 
fig-trees and gardens on the first slope of the mountains that bound the 
great valley on the north-west. The village is in two divisions, an 
upper and a lower, of which the lower is the larger. A wide and 
fertile plain now inter\'enes between the village and the northern margin 
of the lake. Ten minutes to the south-east of, and lower down than, 
the village a low conical hill rises on the edge of the plain. At the 
time of the French Survey in 1829-1830 this little hill, which seems to 
have been the acropolis of Pheneus, was a peninsula jutting into the 
lake. Now the lake has retired a long way to the south, and the 
hillock (for it is hardly more) is surrounded by luxuriant vineyards, 
which when I visited the place in October 1895 were loaded with 
clusters of green and purple grapes. The height of the hill may be 
perhaps 200 feet. It rises to a point with uniformly steep but not 
precipitous slopes. Its sides are slippery as well as steep, and they 
are partly overgrown with prickly shrubs, which to some extent conceal 
the remains of the ancient fortification-wall. The most considerable 
piece of the ancient wall is at the north-west side of the hill, about a 
third of the way up the slope. It is some 20 or 30 yards long by 
about 10 feet high. At its southern end a short wall, a few feet long 
and a few feet high, projects from it at right angles ; it was probably 
the side of a square tower. Farther to the south, on the west face of 
the hill, is another considerable piece of the ancient wall. It is about 
27 paces long and is standing to a height of 5 to 6 feet. Between 
these two considerable fragments of the fortification-wall there are two 
smaller isolated pieces. All these remains of walls are built of large 
rough polygonal blocks fitted together with fair accuracy ; the outsides 
of the blocks are not smoothed, only roughly hewn. A small piece of 
the ancient wall may also be seen farther north than those I have 
mentioned. On the summit, which is very small, there are some very 
indistinct remains of a mediaeval or modem building, and inconsider- 
able remains of edifices of a similar style exist lower down the eastern 
side of the hill. To the south the hill sends out a sort of tongue, at 
the south end of which I observed a block of stone standing, much 
worn and weathered, probably a drum of a column. These, with a 
couple of large blocks, seemingly ancient and in their original positions 
at the south-western foot of the hill, were all the remains of the ancient 
Pheneus which I could discover (October 1895). To the east the 
acropolis hill sends out a low flat-topped spur, on which stands a chapel 



236 THE CITY OF PHENEUS bk. viii. arcadia 

of St. Constantine. The ruins seem to have been more extensive some 
forty years ago, for W. G. Clark in 1856 distinguished three towers, 
one of them about 1 5 feet square. He says : " Some of the stones 
composing the wall are as much as 3 feet long, and the masonry is 
as regular as that of Messene." From the observations of previous 
travellers it appears that the indistinct remains on the top of the hill 
are the ruins of a small mediaeval castle. 

It is difficult to reconcile Pausanias's description of the acropolis 
with the low smooth-sided, though steep, hill just described. Such a 
hill must always have needed strong fortifications to render it defensible ; 
whereas from Pausanias's description we should expect to find a hill so 
defended by precipices as to render fortification almost superfluous. 
But nothing in the least resembling a precipice is to be seen on the hill 
of Pheneus. To meet this difficulty it has been suggested that the 
ancient acropolis may have been quite separate from the lower city, and 
that we should look for it on one of the heights in the neighbourhood. 
Lolling (in Baedeker's Guide) thought that Pausanias's description 
pointed to the summit of Mt. St. Elias, opposite the modem Pkotda; 
but on the summit there is nothing but a ruined chapel and remains of 
mediaeval fortifications. It was perhaps these remains which Dodwell 
visited in 1806, and which he describes as follows: "In our inquiries for 
antiquities in this vicinity we learned that the remains of an ancient 
city existed in the mountains above the village of Phonia. We accord- 
ingly set out on the 1 4th, provided with proper guides to conduct us to 
the spot. On quitting the village we began to ascend by a steep path 
trodden only by goats ; the way was consequently extremely difficult 
The country was bold, wooded, and picturesque. In forty minutes we 
reached the foot of the hill on which the ruins were situated. It con- 
sisted of a lofty rock of a conical form, interspersed with pine-trees, and 
covered with loose stones, and so exceedingly steep that its summit 
could be reached only by pursuing a path of circuitous inflections. 
Having dismounted from our horses, we commenced the difficult ascent, 
and, after an hour of laborious climbing, we reached the highest point, 
where we found our trouble but ill repaid. The area of the hill, which 
is flat and circular, is encompassed by walls of dubious antiquity, as they 
have nothing characteristic in their construction, except in being com- 
posed of a thick mass of small unhewn stones, united with a certain 
degree of care, but without mortar. A few ancient tiles are also seen 
scattered about the ruins ; but we could not discover a single block 
of hewn stone, or any object of architectural interest. I have seen 
other similar remains in the mountainous parts of Greece ; and they 
may possibly be of very early date, and were perhaps the Koi/AOTroAct? 
or walled villages of the ancients. The view from this rock embraces 
only a mass of mountains, with wild glens and rugged indentations. It 
is a deep solitude, where the voice of man is not heard, and not a single 
habitation is seen." It is very unlikely that the remains described by 
Dodwell are those of the acropolis of Pheneus. We can scarcely sup- 
pose that the acropolis was separated by nearly a two hours' ascent from 
the lower city. 



CH. XIV RHOECUS AND THEODORUS 237 

See Dodwell, 7bi/r, 2. p. 4375^.; Leake, Morea^ 3. pp. 117, 139 sq. ; Boblaye, 
Recherches^ p. 153; Curtius, Pelop. I. pp. 190 sq.^ 211 ; Welcker, Tagebuch^ i, 
?• 303 ; Vischer, Erinnerungefty p. 495 sq, ; W. G. Clark, Pelop, p. 318 ; Bursian, 
Gcojp', 2. p. 200 ; Baedeker,' p. 303 s^, ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 384 ; Philippson, 
Peloponnes^ p. 127. My visit to the ruins of Pheneus was paid ist October 1895. 

14. 5. dedicated by Ulysses. Cp. viii. 44. 4 ; and J. N. Svoronos, 
* Ulysse chez les Arcadiens,* Gcusette archdologique^ 13 (1888), pp. 257- 
280. Mr. Svoronos argues that Arcadia and not (as some classical 
writers supposed) Epirus was the country to which Ulysses went in 
order to find a man who did not know what an oar was. Cp. Homer, 
Odyssey y xi. 121 sqq, 

14. 5. Artemis the Horse -finder. The association of 

Artemis with horses is very rare. See Famell, The Cults of the Greek 
States^ 2. p. 450. 

14. 7- Their mode of making bronze images has been already 
explained by me etc. See iii. 17. 6. 

14. 8. Bhoecns Theodoras. See Index, and Overbeck, 

Schriftquellen^ §§ 273-293. The father of Rhoecus is called Philaeus 
by Pausanias here and elsewhere (x. 38. 6). Herodotus calls him 
Phileas (iii. 60). The chronology of these early Samian artists 
has been much discussed. It has been maintained that there were 
two or even three Samian artists of the name of Theodorus. H. Brunn 
held that there was but one. He thought that Theodorus, son of 
Telecles, worked in conjunction with Rhoecus, son of Phileas, though he 
was, perhaps, a younger contemporary, and that the main period of their 
artistic activity fell about 580-541 B.C. K. O. Miiller and L. Urlichs, 
on the other hand, held that there were two Samian artists named Theo- 
dorus, and that Rhoecus was the father of one of them, thus : — 

Rhoecus 

I 



I I 

Theodorus 1 Telecles 

Theodorus II. 

Urlichs thought that the date of Rhoecus was before Ol. 40 (620 B.C.) ; 
that of his sons before 01. 50 (580 B.C.) ; and that of the second Theo- 
dorus before 01. 60 (540 B.C.) 

See K. O. Miiller, handbuch d, Archdol. d. Runsl, § 60 ; Brunn, GescA, d. 
griech, Kunstler^ I. pp. 30-38; iV/., 2. pp. 380-390; id,^ *Die Kunst bei Homer,* 
Abhandl. d, k, bayer, Akad, d. Wissen. (Munich), Philosoph.-philolog. CI. II (1868), 
iii. Abtheil. pp. 29-43 » ^'* * Zur Chronologic der altesten griech. Klinstler,' 
Sittungsberichte d, kdn, bayer, Akad. d, JVissen, (Munich), Philos.-philolog. CI. I 
(1 871), pp. 517-542; L. Urlichs, 'Ueber die alteste samische KUnstlerschule,' 
Rkeinisches Museum^ N.F. 10 (1856), pp. 1-29; id., Skopas, pp. 228-259; 
C. Bursian, in Fleckeisen^s Jahrbiicher, 2 (1856), p. 509 sqq, ; C. T. Newton, 
Essays on Art and Archaeology^ p. 74 sq, ; W. Klein, in Archaeologische-epi- 
graphische Mittheiltmgen azis Oesterreich- Ungam, 9 (1885), pp. 173- 191 ; Over- 
beck, Gesck, d, griech, Plastik^^ I. pp. 77-80 ; Lucy M. Mitchell, History of 
Ancient Sculpture, p. 198 sq, ; A. S. Murray, Hist, of Greek Sculpture^^ I. 
pp. 75-83 ; M. Collignon, Histoire de la Sculpture grecque^ 1, p. 154 sqq, 

14. 8. the emerald signet which Polycrates wore etc. See 

Herodotus, iii. 41. Theodorus made a bronze statue of himself at 



238 THE RING OF POLYCRATES bk. viii. arcadia 

Samos, holding a file in his right hand and a scarab in his left hand ; 
the scarab was engraved with the design of a four-horse chariot (Pliny, 
Nat, hist, xxxiv. 83). It is a plausible conjecture that the gem thus 
represented in the sculptor's hand was no other than the £Eunous seal 
which he had made for Polycrates, and that the scarab itself was one of 
the gifts which we know were sent to Polycrates by his friend Amasis, 
king of Egypt. See Herodotus, ii. 182 ; A. S. Murray, History of 
Greek Sculpture^ i. p. 78. Clement of Alexandria, however, says that 
the seal used by Polycrates was inscribed with a lyre {Paedag, iii. 59, 
p. 289, ed. Potter); and according to another interpretation of Pliny 
(/.r.) what Theodorus held in his left hand was not a scarab, but a 
minute model of a chariot (E. Gardner, Handbook of Greek Sculpture^ 
I. p. 100). In the temple of Concord at Rome a sardonyx set in gold 
was shown to the credulous as the ring of Polycrates (Pliny, Nat, hist, 
xxxviii. 4). Cp. J. H. Middleton, The engraved gems of Classical Times^ 
p. 69 sq. 

The story that Polycrates flung the signet-ring into the sea and that 
it was afterwards found in the belly of a flsh which a fisherman brought 
to the king (Herodotus, iii. 41 sq,\ is a folk-tale to which there are many 
parallels. 

See MUllenhoffy Sagen^ Mdrchen und Lieder der Herzogthiimer Schieswig 
HolsUin und Lauenberg^ p. 134, No. 178 ; Panzer, Beitrag zur deutschen Mythth 
logicy 2. p. 194, No. 331 : J. \V. Wolf, Niederldtidische Sagen^ p. 246 sq.. No. 152 ; 
A. Kuhn, Westfalische Sageut Gebrduche und Mdrchen^ i. p. 375 sq,^ Na 421 ; 
Kuhn und Schwartz, NorddetUsche Sagen^ Mdrchen und Gtbrduthe, p. 303, 
No. 347 ; F. Liebrecht, Gervasius von Tilbury ^ p. 77 note **. 

14. 9. the sons of Actor. See v. 2. i note. 

14. 10. the god whom the people of Pheneus most revere is 

Hermes. The worship of Hermes at Pheneus is mentioned by Cicero 
{Dc natura deorumy iii. 22. 56). Cp. Paus. v. 27. 8 ; Kaibel, Epigram- 
maia Graeca^ No. 781 ; Immerwahr, Die arkadischen Kulte^ p. 80 sqq. 
An inscription found at Olympia in 1877 records that a certain 
Acestorides of Alexandria Troas had won a victory in the games at 
Pheneus as well as at other places (Z>/V Inschriften von Olympia, No. 184). 
The games of Pheneus to which the inscription refers are probably the 
Hermaea mentioned by Pausanias. 

14. 10. an Athenian, Euchir, son of Enbulides. Inscriptions 
from the pedestals of statues by this sculptor have been found. He 
seems to have flourished in the middle of the second century B.C., and 
to have belonged to a family of sculptors in which the names Euchir and 
Eubulides alternated from father to son. See Loewy, Inschriften gricch, 
Bildhauer, Nos. 222-229; Overbeck, Schriftquellen, ^ 2235-2244; 
Brunn, Gesch, d, griech, Kunstler, i. p. 551 sq,\ G. Hirschfeld, in 
Archdologischc Zeitungy 30 (1873), PP- 25-29. His name occurs in an 
inscription on the south substruction-wall of the temple of Apollo at 
Delphi (Wescher et Foucart, Inscriptions reaieillies a Delphes, No. 18, 
line 73 ; Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscr, Graec, No. 198). Cp. note on 
i. 2. 5. 

14. 10. Myrtilus. For the story of Myrtilus, his treachery, and 



CH. XV SMITING THE GROUND 239 

his death, see Apollodorus, ed. R. Wagner, p. 184 sq,\ Epitoma VcUi- 
cana ex Apollodori Bibliotheca^ ed. R. Wagner, p. 59 sq, ; Tzetzes, Schol, 
on Lycophron^ 156; Schol. on Euripides, Orestes^ 990. Cp. Index. 

15. 2. certain writmgs which bear on the mysteries. As to 
sacred books about the mysteries, see Lobeck, Aglaophamus, P- I93 ^99* 

15. 3. Demeter Oidaria. The epithet Cidaria may be derived 
from kidaris^ a kind of head-dress or tiara (Hesychius, j.t/. Kt6a/3is), or 
from kidaris^ an Arcadian dance (Athenaeus, xiv. p. 63 1 ). 

15. 3. this mask the priest pnts on his £Eu;e and smites the 

Undergronnd Folk with rods. By wearing the mask of Demeter the 
priest clearly acted as a representative or personification of the goddess. 
Such personifications of a deity by a priest or other human being have 
been common in the religious ceremonies of various peoples, notably of 
the ancient Mexicans. The priestess of Athena at Pellene on certain 
occasions wore armour and a triple-crested helmet, doubtless to represent 
the goddess herself (Polyaenus, viii. 59). Cp. Paus. vii. 18. 12 ; Fr. 
Back, De Graecorum caerimoniis in quibus homines deorum ince funge- 
^<>»/i/r (Berlin, 1883). On the use of masks in religious ceremonies, 
see W. H. Dall, *• On masks, labrets, and certain aboriginal customs,' 
Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, 1884), 
pp. 73-151. As the priest, in the ceremony described by Pausanias, 
played the part of Demeter, the goddess of the com, it may be con- 
jectured that when he smote the ground with rods the intention was to 
promote the fertility of the soil. This interpretation of the custom is 
supported by analogous customs elsewhere. The Guarayos, a peaceful 
agricultural tribe of Indians living secluded in the vast forests of eastern 
Bolivia, worship a god whom they call Tamoi (* grandfather'). He 
once lived among them, taught them to till the ground, and promised 
them his aid. Then he soared away toward the east, while the angels 
beat with bamboos on the ground, because the sound was pleasing to 
him. In memory of his divine promises the Guarayos perform a certain 
ceremony at the sacred hut. The men sit and beat on the ground with 
bamboos, chanting hynms in which they ask Tamoi to give them a 
plentiful crop or a genial rain. The women stand behind and join their 
voices to those of the men. The ceremony ends with libations. See 
D'Orbigny, Vhomvie AmMcain, 2. pp. 319 J^., 329 sq,\ Von Martius, 
Zur Ethnographie Amerikds^ p. 218. At the Jewish harvest -festival 
the people beat on the ground with bundles of willow-withs till all the 
leaves were stripped off. During the festival water from the brook 
Siloam mixed with wine was poured on the ground, and there was a 
tradition that these ceremonies had reference to the wished-for rainfall 
before seed-time and to a fruitful year. See W. Mannhardt, Baum- 
kuitusy p. 283. In many parts of Europe it has been and still is 
customary to beat the fruit-trees in order to make them bear well. For 
example, in Sussex and Devon it is or used to be the custom on New 
Year's Eve for a troop of boys to go round the orchards rapping the 
trees with sticks and singing : 



240 BEANS FORBIDDEN bk. viii. arcadia 

Stand fast root, bear well top, 

Pray God send us a good howling-crop ; 

Every twig, apples big ; 

Every bough, apples enou ; 

Hats full, caps full. 

Full quarter sacks fulL 

See Brand's Popular Antiquities^ i- P« 9 sq, (Bohn's ed.) For other 
examples, see Mannhardt, Baumkultus^ P* 275 sqq. Among the Zulus 
the diviner causes the persons who consult him to smite the ground with 
rods while he questions them (Callaway, The Religious System of the 
Amazuluy 3. p. 284 sqq. ; Grout, Zulu-land^ pp. 138, 141 sq,^ I57)- But 
this custom probably belongs to a different class from those cited above. 
Hera smote the ground with her hands when she prayed to Earth and 
the gods of the under- world (Homer, Hymn to Apollo^ 332 sqq.) ; this 
was doubtless to attract their attention. It is said that in Lincolnshire 
the people used to go out every spring and wake the earth from its 
winter sleep by lifting a little earth from the molehills in all the fields 
{Folklore^ 2 (1891), p. 261). Perhaps the intention of the custom here 
described by Pausanias was to attract the attention of the earth-spirits 
by knocking on the ground. 

15. 4. they think it an nnclean kind of pnlse. In the Eleusinian 
mysteries (of which the rites at Pheneus were an exact copy) the 
initiated were forbidden to eat beans (Porphyry, De adstinentin, iv. 16). 
According to Herodotus (ii. 37) the Eg^tians did not eat beans, and 
the priests would not even look at them. Cp. Plutarch, Qjuaest. Conviv. 
viii. 8. 2. Diodorus, on the other hand, only says (i. 89) that some of 
the Egyptians would not eat beans. At Rome the Flamen Dialis was 
forbidden to touch or even name beans (Aulus Gellius, x. 1 5 ; Festus, 
s.v. fabam^ p. 87, ed. M tiller ; Pliny, Nat. hist, xviii. 119). Pythagoras, 
we are told, forbade his followers to eat beans (Plutarch, De educ. 
puer. 17 ; id.^ Quaest. Rom. 95 ; Diogenes Laertius, viii. §§ 24, 33 j^. ; 
Jamblichus, Vit. Pythag. 109; Porphyry, Vit. Pythag. 43; Lucian, 
Vit. auct. 6 ; id.y Dial, niort. xx. 3 ; /V/., G alius ^ 4 ; Hippol>'tus, 
Refill, omn. haeres. vi. 27 ; Joannes Lydus, De viensibus^ iv. 29 ; Geo- 
ponica^ ii. 35 ; Cicero, De divin. i. 30. 62 and ii. 58. 119 ; Pliny, Nat. 
hist, xviii. 118). On the other hand, Aristoxenus, a pupil of Aristotle, 
asserted that Pythagoras approved of beans as food and ate them 
largely (Aulus Gellius, iv. 11). In general we are told that persons 
who had to observe rules of ceremonial purity abstained from beans 
(Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. 95), that such abstinence was enjoined by the 
celebrants of mystic rites (Diogenes Laertius, viii. 33), and that beans 
were excluded from every mystic rite and every sanctuary (Artemidorus, 
Onirocr. i. 68). In particular, persons who wished to receive an orade 
in a dream abstained from beans, because beans were supposed to be 
unfavourable to dreaming (Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv. viii. 10. 2 ; Geo- 
ponica^ ii. 35). A verse, attributed to Orpheus, was often quoted, to 
the effect that to eat beans was equal to eating the heads of one's 
parents (Geoponica^ I.e. ; Joannes Lydus, De mensibus^ iv. 29 ; Eusta- 
thius, on Homer, p. 948 ; cp. Sextus Empiricus, 'YTroTVjr. iii. p. 174, ed. 



CH. XV SUPERSTITIOirS ABOUT BEANS 241 

Bekker ; Lucian, Callus^ 4 ; wT., Died, mart, xx. 3). To explain the rule 
of abstinence from beans many fanciful reasons were alleged. It was 
said that the souls of the dead were in beans (Pliny, Nat. hist, xviii. 
118); that the flower of the bean was marked with letters of woe 
(Festus, Lc. ; Pliny, Nat. hist, xviii. 119 ; Geoponica, ii. 35) ; that beans 
resembled the genital organs (Diogenes Laertius, viii. § 34 ; Lucian, 
Vit. auct. 6), etc Yet we find beans employed by the ancients in a 
number of religious and magical rites. The Attic festival of Pyanepsia 
took its name from the boiled beans which were prepared and eaten at 
it (Plutarch, Theseus^ 22 ; Harpocration, s.v. Ilvavo^ia ; Suidas, s.v. 
IIvave^Kuvos ; Eustathius, on Homer, p. 948). On the first of June 
the Romans offered beans and the fat of bacon to the goddess Cama, 
and the worshippers partook of these dishes ; it was believed that 
nothing could afterwards hurt the inside of a man who had eaten beans 
and bacon on that day (Macrobius, Saturn, i. 12. 33 ; Ovid, Fasti^ vi. 
169 sqq.") A porridge made of beans was offered to the gods at certain 
public sacrifices (Festus, s.v. Refriva fabra, p. 277, ed. Miiller). On 
the first of March the Romans smeared each other's faces with the 
juice of beans (Joannes Lydus, De mensibus^ iv. 29). Black beans 
were also offered to the dead at the Roman festivals of the Paren- 
talia and Feralia in February (Ovid, Fasti^ ii. 576; Pliny, Nat. hist. 
xviii. 118; Plutarch, Q^aest. Rom. 95). Joannes Lydus {I.e.) says 
that beans were thrown into the graves. This probably refers to 
the Feralia. Again, at the Roman festival of the Lemuria in May 
each householder threw black beans behind his back, saying, "With 
these beans I redeem myself and my family." The ghosts of the 
family were supposed to gather up the beans. Then the house- 
holder clashed a pair of cymbals and begged the ghosts to leave the 
house, saying, " Go forth, ye spirits of my fathers." See Ovid, Fasti, v. 
436 sqq. Diviners placed beans and salt before the persons who came 
to inquire of them (Zenobius, i. 25 ; Diogenianus, i. 50; Gregorius 
Cyprius, i. 11). At harvest the Romans seem to have brought back a 
bean or beans to the house for the purpose of a sacrifice at which omens 
were taken (Festus, s.v. Refriva fabra j Pliny, Nat. hist, xviii. 119). It 
was thought lucky to take beans with one to auctions (Pliny, I.e.) 

15. 5. the road that leads from Fheneus to Pellene. This road 
probably followed the valley of the Phoniatiko river, which extends in a 
north-easterly direction, terminating at Karya, a village inhabited only 
in summer, near the source of the river. The valley narrows as you 
proceed northward ; its sides are partly wooded with pines. The dis- 
tance of Karya from Pheneus {Phonia) is about 10 miles. At Karya 
the road bifurcates ; the branch to the right leads south-eastward over 
a ridge which protrudes northward from Mt. Cyllenc and which is 
perhaps the Mt. Chelydorea of Pausanias (viii. 17.5 note). This road 
takes us to Trikala, from which we follow the valley of the Sys or 
Sythas downward to Pellene. See Leake, Morea, 3. p. 141 ; Philippson, 
Peloponnes, p. 126. As to Trikala sec above, note on vii. 27. 9, *the 
Mysaeum.' 

15. 5. a temple of Pythian Apollo. Boblaye thought that this 

VOL. IV R 



242 MOUNT CRATHIS bk. viii. arcadia 

temple must have been opposite the site of Goura, a modem village 
standing high up on the slope of the hills on the east side of the 
Phoniatiko river, about 2 J miles north-east of Phonia (Boblaye, 
Recherchesy p. 154 ^^. ; cp. Philippson, Peloponnes^ p. 126). 

15. 6. Elephenor who led the Euboeans to Biom. See Homer, 
//. iv. 463 sq, 

15. 6. he had previously been knocked on the head by Amphi- 
tryo etc. See ix. 19. 3. 

15. 8. Porinas. This has been variously supposed to be a small 
branch of the upper river Phoniatiko^ descending into it from Mt 
Cyllene (Leake, Morea^ 3. p. 142) ; or a, co/ or pass (Boblaye, Recherches^ 
p. 1 54) ; or a height above the modem village of Karya (Curtius, Pelop, 
I. p. 194; Bursian, Geo^r, 2. p. 201). 

15. 8-9. Mount Crathis. In this mountain are the springs of 
the river Crathis. The river Crathis is the modem Akraia^ as is 
proved by Pausanias's statement that the Styx flowed into it (viii. 1 8. 4), 
for the Styx flows into the Akrata a little way below the village oi Solos, 
The sources of the river are on the northem slopes of a high, double- 
peaked, and beautifully-wooded mountain which rises to the north-west 
of the hill of Phonia, The mountain takes its modem name from 
Zarouchla, a village which stands embowered in the most luxuriant 
vegetation at the northem foot of the mountain, and at the head of the 
deep narrow valley of the Crathis. It follows that the mountain of 
Zarouchla is the ancient Mount Crathis. The route from Pheneus to 
the glen of the Styx crosses Mount Crathis to Zarouchla^ passing the 
monastery of St. George, which is delightfully situated on the wooded 
southem slope of the mountain. See below, note on viii. 17. 6. 

Others, however, have preferred to identify Mount Crathis with the 
high mountain, very steep and barren, which rises behind H, Varvara 
(Santa Barbara), a large village on the right bank of the Crathis. A 
stream descends from the mountain beside the village to join the Crathis ; 
but it can hardly be regarded as the head- water of the river, since 
Zarouchla is undoubtedly at the head of the valley and H, Varvara is 
half an hour's ride lower down it. From this it follows that the moun- 
tain of Zarouchla^ not the mountain of H, Varvara^ is the ancient 
Mount Crathis. 

See Leake, Morea, 3. pp. 150 sq,y 157 sqq. ; Boblaye, RechercheSy p. i^sq. ; 
Baedeker,' p. 304 ; Guide-Joanne, 2. p. 384 sq. 

15. 9. to fetch fire from the sanctuary for the Lemaean 

rites. On the custom of fetching a new fire from a sacred source, see 
voL 2. p. 392 sq, 

16. I. To the east of Pheneus there is a mountain-top called 
Geronteum etc. To the east of the valley and lake of Pheneus lie the 
valley and lake of Stymphalus. The two lakes are only divided by the 
high ridge which running north and south connects Mt. Cyllene with 
Mt. Skipiezay or rather with that northem spur of the latter which seems 
to have been called Mt. Sciathis (see viii. 14. i note). This ridge or 
some part of it was probably Mount Geronteum. 



CH. XVI PHENEUS TO STYMPHALUS 243 

Two roads lead from Pheneus to Stymphalus. The more northerly 
of the two crosses the valley of the Phoniatiko river in a north-easterly 
direction to the village of Goura, From here it ascends the ridge of a 
mountain (4300 feet high), which bends in a semicircle round the west 
and south-west sides of Mt. Cyllene, being divided from it by a long 
narrow upland valley. This great outwork, as it were, of Cyllene is 
perhaps the Sepia of Pausanias (see § 2). After crossing the ridge the 
path runs through the valley, shut in between the towering mass of 
Cyllene on the left and its neighbour mountain on the right. We pass 
through the villages of Bast and Kionia^ and reach the ruins of Stym- 
phalus in 3 hours 40 minutes from Phonia, 

The more southerly route is rather shorter, and is the one generally 
taken. Traversing the plain of Pheneus, with its vineyards and maize- 
fields, we cross the broad gravelly bed of the Phoniatiko river and reach 
the village of Mosa at the north-eastern side of the lake. The path now 
gradually ascends the mountain and winds through pine -forest high 
above the margin of the lake. It is often exceedingly narrow, and the 
descent to the lake on the right very steep. The views of the blue 
waters of the lake, seen far below framed between the trunks of the 
pines, are very beautiful. The summit of the ridge is said to be some 
4000 or 5000 feet above the sea. On reaching it we lose sight of the 
lake of Pheneus, and begin to descend towards the valley of Stymphalus, 
which does not, however, appear as yet. The descent is long, steep, 
stony, and tortuous. On our right (south) a huge mountain slope, 
covered with pine-forest, soars high above us. It may be Mt. Sciathis 
or Mt. Geronteum. On the left (north) we see the summer village of 
Kastania^ prettily situated among trees on the slope of the opposite 
mountain, but so near that the sound of a church bell ringing in it 
can be heard across the valley. Finally the path leads down to a water- 
course, the broad dry bed of which it follows for some way to the winter 
village (Kalyvid) of Kastania^ which lies at the extreme west end of the 
valley of Stymphalus, just at the foot of the mountains. Hence the path 
runs, first through a shady green lane between vineyards, and then across 
fields of maize to the edge of the lake of Stymphalus. The time from 
Phonia to the ruins of Stymphalus by this route is 3 hours 25 minutes. 

See Pouqueville, Voyage de la GricCy $. p. 320 sqq, ; Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 435 
sqq, ; Gcll, Journey in the Morea, p. 380 sqq. ; id.. Itinerary of the Morea, 
pp. 148 j^., 154; Leake, Morea, 3. p. 1145^^. ; Curtius, Pehp, I. p. 199 J^. ; 
Welcker, Tagelmch, i. p. 303 sq. ; Beul^, Etudes sur le Piloponnese, p. 157 : 
W. G. Clark, Pelop. p. 319 sqq. ; Vischer, Erinnerungen^ p. 490 sq. ; Baedeker,' 
p. 304 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 386 sq. ; PhiUppson, Pelopomtes, p. 126. I followed 
the southern route from Pheneus to Stymphalus (but in the reverse direction) in 
September 1895, and have described it from my own observation. But the times 
of both routes are taken from the Guide-Joanne. 

16. I. Tricrena ('three fonntains ')• 'Hie < three fountains' are 
identified by Beul^ and the writer of the Guide-Joanne with three tiny 
rills which descend the bare rocks on the eastern side of Mt. Geronteum 
to form the stream which feeds the swampy lake of Stymphalus. Since 
Pausanias, going eastward, says that Mt. Tricrena was on the left (north) 



244 TOMB OF AEPYTUS bk. viii. arcadia 

of Mt Geronteum, it would appear that the name Tricrena was given to 
a part of the ridge between Mt Geronteum on the south and Mt. Sepia 
on the north. See Leake, Morea^ 3. p. 116; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 199 ; 
Beul^, Etudes sur le P^loponntse^ p. 157 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 387. 

16. 2. Here Aepytns is said to have been MUed by tbe 

snake. The species of snake was called seps. See viii. 4. 7. Hence 
the mountain seems to have taken its name (Sepia) from these snakes. 
In the mountains to the west of Cyllene a peasant told BeuM a story of 
a prince who had been killed by the bite of a serpent and buried on the 
mountain with all his treasures (Beul^, £tudes sur le P/loponn^sey 
p. 179 sg.) 

16. 3. Homer mentions the tomb. See Iliad, ii. 604. The 
*' large tumulus, surrounded and sustained by a circular wall of rough 
stones," which Gell proposed to identify with the tomb of Aepytus, can- 
not possibly be the one described by Pausanias ; for whereas the latter 
was somewhere at the south-western foot of Mt. Cyllene, the tumulus 
seen by Gell was away to the east of the Stymphalian lake, on the road 
to Phlius. The tumulus observed by Gell had been cut into on both 
sides, and it occurred to Gell that perhaps the excavations had been 
directed by Pausanias. But the antiquaries who made these excava- 
tions were more probably of the Dousterswivel than of the Oldbuck sort 
See Gell, Itinerary of the Morea, p. 1 68 sq, ; /V/., Itinerary of Greece, 
p. 72 ; id», Journey in the Morea, p. 384 sq, 

16. 3. the dance wrought by Hephaestns etc. See Homer, //. 
xviii. 590 sqq, ; Paus. ix. 40. 3 note. 

16. 4. one at Halicamassos etc. The site of the Yimous Mauso- 
leum at Halicamassus, which the ancients reckoned one of the seven 
wonders of the world (Strabo, xiv. p. 656 ; Pliny, Nat, hist, xxxvi. 30 
sq,'y Vitruvius, ii. 8. 11 ; Lucian, Dial, inort, xxiv.), was discovered 
by the English expedition sent out in 1856 under the direction of 
the late Sir C. T. Newton. The precious remains of the Mausoleum, 
including the Amazon frieze and the colossal statue of Mausolus himself, 
are now in the British Museum. See Sir C. T. Newton, Travels and 
discoveries in the Levant, 2. p. 84 sqq, ; and his article * Mausoleum,* in 
Smith's Diet, of Gr, and Rom, Antiquities,^ 

16. 4- Mausolns, king of that city. Ancient writers often speak 
of Mausolus as a king. See Strabo, xiv. p. 656 ; Cicero, Tusc, iii. 
31. 75 ; Vitruvius, ii. 8. 10; Lucian, Dial, mort, xxiv; Polyaenus, vii. 
23. Pliny speaks of him {NcU. hist, xxxvi. 30) as * petty king * {regulus) 
of Caria. Diodorus (xv. 90 ; xvi. 7 and 36) describes him as * dynast 
of Caria.* Aulus Gellius, however, mentions (x. 18. i) that by some 
Greek historians Mausolus was described as lieutenant-governor {satrap) 
only ; and that his authorities were right is proved by inscriptions found 
at Mylasa, which speak of Mausolus as holding the office of satrap 
{k^aidpairtvovro^) in the reign of Artaxerxes, king of Persia. See 
Froehner, Inscr. grecques du Lotivre, No. 96 ; Dittenberger, Sylloge 
Inscr, Graec, No. 76 ; Hicks, Greek historical Inscriptions, No. 10 1 ; 
Cauer, Delectus Inscr, Graec,^ Nos. 492-494. An inscription of 
Erythrae, recording a decree of the senate and people of Erythrae in 



CH. XVII MOUNT CYLLENE 245 

honour of Mausolus, has been restored so as to describe Mausolus as 
king, thus : 

M]aixn7'€t>AAo[v *E]icar[o/Ava> j^ocriXJca. 

But perhaps, as Mr. Foucart and Pro£ Dittenberger have proposed, the 
inscription should be restored thus : 

M]avovft)XAo[v *E]KOT[o/4va) MvAoirJeou 

For Mausolus was a native of Mylasa (Vitruvius, ii. 8. 11). See Hicks, 
op, cit. No. 102 ; Dittenberger, op, cit. No. 84 ; Bulletin de Corresp. 
fulUn, 5(1881), p. 503. It is possible, however, that, after his revolt 
from Artaxerxes, Mausolus may have assumed the title of king. This is 
made the more probable by an inscription of Amorgos which, as restored 
by Mr. R. Weil, contained the words [cttI j3a]a-i\ca)s M[avar(oXXoi;]. See 
Mittheil, d, arch, Inst, in Athen^ i (1876), p. 3 '2 sq, 

17. I. Monnt Oyllene, the highest mountain in Arcadia. Mount 
Cyllene, a grand pyramidal mountain of reddish- grey rock, which is 
clearly visible even from Attica, is the highest mountain in Arcadia, as 
Pausanias correctly says. Its height, as determined by the French 
survey, is 2374 metres (7789 feet), which is only about 60 feet more 
than that of its neighbour on the west, Mt Chelmos (the ancient 
Aroanius), whose height, according to the French survey, is 2355 
metres (7726 feet). These two mountains are, with the exception of 
Mt St, Elias in Laconia (2409 metres = 7903 feet), the highest peaks 
in Peloponnese. Snow lies on the summit of Cyllene for about eight 
months of the year. The mountain is easily ascended in three and a 
half hours from Trikala^ a village on the north side (see above, p. 
184 ^^.) On the summit Mr. Peytier found no traces of the temple of 
Hermes mentioned by Pausanias. See ^c^Xx^^ Recherches^ p. 154; 
Philippson, Peloponnes^ pp. 122-124, 138- 141. 

17. I. Elatns. See viii. 4, ^ 2, 4, 6. The name Elatus perhaps 
means * fir-man,' from elati (ikdrrj), a * fir-tree.* Fir-trees seem to have 
been as plentiful on Cyllene and the neighbouring mountains in antiquity 
as they are now, for Theophrastus (//ist. plant, v. 4. 6) speaks of the 
bridges of fir-wood made by the people of Pheneus. The western and 
higher mass of Cyllene is indeed treeless on the north side, but the 
eastern mass is clothed with fir- woods up to the height of 5000 feet and 
more (Philippson, Peloponnes^ p. 124). Describing the mountain as 
seen from the south-east, Mr. W. G. Clark says : " Where all other 
vegetation has ceased, a scattered forest of black pines has rooted itself 
in the grey limestone. From among the pines rises an irregular cone, 
utterly bare" (^Peloponnesus^ p. 324). 

17. 2. The kinds of wood out of which men of old made images 
etc According to Theophrastus {Hist, plant, v. 3. 7) the woods out of 
which images were carved were the varieties of cedar, cypress, lotus, 
and boxwood ; smaller images were also made of olive -roots. Pau- 
sanias often mentions images made of various kinds of wood. See ii. 
17.5 (image of Hera made of the wood of the wild pear) ; ii. 30. 4 
(images of Damia and Auxesia of olive-wood); iiL 14. 7 (image of 



246 WOODS FOR MAKING IDOLS bk. viii. arcadia 

Aesculapius of agnus wood) ; iii. 15. 11 (image of Aphrodite Morpho of 
cedar-wood) ; vi. 1 8. 7 (statues of athletes of fig-wood and cypress- 
wood) ; ix. 10. 2 (image of Ismenian Apollo of cedar-wood). We 
should naturally expect the image of a god to be made of the tree 
which was sacred to him, and which at an earlier time may, in some 
cases, have been regarded as the god himself. Thus the image of 
Aesculapius was made out of his sacred tree (iii. 14. 7). But other 
considerations, such as the beauty or durability of the particular kind of 
wood, may have determined the image-maker to carve a god out of it. 
Thus the different sorts of wood here mentioned by Pausanias are all 
(except the yew) reckoned by Theophrastus among the woods which are 
least apt to rot {Hist, plant, v. 4. 2 ; cp. Pliny, Nat, hist. xvi. 2 1 3). 
The image of Artemis at Ephesus was generally said to be of ebony, 
but the Consul Mucianus affirmed that it was of vine-wood (Pliny, I.e.) 
The image of Artemis dedicated by Xenophon in the little temple on 
his estate was of cypress-wood {Anab. v. 3. 12), which Theophrastus 
{I.e.) considered to be the most durable of all woods (compare what 
Pausanias says, vi. 18. 7). The comic poet Hermippus spoke of 
cypress- wood exported from Crete "for the gods " (Athenaeus, i. p. 27 f), 
meaning perhaps that images were carved out of it. In Rome there 
was an old image of Veiovis made of cypress-wood (Pliny, Nat. hist. xvi. 
216). Two images of Queen Juno made of cypress-wood were carried 
in procession through the streets of Rome in 207 B.C. (Livy, xxvi. 37). 
Cp. Hehn, Kulturpflansen und Hausthiere^^ p. 229 sq. (p. 213 sq.^ Engl, 
trans.) Pliny mentions that cedar- wood, on account of its durability, 
was used to make images of. The image of Sosian Apollo at Rome, 
which had been brought from Seleucia, was of cedar-wood. See Pliny, 
Nat. hist. xiii. 5 3. Pausanias twice mentions images of cedar-wood (see 
above) ; and the wooden image of Artemis in the great cedar-tree at 
Orchomenus may also have been of cedar-wood (viii. 12. 2). But it 
must be remembered that under the name cedar (kcS/jos) the Greeks 
sometimes included the juniper or some species of it. See Theophrastus, 
Hist, plant, iii. 13. 3; Pliny, Nat. hist. xvi. 52; Fiedler, Reisc^ i. 
p. 516 sq.\ Neumann und Partsch, Physikalisehe Geographie von 
Griechenland, p. 368 sq. The Juniperus oxyeedrus^ which grows in 
Peloponnese, Euboea, and on Helicon, is still called by the Greeks 
* cedar ' (kcS/oos) ; its wood is fragrant, does not rot easily, and resists 
the ravages of insects (Fiedler, I.e.) Some of the images described 
above as of cedar-wood may have been really of juniper. On the 
woods used for making images, see C. Botticher, Baumkultus^ P» 2 1 5 sqq. 
As to the word which I have translated *yew,* see note on iv. 26. 7. 
Among the Damaras of South Africa each totem-clan has a particular 
tree or shrub sacred to it ; and the image of the household deity, who is 
a deceased parent or ancestor, consists of two pieces of the wood of that 
particular tree or shrub (C. J. Anderson, Lake Ngami, p. 228 sq.) 

17. 2. janiper. The Greek word is thuon {Ovov). According 
to Theophrastus {Hist, plant, v. 3. 7) the tree was called either thuon 
or thuaj it grew in the oasis of Jupiter Ammon and in the district of 
Cyrene. Theophrastus describes it as resembling the cypress (especially 



CH. XVII WHITE BLACKBIRDS 247 

the wild cypress) in branches, leaves, stem, and fruit ; its wood did not 
rot readily. Pliny {Nat, hist, xiii. 100) identified it with the tree which the 
Romans called citrus. See Liddell and Scott's Lexicon^ s,v, Qvia, 

17. 3* the blackbirds there are white all over. The white 
blackbirds of Mt. Cyllene are first mentioned by Aristotle. He says 
{Hist, anim, ix. 19. p. 617 a 11 sqq,)\ "There are two kinds of black- 
birds. One is black and is found everywhere. The other is quite white and 
as big as the other, and its notes are similar ; it is found on Cyllene in 
Arcadia, but nowhere else." Again, the author of the De mirab, auscul- 
tationibus (who may be Aristotle) says, § 15 (14) : "They say that on 
Cyllene in Arcadia, but nowhere else, the blackbirds are white, and 
utter varied notes, and come forth to the moon ; but if any one makes 
an attempt on them by day, they are extremely hard to catch." The 
while blackbirds of Cyllene are also mentioned by Aelian (Nat, anim, v. 
27) on the authority of Sostratus ; by Pliny {Nat, hist, x. 87) ; and by 
Eustathius (on Homer, p. 300). Eustathius clearly copies from the 
De mirab, auscult, Priscian {Periegesis^ 415) mentions white blackbirds 
in Arcadia. With regard to the alleged white blackbirds of Cyllene, I 
asked Professor Alfred Newton whether, considering that snow lies on 
Mt. Cyllene the greater part of the year, it was possible that a breed of 
white blackbirds might have been produced there by natural selection, 
the white colour acting as a protection, as in the case of the white-furred 
and white-feathered creatures of the Arctic regions. I have to thank 
Prof. Newton for his courteous answer. After pointing out (what 
critics of Pausanias, myself included, appear to have overlooked hitherto) 
that the statement about the white blackbirds is to be traced to 
Aristotle, he wrote : " It may easily have happened that a white Black- 
bird, or more than one, may have been reported to Aristotle from 
Cyllene, and he, not having heard of one from elsewhere, may have been 
justified in saying that it was the only place where such a lusus occurred. 
I should prefer this interpretation to thinking that there was a particular 
breed or race of white Blackbirds on this mountain — though I will not 
deny the possibility of there having been such a thing, for albinism is 
commonly transmitted and would doubtless more often become heredi- 
tary, did it not carry with it the heavy penalty of making the albino or 
albinescent animal so conspicuous as to become the easy prey of his 
predatory fellow -creatures — i,e, under ordinary circumstances, for of 
course there are the exceptional cases of such fur or feathers acting as a 
protection by assimilating the wearer's colour to snow." 

17. 3. the lake of Tantalus. See note on v. 13. 7, vol. 3. p. 555. 

17. 5. Chelydorea. This is probably Mavron Oros (* Black 
Mountain '), the high, precipitous, fir-clad mountain to the north of the 
modem village of Karya, Its modem name is derived from the almost 
perpendicular precipices of dark rock which descend on its east, north, 
and west sides, giving the mountain a very imposing appearance. From 
the northem side of the mountain the torrent of Zacholi descends 
through a savage and wooded glen to the sea. Leake suggested that 
Chelydorea might perhaps be the ridge which protmdes northward 
from Cyllene in the direction of Karya^ but on the south side of that 



248 PHENEUS TO NONACRIS bk. viii. arcadia 

village. See Leake, Morea^ 3. pp. 141, 220 sq, ; Boblaye, Recherches^ 
p. 18 ; Curtius, Pelap, i. p. 200 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 398 ; Philippson, 
Peloponnes^ p. 124 sq, 

17. 6. the road to the left leads to the city of Olitor. This 
road is described below, from 19. 4 to 21. i. 

17. 6. the road to the right leads to Nonacris and the water of 
the Styx. The route from Pheneus to the Styx, at least so far as the 
modem village of Zarouchla at the head of the valley of the Crathis, is 
one of the most beautiful in all Greece. The grandeur of the mountains, 
the richness of the vegetation, the fragrance and charm of the pine- 
forests, the distant views of the blue lake of Pheneus, all contribute to 
render the impression which the day's journey leaves on the memory 
one of the most agreeable that the traveller brings back with him from 
Greece. From the lower village of Phama we ascend through the 
luxuriant gardens and lanes of the village to the ridge which bounds 
the plain of Pheneus on the north-west On reaching it, a magnificent 
view westward of the mighty Mount Chelmos (the ancient Aroanius), 
with its bare summit and pine-clad lower slopes, bursts upon us. The 
mountain is seen rising above a deep basin-like valley, the bottom and 
sides of which are clothed with the richest vegetation. High up on the 
slope of the mountain to the north-west (Mount Crathis), among trees, 
is the delightfully-situated monastery of St. George. Our path leads 
down into the valley ; on the slope grow white poplars and cypresses, 
and the ground is partly carpeted with ferns. From the bottom of the 
valley, which is chiefly occupied by a charming grove of plane-trees, we 
ascend through fine woods, mostly of oak, to the monastery of St. George. 
Still ascending after we have passed the monastery, we plunge again 
into a maze of beautiful woods and dense tangled thickets, threaded by 
rills of sparkling water. Vegetation of such rank luxuriance is rarely 
met with in Greece. On emerging from these delightful woodlands we 
traverse, always ascending, a stretch of bare bushy slopes which inter- 
venes between the verdant glades below and the sombre pine-forests 
higher up. When these slopes are passed, we enter the pine-forest, 
through which our way now goes for several hours. Few things can 
be more delightful than this ride through the pine-woods. It was a 
bright October day when I passed through them on my way to Solos; 
in many places the forest was carpeted with ferns, now turned yellow, 
and between the tree-trunks we could see across the valley the great 
slopes of Mount Cyllene, of a glowing purple in the intense sunlight 
From time to time, too, we had views backward over the blue waters 
of the lake of Pheneus embosomed in its dark pine-clad mountains. 
Added to all this were the delicious odour of the pines and the freshness 
and exhilaration of the air at a height of about 6000 feet. But the 
culmination of beauty, so far as distant views go, is reached on the 
summit of the ridge, before we begin to descend the northern slope 
towards Zarouchla. On the one side, toward the south-east, we look 
back to the lake of Pheneus and the great mountains which encircle it, 
Mount Cyllene above all. On the other side, toward the north-west, we 
look down into the long narrow valley of the river Crathis, hemmed in 



CH. XVII PHENEUS TO NONACRIS 249 

on either hand by high mountains, above which soars the bare sharp 
peak of Mount Chelmos on the south, while at the ferther end of the 
valley the view is closed by the blue Acamanian mountains across the 
Gulf of Corinth. From the ridge we now descend through the forest 
by a steep winding stony path, till we reach the bed of a stream flowing 
among romantic rocks and woods to join or rather to form, with other 
streams, the Crathis. In the bottom of the valley the richness of the 
vegetation even increases. We rode through thickets of planes, growing 
as gp-eat bushes or small trees, so dense that we had constantly to stoop 
to the horses' necks to prevent our faces from being brushed by the 
branches. Other trees and plants, of which I did not know the names, 
grew in profusion around us. And above all this Eden-like verdure of 
woods and lanes and thickets shot up the huge sharp peaks of Chelmos 
and its sister mountains, blue and purple in the sunlight. In this para- 
dise lies the village of Zarouchla, The time from Phonia to Zarouchla 
is a little under four hours. Beyond Zarouchla the path follows the 
valley of the Crathis {Akrala\ keeping for the most part on the right 
bank of the stream. The valley is very narrow, and is enclosed by 
immense steep mountains, the sides of which, wherever it is practicable, 
are terraced for vines or other cultivation. The Crathis, when I saw it 
in October 1895, ^^^ ^ clear rushing stream, easily fordable at any 
point. At first the path runs in the bottom of the valley through 
tangled thickets. Here and there, where the valley is wide enough 
to admit of it, a patch of maize is grown. But soon, as we 
proceed, the valley contracts too much to allow even of this, and so 
the path, often rough and difficult for horses, ascends and leads along 
the barer mountain - side at some height above the stream. Thus 
advancing we at last arrive opposite to the mouth of the deep glen 
down which the Styx comes to join the Crathis on its left (western) 
bank. Here we cross the Crathis and strike up the glen of the Styx. 
The scenery of the profound and narrow glen is almost oppressively 
grand. The mountains are immense and exceedingly massive ; above 
they are bare and rocky ; but their lower slopes are terraced so as to 
resemble gigantic staircases, and on the terraces are several very 
picturesque villages, the houses scattered at different levels and em- 
bowered among trees. At the upper end of the glen soars the mighty 
cone of Mount Chelmos (Aroanius). The gp:andeur of the scenery, 
which would otherwise be almost awful, is softened by the wonderful 
luxuriance of the vegetation in the glen. The horse-chestnut trees 
especially, with their enormous gnarled and knotted trunks, are a sight 
to see. The nightingales are said to be very common here and to sing 
from February to June. A long laborious ascent by a winding path 
brings us to the prosperous village of Solos on the eastern side 
of the glen. The villages on the opposite side of the glen, dispersed 
over the terraced slopes, are Gounarianika^ Mesorougiy and Peristera. 
Together the four villages form almost a single settlement, and as such 
go by the name oi Kloukinaes, One of them probably occupies the 
site of the ancient Nonacris. The time from Pheneus (^Phonia) to Solos 
is about Ave and a half hours. 



250 FALL OF THE STYX bk, viii. arcadia 

I traversed this route, 1st October 1895, ^'^^ ha.\^ described it from my own 
observation. See also Leake, Morea^ 3. pp. 156 sqq,^ 169 sq, ; Beul^, Jttudts sur 
le Piloponnise^ p. 166 sqq. ; Vischer, Erinnerungen^ p. 489 sqq, ; W. G. Clark, 
Peloponnesus J p. 311 sqq,\ Baedeker,' p. 304; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 384 sq. ; 
Philippson, Peloponnes^ p. 132 sq, 

17. 6. a high cliff the water of Styx. The village of Solos 

stands, as we have seen, on the right bank of the Styx, near where that 
stream falls into the Crathis. But the source of the stream is at the 
head of the glen, some miles to the south, where the water tumbles or 

• trickles, according to the season, over the smooth face of an immense 

- perpendicular clifT, the top of which is not far below the conical summit 
of Mount Chelmos (nearly 8000 feet high). The walk from Solos to 
the foot of the fall and back is exceedingly fatiguing, and very few 
travellers accomplish it ; most of them are content to view the fall from 
a convenient distance through a telescope. In the first two miles or so 
from Solos the path is practicable for horses, and travellers who are 
resolved to make their way to the waterfall will do well to ride thus fer 
and to have the horses waiting for them here on their return. It is 
also necessary to take a guide or guides from Solos. The path winds 
up the glen, keeping at first high on the right bank. The bed of the 
stream is here prettily wooded with poplars and other trees and is 
spanned by a bridge with a single high arch. For a considerable 
distance above the village the water of the Styx, as seen from above, 
appears to be of a clear light blue colour, with a tinge of green. This 
colour, however, is only apparent, and is due to the slaty rocks, of a pale 
gp-eenish-blue colour, among which the river flows. In reality the 
water is quite clear and colourless. In about twenty minutes from 
leaving the village we come in sight of the cliff over which the water of 
the Styx descends. It is an immense cliff, absolutely perpendicular, a 
little to the left or east of the high conical summit of Mount Cliehnos. 

i The whole of this northern face of the mountain is in fact nothing but a 
sheer and in places even overhanging precipice of grey rock — by far 
the most awful line of precipices I have ever seen. The cliffs of Delphi, 
grand and imposing as they arc, sink into insignificance compared with 
the prodigious wall of rock in which Mount Chelnws descends on the 
north into the glen of the Styx. The cliff down which the water comes 
is merely the eastern and lower end of this huge wall of rock. Seen 
from a distance it appears to be streaked perpendicularly with black 
and red. The black streak marks the line of the waterfall, to which it 
has given the modem name of Mavro-nero^ * the Black Water.' The 
colour is produced by a dark incrustation which spreads over the 
smooth face of the rock wherever it is washed by the falling water or 
by the spray into which the water is dissolved before it reaches the 

^ ground. In the crevices of the cliffs to the right and left of the fall 
great patches of snow remain all the year through. I saw them and 
passed close to the largest of them on a warm autumn day, after the 
heat of summer and before the first snow of winter. In about twenty- 
five minutes after leaving Solos we cross the Styx by a ford, and hence- 
forward the route lies on the left or western bank of the streariL Five 



CH. XVII FALL OF THE STYX 251 

minutes from the ford bring us to a mill picturesquely situated among 
trees, where a brook comes purling down a little glen wooded with 
willows and plane-trees. Just above the mill the Styx tumbles over a 
fine rocky linn in a roaring cascade. Beyond this point the steep slopes 
of the hills on the opposite bank of the stream are covered with ferns, 
which when I rode up the glen were tinged with the gold of autumn. 
In front of us looms nearer and larger the cone of Mount Chelmos with 
its long line of precipices. Ten or twelve minutes beyond the mill the 
horses are left and the traveller sets forward on foot As we advance, 
the glen grows wilder and more desolate, but for the first half-mile or 
so it is fairly open, the track keeps close to the bed of the stream, and 
there is no particular difficulty. A deep glen now joins the glen of the 
Styx from the south-east. Here we begin to ascend the slope and cross 
an artificial channel which brings down water to the mill. All pretence 
of a path now ceases, and hencefonvard till we reach the foot of the 
waterfall there is nothing for it but to scramble over rocks and to creep 
along slopes often so steep and precipitous that to find a foothold or 
handhold on them is not easy, and stretching away into such depths 
below that it is best not to look down them but to keep the eyes fixed 
on the gp'ound at one's feet. A stone set rolling down one of these 
slopes will be heard rumbling for a long time, and the sound is echoed 
and prolonged by the cliffs with such startling distinctness that at first 
it sounds as if a rock were coming thundering down upon the wayfarer 
from above. In the worst places the guides point out to the traveller 
where to plant his feet and hold him up if he begins to slip. Shrubs, 
tough grass, and here and there a stunted pine-tree give a welcome 
hold, but on the steepest slopes they are wanting. The last slope up 
to the foot of the cliff — a very long and steep declivity of loose gravel 
which gives way at every step — is most fatiguing. As I was struggling 
slowly up it with the guides, we heard the furious barking of dogs away 
up the mountains on the opposite side of the glen. The barking came 
nearer and nearer, and being echoed by the cliffs had a weird impressive 
sound that suited well with the scene, as if hell-hounds were baying at 
the strangers who dared to approach the infernal water. However, 
the dogs came no nearer than the foot of the slope up which we were 
clambering, and some shouts and volleys of stones served to keep them 
at bay. At the head of this long slope of loose gravel we reach the 
foot of the waterfall. The water, as I have indicated, descends the 
smooth face of a huge cliff, said to be over 600 feet high. It comes 
largely from the snowfields on the summit of Mount Chelmos^ and hence 
its volume varies with the season. When I visited the fall early in 
October, after the long drought of summer, the water merely trickled 
down the black streak on the face of the cliff, its presence being shown 
only by the glistening appearance which it communicated to the dark 
surface of the rock. At the foot of the cliff it formed a small stream, 
flowing down a very steep rocky bed into the bottom of the glen far 
below. The water was clear and not excessively cold. Even when, 
through the melting of the snows, the body of the water is considerable, 
it is said to be all dissolved into spray by falling through such a height 



252 FALL OF THE STYX bk. viii. arcadia 

and to reach the ground in the form of fine rain. Only the lower part 
of the cliff is visible from the foot of the waterfall, probably because the 
cliff overhangs somewhat. Certainly the cliffs a little to the right of the 
waterfall overhang considerably. With these enormous beetling crags 
of grey rock rising on three sides, the scene is one of sublime, but wild 
and desolate grandeur. I have seen nothing to equal it anywhere. On 
.the third side, looking down the glen and away over the nearer hills, 
'we see the blue mountains of Acamania across the Gulf of Corinth ; 
my guide said these mountains were in Roumelia. In the face of the 
rock, a few yards to the right of the waterfall, are carved the names 
or initials of persons who have visited the spot, with the dates of their 
visits. Among the names is that of King Otho, with the date 1847. 
The time from Solos to the foot of the waterfell is about three hours 
and a half. 

I visited the fall of the Styx, 2nd October 1895, and have described the fall 
and the route to it from my own observation. See also Leake, Morea^ 3. pp. 
160 j^., 172 ; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 155 ; Fiedler, Reise^ I. p. 398 sq. ; Curtius, 
Pelop, I. p. 195 sq, ; BeuU, Etudes sur le Pihponnise^ p. 166 sqq. ; Vischer, 
Erinnerungetty p. 490 sq, ; W. G. Clark, Pelop, p. 302 ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. 
p. 202 ; Baedeker,' p. 304 sq, ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 385 ; Philippson, PelopanueSf 

Apuleius tells us that one of the tasks imposed on Psyche by Venus 
was to fetch water from the Styx. The waterfall was shown to the 
hapless maid afar off by her cruel taskmistress : " Dost see, rising above 
yon high, high cliff, the summit of a lofty mountain from which the dark 
rills of a sable fount flow downward and, shut within the trough of a 
narrow dale, water the Stygian fens ? " Apuleius represents the water 
as guarded by fierce dragons. See Apuleius, Met, vi. 14 sq. This 
belief that the water was guarded by dragons explains the name of the 
Dragon Water, by which the cascade is sometimes still known. It is a 
common idea that springs of water are guarded by dragons or serpents. 
See note on ix. 10. 5. The dark colour of the water, as seen against 
the black incrustation on the face of the cliff, was explained by a fable 
that Demeter, mourning for her lost daughter, and angry at the impor- 
tunate courtship of Poseidon, came to the spring, and seeing her dark 
lowering features mirrored in the water, loathed it and made it black. 
See Ptolemaeus, Nov. Hist. iii. {Mythogr. Graeci^ ed. Westermann, 
p. 186). It thus appears that for both the modem local names of the 
Styx, namely the Black Water and the Dragon Water, mythological 
explanations are to be found in ancient writers. It seems probable, 
therefore, that these have always been the local names for the waterfall, 
while Styx may have been a name given to it by the learned. When 
* Leake discovered the waterfall in 1 806, the natives knew nothing of the 
Styx as the name for the fall. They called it the Black Water or the 
Dragon Water. Now of course they are, through travellers, familiar 
with the name of Styx. The passages of Apuleius and Ptolemaeus, 
which I have cited, have apparently been overlooked by modem writers. 
18. I. Hesiod, in the Theogony etc. See Hesiod, Theog. 383. 
The father of Styx, according to Hesiod, was Pallas. Elsewhere (Theog. 



1 



CH. xviii OATH BY THE STYX 253 

785 sqq,y 805 sq,) Hesiod describes the Styx as a cold water dripping 
from a high precipitous crag and flowing through a rugged place. This 
accurate description seems to show that Hesiod either had seen the fall 
of the Styx himself or had talked with those who had. The water of the 
fall, being chiefly fed by melted snow, is in general very cold. Hesiod, 
moreover, says (Theog, yyy sqq.) that abhorred Styx dwelt in "a stately 
palace roofed with lofty rocks, and all around were silver pillars propped 
against the sky." Is it fanciful to see in the " silver pillars " the enor- 
mous icicles which in winter must hang over the cliff? It is said that 
when a cloud rests on the sunmiit of the precipice, the water of the 
cascade seems to drop straight from the sky. In winter the clouds must 
often be down on the mountain, and the icicles will then look like 
** silver pillars propped against the sky." 

18. 2. Witness me now, earth and the broad heaven above etc. 
The lines are I/t'adj xv. 36 sq. 

18. 2. in the list of the troops under Chinens. See Iliady ii. 

748-755- 

18. 3. he makes it a water in hell etc. See ///W, viii. 366-369. 

18. 4* This water is deadly to man etc. A draught of the water 
of Styx was supposed to be instantly fatal (Theophrastus, cited by Anti- 
gonus Carystius, Histor, mtrab. 158 (174); Pliny, Nat. hist. ii. 231, 
xxxi. 26 ; cp. Strabo, viii. p. 389). Seneca, who reports the deadly 
quality of the water, admits that there was nothing in the appearance or 
smell of it to excite suspicion {Natur. quaest, iii. 25. i). Ovid says 
that the water was injurious by day but harmless by night (^Met. xv. 332 
sqq.^ where, if we adopt the reading locus instead of locus^ Ovid seems 
to have confused the water of the lake of Pheneus with the water of 
Styx). Ovid's statement is repeated by Lactantius Placidus {Narr. Fab. 
XV. 23). Chemical analysis has shown that the water contains no sub- 
stances held in solution ; hence any injurious effects which it may pro- 
duce can only be imputed to its extreme coldness, for it is snow-water. 
Landerer observed that in July the temperature of the water was 5° 
centigrade, while the temperature of the air was 35'. See Philippson, 
Peloponnes^ p. 134. The belief in the deadly nature of the water prob- 
ably explains why solemn oaths were taken by it. The oath was in 
fact a sort of poison-ordeal ; the water would kill the man who forswore 
himself, but spare the man who swore truly. When Cleomenes, the 
banished king of Sparta, tried to band the Arcadians together against 
his native land, he was eager to persuade the chief men of Arcadia to 
go with him to Nonacris and swear by the water of the Styx that they 
would follow wherever he might lead (Herodotus, vi. 74). Although 
this is the only instance of the sort recorded in histor>', we may safely 
infer that from time immemorial an oath by the water of the Styx had 
been regarded by the Arcadians as a very solemn oath ; and that when 
the poets made the gods swear by Styx they were only transferring to 
heaven a practice which had long been customary on earth. That the 
old oath did not simply attest the Styx but was accompanied by a liba- 
tion or draught of the water, or at all events by contact of some sort 
with it, seems proved by the fact that Cleomenes thought it needful to 



254 OATH BY THE STYX BK. viii. ARCADIA 

take his men to the spot in order to put the oath to them. Hesiod 
represents Iris as fetching the water of the Styx in a golden jar for the 
gods to swear by ; and his words seem to imply that the oath was 
accompanied by a libation (Theog, 784 sqq,) Among the Siceliots the 
most solemn oaths were taken at the pools called the caldrons or craters 
of the Palici (see note on iii. 23. 9). According to Polemo, the form of 
swearing at these pools was as follows. The oath was administered by 
persons who read it out from a written copy which they held in their 
hands. The man who swore recited the oath after them, keeping one 
hand on the caldron or crater. In the other hand he waved a branch 
(of olive ?), and he wore a garland and a single tunic without a girdle. 
If he swore truly, he went home unscathed ; but if he forswore himself^ 
he died on the spot. See Polemo, quoted by Macrobius, Saturn, v. 
19. 28 sq, Damascius describes a rocky pool at the foot of a high 
waterfall in Arabia, by which solemn oaths were taken ; it was believed 
that a perjured man would die of dropsy within a year (Damascius, 
Vita Isidoriy 199). The oath by the Styx may originally, as I 
have said, have been accompanied by a draught of the supposed 
poisonous water. We have seen that near Aegira there was an 
ordeal by drinking bull's blood which was supposed to be poisonous 
(vii. 26. 13). Oaths accompanied by a draught of water, over which 
prayers have been uttered or ceremonies performed, are common in 
many parts of the world. To give a few instances. In Cambodia and 
Siam an oath of allegiance to the king is taken twice a year by the 
mandarins and officials ; the oath is accompanied by a draught of 
water in which the king's weapons have been dipped. See Moura, Le 
Royaume du CambodgCy i . p. 251 sqq, ; Aymonier, Notice sur le Cam- 
bodge^ P- 37 ^9' J Lemire, Cochinchine franqaise et Royaume de Cam- 
bodge^ p. 392 j^. ; Loubere, Le Royaume de Siam^ i. p. 247 sq, (p. 81, 
Engl, trans., London, 1693); Pallegoix, Description du Royaume Thai 
ou Siam^ i. p. 261 ; Bastian, Die Vblker des ostlichcn Asien^ 3. pp. 309 
sq.^ 519 sq. The meaning of dipping the king's weapons into the water 
is stated by Mr. Moura to be that the weapons will pierce the perjured 
man. This idea comes out still more clearly in the ceremony of making 
peace which is in vogue among the Karens of Burma. When two 
villages have been at war with each other and resolve to conclude a 
peace, they prepare what is called the " peace-making water." Filings 
are made from a sword, a spear, a musket-barrel, and a stone ; a dog is 
killed ; the filings are mixed with its blood and also with the blood of a 
hog and a fowl ; and the whole is put into a cup of water. This is the 
"peace -making water." Then the skull of the dog is chopped in 
two, and the representative of one village hangs the dog's lower 
jaw by a string round his neck, while the representative of the other 
village takes the skull and upper jaw of the dog and hangs it round his 
neck in like manner. They next take the cup in hand, promise 
solemnly to observe the peace, and then drink the water. After drink- 
ing they wish that, if any one breaks the engagement, the spear may 
pierce his breast, the musket his bowels, and the sword his head ; that 
the dog, the hog, and the stone may devour him, etc. See F. Mason, 



CH. XVIII THE WATER OF STYX 255 

* On dwellings, works of art, laws, etc. of the Karens,* Journal of the 
Asiatic Society of Bengal^ 37 (1868), pt. ii. p. 160 sq. Similarly in the 
island of Bum (East Indies), when an oath is to be sworn, the head of 
a household takes a calabash full of water, and puts into it salt, a knife, 
a sword, and a spear, stirring the water with the spear. After the oath 
has been sworn, he says to the persons who have taken it, " Reflect, 
both of you, and speak the truth ; otherwise ye shall melt as salt, be 
stabbed with the spear, and have your throat cut with the knife." Then 
the persons swearing drink the water. See J. G. F. Riedel, De sluik- 
en kroesharige Rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua^ p. 11. For other 
examples, see Aymonier, Notes sur le Laos^ pp. 166, 174, 208, 213 sq,^ 
215, 216, 262 ; Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch Indte^ N. S., 7 (1879), 
p. 382 sqq, ; Ad. Bastian, Indonesien^ i. p. 144 ; Bosman's * Guinea,' in 
Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels^ 16. p. 397 •^^« > T. J. Hutchinson, 
Impressions of Western Africa^ P* '59 J^« 

18. 5. Glass, crystal are all broken by the water etc. The 

fable that the water of Styx burst or corroded vessels made of almost 
every material is mentioned by many ancient writers, but they are not at 
one as to the material which alone was supposed capable of holding the 
water. According to Pausanias (§ 6), with whom Justin (xii. 14) agrees, 
the only substance which could resist the action of the water was a 
horse's hoof; according to others it was a mule's hoof (Vitruvius, viii. 
3. 16 ; Pliny, NcU, hist, xxx. 149 ; cp. Quintus Curtius, x. 10. 31 ; Arrian, 
Anab, vii. 27. i); according to others, it was the hoof of an ass 
(Plutarch, Alex, yj \ cp. /V/., De firimo frigore^ 20) ; according to others, 
it was any vessel made of horn (Callimachus, cited by Stobaeus, Eclogae^ 
\, 41. 51; Antigonus Carystius, Histor, Mirab. 158 (174); Tzetzes, 
Schol, on Lycophron^ 706 ; Schol. on Oppian, Halieut, i. 401 ; Eusta- 
thius, on Homer, p. 718. 31 sq,)\ according to others, it was the horn of 
a Scythian ass (Philo of Heraclea, cited by Stobaeus, Eel, i. 41. 52 ; 
Aelian, Nat. anim, x. 40), which last, as Leake drily observes, must 
have been exceedingly difficult to obtain. According to Theophrastus 
(cited by Antigonus Carystius, Lc) persons who wished to procure the 
water did so by dipping sponges, fastened on sticks, into it There was 
a curious legend that Hyllus, son of Hercules, had a little horn gp-owing 
out of the left side of his head, and that he was slain in single combat 
by Epopeus of Sicyon, who took the horn, carried the water of the Styx 
in it, and became king of the land (Ptolemaeus, Nov, hist, iii.) 

18. 5. morrhia. This was the substance which the Romans called 
murr/uiy of which the famous 7nurrhine vases were made. It seems to 
have been some sort of mineral ; onyx, opal, agate, fluor-spar, and jade 
have been suggested, but the question is not decided. See Marquardt, 
Privatleben der Romer^ P* 7^5 sqq, ; Blumner, Technologies 3. p. 276 
sq, ; Smith's Diet, of Gr, and Rom, Antiquities^ s,v, * Murrhina.' 

18. 5. the word of the Lesbian poetess. The passage of Sappho 
referred to by Pausanias is lost. A scholiast on Pindar {Pyth. iv. 407) 
also refers to it, but the lines quoted by him seem to be Pindar's. See 
Bockh's note on the passage. 

18. 6. the diamond is melted away by the blood of a billy- 



256 AROANIAN MOUNTAINS bk. viii. arcadia 

goat. This curious statement is repeated by ;Marcellus {De medicor 
mentis^ xxvi. 95). As the blood of a he-goat was supposed to possess 
this power of dissolving the hardest of all stones, a draught of it, properly 
administered, was believed to be a cure for stone, thus. Take a billy- 
goat, wild, and one year old. Shut him up in a dry place for three 
days in the month of August, feed him on bay-leaves only, and give 
him nothing at all to drink. On the third day kill him, the day being 
either a Sunday or a Thursday ; let the slaughterer be chaste and pure, 
and the patient also. Let the blood be caught by beardless boys and 
burned in an earthenware pot, which must be covered up and smeared 
with gypsum when it is put in the oven. When you have taken it out, 
grind it to powder. Then take three parts of the billy-goat's blood, one 
of white pepper, one of the ashes of a burnt polypus, one of thyme, one 
of penny-royal, one of parsley-seed, etc. Pound all these up separately, 
reduce them to fine powder, and give a spoonful of the mixture to the 
patient on a Sunday or a Thursday in a drink of wine or any other 
sweet beverage. Do this, and he will very soon have no more stone. 
See Marcellus, op, cit, xxvi. 94 sq. This is a feir average specimen of 
the remedies prescribed by the sapient Marcellus. 

18. 6. Whether Alexander, son of Philip, really died of this 
poison etc The absurd report ran that the water of the Styx had 
been sent in a horse's or mule's or ass's hoof to Alexander by Antipater, 
at the instigation of Aristotle. See Justin, xii. 14; Plutarch, Alexander^ 
77 ; Arrian, Anab,^ vii. 27. i ; Q. Curtius, x. 10. 31 ; Vitruvius, viii. 
3.16; Pliny, Nat, hist, xxx. 1 49. 

18. 7- the Aroanian mountains. Now called Mt. Chelmos^ one 
of the highest and most imposing mountains in Peloponnese (see note 
on viii. 17. i). Its western slopes are covered with pine-woods. On 
the north, as we have seen, the mountain falls away in enormous preci- 
pices to the glen of the Styx. The ascent of the summit may be 
accomplished either from Solos (see above, p. 249 sq,) or Kalcniryia (see 
below, p. 257). From Solos we proceed up the glen of the Styx a short 
way, cross the stream to its left bank by the single-arched bridge which 
has been already mentioned (p. 250), and ascend the long and very 
steep slope of the mountain, past the scattered village of Gounarianika^ 
to the high bare stony plateau of Xerokampos, from which the upper 
slopes of Mt. Chelmos rise abruptly and grandly on the south. Here on 
the tableland, if we have left Solos in the afternoon, we can find night 
quarters in the huts of the shepherds who camp out with their flocks 
during the summer on these elevated pastures. Starting the next 
morning at break of day we can reach the summit in about two hours, 
early enough to see the sun rise. The horses must be left behind with 
the shepherds, for the rest of the ascent has to be accomplished on foot. 
We follow a long gully, where the snow hardly disappears even in 
summer. Then by toilsome goat -paths we cross a low height and a 
ridge from which we obtain a glimpse down into the awful depths of the 
ravine of the Styx. Thus we reach the long crest, shaped like a horse- 
shoe, of Mt. Chelmos^ above which the four peaks rise but little. The 
highest peak (7726 feet) is at the middle of the horse-shoe. The view 



CH. XVIII ASCENT OF MOUNT CHELMOS 257 

from it embraces nearly the whole mountain-system of Greece, from 
Parnassus, Helicon, Cithaeron, and the mountains of Attica, on the north, 
away to the distant Taygetus in Laconia on the south. The time from 
Solos to the summit is about four hours. 

The ascent from Kalavryta is longer, as Kalavryta is considerably 
farther than Solos from the base of the mountain. From the valley of 
Kalavryta the way goes southward through pine-woods over Mt. Velt'a 
(a north-western spur of Mt. Chelmos) to the plain of Soudena^ on the 
eastern side of which rises Mt. Chelmos in a long unbroken slope, 
clothed with pine-forests. From the village of Soudena^ which stands 
at the foot of the mountains in the north-east comer of the plain, the 
path ascends, first between bare slopes broken by watercourses, and 
then more steeply through the pine-forest, to the plateau of Xerokantposy 
where the route joins the one from Solos, The time from Kalavryta to 
the simimit is about eight hours. 

See Philippson, PeloponneSy pp. 129-132, 141-144; Baedeker,' pp. 305-307; 
Guide-Joanru., 2. p. 386. I crossed Mt. Chehnos from Solos to Sotidena (see below, 
p. 258), but did not ascend to the summit. 

A third ascent of Mount Chelmos^ not to be attempted except by 
persons of active limbs and steady heads, is from the foot of the water- 
fall of the Styx. H ere a narrow ridge of rock known as Xhtpiaka ( * board ' ) 
slants upward, like a buttress, from the foot of the fall to the top of the 
great cliff. The surface of the ridge is covered with treacherous loose 
stones, and over its shelving edges you look down into the dizzy depths 
below. Crawling up it on hands and feet the adventurous traveller can 
climb out of the glen of the Styx to the gp-eat trough, generally filled 
with snow, from which the waterfall takes its leap. From this point 
there is no further difficulty. The way goes over easy slopes of loose 
stones and rocky declivities to the summit. See Philippson, Peloponnes^ 

p. 134. 

18. 7. a cave. When the path from Solos to Soudena (see below) 

has climbed the long steep slope of Mt. Chelmos above the village of 

Gounariamka^ it passes on the left two caves, one of which may well 

be the cave, described by Pausanias, where the frenzied daughters of 

Proetus were said to have sought refuge. The caves are quite near 

each other, on the brow of the mountain, overlooking the profound glen 

of the Styx, at the edge of the high stony plateau called Xerofcampos. 

The upper of the two caves, which is just on the edge of the plateau 

while the other is a little lower down, is marked out by some fantastic 

rock-formations above its mouth. The lower cave stands at the head of 

a tremendous slope ; bushes grow in front of it. A little lower down 

there is a remarkable natural door in the rock, of gigantic size, formed 

perhaps by the action of water eating away the middle of the rock ; at 

the side of the great door is a smaller opening like a window. The 

situation of the caves (which I have described from personal obser\'a- 

tion) tallies well with the itinerary of Pausanias ; for he says that the 

cave of the daughters of Proetus was on Mount Aroanius {Chelmos)^ and 

he mentions it between Nonacris and Lusi. Now the two caves I have 

VOL. IV S 



258 LUSI BK. VIII. ARCADIA 

described are on Mt. Aroanius, beside the path which leads from Solos 
to SoudenOf which may be taken to represent approximately the sites of 
Nonacris and Lusi. Possibly, however, the cave mentioned by Pau- 
sanias is to be identified with a deep cavern on the western side of Mt. 
Chelmos in which the inhabitants of Sondena took refuge during the 
War of Independence (Boblaye, RechcrcheSy p. 155; Curtius, Pelop. i. 
p. 197 sq,) 

18. 7. Lnsi. This is supposed to have occupied the site oiSoudena^ 
a large village which stands at the western foot of Mt. Chelmos 
(Aroanius), on the eastern edge of a high but well-cultivated plain. It 
is divided from Solos by the great outlying mass of Mt Chelmos^ the 
summit of which consists of a bare tableland known as Xerokampos 
(* dry plain '). The route from Solos to Soudena^ as far as this high 
plateau, has been already briefly described (p. 256). From the bridge 
by which we cross the Styx there is a fine view up the glen to the great 
conical summit of Mt. Chelmos; and the poplar-trees and clear rushing 
water in the bed of the stream add to the beauty of the scene. The 
ascent from the bridge to the plateau is long and tiring. It leads at 
first through picturesque villages dispersed among tr6es on the steep 
slope. At the head of the long ascent we pass near the two caves 
which have been already described and find ourselves on the tableland 
— a bare stony uneven expanse, partly covered with the low green 
shrubs and dry brown prickly plants so common in Greece. Skirting 
the upp^ slopes of Mt. Chelmos^ which tower grandly on the south, we 
cross the plateau to its western edge, from which a romantic rocky path 
leads down through the pine-forest that clothes all this side of the 
mountain. As we descend through the woods, beautiful views are to be 
had, if the day is clear, of range beyond range of mountains, dappled 
with sunshine and purple shadows, in the west. In time the plain of 
Soudena^ traversed by the broad stony bed of the Aroanius {Katsana 
river), and bounded on three sides by bare rounded hills, opens out 
below us. The last part of the descent is between low treeless slopes 
broken by watercourses. The village of Soudena^ supposed to repre- 
sent the ancient Lusi, stands on the lowest slopes of the hills which 
bound the plain on the north-east. It is about two hours' ride south of 
Kalavryta^ from which it is divided by Mt. Velia^ a steep ridge wooded 
with firs on its northern slope, which projects from Mt. Chelmos on the 
north-west. The village of Soudena is in two divisions, a northern and 
a southern. Trees grow among the houses of the northern division ; 
and at the foot of the hill, in front of the village, there are verdant 
patches of gardens. Here, too, stands the village church under the 
shadow of some fine holly-oaks. The time from Solos to Soudena is 
about four hours. 

I rode from Solos to Sotidetta, 3rd October 1895, ^^^ ^^y^ described the route 
as I saw it. As to Soudena and the route to it from Kalavryta^ see Leake, Morea, 
2. pp. 20S-210; If/., 3. pp. 168 sq.f 180 ; Dodwell, Tour, 2. p. 446 sq. ; Boblaye, 
Recherclus^ p. 155 sq, ; Welcker, Tagchuch^ i. p. 299; Curtius, Pelop, i. pp. 197, 
375 ; Vischer, Erinnerungetiy p. 480 ; Bursian, Gcogr, 2. p. 265 sq. ; Baedeker,' 
P' 307; Guide-Joan fie f 2. p. 368; Philippson, PelopotineSy p. 129. As to Xcro- 
kampos compare Philippson, op. cit. p. 133. 



CH. XVIII THE DAUGHTERS OF PROETUS 259 

An inscription, found at Olympia in 1877 and dating apparently 
from the end of the third century B.c, proves* that athletic games were 
held at Lusi {Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 184). 

18. 8. Agdsilas, a man of Lusi, was proc^aixiied victor etc. 
According to Philostratus (De arte gymnastica^ 12), Eurybatus, who won 
the first wrestling-match at Olympia in OL 28 (668 B.C.), was a native 
of Lusi, though others held that he was a Spartan. Cp. v. 8. 7 note. 

18. 8. Melampns drew down the daughters of Froetns etc See 
ii. 1 8. 4 note. According to another story the daughters of Proetus 
were healed of their madness at Sicyon. See ii. 7. 8 ; cp. ApoUodorus, 
ii. 2. 2. According to others, they were healed by Melampus at the 
river Anigrus in Elis. See v. 5. 10 ; Strabo, viii. p. 346. Hesychius 
says {s.v, *Kkovxu) that Melampus founded a sanctuary of Artemis on 
a mountain called Acrum in Argolis after he had healed the daughters 
of Proetus ; but Hesychius does not expressly say that the cure was 
supposed to have been effected there. Again, different accounts are 
given of the way in which Melampus healed the women. According to 
Dioscorides (Trcpl vAi/s iarpiKrjs, iv. 149), he gave them black hellebore, 
which was hence called Melampodium. Pliny says (Ndf. hist xxv. 47) 
that he gave them the milk of goats which had browsed on the kind of 
hellebore called Melampodium. According to Ovid (Met xv. 326 j^.) 
Melampus made use of herbs and an incantation. The comic poet 
Diphilus represented Melampus purifying Proetus, his daughters, and an 
old woman, with one torch, one squill, brimstone, and bitumen (Clement 
of Alexandria, Strom, vii. 4, p. 844, ed. Potter). According to Servius 
(on Virgil, Ect vi. 48) Melampus put something in the spring out of 
which the daughters of Proetus were wont to drink. Vitruvius says 
(viii. 3. 21) that he sacrificed beside a spring. The purification of the 
daughters of Proetus by Melampus is illustrated by two works of ancient 
art which have come down to us. (i) On a fine Greek cameo the seer is 
represented holding in one hand a pig over one of the women, while in 
the other hand he grasps a branch (of laurel ?). See note on ii. 31. 8. 
The pig seems to have been especially used in the ceremony of purifying 
from madness. See Plautus, Menaechm. ii. 2. 15-19. (2) On a vase 
in the Naples Museum, painted with yellow figures on a black gp'ound, 
the three daughters of Proetus are depicted sitting round an archaic 
image of a goddess, who is probably Artemis Hemerasia. The goddess 
is clad in a long, tight-fitting robe, and holds a spear in her left hand 
and a torch in her right. Her itnage appears to be standing on the 
same altar or flat pedestal on which the women are seated. To the left 
of the spectator stands Melampus, a sceptre in his left hand. Behind 
him, on the extreme left, is seated Silenus. On the extreme right of 
the picture stands Dionysus, a goblet in his right hand, a branch in his 
left See Miiller-Wieseler, Denkmdler^ i. pL ii.. No. 11 ; Gazette archi- 
ologique^ 5 (1879), p. 126 j^. 

At Lusi there was a spring into which Melampus was said to have 
thrown the things which he had used in purifying the daughters of 
Proetus {to. diroKaOdpfmra) ; it was fabled that, in consequence of this, 
whoever drank of the spring lost his taste for wine and could not even 



26o THE SPRING AT LUSI bk. viii. arcadia 

bear the smell of it. See Vitruvius, viii. 3. 21 ; Ovid, Met, xv. 322- 
328 ; Stephanus Byzantius, s,v, 'A(avCa ; Athenaeus, ii. p. 43 f; Sotion, 
12 {Script, rer, mirab, Graec^^ ed. Westermann, p. 184) ; EtymoL Mag- 
num, s.v. KkiT6piov, p. 519. 50 s^^, ; Isidorus, Origines^ xiii. 13. 2 
(where for Italiae we should perhaps read Arcadiae), One of the causes 
assigned for the madness of the daughters of Proetus was the wrath of 
Dionysus, whose rites they had refused to accept (Hesiod, dted by 
Apollodorus, ii. 2. i ; Diodorus, iv. 68). This would explain why those 
who drank of the spring in question were thought to lose their taste for 
wine ; the aversion of the daughters of Proetus for Dionysus had been 
communicated, by means of the diroKaOdpfmroj to the water. On the 
whole story, see J. De Witte, * M^lampos et les Proetides,* Gazette 
arclUologique^ 5 (1879), pp. 121-131. 

The spring at Lusi to which ancient writers refer may perhaps be the 
small PoulioU'Vrysis (* Bird's spring '), which rises on the western side 
of Mt. Chelmos above Soudena, Its water flows into the plain below 
the village and joins the Aroanius. The spring, though smsdl, furnishes 
water for the cattle that pasture on the mountain in simimer, and the 
inhabitants of Solos and its neighbour villages imagine that if a person, 
ill of a dangerous malady, drinks of the spring, he speedily recovers or 
dies. See Leake, Morea^ 3. p. 169; Philippson, Pelopannes^ p. 130; 
Baedeker,* p. 307 ; and below, note on * a sanctuary of Artemis.* 

18. 8. a sanctnary of ArtemlB. The sanctuary of Artemis at 
Lusi is mentioned by Polybius ; he says it was between Cynaetha and 
Clitor and was esteemed inviolate by the Greeks. Sacred animals of 
the goddess lived within the precinct. A roving band of Aetolians 
threatened to pillage the sanctuary, but the inhabitants of Lusi suc- 
ceeded in buying them off. See Polybius, iv. 18, cp. 25 ; /V/,, ix. 34; 
Callimachus, Hymn to Diana^ 235 sq. Towards the end of the plain 
of Soudena^ north of the village of that name, Dodwell saw " some traces 
of antiquity, apparently the cella of a temple." He thought that this 
might be the site of the temple of Artemis Hemeresia {Tour^ 2. p. 447). 
In the plain to the west of Soudena there are three copious springs, the 
sources of the stream (the Aroanius) which runs through the gorge of 
Karnesi into the valley of Clitor. At the middle spring of the three 
Leake obser\'ed some ancient foundations, which he thought might be 
those of the temple of Artemis Hemerasia. See Leake, Morea^ 2. pp. 
109, no; /V/., 3. p. 181. Cp. QMi\\yx&^ Pelop, i. p. 375. One of these 
springs may have been the one into which Melampus was said to have 
thrown the things with which he had purified the daughters of Proetus. 
See the preceding note. 

19. I. Gynaethaeans. The city of Cynaetha seems to have stood 
on or near the site of the modem Kalarjryta^ the most important town 
of north-western Arcadia. The elevated valley of Kalavryta runs east 
and west. It is open and treeless, and the hills which enclose it on the 
north and south are low and tame. But the scenery is redeemed by the 
lofty mountains of Erymanthus on the west and Chelmos (Aroanius) on 
the south-east. The town of Kalavryta is situated at the eastern end 
of the valley, where a glen runs up from it to the north-western ridge of 



CH. XIX CYN AETNA 261 

Chelmos^ known as Mt. Velia, It takes its name of Kalavryta (< fair 
springs') from the rills of clear water which traverse its streets and 
which, with the abundance of trees, give the little town a pleasant 
aspect. The main street, indeed, resembling a bazaar, is built along 
the bed of a watercourse which, though generally dry, is sometimes 
filled with a raging torrent that occasionally floods the bazaar. The 
great peak of Mt. Chelmos^ rising conspicuously above the town beyond 
the nearer ridge of Mt. Velia^ forms a picturesque and striking back- 
ground. Great patches of snow are visible low down its slopes as late 
as the middle of May, when the air in the streets of Kaiavryta is close 
and hot. A branch railway, carried through the romantic wooded gorge 
of Diakopton (see above, p. 174), now connects Kaiavryta with the main 
line from Athens to Patras, To the east of the town rises a high rocky 
hill crowned with the ruins of a mediaeval castle called Tremola; the 
walls of the castle follow the edge of the precipice which defends the 
tabular summit of the hilL Some tombs at a place called Salmena^ 
forty minutes to the north-east of Kaiavryta^ are supposed to mark the 
site of the acropolis of Cynaetha. 

See Dodwell, Tour, 2. p. 447 sq, ; Leake, Morea^ 2. pp. 109-113; id,^ 3. 
p. 179 sq, ; Pouqueville, Voyage de la Grice^ 5. p. 341 sq. ; Boblaye, Recherches^ 
p. 157 sq, ; Curtius, Pelop. I. p. 382 sq, ; L. Ross, Wanderungtn^ I. p. 175 ; 
Vischer, Erinnerungen^ p. 481 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2, p. 266 sq. ; lEkiedeker,^ p. 306 
sq, ; Guidei/banne, 2, p. 365 ; Philippson, Peloponnes^ p. 128 sq, 

Polybius describes the Cynaethaeans as a savage and lawless people, 
whose internal history was stained with many deeds of blood ; they were 
rent into factions, which were perpetually plundering, massacring, and 
banishing each other. The historian attributes their ferocity to the 
neglect of a musical education which in the rest of Arcadia was com- 
pulsory, and was designed to soften the harsh, stem temper engendered 
by the bleak, mountainous character of Arcadia. The district of 
Cynaetha, according to Polybius, was the ruggedest, and its climate the 
bleakest, in all Arcadia. The valley of Kaiavryta (Cynaetha) certainly 
stands high (about 2300 feet above the sea), but it is not so high as the 
neighbouring valley of Soudena (Lusi) to the south of it. On one occa- 
sion, after perpetrating a peculiarly atrocious massacre, the Cynaethaeans 
sent envoys to Sparta. The various Arcadian states through whose 
territories the envoys went testified their abhorrence of the deed and 
of the people by ordering the envoys out of the country ; and the Man- 
tineans, after the envoys had departed, purified themselves and their 
belongings by sacrificing victims and carrying them round the city and 
the whole of their land. See Polybius, iv. 17-21. Similarly the 
Athenians expressed their horror of the massacre at Argos known as the 
skutalismos or < clubbing ' by causing purificatory offerings to be carried 
round the public assembly (Plutarch, Praeceft, ger, retpud, xvii. 9). 

19. I. dedicated at Olympia the image of Zewi etc. See v. 22. 
I . Cp. Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron^ 400. 

19. 2. a spring of cold water etc. This is supposed to be the 
large spring of Kalavrytine^ which rises at the foot of an ivy-clad rock 



262 SOURCE OF THE LADON bk. viii. ascadia 

near the town of Kalavryta, In front of the spring lie a number of 
blocks of marble ; they may have formerly enclosed it. See Baedeker,^ 
p. 306 sq, Cp. Leake, Moreoy 2. p. 109 sq, 

19. 4. Of the roads from Phenens leading westward etc. Of the 
two roads leading westward from Pheneus, Pausanias having described 
the right hand or more northerly of the two (see 17. 6 sqq,) now pro- 
ceeds to describe the one which led to the left (south-west) to Clitor. 
In his day the valley of Pheneus was ^plain, not a lake ; hence starting 
from Pheneus he followed the artificial canal (see note on 14. 3) across 
the plain till he came to Lycuria. At present the path skirts the lake 
on the left, then rises steeply through pine-woods to the broad summit 
of the ridge which bounds the lake on the south-west. It then drops 
down steeply to the small, straggling village of Lykouria in a cultivated 
valley, enclosed by lofty hills. The time from Pheneus is two hours and 
a half. The modem village of Lykouria can hardly occupy the site of 
the ancient place of that name. For Pausanias's description of the 
route to it implies that it was situated in the plain of Pheneus, lower 
down than the city of Pheneus, and that it was on or near the canal. 
Moreover, he says (20. i) that Lycuria was 50 Greek ftirlongs (5^^ miles) 
from the springs of the Ladon ; whereas the modem Lykouria is only 
7.\ miles (less than 20 furlongs) from the springs. Probably when the 
plain of Pheneus became a lake, the inhabitants shifted their quarters 
over the ridge to the present site. 

See Dodwell, Ttmry 2. p. 441 ; Gell, Itinerary of the Morea, p. 152 sq, ; 
Leake, Morea^ 3. p. 143; ta., Pelipf. p. 225 sq, ; Boblaye, Recherches^ ^. 156; 
Curtius, Pelop, I. p. 190 ; Beul^, Etudes sur le Pilop(mrt^se, p. 146 ; Buman, 
Geogr, 2. p. 202 ; Philippson, Pehponnes, p. 127. 

20. I. the springs of the Ladon. The Ladon of Arcadia, the 
greatest of the tributaries of the Alpheus, rises in the middle of a valley 
on the westem side of Mount Saita (the ancient Oryxis), about 2^ miles 
to the south-west of Lykouria, The valley at this point, after extending 
in a southerly or south-westerly direction from Lykouria^ bends round to 
the west. It is of some breadth, and its bottom is furrowed on both 
sides by the dry beds of two watercourses. Between the two water- 
courses there rises in the midst of the valley a low hill of reddish rock, 
which ends on the south in a precipitous face some 150 feet high. 
At the foot of this red precipitous rock lies a large still pool of opaque 
dark blue water, fringed by sharp -pointed grasses and other water 
plants, while a few stunted willows, holly-oaks, and plane-trees grow 
among the rocks beside it. This pool is the source of the Ladon, which 
rushes from the pool in a brawling impetuous stream of dark blue water, 
its margin fringed with willows. The water enters the pool, not from 
the rocks above, but from a deep chasm in the earth which is only 
visible when, as sometimes happens, the source dries up. A peasant 
who was beside the pool when I visited it in 1895 to^^ "^Y dragoman 
that three years before, after a violent earthquake, the water ceased to 
flow for three hours, and the chasm in the bottom of the pool was 
exposed, and fish were seen lying on the dry ground. After three hours 



CH. XXI SOURCE OF THE LADON 263 

the spring began to flow a little, and three days later there was a loud 
explosion and the water burst forth in immense volume. Mr. Philippson 
was informed on the spot of a like event which had taken place in 1 880. 
We have seen (p. 232) that similar sudden eruptions of water at the 
source of the Ladon have been reported earlier in the present century 
and in antiquity. The stoppage of the water and its abrupt reappear- 
ance are doubtless due to the alternate obstruction and clearance of the 
subterranean passages {katavothras) by which the Lake of Pheneus is 
drained. For the ancients were right in supposing that the water which 
rises at the source of the Ladon comes directly underground from the 
Lake of Pheneus. It has the same deep greenish-blue tinge as the water 
of the lake, and is flat and tepid to the taste like standing water, not cold 
and fresh like the water of a mountain spring. The source is distant 
only about 5 miles from the lake, from which it is divided by the high 
range of Mt. Saita (Oryxis). The hills on the opposite or western side 
of the valley are much lower ; their slopes of reddish rock are partly \ 
covered with low green bushes. Numbers of peasant women may be 
seen washing clothes beside the pool in the usual Greek fashion ; after 
soaking the clothes in water they beat them with a sort of broad paddle 
in a wooden trough. 

See Dodwell, Totir^ 2. p. 442 (who gives a view, not very accurate, of the 
source) ; Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 266 ; f</., 3. p. 151 ; Gell, Itinerary of the Moreay 
p, 129 ; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 156 ; Curtius, Pelop, I. pp. 198, 374 ; Beul^, 
Etudes sur le Piloponn^se^ p. 145 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2, p. 366 ; Philippson, Pelo- 
ponnes, p. 127. I visited the source of the Ladon,' 4th October 1895, ^^^ h&ve 
described it mainly from my own observation. 

20. 2. the story of Daphne told by the Syrians beside the 

Orontes. Pausanias refers to the famous sanctuary of Apollo at Daphne 
on the Orontes, dedicated by the Macedonian kings of Syria. Gibbon 
has described the luxurious and stately temple " deeply embosomed in a 
thick grove of laurels and cypresses, which reached as for as a circum- 
ference of 10 miles, and formed in the most sultry summers a cool and 
impenetrable shade. A thousand streams of the purest water issuing 
from every hill preserved the verdure of the earth, and the temperature 
of the air; the senses were gratifled with harmonious sounds and 
aromatic odours ; and^the peaceful gp'ove was consecrated to health and 
joy, to luxury and love " {Decline and Fall^ ch. xxiii. vol. 4. p. 118 sqq,^ 
ed. 1 8 1 1 ). To the authorities cited by Gibbon add Philostratus, Vit, 
Apollon. i. 16. 

20. 2. the story as told by the Arcadians etc The story of 
Daphne and Leucippus which follows is told in almost exactly the same 
way by Parthenius {Narrat, A mat. 1 5) on the authority of Phylarchus 
and Diodorus, an elegiac poet of Elaea. 

20. 3. He was keeping his hair long for the river Alphens. See 
viii. 41. 3 note. 

21. I. The road from the springs of the Ladon is a narrow 
defile beside the river Aroanios. Pausanias is now pursuing his way 
from the source of the Ladon to the city of Clitor. Following him, we 
proceed down the valley of the Ladon from its source. The valley. 



264 THE AROANIUS bk. viii. arcadia 

which is here fairly open and possesses no very striking features, trends 
first south-west and then westward. The blue river runs fast between 
groves of willows ; the flat expanse of the valley is covered with 
maize-fields divided by low hedges ; on its northern side rises a rocky 
mountain, with several caves high up in its face. In about half an 
hour from the source of the river we come to the point where another 
valley opens up on the north. It is narrow and wooded and is 
hemmed in by high mountains on either side. Down it flows the 
Aroanius (the modem Katsana river) to join the Ladon. We turn up 
this beautiful valley, cross the Aroanius by a wooden bridge to its 
right bank, and proceed northward along the foot of the hills that 
bound the valley on the west. Soon the valley contracts to a defile 
through the protrusion of the hills on either side ; maize is grown in 
the bottom. Farther north the defile suddenly ends, the valley 
expands to a width of perhaps half a mile, and is beautifully wooded 
in places with groves of cypresses, poplars, and mulberry trees. Still 
farther north the valley expands still further ; its level surface is divided 
into fields by low hedges or rows of shrubs ; amongst the crops grown 
here is Indian or, as the Greeks call it, Arabian com. We cross by 
a bridge the Clitor river flowing south-east to join the Aroanius, and a 
mile or so farther on enter the large village of Maseika or KlitoriOy the 
representative of the ancient Clitor. The village or rather small town 
is a new one, having been built about sixty years ago, but it seems 
prosperous, and the houses have more pretensions to architectural style 
than is usual in Greek villages. The climate, however, is very un- 
healthy, owing to the marshy nature of the surrounding plain, and in 
the height of summer the town is deserted by its inhabitants, who flee 
to the mountain villages to escape the fever. The town stands at the 
south-eastern comer of the plain of Clitor, which here opens out on the 
valley of the Aroanius from the west. In this plain, about a couple 
of miles to the west of Mazeika, are the scattered ruins of the ancient 
Clitor (see below, p. 266 sgg.) The path to them leads through a fine 
grove of walnut trees and then through vineyards. The time from the 
springs of the Ladon to the mins of Clitor is about two hours and three 
quarters. The actual distance, according to the French surveyors, is 
1 1 kilometres (7 miles i furlong), which agrees very fairly with the 60 
furlongs (6 J miles) at which Pausanias estimated it. 

I traversed the route described, in the reverse direction, 3rd and 4th October 
1895, and have described it from personal observation. See also Dodwell, Tour^ 
2. p. 442 sg, ; Cell, Itinerary of the Moreoy p. 130 ; Leake, Aforea, 2. pp. 261- 
267; Boblaye, Recherches, p. 156; Welcker, Tagebuch, I. pp. 296-298; Curtius, 
Pehp, I. pp. 374-378; Vischer, Erinnerungetty p. 479 sq, ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. 
p. 263 ; Guide-Joanne y 2. p. 367 sq. ; Philippson, Pe/o/onnes, p. 127 sq. 

A few words of description may be given to the upper course of the 
Aroanius (the Kaisana river) from its source near Soudena (the ancient 
Lusi) to its junction with the Clitor at Maseika, After traversing the 
upland plain of Soud€9ia in a broad stony bed, which in autumn is 
dry, the river enters a defile at the south-eastem comer of the plain. 



CH. XXI THE AROANIUS 265 

Through this defile, fonned on the east by the slopes of Mt. Chelmos 
and on the west by the hills that close the plain of Soudena on the 
south, the Aroanius and the road to Clitor run side by side. At first 
the space between the hills is broad and level, dotted here and there 
with trees. Soon, however, the valley contracts and begins to descend, 
affording a beautiful prospect of range behind range of mountains in 
the south, shading away according to the distance from dark purple to 
pale blue. The path runs at first on the left (east) bank of the river- 
bed, which had no water in it when I saw it (3rd October 1895). But 
after being joined by a tributary, which comes down from Mount 
Chelmos in a deeply- excavated bed between slopes of red earth, the 
river attained the dimensions of a good-sized Scotch bum. Gradually 
as the mountains close in on either side the valley becomes a glen, 
through which the stream flows among plane-trees in a prettily-wooded 
bed. Here the path crosses to the right or west bank, which it follows 
henceforward. Farther on, the glen contracts into a deep rocky gorge 
between steep mountains, but only to expand again and allow the river 
to flow, with a pleasing murmur, in its wooded bed through a stretch of 
cultivated ground. Thus gradually the valley opens out into the plain 
of Clitor. Vineyards and maize-fields occupy its lower reaches. It was 
the time of the vintage when I traversed this beautiful valley. Bunches 
of ripe grapes lay as offerings before the holy pictures in the little 
wayside shrines ; we met strings of donkeys laden with swelling wine- 
skins or with paniers of grapes ; and in the vineyards as we passed the 
peasants were at work pressing the purple clusters, with which they 
insisted on loading, for nothing, the aprons of our muleteers. 

21. 2. AmongBt the fish in tiie Aroaniua are the 80-called 
spotted fish etc. These fish were no doubt trout, for trout are still 
found both in the Aroanius and the Ladon, and are much esteemed as 
food. They are caught in nets or shot with dynamite bullets. The 
absurd &ble that the trout sing, which the cautious Pausanias records 
without confirming, is repeated by other ancient writers and is believed 
by the people of the neighbourhood to this day, as I ascertained on my 
visit to Kliioria {Mazeika) in 1895. Philostephanus of Cyrene, in a 
book on wonderful rivers, mentioned that in the river Aroanius the fish 
called spotted sang like thrushes (Athenaeus, viii. p. 331 de). This 
writer, however, confused the Aroanius which flows into the Ladon 
with the Aroanius which flows into the Lake of Pheneus (see viii. 14. 
3), and thought that the singing fish were in the latter. But that the 
feble was told of the other Aroanius (the modem Katsana river) in the 
territory of Clitor is proved by the testimony of Pausanias, which is 
confirmed (i) by the statement of Mnaseas of Patrae (quoted by 
Athenaeus, viii. p. 331 d), that there were singing fish in the Clitor (a 
tributary of the Aroanius) ; and (2) by the statement of Clearchus (in 
Athenaeus, viii. p. 332 f) that near Clitor in Arcadia the fish in the 
river Ladon (of which the Aroanius is a tributary) sang loudly. The 
vocal fish in the district of Clitor are also mentioned by Pliny i^NcU, 
hist, viii. 70). To come down to modem times, I was told at Klitoria 
{Maseika) in 1895 that the trout sing at any time, but especially when 



^ 



266 CLITOR BK. VIII. ARCADIA 

caught in the nets ; their song was said to be like the chirping ojf small 
birds. An educated Greek gentleman, in whose house I lodged, 
maintained in all seriousness that when many of the fish are together 
they emit a low musical note (*//« petit bruit hannonieux*) which, 
according to him, gave rise to the popular belief in their vocal powers. 
I did not see (much less hear) any of the trout myself, but Dodwell 
saw a fisherman who had just pulled out of the water " some trout of 
a fine bright colour and beautifully variegated," and who informed the 
English traveller ''that the river abounds most in this species of fish, 
that it is seldom taken of more than a pound and a half in weight, 
and that it forms a considerable object of traffic with the neighbouring 
villages ; particularly in fast time, for which period they are salted and 
smoked" (Taur^ 2. p. 445 sq.) 

21. 3. The city of Clitor etc. The ancient Clitor stood in a 
plain which extends east and west for about 5 miles with an average 
breadth of i mile. On the east the plain opens into the valley of the 
Aroanius {Katsana river) which flows southward to join the Ladon. On 
all sides the prospect is bounded by hills of varying form and height 
The hills on the south are pointed but of no great height ; they form 
rather a succession of isolated hills than a single coherent chain. 
Higher mountains bound the plain on the east, beyond the Aroanius ; 
while on the north rises a range of bare hills partly covered with shrubs. 
The hills on the western side of the plain are low, but above them 
appear the loftier Arcadian mountains in the west. Along the southern 
side of the plain a small stream, the Clitor, flows eastward at the foot of 
the hills to join the Aroanius. About 2 miles to the west of the large 
village of Mazeika or Klitoria this stream is joined from the north by 
another, the river of Kamesi, Immediately to the west of the Karrusi 
river, in the angle between it and the Clitor river, are the ruins of the 
ancient city of Clitor. They consist chiefly of remains of the city walls 
and towers scattered at intervals over the plain. The acropolis was 
formed by a low ridge, some 80 feet or so high, which runs east and 
west for a few hundred yards near the southern side of the plain. In 
the middle the ridge dips a little, so that its highest points are its 
eastern and western ends. The little river Clitor skirts the ridge on 
the south, flowing eastward to join the Aroanius. At both the ends of 
the acropolis there exist remains of the fortification- wall with large 
semicircular towers or bastions projecting from it. The wall faced 
south, for the bastions project from it on that side. At the eastern end 
of the acropolis ridge two of these bastions may be seen, united by two 
long parallel rows of ancient blocks, which are, no doubt, remains of 
the outer and inner facings of the curtain or intermediate wall. The 
bastions measure about 8 paces across. At the eastern end of the ridge, 
moreover, a single course of an ancient wall may be observed running 
down the slope in a northerly direction. At the west end of the ridge 
remains of three similar semicircular towers or bastions exist ; two of 
them on the southern face of the ridge are apparently united by vestiges 
of the curtain. Of these two bastions the western is the best pre- 
served of all. Three courses of blocks are standing to a height of 



CH. XXI CLITOR 267 

about 4 feet. The masonry, like that of all the bastions, is roughly 
quadrangular. The blocks are large and solid ; the largest measures 
about 3 feet in length ; they are not smoothed on the outside, but left 
more or less rounded or bulging. In none of the bastions is more than 
the outer semicircular wall (one block thick) preserved. 

Remains of similar bastions and walls are also to be seen in the 
plain to the west and north of the ridge. Evidently the city extended 
from the acropolis in these two directions. I counted seven bastions 
in the plain, preserved more or less to a height of one or two courses. 
The most westerly bastion seemed to me about 300 yards, and the 
most northerly about half a mile, distant from the acropolis ridge. The 
interval between two of the bastions I found to be 36 paces. To the 
north-west of the acropolis, near one of the bastions, I observed also 
a piece of a massive fortification-wall 1 6 paces long and standing to a 
height of two courses. The wall &ces south. Its masonry resembles 
that of the bastions ; it is quadrangular and the blocks are not smoothed 
on the outside ; one of them is 4 or 5 feet long. Some hundreds of 
yards to the north of this wall is a piece, perhaps 100 yards long, of 
the fortification-wall extending in a north-easterly direction. Both faces 
of the wall are partially preserved ; the distance between them is 4 
paces, which gives roughly the thickness of the wall. The outer of 
the two faces ends at a semicircular bastion — the farthest north of all 
the bastions I observed. When Le Bas visited Clitor in 1843, ^^ 
fortifications seem to have been much better preserved than at present ; 
for on his plan of the city the line of wall, strengthened by semicircular 
towers or bastions, extends almost unbroken on the west and north 
sides of the city ; on the eastern side it had apparently already dis- 
appeared. The distance of the north wall from the acropolis ridge, 
estimated by Le Bas's plan, was about 900 metres or 1000 yards. 

Besides these remains of the fortified enclosure I was shown some 
small drums of fluted and unfluted columns built into walls a little to 
the south-east of the most northerly bastion ; and a little to the west of 
the Kamesi a sculptured slab lying face downward on the ground, and 
close to it a fragmentary sculpture of white marble (?) representing the 
head and raised arm of a woman ; a number of squared blocks scattered 
in various parts of the site ; and, finally, two drums of columns and 
some large blocks a little to the east of the Kamesi river. 

A conspicuous conical hill rises from the plain a little to the north- 
west of the ruins. I was informed that the scanty remains of a temple 
are to be seen on its summit ; but the fall of night prevented me from 
visiting them. 

At the beginning of the present century Leake saw at Clitor 
some remains of a small theatre facing westward near the west end 
of the acropolis ridge ; many fragments of the seats were scattered 
on the slope, they had the small ledge in front which is charac- 
teristic of the seats of ancient theatres. The thickness of the 
wall on the crest of the ridge, between the bastions, was found by 
Leake to be 1 3 J feet. At a ruined church under a large oak towards 
the Kamesi river he further observed some pieces of Doric columns 



268 STYMPHALUS bk. viii. arcadia 

with flutes 2| inches wide. Another ruined church, between the east 
end of the acropolis ridge and the junction of the Kamesi river with 
the Clitor, on the left bank of the latter stream, was thought by Leake 
to have been an ancient temple. Lastly, in a third ruined church at 
the foot of the conical hill already mentioned, Leake saw pieces of 
Doric colunms with flutes 2\ inches wide, resembling the fragments of 
columns which he observed in the church towards the Kamesi river. 
It is possible that these three churches may have succeeded to the sites 
of the three temples of Demeter, Aesculapius, and Ilithyia which 
Pausanias mentions. Outside of the city to Uie west Bursian seems to 
have observed the foundations of a large building with pieces of columns ; 
he thought that these remains might mark the site of the sanctuary of 
the Dioscuri, which, according to Pausanias, was 4 furlongs from the 
city. 

See Dodwell, Tour^ 2, p. 443 ; Leake, Morea^ 2. pp. 257-261 ; Boblaye, 
Rechcrches^ p. 156 sq. ; Welcker, Tagebuch^ I. p. 296 sq, ; Curtius, Pdop, i. p. 
376 sq, ; Vischer, Erinturungen^ p. 479 ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 263 sq. ; Guuk" 
Joanne^ 2. p. 367 ; Philippson, Petoponnes, p. 128. A plan of the site is given by 
Le Bas ( Voyage archiohgique^ Itin^raire, pi. 34). I visited Clitor, 3rd October 
1895, and have described its remains chiefly from my own observation. 

21. 4- On the top of a mountain stands a temple of Atliena 

Goria. As Pausanias does not mention the direction in which this 
mountsun lay from Clitor, we have no clue to determine the situation <^ 
the temple, except the very vague one of its distance. Topographers have 
conjecturally placed it to the north or the south or the west of the dty. 
See Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 260 sq, ; Curtius, Pelop. i. p. 377 ; Bursian, 
Geogr. 2. p. 264 ; Gtiide-Joanne^ 2. p. 367. Athena Coria was said to 
be a daughter of Zeus by Coryphe, a daughter of Ocean, and the inven- 
tion of four-horse chariots was ascribed to her (Cicero, De natura deorum, 
iii. 23. 59). 

22. I. Stymphalus. The valley of Stymphalus lies immediately 
to the east of the valley and lake of Pheneus, from which it is divided 
only by the ridge of Mount Geronteum. The route from the one valley 
to the other has been already described (viii. 16. i sqq,, with the note), 
as well as the route from Orchomenus to Stymphalus (viii. 13. 4 sq,^ 
with the notes). The general features of the valleys of Stymphalus and 
Pheneus resemble each other. Both are shut in so closely on all sides 
by mountains and hills that the water which accumulates in them has 
no outlet except by underground chasms, and forms in the bottom of 
each valley a lake which shrinks in summer. But the valley of Stym- 
phalus is smaller and narrower than the valley of Pheneus, and its lake is 
quite different. Instead of a deep sea-like expanse of blue water, we have 
here a small lake of the most limpid clearness, the shallowness of which 
is proved to the eye by the patches of reeds and other water-plants that 
emerge from the surface of the water even in the middle of the lake. The 
palm of beauty is generally, I believe, awarded to the lake of Pheneus ; 
but the charms of Stymphalus are of a rarer and subtler sort. Blue 
lakes encircled by steep pine-clad mountains may be found in many 



CH. XXII LAKE OF STYMPHALUS 269 

lands ; but where shall we look for the harmonious blending of grand 
mountains and sombre pine-forests with a still, pellucid, shallow, but not 
marshy lake, tufted with graceful water-plants, such as meets us in 
Stymphalus ? 

Tlie lake of Stymphalus may be a mile and a half long by half a 
mile wide. On the north it bathes the foot of a ridge or chain of low 
heights, covered with rugged grey rocks and overgrown with prickly 
shrubs, which reaches its highest point (perhaps 400 feet above the 
lake) on the west and descends gradually in terraces to the east, where 
its last rocks are elevated above the plain and lake by only a few feet 
On the crest of this rocky ridge, towards its eastern end, are some 
remains of the citadel of Stymphalus. At the back of the ridge a 
stretch of level ground, perhaps a quarter of a mile wide, divides it from 
the steep slopes of the majestic Cyllene, which rises like a wall on the 
northern side of the valley. The sides of this great mountain are 
mostly bare and of a reddish-grey hue ; but the grey shoulder of its 
sister peak on the east, joined to it by a high ridge, is mottled with 
black pines. The mountains on the southern side of the lake are also 
steep and high ; low bushes mantle their lower and dark pine-forests 
their upper slopes. Conspicuous on the south-west is the deep glen 
(the WolTs Ravine), between immense pine -covered slopes, through 
which the road goes to Orchomenus. On the west an expanse of 
level plain about 3 miles long, mostly covered with maize -fields and 
vineyards, intervenes between the lake and the high mountains which 
divide the valley from the lake of Pheneus ; the sides of these moun- 
tains are grey with rocks or black with pine-woods. On the eastern 
side of the lake another plain, swampy and traversed by canals and 
ditches, stretches to the foot of the lower hills which bound the valley 
of Stymphalus on the east. The road to Sicyon and Corinth goes 
that way. The whole length of the valley from east to west is about 
8 miles, and its breadth from north to south about a mile. 

The chief source of the lake of Stymphalus is at Kioniay a mean 
little Albanian hamlet, which stands among trees and flowing water at 
the southern foot of Mount Cyllene, a mile or so distant from the lake. 
Here a copious spring of clear water rises, and forms a considerable 
stream which flows rapidly south-west to join the lake. Another 
spring of pellucid water rises at the foot of the rocky ridge which 
bounds the lake on the north. The lake is drained near its south- 
eastern end by an artificial tunnel dug through the mountain-side. At 
this point there is a dip or gully in the range of mountains which 
boimds the valley of Stymphalus on the south. Through the gully the 
path goes to Phlius ; and at the foot of the hill, immediately below the 
gully, is the tunnel. A deep cutting in the soil leads to its mouth, 
which is enclosed by a culvert Two or more canals, with banked-up 
sides, conduct the water of the lake to the tunnel. This drainage work 
was executed by a company which undertook in 1881 to drain the 
lakes of Stymphalus and Pheneus, but which has up to the present 
time (1896) only partially effected its purpose. The tunnel perhaps 
follows the line of the aqueduct of Hadrian (see § 3 note). The natural 



270 STYMPHALUS bk. viii. arcadia 

outlet of the lake is through a chasm at the foot of the mountains 
some 2 or 3 miles to the west of the tunnel (see below, note on § 3). 

The area of the lake has varied greatly at different times. I have 
described it as I saw it in the autumn of 1895, at the time when, after 
the drought of summer and before the beginning of the rains, its waters 
might be supposed to be at their lowest But in the time of Pausanias 
the lake dried up completely in summer (§ 3), and when W. G. Clark 
visited the valley on May 13, 1856, there was no semblance of a lake. 
He says : " We expected a lake and found a field. Having known and 
believed in the Stymphalian lake from childhood, we were disappointed 
to see it in rig and furrow." On the other hand, Leake and Dodwell 
in 1 806 were assured by the natives that the lake never dried wholly 
up even in summer, though it then shrank to a small area round the 
subterranean outlet At the time of the French Survey in 1829 it 
occupied a considerably larger area than at present 

Solitude and silence, broken by the strident cries of the water-fowl 
that haunt the mere, reign in the valley. A few hamlets nestle in the 
nooks and glens at the foot of the mountains ; but in the wide strath 
and on the banks of the lake not a human habitation is to be seen. 
The impression left by the scenery on some minds is that of gloom and 
desolation. Yet on a hot day, when all the landscape is flooded with 
the intense sunlight of the south, it is pleasant to sit on the rocky ridge 
of Stymphalus, looking down on the cool clear water of the lake and 
listening to the cries of the water-fowl, the drowsy hum of bees, and the 
tinkle of distant goat-bells. In such weather even the dark pine-forests 
on the mountains, gloomy as they must be under a bleak clouded sky, 
suggest only ideas of coolness and shade ; and we can well imagine that 
the ancient Stymphalus, with its colonnades and terraces rising from the 
lake, must have been a perfect place in which to lounge away the 
languid hours of a Greek summer. For the high upland character of 
the valley contributes with the expanse of water to temper the heat of 
the summer sun. The traveller who passes, as he may do, in a single 
day from the cool moist air of the valley to the sultry heat of the plain 
of Argos is struck by the contrast between the climates. In the morning 
he may have left the cherry trees in blossom at Stymphalus ; in the 
evening he may see the reapers getting in the harvest in the plain of 
Argos. 

See Pouqueville, Voyage de la Grhe, 5. p. 317 sqq, ; Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 432 
sqq. ; Leake, MorecL, 3. p. 108 sqq. ; Cell, Itinerary of the Morea, pp. 148, 154, 168; 
td,j Itinerary of Greece y p. 70 ; id. ^ Journey in the Morea^ p. 380 sqq. ; Boblaye, 
RechercheSy p. 147 sq. ; L. Ross, Reisen^ p. 54 sqq. ; Welcker, Tagebuch, I. p. 
304 sqq. ; Curtius, Pehp. i. p. 200 sqq. ; Beul^, Atudes sur le Piloponn^se^ p. 
158 ; Vischer, Erinnerttngeny pp. 496-501 ; W. G. Clark, Pehponnese, p. 319 x^^.; 
Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 194 sqq. ; Baedeker,' p. 304; Guide-Joanne, 2. p. 380 sqq. ; 
A. Meliarakes, Fedry/xi^ki tov vofiov *Apyo\Ldos kolI Koptvdlai, p. 152 sqq. ; Philipp- 
son, PeloponneSy pp. 72, 144. 

Here and elsewhere (ii. 3- 5 ; v. 10. 9 ; viii. 4. 6 ; ix. 11. 6) Pau- 
sanias calls the place Stymphelus and the people Stymphelians. Once, 
however, he calls the place Stymphalus (ii. 24. 6) ; and that the correct 



CH. XXII CITY OF S7YMPHALUS 271 

forms were Stymphalus and Stymphalian, not Stymphelus and Stym- 
phelian, is proved by the usage of ancient writers both Greek and Latin 
(Herodotus, vi. 76; Xenophon, Anabasis^ i. i. 11 ; Scylax, Periplus^ 
44; Strabo, viii. pp. 275, 371, 389; Ptolemy, iii. 14. 35, ed. Miiller; 
ApoUodorus, ii. 5. 6 ; Polybius, ii. 5 5, iv. 68 and 69 ; Diodorus, iii. 30, 
iv. 13 and 33, xix. 63; Lucian, Jupiter Tragoedus^ 21 ; Aelian, Var. 
hist. ii. 33 ; Stephanus Byzantius, 5,v, ^Tvfi<f>aXos ; Pliny, Nat. hist, 
iv. 20 ; Lucretius, v. 29 ; Statius, Sylv. iv. 6. loi ; /V/., Theb. iv. 298), as 
well as by the coins of Stymphalus (Head, Historia numorum, p. 380 ; 
Catalogue of Greek Coins in the British Museum : Peloponnesus^ p. 199), 
and an inscription found on the site {Bulletin de Corr, helUnique^ 7 
(1883), p. 486 sqq,) 

22. I. proved by the verses of Homer. See Iliad^ ii. 603 sgq. 
22. I. Stymphalus their founder was a grandson of Areas. 

Stymphalus was said to be a son of Elatus, who was a son of Areas. 
See viii. 4. 1-6. 

22. 2. Hera Child Full-grown Widow. On 

these three titles of Hera see L. R. Famell, The Cults of the Greek 
States^ I. pp. 190-192. Mr. Famell suggests that as Hera was essentially 
a goddess of women, so the various stages of a woman's life may have 
been represented by the three different aspects of the goddess which 
were indicated by these titles. With the legend told to explain her title 
of Widow he compares the legend of the origin of the festival called 
Daedala at Plataea (ix. 2. i sq.) ; and he conjectures that both legends 
arose from a practice of concealing the image of the goddess for a time 
in some lonely place. 

22. 3. The present city. Remains of the ancient city of Stym- 
phalus are to be seen on, and at the southern foot of, the rocky ridge 
which rises from the northern edge of the lake (see above, p. 269). The 
ridge descends in terraces from west to east. The lower eastern portion 
of the ridge, divided from the western by a dip, seems to have been the 
acropolis. On its western and highest point are the massive remains of 
a quadrangular tower measuring about 2 5 paces from north to south by 
8 paces from east to west The north wall of the tower, which is the 
best preserved, is about 9 feet high. It is constructed of very massive 
blocks roughly hewn in polygons. The area of the summit, which is very 
small, is overgrown with prickly shrubs. From this square tower, as a 
keep, strong fortification-walls ran along both the northern and southern 
edges of the ridge. They were about 10 feet thick, and were built 
partly of polygonal but mostly of regular quadrangular masonry ; round 
towers projected from the southern of the two walls. These walls and 
towers existed down to the middle of the nineteenth century ; but, with 
the exception of the ruined square tower on the summit, which still 
stands, they seem to have since disappeared ; at least I failed to find 
them on my visit to the ruins in September 1895. The crest of the 
ridge, which may be some 60 yards broad at the broadest, is mostly 
encumbered by a mass of rough natural rocks and overgrown with 
prickly shrubs. But at the eastern foot of the summit, on which is the 
square tower, and only a few feet below it, the ground has been cleared 



272 CITY OF STYMPHALUS bk. viii. arcadia 

artificially, and on this clearing are the well-defined foundations of a 
quadrangular building, apparently a temple with a fore-temple {fironaos) 
or portico facing east or south-east. The foundations of the temple (?) 
without the portico are 8 paces long by 6 paces wide ; the fore-temple 
or portico, of which the foundations are preserved, was 4 feet deep. 
Only the outer foundation-walls are preserved ; they are built of large 
squared blocks. 

The southern face of the ridge, along the margin of the lake, has been 
scarped in various places and hewn into seats, a staircase, etc. One of 
the scarps may be 100 yards long by 20 feet high. At the extreme east 
end of the ridge the face of the rock has been hewn away in a curve to 
a height of 10 or 12 feet, while at the foot of the cutting a ledge has 
been left to form a seat. A hundred yards or so to the west of this 
cutting is a small exedra or semicircular seat cut out of the face of the 
rock ; it may measure 6 or 7 feet across. Above it are steps or seats 
also cut out of the rock. Between the southern face of the ridge and 
the edge of the water there intervenes a narrow strip of level ground, on 
which may be seen several cuttings in the rock and foundations of 
edifices. Thus in the flat ground to the east of the great scarp there is 
a base hewn out of the rock, with one step running all round it. The 
base may be 10 feet long and 7 feet wide. In front of the long scarp 
there are foundations of two buildings which may have been temples. 
One of them, measuring 1 8 paces from east to west by 8 paces from 
north to south, would seem to have been a temple with fore-temple 
{fronaos) and back-chamber (ppisthodomos) ; the foundations of the 
outer walls and of the cross-wall which divided the fore-temple from the 
cella are preserved ; but of the cross - wall which divided the back- 
chamber from the cella only two blocks remain. These remains may be 
80 yards distant from the foot of the ridge. A few yards beyond it to 
the south, at the very edge of the water, a long straight foundation-wall 
runs along the brink of the lake. It was doubtless part of a dam built 
to exclude the water of the lake from the flat ground at the foot of the 
ridge. In this line of wall I observed the semicircular foundations of a 
tower or bastion projecting into the lake. Farther to the west, but still 
in front of the great scarp, are foundations which seem to have formed 
part of a fountain ; grooves are cut in the upper surfaces of several of 
the blocks as if to serve as water-channels, and from under the ancient 
masonry a spring of the most limpid water flows with a purling sound. 
This spring is one of the sources of the Stymphalian Lake ; its water 
was probably enclosed by a wall, through which it flowed in several 
spouts. 

So much for the remains of the ancient city which are to be seen on 
or in front of the rocky ridge. At the back of the ridge, as we have 
seen (p. 269), a stretch of flat ground, perhaps a quarter of a mile wide, 
intervenes between the ridge and the high abrupt slopes of Mt. Cyllene. 
In this little plain, at the foot of Cyllene, are the remains of a large 
Byzantine basilica, about 1 30 feet long by 60 feet wide. The walls, 
which are standing to a considerable height, contain many squared 
blocks, which may be ancient ; the core is rudely constructed of small 



CH. XXII CITY OF STYMPHALUS 273 

stones, bricks, and mortar. Two columns with rude capitals are built 
flat against the inner side of the south wall. About a hundred yards or 
more to the south-west of the basilica are the ruins of a mediaeval tower 
with a gateway through it ; the masonry is rough. The gateway is 
supposed to have formed part of a large fortified enclosure, within which 
the basilica stood. A wall or causeway about 1 2 feet wide seems to 
have run from the gateway across the flat ground to the northern foot of 
the ridge which formed the acropolis of Stymphalus. Probably the 
greater part of the ancient city stood on this level ground. At the 
eastern end of the basilica I observed the remains of an ancient Greek 
foundation - wall built of massive squared blocks. They may have 
belonged to the Doric temple of which Dodwell in 1 806 saw the rains 
(including fluted drums of Doric columns and pilasters, and large blocks 
of marble and stone) close to the basilica. The larger colunms seen by 
him measured 3 feet in diameter, the smaller only 18 inches. It was 
doubtless from these columns, which have now disappeared, that the 
place acquired its modem name of Kionia or <the columns.' The 
name is now transferred to the wretched little Albanian hamlet which 
stands some three-quarters of a mile away to the east, at the spring 
which is the chief source of the Stymphalian Lake (see above, p. 269). 
It is at the hamlet of Kionia that travellers who wish to visit the ruins 
of Stymphalus find quarters for the night. 

The foregoing description of the site and the ruins is based almost entirely on 
my own notes, made on the spot 30th September 1895. The fortifications seem 
to have been much better preserved down to the middle of the century. See 
Dodwell, TouTy 2. p. 433 sq, ; Leake, Morea^ 3. p. no sq, ; Boblaye, Recherches^ 
p. 147 ; L. Ross, Reisen, p. 54 sq. ; Curtius, Pelop, I. p. 203 sqq, ; Welcker, 
Tagebuchy i. p. 305 sqq. ; Beul^, Etudes sur le Piloponftiset p. 163 sq, ; Vischer, 
Erinnerungen^ p. 497 sq, ; W. G. Clark, Pelop, p. 320 sqq, ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. 
p. 196 sq, ; Guide-Joanne y 2. p. 387 sq, 

22. 3. a spring from which the Emperor Hadrian etc. This is 
no doubt the copious spring, now called by the general name oiKephalo- 
vrysi (* source,' * spring '), which rises at the hamlet of Kionia^ about a 
mile to the north-east of the ruins of Stymphalus. See above, p. 269. 
At periods when the lake is low the river formed by the spring flows 
obliquely in a south-westerly direction across the plain for 2 miles or so 
before it disappears into the chasm on the southern side of the valley. 
But when the lake is high, as it is at present, the river is engulfed in it 
about a mile from the spring. Near the village of Zaraka^ at the foot 
of Mt. Cyllene, to the north-east of the ruins of Stymphalus, Gell 
observed the arches of an aqueduct, which may have been the one 
erected by Hadrian. The remains of it are said to be still visible on 
the north-east bank of the lake, and again near the sea, to the west of 
Corinth, at a place where there are some mills on the Longo-Potantos river. 

See Dodwell, Tour, 2. p. 433 ; Gell, Journey in the Morea^ p. 384 ; Leake, 
Moreoy 3. p. 109 ; Curtius, Pehp, i. p. 201, cp. 206 ; id,y 2. p. 592 ; Vischer, 
Erinnerungeny p. 49S ; W. G. Clark, Pelop, p. 322 ; Guide-Joanney 2. pp. 388, 389. 

According to the French surveyors the course of the aqueduct seems 
to have been this. , A subterranean channel probably conducted the 

VOL. IV T 



274 STYMPHALUS bk. viii. a&cadia 

water from the Stymphalian valley into the long valley oi SkoHm or 
Alea (see viii. 23. i note). The aqueduct followed the eastern side of 
this latter valley, and crossing a pass toward Apano-velesi reached the 
northern end of the valley of the Inachus, keeping at a great height in 
order to cross by the pass of the Tretus (see ii. 1 5. 2 note). Thence, 
instead of following the valley of the Longo-Potamos northward, it 
turned east, passed below the village of Ha^ios VasilioSy and then 
skirted the eastern flanks of Mt Skona and the Acro-Corinth. Thus 
from the time it entered the pass of the Tretus it appears to have 
followed the line of the modem railway from Argos to Corinth. By 
taking this route Hadrian's engineers were able to dispense with arches 
and almost wholly with subterranean works, as the slope of the ground 
was exactly what was required. See Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 148. If 
the French surveyors are right, the arches seen by Gell, and the remains 
near the mouth of the Longo-Potamos^ cannot be those of Hadrian's 
aqueduct 

22. 3. in snnuner there is no mere etc See above, p. 268 sqq, 
Pausanias clearly says that the lake, when it existed, was close to the 
spring, and that the river flowed from the lake into the chasm ; hence 
he supposed that the lake was at the north side of the valley, since the 
spring is on that side. In point of fact the lake, when it exists, seems 
always to extend to the chasm on the south side of the valley, and the 
river flows from the spring into the lake, not from the lake into the 
chasm. Hence perhaps, as W. G. Clark observed (Pelop. p. 320 note 3), 
Pausanias visited Stymphalus in summer, when the lake was wholly 
dried up, and misunderstood what the natives told him as to the posi- 
tion of the lake. 

22. 3. This river goes down into a chasm etc. This chasm is a 
cavern at the foot of a limestone precipice, which terminates the slope 
of a steep rocky mountain on the southern side of the valley. W. G. 
Clark, who visited the valley when the lake was quite dried up, says : 
"We soon came to a stream running swiftly in a channel 10 or 12 feet 
deep, which it had scooped for itself in the accumulated sand, hastening 
to the cavern which yawns for it at the foot of an abrupt limestone cliff. 
At the mouth of the cavern were wooden piles, broken here and there 
by the violence of the current, the object of which was to prevent any 
large solid substance being carried in which might stop the passage. 
. . . The grey face of the rock, tufted with red flowers, the dark cave, 
and the turbid river, making its mad plunge from sunlight to darkness, 
presented a striking picture to the eye and the imagination " (Pelopon- 
nesus, p. 319 sg,) Cp. Leake, Morea, 3. p. 108 sq. ; Gell, Journey in 
the Morea, p. 382 ; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 201. The view mentioned by 
Pausanias that the water which here enters the cavern reappears as the 
Erasinus river near Argos (see ii. 24. 6 note), is still held by the 
natives of the valley. They say that fir-cones, thrown in large quantities 
into the cavern, have reappeared in the Erasinus (Gell, op. cii, p. 
382 sq.) Leake inclined to believe that the experiment had actually 
been made in ancient times, and that the tradition had survived ; other- 
wise it is difficult to account for the belief in the identity of the two 



CH. XXIII STYMPHALUS 275 

waters, " as the distance between the two points is much greater than 
the length of any of the other subterraneous rivers of the Peloponnesus, 
and several high mountains and intersecting ridges intervene " {Morea^ 3. 
p. 113 j^.) At Stymphalus there appears to have been an image of 
the Erasinus river in the shape of a bull (Aelian, Var, hist, ii. 33). 
There is now an artificial outlet for the waters of the lake some 2 or 3 
miles east of the natural chasm. See above, p. 269. 

22. 4- man-eating birds once bred be^de tiie water of Stym- 
phalns etc. On some coins of Stymphalus the head of one of the 
Stymphalian birds is represented ; it is the head of a water-fowl, not of 
a monster. On other coins of the city Hercules appears striking at the 
Stymphalian birds with his club. See Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, 
Nupn. Comm. on Paus, p. 99, with pL T x. xi. xii. On a black-figured 
amphora in the British Museum (B. 163) Hercules is depicted stoning 
the Stymphalian birds with a sling ; the birds appear as long-necked 
water-fowl with variegated plumage. See Gazette arcfUologique^ 2(1876), 
pi. 3. The subject is represented in a few other vase-paintings, on 
Roman sarcophaguses, and on various other ancient monuments. See De 
Witte, * Hercule et les oiseaux de Stymphale,' Gazette arcIUologiquey 2 
(1876), pp. 8-10. The legend, mentioned by Pausanias on the authority 
of Pisander of Camira, that Hercules drove away the birds by the noise 
of a bronze rattle, is mentioned also by Apollonius Rhodius {Argonaut, 
ii. 1052 sqq,y with the scholiast on verse 1054). Apollodorus says (ii. 
5. 6) that the birds roosted in the dense forest which overhung the 
lake ; that Hercules plied the bronze rattle which he had received from 
Athena ; and that when the startled birds fiew up out of the wood, he 
brought them down with his arrows. Some have fancied that the man- 
eating Stymphalian birds are a mythical expression for the supposed 
pestilential vapours exhaled by the marshes (Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 203 ; 
Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 195). The water of the lake is beautifully clear, 
but nevertheless the inhabitants of the valley are said to suffer much 
from fever (A. Meliarakes, rcoiy/wK^ia tou vo\iJO\) 'ApyokiSos koI Kopiv- 
^tas, p. 1 54 ; Philippson, Petoponnes, p. 144). This is not strange, since 
the plain immediately to the east of the lake is swampy. 

22. 7. an old sanctuary of Stymplialian Artemis. Leake con- 
jectured that the ruins of a Doric temple beside the Byzantine basilica 
(see above, p. 273) may have been the remains of the sanctuary of 
Artemis {Morea^ 3. p. no sq.) His conjecture is perhaps confirmed 
by the discovery, in this neighbourhood, of an inscription which mentions 
the sanctuary of Artemis and seems to have been set up in it. See 
Bulletin de Corresp, helUnique^ 7 (1883), p. 490. Curtius and Vischer 
thought that the sanctuary may have occupied the site of the basilica 
(Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 205 ; Vischer, Erinnerungen, p. 498 sq.) On 
the other hand, Bursian conjectured that the temple of which remains 
are to be seen on the acropolis below the western tower (see above, p. 
271 sq,) may have been the sanctuary of Artemis {Geogr. 2, p. 197). 

23. I. Alea. Very considerable remains of the walls and towers of 
Alea are to be seen near Bougiati, a village about 8 miles due south of 
the ruins of Stymphalus. The distance by road, however, from Stym- 



276 A LEA BK. VIII. ARCADIA 

phalus to Alca is not less than 10 miles. The route at first coincides 
with that to Phlius. It goes south-eastward across the Stymphalian 
plain, somewhat to the east of the lake, ascends the stony gorge in the 
mountains immediately above the artificial outlet of the lake (see above, 
p. 269), and then descends into a long valley which runs in a southerly 
direction. Here at the head of the valley the road to Phlius diverges 
to the cast and ascends a narrow valley which joins the main vaUey 
from the east. We continue to follow the main valley southward, riding 
for some distance beside the artificial banked-up channel in which the 
water of the lake of Stymphalus, after traversing the tunnel, is conveyed 
away. Maize and vines are gro\\'n in the broad flat bottom of the 
valley. We pass on the west the mouth of a long narrow valley in 
which stands the village of Skotiniy surrounded by fruit-trees. About 3 
miles farther to the south we come to the entrance of the valley of 
Bougiati^ which opens up on the west side of the main valley which we 
have been following. The villajje of Bougiati stands at the foot of a 
very steep slope a mile and a half or so up the valley. A high and 
rugged pass, barely practicable for horses, leads over the mountains 
from Bougiati to Kandyhiy and so to Orchomenus (see above, p. 229 jf.) 
The mouth of the valley of Bougiati is partially closed on the east by a 
hill which projects southward from the higher mountains on the north. 
This is the hill of Alea. A saddle connects it on the north with the 
higher mountains, and from here it slopes gradually southward in the 
form of a ridge till it subsides into the plain. But while the slope from 
north to south is long and gradual, the ridge falls away steeply, though 
not precipitously, on the east and west ; its eastern slope is to the main 
valley, its western slope is to the side valley of Bougiati. These steep 
slopes to the east and west are overgrown with holly-oak bushes. At 
its highest point, on the north, the hill may be some 600 feet above the 
plain. The city walls of Alea are well preserved on the eastern and 
western sides of the hill or ridge. On the west side they descend the 
whole length of the ridge from north to south. On the east side they 
do not follow the ridge southward to its termination, but strike do\i-n 
the steep slope in a south-easterly direction till they reach the plain. 
The terminations of these two lines of wall in the plain must have been 
formerly united by a third wall skirting the foot of the hill, but no 
remains of it exist. On the other hand the angle fonned by the con- 
vergence of the two walls on the top of the hill has been cut off by two 
cross-walls from the rest of the hill. These inner cross-walls are at 
right angles to each other and make, with the two outer walls, an 
irregular quadrangle, which formed the acropolis. Both the outer and 
the inner walls are well preser\'ed. They are built of grey limestone in 
the polygonal style. The masonry is solid and substantial but rather 
rough ; the blocks are not cut and jointed with the exquisite preci- 
sion which characterises, for example, the great terrace- wall of the 
temple at Delphi. In the outer west wall there are pieces that are 
nearly quadrangular in style. Square towers project at inter\'als from 
the curtain, and most of them, like the walls, arc in good preservation. 
In the long outer wall on the western side of the ridge there are nine- 



CH. xxiii ALEA 177 

teen of these towers ; in the shorter eastern wall there are thirteen ; and 
in the cross-walls which form the acropolis there are three. Walls and 
towers are commonly standing to a height of from three to five, six, 
seven, and eight courses. Where six to eight courses are standing the 
height averages about 1 1 and 1 2 feet. The greatest number of courses 
standing in one place, so far as I observed was ten and the greatest 
height about 16 feet. The thickness of the ^^alls, where both faces 
are preserved, is about 10 feet. Some of the blocks are \ery large 

Vtillay of Boug at 




Valley 



especially in the interval between the eighth and ninth towers of the 
west wall ; one block here is 9 feet long by 4 feet high. The towers 
are as a rule 16 to 18 feet broad on the face, and project 8 to 9 feet 
from the curtain. The inier\*als between them average 30 to 40 yards. 
In the eastern wall, however, the towers are not so regular, the steep 
and broken slope here necessitating some deviations from architectural 
uniformity. For example, one lower on this side is 30 feet broad ; 
another projects as much as 16 feet 9 inches from the curtain, while a 
third projects only 6 feel g inches. 

Of the two inner cross-walls which form, with the converging outer 
walls, the acropolis on the top of the hill, one starts from the west outer 
wall and runs eastward ; it is strengthened by three square projecting 
walls. The other starts from the eastern outer wall and runs southward, 
meeting the other at a right angle ; in it there is a gateway g feel wide 
which leads into a passage 12 feet long. These two inner walls are 
built of very massive polygonal blocks, and are standing to a height of 
from four to seven courses (9 to 12 feet). The ground inside of the 
acropolis is littered with fragments of thick red pottery. 

The view from the hill of Alea embraces the valleys on both sides, 



278 CAPHYAE bk. viii. arcadia 

with high barren mountains rising from them and bounding the horizon 
in all directions. The outlines of the mountains on the east, south, and 
north are bold and fine. 

I have described the ruins of Alea from notes made by me on a visit to the 
site, 14th October 1895. My observations differ in a number of points from 
the description of the site given in the Guide-Joanne (2. p. 390), for example 
as to the number of towers in the east wall and in the inner wall of the acropolis. 
The statement that the walls are standing to a height of 15 metres (nearly 50 feet) 
is certainly wrong. Compare also Curtius, Pelop. I. p. 2dS sq. ; Bursian, Gecjgr. 2, 
p. 198. 

Dodwell and Gell wrongly identified Alea with some walls of large 
rough stones which they obser\'ed at the foot of a precipitous rocky 
slope, on the southern side of the ridge which bounds the \'alley of 
Stymphalus on the south-east. The ruins described by them appear to 
have been situated near the southern foot of the stony gorge where the 
roads from Stymphalus to Phlius and Alea diverge from each other (see 
above, p. 276). But the place is about 7 miles north of the real site of 
Alea. 

See Dodwell, Tour, 2. p. 432; GeW, /oumejf in the Morea^ p. 384; ft/.. 
Itinerary of Greece y p. 70 sq, ; ii/,, Itinerary of the Morea^ p. 168. 

23. I. at this festival of Dion3rsas women are sconrgecL 

The scourging may have been intended as a purification or as a mode 
of fertilising the patients ; this was the intention of the blows adminis- 
tered to women at the Lupercalia in Rome, and ceremonies of the same 
sort are common in many lands. See W. Mannhardt, * Die Lupercalien,' 
Myihologische Forschiingen^ kap. iii. ; The Golden Bought 2. pp. 213 sgg.^ 
233 sqq, Cp. note on viii. 15. 3. As to the scourging of the Spartan 
boys see iii. 16. 10. 

23. 2. In my description of Orchomenus I showed etc. See 
viii. 13. 4 note. 

23. 2. the plain of Caphyae. This is the western part of the 
northern plain of Orchomenus. See note on viii. 13. 4. In the south- 
west comer of the plain, below the village of P/esia, which stands on 
the hills that bound the plain on the south, an isolated rock rises from 
the flat ground. It is of round shape ; and its flat top is enclosed by 
remains of Cyclopean walls and bears many vestiges of ancient founda- 
tions. This is probably the ancient Caphyae. Leake and Peytier 
placed Caphyae farther north, near the village of Kotottssa on the 
western verge of the plain. But the ancient remains there are scanty. 

See Leake, Morea, 3. p. 103 ; Boblaye, Recherches, p. 150; Curtius, Pelo/>. i. 
p. 226 ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 206 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 382. Cp. note on § 6. 

23. 2. It goes down into a chasm etc. This chasm or Jta/a- 
voihra is said to be now nearly filled up ; but I cannot determine, from 
my authorities, whether it is below the village of Plesia near the south- 
west comer of the plain, or at the village of Kotoussa on the western 
side of the plain. See Leake, Morea^ 3. p. 103; Curtius, Pelop, i. 
p. 225 5q,\ Baedeker,^ p. 302; Guide-Joanne, 2. p. 382. The plain 



CH. XXIII THE TRAGUS— CONDYLEA 279 

is bounded on the west by the chain of hills now called Mt. Kastania. 
On the western side of this range is the valley of the Vitina river which 
flows northward from the neighbourhood of Methydrium to join the 
Ladon. At the northern foot of Mt. Kastania rises the river of Dora 
(or Tara\ which joins the Vitina river a little below the khan of Dara 
{Tara), It issues at once as a respectable stream from the mountain, 
and is probably the emissory of the marshy northern plain of Orcho- 
menus, which lies on the other side of the hills. Thus the river of 
Dara appears to be the Tragus, and it further answers to Pausanias's 
description of that river by being perennial ; even in summer it is a 
stream of some size. Its modern name is derived from the Albanian 
village of Dara, which stands about a mile and a half to the north-east 
of the khan of Dara^ at the foot of a long bare mountain. The khan, 
on the other hand, stands beside the river in the low swampy bottom 
of the valley, which is here broad and open. See Leake, Morea^ 2. 
p. 269 sq.\ id,^ Pelopon. 221 ; Curtius, Pelop. i. p. 378 sq.\ Guide- 
Joanne^ 2. p. 381 ; Philippson, Peioponnes^ p. 74. 

23. 3. Artemis, snmamed Cnacalesian. The surname was 
probably derived from the name of the mountain (§ 4). See, however, 
note on iii. 18. 4. 

23. 4* the plane-tree of Menelaus. According to Theophrastus 
{Hist, plant, iv. 13. 2) the plane-tree at Caphyae was planted by 
Agamemnon. Theophrastus is followed by Pliny {Nat, hist. xvi. 238). 

23. 5. a list of the old trees etc. Lists of old trees are 

given also by Theophrastus {Hist, plant, iv. 13. 2) and Pliny {Nat, hist. 
xvi. 234-240). Theophrastus mentions the olive at Athens, the palm 
at Delos, the wild olive at Olympia from which the victors' wreaths 
were made, the oaks (<^yot) at Ilium over the tomb of Ilus, the plane- 
tree at Delphi, said to have been planted by Agamemnon, and the 
plane-tree at Caphyae. As to the willow at Samos, see vii. 4. 4 ; as to 
the oak at Dodona, see note on i. 17. 5, vol. 2. p. 159 sq,\ as to the 
olive on the Acropolis at Athens, see i. 27. 2 note ; as to the olive at 
Delos, see C. Botticher, Baumkultus^ p. 1 1 5 j^. ; as to the laurel at 
Daphne in Syria, see Philostratus, Vit, Apollon, i. 16. i. 

23. 6. Condylea. About ten minutes to the north-west of 
Caphyae some remains of ancient city- walls and marble buildings 
extend from the foot of the hills into the plain. These may be the 
ruins of Condylea. But Curtius thought they were the ruins of 
Caphyae, and he may be right. See Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 226 (where 
MHlen seems a misprint for Minuten) ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 206 ; 
Guide-Joanne, 2, p. 382. 

23. 7. the Strangled One. The Arcadian worship of the 
Strangled Artemis is mentioned by Clement of Alexandria on the 
authority of Callimachus {Protrept, ii. 38, p. 32 ed. Potter). Dr. 
Verrall sees in the legend a tradition of sacriflce by stoning. See his 
note on Aeschylus, Agam, 1107 ; and cp. my note on iv. 22. 7. With 
the worship of the Strangled Artemis we may compare the worship of 
the hanged Helen (Helen of the Tree) in Rhodes. See iii. 19. 9 sq,, 
with the note. Mr. Famell considers that the story of the Strangled 



28o UPPER VALLEY OF LADON bk. viii. arcadia 

(or Hanging) Artemis arose from a custom of hanging the mask or 
image of Artemis, as a goddess of vegetation, on a tree to secure its 
fertility {The Cults of the Greek States^ 2. p. 428 sq,) 

23. 8. Nasi and fifty farlongB fieurther. Pausanias now 

leaves the northern plain of Orchomenus on his way to Psophis. He 
crosses over the ridge of Mt. Kastania which bounds the plain on the 
west, and descends to Nasi, the source of the Tragus, now the river of 
Dara {Tara), See § 2 note. The river of Dara, after uniting with 
the river of Vitina in the open plain a little below the khan of Daroy 
flows north-west through a narrow pass closely shut in by mountains on 
either side, till it joins the Ladon. The distance from the source of 
the Tragus to its junction with the Ladon is, as Pausanias says, about 
50 furlongs. See Leake, Morea^ 2. pp. 268-272. Pausanias clearly 
says (§2) that Nasi was at the source of the Tragus. The French 
surveyors, Curtius, and the ^\Titer in the Guide-Joanne are therefore 
wrong in placing Nasi at the junction of the river of Dara with the 
river of Vitina, See Boblaye, RechercheSy p. 157; Curtius, Pelop, i. 
p. 378 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 381. 

23. 8. You will cross the river etc Pausanias is now pursuing 
his way to Psophis, a city of north-western Arcadia in the valley of the 
Erymanthus river. From the point where the Tragus (now the river 
of Dara) flows into the Ladon, our author follows the latter river 
westward for some miles. This upper valley of the Ladon, from its 
junction with the Aroanius (see above, p. 264), is open and somewhat 
tame. The hills that enclose it are low and uninteresting ; bushes 
cover their slopes. The Ladon flows along the southern side of the 
broad flat valley, its rapid stream of opaque greenish-blue water skirting 
the rocky declivities of the hills. About 2 miles below the source of 
the river a khan stands amid fig-trees, holly-oaks, and walnut-trees on 
the left or southern bank of the river. A very little way above the 
khan is a bridge across the Ladon. Passing the river by the bridge 
we cross over to the north side of the valley, to the point where it is 
joined by the valley of the Aroanius. Here we cross the Aroanius, 
and turning westward follow the right bank of that river at the foot 
of the hills that bound the valley on the north. The two rivers, the 
Aroanius and the Ladon, here flow westward for some little way on 
opposite sides of the valley, the Aroanius on the north and the Ladon 
on the south. The banks of the Aroanius are here prettily wooded 
with willows and plane-trees ; its water is of a turbid muddy colour, 
quite diffierent from the dark blue water of the Ladon. Except for the 
trees (mostly small willows) which fringe the banks of both rivers the 
flat bottom of the valley is treeless ; low hills, their uniform slopes over- 
grown only with bushes, bound it on both sides. But the tameness of 
the scenery is somewhat redeemed by the fine \'iew backward to the 
towering sharp-peaked Mt. Chelmos at the upper end of the valley. A 
little way on a spur or ridge of bare earth projects into the valley from 
the south, narrowing it by about half In the narrow and swampy 
defile thus created the Ladon and the Aroanius unite their waters. 
Beyond the defile the scenery improves, higher mountains appearing on 



CH. XXIII ROAD TO PSOPHIS 281 

the south side of the valley. The river now bends away to the south- 
west at the foot of these higher mountains. We hold on in a westerly 
direction and diverging from the valley of the Ladon cross a low stony 
plateau. From this plateau we look down into the valley of the Ladon 
stretching away southwards ; it is now narrow and enclosed by moun- 
tains with steep and partially wooded sides. Westward we look up 
a long valley, bare, broad, and tame, enclosed by low uninteresting 
hills. Through this latter valley, which joins the valley of the Ladon 
at the point where the river bends away to the south, goes the road to 
Psophis. Springs rise at the foot of the hills on either side of the 
valley, and a stream, which Leake calls the river of PcUaea-Katounay 
flows down it to join the Ladon. Not far from the head of the valley, 
on a height which rises on the north bank of the stream, are some 
ancient ruins near a fine spring. Some have taken these ruins to be 
the remains of Paus (see below, § 9). Opposite the ruins, on the hills 
on the south side of the valley, is the modem village of VesinL Soon 
afterwards, near the village of Skoupi^ we cross the watershed, which is 
formed by the protrusion of two flat masses of stones and soil into the 
valley from both sides. Its height above the sea is about 2000 feet. 
From the watershed we descend into the valley of Lopesi, which, like 
the one we have quitted, runs north-west in nearly a straight line to 
Psophis. The broad, well-cultivated bottom of this charming valley is 
shaded with oak-trees and watered by a stream which flows down it to 
join the Erymanthus river at Psophis. Many villages lie scattered on 
the slopes of the hills ; among them is Lopesi on the north bank of the 
stream. As to the route followed by Pausanias from Caphyae to 
Psophis, at least after he struck the Tragus (the Dara river), there is no 
room for doubt. The valleys led him in a straight line to Psophis. Of 
the oak forest of Soron which he mentions Leake saw some small 
remains near the banks of the Palaea-Katouna river, as he calls it ; 
and at one place in this valley, near its foot, where a ledge of limestone 
rock stretches like a bar across it, oak-trees are still dotted about 
among the corn-fields. In the winter of 219-218 B.C. King Philip V. 
marched with a Macedonian army from Caphyae to Psophis in three 
days (Polybius, iv. 70). 

See Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 249 sq, ; Boblaye, ReckercheSj p. 157 ; Curtius, 
Peiop. I. p. 379 S(/, ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 262 stj. ; Guide-Joanne, 2. p. 364 ; 
Philippson, Peloponnes, p. 284 sq. 

On the summit of the pass which leads southward from the valley 
of Lopesi over the bare bushy slopes of Mt. H, Petros to the village of 
Kondovazena there are foundations of a small building, apparently a 
temple, built of blocks of shell-limestone. The steep ascent from the 
valley of Lopesi is through oak woods. See Philippson, Peloponnes^ p. 
284. 

23. 9. bears. Elsewhere Pausanias tells us that there were bears 
on Mt. Taygetus (iii. 20. 4) and Mt Pames (i. 32. i). 

23. 9- the mined hamlet of Pans. In the days of Herodotus 
this place was a city. He calls it Paeus (or Paeum) and says that 



282 PSOPHIS BK. VII I. ARCADIA 

Euphorion of that city received the Dioscuri in his house, and after- 
wards extended his hospitality to all men. His son Laphanes was one 
of the suitors of Agariste, the daughter of Clisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon. 
See Herodotus, vi. 127. 

23. 9. Sirae. This place was 30 furlongs from Psophis. See viii. 
24. 3. If the distance is right, Sirae must have been near the village 
of Dekmtni^ in the valley of Lope si ^ but higher up than the village of 
that name. See Leake, Pelop, p. 221. Cp. id.^ Morea^ 2. p. 250; 
Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 380. 

24. I. Psophis. The ruins of Psophis are situated in the narrow 
valley of the Erymanthus river, at the point where that stream, flowing 
from the north-east, is joined by a tributary stream (the Aroanius, now 
called the river of Poretse or Germouisant) which flows into it from the 
north-west, coming down a narrow rocky glen enclosed by high moun- 
tains. About 100 yards below their meeting-place, the united waters of 
the two streams are joined by a third stream, the river of Lopesi^ flow- 
ing from the south-east (see note on 23. 8). From these three rivers 
the place takes its modem name of Tripotamo^ or * Three Rivers.' All 
three rivers are clear rapid streams, flowing over gravelly beds and 
bordered by plane-trees. Psophis stood on the right bank of the 
Erymanthus, in the angle between it and the Aroanius. A steep but 
not high hill rises between the two streams and extends in the form of a 
sharp ridge from south-west to north-east, sending down spurs towards 
both streams. A narrow strip of level or gently-rising ground is left 
between the foot of the hill and the banks of the two rivers. The cit>'- 
walls followed the crest of the ridge and descending from it ran along 
the steep banks of both streams. They can still be traced nearly 
throughout the whole circuit, though they are nowhere very high. They 
are defended by towers, mostly square. The masonry is moderately 
regular ; the stones are not very large. On the highest point of the 
hill are the ruins of a mediaeval tower and of many modem houses. At 
the north-eastcm side of the to\vn the open space between the Er^Tnan- 
thus river and the hill was defended by a double line of walls ; the 
remains of the inner wall may be seen extending from the ridge to the 
bank of the river. On the western slope of the spur which descends 
towards the meeting of the Erymanthus and Aroanius are the remains 
of a small theatre facing west. Part of the circumference of four or 
^v^ rows of seats may be seen ; fragments of the seats are also lying 
about. The town seems to have lain chiefly in the level space between 
the Erymanthus and the hill. Here, not far from the bank of the river, 
are the foundations of a rectangular building, about 96 feet long ; in 
the bank below there is a spring of water. This building may be the 
temple of Erymanthus mentioned by Pausanias (§ 12). A little to the 
north of it is the church of St. Peter, enclosed within a wall. At this 
church there are a number of small columns, some of them only partially 
fluted. The church probably occupies the site of a temple, perhaps the 
temple of Aphrodite (§ 6). The situation of Psophis, as Leake observes, 
is anything but agreeable, being hemmed in by bare hills of no great 
height, which shut out all view, cause occasionally an extreme of heat 



CH. XXIV PSOPHTS— MOUNT PHOLOE 283 

and cold, and increase the violence of the winds. The bleak landscape 
was somewhat brightened, when I saw it in early summer, by the 
masses of yellow flowers which mottled the green hill-side above the 
scanty ruins of the lower town. 

Sec Leake, Morea, 2. p. 240 sqq. ; Boblaye, RechercheSy p. 158 ; Fiedler, 
Reise^ i. p. 394; Ciirtius, Pelop, i. p. 384 sqq, ; Welcker, Tagebuchy i. p. 290 
sqq. ; Vischer, Erinneittngen^ p. ^Tj sqq, ; Wyse, Pelopon, 2. p. 159 sqq, ; Bursian, 
Geogr. 2. p. 260 sqq. ; Baedeker,^ p. 307 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 363 sq, ; Philipp- 
son, PelopofineSy p. 286. 

In the winter of 219-218 B.C. Psophis was captured by a Mace- 
donian army under King Philip V. Polybius, who describes the capture 
of the cit>% has incidentally given a vcr>' exact description of its situation. 
See Polybius, iv. 70-72. 

24. I. the fonnder of Psophis etc. According to Stephanus 
Byzantius {s.v. ^uxjits) the founder of Psophis was either Psophis a son 
of Lycaon, or Psophis a daughter of Eryx. 

24. 2. Phegia. This seems to mean * oak-town,* from phegos^ a 
kind of oak with edible acorns. There are still some oaks on the hills 
about Psophis. See Leake, Morea, 2. p. 244 ; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 388 ; 
Welcker, Tagebuch^ i. p. 293. Cp. Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. ^vjycia, 
who says that King Phegeus was a brother of Phoroneus. 

24. 4. Mount Lampea. With the exception of the branch which 
rises in Mt. Tartaric near the village of Sopoto^ on the way from Psophis 
to Clitor, the streams which form the Erymanthus river mostly rise in 
Mt. KalUphoni (about 6500 feet high), to the north -north -east of 
Psophis. Mt. KalUphoni is, therefore, probably the ancient Mt. Lampea. 
This agrees with the statement of Strabo (viii. p. 341) that Scollis, a 
mountain between the districts of Elis, Dyme, and Tritaea, adjoined Mt. 
Lampea in Arcadia. The northern slopes of Mount KalUphoni are 
belted with pine forests. 

See Leake, Aforea, 2. p. 253 sq, ; id, , Pelopofu p. 224 ; Boblaye, RechercheSy 
p. 158 ; Curtius, Pelop. I. p. 385 sq, ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 183 ; Philippson, 
PeloponneSy pp. 282, 293. 

24. 4- Homer says that in Taygetns etc. The reference seems 
to be to Odyssey^ vi. 103. 

24. 4. Monnt Pholoe. Here Pausanias tells us that Mount Pholoe 
was the range of mountains on the right bank of the Erymanthus river. 
Elsewhere (vi. 21. 5) he says that the Leucyanias, another of the 
northern tributaries of the Alpheus, had its source in Mount Pholoe. 
Strabo says (viii. p. 357) that Pholoe was a mountain of Arcadia which 
rose very near Olympia and had its skirts in the territory of Pisa. 
Elsewhere the same geographer gives us to understand that Mount 
Pholoe bordered on Elis (viii. p. 336), and that the Selleeis, a river 
of Elis, flowed from it. Xenophon says that when he lived in 
Scillus his sons and their friends used sometimes to hunt on Mount 
Pholoe {Anabasis^ v. 3. 10). Putting these various statements together, 
we infer that Mount Pholoe was the southern and lower continuation of 
Mount Erymanthus (the modem Mount Olono), It is not so much a 



284 PSOPHIS BK. VIII. ARCADIA 

chain of mountains as a broad table-land, which descends in great forest- 
clad terraces from near the source of the Elean Ladon in Mount Ery- 
manthus to the lowlands of Elis on the west and the valley of the 
Alpheus on the south. See Leake, Morea^ 2. pp. 194-196; Curtius, 
Pelop, 2. p. 44 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 184. In antiquity, as at the 
present day, this high table-land would seem to have been covered with 
wild and beautiful woods, which the poetic fancy of the Greeks peopled 
with Centaurs, of whom the famous Pholus was said to have entertained 
Hercules when he came hither to hunt the Erymanthian boar on the 
neighbouring mountains (Euripides, Hercules Furens^ 181 sq,\ AnthoL 
Palat, vi. 3 and iii ; Orphei Argonauticci^ 382 and 420 ; Apollodorus, 
ii. 5. 4; Diodorus, iv. 12 and 70). Mount Erymanthus and Mount 
Pholoe are mentioned together by Lucian {Icaromenippus^ 11). 

24. 6. there is also in the district of Eryz, in Sicily* a sanctuary 
of the Erycinian goddess. This was the famous Carthaginian sanctuary 
of Astarte or Ashtoreth on Mt. Eryx. Sir E. H. Bunbury (article ' Eryx ' 
in Smith's Diet, of Geography) thinks that the legends point to the sanc- 
tuary on Mt. Eryx " being an ancient seat of Pelasgic worship, rather 
than of Phoenician origin." But the worship, as known to us, appears 
to have been purely Phoenician ; and that the goddess was Astarte is 
proved by Phoenician inscriptions. See W. Robertson Smith, Religion 
of the Semites^ pp. 294, 309, 471. .As to the Semitic character of the 
worship Freeman says : "It was assuredly a Phoenician Ashtoreth who 
yearly left her temple of Eryx for a journey to Africa and took her doves 
with her" {History of Sicily^ i. p. 277). As to these doves of Eryx, 
see Athenaeus, ix. p. 394 f ; Aelian, Hist. anim. iv. 2. It is somewhat 
surprising to find a sanctuary of this Phoenician goddess in a remote 
corner of Arcadia. Cp. Immerwahr, Die arkadisthcn Kulte^ p. 172 sq. 
As to the Sicilian Eryx and its Phoenician remains, see Freeman, op. cit. 
I. p. 277 sqq. ; Perrot et Chipicz, Histoire de VArt dans VAnfiquiti^ 
3. pp. 308, 330 sqq. The temple on the top of Mt. Erj'x, with the walls 
and gates which defended the foot of the mountain, is represented on 
a consular silver coin of the Gens Considia. See T. L. Donaldson, 
Architcctura Numismaticay No. xxxii. ; Perrot et Chipiez, op. cit. 3. p. 335. 

24. 7. Alcmaeon is also bnried in Psophis etc. Outside the 

walls of Psophis, near the meeting of the Erymanthus and Aroanius 
rivers, there is a fine oak \i\\ki a picture of the Virgin attached to it. 
Beside it lie the ruins of a chapel built of ancient materials and on 
ancient foundations. Bursian conjectured that the tomb of Alcmaeon 
may have been here (Geogr. 2. p. 261 sq.) 

24. 7- cypresses grow ronnd about it etc. The native home of 
the cypress seems to be the table-lands of Caboul and Afghanistan, 
especially Busih to the west of Herat, where the tree attains an enormous 
size. From this home it apparently migrated westward. Hehn 
held that where groves of cypresses were to be found in Greece, traces 
of Asiatic religion were also to be found. In regard to Psophis in particu- 
lar, he saw traces of Phoenician influence in the legend which made 
Psophis a daughter of Eryx, in the worship of Erycinian Aphrodite, and 
in the legendary connexion of Psophis w^ith the necklace of Eriphyle ; 



CH. XXV PSOPHIS 285 

for he seems to have agreed with Movers (Die Phoenizicr^ i. p. 509 sq,) 
that such trinkets were probably brought to Greece by Phoenician 
traders. See Hehn, Kulturpflanzen und Hausihiere^^ pp. 228 sqq.^ 
489 sq, (pp. 212 sqq,^ 479 sq. Engl, trans.) 

24. 8. Alcmaeon came to Psophis etc. With what follows, 

compare Apollodorus, iii. 7. 5 sqq. According to Apollodorus the name 
of the daughter of Phegeus whom Alcmaeon married was Arsinoe, 
not Alphesiboea, as Pausanias calls her. Euripides wrote a drama 
Alcmaeon at Psophis^ of which some fragments are preserved. Cp. E. 
Bethe, Thebanischc Heldenlieder {^€v^z\%^ 1891), p. 135 sqq, 

24. 8. the newest land, wbicli the sea had uncovered etc. Cp. 
Thucydides, ii. 102 ; Apollodorus, iii. 7. 5. 

24. 10. dedicated the necklace to Apollo at Delphi According 
to Phylarchus, quoted by Parthenius {Narrat. Amat 25), the necklace 
of Eriphyle was in the sanctuary of Forethought Athena at Delphi. 
But Phylarchus perhaps confused the necklace of Eriphyle with the 
necklace of Helen, which Menelaus dedicated to Forethought Athena at 
Delphi, according to Demetrius Phalereus, cited by Eustathius (on 
Homer, Od, iii. 267, p. 1466). As to the temple of Forethought Athena 
at Delphi, see x. 8. 6 note. 

24. 12. a temple of Erymanthns, with an image of him. The 
river Erymanthus was represented, at Psophis in the form of a man, 
whereas some Greek rivers were represented in the shape of bulls 
(Aelian, Var, hist. ii. 33). 

24. 13. a man of Psophis called Aglaus etc. According to Pliny 
{Nat. hist. vii. 151) and Valerius Maximus (vii. i. 2) Aglaus was a man 
of Psophis who supported himself on a small farm, beyond the bounds 
of which he had never strayed ; and when Gyges, king of Lydia, sent to 
ask of the Delphic oracle if any man was happier than himself, the 
oracle declared that Aglaus was a happier man. Thus Pliny and 
Valerius Maximus represent Aglaus as a contemporary of Gyges, whereas 
Pausanias makes him a contemporary of Croesus. 

24. 14- Homer himself has represented a Jar of blessings etc. 
See Iliad^ xxiv. 527 sq. The passage is quoted by Plutarch {ConsoL 
ad Apollon. 7). 

24. 14. who had called the poet himself both ill-starred etc. 
The oracle is quoted by Pausanias elsewhere (x. 24. 2). 

25. I. On the way from Psophis to Thelpnsa etc. Leaving 
Psophis, we cross the Erymanthus and ascend the steep slope of Mount 
Hagias Pctros^ which rises on the left bank of the river, to the south of 
Psophis. The oak-forest of Aphrodisium probably clothed the northern 
slopes of this mountain. The stone which marked the boundary 
between Psophis and Thelpusa perhaps stood on the summit of the 
ridge. From the summit we descend by a very steep and zigzag 
I>ath among fir-woods to the large village of Velimaki. The torrent 
which flows past the village to join the Ladon below Thelpusa is 
probably the Arsen. Proceeding southward, after a farther descent, we 
see the village of Bokovina on the left. Farther on, in a wild wooded 
country, we pass the village of Boutsi on the right. A steep descent 



THELPUSA 



BK. Vltl. AKCADIA 



takes us down into the valley of the Ladon, and wc cross the river by 
the bridge of Spatkari in a narrow pass between rocks. The way now 
descends along the left bank of the Ladon among delightful woods and 
thickets. In less than an hour from crossing the bridge of Spttthari we 
reach the place called Vanaena, near which are the ruins of Thelpusa. 
The time from Psophis is about sj hours. From beginning to end the 
route runs nearly always due south. The site of Caus, mentioned by 
Pausanias, has not been identified. 



25. 2. the city. The scanty ruins of Thelpusa are situated on 
the left bank of the Ladon, a little to the north-west of a place called 
Vanatna, where there was formerly a village. About a mile below the 
ruins a new stone bridge on four arches crosses the river to the small 
and poor hamlet of Toubitsi, where quarters for the night may be bad. 
The valley of the Ladon at Thelpusa, in striking contrast to the 
tremendous wooded gorge through which the river forces its way a few 
miles farther north (see below, p. i8S sq.\ is comparatively open. It is 
enclosed by low hills partly bare, partly wooded or bushy, between 
which the river winds in several channels over a broad stony bed. To 
the north are seen, above the lower and nearer hills, the lofty mountains 
through which the Ladon has cleft its way, while down the valley to 
the south the view is closed by the high blue mountains beyond the 
Alpheus. 

The acropolis of Thelpusa probably occupied a two-pointed hill 
which rises to a height of perhaps 400 feet a little way back from the 
river, on its eastern bank. Towards the river the hill descends in a 
series of terraces covered with brown prickly plants and dotted here and 
there with trees. On the south it is bounded by a small glen, down 
which a stream llows amid beautiful plane-trees and luxuriant vegetation 
to join the Ladon. Remains of the ancient fortifical ion- walls are to be 
seen on one of the terraces on the western side of the hill, about half- 
way between the river and the top of the hill. The terrace slopes 
steeply to the west, and on its edge pieces of the walls, forming two 
right angles, are standing to a height of three courses or about 4 
feet. They are built of massive squared blocks. On the same terrace 
or plateau, a few yards east of the 
fortification - wall, 1 obsen-ed some 
ancient blocks of white lin 




^/^^j^yi- stid a standing drum of a fluted 
'' -'^^'-^'- column. Some ;o yards farther 
cast, on the same terrace, are the 
a Roman or Byiantine 
building. Two walls of it are stand- 
ing for a length of about 1 1 paces 
and to a height of 10 or 13 feet j 
■wall uniting the two others, but not at 
built of rubble faced on the inside and 



CH. XXV THELPUSA 287 

outside with flat bricks, which are arranged in alternate bands (Fig. 32). 
One band consists of several courses of the bricks laid horizontally ; the 
other band consists of several rows of diamond-shaped patterns made up 
of the bricks. A few large blocks are built into the walls, and others 
are lying about. Immediately to the east of this building begins the 
upper slope of the hill. 

Below this terrace, on the south, there is a lower terrace on which 
are standing some half-dozen small drums of columns, broken and worn, 
the ruins probably of a temple. The best preserved is fluted and 
measures 23 inches in diameter. A few yards east of these remains are 
some worn blocks, squared, standing in position, also the buried drum 
of a small fluted column, only its upper surface being visible. 

A few more scanty remains are to be seen on a low height beside 
the river, in the direction of the bridge. Here I saw four drums of 
small columns standing in a row in their original positions ; the distance 
between the extreme columns is 11 paces. One of them is fluted 
and measures between 17 and 18 inches in diameter. Beside the 
columns is a sort of basin carved out of a single block of stone. About 
half-way between this spot and the acropolis hill are some slight vestiges 
of antiquity, including a small unfluted drum of a column, a standing 
quadrangular block about 5 feet high, two or three blocks of a wall, and 
fragments of red, thick, unpainted pottery. 

The site has been identified beyond doubt as that of Thelpusa by 
the discovery of two inscriptions within recent years {MittheiL d. arch, 
Inst, in Athen^ 3 (1878), p. 177 sq, ; AcAtiov dpxatoAoytKov (1890), 
p. 147 sq,) 

I have described the situation and remains of Thelpusa from notes made by 
me on the spot (6th October 1895). See also Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 97 sqq, \ Gell, 
Itinerary of the Morea^ p. I20 ; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 152; L. Ross, Reisen^ 
p. \i\ sq,\ Curtius, Pelip, I. p. 370; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 259. 

25. 2. the water of the Ladon has its source etc. As to the 
source of the Ladon see viii. 2 1 . i note ; as to the upper valley of the 
river see above, p. 280 sq. The places mentioned by Pausanias (Leu- 
casium, Mesoboa, Nasi, Oryx, Halus, and Theliades) have not been 
identified. Leake has some conjectures on the subject {Marea^ 2. p. 
271 sqq, ; Pelop, p. 227 sqq,) Cp. Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 374 ; Bursian, 
Geogr, 2. p. 263 note 2. As Leake observes, the Nasi here mentioned 
cannot be the same place as the Nasi at the source of the Tragus, since 
that Nasi was 50 furlongs from Ladon (viii. 23. 8). "But as Nasi, or 
the Islands, was a common name in places intersected by diverging or 
confluent branches of a river, it is not difficult to imagine that there 
may have been two Nasi, although at no greater distance from one 
another than six or seven miles" (Leake, Pelop, p. 229). In the Ladon 
after its junction with the Aroanius I observed an island large enough 
to allow of a small hamlet being built on it. Some such place was 
probably Nasi. 

Having described the course of the Ladon from its source to the 
point where Pausanias quitted it on his way to Psophis (see above, 



288 GORGE OF THE LADON bk. viii. arcadia 

p. 280 sq,\ I may briefly describe its lower course as &r as Thelpusa. I 
have followed the whole course of the river from its source to near the 
point where it falls into the Alpheus, with the exception of the bend 
which it makes between the point where the road from Caphyae to 
Psophis leaves it, and the point immediately below the large village of 
Stretzova^ which stands on a mountain-side facing east, at the northern 
end of a valley which runs south to the Ladon. The distance of 
the village from the river is about 3 miles. The path leads across 
bushy and rocky slopes, and then through bare stony fields to the 
northern bank of the river. Indian com is here grown in the valley of 
the Ladon ; wooded mountains rise from its southern bank, and higher 
mountains of imposing contour close the view on the south-east At 
the point where we strike the river two springs gush from under rocks 
and form a pool shaded by fine spreading plane-trees, whence a stream 
flows into the Ladon after a course of a few yards. From this point to 
the bridge of Spathari^ a ride of about five hours, the scenery is unsur- 
passed in Greece. The river here forces its way along the bottom of a 
profound gorge hemmed in by high wooded mountains, which in places 
descend in immense precipices, feathered with trees and bushes in their 
crevices, to the brink of the rapid stream. The narrow path runs high 
up on the right or northern side of the gorge, sometimes overhung by 
beetling crags, and affording views, now grand now almost appalling, 
down into the depths of the tremendous gorge, and across it to the high 
wooded slopes or precipices on the farther side. 

The gorge may be said to be divided in two at the village of 
Divritsa^ where the mountains recede a little from the river, and the 
scenery of the two parts is somewhat different. In the first half, ending 
a little above the village of Divritsa^ the river sweeps round the base 
of high steep mountains, which on the south side of the gorge are 
wooded to their summits and broken every now and then by a profound 
glen, the sides of which are also wooded from top to bottom. The 
mountains on the north side are in general not wooded, but bare or 
overj^rown with bushes. This would detract from the beaut v of the 
scenery if the path ran on the south side of the gorge, from which the 
barer slopes of the mountains on the north would be visible. As it 
is, the path runs along the steep sides of the mountains on the north 
side, and the eye rests continually on the mighty wall of verdure that 
rises on the other side of the river. I had the good fortune to traverse 
this wonderful gorge on a bright October day, when the beautiful woods 
were just touched here and there with the first tints of autumn. Far 
below the river was seen and heard rushing along, now as a smooth 
swirling stream of opaque green water with a murmurous sound, now 
tumbling, with a mighty roar, down great rocks and boulders in sheets 
of greenish-white foam. 

Below Divritsa the grandeur of the gorge increases to the point of 
being almost overpowering. Wooded mountains rising steeply from 
the river have now given place to enormous perpendicular or beetling 
crags tufted with trees and bushes in their crevices wherever a tree or 
a bush can find a footing, and overhanging the ravine till there is hardly 



CH. XXV GORGE OF THE LADON 289 

room to pass under them and they seem as if they would shut out the 
sky and meet above the river. Add to this that the path is narrow and 
runs high above the stream along the brink of precipices where a slip 
or a stumble of the horse might precipitate his rider into the dreadful 
depths below. We seem therefore to breathe more freely when, a little 
above the bridge of Spathari^ we at last issue from the gorge and see a 
great free expanse of sky above us, lower hills, and the river winding 
between them through woodland scenery of a pretty but commonplace 

type. 

Within recent years some remains of antiquity have been discovered 
at several places in the gorge. One is near Divriisa^ a village finely 
situated in a recess of the mountains on the northern side of the river, 
looking down into the deep valley and across it to a very steep and 
lofty mountain, whose lower and almost precipitous slopes are cleft by 
nearly perpendicular gullies or fissures. The ruins are to be seen on 
a small level space of ground about half a mile to the south-east of 
DivritscL A path leads down to them from the village, but the place is 
still high above the river, which is heard roaring down below. The ruins, 
which were excavated by Mr. Leonardos for the Greek Archaeological 
Society in 1 891, appear to be those of a small temple 16.80 metres 
long by 5.80 metres wide, with a portico or fore-temple {pronaos) at 
the east end. Portions of the outer walls survive ; they are built of the 
native stone in a style so rude and irregular that one almost hesitates 
to regard the building as ancient. However, the discovery of a terra- 
cotta head of Athena and a small bronze bowl inscribed with the word 
KOPAI (*to the Maid'), settles its antiquity, though it leaves us in 
doubt whether the temple was dedicated to Athena or Proserpine. The 
walls, where they exist, are standing to a height of only one and two 
courses. In the portico, which is 1 1 ft. 9 in. deep from east to west, 
there are two large flat blocks of white limestone, apparently part of a 
pavement. 

Further, on an ancient acropolis called ston Arte near Vachlia^ a 
village situated in a side valley about 2 miles north-east of Divritsa^ 
Mr. Leonardos excavated the lower part of another small temple, which 
was provided with a portico or fore-temple {pronaos) and &ced north, 
apparently from want of space. This temple is only half the size 
of the one at Divritsa, The pedestal of the image in the cella is 
preserved. 

See AeXr/oi' dpxotoXo7tif6i', 1 89 1, p. 99 J^. ; IIpa/crtifA r^ *Apx*to^o7tf^ 
'Eratptaj, 1891, pp. 23-^5; Bulletin de Corresp, helUnique, 15 (1891), p. 657. 
I visited the temple at Divritsa and have described it partly from my notes. 

Further, some excavations have been made in the valley about three 
quarters of an hour's ride below Divritsa. The spot is wild and 
romantic in the highest degree. A small glen here joins the deep 
gorge of the Ladon on the north, and a little stretch of level ground 
divides its western bank from the foot of a huge craggy mountain which 
towers up in one enormous unbroken precipice of rock, with a tiny 
monastery hanging in a seemingly inaccessible position on its face. 

VOL. IV U 



290 LOfVER VALLEY OF LADON bk, vrii. arcadxa 

The ruins are to be seen on the very edge of the glen, just below the 
level ground. No account of them, so far as I know, has yet been 
published ; but I was told on the spot that they were supposed to be 
part of a temple of Demeter. They consist of a wall 1 4 ft. 8 in. long, 
with two short walls, each about 3 feet long, joining it at right angles 
at either end. One and, at the most, two courses of the walls are 
preserved. They are built of roughly-squared blocks of fine limestone : 
one block is about 3 feet long by i foot high. The two short walls 
project towards the glen, the side of which falls away here so steeply 
that there is no room for any building between it and the walls. From 
the spot there is a fine view up the gorge of the Ladon. 

25. 2. a sanctuary of Eleosinian Demeter. On the right bank 
of the Ladon, near the bridge of Spaihariy about 2 miles higher up the 
valley than Thelpusa, there are said to be some ancient remains, which 
may possibly be those of the sanctuary of Eleusinian Demeter. See 
Cell, Itinerary of the Morea^ p. 1 2 1 (who thought they might be the 
ruins of the sanctuary of Aesculapius and town of Halus, see §§ 1,2); 
Boblaye, Rec/ierches, p. 152 ; Leake, Peiofi, p. 228 ; Curtius, Pelop. i. 
p. 372 ; Guide-JoannCy 2. p. 366. I did not observe any ancient remains 
near the bridge when I passed it, on the right bank of the river, in 
October 1895. 

25. 4. After Thelpusa the Ladon descends etc. From Thelpusa 
our author now descends the valley of the Ladon to Heraea, which 
stood in the valley of the Alpheus, a little to the east of the junction 
of that river with the Ladon. I followed the route described by 
Pausanias, 6th October 1895, and though I saw none of the antiquities 
mentioned by him, I may be allowed to give my notes of the route. 
Quitting Toubitsi at 10.32 we crossed the Ladon by the new stone 
bridge to its left or eastern bank, which we continued to follow closely 
for some time. Later on we ascended a small hill beside the river, 
from which, at 11.30, we had a fine view southward to the long range 
of blue mountains beyond the Alpheus. The river winds in a level and 
green, but on the whole treeless, bottom between low hills which are 
wooded and bushy on the west bank, but barer on the east. The bed 
of the river is wide and gravelly ; the stream runs in several channels, 
which enclose small gravelly and sandy islands, on some of which 
bushes grow. In the course of the day our route led us over several 
of these islands, the channels which divided them from the bank being 
very shallow. The sand reminded me of Milton's line — 

** By sandy Ladon's lilied banks," 

but I saw no lilies. At 12.5 I noticed a large island in the river with 
trees growing on it. At 12.35 we passed, but did not cross, a long 
wooden bridge over the Ladon of curious and primitive construction. 
Here the hills on the west side of the river are low and wooded, and 
there are thickets of planes (growing as bushes) beside the bed of the 
river. Maize is grown on the eastern bank. A little below the wooden 
bridge there is a cliff of reddish rock on the west bank of the river. 
After traversing the thickets of planes and some of the little sandy and 



CH. XXV DEMETER FURY 291 

gravelly islands we diverged from the river at 1.12 to reach a spring 
which rises in a small side glen, a few hundred yards from the banks 
of the Ladon. The water flows from a wall into a stone trough. A 
draught of it and a rest in the shade of a tree were welcome in the 
heat of the day. The river scenery at this point of the Ladon is pretty, 
the hills on both sides being wooded. 

From here we ascended a bare plateau dotted with wild apple and 
other trees. Next we descended into a deep narrow wooded glen, 
followed it for some time, and then ascended to another plateau sprinkled 
with trees. From this plateau at 2.24 we saw the Alpheus flowing 
along from east to west in its broad valley, with low rounded hills on 
the south side and higher mountains appearing beyond them still 
farther away in the south. To the south-west we could see the Ladon 
flowing into the Alpheus. On this plateau, overlooking the valley of 
the Alpheus, is the hamlet of Piri, From it we descended south- 
eastward into the valley, and at 3.6 reached the scanty ruins of Heraea. 

25. 4. Demeter Fury. With the story of the loves of 

Demeter and Poseidon which follows, compare the story told by the 
Phigalians (Paus. viii. 42). The stories differ in that whereas in the 
Thelpusian version Demeter gave birth to the horse Arion as well as 
to a daughter (see § 7), in the Phigalian version she gave birth to 
a daughter only. The Thelpusian story is told also by Tzetzes 
{Schol. on Lycophron^ I53)' Cp. Immerwahr, Z>/V arkadischen Kulte^ 
p. no sq. According to another story Poseidon embraced a Fury 
{Erinus) at the fountain Tilphusa in Boeotia and she gave birth to the 
horse Arion (Schol. on Homer, Iliady xxiii. 346, ed. Bekker ; cp. the 
Townley schol. on id, 347, ed. Maass). In ancient Indian mythology, 
Saranyu turns herself into a mare ; Vivasvat turns himself into a horse, 
follows her, and embraces her, and she gives birth to the two Asvins, 
who correspond somewhat to Castor and Pollux. According to 
Professors A. Kuhn and Max Miiller the Sanscrit Saranyu is etymo- 
logically identical with the Greek Erinus^ and they agree in thinking 
that the Indian and Greek myths are also identical, the Hindus and 
Greeks having inherited the myth from their common Aryan fore- 
fathers. But these distinguished philologists differ widely in their ways 
of interpreting the myth. W. Mannhardt thought that the application 
of the name Fury (Erinits) to Demeter, and the story that under this 
surname she gave birth to the horse Arion, were due to a simple 
confusion of the Arcadian Thelpusa and Onceum with the Boeotian 
Tilphusa and Onchestus. (As to Onchestus and Tilphusa see ix. 26. 5 ; 
ix, 33. I.) He explained the myth of the union of Poseidon and Demeter 
in the form of horses as follows. Various peoples have compared the 
foam-crested waves of the sea to horses ; in Italian they are called 
ccnfolli del mare (* horses of the sea') ; in English we call them * white 
horses.' Now the swaying of a corn-field in the wind is naturally 
compared to waves ; and when the com waves in the wind, some 
German peasants say, "There goes the horse." Similarly a Greek 
peasant, watching the com tossed about by the breeze, might have said, 
" There goes Poseidon through the com," and might have thought that 



292 THE SACRED BASKET bk. viii. arcadia 

the sea-god Poseidon and the corn-goddess Demeter, each in horse- 
form, were celebrating their nuptials among the waving of the ears. 
In some parts of Germany and Austria when the com waves in the 
wind, they say, " The stalks are pairing," or " the com is marrying," 
or " the com is celebrating its wedding." The fruit of the union of 
Poseidon and Demeter was Proserpine, the harvest This is Mann- 
hardt's interpretation of the myth. Whatever explanation we give of it, 
the story of the union of Poseidon (especially in horse-form) and 
Demeter seems to have been widely current, for we often find the two 
deities associated. See ii. 32. 8; viii. 10. i sq,\ viii. 37. 9; Plutarch, 
Quaest. Conviv. iv. 4. 3. 



On the myth, see A. Kuhn, in Zeitschrifi fiir daitsche Mythologies 3 (1855), 

. 373 sqq. ; Max Muller, Lectures on the Sciewe of Language f 2. p. 526 sqq, ; 

>V. Mannhardt, Mythologische Forschungen^ p. 244 sqq, ; A. Lang, Alyth^ 

Ritual ^ atui Religion^ 2. pp. 156 j^., 266; Betne, Theoanische Heldeniieder^ p. 

89 sqq. ; V. B^rard, De Porigitte des Cultes arcadiens^ p. 156 sqq. 



\ 





Coins of Thelpusa exhibit the head of Demeter on the obverse and 

the horse Anon, running, on the reverse (Fig. 
33). See Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, A'«/w. 
Comm. on Paus. p. 102, with pL T xxii. xxiii. 

25. 6. Lusia. Hesychius (s.v. Aova-ia) 
also mentions that this was an epithet of De- 

FIG. 33.-AR10N AND DEMKTKR ^^^ter at Thelpusa. 

(COIN OP THELPUSA). 25. 7- tlio 80 - caUod cista (sacred 

basket). The mystic cista or sacred basket 
appears to have been a regular feature in the rites of Demeter. See 
viii. 37. 4 ; X. 28. 3 (in the latter passage it is not, however, styled 
a cista). Purple ribbons were wound round these baskets (Plu- 
tarch, Phocion^ 28, where KolTaL = KL(rTai: see Hesychius, s.z\ koitt;, 
and Pollux, vii. 79). In the Mysteries of Andania (sec iv. i. 7 note) 
the sacred baskets {cistae)^ containing mystic objects, were carried 
in procession on chariots which were led by the Sacred Virgins. 
See Dittenberger, Syllogc Inscr. Grace. No. 388, line 29 sqq. In 
Apuleius {Mctam. vi. 2) Psyche adjures Ceres "by the secrets of the 
cistac." The cisfa held some sacred food, of which the initiated at the 
Eleusinian mysteries partook as a sort of sacrament or communion 
(Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. ii. 21. p. 18, ed. Potter). The cista 
of Demeter is represented on the monuments, from which we learn that 
it was a wicker-work basket of cylindrical shape, generally with a lid. 
On a fragment of sculpture which once adorned a putcal (well-head or 
similar enclosure) Demeter is represented handing cars of com and 
poppies to Triptolemus ; between them is a cista with a serpent 
creeping out of it. On a terra-cotta relief Demeter appears seated on 
a cista^ about which is twined a serpent, whose head rests on the lap 
of the goddess. We may hence, perhaps, infer that the cista contained 
one of the sacred serpents of Demeter or an image of it. (As to the 
serpents of Demeter, see Strabo, ix. p. 393 ; and the scholia on Lucian, 
edited by E. Rohde, in Rheinischcs Museitm^ N.F. 25 (1870), p. 548 



CH. XXV THE TUTHOA—ISLE OF CROWS 293 

sqq^ The cista was also used in the rites of Dionysus, and the Bacchic 
cista almost certainly contained a serpent or its image ; for on monu- 
ments of art, especially on the silver coins of Asia Minor known as 
cistophori^ the cista is represented with its lid half raised and the serpent 
escaping from it. Cp. also Clement of Alexandria, Protrept, ii. 22. p. 
1 9, ed. Potter. Further, the cista was employed in the mysteries of the 
Cabiri, and in them it appears to have contained an image of r5 rov 
AiovwTov alSoiov. See Clement of Alexandria, op. cit. ii. 19, p. 16, ed. 
Potter ; Nicolaus Damascenus, in Fragtn, Hist. Grace, ed. Miiller, 3. p. 
388. On the mystic cistay see Otto Jahn, * Die cista mystica,' Hertnes^ 
3 (1869), pp. 317-334; Fr. Lenormant, article * Cista Mystica,* in 
Daremberg and Saglio's Diet, des Antiquitis, 

25. 8. In the Iliad there is a reference to Arion etc. See //rW, 
xxiii. 346 sq. 

25. 10. blue. Literally "like kuanos in colour." As to the mean- 
ing of kuanos see Helbig, Das homerisehe Epos^ p. loi sqq. The 
word includes lapis iazuii, the ultramarine blue produced by pulverising 
lapis lazuli y and smalt or a glass paste coloured blue with copper ore or 
cobalt to imitate lapis lazuli. In the palace at Tiryns there was found 
an alabaster frieze adorned with this blue glass paste. See above, vol. 
3. p. 227 ; Schliemann, Tiryns^ p. 284 sqq. ; Schuchhardt, Sehliemann^s 
Ausgrabungen^^ p. 144 sq. 

25. II. a sanctuary of the Boy Aesculapius. On the right bank 
of the Ladon, about half a mile below Thelpusa, is a ruined church of 
St. Athanasius, which contains some fragments of columns. Possibly 
the chapel marks the site of the sanctuary of Aesculapius. See Leake, 
Morea^ 2. pp. 99 sq.^ 103 ; Curtius, Pelop. i. p. 371. 

25. II. the account which I gave etc See ii. 26. 4. 

25. 12. a river Tuthoa. This is the river of LangcuUa which, 
flowing westward through a pleasant valley, falls into the Ladon on the 
left bank of that river. The bed of the Tuthoa is wide and stony, show- 
ing that the stream, though shallow in summer, must be large and rapid 
in winter. See Leake, Aforea^ 2. p. 94 sq.\ Boblaye, Reeherehes^ p. 
156 ; Curtius, Pelop. i. p. 369 ; L. Ross, Reisen^ p. 112 sq. 

25. 1 2. Pedium (' plain '). This is the green plain on the left bank 
of the Ladon between the river of Langadia (the Tuthoa) and a brook 
which joins the Ladon lower down. See Cell, Itinerary of the Morea^ 
p. 117 ; Curtius, Pelop. i. p. 369 ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 256 note 3. 

25. 1 2. At the point where. The Greek is Kadort. This use of 
KaSoTi is not noticed in Liddell and Scott's Greek Lexicon, but it is 
common in Pausanias. See vi. 20. 10; vi. 25. 5 ; vii. 26. 3 ; vii. 27. 
12 ; viii. 28. 3 ; viii. 35. i ; viii. 41. 3 ; x. 20. 7. In ix. 2. 4 and ix. 
12. 3 KaOoTi in this sense is followed by a genitive. Pausanias also uses 
the word in its common signification of * just as.' See viii. 41.8. 

25. 12. the Isle of Crows. Just before joining the Alpheus the 
Ladon divides into two, or sometimes three, arms, enclosing a flat delta 
about a quarter of a mile in circumference, on which plane-trees grow. 
This is the Isle of Crows. As Pausanias says (§ 13) that the Ladon 
had no island as big as a ferry-boat, the Isle of Crows would seem to 



294 SCENERY OF THE LADON bk. viii. arcadia 

have increased since his time ; as the soil of the island is alluvial, this 
may well have happened. Or the river may have been high when he 
visited it. Thus when Leake was at Thelpusa there were two islands 
in the river, each about 300 or 400 yards in length. But when L. Ross 
visited the same place he saw many small islands, but remarked that 
when the river was at its usual height the number of the islands might 
be much less. When I was at Thelpusa in October 1895 I saw several 
islands in the river which were certainly larger than ferry-boats. And 
between Thelpusa and Heraea I traversed several such islands in the 
river and saw many more (see above, p. 290). 

See Gell, Itiiurary of the Morea^ p. 115 ; Leake, Morea^ 2, pp. 90, 103 s^. ; 
L. Ross, Reisen^ pp. 107, 112 ; Curtius, Pelop, I. p. 369 ; Vischer, ErinrurungeHy 
p. 462 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 256 ; Wyse, Pelop, 2. p. 76. 

25. 13. There is indeed no fairer river either in Greece or in 
foreign land. Leake says of the Ladon : *Mt is the handsomest river 
in the Peninsula, by its depth, its rapid, even, unfailing course, and its 
beautiful banks ; compared to it the others are rocky or sandy torrents " 
{Morea^ 2. p. 100). Gell writes that the river "merits all that has been 
said in praise of its scenery " {Itinerary of the Morea^ p. 1 20). Beule 
says : " To follow up the Ladon from Heraea to its sources is a de- 
lightful journey. ... A beautiful river, fresh springs, tufted forests, green 
meadows, gentle hills, bounding goats, flowers and perfumes in abund- 
ance ; the imagination has nothing more to desire, and however preju- 
diced we may be against the traditional insipidities, we allow ourselves 
to be disarmed by so many charms and recognise the Arcadia of the 
poets. The scene shifts at every step. Now the river runs by fair 
meadows and fruitful fields, enclosed by hills shaded with pine-trees ; 
and in contrast to this smiling landscape we see rising in the distance 
the snowy peaks of Mt. Olonos. Now on a bare hill-side you will see a 
chapel with some ancient stones, some fragments of columns, the whole 
shaded by trees that are nearly dead with age. Again, a vast oak-wood 
follows the river and the mountains that border it, and so thick, so 
unbroken is the forest that, seen from a height, the tree-tops appear to 
form a prairie" {Etudes sur le Peloponri^se^ p. M^ ^99-^ Cp. Curtius, 
Pelop, I. p. 368 ; Vischer, Erinneritngcn^ p. 461. Certainly the great 
wooded gorge of the Ladon ranks with the very finest scenery of Greece 
and of Europe. 

The modem Peloponnesians regard the Ladon as the main stream 
of the Alpheus, giving the name of Rhouphia (a corruption of Alpheus) 
to it instead of to the southern branch which waters the great plain of 
Megalopolis. And they seem to be right in regarding the Ladon as 
the main stream in so far as relates to the body of water which it brings 
down. When I travelled in Arcadia in the autumn of 1895 the scanty 
stream of the upper Alpheus in the plain of Megalopolis contrasted 
strongly with the volume and speed of the Ladon even at its source, as 
we had seen it a few days before. The upper Alpheus, before its 
junction with the Ladon, is now called by the natives the river of 
Karytacna. Cp. Leake, I.e. ; Philippson, Peloponties^ p. 497. Die 



CH. XXVI HERAEA 295 

Chrysostom tells us that in his time the country through which the 
Ladon flowed was uninhabited (Or, xxxiii. vol. 2. p. 9, ed. Dindorf). 

26. I. Heraea. The ancient Heraea occupied a low broad plateau 
on the right bank of the Alpheus, a little to the south-west of the 
modem villages of Hagios Joannes (Aiannf) and Anemodouri, On the 
north the plateau is bounded by very low hills or hillocks of brown earth 
dotted with trees. On the south it slopes steeply to the Alpheus, which 
in one place advances close to the foot of the slope, but in another retires 
from it, leaving a stretch of level ground between the slope and the 
water's edge. Here, on this stretch of flat ground beside the river, were 
no doubt laid out the avenues described by Pausanias. The boundaries 
of the plateau on the east and west are formed by two glens or gullies, 
the sides of which are overgrown with bushes ; the eastern of the two 
glens is the deeper. The surface of the plateau is now occupied, partly 
by vineyards, partly by bare stony fields. Scattered over it are masses 
of ancient potsherds of the plain unpainted sort, and these are almost 
the only vestiges of antiquity which remained on the site in 1895, the 
year of my visit to Heraea. On the edge of the plateau overlooking the 
river there is a small platform of earth which bears the name of Palaea 
Ekklesia (* Old Church '). But the church which presumably once 
stood here, and which may perhaps have occupied the site of an ancient 
temple, has wholly disappeared ; not a stone of it is left About 200 
yards or so to the east of this spot, also on the brow of the plateau, is a 
small piece of Roman or Byzantine wall, built of rubble with a facing of 
brickwork ; it is only a few feet long and a foot or 1 8 inches high. A 
few more insignificant remains of walls of the same style are to be seen 
lower down, on the steep stony slope which divides the plateau from the 
bed of the river. The remains may be some 250 yards from the 
Alpheus and about 150 feet above it. They consist of two or three 
small pieces of wall built of rubble but faced on each side with brick- 
work. The bricks are flat, and there is niortar or concrete between each 
course of them. Such are all the ancient remains that I was able to 
find on the site of Heraea. Earlier in the century the ruins were 
more considerable, but they were probably pulled down to furnish build- 
ing materials for the neighbouring villages. Remains of the ancient 
city-walls were to be seen both at the eastern and the western ends of 
the plateau. At the eastern end, towards the village of Hagios Joannes^ 
the wall ran from north to south and was built in a fairly regular style. 
On the slope between the plateau and the river might be seen some 
remains of baths built of bricks, with here and there a patch of stucco. 
These may have been the baths mentioned by Pausanias, and the few 
small pieces of walls which still exist on the slope may have belonged to 
them. Lower down, parallel to the river, might be traced a ruined wall 
built of blocks of conglomerate ; it probably supported a terrace. In 
the church of St. John [Hagios Joannes) were to be seen some frag- 
ments of columns of shell-limestone, about 20 inches in diameter. 

Built into a wall in the village of Hagios Joannes is an inscription 
recording a dedication by a certain Timarchis to the sons of Aesculapius 
(^Bulletin de Corrcsp, helUnique^ 3 (1879), p. 190). The inscription is 



296 HERAEA BK. VIII. ARCADIA 

of interest as proving that the sons of Aesculapius were worshipped at 
Heraea. Cp. Paus. iii. 26. 9. 

The situation of Heraea is pleasing, though in no way striking. The 
valley of the Alpheus is here broad and open. Across the river, on its 
southern side, is an expanse of green level ground sprinkled with trees, 
stretching away to a line of round bushy hills, shaped like gigantic mole- 
hills, beyond which rise higher mountains in the south. High blue 
mountains also bound the views up and down the broad valley on the 
cast and south-west. 

See Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 91 s^i/. ; Ciell, Itinerary of the Morea, p. 113 jj?. : 
BoblayCf Recherches^ p. 159 ; Curtius, Pelop. i. p. 363 sqq, ; Vischer, Erinner" 
ungen, p. 461 ; Wyse, Peloponnesus, 2. p. 70 st/t/. (with a view of the valley of 
the Alpheiis) ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 256 sq. ; Baetleker,' p. 312 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. 
p. 315 sq. 

The city of Heraea was founded by the Spartan king Cleombrotus or 
Cleonymus ; the people had previously dwelt dispersed in nine villages 
or townships (Strabo, viii. p. 337). Strabo mentions Heraea (viii. p. 
388) in the list of Arcadian towns which in his time had either vanished 
or left but small traces of themselves behind. But Strabo had not 
travelled in the interior of Peloponnesus, and his testimony does not 
weigh against that of Pausanias. 

On a bronze tablet, brought from 01>'mpia in 1 8 1 3 by Sir W. Gell, 
and now in the British Museum, is inscribed a treaty of alliance for 100 
years between Heraea and Elis. The inscription is believed to date 
from the second half of the sixth century B.C. See C, I. G. No. 1 1 ; 
Ancient Greek Inscriptions in the Bntish Museum^ Part ii. p. 14, No. 
clvii. ; Roehl, /. G.A, No. no ; Cauer, Delectus Inscr. Grace. - No. 258 ; 
Hicks, Greek histor. Inscr. No. 8 ; Roberts, Greek Epi^^raphy^ No. 291 ; 
Die Inschrijten von Olympia^ No. 9. 

The wine of Hcr.iea was said to make men mad and women fruit- 
ful (Theophrastus, Hist, plant, ix. 18. 10, where for ^HpaKAct^ and 
drcKi'oi's we should read*H/)at^i and TCKi^oiVcrtt^ ; Athenaeus, i. p. 31 f ; 
Aelian, Var, hist. xiii. 6; Pliny, Xat. hist. xiv. 116). V'^incyards, as we 
haNC seen, now occupy part of the site of the ancient city. As to the 
modern wine of the place Leake says : " A sweetish red wine is still 
made here, and it has more flavour and body than almost any wine 1 
have met with in the Morea. In sufficient quantities, therefore, it might 
produce for a time one of the effects anciently attributed to the wine of 
Heraea ; as to the other, its reputaii(m at least is gone : and certainly 
the poor women of Arcadia never drink of it for the sake of the \'irtues 
ascribed to it by the ancients" (Leake, More<i^ 2. p. 92 sq.) 

26. 2. Damaretus of Heraea. See v. 8. 10; vi. 10. 4 ; x. 7. 7. 

26. 3- fifteen furlongs twenty furlongs. These measure- 
ments are perfectly accurate (Leake, Morca^ 2. p. 92 ; L. Ross, Rcisen^ 
p. 107). As to the junction of the Erymanthus with the Alpheus see 
above, note on vi. 21.3. 

The first sight I had of the Erymanthus, nearer its source, among 
the mountains of northern Arcadia, is one of the scenes that dwell in 
the memory. We had been travelling for hours through the thick oak- 



CH. XXVI ALIPHERA 297 

woods which cover the outlying slopes and spurs of Mount Erymanthus 
on the south, when suddenly, emerging from the forest, we looked down 
into a long valley, through which flowed, between hills wooded to their 
summits, a shining river, the Erymanthus. At the far end of the valley 
high blue mountains closed the view. The scene, arched by the bright 
Greek sky, was indeed Arcadian. 

26. 3. the grave of Goroebus. As to Coroebus, cp. v. 8. 6. On 
the right (west) bank of the Erymanthus, where it joins the Alpheus, 
there is a colossal tumulus or barrow, which L. Ross took to be the 
grave of Coroebus. But as the Arcadians placed the boundary at the 
Erymanthus, whereas the Eleans placed it at the grave of Coroebus, it 
is clear that the grave of Coroebus must have lain farther from Elis and 
nearer to Heraea than the Erymanthus, in other words it must have 
been east (not west) of the Erymanthus. The tumulus in question was 
partially excavated in 1845 ; ^^^ *t were found a number of small com- 
partments built of stone, and containing ashes, bones, charred potsherds 
etc. See L. Ross, Reisen^ p. 107 ; /V/., Wanderungen^ i. p. 191 sqg. ; 
Curtius, Pelop. i. p. 367 ; Vischer, Erinnerungen^ p. 462 sq, ; Wyse, 
Pelop, 2. p. T"] sqg. 

26. 5. a little town, Aliphera. The ruins of Aliphera occupy the 
summit of a high isolated hill or mountain on the southern side of the 
valley of the Alpheus, about two hours' ride to the south-east of the 
village of Zacha, To reach them from Heraea we ford the Alpheus, 
which is here a broad shallow stream of clear water, and follow the 
south bank of the river westward. Opposite the junction of the Ladon 
with the Alpheus the path strikes southward up hill ; we ascend a 
shallow glen and then the bare or bushy slopes of the lower hills. 
Finally passing through a long green lane and vineyards we reach the 
village of Zacha^ which rises steeply among trees on the northern slope 
of the higher hills, with fine views over the valley of the Alpheus to the 
lofty mountains of northern Arcadia. From Zacha the path ascends 
south-eastward among the hills, and we come in view of the high hill 
of Aliphera on our left (to the east), separated from us by some lower 
heights. To reach the foot of the hill it is necessary to make a rather 
long detour to the south and cast. The time from Heraea to Aliphera is 
about four hours and a half. 

The hill or mountain of Aliphera is high and isolated, sloping away 
steeply on all sides. Its summit forms a rather narrow ridge, which is 
highest on the south and descends slightly and gradually in slopes and 
terraces to the north. The length of the ridge may be from a third to 
half a mile. Its greatest breadth hardly exceeds 100 yards, and towards 
its northern end the ridge tapers to a knife-edge. The highest part, 
at the south end, was clearly the acropolis, and had its separate fortifica- 
tions, which are in fair preser\ation. They formed a quadrangle about 
64 paces long from north to south, with a diminishing breadth of 
66 paces at the south end, and of 29 paces at the north end. From the 
middle of the north side of this small acropolis there projects a square 
tower built of massive masonry. Its walls are 4 feet thick, and are 
standing to a height of seven and eight courses, or about 9 feet and 



298 ALIPHERA BK. VIII. ARCADIA 

more. Of the other fortifications of the citadel the southern ^-all is the 
best preserved. It is about 66 paces long, and is standing in places to 
a height of seven and eight courses (about 9 and 10 feet). The masonry 
is on the whole quadrangular, with polygonal pieces here and there. 
Some of the blocks are large ; one of them, towards the eastern end 
of the wall, is nearly 6 feet high by 3 feet broad. On the other sides 
of the acrop>olis the remains of the walls are much less considerable. 
Their thickness was about 9 feet. In the middle of the acropolis, the 
surface of which is strewn with coarse, red, unpainted p)otsherds, there 
are some doubtful traces of foundations. 

Immediately outside of the southern wall of the acropolis is a narrow 
terrace at a slightly lower level than the acropolis. It was supported 
on the south by a wall now mostly ruinous, but which at the west end is 
still about 5 feet 6 inches thick, and is standing to a height of three or 
four courses, or about 5 feet at the most, for a distance of 1 6 paces. On 
the terrace, both at its eastern and western ends, there are remains of 
foundation-walls consisting of squared blocks laid in straight rows ; but 
only the upper surfaces of the stones appear above ground. The 
western foundation- wall is about 6 paces long. 

The whole of the summit of the ridge was probably enclosed by 
fortification-walls ; but of these walls the remains, outside of the small 
acropolis, are scanty. Some pieces of them may be seen on the south- 
western brow of the hill. Here are remains of a piece of wall with a 
quadrangular tower projecting from it. The wall is 6 feet 7 inches 
thick, and is well built of large blocks on the outer and inner faces, 
while the core is constructed of smaller stones. The blocks are roughly 
polygonal, and the masonry is irregular. The tower measures 24 feet 
on the face, and projects 5 feet 3 inches from the curtain. It is stand- 
ing to a height of six courses, or about 8 feet. The stone of which the 
fortifications are built seems to be a grey limestone ; it is the native 
rock of the hill, as may be seen by the numerous rocks of this sort 
which crop up on the surface at the northern end of the ridge. A 
little to the north of these ruins are two smaller pieces of the forti- 
fication-wall. One of them is about 9 paces long and 5 feet 6 inches 
high. 

The ridge, as I have said, descends slightly from south to north in a 
series of terraces and slopes. The northern end of the highest of these 
terraces (the terrace immediately north of and below the acropolis) is 
formed into a platform artificially supported on walls of squared blocks, 
of which a few are still in position. A temple may have stood on this 
platform. Indeed on its western side there are foundations forming a 
right angle 7 paces long from east to west by 8 or 9 paces long from 
north to south. Probably the two sanctuaries of Aesculapius and 
Athena mentioned by Pausanias stood, one on the terrace to the north, 
and the other on the terrace to the south, of the acropolis. 

To the north of the platform which I have described may be seen 
the remains of the northern fortification -wall crossing the ridge from 
east to west. Though ruinous, it exists to some extent in its whole 
length. At its eastern end the wall is standing to a height of four 



CH. XXVI ALIPHERA 299 

courses ; the masonry is here roughly quadrangular. Towards the west 
the wall is standing to a height of six courses. 

Beyond this northern wall the ridge runs northward for a consider- 
able way (about five minutes' walk), growing gradually lower and 
narrower. This northern extremity was outside of the fortifica- 
tions, at least of the main fortifications, for in fact on the west side 
of this part of the ridge there are some remains of a wall. The 
extreme northern point of the ridge is covered with sharp natural lime- 
stone rocks, the same rock of which the walls are built. Here the ridge 
falls away abruptly into a very deep glen on the north-west, in the 
direction of Zacfia, 

From the citadel, and indeed from the whole summit of the ridge, 
there is a magnificent view over the valley of the Alpheus for miles and 
miles. All the mountains of northern Arcadia are spread out like a 
panorama ; and through the broad valley that intervenes between them 
and the height on which we stand the Alpheus is seen winding far away 
and far below. The air blows fresh and sweet on the height, and the 
peacefiilness, the stillness, the remoteness from the world of this little 
mountain-citadel remind one irresistibly of Keats's lines in the " Ode to 
a Grecian Urn " : 

What little town by river or sea- shore, 
Or mountain-built with peaceful citadel, 
Is emptied of this folk, this pious mom ? 

Thus far I have described the situation and ruins of Aliphera as I 
observed them on visiting the place, 7th October 1895. Leake has 
also described them, and as he appears to have seen some remains 
which escaped me I will subjoin his description. According to him the 
ruins are now called the Castle of Nerovitza, He says : " The hill of 
Nerovitza is surrounded on the eastern and partly on the northern and 
southern sides by the torrent of Fanari, It has a tabular summit about 
300 yards long in the direction of east and west, 1 00 yards broad, and 
surrounded by remains of Hellenic walls. At the south-eastern angle, a 
part rather higher than the rest formed a keep to this fortress ; it was 
about 70 yards long, and half as much broad. The entrance appears 
to have been in the middle of the eastern wall, between two square 
towers, of which that to the left only now remains. Beyond this tower, 
in the same direction and just below the eastern wall of the keep, a 
lower terrace still retains some foundations of a temple, together with 
portions of the shafts of columns not fluted, 2 feet 2 inches in diameter. 
There are remains of another temple, with some fragments of columns 
of the same dimensions, towards the western extremity of the outer 
fortress, near the brow of the height. The whole summit is carpeted 
with a fine close turf, as usual on the Arcadian hills, where the atmo- 
sphere is generally sufficiently moist, even in summer, to maintain the 
verdure and to furnish an excellent pasture for sheep. I descend from 
the hill on the northern side through some fields of wheat full grown, 
but quite green ; in the midst of which I find some large flat stones 
accurately cut, which apparently formed part of a ceiling. A little 



300 ALIPHERA bk. viii. arcadia 

farther on is a source of water. From thence, after winding round the 
eastern side of the hill to regain the road to Fanari^ I find the founda- 
tions of one of the gates of the lower city. This part of the fortification 
was flanked with towers, of which there are the remains of two or three, 
together with considerable pieces of the intermediate walls on the 
western side, where the ground is very rocky and overgrown with 
bushes. The masonry is in general of the second order, and has 
suffered much from time and the exposed situation." It will be observed 
that what Leake calls the eastern side of the hill I call the southern ; 
and what he calls the western I call the northern. The trend of the 
hill is perhaps rather from south-east to north-west than from south to 
north or from east to west. 

In 219 B.C. Aliphera was captured by a Macedonian army under 
King Philip V. The assault took place at sunrise on a bright morning. 
Polybius, who records the event (iv. 78), says that the town stood on 
**ahill that is precipitous on all sides, and to which the approach is 
more than 10 furlongs long." 




Boblay 
p. 360 sqq. 
p. 319 sq 

An inscription found at Olympia in 1884 seems to refer to certain 
disputes between Aliphera and Heraea i^Dic Inschriftcn von Olympia^ 
No. 48). In this inscription the name of the town appears as Alipheira 
(*AX.i<fi€Lpa) ; and the name is so spelt on coins (Head, Historia 
numorttni^ p. 352 ; Catalogue of Greek Coins in the British Museum: 
Peloponnesus^ p. 14). 

26. 6. Zeus Lecheates (* brought to bed'). Panofka has described 
some monuments which he supposes to represent Zeus about to bring 
forth Athena {Philolog. u. histor. Abhandlungen of the Berlin Academy, 
1853, pp. 42-50). 

26. 6. a fountain which they call Tritonis. On the north-eastern 
side of the hill of Aliphera, Leake observed a spring which he thought 
might be the one anciently called Tritonis (^Morea^ 2. pp. T^^ 79). 

26. 6. the legend of the river Triton. See ix. 33. 7. 

26. 7- The image of Athena etc. Polybius tells us (iv. 78) that 
the image stood on the summit of the hill, and was remarkable for its 
size and beauty ; the people of the town could not tell by whom or on 
what occasion the image had been dedicated, but they agreed that it 
was a masterpiece of art, besides being of the ver>' largest size. According 
to Polybius, the image was by the sculptors Hypatodorus and Sostratus. 
As to Hypatodorus, see note on x. 10. 4. Sostratus may be either the 
sculptor mentioned by Pausanias elsewhere (vi. 9. 3, with the note), or 
more probably the nephew of Pythagoras of Rhegium (Pliny, Nat, hist, 
xxxiv. 60). 

At the village of Phanari, about 2 miles south of Aliphera, Col. 
Leake purchased an intaglio on an onyx, representing Athena armed 
with spear and shield, and clothed in a short tunic which hung in 



CH. XXVI HERAEA TO MEGALOPOLIS 301 

graceful folds over a robe that reached to her feet. The design is of 
the best period. Round the figure is engraved the word AFHSI- 
nOAIAS (*of her who rules the city*), from which Leake inferred 
that the figure represented the colossal statue by Hypatodorus. See 
Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 80. 

26. 7- they sarcriflce first of all to the Fly-catcher. Cp. v. 14. i 
note. 

26. 8. On the road from Heraea to Megalopolis is Melaeneae 
etc. The modem route from Heraea i^Hagios Joannes) to Megalopolis 
{Stnanou)y which probably coincides fairly with the ancient route, keeps 
along the right bank of the Alpheus, passing through or near the 
villages of Anasin\ Kakouraika^ Sirousa^ Trypaes^ Zoula-Sarakiniy and 
AisikolOy crosses the Gortynius river by a bridge some way below 
Gortys (see below), and follows the left bank of that river to Karytaemi^ 
from which the road goes southward over the plain to Megalop)olis. 
The time from Heraea to Karytaena is about 8i hours, and the time 
from Karytaena to Megalopolis is about 2 J hours. Between Heraea 
and Karytaena there are remains of antiquity, which may be identified 
with some of the places mentioned by Pausanias. It is, therefore, 
necessary to describe briefly the route and the ancient remains. 

From Heraea the route goes eastward, following the right bank of 
the Alpheus at some little distance from the river. We cross the beds 
of several streams that take their rise in the neighbouring mountains, 
traverse a plateau planted with olives, and reach (in 38 minutes from 
Heraea) the village of Anasiri, From this village the direct route to 
Karytaena runs south-eastward to the village of Kakouraika, distant 
about i\ hours from Anaziri, Instead of following it, however, we 
strike eastward from Anaziri in order to visit an ancient acropolis. 
We ascend a rocky mountain, cross a ravine, and come to the meeting- 
place of two brooks. Just above the meeting of the brooks rises a 
steep hill, on the top of which the ancient remains are to be seen. The 
time from Anaziri to the ruins is i J hours. Not far from the ruins is 
the little village of Papadaes, from which a torrent, dry in summer, 
flows down to the Alpheus. That the summit of the steep hill was 
occupied by an ancient acropolis is proved by the remains of walls built 
in regular courses. At the extreme south-west point, where the hill is 
highest and is bounded by a rocky precipice, there are remains of walls 
which apparently enclosed a sacred precinct ; for within the area are 
foundations which seem to be those of a temple. 

From the acropolis, in order to regain the route to Karytaena, we 
descend on the south-west side, cross a ravine, on the farther side of 
which may be observed a cave in the steep rocks at the foot of the 
acropolis, and follow the cultivated valley of the stream south-westward 
to the village of Kakouraika. The time from the acropolis to the 
village is about an hour. Resuming the route to Karytaena, we come, 
in 15 minutes from Kakouraika, to a wooded ravine, cross it, and 
come, in 12 minutes more, to another wooded ravine. Here there is a 
copious spring forming a stream which falls into the Alpheus hard by. 
At the spring there is a large quadrangular building of Roman date, 



302 HERAEA TO MEGALOPOLIS bk. viii. arcadia 

roofed with a hemispherical brick vault decorated with stucco and 
some modem paintings. Part of the vaulted roof has fallen in ; the 
soil in the ravine has risen as high as the springing of the vault ; and 
in the interior the floor of the building is 1 8 inches deep in water from 
the neighbouring spring. Yet the edifice is used as a church, and 
services are performed in it. It seems to be only in August that the 
stream dries up and the building is free of water. Beside this vaulted 
edifice is another less conspicuous ruin, said to be the remains of a 
Roman bath. The too copious spring has given to this spot the name 
of Kakorrheos (* evil flow '). 

Pursuing our way, we pass, in half an hour from Kakorrheos^ the 
village of Kokora^ situated on a height a little to the left (east) of the 
path. Farther on the valley of the Alpheus contracts, the level ground 
which has hitherto skirted it on both banks disappears, and we reach 
the lower end of the deep narrow gorge through which the river flows 
from the upper plain of Megalop>olis to the lower valley or champaign 
country of which Heraea was the chief city in antiquity. The river 
enters this long gorge at Karytaena, Our route leaves the flat ground 
by the river and ascends to the village of TryPaes^ passing on the right 
several caves which give the place its name. The time from Kctkorrheos 
to Trypaes is about i\ hours. Our way now lies through bare moun- 
tains, but the ground about Trypaes is cultivated, and wild pear-trees 
grow here and there. About a mile beyond the village a very fine 
spring rises under a shady plane-tree to the left of the road. It forms 
a stream which flows down, past a mill, into the deep narrow rocky bed 
of the Alpheus. Soon afterwards we pass on the right a wooded hill, 
the summit of which is crowned with the ruins of an ancient Greek 
fortress. The hill overhangs the right bank of the Alpheus ; on the 
opposite or left bank of the river lies the village of Matesi, The ancient 
walls of the fortress have been repaired in later times. From here a 
ride of ij hours brings us to the small village of Zoula-Sarakini^ 
opposite which on the western bank of the Alpheus is the village of 
Lavda^ at the foot of a high conspicuous mountain. From Zoula- 
Sarakini we have a choice of routes to Karytaena. We may descend 
south-westward into the deep bed of the Alpheus, follow it up to its 
junction with the Gortynius river, then turn up the glen of the latter 
river and follow its right bank for a mile or so till we come to a stone 
bridge, by which we cross the river. The time from Zoula-Sarakim 
to the bridge is about i\ hours. From the bridge a very rugged stony 
path, ascending continually, leads first along the left bank of the Gorty- 
nius river, and then along the glen of the Alpheus to Karytaena, The 
time from the bridge to Karytaena is i hour and lo minutes. By the 
other route from Zoula-Sarakitii^ instead of descending south-west into 
the glen of the Alpheus, we keep on eastward through the mountains to 
AtzikolOy a small village standing among corn-fields on a little terrace 
surrounded by barren mountains. About a mile from the village are 
the ruins of Gortys (see below, p. 307 sqq.) From Atzikolo we descend 
by a steep rocky path to the bridge over the Gortynius, beyond which 
the path to Karytaena is the same as before. 



CH. XXVI HERAEA TO MEGALOPOLIS 303 

From Karytaena^ pursuing our way to Megalopolis, we descend 
southward to a stone bridge which, carried on six arches, spans the 
Alpheus at the point where the river enters its deep and narrow gorge. 
Against one of the piers of the bridge, on the north side, is built a tiny 
chapel, reached by steps from the bed of the river. From the time that 
we cross the bridge our way lies entirely through the great plain of 
Megalopolis, encircled on all sides by mountains of varied and picturesque 
outlines. Vineyards and maize-fields occupy the plain, which is crossed 
from east to west by several low bare downs. In i^ hours from Kary- 
taena we re-cross the Alpheus by a ford to its right bank. The river 
here is broad and shallow, and its banks are low. In an hour from 
fording the Alpheus we cross the broad stony, sometimes almost water- 
less, bed of the Helisson, and ascending it for a short way reach the 
theatre and other remains of Megalopolis. The time from Karytaena 
is about 2^ hours. The whole time from Heraea to Megalopolis, without 
allowing for stoppages, is about 10 hours. 

It remains to see if we can identify any of the ancient ruins 
between Heraea and Karytaena with the places mentioned by Pausanias. 
The ruins at Kakorrheos may well be those of Melaeneae ; the abundance 
of running water here answers exactly to Pausanias's description of the 
place. If so, the ruined acropolis at Papadaes may be Buphagium, and 
the stream which comes down the valley from it to join the Alpheus 
may be the Buphagus. The distance of the acropolis from Kakorrheos 
agrees very well with the distance (40 Greek furlongs, about 4J miles) 
of Buphagium from Melaeneae. Curtius indeed supposed that the ruins 
at Papadaes are those of the acropolis of Melaeneae, but the distance 
between the two places seems fatal to this view. The ancient fortress on 
the right bank of the Alpheus, near Trypaes and opposite Matesi^ may be 
Maratha, which Pausanias describes on the way from the springs of the 
Buphagus to Gortys (viii. 27. 17). It is true that the place is not on 
the straight line from the springs of the Buphagus (near Papadaes) to 
Gortys ; but the ancient route from the one place to the other, instead 
of crossing the mountains in a bee-line, may have followed the longer 
but easier route described above. Curtius, however, identified the 
ruined fortress near Trypaes with Buphagium, and the neighbouring 
stream with the Buphagus. 

See Cell, Itinerary of the Morea^ pp. 1 10- 113; Leake, Morea, 2. pp. 19 J^., 
66 sq.^ 92; id,y Peloponnesiaca^ pp. 231-233; Expedition scientifiqiu ae Morie: 
Architecture, Sculptures j etc., par A. Blouet, 2. pp. 32-34; Boblaye, Recherches, 
pp. 159, 160 sq. ; Curtius, Pelop, I. pp. 355-357 ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 258 ; 
Pnilippson, Peloponnes, p. 96 sq. 

26. 8. it is well supplied with miming water. The Greek is v^an 
S€ KaTapp€iTaL, The expression seems to imply a place with abundance 
of springs, of which the water streamed or trickled in rills along the 
ground. Cp. vii. 26. 11 d<f)$ov(fi Karappctrai rep vSari ; viii. 34. 6 
KarappilTai 6€ v^ari. The phrase seems to be always used in a good 
sense (* watered,' * irrigated,' not 'flooded,' 'inundated'). Compare 
the use of the adjective Karappm-os in Diodorus v. 19. 3 7) vijcros avri] 



504 EUTAEA BK. vixi. arcadxa 

KaTappvTos «rTt va/zartatois koi y\vK€<riv vScurt, 6i' &v ov fJLOvov aaro- 
Aawrts €7riT€/wn;s yiVcrai k.t.A. "This isle is watered with rills and 
sweet waters, the source not only of delightful enjoyment," etc Places 
like Kalavryta and the village of Anasiasova (near Psophis), where the 
water flows in mazy rills down the sloping ground, might be described 
by the phrase v^ri Karappelrai. 

27. 3. The foUowixig is a list of the cities etc Diodorus says 
(xv. 72) that the population of Megalopolis was drawn from forty 
villages of the Maenalians and Parrhasians. But the more precise and 
detailed account of Pausanias is to be preferred. Cp. P. Herthum, De 
Megalopoliiarum rebus gestis et de communi Arcadum republicti (Lipsiae, 

1893), p. 53 sqq. 

27. 3. Eutaea. This town is not again mentioned by Pausanias, 
and the only clue which he gives to its situation is that it was one of 
the Maenalian towns. A clearer indication of its position is furnished 
by Xenophon, who tells us that in 370 B.C. King Agesilaus, marching 
at the head of a Lacedaemonian army from Sparta to Mantinea, cap- 
tured Eutaea, an Arcadian city on the borders of Laconia. He found 
only old men, women, and children in the city, for all the men of military 
age had gone to join the Arcadian army which was mustering at Asea for 
the defence of Mantinea. Having repaired the walls of the town, the king 
marched into the Tegean plain, and advancing northward encamped to 
the west of Mantinea. On his return he again marched by Eutaea. 
See Xenophon, Hellenica^ vi. 5. 12 and 21. From this narrative we 
gather that Eutaea was in the extreme south of Arcadia, on one of the 
military' routes from Sparta to the Tegean plain. Hence we may assume 
that it was in or near the plain of Asea, now called the plain of Franco- 
vrysi^ which is interposed between the much larger plains of Megalopolis 
on the west and Tegea on the east. Leake conjectured that Eutaea 
was at Barbitsa^ a village situated in a hollow among steeper heights 
about 2 miles south-east of the ruins of Asea. The flat rocky summits 
of the hills here seemed to him suitable for the site of an ancient town. 
But there appear to be no ancient remains at Barbiisa^ and Mr. W. 
Loring has made it probable that Eutaea was not here, but near Pianou^ 
a. neighbouring village distant about a mile to the south-east of Barbitsa, 
At Pianou there are vestiges of antiquity, including a marble Doric 
capital, some blocks of ancient masonry built into the chapel of Hagia 
Barbara, and a number of circular wells lined with small blocks of lime- 
stone, without brick or mortar. A good many ancient coins, mostly 
Roman and Byzantine but including some of the Arcadian and Achaean 
Leagues, have been found in the fields close to the village ; and on the 
hill of St. Constantine, which overhangs the village, are some slight 
remains of two fortification -walls of unhewn stones, which in their con- 
struction resemble those of Sellasia (see vol. 3. p. 321). The hill is 
high, and from its position commands the route from Sparta into the 
Asean plain by the river-bed of the Eurotas. It was very natural, 
therefore, that Agesilaus on his march to Mantinea should have seized a 
place of such strategic importance. See Leake, Morea^ 3. pp. 24, 31-33; 
W. Loring, '\xi Journal of Hellenic Studies, 15 (1895), pp. 48-51. 



CH. XXVII SUMATEUM—LEUCTRUM 305 

27. 3. Smnatdum. In the hills about 3 miles to the west of the 
modem Tripolitsa is the village of Selimna or Silimna. It is seen on 
the left of the road as you go from Tripolitsa to Karytaena, On a high 
sunmiit to the south-west of the village there is a plateau artificially 
levelled and covered with ruins, including remains of polygonal walls. 
This may perhaps be Sumateum, Sumatia, or Sumetia, as Pausanias 
elsewhere (viii. 3. 4 ; viii. 36. 8) calls it See Leake, Morea^ i. p. 
116 sq,\ id.^ 2. pp. 51, 306; Boblaye, RechercheSy p. 172; L. Ross, 
Reisen^ p. 120; Curtius, Pelop, i. pp. 315, 342 ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 
229. Cp. Stephanus Byz., s,v, SovfuxTto. 

27. 3. the Eutresiaiis. They appear to have occupied the hills on 
the eastern side of the plain of Me^opolis, to the north of that city ; 
perhaps they owned also a part of the plain. Xenophon (Hellenic<Zy vii. 
I. 29) speaks of Eutresii as if it were a town rather than a tribe in 
describing a victory gained in 367 B.C. by the Lacedaemonians under 
King Archidamus over the Arcadians and Argives. The battle took 
place, according to Xenophon, between Parrhasia, Medea, and Eutresii, 
which is interpreted by Leake to mean about 3 miles north-north-west 
of Megalopolis. See Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 167 ; Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 
320 j^. ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 225 sq, Cp. Hesychius, s.v. EvTfnjt- 
ov^ ; Stephanus Byz., s,v, EvrpTfo-is ; Etymol. Magnum^ p. 399, s.v. 
EvTprjcrios. 

27. 3. Ptolederma, OnaasmiL These towns appear to be men- 
tioned by no other ancient writer. Their sites are unknown. 

27. 4. the Aegytians. This tribe occupied a district on the 
borders of Laconia and Arcadia, extending from Belemina (iii. 21. 3 
note) to Cromi (viii. 34. 6 note), both included, and consequently com- 
prising the northern end of the range of Taygetus above the modem 
Leondariy together with the two valleys of the Thius (viii. 35. 3 note) 
and the Gatheatas (viii. 34. 5 note). See Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 322 ; 
Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 168 ; Curtius, Pelap. i. p. 292 sq, ; Bursian, 
Geogr, 2. p. 241. 

27. 4. lialaea Leactrum. Leuctrum is mentioned by Thucy- 

dides (v. 54), who calls it Leuctra (cp. Plutarch, CleomeneSy 6), and says 
that it was a place on the borders of Laconia and Arcadia, towards Mt. 
Lycaeus. In 419 B.C. a Lacedaemonian army under King Agis marched 
from Sparta to Leuctrum, intending to advance £uther, but evil omens 
induced them to retum (Thucydides, Lc) From Xenophon (Hellenica^ 
vi. 5. 24) we leam that Leuctmm was in a pass leading into Laconia, 
and that it was above Maleatis, which was probably the territory of the 
town of Malaea here mentioned by Pausanias. Hence both Malaea and 
Leuctrum probably lay somewhere to the south of Leondari^ perhaps 
near the sources of the Carnion (Xerillo-potamos^ or in the pass which 
leads from the head of that river valley across Mount Taygetus into the 
valley of the Eurotas. It has been conjectured that Leondari itself 
occupies the site of Leuctrum. Some pieces of coliunns and other 
architectural fragments, which may easily have been brought from else- 
where, are to be seen in a church ; but with this exception there appear 
to be no ancient remains at Leondari, The church in question was 

VOL. IV X 



3o6 LEONDARI—PARRHASIA BK. viii. arcadu 

converted into a mosque under the Turkish dominion, but apparently 
dates from Byzantine times. The little town of Leondari is situated 
very picturesquely on the northern extremity of Mount Taygetus, where 
that great range subsides into the plain of Megalopolis. The houses 
are clustered on a narrow saddle or ridge at the foot of a steep rocky 
height crowned with the ruins of a mediaeval castle. This rocky hdgbt 
is the last spur of Mount Taygetus on the north. The neighbourhood 
of the town is fresh and green, and abounds in trees, especially in 
stately cypresses. To the south and east the loftier heights of Mount 
Taygetus rise above the town ; westward we look across the narrow 
green valley of the Camion {^Xerillo-potamos) to Mount Hellenitsa (over 
4000 feet high) ; while northward the eye ranges over the wide valley 
of the Alpheus or plain of Megalopolis encircled by mountains. The 
town is not heard of until near the end of the Byzantine empire. Here 
the despot Thomas Palaeologus, brother of the last emperor of Con* 
stantinople, was defeated by the Turks in 1459. 

See Leake, Morea, 2. po. 42-44, 322 sq, ; Boblaye, Ruherckes^ p. 170 ; Expl' 
dition scieniijique di Motet: Architecture^ Sculptures^ etc., par A. Bloaet, 2. 
p. 57 ; Curtius, Pelop, I. p. 293 ; Vischer, Erinnerungen^ p 403 sq, ; Burau, 
Geogr, 2. p. 243 ; BaedeKer/ p. 294 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 282 ; PhilippsoD, 
PeloponneSf p 201. 

27. 4. the Pairhasians. From Pausanias it appears that the 
Parrhasians possessed the eastern slopes of Mount Lycaeus and all the 
plain of the Alpheus on its left bank from near Leondari to Karytaena^ 
together with a part of the right bank at Thocnia (see viii. 29. 5). On 
the west their territory bordered on Elis (Strabo, viii. p. 336). On the 
south it must have extended up to or near the borders of Laconia, since 
in the Peloponnesian War the Mantineans, to whom the Parrhasians 
were then subject, erected a fort at a place called Cypsela in the Par- 
rhasian territory, for the annoyance of the Laconian district of Sciritis. 
In 421 B.C. a Lacedaemonian army under King Plistoanax, at the invi- 
tation of the Parrhasians, invaded Parrhasia, destroyed the fort at 
Cypsela, and restored their independence to the Parrhasians. See 
Thucydides, v. 33. Strabo mentions the Parrhasians as one of the 
oldest of Greek tribes (viii. p. 388). The Roman poets apparently used 
the adjective Parrhasian as equivalent to Arcadian (Virgil, Aen, viii. 
344, xi. 31 ; Ovid, Metam, viii. 315). Leake thought that the Par- 
rhasia of Homer (//. ii. 608) was probably Lycosura. See Leake, Morea^ 
2. p. 320 sqq. 

27. 4. the Arcadian Oynnrians. Their territory seems to have 
stretched from Gortys westward, along the northern slopes of Mt 
Lycaeus, to the borders of Triphylia. See Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 323 j^. ; 
Curtius, Pelop. i. p. 347 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 233. 

27. 4* the so-called Tripolis comprising Gallia, Dipoena, 

and Nonacris. Of the three towns which composed the Tripolis, the 
situation of Nonacris alone is approximately known, if indeed the 
Nonacris here mentioned be the one in the district of Pheneus. Callia 
and Dipoena are called Calliae and Dipoenae by Pausanias in § 7. See 



CH. XXVIII MARATHA — GORTYS 307 

Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 302; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 398; Bursian, Geogr. 
2. p. 232. 

27. 7* Pallantiiim a milder fortnne. See viii. 43. i. 

27. 8. Megalopolis was founded in the second year of the 

hundred and second Olympiad. Thus according to Pausanias the 
foundation of Megalopolis took place in 371/0 B.C. The Parian Marble 
(line 85) places the event in the following year (370/69 B.C.), when 
Dysdnetus was archon at Athens. According to Diodorus (xv. 72) the 
city was not founded till the archonship of Nausigenes (368/7 B.c.) 
The evidence of Pausanias is to be preferred. Probably Megalopolis 
was founded early in 370 B.C. See Clinton, Fasti Hellenici^ 2.* p. 122 ; 
P. Herthum, De Megaiopolitarum rebus gestis et de communi Arcadum 
repubUca (Lipsiae, 1893), p. 56 sq, 

27. 9. the Sacred War. See iii. 10. 3 5^. ; x. 2 sq. 

27. II. the genealogy of Acrotatus. See iii. 6. 2. 

27. II. A sharp engagement took place etc. The defeat of the 
Lacedaemonians by the Megalopolitans under their tyrant Aristodemus, 
and the death of the Spartan king Acrotatus in the battle, are mentioned 
by Plutarch {Agis^ 3). The spoils taken from the Lacedaemonians on 
this occasion were employed by the tyrant to build a colonnade in the 
market-place of Megalopolis (Paus. viiL 30. 7). 

27. 12. Lydiades voluntarily abdicated. Cp. Polybius, ii. 

44 ; Plutarch, Aratus^ 30 ; zV/., Cleomenes^ 6. An inscription found at 
Lycosura records that the city of Clitor set up a statue of a certain 
Lydiadas, son of Eudamus. This Lydiadas may have been the tyrant 
of Megalopolis. See *E<l>Yjfi€ph dpxaiokoyiKrjy 1895, p. 263 sqq, 

27. 14. the ships of the Modes etc See Herodotus, vii. 
188 sqq, 

27. 14- Agis lost Pellene. See ii. 8. 5 ; vii. 7. 3. 

27. 14* came by his end at Mantinea. See viii. 10. 5-8. 

27. 15. Oleomenes seized Megalopolis etc. Cp. iv. 29. 7 sq. ; 

vii. 7. 4 ; viii. 49. 4. 

27. 15. Lydiades met a hero's death. The battle was fought at 
Ladocea in the Megalopolitan territory (Polybius, ii. 51). Plutarch 
tells us that his generous enemy Cleomenes, king of Sparta, robed the 
corpse of Lydiades in a purple mantle, placed a crown on his head, and 
so sent back his remains to Megalopolis {Cleomenes^ 6). But Plutarch's 
narrative is hardly consistent with that of Pausanias. 

27. 16. my notice of Philopoemen. See viii. 49-51. 

27. 17. the Buphagns. See viii. 26. 8 note. 

27. 17. Mount Pholoe. See viii. 24. 4 note. 

28. I. Maratha. The name is Phoenician, according to Mr. V. 
Bdrard {De Vorigine des Cultes arcadiensy p. 18). Maratha may 
perhaps be identified with the ruined Greek fortress on the right bank 
of the Alpheus a few miles below Karytaena^ opposite to the village of 
Maiesi. See above, p. 302. 

28. I. Gortys. About a mile and a half below Karytaena the 
Alpheus receives an important tributary from the north. This is the 
river oiDimitsana or Atzikolo^ the ancient Gortynius or Lusius (see § 2). 



3o8 GORTYS bk. vxil arcadia 

On the right bank of this river, about two and a half miles from its 
junction with the Alpheus, are the ruins of Gortys. They occupy the 
fairly spacious summit of a hill which falls away on the east in lofty 
precipices to the river. A visit to them may be most conveniently 
paid from Karytaena, From this picturesque town, perched high 
on the right or eastern bank of the Alpheus, we descend northward 
by a very rugged and stony path into the deep glen of the Alpheus. 
Steep arid mountains enclose the glen, and behind us towers the im- 
posing rock of Karytaena with its ruined mediaeval castle. In about 
half an hour we reach the junction of the Gortynius river with the 
Alpheus. We quit the glen of the Alpheus and follow that of the 
Gortynius river in a north-easterly direction, keeping at first along the 
left bank of the stream. The glen, though shut in by barren stony 
mountains, is rather less gloomy and forbidding than the glen of the 
Alpheus which we have left. In less than half an hour we descend 
into the bed of the Gortynius, a rushing stream of clear bluish-green 
water, and cross it by a stone bridge which is carried on a high pointed 
arch and paved, in the usual fashion of such bridges in Greece, with 
cobbles of the most agonising shapes and sizes. Just above the bridge 
the glen deepens and narrows into a ravine with steep rocky sides, and 
the view looking up it, with the old high-arched bridge in the foreground 
and the rushing stream of green water below, is highly picturesque. I 
drank of the water here and found it by no means cold, in spite of what 
Pausanias says as to the exceeding coldness of the water of the Gorty- 
nius. But it was hot autumn weather when I passed this way. Pau- 
sanias may have seen the river in winter or spring, when its ciurrent 
was chilled by ice or melting snow. From the bridge a steep and 
rugged path ascends the right or western side of the glen. We follow 
it and continue to ride up hill and down dale along the side of the barren 
mountains, with the river rolling along in the bottom of the deep ravine 
on our right. Half-way up the precipices which rise on this side of the 
ravine is perched a little red-roofed monastery. In about three-quarters 
of an hour from crossing the bridge we reach the ruins of Gortys. 

The ruins, as we have seen, occupy the sununit of a hill which over- 
hangs the right or western bank of the Gortynius river. At its eastern 
extremity the hill falls down in sheer precipices of great height into the 
glen of the river. It is in looking down these immense precipices that 
one appreciates the height of the hilL On the other hand, seen from 
the south, as you approach it from Karytaena^ the hill presents the 
appearance merely of a gently-swelling down. The reason of this is 
that from the bridge over the river we have been gradually rising, 
and that the ground immediately to the south of Gortys is itself a hill as 
high as the hill of Gortys, from which it is divided only by a slight 
hollow now chiefly occupied with vineyards. But when we have 
ascended what appears to be the gentle eminence on which are the 
ruins of Gortys we see that the hill descends in a long slope north-cast- 
ward to the glen of the Gortynius river, which curves round the hill in a 
great bend on the north-east and east. The summit of the hill extends 
in the form of a rather narrow ridge from south-east to north-west, 



CH. XXVIII GORTYS 309 

gradually rising to its highest point on the north-west. Towards this 
end the hill is naturally defended on the side of the south by masses of 
rugged rocks, of which the ancient engineers took advantage, inter- 
posing pieces of walls in the intervals between the rocks. In the 
crannies of the rocks bushes have now rooted themselves. The long 
slope of the hill down to the glen of the Gortynius on the north-east 
(which is not to be confused with the sheer precipices at the east end of 
the site) is bare and stony. Stony and barren, too, are the mountains 
that surround Gortys on all sides. In a grey cold light or under a 
cloudy sky they would be exceedingly bleak and dreary ; but under the 
warm sunshine of Greece they are only bare and desolate. The most 
picturesque view is down into the glen of the Gortynius on the north- 
east, where the river emerges from a narrow defile between high preci- 
pices, above which the mountains rise on both sides. At the mouth of 
the defile there is a house or two among trees. In spite of its height 
above the river, Gortys lies essentially in a basin shut in on all sides by 
mountains. The summer heat here must consequently be very great. 
Even in October, when I visited the place, though a fresh breeze was 
blowing, it was drowsily hot among the ruins. The sweet smell of the 
thyme, the tinkle of sheep-bells, the barking of dogs, and the cries of 
shepherds in the distance seemed to enhance the feeling of summer and 
to invite to slumber in the shade. But it was pleasant and almost 
cooling to hear the roar of the river, and to see its blue-green water and 
greenish-white foam away down in the glen. 

To judge from the existing remains of the walls and towers, which 
are considerable, the city must have been long and narrow, occupying 
little more than the ridge or summit of the hill. Its length from south- 
east to north-west would seem to have been fully half a mile. The 
remains of the walls and towers are to be seen on the long southern and 
northern sides, and on the short western side. At the eastern end, on 
the edge of the glen there are no traces of walls, so far as I observed. 
Probably there never were walls here, as the precipices render fortifica- 
tions quite needless. The shape of the fortified enclosure is roughly 
this : — 



N 



W- 



>B 




On the south side the ruins of the fortification-wall are extensive, but 
not continuous. The wall is built of blocks roughly squared and laid 
in horizontal courses, but here and there a few pieces of polygonal 
masonry occur. It is standing in places to a height of 8 feet; the 
number of courses preserved varies from two to six. Remains of five 
square towers may be seen projecting from the wall. They measure 
each about 20 to 24 feet on the face, and project from 8 to 12 feet from 



310 GORTYS BK. VIII. arcadu 

the curtain. Towards the west the ground rises and the wall rises with 
it in steps, so to say, making one or two sharp turns to the north at the 
same time. Where it runs along the brow of one of these higher levels, 
the wall is built of very massive blocks, and is lo feet 8 inches thicL 
Here, too, a line of rugged rocks forms a natural defence, and the wall 
is only built in the gaps between the rocks. 

The short western wall was strengthened with three semicircular 
towers, which are standing to a height of four and five courses (5 and 6 
feet). The diameter of these towers is about 23 feet ; the intervals 
between them are 26 and 31 paces respectively. Between the towers 
the west wall is in places five courses (7 feet 4 inches) high and 13 feet 
thick. Both wall and towers are here built of massive quadrangular 
blocks laid in horizontal courses ; the stones are roughly rounded oo 
the outside so as to bulge very much. 

Beyond the third semicircular tower, at the north-western extremity 
of the fortified enclosure, the wall turns sharply to the north-east 
Here it is 12 feet thick and is preserved to a height of three to six 
courses. Then comes a fourth semicircular tower in a very ruinoos 
condition. Beyond this to the east the north wall disappears for a l(»g 
stretch. Then come two scraps of wall built in a rough, almost 
Cyclopean style. A stone in one of them measures 6 feet long by 2 feet 
high and 2 feet thick. A few yards east of the second of these frag- 
ments of Cyclopean walls is a gateway about 2 1 feet wide, opening to 
the east ; the masonry is quadrangular. Beyond this gateway to the 
east I found no farther trace of the wall. The remains of the north 
wall, which have been described, are situated only a little way down 
the north slope of the hill, so that the city, as I have said, would seem 
to have occupied little more than the ridge. The site is littered with 
common red unpainted potsherds. 

A little way (perhaps 120 yards) south of the fortified ridge, not far 
from the glen of the Gortynius river, are preserved some massive founda- 
tions of an ancient building. They are to be seen in a field to the left 
(east) of the path as you go to Karyiaena, Two rows of foundation- 
stones are visible extending at right angles to each other: one row 
measures 23 paces from east to west, the other measures 16 paces from 
north to south. The stones are large, but broken and weathered at the 
edges. Many of them are nearly covered with earth ; at most only 
their upper surface is visible. The stone is apparently a grey lime- 
stone ; certainly it is not Pentelic marble, as stated in the Guide-Joanne, 
These foundations, however, may have supported the temple of Aescula- 
pius, which was built, as Pausanias tells us, of Pentelic marble. Lying 
on them is a block of white limestone (as it seemed to me) ; it is 
apparently a fragment of a drum or capital of a small column. Leake 
and Dodwell speak of some fragments of white marble which they 
found here. 

I visited Gortys, 9th October 1895, and have described the situation and 
remains from my own observations, which do not agree with those of some pre- 
vious writers, such as Bursian and Curtius. Bursian's statement that the u^s 
with their towers are preserved all along the north side of the hill is certainly 



iraTlel 

'gate /y \ 



CH. XXVIII GORTYS 311 

not true now ; and Curtius's statement that the stones of which the walls are 
built average 6 to 7 feet in leng^ by 3 to 4 feet in height and depth is, in my 
opinion, aeross exaggeration; it would seem to be baseid on a mere misunder- 
standing Ota statement of Leake's quoted below. In the sketch plan of the ruins 
given in the Expidition scienttjiqut de Morie the walk are represented extending 
along the edge of the great precipices on the eastern side of the hill, where I founa 
no trace of a wall, and where, as I have said, fortification would be wholly super- 
fluous. Leake says : " On either side of the principal gate of Gortys the walls are a 
fine specimen of the polygonal or second order : the stones are accurately joined, and 
in good preservation. One of them is 6 feet 8 inches long, 3 feet 6 inches high, 
and as much thick : in general, their contents are equal to cub^ of 2, 3, and 4 feet. 
The entrance was strengthened by being placed in a re-entering angle, thus : — 
the gate itself being at the end of a passage between two parallel 
walls, or perhaps there was a gate at either end of this passage." 
Leake omits to say on which side of the city he saw the gate j ' 
from the plan in the Expidition dt Morie it appears that the 
described by Leake was near the eastern end of the north wall. 
Whether this was the gate seen by me I cannot say with certainty, but I think 
that it was not. See Dodwell, Tour, 2. p. 381 sqq, ; Leake, Morea, 2. p. 23 sqq, ; 
Cell, Itinercuy of the Morea, p. 105 ; Boblaye, Recherches, p. l6l ; Expedition 
scientifique de Morie: Architecture^ Sculptures etc, par A. Blouet, 2. p. 34, 
with pi. 31 ; Curtius, Pelop, I. p. 349 sq, ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 233 ; Baedeker,' 
p. 310 ; Guide-Joanne, 2. p. 304 sq, 

28. I. a temple of Aesculapius. Cicero, enumerating the various 
gods who bore the name of Aesculapius, says that one of them, who 
was the son of Arsippus and Arsinoa, had invented purging and the 
drawing of teeth, and that his tomb and sacred grove were shown in 
Arcadia not far from the river Lusius {De nat, deor, iii. 22. 57). 
Cicero no doubt refers to the sanctuary at Gortys. As to the probable 
situation of the temple, see the preceding note. Curtius, however, 
mentions that to the north of Gortys, where the river is spanned by a 
bridge, a Byzantine church stands upon a two-stepped basement of 
ancient masonry, and he conjectures that this basement supported the 
temple of Aesculapius {Peloponnesos^ i. p. 350 j^.) As to the beardless 
Aesculapius, see ii. 10. 3 note. 

28. 2. the Lusius the Qortynius. This river, now called 

the river of Dimitsana or Atzikolo^ is one of the chief tributaries of the 
Alpheus, which it joins from the north about a mile and a half below 
Karytaena, It is here a fine stream, wide, clear, and rapid. In the 
lower part of its course it flows, in short winding reaches, between 
precipices so perpendicular that in places they almost seem to be 
artificial. Here and there, in apparently inaccessible clefts in the face 
of the crags, may be seen mediaeval chapels and walls. The banks 
on either side, separated by the deep and narrow gorge at the bottom 
of which the river rushes along, are laid out in corn-fields, orchards 
and vineyards. See Leake, Morea, 2. p. 23 ; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 352. 

28. 3. the Oydnus that flows through Tarsus. The coldness of 
its water is mentioned by Strabo (xiv. p. 673). 

28. 3. the Ales at Colophon. Cp. vii. 5. 10 and note on vii. 

3. I. 

28. 4. Thisoa. See viii. 38. 3 note. 

28. 4. a village Teuthis. This place perhaps occupied the site 

of the modem Dimitsana^ a village which stands very picturesquely on 



312 DIMITSANA—TEUTHJS bk. viii. arcadu 



a high ridge on the left or eastern bank of the Gortynius river, 
surrounded on all sides by steep and lofty mountauns. The river sweeps 
in a semicircle at the bottom of a deep gully round the western part 
of the town, which thus stands on a high rocky promontory jutting into 
the ravine. The steep and narrow streets, which are little better than 
rocky staircases, are lined with shops and present a busy and anima t ed 
scene. The air is cool and healthy. To the south the eye ranges over 
the vine-clad hills on both sides of the river, to the green plain of 
Megalopolis threaded by the silver stream of the Alpheus, and bounded 
on the southern horizon by the snowy range of Taygetus. A steeps 
rugged, and zigzag path leads down through terraced vineyards to the 
bed of the river at the southern foot of the hill. Here a bridge spans 
the stream, just below a point where it descends 50 feet in a distance 
of as many yards, tumbling over huge masses of rock between lofty 
precipices overhung with shrubs. The hill on the opposite or western 
side of the ravine is even steeper and higher than that of Dimitsana, 

All round the crest of the ridge occupied by the town are the 
remains of an ancient wall, parts of it being intermixed with the yards, 
walls, and foundations of private houses. In some places there aze 
several courses of masonry standing. The style of masonry is rect- 
angular at the east, but polygonal at the west end of the ridge. The 
blocks at the latter end are enormous. Here too are the foundatioos 
of an imposing edifice, turned east and west, and built of fine squared 
blocks. It was doubtless a temple. There are also some andent 
foundations among the terraced vineyards on the southern slope of the 
hill. 

Sec Leake, Morea^ 2. pp. 60-65 ; Gell, Itinerary of the Morea^ p. 89 ; Curtius, 
Pelop, I. p. 352 sq, ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 232 ; Baedeker,' p. 310 ; Guidc-Joanme, 
2. p. 314 ; Philippson, Peioponnes, p. 90. 

Others, however, have identified Teuthis with the ruins of an 
ancient town in the valley of a stream which flows from the north into 
the Tuthoa, a tributary of the Ladon (see viii. 25. 12). Here, between 
the villages of Galaias and Khoutouza^ a ridge projects from north-west 
to south-east into the small, mountain-encircled dale. It is connected 
by a sort of isthmus with the hills to the north. The ridge ends in a 
rocky peak, so steep that on three sides it is almost inaccessible. The 
peak is crowned with the ruins of the mediaeval castle of Akovci^ 
formerly one of the chief Frankish fiefs in Peloponnese. On the more 
level part of the ridge, to the north of the castle, are the ruins of a 
small ancient town. They consist of foundations, scattered blocks, and 
fragments of tiles and vases. These ruins have been identified with 
Teuthis by Gell, Ross, Boblaye and Curtius. But in fact the data 
furnished by Pausanias are really insufficient to enable us to determine 
the site of Teuthis. 

See Gell, Itinerary of the Morea, pp. 118, 119; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 151 
sq, ; L. Ross, Reisen^ p. 113 j^. ; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 354 sq, 

28. 4» TenthiB Omytus. The following tale of the wounding 



CH. XXIX BRENTHE—TRAPEZUS 313 

of Athena seems to have been told by the antiquary Polemo, who 
called the hero of the tale Omytus (Clement of Alexandria, Protrept, iL 
36. p. 31 ed. Potter). 

28. 6. an image of Athena with a wound in her thigh. 

At Tegea there was an image of Hercules with a wound in his thigh (viii. 
53. 9). On a vase in the British Museum (£. 382) there is represented 
a man with a bandage on his thigh holding an infant ; he is supposed 
to be Telephus with the child Orestes. See Catalogue of Greek and 
Etruscan Vases in the British Museum, 3. p. 247. The Hottentots 
believe in a divine being whom they call Tsui - Goab, />. < Wounded 
Knee.' Mythologists differ as to whether he is the Dawn or an 
ancestral ghost with a game leg. See Theophilus Hahn, Tsuni-Goam^ 
the Supreme Being of the Khoi-Khoi; A. Lang, Custom and Myth, p. 
197 sqq, 

28. 7. Brenthe. This place is supposed to have occupied the site 
of the modem Karytaena, a town which stands in a high and most 
romantic situation on the right or eastern bank of the Alpheus, a little 
below the point where the river, quitting the spacious plain of Megalo- 
polis, enters a deep and narrow gorge, pent in on either side by 
massive mountains. Through this profound ravine, between walls of 
rock, the river forces its way for about 10 miles, till the valley opens 
out again on the plain of Heraea. Conspicuous far and wide is the 
imposing mediaeval castle of Karytaena crowning with its battlemented 
walls a lofty flat -topped rock which overhangs, with tremendous 
precipices of ruddy rock, the gorge of the Alpheus. The modem town 
nestles in a hollow between the castle-rock on the west and the chapeU 
crowned hill of St. Elias on the east ; its narrow, winding, dirty lanes 
and old houses with their wooden balconies climb up the sides of both 
hills. In the Middle Ages the castle was of great importance ; its lord 
had two - and - twenty fiefs under him. The view from the summit 
embraces the plain of Megalopolis and the mountains which environ it 




Architecture^ Sculptures^ etc. par A. Blouet, 2. p. 34, with pi. 32 ; Curtius, 
Pilop. I. p. 348 sq,\ Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 241; Baedeker,' p. 314; Guide- 
Joanne^ 2. p. 304 ; Philippson, Peloponnes^ p. 96. 

28. 7. the river Brentheates. This may be the small clear 
stream which joins the Alpheus, on its right bank, a little to the east of 
Karytaena; it is the last tributary which the Alpheus receives from the 
plain of Megalopolis. See Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 348 sq,\ Boblaye, 
Recherches, p. 164 sq, ; Guide-Joanne, 2. p. 303. 

29. I. the Trapesnintian district a city TrapezoB. The 

Trapezuntian district appears to have comprised the north-west comer 
of the plain of Megalopolis, between Mt. Lycaeus and the left bank of 
the Alpheus. Boblaye conjectured that the town of Trapezus may have 
been near the modem village of Phlorio, opposite Karytaena, See 
Boblaye, Recherches, p. 1 64 ; L. Ross, Reisen, p. 90 ; Curtius, Pelop, 
I. p. 304 ; Guide-Joanne, 2. p. 303. The city of Trapezus was said to 



314 BATHOS bk. viii. axcadu 

have been so named because here Zeus in his anger upset the table 
{trapesa) on which Lycaon and his sons had impiously served up to 
him a dish of human flesh (Apollodorus, iiL 8 ; cp. Paus. viii. 2. 3}. 
This legend, associating Trapezus with the human sacrifices offered to 
Zeus on Mt Lycaeus, points to the situation of Trapezus on or near 
that mountain. 

29. I. Bathos. This is probably the deep ravine still called 
Vat Ay Rhevma (* deep stream ') between the villages of Mcpuria and 
Kyparisna, A stream descends through it from Mt Lycaeus to join 
the Alpheus on its left bank, 3 or 4 miles above Kcaytaena. The 
natives assured Dodwell and Gell that flames were sometimes seen to 
burst from the earth at this place. L. Ross says that thirty or forty 
years before his time the earth burned for several years ; no flames were 
seen, but the surface of the ground was very hot and smoke rose from 
it continually, and always in denser volumes after rain ; a strong smell 
of sulphur was also perceptible. It is said that the earth burned 
similarly a little farther south, between the villages of Kyparissia and 
Vramosella^ on the same (left) bank of the river. 

See Dodwell, Tour, 2. p. 380; Gejl, Itinerary of tke Morea^ p. 102 ; Leake, 
Morea, 2. p. 28 ; Boblaye, Rechirches^ p. 164 ; L. Ross, Reisen, p. 90 ; Cuitios, 
Pelof, I. p. 304 sq,\ Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 240; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 303; 
Phihppson, Peloponftes^ p. 254. 

That fire burned perpetually near Megalopolis is also mentioned by 
[Aristotle], De mirab, attscult, 127 (139) ; cp. Pliny, Nat, hist, ii. 237. 
Cp. Neumann und Partsch, PhysikcUische Geographic von Griechenland^ 
p. 270 sq. 

Excavations were made at Bathos in 1893 by two English archaeo- 
logists, Messrs. Bather and Yorke. On a small strip of soil close to 
the bank of the Alpheus, below the church of St George, they discovered 
a large number of what seem to have been votive offerings. Besides 
several hundreds of small pots and lamps, there were found about 
seventy terra-cotta figures and some bronze objects. The terra-cottas 
include examples of the early type of female figures, standing and 
seated, with bird-like heads, and the later type of female figures stand- 
ing and holding an object close to the breast ; also figures of 
animals, particularly four sows, a bird, and what seems to be a deer. 
The bronze objects consist of a bull inscribed with the letters lEP 
(* sacred ') ; a pig ; two engraved rings skilfully worked ; and the handle 
of a vessel ornamented with the fore-part of a lion and ending in two 
Gorgon masks. The latest of the objects found seem to belong to the 
fourth century B.C. It was probably here that the rites of the Great 
Goddesses, mentioned by Pausanias, were celebrated every second year. 
Set Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 13 (1892-93), pp. 227-229. The 
spring called Olympias, which Pausanias mentions, is probably the very 
abundant spring about half a mile north of the acropolis of Basilis (see 
below, § 5) ; it is said to cease flowing one year in every nine (^Journal 
of Hellenic Studies^ 13 (1892-93), p. 227). 

29. I. the legendary battle of the gods and the giants. The 



CH. XXIX BATTLE OF GODS AND GIANTS 315 

scene of this battle, as Pausanias intimates, was commonly laid at 
Pallene, under its mythical name of Phlegra. Cp. Herodotus, vii. 123 ; 
Stephanus Byz^ s,v, ^Xcypa ; Max. Mayer, Die Gtganten und Titanen^ 
p. 1 5 7 sqq. The localisation of the legend in the plain of Megalopolis 
may have been due to the prevalence of earthquakes, the burning 
earth, and especially to the finding of mammoth bones. Many such 
bones are still found by the peasants in this neighbourhood, and some 
of them are now preserved in the museum at Dimitsana, It was 
probably some of these bones that Pausanias saw in the sanctuary of 
the Boy Aesculapius at Megalopolis (viil 32. 5). See Journal of 
Hellenic Studies J 13 (1892-93), p. 231 ; cp. Philippson, Peloponnes^ p. 
254 ; and see note on i. 35. 7. The battle of the gods and giants is 
depicted in great detail on an ancient Greek amphora in the Louvre. 
See Monuments grecs^ No. 4 (1875), P^* *• ^^^ "•> with the remarks 
of Mr. F. F. Ravaisson, pp. 1-12. The subject was a common one in 
ancient art See O. Jahn, in Annali delP Instituto^ 35 (1863), pp. 
243-255; ib^ 41 (1869), pp. 1 76-191 ; Mayer, op, cit, p. 263 sqq,\ 
Roscher's Lexikon^ i. p. 1653 sqq, 

29. I. they sacriflce here to lightnings, Jinzricanes, and 
thunders. Thunder was worshipped at Seleucia in Syria. See Appian, 
Syr, 58. We may compare the respect which the Circassians evince 
for thunder. Potocki says : " The Circassians have not a god of 
thunder, but it might be a mistake to assume that they never had one. 
The thunder is held by them in great veneration ; they say it is an 
angel who smites those who are marked out by the blessing of the 
Eternal The body of a person struck by lightning is solemnly buried, 
and while they lament the deceased, his relations congratulate them- 
selves on the distinction with which their family has just been honoured. 
The people come forth in crowds from their houses at the sound made 
by this angel in his passage through the air, and when some time has 
elapsed without thunder being heard, they offer public prayers to induce 
it to come and visit them " ( Voyage dans Us steps d^ Astrakhan et du 
Caucase^ i. p. 309 sq) Cp. v. 14. 7 note. 

29. 2. Ulysses' ships were attacked by Laestrygones etc. See 
Odyssey y x. 1 1 8 sqq. The adventure of Ulysses with the Laestrygones 
is the subject of four ancient wall-paintings which were discovered on 
the Esquiline at Rome in 1849. Sq& Archdologisch^ Zeitung^ 10 (1852), 
plates xlv. xlvi., with the remarks of E. Gerhard, pp. 497-502 ; Miss 
J. E. Harrison, Myths of the Odyssey ^ pp. 45-62. 

29. 2. he represents the king of the Phaeadans etc. See Odyssey, 
vii. 205 sq, 

29. 2. the following passage etc See Odyssey , ii. 59 sq. 

29. 3. That the giants have serpents instead of feet etc Cp. 
Servius on Virgil, A en, iii. 578 ; Ovid, Met, i. 183 sq, \ id,, Tristia, 
iv. 7. 1 7 ; Macrobius, Sat, i. 20. 9. In the earlier works of Greek art 
the giants are regularly represented in full human form. The earliest 
monument on which a giant is represented with serpent-feet is a bronze 
relief of the Museum Kircherianum dating from the end of the fourth or 
the beginning of the third century B.C. On the now famous reliefs from 



3i6 BASILIS — THOCNIA bk. viii. arcadu 

the great altar of Pergamus, erected in the beginning of the second 
century B.c, some of the giants are represented with serpent-feet ; and 
from that time onward the serpent-footed type prevailed. See Kuhnert 
in Roscher's Lexikoriy i. p. 1653 sqq, ; Max. Mayer, Die GiganUn 
und Titanen, p. 274 sqq. 

29. 3. The Syrian river Orontes etc Philostratus says (Heraicoj 
ii. 4) that the body of the giant Aryades, thirty cubits long, was dis- 
covered through the river Orontes bursting its banks; some declared 
Aryades to be an Ethiopian, others an Indian. The emperor Tiberius 
was said to have changed the name of the river to Orontes, the 
old name having been Draco (< serpent,' < dragon '). See Eustathius, 
Comment, on Dionysius Periegetesy 919 {Geogr, Graeci Minores^ ed 
C. Miiller, 2. p. 380). The tradition was false, for the river is adled 
Orontes by Polybius (v. 59) ; but some have inferred from it that 
Tiberius was the emperor who, as Pausanias here tells us, made the 
ship-canal to avoid the rapids. See Kalkmann, Pausanias^ p. 22^ sq,; 
Mayer, Die Giganien und Titanen, p. 243. 

29. 4- the first men were produced by the sim warmiiig the 
earth etc. Cp. Diodorus, i. 7 ; L. Preller, * Die Vorstellungen der 
Alten — ^von dem Ursprunge— des menschlichen Geschlechts,' Ausge- 
wdklte Aufsdtze^ P* I57 ^^1' Some of the Indians on the Orinoco think 
that '* the earth formerly produced men and women, just as it produces 
briars and thorns" (Gumilla, Histoire de VOrenoque^ i. p. 175). 

29. 5. Basilis. Remains of this town, consisting of some blocks 
and foundations, are to be seen among the vineyards, ten minutes east 
of the village of Kyparissia^ toward the left bank of the Alpheus. 
Marble fragments, tiles, coins, etc., are occasionally found here. Ex- 
cavations made by Messrs. Bather and Yorke at the threshing-floor of 
Kyparissia in 1893 led to the discovery of some slabs of whitish lime- 
stone adorned with a moulding and an elaborate variety of the key- 
pattern. These slabs are conjectured to have been parts of pedestals of 
statues which lined an ancient road leading up to the acro]>olis of 
Basilis ; the hill that rises above Kyparissia seems to have been the 
acropolis. Basilis is referred to, though not by name, in a passage of 
Athenaeus (xiii. p. 609 e f), which confirms Pausanias's account of the 
place in some points. The passage runs thus : ** And I know that a 
competition in feminine beauty has been held before now. Speaking of 
which Nicias in his work on Arcadia says that the competition was 
arranged by Cypselus after he had founded a city in the plain beside 
the Alpheus. In this city he settled some Parrhasians and founded a 
precinct and altar in honour of Eleusinian Demeter, in whose festival 
he held the competition in beauty, and his wife Herodice was the first 
to win the prize. This competition is still held, and the women who 
compete are called * gold- wearers ' {chrusophoroi)^^ 

See Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 379 sq, ; Gell, Itinerary of the Morea^ p. 102 ; 
Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 292 sq, ; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 164 ; L. Ross, Reisen^ p. 
89 sq, ; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 304 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 240 ; Journal of Hellenic 
Studies, 13 (1892-93), p. 227 sqq, 

29. 5. Thocnia. This place must have been on the right bank of 



CH. XXX THE HEUSSON—DIPAEA 317 

the Alpheus ; it probably stood on the height which is now occupied by 
the village of Vromosella, In the church here Bursian observed some 
fragments of unfluted colunms, the base of an Ionic column, and other 
architectural remains. The Aminius river must be the brook which 
flows into the Helisson somewhat to the east of Vromosella; it comes 
from the north-east. 

See Gell, Itinerary of the Morea, p. 102 ; Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 293 ; Boblaye, 
HechercheSf p. 164 ; Curtius, Pehp, I. p. 304 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 240. 

30. I. This river Helisson rises at a village of the same name. 

The Helisson which flows past Megalopolis rises about 15 miles to 
the north-east of that town, at the village of Alontstena in Mount 
Maenalus. The village is prettily situated on either side of a ravine, 
at the bottom of which the roaring torrent issues. Steep fir-covered 
mountains rise all around. Above the village, to the east, is the loftiest 
summit of the Maenalian range (6000 feet high). As the village stands 
very high, the air is fine, but in winter the snow lies three feet deep. 
The people live chiefly by their sheep ; the fir-woods supply them with 
fuel. There are no ancient remains at the village. 

See Leake, Morea, 2. pp. 53-55 ; Boblaye, Rechtrches^ p. 171 ; L. Ross, 
Reiseftt p. 117; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 228; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 380; Philippson, 
Peloponnes^ P* 91 sq^ 

30. I. Dipaea. At the northern end of the narrow, mountain- 
locked Maenalian plain is the village of Piana^ finely situated high up 
the side of a mountain, about four miles south of Alontstena, The 
village clusters round a mediaeval castle. Between the castle and the 
road that skirts the eastern side of the hill there is an abundant spring, 
which gives rise to a tributary of the Helisson. Beside this spring some 
remains, consisting of heaps of stones and scattered tiles, may mark the 
site of Dipaea. L. Ross preferred to identify them with the village of 
Helisson ; but that village was, as Pausanias tells us, at the source of 
the Helisson river, and the chief source of that stream is at Alontstena, 

See Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 54; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 171 ; L. Ross, Reisen^ 
p. 117; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 315 <r^. ; Bursian, Gtogr, 2. p. 229; Baedeker,' p. 309; 
Philippson, Peloponnes^ p. 89. 

As to the battle of Dipaea, cp. iii. 11. 7 ; viiL 45. 2 ; Herodotus, 
ix. 35 ; Isocrates, Archidamusy 99. In all these passages the name of 
the town appears as Dipaieis^ the plural oiDipaieuSy which last, according 
to Stephanus Byzantius (s.v. Atiraia), was also employed to designate 
the town, as well as a native of it But the form Dipaea is employed 
by Pausanias (viii. 27. 3) and is mentioned by Stephanus Byzantius (/.r.) 

30. I. Lycaea. See note on viii. 36. 7. 

30. 2. Megalopolis. Megalopolis stood in the great western plain 
of Arcadia, which, like the great eastern plain of Mantinea and Tegea, 
extends in a direction from north to south. In natural beauty the plain 
of Megalopolis is far superior to its eastern neighbour. The latter is a 
bare monotonous flat, unrelieved by trees or rivers, and enclosed by barren 
mountains, so that its general aspect is somewhat dreary and depressing ; 



3x8 MEGALOPOLIS bk. viii. axcadia 

only towards its northern end do the mountains rise in grander masses 
and with more picturesque outlines. The plain of M^alopolis, on the 
other hand, is surrounded by mountains of fine and varied outlines, 
some of the slopes of which are clothed with wood, and the sur&ce oif 
the plain itself is diversified with copses and undulating downs and 
hillocks, refreshed by numerous streams shaded with plane-trees, and 
watered by the broad, though shallow, stream of the Alpheus winding 
through its midst The scenery, in contrast to that of the eastern plain, 
is eminently bright, smiling, and cheerful. it is, perhaps, seen at its 
best on a fine morning in early summer after rain. The vegetation is 
then green, the air pellucid, the outlines of the environing mountains 
are sharp and clear, and their tints vary from deep purple to lilac 

The city of Megalopolis occupied broken ground on both banks of 
the Helisson, about two and a half miles east of the point where that 
stream Hows into the Alpheus. The large modem viUage of Situmou 
stands near the south-eastern corner of the ancient city, a short way out- 
side of the probable line of the walls. The western wall of the dty 
seems to have run just to the east of the ground now occupied by the 
village of Kasidachori on the northern bank of the Helisson. The 
Helisson fiows from east to west, and divided the city into two parts 
which seem to have been approximately equal. Its bed is very broad 
and gravelly ; the stream, when it is not entirely dried up, fiows along 
it in several small channels. A little way from the banks of the river, 
both on the north and south sides, the ground rises into low hillocks, 
plateaus, and ridges, broken and divided by small valleys or hollows, 
through which, in rainy weather, tiny rivulets fiow to join the Helisson. 
Thus the site of Megalopolis is far from being a dead fiat, and the 
engineers who constructed the fortifications took advantage of the 
natural defences ofiered by the inequalities of the ground. For example, 
the north wall ran along the top of the steep slope which separates the 
high tableland north of the Helisson from the valley of the little river 
Aminius (Paus. viii. 29. 5) and its tributary streams. This slope is a 
very steep one, and has in places a fall of as much as 120 feet. The 
course of the city walls was first traced in modem times by Mr. W. 
Loring in the winter of 1891-92. Only detached fragments of them 
remain, but their number and directions, taken in conjunction with the 
nature of the ground, suffice to indicate the whole circuit with tolerable 
certainty. Twelve larger pieces of the wall have been excavated, and 
are described by Mr. Loring, while seven other fragmentary or unexca- 
vated portions are indicated on his plan of the site. Mr. Loring's 
researches have proved that the area of the city was much greater than 
had been believed by modem scholars and travellers, and that the name 
Megalopolis (* great city') was not misapplied to it. According to 
Polybius (ix. 21) the circumference of the city was 50 Greek furlongs ; 
and the length of the circuit, as determined independently by Mr. 
Loring, agrees closely with this estimate, being 47 J Greek furlongs 
(about 5 J miles). The length of the city from north to south was about 
a mile and three-quarters ; its breadth from east to west, along the bed 
of the Helisson, about three-quarters of a mile. The fortifications 



MEGALOPOLIS . airi. 










f 






K • 
i . 

4 



k 

t 

% 

I 



« 



k 

t 
I 



I 



I 
I 

I 



CH. XXX MEGALOPOLIS 319 

appear to have been formed of two parallel walls, distant from each 
other about 3 feet, and connected by bonds or cross-pieces, the interval 
between the two walls being filled up with earth and small stones. The 
total thickness of the fortification-wall thus formed measures in different 
places from 7^ to 11^ feet. At some points the fortification seems to 
have been strengthened by the erection of a third component wall out- 
side the other two and parallel to them, the interval between it and them 
being similarly filled up with rubble and earth. This third component 
wall was apparently united to the outer of the other two component 
walls by bonds ; and the total thickness of the fortification formed by 
the three component walls was nearly 1 6 feet. The best - preserved 
piece of fortification of this style is to be seen on high ground close to 
the village of Kasidachori. Square and semicircular towers appear to 
have projected at intervals from the city wall ; for Mr. Loring found 
remains of at least one semicircular and two square towers. In regard 
to the style of masonry of the walls, the existing remains fall into two 
groups, their difference in structure pointing clearly to a difference 
in date. In one group, comprising the remains on the west and south 
sides, together with two pieces on the east side of the city, the large 
stones that form the outer faces of the wall are roughly hewn into shape ; 
in the other group, comprising the remains on the north and north-east 
sides, the stones are entirely unhewn. We may suppose that the former 
gfroup, being the better built, belongs to the original city walls built in 
370 B.C. (see above, p. 307) ; and that the latter group is part of the 
walls which were rebuilt after the partial destruction of the city by the 
Spartans under Cleomenes in 222 B.C. (cp. Polybius, v. 93). Certainly 
both groups appear to be of Greek, not Roman, date ; for they are built 
entirely of stone (conglomerate and limestone), and no trace of brick or 
mortar has been found in any of the extant remains, though these are 
widely scattered and amount in all to a length of several hundred feet. 
However, even the earlier and better- built portions of the circuit wall 
contrast very imfavourably in style with other city walls which date from 
about the same period, for example the walls of Messene and Man- 
tinea ; the rudeness of the masonry is probably to be explained, in part 
at least, by the great extent (about 5 J miles) of the circuit The best- 
preserved portion of the later walls is to be seen at the north-east angle 
of the site, about three-quarters of a mile from the Helisson, a little to 
the right (east) of the path which goes to Braimi, Here the wall is 
standing in places to a height of about 3 feet 4 inches. Of the earlier 
walls in general only one course is preserved. The upper part of the 
walls of both periods was probably constructed of sun-dried bricks. 
For if the walls had been entirely built of stone, it is difficult to account 
for their almost total disappearance; and we have good grounds for 
believing that the upper portions of the walls of Greek cities were often 
built of this material (see viii. 8. 7 note). 

Excavations were made at Megalopolis by the British School of 
Archaeology in 1890-93. They were directed chiefly by Messrs. W. 
Loring, £. A. Gardner, £. F. Benson, and A. G. Bather, and resulted 
in laying bare the remains of the theatre, the Thersilium, and some 



320 MEGALOPOLIS bk. viii. arcadia 

portions of the buildings which surrounded the market-place (see below). 
No sculptures were brought to light, and the inscriptions discovered 
were few and for the most part unimportant One inscription, however, 
of considerable importance was found. It is a long fragment (255 lines) 
of the Edict of Diocletian * On prices ' ; the g^reater part of the Edict 
thus recovered is new, ue, is not contained in the other fragmentary 
copies of the Edict which have been discovered in various places. 

On Megalopolis see Expedition scientifique de Morie : Architeciuret Sculptures, 
etc., par A. Blouet, 2. pp. 43-56, with piates 36-40 ; Dodwell, Taur^ 2. p. 370 
sqq. ; Leake, Morea, 2. p. 30 sqq, ; Gt% Journey in the Moreay p. 176 sqq, ; 
^blaye, Recherches, p. 107 sq, ; L. Ross, Keisen, p. 74 sqq, ; id.^ IVeuulerungen, 



I. p. 217 J|7. ; Welcker, Tagebtuh^ i. p. 263 sq, ; Curtius, Pelop, i. pp. 276 j^., 
281 sqq, ; Vischer, Erinnerungen, p. 406 sqq, ; Conze and Michaelis, in AnnaH 
delt Institute, 33 (186 1), p. 32 sqq, ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 244 sqq, ; Baedeker,' 



&. 296 sq, ; Guide-Joanne, 2. ^. 300 sqq. The results of the excavations by the 
ritish School are published in a volume, Excavations at Megalopolis (London, 
1892), and in the Jourfui/ of Hellenic Studies, 11 (1890), pp. 294-392; id,^ 13 
( 1 892-9 j), pp. 319-337, 356-358. The remains of the walls are described by Mr. 
Loring m Excavations at Megalopolis, pp. io6-ii6 ; the fragment of the Edict of 
Diocletian is published by him mjoum, of Hellen, Stud, 11 (1890), pp. 299-342. 
I paid two visits to Megalopolis (4th-6th May 1890, and loth October 1895). On 
my first visit I had the advantap;e of the courteous guidance of Mr. W. Loring, 
who was then directing the English excavations. 

30. 2. the market-place. The market-place of Megalopolis lay 
on the north bank of the Helisson, nearly opposite the theatre. It 
occupied the flat ground, now covered with corn-fields, which inter- 
venes between the bed of the river and the hillocks that rise a 
little to the north. Considerable remains of some of the buildings 
which surrounded the market-place were laid bare by the excava- 
tions of the British School in 1890-91. These discoveries, so far as 
they go, confirm the substantial accuracy of the ground-plan of the 
market-place which E. Curtius made from Pausanias's description, 
and which, as illustrative of that description, is here reproduced (Fig. 
34). Chief among the buildings excavated by the English archae- 
ologists are the Philippian Colonnade and the sanctuary of Saviour 
Zeus, both of which are mentioned by Pausanias (^ 6 and 10). The 
Philippian Colonnade formed in part the northern boundary of the 
market-place, while the sanctuary of Zeus lay beside the river at the 
south-eastern comer of the market-place. The Aristandrian Colonnade 
(§ 10), which probably bounded the market-place on the south, has 
apparently disappeared, the bank of the river having been here eaten 
away by the stream. 

(i) The remains of the Philippian Colonnade, situated about 200 
yards north of the river-bank, comprise the foundations of the stylobate, 
a portion of the stylobate and columns at the extreme south-east comer 
of the front, the lower part of the side and back walls, and the founda- 
tions of the internal rows of columns, with a few of the bases of the 
columns still in position on their top. The colonnade was 5 1 o feet long 
from east to west by 65 feet deep from north to south. It faced south, 
and from the long south front a wing projected at each end. These 
wings projected 13 feet 6 inches from the main front, and measured 55 



CH. XXX 



MEGALOPOLIS— THE MARKET 



321 



feet 6 inches across. A long row of Doric columns ran along the front 
of the colonnade, with its projecting wings ; and in the interior there 
were two rows of columns of the Ionic order extending along the 



QOVERNMENT OFFICES 



PHILIPPIAN COLONNADE 



.imm 



GYMNASIUM 



TCMPLC or 

MOTM CW Of THff QOO» 



I CW Of THff < 

I I: 



PRECINCT OF THE 
OREAT GODDESSES 



APOtXOa 



□ 

ZCU8 



OPOLYBIUS 



COUNCIL 
H0U8C 



• a 



w. 

8 



r 
S 



ARISTANDRIAN COLONNADE 



• SAVIOUR ZEUS 




FIG. 34.— MARKET-PLACE OF MEGALOPOLIS (CONJECTURAL RESTORATION BY B. CURTIUS). 

whole length of the colonnade. The back of the colonnade on the north 
and the two short sides on the east and west were closed by walls. 
Attached to the back wall were two quadrangular exedme or recesses, 
which were entered from the colonnade by openings in the wall. These 
recesses had a length externally of about 52 feet each, and projected 
about 10 feet from the back wall. The foundations and most of the 
existing walls are built of conglomerate ; the stylobates, bases, and 
columns are of white limestone, but the capitals of the Ionic columns 
are of marble. Clamps of two different shapes ()-^ and |— ^) are used 
to fasten the blocks together. 

The enclosing walls of the colonnade, so far as they exist, consist of 
a course of upright blocks of conglomerate, 2 ft 8 in. high, and a 
course of limestone blocks, 6^ inches thick, laid on the top of the 
uprights. There are two of the upright blocks in the thickness of the 
wall ; they are panelled on the face and coated with stucco. The 
foundation of the stylobate of the outer columns is built of slabs of 
conglomerate ; its average width is 5 feet, and in the west wing it is at 
least five courses deep. A portion of the stylobate of the east wing 
still exists ; it is composed of two steps resting on a course of limestone 
slabs. The Doric colunms of the fagade are set at intervals of 4 ft 
\\ in., measured to the inside of the flutes. Pieces of five of these 
colunms are standing in their original positions in the east wing ; they 
measure 2 ft. 8 in. in diameter at the base, and have each twenty flutes. 
The longest is 5 ft. 2| in. high, and the shortest is 3 ft. 10 in. The 

VOL. IV Y 



322 MEGALOPOLIS — THE MARKET bk. viii. arcadia 

foundation-piers of the inner columns measure 4 ft 6 in. square, on an 
average. They are built of oblong blocks of conglomerate, two to each 
course, connected by clamps of the \m^ shape. On the top of these 
piers stood square slabs of limestone, some of which still exist, 
measuring 3 ft. i in. square and 8 to 9 inches deep. The circular 
moulded bases of the Ionic columns rested on these slabs. Five at 
least of these bases still remain in position and some pieces of the 
columns lie near them. The lower diameter of these columns measures 
2 ft 3^ in. ; the number of flutes in each colunm is twenty. The 
number of columns in each of the inner rows seems to have been 
twenty-five.1 

The architectural fragments of the colonnade which have been 
found comprise portions of the Doric front columns in position at the 
south-east angle, a piece of a Doric architrave block and a length of 
a triglyph frieze, several moulded bases of the Ionic order, numerous 
pieces of Ionic columns, two marble Ionic capitals, and a very large 
number of pieces of the Doric columns. These pieces of Doric 
coliunns, varying in length from 2 to 6 feet, have been found scattered 
all over the market-place, as well as in the colonnade itself, and a 
number of them were brought to light in the sanctuary of Saviour Zeus. 
These remains, while not sufficient to allow of a complete restoration of 
the colonnade, enable us to form a good idea of the nature and pro- 
portions of the superstructure. The Doric columns of the exterior were 
probably about 6^ diameters high. The length of the architrave block 
is 6 ft. 9 in., which is practically the space, from centre to centre, of 
the columns still in position. Its height is 2 ft i^ in. The height of 
the frieze is 2 ft 3^ in. The details of the triglyphs show late 
characteristics. The Ionic columns in the interior of the colonnade 
would seem to have been 8 J diameters high or about 19 ft 8 in. The 
volutes of the capitals are comparatively small. 

With regard to the date of the colonnade, we should infer from what 
Pausanias says that it was built in the fourth century RC, since it was 
erected in honour of Philip of Macedon. But the style of the archi- 
tecture points to a later date. We know from Livy (xxxviii. 34) that in 
189 B.C. a colonnade which had been destroyed by the Lacedaemonians 
under Cleomenes in 222 B.C. was rebuilt with money acquired from the 
sale of prisoners. The colonnade thus rebuilt may have been the 
Philippian Colonnade ; for the style of the existing remains of the 
Philippian Colonnade agrees with that date. That the colonnade just 
described was indeed the Philippian Colonnade was proved by the 
discovery of a tile at its east end bearing the inscription ^lAlII- 
IIEIOY, *of the Philippian' {sciL colonnade). A bilingual inscription 
in Greek and Latin, dating from 93 or 94 A.D., records that the 
Emperor Domitian rebuilt from the foundations a colonnade at Megalo- 
polis which had been destroyed by fire {Excavations at Megalopolis^ p. 
136 sq,^ Inscr. No. 18). But the colonnade restored by Domitian can 

^ On the plan published m Excavations at Megalopolis, pi. xiv., the number of 
columns in each of the inner rows is indicated as twenty-four. But see foum, of 
Hellenic Studies, 13 (1892-93), p. 335 sq. ; id., 14 (1894), p. 243. 



CH. XXX MEGALOPOLIS— THE MARKET 323 

hardly have been the Philippian Colonnade, since the architectural style 
of the existing remains of the Philippian Colonnade points, as we have 
seen, to a considerably earlier date than the end of the first century 

A.D. 

(2) The remains of the sanctuary of Zeus which have been laid 
bare by the English excavations consist principally of foundation-walls. 
From an examination of these it is possible to get a good general idea 
of the extent and arrangement of the buildings, although, on account 
of the paucity of architectural fragments, the nature of the super- 
structure must remain almost entirely a matter of conjecture. 

The sanctuary appears to have been in the form of a rectangle 
measuring about 175 feet from east to west by 154 feet from north to 
south. In the centre of the rectangle was a square open court, round 
which ran a double colonnade (/>. a colonnade with an outer and an 
inner row of columns) on all sides. The main entrance was on the 
east side, and was approached from the lower level of the ground out- 
side by a ramp or inclined plane. This led up to an outer porch 
projecting from the face of the eastern wall. The entrance itself through 
the wall consisted presumably of three gateways side by side, which 
led into the colonnade or cloisters. Cutting through the cloisters in the 
middle of the west side, exactly opposite the entrance, was the temple, 
the portico of which projected into the open court In the middle oif 
the court, opposite the temple, stood a large oblong base, measuring 
about 37 feet from north to south by 17 feet from east to west The 
foundations of the base are standing and consist of a foundation-wall 
round the four sides varying from 3 ft 6 in. to 4 feet thick, and seven 
cross -walls, each about 2 ft. 3 in. thick. There are also remains in 
one place of an additional internal wall at right angles to the seven 
cross-walls, indicating that special support was wanted at this particular 
part This accumulation of supporting walls seems to show that a 
gn^eat weight rested on the base, and leads us to assume that it was the 
pedestal of a group of heavy statuary. Hence we conclude that it 
supported the group of Zeus, Megalopolis, and Saviour Artemis men- 
tioned by Pausanias (§ 10). This is the view taken of the base by 
Messrs. Loring and Gardner and the architect Mr. R. W. Schultz. Mr. 
Richards, on the other hand, prefers to suppose that the base is that of 
an altar, and that the group of statuary mentioned by Pausanias stood 
in the inside of the temple. The foundations of the base go down to 
a considerable depth ; four courses, regularly built of squared blocks 
in alternate rows of ' headers ' and * stretchers,' have been exposed at 
the south end. Round the sides of the court ran an open gutter for 
holding water, which was brought to it, from a lead pipe outside of the 
sanctuary on the north, by a drain constructed of tiles which ran under 
the floor of the cloisters. Remains of the lead pipe have been found ; 
but where it came from and whither it went is not Imown. 

Of the cloisters or colonnade which ran round the open court little 
is known. Of the outer rows of columns, next the court, nothing but 
the foundation-course of the stylobate remains ; hence we cannot tell 
the number of these columns nor the distance between them. They 



324 MEGALOPOLIS— THE MARKET bk. viii. arcadu 

may have been of the Doric order ; for a Doric capital, slightly smaller 
than the capitals of the Philippian Colonnade, was found in the 
cloisters. On the other hand, we can estimate the distance from eadi 
other of the inner columns of the cloisters, since the foundation-jHeis 
of many of them remain. These piers are single stones, each about 
3 ft. 3 in. square ; and the distance of the piers from each other is 
about 13 feet This wide spacing of the columns points to their having 
supported wooden beams, which in turn probably carried a wooden rooC 
These inner columns may have been, like the inner columns of the 
Philippian Colonnade, of the Ionic order ; a fragment of an Ionic base 
was found beside the Doric capital in the cloisters. The east wall of 
the sanctuary, below the level of the floor of the cloisters, is carcfiillj 
built of squared blocks laid in regular courses. In the north wall of 
the sanctuary, almost opposite the centre of the court, there is a siD of 
white limestone, 10 ft. 4 in. long by 2 ft. 2 in. wide. It may have 
belonged to an additional entrance at this point, or perhaps to an 
exedra or recess projecting outwards from the cloister, like the recesses 
at the back of the Philippian Colonnade. 

The temple, as we have seen, cut through the cloister on the west 
side of the court. It appears to have comprised a portico, a fore- 
temple {Jfronao5\ and a cella or shrine, and to have measured about 
70 feet from east to west by 38 feet from north to south. Foundations 
of all three compartments of the temple exist; they are well btuk 
of squared blocks laid in regular courses, each course a\'eraging about 
I ft. 6 in. deep. On the south side of the cella the foundation-wall is 
at least eight courses deep. Inside of the cella on either side are 
foundation-piers averaging 2 ft. 9 in. square and distant about 2 ft. 
3 in. from the side walls. They probably supported internal columns. 
Four of them remain on the north side and two on the south side. On 
the south side, in the position which a third pier would have occupied, 
are the remains of a strong foundation running in at right angles to the 
south v^-all. This may have been merely the foundation for the third 
pier ; but possibly it may have formed, in addition, part of the founda- 
tion of a large pedestal which supported an image of Zeus. 

In the cloister to the north of the temple are some remains (^a 
stylobate, >»ith foundations, which seems to ha\'e extended in a con- 
tinuous line from the temple to the north wall of the sanctuar>-. Prob- 
ably a second inner line of columns stood on this stylobate, and we 
may suppose that this line of columns i^-as prolonged on the south side 
of the temple as fur as the south i^-all of the sanctuary. On this 
hypothesis the western cloister or colonnade was triple, />. it had three 
rows of columns, namely an outer row next the open court, and two 
inner ro^-s. All three ro>»-s of columns were, of course, interrupted in 
the middle by the temple. 

The date of the sanctuar>* of Zeus cannot be determined frt)m the 
scanty remains. The general style of construction and the materials 
resemble those of other edifices at Megalopolis, but the few architectural 
details which ha\*e been fiHind point to a later rather than an earlier 
period in the hi$tor>* of the city. The Ionic base resembles the one in 



CH. XXX MEGALOPOLIS— THE MARKET 325 

the Philippian Colonnade, but the contour and proportion of the Doric 
capital belong to a later type than that of the columns in the portico of 
the Thersilium (see below). Clamps of the rn shape were used to 
the stones of the stylobate in the portico of the temple. 

In addition to the ruins of the Philippian Colonnade and the 
sanctuary of Zeus remains of some other edifices have been laid bare by 
the English excavations in the market-place. They are as follows : 

(3) At the western end of the Philippian Colonnade and running 
out southward at right angles to its face, the remains of a double row 
of columns have been found. They must have formed part of a later 
edifice built after the Philippian Colonnade had &llen into ruins, since 
the remains in question are composed entirely of fragments which had 
belonged to that colonnade. This later edifice may have been intended 
to form an entrance to the market-place at this point. The eastern 
pillars, of which there are portions of four remaining, rest on a continu- 
ous stylobate formed entirely of old blocks taken from the entablature 
of the Philippian Colonnade. The western columns have no continuous 
stylobate, each of them resting on a separate foundation. The pieces 
of columns in position are of the Doric order, and no doubt were taken 
from the front row of the Philippian Colonnade. 

(4) South of these colunms, and extending westward beyond the 
line of the west wall of the Philippian Colonnade, are considerable 
remains of walls of an oblong edifice. Its north wall is about 92 ft. 
6 in. long, while the west wall can be traced for 5 1 feet, and the east 
wall for 65 feet. There are scanty indications of what may have been 
a south wall at a point which would give the edifice a width of about 
70 feet. In the north wall are the remains of an opening 5 ft. 6 in. 
wide. The building may have had a continuous portico along its eastern 
front, towards the market-place, for there is a piece of foundation here 
which looks as if it had belonged to the stylobate of such a portico. 
The west wall is largely made up of old fragments rather roughly put 
together. Altogether the structure seems quite late. Perhaps it was 
the gymnasium mentioned by Pausanias (viii. 31. 8). To the south of 
it were discovered in 1893 ^^ remains of a columned building, of 
rather late date, which, like the quadrangular building just described, 
probably belonged to the gymnasium. In one comer of it, between 
two bases of columns, was a well, from which a line of water pipes ran 
for some distance towards the river. Amongst the ruins of later edifices 
may be distinguished the remains of a well-built wall of conglomerate 
carrying on the line from the comer of the Philippian Colonnade 
towards the river. The bases of the columns are of the white limestone 
which is so commonly employed in the ancient buildings of Megalopolis, 
but they have no foundation-piers under them, and all of them have the 
two dowel-holes, mn with lead, which are a mark of late date. 

(5) To the N.N.E. of the sanctuary of Saviour Zeus is a long 
stylobate running north and south. On its upper surface are to be 
seen square dowel-holes for fastening the columns, and there are raised 
panels between the places where the columns stood. This stylobate 
appears to have belonged to a colonnade about 300 feet long which 



326 MEGALOPOLIS — THE MARKET bk. viii. arcadu 

here bounded the market-place on the east This colonnade may have 
been the one called Myropolis which Pausanias mentions (§ 7 of the 
present chapter). The northern end of the colonnade seems to have 
been in a line with the back wall of the Philippian Colonnade. Built 
into a late structure which afterwards occupied the site of the lon^ 
colonnade in question were found some drums of columns made of VaSk 
and coated with stucco. The drums appear to have been of the Ionic 
or Corinthian order, though they have only twenty flutes instead di the 
usual twenty-four. They have been transported to SinanaUy where they 
now lie inside of the enclosure which surrounds the church. Perhaps 
these drums belonged to the columns of the Myropolis colonnade: 
Between the north end of the Myropolis colonnade (if it be so) and the 
east end of the Philippian Colonnade excavations made by the Engtish 
archaeologists in October 1891 revealed some remains of the govern- 
ment offices mentioned by Pausanias (§ 6). 

(6) Lastly, remains of two structures have been found in the 
interior of the market-place. One of them is a ruined altar, 13 ft 10 
in. square, built of upright blocks of conglomerate on a flat course. It 
may have belonged to the sanctuary of Lycaean Zeus mentioned by 
Pausanias. The other structure is a fragmentary foundation a little to 
the south-west of the altar. At present divided by about i o yards are 
two pieces of foundation, the western of the two measuring 8 ft. 2 in. by 
16 feet, the eastern 7 ft. 6 in. by 8 ft. 10 in. From the western a 
foundation-wall runs north-east in the shape of an arc, but breaks off 
before it reaches the eastern foundation. No doubt the arc was com- 
pleted. The semicircular foundation so formed may have belonged to 
an exedra or recess. Mr. Richards suggests that the exedra^ if it existed, 
perhaps formed the ornamental termination of a subterranean water- 
course, like the exedra built by Herodes Atticus at Olympia (see above, 
p. 72 sqq,) This suggestion is more plausible than another theory put 
forward tentatively by Mr. Richards, namely that the semicircular 
foundation belonged to the apse of a Council House like the supposed 
Council House at Olympia (see vol. 3. p. 636 sqq,) 

On the market-place and its remains, so far as they have been excavated, see 
W. Loring, in Excavations at Megalopolis ^ pp. 7, 12 sq. ; R. W. Schultz, id., pp. 
52-67; G. C. Richards, id., pp. 101-105, with plates xiv.-xvi. ; W. Dorpfeld, m 
Mittheil, d, arch, Inst, in Athen, 18 (1893), p. 218 sq, 

30. 2. as many eagles as tables. Cp. viii. 38. 7. 

30. 3. Pan acqnired this surname from the nymph Oenoe. 
According to others Pan was a son (not a mere nursling) of the nymph 
Oenoe (Schol. on Euripides, Rhesus^ 36) or Oeneis (Schol. on Theocritus, 
i. 3). On the legends of the birth of Pan see W. H. Roscher, * Die 
Sagen von der Geburt des Pan,' Philologus^ 53 (1894), pp. 362-377. 

30. 4. Bassae. See viii. 41. 7 sqq, 

30. 6. the Philippian Colonnade. See above, p. 320 sqq, 

30. 6. the government offices. See above, towards top of page. 
From an inscription foimd on the site of the market-place at Megalopolis 
we learn that there was a muniment office {grammatophulakeion) in which 



CH. XXX MEGALOPOLIS 327 

the archives were preserved, also officials called Wardens of the Archives 
(grammatophulake5\ and others called Scribes of the Laws {noma- 
graphot), whose business no doubt was to enter the new laws in the 
statute book. See Excavations at Megalopolis^ p. 126 sq,^ Inscr. No. 
5. An inscription found at Lycosura mentions that a copy of a decree 
of the people of Lycosura was to be deposited in the muniment office at 
Megalopolis (AeXrtov a.p\a.iQ\jf3rfiK6v^ 1 890, p. 43 sq,\ P. Cawadias, 
Fouilles de Lycosoura^ Livraison i, p. 16). 

30. 7* the Lacedaemonian army under Acrotatus etc. See viii. 
27. II. 

30. 10. a sanctuary of Zeus sumamed Saviour. See above, p. 
323 sqq. An inscription found at Megalopolis records a decree in 
honour of Philopoemen, in which mention is made of Saviour Zeus. The 
inscription is mutilated, but the purport of the decree appears to have 
been that Philopoemen should be worshipped with divine honours ; that 
his tomb should be built in the market-place (see note on i. 43. 3) ; that 
a fine altar of white marble should be set up for him, and oxen (or an ox) 
sacrificed on it on the day of the festival of Saviour Zeus ; that twenty 
bronze statues of him should be made, of which one was to be set up 
in the theatre, etc. From the same inscription it appears that games, 
called Soteria, were celebrated in honour of Saviour Zeus. See C. /. G. 
No. 1536 ; Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscr, Graec, No. 210 ; Immerwahr, Die 
arkcuUschen Kulte^ p. 26. Diodorus mentions (xxix. 18) that an ox or 
oxen were annually sacrificed to Philopoemen. Livy also says (xxxix. 
50) that divine honours were bestowed on him. Another mutilated 
inscription found at Megalopolis seems to have recorded a decree of the 
council that the statue of some public benefactor should be set up in the 
precinct of Saviour Zeus. See Excavations at Megalopolis^ p. 129, 
Inscr. No. 7 B. 

30. 10. Megalopolis. As to statues representing cities, see iv. 31. 
10 note. 

30. 10. Oephisodotus. According to Pliny (Nat, hist, xxxiv. 50, 51, 
87) there were two sculptors of this name, the elder of whom flourished 
in 01. 102 (372 B.C.), and the younger in 01. 121 (296 B.c) The latter 
was the son of Praxiteles (see Pliny, NcU, hist, xxxvi. 24 ; Plutarch, X, 
oral, vitae^ vii. 39 compared with Pliny, Nat, hist, xxxiv. 51), and it has 
been conjectured that the former was the father of Prasdteles. Prof. 
Furtwangler, however, argues that the elder Cephisodotus was an elder 
brother, not the father, of Praxiteles {Meisterwerke d, griech, Plastik^ 
p. 513 sq.) It is the earlier Cephisodotus, doubtless, who, with Xeno- 
phon, made these statues at Megalopolis. Cp. ix. 16. 2 ; ix. 30. i. 
Mr. A. S. Murray says of the elder Cephisodotus : " That he was an 
accomplished artist, there is every reason to believe ; but that he was 
deficient in creative force may be judged from the fact that his works 
mostly consisted of figures which required only slight deviations from 
older and standard types " (Hist, of Greek Sculpture^ 2. p. 244). Cp. 
Brunn, Gesch, d, griech, KUnstler^ i. p. 269 sq, ; Overbeck, Schriftquellen^ 
g 1137-1143, 1331-1341 ; id,^ Gesch, d griech, Plastik^^ 2. pp. 6 sqq,^ 
1 1 2 sqq, ; Lucy M. Mitchell, Hist, of Ancient Scuipturey pp. 432 sqq,y 



388 MEGALOPOLIS bk. viii. arcadia 

546 sq. A number of inscriptions from bases of statues by the younger 
Cephisodotus have been found. See Loewy, Inschriften griech. Biid- 
hauer^ Nos. 108- 112. 

31. I. an enclosure sacred to the Great Ooddasses. As to the 
Great Goddesses (Demeter and Proserpine) in Messenia, see iv. i. 5 
sqq. With regard to the situation of the precinct of the Great Goddesses 
at Megalopolis we are told by Pausanias that it lay at the west end of 
the Aristandrian Colonnade, which, as we have seen (p. 320), probably 
bounded the market-place on the south. We conclude, therefore, that 
the precinct of the Great Goddesses was situated at the south-western 
comer of the market-place. As the precinct contained a variety of 
shrines and statues, a hall for the performance of the mysteries, and i 
sacred grove, it must have been too large to be included within the 
limits of the market-place. Probably, therefore, it extended some dis- 
tance to the west of the market-place, perhaps as far as or even beyond 
the bed of a stream which here flows into the Helisson. Many large blocks 
of hewn stone are to be seen in the field to the west of the stream, and 
some blocks, which are clearly in their original positions, stand in the 
bed of the stream itself. Some of these may have belonged to one or 
more of the edifices comprised within the precinct of the Great Goddesses. 
That the precinct lay in this neighbourhood was confirmed by a discovery 
made by Mr. Loring, who picked up, on the east side of the stream, a 
fragment of a tile bearing an inscription which may perhaps be restored 
as [^€(i)v * of the goddesses.' As several buildings at Megalopolis have 
been identified by means of inscribed tiles, it is not unreasonable to con- 
jecture that the original inscription on this tile was rcuv fLcyoAcov B^Ssv 
(* of the great goddesses '), and that the tile belonged to the precinct of 
the Great Goddesses which stood in this neighbourhood. See ExcavO' 
tions at MegcUopolis^ pp. 1 16 j^., 140 sq. 

An inscription which seems to have recorded a dedication to the 
Great Gods exists at Kassidochori^ a village a little to the north-west of 
the supposed site of the precinct of the Great Goddesses {Excavations 
at Megalopolis^ p. 135, No. 15). These Great Gods were perhaps the 
Dioscuri. See note on vii. 22. 9. 

31. I. Aesculapius. A tile inscribed with the name of Aesculapius 
was found in 1893 in the building to the south-west of the Philippian 
Colonnade {Joum, of Hellenic Studies^ 13 (1892-93), p. 337). 

31. 2. small images of girls etc. Prof. Robert suggests that these 
figures may have been placed at the comers of the pedestal which sup- 
ported the four colossal images ; similar figures appear as supporters or 
Caryatids at the comers of Greek sarcophaguses {HemieSy 29 (1894), 

p. 431). 

31. 4- Neda carrying the infant Zeus. Cp. iv. 33. i ; viii. 38. 3 ; 

viii. 47. 3. 

31. 4* Friendly Zeus : the image is by Polyclitus. It is natural 
to suppose that this sculptor was the younger Polyclitus, as the elder 
Polyclitus was probably dead long before Megalopolis was founded. H. 
Brunn, however, preferred to suppose that the image was by the elder 
Polyclitus and had been, like many other images, brought to Mega- 



CH. XXXI AfEGALOPOLIS 329 

lopolis from the temple in which it was originally dedicated. See 
Sitzungsberickte of the Bavarian Academy (Munich), Philosoph. philolog. 
CL, 6th Nov. 1880, p. 468 5q.\ and against him £. Kroker, Gleich- 
fuvnige griechische Kunstler^ p. 17 sq. It is very remarkable that 
Polyclitus chose to represent Friendly Zeus with the attributes of 
Dionysus. No such representation of Zeus appears to be known among 
the existing monuments of ancient art The only certain representa- 
tions of Friendly Zeus known to exist are on two Athenian reliefs and 
some coins of Pergamus struck in the age of Trajan, but they have none 
of the characteristics of Dionysus. On both the reliefs the god appears 
seated on his throne ; on one of them the eagle is carved beneath the 
seat, and the god seems to have held a cup in his left hand ; on the 
other there is no eagle, and two worshippers, a woman and a boy, are 
approaching him. The coins of Pergamus exhibit merely a bearded 
head of Zeus with the inscription ZEY2 ^lAIOS) (* Friendly Zeus'). 
Zeus was called Friendly "because he brings all men together and 
wishes that they should be friends to each other" (Dio Chrysostom, Or. 
xii. vol. I. p. 237, ed. Dindorf). At Megalopolis the epithet may have 
had a political significance, referring to the friendship which was to bind 
the petty Arcadian communities together. We learn from inscrip- 
tions that the god was worshipped under the same title at Epidaurus 
('E<lyqfi€pls dp\aiokoyiKrj, 1 883, p. 31, No. 12) and at Athens (C /. A, 
ii. Nos. 1330, 1572, 1572 b; C. /. A, iiL No. 285). A god Zeus 
Bacchus (Ati Ba#cx<|)) is mentioned in an oracle recorded in an inscrip- 
tion at Pergamus (C, /. G, No. 3538) ; and the Cretan myths of Zeus 
have points of affinity with those of Dionysus. 

See Overbeck, Griechische Kunstmythologie^ 2. pp. 51 sq., 228 sqq,, 563; id.^ 
Gesch, d. griech, Plastik,^ I. pp. 533, 537 ; Preller, Ausgewdhlte Aufsaite, p. 284 
sq, ; id,, Griechische Mythologie,^ I. p. 148 ; Welcker, Griechische Gotterlenre, 2. 
p. 202 sq, ; Stephani, in Compte Rendu (St. Petersburg) for 1875, p. 203 ; L. R. 
Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States, i. pp. 74, 118 sq. One of the Athenian 
reliefs is figured in Mr. Famell's work (voL i. pL iL b) ; and for the mythical 
affinities of Zeus and Dionysus see especially ib,, pp. 36-38. 

31. 9. two low hills a sanctuary of Athena Polias a 

temple of Full-grown Hera. These two low hills have not been identi- 
fied, nor have any remains been discovered which can with any certainty 
be referred to the sanctuaries of Athena and Hera. With regard to the 
two hills, as Mr. Loring remarks, all the ground behind {i,e, north of) 
the Philippian Colonnade is rising ground, and there are no two parts of 
it which stand out unmistakably from the rest. At the first glance we 
might be tempted to identify with the two hills (i) the stmmiit of the 
rising ground immediately behind the Philippian Colonnade and just 
west of the public road ; and (2) a small plateau opposite this, and east 
of the road, separated from the former by a slight dip through which 
the public road nms in a cutting. But both these identifications appear 
to be erroneous. On the north-east shoulder of the first-mentioned 
hillock there is indeed a very rough foundation ; but the summit of the 
hillock has been thoroughly trenched by the English archaeologists with- 
out result On the plateau to the east of the road Messrs. Loring and 



330 MEGALOPOLIS bk. viii. Arcadia 

Richards excavated the ruins of a late building constructed of tiles, 
cobbles, and the like, the only good work in it being a threshold of 
white limestone which had probably been transferred finom some earlier 
structure. In this neighbourhood, probably on the little plateau, the 
French surveyors found some ruins (marked B B on their plan of Mega- 
lopolis) which they described as the remains of the cella of a temple ; 
there was a piece of a wall with a short return, besides a great many 
stones in their original positions ; the blocks were well cut and jointed. 
These ruins, which may perhaps have belonged to the sanctuary of 
Athena or the temple of Hera, have now disappeared. About 300 
yards to the east of the foundations excavated by Messrs. Loring and 
Richards there are some other fragmentary foundations of conglomerate 
and limestone at a point where the plateau begins to slope down east- 
wards to the bed of a small stream. These foundations were 
observed by the French surveyors, and Curtius identified them with the 
temple of Hera, while he believed that the small stream to the east, 
which flows into the Helisson, was the ancient Bathyllus. But the 
foundations in question are too fragmentary to allow us to detemune the 
sort of building to which they belonged ; and the stream to the east of 
them can hardly be the Bathyllus, since it consists mainly of sur&ce- 
water, which dries up in the absence of rain. Perhaps the Bathyllus 
should rather be identified with the perennial stream which flows into 
the Helisson to the west of the market-place (see above, p. 328). This 
western stream is fed by a small spring among the low hills some three- 
quarters of a mile to the north of the Helisson. But the spring is so 
far from the market-place that any temple built on the ground over- 
hanging it could not have been seen from the market-place, which is 
perhaps inconsistent with Pausanias's language. As there is no other 
spring in the ground to the north of the market-place, Mr. Loring 
inclines to believe that the Bathyllus has wholly disappeared. 

See Expidition scietiHfique de Morh : Arckitecturet Sculptures, etc , par A. 
Blouet, 2. p. 4S sq. ; Curtius, Pclo/>. i. p. 288; W. Loring, in Excavations at 
Megalopolis f p. 1 17 sq, 

32. I. a theatre. The site of the theatre of Megalopolis, on the 
south side of the Helisson and nearly opposite to the ancient market- 
place, has always been well known to modem travellers. The great 
semicircular embankment against the side of a low hill, which supported 
the seats of the spectators, is visible from a long distance, whether we 
approach Megalopolis from the north or the south. The remains of 
the theatre and of the great assembly hall known as the Thersilium, 
which immediately adjoined it on the south and with which it was 
intimately connected, were excavated under the direction of members 
of the British School of Archaeology in 1890-93. 

The auditorium or seats of the spectators rose up the sides of a 
hollow of a low hill which faced nearly north, about 100 yards south of 
the broad bed of the Helisson. The hollow was not, however, large 
enough for the purpose, and the slopes of the hill at both sides had to 
be prolonged by artificial embankments, supported by retaining waDs. 



CH. XXXII MEGALOPOLIS— THE THEATRE 331 

The embankment on the east side seems larger than the one on the 
west. In the centre of the auditorium the hill was almost high enough, 
and only a very slight embankment seems to have been here raised to 
supplement it The two extremities of the great horse-shoe were ter- 
minated and supported, as we have seen, by retaining walls ; but these 
walls were not continued round the curved back of the auditorium ; at 
least no traces have been found either of curved retaining walls or of a 
boundary wall at the back of the theatre. On the outer side the hill 
and the embankments sloped gradually away, so that a curved retaining 
wall was needless. The top of the auditorium is now about 76 feet 
above the level of the orchestra, and probably it was never very much 
higher, though a certain amount of earth has in the course of ages been 
washed down from it upon the seats below. Remains of the retaining 
walls on each side of the auditorium still exist ; on the east side they 
rise to a height of about 40 feet and on the west side to a height of 
about 36 feet. On each side of the auditorium the retaining wall, after 
running outwards from the orchestra as a single wall, is supported on 
the inner side by a second wall, parallel to it, and connected with it by 
short cross-walls. This inner wall was perhaps intended as an additional 
support for the greater height and weight of the embankment at these 
points. 

But with this general similarity between the retaining walls on the 
eastern and western sides of the auditorium there are combined certain 
dissimilarities both of plan and material. The outer retaining wall on 
the eastern side is built of squared blocks of conglomerate laid in 
regular courses ; its average thickness is 2 ft 2 in. It abuts next the 
orchestra on a limestone pedestal, which probably supported a statue. 
About 7 1 feet along the wall from the face of the pedestal a cross-wall 
projects outwards into the parodos^ nearly at right angles to the retain- 
ing wall Another cross- wall, 25 feet farther on, runs inwards from the 
retaining wall and abuts upon the inner parallel wall, already mentioned, 
which is distant about 9 feet from the face of the outer retaining wall. 
This arrangement suggests that there was here an opening and an access 
to the theatre from the outside at a higher level, the wall projecting 
outwards having been perhaps a retaining wall which banked up the 
approach from the parodos below ; and on the main wall itself, at the 
outer angle of the wall which projects inwards there is actually in posi- 
tion, at a height of about 25 feet above the orchestra, a piece of a sill 
of white limestone. It seems probable, therefore, that at this height 
a horizontal passage or diazoma ran all round the auditorium, and that 
access to this passage was obtained directly from the outside by a 
staircase or ramp in the parodos. Beyond this point the main retaining 
wall is supported at several points by buttresses both on the outside and 
the inside. At the highest point of the wall there are again traces of 
an inner parallel wall. This suggests that at this point there may 
have been an approach to an upper diasoma from behind, up the em- 
bankment ; or the inner wall may have been merely intended to serve 
as an additional support to relieve the pressure on the front wall, where 
the bank was highest. 



33' .\r£GALOPOUS—TH£ THEATRE tx. vui. akcadu 

The west retaioing w-all, like the eastern, abuts on a limestone 
pedestal next the orchestra. The wall runs ofT at an angle to the 
axis of the theatre similaj: to that of the eastern wall, for « distance ot 




stops a^air.it a shon wall at right 
, ;he cr,ds of two reiainir.g wal'.i beyond which 
t i-rv's# ,v\;s L'f the ;hea:re. bjc parallel to it and 
O cai-h other. Thc*e two fMr.tV.ei « a^:* are a^i:; 1 4 feei apan from face 
» f.ice : they ,»;* b^:'.: of J.oa;>;i? ww* 01 bl>>:k$. and ha\-e an average 



CH. xxxii MEGALOPOLIS— THE THEATRE 333 

thickness of 4 feet. The front wall, which is standing to a height 
of about 25 feet above the orchestra, is built of square blocks of con- 
glomerate laid in alternate courses of 'headers' and < stretchers,' the 
blocks averaging about 4^ feet long by i \ feet high. This front wall 
was probably never more than a course or two higher than its present 
level. The back wall begins at a height of about 23 feet above the level 
of the orchestra, and it is standing to a height, at most, of eleven courses 
or about 13^ feet. Except the two lower foundation courses, which are 
of conglomerate, this back wall is built of beautiful square blocks of lime- 
stone with ' bull-nosed ' faces. Clearly this inner wall, with the exception 
of the foundation courses, was meant to be seen. Hence we infer that 
the space between the two walls was a terrace to which a flight of steps 
or a sloping way led up, probably from the ground immediately to the 
west of the skanotheka or * stage-dock,' which took the place of a 
western parodos (see below). The terrace, in turn, probably gave 
access to the lower diazoma or horizontal passage which ran round the 
auditorium, f^e height of the terrace above the ground agrees very 
nearly with the height of the sill of white limestone on the east retaining 
wall which appears, as we have seen, to mark an entrance to the lower 
diazoma at the other end. Thus it would seem that access to the upper 
part of the theatre was obtained directly both on the east and west sides 
by staircases or sloping ways, leading up from the two wings or 
extremities of the great horse-shoe. The difference in the arrange- 
ment of the retaining walls in the two wings was probably necessitated 
chiefly by the construction of the skanotheka or < stage-dock ' in place 
of a western parodos. It would have been inconvenient to have had 
buttresses projecting into the * stage-dock ' ; they were therefore dis- 
pensed with on this side, and their absence was compensated by the 
greater thickness and solidity of the retaining wall. 

The auditorium, formed by the slope of the hill and of the embank- 
ments and supported at the two wings by the retaining walls, has the 
shape of an arc somewhat greater than a semicircle. The arc is a true 
arc throughout, and does not widen out beyond the semicircle between 
the cross axis line and the retaining walls, as happens at other theatres, 
such as those of Athens, Epidaurus, and Eretria. Most of the stone 
seats have disappeared entirely. The present remains consist of the 
front row of benches, the passage behind them, and several tiers of 
seats behind that again. The first three tiers afe practically complete 
all round, and in one place as many as nine consecutive tiers can be 
made out. They are divided into nine wedge-shaped blocks {kerkides) 
by eight staircases ; and there were two more staircases, one at the 
extremity of each wing, next the retaining wall, so that the total 
number of staircases in the lowest part of the auditorium was ten. In 
the upper part of the theatre the number of staircases was probably 
greater, as in the theatres at Epidaurus, Aspendus, and elsewhere, in 
which the batch of seats corresponding to each block below the diazoma 
is divided into two blocks above. But as the upper seats at Megalopolis 
have disappeared, this is only a matter of conjecture. The width of the 
staircases is 2 ft. ^\ in. ; there are two steps to each tier of seats. 



334 MEGALOPOLIS — THE THEATRE bk. viil arcadia 

Presumably in a theatre of this size there were two dioMomata or 
horizontal passages running all round the auditorium. The position 
of the upper diaxoma is indeed clearly indicated by a broad grassy 
ledge which runs round the inside of the embankment, near the top at 
a distance from the orchestra of about loo feet and a height above it 
about 5 5 feet And the disposition of the retaining walls of the wings 
appears, as we have seen, to indicate that there was a lower diazoma at 
a height of about 25 feet above the orchestra. If these indications are 
correct, the lower diazoma occurred at a distance of about 50 feet firom 
the outer edge of the orchestra, and the upper diazoma at a distance of 
100 feet. And, following out this scale of proportions, we may con- 
jecture, with Messrs. Gardner and Loring, that the top of the auditorium 
was 150 feet distant from the orchestra. The architect Mr. Schultz, 
however, prefers to suppose that the highest section of the theatre, above 
the upper diazoma^ was less deep, that is, included fewer tiers of seats, 
than the lower sections. In his conjectural restoration of the theatre he 
assigns twenty-one tiers of seats (or twenty tiers exclusive of the front row 
of benches) to the section below the lower diazomc^ twenty tiers to the 
section between the two diazomata^ and fifteen tiers to the section above 
the upper diazoma. He calculates that the theatre could have seated 
19,700 persons, allowing 13 inches for each person on the ordinary 
seats and 16 inches on the front row of benches. The allowance fioir 
each person on the ordinary seats (namely 1 3 inches) is the same as is 
indicated by the marks on the seats of the theatre at Athens, but it 
seems somewhat scanty. The minimum space allowed for each person 
in London theatres, according to the regulations of the County Council, 
is 1 8 inches ; but in fact the managers find that in the pit and gallery 
people can be packed into a space of 14 inches for each person, and 
that 16 inches is a good allowance. Messrs. Gardner and Loring 
compute that the number of persons whom the theatre could have 
seated was 17,000. 

The ordinary seats consist of two parts, namely (i) the limestone 
bench on which the spectator sat ; and (2) a plain slab of limestone or 
conglomerate supporting this bench and projecting beyond it so as to 
form a footboard. This mode of construction differs from that adopted 
in some other Greek theatres, as at Athens, Piraeus, and Epidaurus, 
where each bench with the footboard of the bench behind is cut out of 
a single block. The average height of each seat is from 15 to 16 
inches ; the breadth of seat and footboard combined is about 29 inches. 
The ordinary seats have, as was usual in Greek theatres, no backs. 
Not so, however, with the front row of benches, which doubtless served 
as seats of honour. These front benches arc nine in number, one bench 
corresponding to each block of seats in the auditorium above. All of 
them are provided with backs, and each of them terminates at either 
end in an ornamental arm. In contrast to the ordinary benches, they 
are comfortable to sit in, the seat being conveniently hollowed and the 
back slightly cur\'ed. With the exception of the two benches at the 
ends, each bench is constructed of four blocks of limestone of unequal 
lengths. The benches at each end are 5 feet longer than the others, 



CH. XXXII MEGALOPOLIS— THE THEATRE 335 

and are constructed of five instead of four blocks of limestone. But 
that they were originally of the same length as the rest and were 
lengthened by the insertion of a new intermediate block in each is 
manifest ; the later block in each bench can be easily detected by its 
rougher workmanship. 

Eight of the nine front benches bear inscriptions carved on their 
backs. These inscriptions fall into two classes, namely (i) inscriptions 
recording the dedication of the front benches, and (2) inscriptions 
recording the names of the Arcadian tribes to whom certain of the 
blocks of seats were apparently assigned. 

(i) The inscriptions recording the dedication of the front benches 
are three in number, and are carved on the central and the two end 
benches. The inscription on the easternmost bench is as follows : 
*AvTM);(OS aywvo^er^as dv€OrjK€ ro(v)s Op6vo(v)s vdvras #cai tov 6x€r6v 
(" Antiochus, having celebrated the games, dedicated all the seats and 
the gutter "). The inscriptions on the central and westernmost seats are 
repetitions of the first three words of the foregoing inscription, namely, 
*AvTio\os dyfavoOerrjo-as dvWrjKe ("Antiochus, having celebrated the 
games, dedicated"). From these inscriptions we gather that all the 
front benches, together with the gutter which runs all round the 
orchestra (see below), were dedicated by a certain Antiochus, To judge 
from the style of the letters the inscriptions belong to the first part 
of the fourth century B.C. ; hence, as Megalopolis was founded in 370 
B.C, we conclude that the front seats were set up and the gutter in the 
orchestra constructed between 370 and 350 B.c Probably, then, the 
Antiochus who dedicated them was Antiochus of Lepreus, who won a 
victory in the pancratium at Olympia (Paus. vi. 3. 9), and who repre- 
sented the Arcadian confederacy in an embassy to the court of Persia in 
367 B,c, {Xenophon, J/e//enica, vii, i. 33-38). All three inscriptions 
recording the dedication are carved, not on the front, but on the back of 
the seat-backs. 

(2) The inscriptions recording the names of the Arcadian tribes to 
whom the blocks of seats were respectively allotted fall into two groups, 
an earlier and a later, (a) The earlier inscriptions are carved on die 
backs of the seat-backs of benches 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7, counting from 
east to west ; and the tribes whose names they record are, in the same 
order, the Arcadian, the Apollonian, the Panathenian, the Heraclean, 
the Panian, and perhaps the Heraean or Lycaean (the last inscription 
is mutilated and its restoration is doubtful, the only certain letters being 
the last four, AIA^S). All these six inscriptions are clearly contemporary 
and date probably firom the second, but possibly from the third century 
B.C. (^) The later inscriptions, five in number, are carved on the front 
of the seat-backs of benches 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7 ; and the tribes whose 
names they record are, in the same order, the Maenalian, the Lycaean, 
the Parrhasian, the Panian, and the Apollonian. These five inscriptions 
belong to the Roman age and are probably not earlier than the 
Christian era. Comparing the two groups of inscriptions (a and 6) 
together we see that the six earlier tribal names (of which four or 
five were derived from divinities) were supplanted in Roman times by 



336 MEGALOPOLIS— THE THEATRE bk. viii. ascadia 

^v^ names, of which three are local and two only were derived from 
divinities. Only two, or perhaps three, names (the Apollonian, Panian, 
and possibly the Lycaean) are common to both groups ; and only one 
bench (namely the sixth) bears the name of the same tribe both on 
front and back. All the other benches, and with them the blocks of 
seats behind, had therefore been re-allotted in the interval which elapsed 
between the engraving of the first and the second group of inscriptions. 

There are grounds for thinking that the front row of benches formed 
no part of the original plan, but was added some time, though not long, 
after the theatre was built. For (i) the separate dedication of the 
seats of honour and the gutter clearly points to such a theory ; (2) 
whereas in other Greek theatres, as in those at Athens and Epidaurus, 
the seats of honour are situated within the lowest arc bounded at either 
end by the retaining walls of the wings, at Megalopolis the seats of 
honour are situated beyond (i,e, nearer the orchestra and at a lower 
level than) the ends of the retaining walls ; (3) at the back of the 
front row of benches is a paved passage 3 feet wide, running all 
round the auditorium, and the tops of the conglomerate foundations of 
the two limestone pedestals in which the retaining walls terminate 
towards the orchestra (see above, pp. 331, 332) are on a level with the 
passage, which served also as the footboard of the lowest tier of ordinary 
seats. Probably, therefore, this passage or footboard formed the 
original boundary of the orchestra; and the lowest row of ordinary 
seats, at which the retaining walls stop, were the last seats next to the 
orchestra. On this hypothesis the original level of the orchestra was 
15 inches higher than at present, that being the difference between the 
present level of the orchestra and the level of the passage at the back 
of the seats of honour. 

In front of the seats of honour runs the gutter mentioned in the 
inscription (see above). It is i ft. 8 jn. wide and 12 inches deep, and 
is enclosed by two raised stone borders or kerbs, the outer one of 
which forms the boundary of the orchestra. The gutter is nearly level ; 
the fall, which is hardly perceptible, is towards the centre rather than 
from the centre to either side. The ends are open and no direct con- 
nexion with any outlet or drain has been discovered. At several places on 
the inner kerb (;.^. the kerb next the seats and away from the orchestra) 
there are little channels running out from under the benches to the 
gutter. These channels are now dry, but they may have formed at one 
time the outlet for the water of the perpetual spring which Pausanias 
mentions in the theatre. 

The width of the orchestra, measured across from the kerb on either 
side and exclusive of the gutter, is 99 ft i in. The outer kerb of the 
gutter which bounds the orchestra forms an arc somewhat greater than 
a semicircle ; it is of white limestone and is 1 4^ inches broad. The 
floor of the orchestra seems, as in the theatres of Epidaurus and Oropus, 
to have been of earth, since no traces of a pavement have come to 
light. Within the orchestra, at its eastern and western edges, are the 
remains of two pedestals ; they are obviously later additions, and 
seem not to be in their original positions. Of the pedestal on the east 



CH. XXXII MEGALOPOUS—THE THEATRE 337 

side only the base stone is left standing, but of the one on the west side 
both the base and the drum are in position. An inscription on the 
latter pedestal seems to show that it supported an image of Dionysus 
made by a certain native of Megalopolis, Nicippus son of Sotion, and 
dedicated by Eumaridas son of Hippon. 

Greek theatres had usually two passages i^parodot) leading into the 
orchestra from opposite sides, between the stage and the extremities of 
the seats. It is a peculiarity of the theatre at Megalopolis that it has 
only one such passage {farodos)^ namely on the east side. The 
parodos occupies the space in front of the east retaining wall, extending 
from the orchestra to the first cross-wall which projects outward from 
the retaining wall Its total length from the edge of the orchestra to 
the cross-wall is about 80 feet ; its length from the end of the retaining 
wall, on the side of the orchestra, to the cross-wall is 7 1 feet. No trace 
of a doorway at the outer end of the parodos has come to light 

On the west side of the theatre, in the place which would naturally 
have been occupied by the other parodos^ there is a deep space enclosed 
by walls on three sides and open on the side towards the orchestra. 
Inscribed tiles found in and near it enable us to identify this enclosed 
space as the skanotkeka or * scene dock,' as it is called in modem 
theatres, the place, that is, in which the scenery is kept The tiles are 
of plain red earthenware and U-shaped ; opinions differ as to whether 
they were roof-tiles or gutter-tiles. The inscription, which belongs to 
the late Greek or Roman period, is on a sunk panel in each tile. The 
length of the skanotkeka from west to east is about 116 feet, its breadth 
from north to south about 27 feet On the south the skanotkeka is 
enclosed in its western part by the front west retaining wall of the 
theatre for a length of 66 feet ; eastward of the point where this wall 
stops the skanotkeka is bounded by a wall which carries on the line of 
the west retaining wall to a point opposite to that at which the north 
enclosing wall of the skanotkeka comes to an end. The walls of the 
skanotkeka are built of squared blocks of rough conglomerate coated 
with stucco. As this coating of stucco stops on the north wall at a line 
a few inches above the ground, and on the south wall at a line about 
18 inches higher, it is conjectured that the skanotkeka had a floor at 
two different levels. How the place was divided up, if it was subdivided 
at all, we cannot say. A low foundation of limestone slabs runs along 
the length of the skanotkeka at a distance of 6 ft 6 in. fh)m the north 
enclosing wall. The foundation seems not to have supported a stone 
wall, since its top is not carefully dressed level and there are traces of 
bonding into the west wall above it. Messrs. Gardner and Loring 
suggest that a wooden partition rested on this line of slabs, and that 
the narrow space between it and the north enclosing wall was a passage 
giving access to the chambers into which the rest of the skanotkeka^ 
between the wooden partition and the south wall, may have been 
divided. But Mr. Schultz's view seems more probable, that the row 
of slabs formed a foundation for supporting and storing the scenery 
when the theatre was not in use for dramatic representations. He 
points out that the row of slabs is almost in a line with (only 10 inches 

VOL. IV z 



338 MEGALOPOLIS— THERSIUUM BK. viii. arcadu 

beyond, ue, to the south of) the lowest step of the portico of the 
Thersilium, and that its length (113ft 10 in.) is almost exactly the 
length (113 feet) of the lowest step of the portico. Hence as the 
portico with its steps was originally the background against which the 
actors played (see below), the conjectture is a very plausible one that 
the scenery, when it was not wanted, was hung on wooden screens, 
supported on the row of limestone slabs, in the skanotheka^ from whidi, 
when a play was to be performed, the scenery could easily be run out 
in a straight line to the front of the portico. The entrance to the 
skanotheka must have been at its north-east end, where a passage (7 ft 
6 in. wide) intervenes between the end of its north wall and the 
portico of the Thersilium. If the inscribed tiles, mentioned above, 
belonged to the roo( the skanotheka must certainly have been covered 
in ; but no traces of corbels or of holes for beams remain on the 
south wall, perhaps because they were in the upper courses of the wall 
which have disappeared. An inscription on a tile found at Sparta 
proves that the Spartan theatre also was provided with a skanotheka or 
* scene dock' {MttthetL d, arch. Inst, in Athen^ 2 (1877), p. 441). 

The remains of a stage or of what has been taken for a stage in the 
theatre at Megalopolis are so closely connected with the Thersilium (Mr 
great assembly hall which faced the theatre on the north that it will be 
convenient to describe the hall first. 

The Thersilium may be described as a large covered hall about 218 
feet long from east to west by 172 feet broad frx)m north to south, en- 
closed by walls pierced with doorways and having besides, on the south 
side, a projecting portico. The area of the hall is over 35,000 square 
feet, and it is computed that it could have accommodated nearly 6000 
persons sitting or about 10,000 persons standing. Of this vast hall 
Pausanias saw only foundations, and little more than foundations were 
brought to light by the English excavations. Of the enclosing walls 
the foundations and, in some places, the lower courses still exist. They 
are built wholly of blocks of limestone. The foundation courses, which 
were completely hidden, have level top beds but are otherwise unsquared 
On the other hand the courses which were meant to be seen are built of 
beautifully-squared stones of various lengths with rather irregular joints, 
somewhat in the style of the walls of Messene. The outer faces of the 
stones are * bull-nosed,' that is, rough and projecting. The walls 
average about 2 ft. 6 in. thick and are composed of two stones in the 
thickness, with bonding stones running through from front to back at 
intervals. A dressed sill-course ran all round the building, level with 
the top of the stylobate of the portico. It still exists in the east wall 
and in the eastern part of the south wall. This course, formed of slabs 
10 inches thick which are connected by hfshaped clamps, projects 
slightly over the face of the rougher wall below. On the top of this 
sill-course was a deep course of limestone slabs, 2 ft. 10 in. high, set 
upright on their edges, two slabs making up the thickness of the wall, 
which amounts to 2 ft 6 in.^ Traces have been discovered of four 

1 llie height and thickness of this course of uprights are given fix)m my own mea- 
surements ; they appear not to be mentioned by Mr. Schultx in Excavations at 
Mtgaiopdis, 



CH. XXXII MEGALOPOLIS— THERSIUUM 339 

doorways which gave access to the hall on three sides. Two of these 
doors are in the east wall, one in the north wall, and one in the west 
wall. On the ground of symmetry Mr. Schultz conjectures that there 
were two doors in both the north and the west wall, as well as in the east 
wall ; but no positive evidence of the existence of these additional doors 
has been brought to light. Remains of foundation-walls exist running 
from three of the doorways into the hall, at right angles to the main 
walls. These foundations have clearly supported steps. Three of 
the doorways seem to have had about the same width (namely from 
9 feet to 9 ft. 6 in.) ; but the one near the south end of the east wall 
is about 2 feet narrower. The levels of the sills or lowest steps of all 
the doorways are different, and were doubtless arranged to suit the 
sloping line of the ground outside. 

Internally the arrangement of the hall closely resembled that of a 
Greek theatre. The floor sloped downwards from three sides (east, 
north, and west) to a level space corresponding to the orchestra of a 
theatre. From this level space, which is equidistant from the east and 
west walls but considerably nearer to the south than to the north wall, 
two passages, corresponding to the parodoi of a theatre, led, at the same 
level, in a south-easterly and a south-westerly direction respectively to 
the external walls of the halL Lastly, corresponding to the stage of a 
theatre, there was a platform on the south side of the hall at a height 
of about 2 ft 6 in. above the passages and the orchestra-like space. 
Two £acts make it probable that the floor of the building was of wood. 
In the first place, not a single flagstone of a pavement has been found 
in the halL In the second place, the bases of the columns which 
supported the roof are dressed smooth to a certain depth, below which 
they are left rough, and the slight projection thus formed is obviously 
suitable for the reception and retention of a wooden floor, whereas it 
would have been useless if the floor had been of earth. We may 
suppose then that there was a sloping floor of wood supported on a 
framework of beams. It should be noted, however, that a layer of 
white limestone chips, about 2 inches deep, lies at present over nearly 
the whole area of the building under a layer of tiles ; and it is possible 
that this layer of limestone chips may have been part of a floor rather 
than, as Mr. Benson supposes, the fragments of colunms which had 
been shattered by the fall of the roof. 

The roof was supported by pillars, the foundations of which remain 
for the most part in their original positions ; and it is fh)m an examina- 
tion of the arrangement of these foundations, which stand at many different 
levels, that we are able to make out the internal plan and disposition of 
the halL The pillars, then, were arranged round three sides (eastern, 
northern, and western) of the hall in parallel rows, the number of rows 
parallel to each side of the hall being five. The rows are practically 
equidistant from each other, the distance between any two rows being 
about 18 feet; but the outermost row is distant rather more (namely 
19^ feet) from the outer wall. The distance apart of the pillars in 
eadi row varies considerably from row to row. In the first or outer- 
most row the distance of the pillars from each other averages 29 feet 



340 MEGALOPOLIS — THERSILIUM bk. viir. a&caou 

from centre to centre ; in the second row, 23 feet ; in the third row, 
17 feet ; in the fourth row, 22 feet ; and in the fifth row, 29 feet This 
fifth or innermost row comprises only four pillars, one at each of the 
angles of a square round the orchestra-like area in the middle of the 
halL While the piUars were thus arranged in rows, fiy^ deep, paraUd 
to the three sides of the hall, the pillars in each row were so arranged 
with reference to the pillars of all the other rows, as to fall into lines 
radiating like the spokes of a wheel from the centre of the halL The 
effect of this was to form a great many aisles all converging towards 
the centre of the hall or (to be more exact) towards the centre of the 
orchestra-like area, which, as we have seen, occupied approximately btt 
not exactly the centre of the hall. Hence we infer that the speakers i4io 
addressed the assembly stood, not on the platform at the south side of 
the hall, but in the central area, from which they could be best seen 
and heard by the spectators sitting, tier above tier, in the pillared aisles. 
The platform at the south side of the hall, occupying the place of a 
stage in a theatre, may have been reserved for the conmiittee or council 
who, at least in the third century B.C, carried on the admimstiatioii 
and prepared the measures which were laid before the popular assemUy 
(see Dittenberger, 5y//t?^<f /«f£T: Grace, No. 167; CzMtx^ DeUcius Inscr, 
Graec,^ No. 444 ; G. Gilbert, GriecK StaoUstUterthiimer^ 2. p. 133 sq^ 
Pillars, supporting the roof, were ranged along the front of the platfbnn 
and along its two sides which extended obliquely to the south-west and 
south-east angles respectively of the halL The front of the platfonn 
with its line of pillars was distant about 26 feet from the south wall 
of the building. With regard to the passages, corresponding to the 
parodoi of a theatre, which led from the central orchestra-like area to 
the south-west and south-east comers of the hall, between the tiers of 
seats on the one side and the platform on the other, they seem to have 
ended, at least in later times, in blank walls. Mr. Bather, howex-er, 
suggests that these two passages were originally open at their outer 
ends and formed the principal entrances into the building. In suppoit 
of this view he shows some grounds for holding that the piece of the 
east wall between the south-east doorway and the south wall is no part 
of the original building but a later addition. 

Of the pillars themselves which upheld the roof of the hall nothing 
is left in position except a single piece of one, 4 feet high and 2 fl 
10^ in. thick ; it has no moulded base under it, but rests on a square 
slab. But though the pillars themselves have disappeared, most of 
their foundations and bases are left. Of the outermost row, indeed, only 
the foundation-piers remain, but of the inner rows many of the squared 
base stones on which the pillars rested still exist The foundation-piers, 
which \'ary from 4 ft 2 in. to 4 ft. 6 irL square, are built of squared 
blocks of tufa in courses, some of which measure 19 and 20 inches 
thick. Each course consists of two blocks which are joined by HH- 
shaped clamps bedded in lead. At the south side of the hall, where 
the ground and the fioor were nearly level, these piers are only one 
course deep ; but where the fioor was higher and the ground lower, 
especially on the north side, the piers are at least 4 or 5 courses deep. 



CH. XXXII MEGALOPOUS—THERSILIUM 341 

The dressed limestone bases on the top of these piers are about 10 
inches thick and vary in size from 2 ft. 4 in. to 3 ft 3 in. square. The 
larger bases were found in the inner rows where the pillars were pre- 
sumably higher and therefore probably thicker, but they seem not to 
have followed any very regular order in their variation. Some have 
one, others two dowel -holes on the top ; and the two sets of bases 
which are thus differentiated appear to belong to different periods. The 
earlier bases have one large square dowel-hole (not run with lead) in 
the middle, and are neatly drafted at the edges, with a smooth tooling 
which extends down to the bottom of the stone. The later bases, on 
the other hand, have two small dowel-holes (run with lead) at the sides ; 
the tooling on them is less smooth than on the earlier bases, and the 
lower half of each block is left altogether rough. In many cases the 
old bases seem to have been re-used, the large central dowel-hole being 
flanked by the two smaller holes. These differences in the bases point 
to the conclusion that at some period the hall was extensively repaired 
or rebuilt. This conclusion is confirmed by the nature of some of the 
foundations in the third row of pillars, counting from the outside. In 
this row we find that every second base rests, not on foundation-piers 
of large blocks of tufa clamped together in the manner already described, 
but merely on a single block of breccia of about the same size as the 
base itsel£ The bases, too, of these alternate pillars are inferior in style 
to the rest, and hence probably later. On these grounds we infer that 
at some later period the number of pillars in the third row was doubled. 
If we ask why this was done, the most obvious answer is that the 
original space (namely 34 feet) between each pair of pillars in this row 
was too great, and that in consequence the roof threatened to give way 
here or had actually collapsed ; and that to obviate the danger or repair 
the mischief additional piUars were inserted in the third row, one 
between each original pair. When the evidence for the strengthening 
of this row of pillars is taken together with the numerous traces of exten- 
sive contemporaneous repair which have been observed in other parts of 
the hall, the more probable view seems to be that the roof not only 
cracked but came down, shivering many of the pillars and necessitating 
a thorough reconstruction of the whole edifice. Yet this reconstruction 
would seem to have taken place not later than the third century ac, 
since the style of the repairs, though inferior to that of the original 
masonry, is still good. 

Of the nature of the roof we have little evidence, apart from the 
layer of tiles which was found covering the area of the building. Prob- 
ably the roof was of wood covered with tiles. The wide spacing apart 
of the pillars indicates that they supported wooden beams which in 
turn supported rafters on which the tiles were laid. As to the arrange- 
ment of the roof we are reduced to conjecture. The third row of pillars, 
after it had been strengthened by the insertion of the additional pillars 
in the manner described above, was the most solid line of support in 
the whole building, the pillars being much closer together in it than in 
any of the other rows. Hence it has been suggested by Mr. Schultz 
that this third row of pillars supported a clerestory. If this view is 



34^ MEGALOPOLIS — THERSILIUM BK. viii. a&cadu 

right, the central part of the roo^ inside of the third row of pillars, was 
at a higher level than the outer part, which sloped away on all sides from 
the clerestory to the outer walls of the edifice ; and Uie hall was prob- 
ably lit by windows in the clerestory, though it may also have had 
windows in the outer walls. Mr. Bather aigues that the original roo^ 
before its supposed coUapse and repair, must have been arranged quite 
differently. He points out that originally, before the insertion of the 
additionsd pillars in the third row, that row was not the strongest but the 
weakest line of support in the whole building, its pillars being placed at 
wider intervals than those of the other rows ; and hence it could not 
have been chosen by an architect to support a clerestory. Mr. Bathefs 
view is that originally the platform at the south side of the hall and the 
orchestra-like area in the middle had separate roofs of their own, the 
roof of the latter resting on the four central columns, and that the roof 
of the rest of the hall sloped inwards and downwards from the sides to 
the centre in a series of steps or terraces, one for each row of pillars, 
and with an open space between it and the roof of the orchestra-like 
area in the middle. The water would thus drain from the roof inwards 
to the centre, and would drip into the open space between the main 
roof and the roof of the * orchestra,' where it may have been received in 
a circular or semicircular gutter like those which encircle the orchestras 
of Greek theatres. On this hypothesis, there was a roof with not one 
but a series of clerestories, descending one below the other from the 
outer walls to the centre ; and in each of these clerestories there may 
have been windows. Some slight evidence in support of this hypothesis 
is furnished by an inscription on a tile found between the third and 
fourth rows of piUars ; the inscription (02I0ITETAPT0Y) is muti- 
lated, but may perhaps have meant " public tiles of the fourth tier of 
roofing." 1 

From the south facade of the hall there projected towards the 
theatre a portico, of which the foundations together with several of the 
lower steps are still in position. The length of the portico from east to 
west, measured on the lowest step, is 1 1 3 feet ; its depth or in other 
words its projection from the south wall of the Thersilium is about 
20 feet or, measured to the edge of the lowest step, 23 feet. It had 
originally two steps, but at a later time three lower steps, making five in 
all, were added. Of these later steps the two lower are preserved 
entire, and a few of the blocks of the third step are still in position. Of 
the two upper steps (the topmost of which formed the stylobate proper) 
nothing was found in position by the English excavators ; but many 
pieces of them lay scattered about, and a few have been replaced 
approximately in their original position. The material of all the steps 
is white limestone. Of the columns and entablature of the portico the 
remains which have been discovered comprise drums of the columns, a 
capital, an architrave beam, four pieces of the triglyph frieze, and the 

^ That the first part of the inscription is to be restored as xipafioi Srifidaioi 
( ' public tiles ') is made probable by the parallel inscription {ir\lv0oi Sfffi^auu 0-icaro- 
^i^ira;, etc. ) on a tile found at Sparta, to which reference has been made above (p. 
338). Cp. P. Paris, £lafie (Paris, 1892), p. 110 s^g. 



CH. XXXII MEGALOPOLIS— THERSJLIUM 345 

apex stone of the gable. All these architectural remains are of tufa 
coated with stucco. From them, taken in connexion with the dimen- 
sions of the portico and the blocks of the stylobate that have been 
found, we learn that the portico had fourteen Doric columns in front 
and probably two at the narrow ends, the comer columns being counted 
twice over. The diameter of the shaft of each column, immediately 
under the capital, measured about 2 ft. 7 in. between the flutes ; hence 
the diameter at the base probably measured at least 3 ft. 2 in. The 
height of the colunms is estimated to have been from six to six and a 
half diameters, or about 20 feet, and the height of the columns and 
entablature together a little over 2 5 feet The columns had twenty flutes ; 
the echinus of the capital is flat The architectural style of the portico 
is that of the early part of the fourth century B.C. ; in form and propor- 
tions the columns and entablature closely resemble those of the temple 
of Zeus at Nemea and the temple of Aesculapius at Epidaurus. Com- 
pared with the style of the fifth century B.C., as exemplified in the Pro- 
pylaea at Athens and the large temple at Rhanmus, the frieze has 
become deeper and the architrave shallower, whereas in the earlier style 
architrave and frieze are practically equal. Above the columns and 
entablature of the portico rose a gable or pediment, facing the theatre ; 
the apex stone, which has been found, proves that the gable had a slope 
upwards of i in 6. 

The back of the portico was formed by the south wall of the 
Thersilium, and three doors in the wall gave access from the portico to 
the halL From the traces in the sill-course of the wall we see that the 
central door was about 8 feet wide and the two side doors about 5 ft 
6 in. wide each. Originally, however, there was no wall at the back of 
the portico dividing it from the hall ; the two buildings communicated 
freely with each other through five openings divided by four columns 
which stood exactly opposite the nearest columns in the Thersilium. 
This is proved by (i) the existence of the four foundation-piers of the 
displaced columns in the wall at the back of the colonnade ; and (2) the 
comparatively careless structure of this part of the wall and the use in 
it of ^-i) - shaped clamps instead of the |— | - shaped clamps which are 
used everywhere else in the hall and portico except in the three later 
steps. 

There are some indications that the floor of the portico was of wood 
or at all events that it rested on a wooden framework. For in the first 
place there were found, inside of the portico and at a depth of nearly 
5 feet below the top step, three curiously-cut stones, which may perhaps 
have been used for supporting the scenery of the theatre. The discovery 
of these stones at this level seems to show that the space beneath the 
portico was used as a store-room, or at least that it was not filled up 
with earth ; and if it was left hollow, the floor of the colonnade must 
almost certainly have been of wood, since the width of the space to be 
covered (nearly 20 feet) is too great to be spanned by a stone floor 
without supports. In the second place, large square holes, measuring 
about 8 inches by 5 inches, are to be seen in the foundation-piers of the 
columns which are built into the back wall of the portico. These holes 



344 MEGALOPOLIS— THERSIUUM BK. viii. arcadu 

&ce towards the portico and are at a level with its second step. Tbey 
probably received the ends of wooden beams which crossed over to the 
front of the colonnade. Cross planks or perhaps flagstones resting on 
these beams would form the floor, bringing the level up to that of the 
top step or stylobate of the portico. 

The lower foundations of the portico consist of a wall about 5| feet 
thick and 3^ feet deep, composed of three courses of squared blodcs of 
tufa joined together with |— {-shaped clamps. On the top of this wall 
rests an upper foundation formed of limestone slabs about 9^ inches 
deep, two slabs making up the thickness of the wall ; and on this upper 
foundation formerly rested the two original steps of the portica To 
these two upper steps, as we have seen, were afterwards added three 
lower steps, the greater part of which stiU exists in position. These 
lower steps extend only along the front of the portico ; they were not 
continued along its short sides. Under the lowest of them is a thin foundar 
tion of limestone. That these lower three steps were a later addition 
to the portico is proved by various considerations, (i) The steps in 
question are not tied or bonded into the foundation- wall of the portico, 
but are merely built up in front of it (2) The foundations, both upper 
and lower, of the portico have been cut away on their front &ce in order 
to allow the second and third of the later steps to be placed in position. 
(3) The blocks of the three lower steps are joined with fimm^ - shaped 
clamps, whereas the blocks of the two upper steps were joined with ^m^ 
clamps. 

The question arises, when and why were these later steps added? 
To answer it we must consider the relation of the portico to the theatre. 

The portico is exactly opposite the orchestra of the theatre ; its 
lowest step is distant only 35 feet from the two ends of the front row of 
benches ; and the length of its front, without the later steps, is exactly 
the original width of the orchestra, before the area of the orchestra was 
contracted by the insertion of the front row of benches. Thus it appears 
that the portico fills the space which in Greek theatres is usually 
occupied by the stage-buildings. Indeed the English excavators at 
first mistook the portico for a stage ; but their mistake was corrected by 
Dr. Dorpfeld and has been acknowledged by themselves. The original 
level of the orchestra, before the addition of the front benches, was, as 
we have seen, about 1 5 inches higher than at present. Now the bottom 
of the later steps of the portico is almost exactly in a line with the 
original level of the orchestra, the difference between the two amounting 
to only a quarter of an inch ; but the bottom of the original upper steps 
is 3 ft. 3 in. above it. From this the natural inference is that the 
Thersilium with its portico was built before the theatre ; that the 
ground in front of the portico was then at a level with the bottom of the 
two original steps of the portico ; and that when the theatre was built 
and the soil in front of the portico was cleared away to form the orchestra, 
the three lowest steps were added in order to maintain the communica- 
tion between the portico and the ground in front of it, now converted 
into the orchestra of the theatre. This is Dr. D6rpfeld's theory, and 
probability seems to be in its favour. Mr. Ernest Gardner, however, 



CH. XXXII MEGALOPOUS—THERSILIUM 34S 

contends that the later steps are not contemporary with the theatre but 
were added some considerable time, perhaps two centuries, later, and 
that in the interval between the construction of the theatre and the 
addition of the three lower steps there was a platform of earth or wood 
in front of the portico, abutting against its foundations in the place 
afterwards occupied by the additional steps ; and this platform, he 
holds, was the stage on which the actors played. The only alternative 
to this view, he argues, would be to suppose that there was a sheer 
drop of 3 ft. 3 in. from the foot of the original upper steps to the level 
of the orchestra ; and this supposition, he thinks, is precluded by the 
consideration that such a drop would have exposed to view the founda- 
tions of the portico, which, from the nature of their material and the 
roughness of their masonry, were clearly never meant to be seen. But 
on this hypothesis how is the later addition of the lower steps to be 
explained ? For obviously when they were constructed there could 
have been no stage abutting on the front of the portico. Mr. Gardner's 
answer is that the permanent stage was afterwards replaced by a tem- 
porary wooden one, and that thereupon the three lowest steps were 
added in order to give access to the portico in the intervals between 
the dramatic performances when there was no stage in front of it. 
But why should a permanent stage have been replaced by a temporary 
one ? A theory which obliges us to suppose such a change is improbable. 
The argument on which Mr. Gardner's theory mainly rests is that the 
front surface of the lower steps, which has been worked across and 
across with a toothed chisel so as to give, in a favourable light, the 
appearance of a network of fine lines, is totally different from the smooth 
front surface not only of the upper steps but also of the seats in the 
theatre, while on the other hand it exactly resembles the front surface 
of the pedestal which stands on the western edge of the orchestra and 
bears an inscription of the second or first century B.C. (see above, p. 
337). This supposed difference of technique, in Mr. Gardner's opinion, 
forces us to assume that a long interval elapsed between the construction 
of the theatre and the addition of the three lowest steps of the portico, 
and consequently that in the interval the place afterwards occupied by 
the steps was filled by a stage. But it appears very doubtful whether 
this assumed difference of technique really exists. Dr. Ddrpfeld, a 
trained architect, was unable to perceive it ; and Mr. Loring, who 
formerly believed in it and deduced from it the same conclusions as 
Mr. Gardner, found on a more searching examination that the difference, 
so far as it exists, was not one of technique but was merely due to the 
varying degree in which the stones had been worn or weathered. If he 
is right, Mr. Gardner's principal argument for the late date of the lower 
steps and hence for a permanent original stage in the theatre becomes 
invalid. That the lower steps were later than the rest of the portico we 
have already seen ; but they need not have been much later, and the 
theory, advocated by Dr. Dorpfeld, that they were added at the time 
when the theatre was built and when the level of the ground in front 
of the portico was lowered to form the orchestra, is decidedly the most 
probable. It does not necessarily follow from this that the actors 



346 MEGALOPOLIS— THE THEATRE BK. viil. arcadu 

performed, as Dr. Ddrpfeld supposes, on the level ground of the 
orchestra with the steps and columns of the portico for a backgnround. 
A temporary wooden stage may possibly have been erected for the 
players from time to time in front of the portico. But of a permanent 
stage in the original theatre at Megalopolis there is no trace. 

At some time long subsequent to the construction of the theatre a 
permanent stone stage was built in front of the portica The stylobate 
and some pieces of the columns which supported the front of the stage 
still exist in their original positions. The length of the stage, to judge 
from the remains of the stylobate, was 105 ft. 4 in., and its depth 19 
ft 9 in. The stylobate, the top of which is almost exactly on a level 
with the bottom of the lowest step of the portico, consists of two courses 
of slabs of a purplish-white limestone. The blocks of the upper course 
seem to have been taken from a small building of about the same date 
as the portico ; they are of irregular length and breadth, and are badly 
fitted without clamps, care having been taken merely that they should 
form a continuous straight line in front. Along the front of the stage 
a row of fourteen marble columns, with an anta and a short piece of 
plain wall at either end, rested on the stylobate; all the columns 
were fixed into the stylobate by iron dowels run with lead, and they 
were placed along the front at equal intervals of 5 ft 10^ in. from 
centre to centre. The columns measured i ft 5^^ in. in diameter at 
the base, and were mostly built up of drums of various leng^s. The 
longest piece of a * colunm that has been found measures 7 ft. 8^ in., 
and it has two dowel- holes on the top. Probably this is a complete 
shaft and the capital rested immediately on it If so, the total 
height of the stage, including the entablature over the columns, was 
probably about 10 feet, a measurement agreeing very well with the 
directions of Vitruvius, who says (v. 8, 2) that the height of a Greek stage 
should be not less than i o and not more than 1 2 feet. The workman- 
ship of the columns is very rough. It was intended to flute them, but 
this intention was not carried out, the flutes having been cut only for a 
height of 2 J inches at the bottom of each column on the front side. At 
either side of each column is a projecting fillet, doubtless intended to 
fasten the panels which filled the spaces between the columns. All the 
spaces between the columns would seem to have been thus filled ; at 
least no trace of an opening or door through the front of the stage has 
been observed. The space between the middle columns is no wider 
than the others, and nowhere is the stylobate worn by feet, the original 
marks of the masons' tools on its surface being plainly visible. This 
absence of a doorway confirms the view that the structure in question 
was a stage upon which the actors performed, and not a mere background 
in front of which they appeared ; for had it been a background there 
would almost certainly have been a doorway or doorways in it for the 
passage out and in of the actors. The back of the stage, which is 
unusually deep (19 ft. 9 in.), may have been partly filled by the 
scenery. On its short west side there is an opening at the back 
through which the scenery may have been run on to the stage from 
the skanotheka or * scene-dock' (see above, p. 337 j^.) On this west 



CH. XXXII MEGALOPOLIS^-THE THEATRE 347 

side there is also the sill of a door which allowed of communication 
between the back of the stage and the 'scene-dock.' The date of the 
stage may be the first century B.C or later. 

We have seen that the stylobate of this late stage consists of two 
courses of limestone slabs. A slight difference in style between these 
two courses^ of which the lower is rather better built than the upper, 
suggested to Dr. Dorpfeld that the two might perhaps belong to 
different dates. The removal of some of the blocks of the upper 
course amply verified his conjecture, for it revealed on the top of the 
blocks of the lower course a series of rectangular sockets and grooves 
which were clearly intended for the reception of wooden posts and 
planks. Evidently we have here the remains of an arrangement for the 
erection either of a continuous scene or of a wooden stage supported on 
posts and boarded in front Upright posts were no doubt inserted in 
the quadrangular sockets, and planks in the grooves. The grooves, 
which are placed immediately in front of the sockets, are not continuous, 
which seems to show that the boarding was also not continuous. If so, 
the structure is more likely to have been a scaffold for the support of 
scenery than a stage ; and its discovery favours the view of Dr. Dorpfeld 
that in Greek theatres down to a comparatively late time the actors 
performed on the level of the orchestra against a temporary scene or 
background erected in it. This wooden scaffolding or stage, whichever 
it was, must have been a good deal longer in front than the columned 
stone stage which succeeded it ; for the line of its front is prolonged 
eastward beyond the end of the stone stage by a row of blocks of tufa 
roughly put together without clamps and bearing on their top a series of 
sockets and grooves like those already described. This row of blocks 
is about 2 1 feet long and it slopes up the parodos at an inclination of 
about I in lo. At the opposite or western end of the stone stage, 
between it and the skanoiheka or 'scene-dock,' there are two other 
blocks of tufa with similar sockets and grooves, and as they lie nearly 
in a line with the front of the stage they probably belong to the same 
foundation for the erection of a wooden scaffolding or stage. On the 
face of one of these two blocks is a moulding, which shows that it was 
taken from an earlier structure. The style of the moulding is supposed 
to indicate a date not earlier than the third century B.C. If this opinion 
is correct, the foundations which have been described, together with the 
wooden scaffolding or stage which they supported, can hardly have 
been earlier than the second century B.C. This is a reason for dating 
the columned stone stage, which succeeded to the wooden stage or 
scaffolding, in the first century B.C or later. 

Lastly, in front of the west end of the stone stage there lie 'a few 
slabs which may indicate the comer of a still later structure, perhaps a 
regular Roman stage, which may have actually closed in the orchestra, 
its front line coinciding exactly with the chord which joins the two inner 
extremities of the retaining walls. The positions of the two pedestals 
just in fh)nt of this line, the rough irregular way in which they have 
been set down, and the fact that their base stones, especially those of 
the one on the west, do not correspond in level with the kerb of the 



34S MEGALOPOLIS BK. viii. arcadia 

adjoining gutter, all point to the probability of their having been set 
there in quite late times, in fact to their having been shifted from other 
positions to make room for such a stage. 

On the theatre and Thersiliam at Megalopolis see R. W. Schultz, E. A. 
Gardner, and W. Loring, in Excavations at Megalopolis^ pp. 13 sq,^ 17-50, 69-91 ; 
W. Loring, in Athetmeum^ 5th August 1893, p. 200 ; itf., in Jcum. tf HeUimc 
Studies^ 13 (1892-93), pp. 356-358; E. F. Benson, 'The Thersiliam at Megi- 
lopolis,' 1^., pp. 319-327; A. G. Bather, *The development of the plan of die 



Thersilion,' t^., pp. 328-335. For the controversy between the English 
excavators and Dr. Dorpfeld as to the existence of an original stage in the theatre 
see also Joum. of Hellenic Studies^ 1 1 (1890), pp. 294-298; W. Dorpfeld, in 
Berliner philolog. Wochemchrift^ 4th April 1891, p. 418 sqq,\ ib,^ 25111 April 
1891, p. 515 ; Penrose, 1*., 23ra May 1891, p. 644 ; W. Dorpteld, E. A. Gardner, 
and W. Loring, 1^., 30th May 1891, p. 673 sqq,, and Athenaeum^ 30th May 1891, 
p. 710 ; Gardner and Loring, in AlAenaeum, 27th June 1891, p. 839 j^. ; W. Dorp- 
feld, id,f 25th July 1891, p. 139 sq, ; Gardner and Loring, id,, ist August 1891, 
p. 171 ; Classical Hevietu, 5 (i 891), pp. 238-240, 284 sq, ; W. Dorpfeld, in Mit- 
theil, d, arch, Inst, in Athen, 16 (1891), pp. 257-259; ib,^ 17 (1892), pp. 97-99; 
ih,y 18(1893), pp. 215-218. 



This is perhaps the most convenient place to mention two altais 
discovered by the English excavators to the west and east of the 
Thersilium respectively. 

The remains of the larger of the two altars are situated about 127 
feet west of the Thersilium and parallel to its west wall. They consist 
of an oblong basis 36 ft. 3 in. long by 6 ft 5 in. broad. On a pro- 
jecting siU-course of squared stones is set a course of upright slabs 
consisting of triglyphs and metopes. Above this there was probably 
a cornice or coping which, however, has entirely disappeared. The 
material is conglomerate ; the exposed surfaces both of the sill-course 
and the upright stones is coated with stucco. Apparently the blocks 
were not clamped together. The inside of the altar seems to ha\'e 
been filled up with large river pebbles. Many things seem to show 
that the triglyphs and metopes were made for this position and were 
not removed from some other structure. The inferior nature of the 
material (conglomerate), the thinness (i foot) of the blocks, and the 
fact that while the metopes along the sides of the altar are equal in 
width those at each end are 5 inches wider, all point to this conclusion. 
The triglyphs are of the later form, being long and thin, in the pro- 
portion of 7 to 4. This use of metopes and triglyphs for the sides of 
altars seems not to have been unconmion. Many altars are so repre- 
sented on vases (see Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1 1 (1890), pi. \n. and 
p. 226 ; Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiqmth, i. p. 349, 
Fig. 417); a large altar decorated with a triglyph frieze has been 
found at Pompeii (Overbeck und Mau, Pompeji,^ p. 1 1 1 sq., with Fig. 
63), and at 01>Tnpia there is a circular drum about 4 feet in diameter 
similarly treated, which may have been part of an altar. It is possible 
that the altar which has just been described may have been the altar of 
Ares mentioned by Pausanias (viii. 32. 3). 

The other and smaller altar stands about 190 feet east of the 
Thersilium, very neariy in a line with the middle of its cast wall. 



CH. XXXII MEGALOPOLIS 349 

It is II feet long by 6 feet broad, and was built of plain blocks of 
conglomerate resting on a sill of the same material The sill and 
some of the blocks remain in position, but the coping has disappeared. 
The stones are coated with stucco. Inside the altar was found filled 
with earth, cobbles, pottery, and broken stone. 

See R. W. Schultz, in Excavations at Megalopolis^ p. 51 sq, ; W. Loring, f^., 
p. 8. 

32. I. a perennial spring. This spring still exists. Under the 
seats of the theatre may be seen holes through which the water trickled. 
At several places among the seats the water stiU issues and flows down 
into the gutter which runs round the orchestra. See W. D5rpfeld, in 
MittheiL des arch, Inst, in Athen^ 17 (1892), p. 99. Cp. L. Ross, 
Reisen^ p. 74 ; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 284 ; Vischer, Erinnerungen^ 
p. 409 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 248 ; W. Loring, in Excavations at 
MegalopoliSy p. 119. 

32. I. the Ooandl House, which was built for the Arcivitian 
Ten Thousand. As to the ruins of this great hall see above, p. 338 sqq. 
The representative body of the Arcadian Confederation is referred to in 
an inscription found at Tegea and dating, apparently, about 251-238 
B.C. The inscription mentions ** the Council of the Arcadians and the 
Ten Thousand " (t^ /Sovky riav 'ApKoSmv koI toIs /ivpiois), and gives a 
list of officers called damiorgoi, who perhaps constituted the Council. 
See Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscr. Graec,^ No. 167 ; Cauer, Delectus 
Inscr, Graec.y^ No. 444. The Arcadian Confederation, with its repre- 
sentative body of the Ten Thousand, was constituted in 370 B.C. chiefly 
through the agency of Lycomedes of Tegea (Diodorus, xv. 59). Demo- 
sthenes also mentions that the Ten Thousand met at Megalopolis (Or. 
xix. 11). Cp. Xenophon, Hellemca, vii. i. 38, vii. 4. 2 ; Aeschines, ii. 
79 ; Harpocration, s.v. /ivpioi ev McyaA^y irokei ; G. Gilbert, Griechische 
Stctatsalterthiitner^ 2. pp. 133-135. 

32. I. an image of Anunon with ram's horns on his head. 

See Herodotus, ii. 42 with Wiedemann's note; /V/., iv. 181. A curious 
bronze statuette in the National Museum at Athens represents Ammon 
as a bearded man with ram's horns, the lower part of his body being 
that of a serpent See 'E<f}r)fi€pU dpxaiokoyiKrjf 1893, pp. 187-192, 
with pL 1 2 and 1 3. The type of the ram-headed god was probably of 
Egyptian origin and came to Greece through Cyrene. It appears on 
coins of Cyrene (Head, Historia numorum, p. 728 sq,)^ and the 
Cyrenians dedicated an image of Ammon at Delphi (Paus. x. 13. 5). 
It has, however, been suggested, without much probability, that die 
original home of the type was the Boeotian Thebes, where there was a 
temple of Ammon (Paus. ix. 16. i), and whence the worship might have 
been diffused over Greece. See Overbeck, Griechische Kunstmythologie, 
2. p. 273 sqq, 

32. 2. The sanctuary of Aphrodite. An inscription found at 
Megalopolis records in four elegiac couplets that a certain priestess of 
Aphrodite, by name Euxenia, a descendant of Philopoemen, had built a 
wall round the temple of the goddess and erected a dwelling for the 



350 MEGALOPOLIS bk. viii. ascadia 

use of banqueters. See Kaibel, Epigrammaia Graeca^ No. 1044; 
Excavations at Megalopolis^ p. 134 j^., Inscr. No. 13. 

32. 2. Heayenly Vnlgar. Although from the fourth century 

B.C onward the epithet Pandemos as applied to Aphrodite was popu- 
larly understood to designate the goddess of vulgar or sensusd, as 
opposed to the goddess of pure or heavenly love, it would seem that 
originally the title had a purely political significance, meaning the 
goddess " of the whole people." Her worship may perhaps have bem 
instituted in Megalopolis, the new capital of Arcadia, in the hope of 
thereby drawing closer the bonds of union between the Arcadian cchd- 
munities. See L. R. Famell, The Cults of the Greek States^ 2. p. 658 
sqq, ; and note on i. 22. 3. 

32. 3. an altar of Ares. L. Ross thought he recognised the site 
of this altar in a round foundation above the steep bank of the river 
{Reisetiy p. 75). The English excavations have brought to light two 
altars near the theatre, one of which may perhaps be the altar of Ares. 
See above, p. 348 sq, 

32. 3. a stadium a fountain. About a hundred paces east 

of the theatre is a spring rising in a small ravine. It is conmionly 
supposed that this is the spring mentioned by Pausanias, and that the 
stadium may have been in the ravine. See L. Ross, Reisen, p. 74 sq, ; 
Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 284 ^^. ; Vischer, Erinnerungen^ p. 409 ; Baedeker,' 
p. 297 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 302. To this identification it is objected 
by Mr. W. Loring that the shape of the ground here is not specially 
suitable for a stadium, and that a spring could hardly have been 
described by Pausanias as close to the theatre if it were really 100 yards 
distant from it. Hence Mr. Loring, following the French surveyors 
(Expedition scientifique de Morie: Architecture^ Sculptures^ etc, par 
A. Blouet, 2. p. 45), identifies the spring mentioned by Pausanias with 
the excellent and perennial spring which rises on the west side of the 
theatre, immediately behind the embankment of the auditorium. If he 
is right, the stadium probably extended from the spring either north- 
ward, towards the river, or westward, in the direction of a ruined chapel, 
beside which there is a piece of good wall of breccia. The latter direc- 
tion is perhaps the more likely, first, because the ground here is almost 
flat, while the ground between the spring and the river slopes consider- 
ably ; and, second, because the low hills immediately to the south of 
the line connecting the spring with the chapel would be an excellent 
place from which to watch the races in the stadium. No remains of 
the stadium, however, have been brought to light. But it would accord 
very well with Mr. Loring's view of its situation if the large altar to the 
west of the Thersilium (see above, p. 348) were the altar of Ares, since 
it follows from Pausanias's description that the altar of Ares was not far 
from the stadium. See W. Loring, in Excavations at Megalopolis^ 
p. 119 sq. 

32. 4* a hill to the east, on which is a temple of Huntress 
Artemis. Pausanias has been speaking of the stadium, which we have 
seen some grounds for placing immediately to the west of the theatre. 
Hence the hill on which stood the temple of Huntress Artemis may have 



CH. XXXII MEGALOPOLIS 351 

been either the gentle rising ground immediately to the east of the 
theatre or the steep and almost precipitous little hill still farther east, 
beyond the present public road. Mr. Loring prefers to suppose that 
the temple of Artemis stood in the former situation, to the west of the 
road, for two reasons: first, because the ancient remains (walls of 
breccia, scattered drums of columns, etc.) are more numerous to the west 
of the road than to the east of it ; and, second, because Pausanias's 
expression, in Mr. Loring's opinion, seems to imply that the temple 
stood on the slope rather than on the top of the hill, whereas the hill 
to the east of the road is so steep that no building could have stood 
on it anywhere except on the top. Still Mr. Loring found nothing to 
identify the actual site of the temple of Artemis. At a point about half- 
way between the road and the theatre his workmen dug up a number of 
white marble mullions, evidently from the windows of a Byzantine 
church. As a Christian church very often succeeded to the site of a 
pagan temple, it is possible that remains of a temple may yet be dis- 
covered in this neighbourhood. See W. Loring, in Excavations at 
Megalopolis^ p. 120 sq, Cp. L. Ross, Reisen^ p. 75 ; Curtius, Pelop, 
I. p. 285. As to Artemis in her character of the Huntress {Agroterd) 
or, as the epithet should rather be rendered, the Goddess of the Wilds, 
see L. R. Famell, The Cults of the Greek States, 2. p. 431 sqq, Mr. 
Famell is probably right in holding that *' while Greek poetry and art 
usually describe her as the huntress and destroyer, the older religion was 
more familiar with the conception of her as the protector and patroness 
of wild animals, and especially of those that were with young " (p. 434). 

32. 4. it^ too, was dedicated by Axistodemns. This seems to 
refer to viii. 30. 7, where it is perhaps implied that the colonnade called 
Myropolis was built by Aristodemus. A sanctuary of Artemis, said to 
have been founded by Aristodemus, is mentioned below (viii. 35. 5). 
But see the Critical Note on the present passage (vol. i. p. 598). 

32. 4. Aescnlapins Health. On a base of white marble in a 

house at Megalopolis there is a mutilated inscription containing part of 
a dedication to Aesculapius and Health {Bulletin de Corr. helUnique, 
6 (1882), p. 194; Immerwahr, Z>i> arkadischen Kulte, p. 178; Ex- 
cavations at Megalopolis, p. 128, Inscr. No. 6). 

32. 4. Athena Worker and Apollo Ood of Streets. See notes 
on i. 24. 3 (vol. 2. p. 297 sq,) ; i. 31. 6 (vol. 2. p. 417). 

32. 4. the poems of Homer etc The passages here referred to 
are Odyssey, xxiv. i sqq, ; Iliad, viii. 362 sq,, xvi. 187 sq,, xix. 103 sq, 

32. 5. another sanctuary of the Boy Aescnlapins. As Pausanias 
tells us that this sanctuary was near a spring, the water of which flowed 
into the Helisson, we may conjecture with Mr. Loring that it lay near 
the spring which rises about 100 yards east of the Thersilium and flows 
into the Helisson hard by. Between the spring and the bed of the 
river there are many remains of breccia. See W. Loring, in Excavations 
at Megalopolis, p. 121. L. Ross would seem to have looked for the 
sanctuary about half a mile ^sirther east near the chapel of St. Athanasius, 
which stands on the south bank of the Helisson, a little way to the east 
of the present public road {Reisen, p. 75). 



352 MEGALOPOLIS bk. tiii. arcadu 

32. 5. bones of raperhiiiiiaii sise etc. These were probably bones 
of mammoths. See viii. 29. i note. In the musenm at Dimdisatia in 
Arcadia (see above, p. 311 sq.) there is a large partially-foss i lised bone 
which was brought from Megalopolis and which the collector, the aged 
priest and late schoolmaster Hieronymus, caUs the shoulder-blade of an 
elephant (Excavations at Megalopolis^ p. 121). He may be more nearly 
right than Mr. Loring seems to think. 

32. 5. Hoiiladanins. See viii. 36. 2. 

33. I. Megalopolis now lies mostly in ndns. Even in 

Strabo's time, about 150 years before Pausanias, M^ialc^xdis wss 
mostly uninhabited ; he applied to it the verse of a comic poet, ^The 
great city is a great desert " (Strabo, viii. p. 388). 

33. 2. Nineveh etc Lucian says, " Nineveh has perished and not 
a vestige of it remains ; you could not even tell where once it stood" 
{Charon J 23). According to Strabo (xvL p. 737) Ninevdi was nondi 
larger than Babylon. 

33. 2. Delos, once the common mart of Greece etc The com- 
mercial prosperity of Delos is attested by inscriptions, particalariy dedi- 
catory inscriptions of the period 200-80 B.C., which constantly refer to 
the Romans, Italians, and Greeks who traded in the island. The trade 
of Delos received a great impetus through the destruction of Corinth in 
146 B.C, for the merchants migrated to the island, attracted by the con- 
venience of its situation and the protection of the sanctuary (Strabo^ x. 
p. 486; cp. Pans. iii. 23. 3). Cicero speaks of Delos as ^a small 
unfortified island, crowded with riches, whither merchants resorted from 
all sides with their wares and cargoes" {Pro lege MemtHa^ 18. 55). 
" Puteoli was called a lesser Delos, because Delos had once been the 
greatest mart. in the whole world" (Festus, s.v, Minorem Delum^ p. 122, 
ed. Miiller). Delos was a great centre of the slave-trade (Strabo, xiv. 
p. 668) ; the site of an enclosure in which the slaves were penned can 
still be traced at the north-east comer of the island. See Prof Jebb, 
* Delos,' yitwrwo/ of Hellenic Studies, i (1880), p. 32 j^. On the other 
hand, Pausanias's description of the solitude and desolation of the island 
in his own time is strikingly borne out by some epigrams in the Gredc 
Anthology, all probably dating from the first or early part of the second 
century A.D. See Jebb, op, cit, p. 36 sq. The decline of Delos dated 
from the sack of the island in the first Mithridatic war, about 87 &a 
See Pausanias iii. 23. 3 sqq, "The guards sent from Athens to watch 
over the sanctuary," whom Pausanias mentions, are referred to in 
Delian inscriptions as the men " appointed to guard the sacred treasures 
and the other revenues of the temple." See Homolle, />y archives de 
Pintendance sacrie i Delos, P- 25 ; Jebb, op. dt. p. 33. Delos had been 
restored to Athens by the Roman senate (Polybius, xxx. 1 8 ; Livy, 
xxxiii. 30). 

33. 3. At Babylon the sanctuary of Bel remains. Cp. i. 16. 3 ; 
iv. 23. 10. Herodotus says (i. 181) that this sanctuary still existed in 
his time, and he has given us a description of it But Strabo (xvL 
p. 738) and Arrian (Anabasis, vii. 17) state that the temple or tomb of 
Bel T*-as destro>*ed by Xerxes after his return from Greece, and that 



CH. XXXIII THE TEMPLE OF BEL 353 

Alexander the Great had it m his mind to restore it, but died before he 
could execute the design. Pliny (Nat, hist, vi. 121) speaks of the 
temple of Bel as still in existence. The temple is now generally 
identified with the mound which is still called Babil by the Arabs. It 
is '^ an oblong mass composed chiefly of unbaked brick, rising from the 
plain to the height of no feet, and having at the top a broad fiat 
space, broken with heaps of rubbish, and otherwise very uneven. The 
northern and southern faces of the mound are about 200 yards in 
length; the eastern and western are respectively 182 and 136 yards. 
All the faces, and especially that which looks to the west, present at 
intervals some appearance of brickwork, the bricks being sun-dried, and 
cemented, not with bitumen, but with mud, a thin layer of reeds occur- 
ring between each course of the brick. Tunnels driven into the base of 
the mound on a level with the plain show that the structure was formerly 
coated with a wall of burnt-brick masonry, supported by numerous piers 
and buttresses of the same material These baked bricks, as well as 
most of those which are found loose among the rubbish wherever it is 
dug into, bear the name of Nebuchadnezzar" (Rawlinson's Herodotus^ 
vol 2. p. 576 sq,) In an inscription which has been discovered Nebu- 
chadnezzar states that he thoroughly repaired the temple (Rawlinson, 
op, cit, 2, p. 578). Cp. Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de Part dans Vantiquiti^ 
2- P- 399 sq. It is possible that Pliny and Pausanias, in asserting that 
the temple of Bel still existed in their time, meant no more than that 
the mound, with the remains of brickwork, was still to be seen. The 
name Bel is only another form of Baal, which is a general word signi- 
fying * lord.* The proper name of the Babylonian god was Merodach ; 
he was the Baal or lord of the city. See Sayce, Religion of the Ancient 
Babylonians (Hibbert Lectures, 1887), p. 92 sqq,\ G. Maspero, Histoire 
ancienne des fieupies de V Orient classique: Les origines^ p. 649. Cp. 
Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites^ P« 93 -f^^* The reason why 
Xerxes destroyed the temple of Bel has lately been discovered by Prof. 
Jules Oppert. A Babylonian contract table, published by Father Strass- 
maier, is dated in the reign of a king called Samas-Erba. Prof. Oppert 
has shown, from the names of the witnesses, that the contract was made 
in the year of the expedition of Xerxes against Greece. Hence it would 
seem that the Babylonians took advantage of the absence of Xerxes to 
revolt and set up a king of their own ; and that on his return Xerxes 
punished them by destroying or at least dismantling the temple of Bel. 
See American Journal of Archaeology^ 7 (1891), p. 500. 

33. 3. of that Babylon nothing is left but the walls. 

Lucian represents Charon as visiting the upper earth and curious to see 
the mighty cities of old, thousands and thousands of whose inhabitants he 
had ferried across the River of Death. Hermes, who has undertaken 
to show him the sights, points to Babylon in the distance : " Yonder is 
Babylon, the city with the noble towers, the city of vast compass ; but 
soon it too, like Nineveh, will be sought for in vain " (Lucian, Charon^ 
23). This does not necessarily imply that Lucian believed the walls 
and towers of Babylon to be still standing in his time. 

33. 4. the island of Ohryse etc. Appian mentions {Miihrid, yj) 

VOL. IV 2 A 



354 MANIAE BX. viii. arcadxa 

** a desert island near Lemnos, where are shown an altar of Philoctetes^ 
a bronze serpent, a bow and arrows, and a cuirass bedecked with ribbons, 
memorials of the sufferings of Philoctetes." As the island was the scene 
of an affair in the third Mithridatic war (73 or 72 B.C), its disappearance 
must have happened some time between that date and the time when 
Pausanias wrote. According to some ancient writers, Philoctetes was 
stung by the hydra not in Chryse but in Lenmos. See SchoL oo 
Sophocles, PhilocL 270 ; Eustathius on Homer, //rVz^ ii. 724 (p. 330) ; 
Hyginus, Fab, 102. But Sophocles in his Philoctetes (t/. 268 sqq^ 
plainly implies that Philoctetes, though abandoned by his comrades at 
Lenmos, had received his wound in Chryse ; and this was afterwards 
the prevalent version of the story. Cp. Michaelis in Annali dell* InsU' 
tuto^ 29 (1857), p. 235 sqq.; and note on viii. 8. 5. 

33. 4. the Sacred Lde (Hiera). This is the island which rose out 
of the sea between the islands of Thera (Santorin) and Therasia during 
a volcanic eruption. See Pliny, Nat. hist. ii. 202 ; Strabo, i. p. 57 ; 
Justin, XXX. 4. i; Plutarch, De Pythiae oraculis, 11. The Sacred Isle 
appears to be the one which is now called Palaea Kammeni (* Old Burnt 
Island'). The whole gulf between Thera (Santorin) and Therasia is 
in fact the crater of a submarine volcano. A fresh volcanic island, now 
called Nea Kammeni (* New Burnt Island '), was formed in the gulf in 
1707 and 1709. See Lyell, Principles of Geology y^'^ 2. p. 65 sqq.\ 
Smith's Diet, of Greek and Roman Geogr,, s.v. * Thera.' The island 
of Thera {Santorin) is the subject of an elaborate geological monograph 
by Fouqu^, Santorin et ses eruptions (Paris, 1879) Cp. note on iiL 

1. 8. 

34. I. Maniae. £. Curtius thought that this place was between 
Sinanou and the village of Agias Bey, at a spot where there are four 
mounds. See L. Ross, Reisen^ p. 84 ; Curtius, Pelop. i. p. 291 ; 
Vischer, Erinnerungen^ p. 4 1 2 sq. Dodwell identified Maniae with a 
place to the south-east of Sinanou^ where there are the remains of a 
small Doric temple, which has been converted into a church {Tour^ 

2. p. 376 sq,) But he is clearly wrong ; for Maniae was on the road 
to Messene, and therefore must have been situated south-west, not 
south-east, of Megalopolis (Sinanou), With the Greek idea that a 
murderer was driven mad by the avenging spirit of his victim we may 
compare a superstition prevalent among the Arawak tribe of Indians in 
British Guiana (South America). They think that if an avenger of 
blood does not taste the blood of his victim within three days after he 
has killed him, he (the avenger of blood) must die mad. See Schom- 
burgk, Reisen in Britisch-Guiana^ 2, p. 497 ; Bemau, Missionary 
Labours in British Guiana^ p. 57 sq, ; Brett, Indian Tribes of Guianoy 
p. 358 sq, 

34. 2. a sxoall mound of earth snrmonnted by a finger made of 
stone etc. It was said that one of Hercules^s fingers was bitten off by 
the Nemean lion and that the finger was buried in a grave by itself at 
Sparta, the grave being surmounted by a stone lion (Ptolemaeus, Nov. 
hist, ii., in Mythogr, Graeci, ed. Westermann, p. 1 84). Liebrecht proposed 
to explain Finger's Tomb by the popular superstition, current in Germany 



CH. XXXIV SACRIFICE OF FINGERS 355 

and Normandy, that the hand of a child who has struck his parents 
will protrude from the grave. He supposes that the tomb in question 
was that of a matricide, who was at a later time identified with Orestes. 
See Liebrecht, Zur Volkskunde^ p. 343 ; and as to the superstition see 
Grimm's note on No. 1 1 7 of his Kinder und Hausmdrchen; K. Miillen- 
hoff, Sagen^ Maerchen und Lieder der Herzogthiimer Schleswig Hohtein 
und Lauenburg^ p. 103 sq, ; A. Bosquet, La Normandie romanesque et 
fnerveilleuse^ p. 263. It is perhaps more probable that we have here a 
tradition of self-mutilation practised as an expiatory sacrifice. There 
was a legend that Lycurgus, king of the Edonians in Thrace, killed his 
son in a fit of madness, but recovered his senses after he had cut off 
some of his own extremities (Apollodorus, iii. 5. i). The old heathen 
Prussians believed that a certain god named Patollo sometimes haunted 
a man, and that if Patollo appeared thrice to him, the only way to get 
rid of him was for the man to go to a priest and make him a present, 
in return for which the priest made a cut in the man's arm so as to draw 
blood. When this was done, a himiming sound was heard from the 
sacred oak-tree in token that Patollo would never haunt the man again. 
See Simon Grunau, Preussischer Chronik^ herausgegeben von M. 
Perlbach (Leipzig, 1876), p. 94 sq* Similarly Orestes may be supposed 
to have bitten off his finger as a sacrifice to the avenging Furies of his 
mother, who immediately indicated their acceptance of the sacrifice by 
appearing to him white instead of black. 

The custom of cutting off a finger or a joint of a finger as a pro- 
pitiatory offering has prevailed in many places. Thus in some parts of 
India '* when a woman is from 1 5 to 20 years of age, and has borne 
some children, terrified lest the angry deity should deprive her of her 
infants, she goes to the temple, and, as an offering to appease his 
wrath, cuts off one or two of her fingers of the right hand " (Francis 
Buchanan, 'Journey through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar,' Pinker- 
ton's Voyages and Travels, 8. p. 661). In a certain Indian caste, 
when a woman is about to be married, two of her fingers are cut off in 
the temple as an offering to the idol {Leitres idifiantes et curieuses, 1 3. 
p. 203). In other cases it is the mother of the bride who has to submit 
to the amputation of several finger -joints (Dubois, Afceurs etc, des 
peuples de VInde, i. p. ^ sq,\ Panjab Notes and Q^erieSy i. No. 438). 
Among some tribes of north-west Canada, e,g, among the Blackfeet, 
in times of great public or private necessity a warrior cuts off a finger 
of his left hand and offers it to the Morning Star at its rising (Journal 
of the Anthropological Institute, 15 (1886), p. 163). Among the 
Mandan Indians of North America young men at initiation used 
to have a finger (sometimes two fingers) cut off as a sacrifice to the 
Great Spirit (Catlin, North American Indians, i. p. 173). In Tonga 
or the Friendly Islands it was a common practice to cut off a finger 
or portion of one as a sacrifice to the gods for the recovery of a 
superior relation who was sick. If this proved of no avail, children 
were sometimes strangled. This last fact clearly shows that the sacrifice 
of a finger is a substitute for the sacrifice of the person. See Mariner, 
Tonga Islands, i. p. 438 sq, ; id., 2. pp. 210-212. Cp. Dumont D'Urville, 



356 SACRIFICE OF FINGERS bk. viil aicadia 

Voyage autaur du Monde et d, la recherche de la Perouse^ 4. p. 71 Ji^. ; 
Journal of the Roy, Geogr, Soc. 22 (1852), p. 115. Captain Cook states 
that in these islands the sick person's own finger was cut oS, adding : 
" They suppose that the Deity will accept of the little finger, as a soit 
of sacrifice efficacious enough to procure the recovery of their health " 
(yoyageSf 5. p. 421 j^. (ed. 1809) ; cp. id^ 3. p. 204). In Fiji a finger 
was sometimes cut off and presented to an offended superior to appease 
his wrath {United States Exploring Expedition, Ethnography and 
Philology^ by Horatio Hale, p. 66). Hottentot women and Bushwomen 
cut off a joint of a child's finger, especially if a previous child has died. 
The sacrifice of the finger-joint is supposed to save the second child's 
life. See Boeving, quoted by Kolbe, Present State of the Cc^ of Good 
Hope^ I. p. 309 ; Sonnerat, Voyage aux Indes orientates et d la Chine^ 
2- p- 93 ; Arbousset et Daumas, Voyage d^ exploration au Nordest de la 
Colonie du Cap de Bonne Espirance^ p. 493 ; Fritsch, Die Eingehorenen 
Siid-Afrikc^Sy p. 332 sq, ; Th. Hahn, Tsuni-Goam^ p. 87 ; cp. Isaacs, 
Travels and Adventures in Eastern Africa^ i. p. 55. Some South 
Afiican tribes believe that to cut off the joint of a sick man's finger is a 
cure ; the sickness is supposed to pass out of the patient with the blood. 
See Barrow, Travels into the Interior of Southern Africa^ i. p. 289; 
G. Thompson, Travels and Adventures in Southern Africay 2. p. 357 ; 
B. Shaw, Memorials of South Africa^ pp. 43, 55 ; J. Campbell, Treeuets 
in South Africa (Second Journey), i. p. 48. Cp. J. £. Alexander, 
Expedition of Discovery into the Interior of Africa^ 2. p. 135. The 
mutilation of finger-joints as a mark of mourning for the dead has been 
practised by many peoples, as by the Beaver Indians, the Crow Indians, 
the Blackfeet, the Sioux, and the Nateotain, all of North America (A 
Mackenzie, Voyages through the Continent of North America^ p. 148; 
Morgan, Amient Society^ p. 1 60 ; Maximilian, Prinz zu Wied, Reise in 
das innere Nord- America^ i. p. 583 ; Brackett, *The Sioux,' Report of 
the Smithsonian Institution for 1876, p. 470 ; E. James, Expedition to 
the Rocky Mountains ^ 2. p. 3 ; Bancroft, Native Races of the Pacijic 
States^ I. p. 127); by the Chamias and some Paraguayan Indians in 
South America (Azara, Voyages dans VAmMque miridionaiey 2. p. 25 ; 
D'Orbigny, Lhomme AmMcain^ i. p. 238 ; id,, 2. p. 90 ; Picart, Cere- 
monies et Coutumes, 3. p. 123, Amsterdam, 1735); ^Y ^^^ Bushwomen 
(Burchell, Travels in the Interior of Southern Africa^ 2. p. 61); by 
widows in Car Nicobar {Asiatick Researches^ 2, p. 342) ; and by the 
Fijians, Tongans, and Samoans (Th. Williams, Etji, i. p. 198 ; Wilkes, 
United States Exploring Expedition^ 3. pp. 100, loi, 159; Dumont 
D'Urville, Voyage au Pole Sud^ 4. p. 225 ; Joum, Roy, Geogr. Soc, 32 
(1862), p. 46; Erskine, IVestem Pacific^ pp. 123, 254; Pctpers read 
before the Anthropological Society of London^ 1 863-1 864, p. 203 ; EUlis, 
Polynesian Researches^ 4. p. 177 ; La Perouse, Voyage round the World, 
2. p. 173)- The practice of cutting off one or more finger-joints pre- 
x-ails to a large extent among the Australian aborigines ; it is commonly 
the girls who are thus mutilated. See Dumont D'Urville, Voyage autour 
du Monde et <i la recherche de la Perouse^ i. p. 406 ; G. Barrington, 
History of New South IValeSy p. 1 1 jy. ; G. F. Angas, Savage Life and 



CH. XXXIV BLACK AND WHITE SPIRITS 357 

Scenes in Australia and New Zealand^ 2. p. 225 ; J. D. Lang, QueenS" 
landy p. 344 ; Brough Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria^ i. p. xxiii. ; Curr, 
The Australian Race^ i. pp. 73 sq,^ 252 ; id,y 2. p. 425 ; iVil, 3. pp. 119, 
139, 144, 223, 406, 412; Proceedings of the Geographical Society of 
Australasia^ i (1883-84), p. 39. Among the Hottentots, when a widow 
marries again she has to cut off a finger-joint (Kolbe, of. cit. i. pp. 159, 
309 sqq. ; Thunberg, * Account of the Cape of Good Hope,' Pinkerton's 
Voyages and TravelSy 16. p. 141). For more evidence of this custom 
of mutilation practised by various peoples and for various reasons, see 
Theoph. Hahn, 'Die Buschmanner,' Globus, 18 (1870), p. 122 ; Bleek, 
Brief Account of Bushman Folk-lore, p. 17, No. 97; Maximilian, 
Prinz zu Wied, op, cit, 2. pp. 188, 207; Bastian, Die Vblker des 
ost lichen Asien, i. p. 331 ; id, 6. p, 13 note; R. Andree, Ethno- 
graphische ParcUlelen und Vergleiche (first series), pp. 148-150. It 
seems possible that a practice so wide spread has left its trace in the 
legend about Orestes here reported by Pausanias. Mr. Ch. Belger, 
however, conjectures that Finger's Tomb was a mound surmounted by 
the efiigy of a phallus {Berliner philolog, Wochensckrift, 12 (1892), 
p. 640). 

34. 3. they appeared to him black they seemed to him 

white. The Zulus believe that there are black spirits (Itongos) and 
white spirits ; the black spirits cause disease and suffering, but the 
white spirits are beneficent (Callaway, Religious System of the Amazulu, 
p. 271). The Yakuts think that bad men after death become dark 
ghosts, but good men become bright ones (Vambery, Das TUrkenvolk, 
p. 157). There is a Westphalian superstition that ghosts which can 
be seen are either white or black : the black are dangerous ; the white 
are harmless, but they become black, if they are obliged to walk the 
earth long (A. Kuhn, Sagen, Gebrauche und Mdrchen aus Westfalen, 2. 
p. 53, No. 154 a). As I have remarked above, the change of the 
Furies from black to white plainly indicates that they were appeased 
by the sacrifice of Orestes's finger. We may compare and contrast 
a Hindoo legend. The wicked Chanacya had caused eight royal 
brothers to be murdered. Being stung with remorse for his crime, he 
withdrew to a famous place of worship near the sea on the bank of the 
river Narmada, to be purified. There after going through a course of 
expiatory ceremonies he was directed to sail on the river in a boat with 
white sails, and was told that if his sins were forgiven the white sails 
would turn black, the blackness of his crimes being transferred to the 
sails. It happened so, and he joyfully allowed the boat to drift down 
to the sea bearing his sins with it. See AsictHc Researches^ 9. p. 96 sq. 

According to a scholiast on Sophocles {Oed, CoL 42) the Furies 
became propitious to Orestes after he had sacrificed a black sheep to 
them as a whole burnt offering at Cerynea (cp. vii. 25. 7). 

34. 3. Orestes cut off his hair etc He was also said to have 
shorn his hair, which he had allowed to grow in sign of mourning, at 
Comana in Asia Minor (Strabo, xii. p. 535). On a Greek vase Apollo 
is depicted preparing to cut off a lock of the hair of Orestes, who is 
leaning against the Omphalus. See note on ii. 31. 8. The cropping 



358 GATHBATAS—CARNION BK. viii. a&cadu 

of the murderer's hair was probably a mode of purification. At some 
Hindu places of pilgrimage on the banks of rivers men who have 
committed great crimes have their hair completely shaved by barbers 
before they plunge into the sacred stream, from which they emerge 
innocent (Monier Williams, Religious Thought and Life in Indicia p. 375; 
cp. The Golden Bought i. p. 205 sqq,) 

34. 4. the Furies of Olsrtaemnestra. Cp. ix. 5. 15, <'the Furies 
of Laius and Oedipus." That the Furies were originally nothing but 
the angry and vengeful ghost of a murdered person, has been well 
shown by Prof. Erwin Rohde {Rheinisckes Museum^ N.F. 50 (1895), 
pp. 6-22). 

34. 5. the river Gatheatas the Carmon. The ancient road, 

which Pausanias is now describing, from Megalopolis to Messene 
probably, like the modem road between these two places, followed the 
direct route over the Makri-plagi Pass. This pass leads, at a moderate 
elevation, over the ridge which unites Mt. Hellenitsa on the south-east 
with Mt. Tetrasi on the north-west On the Arcadian side of the pass 
the path leads up among heights covered with woods and pastures and 
watered by many springs. The ancient road probably crossed the 
Alpheus between the villages Agias-bey and Dede-bey, The united 
streams of the Gatheatas and Camion are doubtless the Xerilla or 
Xerilopoiamo^ which flows northward into the Alpheus, joining that 
river on its left bank. The main stream of the Xerilopotamo seems to 
be the Camion ; while the Gatheatas would appear to be its much 
shorter tributary which rising near the picturesque village of Kyrade^ 
on the westem side of Mt Hellenitsa^ flows into the Xerilopotamo from 
the south-west, a little north of the village of Samara, Gatheae, there- 
fore, was probably on or near the site of the village of Kyrades. 

See Boblaye, Recherches, p. 169 ; Leake, Marea, 2. p. 295 sqq, ; id,, Pelop. 
p. 233 sqq, ; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 291 ; Vischer, Erinnerungeriy p. 414 ; Bursian, 
Geogr, 2. p. 242 ; W. Loring, in/ourttal of Hellenic Studies, 15 (1895), P* 77 -^f* 

34. 5. the Aegytian district. See above, note on viii. 27. 4. 
The Aegytian district must have been about the head waters of the 
Xerilopotamo (Camion), on the westem side of Mt. Taygetus. Aegys, 
the capital of the district (see iii. 2. 5 and cp. viii. 27. 4), may have 
been at or near the modem village of Kamara^ or Kamaraes as it is now 
called because the village has split up or extended itself into three. 
Above the highest of the three villages rises a sharp conspicuous hill, 
projecting from the flank of Mt Taygetus. Its summit must be at 
least 1000 feet above the village, and bears many vestiges of rude 
buildings ; but most, if not all of them, are either mediaeval or modem. 
In the valley, below the village, Peytier observed some mins, which 
Boblaye and Curtius conjectured might be those of the temple of Apollo 
Cereatas. 

See Boblaye, Recherches, p. 170 ; Leake, Pelop. pp. 234, 235 ; Curtius, Pehp. 
I. pp. 292 sqq,, 336 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2, p. 241 ; W. Loring, in Journal of 
Hellenic Studies, 15 (1895), p. 78. 



CH. XXXV CROMI—NYMPHAS 359 

34. 6. OromL This is probably the place called Cromnus by Xeno- 
phon {HellenicOy vii. 4. 20 sqq) and Callisthenes (quoted by Athenaeus, 
X. p. 452 a b). Stephanus Byzantius {s,v\ Kpcufiva) mentions a fonn 
Cromna. The situation of the town is uncertain. At Samara, a 
village on the left bank of the Xerilopotamo, a little over a mile to 
the west of Leondari^ Leake saw the remains of the walls of an 
ancient Greek city, which he identified with Cromi. No ancient Greek 
ruins are now to be seen here, but on a small hill, surmounted by a 
miserable chapel of St. Demetrius, there are remains of some rather 
massive walls of stone, mortar, and occasionally bricks. The hill 
would be a very suitable site for a small acropolis, but Cromi can 
hardly have been here, since it was on the direct way from Megalo- 
polis to Messenia, which Safnara is not. Boblaye would place Cromi 
in the plain of Neochoriy to the north-west of Leondari. Bursian identi- 
fied Cromi with some ancient ruins which Vischer observed beside the 
road near the hamlet of Panagiti, two hours beyond Choremi, on the 
road from Megalopolis to Messenia. Half an hour higher up than the 
hamlet a pretty spring rises at the foot of a pointed rocky hill which the 
natives call Petra Gegrammene (*the inscribed rock'). But Vischer 
looked about for inscriptions in vain. * 

See Leake, Morea, 2. pp. 44, 297 ; id,^ Pelcpan, p. 234 sq, ; Boblaye, Re- 
chercheSt p. 169 ; Curtius, Pehp, I. p. 291 sq, ; Vischer, Erinnerungeny p. 414 ; 
Bursian, Gtogr. 2. p. 242; W. Loring, m Journal of HelUnie Studies^ 15 (1^5), 
p. 78. 

34. 6. Nymphas. Leake identified this with the Paska-drysi or 
' spring of the Pasha,' distant 20 furlongs from the ruins at Samara, 
which he took to be those of Cromi. There is, however, this objection 
to the identification, that it assumes that the ancient road from Mega- 
lopolis to Messene went, not by the direct route over the Makri-plagi 
pass, but south of it by Kokala or Kokla - derveni, Nymphas may 
well have been in the pass of Makri-flagi, which on the Arcadian side 
ascends, as we have seen, through heights covered with woods and 
pastures and abounding in springs. The place thus answers to 
Pausanias's description. 

See Leake, Morea, 2. p. 296 sq, ; id,, Pelop, p. 235 ; Curtius, Pelop. I. p. 292 ; 
Vischer, Erinnerungtn, p. 414. 

35. I. Another road leads fix>m Megalopolis to OanuudimL 
This road appears to have followed a direction somewhat farther to the 
north than the road from Megalopolis to Messene. It is supposed to 
have crossed the mountains in the neighbourhood of the village of 
Krano. The Malus may be the stream which flows north past the 
village of Neochori to join the Alpheus on the left bank of the latter. 
The southern tributary of this stream, flowing from the village of 
KourtagOy may be the Seyms. Phaedrias perhaps stood on the height 
above Neochori, See Leake, Marea, 2. p. 295 sqq, ; iV/., Pelop, p. 235 
sq, ; Boblaye, Recherches, p. 170; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 292; Bursian, 
Geogr, 2. p. 242 sq, Camasium is probably the Camesian grove 



36o PHALAESIAE — TRICOLONI BK. viii. arcadu 

described by Pausanias (iv. 33. 4), though Leake attempted to distin- 
guish them (AfofrOy 2. p. 296 sg. ; Pelop. p. 236). 

35. 3. The road from Megalopolis to Lacedaemon etc This 
account of the road from Megalopolis to Belemina is described by 
Mr. Loring, who knows it well, as concise and satis&ctory. That it 
was the western route, passing close to Leondari, not the eastern one 
by SkorisinoUy which is commonly followed at the present day, appears 
from the fact that it crossed the Alpheus below the junction of that 
river with its tributary the Thius. See W. Loring, in Journal of 
Hellenic Studies, 15 (1895), p. 46 sq. 

35. 3. the river Thins. This must be the stream now called the 
KoutoupharinOy which, flowing from the south, joins the Alpheus (on 
the left bank of the latter) near ChamouMO, See Leake, MoreOy 2. p. 
298 ; mT., Pelop, p. 237 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 243 ; W. Loring, in 
JoumcU of Hellenic Studies, 15 (1895), P- 47- 

35. 3. Phalaesiae. This place is commonly supposed to have been 
near the village of Boura, on the eastern slope of Taygetus, where Gell 
reported "vestiges of a city, and tiles." But the French surveyors 
could see no remains but those of a ruined hamlet {Kalyina) belonging 
to Bouruy and in this they are confirmed by Mr. Loring, who also 
objects that the spot indicated is rather too far from the crossing of the 
Alpheus, and rather too near to the Hermaeum, to correspond well with 
Pausanias's account For the Hermaeum was no doubt about the 
watershed between the valleys of the Alpheus and Eurotas, i.e. bdow 
SpanHkd, See Leake, Pelop, p. 237 (cp. id,, Morea, 2. p. 298) ; Gell, 
Itinerary of the Morea, p. 213; Boblaye, Recherckes, p. 170; Curtius, 
Pelop, I. p. 290; Bursian, Geogr, 2, p. 243 ; W. Loring, in Journal of 
Hellenic Studies, 15 (1895), p. 47. 

35. 3. Belemina. See iii. 21. 3 note. 

35. 5. The distance to Methydrinm etc. Methydrium lies about 
16 miles north of Megalopolis in a straight line. Of the places which 
Pausanias mentions between the two (^ 5-10) none has been positively 
identified. Cp. Leake, Morea, 2. p. 299 sqq, ; id,, Pelop, p. 238 sqq, ; 
Boblaye, Recherches, p. 167 ; Curtius, Pelop. i. p. 306 sqq, ; Bursian, 
Geogr, 2. p. 231 ; W. Loring, xxi Journal of Hellenic Studies, 15 (1895), 
p. 75 sq. 

35. 5. TricolonL It is conjectured that this place may have been 
near the modem Karatoula, on the edge of the plain of Megalopolis, 
about 4 miles north-east of the city (Leake, Pelop, p. 238 ; Boblaye, 
Recherches, p. 167 ; Ciutius, Pelop. i. p. 307). To this it is objected 
by Mr. Loring that Karatoula is not on the direct route from Megalo- 
polis to Methydrium {Nemnitsa), You do not pass near Karatoula on 
the way to Methydrium unless you go by way of the Langadia river and 
the plain of Davia (the plain of Maenalus), which was clearly not 
Pausanias's route. Mr. Loring accordingly suggests that Tricoloni may 
have been at a spot just north of Zonati (a village about 4 miles north 
of Sinanou), where there are remains of rough but massive masonry 
which appear to be ancient. From Zonati the route to Methydrium 
runs northward till it brings us to the foot of the hills. The path now 



CH. XXXV ROUTE TO METHYDRIUM 361 

ascends steeply a little to the left of the villages of PcUamari and Psari 
and continues to climb till we have reached a height of about 1500 
feet above the plain. It then descends more gradually to the bed of a 
stream, sometimes dry, which drains the narrow valley behind Mount 
Rkapauni, Keeping along the valley, we at length strike a track from 
Tripolitsa to Dimitsana near ArkoudarhevmcL The Helisson never 
comes in sight at all ; but the deserted village of Ubavisi near 
Arkaudorhevma (both of which places lie somewhat to the right or east 
of the path and are not seen from it) might perhaps be described as 
" on (or in the direction of) the Helisson " ; and if so, Leake may per- 
haps be right in placing Anemosa near it {Pelofionnesiaca^ p. 238 sq.y 
where the name is spelt Zibovisi by mistake). Keeping due north, and 
soon leaving the path to Dimitsana^ we traverse narrow fir-clad tracks 
and one small level plain, which may be the plain of Polus mentioned 
by Pausanias (§ 10), and so reach the village of Nemnitsa. A little 
beyond it is the site of the ancient Methydrium. See W. Loring, in 
Journal of Hellenic StudieSy 15 (1895), p. 75 j^. 

35. 6. Zoetia. In this plain, between 2 and 3 miles west of Kara- 
toula^ Peytier observed the ruins of a temple, which may have been the 
temple of Demeter and Artemis mentioned by Pausanias (§ 7). See 
Boblaye, Recherches, p. 167 ; Leake, Pelop. p. 239 ; Curtius, Pelop, i. 

P- 307. 

35. 6. and 7. Paroria Thyraenin Hypsns. Some topo- 
graphers, as Leake, Bursian, and Curtius, hold that Mount Hypsus is the 
modem Mt. Klinitsa^ a mountain over 5000 feet high, which rises to 
the north of Stemnitsa; its northern slopes are clothed with fir-woods. 
Stemnitsa is a large village about 10 miles north of Megalopolis, lying 
in a mountain-trough high above the river Gortynius, surrounded on all 
sides by bare mountains. Leake thought that Stemnitsa probably stands 
on the site of the town of Hypsus. He would place Thyraeum and 
Paroria at Palamari and Paleomiri respectively, villages which lie near 
each other at the foot of the hills about half-way between Megalopolis 
and Stemnitsa. See Leake, Peloponnesiaca^ p. 240 ; Curtius, Pelop, 
!• P* 307 sq.\ Bursian, Geogn 2. p. 231; Philippson, Peloponnes^ 
p. 91. 

35. 7* I liftve already pointed out etc See viii. 3. 3. 

35. 8. Onmi etc Leake conjectured (Pelopon. p. 239) that this 
may have been near the modem Plana (as to which see note on viii. 
30. i). £. Curtius placed Cmni conjecturally farther south, on the 
southem side of Mt. Rhenissa; he thought that Callisto's tomb may have 
been near Chrysovitziy a village about 2^ miles to the south-west of 
Plana {Pelop, i. p. 309). Mt Rhenissa is one of the chain of mountains 
which bounds the plain of Megalopolis, dividing it from the much smaller 
plain of Maenalus {David) on the east. 

35. 9. Anemosa. See note on § 5, ' Tricoloni.' 

35. 9. Mount Phalanthns. This is supposed to be the mountain 
which rises to the west of the modem village of Alonistena (see note on 
viii. 30. i). The route over the mountain from Alonistena to Methydrium 
ascends a wild picturesque glen, through a magnificent pine-forest, to 



362 METHYDRIUM BK. viii. arcadia 

the summit of the pass, and then descends by a charming path under 
pine-trees, to which the telegraph wires are attached. A gorge traversed 
by an aqueduct with wide arches leads to an undulating plain, seamed 
and furrowed by the deep beds of torrents flowing from the precipitous 
mountains which enclose the valley. This is the valley or plain of 
Methydrium. See Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 308 ; Gutde-Joanne^ 2. p. 380 ; 
Philippson, Peloponnes^ p. 91 sq. 

35. 10. the plain of Poliu. See above, note on § 5, 'Tricoloni.' 

36. I. MethydlinilL The ruins of Methydrium, a town situated 
in the heart and centre of Arcadia, are to be seen in a valley at the 
angle formed by the junction of two small streams which flow north- 
ward. The eastern of these two streams is the river of Nemmtsoy the 
western is the Bourbotdistra or river of Pyrgaki. They are the Maloetas 
and Mylaon of Pausanias, though which of them is the Maloetas and 
which the Mylaon is not certain. These brooks go to form the river or 
stream of Vyttna, which, like its tributaries, flows in a deep, rocky bed 
far below the fields and villages of the valley. The ruins are situated 
ten minutes to the north-west of the village of Nemnitsa and about 
2 miles to the south of the larger village of Vytina^ which lies among 
fields and vineyards at a height of more than 3000 feet above the sea. 
The rising ground which the ruins occupy between the two streams is 
now covered with vines ; it is not high, but on the north side it has a 
steep rocky slope. The circuit-walls, partly demolished, partly hidden 
by bushes, follow the edge of the knoll. In the better preserved por- 
tions the wall is about 8 feet thick. The jointing is irregular, but here 
and there it approaches to the quadrangular style. On the south side 
the blocks are very large. There were towers at the angles. 

See Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 57 sqq, ; id,^ Pelop, p. 200 sqq, ; Gell, Itifurary cf 
the Morea, p. 126; Boblaye, RechercheSj p. 150 sq. ; L. Ross, Reisen^ p. 116; 
Curtius, Pelop, I. p. 309 sq, ; Bursian, Geogr. 2, p. 229; Baedeker,* p. 311 ; 
Guide-Joanne, 2, p. 380 sq, ; Philippson, Peloponnes, p. 92. 

Methydrium was a small and humble town ; a wealthy man of 
Magnesia, in Asia, who made a journey to this sequestered comer of the 
Arcadian highlands, regarded the place with contempt (Porphyry, Dt 
abstinentia^ ii. 16). 

36. I. a high knolL The Greek is koXcuvos v\fn)X6s. A difficulty 
has been made about these words, as if Pausanias had said that Methy- 
drium stood on a high hill, which is certainly not the fact. But koAxdvos 
is not a At'll but a hillock or knoll. No one who has seen the famous 
Colonus (koAcuvos) near Athens would describe it as a hill. It is merely 
a knoll. 

36. 2. a temple of Horse Poseidon. The site of this temple is 
perhaps marked by a ruined chapel which stands about the middle 
of the space enclosed by the walls of Methydrium. It is shaded by 
evergreen oaks. See Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 381. Immediately below 
Methydrium the united streams of Nemnitsa and Pyrgaki are joined by 
a tributary from the west, the river of Korphoxylicu In the valley of 
this tributary, on the right bank of the stream, are the foundations of a 



CH. XXXVI METHYDRWM 363 

temple, 30 feet long by 1 5 feet broad. The temple lies east and west. 
The walls of the cella are built of grey limestone, and are well preserved 
at the south-western comer. Leake conjectured that this may have been 
the temple of Horse Poseidon. But if so, it was not within the walls 
of Methydrium. See Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 57 sq,\ icLy Pelop. p. 202 ; 
Gell, Itinerary of the Morea^ p. 126 ; L. Ross, Reisen^ p. 116; Curtius, 
Pelop, I. p. 310. In 1858 or 1859 the Greek Archaeological Society 
proposed to excavate "the temple of Horse Poseidon, of which some 
columns appear above the ground near the ancient Arcadian city of 
Methydrium." (This probably refers to the ruins in the valley of the 
Korphoxylia river.) See SwoTrrtK^ XKQecn,^ tcuv wpo^cwv r^s o/jx^"*' 
AoyiK^s haipias, 1859, p. 21. But it does not appear that this inten- 
tion was ever executed. 

From a passage in Theopompus, quoted by Porphyry {De abstin. ii. 
1 6), we may perhaps infer that Hermes and Hecate were worshipped at 
Methydrium ; for the pious Clearchus of that town is said to have 
wreathed and cleaned their images at every new moon. 

36. 3. a grotto of Rhea. On Mount St. Eliasy above Nemnitsay 
there is a grotto, which the peasants call the cave of Nikolaki. It may 
be the grotto of Rhea. If so, Mt St, Elias is the Mount Thaumasius 
of Pausanias, and the river of Nemnitsa (a brook which dries up in 
summer) is the Maloetas. The peasants of Vytina speak of a dragon- 
hole in a place not easy of access somewhere in the neighbourhood. 
See Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 381 ; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 310. Others have 
identified Mount Thaiunasius with the modem Mount Madara^ on the 
opposite (westem) side of the valley of Methydrium. It is a pyramidal 
mountain with a sharp bare peak, but with thin pine-woods scattered 
over its lower slopes. See Curtius, Lc, ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 229 ; 
Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 314 ; Philippson, Peloponnes, p. 92. 

36. 4. Nymphasia. This is perhaps the fine spring which rises to 
the east of the village of Vytina. See Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 151 ; 
Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 311 ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 230. 

36. 5. ' the Qate to the Marsh.' Leake strangely misunderstood 
these words, applying them to a pass in the hills (Morea^ 2. p. 305 ; 
id,y Pelop, p. 241). 

36. 5. the Good God. This seems to have been the same deity 
who was more commonly called the Good Demon {Agathodaimon), 
Pausanias is probably mistaken in identifying him with Zeus. See note 
on ix. 39. 5. 

36. 5. a monnd of earth, the grave of Aristodemiu. This is 
perhaps the tiunulus which lies just outside the line of the eastem wall 
of Megalopolis, on the right or northem bank of the Helisson. Against 
this identification, however, it is to be observed, first, that though the 
English excavation of the tumulus in 1890 proved it to be indeed 
sepulchiral, it brought to light no traces of a tomb appropriate to a 
tyrant's burial ; and, second, that while the tumulus is situated on the 
right rank of the river, Pausanias's route, in the course of which he 
passed the grave of Aristodemus, followed the left bank, as appears from 
the list of places through which he went without crossing the river, as 



364 TUMULUS AT MEGALOPOLIS bk. viil akcadia 

well as from his mention of a torrent, up the course of which he walked 
for some distance without crossing it, keeping it on his left. It is 
possible, however, that Pausanias may have omitted to mention that the 
tumulus was on the farther side of the river. 

The tumulus in question is situated near the north bank of the 
river, a little to the east of the modem bridge. Though connected at 
the back with a long low ridge of hill, the mound presents on eveiy 
other side a remarkably conical appearance, and has hence been gener- 
ally regarded as artificial. The natives call it the Black Man's Mound 
{Arapou magoula\ and tell stories of a treasure that is buried there and 
guarded by a mysterious black man. Some say the black man's son is 
buried in the mound, and that with the corpse the £aither deposited 
two barrels, one full of money and the other full of snakes, the snakes 
being no doubt intended for the reception of any thieves who 
should break into the tomb. The English excavations of the mound 
brought to light traces of several interments and a laige quantity of 
bones. Thus in a trench dug in the south-west side of the tumulus 
there was found, about half-way up the mound and within 6 inches of 
the surface, a curious cylindrical vessel of white limestone covered with 
a lid and containing some charred bones and two gold ornaments. One 
of the ornaments is a small headband tapering at either end and 
decorated with a simple leaf pattern in repoussi work. The other is a 
small hollow disc of gold made of two very thin pieces of gold folded 
together at their edges. This disc is clearly a piece of sham money 
intended for circulation in the other world, for it bears on one side a 
coin-type representing apparently an eagle standing on a thunderbolt 
As this is a type which appears on gold coins from the time of Ptolemy 
I. onwards, but not before, it furnishes us with a clue to the date of 
the burial Further, the same trench brought to light, at a lower level 
and rather farther south, a circular enclosure some 1 2 feet in diameter. 
Its sides are built wholly of common cobbles held together by crumbly 
mortar, and are about 5 feet high. The roof was domed, but it has 
fallen in, with the exception of the first course or two, which lean slightly 
inwards to form the spring of the dome. The height of the sides and 
the extant courses of the dome together is about 6 feet. There was an 
entrance some 5 feet wide on the west, roughly filled in with loose stones 
and earth. Nothing was found in the enclosure except one or two 
small pots, without any decoration, an earthenware lamp, and a strigil. 
Another trench dug by the English archaeologists on the eastern side 
of the tumulus resulted in the discovery of a plain sarcophagus of coarse 
thick earthenware containing some slabs of thinner and rather finer 
earthenware, which had apparently been laid over the top as a cover- 
ing, but had been crushed in by the weight of the superincumbent 
soil. There was nothing else in the sarcophagus, which was found 
10 feet below the surface of the mound and a little to the east of 
its centre. See W. Loring, in Excavations at Megalopolis^ pp. 9-1 1, 
118 sq, 

36. 6. a precinct sacred to the North Wind etc See viii. 
27. 14. 



CH. XXXVI PERAETHENSES—MABNALUS 365 

36. 7* the Elaphns rains of Peraetlieiifles. The Elaphus is 

no doubt the torrent which flows into the Helisson on the left bank of 
the latter stream, about 4 miles north-east of Megalopolis. It rises 
near the large village of Valtetsiy which stands among dreary and 
barren mountains at a height of about 3400 feet above the sea. The 
rude inhabitants of the village are mostly shepherds, who at the 
approach of winter drive their great flocks of sheep and goats to the 
genial coast of eastern Argolis, where the orange ripens in December, 
not returning to their bleak mountains till spring is far advanced. The 
glen through which the Elaphus flows from its source near Vcdtetsi is 
desolate and rocky, shut in by bare mountains of black limestone. The 
track along the bottom of the glen is truly execrable. At the village of 
Rhachamytaes^ some 4 miles or so from VcUtetsiy the dale opens a 
little, and there is a little cultivated level in its bottom. This may be 
the site of Peraethenses. The distance from Megalopolis, some 6 or 
7 miles, agrees fairly with the 55 Greek furlongs (about 6 miles) of 
Pausanias. On the top of the high conspicuous hill called St Elias of 
Kandreva^ immediately to the south of Rhachamytaes^ there are remains 
of a large Doric temple, which may possibly have been that of Pan. 
See note on viii. 44. 4. Leake proposed to place Paliscius at Rhfi- 
chamytaes and Peraethenses at ValUtsi^ but the distances of these 
places from Megalopolis do not tally with those given by Pausanias. 
From Rhachamytaes the torrent finds its way between bleak and barren 
hills into the plain of Megalopolis. After visiting Peraethenses our 
author apparently turned back to the junction of the Elaphus with the 
Helisson, crossed the Elaphus there, and pursued his way beside the 
Helisson up the long and difficult defile through which the river flows 
from the plain of Maenalus to that of Megalopolis. 

See Boblaye, RecAtrcAes, p. 171 ; Leake, Pe/oponnesiaca, p. 241 s^, ; Curtius, 
Pelcp» I. p. 314; Philippson, Peloponnes^ p. 87 sq, ; W. Loring, in Journal of 
HelUnu Studies, 15 (1895), P- 77- 

36. 7. a plain. The plain of Maenalus is the long narrow moun- 
tain-locked plain or valley traversed by the upper waters of the Helisson, 
which, rising near the village of AlonisienOy flows southward in a 
winding course through the valley for a direct distance of about 8 
miles, then turning south-west forces its way through a narrow and 
difficult gorge into the plain of Megalopolis. At the present day the 
valley takes its name from DavtOy a village on its eastern side, at the 
foot of the high bare slopes of Mount Maenalus which bound the 
valley on the east. The view of the valley, as seen from its south- 
eastern end, is fine. After ascending from the Tegean plain through 
a desolate rocky defile to the west of Tripolitsa^ we are surprised, on 
reaching the summit of the pass (about 3000 feet above the sea), by 
the prospect that suddenly opens out before us. In the north rises the 
chain of Mount Maenalus with its dark imposing peaks. On the west 
is seen, like a mighty wall, the central range of the Arcadian mountains, 
clothed with sombre pine-forests. In the long trough enclosed by these 
great mountains are low hills of soft undulating outlines, between which 



366 LYCOA — MAENALUS BK. viii. ARCADIA 

stretches a valley some half-mile or more wide, covered with green 
fields and meadows, and watered by the winding stream of the Helisson. 
The contrast, especially in summer, between the parched plain of T^^ea, 
which we left on the other side of the ridge, and this green well- 
watered valley, where herds of cattle browse on the banks of the 
river and mills are turned by its ever- flowing stream, is indeed a 
striking one. The valley forms the transition in climate and scenery 
from the arid wilderness of eastern to the woods and waters of western 
Arcadia. 

See Leake, Morea, 2. p. 51 sqq, ; id,, Pelop, p. 243 ; L. Ross, Reisen, P- n? 
saq, ; Curtius, Pelop, I. p. 314 j^. ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 228 ; Baedeker,' p. 309; 
Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 313 sq, ; Philippson, Peloponnes, pp. 85, 89; W. Loring, in 
Journal of Hellenic Studies , 15 (1895), p. 76 sq, 

36. 7. fifteen fturlongs fix>m the river. See the Critical Note on 
this passage, vol i. p. 598, 

36. 7. Lycoa. In the south-eastern comer of the plain or valley of 
Davia^ between the villages Zarachova (or Arachova) and KarteroHy there 
are some remains, including two ruined churches and some scattered 
blocks, which have been supposed to mark the site of Lycoa. See L. 
Ross, ReiseHy p. 120 sq,; Curtius, Pelap, i. p. 315 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. 
p. 228 j^.; Baedeker,^ p. 309. Cp. Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 171. The 
place is called Lycoa by Pausanias here and in another passage (viii. 3. 
4) ; but elsewhere (viii. 27. 3 ; viii. 30. i) he calls it Lycaea. Stephanus 
Byzantius apparently distinguishes two Arcadian towns, one Lycaea and 
the other Lycoa (sjuv. AvKaia and AvKoa) ; and there was a town Lycoa 
beside the Alpheus, below its junction with the Lucius (Polybius, xvi. 
1 7 ; see note on viii. 38. 9) ; but that Pausanias refers to a single town, 
Lycaea or Lycoa, situated in the Maenalian district, seems clear. 
Leake, however, thought it evident from Pausanias that there were 
two Arcadian cities of nearly the same name, one in Maenalia, the 
other to the north of Mount Lycaeus {Moreay 2. p. 304). Cp. L. Ross, 
Reisen^ p. 121 note; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 342; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 
229 note I. 

36. 8. Sometia. See note on viii 27. 3. 

36. 8. Meetings of Three Ways. This place seems to have been 
somewhere near the south-east comer of the plain of Davia^ not far from 
the modem Selimna. The pass which, beginning here, leads eastward 
down a ravine to the Tripoli tsa and so on to Tegea, was probably one 
of the * Three Ways.' Another of the divergent roads would be the 
one leading southward to Pallantium. The third road may have been 
the one leading westward to the plain of Megalopolis. 

See Leake, Morea, 2. p. 306 ; Boblaye, RechercheSy p. 172 ; L. Ross, Reisen^ 
p. 121 ; Curtius, Pelop. i. p. 315; Bursian, Gcogr. 2. p. 229; Baedeker,' p. 309; 
Guide-Joanne y 2. p. 313. 

36. 8. fetched the bones of Areas etc See viii. 9. 3 sq. 
36. 8. Bains of the city of Maenalus. Opposite the village of 
Davia^ on the right (westem) bank of the Helisson, a rocky projection 



CH. XXXVII SANCTUARY OF THE MISTRESS 367 

of the hills which border that side of the valley reaches nearly to the 
bed of the river. The top is flat and is enclosed by extensive remains 
of polygonal walls, built of very large hewn stones. On these ancient 
ruins a mediaeval castle has been built ; of the walls of this castle there 
are considerable remains, especially on the highest point of the hill. 
Inside the walls are ruins of houses or barracks. The ascent to the 
fortress is at the south-east comer of the hill, where there are remains 
of a gateway. In the fields below the hill, on its northern side, are 
some indications of ancient buildings. These ruins may be, as 
L. Ross believed, the remains of the town of Maenalus. Leake, how- 
ever, took them to be those of Dipaea, and Mr. Loring adopts the same 
view. 

See Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 52 5q.\ L. Ross, Reisen^ p. \Vj sq, \ Curtius, Pelop, 
I* P* 315 > Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 228 ; Baedeker,' p. 309 ; W. Loring, in Journal 
of Hellenic Studies^ 15 (1895), P* 7^ ^9* 

36. 8. they even hear Pan piping. Cp. Virgil, EcL viii. 23 sq, 
Apollodorus (quoted by the scholiast on Euripides, Rhesus^ 36) explained 
such fiEmcies by saying that what simple folk mistook for the piping and 
fluting of Pan and the nymphs were simply the cries of distant and 
imseen men and animals heard among the hiUs and rocks. 

36. 9. it is forty itirlongs to the sanctnary of the Mistress. 
Pausanias now returns from Maenalus to Megalopolis and describes the 
road which led westward from Megalopolis to Mount Lycaeus and 
Lycosura. The sanctuary of the Mistress, as we shall see presently, 
lay just outside the walls of Lycosura. 

36. 9. Macareae. This is doubtless the place which Pausanias 
elsewhere calls Macaria (viii. 3. 3 ; viii. 27. 4). 

36. 9. Daseae. This is supposed to have been near the site of the 
modem village of DeU Hassan^ between the Alpheus and Lycosura. 
In this neighbourhood there are some remains of ancient walls on the 
left bank of the little stream, the ancient Plataniston (Paus. viii. 39. i), 
opposite a chapel of St John which is shaded by fine oaks. See L. 
Ross, Reisen^ P- 87 ; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 294 sq. ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 
239 sq. ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 308 ; Baedeker,* p. 322. 

36. 9. the Acacesian HilL See note on viii 37. 8. 

37. I. the sanctnary of the Mistress. Among the hills, the 
southern spurs of Mount Lycaeus, which bound the plain of Megalopolis 
on the west, is the modem village of Stala, It stands on the bank of 
a stream (the ancient Plataniston) which flows eastward to join the 
Alpheus. From Stala a somewhat steep path ascends in about twenty 
minutes to the ruins of Lycosura, which lie on a small rocky hill to the 
east of the village. From the eastern side of the hill of Lycosura a low 
ridge'' runs eastward for a few hundreds of yards, ending in a green knoll 
or hillock which is crowned with a couple of oak-trees and with some 
remains of a chapel of St. Athanasius. This ridge is called Terze. Its 
northern slope is broken by a terrace, not many feet below the summit 
of the green hillock ; and on this terrace, in full view of the walls of 
Lycosura, which girdle the low hill a couple of hundred yards or so to 



368 SANCTUARY OF THE MISTRESS bk. viil axcadia 

the west, are the rains of the sanctuary of the Mistress. They were 
excavated at the expense of the Greek Government under the direction 
of Messrs. Leonardos and Cawadias in the years 1889, 1890, and 1895. 
The temple lies east and west, and comprises a fore-temple {firanaas) or 
portico and a celled It was of the Doric order, with six columns on its 
eastern front, but none at the sides or the back. It is 20 metres long 
by 10 metres wide. The depth of ih^pronaos is 5.3 metres ; that of the 
cella is 13 metres. The foundations are built of small unhewn stones 
bonded with clay, not mortar. On these foundations rests a socle of 
squared blocks of the native limestone, which are also bonded with 
clay. The upper part of the walls, so far as they are standing, is built 
of large burnt bricks, bonded with mortar, not clay. These bricks are 
not of the shape or size of Roman bricks ; and the mortar, which seems 
to have disappeared since the temple was excavated, cannot, in Dr. 
Dorpfeld's opinion, have been the good Roman mortar. The whole of 
the inner walls of the temple, down to the floor, was coated with this 
mortar. The columns and pilasters of the portico, together with the 
entablature and the sima of the whole temple, are made of a white 
coarse-grained marble, which seems to have come from Dolictna near 
Tegea. The numerous fragments of the images which have been dis- 
covered are of the same coarse marble. The floor of the fore-temple is 
paved with flags ; that of the cella seems also to have been flagged 
originally, but at a later time it was covered with a conunon mosaic 
composed of small stones and mortar. The design of the mosaic, which 
is carried out in red and white stones, exhibits two lions in the middle sur- 
rounded by several ornamental borders of meanders, plaited twigs, and 
arabesques. The bases of the two south columns of the portico are still 
in their places. Almost the whole of the fore-temple was found 
occupied with the inscribed pedestals of votive ofierings ; one of 
them, which supported a statue of Hadrian, is still in its place. A 
colossal pedestal of the same limestone as the lower part of the walls 
occupies nearly the whole west end of the cella; it doubtless supported 
the four images which Pausanias describes and of which many remains 
were found in the temple. The excavations of 1895 further laid bare 
the colonnade and altars mentioned by Pausanias, also various buildings 
above the temple, in which were found some very ancient votive offerings ; 
but a detailed description of these latest discoveries has not yet (October 
1896) been published. That the temple is indeed the temple of the 
Mistress is put beyond doubt by inscriptions found in it. Thus, tiles have 
been discovered bearing the inscription AecnrotWs (*of the Mistress'). 
Again, an inscription found in the fore-temple records a decree of the 
city of Lycosura in honour of a certain Nicasippus, son of Philip, and 
his wife Timasistrata, daughter of Onasicrates. From it we learn that 
Nicasippus had twice held the priesthood of the Mistress and had 
celebrated the mysteries at his own expense. For these and other 
benefits conferred by him and his wife, the people of Lycosura resolved 
to set up portraits of Nicasippus and Timasistrata in the sanctuary, and 
it was further resolved that a copy of the decree in their honour should 
be deposited in the archives at Megalopolis, and that another copy. 



CII. XXXVII 



SANCTUAK Y OF THE MISTRESS 



369 



engraved on stone, should be set up in the sanctuary of the Mistress. 
The decree is dated in the second priesthood of the Mistress held by 




FIG. 36.— GROUND-KLAN OK TEMPLE AT LYCOSURA. 

Nicasippus, and in the 32nd year "according to the emperor" (Kara 
rhv ^cfiofrrov), which may mean in 2 A.D. ; but the style of the letters 
points to a later date. 



VOL. IV 



2 B 



370 SANCTUARY OF THE Af /STRESS bk. viii. arcadia 

Further, a marble pedestal shaped like the trunk of a tree bears an 
inscription recording that it was dedicated to the Mistress and Saviour 
by King Julius Epiphanes Philopappus. This personage was son of 
the last king of Commagene and father of the Philopappus whose 
monument still stands conspicuous on the top of the Museum Hill at 
Athens.' See note on i. 25. 8. As Commagene was captured by the 
Romans in 72 A.D., we may suppose that the votive offering of 
Epiphanes Philopappus was dedicated towards the end of the first 
century A.D. Again, a square pedestal found in the cella bears a 
Greek inscription in letters of the latest Roman period setting forth 
that it was dedicated to the Mistress by Epagathus, the emperor's 
courier {tabellarius). These inscriptions have been published (AcArtov 
d/>X«wA,oytKoi', 1890, pp. 43-45). Another inscription, found by a 
peasant near Lycosura and not yet published, records the rules to be 
observed in celebrating the mysteries and sacrifices of the Mistress. 
It would seem to Ije the ver>' inscription mentioned by Pausanias (see 
note on § 2). Lastly, among the inscriptions found in 1895 and not 
yet published, is one which speaks of the repair of a temple with its 
fore-temple. The excavations of the same year brought to light some 
small votive offerings of terra-cotta representing rams and serpents, and 
an archaic bronze statuette of Athena. 

With regard to the date of the temple Mr. Cavvadias is of opinion 
that the existing remains belong to two different periods, a (ireek period 
and a Roman, the Roman being characterised by the employment of 
mortar and the Greek by its absence. If he is right, the foundations 
and the limestone socle of the walls belong to the original Greek 
building ; but the brickwork of the upper walls, the coating of mortar 
applied equally to all the walls, and the mosaic pavement are later 
and date from Roman times. This view, which is accepted by the 
German architect Mr. Cawerau, is confirmed by the inscription, 
recently found, which speaks of the repair of a temple with its fore- 
temple ; for this temple can hardly have been any other than the 
temple of the Mistress. Dr. Oorpfeld, however, writing before the 
discovery of this inscription, preferred to suppose that the temple was 
all built at one tmie, nanielv in the late * Hellenistic ' or earlv Roman 
period, and he would assign it, with the sculptures, either to the second 
or first century B.C. At the same time he does not deny the possibility 
of referring the remains to two different periods ; an older temple built 
of lime^>tone may, he says, have been afterwards repaired with marble. 
The arguments he adduces in support of his own view do not seem 
strong. He confesses that the workmanship and decoration of all the 
architectural members (columns, entablature, etc.) are so bad that ever)- 
one would at once take them for Roman, and that he himself at first had 
unhesitatingly declared the temple to be of the Roman period. Yet the 
bricks and mortar, according to him, are not of the usual Roman sort. 
He argues that the images by Damophon which Pausanias describes and 
of which large pieces have been found must have been contemporary 
with the temple ( i ) because they are of the same marble as the columns 
and entablature ; and (2) because the pedestal is made of the same 



CH. XXXVII SANCTUARY OF THE MISTRESS 371 



limestone as the lower part of the walls and exhibits the same inferior 
workmanship and the same shaped ( r-i ) clamps. But the argument 
from identity of materials to identity of date counts for very little ; 
if the materials were within easy reach, they might well have been 
employed at Lycosura at very different dates, just as the Athens of 
to-day is built in part of the same Pentelic marble as the Parthenon. 
The fact upon which Mr. Cavvadias chiefly relies, namely the use of 
mortar in some parts of the temple and not in others, is not accounted 
for by Dr. Dorpfeld's theory of the unity of the temple. That fact 
indeed furnishes a strong presumption that the portions of the building 
so distinguished were erected at different times ; and now that this 
presumption is confirmed by the inscription which appears to speak of 
a repair of the temple, we may provisionally accept it. 

On Lycosura and the sanctuary of the Mistress see Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 395 
sqij. ; L. Ross, Reiseftf p. 84 sqg, ; Welcker, Tagebuch^ i. p. 264 sqq, ; Curtius, 
Pelop. I. p. 295 sqq. ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 237 sqq. ; Baedeker,' p. 322 sq. ; 
Guide-Joanne, 1. p. 307 sq. ; LiiKriov &pxiu-o\oyiKbvy 1 889, pp. 122 sq.^ 1 53 sq., 
1 59' 1 63, 170, 202; id. J 1890, pp. 43-45, 09 J^., 113; P. Cavvadias, Fouiiles de 
Lycosoura, Livraison I. (Athens, 1893) » ^4'^t^P^^ dpxoto^o7»'"J» 1895, PP* 263- 
274 (inscriptions); id., 1896, pp. loi - 130 (inscriptions); W. Dorpfeld, in 
Mittheil. d. arch. Inst, in Athen, 18 (1893), PP» 219-221; Athenaeum, 3rd 
August 1895, P* ^69 ; Mittheil. d. arch. Inst, in Athen, 20 (1895), P* 375 ^9' '•> 
Berlifier philolog. Wochenschrift, 13th June 1896, p. 769. I visited Lycosura and 
the sanctuary of the Mistress, in company with Mr. W. Loring and Mr. W. J. 
Woodhouse, 5th May 1890. 

37. I. Guide of Fate. See note on v. 15. 5 ; and L. K. Famell, 
The Cults of the Greek States, i. pp. 78-83, 119 sq. 

37. I. Hercules wresting the tripod from Apollo. See x. 13. 7 
sq.^ with the note. 

37. 2. on this tablet are painted pictures of the mTsteries. 

The Greek is ttivcikiov coti y^ypafifuvov^ ^X^v to. h rrjv rcXer^v, which 
may refer either to a painting or to an inscription on the tablet. The 
discovery near Lycosura of an inscription recording the rules to be 
observed at the celebration of the mysteries makes it highly probable 
that Pausanias meant to say, " On this tablet are inscribed the rules of 
the mysteries," instead of (as I have translated him) " On this tablet 
are painted pictures of the mysteries.'' in fact we seem to have 
recovered the very inscription seen by Pausanias. Unfortunately it has 
not yet been published, but a few of the principal ordinances which it 
contains are mentioned by Mr. Cavvadias {Fouiiles de Lycosoura^ 
Livraison i. p. 13). They are as follows. Persons who were being 
initiated in the mysteries might not wear gold ornaments nor rings nor 
shoes nor red garments. Pregnant and nursing women were excluded 
from the mysteries. The victims sacrificed to the goddess had to 
be female and white ; and in offering sacrifice use was to be made of 
olive-wood and myrtle, white poppies, incense, myrrh, perfumes, lamps, 
etc. Thus the inscription resembles in its character the great inscrip- 
tion which records the rules as to the celebration of the Andanian 
mysteries. See note on iv. i. 5. 

37. 3. The images of the goddesses etc. In excavating the cella 



37a THE LYCOSURA SCULPTURES BK. viii. 

of the temple of the Mistress at Lycosum the Greek archaeologists found 
many fragments of colossal marble statues lying in front of or beside 
Ihe pedestal. These fragments without doubt belonged to the inuj^ 
of the Mistress, Demeier, Artemis, and Anytus, which were made by 




Diiinophon an<l are described in the present passaj;c by l'au*anias. 
The most important of these fragments arc three colossal heads (two 
female and one male) and a lar^c piece of drapcr\'. The heads are 
most probably those of Uemeter, Artemis, and Anytus ; the drapery, 
adorned with elaborate reliefs, may hai-e formed part of the robe either 



CH. xxxvci THE LVCOSUKA SCULPTURES 373 

of Uemetcr or of the Misircss. The marble is white, coarse-Kniined, 
and friable ; it probably cumes from the quarries of Doliana, near 
Tegea. 

The head which has been identified as that of Demeier (Fig. 37) is 







veiled and turned sliyhtly to the right ; it was originally encircled by a 
metal diadem. The hair falls in long locks down the back, and small 
locks were arranged round the brow from ear to ear. Some of these locks 
arc missing ] they were probably earned out of separate pieces of marble 
and fitted to the head, A small hole in each of the locks beside the 



374 THE LYCO.WRA SCULPTURES bk. viii. arcahu 

ears was apparently nieani lo attach some metal ornament. The back 
pan i>r the skull is wanting ; like some of the locks it was probably 




made of n separate pifrc of marble. Tlie face, thoiif-h ^omcH■llat 
(lama>;ed, especially by the loss of ihe j;reater p^irt of the Tinjc, 
is comely, but neither god-like nor ^itrikingly beautiful. It is merely 



CH. XXXVII THE LYCOSURA SCULPTURES 375 



that of a well-bred lady. The height of the head is .80 metre 
(2 ft. 7 in.). 

The other female head which has been identified as that of Artemis 
(Fig. 38) is a good deal smaller than the preceding, but still colossal. Its 
height is .48 metre (i ft. 7 in.) The features and style of wearing the 
hair are girlish, not matronly. As the head is smaller than that of Demeter 
and of about the same size as that of Anytus, we infer that it represents 
Artemis ; for the figures of Artemis and Anytus, who were represented 
standing, were probably smaller than those of the principal divinities, 
Demeter and the Mistress, who were represented sitting. The head of 
Artemis is turned slightly to the right. Like that of Demeter, it was 
adorned by a metal ornament of some sort attached to the hair beside 
each ear; the holes in which the ornaments were inserted are still 
visible. TThe eyes of this head, like those of the head of Anytus, were 
not carved out of the same block of marble as the rest of the face, but 
were inserted separately in the sockets. Two marble eyes, found in the 
course of the excavations, may have belonged either to this head or to 
that of Anytus. The upper part of the skull is wanting ; it was probably 
made of a separate piece of marble. Amongst the fragments discovered 
on the site is a colossal hand holding a torch ; its dimensions are pro- 
portional to the head of Artemis, whence we conclude that it belonged 
to her image, which, as we learn from Pausanias, held a torch in one 
hand. 

The male head is that of a bearded man with shaggy locks, fleshy 
nose, thick lips, and good-humoured but commonplace expression (Fig. 39). 
Men with faces of this type may be seen any day lounging at the bars of 
public-houses. To compare this dull coarse face with the noble head 
of the Zeus of Otricoli or the strong face, rendered pathetic by suffering, 
of the £unous Laocoon is absurd. The head is turned slightly to the 
left No doubt it is that of the Titan Anytus. The back of the head 
as far as the nape of the neck is wanting ; but on the other hand a 
part of the breast is preserved. The total height of the fragment is .83 
metre (about 2 ft. 8 in.). 

The head of the Mistress has not been found, but two of the existing 
fragments are believed to have belonged to her image. One represents 
the neck with . a piece of the breast of a colossal statue- of the same 
proportions as the head of Demeter ; the other represents the right 
arm of a statue of the same size with the hand resting on the upper 
part of a rectangular object. This rectangular object was probably the 
sacred basket which the Mistress, as we learn from Pausanias, held in 
her right hand. 

The fragment of marble drapery (Fig. 40) is ^.18 metres (about 3 ft. 
10 in.) high. It represents either a piece of a long robe or cloak doubled 
over, or pieces of two separate garments hanging one over the other in large 
loose folds. If there were two garments, the lower is probably a tunic and 
the upper a mantle of the usual Greek sort. The whole surface of the 
drapery, except the side which was fitted to the body of the statue, is 
covered with beautifully-wrought reliefs representing a variety of figures, 
most of them mythical. These figures are arranged in four horizontal 



THE LYCOSUKA SCULPTURES BK. viii. a»CADIA 



bands of unequal brcadil) separated by stripes of a decoratii'c patlem or 
by leafy branches. The lowest band, which is narrow, exhibits a proces- 




iion of eleven figures clad in lony tunics and moving rapidly to the 
sjwetaior's right. Kach of ilieni hus ilie body of a woman with the head, 
paws, and feet of different animals. Some of ihem are playing musical 



CH. XXXVII THE LYCOSURA SCULPTURES yn 

instruments ; others are dancing or striding along. Thus one with the 
head of an ass (?) is playing on a lyre ; and two are playing on double 
flutes, one with the head of a horse, the other with the head of a cat 
or hare. Amongst the figures dancing or striding along two have the 
heads of rams ; one has the head of a pig ; another has, as it seemed 
to me, the head of an ass with an ass's legs and hoofs instead of human 
feet and hands, though Mr. Cavvadias appears to identify the head as 
that of a horse or mule. Other heads are difficult to make out. The 
second band, which is the broadest of all, is divided from the lowest 
by a border of myrtle leaves and a ribbon. It exhibits two winged 
women, perhaps Victories, each clad in a long garment and holding in 
both hands an object which resembles a chandelier. Behind and at the 
side of the chandeliers are some objects which are thought to resemble 
serpents and wings. The third band, which is broader than the first 
but not so broad as the second, is bordered on its lower edge by a 
pattern of fringes. It contains a series of sea creatures and sea 
monsters. We see a Nereid seated on a sea monster and preceded by 
a dolphin. Then comes another Nereid seated on the back of a Triton, 
who holds in his left hand an oar, while his right is placed on a small 
dolphin. After this Triton there is another dolphin. The fourth or 
highest band, the narrowest of all, is divided from the third by a 
border of olive branches with a ribbon on each side. It exhibits a 
series of eagles and thunderbolts. 

The magnificence of this sculptured drapery, which in its elaborate 
decoration is unique among the remains of Greek art, was probably 
heightened by colour; for we may suppose that all the figures were 
painted in bright and varied hues, and that some of the details which 
have been left out by the sculptor were put in with the brush. The 
effect of the whole must have been gorgeous. As to the figures repre- 
sented on the robe, they had all no doubt a close relation to the myths 
and perhaps to the worship of Demeter and the Mistress (Proserpine). 
The horse-headed woman reminds us that in the Phigalian cave, not 
very far from Lycosura, Demeter herself was anciently portrayed with 
the head of a horse (viii. 42. 4), and that at Lycosura she was said to 
have borne her daughter Proserpine (the Mistress) to Horse Poseidon 
(viii. 37. 10) ; while at Thelpusa the goddess and her lover were said to 
have met in the form of horse and mare and to have been the parents 
of the horse Arion (viii. 25. 5 sqq.) The sea creatures may also refer 
to Poseidon as the father of Proserpine. We may even suggest that 
the procession of animal - headed figures had its counterpart in the 
worship of the goddesses ; men or women disguised with masks repre- 
senting the heads of horses, asses, rams, pigs, etc., may have danced and 
played at the festivals as representatives of the fantastic creatures of 
mythology. 

Further there were found four or five small figures of women with 
scales on the lower parts of their bellies, and with legs shaped like the 
bodies of fish or serpents ; they are all in the same attitude, with one 
hand raised and the other lowered. In their raised hands they 
held some small round object with a hole in the middle of it. 



378 THE L YCOSURA SCULPTURES bk. viii. a»cadia 

>icnce the figures may perhaps have served as the legs of a cliair or 

table. 

Great divergence of opinion prevails as to the date of these sculptures 
and of the artist Damophon who made them. Damophon is mentioned 
by no other ancient writer than Pausanias, who does not tell us his date, 
(before the discovery of the temple and the fragments of statuary at Lyco- 
sura it had been commonly supposed that the many statues by Damophon 
in temples at Messene and Megalopolis (iv. 31. 6, 7, and 10 ; \'iii. 31. 1-4 
and 6) had been made by him for these cities at the time of their founda- 
tion in 369 and 370 B.C. ; in particular it was thought that the group at 
Messene which comprised an image of the City of Thebes and a statue 
of Epaminondas (though the latter was the work of a different artist) must 
certainly have been set up in honour of the Thebans and their great 
general Epaminondas by the grateful Messenians immediately after their 
deliverance from the yoke of Sparta. The discovery of the remains 
of the images at Lycosura was at first supposed to confirm the date 
which archaeologists had assigned on other grounds to Damophon. 
Professor Waldstein declared that these fragments " would, even with- 
out the information derived from Pausanias, have been considered by 
any competent authority as remarkable works of the fourth century RC*' 
Mr. Cavvadias wrote of them : "We recognise in them easily works of 
the fourth century. These marbles therefore confirm the conclusions of 
Brunn {Gesch. if. griech. Kiinstler^ i. p. 290) that Damophon flourished 
about the middle of the fourth centur>', that is, about the time of the 
foundiition of Messene." 

Hut since Dr. Dorpfeld has declared his opinion that the temple in 
whit:h the fraj^ments were found is comparatively late, the judgment 
of archacolojjists as to the artistic style of the fragments appears to 
have undergone a remarkable change, and they now with one voice, as 
it would seem, consign Damophon and his works to the declining age 
of (ireek art or even to the reign of Hadrian. A singular resemblance 
has been detected between all three heads and the heads on Roman 
sarcophajjuses ; also between the head of Anytus and the heads of the 
I^iocoon and the Zeus of Otricoli, and between his beard and the beard 
of a );iant on the frieze of the altar at Pergamus. Above all, the reliefs 
on the robe, which were formerly regarded as indubitable proofs of pure 
(I rook art, are now perceived to furnish the most convincing evidence 
that the sculptures are Roman. The chandeliers in particular, we 
are told, are of the Augustan age, and the figures of the Nereids 
are unparalleled except by similar figures in Pompeiian paintings. 
In short, the fourth centur\' RC. as a date for Damophon is, we 
are informed, absolutely excluded, and **no sensible man would any 
longer maintain, as a compromise, that he flourished in the second 
century 1M\" * 

K){ the value of these ar^un\ents based on the style of the sculptures 

* S.» wrili's l\v^f. ».'. Rolvrt. lUil iho second or nrst century B.C. is precisely the 
il.vie asNij;iu\l to l\inu>phon by \>x. IXTpfold. to whose authority Prof. Robert appeals. 
Pn^f. KoNMt has. bv an ONej-Mi:ht. n\i>repr\»sotUi\i Dr. IX^rpfeld's opinion, and then 
u<evl It a> a vvnt'irinalion of" his own thtvn\ of which in fact, if true, it is destructive. 



CH. XXXVII THE LYCOSURA SCULPTURES 379 

I cannot pretend to judge, though I have seen the originals repeatedly 
at Athens. The technical skill displayed on the drapery is certainly 
admirable, but there is no particular beauty or nobility in the heads. 
The silence, too, of Pliny and of all writers earlier than Pausanias as to 
Damophon and his works is most easily explained on the theory that 
the artist belonged to the age of Hadrian. On the other hand, the 
argument for assigning him to the fourth century B.C. on the ground 
of the works he executed for Megalopolis and especially for Messene 
still holds good ; for it seems improbable that the Messenians should 
have felt moved to testify their gratitude to their deliverers, the 
Thebans, some 500 years after the deliverance had been effected. 
And the argument for the late date of the sculptures drawn from the 
supposed late date of the temple is by no means certain. For we 
have seen grounds for thinking that the temple was built in the Greek 
and restored in the Roman period ; and it is apparently open to suppose 
that the images are contemporary either with the original Greek 
building (the date of which has not been determined) or with the 
Roman restoration. On the whole it would seem best for the present 
to suspend our judgment as to the date of the sculptures and of Damo- 
phon. Future discoveries may perhaps decide the question. 

See AeXr/oi' iLpx^^okoriiKdv^ 1889, pp. 161 -1 63, 170; P. Cavvadias, FouilUs de 
Lycosoura, Livraison i. pp. 9-14 ; C. Waldstein, in Athataeumt 22nd March 1890, 
p. 377; American Journal of Archiuology^ 5 (1889), p. 491 ; id.^d (1890), p. 209 
sqq, ; Overbeck, Gesch. d, griech, Plastik^^ 2. p. 485 sqq. ; C. Robert, in Hermes^ 
29 (1894), pp. 429-435 ; L. R. Farnell, The Cults 0/ the Greek States j 2. pp. 546- 
568. As to Damophon and his works, so fioir as we can estimate them (lom 
Pausanias's account, see H. Brunn, Gesch, d, griech. Kiinstler^ i. pp. 287-292. 
Cp. note on vii. 23. 7. 

37. 3. The images of the goddesses axe all made of a single 

block etc. Here Pausanias was mistaken. The fragments which have 
been found prove that the images were formed of a number of pieces 
fitted together (see above, p. 374 j^.) Pausanias was probably misled 
by the priests or local guides, who would wish to magnify the images 
in the eyes of visitors. Similarly the ancients believed that the 
Laocoon group was hewn out of a single block (Pliny, NcU, hist, xxxvi. 
37). But Michael Angelo distinguished three blocks, and later artists 
have professed to distinguish even more (t^fXtlov apxaiokoyiKov, 
1889, p. 163; P. Cawadias, FouilUs de Lycosoura^ Livraison i. 

P- 13). 

37. 4. the basket. This was the sacred basket or cista. See note 
on viii. 25. 7. 

37. 4. Artemis clad in a deer-skin. See note on vi. 22. 11. 

37. 5* Homer introduced the Titans into poetry etc. See 

//rVu/, xiv. 278 sq, 

37. 5. Onomacritus borrowed the name etc. Pausanias does not 
affirm, nor is it likely, that Onomacritus invented the story of the 
murder of the infant Dionysus by the Titans (see note on vii. 18. 4). 
The legend bears the stamp of great antiquity ; all that Onomacritus 
probably did was to put it in literary form. The resemblance of the myth 



38o POMEGRANA TES FORBIDDEN bk. viii. arcadia 



to that of Osiris docs not prove, as Lobcck supposed, that Onomacritas 
simply borrowed it from Egypt, substituting the Titans for Typhon. 
I'he prevalence of similar legends in distant parts of the world seems to 
show that they originated independently, perhaps in a custom of slaying 
the representative of the god. 

Sec Ix)beck, Aglaophamus^ pp. 6i6 sqq,^ 670 sqq. ; K. O. MUller, Prolegomena, 
zu eitier wisscnschcjftlUhen Mythologies p. 390 sqq. ; Fr. Lenonnant, in Gazette 
archSologiquey 5 (1879), p. 21 sqq. ; A. Lang, Myth, ritual and religion^ 2. p. 
227 sqq. 

37. 6. Aeschylus taught the Greeks the Egyptian legend 

that Artemis is a daughter of Demeter. The play in which Aeschylus 
represented Artemis as a daughter of Demeter is lost. The theory 
that this genealogy was borrowed by Aeschylus from Egypt is due to 
Herodotus, who identified Demeter with Isis and Artemis with Bubastis, 
the daughter of Isis, and hence regarded as an Egyptian doctrine the 
view that Demeter was the mother of Artemis (Herodotus, ii. 156). 

37. 7* The Arcadians bring into the sanctuary the fruits 

except the pomegranate. Persons initiated in the Eleusinian mysteries 
were forbidden to eat pomegranates (Porphyry, De abstinentioy iv. 16), 
and women engaged in celebrating the festival of the Thesmophoria took 
care not to taste pomegranate seeds (Clement of Alexandria, ProtrepU 
ii. 19. p. 16, ed. Potter). The reason given for such abstinences 
probably was that Proserpine, when carried off by Pluto to the nether 
world, had forfeited her right of returning to the land of the living by 
eating the seed of a pomegranate. See note on ii. 1 7. 4. The beli^ 
that a living person must not taste of the food of the dead under pain 
of being obliged to stay for ever in dead-land " is found in New Zealand, 
Melanesia, Scotland, Finland, and among the Ojibbeways" (Andrew 
Lang, My thy Ritual ^ and Religion, 2. p. 273, note). Thus in a Maori 
story a man named Hutu sets out for the spirit-land to fetch back the 
soul of his dead love. A mythical being shows him the road and gives 
him a basket of cooked food to take with him, saying, "When you 
reach the lower regions eat sparingly of your provisions that they may 
last, and you may not be compelled to partake of their food, for if you 
do you cannot return upwards again" (R. Taylor, TV i^a a maui ; or 
A^ew Zealand and its Inhabitants^ p. 271). In a Melanesian story a 
living woman visits Panoi, the abode of the dead ; there she meets her 
dead brother, who warns her to eat nothing, so she returns to the 
land of the living (R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians, p. 277). 

37. 8. a little higher up is what is called the Hall. The 

Hall {mei^aron) probably occupied the summit of the knoll immediately 
above the temple of the Mistress. Here in 1890 I observed some 
large squared blocks, of which some were in a row ; and here, appar- 
ently, the excavations of 1895 ^*^'^ bare the remains of several buildings, 
in which some ver)* archaic votive offerings were discovered {Mittheil. d. 
arch. Inst, in Athen, 20 (1895), p. 376). The knoll above the temple 
cannot have been, as some have thought, the Acacesian hill, since its 
top is only a few feet above the temple, whereas the Acacesian hill was 



CH. xxxviii L YCOSURA 381 

distant from the temple 4 furlongs in the direction of the Alpheus (viii. 
36. 9; viii. 37. i). 

37. 9* it occnrs in the poetry of Homer. See Iliads ix. 457, 
569; Odyssey^ x. 491, 494, 509, 534, xi. 47. Still the name of 
Proserpine (Persephone) seems to have been considered an awfiil one 
and people feared to pronounce it. Cp. Plato, Cratylus^ p. 404 c d. 
Pausanias generally calls her the Maiden {Kore) ; the name Proserpine 
(Persephone) seems to occur only four times in his work (here and viii. 
31. 2 ; viii. 42. 2 ; ix. 23. 3). 

37. 10. Above the Hall is a grove etc If the Hall (tnegaron) 
stood on the summit of the hillock, immediately above the temple, the 
sacred grove may have been on the ridge which connects the hillock 
with the hill of Lycosura or actually on the slope of the latter hill and 
so above the Hall. The altars of Poseidon and of other gods, which 
Pausanias mentions immediately, would then be still higher up the 
slope of the hill. 

38. I. Lycosura. See note on viii. 37. i. Considerable portions ot 
the circuit- wall of Lycosura still exist. They follow the edge of the flat 
top of the little hill, the sides of which, though not high, are steep and 
rocky, especially on the north and west. The wall is from 7 to 9 feet 
thick, but the style of masonry is inferior. The blocks are mostly 
squared, but on the outside are left rough. Some pieces of the wall 
appear to be mediaeval. A gate may be distinguished on the south 
side. Within the circuit of the walls is a ruined chapel of St. George, 
which contains some ancient fragments. From its high situation on the 
side of Mt. Lycaeus, Lycosura commands an extensive view over the 
plain of Megalopolis, with the Alpheus meandering through it. Prof. 
Curtius says : " If we consider the strong and healthy situation of this 
citadel, the springs at its foot which, with the perennial stream, supplied 
the town with water, the hill-slopes adapted for vineyards, the fine 
pastures on the mountains to north and south, the wooded heights 
which stretch away to the Alpheus, and lastly, beyond the Alpheus, 
only an hour away, the broad plain watered by the river and seemingly 
made for husbandry, we see that such a place was eminently suited to 
be the site of a very ancient town." ' 

See Dodwell, Totir^ 2. p. 395 ; L. Ross, Reisen^ p. 86 ; Welcker, Tagebiuh^ 
I. p. 265 sqq. ; Curtius, Pelop, I. p. 298 sq. ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 237 sq. ; 
Baedeker,' p. 323 ; Guide-Joanne ^ 2. p. 307. 

38. 2. To the left of the sanctuary of the Mistress is Mount 
Lycaens. The temple of the Mistress, as the recent excavations have 
proved, faced eastward. Pausanias supposes himself facing east, and 
hence " on the left of the sanctuary " means to the north of it. For a 
like reason "to the right of Lycosura" (viii. 38. 11) means to the south 
of it. 

Mount Lycaeus, now called Diaphorti or Mount St, Elias from a 
chapel of St. Elias near the summit, is situated about 5 miles north- 
north-west of Lycosura as the crow flies. The summit may be ascended 
in 3 5 minutes from the hamlet of Karyaes^ which lies among the hills to 



382 MOUNT L YCAEUS bk. viii. arcadia 

the south-east, or in an hour from Ampeliona, which lies to the south- 
west of it. The mountain has a double peak. The higher peak (1420 
metres or 4660 feet high) is called Stephani ; the other peak, a few 
feet lower than the former but in a more open and conmianding situa- 
tion, is Mt. St, Elias or Diaphorti and appears to be the Mt.- Lycaeus 
of the ancients. It lies a little to the south-east of Mt. Stephanie from 
which it is divided by a depression. In this basin or crater-like 
depression between the two peaks, which is called Kastraki or Skaphidia 
(* troughs ') by the natives, may be seen the remains of the hippodrome 
mentioned by Pausanias (§ 5). It runs from south to north. The 
parallel walls, 1 30 feet apart, which bounded it on the east and west, 
may be traced ; they extend for a distance of 900 feet. At the upper 
(south) end and the adjoining parts of the long sides a considerable 
number of rows of seats are preser\'ed. At the north end are remains 
of a building sunk in the ground, apparently a cistern or reservoir ; it is 
50 feet long from east to west and 6 or 8 feet deep down to the rubbish 
by which it is partly filled up. The lower courses of the walls of this 
structure are of regular masonry ; the upper courses are irregular and 
almost polygonal. Adjoining this building on the west are other 
foundations and ruin-heaps. 

At the south end of the hippodrome begins a gully which leads up 
to the summit. On either side of the entrance to this gully there are 
ancient remains. Those on the west side are known as Helleniko and 
consist chiefly of large flags of grey limestone. On the east side of the 
entrance to the gully are the remains of a Doric temple, including 
fragments of columns 1 8 inches thick, which were fluted only half their 
length. This perhaps was the temple of Pan (g 5). Between these 
ruins we ascend through the gully in 12 minutes to the simple chapel 
of St. Ellas, in and beside which are some ancient squared blocks. In 
a quarter of an hour from the chapel we reach the summit. It is a 
circular level, about 50 yards across, and plainly artificial, resembling 
one of the threshing-floors which are so common in Greece. Spread 
over it is a layer of potsherds and fragments of charred and partially 
fossilised bones. This was the site of the altar of Zeus (>^ 7) ; and the 
bones are those of the animals and perhaps men who were sacrificed on 
it. The peasants have a story that these are the bones of men whom 
the ancients caused to be here trampled to death by horses, as com is 
trodden by horses on a threshing-floor. The view, as might be 
expected, is extensive, including the plains of Megalopolis, Elis, and 
Messenia, and the mountains of Erymanthus on the north, Maenalus on 
the east, Taygetus on the south, and Ithome on the south-west. To the 
west the sea is visible as far as Zacvnthus. 

See Oell, Itimrary of tlu Morea, p. 106 st/q. ; Leake, Morca^ 2. p. 313 s^i/. ; 
Expi!d. scientifiijue de Mort'e: Architecture ^ etc., par A. Blouet, 2. p. 37 sq.^ with 
plates 33, 34 ; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 162 ; L. Ross, Keisen^ P- 91 ^^I^- \ Curtius, 
Pelop, I. p. 299 sqq, ; Beul^, Etudes sur le Pcloponn^se, p. 105 sqq. ; Bursian. 
Geoi^); 2. p. 233 sqq. ; Baedeker,^ p. 303 sq. ; Guide-JoanuCy 2. p. 305 sq. ; 
Philippson, Pehponnes, p. 330. Dodwell ascended Mt. Tetragi or Tetrasi in the 
belief that it was Mt. Lycaeus. Tetrasi is a peak (4550 feet high) to the west of 



CH. XXXVIII MOUNT L YCAEUS 383 

Lycosura and about 5 miles to the south of Diaphorti^ the true Lycaeus. See 
Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 389 j^^. 

38. 2. Lycaeus, which they also call Olsrmpas. A scholiast on 
Apollonius Rhodius (i. 599) enumerates six mountains which the 
Greeks called Olympus. Cp. Benloew, La Grhe enfant les Grecs, p. 8 1 sq. 

38. 2. Oretea. It has been conjectured that this place was some- 
where above the village of Karyaes (L. Ross, Reiseriy p. 94 ; Curtius, 
Pelop, I. p. 300). As to Karyaes see note on § i. Cp. Bursian, Geogr. 
2. p. 236. 

38. 3. Thisoa. See note on § 9. 

38. 3. Hagno. A little above the south end of the hippodrome, in 
the gully which leads up to the summit of Mt. Lycaeus, there is a spring, 
the highest source of the stream which flows past Karyaes to join the 
Alpheus : this may be the spring called Hagno (Gell, Itinerary of the 
Morea^ p. 1 06 ; Boblaye, RechercJteSy p. 162; Curtius, Pelop, i . p. 303 ; 
Beul^, Etudes^ p. 1 10 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 306). A little to the north 
of the village of Karyaes^ under the eastern foot of the summit of Mt. 
Lycaeus, there are abundant springs, which form the principal source 
of the stream just mentioned. L. Ross surmised {Reisen^ p. 94) that 
these might be Hagno. Leake conjectured that Hagno was the copious 
source at the foot of the mountain, below the village of Tragomano ; 
this source immediately forms a large stream which flows into the 
Alpheus (Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 315). But it is far more probable that a 
spring, the water of which was used as a rain-charm, was at the top 
than at the foot of the mountain. 

38. 4. he lets down an oak-branch to the surface of the spring. 
The oak-branch was used because the oak was the sacred tree of Zeus, 
the god of the mountain. Similarly in Halmahera or Gilolo, a large 
island to the west of New Guinea, the sorcerer makes rain by dipping 
the branch of a particular kind of tree in water and sprinkling the 
ground with it (C. F. Campen, * De Godsdienstbegrippen der Hal- 
maherische Alfoeren,' Tijdschrift voor Indisc/ie Taal- Land- en Volken- 
kunde^ 27(1 882), p. 447). In Ceram rain is made by dedicating the bark 
of a certain tree to the spirits and laying it in water (Riedel, De sluik- 
en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua, p. 114). Gervasius 
of Tilbury mentions a spring into which if a stick or a stone were 
thrown, rain would at once issue from it and drench the thrower 
(Ger\'asius von Tilbury, ed. Liebrecht, p. 41 sqq,) For more examples 
of rain-charms, see The Golden Bough, i . p. 13 sqq. 

38. 5. the Lycaean games. These games were said to have been 
founded by Lycaon, to whom the invention of athletic sports was 
attributed (Pliny, Nat, hist. vii. 205 ; Paus. viii. 2. i note). They are 
mentioned by Pindar (Olymp. ix. 145, xiii. 157 sq. ; Nem. x. 89). The 
ancients traced a resemblance between the Lycaean games and the 
Lupercalia at Rome (Plutarch, Caesar, 61 ; Dionysius Halic, Antiquit. 
Rom. i. 80 ; Livy, i. 5 ; Justin, xliii. 6 sq.) They included a foot-race 
in the double course, and a race between men in armour or carrying 
shields, as we learn from an inscription found in the Epidaurian 
sanctuary of Aesculapius (Cavvadias, Fouilles d'ipidaure, i. p. 78, 



384 MOUNT LYCAEUS BK. viii. arcadia 

No. 240). In Roman times the Lycaean games were combined with 
games held in honour of the imperial family, as we gather from an 
inscription at Sinanou^ close to Megalopolis (Excavations at Megalopolis^ 
p. 139 sq.^ No. xxvi.) 

38. 6. inside the precinct all creatores cast no shadows. 

The statement that persons who entered the precinct of Zeus on Mt 
Lycaeus cast no shadow had the authority of Theophrastus (Polybius, 
xvi. 1 2. 7). Such persons were called * deer ' : if they had entered the 
precinct voluntarily, they were stoned to death ; if they had entered it 
unwittingly, they were sent away to Eleutherae (Plutarch, QuaesL Grace. 
39). Cp. Hyginus, Astronomica^ ii. i and 4. The story of the loss of 
the shadow may have been told to explain the supposed £Eict that any 
person who entered the precinct would die within a year. Untutored 
people often regard the shadow as a vital part of a man and its loss as 
fatal. This belief is still current in Greece. It is thought that to give 
stability to a new building the life of an animal or a man is necessary. 
Hence an animal is killed and its blood allowed to flow on the founda- 
tion stone, or the builder secretly measures a man's shadow and bunes 
the measure under the foundation stone, or the foundation stone is laid 
upon a man's shadow. It is supposed that the man will die within a year 
— obviously because his shadow is believed to be buried under the building 
(B. Schmidt, Das Volksleben der Neugriechen^ p. 196 sq,) In Austria 
it is thought that the person whose shadow does not appear on the wall 
when the family are seated at table on the eve of St. Silvester's day, 
will die next year (Vernalecken, My then und Brduche des Volkes in 
Oestcrrcich^ p. 341). Cp. The Golden Bought i. p. 141 sqq. 

Prof. W. H. Roscher would explain the story of the loss of the 
shadow on Mt. Lycaeus by pointing out that the mountain was also 
called Olympus (see § 2 of this chapter) and that the top of Olympus is 
described by Homer {Od. vi. 44 sq.) as cloudless and bathed in bright 
sunshine {Fleckeisefis Jahrbiicher^ 38 (1892), pp. 701-709). The ex- 
planation seems insufficient. 

38. 6. at Syene, on the frontier of Ethiopia etc. Syene in 
Upper Egypt is just outside the tropic of Cancer ; hence at the summer 
solstice the sun is almost directly overhead and the shadows are so 
short as to be barely perceptible. There was a sacred well at Syene, in 
whose water the full disc of the sun was reflected " like a lid " at noon 
on the day of the summer solstice. The well was therefore used as a 
means of determining the day of the solstice. See Aristides, Or. xlviii. 
vol. 2. p. 462, ed. Dindorf ; Strabo, xvii. p. 817 ; Pliny, Nat. hist, ii. 183 ; 
Eustathius, on Dionysius Periegetes, 222. Cp. Plutarch, De dcfectu orac, 
4 ; Lucan, ii. 587. The ancients, being acquainted with few places within 
the tropics, were much struck both with the absence of shadows in tropical 
lands at some seasons of the year and with their southward inclination 
at others. They knew that in some parts of India the hand of the dial 
cast no shadow at noon, and that at night the constellation of the Bear 
and even that of Arcturus were invisible (Diodorus, ii. 35 ; Pliny, Nat. 
hist. ii. 183-185). In the time of Augustus the frontier of the Roman 
empire was at Syene, which was held by three cohorts. But afterwards 



CH. XXXVIII PILLARS ON MOUNT LYCAEUS 385 

the frontier was pushed farther south and a Roman garrison occupied 
Hiera Sycaminos {Makarrako), This appears to have been the only 
place within the tropics which was ever permanently held by a Roman 
garrison. See Strabo, l,c, ; Mommsen, Ramische GeschichUy 5. p. 
594 sq. 

38. 7* In front of the altar, on the east, stand two pillars. 
May these columns have been set up for the purpose of determining 
the solstices and equinoxes by means of the length and direction of the 
shadows ? On a height near Quito, on the equator, the Caras built a 
temple of the Sun, and in front of the eastern door of the temple were 
two tall columns for observing the solstices. See C. R. Markham, note 
on Garcilasso de la Vega's Royal Commentaries of the Yncas^ 2. p. 347 ; 
/V/., 'm Journal of the Royal Geogr, Soc,^ 41 (187 1), p. 317. To ascer- 
tain the time of the equinox the Incas of Peru had a stone column 
erected in front of the temples of the Sun. The column was set up in 
the midst of a large circle across which a line was drawn from east to 
west. As the equinox drew near the priests watched the shadow from 
day to day; and when the shadow rested exactly on the line from 
sunrise to sunset and no shadow at all was cast at noon, they knew 
that the equinox had come. Then they adorned the column with 
flowers and placed the chair of the Sun upon it, saying that on that day 
the Sun with all his light sat on the pillar. As the Incas extended their 
conquests northwards towards the equator, they observed that the 
farther north they went the smaller was the shadow thrown by the 
columns at noon. Hence the columns were more revered the nearer 
they were to Quito on the equator ; above all others the columns at 
Quito itself were venerated because, the sun being perpendicular over 
them, they cast no shadow at all at noon. The people said that these 
must be the seats which were most agreeable to the Sun, seeing that he 
sat square upon them, whereas on the others he sat sideways. See 
Garcilasso de la Vega, ofi. at. i. p. 180 (Markham's translation). The 
Muyscas of Colombia also used columns as a rude sort of dial ; human 
victims were sacrificed by being festened to these coliunns and shot 
with arrows (Colombia, being a geographical etc, account of that country 
(London, 1822), i. p. 557). It is said that one of the stones in the 
circle at Stonehenge is known as the Pointer because, viewed from the 
centre of the circle, the sun is seen to rise exactly over it at the 
summer solstice (June 21st) ; many people are said to assemble on the 
spot every year on the morning of June 2 ist, to observe the phenomenon. 
See C. F. Gordon Ciunming, In the Hebrides (Lon^on^ 1883), p. 219. 
On Mount Cythnus, in the island of Delos, there is a grotto which is 
supposed to have been an early temple of Apollo. The east end of the 
temple is not closed, and on an April morning a ray of the sun pierces 
the cavern and fills it with light in a moment. As Apollo was supposed 
to winter in Lycia and return to Delos in spring, the sudden iUiunina- 
tion of his grotto in that island would be the signal of his return. 
It has been suggested that the grotto may have been a station at which 
the revolution of the seasons was observed by noting the length and 
inclination of the sunbeams. See Jebb, * Delos,' Journal of Hellenic 

VOL. IV 2 c 



386 MOUNT L YCAEUS bk. viii. arcadu 

Studies^ I (1880), p. 50 sq. If my conjecture as to the purpose of the 
two columns on Mt Lycaeus prove to be true (and I merely offer it as 
a suggestion), it would be tempting to suppose that Lycaean Zeus was 
the god of light, deriving lukaios from the root luk^ 'light' See 
Curtius, Griech, Etymologief p. 160 sq. It would then be plain why 
persons who strayed into his precinct were believed to lose their 
shadows ; they had entered the sanctuary of the god of light, where no 
darkness could abide. But this is probably i^ciful. The connexion 
of Lycaean Zeus with wolves is too firmly established to allow us 
seriously to doubt that he is the wolf-god (from lukos^ ' wolf). See viiL 
2. 3 and 6 ; Famell, The Cults of the Greek States^ i. p. 41 j<^. This 
makes the resemblance which the ancients traced between the Lycaean 
games and the Lupercalia (see note on § 5) all the more remarkable, 
for it seems certain that the first syllable of Lupercalia must be firom 
lupusy 'wolf.' Cp. W. Mannhardt, 'Die LupercaUen,' Mytkologischi 
Forschungen^ P- 72 sqq. 

In the gully which leads from the hippodrome to the sununit of Ml 
Lycaeus, the peasants excavated some fragments of large Doric colunms 
of white marble, which they broke up and used in building their chapeL 
The flutes of some of these fragments, seen by L. Ross, were 5 inches 
wide. He conjectured that these were pieces of the two colunms which 
once stood on the summit of the mountain. See L. Ross, Reisen^ p. 92. 

As to the gilt eagles which surmounted the columns, it is perhaps 
worth noting, after what has been said above, that in the temple of the 
Sun among the Taengas of Louisiana the bodies of two eagles were 
hung from the roof and turned toward the sun (De Tonti, ' Relation de 
la Louisianne et du Mississippi,' Voyages au Nord^ 5 (Amsterdam, 1725), 
p. 123). Cp. above, viii. 30. 2. 

38. 7- they offer secret Bacrifices etc. Human victims were 
sacrificed to Lycaean Zeus, as we learn from Theophrastus (quoted 
by Porphyry, De abstin, ii. 27) and the pseudo-Plato {Minos, p. 315 c). 
From the guarded language in which Pausanias refers to the subject, 
we may perhaps infer that human sacrifices were still offered in his 
time. See note on viii. 2. 6. As to human sacrifices among the 
ancients, see Porphyry, De abstin, ii. 54-56 ; Hehn, Kulturpjlanzen und 
Hausthiere^^ ^. 438 sqq. (p. 414 sqq., English trans.); Leist, Graeco- 
italische Rechtsgeschichte, p. 257 sqq, 

38. 8. a sanctuary of Parrhasian Apollo ; they also give him 
the surname of Pythian. This sanctuary is mentioned under the 
name of Pythium (Xlvrtov) in an inscription of Megalopolis copied by 
Fourmont at Karytaenaj the same inscription mentions *the road to 
Lycosura,' which so far confirms the statement of Pausanias that this 
sanctuary of Apollo stood on the eastern side of Mount Lycaeus 
{C, I. G. No. 1534 ; Excavations at Megalopolis, p. 131, No. 8 c). 

38. 8. they sacrifice a boar in the market-place etc. The 
market-place referred to is that of Megalopolis. See viii. 30. 3 sq. 

38. 9. the land of Thisoa. As to the town of Thisoa compare 
§ 3. It is not to be confounded with the Thisoa near Methydrium 
which belonged to Orchomenus (viii. 27. 4 ; viii. 28. 3). On the left 



CH. XXXVIII TfflSOA OR LYCOA 387 

or western bank of the Alpheus, about 5 miles below Karytaena^ and 
about 4 miles north-east of Andritseruzy rises the steep, lofty, and 
rocky mountain of Lavda (2420 feet high), crowned with the ruins of 
an ancient town which some topographers have identified with Thisoa. 
The ruins are now known as the Castle of St Helen or the pcUaeokastro 
(ruined fortress) of Lcevda from the village of that name {Lavda) which 
is pleasantly situated among clumps of trees at the northern foot of the 
mountain within sight of, but at a considerable height above, the river. 
The summit of the hill, which commands a magnificent view ranging 
from Mt. Erymanthus on the north to the mountains of Laconia on the 
south, extends from north-west to south-east for a quarter of a mile or 
more ; its breadth is less. It is enclosed by a double line of fortifications, 
an outer and an inner, of which the latter formed the citadel. The ground 
within the waUs is not level, but rises to a sharp point, from which the 
citadel extends south for 200 yards or so. The town occupied a terrace 
which runs round the citadel at a lower level and is enclosed by the 
outer wall. This terrace is widest on the west and north-west, and 
narrowest on the east, where it is a mere strip between the citadel and 
the steep slope of the mountain towards the Alpheus. The chief approach 
to the town would seem to have been from the south-west, on the side 
away from the river, for in this direction the slope is long, uniform, and 
not very steep, and here there are remains of a gate. The outer wall 
was defended at intervals by square projecting towers, of which five may 
be distinguished. With its towers it is standing in places to a height 
of from 2 to 10 or 12 feet The masonry varies in style; in general 
it is massive but rough and irregular. However, some pieces of the 
north wall on both sides of a gate or sally-port are better built ; the 
style is here mainly quadrangular, with some polygonal pieces, and the 
blocks are more carefully hewn than elsewhere. The wall at this gate 
is 7 ft 6 in. thick, and is standing to a varying height of four and six 
courses. The breadth of the gateway is 6 feet. About 9 feet to the 
west of this gateway, at the north-western angle of the fortress, is one 
of the square towers ; it projects 1 2 ft 8 in. from the curtain, and its 
outer face, which measures 2 1 feet in breadth, is standing to a height of 
six courses or about 7 feet On the west face of the hiU the outer wall 
has mostly disappeared, but towards its southern end there are con- 
siderable remains, comprising the ruins of a large gateway, 16 ft 6 in. 
wide, which would seem to have been the principal gateway of the town. 
It opens to the south, and is defended on the west by a square tower 
built of exceedingly massive rough blocks. The tower measures 14 
paces on its western face and is standing to a height of about 8 feet. 
Inside of the outer wall at this point there are some remains of an 
inner wall running parallel to the outer at a distance about equal to the 
breadth of an ordinary road ; it is built of smaller stones and appears 
not to have been a fortification-wall. On the eastern side of the hill 
the outer fortification-wall is frdrly preserved for a stretch of about 60 
yards between two square projecting towers, of which one, standing to 
a height of ft)ur courses, is at the extreme south point of the wall. 

The inner fortification-wall, forming the small citadel, is on the 



3S8 THISOA OR LYCOA bk. viii. arcadia 

whole well preserved. It is built in a more regular and careful way 
than the outer wall ; the style is in places, particularly on the north, a 
sort of compromise between the quadrangular and the polygonal, but 
elsewhere, as on the west, it is almost completely quadrangular. The 
north wall is 8 ft 6 in. thick ; seven to twelve courses of it are standing. 
A piece of the west wall, about 1 7 paces long, has seven to nine courses 
standing. The south wall of the citadel is ruinous, except at its 
eastern end, where it is still 7 to 10 feet high, with four to nine courses. 
Here is the entrance to the citadel, consisting of a passage 7 ft 6 in. 
wide and about 9 yards long. 

Within the citadel, just at the foot of the highest point of the hill, 
are nine drums of fluted coliunns standing or lying side by side ; the 
diameter of each drum is about 1 8 inches. A temple may have stood 
here, but this is doubtfid ; there is hardly room for a temple at this 
point, and the drums seem too close together to be in their original 
positions. They may have been transferred to their present situation 
and used in the construction of some mediaeval building. For within 
the citadel there are foundations or the lower courses of walls which 
seem to have belonged to houses built in mediaeval or later times with 
materials taken from the ancient fortifications ; and outside of the citadel 
there are remains of rough walls which point clearly to a settlement here 
in the Middle Ages. A few more drums may be seen lying about in 
or close to the citadel ; they are all fluted and of the same style. One 
of them measures 16 inches in diameter. The material of these drums, 
as of the fortifications, appears to be a grey limestone. I further ob^ 
served three triglyph blocks in or near the citadel ; each was 22^^ inches 
high, and two of them at least were 7 feet long. The metopes are 
unsculptured. One of these triglyph blocks is standing in the entrance 
to the citadel ; at first I mistook it for a door-jamb. These drums and 
triglyph blocks prove that an ancient temple stood somewhere on the 
summit of the hill, probably within the citadel. Sherds of coarse red 
unpainted pottery lie strewn about in large quantities ; they may be 
mediaeval. 

The ancient town of which the ruins have been described is 
commonly identified by topographers (as by Leake, Boblaye, Bursian, 
and Lolling) with Thisoa. Curtius, however, supposed it to be the 
Lycoa of Polybius (xvi. 17), which stood beside the Alpheus, below its 
junction with the Lusius, and at a point where the river is deep and 
impassable. This description certainly suits the ruins at Lavda very 
well ; for the river, flowing in a deep bed, is here 60 feet wide and 
from 3 to 6 feet deep according to the season. Curtius would place 
Thisoa on the site of Andritsena^ a pleasant litde town picturesquely 
situated high up on a mountain - side among trees, vineyards, and 
murmuring rills, with wide views across the low hills about the valley 
of the Alpheus away to the high blue mountains of north-western 
Arcadia. Among the vineyards to the north of the town have been 
observed foundations, tiles, and other vestiges of an ancient settlement. 

See Leake, Morea, 2. pp. 18 sq., 315 sq, ; Boblaye, Recherches, p. 160; L. 
Ross, Reisen, p. lOi ; Curtius, Pelop, 1. p. 358 sq, ; Bursian, Gtogr, 2. p. 234 sq^\ 



CH. XXXIX NOMIAN MOUNTAINS 389 

Baedeker,' p. 314 sq, ; Gutde-Joanm, 2, p. 306 sq, I visited the ruins on the hill 
of Lavda, 8th October 1895, ^^^ ^^^ described them from my own observation. 
The charms of Andritsena are described in rapturous language by von Stackel- 
berg (Der Apollotempel tu Bassae in Arcadia^ p. 14). 

38. 10. is said by Homer etc. See Iliad^ xxi. 194. 

38. 10. another Acheloos is mentioned by him. See Iliads 

xxiv. 616 ; and note on v. 13. 7. 

38. II. the Nomian mountains. These are generally identified 
with Tetragi or Tetrasi^ a mountain 4500 feet high which rises to the 
west of Lycosura. A long and rugged ridge connects it with Mt 
Lycaeus {Diaphorti) on the north. From the crest, which is a stony 
ridge some 500 yards long and 10 yards wide, with a very steep slope 
to the west, there is a wide and magnificent view. All the mountains 
round about are visible, and the plain of Megalopolis is seen below us 
on the east. But if the Nomian mountains were Teirasi^ which lies to 
the west of Lycosura, why should Pausanias have described them as to 
the right of Lycosura, when he had said that Mt Lycaeus, which lies 
to the north of Lycosura, was to the left of it (§ 2) ? Hence it is 
perhaps better, with L. Ross, to apply the name Nomian to the hills to 
the south of Lycosura, about the large village of hari. These hills are, 
however, only a branch of Tetrasi, Their upper slopes are thinly 
wooded with oak ; their lower slopes are under cultivation. Leake 
thought that the Nomian mountains were the high rugged ridge which 
connects Tetrasi with Mt. Lycaeus {Diaphorti), 

See Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 315 ; Boblaye, Recherchesy p. 165 ; L. Ross, Reisen, 
p. 88 ; Curtius, Pelop. i. p. 317 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 184 jf. ; Guide-Joanne^ 
2. p. 308 ; Philippson, Peloponnesy pp. 532, 533. 

39. I. going to Fhigalia etc. From Stala^ the modem village 
near the ruins of Lycosura, the route to Fhigalia crosses the Gastritsi 
and pursuing a westward direction ascends steeply to a pass between 
the south spiu^ of Mt. Lycaeus and Mt Tetrasi, The summit of the 
pass is reached in an hour to an hour and a half from Stala^ which 
agrees with the 30 furlongs of Pausanias. The path then descends 
through woods to the sources of the Neda, and passes through the poor 
but picturesque hamlet of KakcUetri^ surrounded by fruit-trees and 
watered by an abundant spring. Thence it follows the valley of the 
Neda the whole way to Phigalia. The route along the valley is rough 
and difficult The high heathy hills on either hand, intersected every 
now and then by small glens, advance almost to meet each other, 
leaving the river just room enough to turn and wind about at the bottom 
of a ravine. Fields or patches of com occupy some of the lower slopes 
of the hills. The track leads along steep declivities, descending and 
ascending the sides of the wooded glens down which flow tributary 
brooks to join the Neda. To add to the difficulty of the route the 
peasants are in the habit of ploughing up and sowing the path, which 
in consequence sometimes disappears among the com, and the traveUer 
is left to flounder up hill and down dale as best he can without a path. 
The time from StcUa to Phigalia is about seven hours. 



390 PHIGAHA bk. viii. arcadia 

See L. Ross, Reisen^ p. 95 sqq, ; Baedeker,' p. 323 sq, ; Philippson, Peh- 
foHfuSy p. 331. Cp. note on iv. 17. 10. 

39. 2. the story of PhigalnB etc See viii. 3. 2. 

39. 2. the city changed its name and was called after Fhialns. 

The form Phialia (instead of Phigalia) is supported by coins of the dty, 
which bear the inscription #IAAE12N (*of die Phialians'). The form 
#irAAE12N (<of the Phigalians') occurs on a coin of the Achaean 
League. See Catalogue of the Greek coins in the British Museum: 
Peloponnesus^ pp. 15, 197; HeaA^ Historia Numorum^ pp. 352, 379. 
The form Phialeus (#IAAEY2) occurs in an inscription copied by 
Leake at Mavromati in Messene (Leake, Morea^ i. p. 378 ; id,^ 3. 
Inscr. No. 46) ; and in another inscription found at Phigalia itself the 
city is called Phialia (^ioXcml) and the people Phialians (^laAics) 
{Archaologische Zeitung^ 17 (1859), Archaologischer Anzeiger, p. 
Ill* sq,) 

39. 3* the second year of the thirtieth Olympiad, in which 

Ohionis was victorions. i^e, in 659 b.c. As to Chionis see 

iii. 14. 3 ; iv. 23. 4 and 10 ; vi. 13. 2 note. 

39. 5. Phigalia. The city of Phigalia was built on a high 
uneven plateau, which rises from south to north. On the south 
the plateau is bounded by the glen of the Neda ; on the other sides 
it is surrounded by a semicircle of mountains. Almost everywhere 
the plateau falls sharply away, being bounded by ravines or deep 
glens. The ravine. of the Neda, on the south, is of tremendous 
depth. The walls of the ancient city ran along the edge of the 
plateau. Their circuit measured about 3 miles, and their remains 
are very extensive, especially on the eastern side, where indeed the 
wall, with its flanking towers, both square and round, is nearly 
continuous, rising in places to a height of nine courses or 20 feet 
The thickness of the wall is from 6 to 10 feet. The masonry is 
generally quadrangular, but in some places polygonal. In style it is 
distinctly inferior to the masonry of the walls of Mantinea and 
Messene, being not nearly so regular and well jointed. The towers 
on the east side are from forty to fifty paces apart, but they are not 
equally distributed. On the west side the French surveyors found 
two towers, which would seem to have since disappeared; at least 
I did not perceive them, nor did L. Ross. Leake saw the ruins of 
one tower on the west or south-west side. He could find no traces 
of gates, nor could I. But the French surveyors found a gate on 
the north-east, and on their plan of the site they marked another 
gate on the west. Sally-ports, however, still exist beside some of the 
towers on the east side. These ports are from 5 to 6 feet wide and 
are closed at the top by horizontal courses of stones, projecting one 
above the other. The highest point of the plateau is near the north- 
east comer ; its height is considerable, but the slope is nowhere precipi- 
tous. This point was enclosed by separate walls, which formed a 
citadel of elliptic shape, about 80 yards long. But these walls of 
the citadel appear to be of later date, if not mediaeval. Within 
them are the ruins of two chapels, one of which may possibly mark 



CH. XL PHIGALIA 391 

the site of the sanctuary of Saviour Artemis (§ 5). From this 
acropolis a considerable expanse of sea is visible on the west; and 
the sea may also be seen from other high points within the ancient 
walls. Owing to the elevated situation of the city the air of Phigalia 
is keen, fresh, and bracing — real highland air. The modem hamlet of 
Pavlitsa^ surrounded by vineyards, fields, and olive-trees, occupies a 
comer of the ancient site, standing near its south -eastern extremity, 
on a sort of terrace about 800 feet above the deep glen of the Neda. 
The ground about the hamlet is comparatively flat, and here, prob- 
ably, lay the ancient market-place. Some of the houses are built 
outside the line of the ancient walls, on the edge of the crags which 
overhang the narrow, wooded, and exceedingly picturesque gorge where 
the river tiunbles over rocks at an inmiense depth below, the roar of 
its water adding to the savage grandeur of the scenery. Near the 
hamlet are three chapels with some fragments of antiquity. They 
may occupy the sites of ancient temples. 

See Gell, Itinerary of the Morta^ p. 79 sq, ; id. y Journey in the Morea^ p. 
1 01 sqq, ; Leake, Aforea^ I. p. 489 sqq, ; Expedition scientifiqtic de Moric : 
Architecture i Sculptures^ etc, par A. Blouet, p. 2 sq,^ with plates 1-3 ; Boblaye, 
RechercheSy p. 165 ; L. Ross, Reisen, p. 97 sq, ; Curtius, Pelop. I. p. 318 sqq, ; 




39. 6. laurel -leaves and ivy. On the association of laurel and 
ivy with Dionysus, cp. Fr. Lenormant, in Gazette arch^ologique^ 2. 
(1876), p. 103 sq, 

39. 6. dnnabar is said to be found by the Iberians. Veins 

of cinnabar (bisulphuret of mercury) were worked at Sisapon in Anda- 
lusia. Under the Roman Empire the state enjoyed a monopoly of the 
mineral and drew considerable revenues from it The cinnabar was 
extracted from the mines in blocks, which were sealed and sent to Rome 
to be worked by the company which farmed the industry from the State. 
Two thousand pounds weight of the mineral were annually brought to 
Rome. The red pigment was prepared by pounding the cinnabar in 
iron mortars and then washing and roasting it repeatedly. The £Eictory, 
where the pigment was made, stood on the Quirinal, between the temple 
of Flora and the temple of Quirinus. At Almaden, in the Sierra 
Morena, supposed to be the ancient Sisapon, a vein of cinnabar, 25 feet 
thick, still exists, traversing rocks of quartz and slate. 




40. I. a statue of Arrhachion etc. Shortly before my visit to 
Phigalia in May 1 890 an archaic statue had been found there of exactly 
the type described by Pausanias. It was shown to me in a field just 
outside the village of Pavlitscu There was a wom and half-efiaced 
inscription on the statue, below the neck ; so that the correspondence 



392 LYMAX — CERAUSIUS BK. viii. axcadu 

between this statue and the one described by Pausanias is complete: 
See note on ii. 5. 4. The story how Arrhachion won a victory in the 
pancratium and expired in the moment of victory is told briefly by 
Eusebius (Chronic, vol. i. p. 202, ed. Sch5ne) and at length by 
Philostratus (Imagines^ ii. 6), who calls him Arrhichion. Elsewhere 
{De arte gymnasHcOy 21) Philostratus has recorded the cry with which 
his trainer cheered the dying athlete to prefer victory to life. 

40. 3. boxen boxed with the soft straps. The earlier sort 

of boxing gloves used by the ancients is described also by Philostratus 
{De arte gymnastica^ 10), but his description is not quite clear. It 
would seem, according to him, that the four fingers were fastened in a 
strap which allowed the tips to project from it, and were also held 
together by a cord wound round the forearm. 

40. 4. strack him under the ribs etc. This story is told of the 
boxer Cleomedes of Astypalaea by Oenomaus, quoted by Euselnus, 
Praepar, Evang, v. 34. Oenomaus had confused Damoxenus with 
Cleomedes. As to Cleomedes, see Pans. vi. 9. 6 sqq, 

40. 5. a statue to him in Argos. See ii. 20. i. 

41. 2. A river called the Lymax. This would seem to be the 
stream which flows down a glen on the east side of Phigalia, at the 
foot of the slope which is surmounted by the walls of the ancient dty. 
But, on the other hand, Pausanias apparently says that the Lymax 
flowed into the Neda 1 2 furlongs above Phigalia (§ 4) ; hence Leake 
identified it with the river oi Dragdi (Tragoi), which joins the Neda on 
its right (north) bank about that distance above Phigalia. See Leake, 
Moreoy 2. p. 10. 

41. 2. Homer says etc. See Iliad^ i- 3M ^9- 

41. 3. Monnt Oerausius, which is a part of Monnt Lycaeus. 
Of the rivulets that unite to form the Neda the chief have their source 
above the village of Hagios Sostis^ in the range of hills which unites 
Mt. Lycaeus on the east with the peak called Palaeokastro on the west. 
These hills, therefore, would seem to be the Mt. Cerausius of the 
ancients. Bursian identified Cerausius with Palaeokastro ; L. Ross with 
Stephani, But Palaeokastro seems too far west, and Stephani was 
probably not distinguished from Lycaeus (JDiaphorti) by the ancients. 
Leake thought that Cerausius was Mt. Tetrasi (as to which see above, 
P- 389). 

See Leake, Morea, 2. p. 10 sq. ; L. Ross, Reisen, P* 94 -f^* ; Curtius, Pelcp. 
I. p. 317 J^. ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 184. 

41. 3- shear their hair in honour of the river. It appears to 
have been common among the ancient Greeks for boys or men to allow 
their hair to grow for a certain time and then cut it off* in honour of a 
river-god. See i. 37. 3 ; viii. 20. 3. Achilles kept his yellow hair 
long that he might sacrifice it to the river Spercheus when he came 
home from the wars (Homer, Iliad, xxiii. 141 sqq,) Orestes similarly 
vowed his hair to the river Inachus (Aeschylus, Choephoriy 5 sq,) Ajax 
let his hair grow in honour of the Ilissus (Philostratus, Heroica^ xiii. 4). 
Hindoo matrons are sometimes allowed, as a great privilege, to offer a 



CH. XLi HAIR-OFFERINGS— B ASSAM 393 

few locks of their long hair at the confluence of rivers, as for example at 
the meeting of the Ganges and Jumna. The priest with a pair of golden 
scissors cuts off a few inches of the woman's tresses and flings them 
into the river. See Monier Williams, Religious life and thought in India^ 
p. 375 ^^' Among some of the Australian aborigines, when a river 
was low with drought, the sorcerer used with chants and gesticulations 
to place some human hair in the stream. It was thought that this 
would make the water of the river to rise. See W. Stanbridge, * On the 
aborigines of Victoria,' Transactions of the EthnoL Soc, of London^ N.S. 
I ( 1 86 1 ), p. 300. On the worship of rivers among the ancient Greeks, 
see Percy Gardner, * Greek river -worship,' Transactions of the Royal 
Society of Literature^ Second Series (1878), pp. 173-218. Dio Chrysos- 
tom speaks of those who let their hair grow long for the sake of a god 
{Or, XXXV. vol. 2. p. 43, ed. Dindorf). Rufinus, son of the rhetorician 
Himerius, allowed his hair to grow in honour of Dionysus (Himerius, 
Orat, xxiii. 7). The people of Agyrium in Sicily were wont to let their 
hair grow long in honour of the hero lolaus till they had propitiated 
him with sacrifices (Diodorus, iv. 24. 4). The Thasians allowed their 
hair to grow long in honour of Demeter, because once the land recovered 
its fertility after a period of barrenness (Eusebius, Praep, Evang, v. 
34. 9). In the British Museum there is a votive relief representing two 
plaits of formally-twisted hair, dedicated to Poseidon by Philombrotus 
and Aphthonetus. The relief was brought from Phthiotic Thebes in 
Thessaly. See A. H. Smith, Catalogue of Sculpture in the British 
Museum^ i. No. 798, p. 366 sq, 

41. 5. of whom Homer nu^es mention. See Iliad^ xviii. 398 sq, 

41. 6. the image of Eurynome represents a woman to the 

hips, but below that a fish. If Eurynome was, as the natives affirmed, 
a form of Artemis, her curious fish -tailed image may perhaps be 
explained by the relation in which Artemis stood to water, evinced by 
her common title, * The Lady of the Lake.' Cp. L. R. FameU, The 
Cults of the Greek States, 2. p. 429 sq, 

41. 7. Bassae, and the temple of Apollo. The famous temple of 
Apollo at Bassae is situated about 4 miles north-east of Phigalia as the 
crow flies ; but as a wild and woody country of hill and dale lies between, 
and the path crosses glens and ascends steep slopes, the time occupied 
by the journey is about three and a half hours. From Pavlitsa, the 
village at the south-eastern extremity of Phigalia, our path leads at first 
eastward up the valley of the Neda. About a mile outside of the walls 
of Phigalia, on the top of a ridge, some remains of an ancient building, 
perhaps a temple, have been observed by travellers, who speak of 
having seen regularly-constructed foundations, a fragment of an archi- 
trave, and the base of a column. After following the valley of the 
Neda for some distance eastward, we turn up a glen down which a 
stream flows from the north to join the Neda. Pursuing our way up 
the glen we come to the village of Votkcu^ surrounded by many plane- 
trees and flg-trees. Then passing a waterfall and some picturesque 
rocks, we cross the stream by a little bridge and reach the village of 
Dragogi near the head of the glen. A rocky path now ascends the 



394 "^H^ TEMPLE AT BASSAE BK. viii. arcadia 

hills immediately at the back of the village, and in a pretty little valley 
shaded by oaks we pass a spring, which may be the ** spring on Mount 
Cotilius " mentioned by Pausanias. At the end of the valley a steep 
ascent through the somewhat scanty remnants of an oak forest brings 
us to the temple of Apollo. 

The temple, which is by far the best preserved of all ancient temples 
in Peloponnese, stands in a strikingly wild and secluded situation at a 
height of 3700 feet above the sea, with a wide prospect southward to 
the distant mountains of Messenia and Laconia. The ground on 
which the temple is built is a narrow platform on the southern side of 
a hill, the Mount Cotilius of the ancients. The rocky slopes of this 
hiU, rising rapidly behind the temple, shut out all distant views on the 
north and north-east. But to the south the slope descends gradually 
towards the valley of the Neda. Due south, through a dip in the hills, 
is seen the apparently flat-topped summit of Ithome. To the south-east, 
through another gap, appears the range of Taygetus, with its beautiful 
outlines and sharp snowy peaks. In the nearer foreground, between 
Ithome and Taygetus, rises Mount Ira, the last stronghold of the 
Messenian race in its struggle for freedom with Sparta. To the east 
are bare rough hillsj dotted with oak-trees, the western spurs of Mount 
Lycaeus, while farther to the south appears the high, round -topped 
Tetrasi^ perhaps the Nomian mountains of the ancients. The sea is not 
visible, but it may be seen by ascending the slope at the back of the 
temple. The bleak desolate mountains form a striking backg^und to 
the solitary temple which, built of the same cold grey limestone which 
composes the surrounding rocks, tends to deepen rather than relieve 
the melancholy of the scene, the ruined fane witnessing silently to the 
trans itoriness of human greatness and the vanity of human faith. 
"There is certainly nothing in Greece," says Leake, "beyond the 
bounds of Attica, more worthy of notice than these remains. The 
temple at Aegina in some of its accidents or accompaniments may be 
more picturesque, and the surrounding prospect more agreeable ; but 
undoubtedly there are many persons who will prefer the severe grandeur, 
the wildness, and the variety of this Arcadian scene, in which, amidst a 
continued contrast of rugged mountain, forest, and cultivated land, there 
is no want of objects interesting to the spectator by their historical 
recollection. That which forms, on reflection, the most striking circum- 
stance of all is the nature of the surrounding country, capable of pro- 
ducing little else than pasture for cattle, and offering no conveniences 
for the display of commercial industry either by sea or land. If it 
excites our astonishment that the inhabitants of such a district should 
have had the refinement to delight in works of this kind, it is still more 
wonderful that they should have had the means to execute them. This 
can only be accounted for by what Horace says of the early Romans : 

Privatus illis census erat brevis, 
Commune magnum. 

This is the true secret of national power, which cannot be equally 
effective in an age of selfish luxury." 



CH, XLI THE TEMPLE AT BASSAE 395 

The temple stands on a narrow rocky ridge which runs nearly north 
and south. So narrow is the ridge that in order to find room for the 
temple it was necessary to widen the ridge artificially by constructing a 
platform about 22 feet broad along its western edge. On its eastern 
side the ridge ends in a low line of precipitous rocks. The temple is 
orientated nearly north and south. For this remarkable deviation from 
the rule that Greek temples lie east and west, no more recondite reason 
need be sought than the nature of the ground, which, while it affords a 
fairly good site for a temple lying north and south, would have needed 
to be supplemented by great artificial substructions if it had to be 
adapted to a temple lying east and west. The temple rests, as usual, 
on a three-stepped platform of masonry. Its length, measured on the 
first step below the stylobate, is 125 ft 7 in. ; its breadth is 48 ft 2 in. 
Thus the temple is unusually long in proportion to its breadth and 
violates the canon laid down by Vitruvius (iv. 4) that the length of a 
temple should be just double its width. The waUs, columns, and 
entablature were built of a grey compact limestone, veined with white 
and red, which is quarried on the neighbouring mountain ; the capitals 
of the inner columns, the coffered ceilings of the north and south 
porticoes, the roof-tiles, and the sculptures were all of marble. The 
form and workmanship of the three steps leading up to the temple are 
somewhat unusual. The riser or face of each step is undercut horizon- 
tally and is left rough save for a drafted margin all round it ; and there 
is a marked division perpendicularly between each pair of contiguous 
blocks. A Doric colonnade ran all round the temple, with six columns 
at each of the two narrow ends on the north and south, and fifteen 
columns on the long east and west sides, the comer coliunns being 
counted twice. Thus the total number of columns in the peristyle or 
outer colonnade was thirty-eight Of these thirty-eight columns thirty- 
five are still standing (or at least were standing in 1 890 when I visited 
the temple), and almost all of them still support their architraves. 
The columns which have fallen are the two at the southern end 
of the west side and the one at the southern end of the east 
side. The height of these Doric columns, including the capitals, is 
19 ft. 5 ia ; their lower diameter is 3 ft 2 in., and their upper diameter 
2 ft. II in. The intercolumniations are not regular, the distances 
between the colunms even on the same side of the temple varying 
considerably. Nothing of the gables or roof is standing, but abundant 
remains of them lie in disorder on the ground. There were no 
sculptures in the gables. This is proved not only by the condition of 
the surface of the vertical stones composing the tympanum, but also by 
the fact that the projection of the two cornices {geisa\ the horizontal 
and the raking cornice, is identical ; for had there been sculptures 
within the gable the raking or ascending cornice would, in conformity 
with invariable Greek practice, have projected beyond the horizontal 
cornice so as to form a roof over the sculptures and protect them from 
rain and snow. But on the other hand ornaments of some sort 
{akroteria) were placed on the apex and two extremities of each gable, 
as appears firom the preparation of the stones at these points to 




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CH. XLi THE TEMPLE AT BASS AE 397 

receive them. The cymatium or band of ornament on the ascending 
cornice of the gables exhibits a series of palmettes (the Asiatic cyma 
recta) instead of the ovolo or * egg-and-dart ' pattern so commonly 
employed at Athens. Seventeen rows of tiles covered the roof These 
tiles are unusually large, measuring 3 ft 6 in. long by 2 ft. i in. wide. 
They are of Parian marble, and differ from ordinary Greek tiles in one 
remarkable respect In general a Greek temple was roofed with tiles 
of two different sorts — flat tiles with raised edges laid side by side, and 
gable-like covering tiles placed over the junctions of the flat tiles to 
prevent the rain from penetrating between them. But in the temple at 
Bassae the tiles are all of one sort ; each tile consists of a flat piece 
with a raised edge at one side and a miniature gable-roof at the other, 
so that when the tiles were placed side by side this miniature gable- 
roof overlapped the raised border of the tile next to it, and served 
instead of a separate covering tile. It is obvious that this system of 
tiling afforded an even better protection against the weather than the 
other, since it diminished by half the chance of rain finding its way 
between the junctions of the tiles. The ceiling of the colonnade was 
formed by slabs adorned with sunken panels. At the northern and 
southern ends these slabs were of marble, and the panels were of three 
different patterns (namely square and diamond-shaped in two varieties) ; 
the rest of the colonnade, on the two long eastern and western sides of 
the temple, was ceiled with slabs of limestone, and the panels sunk in 
them were uniformly square. 

The kernel of the temple, inside of the Doric colonnade which ran 
round it, consisted of a central cella with a fore-temple (fironaos) at its 
northern and a back-chamber {opisthodomos) at its southern end. The 
cella is 54 ft 11 in. long by 22 ft 11 in. wide. The fore-temple is 
considerably deeper or longer than the back-chamber, the depth of the 
former being 18 ft., while the depth of the back-chamber is only 13 ft. 
6 in. The lowest course of the eastern wall of the temple is mostly 
standing. It is built of blocks about 3 ft. 6 in. high and broad and 
20 in. thick. 1 The facade both of the fore-temple and of the back- 
chamber was supported by two columns between antae^ and the 
metopes of the entablature were adorned with sculptures of which some 
fragments have been found and are now in the British Museum. Gates 
or railings of metal seem to have shut off the fore-temple (but not the 
back-chamber) from the outer colonnade. They were fastened to the 
sides of the colunms and antae and fitted into an elaborately-moulded 
marble step which formed a raised sill between the columns. The 
columns and antae both of the fore-temple and of the back-chamber 
are fallen. 

The ceiling of the back -chamber consisted of blocks of marble 
adorned with square sunken panels, which were further set off with 
painting and gilding. Of the ceilings of the fore-temple and cella^ on 
the other hand, no trace has been found, and we are left to conjecture 
that they were of wood; the architect perhaps judged that these 
chambers were too wide to be safely spanned by marble beams. 

^ These are rough estimates of my own made on the spot 



398 THE TEMPLE AT BASSAE bk. viii. arcadia 

From the fore-temple a doorway about 8 ft 8 in. wide led into the 
celliL The arrangement of the cella is very remarkable. Five short 
cross-walls or buttresses, ending in half- columns of the Ionic order, 
projected into it from either side at intervals of about 6 ft 5 in. The 
length of each buttress, with the half- column, is about 3 ft 8^ in. 
Remains of all these ten buttresses and Ionic half-columns are to be 
seen in their places. Each half- column has ten flutes ; its lower 
diameter is 2 ft. 2| in., its upper diameter is i ft 9^ in. The height 
of the half - columns, including the capitals, was 20 ft S ii^ A. 
remarkable feature of these Ionic capitals is that they have volutes on 
three sides instead of on two. This is the earliest example known to 
us of Ionic capitals with a volute on each face. The buttresses with 
their Ionic half-columns rested on a step 3.75 inches high, which left 
the central area of the cella at a correspondingly lower leveL The 
effect of the protrusion of these short cross-walls or buttresses into the 
cella from either side was to form a series of compartments like the side 
chapels of some cathedrals. The same arrangement occurred in the 
Heraeum at Olympia (see vol. 3. p. 589). Above the half - columns 
and supported by them a marble frieze, sculptured with the battle of 
the Greeks and the Amazons, and with the battle of the Lapiths and 
Centaurs, ran all round the cella. This frieze has been preserved 
entire and is now in the British Museum (see below). Thus we see 
that the internal arrangement of the cella differed materially from that 
generally adopted in Greek temples. As a rule the roof of the cella was 
supported on each side by two rows of columns, one above the other, 
the columns of the lower row being of a different order from the 
columns of the upper row and taller than they, but not so tall as the 
columns of the outer colonnade. In the temple at Bassae, on the other 
hand, there was only a single row of columns (or, strictly speaking, of 
half-columns) on either side of the cella^ and these half-columns were 
taller than the columns of the outer colonnade. 

Nor is this the only or the most remarkable peculiarity of the 
temple. Between the last two buttresses and the south wall of the ulla 
a space of about 1 5 feet intervenes, which may be supposed to have 
been the inmost shrine where stood the image of the deity. The two 
buttresses in question are set obliquely to the side walls of the cella 
instead of (like all the other buttresses) at right angles to them ; and 
between them, in the axis of the cella^ stood a marble Corinthian 
column with exquisitely - wrought capital, which has since been bar- 
barously mutilated. The column had 20 flutes ; its lower diameter was 
2 ft. 2f in., its upper diameter i ft 9J in. The total height of the 
column, including the base and the capital, was about 20 ft 6 in. 
If this Corinthian column, of which the base was discovered in its place, 
belonged to the original temple, as Stackelberg, Blouet, and Codcerell 
all believed, it is the earliest known example of the Corinthian order. 
But its existence in the temple as originally built has been doubted or 
denied. Further — and this is the most singular feature in the temple — 
the inmost part of the cella was provided with a doorway of its own, 
6 ft. 4 in. wide, which opened through the eastern wall upon the outer 



CH. XLi THE TEMPLE AT BASSAE 399 

colonnade. In all the remains of Greek temples that have survived to 
the present day there is not, I believe, any other example of a side door 
to the cellcL The only plausible explanation of this architectural 
anomaly is that the existing temple, facing north and south, had 
replaced an older and smaller temple which, in accordance with Greek 
custom, faced east and west ; and that when the large new temple was, 
in compliance with the exigencies of the site, built facing north and 
south, the religious prejudices of the worshippers required that the 
image of the god should still face eastward, and that accordingly the 
architect was obliged to open a doorway in the eastern wall through 
which the worshippers might see and approach their deity as before. 
We must therefore suppose that the image of Apollo stood in this 
inmost part of the cella with its back to the west wall and its face to 
the eastern doorway. Pausanias tells us (§ 9 and viii. 30. 3) that the 
bronze image, 12 feet high, had been transferred to Megalopolis. But 
it was apparently replaced by an image of the kind called acrolithiCy 
that is, an image of which the extremities only were of marble, while 
the rest of the figure was made of wood or other inferior material. For 
in the inmost part of the cella^ where the image must have stood, there 
were found fragments of the marble feet and hands of a colossal image ; 
and that the image to which they belonged was acrolithic is inferred 
from the existence in the hands and feet of holes in which dowels were 
no doubt inserted for the purpose of attaching them to the image. 
Two of these fragments are now in the British Museum ; one is the 
fore part of a male right foot wearing a sandal ; the other is the palm 
and base of the thumb of a right hand. Another fragment, foimd with 
the rest, is supposed to have been part of Apollo's lyre. 

The cella of the temple was believed by the architect Cockerell to 
have been hypaethral, that is, to have had an opening for light in the 
roof. He thought that such an opening was needed for the proper 
appreciation of the frieze, which would else have been half hidden in a 
dim twilight, and that its existence was positively proved by a fragment 

of a roof tile which from its shape n 1 would seem to 

have been placed at the edge of an ' ^ 

roof. There was no doorway in the 
the cella from the back-chamber. 



opening in the 
wall dividing 



The sculptured frieze which adorned the interior of the cella was 
discovered under the ruins of the temple in 1 8 1 2 by a party of English 
and German archaeologists, among whom were Baron Haller and the 
architect C. R. Cockerell. In the following year the party, reinforced 
by the accession of Baron von Stackelberg of Esthonia and the 
Chevalier Bronstedt of Copenhagen, but without the architect Cockerell, 
returned to Bassae, cleared the site of the temple, and disinterred the 
sculptures from the superincumbent mass of ruins. Transported to 
Zante, the sculptures were there sold in 18 14 to the British Government 
for a nominal smn of 60,000 piastres (;£ 15,800), which, however, 
through a disadvantageous exchange, was increased to ;£ 19,000. The 
frieze now forms one of the chief treasures of the British Museum. It 
is composed of twenty^three slabs of a marble which, according to 



400 THE TEMPLE AT BASSAE BK. viii. arcadu 

some, resembles Pentelic marble ; but it is rather a coarse-grained 
yellowish-brownish marble. Prof. G. R. Lepsius observed at Bassae 
blocks of a coarse-g^ned crystalline marble of a white colour tinged 
with light grey; pieces of the same marble were seen by him at 
Olympia, but nowhere else. He conjectures that it comes from one 
of the islands of the Aegean. See G. R. Lepsius, Griechische Marmor- 
studien^ p. 57. Whether the marble described by him is that of which 
the frieze is composed does not appear. The slabs of the frieze are 
each 2 fr. i^ in. high and about 3^ inches thick. They are of unequal 
length, but together make up a total length of loi fr. ^ in. The frieze 
formed by them ran roimd the cella above the half-columns ; it rested 
on the upper edge of the architrave and was fastened by bolts into the 
wall behind. Its length proves that, if the frieze as we have it is entire, 
it could not have extended round the whole of the cella^ which was 
nearly 5 5 feet long. We must, therefore, suppose that it adorned the 
northern part of the cella only, stopping short at the two last half- 
columns towards the south, and crossing over the cella between these 
two half-columns, above the central Corinthian colunm. Hence it did 
not extend into the inner shrine or Holy of Holies in which stood the 
image of the god. The space to which the frieze was thus confined 
was a rectangle with two long sides, one on the east and one on the 
west, each measuring 35 fr. 9 in., and two short sides, one on the north 
and the other on the south, each measuring 14 ft 2^ in. The slight 
excess (i fr. 2\ in.) of the frieze over the length of the space which 
it was intended to occupy may be explained by supposing that the slabs 
overlapped each other a little at the angles. 

The subjects represented by the sculptures are two, namely the 
battle of the Lapiths and Centaurs, and the battle of the Greeks and 
Amazons. The former subject occupies eleven slabs, with a combined 
length of 45 ft. 6| in., while the latter occupies twelve slabs with a 
length of 55 ft. 6 in. It would seem, therefore, that the battle of the 
Greeks and Amazons filled two sides and a part of a third, while the 
battle of the Centaurs and Lapiths was confined to one entire side and 
the greater part of another. Each slab contains a separate group of 
figures, proving that the sculptures were executed before the slabs were 
placed in position in the cella; for had the slabs been first fixed in 
their final positions and then sculptured, it is most likely that the 
artist would have found it convenient, at least in some places, to allow 
the groups and even the separate figures to flow over from one slab to 
another. The same fact makes it difficult or impossible to determine 
the exact order in which the slabs were arranged. Attempts have 
indeed been made to determine the original order, but they rest on 
very little positive evidence. 

The figures are in high relief. The composition is extraordinarily 
vigorous, animated, and varied ; the field is crowded with figures, and 
the violence and passion of battle are portrayed with fiery energy and 
with immense fertility and boldness of imagination. " If," says 
Overbeck, " we leave out of consideration style in the strict sense, that 
is the design and modelling of the figures, and consider simply the 



CH. XLi THE TEMPLE AT BASSAE 401 

contents of the frieze, we shall find that in sheer power of inventive 
imagination it surpasses most of its possible rivals, and that hardly 
anywhere can we point to a composition which in respect of variety of 
theme and wealth of thrilling interest can vie with the frieze of 
Phigalia." But combined with these high artistic merits are grave 
blemishes. The execution of the sculptures, at once coarse and florid, 
is by no means equal to the design. The figures are somewhat heavy 
and thickset, the attitudes occasionally uncouth, and the faces dull and 
expressionless. Worse than all, the proportions of the limbs and 
bodies are often wrong ; this is especially observable in the hands, feet, 
and legs. "The feet are long, the legs short and stumpy, and the 
extremities ridiculous in the design, and imperfect in the execution, and 
they resemble the style which is observed on the better kinds of Roman 
sarcophagi" (Dodwell). To explain this union of imaginative power 
with defective execution it has been suggested that the frieze was 
desigpied by a great Athenian sculptor but carved on the spot by local 
artists of mediocre or less than mediocre abilities. This was the view 
taken by the painter Haydon, a good judge though a poor artist. He 
says : " The Phygaleian marbles arrived. I saw them. Though full 
of gross disproportions they are beautifully composed and were evidently 
the design of a great genius, executed provincially " {Life of B, R. 
Haydon, London, 1853, vol. i. p. 329). But to attempt to determine 
the artist who designed or executed the frieze is, in the absence of all 
positive testimony, mere guess-work. The names of Alcamenes and 
Cresilas have, however, been suggested by different archaeologists. 
Overbeck thought that the work must have been designed as well as 
carried out by the local Arcadian talent. 

A few of the scenes on the frieze may be mentioned. 

Conspicuous amid the hurly-burly of battle are the figures of Apollo 
and Artemis who have arrived in a car drawn by two stags. Apollo 
has dismounted and is drawing his bow against a Centaur ; Artemis, 
with one foot on the ground, grasps the reins. Elsewhere, two 
women have taken refuge at a stiff archaic image of Artemis ; one of 
them stretches out her arms in despair, the other clings to the image, 
while a brutal Centaur is tearing her mantle from her body. But the 
Centaur is himself hotly attacked from behind by a man who is kneeling 
on the Centaur's back and is about to stab him with his sword. A 
lion's skin hanging on a tree beside this group has been thought to 
show that the man is Theseus. Another Centaur is rearing and kicking 
with his hind horse's legs and hoofs at a Lapith, while with his human 
arms he grasps another Lapith whom he is biting in the neck, and who 
is thrusting his sword into the monster's belly. Again, two Centaurs 
are heaving up a huge stone with which to crush into the earth the 
invulnerable Caeneus, who, already half buried in the ground, is holding 
up his shield above his head to avert the impending stroke. A similar 
scene is represented on the west frieze of the so-called Theseum at 
Athens (see voL 3. p. 521). In the battle of the Greeks and Amazons 
a foremost place is taken by Hercules, who with the lion's skin wrapt 
round* his left arm is striking with his club at an Amazon ; she is 

VOL. IV 2D 



402 THE TEMPLE AT BASSAE BK. viii. arcadia 

drawing back and holding out her shield. This figure of Hercules has 
been sometimes interpreted as Theseus. Behind Hercules (or Theseus) 
a mounted Amazon, mortally woimded, is sinking with her horse to the 
ground. A Greek has seized her by foot and arm and is about to fling 
her to the groimd, when he is suddenly moved with pity and stoops 
over her with grief-stricken face. This is not the only touch of pathos 
and chivalry which the genius of the artist has introduced into the 
battle of the men and women. One Amazon is seen tenderly supporting 
the steps of a wounded Greek, while another carries off on her back a 
Greek who has probably fallen by her hand Yet again, an Amazon 
interposes to save a fJEillen Greek from the blow which another female 
warrior is about to deal him. The battle of the Centaurs and Lapiths, 
on the other hand, is redeemed by no such touches of humanity ; all is 
ferocity, fury, and lust, as was to be expected in a contest between men 
and monsters. 

The twelve fragments of the metopes are too shattered to allow us 
to determine their subjects with certainty. They have recently, how- 
ever, been subjected to a searching examination by Prof. B. Sauer, 
who has offered acute and plausible explanations of some of them, (i) 
One fragment seems to represent Apollo with his lyre. It is the figure 
of a man wearing the costume of a lyre-player, with a long tunic ^ing 
to his feet and a flowing mantle. The tunic is confined by a broad belt 
and bands which cross on his breast Long hair ^Is down on his 
shoulders. He is standing turned a little to the spectator's right, but 
his face is looking backwards to the left In his left hand, which is 
broken off, he probably held a lyre. (2) Another fragment seems to 
represent Orpheus or at all events a Thracian lyre-player. It represents 
the head and upper body of a beardless man wearing a skin cap, a 
sleeveless tunic girt round the waist, and a small cloak. Two bands, 
crossing on his breast, are held together by a brooch in the form of a 
Gorgon's head. With his raised left hand he seems to be playing on 
a lyre, which is partly expressed in relief, and was probably further 
indicated by colour. His face is seen in profile, for he is looking 
towards the lyre. (3) Two fragments apparently belonged to a group 
representing a man and woman seated opposite each other. The 
woman, whose head, upper body, and left foot are preserved, wears a 
veil, a sleeveless tunic, and a mantle, and seems to be coyly averting her 
face from the man ; she is raising her right hand, wrapt in her mantle, 
towards her face. The man on the other hand appears to be 
endeavouring to overcome the woman's shyness and to oblige her to 
show her face. His right hand is round the woman's neck, his left 
hand is under her right arm, and his right foot is close to her left. 
But beyond this and a doubtful trace of his left foot nothing of the 
man remains. The scene may represent, as Prof. B. Sauer holds, the 
marriage of Zeus and Hera. (4) Another fragment shows the torso of 
an old bearded man, who may be supposed to have been standing and 
leaning on a staff placed under his left arm. The folds and creases on 
his naked breast and belly show that he is old ; his head seems to have 
been sunk on his breast ; and he wears a mantle which crosses his 



CH. XLi THE TEMPLE AT BASSAE 403 

body from the right hip to the left armpit, while some folds of drapery 
on his right shoulder indicate that the mantle was also drawn over his 
head to serve as a hood. This hooded old man, with his head sunk on 
his wrinkled breast, is interpreted by Prof. Sauer as the aged Cronus 
moodily contemplating the stone wrapt in swaddling clothes which he 
is about to swallow in the belief that it is his infant son Zeus. (5) 
Another fragment represents the torso of a young and graceful woman 
clad in a thin clinging tunic, with a mantle thrown over her left arm 
and round her body from the waist downwards. In her right hand, 
which reposes on her hip, she holds a pair of castanets ; in her lef^ 
hand, which is broken off, she may have held another pair of castanets. 
Prof. Sauer interprets her as a nymph attending on the in^Emt Zeus and 
drowning his squalls in the rattle of her castanets for the purpose of 
saving him from the maw of Cronus, his cruel father. A similar 
service was commonly said to have been performed for the infant by 
the Curetes. (6) Another fragment represents a cymbal, and this is 
supposed by Prof. Sauer to have been held by a nymph who may have 
been clashing her cymbals for the same humane purpose that the other 
rattled her castanets. 

All the fragments which have just been described seem to have 
belonged to the metopes at the north end of the temple. The sculptures 
of these northern metopes, if Prof Sauer's explanation of the fragments 
is right, fell into two groups, one relating to Apollo, the other to Zeus. 
In the group relating to Apollo, the god himself appeared along with 
Orpheus and perhaps the Muses ; while in the group relating to Zeus 
were represented the outwitting of Cronus, the infant god surrounded 
by nymphs who were playing on musical instruments, and lastly the 
marriage of Zeus and Hera. 

The artistic style of the metopes is more careful and finished than 
that of the frieze, indeed it has been compared to that of the exquisite 
reliefs on the balustrade of the Wingless Victory at Athens (vol. 2. 
p. 259). But apart from their better finish the sculptures of the 
metopes present the same essential characteristics as the sculptures of 
the frieze. Both are in high relief ; both are marked by a florid treat- 
ment of the drapery, by heavy thickset figiu-es, and by the stifiness and 
lifelessness of the hands. Probably, therefore, they were both designed 
by the same artist. The metopes may possibly have been executed by 
the artist himself, while the frieze was carved by inferior workmen after 
his desigpis. Prof. Sauer is of opinion that it was the metopes of the 
outer colonnade which were sculptured, not (as the architects think) the 
metopes above the entrances to the fore-temple and back-chamber. 

With regard to the date of the temple, Pausanias tells us that it was 
built out of gratitude to Apollo for having delivered the people of 
Phigalia from the great plague of 430 B.C. But this statement appears 
to be based merely on an inference drawn by Pausanias from the god's 
surname and from the fact that the architect was Ictinus, the builder of 
the Parthenon. On the other hand, we know from Thucydides (ii. 54) 
that the plague scarcely touched Peloponnese ; and it seems unlikely 
that an Athenian architect should have worked for a Peloponnesian city 



404 THE TEMPLE AT BASSAE bk. viil arcadu 

while the war between Athens and Peloponnese was raging. As Ictinus 
was the architect of the temple, and we have no reason to suppose that 
he survived the Peloponnesian war, we may conjecture that the temple 
was built either before the outbreak of the war, that is, before 431 B.C, 
or during its temporary cessation consequent on the peace of Nicias, id, 
in 421 B.C or one of the immediately succeeding years. The fibridand 
almost pictorial style of the sculptures, which can hardly have been 
executed before those of the Parthenon, flEivours the later date. There 
are some groimds for holding that the pestilence broke out again in 420 
B.C, and it has been proposed to connect the foundation of the temple 
with the deliverance of Phigalia from the plague of that year. See 
Ch. Petersen, in Philologus^ 4 (1849), P* 234 sqq. That the partial 
destruction of the temple is due to the fury of Christian iconoclasts 
rather than to earthquakes appears from the fact, while the well- 
buttressed and iron-clajnped walls of the cella have been destroyed, the 
long rows of columns, though naturally weak from want of support, are 
still standing almost entire. 

The first modem traveller who is known to have visited the temple 
at Bassae was a French architect named Joacchim Bochor, who acd- 
dentally discovered it in November 1765. At the beginning of the 
nineteenth century, in the years 1805 and 1806, the temple was visited 
by the English travellers Leake, Dodwell, and Gell; and in 181 1 and 
1 8 1 2 the ruins were thoroughly explored and plans and drawings of 
them prepared by the party of English and German archaeologists, 
who, as we have seen, discovered and carried off the sculptures, which 
now adorn the British Museiun. 

See Chandler, Travels in Greece^ p. 295 sq, ; von Stackelberg, D^r Apolhtem- 
pel su Bass(u in Arcadien und die daselbst ausgegrabenen Bildwerke (Rome, 1826); 
Stuart and Revett, Antiquities of Athens: Supplementary volume by C. R. 
Cockerell, W. Kinnaird, T. L. Donaldson, etc. (London, 1830) (the description 
of the temple at Bassae, comprising 18 pages of text with 11 plates, is by 
the architect T. L. Donaldson); Expedition scientifique de MorSe: Architecture^ 
Sculptures y etc., par A. Blouet, 2. pp. 5-29, with plates 4-30 ; C. R. Cockerell, 
The temples of Jupiter Panhellenius at Aegina and of Apollo Epicuritis eU Bassae 
near Phigaleia in Arcadia (London, i860); Dodwell, Tour^ 2. pp. 384-389; 
Gell, Itinerary cf the Alorea^ p. 81 sqq, ; id, ^ Journey in the Morea^ p. 109 sqq. ; 
Leake, Morea^ 2. p. \sqq. ; Mure, yi?«rf/fl/, 2. p. 269 sqq, ; L. Ross, Reisen^ p. 
99 sq. ; Curtius, Pelop, I. p. 324 sqq. ; Welcker, Tagebuch^ I. p. 275 sqq. ; W. G. 
Clark, Pelop. p. 255 sqq. ; Vischer, Erinnerungen^ p. 455 sqq. ; Wyse, Pelop. 2. 
p. 26 sqq. ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 254 sq. ; Msihaffy, Rambles atui Studies in 
Greece^ P* 317 ^qq' > Baedeker,' p. 318 sqq, ; Guide- Joanne^ 2. p. 297 sqq. ; 
Baumeister's Denkmdler^ s.v. * Phigalia*; K. O. MUllcr, *De Phidiae vita et 
operibus,* Kunstarchaeologische Werke^ 2. p. ii sq. ; /V/., *Ueber die Zeit der 
Erbauung des Apollontempels zu Bassae bei Phigalia,* ib. 3. pp. 179-184; S. 
Ivanoff, * II bassorelievo del tempio di Apollo Epicurio a Basse presso Figalia,' 
Annali deir Inst/tuto, 37(1865), pp. 29-42; id., *La dispositione architettonica 
della cella del tempio di Apollo Epicurio a Basse presso Figalia,' ib, pp. 43-54; 
Michaelis, *Zum Tempel von Bassae,* Archaologische Zeitung, 34 (1876), p. 
161 sq. ; K. Lange, 'Die Composition des Frieses von Phigalia,* Berichte iiber 
die Verhandl, d, kon, sdchs. Gesell, d, IVissen. zuLeipzigy Philolog. histor. Classe, 
32 (1880), pp. 57-69 ; A. S. Murray, History of Greek Sculpture^ 2. pp. 168-178; 
Overbeck, Gesch, d. griech. Plastik^^ i. pp. 548-557 ; Lucy M. Mitchell, History 
of ancient sculpturcy pp. 397-401 ; Fried erichs-Wolters, Gipsabgusse^ Nos. 880- 
905> PP- 300-305 ; Bie, Kampfgrttppe und Kdmpfertypen in der Antike^ p. loi 



CH. XLi MOUNT COTILIUS 405 

sqq, ; A. H. Smith, Catalogue of Sculpture in the British Museum, i. p. 207 
sqq, ; B. Sauer, ' Die Metopen des ApoUontempels von Phiealia,' Berichte Uber 
die VerhandL d, k, sdehs, GeselL d. frissen, zu Leipzig", PhiL hist Classe, 1895, 
pp. 207-250. 

Marble copies of three of the slabs of the Phigalian frieze exist at Patras, 
They were at first supposed to be ancient, but it has been proved that they are 
modem. See L. Gurhtt, in Mittkeil, d, arch. Inst, in A then, 5 (18S0), pp. 364- 
367; von Duhn, ib, 6 (1881), pp. 308 sq. ; Treu, in Archdologische Zeitung, 40 
(1882), pp. 59-66; R. Klette, ib. pp. 165-168; A. S. Murray, Hist, of Greek 
Sculpture, 2. p. 177 note. 

41. 8. the ssonmetry of its proportions. The Greek is 1^9 
apfiovlas €V€KaL By apfwvia Leake understood Pausanias to mean 
** the nice adaptation of the stones to each other, or, in other words, 
the fine execution of the masonry, and not the general harmony of the 
proportions of the temple " {Morea, 2. p. 6). Leake thought that this 
interpretation, which was accepted by E. Curtius {Pelop. i. p. 326) and 
Mure (Journal^ 2. p. 271), was proved by other passages in Pausanias. 
The only other passage which he refers to is ii. 25. 9 Ai^ia 6^ evT^p- 
/Aocrrat '?raAat, (os fidkurra avrfuv Ikoxttov apfwviav rots ftcydkois kiOois 
€?va^ where ap/wvla is certainly used in the sense of ' bond,' ' ligament' 
Compare also viiL 8. 8 ol pkv yap (Xt^ot)— €i«n;5<iX7iv cjc twv appjovilav. 
'X. 33. 7 Kurtros ol (sell, ry vay) irpooir^fjiVKiii^ pJkyas /cat liT\vp!6s SicXvorcv 
€/c T(uv apyuovmv koX Sieaira rov^ XlOov^ air dXA^Acov. In ix. 39. 2 
(rhv 8k avcorarco rtov XiOtav <fxurlv appjoviav iravrX cfvat r<{i oiKoSofirjfJLaTi) 
the word apfuovla seems to mean * keystone.' In ix. 39. 9 {\6xriua y^s 
coTtv ovK avTOfjLOTOVj dkka (rvv T€\vq /cat appavt^ irphs rh d/cpt^corarov 
i^Ko8ofii]fievov) it perhaps means * accurate jointing,' the sense which 
Leake, Curtius, and Mure give to it in the present passage. On the 
other hand, see ii. 27. 5 ap/xovias 8€ n /cdAAovs €V€ica dp\iT€KT(t}v iroios 
€S d/xtAAav IIoAvicActTi^ yevotr' civ a^toxpccos ; where appuovia clearly 
means * symmetry of proportions.' 

41. 8. the snmame of Averter of EriL See i. 3. 4. 

41. 9. I have already shown etc See viii. 30. 3. 

41. 10. a spring of water on Mount Ootilins. In a trough-like 
hollow about ten minutes to the west-south-west of the temple at Bassae 
there is a spring, the water of which soon disappears underground This 
is probably the spring described by Pausanias. See Boblaye, Re- 
cherches^ p. 166; Exp€d. scientifique de Morde : Architecture^ Sculp- 
tures, etc, par A. Blouet, 2. p. 5 ; Cell, Itinerary of the Morea, p. 81 
sq. ; id.^ Journey in the Morea, p. 109 ; L. Ross, Reisen^ p. 99; Curtius, 
Pelop. I. p. 324; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 255. 

41. 10. Aphrodite in Ootilnm etc The highest point of Mount 
Cotilius rises just to the north of the temple at Bassae. A little below 
the summit, about ten minutes to the north-west of the temple, is a 
small cup-shaped dell surroimded by rocky slopes, but with an opening 
to the south. Here there are foundations of an ancient temple, covered 
with the ruins of a chapel. Large blocks and fragments of roof-tiles are 
also to be seen scattered about These are probably the remains of the 
temple of Aphrodite in Cotilum. See Expedition scientifique de Morde : 
Architecture^ Sculptures ^ etc, par A. Blouet, 2. p. 5 ; Boblaye, Re- 



4o6 THE CA VE OF DEMETER bk. viii. arcadia 

cherches^ p. i66 ; L. Ross, Reisen^ p. loo sq, ; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 324 
sq, \ Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 255 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 299. 

42. I. Mount ElaiiiB there is a cave there sacred to 

Demeter. According to Pausanias (viii. 41. 7) Mount Cotilius was on 
the left and Mount Elaius on the right of Phigalia. But Mount Cotilius 
is to the north-east of the city. Hence Mount Elaius is to be looked for 
to the west of it. It is perhaps the mountain of Smarlina or Smerlina 
which rises to the west and north-west of Phigalia. The cave of the 
Black Demeter has been identified with a small cavern in the glen 
of the Neda, about an hour's walk to the west of Phigalia. The 
place is known in the neighbourhood as the stonUon ies Panagias or 
Gully of the Virgin. To reach the cavern it is necessary to descend 
into the ravine by a steep and narrow path which affords very little 
foothold and overhangs depths which might turn a weak head. At the 
awkward places, however, it is generally possible to hold on to bushes 
or rocks with the hands. Thus we descend to the bed of the river, 
which here rushes roaring along at the bottom of the narrow wooded 
ravine, the precipitous sides of which tower up on either hand to an 
immense height. The cave is situated in the face of a prodigious cUff 
on the north side of the ravine, about a hundred feet or so above the bed 
of the river, from which it is accessible only by a narrow and difl&cult 
footpath. The ravine at this point sweeps round in a sharp curve, and 
the cavern is placed just at the elbow of the bend. On the opposite side 
of the linn, some fifty feet or so away, a great crag, its sides green with 
grass and trees wherever they can find a footing, soars up to a height 
about as far above the cavern as the cavern is above the stream. Hills 
close the view both up and down the glen ; those at the upper end are 
high, steep, and wooded. 

The cavern itself, originally a mere shallow depression or hollow on 
the side of the cliff, has been artificially closed by a rough wall of masonr)-, 
apparently of recent date ; the plaster seemed to me fresh. In the 
cavern thus formed a rough floor of boards has been run across at a 
height of about 4 feet above the floor of the rock. Thus the grotto is 
divided into two compartments, the upper of which has been converted 
into a tiny chapel with an altar at the end and two holy pictures of 
Christ and John the Baptist. In another comer of the chapel is an 
artificial ledge, above which the rock is blackened with fire. On the 
opposite wall are some faded frescoes. Light enters the little cave by a 
small window (about 8 inches by 5) in the wall beside the altar. At 
least half of the roof is artificial, being built of the same rough masonry 
as the wall. Close beside this tiny cavern, to the east of it, may be seen 
a still tinier grotto, separated from the former by a slight protuberance 
in the rock. The same ledge of rock gives access to both grottoes. 

What is called the stomion ies Panagias or Gully of the Virgin is a 
tunnel, some hundred yards long, formed of fallen rocks and earth, 
through which the Neda rushes in the ravine below the cavern. In 
winter the swollen stream flows over the roof of the tunnel, but in 
summer, when the river is low, you may walk through the tunnel and 
admire the stalactites which hang from its roof. 



CH. XLii THE CA VE OF DEMETER 407 

Just before you ascend the narrow path to the cavern, you pass on 
the right (north) the mouth of a narrow ravine, with exceedingly steep 
and lofty sides. Down this glen pours a stream which, after tumbling 
in a pretty cascade and then forming a deep pool, joins the Neda. 
Thus the cliff in which is the cavern forms a sort of tongue or promon- 
tory between the main ravine of the Neda on one side and the ravine of 
this tributary stream on the other. 

That the cavern just described was the cave of Black Demeter is 
made probable ( i ) by its distance and direction from Phigalia, both of 
which fairly agree with Pausanias's description ; (2) by the veneration 
with which the place is regarded to this day, the people of Pavlitsa and 
the neighbouring villages still holding an annual festival of the Madonna 
on the spot, just as the Phigalians did in honour of Demeter (§ 11); 
(3) by a legend, current here, that once upon a time the Madonna, 
shocked at the incestuous love of a brother for his sister, took refuge in 
this cavern. This tale can hardly be anything but a transformation of 
the classical story of the incestuous love of Poseidon for his sister 
Demeter and her sullen retirement into the cave. The grove of oaks 
which grew round the cave in antiquity (§ 12) is still represented by the 
oaks in the wooded ravine of the Neda ; and the spring of cold water 
still trickles from the cave. But it is singular that in describing the 
situation of the cave Pausanias should make no mention of the Neda, 
which flows along in its deep bed not many yards below the mouth of 
the cavern. 

See Conze and Michaelis, ' Rapporto d' un viaggio fatto nella Grecia,' Annali 
delV Instituto^ 33 (1861), pp. 57-61 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 252 sq, ; Baedeker,' 
p. 322; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 295 j^. ; Philippson, p. 311. From Beul^'s vague 
and rhetorical description {^Etudes sur le Piloponnise^ p. 127 sqq.) it would seem 
that he visited the siomion tes Panagitu but not the cavern. I visited the cave, 
2Dd May 1890, and have described it from personal observation. 

42. I. All tliat the people of Thelpnaa say etc. See viii. 25. 

4 sqq, 

42. 4* the head and the hair were those of a horse. We have 
seen that on the robe of Demeter's image at Lycosura female figures with 
beasts' heads are represented (above, p. 375 sq,") On an archaic vase 
from Rhodes in the British Museum (B. 380), Medusa is depicted with 
the body of a woman and the head of a horse. See Journal of Hellenic 
Studies^ 5 (1884), pi. xliii., and p. 239 sq, ; CatcUogue of Greek and 
Etruscan vases in the British Museum : vol. 2, Black-figured Vases^ by 
H. B. Walters, p. 212. Figures with asses' heads and human (?) 
bodies are painted on the wall of an ancient house excavated a few years 
ago on the citadel of Mycenae (see vol. 3. p. 121). Ass-headed or 
horse-headed monsters occur on the archaic Greek gems known as 
Island or Mycenaean gems ; and it is worth noting that one of these 
gems was found at Phigalia. On it we see two of the horse-headed 
monsters standing on their hind-legs, and between them a man, who 
is holding each of them by the lower jaw. See Milchhoefer, Die 
Anfdnge der Kunst in Griechenland^ P* 54 sq, ; A. B. Cook, 'Animal 
Worship in the Mycenaean Age,' Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 14 



4o8 THE APOLLO OF ONATAS bk. viii. arcadia 

(1894), pp. 81 sqq,^ 138 sqq. We may perhaps infer that hybrid forms 
of this sort were commoner in the early than in the fully-developed art 
of Greece. We have seen from Pausanias (viii. 41. 6) that not £u- from 
Phigalia there was an image of Eurynome with the body of a woman 
and the tail of a fish ; it was probably very ancient 

42. 4. a doliihin a dove. As the dolphin was an attribute 

of Poseidon and the dove of Aphrodite, the two together in the hands of 
Demeter may have been intended to symbolise Poseidon's love for the 
goddess. This is the explanation of W. Mannhardt (Mythologische 
Forschungefty p. 250 sq.\ and I can suggest no better. 

42. 5. how it caught fire. See viii. 5. 8. 

42. 6. the nook of the toimeL The Greek is (njpayyos re /ivxov. 
The word airjpayy€s is defined by Photius in his Lexicon to mean <* long 
fissures under ground, as it were veins of the earth, along which 
the water runs in search of a vent" (at virb yrjv vTrofi'qK€is cic/n^^ts, 
oiov€l <f>k€/3€s Tiv€9 o^ai Tijs yrjsy as v7roTp€Xov TO vSoyp (rjfT^l 
Bie^oSov), The word, therefore, describes exactly the stomtan ies 
Panagias or Gully of the Virgin, through which the Neda rushes below 
the cave of Demeter. See note on § i. 

42. 7- a bronze Apollo at Pergamns by this Onatas. A pedestal 
which probably supported the statue here mentioned by Pausanias has 
been found at Per^amus. It bears the inscription 

'Ovaras] 'ZfiiKtovos Alyivrjrqs [cttow^cv 

I.e. " (Onatas,) an Aeginetan, son of Smicon, (made this statue)." Sec 
Frankel, Inschrifien von Pergamon^ No. 48. Smicon is an archaic 
form of Micon, the name of the sculptor's father as given by Pausanias 
(v. 25. 10). The statue of Apollo by Onatas had no doubt been 
transferred to Pergamus from its original place ; for Pergamus was not 
founded till long after the time of Onatas. In the Greek Antholog>- 
{AnthoL Palat. ix. 238) there is an epigram by Antipater in praise of a 
bronze statue of Apollo by Onatas, which may have been the one here 
mentioned by Pausanias. The last verse of the epigram implies that 
Onatas either made the statue by the help of Ilithyia or made an image 
of Ilithyia beside it. If the latter is the meaning, we have perhaps a 
copy of Onatas's group on a medallion of Marcus Aurelius, which 
represents Apollo with a female figure beside him ; Apollo is naked and 
holds in his right hand a small four-footed creature, in his left hand 
the bow. See Brunn, Gesch, d, griech, Kunstler^ i. p. 91 sq, Onatas 
appears to have been one of the chief masters of the Aeginetan school 
of sculpture ; hence it has been conjectured that the sculptures which 
adorned the temple at Aegina must be, partly at least, by his hand. Cp. 
A. S. Murray, Hist, of Greek Sculpture^^ i. p. 165 sqq, ; Overbeck, 
Gesch. d, griech. PlasHk^^ i. p. 148 sqq. ; Collignon, Histoire de la 
Sculpture grecque^ i. pp. 282-286. See also the next note, and note 
on V. 25. 10. As to the Aeginetan school of sculpture, see note on v. 

25. 13. 

42. 8. Hiero died before he dedicated etc Hiero died in 467 



CH. XLiii HEGIAS — EVANDER 409 



B.C. (OL f%, 2) and in the next year Thrasybulus, his brother and 
successor on the throne, was expelled from Syracuse (Diodorus, xi. 66 
sqq,^ Hence it would seem that the statues executed by Onatas for 
Dinomenes son of Hiero must have been finished in 467 or 466 B.C. 
This fixes the date of the sculptor Onatas and agrees with other 
evidence. See note on v. 25. 12. As to the votive offerings of Hiero 
at Olympia, see vi. 12. i. 

42. 9* Onatas, son of Micon, wrouglLt me etc An inscription 
almost identical with this was carved by Micon on the base of another 
of his works. See v. 25. 13. 

42. 10. the Athenian Hegias. This sculptor was one of Phidias's 
masters (Dio Chrysostom, Or, Iv. vol. 2. p. 169 ed. Dindorf). He 
must therefore have flourished in the early part of the fifth century B.C. 
Ancient writers sometimes call him Hegesias (Lucian, Rhetor, praecept, 
9 ; Quintilian, Inst. Or, x, 1 2. 7). See Overbeck, GescA. d, griech, 
Plastik^^ I. p. 154 sqq, ; Brunn, Gesch, d. griech, Kiinstler, i. p. 10 1 
sq, ; A. S. Murray, Hist, of Greek Sculpture^ i. p. 225 j^. ; CoUignon, 
Hist, de la Sculpture grecque^ i. p. 395 J^. A fragment of an inscribed 
pedestal which supported a statue by this sculptor was found on the 
Acropolis at Athens in 1889. It is of Pentelic marble and is scorched 
with fire, from which we may perhaps infer that the statue perished in 
the Persian sack. The inscription states that the statue was made by 
Egias {sic). See C^ikriov dp)(aiokoytK6vy 1889, p. 37 sq, ; C, I, A, iv. 
p. 203, No. 373'*. Prof. Furtwangler identifies as works of Hegias 
the Apollo of Mantua and a fine bronze head of a young man which was 
found on the Acropolis at Athens {Les Musses d^Athhus^ pi. xvi. ; 
Collignon, Hist, de la Sculpture grecque^ i. p. 322 sqq,^ fig. 163). See 
A. Furtwangler, Meisterwerke d, griech, Plastik^ p. 78 sqq. An in- 
scription found at Olympia shows that there was an Athenian sculptor 
Hegias in the imperial age : he and another Athenian sculptor made 
a statue of the emperor Claudius which seems to have been set up in 
the Metroum. See Die Inschriften von Olympia^ No. 642 ; Loewy, 
Inschriften griechischen Kiinstler^ No. 332. 

42. 10. Ageladaa. See note on iv. 33. 2. 

43. 2. Evander. The legend of the settlement of an Arcadian 
colony on the site of Rome would seem to be based on, first, the 
resemblance of the names Palatium (the Palatine) and Pallantium, 
and, second, the supposed resemblance of the Lupercalia to the Lycaean 
games. The name of Evander's mother is variously given as Nicostrata, 
Themis, and Carmenta or Carmentis. For the legend see Virgil, Aen, 
viii. 5 1 sqq,y with the commentary of Servius ; Livy, i. 5 ; Varro, De 
Lingua Latino^ v. 53 ; Pliny, Nat, hist, iv. 20 ; Ovid, Fcuti^ \, 469 sqq, ; 
Solinus, i. §§ i, 10, 14, vii. 11; Justin, xliii. 6; Strabo, v. p. 230; 
Dionysius Halicamasensis, Antiquit, Rom, i. 31 ; Plutarch, Quaest, 
Rom, 56. In his life of Romulus (c. 21), Plutarch speaks of Car- 
menta or Nicostrata as the wife, not the mother, of Evander. Cp. 
J. R. Seeley*s * Historical examination,' p. 29 sq,^ prefixed to his 
edition of Livy, bks. i.-x. 

43. 3. when the Moan took up anna against Borne etc Capi- 



410 DEEDS OF ANTONINUS bk. viii. arcadia 

tolinus says briefly that Antoninus "compelled the Moors to sue for 
peace " {Antoninus Pius^ v. 4). 

43. 4* the Brigantians in Britain etc The Brigantians occupied 
what are now the counties of York and Durham. Genunia is unknown, 
but it has been conjectured to be Vinonia (Vinovia), now Binchester, 
near Bishop Auckland in the county of Durham, where there are remains 
of Roman walls and other antiquities. The statement of Pausanias 
might lead us to suppose that some of the Brigantians were settled in 
Caledonia, whence they made an incursion into the north of England. 
But Mommsen thinks this supposition unnecessary; the Brigantians 
in the north of England may have made raids on the peaceful tribes 
under Roman protection and have been punished with the loss of part 
of their territory. See Mommsen, Romiscke Geschichte^ 5. p. 172 note 
I ; Smith's Diet of Greek and Roman Geogr.y articles * Brigantes' and 
* Vinovia.* Of the operations in Britain in the reign of Antoninus Pius 
it is said by Capitolinus that the emperor " conquered the Britons by his 
lieutenant Lollius Urbicus, and after driving out the barbarians built a 
wall of turf" {Antoninus Pius, v. 4). The wall of Antoninus is the one 
between the Forth and Clyde, of which the ruins are popularly known 
as * Graham's Dyke.' It was built in the year 142 a.d. See Elton, 
Origins of English History^ p. 328 sq. i Schiller, Geschichie dcr 
romischen Kaiserseit^ i. p. 632 sq. 

43. 4- The Lycian and Oarian cities, also Gos and Rhodes etc. 
Capitolinus mentions that in the reign of Antoninus Pius the towns in 
Rhodes and Asia were laid low by an earthquake, and that the emperor 
"marvellously restored them all" {Antoninus Pius, ix. i). The fearfiil 
havoc wrought by this earthquake on the city of Rhodes is described by 
the rhetorician Aristides ; if we can trust his account, the city was almost 
destroyed. See Aristides, Or. xliii. p. 541 ed. Jebb (voL i. p. 800 sq. 
ed. Dindorf). The earthquake seems to have happened between 153 
and 159 A.D. See Mason, * De Aristidis vita collectanea historica,' in 
Aristides, ed. Dindorf, 3. p. xlvi. sqq, ; Hertzberg, Gesch. Griechenlands 
ufiter der Herrschaft der Romer, 2. pp. 92, 364 sq. \ Cecil Torr, 
Rhodes in ancient times, p. 55. Rhodes must have been rebuilt very 
quickly ; for some years afterwards Aristides speaks of Rhodes as the 
most beautiful of Greek cities (p. 568 ed. Jebb; vol. i. p. 839 ed 
Dindorf). Pausanias himself speaks of the walls of Rhodes as amongst 
the finest he had ever seen (iv. 31. 5), probably referring to the new 
city. Stratonicea in Caria was one of the cities which suffered from the 
earthquake, for we learn from an inscription that it received 250,000 
sesterces from the emperor (C /. G. No. 2721). It is doubtful whether 
the earthquake here mentioned by Pausanias is the one of which he had 
spoken before (ii. 7. i). 

43. 5. all provincials who were Boman citizens etc. If a Greek 
obtained the Roman citizenship for himself but not for his children, the 
latter became legally aliens (^peregrini) to him, and he could not 
bequeath his property by will to them. Hence at his death, his property', 
unless he had bequeathed it to a Roman citizen, escheated to the 
Imperial treasury. Formerly it would seem to have been customary in 



CH. XLiv MEGALOPOLIS TO TEGEA 411 

such cases for the Roman citizen to leave his property in trust for his 
children ; but in Hadrian's time the senate decreed that the property 
devised in trust for the benefit of aliens should be confiscated to the 
treasury. Hence the decree of Antoninus Pius which Pausanias mentions 
relieved Greeks who had the Roman citizenship from a very serious 
inconvenience. See Gaius, ii. § 285 ; Hertzberg, Die Geschichte 
Griechenlcmds unter der Herrschaft der Rdmer, 2. pp. 51, 361 sq. 

43. 6. Antoninns the Second, who inflicted punishment on the 
Germans etc. Marcus Antoninus waged war for many years with the 
Marcomanni, Quadi, and other German tribes, also with the Sarmatians. 
The war seems to have broken out in 166 A.D. and to have lasted, with 
the interruption of a peace or truce, till the accession of Commodus in 
180 A.D. Marcus Antoninus and his son Conmiodus celebrated a 
triumph, 23rd December 176 A.D. It has been suggested that Pausanias 
here refers to that triumph, and that accordingly the present passage 
must have been written after that date. But to this view it has been 
objected that, if this had been Pausanias's meaning, he would have 
chosen a stronger and more definite expression than the vague phrase 
"inflicted punishment" (rLfuapovfuvos cttc^^X^c). See W. Gurlitt, 
C/eder Pausanias^ p. 59 sq, ; M. Bencker, in Fleckeiseris Jahrbiichery 36 
(1890), p. 375 sq, \ R. Heberdey, in Archaeolog, epigraph. Mit- 
theilungen aus Oesterreich-Ungam^ 13 (1890), p. 191. As to the German 
and Sarmatian wars see Capitolinus, Marc. Anton. 12 sq., 17, 20, etc. ; 
Dio Cassius, Ixxi. ; Eutropius, viii. 1 3 ; Smith's Diet, of Gr, and Ro^n, 
Geography y article * Marcomanni ' ; Schiller, Geschichte der romischen 
Kaiser zeit, i. p. 642 sqq. The triumph of 176 A.D. is mentioned by 
Lampridius (Commodus, xii. 5). 

44. I. the road from Megalopolis to Pallantiam and Tegea. 
The route from the plain of Megalopolis to the plain of Tegea traverses 
the smaller plain of Asea, which is divided from the two others by chains 
of barren hills. The modem carriage-road runs east from Megalopolis 
(Sinanou) across the plain, which is here flat and dull, then ascends the 
low, barren, treeless, and unsightly hills in a series of zigzags to the top 
of a pass which is about 11 00 feet above the plain of Megalopolis. 
Thence it descends into the plain of Asea, a bare and dreary expanse 
surrounded by equally bare and dreary mountains. The hills which the 
road crosses between the Megalopolitan and the Asean plain are a 
northern prolongation of Mt. Tsimbarou, the highest summit of which 
(4100 feet) rises some distance to the south of the pass. The route 
taken by the carriage-road is the most direct, but there are two other 
routes, one to the north and another to the south, by which we may 
proceed from Megalopolis to the plain of Asea, and it is not at first 
sight clear which of the three routes Pausanias followed, (i) The most 
northerly route goes by the village oi Sialesi, Though not quite so direct 
as the route followed by the carriage-road, it is naturally easier than it, 
and hence was used in preference by the inhabitants of Sinanou until 
the carriage-road was made. (2) The most southerly route is at the 
same time the most circuitous. The pass, which rises to a height of 
1000 feet above the Megalopolitan and 300 feet above the Asean plain. 



413 HAEMOmAE--ORESTHASIUM bk. viii. arcadu 

starts from a point a little south of the village of Rhapsomati and 
descends into the Asean plain near the village of Marmaria, This was 
the Turkish route from Kalamatcty and Messenia generally, to Tripolitsa 
in the plain of Tegea, but it has been almost wholly superseded by the 
carriage-road mentioned above. A stream, which sometimes swells to 
a torrent, flows this way from the Asean to the Megalopolitan plain at 
the bottom of a deep and rocky gorge ; the Turkish road keeps several 
hundreds of feet above it. This route, though longer than the other 
two, has the advantage of being rather lower than they and easy of 
ascent Further, since it is the obvious pass for travellers from 
Messenia, and was no doubt so used in ancient as well as in Turkish 
times, there must have been a regular track across it long before 
Megalopolis was built 

Which, then, of these three routes was the one followed by the 
ancient road which Pausanias describes ? To answer this question we 
must observe that Oresthasium or Oresteum (viii. 3. 2) was near both 
the ancient road in question and the military road from Sparta to Tegea 
and beyond (Herodotus, ix. 11 ; Plutarch, Aristides^ 10; Thucydides, 
v. 64). As the military road from Sparta must have entered the Asean 
plain from the south, it becomes probable that Oresthasium was in the 
southern part of that plain, and hence that the ancient road from 
Megalopolis to Asea, Pallantium, and Tegea followed the most 
southerly of the three passes described above. 

See W. Loring, in Journal of Hellenic Studies, 15 (1895), PP* 26-31. 

44. I. the snborb of Ladocea. This perhaps occupied the site of 
Sinanou^ the modem village which lies immediately to the south-east of 
the site of Megalopolis. A battle was fought here between the Manti- 
neans and Tegeans in the winter of 423-422 B.c. (Thucydides, iv. 134), 
and here the Achaeans were defeated by Cleomenes king of Sparta in 
226 B.a (Polybius, ii. 51 and 55). 

44. I. a city called Haemoniae. A mile and a half to the south- 
east of Sinanou (the modem representative of Megalopolis) lies the 
village of Rousvanaga^ on the direct line between Megalopolis and the 
pass by which the ancient road appears to have crossed over to the 
plain of Asea. Just before entering the village, as you come from 
Megalopolis, you pass on the left of the road a chapel of Hag. Marina. 
A number of ancient blocks of limestone have been built into the chapel, 
and others lie scattered about, all of them being apparently fragments 
of a Doric shrine. And rather more than half a mile beyond the village, 
on the left of the path, rises a little hill surmounted by vestiges of rough 
walls, which probably formed part of an ancient fort. Potsherds are 
strewn over the top and sides of the hill. Probably these are remains 
of Haemoniae. See W. Loring, in Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 1 5 
(1895), p. 31. 

44. 2. some notable remaiiifl of the city of Oresthaflinin. This 
place was known also as Oresteum (Paus. viii. 3. 2 ; Plutarch, Aristides^ 
10) or Orestheum (Herodotus, ix. 11 ; Thucydides, v. 64). The name 
Oresteum was supposed to be derived from Orestes (Paus. Lc. ; Euri- 



CH. XLiv ORESTHASIUM 413 

pidesy Electro^ 1273-75). We have seen (p. 412) that the place lay on 
the military road from Sparta to Tegea, probably in the southern part 
of the Asean plain. Some ancient remains which are perhaps those 
of Oresthasium have been discovered by Mr. W. Loring on a low hill 
at the south-western edge of the plain, between the villages of Papari 
and Marmarioy 3 miles south-west of the ruins of Asea. The hill, 
which lies just to the right of the path from Papari to Marfnaria^ is one 
of the last outlying spurs of Mt Tsimbarou, On its southern slope is a 
chapel of the Holy Trinity {Hagia Triada) and on its northern slope a 
chapel, now in ruins, of St. John {Hagios Giannakes), Built into the 
former are several hewn blocks of limestone, of ancient Greek masonry ; 
and built into the rude walls of the latter Mr. Loring found several 
pieces of worked marble, including a small fragment of a Doric column 
and a complete metope and triglyph from a Doric frieze. Besides 
these remains of a temple there are abundant traces of human habita- 
tion, consisting of rude walls, more or less buried, and coarse pottery ; 
but that these are ancient cannot be confidently affirmed. At all events 
there was an ancient temple here, and probably an ancient town or 
village also. As the place is just where we should expect to find 
Oresthasium, namely on the south-western border of the Asean plain, 
and a little to the right of the ancient pass over the hills from 
Megalopolis, the ruins are probably those of Oresthasium. The 
fragments of a temple discovered by Mr. Loring may be those of the 
sanctuary of Artemis mentioned by Pausanias. 

The city of Oresthasium or Oresteum in the plain of Asea, the site 
of which has thus been identified, is not to be confused with Orestia, a 
quarter of Megalopolis (Stephanus Byzantius, s,v, McyaXi; iroXis). The 
name of the quarter was taken from Oresthis, the district of which a 
part, comprising Laodicium, was afterwards occupied by the city of 
Megalopolis and its suburb Ladocea (Thucydides, iv. 134 compared 
with § I of the present chapter of Pausanias). This district was ' the 
Orestean plain ' where the matricide Orestes was said to have spent a 
year of exile (Euripides, Orestes^ 1643-47). It no doubt extended as 
far as Maniae, Ac^ and Finger's Tomb on the way from Megalopolis 
to Messene (Pausanias, viii. 34. i sqq,) 

See W. Loring, in Journal of Hellenic Studies, 15 (1895), PP- 27-31. Cp. 
Leake, Morea, 2. pp. 45, 318 sq. ; id,, Pelop, p. 247 sq, ; Curtius, Pehp. I. p. 
316 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 227. 

44. 2. Artemis, who is here snmamed Priestess. A votive relief 
found at Tyndaris in Sicily and dedicated to Artemis as the divinity of 
welfare (evTrpa^ia), represents the goddess in a manner which might 
well characterise her as Priestess. She is dad in a short tunic which 
leaves her right breast bare, and she stands holding a sacrificial basket 
over an altar, while in her right hand she grasps a lowered torch with 
which to kindle the sacrificial fire. See Annali deW Institnto, 20 
(1849), Tav. H; L. R. Famell, The Cults of the Greek States, 2. pp. 

463, 531. 

44. 2. another place Athenaeum. Afler crossing the ridge of 



414 ATHENAEUM— ASE A bk. viiL ARCADIA 

Mt. Tsimbarou the road to Pallantium descends eastward into the 
marshy plain of Asea, now called the plain of Franko-vrysi. The plain 
is of an irregular outline, sending out bays in all directions among the 
surrounding mountains; its average breadth may be 3 or 4 miles. 
The road traverses it in a straight line through fields of maize and 
com. The scenery is monotonous ; the hills which surround the 
plain are bare, rocky, and barren ; a solitary khan is passed here and 
there on the way. In winter the whole plain is said to be under water. 
The Turicish road, already described (p. 411 j^.), strikes the modem 
carriage-road at the khan of Davranda and the chapel of Pandeleemon 
(< the All -merciful '). As this chapel is approximately 20 Greek 
furlongs (a little over 2 miles) from the mins of Asea, it may very 
well mark the site of Athenaeum ; perhaps it has succeeded to the 
temple of Athena mentioned by Pausanias. Some ruined walls were 
observed by the French surveyors in the plain to the west of the 
chapel, below the village of Alika; but these seem now to have 
disappeared. The place Athenaeum in the plain of Asea {Franko- 
vrysi) is not to be confounded with the place of the same name near 
Belemina which Polybius and Plutarch mention (see note on iii. 21. 3, 
vol. 3. p. 372 sqq,) 

See Boblaye, Rtchtrches^ p. 173 ; {Leake, Pelcp, p. 247 sq, ; id,^ Mana^ 2. p. 
83; Curtlus, Pelop, i. pp. 264 sqq,, ^16. sq,, 343; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 227; 
I^deker,' p. 295 sq, ; Guide-Joanne, 2. p. 319 ; Philippson, Peloponnes, p. 88 ; 
W. Loring, in Journal of Hellenic Studies, 15 (1895), P« 32- 

44. 3. ruins of Asea. Following the road eastward across the 
plain of Franko-vrysiy we pass on the left (north) a low rocky hill which 
rises abmptly from the plain close to the road and extends in the form 
of a flat-topped ridge for a few hundred yards to the north-east, where it 
falls away again as abruptly to the plain. This isolated little rocky hill, 
distant about three-quarters of a mile to the east of the khan of Franko- 
vrysi y was the acropolis of Asea. It is defended on all sides by rocks, 
which in general run round the upper slopes of the hill, just under the 
crest. The summit is flat and maybe from 100 to 150 yards in 
breadth. Remains of fortification-walls are said to encircle the summit, 
but though I walked all round the flat top looking for them I failed to 
find them. All I saw was a single large squared ancient block, 
scattered potsherds of the common red kind, and some loose stone 
dykes, probably put up by shepherds or other rustics. On the other 
hand considerable remains of an ancient fortification-wall do exist below 
the summit on the south-western side of the hill descending in a straight 
line towards the plain. The wall, which is conspicuous from the high 
road, descends the slope for some 30 yards or so. It is 12 feet thick 
and is standing to a height of 10 feet ; the number of courses preserved 
is six. The material is grey limestone. The blocks are large ; they 
are hewn and arranged in a style intermediate between the quad- 
rangular and polygonal, but inclining rather to the quadrangular. 
Until lately there was at least one other massive wall nmning down 
from the summit of the hill towards the plain. In 1895 I saw no wall 



CH. XLiv ASEA— SOURCE OF ALPHEUS 415 

but the one I have described. Possibly the remains of the other walls 
mentioned by previous travellers have been removed to help in the 
construction of the line of railway which is now being carried through 
the plain of Asea. Mr. Loring, who seems to have observed at least 
two fortification-walls descending the slope of the hill, would explain 
them by supposing that there were originally two circuit - walls, an 
inner one round the top and an outer one round the foot of the hill, 
and that two or more cross-walls, descending the slope of the hill, 
reached from the inner to the outer circuit-wall "so as to divide the 
intervening space into a number of sections, rather like the water-tight 
compartments of a ship. The effect of this was that, in case of a 
breach in the outer wall, the mischief would be concentrated, only one 
part of the circuit of the inner wall being exposed to attack ; while the 
enemy would find himself cooped in between three walls — one in front 
of him and one on either side — all defended by the garrison." Accord- 
ing to Mr. Loring there are clear indications of a similar arrangement 
on the fortified hill of SL Andrew in the Thyrean plain (see vol. 3. p. 
307 sq.\ and the same system was carried out in mediaeval, and 
perhaps in ancient, times in the fortifications on Mt. Chelmos^ the 
mountain on the borders of Laconia and Arcadia (see vol. 3. p. 372 
sq,) At the south foot of the hill, between it and the high-road, I 
observed a quantity of plain red pottery strewn about Probably the 
lower town stood here. 

See Leake, Morea^ i. p. 83 sq, ; iV/., 2. p. 46; Gell, Itinerary of the Morea^ 
p. 137; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 173; L. Ross, IVaruUrungen in Griechenkmd, 
I. p. 223 ; Curtius, Pelop, I. p. 266 ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 226 sq. ; Annali delt 
InstiiuiOf 33 (1861), tav. d' agg. F ; Baedeker,' p. 295 sq. ; Guide -Joanne, 2. p. 
318 sq. ; W. Loring, va Journal of Hellenic Studies, 15 (1895), P« 32. 

44. 3. Abont five farlongs from Asea axe tbe soarces of the 
Alphens and Eurotas etc. Similarly Strabo says (viii. p. 343) that 
the sources of the Alpheus and Eurotas were near each other, at Asea 
in the district of Megalopolis, and that both streams disappeared tmder- 
ground for many furlongs. The place at which the Eurotas reappeared 
was, according to Strabo, in the district of Belemina (see iii. 21. 3 
note). Elsewhere (vi. p. 275) the same writer reports a fable that if 
garlands dedicated to the Alpheus and Eurotas respectively were thrown 
into the imited stream at Asea, each garland would afterwards reappear 
in the river to which it was dedicated. Polybius, without mentioning the 
Eurotas, says (xvi. 17) that the Alpheus, not far from its source, dis- 
appears undergroimd, and that 10 furlongs farther on it reappears in the 
district of Megalopolis. To these accoimts of the origin of the Alpheus 
must be added the opinion of Pausanias (viii. 54. 1-3) that the spring 
of the Alpheus at Asea had its origin in the water of the river now 
called the Saranta-f^otamos, which disappeared down a chasm in the 
Tegean plain. But as this last opinion is certainly erroneous (see note 
on viii. 54. i) and appears not to have been shared by the ancients, 
it may be neglected. 

The two sets of springs which the ancients regarded as the sources 
of the Eurotas and Alpheus can still be easily recognised. If we 



4i6 SPRINGS OF FRAiVKO-VRYSI BK. viii. arcadu 

follow the high-road eastward from the ruins of Asea through fields of 
maize and wheat, we come, in about ten minutes, to the poor khan of 
Franko-vrysi standing at the foot of the bare, low, flat-topped hills which 
here bound the plain on the north. Some hundred yards or so to the 
east of the khan, beside a mean house, a spring rises in a basin-like 
hollow on the south side of the road ; a few feet to the south its water 
appears as a tiny rill flowing beside a hedge with a couple of poplars 
growing on the bank. Another spring rises in front of the mean house 
already mentioned, and a few yards £uther to the east a third small 
spring issues directly from under the road. Together these springs are 
known as Franko-vrysi (* The spring of the Frank '), and have given 
their name to the neighbouring khan ; indeed the whole plain of Asea 
is at present called after them the plain of Franko-vrysi, These are the 
springs which Pausanias and the ancients regarded as the source of the 
Eurotas. 

On the opposite side of the plain, about a third of a mile to the 
south, another group of springs rises at the foot of a hill, just beyond 
the embankment of the new railway. These are the springs which the 
ancients identified as the source of the Alpheus. To these springs 
should be added a third group of springs which rise about a mile and a 
half from the khan of Franko-vrysi^ at the eastern end of the plain, not 
far from the khan of Talagani, 

The water from all these springs ultimately unites and flows in a 
body south-westward across the plain towards a gorge in the hills near 
the village of M armaria. It is through this gorge that the new railway 
makes its way from the plain of Asea {Franko-vrysi^ to the plain of 
Megalopolis, which is about 700 feet lower than the former. In its 
course across the plain the water of the springs receives important con- 
tributions both from a series of surface streams descending from the 
hills in various directions and from a lake or swamp, haunted by wild 
ducks, which generally covers the centre of the plain in front of the 
village of Papari, Thus all the water from the springs of Franko<frysi 
makes its way towards the gorge ; but only a small part of the water 
which flows toward the gorge has its origin at Franko-vrysi, Just 
before the entrance to the gorge there is a series of chasms {kata- 
vothras) in the earth. In marked contrast to the great rocky chasms 
which receive the waters of the neighbouring Tegean plain and of the 
Copaic plain in Boeotia, these chasms at Marmaria are merely holes in 
the soft ground down which, when they are open, the water flows in a 
considerable stream. Sometimes, however, the holes are partially or 
even perhaps wholly choked. When this happens, the water, instead 
of engulfing itself in the chasms, pursues its course overground ; and, 
being swollen by two more surface streams which join it on the right 
bank just beyond the chasms, makes its way right through the gorge to 
the Megalopolitan plain, which it reaches a little to the east of Rhapso- 
fnati. At the far end of the gorge, where it opens on the lower plain, 
there is a group of springs which rise beside the river among rocks 
shaded by gigantic plane-trees. These springs are unquestionably the 
place called Pegae (* springs') by Pausanias, where he believed that 



CH. XLiv SPRINGS OF FRANKO-VRYSI 417 

the water of the Alpheus, after flowing underground from the plain 
of Asea, reappeared in the plain of Megalopolis. The belief appears 
to be well founded, but we must distinguish between the springs. The 
springs on the right bank of the ravine are clear, cool, and perennial ; 
even after a thunderstorm, when all ordinary streams run thick with 
mud, the water of these springs is as limpid as ever. Obviously, there- 
fore, these clear springs can have nothing to do with the stream which, 
after draining the plain of Asea, flows into the chasms at Marniaria, 
But, on the other hand, the springs on the left bank of the ravine, 
which are intermittent and comparatively turbid, have all the appear- 
ance of coming from the plain of Asea ; and if it be true, as Mr. Loring 
was informed, that the time when they cease to run coincides with the 
time when the stream in the plain of Asea is dry, there can be no doubt 
that they do so come. Thus it appears that the water of the springs 
near Asea {Franko-vrysi)^ combined with a great deal of surface water 
from other parts of the plain, does make its way, overground or under- 
ground, to the place called Pegae by Pausanias and goes to feed the 
Alpheus. But the principal springs at Pegae, which are clear and 
perennial, have nothing to do with the springs near Asea. 

So much for the origin of the Alpheus. With regard to the Eurotas, 
the ancients believed, as we have seen, that after flowing in a single 
stream with the Alpheus across the plain of Asea, it disappeared with it 
into the chasms at Marniaria^ but separating from it somewhere under- 
ground reappeared by itself in the district of Belemina. The point 
where it was supposed to reappear would seem to have been the copious 
spring now called the Kephalovrysis Logaras^ at the north-western foot 
of Mt. Chelmos (see note on iii. 21. 3); for this is by far the most 
important spring in the district of Belemina and is one of the chief 
sources of the Eurotas. Leake thought that this spring had the appear- 
ance of being an emissory, and he considered it not impossible that the 
stream which enters the chasms at Marmaria might divide in two 
under the mountain, and that one branch of it might reappear at 
Kephalovrysis Logaras to form the Eurotas. To this view it is objected 
by Mr. Loring that the whole body of the water which disappears at 
Marmaria would seem to reappear at Pegae ; and that the spring 
called Kephalovrysis Logaras is " too clear, too cool, and too constant 
to owe its origin to so variable a supply." The south-eastern branch 
of the plain of Asea, near the village of Lianou^ is indeed drained 
directly above ground by the Eurotas ; but the stream which flows from 
this comer of the plain to swell the Eurotas has no connexion either 
with the springs near Franko-vrysi or with the chasms down which 
their water disappears at Marmaria, 

See Leake, Morea, i. p. 84 ; id., 2. p. 46; fV/., 3. p. 36 sqq, ; Gell, Ititurary 
of the Morea^ pp. 97 sq.y 137 ; Boblaye, Reckerches^ p. 173 ; Expedition 
scientifiquc de Morie : Relation^ par Bory de Saint-Vincent, p. 404 sq, ; Curtius, 
Felo/f. I. p. 265 sq, ; Bursian, Geo^, 2. p. 187 ; Baedeker,' pp. 293, 295 ; 
Guide-Joanne, 2. p. 318 ; E. A. Martel, in Revtu de Giographie^ April 1892, 
p. 247 sqq, ; W. Loring, va Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 15 (1895), PP* 33» 67-71. 

44. 3. two lions made of stone. The Alpheus was called, prob- 

VOL. IV 2 E 



4i8 MOUNT BOREUS bk. viii. arcadia 

ably by a poet, * the ford of the lion ' ( Acovrcios vopos) on account of the 
images of lions which stood at its source (Hesychius, s.v. Acovrctos vopos). 

44. 4. From Asea there is a way np Mount Borens etc. The 
plain of Asea, which Pausanias has now traversed on his way from 
Megalopolis to Pallantium, is bounded on the east by a range of dreary 
little hiUs which divide it from the great plain of Tegea. More dismal 
hills it would be hard to imagine. There is hardly a bush to break the 
monotony of their shapeless, stony slopes. The highest summit of the 
range, now called Mount Kravari^ is probably the Mount Boreus of the 
ancients. At present the high-road from Megalopolis to TripoUisa 
quits the plain of Asea at its north-eastern comer and descends into a 
branch of the great Tegean plain just to the north of Pallantium, the 
site of which it passes on the right. But the ancient road must have 
followed a pass somewhat farther to the south, for Pausanias gives us to 
understand that after crossing the hills the traveller had to diverge to 
the left (that is, to the north) in order to reach Pallantium. Thus the 
ancient road crossed Mount Kravari to the south, while the modem 
road crosses it to the north, of Pallantium. The pass which the ancient 
road followed is identified by the remains of an ancient temple which 
was most probably the sanctuary of Saviour Athena mentioned by 
Pausanias. The ruins, situated at the highest point of the pass where 
it is hemmed in by rocks on both sides, consist chiefly of fragments of 
Doric columns, the flutes of which range in width from rather more than 
3 inches to rather less than 4 inches. At the beginning of the nine- 
teenth century the remains were more considerable. In 1806 Leake 
observed the foundations of the temple and fragments of Doric columns. 
When L. Ross visited the site in 1834 the greater part of the temple 
still existed, though in ruins. He found that the columns had twenty 
flutes and measured about 5 J feet at the base, and that the grooves of 
the triglyphs were 3 inches wide. The temple seemed to him to have 
been either prostyle or amphiprostyle, that is, to have had columns 
either at one or both of the narrow ends but not on the sides. He says 
the temple was built of white marble ; but according to Leake the 
material was the native rock of the mountain. When Ross revisited 
the place in 1840 he found that most of the remains had been carried 
off by the inhabitants of the neighbouring village of Valtetsi to repair 
a church. To such uses are the venerable monuments of antiquity too 
often put by the modem Greek peasantry. 

It is to be observed that although Pausanias describes the temple as 
standing on the top of the mountain, the remains are situated not on 
the top of the mountain (Mount Kravari) but only on the top of one of 
the passes leading over it. The real summit of the mountain, some 
little way to the south of the pass, bears no traces of a temple. Tliis 
inconsistency with the description of Pausanias might lead us to look 
for the sanctuary of Saviour Athena elsewhere. In point of fact Mr. 
W. Loring discovered the remains of a large temple within a very few 
feet of the summit of a conspicuous hill {St, Elias\ which rises about 2 
miles to the north-west of Asea, beside the village of Kandreva, The 
ruins comprise foundations together with fragments of marble columns 



CH. XLiv MOUNT BOREUS—THE DYKE 419 

of the Doric order. The flutes of the columns range in width from 3^ 
inches to 4^ inches. There are also fragments of triglyphs. Clamps, 
both of the ^— f and of the r-^J shape, were used. From the remains 
of the foundations it would seem that the temple was peristyle, i,e, sur- 
rounded by a colonnade, and that it measured on the outside 95 feet in 
length by 40 feet in breadth, the length of the alia being 74 feet and 
its breadth 22^ feet, both measured on the outside. But a ruined 
church of Hagios Demos occupies the site, and without the removal of 
its ruins accurate measurements of the temple cannot be obtained. If 
the temple was the sanctuary of Saviour Athena mentioned by Pausanias, 
it follows that the mountain on which it stands (Mt. St, Elicu) is the 
ancient Mount Boreus. This hypothesis is quite consistent with the 
language of Pausanias ; but as our author has been describing the route 
from Megalopolis to Pallantium and has given no indication that he 
diverged from it to visit Mount Boreus and the sanctuary of Athena, 
it is better on the whole to identify that mountain and sanctuary with 
Mount Kravari and its ruined temple, which lie directly on the route 
from Megalopolis to Pallantium, rather than with Mt. St, Elias and its 
temple, which lie quite off the route and about 2 miles distant from it. 

See Leake, Morea, i. p. 84 ; xV/., 3. p. 34 sq, ; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 173 ; 
L. Ross, Reisetty p. 63 sqq, ; iV., Wanderungen in Gruchentand^ i. p. 223 ; 
Curtiiis, Pelop, i. pp. 248, 264 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. pp. 187, 224 ; Baedeker,' 
pp. 279, 295 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 318 ; W. Loring, m Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 

15 (1895). P- 33 sq. 

44. 5. What is called the Dyke etc. The word (x(<>/^) l^ere 
translated < Dyke ' should rather be translated * Mound.' It applies 
to any artificial bank or mound of earth, whatever its shape. The 
Dyke or Mound which Pausanias mentions evidently lay in the plain at 
the eastern foot of the pass over Mount Boreus (Mt. Kravari), Hence 
it has been commonly identified with a causeway which runs across the 
narrow neck of plain between Mount Kravari and the low hills opposite, 
striking the latter near the village of Birbati, The causeway consists 
of two parallel rows of great unhewn stones, piled together, with a space 
between them. From whatever period it may date (a point which we have 
no means of settling), the causeway was evidently intended to resist the 
encroachment of the swamp or lake, now called the Taka^ which nearly 
always covers a considerable part, and often the whole, of the plain to 
the south-east of it. This purpose the causeway still serves to a limited 
extent. The first to identify it with the Dyke or Mound of Pausanias 
were the French surveyors, and their view has since been generally 
accepted. But there are grave objections to it, which have been well 
pointed out by Mr. W. Loring. (i) The pass over Mt. Kravari 
(Mount Boreus) which debouches at the western end of the causeway 
is not the one by which Pausanias crossed the mountain, but another 
considerably to the south of it and not at all on the direct route from 
Asea to Pallantium and Tegea. (2) The causeway runs approximately 
north-east and south-west across the plain ; hence, though it might very 
well have divided the plain of Tegea from that of Pallantium, it could 
not have divided (as Pausanias says the Dyke or Mound did) the terri- 



420 THE DYKE — PALLANTIUM bk. viii. arcadia 

tory of Megalopolis from the territories of Pallantium and Tegea. Hence 
we must look elsewhere for the Dyke or Mound. That it was at the 
eastern foot of the pass over Mount Boreus {Kravari) seems certain, 
since the roads to Pallantium and Tegea diverged from each other at it, 
the plain of Pallantium lying to the north of it and the plain of Tegea 
(the Manthuric plain) to the south. Now at the eastern end of the pass 
by which, as we have seen, Pausanias crossed the mountain, there is a 
little rocky hill just on the verge of the plain. It is detached from 
the slope of the mountain and almost blocks up the mouth of the pass. 
The traveller who has crossed the pass is bound to skirt the hillock on 
one side or the other — on the left or north side if he is going to Pal- 
lantium, on the right or south side if he is going to Tegea. This hillock 
is identified by Mr. Loring with the Dyke or Mound mentioned by 
Pausanias. The only objection to the identification is that the Greek 
word {xiayM.) is more properly applied to an artificial than to a natural 
mound. But, as Mr. Loring well points out, Pausanias himself seems 
to have felt that the common name of the rocky hillock was inappro- 
priate ; for whereas in speaking, as he often does, of an artificial mound 
he regularly uses the expression " a mound of earth " {y7]% \Ciim\ in 
speaking of the Dyke or Mound in question he twice qualifies it as " the 
so-called Mound" {to 6vofia(6fji^vov x^/^^ ^^^^- 44* 5 ^^^ 7)* ^^ ^ 
events, if the Dyke or Mound was not the little rocky hillock it must 
have been an artificial mound erected on or beside it 

The swamp or lake of TaJta^ of which mention has been made, 
receives all the waters of the south part of the plain of Tegea and dis- 
charges them through a great chasm (katavothra) at the foot of Mt 
Kravari^ about 2 miles to the south-east of Pallantium. The mouth of 
the chasm, which is turned to the north, resembles a lofty arched cave 
in the perpendicular face of the limestone rock. An artificial dyke has 
been constructed in front of the cavern with an opening through it to 
allow the water to pass ; but a grating is fixed in the opening to arrest 
the trunks of trees which might otherwise be swept down into the chasm 
and choke the underground passage. A winding canal conducts the 
waters of the swamp to the mouth of the cavern. After the drought 
and heat of summer the canal, like the swamp itself, occasionally runs 
dry and its bottom presents merely a slough of fetid mud. Pausanias 
imagined that the water which disappears down this cavern in the face 
of Mt. Kravari reappears at the springs of Franko-iTysi near Asea. 
But this is a mistake. See viii. 54. i note. 

See Boblaye, RechcrcheSy p. 173; L. Ross, Reisen^ p. 59 sqq, ; Curtius, Pelop. 
I. p. 262 sq. ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 217 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 318 ; Philippson, 
PelopomuSy pp. 84, 107 sq. ; E. A. Martel, ' Les Katavothres du Peloponnese,' 
Revue de Ciographie^ May 1892, p. 336 sqq. ; V. Berard, in Bulletin dc Corrcsp. 
/ullenique, 16 (1892), p. 535; W. Loring, in Journal 0/ Hellenic Studies^ 15 
(i895)» P- 34 ^i'- 

44. 5. Pallantium. The ruins of Pallatium were discovered by the 
P'rench surveyors in the early part of this century. The acropolis 
occupied the summit of a conical green hill of moderate height, which 
rises at the south-west side of the great plain of Tegea, close to the 



MAHTTNEA &. TEGEA 




London -. MnQuillui S: C?L'f 



CH. XLiv PALLANTIUM 421 

slopes of Mt Boreus (Mt. Kravari), The modem high-road from 
Megalopolis to Tripolitsa^ immediately after crossing Mt. Kravari^ 
runs at the northern foot of the hill. Traces of the fortification-wall 
may be seen round the summit, and on the highest point of the hill are 
the foundations of a temple, doubtless the sanctuary of the Pure Gods 
mentioned by Pausanias. A little lower down, on the south-eastern 
slope, there is another foundation. The town was situated in the plain 
at the northern and eastern foot of the hill, and appears to have occupied 
a considerable area ; but most of the stones have been carried away to 
build the neighbouring town of Tripolitsa. However some foundations, 
tiles, potsherds, and heaps of stones may be seen, especially in the fields 
a little to the north of the hill, where statues and bas-reliefs are said to 
have been found at the beginning of the century. Near a fountain there 
are the foundations of a temple. 

See Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 146 ; L. Ross, Reisen^ p. 62 sq, ; Curtius, Pelop. 
I. p. 263 sq, ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 223 ; Baedeker,' p. 295 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. 
p. 318. 

44. 7. the Manthuric plaiXL This must have been the south- 
western portion of the great plain of Tegea, round about and including 
the swampy lake of Taka. On the slopes of the hills which here bound 
the plain on the south are the modem villages of Garouni and Kapareli. 
Near the former village the French surveyors found a plateau covered 
with ruins, and in a chapel, near the brook, some fragments of an Ionic 
temple. At present all the remains of antiquity here consist of a pro- 
fusion of scattered potsherds, together with one or two architectural 
fragments lying close to the chapel of the Panagia. The villagers told 
Boblaye that on the summit of a small hill which rises immediately 
behind the plateau there were ancient ruins. A ruined chapel of St. 
Elias, which stands on the top of the hill, may perhaps occupy the site 
of an ancient temple or watch-tower. At any rate Mr. Loring found 
there remains of two foundations, orientated somewhat differently ; and 
he thought that one of them, which is built without mortar and of 
larger stones than the other, might be ancient. The remains on the 
hill and the plateau are probably those of Manthyrea, one of the original 
townships of Tegea (Paus. viii. 45. i), which Stephanus Byzantius 
describes (s,v, Mav6vp€a) as a village of Arcadia. 

See Boblaye, Recherchts^ p. 145 ; Leake, Morea^ I. p. 120 sq, ; id,^ 2, p. 47 ; 
L. Ross, Reisen^ P' ^^ ^^' > ^^^^e and Michaelis, in Annali delt Institttto^ 33 
(1861), p. 32; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 318; W. Loring, va Journal of Hellenic 
Studies, 15 {1895), P- 35- 

44. 7* Mount Oresins. This must be the little, isolated rocky hill of 
Vouno which rises from the plain about 2 miles to the west of Piali 
(Tegea). Here there are foundations and remains of ancient walls built 
of great polygonal blocks. On his way from Pallantium to Tegea 
Pausanias would pass this hill on the right (south), as he says. 

See L. Ross, Reisen, p. 59 ; Curtius, Pelop, i. pp. 262, 273 so, ; Bursian, 
Geogr, 2. p. 223 ; Baedeker,' p. 295 ; Guide-Joanne, 2. p. 318 ; W. Loring, in 
Journal of Hellenic Studies, 15 (1895), p. 35. 



422 TEGEA BK. VIII. ARCADIA 

44« 8. the Lenconian fonntaiiL This may perhaps be the spring 
at Kerasitsa^ a village about twenty minutes west of Piali (Tegea). 
Boblaye, however, identified the Leuconian spring with a fine source 
at Kamari^ a village farther to the south. See Boblaye, Recherckes^ 
p. 145; L. Ross, Reisen^ p. 59; Curtius, Pelop. i. p. 262; Bursian, 
GeogK 2. p. 223; W. Loring, in Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 15 

44. 8. the city of Tegea. Tegea stood in the southern portion of 
that great eastern plain of Arcadia, of which the district of Mantinea 
occupied the northern part. The plain of Tegea is wider than that of 
Mantinea, its surface is less uniformly flat, being diversified by undula- 
tions, and the hills which surround it are lower. The soil, which in 
places is stony and light, in others a rich black loam, is well cultivated, 
producing excellent wheat and barley, also vines and mulberry-trees. 
The general slope of the plain, though scarcely perceptible, is toward 
the south, where the accumulated waters form the swampy lake of Taka, 
A low ridge crosses the northern end of the plain, separating the waters 
which flow southward to the lake of Taka from the waters which flow 
north and east to a swamp near the village of Vertsova^ on the way to 
Argos. The plain to the south of this ridge is about 10 miles in cir- 
cumference and contains no less than eighteen villages. It is about 
2200 feet above the level of the sea ; the climate is intensely hot in 
summer and piercingly cold in winter. The marshy soil breeds fever. 
The city of Tegea stood somewhat nearer to the eastern than to the 
western side of the plain. Very few remains of it are to be seen. 
Many of the ancient foundations are probably buried under the deep 
alluvial soil, and many of the stones have been carried off to build the 
neighbouring villages, and especially the large and flourishing town of 
Tripolitsa^ which under the Turkish Government was the capital of the 
Morea. The exact area included within the ancient city has not been 
determined, but it appears to have been very considerable, as remains of 
antiquity have been discovered at places some distance apart, notably on 
the low hill oi Hagios Sostis to the north (see notes on viii. 53. 7 and 9), 
at the conspicuous isolated church of Palaeo-Episkopi^ where are the 
remains of the theatre (see note on viii. 49. i), and near the church of 
Hagios Nikolaos in the village of Piali (see note on viii. 45. 5). In 
1889 some pieces of the city-wall were discovered by members of the 
French School. One piece was found under a road about 5 50 yards to 
the north of Palaeo-Episkopi at the foot of the hillock of Mertsaousi, 
It consists of a tower measuring 4.5 metres along the front and pro- 
jecting 4 metres from the wall. The wall is, as at Mantinea, merely a 
socle of limestone blocks .9 metre high and i metre thick. The upper 
courses were probably built of unbumt bricks, which have mouldered 
away. Similar traces of the wall have been found about 650 yards to 
the east of Palaeo-Episkopi. The French archaeologists think that the 
line of the city-wall is marked pretty exactly by a circular road, flanked 
on the outer side by a ditch, which passes to the west of the village of 
Achouria and encloses Palaeo-Episkopi and the greater part of the 
villages of Piali and Ibrahim-Effendi. The plan of the city thus 



CH. XLV TEGEA 423 

obtained is an oval, its long axis l^ng north and south and measuring 
about 2000 metres (a little less than 2200 yards), its short axis measur- 
ing about 1500 metres (1640 yards), and its circumference about 5500 
metres (3^ miles). 

See Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 418 sqq, ; Gell, Itinerary of the Morea^ p. 140 ; 
Leake, Morea^ I. p. 88 sqq, ; Boblaye, Recherches, p. 145 sq. ; L. Ross, Reisen, 
p. 66 sqq. ; Welcker, Tagebuch^ I. p. 201 sq,\ Curtius, Pelop, I. p. 253 sqq. ; 
W. G. Clark, Pelop, p. 147 sqa, ; Vischer, Erinnerungen, p. 353 sqq, ; Bursian, 
Geogr, 2. p. 218 sqq. ; Baedeker,* p. 277 sqq, ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 238 sqq, ; 
Mittheil, d, arch, Inst, in A then, 14 (1889), p. 327 sq, ; V. B^rard, 'T^^ et la 
Tegeatide,* Bulletin de Corresp, helUnique, 16 (1892), p. 529 sqq, I visited the 
site of Tegea, 24th April 1890, and again iith October I095. For inscriptions 
found at Tegea, see Fleckeisen* s Jahrbiicherf 7 (1861), pp. 585-596; Cauer, 
Delectus Inscr, Gtaec? No. 454 ; Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscr, Graec, No. 317 ; 
Collitz, Griech, Dialekt - Inschriften, i, Nos. I181, 1217-1249; Bulletin de 
Corresp. helUnique, 9 (1885), pp. 510-512; id,, 13 (1889), pp. 281-293 ; Berichte 
iiber die Verhandl, d, kon. sdchs. Gesell, d, Wissen, tu Leipzig, Philoloe. histor. 
Classe, 41 (1889), pp. 71-98 ; and on antiquities (including inscriptions) found on 
the site, see Conze and Michaelis, in AnnalideW Instituto, 33 (1861), pp. 30-32 ; 
Bulletin de Corresp, helUnique, 13 (1889), pp. 477-486 ; Milchhoefer, in Mit- 
theil, d, arch, Inst, in Athen, 4 (1879), PP* '31-144$ 168-174. As to the excava- 
tions on the site of the temple of Athena Alea, see note on viii. 45. 4. On the 
history of Tegea, see G. I. Schwedler, ' De rebus TegesXKAS,* Leipziger Studien zur 
classischen Philologie, 9 (1887), pp. 263-336. 

45. I. the people dwelt in townships. Strabo also mentions 
(viii. p. 337) that the Tegeans originally dwelt in nine separate town- 
ships. As to the situations of these various townships, so far as they 
can be ascertained, see V. B^rard, in Bulletin de Corresp, helUnique^ 1 6 
(1892), pp. 536-540; and the following notes. 

45. I. Gtareatae. This must have been the valley of the Garates 
or Gareates river. See viii. 54. 4 note. 

45. I. Fhylacenses. This must have been about Phylace. See 
viii. 54. I note. 

45. I. Oaryatae. This was probably the district of Caryae, which 
may have belonged to Arcadia before it was conquered by Sparta. See 
iii. 10. 7 note. 

45. I. Oorythenses. In this district was a temple of Demeter. 
See viii. 54. 5 note. 

45. I. Oeatae. This was probably the district in the north of 
Laconia of which the chief place was Oeum. Before the Spartan 
conquest the district perhaps belonged to Arcadia. In 369 B.C., when 
Laconia was threatened with a Theban invasion, Oeum was occupied 
by a Lacedaemonian garrison under an officer named Ischolaus. While 
the Theban army entered Laconia by Caryae, their Arcadian allies 
attacked Oeum, captured it, and put Ischolaus and most of his men to 
the sword. See Xenophon, Hellenica^ vi. 5. 24 sqq, ; cp. Diodorus, xv. 
64. Stephanus Byzantius (5,v, OZbs) calls the place Oeus and says it 
belonged to Tegea. Xenophon says (/.^.) that Oeum belonged to the 
district of Sciritis and was situated on one of the easiest approaches to 
Sparta. Hence L. Ross supposed that it must have been on the direct 
road to Sparta, on the watershed between Arcadia and Laconia. The 



424 OEUM BK. VIII. ARCADIA 

place is now called Klisoura; it is a narrow and rugged defile between 
stony heights, an hour to the south of, and uphill from, the now 
disused khan of Kryavrysi in the bed of the Saranta-Potamos. 
The modem carriage-road from Tripolitsa to Sparta runs through the 
defile. In this pass, just at the point where the long range of Taygetus 
bursts into view, Welcker noticed a small field covered \vith tiles and 
potsherds. This he conjectured to be the site of Oeum. 

An objection to this view is, however, suggested by the statement of 
Xenophon {Hellenica^ vi. 5. 27) that after capturing Oeum the Arcadians 
marched to Caryae to join the Thebans. For the pass of the Klisoura 
lies to the south of Car>'ae ; hence if Oeum had been in the pass, the 
Arcadians, after capturing it, must have retreated northwards, whereas 
the narrative of Xenophon seems to imply that the march from Oeum 
to Caryae was a forward movement, which was immediately followed 
up by the advance of the united Theban and Arcadian army first on 
Sellasia, which they burned and destroyed, and next upon Sparta. Mr. 
Loring is, therefore, probably right in looking for Oeum to the north 
of the Klisoura. At Arvanito- Kerasia^ a village situated among 
luxuriant orchards close to the modem carriage -road and about 5 
miles north of the Klisoura^ he found remains of antiquity which with 
great probability he has identified as those of Oeum. They are 
situated on the crown of a hill about three minutes to the north of 
the village and comprise (i) remains of a wall of hewn masonr>% 
slightly polygonal in style, which belonged to a large building partly 
cut out of the rock ; (2) other cuttings in the rock ; and (3) a profusion 
of pottery, some of it with black glaze. The site of the ruins answers 
perfectly to Xenophon's description. That the place is on one of the 
easiest approaches to Sparta appears from the fact that the modem 
high-road from Tripolitsa to Sparta runs close beside it. Moreover, 
it is about 4 miles to the north-west of Car>'ae, which was itself on the 
military road to Sparta. Hence it was natural that after their success 
«it Oeum the Arcadians should advance on Car>'ae to join their allies, 
with the intention of thence continuing the united advance upon Sparta 
itself The Arcadians may have reached Oeum from the north either 
by a route coinciding closely with the modem carriage-road, or, as Mr. 
Loring thinks more probable, from the plain of Asea by an easy route 
which starts from Manari^ a village in a little recess of that plain, at its 
south-eastern end. 

See L. Ross, Reisen^ p. 178 sqq. ; Welcker, Tagehuch, i. p. 203 ; Curtius, 
Pelop. 2. pp. 264, 322; lUirsian, Geogj'. 2. pp. 118, 216; W. Loring, m Jourtia! 
of Hellenic Studies^ 15 (1895), PP- 60-63 5 Philippson, Peloponnes, p. 164. 

45. I. Manthsrrenses. This township doubtless included the Man- 
thuric plain and the village of Manthyrea. See viii. 44. 7 note. 

45. 2. the battle at Dipaea. See iii. i r. 7 ; viii. 8. 6 ; and 

note on viii. 30. i. 

45. 2. Ancaeus awaited the attack of the Calydonian 

boar. Cp. § 7 ; viii. 4. 10 ; Apollodorus, i. 8. 2. 

45. 3. Echemus engaged in single combat with Hyllns. 

Cp. i. 41. 2 ; i. 44. 10; viii. 53. 10. 



CH. XLV TEMPLE OF ATHENA A LEA 425 

45. 3. the Tegeans defeated them etc. See note on viii. 

48. 4. 

45. 4* in the second year of the ninety-sixth Olympiad etc. i,e. 
in 395 B.C. That Diophantes was archon at Athens in this year is 
recorded also by Diodorus (xiv. 82). As to Eupolemus, the Olympic 
victor, see vi. 3. 7. Diodorus calls him Eupolis (xiv. 54), but the form 
Eupolemus is supported by Eusebius (Chronic, vol. i. p. 203, ed. 
Schone): 

45. 5. The present temple etc. Archaeologists had long been of 
opinion that the great temple of Athena Alea at Tegea must have stood 
on or near the site of the church of St. Nicholas {Hagios Nikolaos) in 
the village of Piali. To this conclusion they were led chiefly by the 
fragments of large Doric columns of white marble which had been found 
here. The question w^as settled in 1879 by the excavations conducted 
here by Prof. Milchhofer, of the German Archaeological Institute, who 
discovered the foundations of the temple immediately to the west of 
the church, under a mass of houses, courtyards, and garden-plots. The 
church stands at the northern extremity of the village, which lies about 
4 J miles south-east of Tripolitsa, From Prof. Milchhofer's excava- 
tions and the subsequent examination of the site by Dr. Dorpfeld it 
appears that the foundation of the temple was 49.9 metres long (about 
163 ft. 8 in.) by 21.3 metres broad (about 69 ft. 10 in.) There were 
three main steps and one under step {Unterstufe^ evdwrrfpia) of white 
marble ; and a ramp or inclined plain (of which the foundations were 
discovered) led up to the eastern end of the temple, just as at the 
temple of Zeus in Olympia. On the" highest step, round about the 
temple, stood thirty-six Doric columns of white marble, six at each end, 
and fourteen at each side (the comer columns being counted twice over). 
The measurements of the columns cannot be exactly determined, but they 
seem to have been about 8 metres (26 ft. 3 in.) high. The largest drum 
of a column seen by Dr. D6rpfeld measured 1.5 metres (about 4 ft. 1 1 in.) 
Hence the lower diameter of the columns must have been at least this. 
The upper diameter, determined by a capital, was about 1.25 metres 
(about 4 ft. I in.) The temple was roofed with marble tiles of the usual 
two patterns, namely flat quadrangular tiles and roof-shaped covering 
tiles placed over the joinings of the former. Both the design and the 
workmanship of the fragments of the temple which have been found are 
admirable, and justify the praise which Pausanias here and elsewhere 
(viii. 41.8) bestows on it as the finest temple in Peloponnese in respect 
of artistic style. But Pausanias is wrong in saying that it was the 
largest temple in Peloponnese ; for the temple of Zeus at Olympia was 
nearly twice as large. But with this exception the temple at Tegea 
is the largest Peloponnesian temple known to us. 

The white (or whitish -yellow) marble of which the temple was built 
comes from the neighbouring quarries of Doliana^ to the south-east of 
Tegea. 

The excavations of Prof. Milchhofer, though sufficient to determine 
the general plan of the temple, laid bare only a small part of the founda- 
tions, and his trenches have since been filled up. 



426 TEMPLE OF ATHENA ALEA bk. viii. arcadia 

See Milchhofer, in Mittheil, d. arch. Inst, in Athen^ 5 (1880), pp. 52-69 ; 
Dorpfeld, ib. 8 (1883), pp. 274-285 ; Baedeker,' p. 278 sq, ; Guide-Joanne ^ 2. p. 
24a For the observations of earlier travellers on the site, see Dodwell, Tour^ z. 
p. 419 ; Gell, Itinerary of the Morea, p. 140 ; Leake, Morea^ I. p. 91 sqq. ; L. 
Koss, Riisen^ p. 67 ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 219. 

In the winter of 1888-89 ^^ inscription relating to the rights and 
privileges of the sanctuary of Athena Alea was discovered about 200 
paces north of the temple. The provisions mentioned in the inscription 
relate chiefly to the pasturing of the sacrificial victims on the lands 
sacred to the goddess at Alea, which seems to be the town of that 
name (see viii. 23. i) rather than the quarter of Tegea in which the 
temple of Athena Alea was situated. But the inscription is obscure. 
See V. B^rard, * Inscription archaique de T6g^' Bulletin de Corresp. 
helUniquey 13 (1889), pp. 281-293; R. Meister, in Berichte der Ver- 
handl. d. kon. sacks. Gesell. d. Wissen. su Leipzig^ Philolog. histor. 
Classe, 41 (1889), pp. 71-98; Immerwahr, Die arkadischen Kulte^ 
p. 47 sq. The bronze manger of the horses of Mardonius, which fell 
into the hands of the Greeks after the battle of Plataea, was dedicated 
in the temple of Athena Alea at Tegea (Herodotus, ix. 70). 

45. 5. The first row of colimmB is ]>oric etc. That is, the 
columns of the peristyle or outer colonnade were Doric ; the columns at 
the entrance to the fore-temple {pronaos) were Corinthian (as were 
doubtless also the corresponding columns at the entrance to the back- 
chamber or opisthodomos) ; and the columns in the interior of the celloy 
supporting the roof, were Ionic. See W. G. Clark, Pelop, p. 151 sq.\ 
Dorpfeld, in Mittheil, d. arch. Inst, in Athen^ 8 (1883), p. 282 sq.\ and 
Critical Note on this passage, vol. i. p. 600. 

45. 6. On the front gable is the hnnt of the Calydonian boar. 
At Piala on the site of the ancient Tegea, several fragments of sculpture 
have been found, which appear to have belonged to the gables of the 
temple of Athena Alea. The most important are two human heads (one 
of them helmeted) and the head of a boar. The chief reasons for identi- 
fying them as parts of the gable-sculptures are these, (i) They appDear 
to have been found built into a late wall at the north-east angle of the 
temple. (2) One of the fragments so found is a boar's head, and we 
know from Pausanias that the Calydonian boar was represented on the 
front (eastern) gable. (3) The human heads are worked carefully on 
one side only, as in the gable-sculptures of the temple of Zeus at 
Olympia, showing that the other side was not meant to be seen. 
(4) The sculptures are of the same stone as the temple, namely the 
white marble oi Doliana. (5) The size of the human heads, which is 
that of life, is just what one should expect from the known dimensions 
of the temple. 

The boar's head is worked completely on both sides. From its 
length it would seem that the whole animal was about 2 metres (6 ft. 
6| in.) long. On the right side of the head there are two holes, in 
which darts seem to have been fixed. Of the two human heads (Figs. 
42, 43) one is certainly that of a young man in the prime of life. The 
helmeted head, on the other hand, is considered by Mr. A. S. Murray 



CH. XLV TEMPLE OF ATHENA A LEA 427 

to be that of a woman. If he is right, the head would seem to be that 
of Atalanta, as she appears to have been the only womaii represented 
on either gable. The helmet, however, is against tbis identification, as 
no other example is known of a helmeted Atalanta. Overbeck thought 
that both heads are thase of vanquished warriars from the back (western) 
gable. Both heads are remarkable for their length from front to back, 
for the breadth of the face and the massive development of the lower 
part of it (the chin and jowl), and the large, deeply-sunk, wide-open eyes. 
Both heads convey an impression of a nature at once powerful and 
refined, of deep feeling and a strong will : the look of both is fixed and 




intent, with an undertone of sadness and longing. They are most prob- 
ably by Scopas himself, and their importance for the history of Greek 
sculpture is very great, since no other existing remains of ancient 
sculpture can be traced with cert^nty to the hand of Scopas. 
Mutilated as the heads are, they fully sustain his great reputation. 

Pausanias tells us that the boar was about the middle of the front 
(eastern) gable, and he mentions nine figures on one side of the boar 
and only six on the other. To explain this inequality Welcker con- 
jectured {Antike Dejikmaler, 1. pp. 1J7, 199 sq.) that Pausanias had 
omitted to mention some of the figures, and this view was taken also 
by Stark {Phtlologus, 21 (1B64), p. 419). But Pausanias certainly 
seems to have intended to describe all the figures in the gable. Prof. 



4a8 TEMPLE OF ATHENA ALBA bk. viii. arcadia 

G. Treu gets over the difficulty by supposing that Meleager occupied the 
centre of the gable, that the boar was to the right (Meleager's left), that 
Atalanta stood behind the boar's head in the act of striking don-n at it, 
and that Theseus corresponded to her on the opposite side of Meleager. 




By this arrangement the boar would be nearly in the middle of the gable 
(and Pausanias only says that the boar was t^oul the middle), and 
there would be seven figures on each side of Meleager, the central 
figure. 

SeeWelcker, Aiitike D/nkmaUr, i. pp. 199-206; G. Treu, ' WerVe des 
Sko[Kis,' Arihdolof^si-ht Zeilung, 38 (l88o), p. 190 sq. ; id., ' Fragmente aus 
den I^catischcn Giebelgruppen des Skopos,' Mittheil. d. arth. Inst, in Alhea, 6 
{1881)1 pp- 393-423 i Milchhiifei, ' Zu den Sculpluren von Tegea,' Arthiiehgiirit 
'Ztiluuf;. 38 (1S80), ji. 190 jy. ; P. CavvadiaSj ' Scullute del Museo di T<^ea,' 
BuIUlino dclVlmlilnlo. 1880, pp. 199-103 ; id., in 'E^/ttpIt dpxoio^i'Vi'nii 1886, pp- 
17-JO; /./., rXiTTd ToS ■ESfKoD Moiweiou, I. Nos. i78-l8ob; L- R- FarncU, 
' On some works of the school of Scopas,' Journal of HdUnic Studies, 7 (1S86), 
p. 114 Stjq. ; Overbeck, Gcsih. d. gritcA. Plaslii,^ 2. pp. 20-24 1 A. S. Murray, 
History of Greet Sailfliire, 2. p. 288 s^i/. ; Lucy M. Milchell, //ist. of Aniieiil 
StulptuTi, p. 456; R. Weil, 'Skopas,' in Baumeister's DenimaUr, p. 1667 w. 
On Ihe art of Scopas see in addition to the histories of Greek sculpluie, L. 
ViWdts, Skofas [tlreisswald, 1863); K. B. Slark, in Philologui, ji (1864), pp. 
415-47*- 

On a Tegean coin (Fig. 44), of imperial date, Atalanta is represented 
as a huntress, with a quiver at her shoulder, spearing the Calydonian 
boar, which stands under a tree. This may possibly be a copy of part of 
the group in the gable of the temple. See ImhooMSIumer and Gardner, 




CH. XLVi TEMPLE OF ATHENA ALEA 429 

Num. Comm. on Paus. p. 108, with pi. V xx. ; Baumeister's Denkmdler, 
p. 1669, On representations of the hunt of the Caly- 
donian boar and of hunting scenes generally in the 
existing monuments of ancient art, see Stephani, in 
CompU-Rendu (St. Petersburg) for i867> p. 58 sqq. 

45. 7- Oa the back gable 1b represented the ] 
flgltt of TelephoB with AcIdlleB In the plain of ' 
the Caicns. Cp. i. 4. 6 ; ix. 5. 14 note. Gerhard 
conjectured tha.t the scene in this gable represented 
the combat over the body of Thersander, who may ' 
have been lying in the middle of the gable, with the 
combatants ranged on either side, as in the gable- 
sculptures of the temple in Aegina. Olio Jahn conjectured that the 
helmeted warrior who on coins of Tegea is represented charging, with 
a shield on his left arm and a sword in his right hand, is a copy of the 
figure of Telephus by Scopas in the back gable of the temple. The 
figure on the Tegean coins has been otherwise variously interpreted as 
Ares, or as Cepheus, son of Aleus, or as the Tegean hero Echemus. 
The same figure is repeated on coins of the Opuntian Locrians («here 
it stands for Ajax, son of Oeleus), and also on coins of Trikka. Welcker 
disapproved of Gerhard's suggestion, but was inclined to agree with 
Jahn's theory of the Tegean coin-type. L. Urlichs rejected the theories 
both of Gerhard and Jahn. See O. Jahn, Archdologiscke Aufsiitse, p. 
164 sgg. ; Welcker, Antike DenkmaUr, i. p. 201 sqg. ; L. Urlichs, 
Siopas, p. 34 sgq. Achilles's combat with Telephus seems to have 
formed the subject of one of the smaller reliefs on the great altar at 
Pergamus, See Baumeister's Denkmdler, p. 1271, 

46. 2. images of the gods. The Greek is (B?j tftuv. Cp. note on 

46. 3. the wooden image of Zens was given to Sthenelos. 

This image was identified with the three-eyed image of Zeus at Argos 
(ii. 24. 3)- 

46. 2. carried off to Qela an image etc Cp. ix. 40. 4. 

46. 3- an image of Branronian Artemis. See iii. 16. 8 note. 

46. 3. the bronxe Apollo of Branchidae. This image, known as 
the Philesian Apollo (Pliny, Nat. hist, xxxiv. 75), was made by the 
elder Canachus, the Sicyonian sculptor ; it was carried off by Xerxes to 
Ecbatana, See i. 16. 3 ; ii. 10. s ; ix. 10. 2. The occasion on which 
the Milesians betrayed the Persians seems to have been the battle of 
Mycale, fought in 479 b.c. (Herodotus, ix. 99 and 104). Xerxes 
punished them by burning the temple of Apollo at Branchidae and 
carrj'ing off the image and the other sacred treasures (Strabo, xiv. p. 
634, cp. jrf. xi. p. 518; Suidas, j.w. Bpayx'Sni i Q. Curtius, vii. 5. 28 
sqg.) The image must therefore have been made before 479 r.c. And 
it was probably made after 494 b.c, for in that year the temple at 
Branchidae had been sacked and burned by the Persians in the reign of 
Darius (Herodotus, vi. 19), and it is hardly likely that the image of the 
god should have been saved. Thus the image appears to have been 
made by Canachus between 494 and 479 B.c This enables us to fix 



430 



APOLLO OF CANACBUS 



the date of the elder Canachus. (As to the younger Canachus, see 
note on vL 13. 7.) It has indeed been held by R- Urlichs and others 
that the image was carried off by the Persians when they sacked 
the temple in the reign of Darius, 494 B.C., and that the story of the 
second sack of the temple by Xerxes is a mere blunder of writers who 
mistook Xerxes for Darius. If Urlichs were right, the image must 
have been made before 494 B.C. But Urlichs's view appears to be 
su£Gcieatly disposed of by Brunn. 

On a long series of coins of Miletus, Apollo is represented naked, 
holding in his right hand a stag 
and in his left hand a bow. 
This is almost certainly a copy of 
the famous statue by Canachus, 
which, as we learn from Pliny 
{Nat. hist, xxxiv. 75), represented 
the god naked and holding a stag 
by the feeL The passage of 
Pliny is obscure, but so much at 
lease seems fairly clear. The 
British Museum possesses a 
bronie statuette (Fig. 45) which 
is clearly copied from the same 
statue as the representations on 
the coins of Miletus. From the 
coins and the statuette together 
we are thus enabled to form a 
fairly accurate idea of the image. 
The god was represented standing 
naked, his left foot a little in 
advance of his right. His breast 
was broad and well developed, 
his whole build square and mus- 
cular. A fillet bound his hair, 
but his long locks escaped from 
under it, and fell on both his 
shoulders. His right hand, 
stretched straight out from the 
elbow, held a stag or fawn ; his 
left hand, somewhat lower, grasp- 
ed a bow. The general style of 
uusb'i'h ^(™^"oV TKE^Mfltir 'r 1"'ach" sX '''^ statue was somewhat stifT and 
austere. Canachus made a very 
similar image of the Ismenian Apollo for the Thebans ; the only 
difierence between the two images seems to have been in the material, 
the image at Branchidae being of bronze, while the one at Thebes was 
of cedar- wood. See ix. 10.2. 

See K. O. MHller, ' Ueber den Apollo des 'Kannc'ivyi,' Kunstarchaeeleguche 
Wtrit, I. pp, 36.45 ; /./., 2. p. 185 : H. Btunn, GtschuhU der grUeh. A'iiiistUr, I. 
p, 74 sgq. ; iii.. Die Kumt bit Hointr, p. 31 sqq. ; id., 'Zui Chronologie der 




CH. XLVii APOLLO OF CANACHUS 431 

altesten griech. KUnstler/ Sitzunpberichte d» kbn, bayer, AkatL d, IVissen. 
(Munich), Philosoph. philolog. Classe, 1 871, p. 522 sqg» ; R. Urlichs, in 
Rhtinisches Mtueumy N.F. 10 (1856), p. 7 sq, ; Overbeck, Gesch, d. gritck. 
Plastik^^ I. pp. 143-145 ; lie/., Griechischc Kunstmythologie^ 4. pp. 22-26 ; Lucy 
M. Mitchell, Hist, of Ancient Sculpture^ p. 251 ; A. S. Murray, History of Greek 
Sculpture?^ I. pp. 191-195 ; MlUler- Wilder, DenkmdUr, i. pi. iv. Nos. 19-23 ; 
£. Petersen, * Der Apollon mit dem Hirsch von Kanachos,' Archaologische 
Zeitung^ 38 (1880), pp. 22-25 ; Collignon, Histoire de la Sculpture grecque^ I. pp. 
311-316; P. Gardner, Types of Gre^ Coins ^ pi. xv. 15 and 16; cp. B. V. Head, 
Historia Numorum^ p. 505. 

A bronze statuette of Apollo found at Naxos and now in the Berlin 
Museum bears a close resemblance to the British Museum statuette, 
except that the Naxian Apollo holds in his right hand a round object 
which has been variously explained as an ointment-pot and as a pome- 
granate. See Frankel, * Apollo aus Naxos,' Archaologische Zeitung^ 37 
(1879), PP* S4-91. Another bronze statuette of the same type has been 
found on the site of the temple of the Ptoan Apollo at Perdikavrysi^ in 
Boeotia ; but the objects which the figure had in its hands are lost. See 
Bulletin de Corresp. hellinique^ 10 (1886), pp. 190-196. It is possible 
that both these statuettes may be imitations of the Apollo of Canachus 
at Branchidae. Mr. Holleaux would refer to the same type a fragment- 
ary marble statue found by him on the same site. See Bulletin de Corresp, 
helUnique^ 10 (1886), pp. 269-275 ; /V/., 11 (1887), pp. 275-287. On 
several ancient gems an Apollo of the type here discussed is represented 
holding in his left hand a bow, while in his right hand he grasps the 
fore-feet of a stag, the animal's hind-feet- resting on the ground. Mr. 
Cecil Smith argues that this was the scheme of the statue made by 
Canachus for Branchidae. Certainly the scheme fits Pliny's description 
better than the Apollo with the stag in his hand. But if, as on these gems, 
the Apollo of Branchidae was represented holding the stag by its fore-feet 
while its hind-feet rested on the ground, how comes it that on coins of 
Miletus Apollo is represented holding a tiny stag in the hollow of his hand ? 
To meet this difficulty Mr. Smith supposes that in the wooden statue of 
Apollo made by Canachus for Thebes the stag was represented in the 
latter manner ; that the bronze statue at Branchidae may have lost the 
stag at the sack of Miletus or on its journey to or from Persia ; that 
when the latter statue was given back by Seleucus, the missing stag was 
restored after the model of the Theban statue ; and that in this wrongly 
restored condition the Branchidae statue was copied on the coins of 
Miletus and described by Pausanias, whereas Pliny's account was 
borrowed from some earlier writer, who described the original statue 
before it had been wrongly restored. See Proceedings of the Society of 
Antiquaries of London^ Second Series, 11 (i 885-1 887), pp. 251-255 ; 
Miiller-Wieseler, Denkmdler^ i. pi. xv. No. 61. 

46. 3* the images they took from Tiryns. Cp. ii. 17. 5. 

46. 4. an image of Mother Dindymene. There was a sanctuary 
of this goddess at Cyzicus which was said to have been founded by the 
Argonauts (Strabo, xii. p. 575). 

46. 5. Endoeus. See note on i. 26. 4. 

47. I. Enceladns. The combat of Athena with Enceladus is very 



432 TEGEA BK. viii. arcadia 

often represented in ancient art, particularly on vases. See A. H. 
Smith, * Athene and Enceladus,* y<!7i/r«ii/ of Hellenic Studies^ 4 (1883), 
pp. 90-95 ; M. Mayer, Die Giganten und Titanen^ p. 309 sqq, 

47. 2. the fetters which the Lacedaemonian prisoners wore etc. 
The fetters were hanging in the temple in the time of Herodotus. See 
Herodotus, i. 66 ; and below viiL 48. 4 sq,^ with the note. 

47. 2. a sacred couch of Athena. Cp. ii. 17. 3; x. 32. 12. 
When the Thebans built a new temple to Hera at Plataea, they 
dedicated to her some couches made of bronze and iron (Thucydides, 
iii. 68). 

47. 2. Marpessa. See viii. 48. 5. 

47. 3. A boy acts as priest of Athena etc. So Cranaean Athena, 
near Elataea, was served by a boy priest under the age of puberty 
(x. 34. 8). Cp. vii. 24. 4 note. Athena Poliatis at Tegea was served 
by a male priest (below, § 5). The word translated 'boy' {irali) in 
the present passage may equally mean *girl,* and so the translators 
have understood it here. But the analogies I have referred to are in 
favour of the other interpretation. Moreover the word here used by 
Pausanias to denote the attainment of puberty (rjfiaxrKiiv) generally, I 
think, refers to men, not to women. Cp. Pausanias x. 34. 8, where a 
kindred verb (i)fiav) is applied to a boy. Where Pausanias speaks of 
puberty in women he uses a periphrasis (ii. 33. 2 ; vii. 26. 5). 

47. 4. a Stadium. About half a mile to the east of the site of the 
temple of Athena Alea is a line of low hills running north and south and 
surmounted by some windmills. Mr. V. Berard conjectures that this 
line of hills may have formed one of the sides of the stadium. But its 
distance from the temple seems too great to answer to Pausanias's 
description. Many marbles are said to have been found here and 
transported to the neighbouring village of Achouria. See V. Berard, 
in Bulletin tie Corresp. helUnique^ 17 (1893), p. 3. 

47. 4- games which they name Aleaea. These games are 

mentioned by a scholiast on Pindar {01. vii. 153) among the games 
celebrated in Arcadia. They are also mentioned in an inscription, 
found at Tegea, which records a long list of victories in the various 
games of Greece (C /. 6^. No. i 5 i 5 ; Collitz, Griech. Dialekt-Inschriften^ 
I. No. 1232), in another inscription found at Pergamus (Frankel, ///- 
schriften von Pergamon^ I. No. 156), and in a third inscription found in 
the Epidaurian sanctuary of Aesculapius (Cavvadias, Fouilles (T Epidaure^ 
I. p. 78, No. 240). 

47. 4- To the north of the temple is a fountain. There is still 
a spring a few paces to the north of the site of the temple of Athena 
Alea, and there is another a little farther to the north-east. The former 
spring is enclosed by blocks of marble, which appear to have been 
taken from the temple. Prof. Milchhofer thinks that both these springs 
are too near the temple to answer to the description of Pausanias. 
Farther north, in the low ground now occupied by mulberry gardens, 
there are patches of damp soil where reeds grow, and where, down to 
the beginning of the century, water is said to have stood permanently. 
This damp ground is said to be connected with the north-east side of 



CH. XLVii PUBLIC TALISMANS 433 

the temple by an underground conduit of stone. Here then Prof. 
Milchhofer would place the fountain described by Pausanias. See 
MiitheiL d, arch, InsL in Aihetiy 5 (1880), p. 65. Cp. L. Ross, Reisen, 
p. 67 sq, ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 240. 

47. 5. once each year a priest enters it. We often hear of 
sanctuaries which were opened only once a year. See vi. 20. 7 ; ix. 
16. 6; ix 25. 3. The sanctuary of Dionysus 'in the Marshes' at 
Athens was opened only once a year, on the 12th day of the month 
Anthesterion (Demosthenes, Contra Neaer, p. 1371). Cp. Tzetzes, SchoL 
on Lycophron^ 1246; Minucius Felix, OctavitiSy 24 ; Lobeck, Aglao- 
phamusy p. 279 note [s] ; and note on viil 5. 5. 

47. 5. the goddess cut off some of the hair of Mednsa etc The 
story was that Hercules invited Cepheus and his twenty sons to march 
with him against Lacedaemon. As Cepheus was afraid to leave Tegea 
lest the Argives should attack it in his absence, Hercules obtained from 
Athena a brazen lock of the Gorgon in a pitcher and gave it to Sterope 
or Asterope, daughter of Cepheus, telling her that if a host should 
advance against the city she was to lift up the lock thrice from the top of 
the wall without looking before her, and the enemy would at once take 
to flight Hence * a lock of the Gorgon * passed into a proverb. See 
Apollodorus, iL 7. 3 ; Apostolius, xiv. 38 ; Suidas and Photius, Lexicon^ 
s,v. TrXoKiov TopydSos. Cp. W. Roscher, Die Gorgonen und Verwandtes^ 
p. 80 sqq. Dr. Roscher thinks that the talisman, when exposed to 
view, was believed to bring on a storm of thunder and lightning which 
struck panic into the foe. His view is to some extent confirmed by a 
wide-spread superstition that cut or combed hair can cause storms of 
rain, thunder, and lightning. See The Golden Boughy i. p. 199 x^. It 
is probable, as Lobeck has remarked, that many ancient cities possessed, 
like Tegea, a talisman on the preservation of which the safety of the 
city was supposed to depend ; if we hear little of these talismans in 
ancient writers, the reason probably is that their very existence was kept 
a profound secret from most people. Cyzicus had one of these talismans 
in the shape of a stone of a fiery colour, with marks of iron on it ; it 
was traditionally believed that if the stone were lost the city would 
simultaneously perish (Joannes Lydus, De ostentis^ 7. p. 281 ed. Bekker). 
The safety of Messenia was supposed to depend on a certain secret 
object, apparently a copy of the mysteries of the Great Goddesses 
engraved on a sheet of tin (Paus. iv. 20. 4, iv. 26. 7 sq,) When 
Jason consulted the Delphic oracle, Apollo gave him two tripods 
which possessed the property of rendering inviolable by an enemy the 
land in which they were set up. One of the tripods was presented by 
Jason to the people of Hylle in Illyria, and they buried it deep under 
the threshold of the gate of their city, that no man might find it. The 
tripod was supposed to be still hidden there in the third century B.c. See 
ApoUonius Rhodius, Argonaut, iv. 5 2 7- 5 3 6, with the schol. on 5 3 2 . These 
public talismans may have sometimes consisted of the bones or other relics 
of some famous person, whether mythical or historical. When Alexander 
the Great died, it was predicted that the land in which his body should 
be buried would be prosperous and inviolate for ever (Aelian, Var» hist, 

VOL. IV 2 F 



434 PUBUC TAUSMANS bk. viii. arcaum 

xii. 64). The possession of Tarentum was said to have been sectmd 
to the Parthenii for ever by grinding the bones of Phalantus to powder 
and scattering the powder in the market-place ; hence the Tarentines 
paid divine honour to Phalantus (Justin, iii. 4. 13 iqg.) Similarly the 
ashes of Solon, scattered about Salamis, were supposed to secure the 
possession of that island to the Athenians (Aristides, Or. idvi. voL 3. pt 
250, ed. Diadorf; cp. Plutarch, Soloit^ 32). When Perdiccas king of 
Macedonia was dying he pointed out to his son Atgaeus the place 
where he wished to be buried, telling him that if his bones and the 
bones of his successors were laid there, the kingdom would remain in 
the family (Justin, vii. 2. 2 sgg.) Troy was deemed impregnable, so 
long as the tomb of Laomedon remained intact over the Scaean gate 
(Servius, on Virgil, Aen. ». 241). Perhaps the grave of Dirce at 
Thebes was a talisman of this sort See note on ix. 1?. 6. Cp. 
Lobeck, Aglaofkamus, p. 278 sgg. At Athens there were certain 
secret graves or chests (^koi) on which the safety of the city was 
supposed to depend (Dinarchus, i. 9) ; perhaps the giavc of Oedipus 
was one of them (see note on i. 28. 7). It is said that in the rugn of 
Constantius three silver statues were dug up in Thrace. They repre- 
sented three barbarians clad in broidered robes with long hair and with 
their hands tied behind their backs ; the statues were turned to the 
north. A few days after the removal of the statues the Goths overran 
Thrace from the north, and not long afterwards the Huns and Saimatians 
overran both Thrace and lUyria. Hence it was inferred that the three 
statues had been talismans designed to ward off the incursions of these 
three barbarian tribes. See Olympiodorus, quoted by Photius, Bii- 
liolkeca, p. 60 ed. Bekker. The same credulous historian relates (p. 
;8) that Alaric was prevented from crossing over from Italy into Sicily 
by a magic statue which served as a talisman against both the fires of 
Etna and the passage of enemies into the island ; in one foot of the 
statue was a perpetual fire, in the other pure water. The statue was 
removed, and in consequence 

• Sicily was dei-asuted by an 
erupiion of Etna and by the 
inroads of barbarians. On the 
Old Bridge (Ponte Vecchio) at 
Florence there stood down to 
1333 a broken old statue of 
Mars, on which the safety and 
Fios. 46 *7 — ATHSNA o vEs cxistencc of Florence were sup- 

THE HAiB o^ MKDUSA (COINS or TKCEA). poscd lo depend (DaRte, In- 
ferno, xiii. 146 sqq., with the 
commentators). On coins of Tegea (Figs. 46, 47) we see Athena 
handing Medusa's hair to Cepheus or to Sterope, who receives it in a 
vessel. See Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num. Comm. on Paus. p. 109, 
with pi. V xxii. xxiii, ; Head, Htsloria Numorum, p. 381 ; P. Gardner, 
Catalogue of Greek coins in the British Museum; Peloponnesus, p. 202 sg. 
47. 6. Aristomelidas. This tyrant appears not to be mentioned 
elsewhere in ancient liH 



CH. XLViii MARKET-PLACE OF TEGEA 435 

48. I. The market-place. The north-eastern comer of the market- 
place of Tegea was discovered by Mr. Bdrard about 150 yards to the 
west of the church of PcUaeo-Episkopi. It is marked by a line of 
ruined foundations on the east and a colonnade on the north. Of the 
columns of this colonnade only a few bases remain. They were of 
the Ionic or Corinthian order. On one of the intercolumniations is 
an inscription recording that the intercolumniations of the provision- 
market (fuiKcAAov) had been repaired by two clerks of the market 
(dyo/xivo/xot) at their own expense. Another inscription, found a few 
yards to the west of the colonnade, records that a certain Publius 
Memmius Agathocles, clerk of the market, had built (?) the house con- 
taining the standard weights and had repaired (?) the weights themselves. 
One of the weights, which weighed 50 pounds {Ittrat)^ seems to have 
been in the shape of a deer or stag ; another, which weighed 25 pounds, 
represented Atalanta. Not far from the same place there was found, built 
into a modem pavement, a table of liquid measures. It is a slab of 
marble with seven holes, in which bronze cups were probably fixed. In 
this neighbourhood Mr. B^rard found a number of inscribed bases of 
statues, including the base of a statue of the emperor Diocletian ; also 
the mosaic pavement of a quadrangular structure terminating in a semi- 
circular apse. On the mosaic pavement of the apse are figures of the 
Fair Seasons {koKoI Katpot), and on the pavement of the quadrangle are 
figures of the months January, February, March, April, May, identified 
by inscriptions. The figures of the Fair Seasons in the apse are three 
in number. In the centre stands a young man clad in a short tunic 
which reaches to his thighs and shod with red boots which reach to his 
knees. His arms are bare. His curly locks fall over his ears and 
almost his eyes. In his left hand, which hangs by his side, he carries a 
leafy branch ; while in his raised right hand he holds a plate full of 
fruits. On each side of him a boy, his mantle floating on the wind, is 
running toward the central figure earring a plate full of melons and 
cucumbers or pears and rosy apples. See V. B^rard, in Bulletin de 
Corresp, helUnique^ 17 (1893), PP* 3* 14- Cp. Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 
240 ; Curtius, Pelop. i. p. 257 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 220. 

48. 2. a crown of wUd-olive at Olympia etc See v. 7. 7 note. 

48. 2. at Delphi a crown of lanreL See x. 7. 8. 

48. 2. At the Isthmus the pine. See note on ii. i. 3. 

48. 2. at Nemea the celery etc. See note on ii. 15. 2. 

48. 2. in most of the games the crown is of palm etc. The 
victor's wreath at the Nemean games seems sometimes to have been of 
palm, though commonly it was of celery (Pindar, Fragnu p. 576, ed. 
Bockh ; Pliny, Nat. hist, xxxv. 27). In later times the prize at the 
Olympic games was of palm (Horace, Odes^ i* i> 5) iv. 2.1'jsq,) As to the 
palm at Delos, to which Pausanias refers, see Homer, Odyssey^ vi. 162 sq. 
The very palm said to have been seen by Ulysses was still shown in 
Cicero's time (Cicero, De legibuSy i. i. 2 ; cp. Pliny, Nat, hist, xvi. 
240). It was believed to be the oldest palm-tree in the world and to 
have sprung up when Latona landed in Ddos ; in the act of giving birth 
to Apollo and Artemis she laid one hand on the palm-tree and the other 



436 AUGE ON HER KNEES bk. viii. arcadia 

hand on an olive (Euripides, Hecuba^ 458, with the schol. ; Aelian, 
Var, hist, v. 4). From this same sacred palm Theseus broke the 
branch wherewith (as Pausanias mentions) he crowned the victors in the 
games which he celebrated at Delos (Plutarch, Theseus^ 2 1 ; id,y Qu(ust, 
Conviv, viii. 4. 3). As to palms in Greece in ancient times and at the 
present day, see ix. 19. 8 note. 

48. 4- when OharilliiB, the king of the Lacedaemonians, led the 
first invasion etc As to this defeat of the Lacedaemonians by the 
Tegeans, see also iii. 7. 3 ; viii. i. 6 ; viii. 5. 9 ; viii. 45. 3 ; viii. 47. 2 and 
4. The Lacedaemonians were misled by an oracle which promised them 
that they should dance on the Tegean plain and have it measured out 
to them with a rope. So they marched against Tegea, carrying with 
them fetters with which they proposed to bind the Tegeans. But they 
were beaten in the battle and all who fell into the hands of the Tegeans 
were forced to till the Tegean plain for their conquerors, wearing the 
fetters which they had brought with them ; the plot of ground which 
each man had to till was marked out for him with a rope. The fetters 
were hanging in the temple of Athena Alea in the time of Herodotus, 
and they were still there in the time of Pausanias. See Herodotus, i. 
66. According to the historian Dinias of Argos this defeat of the 
Lacedaemonians took place *' when Perimeda, who is generally called 
Choera, was queen of Tegea" (Herodianus, ircpt fiovrjpovs Ac^eo^s, 8. 12 
sgg., p. 20, ed. K. Lehrs ; Frapn, Hisior. Graec, ed. Muller, 3. p. 26). 
This Perimeda seems to be the Marpessa of Pausanias. As to the 
war, cp. Schwedler, * De rebus Tegeaticis,' Leipziger Studien sur class, 
Philologie^ 9 (1887), p. 310 j^^. For another victory of the Tegeans 
over the Lacedaemonians, see viii. 53. 10 note. 

48. 6. Maera daughter of Atlas. According to another 

account her grave was near Mantinea (viii. 12. 7). She is men- 
tioned by Homer {Odyssey^ xi. 326) ; but Eustathius on that passage 
describes her as a daughter of Proetus and Antaea. Maera daughter 
of Prpetus was painted by Polygnotus in the Lesche at Delphi (Paus. 
X. 30. 5). 

48. 7. * Auge on her Knees.' The image appears to have been 
that of a woman on her knees in the act of childbirth. So Latona 
brought forth Apollo and Artemis kneeling on the soft meadow (Homer, 
Hymn to the Delian Apollo^ 116 sqqJ) On the Capitol at Rome, in 
front of the temple of Minerva, there were images representing three 
male figures on their knees ; they were called Di Nixiy and were sup- 
posed to be deities who presided over childbirth. These images had 
been brought to Rome from the East after the war with Antiochus, or, 
according to others, from the sack of Corinth (Festus, pp. 174, 176, ed. 
Muller). The images of Damia and Auxesia, goddesses of fertility (see 
note on ii. 30. 4)? represented them kneeling (Herodotus, v. 86), prob- 
ably in the act of child-bearing. Some years ago a mutilated marble 
group was found at Magoula, near Sparta, which appears to have 
represented a woman kneeling just after delivery. See Fr. Marx, 
* Marmorgruppe aus Sparta,' MittheiL d. arch. Inst, in A then, 10 (1885), 
pp. 177-199. From these facts we may infer that in antiquity Greek 



CH. XLix TELEPHUS AND THE DOE 437 

women were often, perhaps generally, delivered on their knees. This 
position is still adopted by women in Greece and in many other parts of 
the world (Ploss, Das Weib^ p. 175). As to the story of Auge and 
Telephus, see note on i. 4. 6. Mr. L. R. Famell argues that Auge 
was originally a form of Artemis, the legend of her amour with Hercules 
pointing to an earlier stage of religious thought when Artemis was con- 
ceived not as chaste but merely as averse to marriage. See L. R. 
Famell, The Cults of the Greek States^ 2. p. 442 sq. 

48. 7* the forsaken boy was suckled by a doe. Cp. viiL 54. 6 ; 
ix. 31. 2. The suckling of Telephus by the doe is depicted on many 
existing works of ancient art, such as statues, paintings, and coins. It 
is remarkable that in these scenes Hercules is regularly represented 
along with Telephus and the doe, either watching the doe suckle the 
child, or holding the child in his arms while the doe stands beside him. 
This meeting of Hercules with the doe and Telephus is nowhere men- 
tioned in ancient literature, and the works of art which illustrate it are 
all somewhat late. Hence Otto Jahn assumed that the incident was 
a late invention, and conjectured that it may have been invented at 
Pergamus, where Telephus was a national hero, and people had an 
interest in associating him with his deified father Hercules. In support 
of this view Jahn pointed out that on coins of Pergamus the doe is 
depicted suckling Telephus in presence of Hercules. See O. Jahn, 
Archdologische Beitrdge^ p. 160 sqq. Jahn's ingenious conjecture is 
confirmed by the discovery at Pergamus of a series of reliefs illustrative 
of the life of Telephus, which adorned part of the great altar on the 
acropolis. One of these scenes, unfortunately mutilated, represents 
Hercules watching Telephus, who is being suckled by an animal, which 
is thought, however, by some to be a lioness. See Baumeister's Denk- 
mdler^ p. 1270. The supposed kinship between Tegea and Pergamus, 
which was explained by the legend of Telephus and Auge, is expressly 
mentioned in a Pergamene inscription (Frankel, Inschriften von Per- 
gatnon^ i. No. 156). The same inscription refers to a sanctuary of 
Athena at Pergamus which was believed to have been founded by Auge. 

49. I. a theatre. The theatre at Tegea was built on level ground, 
the tiers of seats being supported at the back by a massive semicircular 
wall. Part of this wall, built of great squared blocks, supports the apse 
of the church of Palaeo-Episkopi, To judge fi-om this fragment of the 
supporting-wall the theatre must have been large; it opened to the 
north-west. See L. Ross, Reisetiy p. 68 ; Curtius, Pelop. i. p. 256 ; 
Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 220 ; Baedeker,* p. 278 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 239. 
A little to the north of the church was found an interesting theatrical 
monument. It is a cube of marble adorned on one side with a large 
crown of ivy carved in relief; on another side are six small crowns of 
ivy containing inscriptions, from which we infer that the monument was 
dedicated by an actor who had won prizes for acting at the Dionysiac 
festival at Athens, the Soterian festival at Delphi, the festival of Hera 
at Argos (?), and the Naean festival at. Dodona. Among the plays 
which he had acted were the Orestes^ Hercules Furens, Achelous^ and 
Electra (?) of Euripides, and the Achilles of Chaeremon. From the 



438 PHILOPOEMEN bk. viii. akcadia 

mention of the Soterian festival of Delphi we learn that this inscription 
is later than the irruption of the Gauls into Greece in 279 ac. See 
Bulletin de Corr. hellM. 17 (1893), PP- I4'i^ » <!>• ^o^^ on x. 23. 11. 

49. I. Fhilopoemen. Our chief authorities for the life of Philo- 
poemen are the histories of Polybius and Livy, the biography of him by 
Plutarch, and the present narrative of Pausanias. Polybius' wrote a 
separate life of Philopoefnen in three books, which is lost ; it was prob- 
ably the source from which the other writers derived their information. 
See Polybius, x. 21 (24) 6. As to the early life of Philopoemen, see 
Polybius, X. 22 (25); Plutarch, Philopoemen^ i sqq. 

49. 3. he was hard-fitvonred. Plutarch, however, says: "He 
was not ugly, as some think ; for we can see his portrait at Delphi, 
where it still remains" (Philopoemen^ 2). The portrait to which 
Plutarch refers may have been the bronze statue of Philopoemen which 
stood at Delphi and represented him in the act of slaying the tyrant 
Machanidas (Plutarch, Philopoemen^ 10). 

49. 4- When Oleomenes seized Megalopolis etc. See iv. 29. 7 
sq. ; Polybius, iv. 55 ; Plutarch, Philopoemen^ S\ id,^ Cleomenes^ 23 sqq. 

49. 5. the battle of Sellasia. See note on iii. 10. 7. 

49. 7* chosen by the Achaeans to command their caTalry. Cp.- 
Polybius, X. 22 (25); Plutarch, Philopoemen, 7. 

50. I. He was thus enabled to change the equipment of their 
infantry etc. Cp. Plutarch, Philopoemen^ 9. 

50. 2. the Lacedaemonians nnder their npstart tyrant Machani- 
das etc. See Polybius, xi. 11-18 ; Plutarch, Philopoemen^ 10. 

50. 3. Philopoemen was present at the competition of the 
minstrels etc. At the Nemean festival Philopoemen paraded and 
manoeuvred his victorious regiment before the assembled Greeks, and then, 
surrounded by his stalwart, well-set-up men in their red coats, entered 
the theatre, just as the voice of the singer rose high and clear, singing 
"The glorious crown of freedom," etc. (Plutarch, PhilopoeTnen^ 11). 

50. 3. Themistocles at Olympia. When Themistocles attended 
the Olympic games after the battle of Salamis, the spectators turned 
their backs on the athletes and flocked to see him, followed him up 
and down all day, and pointed him out to strangers with expressions of 
admiration and clapping of hands, so that he confessed to his friends 
that he had reaped the fruit of his labours in the cause of Greece 
' (Plutarch, Themistocles^ 17). 

50. 4- The Thebans had defeated the Megarians etc. Cp. 

Polybius, XX. 6. 

50. 5. he fell upon the Messenians etc. See iv. 29. 10. 

50. 7- embarked in a leaky galley etc. See Livy, xxxv. 26 ; 
Plutarch, Philopoemen^ 14. 

50. 7- Homer speaks of the Arcadians as ignorant of the sea. 
See Iliad^ ii. 614. 

50. 8. bnm down the Lacedaemonian camp at Gythinm. See 

Livy, xxxv. 27 sqq. ; Plutarch, l.c, 

50. 10. Nabis was assassinated. See Plutarch, Philopoemen^ 

15 ; Livy, xxxv. 35. The assassin's name was Alexamenus. 



CH. LI PHILOPOEMEN 439 

51. I. Fhilopoemem compelled the Lacedaemenians to Join 

the Achaean League etc See Plutarch, Philopoemen^ 1 5 ; Livy, 
XXXV. 37. 

51. 2. the Lacedaemonians offered to give him the house of 
Kahis etc. As no native Spartan had the &ce to offer the present to 
Philopoemen, the task of doing so was deputed to a foreigner named 
Timolaus, who accordingly repaired to Megalopolis, where he was 
hospitably entertained by Philopoemen. But the dignity of that great 
man's bearing, the integrity of his character, and the simplicity of his 
life so impressed and overawed Timolaus, that he did not dare to 
broach the subject of his mission, but made some pretext for his visit 
and departed. A second time he made the attempt and with the same 
result. A third time he came, and bracing himself up for a great effort 
he avowed his mission. To his surprise and delight Philopoemen 
listened to the proposal very affably and promised to go to Sparta in a 
few days to thank the authorities in person. He went and in a public 
assembly advised the Spartans to keep such bribes to stop the mouths 
of the venal demagogues who railed against Sparta at the diet of the 
Achaean League. See Polybius, xxi. 1 5 ; Plutarch, Philopoemen^ 
1 5. Plutarch says that the house and property of Nabis had been sold 
for 120 talents, and it was this sum which was offered by the Spartans 
to Philopoemen. 

51. 3- Philopoemen hanished three hundred of the ringleaders 
etc. On the revolt of Sparta from the Achaean League, its reduction, 
and the severity with which it was treated by the victorious Achaeans, 
see Livy, xxxviiL 30-34; Plutarch, Philopoemen^ 16. According to 
Polybius, cited by Plutarch, eighty of the Spartans were put to death ; 
according to Aristocrates, also cited by Plutarch, the number of victims 
was three hundred and fifty. Livy'seems to follow Polybius, for he puts 
the number of the victims at eighty. 

51. 4* Aristaenus advised the Achaeans etc. For a con- 
trast between the characters and aims of Aristaenus and Philopoemen, 
see Polybius, xxv. 9 sqq, Philopoemen was a bom soldier, who, while 
he foresaw that the final subjection of Greece to Rome was inevitable, 
did his best to defer it. Aristaenus was a supple politician who, under 
a show of respect for Greek law and custom, masked a policy of abject 
subserviency to Rome. Cp. Plutarch, Philopoemen^ 17. 

51. 5. Philopoemen sent Lycortas with a force etc. These 
operations are described more fully by Pausanias elsewhere. See iv. 29. 
II sq,\ and on the capture and death of Philopoemen, see Plutarch, 
Philopoemen^ 1 8 sqq. ; Livy, xxxix. 49 sq. 

51. 8. The bones of Philopoemen etc. Plutarch has described 
the stately military procession in which the remains of Philopoemen 
were borne, amid universal tokens of mourning, from Messene to 
Megalopolis. The urn, almost hidden under flowers and ribbons, was 
carried by the historian Polybius. At his tomb in Megalopolis the 
Messenian prisoners were stoned to death. See Plutarch, Philopoemen^ 
21. As to the divine honours paid to Philopoemen at Megalopolis, see 
note on viii. 30. 10. 



440 TRIBES OF TEGEA bk. viii. arcadia 

52. I. the SiMurtan Pplydoms. See ill. 3. 1-3. 

52. 4. Epaminondas, son of Polymnis. See note on iv. 31. 10. 

52. 5. Leosthenes. Seei. 25. 5. 

52. 5. The history of Aratus etc. See iL 8 sq. 

53. 3. the priestess of Artemis pursues a man etc This cere- 
mony, taken in connexion with the story of its origin, appears to have 
been a substitute for human sacrifices offered to make the crops grow. 
This is confirmed by a parallel ceremony observed at the festival of the 
Agrionia in the Boeotian Orchomenus ; for at that festival the priest of 
Dionysus not only pursued certain women with a drawn sword, but had 
the right to slay any of them whom he might overtake, a right which 
was actually exercised in Plutarch's own time. The women so pursued 
were the members of a particular family and were called Oleae ('de- 
structive '). See Plutarch, Quaest. Graec. 38 ; K. O. Miiller, Orchonunos 
und die Minyer^ p. 161 sq,\ Fr. Back, De Graecorum caeritnoniis in 
quibus homines deorum vice fungebantur (Berlin, 1883), p. 24 sqq. As 
to the priestess acting the part of the goddess, see notes on vii. 18. 12; 
vii. 27. 2 ; as to flight and pursuit in religious rites, see note on i. 24. 
4 ; and as to human sacrifices offered to promote the fertility of the 
ground, see vii. 19. 4 note. 

53. 5. Homer, in Proteus' speech etc. See Odyssey^ iv. 561 sqq. 

53. 5. Tales. See note on i. 21. 4. 

53. 6. The names of the tribes are etc. Inscriptions found at 
Tegea give the adjectival forms of the four tribal names, namely 
Kpaptcurai, *Iinro^oiTat, *A7roA.A.a)vtaTa4, and ht* 'AOavaUiv (followed in 
each case by TroAtrai), i,e. men of the tribes Crariotis, Hippothoetis, 
Apolloniatis, and ep' Athanaean. Thus the names given by Pausanias 
ag^ee with those of the inscriptions except that Crariotis seems the 
correct form rather than Clareotis, and the phrase ^ Atkanaicm 
(Athanaia's, i.e. Athena's, tribe) rather than Athanaeatis. 

See Leake, Morea^ i. p. 89 ; C. I. G. No. 1513 ; Atuient Greek Inscriptions 
in the British Museum^ Part 2, p. II sqq.^ No. 156; Cauer, Delectus Inscr. 
Graec.^ Nos. 454, 455 ; Collitz, G. D. I. i. Nos. 1231, 1246, 1247 ; G. Gilbert, 
Griech. Staatsaiterthiinur, 2. p. 127 ; Schwedler, * De rebus Tegeaticis,' Leipziger 
Studien zur class. Philologies 9 (1887), p. 275 sqq. 

53. 7- a temple of Demeter and the Maid. On the north-eastern 
slope of the hill of Hagios Sostts (see note on § 9) a great many bronzes 
and terra-cottas were discovered in the course of excavations conducted 
by the Greek Archaeological Society in January 1862. The terra-cotta 
statuettes number about 1500 ; and by far the most of them represent 
Demeter seated on a chair with a large back to it, her head crowTied 
with a polos or cidaris. The statuettes are of all periods of art, from 
the rudest and most archaic period downward. They are undoubtedly 
votive-offerings brought by pilgrims to the shrine of Demeter, and from 
the uniformity of their type we may perhaps infer that they represent 
the temple-statue of the goddess. In some of the statuettes a vine (not, 
as Fr. Lenormant thought, a poppy-stalk) is represented springing up 
between the knees of the seated goddess ; this attribute is very appro- 
priate to a goddess who here bore the surname of * Fruit-bringer.* 



CH. Liil THE COMMON HEARTH 441 

Another type of statuette found here has been conjectured by Fr. 
Lenormant to represent the Maid {Kore) ; the type is very rude and 
archaic, consisting of a bust with well-marked breasts and rudimentary 
arms, the head crowned with a high head-dress, and the lower part of 
the body pillar-shaped. The spot where these votive-offerings were 
found probably indicates the site of the temple of Demeter and the 
Maid mentioned by Pausanias. 

See Fr. Lenormant, ' Terres-cuites de T^^e,' Gcuette archiologique^ 4 (1878), 
pp. 42-48 ; Milchhofer, in Mittheil, d, arch, Inst, in Athen^ 4 (1879), pp. i68- 
174; Baedeker,' p. 278; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 238. 

53. 7. Laodice. See viii. 5. 7. sq. 

53. 7- a temple of Apollo, with a gilded image. This gilt image 
is mentioned in an inscription found at Tegea, which sets forth that 
" Philocrates, son of Damonicus, on behalf of his son Damonicus dedi- 
cated the altar and gilded the image of Apollo " (Bulletin de Corresfi, 
helUmque^ 17 (1893), P* 12). The inscription seems to date from the 
first century B.C. or A.D. Doubtless whenever the gilding of the image 
grew tarnished or wore off, it was deemed a pious work to gild it afresh. 
The site of the temple of Apollo is perhaps marked by the remains of a 
large Byzantine church 45 metres (about 148 feet) long, the facade of 
which formed the eastern side of the market-place {Bull, de Carr, 
helUn,^ l,c,) 

53. 8. OhirisophtlB. Nothing more is known of this sculptor. 

53. 8. The residence of Daedalns in Onosns. Cp. vil 4. 5 sg, 

53. 9. the Oommon Hearth of the Arcadians. The < Conunon 
Hearth ' at Mantinea was a round structure. See viii. 9. 5. From an 
inscription found at Hermion we learn that in that city there was a 
* Conunon Hearth * at which ambassadors were entertained (C /. G. 
No. 1 193; Dittenberger, Sylloge Jnscr, Graec, No. 389; CoUitz, G, 
D, I, 3. No. 3386). Similarly at Athens ambassadors were entertained 
at the • Common Hearth ' or * Hearth of the City ' in the Prytaneum 
or town-hall ; on this hearth a fire was kept burning perpetually and 
sacrifices were offered (Aristotle, Politics^ 1322 b 28 ; Pollux, i. 7, ix. 
40; C, I, A. 2. Nos. 467, 470, 471, 6055 cp. Plutarch, Numa, 9). 
So at Olympia a fire burned day and night on the public hearth in 
the Prytaneum (Paus. v. 15. 9). At Chaeronea there was a 'Common 
Hearth ' at which certain sacrifices were performed (Plutarch, Quaest, 
Conviv, vi. 8. i). At Delphi there was a < Common Hearth' in the 
Prytaneum at which distinguished strangers and bene&ctors of the city 
were entertained, and a perpetual fire, tended by widows and fed only 
with pine-wood, burned on it. See an inscription found at Delphi and 
published by H. N. Ulrichs, Reisen und Forschungen^ i. p. 67 note 20 ; 
Pomtow, Beitrdge zur Topographie von Delphi^ p. 66 ; Plutarch, Arts- 
tidesy 20 ; td,^ Numa^ 9 ; ///., De d apud DeiphoSy 2 (cp. note on x. 24. 
4). At Acraephnium, Thisbe, and Orchomenus in Boeotia there was 
a * Conunon Hearth ' in the Prytaneum at which honoured guests were 
entertained (C. /. G, G, S, i. Nos. 21, 4130, 4 131, 4138, 4139). 
At Tanagra the public hearth in the Prytaneum seems to have been 



442 THE COMMON HEARTH BK. viii. arcadia 

called 'the hearth of the people' (C. /. G, G. S. i. No. 20). Pollux 
states generally (i. 7) that a perpetual fire burned on the hearth 
in the Prytaneum. Sometimes this perpetual fire took the form 
of a lamp (Theocritus, xxi. 36 sq,) ; Dionysius the younger, tyrant of 
Sicily, dedicated in the Prytaneum at Tarentum a lamp whidi could 
bum a year without being fed (Athenaeus, xv. p. 700 d). Probably 
every Greek city had its Prytaneum with its ' Common Hearth ' and its 
perpetual fire burning on it ; this common hearth may have been 
originally the hearth of the king's house {^^^ Journal of Philology^ 14 
(1885), p. 145 sqq^ For other examples of the custom of maintaining 
a perpetual fire or lamp, see i. 26. 6 sq, ; viii. 9. 2 ; viii. 37. 11. At 
Aetna, in Sicily, a perpetual fire was kept up in the temple of Hephaes- 
tus (Aelian, JVd/, anim. xi. 3). 

53. 9. with a woirnd on his thi^ Cp. viii. 28. 6 note. As to 
Hercules's combats with the sons of Hippocoon, see iii. 1 5. 3-6. 

53. 9. The high place on which stand most of the altais. This 
must be the low hill of Hagios SosHsy about a mile and a half to the 
north of PicUu It is the only point in the whole site of Tegea which 
could with any show of reason be described as a ' high place.' Though 
really not more than a gentle eminence, it commands a fine view over 
the surrounding plain. The hill takes its name from the village which 
crowns it. Possibly this hill may have been the acropolis of T^^ea 
spoken of by Polybius, who describes (v. 17. i sq,) how Lycurgus king 
of Sparta seized the city of Tegea, but was repulsed from the acropolis. 
But it is doubtful whether the hill of Hagios SosHs was included within 
the city-walls. 

See Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 418 sq. ; Leake, Morea^ I. p. 98 sq, ; Welcker, 
Tagebtuh^ I. p. 202 ; L. Ross, Reisen^ p. 69 ; Curtius, Pelop. I. pp. 254, 258 ; 
Vischer, Erinnerungen^ pp. 253, 255 ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. pp. 218, 220 sq. ; 
Baedeker,^ p. 277 ; GuicU-Joannty 2. p. 238. 

53. 9. Glarian Zens etc. Zeus was worshipped under this title also 
at Argos (Aeschylus, Suppliants^ 360). The title may designate the 
god " who sanctified the original allotment of land among the clans or 
divisions of the people " (L. R. Famell, The Cults of the Greek Statesy 
I. p. 56). As to the legendary division of Arcadia among the sons of 
Areas, see viii. 4. 3 sq, 

53. 10. once the Lacedaemonians marched against them etc. 
A somewhat different account of this Lacedaemonian reverse is given 
by Polyaenus (i. 8). He says that when the Lacedaemonians were 
ravaging the Tegean lands, Elnes king of Arcadia sent his soldiers to 
attack the enemy in the rear ; the hour of the assault was to be mid- 
night, and the signal was to be given by a great fire which the old men 
and children were to kindle in front of the city. While the Lacedae- 
monians gazed with astonishment at the sudden blaze, the Arcadians 
fell on their rear, slew many of them and took many prisoners. 

53. II. what the Greeks call Aeginetan. See note on v. 25. 13. 

53. II. a temple of Onaceatian Artemis. This would seem to 
have been near the place where the Saranta Potatnos enters the Tegean 



CH. Liv THE SARANTA POTAMOS 443 

plain (see note on viii. 54. i), for it is just about 19 furlongs (the dis- 
tance mentioned by Pausanias) from Tegea to this point. See Leake, 
Moreoy i. p. 122 note c; Curtius, Pehp. i. p. 262. This is perhaps 
the temple of Artemis mentioned by Xenophon {HelUntcOy vi. 5. 9). 
As to the epithet Cnaceatian, see note on iiL 18. 4. 

54. I. The river Aliiheiu is tlie boimdary between tlie lands of 
Lacedaemon and Tegea etc. What Pausanias here calls the Alpheus 
is unquestionably the stream now called the Sarania Potamos (* forty 
river ') which enters the Tegean plain from the south and flows north- 
ward through it, passing Tegea (Pialt) at some distance to the east 
For our author is here describing the route from Tegea to Laconia (see 
viii. 53. 11); and until the carriage-road was constructed a few years ago 
the path from Tegea to Sparta still followed the channel of the Sarania 
Potamosy crossing and recrossing again and again the shallow stream, 
which sprawls along its broad gravelly bed between immensely high 
stony banks that effectually shut out all views of the surrounding 
country. The carriage-road misses the river altogether, being carried 
along the hills a good deal higher up to the west, but the old route by 
the bed of the river is still often adopted by travellers on foot. As 
Pausanias believed that this river was the upper course of the Alpheus 
and that after disappearing under ground it reappeared at the springs of 
Franko-vrysi in Ae plain of Asea (see viii. 44. 3), he must have 
supposed that it flowed into the chasm which still drains the swamp of 
Taka at the south-western comer of the Tegean plain (see above, p. 420). 
But in point of fact the Sarania Poiamos does not go anywhere near 
this chasm ; on entering the Tegean plain it bends away to the north- 
east, receives a tributary from the south-east (the ancient Garates), and, 
after flowing northward for some distance, turns sharply to the east, and 
disappears in a chasm at the foot of Mount Parthenius, not far from the 
village of Verisova, It seems impossible that the ancients should have 
regarded as the head waters of the Alpheus a stream which thus dis- 
appears under the mountains on the easiem side of the plain of Tegea, 
flowing towards the Gulf of Argos. To meet this difficulty some modem 
topographers have supposed that the course of the Sarania Poiamos has 
changed since antiquity, and that in ancient times the river did flow into 
the chasm of the Taka at the sputh-westem side of the plain instead of 
into the chasm at the opposite side of the plain near Verisova, Some 
support seemed to be lent to this theory by a tradition, told to L. Ross 
by peasants, that this was in fact the course of the river until about a 
hundred years or more before their time, when a Turk who owned Piali 
dug a new bed for the river and obliged it to follow its present course. 
But the researches of recent travellers have disproved this tradition, and 
shown that the Sarania Poiamos can never have flowed in the course 
which the tradition assigns to it. For between the river and Tegea 
{Piali) there is a distinct, though gradual, rise in the ground, which 
makes any diversion of the river in this direction impossible. Nor is it 
open to us to suppose that the river may have flowed at a higher level 
in antiquity, its present bed having been hollowed out by the stream since 
the days of Pausanias. On the contrary, the bed of the river is being 



444 THE SARANTA POTAMOS BK. viii. akcadia 

actually raised by alluvial deposits, so that we are bound to suppose 
that in classical times it flowed at a lower, not a higher, level than at 
present Even if the river had, contrary to all appearances, once 
flowed into the chasm of the Tcika it could not have reappeared at the 
springs of Franko-vrysi in the plain of Asea, since those springs have 
recently been proved to be higher by 32 metres (105 feet) than the last 
point to which the water can be followed in the chasm of the Ttzka, 
This discovery was made in September 1891, by Mr. E. A. Martel, who 
succeeded, at some personal inconvenience, in penetrating into the 
chasm to a depth of about 3 5 metres. Thus it appears equally impossible 
that the Saranta Potamos should ever have flowed into the chasm of the 
TakcL^ and that, if it did, it should have reappeared at Frank(M/rysi in 
the plain of Asea. Nothing remains but to regard this whole account of 
the supposed upper course of the Alpheus as a blunder of Pausanias or 
his guides. As to the water which is engulfed in the chasm of the 
Taka^ the modem peasants believe that it reappears at the springs of 
KofUditsa in the upper valley of the Eurotas, about 1 5 miles south of 
the T(U:a, 

If, taking the old route from Tegea to Sparta, we follow the course 
of the Saranta Potamos y we reach in about 3 J hours fh)m Tegea the 
now deserted khan of Kryavrysi (*coId spring*), situated in the dry 
gravelly bed of the river. The fountain which gives its name to the 
khan is built of ancient blocks of marble. Two streams unite their 
waters at the khan to form the Saranta Potamx>sj their confluence is 
probably the Symbola of Pausanias. Of the two streams the shorter 
comes from the south ; the larger and longer from the east. This latter 
stream, which flows past the village of Vourvoura, is probably the part 
of the river which, as Pausanias tells us, formed the boundary between 
Tegea and Laconia ; for the rest of the river flows from north to south, 
and we cannot suppose that all the territory to the west of it was Tegean 
and all to the east of it Laconian, or vice versa. Hence Phylace, 
which was at the source of the river, lay probably somewhere to the 
east of Vourvoura^ near the crest of Mt Pamon. In this direction, 
but on the opposite or eastern side of the ridge, is the village of Hagios 
Petros. The boundaries of Tegea, Laconia, and Argolis met in this 
neighbourhood, and their meeting point was marked by the images of 
Hermes (Paus. ii. 38. 7, with the note, vol. 3. p. 310). 

See Leake, Morea^ i. pp. 121 -124; id,^ 3. pp. 36-43; Gell, Itinerary of the 
Morgdy p. 139; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 144; L. Ross, Reisen^ pp. 60 sq.^ 70- 
72; Curtius, Pehp. i. pp. 248 j^., 261 sq. ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 187; Vischer, 
Erinnerungen, pp. 355-357 ; Baedeker,^ p. 280 ; Guide-Joanne, 2. pp. 248, 318; 
Philippson, Peloponmsy p. 108 ; E. A. Martel, *Les Katavothres du Pdloponn^e,' 
Reviu de Giographiey May 1892, pp. 336-341 ; V. B^rard, in Bulletin dc Corr. 
helUnique, 16 (1892), p. 533 sq, ; W. Coring, in Journal of Hellenic Studies, 15 
(1895), PP- 52-54, 68 J./. 

54. 3. blends its water with Arethusa. Cp. v. 7. 2 ; vii. 24. 3. 

64. 4. Thyrea. See note on ii. 38. 4. 

54. 4. the tomb of Orestes etc. See iii. 3. 5 sq, ; iii. 11. 10. 

54. 4. The river Garates. This must be the stream which comes 



CH. Liv FROM TEGEA TO ARGOS 445 

down from Doliana and joins the Saranta Potamos at Magoula^ a mile 
and a half to the east of Tegea. The village of Doliana^ which stands 
among fruit-trees high up on a bare mountain-side, and is inhabited only 
in the summer months, is well known for its marble quarries, which have 
been worked both in ancient and modem times. The marble quarried 
here bears a superficial resemblance to Pentelic, but it is less transparent 
and less white, being tinged with a light bluish grey. It is characterised 
by the presence of numerous small crystals of felspar, and it contains a 
little iron which gives it, when exposed to the weather, a yellowish or 
reddish-brown patina like the well-known patina on the columns of the 
Parthenon, 

See Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 332 sq, ; L. Ross, Reisen, p. 72 note 14 ; Curtius, 
Pelop. I. p. 249 ; Guide-Joanne, 2. p. 241 ; Philippson, Peloponnes, p. 161 ; 
G. R. Lepsius, Griechische Marmor-Studien, pp. 31-33. 

54. 5. The road from Tegea to Argos etc. This road must have 
led in a north-easterly direction from Tegea across the plain to what is 
now called the pass of Steno, This is a narrow defile through which 
the Saranta Potamos flows eastward into a branch or bay of the great 
Tegean plain. After traversing the whole length of this branch of the 
Tegean plain the river disappears into three chasms {katavothras) at 
the eastern end of the plain, at the foot of Mount Parthenius (now Mt. 
Rhoino)y to the north-east of the village of Vertsova. An artificial canal 
conducts the water to the largest of the chasms. The modem road 
from Tripolitsa to Argos passes through the defile oi Steno; from this 
point onward it probably coincides with the ancient road from Tegea to 
Argos here described by Pausanias. The village of Steno stands on the 
last point of the hill on the north side of the pass, just within the opening. 
The road runs along the north bank of the river, and the defile is so 
narrow that there is scarcely room for both road and river. After 
passing through the defile of Steno we enter on the branch of the 
Tegean plain spoken of above ; it may be called the plain of Vertsova^ 
from the village of that name which stands in the southern part of it. 
In winter this plain is little better than a swamp ; the vineyards are 
then flooded. The road continues to run between the Saranta Potamos 
and the hills which bound the plain on the north. About a mile and a 
half after passing the village of Steno we pass the village of Hagiorgitika^ 
situated on a flat spur of the rugged hills on the left. 

About a mile farther on the road divides. The main road turns 
up a small valley to the left, then ascends the hills in a north-easterly 
direction, and making a great bend round the steep, conical, and isolated 
hill on the right (south) which is surmounted by the mined castle of 
Palaeo-Mouchli, descends through a winding glen into the plain of 
Achladokampos, This route is known as the Gyros, either fi-om the 
great circuit it makes or from its many windings. It is the line followed 
by the modem carriage-road, and no doubt the ancient carriage-road 
described by Pausanias went this way. 

The other road, known as * the ladder of the Bey * {Skala tou Bey\ 
holds on eastward across the plain to the foot of Mt. Parthenius (Mt. 



446 FROM TEGEA TO ARGOS bk, viil arcadia 

Rkoind), In the plain, near the chapel of Hagia Trias (the Holy 
Trinity), Mr. B^rard of the French Archaeological School discovered in 
1889 t^c remains of the two sanctuaries of 'Demeter in Corythenses' 
and Mystic Dionysus, which Pausanias mentions (§ 5). The remains 
consist of two small square foundations, built of large blocks of blue 
limestone. The westerly of the two foundations is the larger and is 
probably that of the temple of Demeter. Here was found an archaic 
statue of a seated woman, life-size but broken off at the knees ; her hair 
descends in long straight curls or braids on her shoulders and neck ; 
her hands rest on her knees. There was no back to the seat. The 
statue was painted, but the colours were mostly washed away by the 
rain. The material is a friable tufa. A statue of the same type was 
found a number of years ago at the khan of Franko-vrysi^ between 
Tegea and Megalopolis. The image may be that of Demeter. At all 
events the discovery of the temple enables us to fix the position of 
Corythenses (cp. viii. 45. i) ; it was the marshy plain of Vertsova, See 
V. B^rard, • Statue archaique de T^gde,* Bulletin de Corresp, helUmque^ 
14 (1890), pp. 382-384; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 236. Continuing our 
route beyond these ruins we reach the foot of Mt. Parthenius and ascend 
the slope by a path paved in the usual Turkish style with large unhewn 
blocks. The construction of this pavement, bad as it is, must have 
been a work of some labour, as the mountain consists entirely of bare 
jagged rocks. This is the true ' ladder of the Bey ' ; it is one of the 
wildest and most desolate tracks in Greece. It was here probably that 
Pan was said to have appeared to the runner Phidippides (see below). 
About half-way up the slope we pass a fountain and the abandoned 
khan of Partheni, The name is evidently a reminiscence of the 
ancient Parthenius, the name of the whole mountain, though the modem 
Greeks explain it by supposing that a chapel of the Virgin {Parthenos) 
formerly stood here. The summit of the ridge is reached in about half 
an hour from the plain. We then descend the eastern side of Mt. 
Parthenius, by steep zigzags, into the plain or valley of Achladokampos 
(* Plain of Wild Pears '). At the eastern end of the plain are the ruins 
of Hysiae. See ii. 24. 7 note. 

We now return to the point at which the * ladder of the Bey ' diverged 
from the Gyros road and follow the latter in its long circuit round the 
hill of Palaeo-Mouchli. Just at the point where the road, after ascend- 
ing the hills in a north-easterly direction, bends round to the south-east, 
a torrent descends from the mountains on the north and passes under 
the bridge across which the road is carried. On the left bank of this 
torrent, two minutes to the left (north) of the road are the remains of an 
ancient sanctuary of Artemis, discovered by Mr. V. B^rard in 1889, 
There are traces of a small enclosure built of large limestone blocks. 
Statuettes of Artemis with dedicatory inscriptions prove that the sanctuary 
belonged to that goddess. On the other side of the road rises to the 
south the high rocky cone, of which the summit, inaccessible on three 
sides, is crowned with the ruins called Palaeo-Mouchli. The place is 
capable of containing 20,000 inhabitants. The ruined Prankish castle 
is built partly on foundations of Cyclopean masonry, which probably 



CH. Liv FROM TEGEA TO ARGOS' 447 

belonged to an ancient fortress on the frontier between Arcadia and 
Argolis. Among the ruins are the remains of a Byzantine church. In 
the bed of the torrent at the southern foot of this rocky hill, L. Ross saw 
some fragments of an entablature of white marble, possibly remains of 
the precinct of Telephus or of the sanctuary of Pan (§ 6). The site of 
the latter sanctuary is perhaps fixed by an inscription on bronze, found 
by Mr. B^rard at the foot of the Palaeo-MouchlihxYL^ near the first support 
of the great viaduct over which the railway is to pass. Although the 
sanctuary of Pan appears hence to have stood on the circuitous Gyros 
road, it is probable that the famous meeting between Pan and the 
Athenian runner Phidippides (Herodotus, vi. 105 sq,) was alleged to 
have taken place on the other and shorter road, now called the ' ladder 
of the Bey ' ; for the runner, pressing in hot haste to Sparta with tidings 
of the Persian invasion, would certainly take the most direct route. He 
is said to have covered the distance between Athens and Sparta in 
two days. Moreover from Pausanias's description we infer that the 
sanctuary of Pan was on the eastern side of the ridge, whereas the 
inscription was found on the western side. 

After passing the ruined castle of Pakteo-Mouchli the road descends 
to the south-east through a winding gorge into the plain or valley of 
Achladokamposj where it is rejoined by the direct path called the 
« ladder of the Bey.* 

Intermediate between the two passes just described there is a third 
known as the Kake Skala or Evil Staircase, which goes through the gap 
that separates Mt Rhoino (Parthenius) proper frx)m Palaeo-Mouchli. It 
is an even worse path than the *• ladder of the Bey,' and ascends the 
declivity in zigzags, which are supported on the lower side by embank- 
ments. 

See Leake, Morea^ 2, p. 326 s^^. ; Gell, Itinerary of the Morea^ p. 173 ; 
Boblaye, RechercheSf j, 145 sq, ; L. Ross, Reisen, p. 148; Mure, yjwrwi/, 2. p. 
200 sq, ; Welcker, Tagebucky i. p. 196 x^. ; Curtius, Pelop, i. p. 260 sq, ; 
Vischer, Erinnerungen, pp. 335, 341 ; Baedeker,* p. 276 ; Guide-Joanm^ 2. p. 
235 sqq, ; Philippson, Peloponnes, p. 84 sq. ; W. Loring, m Journal of Hellenic 
Studies, 15 (1895), pp. 78-80. The tMti katavothra of the Saranta Potamcs near 
Vertsova was examined by Mr. Siderides, a Greek engineer, at the end of 1891. 
See Reime de Geographies May 1892, p. 343 sqq, 

54. 7. the tortoiBes are sacred to Pan etc. At Troezen it was 
forbidden to catch the sea tortoise (Clearchus, cited by Athenaeus, vii. 
p. 317 b). Land tortoises are still common in Greece; they may often 
be seen crawling across or beside the path. 

54. 7. Hysiae. See ii. 24. 7 note. 



END OF VOL. IV 



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