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PHILOLOGICAL STUDIES IN ANCIENT 
: GLASS 


By 


MARY LUELLA TROWBRIDGE 


A. Β. University of Illinois, 1915 
A. M. University of Illinois, 1916 


THESIS 


SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE 
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN CLASSICS IN THE 
GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF 
ILLINOIS, 1922 


REPRINTED From THE University or ILtino1s StupiEs ΙΝ LANGUAGE 
AND LireRATuRE, Volume XIII, Number 3-4, page 239 





PHILOLOGICAL STUDIES IN ANCIENT 
GLASS 


BY 


Mary LuELLA TROWBRIDGE 


Tue University or ILLINOIS 


1930 





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PREFACE 


In this study only Greek and Latin literature is considered; no 
attention is paid to the literature of other nations, Egyptian, 
Babylonian and the like, unless it exists in an ancient Greek or 
Latin version. In excerpting the written records of all kinds a 
great deal of time was necessarily consumed because many of 
the works, as for example the Greek medical writers, do not con- 
tain satisfactory indices. For the Greek side the collections are not 
quite so exhaustive as for the Latin. Here the author enjoyed the 
invaluable services of so competent a scholar as Dr. J. B. Hofmann 
of Munich, who generously furnished, from the material of the 
Thesaurus Linguae Latinae, a complete list of the passages in which 
any word for glass was to be found. In general it is to be hoped that 
little of importance has been passed over in either field down to the 
fourth century after Christ. From that period onwards the collec- 
tions are no longer so extensive, particularly in patristic literature. 

Two sections of this study, written under the direction of Dr. 
W. A. Oldfather, were submitted in partial fulfillment of the re- 
quirements for the doctor’s degree in 1922. The completion of the 
other sections was made possible by the subsequent use of the 
libraries of the Universities of Illinois, Wisconsin, Utah, Columbia, 
Cornell, and Washington State College. 

The writer is glad to have this opportunity of expressing her 
thanks to Dr. W. A. Oldfather in particular, not only for suggesting 
the subject, but also for help in collecting material, for advice and 
criticism, and for assistance with the proof; to President A. S. 
Pease for many helpful suggestions and criticisms on the sections 
used as her thesis, and for material from his reading; to Drs. Rachel 
Sargent, J. C. Austin, A. F. Pauli, and Eunice Couch for valuable 
aid in reading the proof, and much helpful advice; to all the 
professors, librarians, and graduate students in the institutions in 
which the writer has worked, for assistance in many ways, or for 
making the facilities of the institutions available to her; and to the 
University of Illinois for publishing this study. 

Originally it had been the intention to publish the Latin text 
and the English translation of Heraclius and Theophilus upon the 


5 


6 PREFACE 


manufacture and coloring of glass, treatises which date from the 
early Middle Ages and undoubtedly contain much of the technical 
knowledge of late classical antiquity. However, since an entirely 
new text of these is in process of preparation, it has seemed best to 
omit that part of the study in the present publication. 

Mary TRrowsriDGE Honey 


I. The Purpose of this Study 
II. The Greek Words for Glass 


ESOS <P Rd Og πεν νὰ 
Borah ἐκ νον el) κω aida we εν 
EE Na ον νιν Re ὦ 
EER ia cc νον ον ie gun w lo μὰ Wind τ 
EES RIO NERO οὐρα Oh en aay 

ΝΞ me atin Words for Glass............0..6...020-- 
Ey ota ges ois wx alg Guia kv cian Ss 
Tag ΤΟΥ EIR I ia es pe νυ ας τ τω 
A pate aura a nS a Sea 
I SOS yc ge νιν ee Cagis cine 

wu ee Mtanulacture of Glass... ..... 0.0500. cece oe 
ete smaittonal Origin. 2252... ee ξεῖν: 
ERE ai. Ns SC ρον 
RC DO NAN se. eee A a 
menage of Glass. Oe ΠΥ ΜΠ τον Paar 
nen renin yh CSL 

ee eeanalacturing Centers... . 0.04. ee 

G. Evidence for the Importance of the Trade.... 

VY. The Uses of Glass as Recorded in Literature......... 
maoomment of Tnilidings... 2.0.66... se 

B. Imitation of Precious and Semiprecious Stones. 
IE A ὡς τ he WI a os ven 

ΠΝ Ἐπ τς deg cd echoes mae 
NM eo he a, cae, wien 
a aN sab a a Masri 
TRIES STEPS RE εν eae PRA SONS RI eae em 
Son Yee Ga le a dn ον ον 
ERIE gs od wea ae ne 
oneal wuniinary ... οὐ νυ el ke Se 
ING oc ὩΣ con AR ie eth. acne Se NL 


Index 


TABLE OF CONTENTS 


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Se ere. δ δ δ 2 6 δ 68 £2 rr te Φδ' δ. δ . ὃ 








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i. 





“τῷ 





I. THE PURPOSE OF THIS STUDY 


Since almost every important excavation adds something to the 
treasures of glass, it is not strange that archaeologists should find 
in the study of the objects themselves an unending source of interest. 
Consequently the history of glass has been admirably treated from 
an archaeological standpoint, most recently, for example, in the 
exhaustive work, Das Glas im Altertume, by Anton Kisa. In the 
present study, therefore, there will be no use of the actual objects 
found, except incidentally; literary evidence alone will be considered, 
and that of all kinds. This, then, is a linguistic and historical study 
solely, intended to supplement from the side of written or inscrip- 
tional records the works on archaeology. 

From the linguistic point of view the Greek and Latin words for 
glass will be treated; from the historical, both the manufacture 
of glass and its uses. In the first place, the purpose of this study is 
to take up chronologically the different Greek words by which 
glass was designated, such as kyanos, lithos chyté, hyalos, and 
krystallos, as well as the Latin vitrum, and discuss their etymology, 
orthography, derivatives and compounds, and meaning. 

On the historical side the archaeologist can go back much farther 
than any one who is simply searching through written records. By 
chemical analysis he can find out what materials were used; by 
an examination of actual objects he can tell how they were made; 
by the discovery of the glass ovens he can locate some of the chief 
manufacturing centers; from the amount of glass discovered, its 
particular variety, and the place of discovery, he can draw con- 
clusions as to the importance of the trade. The present study aims 
to supplement all this with what the Greeks and Romans themselves 
record of the manufacture of glass, of the story they tell of its 
origin, of the materials, where to obtain them and what proportions 
to use, of how to build the furnace, and color and handle the molten 
glass, of the different kinds of glass, and where they were made. 
And, furthermore, if it were not for literary evidence, especially 
the Roman law, there would not be even a glimpse of the social 
standing of the workmen who made these beautiful objects. From 
the classification of glass with precious metals, from the incidents 
recorded in history, and from the laws, comes otherwise unobtainable 


9 


10 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [240 


evidence for the importance of the trade. Although the museums 
contain many glass objects not mentioned in literature, there are a 
few things recorded in literature which are known only from that 
source, as, for instance, the use of glass compounded with other sub- 
stances as a medicine. The different objects will be treated chrono- 
logically in the order in which they are first mentioned in literature.1 
Even if there are few new uses to be recorded, the incidents told 
about the objects may be of interest, and the date? of the first 
recorded instance of employment for one purpose or another will 
have a certain degree of importance as a modest contribution to the 
history of material civilization. Throughout, then, in the historical 
part as well as in the philological, my aim is solely to supplement 
the study of actual monuments with literary evidence. 


! Of course this method of listing the uses of glass is without prejudice to the 
question of the relative date at which glass was actually employed for different 
purposes. Archaeological evidence is of prime importance for that aspect of the 
general problem, and literary evidence must in this respect be used with circum- 
spection, since, strictly speaking, it affords usually only the terminus post quem. 

2 In listing dates Roman numerals stand for the centuries before Christ and 
Arabic numerals for those after Christ. 


Il. THE GREEK WORDS FOR GLASS 
A. Kyanos 


In Homer there is no instance of hya/os, the word by which glass 
was designated in later times; nevertheless glass in the form of paste 
or enamel was known and referred to by the term kyanos. It is 
mentioned in the description of the palace of Alcinous, about the 
bronze walls of which there ran a frieze of kyanos.1 In the hut of 
Nestor there was a table with feet of kyanos.? Its use in the decora- 
tion of armor, however, seems to have been especially widespread. 
The breastplate of Agamemnon was inlaid with kyanos, gold, and tin; 
the central boss of his shield was of the same material, as well as 
the snakes on his breastplate and baldric.? On the shield of Achilles 
a ditch of kyanos ran about the vineyard.4| Somewhat later the 
author of the Shield of Herakiles, a work of the Hesiodic school, 
speaks, probably in imitation of Homer, of ‘zones’ or ‘concentric 
bands’ of kyanos upon the shield of that hero.® 

From the early poets no idea of the nature of this substance 
can be obtained, but something can be learned concerning its color 
and appearance. Homer calls the kyanos on the armor melas, 
‘black,’ which probably means no more than ‘dark.’ As an adjective 


x ν 


1 Od. 7, 87(86): χάλκεοι μὲν yap τοῖχοι ἐληλέδατ᾽ ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα, | ἐς μυχὸν ἐξ 
οὐδοῦ, περὶ δὲ θριγκὸς κυάνοιο. Schol. E on Od. 7, 87: κυάνοιο δὲ ὁ ἔχων τὴν βαθὴν 
ἀπὸ τοῦ κυάνου εἶδος βάμματος ὄντος" κύανος, κυάνεος, κυανοῦν, ὡς χρύσεος, χρύσειος, 
χρυσοῦν" ὅστις κύανος ἐστὶ μέλας. Eust. 1570, 28: ὁ δὲ κύανος, χρῶμά τι μέλαν ἐξ οὗ 
τὸ κυάνειον μετουσιαστικῶς, ἀφ᾽ οὗ κυάνεον καὶ κυανοῦν. κυάνεος δὲ νῦν ὁ θριγκὸς τῷ 
τείχει, ὡς dy οὕτως ἀεροειδὲς τὸ μετέωρον φαίνοιτο. 

2 I], 11, 629 (628): ἥ σφωιν πρῶτον μὲν ἐπιπροΐηλε τράπεζαν | καλὴν κυανόπεζαν 
ἐύξοον. Cf. Schol. A. Eust. 867, 27: τὸ δὲ κυανόπεζαν μετὰ τοῦ τράπεζαν ἔχει μέν τι 
κάλλους διὰ τὸ ὁμοῖο κατάληκτον᾽ δηλοῖ δὲ οὐ μόνον τὴν ἀπὸ κυάνου ἔχουσαν τοὺς 
πόδας, καθὰ καὶ ἀργυρόπεζα λέγεται ἡ ἐξ ἀργύρου, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν ἔχουσαν κυανέαν 
τὴν πέζαν, ὅ ἐστι τὸν ἔξω κύκλον, καθά, φασιν οἱ παλαιοί. 

5.77. 11, 24ff.: τοῦ δ᾽ ἦ τοι δέκα οἶμοι ἔσαν μέλανος κυάνοιο, | δώδεκα δὲ χρυσοῖο 
καὶ εἴκοσι κασσιτέροιο" | κυάνεοι δὲ δράκοντες ὀρωρέχατο προτὶ δειρὴν | τρεῖς 
ἑκάτερθ᾽.. .. ἐν δὲ οἱ ὀμφαλοὶ ἦσαν ἐείκοσι κασσιτέροιο | λευκοί, ἐν δὲ μέσοισιν ἔην 
μέλανος κυάνοιο .. .. τῆς δ᾽ ἐξ ἀργύρεος τελαμὼν ἦν αὐτὰρ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ | κυάνεος 
ἐλέλικτο δράκων. Interlin. οἱ. in A (11. 11, 24): κυάνοιο: μέλανος, καταπληκτικοῦ. 
Eust. 828, 20: κύανος δὲ εἷδός τι χρώματος μέλανος, ἐξ οὗ τὸ κυάνειον, καὶ ὑφαιρέσει 
τοῦ διχρόνου κυάνεον, καὶ ἐν συναιρέσει κυανοῦν. Cf. Schol. BL on 11, 24. 

41]. 18, 564: ἀμφὶ δὲ κυανέην κάπετον. 

5 Hes. Sc. 143: κυάνου δὲ διὰ πτύχες ἠλήλαντο. 


II 


12 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [242 


or in compounds he uses it to refer to the hair,® the beard,’ the 
brow,® the eyes,® the clouds,!* the phalanx," the prows of ships,” the 
sands of Charybdis," and the robe of Thetis.14 When the hair of 
Poseidon is mentioned, it would not seem altogether inappropriate 
to consider it as resembling the dark blue of the sea.4* The eyes of 
Amphitrite also would doubtless be blue; but in none of the other 
instances is there any suggestion of blueness. Some of them could 
be black, but all of the references convey at least the idea of dark- 
ness.!6 What then was this dark material used upon walls, shields, 
and tables? 

Theophrastus (S.IV/III) is the first to say anything about the 
nature of the substance. “‘Kyanos, too,” he writes, “is both natural 
and artificial, as in Egypt. There afe three kinds of kyanos: the 
Egyptian, the Scythian, and third,the Cyprian. The Egyptian is best 
for the darker colors; the Scythian for the lighter.17 The Egyptian 
is artificial. And those who write about the kings also record which 


δ Usually as an epithet of Poseidon, J/..13, 563 (562): ἀμενήνωσεν δέ of αἰχμὴν | 
κυανοχαῖτα Ποσειδάων, βιότοιο weynpas. 11]. 14, 390; 15, 174, 201; 20,144. Od. 3, 6; 
9, 528; 9, 536: ὡς ἔφατ᾽ εὐχόμενος, τοῦ δ᾽ ἔκλυε κυανοχαίτης. Of a horse, J/. 20, 224. 
Of Hector, 11. 22, 402 (401): ἀμφὶ δὲ χαῖται | κυάνεαι πίτναντο. Cf. Eust. 1276, 26. 

7 Od. τό, 176: κυάνεαι δ᾽ ἔγένοντο γενειάδες ἀμφὶ γένειον. Cf. Eust. 1798, 63; 
1799, 19, 25. 

8 J]. 1, 528, of Zeus: ἦ καὶ Kvavejow ἐπ᾽ ὀφρύσι νεῦσε Kpoviwy. Schol. BLV: 
κυάνεαι δὲ αἱ μέλαιναι Kal ai καταπληκτικαί. Cf. 71. 17, 209. Of Hera, 12. 15, 102. 
Cf. Eust. 1008, 2ff. 

* Od. 12, 60 (59), of Amphitrite: προτὶ δ᾽ αὐτὰς | κῦμα μέγα ῥοχθεῖ κυανώπιδος 
᾿Αμφιτρίτης. 

1077. 5, 345 (344): καὶ τὸν μὲν μετὰ χερσὶν ἐρύσατο Φοῖβος ᾿Απόλλων Kvaven 
νεφέλῃ. 7]. τ6, 66. Cf. Eust. 1046, 9. 17. 20, 418; 23, 188. Cf. Eust. 1295, 34. Od. 
42,°76...04. Hat. 1714, 5. Ode τὸ, ΟΝ Τὰ, 903. 

1 7], 4, 282 (280): τοῖαι ἅμ᾽ Αἰάντεσσι διοτρεφέων αἰζηῶν | δήιον és πόλεμον 
πυκιναὶ κίνυντο φάλαγγες | κυάνεαι. 

2 I]. 15, 693ff.: ὡς Ἕκτωρ ἴθυσε νεὸς κυανοπρῴροιο ἀντίος ἀίξας. [1]. 15, 692; 
23, 852, 878. Od. 3, 299; 9, 482, 539; 11, 6; 12, 100, 148, 354; 14, 311; 22, 465. 

13 Od. 12, 243 (242): ὑπένερθε δὲ γαῖα φάνεσκε | ψάμμῳ Kvaven. 

4 7], 24, 94 (93): ὡς ἄρα φωνήσασα κἀλυμμ᾽ ἕλε δῖα θεάων | κυάνεον, τοῦ δ᾽ οὔ τι 
μελάντερον ἔπλετο ἔσθος. 

18 Of course, sea-green is also possible, but hair is seldom, if ever, greenish in 
appearance, and the southern seas, unlike those of the north, are predominantly 
blue, not green, in color. 

16 The scholiasts on Homer, and Eustathius, had the feeling that kyanos was 
melas. In Greek literature kyanos and melas are applied to the same things, as the 
aegis, horses, hair, eyes, water, ships, and the like. See Ebeling, Lex. Homer. 1, 
g20ff. 

17 Literally, “The Egyptian is best for the pure pigments; the Scythian for the 
weaker.” 


243] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 13 


king first melted kyanos so as to imitate the natural, and that when 
gifts are being sent by some, from Phoenicia there is sent a tribute 
of kyanos, both unfired and burnt. And those who grind the pig- 
ments say that kyanos of itself makes four colors, the first lighter 
from the thinner parts, and the other darker from the thicker.’’8 
As for the natural kyanos he speaks of two kinds, a lighter and a 
darker,!® from the color of which the sapphire is not far removed.?° 
It is found with metals*! and contains a trace of a golden color,” 
which would give it a glistening appearance. Dhioscorides (8.1) 
mentions only the kyanos of Cyprus.** Theophrastus is followed 
more or less accurately by Pliny (8.1) in his Natural History, where 
in one place he uses caeruleum™ for kyanos, and in another the 
transliterated form, cyanos.% He adds little except that in his own 
day there was a preference for the caeruleum of Cyprus.” 
Theophrastus had to be interpreted before his description could 
throw any light on the kyanos of the early poets. It was not until 


18 De Lap. 55: ἔστι δέ, ὥσπερ Kal μίλτος ἡ μὲν αὐτόματος ἡ δὲ τεχνική, Kal κύανος 
ὁ μέν αὐτοφυὴς ὁ δὲ σκευαστὸς ὥσπερ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ. γένη δὲ κυάνου τρία, ὁ αἰγύπτιος, 
καὶ σκύθης, καὶ τρίτος ὁ κύπριος. βέλτιστος δ᾽ ὁ αἰγύπτιος εἰς τὰ ἄκρατα λειώματα, 
ὁ δὲ σκύθης εἰς τὰ ὑδαρέστερα. σκευαστὸς δ᾽ ὁ αἴγύπτιος. καὶ οἱ γράφοντες τὰ περὶ 
τοὺς βασιλεῖς καὶ τοῦτο γράφουσι, τίς πρῶτος βασιλεὺς ἐποίησε χυτὸν κύανον 
μιμησάμενος τὸν αὐτοφυῆ, δῶρά τε πέμπεσθαι παρ᾽ ἄλλων τε καὶ ἐκ Φοινίκης φόρον 
κυάνου, τοῦ μὲν ἀπύρου τοῦ δὲ πεπυρωμένου, φασὶ δὲ οἱ τὰ φάρμακα τρίβοντες τὸν 
μὲν κύανον ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ ποιεῖν χρώματα τέτταρα, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐκ τῶν λεπτοτάτων 
λεπτότατον, τὸ δὲ δεύτερον ἐκ παχυτάτων μελάντατον. 

19 Thid. 31: καλεῖται δὲ καὶ κύανος ὁ μὲν ἄρρην ὁ δὲ θῆλυς" μελάντερος δὲ ὁ ἄρρην. 

20 Tbid. 37: καὶ ἣν καλοῦσι σἀπφειρον᾽ αὕτη γὰρ μέλαινα οὐκ ἄγαν πόρρω τοῦ 
κυάνου τοῦ ἄρρενος καὶ πρασίτις. 

Ἵ Ibid. 51: εὑρίσκεται δὴ πάντα ἐν τοῖς μετάλλοις τοῖς ἀργυρείοις τε καὶ χρυσείοις, 
ἔνια δὲ καὶ ἐν τοῖς χαλκορυχείοις, οἷον ἀρρενικόν, σανδαράκη, χρυσοκόλλα, μίλτος, 
ὦχρα, κύανος᾽ ἐλάχιστος δὲ οὗτος καὶ Kar’ ἐλάχιστα. 

22 Ibid. 39: καὶ κύανος αὐτοφυὴς ἔχων ἐν ἑαυτῷ χρυσοκόλλαν. 

% 5,106: κύανος δὲ γεννᾶται μὲν ἐν Κύπρῳ ἐκ τῶν χαλκουργῶν μετάλλων" 6 δὲ 
πλείων ἐκ τῆς αἰγιαλίτιδος ἄμμου, εὑρισκόμενος κατά τινας σπηλαιώδεις ὑποσκαφὰς 
τῆς θαλάσσης, ἥτις καὶ διαφέρει. 

4 33, 161: caeruleum harena est. huius genera tria fuere antiquitus: Aegyptium 
maxime probatur; Scythicum mox diluitur facile et cum teritur, in quattuor colores 
mutatur, candidiorem nigrioremve et crassiorem tenuioremve; praefertur huic 
etiamnum Cyprium. 

* 37, 119: redditur et per se cyanos, accomodato paulo ante et iaspidi nomine a 
colore caeruleo. optima Scythica, dein Cypria, postremo Aegyptia adulteratur 
maxime tinctura, idque in gloria est regum Aegypti; adscribitur et qui primus 
tinxit. dividitur autem et haec in mares feminasque. inest ei aliquando et aureus 
pulvis, non qualis sappiris; in his enim aurum punctis conlucet. See Blimner, 
P.-W, 11, 2239. 

* By caeruleum the Romans understood a kind of pigment. See Bliimner, 
Tech. u. Term. 4, 499ff.; Thes. Ling. Lat. 3, 107. 


14 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [244 


Lepsius,?” by an interpretation of the Egyptian inscriptions and by 
chemical analysis, identified the three kinds, that its nature was 
understood. The view of Lepsius was accepted and further de- 
veloped by Helbig.28 They identified the natural kyanos of Scythia 
with lapis lazuli and the color obtained from it; the caeruleum 
Cyprium of Pliny, the kyanos of Cyprus, with the blue pigment 
found in crystals or in the earth near copper-beds, that is azurite, a 
form of copper ore; the artificial kyanos of Egypt with glass paste 
resembling the others in color. Since Cyprus, which was noted for 
its copper, was under Phoenician control for a long time, the unfired 
kyanos taken by the Phoenicians to the Egyptian king was identified 
with the azurite from the copper-beds. The next step was to con- 
jecture that the kyanos of Homer’s palace was an artificial blue 
glass-paste,?* and this view was confirmed by the discovery of just 
such a frieze at Tiryns.3° The decoration on the shields would 
naturally be of the same material. Since Cyprus was noted for its 
kyanos, it may be of some significance that the breastplate of 
Agamemnon was a gift from Cinyras, king of that island. Although 
this is not the only interpretation,®? it seems the most logical;** 


7 Die Metalle in den agypt. Inschriften (Abhandl. d. Berl. Akad. (1871), 69-79, 
130ff.). 

28 Das homer. Epos, ed. 2 (1887), 100ff. 

29 Tbid. 106. An alchemical writer speaks of Ayalos called kyanos, however, 
probably referring to the color of the glass. Berthelot, Collection, 349, 4: 
ὁμοῦ εὑρήσεις ὕελον βένετον, τὸν λεγόμενον κύανον. 

ὅ0 Schlieman, Tiryns (1885), 284ff.; Miller, Die Gr. Staats-, Kriegs-u. Privat- 
altertiimer (1887), 348; Baumeister, Denkmdiler, 3(1888), Taf. 77; Van Leeuwen et 
Mendes da Costa, Homeri Od. Carm. (1890), on 7, 87; Schuchhardt, Schliemann’ s 
Excavations, 141 (Trans. by Sellers (1891), 116); Kavvadias, Προϊστορικὴ 
"Apxatodoyia (1909), 199; Finsler, Homer (1913), 296; Drerup, Homer, ed. 2 
(1915), 51; Hall, deg. Arch. (1915), 198. 

31 7], 11, 21ff.: πεύθετο yap Κύπρονδε μέγα κλέος, οὕνεκ᾽ ᾿Αχαιοὶ | és Τροίην 
νήεσσιν ἀναπλεύσεσθαι ἔμελλον" | τοὐνεκά οἱ τὸν δῶκε χαριζόμενος βασιλῆι. 

82 Kyanos was long rendered by “blue steel.”” See Blummer, P.-W. 11, 2242. 
Sir Arthur Evans in The Palace oy Minos (1921), identifies kyanos with cobalt blue 
534: “In the earlier part of the Middle Minoan Age a deep natural blue was in 
use. Somewhat later, however, a blue of brilliant cobalt hue, a crystalline silicate 
of copper, begins to take its place, and by the beginning of the Late Minoan Age 
the predominance of this splendid pigment was fully established. It is clear that this 
is identical with the blue pigment early in use in Egypt and may be regarded as an 
Egyptian product. Its frequent use in Crete from the closing phase of the Middle 
Minoan Period onwards is one of the many indications of close commercial relations 
with the Nile Valley. This material is the classical ‘kyanos’ and mediaeval 
‘smalt.’” 374: “.... Late Minoan frescoes in which the bright “kyanos’ or cobalt 
blue was so much employed.” Jd. 472: “Cobalt paste formed of pounded kyanos.” 


“πρὸ ae 


245] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS τς 


however, the identification of the kyanos of the frieze with glass 
does not go unquestioned, for there is also the possibility that the 
author had in mind a natural kyanos.* 

As a substantive kyanos does not occur frequently in later 
literature, and when it does, it is often clearly a reminiscence of 
Homer. Plato (S. V / IV)*4 describes the Styx as having a color like 
that of kyanos. Eratosthenes’ (S. II1)#4* mention of “zones darker 
than shining kyanos” brings to mind at once the inlaid work on the 
Homeric shields. When kyanos was used for the adornment of 
surfaces, at first glass-paste was meant, and later a kind of paint. 
The latter would present a shining appearance, and when applied to 
a quill,®* it is spoken of as porphyrion, ‘dark.’ It was also used for 
painting walls* and little toy figures or idols.?? In the field of natural 
history kyanos is the name of a bird** and of plants,?® applied no 
doubt because of their color. 


In describing the same inlaid gaming board, 473: ‘“‘plaster coated with blue paste 
of kyanos.” 

32a Hall, op. cit. 204, on the gaming board mentioned above: “Blue paste formed 
of pounded lapis-lazuli-like glass, the Homeric kyanos.” Cunliffe, 4 Lex. of the Hom. 
Dial. (1924), 5. v. Kavos: “‘glass paste or enamel coloured with a pigment doubtless 
to be identified with the pigment of brilliant cobalt hue largely used in the palace at 
Cnossus.” Knapp (The Class. Weekly, 18 (1924), 57-58). 

88 Bliimner, P.-W. 11, 2242. 

34 Phaedo, 113Bf.: τούτου δὲ αὖ καταντικρὺ ὁ τέταρτος ἐκπίπτει εἰς τόπον πρῶτον 
δεινόν τε καὶ ἄγριον ὡς λέγεται, χρῶμα δ᾽ ἔχοντα ὅλον οἷον ὁ κύανος, ὃν δὴ ἐἔπονο- 
μάζουσι Στύγιον. 

$48 Achill. Tat. Zsag. (Pair. Gr. 19, 980C): ᾿Ερατοσθένης ἐν τῷ Ἑ,ρμῇ λέγων" 
, πέντε δὲ ai ζῶναι περιειλάδες ἐσπείρηνται᾽ at δύο μὲν γλαυκοῖο κελαινότεραι κυάνοιο. 

% Crinagoras (Anth. Pal. 6, 229): Αἰετοῦ ἀγκυλοχείλου ἀκρόπτερον ὀξὺ σιδήρῳ | 
γλυφθέν, καὶ βαπτῇ πορφύρεον κυάνῳ. 

% Paus. 5, 11, 5: τούτων τῶν ἐρυμάτων ὅσον μὲν ἀπαντικρὺ τῶν θυρῶν ἔστιν, 
ἀλήλιπται κυανῷ μόνον. 

7 Luc. Lexiph. 22: ws νῦν γε ἔἐλελήθεις σαυτὸν τοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν κοροπλάθων ἐς τὴν 
ἀγορὰν πλαττομένοις ἐοικώς, κεχρωσμένος μὲν τῇ μίλτῳ καὶ τῷ κυάνῳ, τὸ δ᾽ ἔνδοθεν 
πήλινος τε καὶ εὔθρυπτος ὦν. 

88 Arist. H. 4. 9, 18, 21: ἔστι δέ τις πετραῖος ᾧ ὄνομα κύανος" οὗτος ὁ ὄρνις ἐν 
Νισύρῳ μάλιστά ἐστιν, ποιεῖται δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῶν πετρῶν τὰς διατριβάς. τὸ δὲ μέγεθος 
κοττύφου μὲν ἔλάττων, σπίζης δὲ μείζων μικρῷ. μελανόπους δέ, καὶ πρὸς τὰς πέτρας 
προσαναβαίνει. κυανοῦς ὅλος" τὸ δὲ ῥύγχος ἔχει λεπτὸν καὶ μακρόν, σκέλη δὲ βραχέα 
τῇ πιποῖ παρόμοια. According to Thompson, 4 Gloss. of Gr. Birds (1895), 103ff, this 
was probably the wall-creeper, Tichodroma muraria, L. 

39 Meleager (Anth. Pal. 4, 1, 39ff.): τοῖς δ᾽ ἅμ’ ᾿Αλεξάνδροιο νέους ὅρπηκας 
ἐλαίης, | ἠδὲ Πολυκλείτου πορφυρέην κύανον. Plin. N. H. 21, 68: in Italia violis suc- 
cedit rosa, huic intervenit lilium, rosam cyanus excipit, cyanum amaranthus. The 
name is at present applied to Centaurea Cyanus, L., the bachelor’s button. 


16 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [246 


If the glass-paste and azurite were called kyanos from their 
resemblance to lapis lazuli, the chief characteristic of kyanos would 
seem to be that of blueness. There is no reason to doubt that the 
kyanos of the poets was of that color. However, it is difficult to 
understand why the later use of the substantive and its derivatives 
and compounds does not convey solely that idea.4° That these do 
not do so is clear from their use even in Homer, as well as in later 
writers. A few scattered references‘ will serve to show the diver- 
gence of feeling concerning its color. 

Although the outstanding characteristic of kyanos and its 
derivatives in Homer is darkness, in nearly every instance they 
are applied to something that glistens. The snakes of kyanos are 
even compared with rainbows*! because of their bright, iridescent 
appearance. When Callimachus (δ, IV) uses kyaneos to describe 
pitch, he certainly thinks of it as black, but black and shining. 
Aristotle (S. IV)* mentions kyaneos and melas side by side, as 
if they were a little different. Kyaneos probably means blue in 
Philostratus’4 description (δ. 2/3) of a peacock fish, which is so 
named from its color, for the striking characteristic of the peacock’s 
feather is the remarkable eye-shaped patch of brilliant blue; but the 


40 Τῃ Latin compare the similar use of caeruleus, which is sometimes blue, 
sometimes dark, sometimes gleaming. See the articles on caeruleus and cyaneus 
in Thes. Ling. Lat. 

408 For a collection of references from Homer to Xenophon, see Platnauer 
(Class. Quart. 15 (1921), 160 f.). 

41 J], 11, 26f.: κυάνεοι δὲ δράκοντες ὀρωρέχατο προτὶ δειρὴν | τρεῖς ἑκάτερθ᾽, 
ἴρισσιν ἐοικότες. As a further development of this idea, the rainbow itself is called 
kyané. Cf. Dio Chrysost. Orat. 12, 414 R: ἢ ravbovra κυανῆν ἔριν. 

42 Hekale, Col. 4, 49: κυάνεον φὴ πίσσαν. 

48 Meteor. 15, 342A, 34f.: τοῦ φωτὸς ἐκ κυανέου καὶ μέλανος. Cf. Paus. 10, 28, 7; 
Luc. Quomodo Hist. 19. Chalcid. in Plat. Tim. 321 (F.P.G. 2,252): candido enim 
minimum distat quod dicitur pallidum aliquanto, plus quod appellatur rubrum, hoc 
amplius cyaneus color, plurimum vero nigredo. In drawing up a long list of the 
colors of painters Pollux also speaks of kyanos and black, but not of blue, so kyanos 
almost certainly stands for dark blue here. 7, 129: τὰ δὲ χρώματα, ἀνδρείκελον, 
ὄστρεον, πράσινον, κροκοειδές, κυανοῦν, κιννάβαρι, ξανθόν, φαιόν, φλογόλευκον, 
λευκόφαιον, λευκόν, μέλαν, μελαμβαφές. Apion, however, considers it the same as 
melas. Etym. Gud.: κυάνεον τὸ χρῶμα" καὶ τὸ μέλαν. Cf. Ludwich in Philologus, 
n.s. 28, 245. Joh. Diakonos, Scholia on Hesiod’s Theogony (Gaisford, 610, 10): 
κυάνεον ἐνταῦθα τὸ μέλαν, ἀλλαχοῦ δὲ τὸ ἠεράνεον. 

4 Vita Ap. 1,85: καὶ τοὺς ἰχθῦς τοὺς ταώς, οὗς οὗτος μόνος ποταμῶν τρέφει, 
πεποίηνται δὲ αὐτοὺς ὁμωνύμους τοῦ ὄρνιθος, ἐπεὶ κυάνεοι μὲν αὐτοῖς οἱ λόφοι, στικταὶ 
δὲ αἱ φολίδες, χρυσᾶ δὲ τὰ οὐραῖα καί, ὁπότε βούλοιντο, ἀνακλώμενα. On the color of 
the peacock cf. Dio Chrysost. Orat. 12, 11. 


247] 7 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 17 


quality of iridescence might also have been in mind, for the peacock’s 
feathers have that quality too, as does pitch, with which, as we 
have just seen, Callimachus compares kyanos. The same divergence 
is found also among the compounds of ἄγαμος. Pallas is called 
“She of the kyanos aegis.’’** The son of Aegialeus, the Argive, is 
Kyanippos, ‘Black-horse.’** When kyanos is used of water, the idea 
suggested is probably dark-blue-gleaming, when the reference is to 
the sea, but perhaps only dark, or dark-gleaming, when used of 
fresh water.“ The vault of the heavens*’ is probably thought of as 
radiant blue. 

In a study of glass it is impossible to consider in complete detail 
the later development of kyanos, its derivatives and compounds,‘® 
but a brief summary may be made from the lexicographers and ety- 
mologists of the fifth to the thirteenth centuries. In Hesychius 
(S. 5) the chief idea is that of darkness, if not of blackness, but he 
gives some instances where kyanos is used to indicate blueness, as 
the color of the heaven.4®? The same might be said of Photius (S. 9),°° 
and the Anecdota edited by Bachmann (S. g).*! In the latter, how- 


46 Pind. Οἱ. 13, 100ff.: κυάναιγις ἐν ὄρφνᾳ | κνὠσσοντί οἱ παρθένος τόσα εἰπειν | 
ἔδοξεν. Since the aegis was originally a goatskin, and every Greek must have felt 
that as he used the word, kyanos here can hardly mean anything but black. 

45a Wor others of this name see P.-W. 11, 2236ff. 

% Phryn. Praep. Soph. 78, 1f.: κυαναυγὴς θάλαττα, καὶ Kvavavyés ὕδωρ, Kal 
κυαναυγὴς ποταμός: and a diptych from Cairo (Bull. Corresp. Hellén. 28(1904), 
208): κυανωπὸν ὕδωρ. Cf. Homer’s ‘dark water’ (μέλαν ὕδωρ) used of the water of 
springs and rivers, on which see Ebeling, Lex. Homer. 1 (1885), 1038, col. 2, and 
for the rivers called Melas, no fewer than ten in number, see Pape-Benseler, Vérterd. 
4. griech. Eigennamen (1884) s. v. (in modern Greece also the Kephissos in Phokis 
is called Mavropotamos, ‘“Blackriver’). 

47 Synes. Hymn. 9, 45: σὺ δὲ ταρσὸν ἔλάσσας,  κυανάντυγος οὐρανοῦ  ὑπερήλαο 
νώτων, | σφαίρῇσι δ᾽ ἐπετάσθης | νοεραῖσιν ἀκηράτοις | ἀγαθῶν ὅθι παγά, | σιγὠ- 
μενος οὐρανός. 

48 For further references see the articles on kyanos, its derivatives and compounds 
in Pape-Benseler, op. cit.; Roscher, Ausfiihr. Lex. der gr. u. rim. Myth.; Thes. Gr. 
Ling.; Pauly-Wissowa. 

49 Tex.: kvaven’ pedaivy: dad. | xvavénor’ φαιαῖς. μελαναῖς. | κυάνεος" μέλας. 
σκοτεινός" ἔλέλικτο δράκων μέλας ἐν TS ἀναφορεῖ (Hsd. op. 528). | kvavéwv’ Μαύρων, 
Αἰθιόπων. | κυανόν᾽ εἶδος χρώματος οὐρανοειδές. | κυανόπεζα" μελανόπους | κυανός" 
θαλάττιον ὕδωρ. καὶ ὄρνις. | κυανοχαίτης᾽ μελανόθριξ. Ποσειδῶν. | ὑπερκυάνεον᾽ λίαν 
κυάνεον. 

50 Tex, (ed. Porson (1822)): κυανέοι: μέλανες | κυανοχαίτης: μελάνθριξ᾽ πορφυ- 
ρόθριξ᾽ ἸΤοσειδῶν | Σαρδόνιος γέλως... ἐπ᾽ ὀφρύσι κυανέῃσιν. 

_ Ly, 284, 8: κυάνεοι: μέλανες. 284, 10: κυανοχαίτης: μελάνθριξ. πορφυρόθριξ᾽ 
Ποσειδῶν. 


18 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [248 


ever, there is an exception: g/aukos is defined as ‘white, kyaneos.’® 
This definition is repeated in Suidas (δ, 10), the Etymologicum 
Gudianum (S. 11), and Zonaras (S. 12). In none of the instances 
considered has there been any suggestion of literal whiteness, but 
the opposite, and Philoponus (S. 6) rightly lists kyanos among the 
colors more closely akin to black.*® Reference has been made 
frequently, however, to the gleaming of kyanos, and it is very prob- 
able that at times it suggested simply something bright and shining. 
However, the Anecdota probably mean light-blue, or light-blue 
and glistening, for Plato says that a combination of kyanos and 
leukos produces glaukos.5” It is to be observed that kyanos (or 
kyaneos) is used merely as a gloss for g/aukos, not for /eukos, galakti 
eoikés, or the like, for in lexicographical definitions or synonyms, 
one cannot safely proceed upon the principle that things which are 
equal to the same thing are equal to each other, since it 1s not pre- 
cisely ‘the same thing’ for which the several glosses are proposed. 
Glaukos clearly meant ‘blue-bright,’ ‘gray-blue-bright,’ and it is 
probable that the gloss kyaneos may have arisen from the appli- 
cation of g/aukos in some poetical passage to an object that was 
commonly called kyaneos, or vice versa, from which the glosso- 
grapher’s deduction, that these words are used occasionally as 
roughly equivalent to one another, would be justified. Such objects 
would be the sea, water in general, eyes, hair, or mane (to all of 
which both g/aukos and kyaneos are actually applied). Zonaras** also 
gives the ordinary meanings for kyanos, as well as the Etymo/logi- 
cum Magnum.*® It may be because of the deep shade of kyanos, 


82 185, 12: γλαυκός: λευκός, κυάνεος. Cf. Hesych. 

53 §. v. γλαυκός: λευκός, κυάνεος. 

54 (Ed. Sturz), 126, 3: γλαυκός, λευκός, κυανός, γάλακτι ἐοικὼς THY σάρκα καὶ τὰ 
ὄμματα. 

55 Tex. 438: γλαυκός. κυανός, ἢ λευκός, ἢ πυρώδη τὰ ὄμματα ἔχων. 

ὅ6 On Aristotle’s de Anima, 2, 406, 29: τὰ δὲ ἔγγυτέρω τοῦ μέλανος, ὡς τὸ κυαν- 
οῦν. 

57 Tim. 68C: λαμπρῷ δὲ λευκὸν συνελθὸν καὶ εἰς μέλαν κατακορὲς ἐμπεσὸν κυανοῦν 
χρῶμα ἀποτελεῖται, κυανοῦ δὲ λευκῷ κεραννυμένου γλαυκόν, πυρροῦ δὲ μέλανι 

ν 
πράσιον. 

58 Tex, 1262: κυανοχαίτης, μελανόθριξ. κυανὸν γὰρ τὸ μέλαν, καὶ χαίτη ἡ θρίξ. 
1268: κυανόν. τὸ μέλαν. 

59 642, 48: κυανός: ἐκ τοῦ κῦμα γίνεται κυμανός" καὶ ἀποβολῇ τοῦ M, κυανός, ὁ 
μέλας. κυάνειος, κυάνεος" καὶ ἡ κυανέα τῆς κυανέας. 641, 28: ψάμμῳ κυανέξῃ, ἀντὶ τοῦ 
κυανίζουσα. 692, 32: κυανοπρωΐρους" καὶ παρὰ Σιμωνίδῃ, κυανοπρώϊραν. 718, 33: +--+ 
ἕως τοῦ στομίου τοῦ Πόντου, ἔνθα εἰσὶν καὶ ai Κυάνεαι πέτραι. 


249] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 1g 


which was called me/as even in Homer and Theophrastus, that the 
idea of blueness gave way almost entirely to that of darkness. Or 
the original may have been simply the “dark-gleaming,’ which would 
be applicable to lapis lazuli because of its dark, glistening ap- 
pearance (compare the passage quoted above in which Callimachus 
compares kyanos to pitch). 

When there is such a divergence among ancient writers in their 
conception of the nature and color of kyanos, it is not strange that 
modern scholars should be puzzled by the word. The attempt to 
compare it with the Sanscrit ¢j4-md-s, ‘black,’ has been abandoned,*° 
and as yet the etymology is unknown." 

To summarize, then, it seems pretty certain that glass-paste 
was first called kyanos from its similarity to some natural stone or 
mineral. When actual glass, in the common meaning of the term, 
became better known, it was designated by a new term, because, 
no doubt, it was thought to be a different substance from kyanos. 
But the word by which glass-paste was originally known, went on 
developing new compounds and new derivatives which seldom, if 
ever, give any suggestion of material, but rather of color, sometimes 
blue, sometimes black, usually simply the idea dark, glistening, 
iridescent, or dark-gleaming. This last may have been the original 
idea from which the others developed in two directions, one em- 
phasizing the idea of darkness, the other that of glistening or 
gleaming. 


B. Lithos Chyté 


For a long time the Greeks had no special word to designate 
glass in general. Although kyanos stood for a form of glass-paste, 
from the literary evidence there is no indication that it was applied 
except when the glass-paste was used in the adornment of surfaces. 
Very soon other uses for glass must have become familiar from 
imported wares and from the stories of travelers. A name was needed 
for new objects differing in form and color from the early kyanos. 
Herodotus (5S. V) speaks of the material of which they were made as 
‘molten stone,’ /ithos chyté.: It is difficult to say whether this name 
was applied to glass because it was formed from melted silicates, 

0 Benfey in G. Curtius, Gr. Etym. ed. 5 (1879), 546; 612. 

*! Boisacq, Dict. tym. de la Lang. Grec. (1916), 527. 


1 Froehner, La Verrerie Antique, 4, thinks that Herodotus probably translated 
an Egyptian expression. 


20 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [250 


or because after a process of melting, a product resembling precious 
stones or crystals resulted, but more probably the latter, since the 
silicates used were generally in the form of sand, which the Greeks 
would scarcely have called stone. 

Since kyanos was first imitated in Egypt, it is quite appropriate 
that the first use of /ithos chyté should be in connection with that 
country. Herodotus? says that about Thebes and Lake Moeris the 
people had sacred crocodiles which they adorned with earrings of 
glass and gold. The use of glass to imitate gems would be one of the 
simplest. Since Aya/os occurs side by side with /ithos chyté, the latter 
may have stood for some special variety. Possibly Plato (δ. V/IV)? 
was thinking both of glass and some particular form of it, such as 
paste gems, when he uses the expression, “all the kinds of stone that 
are called molten,” listing them together as having less water than 
earth, among the things subject to the liquifying effect of fire. Al- 
though this expression does not occur frequently in literature, it 
must have been fairly well established, for the last mention of it 
occurs over two centuries after the first. Perhaps Epinicus (S. III)4 
considered a goblet of ‘molten stone’ more suitable for poetry than 
one of Aya/os, which was certainly a more common term by his time. 

Sometimes glass was called simply /ithos (fem.), ‘stone.’ That 
appellation may have arisen later as an abbreviation of Jithos chyté, 
or simply like the longer expression because of the resemblance of 
glass to natural substances of a vitreous appearance. In Aristo- 
phanes’ C/ouds* Strepsiades asks of Socrates, “Have you ever seen at 
the druggists’ that stone, the beautiful, the transparent one, by 
which they kindle fire?” Socrates queries, ‘““You speak of the hyalos?” 
To be sure, the nature of glass was not very well understood as yet, 
and hyalos, by which it was later universally known, was sometimes 
applied to other transparent substances. However, there is no par- 


we 69: ἐκ πάντων δὲ ἕνα ἑκάτεροι τρέφουσι κροκόδειλον δεδιδαγμένον εἶναι χειροή- 
θεα, ἀρτήματά τε λίθινα χυτὰ καὶ χρύσεα ἐς τὰ ὦτα ἐνθέντες. 

3 Tim. 61B: τὰ μὲν ἔλαττον ἔχοντα ὕδατος ἢ γῆς τό τε περὶ τὴν cu γένος ἅπαν 
ὅσα τε λίθων χυτὰ εἴδη καλεῖται. 

4 Apud Athen. 10, 432C: γέροντα Θάσιον τόν τε γῆς an’ ᾿Ατθίδος  ἑσμὸν 
μελίσσης τῆς ἀκραχόλου γλυκὺν | συγκυρκανήσας ἐν σκύφῳ χυτῆς λίθου. 

5 Nub. γ668.: ΣΤΡ. ἤδη παρὰ τοῖσι φαρμακοπώλαις τὴν λίθον | ταύτην ἑόρακας, 
τὴν καλήν, τὴν διαφανῆ, | ad’ ἧς τὸ πῦρ ἅπτουσι; DOK. τὴν ὕαλον λέγεις ; ; Blaydes, 
Aristophanes’ Nubes (1890), 101, n. 767, has amended καλήν to χυτήν without any 
substantial justification. Cf. p. 179, n. 6. 


251] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 21 


ticular reason to think that the burning-glass was of crystal® here. 
To be sure, it is called a stone,’ but that does not suggest a crystal 
any more than it does the other name for glass. In the Periplus 
of Scylax (S. [V)® the Phoenicians are described as taking the ‘Egyp- 
tian stone’ to the West Africans. From the first the Greeks seemed to 
connect the manufacture of glass with Egypt, and it is not surprising 
that it should be called simply the ‘Egyptian stone.’ Gems and other 
trifles of glass would be most profitable for trade among less civilized 
peoples.* Four centuries later, in the Periplus of the Red Sea the 
Egyptians are spoken of as exporting to the Berbers many kinds of 
lithia hyalé made at Diospolis. In one instance they are called 
simply /ithia.1. From the diminutive form doubtless the nature 
of the articles of trade is indicated. Probably there is a reference to 
the making of glass in Bekker’s Lexica,!* where he calls an oven “a 
contrivance in which earthenware and stone (/ithos) are baked.” 

Sometimes J/ithos chyté is said to be an older name for hAya/os.¥ 
It is not employed before Herodotus, who also speaks of hya/os, 
although he could not have used the latter of actual glass. Before 
his time, however, Corinna (S. VI/V) used the adjectival form of 
hyalos, and very soon the word occurs with the meaning ‘glass.’ It 
is true that /ithos chyté appears first in literature later than hyalos, 
but the two words are used at the same time and occur side by side. 
The real reason for thinking that /ithos chy#é is the older expression 

6 To be sure there is a gloss on v. 766 in R and V τὴν λίθον" τὸν κρύσταλλον, but 
this is ambiguous, for κρύσταλλος seems occasionally to have been used for glass 
(see below, p. 53); among the Romans crystallum must often mean nothing more 
than glass, see Blimner, Tech. u. Term. 4, 386, while the more elaborate scholia in 
R and V on v. 768 speaks unequivocally of glass, and with this view the opinion of 
modern scholars agrees, see Bliimner, op. cit. 4, 383, 4: Kisa, op. cit. 1, 166. 

7Salmas. Plin. Exercit. 773bA: “πες impedimento est quod λίθον vocat. 
auctores passim vitrum sic appellant. auctor peripli λιθίαν ὑαλήν ubique vocat. 
quae alibi eidem dicitur tedos ἀργή. inde et κρύσταλλος glacies, quam vocem pro 
vitro etiam quidam usurparunt.” 

8 112 (Miller, Geog. Gr. Min. 1, (1855)): of δὲ Φοίνικες ἔμποροι εἰσάγουσιν αὐτοῖς 
μύρον, λίθον Αἰγυπτίαν, ἄπρους ἐξαράκτους, κέραμον ᾿Αττικὸν Kal χοῦς. 

9 Bliimner, Tech. u. Term. a, 381f. 

10 6(ed. Fabricius, 1883): προχωρεῖ δ᾽ εἰς τοὺς τόπους ἱμάτια βαρβαρικὰ ἄγναφα 
τὰ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ γινόμενα. .. kal λιθίας ὑαλῆς πλείονα γένη καὶ ἄλλης μουρρίνης 
τῆς γινομένης ἐν Διοσπόλει. 7: προχωρεῖ δ᾽ εἰς αὐτὴν ὑαλῆ λιθία σύμμικτος. 
17: καὶ λιθίας ὑαλῆς πλείονα γένη. 

4 Tbid. το: προχωρεῖ δ᾽ εἰς αὐτὸ τὰ προειρημένα γένη καὶ σκεύη ἀργυρᾶ, σιδηρᾶ 
δ᾽ ἔλάσσονα, καὶ λιθία. : 

12 ς 270: κάμινος : τὸ κατασκεύασμα, ὅπου ὀπτᾶται ὁ κέραμος καὶ λίθος. 

18 Kisa, op. cit. 164. 


22 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [252 


is that it is a primitive, descriptive term, while Aya/os is a shorter, 
more direct technical expression. Probably the Greeks were at 
first most familiar with glass in the form of small objects, like 
gems, beads, and other trifles, which are so easily exported. It is 
possible that, when glass became more common, h/ya/os expanded 
to embrace all of its forms and varieties, while /ithos chyté was still 
generally applied to the small objects for which it first stood, and in 
the shorter form of /ithos or /ithia it continued to be used for these 
articles of barter. Yet the case of the goblet shows that it too had 
broadened its meaning somewhat. In literature, however, there 
was never a time when /ithos chyté was as common as hya/los, to 
which it eventually gave way entirely.™ 


C. Hyalos 


I. ETYMOLOGY 


With the introduction of transparent glass there came a new 
designation, Aya/os, the origin of which is unknown. It is derived 
from Ayein, ‘to rain,’ by the Greek lexicographers and etymologists.' 
Salmasius notes this derivation and considers that Aya/os with the 
meaning ‘wet’ would be used in the sense of ‘bright,’ ‘clear,’ since 
objects which are wet are bright and shiny.2, Some modern ety- 
mologists consider the derivation from Ayein probable,’ notably 
Curtius, who says that “πε substantive probably meant properly 
‘rain-drop.’ ᾿᾿ Froehner thinks that it is more probably from als, 


14 ἡ λίθος or ἡ λίθος χυτή asa designation for glass probably passed out of general 
use soon after the introduction of a technical term which was not so liable to am- 
biguity, for ἡ λίθος was commonly employed to denote precious stones in general 
and in particular often means ‘the magnet’ (ἡ λίθος, sc. Μαγνῆτι5). 

1Orion (ed. Sturz): ὑάλη" ὕαλος, Tapa τὸ ὕειν ἐσχημάτισται, καθ᾽ ὁμοιότητα τῆς 
γινομένης συστάσεως, καὶ πήξεως τοῦ ὕδατος, ὑάλῳ ὁμοίως. Ἡρακλείδης. Etym. 
Gud. 358, omits merely the last word. Zonar. Lex. 1760: παρὰ τὸ ὕειν καὶ καθ᾽ 
ὁμοιότητα εἶναι τῆς γινομένης συστάσεως καὶ πήξεως (μίξεως D. K.) τοῦ ὕδατος. 
Etym. Magn. 774: ὕαλος ... . ἐτυμολογεῖται δὲ παρὰ τὸ ὕειν .. . . ὁμοίως. Miller, 
Mélanges, 290: ὕαλος . . . . παρὰ τὸ ὕειν καθ᾽ ὁμοιότητα, κτλ. 

2 Plin. Exercit. 771aF: “Graecis ὕειν est madidare, et humectare, βρέχειν, 
ὑγραίνειν. inde ὕαλον, humectum. sed et quae madidata sunt et aqua aspersa, ea 
lucent nitentque, ex eo factum, ut etiam ὕαλον pro lucido sumeretur. Hesych. 
ὕαλον λαμπρόν, etc. postea proprium hoc nomen factum vitri.” 

3 Sonne (Kiihns Zeitschr. 12 (1863), 359). Curtius, Gr. Etym. ed. 5, 604 (Trans. 
by Wilkins and England): “Root ὑ ὕ-ει it rains, ὑ-ε-τό-ς rain. Skt. su (su-nd-mt) 
press out juice, si#-mdé-m milk, water, sky gi . We may with some 
probability place here also hehos: tedos.” Prellwit2, Etym. W orterb. ed. 2 (1892), 
473: “ὑάλεος, ὑάλιος glasern, ‘wasserklar’: tw.” Thes. Gr. Ling. 8, 7. 


253] : STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 23 


‘salt,’ the upsilon standing for an old digamma.4 Blimner thinks 
it was a foreign word.® Some would derive it from the Coptic,® 
because the first mention of glass in Greek is in connection with the 
Egyptians. Others try to find some connection with the Latin 
vitrum,’ ‘glass,’ or the element sua/o-‘transparent stone’ or the like.$ 


2. APPLICATION OF Hyalos 


Whatever may be the source of the word hya/os, it seems to have 
meant transparent, or at least translucent, glass. Since the word 
was new and the substance which it designated rather unfamiliar, 
it is not strange that it should be applied to other substances of a 
vitreous appearance. That is just what happens in the first instance 
where the substantive occurs in literature. To be sure, the use of 
the adjectival form, hyalinos, by Corinna (δ. VI/V)! implies an 
earlier use of hya/os than those recorded, but unfortunately the pas- 
sage from Corinna is so obscure that we can learn nothing about glass 
from it. In Herodotus (8. V) there is a description of coffins of 
hyalos among the marvels shown by the Aethiopians to the spies of 
Cambyses. “And after this, last of all, they saw their coffins, 
which are said to be made of Aya/os in the following manner: when 
they have dried the body of the dead, either according to the Egyp- 
tian or some other fashion, they cover it entirely with gypsum and 
decorate it with painting, making it as nearly like the figure of the 
person as possible, and then they put about it a block of hyalos 
which has been hollowed out (they dig up a quantity of this of a 
kind easily worked). The corpse 15 in the middle of the block and 


4Froehner, La Verrerie, 6: “J’aimerais mieux prendre la voyelle v pour un 
ancien digamma, ce qui nous reménerait au sel minéral (ἅλς). Et cette étymologie 
n'est pas si maladroite, car le verre est une espéce de sel; des chimistes autorisés 
Pont ainsi défini.” This conjecture seems the most probable to Morin-Jean (Darem- 
berg-Saglio, Dict. des Ant. Gr. et Rom. § (1912), 935) and Kisa, op. cit. 3, 24, but it 
implies a knowledge of chemistry on the part of the early Greeks which is altogether 
improper for one to assume. There is, however, considerable resemblance between 
semi-transparent rock-salt, and glass, but even this would scarcely justify the 
suggested etymology. 

® Glas (P.-W. 7, 1385). 

6 Thes. Gr. Ling. 8,9: “ὕαλος fortasse ortum ex Aegyptiaco ovad 8. ουιαλ, 
quod Lapidem, pellucidum, non vero proprie Vitrum nostrum significat. Jablonsk, 
Opusc. 1, p. 250.” Becker, Gallus, ed. 2 (1880), Ex. 1 on Scene 7. 

7L. Meyer, Handb. 4. gr. Etym. 2 (1901), 141: “Dunklen Ursprungs. Denkbar 
ware ein Zusammenhang mit lat. vitro-(vitrum) ‘Glas.’” 

8 Boisacq, op. cit. 996. 

1 Phryn. 309: καὶ ἡ Κόριννα τὸν ὑἄλινον παῖδα θήσεις. 


24 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [254 


can be seen through it, but it does not produce an unpleasant odor 
or anything else unseemly, and it has everything visible like the 
corpse itself. For a year those most closely related keep the block 
in their houses giving it the first fruits of everything and offering 
sacrifices to it. And after these things they take it out and place 
it near the city.” This passage has caused not a little perplexity. 
All are agreed that hya/os does not mean glass, but the substance 
for which it does stand is uncertain.? Although this whole account 
is probably fabulous,‘ it shows that Herodotus applied Aya/os to a 
transparent material which was dug out of the ground, and also 
that the Egyptians or rather Aethiopians perhaps occasionally 
used some transparent substance about their dead. Ctesias® attests 
such a use, but his authority is very slight to begin with, and besides 
it is impossible to tell whether he meant that the Aethiopians used 
actual glass or not, for Diodorus by whom this passage has been 
preserved may have misrepresented him as much as he has Hero- 


23,24: μετὰ δὲ ταύτην τελευταίας ἐθεήσαντο Tas θήκας αὐτῶν, αἱ λέγονται 
σκευάζεσθαι ἐξ ὑάλου τρόπῳ τοιῷδε" ἐπεὰν τὸν νεκρὸν ἰσχνήνωσι, εἴτε δὴ κατάπερ 
Αἰγύπτιοι εἴτε ἄλλως κως, γυψώσαντες ἅπαντα αὐτὸν γραφῇ κοσμέουσι, ἐξομοιεῦντες 
τὸ εἶδος ἐς τὸ δυνατόν, ἔπειτα δέ οἱ περιιστᾶσι στήλην ἐξ ὑάλου πεποιημένην κοίλην 
(ἡ δέ σφι πολλὴ καὶ εὐεργὸς ὀρύσσεται)" ἐν μέσῃ δὲ τῇ στήλῃ ἐνεὼν διαφαίνεται ὁ 
νέκυς, οὔτε ὀδμὴν οὐδεμίαν ἄχαριν παρεχόμενος οὔτε ἄλλο ἀεικὲς οὐδέν᾽ καὶ ἔχει πάντα 
φανερὰ ὁμοίως αὐτῷ τῷ νέκυϊ. ἐνιαυτὸν μὲν δὴ ἔχουσι τὴν στήλην ἐν τοῖσι οἰκίοισι οἱ 
μάλιστα προσήκοντες πάντων τε ἀπαρχόμενοι καὶ θυσίας οἱ προσάγοντες" μετὰ δὲ 
ταῦτα ἐκκομίσαντες ἱστᾶσι περὶ τὴν πόλιν. 

3 Belzoni, Researches, 236 (quoted in Thes. Gr. Ling. 8, 8): “Oriental alabaster.” 
Thes. Gr. Ling. 8, 8: “Crystal.”” Rawlinson, Herodotus, 2 (1860), 350, 1: “It should 
be rock crystal; but no piece of this substance could be found large enough to hold 
a body. It may have been some vitreous composition coating the coffins in the form 
of a mummy, some of which are found in Egypt.” Compare Sayce, Herodotus, — 
1- (1883), 240, 7. Abicht, Herodotus, ed. 3, 2 (1862), 26: “Vielleicht eine Art 
Steinsalz.” Vanitek, Gr.-Lat. Etym. Worterb. (1877), 1046: “Glasporzellan.” 
Blimner, Tech. u. Term. 4,384: “Ein natirliches, aus der Erde gegrabenes Material.” 
Note 1: “Die Erklarer denken an durchsichtiges Glasporzellan, andere mit mehr 
Wahrscheinlichkeit an Bergkrystall.” Liddell and Scott, s. v.: “Some kind of clear, 
transparent stone.” 

* Niebuhr, Vortrage iiber alte Gesch. τ, 151; Rawlinson, op. cit., 2, 350, 2;How- 
Wells, 4 Comm. on Herodotus, τ (1912), 240, 7. 

> Diod. 2, 15, 2ff.: Κτησίας δ᾽ ὁ Κνίδιος ἀποφαινόμενος τοῦτον σχεδιάζειν, αὐτός 
φησι τὸ μὲν σῶμα ταριχεύεσθαι, τὴν μέντοι γε ὕελον μὴ περιχεῖσθαι γυμνοῖς τοῖς 
σώμασι" κατακαυθήσεσθαι γὰρ ταῦτα καὶ λυμανθέντα τελέως τὴν ὁμοιότητα μὴ 
δυνήσεσθαι διατηρεῖν. διὸ καὶ χρυσὴν εἰκόνα κατασκευάζεσθαι κοίλην, εἰς ἣν ἐντε- 
θέντος τοῦ νεκροῦ περὶ τὴν εἰκόνα χεῖσθαι τὴν ὕελον᾽ τοῦ δὲ κατασκευάσματος τεθέντος 
ἐπὶ τὸν τάφον διὰ τῆς ὑέλου φανῆναι τὸν χρυσὸν ἀφωμοιωμένον τῷ τετελευτηκότι. 


256] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS ἃς 


dotus.* Diodorus (S. I) interprets Aya/os as actual glass which was 
poured about the dead. He says that they made so much of it in 
Aethiopia that there was enough for every one.”? Strabo (S. I) is 
probably taking the word of an earlier writer when he says of the 
Aethiopians, ‘‘some pour Aya/os about the dead and keep them at 
home.’® In another place, he speaks of the body of Alexander 
having been transferred from a gold to a glasssarcophagus.® Aelian 
(S. 2)!° relates how Xerxes found the body of Belus in a glass sar- 
cophagus full of oil. Such stories sound extremely fabulous. Lucian 
(S. 2)! ascribes to the people of India the practice of smearing the 
dead with Aya/os,!* an expression which surely suggests a substance 
other than glass. The Pseudo-Callisthenes (S. 3)!% describes the 
body of Cyrus in a coffin with glass poured about it. The Latin 
version of the passage by Julius Valerius! where the coffin is des- 
cribed, uses the expression /apide visendo, ‘of transparent stone.’ 
There seems to have been a custom among the Egyptians, Aethi- 
opians, and other Eastern nations of covering the bodies of the dead 
or the cases in which they were enclosed with something transparent, 
called Aya/os. This could not have been a stone, for it was ‘smeared,’ 
or ‘poured’; nor could it have been glass or even a glaze, because 


6 714. 2,15, 1: ταφὰς δὲ τῶν τελευτησάντων ἰδίως of κατὰ τὴν Αἰθιοπίαν 
ποιοῦνται᾽ ταριχεύσαντες γὰρ τὰ σώματα καὶ περιχέαντες αὐτοῖς πολλὴν ὕελον 
ἰστᾶσιν ἔπὶ στήλης, ὥστε τοῖς παριοῦσι φαίνεσθαι διὰ τῆς ὑέλου τὸ τοῦ τετελευτηκότος 
σῶμα, καθάπερ Ἡρόδοτος εἴρηκε. 

7 Tbid. 2, 15, 4: τὴν δὲ ὕελον πᾶσιν ἐξαρκεῖν διὰ τὸ πλείστην γεννᾶσθαι κατὰ τὴν 
Αἰθιοπίαν καὶ τελέως παρὰ τοῖς ἔγχωρίοις ἐπιπολάζειν. 

8 17, 2, 3: τοὺς δὲ νεκροὺς οἱ μὲν εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐκρίπτουσιν, οἱ δ᾽ οἴκοι κατέχουσι 
περιχέαντες ὕαλον. 

9 [bid. 17, τ,8: τὸ δὲ σῶμα τοῦ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου κομίσας ὁ Πτολεμαῖος ἐκήδευσεν 
ἐν τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ ὅπου νῦν ἔτι κεῖται" οὐ μὴν ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ πυέξλῳ᾽ ὑαλίνη γὰρ αὕτη, 
ἐκεῖνος δ᾽ ἐν χρυσῇ κατέθηκεν. 

Var. Hist. 13, 3: Ξέρξης ὁ Δαρείου παῖς τοῦ Βήλου τοῦ ἀρχαίου διασκάψας τὸ 
μνῆμα πύελον ὑελίνην εὗρεν, ἔνθα ἦν κείμενος ὁ νεκρὸς ἐν ἐλαίῳ. 

1 De Luctu, 21: ᾿Ινδὸς ὑάλῳ περιχρίει. 

e” Wallace-Dunlop, Glass in the Old World (1883), 24: “In the word Ayalos the 
Gr eks se.m to have included not only glass but everything that was of a crystalline 
colour, a pellucid bodies such as ice, and even gums, as Lucian uses the same word 
in descri bing the Indians anointing their dead with balsamic gums.” 

139,18: παραπλήσιον δὲ ἐθεάσατο καὶ τὸν Κύρου τάφον᾽ ἦν δὲ πύργος αἴθριος 
δωδ εκάστεγος, ἐν δὲ τῇ ἄνω στέγῃ ἔκειτο αὐτὸς ἐν χρυσῇ πυέλῃ, καὶ ὕελος περιεκέχυτο 
αὐτῷ, ὥστε τὸ τρίχωμα αὐτοῦ φαίνεσθαι καὶ αὐτὸν δὲ ὅλον διὰ τοῦ ὑέλου. 

4 Ps, Callisth. 2, 18: ipsius vero Cyri conditorium erat lapide visendo, cuius 
sive natura perspicua, sive inscalptio adeo tenuis erat, ut nihilo prorsus quicquid 
interesset impediret intuentium diligentiam, adeo ut propter saxi illius evidentiam 
capilli etiam conditi cadaveris viserentur. 


26 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [256 


that cannot be poured except at such a temperature that it would 
utterly disfigure any corpse. If we are to believe any part of the 
accounts at all, we must think of a transparent varnish, shellac, 
or lacquer. Some authors no doubt wittingly called a substance 
which was not glass Aya/os, while others perhaps mistook a substance 
vitreous in appearance for real glass, or finally, a foreign word may 
either have been mistaken for glass, or else it may have been used 
generally of several transparent, glistening substances, including 
glass, and the Greek authors were not aware of this fact. In any 
case this tradition does not deal with glass as we know it. 

Although the Aya/os, the burning-glass kept at the druggist’s 
shop, in the Nudes of Aristophanes, was probably of glass, a scholiast 
has interpreted it as crystal.% This shows that the scholiast, at 
least, thought that Aya/os might designate crystal. Achilles Tatius 
(5.4?) seems to indicate rock-crystal when he describes a cup of hyalos 
ororygmené, ‘glass that has been mined.’ About the cup was a vine 
from which hung grapes so skilfully engraved that when the cup 
was empty, they looked unripe, but when it was full of wine, they 
looked red and ripe.1® After finding hya/os used in such a way, it 
does not seem strange that Pollux (S.2/3) should list it among the 
things that are mined.!” Moreover, in the alchemical writings glass 
is classed with metals like silver, under the sign of the moon.?” 

The first certain use of hyalos or any of its derivatives in the 
meaning of ‘glass’ seems to be in Aristophanes (S. V),!* for Ayalinos 
in Corinna and Aya/oeides in Philolaus and Ion of Chios, although 
probably designating ordinary glass, cannot, because of their 
employment in mere comparisons, be regarded as unequivocally 
presupposing at that time the application of hya/os to glass rather 
than to crystal or some other transparent precious stone, but those 
who think that the burning-glass was made of crystal mention 


16 Schol. on Aristoph. Nué. 766; see below, p. 178, n. 2. 

16 93: ὑάλου μὲν TO πᾶν ἔργον ὀρωρυγμένης : κύκλῳ δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἄμπελοι περιέστεφον 
ἀπὸ τοῦ κρατῆρος πεφυτευμέναι. οἱ δὲ βότρυες πάντῃ περικρεμάμενοι᾽ ὄμφαξ μὲν 
αὐτῶν ἕκαστος ὅσον ἦν κενὸς ὁ κρατήρ᾽ ἐὰν δ᾽ ἔγχέῃς οἶνον, κατὰ μικρὸν ὁ βότρυς 
ὑποπερκάζεται καὶ σταφυλὴν τὴν ὄμφακα ποιεῖ. Διόνυσος τ᾽ ἐντετύπωται τῶν 
βοτρύων, ἵνα τὴν ἄμπελον γεωργῇ. See Semper, Der Stil, ed. 2, 2 (1863), 197. 

17 3, 87: χρυσός, ἄργυρος, ὀρείχαλκος, σίδηρος, καττίτερος, μόλυβδος, ὕαλος. 

“a Planetary List of the Metals, 7 (Berthelot, Collection des Anciens Alchimistes 
Grecs (1887), 25): Gpyupas’ ὕελος" oriume ζινίχια᾽ χάνδρα" γῆ λευκή, Kal τὰ ὅμοια. 
See Hist. 1, 86, 312, 327, 333, 3453 2, 126; 3, 187. 

18 Nub. 768. Compare Ach. 74: ὑάλινα ἐκπώματα. 


eS eee eee ὦ 


257] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 27 


Plato (S. V/IV)1® as the first to apply Aya/os to actual glass.!9 
Although its use was rather uncommon at first, 1n time it became so 
well known that Aya/os alone was employed to designate a glass 
vessel.2° The chief characteristic of hya/os, ‘glass,’ as might be 
expected from its application to other substances of a vitreous 
appearance, was transparency. Not only was its transparency 
frequently mentioned or inferred,?! but it was used as a standard 
with which to compare anything else which is transparent.” It 


Me Tim. 61B. 

19 Thes. Gr. Ling. 8, 7. 

20 See below, p. 153, 3. 

4. Arist. Problem. 11, 905B, 6, 25: 939A, 13: Analyt. Post. 1, 31, 88A,14. Hero, 
Definitiones, 4, 102, 16: καὶ καθ᾽ ἕτερον δὲ τρόπον ὑποτίθεται Ta μὲν δι᾽ αἰθέρος Kai 
ἀέρος ὁρώμενα κατ᾽ εὐθείας γραμμὰς ὁρᾶσθαι" φέρεσθαι γὰρ πᾶν φῶς κατ᾽ εὐθείας 
γραμμάς" ὅσα δὲ διαφαίνεται δι’ ὑέλων ἢ ὑμένων ἢ ὕδατος, κατὰ κεκλασμένας, τὰ 
δὲ φαινόμενα ἐν τοῖς κατοπτρίζουσι κατὰ ἀνακλωμένας [γωνίας]. τοῦ, 4: ὁποία γὰρ ἡ 
τῶν ὄψεων πρόπτωσις, τοιοῦτος καὶ ὁ καταφωτισμὸς ὑπὸ τοῦ ἡλίου γίνεται, καὶ τότε 
μὲν κατ᾽ εὐθείας ἀκλάστους, τότε δὲ κατὰ δυομένας, ὥσπερ ἐπὶ τῶν ὑέλων. τοῦ, IO: 
ἡ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῶν ὑδάτων καὶ τῶν ὑμένων τὰ κατὰ διάδυσιν θεωροῦσα ὀπτικὴ ἔλάττω μὲν 
θεωρίαν ἔχει, αἰτιολογεῖ δὲ τὰ ὑπὸ τοῖς ὕδασι καὶ ὑμέσι καὶ ὑέλοις, ὁπότε διασπαρατ- 
τόμενα φαίνεται τὰ ἡνωμένα καὶ σύνθετα τὰ ἁπλᾶ καὶ τὰ ὀρθὰ κεκλασμένα καὶ τὰ 
μένοντα κινούμενα. Idem, de Speculis, 3: in aquis autem in vitris <non> omnes 
refringuntur .. . . per vitrum enim et per aquas videmus nos ipsos et ultra iacentia. 
in palustribus enim aquis que in fundo videmus et per vitra ea que ultra iacent. 
Alex. Aphrod. on Arist. de Anima, 138, 28: γελοῖον yap τοι τὸν μὲν λίθον τὸν διαφανῆ 
ἢ τὴν ὕαλον μὴ λέγειν εἶναι σῶμα, τὸ δὲ φῶς λέγειν. 149, 26: ἡ δὲ ὕαλος καὶ τὰ 
διαφανῆ, οἷς τοὺς οἴκους φράττουσιν, ὕδατός ἐστιν, ὡς δῆλον ἐκ τῆς γενέσεως αὐτῶν. 
Idem on Arist. Metaphysica, 588, 40: ὥσπερ εἴ τις ἐν κηρῷ πλάσας εἶδός τι κήρινον 
καὶ ἐκτὸς ἐπιθεὶς ὕελον ἢ ἄλλο τι τῶν διαφανῶν, ὁρᾶται τὸ ἐντὸς αὐτῆς κήρινον εἶδος. 
Damascius, Dubitationes et Solutiones (ed. Ruelle, 1 (1889), 183, 11): ὡς εἰ λέγοις 
ὕαλον ἤτοι τῶν διαφανῶν ὅλον ὁρατόν. Philoponus on Arist. de Anima, 319, 15: 
ἐπειδὴ οὖν ἐν τῷ ὁρισμῷ τοῦ χρώματος ἐμνήσθη τοῦ διαφανοῦς διδάσκει ἡμᾶς, τί ποτέ 
ἐστι τὸ διαφανές, ὅτι φύσις τίς ἐστιν ἐν πλείοσιν ὑπάρχουσα, ἐν ὕδατι, ἐν ἀέρι, ἐν 
ὑέλῳ καὶ ἐν ἑτέροις, διαπορθμευτικὴ τῶν χρωμάτων, ἥτις φωτὸς μὲν μὴ παρόντος, 
δυνάμει ἐστὶν αὐτὸ τοῦτο διαφανές, ἐνεργείᾳ δὲ γίνεται διαφανὲς φωτὸς παρόντος. 
320, 26: σημεῖον δὲ τούτου, ὅ τι εἰ ὑέλου ἢ διαφανοῦς λίθου μία ἐπιφάνεια χρωσθείη. 
Idem. on Arist. Meteor. 44, 1: ἔπειτα πολλοὶ τῶν στερεμνιωτάτων λίθων εἰσὶ drada- 
νέστατοι καὶ ἡ ὕελος .. .. ὁρᾶται γὰρ τὰ ἐκ τούτων τριβόμενα καὶ μάλιστα τὰ ἐξ 
ὑέλου σχεδὸν ἐκπυρούμενα τῇ θερμότητι. Suid. 1319, 18: διαφανές" ἔστι δὲ διαφανῆ 
οὐκ ἀὴρ μόνον καὶ ὕδωρ ἀλλὰ καὶ πολλὰ τῶν στερεῶν σωμάτων᾽ οἷον φεγγῖται λίθοι, 
κέρατα, ὕελος, γύψος καὶ ἕτερα. Nemesius, de Natura Hominis (Patr. Gr. 40, 645B) 
ἧττον δὲ διὰ ὑέλου Kal τῶν ἄλλων τῶν τοιουτοτρόπων, δῆλον δέ, ὅ TL πεφωτισμένων. 
Transparency is mentioned frequently in connection with glass objects which will 
be spoken of later. 

22 Topaz is compared to glass, Agatharchides, de Mari Erythr. (Miiller, Geog. Gr. 
Min. τ (1855), 170) in Photius: ἐν δὲ ταύτῃ γίνεται τῇ νήσῳ, φησί, Kal τὸ καλού- 
μενον τοπάζιον. ἔστι δὲ τοῦτο λίθος διαφαινόμενος, ὑάλῳ (γάλῳ BA) προσεμφερής, 
ἡδεῖαν ἔγχρυσον θεωρίαν ἀποδιδούς. In Diodorus, 3, 39, 5: εὑρίσκεται γὰρ ἐν τῇ 


28 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [258 


even developed a figurative meaning with which moral qualities 
might be compared.” It is to molten glass more frequently than to 
merely transparent glass that the physicians compare the vitreous 
humor of the eye, and humors of the body.» Some of its other 
characteristics are brightness,” solidity,?’ brittleness,?® and possibly 
smoothness.?° 


νήσῳ TavTy TO καλούμενον τοπάζιον, ὅπερ ἐστὶ λίθος διαφαινόμενος ἐπιτερπής, 
ὑάλῳ παρεμφερής. Psellus, de Lap. ἃς :τοπάζιον λίθος ἐστὶ διαφανής, ὑέλῳ παρεμφερής. 
The city and the streets of Heaven are compared to pure or transparent glass. 
Here the idea of brightness as well as transparency seems to exist. Rev. 21, 18: 
Kal ἡ πόλις χρυσίον καθαρὸν ὅμοιον ὑάλῳ καθαρῷ. Idem. 21, 21: καὶ ἡ πλατεῖα τῆς 
πόλεως χρυσίον καθαρὸν ὡς ὕαλος διαυγής. Andreas Caesar (Pair. Gr. 106. 437) on 
Rev. 21, 21: καὶ ἡ πλατεῖα THs πόλεως, χρυσίον καθαρὸν ws ὕαλος dravyns... . διὰ 
τὴν πλατεῖαν τῆς πόλεως, διὰ μὲν τὸ πολυτελὲς καὶ εὔχρουν, ὡς χρυσίον, διὰ δὲ τὸ 
καθαρὸν, ὡς κρυστάλλου ἐθεάσατο, [ἤ τοι ὡς ὕαλον διαυγῇ] ἅπερ ἀμφότερα ἐν ἑνὶ 
συνδραμεῖν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν, ἀδύνατον. Of the joinings of the bones, “παρλογα Pilati, 2 
(ed. Tischendorf, Evang. Apoc. (1853), 422): καὶ yuvaika αἱμορροοῦσαν ἐπὶ χρόνοις 
πολλοῖς, ws ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς ῥύσεως TOD αἵματος πᾶσαν τὴν τῶν ὀστέων ἁρμονίαν 
φαίνεσθαι καὶ ὑέλου δίκην διαυγάζειν. Of bubbles in raindrops, Alex. Aphrod. Problem. 
2, 39: καθάπερ Kal τὴν ὕαλον ἔστιν ἰδεῖν ὑπὸ τοῦ πνεύματος φυσωμένην, καὶ πᾶν ὑγρὸν 
ἐν τῇ ἑψήσει πνευματούμενον. Of skin, 7ό14. 2, 4: τῇ δὲ λεπτότητι τοῦ δέρματος 
ὥσπερ δ᾽ ὑέλου ἐμφαίνει τὸ εὐανθὲς τοῦ χρώματος. Rufinus (Anth. Pal. 5, 36): τῆς 
δὲ ἹῬοδοκλείης ὑάλῳ ἴσος, ὑγρομέτωπος, | ofa καὶ ἐν νηῷ πρωτογλυφὲς ξόανον. 
There is a clear, thin skin which looks almost transparent. 

28 Photius, Myriobiblon, 275 (Patr. Gr. 104, 244A): ὅτι, φησίν, at ἱστορίαι τὴν 
Μαγδαληνὴν ταύτην διὰ βίου παρθένον διαδάσκουσι. καὶ μαρτύριον δὲ αὐτῆς φέρεται, 
ἐν ᾧ λέγεται διὰ τὴν ἄκραν αὐτῆς παρθενίαν καὶ καθαρότητα ὡς ὕαλον αὐτὴν καθαρὸν 
ταῖς βασανισταῖς φαίνεσθαι. 

24 Galen, 3,761: τὸ ὑαλοειδὲς ὑγρὸν, καὶ ὅσῳ παχύτερον καὶ λευκότερον αἵματός ἐστι, 
τοσοῦτον τοῦ κρυσταλλοειδοῦς ὑγροῦ ἀπολειπόμενον ὑγρότητί τε καὶ φανότητι. 
τὸ δ᾽ ὑαλοειδὲς ὑγρὸν μέν, ὥσπερ τις ὕαλος ὑπὸ θερμοῦ κεχυμένη. Aetius, larpiKa, 7 
(in the edition, Die Augenheilkunde (1899), ed. Hirschberg): ὑγρὰ δὲ ἔστιν ἐν τῷ 
ὀφθαλμῷ tpia’ ἔνδοθεν μὲν πάντων τὸ περιεχόμενον ἐν TH κοιλότητι TOD ἀμφιβλησ- 
τροειδοῦς χιτῶνος ὑελοειδὲς λεγόμενον" προσέοικε γάρ, καὶ τῇ χροιᾷ καὶ τῇ συστάσει, 
τῇ κεχυμένῃ ὑξλῳ᾽ τούτου δὲ ἐξωτέρω κεῖται κατὰ τὸ πέρας τοῦ ἀμφιβληστροειδοῦς 
χιτῶνος τὸ κρυσταλλοειδὲς ὑγρόν, ὃ καὶ δισκοειδὲς καὶ φακοειδὲς καλεῖται" προσέοικε 
γὰρ τῇ μὲν χροιᾷ κρυστάλλῳ τῷ δὲ σχήματι φακῷ ἔξωθεν δὲ περικέχυται τούτῳ τὸ 
ὠοειδὲς ὑγρόν. προσέοικε γάρ, τῇ χρόᾳ καὶ τῇ συστάσει, τῷ ἐν τοῖς ὠοῖς ὑγρῷ τῷ 
λευκῷ καὶ λεπτῷ" τὸ μὲν οὖν πάντων ἔνδοθεν τὸ ὑελοειδὲς ὑγρὸν πρὸς τὸ τρέφενι τὸ 
κρυσταλλοειδὲς παρασκεύασται. 

5 Galen,7, 138: τοιοῦτον δέ ἐστι παραπλήσιον ὑάλῳ κεχυμένῃ κατά τε τὴν χρόαν καὶ 
τὴν σύστασιν, ὅν περ δὴ καὶ ὑαλώδη χυμὸν οἱ περὶ τὸν Πραξαγόραν τε καὶ Φιλότιμον 
ὀνομάξουσιν. 7, 348: ὁ χυμὸς οὗτος ὑάλῳ κεχυμένῃ᾽ 8, 81: τὸν ὑαλώδη προσαγυρευό- 
μενον ὑπὸ Πραξαγόρου χυμόν, ὃς ὑάλῳ κεχυμένῃ προσέοικεν τὴν χροιὰν καὶ τὴν 
σύστασιν. 16, 367; 585. Orib. (Bussemaker-Daremberg, 5 (1873), 550, from Galen): 
ἔστι δὲ παχὺς οὗτος ὅμοιός που ὑάλῳ κεχυμένῃ τῷ πάχει. 

% Rey. 21, 18 and 21. Suid.: ἔνδιος" μεσημβρινός" “ὄφρα μὲν οὖν Evduos ἔην ἔτι, 
θέρμετο δὲ χθών, τόφρα δ᾽ ἔην ὑάλοιο φαάντερος οὔρανος ἦνοψ,᾽ τουτέσιν ὁ λαμπρός. 


259] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 29 


Even after Ayalos came to be the universal name for glass, it was 
still occasionally applied to other substances. Possibly it stands for a 
diamond in a puzzling letter of the early fourth century found among 
the papyriof the Fayum towns. “‘Eudaemon to Longinus, greeting. 
I entreat you, sir, to hasten to me and bring, if you please, the 
crystal (?) and we will clip the cash. If you...., you will be able 
to strain me some good Mareotic wine when you come, with the 
value. Good-bye.’’** The editors think that Aya/os is “‘here a stone 
implement of some kind for clipping coins, in order that the writer 
might get some wine with the proceeds of this (nefarious) transac- 
tion.” On the other hand, Bicheler gives an entirely different 
interpretation. He considers that this isnot anevil scheme, but a 
jesting imitation of invitations found in the poets.*t Perhaps 
Eudaemon merely wanted Longinus to bring a glass for his wine. 
Instances have been given of the use of Ayalos alone for a glass 
vessel, and later a similar use of vitrum, especially for a goblet, 
will be noted, all of which supports the latter interpretation. 

In Hesychius (5.5) glass seems to be called a precious stone, 
but the passage is probably corrupt, for glass is also called dorboros, 
‘mud,’ an absurdity due to a confusion with Ayo//os.* Theognostus 
(8.9) seems to have copied the corrupt text of Hesychius and in 
turn to have been copied by Zonaras (S. 12).?4 

A scholiast on Aristophanes’ Nudes says that Homer did not 
know the word ἀγαίος, but used é/ektros instead.*®* This is repeated 


27 Alex. Aphrod. on de Anima, 133, 18: εἰ δὲ λέγοιεν τὸ στερεὸν ἐπιπροσθεῖν 
στερεὰ Kai ἡ ὕαλος Kai τὸ κέρας καὶ of διαφανεῖς λίθος. 

28 Alex. Aphrod. Problem. 41, 28 (Children are not hurt by a fall): τῷ λόγῳ 
τούτῳ Kal σπόγγος πίπτων οὐ ῥήγνυται, ὑξλος [sic] μέντοι ἢ ὄστρακον, HTL τοιοῦτον 
σῶμα σκληρὸν πίπτον κλᾶται. 

29 Rufinus (4nth. Pal. 5, 36). 

50 Grenfell-Hunt-Hogarth, Faytim Towns and Their Papyri (1900), 134: 
Εὐδαίμ[ω!ν Λογγείνῳ χαίρειν. παρακληθεὶς κύριε σκῦλον σεαυτὸν πρὸς ἡμᾶς φέρων 
εἰ δόξαν σοι τὴν ὕαλον καὶ δυνηθῶμεν] τὸ λογάριν περικόψε, ἐὰν .. [ . . ἰςγκαὶ 
τ ἘὁοὌὍτε πΠΠιι΄-Π 

$1 Bicheler (Rhein. Mus. 56 (1901), 326). 

82 Hesych. ὕελος" ὕαλος <Moer.>. βόρβορος «εἴ. ὑολλός» ἢ λίθος τίμιος. 

%8 7214. ὑολλός᾽ τόπος συῶν βορβορώδης. See Hesych. ed. Schmidt, 4 (1862), 191, 
18. 

** Theognostus, Canones, 18, 28; Zonaras, Lex. 1759: ὕαλος ὁ βόρβορος, ἐνίοτε δὲ 
καὶ TO λαμπρόν. 

% Schol. V on Nud. 768: Ὅμηρος δὲ οὐκ οἷδε τὸ ὄνομα, ἀλλὰ Tap’ αὐτῷ καὶ. 
τοῖς ἀρχαίοις ἤλεκτρος μέν ἐστιν, ὕαλος δὲ οὔ. See below, p. 178, n. 2. 


30 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [260 


by Pseudo-Philemon (.5.16).2° The Greeks designated both amber 
and a metallic compound of gold and silver by éektron.3” Originally 
perhaps é/ektros (mas.) stood for the metal, while é/ectros (fem.) and 
élektron (neut.) stood for amber, but later these forms of the word 
were used indifferently.*® It is uncertain whether Homer®? meant 
amber or the metallic compound,*® but there is very little prob- 
ability that he was speaking of glass.4! However, in the time of the 
scholiast there may have been some connection between glass and 
élektron, as in the enamel described by Theophilus (S.12),4 which 


36 Tex. (ed. Osann), 171, see below, p. 36, n. 17. 

37 Paus. 5,12, 7: τὸ δὲ ἤλεκτρον τοῦτο οὗ τῷ Αὐγούστῳ πεποίηνται THY εἰκόνα, 
ὅσον μὲν αὐτόματον ἐν τοῦ ᾿Ηριδανοῦ ταῖς ψάμμοις εὑρίσκεται, σπανίζεται τὰ 
μάλιστα καὶ ἀνθρώπῳ τίμιον πολλῶν ἐστιν ἕνεκα" τὸ δὲ ἄλλο ἤλεκτρον ἀναμεμιγμένος 
ἐστὶν ἀργύρῳ χρυσός. Plin. N. H. 33, 80: omni auro inest argentum vario pondere, 
aliubi decuma parte, aliubi octava....ubicumque quinta argenti portio est, 
electrum vocatur. fit et cura electrum argento addito quod si quintam portionem 
excessit, incudibus non resistit vetusta et electro auctoritas Homero teste, qui 
Menelai regiam auro, electro, argento, ebore fulgere tradit. Compare 36, 46. In 
Latin electrum was piss used i the pure Latin sucinum, ‘amber.’ See P.-V. 53,1 
296. Plin. NV. 2H. 37> 47: genera elus plura sunt. ex 115 candids odoris praestantissimi, 
sed nec his nec cerinis pretium. fulvis maior auctoritas. ex lis etiamnum amplius 
tralucentibus, praeterquam si nimio ardore flagrent; imaginem igneam in iis esse, 
non ignem, placet. summa laus Falernis a vini colore dictis, molli fulgore perspicuis 
in quibus et decocti mellis lenitas placeat. Serv. Comm. in Verg. Aen. 8, 402: et 
secundum Plinium in naturali historia tria sunt electri genera; unum ex arboribus, 
quod sucinum dicitur; aliud, quod naturaliter invenitur, tertium, quod fit de tribus 
partibus auri et una argenti. In Georg. 3, 522: quod a nobis sucinum appellatur, 
electrum vocant Graeci. Philargyrius on Verg. Buc. 8, 54, version I: electra idest 
orarget (Irish word); version II: idest gemmae sucinae. Bliimner, Tech. u. Term. 
(Bernstein), 2, 381f.; (Goldsilber) 4, 139, 166f. 

Be Lena Op. cit., 138ff. 

7 :Od..4, 7971): φράζεο, Νεστορίδη, τῷ ἐμῷ κεχαρισμένε θυμῷ | χαλκοῦ τε 
στεροπὴν κἀδ᾽ δώματα ἠχήεντα, | χρυσοῦ 7’ ἠλέκτρου τε καὶ ἀργύρου ἠδ᾽ ἔλέφαντος. 
15, 460 (459): ἤλυθ᾽ ἀνὴρ πολύϊδρις ἐμοῦ πρὸς δώματα πατρὸς | χρύσεον ὅρμον 
ἔχων, μετὰ δ᾽ ἠλέκτροισιν ἔερτο. Compare 18, 296. 

40 Helbig, op. cit., 106. 

41 PW. 3, 1, 295: “Rev. archéol. 16, 1859, 235 und Lagrange Recherches sur la 
peinture en émail dans !’antiqu., Paris 1856, Glasfluss (Smalte), Feys in der Revue 
de l’instruct. publ. de Belg. 1863, 461 Glas. Doch hat keine dieser Annahmen 
Wahrscheinlichkeit fir sich, und nur darum kann es sich handeln, ob bei Homer 
sowie in einigen spateren Erwahnungen des ἤλεκτρον Bernstein oder die den 
gleichen Namen fiihrende Goldlegierung gemeint 8361. Bliimner, Tech. u. Term. 4, 
408: “Die mehrfach aufgestellte Behauptung, welche namentlich an Labarte und 
Cohausen Vertheidiger gefunden hat, dass das homerische ἤλεκτρον Smalte bedeute, 
ist zweifellos unhaltbar. Wir haben ἤλεκτρον in verschiedenen Bedeutungen kennen 
gelernt: als, Bernstein sowohl, wie als Silbergold; dass es daneben noch jene dritte 
Bedeutung gehabt habe, daft lasst sich nirgends ein Anhalt finden.” 

42 Sched. Divers. Art. II1, 53: de electris. hoc modo omnibus electris compositis 


261] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 31 


led him to hold this view. In Suidas (S.10) where the burning-glass 
is described, there is a confusion of glass and é/ektron.** On the one 
hand, when é/ektron stands for a metal, the lexica describe it as gold 
mixed with glass and stone.‘ A table in Sancta Sophia in Con- 
stantinople seems to have been made of this artificial product.“ 
On the other hand, some forms of amber so closely resemble glass 
that they could easily be confused with it. In Hesychius /ogourion,” 


et solidatis, accipe omnia genera vitri, quod ad hoc opus aptaveris, et de singulis 
partibus parum fringens, colloca omnes fracturas simul super unam partem cupri, 
unamquamque tamen partem per se; mittens in ignem compone carbones in circuitu 
et desuper, sufflansque diligenter considerabis si aequaliter liquefiant; si sic, 
omnibus utere; si vero aliqua particula durior est, singulariter repone. accipiensque 
singulas probati vitri, mitte in ignem singillatim, et cum canduerit, proice in vas 
cupreum inque sit aqua, et statim resiliet minutatim, quod mox confringas cum 
rotundo malleo donec subtile fiat, sicque lavabis et ponens in concha munda, atque 
cooperies panno laneo. hoc modo singulos colores dispones. quo facto tolle unam 
partemauri solidati, et super tabulam aequalem adhaerebis cum cera in duobus locis, 
accipiensque pnneam anseris incisam gracile sicut ad scribendum. sed longiori 
rostro et non fisso, hauries cum ea unum ex coloribus vitri, qualem volueris, qui 
erit humidus, et cum longo cupro gracili et in summitate subtili rades a rostro 
pennae subtiliter et implebis quemcumque flosculum volueris, et quantum volueris. 
Blimner, /. c.: “Allerdings unterliegt es keinem Zweifel, dass electrum im Mittelalter 
die Bedeutung von Schmelz erhalten hat; bei Theophilus (Schedula divers. art. II. 
53) wird es mehrfach in diesem Sinne gebraucht, und in lateinischen Schriften des 
zehnten und elften Jahrhunderts kommt es ebensowohl in dieser Bedeutung, wie 
in der des silberhaltige Goldes vor.” 

48 Suid.: ὑάλη. ὕαλος. ὕαλος ἐστὶν ἀφ᾽ ἧς πῦρ ἅπτουσι. Kat φησιν ’Apiotoparns’ 
“ὁπόταν γράφοιτο ἡ δίκη, ἀπωτέρω στὰς ὧδε πρὸς τὸν ἥλιον τὰ γράμματ᾽ ἐκτήξαιμι 
τῆς ἐμῆς Oikyns.” ἔστι δὲ κατασκεύασμα ὑάλου τροχοειδὲς ἤ ἠλέκτρου, εἰς τοῦτο τεχνασθέν" 
ὅπερ ἐλαίῳ χρίσαντες καὶ ἡλίῳ θερμήναντες προσάγουσι θρναλλίδα καὶ ἅπτουσι. 
Suidas is here following very closely the scholia in R V on Aristoph. Nuéd. 768, 
but seems to have interpolated the word ἤλεκτρον which does not appear in the 
scholia as they are transmitted in the MSS. 

4 Cyrill (Zonaras, Lex. 1, 106); Photius; Bachmann, Anecd. Gr. 1, 250, 4; 
Suidas; Etym. Magn. 425, 25; Miller, Mé/anges, 147 (from Flor. Ms. 304); Zonaras, 
986: ἤλεκτρον" ἀλλότυπον χρυσίον μεμιγμένον ὑέλῳ Kal λιθίᾳ. Etym. Gud. 240, 9, has 
μεμαλαγμένον instead of μεμιγμένον. 

49 Suid.: ἤλεκτρον... . οἵας ἐστὶ κατασκευῆς ἡ τῆς ἁγίας Σοφίας τράπεζα. Zonar. 
Lex. 986: ἤλεκτρον. χάλωμα καθαρὸν, ἤ ἀλλότυπον .... τράπεζα, ὁ πανεξαίρετος 
τοῦ θεοῦ ναός. Salmas. Plin. Exercit. 761bC: “pro ἀλλότυπον etiam non dubito quin 
apud Hesychium legendum sit, ὑαλότυπον. sic ἄλλης λιθίας apud auctorem peripli- 
pro ὑαλῆς Nias. electrum autem ὑαλότυπον. χρυσίον eleganter vocatur, quasi 
dicas vitreum aurum, quod auri formam habeat simul et vitri. de succino intelli 
gendum. similiter et in hac uoce corrigendus Eudemus Rhetor: ἤλεκτρον ὑαλότυπον 
Xpuciov, μεμιγμένον μετά ὑέξλοὰ Kal λίθου. 

4 Hesych.: λογούριον᾽ ὕελος. Λάκωνες. | λογκούριον᾽ ὕαλος (λογούριον, Cod.). 
For a discussion of the spelling, see P.-W.3, 1. 301f.; Schmidt, Hesych. 3, 47, 12. 
In this same note there is a discussion of Hesych. ἀϊτυρον᾽ ὕαλον, which Schmidt 


32 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [262 


which is probably the /yxkourion*? mentioned elsewhere as amber, 
is defined as hyalos or hyelos. Perhaps the scholiast in V was thinking 
of an amber called Aya/os. However that may be, the connecting of 
élektron and glass by Hesychius, Suidas, and the scholiast in V, 
with the additional knowledge that glass and amber have been 
confused in other languages,‘ and that the term glass was in Greek 
occasionally applied to other transparent substances, has led several 
modern scholars to believe that hya/os might also designate amber.‘ 
Some would go so far as to suggest the correspondence of Aya/o- to 
sualo*° which appears in sualiternicum, the Scythian name for 
amber according to Pliny.» 

In a section on the goldsmith’s art found in an alchemical 
manuscript, Aye/os is defined as “ἃ vitreous solder.’”**. The author of 
this little tract has used Aye/os several times with this meaning.™ 

Conclusion: Although hya/os usually meant glass, it was also 
applied to other transparent substances, such as crystal, glazes, 
precious stones, and amber, as has been shown. This probably arose 
through a confusion at a time when the precise nature of these dif- 


would take as a mistake for λίγυρον, ‘amber.’ Others connect it with the Latin 
vitrum. See below, p. 61, n. 9. 

47 Hesych.: λυγκούριον. τὸ ἤλεκτρον. “λυγιουργόν-ἤλεκτον cod., prius Sal- 
masius posterius Mus. correxerunt,” Schmidt. On the origin of the name see 
Theophrastus, de Lap. 28; Pliny N. H. 37, 34. 

48 Boisacq, op. cit. 996. Blimner, Tech. u. Term. 2, 383, 1, and P.-W. 3, 1, 297, 
notes the similarity between ‘glass’ and the German word for amber given by Pliny 
in N. H. 37, 42: ab Germanis appellari glaesum. 

49 Sonne, op. cit. 12, 359; Curtius, op. cit. ed. 5, 395. Froehner, La Verrerie, 5: 
“Tl ne serait donc pas impossible qu’ on efit employé parfois le méme terme pour 
désigner les deux matiéres.” Thes. Gr. Ling. 8, 127: “Non est autem succino color 
unus....aliud fulvum et perspicuum instar vitri, quod genus Gr. nuncupant ὕαλον. 

5° Prellwitz, op. cit. ed. 2, 473, considers this as doubtful. However, Boisacq, 
op. cit. 996: “ὑαλο-- semble répondre a |’élément sualo—‘pierre transparente ou qe. 
de pareil’ du nom scythe, c.-a-d. nord-européen de l’ambre sualiternicum.” 

ἽΝ, H. 37, 33: Philemon fossile esse et in Scythia erui duobus locis, candidum 
atque cerei coloris quod vocaretur electrum, in alio fulvum quod appellaretur suali- 
ternicum (hyalopyrrichum in Ulrichs, Vind. Plin. 2, 824, accepted by Detlefsen, ed. 
1873). 

® Berthelot, Collection des Anciens Alchimistes Grecs, 335: ὁ ὕελος---τὸ Bopaxov 
TO ποιοῦν μετὰ τζαπαρικὸν Kal στύψεως Kal ἅλας. 

5 (Berthelot, Collection, 323): εἶθ᾽ οὕτως βάλε ὕελον βραχὺ εἰς ἀγγεῖον 
μολυβδοῦν. 8(Idem, 324) : εἶτα θὲς εἰς ὕελον βοράχην παράνωθεν. ἄλλοι δὲ σαπωνί- 
four μόνον μετὰ ὕελον εἰς ψιλὴν δουλείαν. g: καὶ μετὰ ὕελον βοράχην τὸ τρίτον. 
32(Idem, 329): βάλε μβουράζω ἥγουν ὕελον βραχὺ, καὶ ποίησον εἴ τι θέλεις. 
33(Idem, 330): καὶ βάλε ἄνωθεν ὕελον θέλης ἄστρον, καὶ κόλλησον. 54(Idem, 
335) : ἔπειτα θὲς αὐτὸ εἰς ὕελον μέσον τοῦ πυρὸς εἰς ἀνθρακίαν. 


e 


263] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 33 


ferent substances was as yet not recognized, and then the erroneous 
usage was never entirely corrected. But it is also conceivable that 
even after glass had become better known, Aya/os may have been 
intentionally applied to other things because of the similarity in 
their appearance. 


3. ForM AND ORTHOGRAPHY 


a. Hyalos (Hyelos). The Substantive. Hyalos is ordinarily 
feminine, presumably under Attic influence,! the masculine gender 
appearing very rarely.2 With very few exceptions*® the accent comes 
upon the antepenult. The first vowel is short, but in late poetry 
it is occasionally treated as long, metri gratia,‘ in some of the deri- 
vatives. Where Aya/os designates a glass vessel, the plural number 
may occur.** In early alchemical formulae glass is designated by the 
symbol X or by a modification of this letter.» 

The first form of the word Aya/os, which we have preserved, at 
least, is hyalinos, used by Corinna (S. VI/V), as mentioned above.® 
Hyaloeidés occurs in Philolaus,* while Aye/oeides in Ion of Chios? 


1 Schol. Pind. O/. 1, 10: ἐπεὶ καὶ of ᾿Αττικοὶ πολλὰ τῶν ὀνομάτων ἀρσενικὰ ὄντα 
θηλυκῶς ἐκφέρουσιν. Ael. Dionys. in Eustath. 1390, soff.: Αἴλιος δὲ Διονύσιος 
παρασημειούμενός τινα ὅπως κατὰ γένη προφέρονται, φησὶν οὕτω. κακκάβη 
θηλυκῶς ὁ κάκκαβος᾽ ὃ καὶ παρὰ τῷ ᾿Αθηναίῳ κεῖται ἐν τῷ, κακκάβα ζέουσα. 

... καὶ ἡ ὕαλος. Photios, s. v. ὕαλος: Bachmann, Anecd. Gr. 1, 392; Schol. 
Atistoph. Nub. 768; Zonaras, Lex. 1759; Etym. Magn. 774, 3ff.; Ps.- Philemon, 
Lex. Technol. 248. 

2 Theophr. de Lap. 49: εἰ δὲ καὶ ὁ ὕελος ἐκ τῆς ὑελίτιδος ὥς τινές φασι. Alex. 
Aphrod. on Arist. de Anima, 142 (ed. Bruns, 1892): τοιαῦτά ἐστι τῶν διαφανῶν τά 
τε κάτοπτρα Kal οἱ ὕελοι, where the editor emends οἱ to ai, perhaps without sufficient 
warrant. In Lucian, Quomodo Hist. Conscr. sit, 25, one of the MSS., Vat. 87, reads 
τῷ vahw, which, however, may be a mere slip. Psellus, Carmen de Re Medica, 596: 
ὕαλος αὐτός. See below, note 3. 

8 Philostratus, Vita Ap. 3, τ: καὶ στέγει αὐτὸ πλὴν ὑελοῦ οὐδέν. Athanasius (Parr. 
Gr. 38, 789B): ἀνατείλαντος τοῦ ἡλίου αἱ ἀκτῖνες αὐτοῦ διαπερῶσι τὸν vehovV.... 
ὁ ὑελὸς οὐ συντρίβεται. Steph. Alex. 3, 20: καὶ ὑελῶν τῇ ἴσῃ. Alex. Aphrod. Problem. 
I, 41, 28: τῷ λόγῳ τούτῳ καὶ σπόγγος πίπτων οὐ ῥήγνυται, ὑέλος μέντοι ἢ ὄστρακον, 
ἤ τι τοιοῦτον σῶμα σκληρὸν πίπτον κλᾶται. Actus Petri cum Simone, 30, see below, p. 
158, n. 49. Orion (Sturz) and Etym. Gud. (Sturz), 539, 63: vedos, ἐκ μεταφορᾶς τῆς 
ὕλης. Chemistry of Moses, 34 (Berthelot, Collection, 307): ἀφροσξληνον ὑαλοῦ, κυανός. 

4 Thes. Gr. Ling. 8, 9; W. Schulze, Quaest. Epic. (1892), 180. 

42 See below, p. 156, n. 36. 

4 Berthelot, Introduction, 109: Xtedos. (from Ms. of St. Mark’s, fol. 2 fig. 4, 
II, 29). 114: bias Χ (from Ms. 2327, fig. 7, V, 17). Hist. 2,4, note 5: “Le signe 
syriaque dérive immédiatement du signe grec.” Sn, i τὸς 

5 See above, p. 23. 

δ See below, p. 47, n. 51. 

7 See below, p. 47, n. 52. 


34 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [264 


attests the employment of the spelling with epsilon in the fifth 
century B.c. Herodotus (. V)® is the first to use the substantive 
form of hyalos, although as we have seen, he does not apply it.to 
actual glass. Then follows its use in Aristophanes (S. V),9 Plato 
(S. V/IV),!° and Aristotle (S. IV). In the latter Aye/os also occurs. 
On account of the different manuscript tradition for the separate 
works of Aristotle, it is impossible to tell which form Aristotle himself 
really used. In Theophrastus (S. IV/III)" Ayelos appears regularly. 
The two forms, Aya/os and hyelos,4 then continue side by side, and 


8 3,24. There is some variation in spelling; Aye/os occurs only once in manuscript 
P of the fourteenth century, while Aya/os appears uniformly in the earlier manu- 
scripts, and also in P in another instance in this same passage. 

9 Nub. 768. 

10 Tim. 61B. ) 

11 Meteor. 4, 10, 389A, 8: χρυσὸς μὲν δὴ καὶ ἄργυρος Kal χαλκὸς Kal καττίτερος Kal 
μόλυβδος Kal ὕαλος Kal λίθοι πολλοὶ ἀνώνυμοι ὕδατος" πάντα γὰρ ταῦτα TEKETAL 
θερμῷ. ὕελλος Brec. F σοτΓ. πη. 1 Η Ν corr. m. 1: βέλος N. De Color. 3, 7944, 5: ἐπὶ δὲ 
τῶν πυκνῶν ἐπὶ πάντων ἐπιφαίνεταί τις ἀχλύς, καθάπερ ἐπὶ τοῦ ὕδατος καὶ ὑάλου 
(ὑέλου Χ) καὶ τοῦ ἀέρος. Problem. 11, g05B, 6ff.: διὰ τοῦτο καὶ μὲν τῆς ὑέλου διορᾶται 
πυκνῆς οὔσης .... ἀλλ᾽ ἔνια κωλύεται διὰ τὴν μικρότητα τῶν πόρων οἷον ἡ ὕελος. 
25, 939A, 13ff.: ἐπαλλάττουσι γὰρ οἱ πόροι, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐν τῇ ὑάλῳ. ὁ δὲ ἀὴρ οὐ κωλύεται 
διὰ τὸ μὴ εὐθυπορεῖν οὗ διέρχεται. Analyt. Post. 7, 3884, 14: οἷον εἰ τὴν ὕελον 
τετρυπημένην ἑωρῶμεν καὶ τὸ φῶς διιόν, δῆλον ἂν ἦν καὶ διὰ τί καίει, τῷ ὁρᾶν μὲν 
χωρὶς ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστης, νοῆσαι δ᾽ ἅμα ὅτι ἐπὶ πασῶν οὕτως. Aristotle, Frag. 266 (Rose 
(1886), p. 209, 17): ὁ ὕελος. Stob. Ecl. 1, 52 (Diels, Doxogr. (1879), 456): ᾽Αριστο- 
TEANS ὁρᾶν ἡμᾶς κατὰ κίνησιν τοῦ κατ᾽ ἐνέργειαν διαφανοῦς. διαφανὲς δὲ οὐ μόνον 
εἶναι τὸν ἀέρα, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ καί τινα τῶν συνισταμένων ποθέν, οἷον ὕαλον καὶ 
κρύσταλλον καί τινας τῶν λαμπρῶν λίθων. 

2 De Lap. 49. De Igne, 73. Frag. τ84: ᾿Ιχθῦς ἱστορεῖ Θ. ὑπὸ ῥίγους πεπηγότας, 
ἂν ἀφεθῶσιν ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν, κατάγνυσθαι Kal συντρίβεσθαι δίκην ὑέλων ἢ κεραμεῶν 
σωμάτων. 

18 Job. 28, 17; Agatharchides (Miller, Geog. Gr. Min. 1 (1855), 170, 6ff.; 23ff.). 
Strabo, 3, 1, 5, see below, p. 183, ἢ. 26. Ibid. 17, 2, 3.; Antiphilos (4nth. Pal. 6, 
250, or Suidas, s. v. vapdos); Anon. Lond. Iatrica (H. Diels, Suppl. Aristot. (1893), 
3a, col. 39, 18); Philo, Leg. ad Gaium, 45 (some of the manuscripts give tedos); 
Peripl. Maris Erythr. 49,56; Rev. 21,18 and 21; Ael. Dionys. in Eust. 1390, 53; Galen, 
3, 760; 5, 623; 7, 138, 348; 8, 81; 11, 411, 749; 12, 185, 206; 13, 42, 663; 16, 367; Paus. 
2, 27; 8, 18; Iren. (Pasr. Gr. 5, 1388A; 7, 440); Luc. Ver. Narrat. 2, 14: ex 0*)ov. 
Idem, de Luctu, 21; Quomodo Hist. Conser. sit, 25; Alex. Aphrod. on Arist. de Anima, 
133, 18; 138, 28; 149, 26; Idem, Problem. 1, 61; 2, 39; Pollux, 3, 87; 6, 14 (in MSS 
CV); P. Fay. 134, 4; Caesar. Dial. 1, 68 (Pair. Gr. 38, 936); Orib. 2, 711, 15, 15 9; 
550, ς (from Galen); Orion: ὑάλη" ὕαλος. Hesych. s. v. λογούριον, ὑάλη, ὕαλος. 
Aen. Gaz. 552, 71; Damascius, Dud. et Solut. 1, 183, 11; Ach. Tat. 2, 3; Rufinus 
(Anth. Pal. 5, 36; 48); Andreas Caesar. (Pair. Gr. 106, 433, 437); David Armen. 
Proleg. in Porphyr. Isogog. 20,11;Paul. Silent. Descriptio δ. Sophiae, 409 (for the dia- 
lectic form ὑάλοιο (gen.), see Idem, 824 and cf. Suid. s. v. ἔνδιος and ovpiaxos); Schol. 
on Plato’s Alcibiades, 132E; Olympiodorus on Plato’s Alcibiades, 2, 223, ὑαλοκέρας 
is an error for ὕαλον ἢ κέρας (see Comm. by Creuzer (1921), note 53); Thes. Gr. 


265] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 35 


the same is true of the compounds and derivatives. Herodian (J. 2) 
in his work on orthography puts Aya/os as the preferred form, which 
is what would be inferred, at least, from its more frequent occur- 
rence up to this time, and because it seems to have been the older 
form. Phrynichus (S. 2/3)* and the later grammarians"’ insist that 


Ling. 8, 7; Paul Aeg. (Corp. Med. graec.) 6, 22, 24; 7, 3; Daremberg-Ruelle, Oeuvres 
de Rufus d Ephese (1879), 444, 12; Briau, Chirurgie (1855), 142; Theognostus, 
Canon. 18, 29; Photius, Bid/. 275 (Pair. Gr. 104, 244A); Schol. on Clem. Alex Paedag. 
180, 28; Psellus, Carm. de Re Med. 596; Zonaras, Lex. 1665, 1759; Nicephorus 
Blemm. Epitome Log. (Pair. Gr. 142, 697, 18C); Berthelot, Collection, 37, note 4; 
307; 353, 11; 361, 34; 364, 1 (ter); 365, 3; 366, 3, 4; 378, note 7; [ntroduction, 114. 

4 Hedylos in Athen. 11, 486B or Anthol. Gr. Append. 1, no. 115; Hero, 
Pneumat. 2, 4; Definitiones, 4, 102, 16; 106, 3, 10 (in the latter ὑάλοις C); Diod. 2, 
15,1, 2,4; Joseph. Bell. Iud. 2, 10,2 (ὕελον PAML? ὕαλον (a ex corr. V) L'VR ὕαλλον 
C); Plut. Quaest. Conv. 3, 19, 3; Galen. 13, 290; 16, §85; 19,695; Mesomedes (4nth. 
Pal. 16, 323); Luc. Amores 26; Alex. Aphrod. on Arist. de Anima, 142, 28; Met. 
588, 40. Idem, Problem. 1, 119, 120; 2, 4; Clem. Alex. Paedag. 2, 3, 35; 12, 118; 
Philostratus, Vita Ap. 3, 1; Epist. 242, 21; P. Holm.i, 5; Ps.-Callisthenes, 2, 18, 38; 
Athan. (Pair. Gr. 28, 789B); Apsyrtus (Hippiatr. 2, 82); Orib. 5, 66, 1; Daremberg- 
Ruelle, op. cit. (1879), 569; Titus Bostrensis (Pair. Gr. 18, 1193C); Theodoretus 
(Patr. Gr. 83, 617A); Steph. Alex. de Magna et Sacra Arte, 3 (Ideler, 2, (1842), 
209, 210, 213); Hesych. (see p. 29, note 32, and p. 31, note 46); Orion: bends [sic]; 
Anaphora Pilati 2 (Tischendorf, Evang. Apoc. 422); Philoponus on Arist. de Anima, 
2, 6, 7; Meteor. A, 3, 5; Hirschberg, Die Augenheilkunde des Aetius von Amida 
(1899), 1, 25; Alex. Trall. (Daremberg-Ruelle, op. cit. (1879), 95); Excerpta ex 
Commentar. Alexandri et Olympiodori (Ideler, 29); Photius (see p. 31, ἢ. 44. The 
spelling must be due to the copyist, for Photius says elsewhere that Aya/os and not 
hyelos should be used); Photius Patr. Constant. (Pair. Gr. 101, 277A); Meletius 
(Patr. Gr. 64, 1168Bff.); Bachmann, Anecd. Gr. 1, 250, 4; Leo. Philos. Conspect. 
Med. 3, τ, 129; Suid. s. v. διαφανές and ἤλεκτρον; Geopon. 5, 7, 2; 9, 19, το; Abitan. 
de Urinis, 296, 20; Scholia to Hesiod (Flach (1876), 427, 31); Psellus, de Lap. 1, 25; 
Etym. Gud. 78, 240; Schol. on Aristoph. Nudb. 768; Etym. Magn. s. v. ἀλάβαστρον 
and ἤλεκτρον; Zonaras, Lex. 5. υ. ἤλεκτρον; Eust. on Arist. Analyt. Post. 151, 21ff. 
(ὕαλος et ὑάλον in MS. E); Demetrius, Hier. 26, 271, 281, 283; Joan. Actuarius, 
de Urinis, 2, 32, 21; 33, 12; Nemes. de Natura Hominis (Pair. Gr. 40, 645B); 
Berthelot, Collection, 25, 7; 37, 13 38, 33 55, 33 75, note 20; 247, 2; 305, 27; 310, 50; 
333, 433 349s 1, 2, 3» 45 378, 3; 3893; 390; 422, note 6; Introduction, 108, 213. See 
above, p. 32, n. 53. 

% Herod. Tech. Reliquiae (ed. Lenz (1868), 2, 595, 15: ὕαλος ὕελος. 

16 De Borries, Phryn. Praepar. Soph. (1911), 118: ὑάλινα καὶ ὕαλος : διὰ τοῦ a, οὐ 
διὰ τοῦ €. Lobeck, Phryn. (1820), 309: Wiedos, μιερός, ὕελος, ἁμαρτάνουσιν ot διὰ 
τοῦ ε λέγοντες. ἀδόκιμον yap. Kal Kopivva τὸν ὑάλινον παῖδα θήσεις. Ὃ πύελος διὰ 
τοῦ ε, καὶ μυελὸς ῥητέον. “Primum articulum Edd. Pr. V et Phav. omittunt.... 
Secundum articulum Ed. Pr. hoc modo scriptum exhibet: πύελος, μυελός, ὕελος 
ῥητέον. ἁμαρτάνουσι yap οἱ μὴ διὰ τοῦ € λέγοντες, ἀλλὰ διὰ τοῦ ἃ. In oculos in- 
currit, haec non ab eodem Phrynicho scribi potuisse .. .. ὕαλος non ὕελος dicendum 
esse, uno ore tradunt Phrynichus App. p. 68. Dionysius Atticista, Photius, alii. v. 
Sallier p. 373. Neque Theophrasti auctoritas, quam ille praetexit, tanta videri 
debet, ut grammaticorum sententiae, Aristophanis et Platonis testamentis 


36 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [266 


the spelling with alpha is the only correct one, while a certain 
Polybius, of whom practically nothing is known, even lists Ayelos 
as a barbarism,!8 which is surely going too far. The grammarians 
no doubt merely mean that Aya/os is the Attic form and hyelos, the 
Hellenistic, as, indeed, it is once expressed by Moeris!® and Thomas 
Magister (δ, 13/14).2° This is only partly true, for although hya/os 
is Attic, it is also Boeotian” and Ionic.” It is, therefore, probably 
just the older form. There are a few other words which have similar 


communitae, idcirco abrogemus.” Rutherford, The New Phryn. (1881), 281: 
ψίεθος .... θήσεις. “This article is not found in any of the manuscripts, in the 
editions of Calligeres or Vascosan, or in Phavorinus; but the first Laurentian 
manuscript and the first editor include ὕελος in the next article. Much of this part 
of the book is undeniably spurious.” See also Scholl (Sitzungsber. der Miinch. 
Akad. 2 (1893), 500). 

17 Photius: ὕαλος᾽ διὰ τοῦ a οὐχὶ ὕελος" Kal θηλυκῶς ἡ ὕαλος" Kal ὑάλινον᾽" 
᾿Αριστοφάνης ᾿Αχαρνεῦσιν᾽ ἐξ ὑαλίνων ποτηρίων καὶ χρυσίδων" πάντα δὲ τὰ τοιαῦτα 
διὰ τοῦ ἃ λέγονται. Bachmann, Anecd. Gr. 1 (1828), 392ff. (the same as Photius 
through χρυσίδων). Bekker, Anuecd. Gr. 1 (1814), 68, 22: ὑάλινα καὶ ὕαλος" διὰ τοῦ 
a, οὐ διὰ τοῦ €. Schol. on Aristoph. Nud. 768 (Dibner (1855), 116): ὅτι δὲ ὕαλος 
θηλυκῶς, καὶ διὰ τοῦ a. Zonaras, Lex. 1759: καὶ τὴν ὕαλον θηλυκῶς ἐν τῷ ἄλφα λεκτέον, 
οὐχὶ ἐν τῷ ε.( Etym. Magn. 774, 3ff.: ὕαλος : διὰ τοῦ ἃ, οὐχ ὕελος" καὶ θηλυκῶς, ἡ ὕαλος. 
Miller, Mélanges de Lit. Grec. Etym. Mag. (1868), (Flor. MS. 304) 290: ὕαλος, 774, 4: 
καὶ ὑάλινον᾽ ᾿Αριστοφάνης ἐν ’Axapvedow (v.74 ubi ἐκ πωμάτων Kal χρυσίδων)" ἐξ 
ὑαλίνων ποτηρίων καὶ χρυσίνων. πάντα δὲ διὰ τοῦ ἃ λέγεται. Ps.-Philemon, Lex. 171 
(a forgery, probably written by J. Diassarinus, according to Krumbacher, Gesch. d. 
byzant. Lit. ed. 2 (1897)): bados* παρ᾽ ᾿Αττικοῖς, ὁ ὕελος᾽ καὶ ὑάλοεν, διαφανές. 
᾿Αριστοφάνην᾽ τὴν ὕαλον λέγεις. ὅπερ κατασκεύασμά ἐστιν ὑάλου τροχοειδὲς TAXI, 
ἐφ᾽ οὗ χέοντες ἔλαιον, καὶ χρίοντες αὐτό, καὶ θερμαίνοντες, προσάγουσι θρυαλλίδα" 
καὶ οὕτως ἄπτουσιν. ὅτι δὲ ὕαλος θηλυκῶς καὶ διὰ τοῦ ἃ, φανερὸν παρ᾽ ᾿Αττικοῖς" 
Ὅμηρος δὲ τὸ ὄνομα οὐκ εἶπεν, ἀλλὰ παρ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ τοῖς ἀρχαίοις ἤλεκτρός ἔστιν, 
ὕαλος δὲ οὔ. Note 248: “Similia Phavorinus ἢ. v. p. 1789. 1.” 

18 De Barbarismo et Soloecismo (Nauck, Lex. Vindob. (1867), 284): περὶ δ᾽ 
ἐναλλαγὴν γίνεται βαρβαρισμὸς. περὶ Tas προσῳδίας, Kal ὅταν ἕτερα ἀνθ᾽ ἑτέρων 
λαμβάνηται γράμματα οἷον εἴ τις λέγοι φιέλην τὴν φιάλην καὶ ὕελον τὴν ὕαλον. 
The MS. here (see Boissonade, Anecd. Gr. 3 (1831), 230) gives: φιέ φιάλην καὶ ὕελον 
τὴν ba ate. All that can be said of the date of Polybius is that his work appears 
in a manuscript dated 1496. See Boissonade, 229. 

19 Attic. Lex. 275: ὕαλος, ἐν τῷ a, ᾿Αττικῶς. ἐν τῷ ε, Ἑλληνικῶς. Sallier (1831) 
on Moeris, 275: “ Ita Lucianus, qui ut et Theophrastus, ὕελος t. I. p. 1044. scribere 
non dubitavit. τὸ δ᾽ ἄλλο σῶμα, inquit, μηδ᾽ ἀκαρῆ τριχὸς αὐταῖς ὑποφυομένης 
ἠλέκτρου φασίν, ἢ Σιδωνίας ὑέλου διαφεγγέστερον ἀπαστράπτει. Quod si ὕαλος 
etiam in eiusdem scriptis occurrit, ex eo illud tantum sequitur, nomen ὕαλος et 
vedos nullo discrimine ab Atticis usurpatum.” Thes. Gr. Ling. 8, 9. 

20 365, 1ff.: ὕαλος ᾿Αττικοί. ᾿Αριστοφάνης ἐν νεφέλαις" τὴν ὕαλον λέγεις. ὕελος 
δὲ ἁπλῶς Ἕλληνες. See G. Meyer, Gr. Gram. ed. 3 (1896), 159; Blass, Gram. 4. Ν. 
Test. (1902), 21. 

21 See Corinna in Phryn. 309. 

22 See Herodotus, 3, 24. 


267] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 37 


alternate forms, the origin of the second one of which is often un- 
known.” It has been suggested that Aye/os is produced by a weaken- 
ing of the alpha,™ or that it is an Ionic form*® admitted by late 
Atticists.2 Hvya/os also survived in popular speech along with 
hyelos, as is shown by its use in literature which made no pretense to 
Atticism, such as the New Testament,?’ its appearance in papyri,”® 
and its survival in modern Greek.?? 

b. Hyalos (Hyelos). The Adjective. Hyalos*® (hyelos)*! sometimes 
occurs as an adjective of three terminations. The Etymologicum 
Magnum (δ. 12) gives hyalinos as preferable to hyalos, and this 
statement is, of course, correct if one judges by standards of fre- 
quency of occurrence. It has been suggested that Aya/os here may 
be an error for Aya/ous,** but, despite the fact that other lexica in 
much the same connection speak of hya/ous, there is no doubt that 
hyalos was also used as an adjective, and such a correction here 
would be nothing less than the destruction of evidence. Finally it 
should be noted that among the Romans hya/os was also glossed by 


23 Brugmann, Grundriss, 2 (1870), 174; Schweizer, Gram. der pergamen. Inschr. 
(1898), 36. 

“24 Schmid, Der Atticismus, 4 (1896), 683. 

% Smyth, The Greek Dialects (1894), 140: “Forms ἴῃ τέλος in the κοινή were once 
held to be Ionic, perhaps because of Hom. πύελος μυελός, later πύαλος pvados.” 
Thumb, D. gr. Sprach. im Zeitalter. des Hellenismus, ed. 2 (1901), 75; Solmsen, 
Handb. der griech. Laut. u. Formenlehre (1903), 178; Blass-Debrunner, Gram. d. N. 
Test. ed. 4 (1913), 29. 

% Schmid, op. cit. 4, 580: “Vulgarismen... welche aber médglicherweise als 
Ionismen passierten.”’ 

27 Kihner-Blass, Gr. Gram. 1, ed. 3 (1890), 117; Schweizer, op. cit. 36; Thumb, 
op. cit. ed. 2, 18, 76. 

28 See above, p. 29, n. 30; below, ἢ. 30. 

29 Dieterich, Untersuch. z. Gesch.d. Gr. Spr.(1891), 69; Kyriakides, Mod. Gr.-Eng. 
Dict. ed. 2 (1892), 784ff., 737; Koumanoudes, Synag. Neon Lex. 2 (1900), 1021ff., 
1030. On the development of γα] see Jannaris, 4n Hist. Gr. Gram. (1897), 151; 
Chatzidakes, Gloss. Melet. 1 (1901), 222; Cousin, Etudes de Géog. anc. (1906), 254. 

30 P. Ox. 13, 10, 1294, 6: ὑάλαι λάγυνοι δ᾽ ὕγειαι; cf. Luc. Quomodo Hist. Conser. 
Sit, 25, where, according to Sommerbrodt (1893), the following variants occur: ὕαλα 
Marc, 434, Vatic. go. taka Harl.badda Vatic. 87,” which, although incorrect readings 
for Lucian, do yet, when combined with other evidence, attest the existence of these 
as possible forms. 

* Galen, 14, 409; Ps.-Callisthenes, 2, 38, 7; Paul. Aeg. (ed. Ald.) 35, 10; Zosimus 
(Berthelot, Collection, 236, note 15: ὑέλους M K) 

82774, 3: Kal ὑάλινον, ἀντὶ τοῦ ὕαλον. Cf. Miller, Mélanges, 290: ὅθεν καὶ 
ὑάλινα ἀντὶ τοῦ ἅλα (ὕαλα). 

%8 “Pro ὕαλον sententia requirit potius ὑαλοῦν, vitrium,” wrote Sylberg, unaware 
apparently of this employment of bados-n-ov as an adjective. 


38 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [268 


vitreus,** although this might be the noun Aya/os glossed by the 
substantive vitreum. In every case the significance is ‘made of 
glass,’ but Hesychius*® also gives the derived meaning ‘bright.’ 

c. Hyallos (Hyellos). In late Greek a spelling with the double 
lambda, i. e. Ayal/os and hyellos, sometimes appears.** It 15 impossible 
to say at just what time this spelling begins, but the manuscripts 
in which these forms occur (in so far as I could find any indication of 
their age) range from the eleventh to the fourteenth century, 
and the double / is used in some of the Aldine editions also (see 
preceding note), so that this must have been a vulgar spelling which 
had grown pretty common by the fifteenth century, but is not at- 
tested by papyri or inscriptions, and hence is probably Byzantine 
in origin. 

d. Hyalé. Like a few other nouns (e. g., chénos-né, tylos-lé, etc.) ,%* 
the word for glass, according to the lexicographers,?? was also 


34 Corp. Gloss. Lat.:vitr[e]um vitreus ὕαλος; vitreum ὕελος. 

3 §. vy. ὑαλόν᾽ λαμπρόν. Schmidt: “In cod. ὑαλόν scriptam, malui in ὑαλοῦν 
mutare, quam cum Thes. in taddev.”” See Thes. Gr. Ling. 8, 7, 5. 0. tados. There 
seems to be no need for changing the manuscript reading. 

86 Herodotus, 3, 24: ἐξ ὑάλλου ν' (S. 14); Arist. Meteor. 4, 10, 389A, 8: “ὕελλος B 
rec. F corr. m. 1.” (B. S. 12, F. S. 14); Strabo, 17, 2, 3: ὕαλλον F(S. 14); Joseph. 
Bell. Iud. 2, το, 2: ὕαλλον C(S. 11); Herodian, Epim. 138: ὕελλος" ὑελλοψός (note: 
“ὕελλος quod sequitur sic per duplex ἃ scriptum est in Lexico 7. mveup. p. 236,” 
Boissonade);Luc. Ver. Hist. 2, 11: ὑέλλινοι Vatic. 87 (Sommerbrodt), N(Nils Nilén); 
Idem, Quomodo Hist. Conser. sit, 25: ὕαλλα, ὑάλλου Vatic. 87; Alex. Aphrod. on 
Arist. Met. 588, 40: ὕελλον AL(S. 13); Ps.-Callisthenes, 2, 38 (ed. Meusel, n. 42): 
ὑελλίνῳ (quoted in Crénert, Memoria Gr. Herculanensis, 75,7); Hesych. s. v. ἀΐτυρον 
Ald. (1514): taddov; Idem: ἔνβενος" ὑελ[λ]οειδής. [ἐνβεννοειδῆς" behAoHdns (sic) C]; 
Idem: κρόσταλλος εἶδος béd[AJov (Schmidt: “Dialectus est Cypria. ὑέλλου cod., em. 
Palmer”); Alex. Aphrod. Problem. 1, 132 (ed. Ideler (1841), 1, 45): διὰ τί τὰ ὑξλινα 
κάτοπτρα λάμπουσιν ἄγαν, 6 τι ἔνδοθεν αὐτῶν χρίουσι κασσιτέρῳ πέφευκε δ᾽ αὐτοῦ 
ἡ φύσις διαυγὴς καὶ τῇ ὑξέλλῳ ἀναμιγνυμένη λαμπρᾷ οὔσῃ πλέον διαυγάζεται, καὶ 
τὰς ἰδίας ἀκτῖνας διὰ τῶν πόρων τῆς ὑέλλου παραπέμπουσα διπλασιάζει τὸ ἐπὶ 
πολλῆς καὶ ἐκτὸς τοῦ σώματος τῆς ὑέλλου᾽ καὶ οὕτως γίνεται σφόδρα λάμπουσα. 
Olympiod. on Arist. Meteor. 4 (ed. Ideler, 2 (1836), 228): Ald. ὑελλέψαις (Ideler 
quotes Hesych. ὑελλέψεις᾽ ὑελοτέχναι, but there is no indication in the Schmidt 
edition of a double lambda in this passage); J. Nicole, Le livre du préfet (1893), 71 
(Cod. Jul. Ascal.), 19, Title: περὶ ὑελλουργῶν καὶ τῶν ὁμοίων. I. 1. ὑελλουργούς. 
Gen. MS. 23 Σ (S. 14); Suid. s. v. ἤλεκτρον. MS. E ὑέλλῳ; Zonaras, 1043: ὑξλλινον. 
1665: ὕελλος A; Georg. Lacapen. de Syntaxi, 114: ὥσπερ γὰρ ὁ ἥλιος διὰ μέσου ὑξλλου, 
ἢ ὕδατος τὰς ἀκτίνας ἐκπέμπει τὸ φῶς (quoted from DuCange). 

ὅδ. Lobeck, Pathol. Proleg. 7ff. 

87 Orion (Sturz); Photius; Bachmann, Anecd. Gr. τ, 393; Suidas; Etym. Gud. 
(Sturz), 538): ὑάλη" ὕαλος. Hesych. also defines hyalé as hyalos, but he gives it the 
further meaning of a ‘worm.’ ὑάλη᾽ ὕαλος" BouBvé. σκόληξ. Similarly, ὑάλεται" 
σκωληκιᾷ. Elsewhere εὐλή is defined as a worm: εὐλάζει᾽ καπρᾷ. σκωληκιᾷ. |evdal* 


269] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 39 


heteroclitic, i. e., hya/os and hyalé. The latter form, however, occurs 
very seldom outside the lexica. In two manuscripts of Suidas, where 
he is quoting Antiphilus, Aya/és is used instead of hya/ou.** An 
interpolation in the text of Dioscorides*® contains the word hya/é, but 
the accent falls upon the last syllable, a thing which happens very 
rarely with hya/os (hyelos). It is possible that the hya/é (oxytone) 
of the Interpolator is not just the same as the Aya/é (paroxytone) 
which the lexica define as ‘glass,’ but some special kind of a glass 
vessel. Yet those who define it as a ‘vial’° or ‘glass vessel’4! do not 
explain its accent, but consider it the same as the Aya/é with the 
ordinary accent, 1. e., paroxytone. In that case there is no reason to 
give it any further definition than that of the lexica, simply ‘glass.’ 
The Greeks used hyalos (hyelos) for a glass vessel or something 
made of glass. The physicians especially speak of putting a medicine 
‘in’ or ‘into a glass’ without any specification as to the nature of the 
vessel. The use of hyalé (oxytone) by the Interpolator of Dios- 
corides seems very similar. Of course this may have been a vial, and 
so might the hard-glass of Antiphilus, but since the word vial is not 
derived from Aya/é, and there is nothing in the context to throw light 
upon the shape of the vessel, except that it is likely to have been of 
small or moderate size, any opinion is nothing more than a guess. 
Then in spite of the oxytone accent which occurs so seldom in 
hyalos, it seems probable that Aya/é (oxytone) is the same as the 
hyalé (paroxytone) defined as hya/os in the lexica, and, when used 
οἱ ἐν τοῖς τραύμασι γινόμενοι σκώληκες. | εὐλάς᾽ σκώληκας. | εὐλέων: σκωλήκων. 
From this it has been conjectured that ὑάλη and ὑάλεται are probably dialectic 
forms for εὐλή and εὐλάζει. Thes. Gr. Ling. 8,7, 5. v. ὑάλομαι: “Fortasse alicubi 
ὑάλεται pro εὐλᾶται et ὑάλη pro εὐλή corrupte scriptum reperit. Supra εὐλάζει" 
σκωληκιᾷ. Ruhnk.” See Curtius, op. cit. ed. ς (1879), 564: “While the stem eva 


with prefixed é stands for Aa in vada the initial ¢ survives in the form of 
v,.... ὑάλεται, however, is no denominative like σκωληκιᾶν" εὐλάζειν,. .. . but 
must be regarded as a primative verb in the sense of ‘swarms’.” 

38 Suid. s. v. vapdos’ μυρέψικον ἔλαιον. θηλυκῶς. Kal és κυανότριχα χαίτην νάρδον, 
ὑπὸ γλαυκῆς κλειομένην ὑάλου (ὑάλης reading of MSS. B. E.). 

9 Interpolator of Diosc. 1, Parabil. 170 (ed. of Venice 1518): βαλὼν αὐτὸ els 
ὑαλήν, kal κρέμασον eis ἥλιον ἡμέρας λ΄. These interpolations date from the period 
between Galen and Oribasins (Wellmann in P.-W, 5, 1141, off.). 

40 Du Cange, Gloss. Med. et Inf. Gr. 2: ὑάλη “‘vas vitreum colli angustioris, 
nostris inde Fiole,” quoting the interpolator of Dioscorides, 1, Paradil. 170. Since, 
however, fiole is derived from L. phiala, Gr. φιάλη (see Skeat, 4n Etym. Dict. of the 
Eng. Lang. (1910), 690), this view is clearly wrong. 

" Thes. Gr. Ling. 8, 9, on Peripl. Maris Erythr. Bias ὑαλῆς πλείονα γένη: 
“Interpr. Omnis generis vasa vitrea,” but this is clearly the adjective and not a 
noun, and hence does not belong here. 


40 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [270 


alone for a glass object, it is to be interpreted according to the con- 
text. 

e. Proper Nouns. Among the nymphs of Diana there was one 
by the name of Hyalé, the ‘Glassy-bright,’ a designation which 
probably suggests the bright, clear water of mountain springs.” 

In a list of Athenian Ephebi, as given by Boeckh,# the name 
Loukios Hyalos occurs. Keil** thought this very doubtful, and 
proposed Hy//os but there is no doubt of the reading of the inscrip- 
tion,*® and in view of Hya/é (above) the name seems to be a possible 
one.“ 

According to Nicolaus Damascenus (δ. I), “5. “Among the 
Lybian Hyaloi a man rules over the men while a woman rules over 
the women.” This is probably only an accidental homonym. 

f. γαίας. The form hya/as occurs in a Greek papyrus in the 
British Museum.‘7 Kenyon regards the termination as irregular, 
and lists it in the index under Aya/os. It is very unlikely, however, 
that this has anything to do with glass, but by folk etymology it 
probably arises from gya/as,*8 a special kind of cup mentioned by 
Athenaeus.*? 

g. Aityron. In Hesychius (S. 5) aityron is defined as hyalon. There 
have been repeated efforts to connect it with the Latin vitrum, 


# Ovid. Metam. 3, 171: excipiunt laticem Nepheleque Hyaleque Rhanisque | et 
Psecas et Phiale funduntque capacibus urnis. Of course Hye/é, the old name for 
Elea (Strabo, 6, 1, 1; Herod. Tech. Reliquiae, 1, 284, 23; Diog. Laert. 9, 28), a town 
in Lucania, has nothing to do with Ayalos. It represents the Latin Velia, the 
upsilon standing for the Latin VY or W sound (Schulze in Kuhns Zeitschr. 33 (1895), 
396; Kretschmer in Wiener Eranos (1909), 120). 

4 CIG, 1, 286: AOTKIOZ ΥΑΛΟΣ =IGIII, 2, 1161, 21. 

“4 Spec. Onom. Gr. (1840), 77. 

4 Hyelos (Pape-Benseler, s. v. Ὕελος) does occur as an error for Euryalé, the 
mother of Orion. See Schneider, Nicandrea Theriaca et Alexipharmaca, 5, 26: 
Ἡσίοδος δέ φησιν αὐτὸν ἐξ Evpuadns τῆς Μίνωος θυγατρὸς εἶναι καὶ Ποσειδῶνος. 
Note on Ἡσίοδος] “cf. schol. Arat. phaen. 322 Eratosthenes catast. 32 Εὐρυάλης 
Eratosthenes |. c. Apollod. 1, 4, 3 ὑέλου KA.” 

6 It is in the Louvre, no. 140 in Froehner’s Inser. gr. du Musée du Louvre. 

“6a Frag. (Hist. Gr. Min. 1 (1870), 149): ἐν Ὑάλοις AiBvow ἀνὴρ μὲν ἀνδρῶν 
βασιλεύει, “γυνὴ δὲ γυναικῶν. 

47 P. Lond. 2 (1898), 402, 13: ποτήριον ναλας (sic). 

48 Wilcken (Archiv fiir Papyrusf. 1 (1901), 135); Herwerden, Lex. Gr. Supp. et 
Dialect. (1904), s. v.. ὕαλας; Mayser, Gram. d. gr. Pap. (1906), 164. 

“9 11,31: TYAAAD. Φιλητᾶς ἐν ᾿Ατάκτοις Μεγαρέας οὕτω φησὶ καλεῖν τὰ 
ποτήρια, γυάλας. ἹἸΠαρθένιος δ᾽ ὁ τοῦ Διονυσίου ἐν πρώτῳ περὶ τῶν παρὰ τοῖς 
ἱστορικοῖς λέξεων ζητουμένων φησί ‘Tvddas ποτηρίου εἶδος, ὡς Μαρσύας γράφει ὁ 
ἱερεὺς τοῦ Ἡρακλέους οὕτως" ὅταν εἰσίῃ ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς τὴν πόλιν, συναντᾶν 
οἴνου πλήρη γυάλαν ἔχοντά τινα, τὸν δὲ λαβόντα σπένδειν᾽. 


271] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 41 


especially as a Grecizing of vitrum,®° but it seems much better to 
connect AITYPON and ΛΙΓΥΡΟΝ as is done by Schmidt.®! 


4. SIMPLE DERIVATIVES 


a. *Hoialas. A curious form hoiala occurs among the Christian 
sepulchral inscriptions. It has been plausibly interpreted as a vulgar 
variant for Aya/a, that is, the genitive singular of *hya/as, to indicate 
a worker in glass.! 

b. Hyaleis. See below, notes 2 and 8a. 

c. Hyaleos (Hyeleos). Neither hyaleos® (hyeleos)* nor the con- 
tracted form, hya/ous* (hyelous),* occurs before the time of Strabo. 
The uncontracted form is rare, but the use of Aya/ous is fairly com- 
mon, although not so common as that of Ayalinos, for which the 
grammarians® express a preference above other adjectives of a 
similar meaning. Hya/eos usually has the significance ‘of glass,’ 
‘made of glass,’ but sometimes it also means ‘bright,’ ‘smooth,’ 
‘transparent,’ or ‘like glass.’"® It is used in describing the cheek of a 
boy,’ and eyes. 


50 See below, p. 61, n. 9-10; p. 62, ἢ. 20; p. 63, n. 8. 

51 See above, p. 31, n. 46; Zeitschrift. f. vergl. Spr. 9(1860), 399fF. 

1 Bayet (Bull. de Corr. Hellén. 2 (1878), 166, n. 62); IG 3, 3436: Κυμητί[ή]ριον 
Εὐφρασείου οἱαλᾷ κε T'evvadias. 

2 Strato (Anth. Pal. 12, 249); Maecius (4nth. Pal. 6, 33), of uncertain date, as 
well as the following. Wessely, Corp. Papyr. Hermopolitan. (Stud. zur Pal. u. 
Papyruskunde, ς (1905), 9, 6): καὶ σκεύη ποικίλα ve[\ea]. Hesych.: ὑάλε(ο)ν. “ad 
ἢ, 1. ὑαλέν non erat ὑαλόεν corrigendum cum Thes., sed ὑάλεον (hoc accentu, Lob. 
Path. Prol. 101) quod ordo poscit,’’ Schmidt. 

a Zosimus, 14 (Berthelot, Collection, 234); Bixos ὑξλεος. 

8 Strabo, 4, 5, 3; Damocrat. in Galen, 14, 99, 5; Peripl. Maris Erythr. 6,7, 17, 393 
Dio Cassius, 57, 21, 7; Luc. Quomodo Hist. Conser. sit, 25: ὑάλινα (bara OT bara 
Harl., Sommerbrodt). Hippolytus, Elenchos, 4, 235, 2; Hesych. s. v. τριόπιος et 
ὑαλοῦν. Zosimus, 6 (Berthelot, Collection, 183); Paul Aeg. 7, 14, I. 

4 P. Lond. 2, 191; Soranus (Ideler, 1 (1841), 248); Galen, 13, 41; 54397398; 1056; 
1057; Hippolochus in Athen. 4, 129D; Clem. Alex. Paedag. 2, 4, 39; P. Fay. 104, 1, 
2; Pollux, 6, 14 (ὑάλου CV, ὑελοῦν CA); Orib. 1, 384; 2, 60 (from Antyllus), 62, 
64; 4, 630; Paul. Aeg. 3, 2, 6; 7, 8, 6; 7, 20, 11 and 33; Geopon. 9, 19, 9; Wessely, 
Pap. der Bibliotheque nat. f. 9 verso (Denkschr. d. kaiserl. Akad. d. Wissenschaften, 36 
(1888), 758); Leemans, Pap. Gr. Mus. Ant. Publ. Lugduni-Batavi, 2(1885), 10, 16, 
27; Berthelot, Collection, 75, 12 (quater); 141, 1; 2363 313, 593 420, 11; 422, 3, note 6. 

5 Photius (Porson): ὑάλινα᾽ ἀντὶ τοῦ ὑαλᾶ. “Accent. om. m. pr. jada voluit cor- 
rector, ni fallor.” Zonar. 1759: ὑάλινον, οὐχὶ ὕαλουν. See note 8. 

6 Hesych.: ὑάλε(ο)ν᾽ λαμπρόν, ὑαλίζον. See Thes. s. v. ὑαλόεις. Hesych.: ὑαλο(θ)ν’ 
λαμπρόν" πρᾶον. See above, p. 38, n. 35. πρᾶον seems to be misplaced, as it makes 
no sense here. I should retain the manuscript reading. 

7Strato (Anth. Pal. 12, 249): βουποίητε μέλισσα, πόθεν μέλι τοὐμὸν ἰδοῦσα | 
παιδὸς ἐφ᾽ ὑαλέην ὄψιν ὑπερπέτασαι. Paton translates this “smooth as glass.” 


42 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [272 


There is no indication that Hyalea, Hyaleis,®* the later name of 
the town of Daldis, had any connection with glass, yet one cannot 
but wonder whether Hyalea and Hyelion,® a place in the neighbor- 
hood of Daldis, were not derived from hyalos because of some local 
characteristic which suggested glass, or because glass was manufac- 
tured in their vicinity. 

d. [Hyalés]. See below, note 16. 

e. [Hyalieus]. See below, note 15. 

f. Hyalizé (Hyelizé). The present participle of Ayalizein, ‘to be 
like glass,’ 1s employed to describe resin,®* gums,!® the slag of lead, 
natron™s, and gems.” Hesychius uses it in defining hyale(o)n. The 
resin is said to be ‘like glass in color.’ This raises the question what 
‘glass-colored’ means.'* Resin is a clear yellowish substance. The 
only characteristic which glass and resin have in common is trans- 
parency, which although not technically a color, seems to be the 
meaning of ‘like glass in color’ in this instance, at least. 

g. [Hyaliés]. Hyaliés occurs in Hesychius" in a corrupt passage, 
which is copied by later lexicographers.'* Since Ayaneoos' is de- 


Since transparency is the chief characteristic of glass, when a complexion is said 
to be like glass, the suggestion is of a fair, clear complexion. 

8 Hesych. s. v. τριοπίς᾽ τριόφθαλμος. ἔνιοι ζῶον ὅμοιον ἀκρίδι. Kal περιτραχήλιον 
τρεῖς ἔχον ὀφθαλμοὺς ὑαλοῦς. ““Denique ὑαλούς cod., ὕαλου Salmas., ὑαλίνους 
Sopingus, em. Lob. Phrynich. 309.” 

δὰ Tomaschek, Sitzungsb. Akad. Wien, 124 (1891), 98; ““Nahe lag wohl auch 
Δάλδεις, das spatere Ὑάλεα, Ὑαλεῖς (vgl. “έλιον nahe der Maanderbricke, 
Nicet. Chon. VI, 7, a. 1176?).” Burchner, P.-W. s. 0. Hyalea, Daldis.—Accord- 
“ing to the latter: ‘“Daldis oder Daldeia ..., Stadt in Maionien an den Grenzen 
von Mysien, Lydien und Phrygien, meist zu Lydien gerechnet .... Spatere 
Namen: Kaisareia, dann Flavia oder Flavia Kaisareia und Flaviopolis.” 

° Idem. s. v. Hyelion: “Ayelion ὝὙέλιον Ort nahe an der Maianderbriicke bei 
Daldis.” See below, n. 42. 

θὰ Dioscorides, 1, 91 (de Terebintho): ἡ δὴ καὶ διαφέρει διαυγεστέρα οὖσα, λευκή, 
ὑαλίζουσα τῷ χρώματι καὶ κυανίζουσα, εὐὠδης, τερμίνθου πνέουσα. 

10 Thid. 1, 133 (de Acacia): τὸ δὲ κόμμι τῆς ἀκάνθης διαφέρει τὸ σκωληκοειδές, 
ὑελίζον, διαυγές, ἄξυλον εἶτα τὸ λευκόν. Compare Orib. 5, 72, Io. 

Ἢ Dioscorides, 5, 97 (de Scoria Plumbi): σκωρία μολύβδου ἀρίστη ἐστίν ἡ 
Ψιμυθιοφανής, πυκνὰ καὶ δύσθραυστος, μηδὲν ἔχουσα μολυβδῶδες, μηλινοειδὴς τῷ 
χρώματι καὶ ὑελίζουσα. 

la Chemistry of Moses, 62 (Berthelot, Collection, 314): ἑλινικόκκιον νίτρου ὑαλί- 
fovros οὐγΎ. δ΄. Idem., 63: καὶ νίτρον ἀγρικὸν ὑαλίζον μέρος a’. 

12 Psellus, de Lap. 1, 2: ὁ ἄδαμας" χροιὰν μὲν οὗτος ἔχει ὑελίζουσαν καὶ στιλπνήν. 

18. See note 6, page 41. 

14 See below, page 51. 

1 §.v. ὑαλίης ἢ ὑαλιεύς" εἰκαῖος" βλοσυρός. 

16 Theognostos, Canones, 18, 29: ὑαλίνης εἰκαῖος, βλοσυρός. Cf. Zonar. 1759: 
ὑαλής" εἰκαῖος" βλοσυρός. 


273] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 43 


fined exactly as Aya/iés, doubtless the AI of the latter is a mis- 
take for N, as suggested by Schmidt.!8 

ἢ. [Hyalikos]. See below, note 31. 

1. Hyalinos (Hyelinos). The adjectival form hyalinos occurs in 
literature before Aya/os. In supporting his preference for a rather 
than ὁ in the word Aya/os Phrynichus (S. 2/3)!® mentions the use of 
hyalinos by Corinna (S. VI-V). This passage is extremely obscure, 
however, and although attempts to emend the word are certainly 
not justified, nothing can be learned about glass from the expression 
which is quoted. Aristophanes (S. V)?° is the first to speak of a vessel 
made of glass, and it is partly on his use of Aya/inos that later gram- 
marians base their preference for the spelling with 4.31 

Hyalinos® was used over three centuries before hyelinos, which 
does not occur until the second century before Christ, more than a 
hundred years after Aye/os. But from then on hyalinos® and hyelinos* 


17 Hesych. s. v. ὑανέοος᾽ εἰκαῖος. βλοσυρός. 

18 Hesych. (ed. Schmidt), note on ὑαλίης. See Curtius, op. cit. ed. 5, 565. 

19 See note 16, page 35. There have been numerous conjectures concerning this 
passage, for which see Lobeck on Phryn. 309, note a; Rutherford, op. cit. 281; 
Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Gr. 3 (1882), frag. 42. Once in a while Ayalinos does mean ‘glass- 
like,’ and since skin is sometimes compared with glass because of its brightness, 
smoothness, or transparency, it is possible that ὑάλινον παῖδα means a child with 
a clear, smooth complexion. See note 7 above. 

20 Ach. 74: ἐξ ὑαλίνων ἐκπωμάτων. Quoted in Pollux, 6, 100: ᾿Αριστοφάνης δέ 
που ἔφη ᾿Επίνομεν ἐξ ὑαλίνων ἐκπωμάτων. το, 68: ἐν δὲ ᾿Αχαρνεῦσιν ᾿Αριστοφάνης 
ἐξ ὑαλίνων ἐκπωμάτων καὶ χρυσίδων. 

21 See notes 16 and 17, pages 2 ςΐ. 

2 1G 2, 646, 4: ὑἀλινοίν ἀ]] pyupody, σταθμ[ὸ]ν [F III] ; 1G 2, 652 R; 16 2, 656, 18: 
ὑάλινον ἀργυροῦν, στα[θμὸϊν τούτου Ἐ 111: IG 2, 682, 4, 672C; P. Flind. Petr. 3, 42, 
H 7,3:...] ὑαλίνην γενέσθαι καὶ ῥυτὸν τρίτ... 

25 Hero, Pneumat. 1, 14, 214, 222, 234; Dioptric. 3, 200; Philodemus, de Morte, 39, 
1ff.; Strabo, 17, 1, 8; Hippocrates, Epist. 16 (ed. Kuhn, 3 (1827), 792); Rev. 4, 6; 
15, 2; Damocrat. (in Galen, 14,99, 5); Epictetus, 3, 24, 84; Galen, 5, 838; 11, 875; 12, 
490; 14, 48, 268, 392; Ael. Promotus (Wellmann, Corp. Med. Gr. 10, 1, 1 (1908), 99); 
Luc. Ver. Hist. 1, 25, 27, 42; 2, 11, 14; Idem, Quomodo Hist. Conscr. sit, 25; Paus. 
2, 27, 3; Philumenus, de Ven. Animal. 4,15 (MS. P has ὕδατι, corrected to ὑαλίνῳ 
by Wellmann from Aelius Promotus, Περὶ ᾿Ιοβόλων Θηρίων, Corp. Med. Gr. 10,1,1,9, 
9); Athen. 5, 119F; Ps. Callisthenes, 3, 31; Inscr. of Cos (Paton-Hicks (1891)), 36; 
Hesych. s. v. λήκυθος; Damascius (Pair. Gr. 103, 1289A); Maspero, Catalogue 
Général des Antiquités Egypt. (1913), 67151, 93 (Testament de Fl. Phoibammén, 
Médecin en chef d’Antinoé, Nov. 15, 570; cf. Id. (1911), 1, 67097D, 66: vadwwvo); 
ΜΝ ΕἸἸΟὄὄὔὄ 35, 2: 6, 41, 2; 7, 3; 7, 14, τὶ Jd. Chirur.. 348, 368; Theogn. 
Canon. 18, 29 (this last is an error probably caused by copying a corrupt passsge in 
Hesychius); Bachmann, Anecd.Gr. 1, 256; Suid. s. v. Θηρίκλειον; Hippiatr. 1, 46, 48; 
Zonar. Lex. 1759; Etym. Magn. 774: Anth. Pal. 14, 52 (of uncertain date.); Berthe- 
lot, Collection, 75, 12, note 10; 164; 175, 3; 176, 43 201, 15; 236, note 15; 350, I, 2, 3 
(bis); 353, 93 3593 365, 2, 3 (bis); 368, 2, 4, 6; 422, note 6. 


44 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [274 


are used with about the same degree of frequency. Occasionally 
they are spelled with a double lambda.” 

As the suffix -Ἴπο38 indicates, hyalinos means ‘of glass.’ In most 
instances where it occurs, it is used of ‘a utensil of glass,’ “a glass cup,’ 
or ‘a vessel made of glass.’ Just as Aya/os may stand for some other 
transparent substance, so hyalinos may mean ‘of something which 
looks like glass.’”*7, Sometimes it is used in imaginary or hypotheti- 
cal cases, as ‘a sea of glass,’ ‘a glassy humor of the eye.’8 The 
transparency of glass suggests such examples, as it does the com- 
parison of the air with a glass window.®® Other characteristics of 
glass suggested by glass objects are hardness and smoothness.*° In 
a few instances Aya/inos is employed with an unusual meaning. 
Josephus (δ᾽. 1) uses it to characterize sand.*! In this case it seems 


74 Hero, Pneumat. 1, 8, 234, 236, 238, 240, 242; Moschion. de Mul. Pass. 116; 
Dioscorides, 5, 110; Joseph. Bell. Iud. 2, 10, 2; Aelian, Var. Hist. 13, 3; Galen, 12, 
631, 637, 660, 827; 13, 30, 56, 104, 746, τοῖο, 10453 14, 293, 403; 406, $39, 568; 
Script. de Rebus Alex. (Miller, Ps.-Callisthenes (1846), 2, 38, 4); Athanasius (4,77. 
Gr. 28, 789B); Basil. Homil. 6(Patr. Gr. 31, 1473D); Orib. (Bussemaker-Daremberg, 
5, (1873) 199, 11); Titus Bost. 4dv. Manichaeos, 2, 31 (Patr. Gr. 18, 1193C); Cyril, 
gloss (Hesych. ed. Schmidt, 4 (1864), 341); Alex. Aphrod. Problem. 1, 132 (Ideler, 1 
(1841), 45); Aétius, 1, 7 (Patr. Gr. 157, 164, or Ser. Hist. Byz. 37, 149); Philoponus 
on Arist. de An. 320, 351, 429; on Arist. Meteor. 49; Paul. Aeg. 1, 3; 3, 2, 6; 7, 
II, 5; 7. 11, 11; 137 (ed. Ald.); Phot. (ed. Por.) s. v. θηρίκλειον; Scr. Orig. Const. 
I, 93; 2, 168; Hippiatr. 1, 103; Theophan. Nonn. 1, 105; Geopon. Ὁ. 19, 113; 10, 7, 6; 
10, 56, 6; 10, 69, 1; 10, 70; Zonar. Lex. 1043; Anon. on Arist. Rhetor. 170; Etym. 
Magn. 451, 27; Demetrius, Hier. 205, 222; Joan. Actuarius, de Urinis, 33, 7; 
Nemes. de Nat. Hominis, 13 (Pair. Gr. 40, 665A); Berthelot, Collection, 32, 133 37, 1; 
56, 5; 60, 6; 75, 12, note 10; 1053; 164, 12; 226, 5; 236, note 15; 250 (bis), 208, 2. ΤΟΣ 
(bis); 301, 4: 313, 59; 383, 2; 384, 2; 385, 1; 438, 73 453, 3 (bis), 45 454, 6; 455, 11, 
14, 15; 456, 18, 20. 

* Luc. Ver. Hist. 2, 11 (MS. N, Nilén (1907)); Ps.-Callisthenes, ed. Meusel, 2, 
38, N. 42 (quoted in Crénert, Memor. Gr. Hercul. (1903), 75); Zonar. Lex. 1043. 

25 Brugmann-Thumb, Gr. Gram. ed. 4 (1913), 194: ““Suffix -ino-, -ina- ist von 
unklarem Ursprung in Adjectiven, die Stoff, Herkunft, Art bezeichnen.” 

27 Probably the coffins mentioned in Strabo, 17, 1, 18; Aelian, Var. Hist. 13, 3, 
were simply of some substance that resembled glass (see above, II, c, 2). 

28 Rev. 4, 6: ἐνώπιον τοῦ θρόνου ws θάλασσα ὑαλίνη, ὁμοία κρυστάλλῳ ; τς, 2: ὡς 
θάλασσαν ὑαλίνην μεμιγμένην πυρί... .. ἑστῶτας ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν τὴν ὑαλίνην. 
The comparison with crystal here suggests that transparency was the principal 
idea in the mind of the author of Revelations. Philoponus, on Arist. de Anima, 351, 
32: GAN’ εἰ ἡ λήμη ἐπιτιθεμένη διὰ τὸ μὴ εἶναι διαφανὴς ἀντιφράττει τῷ φωτί, 
ἔδει, εἴπερ ἐπινοηθείη ὑελίνη λήμη ἢ ἐξ ἄλλης διαφανοῦς ὕλης, μὴ ἐμποδίζειν ἐπιτιθεμένην 
ἐν τῷ ὀφθαλμῷ, ὥστε ὁρᾶσθαι αὐτήν. 

29 Athanasius (Pair. Gr. 28, 7898). 

ὅ0 Philoponus on Arist. de Anima, 429: ἐὰν σκληρὰ πάνυ καὶ λεῖα σώματα 
λάβοις, οἷον ὑέλινα ἢ χαλκᾶ στιλβωθέντα ἀκριβῶς. 

31 Bell. [π4..2, 10, 2: τὴν ὑελίνην ψάμμον (ὑελίνην, € i. ras. m. 21, ὑαλίνην V RC 


_ ne 


i POP AD Oe IN ie tm 


275] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 45 


to have the meaning ‘transparent like glass’ rather than ‘fit for the 
production of glass,’ which is properly Aya/itis. Similarly Basilius 
(S. 4) uses hya/inos in connection with a membrane. It is possible 
that an anonymous writer on Sancta Sophia has employed Aya/inos 
in the same way.*? 

1. Hyalios (Hyelios). The masculine form of the adjective, 
hyalios, appears only with the absurd definition polemios,** probably 
from a false inference or confusion with Enyalios.**> The neuter 
hyalion has the same meaning as hya/inos.*6 

Hyalion is also used as a substantive to stand for glass*? as well 
as objects made of glass, such as cups,?* mirrors,?* and windows.‘ 
It likewise designates the vitreous humors of the body.“ 


Niese (1894)). Thes. Gr. Ling. 8, 6, and Liddell and Scott cite this passage under 
ὑάλικος and give it the meaning “‘suitable for making glass.”’ I have been unable to 
find any authentic instance of hyalikos except in a corrupt and as it now stands 
quite unintelligible passage in Hesych.: ὑάλικος κὠμη Διονύσιος | ὑαλκάδας" χορὸς 
παίδων" Λάκωνες, where there is certainly no reference to ‘glass.’ The form ὑαλίκην 
in Josephus has no MS, authority whatsoever, and is due to a misprint in Haver- 
camp’s 1726 ed. of Hudson’s text (London 1720) where ὑαλίνην is correctly printed. 

82 Homil. 6 (Pair. Gr. 21, 1473D): ἐφαίνετο yap, ὥσπερ φῶς δι᾽ ὑελίνων ὑμένων, 
διὰ τοῦ ἀνθρωπίνου σώματος ἡ θεία δύναμις. 

88. Anon. Διήγησις περὶ τῆς ᾿Αγίας Σοφίας (Script. Orig. Const. 1 (1901), 93f.): 
κατεχρύσωσι ἐξ ὑελίνου χρυσοῦ λαμπροτάτου. This might mean ‘gold, like unto pure 
glass,’ but it is more probably the gold colored glass mosaic so common in early 
churches. 

$4 Photius; Bachmann, 4necd. Gr. 1, 393: ὑάλιος" πολέμιος. 

35 Suid. 5. v. badvos* πολέμιος καὶ ᾿Ενυάλιος. “Mihi videbatur καὶ ἐνυάλιος ab 
homine docto profectum fuisse, qui monstrum vocis animadversum corrigeret,” 
Bernhardy. 

% 1G 2, 645: ὑάλιον ἀργυροῦγΎ κο[ϊλον], Boeckh. ‘“‘Fortasse emendandum est 
badu(v)ov,” Koehler. Suid. s. v. ὑέλιον᾽ Kal ὕελος, καὶ ὑέλινον. The latter quotation 
perhaps more properly belongs below under note 39. 

37 Leo Gram. Chronographia (Script. Hist. Byz. 46 (1842), 215), pieces of glass 
probably in the form of gems: τὰ δύο μέγιστα ὄργανα ὁλόχρυσα, διαφόροις λίθοις 
καὶ ὑελίοις καλλύνας αὐτά. Cf. Georgius Monachus (αΐγ. Gr. 110, 1009). 
Demetrius, Hier. 275, one of the components of a plaster is ὑελίου μέρος ἕν. Codinus 
Curop. de Officiis pal. Constantinop. (Patr. Gr. 157, 40): Kal τὸ τοῦτο σκαράνικον τὸν 
βασιλέα εἰκονικῶς, ἔμπροσθεν μὲν ἱστάμενον ὑπὸ ὑελίου λεγομένου διαγελάστου. 
See below, p. 52, t. Zosimus, 8 (Berthelot, Collection, 124): κατὰ τὸ ὑέλιον. Note 
14: “Il y aen probablement dans un ms. oncial KATA TOT ἩΛΙΟΥ͂ (κατὰ τοῦ 
ἡλίου). Réd. de Le: κατὰ τὸν ἥλιον xrd.’’ Berthelot, Collection, 349, 5: καὶ 
ποιήσῃς αὐτὰ vehkia... . συλλεαίνων τὸ ἔλαιον μετὰ τῶν ὑελίων. 

88 Constant. Porph. De cer. aulae Byz. 2, 44 (Script. Hist. Byz. 9 (1829), 661), 
gifts sent by the emperor to the king of Italy: ποτήριον ὀνυχίτου a ὑξλια κλεοπτ. 
ιζ΄. On the ε for a see Psaltes, Gram. der byz. Chron. (1913), 4, 6. Berthelot Collection, 
333, 43: ἐν ὑελίῳ. 7467. 384: κατάλειπε πλέον TOD ἐκκαίειν TO ὑέλιον εἰ γὰρ 
τούτου γενομένου πλέον ἐθέλεις ἐκκαῦσαι ἱρήγνυται τὸ ὑέλιον. 


46 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [276 


In the twelfth century Hyelion is mentioned as one of the villages 
where there was a bridge across the Maeander River.* 

k. Hyalitis (Hyelitis). Hyalitis is applied to sand with the 
meaning ‘that from which glass is made.’# 

l. [Hyalkadai]. See above, note 31. 

m. Hyaloeis. Hyaloeis is defined by Hesychius (S. 5)*4 as trans- 
parent and bright. Rufinus (J. 6)“ uses this form in describing a 
beauty whose cheeks are like glass. 

n. Hyalomai. See above, page 38, note 37. 

o. Hyalous (Hyelous). See above page 41, note 3-4. 

p. Hyalédes (Hyelédes). Although hAyalinos and hyalous may 
occasionally denote ‘glass-like,’ the words which usually convey 
that meaning are hyaloeides,* or hyeloeides,*” hyeloides,*® and hya- 
lodes,*® or hyelodes®° 


39 Suid. s.v. σπέκλον. TO ὑέλιον, TO σπέτλον. Cf. Damasc. Stud. Homil. 25: 
ἐκήταζα eis TO ὑάλιον τὸ πρόσωπον (quoted from Du Cange). 

40 Anon. Διήγησις περὶ τῆς ᾿Αγίας Σοφίας (Script. Orig. Const. 1 (1901), 12, 90): 
καὶ διὰ τῶν στοῶν φωταγωγῆσαι τῶν διὰ τῶν ὑελίων ὄντων προσέταξε TOV μηχανικόν. 
Salmasius takes σπέκλον to mean window glass. See below, p. 187, ἢ. 4. 

41 Maximus Planudes, de Morborum Materie (Ideler, 2 (1842), 318ff.), or τοῦ 
σοφωτάτου κυρίου Μαξίμου τοῦ Πλανούδη περὶ τῶν ὑελίων πασῶν τῶν ἀσθενειῶν 
τῶν ἐν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐπερχομένων στίχοι. 1: τῶν ἀσθενέων Vedra μάθε τρὶς καὶ 
δέκα. 7: ὑελίου κείμενον τοῦ νοσήσαντος παρευθὺς φλεβοτόμησον. 8: τὸ τρίτον 
ὑέλιον τὸ ῥοδινίζον. g: ἀλλ᾽ ἄνω τοῦ ὑελίου κέκτηται καὶ τζίπαν ὡς ἔλαιὠώδη. 24: 
τὰ ὑέλια ἄνθρωπε καὶ τριῶν τὴν ἰδείαν κατάμαθε. 28: κριθὲν κάτω μάνθανε τῷ 
ὑελίῳ αὐτῷ. Niceph. Blemm. de Lid. Med. (Heisenberg, Nic. Blem. Curr. Vit. et 
Carm. (1896): “In codice enim Vindob. Med. Graec. 45 saec XIV haec opuscula 
extant.’’) 87~3. a. fol. 30” inci.: τῶν ἀσθενῶν ὑέλια. 3. fol. 35” inc. (same as above). 
Uno codice Vindob. Theol. Graec. 245 saec. XV/XVI. fol. 312" hic titulus praebetur: 
διάγνωσις ὑελίων τοῦ ovpov. See Du Cange s. v. ὑέλιον. 

12 Nicet. Chon. de Manuele Comneno, 6, 7 (Corp. Hist. Byz. (1835), 33): ἤλαυνον 
εὐθὺ τοῦ ‘Tediov Kal τοῦ Λειμμόχειρος τῶν πολιχνίων, καθ᾽ ἃ περὶ ποταμῷ τῷ 
Μαιάνδρῳ πάλαι ποτὲ γέφυρα περιήγετο. 

48 Theoph. de Lap. 49: ἐκ τῆς ὑελίτιδος. See Lobeck, Paralipom. 52. Strabo, 16, 
758: τὴν ὑαλῖτιν ἄμμον... .. ὑαλῖτιν ψάμμον... . ὑαλῖτιν γῆν. Eust. Comm. on 
Dionys. Periegetes, 912: Ψάμμος ὑαλῖτις. 

“4S. v. ὑαλόεν᾽ διαφανές, λαμπρόν. Cf. Theognostus, Canon. 18, 29; Zonar. 
Lex. 1760; Philemon, Lex. Tech. 248: badder" τὸ διαφανές. 

® Anth. Pal. ς, 48: καὶ ὑαλόεσσα Tape. 

6 Hippocrates (Kuhn, 1 (1825), 289); Theophr. de Lap. 5, 30; Rufus, 154, 165, 
171, 597; Aét. 2, 20, 12 (Diels, Doxogr. Gr. (1879), 349); Galen, 3, 760, 761, 762, 766, 
767, 768, 777, 779. 787, 789, 830; 4, 160; 5, 446, 623, 788; 6, 789; 7, 7495 10, 48; 14, 
712; 16, 30; 19, 275; Pollux, 2, 71; Euseb. 15, 23; Orib. 3, 294 (from Galen), 295, 296, 
298, 301, 302; Orphica, Lith. 280 (uncontracted); Theodoret, Gr. Affect. Cur. 105; 
Michael Glycas, Annal. 1 (Script. Hist. Byz. 27 (1836), 40, 3); Berthelot, Hist. 2, 


136, 75. 


se a σὺ ἐπε ee 


277] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 47 


As early as the fifth century Philolaus describes the sun as “a 
glass-like (hya/loeides) body which receives the reflected light of the 
fire in the universe and transmits it to τ15.᾽ 1 Ion of Chios calls the 
moon hye/oeidé, “shining, or radiant like glass.” But the physicians 
make the greatest use of hyalocides and hyalédes® to describe the 
various humors and phlegms of the body* and the vitreous humor of 


47 Aét. 2,25, 11 (Diels, Doxogr. Gr. 356); Ach. Tatius, Isagoge ad Arati Phaenom- 
19; Cassius, Problem. 154; Stobaeus, 1, 26, 1; Aetius Amid. (Hirschberg, 1); Theo- 
philus, de Corp. Hum. Fabr. 4, 15, 3; 19, 5. 

48 Cassius, Problem. 27 (Ideler (1841), 154, 15ff.). 

49 Hippocrates (Kuhn, 1 (1825), 254); Galen, 6, 255, 509; 7, 138, 347, 34938, 81, 82; 
10, 870; 16, 11, 367, 585; 17, 1, 429, 848; Pulladiws, de Febr. Synopsis, 8, 1; 27, 2; 
Paul Aeg. 2, 25; 3, 43, 2; Theoph. de Urinis, 8, 2 (Ideler, 1, 269); Leo Phil. 
Consp. Medic. 3, 1; Psellus, Carmen de Re Medica, 635. 

59 Dioscorides, 3, 86 (96); Galen, 13, 942; Meletius, de Nat. Hominis (Patr. Gr. 64, 
1168). Berthelot, Collection, 422, 3: ws καὶ ἐν TpovANiw τῷ ὑελώδει πλώματι. 
Note 6: τῶ ὑέλω διπάσιον καὶ κατ᾽ αὐτῶ A.—xai (ὡς om.) ἐν ὑαλίνῳ ἀγγείῳ 
διαπλασίῳ σὺν τῷ αὐτοῦ τρουλλίῳ τίθεται καὶ ἐν αὐτῷ ἀφίεται E.—F. ]. ὡς καὶ 
ἐν Tp. ὑελῷ δίπλωμά τι. 

δ: Aét. 2, 20, 12 (Diels, Doxogr. Gr. 349f.): Φιλόλαος 6 Πυθαγόρειος ὑαλοειδῆ τὸν 
ἥλιον, δεχόμενον μὲν τοῦ ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ πυρὸς THY ἀνταύγειαν, διηθοῦντα δὲ πρὸς 
ἡμᾶς τό τε φῶς καὶ τὴν ἀλέαν, ὥστε τρόπον τινὰ διττοὺς ἡλίους γίγνεσθαι, τὸ 
ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πυροειδὲς κατὰ τὸ ἐσοπτροειδές. Galen, 19,275; Theodoret. Gr. Affect. Cur. 
τος. Plutarch and Galen omit τὴν ἀλέαν. Ach. Tat. Isagoge ad Arati Phaenom. το: 
Φιλόλαος δὲ τὸ πυρῶδες Kal διαυγὲς λαμβάνοντα ἄνωθεν ἀπὸ τοῦ aifepiov πυρὸς 
πρὸς ἡμᾶς πέμπειν τὴν αὐγὴν διά τινων ἀραιωμάτων, ὥστε κατ᾽ αὐτὸν τρισσὸν εἶναι 
τὸν ἥλιον, τὸ μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ αἰθερίου πυρός, τὸ δὲ ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου πεμπόμενον ἐπὶ τὸν 
ὑελοειδῆ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ λεγόμενον ἥχιον, τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ τοιούτου ἡλίου πρὸς ἡμᾶς 
πεμπόμενον. Eusebius, 15, 23: δίσκον ὑαλοειδῆ. Michael Glycas, Anna. 1 (Script. 
Hist. Byz. 27, 40): Φιλόλαος δὲ ὑαλοειδῆ τοῦτον ἐφιλοσόφει, dexouevoy .... ἡμᾶς. 
See A. Boeckh, Philolaos des Pythagoreers Lehren, 124f.; A. 5. Pease on Cicero’s de 
Div. 1 (1920), 97. 

2Aét. Plac. 2, 25, 11 (Diels, Doxogr. Gr. 356): περὶ σελήνης οὐσίας. ων σῶμα 
τῇ μὲν ὑελοειδὲς διαυγές, τῇ δ᾽ ἀφεγγές. See p. 65, n. 14. 

53 This form of the word was widely used in the Middle Ages and early modern 
times, see Castelli Lex. Med. (1713), 5. v. Hyalodes. 

54 Hippocrates, 21, 254: Kal οὔρου πυώδεος Kal ὑαλώδεος (ὑλώδεος A). Idem, 289: 
ὠφελέει δὲ καὶ οὔρου διέξοδος ὑαλοειδὴς πολλή, Kal ῥύσις κοιλίης ῥύσις. Praxagoras in 
Rufus, 154: Πραξαγόρας δὲ ἴδιον τρόπον τοὺς χυμοὺς ὠνόμαζε, γλυκύν, καὶ ἰσόκρατον, 
καὶ ὑαλοειδῆ. Idem. in Galen, 6, 255: τὸν τοιοῦτον χυμὸν ὁ Πραξαγόρας ὑαλώδη 
καλεῖ. On ὑαλώδη compare Galen, 6, 509; 7, 138, 347, 3493 8, 81, 82; 10, 870; 16,11, 
585. τό, 367: ὃν ὑαλώδη ἐκάλουν οἱ κατὰ IIpakaydpar, ds ὑάλῳ κεχυμένῳ προσέοικε, 
τὴν χροιὰν καὶ τὴν σύστασιν. 17, 1, 429: τὸ γονοειδὲς δ᾽ οὖρον λέγεται, ὅταν οὐ 
καλούμενος ὑπὸ Πραξαγόρου χυμὸς ὑαλώδης ἐκκενοῦται. 17, 1, 848: συμβαίνει δὲ τὰ 
τοιαῦτα ῥίγη διὰ ψυχρὸν πάνυ φλέγμα τὸ ὑαλῶδες ὀνομαζόμενον ἢ τὸν μελαγχολικὸν 
χυμόν, κτλ. Cf. Idem, 979. On ὑαλοειδής see Idem, 6, 789; 7, 749: φλεγματώδης 
χυμὸς ψυχρός, ὃν ὁ ΠΠραξαγόρας ὑαλοειδῆ καλεῖ. Palladius, de Febr. Synopsis, 8, 1: 
ἐπὶ οὖν τοῦ φλέγματος τέσσαρές εἰσι διαφοραί. ἔστι γὰρ τὸ ὑαλῶδες, τὸ ὀξῶδες, τὸ 


48 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [278 


the eye, the portion back of the crystalline lens. Besides the sun, 


ἁλυκόν, Kal τὸ γλυκύ. 8, 2: Kal τὸ μὲν ὑαλῶδες Kal ὀξῶδες ποιεῖ τὰ ἀνεκθέρμαντα 
ῥίγη καὶ τῆς ἠπιάλους πυρετούς. 27, 2: διὰ τὴν τοῦ χυμοῦ γένεσιν᾽ τὸ γὰρ ὑαλῶδες 
καὶ ὀξῶδες φλέγμα τὸ ὑποκείμενόν ἐστι. Paul Aeg. 2, 25; 3, 43, 2: ὑαλῶδες 
φλέγμα. Theophilus, de Urinis, 8, 2: καὶ ἑτέρας διαφορὰς τοῦ φλέγματος, ὥς 
ἐστι τὸ ὑαλῶδες φλέγμα καὶ τὸ ἁλυκόν, καὶ τὸ ἄποιον. Theophan. Nonn. 170: 
κενωθὲν γὰρ ὑαλῶδες φλέγμα, παύονται τῆς ὀδύνης. Psellus, Carmen de Re Medica, 596: 
τοῦ φλέγματος δὲ πολλαπλοῦ πεφυκότος (τὸ μὲν γὰρ ὡς ὕαλος αὐτὸς τυγχάνει, | 
τὸ δ᾽ ἁλυκὸν πέφυκεν, ὀξῶδες τρίτον, | τὸ δὲ γλυκείας ποιότητός ἐστί πῶς), | ὅπερ 
πέφυκεν ὡς ὕαλος τὴν φύσιν... ... 6:8: ὁ δ᾽ ἠπίαλος συνθέτως κεκλημένος | 
ἀμφημερινῷ σὐγγονός πως τυγχάνει, | ἐξ ὑαλώδους πνεύματος τεταγμένος, KTA. 

% Rufus (ed. Daremberg-Ruelle, 154), on the tunics of the eye: 6 δὲ τρίτος 
περιέχει μὲν ὑαλοειδὲς ὑγρόν. καλεῖται δὲ ἀρχαῖον ὄνομα ἀραχνοειδὴς διὰ λεπτό- 
τητα.. «-. ἄλλοι δὲ καὶ ὑαλοειδῆ ἀπὸ τοῦ ὑγροῦ. ὁ δὲ τέταρτος περιέχει μὲν τὸ 
κρυσταλλοειδὲς ὑγρόν, ἀνώνυμος δὲ ὧν ἐξ ἀρχῆς φακοειδὴς μὲν διὰ τὸ σχῆμα, 
κρυσταλλοειδῆς δὲ διὰ τὸ ὑγρὸν ὠνομάσθη. 171: ὁ δὲ τρίτος ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτοῦ πόρου 
προελθὼν περιέχει ὑγρὸν [mov] τῷ λευκῷ παραπλήσιον καλούμενον ὑαλοειδές, κτλ. 
Cf. Id. 597. For a reconstruction of the eye according to Rufus of Ephesus, 
see Studies in the History and Method of Science, ed. Charles Singer, Oxford 
(1921). Galen, 3, 760: καὶ μέν γε ws els ἑκάτερον αὐτῶν ἐκφύσεις ἔγκεφάλου καθήκουσι, 
πιλούμεναι μὲν κατὰ τὴν διὰ τῶν ὀστῶν ὁδὸν ἕνεκα δυσπαθείας, ἐπειδὰν δ᾽ εἰς αὐτοὺς 
ἀφίκωνται τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς, αὖθις λυόμεναί τε καὶ πλατυνόμεναι, καὶ περιλαμβάνουσαι 
μὲν ἐν κύκλῳ χιτῶνος δίκην τὸ ὑαλοειδὲς ὑγρόν, ἐμφυόμεναι δὲ εἰς τὸ κρυσταλλοειδές. 
καὶ γὰρ καὶ ταῦτ᾽ εἴρηται πρόσθεν, καὶ ὡς αὐτὸ τὸ κρυσταλλοειδὲς ὑγρὸν τὸ πρῶτόν 
ἔστιν ὄργανον τῆς ὄψεως. Cf. Id. 3, 777, 779, 787, 830; 4, 160; 5, 446. 5, 623: 
εὑρήσεις Yap ὑπὸ τοῖς χιτῶσιν ἔνδον ὑγρὰ σφαιροειδῆ διττά; TO μὲν οὕτω μαλακόν, 
οἵαπέρ ἐστιν ὕαλος ἡ μετρίως λυθεῖσα, τὸ δ᾽ οὕτω σκληρόν, οἷος ὁ μετρίως παγεὶς 
κρύσταλλος. ὀνομάζεται δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν ἰατρῶν ὑαλοειδὲς μὲν τὸ μαλακώτερον, κρυσταλλο- 
evdés δὲ τὸ σκληρότερον, ἀπὸ τῆς πρὸς ὕαλόν τε καὶ κρύσταλλον ὁμοιότητος, οἷς 
οὐ μόνον ταῖς συστάσεσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῖς χροιαῖς ἔοικεν᾽ ἀκριβῶς γάρ ἐστι καθαρά, 
καὶ διανγής, καὶ λαμπρά, κτὰ. Cf. Idem, 5, 788; 10, 48, 760, 762, 766, 767, 768; 
15, 712; 16, 30. Pollux (ed. Bethe, 1900) 2, 70: τὰ μέρη δὲ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν χιτῶνας 
ἐκάλεσαν of ἰατροί, τέτταρες δ᾽ εἰσὶ τὸν ἀριθμόν .. .. 71: τῷ δὲ τρίτῳ, φακοειδεῖ, 
καὶ κρυσταλλοειδεῖ, καὶ ὑαλοειδεῖ. Orib. 3, 294ff. (295): καὶ τοίνυν καὶ γέγονε καὶ 
παρεσκεύασται πρὸς τῆς φύσεως ἐπιτήδειος αὐτῷ τροφὴ τὸ ὑαλοειδὲς ὑγρόν, ὅσῳ παχὺύ- 
τερον καὶ λευκότερον αἵματος, τοσούτῳ τοῦ κρυσταλλοειδοῦς ἀπολειπόμενον παχύὑτητί 
τε καὶ φανότητι. . .. δῆλον οὖν ὡς κατὰ διάδοσιν τρέφεται, τὸ μὲν κρυσταλλοειδὲς 
ἐκ τοῦ ὑαλοειδοῦς, τὸ δὲ ὑαλοειδὲς ἐκ τοῦ περιέχοντος αὐτὸ σώματος, ὃ πλατυνθείσης 
τῆς ἄνωθεν κατιούσης ἐγκεφάλου μοίρας ἔγένετο, κτλ. 297: ὥστε διὰ τῶν μέσων 
σωμάτων τὸ ὑαλοειδὲς ὑγρὸν τῷ πάντων ἔξωθεν ἥνωται χιτῶνι, τὸ μαλακώτατον τῷ 
σκληροτάτῳ. 301: οὐδὲν δὲ ἧττον αὐτῆς θαυμάζω καὶ τὴν ἐπιτραφεῖσαν ἐντὸς 
δασύτητα τῷ περιέξοντι τὸ ὑαλοειδὲς ὑγρὸν χιτῶνι᾽ νοτερὰ γὰρ αὕτη καὶ μαλθακὴ 
καθάπερ σπογγιά, τοῦ κρυσταλλοειδοῦς ὑγροῦ Ψαύουσα, τὴν τοῦ χιτῶνος ὅλου 
γειτνίασιν ἄλυπον αὐτῷ παρέχει. Cass. Iatr. Problem. 27 (Ideler, 1, 154): τοῦτο 
κατάδηλον, ὅτι ὀφθαλμὸς ὑγρὰ περιέχει" τότε ὑδατῶδες, ἀφ᾽ οὗ τὸ δάκρυον, καὶ τὸ 
κρυσταλλοειδὲς καὶ τὸ ὑελοειδές. A&t. Amid. (Hirschberg, 1): ὑγρὰ δὲ ἐστιν ἐν τῷ 
ὀφθαλμῷ τρία" ἔνδοθεν μὲν πάντων τὸ περιεχόμενον ἐν τῇ κοιλότητι τοῦ ἀμφιβληστροει- 
δοῦς χιτῶνος ὑελοειδὲς λεγόμενον, κτλ. Theophilus, de Corp. Hum. Fabr. 4, 15, 
3 (ed. Greenhill (1842), 152): ἐν yap τῷ ὀφθαλμῷ τριῶν ὑγρῶν ὄντων, TOU κρυσταλλ- 
οειδοῦς, τοῦ ὑελοειδοῦς, Kal TOD ὠοειδοῦς, πρῶτον ὄργανον ὁρατικὸν TO κρυσταλλοειδὲς 


tl a till a Ὁ... 


_=— 


279] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 49 


the moon, and humors, a few other things, such as gems,"* gum,°*” and 
asphalt,®* are called ‘glass-like.’ Objects or substances so designated 
would seem to be either transparent, occasionally with the additional 
idea of the consistency of glass in the liquified state, or glistening, or 
else hard and brittle, as the context requires. 

4. Hyaloma. Hyaloma®® is a disease of the eye, glaucoma, in 
which the vitreous humor becomes opaque. 

τ. Hyalops. See below, page 50, note 8. 

5. Hyalidion. InStephanus’ Thesaurus,” hyalidion is mentioned 
as a gloss and explained by the Latin word vitriolum. I have not 
found either word elsewhere. 


5. CompounpD DERIVATIVES 


a. [Hyelakykades|. In Crinagoras,! in a description of pears 
offered to Pan, hyelakykades occurs. Many emendations have been 
offered for this form,? most of which agree in suggesting some- 


ἔγένετο, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα τροφῆς ἕνεκεν. 4, 19, 5(159): ἡ δὲ λεπτὴ μήνιγξ σὺν τῷ νεύρῳ 
πλατυνομένη γεννᾷ τὸν ἀμφιβληστροειδῆ χιτῶνα. ἐπεκτεινόμενος δὲ ὁ ἀμφιβληστοειδὴς 
χιτὼν περιέχων καὶ τὸ ὑελοειδὲς ὑγρὸν συμπαραλαμβάνει τὸν ῥαγοειδῆ χιτῶνα, 
περιέχοντα τὸ κρυσταλλοειδὲς ὑγρόν, καὶ μέρος τι τοῦ ὑελοειδοῦς εἰς τροφὴν τοῦ 
κρυσταλλοειδοῦς. Meletius, de Nat. Hominis (Patr. Gr. 64, 1168): εἰσὶ δὲ τὰ τοῦ 
ὀφθαλμοῦ ὑγρὰ τὸν ἀριθμὸν τρία. Kal πρῶτον μέν ἐστι TO ὑελῶδες" ὃ Kal κατὰ τὸ 
μέσον ἔγκειται τοῦ ὀπτικοῦ πόρου" ὅθεν αἱ διεσπαρμέναι ἶνες ποιοῦσι τὸν ἀμφιβλησ- 
τροειδῆ᾽ καλοῦσι δὲ ὑελῶδες τοῦτο τὸ ὑγρόν, ὅτι περ παραπλήσιόν ἐστιν ὑέλῳ, 
κατά TE τὸ χρῶμα καὶ κατὰ τὴν σύστασιν, κτλ. Leo Philos. Conspect. Medic. 3, 1: 
εἰσὶ τρία ὑγρά" τὸ ὑαλῶδες λεγόμενον, ἐπειδὴ ἔοικεν ὑέλῳ:: For Latin translitera- 
tions, see below, p. 59, n. 21ff. 

% Theophr. de Lap. 30: ἐξ ὧν δὲ τὰ σφραγίδια ποιεῖται καὶ ἄλλαι πλείους εἰσίν, 
οἷον ἥ θ᾽ ὑαλοείδης ἣ καὶ ἔμφασιν ποιεῖ καὶ διάφασιν, καὶ τὸ ἀνθράκιον, καὶ ἡ ὄμφαξ. 
Orphica, Lith. 280: ἐσθλοὶ δ᾽ αὖτ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῖσι καὶ ὑαλοειδέες εἶναι | κλείονται θνητοῖσι 
θυηπολέουσι τόπαζοι. 

57 Dioscorides, 3, 86 (96) (de Euphorbio): ἔστι δὲ δύο γένη τοῦ ὀποῦ, τὸ μὲν 
διαυγές, ὡς σαρκοκόλλα, κατὰ μέγεθος ὀρόβου, τὸ δέ τι ἐν ταῖς κοιλίαις ὑελῶδες καὶ 
συνεστώς. 

8 Damocrates in Galen, 13, 942: πυκνῆς τὲ ὑελώδους πρόσβαλ᾽ ἀσφάλτου β΄. 
Probably brittle and glistening like obsidian (a natural glass). 

9 Apsyrtus in Hippiatr.1, 11: ᾿Αψύρτου περὶ ὀφθα (Ὰ ἡμῶν λευκώματος .. .. 
ὙγὙλαυκώματος δὲ γεγονότος, περίεργον καὶ τὸ φλεβοτομεῖν. ἔστι γὰρ ἀθεράπευτον. 
συμβαίνει δὲ ἐκ τούτου ὃ καλεῖται ὑάλωμα, ὅμοιον ψηφίδι, λευκῇ. 

60 §. v. [δαλίδιον, τὸ, vitriolum, Gl.] 

1 Anth. Pal. 6, 232: ὑελακυκάδες ὄγχναι. 

See Stadtmueller, 4nth. Gr. 1 (1894), 351f.: “δ᾽ ὑ ἔλα. κυ κἀδεσ (hyphen C, 
accentum A C) P [ὑελοκυκάδες ap. L. ὑελοκικκάδες Heck. (αἱ μελιπίδακες Geist bado- 
χρώδεες Br. ὑετοκυκάδες Reiske ὑελοοίδακες Toup ὑελομιμάδες Picc. εὖ μάλα κυκλάδες 
Jac. ὑελοχυλάδες Emper.).” 


50 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [280 


thing glass-like about the pears. Some kinds of ripe pears do, of 
course, look shiny and semi-translucent. 

b. Hyelepsés. The glass-smelter is designated by a special word, 
which varies in form and spelling: hyelepsés* hyelepsos,® hyalopsos,® 
hyelopsos," hyalops,® and hyeloepsos.2 The corresponding form 
hyelopsikos, “for making glass,’ also occurs. 

c. Hyelepsos. See above, note 5. 

d. [Hyelinopoios]. For some time yilinopoios, a word found in an 
inscription of Sparta of the first century before Christ, was thought 
to stand for hyelinopoios, ‘one who makes things of glass,’!° but the 
correction of this to psilinopoios, ‘maker of palm garlands,’ is now 
universally accepted.¥ 
Hyaloeidés (Hyeloeidés). See above, page 46, note 46-47. 

f. Hyeloepsos. See above, note 9. 

[Hyalokeras]. An error, see above, page 34, note 13. 
Hyalotechnés. See above, page 38; note 36; below note 4. 
Hyalourgeion. See below, note 16°. 

[Hyalourgia]. See below, note 16°. 

Hyelourgikos. See below, note 17. 


mos τα ἢ 


τὴ τ’ 


I. Hyalourgos (Hyelourgos). Strabo! (S. 1) is the first to mention 


the Ayalourgos, or vitrearius,! ‘glass-maker.’ The same form occurs in 


3 Friedrich (Rhein. Fahrb. (1882), 74, 172); Bliimner, Tech. u. Term. 4, 384. 

4 Hesych.: ὑελέψης" ὕελο... . . “vedo τέχναι Mus., qui compendium supra- 
scriptum delevit.”” Olympiod. on Arist. Meteor. 2, 228: παρὰ Tots aan The 
Aldine edition has a double lambda. 

5 Michael Glycas, Annal. 4, 506, 7:6 ὑελεψός. Psaltes, op. cit. 4,6. Cf. Leontius 
- Cyprius (Patr. Gr. 93, 1736 D); Act. Sanct. Tuli. T. 1, 168, 16; 164, 52 (quoted in 
Thes. under ὑελέψης). Bliimner, op. cit. 4, 389, ἢ. 2, quotes Act. Sanct. Iuhi. T. I, 
164, as τοῦ ὑαλεψοῦ, a passage which I have been unable to verify. 

6 Joan. Moschus, Prat. Spirit. (Patr. Gr. 87, 2932A): ὑαλοψός. Schol. on Luc. 
Lexiph. 7. Lambros, Catalogue of the Greek MSS. on Mt. Athos, 2 (1900), 4503, 32: 
“Περὶ τοῦ BS SEE (‘YarowWod περί in Index). 

7 Cedrenus (Script. Hist. Byz. 34 (1838), 687, 1): ὑελοψός. Berthelot, Collection, 
383: τοῦ ὑελοψοῦ. With double lambda, Herod. Epom. 138: ὑελλοψός. 

8 Pallad. Schol. on Hippocrates, 2, 222: 6 ὑάλωψ. See Lobeck, Paralipom. 291. 

9 Niceph. Blemm. de Fabr. Aur. Cod. Reg. 2329, 159%: εἰς κάμινον ὑελοεψοῦ, 
Hase (quoted from Thes. Gr. Ling. 8, 6). 

98 Zosimus, 11 (Berthelot, Collection, 246): ἐν καμινίοις ὑέλοψικοῖς. 

10 'Welcker (Bull. Inst. (1844), 147): Νικοκλῆς ἐκ Τυνδάρους ὑϊ[ε]λινοποιός. 
Froehner (1879), 14, 11. 

4 Conge-Michaelis (4nnal. dell’ Inst. (1861), 39): Ψιλινοποιός. IG 5, 1, 209. 

12 16, 756: mapa τῶν ὑαλουργῶν. See Salmasius, Plin. Exercit. 76gaE. 

18 Corp. Gloss. Lat.: vitrearius ὑαλουργός. See below, p. 66, b. 





281] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS ΣΙ 


a list of traders and artificers in the Tebtunis Papyri, and, spelled 
with an epsilon, in a Greek papyrus in the John Rylands Library, 
Manchester, and in extracts from Julian of Ascalon,'* as well as 
in glosses. Corresponding forms are hya/ourgeion, vitrarium, “the 
place where glass is made,’ and Ayalourgikos, ‘of or for making 
glass.’!7 

πη. Hyalochroos. Leonidas (S. III)!® speaks of a glass-colored 
band. It is very difficult for us with our colorless glass to understand 
what hyalochroos, ‘glass-colored’ means, but most ancient glass, 
unless artificially colored, has a greenish cast. Among the Romans 
vitreus seems to have been used occasionally to express glass-green,}* 
probably in imitation of the Greek, although no instance of such a 
use occurs in Greek literature. A passage has already been noted 
where Dioscorides describes resin as ‘like glass in color’, thinking 
probably of its translucency.”° It is quite possible that ‘glass-colored’ 
refers to the sheerness of the material, especially in view of the fact 


149,270: ὑαλουργός. 

4 Johnson-Martin-Hunt, 2 (1915), 374, 5: ὑελ(λγουργῶν Σχίθεως. 

a Const. Harmenopulus, Manuale legum, 2, 4, 19: περὶ ὑελουργῶν .. .. 
ὑελουργούς. Jules Nicole, Le livre du préfet, 71, Gen. MS.: περὶ ὑελλουργῶν .... 
ὑελλουργούς. 

16 See below, p. 66, n. 2-5. 

16a Diosc. 5, 181: ἐκ τῶν ὑελουργείων. “᾿ὑελουργός, ὁ. vitriarius, qui vitra 
conficit. Bud. ex Dioscor. [5, 181, ubi hodie ex correct. Sarac. et J. G. Schneideri 
legitur ὑελουργείων. quod v. Hase]” (quoted from Thes. Gr. Ling. 8, 9). Paul. 
Aeg. 106”, το: ἐκ τῶν ὑαλουριῶν. Hase in Thes. suggests that this should be written 
ὑαλουργείων, which seems probable since ὑαλουργία could hardly mean a workshop 
where glass was manufactured, that seems to be the meaning required here, or in 
Dioscorides, from whom this passage is quoted. Corp. Gloss. Lat. s. v. ὑαλουργεῖον᾽ 
vitrarium. 

“David, Proleg. in Porphyr. Isogogen, 20, 11f.: ὑαλουργική ἐστι τέχνη. 
Cf. Niceph. Blemm. Epit. log. (Patr. Gr. 142, 697). Geopon. 20, 16: els κάμινον 
ὑελουργικήν. Berthelot, Collection, 36: θὲς eis κάμινον ὑελουργικήν. 38, 3: 
ἡ μαγνησία ἡ ὑελουργική. 307, 38: ἐν καμίνῳ ὑελουργικῇ. 308, 40: εἰς κάμινον... .. 
ὑελουργικήν. 341, 10: δὸς καμίνῳ ὑελουργικῷ. 347, 1: μαγνησίας ὑελουργικῆς. 
353, 10: βαλὼν ἐν σφαιρίῳ ὑαλουργικῷ. 378, 3: προσχωρεῖ εἰς πήχεις ρ' N° Δ 
ὑελουργικήν. Note 6: ‘“‘A-signe a lire τέσσαρα. . .. ou διὰ (διὰ ὑελουργικὴν 
«τέχνην >, au moyen d’un procédé deverrier).—eis πήχεις pvd’ (.᾽ ὑαλουργ. ΒΑΚ. 

8 Anth. Pal. 6, 211, among the things dedicated by Calliclea to Cypris: καὶ 
μηλοῦχον ὑαλόχροα. Various meanings have been suggested. Diibner (1871) 
translates “‘vitricolore,’ but in the notes gives, “caerulei, subviridis,” quoting 
Brunck who rejects the suggestion of Larcher that the word meant ‘transparent.’ 

 Bliimner (Berlin. Stud. 13 (1892), 218). 

20 See above, p. 42, f. 


52 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [282 


that Varro applied vitrea to a toga in this sense,” but it is also 
possible that a light green hue is meant. 

The form hyelouchri found in a treatise concerning lead?!* is 
clearly an error. 

n. Hyalopsos (Hyelopsos). See above, note 6-7. 

ni. Hyelopsikos. See above, note ga. 

o. Hyelopiz6. See below, note 23. 

p. Hyalépis. The transparency of the jasper is expressed by 
hyalopis.” 

q. Hyelopé. Hyelépé is a disease of the eye among hawks, and 
the corresponding verb, describing the condition of the eye in this 
disease, is hyelépizein.® 

τ. Hylaithos. Fick would derive Hy/aithos, a river in West 
Locris, from hyalos and aithé. The appearance of water would be 
well described by sucha nameas ‘Glass-shining,’ but the etymology 
is more than dubious, since the first element is not Hya/- but Hy/-. 

5. Hypohyelion. The form hypohyelion® seems to mean ‘covered 
over with glass’ or ‘something that looks a little like glass.’?” 

t. Diagelaston. Codinus (S. 15)?8 also mentions an image of the. 
emperor which was covered with Aye/ion called diagelaston, which 


21 See below, p. 68. 

1a Berthelot, Collection, 378, 4: καὶ mpooxwpel ὑελουχρῖ. Note 13: “ved’ λίτρ. 
(en signe) pe’ BAK (Confusion probable du X avec le signe de λίτρα).᾽" 

2 Orph. Lith. 613: ἐν yap of Shes ὀρόων ὑάλωπιν ἴασπιν] σάρδια θ᾽ αἱματόεντα 
καὶ αἰγλήεντα μάραγδον. 

“3 Demetrius, Ὀρνεοσόφιον ἀγροικότερον, 122: εἰς ὑελωπὴν ὀφθαλμοῦ. ἐὰν 
ὁ ἱέραξ ὑελωπίσῃ τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς, οὕτως αὐτὸν νοήσεις... . ἧλον κυπαρίσσινον 
λεπτὸν ποιήσας καὶ πυρώσας εἰς τὴν αὐτοῦ ῥῖνα ἔμβαλε αὐτὸν ἐκ τρίτου, ὅπου τὴν 
ὑελωπὴν ἴδῃς. ' 

4 Vick (Bezz. Beitrége, 22 (1897), 63). 

5 Codinus Curop. de Officiis Pal. Constantinop. 4 (Patr. Gr. 157, 40, 4): 
τὸ δικανίκιον τοῦ πρωτοβεστιαρίου χρυσοπράσινον, χρυσοχοϊκόν, vmrovedoy (ὑπὸ 
υἱελίου A). 

8 Du Cange, Gloss. ad Script. Med. et Inf. Graec. s. v. ὑξλιος, vitreus: “Cod- 
inus de offic. aulae Const. c. 4. n. 5... ὑποὐξλιον. Cod. alter habet ὑ ὑπὸ eXlov.” 

*7 Gretzerus and Goarus in Corp. Script. Hist. Byz. (1839) 18: ““Baculus proto- 
vestiarli aureo et prasino colore constat, auro fusus est et liquato ad pigmentum 
metallo collucens.” Note p. 236: “p. 18 v.10. ὑποῦέλιον] δικανίκιον protovestiarii 
aurificio opere χρυσοχοϊκόν, liquatoque viridi ad pigmentum metallo vitrum imitante 
ὑποὐέλιον, ac ideo viride simul ac aureum χρυσοπράσινον.᾽ See below, ἢ. 29. 

28 See above, p. 45, ἢ. 37. Also Idem (Corp. Script. Hist. Byz. 37, 20, 18): 


ἔχον ἔμπροσθέν τε Kal ὄπισθεν τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως εἰκόνα διαγέλαστον. 





OS 


283] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 53 


has been explained both as a metallic pigment? and as a transparent 
glass covering.*® The latter explanation seems the more probable. 


D. Krystallos. 


Since Aya/os, as I have already shown, is occasionally used for 
krystallos, one might naturally expect to find the reverse, either be- 
cause glass was actually mistaken for crystal, or because krystallos 
was employed as a figurative equivalent for hya/os.! 

The resemblance of rock-crystal to ice, the original meaning 
of krystallos,? led to its being designated by the same word. 
In spite of the similarity of crystal and glass, the latter does not 


29 Gretzerus and Goarus translate the first passage: ““Liquato ad pigmentum 
metallo pictam, quod a pellucida vi διαγέλαστον appellatur,” and the second: 
“Habens ante et retro imperatoris imaginem ex liquato ad pigmentum metallo.” 
Note p. 238: “zd. v. τς. διαγελάστου] nonnulli principis imaginem ut arridentem et 
serena maiestate coruscam διαγέλαστον vocant. an non verius διαγέλαστον ceu 
risus et laetitiae in spectantibus causam? utrumque ridendum. τὸ διαγελάστου 
enim ad materiam ὑελίου, non ad imperatorem βασιλέα referes. at cum ὑποῦέλιον 
pigmentum metallicum sit quod ὑέλιον quoque ob similitudinem cum vitro nun- 
cupatur, διὰ ὑέλιον quoque, quasi διὰ ὑελίου ex vitro conflatum, dici potuit. hinc 
δια-ὕέλιστον, et ob prolationis affinitatem διαγέλιστον (Portius enim ipse γερανιός 
vice nepaveos et γιαλί vice ὑελί, quod est ὑέλιον, scribit) et tandem διαγέλαστον, ut 
jucundius quoddam et gratius ortumest.”” Thes. Gr. Ling. 5. v. διαγέλαστος, ὁ, ἡ :, 
“Pellucidus.” 

80 Referring to Gretzerus and Goarus, Du Cange, s. v. διαγέλαστος : “Neuter, ni 
ipse fallor, bene: intelligit enim imaginem Imperatoris stantis depictam, ac vitro 
pellucido tectam.” 

1In Latin poetry crystallum, in Blimner’s opinion (Tech. u. Term. 4, 386), 
appears not infrequently for vitrum, but the Thes. Ling. Lat. does not seem to recog- 
nize this meaning, at least explicitly. In view of the extreme scarcity of actual 
rock-crystal among ancient remains, as compared with glass, it appears almost 
certain that crystallum must frequently mean nothing more than glass, but it is 
difficult to prove this for any particular passage. Thus, for example, it probably 
would be impossible to show from the great majority of references to it in literature, 
that in English a ‘watch crystal’ is not actually made of ‘crystal,’ but regularly 
of glass. See below, p. 79. 

2.7]. 22, 152 (151): ἡ δ᾽ ἑτέρη θέρεϊ προρέει εἰκυῖα χαλάξῃ | ἢ χιόνι ψυχρῇ 
ἢ ἐξ ὕδατος κρυστάλλῳ. Od. 14, 477 (475): νὺξ δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἐπῆλθε κακὴ Βορέαο πεσόντος, 

| πηγυλίς, αὐτὰρ ὕπερθε χιὼν γένετ᾽ Hite πάχνη, | ψυχρή, καὶ σακέεσσι περιτρέ- 
φετο κρύσταλλος. Herodotus, 4, 28: ἡ δὲ θάλασσα πήγνυται καὶ ὁ Βόσπορος 
πᾶς ὁ Κιμμέριος, καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ κρυστάλλου οἱ ἐντὸς τάφου Σκύθαι κατοικημένοι στρα- 
τεύονται καὶ τὰς ἁμάξας ἐπελαύνουσι πέρην ἐς τοὺς Σίνδους. Leo Meyer, op. cit. 2, 415; 
Boisacq, op. cit. 522. Sen. Nat. Quaest. 3, 25, 12. 

8 Strabo, 15, 67, of India: φέρει δὲ καὶ λιθίαν ἡ χώρα πολυτελῇ κρυστάλλων 
καὶ ἀνθράκων παντοίων, καθάπερ τῶν μαργαριτῶν. Ael. N. 4. 15, 8: ὁ δὲ ἐν ᾿Ινδίᾳ 
χερσαῖος οὐ λέγεται φύσιν ἔχειν ἰδίαν, ἀλλὰ ἀπογέννημα εἶναι κρυστάλλου, οὐ 
τοῦ ἐκ τῶν παγετῶν συνισταμένου, ἀλλὰ τοῦ ὀρυκτοῦ. 


54 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [284 


seem to have been called crystal in the early literature, at least, 
but the two are constantly associated. The adjectival forms 
krystalloeides and hyaloeides also frequently occur in close relation- 
ship. Some of the early philosophers described the heavens and the 
heavenly bodies as ‘like crystal’ while others preferred to speak of 
them as ‘like glass.’"* The physicians designated part of the eye as 
the crystalline lens, from the character of its humor, and the part 
next to it as the vitreous humor for a similar reason.’ 

Although Hesychius (S. 5)8 says that krystallos is a ‘kind of glass,’ 
if the Greeks occasionally called glass ‘crystal’ (as the Romans seem 
to have done, see above, n. 1), it is dificult in any particular passage 
to be certain of it. In the following instances only does it seem 
probable that glass was the actual substance which is called crystal. 
Diodorus (5S. 1)® composed an epigram upon a piece of carved crystal. 
Now, in Greece real crystal seems to have been comparatively rare, 
but by the first century after Christ glass was common. Actual 
painting upon carved glass or crystal is no doubt possible, but it is 
difficult, and one might be disposed to think that it would have been 
hardly satisfactory for a small piece such as this was. I am therefore 
inclined to think that chrozé, the exquisite tinting which reminded 
the poet of Zeuxis, refers to the beauty of the carved glass, for 
carved glass was well known and relatively common, while I know 
of no instance of carved and tinted crystal. 

Leonidas of Alexandria (5. 1)!° mentions crystal, silver, and 
topazes as rich birthday gifts for Agrippina. Here nothing would 

4 P. Holm. i. §: κρυστάλλου μάλιξις τραγείῳ αἵματι ζέσας μάλασσε. τὸ 
δὲ αὐτὸ καὶ ὑέλῳ. Andreas Caes. on Rev. 21, 21, see above, p. 28, ἢ. 22. 

® Aét. 2, 14, 3 (Diels, Doxogr. Gr. 344): (Ἀναξιμένης) ἥλων δίκην καταπεπηγέναι 
τὰ ἄστρα τῷ κρυσταλλοειδεῖ. Id. 2, τι, 2 (339): ᾿Εμπεδοκλῆς στερέμνιον εἶναι τὸν 
οὐρανὸν ἐξ ἀέρος συμπαγέντος ὑπὸ πυρὸς κρυσταλλοειδῶς, τὸ πυρῶδες καὶ τὸ ἀερῶδες 
ἐν ἑκατέρῳ τῶν ἡμισφαιρίων περιέχοντα. Lactant. de Opif. Dei, 17, 6: an si 
mihi quispiam dixerit aeneum esse caelum aut vitreum aut, ut Empedocles ait, 
aerem glaciatum, statimne assentiar? Aét. 2, 20, 13 (Doxogr. Gr. 350): ᾿Εμπεδοκλῆς 
δύο ἡλίους. . .. τὸν δὲ φαινόμενον, ἀνταύγειαν, ἐν τῷ ἑτέρῳ ἡμισφαιρίῳ τῷ τοῦ 
ἀέρος τοῦ θερμομιγοῦς πεπληρωμένῳ, ἀπὸ κυκλοτεροῦς τῆς γῆς κατ᾽ ἀνάκλασιν 
γιγνομένην εἰς τὸν ἥλιον κρυσταλλοειδῆ. Cf. Diog. Laert. 8, 77. 

6 See above, p. 47, n. ξ51--52. 

7 See above, p. 48, ἢ. 55. 

8 Hesych. s.v. κρόσταλλος᾽ εἶδος ὑξλίλ]ου. On the spelling see Thes. 4, 2018B. 

° Anth. Pal, 9, 776: εἰς κρύσταλλον γεγλυμμένον. Ζεύξιδος ἡ χροιή τε καὶ ἡ 
χάρις" ἐν δὲ με μικρῇ | κρυστάλλῳ τὸ καλὸν δαίδαλον. ᾿Αρσινόῃ | γράψας τοῦτ᾽ 
ἔπορεν Σατυρήϊος. εἰμὶ δ᾽ ἀνάσσης | εἰκών, καὶ μεγάλης λείπομαι οὐδ᾽ ὀλίγον. 

10 Anth. Pal. 6, 329: ἄλλος μὲν κρύσταλλον, ὁ δ᾽ ἄργυρον, οἱ δὲ τοπάζους] 
πέμψουσιν, πλούτου δῶρα γενεθλίδια. 





[ 
: 
; 


285] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 5s 


suggest that crystal stands for glass except the fact that the author 
lived in the great center of glass manufacturing in antiquity. Pau- 
sanius (5S. 2)" says that ‘glass, crystal, and morria and everything 
else made of stone’ are broken by the water of the Styx. He is 
probably thinking of krystal/os as an artificial product, probably a 
colorless, transparent glass!” such as the variety which Strabo (8. [)}3 
calls krystallophané.“ In an epigram upon crystal containing water, 
Claudian" says that it was fashioned by man. It is difficult to under- 
stand how a sphere of crystal could be formed so that it could contain 
water, whereas glass could easily be blown into such a shape. 

In an old alchemical treatise, describing the coloring of stones, 
krystallos is mentioned for the production of green glass. Here 
krystallos is no doubt crystal-clear glass suitable for coloring. A 
similar use of krystal/os is found in other alchemical formulae.” 

Zonaras (δ᾽. 12) speaks of a crystalline goblet,'8 probably referring 
to a crystal-glass goblet, a type of vessel very frequently mentioned 
by Roman authors (see below, page 79 ff.). 


1 Paus. 8, 18, 5: ὕαλος μέν γε Kal κρύσταλλος Kal μόρρια Kal ὅσα ἐστὶν ἀνθρώποις 
ἄλλα λίθου ποιούμενα καὶ τῶν σκευῶν τὰ κεραμεᾶ, TA μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς Στυγὸς τοῦ 
ὕδατος ῥήγνυται. 

isa, OP. εἴ, 2, 544. 

18 Strabo, 16,758: καὶ ἐν Ῥώμῃ δὲ πολλὰ παρευρίσκεσθαί φασι καὶ πρὸς τὰς 
χρόας καὶ πρὸς τὴν ῥᾳστώνην τῆς κατασκευῆς, καθάπερ ἐπὶ τῶν κρυσταλλοφανῶν. 
ὅπου γε καὶ τρυβλίον χαλκοῦ πρίασθαι καὶ ἐκπωμάτιον ἔστιν. 

4 Liddell and Scott define τὰ κρυσταλλοφανῇ as ‘glass-ware,’ but of course 
Strabo merely means that one variety of glass, τὰ κρυσταλλοφανῆ, was highly 
transparent, ‘clear as crystal.’ 

16. Anth. Pal. 9,753: εἰς κρύσταλλον ἔνδον ὕδωρ ἔχουσαν. χιονέη κρύσταλλος ὑπ᾽ 
ἀνέρος ἀσκηθεῖσα [ξεν ἀκηρασίοιο παναίολον εἰκόνα κόσμου, | οὐρανὸν ἀγκὰς 
ἔχοντα βαρύκτυπον ἔνδοθι πόντον. 

16 Berthelot, Collection, 353, 11: λαβὼν σηρικὸν λίτρας γ᾽, κρύσταλλον καθαρὸν 
λίτραν α΄, κασσίτεραν ἐξάγια β', λείωσον θεῖα (9) Gs χοῦν καὶ βάλε αὐτὰ εἰς 
χυτρίδιον ἄθικτον, καὶ παρόπτα αὐτὰ εἰς κάρβωνα, ἕως γένηται ὕαλος πράσινος. 

1 (Idem., 36, 4: ὁ λίθος μένει κρύσταλλος. 351, 4: καὶ συλλειώσας μετὰ 
τοῦ ῥηθέντος ἀνωτέρω ὕδατος τοῦ ἐν πῷ σμαράγδῳ, βάλε κρύσταλλον, καὶ βάψεις. 
6: καὶ ὅπως ἐνωθέντα τῇ κομάρῳ, βάπτουσι κρυστάλλους ἢ τοὺς φυσικοὺς 
ἔπιβάπτουσι. 358, 22: καὶ ἔνθες κρύσταλλον λίθον... καὶ ἀνακαλύψας εὑρήσεις 
τὸν ἀπὸ κρυστάλλου ἀλλοιωθέντα λίθον εἰς σμάραγδον. 359, 26: περὶ ἀραιώσεως 
κρυστάλλου .. .. καὶ θεὶς τὰ κρσυτάλλια. See also 361, 33, 34, 355 373 362, 39, 
40; 363, 46, 47. The references quoted are considered as glass by Berthelot, surely 
the best authority on the subject. 

18 10, 35, P. 1536 Ὁ: ἐπεὶ ὁ οἰνοχόος ἐκείνου κύλικα κρυσταλλίνην κατέαξε. 


56 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 286 


E. Morria 


Since there are but two references to morria in Greek literature, 
namely, in the Periplus of the Red Sea (S.1) and in Pausanias (8. 2), 
while in Latin there is a much more frequent use of murra, especially 
in connection with the vasa murrina, both the Greek and Latin 
sources, as well as the conjectures by modern scholars, will be treated 
below under murra, page 83 ff. 


Ill. THE LATIN WORDS FOR GLASS 


A. Hyalus anD DERIVATIVES 


1. Hyalus, the Substantive. The Romans transliterated hya/os,} 
the Greek word for glass,? into Aya/us. Although Aya/us appears 
almost as soon as vitrum, the common word for glass, and continues 
in use rather late, its occurrence in literature, at least, is infrequent, 
being limited chiefly to poetic and scientific works. Moreover, in 
the passages where the substantive Aya/us occurs, it does not have 
the meaning ‘glass,’ which seems to be attested only in glosses,’ but 
a ‘glass-green color.’ Virgil (δ, I)4 writes, “About her the Nymphs 
were spinning fleeces of Miletus, dyed with rich glassy hue.’”> When 
‘glass,’ or ‘glassy,’ is applied to water or the inhabitants of the water, 
it stands for one or more of the characteristics of water, as trans- 
parency, brightness, or color. Servius’** comment (J. 4) that Ayalus 
was used by Virgil instead of hyalinus, ‘hyaline,’ vitreus, ‘like glass,’ 
or viridis, ‘green,’ might be applied to Ausonius (δ᾽. 4) and Prudentius 
(S. 4/5) likewise. Ausonius® probably had the idea of the sparkling 
appearance as well as the color in mind when speaking of the Rhine 
he says, “spread out your robe ἀγαίο virentem.’ In Prudentius’ 
where arches of hya/us are compared to meadows bright with spring 
flowers, there is a possibility that Aya/us means actual glass, glass 
mosaic of shining green, or the arches were simply decorated with a 
glass-green color. 


1 See above, page 22 ff. 

2 Castellus, op. cit. s. v. Hyalos. 

ae Lat. vitrum. ueles (index=edos). Also yialon vitrum. See below, 
n. 8b, p. 64. 

* Georg. 4, 335 (334): eam circum Milesia vellera Nymphae | carpebant hyali 
saturo fucata colore. On this passage Price, The Color-System of Vergil (A.f.P. 
4 (1883), 14), remarks: “Hyalus .... physical standard, glass of deep green color.” 

5 Fairclough’s translation in The Loeb Classical Library. 

%@ Ad. loc.: Hyali Saturo F.C. ‘hyali’ pro hyalino, vitreo, viridi, nymphis apto. 
‘Saturo’.... id est vitreo colore. Note 27: vali A yali reliqui yali V|| hyalino 
A yalino reliqui. 

® Mos. 418 f.: caeruleos nunc, Rhene, sinus hyaloque virentem pande peplum. 
Note: hialo R halo L. Blimner (Ber/. Stud. 13, 214): “Griines Glas nennt Ap. 
Sid. ep. II, 10, 4, p. 14 vernans crusta, wahrend bei Aus. Mos. 418 hyalo virens 
zu einem Vergleiche dient.”” Cf. Idem, p. 220. 

” Perist. 12, 53 f.: tum camuros hyalo insigni varie cucurrit arcus, | sic prata 
vernis floribus renident. 


57 


58 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [288 


2. Hyalus, the Adjective. Hyalus seems to have been used rarely 
as an adjective also.® 

3. Hyalinus. The adjective hyalinus, the Greek hyalinos,® ‘ot 
glass,’ occurs a few times in late Latin literature. Martianus (δ, 5)? 
mentions glass pu/vis, ‘dust,’ and Fulgentius (S. 6)" a glass sphaera, 
‘sphere.’ In the life of Saint Wilfridus (S. 12)!2 mosaics are described 
as hiding unadorned arches with a covering of glass. However, just 
as the Greek hyalinos sometimes meant ‘like-glass’ so hAyalinus 
stands for some of the characteristics of glass. Servius’ comment on 
hyalus in which he describes it as hyalinus, vitreus, viridis has just 
been quoted.!® Moreover, Ayalinus is found with the gloss not only 
of vitreum*™ but also of viridi colore.* Under this meaning of ‘glass- 
green’ or ‘green’ Harper’s Lexicon quotes the passage in which 
Martianus* describes wings with pennis hyalinis. But since these 
wings are spoken of also as remigia aurata, ‘gilded oars,’ it seems 
more probable that the feathers were ‘shining like glass’ rather 
than ‘green like glass.’ In the same author!” hyalinus is used to 
describe amictus, ‘outer garments.’ Since the other clothes men- 
tioned in this passage are described by some color, it would seem 


8 Corp. Gloss. Lat.: yala vitria. See above, p. 37 f. 

9 See above, p. 43 f. 

106, 575: parent denique iam ingressurae artis obsequio electissimae femi- 
narum, quae decentem quandam atque hyalini pulveris respersione coloratam 
velut mensalam gestitantes ad medium superi senatus locum fiducia promptiore 
procedunt. ; 

Ἡ Myth. 1 praef. 14, 11 (Helm, 1898): musae autem latera sarciebant altrinsecus 
duae, quarum dexterior uerenda quadam maiestate subnixa elatae frontis polimina 
argenteis astrorum crispauerat margaritis, cuius faleratum exoticis diadema 
carbunculis corniculata lunae sinuatio deprimebat ac cerulanti peplo circumlita 
hyalinae cauitatem sperae*™ osseo fastigans tigillo versabat. *Spherae MHD, 
sperare T. 

12 Fridegodus, de Vita S. Wilfridi, 15 (Pair. Lat. 133, 992 A): nec minus appro- 
perant opicizi (sic) emblemata proni | arcus incultos hyalino [vitreo] claudere velo. 

13 See above, ἢ. 5°. 

4 Corp. Gloss. Lat.: yalina vitria. yalinum vitreum. yalium vitr (e )um Graece. 

1 7214.: hyalinum vitreum, viridi colore. (hyalienum vitrum viricolore (sic) 
before emendation.) 

6 8, 811: verum alae cum pennis hyalinis et volitandi per mundum remigia 
crebrius aurata crispantur. 

7 1, 66: tunc Juppiter publica et quae senatum contracturus assumit indu- 
menta percipiens apponit primum vertici regalis serti flammantem coronam con- 
tegitque ex positicis caput quodam velamine rutilante, quod ei praesul operis 
Pallas ipsa texuerat. dehinc vesti admodum candidae obducit amictus hyalinos, 
quos stellantibus oculis interstinctos crebri vibratus ignium luminabant. 


eee. aoe 


289] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 59 


probable that this garment also had a green tint. However, in the 
next paragraph!® the vestis is contrasted with the ‘dark’ peplum, 
which would lead one to think that Aya/inus here also might mean 
nothing more than ‘bright’ and ‘shining.’ 

4. Hyalodes or Hyaloeides. The only use of hyalodes or hya- 
loeides,'9 ‘glass-like,’ in Latin is one which 15 very common in Greek,?° 
namely in the description of the vztreus humor of the eye. In Latin 
the spelling occurs as hialoides, hylodis,” hyolodotes,*, hiliates,* 
yelodes.»® 

5. Hyalourgus. In a gloss yaluros*® occurs as a corruption of 
hyalourgos. 

6. Hyale. For the use of the proper noun Hyale, see above, 
page 40. : 

7. Gimalum. In listing the glosses from the Ripoll manuscript 59, 
one of a pair of copies of Priscian, of the middle of the tenth century, 
Burnam says, “Gimalum, a word for ‘glass,’ appears in this state- 
ment: vitrum enim gimalum dicunt,” and suggests that it must be 
connected with hyalinum.”" 

B. Vitrum 


1. ETyMOLoGYy 
In early Latin literature one may search in vain for any mention 
of glass, although there is no doubt that the Romans were perfectly 
familiar with the material itself. It is in Lucretius’ De Rerum 
Natura or in Cicero’s oration for Rabirius (S. I)? that the word 


18 1,67: nam vestis eius hyalina sed peplum fuerat caligosum. 

19 Castellus, op. cit. s.v. Hyalodes. 

20 See above, p. 47 f. 

21 Vindic. Med. το: hialoiden B Neu. Theod Prisc. 4, 2: humorem vitreum, 
quem Graeci hialoiden vocent. Cf. Octav. Horat. ad Euseb. 3, 108. 

# Vindic. Gym. 432, 1: numerus autem sunt tres. hisquato (sic) id est hylodis. 

8 Id. 435, d: humoris autem sunt III. sicadotes. hyolodotes. cristaloides. 

*4 Td. 435, p.: humores autem sunt III. sciambitis hiliates. cristallo. 

*® Corp. Gloss. Lat. vitreum yelodes (Gloss. Servii Gram.). 

% 74. yaluros vitriarius. 

27 Miscellanea Hispanica (Mod. Philol. 12 (1914-15), 167, n. 23): “It must 
be connected with Gl. E. Hyalinum. G here has the palatal value, elsewhere in 
this MS. written 2 (in zenere).” 

1 4,145 ff.: semper enim summum quicquid de rebus abundat | quod iaculentur. 
et hoc alias cum pervenit in res, | transit ut in primis vitrum .... | at cum splendida 
quae constant opposita fuerunt | densaque, ut in primis speculum est, nil accidit 
horum; | nam neque, uti vitrum, potis est transire, neque autem | scindi. 4,993 
(991): praeterea manare aliud per saxa videtur, | atque aliud lignis, aliud transire 
per aurum, | argentoque foras aliud vitroque meare. 

2 Pro Rabir. Post. 14, 40: fallaces quidem et fucosae e linteis et vitro velatae. 


60 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [290 


vitrum, ‘glass,’ first occurs. Its origin is as uncertain as that of 
hyalos. According to Isidore (δ, 6/7)* “it is called glass (vitrum) 
because it is transparent to the sight (vzsuz) on account of its clear- 
ness.” Salmasius‘ following Isidore derives vitrum from vidére, 
‘to see,’ asserting (though without quoting any authority) that 
vitrum was once used for visum and explaining it as ‘“‘anything 
through which one sees clearly.”’ A few later etymologists derive 
it from the same source through *viditum and *viditrum.’ However, 
most modern etymologists who favor the derivation suggested by 
Isidore consider that vitrum comes from the root vid, to which has 
been added -trum, the suffix of agency or instrument,® causing it to 
mean “4 means of seeing or of making to see, a transparent thing,” 
that the d of the root has been lost so that we have vitrum instead of 
vidtrum or vistrum, which Bopp says we should expect from analogy 
to rastrum, rostrum, claustrum, and castrum.” To others this deri- 
vation does not seem at all probable.® 

Although a number of other derivations have been suggested, 
none of them has met with much favor. Isaac Vossius referring to 


Blimner, Term. u. Tech. 4, 386, note 2: “Dass das Glas selbst lange vorher den 
Rémern bekannt war und es bloss einem Zufall zuzuschreiben ist, dass wir vor 
Cicero keine Erwahnung desselben besitzen, ist selbstverstandlich.” 


3 Orig. 16, 16: vitrum dictum quod visui perspicuitate transluceat.... in 
vitro vero quilibet liquor vel species qualis est interius talis exterius declaratur, 
et quodammodo clausus patet. Cf. Rabanus Maurus, de Universo, 17, 10; Heracl. 
3» 5. 

4 Plin. Exercit. 71a F: “quod et ipsum vitri a video, ut spectrum a specio. 
nam veteres vitrum pro viso dicebant, ut mertum pro merso. vitrum igitur proprie 
δίοπτρα.᾽᾽ 


5 Schwenck, Etym. Worterb. der lat. Sp. (1827). Valpy, 4n Etym. Dict. of the 
Lat. Lang. (1828), 514: “Al. from video, viditum, whence viditrum (as Aratum, 
Aratrum; Rutum, Rutrum) then vitrum. As being seen through or transparent.” 


6 Regnaud, Eléments de Gram. Comp. du Grec. et Lat. 2 (1896), 267. 


” Vergleichende Gram. 3, ed 2 (1861), 197: “Vitrum Glas, gleichsam Werkzeug 
des Sehens, oder sehen Machendes, hat das d der Wurzel verloren. Man sollte 
vis-trum erwarten, nach Analogie von rastrum, rostrum, claustrum, castrum.” 
Likewise, Corssen, Krit. Beitr. z. lat. Formenlehre (1863), 368; Dwight, Mod. 
Philol. Ser. 2 (1864), 508; Vanitek, Gr.-Lat. Etym. W Grterb. 2 (1877), 965: “vid- 
(*vid-tru-m) ....Werkzeug oder Ding zu Sehen, durchsichtiges Ding.” Price, 
op. cit. 4, 14; Fréhde, Die Entsteh. des ss (Beitr. z. Kunde 4. Indogerm. Spr. 1 
(1877), 211); Fumagalli, Le Principali Etim. della Ling. Lat. (1889), 249, 252; 
Sayce, The Principles of Comp. Philol. ed. 4 (1893), 355. 

8 Walde, Latein. Etym. Worterb. (1906), 678; Morin-Jean (Daremberg-Saglio, 
Dict. § (1912), 934). | 


291] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 61 


aityron, hyalon in Hesychius says that aitron comes from aityron and 
vitrum from aitron, as Ventus from Aentos and vinum from oinos.® 
This passage in Hesychius is interpreted now, however, as perhaps 
a Grecizing of vitrum," or more probably a mistake for /iguron.’°* An 
attempt to connect vitrum with the Greek Aydor, ‘water,’ has been 
equally unsuccessful." Probably the greenish color of some antique 
glass, or the general belief that vitreus sometimes means a greenish 
color,” has led a few to suggest the possibility of deriving vitrum 
from virére, ‘to be green,’ through viritum, which they would change 
by syncope and metathesis." A-connection between vitrum, ‘glass,’ 
and vitrum, ‘woad,’ a plant which was used for its blue dye, is 
noted by several.'® Some etymologists simply derive them from 
the same root;!? others seem to derive the one from the other. 
Valpy?® writes that vitrum means glass: ‘“‘also woad, as dyeing with 


° Valpy, op. cit. 514: “Isaac Vossius refers to Hesych.: αἴτυρον, ὕαλον. From 
αἴτυρον, αἴτρον will be vitrum, as from ἀέντος is ventus, οἶνος vinum.”’ See above 
B47, n. 46. 

10 Curtius, op. cit. 579; Weise (Beitr. z. Kunde d. Indogerm. Spr. ς (1880), 
94); Vaniéek, op. cit. 2, 965; Walde, op. cit. 678. 

10a See above, p. 41, n. 51. 

1 Morin-Jean, Joc. cit. 

12 See below, 73 f. 

8 Valpy, op. cit. 514: “Or fr. vireo, to be green; whence viritum, viritrum, 
vitrum.” Ainsworth, Lat. Dict. revised and corrected by Ellis (1830): ‘Fort. a 
vireo, qu. viritum et per Sync. et Metath. vitrum.” 

4 Schrader, Sprachogl. ed. 3 (1883), 270: “Eine diesen Zwecken dienende, in 
die Urgeschichte Europas zuriickgehende Pflanze ist der Waid (Isatis tinctoria L.): 
lat. vitrum, gr. ἰσάτις, got. vizdila, ahd. weit, agk. wad.” Hoops, Waldbaéume τι. 
Kulturpflanzen im germ. Altert. (1905), 473. Walde, op. cit. 678: “Wohl auch gr. 
ἰσάτις, -vbos (*fut-caris). Feist, Kultur, Ausbreitung u. Herkunft der Indogerm. 
(1913), 244. Cf. vitragine, Orib. Syn. 9, 33; Euporistes, 2,1E5. Gloss. Thes. Gloss. 
Emend. 425: vitraginem eandem esse quam vitriariam dicit Pseud-Apul. c. 81. 
Wellmann, Die Pflanzennamen des Dioskurides (Hermes, 33 (1898), 422): “No. 534. 
KITPAPIA M [vitrariam] = περδίκιον C 271”. N 118. Ps. Apul. c. 83. Nomen 
herbae perdicalis ... . Romani vitrariam vocant. D.H. 86, 583s. éA&ivn.” 

® Caesar, de Bell. Gall. 5, 14: se vitro inficiunt, quod caeruleum efficit colorem. 
Mela, 3, 51: incertum ob decorem an quid aliud vitro corpora infecti. Orib. Syn. 
7, 1, aa: isatis herva, quam tinctores herbam vitrum vocant. Cf. Id. 7, 1, 2. 

16 Zimmermann, Etym. Worterb. der lat. Spr. (1915), 5.0. vitrum. See below, ἢ. 
17-18. 

% Schwenck, op. cit.: “Vitrum Glas; Waid, ein blau-farbender Kraut (scheint 
zfgz. aus viditrum von vide). Von diesem Verbo leitet es schon Isidorus ab.” 
Uhlenbeck, Die Vertretung der Tenues aspiratae im Lat: (Indogerm. Forschung. 
13 (1902/3), 218): “Lat. vitrum ‘Glas, Waid’: ai. vydthate ‘schwankt, taumelet, 
geht fehl.’ Ganz unsicher wegen der Bedeutungen.” 

18 Toc. cit. 


62 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [292 


a color like that of glass.”” While Wharton! says that vitrum means 
“‘woad, glass (as of a bluish tint).” Fick?* derives vitrum from the 
root vit, ‘to tremble, shake; suffer, wither,’ connecting it with the 
Sanskrit vithura, ‘the fragile, brittle, breakable thing.’ Schweizer! 
suggests that it probably indicates ‘shining with a blue color,’ and 
proposes the root ¢vi. Hirt? connects vitrum with the Sanskrit 
¢vitrds, ‘white,’ ¢vétds, ‘white, light, shining.’ Walde” considers this 
derivation doubtful, and suggests a Northern origin. Since vitrum 
appears in the language long after the substance was known, it 
might well be a borrowed word, byt that leaves its derivation still 
an open question. 


2. ORTHOGRAPHY AND APPLICATION 


Vitrum, unlike the Greek Ayalos, is neuter;! it occurs in the 
singular? oak few exceptions; 3 its penult is long‘ or short’ according 


19 Ftyma Latina (1890), 117. 

20 Wick, Vergl. Wérterb. der Indogerm. Spr.t,ed.3 (1874), 219: “vit, vyat schwan- 
ken, zittern: leiden, welken, sskr. vyath, vyath-ate zittern, schwanken; leiden, 
welken, vyath-4 f. Qual, vith-ura zitternd, zerbrechlich, und lat. vit-ru-m τη, 
Glass=sskr. vithura, ‘das Zerbrechliche,’ vgl. Hesych. a&trvpa’ ὕαλον, doch wohl 
ἀ-ειτυρο-ν, -lit. vys-tu, vyt-au, vys-ti verwelken. -goth. vith-6n schitteln, englisch 


to with-er welken.” Jd. 784; 2(1876), 241. See above, note 17. Walde, op. cit. 


> >>) 


678: “Vitrum nicht.... zu ai vyathate “‘schwankt’. 

* Zeitschrift f. vergleichende Sprachforschung, 3(1854), 352: “Nach deren anal- 
ogie vitrum wohl das blaulich glanzende bezeichnet, wie auch glésum und unser 
Glas. Ich denke an eine ableitung von wurz. ¢vi, die sich dann in ¢vit erweitert 
cvéta stammt.” 

2 Beitr. z. Kunde d. Indogerm. Spr. 24 (1899), 290; Pedersen (Zeitschr. f. 
vergl. Sprachf. 36 (1900), 306); Trautmann (Zeitschr. f. vergl. Sprachf. 51 (1923), 
61). 

*3 Op. cit. 678: “Vitrum ‘Glas’; Verbindung mit ai. ¢vitras ‘weiss,’ ¢vétds 
‘weiss, licht,’ ab svét ὁ ‘Licht,’ lit. szvaityti ‘hell machen,’ ahd.u.s.w. (mit idg. ἃ) 
hwiz ‘weiss’... . ist so lange zweifelhaft, als die Verbindung von queror mit ai. 
¢vasiti nicht bestimmter widerlegt ist als durch Hirt 4.4.0. Zudem kann vitrum 
(erst seit Cicero) wie glaesum aus dem Norden stammen und ein grm.* hvitra- 
darstellen. 

4 Bliimner, Tech. u. Term. 4, 386: “Das Glas heisst bei ihnen, mit einem ety- 
mologish durchaus unaufgeklarten Worte, vitrum.”’ Zimmermann, op. cit.: “Vitrum 
-1 ‘Glas’ erst seit Cic. zu belegen und darum als entlehnt zu betrachten oder mit 
dem folgenden [‘Waid’] gleichzustellen.”’ 

1 Exc. Bob. Gramm. 1, 554, 33: nomina quae apud Romanos neutralia, apud 


Graecos feminina.... hoc vitrum ὕελος. 
* Neue, Firumclaitbes der lat. Spr. τ, ed. 2 (1877), 383f: “Nomina defectiva . 
welche nur im Sing. oder nur im Plur. vorhanden sind ... . Sciendum tamen, quod 


metallorum vel seminum vel humidorum ad mensuram ex ad pensum pertinentium 
pleraque semper singularia inveniuntur, ut aurum argentum.... vitrum.” 
8 Hero, de Spec. 3: in palustribus enim aquis que in fundo videmus et per vitra 


291] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 63 


to the demands of meter. By the eighth century, at least, the form 
vetrum®* also seems to have occurred occasionally. The e¢ survives 
in the words for glass in the Romance languages,* as Italian vetro 
Spanish vedro, and French verre. 

Perhaps a greater familiarity with glass among the Romans, due 
to the fact that its manufacture was rapidly becoming important 
about the time that vitrum appears in literature, accounts for the 
fact that it does not have the diversity of application which we find 
for hyalos. The use of the same appellation for woad has been 
noted;’ but vitrum, ‘glass,’ is applied almost without exception to 
the actual material which it designates. In one instance it seems 
poetically to stand for ice,’ although rupes vitri, ‘rocks of glass,’ 
may simply mean rocks as smooth and slippery as glass. In the 
Middle Ages vitrum might be used in the sense of sulphur.** Other 
curious definitions for vitrum are to be found in the Lexicon 
Chymicum of the Bibliotheca Chemica Curiosa (1702).%» 


ea que ultra iacent. Isid. Orig. 16, 6: ‘numquid alius scit hanc condituram vit- 
trorum?’ (vitreorum T). Venant. Vita S. Mart. 4, 84: ne vitra depereant. 

i Prop. 5, 8, 37. 

ΕΙΘΕ Οὐδ 4.12, 1. 

6 Corssen, op. cit. 368; Sayce, op. cit. ed. 4, 355. 

θ6 In the section Decoctio Vetri of Compositiones ad Tingenda (s. 8) as given in 
Muratori, <Antiquitates Italicae Medii Aevi 2 (1739), 367, both vitrum and 
vetrum occur. A new edition of this work is in preparation. 

S6 Fumagalli, Le Prin. Etim. della Ling. Lat. (1889), 249, 252; Meyer—Libke, 
Romanische Lautlehre in Gram. der Romanischen Sprachen, 1 (1890), 416. 

7 See above, p. 61ff. 

8 Sidon. Carm. 5, 512, 12 (510): iam tempore brumae| Alpes marmoreas atque 
occurrentia iuncto|saxa polo rupesque vitri siccamque minantes| per scopulos 
pluviam primus pede carpis et idem| lubrica praemisso firmas vestigia conto. Cf. 
Doederlein, Lat. Syn. u. Etym. 6 (1838), 408: “‘Vitrum, αἶθρος, die Morgenkdlte, 
wovon πάγος αἴθρος Soph. Ant. 348 das Eis bedeutet.”’ Less likely, Quicherat, 
Thes. 5.0. vitrum: “Par ext. Crystal de roche. Rupes vitri Sid.” 

88 Geber (Bib/. Chem. 1, 580): vitri nomine in ista arte saepenumero sulphur 
significatur, nam sicut vitrum commune omnes colores recipit, lodem quoq. See 
also Idem, 566, 596. 

8> Manget, 1, 219: acured, est vitrum. 220: afformas, est vitrum. 221: anathron 
vel anachthron, species est salis, quod super petras in modu usneae albae et lapideae 
nascitur, nonnulli sal vitrum appelant. falso putarunt antiqui fel esse vitri, cum sit 
potius fel lapidum. 221: anatrum, est vitrum in colores varios liquefactum, quod 
vulgari vocabulo smaltum appellant, vel terra saracenica. 222: aludel, et alutel; 
est vitrum sublimatorium. 223: synonima—anatron, idest anatron, est Sal vitri. 
anatron, est faex vitri. anatron, est Baurac. anatron, est sagimen vitri. avatron, 
est spuma vitri. 225: afureb, est vitrum. azungia vitri. 226: baurac, est sal gemmae 
saphirium lithargyrum albificatum, est etiam sal vitri, faex vitri, spuma vitri, fel 
vitri; testudo argenti vivi. 227: dbraricia, est vitrum. 238: digestio, est operatio 


64 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [294 


In some passages vitrum merely designates the material with 
little or no indication of its form;® again it is used to specify the 
material out of which some particular object is made;1° or, just as 
with the Greeks or with us, the name of the object is sometimes 
omitted and vitrum stands for ‘a glass,’ ‘the glass,’ or ‘a vessel of 
glass.’ In all other cases vitrum is chiefly a standard for comparison. 
Things of the widest diversity are compared with glass because of 


chymica.... nonnunquam usurpatur pro furno vel vitro in quo magisterium hoc 
adimpletur. 241: fel vitri, est spuma vitri. est etiam sal vitri, faex vitri. 249: 
liquor herbarum, sit ex herbis contusis, cum tota substantia vitro conclusis. 255: 
nitron, est fex vitri. 270: vitrum, vitris5 generasunt. (1) ex vitris Europaeis, praes- 
tantissima sunt quae Veneta appellantur, et comparantur crystallo. (2) vitra 
Asiatica, fuerunt pretiosissima Sareptana, appellata Sidonia, comparata fuerunt 
Electro. (3) recremente vitri, in candido viridia. (4) recrementa vitri rubentia. 
(5) vitrum quo tinguntur metalla. vitrificatio, est combustio, calces, et cineres in 
transparens vitrum convertens. vitri fel, spuma vitri, Germ. Glasgall. vitrum 
nigrum, smalta. 271: yelion, yalos, est vitrum. yrus, lagides, dasypus—est cuniculus 
masculus, cuius sanguine vitra mollescere pulantur, et etiam silices, modo rebus 
diaphoreticis, impastetur quod ab imperitis, falso hyrci sanguini ascribitur. 280: 
axungia vitri, cremor seu, flos cristalli. 291: vitrum, vocatur—lapis omniumcollorum, 
leo viridis, minor mundus, ovum Philosophorum sager, vas circulare, vas secretum. 

° Luc. de Rerum Natura, 4, 145, 993; Cic. pro Rabir. 14, 40; Varro, Men. 382; 
Plin. 1, 36; 5, 75; 5, 763 12, 1153 29, 51; 31, 110; 34, 123, 148; 36, 62, 191, 192, 194, 
195, 196, 198, 199, 200; Sen. Nat. Quaest. 1, 7, 1; Epist. 90, 31; Quint. Inst. 2, 21, 
9; Scrib. Larg. Comp. 60; Tac. Hist. 5, 7; Solin. 35, 6; Exc. Bob. Gramm. 1, 554, 
33; Vopisc. Aur. 45, 1; Saturnin. 8, 10; Marcell. de Med. 13, 3; Macr. Sat. 7, τό, 
23; Hier. de Incorp. Anim. (Patr. Lat. 24, 6, 1142 A, C). Vita S. Pauli (Patr. 
Lat. 23, 72 C): et ipse aquam circumfert et juxta vitrum (where ed. thinks should 
be virum, not vitrum); Phoebad. de Fide Orth. 8, p. 46 A; Sidon. Carm. 23, 53 ff.; 
Corp. Gloss. Lat. 5.0. vitrum ueles. υλαος᾽ vitrum (υ m. 2 addidit; a m.2 prod, ut 
videtur). yialon vitrum. yalium vitrum Grecae (Thes. Gloss Emend. yalium vitr(e)- 
um Graece). hyalienum vitrum viricolore (Thes. Gloss. Emend. hyalinum vitreum 
viridi colore); Isid. Orig. 16, 16, 1; Hero, de Spec. 3; Vulg. Fob. 28, 17; Soran. 78; 
Liber Sacerdotum (Berthelot, Histoire, 1), 104 (bis), 108, 112, 125, 135, 149, 175, 
182, 189, 204. 

“© Prop. 4, 8, 37; Plin. N.H. 35, 46; 36, 83, 98, 112, 114, 1973 37, 88, 98, 117, 
128; Sen. Epist. 86, 6; Petron. Sat. 55, 6, 10; Stat. Silv. 1, 5, 42; Mart. 9, 59, 13; 
14, 94, 1; luv. 5, 48; Pl. XXVI of Barb. Fol. 19 (Strzygowski, Fahrd. 4. k. d. 
Arch. Inst. 1886); Treb. Gall. 17, 5; Lact. de Opif. Dei, 8; Hier. Epist. 24, 2; 130, 6; 
Sidon. Epist. 2, 10, 4, 15; Le Blant, Inuscr. Chrét. de la Gaule, 1 (1856), 54, 15; 
Carmen. de Mens. 395; Mart. Cap. 1, 16; Greg. Tur. de Gloria Mart. 59; Isid. Orig. 
16, 15, 27; 20, 10, 7; Lib. Sac. 198, 199. 

1 Copa, 29; Sen. Nat. Quaest. 1, 6, 5; cf. 1, 3, 9; Plin. N.H. 9, 66; 31, 40; Mart. 1, 
37s 25 2, 40, 65 3, 55, 2 (L); 4, 22, 5; 4, 85, 1; Treb. Gall. 17, 5; Scrib. Larg. Comp. 
63, 110; 145;175 (vitro vel vitreo vase Rhod.); Cels. de Med. 7, 18; Evagr. Sent. (Patr. 
Gr. 40, 1284 B); Claud. Carm. Min. 51, 1; Hier. Epist. 125, τό, τ; 125, 20, 4; Prud. 
Cath. 5, 144; Sulp. Sev. Dial. 3, 3, 4; Greg. Tur. de Mirac. S. Mart. 2. 32; Venant. 
Vita δ. Mart. 4, 78, 84; Lib Sac. 93. Quicherat, Thes. s.v. vitrum: “Ὕεττε, vase de 
verre, coupe bocal,” 


295] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 65 


one or more of its characteristics,!* mainly its bright, shining ap- 
pearance," its transparency," its fragility,® its sharpness when 
broken," or its appearance and constituency when molten.?” 


3. DERIVATIVES 


a. Vitrarium. Vuitrarium' occurs as a gloss on hyalourgeion, 
‘the place where glass is made.’ 


2 Noel, Grad. ad Parn. (1826), s.v. vitrum: “Epith. tenue, fragile; clarum, pur- 
um, nitidum, lucidum, pellucidum; splendens, splendidum, micans, transparence 
du verre.” Cf. Sintenis and Miller, Grad. ad Parn. (1845); Koch, Grad. ad Parn. 
(1867); Quicherat, Thes. (1893). 

18 Ovid. Met. 13, 791: splendidior vitro. Hor. Carm. 3, 13, 1:0 fons Bandusiae 
splendidior vitro. Vitr. de Arch. 2, 8, το: ita tectoriis operibus expoliti uti vitri 
perluciditatem videantur habere. Plin. N.H. 33, 128: argenti....lamnas duci 
in speciem vitri non nisi ex optimo posse creditum (vitri ego [Mayhoff] fieri 11. v). 
36, 61 (on marbles): vitia in iis corneus colos aut candidus et quidquid simile 
vitro est. Apul. Met. 1, 19: haud ita longe radices platani lenis fluvius in speciem. 
paludis ignavus ibat argento vel vitro aemulus in colorem. Avien. Ora Mar. 190 
(189): splendore(m ) ubique quippe inesse fluctibus | vitri ad nitorem. Val. Cem. 
Hom. 15, 2 (Patr. Lat. 52): in comparatione autem paradisi, vitro similis est gemma 
pretiosior. Carm. Poet. Min. 5, 77, 16: cum tamen ora vitro splendidior geras. 
Apoc. 21, 18: ipsa vero civitas, aurum mundum simile vitro mundo. 21, 21: et 
platea civitatis aurum mundum, tamquam vitrum perlucidum. 

4 Hor. Carm. 1, 18, 16: arcanique Fides prodiga, perlucidior vitro. Ovid, 
Met. 4, 355 (354): in liquidis translucet aquis, ut eburnea si quis | signa tegat claro 
vel candida lilia vitro. Cf. Mart. 4, 22, 5. Sen. Nat. 1, 6, 6: quia in nube est 
aliquid vitro simile, quod potest perlucere. Plin. N.H. 11, 153: omnibus membrana 
vitri modo tralucida obtenditur. 36, 163: in Arabia quoque esse lapidem vitri 
modo tralucidem, quo utantur pro specularibus, Juba auctor est. Epist. Sapph. 
157f.: est nitidus vitroque magis perlucidus omni | fons sacer hunc multi numen 
habere putant. Lact. de Opif. Dei, 8. Aristotle, frag. 245 (ed. Rose (1886), 187, 
32 ff.): cul consonat quod vulgo dicitur sive dici solet lunam esse quasi vitree 
[=vitreae] substancie [=-tiae], ut sit susceptibulum lucis solaris. est enim aqua 
susceptibulum lucis, ut vitrum. Rose notes: “‘vadoewdes (de sole Pl. ph. 2. 20)” = 
Placita philosophorum—Cf. Diels, p. 47, n. 52 above. 

16 Plin. ΝΗ. 13, 140: vitri modo fragiles. 16, 221: vitri modo fragilem. Aug. 
Serm. 18 (Patr. Lat. 38, 128, 7): homo vitro fragilior .... vitrum enim etsi fragile 
est. See Val. Cem. Hom. 10, 2. Venant. 6, 5, 6: sic sumus in statu debiliore vitro. 
Lib. Sac. 149: est enim fragilis plus quam vitrum. 

16 Porph. ad. Hor. Carm. 1, 9, 4: utrum ad sensum frigoris pertinet, quod (gelu ) 
velut pungat, an quod fractum velut vitrum acutum sit? 

1 Cels. de Med. 7, 7, 13: eoque cavo continet quiddam quod a vitri similitudine 
ὑαλοειδές Graeci vocant. id neque liquidum, neque aridum est, sed quasi concretus 
humor. Orib. Syn. 9, 56 (Bussemaker-Daremberg, 6 (1876), 389): quam plurime 
dixit humorem in articulis. est autem pinguis inte similis vitro in pinguidinem. 

1 See above, p. 51, n. 16a. 


66 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [296 


b. Vitrarius (Vitrearius, Vitriarius), the Noun. Véitrarius? 
(vitrearius,® vitriarius)® is used to designate the glass worker. 

c. Vitrarius, the Adjective. Vitrarius also occurs as an adjective 
in the names of streets and other places, near which the workmen 
probably plied their trade,’ as well as with the meaning “glass-like.’® 

d. Vitreabilis. The adjective vitreabilis® is explained as ‘fickle 
of heart and changeable of mind.’ A figurative meaning like this 
might develop because of the fragile nature of glass, just as in the 
case of vitreus.° I have not found this word outside of the dic- 
tionary. 

e. *Vitreamen (*Vitriamen). *Vitreamen™ (*vitriamen) occurs in 
the plural probably for ‘vessels made of glass.’8 

et. Vitreatus. The adjective vitreatus is applied to vessels ‘of 
glass." In describing ferra, it probably means ‘glass-like’, 
‘vitreous’ or “glazed’.18» 


2 Lampr. Alex. 24, 5 (Script. Hist. Mug.): vitrariorum.... vectigal. Ruricius, 
Epist. 1, 12 (Corp. Script. Eccles. Lat. 1891): vitrarum ... . culus opus nitore, non 
fragilitate oportet imitetur. CIL 6, 29844, 90 (=93); Jordan, Topogr. d. St. Rom., 1, 
3 (1907), 219. Corp. Gloss. Lat. s. v. badoupyos’ vitrarius. vitrarius. ὑαλουργός. 
Greg. Tur. de Glor. Mart. 10: Judaei cuiusdam vitrarii filius. 

3 Sen. Epist. 90, 31: cuperem Posidonio aliquem vitrearium. Cod. Fust. 10, 66 
(64), 1 (Krueger, Corp. Fur. Civil. ἃ (1906)): vitrearii. Corp. Gloss. Lat. 5. v. 
ὑαλουργός vitrearius. Blimner, Term. u. Tech. 4, 386; Forcellini, 5. Ὁ. vitrarius. 

δ Sen. Epist. go, 31, note 28 (Hense, 1898): “vitrearium mutatum in vitriarium 
B vitriarum A.” Cod. Theod. 13, 4, 2: vitriarii. Cod. Fust. 10, 66 (64), 1 (Herrmann, 
Corp. Fur. Civil. 2, ed. 9 (1861)): vitriarii (ms. Hfn. Azo). Cod. Rom. Topogr. 3, 5. 
Cass. Fel. Med. 20: papyrum vitriariorum. Ephem. Epigr. 8, 365, 9 (ad Corp. 
10). CIL 3, 9542: VITRIARIO. CIL 8, 9430: Antae vitriari. Corp. Gloss. Lat. 
s. Ὁ. yaluros, vitriarius. ὑελουργός" vitriarius. CIL 6, 4, 29844, 90 (93): P orticus? 
Inter Vitrarios? 

Τ Cod. Urb. Rom. Topogr. 3, §: vicum vitriarium. Ephem. Epigr. 8, 365, 9: regio 
clivi vitriari. 

8 Cet. Fav. 30 (Vitr. ed. Rose (1867), 313, 17): malta vitraria. Forcellini, Lex. 
5. v. vitrarius. On adjectives in -arius, see Roénsch, Itala u. Vulgata (1875), 137. 

® Mai, Thes. Nov. Latinit. 628 (Classicorum auctorum e Vaticanis Codicibus 
editorum Tomus VIII): vitreabilis, fragilis corde, et mobilis animo. Forcellini, 
Lex. 5. v. vitreabilis. 

10 See below, p. 74f. 

Ἧ Paul. Dig. 33, 7, 18, 13; vitreamina et vesticulam habuerit (Note 6: vitrea 
minuta ms.). Corp. Gloss. Lat. s. v. τὰ ὑάλινα καί vitreamina. Id. Colloquia 
Monacensia, 3, 651, 9: vos interim componite diligenter vitreamina. Cf. Haupt, 
Opusc. 2 (1876), 517. On substantives in -men, see R6énsch, op. cit. 28. 

12 Corp. Gloss. Lat. s. v. talia vitriamina (viatramina ante corr. a). 

18 Forcellini, Lex. 5. v. vitreamina. 

$e Lib. Sac. 85: in vase vitreato pones. 190: sublima eum in vase vitreato. 
194: pone.... in aliud vas terre vitreatum. Lexicon Chymicum (Bibl. Chym. τ, 


297] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 67 


f. Vitreolus, the Adjective. In the Carmen of Paulinus Nolanus 
(S. 5) the diminutive adjective vztreo/us is applied to caliculus, 
“ἃ small cup of glass.’!4 

g. Vitreus (Vitrius), the Adjective. The most common deriva- 
tive of vitrum is vitreus* (vitrius),'” ‘of glass.’ But just as in the case 
of vitrum, many figurative meanings based upon the characteristics 
of glass came into use, especially in poetry, and there particularly 
in the description of water. Although the lexica!* and our own 


226): barna, est vas vitreatum. 227: bonati, est vitreati. blumati terreum, est vas 
vitreatum. buccatum, est vitreatum. 277: bitrinati, est vitreatum. See Idem. 1, 559; 
2, 643, 645, 649, 653, 654, 658; 3, 81, 84. 

180 Tdem., 119: et pone in vasis vitreis vel de terra vitreata bene opturata. 

4 Paul. Nol. Carm. 19, 416 (see below, p. 190, n. 5). Vanitek, Gr.-Lat. Etym. 
W orterb.2, 965; Quicherat, Thes. Poet. Ling. Por: Forcellini, Lex. 5.0. ‘vitreolus -ὦ -um. 
See above, p. 49, n. 60. 

6 Taus Pis. 193; Ovid, Amat. 2, 280; Sen. Nat. Quaest. 1, 6, 5; 1,7, 13 3, 17, 233, 
18, 4 (vas vitreum E); 4,9; Petron. 34,6; 51; 67,10; Plin. NV. H. 1, 36; 20, 152; 21,122 
(121); 29, 130; 35, 48; 36, 189; 36, 199; Colum. 12, 4, 4; 12, 56, 3; 12, 58, 1; Mart. 6, 
35> 33 7) 72, 8; 14, 112; 14, 115; Calp. Ecl. 41; Scrib. Larg. 41, 106, 108, 111, 121, 
122, 125, 170, 173, 175 (vitro vel vitreo vase Rhod.); Cels. Dig. 33, 10, 7; Javol. 
Dig. 33, το, 11; Rufinus’ translation of Clem. Rom. Recog. 7, 12; 7, 26 (Pair. 1); 
Juv. 2, 95; Suet. Galba, 18, 3; Dessau, 2, 1, 5173; Tert. Adv. Marcion. 4, 205; 4, 209 
(Oehler, 2 (1854), 781); Gargilius Mart. Med. 41, 43, 212; Lact. de Ira Dei, 10, 19; 
de Opif. Dei, 17, 6; Apic. 1, 13; Porph. ad. Hor. Serm. 1, 6, 117; Paul. Dig. 33, 10, 
3, 3; Paul. Sent. 67; Arnob. Advers. Nat. 3, 17; Vulg. Apoc. 4, 6; τς, 2; Aug. de Civ, 
Dei, 20,16; Serm. 18 (Pair. Lat. 38,128, 7); Orib. Syn. 5, 3; Treb. Gall. 12,5; Vopisc. 
Firm. 3, 2; Schol. Fuv. 2, 95; δ, Silv. Peregrin. 57; Claud. Carm. Min. 43 (75), 1; 
Plin. Secund. Jun. de Med. τ, 6; 2, 4 (ter); 2, 26; 3, 37; Marcell. de Med. 14, 57; 20, 
92; 36, 72, 73; Cass. Fel. de Med. 78; Sulp. Sev. Dial. 2 (3), 3, 2; 2 (3), 3, 5 (cf. 
Venant. Vita 8, Mart. 4, 349f.); Pelagon. 18, 426, 468; Veget. Mulom. 1, 16, 5; 1 
17, 153 3) 11, 23 3, 13, 23 6 (4), 13, 3 (bis); Bachiarius Mon. (Parr. Lat. 20, 1045); 
Paul. Nol. Carm. 23, 127; Vita S. Hil. 8, 11 (Patr. Lat. 50); Ps.-Theod. 4dd. (Rose 
(1894), 331, 16); Greg. Tur. de Mir. δ. Ful. 13; Eugraph. Comm. in Ter. Andr. 483; 
Venant. Carm. 2, 10, 13; 6, 5, 365; Vita 8. Mart. 4, 56, 60, 72, 504, 693; Corp. .Gloss. 
Lat.s.v. ὑαλίνη" vitrea. ὑάλινον᾽ vitreum. yalinum vitreum. vitreum ὑάλινον; [514 Orig. 
16, 6; Pers. Schol. 3, 8; Soran. Gyn. 131 (Rose (1882), 43, 5); Act. Petr. 30; Pallad. de 
Re Rust. 12,17; Rose, Anecd. Gr. et Graecolat. 2 (1870), 306, 19 (Note 20: vitreum 1) ἡ 
Lib. Sac. 25, 112 (ter), 126, 178, 185, 187. 

17 Marcell. de Med. 7, 52; 20, 126. On the spelling see Moore (Archiv. f. lat. 
Lex. 10 (1898), 254). 

18 Noel, Grad. ad Parn. 946: “‘Vitreus—de verre, ex vitro, crystallinus=trans- 
parent. Syn. clarus, nitidus, limpidus. Fragile comme le verre.’”’ Ainsworth, 
Lat. Dict. s. v. vitreus: “Of, or belonging to, glass, glassy, glassy green; clear like glass, 
transparent; brittle like glass.”” Nork, Etym. Handworterd. d. lat. Spr. s.v. vitreus: 
“Glasern; dem Glase ahnlich; am Glanze, daher; hell. ... glanzend, schon; der 
Durchsichtigkeit nach, daher, diinn.... in Anbetracht der Zerbrechlichkeit, 
daher: unbestandig.” Leverett, Lex. of the Lat. Lang. 5. v. vitreus: “Of glass; glass 
vessels; glassy, like glass—(1) as respects its glittering appearance; hence shining, 


68 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [298 


familiarity with the appearance of glass furnish an abundance of 
descriptive words, it 1s often very difficult to decide just which 
characteristic of glass is intended. To us ‘like glass’ may suggest 
chiefly transparency,!® but we must remember that the appearance 
of ancient glass was not always the same as ours, and that glass was 
common enough and yet new enough to attract the attention of 
poets as a standard for comparisons of a very wide range. In the 
majority of cases ‘like glass’ seems to refer to the shining, bright, 
sparkling, clear, or transparent appearance of glass, or rather to a 
combination of these characteristics. Even when a more figurative 
meaning is suggested, ‘bright and shining’ is almost always appli- 
cable and must have been in the mind of the author if it were not 
the only connotation intended. 

In one of the first recorded instances of the use of vitreus, it was 
applied to a toga. At once the gleaming white toga of the candidatus 
comes to mind, but here Varro says, “the glassy togas expose to 
view the tunic’s purple stripes,’ and Nonius explains ‘glassy’ as 
meaning ‘very thin and transparent.’”° Since glass jewelry is so 
common, the use of vitreus in describing gems”! is easily understood. 


glittering .... beautiful. (2) as regards its transp. transparent, pellucid.... thin, 
fine. (3) as regards brittleness—frail, uncertain, inconstant, precarious. (4) as 
regards color—green, sea green.” Sintenis-Miller, Grad. ad Parn. Lat. 4; Koch, 
Grad. ad Parn. 6, s. v. vitreus: “Syn. ex vitro, crystallinus, clarus, nitidus, limpidus, 
pellucidus.” Forcellini, Tot. Lat. Lex. 5. v. vitreus et vitrius: “(1) Adj. a vitrum, ad 
vitrum pertinens. (2) Item qui ex vitro est. (3) Vitreus, vitri colorem referens, 
clarus, pellucidus. Saepe tribuitur aquis. (4) Metaleptice sumitur pro pertenui et 
perlucido .... splendida. (5) Item pro fragili, inconstante, instabile.” Vanitek, 
Gr.-Lat. Etym. Worterd. s.v. vid-: “Vitreus glasern, Pl. ἡ. (erg. vasa) Glas-gerathe, 
-geschirre, (tibertr.). Durchsichtig, klar, hell, diinn.” Blimner, Farbenbezeich- 
nungen, 217: “Klar, hell, dinn, glanzend.” Jd. 218: “Durchsichtig wie Glas 
.... durchsichtig, klar.” Jd. 219: “Glasgriin.”” Quicherat, Thes. Poet Ling. Lat. 
5. v. vitreus: “De verre. Par ext. De cristal de roche. Syn. Crystallinus. Au fig. 
Transparent, brillant. Syn. Crystallinus, pellucidus, nitidus, etc. Au fig. Brillant, 
beau. Syn. Nitidus etc. Fragile comme le verre.’’ Harper’s Lat. Dict. 5. Ὁ. vitreus: 
“Of glass, glass-, vitreous.... like glass, glassy.... clear, bright, shining, 
transparent....sea-green.... brilliant, beautiful, .... brittle, fragile.” 

19 Corp. Gloss. Lat. s. v. vitreo [note: vitrea] limpida. 

20 De Conpend. Doctr. 448: vitreum pertenue et perlucidum, quidquid est, 
auctoritate veterum dici potest. Varro Modio (313): ‘quamst horum, quorum 
vitreae* togae ostentant tunicae clavos.’ *bitae (-te) (bitea C4 D4). 

1 Plin. N. H. 37, 149: belum autem aliam, quam sic vocant, in Arbelis nasci 
Democritus tradit nucis iuglandis magnitudine, vitrea specie. 37, 156: cetionides 

. nascuntur, multis coloribus tralucentes, alias vitreae, alias crystallinae, 
alias iaspidis, sed et sordidis tantus est nitor, ut imagines reddant ceu specula. 
Solin. 5, 27: haemachates sanguineis maculis inrubescit: sed qui maxime probantur 
vitream habent perspicuitatem, ut Cyprius. 


299] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 69 


The shining, reflecting, almost transparent appearance of some 
fruits”? is familiar. The clear, smooth appearance of the human 
body sometimes receives the appellation glassy.”* In the description 
of water vitreus is applied to almost every amount, from the dew 
drop to the vast ocean.* In the dew drop or tear drop, in the bub- 


2 N. H. 34, 123; quibus adhaerescens limus vitreis acinis imaginem quandam 
uvae reddit. 

33 Claud. de Raptu Pros. 2, 53: laeva parte soror vitrei libamina potat | uberis. 
Sedul. Pascal. Oper. 4, 15: cum repente morbosa paludis corporeae unda discessit 
lacusque vitreae iam carnis exhaustus lymphatae pestis subito vacuatur abscessu. 

4 The difficulty of determining just what quality of glass is in each instance 
uppermost in the author’s mind I shall illustrate by an occasional representative 
quotation, out of scores that might have been cited, from standard commentaries 
or translations. Verg. den. 7, 759: te nemus Angitiae, vitrea | te Fucinus unda. 
Quoted by Quint. Just. 9, 3, 34. Quicherat, Thes. 5. v. vitreus: “Transp. et brillant.” 
Price, see above, p. 57, n. 4. Hor. Carm. 4, 2, 3: Pindarum quisque studet aemulari, 
| Iule, ceratis ope Daedalea | nititur pennis vitreo daturus | nomina ponto. Mit- 
scherlich (1800): “Viridis coloris, caeruleo.”” Bothe (1827): “ὑαλίῳ, a colore et 
splendore.” Anthon (1856): “Vitreo is here rendered by some ‘azure’ but incorrectly; 
the idea is borrowed from the sparkling of glass.’’ Marshall (1874): “Green sea.”’ 
Blimner, Farbenbezeichn. (1892), 218: ““Durchsichtig wie Glas.” Bennett (1914): 
“Crystal.” Ovid, Met. 5, 48: erat Indus Athis, quem flumine Gange | edita Limnate 
vitreis peperisse sub undis | creditur. Haupt (1885): “Durchsichtig und grinlich 
schimmernd wie Glas. Das Glas der Alten hatte gewdhnlich einen griinen Schein.” 
Miller (1916): “Crystal waters.” Amor. 1, 6, 55: urbe silent tota, vitreoque madentia 
rore | tempora noctis eunt. Manil. Astron. 4, 515: cum vitreum findens auravit 
vellere pontum. Colum. 10, 136: vitreoque Siler qui defluit amni. Epist. Sapph. 
157: est nitidus vitroque magis perlucidus omni | fons sacer. Palmer (1898) on 
157: “Vitroque.... omni Heinsius, Bentley. vitreoque amne libri plurimi. amni 
Fs, vitroque S, vitroque amnis Naugerius.”’ Sil. Ital. 5, 47: haud secus ac vitreas 
sollers piscator ad undas. Stat. Silv. 1, 3, 73: aut ingens in stagna cadit ,vitreasque 
natatu | pandit aquas. 2, 2, 49: vitreoque natant praetoria ponto. 2, 3 5: atque 
habitet vitreum tacitis radicibusamnem. Thed. 9, 352: at genetrix coetu glaucarum 
cincta sororum | protinus icta malo vitrea de valle solutis | exsiluit furibunda 
comis, ac verbere crebro | oraque pectoraque et viridem scidit horrida vestem. 
Ach. 1, 26: expavit vitreo sub gurgite remos. Mart. 6, 68, 7: numquid te vitreis 
nudum lasciva sub undis | vidit. 12, 3, 13: fons ibi Castalius vitreo torrente superbit. 
Plin. Epist. 8, 8, 2: fons.... gurgitem lato gremio patescit purus et vitreus, ut 
numerare iactas stipes et relucentis calculos possis. Apul. Met. 5, 1: videt fontem 
vitreo latice perlucidum. Porph. ad. Hor. Carm. 4, 2, 3: vitreo daturus nomina ponto 
.... vitreo autem ponto id est: vitrei coloris. Iuvenc. Libr. Evang. 4, 1, 354: haec 
memorans vitreas penetrabat fluminis undas. Hil. de Evang. 74: oceani ceu forma 
maris vitreique elementi. Auson. Ordo Urb. Nodil. 11,158: salve, fons ignote ortu, 
sacer, alme, perennis, | vitree, glauce, profunde, sonore inlimis, opace. Mos. 28: 
ut fluvius, vitreoque lacus imitate profundo. Rossbach (Berl. philol. Wochenschr. 
29 (1904), 1079: “Die Ofters sich wiederholende Bezeichnung des Wassers der 
Mosel als vitreus 28, 55 ἃ. 6. mdchte ich entsprechend der. Farbe des antiken 
Glases und der zu V. 28 angefiihrten Stelle des Apuleius, Metam. 1, 19 lieber durch 
‘hellgriin’ oder ‘griinlich’ wiedergeben als mit ‘kristall hell.’’’ White (1919): 


70 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [300 


bling fountain, the still pool, in the small stream, the river or ocean, 
one need picture only clear, transparent waters with the sparkle of a 
diamond, as in the case of wine.*4* However, since some Latin 
authors suggest the meaning ‘green’ for vitreus, since the sea is 
often designated as caeruleus and viridis as well as glaucus, and since 
impurities often gave ancient glass a greenish tinge, it has been 
suggested that vitreus when applied to water means a sparkling sea- 
green color. It seems impossible to decide in what instances vitreus 
means ‘like crystal,’* and when it indicates exclusively a sea-green 
color, if (despite Porphyrio) it ever certainly does. Vitreus was a 
stock expression, a poetic word, applied to any amount of water, 
sometimes merely conventionally to water which was neither 
crystal-clear nor glass-green, but quite the opposite, as in the case of 
the Tiber; it is even employed in describing waves on a piece of 


“Crystal depths.” Mos. 55: spectaris vitreo per levia terga profundo. 195: et 
vitreis vindemia turget in undis. 223: reddit nautales vitreo sub gurgite formas. 
Drac. Carm. Min. 2, 78: concussit vitreo sonitus sub fonte puellas. Claud. Carm. 
Min. 26 (49), 32: vitreis [vitreus G] idem lucidus usque vadis. Jn Eutr. 2, 263: vitrei 
puro qui gurgite Galli. De Nupt. Hon. 128: vitreas qui lapsus in undas. Hier. 
Vita δ. Paul. 11 (Patr. Lat. 23): super vitrel marginem fontis uterque consedit. 
Prud. Cath. 5, 67: circumstans vitreis unda liquoribus. 8, 47: gurgitem vivis vitreum 
fluentis. Perist. 12, 39: vitreas pictura superne tingit undas. Mart. Cap. 6, 584: 
hance tener et vitreis circumvolitantibus auris| aer complectens imbrificabat 
aquis. Paul. Nol. Carm. 23, 144: in vitreis exile vadis funale coruscat. Ap. Sidon. 
Carm. 22, 43: arentes vitreis adiuvit flectibus undas. 23, 207: tinxerunt vitrel 
[vitrei C P Εἰ, vitreae T] vado Hippocrenes. Epist. 1, 5, 8: id est vitrea Velini 
gelida Clitumni, Anienis caerula Naris sulpurea, pura Fabaris turbida Tiberis. 
Sedul. Paschal. Carm. 3, 235: libera per vitreos movit vestigia campos. Paschal. 
Oper. 3, 19: perque vitreos salsi marmoris campos. Claud. Mar. Vict. Alethia, τ, 
154: aetheraque et vitreum pelagus terraque virentes. Cypr. Ex, 1033: qua fluit 
Euphrates vitreis perlucidus undis. Lev. 80: ac vitreo sordes diducere rivo. Boeth. 
Cons. Phil. 1, 7, 8 (7): misceat aestum | vitrea dudum | parque serenis | unda 
diebus. Coripp. in Laud. Fust. 3, 284: vidimus extensos vitrea testudine pontes. 
Ennod. Carm. 2, 19, 5: effera dum vitreos effundant guttura fontes. 2, 66, 2: et 
reddor vitrei mancipium pelagi. 4nth. Lat. 21, 49: vitreo resupinos marmore campos. 
39, 1: dum putat esse parem vitreis Narcissus in undis. 211, 12: nec lavat in 
vitreis hic moriturus aquis. 635, 9: aquae strepentis vitreus lambit liquor. Venant. 
Fortunat. 5, 7, 7: qua tua rura vitrea Liger algidus unda. 6, 5, 233: excipit inde 
repens vitrea Liger algidus unda. 7, 7, 58: Langona dum vitreis terminus esset 
aquis. 

4a Coripp. in Laud. Fust. 3, 97: pocula quae vitreo flagrabant plena Falerno. 

5 Vulg. Apoc. 4, 6: mare vitreum simile crystallo. See Aug. de Civ. dei, 20, τό. 

26 There are, of course, many instances in which the color may be in mind, but 
I know of none 1n which that is the only possible meaning. 

6a CIL g, 4756: Ostia :Tybris ibi vitreus, Nar hic fluit albus. Cf. Jd. 11, 2, 1, 
4188; Biicheler, Carm. Lat. Epigr. 2, 1327, 7. 


oF 


301] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS “ 


tapestry.”> Its use extends further than the description of water; 
it is applied to the nymphs who dwell in the water.?” Here again the 
question arises whether vétreus corresponds to caeruleus or glaucus, 
for both are used in describing sea deities. The glassy tresses?’ of the 
nymphs might be sea-green like sea weed or, though less likely, a 
gleaming yellow. The caverns and abodes of the nymphs were 
vitreus;?° their looms®° and the wool*! they spun were glassy. Vitreus 
used in describing the inhabitants of the sea, their abodes, and work 
seems to be a transferred epithet. There is really nothing in a figure 
swimming under water which resembles glass; caverns below the 
water away from the sun’s rays do not reflect the gleam of their 
shining pebbles. Are not ‘glassy nymphs’ dwelling in ‘glassy caverns’ 
nothing more than beautiful nymphs who glide through glassy 
waters to abodes beneath the crystal or sea-green waves? If one 
must apply vztreus to the appearance of the object described, just 
as in the case of water, it can always mean sparkling and transparent 
and sometimes it seems to indicate sea-green,” but it is impossible 


%> Claud. de Raptu Pros. 1, 269: coeperat et vitreis summo iam margine texti | 
Oceanum sinuare vadis. 

27 Auson. Mos. 179: ad commune fretum Satyros vitreasque sorores, Cf. Stat. 
Theb. 9, 351: glaucarum sororum. CIL 8, 7759: sallit ef loco vitrea Nalis. 

28 Stat. Silv. 1, 5, 16: ite, deae virides, liquidosque advertite vultus | et vitreum 
teneris crinem redimite corymbis. 

9 Verg. Geor. 4, 350: vitreisque sedibus omnes | obstipuere. Sil. It. 7, 413: cum 
trepidae fremitu vitreis e sedibus antri. 8, 101: suscepit gremio vitreisque ab- 
scondidit antris. See Rupert’s note (1798) on 4, 346: vitidi ... . antto: "Vitreus, ut 
ὑάλινος, ὑαλόεις, viridis, color vitri antiqui et maris.” Stat. Silv, 3, 2, 16: surgite de 
vitreis spumosae Doridos antris. Serv. ad Verg. Geor. 4, 350: vitreisque sedibus 
ergo vellera similia esse debent, ubi perlucidus et caeruleus est color. Drac. Carm. 
Min. 2, 130: herbida quo vitreum tellus perfuderat antrum. Claud. Fesc. 2 (12), 
34: sub vitreis Oceanus | luxurietur antris [undis Κι]. Cons. Hon. 146: vitreisque 
sub antris. 

39 Td. Olyb. et Prob. 225: Ilea percurrens vitreas sub gurgite telas. Jacob, 
Quaest. Epic. (1839), 82: “Vitreus . . . . non semper significat id quod est ex vitro, 
sed etiam quod vitri colorem habet > . . vitreas telas appellavit vitreas ob viridem 
maris aquam. Quae ipsi colorem quasi viridem tribuere visa erat.” Platnauer 
(1922): “Crystalline loom.” 

3! See above, p. 57, n. 4-543 p. 59, n. 25. 

% Blimner, Farbenbezeichn. 218: “In der gréssern Zahl der Falle ist aber die 
Bedeutung keineswegs so von vornherein gegeben, vielmehr ist da fast iiberall 
ebenso gut die Bedeutung ‘hell, klar wie Glas’ als ‘griin wie Glas’ méglich; denn 
letztere tiberhaupt zu statuiren, ist wohl sicher erlaubt, da das gewohnliche Glas der 
Alten zweifellos ebenso gut, wie heut gemeines Glas, eine griinliche Farbung hatte. 

. Alle diejenigen Stellen, in denen man sonst ebenso gut die Bedeutung ‘durch- 
sichtig wie Glas’ als ‘griin wie Glas’ an und fir sich annehmen konnte, beziehen 


79 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS - pes 


to determine where one of these meanings must be used to the ex- 
clusion of the other. Water in the solidified form of frost and 
ice is still ‘like glass,’ 7. e., shining, glistening. Finally we have in 
the Vulgate translation of the Apocalypse** a vision of a sea of 
glass. 

In all of the passages hitherto cited the chief idea has been trans- 
parency coupled with an almost equal emphasis upon the shining 
appearance. There are, however, a few instances in which the 
shining, sparkling quality is chiefly emphasized.** But here just as 


sich auf das Wasser.” 219: “‘Zieht man in Betracht, dass die Nymphen und speciell 
ihre Haare sonst bei den Dichtern gern als blau, griin oder blaugriin, d. ἢ. von 
der Farbe des Wassers, geschildert werden, und dass dies auch von den zu ihnen 
gehoérigen Gegenstanden oder Attributen gilt, so ist es nur durchaus wahrscheinlich, 
dass in der Mehrzahl der hier angeftihrten Falle vitreus wirklich direkt ‘glasgriin’ 
und nicht ‘glashell’ bedeutet.”” 220: ‘Wir kénnen demnach vitreus ruhig unter die 
Farbenbezeichnungen fiir grin aufnehmen, freilich mit der Beschrankung, dass 
eben nur ein glasartiges, glanzendes Griin darunter zu verstehen ist.” 

33 Ovid. Her. 10, 7: tempus erat, vitrea quo primum terra pruina | spargitur. 
Zeno, Tract. 1, 6, 2: undique vitreis armatum montibus. Venant. Fortunat. 5, 11, 
6: per glaciem vitreas me loquor isse vias. 

33a 75, 2: et vidi tamquam mare vitreum mixtum igne, et eos... . stantes super 
mare vitreum. Cf. Incerti Auctoris 4dversus Marcionem, 5, ed. Oehler in ed. of 
Tert. II, 781f., IV, 205: ad solium domini vitreum et mare stare sub igne. . . . 209: 
nam vitreum flammae mixtum mare dona lavari spiritu conflato credentibus esse 
tributa. See above, p. 70, ἢ. 25. Bachiarius Monachus, Liber ad fanuarium, de 
Reparatione Lapsi 9 (Patr. Lat. 20, 1045): mare illud (hoc est, forma baptism1) 
quod beatus Joannes in Apocalypse vidisse se dicit, vitreum fuisse descripsit 
(Apoc. IV, 6; XV, 2); et ideo in nobis cito periclitatur aut frangitur. Farrar in 
Smith’s Dict. of the Bible, 1 (1860), 704: “In the N. T. glass is alluded to as an emblem 
of brightness.”” Mathews in Hastings’ Dict. of the Bible (1909): “Sea of glass... 
The probability is, however, that there is no distinct symbolism whatever, but that 
the reference is rather to the brilliancy of the waters as one element in the 
supremely beautiful land of heaven.” 

38> This is, however, only a translation from the Greek, and illustrates merely 
Greek usage (see above, p. 28, n. 26). 

34 Pers. Sat.3,8: turgescit vitrea bilis. Schol. ad loc.:id est ira vitrea, id est viridis, 
perspicua, quod i iratus intelligitur ex vultu. ira enim virides et pallidos facit homines. 
vitrea, quae cito apparet, ac velut aliquid apparet, quod 1 in vitreo vase ponas, ita 
qui cholera patitur, cito paret. Schol. ad Hor. Serm. 2, 3, 141: splendida bilis, quae 
omnia in lucem profert. Persius (3, 8): vitrea bilis [quia numquam stat]. aliter: 
‘splendida,’ lucida, quia nemo potest irasci ita, ut non appareat eius iracundia. 
Conington-Nettleship, Persius, ed. 3 (1893), 51, note 8: “Translation of ὑαλώδης 
χολή, the expression in the Greek med. writers(Casaubon). splendida bilis Hor. 2, 3, 
141.” However, I have not found the expression ὑαλώδης χολή in the Greek medical 
writers, and there is no indication of such a combination under either of the words in 
the Thes. Gr. Ling. Auson. Ordo Urb. Nobil. 11, 161: vitrea non luce Nemausus | 
purior. White (1919): “Azure sheen.” Carm. Poet. Min. 5, 77, 15: ora facis vitreo 


303] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 73 


in the case of water above, there is the question of whether or not 
the idea of greenness enters in. To the shining quality of glass is 
sometimes added the idea of the reflection of a glassy surface.*® 

As we have seen above, ‘gretn,’ or ‘sea-green,’ has been considered 
as one of the designations for vitreus. Such a meaning is given in 
Servius,** in scholia,?” and glosses.38 The difficulty, however, lies in 
applying this meaning. As we have seen in the case of water and 
objects pertaining to water, and in the case of grain and herbage, 
there is not an instance where another meaning has not been or 
could not be used. There remains one example in which Pliny*® 
refers to the vitreus color of the sea urchin, which is, of course, sea- 
green. This does not, however, prove that vitreus in itself suggested 
the idea ‘green’ to a Roman, any more than ‘glassy’ in English 
would mean ‘green,’ despite the fact that the expression ‘the color 
of glass’ would suggest that idea, for the essential connotations of 
the word are ‘bright, shining, smooth, fragile.’ 

It is with reference to the brittleness and fragility of glass that 
the greatest number of figurative employments of the word are to be 
found, although here also general agreement in regard to conno- 


tibi splendidiora nitore. Anth. Lat. 83, 66 (B. 271, 66): vitreas ligat herba comas. 
Note on line 66: “‘virides Burman ligat erba A, leuat (ve/ rigat) Higt., agit Maehly.” 
Bliimner, Farbenbezeichn. 218: “Freilich ist mir nur eine, und noch dazu spate, Stelle 
bekannt, wo die Bedeutung ‘glasgriin’ allein mdglich ist; es ist das 4. L. 271, 66, wo 
es vom Grase heisst.’’ But even this passage by no means settles the question, since 
Chubb, 42 Anonymous Epist.of Dido to Aeneas (1920), 66, p. 33, translates: ‘““Thegrain 
binds its shining tresses,” and in a note adds: “‘Vitreas ....comas: of the grain 
bound into sheaves. Vitreas refers to the brilliant semi-transparent appearance of 
ripe grain.” Certainly if /igat refers to the binding of sheaves, and I do not see what 
else could be thought of here, then the vitreae comae cannot possibly be green, for 
grain is not cut and bound for threshing while in that condition. Ennod. Carm. 1, 8, 
39: oh quotiens vitreis Heliconis fluxit in herbis|adridens labiis quae facit unda sitim! 
Here the vitreae herbae might suggest plain green herbage, but it is quite as natural, 
and imaginatively more effective, if the poet meant ‘bright, sparkling grass,’ i.e., 
the dewy, glistening grass by the margin of a spring or watercourse. Venant. 
Fortunat. 11, 10, 7: intumuit pullis vitreo scutella rotatu. 

% Plin. NV. H. 37, 156, see p. 68. n. 21. Claud. de Raptu Pros. 3, 268: vitreae 
tardatur imagine formae. Platnauer (1922): “She is checked by the mirrored 
image of her own form.” Paul. Nol. Carm. 23, 176: sub vitrea nigri latet albus 
imagine pupi. 

% See above, p. 57, ἢ. Sa. 

87 Schol. ad Pers., see above ἢ. 34. 

38 See above, p. 58, n. 15. 

89 N. H. 9, 100: echini.... nec omnibus idem vitreus colos. Leverett, Lex. of 
Lat. Lang. 5. v. vitreus: “As regards color—green, sea-green—Plin. co/or.”’ 


74 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [304 


tations has not always been reached. Perhaps there are more dif- 
ferent meanings given for Horace’s expression, ‘glassy Circe,’4° 
than for any other one use of vitreus. The scholiasts were perplexed 
about this passage. Porphyrio*®* suggests that v/trea 15 a rather poor 
expression for candida, ‘a shining, dazzling white’ or ‘bright,’ and 
Pseudo-Acro*! gives three choices, ‘beautiful,’ ‘glittering,’ or ‘a 
neighbor of the sea,’ clearly showing that he was uncertain just 
what to do with it. Moreover, since ‘vitrea Circe’ is mentioned in 
contrast with the faithful Penelope, and in Statius (here obviously 
following Horace and showing how he, surely the very best au- 
thority, understood the passage) even the very hills of her island 
are called perfida, it is clearly her faithlessness and inconstancy that 
are to be understood as emphasized. Although many scholars have 
followed the scholiasts, interpreting vitrea as glittering, beautiful, 
or both, or as an appellation showing some relationship with the 
sea, and often including the former meaning,“ Statius,“4 an in- 


40 Carm. 1,17, 20 (19): dices laborantis in uno| Penelopen vitreamque Circen. 

40a 44. loc.: vitream Circen parum decore mihi videtur dixisse pro candida. 

4t 4d. loc.: aut pulchram aut procurato lucentem nitore aut mari vicinam. 

421 give a few typical notes and translations of modern scholars to illustrate 
the uncertainty as to the precise meaning. Mitscherlich (1800): ‘‘Docte et audacter © 
pro marinam; nam erat Nereis, et mari vicina habitabat.... ob vulgarem apud 
veteres vitri colorem, viridis, caeruleus ... . Vel sic tamen praeferam non multorum 
interpretationem, tamquam exquisitiorem, poetaeque adeo digniorem, qua Circen 
a pulchritudinis splendore vitream, Graecorum exempla secutus, dixerit.” Bothe 
(1827): “Pulchritudine splendentem.” Nork, Etym. Handwérterb. d. lat. Spr.(1838), 
s.v. vitreus: “Dem Glase ahnlich, am Glanze, daher: hell.... Circe, Hor. 1.6. 
glanzend schon.” WHeindorf (1843): ‘‘Vitrea Circe, kein Beiwort der Circe als 
Meeresgottin, denn dies ist sie nicht, sondern den splendor pulchritudinis bezeich- 
nend, wie im Griech. ὑάλινος παῖς ὑαλέη ὄψις." Leverett, Lex of the Lat. Lang. 
(1849), 5.0. vitreus: “Hor. (vit. Circ.) h.e. beautiful.” Dillenburger (1881): “Splen- 
didam instar vitri et formosam, sed quae cum splendore vitri fragilitatem coniungat. 
Alii vitream dictum volunt Circen ab aquae colore caeruleo, ὑαλίνῳ ut 4, 2, 3, 
quia Circe nympha erat marina aut certe insulam incolens.” Finlayson (1891): 
“Circe’s gleam.” Nauck (1894): ‘“‘Die glanzende, strahlende: nach dem sie um- 
gebenden Elemente, der krystallenen Meerflut, 4, 2, 3. Die andere Erklarung von 
vitreus als unzuverlassig ist doch wohl nicht haltbar. Im folgenden Gedichte, 
5, 16, ist das Glas, welches das darunter Liegende durchscheinen lasst, das Symbol 
der Unzuverlassigkeit, die Geheimnisse nicht zu bewahren weiss.” Bryce (1896): 
“Beauteous Circe.” Godley (1898): “Bright Circe.”” Smith and Greenough (1898): 
“Crystal, suggesting a brilliant, dazzling beauty..... The epithet is perhaps 
applied to her as a sea-goddess, see Odys. 10, 274 ff.” Green (1903): “Crystal 
Circe.” C. L. and J. C. Dana (1908): “Circe glittering as a summer sea.” See 
notes 43-45. Cf. Hor. 1, 5, 12 f.: miseri, quibus| intemptata nites. 

48 Moore (1850): ‘An epithet applied to all marine deities, on account of the 
color of the water; ‘sea-green’.”’ Orellius (1850): “Quippe quae nympha marina, 


305] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 75 


comparably better judge of meaning than the scholiasts, apparently 
saw in vifrea another characteristic of glass, namely its fragility,“ 
or rather a quality of instability, uncertainty, inconstancy, faith- 
lessness, derived from the brittle, fragile nature of glass, a meaning 
not foreign to Horace (see below, note 46). Glass is beautiful to 
look upon, but one can put no faith in its stability. This interpre- 
tation, now accepted by many scholars,** seems the most fitting 
for both vitrea Circe and the following passages. Unstable, like a 
beautiful, sparkling object of glass which is to be admired one mo- 
ment and all in ruins, broken in pieces, the next, are fame,“ fortune,*” 


certe insulam habitans, ab aquae colore ὑαλίνῳ, caeruleo. utc. 4, 2,3.... qui 
explicant: ‘nitentem, candidam ac propterea formosam’..... minime autem 
interpretare possumus: ‘fragilem (in amore),infidam.’” Ritter (1856): “est caerulea, 
a colore vitrei ponti 4, 2. 3, quo circumfluitur Circes insula.”” Chase (1870): “‘(Splen- 
dida, formosa), ‘Crystal Circe,’ as a sea-goddess, from the glassy element which 
surrounds her. C., with singular inaptness, lugs in modern metaphors in his ex- 
planation ‘glassy, i.e., beautiful but frail’.”” Mueller (1882): “Weil sie eine Meeres- 
gottin ist.” Ktister (1890): “Heisst Circe, weil sie eine Nymphe des vitreus pontus 
4, 2, 3.” Blimner, Farbenbezeichn. (1892), 220 [Glasgriin]: “In diesem Sinne haben 
auch manche unter den neueren Erklarern die vitrea Circe des Horaz gefasst; 
und dass ist jedenfalls auch viel besser als darunter ‘glanzend wie Glas’ oder gar, 
was auch versucht worden ist ‘zerbrechlich also verganglich wie Glas’ zu verstehen.” 
Coutts (1898): “Circe of the glassy sea.” Page (1898): ‘“‘Vitream] ‘glassy-green’: 
all sea nymphs are represented as of the color of sea-water. So they are called 
caeruleae; the Greek word is taduwos.”” Wickham (1903): “Glass-green Circe.”’ 
See notes 42-45. ~ 

44 Silv. 1, 3, 85: vitreae iuga perfida Circes. 

“a Francis (1889); Cudworth (1917): “Frail.” Probably the transparency 
rather than the fragility of glass caused Marris (1912) to translate: ‘Circe pale.” 

Ὁ. Anthon (1856): “ ‘And glass-like Circe,’ i.e. as bright and dazzling, but, at the 
same time, as frail and as unworthy of reliance as glass.”” Marshall (1874): ““The 
epithet may simply be employed to mark Circe’s connection with the sea, like the 
‘mater caerula’ of Epod. 13, 16, or, more prob., it unites the idea of glittering and 
deceptive, as in Sat. 2, 3, 222.”” Forcellini, s.v. vitreus 5: “Item pro fragile, incon- 
stante, instabili.... vitream Circe; h.e. cuius in Ulyssem amor quasi fragilis 
fuit, et parum durans. Alii aptius exponunt, splendidam, formosam.” Rosenberg 
(1898): “ “Unzuverlassig’ genannt.” Kiessling (1917): “Kirke ist unzuverlassig 
und triigerisch wie das gleissende, aber leicht zerbrechliche Glas. Meergottin ist 
K. nie gewesen.” See notes 42 and 43. Quite the opposite of fragility is seen in 
Naylor’s unusual comment (1922): “The epithet suggests the immortal.” 

* Hor. Sat. 2, 3, 222: quem cepit vitrea fama, | hunc circumtonuit gaudens 
Bellona cruentis. Porph. ad Joc.: aut fragilis, aut splendida. Paul. Nol. Epist. 8, 
3, 18: at vitreo fert cava fama sinu, where Paulinus clearly shows that he under- 
stood Horace to have suggested the fragility and hollowness (cava) of fame. On 
Horace—Bothe (1822): “‘Pulchra.” Nork (1838), s.v. vitreus: “In Anbetracht der 
Zerbrechlichkeit, daher: unbestandig fama.” Howes (1845): ‘‘Bubble fame.” 
Keightly (1848): ‘Glassy, i.e. dazzling.” Leverett (1849), s.v. vitreus 3: “Frail, 


76 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [306 


and wealth,‘? one’s pleasures,‘® and opinions,®° even life itself.5! 
When ankles® are designated as ‘glassy,’ they are no doubt thought 
of as weak and fragile, since the ankle is notoriously the most 
vulnerable spot in the human anatomy. 

The glassy humors® of the eye and body receive their desig- 
nation from their resemblance to the appearance and constituency 
of liquid glass. 


uncertain, inconstant, precarious (Hor. vit. fama).’’ Moore (1850): ‘“‘ ‘Dazzling’; 
it means, literally, ‘glassy,’ and might here signify ‘fragile,’ ‘transitory’.’”” Macleane 
(1853): “It probably means .... the glitter of fame.” Juvencius (1855): ‘Vitro 
fragilior.” Anthon (1867): “Glassy fame—translated vitrea properly, means here, 
as bright and yet as fragile as glass.”” Schiitz (1889): ‘“‘Zerbrechlich wie Glas.” 
Mueller (1891): “Vitrea (ὑάλεος) kann glanzend entweder den Glanz oder die 
Gebrechlichkeit des Ruhmes andeuten.”” Palmer (1891): “‘ ‘Glassy,’ perhaps com- 
bining both the glitter and brightness of glass.” Orellius (1892): ‘“‘Falso splendore 
nitens, atque eos nos decipiens.”” Quicherat (1893), 5.0. vitreus: ‘“Fragile comme 
le verre.” Kriiger (1897): ‘““Glanzend.” Rolfe (1901): “Glittering and perishable.” 
Wickham (1903): ‘“The key to the epithet is perhaps to to be found in a verse 
quoted among the so-called ‘sententiae’ of Publilius Syrus..... It then covers 
both the explanations that the scholiast gives as alternatives.”” Kiessling (1906): 
“Weil sie so gleissend und zugleich so zerbrechlich ist wie Glas.” Plessis and Lejay 
(1911): “Brillante et fragile.”” Ussani (1916): “Cio é luminosa e fragile come il vetro.” 

47 Publil. Syr. Sent. 189: fortuna vitrea est: tum cum splendet frangitur. 

48 Licent. Carm. ad. August. 105: nam neque propter opes vitreas, aurumque 
rebelle. 

49 Aug. de Civ. Dei, 4, 3: ut vitrea laetitia comaretur fragiliter splendida, cui 
timeatur horribilius ne repente frangatur, de imperii latitudine ac magnitudine 
velle gloriari. 

50 Aug. Contra Ful. Pelag. 1, 4, 12 (Patr. Lat. 44): quae tuorum argumentorum 
vel acies vitrea, vel plumbei pugiones in illorum conspectu exseri audebunt. 1, 9, 46: 
vitreas argutias tuas, et fragilia, quibus tibi multum videris acutus et nitidus, 
argumenta confringam. Contra Sec. Ful. Respons. 1, 119 (Patr. Lat. 45): altitudine 
judiciorum eius cedat vestrorum crepula ruina verborum, quasi nitida et acuta, sed 
vitrea. Vigil. Thaps. Contra Euty. 5 (Patr. Lat. 62): vitreasque sententias veritatis 
malleo obterendas. 

51 Commod. Just. 1, 26, 17 (Dombart, Corp. Script. Eccl. Lat. τς (1886)): 
et dicis vitam, ubi vitrea vita moraris? Note 17: “Mortalis D. Oehl: (idem in 
comm. ‘malim: Et dicis vitam uti vitrea vita mortales?’).” Weyman, Zu den 
Sprichwértern u. sprichwortl. Redensarten d. Rim. (Archiv. f. lat. Lex. 13 (1902/4), 
405). 

82 Sidon. Epist. 3, 13, 9: taceo femur aridum ac pandum, genua vasta poplites 
delicatos, crura cornea, vitreos talos, parvos digitos, pedes grandes. 

83 Vindic. Med. 19: infusa per humorem vitreum, quem Graeci ὑαλοειδῆ vocent. 
Theod. Pris. 4, 2; Octav. Horat. ad Euseb. 108, see above, p. $9, 21. Isid. Orig. 
II, I, 20: visus est qui a philosophis humor vitreus appellatur. Rufus, Extraits 
de Rhazés (Daremberg-Ruelle (1879), 496, 256, 2): ciboria ex quibus generatur 
flegma vitreum. 


al ον at ee 


307] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 77 


A late and unusual use of vitreus remains to be noted. This is 
in an inscription to an artisan of the vifrea ars.** Probably this is 
the same as our expression ‘glasswork,’ for the manufacture of 
glass articles. This man’s trade was glasswork or the business of 
making glass. 

h. Vitreus, the Substantive. Vitreum (vitrium), the neuter of the 
adjective, is used substantively, sometimes interchangeably with 
vitrum,® ‘glass,’ more often, however, for an object made of glass. 
Generally this object is a glass vessel. With this meaning the 
adjective usually occurs in the plural form, vitrea*’ (vitria)**, ‘glass 
vessels,’ ‘glassware,’ and probably because of this greater frequency 
of use, generally only the plural of the substantive occurs in modern 
lexica.** The worthlessness of broken glass gives to vitrea fracta, 
“broken glassware, the figurative meaning of ‘mere trumpery,’ 
‘nonsense.’®® In some instances the exact nature of the glass object 


56 Orell. 4299 (=CIL 13, 2000; Dessau, 7648): opifici artis vitriae. Note: 
“Vitriae 1.6. vitriariae.”’ 

5 On vitreum—Lucr. de Rerum Nat. 4, 602 (601): perscinduntur enim, nisi 
recta foramina tranant, | qualia sunt vitrei, species qua travolat omnis. Cf. the 
use of vitreorum in Petr. 51 and vitrorum (vitreorum T) in 1514. Orig. τό, τό, 6. 
ὕαλος in Iren. Contra Haereses, 1, 2, is translated vitreum in an old Latin version. 
Tert. ad Mart. 4 (Pair. Lat. τ, 626 B): Si tanti vitrum? (Note 8: Tanti vitreum? 
Rhen). Vopisc. 4ure/. 45, 1: vectigal....vitrei (B P M). Chiron, Mulomed. 
520: vitrei similitudinem in oculis habebunt. 531: quod efficit similitudinem vitrei. 
Corp. Gloss. Lat. s. v. ὕαλος hoc vitreum [vitrum e] vitreus. v#treum ὕελος. ὕαλος and 
ὕελος might be used adjectively here, however; see above, p. 37. On vitrium— 
Chiron, op. cif. 11: vitrium [nitrium B] tusum ferragini aspergis. 536: in ipsa 
pupilla quomodo vitrium habebit. 806: claucoma si habuerit in media pupilla, 
quomodo vitrium [nitrium]. 

56 Sen. Nat. Quaest. 3, 18, 4; de Ira, 1, 12, 4; Plin. N. H. 28, 173; Scrib. Larg. 175. 

57 Mart. 1, 41, 5; Petron. 50, 51; Stat. Silv. 1, 6, 74; Plin. 12, 100; 37, 29; Ulp. 
Dig. 37, 7, 12, 28; Paul. Dig. 37, 7, 18, 13 (Note 6 on vitreamina gives: “‘vitrea 
minuta MS.”); Lampr. Heliog. 27, 4; Vopisc. Tac. 11, 3; Origo Rom. Chron. 1,146, 
3; Isid. Orig. 16, 6; Lib. Sac. 175. 

58 Origo Rom. Chron. 1, 145,17. On vitria in the Chronographers, see Frick 
(Archio f. lat. Lexikogr. 6 (1889), 566). Corp. Gloss. Lat. s. v. yalina vitria. yala 
Vitria. vifrica (index 425: “Sine interpr. vitrea ?’’). 

5° Ainsworth, s. v. vitrea: “Glasses.” Leverett, s. v. vitreus: “Glass vessels.” 
Vaniéek, s. v. vid: “Vitreus.... Pl. n. (erg. vasa) Glas-gerathe, geschirre.” 
Quicherat, s. v. vitrea: “‘Objects en verre; verre cassé.” Forcellini, s. Ὁ. vitrea: 
“Sunt vasa vitrea.”” Harper’s Lex. s. Ὁ. vitrea: ““Glass vessels, glassware.’’ Georges, 
ed. 8, 5. v. vitreus: “‘Subst., vitreum, ei, n., das Glasgeschirr .... Plur. vitrea.” 

8° Petron. 10, 1: an videlicet audirem sententias, id est vitrea fracta et som- 
niorum interpretamenta? See Forcellini and Harper’s Lex. s. Ὁ. vitrea. Mart. 1, 
41, 4; Stat. Silo. 1, 6, 74, might be classified with this meaning. Panckoucke, 
Oeuvres Completes de Stace, 1 (1828), 108, note 17: “Cruceus dit qu’en latin cette 


78 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [308 


is unknown, at other times vitreum seems to stand for both ‘a 
glass gem’® and ‘a window.’® 

The feminine form, vifrea, is used by Gregory of Tours* to desig- 
nate a window, probably because the gender of fenestra is feminine. 

1. Vitrinarius. Vitrinarius designated the ‘seller of glass.’ 

j. Yitrinus. In Philon a vessel is spoken of as vitrinus, ‘of glass,’ 
instead of vitreus, although one manuscript does have the latter 
reading.® 

k. Vitrosus. Vitrosus also has the same meaning as vitreus ac- 
cording to Mai.§” I have not found this word in ancient literature. 

l. Vitrificator. Sittl® notes the use of vitrificator, ‘glassmaker,’ in 
Beda (S. 7/8), in a passage which I have been unable to verify. 
Presumably the form given is an error for Vitrifactor, the next entry. 

m. Vitrifactor. The compound form vitrifactor, as well as vitri 
factor, occurs in Bede® and Cuthbert (S.8).7° The forms vitrificare,” 
vitrificatio,”? and vitrificatoria,® all words which seem to occur first 
in the Middle Ages, have the same composition. 


expression, des verres cassées, semploie métaphoriquement pour désigner des choses 
de peu de valeur.” However, I believe actual glass was meant (see below, p. 106ff). 

61 Corp. Gloss. Lat. s. v. badwov" vitreum. vitreum ὑάλινον. yalinum vitreum. 

62 Plin. N. H. 36, 98; 37, 128, see below, p. 145; Tert. ad Mart. 4, see below, 
p. 147, ἢ. 21. The Latin version of Iren. Contra Haereses, 1,2: quoniam lapidem 
pretiosum smaragdum magni pretii apud quosdam, vitreum in eius contumelia 
per artem assimilatum. 

8 Symphos. Aen. 68 (Poet. Lat. Min. 4 (1882), 378): vitreum| perspicior penitus 
nec luminis arceo visus, | transmittens oculos ultra mea membra meantes; | nec 
me transit hiems, sed sol tamen emicat in me (vitriums). See below, p. 187, n. 4. 

* Greg. Tur. Hist. Franc. 6, 10: his diebus basilica Sancti Martini a furibus 
effracta fuit. qui ponentes ad fenestram absidae cancellum, qui super tumulum 
cuiusdam defuncti erat, ascendentes per eum, effracta vitrea sunt ingressi. De 
Glor. Conf. 96: ante vitream absidae....membra sedebat. De Glor. Martyrum, 
$9: si aliud, inquit, invenire non possum, vel has ipsas quas cerno vitreas auferam, 
fusoque metallo aliquid auri conquiram mihi. ablatis igitur dissipatisque vitreis, 
metallum abstulit. De Mir. S. Ful. 27: confringi passus est vitream, non catervam. 

% Corp. Gloss. Lat. 5. v. vitrinarius vitrum vendens. 

6 Rose, Anecd. Graecolat. 2 (1870), 306, 19: si fuerit vas illud vitrinum vel 
corneum. Note 20: “corneum vel vitreum 1.” Sittl (4rchio. f. lat. Lexikogr. 6 
(1889), 110): vitrinus=vitreus. Georges, Lex. 5. v. vitrinus. 

6 Mai, Thes. Nov. Latinit. 628; Forcellini, Lex. 5. Ὁ. vitrosus. 

68 Foc. cit.: “vitrificator Beda H. d. s. p. 334.” 

69 See below, p. 113 7b. 

a0 Sée p. 114) Hn. 7e. 

1 Manget, Bibl. Chym. 1, 313; 2, 502, 691, 698. 

 Tdem, 1, 334, 2, 692, 698. 

8 Idem, 2, 524, 536, 573, 595, 609. 


309] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 70 


C. Crystallus 


The Greek krystallos, as we have seen, probably stands for glass 
at times, but it is hard to be sure of the matter in any particular 
instance. In the majority of cases, the same statement might be 
made concerning the Latin transliteration, crysta//us, masculine 
and feminine, or crystallum, neuter (chryst-, christ-, crust-, crist-).? 

Pliny devotes considerable space to the traditional origin of 
crystal, to some of its sources, to its uses, and to the most noted 
objects made from it, and concludes by stating that “glass vessels 
have become incredibly like these (crystal vessels), but in such an 
unusual way that they have increased their own value and not 
brought down that of crystal,’’? an indication, doubtless, that the 


1 See above, p. 53f. 

2 For the different spellings, see Lambertz in Thes. Ling. Lat. 

8 N. H. 37, 23ff.: contraria huic causa crystallum facit, gelu vehementiore 
concreto. non aliubi certe reperitur quam ubi maxime hibernae nives rigent, 
glaciemque esse certum est, unde nomen Graeci dedere. oriens et hanc mittit, 
quoniam Indicae nulla praefertur. nascitur et in Asia, vilissima circa Alabanda et 
Orthosiam finitimisque, item in Cypro, sed laudata in Europa Alpium iugis. Iuba 
auctor est et in quadam insula Rubri maris ante Arabiam sita nasci, quae Necron 
vocetur, et in ea, quae iuxta gemmam topazum ferat, cubitalemque effossam a 
Pythagora Ptolemaei praefecto; Cornelius Bocchus et in Lusitania perquam mirandi 
ponderis iz Ammaeensibus iugis, depressis ad libramentum aquae puteis. hoc 
mirum, quod Xenocrates Ephesius tradit, aratro in Asia et Cypro excitari; non 
enim reperiri in terreno nec nisi inter cautes creditum fuerat. similius veri est, 
quod idem Xenocrates tradit, ef torrentibus saepe deportari. Sudines negat 
nisi ad meridiem spectantibus locis nasci. quod certum est, non reperitur in aquosis, 
quamquam in regione praegelida, vel si ad vada usque glacientur amnes. e caelesti 
umore puraque nive id fieri necesse est; ideo caloris inpatiens nisi in frigido potu 
abdicatur. quare nascatur sexangulis lateribus, non facile ratio iniri potest, eo magis 
quod neque in mucronibus eadem species est et ita absolutus laterum levor est, 
ut nulla id arte possit aequari. 

magnitudo amplissima adhuc visa nobis erat quam in Capitolio Livia Augusti 
dicaverat, librarum circiter CL. Xenocrates idem auctor est vas amphorale visum, 
et aliqui ex India sextariorum quattuor. (nos liquido adfirmare possumus in cautibus 
Alpium nasct adeo inviis plerumque, ut fune pendentes eam extrahant.)—peritis 
signa et indicia nota sunt. infestantur plurimis vitiis, scabro ferumine, maculosa 
nube, occulta aliquando vomica, praeduro fragilique centro, item sale appellato. 
est et rufa aliquis robigo, aliis capillamentum rimae simile. hoc artifices caelatura 
occultant. quae vero sine vitio sint, pura esse malunt, acenteta appellantes, nec 
spumei coloris, sed limpidae aquae. postrema auctoritas in pondere est. invenio 
apud medicos, quae sint urenda corporum, non aliter utilius uri putari quam crys- 
tallina pila adversis opposita solis radiis. alius et in his furor, HS centum quinqua- 
ginta milibus trullam unam non ante multos annos mercata matre familias nec 
divite. Nero amissarum rerum nuntio accepto duos calices crystallinos in suprema 
ira fregit inlisos. haec fuit u/tio saeculum suum punientis, ne quis alius zis biberet. 
fragmenta sarciri nullo modo queunt. mire his ad similitudinem accessere vitrea,- 
sed prodigii modo, ut suum pretium auxerint, crystalli non deminuerint. 


80 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [310 


output was very small, and that, therefore, the process of manu- 
facture was difficult and expensive. Elsewhere Pliny mentions glass 
made of crystal, and says that the glass most highly prized most 
nearly resembled crystal.’ This is the glass “clear as crystal’ of 
Strabo (S. I),® the ‘“‘clear glass which is like crystal’ of Scribonius 
Largus (δ. 1) and Marcellus (δ. 4),7 and the inspiration for the 
“sea of glass like unto crystal” of the Apocalypse.® It is interesting 
to note the greater degree of familiarity with transparent glass in a 
gloss of a later date, where crystal is described as “a kind of rock 
similar to white glass.’’® When this gloss was written, transparent 
glass was evidently much more common than crystal, which had 
always been rare, and had been mentioned so often in connec- 
tion with glass, no doubt, not because it was common but because it 
was the best word to describe or stand for this new type of trans- 
parent glass. At first glass was clouded with imperfections, and the 
manufacture of clear, transparent glass was an extremely important 
step in the development of glass making. Naturally crystal glass 
would be much more unusual, rarer, and more easily confused with 
rock crystal than at present. In most instances where crystallum, or ° 
crystallina, is used, it is impossible to determine whether glass or 
crystal is meant, but especially among the Roman poets cups of 
crystal are mentioned very frequently, while we know that crystal 
was rare, and, as far as I am aware, no vessel of it has come down, 
although numerous wonderfully wrought glass cups and vases have 
been preserved. The fact that some of the objects could be made 
easily in glass while it would be well-nigh impossible to make them 
in crystal, and that some of the vessels are brought from Egypt, the 
greatest glass manufacturing center, makes it seem all the more 
probable that crystallum was used for glass and crystallina for objects 
made of glass. Since objects made of crystallum, crystallina in 
particular, mentioned so frequently after transparent glass became 

4 See below, p. 98, n. I0. 

δ N. H. 36, 198f.: maximus tamen honos in candido tralucentibus, quam 
proxima crystalli similitudine. usus eorum ad potandum argenti metalla et auri 
pepulit. Isid. Orig. 16, 4: maximus tamen honor in candido vitro, proximoque 
in crystalli similitudine; unde et ad potandum argenti metalla et auri pepulit 
vitrum. Cf. Rabanus, de Universo, 17, 10. 

§ See above, p. 55, n. 13. 

DS below, p. 180, ἢ. 133. 

84, 6: et in conspectu sedis tamquam mare vitreum simile crystallo. 


9 Corp. Gloss. Lat. 5, 448, 31: crystallum: genus saxi in similitudine vitri albi. 
(cristallum insimilitudine bitri alui. Note 31: vitri ad). 


311] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 81 


known, are clearly of glass in some instances and probably of that 
material in most of the others, the more important references to 
them will be treated at this point. 

When Pliny speaks of imitating gems, such as beryl,!® emerald," 
and other transparent stones, by coloring crystal, one questions the 
means of doing this, and thinks at once of the numerous, colored 
glass imitations.’ The passage from Propertius (S. I),!* “Εογ what 
now ....should clear crystal adorn my hands?” might possibly 
come under the glass gems. Quintus Curtius Rufus (δ. 1),! in 
recording a Persian custom, writes, ‘““The likeness of the sun, en- 
closed in a crystal, shown forth above the tent, whence it could be 
seen by all.” It has been suggested that this was a golden ball 
enclosed in rock crystal. The difficulty of enclosing anything in 
crystal and the comparative ease of doing it with glass is self-evi- 
dent. But the use of crystallum which most strikingly suggests 
glass is its employment, by metonymy, for a vessel of crystal. 
Among these numerous references!’ two are of particular interest 
because they refer to Egypt, the great glass center. Lucan (JS. 1) 
writes, “And a crystallos provides the waters of the Nile for their 
hands.’!8 Among the many passages in which Martial (δ, 1) uses 
crystalla, occurs the following: ““While the cargo from the Nile is 


10 N. H. 37, 79: Indi et alias quidem gemmas crystallum tinguendo adulterare 
invenerunt, sed praecipue berullos. 

Ἡ Td. 37, 197: quin immo etiam extant commentarii auctorum—quos non equi- 
dem demonstrabo—, quibus modis ex crystallo smaragdum tinguant alias tra- 
lucentes, sardonychem e sarda, item ceteras ex aliis; neque enim est ulla fraus 
vitae lucrosior. 

12 See below, p. 144ff. 

8 4, 3, 52 (51): nam mihi quo.... | crystallusque meas ornet aquosa manus? 

4 3, 3, 8: patrio more Persarum traditum est orto sole demum procedere. 
die iam inlusti signum e tabernaculo regis bucina dabitur; super tabernaculum, 
unde ab omnibus conspici posset, imago solis crystallo inclusa fulgebat. 

16 Vogel (1885), ad loc. 

16 See above, p. 55. 

The following references might easily indicate glass: Copa, 30: seu vis 
crystalli ferre novos calices. Stat. see below, p. 88, n. 20. Mart. 8, 77, 5: candida 
nigrescant vetulo crystalla Falerno. 9, 22, 7: nec labris nisi magna meis crystalla 
terantur. 9, 73, 5: rumpis et ardenti madidus crystalla Falerno. 10, 66, 5: quis 
potius cyathos aut quis crystalla tenebit. 10, 13, 5: candida Setini rumpant crys- 
talla trientes. Apul. Met. 2, 19: ibi crystallum impunctum. 6, 13: sic aiens crystallo 
dedolatum vasculum insuper ei graviora, tradidit. Sidon. Epist. 2, 13,7: spumarent 
Falerno gemmae capaces inque crystallis calerent unguenta glacialibus. 

*8 Bell. Civil. το, 160: manibusque ministrat Niliacas crystallos aquas. 


82 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [312 


bringing you crystalla, accept some cups from the Flaminian 
Circus.’’!9 | 

The adjective crystallinus, -a, -um, means ‘like crystal’?° as well 
as ‘of crystal.’ It 1s impossible to tell whether the crystalline pieces 
for draughts mentioned by Petronius (S. 1)! were of crystal or of 
glass, as in some other instances. But, when Pliny speaks of a 
crystalline pi/a, ‘ball,’ being used as a cauterizing agent,” one feels 
pretty sure that it is the same as the vitrea pila** mentioned else- 
where by him. In his description of crystal, he also speaks of a 
crystalline ¢rud/a, ‘ladle,’ and calices, ‘cups.’ Fortunatus (δ. 6) 
mentions a crystalline poculum, ‘cup.’ Of course, transparent 
glass was most like crystal, and the question again arises whether 
the above objects, modified by a form of the adjective, or the neuter 
of the adjective used substantively, especially in the plural form 
crystallina, are exclusively of crystal or of glass, or sometimes of 
one, sometimes of the other. Crystallina, and murrina, the former 
probably standing for crystal glass vessels, and the latter, for 
colored, opaque glass vessels, are forms of expression repeatedly 
used by Roman writers. From the frequent references to crystalline 
and murrine vessels?” and from the use of crystallum alone, one 
learns that some of these vessels came from Egypt,?* that they 
were fragile, expensive, and sometimes clearly of glass. Seneca 
(S. 1) writes, “I see crystalline vessels, whose fragility enhances 
their value; for among the ignorant the desire for possessing things 
increases with the danger of losing them.”* In his essay On Wrath 

19 19,74, 1: dum tibi Niliacus portat crystalla cataplus|accipe de circo pocula 
Flaminio. 

20 For example, Plin. N. H. 37, 144: alectorias vocant in ventriculis gallinaceo- 
rum inventas crystallina specie. Drac. 8, 75: crystallina Xanthi fluminis unda 
rubet. Venant. Fortunat. Carm. 11, 26, 9: fluminibus mediis nata est crystallina 
ripa. 

1 33: sequebatur puer cum tabula terebinthina et crystallinis tesseris, notavique 
rerum omnium delicatissimam. pro calculis enim albis ac nigris aureos argenteosque 
habebat denarios. 

22 See below, p. 183, E. 

23 See above, n. 3. 

24 See below, p. 159, n. 62. 

% See above, n. 3. Cf. below, p. 166, n. 117. 

δ Vita S. Mart. 2, 83: vix discernendis crystallina pocula potis. 

27 See below, p. 86ff. 

28 See below, p. 91, n. 35. Cf. notes 18-19 above. 

29 De Benefic. 7, 9, 3: video istic crystallina, quorum accendit fragilitas pretium; 


omnium enim rerum voluptas apud* inperitos ipso, quo fugari debet, periculo 
crescit. 


313] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 83 


he tells the story of one of the servants breaking a crystallinum 
when Vedius Pollio was entertaining Augustus. In anger the master 
decreed that the slave be thrown into his fish pond, but “Augus- 
tus... ordered that the slave should be set free, the rest of the 
cups broken, and the pond filled up.’’®° On crystallina Martial writes, 
_“You break crystalline vessels while afraid of doing it.’’*! It was 
' this “unusual use and value” which caused Paulus (δ᾽. 3) to doubt” 
whether they should be classed as household goods.#® Among 
the numerous references to crystalline vessels in Martial®? is one 
which clearly shows that these particular crystallina, at least, were 
of glass: “And having complained that the crystalline vessels 
were spoiled by a little common glass, he marked and set aside ten 
murrines.’*4 Here the crystalline glasses clearly contained im- 
purities in spots. This passage, while showing that crystalline 
vessels could mean glass vessels, makes us wonder whether crystal- 
lina were not frequently made of glass. 


D. Murra (Murrha, Myrra, Myrrha) 


The origin and meaning of the Greek morria and the Latin murra 
have long been subjects of speculation. A discussion of the words ina 
history of glass is imperative, if for no other reason, at least because 
Pliny mentions a glass imitation of murrina.1 Whenever the source 
of supply of murrine vessels is mentioned in ancient authors, it is 
always an eastern one: Egypt, Parthia, Carmania, and numerous 


80 De Ira, 3, 40: ut possis iram comminuere, quemadmodum fecit divus Augus- 
tus, cum cenaret apud Vedium Pollionem. fregerat unus ex servis eius crustallinum; 
rapi eum Vedius iussit ne vulgari quidem more periturum: murenis obici iubebatur, 
quas ingentis in piscina continebat .... motus est novitate crudelitatis Caesar et 
illum quidem mitti, crustallina autem omnia coram se frangi iussit complerique 
piscinam. 

$1 14, 111: crystallina: frangere dum metuis, franges crystallina: peccant | se- 
curae nimium sollicitaeque manus. 

82 See below, p. 92, n. 46. 

a Paul. Sent. 3, 6,67: supellectile legata capsae et armaria, nisi quae solum 
librorum aut vestis ponendae gratia paratae sint, debebuntur; sed et buxina et 
cristallina et argentea et vitrea vasa, tam escaria quam pocularia, et vestis stratoria 
legato cedunt. 

3 1, 53, 6: sic Arretinae violant crystallina testae. See below, p. g1ff., and 
above, n. 17, 19. 

0, 59, 14: et turbata brevi questus crystallina vitro | murrina signavit 
seposuitque decem. 

1 N. H. 36, 198: fit et album et murrina aut hyacinthos sappirosque imitatum. 
et omnibus aliis coloribus, neque est alia nunc sequacior materia aut etiam pic- 
turae accommodatior. 


84 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [314 


localities not specified; hence it is natural to look in that direction 
for the origin of the words morria and murra. Laufer? refers to the 
Persian “mori,muri,or muris, meaning “small shells’ or “glass beads’”’ 
as a probable survival of mura or murra which he believes existed in 
an Iranian language, and conjectures that the Greek morria “‘is 
an Iranian loan-word and that the Iranian prototype had the signi- 
ficance ‘glass paste, glaze.’ ᾿ The Latin murra (murrha, myrra, 
myrrha) and its adjective derivatives murreus (murrheus, myrreus, 
myrrheus) and murrinus (murrhinus, myrrinus, myrrhinus), some- 
times confused with murra, from the Greek murra, ‘myrrh,’ are 
closely connected with the Greek morria and its adjective morrinos 
(murrinos, mourrinos, morinos), but it is impossible to tell whether 
the Latin word was derived from the Greek, or vice versa, or whether 
they both came from some lost word of unknown Asiatic source. 

Since there are but two references to morria in Greek literature, 
little can be learned of its nature from that source. In both instances, 
however, it seems to be an artificial product. In the Periplus of the 
Red Sea (S. 1) it is mentioned in the adjective form with /ithia hyalé 
as manufactured at Diospolis for foreign trade. Pausanias (S. 2) 
classes it with “glass and crystal and everything else made of 
stone.’”® 


2 Laufer, The Beginnings of Porcelain in China (1917), 125. In this same section 
Laufer writes, ““Roloff was the only one to attempt an explanation of the peculiar 
term by inviting attention to a Russian word, murava, which denotes ‘glazed pottery.’ 
If it can be proved that murrines were glazed pottery vessels, there is a great deal 
of probability in the conviction that murra applies to their most striking feature, 
the glaze.” Kisa, op. cit., 2, 533, had previously made the following comment: 
“Der Hinweis auf den russischen Namen Murava fur glasierte Waren hat keinen 
Sinn, denn dieser bedeutet nichts anders als Moravia, Mahren und diente urspriing- 
lich wohl zur Bezeichnung des glasierten irdenen Geschirres, das in Mahren erzeugt 
und uber Schlesien, Ungarn und Poland nach Russland verkauft wurde.” 

46: προχωρεῖ δ᾽ eis τοὺς τόπους ἱμάτια βαρβαρικὰ ayvada τὰ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ 
γινόμενα, . .. καὶ λιθίας ὑαλῆς πλείονα γένη καὶ ἄλλης μουρρίνης, τῆς γινομένης 
ἐν Διοσπόλει. Fabricius, Der Periplus des Erythr. Meeres (1883), 42, n. 3: “Ὁ, 
μορρίνης, Gelenius und Stuck μορρινῆς, Stuck Schol. p.18 besserte, wahrend Blancard 
noch μορρίνης und Hudson μυρρινῆς drucken liessen, Miller behalt hier poppivys, 
schreibt aber {[ 48 n. 49 richtig wouppivys.” Thiersch (4bhandl. d. bayer. Acad. 1 
(1835), 445), 455, included the form pdpivos; Kisa, 532, uses the form poppivos ; 
Laufer, 7. c., the form murrinos. 

5 8, 18, 5: ὕαλος μέν ye καὶ κρύσταλλος καὶ μόρρια καὶ ὅσα ἐστὶν ἀνθρώποις 
ἄλλα λίθου ποιούμενα, καὶ τῶν σκευῶν τὰ κεραμεᾶ, τὰ μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς Στυγὸς τοῦ 
ὕδατος ῥήγνυται. Hitzig-Bliimner, 3, 1 (1907) n. 5: “μοῤῥία edd. ante 8. ν. b. Lab. 
Pa, μόρια Pc, μυῤῥία Camerar. Palm. MS., μόῤῥα Salm. exerc. Plin. p. 203 sq., 
μούῤῥινα malit K, μόῤῥια cett. edd. codd., μόρριναῦ Vitr. VIII, 3.” Thiersch, ἢ. ¢. 
and Kisa, /. c. use the form morra; Laufer, /. c. the form morrion. 


4 403g 


315] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS ὃς 


In Latin literature the word murra appears oftener, especially 
in connection with the vasa murrina, but very few authors give 
any suggestion of its nature. Propertius (J. I)* is the first to men- 
tion the substance in speaking of “‘murrine cups cocta in Parthian 
focis.” The translation of cocta and focis depends upon the interpre- 
tation of the substance here dealt with. At least almost? all are 
agreed that the cups are an artificial product in the composition 
of which fire has played a large part. In a number of passages, some 
of which are extremely puzzling, Pliny (J. 1) gives our only detailed 
account of murrina, but makes no mention of murra itself. He says, 
“The East sends murrina; they are found there in many places, not 
particularly noted, chiefly in Parthia; but the best ones are found 
in Carmania. Their moisture is believed to be solidified by sub- 
terranean heat. In size they never exceed a small tray; in thickness 
they are seldom as large as the cups mentioned above. Their 
brightness is not great, and it is more nearly a lustre than a bril- 
liancy. But highly esteemed is the variety of colors with the spots 
one after the other turning into purple and white and a mixture of 
the two, with the purple, by a change of color, becoming flame- 
colored, or the milky white becoming red. Some praise particularly 
their edges and certain reflection of the colors, such as those seen in 
the rainbow. Again, others are pleased by opaque spots—trans- 
lucency, or pallor, is a defect—and also crystals and warts, not 
projecting, but for the most part depressed, as in the human body. 
There is also some recommendation in their odor.’ He goes on to 


6 4, 5, 26: seu quae palmiferae mittunt venalia Thebae | murreaque in Parthis 
pocula cocta focis. 

7 Contrary to the general opinion, Rothstein, Die Elegien des S. Prop. (1898), 
ad loc., quotes Plin. 37, 21, and adds: “Nur diesen vermeintlichen unterirdischen 
Prozess kann Properz mit den Worten in ....cocta meinen.” Butler, S. Prop. 
Opera Omnia (1905), ad loc: “1 may refer (1) to the natural subterranean process 
mentioned by Pliny, or (2) Propertius may have been misinformed, and regarded 
the material as manufactured by the hand of man and subjected to a firing process. 
The latter view is, I think, more probable.” 

8 N. H. 1,37: quando primum myrrhina invecta. luxuria circaea (7). natura 
eorum (8). 37, 21-22: oriens myrrhina* mittit. inveniuntur ibi pluribus locis nec 
insignibus, maxime Parthici regni, praecipua tamen in Carmania. umorem sub 
terra putant calore densari. amplitudine numquam parvos excedunt abacos, cras- 
situdine raro quanta dicta sunt potoria. splendor est dis sine viribus nitorque verius 
quam splendor. sed in pretio varietas colorum subinde circumagentibus se maculis 
in purpuram candoremque et tertium ex utroque, ignescente veluti per transitum 
coloris purpura aut rubescente lacteo. sunt qui maxime in iis laudent extremitates 
et quosdam colorum repercussus, quales in caelesti arcu spectantur. iam aliis 


86 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [316 


say that “‘the cause which produces crystal is exactly opposite to 
this.”® Elsewhere Pliny mentions the subterranean source of mur- 
rina: “We dig murrina and crystallina from the same earth, the 
fragility of which increases their value;’’!° and, again, “Of things 
found on top of the earth crystals are the most valuable, of those 
within, adamant, emeralds, gems, murrina.’' He classes murrina 
with gems, probably as of the same rank in appearance and value, 
yet not as gems, in the following instances also. In decrying stones 
as the leading folly of the time, he adds, “το say nothing of gems and 
amber, crystalline, and murrine objects.’ And referring to the 
substances just mentioned, Pliny later states that “all of these 
enjoy the same importance as gems; the two former for certain good 
reasons: crystallina because adapted for cold drinks, murrina for 
both.’ The introduction of this luxury into Rome is ascribed to 
Pompey, as a consequence of his extensive conquests in the East. 
“This same conquest first introduced murrina into the city; and 
Pompey first dedicated murrine bowls and cups from this triumph 
to Jupiter Capitolinus. Next they passed over into private use; 
besides trays and eating utensils were in demand. This luxury 
is daily increasing. A large cup of exactly three pints was purchased 
for 70,000 sesterces (ca. $3,150) ....- anus of consular rank who 
drank from it, because of his love for it gnawed its edge, an injury, 
however, which increases its value; and today there is no other mur- 
rine vessel that will be valued more highly. It is possible to estimate 
how much this same man consumed in other things of this kind, from 
their number, which was so great that, when Nero deprived his chil- 
dren of them and exhibited them, they filled a special theatre in the 
gardens across the Tiber, which was large enough for the crowd 


maculae pingues placent—tralucere quicquam aut pallere vitium est—itemque sales 
verrucaeque non eminentes, sed, ut in corpore etiam, plerumque sessiles. aliqua 
et in odore commendatio est. *myrrina a. murrina S.—nam (amu-F) ΕἸ Ven. 

°N. H. 37, 23: contraria huic causa crystallum facit, gelu vehementiore 
concreto. 

10 N. H. 33, 5: murrina* ex eadem tellure et crystallina effodimus, quibus preti- 
um faceret ipsa fragilitas. *murrinae B’VRd. 

4 N. H. 37, 204: extra tellurem crystallis, intra adamanti, smaragdis, gemmis, 
myrrinis.* *murrinis S. 

2 N. H. 36,1: lapidum natura restat, hoc est praecipua morum insania, etiam 
ut gemmae cum sucinis atque crystallinis murrinisque sileantur. 

IN. H. 37, 30: eandemque 6mnia haec quam gemmae auctoritatem; sane 
priora illa aliquis de causis, crystallina frigido potu, myrrhina* utroque. 37, 49: 
myrrhinorum et crystallinorum diximus gratiam. *murrina 5. 


- 


317] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 87 


that filled it when Nero performed, before he gave his entertain- 
ments in the theatre of Pompey. At that time I saw numbered the 
broken fragments of a single goblet which it seemed proper to keep in 
an urn for display,as if it had been the body of Alexander the Great, 
I suppose, to arouse the grief of the age and reveal the envy of 
Fortune. Titus Petronius a consular, when about to die, from 
envy of Nero, so as to deprive him of his table service, broke a 
murrine ladle which had cost 300,000 sesterces (ca. $13,500). But 
Nero, as was proper for an emperor, surpassed all by buying a single 
bow] for 1,000,000 sesterces (ca. $45,000); a fact to be remembered, 
namely, that the emperor and the father of his country drank from 
such a costly vessel.” The new luxury was not accepted for a time 
into the religious ceremonies. “At the present time even in the midst 
of this wealth the first libation at the sacrifices is not from murrine or 
crystalline, but from earthen ladles.” Vitellius ordered a dish, 
which equaled Nero’s bowl in price. A special furnace had to be 
erected for its preparation, and Pliny regarded it as excessive luxury 
“that even earthen vessels cost more than murrines.’’!6 

It is difficult to say just what Pliny meant by murrina. Although 
he mentions only murrina, he speaks of them at times as if they were 


M4 N. H. 37, 18-20: eadem victoria primum in urbem myrrhina* invexit, pri- 
musque Pompeius capides et pocula ex eo triumpho Capitolino Iovi dicavit, quae 
protinus ad hominum usum transiere, abacis etiam escariisque vasis expetitis; et 


crescit in dies eius luxuria. myrrhino** LXX HS empto, capaci plane ad sextarios 
tres calice, potavit .... anus consularis, ob amorem adroso margine elus, ut tamen 
inuria illa pretium augeret; neque est hodie myrrhini*** alterius praestantior in- 
dicatura. idem in reliquis generis elus quantum voraverit, licet aestimare ex 
multitudine, quae tanta fuit, ut auferente liberis eius Nerone exposita occuparent 
theatrum peculiare trans Tiberim in hortis, quod a populo impleri canente se, dum 
Pompeiano proludit, etiam Neroni satis erat. vidi tunc adnumerari unius scyphi 
fracti membra, quae in dolorem, credo, saeculi invidiamque Fortunae tamquam 
Alexandri Magni corpus in conditorio servari, ut ostentarentur, placebat. T. 
Petronius consularis moriturus invidia Neronis, ut mensam eius exheredaret, 


trullam myrrhinam**** HS CCC emptam fregit; sed Nero, ut par erat principem, 
vicit omnes HS | X | capidem unam parando. memoranda res tanti imperatorem 
patremque patriae bibisse! *murrh-dhv. murr-(Ven.)S. murina F.-nam L. om. a. 
**murrino La(Ven.)S. murino F. ***murrini La(Ven.)S. murini F.7-nae F.! ****myr- 
rhinam J.-na B. murrinam La(Ven.)S. marinam F. 

16 N. H. 35, 158: in sacris quidem etiam inter has opes hodie non murrinis 
crystallinisve, sed fictilibus prolibatur simpulis. 

16 N. H. 35, 163: at, Hercules, Vitellius in principatu suo | ¥ | HS condidit 
patinam, cui faciendae fornax in campis exaedificata erat, quoniam eo pervenit 
luxuria, ut etiam fictilia pluris constent quam murrina.* *murina R. unina V. 





88 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [318 


a mineral substance mined from the earth.1* It does not seem 
probable that he referred to excavation of buried cups.17 He seems 
to imply a natural product, formed within the earth, as the source 
of these cups,!”* although it is conceivable that he figuratively 
refers to materials from which the vessels were made by an artificial 
process involving heat.!8 It is probable that he has given us confused 
accounts of something which he has heard but of which he did not 
have first-hand knowledge. At least, we can learn from Pliny’s 
account that murrine vessels were imported from the East, that they 
were a luxury, at times classed with gems, that they were spotted, 
colored, and fragile, and that at one stage in the preparation the 
material was fired in a furnace (therein agreeing with Propertius). 

Since Propertius and Pliny do not mention murra, it might be 
well to see how it is used by other authors. Murra (murrha, myrrha, 
myrrha) occurs frequently in Latin literature, but, with few excep- 
tions, it refers to the amber or yellowish brown gum resin, prized 
for its odor and medical properties, or to the tree from which this 
resin comes. When murra is used in the sense of the Greek morria, 
which was mentioned above in the category of glass and crystal, it 
refers to the material from which a cup was made or stands by 
metonomy for the cup itself. As a matter of fact, in order of occur- 
rence, the second use comes first. Lucan (S. 1), in contrasting the 
few necessities of a soldier with the demands of luxury, says, “‘not 
from gold nor murra do they drink.’’® Statius (S. 1) writes, “In a 
hand fairer than crystal he carries to the great leader the first cups, 
both heavy murrae and crystalla.”®® Martial (S. 1) mentions these 
vessels in the following passages. “‘Ponticus, you drink from mur- 
ra. “Tf you drink warm wine, a murra is suitable for hot Faler- 
nian, and the flavor of the wine is improved by it.’ A glass cup 


16a Thiersch, op. cit. 460. 

17 This possibility, however, is suggested by Kisa, op. cit., 541, and by Laufer, 
Op. cit., 132. 

116 Thiersch, loc. cit. 

18 Laufer, Joc. cit. 

19 De Bello Civil. 4, 380 (378): non erigit aegros | nobilis ignoto diffusus consule 
Bacchus, | non auro murraque bibunt, sed gurgite puro | vita redit. See 4dnota- 
tiones, below n. 24. 

20 Silv. 3, 4, 58 (57): hic pocula magno | prima duci murrasque graves crystal- 
laque portat | candidiore manu. 

20a 4,85, 1: tu murra, Pontice. 

#1 14, 113: murrina. si caldum potas, ardenti murra Falerno | convenit et 
melior fit sapor inde mero. 


319] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 89 


would certainly add nothing to the flavor of wine, although there 
might have been some notion then that it did. There was ob- 
viously some confusion between murra, ‘myrrh,’ and murra, ‘a 
murrine vessel,’ or between murrina, ‘a fragrant wine,’ and mur- 
rina, ‘murrine vessels.’ Very likely an accidental homophony con- 
tributed to the fancy that murrine vessels actually had an odor, as 
suggested by Pliny,” or a flavor, as Martial here indicates, for the 
Ancients were notoriously addicted to strange notions about stones, 
like those regarding the amethyst, the sarcophagus, and many 
another. The author of the 4dnotationes super Lucanum had the ab- 
surd idea that murra here was a kind of fragrant wood, thinking, no 
doubt, of the tree which produced the well known ointment. One 
may fairly suppose, I presume, that murrina were no longer common 
at the time when these scholia were written, or, at least, that they 
no longer bore this designation. Unfortunately nothing very 
definite seems to be known about the age of the 4dnotationes. 

In the two instances in which murra is mentioned as the material 
from which cups were made, a slight idea of its appearance 1s gained. 
Martial described Eros as weeping whenever he gazes upon cups 
of spotted murra, because he cannot buy up all the shops.> A 
scholiast on Juvenal (S. 4) explains murrina as “colored cups made of 
murra.’*® From the use of murra, then, it is impossible to tell 
whether it was a natural or artificial product. It is called colored 
and spotted, just as in Pliny’s description; good for warm wine, 
while Pliny suggests that it is good for both hot and cold; it 
_ means also the material from which the murrine cups were made, or 
by metonomy, the cups themselves. 

The adjective murreus (murrheus, myrreus, myrrheus), ‘of 
myrrh,’ ‘yellowish,’ ‘of murra,’ in the latter sense, is applied to 
cups and vessels for eating and drinking. Propertius’ account of 

22 Plin. N. H. 14, 92: lautissima apud priscos vina erant murra odore condita. 
Thes. Gloss. 4, 257, 33: potio divina. 

23 See above, n. 8. 

4 Ad 4, 380: gemmaque legitur et murrave*.... murra genus ligni, quod 
dat odores, ut Virgilius ‘murraque madentis.’ hic ergo ‘murram’ poculi genus ac- 
cipimus de hoc ligno facti, et quod dixit ‘non murra, non auro,’ aureum poculum 
intellegimus. *mura W, (murraque) vel gemma U. 

* 10, 80, 1: plorat Eros, quotiens maculosae pocula murrae | inspicit aut pueros 
nobilius citrum, | et gemitus imo ducit de pectore, quod non | tota miser coémat 
Saepta feratque domum. 


% Ad 6, 156 (ed. Jahn (1851)): myrrhina Ὁ, Adanans. de murra pacual 
sincta (facta). 


go STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [320 


the making of murrine cups has been discussed above. If his mur- 
reus onyx?’ could be shown to be a ‘“murrine onyx’ rather than ‘a 
yellow onyx,’ as it has been interpreted by most scholars, probably 
following Pliny’s description of onyx?7* or the definition of murreus 
given by Porphyrio,?’ it might throw some light on the nature of 
murra. Seneca (S. 1) evidently considered it a natural product, for 
he classed it among gems in the following quotation: “I see murrine 
cups; of course, luxury would be far toocheap unless .. . . they drank 
each others health in hollowed gems.’’22 Again, hesays, ‘Whether 
it is a gold cup, or a crystalline, or a murrine, or a Tiburtine goblet, 
or a hollow hand, it makes no difference.’’8® Yet, the Digest, al- 
though seemingly in some doubt, says that murrines are not to be 
classed as gems, and classifies among household goods murrine and 
glass vessels employed for food and drink.*! 

The adjective murrinus, ‘made of murra,’ occurs more frequently 
than murra or murreus, especially in the substantive form murrina, 
‘murrine vessels.’ As an adjective it is applied to calices, ‘cups,’ 
trulla, ‘a ladle,’ vasa, ‘vessels,’ and pocula, ‘cups.’ The first two 
instances were noticed in Pliny. As mentioned above, the Digest 
does not class murrine vessels as gems.*2 Theonas (S. 3)* speaks of 
murrine vasa for food and drink. Suetonius (JS. 2)*4 says that when 
Augustus took Alexandria, he kept nothing for himself except one 
murrine ca/ix, ‘cup.’ Capitolinus (S. 4) in the history of Verus tells 
of calices of murra or Alexandrian crystal being presented at a ban- 


27 3, 10, 22: et crocino naris murreus ungat onyx. 

7a N. H. 36, 61: probantur quam maxime mellei coloris, in vertices maculosi 
atque non tralucidi. 

28 24 Hor. Carm. 3, 14, 22: murreum nodo cohibere crinem colorem murreum 
in crinibus hodieque dicunt, qui medius est inter flavum et nigrum. 

29 De Benefic. 7, 9, 3: video murrea pocula; parum scilicet luxuria magno fuerit, 
nisi, quod vomant, capacibus gemmis inter se propinaverint, 

30 Epist. 119, 3: utrum sit aureum poculum an crustallinum an murreum an 
Tiburtinus calix an manus concava, nihil refert. 

$1 Javol. Dig. 33, 10, 11: murrhea autem vasa, et vitrea, quae ad usum edendi 
et bibendi causa parata essent, in supellectili dicuntur esse. 

ὅ2 Ulpian, Dig. 34, 2, 19, 19: murrhina autem vasa in gemmis non esse, Cassius 
scribit. 

33 Epist. 6 (Pair. Gr. το, 1572 D): simili modo ille agat cuius fidei credita sunt 
vasa argentea, aurea, crystallina, vel murrhina, escaria vel potoria. 

34 4ug.71: item lautitiarum invidiam, cum et Alexandria capta nihil sibi praeter 
unum murrinum* calicem ex instrumento regio retinuerit et mox vasa aurea 
assiduissimi usus conflaverit omnia. *myrr- vel myrrh-codd. 


a ee Se ae a 


321] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS ΟἹ 


quet to each guest for each drink.** He, as well as other authors, 
records Marcus Aurelius’ sale of the royal pocu/a, ‘cups.’* 

Pliny, as we have seen above, is the only one who has made a 
conscious effort to describe murrina, ‘murrine vessels.” When he 
specifies the type of vessel, it is a capis, ‘a bowl with one handle,’ 
a poculum, ‘cup,’ an abacus, ‘tray,’ escaria vasa, ‘dishes,’ or a 
scyphus, ‘goblet.’ Seneca’? mentions murrine along with crystalline 
vessels. Martial speaks of these vessels in a number of passages, the 
translation of which will give an adequate conception of the cir- 
cumstances of their employment. “You alone have golden and 
murrine vessels.’ ‘He gives the arrant fools Opimian nectar in 
crystallines and murrines.’’® ‘He marked and set aside ten murrine 
vessels.”49 “If you are out after money, sell your silverware, 
tables, murrines, your estate, and house.’! “Do you drink Surren- 
tine? Choose for it neither colored murrines nor gold.’’*? Murrina 
are also described under murra.“ Juvenal (S. 1/2) says, “Heavy 
crystalline and still heavier murrine vessels are carried away.’’# 
In another Satire he writes, “Tongilius weighs down his Thracian 


85 5,3: donatos etiam calices singulis per singulas potiones, myrrinos et crystal- 
linos Alexandrinos, quoties bibitum est. 

36M. Ant. 17, 4: cum autem ad hoc bellum omne aerarium exhausisset suum 
neque in animum induceret, ut extra ordinem provincialibus aliquid imperaret, 
in foro divi Traiani auctionem ornamentorum imperialium fecit vendiditque aurea 
pocula et cristallina et murrina, vasa etiam regia et vestem uxoriam sericam et 
auratam, gemmas quin etiam, quas multas in repostorio sanctiore Hadriani 
reppererat. Aurel. Victor, de Caesar. 16, 9: instrumentum regii cultus facta in 
foro Traiani sectione distraxit, vasa aurea, pocula crystallina et murrina.... ac 
per duos continuos menses venditio habita est multumque auri redactum. Eutrop. 
Breviarium ab Urbe Condita, 8, 13, 2, is the same as the above from instrumentum 
through murrina, except that Divi stands before Traiani. 

37 Epist. 123, 7: omnes iam mulos habent, qui crustallina et murrina et caelata 
magnorum manu portant. 

38 3, 26, 2: aurea solus habes, murrina solus habes. 

γε 3, 82, 25 (24): Opimianum morionibus nectar | crystallinisque murrinisque 
propinat. 

409, 59, 14: murrina signavit seposuitque decem. 

“1 11, 70, 8 (7): si te delectat numerata pecunia, vende | argentum, mensas, 
mutrina, rura, domum. 

4213, 110: Surrentina bibis? nec murrina picta nec aurum | sume: dabunt 
calices haec tibi vina suos. 

43 See above, n. 21. 

“46, 156 (153): mense quidem brumae, quo iam mercator Iaso | clausus, 
et armatis obstat casa candida nautis, | grandia tolluntur crystallina, maxima 
rursus |myrrhina, deinde adamans notissimus et Berenices | in digito factus preti- 
osior. 


g2 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [322 


slaves with the long poles of his litter as he goes through the Forum 
to buy slaves, silverware, murrines, villas.’’4* Although, in the Di- 
gest, Javolus (8.1) had said murrine vessels should not be classed 
as gems, and Ulpian (δ. 3) had classed them as household goods, 
Paulus (δ. 3) suggests that one might doubt whether they should 
be so classed, “on account of their uncommon use and value.” In 
discussing the follies of Elagabalus, Lampridius (S. 4)47 speaks of 
murrina along with onyx vessels, which might possibly be taken as a 
slight indication that the two materials bore a marked resemblance. 
Sidonius Apollinaris (δ. 5)48 mentions murrina with a number of 
precious stones. Although Isidore (S. 6/7) is only following Pliny,*® 
he varies from the original by using murrina as a noun in the singular 
number.5° His use of murrina, as well as that by Pliny and Si- 
donius Apollinaris, would almost lead one to think that it indicated 
the material from which vessels were made, as well as the vessels 
themselves. Under Pliny’s account of murrina we have the only 
detailed description, however imperfect that may be. Elsewhere the 
vessels are again called picta, ‘colored.’ Their uncommon use and 
value are emphasized to the extent that the Law 15 uncertain 
whether they should be classed as household goods. In several 
instances they are classed with or as gems. 

After examining the Greek morria, the Latin murra, and their 
derivatives, one feels that the Ancients themselves were unfamiliar 
with the exact nature of the vessels, of foreign origin, which they 
mention so frequently as objects of luxury. At least, nobody 
since the time of Pliny has been able to explain his description of 
murrina to everyone’s satisfaction. The diverse views of scholars 

4 >, 133 (129): exitus hic est | Tongilii, magno cum rhinocerote lavari | qui 
solet et vexat lutulenta balnea turba | perque forum iuvenes longo premit assere 
Maedos, | empturus pueros, argentum, murrina, villas. 

46 33,10, 3,4: de murrhinis et cristallinis dubitari potest, an debeant adnumerari 
supellectili, propter eximium usum et pretium; sed et de his idem dicendum est. 

47 Heliog. 32, 2: naves onustas mersit in portum, magnanimitatis hoc esse 
dicens. onus ventris auro excepit, in myrrinis et onychis minxit. 

48 Carm. 11, 21 (20): potes chrysolithi fulvus diffulgurat ardor; myrrhina, 
sardonyches, amethystus Hiberus, iaspis | Indus, chalcidicus, Scythicus, beryllus, 
achates | attollunt duplices argenti cardine valvas. 

49 See above, n. 8. ‘ 

°° Orig. 16, 12, 6: murrina apud Parthos gignitur, sed praecipua in Carmania. 
humorem sub terra putant calore densatum; unde et nomen sumpsit. varietas 
eius in purpuram candoremque et ignem cum quosdam colorum repercussus, quales 
in caelesti arcu spectantur. cuius contraria causa crystallum facit, gelu vehementiori 


concreto. 
4 





323] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 93 


since the sixteenth century have been discussed by others,®! and 
only a list of their conjectures need be given here: namely, porce- 
lain, stone, shell, amber, meerschaum, onyx, sardonyx, carneol, 
alabaster, agate, fluor-spar, jade, chalcedony, gum, obsidian, 
Chinese soapstone, glass, and pottery.” The fact that true porcelain 
was not yet in existence at the time in question discredits one 
of the earliest and most persistent of the conjectures.”* Pliny’s 
account and the mention of murrina along with and as gems would 
naturally lead to efforts to identify it with a precious or semi- 
precious stone, which could easily be imitated. Among later authors 
Blimner® partially clings to its mineral origin. There seems to be a 
tendency among recent investigators of the subject, however, to 
discredit the natural origin of murra, and to consider it solely as an 
artificial product. And, indeed, there is no passage where murra 
must have been a natural product. Pliny is the only author who 
seems to imply such an origin, but he is speaking of murrina and not 
of murra, which may show that he was not actually familiar with 
the composition of the vessels. 

The two most recent investigators rightly maintain that Pliny’s 
description does not answer to any natural product, but they do 
not agree on the nature of the material. Kisa believes that there 
were “ΠΟ murrines except glass ones,’’*4 and shows, to the satis- 
faction of some,® that the only murrines which have been pre- 
served, at least, are an artificial glass product, namely the millefiori 
or glass-mosaic.** Laufer®’ considers this stand untenable because 
Pliny also speaks of a glass imitation, which he would not have 


5! Roloft, Ueber die murrinischen Gefasse der Alten (Mus. der Alterthumswissen- 
schaft, 2 (1808), 515ff.); Thiersch, op. cit. 443ff.; Walz, Murrina Vasa (Pauly’s 
Real-Encyclopadie (1848)); Becker, Gallus, 2 (1880), 385ff.; Marquardt, Rém. 
Privatalt. (1882), 744ff.; Kisa, op. cit. 2, 532ff.; Laufer, op. cit. 121ff. 

82 This list is taken from Thiersch, op. cit. 448, and Laufer, op. cit. 121, 123, 129. 

Me Thid. 523. 

* Pet. ἂν Term. 3, 5276. 

54 Op. cit. 2, 551: “Ich gehe aber weiter und glaube, dass es tiberhaupt keine 
anderen als glaserne Murrinen gegeben hat, und dass es ein miissiges Unterfangen 
ist, nach irgend einem Edel- oder Halbedelstein oder einem anderen Stoffe zu 
forschen, der die hochgeschatzten Prachtgefasse des Altertumes geliefert hat.” 

5 Dillon, Glass (1907), 50, would look for imitations among the millefiori glasses. 
Richter, Bulletin of the Metrop. Mus. in N. Y. 14 (1919), 173ff., agrees with Kisa. 
A. de Ridder, Rev. d. Et. Grec. 33 (1920), 373. 

δ6 Op. cit. 552ff. Cf. Morin-Jean (Daremberg-Saglio, 5, 941). 

7 Op. cit. 134. 7 


94 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [324 


done if he had recognized all murrines as glass. Yet this does not 
prove that all murrines were vot of glass; it simply shows that Pliny 
did not think that they were. Laufer also has given an excellent 
discussion of the subject upon the thesis that murrina were “‘highly- 
glazed pieces of Oriental, that is, Iranian or Persian and Egyptian, 
pottery.’°®’ When pottery and murrina are mentioned together,5* 
he takes the former as “‘rustic, unglazed, indigenous Italic earthen- 
ware’ and the latter as “the pretentious, glazed, imported Oriental 
pottery.”*® The fact that crystal and murrines are spoken of to- 
gether so frequently Laufer believes to be due to the extreme dif- 
ference in their origin, and the fact that they were imported from the 
same region.®° But glass is also frequently mentioned with them, 
and murrines were most often referred to at the time when glass 
was becoming of great importance in Rome. Each of the three 
materials was fragile, and it is also possible that they were mentioned 
together because of similarity, vitrum standing for ordinary glass, 
crystallus for extremely clear glass, and murra for equally expensive, 
opaque, colored glass.*! But it is quite evident that the Greek and 
Latin authors give us insufficient material for forming more than 
a conjecture. However, whether one accepts either or neither of the 
last two theses, they are of great importance to anyone who is 
following the development of glaze and glass. Although all do not 
agree that murrines were exclusively of glass, yet inasmuch as 
any murrine might be glass, all references to these vessels will 
be noted under the section on the use of glass. 


a8 Téid. 124. 

584 See above, ἢ. 15-16. 
59 Op. cit. 134. 

60 Thid.. 19%, 133. 

6! Kisa, op. cit. 544. 


— 





IV. THE MANUFACTURE OF GLASS 


A. TRADITIONAL ORIGIN 


By far the earliest glass known comes from Egypt,! where it had 
been manufactured for so many centuries that probably no record 
of its discovery remained when the Greeks began to interest them- 
selves in the substance. At a relatively early time, however, the 
Phoenicians? devoted themselves to the manufacture of glass, and 
then with such success that the account? which has come down 
from antiquity regarding its discovery, ascribes it to navigators 
along the Phoenician coast. The account as given by Pliny (S. 1)" 
runs: “According to tradition a ship of natron® merchants came to 
shore and when the men were scattered all along the beach pre- 
paring the meal, since there were no stones to support their kettles, 
they put pieces of natron from the ship under them. When these 


* Appert, Note sur les Verres des Vitraux Anciens (1896), 3; Walters, Hist. of 
Anc. Pottery, 1 (1905), 8; Bissing, Sur L’ Hist. du Verre en Egypte (Rev. Archéol. 
Sér. 4, 11 (1908), 211); Id. (Records of the Past, 8 (1909), 57); Frank (Class. 
Philol. 13 (1918), 158); Newberry, 4 Glass Chalice of Tuthmosis III (Four. of | 
Egypt. Archaeol. 6 (1920), 156, 159). 

2 Dillon, op. cit. 23; Nesbitt-Powell, Glass (The Encyclopaedia Britannica, 
ed. 11, 12 (1910), 98). 

3 Another tradition is mentioned without the name of the ancient authority by 
Palissy, Oeuvres Completes (ed. of 1844), 156: ‘“Aucuns disent que les enfans d’Israél 
ayant mis le feu en quelque boys, le feu fut si grand qu’il eschauffa le nitre avec 
le sable jusques a le faire couler et distiler le long des montagnes et que deslors on 
chercha l’invention de faire artificiellement ce qui avoit esté fait par accident, 
pour faire les verres.”” Sauzay, La Verrerie (1869), 3, and Hondt, L’ Art de la Ver- 
rerié (1893), 13, quote this passage from Palissy; the former, as well as Mrs. Dunlop, 
op. cit. 62, and Kisa, op. cit. 97, ascribe this to Josephus. Eisen (/utern. Stud. 
77 (1923), 392): “Josephus, however, gives to his own race, the Jewish, credit 
for the discovery, asserting that it was observed that glass had been formed in the 
sand by a forest fire—an improbable although not an impossible source of the art.” 
None of these authors cites the passage where this incident is related, and since I 
have been unable to find such a statement in Josephus, I doubt its authenticity. 

ἽΝ. H.1.,65: origo vitri. 36,191: (190: pars Syriae, quae Phoenice voca- 
tur....) fama est adpulsa nave mercatorum nitri, cum sparsi per litus epulas 
pararent nec esset cortinis attollendis lapidum occasio, glaebas nitri e nave sub- 
didisse, quibus accensis, permixta harena litoris, tralucentes novi liquoris fluxisse 
rivos, et hanc fuisse originem vitri. Cf. Isid. Orig. 16, 2; Rabanus Maurus, de 
Universo, 17, 10; Heraclius, 3, 5. 

5 On the use of natron, Dillon, op. cit. 41ff. 


95 


96 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [326 


had caught on fire and the sand of the shore mixed with them, there 
flowed transparent streams of a new substance, and this was the 
origin of glass.’’ Although Pliny records this story as a tradition, 
some attempt has been made to rationalize it;* however, scientists, 
in general, seem to be agreed that it is technically impossible.” 


B. MatTeErIALs 


The chief materials mentioned in the composition of ancient 
glass are silicates and alkalis. Sand, the silicate usually employed, 
was also regarded as the principal ingredient.! Its use was known to 


6 Pellatt, Curiosities of Glass Making (1849), 1: “Of such imperfect vitrification, 
the ‘glass’ occasionally dug up on the sites of buildings destroyed by great con- 
flagrations is a specimen.” Cf. Daubrée (Rev. Archéol.n.s. 41 (1881), 18-28), reviewed 
in Rev. de Philol. 6 (1882), 239, 243 by Thédenat. Froehner, op. cit. 2f.: “Pour 
moi, l’erreur de Pline est tout entiére dans sa derniére phrase: ‘telle fut l’origine 
du verre’; s’il avait dit: ‘telle fut l’origine de la fabrication du verre au moyen du 
sel de nitre,’ on n’ aurait plus aucune objection a hasarder. Les peuples qui ont 
connu le verre avant les Phéniciens, n’ employaient, comme fondant, que la potasse, 
c’est-A dire un alcali végétal, obtenu au moyen de la combustion de certaines 
plantes. La Phénicie eut le mérite de remplacer ces sondes imparfaites par l’alcali 
minéral, le fondant par excellence et sans lequel il est impossible de fabriquer des 
verres transparents.”’ The latter part of this statement is very properly, it would 
seem, objected to by Friedrich (Rhein. Fahrb. 74 (1882), 168). On a similar incident 
with silver in Mexico, see Wendell Phillips, The Lost Arts (1891), 366-367. Powell, 
Glass-making in Eng. (1923), 5: “His (Pliny’s) attribution of the discovery to 
certain Phoenician merchants shipwrecked on the coast of Syria, near the mouth 
of the river Belus, may be inaccurate, but the development of a durable glass from 
the deliquescent silicate of soda, which the merchants found mixed with the ashes 
of their camp fires, is precisely and scientifically traced. If, as Pliny states, the 
cooking pots were supported on blocks of natron (impure carbonate of soda) the 
heat of the fire would bring about the combination of soda with the seashore sand, 
and the glass-like substance, silicate of soda, would be formed. Experience must 
soon have shown that sand and soda, alone, could not produce a stable, workable 
glass.” | Ὁ 

7 Burty, Chefs-d’ Oeuvre of the Industrial Arts (1860), 177; Gerspach, L’ Art de 
a Verrerie (1885),12; Bliimner, Tech. u. Term. 4, 380, 1; Morin-Jean (Daremberg- 
Saglio, § (1912), 936). 

1 Plin. N. H. 36, 200: accipit harenas, ex quibus aliubi vitrum fundit. See above, 
p. 95, n. 4. Galen, 12, 185: κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ἡ (γῆ) THY ὕαλον ἔχουσα 

ἀμμιός ἐστιν, ἐν ψάμμῳ γὰρ μάλιστα τῆς τοιαύτης οὐσίας εὑρίσκεται Ψήγματα 
πολλάκις μικρά. καὶ ὅσοι τούτων ἔμπειροι θεασάμενοι τὰς τοιαύτας Ψάμμους 
γνωρίζουσιν ὁπόσον ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀθροῖσαι δύνανται τῆς ὑάλου. ... ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐξ 
ἁπάσης ψάμμου τὸν χρυσὸν ἐξαίρουσι καὶ τὴν ὕαλον οἱ περὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἔχοντες... . διὰ 
τοῦτο μὲν οὖν καίτοι γε πολλαῖς Ψάμμοις χρυσοῦ Kal ὑάλου ψηγμάτων περιεχο- 
μένον οὐκ ἐπὶ πάσας οἱ περὶ ταῦτα δεινοὶ παραγίνονται. Euseb. (Par. Gr. 24, 1142 
A): vidit enim cogitatus in sabulo vitrum. intuere ergo quantum distat cogitatus 
in corpore. quid videt oculus? sabulum; quid videt sensus? vitrum. intueris alium 
et alium: ille enim videt sabulum iste autem videt vitrum, quod necdum est. .... 


327] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 97 


the Greeks before the process of manufacture became very familiar, 
for Theophrastus (S. IV/III)? writes, “And if glass too is made from 
vitreous earth, as some say, this also is produced by compression.” 
The nature of the sand determined the manufacturing centers and 
the kind of glass produced. The most noted source of supply was the 
sand of the Belus river? (modern Nahr Na ‘mén)‘ in southern 
Phoenicia. Pliny says, ““The part of Syria, which 15 called Phoenicia, 
bordering upon Judea, has within the spurs of Mount Carmel a 
swamp, which is called Candebia. It is thought that the Belus 
river rises from this and after a distance of five miles flows into the 
sea near the colony of Ptolemais. It is sluggish, unwholesome 
to drink, but held sacred for certain ceremonies, slimy, deep, and 
it does not show its sands except at ebb tide, which, agitated by the 
waves, are cleansed from impurities. Then too they are believed to 
be cleansed by the acridity of the sea water; otherwise they are not 
useful. The length of the shore is not more than half a mile, and 
this was sufficient for making glass during many centuries.’”’ Among 
the references to the sands of the Belus mentioned above, the ac- 
count by Josephus (δ΄. 1) is of interest: “This Ptolemais is a mari- 
time city of Galilee, built in the great plain. .... The very small 


(C): ex sabulo fructum vitri. Phoebadius, de Fide Orthodoxa, 8 (Pair. Gr. 20, 46 A): ut 
arena, cum mutatur in vitrum. Theodoret. (Pair. Gr. 83, 617 A), see below, p. 151, 
n. 3. Aen. Gaz. 552, see below, p. 104, n. 28. Excerpta ex Commentar. Alexandri et 
Olympiodori (Ideler, 29): τήκεσθαι δὲ φησι καὶ πηλὸν καὶ γῆν δῆλον, τὴν ἔχουσαν 
ἐν αὑτῇ ὑγρότητος, ὁποῖά ἐστιν, ἐξ ἧς ὕελος γίνεται. 

2 De Lap. 49: εἰ δὲ καὶ ὁ ὕελος ἐκ τῆς ὑελίτιδος ὥς τινές φασι, καὶ αὕτη πυκνώσει 
γίνεται. 

$Plin. NV. H. 5,75: ταχέα Getta, Geba, rivus Pacida sive Belus, vitri fertiles hare- 
nas parvo litore miscens. 36, 190f.: pars Syriae, quae Phoenice vocatur, finitima 
Tudaeae intra montis Carmeli radices paludem habet, quae vocatur Candebia, 
ex ea creditur nasci Belus amnis quinque milium passuum spatio in mare perfluens 
iuxta Ptolemaidem coloniam. lentus hic cursu, insaluber potu, sed caerimoniis 
sacer, limosus, vado profundus, non nisi refuso mari harenas fatetur; fluctibus 
enim volutatae nitescunt detritis sordibus. tunc et marino creduntur adstringi 
morsu, non prius utiles. quingentorum est passuum non amplius litoris spatium, 
idque tantum multa per saecula gignendo fuit vitro. Cf. 1514. Etym. 16, 16, τ. Tac. 
Hist. 5, 7: et Belius amnis Iudaico mari inlabitur circa cuius os lectae harenae 
admixto nitro in vitrum excoquuntur. Joseph. Bell. Iud. 2, το, 2: κυκλοτερὴς μὲν 
γάρ ἐστιν καὶ κοῖλος, ἀναδίδωσιν δὲ τὴν ὑελίνην ψάμμον, ἣν ὅταν ἐκκενώσῃ πολλὰ 
πλοῖα προσσχόντα, πάλιν ἀντιπληροῦται τὸ χωρίον, κατασυρόντων μὲν ὥσπερ 
ἐπίτηδες τότε τῶν ἀνέμων εἰς αὐτὸ τὴν ἔξωθεν ἀργὴν ψάμμον, τοῦ δὲ μετάλλου 
πᾶσαν εὐθέως μεταβάλλοντος εἰς ὕελον. θαυμασιώτερον [δὲ] τούτου μοι δοκεῖ τὸ τὴν 
ὑπερχυθεῖσαν ὕελον ἐκ τοῦ τόπου πάλιν ψάμμον γίνεσθαι εἰκαίαν. 

4 Benziger, P.-W. s. v. Belos. 


98 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [328 


river Belaeus runs by it, at the distance of two furlongs from the 
city, near which is Memnon’s monument, which has near it a re- 
markable place no larger than one hundred cubits. This is round 
and hollow, and yields such sand as glass is made of, and when this 
sand has been emptied by the many ships loaded there, the place is 
filled again by the winds, which sweep into it, as if on purpose, sand 
that lay remote, and was common sand, which this mine turns at 
once entirely into glass (sic). And what seems to me still more 
wonderful, the glass (sic) which once leaves the place becomes 
common sand again. Such is the nature of the place we are speaking 
of.”® Besides this sand, according to Strabo (8. I), “There are those 
who say that the Sidonians also have vitreous sand suitable for 
melting.’® According to his report, the glass workers of Alexandria 
considered their costly, colored glass dependent upon the sands of 
Egypt.’ Turning from the great eastern manufacturing centers, 
Pliny mentions the white sand of the river Volturnus, for six miles 
between Cumae and Liternum, as suitable for making glass.* Gaul 
and Spain also seem to have had local sources of supply.* But the 
use of crystal in India to produce an unparalleled quality of glass! 
is doubtful. Crystal was more valuable than glass, and, as Friedrich 
observes, it is not probable that it was destroyed to make a less 
valuable product.!! However, the broken pieces, chips, and frag- 
ments might have been so used. Yet even so, or if a kind of quartz 
were meant by crystal, it would still be uncertain whether in an- 
tiquity glass was ever manufactured in India.” 


5 See above, n. 3. Translation—Whiston’s, revised by Shilleto. 

6 16, 758: μεταξὺ δὲ τῆς "Ακης Kal Τύρου θινώδης αἰγιαλός ἐστιν ὁ φέρων τὴν 
ὑαλῖτιν ἄμμον᾽ ἐνταῦθα μὲν οὖν φασι μὴ χεῖσθαι, κομισθεῖσαν εἰς Σιδόνα δὲ τὴν 
χωνείαν δέχεσθαι" τινὲς δὲ καὶ τοῖς Σιδονίοις εἶναι τὴν ὑαλῖτιν ψάμμον ἐπιτηδείαν 
εἰς χύσιν, οἱ δὲ πᾶσαν πανταχοῦ χεῖσθαί φασιν. Cf. Eustath. Comm. on Dionys. 
Periegetes, 912: λέγεται δὲ καὶ ψάμμος ὑαλῖτις εἶναι τοῖς Σιδωνίοις ἐπιτηδεία εἰς 
χύσιν. 

716, 756: ἤκουσα δ᾽ ἐν τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ παρὰ τῶν ὑαλουργῶν, εἶναί τινα καὶ 
κατ᾽ Αἴγυπτον ὑαλῖτιν γῆν, ἧς χωρὶς οὐχ οἷόν τε τὰς πολυχρόους καὶ πολυτελεῖς 
κατασκευὰς ἀποτελεσθῆναι, καθάπερ καὶ ἄλλοις ἄλλων μιγμάτων δεῖν. 

8 Ν. H. 36, 194, see below, p. 102, n. 4. 

9 Idem. 

10 N. H. 36, 192: auctores sunt in India et crystallo fracta fieri et ob id nullum 
comparari Indico. 

4 Rhein. Fahrb. 74 (1882), 173, where he suggests a clear quartz is meant 
instead of crystal. 

12 Wallace-Dunlop, op. cit., 106: “Sir G. Birdwood has suggested that when 
Pliny speaks of Indian glass.... he probably meant Chinese; a confusion very 


329] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 99 


The alkali most frequently mentioned is mitrum, a natural soda 
of some kind, found plentifully in Egypt. Without doubt, the 
ashes of certain plants and woods were also used in antiquity, al- 
though they are not mentioned by classical authors.!® However, 
a scholiast on Aristophanes’ C/ouds says, “We call Aya/os that which 
has just been burned from a certain herb and melted by fire for the 
preparation of certain vessels.’!” Later, Theophilus (8. 11/12)}8 
recommends the use of the ashes of beech-wood, and Heraclius!® 
(S. 9/1>) also mentions the use of ashes in the preparation of glass. 

Although ancient glass might be styled a soda-glass,?° something 
besides silicates and alkalis was needed to form a stable glass. Aside 
from chemical analysis, the durability of ancient glass shows that 
other ingredients were used, but there is almost no reference to them. 
Probably Pliny intends to include lime when he speaks of shells 
and excavated sand.2 After describing the traditional origin of glass, 
he continues: “In the process of time, as human industry is ingenious 
in discovering, it was not content with the combination with nitre, 
but magnet-stone began to be added as well; from the impression 
that it attracts liquid glass as well as iron. In a similar manner, too, 
brilliant stones of various descriptions came to be added in the 


likely to be made at that time in Rome, especially as the Chinese still use quartz 
rock at the present day for making glass, and Royle tells us enamellers in India 
still use cakes of glass imported from China.” Dillon, op. cit., 343: “1 can point 
to no examples of Indian glass of earlier date than the Mogul dynasty.” Kisa, 
op. cit., 1, 105 fF. 

%Plin. N. H. 36, 191f.; Tac. Hist. 5,7; Aen. Gaz. 552; Isid. Etym. 16, 16, 2 ff. 

4 Blimner, Tech. u. Term. 4, 388; Powell, op. cit. 6. 

16 Plin. N.H. 31, 110: in nitro optimum quod tenuissimum, et ideo spuma melior, 
ad aliqua tamen sordidum, tamquam ad inficiendas purpuras tincturasque omnes. 
magnus et vitro usus, qui dicetur suo loco. 111: nitrariae Aegypti circa Naucratim 
et Memphin tantum solebant esse, circa Memphin deteriores. 

16 Dillon, op. cit. 79. 

17 Schol. on Aristoph. Nud. 768: ἄλλως. ὕαλον ἡμεῖς μὲν ἀρτίως τὸ ἐκ βοτάνης 
τινὸς κεκαυμένον καὶ διὰ πυρὸς τηκόμενον εἰς κατασκευὴν ἀγγείων τινῶν λέγομεν. 
Salmas. Plin. Exercit.771a, G f: “εχ herba vitrum conficere inventum tunc locorum 
in Graecia tradit. quod hodie sit ex cineribus filicis exustae admixta, quam soldam 
vocant, conflatur vitrum sed vilius. filicarios calices vulgo vocamus. at herba illa 
de qua loquitur interpres Aristoph., quae exurebatur ad vitra conflanda, est herba 
kali. sic Arabes vocant.”’ 

18 See 2, 1. Dillon, op. cit. 128. 

mee 3; 7. 

20 Dillon, op. cit. 25; Newberry (Four. of Egypt. Archaeol. 6 (1920), 159). 

28 Translated by Dillon, op. cit. 77, as “sandy concretions.” 


100 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [330 


melting, and, at last, shells and excavated sand.’”2! The identity of the 
magnes lapis has been a matter of dispute. Some have considered it 
to be magnetic iron ore, others oxide of manganese,” while still 
others reject these proposals on the ground that such materials “can 
only be used in glass manufacture in comparatively small quantities 
for the purpose of colouring or neutralizing colour in glass, and their 
introduction would not be a matter of sufficient importance to be 
specially recorded.” They identify it with magnesian limestone, 
and state that “πο better matter could have been introduced into 
the mixture of sand and soda to make a durable glass.”** In Greek 
alchemical literature magnésia hyelourgiké is mentioned several 
times. The diversity of application of the word magnésia,™» is 
illustrated in these passages, for sometimes magnésia is used to pro- 
duce coloration, while at other times it is used to purify the glass. 
It is not until many centuries later that lead is mentioned as an 
ingredient.2° 

Besides the necessary constituents other materials were intro- 
duced for the purpose of coloring the glass. Although there are 
repeated references to colored glass and the imitation of gems, there 


is little indication among earlier writers of what materials were used © 


ἽΝ. H. 36, 192: mox, ut est ingeniosa sollertia, non fuit contenta nitrum 
miscuisse; coeptus addi et magnes lapis, quoniam in se liquorem vitri quoque ut 
ferrum trahere creditur. simili modo et calculi splendentes multifariam coepti 
uri, dein conchae ac fossiles harenae. See N. H. 34, 148: hic lapis et in Cantabria 
nascitur, non ut ille magnes verus caute continua, sed sparsa bulbatione—ita 
appellant, —nescio an vitro* fundendo perinde utilis, nondum enim expertus est 
quisquam. *vitro B cfr. 36, 192 ultro (-ra a) ll. ἃ ἃ ἢ υ. 

2 Plin. N. ἢ. 36, 126f.; Dillon, op. cit. 77; Laufer, op. cit. 106, n. 3. 

25 Nesbitt-Powell, op. cit. Τῷ; 98. 

4 Powell, op. cit. 6. Cf. Nesbitt-Powell, Joc cit. 

4a Berthelot, Collection, 38, 3: ἄλλως περὶ κινναβάρεως.---δεῖ γινώσκειν ὅτι 
ἡ μαγνησία ἡ ὑελουργικὴ ταύτη ἐστὶν ἡ τῆς ᾿Ασίας, δι᾽ ἧς ὁ ὕελος τὰς βαφὰς δέχται, 
καὶ ὁ ᾿Ινδικὸς σίδηρος γίνεται, καὶ τὰ θαυμάσια ξίφη. Idem, 305, Chemistry of Moses, 
27: οἰκονομία τῆς θειοτάτης μαγνησίας.---ἀάἀλλὰ καὶ ὕελον μαλάσσει, ὥστε καὶ 
λευκαίνεσθαι αὐτὸν ποιεῖ. Idem, 293, note 1: “Ceci pourrait s’appliquer a l’oxyde 
de manganése, Introd., p. 2.6. Idem., 307 (34): νίτρον πυρρὸν 6 ἐστιν ῥίθεον, 
ἅλας καππαδοκικόν, μαγνησίας λευκῆς, ἀφροσέληνον badod, Kvavos, TiTavos ὀπτή. 
Idem, 347, 1: βάφη τοῦ ᾿᾽ἸἸνδικοῦ σιδήρου... .. ---καὶ μαγνησίας ὑελουργικῆς 
ἀνωτέρας θηλυκῆς μιλβ΄. Note 4: “Oxyde de fer ou de manganése.” Idem, 383, 2 
χρυσοῦ Toinots.—xKal ἡ μαγνησία τῶν ὑελίνων. 

24b See Idem, 221ff.; 255ff.; Hist. 2, 18, 5; 2, 194, 165. 

25 Heraclius, 3, 8; Theophilus, 2, 31; Dillon, op. cit. 130, 131,148. On the use of 
oxide of lead, see Layard, Discoveries among the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon 
(1853), 672; Hentivaux (Ency. Chim. 13 (1883), 1). 


PKs 


- 


331] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS ΙΟΙ 


to produce the different colors. The use of dark substances, such 
as the Alabandicus stone,”* might possibly produce a dark glass; 
however, the nature of the stone is a matter of dispute.27, Copper was 
definitely used for coloring.?8 In late writers, such as Heraclius and 
Theophilus, detailed accounts of the coloring of glass may be found. 

For mending broken glass both calcium oxide?’ and white of egg®° 
and sulphur*! were suggested by ancient authors. Theophilus 
devotes the thirtieth chapter of his second book to a later method. 


C. MetTHopDs 


The art of making glass, the hyalourgiké techné,! was one of great 
antiquity and importance, yet classical writers give us slight in- 
formation concerning it. This paucity of information has been 


% Plin. N. H. 36, 62: e diverso niger est Alabandicus terrae suae nomine, 
quamquam et Mileti nascens, ad purpuram tamen magis aspectu declinante. 
idem liquatur igni funditurque ad usum vitri. 

27 Nies, P.-W. 5. v. Alabandicus. , 

28 Theophr. de Lap. 49: ἰδιωτάτη ἡ τῷ χαλκῷ μιγνυμένη" πρὸς γὰρ τῷ τήκεσθαι 
καὶ μίγνυσθαι καὶ δύναμιν ἔχει περιττὴν ὥστε τῷ κάλλει τῆς χρόας ποιεῖν διαφοράν. 
Plin. NV. H. 36, 193: levibus autem aridisque lignis coquitur addito cypro ac nitro, 


‘maxime Aegyptio. Cf. Isid. Etym. 16, 16, 3; Rabanus, de Universo, 17,10. Dillon, 


op. cit. 26: “Everything points to the predominance of copper as a colouring ma- 
terial at an early period, so much so that we may perhaps consider—and this is a 
suggestion that has indeed been already made by a French writer—that the inven- 
tion of glazes in the first place, and then that of glass, were offshoots of the metal- 
lurgy of copper, and that these industries may therefore be especially connected 
with the copper age.” 

29 Mellor, 4 Comprehensive Treatise on Inorganic and Theoretical Chemistry, 


3 (1923), 653: “The calcium oxide obtained by calcining calcium carbonate has been 


variously styled guicklime, burnt lime, caustic lime—from καυστικός, burnt—live 
lime, etc.” 

80 Plin. N. H. 29, 51: et, ne quid desit ovorum gratiae, candidum ex iis ad- 
mixtum calci v'vae glutinat vitri fragmenta. Corp. Med. Lat. 4, 284, 11: album ovi 
cum calce mixtum vitrea vasa solidat. 

81 74. 36, 199: vitrum sulpuri concoctum feruminatur in lapidem. Iuv. 5, 48: 
calicem .... quassatum et rupto poscentem sulpura vitro. Schol. Vet. (luv. Sat. 
ed. Heinrich (1839)) on 5, 48: guassatum et rupto: ut solent sulfure calices fractos 
sive calvariolas componere. su/fura: quia hoc solent vitrum solidare, id est, maltare. 
There is also the possibility that the cup is so worthless that it is ready to be traded 
for sulphur, for there seems to have been a practice of trading broken glass for 
sulphur; compare Mart. 1, 41; Stat. Silv. 1, 6, 74. 

1 David, Proleg. et in Porphyr. Isagogen, 20, 11ff.: οἷον ὡς ἐπὶ τῆς ὑαλουργικῆς" 
ἐὰν γὰρ εἴπωμεν ὅτι ὑαλουργική ἐστι τέχνη περὶ ὕαλον καταγινομένη, τέλειός 
ἐστιν ὅρος" εἴ τι μὲν γὰρ ὑαλουργική ἐστι, τοῦτο τέχνη περὶ ὕαλον καταγινομένη, 
καὶ εἴ τι περὶ ὕαλον. καταγινομένη, τοῦτο τέχνη ἐστὶν ὑαλουργική" τῇ γὰρ ὑα- 
λουργικῇ μόνῃ ὑποκεῖται ὁ ὕαλος. Nicephorus Blemmida (Pair. Gr. 142, 697): ὑα- 
λουργική ἐστι τέχνη καταγινομένη περὶ τὴν ὕαλον. See above, p. 51. 


102 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [332 


explained on the ground that the art was not developed in Greece, 
and the Roman writers had no Greek source upon which to rely 
for a description of glassmaking.2 Pliny, our chief source, briefly 
describes the method employed in Sidon,* “the ancient method of 
making glass,”’ and continues with the method used in his own day 
in Italy, Spain, and Gaul.4 But he does not give us in either of the 
passages, which seem to be put together from different sources, a 
definite formula for the ingredients, a picture of the glass furnace, 
or a detailed description of the processes. In the foregoing section 
we have noted the employment of sand, natron, magnet-stone, 
and shells under the older method. In his own day he says that 
the sand was made as fine as possible and then mixed with three 
parts of soda.§ Theophilus’ gives the proportion of one part of sand 
to two of ashes. After the ingredients had been thoroughly mixed, 
they were put into a glass oven. 

Unfortunately we have little information concerning the glass 
oven, the Greek kaminos hyelourgiké,’ the Latin fornax;? or the glass- 


2 Dillon, op. cit. 49. 

3 N. H. 36, 193 (continuing after p. 100 ἢ. 21, and p. 101, ἢ. 28, above): continuis 
fornacibus ut aes liquatur, massaeque fiunt colore pingui nigricantes. acies tanta 
est quacumque, ut citra sensum ullum ad ossa consecet quidquid adflaverit 
corporis. ex massis rursus funditur in officinis tinguiturque, et aliud flatu figuratur, 
aliud torno teritur, aliud argenti modo caelatur, Sidone quondam his officinis 
nobili, siquidem etiam specula excogitaverat. 

4 Tbid. 194: haec fuit antiqua ratio vitri. iam vero et in Volturno amne Italiae 
harena alba nascens sex milium passuum litore inter Cumas atque Liternum, 
qua mollissima est, pila molave teritur. dein miscetur III partibus nitri pondere 
vel mensura ac liquata in alias fornaces transfunditur, ibi fit massa, quae vocatur 
hammonitrum, atque haec recoquitur et fit vitrum purum ac massa vitri candidi. 
lam vero et per Gallias Hispaniasque simili modo harena temperatur. Cf. Isid. 
Orig. 16, 16; Rabanus Maurus, de Universo, 17, 10. 

® See above, ἢ. 4. One would naturally expect that three parts equalled three- 
fourths (Harper’s Lex. s. Ὁ, pars, II, G), but this proportion of sand and soda, 
although it can be fused, does not make glass (see Gelstharp and Parkinson, 
The Limits of Proportions of Soda-Lime Glasses in Tr. Am. Cer. Soc. 16 (1914), 
109ff.). Dillon, op. cit. 79, thinks it probably means three parts in twelve or ten, 
twenty-five or thirty per cent of the whole. Froehner, La Verrerie, 27, takes this 
passage to mean three parts of soda to nine of sand, basing his opinion on the 
theory that the duodecimal system was used. This sounds extremely attractive 
in view of the fact that it makes a possible proportion of sand and alkali, but in no 
place have I been able to find pars used as one twelfth. 

79,4. According to Berthelot, Hist. 2, 194, 165, a Syriac alchemical manuscript 
mentions ten parts of alkali and three of sand. 

8 Geopon. 20, 16: κριοῦ τὸ μόριον βαλὼν eis ὀρόβιον ὠμόν, Kal ἄλλο ὀρόβιον 
ἐπικαλύψας πίλησον, ὥστε μὴ ἔχειν ἀνάπνοιαν μηδαμόθεν, καὶ dds εἰς κάμινον 


333] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 103 


factory, the Greek hyalourgeion," the Latin vitrarium.'* Dhioscorides 
(δ. 1) says that “‘the soot which the painters use is taken from the 
places where glass is made.’!! The poor people seem to have gone 
to the glass-factories toget warm.” A fantastic story is told of a boy 
who was thrown into an oven by his father but miraculously res- 
cued.” The alchemist often used a kaminos hyelourgiké or one similar 
to it. None of these references, however, give any idea of the 
construction of the oven. But in the works of Theophilus“ and 
Heraclius® there are elaborate descriptions of the different ovens for 
cooking, cooling, and reheating.!* A contemporary drawing of a 
glass furnace in a manuscript of 1023, at Monte Cassino, of Rabanus 
Maurus’ De Originibus Rerum has been reported.!7 The illustrations 
in Agricola’s De Re Metallica'® give a good idea of early modern 
furnaces and utensils. Petrie gives illustrations of fritting pans and 
glass in different stages of preparation, in an excellent description 
of the process of manufacture, based on archaeological finds in 
Tell el Amarna.!* 


ὑελουργικὴν ὀπτηθῆναι ἀπὸ Tpwt ἕως ἑσπέρας, Kal εὑρήσεις αὐτὸ μαλακὸν γεγονός, 
᾿ ὡς τυρόν. See above, p.21,n.12. Berthelot, Collection, 36,4: Συνάξεος τῶν φιλο- 
σόφων.---καὶ πάλιν βάλλε τὸν αὐτὸν λίθον, καὶ τῶν σαρκῶν τῶν σαριχευτικῶν καὶ 
θὲς εἰς κάμινον ὑελουργικὴν ἰσχυράν᾽ καὶ λάμβανε τὸ ἔλαιον τὸ ἐπάνω τοῦ λίθου, καὶ ὁ ᾿ 
λίθος μένει κρύσταλλος. Zos. 11 (Coll. 246): ἔχουσιν οὖν φύσιν abra αἱ βαφαὶ 
καὶ πολλὰ σήπτεσθαι, καὶ ὀλίγα, τουτέστιν γίγνεσθαι καὶ ἐν καμινίοις ὑελοψικοῖς. 
Chemistry of Moses, 38 (Collection, 307): καὶ περιπηλώσας τὴν χύτραν, θὲς ἐν 
καμίνῳ ὑελουργικῇ. Idem, 40 (308): λέγκωσις μαγνῃσίας.---ἐὰν δέ ἐστιν μέλαινα, 
καῦσον ἕως ἀναλευκανθῇ, κάλλιον O€ ἐστι εἰς κάμινον ὀπτᾶν αὐτὴν ὑελουργικήν. 
Collection, 383: κινναβάρεως σκευασία.---καὶ ποίησον καμίνιον οἷον Tod ὑελοψνοῦ. 
Idem, 341, το: δὸς καμίνῳ ὑελουργικῷ. See also 349, 1; Hist. 1, 181; 2, 172 ff. 

9 See above, ἢ. 3, and below, n. 39. The alchemist mentions the fornax, Lib. Sac. 
175: feci hoc in fornace vitreorum..... in fornace ubi ponuntur vitri. 182: coque 
in fornace vitri desuper. 

10 See above, p. sof. 

10a See above, p. 65, I. ; 

1 5, 181: ἀσβόλη, ἣ ζωγράφοι χρῶνται, λαμβάνεται μὲν ἐκ τῶν ὑελουργείων. Cf. 
Paul. Aeg. 7, 3. 

2 Leont. Vita S. Symeon. Sali (Patr. Gr. 93,1736 D): ἦν δὲ πάλιν ἅπαξ 
καθήμενος μετὰ ἀδελφῶν, Kal θερμαινόμενος πλησίον TOD καμινίου τοῦ ὑελέψου. 

13 See below, p. 113, n. 5. 

18a See above, n. 8-9. 

Ma. 1ff., 22. 

© 3, 7ff. 

16 According to Dillon, op. cit. 127: “A German writer (A. Friedrich, //t- 
Deutsche Glaser) has illustrated the furnaces of Theophilus by means of a diagram, 
and attempts to show how they differ from those described by the pseudo-Heraclius.” 

17 Thid. 125. 

py ((1657), pp. 471, 473, 474, 476). 

(1894), 25-27, pl. XIII; The Arts and Crafts of Anc. Egypt. (1909), 125-127. 


104 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [234 


The available supply of fuel, no doubt, influenced the location 
of glass factories. And the kind of fuel used was of great importance 
for the production of the proper degree of heat.!%» Pliny says that 
the wood should be light and dry.!® Both tamarisk” and papyrus”! 
are mentioned as suitable for the purpose. 

As soon as the mixture of sand and soda began to get hot, it was 
stirred so that it would not liquify and congeal immediately. There 
were windows in the glass-ovens, through which the workmen could 
carry on such operations.?? But as soon as it did liquify, it was 
transferred to other ovens where it was allowed to form a mass 
called ammonitrum, i. e. sand-natron. This was reheated until there 
resulted a pure, transparent glass, or a colored glass, in case there 
were impurities in the ingredients, or some material or materials 
had been added for that purpose.”® According to Strabo,”*in his day 
many new processes were being invented at Rome “for coloring 
and for simplifying the manufacture’”’ of glass. 

Unfortunately, for us, Pliny?” thought best to omit the numerous 
formulae for coloring glass, which were known at his time. This 
reticence may indicate that glass was colored not only to bring on 
the market a product cheaper than the more expensive substance, 
which it might closely resemble, but also to deceive for illegal gain, 
or to use in magic. With the growth of magic and alchemy, it is 
natural that the remarkable difference between the product glass 
and its ingredients should be made use of. In the fifth century 
Aeneas of Gaza?* writes, ‘“There is nothing incredible about the 

18 Manget, Bibl. Chem. 1, 281: “Ignis, sunt octo gradus.... 8. Ignis est qui 
fundit et calcinat, et est flammalis, quia in ea sola flamma operatur, et non dissipat, 
sicut est ignis vitrearius.” 

19 See above, n. 28, p. 101. 

20 Plut. Quaest. Conv. 3, 19, 3, 658 D: πρὸς δὲ τὴν τοῦ ὑέλου μάλαξιν καὶ τύπωσιν 
εὐάρμοστον εἶναι δοκεῖ τὸ μυρίκινον. Macrob. 7, 16, 23: qui vitro soluendo forman- 
doque curant de arbore cui myricae nomen est igni suo escam ministrant. 

Ἵ Cass. Felix. de Med. 20: papyrum vitriarorum carnosum, id est quod non 
fuerit fragile vel flacidum. Olympiod. on Arist. Meteor. 2, 228: ὅθεν πολλὴ φροντὶς 
παρὰ Tots ὑελέψαις τοῦ τινάσσειν THY πάπυρον, 1.6. so that asalamander would not 
fall on the fire and put it out. 

2 'Theophil. 2, 4. 

* Fleracl. 4, 7. 

4 See above, ἢ. 4. 

5 See above, ἢ. 3, and p. 101, ἢ. 28. 

% See above, p. 55, n. 13. 

27 See above, p. 81, 11. 


28 coco: καὶ ἡ ψάμμος διεσκέδασται Kal τὸ λίτρον διακέχυται. ἀλλ᾽ avOpwrela 
τέχνη καινήν τινα καὶ διαφανῆ τὴν ὕαλον ἐκ τούτων ἐπενόησε. 


335] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 105 


metamorphosis of matter into a superior state. In this manner 
those versed in the art of matter take silver and tin, change their 
appearance, and transmute them into excellent gold. Glass is 
manufactured from divisible sand and dissoluble natron, and thus 
becomes a novel and brilliant thing.’® Berthelot believes that 
before the Christian era there existed in Egypt, the home of alchemy, 
numerous technical recipes, including those on the manufacture 
and coloration of glass. Because of the relationship between al- 
chemy and magic, some of the recipes may have been destroyed 
when Diocletian attempted to stamp out Egyptian magic.*® At 
least, we have few references to the making and coloring of glass in 
the Greek Papyri.*°* However, the alchemical manuscripts probably 
preserve some of these early Egyptian formulae. Berthelot has not 
only discussed in great detail the fabrication and coloration of glass 
by the alchemist but he has also collected, translated, and published - 
many of the Greek, Latin, Syriac, and Arabic alchemical manu- 
scripts.2% The most extensive references to glass among the Greek 
manuscripts in his collection are found in some little treatises called 
Poiésis krystallion, ‘Fabrication of little glass gems,’! and Kata- 
baphé lithon kai smaragdon kai lychniton kai hyakinthén, ‘Coloration 
of stones, emeralds, red gems, and hyacinths." There are other 
references to the fabrication of glass and the coloration of gems in 
works ascribed to Moses, Zosimus (S. 4), Salmanas (S. 8), and in 
anonymous writings.*!» Pseudo-Democritus (δ. 4) also wrote on 
coloring gems, a spurious work, ascribed to the great philosopher, 
which in some early form, at least, seems to have been known as 
early as the time of Seneca.®? Dillon®?* mentions a Venetian manu- 


29 Translation by Laufer, op. cit. 142. 

80 Introduction, 200 ff.; Les Origines, 29; 75. 

308 According to Hammer-Jensen, P.-W. Suppl. 3 (1918), 465, the Papyrus 
Holmiensis (ca. 300 A.D.) “is the only written source for knowledge of the ancient 
technique of coloring glass.” See below, n. 425. Berthelot, Les Origines, 30; Hist. 
2, XXV ff. 

30b Anyone who is interested in a study of alchemy and glassmaking is referred 
to the six books by Berthelot mentioned in the bibliography. These are all excel- 
lently indexed for glass. 

Berthelot, Collection, 348-350. 

41a Tdem., 350-363. 

31b Tdem., 36, 37) 1755 3055 307, 364, 366, 368. See above, n. 8-9; p. 100, ἢ, 24a. 

*2 Seneca, Epist. 90, 33: excidit porro vobis eundem Democritum invenisse.. . . 
quemadmodum decoctus calculus in zmaragdum converteretur, qua hodieque 
coctura inventi lapides in hoc utiles colorantur. Democritus had writtena work on 


106 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [336 


script which lists fifty-two such works. Attention should be called 
to practical formulae in Latin, such as the sections on coloring glass 
in the Compositiones ad Tingenda Musiva*» in a manuscript of 
the eighth century, and the Mappae Clavicula of a century or two 
later, of whose section on glass all that remains is the heading: 
“on unbreakable glass, on the soldering of glass, on the art of tracing 
trees and fruits of all kinds upon a flask, on an indelible manner of 
painting on glass, and finally three sections on the fabrication of 
pearls." The Liber Sacerdotum (δ, 10)*4 contains numerous 
formulae for coloring glass. A new text with translation of the Greek 
and Latin alchemists’ recipes and practical formulae for making and 
coloring glass, as well as Heraclius and Theophilus, is being prepared 
for publication. 

Sometimes the preliminary mixing and fusing of ingredients was, 
no doubt, unnecessary, for there is indication that glass makers 
bought up old glass and made new glass by melting it. Pliny’ 
informs us that “when broken, too, glass admits of being joined by 
the agency of heat; but it cannot be wholly fused without being 
pulverized into small fragments, as we see done in the process of 
making the small checquers, known as ‘abaculi,’ for mosaic work; 
some of which are of variegated colors, and of different shapes. If 
glassis fused with sulphur, it will become hard as stone.’ The 
pictures which we have of the venders show that the trade was 
strongly developed at Rome in the first century after Christ. Mar- 
{1415} says in his epigram on Caecilius, “You are just like the tramp- 
ing hawker from beyond the Tiber who exchanges pale sulphur 


------ 


color. Diog. Laert. 19, 46: περὶ χροῶν. Berthelot Hist. 2, ΓΧ, 29, 32, 33, 36, 76, 81, 
95, 284; Introduction, 202, 271; Les Origines, 93, 244. On Pseudo-Democritus in 
General, see Christ-Schmid, Griech. Literaturgesch. 6, 1074. 

πὰ ΟΡ cit. τὰ £. 

82> The text occurs in Muratori, Antiquitates Italicae Medii Aevi, 2 (1739), 
366ff., and A. Pellizzari, I trattati attorno le arti figurative in Italia, Naples (1915), 
379ff., 4598. 

$e Berthelot, Hist., 26 ff.; Dillon, Joc. cit. 

82d 104, 112-116, 125-135, 149, 189, 204. 

33 N.H. 36, 199: fragmenta temporata adglutinantur tantum, rursus tota fundi 
non queunt praeter quam abruptas sibimet in guttas, veluti cum calculi fiunt, 
quos quidam ab oculis appellant, aliquos et pluribus modis versicolores. See above, 
p. 101, n. 31. Translation by Bostock and Riley. 

“4 1, 41: transtiberinus ambulator, | qui pallentia sulphurata fractis | permutat 
vitreis. Translation by Walter. See above, p. 101, n. 31. 


337] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 107 


matches for broken glass.”’ And Statius* in describing the emperor’s 
carnival mentions those “whose trade is to barter their cheap sulphur 
for scraps of glass.”’ To be sure, there is a possibility that ‘broken 
glass’ has a figurative meaning here as in Petronius,** but in view 
of the fact that a thief in the time of Gregory of Tours thought it 
worth while to melt and sell the glass from church windows which 
he had stolen,?” it is certain that there was a demand for old glass. 
Whatever preliminary process was followed, after proper tem- 
pering*® the glass was ready for fashioning into objects.*® At first 
everything was formed by hand, and the discovery of blowing glass, 
not long before the beginning of the Christian era,‘° must have 
brought about a great change both in the number and variety of 
vessels produced.*! In some instances the glass was worked upon 
the lathe, in others it was elaborately carved like silver.“* There was 
a belief that goat’s blood softened glass suitably for carving.** 


% Silv. 1, 6,74: hic plebs scenica quique comminutis permutant vitreis gregale 
sulpur. Translation by Slater. 

36 See above, p. 77, n. 60. 

37 See below, p. 189, n. 17. 

88 Eugraph. Comment. in Ter. Andriam, 483: cuius rei exempla sunt vitrea vasa, 
quae temperata mutatione fornacum frigus assuescunt; si statim refrixerint, 
franguntur. 

39 Mesomedes, see below, p. 118, n. 26; Athen. and Theodoret., see below, p. 151. 

40 The paintings from Beni Hassan, 3800 years old, once thought to represent 
glass blowers (see Wilkinson, 4 Popular Account of the Anc. Egyptians, 2 (1874), 
58-72) are now explained as representations of workmen blowing up a charcoal fire 
(see Petrie below). Dillon, op. cit. 44: “We know of no find of blown glass in Egypt 
previous to later Roman or Coptic times.” Bissing, Rev. Arch. Ser. 4, 11 (1908), 
217: ‘Je continue a penser que c’est dans un des ateliers phéniciens aprés Alexandre 
que fut inventé l’art de souffler le verre et que ce fut la Vorigine de la tradition 
antique sur la priorité des verreries phéniciennes.”’ Flinders Petrie, Glass Blowing 
(Anc. Egypt. 1 (1914), 33): “Thousands of pieces of glass vessels are known, about 
1500-1400 B.C., yet not a single piece of blown glass is dateable before Roman times.” 
Eisen, The Origin oy Glass Blowing (A.F.A. Ser. 2, 20 (1916), 134): “No vessels of 
blown glass have been found in Egyptian tombs or excavations earlier than the 
Ptolemaic period.” Cf. Rouillard (Rev. de Philol. 41 (1916), 6). 

41 Sen. Epist. 90, 31: cuperem Posidonio aliquem vitrearium ostendere qui 
spiritu vitrum in habitus plurimos format, qui vix diligenti manu effingerentur. 
Vopisc. Saturn. 8, 6: alii vitrum conflant. Pallad. Schol. on Hippocr. 2, 222: 
ὁ yap ὑάλωψ ἅμα τῷ φυσᾷν καὶ πόρον ποιεῖ τινα Kal σχῆμα. 

42 See above, n. 3. Quint. 7551..2, 21, 9: et caelatur, quae auro, argento, aere, 
ferro opera efficit. nam sculptura etiam ligna, ebur, marmor, vitrum, gemmas 
praeter ea quae supra dixi complectitur. Apul. Met. 2, 19: hic vitrum fabre sigil- 
latum. 

#8 P. Holmi. 5-7: κρυστάλλου μάλαξις. τραγείῳ ἅματι ζέσας μάλασσε. τὸ δὲ 
αὐτὸ καὶ ὑέλῳ. Heraclius 1, 4. On the fancied softening of adamant with goat’s 
blood, see Theophylactus Simocatus, Colloguium, 2, το, 1. 


108 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 338 


Carved glasses, like the Portland vase, are perfect marvels of delicacy 
and difficulty, and some glasses were broken by the workman in his 
effort to make the carving a little finer.4* Many methods of fashion- 
ing glass are recorded by Heraclius and Theophilus. 


D. K.inps or GLAss 


There is no definite reference in Greek literature to the earliest 
form of glass-making, the art of glazing. However, the silver color 
given to a variety of the pottery of Naucratis may have been pro- 
duced in that way.! Glass-paste is mentioned in Homer, as has been 
set forth under kyanos.? In time the paste and the opaque, colored 
glass gave way to a transparent glass. The chief characteristic of 
hyalos, and later of vitrum, as has been shown, was transparency. 
The glass most highly prized was that which most closely resembled 
crystal. As suggested, this similarity probably led to colorless glass 
sometimes being called simply krystal/os in Greek*® and crystallum 
in Latin,‘ while objects made of it would be designated as crystalla, 
or crystallina.’ The transparent colored glass, so different from the 
older opaque glass, must have seemed like an entirely new substance, 
more nearly resembling the translucent, precious stones than the 
glass formerly in use. We read of different shades of δίας," green,’ 
gold,® opal,® red,!° amethyst,!! and purple,!? black," onyx,“ and 


43 See below, p. 165, n. 109. Cf. p. 83, n. 31. 

1 Athen. 11, 480 D: διάφοροι δὲ κύλικες γίνονται Kal ἐν TH TOU συσσίτου ἡμῶν 
᾿Αθηναίου πατρίδι Navxpare. eiol yap φιαλώδεις μέν, οὐ κατὰ τόρνον δ᾽ ἀλλ᾽ 
ὥσπερ δακτύλῳ πεποιημέναι, καὶ ἔχουσιν ὦτα τέσσαρα, πυθμένα εἰς πλάτος ἐκτετα- 
᾿ μένον, καὶ βάπτονται εἰς τὸ δοκεῖν ἀργυραῖ. See Blimner, Tech. u. Term. 2, 97. 

2 See above, p. 11ff. 

3 See above, p. 53ff. 

4 See above, p. 798. 

5 See above, p. 80ff. 

6 See above, p. 14ff.; below, p. 146, k; Berthelot, Co/lection, 307, 349. 

7 See above, p. 51, m; p. 70ff; below, p. 142, 4; p. 144, a: p. 145, g, h.; Berthe- 
lot; Collection, 349, 353: ὕελος πράσινος. 350ff. Hist. 1, 212, 127, 128. 

8 See below, p. 110. Berthelot, Hist. 1, 207, 210. For the color of other metals, 
see Idem, 210 ff. 

9 See below, p. 144, 6; Ρ. 177, 45. 

10 See below, p. 145, f; p. 145, n. 14. Collection, 350. 

11 See below, p. 145, 1; p. 149, n. 37. Collection, 350; Hist. 1, 211, 212, 223. 

12 See below, p. 157, n. 46. 

13 See below, p. 145, j; p. 188, n. 13; Berthelot, Hist. 1, 211: color plumbi. 
212: de nigro colore. 

14 See below, p. 147, m. 


339] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 109 


yellow, and are told that all colors were used. Nearly every kind 
of gem was imitated in colored glass, and very likely glass 15 
sometimes understood by the name of a particular gem" or simply 
by the word gem itself.17 In later times there were certain opaque 
glasses also which were highly prized, as the mi/lefiori or glass 
mosaic of different colors,!8 and an imitation of obsidian, the black, 
natural, volcanic glass,’classed with glass by Pliny, and haematinum, 
a red glass.!° 

Aside from the different kinds of glass determined by their 
constituency, there are glass vessels which have special names 
depending upon their form and style. With the discovery of blowing, 
glass vessels and other hollow ware of almost every description 
were made. Most of these vessels had the form of earlier vessels of 
pottery or metal, but the names petroti,? alassontes, and asym- 
poton” seem to have been applied to glass vessels alone. Some of the 
vessels were elaborately carved, such as Nero’s Homeric cups.” 
Toreumata, as used by Martial, seem to have been cups of glass 
carved in relief, probably like the Portland vase and the Naples 
amphora, although those to which he refers are not always of superior 
workmanship.” The diatreta mentioned also by Martial” are shown 


44a Philargyrius on Buc. 4, 44 (ed. Hagen (1902)), probably an Irish gloss: 
croceo idest glas (MVIRCE) rubida tinctura vel purpura vel flos. | croceo. i. glas 
{ tinctura P. Berthelot, Collection, 349, 2: εὑρήσεις κίτρον ὕελον, τὸ λεγόμενον βερονίκη. 

1δ Plin. N. H. 35, 48: admixtis vitreis gemmis. See above p. 83, ἢ. 1. Isid. Orig. 
16, 3: tinguitur etiam multis modis, ita ut iacinthos sapphirosque et virides imitetur 
et onyches vel aliarum gemmarum colores. Cf. Rabanus Maurus, de Universo, 
17,10. Hist. 1, 212: aliud quasi oleum olive. 

16 Herodotus, 2, 44. See below, p. 141, ἢ. 27. See Rawlinson, Herodotus, 2, 70, 
8. See below, p. 149, n. 37. 

1” Verg. Georg. 2, 505: hic petit excidiis urbem miserosque penatis, | ut gemma 
bibat et Sarrano dormiat ostro. Mart. 12, 40: gemma vis ludere, vincor. 14, 20: 
calculi | insidiosorum si ludis bella latronum, | gemmeus, iste tibi miles et hostis 
erit. 14, 94: nostra neque ardenti gemma feritur aqua. See below, p. 149, n. 37. 

18 See above, p. 83ff. 

19 See below, p. 145, n. 14. 

20 See below, p. 166, no. 19. 

41 See below, p. 172, no. 45. 

22 See below, p. 176, no. 67. 

25 See below, p. 166, no. 20. 

4 11, 11: tolle, puer, calices tepidique toreumata Nili. 12, 74: nullum sollicitant 
haec, Flacce, toreumata furens,| et nimium calidis non vitiantur aquis. 14, 94: nos 
sumus audacis plebeia toreumata vitri. Cf. Clem. Alex. Paedag. 2, 3, 35: ναὶ μὴν καὶ 
τορευτῶν περίεργος Ef’ ὑέλῳ κενοδοξία εἰς θραῦσιν διὰ τέχνης ἑτουιμοτέρᾳ δεδιέναι. 

25 Bliimner, op. cit. 4, 404; Kisa, op. cit. 2, 590. 

% 12, 70: o quantum diatreta valent et quinque comati. 


110 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [34° 


by Ulpian in the Digest?’ to have been especially fragile. Such deli- 
cate work required specialized workmen, the dia¢retarii.28 With the 
present evidence it 1s impossible to prove that the diatreta were of 
glass, but they, no doubt, at least included as one of their forms glass 
vessels”? such as the network vases of Cologne.®® Salmasius,?% an 
excellent judge in such matters, clearly considered them to be of 
glass. 

There were further means for enhancing the value of the material. 
The use of glass vessels decorated with gold is mentioned by Athe- 
naeus (S. 2/3)*! in connection with the banquet of Ptolemy Phila- 
delphus. In the church of Sancta Sophia the gold colored glass that 
covered the walls and ceiling was probably in the form of mosaic 
so common in the early churches.*? Many objects have been found, 
especially in the catacombs, with designs in gold between two layers 
of transparent glass.*? The method of making these is described by 
Heraclius.*4 A somewhat different means of decorating with gold, 
ascribed to the Greeks, is given by Theophilus. 

As glassmaking became a more developed art, the fragility of 
the substance must have been felt as a great disadvantage. Petronius 
(S. 1)%§ tells the story of malleable glass. ““There was a workman 


27 9, 2, 27, 29: si calicem diatretum faciendum dedisti, si quidem imperitia 
fregit, damni iniuria tenebitur: si vero non imperitia fregit, sed rimas habebat 
vitiosas, potest esse excusatus. 

28 Cod. Theod. 13, 4, 2; Cod. Fust. 10, 66, 1. 

29 Dillon, op. cit. 71; Kisa, op. cit. 2, 624ff.: Leclercq, Dict. d’ Archéol. Chrét. 
(1920), 770-772. 

80 Blimner, op. cit. 4, 400f. 

30a 44 Vopisc. Saturnin. 8: eodem plane sensu diatreta vasa vitrea, Graecis 
appellata sunt, quae scalpta cavataque essent. huc adde quod omnibus locis, quae 
caelum cavarat, quasi pertusa perforataque videbantur, translucidiore scilicet 
per illa visu. hinc διατρῆτα dicta. caro autem vaenibant, pretium enim eorum 
incendebat, quod metus in eis caelandis non parvus erat artifici ne frangerentur. 
periculum etiam aeque magnum. nam saepe operam oleumque perdebat, dum caelo 
vellet indulgere, et plura argumenta addere. 

31 See below, p. 154, ἢ. 23. See Kisa, op. cit. 3, 836. 

8 Anon., Διήγησις περὶ τῆς ‘Ayias Σοφίας (Script. Orig. Const. 1, 15, 93, Off.): 
τοὺς δὲ ὀρόφους πάντας... . κατεχρύσωσι ἐξ ὑελίνου χρυσοῦ λαμπροτάτου. 

33 Yates (Archaeol. Four. 8 (1851), 170-171); Garrucci, Vetri Ornati, ed. 2 (1864); 
Le Blant (Acad. des Inscr. et Bell. Lettres, 15 (1888), 211); Vopel, Die altchristl. 
Gold-Glaser (1898), 1-40; Kisa, op. cit. 3, 867ff.; Wulff, Altchristliche u. byzan- 
tinische Kunst, 1 (1914), 69-70; 307-308; Leclercq, Joc. cit. 

M1, 5. 

ὅδ 0. 13-15. 

% sr: fuit tamen faber qui fecit phialam vitream, quae non frangebatur. ad- 
missus ergo Caesarem est cum suo munere, deinde fecit reporrigere Caesarem ¢e ἦν 


v 


341] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 1 


once who made an unbreakable goblet. He was admitted with his 
gift to the emperor’s presence, then he made the emperor hand it 
back to him and dropped it on the floor. The emperor was in a 
terrible fright. But he lifted the goblet from the ground: it was 
dinted just like a brass vessel. Next he produced a little hammer 
from his pocket and leisurely put the goblet all right again. After 
this he thought he was in the seventh heaven of good fortune, 
especially when the emperor asked him whether any one else knew 
the method of preparing this sort of glass.) Now mark my words— 
when the workman said that no one else knew the secret, the em- 
peror had him beheaded: for if the secret were known, we should 
think no more of gold than of mud.”’ Dio Cassius (S. 2)*? tells a 
similar story of a man that had been banished as a wizard, who 
dropped a glass cup and mended the dent with his fingers in order 
to gain the emperor’s favor, but he met the fate recorded by Pe- 
tronius. Isidore (5S. 6/7) follows quite closely the story as given by 
Petronius. But Pliny (S. 1)? gives a shorter and slightly different 
version. “In the reign of Tiberius, it is said, a combination was 
devised which produced a flexible glass; but the factory of the work- 
man was entirely destroyed to prevent the value of the metals 
bronze, silver, and gold from being lessened, and this story was told 
for a long time with more frequency than truth.” Since Pliny, who 





illam in pavimentum proiecit. Caesar non pote validius quam expavit. at ille 
sustulit phialam de terra; collisa erat tamquam vasum aeneum; deinde martiolum 
de sinu protulit et phialam otio belle correxit. hoc facto putabat se solium Jovis 
tenere, utique postquam Caesar illi dixit: ‘numquam alius scit hanc condituram 
vitreorum?’ vide modo. postquam negavit, iussit illum Caesar decollari: quia 
enim, si scitum esset, aurum pro luto haberemus. Translation by Lowe. 

87 57, 21, 7: μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα προσελθόντος οἱ αὐτοῦ Kal ἱκετείαν ποιουμένου, κἀν 
τούτῳ ποτήριόν τι ὑαλοῦν καταβαλόντος τε ἐξεπίτηδες καὶ θλασθέν πως ἢ συντριβὲν 
ταῖς τε χερσὶ διατρίψαντος καὶ ἄθραυστον παραχρῆμα ἀποφήναντος, ὡς καὶ 
συγγνώμης διὰ τοῦτο τευξομένου, καὶ ἀπέκτεινεν αὐτόν. 

38 Orig. 16, 16, 6: ferunt autem sub Tiberio Caesare quendam artificem excogi- 
tasse vitri temperamentum, ut flexibile esset et ductile. qui dum admissus fuisset 
ad Caesarem, porrexit phialam Caesari, quam ille indignatus in pavimentum proiecit. 
artifex autem sustulit phialam de pavimento, quae conplicaverat se tamquam vas 
aeneum; deinde marculum de sinu protulit et phialam correxit. hoc facto Caesar 
dixit artifici: ‘numquid alius scit hanc condituram vitrorum?’ postquam ille iurans 
negavit alterum hoc scire, iussit illum Caesar decollari, ne dum hoc cognitum 
fieret, aurum pro luto haberetur et omnium metallorum pretia abstraherentur; et 
revera, quia si vasa vitrea non frangeretur, melius essent quam aurum et argentum. 

39 N. H. 36, 195: ferunt Tiberio principe excogitato temperamento, ut flexile 
esset, totam officinam artificis eius abolitam, ne aeris, argenti, auri metallis pretia 
detraherentur, eaque fama crebrior diu quam certior fuit. 


i 


112 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [342 


lived in the reign of Tiberius and who was besides not unduly 
skeptical, plainly disbelieved the account, it may be dismissed as a 
bit of malicious fiction.?** The story, however, appealed to the popu- 
lar imagination, and continued to be told long after classical times; 
it was also adapted to a French setting.*? Von Lippmann‘! has 
recounted the later tradition of this story. 


E. Griass WorKERS 


Strabo (5.1)! 1s the first to mention the hya/ourgos* and it is from 
the glass workers of Alexandria that he received his information 
about glass. The first of the vitrearii3 mentioned in Latin literature 


92 There has been some effort to rationalize the story and connect it with a 
metallic substance, see H. de L’Isle, L’Interméd. des Chercheurs et Curieux (1864), > 
282; (1875) 469; Darcel (1874), 413; E. M. (1891), 244; G. Zero (1891), 374; Alf. D. 
(1891), 407. Berthelot, Hist. 1, 53, dismisses most of the story as legend, but believes 
that it may have an historical foundation: “Le verre incassable.... parait avoir 
réelement été découvert sous Tibere..... 54: Il est curieux de la retrouver 
signalée dans les recettes d’orfévres du moyen Age, comme si la tradition secréte 
s’en fut conservée dans les ateliers. En effet, il existe dans la Mappae Clavicula, 
au No. 69, une formule obscure, ou plutét chimérique, ou entre le sang-dragon, 
et qui parait se rapporter au méme sujet: Sique factum scias vitrum fragile in 
naturam fortis metalli formari..... C’est peut-étre la recette méme qui devait 
figurer sous le titre indiqué plus haut. J’ai rencontré quelques autres indices des 
mémes souvenirs dans des auteurs plus modernes, tels que le faux Raymond Lulle 
et les autres alchimistes du moyen 4ge, qui s’en sont fort préoccupés. On sait que 
le procédé du verre incassable a été découvert de nouveau de notre temps, et cette 
fois sous une forme positive, sans équivoque et d’une facon définitive.” Lulle, 
Bibl. Chem. τ, 849: “atque hoc etiam reddit vitrum malleabile.” 3, 165: “Est scien- 
dum quod antiqui sapientes, quatuor principales effectus sive virtutes in hac gloriosa 
thesauri arca, consolatrice et adjutrice Scientia repererunt.... quarto omne vitrum 
ductibile facere, sive malleabile. There are a number of references to the metallic 
nature of glass in the Bibliotheca Chemica: 1, 28, 29, 317, 376; 2, 566, 567. 

49 Dillon, op. cit. 78, says that a similar tale was told of a French inventor, 


~ in which Richelieu takes the place of Tiberius. 


4t Zur Geschichte des Glases im Altertume (Abhandlungen u. Vortrage zur Ge- 
schichte der Naturwissenchaften (1906), 76). In addition to the authors mentioned 
in the text, Damianus, John of Salisbury (quoted in Krause, Angeiologie (1854), 
p. 42, n. 4), Bartholomaus Anglicus, Agrippa (de Vanitate Scientiarum, 110), 
Sebastian Franck, and the Gesta Romanorum (de Invidia, 98) are said to treat of the 
story of malleable glass. To this list should be added Heraclius, 3, 6. K. F. Smith 
spoke on the Classical Tradition of Malleable Glass at the meeting of the American 
Philological Association in 1915 (see P. 4. P. A. 46 (1915), VII), but his paper was 
not published before his death. 

1 See above, p. 98, n. 7. 

2 See above, p. 50, n. 12ff. Cf. p. so, ἡ. 3ff. 

8 See above, p. 66, n. 28. 


343] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 113 


is the fabulous inventor of unbreakable glass,‘ called a faber by 
Petronius. In late Greek writers several stories are told of individual 
workmen. In the reign of Justin (5.6) a Hebrew Ayelepsos threw his 
son into the glass furnace because he partook of Christian bread, so 
the story goes, but the son was miraculously saved, and the father 
put to death—a fable which received wide circulation.® In the next 
century the conversion of a Jewish glass worker is related by Leon- 
tius (S.7).° As the people sat about the furnace warming themselves, 
a dispute arose between the Jew and the Christians. Saint Symeon 
Salus, as the story goes, began miraculously to cause the breaking of 
the vessels which were about the room and continued to do so until 
the glass worker had crossed himself. Joannes Moschus (S. 6/7) 
tells of a workman who had been blinded by the fire.’ Bede (S. 7/8) 
calls the glass-maker a vitrificator,” vitrifactor, or vitri factor.’» He 


4 See above, p. r1of. 

5 Michael Glycas, Annal. 4 (Script. Hist. Byz. 27 (1836), 506): κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνο 
καιροῦ ἀνεφάνη καὶ 6 ὑελεψὸς ᾿Ιουδαῖος 6 τὸ παιδίον αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸ ἐνωθῆναι Χριστιανοῖς 
παιδίοις καὶ φαγεῖν ἀπὸ τῆς μυστικῆς τραπέζης βαλὼν εἰς τὸν κάμινον, εἰ καὶ οὐκ 
ἐφλέχθη τῆς θεοτόκου φυλαξάσης αὐτό, καθὰ δὴ τὸ παιδίον διεβεβαιοῦτο" ταύτῃ τοι 
καὶ τοῦ τοιούτου θαύματος διὰ τοῦ πατριάρχου Μηνᾶ γνωρισθέντος τῷ βασιλεῖ, 
μετακαλεῖται ὁ ᾿Ιουδαῖος᾽ πολλὰ τοίνυν παραινεθεὶς καὶ μὴ πεισθεὶς τῆς οἰκείας 
ἀποστερεῖται ζωῆς ὡς φονεὺς τοῦ ἰδίου παιδός. Georgius Cedrenus, Hist. Compend. 
(Script. Hist. Byz. 34 (1838), 686ff.): ἐπὶ τούτου τοῦ εὐσεβεστάτου ᾿Ἰουστίνου 
᾿Ιουδαῖός τις ἐν TH πόλει ὑελοψὸς παιδίον ἐκέκτητο... .. ὁ δὲ δόλιος ἐκεῖνος θὴρ 
σφόδρα μανείς, μετὰ τὸ ἀριστῆσαι λαβὼν τὸ παιδίον καὶ ἀπελθὼν εἰς τὸ ἐργασ- 
τήριον αὐτοῦ ἔρριψεν αὐτὸ εἰς τὴν κάμινον καὶ κλείσας τὴν θύραν ἀνεχώρησεν... .. 
ὅθεν καὶ προσέταξεν αὐτὸν ἀνασκολοπισθῆναι ὡς φονέα γενόμενον τοῦ ἰδίου παιδίου. 
Cf. Evagr. Hist. Eccl. 4,36. Greg. Tur. de Glor. Martyr. 10 (Patr. Lat. 71, 714ff.): 
Judaei cuiusdam vitrarii fillus....conclamabant etiam ut auctorem huius 
sceleris in ipsas proiicerent flammas. proiectum autem ita totum ignis absorbuit, 
ut vix de ossibus etus parvum quodammodo relinqueretur indicium. 

§ Patr. Gr. 93, 1736 D: ἦν δὲ πάλιν ἅπαξ καθήμενος μετὰ ἀδελφῶν, Kal θερμαινό- 
μενος πλησίον τοῦ καμινίου τοῦ ὑελεψοῦ" ἦν δὲ ὑελεψὸς Ἑβραῖος, καὶ λέγει τοῖς 
πτωχοῖς παίζων, κτλ. 

7 Pratum Spirituale (Patr. Gr. 87, 2932 A): σὺ πῶς γέγονας τυφλός ; ἀπεκρίθη 
κἀκεῖνος λέγων ὑαλοψὸς ἤμην τὴν τέχνην, Kal ἐκ τοῦ πυρὸς ἐπίχυσιν ἔσχον οἱ δύο 
ὀφθαλμοί, καὶ ἐτυφλώθην. 

78 See above, p. 78, n. 68. 

> Homil. 17, in Natale Sancti Benedicti Episcopi (Patr. Lat. 94, 228 A): toties 
mari transit.... nunc vitrifactores ad fenestras eius decorandas ac muniendas. 
Vita quingue SS. Abbatum, 5: proximante autem ad perfectum opere, misit lega- 
tarios Galliam, qui vitri factores, artifices videlicet Brittanniis eatenus incognitos, 
ad cancellandas aecclesiae porticumque et caenaculorum eius fenestras adducerent. 
factumque est, venerunt; nec solum opus postulatum compleuerunt, sed et Anglorum 
ex eo gentem huiusmodi artificium nosse ac discere fecerunt; artifictum nimirum 
vel lampadis aecclesiae claustris, vel vasorum multifariis usibus non ignobiliter 
aptum. See Plummer, ad Joc. Ὁ. 359. 


114 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [344 


says that in the year 675 Benedict, founder of Wearmouth, sent to 
Gaul for vitrifactores, “glassmakers,’ also called artifices, ‘artificers,’ 
to decorate and enclose the windows of his church, the cloisters, and 
dining-rooms, because such workmen were unknown in England. 
The glassmakers came and not only completed their work but also 
taught their art to the English nation. This instruction does not 
seem to have had a lasting influence, however, for in a letter of about 
the year 758 Cuthbert,”° abbot of Wearmouth and Jarrow, asks 
Lullus, archbishop of Mainz, to send him a vitrifactor, because, in 
Cuthbert’s words, “we are unaquainted with and unskilled in this 
art.” But we look in literature in vain for the names of the work- 
men, unless possibly a scholiast of uncertain date on Lucian’s 
Lexiphanes,® in an erroneous explanation of a word, speaks of a 
glass-maker Mentor because he was familiar with a glass-worker 
by that name.?® 

On grave monuments the names of a few glass-workers have 
been preserved. Euphrasios is mentioned on a Jewish or Chris- 
tian sepulchral inscription in Athens.° In Mauretania there 
was a vitriarius Antas whose name occurs upon the sepulchral in- 
scription of his little son.! Julius Alexander was likewise a native 
of Africa, a Carthaginian citizen, who was evidently living at Lyons 
at the time of his death.!2 If Carthage preserved the traditions in 


70 Fpist. 22 (Patr. Lat. 96, 839 B/C): si aliquis homo in tua sit parrochia qui 
vitrea vasa bene possit facere, cum tempus arrideat, mihi mittere digneris, aut si 
fortasse ultra fines est in potestate cuiusdam alterius, sine tua parochia, rogo 
ut fraternitas tua illi suadeat ut ad nos usque perveniat, quia elusdem artis ignari 
et inopes sumus, et si hoc fortasse contingit ut aliquis de vitrifactoribus cum tua 
diligentia, Deo volente, ad nos usque venire permittatur, cum benignia mansuetu- 
dine, vita comite, illum suscipio. 

8 Rabe, Schol. in Luc. Lex. 7 (1906), 197: μεντορουργὴς δὲ ἀπὸ Μεέντορός 
Twos ὑαλοψοῦ τούτῳ καταχρησαμένου τῷ εἴδει THY ποτηρίων. 

9 See below, no. 11. 

1010 3, 3436: Kuunt[y]| prov Eidpa|ceiou oiada | κε Γενναδί[ ας. See above 
Ὁ. 41, a. 

11 CIL 8, 9430 (Renier, Inuscr. Rom. de L’ Algérie (1855-1886), 3944): Saburrio, 
Antae vitrari et Paulas ( =ae) f(ilius), vixit menses sex. 

2 CIL 13,1,1,2000(Wilmanns, Ex. Inscr. Lat.2(1873),2591): D. M. et memoriae 
aeterne Juli Alexsandri natione Afri civi Carthaginesi omini optimo opifici artis 
vitriae qui vix anos LXXV menses V dies XIII sene ulla lesione animi cum coiuge 
sua Virginia cum qua vixsit annis XX XXVIII ex qua creavit filio III et eiliam (sic) 
ex quibus his omnibus ne potes vidite deos supest ites (522) sibi reliquit hunc 
tumulum ponendum CV raverunt Numonia Bellia uxsor et Iulius Alexsius filius 
et Julius Felix filius et Iulius Gallonius filius et Numonia Belliosa filia item nepotes 
eius Julius Auctus lulius Felix Iulius 4/ex(?)sander Iulius Galonius Iulius Leontius 


345] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS τς 


glass-making of the mother country, it would not be strange to find 
him a skilled workman, and like many of his eastern relatives seeking 
a wider field in the northern provinces. Perhaps a glass manufacturer 
of Gaul called him to that place. It is possible that the inscription 
Alexandrou, ‘of Alexander,’ on a vessel of green glass, may indicate 
the work of Julius Alexander." Another fragmentary inscription 
of the same kind has been found in Dalmatia."4 

During the late republic and early empire workmen began to 
sign their works. If we turn to the glass objects themselves, we find 
out more about the workmen than their mere names. The form of 
the object indicates whether the maker was an artist or an ordinary 
workman; the name furnishes some idea of the nationality of the 
workman; the places where objects made by the same man are found 
in abundance may indicate the locality in which he plied his trade; 
and their number may give some idea of the extent of the manu- 
facture, in spite of the differences in the durability of vessels. Most 
of the names on the artistic glasses are Greek; they seem to have 
belonged largely to Sidonians or related Orientals, to judge from the 
number who called themselves Sidonians, as Aristo, Artas, Eirenaios, 
Neikon, and Philippos. The works of others, especially Ennion, 
show such a similarity that they doubtlessly belonged to the same 
school of workmanship. The wide range of distribution of these 
signed cups makes it impossible to tell just where the individual 
workmen plied their trade. Some, as Ennion, whose works are 
widely distributed in the East, may have worked there; while 
others, especially Artas, most of whose works are found in Rome, 
probably established their factories in that city.5 Pliny has told 
us of the fame of Sidon, the artifex vitri, and of the newer processes 
which had grown up in his own country. After Rome came to rule 
the East, it would be strange if some Oriental workmen did not 
seek better conditions for employment and a new center for trade 
in the West. Aside from the excellence of workmanship on these 
signed vessels, the name Sidonian, no doubt, appealed to many 
even before the names of the makers came to be coveted trade- 


Iulius Gall .... Iulius Eonius P/P Cyri et sub ase dedicaverunt. For an illus- 
tration of the monument, see Alph. de Boissiev, Inscr. Ant. de Lyon (1846-1854), 
26, 427. 

12 See below, no. I. 

4 CIL 3, Suppl. 1-2, 9542: IC | | A PASC 4SIO(?) O VITRARIO | 

16 Kisa, op. cit. 705ff.; Frank op. cit. 13, 160; West (T.4.P.A. §5 (1924), 173). 


116 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [346 


marks. The pride which these workmen took in their most fragile 
of arts is shown by another inscription on cups of Meges, Ennion, 
and Jason, a record which reminds one of the ancient sepul- 
chral inscriptions, the expression of a common longing for immor- 
tality: on one handle, Meges epoésen, ‘Meges made (me),’ and on 
the other mnésthé o agorasas, ‘let the buyer remember him,’ and 
similarly, Ennién epoiésen, ‘Ennion made (me),’ and mnésthé o 
agorazon, ‘let the buyer remember him” and Fasén epoiésen, “Jason 
made (me),’ mnésthé o agorasas, ‘let the buyer remember him’.'6s 

Among the workmen bearing Greek names not all were from 
Sidon or related cities; there was one whose name has an Egyptian 
form: Bounneri Kerami, Bounneri the potter.’!7 This signature 
on a painted glass medallion in the Museo Cristiano at Brescia, 
is interesting also as showing that it was possible.to apply the term 
kerameus, ‘potter,’ to a glass worker.'® It is not improbable that 
glass making developed from the glazing of pottery, but is is im- 
possible to tell to what extent they were carried on side by side. 
If one should make a comparative study of the inscriptions on 
glass and pottery, it might be possible to determine whether these 
wares were ever put out by the same factories. Thus the Of(ficina) 
Frontini, a designation which appears so frequently upon pottery, 
might refer to the same factory, or at least the same management as 
the Frontin(iana) o(fficina) from which so much glass has been pre- 
served. 

The use of Roman and Gallic names was usually of a more 
commercial than artistic nature. A few workmen signed their 
names in full, for example L. Aemilius Blastus, L. Arlenus lapis, 
L. Brittius Secundus, P. Gessius Ampliatus, G. Leuponius Bor- 
vonicus, and A. Volumnius Ianuarius. Often the cognomen alone 
is used, frequently accompanied by fecit as Felix fecit, ‘Felix made 
(me).’ Others to use fecit or an abbreviation of it were Amarantus, 
Attianus, Daccius, Equa(sius?) Lupio, Gaiamillus, Marcus, and 

6 Cesnola, Cyprus (1878), no. 26, 28; Kisa, op. cit. 708-710. 

16a Dussaud (Syria, 1 (1920), 231f.). 

11 Garrucci, op. cit. ed. 2, Pl. 42, no. 7; Venturi, Storia dell’ Arte Ital. 1 (1901), 
406; Albizzati, Mitteilungen des Kaiserl. Deutsch. Archaeol. Inst. 29 (1914), 247; 
7 ee Le Médaillon de la Croix du Musée Chrétien de Brescia (Arethusa, 3 
: 18 Oldfather, Kerameus of aW orker inGlass (Four. Amer. Ceram. Soc.9 (1926), 663). 

19 CIL 2, 4970, 204; 3, 2, 6010, 92; 12, 5686, 369; 13, 3,110010, 920. Cf. Fronto, 


CIL 2, 1, 6699, 92; Suppl. 3, 12014, 39; 12, 5686, 370, and Fron, Frontinus, O 
Fronti, CIL 7, 1336, 465, 467, 469. 


347] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 117 


C. N( ) Magunus. Possibly the same idea was expressed by the use 
of the letter m for manu, ‘by the hand of,’ as in the case of Q. Casius 
Nocturnus.2° Some vessels simply bear the name of the corporation, 
or owner of the factory. Groups of names like FIRM HILARI 
ETYLAE, placed one above the other, might well stand for a 
corporation, that of the Firmii brothers, Hilarus and Hylas. G. 
Appius Apinossus, Frontinus, Irenus (?), Laurentius, Osto(rius) 
On(e)si(mus), and Titienus Hyaci(nthus) were owners of officinae, 
‘factories.”! The factory of Frontinus was probably in Gaul ,if one 
may judge from the frequency of the finds made there. These 
finds would also lead one to conclude that his trade was very large. 
Some of his workmen, as Asiaticus, Equa(sius), P( ) Divixtus, Pax, 
Prometheus, Protius, signed their work. One of the workmen in 
the factory of Appius Apinossus also signed his work, but he ab- 
breviated his name so that it is not possible to be sure of its exact 
form. In fact most of the workmen of Italy and the northern 
provinces abbreviated their names or used initials to the extent that 
it is often impossible to decipher some of those which occur most 
frequently. These initials vary from one to many, often occurring 
in the corners of the bottom of the vessel. At other times the letters 
are arranged in a circle, semi-circle, in a highly complicated mono- 
gram, or irregularly. When a vessel bears an inscription com- 
memorating victories, games, mythological or Christian characters, 
designating the region of manufacture, or expressing words of 
greeting or friendship, it is not always possible, especially if it is in a 
fragmentary condition, to determine whether the name stands for 
the maker or some character in connection with the commemoration. 
A list of the names of the glass makers will be given at the end of 
this section. ? 

The Jews seem to have gradually gained control of the industry 
in the east. We have already mentioned stories of two Jewish glass 
makers. In the twelfth century Benjamin of Tudela, a Spanish 
Rabbi, in his travels tells of New Tyre (Tsour). He says that about 
four hundred Jews resided here, that the Jews were shipowners and 
manufacturers of the far famed Tyrian glass.” He also described a 


20 See below, no. 29. 

41 See below, p. 120ff. Perhaps also EX...CIN... CIL 5, 8118, 6; Kisa, 
got, 255. -. 

2 Asher’s translation 1 (1840), 63 (30, 2). Marquardt, of. cit. 2, 723. Dillon, 
op. cit. 148: ““The Jews long before that time had, it would seem,a monopoly of glass 
made with lead.” 


118 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [348 


section of Antioch which was strongly fortified and in the possession 
of Prince Bohemond of Poitiers. There wereaboutten Jews here; they 
were glass manufacturers, and the most important of their number 
were: R. Mordekhai, R. Chaiim, and R. Jishma’el.” 

There are other references in literature and the laws which, 
although not mentioning individual workmen, give glimpses of the 
duties and social standing of glass workers in general. The “papyrus of 
the glass makers’ has been discussed under fuels (p. 104). It was 
thought best for the workmen to shake the stalks so that a salamander 
would not fall into the fire and put it out. Ofa much elarier date is 
the epigram of Mesomedes (S. 2),2* which describes the making of 
glass and the handling of it. “The workman having quarried it, 
brought the glass and put in the fire the mass hard as iron, and the 
glass set afire by the all-devouring flames, ran out melted like wax. 
And to the men it was a marvel to see a trail flowing from the fire 
and the workmen trembling lest it should fall and break; and on the 
points of the double forceps he put the lump.” The fragility of glass 
and the danger of a workman’s breaking it are discussed.27, Among 
the duties of the workman most commonly mentioned is the blowing 
of the glass. A scholiast on Hippocrates (δ. 7)?8 says that the work- 
man by blowing produces the opening and the shape of the vessel. 
In the catalogue of the Greek manuscripts on Mount Athos, 4503, 
32, is ““Concerning the glass smelter.’ 

The glass worker was subject to various legal regulations. In 
the early part of the first century after Christ he is mentioned in a 
list of traders or artificers in the Tebtunis papyri.?° In another 
papyrus of the same period or slightly earlier, the glass worker 
appears upon the taxing-list.?! A tax was placed upon glass workers 
in the third century by Alexander Severus.*? Aurelian taxed glass 

*3 Asher’s translation 1 (1840), 58 (26, 2). 

* See above, p. 104, ἢ. 21. 

8 Anth. Pal. 16, 323: τὰν ὕελον ἐκόμιζε | κόψας ἐργάτας ἀνήρ" ] ἐς δὲ πῦρ 
ἔθηκε βῶλον, | ὡς σίδηρον εὐσθενῆ. | ἁ δ᾽ ὕελος, οἷα κηρός, | ἐξεχεῖτο, παμφάγοισι | 
φλοζὶν ἐκπυρούμενος | θαῦμα δ᾽ ἦν ἰδεῖν βροτοῖς | ὁλκὸν ἐκ πυρὸς ῥέοντα, | καὶ τὸν 
ἐργάτην τρέμοντα, | μὴ πεσὼν διαρραγῇ. | ἐς δὲ διπτύχων ἀκμὰς | χηλέων ἔθηκε 
βῶλον. Translation by W. R. Paton. 

27 See above, p. 66, n. 2; p. 108, n. 43. 

38 See above, p. 107, ἢ. 41. 

29 See above, p. 50, n. 6. 

80 See above, p. 51, n. 14. 

81 See above, p. 51, ἢ. 15. 


8 Lamprid. Alex. Severus, 24, 5: braciorum, lintionum, vitrariorum, pellionum, 
claustrariorum, argentariorum, aurificum et ceterarum artium vectigal pulcherri- 


349] f STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 119 


imported from Egypt.* But under Constantine exemptions were 
granted to many artificers, including the vétrearii and diatretarit, 
that they might become more skilled in their art and see to the 
training of their sons.*4 In the Digest*® there is an edict for the 
punishment of diatretarii who through carelessness break the goblets 
intrusted to them, but protecting workmen who had received 
material containing flaws. This sounds almost like a commentary 
on the passage in Martial ** in which he speaks of how often the 
workman ruins his work while trying to improve it. The prosperity 
of some workmen is shown by the existence of large factories like that 
of Frontinus in which certain artisans, at least, might sign their 
own products. Streets,** and gates*” were named from the glass 
industry carried on in their vicinity, as the Street of the Glass- 
Workers. Constantinus Harmenopulus,** in a compendium of laws 
drawn up in the fourteenth century, quotes extracts from Julian of 
Ascalon, who is otherwise unknown, but who must have lived before 
the Arab conquest of Palestine in 636. This edict states that workers 
in glass and iron should not carry on their business in the city, but, 
if that is necessary, the workshops should be in remote and sparsely 
populated parts of the city, to prevent sickness and the destruction 
of property by fire. 

mum instituit ex eoque iussit thermas et quas ipse fundaverat et superiores populi 
usibus exhiberi. 

88 Vopisc. Aurel. 45, 1: vectigal ex Aegypto urbi Romae Aurelianus vitri chartae 
lini stuppae atque anabolicas species aeternas constituit. 

34 Cod. Theod. 13, 4, 2: Imp. Constantinus A. ad Maximum pp. artifices artium 
brevi subdito comprehensarum per singulas civitates morantes ab universis muneti- 
bus vacare praecipimus, si quidem ediscendis artibus otium sit accomodandum, 
quo magis cupiant et ipsi peritiores fieri et suos filios erudire. Ὁ IIII non. Azz. 
Feliciano et Titiano conss. a. 337... . diatretarii.... vitriarii. This is repeated 
in Cod. Fust. X, 66, 1, with slight variations in spelling, i.e., diatritarii V.... 
vitrearii. 

% See above, p. 110, ἢ. 27. 

5 OR τέ τ᾿ το See 
Street, New York City), Moore, Old Glass (1924), 210; Van Rensselaer, arly 
American Bottles and Flasks (1926), 97. 

37 See below, p. 154, n. 60. 

38 Hexabiblos, 2, 4,19: ᾿Επαρχικὸν περὶ ὑελουργῶν (ἔλουργῶν H) καὶ σιδηρο- 
υρ γῶν. ὑελουργοὺς (ὑελουργὸς Η) καὶ σιδηρουργοὺς τοὺς ἐργαζομένους τὰς ἀξίνας 
καὶ τὰς ἄμας καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα μεγάλα ὄργανα, καὶ ἀνδριαντοπλάστας οὐ χρὴ ἐν αὐ- 
ταῖς ταῖς πόλεσι τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐργάζεσθαι᾽ εἰ δὲ ἀνάγκη τις γένηται τούτους κατοικεῖν 
τὰς πόλεις καὶ τὰς τούτων ἐργασίας ἐν αὐταῖς γίνεσθαι, εἰς τοὺς ἀπῳκισμένους καὶ 
ἰδιάζοντας τῶν πόλεων τόπους δεῖν Tabras ἐργάζεσθαι" πολὺς γὰρ ὁ ἀπὸ τοῦ πυρὸς 
πέλων κίνδυνος τοῖς οἰκήμασι καὶ τοῖς σώμασι συνεχὴς λοιμὸς γίνεται. 


120 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [350 


NAMES AND INSCRIPTIONS OF GLASS WORKERS* 
A. Greek 


1. Alexandrou.—Froehner, Nomenclature des Verriers Grecs et Romains 
(1879), 9, CIL 15, 2, 1, 7001; [Ὁ 14, 2410, 1; IG 14, p. 707, VIII; Kisa, op. 
cit. 930, 43; cf. 194, 200. 

2. Aristo (Si)doni(us)—Froeh. 9, 2; CIL 2, 1, 6957, a-b; Kisa,706; 

23, I. 
7 ve Artas Sidon(ius)—Froeh. 10, 3; CIL 5, 2, 8118; 9, 6085, 1; 10, 2, 
8062, 2; 13, 3, 2, 10025, 1, a-f; 15, 2, 1, 6958, a-o; IG 4, 8479; 14, 2410, I; 
Kisa, 92, 168, 175, 200, 301, 704-705, 923 (no. 2), 938 (no. 1). 

4. Bounneri Kerami.—Sce above, notes 17-18. 

4°. Démosthenou.—IG 4, 8506: “Incertum artifex intelligendus sit 
au possessor.” 

5. Eirénaios epoiésen Sidonios.——Froeh. 11, 5; cf. 10, 4; IG 4, 8484; 14, 
2410, 2; Kisa, 95, 168, 704, 706. 

6. Ennién epoiésen.—Froeh. 12, 6 (he also gives the readings Aniion 
and Ainién); IG 4, 8485; 14, 2410, 3; Dillon, 87; CIL 11, 2, 1, 6710, 15; 
Rossbach (P.-W. s. v. Ennion); Kisa, 708 f., 971. Reinach, Antiquités du 
Bosphore Cimmérien (1892), pl. 78: “Ennion epoiei.” 

7. Eugenés.—Froeh. 13, 7; Kisa, 707. 

8. Euphrasios.—See above, note Io. 

9. Zéthos.—Froeh. 13, ὃ; CIL, 12, 5696, 22; Kisa, 708. 

ο". Zésimou.—Beaudouin-Pottier, Bull. de Corresp. Hellén. 3 (1879), 
164. ᾿- 

9". Iasén epoiésen.—See above, note 16°. 

10. Irenaeus—Dillon, op. cit. 8). I have found no other reference to 
the name in this form. Compare, however, No. 5 just above. 

το". Megés.—Froeh. 13, 9; Kisa, 708; [6 14, 2410, 3. 

11. Mentor.—Froeh. 14, 10; See above, note 8. 

12. Neikén Seid6n.—Froeh. 14, 12; CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 2; 15, 2, I, 
6961; IG 14, 2410, 4; Kisa, 706, 924 (no. 4), 939 (no. 2). 

13. (Ph)ilippo(s) (Si)doni(os)—CIL 15, 2, 1, 6962; Kisa, 706, 924 
(no. 5); See below, number B, 15. 

14. δ(. ) Δί )epo(i)é(sen).—CIL 15, 2, 1, 6963; Kisa, 924, 6. They 
also suggest the reading V. S(idonius). 

15. Tiberinou.—CIL 15, 2, 1, 7002; Kisa, 930, 44. Cf. BEPIN, CIL 
13, 3) 2, 10025, 157; Kisa, 953, 1ST. is 

16. Triphénos.—Kisa, 756. 

17. Tryphon.—Dussaud (Syria, 1 (1920), 230). 


89 The names will be given as they appear in the signatures on the glass objects, 
when they are taken from that source. 


351] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 121 


B. Latin‘? 


a. Names and Partially Intelligible Abbreviations 


fomeercme A... CC... —Froeh. 16, 13. 

2. Cn. A( ) Ing(enui) VAMAF.—CIL 12, 5696, 18; Kisa, 925, 8. 
Froeh.: “Marcus, Cnaeus et Aulus Ingu....” 

3. Publius Accius Alcimus.—Froeh. 17, 15. 

4. L. Aemili Blasti—Froeh. 17, 16; CIL, 5, 2, 1082; 10, 2, 8062, 1; 
II, 1, 6710, 3; 15, 2, 1, 6990, a-c; Abrami¢-Colnago, Fahresheft des ister. 
arch. Inst. 12 (1909), 81; Kisa, 929, 32. 

5. Aem(ili) Mau(ri)?—CIL 15, 2, 1, 6991; Kisa, 929, 33. 

6. C. Al( ) Ruf( )f(ecit)—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 3, a-d; Kisa, 939, 3. 
Cf. Froeh. 88. 

7. Amarantus F(_ ).—Froeh. 31, 46; CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 5; Kisa, 939, 
4(F, Mand 4 as well as Nand 7). 

8. M. Anc( ) Ar( ) Pr(imus) or Pramus?) M. Anc( ) Ασί ).— 
Seems. οὐδ: Kisa, 925, 9. Cf. NC.AP.P, CIL 11,2, 1,.6710, 4, and 
MANC AZ, CIL 13, 3,2, 10025, 7; Kisa, 940, 6; 966,305. M. Anclar(ius) 
Primijo, Abramic-Colnago, 80. 

9. Lucius An(nius)? B....—Froeh. 18, 17. 

10. Antas.—See above, note 11. 

11. G. Appi Apinossi (.c. officinae magistri), Aur(elius) Gel( _) f(ecit).— 
Froeh. 18, 18; CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 132; Kisa, 951, 126. 

12. L. Arleni Iapidis—Froeh. 18, το; CIL 12, 5696, 3; Kisa, 963, 270. 

13. Aretius—CIL 12, 5696, 2. Kisa, 963, 269: “‘Vielleicht schlecht 
gelesen.” 

14. (Ex officina) Front(iniana) Asiat(i)ci—Froeh. 41, 66; CIL 13, 3, 2, 
10025, 49, a-b; Kisa, 945, 47. 

15. Asini P(h)ilip(p)ii—Froeh. 19, 20; CIL 1, 1, 1, 2400; 15, 2, 1, 6960; 
Kisa, 177, 188, 722, 924 (no. 3); Cf. above, number A, 13. 

16. Attianus F.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 72; Kisa, 947, 70. 

17. Front(iniana) S(extarii) II, A(u)oni(?)—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 50, 
a—b; Kisa, 945, 48. 

18. Aur(elius) Gel( ). (See above, number 11.) 

19. S(octus)—C. Au(relius) Mu(cianus) Cn(eius) Vin(ius).—Kisa, 779. 

20. C. Aur(eli) Pr... —CIL το, 2, 8062, 3; Kisa, 962, 257. 

21. (Ex officina) Fronti(niana) ....t Bassilian(us) f(ecit)—CIL 13, 
2, 10025, 67; Kisa, 947, 65. 

22. Frot Bis.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 51, a—c; Kisa, 945, 49. 


40 This list has been compiled from CIL, Froehner, Kisa, and other recent sources. 
There has been no attempt to separate the nomina from the cognomina. All 
initials and abbreviations which have been suggested previously as belonging to 
workmen, or which apparently do so, will be included in this list. 


122 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [352 


23. L. Britti Secundi—CIL το, 2, 8062, 4; Kisa, 962, 258. 

24. Caecili Hermetis—CIL 15, 2, 1, 6968; Kisa, 925, 11. 

44". C(aius) Lavo....or Claud(ius)—Haug und Sixt, Die Rém. 
Inschrift. und Bildwerke Wiirttembergs, ed. 2 (1914), 566. 

25. Calgaci(?).—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 161. Kisa, 953, 155, reads: 
“Caleagus.” Cf. Froeh. 48, 87. 

26. Caran(t)oa( )νί ).—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 32; Kisa, 943, 30. 

27. Capnus Adiat/i(?)—CIL 12, 5696, 4; Kisa, 963, 271. 

28. Carantius Ca(ra)ntodius Ci(vis) Leucus.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 136; 
Kisa, 938; 951, 131. 

29. Q. Casi Nocturni m(anu?).—Kisa, 951, 131. CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 
137, a-b (M, not manu). 

30. Cebei Yilici (= Hyllici)—Thédenat (Rev. de Philol. 11 (1887), 255); 
CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 33, a-d (readings Clebi Bullici and Cledi Bullici, men- 
tioned, Idem, b.); Kisa, 937c (mentions the reading Cebei Illici); 943, 31. 

30°. T. Cl. C—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 75; Kisa, 947, 72. 

31. Claudi Onesimi.—CIL 15, 2, 1, 6992; Kisa, 929, 34. 

32. Com For Fron( ).—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 52, a—e; Kisa, 945, 50. 

43. Q. Cor(io)lani(?).—Kisa, 961, 245. 

34. O. Cosani—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 76; Kisa, 947, 73. Cf. Froeh. 21, 
25: “Quintus Cosamus?” 

35. Daccius F( ).—Froeh. 21, 26; CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 34, a—b; Kisa, 
943; 32. 

36. Dirus.—CIL, 13, 3, 2, 10025, 120; Kisa, 950, 115. Froeh. mistakes 
for Firm. 

37. SC -) EC) IC ).—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 78; Kisa, 947, 75. 

38. Ennia Fortuna.—CIL 15, 2, 1, 6993; Kisa, 929, 35. 

39. Ep(pius)? Vilicus.—Froeh. 22, 27. 

40. Equa(sius?) Lupio fecit—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 36, a-c;Kisa, 943, 
34. Cf. Equa and Ecva, Kamp, Die epigraph. Anticaglien in Kéln (1869), 
143, 144; Froeh. 89, 90; CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 35, a-g; 54; Kisa, 937c; 
943, 33; (Ex officina) Frontiniana Equa (sii?), CIL, 13, 53; Kisa, 788; 945, 
51-52. 

41. Cr(assius) Euhodia(nus).—Froeh. 47-49; CIL 12, 5696, 5; 13, 3, 2, 
10025, 15-17; 15, 2, 1, 6975; Kisa, 926, 18; 941, 14-15. 

42. Etiticae—Froeh. 91; CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 162. Kisa, 953, 156, 
reads: “‘ Teticiae.”’ 

43. F( ) Ρί )) (ex officina) Front(iniana).—Froeh. 69; CIL 13, 3, 2, 
10025, 55; Kisa, 946, 53. 

44. Felix fecit—CIL 7, 1275; 13, 3, 2, 10025, 27; Kisa, 943, 353 967, 
310. Felix appears alone, Froeh. 50; CIL 13, 79; Kisa, 947, 76. 

45. Firm(iorum).—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 19, a-f; 15, 2, 1, 6977, a-d; 
Kisa, 927, 20; 941, 17. Cf. Froeh. 51-52: “Firmus.” 


353] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 123 


46. Firm(iorum) Hilari et (H)ylae—CIL 11, 2, 1, 6710, 7; 13, 3, 2 
10025, 18, a-e; 15, 2, 1, 6976, a-i; Kisa, 784; 926, 19; 941, 16. Dressel was 
the first to give the above interpretation. Cf. Froeh. 53-57; Dillon, 
88: ““Firmus, Hilarus, and Hylas.” 

47. (Ex officina) Fro(n)tiniana.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 38; Kisa, 943, 36. 
This factory is known by many stamps: Frotinia, CIL 13, 39, a-b; Kisa, 37; 
Fronino or Frontino, Froeh. 60; CIL 13, 40, a-e; Kisa, 38; Fronti, Froeh. 
63; CIL 13, 41, a-e; Kisa, 39; Fronio, CIL 13, 42; Kisa, 40; cf. Froeh.: 
“Frontio”’; Froti, Froeh. 75; CIL 13, 43, Kisa, 41; Front, Fronti, Froeh. 
64-65; CIL 13, 44, a-f; Kisa, 42; Frot. Froeh. 77; CIL 13, 45, a—c; Kisa, 
43; Fron, Froeh. 72; 82 ( Nero by mistake); CIL 13, 46, a—v; Kisa, 44; Fro, 
Froeh. 78-79; CIL 13, 47, a—q; Kisa, 45; F, CIL 13, 48; Kisa, 46; Frontitrof 
(with R and F backwards), CIL 13, 56, a-c; Kisa, 54; Frontisse, CIL 13, 
66; Kisa, 64 (perhaps incorrectly read); see numbers 14, 17, 21, 22, 34, 
42, 45, 58, 71, 84, 89, 95, 96, 99, 102. See Kisa, 787 ff.; Nesbitt, 96. 

48. Frati (or Erati)—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 70; Kisa, 68. Froeh. 74 
mistakes for Froti. 

49. SC ) GC ) FC +).—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 80; Kisa, 77. Froeh. 29: 
“SexiusG.... B.” 

50. Gaiamillus f(ecit)—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 82; Kisa, 937; 948, 79. 

51. Gal(erius) Pat(ernus)(?).—Froeh. 30. Without interpretation, 
nk 992 9,2, 10025, II. 

52. Germ(anus?).—Froeh. 80; CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 142. 

53. P. Gessius Ampliatus P F.—Froeh. 31; CIL το, 2, 8062, §; Kisa, 
962, 259. 

54. Hyla(e). (See 46.)—Froeh. 81; CIL 11, 2, 1, 6710, 8; 13, 3, 2, 10025, 
20, a-b; 15, 2, I, 6979, a—c; Kisa, 927, 22-23; 941, 18. 

55. A.C ) M(_ ).—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 84; Kisa, 948, 81. 

56. (Ex officina) Fro(ntiniana) Ip( ) or IC ) Ρί ).—CIL 13, 3, 2, 
10025, 57; Kisa, 946, 55. 

57. O(fficina) Ireni O(fficina).—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 85; Kisa, 948, 82. 

58. Iulius Alexander.—See above, note 12 and above, number A, 1. 

59- Marcus Iulius M .. . —Froeh. 34. 

60. I. LVLIV εὐ Aerndding to Villefosse, LEV LIV above MI ΟΝ, 
12, 5696, 7; Kisa, 963, 273. Froeh. 35: “Lucius Iulius? Μ. 

61. Ius(ti or -tini)—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 86; Kisa, 948, 83. 

62. πεν C]...1V.. SSC.—CIL 13, 3) 2, 10025, 104; Kisa, 949., 
too. Cf. Froeh. 45. 

63. Ofikina Laurenti νί ).—Deloche (Philol. Wochenschr. 2 (1882), 
538); Thédenat (Rev. de Philol. 11 (1887), 255); CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 144; 
Kisa, 952, 138. 

64. G. Leuponi Borvonici.—Froeh. 36; CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 146; Kisa, 
952, 140. 


124 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [354 


65. L. Licinius Diceus f(ecit).—CIL 3, 184; Kisa, 740. 

65°. A. Lu.—CIL 12, 5696, 9; Kisa, 963, 275. 

66. Ὁ. Lucre(t)i EVL.—CIL 3, 2, 10025, 8; Kisa, 940, 7. 

67. (L)ucreti Festivi—Froeh. 37; CIL 15, 2, 1, 6994; Kisa, 929, 36. 

68. (Ex officina) Fron(t)in@iana), M( ) Μί ).—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 
58, a—e; Kisa, 946, 56. Froeh. 73: “Frotinia’ N A.” 

69. Macn(i or -ae).—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 27, a—b; 15, 2, 1, 6980, a-f; 
Kisa, 927, 233 942, 25. Cf. ANIAZE MACN above a.f, Ci eam, 
10025, 150; Kisa, 952, 144 (G instead of C). Froeh. 24: “(Calpu)rnia? 
Magna.” 

70. Μί ) Mai(ani?).—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 69; Kisa, 947, 67. 

71. Marcus f(ecit)—CIL 12, 5696, 10; Kisa 964, 276. 

72. Quin. . -Mau. S.—CIL 3, Suppl. 1, 2, 10187, 7. 

73. Merco F.—CIL 12, 5696, 11; Kisa, 964, 277. 

74. C. Νί ) Magunus νί )) f(ecit)—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 151; Kisa, 
952, 145. 

75. Nae.—Kamp, Die epigraph. Anticaglien in Kéln (1869), 139;Froeh. 
94; ΟἹ], 13, 3, 2, 10025, 91. 

76. Ne( ) Me(_ ).—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 21; Kisa, 941, Ig. 

77. Ner Caspe.—Froeh. 95; CIL 5, 8118, 7; Kisa, 962, 256. 

78. Optus(?).—Froeh. 83. 

79. T Orm( ) Sici( )(?).—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 107; Kisa, 949, 103. 

80. Ex of(ficina) Osto(ri?) On(e)si(mi).—CIL 15, 2, 1, 6995; Kisa, 930, 
37: 

81. (Ex officina) Frontiniana P( ) Divixtii—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 59; 
Kisa, 946, 57. Cf. DIVI XTIM, CIL, 13, 3, 2, 10025, 140; απὸ οὐ τὰν 

82. S(extus) P....S....—Froeh. 38; CIL 12, 5696, 12. 

83. V. P. Piroc.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 163; Kisa, 954, 157. 

84. Patrimoni.—Froeh. 22-23; CIL 11, 2, 1, 6710, δ; 11, 2, 2, p. 1170; 
12, 5696, το, a-b; 20 (Patr Manib male lectum esse pro PATRI MONI); 
13, 3, 2, 10025, 9; 15, 2, 1, 6967, a-j; Kisa, 925, 10; 940, 8. Both disapprove 
of Froeh. 21: “Publius Atrius Moni(mus?).”’ Abramié¢-Colnago (1909), 79; 
Haverfield, Fahrb. des Arch. Inst. (1914), 403. 

85. Paul( ).—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 94; Kisa, 949, 90. 

86. (Ex officina) Front(iniana) Pax (fecit).—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 60, a-b; 
Kisa, 946, 58. 

87. C. Peduc(aeus) Thyra.—Froeh. 39: CIL 15, 2, 1, 6969; Kisa, 925, 12. 
Ci. PEDUC. THY Y. AC., CIL το, 2, 8062, 7; Kisa, 962, 26m3 

88. L. Pol.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 153; Kisa, 953, 147. 

89. (ΜΡ) Pelli Bass(1).—CIL 15, 2, 1, 6996; Kisa, 930, 38. 

go. M. Primi.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 154; Kisa, 953, 148. Cf. PRIMI 
ET, CIL το, 2, 8062, 6; Kisa, 962, 260. 

91. Priscus.—CIL 12, 5696, 13; Kisa, 964, 279. 


355] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 125 


92. Prometheu(s fecit ex officina) Fro(n)ti(niana).—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 
61, a-d; Kisa, 946, 59. Froeh. 84: “Prometheus Frontini (servus).” 

93. (Ex officina) Fron(tiniana) Proti.—Froeh. 71; CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 
62; Kisa, 947, 60. 

94. P. RC ) QC )νί ).—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 155; Kisa, 953, 149. 

94°. (R)ufin(i) .... (?).—Abramié-Colnago (1909), 81. CIL 13, 3, 2, 
10025, 14; Kisa, 940, 12, read “VJ.” 

95. Front(iniana) δ(. ) C(_) f(ecit)—Froeh. 68; CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 
64, a-c; Kisa, 946, 62. Frontiniana S(_ )C(_) also occurs.—Froeh. 59; 
CIL 13, 63; Kisa 946, 61. 

95°. 5. S. Cic.—CIL 12, 5696, 14; Kisa, 964, 280. 

96. S. Salvi Gratii—CIL 5, 2, 8118, 3; Kisa, 962, 253. Froeh. 41: 
“Caius Salvius Gratus.” 

97. (Ex officina) Fronti(niana) Sextin(ii)—Froeh. 61, 67; CIL 13, 3, 2, 
10025, 65, a-f; Kisa, 947, 63. 

98. Silo(?) upside down.—Froeh. ὃς; CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 105; Kisa, 949, 
1o1. SSLO and OTIS have also been suggested (see Jd2d.). 

99. Silv.—Froeh. 97; CIL 12, 5696, 15; Kisa, 964, 281. 

100. Sub.—Froeh. 98; CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 96; Kisa, 949, 92. 

101. Sextus Terentius Abascantus(?).—Froch. 42; Kisa, 931. 

102. Ex Of(ficina) Titien(i) Hyaci(nthi)—CIL 15, 2, 1, 6997; Kisa, 
930, 39. Cf. C. TITI ΕΝ] FAUST, backwards, CIL 11, 2, 1, 6710, 10; 
Kisa, 965, 296. 

103. M? V(_ ) Nasso—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 99., or Nasso ma(nu).— 
Kisa, 949, 95. 

104. S. Υ( ) Trop(himi ?).—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 159; Kisa, 953, 
153. Froeh. 86: “Syntrophus.” 

105. Valirmus or Val(e)r(ii) Muc(iani)(?)—CIL 12, 5696, 16; Kisa, 
964, 282. 

106. DV///V.—CIL 13, 3. 2, 10025, 100; Kisa, 949, 96. Froeh. 43: 
“Decimus Valerius N . 

107. Vit ).—CIL Μ Ἢ 2, 10025, 101; Kisa, 949, 97. 

108. Vit( ).—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 102; Kisa, 949, 98. 

109. A Volumni Ianvari.—Froeh. 44; CIL 12, 5696, 17; 13, 3, 2, 10025, 
10, a-b; 15, 2, 1, 6970; Kisa, 925, 13; 940, το; Abrami¢-Colnago, 80. 

110. Fo( ) Ze(no)nis or Ze(no)nis Fo(rma)(?).—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 
106; Kisa, 949, 102. 


b. Unexplained Signatures 


t A—CIL 13, 3, 2, 11025, 127; Kisa, 951, 121. 
2. A C above O I backwards.—CIL 15, 6981; Kisa, 927, 24. 
3. AE.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 129; Kisa, 951, 123. 


126 


STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [356 


ὡς Ν δόντα 12, 5696, 24: 13,3, 2, Ἰοῦῦξ, 71, acy” ἘΠῚ τὰ 


Froeh. 


“Quinhis BS OEE Oo ay oie 


δ: AIM. —Kisa, 948, 81. 

6. AIIP above O O O above A P A upside down.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 
110; Kisa, 950, 105. 

7, AL B.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 4. 

8. A O above T A.—Froeh. 99; CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 22; Kisa, 941. 

9g. A P—CIL 7, 1275; Kisa, 967, 309. 


IO. 
. AV.—CIL 12, 5696, 25; Kisa, 964, 286. 

. AVI—CIL 12, 5696, 26; Kisa, 964, 287. 

. B—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 73. 

. BC backwards.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 133; Kisa, 951, 128. 
.BCCCC irregularly arranged.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 126; Kisa, 


120. 


A S.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 130; Kisa, 951, 124. 


. BOR.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 134; Kisa, 951, 129. 

- BV P V—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 108. 

. C—CIL 135 2.3 16025, 74 Kaisa, 947, 77. 

. CAS E.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 112; Kisa, 950, 107. 

. C Cabove C Q.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 113; cf. 114; Kisa, 109. 
21. 


C C above P C.—Kamp, Die epigraph. Anticaglien in Kéln (1869), 


140; ὍΝ; τῆν ἢ. 2, Yeo2s) 175: Kisa, 110, 


. C Cabove T.—CIL 2, 1, 7000; Kisa, 930, 42. 

. CF—CIL 14; 3, 2, 1002 5,135; Kisa, 95 1;°197- 

. CF Hand V P.—CIL τς, 2, 1, 6998. 

. C Gabove C P.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 116; Kisa, 950, 111. 

. C G above P C—CIL 13, 117;Kisa, 112. 

. ΟΜ above H R.—Kamp, Die epigraph. Anticaglien in Kéln (1869), 


141; CLL 11, 9,1, 6716, ἘΠῚ ΤΊ; 9, 2, ΟΣ, ay, ao 


58; 
29. 
. CS above C.—CIL 15, 2, 1, 6971; Kisa, 926, 14. 
 De—CIL 99; Ἢ 2; soos, or: ας 947, 74, 

. D R.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 16025, 139; Kisa, 952, 133: 

. DS.—CIL 12, 5696, 29; Kisa, 965, 290. 

. EX above C.—CIL 12, 5696, 30; Kisa, 965, 291. 

. ΕΜ above O R.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 24; Kisa, 942, 22. 
. FUR above VICT.—CIL τς, 2, 1, 6978; Kisa, 927, 21. 

. GA above T.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 131; Kisa, 951, 125. 
. GE—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 141; Kisa, 952, 135. 


C P.—CIL 15, 2, 1, 6999; Kisa, 930, 41. 
C P above C T.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 118; Kisa, 950, 113. 


, GF or€ Fabove HI —Philologus (1868), 561; Kamp, Die epigraph. 


Pathciasion in Kéln (1869), 142; CIL 11, 2, 1, 6701, 12; 12, 5696, 23; 13, 
3» 2, 10025, a-m; 15, 2, 1, 6984 (with G): 15, 2, 1, 6983, a-t Cael C); Kisa, 


927, 26. 


357] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 127 


41. GF above H C, or O, or Q.—Kisa, 928, 27; 942, 24. 

42. G R above H 0.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 25, a-e. 

432. H FT backwards about a circle-—Froeh. 113; CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 
41, a-f. 

wae ae b.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 143; Kisa, 952, 137. 

45... INBN. .—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 165. Kisa, 954, 159 (SINBWN). 

46. I A 9D in a circle surrounded by T L T C—Froeh. 115; CIL 13, 
35 2, 10025, 81; Kisa, 948, 78. 

47. IN M.—CIL 11, 2, 1, 6710, 13; Kisa, 965, 297. 

48. 10 -K.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 166; Kisa, 954, 160 (O- K). 

48*. L E.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 145; Kisa, 952, 139. 

49. LIZM above MAM.—CIL 12, 5696, 8; Kisa, 963, 274. 

50. M.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 87; 147; Kisa, 948, 84; 952, 141. 

g1. MAC backwards.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 128; Kisa, 951, 122. 

52. Μ C above H Ror Μ G above H R.—Kamp, Die epigraph. Antica- 
glien in Kiln (1869), 141; CIL 5, 2, 818, 4; 13, 3, 2, 10025, 28, a-c (one 
with G); 15, 2, 1, 6986, a-c (with G); Kisa, 928, 28 (with G). 

53. M D.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 148; Kisa, 952, 142. 

54. M I or T.—CIL 133, 3, 2, 10025, 88; Kisa, 948, ὃς. 

55. M T.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 149: Kisa, 952, 143. 

56. M T above C C.—Kisa, 928, 30. 

57- M V.—Froeh. 110; CIL 12, 5696, 27; Kisa, 964, 288. 

58. N.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 89; Kisa, 948, 86. 

59. N N.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, go; Kisa, 948, 87. 

60. /NNI.—CIL 12, 5696, 21; Kisa, 964, 284. 

61. O BI.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 167; Kisa, 954, 161. 

62. OCTA.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 152; Kisa, 953, 146. 

63. O P above C F.—CIL 5, 2, 8118, 5; Kisa, 962, 254. 

64. O O O above P A.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 93; Kisa, 948, -89. 

65. P.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 92; Kisa, 948, 88. 

66. P A above V V.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 121, a—c; Kisa, 950, 116. 

67. P-V-P-V.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 109; Kisa, 949, 104. 

68. Q Ὁ Eabove P F(?).—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 138; Kisa, 952, 132. 

69. REM OTRO.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 156; Kisa, 953, 150. 

7o. -RIMu-.—CIL 7, 1276; Kisa, 966, 303. 

71. S.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 95; Kisa, 999, 91. 

72. SC or G.—CIL 9, 6085, 2; 11, 2, 6710, 2. 

73. S Ὁ above V.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 29, 15, 2, 1, 6987; Kisa, 928, 
29, 942, 27. 

74. S Cabove A.—CIL 12, 5696,6. Froeh. 28: “SextusG....4..... 7 

75. S G above A.—Kisa, 963, 272. 

76. S O above V.—Froeh. 111; CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 30; 15, 2, 1, 6988. 

77. SPSGAF.—CIL 15, 2, 1, 6973; Kisa, 926, 16. 


128 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [358 


78. SPSC P D.—Kisa, 926, 15. 

79. 8 S.—CIL 03, ἢ, ἃ; 10025, F225 Kiasayoga, 317. 

80. T.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 97; Kisa, 949, 93. 

81. T F H.—Kisa, 942, 29. 

82. T M above .99—CIL τς, 2, 1, 6986. 

83. V.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025. 168. Kisa, 954, 162 (VO///). 

84. VAE above VI.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 160; Kisa, 953, 154. 

85. V C above V C backwards, T and A on either side.—CIL 15, 2, 1, 
79933 Kisa, 930, 45. 

86. V F.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 158; Kisa, 953, 152. 

87. VI C above CDO.—CIL 15, 2, 1, 6974; Kisa, 926, 17. 

88. V L—Kamp, Die epigraph. Anticaglien in Koln (1869), 138; CIL 
13, 3, 2, 10025, 98; Kisa, 949, 94. 

go. V M.—CIL 12, 5696, 28; Kisa, 965, 289. 

92. VOL.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 103; Kisa, 949, 99. 

93. VO above ST V.—CIL το, 8062, 9; Kisa, 963, 263. 

94. V S.—CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 123; Kisa, 951, 118. 

95. Monograms and irregular and indistinct forms.—Froeh. p. 52ff.; 
CIL 13, 3, 2, 10025, 12, 13, 124, 125; Kisa, 930, 46; 931, 48; 951, 119. 


F. MANvuFACTURING CENTERS 


Natural resources greatly influenced the location of manu- 
facturing centers. Egypt possessed both sand and nitrum, and it 15, 
therefore, not surprising that the first certain mention of glass in 
Greek and in Latin is in connection with that country. Herodotus 
(δ. Νὴ tells of the sacred crocodiles wearing earrings of glass.! In 
the Periplus of Scylax (S. IV) glass is designated simply as the 
‘Egyptian stone.’? Theophrastus (δ. IV/III) says that the Egyp- 
tians made an artificial kyanos,? which has been identified with 
glass-paste such as that of the frieze of Tiryns.4 Pliny (8. 1)5 speaks 
of an emerald colossus in the Egyptian Labyrinth, which was 
probably of green glass. Lucan (S. 1)§ says, “‘A erystallos supplies 
the waters of the Nile for the hands.” Martial (8. 1) speaks of the 
toreumata’ of the Nile, of glass cups as the ‘genius of the Nile,’® and 


1 See above, p. 20, ἢ. 2. 

2 See above, p. 21, ἢ. 8. 

3 See above, p. 13, ἢ. 18. 

4 See above, p. 14, n. 27ff. 

5 See below, p. 143, n. 45. 

6 See above, p. 81, ἢ. 18. 

7 See above, p. 109, n. 24. 

8 See below, p. 165, n. 109. 


359] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 129 


again of the fleet of the Nile bringing crystal/a.® In a letter of the 
Emperor Hadrian the blowing of glass in Egypt is mentioned, while 
the a/assontes referred to in the same letter were probably of glass.!° 
Likewise the Egyptian cups mentioned by Gallienus in a letter to 
Claudius probably were of glass." Under the Emperor Aurelian a 
tax was put on glass brought from Egypt to Rome.’? Even among 
the various kinds of darts found chiefly among the Egyptians, 
those made of glass also occurred.¥ In Berthelot’s collection of 
alchemical manuscripts,"* many of which he believes have an 
ancient Egyptian source, we find references to glass in treatises 
which remind us of that country, as those of Isis to Horos, the 
Chemistry of Moses, the writings of Hermes, also mention of the 
Egyptian prophets, the glass of Cleopatra, and glass ammola like 
those from Alexandria. 

In Egypt the chief source of materials was found in the north- 
western Delta, where glass works have been discovered." Although 
the glass and murrine for export to the Berbers, mentioned in the 
Periplus of the Red Sea (S. 1), were reported to have been made at 
Thebes," there are some who question whether glass was not sent 
there in ingots from the northwest to be worked over." In repeating 
the description of burial in glass as given by Herodotus and Ctesias, 
Diodorus (S..1)}* adds that there was plenty of glass for all because 
a great deal of it was made in Aethiopia. Although the story 
itself is probably false (see above, page 23), at the time of Diodorus 
glass from that part of the world was well known. Alexandria was 
one of the greatest glass manufacturing centers of antiquity. Cicero 
(S. 1)!” is the first to mention glass that was imported from there. 

9 See above, p. 82, ἢ. 19. 

10 See above, p. 107, n. 41, and below p. 165, n. 114. 

11 See below, p. 165, ἢ. 113. 

12 Vopisc. Aurel. 45: vectigal ex Aegypto urbi Romae Aurelianus vitri chartae 
lini stuppae atque anabolicas species aeternas constituit. 

18 Paul. Aeg. Chirurgia, 348: αὐτὰ τὰ βέλη... ... ὑάλινα. . . . τοσαύτη γάρ 
τις διαφορὰ μάλιστα παρ᾽ Αἰγυπτίοις εὑρίσκεται. 

me See above, p. 105, n. 31; p. 102, n. 8; below, p. 156, n. 36°; p. 175, n. 208; 
p.178,n.227. Collection, 37,1: πρόσβαλε εἰς τὴν χώνην ὕελον κλεοπατρινὸν. Hist. 
I, 245. 

120 Newberry, op. cit. 157ff. 

14 See above, p. 21, n. Io. 

Dillon, op. cit. 25; Newberry, op. cit. 156ff. 

16 See above, p. 25, n. 6. 

17 Pro Rabir. Post. 14, 40: ‘dominatus est enim,’ inquit, ‘Alexandriae’.... 
fallaces quidem et fucosae e chartis et linteis et vitro velatae; quibus cum multae 
naves refertae fuissent, una non completa fuit parva. 


130 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [360 


And it was workmen of that city who gave Strabo (8. I) his infor- 
mation about the excellent Egyptian sand.!* Augustus is reported 
to have kept but a single murrine cup when he took Alexandria.}® 
Athenaeus (δ. 2/3)2° had heard that in Alexandria they imitated 
every possible kind of earthenware cup in glass. Cups of Alexandrine 
crystal are mentioned by Capitolinus (S. 4).24_ Dillon” writes, ““We 
may find, perhaps, what is the last reference to Alexandria in con- 
nection with glass in “the most precious vase, 4/exandrini generis,’ 
that the Emperor Henry II (d. 1024 4.0.) presented to the Abbot of 
Cluny;” but Demetrius (5. 13)”* mentions the use of Alexandrine 
glass in his own time. 

The one ancient detailed account of glass ascribes its origin to 
the Phoenician coast, where there was excellent sand, especially 
along the Belus river,%* and according to some at Sidon likewise.” 
In the early empire this city was already an important manufactur- 
ing center. Pliny calls Sidon the artifex vitri,?* and ascribes to her the 
invention of the mirror of glass,?” although he speaks of her pro- 
cess of glass making as one of an earlier day.2® Lucian (S. 2)?9 
uses Sidonian glass as a standard of transparency. The importance 
of Sidon in the field of glass making is shown by the number of 
workmen who signed their names as Sidonians.2® Whether they 
worked in the East or moved to the West, they preserved the tra- 
ditions of Sidon’s arts. Although Tyre is not mentioned in classical 
literature as a glass manufacturing center, she no doubt engaged in 
that trade. As early as Herodotus (S. V)*! notice is taken of an 
emerald pillar in Tyre, which was probably of green glass made in a 

18 See above, p. 98, n. 7. 

19 See above, p. 90, n. 34. 

20 11, 784C: κατασκευάζουσι δέ, φησιν, of ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ τὴν ὕαλον μεταρρυ- 
θμίζοντες πολλαῖς καὶ ποικίλαις ἰδέαις ποτηρίων, παντὸς τοῦ πανταχόθεν κατακο- 
μιζομένου κεράμου τὴν ἰδέαν μιμούμενοι. See above, n. 138. 

21 See above, p. ΟἹ, n. 35. 

2 Op: eit. 149, πὶ 2. 

3 See below, p. 181, ἢ. 19. 

%# See above, p. 95, n. 4; p. 97, ἢ. 3. 

25 See above, p. 98, n. 

© Ndi, 18. 

27 See above, p. 102, n. 3. 

28 See above, p. 102, ἢ. 3-4. 

29 Amores, 26: τὸ δ᾽ ἄλλο σῶμα μὴ δ᾽ ἀκαρῇ τριχὸς αὐταῖς ὑποφυομένης ἠλέκτρου, 
φασίν, ἢ Σιδωνίας bédov διαφεγγέστερον ἀπαστράπτει. 

39 See above, p. 115. 

31 See below, p. 142, ἢ. 43. 


361] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 131 


local factory. William of Tyre*® (δ. 12) speaks of local sand for the 
manufacture of glass in his native city, the various, beautiful, trans- 
parent vessels of which have brought not only fortunes to merchants 
but also renown to the name of Tyre among all foreign nations. 
In the same century Benjamin of Tudela says that the Jews had 
control of the ‘far-renowned Tyrian glass.’ He also mentions the 
manufacture of glass at Antioch.*4 The eastern methods, no doubt, 
spread to Carthage* and Mauretanta.** 

Stories of the manufacture of glass in the far East are less trust- 
worthy. Pliny praises most highly the glass of India which, he says, 
was made of broken crystal. However, it is doubtful if glass was 
then made in India.24 When Propertius*** writes of ‘murrine 
cups baked in Parthian ovens,’ it may be no more than a poetical 
way of saying that they came from the near East, and, if so, the 
expression would indicate that the manufacture of glass had by the 
first century spread from Phoenicia as far as Mesopotamia. 

In the time of Strabo very clear, crystal-like glass was being 
manufactured at Rome. This glass was very cheap in price.*? In 
the first region, which lay between the Aventine and Caelian, there 
was a vicus vitrarius,*® the exact location of which is not known.*9 
A fragmentary piece of marble from an unknown locality seems to 
refer to a ‘portico among the glass workers.’*° It was in speaking of 
the fine white sand of Volturnus that Pliny gave his description 

% Hist. des Croisades, 2, 54, 13, (Guizot, 1824): On fait aussi merveilleusement, 
avec un sable qui se trouve dans la méme plaine, la plus belle qualité de verre, 
qui sans aucun doute, occupe le premier rang parmi les produits de la méme espéce. 
Ce verre, transporté de la dans les provinces les plus éloignées, fournit la meilleure 
matiére pour faire des vases de la plus grande beauté, remarquables surtout par 
leur parfaite transparence. Ces diverses productions ont rendu le nom de la lville 
de Tyr célébre chez toutes les nations étrangéres, et fournissent aux négocians les 
moyens de faire des fortunes considérables. 

33 See above, p. 117, n. 22. 

4 See above, p. 118, n. 23. 

% See above, p. 114, n. 12. 

85a See above, p. 114, ἢ. II. 

36 See above, p. 98, n. 10 ff. 

36a See above, p. 85, n. 6. 

87 See above, p. 55, ἢ. 13. Henrivaux, Le Verre et le Cristal (1897), 1, was evi- 
dently unfamiliar with Strabo’s account when he ascribed the establishment of the 
first glass factory in Rome to Nero. 

88 Reg. Urb. Reg. 1, 3, 5 (Curios. Urb. Reg. τ, 2, 5) in Urlichs, Cod. Urb. Rom. 
Top. (1871): Regio I. Porta Capena.... vicum vitrarium. 


59 Huelsen, Topogr. d. St. Rom 1, 3 (1907), 219. 
40 CIL 6, 29844 (=93): Plorticus? Inter Vitrarios? 


132 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [362 


of the process of making glass.*4 In Puteoli there was a clivus 
vitriarius,* which must certainly mean that glass was made there. 
In fact representations of the harbor of Puteoli with its buildings 
have been found on glass flasks“—products, no doubt, of a local 
factory. The name of the town Vitricium, modern Verres,“ may 
have nothing to do with vitrum, but it is conceivable that as the 
knowledge of glassmaking spread to the provinces, a factory was 
established in northern Italy and the town received its name from 
its principal industry.“ 

In the provinces of Gaul and Spain, according to Pliny,*” glass 
was made in the same way as in the vicinity of Cumae. But Strabo 
does not speak very highly of the glass which the Britons imported 
from Gaul.48 How early the Britons began to make their own glass is 
uncertain.*8* In 675, because the art of making glass was unknown in 
England, Benedict, bishop of Wearmouth, introduced glassmakers 
from Gaul to decorate his church. These glassmakers also instructed 
the Britons in their art,*®> but in less than a century an abbot of 
Wearmouth wrote to the archbishop of Mainz asking for a glass- 
maker because the art of glass making was unknown in his region.** 
Glastonia, mentioned in a work of the twelfth century, might 


41 See above, p. 102, ἢ. 4. 

* Dessau, Inser. Lat. τ, 1224b: Mavortii | Q. Flavio Maesio Egnatio Lolliano | 
c. v., 4. k., praetori urbano, auguri pu | blico populi Romani Quiritium, cons. | 
albei Tiberis et cloacarum, cons. operum | publicum, cons. aquarum, cons. Camp., | 
comiti Flaviali, comiti primi | ordinis et proconsuli provinciae Africae | regio clivi 
vitriari sive vici turari | patrono dignissimo. 

8 CIL 2, Suppl. 6251; Kisa, op. cit. 640 f.3; 932, 50. 

“ Ttin. Ant. (Parthey-Pinder (1848)). De Italia in Gallias. Item a Mediolano 
per Alpes Graias. 345, 2: Vitricum m p πὶ XXI (Cod.: vitritium C, vitridium JLN 
XX ΗΕ). 347, 5: Vitrictum m p m XXXIII (Cod.: vitritium CR). 351, 2: Item a 
Mediolano per Alpes Penninas. Vitrico m pm XXI (Cod.: vitritio C, vitracio OQ, 
vitricia P). 

4° Graesse, Orb. Lat. ed. 2 (1909), 317; Boécking, Notitia Dignitatum et Admini- 
strationum (1839-1853), 1131. The town is north of Milan in the Alps. 

46 Cf. above, p. 40, ἢ. 46°; p. 42, ἢ. 89-9; p. 46, n. 42; below, n. 484, 53; also 
Glassboro, New Jersey, where one finds the oldest glass factory in the United 
States that is still operating; see Walbridge; American Bottles Old and New (1920), 
12, 13; Moore, op. cit., 217; Van Rensselaer, op. cit., 120, 134. | 

47 See above, p. 102, n. 4. 

48 4.5, 3: Kal ὑαλᾶ σκεύη Kal ἄλλος ῥῶπος τοιοῦτος. 

‘8a There are some who believe that early glazed beads were indigenous to 
Britain; see Evans, The Palace of Minos, (1921), 493, n. 6. 

480 See above, p. 113, n. 7b. 

48¢ See above, p. 114, n. 7c. 


365] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 133 


have derived its name from the manufacture of glass there, 
possibly in Roman days.‘ The signatures of several glass workers 
occur chiefly in Gaul,‘® especially signatures from the factory of 
Frontinus.®* Possibly the letters C 4 above C and 4 upside down, 
found on vessels in the northern provinces, stand for C(olonia) 
C(laudia) A(grippinensis) A(ugusta); if so, these stamps are the 
only literary record of what archaeology shows to have been one of 
the most important of all centers. Aside from glass factories 
which have been discovered, and localities which retain names 
derived from their early glass factories,®* one of the particular places 
where glass was made was Lugdunum, to judge from a sepulchral 
inscription found there of a glass worker from Carthage.** An 
inscription of a glass worker has also been found in Dalmatia. 
Although the Greeks were familiar with glass and prized it from 
very early times, there is no reference in classical literature to the 
manufacture of glass in Greece. A sepulchral inscription of a glass 
worker was found in Athens.® In later times we are told that glass 
was made in Thessalonica.®* Theophilus*** speaks familiarly of Greek 
glass. The glass workers of Constantinople, no doubt, enjoyed the 


484 Caradocus Lancarbanensis, Vita Gildae, in Chron. Min. (ed. Th. Mommseal 
Mon. Germ. Hist. Auct. Antiqu. 13 (1898), 109, 10): Glastonia, id est Urbs Vitren, 
quae nomen sumsit a vitro, est urbs nomine primitus in Britannico sermone .... 
110, 14: Ynisgutrin nominata fuit antiquitus Glastonia et adhuc nominatur a 
Britannis indigenis: ynis in Britannico sermone insula Latine; gutrin vero vitrea. 
sed post adventum Angligenarum et expulsis Britannis, scilicet Walensibus, 
revocata est Glastiberi ex ordine primi vocabuli, scilicet glas Anglice vitrum Latine, 
beria civitas, inde Glastiberia id est Vitrea Civitas. 

49 See reerences to CIL 13, above, p. 120ff.; Thédenat Rev. de Philol. 11 (1887), 
55); Dillonf, op. cit., 88; Nesbitt, op. cit. 96; Kisa, op. cit. 726ff., 936ff.; Jullian, 
Hist. dela Gaule, 5 (1920), 295. 

5° See above, p. 123, no. 47. 

51 Kisa, op. cit. 938. 

® A. K. Rev. de Philol. 6 (1882), 40; 39 (1915), 114; Hettner, Id. 10 (1895), 211; 
Colson, Rev. Archéol. 1 (1903), 277; Jullian, Rev. des Htudes Anc. 23 (1921), 330; 
Biimlein, Bursian’s Fahresbericht, 197 (1923), 94. 

*8 Gerspach, op. cit. 18: “Mais il y a présomption que des fabriques se trouvaient 
en Normandie et certitude qu’il yen avait en Poitou; dans ce pays, certaines localités 
ont été longtemps désignées sous les noms de verraria, vitrerea, portus vitrarie et, 
a cOté de débois de terre, on a trouvé des scories.”’ 

53a See above, p. 114, n. 12. 

54 See above, p. 115, n. 14. 

6 See above, p. 114, n. 10. 

% Dillon, op. cit. 96. 

ead Se kt oF 


134 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [364 


exemptions of the Theodosian Code.5” From Byzantine times there 
are a number of references to glass workers, especially Jews,®* and 
to their factories,5® which gave their name to one of the gates of 
the city.® 


G. EvIDENCE FOR THE IMPORTANCE OF THE [TRADE 


In Greek and Latin there is no reference to the manufacture of 
glass in ancient Greece, with the exception of the glass maker at 
Athens in Christian times.!. As a foreign product, its nature was 
not sufficiently understood to prevent it from being confused with 
other substances.? At first it was a rarity in Greece, and its value 
among other peoples is shown by its classification with precious 
metals and its use by those of high rank. Possibly the author 
(δ, VI/II?)?*andatleast the translators of the Book of Job’ in praising 
wisdom say that ‘gold and glass cannot equal it,’ and list glass 
with gold, silver, onyx, sapphire, coral, crystal, topaz, and rubies. 
Aristophanes (S. V)* speaks of the use of glass and gold cups at the 
Persian court. Theophrastus (δ. IV/III) says that it was known 
which Egyptian king first made artificial kyanos.5 He also tells of a 
Babylonian king who was reported to have sent to Egypt an emerald 
so large that he questions its genuineness. It was probably of green 
glass.» Glass had its place at the banquet of Ptolemy Philadelphus 
(δ. III)® In Epinicus (S. III)? king Seleucus is represented as drink- 


57 See above, p. 119, ἢ. 34. 

58 See above, Ῥ. 113, 117. 

89 See above, p. 110, n. 38. 

60 Gerspach, op. cit. 81; Dillon, Joc. cit. 

1 See above, p. 114, n. I0. 

2 See above, p. 23ff. 

*a Cheyne and Black, Encyclopedia Biblica, 2 (1901). s. v. Glass: “Zekakith, 

, +/. ‘clear’ [transparency is not implied], A. V. ‘Crystal,’ R. V. ‘Glass’; 

ὕαλος [BRAC]. ” See Hastings, 4 Dict. of the Bible (1902) and The Fewish Encyclopedia 
(1903), “5. v. Glass, also Kisa, op. cit. 96. The precious nature of the substance is 
also evident in The Book of Enoch, see below, p. 141, ἢ. 295. 

3 98, 17: οὐκ ἰσωθήσεται αὐτῇ χρυσίον Kal ὕαλος. Vulgate: non adaequabitur ei 
aurum vel vitrum. * 

4 Ach. 74: ξενιζόμενοι δὲ πρὸς βίαν ἐπίνομεν ἐξ ὑαλίνων ἐκπωμάτων Kal χρυσίδων 
ἄκρατον οἶνον ἡδύν. 

5 See above, p. 128. 

5a See below, p. 143, ἢ. 44. 

5b See below, V, B, a. 

6 See below, p. 154, n. 23. 

7 See above, p. 20, n. 4. 


365] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS , 128 


ing from a goblet of molten stone, i. e., glass. However, as early 
as the fifth century B.c., glass was sufficiently familiar to be used as 
a standard of comparison for transparent objects.’ In the fourth 
century Pausias painted a picture of a figure drinking out of a cup 
of highly transparent glass.2 The word for glass, especially in its 
adjectival forms, continued to be used, in describing the numerous 
objects made of it!° and as a standard of comparison," until modern 
times.!” 

Yet it was not until the beginning of the Roman empire that 
we know much about glass. Strabo (S. I) gives the first information 
of any detail about its manufacture in Egypt, Sidon, Rome, and 
Gaul; then comes Pliny’s" history of glass (S. 1), which is the only 
one in antiquity with the exception of portions of Isidore’s Origines 
(S. 6/7), and Rabanus Maurus’ chapter on glass (S. 9)'* that 
only follow the Natural History. Pliny not only tells of the tradi- 
tional origin, the methods and places of manufacture, but he also 
describes valuable imported pieces. Since the Romans had their 
own factories, it is not strange to find their writers, especially the 
poets of the first and following centuries frequently mentioning 
glass.17_ The adjective also was employed very often to express 
transparency, brightness, clearness, and possibly greenness.!” 

There is some evidence that the Romans found the process of 
making glass difficult and expensive. There seems to have been a 
rather extensive trade in old glass, which was probably remelted 
to save the process of fusion.!® Again, we read that the vessels 
of crystal glass increased in price and did not bring down the value 
of real crystal,!® indicating that their output must have been rather 


8 See above, p. 33. | 

® Paus. 2, 27, 3: Ὑέγραπται δὲ ἐνταῦθα καὶ Μέθη, ἸΠαυσίου καὶ τοῦτο ἔργον, ἐξ 
ὑαλίνης φιάλης πίνουσα᾽ ἴδοις δὲ κἂν ἐν τῇ γραφῇ φιάλην τε ὑάλου καὶ δι᾽ αὐτῆς 
γυναικὸς πρόσωπον. 

10 See below, p. 1288. 

11 See above, p. 358. 

12 See above, p. 37, n. 29. 

” 96, 753. 

* NAG. 56, 190ff. 

16 Orig. τό, 16. 

16 De Universo, 17, 10. 

17 See above, p. 62ff. 

17a See above, p. 66ff. 

18 See above, p. 106f. 

19 See above, p. 79. 


136 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [366 


small. From other sources, however, come indications that by the 
beginning of our era glass was becoming very common and cheap. 
In some ways glass was used more extensively in antiquity than 
today, and Winckelmann™ considers that it reached a higher 
artistic development among the ancients. It was used in im- 
itating almost every kind of gem;?? with the exception of the 
modern glass windows and mirrors it was probably employed to a 
greater extent in interior decoration in antiquity; pottery of every 
form was imitated in glass;?2 and it competed with the precious 
metals for table, toilet, and other household uses,?2 many of which 
are supplied today by porcelain. Strabo™ speaks of the cheapness 
of glass in Rome, and Trimalchio in expressing his preference for 
glass is made to bring out the same fact. Yet in spite of the fact 
that some glass was common and cheap, there were still objects 
of it which could be classed with the precious metals. The wealthy 
and noble might yet prize the unusual pieces as extremely valuable. 
As has been noted Augustus kept nothing but a murrine cup 
when Alexandria was taken.”* In the first century we come across 
the fabulous story of the making of malleable glass; the Emperor 
Tiberius is said to have put its inventor to death to prevent the 
value of the precious metals from being lessened.”” But Pliny tells 
fs that “for drinking-vessels, glass has quite superseded the use 
of gold and silver.’’?’* Nero possessed a number of rare pieces of 
glass which he valued highly.28 Chryse, a wealthy woman of 
the third century, is said to have been so called because she used 
only vessels of gold, never of silver or glass.29 The Emperor Gal- 
lienus about the same period always used gold likewise; he despised 
glass because it was so common.*? But a few years later the Emperor 
19 Werke, 3 (1809), 39. 
20 See below, p. 144ff. 
1 See below, p. 138ff. 
22 See above, p. 130, n. 20. 
23 See below, p. 150ff. 
24 See above, p. 55, n. 13. 
5 Petron. 50: ignoscetis mihi, quod dixero: ego malo mihi vitrea, certe non olunt. 
quid si non frangerentur mallem mihi quam aurum; nunc autem vilia sunt. 
26 See above, p. 90, n. 34. 
27 See above, p. 110, n. 36ff. 
27a See above, p. 80, n. 5. 
28 See above, p. 79, n. 3; ἢ. 87, ἢ. 14; below, p. 156, n. 35; p. 166, n. 117; p. 119, 
n. 119-120. 


29 See below, p. 162, n. 80. 
80 See below, p. 155, n. 25. 


367] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 137 


Tacitus expressed his approval of elaborately wrought glass 
cups.** Thus, while glass continued to lend itself more and more to 
the ordinary household uses, its favor among the wealthy suffered 
from or profited by the changing whims of fashion or individual 
taste. 

In regard to foreign trade, mention has already been made of 
the use of glass by the Egyptians*!* in trading with the West 
Africans*> (§. JV) and peoples about the Red Sea (S 1)*2. The diver- 
sity of localities in which glass signed by Sidonians is found* is 
evidence of the extent of their trade. The works of Ennion alone, 
who was probably from Sidon or nearby, have been found in numer- 
ous spots in Northern Italy, Sicily, Cyprus, and the Bosporus.*4 
Signatures on glass also show that the Gauls had extensive factories, 
from which they probably sent their exports to Britain.** We do not 
read of Rome exporting glass, but she did import it, especially from 
Egypt. Since Rome herself produced quantities of excellent glass, 
that imported was probably only of exceptionally fine workmanship. 
The Church naturally condemned such luxuries.27. The importance 
of the industry was sufficient to induce the Roman government to 
raise revenues by taxing glass-workers*® and by levying a duty on 
imported wares;*® to grant the workers in glass, as artists who de- 
served a special consideration, certain exemptions;*° and to regulate 
the location of glass factories.*! 


31 See below, p. 154, ἢ. 24. 

51. This foreign trade is shown to be of great antiquity by the finds of archae- 
ologists. In speaking of the trade in faience beads carried on by Crete with Egypt 
and the West, Sir Arthur Evans, The Palace of Minos (1921), 493, says, “The 
chronological limits of this intercourse would be between the beginning of the 
sixteenth century B.C., the date of the Temple Repositories at Knossos, and the 
close of the Minoan era proper, about 1200 B.C. The later intercourse, however, 
during the L. M. III Period, was probably the work rather of the Mainland 
Mycenaean branch than of traders from Minoan Crete.” 

31b See above, p. 21, n. 8. 

32 See above, 6. 2%, ἢ. 10. 

For a chart of lodaliées, see West, op. cit. 175. 

# Kisa, op. cit. 708ff. 

% See above, p. 132, n. 48. 

%6 See above, p. 128ff. See Eisen (Art and Archaeol. 6 (1917), 76). 
See below, p. 109, ἢ. 24; p. 170, n. 156. 

38 See above, p. 118, n. 32. 

See above, p. I19, n. 33. 

See above, p. 119, n. 34. 

See above, p. 119, n. 38. 


V. THE USES OF GLASS AS RECORDED 
IN LITERATURE 


The recorded uses of glass will be arranged, as far as seems 
practicable, in a roughly chronological order. At first came objects, 
chiefly ornaments, in the flat, molded from a paste and later from 
clouded glass. Then comes the revolutionizing influence of the 
invention of blowing glass. Straightway, the manufacture of hollow 
ware, especially of drinking vessels, becomes of great importance. 
The perfection of transparent glass made objects of it very valuable. 
Finally, involving a technique even more difficult than that of 
blowing glass, a process was discovered for making large sheets of 
glass which were used principally in windows. 


A. ADORNMENT OF BUILDINGS 


1. Walls. Archaeology can reveal many things about the early 
history of glass concerning which literature is silent. Faience, 
glaze, and glass paste, often blue in color,! were known to the 
Egyptians from very early times.2 In the ruins of Nineveh and 
Babylon glass is discovered,’ and the enameled bricks of the East‘ 
show a high development of this art there as well as in Egypt. The 
Cretans probably established their own faience factories® through 
Egyptian influence.® The earliest objects of manufacture were glazed 
or faience beads or other trinkets for personal adornment, and in 
Late Minoan and Mycenaean times moulded paste gems, plaques, 
and other objects were also made.” How highly these were esteemed 


1 Laurie, McLintock, and Miles (Proceedings of the Royal Society of London, 
89 (1914), 418-429) give a review of the experiments of various workers on Egyptian 
Blue and their own opinion of the composition of the substance, which Sir Arthur 
Evans considers the “classical ‘kyanos”” (see above, p. 14, n. 32. 

2 See above, p. 95, ἢ. I. 

3 Layard, Discoveries among the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon (1853), 196, 
197, 5035 593s 597- 

4 Perrot-Chipiez, op. cit. § (1890), 553-556, 816-822, 834ff., 8724. 

δ Sir Arthur Evans, The Palace of Minos (1921), 486. 

6 Op. cit. 488. 

7 Op. cit. 490. Idem (Four. of Hellen. Studies, 21 (1901), 117); Dumont-Chaplain, 
Les Ceramiques de la Gréce Propre, τ (1881), 59, 61; Bates (Amer. Four. Archacology 
14 (1910), 109); Dussaud, Les Civilisations Préhelléniques, ed. 2 (1914), 177; Hall, 
Aegean Archaeology (1915), 17, 82ff., 105, 115; Glotz (Rev. des kiudes Grec. 28 


138 


369] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 139 


may be judged from their frequent occurrence with other precious 
objects in graves or temples in widely separated regions.* Besides 
its use in personal adornments, a form of glass occurs in the decora- 
tion of larger objects, as the royal gaming board at Knossos and a 
similar one, probably of Cretan importation, found in the fourth 
shaft grave at Mycenae.® With a picture of the rosettes, medallions, 
and outlines of these gaming boards in mind, it is not difficult 
to conceive of their use as a covering for other objects about a 
palace, even in the decoration of the walls of the palace itself. 
It is just at this point that Greek literature begins to record the 
uses of glass. 

In Homer we have noted the use of kyanos, which is here 
probably a blue glass paste," in the frieze of Alcinous’ palace,” 
in the decoration of tables!® and armor.'* The use of glass, especially 
the paste,in mural decorations! has been observed in many places 
during many centuries, but in classical antiquity it 15 not mentioned 
again in literature until the time of Pliny.1® Here we probably have 
to do with a new type of glass wall decoration; instead of the glass 
paste of Homer’s time perhaps glass in large slabs or smaller mosaic 
pieces was used.1”7 The middle section of the stage of the temporary 
theatre of Scaurus, built in the first century before Christ, was said 


(1915), 440); Fahrb. des k. d. Archaeol. Inst. 32 (1917), 31; Herford, The Year's 
Work in Class. Studies (1918-1919), 59; Fimmen, Die Kretisch-Mykenische Kultur 
(1921), 144. At Munich there is a ““Blaue Mykenische Glaskette” in the Alte 
Pinakothek, ‘‘Museum Antiker Kleinkunst.” 

8 See below, p. 149, n. 35. 

® Evans, op. cit. 486. See above, p. 14ff., n. 32-324. 

10 See above, p. 14, n. 30. 

11 See above, p. 14ff. 

12 See above, p. 11, n. I. 

13 See above, p. 11, n. 2. 

14 See above, p. 11, ἢ. 3-5. 

15 See above, p. 18,n. 30. Compare also Haussoulier (Bull. de Corresp. Hellén. 
2 (1878), 192; pl. 15, 2); Froehner, op. cit. 15; Angellier, Rev. de Philol. 4 (1880), 248; 
Perrot- Chipiez, 1 (1882), 824; Miller, Die gr. Staats-, Kriegs- und Privataltertiimer 
(Handb. 4. Klass. Altertumswissenschaft, 4, τ (1887), 348); Evans (Four. of Hellen. 
Stud. 21(1901), 117); Jolles (Fahrb. des Arch. Inst. το (1904), 36); Dillon, op. cit. 53; 
Bliimner, Glas (P.-W. 7 (1910), 1835); Schroder (Fahrdb. des Arch. Inst. 34 (1919), 
108ff. 

16 N. H. 36, 114: M. Scauri.... theatrum hoc fuit.... una pars scaenae e 
marmore fuit, media e vitro, inaudito etiam postea genere luxuriae, summa e 
tabulis inauratis. This temporary theater was built in Rome by Scaurus during his 
Aedileship in 58 B.C. See Middleton, The Remains of Ancient Rome, 2 (1892), 62 ff. 

 Gerspach, La Mosaique (1881), 11; Dillon, op. cit. 54. 


140 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [370 


to be of glass, a piece of luxury which calls forth severe condem- 
nation. Pliny!’ writes, “Mosaic pavements were first introduced in 
the time of Sulla; at all events, there is still in existence a pavement, 
formed of small segments, which he ordered to be laid down in the 
temple of Fortuna, at Praeneste. Since his times these mosaics 
have left the ground for the arched roofs of houses, and they are 
now made of glass. This, however, is but a recent invention; for 
there can be no doubt that when Agrippa ordered the earthenware 
walls of the hot baths, in the Thermae which he was building at 
Rome, to be painted in encaustic, and had the other parts coated 
with stucco, he would have had the arches decorated with 
mosaics in glass, if the use of them had been known; or at all events, 
if from the walls of the Theatre of Scaurus, where it figured, as 
already stated, glass had by that time come to be used for the 
arched roofs of apartments.’” According to Seneca (S. 1)!9 “a person 
feels poor and base .... unless his vaulted ceiling is covered with 
glass.” Evidently Pliny was not wrong when he said that Agrippa 
would have used glass decoration in his baths if the style had been 
introduced, for Statius (δ. 1)2° speaks of such a use in the baths of 
Claudius. Perhaps in derision of such luxuries Lucian (S. 2)?! in. 
describing the land of the blessed reports that “their baths are large 
glass houses, heated with cinnamon.” ‘The wealth of Firmus”* be- 
came notorious, “for,” as Vopiscus (S. 4)” relates, “he is said 
to have built his house out of blocks of glass joined by bitumen 


18 N. H.1,36,64: quando primum camerae vitreae. 36, 189: lithostrota coeptavere 
iam sub Sulla; parvolis certe crustis exstat hodieque quod in Fortunae delubro 
Praeneste fecit. pulsa deinde ex humo pavimenta in camaras transiere vitro. 
novicium et hoc inventum; Agrippa certe in thermis, quas Romae fecit, figlinum 
opus encausto pinxit in calidis, reliqua albario adornavit, non dubie vitreas facturus 
camaras, si prius inventum id fuisset aut a parietibus scaenae, ut diximus, Scauri 
pervenisset in camaras. quam ob rem et vitri natura indicanda est. Translation 
by Bostock and Riley. See Schulten (Fahrb. des Arch. Inst. 18 (1905), 92ff.) 

19 Fpist. 86,6: pauper sibi videtur ac sordidus . . . . nisi vitro absconditur camera. 

20 Silv. 1, §, 42: effulgent camerae, vario fastigia vitro | in species animoque 
nitent. 

1 Ver, Hist. 2, 11: λουτρὰ δέ ἐστιν αὐτοῖς οἴκοι μεγάλοι ὑάλινοι, τῷ κινναμώμῳ 
ἔγκαιόμενοι. 

la Firmus was a native of Seleucia, 5. Syria, a man of great wealth. He 
captured Alexandria, but was later defeated and put to death at the command of 
the Emperor Aurelian. 

22 Firm. 3, 2: de huius divitiis multa dicuntur. nam vitreis quadraturis bitumine 
aliisque medicamentis insertis domum instruxisse perhibetur. Marquardt, op. 62]. 
738: “Als blosser Ornament erwdhnt.”’ 


371] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 141 


᾽ 


and other plasters.”” Although Du Cange* regarded the glassy veil 
mentioned in Fridegodus (S. 12)% as a glass window, it is more 
likely to have been a wall decoration or veneer. The same question® 
arises over the passage where Prudentius (δ, 4) compares the 
arches of Saint Paul’s to “‘meadows resplendent with the flowers of 
spring.” Sidonius (5. 5) also mentions the use of green glass in a 
church of Patiens.2”7 An anonymous writer? on Sancta Sophia 
(S. 10 or earlier) speaks of the bright gold-colored glass so common 
in the interior decoration of early churches.2® Possibly these elabo- 
rate glass mosaics were the foundation of the vision described in The 
Book of Enoch (S. 11),2* of the crystal palace of God, and in The Life of 
Saint Macarius of a church which seemed to be entirely of crystal.?%» 

2. Floors. Closely connected with the use of glass mosaics for 
mural decoration is their employment in pavements. The only 


3 Gloss. Med. et Infim. Lat. s. v. hyalinum velum: ‘‘Vitrea fenestra, a Graeco 
ὑάλινος, vitreus.” 

4 See above, p. 58, ἢ. 12. 

25 Du Cange, s. v. hyalinum; Labarte, The Handbook of Arts (1855), 66; Dressel, 
Aurel. Prud. Clem. quae extant Carm. (1860), note on Perist. 12, 53; Wallace- 
Dunlop, op. cit. 166. 

46 See above, p. 57, n. 7. 

27 Fist. 2, 10, 4, 15 (11): distinctum vario nitore marmor | percurrit cameram 
solum fenestras, | ac sub versicoloribus figuris | vernans herbida crusta sapphiratos | 
flectit per prasinum vitrum lapillos. See Le Blant, Inscr. Chrét. de la Gaule, τ (1856), 
54. 

28 See above, p. 110, n. 32. 

29 See Theophilus, 2, 12, 15; Muratori op. cit. 363; Gerspach, La Mosaique 
(1881), 239ff.; Wulff, op. cit. 314ff.; Lethaby-Swainson, The Church of Sancta Sophia 
Constantinople (1894), 172, 273. 

296. 14,9: Kal εἰσῆλθον μέχρις ἤγγισα τείχους οἰκοδομῆς (E=olkodounuévov) ἐν 
λίθοις χαλάζης καὶ γλώσσαις (MS. γλώσσης) πυρὸς κύκλῳ αὐτῶν᾽ καὶ ἤρξαντο 
ἐκφοβεῖν με. το. καὶ εἰσῆλθον εἰς τὰς γλώσσας τοῦ πυρός, καὶ ἤγγισα εἰς οἶκον 
μέγαν οἰκοδομημένον ἐν λίθοις χαλάζης καὶ οἱ τοῖχοι τοῦ οἴκου ὡς λιθόπλακες, καὶ 
πᾶσαι ἦσαν ἐκ χιόνος (Ε Ξε ἐν λίθοις τοῖς ἐκ χιόνος), καὶ ἐδάφη χιονικά. 18. ἐθεώρουν 
δὲ καὶ εἶδον (E adds ἐν αὐτῷ) θρόνον ὑψηλόν (g mq of Ἐ Ξε ὑψηλοῦ), καὶ τὸ 
εἶδος αὑτοῦ ὡσεὶ κρυστάλλινον. Charles, The Book of Enoch, ed. 2 (1912), 336., 
translates: “9. And I went in till I drew nigh to a wall which is built of crystals 
and surrounded by tongues of fire: and it began to affright me. 10. And I went into 
the tongues of fire and drew nigh to a large house which was built of crystals: and 
the walls of the house were like a tesselated floor (made) of crystals, and its ground 
work was of crystal.... 18. And I looked and saw therein a lofty throne: its 
appearance was as crystal.” 

2% Patr. Lat. 73,415: vidimus ante nos ecclesiam, mirabili ornatu decoratam, 
ac pretiosissimam, quae tota quasi crystallina videbatur. 


142 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [372 


mention of this use, however, is in a rather uncertain passage in the 
Greek anthology.?° 

Although the vision of “streets of pure gold like transparent 
glass’’8°" may not have been influenced by the author’s familiarity 
with mosaic floors, as Cook*! says, in speaking of the various refer- 
ences to glass in the Apocalypse, “we are reminded of the Arabian 
legend that Solomon prepared in his Palace a glass pavement which 
the Queen of Sheba mistook for water (Qoran, Sur. 27). The 
authors of The Book of Enoch (δ. 11) seem to have been familiar 
with such floors,*? which early came into use. 

3. Tables. In Homer we read of a table with feet of kyanos.* 
Here too it is a long step before such decoration is mentioned again. 
Pliny® says that soon after the introduction of murrina the material 
was used for abaci which are explained as ‘tables’ by some.* 
Martianus Capella (S. 5)? describes a “table colored by a sprinkling 
of glass dust.” The lexicographers defined e/ektron as a mixture of 
gold and glass,?* which may very well have been true in their time, 
although the electrum of early times was something very different.* 
Suidas (δ. 10) and Zonaras (S.12) add that there was a table in Sancta 
Sophia of this substance.*° We hear too of a table of emerald glass.“ 
Tabula Smaragdina also had a symbolic meaning.” 

4. Columns. Herodotus (δ. V)* visited the temple of Hercules 

30 Anth. Pal. 14, 52 (51): νῦν δὲ με Μοῦσα τρίτη πυρίναις Νύμφαισι μιγέντα | 
δέρκεται ὑελίνῳ κείμενον ἐν δαπέδῳ. Here Grotius remarks: “‘Intellige vitreum vas,” 
but Paxon quite correctly translates: “But now the third sense sees me mixed with 
fiery nymphs lying on a pavement of glass.” 

30a See above, p. 65, n. 13. 

31 Cheyne and Black, Encyclopaedia Biblica 2(1901), 5. v. Glass. 

32 See above, ἢ. 298. 

33 Bosanquet (Four. of Hellen. Studies, 18 (1898), 668.) 

34 See above, p. II, n. 2. 

35 See above, p. 87, n. 14. 

38 Mau (P.-W. 1 (1894), 5. v. abacus, 4): “Prunktisch zur Schaustellung von 
Gefassen.”’ Bannier (Thes. Ling. Lat. 1 (1900), s. v. abacus): “Mensa preciosa ad 
cenas lautas et sim. adhibita.” 


37 See above, p. 58, n. Io. 

38 See above, p. 31, n. 44. 

39 Bliimner, P.-W. s. v. Elektron. 

40 See above, p. 52, n. 44. 

4! Berthelot, Origines, 223. 

42 Kriegsmann-Dorne (Manget, Bid]. Chem. 1, 380): “Ecam tibi, Amice Lector, 
Tabulam Hermetis Trismegisti Smaragdinam quam suo merito symbolum universi 
Chemicorum coetus dixeris.”” See Jdem, Ὁ. 381 ff. 

489. 44: Kal ἐν αὐτῷ ἦσαν στῆλαι δύο, ἡ μὲν χρυσοῦ ἀπέφθου, ἡ δὲ σμαράγδου 
λίθου λάμποντος τὰς νύκτας μέγαθος (μέγα φῶς Reiske). 


373] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 143 


in Tyre, and found in it “two pillars, one of refined gold, the other 
of a large emerald that shone by night.”” Theophrastus (8, IV/III)* 
had heard of a Babylonian king who sent to Egypt an emerald four 
cubits long and three wide, also of an obelisk of four emeralds in the 
temple of Jupiter, but he raised the question whether such reports 
were to be believed, for he considered the actual gem small and rare. 
He also suggested that the emerald in the temple of Hercules at 
Tyre, the largest on record, might not be a real emerald. Pliny 
refers to this passage and adds on the authority of Apion that there 
was a “colossus of Serapis in the Egyptian Labyrinth, nine cubits 
tall, made of emerald.’ In another passage Pliny speaks of the 
numerous methods of imitating emeralds, but refuses to transmit 
them to posterity.“ This fact added to Theophrastus’ well founded 
doubt and our own knowledge of the size of genuine emeralds found 
in modern times, makes it impossible to believe in such large stones 
in antiquity, which can, accordingly, have been nothing else than 
green glass,47 for such glass columns did actually exist, since 
Clemens (S. 1) (in the translation of Rufinus)** tells of enormous 
columns of glass (vitreae columnae) on the island of Aradus visited 
by Peter and later by himself. 


“4 De Lap. 4, 24ff.: ἔστι δὲ σπανία καὶ τὸ μέγεθος οὐ μεγάλη, πλὴν εἰ πιστεύειν 
ταῖς ἀναγραφαῖς δεῖ ὑπὲρ τῶν βασιλέων τῶν Αἰγυπτίων. ἐκείνοις yap φασι κομισθῆναί 
ποτ᾽ ἐν δώροις παρὰ τοῦ Βαβυλωνίων βασιλέως μῆκος μὲν τετράπηχυν πλάτος δὲ τρίπη- 
xuv ἀνακεῖσθαι δὲ καὶ ἐν τῷ τοῦ Διὸς ὀβελίσκῳ σμαράγδους τέτταρας, μῆκος μὲν 
τετταράκοντα πηχῶν, εὖρος δὲ τῇ μὲν τέτταρας τῇ δὲ δύο. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὅτι κατὰ 
τὴν ἐκείνων γραφήν. τῶν δὲ βακτριανῶν καλουμένων ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἡ ἐν Τύρῳ μεγίστη" 
στήλη γάρ ἐστιν εὐμεγέθης ἐν τῷ τοῦ Ἡρακλέους ἱερῷ᾽ εἰ μὴ ἄρα ψευδὴς σμάραγδος, 
καὶ γὰρ τοιαύτη γίνεταί τις φύσις. 

® N. H. 37, 75: Apion cognominatus Plistonices paulo ante scriptum reliquit 
esse etiamnunc in labyrintho Aegypti colossum Serapis e zmaragdo novem cubit- 
orum. 

46 See above, p. 181, ἢ. 11. 

47 Rawlinson, op. cit. 2, 71: Deville, op. cit. 5; Nesbitt, op. cit. 11; Gerspach, 
op. cit. 8; Garnier, op. cit. 21. How and Wells, op. cit. 1, 188, disagree, indeed, but 
without good reason. 

48 Recogn. 7, 12: post haec dicta unus ex astantibus Petrum rogare coepit, ut 
die crastina maturius ad insulam proximam quae sex non amplius stadiis aberat, 
Aradum nomine, pergeremus, videndi in ea gratia mirum aliquod opus, columnas 
vitreas magnitudinis immensae. cui Petrus, ut erat clementissimus, acquiescit, sed 
monuit nos,cum navem descendissemus, non una omnes concurrere ad videndum. 
7, 13: Petrus vero ubi solas columnas miratus est vitreas. 7, 26: haec cum mihi 
Clemens enarrasset, accessit ad nos quidam rogans, ut ad insulam Aradum quae 
vicina erat recederemus, videndi gratia columnas vitreas mirae magnitudinis. 


144 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [374 


B. ImItTATION ΟΕ PRECIOUS AND SEMIPRECIOUS STONES 
1. Kinds 


a. Emerald. Since glass was so easily confused with other trans- 
parent substances in early times, it is natural that the possibility of 
using it to imitate precious stones should soon suggest itself. Wehave 
just noted the employment of imitation emeralds, probably green 
glass, in making tables, columns, statues, and obelisks.1_ Petronius 
(δ. 1)!4 virtually calls the emerald glass in a certain passage. Nero 
(δ, 1) used an emerald or green glass to shade and rest his eyes.!» 
It would be interesting at this point if only Pliny (S. 1)? had pre- 
served for us some of the numerous recipes for imitating emeralds, 
which he claims to have had before him. Irenaeus (δ. 2/3)’ and after 
him Isidore (5S. 6/7) record that the glass imitations of the costly 
emerald were made so skilfully that it was difficult to recognize 
them for what they were. The alchemist supplies the recipes which 
were omitted by the more technical writers.® 

b. Lapis Lazuli. The natural kyanos of Theophrastus (S. 1V/III) 
has been identified with lapis lazuli, and the artificial with a blue 
glass-paste.® 

c. Crystal. The perfection of glass until it not only resembled 
crystal, but was even called crystal, has been discussed above.? 

d. Murra. Although we do not know what the natural murra 
was, or even whether it existed, Pliny seemed to think that it came 
from the ground, and he tells us that it was imitated in glass. It 
was mentioned elsewhere as a manufactured product. 

e. Opal. Pliny® says that opals are among the easiest stones to 


1 See above, p. 142ff. 

la See below, ἢ. 43. 

1b See below, p. 150, n. 43. 

2 See above, p. 181, ἢ. IO-IT. 

8 Contra Haer. τ, 2 (Patr. Gr. §, 1388 A): ὅτι λίθον τὸν τίμιον σμάραγδον ὄντα 
καὶ πολυτίμητόν τισιν ὕαλος ἐνυβρίζει διὰ τέχνης παρομοιουμένη, ὁπόταν μὴ παρῇ ὁ 
σθένων δοκιμάσαι καὶ τέχνῃ διελέγξαι τὴν πανούργως γενομένην. 

4 Orig. 16, 15, 27: nam et pro lapide pretiosissimo smaragdo quidem vitrum arte 
inficiunt, et fallit oculos subdole quadam falsa viriditas; quoadusque non est qui 
probet simulatum et arguat. See above, p. 109, ἢ. 15. 

® Berthelot, Collection, 346; 349, 1; 350 ff.; 3533 361, 35. 

6 See above, p. 14. 

7 See above, p. 53ff., 798. 

8 See above, p. 83ff. 

9 N. H. 37, 83: vitia opalis sunt, si color in florem herbae, quae vocatur helio- 
tropium, exeat aut in crystallum aut grandinem ... . nullos magis fraus indiscreta 


375] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 145 


imitate, but that it is possible to distinguish the true from the false 
by holding them to the light. 

f. Carbunculus. The carbunculus was a red stone, probably the 
ruby or garnet. Pliny tells how to identify the glass imitations; 
they are softer, brittle, lighter in weight, and sometimes contain 
bubbles.1° 

δ. Topaz. The topaz of Pliny was a chrysolite or green jasper. 
He says that no gem was more easily imitated in glass." 

ἢ. Fasper. According to Pliny the way to distinguish a jasper 
from a glass gem is by the type of reflection.” 

i. Hyacinthus. Closely resembling the amethyst was a stone 
called Ayacinthus* from the color of the hyacinth flower. There 
were some hyacinths that resembled glass, and were, therefore, 
easily imitated. In fact they could not be distinguished by sight, 
but the glass was warmer to the touch. 

1. Obsidian. Pliny very naturally classes the black, glassy, 
volcanic rock, obsidian, as a type of glass. “‘Among the various 
kinds of glass, we may also reckon Obsian glass, a substance very 


similitudine vitro adulterat. experimentum in sole tantum: falsis enim contra 
radios libratis digito ac pollice unus atque idem tralucet colos in se consumptus; 
veri fulgor subinde variatur et modo ex hoc plus, modo ex illo spargit, fulgorque 
lucis in digitos funditur. 

10 Td. 37, 98: adulterantur vitro simillime, sed cote deprehenduntur, sicut 
aliae gemmae; fictis enim mollior materia fragilisque est. centrosas cote depre- 
hendunt et pondere, quod minus est in vitreis, aliquando et pusulis argenti modo 
relucentibus. Berthelot, Collection, 350 ff. 

1 74. 37, 112: neque est imitabilior alia mendacio vitri. 

2 Td. 37, 117: et vitro adulterantur, quod manifestum fit, cum extra fulgorem 
spargunt atque non in se continent. 

13 Tq. 37, 128: sunt et in hoc genere capniae. sunt et vitreis similes, velut croco 
fulgentes; vitro adulterantur, ut visu discerni non possint; tactus deprendit, 
tepidior in vitreis. See also above, p. 109, ἢ. 15. Berthelot, Collection, 350 ff. 
Lib. Sac. 189 (Berthelot, Hist. 1, 223): ad faciendum jacintos. 

4 NH. 36, 196ff.: in genere vitri et obsiana numerantur ad similitudinem |lapidis, 
quem in Aethiopia invenit Obsius, nigerrimi coloris, aliquando et tralucidi, crassiore 
visu atque in speculis parietum pro imagine umbras reddente. gemmas multi 
ex eo faciunt; vidimus et solidas imagines divi Augusti capaci materia huius 
crassitudinis, dicavitque ipse pro miraculo in templo Concordiae obsianos IIII 
elephantos. remisit et Tiberius Caesar Heliopolitarum caerimoniis repertam in 
hereditate Sez eius, qui praefuerat Aegypto, obsianam imaginem Menelai, ex qua 
apparet antiquior materiae origo, nunc vitri similitudine interpolata. Xenocrates 
obsianum lapidem in India et in Samnio Italiae et ad oceanum in Hispania tradit 
nasci. fit et tincturae genere obsianum ad escaria vasa et totum rubens vitrum 
atque non tralucens, haematinum appellatum. Translation by Bostock and Riley. 
Cf. Isid. Orig. 16, 5. See Bone (Mitteil. des Arch. Inst. 23 (1908), 145ff.). 


146 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [376 


similar to the stone which Obsius discovered in Aethiopia. This stone 
is of a very dark color, and sometimes transparent; but it is dull to 
the sight, and reflects, when attached as a mirror to walls, the 
shadow of the object rather than the image. Many persons use it 
for jewelery, and I myself have seen solid statues in this material 
of the late Emperor Augustus, of very considerable thickness. That 
prince consecrated, in the Temple of Concord, as something mar- 
vellous, four figures of elephants made of Obsian stone. Tiberius 
Caesar, too, restored to the people of Heliopolis, as an object of 
ceremonial worship, an image in this stone, which had been found 
among the property left by one of the praefects of Egypt. It was a 
figure of Menelaus; a circumstance which goes far towards proving 
that the use of this material is of more ancient date than is generally 
supposed, confounded as it is at the present day with glass, by 
reason of its resemblance. Xenocrates says that Obsian stone is 
found in India also, and in Samnium in Italy, and that it is a natural 
product of Spain, upon the coasts which berder the Ocean. There 
is an artificial Obsian stone, made of colored glass for services for 
the table; and there is also a glass that is red all through, and opaque, 
known as ‘haematinum’ (blood-red).”” One cannot but wonder 
whether the statues mentioned by Pliny were natural or artificial. 

k. Sapphire. After listing a number of colors and stones, in- 
cluding the sapphire, which are imitated in glass, Pliny adds that 
there is no material which lends itself so well to working and coloring. 

1. Pearls. Although some do not believe that false pearls were 
known at an early date,!’ there seems to be sufficient evidence, 
both literary!” and archaeological,!* that they were. Fenestella said 
that after the capture of Alexandria pearls came into common and 
general use at Rome.!® To be sure there is no indication that these 
or any of the numerous pearls mentioned by Pliny?® were of glass, 


16 See above, p. 83, 8.1 p. 109, n. 15. 

17 Wallace-Dunlop, op. cit. 155. 

17a Berthelot, Collection, 364, 368. 

18 Duhn, Mittheil. des. k. d. Arch. Inst. Rim. Abtheil. 2 (1887), 254; Orsi, id. 24 
(1909), 97; Perrot et Chipiez, op. cit. 6, 943; Fahrb. des Arch. Inst. 3 (1888), 245; 
15 (1900), 3; 19 (1904), 48; 25 (1910), 211; 26 (1911), 314; Schneider, Fahresheft 
des osterreich. arch. Inst. 2, (1899), 203; Weisshaupl, iid. 3 (1900), Beibl. 198; 
Blimner (P.-W. 7, 1382); Jahrb. des Arch. Inst. 29 (1914), 291. 

19 Plin. N. H. 9, 123: Romae in promiscuum ac frequentem usum venisse Alex- 
andrea in dicionem redacta. 

20 9, 106f. 


377] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 147 


but since Alexandria was the center of the manufacture of the finer 
glass products, no less than the principal port for Oriental trade, 
and since glass pearls certainly were made in considerable numbers 
during the empire, one may be allowed a shrewd suspicion that some, 
at least, of the numerous pearls which came to Rome from Alexan- 
dria may have been paste. The imitation, however, cannot have 
been regarded as very satisfactory, because the discrepancy in value 
gave rise to a proverb: “‘Is a glass pearl worth as much as a genuine 
one?’ 2! 

m. Onyx. The imitation of onyx is mentioned by Isidore 
(S. 6/7). 

The few stones recorded above by no means conclude the list. 
Pliny, and after him Isidore and Rabanus Maurus, says that other 
gems were imitated, and this we know from the museum collections, 
but the aim has been to mention only those which occur in litera- 
ture.* 


a tises 


a. Adornment of Objects. The first use of glass was probably as a 
glaze for necklaces and other jewelery for personal adornment.” 
Later, glass was applied to larger objects either as a surface glaze or 
paste or in the form of gem-like adornments. In Homer kyanos was 
used in small quantities in the decoration of armor.** Of course this 
may have been only a coloring material, but it is mentioned along 
with such other substances as gold and silver; so there seems to be no 
reason why it is not the same as the glass paste used in the frieze. 
Leo the Grammarian (δ᾽, 9)® speaks of Theophilus adorning two 


41 Tert. 4d. Mart. 4: tanti vitreum, quanti verum margaritum? Hier. Epist. 
29, 7, 8: si tanti vilissimum vitrum quanti pretiosissimum margaritum. 130, 6, 6: 
tanti, ut dicitur, vitrum, quanti margaritum. Valer. Homi/. 15, 2, brings out the 
similarity between glass and pearls (since he is obviously referring to the ‘Pearl of 
Great Price’), but also the great difference in value: in comparatione autem paradisi, 
vitro similis est gemma pretiosior. 

22 See above, p. 109, n. 15. 

3 Noggerath, Die Kunst Gemmen zu Farben (Fahrb. des Vereins v. Altertums- 
freunden, 10 (1847), 84); Blummer, Tech. u. Term. 4, 391; Berthelot, Hist. 1, 180; 
2, 1X, XV, XXI, XXXIII, XX XVIII, XLVI], 29, 173, 194, 195, 229, 284, 287, 330; 
Origines, 71, 93, IOI, 125, 199, 232, 240, 242, 244, 346; Introduction, 202, 271. 

3a See above, n. 83, 1; below, ἢ. 35. 

%4 See above, p. II. 

% Chronograph. (Patr. Gr. 108, 1048): τὰ δύο μέγιστα ὄργανα ὁλόχρυσα διαφόροις 
λίθοις καὶ ὑελίοις καλλύνας αὐτά. Cf. Georgius Monachus, Chron. 4 (Patr. Gr. 110, 
1009). 


148 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [378 


very large instruments of solid gold with a variety of precious stones 
and glass gems. 

b. Earrings. Glass gems no doubt passed through two periods. 
At first the novelty of glass to the Greeks caused it to be classed 
with things that were rare and valuable. Then as glass became 
common and cheap, say at the beginning of the Roman empire, gems 
were made of it to deceive wealthy buyers, as well as to supply the 
poorer people who could not afford real jewels. 

In Herodotus’ day (8S. V) glass gems were still in the first stage. 
In fact glass was called a stone, not one which was dug up, but a 
‘molten stone.’ The Egyptians deemed glass worthy to adorn their 
sacred crocodiles; “‘they put earrings of glass and gold in their ears 
and anklets about their feet.’’2* Petronius (S. 1)?” has Habinnas call 
his wife’s earring a glass bean. In a partially unintelligible passage 
Hesychius (S. 5)?8 speaks of glass earrings set in gold. 

c. Rings. In an inventory of the temple of Athena?* taken in 
the fourth century before Christ, andin an inventory of the temple 
of Apollo at Delos taken the next century under Hypsocles,? a 
number of glass rings are mentioned. Possibly these were signet 
rings, for glass gems containing inscriptions of various types have 
been found widely distributed.?° In explaining the color anulare 
Pliny® says that “it is prepared from chalk mixed with glass jewels 
from the rings (amu/i) of the common people, and for this reason 
it was called anulare.” It is clear, therefore, that cheap rings were 
usually fitted with glass sets. Theophilus has a whole chapter on 
the making of glass rings. 

% See above, p. 20, n. 2. 

27 67, 10: quid?’ inquit Habinnas ‘excatarissasti me, ut tibiemerem fabamvitream.’ 

28 δ ov. ἄρκαλ[λ]α᾽ λευκὰ Kal ἐνώτια ἐξ ὑάλου Tepixpvoa’ ot δὲ ξύλα ξηρά. 
For such decoration see Hadaczek, Der Ohrschmuck der Gr. u. Etr. (Abhanal. des 
archdaol.-epigraph. Sem. d. Uni. Wein. 14 (1903), 9, 34, 45, 48ff.). 

29 1G 2, 652, 28: odpayils ὑαλίνη. 35: σφραγῖδε ὑαϊλίνα ποιϊκίλα 11. 48: 
σφραγὶς sine [περικεχρυσ] | wuévn. 40: σφραγῖδες ὑάλιναι: T11: ποικίλαι 
περικε[χρυσωμέναι. 2,683, 13: σφραγ]ὶ]ς ὑαλίνη. In 4, 672C, Kohler supplies line 12: 
δακτύλιο]ι σιδητοῖ 111, pols evi χρυσίον ἄπυρον πρόσεστι, σφραγὶς ὑαλίνη. 

a 1G 11, 2, 161, 50: σφραγίδιον ὑάλινον χρυσένδετον. Homolle, Comptes des 
Hiéropes du Temple D’ Apollon Délien (Bull. de Corresp. Hellén. 6 (1882), 122). 

°° CIL I, I, 1, 2405; 12, 5693, II; 13, 3; 2, 75» 128b, 134, 139, 145, 146, 149, 153; 
at 905, 385, 410, 452b, 463, 464, 668. 

. H. 35, 48: anulare quod vocant, candidum est, quo muliebres picturae 
bemniednear: fit et ipsum e creta admixtis vitreis gemmis e volgi anulis, inde et 


anulare Aine. 
oe 31. 


379] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 149 


d. Trifles of Export. It has always been true that less civilized 
peoples prize trifles of adornment more than objects of practical 
value. Doubtless a glass bead was valued as much by an African 
of the fourth century before Christ as by an American Indian of 
more recent times. At least in bartering with them “the Phoenician 
merchants imported to them perfume, Egyptian stone,” etc.** The 
author of the Periplus of the Red Sea** records that the Egyptians 
of the first century after Christ exported to the Berbers many kinds 
οὗ glass stones and murrine made at Diospolis. Hyala skeué,34* 
‘glass wares,’ were also among the articles of export. Usually this 
expression means utensils of glass, but here, as well as in the list 
of exports from Gaul to Britain mentioned by Strabo,*4> we are 
probably to think of glass beads*® and trifles of glass which would be 
prized by less advanced peoples. Probably the vitrea which the 
Aethiopians imported** should be included here rather than taken 
as glass vessels. 

e. Cups. Under murrine and crystalline cups probably glass 
is often meant.*® When mention is made of drinking from gems or 
gemmed cups,*’ one imagines that they were really glass gems. 

f. Bullae. Calpurnius (δ. 1)38 speaks of vitreae bullae, ‘glass 


88. See above, p. 21, ἢ. 8. ; 

84 See above, p. 21, ἢ. 10-11. Kisa, op. cit. 164: “‘Glaserne Steine verschiedener 
Forme.” Peripl. 49, 56: ὕαλος ἀργή. Salmasius, Plin. Exercit. 252 a D: ἀργὸς 
ὑάλη apud Arrianum in periplu iners et rude vitrum, et quod in masaest:ABiay ὑάλην 
alibi vocat.”’ 

S4a Td. 39: ὑαλᾶ σκεύη. 

84b See above, p. 132, n. 48. Dillon, op. cit. 85: ‘We must interpret as beads of 
glass and amber.” 

% On glass beads: Schliemann, Mycenae (1878), 158; Tiryns (1885), 82ff.; 
Schuchhardt, Schliemann’s Excavations (1891), 124, 258; Dawkins (The Annual of 
the Brit. School at Athens, 10 (1904), 215; 11 (1905), 291); Gardner-Casson (24. 23 
(1918), 22); Eisen (4. 7. 4., Ser. 2, 20 (1916), 134ff.). Evans, The Palace of Minos 
(1921), 486ff.; Xanthoudides, The Vaulted Tombs of Mesard, trans. by Droop 
(1924), 124. 

$2 Plin. NV. H. 12, 88: hi recto cursu per sinus inpellunt atque a promunturii 
ambitu argeste deferunt in portum Gebbanitarum qui vocatur Ocilia. quaamobrem 
illi maxime id petunt, produntque vix quinto anno reverti negotiatores et multos 
interire. contra revelunt vitrea et aenea, vestes, fibulas cum armillis ac monilibus. 
ergo negotiatio illa feminarum maxime fide constat. 

86 See above, p. 70ff.; 83ff. 

87 Mart. 10, 49, I: cum potes amethystinos trientes. 11, 11: te potare decet 
gemma. 14, 94, I: nostra neque ardenti gemma feritur aqua. See below, p. 164, n. 94; 
p. 165, n. 110. Friedlander (1886): “Gemma=glass.” See above, p. 109, ἢ. 17. 

38 Hcl. 41 (39): aspicis, ut niveo frons irretita capistro | lucet, et a dorso, quae 
totam circuit alvum, | alternat vitreas lateralis cingula bullas? 


150 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [380 


amulets.’®9 Since, however, bu//ae were usually of gold, the word 
vitreae might conceivably mean simply ‘glistening,’ although that 
would appear most improbable. 

g. General Terms. When the Book of Job was written 
(8, VI/II),*° glass or paste jewels were still extremely valuable. 
Varro (δ. 1)41 mentions vitrum along with pearls and emeralds. 
Diodoros (S. 1)4!* writes of a little crystal which was sent as a gift. 
This may have been of real crystal or possibly of glass. The same 
might be said of crystal mentioned in the list of precious gifts sent by 
devoted lovers; ‘‘one will send crystal, another silver, and others 
topazes.’’4? Petronius (5. 1) in a similar connection asks, ““Why do 
you desire the green emerald, precious glass?’ Clement of Alexan- 
dria (δ. 2/3)*4 inveighs against the folly of being attracted by trans- 
parent stones and colored glass. Trebellius Pollio (S. 4)* tells an 
anecdote about the punishment given by the emperor Gallienus to a 
man who had deceived the empress. When the emperor discovered 
that the merchant had sold his wife glass gems for genuine ones, he 
pretended that he was going to throw him to the lions. However, 
on the appointed day when the crowd was anxiously waiting to 
see the execution, the cage opened, and, instead of a lion a capon 
stepped out. The emperor, considering that the fraudulent dealer 
had suffered sufficiently, dismissed the case. 


C. Gass VESSELS 


To the Greeks of the classical age glass was something rather 
foreign; to the Romans of the first century before Christ something 


39 Keene (1887): “Glass amulets.” Scott (1890): ‘“Glass beads,’’ which can 
scarcely be right. On glass amulets: Petrie, Naukratis, 1 (1886), 43, 53; Bliimner 
(P.W. 7, 1382). 

40 See above, p. 134, n. 

4t Menipp. Frag. 591 (Baicheler, Petr, ed, .&: 224), Papiapapae, 13 (8), 382: 
imperito nunnumquam concha videtur margarita, vitrum smaragdos. 

41a See above, p. 54, n. 9. 

42 See above, p. 54, n. 10. 

43 Satur. §5, 6, το: zmaragdum ad quam rem viridem, pretiosum vitrum? 

“4 Paedag. 2, 12, 118 (Patr. Gr. 8, 540): ἐπὶ yap τὰ διαυγῆ τῶν λιθιδίων καὶ 
τὰς ἰδιαζούσας χρόας ὑέλους [ὑέλου N] τε ἱέσθαι ποικίλας οὐδὲν ἀλλ᾽ ἢ ἀνοήτων 
ἐστὶν ἀνθρώπων ὑπὸ τῶν πληκτικὴν ἐχόντων φαντασίαν ἑλκομένων. 

“Ὁ Gall. Duo. 12, 5: idem, cum quidam gemmas vitreas pro veris vendidisset 
eius uxori, atque illa re prodita vindicari vellet, subripi quasi ad leonem venditorem 
iussit, deinde e cavea caponem emitti, mirantibusque cunctis rem tam ridiculam 
per curionem dici iussit: ‘inposturam fecit et passus est.’ deinde negotiatorem 
dimisit. 


381] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 151 


new; and to both something extremely useful and ornamental. 
There are many points which we should like to know, such as how, 
when, and where the first vessels were fashioned, and when the first 
glass was blown. Literature does not answer these questions, but 
literature, as well as archaeology, testifies to the popularity of glass 
for vessels. Seneca (S. 1)! says, “I should like to show Posidonius 
some glass-blower who by his breath fashions glass into numerous 
shapes, which could scarcely be accomplished by the most skilful 
hand.” Athenaeus (JS. 2/3)? too mentions the numerous shapes 
when he writes, ‘““The men of Alexandria, they say, fashion the glass 
they make into many different kinds of cups, imitating the form of 
all earthen vessels imported from every quarter.” In De Providentia 
Theodoret (S. 5) marvels at the source of knowledge of him who 
makes and fashions glass. He asks, “How does he know to form 
from this mass, by the use of fire and breath, countless forms of cups, 
flat vessels, calices, narrow necked vessels, little amphorae, utensils, 
and other vessels suitable for every use of meat and drink?’’? It 
seems best to list the designations for these different glass vessels 
in their chronological order.** 

1. Ekpoma (Goblet). The first reference to a glass vessel occurs in 
Aristophanes’ 4charnians (S. V)4 where ambassadors at the Persian 
court drank from ekpomata, ‘goblets,’ of glass and gold. This 
passage has been frequently quoted, often as an example of the 
preferred spelling of the word for glass. There is no indication in 
any of the other places where glass ekpomata are mentioned® that 


1 See ab 
ee above, p. 107, n. 41. 
2 See ab 
ee above, p. 130, n. 20. 
3 P P P 3 ᾿ , ᾿ , er ᾿ ’ CBee a , 
4, 39 (Patr. Gr. 83, 617 A f.): πόθεν ἔμαθε φύσιν védov; τίς αὐτὸν τῆς ψάμμου 
τὴν διαφορὰν ἔπαίδευσε ; τίς αὐτὸν ἐδίδαξε τὴν τοιάνδε ψάμμον τῷ πυρὶ παραδίδοσθαι, 
μ \ 3 , a 
Kal ὅπως, Kal ἐπὶ πόσον ; Kal THY συνεχῆ μὲν χωρίζειν, THY χωριστὴν δὲ εἰς συνεχὲς 
ἀχώριστον μεταβάλλειν ; πῶς ἔγνω διαπλάττειν ἐκ ταύτης, πυρὶ καὶ πνεύματι 
lal , > id 9 
συνεργῷ κεχρημένος, ἐκπωμάτων εἴδη μυρία, φιάλας, Kal κύλικας, Kal βομβύλους, 
, > « “ an 
καὶ ἀμφορίσκους, καὶ ἔπιπλα, Kal ἕτερα σκεύη πρὸς πᾶσαν χρείαν βρωτῶν καὶ 
ποτῶν ἐπιτήδεια. 
88. From number 62 on the names of the vessels come from Berthelot, Collection, 
and are not in strictly chronological order. 
4 See ab 
ee above, p. 134, n. 4. 
5 See ab 6 
ee above, p. ΠῚ τῇ: 
θ 5 b : : . i j ; “ \ A Ὡς ἐγ 
ee above, p. 55. ἢ. 13. Lucian, Quomodo Hist. 25: τυχεῖν μὲν γὰρ αὐτὸν 
ἔχοντα παμμεγέθη ἐκπώματα ὑάλινα τῆς καλίστης ὑάλου. ἐπεὶ δὲ πάντως ἀποθανεῖν 
ἔγνωστο, κατάξαντα τὸν μέγιστον τῶν σκύφων ἑνὶ τῶν θραυσμάτων χρήσασθαι εἰς 
4 n . . 
τὴν σφαγὴν ἐντεμόντα τῇ ὑάλῳ τὸν λαιμόν. Philostrat. Epist. 33 (24): ἐξ ὑέλου 
μὲν τὰ ἐκπώματα, αἱ δὲ σαὶ χεῖρες ἀργυρᾶ αὐτὰ ποιοῦσι καὶ χρυσᾶ, ὡς τούτοις τὸ 


152 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [382 


they were used for anything but drinking vessels. It is interesting 
to note the change in value from the glass which was ranked with 
gold in the time of Aristophanes to the cheaper product of a later 
date. 

2. Angeion (Vessel). Angeion, ‘vessel,’ is used very frequently by 
physicians to designate a receptacle for holding medicine or its 
components, or something to be observed and tested,’ in other 
words, something like our ‘test-tube.’ Alexander Aphrodisiensis 
(S.2/3)8 argues that water behaves the same in glass as 1n earthen- 
ware vessels. Pollux (S. 2/3)® mentions a glass wine jar. Pseudo- 


βλέπειν ὑγρῶς παρὰ τῶν σῶν ὀμμάτων εἶναι. See above, n. 3. Joan. Act. de Urinis, 2, 
43, 7: αἵ δὴ κατὰ τὸ σχῆμα τοῖς ὑελίνοις τούτοις ἐκπώμασιν ἐοίκασιν, οἷς δῆτα χρώμεθα 
οἱ πίνοντες. In Philostrat. Epist. 32, the “transparent goblets” were probably of 
glass. 

7 Hippocrates, Epist. 16, 6: πάντα δὲ ὁκόσα χυλοὶ Kal ὀποὶ ῥέοντες ἐν ὑαλίνοισιν 
φερέσθωσαν. Damocrat. in Galen, 13, 41: ψύξας δ᾽ ἀποθήσεις εἰς ὑελοῦν ἀγγεῖον. 
13, 1056: εἰς πυξίδ᾽ ἀπόθου ἢ εἰς ὑελοῦν ἀγγεῖον. 14, 99: μὴ ξυλίνοις ἀγγείοις, 
ὑαλίνοις δὲ μᾶλλον. 14, 130: ἐκ τῆς θυΐδος εἰς ὑαλοῦν ἀγγεῖον. Diosc. 5, 110: 
φυλάττεται δὲ ἐν ὑελίνοις, ἢ μολυβδίνοις, ἢ κασσιτερίνοις, ἢ ἀργυροῖς ἀγγείοις. 
Moschion. de Mulier. Passion. 116: εἰς ἀγγεῖον ὑξέλινον. Galen, 12, 490: εἰς ἀγγεῖον 
ὑέλινον εὔτονον. 12, 631: ὁμοῦ ἐν ὑελίνῳ ἀγγείῳ ἐπὶ θερμοσποδίας θέρμαινε. 12, 637, 
660, 827; 13, 56; 14, 403: εἰς ἀγγεῖον ὑξλινον. 13, 54, 98: εἰς ἀγγεῖον ὑελοῦν. 13, 
746; 14, 392, 406, ς29: ἐν ὑελίνῳ ἀγγείῳ. 13, 1045: ἐν ὑελίνοις ἀγγείοις. 14, 48: ἡ δ᾽ 
ἀπόθεσις ἐν ἀγγείῳ καττιτερινῷ ἢ ὑαλίνῳ ἤ χρυσῷ γινέσθω. τὸ μὲν οὖν ὑάλινον καὶ τὸ 
χρυσοῦν οὐδεμίαν ἔχει τὴν δόλωσιν, ὁ δὲ καττιτερινὸς μίξει μολύβδου δολοῦται. 14, 409: 
ἐν ὑέλῳ ἀγγείῳ. Ael. Promotus (Wellmann, Corp. Med. Gr. το, 1, 1 (1908), 9, 9): 
φύλαττε δὲ τοῦ πάσχοντος TO οὖρον ἐν ὑαλίνῳ ἀγγείῳ. Philumenus, de Venenatis 
Animalibus, 4, 15: φύλασσε δὲ τοῦ κάμνοντος «τὸ!» οὖρον ἐν ὑαλίνῳ ἀγγείῳ. Note 
on ὑαλίνῳ : “ὕδατι P: corr. by Wellman from Aelius Promotus.” Orib. Collect. Med. 
5, 21 (Bussemaker-Daremberg, 1 (1851), 384,9): θλίψαντά τε μετὰ τὴν ἀπόθεσιν εἰς 
ἀγγεῖον ὑελοῦν δέχεσθαι τὸ ὑγρὸν, μίξαντά TE καλοῦ μέλιτος ἀπηφρισμένου μέρος Ev 
πρὸς τρία μέρη. 4, 630, 4: ὁ δὲ χυλὸς ἕψεται ἕως μέλιτος σχῇ πάχος, καὶ ἀποτίθεται 
ἐν ὑελῷ ἀγγείῳ. Synop. ς, 3 (Bussemaker-Daremberg, ς (1873), 199, 11): ἔγχέαντα 
τὸ ὀγδοημόριον τοῦ γάλακτος εἰς ἀγγεῖον ὑέλινον. Paul. Aeg. 1, 3—: δοκιμάζειν 
δὲ καὶ οὕτως ἔγχέοντα τοῦ γάλακτος εἰς ἀγγεῖον ὑέλινον ἐμβάλλειν ταμίσου 
τὸ σύμμετρον καὶ διαθλίψαι τοῖς δακτύλοις. 3, 1, 6:ἐν Ad λείῳ ὑαλῷ. 3, 2, 6: εἶτα ἔμβαλε 
ἐν ἀγγείῳ ὑελίνῳ.. . . πάντα βάλὼν εἰς ἀγγεῖον ὑελοῦν. 7, 8, 6: καὶ ἀναβάλλοντα 
μέλιτι καλλίστῳ ἀποτίθεσθαι εἰς ὑελοῦν ἢ μολιβδοῦν ἀγγεῖον. 7,20, 11: ἀποτιθεμένου 
ἐν ἀγγείοις ὑελοῖς. 35, 1, 10 (ed. Ald.): καὶ ἐνώσας ἀπόθου ἐν ὑέλῳ ἀγγείῳ. 127, 7: 
καὶ πλάσσαντα ἀποτίθεσθαι ἐν ἀγγείοις μάλιστα χαλκοῖς, ἢ ὑάλοις. Chirurg. 368, 90: 
πλανῶνται δὲ οὗτοι᾽ οὐ δὲ γὰρ ὥσπερ ἐπί τινῶν ὑαλίνων ἀγγείων. Hippiatr. 1, 30, 103: 
καὶ κένου ἐν ἀγγείῳ ὑελίνῳ. Demetrius, Hier. 205: θηράσας νυκτερίδας € σφάξον αὐτὰς 
καὶ τὸ αἷμα αὐτῶν ὑπόδεξαι ἐν ἀγγείῳ ὑελίνῳ. 

8 Problem. (Ideler, Phys. οἱ Med. Gr. Min. 1 (1841), 41, 15): ὅτι δὲ πόρους ἔχει ἡ 
ὕελος, δηλοῖ kal Ta ὁστράκινα τῶν ἀγγείων. ἐν yap TH θέρει τὸ ἐμβαλλόμενον 
ὕδωρ ἐξιδροὶ ἐὰν μὴ πισσωθῇ. ἔστι δὲ καὶ καπνὸν ἰδεῖν ἐξιόντα διὰ τοῦ σώματος τῆς 
ὑέλου κατὰ τὸν χειμῶνα. ᾿ 

96, 14: ἀγγεῖον οἰνοφόρον ὑάλου ἢ κεράμου πεποιημένον. Note: “ὑάλου C. V., 
ὑελοῦν ἢ κεραμοῦν C, A.” 


383] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 153 


Callisthenes (S. 3)}° tells of a poison so virulent that a glass vessel 
will not hold it. Titus Bostrensis (δ. 4)! describes a glass vessel 
full of water which was used as a burning glass. A gloss defines 
fidelia as a glass vessel.!2 Philoponus (S. 6):5 mentions a glass vessel 
when discussing transparency. The Geoponica (S. 10) speak of a 
glass vessel as being good for keeping oil!4 and mulberries, also of 
the possibility of seeing when things settle, if they are contained in 
a glass vessel. A scholiast on Aristophanes mentions glass angeia 
as the principal stock of the lekythos sellers.17 The form angion 
occurs in a Greek alchemical papyrus.’ Like the physician, the 
alchemist frequently made use of the angeion'’» In the quotation 
given below, it is called an ambix, bikion, and troullion; it is described 
as stenostomon, arsenothelu, anaklastarion, and diaplasion. 

3. A ‘Glass’ (Hyalos, Hyalion, etc., Vitrum, Vitreum, etc.). The 
most common way to designate a glass vessel is by the use of the 
noun meaning ‘glass,’ or of the neuter of the adjective meaning ‘of 
glass.’ “A glass’ at once suggests a drinking vessel, but there are 
instances where it is impossible to be sure of the nature or use of 


10 3, 31: οὐκ ἔφερεν ἀγγεῖον οὔτε ὑάλινον. 

11 See below, p. 179, n. 9. 

12 Corp. Gloss. Lat. 5. v. fidelia. ἀγγεῖον ὑελοῦν. 

13 In Meteor. A 3 (Arist. 341435), 49: διὰ τὴν αὐτὴν δὲ αἰτίαν καὶ } ὕδατος τὸ 
ὑέλινον ἀγγεῖον πληροῦται, ἵνα τῆς ὑέλου τοὺς πόρους ἀποφράξῃ. 

149, 19, 9: καὶ ἐμβάλλειν εἰς ἀγγεῖον ὑελοῦν. 

16 το, 70: συκάμινα ἐν ὑελίνῳ ἀγγείῳ ἐμβληθέντα ἐπιμελῶς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον δια- 
μένει χρόνον. 

ἽΒ 5,7. 2: βόθρον ὀρύξας ἐν τῷ μελλούσῃ φυτεύεσθαι γῇ ἐπὶ δύο πόδας, λαβὼν 
βῶλον ἐκ τῆς ἀνορυγείσης γῆς βάλε εἰς ἀγγεῖον ὑελοῦν μετὰ ὀμβρίου ὕδατος καθαροῦ, 
καὶ μίξας καὶ θολώσας τὸ ὕδωρ, ἔασον καταστῆναι τελείως, τότε δὲ διὰ τῆς τοῦ ὑέλου 
διαφανείας γενήσεταί. σοι φανερόν, καὶ ἐπειδὰν εἰς τέλεον καταστῇ, γεῦσαι τοῦ 
ὕδατος. 

17 Ad Plut. 427: λεκυθόπωλις λέγεται ἡ τὰ ὑέλινα ἀγγεῖα κυρίως πωλοῦσα. 

17a Wessely, Pap. Mag. Paris (Denkschr. d. Wien. Akad. 36 (1888), 758): βαλε 
εἰς ΑὙΎιον υελουν (Sic). 

17> Olympiodorus, 12 (Berthelot, Collection, 75): εἰς ὑελοῦν ἀγγεῖον στενόσ- 
τομον ἄνωθεν κατησφαλισμένος. Zosimus, 1 (Collection, 141): λαβὼν δὲ ἀγγεῖον 
ὑελοῦν ἀρσενόθηλυ τὸν καλούμενον ἅμβικα..... βάλλε ἐν τῷ βικίῳ. Ostanes, 2 
(Collection, 261ff): ἔκχεον ἐν ὑελίνῳ ἀγγείῳ .... ἐπίβαλλε ἐν ὑελίνῳ (ἀγγείῳ). 
Moses, 59 (Collection, 313): ἔγκλειε ἐν ὑελίνῳ ἀγγείῳ. Berthelot, Collection, 350, 1: 
βάλε eis ἀνακλαστάριον ἀγγεῖον ὑάλινον. 359, 24: ἔμβαλον ἐν ὑαλίνῳ ἀγγείῳ. 
484, 2: ἐν ἀγγείῳ ὑελίνῳ. 420, 11: χαλᾶς ἐν ἀγγέσιν ὑελοῖς. 422, note 6: ἐν 
ὑαλίνῳ ἀγγείῳ διαπλασίῳ. Niceph. Blemm. 11 (Collection, 455): καὶ δέχου τὸ σταχθὲν 
ἅπαν ἐν ἄγγείῳ ὑελίνῳ. Leemans, Papyri Gr. Musei Antiquarit Publici Lugduni 
Batavi, 2 (1885), 10, 16, 27: ἐν ὑελοῖς ἀγγείος. 


154 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [384 


the vessel,!8 just as the plural ‘glasses’ is the common expression now 
for spectacle lenses. | 7 

Naturally it did frequently indicate a cup for drinking wine or 
water. Petronius (S. 1) has Trimalchio say, “‘You’ll excuse me for 
what I’m about to say: I prefer glass vessels; at least, they don’t 
smell, and if they weren’t so fragile, Τ᾿ 4 prefer them to gold; how- 
ever, they are cheap at present.”’!® Again in speaking of flexible 
glass, Tiberius Caesar asked the maker if anyone else knew this 
method of preparing glasses.2° Martial (δ. 1)?! twice speaks of 
drinking from a glass, and in the second instance he identifies the 
glass as a calix. ‘We drink out of a glass; you from a murrine, 
Ponticus. Why? Lest a transparent goblet reveal the two kinds of 
wine.” Clement of Alexandria (S. 2/3)#* inveighs against the 
elaborately carved drinking vessels. In the Digest?® we read that 
“slass vessels for eating and drinking are to be considered in the 
class of household goods, just as earthenware vessels are, not only 
the common ones, but also those that are more costly.” In a pro- 
cession of Ptolemy Philadelphus two gold mounted glasses were 
carried.2? The emperor Tacitus “was greatly pleased by the diversity 
and elaborate workmanship of glass cups.’24 But the emperor 
Gallienus “always drank out of gold cups; he despised a glass, 


1810 2, 645: ὑάλιον apyupody Ko[tdov] Note: “Boeckh, in quibus fortasse 
emendandum est ὑαλι(ν)ον.᾽ 2, 646, 4: ὑαλινοῖν ἀ] | ργυροῦν, σταθμί[ό]ν[ Γ111]. 2, 
656, 18: ὑάλινον ἀργυροῦν, στα[θμὸ]ν τούτου T111. Sen. de Ira, 1, 12, 4: si vitreum 
fractum est. See above, p. 149, ἢ. 352; p. 106, n. 34. Alex. Aphrod. Problem. 1, 119: 
διὰ τί τὰ Veda ἐν τῷ χειμῶνι θερμοῦ σφόδρα τινὸς ἐμβληθέντος, ῥήγυνται. Dig. 33, 7, 
12, 28: Ulpianus libro vicesimo ad Sabinum. proinde si fundus sit instructus 
legatus, et supellex continebitur, quas illic fuit usus ipsius gratia. ... mensae 
quoque eboreae vel si quae aliae: item vitrea et aurum et argentum. Evagr. (Patr. 
Gr. 40, 1284B): vitrum cadens a saxo comminetur. Origo Rom. Chron. 145, 17: 
vitria. 146, 3: vitrea fracta. Hier. Epist. 125, τό, 1: in vitro et patella fictili aurum 
comeditur. Corp. Gloss. Lat. s. v. yalina. vitria. yala. vitria. Possibly Suid. s. 9. 
ὑέλιον. Kal ὕελος. Kai ὑέλινον. See above, p. 88, ἢ. 38 (the translation given in 
Corp. Script. Byz. 9, 661, 14, is: vitra Heliopolitana XVII.) 

19 See above, p. 136, n. 25. 

20 See above, p. 110, n. 36: p. ΤΥ, n. 38. 

21 1, 37, 2: bibis vitro. 4, 85, 1: nos bibimus vitro, tu murra, Pontice. quare?| 
prodat perspicuus ne duo vina calix. 

als See above, p. 109, n. 24. 

22 33, 10, 3, 3 (Paulus): vitrea escaria et potoria in supellectili sunt, sicut fictilia, 
nec solum vulgaria, sed etiam quae in pretio magno sunt. 

3 Athen. 5, 30: καὶ κυλικεῖα δύο καὶ ὑάλινα διάχρυσα δύο. 

24 Flay. Vopisc. Tac. 11, 3: ipse fuit vitae parcissimae . . . . vitreorum diversitate 
atque operositate vehementer est delectatus. 


385] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 155 


because nothing was more common, he said.’”’® The glass mentioned 
in a papyrus of the fourth century, although at first taken as an 
instrument for clipping coins, may be perhaps simply a glass to 
hold the wine.% The Vulgate translation of Proverbs, 23, 31,27 
runs, “Do not look upon the wine . . . . when its color shineth in the 
glass.’ This shows that in the fourth century the typical cup was a 
‘glass,’ although the Hebrew and the Greek say nothing about a 
glass in this passage. Possibly the same use of a glass is to be found in 
one of the Apocryphal Gospels.?” Valerianus (S. 5)?8 mentions 
a glass as a drinking cup. Isidore (δ. 6/7)?9 speaks of how well 
anything shows through a glass. 

Seneca (5. 1) tells of the magnifying power of glass, especially a 
glass filled with water: ‘“‘apples appear much larger to those looking 
at them through a glass,’’?° and ‘“‘apples seem more beautiful if they 
are floating in a glass.’’#! 

It was evidently the style among certain society people to go to 
the excess of watching the death of the mullet which they were to 
eat. Seneca® speaks of this, ‘and now we hear: ‘there is nothing more 
beautiful than one dying; let me hold in my hand the glass in which 
it jumps and quivers.’ Pliny*®? also, on the word of the epicures, 
describes the changing colors of the dying mullet as seen through 
a glass. 


* Treb. Pollio, Gall. Duo, 17, 5: bibit in aureis semper poculis aspernatus 
vitrum, cum diceret, nil esse communius. 

6 See above, p. 29, ἢ. 30. 

27 Nec intuearis vinum quando flavescit, cum splenduerit in vitro color eius. 
Cf. the Greek version of this passage: ἐὰν yap εἰς τὰς φιάλας Kal τὰ ποτήρια δῷς 
τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς σου, ὕστερον περιπατήσεις γυμνότερος ὑπέρου, 

27a Apocryphal Gospels, (ed. Michel-Peters in Textes οἱ Documents, 1, Paris 
(1911), Hist. of Foseph. (Coptic and Arabic from Greek original of s. IV according 
to Stern, or later according to Peters). Peters translates: “un verre d’eau,” ch. 1 
(Coptic and Arabic), ch. 26 (Arabic), ch. 31, 32 (Coptic). 

8 Homil. 10, 2: huic denique manducanti barba vellitur illi bibenti sedilia 
subtrahuntur, hic ligno scissili, ille fragili vitro pascitur. 

29 Orig. 16, 16, I: in vitro vero quilibet liquor vel species qualis est interius 
talis exterius declaratur, et quodammodo clausus patet. 

39 Nat. Quaest. 1, 3, 9: poma per vitrum aspicientibus multo maiora sunt. 

Ἵ Td. 1,6, 5: poma formosiora quam sunt videntur, si innatant vitro. See 
below, p. 159, n. 61; p. 182, n. 26. 

2 Td. 3, 18, 4: at nunc audimus: ‘nihil est moriente formosius; da mihi in manus 
vitreum in quo exsultet et trepidet.’ 

% N. H. 9, 66: mullem exspirantem vericolori quadam et numerosa varietate 
spectari proceres gulae narrant, rubentium squamarum multiplici mutatione 
pallescentem, utique si vitro spectetur inclusus. 


156 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [386 


Pliny* records that glass was employed as a receptacle for pre- 
serving grapes. | 

Aside from its use in cups, glass served also as a container for 
cooling drinking water. “It was a device of the Emperor Nero to boil 
water and put it in a glass into the snow to cool.’’% 

In medical writers there is also frequent mention of glass 
vessels.** Sometimes they speak of a particular type of vessel, some- 
times of a glass vessel, and often simply of a glass.** ‘A glass’ is 
frequently mentioned by alchemical writers in very much the same 
way.36a 

Glass was used for wine bottles. Martial (S. 1)37 writes of “dark 
Falernian stored away ina little glass.” 

The perfume bottle was also called a glass. Martial®® says, 


4 Td. 14, 17: conduntur et musto uvae ipsaeque vino suo inebriantur; aliae 
decocto in musto dulcescunt, aliae vero subolem novam in ipsa matre expectant 
tralucidae vitro. 

% Td. 31, 40: Neronis principis inventum est decoquere aquam vitroque demissam 
in nives refrigerare. 

35a See above, ἢ. 152, ἢ. 7; below, p. 180, n. 11. 

86 Plin. N. H. 28, 173: in vitreo servata. Scrib. Larg. Comp. 63, 110: vitro 
reponitur. 145: medicamentum vitro condunt. 175: vitreo reponitur (vitro vel 
vitreo vase, Rhod.). Celsus, de Med. 7,18: et tamquam in vitro cornuve per scro- 
tum apparet. Galen, 13, 42: ὑάλῳ. 13, 290: ἐν ὑέλῳ, Orib. 61, 2: χρήσαιτο δὲ ἄν 
τις καὶ ταῖς ὑελαῖς, ἐπὶ ᾧ κατανοεῖν χρὴ τὴν κένωσιν τοῦ αἵματος. Rufus (Daremberg- 
Ruelle, 569): ἀποτίθεσο λεῖα ἐν ὑέλῳ. Interpolator in Dioscorides lib: 1 Parabil. cap. 
170: βαλὼν αὐτὸ eis ὑαλὴν, καὶ κρέμασον εἰς ἥλιον (quoted from Du Cange, 2, 47). 

362 Tsis ad Horos, 13 (Berthelot, Collection, 32): βαλὼν ἐν ὑελίνῳ τὰ πέταλα. 
Democritus, 3 (Berthelot, Collection, 55): πρῶτον κάθαιρε ὕελον. Zosimus, 4 (Berthe- 
lot, Collection, 175): ev ὑαλίνοις. Idem, (Berthelot, Collection, 247): ἐν ὑέλοις βλέπης 
τὸ γινόμενον. Bertholot, Collection, 333, 43: καὶ κάτωθεν Bade ὕελον ἄλλον. . . . θὲς 
αὐτὸν τὸ δυνατὸν ἱὔδωρ ἐνδον ἐν ὑελίῳ ἐν θερμοσποδιᾷ. 361, 34: εἶτα ἔμβαλε τοὺς 
λίθους ἐν ὑάλῳ. 464, τ: ἔμβαλε αὐτὰς ἐν tadkw.... κρέμασον τὸν τοιοῦτον ὕαλον 
ve τ Κα ὦ ὥραν δὲ λάμβανε τὸν τοιοῦτο ὕαλον. 46 5,3: ἀνάσπασον ἐν ὑάλοις. 366, 3: 
καὶ ουτω μίαν ἐκάστην τῶν. τοιούτων σφαιρῶν ἐμβαλὼν ἐν ὑάλῳ .. .. κίνει αὖθις ν τῷ 
ὑάλῳ. 466, 4: καὶ ἐμβαλὼν ἐν badw.... εἶτα ἔμβαλε ἑκάστην σφαῖραν χαλαζοειξδῆ ἐν 
ὑάφλ βικοειδεῖ. 368, 2: ἔμβαλε εἰς ὑάλινον. 484: κατάλειπε πλέον τοῦ ἐκκαίειν τὸ 
ὑέλιον. . .. ῥήγνυται τὸ ὑέλιον. 480 : βάλε εἰς ὕελον. 390 : ἔνθαψον αὐτὸ φιλοσ- 
dows ὑέλῳ. Lib. Sac. 93 (Berthelot, Hist. 1, 204): item talch, in vitro aut forti 
panno....suspensum. 175 (Hist. 1, 221): in fornace vitreorum. Other vessels 
mentioned by the alchemist are to be found above, p. 153, n. 17°; below, p. 158, 
n. 52; p. 169, ἢ. 150; p. 170, ἢ. 151°; p. 175, ἢ. 202, 203, 208 ff. See also Manget, 
Bibl. Chem. τ, 302, 307, 332, 346, 372, 442, 470, 496, 499, 502, 540; 2, 548, 559, 


561, 643, 645, 653, 654, 656, 08, 659, 685, 699, 758; 3, 35, 81, 84, 85, 706. 
87 2,40, 6: conduntur parco fusca Falerna vitro. Reinach (Rev. Archéol. 2 (1919), 


238) tells of small portions of ancient wine preserved in glass bottles. So, also, 
Berthelot, Hist. 1, 380 ff. 

55 ὁ, 55, 2 (1): quod quacumque venis Cosmum migrare putamus | et fluere 
excusso cinnama fusa vitro. 


387] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 157 


“Whenever you come, we think Cosmus is migrating, and that his 
glass is broken and the cinnamon perfume has spilled out and is 
flowing about.” Antiphilos (S. 1)*® speaks of spikenard in a glass, 
to be used as perfume for the hair. 

Philostratus (S.2/3)4° tells about a fiery worm from which an oil 
is rendered, that gives off such a flame that nothing but a glass 
can hold it. Sulpicius Severus (S. 4)4 speaks of Saint Martn 
blessing some oil which increased until there was no room left in 
the glass. Gregory of Tours (δ. 6) also tells of oil in a glass in- 
creasing at the tomb of a saint. The Geoponica (S. 10)* claim that a 
glass is better than anything else to keep oil in. 

Claudius Claudianus (δ. 4)* in writing of Archimedes’ sphere 
says, “When Jupiter saw the heavens in a little glass, he laughed.” 

Jerome (S. 4/5)* in describing the administration of the Eucha- 
rist says, ‘““The blood (of Christ) was carried in a glass;” hence a 
glass chalice must have been no uncommon thing in his time.*** 

4. Lesbion (Lesbian Cup). Athenaeus (5. 2/3) in speaking of the 
Lesbion says, “This is a kind of cup; Hedylos [S. III] proves it in his 
Epigrams where he says: ‘Kallistion in a drinking contest with men 


39 Anth. Pal. 6, 250: καὶ és κυανότριχα xairnv | vapdov, ὑπὸ γλαυκῆς κλειο- 
μένην badov. Quoted in Suid. s. v. vapdos (ὑάλης reading of MSS. B. E.). 

40 Vita. Ap. 3, τ: τοῦτο ot τήκοντες ἔλαιον ποιοῦνται, πῦρ δὲ ἄρα τοῦ ἐλαίου 
τούτου ἐκδίδοται καὶ στέγει αὐτὸ πλὴν ὑελοῦ οὐδέν. 

41 Dial. 2 (3), 3, 2: in vitro illo spatium non fuisse. Cf. Venant. Fortunat. Vita 
S. Martin. 4, 350. Id. 4, 84: ne vitra depereant, olei custodia servat. 

4 De Miraculis S. Mart. 2, 32: tamen puer qui aderat cum vidisset factum, 
accepto vasculo, ipsam terram experimens parumper olei elicuit, rosamque quae 
effusa fuerat, cum effracto vitro colligens, nobis exhibuit. 

43 9, 19, 10: κάλλιστα γὰρ φυλάξει τὸ ἔλαιον ὕελος, ψυχρὰ φύσις οὖσα. 

“4 Carm. Min. 51, 1 (68): in sphaeram Archimedis. Iuppiter in parvo cum 
cerneret aethera vitro, | risit. For what was possibly a similar contrivance, see 
above, p. 55, n. 15. 

45 Epist. 125, 20, 4: nihil illo ditius, qui Corpus Domini canistro vimineo, 
sanguinem portat in vitro. Cf. Fridegodus, de Vita S. Wilfridi, §4 (Patr. Lat. 133, 
1010): vimeno condens corpus Kyriale canistro| exhausit vitro vitalem digne 
cruorem. 

4a Babington in Smith’s Dict. of Christian Antig. (1880), 730. Plummer, Vitae 
Sanct. Hibern. 1 (1910), CXXVII: “We hear of altar vessels of glass.’’ Note 6: 
“Glass chalices have been found in the catacombs, Archaeology and Authority, 
p. 414. A legend of a glass altar in Keating. 111, 106.” 

46 11, 486B (Kaibel (1890)): Λέσβιον ὅτι ποτηρίου εἶδος, ᾿Ηδύλος παρίστησιν ἐν 
᾿Ἐπιγράμμασιν οὑτωσὶ λέγων ἡ διαπινομένη Καλλίστιον ἀνδράσι, θαῦμα | κοὐ 
Ψευδές, νῆστις τρεῖς χόας ἐξέπινεν" | ἧς τόδε σύ, Iladin, ζωραῖς μύρρῃσι θυωθὲν | 
κεῖται πορφυρέης Λέσβιον ἐξ ὑέλου. Cougny, Anth. Gr. Append. (1890), cap. 1, no. 
115, adopts Jacobs’ correction ζωροῖς μέτροισι. 


158 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [388 


(it is marvelous, but true), when fasting drank three choes. From 
which, O Paphian, she offers you this Lesbion of dark glass.’ ” It 
was an engraved cup.” | 

5. Skeuos (Vessel, Ware). Skeuos is a general term denoting 
not only a vessel, but as we have already seen wares in general.‘ 
When used to designate a vessel, the nature of the glass is seldom 
revealed;*® the term glass skeuos was used to designate a vessel for 
medicine,®® for food and drink,*! for preserving,” for the concoctions 
of the alchemist,*”* and as a definition for an a/abastron.® 

6. Trublion (Bowl). Strabo (S. 1)* tells that at Rome many ways 
had been discovered for facilitating the manufacture of glass, im- 
proving the colors, and making transparent glass so that it was 
possible to buy a ¢rublion, ‘bowl’ or ‘cup,’ and ekpomation, ‘little 
goblet,’ for a very small sum. 

7. Ekpomation (Little Goblet).® 


47 Paul. Diac. (Lindsay (1908), 102): Lesbion genus vasis caelati a Lesbiis 
inventum. 

48 See above, p. 149b, n. 342-34. One is reminded of the above passages in a 
record of the defraudation of Dioscorides and Sarapammon in Wesseley, Corp. 
Papyr. Hermanopolitan. (Stud. z. Pal. u. Papyruskunde, 5, 9, 6ff.): καὶ σκεύη ποικίλα 
ὑέίλεα |... δακτυ | λίων πολυτίμων Kail... 

49 Philodemos, de Mort. 39, 4 (1ff.): καί τοι τὰ πάθ[η] τ[αῦ][ τα διαφέρειν οὐκ 
ἄν τις | εἴπειε το[Ὁ] ν[ο]} μίζειν ὑαλινὰ καὶ κεραμεᾶ σκεύη | συνκρούοντα παμπόλ- 
λίουΪς χρόν [ous | ἀδαμαντίνοις ἀκάτακτα διαμέΪ] ver<v>. Photius (Pair. Gr. 277 A): 
οὐκ ἀγνοῶ dé τινας (ξύλα, καὶ λίθους) τὰ ξύλινα σκεύη, Kal λίθινα ἐξειληφότας᾽ 
οἷς ἱκανὸς ἔλεγχος ἥ τε τῶν ὀστράκων, καὶ τοῦ ὑέλου. Nemes. de Nat. Hominis (Patr. 
Gr. 40, 665A): καὶ λαβὼν ὑέλινα σκεύη, ἐπί τε τὰς θυρίδας ὁρμήσας, ἠρώτα τοὺς 
παριόντας, ἕκαστον τῶν σκευῶν ἐξ ὀνόματος καλῶν, εἰ θέλουσιν αὐτὸ ῥιφῆναι κάτω. 
Actus Petri cum Simone, 30: ἥτις γεννηθεῖσα οὔτε ἀργυρέῳ ποτὲ σκεύει ἐχρήσατο 
οὔτε ὑελῷ, εἰ μὴ μόνοις χρυσέοις. 

50 Galen, 5, 828: ἢ τοῖς σκεύεσιν ὑαλίνοις .. .. χρῆσθαι. τι, 875: ἐπὶ τῶν 
ὑαλίνων σκευῶν. 14, 268: τὴν ἀντίδοτον εἰς ὑάλινα ἢ ἀργυρᾶ σκεύη. 14, 293: ἐν 
ὑελίνοις σκεύεσιν. Paul. Αερ.7, 11,5 : εἰς ἀργυρᾶ ἢ ὑέλινα σκεύη. Idem,7, 14. 1: καὶ 
τότε καταγγίζειν ἐν ὑαλίνοις σκεύεσιν. Theophan. Nonn. Epi.t de Curatione Mor- 
borum, 105: ἔπειτα κόψας, σείσας, φύλαττε ἐν ὑελίνῷ σκεὐεικαὶ χρῷ. 

δ᾽ See above, n. 3. 

δΣ Geopon. 9, 19, 11: εἰ δὲ μὴ ἔχεις ὑξλινα σκεύη, εἰς καινὰ κεράμια βεβαμμένα 
ἔνδοθεν ύψω ἢ ἀμόργῃ ἔμβαλε. 

®2a Olympiodorus (Berthelot, Collection, 105): τὰ δὲ προςμελανισθέντα ὕδατα 
ἔμβαλε ἐν σκεύει τινὶ ὑελίνῳ. Zosimus, 3 (Collection, 175): ἀναμαλάξαντες πάντα 
ἐν ὑαλίνοις σκεύεσιν. Idem, τς (Collection, 201): ὅτι τὰ σκεύη τῷν συνθεμάτων 
varia χρὴ εἶναι. 

53 See below, n. 197. 

54 See above, p. 55, n. 13. 

55 7467). 


389] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 159 


8. Supellex (Household Utensils, Service). We have been speaking 
of general terms for vessels and of particular vessels of glass, but now 
Propertius (δ, I)® uses a collective word supellex to include the 
various vessels necessary for a drinking party. There was “a sum- 
mer service of glass.”’ Perhaps glass was considered lighter and 
cooler looking than metal vessels for the hot summer season. Celsus 
(δ. 2)57 uses supel/ex in a still wider sense to include any household 
utensil. We have already noted the number of instances where the 
Roman law included glass under household goods rather than in 
the category of precious stones.*®8 

9. Murra, Murrina (Murrines) 59 

10. Crystalla, Crystallina (Crystal Ware). 

11. Pila (Globe). Seneca (S. 1) speaking of the fact that objects 
look larger through water says, “Letters, however small and in- 
distinct,gappear larger and clearer through a glass globe (pi/z) full 
of water”. Pliny®in discussing glass says that “it cannot endure heat 
unless a cold liquid is put in first; yet, when glass globes full of water 
are held to the sun, they become so bright that they burn clothing,” 
where the action of the globe in concentrating the sun’s rays 1s 
spoken of as though it were an increase of brightness in the glass 
and water themselves.—No form could be more easily blown. There 
are other references to globes which are not called pi/ae,* and 
another reference to pi/a with the meaning ball.* 

12. Olla (Far). We have noted before that in the times of most 
extravagant luxury, about the middle of the first century after 
Christ, the death of a mullet was sometimes watched at a banquet.® 


°° 4, 8, 57: Lugdamus ad cyathos, vitrique aestiva supellex | et Methymnaei 
Graeca saliva meri. 

7 Dig. 33, 10, 7: nam fictili, aut lignea, aut vitrea, aut aerea denique supellectili 
utebantur. 

68 See above, p. 83, n. 32%, p. 90, n. 31-32; p. 92, n. 46; p. 154, ἢ. 18; p. 154, n. 
22. 
59 See above, p. 83ff. 
69 See above, p. 7off. 
®t Nat. Quaest. 1, 6, 5: litterae quamvis minutae et obscurae per vitream pilam 
aqua plenam maiores clarioresque cernuntur. See above, p. 155, n. 30, 31; below, 
p- 152, n. 26. 

ΣΝ, H. 36, 199: est autem caloris impatiens, ni praecedat frigidus liquor, 
cum addita aqua vitreae pilae sole adverso in tantum candescant, ut vestes exurant. 

68 See above, ἢ. 44; below, p. 174, ἢ. 192; p. 179, n. 8-Io. 

* See below, p. 184, ἢ. 5. 

6 See above, p. 155f. 


160 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [390 


Seneca® in disgust writes, ““A mullet does not seem fresh enough 
unless it dies in the hand of a banqueter; they are passed around 
enclosed in glass jars (o//ae), and their color is watched while they 
expire.” Pelagonius (S. 5)® speaks of a glass o//a as a receptacle for 
medicine. 

13. Poculum (Cup). There are but a few references, as far as I 
know, toa glass poculum (poculum vitro),°* but the number is greatly 
increased 1f we include the murrine®* and crystalline cups.®? 

14. Vas, Vasum (Utensil). Another very general term for a 
vessel is vas, ‘utensil.’ Seneca?® explains that a body will receive 
heat more quickly and retain it longer in proportion to its solidity, 
as is shown by a copper vessel in comparison with those of glass and 
silver. And this is typical of the vagueness of the ordinary employ- 
ment of the term, since it is frequently impossible to identify the 
style and type of the vessel referred to. As noted, Pliny” in,speaking 
of crystal, which so often makes one think of glass, states: ““Xeno- 
crates affirms that a vessel with the content of an amphora (six 
gallons, seven pints) has been seen, and others that from India a 
vessel of four sextars (three quarts).”” Murrine vessels were used 
for holding food when served on the table.” It is not uncommon to 
find life compared to a glass vessel.” In the translation of an ex- 


66 Nat. Quaest. 3,17, 2: parum videtur recens mullus nisi qui in convivae manu 
moritur; vitreis ollis inclusi afferuntur et observatur morientium color. 

67 18: repone in olla vitrea. It was also used by the alchemist, Manget, Bid/. 
Chem. 2, 643. 

68 Verse written to the right of the picture of a boy drinking from a glass bowl on 
Barb. Fol. 19 (see Strzygowski, Fahrb. des Archaol. Inst. Ergdnzungsheft, τ (1888), 
Taf. XXVI); Carm. de Mens. 395 (Anth. Lat. 1, 1, 310): fontanos latices et lucida 
pocula vitro | cerne ut demerso torridus ore bibat | aeterno regni signatus nomine 
mensis, | Latona genitam quo perhibent Hecaten. 

ay See above, p. 87, ἢ. 14; Ὁ. 89, n. 24-26; go, n. 29-30; p. 91, ἢ. 36. 

See above, p. 82, n. 26; p. 90, n. 30, p. 91, n. 36. 

0 Nat. Quaest. 4, 9: accedit his ratio Democriti: ‘omne corporis quo solidus est, 
hoc calorem citius concipit, diutius servat. itaque si in sole posueris aeneum vas et 
vitreum [et argentium], aeneo citius calor accedet, diutius haerebit. The reading 
in Nat. Quaest. 3, 18, 4, vas vitreum, is of course only a gloss. 

1 See above, p. 79, n. 3. 

ἼΣ Dig. 37, 18: escariisque vasis expetitis. 

8 See above, p. 107, ἢ. 38. Cf. above, p. 74f.; below, n. 92 Cf. Rabanus 
Maurus, de Universo, 17,10: vitrum autem quod baptismatis sacramentum significet, 
in quo abluimur ab omni sorde peccatorum et puritati restituimur, iam superius 
dictum est. unde in Apocalypsi ita scriptum de structura civitatis supernae: ipsa 
vero civitas aurum mundum similis vitro mundo (Apoc. XXI) .... vitrum autem 
ad fidem veram retulit; quia quod foris videtur, hoc est et intus; et nihil simulatum 
est et non perspicuum in sanctis ecclesiae. potest et ad illud tempus referri, quo sibi 
invicem cogitationes in alterutrum perspiciuntur et declarantur. 


391] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 161 


periment described by Philon a glass vessel is mentioned.“ As we 
have already seen, glass vessels were very useful for holding medi- 
cines,’° and the alchemist’s preparations.”* Bede (S. 7/8)» speaks 
of glass as being well adapted for vessels of various uses. In 
requesting a glassmaker Cuthbert (S. 8)"° asks the archbishop of 
Mainz concerning someone who is skilled in making vitrea vasa. 

Pliny” relates a curious superstition in this connection. In 
telling of the remedies for eye troubles he says that some people 
catch a green lizard, put out its eyes, and place it, together with 
some rings, in a glass vessel, where one may observe through the 
glass when the lizard regains its sight. It is then freed, but the rings 
are kept for use against inflammation of the eyes. 

Pliny”? also tells of obsidian glass which is used for dishes. We 
have seen that according to the Digest murrines were not to be 
classed as gems,’® but glass, crystalline, and murrine vessels for 


7 See above, p. 78, j. 

% Plin. N. H. 21, 122 (121): aut cum detractis unguibus reliqua pars aut oleo 
aut vino maceratur in sole vasis vitreis. Scrib. Larg. Comp. 106: reponitur medica- 
mentum vaso vitreo. 108: reponitur vitreo vaso. 111: reponitur medicamentum in 
vitreo vase. 121: vitreo vase servatur. 122: in vase vitreo mundo reponuntur. 
125: vitreo vaso servatur. 170: reponitur vitreo vase. 173: vase vitreo antidotus 
reponitur. 175: vitreo reponitur (vitro vel vitreo vase, Rhod.) Gargil. Mart. Med. 
(Keil, C. Plin. Caecil. Secund. Epist. (1886), 41): medicamentum salubriter vitreo 
vaso servatur. 43: haec sicco die ante meridiem lecta et linteolo mundiore purgata 
vitreo vaso immittuntur. 212: reponis in vaso vitreo. Plin. Secund. Jun. de Med. 1, 
6: servatur in vitreo vase. 2, 4: servatur in vaso vitreo (fer). 2, 26: in vitreo vaso 
recondi. 3, 37: in vaso vitreo ponuntur. Galen, 14, 486: vitreo vase (in old Latin 
translation). Marcell. de Med. 14, §7: servantur vaso vitreo. Orib Synop. 3 (in old 
Latin translation, Bussemaker-Daremberg, 5 (1873), 887, 188): lento igni coquis et 
in vaso reponis. 6 (1876), 51, 6: probatur enim lactes et hoc modo: mittimus igitur 
partes octo in vasu vitreo. Veg. Mulomed. 1, 16, 5; 6, (4), 13, 3: in vase vitreo vel 
stagneo servabis. 1, 17, 15: in pulverem redigas et tritum vitreo vase custodias. 
3, II, 2: post in vase stanneo vel vitreo reconditum servas. 3, 13, 2: huius Chiron 
talem compositionem saluberrimam credidit ....haec omnia pariter conteres et 
diligenter in vase vitreo servas. Paul Aeg. 3, 6: sine infundi in vase vitreo per dies 
XX movens. 

ta Tiber Sacerdotum, 2: in vase vitreo. 85: in vase vitreato pones. 178: mitte in 
vase vitreo. 185: repone in vase vitreo. 190: sublima eum in vase vitreato. 199: 
pone in vasis vitreis. Berthelot, Hist. 1, 157: vas vitrum sublimationis mercurii. 
See Manget, Bibl. Chem. 1, 87, 91, 282,286, 291, 292, 302, 332, 442, 470, 496, 499, 503, 
540; 2, 558, 563, 579, 643, 644, 647, 649, 650, 654, 658, 681, 685, 699, 703, 705, 706. 

7b See above, p. 113, n. 7b. 

te See above, p. 114, ἢ. 7c. 

% N. H. 29, 130: alii terram substernunt lacertae viridi excaecatae et una in 
vitreo vase anulos includunt e ferro solido vel auro. cum recepisse visum lacertam 
apparuit per vitrum, emissa ea anulis contra lippitudinem utantur. 

7 See above, p. 145, ἢ. 14. 

78 See above, p. 90, n. 32. 


162 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [392 


food and drink were considered among the household goods.?® There 
is an old translation of the Acts of Peter which tell of a very rich 
woman “who was called Chryse because all her vessels were of gold; 
she had never used a vessel of silver or glass, but only of gold,’’® 
which would indicate that at the time when this apocryphal work 
was written (δ. 3), glass ware although it might still be classed 
with silver was distinctly less valuable than gold. Murrines and 
crystalline vessels could still be classed with gold and silver.®#! 
Isidore® in repeating the story of malleable glass and the fate of its 
inventor says, “For if glass vasa were not breakable, they would be 
something better than gold and silver. Theophilus (S. 11/12) 
describes the making of vitrea vasa.®™ 

Glass vasa were also useful in preserving things. Columella (S. 1) 8» 
goes into great detail in describing glass pickle jars. He says that 
they do not need to be so large, but you should have a number of 
them; some should be coated with pitch, others not; they should 
be made to order, not bulging like a do/ium, but straight up and 
down so that the pickles can be easily weighted down. The use of 
glass as a container for oil has been noted previously.®* Palladius 
(δ. 4)8 in describing the Greek method of making oil says that it 
should be put into glass vasa. Sulpicius (δ. 4) narrates a miracle 


79 See above, p. 90, ἢ. 31; p. 83, ἢ. 328, 

89 Act. Petri cum Simone, 30: et obstetrix quaedam, honesta femina, quae 
cognomen habebat Crysis propter quod omnem vasum aureum possideret, quae 
neque argenteo vaso neque vitreo utebatur, sed omnia aurea. 

81 See above, p. 90, ἢ. 33. 

82 See above, p. 111, ἢ. 38. 

82a.9, 10. Compare the coloring of vitrea vasa in Liber Sacerdotum, 112, 126. 

8b De Re Rust. 12, 4, 4: vasa autem fictilia vel vitrea plura potius quam ampla 
et eorum alia recte picata, nonnulla tamen pura, prout conditio exegerit. haec vasa 
dedita opera fieri oportet patenti ore, et usque ad imum aequalia, nec in modum 
doliorum formata ut exemptis ad usum salgamis quidquid superest aequali pondere 
usque ad fundum deprimatur. 

83 See p. 153, πὶ 14; p. 157, n. 40-43; 164, ἢ. 96. 

8* De Re Rust. 12, 17: de oleo faciendo secundum Graecos . . . . in vitrea vasa 
transferri. 

8 Dial. 2 (3), 3, 4: vas vitreum cum oleo, quod Martinus benedixerat, in fenestra 
paululum editiore deposuit: puer familiaris incautior linteum superpositum, ampul- 
lam ibi esse ignorans, adtraxit. Cf. Venant. Fortunat. Vita S. Martin. 4,p.350. Idem, 
4, 54: vas olei vitreum lance aequa dimidiatum, | unde salutifero depelleret unguine 
morbum. | mox super ampullam fecit crucis ipse sigillum, | surgit ad ora liquor 
spumansque exaestuat unguen | ubertate nova vitrea sub cortice obortum, | et 
vase in sicci generosus nascitur humor. 4, 72: idem vas vitreum benedictum nobile 
reddens. 6, 5, 365: vitreo cum vase cadente. 


393] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 163 


in connection with the vas (here called also ampulla) of sacred oil 
blessed by Saint Martin. It was carelessly pushed out of the window, 
and fell to the pavement below, but was found uninjured. 

15. Amphora. The amphora was usually a large vessel, with two 
handles, but it also designated a bottle or flagon. Petronius* 
writes, “Immediately glass amphorae carefully sealed with gypsum 
were brought in, to the necks of which were fastened tags with the 
label: ‘Opimian Falernian one hundred years old.’ ” That the 
amphorae were made of glass is probably to be taken as a mark 
of ostentation at this time, since we have seen above that a glass 
vessel which held an amphora, liquid measure, was regarded as one 
of extraordinary size.®” 

16. Phialé, Phiala, Fiala (Cup, Shallow Wine-Cup). Petronius,*? 
followed by Isidore,®** tells the story of the workman who made the 
phiala, ‘shallow wine-cup,’ of flexible or malleable glass. Pausanias 
(δ. 2)8® describes a picture by Pausias in which Drunkenness is 
represented as drinking from a glass phia/é; “in the picture you see 
the glass drinking-cup and through it the woman’s face.”’ A picture 
of this type occurs for the month of August in a calendar of the 
year 354; a boy is drinking from a large bowl through which his 
chin can be seen distinctly.2% Theodoret (δ. 5)% lists phialai 
among the numerous vessels of glass. Four glass drinking cups of 
this type are mentioned in an index of dedicated objects in an in- 
scription of Cos.*! This vessel is mentioned in alchemical works.* 
The Latin form fia/a® occurs but seldom to my knowledge. 

17. Ampulla, Ampoulla (Little Far). Ampulla is explained as an 
irregular diminutive of amphora. Theophilus (S. 11/12) describes 

86 34, 6: statim allatae sunt amphorae vitreae diligenter gypsatae, quarum in 
cervicibus pittacia erant affixa cum hoc titulo: ‘Falernum Opimianum annorum 
centum” 

87 See above, p. 79, n. 3. 

88 See above, p. 110, 36. 

882 See above, p. 111, n. 38. 

8 See above, p. 135, n. 9. 

8a Strzygowski, op. cit. 73 and Taf. XXVI of Barb. Fol. 19 (see above, n. 68). 

90 See above, n. 3. 

* Paton and Hicks, The Inscr. of Cos. (1891), 36: Ditt. Syl. (1920), 734, 153: 
ὑνέθηκα δὲ καὶ badivals | φιάϊλας τέσσαρας καὶ xdavid[a ἁλου]ργάν. 

@ Berthelot, Collection, 368, 4: λεύκωσις μαργαρίτων.---καὶ βάλε εἰς φιάλην 
ϑαλίνην. Niceph Blemm. 3, 4 (Collection, 453): βάλε εἰς φιάλην ὑέλινον. Manget, 
Bibl. Chem. 1, 291, 302, 307, 3325 3, 706. 

"2 Hier. Epist. 24,2: praetermitto, quod in matris utero benedicitur ei, antequam 
nascatur, quod in fiala nitentis vitri et omni speculo purioris patri virgo traditur 
per quietem. Heraclius, 1, 5. 


164 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [394 


the making of long-necked ampullae.*** The uses ascribed to the glass 
ampullae are: a receptacle for medicine, a drinking-cup,™ part of a 
table service,® an oil container,®* and the vessel which received the 
water and blood from the pierced side of the Lord.®” 

18. Calix (Cup). There are few instances where ca/ices of glass 
are actually mentioned, but there are a number of instances where 
the cups may well have been ca/ices of glass. Pliny® tells of two 
moderate-sized calices called petroti. In a passage which has caused 
much comment®® Juvenal (S. 1/2)! writes, “You will drain your 
four nozzled cup, bearing the name of Beneventum’s cobbler, which 
is now cracked and demanding sulphur for its broken glass.”’ This 
cobbler has been identified with Vatinius,!" which may be the 
reason why the Vatinian cups mentioned by Martial! are some- 
times considered to have been made of glass. Martial}? mentions 
embossed cups of glass. Apuleius (δ. 2)!% describes a number of 


%a 2, 11: de ampullis cum longo collo. 

98 Plin. N. H. 20, 152: magna societas cum hac ad recreandos defectos animo 
puleio, cum surculis suis in ampullas vitreas aceti utrisque deiectis. Scrib. Larg. 
Comp. 42: reponitur medicamentum ampulla vitrea. A similar use is found in 
alchemical literature, Manget, Bibl. Chem. 1, 307, 538; 2, 643; 3, 81; Ps.-Apul. 
Here. ΟΣ ΕἾΝ; 

94 Mart. 6, 35, 3: at tu multa diu dicis vitreisque tepentem | ampullis potas 
semisupinus aquam. | ut tandem saties vocemque sitimque, rogamus | iam de 
clepsydra, Caeciliane, bibas. Possibly 14, 110: ampulla potoria. hac licet in gemma 
servat quae nomina Cosmi, | luxuriose, bibas, si foliata sitis. 

% Porph. on Hor. Serm. 1, 6, 117: adstat echinus vilis cum patera. echinum 
Lucilius sic dixit quasi scortea ampulla sit, ut cum ait echinus cinnabari infectus. 
hic tamen vitream ampullam intellegere debemus. 

% Sulpicius Sev. Dial. 2 (3), 3, 2: ampullam vitream istiusmodi fuisse, ut 
rotunda in ventrem cresceret ore producto, sed oris extantis concavum non repletum, 
quia ita moris sit vascula complere, ut pars summa umbonibus obstruendis libera 
relinquatur. Cf. Venant. Fortunat. Vita. δ. Martin. 4, 54,349. Jacob. Gretser. on 
Georg. Codinus, 1, 10 (Pair. Gr. 157, 164): porro voculam ampulla etiam Graeci 
fecerunt suam ἄμπουλα vel ἄμπουλλα. Aetius, 1,7: ἄμπουλλαν ὑελίνην πλήσας ἐλαίου. 

97 Athanasius (Ρ σίγ. Gr. 28, 822A): εἴ supponentes ampullam vitream ad locum 
vulneris, receperunt in eam aquam et sanguinem de latere Domini decurrentem. 

98 See below, n. 117. 

99 See above, p. IOI, ἢ. 31. 

100 ¢, 48: tu Beneventani sutoris nomen habentem | siccabis calicem nasorum 
quattuor ac iam quassatum | et rupto poscentem sulpura vitro. 

101 Friedlaender (1895) on Juv. Joc. cit. 

102 yo, 3, 4: quae sulphurato nolit empta ramento | Vatiniorum proxeneta 
fractorum. 14, 96: calices Vatinii. vilia sutoris calicem monumenta Vatini | 
accipe; sed nasus longior ille fuit. 

103 See above, p. 109, ἢ. 24. 

104 Met, 2, 19: ampli calices variae quidem gratiae, sed pretiositatis unius. hic 
vitrum fabre sigillatum ibi crystallum inpunctum. 


395] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 165 


large, costly cups of various designs, some of which were of glass 
with engraved figures. It is not strange that glassware should be 
mentioned in the Roman law, for it was handed down from one 
generation to another. Augustine (S. 4)!% in speaking of the short- 
ness of human life asks, ‘Are we not frailer than if we were glass?” 
“For,” he adds, “‘even if glass is fragile, yet, if cared for, it lasts a 
long time, and you find grandsons and great-grandsons drinking 
out of the cups of their grandfathers and great-grandfathers. Such 
fragile objects have been preserved throughout the years.” The 
last recorded use of a glass ca/ix that,I have found occurs in the 
Life of Saint Hilarius (S. 5). 

Since Egypt was one of the great glass manufacturing centers, 
there is always the possibility of cups from there being of glass. 
When Martial!” says, “Boy, take away the cups and embossed 
work of the tepid Nile,” it is more than likely that he is thinking of 
glass calices. This conjecture is supported by other passages. In 
one instance when speaking of common cups, he calls them foreu- 
mata (engraved work) of glass;!°* in another on glass cups he says, 
“You behold the genius of the Nile; alas, how often has the workman 
ruined his work while greatly desiring to add to it.’!°9 When 
jewelled calices are mentioned,"° there is always the possibility 
that the gems are of glass. Murrine! and crystalline calices!? 
have been mentioned previously. Gallienus in a letter to Claudius 
mentions Aegyptian cups!"3 which might very well have been of glass. 
In a letter from Hadrian to Saturninus'* the emperor alludes to the 


105 Sermo, 18, 7 (Patr. Lat. 38, 128): vitae brevitas homo vitro fragilior. nonne 
fragilior sumus, quam si vitrei essemus? vitrum enim etsi fragile est, tamen servatum 
diu durat: et invenis calices ab avis et proavis, in quibus bibunt nepotes et pro- 
nepotes. tanta fragilitas custodita est per annos. 

106 8. 11 (Patr. Lat. 50, 1230): numquidnam poterit aestimari quantum visceri- 
bus eius insederit pietas, qui usque eo credidit omnia distrahenda, quousque ad 
patenas vel calices vitreos veniretur? 

107 See above, p. 109, n. 24. 

108 Thidem. 

109 t4, 115: calices vitrei. | aspicis ingenium Nili: quibus addere plura | dum 
cupit, oh quotiens perdidit auctor opus! The workman’s responsibility in this 
matter has been noted in the Digest, see above, p. 119, ἢ. 35. 

110 14, 109: calices gemmati. | gemmatum Scythicis ut luceat ignibus aurum, | 
aspice. quot digitos exuit iste calix. 

ll See above, p. 90, n. 34-35. 

12 See above, p. 82, ἢ. 25; p. 90, n. 35; below, ἢ. 116, 1109. 

"3 Treb. Poll. Claud. 17, 5: calices Aegyptios. 

44 Vopisc. Saturn. 8, 10: alii vitrum conflant .... calices tibi alassontes versi- 


166 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [396 


fact that the Egyptians blow glass; then he goes on to say that he is 
sending as gifts certain calices, variously shaded alassontes, i. 6., 
changeable, or iridescent glass goblets. The Digest (533 A.p.)# 
mentions an engraved cup (diatretus calix). The crystalline calix 
which Gregory of Tours (S. 6)!6 describes as being broken and 
miraculously restored was probably of glass. 

19. Petrotus (Cup). Pliny” briefly relates the story of the 
flexible glass and the effort to keep glass from usurping the place 
of the precious metals. “But what good did it-do?” he asks. 
“Since under the emperor Nero the art of glass-making had been so 
perfected that two moderate-sized drinking-cups, which they 
called petroti, sold for six thousand sesterces.” The word petrotos 
is rather difficult to explain. In the early editions of Pliny it was 
written prerotos. The root of petrotos has something to do with a 
rock.48 The question is whether the word is an adjective describing 
the cups, or whether it is the name for certain cups which perhaps 
looked like rock crystal. 

20. Skyphos (Goble?). Pliny"? tells of Nero breaking two crystal- 
line drinking cups when he heard that his fortune was hopeless. 
Suetonius (S. 2)!2° refers to the same story when he writes, “He 
upset the table and dashed to the floor two favorite scyphi which he 
called ‘Homeric’ from the Homeric tales carved on them.” It looks 
very much as if these cups might have been of glass. Lucian (S. 2)! 
uses ekpoma and skyphos synonymously. According to Athenaeus 
(S. 2/3), Epinicus (δ, III) writes of old Thasian wine being mixed 


colores transmisi, quod mihi sacerdos templi obtulit, tibi et sorori meae specialiter 
dedicatos, quos tu velim festis diebus conviviis adhibeas. 

15 See above, p. 110, n. 27. 

16 De Glor. Martyr. 1, 46 (Patr. Lat. 71, 747-8): est enim apud eanden urbem 
basilica sancti Laurentii levitae, cuius supra meminimus, ibique admirabili pulchri- 
tudine calix crystallinus habetur. acta vero quadam solemnitate, dum per diaconum 
ad sanctum altare offerretur, elapsus manu in terram ruit, et in frusta comminutus 
est.... denique in vigiliis, lacrymis, atque oratione deducta nocte, requisitum 
calicem reperit super altare solidatum. 

17 N. H. 36, 194: sed quid refert, Neronis principatu reperta vitri arte, quae 
modicos calices duos quos appellabant petrotos, H S VI venderet? 

18 Harper's Lat. Dict. s. v. petrotos. Bostock and Riley (1893): ‘ ‘petroti (stone 
handled) or péerotos (with winged handles).”’ 

119 See above, p. 79, n. 3. 

20 Nero, 47: mensam subvertit, duos scyphos gratissimi usus, quos Homericos a 
caelatura carminum Homeri vocabat, solo inlisit. 

120a See above, n. 6. 

121 See above, p. 20, n. 4. 


397] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 167 


with honey in a skyphos of ‘molten stone,’ the old Greek expression for 
glass. Theophilus”* (δ΄, 11/12) describes the decoration of glass 
scyphi with gold or silver leaf. 

21. Trulla (Ladle). Pliny gives the account that Petronius, when 
he was at the point of death, broke a murrine “για, ‘ladle,’ no doubt 
for wine bowls, which he had purchased at an exorbitant price.!” 
A crystalline tru//a was bought by a woman who was not at all 
wealthy for a hundred and fifty thousand sesterces.}”8 

22. Capis (Bowl with One Handle). Pliny tells us that Pompey 
dedicated murrine capides to Jupiter Capitolinus from the triumph 
commemorating his victory in the East. This was the first intro- 
duction of murrines into Rome. Nero paid one million sesterces 
for a single murrine capis.1*4 : 

23. Dolium (Far). Columella (S. 1)! says to put up alissander 
and skirret-roots in an earthenware or glass dolium, ‘ globular jar 
with a wide mouth.’ This vessel was also used for medicine. !% 

24. Fidelia (Pot). Another vessel mentioned by Columella'?? for 
use in preserving is a glass fide/ia, ‘pot.’ A gloss'?8 on fidelia explains 
it as a glass vessel. 

245. Diatreta (Carved Vessels) 329 

25. Nimbus (Cup). Martial (S. 1)!2% puns on the glass nimbus: 
“the nimbus (rain-storm) which comes from Jupiter will pour down 
a great abundance of water for mixing your cups; this mimbus (cup) 
will give you the wine.” 

25°. Toreumata (Vessels Carved in Reltef).° 


1216. 2, 13-14: de vitreis scyphis, quos Graeci auro et argento decorant. 

122 See above, p. 87, n. 14. 

23 See above, p. 79, ἢ. 3. 

124 See above, p. 87, n. 14. 

125 De Re Rust. 12, 56, 3: tum in dolio picato fictili vel in vitreo componito. 

16 Veget. Mulomed. 6 (4), 13, 3; Pelagonius.... in pyxide vel vitreo dolio 
condis. 

27 De Re Rust. 12, 58, 1: caeterum medullam eius concisam in fideliam vitream, 
vel novam fictilem coniicito. 

128 See above, n.12. Harper’s Lat. Dict. is at fault in calling fidelia unequivocally 
‘an earthen vessel, pot,’ and taking no cognizance of the fact that it was also of 
glass. 

129 See above, p. 109. 

1298 14, 112: nimbus vitreus. | a Iove qui veniet, miscenda ad pocula largas | 
fundet nimbus aquas: hic tibi vina dabit. 

180 See above, p. 109. 


168 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [398 


26. Priapus (Cup of Obscene Shape). In enumerating the excesses 
of the day Pliny" says that man takes pleasure in drinking from 
vessels of obscene form. Juvenal (J. 1/2)! mentions one of these 
cups, a glass priapus. Another vulgar name for the same was 
drillopota. 

27. Poterion (Drinking Cup). The mention of a glass poterion, 
‘drinking cup,’ occurs first in Epictetus (S. 1/2).%3 In The True 
History Lucian (S. 2)%4 describes a banqueting place on the Elysian 
Plain: ‘About the symposium there are large glass trees of trans- 
parent glass and the fruit of these trees is cups of all kinds.” Dio 
Cassius (J. 2)18° tells the story of the cup of malleable glass, calling 
it a poterion. The passage in which Athenaeus (JS. 2/3) speaks of 
many different shapes of poteria being made in Alexandria has al- 
ready been quoted.'** The Sidonian cups mentioned by Athenaeus!%? 
have been said to have been of glass because Sidon was noted for its 
glass,38 but the context shows pretty clearly that it is shape and 
not material which 15 here the characteristic feature (“Others, again, 
explain it (11. 6. figured’) as meaning, having figures like fingers en- 
gravedallround it;orhaving small projections, like the Sidonian cups; 
—or, again, some interpret the word as meaning merely smooth”— 
Yonge). In discussing glass ekpomata mentioned by Aristophanes 
in the Acharnians some of the later lexicographers call them po- 
teria.8® A scholiast commenting on Lucian'® where he mentions 
a cup made by Mentor, adds that Mentor was a glass smelter. The 
word occurs also in a rather difficult inscription from Cos.“ The 
Thericlean cup is sometimes explained as a glass poterion.\” 

130a N. H. 33, 4: didicit homo naturam provocare. auxere et artem vitiorum 
inritamenta; in poculis libidines caelare iuvit ac per obscenitates bibere. Kisa, 
op. cit. 772, n.2, gives: “auxere et artes vitriorum irritamenta.” 

181 9,95: vitreo bibit ille priapo. Schol. Fuv. 2, 95: ille priapo. in vitreum penem. 
quos appellant drillopotas. Cf. Mart. 14, 70 (69): priapus siligineus. 

133 3. 24, 84: οἷον ὑάλινον ποτήριον. 

349 14: ἀλλ᾽ ἔστι δένδρα περὶ τὸ συμπόσιον ὑάλινα μεγάλα τῆς διαυγεστάτης 
ὑάλου, καὶ καρπός ἐστι τῶν δένδρων τούτων ποτήρια παντοῖα καὶ τὰς κατασκευὰς 
καὶ τὰ μεγέθη. 

185 See above, p. 111, n. 37. For other accounts where different designations 
were used, see above, p. 110, n. 36; 111, n. 38. 

186 See above, p. 130, n. 20. 

187 11, 468C: ἄλλοι δὲ τὸ ἐν κύκλω τύπους ἔχον οἷον δακτύλους, ἢ TO ἔχον ἐξοχὰς 
οἷα τὰ Σιδώνια ποτήρια, ἢ τὸ λεῖον. 

138 Bliimner, Term. u. Tech. 4, 381, 3. 

189 See above, p. 36, n. 17. 


140 See above, p. 114, n. 8. 
141 See above, p. 40, ἢ. 47f. 


399] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 169 


Although the poterion was ordinarily a drinking cup, it was 
occasionally used for other purposes. Thus Damascius (J. 9)! 
mentions a cup filled with water in connection with certain mantic 
rites, resembling our ‘crystal gazing.’ The Geoponica (δ, 10)! 
recommend a glass cup covered with wax for preserving figs. A glass 
cup was handy also for the preparation of a medicine.“ Clear glass 
poteria were used in the process of coloring gems.!** 

28. Catinus (Deep Bowl). Suetonius (δ, 2)"* tells about Galba 
hastening to Tusculum to offer expiatory sacrifices because of a 
dream. He had sent men ahead to make preparations, but “he 
found on the altar nothing but warm ashes and beside it an old man 
dressed in black holding the incense in a deep glass bowl] (catinus) 
and the wine in an earthenware cup.” 

29. Pinakion (Little Dish). In an inventory of household goods 
from a papyrus of the early part of the second century after Christ 
two glass pinakia, ‘little dishes,’ are listed.1*” 

30. Angos (Vessel). Angos refers to a vessel of any description. 
The glass amgoi which are mentioned were used for medicines,'48 
for ripening citrons,™° and for the preparations of the alchemist.’ 


2 See below, p. 173, ἢ. 185. 

143 Patr. Gr. 103, 1289 A: ὕδωρ yap ἀκραιφνὲς ἔγχέασα ποτηρίῳ τινὶ τῶν 
ὑαλίνων, ἑώρα κατὰ τοῦ ὕδατος εἴσω τοῦ ποτηρίου τὰ φάσματα τῶν ἐσομένων 
πραγμάτων καὶ προύλεγεν ἀπὸ τῆς ὄψεως αὐτὰ, ἅπερ ἔμελλεν ἔσεσθαι πάντως. 

4 1ο, 56, 6: ἕτεροι ὑξλινον ποτήριον, ἤ τι ἄλλο τῶν διαφαινόντων, ἔπικατα- 
στρέφουσι τοῖς σύκοις πράως, περιπλάττοντες κηρῷ παραπνοὴν μὴ ἀπολείποντες, καὶ 
παραμένει ἀμάραντα. 

4 Demetrius, Hier. 222: κλήματα ἀμπέλου καύσας ἐν καθαρῷ τόπῳ καὶ τέφραν 
ποιήσας βάλε εἰς ποτήριον ὑέλινον καὶ ὕδωρ καὶ ποίησον στακτήν .... καύσας κλή- 
ματα ἐν τόπῳ καθαρῷ θὲς τὴν τέφραν αὐτῶν ἐν ποτηρίῳ ὑελίνῳ μετὰ ὕδατος καὶ 
ποίησον κατασταλάκτην. 

12 Berthelot, Collection, 353, 9: χρὴ δὲ γενέσθαι πᾶσαν βαφὴν ἐν ὑαλίνοις 
ποτηρίοις λαμπροῖς. 

146 Galba, 18, 2-3: nihil invenit praeter tepidam in ara favillam atratumque iuxta 
senem in catino vitreo tus tenentem et in calice fictili merum. 

47 P. Lond. 2, 191, 16: πινακια veda δυο. 

148 Galen, 13, 97; 13, 745: els ἄγγος ὑελοῦν. 13, 1010; 14, 568: εἰς ἄγγος ὑέλινον. 
Theophan. Nonn. 1, de Capillis Fluentibus: ἔα ταῦτα βρέχεσθαι eis ἄγγος ὑέλινον 
ἡμέρας κ΄. 

149 Geopon. 10, 7, 6: ὁ δὲ καρπὸς τοῦ κιτρίου, πρὶν τέλεον αὐξῆσαι, ἐὰν εἰς ἄγγος 
κεραμεοῦν ἢ εἰς ὑέξλινον ἐντεθῇ, αὐξανόμενος τυπωθήσεται πρὸς τὸ ἀγγεῖον, καὶ 
τοσοῦτος γενήσεται, ὅσον καὶ τὸ τοῦ ἀγγείου μέγεθος. 

160 Berthelot, Collection, 250: εἰ μὲν διὰ ὑελίνων ἀγγῶν ἑψοῦνται τὰ θειώὠδη, 
ἀναγκαῖον χρήσασθαι τοῖς φωσὶν οἷς κέχρηνται οἱ σκιογράφοι, εἴ τίς ἐστι κηροτάκις. 
ἀναγκαῖον οὖν τὸ ἄγγος τὸ ὑέλινον διὰ πηλοῦ κεραμικοῦ ἐπιδερματίδα <éxew > 
ἡμιδακτυλαίαν. 313, 59: βαλὼν εἰς ὑελοῦν ἄγγος. 368, 6: ἔμβαλον εἰς ἄγγος 
ὑάλινον. 385, 1: βαλὼν τὴν σκουρίαν εἰς ὀστράκινον ἢ ὑέλινον ἄγγος. 


170 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [400 


31. Pyxis (Case, Small Box). A pyxis was a box-shaped vessel 
which could be used for holding medicine,*! and chemical com- 
pounds." 

32. Skeuarion (Small Vessel). A glass skeuarion, ‘small vessel,’ 
diminutive of skeuos, sometimes occurs in medical writings.' 

33. Vasculum (Small Vessel). Vascula, ‘small vessels,’ of glass 
are mentioned a few times by medical writers.%* Soranus (S. 2)¥8 
describes one in the form of a pierced nipple, obviously intended to 
insure very slow drinking. 

34. Pinax (Dish, Platter). Athenaeus (8. 2/3),in giving Hippo- 
lochos’ report of a marriage feast, tells of a glass pinax, ‘platter,’ 
of two cubits in diameter on a silver stand, served full of fish of 
every description. 

35. Amis (Urinal). The glass amis, ‘urinal,’ is a matter of scorn 
with Clement of Alexandria (S.2/3),%* but of course not so among 
medical writers.1°” 

36. Lagynos (Flask). In the Oxyrhynchus papyri there is a 
letter of the second or third century from a man to his sister an- 
nouncing the dispatch of various articles, among them “a bread- 


161 Galen, 13, 30: els πυξίδα ἀργυρᾶν ἢ ὑελίνην. 13, 104: els πυξίδα ὑελίνην ἢ 
ἀργυρᾶν. Pelagon. 426: reponis in pyxide vitrea. See above, n. 126; below, ἢ. 162. 

bla Chemistry of Moses, 4 (Berthelot, Collection, 301): καὶ ὅταν ψυγῇ καλῶς, 
βάλε eis πυξίδα ὑελίνην. 

182 Galen, 13, 1057: εἰς ἀργυροῦν σκευάριον ἢ ὑελοῦν παχύ. Soranus (Ideler, 
Phys. et Med. 1 (1841), 248, 2): ῥωγμὴ μὲν οὖν ἐστιν ἁπλῆ ῥῆξις ὀστέου παραπλησία 
ταῖς ὁρωμένοις ἐπὶ τῶν ὑελῶν σκευαρίων. 

152a Marcell. de. Med. 20, 126: in vasculo vitrio recondes. 36, 72: in vitreo vasculo 
reponentur. 

18 Gyn, Vet. Trans. Lat.191 (Rose {1889}... 1}: quid ei bibere dabimus? 
aliquando aquam aliquando vinum aquatius per vasculum vitreum ad similitudinem 
papillae formatum et pertusum, quod rustici ubuppam appellant aut titinam. 

164 Athen. 4, 129D: καὶ μετὰ τὸν πότον ὑελοῦς πίναξ δίπηχύς που THY διάμετρον 
ἐν θήκῃ κατακείμενος ἀργυρᾷ πλήρης ἰχθύων ὀπτῶν πάντα γένη συνηθροισμένων. 

155 Glass stands were also in use, see below, n. 165. 

156 Paedag. 2, 4, 39: χλεύη δὲ Kal γέλως πλατὺς οὐροδόχας ἀργυρᾶς καὶ ἀμίδας 
vedas ἐπιφέρεσθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας. Schol. 180, 28: εἰ μὲν τρυφῆς χάριν, καλῶς" εἰ δὲ 
ἀναγκαίας χρείας καὶ διὰ νόσον, ὡς ἂν διαγινώσκοιτο τῷ ὑάλῳ τὸ νόσημα, οὐκ 
εἰκότως ἐπέσκωψας. See above, p. 92, n. 47. 

167 Joan. Act. de Urinis, 2, 32, 21: αἱ τοίνυν ἀμίδες ἔστωσαν ἐκ λευκῆς μὲν πάνυ 
καὶ λεπτῆς ὑέλου κατεσκευασμέναι, ἵνα ἀκριβῶς τὰ χρώματα διαφαίνηται. 2, 33, 7: 
εἰς δ᾽ ἐπιτηδειότητα ἐπιτηρήσεως οὔρων ἧττον ἂν λυσιτελεῖν τῶν λοιπῶν τῶν ἀμίδων, 
at δὴ κατὰ τὸ σχῆμα τοῖς ὑελίνοις τούτοις ἐκπώμασιν ἐοίκασιν, οἷς δῆτα χρώμεθα οἱ 
πίνοντες, ὥστε, εἰ δέοι καὶ τὰ μάλιστα λυσιτελοῦντα σχήματα τῶν ἀμίδων μανθάνειν, 
τὰ τοιαῦτα μᾶλλον ἂν δόξειε λυσιτελέστατα. δεῖ γε μὴν τὰς ἀμίδας ταύτας μήτε 
ζώναις περιδεῖν ἐξ ὑέλου ὡς ἐπιπροσθούσαις. 


401] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 171 


basket in which were four glass flasks (/agynoz) in sound condi- 
tion.”%8 Glass /agynoi are also mentioned in some accounts in the 
Papyri of the Fayim town.!*? 

37. Pleuron or Pleura (Rib, or Side, ordinarily). This same 
account lists four glass pleura, which must mean some sort of a 
glass vessel, although p/euron does not occur elsewhere with such a 
meaning. 

38. Doliolum, Doleolum (Small Far). A glass doliolum, the 
diminutive of dolium, ‘jar,’ is used in the preparation of food,!# 
and as a receptacle for medicine.!” 

39. Vitreamina (Glassware). The word vitreamina, ‘glassware,’ 
has already been discussed under the Latin designations for glass. 1% 
It is interesting to note the importance of glassware in Roman law.1* 

40. Puthmén (Hollow Bottom or Stand of a Cup). Among vessels 
might well be listed the puthmén, ‘the hollow bottom or stand of a 
cup.’ These stands were made of glass!® as well as metal.1° 

41. Kylix (Wine Cup). Although the Roman authors not in- 
frequently mention a glass ca/ix,!= the kylix of glass very seldom 
occurs in Greek. In Caesarius (J. 4)17 the glass mentioned is identi- 
fied with a ky/ix. Maecius!** writes of a fisherman dedicating a glass 


168 αὶ Ox. 13, 10, 1294: πανάριον ἐν @ ὑάλαι λάγυνοι δ᾽ ὕγειαι. 

169 P. Fay. 104, 1-2: λαγύνων ὑελῶν μεικ[ρῶν]. 

160 Thid.: πλευρῶν ὑελῶν δ΄. 

161 Apic. Cael. de Re Coguinaria, 1, 13: ut uncia lasaris toto tempore utaris: 
lasar in spatiosum doliolum vitreum mittis et nucleos [pineos ut puta] viginti 
cumque utendum fuerit lasare, nucleos conteres. 

162 Marcell. de Med. 7, 52: et simul commaceratum in doleolo vitrio repones 
utendum. 20, 92: recondes sub signaculo in pyxide buxea aut in doleolo vitreo. 
36, 73: vitreo doliolo reponetur. Cass. Fel. de Med. 78 (Rose (1879), 184, 10, 6): 
diligenter conficies et in doliolo vitreo repones. Veget. Mulomed. 6 (4), 13, 3: 
pixidem vel vitreum doliolum condes C. 

163 See above, p. 66, e. 

164 Dig. 33, 7, 18, 13: Paulus libro secundo ad Vitellium quidam cum ita legasset: 
villam meam ita ut ipse possedi cum supellectile.... cum in diem mortis ibi 
libros et vitreamina et vesticulam habuerit, an eadem omnia legato cederent, 
quoniam quaedam enumerasset, Scaevola respondit, specialiter expressa, quae 
legato cederent. 

165 Hippolytus, Elenchos, 4, 35, 2: ἡ λεκάνη τὸν μὲν πυθμένα ἔχει ὑαλοῦν. 

166 See above, p. 170, ἢ. 154. 

1664 See above, p. 164, no. 18. 

167 Dial. 1, 68 (Patr. Gr. 38, 4, 936): παγῆναι δὲ αὖθις κρύσταλλον, καὶ ἀνέχειν 
τὸ ἥμισυ TOV ὑδάτων οἷον ἐπὶ τῆς ὑάλου ἔστιν ἀθρῆσαι, EE αὐτῆς ἐκείνην διαπεφραγ- 
μένην τὴν κύλικα, καὶ ἀποκρίνουσαν διχῶς τὸ ἐκχεόμενον. 

168 Anth. Pal. 6, 33: ἰδ’ ὑαλέην οἰνοδόκον κύλικα. 


172 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [402 


wine cup, and Theodoret (5S. 5)!®*mentions cups of this type among 
the numerous vessels made of glass. Zonaras (S. 12) speaks of a 
crystalline ky/ix (see page 55). 

42. Sikya (Cupping Glass). A glass sikya ‘cupping-glass,’ named 
from its gourd-like shape, is mentioned twice in Greek medical 
writers.!7° 

425. Orbis (Globe) 27% 

43. Drillopota (Cup of Obscene Shape) .™ 

44. Patena (Saucer, Low Bowl).1” 

45. Alassontes (Cups of Changeable Color)" 

46. Oenophorum (Wine Far). The only mention of a glass 
oenophorum, ‘wine-jar,’ is in Pelagonius (S. 5).174 

47. Amphoriskos (Small Amphora) 1% 

48. Bombylos (Narrow-Necked Vessel) .17° 

50. Epipla (Furniture, Ware).7 

κοῦ, Caliclus (Little Cup).177 

51. Therikleion (Cup). There was a type of cup called Thericlean. 
Athenaeus says that “this cup is hollowed out considerably at the 
sides and has flat lugs like the ky/ix.”178 Later he adds, “A certain 
cup is called a Thericlean crater,’”’179 and cites many authors to show 
the use of this cup.!8° Athenaeus also gives the explanations of the 
name which were then current. ‘“Thericles, a Corinthian potter, 
is said to have made this cup and it took its name from him.’’!# 


169 See above, n. 3. 

170 Antyllus in Orib. Collect. Med. 7, 16 (Bussemaker-Daremberg, 2 (1854), 60, 
13): mapa δὲ τὴν ὕλην διαφοραί εἰσι σικυῶν τρεῖς, ὑελαῖ, κεράτιναι, χαλκαῖ. 
Paul Aeg. 6, 41, 2: ἕτεροι δὲ σικύαις ὑαλίνοις ἐχρήσαντο διὰ τὸ τὸ ποσὸν τοῦ κενω- 
μένου αἵματος ἐν τῇ ὀλκῇ διαυγάζεσθαι. 

1106 See below, p. 179, n. 8. 

171 See above, n. 131. 

172 See above, n. 106. 

173 See above, n. 114. 

174 Art, Vet. 468: fandum oenophori vitrei in pulverem mollissimum redige. 

175 See above, n. 3. 

1%6 Thid. 

111 712. 

1716 See below, p. 190, n. 5. 

178 11, 470E: θηρίκλειος. ἡ κύλιξ αὕτη ἔγκἀάθηται περὶ τὰς λαγόνας ἱκανῶς 
βαθυνομένη ὦτά τε ἔχει βραχέα ὡς ἂν κὐλιξ οὖσα. 

179 τι. 472A: καλεῖται δέ τις καὶ θηρίκλειος κρατήρ. 

180 1, 470E-472E. 

181 11, 470F: κατασκευάσαι δὲ λέγεται THY κύλικα ταύτην Θηρικλῆς ὁ Κορίνθιος 
κεραμεὺς, ἀφ᾽ οὗ καὶ τοὔνομα ἔχει. 11,471B: Κλεάνθης δ᾽ ἐν τῷ wept Μεταλήψεως 
συγγράμματί φησι᾿ τὰ τοίνυν εὑρήματα καὶ ὅσα τοιαῦτα ἔτι καὶ τὰ λοιπά ἔστιν, 


403] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 173 


“Others narrate that the Thericlean cup was named from the skins 
of wild beasts (¢heria) being carved upon it.18* And Pamphilus of 
Alexander, from Bacchus throwing the wild beasts (theres) into con- 
fusion by pouring libations out of these cups upon them.” Bentley 
in a rather long discussion of the Thericlean cups accepts Thericles 
as their inventor, and adds, “‘After he had first invented them, they 
were called Thericlean from their shape, whatsoever artificer made 
them, and whether of earth, or of wood, or of metal.’’!8 More 
recently Miller has set forth his belief in the historicity of Thericles, 
the Corinthian potter of the latter half of the fifth century who gave 
his name to his most characteristic wares, especially a certain 
kylix.18 He says that ““Thericlean vases were various as to material, 
size, and purpose. They were made of earthenware, gold, silver, 
glass, or wood. They varied from comparatively small to titanic. 
They were, for the most part and characteristically, drinking 
cups. 184 

The Therikleion with which we are concerned in this study is a 
potérion, ‘cup.’ A number of the later etymologists and lexico- 
graphers define the Therik/eion as a glass cup (potérion).!*% This 
definition can be hardly anything but a gloss upon a word, which, 
as was clear from the context, designated an object of glass. It may 
be noted that the first instance where a Thericlean is called a 
glass cup is in a gloss. 

52. Bésion, Béssion (Vessel). In describing the /ékythos Hesy- 
chius (S. 5)18° speaks of it as a glass bésion. In the same way the 


οἷον Θηρίκλειος, Δεινψιάς, ᾿Ιφικρατίς" ταῦτα γὰρ πρότερον συνιστορεῖν τοὺς εὑρόντας. 
φαίνεται δ᾽ ἔτι καὶ viv" εἰ δὲ μὴ ποιεῖ τοῦτο, μεταβεβληκὸς ἂν εἴη μικρὸν τοὔνομα. ἀλλὰ 
καθάπερ εἴρηται, οὐκ ἔστιν πιστεῦσαι τῷ τυχόντι. 

1818 See Welcker, Die Therikleia, mit Thierfiguren verzierte ΠΣ (Rhein. Mus. 
6 (1839), 404ff.). 

182 11. 471Bf.: ἄλλοι δ᾽ ἱστοροῦσι θηρίκλειον ὀνομασθῆναι τὸ ποτήριον διὰ τὸ 
δορὰς θηρίων αὐτῷ ἐντετυπῶσθαι. ἸΠάμφιλος δ᾽ ὁ ᾿Αλεξανδρεὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ τὸν Διόνυσον 
τοὺς θῆρας κλονεῖν σπένδοντα ταῖς κὐλιξι ταύταις κατ᾽ αὐτῶν. 

183 Works, τ (1836), 170, Dissertations upon the Epistles of Phalaris. Cf. Moeris 
(Pierson-Koch (1831), 139, note). 

ΝΞ ΠΤ 4~ 52 (1921), 122, 131; P. 4. P. A. 58 (1927), xxiti. 

oe Td 121. 

186 Kyrillos, Gloss (Hesych. ed. Schmidt, 4 (1864), 341): θηρίκλειον᾽ ποτήριον 
ὑέλινον. Photios: θηρίκλειον᾽ ποτήριον ὑέλινον. Bachmann, Anecd. Gr.; Suid. s. v. 
θηρίκλειον᾽ ποτήριον ὑάλινον. Zonaras, Lex. 5. v. θηρίκλειον᾽ ποτήριον ὑξλλινον. 
Etym. Magn. s. v. θηρίκλειον κύλικα" ποτήριον ὑέλινον τὸ τοῦ Θηρικλέους ποτήριον. 

186 δ τ, λήκυθος" τὸ μεταξὺ τοῦ λαυκανίου (Mus. Cod. λαυκαίου) καὶ αὐχένος 
ἠχῶδες" καὶ μυροθήκη, βήσιον ὑάλινον. 


174 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [404 


alabastron is defined as a glass bésion.187 In another passage Hesy- 
chius!88calls the 4ésion a cup, but it seems to indicate simply a vessel, 
the precise form of which is to be inferred from the context. In 
the first instance Jésion designates a glass /ékythos; in the second, 
a glass a/abastron, which were at times considered synonymous.1®9 

53. Lékythos (Oil-flask). The description of a /ékythos as a 
glass vessel has just been noted. Ina scholium on Aristophanes!” 
there is a passage showing that /ékythoi might be of glass. In the 
time of the scholiast the glass dealer was still called /ékythopolis. 
At this time the dealers in small crockery, household wares, and 
the like, perhaps sold almost as much glass as anything else. 

54. Sphaera (Sphere). Although spherical vessels have been 
mentioned under different designations,!* Fulgentius (5S. 6)!9 
appears to be the only author to speak of a glass sphaera, ‘sphere.’ 

55. Urna (Vessel). Urna is mentioned as part of a lamp.!% 

55°. Ouriachos (Spear, Shaft) 1% 

[56. Eubékion (Far). Paulus Aegineta (S. 7)!* mentions glass 
eubékia, ‘jars,’ for holding balsam juice.] 

57. Békion (Small Far, or Bowl). A glass békion was used in the 
preparation of eye salve.1® Perhaps it was the same as the eubékion 
mentioned above. It has been suggested that Jékion is used for 
bikion.1% 

58. Alabastron (Alabaster Vase, or Vessel). The alabastron is 
explained in the Etymologica as ‘a vessel of glass’9” or ‘a glass 
besion’'98 (vessel) for holding ungents. A glass alabastron seems not 
to occur in literature. 

187 Ftym. Gud. (De Stefani (1909), 78, 22): ἀλάβαστρον μύρου" βησ (σ )iov (βίσιον 
ἃ *) ἐστὶν ὑελοῦν. The Sturzius edition has βύγιον. Cod. Neap. 133, in Gaisford, 
Etym. Mag. (1848), 48, has βύσιδν ἐστι, védov. 

188 δ᾽ Ὁ, βησ (σ )iov’ ποτήριον. 

189. §. v. ἀλάβαστος" λήκυθος. 

190 See above, π. 17. 

191 See above, ἢ. 44, 63; below, p. 179, ἢ. 8-10; p. 177, n. 219. 

192 See above, p. 58, ἢ. II. 

193 See below, p. 190, n. 7. 

1938 See below, p. 191, ἢ. 7°-8; p. 190, ἢ. 3. 

194 (Ed. Ald.) 132, 1: μετὰ δὲ Ψυγῆναι ἐπίβαλλε τὸ ὀποβάλσαμον Kal κατἀγγιζε 
εὐβηκίοις ὑελοῖς. But very likely this is an error for ἐν βικίος ὑέλοῖς (see Corp. Med. 
Graec. 7, 20, 33). 

19 Anon. in Hippiatr. Vet. Med. 1,11, 46: καὶ ἀποτίθει eis βηκίον ὑάλινον. 
1,11, 48: ἀνελόμενος εἰς βηκίον ὑάλινον, ἢ κασσιτέρινον, ἔγΎχριε. 

196 Thes. Gr. Ling. s. v. βικίον. 

197 Ftym. Gud. (De Stephani), 78; Cod. Neap. 133, in Gaisford, Etym. Mag. 48: 
ἀλάβαστρον᾽ σκεῦός τι ἐξ ὑξέλου (d’ ὑελοῦ). Etym. Magn. 55, 36, adds: ἢ μυροθήκη. 

198 See above, ἢ. 187, 180. 


405] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 175 


58°. Bygion (Vessel) .1°8 

59. Bysion, byssion (Vessel) .1°° 

59%. Bikion (Small Far, or Bowl). The bikion was a glass vessel 
of some sort.!9* It was used for medical purposes,?°° and the 
Geoponica (δ. 10)? say that mulberries keep for a very long time 
in a glass dikion. The bikion was used by the alchemist also.?” 
In one instance it is referred to as a glass angeion arsenothélu,‘of two 
sexes, called an ambix.2% This dikion, at least, seems to have 
consisted of two parts, designated as male and female respectively. 

60. Titina (Nipple) 2% 

61. Ubuppa (Nipple) .?% 

62. Bikos (Wine Far, or Vessel). The word dzkos occurs in several 
alchemical manuscripts.” In the passages quoted, dzkoi are 
mentioned as large; they are used as part of the apparatus for 
processes of sublimation and distillation. A Jdkos is also called a 
bikion; ‘a glass’ (Aya/os) is described as dikoeides, ‘like a δίζος. 201 

63. Teuchos (Vessel). Teuchos may indicate a vessel of any kind. 
It occurs in an alchemical manuscript.?% 


1988 See above, n. 187. 

199 Thid. Berthelot, Collection, 350, 3: ποίησον ζωμόν, καὶ ἔμβαλον eis βυσσίον 
ὑάλινον κεχρισμένον πυριμάχῳ THAD... . ἔμβαλε εἰς τὸ βυσσίον τὸ πεπηλωμένον 
τὸ ἔχον τὸν ζωμόν. 

199 714. 

1998 Thes. Gr. Ling. s. υ. βικίον. 

200 Anon. in Rhetor. 3, 2 (Rabe (1896), 170, 12ff.): ποίαν yap κοινωνίαν ἕξει τὸ 
ὑέλινον Bikiov πρὸς ἄνδρα ; ἢ ποίαν ἔγγύτητα ὡς ἐπονομάσαι ἄνδρα πυρίχαλκον τὸ 
ὑέλινον βικίον. Paul. Aeg. 7, 20 33: κατάγγιζε ἐν βικίοις ὑελοῖς. 

201 10, 69, I: συκάμινα δὲ ἐν ὑελίνῳ βικίῳ πλεῖστον διαμένει χρόνον. 

202 Olympiodorus, 1 (Berthelot, Collection. 105): βάλε ἐν βικίῳ ὑελίνῳ: Niceph. 
Blemm. 14 (Collection, 455): καὶ λαβὼν ἀμφότερα ἐν βικίῳ ὑελίνῳ. 18 (Collection, 
456): θὲς αὐτὸ τὸ λευκανθὲν ἐν βικίῳ ὑελίνῳ. 

203 Zosimus I, see above, ἢ. 170. On ἀρσενόθηλυ, Berthelot, Collection, 143, 
note 3: ““Formé de deux parties s’emboitant, dont l’une est regardée comme male 
l'autre comme femelle.” 

204 See above, n. 153. 

205 7222. . 

206 Berthelot, Collection, 37,1: καὶ ἔμβαλε αὐτὰ εἰς Bixov ὑέλινον. Zosimus, 
5 (Collection, 226): συμπηλώσας Tas συμβολὰς στέατι ἄρτου, ἔνθες ἐπὶ τὰ ἄκρα τῶν 
σωλήνων βίκους ὑελίνους μεγάλους. 14 (Collection, 234): βίκος ὑέλεος, σωλὴν 
ὀστράκινος μῆκος πήχεως ἑνός. λωπὰς ἢ ἄγγος στενόστομον ἐν ᾧ ἢ σωλῆνι τὸ πάχος 
βικίῳ τῷ στόματι αὐτοῦ. For a model, see Collection, 227, note 1. Collection, 236: 
ἔνθες ἐπὶ τὰ ἄκρα τῶν σωλήνων Bixous ὑελοῦς μεγάλους. See Idem, 229, n. 3. 

207 See above, note 36a. 

208 Dem. ad Leucippos 4 (Berthelot, Collection, 55): τότε νόει σε καλῶς ἔχειν 
τὴν λείωσιν [τοῦτο] ἀναλαμβανομένην (ἐν) Αἰγυπτίων προφήταις eis τεῦχος 
ὑελίνῳ. ἢ ἔὐέλινον A. 5. βάλλε εἰς τεῦχος ὑέλινον. 


176 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [406 


64. Organon (Instrument). In an alchemical manuscript con- 
taining a Dialogue on Democritus by Synesius (S. 4), there occurs 
the description of an apparatus having a glass instrument in the 
form of a little breast.2°° Such an apparatus is figured in the manu- 
script.74? As Berthelot suggests, there is a description of an alembic, 
once much used in distillation.? 

65. Mastarion (Breast-shaped vessel). See 64. 

66. Kythridion (Small pot, cup). A glass kythridion, called a 
asympoton by Africanus, is mentioned as part of an apparatus for 
sublimation.?!” 

67. Asympoton (kythridion). See 66. 

68. Ambix, Ambyx (Cup, beaker). As mentioned above, the 
anglion, called an ambix, was also called a dikion.28 Ambix occurs 
in other passages,” in one of which the author suggests using a glass 
klokion if you do not have an ambix. 

69. Troullos (Ladle, Cup).2> The use of a large glass froullos 1s 
mentioned in an alchemical manuscript.?!8 

70. Kybos (Cubical vessel). Glass kyboi were employed by the 
alchemist.?2” 


209 Berthelot, Collection, 60: ταύτῃ οὖν τῇ avaddce τοῦ πυρὸς, συναρμόζεται 
τῷ βωταρίῳ ὑξλινον ὄργανον ἔχον μαστάριον, ἐπὶ τὰ ἄνω προσέχον, καὶ ἐπικέφαλα 
κείσθω. 

10 Tdem, 164, fig. 40. 

Ἢ Idem, Trad. 65, note 1. 

212 Olympiodorus, 12 (Berthelot, Collection, 75): τὸ δὲ ἅλας ἐπενοήθη ἐκ τῶν 
ἀρχαίων, ἵνα μὴ κολληθῇ ὁ ἀρσένικος eis τὸ ὑελοῦν κυθρίδιον, ὅπερ ὑελοῦν κυθρίδιον 
ἀσύμποτον ᾿Δφρικανὸς ἐκάλεσεν. πηλοῦται τοίνυν ἡ κύθρα αὕτη, πηλῷ, ἤτοι φιάλη ἢ 
φανὸς ὑελοῦς αὐτῷ ἐπικείμενος. Idem, 82, n. 5: “Cette description répond a celle 
d’un appareil de sublimation, formé d’un récipient inférieur, surmonté de deux 
coupes ou chapiteaux, emfoités l’un dans l’autre en forme d’aludel. Ce dernier 
appareil a été attribué aux Arabes; mais la description actuelle le fait remonter 
jusqu’ a Africanus (III e siécle). On lutait avec soin; et on condensait dans ces 
chapiteaux la partie sublimée.’’ References to figures follow. 

218 See above, ἢ. 17b. 

214 Ostanes, 2 (Berthelot, Collections, 262): καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα ἐν ὑελίνῳ G&uBuxe™ 
ἐξωράϊσον ἑπτάκις. ᾿ἄβυκη et audessus, en rouge; ἀγγεῖον A (temain). Niceph. 
Blemm. 20 (Collection, 455): θὲς ets ὑξέλινον κλοκίον μὴ ἔχον ἄμβικα. 

219 Compare the Latin ¢ru//a, number 21, above. 

216 Zosimus, 12 (Berthelot, Collection, 164): ἄλλοι ἐν τρούλλῳ μεγάλῳ ὑελίνῳ 
περιπηλώσαντες. Berthelot, Trad. 164, n. 1: “Troullos, mot ἃ mot, truelle. C’est 
quelque instrument inconnu.” 

17 Tdem, 183, 6: τινὲς τῷ παντὶ ὀστράκῳ ἐν ὑαλοῖς κύβοις ἑψοῦσιν καὶ ὀπτῶσιν 


᾽ ‘ 


an 7 ᾿ κ n n , 
ἐπὶ τῆς κηροτακίδος" Kal ταῦτα καλοῦσιν ληκύθια. 


407] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 17 


71. Igdis (Mortar). In a treatise on the coloration of precious 
stones the use of a glass zgdis, ‘mortar,’ is mentioned.?!® 

72. Sphairion (Little Sphere). The diminutive of sphaira,a‘globe’ 
or ‘sphere’ occurs in a treatise on the coloration of stones. 3:9 

73. Thyeia (Mortar). Thyeia, ‘mortar,’ as well as igdis (number 
71), occur among the glass vessels mentioned in alchemical litera- 
ture.??° 

74. Patellion (Small Flat Dish). The diminutive of patella, 
‘flat dish,’ is used in describing an apparatus in which one glass 
patellion fits over the mouth of another.*! In another passage a 
thick glass pate/lion is employed as a mortar with a glass ¢ribidion, 
‘pestle ?’222 

75. Tribidion (Pestle). See 74. 

76. Troullion (Little Ladle, or Cup). The diminutive of sroullos 
(number 69) also occurs.?” 

77. Oxybaphon (Shallow vessel). A glass oxybaphon is classed 
with musical instruments in a treatise on music and chemistry.” 

78. Klokion (Vessel). The klokion is mentioned in alchemical 
literature.> It is recommended for use when an ambix is not at 


hand. 


418 Berthelot, Collection, 350, 2: λείωσον ἐν ἴγδῃ ὑαλίνῃ. 3: βάλε ἐκ τῶν σφαιρίων 
τούτων εἰς ἴγδην ὑαλίνην. 

19 Tdem, 353, το: περὶ οὗ καὶ ὁ θεσπέσιος λέγει Μωυσῆς ὁ προφήτης ἐν τῇ οἰκείᾳ 
χυμευτικῇ τάξει. “καὶ πάντα βαλὼν ἐν σφαιρίῳ ὑαλουργικῷ.᾽᾽ See above, number 


220 Tdem, 359, 24: καὶ λαβὼν ὑαλίνην θυείαν ἔμβαλε τὸ ὄξος. 
221 Salmanas, 2 (Collection, 365): ἔπειτα λάβε τὸ τοιοῦτον σύνθημα, καὶ ἔμβαλε 
> ὁ > NAL e Xl \ 2 , A nN Ul 3. 8. ὦ 
αὐτὸ ev πατελλίῳ ὑαλίνῳ, καὶ ἐπιπώμασον τὸ τοιοῦτον πατέλλιον δι᾽ ἑτέρου πατελλίου 
εὐρυστομωτέρου ὄντος, ὥστε περιλαμβάνεσθαι ὑπὸ τοῦ στόματος αὐτοῦ τὸ στόμα τοῦ 
κάτω πατελλίου. ἐχέτω δὲ τὸ ἐπάνω πατέλλιον ὀπὴν ἄνωθεν. 

222 Idem, 3(365): ἕγωσον ἐντὸς πατελλίου παχέως ὑαλίνου, ἀνατρίβων καὶ 
λειῶν καλῶς μετὰ τριβιδίου ὑαλίνου. 

225 Collection, 422, 3: ὡς καὶ ἐν τρουλλίῳ τῷ ὑελώδει πλώματι. Note 6: τῶ 
ὑέλω διπλάσιον καὶ κατ᾽ αὐτῶ A.—xal (ὡς om.) ἐν ὑαλίνῳ ἀγγείῳ διαπλασίῳ 
σὺν τῷ αὐτοῦ τρουλλίῳ τίθεται καὶ ἐν αὐτῷ ἀφίεται Ἐ.---Ε.}]. ὡς καὶ ἐν rp. ὑελῳ 
OimAwua TL... 

224 Tdem, 438, 7: vavora δὲ καλοῦμεν ἢ κύμβαλα χειρῶν, ἢ ποδῶν, ὀξύβαφά τε 

» 438, ἢ ρῶν, ἢ : 
χαλκὰ καὶ ὑέλινα. Note 14f.: “Réd. de E: ὥσπερ δὲ ἐν τῇ μουσικῇ, εἰσὶ πολλὰ τὰ 
γένη καὶ τὰ εἴδη καὶ τὰ ὄργανα, οὕτως εἰσὶ καὶ ἐν ταὐτῃ τῇ θείᾳ τέχνῃ τῇ χυμευτικῇ 
}] t N τ x if] μ ῇ 
γένη καὶ εἴδη καὶ διαφοραὶ οἰκονομιῶν καὶ συνθέσεων καὶ ἀγγεῖα καὶ ὀξυβ. καὶ 
χαλκᾶ καὶ ber. καὶ ὀστράκινα." 

225 Niceph. Blemm. 3 (Collection, 453): ἔστω δὲ κλοκίον τοῦτο ὑέλινον. 6: καὶ 
βαλεῖν αὐτὰ ἐν κλοκίῳ ὑελίνῳ. τς: εἶτα πάλιν στρέψον αὐτὸ ἐν τῷ κλοκίῳ τῷ 
ὑελίνῳ. See above, ἢ. 214. 


178 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [408 


79. Mortarium (Mortar). A glass mortarium, ‘mortar,’ is 
mentioned in Latin.” 

80. Ammola (Vessel). A good, strong glass ammola, “‘like those 
which come with sirup from Alexandria,” is mentioned in the 
Liber Sacerdotum.”*" 

This list does not include many of the vessels preserved in 
museums; it records only sitar vessels mentioned in Greek and 
Latin Reorariie: τῶ 


D. Mepicau USEs. 


1. Burning Glass. In Aristophanes’ Clouds! Strepsiades asks, 
“Now, haven’t you seen at the druggists’ shops that beautiful, 
transparent stone with which they kindle fire?’ And Socrates 
answers, ‘“You mean the Aya/os (the burning glass)?’ One scholiast 
explains this burning glass as a crystal; another says that “‘it is a 
circular apparatus of glass made for this purpose. When they have 
covered it with oil and exposed it to the sun, they touch a wick to 
it and light it.’’? The scholiasts have evidently mentioned the types 


226 Tiber Sacerdotum, 25 (Berthelot, Hist. 1, 192): in vitreo mortario pone et per 
II dies pisa. See numbers 71 and 73. 

27 198 (Hist. τ, 225): si vis facere de pisce alkimiam .... pone eam in unam 
bonam ammolam vitri, fortem, similem illis que veniunt cum sirupo de Alexandria. 

228 In Manget, Bibliotheca Chemica (1702), there are a number of references to 
glass vessels and instruments, some of which might have been added to the list 
given above. However, since most of the references are of a comparatively recent 
date, they will be given here instead: circulatorium, 1, 291, 332; alembicus, 1, 332, 
540, 765 (see also Berthelot, Hist. 2, 165); cucurbita, 1, 332; retorta, 1, 302, 332; 
sublimatorium, τ, 332; patella, 1, 332, 540, 548; separatorium olearum, 1, 332; 
paropsis (parapsis), 2, §59, 645, 659; vesicum, 2, 561; ventres. 2, 653 (see also Berthelot 
Hist. 1, 140); distillatorium, 2, 649, 654; scutella, 2, 658; pistillum, 2, 659; spatula, 
2, 699; scapha, 3, 706; ovum philosophicum, 3, 706; patera, 3, 706, etc. 

1 See above, p. 20, n. 5. 

2 Dibner, Schol. Gr. in Aristoph., Schol. in Nub. (1855),766: rots φαρμακοπώλαις : 
φαρμακοπῶλαι κυρίως of τὰ φάρμακα πιπράσκοντες, τά TE λυσιτελοῦντα Kal τὰ 
θανάσιμα. παρὰ τοῖς παλαιοῖς δὲ καὶ οἱ τοὺς τιμαλφεῖς (τουτέστι πολυτίμους) 
λίθους πιπράσκοντες, φαρμακοπῶλαι ἔλέγοντο. οὐδεὶς γὰρ τῶν τοιούτων λίθων ὃς 
οὐκ ἔχει καινοτέραν δύναμιν. Junt.] τὸν κρύσταλλον. Ἐ. V. Id. 768: τὴν ὕαλον 
λέγεις : κατασκεύασμά ἐστιν ὑάλου τροχοειδὲς, εἰς τοῦτο τεχνασθὲν, ὅπερ ἐλαίῳ 
χρίοντες καὶ ἡλίῳ θερμαίνοντες, προσάγουσι θρναλλίδα καὶ ἅπτουσι. τοῦτο οὖν, 
φησίν, εἰ ὑφάψαιμι διὰ τῆς ὑέλου, καὶ προσαγάγοιμι τῇ δέλτῳ τὸ πῦρ τῇ τοῦ Ypap- 
ματέως, ἀφανίσαιμι τὰ γράμματα τῆς δίκης. (ὅτι δὲ ὕαλος θηλυκῶς, καὶ διὰ τοῦ a, 
διὸ τὸ x). See above, p. 29, ἢ. 35. and Ρ. 99, ἢ. 17. οἱ παλαιοὶ δὲ τὴν διαφανῆ 
λίθον, τὸν ἰδιωτικῶς λεγόμενον κρύον, ἐοικότα δὲ ὑάλῳ. Junt.]. Cf. Rutherford, 
Schol. Aristoph. 1 (1896), 218ff., for the Codex Ravennas. Starkie, The Clouds of 
Aristoph. (1911), 768: Schol. V (ext) (ὡς διὰ τοῦ κρυστάλλου δυναμένους ἐναύειν" 


409] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 179 


of burning glasses with which they were familiar, and naively fancy 
that the glass in some way accumulates heat in itself from exposure 
to the sun. A scholiast on Hesiod’ speaks of the fire being brought 
down from the air. Although the burning glass might be used for 
many purposes, it seems significant that it was mentioned as being 
kept at the druggists’ shops. One of the chief uses was for cauterizing 
wounds, and for this reason I am treating it under medical uses. 
Aristotle (S. IV) notes the fact that the sun’s rays passing through 
glass kindle fire. Theophrastus (ὁ, IV-III)® says that the fire 
does not pass through the pores as some think. There are a few other 
rather doubtful passages which seem to refer to a burning glass.° 

A second type of burning glass is a globe of water. Pliny (S. 1),? 
Lactantius (δ. 3/4),8 and Titus Bostrensis (S. 4)® record that such 
vessels produce fire when held to the sun. Pliny! also says that 
physicians consider nothing better for cauterizing than a crystalline 


mapa δὲ Ὁμήρῳ καὶ τοῖς ἀρχαίοις ἤλεκτρος μέν ἐστιν, ὕελος δ᾽ οὔ. || ἄλλως.) 
κατασκεύασμά ἐστιν ὑάλου τροχοειδές, [ (ἢ) ἠλέκτρου Su.] εἰς τοῦτο τεχνασθέν, ὅπερ 
ἐλαίῳ χρίοντες [χρίσαντες Su.] καὶ ἡλίῳ θερμαίνοντες [θερμήναντες Su.] προσάγουσι 
θρυαλλίδα [-δι Ruth.] καὶ ἅπτουσι᾽ τοῦτο οὖν φησιν ὅτι εἰ ὑφάψαιμι διὰ τῆς ὑξλον 
[ἠλέκτρου Su.] καὶ προσάγοιμι [-αγάγοιμι R, Su.] τῇ [R, Su.: τῶν] δέλτῳ τὸ πῦρ 
τῇ τοῦ [R, Su.: τοῦ τε Ν] γραμματέως, ἀφανίσαιμι τὰ γράμματα τῆς δίκης [also 
Su. 5. 5. ὑέλη]. See above, p. 31, ἢ. 43: p. 36, n. 17. 

3 Scholia (Flach (1876), 427, 31ff.): ἢ καὶ διά τινος μαχανῆς, πυρὸς ἐξ depos 
κατενεχθέντος, ὁποῖα καὶ Ta διὰ λίθων, κρυστάλλων Kal ὑέλων ἐξαπτόμενα, Kal 
τὰ πυρεῖα τοῦ μεταξὺ ἀέρος ἐκπυρώσει ἐκφαίνουσι πῦρ. 

4 Analyt. Post. 1, 31: οἷον εἰ τὴν ὕελον τετρυπημένην ἑωρῶμεν καὶ τὸ φῶς διιόν, 
δῆλον ἂν ἦν καὶ διὰ τί καίει, τῷ ὁρᾶν μὲν χωρὶς ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστης, νοῆσαι δ᾽ ἅμα ὅτι ἐπὶ 
πασῶν οὕτως. 

® De Igne, 73: ὥστε τὸ μὲν τῷ ἀθροισμῷ καὶ τῇ λεπτότητι διαδυόμενον εἰς τὸ 
ἔκκαυμα δύναται καίειν τὸ δ᾽ οὐδέτερον ἔχον οὐ δύναται. ἐξάπτεται δὲ ἀπό τε τῆς 
ὑέλου καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ χαλκοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἀργύρου τρόπον τινὰ ἐργασθέντων, οὐχ, ὥσπερ 
Γοργίας φησὶ καὶ ἄλλοι δέ τινες οἴονται, διὰ τὸ ἀπιέναι τὸ πῦρ διὰ τῶν πόρων. 
See Diels (Sitzungsber. d. Berl. Akad. τ (1884), 351ff.). 

§ Diels, Anon. Lond. (1893), 39, 18: ἱκ(ατα)κ]αέντα ὑφ᾽ ὑάλου καὶ el. Note: 
“ὕαλος videtur esse speculum causticum.” Alex. Aphrod. Problem. I, 61: τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ 
ἡλίου καὶ ὕδατος πῦρ τῷ ἀνακλωμένας τὰς ἀκτῖνας τοῦ ἡλίου πρὸς τὴν ὕαλον, καθάπερ 
καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν κατόπτρων ἐκπυροῦσθαι καὶ πάλιν διαπέμπεσθαι ἐπὶ τὸ ὕπτιον. 

7 See above, p. 159, n. 62. 

8 De Ira Dei, 10: orbem vitreum plenum aquae si tenueris in sole, de lumine, 
quod ab aqua refulget, ignis accenditur, etiam in durissimo frigore. 

9. Adv. Manichaeos, 2, 31 (Patr. Gr. 18, 1193C): μᾶλλον δὲ πυρὸς αὐτὸς γόνιμός 
ἐστιν, εἴ τις ἐν ἀγγείῳ ὕδωρ ὑελίνῳ ἄντικρυς αὐτῷ προσαγάγοι᾽ συναγομένη γὰρ 
τῷ διαυγεῖ τοῦ τε ὕδατος καὶ τῆς ὑέλου τῆς ἡλιακῆς ἀκτῖνος ἡ ἀκμή, καὶ πρὸς στενὸν 
μὲν παραπεμπομένη, προσομιλοῦσα τε ὕλη, ῥᾳδίως πυρὸς ἀντιλαμβανομένῃ, ἅμα τε 
τίκτει πῦρ, κτλ. 

10 See above, p. 79, n. 3. 


180 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [410 


ball held between the sun and the part of the body to be burned. 
Here the “crystalline ball’ is pretty certainly a glass object. 

2. Container. Notice has already been taken of the very common 
use of glass vessels to hold medicines or their ingredients, dry or 
liquid; as a cupping glass; and as a suitable container for fluids which 
are being observed." 

3. Medicine. One of the strangest uses for vitrum is as an in- 
gredient in certain medicines. At once two questions arise: first, 
does vitrum refer to glass or woad, and, second, if to glass, could it 
be used in a medicine without injury? Sometimes it is clearly stated 
that vitrum is white like crystal, or it is mentioned along with 
diaphanous stones, or refers to a mirror or window; on the other 
hand, at times vitrum is described as an herb. Of course in such 
cases there is no doubt. In instances where it is not specifically stated 
that vitrum is an herb, I shall list it as glass, which is the much more 
common sense of the word. 

The idea of eating glass was as ridiculous to the Romans as it 
would be to us. In The Origin of the Roman Race (S. 4) an Alexan- 
drian by the name of Arpocras is called polyfagus and represented 
as eating broken glass vessels, claws, bones, and the like.!? But when 
ground to a fine powder, it was considered a suitable ingredient in 
medicines,'* for trouble with the teeth,* gravel,“ ulcers, uri- 


1! See above, p. 156, n. 35%; 158, 50; 160,.67; 161; 75-76; 164, οὐ τσ οὖ 
16931453 169,1483 170, 151-152", 1573171, 1625172, 1703174, 194-195, 198; 175, 200. 
12 Orig. Rom. Chron. 146, 3: Nero imp ann. XIIII menses V dies XXVIII . 
hoc imp. fuit polyfagus natione Alexandrinus nomine Arpocras, qui matidacavit 
‘pauca: aprum coctum, gallinam vivam cum suas sibi pinnas, ova, pineas, clavos 
galligares, vitrea fracta, thallos de scopa palmea, mappas IIII, porcellum lactantem, 
manipulum feni, et adhuc esuriens esse videbatur. This man is mentioned also in 
Suet. Nero, 37,2, but without any statement concerning his special accomplishments. 

18 Orib. Synop. 2, 46, Prop. Med. Simpl. (Bussemaker—Daremberg, 5 (1873), 
61, 1): ὕελος. 

18a Scrib. Larg. Comp. 60: ad dentium colorem et confirmationem bene facit 
radicis edulis cortex sole arefacta et contusa, cribata; item vitrum candidum quod 
simile crystallo est, diligenter tritum admixta spica. Marcell. de Med. 13, 3: vitrum 
candidum, quod simile est crystallo, diligenter tritum admixta spica nardi pro 
dentifricio adhibitum plurimum prodest. Evidently a sort of tooth-powder is meant. 

14 Galen, de Affectuum Renibus Insidentium Diagn. 8, 19, 695: ὕελος κεκαυμένη Kal 
ὁ Καππαδοκικὸς λίθος καὶ τὸ τῶν παλιούρων σπέρμα καὶ ταῦτα κατὰ κράτος διαιροῦσιν. 
Orib. Collect. Med. 15, 1, 25, 14ff. (Bussemaker-Daremberg, 2 (1854), 711ff.): 
καὶ ὁ ὀφίτης δὲ καλούμενος λίθος ῥιπτικῆς τε Kai θρυπτικῆς ἐστι δυνάμεως, ὥσπερ 
καὶ ἡ ὕαλος" ἱκανῶς γὰρ καὶ αὕτη θρύπτει πινομένη διὰ οἴνου λευκοῦ καὶ λεπτοῦ τοὺς 
ἐν κύστει λίθους. Paul. Aeg. 7, 3: ὕαλος. λεῖα πινομένη μετ᾽ οἴνου λεπτοῦ καὶ 
λευκοῦ τοὺς ἐν κύστει λίθους θρύπτειν λέγεται. Adams, ad /oc.: “ΟἿΓ author borrows 
his paragraph on this subject from Aétius (1, 31).”” Alex. Tralles in Rufus, 412, 95, 
21, 94: νεφριτικὸν ξήριον πρὸς δυσουρίαν Kai λιθίασιν. 95: ἄλλο @ καὶ αὐτὸς κέχρημαι. 


411] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 181 


nation,!* dysentery,!? in emetics,!8 and in plasters.!® The medical 
use of glass is treated of extensively by the Arabians.!* Benvenuto 
Cellini?® established the fact that glass is not really harmful. He 
asserts that the diamond is the only injurious stone, because it is 
so hard and sharp that it will cut into the organs, but when other 
stones are pounded they become blunt; hence, glass and other stones 
when mixed with food pass along with it. Although we realize that 
glass is not so injurious as has often been thought, still it is difficult 
to understand what beneficial effect it could possibly have had. 


ἀγαρικοῦ To a’, ἀλθαίας σπέρμα To s", λινοσπέρμου To s”, κνίδης σπέρμα καρπο- 
βαλσάμου, παλιοῦρον σπέρμα, ὑέλου, ἀνὰ yp. ς΄. δίδου ἐκ τοῦ ξηρίου yp. α΄. μετὰ 
χρυσαττικοῦ ζέματος ἢ ἠρυγγίου καὶ ἀγρώστεως, καὶ σικύου σπέρματος, καὶ ἀτρακ- 
τυλίδος βοτάνης. 

16 Galen, 13, 663: τὸ διαφανὲς καὶ ὕαλος κεκαυμένη. 

16 74. το, 749: ὕαλος ἡ κεκαυμένη. 

17 Marcell. de Med. 27, 41: vitrum teres diligenter et criblabis et masticis 
grana teres atque aequis mensuris permiscebis et ex his singula coclearia dysinterico 
in vino cocto per triduum vel quotiens opus fuerit dabis, miraberis remedium 
experimentis probatum. Pseudo-Theodorus, 4dd. 2, 31, de Dysentericis, 331, 16: 
vel si pulverem de speculare vitreo facias, et ibi intinctum iecur manducet. 

18 Claud. Herm. Mulomed. Chiron. 11: vitrium tusum ferragini aspergis, ut 
possit spurcitias corporis per solutionem ventris expurgari. 

19 Marcell. de Med. 26, 131: vitrum teres diligenter et cum pice cedria miscebis 
atque ita chartam virginem inlines et renibus adpones, quo medicamine diebus 
septem iugiter usus sanus firmiter eris. Demetrius, Hier. 271: τράκτωμα eis κλάσμα 
ποδὸς ἱέρακος ὕελος ᾿Αλεξανδρινήν, σμύρναν ἀληθινήν, πίσσαν Kai λίβανον λειοτριβήσας 
καὶ ἅμα φοῦ τὸ λευκὸν ἀναλαβὼν ἐπίθες, καὶ σφίγξας μετὰ ἐρίου ἀπόλυσον αὐτὸν εἰς 
οἴκημα. 275: μαρμάρου μέρος ἕν, ὀστράκου μέρος ἕν, ὑελίου μέρος ἕν, λύχνου μέρος 
ἕν, μαστίχης, πεπέρεως, ῥητίνης, κλῆμα σταφυλῆς μελαίνης καυθὲν καὶ ξηρὸν γενό- 
μενον μέρος ἕν, ταῦτα πάντα κόψας καὶ σήσας ἀναλάμβανε, καὶ κόπρον ὄρνιθος καὶ 
ὄξους τὰ ἀρκοῦντα, καὶ ἐπιδέσμει ὡς προείρηται. 481: εἶτα λίβανον καὶ λιθάργυρον 
καὶ ὕελον ᾿Αλεξανδρινὴν καὶ wod τὸ λευκὸν καὶ κοχλίου τὸ κολλῶδες καὶ σιελῶδες 
λειώσας.... λαβὼν φλεβότομον ἢ μάχαιραν ἠκονημένην ὀξεῖαν κέντησον αὐτὸν 
ἐπάνω τοῦ οἰδήματος, καὶ τρίψας λίβανον καὶ λιθάργυρον καὶ ὕελον ᾿Αλεξανδρινὴν 
καὶ φοῦ τὸ λευκὸν καὶ τὰς τῶν κοχλιῶν σάρκας. 283: λαβὼν λίβανον ἀρρενικὸν καὶ 
ὕελον καὶ μάρμαρον, τὸ ἴσον ἑκάστου τρίψας καὶ λειώσας ἀναλάμβανε χολὴν τράγου 
καὶ φοῦ τὸ λευκόν, καὶ ἔπιθες εἰς τὸν ἀστράγαλον τοῦ ἱέρακος καὶ ἐπιδέσμει εὐφνῶς. 

196 Adams, The Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, 3 (1847), 384 f.: “See Avicenna 
(2, 2, 720); Serapion (De Simpl. 382); Phases (Cont. |. ult. 1, 748); Ebn Baithar 
ΝΟ Abbas (Pract. 2, 47.) (f)..... As to its medical properties, he 
[Serapion] says.... that it removes furfures of the head, and is applied to the 
head and beard as a depilatory. When pounded and drunk with wine, it is lithon- 
triptic. One of his Arabian authorities, Aben Mesuai, says glass is good for the lungs 
and for baldness. Avicenna further recommends it as a dentifrice, and as an ap- 
plication to remove albugo of the eye, in which case, he adds, the bwint is most 
efficacious..... We may mention in conclusion that although glass has long been 
excluded from the practice of the regular physician, we have often heard of pow- 
dered glass having been used by empirics, andcertainly in some caseswith good effect, 
to remove opacities of the cornea. See also Gray (Suppl. to Pharmacop. 260.)” 

20 Memoirs, 1, 125. 


182 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [412 


4. Absorbent. Paulus Aegineta (S. 7)#! mentions ‘foamy glass’, 
which must have been an absorbent of some kind, as Liddell and 
Scott, 5. v., observe. Probably it was used somewhat as fine white 
sand used to be employed in many countries, and no doubt still is 
employed in some places, to take up excess ink, instead of blotting 
paper, 

5. dids to Eyesight. An old scribe in the Anthology” is repre- 
sented as dedicating his tools, among which is an object which 
Paton” translates as “his blue spectacles that give sweet light.” 
If this is what the author meant, the ‘spectacles’ were probably not 
lenses to correct or improve the sight, although magnifying lenses 
were known at a very early date™*, nor a whetstone (Liddell and 
Scott), scarcely even an ordinary eyeshade, because of the plinth- 
like shape, but very probably a large, flat, rectangular piece of 
transparent glass with a bluish tint, which gave relief to his eyes. 
The emerald in which Nero is reported to have watched the gladia- 
torial combats* has been definitely shown to be nothing but a large 
piece of green transparent glass, used as amber tinted glass is so 
commonly employed nowadays, to rest and relieve the eyes.” 

The Greeks and Romans realized that a glass globe filled with 
water had the power to magnify,” but there is no literary evidence 


16, 22: ἢ φλεβοτόμω τὸ μεταξὺ τοῦ κανθοῦ σῶμα πρὸς τὸ ἀπόσημα ἀπολύσαντες. 
σάρκας ἐκ τοῦ βάθους ἀναγάγωμεν, καὶ τότε μετρίως ὑποξηράνωμεν. ὕαλος δὲ 
χνοώδης ἐπιπαπτομένη τούτοις θαυμασίως ξηραίνει. Adams translates: “Glass re- 
duced to a fine powder is wonderfully desiccative.”’ 

216 The sanding box, somewhat resembling a large salt shaker, is to be found in 
some American Museums. Recently Professor Knapp (The Class. Weekly, 19 
(1926), 158) mentioned the use of sand as a blotter in America and Italy, and 
raised the question of whether sand may not have been employed for this purpose 
by the Romans. Although no one has noted such a use recorded in Latin literature, 
other contributors are familiar with the use of sand as a blotter in India (Shewan, 
19, 230; Wedeck, 20, 8), Greece (Brouzas, 20, 74), the Orient (Wedeck, /oc. cit), and 
Switzerland (Fox, Price, 20, 129). To this list Germany (i.e. Munich) might be 
added (Oldfather), and no doubt many other countries, for this use of sand seems 
to have been quite general. 

2 Phanias, Anth. Pal. 6, 295: καὶ τὰν ἁδυφαῇ πλινθίδα καλλαΐναν. 

8 Loeb Library translation. 

#8 Cuming (The Four. of the Brit. Archaeol. Assoc. 11 (1855), 144-150) thought 
the ancients probably had spectacles. Lessing, Briefe antig. Inhalts. (1769), 106ff.; 
Kisa, op. cit. 2, 357; Beck, Ancient Magnifying Glasses (The Antiqu. Fourn. 
8(1928), 328 fF. 

4 Plin. N. ἢ. 37, 64: Nero princeps gladiatorum pugnas spectabat in smaragdo. 

Ὁ Kisa, op. cit. 2, 356; Netoliczka (P.-W. 11, 30); Greef (Wiener Blatter, 2 
(1924), 121-3). 

% See above, p. 155, ἢ. 30-31. Strabo, 3, 1, 5: διὰ δὲ τούτων ὡς δι᾿ Ἷ αὐλῶν κλω- 


413] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 183 


that they used glass lenses for the purpose of magnifying, although 
of course they mention a coarse kind of lens in the shape of a burning 
glass. (See above, D 1). Ata very early time the lens for magnifying 
no doubt grew out of observations made on glass globes of water 
and burning glasses. 


E. PLaytTHInGs 


1. Pawns. The Romans had a game, /udus latrunculorum, which 
somewhat resembled modern checkers or draughts. The pawns, 
which seem frequently to have been made of glass, were called 
miles, ‘soldier,’ hostis, ‘enemy,’ and /atro, ‘mercenary’ or ‘robber.’ 
The /atro was only another name for the Aostis as must be clear 
from the passage quoted in the long note below. That is, the hostis 
goes into other territory to plunder (as /afro) and then gets into 
trouble. Of course each player’s men were /atrones to the other side. 
It must have been a kind of “‘catch the robbers” game, like ‘‘fox 
and geese,” only on a board. In a long description of the game given 
by the author of the Laus Pisonis (δ, 1)! we find that black and 
white pawns were used; “wars are waged by a glass soldiery so 
that now the white checks the black, now the black checks the 
white.” Martial (S. 1)? refers to the same game, mentioning the 
use of a glass /atro. Possibly also the jewel pawns mentioned 
by him were in reality of glass. Ovid (S. I)‘ says that the way to 


μένην τὴν ὄψιν. Miuller-Diibner (1853) suggest “‘vitris” in the Latin translation, 
following Is. Voss’s convincing emendation: δι᾿ ὑάλων. Jones in the Loeb Library 
translates (1923): “that is, the visual rays, in passing through this vapour as 
through a lens, are broken and therefore the visual impression is magnified,” 
and adds in note 1: “A globe filled with water, apparently.” 

1 190ff.: te si forte iuvat studiorum pondere fessum | non languere tamen lususque 
movere per artem, | callidiore modo tabula variatur aperta | calculus et vitreo 
peraguntur milite bella, | ut niveus nigros, nunc et niger alliget albos. | sed tibi 
quis non terga dedit? quis te duce cessit | calculus? aut quis non periturus perdidit 
hostem? | mille modis acies tua dimicat: ille petentem | dum fugit ipse rapit; 
longo venit ille recessu, | qui stetit in speculis; hic se committere rixae | audet et in 
praedam venientem decipit hostem; | ancipites subit ille moras similisque ligato | 
obligat ipse duos; hic ad maiora movetur, ut citus effracta prorumpat in agmina 
mandra | clausaque deiecto populetur moenia vallo. | interea sectis quamvis 
acerrima surgant | proelia militibus, plena tamen ipse phalange | aut etiam pauco 
spoliata milite vincis, | et tibi captiva resonat manus atraque turba. See Martin, 
Laus Pisonis (1917), 81ff. 

27, 72, 8 (7): sic vincas Noviumque Publiumque | mandris et vitreo latrone 
clusos. 

8 See above, p. 109, n.17. Cf. p. 82, ἢ. 21. 

4 Amat. 2, 208 (207): sive latrocinii sub imagine calculus ibit, fac pereat vitreo 
miles ab hoste tuus! 


184 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [414 


gain favor is to “let your soldiers be taken by a glass enemy,” when 
playing this /udus latrunculorum. Although the fact is not men- 
tioned in literature, gaming boards also were inlaid with glass.‘ 

2. 4 Ball, An inscription (S.2),° written evidently by a cheerful 
old man whose success at playing ball is waning, begins: “‘If you still 
believe me, I am Ursus, the first citizen to play properly with a glass 
ball with my players, in the baths of Trajan, of Agrippa and Titus, 
and often in the bath of Nero, with the tumultuous approval of 
the crowd.” It is impossible at this time to go into the question of 
what type of a game Ursus played with his glass ball, but obviously it 
could not have been one in which the ball was bounced or batted. 


F. Mrrrors 


It is a matter of common knowledge that ancient mirrors were 
usually of polished metal.! Just how early glass was used for them 
is not known, although its power of reflection was observed at an 
early time. Theophrastus (S.1V/III)'* speaks of certain glass-like 
gems which reflected images. Pliny (δ᾽. 1) mentions the emerald? 
_and carbuncle’® as suitable for mirrors. Natural stones which re- 
sembled glass, as obsidian‘ and phengite,® were used to line walls, 


4a See above, p. 14ff, n. 32. 32a. 

5 CIL 6, 9797, 1; Biicheler, Carm. Lat. Epigr. 1 (1895), 29, 1; Dessau, 2, 1, 5172: 
Ursus, togatus vitrea qui primus pila | lusi decenter cum meis lusoribus, | laudante 
populo maximis clamoribus, | thermis Traiiani (sic) thermis Agrippae et Titi, | 
multum et Neronis, si tamen mihi creditis, | ego sum. ovantes convenite pilicrepi | 
statuamque amici floribus violis rosis | folioque multo adque unguento marcido 
onerate amanteset merum profundite|nigrum Falernum aut Setinum aut Caecubum, 
vivo ac volenti de apotheca dominica, | Ursumque canite voce concordi senem | 
hilarem, iocosum, pilicrepum, scholasticum, | qui vicit omnes antecessores suos | 
sensu decore adque arte suptilissima. | nunc vera versu verba dicamus senes: | 
sum victus, ipse fateor, a ter consule, | vero patrono, nec semel, sed saepius, | cuius 
libenter dicor exodiarius. 

1 Cf, Fob, 37, 18: “Firm as a molten mirror.” Dr. S. E. Bassett’s interpretation 
of I Cor. 13, 12, ‘Through a glass darkly,’ in which he understands by δι᾽ ἐσόπτρου, 
‘by means of a mirror,’ will appear in the Fournal of Biblical Literature during the 
present year. 

1a See above, p. 49, n. 56. 

2 N. H. 37, 64: quorum vero corpus extentum est eadem qua specula ratione 
supini rerum imagines reddunt. 

3 714. 37, 97: illos nigriores e quibus et specula fieri. 

4 See above, p. 145, n. 14. 

5 Suet. Domit. 14: parietes phengite lapide distinxit, e cuius splendore per 
imagines quidquid a tergo fieret provideret. On the discovery of this stone: Plin. 
N. H. 36, 163: in Cappadocia repertus est lapis candidus, atque translucens, ex 
argumento phengites appellatus. Cf. Strab. 12,2, 10: ἄλλως δὲ εἰς διόπτρας βώλους 
μεγάλας ἐκδίδους, ὥστε Kai ἔξω κωμίζεσθαι. 


415] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 185 


not only for decoration, but so that one could see what was going on 
behind one’s back. It has been suggested that the kataptron, 
‘mirror,’ in the temple to reflect the image of the god, mentioned by 
Pausanias (δ᾽. 2),5 was of glass or a glass paste,’ but I know of no 
very convincing reason for so believing. It is usually impossible to 
tell from the context whether a kataptron or speculum is of glass or 
some other material.* The first glass mirrors were probably pieces 
of dark glass? which reflected the image in the same manner as the 
natural stones which were used for wall covering. 

Pliny ascribes to the Sidonians the invention of the glass mirror,'° 
although the sense of this passage has been somewhat disputed." 
The first description of a genuine glass mirror, 1. e., with a metal 
back, occurs in the Problemata* of Alexander of Aphrodisias 
(ca. 220 A.D.).!2 The backing was of tin here as well as in the case of 
the mirror mentioned by Philoponus (ca. 550 a.p.).%* Olympio- 
dorus,* a contemporary of Philoponus, also mentions a glass 


6 8,37, 7: ἐν δεξιᾷ δὲ ἐξιόντι Ex τοῦ ναοῦ κάτοπτρον ἡρμοσμένον ἐστὶν ἐν τῷ τοίχῳ" 
τοῦτο ἤν τις προσβλέπῃ τὸ κάτοπτρον, ἑαυτὸν μὲν ἤτοι παντάπασιν ἀμυδρῶς ἢ 
οὐδὲ ὄψεται [τὴν] ἀρχήν, τὰ δὲ ἀγάλματα τῶν θεῶν καὶ αὐτὰ καὶ τὸν θρόνον ἔστιν 
ἐναργῶς θεάσασθαι. 

7 Netoliczka (P.-W. 11, 30); Nowotny (Fahresheft d. Ost. Arch. Inst. 13 (1910), 
107). 

8 Kisa, op. cit. 2, 358. 

9 Chalcid. on Plat. Tim. 242: quae autem paraphasis ab his adpellatur, provenit 
quotiens non in cute speculi, sed introrsum et tamquam in penetralibus similacrum 
invenitur obumbrante aliqua nigredine, ut in perlucidi quidem sed fusci vitri 
lamina vel stagnis atris ex alto profundo. 

10 See above, p. 102, n. 3. 

1 Nesbitt, op. cit. 45; Nowotny, op. cit. 13, 107. 

lla See above, p. 38, n. 36. 

12 Marquardt, op. cit. 737, n. 2; Netoliczka, op. cit. 11, 30; Nowotny, op. cit. 13, 
107, while accepting Alexander of Aphrodisias as the author of the Problemata, 
remark that there are others who ascribe the work to Alexander of Tralles (ca. 570). 
However, they do not mention the critics who hold to the later date, nor do they 
give their reason for so doing. H.S. Jones, also, in the first fascicle of the new edition 
of Liddell & Scott (1925), accepts the work as genuine, although Christ-Schmid 
2, ed. 6, 834 following Zeller, 3, 1, ed. 4, 820, n. 2, regard it as spurious. Under the 
circumstances, therefore, I do not feel that there is sufficient ground for chang- 
ing the customary ascription. 

126 On de Anima, 2,7 (Hayduck (1897), 320, 30): καὶ τῶν ὑελίνων γοῦν κάτο- 
πτρον τὴν ἔξωθεν ἐπιφάνειαν καττιτέρου χρῶμα δοκοῦμεν ἔχειν. 

On Plat. Acid. 2, 223: διὰ μὲν τῶν κατόπτρων ἐδήλωσε τὰ τεχνητὰ κάτοπτρα᾽ 
διὰ δὲ τοῦ καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα τὰ φυσικά, οἷον ὑαλοκέρας. See Creuzer (1821), note 53. 
Ruhnken, Schol. in Plat. A/cid. (1800), 132E: κάτοπτρα] τὰ φυσικά, οἷον ὕαλον ἢ 
κέρας. 


186 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [416 


katoptron. Claudianus (S. 4/5) implies a glass mirror by the use of a 
transferred epithet.%* Pseudo-Theodorus (S. 6)" seems to refer to a 
glass mirror, and Isidore (S. 6/7)" says that “‘there is no material 
better for mirrors.” In the Greek lexica a spek/on, ‘mirror,’ is defined 
as an hyelion" or ‘glass’ ;!” hye/ion in turn is defined both as glass and 
as a glass object.1® Hyelion was sometimes used to designate a 
mirror,!® but that was by no means its only use. 

From these scattered references and from the finds in excava- 
tions®° it is evident that glass in no sense usurped the place of metal 
for mirrors in antiquity. In the twelfth century Benjamin of 
Tudela? writes, “Here is also erected a high tower, called light- 
house, in Arabic Minar of Alexandriah, on the summit of which 
was placed a glass mirror.”” Dillon suggests that it was not until 
the thirteenth century that glass mirrors of any size became general, 
and states, on the authority of Vincent of Beauvais, that the best 
ones were made of glass and lead,?! a combination which was used at 
a much earlier time, as shown by the mirrors themselves. In the 
fifteenth century Agrippa vaguely refers to ancient writers on the 
looking glass.” 


G. WInbows 


We have already noted that the next great step after the dis- 
covery of blowing glass was the production of flat sheets of glass,} 
which were then used in windows. Ofcourse the first glass window- 
panes were small and contained many imperfections, but they 
marked the beginning of a factor which has brought about great 
changes in architecture.’ 


18a See above, p. n. 73, n. 35- 

14 See above, p. 181, n. 17. 

15 Orig. 16, 3: neque est alia speculis aptior materia. 

16 See above, p. 46, n. 39. 

17 Zonar. Lex. 1665: σπέκλον. ἡ ὕαλος (ὕελλος A). 

18 See above, p. 45, n. 36. 

19 See DuCange above, p. 46, n. 39. 

20 Wallace-Dunlop, op. cit. 214ff.; Fahrb. des Vereins v. Alterthumsfreunden, 85 
(1888), 156; G. F. Wright-F. B. Wright (Records of the Past, 6,270); Nowotny op. 
cit. 13, 107ff.; Beaulieux (Rev. de Philol. 36 (1912), 133); Richter, Gr. Etrusc. and 
Rom. Bronzes (Cat. Metrop. Mus. N. Y. (1915), 287); Netoliczka (P.-W. 11, 44ff). 

20a Asher’s translation, 1 (1840), 155. 

1 Op. cit. 138. 

22 De Vanitate Scient. ch. 26. 

1 On the making, see Theophilus, 2, 9; Cennino Cennini (S. 14), 171. 

2 Nissen, Pompeianische Stud. x. Stddtekunde des Altertums (1877), 595f.; 
Danforth (The Scientific Monthly, 8 (1919), 537). 


417] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 187 


Before and several centuries after the introduction of glass in 
windows, almost any transparent substance was used. In Philo 
(S. 1) we hear of windows set with diaphanous stones like white 
glass. In a number of Latin authors specu/aria are mentioned, but 
it is impossible to tell whether these are of glass or some other 
transparent material, and Salmasius‘ notes that the same difficulty 
exists in the case of the Greek Aye/ion and the Latin vitrium. There 
are some who believe the invention of the specu/um mentioned by 
Pliny to refer to windows rather than to mirrors,® but this seems very 
unlikely. Pliny®* says that “in Arabia also there is a stone trans- 
lucent like glass, which they use for windows. Juba is the origi- 
nator.” We know from finds which have been made,‘ especially at 
Pompeii, that glass was used in windows during the first century, 
although to a limited degree. Even by the fourth century glass 
had not become the only material for making windows; Lactantius? 
mentions glass and specularis lapis side by side, when he says that 
the mind sees through the eye “as through windows of transparent 


3 Leg. ad Gaium, 45: καὶ περιελθὼν προστάττει τὰς ἐν κύκλῳ θυρίδας ἀναληφθῆναι 
τοῖς ὑάλῳ λευκῇ παραπλησίως διαφανέσι λίθοις, οἱ τὸ μὲν φῶς οὐκ ἐμποδίζουσι, 
ἄνεμον δὲ εἴργουσι καὶ τὸν ad’ ἡλίου φλογμόν. 

4 Plin. Exercit. 770bE ff.: “. . . . fenestras vitro decoratas vitria recens Latinitas 
vocavit, nosque hodie sic vocamus. Graeci ὑέλια immo ita etiam appellarunt, 
etiamsi ex speculari lapide essent, non ex vitro. Neophytus monachus in Lexico 
Herbario: Σπέκλον τὸ τοῦ φεγγίτου ὑέλιον, hoc est vitreum ex speculari lapide. 
quod fenestris obducebatur ad translucendum, ac lucem admittendam, specular 
veteres Latini vocarunt. idque ex speculari lapide qui est deyyirns, aut ex vitro 
fiebat, aut alia translucida materia... . haec specularia porro fenestris indita ad 
perspiciendum Graeci ὑέλια vocarunt, quae ex vitro fierent, Latini vitria. in Sym- 
posiano aenigmate in vetustissimo nostro libro lemma inscriptum est vitrium quod 
de speculari intelligendum. perspicior penitus, nec luminis arceo visus. in aliis 
scribitur pro lemmate, specular. in aliis utrumque adpositum vitrium specular. 
idem specular. idem quippe vitrium, quod specular .... Neophytus ὑέλιον etiam 
vocat specular, quod ex phengite lapide, non ex vitro compositum est .... at 
fenestris specularia indebant e vitro vel ex alia translucente materia ad illumin- 
andam domum.... vitrearum fenestrarum nuntio apud Hieronymum quae vitro 
in tenues laminas fuso obductaeerant. Paulus Silentiarius de fenestris templi Sanc- 
tae Sophiae: δοχήϊα φωτὸς ἀνοίγει λεπταλέαις ὑέλοις κεκαλυμμένα sunt proprie quae 
ὑέλια dicuntur uno verbo Graecis, specularia nempe ex vitro.” 

5 See above, p. 185, n. 10. 

68 See above, ἢ. 65, n. 14. 

6 Nossiop (L’Intermédiaire des Curieux et Chercheurs, 2 (1865), 38); Clauer, 14. 
182; A. F. 74. 433; XX. Id. 494; Wallace-Dunlop, op. cit. 162ff.; Becker, op. cit. 2, 
316, 380ff.; 3, 118; Marquardt, op. cit. 757; Lehner (Fahrd. d. Arch. Inst. 10 (1896), 
43); Kisa, op. cit. 203, 362ff.; Bliimner (P.-W. 7, 1389). 

” De Opific. Dei, 8: transpiciat, quasi per fenestras perlucente vitro, aut speculari 
lapide obductas. 


188 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [418 


glass or mica.” In a work of doubtful authenticity ascribed to 
Athanasius’ note is taken of the way the sun’s rays penetrate a 
window without doing injury to the glass. Symphosius’® enigma on 
vitreum seems to be a description of a window. The first two lines 
might refer to any object of glass, but the last, “wintry weather 
does not penetrate me, but the sun does enter me,”’ seems to indicate 
a window. Some explain the passage in Prudentius (S. 4/5) which 
has been treated under mosaic wall decoration,!° as referring to a 
window." Sidonius (S. 5)!2 refers to the window as well as the wall 
decoration. Philoponus (S. 6)! uses the example of a window of 
black glass in making an analogy; however, not with the implication 
that black glass was used for windows, but rather that it was a 
preposterous idea. Venantius Fortunatus (δ. 6) speaks of the 
sun’s rays as being captured by the glass windows. Paul the 
Silentiary (S. 6) in his poem on Sancta Sophia says, ““Thus rises 
on high the deep-bosomed vault, borne above triple voids below; 
and through fivefold openings, pierced in its back, filled with 
thin plates of glass comes the morning light scattering sparkling 
rays.’ #42 An anonymous writer also mentions the windows of 
Sancta Sophia.“ Gregory of Tours (S. 6) speaks of glass windows 
a number of times, sometimes simply as vitreae.® At this period 
church treasuries must have been extremely attractive to thieves. 


8 Patr. Gr. 28, 789Bff.: ὥσπερ οἶκος περιπεφραγμένος πάντοθεν ἀνατολικὸν ἔχων 
ὑέλινόν τε καθαρὸν καὶ λεπτότατον παραθυρίδιον, ἀνατείλαντος τοῦ ἡλίου αἱ ἀκτῖνες 
αὐτοῦ διαπερῶσι τὸν ὑελὸν καὶ εἰσέρχονται πάντα τὸν οἶκον καταφωτίζοντες᾽ καὶ 
πάλιν παρερχομένου τοῦ ἡλίου καὶ τῶν αὐτοῦ ἀκτίνων ἐξερχομένων, ὁ ὑελὸς οὐ 
συντρίβεται, ἀλλ᾽ ἀβλαβὴς ἐκ τῷν εἰσερχομένων τε καὶ ἐξερχομένων προσκρούσ- 
εων τοῦ ἡλίου διαμένει ἀκτίνων" διὰ τοῦ ὑελίνου παραθυριδίου, KTH. 

"See. above, 'p.. 78.63. 

10 See above, p. 141. 

1 See above, Ρ. 141, n. 25. 

12 See above, p..141, n. 27. 

18 On de Anima. 2, 7: καὶ ὥσπερ εἴ τις οἶκος εἴη μίαν μόνην ὀπὴν ἔχων, εἴη δ᾽ ἐν 
ἐκείνῃ τῇ ὀπῇ ὕελος κατακόρως μέλαινα. 

14 Carm. 2, 10, 13: de ecclesia Parisiaca. prima capit radios vitreis oculata 
fenestris | artificisque manu clausit in arce diem. 

14a 409 (Corp. Script. Hist. Byz. 36 (1837), 21): ὡς ἡ μὲν βαθύκολπος ἀνέσσυται 
ἠέρι Koyxn, ὑψόθεν avTédAdovoa μία, τρισσοῖσι δὲ κόλποις | νέρθεν ἐπεμβεβαυῖα, 
διατμηγεῖσα δὲ νώτοις | πένταχα μοιρηθέντα δοχήϊα φωτὸς ἀνοίγει, | λεπταλέαις 
ὑάλοις κεκαλυμμένα, τῶν διὰ μέσσης φαιδρὸν ἀπαστράπτουσα φαεσφόρος ἔρχεται 
ἡώς. Translation by Lethaby-Swainson, The Church of Sancta Sophia Constantinople 
(1894), 40. See also, p. 169, 48οί. 

14b See above, p. 46 n. 40. 

16 See above, Ὁ. 78, ἢ. 64. 


419] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 189 


Gregory tells of robbers who entered by breaking the windows." 
Once the windows themselves were stolen; the thief melting down 
and selling the glass. But according to the story he was afflicted 
with leprosy because of his crime.!’ This incident is interesting in 
that it shows the difficulty the ancients had in fusing new glass, so 
that they were willing to melt up old glass. Nelson'* speaks of the 
windows of the church of Saint Martin of Tours as the first colored 
glass windows mentioned in literature with which he is familiar. 
In 675 Benedict, bishop of Wearmouth, sent to Gaul for glass- 
makers to decorate the windows of his church, the cloisters and 
{ning rooms.'® Anastasius’? in the Life of Leo III (S. 8) speaks of 
church windows of variously colored glass. It was a long step from 
the first glass windows in the Roman houses and early churches to 
the elaborately pictured church windows described by Theophilus.?° 
Although we know that glass was gradually winning its place in 
the house as well as in the cathedral, most of the references have been 
to church windows. It is rather interesting to find also an indication 


16 De Mir. S. Ful. 13: cumque intrare non possent, unus effractam ceu fur in 
altario sancto fenestram vitream, ingreditur, quia qui non intrat per ianuam hic 
latro est. Hist. Franc. 6, 10: his diebus basilica Sancti Martini a furibus effracta 
fuit, qui ponentes ad fenestram obsidae cancellum, qui super tumulum cuiusdam 
defuncti erat, ascendentes per eum, effracta vitrea sunt ingressi. 

17 De Glor. Martyrum, 59: ecclesia est vici Icidiorensis, sub termino Turonicae 
urbis, quae plerumque sacris miraculis illustratur, fenestras ex more habens quae 
vitro lignis incluso clauduntur, quo praeclarius aedi sacratae lumen quod mundus 
meruerit subministrent. quam ecclesiam fur nocturnus importunusque aggreditur, 
ingressusque nocte, cum omnia cerneret custodum cura tueri, et nihil de sacris 
ministeriis quod auferret adverteret, ait intra se: si aliud,inquit, invenire non possum, 
vel has ipsas quas cerno vitreas auferam, fusoque metallo aliquid auri conquiram 
mihi. ablatis igitur dissipatisque vitreis, metallum abstulit, et in pagum Biturigi 
territorii contulit. missumque vitrum in fornace per triduum decoquens, nullum 
exinde opus potuit expedire: victusque crimine, divinum super se iudicium intuens, 
nequaquam motus perdurat in malis. ablatum autem a cacabo vitrum, quod in 
pilulis nescio quibus conversum fuerat, advenientibus negotiatoribus venumdedit, 
ut scilicet accepta pecunia, novus Giezi, lepram perpetuam compararet. nam 
adveniente die post anni curriculum, quod hoc furtum fecerat, caput eius tumori 
datur: oculi quoque inflantur, ut erui a suis locis autumentur. haec autem ei 
singulis annis eveniunt in die illa qua furtum admisit. plangitque miser vitrum, 
quod ex itinere quo transmisit non potuit revocare. 

Boe: cit. 

184 See above, p. 113, n. 7b. , 

19 Leo III, 408 (Pair. Lat. 128, 1235): praefectus vero pontifex fecit in basilica 
Domini nostri Jesu Christi, quae appellatur Constantiniana, supra altare maius 
vestes chrysoclavas duas....simul et fenestras de absida ex vitro diversis 
coloribus conclusit atque decoravit. et alias fenestras basilicae ex metallo Cyprino 
reparavit. 


- 2, If. 


190 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [420 


of a less pretentious use, namely in the bird house. Demetrius 
(S. 13) says that it is not a good thing to use glass windows in a 
falconry because the birds are likely to break them by flying against 
them and be killed by the broken pieces. 


H. Lamps 


1. Candela, Lucerna, Lychnus, Lampas (Lamp). The first 
reference I find to glass lamps is in the fourth century where many 
large candelae, ‘oil lamps,’ are described as hanging in a church.! 
This use of candela, which usually means candle, is rather late,? 
but it is tound in Greek? as well as Latin. 

Prudentius‘ also mentions a hanging lamp suspended from the 
panelled ceiling. Paulinus Nolanus (S. 5)° describes one of tree-like 
appearance which “bore little glass ca/icli (cups) as if they were its 
fruit.” Elsewhere he speaks of the handles of glass /ucernae being 
inserted in a hanging lamp.* Venantius Fortunatus (J. 6)7 mentions 


41 Hier. 26: μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα οἰκίσκον ἐκλεξάμενος καλὸν λίαν Kal εὐρύχωρον (εἰ δὲ 
μὴ οἷόν τε, κἂν σύμμετρον) κατάκλειε ἐν αὐτῷ τὸν ἱέρακα ἔχοντα πρὸς ἀνατολὴν ἡλίου 
θύραν ῥάβδοις οὐχ ὑέλῳ διαπεφραγμένην, ἵνα καὶ φῶς ἔχῃ αὐτάρκως καὶ διαφυλάττηται 
ἀσφαλῶς" τὴν γὰρ ὕελον ῥήγνυσι παραυτίκα περιιπτάμενος καὶ παίων καὶ προσ- 
ρηγνύμενος αὐτῇ, ὥσπερ κατάδικος ἄρτι τῶν δεσμῶν ἀφεθείς. τοῦτο δὲ ποιήσας 
ἄπεισιν, ἢ τοῖς τῆς ὑέλου θρύμμασιν ἐμπεσὼν καὶ ὥσπερ ὑπὸ ξίφους τρωθεὶς δαιφθεί- 
ρεται.. .. εἶτα εὑρέτω οἰκίαν καλὴν καὶ εἰς εὖρος ἐπιτήδειαν, ἔχουσαν καὶ θύραν 
κατὰ ἀνατολὰς μετὰ δρυφράκτων πυκνῶν καὶ οὐχὶ μετὰ ὑέλων, τοῦ τε φῶς ἔχειν 
ἕνεκεν καὶ τοῦ μὴ δύνασθαι φεύγειν ῥαδίως" τοὺς γὰρ ὑέλους θραύσειεν ἄν, καὶ ἢ 
βλαφθήσεται κατά τι μέλος ἣ φευξεῖται. 

1 §. Silviae Perigrinatio, 57: candelae autem vitreae ingentes ubique plurimae 
pendent, et cereofala plurima sunt, tam ante anastasim, quam etiam ante crucem, 
sed et post crucem. 

2 DuCange, Gloss. Med. et Inf. Lat. s. v. candela, quotes another example to show 
its use at night: ““Testam. ann. 1250. tom. 2. Hist. Cassin. p. 494. col. 1: in primis 
de oleo candelae vitreae emantur, et horis competentibus illuminentur et repleantur. 

8 Suid. s. v. οὐρίαχος᾽ .... “ὄφρα κεν ἐξ ὑάλοιο πυρικμήτοιο ταθέντας οὐριά- 
xous δέξαιντο,᾽᾽ τὰ οὐραῖα τῶν κανδηλῶν. See below, n. 8. Preger, Script. Orig. 
Const. 2,668, 5f.: 6 δὲ Δεύξιππος TO λοετρὸν ὑπὸ Σευήρου κατεσκευάσθη Kal ἐστοιχειώθη 
μετὰ κανδήλας ὑελίνης ἅπτεσθαι τὸ δὲ ὕδωρ ζέειν σφοδρῶς, καὶ τὸν ἀέρα τοῦ λουτροῦ. 

4 Cath. 5, 144 (141): pendent mobilibus lumina funibus, | quae suffixa micant 
per laquearia, | et de languidulis fota natatibus | lucem perspicuo flamma iacit vitro. 

5 Carm. 19, 416 (412): at medio in spatio fixi laquearibus altis | pendebant per 
aéna cavi retinacula lychni, | qui specie arborea lentis quasi vitea virgis | bracchia 
iactantes summoque cacumine rami | vitreolos gestant tamquam sua poma Caliclos. 

δ Td. 23, 127 (124): communis in medio tecti cameram inter humumque | nutabat 
solitus lychnum suspendere funis, | innectens triiugum supremo stamine ferrum, | 
quo vitreae inseritur penetrabilis ansa lucernae | auritusque calix tribus undique 
figitur uncis. 

’ Vita δι Martin. 4, 693: lychnus adest, cuius vitrea natat ignis in urna. 


421] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS IgI 


a lychnus, ‘lamp,’ “whose flame floats in a glass urna (vessel.)’”’ In 
a description of the lighting of Sancta Sophia Paul the Silentiary” 
describes a lamp in the center of the church, consisting of a circle of 
silver discs, ‘they have been pierced too by the weapon of the 
skilful workman, in order that they may receive shafts® of fire- 
wrought glass, and hold light on high for men at night.”” Bede** 
(S. 7/8) speaks of the art of glassmaking as being well adapted for 
the /ampades claustrae of the church. 

2. Laterna (lantern). Isidore (S. 6/7)8 writes, “A /aterna (lan- 
tern) is so called because it has a light enclosed within it, for it is 
made of glass with the light inside so that a gust of wind cannot 
reach it, and for this reason it is easily carried about to furnish 
light.”” Eustratius (5. 12)9 also describes a glass lantern. 


I. MiscELLANEOUS 


1. Coffins. The use of hyalos for preserving the dead and for 
coffins has already been discussed.! Although it does not seem prob- 
able that any of the examples cited were actually of glass, funeral 
urns and coffins of glass have actually been found.? 

2. 4 Glass Rod. Seneca* writes, “Glass rods are commonly 
made, either fluted or bulging with many corners like a club. If one 
catches the sun transversely, it produces the color which is wont to 
be seen in the rainbow.” These were probably somewhat like the 


ἴδ 894 (Corp. Script. Hist. Byz. 36 (1837), 39): τοὺς μὲν ἀνὴρ πολύϊδρις ὅλους 
ἐτόρησε σιδήρῳ, | ὄφρα Kev ἐξ ὑάλοιο πυρικμήτοιο ταθέντας | οὐριάχους δέξαιντο, καὶ 
ἐκκρεμὲς ἀνδράσιν εἴη φέγγεος ἐννυχίοιο δοχήϊον.:Ἐ Translation by Lethaby and 
Swainson, op. cit. 50. See above, ἢ. 3. 

8 Loc. cit. note 1 : “οὐρίαχος. Used in Homer of the butt end of a spear; hence 
long narrow glass lamps.” 

Sa See p. 113, n. 7b. 

8b Orig. 22, 10, 7: laterna inde vocatur quod lucem interius habeat clausam. fit 
enim ex vitro, recluso intus lumine ut venti flatus adire non possit, et ad prae- 
bendum lumen facile ubique circumferatur. 

9. On Analyt. Post. B11 (Hayduck (1907), 151, 21): ἐξ ἀνάγκης τε γὰρ ἔστιν 
εἰπεῖν, οἷον διότι μεγαλομερὴς μὲν ὁ ὕελος ἐξ οὗ ὁ φανὸς ἢ εἰ τύχῃ ἡ δορά, μικρομερὲς 
δὲ τὸ πόρων τοῦ ὑέλου ἢ τῆς δορᾶς ἡ τοῦ πυρὸς λεπτομέρεια. 

1 See above, p. 228. 

2 Dillon, op. cit. 55. For a coffin inlaid with glass, see Lefebvre (4uc. Egypt, 
6 (1921), 85). 

3 Nat. Quaest. 1, 7, 1: quoniam inquit, vitri fecisti mentionem, ex hoc ipso 
argumentum contra te sumam virgula solet fieri vitrea, striata vel pluribus angulis 
in modum clavae torosa: haec si in transversum solem accipit, colorem talem, 
qualis in arcu videri solet, reddit, ut scias non imaginem hic solis esse sed coloris 
imitationem ex percussu. 


192 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [422 


pendent glass prisms that used to be hung about lamps, or in windows 
for the sun to strike upon them. Of course glass canes are occasional- 
ly made nowadays. 

3. Knives. There is no definite mention of a glass knife, but 
glass was used for cutting, and the conclusion is that there were 
glass knives similar to the numerous obsidian ones. To be sure, just 
a piece of broken glass might be meant, as when Severian broke the 
largest of his beautiful glass cups and cut his throat with the glass.‘ 
However, when Pliny (δ᾽. 1)® says that balsam should be cut “with 
a glass, a stone, or bone knives,” some regular implement seems to 
be indicated. On the other hand when Soranus (S. 2)® urges that 
the umbilical cord be cut with a very sharp knife and not according 
to the superstition of the past with a thread, glass, or the like; or 
when Apsyrtus (S. 4)7 recommends that warts should not be burned, 
but cut and scraped with a glass, it is by no means certain, or indeed 
even probable, that a special glass-edged knife was in mind. 

4. Ingredient of Paint. Pliny® describes anulare as “the white 
color with which pictures of women are made light. It is prepared 
from chalk mixed with glass jewels from the rings (anu/z) of the 
common people, and for this reason it was called anu/are.” 

In a Greek papyrus crystal is mentioned as an ingredient in a 
formula for a composition for writing in gold letters.® 

5. Improbable or Impossible Uses. In Lucian’s True History 
(S. 2) a visit to the moon is described. The people there wore 
clothing of soft glass,!° and one of the parting gifts of the king was 
two glass garments.!!. This is doubtless a sheer figment of the 

4 See above, p. 151, ἢ. 6. . 

5 N. H. 12, 115: inciditur vitro, lapide osseisve cultellis. Cf. Solin. 35, 6: lignum 
candicis attrectatum ferro sine mora moritur: ea propter aut vitro aut cultellulis 
osseis, sed in sola cortice artifici plaga vulneratur. 

6 78 (Rose (1882), 28, 23): quando umbilicum praecidere debemus? cum modice 
infans requieverit in terra, a ventre quattuor digitis longe scalpello aut cultro 
acutissimo praecidendus est, nec superstitioni antiquorum consentiendum qui lino 
aut vitro vel canna acuta aut cortice panis secabant. 

7 Hippiatr. Vet. Med. 2, 82,211: συκὴ Kal μυρμηκία" οὐ det καίειν ἀλλ᾽ ἀποτέμνειν 
ξύειν τε ἄσσον (sic) ὑέλῳ. 

8 See above, p. 148, n. 231. 

®Leemans, Papyri Graeci Muset Antiquarii Publici Lugduni-Batavi (1885), X, 
8, 28ff.: xpucoypadia. | ἀρσενικὸν χρυσίζοντος Lk’, κρυστάλλου per— | νήματος 
στατῆρες 5’, ἢ ὠοῦ τοῦ λευκοῦ στατῆρες B’, κόμμεος λευκοῦ στατῆρες K’, κρόκου----, 
γράψας ξήρενε καὶ ὀ--- | δόντιζε. 

10 7, 25: ἐσθὴς δὲ τοῖς μὲν πλουσίοις ὑαλίνη μαλθακή. 

11, 27: ἐμοὶ δὲ καὶ δῶρα ἔδωκεν ὁ ᾿Ενδυμίων, δύο μὲν τῶν ὑαλίνων χιτώνων. 


423] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 193 


imagination, although a dress of spun glass is said to have been 
made for Queen Victoria some years ago. Elsewhere large, strong 
anchors of glass were used.!2 In another connection mention has 
been made of glass trees whose fruit was drinking cups." 

6. Diving Bell. Pseudo-Callisthenes (5. 3)!* describes something 
like a diving bell; a glass vessel over seven inches thick within an 
iron cage. He says that Alexander the Great wishing to attempt 
the impossible got into this vessel and was able to see the fish about 
him. It is improbable that this is more than a legend. 

7. Imitation of Foods. The story is told by Lampridius (8. 4)" 
that Heliogabalus tantalized his parasites by Barmecide banquets 
in which everything was an imitation in glass. 

8. Covering for Surfaces. The earliest use of glass recorded in 
literature was for the adornment of surface of walls, chairs, and 
armor in the form of paste, which was also used so largely in early 
jewelry. Among the very latest use before the fall of Constantinople 
was the glass covering for the image of the emperor mentioned 
by Codinus (S. 15), but very different of course in quality and 
purpose from the former.” A colored glass may have been used 
in covering the staff of the Head Keeper of the Robes at Con- 
stantinople, but this is a disputed point.! 


121. 42: καὶ yap ἀγκύραις ἐχρῶντο μεγάλαις, ὑαλίναις, Kaprepats. Harmon 
(1913) in note in Loeb Library translation: ‘Very likely a punning reference to 
some traveller’s account of wooden (ξυλίναις) anchors.” 

18 See above, p. 168, ἢ. 134. 

18a Rel, Script. de Rebus Alex. Magn. 2, 38, 4ff.: ὑπενόησεν κλωβὸν σιδηροῦν 
γενέσθαι μέγαν, ἔσωθεν δὲ τοῦ κλωβοῦ εἰσενεχθῆναι παμμεγέθη ὑέλινον πίθον, 
ἔχοντα τὸ πάχος σπιθαμὴν μίαν... .. εἰσῆλθεν ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐν τῷ ὑέλῳ πίθῳ 
μετὰ τοῦ κλωβοῦ βουλόμενος ἐπιχειρεῖν ἀδυνάτοις... . ἔβλεπεν διὰ τοῦ ὑέλου 
περικυκλοῦντα αὐτὸν πλήθη ἰχθύων. 

4 Heliog. 27, 4: exhibuit parasitis cenas et de vitreis et nonnumquam tot picta 
mantelia in mensam mittebat, iis edulibus picta quae adponerentur, quot missus 
esset habiturus, ita ut de acu aut de textili pictura exhiberentur. 

16 See above, p. 52, ἢ. 28-30. 

16 See above, p. 52, n. 25-27. 

Addendum. P.Ox.IV,741(S.2), in a list of household articles, occurs: προχείρια 
β ἐν οἷς ὑελαῖ (pap. veda) ἡμισυνθέσεις Ὕ, “2 hold-alls containing 3 half-sets of glass.” 
The word ἡμισύνθεσις occurs only here, but a σύνθεσις was “a service of plate.” 
Note also the adjectival use of ὑελός. W. AZO. 


VI. HISTORICAL SUMMARY 


After a consideration of the evolution of glass from the early 
pastes to the elaborately carved hollow ware, such as the Portland 
Vase, or the gorgeously stained windows of Christian churches, the 
question of its origin still remains unanswered. Although it would 
give a kind of satisfaction to be able to say that a certain man 
invented glass at a certain time and place, we can only speculate 
on its origin. Did some far off potter notice a slight glaze on 
his vessels as they came from the kiln? Did this chance glaze 
develop into the beautiful glazes of Egypt and Babylon? By a 
different combination of ingredients was glass gradually evolved? 
Or was there an earlier stage as Petrie! suggests? He says that “‘it 
seems probable that it was invented from finding quartz pebbles 
fluxed by wood ashes in a hot fire. Hence glazing on quartz was the 
starting point, and glazing on artificial wares was a later stage.” 
Pliny, the only ancient author who records the origin of glass, gives 
us no help because he himself does not believe the story of the 
merchants on the Phoenician shore who supported their cooking 
utensils with natron, which the heat of the fire fused with the sand 
of the sea shore, thereby forming glass. 

It would be more profitable, however, to turn from fables to what 
we actually know about glass out of Greek and Latin literature. 
Ancient glass was chiefly a soda glass,—sand and natron, a natural 
soda, or ashes being the chief constituents, but other materials, such 
as lime in the form of shells, and much later lead, were added to 
give stability and beauty. 

In classical times the Greeks did not make glass, and they say 
very little concerning its manufacture. Strabo in his travels tells 
more about glass, although incidentally, than any other Greek 
author. The Romans developed the art extensively, but they had 
no Greek source to fall back on, and with the exception of Pliny’s 
detailed, although somewhat confused account, the Roman authors 
seldom mention the making but rather the uses or characteristics of 
glass. We do hear of glass factories, which in some instances were 
used as lounging places by the poor, and from inscriptions on glass 
objects we know that there were factories employing a number of 


1 The Arts and Crafts of Ancient Egypt (1909), 107. 
194 


425] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 195 


workmen. The furnace ovens were heated with some light dry wood, 
as tamarisk, or papyrus, which could be removed when it was 
desirable for the ovens to cool down. After the ingredients were 
mixed in proper proportions, they were gradually heated until they 
fused; then they were reheated, at least in Pliny’s time, until a pure 
transparent glass resulted. Many stones and colors were imitated 
in glass, but few of the formulae for coloring have been preserved. 
There was a certain mystery in this change from sand to clear or 
colored glass, which appealed to alchemists. 

The constituency of the molten glass and the method of working 
it depended both upon the particular period in its development and 
upon the taste of the workman. For many centuries glass was an 
opaque paste used chiefly for jewels, or the adornment of surfaces, 
such as walls. It is uncertain just when transparent glass was 
developed. When the word Aya/os came into use in Greece, at least 
by the fifth century before Christ, its chief characteristic was 
transparency; yet this quality must have been greatly improved, 
for in the first century of our era glass like crystal was highly prized, 
indicating that it was still rare and difficult to make. Colored glass 
whether opaque or transparent was extremely useful in imitating 
gems, in producing a colorful variety in utensils, and later in colored 
glass mosaics and church windows. 

Until sometime in the Ptolomaic or Roman period all hollow 
ware was made by hand, usually about a core of sand. It is evident 
that the output would be comparatively small and costly. But 
with the invention of the blow-pipe glass-making became of real 
importance, and performed a great practical and artistic service. 
The relative extent of its employment in antiquity is not sur- 
passed today. Aside from its usual forms it was blown into odd and 
grotesque shapes. Glass was also worked upon the lathe and carved. 
We read of “Homeric cups,” probably of glass, so called from the 
scenes portrayed upon them. The finest examples of carving are 
those in which a white glass is fused to a dark glass vessel and then 
carved away like a cameo, as in the Portland vase with its dark blue 
background, and the Naples amphora with white on brown. There 
was not only carving in relief and intaglio, but also a very compli- 
cated net-work carving. Differently colored threads of glass were 
used from early times for surface decoration. In the Christian era 
designs of gold leaf were fused between two transparent pieces of 


196 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [426 


glass. At a later time slabs of glass were made by a cylinder process 
and painted for church windows. There was such an effort to use 
glass in every possible way and such a desire to preserve the costly 
pieces, which were handed down from one generation to another, 
that we have the development of the popular story of the manufac- 
ture of malleable glass. Although glass was common, certain 
difficulties seem to have been present in its manufacture. There 
were formulae for mending broken vessels and indications that they 
were sometimes remelted to save preliminary fusing. 

On many of the glass vessels one finds the signature of the maker 
or the factory. A number of these workmen sign their names as 
Sidonians, but most of them probably came to Rome to work. In 
many instances the ancient workman was no doubt migratory, as in 
America in early days, seeking better conditions under which to 
work, a greater demand for his work, and taking his patterns with 
him. We hear of a Carthaginian glass-maker in Gaul, an incident 
which helps to confirm this view. During the brightest days of 
Venice her glass-workers, although showered with privileges, were 
kept as virtual prisoners upon the island of Murano so that the 
secrets of their methods would not be disclosed. Literature and sepul- 
chral inscriptions also add to the list of glass workers. From various 
sources we hear of Egyptian, Sidonian, Roman, Carthaginian, Gallic, 
Greek, and Jewish glass-makers. The work demanded both skill and 
labor. There was the danger of being burned by the molten glass, 
of inhaling while the blow-pipe was at the mouth, and of being 
blinded by the fire. On the other hand the glass workers, as a group, 
prospered and received many considerations. Some of them like 
Frontinus owned large factories where poorer workmen, freedmen, 
and possibly slaves were employed, but most of the workmen at 
first probably had small furnaces which they worked alone or’with 
little help. These factories have given their name to streets, gates, 
and ports near which they were located. In Byzantine times pro- 
tective measures directed against fire and disease forced the factory 
owners to move outside the city or into sparsely populated districts. 
The Roman workmen of the third century must have been con- 
sidered prosperous when they were taxed by Alexander Severus. On 
the other hand local glass products were protected and foreign 
luxuries taxed by Aurelian. But the greatest appreciation of the 
work of the glass-maker was shown by Constantine when he freed 


427] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 197 


the workers from personal taxation so that they might perfect their 
art and train their sons in it. 

It is impossible to determine the earliest centers of manufacture 
from literature alone. As stated above the choice of a factory site 
depended largely on natural supplies of sand, natron, and wood 
for fuel and ashes. The sand deposits most frequently mentioned 
were those of Phoenicia, Egypt, Italy, Gaul, and Spain. The earliest 
and most frequent references to foreign glass in Greek and Latin 
literature are to Egyptian glass, but the most detailed accounts of 
manufacture are given of Sidonian and Roman glass. The making 
of glass in Asia was not confined to Sidon, although it was not until 
later times that we hear of its manufacture in Tyre, Antioch, and 
Constantinople. The Jews seem to have gained control of its 
manufacture in the East before the tenth century at least. From 
the East, no doubt, the art spread to the daughter city of Carthage 
and its neighborhood. There is slight indication of the manufacture 
of glass in Greece in classical times, but Theophilus speaks with 
familiarity of Greek glass, meaning thereby, of course, Byzantine. 
Glass was made in Rome and Puteoli to judge from the names of 
streets taking their names from the trade. In Gaul too there are 
localities bearing names which indicate that factories once flourished 
in them. Many local, signed vessels occur in Gaul, and the Gauls 
even exported trifles to Briton before the Christian era. 

Not only the numerous glass vessels which have withstood the 
vicissitudes of time bear witness to the importance of the trade but 
also the numerous references to glass in Greek and Latin literature. 
The importance of glass is shown in literature in two ways: in the 
first place, the various words for glass, and their derivatives are 
used in describing and comparing things of the greatest diversity, 
and in the second place, many of the numerous forms and uses of 
glass are mentioned. The first Greek word for glass kyanos, named 
from its dark-gleaming appearance, was applied to blue glass paste 
in Homer. Next came the old picture word ‘“‘molten stone,” and 
finally hyalos (hyelos, hyellos), whose derivation and spelling were 
frequently discussed by ancient grammarians and etymologists. 
Hyalos seems to have been applied to any transparent substance, 
as crystal, glazes, precious stones, and amber, but especially to glass. 
The characteristics of it and its derivatives and compounds which 
were most commonly alluded to were transparency, brightness, 


198 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [428 


glistening appearance, solidity, brittleness, smoothness, hardness, 
consistency in the molten state, and possibly greenness. Some form 
of hyalos was used in the description of the sun, moon, a humor of the 
eye, the humors and phlegms of the body, the cheek, eye, eye disease, 
a membrane, resin, gums, slag of lead, gems, sand, asphalt, a breast- 
band, air, a sea, a pear, and moral qualities. In the substantive 
form it stands for cups, mirrors, windows, and humors. Sometimes 
krystallos stands for crystal glass, and morria indicates an opaque 
colored glass—the Millefiori. The Latin transliterated form hyalus 
and its derivatives, aside from the meaning ‘of glass,’ indicated 
something green and shining. Vitrum, of unknown origin like hya/os, 
does not occur until the first century before Christ, and aside from 
the herb, which is designated by the same word, vitrum is applied 
to glass with the exception of one reference to ice. The charac- 
teristics of glass which appealed to the Roman writers were very 
much the same as those which the Greeks mentioned: a bright and 
shining appearance, transparency, fragility, sharpness when broken, 
and its appearance and consistency when molten. To these charac- 
teristics the adjectival forms add clearness, greenness, a sparkling 
appearance, inconstancy, fickleness of heart, and changeableness of 
mind. The Latin comparisons with glass have to do with a toga, 
gems, water in every amount, waves on tapestry, nymphs, their 
abodes, looms and wool, wine, ice, frost, reflection of surfaces, a sea 
urchin, bile, humor of the eye, humors of the body, the human body, 
fruits, herbage, Circe, fame, fortune, wealth, pleasures, opinions, and 
moral qualities. In the substantive form it stands for a glass vessel, 
gems, and a window, and ‘broken glass’ indicates mere trumpery. 
As for the material itself or objects made of it, at first we find 
them classed with precious stones and metals, prized by the nobility 
and the wealthy, and, indeed, at all times, as even yet, there have 
been some rare pieces which were so considered, while on the other 
hand by the first century ordinary glass had become very cheap and 
was employed for the most practical and trivial uses. Among the 
first uses mentioned in literature was the adornment of surfaces, such 
as walls, armor, and a table. The use of glass paste on walls was later 
supplanted by slabs of glass and mosaics. It was also used on floors 
and columns. But probably the most early common use was in 
imitation of stones, as the emerald, lapis lazuli, crystal, murra, opal, 
carbunculus, topaz, jasper, hyacinthus, obsidian, sapphire, pearls, 


429] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 199 


onyx, and many others, for the adornment of objects, for earrings, 
rings, baubles, cups, amulets, and other articles. With the in- 
vention of the blow-pipe hollow ware came into general use. Al- 
though the most common form was the drinking vessel, there was 
also in use almost every type of vessel for food and drink, goblets, 
cups, stands for cups, bowls, ladles, table services, household uten- 
sils, platters, pots, jars, bottles, flasks, amphoras, urns, globes, boxes, 
mortars, cupping glasses, vessels in the form of a pierced nipple, and 
cups of obscene form. Some of these vessels had special names as the 
petroti, four nozzled Vatinian cups, Homeric cups, diatreta, toreumata, 
alassontes, and Thericlean cups. Since the ancients did not have 
China-ware, glass vied with the metals to fill a place which is now 
largely usurped by porcelain. A ‘glass’ stood for a glass cup in 
antiquity as well as today. The more elaborate pieces were prized 
above the metals or despised according to the taste of the individual. 
Complete table services of glass were sometimes used; at other times 
we read of goblets for wine, cups for water, platters for fish, and once 
of a banquet where all foods were glass imitations. Just as today, 
glass was used for wine bottles, flasks, and jars, oil containers, water 
coolers, jars for ripening citrons, and preserving fruits, mulberries, 
apples, grapes, figs, pickles, alissander, and skirret roots. Among 
toilet articles were the glass perfume bottle and the container for 
ungents. Glass also served as an excellent receptacle for medicines 
and their ingredients, such as balsam, and eye salve, but it was still 
more useful to the physician as a kind of test tube for examining 
fluids. It was also employed as a cupping glass, and urinal. In pagan 
worship we read of a glass incense bowl, and in Christian services 
of a glass chalice. The transparency of glass was made use of in 
Archimedes’ sphere, in a globe of water used for a burning glass, 
and mentioned as having the power to magnify ordinary objects, 
in a special vessel in which the changing colors of a dying mullet 
could be watched, in a vessel of water for the performance of mantic 
rites, and in a vessel for holding a lizard in connection with a 
superstitious remedy for eye troubles. As already indicated the 
physician made great use of glass utensils for holding medicines 
and examining fluids, as well as burning glasses in the form of a lens 
or globe of water for cauterizing wounds. But by far the most un- 
usual use for glass was as an ingredient in certain medicines and 
, plasters. Colored glass was used to shade and rest the eyes. Among 


200 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [430 


Roman playthings glass pawns and balls are mentioned. Pieces 
of dark glass and later, at least by the third century, small metal- 
backed mirrors had a limited use. From excavations in Pompeii we 
know that small glass windows were not unknown, but by the fourth 
century they had not usurped the place of other transparent ma- 
terials. The great development of windows came in the adornm ent 
of the Christian churches. Glass church lamps were mentioned in the 
fourth century. About three centuries later glass lanterns make 
their appearance. A few other uses are recorded, as for rods, knives, 
darts, and asan ingredientin paint. The stories of glass coffins and 
burial in glass are very improbable. Likewise the description of 
glass garments, anchors, trees, and diving bells are, no doubt, mere 
figments of the imagination. 

From this brief summary we can see that Greek and Roman 
writers tell of the actual objects of glass, or, use these objects, or 
more often simply the material itself, as a standard of comparison, 
to a far greater extent than they dwell on the methods of manu- 
facture. The limited accounts of materials, methods, and kinds of 
glass are, however, partially supplemented by some medieval works, 
which must have drawn most of their information from antiquity. 
About the tenth century Heraclius, who probably lived in Rome, 
wrote two books of didactic poetry, De Coloribus et Artibus Roma- 
norum, in which many facts especially on glassmaking are crudely 
set forth. Two or three centuries later there appears a third 
book in prose on the same topic and ascribed to Heraclius. This 
book contains a number of chapters on glass-making, its origin and 
history, the subject matter of which comes from the two didactic 
books of Heraclius, from Pliny, and Isidore. Sometime in the 
period between the two poetic books of Heraclius and the third book 
in prose of pseudo-Heraclius, appears the Diversarum Artium Schedula 
by Theophilus, “the servant of the servants of God,” as he calls 
himself (Pref. Bk. 1). Much earlier than either these is the anony- 
mous tractate De Musivis, preserved in an eighth century MS at 
Lucca, which contains a number of receipts for glass along with 
other chemical lore. 


1 Those who may be interested in these curious documents are referred to a 
new critical text of these treatises together with a few pertinent extracts from 
Byzantine and other alchemical MSS. and papyri (accompanied with a trans- 
lation), which is being prepared by Dr. W. A. Oldfather. 


431] STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 201 


SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY! 


Agricola, George, De Re Metallica, 12; De Natura Fossilium, §, Basel, 1657. 
Appert, Leon, Note sur les Verres des Vitraux Anctens, Paris, 1896. 
Berthelot, Pierre E., Les Origines de l Alchimie, Paris, 1885. 

Collection des Anciens Alchimistes Grecs, Paris, 1887. 

Introduction a l’Etude de la Chimie des Anciens et du Moyen Age, 

Paris, 1889. 

Histoire des Sciences, 1-3, Paris, 1893. 

Bissing, F. W., Sur /'Histoire du Verre en Egypte, in Revue Archéologique, 
Sér. 4, 11, Paris, 1908, 211 ff. 

Bliimner, Hugo S., Technologie und Terminologie der Gewerbe und Kiinste 
bei den Griechen und Rémern, 4, Leipzig, 1887. 

Glas in Pauly-Wissowa, 7, 1, Stuttgart, Ig10, 1382 ff. 
Κύανος in Pauly-Wissowa, τι, Stuttgart, 1921, 2238 ff. 

Christ, J. F., De Myrrinis Veterum, Leipzig, 1743- 

Deville, A., Bistoire de l Art de la Verrerie dans T Antiquité, Paris, 1873. 

Dillon, Εδνα, Glass, London, 1907. 

Duthie, Arthur, Decorative Glass Processes, London, 1908. 

Eisen, Gustavus A., The Origin of Glass Blowing,in The American Fournal 
of Archaeology, Ser. 2, 20, New York, 1916, 134 ff. 

The Glass of Old Sidon, in International Studio, 77, New York, 1923, 
391 ff. 

Escalopier, Charles de L’, Theophilus, Diversarium Artium Schedula, Paris, 
1843. 

Frank, Tenny, Some Economic Data from CIL XV, in Classical Philology, 
13, Chicago, 1918, 158 ff. 

Friedrich, C., An extensive review of Froehner’s La Verrerie Antique, in 
Fahrbiicher des Vereins von Altertumsfreunden im Rheinlande, 74, Bonn, 
1882, 164 ff. 

Froehner, W., La Verrerie Antique, Le Pecq, 1879. 

Nomenclature des Verriers Grecs et Romains, Le Pecq, 1879. 

Garnier, Edouard, Histoire de la Verrerie, Tours, 1886. 

Garrucci, R., Vetri Ornati di Figure in Oro Trovati nei Cimiteri dei Cristiani 
Primitivi di Roma, ed. 2, Rome, 1864. 

Gerspach, E., L’ Art de la Verrerie, Paris, 1885. 

Havard, H., La Verrerie, Paris, 1898. 


1 This bibliography does not include the editions of the Greek and Latin 
authors, lexica, etymologica, and collections of inscriptions and papyri, for these 
are in each case the well known standard works. Modern writers upon the general 
history and philology of ancient glass are not numerous. The following are the 
principal works which have been used in the preparation of this thesis. The titles 
of publications which only incidentally touch upon aspects of the present study are 
given fully wherever cited in footnotes, and need not be repeated here. 


202 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS [432 


Helbig, W., Das Homerische Epos aus den Denkmdélern erléutert, ed. 2, 
Leipzig, 1887. 

Hondt, Peter d’, Venise, ’ Art de la Verrerie, Paris, 1893. 

Πρ, Albert, Heraclius, von den Farben und Kiinsten der Romer, in Quellen- 
schriften fur Kunstgeschichte und Kunsttechnik des Mittelalters und der 
Renaissance, 4, Vienna, 1873. Second ed., 1882. 

Jullian, Camille, Verrerie, in Histoire de la Gaule, 5, Paris, 1920, 290 ff. 

Kisa, Anton, Das Glas im Altertume, 1-3, Leipzig, 1908. 

Laufer, Berthold, The Beginnings of Porcelain in China,in Field Museum 
of Natural History Publication 192, Anthropological Series, 15, 2, 
Chicago, 1917, 106, 120 ff. 

Lepsius, P., Die Metalle in den dgyptischen Inschriften, in Abhandlung der 
kinightchen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1871, 129 ff. 
Lippmann, Edmund O. von, Zur Geschichte des Glases im Altertume, in 
Abhandlungen und Vortrige zur Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften, 

Leipzig, 1906. 

Manget, J. Jacob, Bibliotheca Chemica Curiosa, 3, Tours, 1702. 

Morin-Jean, Vitrum, in Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire des Antiquités 
Grecques et Romaines, 5, Paris, 1912. 

Nelson, P., Ancient Painted Glass in England, 1170-1500, London, 1913. 

Nesbitt, Alexander, Glass, London, 1878. 

Nesbitt-Powell, Glass, in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, ed. 11, vol. 12 
Cambridge, 1910. 

Newberry, P. E., 4 Glass Chalice of Tuthmosis III, in The Fournal of 
Egyptian Archaeology, 6, London, 1920, 155 ff. 

Palissy, Bernard, Oeuvres Completes, ed. Paris, 1844, 156. 

Pellatt, A., Curiosities of Glass Making, London, 1849. 

Peligot, Eugéne, Le Verre, son Histoire, sa Fabrication, Paris, 1877. 

Petrie, W. M. Flinders, Te// οἱ Amarna, London, 1894, 25 ff. 

The Arts and Crafts of Ancient Egypt, London and Edinburgh, 1909 
119 ff. 

Powell, Harry, Glass-making in England, Cambridge, 1923. 

Roloff, C. H., Ueber die Murrinischen Gefaisse der Alten, in Museum der 
Alterthumswissenschaft, 2, Berlin, 1808, 507 ff. 

Salmasius, C., Plinianae Exercitationes in Cait Fulit Solini Polyhistoria, 
Utrecht, 1689. 

Sauzay, A., La Verrerie, Paris, 1869. 

Marvels of Glass-making in All Ages, London, 1877. 

Thiersch, Ueber die Vasa murrina der Alten,in Abhandlungen der bayerischen 
Akademie, 1, Munich, 1835, 443 ff. 

πον ὁ ἐμαὶ, Μ. A., Glass in the Old World, London, ia 

West, Louis C., Caomeeeebet Syria under the Roman Empire, in Transactions 
of the οἰ θη Philological Association, 55, Cleveland, 1924, 172 ff. 


INDEX 


abacus, ΟἹ, 106. 

absorbent, 182. 

aids to eyesight, 182. 

aityron, 31, 40, 61. 

Alabandicus stone, tor. 

alabastron, 174. 

alassontes, 109, 129, 166, 172. 

alchemy, 102, 102ff., 153, 156, 158, 161, 
163, 169, 170, 175 ff. 

alembicus, 178. 

alkali, 96ff., 104. 

amber, 31, 32. 

ambix (ambyx), 153, 176, 177. 

amis, 170. 

ammola, 129, 178. 

ammonitrum, 104. 

amphora, 63, 151, 160. 

amphoriskos, 172. 

ampoulla, 163. 

ampulla, 163 ff. 

anchor, 193. 

angeion, 152, 175, 176. 

angos, 169 ff. 

anulare, 148, 192. 

armor, II, 14. 

ars (vitrea), 77. 

artifex, 114, 115, 130. 

asympoton, 109, 176. 


ball, 82, 184. 

békion, 174. 

bésion (bession), 173. 
bikion, 153, 175, 176. 

bikos, 175. 

blowing, 107, 118, 151. 
bombylos, 172. 

brightness, 28, 41, 49, 65, 68. 
brittleness, 28, 49, 59, 73 ff. 
broken glass, 106 ff. 

bulla, 149 ff. 

burning glass, 26, 82, 153, 178 ff. 
bygion, 175. 

bysion (byssion), 175. 


caeruleum, 13, 16. 

calix, 82, 90, 151, 154, 164ff. 
caliclus, 172, 190. 

candela, 190. 


capis, 91, 167. 

carbunculus, 145, 184. 

Carthage, 131. 

carving, 107. 

catinus, 169, 

Circe, 74 ff. 

circulatorium, 178. 

clivis vitriarius, 132. 

coffins, 33 ff., 129, ΤΟΥ, 

coloring, 104, 108, 144 ff. 

columns, 130, 142 ff. 

copper, 14, IOI. 

crystal, 32, 98, 131, 135, 141, 144, 150, 

192. 

crytallina, 80ff., 86ff., 108, 159, 160, 
POT), 

crystellos, 81, 120. 

crystallum, 79 ff., 108, 159. 

crystallus, 79 ff. 

cucurbita, 178. 

Cumae, 132. 

cups, 45, 82, 89, 134, 149, 150ff., 193. 

cyanos, 13. 


dart, 129. 

diagelaston, 52. 

diamond, 29. 

diatreta, 109ff., 167. 
diatretaril, 110, 119. 
distillatorium, 178. 
diving bell, 193. 

doliolum (doleolum), 171. 
dolium, 167. 

drillopota, 168, 172. 


earring, 148. 

Hevot, 12,13, 14, 90, 21, 25, Bi, got. 
105, 107, 127ff., 143, 156, 165, 175, 
178, 181. 

Egyptian cups, 129, 165. 

electron, 30ff. 

electros, 29 ff. 

ekpoma, 36, 55, 134, 151, 166, 168. 

ekpomation, 158. 

emerald, 105, 128, 130, 134, 144, 150, 
184. 

Enyalios, 45. 

epipla, 172. 


203 


204 


escaria vasa, 91. 


etymology, 19, 22, 59, 84. 
eubékion, 174. 


faber, 113. 

factory, 137. 

fiala, 163. 
fickleness, 66. 
fidelia, 153, 167. 
floors, 141 ff. 

foods, 193. 

fornax, 1028), 113) 
fragility, 65, 73 .,.83, 128. 
frieze, 11, 14 ff., 138. 
Frontinus, 116 ff. 
fuel, 104. 


gaming board, 15. 

garments, 192. 

gate, 110, F34. 

Gaul, 132 ff. 

gem, 29, 78, 100, 105, 108, 144, 147. 

gimalum, $9. 

glass, a, 27, 29, 64, 153 ff., 175. 

glass color, 51, 57ff., 68. 

Glastonia, 132. 

glaucoma, 49, 52. 

glaze, 32, 53, 147. 

globe, 82, 159, 184. 

goat’s blood, 107. 

goblet, 55, οἱ, 151 ff. 

gold leaf, 110. 

greenness, 12, 51, 55, 57, 70ff., 73, 81, 
108, 142, 143, 144, 150. 


haematinum, 109. 
hals, 22. 

hardness, 44, 49. 
hemisynthesis, 193. 
hialoides, 59. 

hiliates, 59. 

Thoialas, 41. 

hostis, 183. 

household goods, 90, 92. 
humors, 28, 44, 45, 47ff., 54, 76. 
hyacinth, 105, 145. 
hyalas, 40. 

hyalé, 38 ff. 

Hyale, 40. 

Hyalea, 42. 

[hyaleis], 41. 

Hyaleis, 42. 

hyaleos (hyeleos), 41. 


STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 


[434 


[hyalés], 42. 

hyalidion, 49. 

[hyaliés], 42 ff. 

[hyalieus], 42. 

[hyalikos], 43, 45. 

hyalinos (hyelinos), 23, 26, 41, 43 ff., 45. 

hyalinus, 57, 58 ff. 

hyalion (hyelion), 45 ff., 52, 153, 186. 

hyalios (hyelios), 45. 

hyalitis, 45, 46. 

hyaliz6 (hyelizé), 42. 

[hyalkadai], 46. 

hyallos, 38. 

hyallourgos, 51. 

hyalochroos, 51 ff. 

hyalodes, 59. 

hyalédes (hyelédes), 46. 

hyaloeides (hyeloeides), 26, 33, 46ff., 50, 
59. 

hyaloeis, 46. 

Hyaloi, 40. 

[hyalokeras], 34, 50. 

hyaloma, 49. 

hyalomai, 46. 

hyaldpis, 52. 

hyalops, 49, 50. 

hyalopsos (hyelopsos), 50. 

hyalos (hyelos), 22ff., 32, 33ff., 43, 53, 
62, τοῦ, 153, 175, 178. 

hyalos (hyelos), adj., 37ff., 193. 

Hyalos, 40. 

hyalos orérygmené, 26. 

hyalotechnés, So. 

hyalourgeion, 50, 65, 103. 

[hyalougia], Soff. 

hyalourgikos, 50, 100, IOI. 

hyalourgos (hyelourgos), soff., 112. 

hyalous (hyelous), 37, 41, 46. 

hyalus, 57 ff. 

hyaneoos, 42. 

hydor, 61. 

hyein, 22. 

[hyelakydades], 49 

hyelepsés, So. 

hyelepsos, 50, 113. 

[hyelinopoios], 50. 

Hyelion, 42, 46. 

hyeloepsos, 50. 

hyelopé, 52. 

hyelépizd, 52. 

hyelopsikos, 50. 

Hylaithos, 52. 


4351 STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 205 


hylodes, 59. 
hyolodotes, 59. 
hypohyelion, 52. 


ice, 63. 

igdis, 177. 

image, 193. 
India, 80, 98, 131. 


jasper, 145. 


kaminos, 102 ff. 
katoptron, 185. 
kerameus, 116. 

kinds of glass, 108 ff. 
klokion, 177. 

knives, 192. 
kryalloeides, 54. 
krystallopnané, 55. 
krystallos, 53 ff., 79, 108. 
kyanos, 11 ff., 108, 128, 134, 139. 
kybos, 176. 

kylix, 171 ff., 173. 
kythridion, 176. 


ladle, 82. 

lagynos, 170. 

lampas, 190. 

lamps, 174, 190ff. 
lapide visendo, 25. 
lapis laxuli, 14, 144. 
laterna, 191. 

latre, 183. 

lead, 100. 

lekythos, 153, 173, 174. 
lens, 48, 54, 182. 
Lesbion, 157 ff. 
ligyron, 41. 

lime, 99. 

lithia, 21, 84. 

lithos, 20. 

lithos chyté, 19 ff., 148, 167, 179. 
logourion, 31. 

lucerna, 190. 

ludus latrunculorum, 184. 
lychnus, 190 ff. 
lynkourion, 32. 


magnes lapis, 99 ff. 
magnifying, 155,159, 182 ff. 
malleable glass, 110, 136. 
manufacturing centers, 128 ff. 
masterion, 176. 


materials, 96ff., 129, 194. 

medical uses, 152, 156, 169, 171, 172ff., 
179 ff. 

mending glass, IOI. 

methods, 101 ff., 135. 

miles, 183. 

millefiori, 83 ff., 109. 

mirrors, 45, 136, 184 ff. 

molten glass, 28, 49, 65. 

morria, 56, 84. 

mortarium, 178. 

mosaics, 110, 139 ff. 

murra, 56, 83ff., 144, 159. 

murrina, 56, 82, 83ff., 159, 160, 161. 


names, 115 ff., 120ff. 
natron, 95, 99, 128. 


obsidian, 109, 145 ff., 161, 184. 
odor, 89, 154. 
oenophorum, 172. 

olla, 159 ff. 

onyx, 90, 147. 

opal, 144. 

orbis, 172. 

organon, 176. 

ouriachos, 174. 

ovum philosophicum, 178. 
oxybaphon, 177. 


paropsis, 178. 
papyrus, 104. 
paste, 14, 10. 138. 
patella, 178. 
patellion, 177. 
patena, 172. 
patera, 178. 

pearls, 146. 
petroti, 109, 164, 166. 
phiala, 163. 

phialé, 163. 
Phoenicians, 95. 
pigment, 53. 

pila, 82, 159, 184. 
pinakion, 169. 
pinax, 170. 
pistillum, 178. 
playthings, 183 ff. 
pleuron, 171. 
poculum, 82, 90, 91, 160. 
Portland vase, 109. 
poterion, 168. 


206 


priapus, 168. 
psilinopoios, 50. 
pyritis, 179. 
pythmén, 171. 
pyxis, 170. 


recipes, 105 ff., 129. 
retorta, 178. 

rings, 148. 

rock crystal, 26, 53. 
rods, 191 ff. 


sand, 44, 96ff., 102, 104. 

sapphire, 146. 

scapha, 178. 

scutella, 178. 

scyphus, 91, 166. 

sca, 58. 44,72. 

separatorium, 178. 

shining appearance, 47, §2, 57, 63, 68, 
69, 5 ΠῚ 

Sidon, 98, 102, 115 ἢ, 120, 130. 

signatures, 115 ff., 120ff., 133. 

sikya, 172. 

skeuarion, 170. 

skeuos, 158. 

smoothness, 28, 41, 44, 69. 

solder, 32. 

solidity, 28. 

spatula, 178. 

specularia, 187. 

speculum, 185, 187. 

speklon. 186. 

sphaera, 174, 177. 

sphairion, 177. 

sphere, 55, 157, 159, 172, 174, 179, 182. 

staff, 193. 

statues, 52. 

streets, 119, 131. 

sualiternicum, 23, 32. 

sublimatorium, 178. 

supellex, 159. 


tables, 11, 142. 

tamarisk, 104. 

taxes, 118 ff. 

teuchos, 175. 

Therikleion, 172 ff. 

thyeia, 177. 

titina, 175. 

tooth-powder, 180, 181. 
topaz, 145. 

toreumata, 109, 128, 163, 167. 


STUDIES IN ANCIENT GLASS 


Asi. Ef 
iss ΕἸ ΠΩΙ 


[436 


trade, 21. 134, 337, 149. 

traditional origin, 95, 194. 

transparency, 27, 41, 44, 49, 52, 65, 68, 
69 ff., 72, 80. 

trees, 193. 

tribidion, 177. 


‘trouillion, 153, 177. 


troullos, 176, 177. 
trublion, 158. 
trulla, 82, 90, 167. 
Tyre, 130. 


ubuppa, 175. 
urna, 174, 198. 


vasa, 90, 160. 

vasculum, 170. . 

Vatinian cups, 164. 

ventres, 178. 

vesicum, 178. 

vessels, 66, 77, 78, Joi, τὰν 
I5off. 

vetrum, 63. 

vicus vitrarius, 131. 

videre, 60. 

virere, 61. 

vitrarium, 65. 

vitrarius (vitrearius, vitriarius), 50, 66, 
103, 112, 114, 116, 

vitrea, 77. 

vitreabilis, 66. 

vitreamen (vetriamen), 66, 171. 

vitreatus, 66. 

vitreolus, 67. 

vitreus (vitrius), 51, 57, 67, 153, 187. 

vitreus, subst., 77. 

Vitricilum, 132. 

vitrifactor, 78, 113 ff. 

vitrificare, 78. 

vitrificato, 78. 

vitrificator, 78, 113 ff. 

vitrificatorio, 78. 

vitrinarius, 78. 

vitriolum, 49. 

vitrosos, 78. 

vitrum, 59ff., 108, 132, 153. 


walls, 138, 193. 

windows 44, 45, 78, 136, 186ff. 

woad, 61 ff. 

workers, 66,78, 110ff., 112 ff., 114, 120ff. 
19%, TET, 


ra ui ἢ 


: 
-τ ow 
. ; rele 


UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 


VITA 


Mary Luella Trowbridge was born near Green Valley, Illinois, February 
4, 1894. In 1911 she graduated from Delavan High School; during the year 
1911-1912 she attended Bradley Polytechnic Institute; from 1912-1916 she 
studied at the University of Illinois. In 1915 she was elected to Phi Beta 
Kappa and received the A.B. degree; the following year she was a Scholar 
in Classics and received the A.M. degree. In the second semester of the 
year 1916-1917 she went to Wasatch Academy, Mt. Pleasant, Utah, where 
she taught Latin and German for two years and was also assistant princi- 
pal for the last year. During the summer of 1917 she did graduate work 
at the University of Wisconsin and during the summer of 1918 at the Uni- 
versity of California. In the second term of the year 1918-1919 she re- 
turned to the University of Illinois, where she held a Fellowship in Classics 
in 1919-1920. During 1920-1921 she studied at the School of Classical 
Studies of the American Academy in Rome, and in September of the year 
1921 she returned to the University of Illinois as a Fellow in Classics. 











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