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Vti^ ^K'i ^V^ Ul 



4 




RERUM BRITANNICARUM MEDII MYI 
SCRIPTORES, 



OB 



^ 



CHRONICLES AND MEMORIALS OF GREAT BRITAIN 

AND IRELAND 



I 



DURXNG 



THE MIDDLE AGES, 



'THE CHRONICLES AND MEMOBI^S 

OP 

GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND 

DURING THE MIDDLE AGES. 

PUBLISHED BT THE AUTHORITY OF HEK MAJESTY'S TREASURY, UNDER THE 
DIRECTION OF THE MASTER OF THE ROLLS. 



On the 26th of January 1857, the Master of the Rolls 
submitted to the Treasury a proposal for the publication 
of materials for the History of this Country from the 
Invasion of the Romans to the Reign of Henry VIII. 

The Master of the Rolls suggested that these materials 
should be selected for publication under competent editors 
without reference to periodical or chronological arrange- 
ment, without mutilation or abridgment, preference being 
given, in the first instance, to such materials as were most 
scarce and valuable. 

He proposed that each chronicle or historical document 
to be edited should be treated in the same way as if the 
editor were engaged on an Editio Princeps ; and for this 
pm*pose the most correct text should be formed from an 
accurate collation of the best MSS. 

To render the work more generally useful, the Master 
of the Rolls suggested that the editor should give an 
account of the MSS. employed by him, of their age and 
their peculiarities ; that he should add to the work a brief 
account of the life and times of the author, and any 
remarks necessary to explain the chronology; but no other 
note or comment was to be allowed, except what might be 
necessary to establish the correctness of the text. 

a2 



The works to be published in octavo, separately, as 
they were finished ; the whole responsibility of the task 
resting upon the editors, who were to be chosen by the 
Master o( the Rolls witi) the sanction of the Treasury. 

The Lords of Her Majesty's Treasury, after a carefiil 
consideration of the subject, expressed their opinion in a 
Treasury Minute, dated February 9, 1857, that the plan 
recommended by the Master of the Rolls "was well 
calculated for the accomplishment of this important 
national object, in an effectual and satisfactory manner, 
within a reasonable time, and provided proper attention be 
paid to economy, in making the detailed arrangements, 
without unnecessary expense/' 

They expressed their approbation of the proposal that 
each chronicle and historical document should be edited 
in such a manner as to represent with all possible correct- 
ness the text of each writer, derived from a collation of the 
best MSS., and that no notes should be added, except 
such as were illustrative of the various readings. They 
suggested, however, that the preface to each work should 
contain, in addition to the particulars proposed by the 
Master of the Rolls, a biogi*aphical account of the author, 
so far as authentic materials existed for that purpose, and 
an estimate of his historical credibility and value. 

Itolls Ilouse^ 

December 1857. 



o 



POLITICAL POEMS AND SONGS 



&ELATIN0 TO 



ENGLISH HISTORY, 



C0HF08ED BUBU^G THE PEBIOD 



From the Accession of EDW. III. to that of RIC. III. 



EDITED 



THOMAS f RIGHT, ESQ., M.A., F.S.A., HON.M.R.S.L., ETC., 

COBBESPONDIKG MEMBER OF THE INSTITUTE OF FRANCE, 
(aGAD^MIE DBS inSCBIPTlONB ET BELLES LETTRES.) 



PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOElTY OJ^ THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF HElt MAJESTY'S 
TREASURY, UKDER THE DIRECTIOST OF THE MASTER OF THE ROLLS. 



VOL. II. 



LONDON: 



LONGMAN, GREEN, LONGMAN, AND ROBERTS* 

1861; 








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Priuted by 

EffiE and Spottiswoodb, Her Majesty's Printers, 

For Her Miyes^g Stationery Office. 



CONTENTS OF VOL. II. 



Pago 

Introduction vii 

1. Complimentary Verses on King Henry IV. ; 

by John Grower ...... 1 

2. Address op John Gower to Henry IV. . 4 

3. Jack Upland 16 

4. The Reply op Friar Daw Topias, with Jack 

Upland's Rejoinder 39 

5. On the Execution op Richard Scrope, Arch- 

bishop op York . . . . , .114 

6. On the Death of Henry IV. ; by Thomas of 

Ehnham 118 

7. On the Battle op Azincourt . . . 123 

8. Epigram on the Battle op Azincourt . . 127 

9. The Frenchman to the Englishman . .127 

10. On the Lollards 128 

11. On the Death of Henry V 129 

12. Epigram on the Assumption of the Arms of 

France 130 

13. On the English Title to the Crown op 

France 131 

14. To King Henry VI. on his Coronation . . 141 

15. On the Coronation of Henry VI, . . . 146 

16. On the Duke of Burgundy . . . .148 

17. Philippe of Burgundy and James of Scotland 150 



18. On the Siege op Calais 

19. The Libel op English Policy 

20. Lament of the Duchess of Gloucester . 

21. On the Prospect op Peace , 



151 
157 
205 
209 



IV CONTENTS, 

Page 

22. On the Truce op 1444 215 

23. Ox THE POPULAE DISCONTENT AT THE DISASTERS 

IN France ... . . , 221 

24. On the Arrest op the Duke op Suffolk , 224 

25. On Bishop Boothe 223 

26. A Warning to King Henry . , . . 229 

27. Verses against the Duke of Suffolk . .231 

28. On the Death of the Duke op Suffolk . 232 

29. On the Corruptions op the Times . . 235 

• 30. On the Corruptions op the Titles . . 238 
31, Against the Lollards 243 

• 32. To THE King 248 

33. A Political Prophecy 249 

• 34, Against the Friars 249 

• 35. Ox THE Corruption op Public Manners . 251 
' 36. Epigrams on the Public Extravagance . . 252 

• 37. Ox THE Times 252 

38. On THE Times 253 

39. On the Procession to St. Paul's op the 

Reconciled Parties 254 

40. Epitaph for Richard Duke op York . . 256 

41. On the Civil Wars 258 

42. A Political Retrospect .... 267 

43. On the Recovery of the Throne by Ed- 

ward IV 271 

44. On England's Co3imercial Policy , . . 282 



Glossary and Index of Medieval Latin Words . 291 
Glossary and Index of Obsolete English Words 301 
Index 346 



INTRODUCTION. 



YOIkH. 



INTRODUCTION. 



John Qower was the principal political poet of the- John 
reign of Richard II. His writings of this class are ^^®^' 
nearly aU in Latin verse, and ostentatiously designed 
for the most educated classes of society, and he was 
no advocate of the popular cause, but was evidently 
guided by his personal partialities to the nobles who 
led the opposition to the court; yet the changes in 
his political views were coincident with those which 
agitated society during Richard's reign. In its earlier 
period he had written in praise of the yoimg 
monarch, and sought court favour; but, as we have 
seen in our former volume, he subsequently took part 
warmly with the opposition, and attached himself to 
the party of Henry of Lancaster, and the last of his 
Latin poems written before the accession of that 
prince to the throne are bitterly hostile to the person 
and government of king Richard. The present 
volume opens with the latest known of these Latin 
poems, and probably the latest which ever came from 
his pen. They were professedly written to glorify the cJompli- 
new monarch, by commemorating the ruin which hadS*^^-^^ 
threatened the kingdom tinder his predecessor, the on King 
patriotism and courage Henry had displayed in saving ^^""*^^- 
it, and his just title to the crown. We have, how- Addmjss 
ever, another poem by the same author, addressed ^^^Jl^^ 
also to Henry IV., but written in English. In thisHainiTlv. 

b 2 



Tui nrTBODUcnov. 

Gower b^;iii8 by pointing oat the manileflt inter- 
positian of God in promoting that prince to the 
sovereigntjr of his ooontry, and he mges this dicom- 
rtanoe, wherebjr the people had be^i no less evidently 
saved from tyranny and oppression, as one of the 
Btrangest proofr of his right to the crown, and at the 
same time as a sahstantial gronnd for the hope that the 
new government wonld be pnMperons and beneficial 
to the country. England was still at war witli 
France, but this had been carried on without honour 
to onr c ountr y, and Grower expresses the strong feel- 
ing of the people in general, in his earnest desire for 
the establishment of peace. He recommends the king 
to petition heaven for wisdom in ruling his own 
people, ratiier than for the faculty of conquering 
others. Solomon, who had his dioice, chose the 
former, and his reign was one of peace and glory. 
Alexander chose the other alternative, and was 
enabled to carry his conquering arms over the 
whole world ; but, says our poet, the world was then 
all heathen, and fiill of sin and confusion, but now, 
under Christ's faith, everybody is bound to eschew 
war and to seek peace. The advantages of peace are 
contrasted in some rather vigorous lines with the 
injustice and tyranny of war ; and the poet advises 
the king against taking to his councils any partizans 
of the latter. Christ, he says» came into the world 
to establish peace, so that war is contrary to our 
fidth ; and yet, at this time war prevailed through- 
out Christendom, and even in Christ's church itself, 
which was then disputed between two rival popes. 
Where there was disease in the head, the body must 
needs suffer; and under these circumstances it be- 
hoved the Christian kings to promote peace among 
themselves for two causes ; first, for the protection of 
the church against internal division; and, secondly. 



INTBODUCIIOK. ix 

io defend Christendom against the infidels, "Who at 
this time were making dangerous attacks upon it. 
These blessings were to be hoped from the known 
character of Heniy of Lancaster. 

The only manuscript of this poem with which I 
am acquainted is contained in a volume in the library 
of the duke of Sutherland at Trentham in Stafford- 
shire, which was made well known by Wharton as 
containing Oower's French sonnets.^ There appears 
sufficient reason for believing this manuscript to have 
been presented to king Henry, after his accession, by 
the poet, who seems to have been rather vain of his 
French verses, and the two pieces here printed were 
probably written on the occasion. They are accom- 
panied by a shorter piece, in Latin elegiacs, here 
given at the end of the English poem, in which 
Gower states, that at this time, which was the first 
year of Henry's reign, he was struck with blindness ; 
and he complains of old age (torva senectiis), and 
announces his resolution to write no more, but to 
leave literature to a younger generation. In faci^ 
there are reasons for supposing that he must now 
have been considerably advanced in years — perhaps 
not far short of eighty ; he died in 1408. 

Gower, though, as a layman, conscious of many 
abuses in the ecclesiastical state, and wishful for their 
reform, was still a staunch catholic, and no favourer 
of what he considered as innovations in religion, and 
he urged the king above all other things to give the 
whole support of the secular government to the 
church. Henrj^'s father, John of Gaunt, had been no- 
toriously a fiivourer of the Wycliffites; and Henry 
himself previous to his accession to the throne, had 
not been considered a very zealous son of the church ; 



' These were printed by the | Gower, as a contribution to the 
late doke of Satherland, when earl I Roxborghe Club. 



X INTBODUCmON. 

BO that, at the opening of hiB reign, the religious re- 
formers took courage, imagined that they were at 
least sure of toleration, and employed themselves with 
extraordinary activity in spreading their doctrines. 
But, to their great disappointment, they soon found 
their mistake. Henry is accused of having deliberately 
purchased the support of the Bomish clergy in his 
designs upon the crown by at least a verbal engage- 
ment to suppress the sect of the Lollards, and all other 
heretics; and, be this as it may, the clergy began 
immediately to display an active spirit of persecution 
which rendered it not improbable, and the commence- 
ment of his reign was marked by a statute against the 
religious reformers of a severity then unexampled. By 
New Act the Act of the 2nd Hen. IV., chapter 14 (A.D. 1400), 
Lollards. ^ heretics were ordered to be punished by burning at 
the stake, and this cruel law was immediately carried 
into effect in the case of William Sautrey, a parish 
priest convicted of heretical opinions. These proceed- 
ings naturally carried consternation among the Wy- 
cliffites, but, as is usually the case, persecution on the 
one hand only increased and embittered the zeal of 
the persecuted, while some acts of severity on the part 
of the crown against a few Bomish ecdesiastics who 
had engaged in treasonable conspiracies encouraged 
them still to hope for a change in their favour. 
Under these circumstances the Wycliffites slackened 
nothing in their activity, but they united more warmly 
with those who were struggling for social and politi- 
cal liberty ; and the popular dislike to the Bomish 
priesthood, and especially to the four orders of friars 
with whom people came into closer communica- 
tion, was greatly increased. The watchword of this 
party was still -the same which had been raised with 
so much vigour in the poem of Piers Ploughman, and 
which demanded the emancipation of the oppressed 
peasant. But the name of Piers Ploughman had been 



INTBODUCrriON. XI 

exchanged for that of Jack Upland, which was exactly 
equivalent^ as it signified simply Jack the countrjrman, Jack Up- 
or Jack of the country, in contradistinction from the-^^ 
town. About the date just mentioned there appeared 
a poem under this title in aUiterative verse, intended 
evidently to be circulated among the populace, in 
which the popular character, Jack Upland, is intro- 
duced propounding the various heads of the complaints 
of the Wydiffites against the Bomish church in a 
series of questions addressed to the friars, who were 
the most active agents against the professors of the 
new opinions. This poem appears to have given great 
alarm, or oflTence, to the friars, one of whom, whose 
real name, it is intimated, was John of Walsingham, but 
who wrote under the assumed and more popular name 
of Daw Topias, put forth a reply to these questions, com- 
piled in exactly the same style, but sprinkled here and 
there with rather violent abuse of Wycliffe and the 
Lollards. A Wycliffite took up the cudgels immediately, 
and retorted in a similar style, and this last writer 
alludes to an event as then recent which seems to fix 
the date of all these pieces to the year 1401. Of the Popular 
fiawt of these no manuscript appears now to be known, g^^^t.'' 
but a copy had been found in the sixteenth century ings. 
by Stow, and was inserted, without any reason, in the 
folio black-letter edition of the works of Chaucer. The 
other two, which may be considered among the most 
remarkable of the popular records of the history 
of the religious movement during this period, are 
preserved in. a contemporary manuscript In the 
Bodleian Library, in which the friar's poem occupies 
the page of the vellum, and the reply of the Lollard 
is written in a smaller hand in the margins above 
and below. It was the common practice to write 
the alliterative poetry as prose, with a slight stroke 
of the pen to mark the divisions of the lines. Such is 
the case with the manuscript in the Bodleian Library, 



Zli IKTBODUOTION. 

where the divisions of the lines are very distinctly 
marked. But the copyist of the first poem for the 
edition of Chaucer, who evidently understood the 
English of his original imperfectly, and was not at 
all acquainted with the principles of the old allitera- 
tive verse, had really mistaken it for prose, and not 
only copied it for such, but substituted for the obso- 
lete words with which this class of poetry abounded 
others which were then better known, and often 
paraphrased the language in the belief that he was 
making it better understood. Thus in some parts all 
traces of its metrical character is lost, and we may 
judge in many cases how much it is corrupted by 
comparison with the quotations £rom it in the stric- 
tures of ''Daw Topias." At the same time it must 
also be remarked that with the beginning of the 
fifteentii century the alliterative verse began already 
to be written very loosely, and, the rhythm being 
preserved, the alliteration was often left imperfect, or 
entirely neglected. 
Jack To begin with Jack Upland, the popular satirist 

Uplaho. commences with stigmatizing the church of Bome as 
Antichrist and his disciples, and complains that the 
worst of these '' diverse sects" were those last brought 
in, the different orders of firiars, who neither showed 
obedience to the prelates of the church nor allegiance 
to the crown, but sought only to indulge their own 
selfishness, while they pretended to have the power of 
selling heaven and earth to whom they liked. After 
taunting the friars with their great pretensions to 
knowledge, he proceeds to put certain questions to them, 
requiring that the answers should be grounded "in 
" reason and holy writ/' His first question is a very 
simple one — if there be so many different religious 
orders on earth, one must be supposed to be better 
than another, or there need have been no more than 
one ; and if these orders are not better than the order 



iirrBODUCTioN. ziii 

which Christ himself founded, namely the Gospel, why 
should they choose any one of them in preference to it ? 
Moreover, for which should a friar be more severely 
pimished, for breaking the rules of his order or for 
breaking God's commandments ? He asks further, 
why should a friar be considered an apostate for 
leaving one order for the purpose of joining another, 
where they were all considered to belong to Christ's 
church? In a number of consecutive questions, the 
Mars are accused of placing their religion in their 
habit, and of furnishing themselves with clothes of 
rich materials for no other cause but vain-glory ; of 
placing undue importance in vain things, such as par- 
ticular colours of doth and particular places ; of 
obtaining dispensations from duties which were unea^ 
to them; and of pretending to embrace with their Pkctenuons 
profession a life of mortification— to be as dead men ; ^ ^^u^ 
whereas they were the most active beggara alive, and, fKan. 
instead of graves, which were appropriate to dead men, 
they affected to live in mansions which exceeded 
in extent and splendour the palaces of the greatest 
nobles. As proo& of the selfish motives of the orders 
of friars, it is stated that fixed districts were &rmed 
out to certain limitors, or begging friars, as the 
name intimates, and that they were not allowed to 
trespass within each others' limits ; that they were 
exempted from the visitations of the bishops; that 
they sold for money, and never gave in charity, 
letters of brotherhood, by which people were entitled 
after death to a share in their merits; and that they 
induced people to give them large sums of money for 
their prayers, on the assurance that these would bring 
them out of purgatory or hell, while they were igno- 
rant where they should go themselves Jack Upland 
asks, with some reason, why, if they had this power, 
they should not employ it out of love for their fellow 
men as well as for gain. They ai*e accused also of 



XIV INTEODTTCnOK. 

'' stealing" men's children in order to bring them up 
in their order, a charge which is proved to be true 
by a collective force of contemporary evidence. They 
sought only to perform the two sacraments, shrift and 
burial, which brought in most money ; and only, 
therefore, to those who could pay, rejecting the poor. 
" According to your own doctrine," says the reformer, 
" holiness consists in poverty, and why, therefore, do 
" you refiise to receive for burial those who are 
" poor?* The friars, we are told, disapproved of 
preaching, and condemned the secular priests who 
practised it ; they sold God's mass for a penny, and 
therefore set that sum either on " God's body,*' which 
was worse than the crime of Judas, who sold it for 
thirty pence, or sold their labour, which was bribery 
and covetousness, or sold the service of the church. 
Their »i- which was simony; they entered in their table books 
°^^"y» the names of those who purchased their pardons, as 
if God was not likely to remember them ; and they 
justified their system of mendicity by the example of 
the Saviour, who, they pretended, had gained his 
living on earth by begging. In some fuHher ques- 
tions these particular charges are dilated upon ; the 
reformer complains that the multiplication of friars 
and other ecclesiastics was an unnecessary and unjust 
burthen upon the people, and alleges that when Christ 
had but twelve apostles and a few disciples his work 
was done much better than since the number of 
workmen had been so greatly increased. Just as a 
man works better with four fingers and a thumb to 
his hand, than he would if the number were doubled ; 
so the superfluity of workmen in the church only 
encumbered it and made it inefficient. These unworthy 
workmen locked up the bible from those who were 
able and willing to read and preach it, and persecuted 
as heretics those who sought to make its doctrines 
public. The reformer again repeats the charges that 



INTBODUCnOK. XV 

the friars only sought riches aad self-indulgence ; that 

one of them who brought home most money to his 

house received fiill absolution for whatever error he 

might have committed in obtaining it; that they 

neglected the poor, and chiefly sought out rich men, 

who could afford to pay them well for their religious 

consolations ; and that these consolations were of such 

a kind that they encouraged lords and ladies to sin 

worse than before, instead of amending their lives; 

and he then again puts some home questions to 

the friar as to the superiority of one religious 

order over another. If the friar replied that his own 

order was the best, he assumed that the other orders 

were inferior to it ; whereas each friar of one of the 

other orders would give him the lie and say that 

his own order was best ; yet one only could be the best, 

and therefore three must be false, while there was 

no means of knowing which was the true one. And Their con- 

this contradiction between the orders was so great ^^p^^°* 

that a friar who left his own order to enter another sumptuous- 

was looked upon as an apostate. Also these orders'**"* 

and rules were assumed not only to be superior 

to one another, but to be superior also to that 

rule which had been given by Christ, otherwise why 

did they not follow Christ's order in preference to all 

others? Thus it was assumed that St. Francis or 

St Dominic was superior in power and knowledge 

to Qod himself, an evident blasphemy. ^' Canst thou, 

'' friar, point out any de&ult in Christ's rule of the 

** Qospel, with which he gave all men the certain 

" power to be saved, if they kept it to their ending? 

'< If thou sayest it was too hard, thou accusest Christ 

" of untruth ; for he said of his rule, ' My yoke is 

'* 'soft and my burthen light.' If thou sayest that 

'* Christ's rule was too light, that cannot be alleged 

'^ as a &ult, for it only made it the easier to keep. 

'- If thou findest no &ult in Christ's rule of the 



XVI IKTEODUCnON. 

*' Gospel, since Christ himself said it is light and 
*' easy, what need was there for the founders of 
" orders of firiars to add other roles to it, and so 
" make a harder religion to save friars than the re- 
" ligion of Christ's apostles by which his disciples 
" obtained salvation?" 
Reply OF These questions of Jads: Upland are put simply, 
Daw'to- ^^^ ^ ^ ^^™^ ^ ^ easily imderstood by minds not 
piAs, AHD accustomed to abstruse reasoning. His opponent, Daw 
iJ^^»g^. Topias the friar, shows far less temper, and an incli- 
joufDEs. notion to browbeat rather than to convince or 
persuade. He begins by lamenting the degraded state 
of society which rendered it necessary to reply to 
such questions, and he reproaches the Lollards in 
rather abusive language, alleging that Jack Upland's 
questions were ignorant and foolish, and proclaiming 
his readiness to answer them, although himself only 
a '4ewd'' or uneducated friar. It was, in fact, an 
attempt on the part of the Romish clergy to encounter 
the reformers in their own popular field. Daw Topias 
denies that the friars were other than liege subjects to 
the king ; and asserts that they professed obedience to 
the bishops, though not in the same degree as the 
secular priests, inasmuch as holy church had given them 
exemption. Jack Upland, who repays the friar with 
Disloyalty language as rude as his own, replies that their non- 
new of Uie ^Jl^giw^oe to the crown — meaning thereby disobedience 
fKan. to the laws of the realm — was notorious ; for when a 
iriar lay under the charge of any crime or vice, his 
prior took him out of the hands of justice, without the 
king's authority, and thus, however guilty, he escaped 
punishment "Oft," says he, "ye seduce men's wives, 
" and are put in the stocks, but your captains, or 
" superiors, lay claim to you and ask no leave of 
" kings." In reply to the charge of laziness brought 
against the friars, Daw alleges that each class of 
society had its particular province, and that, as in a 



INTRODUCnOK. xvii 

man's body, the hands were made to work for the 
support of the head and the feet and the eyes, so the 
common people were made by God to labour for holy 
church and the aristocracy. To this it is answered, 
that St Paul and the apostles gained their living by 
the labour of their hands, and that yet at the same 
time they performed the duties of the ministry much 
better than the clergy of modem times, and hated 
above all things such '' bold begging " as was practised 
by the friars. ''You accuse us/' says the popular 
advocate of the old religious system, ** of being con- 
'' founders of prelates and lords .... but give 
" us any examples of prelates or lords thus confounded. 
'' But since that wicked worm named Wydiffe began 
'' to sow the seed of schism in the earth, sorrow 
" and ruin have made their appearance everywhere, Attacks 
" and are bringing disgrace equally upon lordship and ^^2 ^^" 
'^ prelacy.'' On the question of selling the sacraments 
by simony, the friar endeavours cunningly to throw 
this charge upon the parish priests, alleging that the 
only sacrament the friars had to dispense was the 
absolution of sins ; and in retaliation for the charge 
of interfering unduly in families, he accuses the 
Wycliffites of seeking to make converts of women, 
with an evident intimation of something ftirther, 
which is not declared openly. We know how many 
women embraced the opinions of the Wycli£Stes, and 
suffered martyrdom for maintaining them. In reply, 
the advocate of the reformation repeats the charge of 
incontinence against the friars, and offers to forfeit a 
hundred poimds if the friars can fix a similar charge 
on any member of the sect of Lollards. Daw justifies Splendid 
the splendour of the ecclesiastical buildings by thejj^"^ 
example of Solomon's temple, and passes on to a longfHan. 
string of more abuse of the reformers, who, he says, 
were the plagues sent upon earth by the " blastes " of 
the seven angels in the Revelations. ''The third 



XVin THTBODUCIIOir. 

" angel sent down a star from heaven, fiercely bom- 
" ing afl a brand, it was called wormwood ; this truly 
'' was WycUffe yom- master; he dione brightly in 
'^ appearance at his beginning, but by bis false 
'' doctrines afterwards he created much trouble, and 
" by his rash presumption fell from the church . . . 
*' The hereiicB Maximinus and Manichseus never 

WjeUilie '^ caused more misdiief" This attack on Wydiffe 
^^°^^ roused the indignation of the reformer, who replies: 
'* I wonder, Daw, thou darest thus to lie on so great 
" a clerk, who was known well in his time by rich 
'^ and poor as a vertuous man, but thou, as blind as 
'^ Bayard, barkest at the moon, like an old miller's 
'< dog when he b^;ins to doat But I know well 
** that thy barking, however loud thou liest, will not 
^' diminish this saint, who lived and taught so tnfth- 
'^ fully/' After several pages of general abuse, the 
apologist of the friars returns to the questions of the 
reformer. He justifies the munber and diversity of 
the religious orders by alleging the various orders 
of angels in heaven, and he proceeds to give an ex- 
planation of the former, which was certainly not 
calculated to satisfy one of the reformers. His own 
order, he says, was that of Christ, who taught 

Viceiof obedience, chastity, and poverty. "Nay,*' is the reply, 
" there is hardly an individual in thy order who can 
*' boast of possessing these three virtues, in regard 
" to which ye rather follow Antichrist than our 
" Lord Jesus. As to chastity of body, ye break it 
'* continually; and ye have no chastity of soul, for 
" ye forsake Christ your spouse, and are become 
" apostates from his church. In respect to true 
" poverty, ye are the most covetous men in the 
" world, for what with simony, and with begging, 
" and with selling absolutions, you plunder both 
" great and smalL'' Daw alleges further, that 
Christ ordained two manners of life, the one con- 



tbefHan. 



INTEODUOnON. 



XIX 



templative^ the other active^ to the former of which 
the monks belonged, while the latter was represented by 
the friara He represents their begging as the collect- 
ing of alms, and refuses to tell what they themselves 
gave to the poor, on the plea that charity should be 
exercised in secret. He defends the richness of the 
doth worn by the firiarsi and explains the different 
parts of the costmne symbolioaUyi retaliating upon 
his opponent by sneering at the LoUards for affecting 
to dreiss in plain grey, which, he pretends,, was in- 
tended to imply simplicity, while the wearers were 
ravenous wolves in Christ's fold. Others of the 
peculiar observances of the friars are explained in 
much the same manner, or defended in general terms, 
mixed with a large amount of abusive language 
addressed to the Lollards; to which his opponent 
replies with not much more temper, and utters a Prophecy 
prophecy, not unlike that which has been so often S^^yi f 
remarked in the older poem of Piers Ploughman ; the fHan 
" and yet,'* he says, "the time shall come when Josiah ^^^ 
^ shall reign, and make an end of such fiends, andoiden. 
" restore Christ's rule." ^ 

The friars were celebrated for the splendour of their 
conventual buildings, and this circumstance furnished 
a never-fiuUng ground of attack to the reformers. It 
is one to which both the advocate and the opponent 
recur; and the former finds a rather singular reply 
to the charge of lavishing money on these great 



< The pasiage in Plen Plough- 
man is as follows : — 

" Ac iher shal come a kyng, 
** and confbsse yow religionses, 
•'and bete j<rw as the Bible 

<*telleth 
" for brek jnge of yonre rule 5 
"'and amende monyals, 
«« monkeB and chanons^ 



'< and paten to his penannoe 
" ad pristinun statum ire. 

'* And thanne shat the abbot of 

•• AbyngQone^ 
*' and al his issue for erere, 
" have a knok of a kyng, 
" and incnrable the woonde.** 

Pkr$ Ploughman, p. 292. 



XX miHiiHJcnoA. 

edifiees instead of expending it in ahanby to the 
poor. ^'JnA," he nyB, ''is not a man better tban 
'' » rode beast? Tet yoa**— of conrae, addreaBing bim 
in bis aasomed cbancter of the nplandman or 
plong^hman — ^^make a abed for your aheqi, and a 
TW gplM. ^ ataUe fer yoor borae ; and meanwhile there is 
dtdtafld- «< many a man who baa no nx^ over him, but the 
fended. *' open air only is bia bonae, and the beasts atand 
*' coverecL Wl^ dost thou not boose the poor man as 
*^ wen as thy beasts?" The reformer finds a ready 
answer to this ''monkey's argnmenty" as he calls it^ 
by wbidiy be says, it mig^t be proved that ''be that 
" drinks a quart of wine, must needs drink a gallon. 
'' Bat I gmdge no reasonable boose ; and, thoogfa yon 
" speak floomfblly of it, I baye a sheep-boose, for 
'' which I have better warrant in God's law than you 
'' have for yoor Cain's castle. I thank God, I boilt 
" it with honestly gotten goods ; but you built yours 
'' with the produce of begging, contention, and rob- 
** hery/* It is curious enough that the fiiar here — 
for there can be no doubt that it was the boni Jide 
composition of one of the order who chose to en- 
Hottiii^ counter the popular preacher on his own ground — not 
<^^^™"only uses arguments which are in general very easily 
parifh demolished, but he. loses few occasions of displaying a 
P"^**^* feeling of spiteful hostility, which is known from other 
sources to have existed, towards other orders of the 
Bomish clergy. In an earlier part of his writing, when 
accused of selling the sacraments, he attempts to throw 
this charge upon the parish priests ; and now, in 
reply to the charge of £Btrming out the country in 
districts to the limitors, he asserts that this was not 
done by the regular friars, but su^;ests that it was 
probably done by the pardoners, and the friars of 
some less regular orders. The clergy claimed a general 
exemption from secular taxes, and, when reproached 
with the example of Christ, who caused his disciples 



INTRODirCnON. XXI 

to pay the tribute to the emperor, our Daw Topias 
pretends that the Saviour did not do this as a duty, 
•but merely as a matter of policy, that it might not be 
made a charge against him in his trial before Pilate. 
At length we come to the grand charge of kidnapping Kdnap- 
the children of people of property in order to bring SSwren. 
them up in their order, with a view, of course, to 
future profit The existence of this practice is noto- 
rious, for it was a subject of complaint not only with 
the Lollards, but with the commons assembled in par- 
liament, who proposed an act forbidding the reception 
into the orders of firiars of any men under twenty-one 
years of age; but the king, ruled by his fear of the 
clergy, gave only a partial assent ; and it was enacted 
that in future no boy under the age of fourteen should 
be received into an order. Daw Topias, therefore, 
does not attempt to deny the fact, but he justifies it 
in rather a singular manner by the example of Christ. 
" Thou accusest us," he says, "of felony, for stealing 
" children to draw them to our sects. I hold it no 
" theft to draw people towards God, unless you callj^^^^ 
" Christ a thief, who did the same, saying to the rich friara. 
" man (Matt. xix. 21): 'Go and sell thy goods, and 
" * give them to the poor, if thou wilt be perfect ; 
" ' and afterwards follow me, and be my disciple.' 
" And, in the same gospel, see what he saith also 
" (Luke xiv. 26) : * Whoso forsaketh not his fether and 
" * his mother, his son and his daughter, his sister 
" ' and his brother, his land and his tenements, and 
" ' himself also, he is not worthy to be my follower/ 
" And again he said to his twelve chosen (John xv. 
" 16): 'Behold, from the world I have chosen you all, 
" * that ye go and bear fruit, and your fruit may 
** ' remain,' And thus to plunder the world, and spoil 
" it of its subjects, it is no robbeiy, but theft 
" approved by Christ." In regard to the keeping ot 
prisons by the dOTgy, Daw Topias argues that they 

VOL. IT. c 



XXU INTRODUCTION. 

have the same right to have prisons as the secular autho- 
ritiea For, he says, if we take the Gospel literally, 
neither emperor nor king would have the right to 
imprison or put to death, but only to reprimand 
offenders, and then set them at liberty ; whereby mur- 
derers, robbers, and all kinds of malefactors would go 
Right of unpunished. The pope, the archbishop of Canterbury, 
to kee?^ and the bishops in general had, he says, their prisons, 
prisons and with the king's permission; and it would be a bold 
o dcourts. ^yjjg ^^ pretend that this was contrary to God's law. 
But his opponent replies that the two cases were very 
different, that the sentences and punishments of the 
bishops were arbitrary and unjust, and generally 
directed against the innocent ; whereas the king caused 
the law to be executed by judges who were bound to 
administer justice with impartiality, "as he did now 
" lately, when he hanged you traitors." Some friars 
had been hanged for treason in the course of the year 
1401. 

The remainder of this very curious poem is chiefly 
occupied with a defence of the various means by 
which the friars obtained money, and of the use they 
made of it. Daw Topias justifies the style of preach- 
ing of the friars, and the character of their sermons, 
which had become a subject of ridicide to the re- 
formers, by urging that the means are justified by the 
end ; and that if the people were taught the right 
&ith, it mattered not how they were instructed in it. 
On the other hand, he accuses the Wydiffites of 
having conspired to destroy Christ's church and turn 
it to idolatry; and adds that he considers it more 
" wholesome " to pursue a heretic to prison, or to the 
fire, than even to consecrate a church. In answer 
to the charge of selling the sacraments, he pretends 
that the friars administered them freely, and that they 
also received freely the offerings of those who partook 
in them, and argues that there was no more simony 



INTRODUCTION. XXIU 

in being paid in this way, than in the payment of a 
certain annual salary to a parish priest for his exer- 
cise of the ministry. To which Jack Upland replies 
sneeringly, comparing the friars to tapsters, or inn- 
keepers, who, instead of beer, "tap" out and serve 
their absolutions from Borne, and their preachings, 
prayers, and burials, to the deluded people. The Replies t( 
begging of the friars is justified as a literal imitation ^^ 
of the example of Christ, who did not disdain to ob- 
tain his sustenance in this manner, and by the favour 
shown by the Saviour to mendicants; and here the 
popular advocate of Romanism, believing that his dis- 
play of learning might betray his assumption of the 
character of a "lewd" friar, pretends that he had 
learnt to speak Latin when he was once a manciple, 
or servant employed in collecting the provisions, at 
Merton HaU, in Oxford. Another practice which had 
been ridiculed, that of writing in their books the 
names of those who give them money, or in other 
words making lists of benefactors, is justified on the 
ground that such lists were not made to remind God 
of those who had done good actions, but to assist 
their own memory as to those for whom they were 
bound to pray, inasmuch as, according to the opinion 
of the clergy, such special prayer was most conducive 
to the salvation of the souls of those for whom they 
prayed, a position which of course the reformers in a 
great measure denied. The practice of going about 
preaching in couples, when the apostles only went 
singly, is again explained symbolically, as Daw pre- 
tends that they went partly to bear one another 
company, " but more for the mystery contained in the 
" number" — ^for the law was written on two tables, 
and there were two cherubim in the temple, and two 
in the tabemada Jack replies that they did not 
adhere strictly to the symbol in this case, but that 
they sometimes went three together, one of the two 

c 2 



XXIV 



INTRODUCTION. 



OWTHB 
EXBCU- 
TIOM OF 

Arch- 



SCBOPB. 



being of the other sex ; for the immorality of the 
friars is constantly insisted upon. 

In regard to the complaints of the increase in the 
number of fnars, who were made "against God's 
" will/* and the comparison with the hand and its 
fingers, Topias alleges that it would apply equally, 
and even in a greater degree, to the priests, who are 
again sneered at and represented as being more nume- 
rous and more burdensome to the people than the 
friars. Moreover, he proceeds to argue : " You say 
" that God made all things in measure, weight, and 
" number, and you cannot deny that every friar is 
*' something, and yet you assert that friars are made 
'' against God's will ; thus you pretend that God hath 
*' made something which he would not make, so that 
" his sovereign goodness is contrarious to himself/' 
Jack Upland replies to this notable argument: "Though 
" God made aU things in measure and weight, it does 
" not foUow that he made you, for ye are out of 
" measure, and so the devil and Cain and Judas are 
" your fathers." The apologist of the friars remarks, 
with more reason, in regard to the hand, that nature 
had determined the number of its fingers, and if that 
number were passed, it was looked upon as a mon- 
strosity; but that God or holy church had fixed no 
definite number of priests or friars. The question 
relating to Christ's presence in the sacrament is 
brought forward last, and becomes the ground for a 
good deal of personal reproach, with which both the 
poem itself and the reply to it dose. 

The resentment of the Wycliffite party, no doubt, 
told against the house of Lancaster in the turbulent 
reign of Henry VI., and raised a stix)ng prejudice 
against the memory of Henry IV. in the minds of 
the older protestant historians, while the latter 
monarch gained but a partial advantage by his 
yielding policy towards the church, for the clergy 



INTBODUCTION. XXV 

took an active part in nearly all the treasonable con- 
spiracies of his reign. The plot for murdering the 
king, at the beginning of bis reign, was arranged in the 
lodgings of the abbot of Westminster, where the con- 
spirators held their secret meetings. In the spring of 
1401 several priests and .friars were, as we have seen 
before, executed as traitors, some, as was presented, 
having likewise plotted to murder the king. In the year Hostility of 
following the friars appear to have been especially J^^^^^®'^^ 
active in spreading abroad the report that king Richard govem- 
was still alive, and that he was preparing to raake"*®*^^ 
an effort for the recovery of his kingdom, and some 
of them suffered the penalties of treason. They 
encouraged the same reports two years later, on the 
occasion of Serlo's rebellion, and some of the higher 
clergy had been compromised in the gi-eat insurrection 
of the Fercies. Among these stood conspicuous the 
archbishop of York, Richard Scrope, or Le Scrope, 
who still claimed the title of primate of England 
In 1405, this prelate, in conjunction with Thomas de 
Mowbray, earl marshal, tlie son of one of Richard the 
Second's great favourites, but at this time little more 
than a boy, placed himself at the head of a consider- 
able armed force, and raised the standard of rebellion 
at Shipton-on-the-Moor. The insurrection was soon 
suppressed, and the archbishop and his youthful ally 
fell into the hands of the king, his friends said, 
through the treachery of the earl of Westmoreland, 
and they were immediately tried, condemned, and 
executed for high treason, being the first instance in 
this country of the execution of a prelate of the 
church by the sentence of a lay court. These pro- 
ceedings, as it is well known, provoked a feeling of 
great indignation among the clergy, and the Latin 
ballad on the occasion, here printed, is evidently a 
clerical composition. It expresses the grief which 
must be felt by the church in general on so great an 



XXVI INTRODTJCnON. 

event, and points out the circumstance that the 
execution of archbishop Richard occurred on the same 
day as the martyrdom of archbishop St William, 
who died, as the Romish church which canonised him 
pretended, by poison, on the 8th of June 1154j. This 
Latin ballad complains of the haste and unfairness of 
archbishop Scrope's trial, without any regard to his 
rank as a peer, or to his quality as a dignitary of the 
church who claimed exemption from lay jurisdiction ; 
and tells how the sentence was passed in his own 
episcopal palace at Bishopsthorpe, and how he was 
led to the place of execution (between that place and 
York) on a mare (which was regarded as disgraceful), 
without a saddle, and with a halter instead of a 
bridle. The archbishop there encouraged the young earl 
to submit courageously to his fate, and then bowed 
himself to the sword. The virtues of the martyred 
primate are dwelt upon with great earnestness, and 
his sanctity is insisted upon. The writer then laments 
the other victims who perished on account of this 
rising, and tells how his palace was plundered, how 
his body was buried without the decencies becoming 
his station, and no attention was paid to the poor, to 
his creditors, or to his household. Even the common 
people of York were punished with him, and were 
subjected to unbearable exactions. Not only did 
York, he says, suffer, but the kingdom was deprived 
of its noblest chiefs, and the army was denuded of 
its choicest warriors ; and the ballad concludes with 
the expression of regret for the good old times which 
were passed. The clergy, indeed, pretended that arch- 
bishop Scrope was a holy martyr, encouraged the belief 
that miracles were performed at his tomb, which be- 
came a place of pilgrimage to the disaffected, and 
went so far as to declare that it was in punishment 
for his enormous sin in putting to death the arch- 
bishop of York, that Henry. was struck with a loath- 



INTEODUOnON. XXVll 

some diseasOj sidd to be the leprosy, which shortened 
his days. 

We find no more political poems of this reign, unless 
we reckon under that head Occleve's Poem, De Regi- 
ftiine PriTicipum, of which an edition has been recently 
printed by the Koxburghe Club ; but the death of 
Henry IV. is commemorated in a curious little Latin Poem op 
poem by a now rather well-known writer of thatu^^^^. 
period. Two works by Thomas de Elmham have been ham. 
published recently, but neither of the editors appears 
to have been aware of the existence of the poem on 
the death of Henry IV., which is printed in the pre- 
sent volume. Elmham was in the first place a Bene- 
dictine monk of Canterbury, and subsequently entered 
the Cluniac order, and became prior of Lenton, in the 
county of Nottingham. He evidently held some posi- 
tion at court imder Henry IV., and the poem here 
printed seems to have been composed no long time 
after the death of that monarch ; but the object of the 
writer is not very evident. In the prefatory verses, 
which the rubric seems to intimate were written after 
Elmham became prior of Lenton, it is addressed to 
Henry V., who is exhorted to attend to the domestic 
happiness of his kingdom, as well as to the prosecution of 
his foreign wars. Elmham warns the king (not unpro- 
phetically) of the fleeting and uncertain character of 
human life, and urges him to consult the welfare of his 
own soul by correcting errors in his government, which 
are not very clearly intimated. He tells him that he 
would weep if he loiew the true feelings of his subjects, 
to all whom his coming home was a subject of sorrow, 
while his departure from his country was looked upon 
with joy. In explanation of this he intimates that 
when the king was at home in his kingdom a host of 
overbearing warriors and chiefs, and their greedy fol- 
lowers, committed all soris of violence and oppression, 
from which his subjects ,were released when he carried 



XXVm INTRODUCTION. 

the oppressors away to the wars. In time of war, 
he says, the priest and the monk, the merchant and 
the cultivator of the knd, received protection, and why 
should they not be protected in time of peace. Ebn* 
ham reminds him of the fate of king Richard, and of 
the shortness of his father's reign, whose example, how- 
ever, he recommends him to follow. These introductozy 
lines are followed by a series of supposed exhortations 
addressed by king Henry lY. to his eldest son on his 
personal conduct, and on the government of the king- 
dom, which is called in the rubric a "letter,'' composed 
by the king when dying. This, differing in this 
respect from the introductory lines, is a curious speci- 
men of the pedantic and obscure style of writing in 
which Thomas de Elmham indulged. In the conclu- 
sion the king is made to give his blessing to prince 
Henry, and to his three other sons, Thomas (duke of 
Clarence), John (duke of Bedford), and Hmnphrey 
(duke of Gloucester). The dying king is then intro- 
duced offering his thanks to heaven for the ^fisbvours 
which he had received thence during his life. This is 
folldwed by a brief account of his death, which occured, 
we are told, on St Cuthbert's day (the 20th of 
March), in the year 1412, meaning, according to our 
Story of present calculation, 1413. But this account is parti- 
tonC^uD^ cularly interesting, as containing the only contemporary 
ber. notice of a story, probably legendary in great part, which 

made much noise in after times, chiefly from the way 
in which it has been used by Shakespeare. It seems 
probable that Henry IV. entertained at some period of 
his reign a notion of entering into a crusade against 
the Turks — the language of Gower, in the poems 
printed in the present volume, would lead us to sup>- 
pose that such designs had been talked of. According 
to the ordinary story, some one endued with the 
spirit of prophecy had told him that he would die in 
Jerusalem; and when suddenly struck with his last 



UTTRODUCnON. XXIX 

illness in Westminster Abbey, and carried thence into 
what was called the Jerusalem Chamber, on being 
told the name of the apartment, he recognized t^^e ful- 
filment of the prophecy, and prepared for death. But 
as told by Elmham, the story is more simple and less 
wonderful He informs us that a false prophecy had been 
current during his life that he would take the cross, 
and win the Holy Land ; and that by an unforeseen 
occurrence he unwittingly gained admission to tlie 
Holy Land by being carried when dying into the Beth- 
lehem (not the Jerusalem) Chamber in Westminster. 
Li the latter part of this poem Elmham has given his 
own name, as well as those of the king and queen, in 
acrostics. Its exact aim is not very clear, but it shows 
that the domestic policy of Henry V. was not alto- 
gether popular. 

We have no other poems on the domestic affairs of Poems on 
England under the reign of Henry V., but H^i^rys^^j^^ 
foreign wars appear to have been celebrated in a con-V. 
siderable number of contemporary poems and ballads. 
The short and dmple song which carried the tidings of 
the victory of Azincourt through the towns and vil- 
lages of ikigland is preserved with the music to which 
it was chanted in a manuscript of the Fepysian 
Library in Cambridge, from which it was printed in 
bishop Percy's " Eeliques," and, I believe, in a still 
more interesting form among the manuscripts in the 
Library of Trinity College, in the same University. 
The expedition into France, which was crowned by 
this great victory, is related in a very detailed manner 
in a much longer poem in the balled form, which also 
was evidently intended to be snng or chanted about 
the country, and which, preserved in a manuscript in 
the Harleian Collection in the library of the British 
Museum, was printed not very correctly by Sir Harris 
Nicolas, in his '* History of the Battle of Agincourt." 
Another poem of some length, written by one who 



XZX INTRODUCnOV. 

was present afc the events he relates, gives a dream- 
stantial and most interesting aoconnt of the siege of 
Rouen in 1418-19. There is no early complete copy 
of it known, but the first and larger part of it is 
found in an imperfect manuscript in the Bodleian 
Library at Oxford, and was published very inaccurately 
by Professor Conybeare, in the twenty-first volume of 
the Archseologia of the Society of Antiquaries. It was 
subsequently discovered that the author of one of the 
continuations of the English Brut Chronicle had used 
this poem as the material for his account of the siege 
of Rouen, and, afler going on for some time para- 
phrasing it, had at last copied the text verbatim, thus 
preserving the whole of the latter part of the poem 
which was wanting in the Oxford manuscript. This 
supplementary text was edited firom two manuscripts 
in the British Museum by Sir Frederic Madden in a 
subsequent volume of the Archseologia. A complete 
copy of the whole has since been met with in a 
manuscript in Balliol CoUege, Oxford, containing a 
collection of pieces, chiefly in verse, made at the close 
of the fifteenth century by a citizen of London named 
Hill, which is, of course, of too late a date to be of 
much value as a text. The manner in which the 
latter part of this poem was preserved is of particular 
interest, as showing how much the narratives of events 
given by our old chroniclers were founded upon the 
ballads of the time, and upon other such popular mate- 
On the rials. Another very curious example will be found in 
^TTLB OP ^ gijQrter ballad or song on the battle of Azincourt, 
couKT. printed fi-om a manuscript in the British Museum, in 
the present volume. The compiler of a contemporary, 
or nearly contemporary, chronicle of London has taken 
his accoimt of the battle of Azincourt entirely fi:'om 
this ballad, turning the first part of it into prose, in 
which, however, the lines and rhymes of the original 
may still be traced, but transcribing the latter part of 



INTEODUOTION. XXxi 

it without any alteration. It is a plain straightfor- 
ward account of the battle, without^ any poetical em- 
bellishment. A Latin epigram on this same battle Epiorau 
completes the number of our poems and songs of the ^^^^^ ^y 
French wars of King Henry V. They are followed in Azin- 
the present volume by another Latin epigram, in two ^^''' 
parte, in the first of which the Frenchman reproaches fbencu- 
the Englishman with the injuries he had inflicted ou'^nto 
France, to which, in the second part, the English- qushman. 
man repliea Even these short epigrams throw light 
on the feelings by which the contending parties were 
actuated. 

The next short piece included in the present col- On thb 
lection, consisting of a few lines of Latin verse com-^^^^"^®' 
posed by a Lollard, and a parody upon them by a 
churchman in reply, are curious only as illustrating 
the bitterness of the hostile feeling between the Ro- 
manists and the church reformers. Each charges the 
other with crimes which were to be sufficiently 
punished only by the sword or the faggot. It has 
been said that the clergy encouraged Henry in his 
warlike plans, in order that his attention might 
be taken away from the religious persecution they 
were carrying on against a numerous portion of his 
subjects, which they supposed might have received a 
check from his sentiments of patriotism, or from the 
interference of the lay aristocracy ; and the support he 
received from the clergy led him to pursue in regard 
to the church the policy which had been adopted by 
his father. He was not, however, destined to enjoy 
long the military glory which he had gained. In the Treaty of 
December of the year 1419 was concluded the treaty ^^^^^ 
of Troyes, by which the crown of France was con- 
firmed to the king of England ; and it was ratified 
in the spring of the year following by the English 
parliament. Henry V. died on the 31st of August 
1422. A few Latin verses, here printed from a 



XXXU INTBODUCTION. 

OwTHB manuscript in the Bodleian Library, were probably 
HknkyV. written immediately after Henry's death, and seem to 
picture the feelings of the moment when the great 
warrior king had died so suddenly and so prematurely, 
and left his kingdom and his conquests to an infiant 
less than a year old. Tlie writer begins by boasting 
of the glory of the treaty of Troyes, and declaiming 
on the great qualities of the departed monarch. By 
his death, he says, the English were filled with sorrow 
and their enemies with joy, for the smiles of fortune 
in war, it was feared, would desert the former and 
pass over to the latter. The apprehension is intimated 
that Henry's queen, Catherine of France, would be 
guided by her partiality for her native land, and 
the young king, as he grew up, might be educated by 
her in French sentiments. Gloomy anticipations arc 
the subject of a few concluding lines in prose, but 
expressed more mysteriously even than in the verse. 
These lines convey no distinct evidence of their dates, 
but the closing paragraphs seem to intimate that they 
were written before the death of the queens father, 
Charles VI. 

Tliis latter event took place in the month of October, 
1422, upon which the young king of England, Henry 
VI., became, by the terms of the treaty of Troyes, 
king of France, and he was proclaimed accordingly. 
But a counter-demonstration was made at the same 
time by the friends of the dauphin, who had been 
disinherited by the treaty, but who was, nevertheless, 
proclaimed king in Auvergne, where he had sought a 
refuge, and crowned subsequently at Poitiers as 
EpxoBJLM Charles VII. These rival claims are the subject of 
sfiMPTiox ^^ epigram printed here from a manuscript in the 
OF THK Bodleian Library at Oxford, in which the claim of the 
Prakcb. French heir and the answer of the English heir are 
duly set forth, but which otherwise has no great im- 
portance. This question of inheritance continued to be 



INTRODUCTION. XXXUl 

debated, the more so as the English affairs in France, 
neglected by the home government, began to decline. 
A Frenchman named Laurence Calot, who was clerk 
of the council to the regent Bedford, had been em- 
ployed by that prince to draw up in French verse a 
genealogical statement showing tlie superiority of the 
claims of the king of England over those of the dau- 
phin, considering it as merely a question of legitimacy, 
in order that the nature of these claims might be 
made familiar to all who were capable of understand- 
ing the French language. It appears, however, to have 
been considered neoessaiy that this justification of 
the English claims should be made known to the 
English also ; and in the year 1 426, while the duke of 
Bedford was absent in England, occupied in pacifying 
the troubles already displaying themselves in the Eng- 
lish court, the earl of Warwick, who had been left in 
Paris as his lieutenant, employed the well-known poet, 
John Lydgate, monk of Bury, who was then in the 
French capital, to translate Calot's composition into 
English verse. Warwick had just then returned from 
a successful expedition into Maine against the duke 
of Brittany. Lydgate states in his prologue that the John Lyd- 
object of this composition was to " set troubled hearts ^*®' 
" at rest," and put a stop to the talk of " many English 
" folks," who disputed or threw doubts upon the legiti- Title to 
macy of king Henry's claims. Henry VI. was then, he crown op 
tells us, nearly five years of age. In the text of the ^'kance. 
poem itself we are reminded of the great troubles 
which had been caused by the disputed claims to the 
French crown, that is, of course, by the resistance to 
the claims of the king of England, in punishment for 
which the English seem to have thought that God 
had visited France with all its domestic misery; 
and of the murder of the duke of Burgundy, Jean- 
sans-Peur, at Montereau, by the duke of Orleans, 
now Charles VII., but of whom the English still 



XXXIV INTRODUCTION. 

only spoke by his old title. The latter, he says, had 
by this treacherous and sanguinary deed rendered 
himself incapable of *' succeeding to any dignity of 
" knightly honour/' and much more, therefore, *' to 
" reign in any land," and he in consequence had 
abandoned his claims by his own oath and imder his 
own seal In consideration of all this, and to put an 
end to the troubles of France, God had provided a 
young heir to the crown of France in the person of 
Henry VI. of England, whose right could not be dis- 
puted He then proceeds to declare how Henry, as 
eighth in direct descent from St Louis, was the 
nearest heir to the French throne, and how his right 
was allowed and confirmed by the treaty of Troyes. 
In conclusion, Lydgate specifies in an affected style of 
learning, then &shionable among poets, the day on 
which he concluded this " translation," which was the 
28th of July 1426 ; and he adds a roundel in praise 
of the infant prince. 
To Kino Somewhat more than three years after this, on the 
oNmJc^fi*^ of November 1429, Henry, who was then only 
RowATioN. nine years of age, was crowned in England, and a 
poem on his coronation, the style of which seems to 
show that it also was composed by Lydgate, urges 
again the claim of the yoimg king to the inheritance 
of the two crowns, as being the direct descendant on 
one side of St. Edward, and on the other of St. Louis. 
OntheCo-A second poem, on the same occasion, gives a more 
ROTATION particular account of the ceremony, tKe solemnity and 
VI. splendour of which seem to have produced a great im- 

pression on contemporaries, and they are described at 
length by the London chronicler Fabian. Our rhymester 
tells us of the display of mitred bishops and abbots 
who attended at the coronation, among whom were 
two archbishops and a cardinal (Beaufort). After the 
coronation the king and his great courtiers went in 
procession to the hall of Westminster, preceded by 



INTRODUCTION. XXXV 

three dukes carrying the three swords, that of mercy, 
that of estate, and that of empire. The king was led 
by two bishops and six eark; his " pall'^ was borne 
by the Cinque Ports, and the earl of Warwick carried 
his train. Then followed in order the barons of the 
land, the judges, the knights of shires, and the city of 
London* At the feast which followed, the young king 
sat at the head table, having cardinal Seaufort on his 
right hand and the chancellor (Kemp, bishop of Lon- 
don,) on his left. The archbishop of Rheims sat at the 
same table ; while, on the right side, the earl of Hunt- 
ingdon knelt, holding the sceptre ; and, on the left, 
the earl of Stafford, holding the sword of state. The 
earls of Norfolk and Salisbury were on horseback, the 
first as lord marshal, the other as constable in the 
place of the duke of Bedford. The Cinque Ports occu- 
pied a table on the right hand ; another table was 
occupied by the prelates of the church, bishops and 
abbots; and at a table on the other side sat the 
representatives of the city of London. " Many other 
lords" occupied different tablea When the king and 
his lords were thus seated, the hereditary champion, 
Philip Dymmok, rode into the hall in complete armour, 
and publicly challenged all who had anything to say 
against the right of Henry VL to the two crowns. 

Henry was again crowned in Paris on the 17th of Henry 
December 1430, and on the 21st of February 1432, p~^^^ '° 
on his return to England, he made his ceremonious His return 
entry into the city of London, an event commemorated 
in a poem by Lydgate, which has been printed in the 
collection of Lydgate's Minor Poems, edited by Mr. 
Halliwell for the Percy Society. Lydgate teUs us 
how, after a succession of gloomy mist and rain, the 
weather suddenly became bright and smiling for the 
reception of the young king. The lord mayor, clad in 
red velvet, the sheriffs and aldermen in scarlet furred 
clothes, aU well horsed, went forth to meet the king 



XXXVl INTRODUCTION. 

at Blackheath. They were followed by the citizens in 
their Uveries, and by the foreign merchants in the 
following order : — Genoese, Florentines, Venetians, and 
Easterlings. The king was conducted in great state 
to London Bridge, where the pageantry b^an. A 
giant with a drawn sword stood at the entrance to 
the bridge, and other devices followed. Similar 
pageants were erected at different points in the lino 
of the royal procession, which are rather minutely 
described. At St. Paul's the king dismounted from 
his horse, and was received by the archbishop, a 
number of bishops, and the clergy of the church ; and 
he was thence accompanied, as before, by the mayor 
and citizens to Westminster, where he was received 
into the minster by the abbot and bis monks. 
lijdgBkte addresses his description of the splendid 
pageantry exhibited on this occasion to the lord mayor 
of London and the citizens. 
^*A^°k The next event which produced a strong political 
of Bur- excitement was the defection of the duke of Bur- 
fipindy. gundy from the English allianca After the failure of 
Philippe-le-Bon in his attempts to effect a peace be- 
tween England and France in 1435, and the death of 
the duke of Bedford, that prince allowed himself to be 
persuaded by the French party, and, after extorting 
very considerable concessions from Charles VII., he 
abandoned his alliance with England, and became 
reconciled with the king of France. The news of this 
event were received in England with such furious 
indignation, that the populace of London rose and 
plundered the foreign merchants who came from his 
dominions. At the beginning of March 1436 the 
duke of Burgundy declared war against England, and 
made no secret of his intention to wrest from the 
crown of this country its old conquest of Calais, which 
he laid claim to as belonging to his own county of 
Artois> and which he seems to have looked upon as 



INTBODUCmON.. XXXVU 

an easy enterprise, encouraged, no doubt, by a 
mistaken estimate of the weakness and discourage- 
ment of the English at this moment. His subjects, 
and the men of Ghent especially, embarked in this 
enterprise with great zeal, and the siege of Calais Siege of 
b^an on the 19th of July 1436. The result is weU ^^^ 
known; the Flemings abandoned the siege early in 
August, and the duke of Gloucester, who arrived with 
reinforcements from England, invaded the dominions of 
the duke of Burgundy almost without resistance, burnt 
several towns, and returned to Calais laden with plunder. 
We gather firom the allusions in contemporary 
histarians that these events caused not only great 
indignation, but great exultation in England, and that 
they were the subject of many popular songs and 
ballads, most of which, unfortunately, have perished. 
One of these, copied into a contemporary manuscript 
in the Sloane collection in the British Museum, but 
left imperfect by the transcriber, is a song on duke 
Philippe, composed, perhaps, if we may judge from the On thb 
first lines, after the siege of Calais and the invasion b^q^^t 
of his dominions by the duke of Gloucester, when he 
was unable to take the field against the English. 
Duke Philippe is accused of falsehood, of being a public 
disturber of the peace, and of cowardice, and is chal- 
lenged to come into the field and fight in defence of Ms 
character. The writer of the song reminds him of the 
kindness which he had experienced fi:om Henry Y., 
and of the assistance which in his own distress he 
had received firom the English; of the murder of his 
&ther at Hontereau; how he had sworn allegiance 
under Henry V. to the crown of England; and how, 
through the duke of Bedford, he had renewed his 
fealty on the coronation of Henry VI. at Paris. 
Another short but carious piece, in Latin verse, Phxlippb 
alludes to some communication between the duke of ^!!^^" 

OUNBT AND 

Burgundy and the king of Scotland, which appears to Jamss of 

VOL. II. d SCOTLAHD, 



AJULVm INTRODUCmON. 

have provoked considerable indignation in England, 
but which ifl not noticed in onr histories. It also has 
probably some reference to the siege of Calais, as 
Philip is introduced boasting to James of his irresist- 
ible power in reducing fortresses. It is little more 
than a string of reproaches, directed espedally against 
the duke of Burgundy. 

A chronicler of England, preserved in a manuscript 
in the archiepiscopal libi*ary at Lambeth, speaking of 
the satirical ballads composed by the English on the 
failure of the duke of Burgundy's attempt upon 
Calais, has inserted one in his narrative as a sample. 
It Was copied from the manuscript, and communicated 
to the Society of Antiquaries by Mr. Benjamin 
Williams, and is printed in the thirty-third volume of 
the Archseologia. The writer begins by jeering the 
Satire on Flemings on their expectation of conquering Calais, 
theFlem- m^^ }^q reminds them of their great exploits on "the 
" first day," when the earl of Mortaign, with a party 
of the garrison of Calais, carried away their plunder 
openly in view of the town of Qravelines, although the 
townsmen sallied out upon them as fierce as '' lions ot 
** Cotswold,'" which was in England a burlesque name 
for sheep. After ridiculing their dress and arms, he 
tells how the men of Qravelines fell upon the 
English with much fury ; but how they left three hun- 
dred of their men dead, and the rest were glad to 
gain a refuge within their own walls, while the 
English continued their way without further inter- 
ference. The Flemings are reminded how they came 
before Calais with a hundred and fifty thousand men, 
when the garrison of Calais were so much afraid of 
them that they left their gates open ; and how they 
brought ships filled with stones to block up their 
harbour, which the English broke up and carried off 
at low water. They are reminded of Goby, the 
water-bailiff's dog, which "akirmished" with them 



INTRODUCTION. XXXIX 

twice at sea» and many times on the sands. The men 
of Bruges are reminded how they came out one 
afternoon to give battle on the plain of St Pierre, 
and how many of them were oarried into Calais, 
*' tied fast by the fist." The men of Gaunt are 
reminded how their bulwark was captured, and how 
they fled from the siege, leaving their ordnance behind 
them. The Picards bred no better, and behaved just 
as disgracefully as the others. A song on the siege On the 
of Calais, printed in the present volume from ^q^j^^ 
manuscript in the British Musexmi, is written in much 
the same tone, but is considerably longer. After a 
commencement, much in the style of the old English 
metrical romances of chivalry, as though intended to 
usher in some notable exploits, we are told how the 
duke of Burgundy, in his great pride, had made a 
great assemblage of his power and chivalry fix>m 
Flanders, Brabant, Burgundy, Picardy, Hainault, and 
HoUand, to the number of more than a hundred 
thousand men, to make war upon Calaia Their great 
preparations for the siege are described in the same 
mock-heroic style; and we are told that, among other 
things, they had brought nine thousand cooks to crow 
in the night, and eight thousand cressets to give them 
light. In Calais, meanwhile, the earl of Mortaign, 
Sir John Batcliff, lieutenant of the town, and the 
baron of Dudley, who commanded the castle, made 
valiantly their preparations for defence, and did 
everything to encourage the defenders. The Lord 
Camois had the charge of Boulogne-gate, and Sir 
John Aston and Sir GeoflFrey " Warbulton ** of Milk- 
gate, but the gates themselves were kept continually 
open, as an act of defiance to the besiegers. Never- 
theless, the soldiers, burgesses, and merchants of Calais 
posted themselves on the ramparts and in every 
position in which they could do good service in 
fighting ; and even the women assisted by carrying 

d 2 



Xl INTRODUCTION. 

stones and other missiles to the men on the ramparts, 
and preparing boiling cauldrons, in case of assault, 
** all hot to give drink " to the assailants. The duke 
threatened the south-west comer of the town, and 
shot "many a great stone'" into the place, but 
without doing much damage; and the French and 
Flemings were finally obliged to retreat to their 
camp, closely pursued. The exploits of an Irishman 
in this pursuit are especially commemorated, as 
furnishing " a sportful sight ;'' and the courage of the 
water-bailiff's dog appears to have furnished matter of 
especial exultation; he is here said to have played 
'' heigh-go-bye " in every skirmish, and to have spai^d 
neither man nor horse. One Thursday the earl of 
Mortaign fought the Flemings at St. Pierre, in the 
plain, drove them to their tents, and brought into 
Calais many prisoners. Next day came the duke's 
navy, with the " bulged ships,'' to block up the 
harbour, but this stratagem fidled, and his ''castle" 
was soon afterwards taken and destroyed Next day, 
after this mishap, the duke fled with the men of 
Qhent, and was followed by those of Bruges and 
Tpres. *^ Little knows the fool," says the songster in 
conclusion, ''who might choose, what harm it were to 
^^ the crown of England good Calais to lose." 
ThsLibbl The danger of Calais, indeed, seems to have created 
LMH^^' as much alarm in England as the defeat of the be- 
PouGT. siegers gave joy, and not only the chance of losing it, 
but the great importance of England's maritime policy, 
began more and more to occupy people's minds. It 
was in the middle of the political agitation of this 
period, apparently soon after the defeat of the Fle- 
mings before Calais, that a writer, whose name is im- 
known, but who was evidently very intimately ac- 
quainted with the commercial affairs of the time, 
published the remarkable poem entitled " The Libel of 
" English Policy." The author was a friend of one of 



IKTBODUCmON. xli 

the great warriors aad statesmen of the daiy, Walter 
baron Hungerford, to whom he showed his book, and 
whose warm approval of it he received before it was 
published; and he seems also to have enjoyed the 
&vonr of cardinal Beaufort, and to have been inti- 
mate with the other great lords of the court He 
quotes, as his authorities for facts he states, on one 
occasion the earl of Ormond, on another, "a good 
'^ squier in time of parliament/' who in one of the 
manuscripts is called Hampton, and at another a 
merchant named Master Richard Bamet. The grand 
political principle of this writer is that England's 
power lay on the sea more than on the land, and 
that she might make her commercial and maritime 
influence so great as to be able to impose peace on 
the nations of western Europe. He considers the im- 
portance of Calais as an Euglish possession to consist 
in giving to England the undisputed command of 
the straits. When, in the year 1416, the emperor 
Sigismund visited England, to endeavour to effect a 
peace between Heniy Y. and the king of France, he 
had been especially struck with the importance of 
Calais in this point of view, and advised the king to 
value the two cities, Calais and Dover, as the two 
eyes of his maritime power. Taking this anecdote as 
his text, the author shows how, as the straits of Dover 
were at that time the only passage for the commerce 
of western Europe, of which Flanders was the chief 
mart, England, having the power to forbid the passage 
and put a stop to the commerce, could compel the 
countries whose wealth arose from that commerce to 
keep the peace with her in their own interests. This 
had been the policy of Edward III. and of Hemy V., 
but now, under Henry VI., it had been neglected, 
and the English began to be despised by foreign 
nations. The English coin called the noble, he says, 
first issued by Edward III., was significant of this 



slii INTBODUOnON. 

polioyy because it bore on one side the king and a 
sword, and on the other a ship, intimating especiaUy 
maritime power; but now, he says, the oourage and 
influenoe of the English on the sea had £sdlen so low, 
that the Bretons, Flemings, and others, punning upon the 
word, said that the English ought to take the ship 
from their noble and put a pusillanimous sheep in its 
place. With this introduction, he proceeds to examine, 
in a most curious and interesting manner, the com- 
mercial relations of England with the continental 
states. 
Commeree The principal exports of Spain at this time were 
andSSi- %8, raisins, the wine called bastard, liquorice, oil of 
den; Seville, grain, Castile soap, wax, iron, a coarse doth 
called wadmotte, the skins or leather of goats and 
kids, saffron, and quicksilver. These were shipped to 
the port of Sluys, for the great commercial mart of 
Bruges, and in return the Spanish merchants carried 
home the fine cloths manufactured in the Low Coun- 
tries. Here, then, we are told were two ways in 
which the influence of England might be exerted on 
Flanders and Spain. In the first place, if she shut 
up the passage of the straits, the trade between the 
two countries would be stopped entirely. In the 
second place, although the English weavers had not yet 
learnt the art of making fine cloths themselves, 
yet the English wools were so much superior to those 
of every other country, that the Flemings could not 
make fine cloths without them ; and if England 
stopped the exportation of her wools, the manufacturers 
of Flanders would be utterly ruined. Flanders, there- 
fore, could not permanently be at war with England 
without the entire ruin of her population, and that 
would ruin equally the commerce of Spain, so that 
peace with England would be absolutely necessary to both. 
It is true that wool was also one of the great articles 
of Spanish produce, but not only were the Spaniards 



iNTBODucfnoN. xliii 

obliged to carry their wool to Flanders to be made 
into doth, but it was in itself of so poor a qua- 
lity, that it was good for little unless mixed with 
English wool. The Flemings could not live without 
this foragn trade, of which their country was a sort 
of central and general mart ; for the agricultural pro- 
duce of Flanders in a year was not sufficient to keep its 
population alive one month. The commercial intercourse of Fortu- 
between England and Portugal was very intimate and^' 
fiiendly. The chief exports of Portugal were wine of 
different kinds, oil, wax, grain, figs, raisios, honey, 
oordewain (or shoe-leather), dates, salt, and hides. 
They, however, like the others, were not to be allowed 
to pass through the straits firedy in time of war ; 
for the duke of Bm^undy seems to have been con- 
sidered as the arbiter of the wars in western Europe 
at this time; and it is assumed that, by stopping all 
commerce with Flanders in time of war, either by 
foes or fiiends, England would compd that prince to 
be her ally. The commerce of Britany also was ofof Britany. 
some importance, consisting chiefly in salt, wines 
a fine linen doth known by the name of creste- 
doth, and canvas, but it was carried on principally 
through Flanders, and might, therefore, be easily 
stopped if England were master of the sea. But the 
Breton navigators, and especially those of St. Malo 
were notorious at this time for their piracies, and had 
little daim upon English sympathies, for they had 
not only plundered our merchant shipping at sea, but 
they landed unawares on our coasts, and burnt and 
plundered the coast towns with impunity. Former 
kings had taken energetic measures against such in- 
sults, and an anecdote is told of the maritime policy 
of Edward III., in whose time the piratical propensi- 
ties of the Bretons were equally notorious, Edward 
and the duke of Brittany were at war, but a peace 
having at last been concluded, the English merchants 



Xliv INTRODUCTION. 

repaired to Britany, expecting the due protection, given 
to the ships of Mendly states, but, to their diunay, 
they were attacked by the Breton navy, and taken 
Edward and plundered as in time of war. King Edward, we 
the Breton *^® ^^^ loved his merchants, and he expostulated 
pirates, with the duke of Britany, who, in reply, alleged 
somewhat deceitfully that the people of Mont St Michel 
and St. Malo were disobedient subjects, and that he 
could neither restrain them nor be answerable for 
them. Edward said no more, but enabled the three 
towns of Dartmouth, Plymouth, and Fowey to fortify 
themselves, and to send their sailors to make war 
upon the Breton rovers. They not only defeated these 
at sea, but they landed in Britany, and committed 
such ravages that the duke was now obliged to com- 
plain, and, as he received an answer similar to that 
which he had before given, he found himself placed 
under the necessity of acting with honesty, and he 
undertook to put a stop in future to the depredations 
of all his subjects. In proof of the care of Edward III. 
for the interests of his English merchants, we are told 
that he passed a statute for the Lombards, compelling 
them to discharge the merchandise they brought, and 
charge that which they were to take, within forty 
days. The importance of this regulation is alluded 
to afterwards. 
Commerce The exports of the Scots were chiefly fells, or skins, 
of Scot- hides, and wool-fleeces, which were carried to Flanders, 
and the Scottish merchants carried home mercery, 
haberdashery, cart-wheels, and barrows. The chief 
marts of the Scots in Flanders were Belle and Pope- 
ring, which had been recently burnt in the invasion 
by the duke of Gloucester. Scotland would herself be 
greatly distressed if England, master of the sea, held 
oftheGer-a check upon her navigation. From the Grermans of 
SSLv"^ Prussia and the Easterlings the Flemings derived their 
lings; beer, which was one of their great articles of con- 



IKTRODUCTION. xlv 

sumption. The author of this poem takes the occasion 
of making some rather coarse satirical remarks on the 
drunken habits of the Flemings, on their cowardly 
conduct before Calais, and on the punishment they 
received from the duke of Gloucester. The articles of 
commerce brought from Germany to the marts of 
Flanders were very numerous, and comprised, among 
other things, beer and 'bacon, a preparation of iron 
known by the name of osmond, copper, steel, bow- 
staves, wax, peltry-ware, or skins of wild animals, grey 
(badgers' fiir), pitch, tar, boards, flax, thread of Cologne, 
fustian, canvas, card-board, buckram, silver plate, and 
wedges of silver and other metal. The German mer- 
chants carried back woollen cloth, and they ventured to 
the " Bay " in search of salt, so that they too would 
be affected either by our stopping this branch of com- 
merce at sea» or by our cutting off the supply of fine 
wool to Flanders. The Italian merchants followed 
rather a different course of traffic. The Genoese, for of the Ge- 
instance, came to England with great carracks, laden "^^*^'' 
with cloths of gold, silks, black pepper, woad, and 
woad-aahes, ' wool, oil, cotton, rock-alum, and "gold of 
" Genoa." They took from England the English wools, 
but instead of carrying them home, they conveyed them 
to the markets of Flanders, and carried on a second 
traffic there. The Venetians and Florentines brought of the Ve- 
to England what our writer calls "things of compla- ^^'^",*"'* 
" cence," meaning mere articles of luxury, under tines, 
which head are included spicery and grocers* ware, 
with sweet wines, apes and marmosets (or monkeys), 
and what he calls '* nifles and trifles," things which 
" blere the eye," and are of no substantial use or 
profit to the buyers. These merchants also brought 
in their galleys the foreign drugs which were used in 
medicinal receipts, which our author thinks might 
easily be dispensed with, as he suspects that our good 
English medicinal plants were more efficacious remedies. 



Xlvi INTRODUCnON. 

Indeed, he was evidently of opinion that the commeroe 
with Italy was rather injurious than otherwise, for, 
in exchange for wares which were of no substantial 
use, they carried away some of our most valuable 
commodities, such as cloth, wool, and tin, which we 
might keep with more advantage at home. Moreover, 
there was so great a balance in their favour, through 
our foolish love for these luxuries, that they carried 
away our money as well as our merchandise. He 
complains, too, that these Italian merchants followed 
a system of trading which was as dishonest as it was 
injurious to our interests. For instance, they obtained 
the wool and other materials in England on credit, 
going to Cotswold and other districts where they 
were produced to buy them up at first hand, and 
then carried them to Flanders, where they sold them 
for ready money at a loss of as much as five per cent, 
on their purchase. This money they lent out on 
heavy usury, and thus realized a considerable profit 
out of the money before the term at which they were 
obliged to pay their debts in England. Practices like 
these, we are assured, were commonly resorted to, 
and were very injurious to honest English trade, to 
remedy which it was desirable that the old law should 
be resorted to, and that they should be compelled to 
discharge their merchandize and complete their trans- 
actions within forty days. Our author intimates that 
by thus allowing so much of our commerce to be 
carried on in foreign bottoms, we had allowed our 
navy to decline until we were no longer in a condition 
to repel foreign invasion. In illustration of this part 
of his subject, he tells us how Denmark, by neglecting 
her merchants and merchant navy, had fallen entirely 
from her former pr6sperity ; and he introduces inci- 
dentally a few words in praise of the great London 
merchant, then not veiy long dead, Richard Whit- 
tington, "thrice lord mayor of London." Our writer 



INTRODUCTION. xlvU 

comp]ams further, that the indulgence given in England 
to foreign merchants was not reciprocated to English 
merchants in other countries Thus Englishmen, trading 
to Brabant, were compelled to dispose of their mer- 
chandise in fourteen days» and to take within the 
same space of fourteen days their retuni cargo, on 
pain of forfeiting all they had. Nevertheless, it was 
commonly reported that the English merchants were 
the great supports of the marts of Brabant, which 
were frequented by most nations, and that if the 
English absented themselves the trade would be ''full 
« feeble." 

The merchandise derived from Brabant consisted Commerce 
chiefly of madder and woad for dyers, garlic, onions, zeSS^** 
and salt fish ; while the Dutch procured through Bra- and EW- 
bant from Calais our skins and wools. This com-°*^** 
merce of Brabant was carried on, from Hainault, 
Burgundy, France, and other parts, by land-carriage, 
and not by sea; yet, though we had thus not the 
same means of interrupting it, our merchants were the 
great support of it, and could always exert a serious 
influence over it. As an example of the remissness of 
England in exerting the influence which thus natu- 
rally belonged to her, he speaks of the ravages com- 
mitted on our commerce at that time by the arch- 
pirate Hankin Lyons, who was suffered to rob on the 
sea with impunity. The Lombards, he assures us, 
were themselves a sufficient injury to this land, with- 
out any others, and he complains that they obtained 
impunity by means of gifts and presents bestowed on 
those in power. It is intimated, somewhat obscurely, 
that the Lombards promoted secretly the depredations 
of the sea-rovers, and that people in power connived 
at them from interested motives. 

Ireland was rich in products of various kinds, and Jreiand,; 

among the articles of commerce derived thence the"*^*^? 

author enumerates hides and flsh, especially salmon, conqoering 

it. 



xlviii INTEODlTCnON. 

hake, and herrings, Irish linen and woollen cloths, 
a rough cloth called falding, the furs of martens, the 
hides of deer and other animals of the chase, skins 
of the otter, squirrel, Irish hare, sheep. Iambs, and 
foxes, as well as of kids and rabbits in great plenty. 
With such numerous and valuable articles of merchan- 
dise, the author argues that there must be a commu- 
nity of interests between Ireland and England, and 
that the Irish ought to assist us in l^eeping the com- 
mand of the sea, which they were bound to do, seeing 
that the king of England was by inheritance from his 
forefathers lord of Ireland. He speaks of the great 
havens and goodly bays of the sister island, such as 
that of Waterford, and many others, than which Eng- 
lish merchants said that there were none better in 
the world for ships to ride in or for protection against 
enemies ; of the great fertility of the soil ; and, fur- 
ther, of its richness in gold and silver ore, which the 
" wild Irish " were unable to turn to account. A 
jeweller of London, who had brought gold ore from 
Ireland, had informed him that, when refined, he had 
obtained from it pure gold of the most excellent 
quality. He urges, therefore, that the English govern- 
ment should take care that Ireland were not lost by 
its negligence, for it was a "buttress and port" to 
support England, as Wales was another. " God for- 
" bid," he adds, " but they were all as brothers, and 
** faithful in one allegiance to the king." He ex* 
presses, however, great fears that our power in Ireland 
was in imminent danger, and declares that it could 
not be lost without the ruin of England. At the same 
time he announces his intention of composing a sepa- 
rate book on Ireland and the English policy with 
regard to that country, which he either never wrote, 
or it is unfortunately lost. Our possessions in Ireland, 
he continues, were then so ineffectually defended, 
that the wild Irish had recently gained upon us as 



INTRODUCTION. xHx 

much as two or three English shires, so that the 
English ground was but as a small comer compared 
with the rest If this were lost, Wales must go too, 
and then both would become our enemies and form 
alliances with Scotland, Spain, and other countries, 
against us. The earl of Ormond had assured him that 
the expenses of one year in the wars in France, if 
properly employed, were suflScient to reduce the whole 
of Ireland to obedience within twelve months, and 
that the money would soon be repaid by the com- 
mercial advantages which would be derived firom it. 
Wales also required to be watched with the utmost Wales, 
vigilance, if we would not leave it to be a cause of 
weeping to our children's children. Men who knew 
the people were in continual apprehension of their 
rebellion. 

The mariners of Scarborough had long been in the ComineTce 
habit of visiting the "coasts cold" of the north, and J^j^^/*^- 
had monopolized a trade in stockfish with Iceland, of 
which island this seem to have been the only export; 
but within twelve yeai-s before this treatise was written, 
that is, about the year 1424, the merchants of Bristol 
had found their way thither, " by nedle and by stone,'* 
or, in other words, by the guidance of the mariner's 
compass, and had shared in this trade, and so many 
ships had visited Iceland during the season in which 
the author compiled his book that they could not 
obtain cargoes sufficient to dear their expenses. 

Having thus described the products and commercial importaiice 
position of the diflTerent countries with which England ^^'■'*- 
was in relation, the author of the Libel of English 
Policy returns to the question of keeping possession 
of the passage of the straits. He dwells at some 
length on the importance of securing CalaiB, quoting 
the same lines which conclude the song we have 
printed on the siege of that town, which seem to have 
been then proverbial He fears that the ears of men 



1 INTRODUCTION. 

then in power were not sufficiently open to warning, 
and laments over the losses of Harfleur and Bouen. 
In further proof of the care with which our wisest 
kings had provided for retaining the superiority over 
other nations on the sea, the story of king Edgar and 
his fleet is given from the old chronicles, and the writer 
quotes the examples of Edward III. and Henry Y. 
King Edward, who won Calais, was able by the 
strength of his fleet to beleaguer it on all sides, by 
sea as well da by land; whereas the duke of Bur- 
gundy, in his late siege, had been obliged to leave it 
open to the sea, through the insufficiency of his naval 
force. As to Henry V., he says, what was the object 
of all the great ships he caused to be built at South- 
ampton, so much larger than any of the ships of the 
merchant navy, such as the "Trinity," the " Grace," 
the " Holy Ghost,'' and others which are now lost ? 
What was the king's intention with these but to make 
himself master of the sea ? When Harfleur was at- 
tempted in his time, and the enemy brought a great 
fleet to attack it by sea, this fleet was destroyed by the 
English navy under the duke of Bedford. These refleo- 
tions lead the writer into a warm eulogy of the 
greatness of character of the late king, Henry Y. 
Had he lived, his great ships would not have been built 
in vain, but England would at this time have been 
undisputed mistress of the sea, instead of lamenting 
over the successive losses of his conquests. In con- 
clusion, the lords of the king's council are urged to 
unite together in devising measures for the estabUah*- 
ment of our supremacy on the sea, not only on ao- 
count of the importance of that supremacy in a com- 
mercial point of view, but because it would prove the 
surest means of establishing an honourable and per- 
manent peace with other countries. Such, in a brief 
abstract, is the poem entitled the "Libel of English 
" Policy," published at a very interesting period in 



INTRODUCTION. K 

our national annals, and remarkable both for the sort 
of information it gives lis, and for the political views 
entertained by its author. 

At the moment when this poem was published, the 
personal dissensions were showing themselves at the 
English court) which afterwards took a more definite 
form, and inundated the kingdom with blood The 
quarrel between the duke of Qloucester and cardinal 
Beaufort had compelled the duke of Bedford to quit 
his government in France at a very critical moment, 
in order to return to England to pacify their feuds. 
Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, the fourth son of Humphrey 
Henry IV., and now, since the death of the duke of^^®**^ 
Bedford, heir-apparent to the crown, was a great 
fiivourite of the people, and was called popularly the 
" good doke Humphrey/' He had been appointed, 
under the regency of the duke of Bedford, protector of 
England during the king's minority. He had greatly 
embarrassed our foreign relations by an impolitic mar- 
riage with Jacqueline, countess of Holland, who was 
already married to the duke of Brabant, but, when 
the countess's second marriage was declared void by 
the pope, duke Humphrey married a lady who had 
already lived with him as his mistress, Eleanor, 
daughter of Reginald lord Cobham, to whom he appears 
to have been much attached. The timely relief of 
Calais in 1436, and the subsequent invasion of the 
territory of the duke of Burgundy, had increased the 
" good duke's" popularity, to the great disappoint- 
ment of the party opposed to him, who looked for- 
ward eagerly to an opportunity of revenging them- 
Belve& Their vengeance was first wreaked upon his 
duchess, Eleanor, his marriage with whom had been 
a cause of considerable scandal Duke Humphrey was 
a patron of literature, and especially of science; he 
was the founder of what was afterwards the Bodleian 
Library; and he maintained an intimate intercourse 



lii niTBODUCTION. 

with learned meit, Among those whom he thns patro- 
nised was a derk or ecclesiastic named Roger Boling- 
broke, a man veiy learned in astronomy, or, as it was 
then called, astrology, and other sdenceis^ who wsa 
permanently establiehed in the duke's household as his 
chaplain. The ill-feeling between Gloucester and car- 
dinal Beaufort had never really ceased, and it broke out 
with violence in 1440, in a quarrel relating to the 
deliveiy of the duke of Orleans from his long impri- 
sonment, in which Humphrey was obliged to yield. 
Pretended Soon after this an accusation was brought against 
<^*"^j|"^r his duchess of having employed witchcraft to compass 
the king, the young king's death, and she and Boger Boling- 
broke were placed under arrest. Three other persons 
were thrown into prison at the same time, as accom- 
plices in the conspiracy, a priest and canon of West- 
minster, another priest, named John Hum, and a person 
named Maigeiy Jourdain, better known as the witch 
of Eye. The duchess was examined before a council 
of the English prelates, in St. Stephen's chapel in 
Westminster, on the charge of having had an image 
in wax made by these necromancers, as they were 
all judged to be, by which the king^s death was to 
be effected Dame Eleanor was an ambitious woman, 
and she, perhaps, superstitiously consulted some of these 
supposed magicians, to know how long the king would 
live, and whether she were destined to become queen 
of England; but the evidence against her seems to 
have been of a veiy unsubstantial character. ^ Yet both 
she and her reputed accomplices were found guilty; 
and, while, most of them were publicly executed, the 
duchess of Gloucester was condemned to a humiliating 
penance, and to imprisonment for life in the Isle of 
Man. The duchess Eleanor does not appear to have 
shared the popularity of her husband, yet her misfor- 
tunes can hardly have fEiiled to excite some d^ree ot 
public sympathy. The only monument of it with 



n^TRODUCTION. liii 

which we are acquainted is the baUad printed in the Lambmt 
present volume, which, though preserved in a n^^^"^™gg 
script perhaps written nearly half a century later, has ot Glou- 
all the appearance .of a contemporary composition. ^■*'™^ 
The duchess is introduced lamenting over her fall, and 
ascribing it to her pride and vain-glory. She regrets 
her high estate, and the reverence she had once com- 
manded, tells how she was carried before the council 
at Westminster, where the king himself was present to 
hear her case; and, though according to the law she had 
incurred sentence of death, and "some men sought to 
" have it executed," he took pity on her, and prevented 
it. She was then examined before thci two cardinals 
(Beaufort and Kempe), five bishops, and others of the 
spirituality, who, on her confession, enjoined her 
penance, in accordance with which she went barefoot 
through the principal streets of London. She takes 
her leave sorrowfully of London, of Greenwich (where 
the duke had a noble palace), and of other fair places 
" on Thames' side ;" and of all her Worldly wealth-— 
her robes of damask and cloths of gold, and other 
rich dresses, her minstrels and music, and ^' all joy 
** and [lustiness." The duke of Gloucester is said to 
have borne this iitjury with patience, but his enemies 
were not pacified, and there were other persecutions 
in store for him. 

There had been frequent rumours of negotiations NegoCia' 
for peace, and some vain attempts had been made to***^*^' 
treat, for all became wearied by these long and costly 
warS) but the peace party was not altogether the 
popular one. The people, however they complained 
of the burdens of the war, felt too mudi the humi- 
liation of the recent reverses to give up the hope of 
recovering the brilliant conquests of Henry V. ; while 
the men who now directed the meajEnires of the court, 
conscious of inability, and perhaps of neglect, dreaded 
the continuation of disasters, the efiect of which was 
VOL. IL e 



liv INTRODUCfnON. 

to make them every day personally more unpopular 
Onthb Two poems by Lydgate, here printed, seem to have 
OT pITct. ^^^^^ intended to promote the feeling in jEavour of 
peaoe thus desired by the ministers. The first consists 
chiefly of a general eulogy of peace, and concludes in 
wishing for a speedy peace between England and 
Onthb France. The second is equally indefinite in its lan- 
14^^ ^^ guage, though it contains more general allusions to 
the condition of the country ; it appears to have been 
written at the time of the truce with France in 1444, 
and it contains something like an intimation of dis- 
trust at the treaty then in agitation. The year fol- 
lowing saw the conclusion of this treaty, and the 
marriage of the young king with Margaret of Anjou, 
whose favouritism and spirit of political intrigue 
haatened the crisis which the disputes and jealousies 
of the feudal aristocracy of Ikigland were already 
preparing. One of its first results was the death of 
the duke of Gloucester, while attending the parlia- 
ment at Bury «6t Edmund's, in 1446, under circum- 
stances which justify a strong suspicion that he was 
murdered, and the popular party did not hesitate in 
laying the crime to the charge of the queen and her 
jbvourite Sufiblk. Gloucester's old Vival and opponent, 
cardinal Beaufort, followed him to the grave in 1447. 
The great chie& who had continued to labour with 
some success in keeping together the remains of the 
English power in France were now nearly all dead 
or unemployed, and disasters followed one another in 
rapid succession in that country, and increased the 
exasperation of the popular party at home. Normandy 
was invaded, and Bouen, Caen, and the other places 
held by English garrisons in that duchy, fell into the 
hands of the French. Amid the agitation caused in 
England by these events, songs and poetry, as a means 
of promoting the general discontent and spreading the 
spirit of resistance to the government which was then 



INTBODUCTION. Iv 

begiBning to manifefit itself, were used more largely, 
and assumed a bolder character^ A few of these have 
been accidentally preserved, and afford extremely in- 
teresting illustrations of the history of the turbulent 
reign of Henry VI., though they are full of minute allu- 
sions which it would require very extensive research, 
and would, perhaps, now be hardly possible, to explain. 
There is, among the charters in the Cottonian 
Library in the British Museum, a roll of vellum, 
marked iL 23, which haa belonged to a partizan of 
the popular cause at the time of the proceedings 
against the duke of Suffolk and Cade's rebellion, that 
is, in the years 1450 and 1451. This individual, who- 
ever he was, has copied into his roll a great variety 
of political matter, such as a copy of the articles 
against the duke of Suffolk, the written demands of 
the commons of Kent assembled under Jack Cade, 
lists of persons involved in some of the events of 
the time, the duke of York's declaration to the 
king, one or two rather long metrical prophecies, 
and interspersed with the others a few political songs, 
which are printed in the present volume. The earliest On thb 
of these, which may be as old as the year 1449, ^^^^^^'^ 
is a sort of lament over the state of our foreign affairs, tent at 
The writer tells with regret how the old warriors who '^^'sas- 
had established our continental power were dead, and Feange. 
how the work they had raised was falling to pieces ; 
how the king was led by courtiers who cared not 
for the interests of their country ; and how the duke 
of York, who was now becoming the popular hero, 
had been obliged to retire into Ireland to consult his 
own safety. In these political troubles it was cus- 
tomary to speak of the leaders by their signs or 
badges, which were as well known as their names or 
titles, and which had the advantage of being more 
comprehensive, as they were worn by their followers, 
who were thus recognized at a glance. The song of 

e2 



Ivi 



INTRODUCTION. 



On thb 
asrbst of 

THB 
OF StJF. 
FOLK, 



which I am speaking has a peculiar interest from the 
circumstance that, while the badges only are given in 
the text, an interlinear gloss in the manuscript has 
placed over them the name of the individual to whom 
each belonga The next of these songs is a chant of 
DuKEJ^y on the committal of the duke of Suffolk, here 
designated as the fox, and as Jack Napes, the popular 
name for a monkey. Suffolk is accused of having 
'' tied Talbot our dog," meaning, I presume, that he 
had designedly left him without the means of carrying 
on the war effectually. He is frui^her charged with 
the murder of the duke of Gloucester ; and it is 
recommended that his enemy, the earl of Salisbury, 
should be his confessor, and that he should be forth- 
with hanged at Tyburn. Some rather obscure lines 
at the end contain another allusion to the retreat of 
the duke of York to Ireland. 
Oh Bishop The third of the songs from the Cottonian Roll is 
directed against the unpopular prelate, bishop Soothe, 
who had been promoted entirely by court fSavour 
during the time that Suffolk was the fiEtvourite. Wil- 
liam Boothe had been originally a jurist, but he sub- 
sequently embraced the clerical profession, and in 1447 
obtained the bishopric of Coventry and Litchfield. 
The first Norman bishop of Litchfield had removed 
the see to Chester, and hence, although his successor 
carried it back (or, at least, took it to Coventry, from 
whence it was half restored to Litchfield), it continued 
long to be popularly 'called the bishopric of Chester. 
In these popular songs Boothe is always called bishop 
of Chester, and he is spoken of by that title in docu- 
ments of a more serious character.' In this song 



Booths. 



> As in the following list of on- 
popolar persons "endited'' at 
Rochester, which is giTen in the 
same Cottonian Roll, ii. 23, fh)m 
which these songs are taken : — 



*' These ben the namys that were 
enditede at Rowchestre afore the 
cardynalle of Yorke, bysshoppe of 
Cantnrbnry, and the dnke of 
Bokyngham, etc., in the feste of the 



INTBODUCTION. 



Ivii 



Boothe is accused of having obtwied his bishopric by 
simony; and the writer of it seems also to charge 
him with ignorance, for he tells him to leave '^prac- 
" tising on the privity of prince's power/' to follow the 
plough/ or to become a carter. The bishop is charged 
with usury, as well as simony, and of paying little 
attention to his clerical duties. The covetousness of 
men in power, he says, was the ruin of ancient Bome, 
and such was likely to be the cas» in England also. 
The bishop is spoken of in this song as an old man, 
suffering from palsy, and as nevertheless sacrificing 
his duties to his personal interest, in '' praying for 



ABtumpcioiin of onre lady and (?) 
festo Laorencii, anno r. r. Henrici 

Johan Snttone de Dnddeleyein 
com. Stafforde, alias dictiu 
Jolian Snttone miles de Lon* 
done, 2. 
• Jolian Trevyliane, nuper de Lon- 
done, anniger, 2. 

Johan Say, nnper de Londone, 
anniger, 2. 

Alida de la Poole, nnper nxor 
Willelmi Poole dncis Suffolciae, 
nnper de Newelme in comitatn 
Oxon., 2. 

Johannes Polsforde, nnper de 
London., anniger, 2. 

Thomas Kent, de London., gen- 
tyllmane, alias dictns T. K. 
c^eiicnsconsilii domini regis, 2. 

Johan Penycole, nnper de Lon- 
don., armiger. 

Thomas Hoo, de Hastynge in 
oomitata Sussex., miles, of, 2. 

Beginaldns abbas Sancti Petri 
Glonoestrise, o( 2. 

Jacobns Ff^nys, dominns de 
Say,j. 



T. Stanley, miles, of, j. 
Bdmnndns Hongurforde, ot, j. 
Willelmns Minors, armiger, j. 
Edmnndus Hampdene, miles, j. 
John Halle, armiger, j. 
Thomas Danielle, armiger, j. 
Thomas Thorppe, gentilman, J. 
Johan Blakeney, gentilmane, j. 
Dominns Johannes Fforstkew, of, 

j. miles. 
Johannes Gargrove, j. 
Walter Liarde, episcopns Nor- 

wic.,j. 
Bieardos Wodvile, dominns de 

Byvers, j. 
Bobertns Manselde, armiger, j. 
Maister Johan Somers, j. 
Edwardns Grymstone, armiger, j 
Willelmns Booth, episcopns Ces* 

trifle, j. 
Johannes Stanley, armiger, J. 
Palmere. 
Tressame. 
Fanmpage. 
Gryffwolde. 

2. Hamptone essquiere, rest 
2. Hargraye in the Towre." 



Iviii INTRODXTCJTION, 

" the party that all the world cried out on." The voice 
of the oppresfled, we are told, complained of the prince, 
" and of the priest eke," and he warns them of ap- 
proaching vengeance. As an example of how little 
was gained by the givers of false judgments, he reminds 
h im of the case of Trevilian. After some further 
reflections on the evil-doing and treasonable designs of 
the bishop's "sect,'' or party, and an appeal to God 
to guide the king "better than he had been guided, and 
to rescue him from the influence of men like the earl 
of Suffolk, ** and firom all his foes," the writer of the 
song calls upon Boothe to bridle himself and not be 
too bold, and above aU things to " cast away covet- 
" ousness." In 1453 Boothe was further promoted to 
the archbishopric of York, and he died in 1464. 
A Wabk- The next of these popular compositions is addressed 
^l^ to the lords of the court, and contains a warning for 
Hbkbt. the king himself. The courtiers who ruled the king 
are called upon tb restore the grants they had 
obtained from him, for they had reduced him to 
such poverty that he was obliged to " beg from doqr 
'* to door" through his tax-gatherers. The lord trea- 
surer Say and Daniel are exhorted to set the first 
example of this good work. Untruth, oppression, and 
evil-doing prevailed throughout the land much more 
than the king knew ; but vengeance was at hand. 
The *' traitors " believed that they were too cunning 
to be caught, and that their opponents had not the 
power to punish them ; but, says the writer, " we 
" swear by him that harrowed hell that they shall 
" remain no longer in their heresy and false belief." 
So poor a king and such rich nobles were never seen 
before; while the commons could support their bur- 
dens no longer, in spite of the resolution of the lord 
Say to tread them under foot. The earl of Suffolk 
had sold Normandy, and now sought to make the 
king take upon himself the blame of his treason. It 



rNTRODUcrnoN. lix 

was evident that Suffolk was taking advantage of the 
king's innocence, and, unless the commons of England 
came to the assistance of their liege lord, that noble- 
man would usurp the crown. The king would do 
well to let these traitors no longer go loose, for they 
were aU sworn to hold fast together. The writer con- 
cludes with a condemnation of the conduct of the late 
chancellor Wainflete, bishop of Winchester, and a 
strong assertion of the truth of what he states con- 
cerning the wrongs of the people. This is followed Vemm 
by a short but more direct attack on the duke of ^^^^^J^ 
Suffolk ; and those who support him are warned that, of Sot- 
if they did not abandon him and seek popular ^^"^* 
favour, punishment would overtake them within three 
months. 

The spirited ballad which follows, taken from an- On the 
other manuscript in the British Museum, has for its^J^^^ 
subject the death of the favourite, the duke of Suffolk, op Scp- 
It commemorates the accident by which, in the plesr^'^ 
sant month of May, Jack Napes, as the favourite is 
here termed, who had gone to sea to be a mariner, 
was arrested by death on the way ; and how Nicholas, 
which was the name of the ship which stopped him, 
and was possibly taken by the writer for the name 
of a person (unless it were the name of the ship's 
commander), volunteered to be his confessor. Tie 
principal ecclesiastics and laymen are introduced 
taking different parts in the exequies of the deceased 
favourite. Among the ecclesiastics thus introduced are 
two who appear to have been especially unpopular, the 
bishops of Coventry and Litchfield (already mentioned) 
and of Norwich. It is worthy of remark that the 
latter is here called Walter Liard, instead of Walter 
Hart, which is the name by which he is known in 
all our lists of bishops. Nevertheless he is also un- 
doubtedly named Liarde in the list of persons indicted 
at Bochester, given in the note on page Ivii. of 



Iz JNTBODUCnON. 

this Introdaction. In some lists of the bishop of Nor- 
wich he is called Hart or Le B[art» 

In the present volume these songs are followed by 
a few short poems, more general in their satire, most of 
which appear to have been written just before the dvil 
wars between the rival houses of York and Lancaster. 
They are found scattered through contemporary manu- 
On thb scripts in different collections. The first of these oom^ 
Tiom or pl^'^ ^ general terms of the absence of wisdom ijnd 
THB TniEs. truth from the state, and the prevalence of falsehood 
and guile. So completely was the just order of things 
overthrown, that, the writer says, it might be well 
said, that the blind man was guided by him who 
could not see, or, in the language of the time, ^'the 
" bysom ledys the blynde," and this proverb is made 
the burden of the song. The writer complains, among 
many other grie&, that poor men were raised to be 
peers of the land, and that maintainers, or men who 
supported their dependants in doing wrong, and men 
ignorant of the laws, were made the dispensers of 
justice ; that robbers and men who only looked to 
their private gain were established in the place of 
righteousness ; that in .the consistory courts the ofE* 
cials and deans sold their judgments for money ; that 
friars, contrary to nature, were made confessors to 
the chief ladies of the land ; that the prelates made 
a traffic of holy church, selling their pardons and ab- 
solutions; that the holiness which prevailed among 
them ^'came out of hell;''' and that the commons 
loved not the great. Sin thus reigned supreme, and 
it was to be feared that evils would fall upon the 
land such as those which had been brought by sin 
upon France and Flanders. The next of these pieces 
is similar to the other in purpose and tone. It pro- 
fesses to show ''how mischance (or misfortune) reigns 
'' in England;" and in the same way ascribes it to 
the sins of all ranks and of all dasaes of society. 



INTBODUCTION. Ixi 

All this time the persecution of the Lollards con- 
tinued, though we hear perhaps less of them in con- 
sequence of the preoccupation of men's minds with 
the political crisis. The first piece here given is curious Against 
as being a ballad against the religious ref ormers, ^^^^ '^ 
and belongs probably to the earlier part ot the reign 
of Henry VI., or perhaps to that of Henry V, The 
writer pretends that, till lately, he did not know 
what ** Lollards " were, but now that he did know it, 
he was astonished that anybody should be so^unwise 
as to incur the risk of being burnt by meddling 
with questions which they did not understand Above 
all things, he says, it was contrary to nature for a 
knight, whose business it was to defend castles for 
his king, to '' babble " about the Bible day and night 
It is hardly necessary to say that the allusion is to 
Sir John Oldcastle, the martyr, whose name was long 
a sort of watchword among the persecuted Wydiffites. 
The allusion becomes more pointed as we go on. It 
is not worth the wages, he continues, to remain with 
such a captain, who is but an ''old castle/' all in 
ruin, and who secretly laboured to raise tumults 
against the king and his clergy. After representing 
the Lollards as wolves who had introduced themselves 
treacherously among the sheep, he proceeds again with 
his punning sarcasm. The castle, he pretends, the 
walls of which were overthrown, was not fit for a 
king's residence, especially when the captain had fled, 
and forsaken bow and spear, in order to ''creep from 
" knighthood into clergy." "For I trow," he adds, 
" there is no knight alive who would have done so 
" open a shame, for it is no gentleman's game to 
" study or dispute in that craft.'* The writer calls 
for the execution of the law upon men who, he inti- 
mates, only sought riot and robbery under pretence of 
religious reform; and he blames their contempt for 
images, their want of reverence for the saiats who 



brii 



INTBODlTCnON. 



To THE 
KlNO. 



A Politi- 
cal Pro- 

PHBCT. 



AOAINST 
THE 

Fbiass. 



Onthb 
Corrup- 
tion OF 
Public 
Manners. 



had been canonized by the church, adding an allusion 
to some recent occurrence in Kent, where the Wy- 
cliffites had beheaded the image of St. James. In 
some rather obscure Latin rh3rming verses, preserved 
in a contemporary manuscript belonging to the library 
of Merton College, Oxford, the king is called upon to 
protect the clergy againgst the attacks of the laity, 
and the people are blamed for their ingratitude towards 
their sovereign. A short metrical prophecy follows, 
which is more obscure in its English than the Latin 
verses which precede. We are informed that certain 
disastrous occurrences are to take place, and among 
them a battle on the banks of the Humber, "when 
" Rome shall be removed into England, and every 
** priest shall have the pope's power in hand." An- 
other short poem, from a manuscript in Trinity 
College, Cambridge, is written in alternate lines of 
English and Latin, and presents a very violent attack 
upon the friars. They are accused of leading people 
to hell, and of being themselves possessed by the seven 
mortal sins. They were, according to this account, 
false and deceitful, and extremely immoral, so that it 
was dangerous for a man who had wife or daughters 
to let them enter his house. No lord could afford 
to build such a house as these men, who pretended 
to live by begging, erected for themselves, so that 
you might imagine them to be coiners, and therefore 
traitors to the king. Another short English poem 
of the same age, after exclaiming against the extra- 
vagant apparel of the courtiers and "proud gallants,"' 
again attacks the church and the " pope-holy "* priests, 
whose conduct was the reverse of their preaching, 
who obtained advancement by simony, and who were 
as proud and extravagant in dress as the courtiers. 
They are admonished to keep within their monasteries, 
instead of wandering about ; and not to reprove other 
people till they set a better example themselves. If 



INTRODUCTION. Ixiii 

they did their duty as they ought, they might restore 
peace to the land. Two or three shorter scraps inEpioiiAMs 
English verse may be classed under the head of epi- p^^ 
grams. One makes love complain of being exiled byExTRAVA- 
envy, and ascribes it to the long beards which ^'^^^ 
people wore hanging down to the breasi Another 
states that England had been ruined by extravagance 
in dress, great oaths, bribery, flatterers, and false 
deeds. A third describes England as in a state of 
universal contention, and says that the land con- 
tained much people of light consciences ; many knights, 
who had little power ; many laws, with little justice ; 
many acts of parliament, and few of them properly 
kept ; little charity, but much flattery ; many a 
penniless gallant; great show of living, upon small 
wages; and many gentlemen, but few pages or ser- 
vants. A few lines in Latin, on the same subject, Ow the 
Mow. . ^^'^ 

When we return again to the poems on political On the 
events, we meet with an ahnost solitary example of ^*^^^o"st. 
a ballad, the subject and tone of which are of a more Paul's. 
cheering character. The first battle of St. Albon's 
had been fought, and had added family feuds to the 
political divisions, and everything announced the ap- 
proach of a sanguinary civil war. But suddenly an 
outward pacification was effected, and it was arranged 
that the great lords of the rival factions should 
mutually forgive each other, and that there should 
be a public reconciliation. This took place on the 
25th of March 1458, when the king and queen and 
the reconciled chie6 walked in procession to St. Paul's 
to celebrate so joyfdl an event. The ballad here printed 
was written to celebrate this reconciliation. " Charity,'' 
it was believed (as we here learn), had at length 
driven wrath out of the land, and had paved the way 
for wealth and prosperity. The foreign enemies, who 
had rejoiced at our divisions, were now "quaking** 



hdv iNTRODUcrriOK. 

with fear at the report that peace at home had suc- 
ceeded division. Sorrow had fled with shame into 
France, "as a felon that hath forswome this land/' 
and love had driven out " malicious governance." The 
great lords had laid aside their feuds, so that England 
might now enjoy concord and unity. The king and 
queen, and the great lords, went in friendly procession 
to St. Paul's on Lady-day, and showed to one another 
" lovely countenance," which France and Brittany 
would have cause to rue. It was the archbishop of 
Canterbury and the bishop of Winchester who had 
brought about this "love-day." The ballad ends with 
an eulogy of the city of London. The contending fac- 
tions had now become those of York and Lancaster. 
The songs A manuscript preserved in the librazy of Trinity 
*™^jj^^_ College, Dublin, of a few years' later date than the 
nuscript. Cottonian roll, has, like it, a few very interesting 
political songs, which, with one from another MS. in 
the same library, we^e published by Sir Frederic 
Madden in the twenty-ninth volume of the Archseo- 
logia of the Society of Antiquaries. They commence 
with the date of the public reconciliation just described. 
The first in date is the single song from the last- 
mentioned manuscript, where it is stated to have been < 
written in the year 1468, and is the work of a 
Lancastrian partisan. Henry VI. is represented under 
the form of a ship, with the young prince Edward for 
a mast. The ship's light was a blazing cressett, 
representing the duke of Exeter, and its strong stern 
was the duke of Somerset. The sail-yard was the earl 
of Pembroke, the stay the duke of Buckingham ; and 
the shrouds consisted of the lords Devonshire, Grey, 
Beauchamp of Powik, and Scales. The earl of North- 
umberland, with Ros, Clifford, and Egremont, formed 
the sail ; the earl of Shrewsbury was the top-mast ; 
and the ship had three good anchors, the lords 
Beaumont, Welles, and Bivers. Si George is appealed 



INTRODUCTION. Ixv 

to for protection for this stately ship. The other 
Dublin manuscript has belonged, most certainly, to a 
Yorkist, and it was evidently written dining the years 
1460 and 1461. The earliest of the songs contained 
in it, writteh about the month of May in the former 
year, gives a list of the Yorkist leaders, and enume- 
rates their qualities. Another commemorates the 
battle of Northampton, fought on the 10th of July 
1460, and appears to have been composed between 
that time and the month of September. The Yorkists 
were now again the victorious party, but intrigue was 
soon active against them, and another of those poems 
in the Dublin manuscript, composed in the month of 
December, is a warning to them to be on their guard. 
A song, printed in the same volume of the Archseologia, 
from a manuscript in the archiepiscopal library at 
Lambeth, celebrates the entry of Edward IV. into 
London, at the beginning of March 1461. The last of 
the songs in the Dublin manuscript cdfaimemorates 
Edward's decisive victory at Towton. 

To return to the poems printed in the present Epitaph 
volume, the death of Bichard duke of York, the hero J^chard 
of the earlier period of the wars of the roses, is here ^^^^^^^b of 
commemorated, and his titles and qualities and great ^^'* 
actions enumerated, in an epitaph in French verse, 
stated to have been composed by '* Chester the herald.^' 
A Latin poem, composed by a rather well known monk On ths 
of St Alban's, John de Wethamstede (called sometimes ^^ 
in Latin Johammes Frumenta/rms or de Loco Frumenti), 
soon after the battle of Towton, in not very elegant 
Latin, gives an accoimt of the previous civil wars as 
far, chiefly, as they concerned the town and abbey of 
St. Alban's, and the object of the writer seems to have 
been to protest against the predatoiy propensities of the 
northern troops who formed the army of Margaret of 
Anjou. He gives his name at the end under the 
affected concealment of puns, and informs us that when 



IXVi INTBODUCTION. 

it was written he was an aged man, and that he was 
both deaf and blind. His poem begins with an account 
of the first battle of St. Alban's, in which the Lancas- 
trians were defeated, and their chiefe, the earl of 
Northumberland and the duke of Somerset, slain. The 
Lancastrians, the writer tells us, fled like children from 
the rod and many of them sought refuge in the abbey, 
and, in their terror, concealed themselves under the stalls 
of the church, or in any other hiding-places they could 
find. After the battle the victorious troops of the 
duke of York fell to plundering the town« and the 
monk who wrote these verses looks upon it as a 
miraculous intervention of his patron saint that the 
king, instead of flying to the abbey, sought refuge in 
a house in the middle of the town, and thus the 
abbey escaped plunder. A brief account of the battle 
of Wakefield, in which the duke of York was slain, 
follows, and we have then a description of the second 
battle of St. Alban's, in which the abbey was less 
fortunate. The monk speaks indignantly, and no 
doubt feelingly, of the barbarous conduct and rapacity 
of the northern troops, and narrates with evident joy 
the arrival and triumph of Edward, and the sanguinary 
punishment which he inflicted on the northern plun- 
derers on Towton field. The poem' concludes with a 
statement of Edward's claims to the English crown, 
and a comparison between him and the feeble monarch 
to whom he had succeeded. 
APoLiTi- A poem, in English, written at the commencement 
of the reign of Edward IV., gives a sort of retrospect 
of the history of the Lancastrian dynasty, composed in 
a strongly Yorkist point of view. The author praises 
highly the prosperous reign of Eichard II., and speaks 
of the base usurpation of Henry of Lancaster, who had 
dethroned ''this righteous king, God's true knight," 
and thrown him into prison. " The blessed confessor," 
archbishop Scrope, took his death '^ full patiently "' in 



CAL Re* 

TRQBPSGT. 



INTRODUCTION. Ixvii 

that quarrel.Ta3 *• said Henry," for his tyr anny and 
usurpation, was struck with leprosy, of which he died. 
The glory of his son, Henry V., was still too recent, 
and his name too popular, to allow of his being spoken 
of with disrespect ; and, although he " reigned unright- 
** ftdly," he had held up the honour of England But 
no language was too strong to describe the bad 
qualities of his ill-fated son, and more especially of his 
consort queen Margaret, whose reign had been one of 
continuous misrule. In speaking of the sanguinary 
struggle which had paved the way of the house of 
York to the throne, and which had proved so fatal to 
the English nobility, the writer of this poem compares 
England to a garden which had been many years 
overgrown with weeds, and which required to be 
'^ mown dowia plain" before the "pleasant sweet 
" herbs " could have a chance of growing. He quotes 
Edward's victories, and his constant good fortune, as 
an acknowledgment from heaven of his worthiness and 
right, and praises highly the earl of Warwick, "the 
" load-star of knighthood, bom of a stock that ever 
" shall be true/' 

Edward's fortune, however, was destined to change On the 
once, and Warwick's trueness to be put to a trial in ?^^Tf *^ 
which it fedled. The next poem in the present volume, Thronb 
a longer English poem than the preceding, commemo- ^I^d jv. 
rates Edward's return from exile in 1471 to z^cover 
his crown. 

After at least warm praise of king Edward, the 
writer tells how, when he landed in Holdemess, the 
people were unwilling to join him, and showed him 
unkindnete. He, however, made his way to York 
in spite of his enemies, and when the people of that 
city had a sight of his person, "their malice was 
" quenched,'* and they joined him. He proceeded thence 
to Fontefract, to the great chagrin of the marquis 
Montague, who durst not meet him. At Coventry 



Ixviii INTRODUCTION. 

Edward was in want of meat, drink, and lodging for 
his army, yet he prepared to give battle to the 
earl of "Warwick. He was here reconciled with his 
brother the duke of Clarence, but he remained long 
without being able to bring Warwick to fight, until 
" want of lodging and victual " obliged him to change 
his quarters, and he proceeded to London. At 
Daventry, a miracle — " an image which was closed 
" brake open suddenly " — was manifested in the abbey 
as a token of victory. The citizens of London 
received him with great joy, and he there took 
prisoners "a king and a clerk." He went by water 
from London to Westminster, where he resumed the 
crown and sceptre, and offered his devotions at the 
shrine of St. Edward. The meeting between Edward 
and his queen and children was very tender, but he 
was soon called away to meet his enemies in the field. 
The night before the battle of Bamet witnessed an- 
other miraculous sign in Edward's favour, for a bright 
star was seen to shine over his head. The battle is 
described at some length, after which the king returned 
to London, where his presence was very desirable. The 
bastard Falconberg had collected a multitude of fight- 
ing men, with whom he plundered the country roxmd, 
and attempted to force his way into the capital, but' 
he was successfully resisted by the citizens at London 
Bridge, the outer gate of which was burnt by the 
assailants. In another assaoilt they applied gunpowder, 
as well as fire, and destroyed all the btdldings up to the 
drawbridge, but they could get no further. They also 
attacked Aldgate, and burnt fair houses there, but the 
earl of Essex and the aldermen, with the citizens, 
went out at Bishopegate, and, falling upon them, put 
them to flight. The earl of Eivers, too, happening to 
be in London, did great service, and, placing himself 
at the head of the citizens, attacked the Kentish men, 
and defeated and pursued them with great slaughter. 



INTRODUCTION. Ixix 

After this defeat the Kentish men dispersed, while 
king Edward came to London with his forces. The 
duke of Gloucester, " that noble prince," — " grace him 
" foUoweth, fortune, and good speed," — with the earl 
of Pembroke, and the lord chamberlain and others, 
rode in the king^s advanced guard of eight thousand 
men, and was joyfuUy received by the citizens. King 
Edward knighted eight aldermen on the field of battle. 
The king, accompanied by the duke of Clarence, 
followed with a smaller division of his army, and was 
received and welcomed by at least twenty thousand 
men. They rode through the city to St. Paid's, to 
offer up thanks for their success. The ballad ends 
with some lines in praise of Elizabeth, Edward's queeiL 
It is rather curious that the author of this poem, 
who was evidently a contemporary, and probably a 
Londoner, should make the bastard Falconberg's attack 
upon London follow immediately after the battle of 
Bamet. 

The last poem in the present collection is somewhat Or Emo- 
similar in subject to the Libel of English Policy, fix)m ^J^mr- 
which the first lines are taken, but it is much shorter, oial 
Like that poem, its theme is the supremacy which ^"^^* 
England ought to secure by her navy and coqeimerce. 
There was no man, the writer says, of whatever degree, 
who had not absolute need of three things, meat, drink, 
and dothea England, he said, possessed all these three 
articles in abundance, and of one there was a great 
superfluity, but the people neglected to make the most 
of this advantage. Other countries produced meat and 
drink for their inhabitants, but it was dear that they 
depended upon England for dothing, for merchants 
firom them all came here to purchase either the raw 
material or the doth that was made of it. The 
writer here gives a list of the ooimtries which then 
traded with England, adding that there were doubt- 
less many others with the names of which he was not 
VOL. II. f 



IxX INTBODUCnON. 

aoquaintedy for he ooigectiiFed that all the nations 
under heaven, whether Christian or heathen, had need 
of our English commodities. He recommends that 
none but wool of the worst quality should be ex- 
ported ; because, as the coarse doth could only be sold 
at a low price, while the various processes of Tnalring 
the cloth were nearly as expensive as in the fine 
cloth, so the profit of this coarse doth to the 
makers was very small. The next point to which 
this writer calls attention makes us acquainted with 
rather a curious &ci A custom had, he says, been 
recently introduced among merchants and doth-makersi 
which was very unjust and oppressive to the poor 
workmen, whom they compelled to take half of their 
wages in merchandise. This plan forther enabled the 
employers to cheat those they employed, by giving 
them merchandise at a nominal value, which was 
double its true worth, so that it was an indirect 
manner of couBiderably diminishing their wages. ^Thus, 
'* the poor had the labour, and the rich the gain.'' 
The writer demands an ordinance, or act of parliament, 
to compd the employers to pay the wages of their 
workmen in money. This system of paying wages in 
goods seems to have prevailed very extensively, and 
is represented as not only creating much misery among 
the poor, but as being in many cases a disadvantage to 
the employers themsdves, and generally to the coun- 
try, as it prevented the development of the national 
industry. This, the writer teUs us, was especially the 
case in the mines, and he proposes a rather mngnUr 
remedy. He asks for the establishment of a mint 
near the mines, and an ordinance that all the silver 
brought up should, as soon as it was refined, be coined 
on the spot, and that the men should receive their 
pay in this newly-coined money before any of it waa 
carried away. If this were the case, he says, people 
would be glad to work, and the number of workmen 



INTRODUCTION. Ixxi 

would be increased tenfold^ and necessarily the more 
workmen were employed in the mines the greater 
quantity of silver would be derived from than ; thus 
the king himself, and through him the whole king- 
dom, would be enriched. In the same way, by mak- 
ing all the fine wools into cloth at home, and paying 
the workmen fairly, money would be brought into 
the country, and a great source of national wealth 
transferred from our enemies to ourselves. The sug- 
gestions contained in this poem furnish a very in- 
teresting illustration of the social condition of the 
English workman and of the state of English manu- 
factures in the fifteenth century. 

This is the last poem of a political character with 
which I am acquainted which comes within the limits 
of the present collection. It is hardly necessary to 
state that the texts in the present volume have been 
edited,, from the original manuscripts, on the same 
principles which were observed in the former. It may 
perhaps, however, be right to state that the plan 
adopted in the first volume was to collect together all 
the songs and short poems of a political or historical 
character, belonging to the period, which have been 
preserved, whether they had been previously printed 
or not; but as it has been since decided that 
poems which have previously been printed in works 
generally known and easy of access, such as the 
Archseologia^ should not be re-edited here, that plan 
has, to a certain degree, been abandoned in the second 
volume, and such only have been re-edited aa have 
previously appeared in books less likely to be gene- 
rally known. I have thought it weU at the same time, 
to prevent any inquirers who may be using this 
book from overlooking poems which have been printed 
elsewhere, to notice in the present Introduction all 
those which have been omitted 

The Glossary of English words given at the end of 



Ixxii INTRODUCTION. 

the volume has no further pretensions than to aAsist 
the reader in understanding the texts. The English 
poems belong to periods scattered over a century and 
a half ; and they are just of that popular class which 
present the varying peculiarities of the language^ and 
which contain a great number of words of a populaa* 
or . trivial character, which perhaps only occur once 
in the writings with which we are aoquainted, and to 
the exact meaning of which we have hardly any due. 
It would be ahnost impossible, under such circum- 
stances, to attempt anything like a systematic philo- 
logical dictionary of the English language, as exhibited 
in these various examples;* and I have contented 
myself with giving an index of the obsolete words or 
less intelligible forms, and explaining as many of 
them as I can. 



POLITICAL POEMS. 

Vol. IL 

Complimentary Verses on King Henry IV.^ 

By John Govver. 

Sequitar carmen uncle magnijicus rex noster Henri- 
CU8 prcenotatVfS apud Deuni et homines cum omni 
henedictwiie glcnnficetur. 

Rex cceli Deus et Dominus, qui tempera solus 

Condidit, et solus condita euneta regit ; 
Qui rerum causas ex se produxit, et ununi 

In se principium rebus inesse dedit ; 
Qui dedit ut stabili motu consisteret orbis, 

Fixus in seternum mobilitate sua ; 
Quique potens verbi produxit adesse creatn, 

Quique sua) mentis lege ligavit ea; 
Ipse caput regum, reges quo rectificantur, 

Teque tuum regnum, rex pie, qujeso regat. 
Grata superveniens te misit gratia nobis, 

O sine labe salus, nulla par ante fuit. 
Sic tuus adventus nova gaudia sponte reduxit, 

Quo prius in luctu lachryma major erat. 
Nos tua milities pavidos relevavit ab imo, 

Quos prius oppressit ponderis omne malum. 
Ex probitate tu.a, quo mors latitabat in umbra 

Vita resurrexit claraque regna regit. 



» From MS. Cotton. Tiberius 

A. iv. fol 166, r**. It is found in 

most of the manuscripts of Gower's 

Latin poems; and has here been 

VOL. II. 



collated with a copy in the MS. of 
Gower's poems in possession of the 
duke of Sutherland, now preserved 
alTrentham. 

f A 



2 POLITICAL POEMS. 

Sic tua Rors sortcm mediante Deo ronovatam 

Sanat et emendat, qnvc \m\is segra fuit. 
O pie rex, Christum per se laudamus, et ipsiim 

Qui tibi nos tribuit terra reviva colit. 
Sancta sit ilia dies, (pia tu tibi regna petisti, 

S<anctus et lUc Deus qui tibi regna dedit. 
Qui tibi prima tulit, confirmet regna futura, 

Quo poteris magno magnus honore firui. 
Sit tibi progenies ita multiplicata per a)vum, 

Quod genus inde pium repleat omne solum. 
Quicquid in orbe boni fuerit tibi summus ab alto 

Donet, ut in terris rex in lionore regas. 
Omne quod est turpe vacuum discedat, et omne 

Est quod honorificum det Deus esse tuum. 
Consilium nullum, pie rex, te tangat iniquum, 

In quibus occultum scit Deus esse dolum. 
Absit avaritia, ne tangat rcgia corda, 

Ncc queat in terra proditor esse tua. 
Sic tua processus habeat fortuna perennes, 

Quo recolant laudes ssocula cuncta tuas. 
Nuper ut Augusti fuerant prsBConia Roma), 

Concinat in gestis Anglia la3ta tuis. 
tibi, rex, sevo detur fortissime nostro 

Semper honorata sceptra tenere manu. 
Stcs ita magnanimus quod ubi tua regna gubemas, 

Terreat has partes hostica nulla manus. 
Augeat imperium tibi Christus et augeat cinnos, 

Protegat et nostras aucta corona fores. 
Sit tibi pax finis, domito domineris in orbe, 

Cunctaque sint humeris inferiora tuis. 
Sic honor et virtus, laus, gloria, paxque, potestas, 

Toque tuum regnum magnificare queant. 
Cordis amoro boni, pio rex, mea vota paravi, 

Corpore cum nequii sei-vio mente tibi. 
Ergo tufB laudique tuo geniflexus honori 

Verba loco doni pauper habenda tuli 
Est tamen ista mei, pie rex, scntentia verbi. 

Fine tui rcgni sint tibi regna poll. 



COMPLIMENTAKY VEBSES ON KING HENRY IV. 

H. aquilas pullus quo nunquam gratior ullus, 
Hostes confregitquo tyrannica colla aubegit. 
H. aquilio copit oleum quo regna recepit, 
Sic veteri juncta stipiti nova stirps redit uncta. 



Epistola brevis v/nde viHutes regico Tnoralea ad aanum 
regvmmi ampliori Tnemoria dirigantur, 

O recolcnde bone, pie rox Henricc, patrone, Notade 

Ad bona dispone quos cripis a Pharaona '^ 

Noxia depone quibus est humus Iifoc in agone 
Eegni persona) quo vivant sub ratione. 
Paeem compone, vires moderare corona), 
Legibus impone fraenum sine conditionc, 

Firmaque sermono jura tcnere mono. 
Rex confirmatus licet imdique magnificatus, Notade 

Sub Christo gratus, vivas tamen immaculatus. 
Est tibi praelatus, comes et baro, villa, senatus, 
Miles et armatus, sub lego sua raoderatus. 
Dirige quosque status, maneas quo pacificatus, 
Invidus, elatus, nee avarus erit sociatus. 

Sic eris omatus, purus ad omne latus. 
HflBC ut amans quibit Gower, pie rex, tibi scribit; Notade 
Quo pietas ibit, ibi gratia nidla peribit, 
Qui bone describit, semet mala nulla subibit, 
Sed pius exibitque Dei pietate redibit. 
Sic qui transibit, opus et pietatis adibit, 
Hunc Deus ascribit, quod ab hoste perire nequibit ; 

Et sic finibit, quia pia vota bibit. 
Quanto regalis honor est tibi plus generalis, Notade 

Tanto moralis virtus tibi sit spccialis. p?rtione. 

Sit tibi camalis in mundo regula qualis 
Est tibi mentalis in Christo spiritualis. 
Si fiierit talis, tua chronica perpetualis 
Tunc erit lequalis perfectaque ^aterialis. 

Rex immortalis te regat absque roalis. 

A 2 



POLITICAL POEMS. 



Address of John Gower to Henry IV.* 

Electus Christi, pie rex Henrice, fuisfci, 
Qui bene venisti cum propria regna petisti ; 
Tu mala vicistique bonis bona restituisti, 
Et populo tristi nova gaudia eontribuisti. ^ . 
Est mihi spes lata quod adhuc per te renovata 
Sueeedent fata veteri probitate beata. 
Est tibi nam gi'ata gratia sponte data. 

O worthi noble kyng Henry the fertile, 
In whom the glade fortune is befalle 

The poeple to governe uppon erthe, n 

God hath the chose in comfort of ous alle, 

The worschipe of this lond, which was doun falle, 

Now staut upriht thurgh grace of thi goodnesse. 

Which every man is holdc for to blesse. 

The high God, of his justice allone, 
The right which longeth to thi regalie 

Declared hath to stondc in thi persone ; 
And more than God may no man justifie. 
Thi title is knowe uppon thin ancestrie, 

Tlic londes folk hath ek thy riht affermed ; 

So stant thi regne, of God and man confermed. 

Ther is no man mai seie in other wise 

That God him self ne hath the riht declared, 

Whereof the lond is boun to thi servise, 
Which for defalte of help hath longe cared; 
But now ther is no mannes herte spared, 

To love and serve, and wirche thi plesance, 

And al is this thurgh Godes pourveiance. 



* This poem was inserted in the I is here printed from a contemporary 
old black-letter editions in folio of i manuscript in the possession of his 
the collected works of Chaucer. It I grace the duke of Satherland. 



ADDRESS OF JOHN GOWER TO HENRY IV. , 5 

In alle thing which is of God begonne, 

Ther folwith grace, if it be wele govenied ; 

Thus tellen thei whiche olde bookes conne, 
Whereof, my lord, y wot wcl thou art lemed. 
Axe of thi God, so schalt thou noght be werned 

Of no reqwest, which is resonable ; 

Ffor God unto the goode is favorable. 

King Salomon, which hadde at his axinge 
Of God what thing him was levest to crave, 

He ches wisdom unto the goveniynge 

Of Goddls folk, the whiche he wolde save, 
And as he ches it fel him for to have ; 

Ffor thurgli his wit, whil that his regno laste, 

He gat him pes and reste imto the laste. 

Bot Alisaundre, as telleth his histoire, 
Unto the God besoghte in other weie. 

Of all the world to winne the victoire 
So that undir his swerd it might obeie ; 
In werre he hadde al that he wolde preie, 

The myghti God behight him that beheste, 

The world he wan, and had it of conqwcste. 

« 

Bot thogh it fel at thilke time so. 

That Alisandre his axinge hath achieved, 

This sinful world WJis al paiene tho. 

Was non which hath the hihe God believed, 
No wonder was thogh thilke world was grieved, 

Thogh a tiraunt his pom-pos mihto winne ; 

Al was vengaunce and infortune of sinne. 

Bot now the feith of Crist is come aplace 
Among the princes in this crthe hiere» 

It sit hem wel to do pite and grace ; 
Bot jit it mot be tempred in manere ; 
Ffor as thei finden cause in the matiere, 

Uppon the point, what aftirward betide, 

The lawe of riht shal noght be leid aside. 



POLITICAL POEMS. 

So mai a kyng of werre the viage 

Ordeigno and take, as he therto is holde, 

To cleime and axe his rightful heritage 
In alio places wher it is withholde ; 
Bot other wise if Qod him silve wolde 

Afferme love and pes betweu the kynges, 

Pes is the besto above alio erthely thinges. 

Good is teschue werre, and natheles 

A kyng may make werre uppon his right; 

Ffor of bataille the final ende is pes. 

Thus stant the lawe, that a wortlii knyght 
Uppon his trouthe may go to the fight; 

Bot if so were that he myghte chese, 

Betre is the pees, of which may no man lese. 

To store peace oghte every man aljrve, 
Ffirst for to setto his liege lord in reste, 

And ek these otliro men that thei no stryve, 
Ffor so this world mai stonden ate beste. 
What kyng that wolde be the worthieste, 

The more ho myghte oure dedly wen-e cesse, 

The more he schulde his worthinesse encresse. 

Pes is the chief of al the worldes welthe, 
And to the heven it Icdoth ek the wcie ; 

Pes is of soule and lif the mannes helthe 
Of pestilence, and doth the werre awoic. 
My liege lord, tak hiede of that y seie,- 

If wen*o may be lefte, tak pes on honde, 

Which may not be withoute Goddis sonde. 

With pes stant every creature in reste ; 

Withoute pes ther may no lif be glad ; 
Above alio othre good pes is the beste ; 

Pes hath him self when werre is al bestad ; 

The pes is sauf, the werre is ever adrad ; 
Pes is of al charitie the keie. 
Which hath the lif and soule for to weie. 



ADDRESS OF JOHN COWER TO UENRY IV. 7 

My liego lord, if that the list to seche 

The sotlie ensamples that the werre hath wroght, 
Thou schalt wiel hiere of wise mennes speche, 

That dedly werre turneth into noght. 

Ffor if these olde bokea be wel soght, 
Ther myght thou se what thing tlie werre hath do, 
Both of conqueste and conquerour also. 

For vein honour, or for the worldes good, 
Thei that whilom the stronge werres made, 

Wher be thei now, bethenk wel in thi mod ; 
The day is gone, the nygth is derk and fade. 
Her crualtd, which mad hem thanne glade, 

Thei sorwen now, and ^it have noght the more; 

The blod is sehad, which no man mai restore. 

The werre is modir of the wronges alle ; 
It sleth the prest in holi chirche at masse, 

Fforlith the maide, and here flour tofalle ; 
The werre maketli the grete citee lasse. 
And dothe the lawe his reules ovcrpasse. 

There is no thing wherof meschef mai growe. 

Which is noght caused of the werre, I trowe. 

The werre bringth in poverte at hiso hieles, 
Wherof the comon poeplo is sore grieved ; 

The werre hath set his cart on tliilke whieles, 
Wher that fortune mai noght be believed. 
Ffor whan men wenc best to have achieved, 

FuUe ofte it is al newe to beginne; 

The werre hath no thing siker, thogh he win lie. 

Forthi, my worthi prince, in Grists halve 
As for a part, whos feith thou hast to guide, 

Leic to this olde sor a newe salve, 

And do the wen'o awei, what so betide ; 
Pourchaco pes, and sette it be thi side, 

And suffro noght thi poeple be devoured ; 

So schal thi name ever after stonde honoured. 



POLITICAL POEMS. 

If eny man be now, or ever was, 
A^cin the pes thi prev(5 counseilloiir, 

Lcte God been of thi counseil in this cas, 
And putte awei the cruel werreiour. 
Ffor God, which is of man the creatour, 

He wolde noght men slowe his creature, 

Withoute cause of dedly forfeture. 

Wher nedeth most, behoveth mast to loke; 
Mi lord, how so thi werres ben withoute 

Of time passed, who than hiede toke, 

Good were at hom to se riht wel aboute, 
Ffor evermor the werste is for to doute ; 

Bot if thou myghtest partit pes atteigne, 

Ther schulde be no cause for to pleigne. 

Aboute a kyng good coimseil is to preise, 
Above alle othre thinges most variable ; 

Bot ^it a kyng withinne him self schal peise, 
And se the thinges that ben resonable ; 
And theruppon he schal his wittes stable, 

Among the men to sette pes in evene, 

Ffor love of liim which is the kyng of hevene. 

Ha ! wel is him that schedde never blod, 
Bot if it were in cause of rihtwisnesse. 

Ffor if a kyng the peril undirstod, 

What is to sle the poeple, thanne y gesse 
The dedly wen'es and the hevynesse, 

Wherof the pes distourbid is ful ofte, 

Schulde at som time cesse and wexe softe. 

O kyng, fulfilled of grace and of knyghthode, 
Eemembre uj^pon this point for Cristes sake ; 

If pes be profred unto thi manhode, 

Thin honour sauf, let it noght be forsaka 
Though thou the werres darst wel undii-take, 

Aflir reson jit tempre thi corage, 

For lich to pes ther is non avantage. 



ADDRESS OF JOHN GOWER TO HENRY IV. 

My worthi lord, thenke wel how so befalle 
Of thilke lore, as lioli bokes sein, 

Crist is the heved, and we ben membres alle, 
As wel the subjit as the sovereign: 
So sit it wel, that charit(5 bo plein, 

Which unto God him selve most accordeth, 

So as the lore of Cristes word recordeth. 

In tholde lawc, er Crist him self was bore, 
Among the ten comandementz y redo 

How that manslaghtre schulde be forbore ; 
Such was the wille that time of the Godhede; 
But aflirwaixls, whanno Crist tok his manhede. 

Pes was the ferste thing he let do crie 

A^ein the worldes rancour and envic. 

And er Crist wente out of this erthe liiere, 
And stigh to hevene, he made his testament, 

Wher he beqwath to liis disciples there 
And ^af his pes, which is the foundament 
Of charite, withouten whos assent 

The worldes pes may never wel be tried, 

Ne love kept, ne lawe justefiod 

The Jewes with the paiens hadden wen*e, 
Bot thei among hem self stode evere in jxis ; 

Whi schulde thanne oure pes stonde out of herre, 
Which Crist hath chose unto his oghne encres? 
Ffor Crist is more than was Moises, 

And Crist hath set the parfit of the lawe, 

The which scholde in no wise be withdrawe. 

To jive ous pes was cause whi Crist dide, 
Withoute pes may no thing stonde availed ; 

Bot now a man mai sen on even side, 
How Cristes feith is every dai assailed. 
With the paiens destruied, and so batailod 

That for defiilte of help and of defence, 

Unethe hath Crist his dewe reverence. 



10 POLITICAL POEMS. 

The righte feitli to kepo of holy chirche. 
The firste point is named of knyghthode ; 

And everi man is holdc for to wirche 

XJppon the point which stant to his manhode. 
Bot now, helas ! the fame is sprad so broode, 

That everi man this thing compleigneth, 

And pt ther is no man which help ordeigneth. 

The worldes cause is waited over al, 
Ther ben the werres redi to the fuUe, 

Bot Cristes oghne cause in special, 

Ther ben the swerdes and the speres dulle; 
And with the sentence of the popes bulle, 

As for to do the folk paien obeie, 

The chirche is turned al another weie. 

It is to wonder above any mannys wit, 

Withoute werre how Cristes feith was wonne ; 

And we that ben uppon this erthe ^it, 
Ne kepo it noght tis it was first begonne. 
To every creature undir the sonne 

Crist bad him self, how that we schulden preche. 

And to the folk his evangile techa 

More light it is to kepe than to make ; 

Bot that we founden made tofore the hond 
We kepe noght, bot lete it lightly slake. 

The pes of Crist hath al tobroke his bond ; 

We reste our solve, and soeflSdn every lond 
To slcn cell other, as thing undefcndid; 
So stant the werre, and pes is noght amendid. 

Bot thogh the heved of holy chirche above 
Ne do not al his hole businesse 

Among the men to sette pes and love, 

These kynges oughten of here rightwissnesse 
Here oghne cause among hem self rodresse ; 

Thogh Peters schip as now hath lost his stiere, 

It lith in hem that barge for to stiere. 



ADDEESS OF JOHN GOWEB TO HENRY IV. 11 

If holy cherche after the duet^ 

Of Cristas word ne be noght al avysed 

To make pes, acord, and unit^ 

Among the kinges that ben now devised, 
^it natheles the lawe stant assised 

Of mannys wit to bo so resonable, 

Withoute that to stonde hem selve stable. 

Of holy chirche wo ben children alle, 
And every child is holden for to bowe 

Unto the modir, how that ever it falle, 
Or eUes he mot reson desalowe. 
And for that cause a knyght schal ferst avowe 

The right of holi chirche to defende, 

That no man schal the previlege oflFende. 

Thus were it [good] to setten al in evene, 
The worldes princes and the prclatz bothe, 

Ffor love of him wliich is the king of hevcne; 
And if men scholde algato wexe wrothe, 
The Sarazins, whiche unto Crist be lothe, 

Let men ben armed atein hem to fighte. 

So mai the knight his dedo of annes righte. 

Uppon thre pointz stant Cristes pes oppressed ; 

Ffh'sfc holy chirche is in her silf divided, 
Which oughto of reson first to be redressed, 

Bot jit so highe a cause is noght decided. 

And thus whan humble pacience is prided, 
The remenaunt, which that thei schulden reule, 
No wonder is though it stonde out of reule. 

Of that the heved is sick, the limes akcn ; 

These regnes that to Cristes pes belongen, 
Ffor worldes good these dedly werres makon. 

Which heliples as in balance hongen. 

The hdVed above hem hath noght undirfongen 
To sette pes, bot every man sleeth other, 
And in this wise hath charity no brother. 



12 POLITICAL POEMS. 

The two defaltcs bringen in the thridde, 
Of miscreantz, that sen how we debate, 

Betwene the two thei fallen in amidde, 
Whcr now ul dai thei finde an open gate. 
Lo, thus the dedly werre stant algate ; 

Bot evere y hoi)e of king Henries grace, 

That he it is which schal the pes embrace. 

My worthi noble prince and kyng enoignt, 
Whom God hath of his grace so preserved, 

Beholde and se the world uppon this point, 
As for thi part, that Cristes pes be served ; 
So schal thin highe mede be reserved 

To him which al schal qwiten ate laste, 

Ffor this life hiere mai no while laste. 

See Alisandi-e, Ector, and Julius, 

See Machabeu, David, and Josue, 
See Charlemeine, Godefroi, Arthus, 

Ffulfild of werre and of mortality. 

Here fame abit, bot al is vanity ; 
Ffor deth, which hath the weiTes under fote. 
Hath made an end of which ther is no bote. 

So mai a man the sothe wite and knowe. 
That pes is good for eveiy man to have ; 

The fortune of the werre is evere unknowe, 
Bot wher pes is, ther Ijen the marches save. 
That now is [up], to morwe is under grave, 

The might i God hath alle grace in honde, 

Withouten him jjes mai noght longe stonde. 

Off the tenetz to winne or lese a chase, 
May no lif wite er that the bal be ronne; 

Al stant in God, what thing man schal pourchace, 
Thende is in him er that it be begonne. 
Men sein the woUe, wliannc it is wel sponne, 

Doth that the cloth is strong and profitable. 

And elles it mai never be durable. 



ADDRESS OF JOHN GOWER TO HENRY IV. IS 

The worldes chaunoes uppon aventure 
Ben evere sett, bot tliUke chaunce of pes 

Is so behoveli to the creature, 

That it above alle othre is piereles ; 
Bot it mai noght begete natheles 

Among the men to lasten eny while, 

Bot wher the herte is plein withoute guile. 

The pes is a3 it were a sacrement 

Tofore the God, and sehal with wordes pleine, 
Withouten eny double entendement 

Be treted, for the trouthe can noght feine; 

Bot if the men withinne hem self be veine, 
The substance of the pes may noght be trewe, 
Bot every dai it chaungeth uppon newe. 

Bot who that is of charity perfit. 

He voideth alle sleightes ferr aweie, 
And sett his word upon the same plit, 

Wher that his herte hath found a siker weie ; 

And thus whan conscience is trewly weie, 
And that the pes bo handlid with the wise, 
It sehal abide, and stonde in alio wise« 

Thapostle seith, ther mai no lif be good 
Which is noght grounded uppon charity, 

Ffor charity ne schedde nevere blod; 
So hath the werre as ther no proprit^. 
Ffor thilke vcrtu which is seid pit^ 

With charite so ferforth is acqweinted. 

That in here may no fals semblant be peinted. 

Cassodre, whos writinge is auctorized, 

Seith, wher that pitd regneth ther is grace, 

Thurgh which the pes hath al his welthe assised, 
So that of werre he dredeth no manace. 
Wher pit^ dwelleth in the same place 

Ther mai no dedly cruelty sojome, 

Wherof that merci schulde his wei torne. 



14 POLITICAL POEMS. 

To He what piW forth with mercy doth, 
Tlie cronique is at Rome in thilke empire 

Of Constantin, which is a tale soth ; 

Wlian him was levero his oghne deth desire 
Than do the ^onge cliildren to martire, 

Of crualtd he lafte the querele, 

Pit^ he WToghte, and pitd was his hele. 

For thilke mannes pit6 which he dede, 
God was pitous, and mad him hoi at al ; 

Silvestre cam, and in the s<ame stcde 
^af him baptLsme first in special, 
Which dide awai the sinne orgin<al, 

And al his lepro it hath so purified 

That his pit^ for ever is magnified. 

Pitd was cause wlii this emperour 
Was hoi in bodi and in soule botho ; 

And Rome also was set in thilke honour 
Of Cristes feith, so that the licue of lothe. 
Which bidden be with Crist tofore wrotlie, 

Resteined were unto Cristes lore ; 

Thus schal pitd bo prcised evermore. 

My worthi liege lord, Henri be name, 

"Which Engelond hast to govcme and righto, 

Men oghten wcl thi pitd to proclame. 
Which openHche in al the worldes sighte 
Is shewed, with the help of God almighte 

To ^ive ous pes, which longe hath be dcleated; 

Whcrof thi pris schal nevere ben abated. 

My lord, in whom hath ever ^it be founde 

Pitd, withoute spot of violence, 
Kep thilke pes alwei withinne bounde 

Which God hath planted in thi conscience; 

So schal the cronique of thi pacience 
Among the seintz be take into memoire, 
To the loenge of perdurable gloire. 



ADDRESS OF JOHN GOWER TO HENRY IV. 15 

And to thin erthli pris, .so as y can, 
Which everi man is holde to commende, 

I, Gower, which am al thi liege m<an, 
This lettre unto thin excellence y sende, 
As y which evere unto my lives ende 

Wol praie for the stat of thi persone, 

In worschipe of thi sceptre and of thi throne. 

Noght only to my king of pes y write, 
Bot to these othre princes cristene alio, 

That ech of hem his oghne herte endite, 
And sese the werre er mor meschiefe falle. 
Sette ek the rightful pope uppon his stalle, 

Kep charity, and draugli pit^ to lionde, 

Maintene lawe, and so the pes schal stondc. 



Explicit cai'men de pcuds conimendatione, quod ad 
latidem et memoriam serenisaimi pHncApis 
djomini regis Henrici . quarti 8^ms humilis 
orator Johannes Gower coniposuit 

Henrici quarti primus regni fuit annus 

Quo mihi defecit visus ad acta mea. 
Omnia tempus habent, finem natura ministrat, 

Quem virtute sua frangere nemo potest. 
Ultra posse nihil quamvis mihi velle remansit, 

Amplius ut scribam non mihi posse manet. 
Dum potui scripsi, sed nunc, quia torva senectus 

Turbavit sensus, scripta relinquo scholis. 
Scribat qui veniet post me discretior alter, 

Amodo namque manus et mea penna silent. 
Hoc tamen in fine verborum quacso meorum, 

Prospera quod statuat regna futura Deus. 

Eacplidt 



16 



POLITICAL FORMS. 



Jacke Upland.* 

1401. 

I, Jacke Upland, make my inone to very God, 

and to all true in Christ, 

that Antichrist and his disciples, 

by colour of holines, 

walking and deceiving Christs church 

by many false figures, 



I This violent attack on the 
friars by one of the WycUflSte party 
has been preserved by being in« 
serted in the early printed black- 
letter folios of the works of Chaucer, 
from whence it is here printed. The 
old editor was quite ignorant of the 
fact that it was composed in allitera- 
tive verse, and either he, or some one 
from whom he had it, has altered it 
so ranch, with the view apparently 
of removing the obscurity which 
seems to a certain degree insepar- 
able from this class of old English 
poetry, by using common words 
for obsolete ones, and adding words 
and phrases to explain the meaning, 
that much of the alliteration and 
rhythm is lost. I give it verbatim 
from this printed text, except that 
I have arranged it in lines as 
nearly as I can make them from 
a knowledge of the rhythm of 
this class of versification. A com- 
parison with the alliterative poem 
which follows will enable us to 
restore a good deal of it to its 
original form. The poem alluded 
to is a reply by a friar to the attacks 
of Jack Upland, and this latter is 
accompanied by a rejoinder which 



contains an allasion which enables 
us to fix the date of all three. The 
writer throws in the teeth of his 
opponent a recent act of justice of 
Henry IV., who had hanged certain 
traitorous friars : — 

" And the kyng by his jnges trwe 

" execute his lawe, 

"As ho did now late, 

" Whan he hanged ^ou traytours." 

There can be no doubt that this 
refers to the event thus recorded 
in Capgrave's Chronicle, p. 278 : 
" About the fest of Pentecost that 
" same ^ere [May, 1401], certeyn 
" men whech had conspired the 
'' kyngis deth, &c. ... a prest . . . 
" was take at Ware .... The 
" prest for his laboure was hang and 
" drawe. So was a chanon priour 
** o Lawne, whech mite a lyved 
" but for his tunge. So were cer- 
** teyn religions men, and specialy 
** of the menouris order, endited of 
" treason and hanged.'* It is most 
probable that all these poems were 
composed during the year 1401 ; 
the last in date of them must have 
been written very soon after the 
event just mentioned. 



JACKE UPLAND. 17 

where through (by Antichrist and hia) many vertues 

been transposed to vices. 

But the felliest folke 

that ever Antichrist found, / 

been lasfc brought into the church, 

and in a woonder wise ; 

for they been of diverse sects of Antichrist, 

sown of diverse countries and kindreds. 

And all men knowne well that 

they bee not obedient to bishops, 

ne leege men to kings ; 

neither they tillen ne sowen, 

weeden ne reapen, 

wood, com, ne grasse, 

neither nothing that man should helpe, 

but onely themselves, 

their lives to susteine. 

And these men han all manner power 

of God, as they seyn, 

in heaven and in yeartli, 

to sell heaven and hell 

to whom that them liketh ; 

and these wretches weet never 

where to been themselves. 

And therefore, freer/ if thine order and rules 

been grounded on Goddis law, 

tell thou mee, Jacke Upland, 

that I aske of thee, 

and if thou be or thinkest to be on Christen side, 

keepe thy paciens. 

Saint Paule teacheth that all our deedes 
should be do in charitie^ 
and els it is nought worth, 
but displeasing to God, 
and harme to oure soules. 
And for that freers challenge 
to be greatest clerkcs of the church, | 

VOL. II. B 



18 POLITICAL POEMa 

and next following Christ in living, 

men should for charitie 

ask them some questions, 

and pray them to ground their answeres 

in reason and holy -writ ; 

for eke their answer would nought be woorth, 

be it flourished never so £aire, 

and, as me thinke, men might skilfully 

aske thus of a freer. 

1. Freer, how many orders bee in earth? 
and which is the peifectest order? 

of what order art thou ? 

who made thine order? 

what is thy rule? 

is there any perfecter rule 

than Christ himself made ? 

If Christs rule be most perfect, 

why rulest thou thee not thereafter? 

Without more, why shal a freer 

be more pimished, 

if he break the rule 

that his patron made, 

than if he break the heats 

that God himself made. 

2. Approveth Christ any more religions 
than one that saint James speaketh of? 
If hee approveth no more, 

why hast thou left his rule, 

and takest another? 

Why is a freer, apostata, 

that leveth his Order, 

and taketh another sect, 

sith there is but one religion of Christ? 

8. Why be ye wedded faster to your habits 
than a man is to his wife? 
For a man may leave his wife for a year or two, 
as many men done ; 



JACKS UPLAND. 19 

and if you leave your habite a quarter of a yeare, 
ye should be holden apostataes. 

4. Maketh your habit you 
men of religion or no ? 
If it doe, then ever as it weareth, 
your religion weareth; 
and after that your habit is better, 
your religion is better ; 
and when yee have liggen it beside, 
then lig ye your religion beside you, 
and been apostataes. 
"^ Why buy ye you so precious dothes, 
sith no man seeketh such, 
but for vaine glorie, 
as saint Qregorie sayth? 
What betokeneth your great hood, • 
your scaplerie, , 

your knotted girdle, , 

and your wide cope ? 

6. Why use ye all one colour 
more than other christian men doe? 
What betokeneth that ye been clothed 
all in one manner clothing? 
If yee say it betokeneth 
love and charitie, 
certes then ye be oft hypocrites, 
when any of you hateth another, 
and in that that ye wol be said holy 
by your clothing. 

Why may not a freer weare clothing 
of another sect of freers, 
sith holinesse stondeth not 
in the cloths? 

6. Why hold ye silence in one house 
more than another, 

sith men ought over all to speake the good 
and leave the evill? 

B 2 



20 POLITICAL POEMS. 

Why eat you flesh in one house 
more than in another, 
if your rule and your order be perfect, 
and the patron that made it? 

7. Why get ye your dispensations 
to have it more easie? 

Certes either it seemeth 
that yee be unperfect, 
or he that made it so hard, 
that ye may not hold it. 
And siker, if ye hold not 
the rule of your patrons, 
ye be not then her freers, 
and so ye lie upon your selves. 

8. Why make yon as dede men, 
when yee be professed, 

and yet ye be not dede, 

but more quicke beggars than you were before? 

And it seemeth evil a dede man 

to go about and beg. 

9. Why will ye not suflfer 
your novises hear 

your councels in yom: chapter house, 
ere that they have ben professed, 
if your councels been true 
and after Gods law? 

10. Why make yee so costly houses 
to dwell in, sith Christ did not so, 
and dede men should have but graves, 
as falleth it to dede men? 

And yet ye have more courts 

than many lords of England ; 

for ye now wenden throgh the realme, 

and ech night will lig 

in your own courts, 

and so mow but right few lords doe. 

11. Why heire you to ferme 



JACKE UPLAND. 21 

your limitors, 

giving therefore each yeare 

a certain rent, 

and will not suffer one 

in anothers limitation, 

right as yee were your selves 

lords of countries ? 

Why be ye not under your bishops visitations, 

and leege men to our king? 

Why aske ye no letters of bretherheads 

of other mens praiers, 

as ye desire that other men 

should Bfike letters of you ? 

If your letters be good, 

why grant ye them not generally 

to all manor of men, 

for the more charitie? 

12. Mowe ye make any man 
more perfect brether for your prayers, 
than Gtod hath by our beleeve, 

by our baptisme and his owne grant ? 

If ye mow, certes, 

then ye be above God. 

Why make ye men beleeve 

that your golden trentall sung of you, ^ 

to take therefore ten shillings^ 

or at least five shillings 

will bring soules out of hell, 

or out of purgatorie ? 

If this be sooth, certes, 

yee might bring all soules out of paine ; 

and that wol ye nought, 

and then ye be out of chaiitie. 

13. Why make ye men beleeve y 
that he that is buried 

in your habit 

shid never come in hel. 



22 POLITICAL FOfMS, 

and ye wefrt not f/f your «elfe 

whither yee nliall to hell or no? 

And if tliiij were HO<^;th, 

ye should nell your high hou«e« 

Uf make many habites 

for to nave many mens Boules. 

14. Why Hteal ye menfl children 
for to make hem of your sect, 
Hith that theft is against Gods hests, 
and Bith your sect is not perfect? 
Yee know not whether the rule that yee bind him to 
I JO hewt for him or worst. 

16. Why undememe yee not your brethren 
{()T their trenpasse after the law of the gospell, 
Mith that undememing 
iH the best that may be ? 
But ye put them in prison oft, 
when they do after Gods law; 
and by saint Augustines rule, 
if any doe amisse, 
and would not amend him, 
ye should put him from you. 

16. Why coveit ye shrift and burjdng 
of other mens parishens, 
and none other sacrament 
that falloth to christian folke? 
WJiy busio yo not to heare 
to shrift of ])oore folke, 
as well as of rich, 
lordos and ladies, 
aith they mow have more plentie 
of shriftrfathera than poore folke mow ? 
Why say yo not the gospel 
in ]iouBi>8 of l>cdred men, 
as ye do in ricli mens, 

that mowe goo to church and heare the gospell? 
Why covet you not to burie 



JACKE UPLAND. 23 

poor folk among you, 

sith that they been most holy, 

as ye saine that ye ben for your povertie? 

17. Why will ye not be at her diriges, 
as ye have ben at rich mens^ 

sith Qod praiseth him more 

than he doth other men? 

What is thy prayer worth, 

sith thou wilt take therefore? 

For all chapmen yee need to bee most wise 

for dread of simonie. 

What cause hast thou that thou wilt not preach the gospel, 

as Qod saith that thou sholdst, 

sith it is the best lore^ 

and also our beleeye? 

Why be ye evill apaid 

that secular priests 

should preach the gospell, 

sith Qod himselfe hath bodden hem ? 

18. Why hate ye the gospell to be preached, 
sith ye be so much hold therto? 

For ye win more by yeare / 

with In prmdpio, 

than with all the rules 

that ever your patrones made. 

And in this minstrels 

ben better than ye; 

for they contrarien not 

to the mirths that they maken, 

but yee contrarien the gospell, 

both in word and deed. 

19. Freer, when thou receivest a penie 
for to say a masse, 

whether sellest thou Gods bodie for that penie, 
or thy praier, or els thy travellt 
If thou saiest thou wolt not travell 
for to say the masse but for the penie, 



24 POLlTICiX FOEBiS. 

that certes if this be sooth, 

then thou lovest too litle meed for thy sou]e ; 

and if thou sellest Gods bodie, other thy prayer, 

then it is very simonie^ 

and art become a chapman worse than Judas, 

that sold it for thirtie pence. 

20. Why writest thou hir names in thy tables 
i that yeveth thee mony, 

sith God knoweth al thing? 

For it semeth by thy writing 

that God would not reward him, 

but thou writest in thy tables, 

God would els forgotten it. 

Why bearest thou God in hand, 

and slanderest him, 

that he begged for his meat, 

sith he was lord over all? 

For then had he beene unwise, 

to have begged and have no need thereto. 

Freer, after what lawe 

rulest thou thee? 

Where findest thou in Gods lawe 

that thou shouldest thus beg? 

21. What manner men 
needeth for to beg? 

For whom oweth 

such men to beg? 

Why beggest thou 

so for thy bretheren? 

If thou saiest, for they have need, 

then thou doest it for the more perfection^ 

or els for the least, 

or els for the meane. 

If it be the most perfection of all, 

then should all thy brethren do so, 

and then no man needed 

to beg but for him self, 



JACKE UPLAND. 25 

for 80 should no man beg 

but he needed. 

And if it be the least perfection, 

why lovest thou then other men 

more than thyselfe? 

For so thou art not well in charitie, 

since thou diouldest seek the more perfection, 

after thy power living 

thy self most after God ; 

and thus leaving that imperfection, 

thou shouldest not so beg for them. 

And if it is a good mean, 

thus to beg as thou doest, 

then should no man do so, 

but they been in this good meane ; 

and yet such a mean granted to you may never 

be grounded on Gods law, 

for then both lerid and leaud 

that ben in meane degree of this world, 

should go about 

and beg as ye do. 

And if all should do so, 

certes well nigh all the world 

should go about 

and beg as ye done, 

and so should there be ten beggers 

against one yever. 

Why procurest thou men 

to yeve the their almes, 

and saiest it is so needful, 

and thou wilt not thy selfe 

win thee that meed. 

22. Why wilt thou not beg 
for poore bedred men 
that bin poorer 
than any of your sect, 
that liggen and mow not go about ) 



26 POLITICAL PO£lf& 

to help him selfes ? 

Sith we be aU brethren in God, 

and that bretherhed passeth 

any other that ye 

or any man could make. 

And where most need were, 

there were most perfection; 

either els yee hold them 

not your pure brethren, 

but worse, but then ye be 

imperfect in your begging. 

Why make ye so many 

maisters among you, 

sith it is against the teaching 

of Christ and his apostles ? 

23. Whose ben all your rich courts that yee han, 
and all your rich jewels, 
sith ye seyen that ye han nought 
ne in proper ne in common ? 
If ye saine they ben the popes, 
why gather yee then of poore men and lords 
so much out of the kings hand 
to make your pope rich, 
And sith ye sain that it is great perfection 
to have nought in proper ne in common, 
why bee ye so fast about to make 
the pope, that is your father, rich, 
and put on him imperfection? 
Sithen ye saine 
that your goods been all his, 
and he should by reason 
be the most perfect man, 
it seemeth openlich 
that ye been cursed children 
so to slander your father 
and make him imperfect. 
And if yee saine that the goods be youra^ 



JACKE UPLAND. 27 

then do ye ayenst your rule. 

And if it be not ayenst your nilcj 

then might yo have 

both plough and cart, 

and labour as other good men don^j 

and not so to beg by losengery, 

and idle, aa ye done. 

If yee say that it is more perftiction t^ beg, 

than t<) travell or to worcli with your liand, 

why preach ye not openly, 

and teach all men to do so, 

sith it h the best and mo^ perfect life 

to the help of tlieir soules, 

m ye make children to beg, 

that might have bin rich heirs? 

Why make ye not 

your feasts to poor© men, 

and yeveth Inra yefty, 

as yee done to the rich^ 

sith poore men han 

moi-e need than the rioli f 

What betokeneth that ye go<i / 

fcweine and tweiiie togither ^ 

If ye be out of chaiitie, 

yc accord not in sonle. 

Why beg ye and take salaries therto 

more than other pries ts^ 

sith hee that most taketh, 

most charge hath ? 

24 Why hold ye not saint Franm ^ 
nile and bis testament, 
aith Francis naith that God shewed him 
this li\^ng and this rule ? 
and cei^s, if it were Gods wiU, 
the pope might not fordo it, 
or els Francis was a licr, 
that saied in this wise. 



r 



28 POLITICAL PO£lfS. 

And but thid testament that he made 

accord with Gods will, 

or els eri'ed, he is a lier, 

that were out of charitie ; 

and as the law saith, he is accui*sed 

that letteth the rightful last wU of a dead man. 

And this testament is the last will 

of Francis that is a dead man ; 

it seemeth therefoi'e 

that all his freers been cursed. 

25. Why will ye not touch no coined money 
with the crosse ne with the kings head, 
as ye done other jewels 
both of gold and silver? 
Certes if ye despise the crosse, 
or the kings head, 
then ye be worthy to be despised 
of God and the king ; 
and sith ye will receive money 
in your hearts, and not with your hands, 
it seemeth that ye hold more holinesse 
in your hands than in your hearts, 
and then be fia^lse to God. 
. 26. Why have ye exempt you from our kings lawes, 
and visiting of our bishops, 
more than other christen men 
that liven in this realme, 
if ye be not guiltie of traitorie to our realme, 
or trespassers to your bishops? 
But ye will have the kings lawes 
for the trespasse doe to you, 
and ye wil have power of other bishops 
more than other priests, 
and also have leave to prison your brethren, 
as lords in your courts, 
more than other folks han 
that ben the kings leege men. 



JACKE UPLAND, 29 

27. Why fllial some sect of you freers 
pay ech a yere a certaine 

to h^r generall provinciall or minister, 

or els to her sovereines, 

but if he steal a certaine number 

of children, as some men saine? 

And certes, if this ben sooth, 

then yee bee constreined upon certein pain 

to do theft, against Gods commaundement, 

Non fuHum fades, 

28. Why be ye so bardie to grant by letters t 
of fratemitie to men and women, 

that they shall have part and merite 

of all your good deedes ? 

And ye weten never whether Qod bee apayed 

with your deeds, because of your sinne. 

Also yee witten never whether that man or woman 

be in state to bee saved or damned, 

then shall he have ho merit in heaven 

for his owne deeds ne for none other mans. 

And all were it so that he should have 

part of your good deeds, 

yet should hee have no more that God woidd give 

him 
after that he were worthie ; 
and so much shall each man have of God's yeft, 
without your limitation. 

But if ye will say that ye been Gods fellowes, 
and that he may nought doe 
without your assent, 
then be ye blasphemers to God. 

29. What betokeneth 
that yee have ordeined, 

that when such one as ye have made 

your brother or sister, 

and hath a letter of your seale, 

that letter mought bee brought in your holye chapter, 



30 POLITICAL POEMS. 

and there be rad, 

or els yee will not pray for him. 

And but ye willen pray especially 

for all other that were not made 

your brethren or sistren, 

then were ye not in right charitie, 

for that ought to be common, 

and semely in ghostly things, 

30. Freer, what charitie is this, 

to overcharge the people by mightie begging, 

under colour of preaching, 

or praying, or masses singing? 

Sith holy write biddeth not thus, 

but even the oontrarie; 

for all such ghostly deedes should be done frely, 

as God yeveth them freely. 

31. Freer, what charitie is this, 
to beguile children 

or they commen to discretion, 

and bind hem to your orders, 

that ben not grounded in Gods law, 

agains hir friends will? 

JSithen by this foUie been many apostataes, 

both in will and deed, 

and many beene apostataes in hir will 

during ail her life, 

that would gladly be discharged, 

if they wist how ; 

and BO many ben apostataes, 

that shoulden in other states have been true men. 

32. Freer, what charitie is this, 
to make so many freers 

in every country, 

to the charge of the people ? 

Sith persons and vicars alone, 

ye, secular priests alone, 

ye, monkeg and cannons alone. 



JACKS UPUIND. 81 

with bishopB above them, 

were ynough to the church 

to doe the priests office. 

And to adde more than ynough, 

is a fonle errour, 

and great charge to the people, 

and this openly against Qods will, 

that ordained all thyngs 

to be done in weight, number, and measure. 

And Christ himselfe was apaied 

with twelve apostles and a fewe disciples, 

to preach and doe priests office 

to all the whole . world ; t 

then was it better doe than is nowe at this time, 

by a thousand dele. 

And right so as foure fingers 

with a thombe in a mans hand 

helpeth a man to worch, 

and double number of fingers in one hand 

should let him more; 

and so the more number that there were 

passing the measure of Gk>ds ordinaunce, 

the more were a man letted to worch; 

right so, as it seemeth, 

it is of these new orders 

that ben added to the church, 

without ground of holy write and Qods ordinance. 

33. Freer, what charity is this, 
to the people to He, 

and say that ye follow Christ in povertie 
more tiian other men done? 
And yet in curious and costly housing, / 
and fine and precious dothing, 
and delicious and liking feeding, ^ 
and in treasure and jewels, ^ 

and rich ornaments, 
fireers passen lords 
and other rich worldly men. 



iS POLITICAL P0Fai9. 

and soonest they should bring 

her cause about, 

be it never so costly, 

though Oods law be put abacke. 

34. Freer, what charitie is this, 

to gather up the books of holy write, 

and put hem in tresorie, 

and so emprison them 

from secular priestes and curats, 

and by this cautell 

let hem to preach the gospell 

freely to the people 

without worldly meed, 

and also to defame 

good priests of heresie, 

and lien on hem openly, 

for to let hem to show Oods law 

by the holy gospell 

to the Christian people. 

35. Freer, what charitie is this, 
to &ine so much holines 

in your bodily clothing, 

that ye dope your habit, 

that many blind fools desiren to die therein 

more than in another? 

And also that a freer that leveth his habit, 

late founden of men, 

may not be assoiled 

till he take it againe, 

but is apostata^ as ye saine, 

and cursed of Qod and man both ? 

Tlie fr^er beleeveth truth and patience, 

chastitie, meeknesse, and sobrietie, 

yet for the more part of his life 

he may soon be assoiled of his prior ; 

and if he bring home to his house 

much good by the yeare, 

bee it never so falsely 



JACKE TTPLAKD. 3S 

begged and pilled 
of the poore and needle people 
in countries about, 
he shall be hold a noble freer ; 
o Lord, whether this be charitie ! 
36. Freer, what charity is this, 
to prease upon a rich maUi 
and to intice him to be buried among you * 
from his parish church, 

and to such rich men give letters of fratemitie, 
confirmed by your generall scale, 
and therby to bear him in hand, 
that he shal have part of all. your masses, 
mattens, preachings, 
fastings, wakings, 
and all other good deeds 
done by your brethren of your order, 
both whilest he liveth, 
and after that he is dead ; 
and yet ye witten never whether your deeds 
be acceptable to Cfod, 
ne whether tjiat man 
that hath that letter 
be able by good living 
to receive any part of your deeds. 
And yet a poore man, 
that ye wite well or supposen in certen 
to have no good of, 
ye ne given to such letters, 
though he be a better man to Cjod 
than such a rich man. 
Neverthelesse this poore man 
doth not retch therof ; 
for as men supposen, 
such letters, and many other 
that freers behoten to men, 
be fuU false deceits of freers, 

VOL. IL c 



34 POUnCAL POKBCS. 

out of all reason^ 

and Oods law, 

and Christian mens faith. 

37. Freer, what charitie is this, 
to be confessors of lords and ladies, 
and to other mightie men, 
and not amend hem in hir living t 
but rather, as it seemetb, 
to be the bolder 
to pill hir poore tenants, 
and to live in lechery ; 
and there to dwell in your offioe of oonfeasor 
for winning of worldlie goods, 
and to be hold great 
by colour of such ghostly offices ? 
Tbia seemeth rather pride of froers, 
than charitie of Qod. 

88. Freer, what charitie is this, 
to fain that who so liveth after your order^ 
liveth most perfectlie, 
and next followeth the state of apostles 
in povertie and penance ; 
and yet the wisest and greatest clerkes of you 
wend or send or procure to the court of Home, 
to be made cardinals or bishops 
of the popes chaplens, 
and to be assoiled of the vow of povertie 
and obedience to your ministers; 
in the which, as ye sain, standetb most perfection 
and merit of your orders ; 
and thus ye &ren as Pharisees 
that sain one and do another to the oontrarie^ 

Why name ye more 
the patron of your order 
in your Confiteor, 
when ye begin masse, 
than other saints. 



JACKS UPLAND. 35^ 

apostles, or martyrs, 

that holy ohiirch hol<l[eth] 

more glorious than hem, 

and clepe hem your patrons 

and your avowries? ^ 

Freer, whether was saint i^^nois 
in making of his rule that he set thine order in, 
a foole and a liar, 
or else wise and true? 

If ye sain that he was not a foole, but wise, 
ne a liar, but true, 

why shew ye oontrarie by your doing, 
when by your suggestion. to the pope 
ye said that your rule that Francis made 
was so hard, 

that ye mow not live to hold it, 
without declaration and dispensation of the pope? 
And so by your deed, 
ne let your patron a foole, 
that made a rule so hard 
that no man may well keepe ; 
and eke your deed prooveth him a liar, 
where he saith in his rule, 
that he tooke and learned it 
of the Holy Ohost ; 

for how might ye for shame pray the pope 
undo that the Holy Qhost bit, 
as when ye prayed him to dispense 
with the hardnesse of your order? 

Freer, which of the foure orders 
of jfriers is best, 
to a man that knoweth not 
which is the best, 
but would fidne enter into 
the beet, and none other ? 
If thou saiest that thine is the best, 
then saiest thou that none of the other 

2 



86 POLITICAL POEMS. 

is as good as thine ; 

and in this ech freer in the three other orders 

wooll say that thou liest, 

for in the self same maner ech othor fireer 

wooll say that his order is best 

And thus to ech of the foure orders 

bin the other three contrary in this point, 

in the which if any say sooth, 

that is one alone, 

for there may but one 

be the best of foure. 

So foUoweth it that if ech of these orders 

answered to this question as thou doest, 

three were false, and but one true, 

and yet no man should wite who that were. 

And thus it seemeth that the nloet part 

of freers bin Or should be 

liars in this point, 

and they should answere thereto. 

If you say that another order of the freers 

is better than thine, or as good, 

why tooke ye not rather thereto as to the better, 

when thou mightst have chose at the beginiug? 

And eke why shouldst thou be an apostata, 

to leave thine order and take thee to that is better, 

and so why goest thou not 

from thine order into that? 

Freer, is there any perfecter 
rule of religion 
than Christ Qods sonne gave 
in his gospell to his brethren? 
or than that religion that saint James 
in his epistle maketh mention of? 
If you say yes, then puttest thou on Christ, 
that is the wisedome of God the Father, 
unkunning, unpower, 
and evill wiU ; 



JACKE UPLAKD. 37 

for ihen he could not make bis rule 
80 good as an other did his, 
and 80 he had be unkunning ; 
that he might not so make 
his rule so good 
as another man might, 
and 80 were he unmightie, and not Qod; 
as he would not make his rule 
80 perfect as another did his, 
and so he had bin eviU willed, 
namely to himselfe. 
For if he might, and could, 
and would have made a rule perfect, 
without defftult, and did not, 
he was not Qods Sonne almighty. 
For if any other rule 
be perfecter than Christesi 
then must Ohristes rule 
lacke of that perfection, 
by as much as the other 
weren more perfecter; 
and 80 were de&iUt, and Christ had failed 
in making of his rule ; 
but to put any defftylt or fiedling in Qod 
is blasphemie. 

If thou say that Christes rule, 
and that religion 

which saint James maketh mention of, 
is perfectest^ 
why boldest thou not 
thiike rule without more? 
And why depest thou the rather 
of saint Francis or saint Dominiks rule, 
or religion or order, 
than of Christes rule or Christes order? 
Freer, canst thou any default afsigne 
in Christes rule of the gospell, 



38 POLITICAL POEMS. 

with the which he taught all men 

sikerly to be saved, 

if they kept it to her ending ? 

If thou say it was too hard, 

then saiest thou Christ lied ; 

for he said of his rule, 

" My yoke is soft and my burden light" 

If thou say Christes rule 

WBS too light; 

that may be assigned for no de&ult, 

for the better it may be kept. 

If thou salst that there is no default 

in Christes rule of the gospell, 

sith Christ himself saith 

it is light and easie, 

what need was it to patrons of freers 

to adde more thereto, 

and so to make an harder religion to save freers 

than was the religion of Christes apoBtles^ 

and his disdples helden, 

and were saved by? 

But if they woulden that her freeni 

saten above the apostles 

in heaven for the harder religion 

that they keepen here, 

so would they sitten in heaven above Christ himselfe, 

for their more and streict observations, 

then so should they be better 

than Christ himself, with mischance. 

Go now foorth, and fraine your detks, 
and ground ye you in Gods law, 
and gif Jacke an answer ; 
and when ye han assoiled me 
that I have said sadly, 
in truth I shall soile thee 
of thine orders, 
and save thee to heaven. 



JACKM UPLAND, 



m 



If fretjrs kun not, or muw not, 
exciii^ti Lem nf thes^j r^uestiuJvH askril of lieui, 
it ^eometh tliat they be horribU' giltiij 
jigainst Gtnl aad lier L'ven cbriBtiiui j 
for wljich gilfc-s jiiid tleffuiltfl 
it were worthy tluit tlie onli^rt 
that they cal thuir orderj 
were fordoue. 

Ai\d it is woonder tliat men Kussteuiu lioni, 
or suffer hir livo in ^wch intiiUT. 
For kolie ^\Tite biikletli 
tbat tkoii do vraW to thi^ nie^ke, 
and give not to the wickctl^ 
hot forbed to give hem brearb 
lea.st they be nvA*]^.' fliereby 
mi gh tier tki^ougb yoo. 



Tee Reply of Friak Daw Topiar, ^virti Jack 
Upland's Rejoinder.'^ 



Ho shal graiuiteii tii ni}Ti eye 
a atrong streme of terew, 
to waikn and to ^veiiyu 



An answure to iLiJa tivti^ 

he callith hytii seU' Daw Tupiu^, 



T Tln?sc two all iterative pwms, n 
Tpply to nnd :i dftint'e of tLc prt^- 

Libr^- at OiibrO, il^i?. Uifc^^y, 



Nil. ^K f*A i-% t". !%■ alhif^iDD 
ivli]*^ti Hxi'si tbrvr dnt"" ^^is ulmitly 

VplLiml 



40 POLITICAL poe;ii3. 

the sorwynge of sjrxine ? 

for charity is cbasid 

and flemed out of londe, 

and every state stakerth 

unstable in him silfe. 

Now apperid the prophede 

that seint Joon seide^ 

to joyne therto Johel 

in his Both sawis ; 

the moone is al blodi 

and dymme on to lokyn, 

that signefieth lordship 

forslokend in synne ; 

the sterres ben on erthe throwun 

and &llen to the erthe^ 

and so is the comount^ 

treuli oppressid; 

the sunne is edipsid 

with al his twelve pointes, 

by errouie and heresie, 

that rengnith in the chirche. 



areB[oneth] Jak Uplondie. 

He groundith hjm upon seven thynges, 

as his ordre askith, 

lesynges with losengery, 

cursynges and false glose, 

chidyng with blasfemie 

or chyteryng as chow^es. 

Thow saist thi name is Dawe, 

it may rith wel be so ; 

ffor thou hast condiciounes 

of a tame ^ chowte. 

He chiterith and he bribiih 

alle that he may gete ; 



* I have ventured to read the I in the MS. and cannot be read with 
word thus, but it is nearly efihced | certainty. 



THE REPLY OF TOIAB DA^ TOPIAS, ETC. H 

Now is oure bileve laft 

and LoUardi growith; 

envie is enhaunsid 

and aproched to preestes, 

that shulden enforme her flok 

and ground in Goddes lawe, 

to love her God sovereynli, 

and sithen her brothir. 

Bot not for thanne now 13 tau^t 

hindring of states, 

and pursuynge of poverte, 

that Grist hath approved. 

Now is that seed of cisme 

sowen in the chirche; 

the whete fiadith with the floure, 

oure fode is for to feche. 

Ffoxes frettid in fere 

wasten the comes, 

and Cristes vine is vanishid 

to the verray rote. 

Now Achor spoilith Jerioo, 

and lyveth of the thefte ] 

and so lyven this Lollardis 



this he doth in dede 

asseye of hem that knowith. 

Jak Dawe, thou blaberist blasfemics, 

and reson hast thou non ; 

thou leggist oft Goddis lawe, 

bot to a false entente ; 

^ee, falselier than the fende, 

whan he saide to Crist, 

Quia angelis mis mandavit de te. 

Daw, thou fablest of foxes, 

and appliest hem to a puple, 

of whom nether thou knowyst kunnyng, 

ne her conversacion. 

Bot iche man that witte hath, 



4fi POLITICAL POEMa 

in her fids fablis. 

Datan aad Abiron 

and Chorees children, 

with newe senceres ensenoen 

the auters of synne. 

Baal preestes ben bolde 

sacrifice to make, 

and mortel maladi 

crepith in as a canker ; 

and thus is Jak Uplond 

fodid with foUe, 

and thoiir^ fonnyng of his formers 

thus freyneth afrere. 

On wounder wise, seith Jak, 

freres, le ben growun ; 

sowen in ^oure sectes 

of Anticristis hondes ; 

unboxom to bishopis, 

not lege men to kynges; 

wede com ne gras 

wil je not hewen, 

ne lyven with Jakke in labour, 

but al to ^our ese. 



and happe of discrecion, 

maj knowe thee and thin ordre, 

as Crist saith, bi the werkes. 

Take propirt^ of twey foxes, 
. and werkee of twye freres, 

and than thou fyndest hem meche acorde, 

bot freres ben the werse } 
i if thou siust this is not so^ 

bot gromidid without skil, 
. loke how Sampson bonde the foxes 

two and two togedir, 

til that thai destried 

the come alle about hem, 

and this was, as a doctour saith, 

the figur of freres. 



THE BEPLT OF FBIAB DAW TOPIAS^ Sra 43 

Jak, thi formur is a fole, 
that thus thee hath yfourmed, 
to make so lewid an argument 
atens so many freres^ 
that better knowen littles 
her doctours and her bible^ 
than he can rede his troper 
bi a long torche. 
But, Jak, thou^ thi questioDS 
semen to thee wyse, 
^it li^tly a lewid man 
maye leyen hem a water ; 
ffor summe ben lewid, summe ben shrewid 
Bumme falsli supposid; 
and therfore shal no maister^ 
ne no man of BOole> 
be yexid with thy maters, 
but a lewid frere 

that men callen frere Daw Topias, 
as lewid as a leke, 
to medelin with thi maJioe 
as longe as thou wolt. 
T That we ben not lege men, 
Jak, lowde thou lyest; 
£For longer than we lyven so, 
abide we not in londe, 
the sotil witt of wyse men 
shulde temte us wel soonoi 
and fleme us from felowshipe^ 



T Dawe, thou saist proudely I lie^ 
for I telle the trouthe ; 
ffor that [thei] ben not lege men 
men knowlechen wise; 
ffor whan ^e ben trespassoures 
in theft or other viceB, 



44 POLITICAL POEHa 

and done ub of dawe. 

We obeien to bishopes, 

aa boxomneBse askith, 

althou^t not so fer forth 

as aecuier preestes; 

fibr holy chirche hath us hent 

and happid with grace, 

to were us from wederes 

of wynteres stormes, 

wede com ne gras 

have we not to hewen, 

ne with Jakke Uplond 

ferme the dikes ; 

Talthou^ Poul in his pistele 

laborers preise, 

displesith him not the preestes 

that syngen her masses. 

For ri^t as in thi bodi, Jake 

ben oixleyned thin hondis, 

ffor thin heed and for thi feet 

and for thin eyen to wirken. 



^our priour may at wiUe 

fecche ^ou home to hym, 

without kynges commission, 

Jak, hot gret aten reson. 

Ffor oft ^e leden awaye menncs wifes, 

and ben sette in stokkes. 

Bot ^our captaynes chalengen ^ow, 

and asken not leve of kynges. 

T Me mervelith of thi lewdnes, Dawo, 

or of wiliul leeynges ; 

fibr Poule laborid with his hondcsy 

and other postiUes also; 

^eOy oure gentil Jhesu, 

as it is openly knowo. 

And thes were the best prestos 



THE BEPLT OF FBIAB DAW TOPIAS, ETC. 45 

ri^t so the comoun peple 

Qod hath disposid, 

to laboren for holi chirche 

and lordshipis also. 

A! for-writhen serpent, 

thi wyles ben aspied, 

with a thousand wrynkels 

thou vexed many soules ; 

thi malice is so michel, 

thou maist not for-hele, 

but thi vtoym with vehemens ' 

thou spittist al at ones. 

Thou seist we ben confounders 
of prelates and of lordes ; 
but, JakkOy bi my lewt6, 
lowde thou lyest ; 
ffor teUe me, bi oure oounseile 
what lord hath ben confoundid ? 
or what prelat of ony pepil 
put in ony peril? 

But sith that wickide worme, > 

Wiclyf be his name, 
began to sowe the seed 
of cisme in the erthe, 
sorowe and shendship 
hath awaked wyde, 
in lordship and prelacie 
hath growe the lasse graca 
Jak, thou seist with symonye 
the seven sacramentes we sellen. 



that ever rose on grounde ; 

and the best messes song, 

not lettjng hem her labour. 

But suche bolde beggyng hatid thai 

in worde and werke* 



46 POLITICAL POEMa 

and preien for no men 

but ^if thei willen paion. 

God wote, Jakke, thou sparirt 

here the sothe, , 

and, er we departen xm asbundre, 

it shal wel be shewid 

But oon is the sacrament 

that we ban to dispensen 

off penaunoe to the peple 

whan nede askith. 

I trowe it be thi paroche preest, 

Jadke, that thou meenest^ 

that nyl not hosel his parischens 

til the peny be paied^ 

T ne assoHen hem of her synne 

withouten schrift silver. 

Jakke, of thi foli 

thou feyne^t fife erores, 

and tit ben ther but foure 

foundid in the lawe, 

ffalsly as thou seist 

and soone shal be distroied. 

Jakke, thi lewid prophede 

I preise not at a peese. 

Somme feuitasie of Fiton 



TDawe, thou spekist prondelj, 

apechyng euro prestes; 

bot of oon thyng am I oerten, 

thai ben lasse eyel than te. 

Ffor alle if thai synne on, 

as it is wel knowen, 

^it the grounde that thai haye 

is playnly Cristis religion. 

And thow^ thai straje oft iherfro^ 

tit mowe thai com to grace. 

^ot ^e han left that grounds^ 



THE BEPLT OF FBIAB DAW TOPUS, ETa 4? 

hath mairid thi mynde ; 

thou prophete of Baal, 

thi Ood is aslepe ; 

the goodnesse of the groat 

may not listen upon thea 

Whi presumyst thou so proudli 

to prophede these thingis? 

and west no more what thou blaberest 

than Balames asse. 

Thou mayntenist in thi mater 

that matrimony thus we mane; 

but this arowe shal tume a^en 

to him that it sent, 

ffor thou and thi secte, 

sothli ^e schenden, 

in as moche as ^e may, 

the sacramentis seveUi 

and rdes of qrnne 

and grauntyng of graoe, 

and Cristis bitter passioun 

ze sette not at an hawa 

Who marrith more matrimonie, 

^e or the freris, 



and ^our patron bothe. 

Ffor as the prophetes of Achab 

war multiplied in many, 

and by oon holy prophet 

were thai alle destried, 

so the chirche is cropun now 

to multitude of cundd men, 

whiche of sadde bileve 

most nede be destried, 

Bot I prayse nother prestes ne ihea^ 

for ^oor assent in symonye. 



48 POLITICAL POEMS. 

Twith wrenchis atid wiles 

"wynneii meimes wyves, 

and maken hem scolers 

of the newe soole, 

and reden hem her fonne 

in the lowe chaier? 

To maken hem profit in ^our lawe 

thei rede ^our rounde rollis, 

and callen hem forth her lessouns 

with, "Sister, me neditf 

Jak, thou seist that we bilden 
the castels of Caym. 
It is Goodis hous, oold schrewe, 
that we ben aboute, 
to mayntenen his servauntis 
to singe and to reden, 
and bidden for the peple, 
as we ben beholden. 
Clerkis sern that Salomon 
made a solempne temple, 



TDaw, I have askid questioncs 

of thee and of thi freres ; 

bot that I lied oones ou^t 

knewe I me not gllty, 

ffor Groddis lawe forbedith this 

in monj place, I wene. 

And thow^ I be Jak Uplonde, 

tit drede I Goddis lawe. 

Bot I suppose thi secte tristith 

80 meche in her habites, 

that thai kun lye of custom, 

as Peter prophecith of hem, 

Fueruni paeudo^-propheUB in populU^ magUtri 

mendacesj etc. 
Bot to lie thus playnly and openly on men, 



THE REPLY OF FBIAB DAW TOPIAS, ETC. 49 

Tand ^it was it bot figure 
of oure newe chirche, 
that ech holi hous that Crist 
him silf in dwellith. 

Jak, thou seist fol serpentli, 
and sowdiours us thou callist^ 
sette for oure sutilt^ 
in Anticristis vaunwarde. 
Crist in the gospel 
rehersith a rewle, 
how ech man shal be knowun 
oonli bi his werkes; 



^0 count it not sjnne, 
as ^our wordes shewen ; 
^our freres ben. taken alle day 
with wymmen and wifes, 
bot of ^our privey spdomye 
spakQ I not tette, 
Bot lat see, Dawe, if thoa, 
or any Iyer of thin ordre, 
can preve this on oon of hem 
that clepest'my secte, 
and sicerly shalle thou haYQ 
of me an hundrith pounde* 

TDaw, thou leggist Salomon 
■l\ for ^our hie houses ; 
^ bot olde holy doctoures 
ben a^en thee here, 
and specialy Jerom, 
that saith in the lawe, 
who wil allege the temple 
for glorie of our chirche, 
fforsake he to be cristen, Jak, 
and be he newe a Jewe. 
VOU II. 



60 POLITICAL POEMB. 

and if we were founden 
on AnticristiB side, 
onre werkes sliulden shewenj 
Jakke, fcil soone. 
The werkeB of Anticrist 
pursuen onre bileve, 
so do the disciplis 
of ^our sori secte, 
shending the sacramentes, 
salve to oure sons. 
Who tytheth hot ye 
the anet and the mente, 
sterching tour fiBfcces, 
to be holaen holi, 
blaimchid graves 
fill of dede bones, 
^ wanderynge weder-cokkes, 
with every wynd waginge ; 
the spiritis of the devel 
mateyn ^onre tokenys, 
thourt quenching of torches in Jou tayl-ende 



12 5» 2* Gloria episcopi. 
K Ffor sith the pore lorde, he saith, 
halowed his pore chirche, 
take ^e Cristes crosse, he saith, 
and counte we delices claje. 
Daw, blaberere and blynde leder, 
thowg thou bigile symple hertes 
with thi gildjn glose, 
and with thi coBtlj housed, 
thou bigilest not Jak 
with ^our thevishe logges. 

Unde in evangelic, vo8 autem fecistis earn 
speluncam latronum* 



THE BEPLT OF FEUB DAW TOPIAS, ETC. St 

T te ressejve ^our wisdom ; 

^oure predbing is perilouse, 

it poiseneth Bone, 

as houyed venym 

it crepit in swot. 

Jaky in the Apocalypse 

fill pertli ^e be peintidy 

whan the seven angels 

blowtin there seven trompis, 

to wame Anticristis meyn^ 

of onr Loides oomyng, 

with her steme stormes 

astonye al the erthe> 

reve men of her rest, 

and ferli hem afefe. 

The first angel with his blast 

he noieth ful sore^ 

hayl and fier he myngit with blood 

he sendith«to the erthe, 

by the tokenyng that ^our preching, Jak, 

makith obstinat hertis. 

^our daliannce indudt 

ire and envie. 

Who ben more Fariseis 

than hinderers of sonlis, 



TTopias, ihoa writist me 
to be a lewed man ; 
hot lewed men prechen not| 
as thou canst saje, 
bot if the list to lye. 
Bot I wot thou saist thus, 
by Tertnouse prestes ; 
bot thai ben ful bisie 
to edifie the chirche, 



D 2 



52 POLITICAL POEMS. 

the which in her interpretadon 
divisioiin ben callid ; 
and ^our teehing in an hour 
wil breke mo love-daiee^ 
than ^e mowe brynge togidere 
- vij. ^ere after. 

The seootinde atmgel wit his blast 

smytith with drede, 

and an huge hill is sent adoun 

into the salt water; 

the thridde party of creaturis 

ben bitter therof, 

ffor Sathanas by ^our sawes 

is sent into soulis, 

that ben ful unsavery, 

and saltid by synne. 

The bittemesse of ^our bacbityng 

brewith many bales. 

The thridde angel sent doun 

a sterre from heven, 

bremli brennynge as a bround, 

wermode it was callid; 

wermode, Jak, moost verreli 

was Widif, ^our toaister, 

withinne in his begynnynge 

litht lemed he by cunnynge, 



that the multitude of tou 

han allemost destried, 

Ffor the gospel saith, 

Surgent multi pseudo^propheUp. 

Bot of hem beu fe^e, 

and gretly dispiside ; 

and of ^ou ful many, 

and eyer tho mo the werse. 



THE REPLY OF FBIAB DAW TOPIAS, Eia 58 

Tbut afUr with wrong wrytyng 

he wrou^te mykil car6^ 

and presumynge perilously 

foul fel fro the chirche, 

missaverynge of the sacrament, 

infectyng many other. 

Thus brenneth he ^it as a bronde> 

consumyng many soulis^ 

that in her hard obstinacy 

growen schides of belle. 

Maximine ne Manich^ nevere 

wrou^ten more wraka 

Therfore from wele is he went, 

and woo mote< him wrynge. 

The iiij' aungel with his blast 

smytith ri^t smerte; 

the iij. party of the sonne 

with dymmenes is dirked, 

off the moone and of the sterres, 

and of the day also ; 

and the egle in the eyre 

thries v<b ! wescheth. 



T Me mervelitb, Daw, thou darst thus lie 

on Buche a gret derke, 

and in hys tyme knowen wel 

a yertuouse man, 

of riche and pore 

that hym tho knewe. 

But thou, as blynde Bayarde, 

berkest at Oxe mone, 

OS an olde mylne dog 

when he bygynnith to dote. 

Bet wel I wot thi bafi^g, 

lye thou never so lowde, 

may not menuse thi^ seint, 

that lyyed and tau^t so truly. 

Quia dignus est operari misericordiam^ 



H FOUTIGAL POEai£L 

The Sonne is holy chirche^ 

and lordsHp the moonei 

the sterres ben the comuns^ 

as I seid bif ore^ 

IT and alle these ben alured 

to toure sory secte ; 

and summe of ech of these lutates 

ben privyly apoisond, 

Therfore thries vop/ 

is manassid upon ^ou, 

ffor three manere of synnes 

that comunly ^e usen; 

V(B for envye, v<b for ipocrisie, 

and vce for ^our leccherie. 

Whan the first angel blew, 

ther was a pit opend, 

ther rose smotheryng smokei 

and brese therinne, 

alle thei weren lich horses 

araied into bataile, 

thei stongen as scorpioun, 

and hadden mannis £stoe» 

tothed as a lioun^ 

with haburjouns of iren. 

This pitte is the depnes, 

Jak^ of ^onr malioe ; 

the smorthering smoke 

is ^our dymme doctrine, 

that flieth out from the flawmes 



f I drede me, Dawe, the sentence, 

of whiche the prophet spekith, 

ahal falle hevy on thin hede, 

and many of ihi brether* 

Va vobis qui diciHs honum fmlum ^t malum banum. 

Ffor alle trw9 sentence, 



THE EEPLY OP FBIAB DAW TOPIAfl, ETC. 55 

of the develis malioe, 

that tronblith and blindith 

the iien of maDnis resoun. 

The breses ben not ellis 

but Anticristis menye, 

with short leggea bifore 

and longe bihinde; 

the which pretenden first 

mekenesse of herte, 

and aftir rysyng to QfTOgaunoey 

disdeynynge al other. 

That te ben lyke scorpions, 

signefieth not ellis, 

but that ^e flateren afom, 

and venym casten bihinda 

Ze ben also lich horses 

redy into bateil, 

by woodnesse and foolhardinesse 

for heresie to dien. 

e ben tothed as lyoun 

»y stynkyng detracdon. 
^oar habtirjons that ^e han upon, 
Den cauteles and slei^tes. 
ech intnkid in other, 
to snarre symple soules; 
but that thei ben of iren, 
obstinacie is shewid, 
flTor the which with Forao 
iQ helle ^6 wil be dampned. 



I 



that we taken here, 
thou tumest into falsenes, 
that woo ehal the bitide ; 
ffor to our secte that is Ghristis 
we drawen hot fewe puple ; 
ffor thou and other pseudo 



66 poLrncAL POEiia 

In .the si^t of auDgels blast 

foure aungels there were lousid, 

the whiche were redye bothe day and ny^te 

men for to noien, 

to sleen the ferthe part of men 

with fiyr^ smoke, and biymstone. 

Ffoure angels singnefien 

foure general synnes, 

sett up bi sir Adam, Jakke^ 

among ^our mabtris, 

cedidouns, supersticioiis, 

the glotouns, and the proude. 

Poerte preamblis to presse 

afome Anticristis oomyng, 

to sleen the thridde party of men 

with ther deedly dartis 

off envie, pride, 

and leschry stynkynge. 

Ffor sum ben perfit, sum ben yvel, 

sum ben unstable; 

the perfit wole not ben hirt, 

the yvel ben al redy, 

but thei that be^ unstable 

resseyven the strokes, 

and thei ben depid the thridde part 

of hem that ben deda 

The seventhe angel blew his trufnpe, 

and noise in heven was mad^. 



ban marrid hem in the way, 
that hot if God of his grace 
sende his honde of help, 
the chircho that shuld folowe Crist, 
is lykly to sinke. 

Qui mihi ministrat me sequaiur. AttendUe afertnenio 
Pharifccwrum^ q^Qd e9t hypocrUis. 



THE REPLY OF FRIAB DAW TOPIAS, ETC. 57 

that the kyngdom of this world 
shulde falle to Cristis hondis; 
betokenyng that thoa^ Antierist, 
with his mj^ti meyn^, 
shulde for a short tyme 
by tirantrie intrusyve, 
^it shal God gader his flok togider, 
and rengoe without eende. 
Jak, thus to dubby with scripture^ 
me thinkith grete folie ; 
ffor as lewid am I as thou^ 
Qod wote the sothe, 
-I know not ana 
from the wynd-mylne, 
Y ne a b from a bole foot, 
I trowe, ne thi silf nother ; 
and ^it for al my lewidhed, 
I can wel undirstonde 
that this prevy prooesse 
perteneth to tour secte, 
and we as giltles theroi^ 
as ^e of Cristis blessyng. 
It ar ^e that stonden bifore, 
in Anticristis vauwarde, 
and in the myddil and in the rerewarde, 
All bigly enbatailid. 



%Hamo apostata^ vir inutilu^ gradUur ore 

perverso* 
Dawe, thou hast li^t consciencOy 
thus fjnaly to deme ; 
ffor here thou danmest men to helle 
without any condicion. 
Whe have leve of scripture 
to deme after mennes werkes, 
but for to deme as thou dost, 
is to robbe G^ of his power ; 



58 POUnCAIi POEMSL 

The devel is ^our duke, 
and pride berith the baner; 
wraihthe is ^oure gaxmer, 
envie is ^our archer, 
^our coveitise casUth fer, 
^oiir leccherie brennith, 
glotony gideriih stickes therto, 
and sleuthe myneth the wallii^ 
malice is ^our men of annes, 
and trecherie is ^our aspia 
Thus semith that ^e more than we 
be Anticristis frendis, 
Jak, of perfite pacience holilich 
holy chirche thou me prechist, 
to kep it if I will sitte 
on Cristis owne side ; 
' but, good Jak, herdist thou evero 
how judAca/re cam into crede ? 
no more skil thou canst of padens, Jak; 
so Gbd me spede, 
ffor thi schreude herte and he 
ben as afere asundir 
as Lucifer is from heven, 
and Gabriel from helle^ 
the which, as many man euposis, 
shal nevere mete togider. 



ffi>r the apofltil saith, 

Noli ante tempus judicare, quoadnuqu^ veniai 

Dominus. 
Litil wondir thow^ lordis myssetyme, 
that han sucbe oonfusours. 
Q^ia si cacus eacum dueai, ambo in ftweam 

cadunt. 
Thou saist thou knowist no lettre h^:^ 
as if thou wer noo clerk& 
To take a derke as it shuld be^ 



THE BEPLY OF FBIAB DAW TOPIAS^ ETC. 59 

On old Englis it is said, 

unkisaid is unknowun, 

and many men apeken of Bobyn Hood, 

and shotte nevere in his bowe. 

Now, Jak, to thi questional 
nedes me moste answer, 
althou^ thei wanten sentence 
and good thrift bothe. 
Which is the moost peifit ordre, 
Jakke, thou askist, 
and how many ordres 
ther ben in erthe. 
Off what ordre art thou, frere, 
and who made thin ordre? 
iff thou wolt have the hi^est ordre^ 
soke it in heven, 
in the blessid Trinity 
that fourmed us alle, 
where flowith the Sunne from the Fadir^ 
the Holigost from hem bothe; • 

noon gretter in degr^i 
no more perfite than other, 
but the ordre that there is, 
is in her preceding; 
and if we comen lower, 
there finde we holy angels, 



after his undirBtondyng, 

than sajst thou here more trwly 

than in any other place. 

Clark is als meche to mene, 

as of the sort of Grod, 

and BO thou previst thi self non snche, 

if thou loke ri^t, 

but a Here apostata, 

with alle his other partes. 



60 POLITICAL POEUS. 

stablid in iij. iararchies, 

dividid in ordres nyne. 

Seraplun he is the soyereynest, 

in charity he brenniih; 

and of al ordris in erthe 

y holde preesthood the hi^est, 

that han the principal partis of men^ 

and kingis han the bodies ; 

and this is the popes decrd 

in comoun lawe. 

TBut peraunter, Jak, thou menest 

of religious ordre, 

of templeresy hospitalers, 

chanouns, monkes, and fireres, 

Jak, in this mater, 

loke seint Thomas bokes, 

and thei shal thee techen 



% Daw, dirt, thou claterist meche of orderis 

of aungeles in heven, 

hot Ijkkyn not thes to thin ordre, 

ne thin ordre to hem ; 

ffor thai ben ordenid of God, 

there withouten gjnnes; 

and thin is ordened of man, 

with many rotun rites ; 

and so as the prestes of Bel 

stale undir the awter, 

to bigile the kyng, 

to thefly cache here lyflode, 

80 ye forge ^our falshed 

undir ydil yprocrisie,, 

to bigile the puple, 

bothe pore and riche ; 

as the prestes fayned that Bel 

ete the kynges sacrifise, 

BO ^our wikkid wynnyng 

Je saye wirchipith God, 



THE REPLY OF FHIAR DAW TOPIAS, ETC CI 

and enfourme at the fulle. 

How many.ordris ther ben 

can I not telle, 

but if y cowde calkyxi 

al manere kyndes, 

ffor to loken how many kyndes 

oure Lord hath yfourmed 

But evermore betwene two and two, Jalc, 

thou shalt iynden ordre. 

Off what ordre I am, 

and who made myn ordre, 

Jakke, fast thou fraynest, 

and &yn woldist wite. 

Y I am of Cristis ordre, Jak, 

and Crist made myn ordre, 

ensaumple in the gospel, 

in many sondry place, 

ffor who tau^te obedience, 

chastiti, and poverte? 

Hopist thou not it was Crist, 

and fulfillid in him ^ilf, 

in which ech religion 

perfitli is groundid, 

reyersynge the soorie synnes 



IT^ity Daw, in th}B mater, 

thou broylist up miiny lesynges, 

ffor grounde of thin ordre 

not groundid in the gospel; 

ffor see thes thre vertues 

whiche thou here rehersist, 

fiaylen in thin ordre 

welny in every persone. 

Ffor in obedience and chastity, 

and poverte also, 

^e folowen more Anticrist 



62 POLITIGAL POElia 

notid of the posQe, 
lust of fleich and lust of i^e, 
and pride in onre lyvynge. 
On this three, Jak^ by my ewt^^ 
is gronndid al ^our colege. 
Iff I breke myn ordre, 
^I breke Goddis lawe, 
and if I be pnnishid for that oon, 
I am ponishid for that other. 
Bot the contrarie of this, Jak, 
thou falsly afermest. 
If ony religioun be more perfit^ 
than techith seint Jame, Jacke boy, 
either more appreved of God^ 
&yne thou woldist witen. 
Iff I seie thee, thou askist 
where it is fotindid ; 
and if y nayt seie not that then seisC, 
thus thou procedist. 
Thou seist that I contrarie 
Cristis owne rewles, 
bidinge ^eve to be pore 
in peyne^ of dampnadon, 
and we piken firom the pore and riche 



than Jhesn Crist our Lorde. 
Xe ben more obedient 
to ^oure owne reules, 
than to the reules of Crist 
groundid in lawes. 
And as to chastity of body, 
^e breken it ful oft; 
bot chastity of soule, 
forsakyng Crist our spouse, 
ffor ^e ben apostatas, 
gon bak fro holi chirche. 



THE HEPLT OF IfBUB DAW TOPIAS, ETC. 63 

al that we may geten. 

Jak, thou ahewist Bikirli^ 

-what scole thou hast hea inne^ 

of sutiltee of argayng 

me thinkith thi brayn fol thinne. 

Go grees a shoep undir the taile, 

that semeth the beter 

than with sotil sillogifimes 

to parbrake thi witt. 

Jack, in James pistles 

al religioun is groundid, 

ffor there is maad mendon 

of two perfit lyves, 

that aciif and contemplatif 

comomili ben callid, 

ffdlli figurid by Marie 

and Martha hir sister, 

by Peter and bi Joon^ 

by Bachel and by Lya. 

Thes lyves ben groundid in charity 

by diverse degrees, 

by men of professionns 

makyng sundri religionns, 

and evident ensaumple 

jnoun techen ns the waye. 



\ 



Initium omnis peccati apostare a Deo. 

As to verrei poverte, 

who that wil ri^t loke, 

le ben the most covetoose 

of alle men in erthe^ 

fPor with symonye and begrye, 

and seUyng of shrift, 

Ze pillen bothe gret and smal, 

and prise hem of bileve 

Avaritia, quod est idolorum itrwHa. 



64 POLITICAL POEMS. 

^ Ffor sum fleen from the worltl, 

and cloBen hem silf in wallis, 

and steken hem in stones, 

and litil wole thei speken, 

to fleen sich oocasiouns 

as foly wole fynden; 

and these we clepen ancrea 

in the oomoun speche. 

Also in contemplacion 

there ben many other 

that drawen hem to disert, 

and drye myche peyne; 

by eerbis, rootes, and firuyte lyven, 

for her Qoddis love; 

and this manere of folk 

men callen heremytea 

The thridde degree there is, 

not for to be dispisid, 

off sich as ben gaderid 

in coventis togidere; 

off the which men spekith 

David in his psalmis, 

sith he seith how merie it is 

to dwelle togidere ; 



ITDftwe, thou ratelist inany thjQges, 

hot grounde hast thou non ; 

ffor where gromidist thou in Goddia lawe 

to dose men in stones, 

hot if it were wode men, 

or giloures of the puple ? 

Sith alle that is not groundid 

smacchith grete ^ynne ; 

hot if ^e taken as ^e usen 

arseworde this gospel, 



THE REPLY OK FKIAR DAW TOPUS, ETC. 65 

the which for worldly combraunce 

kepen in cloistris, 

on herb and oon soule 

havyng with the apostlis; 

and this clepe we monasticale, 

that kendly is knowun. 

Mo, Jak, in contemplacion 

ther be diverse degrees ; 

and after that charitc growith in hem, 

the more is her mede. 

Off aetif lyf y shulde thee tellen, 

yf that y hadde tyme, 

and shewen how men by charity ben liolden 

to helpe her bretheren ; 

somme with paynymes for to fitte, 

oure feith to defende; 

somme for to make purvyanncc 

for seke and for pore ; 

Ronime for to preche to the puple 

aftir her synne askith; 

and somme in bothe lyres 

laboren full soore, 

liche unto the angels 

in Jacobus ladder. 



Nan potest civitas abscondi super montem posita; 
ellis, neque accendunt lucemam et ponunt earn sub 

modio. 
Or wher fyndist thou, Dawkyn, 
that men shuldcn killc her brether ? 
Sith Grist, our allcr duke, 
brou^t us vcrrci pees, 
hot if there be of the rancs 
that ran fro Anticristis nose, 
Pacem relinquo vobis, pacem meam do vobis. 
VOL. IL E 



66 POLITICAL POEMS. 

f See now, Jak, tfai silf, 

how these bothe lyves 

opinii ben expressid 

in the epistle of James : 

cleen religioun it is, he seith, 

to visite the widewis, 

the fiulirles and the modirles, 

to actif lyf expressid, 

and undefonlid us to kepen 

from al worldly werkes. 

Byhold of contemplacioun 

opinii he spekith ; 

so this may be resonably 

the conclusionn of my tale, 

that no religion more is 

than techith sent Jame. 

Jak, thou seist we piken 
from the pore and from the riche, 
and not ^even a^enward, 
thou^ that thei ben nedy ; 
that almes is pykyng, 
y fynde it in thi boke, 
and I herde it nevere afom 
in no maner scripture. 
But if alwey pikers, Jak, 
thou wolt us maken, 
ther we piken but seely pans, 
thi secte pikith poundis. 



TTouchyng this pagyn, Dawe, 

thi lesynges ben ful rif ; 

ffor her thou spekist of twey lyves, 

and ^e don nother wel, 

ffor Martha groundid hir labour 

fully in GU)ddis lawe, 

so may not ^e ^our beggyng, 

ne ^our castelles nouther. 



THE REPLY OF FBIAB DAW TOPIAS, ETC. 67 

What we ^even to the pore, 

it nedith not thee to telle ; 

ffor almes-dede shul be hid, 

and sweten in thi hondis. 

Whi, bi mannes manage, 

^e ben weddid to ^our abitis 

wele harder than worldly men 

ben weddit to her wyves, 

which thei mowe leeve and lete go 

as longe as him list. 

Jak, for siche manere scole 

^e caechen Cristis curse, 

so freli to mayntenen 

Manich^ errours, 

to make men breke her matrimonye, 

and leeve her wyves, 

and whanne the good man is oute, 

playe hey god rode. 

Jak, to oure abite 

be we not weddid 

more than eny preest is 

weddid to his coromi, 

that is over growim with heer, 

and he preest nevere the lesse; 

or ellis shulde every harbour 

make newe preestes. 

Bi^t so oure dothis maken us 

not men of religion. 



But of contemplacion 

ye usen not bot as foxes ; 

so in this ^e leven Crist 

Martha and Marie both. 

As touchyng ^iftes to pore men, 

^e pike that thai shulde have, 

bothe of godes and faithe of soule, 

I, Jak, can see non other. 

K 2 



68 FOLITICAL POEMa 

but oonli oure profession 
byndiih us to the stake ; 
and BO apostasie 

mowen we maken in oure soule, 
liche men of religion 
abidinge in oure abitia 
If Sathanas were transfigarid 
into his former fairnesse, 
trowist thou he were ou^t ellis 
but a danipnid aungel? 
and so not for the levynge of oure clothis 
we be not punishid, 
but bicause it bitokeneth 
forsakyng of oure reule; 
and, Jacke, no more than thi sadil 
makith thin hors a mere, 
— no more makith oure abitia 
monkes ne freria 
Jak, of oure presciouse clothis 
fast thou carpist, 
the which ben so fyne 
that noman werith better. 
Every man may perseyve apertli, 
Jakke, that thou liest. 
Were we no sendal ne satyn, 
ne goldun clothis, 
and these passen in presdousitee 
many foold ouria 



Pants egentium vita pauperis est; qui defraudai 

eum, homo sanguinis est. 
Wo can not make mai'iage, Dawe, 
ne pursue no divorse ; 
we Wynne not meche money with thes, 
as thi secte doth ful oft. 
Quod Deus conjunxit, homo non separet. 



THE REPLY OF FBlAR DAW TOPIAS, ETC. 69 

But if my cloth be over presciouse^ 

Jokke, blame the werer; 

flTor myn ordre hath ordeyned 

al in good mesure. 

Thou axist me, Jacke, of my grete hood, 

what that it meneth, 

my scapelarie and my wide cope, 

and the knottide girdil. 

a What meenith thi tipet, Jakke, 

as longo as a stremer, 

that hangith longe bihinde, 

and kepith thee not hoot? 

an hool cloith of scarlet 

may not make a gowne ; 

the pokes of purchace 

hangen to the erthe, 

and the cloith of oo man 

my^te hele half a doseyne. 

Why is thi gowne, Jakke, 

widder than thi cote, 

and thi cloke al above 

as round as a belle, , 



% I praise not, Dawe, the stremerre 

that thou herof spekest ; 

hot of suche wide clothing, 

tateris and tagges, 

it hirtith myn hert hevyly, 

I wil that thou it wite. 

Bot ^our ypocrites habit, 

to whiche ^e ben harde weddid, 

doth more harm than thes, 

bi thes two Bkiiies ; 

oon for the coloure, 

that signifieth sadnes, 

whan ^e ben most unstedfast 

of any folk in erthe i 

another for ^our difformed shap, 



70 POLITICAL POEMS. 

sith taille my^te serve 

to kepe thee from coold? 

Jak, answere thou to that oon, 

and I shal to that other. 

My grete coope that is so wild, 

signefieth charity, 

that largeli longith to be sprad 

to sibbe and to frende, 

figurid in the faire cloith 

of Salomons table, 

and bi wedding gamement 

that Crist hadde at his feeste. 

My greet hood behynde, 

shapun as a sheeld, 

suffraimce in adversitee 

sothely it scheweth, 

herbi to reseyve repreef 

for oure Qoddis sake; 

or ellis bisynesse of oure feith 

it may wel bitokene, 

whiche that ^e Lollardes 

constreyne zoxx to distroie. 



that signifieth ^our holines ; 
so if it be soth 
that ^e therof saye, 
it wold with litil help 
make an ape a seint. 
The tipet is a comyn retile> 
if it be not superflue, 
and so it doth gode 
to bynde a mannes hede ; 
bot ^our misse shapen shelde 
bihynde at ^our shulderes, 
blowith ^our ypocrisie, 
and blyndith many foles. 

Genimina viperaruniy quis demonstravit vobis fugerU 
a Ventura irai 



THE REPLY OF FRIAR DAW TOPIAS, ETC. 71 

The scapelarie also 

that kevereth the sdhiildrisy 

it bitokeneth boxnnmesse 

dewe unto oure prelatis, 

and boxomly here burthuns 

that they wole leyen upon us. 

Off the knottide girdel 

knowe I no mysterie ; 

therfore what it meeneth 

axe frere menonra '^ 

But, Jacke, amonge oure chateryng, 

^it wolde I wite, 

whi that the Lollardis 

weren moost greye clothis; 

I trowe to shewe the colour 

that signefieth symplenesse, 

and withinne, seith Crist, 

je ben ravenous wolves. 

YWhi, seist thou, holde we more scilence 

in oon hous than another, 

sith over al a man is holden 

for to seie the goode? 

To thi lewide question 

Salomon thus answerith, 

Hat tacefia ade^na tempua apti temporia, et 
homo aapiena tacet uaque ad tempua; temr- 
pua tacendi, tempua loquendi; et iterwm, 
Sicut urba paiena et ahaque murorum a/mr- 
hitUy ita qui in hquendo non poteat co- 
hibere apiritum auv/m. 



f ^it, Dawe, me thynkith thou usist 

thi customale condicion, 

thou hast BO lerned to lye, 

thou kanst not leve werk, 

hot ^it I am gladde 

thou groundist the on the gospeL 



72 POLITICAL POEMS. 

Thus perfit scilens 

by scripture is approved 

Jixkke, if thou undirstonde no Latyn, 

go to thi paroche prest, 

and undir ^ou bothe, ^itb Goddis gi-ace^ 

marren ^e wolen fill yvele. 

Wki also eie we no fleish 

in every hous iliche, 

but cbesen thei*to an hous, 

and leeven another? 

Jak, if every hous were honest 

to ete fleish inne, 

than were it honest 

to ete in a gonge. 

Whi is not tlii table sett 

in thi cow-stalle? 

and whi etist thou not iu thi shipun 

aa wele as in thin halle? 

But al is good ynow^ for thee, 

where that evere thou sittist. 

Whi with not thi cow make 

myiy weder in thi dish? 

But, Jacke, in this mater 

appose thou the monkes; 



Diaholus est audax, et pater ejus. 

The sectc that thou seggist of, 

I wot, is Jhesu Cristis, 

tcilen litil hy clothing, 

hot now oon now other; 

thou^ thou accuse the menourd 

have I not to do, 

hot wel I wot ya ben alio di'awen 

in 00 manor draggee. 

Lewde Dawe, whi lalst thou forthe 

80 many blunt resoncs ? 

ffor Salomon spekith not of ellenoa 



THE REPLY OF FRIAR DAW TOPIAS, ETC. 73 

for tbei kepen this serimonie 

more streiter than freris. 

Moreover thou merest, 

Jak, another mater; 

if oure patrouns be perfit, 

and oure reule also, 

whi renne we to Borne, 

to be assoilid of the oth 

that we ban maad, 

and be popis freris? 

Jak, summe rennen to Rome, 

but mo ther ben at boom, 

and dewli done her dever 

afbir that tbei han chosen; 

and that the Lollardis 

forthinken ful soore. 

ie wolden that tbei-e where oon le&se, 

^e ^ave nevere tale, 

that ^e my^ten have ^our reyke 

and prechen what ^ou list, 

and with ^our privy pestilence 

enpoisoun the peple. 

Jak, that Judas was a shrewe, 

what was Crist the worse? 

and so that summe ben exempt, 



propii'de to an house, 
bot of silence in iche place 
in tyme ai^d in reson. 
Bot the cursid ypocrisie 
of etyng of Jour fleshe, 
shuld iche man despise 
for Jour rotun rewle, 
and so thes similitudes, 
with thes soluciones, 
ben not worthe 
the devellls dirt, Dawe. 



74 POLITICAL POElfS. 

and rennen to ^our litis, 

and summe bi apostasie 

ben Sathanas servauntis, 

whi shulde owre patrouns 

be ever the lasse perfit? 

IT " Fferther more whi make ^e ^ou 

" as men dede ? 

" sith in begginge ^e ben as quic 

" as ben ony other, 

'' and unsemeli it is 

" to see deed men begge.*' 

Jak, me thinkith thou lemedist nevere 

of Poulis pistlis, 

whiche in a fewe shorte wordes 

answerith to thi sentence, 

QiLaai morientea et ecce vivimus ; gloasay quaai 
morientes, i, de vitio in vvtiwm eecumdv/m 
opinioneni aliquorum, et ecce vivvmue in 
bonis operibua in rei veritate. 

So thouj we ben deed to the world, 

after thin opynyon, 

^it is oure soule in the bodi 

and grace in the soule. 

" Whi," seist thou, " suffre ^e not ^our children 



IT Daw, thi wordes ben many, 
and ever medled with venym ; 
ffor a^enes gode men 
strecche Jus malice, 
ne non of thilk Cristis secte 
that myn callist, 
hot a^enes heritikes, 
bosteres and lieres, 
whiche han chosen hem a reule 
with blabereres of Baal ; 
and ^it shal tyde the tyme 
when Josie shal regne^ 



THE REPLY OF FRIAR DAW TOPIAS, ETC. 76 

'* to come into your conseil, 

" if it be good and able, 

'' and aftir Goddis lawe?" 

A, Jak; mafey/me merveilith moche 

of thin lewidheed ! 

Herdist thou nevere how Crist was 

transfigurid in the hil, 

and ther to his priVyte he chees 

but three apostlis, 

forbedinge hem to telle 

that conceil ony ferther, 

and so were there nyne 

&o that conceil refusid. 

Crist also took to him 

alle his twelve apostlis, 

and tretide of his passioun 

in ri^t privy maner, 

and the rude peple that folowiden 

knewe no thing therof. 

Shal we, Jak, therfore seie 

his conceil was not able, 

suspect and not good 

confourmed to Qoddis lawe. 

Another cause resonable 



and make an ende of suche fendes, 

and Cristis reule shal renue. 

'^ee, Jamnes and Mambres 

japid not so the kyng, 

as thou with thi cursid secte 

the kyng and the puple. 

Attendite a falsis prophetisy qui veniunt ad vos 

in vestimenHs ovium. 
I til thee, Daw, without dout^ 
thes wordes ben said of ^ou, 
with other pregnant prophecies 
of Peter and of Poulci 



76 POLtncAii potuia 

me thinkith I can telle, 

for counceil owith to be kept 

and not to be datrid; 

and children ben ay clatringe, 

as thou wel knowest. 

Another skil may be groundid 

of Salomons sawis ; 

to him he seith that is wiis 

it longith to kepe conceil ; 

and children ful seldum 

ben foundim wiis. 

Jak, wolt thou telle thi knave 

as mychc as thi wyf ? 

a Fforthermore thou spekest 

of oure costli houses ; 

thou seist it were more almes 

to helpen the nedy, 

than to make siche housynge 

to men that ben deede, 

to whiche longith but graves 

and momynge housis. 

Jak, is not a man beter 

than a rude best? 

Zit makist thou to thi sheep a shepen, 



irt>aw, thou kboHst fast 

to lede thi self to hello, 

and blyudist many lewde foles 

with thi stynking brethe ; 

ITor bi this apis argument 

that thou here now ratelist, 

he thot drynkith a quart wyne 

most nedis drynk a galon. 

Bot a^en house in mesurc, Dawe, 

gnicche I ri^t nou^t ; 

and thou^ thou saye a scome, 

a shepe house I have, 



THE REPLY OF FRIAJl DAW TOPIAS, ETC. 77 

and to thi hers a stable; 

and many a pore man ther is 

that hath noon hUlyng, 

but oonly heven is his hous, 

the bestes stond kevered. 

Whi houses thou not pore men 

as wele as thi beestis? 

Take hede to sumwhat 

that is seid biforen, 

and thou answere to my question, 

answer to tliin owne. 

Thou carpist also of oure coveitise, 

and sparist the sothe ; 

thou seist we ben more ryal 

tlian ony lordia 

Coven tis have wee noon, Jack, 
but cloistrers we ben callid, 
ffoundid afor with charity, 
or that he were flemyd ; 
but sith entride envie, 
and renyd hath oure houses, 
that unnethes the hillinge 
hangith on the sparres; 
and ^it thou thinkist hem over good/ 
y yel fare thou therfore I 



that hath more grounde in Goddis lawo 

than alle ^our Caymes castelles ; 

I thank God, I beldid it 

with trwe bygeten gode. 

Bot ^e ^onres with beggery, 

bargenyng and robberye ; 

ffor grounde have thai non, 

bot if it be here. 

Non habemus hie manentem civitatem. Et idem, V(b 

qui adificatis dvitatem in sanguinibus, Et, V<b 

qui canjugatis domum ad domum. 



78 POLITICAL POEMS. 

Jak, where saw thou ever frere houses, 

thour^out the rewme, 

liche in ony rialt^ 

to the Toure of Londouii^ 

to Wyndesore, to Wodestoke, 

to WaUingforde, to Shene, 

to Herforde, to Eltham;» 

to Westmynster, to Dover? 

How maist thou for rebukyng 

lye so lowde, 

to saye that oure covetise 

passith the lordes? 

But so longe, by my leut^, 

thou hast lemed to lyen, 

that thi tonge is letteroun of lyes, 

thou lettest for no shame. 

% We leten, thou seist, to lymytours 
al this rewme to ferme, 
as that we were welders 
and lordes of alle. 
Unsikir thing sothli 
it were to sette to ferme, 
and fooles were the fermeres 
to taken it to tax. 

I trowe thou menys the pardonystres 
of seint Thomas of Acres, 
of Antoun, or of Runcevale, 



% ^it, Dawe, thow^ thou accusest 

pardoneres that beu fals, 

thou lovest lesse a trwe prest 

than thou dost hem alle, 

fibr thai gon hccre ^ou apostatas 

in gilyng of the puple. 

Bot that te ferme to limi tours, 

it maye be denycd, 



THE BEPLY OF FBIAB DAW TOPIAS, ETC. 79 

that rennen so fast aboute ; 
for of the kynges rewme 
have we no more astate, 
than thou haat of paradis, 
or of the bEsse of hevdn, 
for the which 7 trowe thoa maist 
of hasilwode singe. 

Why, seist thou, paye ye to no taliage 
to oure cristen kynge, 
sith Crist paiede tribut 
to the hethene emperour ? 
Jaky of no dewt^ ne of no dette 
paide Crist noo tribute ; 
but oonliche of mekenesse 
performynge the lawe, 
and for to fleen occasioun 
of aftirward apechinge, 
whan that afore Pilat 
' he shuld be forjugid 
But aflir the scripture, 
preesthode shulde not paien 
to tax ne to taliage 
with the comun peple. 
For whan the folk of Israel 
were put undir servage, 
Pharao suffride preestes 
in her former fredome 
to be saved and susteyned 



lye thou never so lowde, 

and therto sette a sele, 

bote thus with many fals meenes 

opprcsse the cuntrees. 

Bot as to payng of tribut, 

as Crist hym self did, 

thou lyknist ^ou to Pharoes, 



80 POLmCAL POEMS. 

of the comonn stora 
But now is the compleynt 
of Jeremye trewe, 
the prince of provynoes 
sugette is under tribute. 
Not for thanne the comun lawe 
may wel sufiren, 
that preesthode may paye 
bi assent of prelatis, 
ifreli of her owne wille 
no thing eonstreynede, 
and thus prelatis and persouns 
aftir her state, 
ben stended to paien 
what that nedc askith ; 
but neither frercs ne annuellers, 
save now late. 
God woot, it worchipith not 
to beggen of beggers. 
J Off lettris of brotherhoo<l 
also, Jak, thou spekist, 
and woundera that we wynnen noon 
of pore men and of preestis ; 
and ^it ye desiren that every man 
shulde have ^our; 
of pore mennes preieris 
to be parteners we wolden, 
and of her lettris and of her sele, 
if autentike thei weren. 



and 80 ^e ben and werse. 
Atenes Cristes paying 
and alle other mekcnes, 
thou autoriscst ^our pride, 
a^enes his holi werkes. 

Qui non est mecum^ contra me est; et qui non 
colligit mecum, dispergit. 



THE REPLY OF FBUR DAW TOPIAS, ETC. SI 

But of ^our preestis pater-nosters 

we desiren noon, 

for comunliche her blake bedes 

thei delen to freris; 

^ but thei shal deve unto thi ^hekes, 

and Cristis curse also, 

as wysly as we holde us 

not more perfit than ony other, 

ne non suifragies selle 

for a eerteyn bi jere, 

ne maken men more perfit 

than her blessid baptisme ; 

flTor praier may not satyllyn 

but oonliehe on them alle, 

and so that gilden trentels ) 

that thou spekist of, 

that now is purchasid of preestis 

out of freris hondis, 

delyverith noo soule 

out of the peyne of 'helle, 

ne purgen may of purgatory, 

but as it is deserved. 

Ffor charity is the mesure 

that demeth that meyn^. 

Also thou seist, Jak, 

that we men enformen 

that oure holy abite 

shulde helpen men fro helle, 



f Dawe, I seide first to thee 
con of thi groundcs was eirsyng, 
Tvhare autorisist thou this lewde 
answere nowe. 

Thi rcsones ben a staf of rede 
that li^tly persen the honde, 
I mervel that . thou, a elerk, 
VOL. IL 



82 POLITICAL POEMS. 

and nameliche tho that be 
beried thermne; 
and Cristis dothia dide not so^ 
ne noon of the apostlis. 
Jaky that firere was over lewid 
thatJemede the this lessoun, 
or on thi ficol fantasie 
thou fBtynyst this fable. 
Ffor Austyns ne prechonrs 
proponen no siche pointis. 
Whether the Carmes of her copes 
mayntenen siche an errour, 
or whether seint Fraunce 
hath geten to his habite 
that vertu be his grace^ 
witterly me ne wote. 
But wel I wote that Cristis doith 
helide a womman 
fiom the longe fluxe of blood, 
as the gospel tellith; 
but his piedestinadon 
may onlich save soulis^ 
and his prevy presdens 
may dampne whom him list. 
Jak, ferthermore of felony 
thou felly us enpechest, 
of stelyng of children. 



blaberist thus biyndely. 

Thou takest comynly no grounde 

of Crist ne of his lawe, 

bot spr • • • • the pope 

as if he were thi God, 

or of other fantasies 

that han no grounde hem self ; 



THE REPLY OJ" FRIAH DAW tOPIAS, ETC. 'SS 

to drawe hem to oure sectis. 

To tiUe folk to Ood-ward, 

I holde it no theft, 

but if thou calle Crist a theef, 

that dide the same, 

sayyng to the riche man, 

" Oo and selle thi goodis, 

" and tif hem to the pore, 

" ^if thou wole be perfit ; 

" and aftirward folowe me, 

*' and be my disciple/' 

And in the same gospel 

se what he seith also : 

'f Whoso forsaketh not 

*^ his fiwlir and his modir, 

'* his sone and his dou^tir, 

" his sistir and his brother, 

'^ his lond and his tenementes, 

" and him selven also, 

" he nys not worthi 

" to ben my folower/' 

And to Ids twelfe chosen 

eftsoones he seide, 

" Behold, from the world 

" I have chosen ^ou alle, 

" that ^e gon and beren fruyte, 

" and ^our fruyte may dwelljm.'' 



ffor whi shuld not alle prestes 
be meke after Crist, 
in payng of tribut 
and alle other werkes? 
Daw, late thi false gloBe, 
it driyith thee to the devel. 
Benedicite et nolite maledkere. 

F 2 



84 POLITICAL POEMS. 

T And thusf to reven the world, 

and spoilen him of his peisouns, 

it ne is no robeiy, 

but Crist approved thefte. 

Thou 8eist also ferthermore 

that prestis shul not enprisoon, 

ffor it nys not foundid 

in al Goddis lawe, 

but undermyn bi charity, 

and so wynnen her brpther, 

and ^if he \nl not be so wonnen, 

have him as hethenc ; 



^TiO, Dawe, with thi draffc, 
thou liest on the gospel ; 
ffor Crist said it hjm self, 
" The vertu passid fro me." 
And here thou maist see, 
I knowe a b fro a bole £ote ; 
ffor I cacche thee in lesynges 
that thou laist on the gospel. 
Bot thus to stele a childe 
is a gretter theft, 
than to stele an axe, 
for the theft is more. 
Dawe, for thou saist ^e robbe 
him fro the worlde ; 
^e maken hjm more worldly 
than ever his fadir ; 
^ee, thow^ he were a plowman, 
lyvyng trwe lyf, ye robbe hym 
fro the trwe reule, 
and maken hym apostata, 
a begger and a sodomit ; 
for suche thai ben many. 

Vts vobis quifacitis unum proselytum ! supple, Jilitim 
GehewuB duplo quam vos. 



THE REPLY OF FBUR DAW TOPIAS, ETC. 85 

and thus bi thin opynyon 
no man sholde be enprisound. 
But, Jakke, in thi frensj, 
thou fonnest more and more, 
^thou wenyst to make to me a diciie, 
thou fallist thi silf therinn& 
Ffor if thou pursue thi piurpos, 
thou assentisfr thi silf in trcsoun, 
menusynge the kyngis majesty, 
privyng him of his power. 
T For if we taken the gospel 
aftir the menynge, 
nether emperour ne kyng 
may honge ne drawe, 
heved ne enprisoun, 
no haunte no domes, 
but al in fair manere 
shulen ben tmdJrnomen, 
and who wil not amenden liiiu, ^ 
^eve him the brydil ; 
and be robberis and revers, 
mansleeris and treytours, 
and al maner mawfesours 
shulden ben unponnishid. 
Jak, the pope hath a prisoun, 
the bishop of Cantirbury, 
and of Londoun also, 
and many other bishopis, 
by leeve of her kyng; 



YDaw, I do thee wel to wite, 

frentike am I not; 

hot it semith thi sotll witte 

marrith many man. 

Bot how stondith this togedir, 

^e sle men in ^oor prison ? 



86 POLITICAL POEMa 

art thou hardy to seien 

it is not Qoddis lawa 

But 7 blame thee not gretli, 

thou^ thou here hem hevy; 

ffor goldsmythis of thi craAe 

ofte haveth hem haunted, 

and ^it thei shulen ofber, 

bi the helpe of heven. 

ALso thou seist no sacrament 

we covetyn ne desiren, 

but shrift and biryyng, 

that longeth to the peple. 

Alas, Jak, for shame 1 

whi art thou so &iB, 

ffor to reverse thi silf 

in thin owne sawes? 

Thou seidist in thi begynnynge, 

whan thou seidist of freres, 

thei sellen seven sacramentes 

with Symoundis eyris; 

and now that we coveite noon 

but the sacrament of schrifte. 

Ffor beriynge is no sacrament, 

but an ahnes-dede. 

Thou jawdewyne, thow jangeler, 

how stande this togider, 

by verrd oontradiccion 

thou concludist thi silf, 

and biyngest thee to the mete 



^e have ^our conspiracies, 

when ^e gode likith, 

ye damme the trwe, ^e hyen the false , 

deme, Dawe, wher this be gode. 

And the k^ng by his juges trwe^ 



THE REPLY OF FBIAR DAW TOPIAS, ETC. 87 

there I urolde have thee. 
Who wolde take entent 
to suche wreohes wordes, 
that nevere more ^eveth tale 
to be take with a lesyng? 

Whi, axist thou ferthermore, 
wil we not shiyven 
ne birien the pore 
as wel as the riche, 
and do other dedes of almes 
done at her nede? 
But if we Bchryve not the pore, 
whi ben perssons so wrothe^ 
and paroche preestes also, 
for schryvynge of her padshensf 
For every Lenten us a^en 
thei aleggen the lawe 
off (ynmis utrvvbsqyLe aeosue, 
with the favourable glooses. 
But^ Jafc, do thi won, 
and lette not to lyene; 
I have as leef thy leesing 
as thi Both saw. 
Ffor who is oonis suspect, 
he is half honged. 
Thou seis that we prechen 
fallaoe and fibbles, 
and not Ooddis gospel 
to good undirstondinge ; 



execute his lawe, 

as he did now late, 

whan he hangid ^ou traytours ; 

wilt thou, Dawe, allegates 

compere Jou to the kyng, 

or to other lordes, 



83 POLITICAX VOEMH, 

and we ben more huldan tlioiio 

than to alle other renlLst. 

For we wynneu more tlierwitli 

than Crist and his apostUn, 

what we ben holdun 

and wil not foi*sake« 

For moche of oure lyvynge 

is of the gospel ; 

so dide Poul 

and other disciples, 

and lyvede of oolectis 

made g^nerali bi chirchis, 

ffor sustinance of prechours, 

and ako of the pore. 

And if thou leve not me, 

loke Poulis pistlis, 

and the glose therwith, 

and there thou shalt fyndo it. 

QiUa, inquity militat auis atipendiis unquam ? 
Et itei'umy Dominus ordincmt iia qui 
evangelium annun&iant de evangelio 
vivere, . 

And so to his prechours 

CHst also thus seide, 

In qtiamcunqiLe domum intraverUis, maneie . 
m eadem edentes et bibentes, etc., dignua 
est enim operariua mercede av^. Et ad 
Rovianos, Probaverunt JUadedonea et Achaia 
coUationem ,facere in pauperea amidorum 
qvi aunt in Jheruaalem. 



that han her groundc in God ? 
Lefe, fole, thi loBengerie, 
nnd studio Cristis Ijf. 

Qiice conv€7itio Christi Q.d Belial f Quid communis 
cabit cacabus ad ollamf 



THE BEPLY OP FJMAE DAW TOPIAS, ETC. 89 

A^ens that that thou saist that we proclioii 
but fallace and fables, 
and leve the gospel 
that moste us al save, 
-loke that every werke is knowen, 
plenili bi his eende, 
and BO the peple hath the pathes 
of feith and of bileve, 
and God woote freres prechinge 
]iath wi*ou^t to this ende. 



% Daw, hou maist thou sayo for Hhame 

that Crist stale thus childre^ 

and Poule beggid as ^e don, 

^e lyven bi the gospel? 

^ee, Dawe, Je selle derrere 

lesynges and poyson, 

than over did Poule 

alle his holy writjng ; 

ever thou likynest ^ou to Crist, 

whan ^e ben verrei Anticrist 

And if bisshopes bysido wel to knowo 

alle ^our dedes, 

thai founde ^ou worse than harlotcs, 

or jogulours ether ; 

ffor ^e begge or Jc preche 

many tymes and oft, 

somen men and threten hem, 

bot if thai ^if ^ou gode. 

Bot the harlot wil drawe 

the blode of his arse, 

or he ask any godc, 

or any rewarde. 

And, Dawe, truly ^our dedes 

contrarie Crist. 

Mordent dentibus et predicant pacem^ et si guts non 

dederit in ore eorum quippiam, sancHficani super 

eumpralium. 



90 FOLinCAL FOEII& 

But ^6 haa cast corsidly 

Cristendome to distroye^ 

and of Cristis gospel 

make Machometis lawe, 

a^ens wbcMB with opin mouth 

other whfle we romee, 

and sam tyme biynge ^ob til a bay 

if God wil it graunte. 

For this cause ^e caUe us 

bastard branchis, 

pursuyng preestes to prisoun 

and to fire also ; 

Ybut, Jak, the! ben bastard braunches 

that launehen firom oure bileve^ 

and writhyn wrongli away 

from holy chirche techinge, 

siche beren yvel fruyte 

and Boure to atasten, 

worth! to noon other good, 

but in the fire to brenne ; 

and so for to pursue an heretike 

to fire or to prisoun, 

I holde it more holsum 

than to halewe a chirche, 

inprisonynge of the poysen 

that mortherith many souliff, 



fDaWy here thou blaberist togedir 

falsenee and trouthe ; 

ffor a bastarde is he 

that holdith a^enes the sothe. 

Grod and trwe men dlBcusse 

wher that be ^e or I. 

Ffor if thou seyst holi chirche 

the techyng of Crist, 

the renles of apostles, 

the lyf of hem alle, 



THE REPLY OF FBIAB DAW TOPIAS, ETa 9\ 

aftir Crisiis doctrine 

in the holy gospel. 

Orrmis, vnquvt, arbor qucB non fert fructum 

bormm, exddetur, et in igTiem mittetur. 

Et Uerv/m, Qui non mcmserit i/n me, mvt- 

tetur foras aicut palmes, et areacet, et ooU 

Ugerd, et i/n igTiem vn/Utetur. 
Disseverynge jou from the tree 
that is Crist him silfe. 
But how shulden freres 
pursue heresie, 
and many of hem wite not 
what heresie meneth. 
Jak, I am not lettered, 
but I am frere Dawe, 
and can telle wel a fyn 
what heresie amounteth ; 
heresie, that is Grw, 
is divisioun on Latyn, 
the whiche in oure langage 
meneth sunderyng and partyng. 
He thanne that sundrith him 
from Crist and his cbirche, 
and frely forgith sentences 
contrarious to oure feith, 
siche manere of forgers 
heretikes we callen» 
and also her felowis 



I smmnitte me to hem, 
and wil wile I Ijrve. 
If thou callist, Dawe, 
^our Dominikis reiiles, 
with determinacion 
of many false prestes, 
holi chirche, as I wene, 
as oft thou hast done, 



POLITICAL POEMK. 

taken the same name, 

and her soiy sentences 

ben clepid heresies, 

but namely when thei ben hoUun 

of obstinat hertis. 

And I shal this mater 

more largely declare. 

Sixe maner of heretikes 

ben foondun in the lawe. 

For he is callid an heretike 

that rasith oure bileve; 

and he is callid an heretike 

that heresies sowith, 

as Arrians, Wyclyfiines, 

Sabellyanes, and other ; 

and the corruptoars of scripturis 

heretikes ben holdun, 

that other wise undirstondin 

than the Holi Goost techith. 

Also we clepen hem heretikes, 

that sacramentis sellyn, 

or ben from hem dividid 

bi cursynge of the chirche. 

He is also an heretike 

that doutith our bileve, 

and with a litil evydence 

goith out of the waye. 

And also an heretike 



I forsake the for ever, 
with this cursid chirche, 
Odivi ecclesiam tnalignanHum, 
If thou purposist to pursuwe 
and drawe men to dethe, 
I mcrvel not meche, 
for it is thin office. 
The fadires of freres, 



THE KEPLY OF FRIAR DAW TOPIAS, ETC. 03 

him slialde we holde 
that distrieth privyleges 
graiintid of the pope. 
This sixe maners 
put Hostiensis in his Summc, 
and if this sentence be soth, 
7 can noon other seien, 
but thou and thi secte 
ben heretikes alle. 

Jak, thou spekist ferthermore 
of messis and of preires, 
and askist what we sellen, 
wen we seyen oure messe, 
whether the sacrament, 
our preieres, or our traveile ; 
and if ony of this we done, 
thou arguest a greet errour. 
Jak, unto this questioun 
on wyse may be answerith, 
aftir that seint Austyn 
spekith of the apostlis. 
The apostUs a seye 
reseyved freely her breed 
of hem that freely 
token her techinge; 
and so, Jak, freely graunte 
we our masse 
to hem that freely 
^even us her almesse. 



whiche were the Pharisees^ 

pursuwed Crist to the paynful dcthe, 

^y callid hjm a blas&me, 

as ^e clepen hem heritikes 

that holde a^enes ^our falsehcde, 

alle if thai men truthe. 

Ei vos implete mensuram patrum vestrorum. 



94 POLITICAL POBMB 

and sjnnieii no vryee 

bi noon other vice, 

to Belle no sacramentis 

ne spiritual preier. 

And thus among frereis 

gete thei no logginge, 

but bete hem to.gretter men 

and geten her herbegage^ 

of patronis of chirchis, 

or privyly with preestes, 

wich to Mte benefieeB 

wolde be promotid. 

SJsk, I suppose 

That my labour y seUe, 

what wil thou seie therto, 

do y ony symonye? 

How than shal the persons seye 

that setten her chirches to ferme, 

that ben more spiritual 

than bodili traveUe; 

and these paroche preestes 

that ministren the sacramentis^ 

for a oerten sawd bi ^eer 

of ten mark or of twelfe ; 



fDaw, thou hast lerned 

so long to lye, 

thou wenest thou saist soth 

whan thou liest most lewde, 

and Bclaunderist the truthe. 

Thou saidist thou were no lettred man, 

thou prevest thi self fals^ 

fibr thou spekist of ierarchies, 

of herisies also ; 

thou art gilty in alle thes poyntes, 

and thi brether bothe, 

that I wolde preve apertly, 



THE REPLY OF PRIAR DAW TOPIAS, ETC. 9i 

and al these annueUers 

that syngen for a tyme, 

takyng for her traveil 

as thei may acord^; 

but thei caa answere for hem silf^ 

and we ahal for xi& 

Another mater ther is meved, 

that touchith begging; 

thou seist that we faJsly 

Grist him silf disclaundren, 

to seie that he beggid, 

sith he was lord of al, 

and al in his demiqn^ 



if that the tjme sufriiiL 

Lok Jour lyvyng, Jour prechyng, 

with other opun dedes^ 

and laye it by the apostles lyf, 

and se how thai acorde, 

and as I wene the Holigost 

appreveth nether nouther. 

Me thynkith Je ben tapsteres, 

in alle that Xe don ; 

Je tappe Jour absoluciones 

that Je bye at Rome, 

Jour prechyng, Jour prayings 

and also Jour beryings* 

Bot thou accusist- other men 

that han bot the mote 

in the comparison 

of alle Jour gret synnes. 

Hypocritay ejice prima irabem de oculo iuo^ 

Dawe, Je folowen Crista 

as grejhounde doth the hare; 

ffor as God Jaf kjng Saule 

in his wodeneSy 

so Je ben dekkid out 

to pursuwe holi chirche, 

Periculum in /alsis fratrHus. 



96 POLITICAL roEirs. 

TBut for this mater, Jacke, 

thou most undirstonde, 

that Crist in his godbede 

is lord of alle thingis, 

as testimonie of Scripture 

preveth in many places ; 

as touching his manhood 

he was nedi and pore, 

for of his nede spake 

David in ]iis psalmes. 

Bgo^ inquit, Tnendicua sum et pauper, et Do- 

minus soLicUua est mei. 
And after Austin and Jerom 
this word of Crist was seid, 
so thanne these twey 
stonden wel togidere, 
that Crist after oo kynde 
was lord of alle, 
and after that other 



1'^it, Dawe, thou drawist in 

many fols promptyDges, 

ffor to hirt symple men, 

hot me never a del ; 

ffor Crist in his membres 

beggid ful oft, 

ffor synne of the puple, 

when thai were at mischef. 

Bot as Buche bolde beggcrs 

in bodily heic, 

begged never Crist, 

ne non of his membres ; 

ffor Crist, that is tnithe, 

may in no wise 

contrarie him self 

nc God that is his fadir ; 

fibr in many places 

thai damnen suche sturdy beggyng, 

And, so, Dawe,' thou dotest, 



THE BEPLY C)P FRUR DAW TOPIAS, ETC. 9^ 

nedide to begge. 

For if Crist seie soth, 

him silf ne liadde noon hai*borow, 

to resten in his owne heed, 

and steken out the stormes. 

Vulpes, inquii, etc,, ubi caput euum reclinet. 

And if we shulen ^eve credence 

to doctonrs wordes, 

heere what seith seint Jerom, 

and seint Bernard also. 

Cave, inquit Jeronimus, ne mendicaMe Deo tuo 

alienaa divitias augeaa; et Bemardus. Ut 

te, Domme, per omnia nostrce paupertati 

, confoTTnares, qtuisi unus in turba pcmpentm 

aiipem per hostia Tnendicabas, 

Wherfore thou feynest fonnedll 



aWeggyng the water, 
the asse, or the herberowe ; 
for he was lorde of alle, 
and 80 thou mjsse takist Jerom, 
and Ijest on Bemarde, 
ffor Ah-ede his clerko 
wrote his reson, 
that thou mjsse lajst^ 
and dokkist-it as the likisti 
Herfor a clerke saith, 
that evel mot he spede, 
that beggith of the puple 
more than is nede. 

Mendax mendicus nan est veritatis amicusi 
Nutantes tramferantur Jilii ejus et mehdieent, 
God gif the grace to knowe how 
thou art Judas childe ; 
whiche psahne thoii leggist to me, 
as to an evel entent $ 
for ^it thou schuldest be damned 
softly in helle, 
Nutantes transferentur Jilii* 
VOL. IT. a 



9a POUTICAL POEII& 

that onre Lord we sclaundre ; 

or ellis oure holy dociomn 

diden not her dever. 

Jakf have no merveyle 

that y sp^e Latyn, 

for oonee I was a maudpld 

at Mertoun halle, 

and there y lemede Latyn 

by roote of clerkes. 

Of clamourus also bulging 

thou chaterist and oriist, 

and seist it is uttirli 

forbodun m Qoddia lawa , 

f Jak, the blynde begger 

sat bi the weye, 

and lowde criede uppon Crist, 

as the gospel tellith; 

but him was pvim i^e-si^t, 

for al his grete noise, 

and also the pore man 

at the specionns ^ate 

praiede to the apostlis 

to parten of her almes ; 

and ther the begger unreproved 

of crokidnesse he was heeHd. 



fThou ffeillest much brethe^ Daw, 

with legyng of thi tyxtes ; 

for snnime thou legest kenely. 

to a fols entente ; 

but of other thou blondyrst 

as a bljnde bnserde. 

For ihes pore of whom thou spekyst, 

mjXt not helpe hem selfe ; 

but toure prowde losengerie 

that rune abowt as gnek-drawers 

ben nejther pore ne fabii^ 

and so juge thou 

how thes to acorde. 



THE REPLY OF FRIAR DAW TOPIAS, ETC. 99 

I for^ete not the lazar 

that beggide of the riche, 

and criede lowde at hia ^ate 

to cachen his almes. 

Where redist thou that he wan 

repreved of his begging? 

I rede wel he was fid soone 

in Abrahams bosum, 

Thou makist also more ado 

for writing in oure tablis 

of sich mennes names 

that ^even us her almes^ 

" Wenynge that God were a fool, 

" not knowinge mennes dedes, 

" but if he were mengid 

" bi weie of ^our writyng/' 

T Jak, writyng was ordeyned 

for slipemes of mynde, 

not of God, but of us men, 

hirt in oure nature, 

and bi bodili buystousnesse 

fallen to for^etynge. 

Now special preier, 

as derkes seien, 



f ^it, Dawe, thou hewist hye, 

and puttist thi mouthe in beyen ; 

thi tong likkith the chesefat, 

and the gamer also, 

and the pore wedowes porse, 

thow^ she have bot a peny. 

And Jit, Dawe Dotypolle, 

thou justifiest this harlotrie ; 

whi lykkeuRest thou writyng of names, 

which thou dost for money, 

to the holi Bcripture, 

that is our bileve ? 

Ffor God ne any godeman 

G 2 



100 t»OLmCAL POElfS. 

tnofite helpeth the soulig, 

and that may not be done 

withouten special mynde. 

Thanne for oure for^etfulnesse 

it nedith us to not^, 

and tlus is cause whi 

we writun in oure tablis. 

And Esdras wroot a newe book, 

to have the lawe in mynda 

To seint Joon in the Apocalips 

it was bodun also, 

that privy reveladon 

to writun in his book^ 

for unstabihiesse of mynde, 

seith the comoun glose. 

" Whi," also thou axist, 

*' make ^e so many maistris, 

*^ a^ens Cristis bidding 

" in the hoU gospel t " 

For sothe, Jak, among other, 

this is a lewid question* 

Taking heed to thin astaate, 

thou art but a knave, 

and ^it thou lokist that thi knAve 



approved never this symonje ; 

but thou approvest ^our capped inaisti*cs 

with a glaseki glose, 

whicho galpen afler grace 

bi sjmonye ^our sister, 

and after sitten on hie decc 

and glosen lordes and ladies. 

And this is no liknes 

bitwix my knave and hem ; 

fibr of thes and suche it ben 

that Crist specth in his gospel. 

Anuint enim primos recubUus in ccenis^ el primas 

cathedras in synaffogis, et votari ab hominibus 

Rabbi. 



THE REPLY OF FRIAR DAW TOPIAS, ETC. J^l 

shulde calle thee maistir. 
Leve Jacke Jawdewyn, 
liow kepisb thou the gospell 
Nevertheles to thi question 
sDswerith the comoun glose, 
that neithir the acte of teching, 
neither the acte of maistir, 
ben forbodun of Crist, 
but oonli ambidon, 
and the nyce appetite 
of worldly worship. 

Thou askist also ferthermore, 
whos ben alle oure jewels ; 
and we seyen we han ri^t nou^t 
[^ in propre ne in comoun, 

but gederen the goodes of the rewme 

to make the pope riche. 

Jak, the foure and twentithe pope 

Joon wroot a^ens this mater» 

and frere menours a^ens him, 

as her actis shewen. 

Examyne her actis 

and loke who hath the beter, 

and knowe noon other ordre 

this perfitnesse approveth, 

TThou grucchist also that we gon 

two of us togider ; 



YDaw, thou herdist me not grucche 

that ^e went two togedir ; 

ffor otherwhile ^e gon three, 

a wonunan is that oouc 

Bot whether Je go two or oon, 

if Je wol do wele, 

it were a gret joye to me, 

God wot the sothe. 

Bot wel I wote that charit6 

may not duelle there, 



102 POLITICAL POEHa 

for of the perfit apostlis 

wenten but oone aloone. 

Thou seist that we pretenden 

the perfeccioun of apostlis. 

Parfay, Jak, in scripture 

thou fSedlist here ful foule, 

herdest thou nevere the processe 

of the actis of the apostlis, 

in what maner the Holi Qoost 

chees Bemab^ and Poule, 

to gone bothe togidere, 

and Cristis seed to sowun; 

and aftirward whan Bemabaa 

from Poul was departid, 

another felowe, T^nnothfi, 

toke Poul to his feere. 

And jit thei weren perfit 

bi fastinge and bi preieris, 

and resseyved hadde the Holi Qoost 

bi the apostlis hondis. 

And thus we gon two togider, 

folwinge her stappis; 

but more for the mysterie 

includid in the noumbre, 

for to bi workes of charity 

fulfilling the lawe ; 

and two tablis of Moises 



where covetise crepith in, 
and lecherie is loggid. 
Therfor, Dawe, allegge thou 
no fignr for thin ordre, 
bot if it be Zambre 
with Corby his lotby, 
or Janmes and Mambres, 
Pharaouse freres. 

Hi 8unt qui penetrant domos^ et dueunt muKerculas 
oneratas peccatis. 



THK BEPLT OF FBIAR DAW TOPUS, ETC. 103 

there the lawe was wiitun; 

and two cherubyns in the temple, 

and two in the tabernacle. 

It was not good to Adam 

for to be aloone; 

and Crist seith woo to sool 

in aventnre that he fiille. 

Also for fraternity 

ful harde thou us holdist^ 

to graunt part of merits 

and also of messis^ 

bicause that we witen not whether 

that we ben In grace or in synne, 

and happili for we praien for suche 

that ben dampned in helle. 

Jak, if this cause were good, 

al preier were reproved, 

and thanne were set at nou^t 

bothe messe and matynes, 

and holy bedis and orisons 

seid in holi chirche. 

Y Thanne shulde we leve Oristis bede, 

the holy pater-noster* 

Thanne was the memento 

put &lly in the masse, 

and hooli chirche voidli 

or madli biddith preye, 

and alle siche ^onge impossibilitees 

folowen therof 



TThou argust, Topias, wonderly, 

as if thou were an asse i 

for thou legest ^oore Belde bedys to the pater*no8ter, 

that Crist him eelre made ; 

but wel I wote that alle ^e 

gate neyer a peny, 



10 ( POUnCAI. POESfS, 

For who is that that kiiowith liiin nilf 

worthi for to prcien, 

but God bi reyelaciou 

specially wolde it shew^; 

for noman, seith the scripture, woot* 

whether he is worthi love, 

or ellis maugree but God 

it oonly knowitfa* 

And who can telle ferthermore 

whiche shulde be dampned, 

sith Gbddis privy domes 

man may not comprehend^; 

and so shal noman preie for other, 

ne noman for him silf. 

Jak, se now thin ejrour, 
and sum tyme sesse for shame ; 
for thou jangelist a^ a jay, 
and woost not what thou meenest 
Moreover thou monest multipliyng 
of so many freri^, 
whicbe encresen combyouseli, 
a^ens Goddifl wille;^ 
sith preestis with other religious 
myjte serve the peple, 
for twelve apostlis and fewe moo 
serveden al the world, 
and mo fyngris on myn bond 
than foure and the thombe 



with the pat^*-noBter, 
but with Joure famulonim, 
that Je sey is beter, 
ye gate many poundesi 
For Crist made that one, 
for better may none be ; 
but Je with ^oure ypocrisy 
ban autorised that other, 



THE REPLY OF FBIAB DAW TOPIAS, ETC 405 

amenusith my worching 

more than it acreaith; 

and 80 thou seist that freris letteu 

Cristis growipge into heven. 

Jacke, thou weene^t thou wynno lout!, 

but thou ooncludist thi silf ; 

thou seist that Ood alle thingis hath uiaad 

in mesure^ wei^te, and noumbre, 

and that every frere is sum thing, 

thou maist not denye, 

and thou seist freris ben maad 

atens Goddis wille. 

Than hath God maad sum thing 

that he wolde not make^ 

and so his sovereyne goodnesse 

is oontrarious to him silfe. 

Lo^ Jakke Jospinel/ 

what folowith of thi sawis. 

Jakke, if thou^ a fewe moo 

myjte serven al the world, 

thanne my^te a fewe preestes 

serven a litil rewme. 

Whi renne thanne these ^onge clerkes 

so faste to the ordres, 

to encresen preestes 

above mony hundridis? 

And if freris ben combrouse, 



to blynde with the pupyl 
for ^oure cursed gi'oundc, 
and thou God made ol thinge in mesure and in 

as the scripture seythe, 
it folowth not he made ^ou, 
for ^e ben oute of mesure, 
and 80 the devyl and Caym 
with Judas ben ^oure fadirs. 



106 POLITICAL POEMS. 

preestis ben wel more; 

or ellis telle a beter skil 

thaime thou hast begunne, 

whi the toon is ohargeaunt 

more than the tother. 

Also the ensaiunple of thin hond 

is no thing to ptirpos ; 

for kynde hath determyned 

the noumbre of thi fyngris^ 

and if it passe noumbre, 

it is depid monstruosit^ ; 

but God and holi chirche 

determyned noo noumbre 

of preestis ne of freris 

to helpen mannis Boule. 

For the mo good ther ben, 

the better is Cristis spouse; 

and thou^ fewer my^ten 

done that nedis^ 

^it many hondia togider 

maken U^t werk. 

Y Another mater thou tnovesti Jak^ 
moost to be chargid^ 
of the solempne sacrament 
of Cristis owne bodye, 
conteyned in figure of brede^ 
sacrifise for synne ; 
- thou drawist a thorn cut of thi hele^ 
and puttist it in oure. 



f Oft, Dawe, in thi writtyng, 
thou wryngist out contradiccion ; 
but ^it thou puttist defaut to prestes, 
as erst thou didist to curates. 
I wot thai ben defectif, 
bot ^it Btondith Cristis religion, 
of whose defaut I dout not^ Dawe, 
^e ben the chef cause. 



THE BEPLT OF FRiAll DAW TOPIAS, ETC. 107 

Thou berist us on honde thai we aeiea 

ther ia not Crista bodye, 

but roundnease and whiteneaaej 

and ac-cidcnt withouteu suget 

Jakj we seie with holy chlrche, 

that tlier is Criatia bodi, 

and not material breed 

with Wiclyf jour maistirj 

the wliiclie put ther but a^ a figure, 

and not verr^ Cristis bodi, 

after a manere spekyug 

that holy cliirche usith, 

as we depen Crist a etoon, 

a lomb, and a lioun, 

and nooa of these ia Crist, 

but oouH in figure. 

ThiB her*isie holde not we, 

but ^e hiB false folowera^ 

priyyly as ^e doreu, 

and opinli je woldenj 

I1& were the sharp ponishiugc 

of tour former &dirs. 



Bi this it Buwit not God, 

hot Sathanas broujt ^ou in* 

Thou saist, Dawe, as tlioE fellst, 

that there ia Cristas hody ; 

l>ot I afferme faithfully 

that that i& Cristis body ; 

Daw, aske thi cappid maiatre% 

as if thai were heritikes, 

what is the sacred hostj 

and grounde hem in ^eripturej 

to whiche wo knele and doffe our hodesj 

and don aHe this wirchip^ 

and I bileve that oste Bacred, 

whiche 18 botho whit and roundej 

its verrei Oriatis body. 



f 



108 POLITICAL POISBIS. 

And now I will thee telle 

the freris coiiJUeoT, 

touching to this sacrament, 

how that thei bileven. 

Thei seie breed is turned into tLevsh, 

and wyne into blood, 

thour^ the my^t of oure God, 

and vertue of his wordis ; 

the fleish is mete, the blood is dryuke, 

and Crist dwellith [therin], 

no thing rasyd, no thing dividid, 

but oonli broken in signe, 

and as moche is in oo partie 

as is al the hole ; 

thus leeveth not of the breeds 

but oonli the licnesse^ 

which that abidith therinne 

noon substeyned substans. 

It is deth to the yvel, 

lyf to good encresing of pure giace. 

It wole not be confect 

but oonli of a preest^ 



as men shuld bileve, 

and did to the tyme 

that Sathanas was unbounde. 

The wittnesse of this reson 

is Crist and his apostles, 

with many holi doctouris 

of the thousande ^ere. 

Bot this ^e falsely forsake, 

with alle ^our secte, or many, 

and blynden the puple with beresie, 

and leven Groddis lawe ; 

ffor ye sayen ther is Cristis body, 

and nou^t that sacred host. 

Commutaveruni verUatem Dei in mendacium. 



THE REPLY OF FRIAR DAW TOPIAS, ETC. 103 

tlmt lawfuUi is ordeyned 
bi holi chirche keies; 
and 80 carpenters ne sowters, 
card-makers ne powchers^ 
drapers ne cutellers, 
girdelers, coferers, ne corvysere, 
ne no mauere of artifioeris, 
this sacrament mowe treten^ 
but the privity of preesthode 
wer piickid in her souUs. 
And ^it ^our sect susteynes 
wommen to seie massis^ 
shewyng to trete a sacrament 
as preestes that thei 'were, 
reversfynge holy doctours 
and decree of holy chirche. 
Y Alias I ^onr brymme blastis 
awake the wilde wawlis, 
and sealen sely Peter ship, 
and putt it in hi^e perile; 
ne were God the giour, 
and kept the stem, 
with the steme stormes 
that renfulli ^e reisin, 
al schnlde wende to wrak 



%Xii spekith Jak Uplande. 

To make with the a dialogge^ 

I holde it hot wast, 

for thou maryst thy Icsynges lowde 

with thy false heresycs ; . 

men may se by thy ^yriting, 
- here, thou jangelyng jay, 

how thou bylevest not in the sacriJ o.^le, 

for we sey alle^ 
ry the sacrid oste that is sene with eye 
^ is verey Cristes body ; 

but thy seote seyth not soo, 



110 pounoAL FOEva 

into the waast watris. 
The releef of Cristia feeiste 
ye renden and ratyn, 
that his alumners the pofitliB 
gaderid togidere, 
and delith it to dogges 
and rayenous baeetes; 
^ and the presciouBe perlis 
^e strowun to hogges, 
the sutil metis of scripturia 
to cherlis stomakes, 
>-- and maken hem als eomoun 
as the cart weye, 
a^ens Poulis sentence, 
and Poulis owne doctrina 
Non, mquit Pcmkis, potm vohis a&ribere quaei 

apvrituaUbu^, aed qucLsi ea/mtUihus, etc. 
Se also what Crist seith, 
in the holy gospel 

MuUa lidimi vobia dioere^ aed Tum, eta. 
Also in many other place thus speldth he 
to his perfit disciplis: 
Vobia datwm eat noae&ne myaterwm regni Dei, 

ccBteria (mtem va pa/rdbolam, eta, 



but ^e say ther is Qristee body, 

te tel not where. 

But Crist seyth, this is my body, 

and not, ther is my body. 

Whi, ^e templars messe sellers, 

grante ^e not Cristes wordes, 

syth ^e chafyr thus therwith, 

bygylyng the pupil? 

Lete ^oure secte write ^oure byleve 

of this sacrid oste, 

and preche it as ^e write it, 

and sette therto ^ore sele, 



THE REPLY OF FBIAB DAW TOPIAS, ETC. I I I 

Than the lewide and the lered 
au^t not yliche, 
the scripturis ben scaterid 
in his privy pointes. 

Jak, thou seist at' the laat, 
that charity is chadd^ 
to vengyn cure de&utis> 
and mBndb.us QjF ours myase, 
levynge oure rotyn ritis, 
folowinge Qoddis lawe. 
Jak, oure litis ben nou^t rotyn, 
her rootis ben al freisbe, 
plantid in the gospel, 
as I seide biforen; 
buty good Jak, ^our grace, 
where be je foundid?^ 
noty^i Qoddi^ gospel) \ 
but in Sathaiias pistile,. 
wher of soroi^e aitfLolWowci^ie 
noon is to seken, 
but al manor of ddoaittf 
to ^ou is enditid, 4 

as in thi lewid daliaunoe * 
ajie^tMlthou hast pr^ed''; 



and I am siker of my feith 

^ schul be stonde to deth; 

and than schal tonre castela 

cache hem new majsters^ 

for ^e wil not grante, 

ne hot few of ^oure ordirs, 

the OBt sacridy white and rounds^ 

is verey Cristis body, 

I pray oure Lord Jhesu, 

that sone be it sene, 

who is in the trew wey^ 

whether ^e other we. 



112 POLITICAL POEUS. 

but moche mawgr^ mote thou have 

thus to frayn a frere, 

that slily wolde have slent aweye^ 

and nomau have greved« 

But for till grete labour 

thi gardoun thou shalt gete; 

thou shalt have the popis curse, 

and al holi chut^his ; 

and if thou sett this at nou^t, 

God mowe sende thee more, 

the curse that he hath ^ovuu to Cayiii 

and Choreis sone also ; 

thou shalt also have the curse 

that Crist ^af to Phafiseis, 

figured in the figre tree 

that nevere bare fruyte aftir* 

Thou shalt have the weleaway 

of Gelboth hilles, 

the sorowe of Sodome^ 

and al sinful citeis. 

Take for thi faire speche 

the preier of Deus laudem, 

the greable gardoun 

for al opin sclaundris; 

thou shalt have the roalisoun 

of Moab and Ariel ; 



But towching men of craftc, 

whom thou dispisjst, 

al they schulde medle hem 

to know her byleve, 

but as wele of her sacryng, 

as wymmen syngyngc meese, 

alwey thou usest the craft 

of thyn old fader. 

Why darst not thou of summc 

of ^ou false heretykis, 



THE REPLY OP BTIIAR DAW TOPTAS, ETC. 118 

the benjBoun of Bethsaida 

shal make thy beddis heed ; 

and, Jakke, for thou apprisist not 

the curse of seint Franceis, 

but scornyst the malisoun 

of the foure ordris, 

take the malisoun that God ^f 

to brekers of his lawe, 

in the book of Deutronomye, 

the seven and twenty chapitre ; 

but evere be ware of Cristis curse, 

and of cattis tailis, 

the which if thou have grace to cacchon, 

nevere shal thou thryve. 

Now fere forthe to thi fourmures, 

and, Jak, thou hem telle 

the matere of oure talkynge, 

and loke how hem likith ; 

and if hem thinke not thi sawes 

sufficientli assoilid, 

]at hem senden a^en, 

it shal be amendid ; 

and sai hem that it nedith not 

to sharpen oure clerkes, 

lor frere Dawe is scharpe ynow^ 

for al sich enditinge. 



fynde owte such on, 
and preve ^oure lesynges sothe. 
And therfor, Daw, I sey nomore 
to the at this tyme, 
but thou ert on of the falsest 
that ever I saw write. 
For Mahomete and Serginus, 
and al her grete lawe, 
wot not 80 many lesynges 
as ben here in thy writynges. 
VOL. II. 



114 POLITIGAL POEMS. 

Ffare wele, Jak Jawdewjme, 
I thee God bitake ; 
and noxnore of finaris 
I thee rede to preoha 
To lower state than ihei ben 
thou maist hem not dryve, 
and if thei evere oome to hijer, 
the wers shal thou thryve. 

Explicit dictamen ftutris Daw Topias, quern in fine 
appeUdt Johannem WalaavngJiam, contra quoRs- 
tionea Jdhminia Uplond. 



On the Execution of Richard Scbopb, Archbishop 
OF York.* 

June 8, 1405. 

Quis meo capiti dabit effundere, 

Et fonte lachrytnas multum suffundere, 

Per dies noctesque aquas deduoere, 

Deflenti mortem preesulis? 
Quid mirum efBuam totus in lachrymaB^ 
Defleam, lugeam tantas misereas, 
Procerum, plebium stragea innumerafi^ 

Nunc finis verisimilis. 
Sancti Paracleti sacra solemnitas 
WiUelmi prsesulis felix festivitas/ 
Pastoris humilis csBdis severitaa, 

Coneursu gaudent temporis. 
Secunda feria post lucis medium 
Ricardus Anglise primas ad gladium 
Ducitur, cseditur, migrans ad gaudium 

Commutat ima superis. 



From MS. Cotton. Fatistina B. ix. fol. 242, y^. 



ON THE EXECUTION OF RICHABD SCROPE. 115 

Faster perdudtur plebis prsesentia, 
Et interdicitur mox audientia; 
In primis promitur ipsa sententia 

Ingressus quam prseposterus. 
Judex prsepotens, nulla dilatio, 
Nulla negotii examinatio, 
Gravis sententise prsBoeps probatio, 

Progressus temerarius. 
Nil ergo conscius prsdsul non resonat. 
Nee latas canonis censuras fulminat, 
Sed prothomartyris exemplo geminat, 

Ne Chiistus noxam statuas. 
Non sacri temporis prodest prcesentia, 
Nihil nobilitas, nil reverentia* 
Fetsonse, ordinis nee prseminentia, 

Hse habent voees vacuas. 
Loeus sentential, patris palatium ; 
Jumento vehitur hinc ad supplicium; 
Cessavit penitus sellaB solatium^ 

Capistro frsenum eesserat. 
Tunc ait pontifex, despectus congruit, 
Omatus varius quia complacuit, 
Hunc mundi Dominus Christus sustinuit, 

Cum pati poenas venerat. 
Solatur comitem adolescentulum, 
Ne prorsus timeat mortis articulum ; 
Certus obtineat coeli coenaculum, 

Coruscus comes angelis. 
Fel, ferula^ virgula satis sufficerent, 
Furentem fiumeam si non adjicerent; 
Foedam infiuniam sic procul pellerent, 

Yulgatam regnis singulis. 
Proh dolor! parvulum ense percutiunt; 
Proh pudor ! sanguinem proprium poUuunt 
Proh nefas ! patriae primatem perimunt, 

FoUuti parricidio. 
VOL. 11. H 2 +- 



116 POLITICAL POEMS. 

Flexis poplitibus post pads osculum 

Offert camifici columba jugulum ; 

Sic linquit pontifex comis ergastulum ; 

Fert ictus quinque gladio. 
Mitis in moribuB, in pudidtia 
Castus, virtutibus clams, scientia 
Lucidus, stabilis in patientia, 

Vemat laude multiplici. 
Baptismus sanguinis, fluminis, flaminis, 
Abstergit maculas cujusque criminis, 
Hoc sacro tempore virtute numinis 

Benatus fonte triplici. 
Ast Thomam militum audax atrocitas, 
Sjrmonem plebium furens ferodtas, 
Bdcardum callide saava crudelitas, 

Obtruncant christos Domini. 
Annus millenus quadringentesimus 
Quintus erat Chiisto patri novissimus, 
Dies quo patitur pastor piissimus 

Octavus erat Junii 
Ad sancti Stephani altaris titulum, 
Cujus proverbii sumpsit capitulum, 
Praeparat prsesuli sepuldiri lectulum 

Cunctorum Deus praesdus. 
Lectorem simplicem supplex expostulo, 
Ne patrem poUuat veneni poculo; 
Benigne audiat quse videt oculo 

Factorum Dei nesdus. 
Quicquid ab aliis divisim traditur, 
A probis plurimis sparsis asseritur. 
Quod pie, patiens, devote moritur, 

De fine nuUus hsesitat. 
Si vera caritas monstrat miracula, 
Prsecedet Veritas, nee offendicula 
Beddetur probitas per ulla ssecula, 

Scriptura sacra recitat. 



ON THE EXECUTION OP RICHARD SCROPE. 117 

Si caussa subeant, Deus, ecclesia, 
Begnum, res publica, fides, justitia, 
Pie pr89sumitur pro patientia 

Omnia viacit caritas. 
Non queuat caetera poenarum genera, 
Corpora lacera, carorum funera, 
A plebe toUere amoris munera; 

Omnia suffert caritas. 
Thesaurus toUitur, vasaque csetera. 
Corporis, camersd supellex varia, 
Capellse, studii vasa, jocalia ; 

Omnia fiscus occupat 
Non datur corporis funeri lintheus, 
Non nummus minimus pro funeralibus. 
Nihil pauperibus, nil creditoribus, 

Pictas prorsus exulat. 
Pa3na progreditur familiaribus, 
Census indicitur, nudantur opibus, 
Nee veris creditur probationibus, 

Yenenum est his vcnia. 
Post hiec extenditur poena in plcbibus 
Importabilibus exactionibus ; 
Nemini pai-citur, sed innoccntibus 

Ingnita datur gratia. 
Anglorum recolens prima fastigia, 
Nunc horum intuens dii'a discidia, 
Cunctorum metuens simul excidia, 

Mutata miror prospera. 
Gens olim nobilis, nunc nimis misera, 
In fide fragilis, vilis ut vipera, 
Verbis instabilis, in factis effera, 

Matema rodit viscera. 
Ignavi exteris bellis hostilibus 
Caedunt se mutuo plus quam civilibus, 
Trucidis, horridls, innaturalibus, . 

Cognato madent sanguine. 



118 



POLITICAL POEMS. 



Orbatur regie inclitis dudbuB, ^ 

Nudatur legio lectis militibus, 
Baochatur pugio ccesis tyronibus, 

Bams fortis in agmine. 
Quis mihi tribuat ut aDiios pristinos 
Bevolvi videam et mores patrios, 
Bidere rideam at canos ultimos; 

In forma pacis finiam. 
O summa Deitas, qui coelis inseris^ 
PrsBsidens mediis medere miseris, 
Ut spectis infimis IsBtemur superis, 

Beatus dona veniam. Amen. 



On thb Death of Henby IV.^ 

By Thomas of Elmham. 

IncvpU epistola aacrce theologicB professoris magistri 
ThorruB Elmham^ monachi de Lenton prope 
UTotyngham, ad regem Eenricum qwrntv/m pro 
opere sequenti. 

rex mi domine, ssepe quae tibi scribere duxi, 
Providus ut fias, damna fiitura cavens, 



> From the Bodleian Library, 
MS. Bawlinson, No. 214, fol. 134, 
r^. The writer of these lines, 
Thomas of Elmham, is well known 
to historians by his prose history of 
the reign of Henry y», printed by 
Heame ; by a history of the monas- 
tery of St. Augustine at Canter- 
bury, of which Mr. Hardwick has 
recently given us an edition ; and 
by his summary of the history of 
the same reign in Latin verse, the 
latter edited by Mr. C. A. Cole, in 
his ** Memorials of Henry the Fifth, 



<< King of England." In his earlier 
life he was a Benedictine monk of 
the monastery in Canterbury, of 
which he compiled the history ; he 
subsequently entered the order of 
Cluny, and was elected prior of 
Lenton in Nottinghamshire, an 
office which he held until 1426. 
The short poem here printed must, 
from internal evidence, have been 
composed immediately after the 
event it commemorates, the death 
of Henry IV., and before its author 
became prior of Lenton. 



ON THE DEATH OF HENRY IV. Ill) 

Errores solitos quos nunc tua curia mittit 

Corrige, ne feriat te gravis ira Dei 
Nam licet hie hodie sis rex, sors crastina forsan 

Te cito subvertet et diadema tuum. 
Ecce quod intrasti transis, patet exitus orbe, 

Quo tria sunt ista, pus, labor, atque dolor. 
Flebilifl ingressus, progreasus debilis inde, 

Egressus timidus, hsec memorare precor. 
si lamenta popxdi, si gaudia scires, 

Qu89 tibi dat fleres egrediens, regrediens. 
Nam tuus adventus cunctis tnstis perhibetur, 

Jocundus tuus est exitus a patria. * 
Cervicata oohors et avari quique jninistri 
. Causant plura mala, dum bona vi rapiunt. 
Quod fit eis placitum tenet hoc pro jure vigorem, 

Ad libitum paret his homo, sio animal 
Hi nihil exdpiunt, tamen hoc in tempore guerrse, 

lUidtum fieret, liber ut esse solet. 
Presbyter et monachus, mercator, cultor agrique, . 

His et jumenta libera jure manent. 
Hi cum securi debent fore tempore guerrse, 

Cur non securi tempore pads erunt? 
Si pax nuUa lods datur in quibus ipse moraris, 

Facis ades fractor, inde caveto tibi. 
Begis Rioardi crebro memorare secundi, 

Cujus fortunae sit cito versa rota. 
Henrici regis patris ipse ttii memor esto, 

Nam sua fortuna carne supina ruit. 
lUius in speculo res extitit hoc speculata, 

Hsec mage quo fieret conspicienda tibi 
Hujus doctrina tibi stat vice cotis, acutum 

Quae ferrum reddit ipsa secando nihil 
Dogmatis ecce sui metra congrua condere conor, 

Ut tibi proficiant hie tibi dixit ita. 

Explicit epistola magistri Tluymce EVmham ad regem 
Henricum quintum. 



120 POLITICAL POEMS. 

Indpit epistola regis Henrid quarti ad JUium swum 
Henricum quintum in extremis larvguerUis pro 
sui et regni Angliw guheniatione^ una cum 
benedictione pccterruili eunctis suis filiis, ex com- 
posito prcedicti magistri T. E. 

Dilige mente Deum, fill, virtuteque tota, 

Hoc tu si facias sit tibi vera salus. 
Vera salus tibi sit, si corde Deum venereris^ 

Nee dubites sibi dans corpus, opes, cor, et os. 
•Corpus, opus, cor, et os sibi dans, mala discute prisca, 

Si sit prosperitas, inde caveto mali. 
Inde caveto mali, ne degener ad bona fias, 

Et te sic habeas ut mala quaeque luas. 
Ut mala quseque luas crebro bene confitearis, 

Tu confessores excipe proficuos. 
Excipe proficuos, foveas quo te reprehendant, 

Ut decet exculpa Isetius arte feras. 
Arcta feras tete servire Deo, vigil affer 

Os, aures, oculos, corde precando Deum. 
Corde precando Deum consortia pange piorum ; 

Det tibi colloquium religiosa cohors. 
Beligiosa cohors pellat decreta malorum, 

Omne malum fugiaa, dilige quodque bonum. 
Quodque bonum nutrias, coram te despice dici 

AUectiva mails, cor pietatis habe. 
Cor pietatis habe, labor assit, et otia speme, 

Exemplum prsebens arma tuendo tuis. 
Arma tuendo tuis memorans I'egni diadema, 

Die memorans tibimet ad quod, amice, venis. 
Ad quod, amice, venis, ut prsesis proficias nil, 

Non mis inde piger si nimis alta petas. 
Si nimis alta petas, scripturse ceme valorem, 

Nee puteus Jacob est, sit sapor inde recens. 
Sit sapor inde recens, hinc vana recentia pelle, 

Teque deeentia stent recta docentia te. 



ON THE DEATH OF HENBY IV. 121 

Recta docentia te dictant ut linea recta 

Sit servanda tibi quo vacet iUicitum. 
Quo vacet iUicitum non dextris nonque sinistris 

Divertas, gratis prosperitate cavens. 
Prosperitate cavens adversis tu patiens sis, 

Esto memor finis, die ego quis tibimet? 
Die ego quis tibimet, Henrice, tibi speculum do, 

Fortis eram quondam, debilis ecce ruo. 
Debilis ecce ruo, multis formosior olim 

Yultus pictura pluribus alma fuit. 
Fluribus alma fiiit quae nunc patet horrida cunctis. 

Qui sapui plura, vix memor esto mei. 
Yix memor esto mei quis me de oorpore mortis 

Hujus nunc leniet, mors, mihi cara, veni. 
Mors, mihi cara, veni, cum sis mihi janua vitse, 

Foetor, gleba, lutum, stat reputanda caro. 
Stat reputanda caro nil, quamvis sint tibi vires. 

Si non mente vires, non bonus ipse vires. 
Non bonus ipse vires, horum sijion memor assis, 

Qui cari mihi sunt, his bona ferre velis. 
His bona ferre velis, cunctis ingrata refutes. 

Quo gratus maneas, hoc tibi gratia det. 
Hoc tibi gratia det, Acheron non grata resumet ; 

Terram terra teget, spiritus alta petet. 
Spiritus alta petet, benedictio te sacra Christi 

Servet, quo solvas debita quaeque mea. 
Debita quaeque mea solvas et eris benedictus, 

Te firatres quoque rex beat ipse poll 
Bex beet ipse poli pietate Thomamque, Johannem, 

Necnon Humfredum, sit quibus alma fides. 
Alma fides vireat qua crescant prospera regni, 

Ut te contingat hac prece posse frui. 

Gratiarum actianes regis Henrici 4 in fine vUce suce. 

Gloria^ Christe, tibi, miserorum rex miseratur, 
Pro pietate tua tu miserere mei 



122 



POLITICAL POEMa 



Nomen 
regis. 



Nomen 

venifica- 

torui. 



\ 



Tu miserere mei noaoo conoeptus in alvo, 

Ingressus mundum mox bona grata tuli. 
Grata tuli, tribues tibi nil miles, comes, et dux, 

Nunc rex grata tuli gloria tota tibi 
Tota tibi laus ait, in te nunc omnia possum, 

Hsec me confortant spes, amor, atque fides. 
Spes, amor, atque fides, sensusque, memorque voluntas 

Fatri tum nato spirituique sacro. , a 

Sacro spiritui sit laus in honore perenni, ^ . , ( -*''^' 

Infirmus cum sim fortior atque potens. /'*^ ' 
Fortior atque potens respirans ^xprimo Xpistum,* 

JTinc ego nunc rogito j'usta crucis i;ia «it. 
JTaec est Tiobilitas regnantibus inclita cunctis 
Firtutum aeries, relevans examine Zpus. 
Bbstes ecce Tiocent rapiendo jocalia eara, 
Firtus «ervetur respirans excipe JTpum. 
JVaditur Aostis opus, meditetur amoro sophia, 

JBicipiens iumen mortis amara monens. 

Mortem regie Henrid Ui. 

Annis millenis quadringentis duodenis 

Rex meat Henricus ad loca digna sibi 
Cuthberti luce vitBB spiramen ab imis 

Suscipit altitonans rex miserando piis. 
Ficta prophetia sonuit quam vivus habebat. 

Quod sibi sancta fuit terra lucranda cnice. 
Improvisa sibi sacra terra datur nescius hospes 

In Betlilem camera Westque monasterio. 
O fallax fortuna, suis vergenda repente, 

Quos sua dextra levat, bos sua laeva prcmat. 
Fingit, ovat, rccipit, tradit, variat, negat, aufert, 

Quot rara promittit, fine periro solent. 
Claruit Henricus rex, regum germino natus, 

Anglus, Normannus, cum sit uterquo parens. 



* It is necessary to retain the I case, or we should lose the a-, 
abbreviation of the irord In this | which is necessary to the acrostic. 



ON THE DEATH OF HENKT IV. 



123 



Anglia, Francia, Neustria^ parte patris referuntor, 

Nobilius reliquis, siirps sua clara viret. 
Henrico r^ temo sextos reperitur, 

Tarn patre quam matre pura propago patet. 
Audax, intrepiduSy micuit miles, comeS; et dux, 

EQnc rex magnificus robore, mente, statu. 
Hio moriens monuit successurum sibi natum 

Henricum quintum, nobilitate parem. 

FmituT finds regis Henrici Hi. 

jRex CB, ajpicolis ale ne grrave tedat, id effer; 
flic es, nH rapias, ^*us conservans vice summi ; 
Quo tdrtus ^ubilans, -n^xam terit, itndique suffer. 
(Thrismatis anna tenens, en regni ^us notat ara. 
i2es 6st gratifica ^am TiobUitas animosa, 
ilngelicum Tiomen grenti iocus imprimit ecce. 



On the Battle op Azincoubt.* 

And ther lay owre kynge til the fyrste day of 
Octobre, the which day owre kynge remevyd and 
toke his way thorow Normandy and thorow Pykardy 
towarde Calys. And these bethe the townes that 
owre kynge rood by thorow Frawnce. First is Har- 
flew ; the secunde is Houndefle ; the thirde is Barfletc ; 
the ferthe is Mousterevelers ; the fift is Fescoonpe, 
with the abbey; the sixt is Arkes; the seventhe is 
Depe; the eyghte is Depe; the ix© is the cet^ of 



» From MS. Cotton. Cleop. C. iv. 
foL 24, r**. This song, evidently a 
contemporary effusion, is preserved 
in a partly imperfect form in.an early 
chronicle of London, the writer of 
-which was taking his narrative from 
the account given in the popular 



ballad, until, tired of paraphrasing 
it, he went on copying Uie song 
itself. The lines of the earlier part 
of it, with their rhymes, are easily 
traced in the introductory prose, 
which is printed here as it stands 
in the MS. 



124 POLITICAL POEMS. 

Delewe ; the x° is the cet^ de Tewe ; the xj® is cet^ 
de Neelle ; the xij° is the cetd de Amyas ; the xiij° is 
the cet^ of Aras ; the xiiij^ the water of Somme ; the 
XV** the cet^ of Pyi-oune ; the xyj° the water of 
Swerdys; and than the batel of Tyrwyne. And in 
A^yngcorte felde owre kynge faught with the French- 
men the ffryday tofore the day of Symond and Jude ; 
and ther all the ryall powere of Frensshemen come 
a^enst owre kynge and his litill meyn6, save the 
Frensshe kynge and the dolfyne and the duke of 
Borgoyn, and the duke of Barre, elles all the lordys 
of Frawnce lay tofore the kynge in his hy way as 
he schuld passe towarde Calys, enbateylyd in iij® 
batayles, as the Frensshemen sayde hem silfe, the 
nowmbre of Ix m^ men of armes, and tho were the 
faireste men of armys that ever any man saw in any 
plase. And owre kynge with his litille mayn^ sey 
well he must nedys fy^te, or he myght not come to 
Calays by the hy way. And than he sayde to his 
lordys and to his mayn^ : " Syres and ffelowes, the 
'* ^ondere mayn^ thenke to lett us of owre way, 
" and thei wil nat come to us, lete every man preve 
" hym silfe a good man this day, and avant baneres, 
** in the best tyme of the yere, for as I am trew 
" kynge and knyght, for me this day sclialle never 
" Inglond i*awnsome pay ; erste many a wyght man 
" schall leve is weddes, for here erste to deth I wil 
** be dyght, and therfore, lordynges, for the love of 
" swete Jhesu, helpe mayntene Inglondes ryght this 
'* day. AUso, archers, to yow I praye, no fote that 
" ze fle away, erste be wo alle beten in this felde. 
" And thenke be Englysshemen that never wold fle 
" at no batelle, for a^enste one of us thowthe ther 
" be tene, thenke Criste wil help us in owre ryght. 
" Bot I wold no blode wer spiltc, Cryste hclpe me 
" so now in this case, but tho that been cause of 
" this trespase; when thou Bxttest in jugment, ther 



ON THE BATTLE OF AZINCOURT. 126 

" holde mo excused tofore thi face, as thou art God 
'* omnipotent. But passe we all now in fere, duke, 
" erle, and bachelere, of all owre synnys he make us 
" sekei*e. Jentil Jhesu, borne of Marye, and as for us 
" thou deydyst on good Fryday, as thi will was, so 
" brjmge us to thi blisse an hy, and graunte us ther 
" to have a place. Do and bete on ffaste,'* owre kynge 
tho bad wythe fuUe glad chere; and so thei dyde at 
that word, lord, knyght, and archere. Ther men 
myght * see a sembl^ sade that tumyd many on to 
tene and tray, for many a lorde ther ryght low 
lay that commen was of blod full gent. By even- 
song tyme aothely to say, ther helpe us God omni- 
potent. 

Stedes ther stumbelyd in that stownde. 

That stod stere stuffed under stele; 
With gronyng grete thei felle to grownde, 

Here sydes federed whan thei gone fele. 

Owre lord the kynge he foght ryght wele, 
Scharpliche on hem his spere he spent. 

Many on seke he made that sele, 
Thorow myght of God omnipotent. 

The duke of Glowcestre also that tyde 

Manfully, with his mayn^, 
Wondes he wroght ther wondere wyde. 

The duke of ^orke also, perd^, 

Fro his kyng no fote wold he flee, 
Til his basonet to his brayn was bent; 

Now on his sowle he have pet^, 
MersifuU God omnipotent. 

Hontyngdoun and Oxforde bothe 

Were wondere fers all in that fyght; 

That erste was glade thei made ful wrothe, 
Thorow hem many on to deth were dyght. 



126 POLITICAL PO£a(S. 

The erles fowghten with mayn and ihy^t, 
Rich hauberke thei rofe and rente ; 

Owre kyng to helpe thei were full lyght; 
Now blesse hem God omnipotent. 

The erle of Suthfolk gan hem aaeaylle, 

And sir Bicharde Eyghld in that stede. 
Here lyves thei losten in that bataile, 

With dyntes sore ther were thei dede. 

^if eny man byde eny good bede 
Unto God with good entent, 

To tho two sowles it mote be neede, 
Gracilis God omnipotent. 

Sire William Bowsere, as foule in fright, 

Preste he ther was upon his pray, 
Erpyngham he come hym with, 

Her manhode help us welle that day. 

Off Frensshe folk in that afray 
Thre dukes were dede with doleful dent, 

And fyve erles, this is no nay; 
Ther holpe us God omnipotent. 

Lordes of name an hunderde and mo 

Bitterly that bargayn bowght; 
Two thousand cot-armers also, 

After her sorow thedere thei sowght 

Ten thbwsand Frensshemen to deth wer browght, 
Off whom never none away went ; 

All her names sothly know I nowght, 
Have mersy on hem Cryst omnipotent. 

Two dukes were take in that stoure, 

He of Orliawnce and of Borboun, 
The Ewe and Arthowre, 

The erle of Vandoum, and many ona 



ON THE BATTLE OF AZINCOURT. 127 

The erchebifishope of Sens come with oure fopn, 

» « » » * 

Hym fiuled the wynnyng of his schone, 
Thorow myght of God omnipotent 

The fals Flemyngys, God ^ef hem care, 

Thei loved us never ^it, by the roode, 
For alle here fals flateryng fare, 

Atenst owre kyng that day thai stode. 

Bot many of hem her hert-blode 
Unblythly bledden upon that bent; 

^it schalle thai never wayt Inglond good, 
I swere by (Jod omnipotent. 

Epigram on the Battle of Azincourt.^ 

Mortua cara cruce caro Christi victor ut unus 
Crispini luce fecit Francis fore fimus. 
Henricus quintus rus agens curtum fuit intus,. 
Jure juvante Jesu rex est victor sine Isesu, 
Dant sua firma fides, bona vita, preces, et amores. 
Per silvas virides quod perdit Francia flores. 
Ante lepus fugit, quae nunc est Anglica villa, 
Quum leo rugit per Francos redditur ilia. 

The Frenchman to the Englishman.^ 

Versus Francorum, 

gens Anglorum, morum flos, gesta tuorum, 
Cur tu Francorum procuraa damna bonorum? 
Servorum Christi quos tractas crimine tristi, 
Et servant isti fidem quam bis renuisti. 



> From MS. Harl. No. 869, fol. I ^ From MS. Ilarl No. 2,406, fol. 
282, Y<». I 9,v". 



•y 



y 



/ 



128 POLITICAL POEMS. 

Sub specie casti, iraudem tu semper amasti. 
Scindas annosam caudam quam fers venenosam, 
Sed cantas prosam fidelibus Christi morofiaiD. 
Exaudi prsBsto tu, prsesul, et memor esto, 
Qui ie caudavit Deus ipsum sanctificavii. 

Re^ponsio Anglorum. 

Anglorum gentem cur false percutis ore? 

Et pro rcsponso do tibi metra duo. 
Pnevalet in lingua qui non est fortior armis, 

Nullus in iiac pugna plus meretrice valet. 



On the Lollards. 



Versus LoUardoi'um contra prcdatos ecclesice ad eorci- 
tandum dommos temporales cmiira eos. 

Plangant Anglorum gcntcs crimen Sodomorum, 
Pauluft fert Iiorum sunt idola causa dolorum. 
Surgunt ingrati Giesitad Simoi\e nati, 
Nomine prselati haec defensare parati. 
Qui reges estis, populis quicunque pnocstis, 
Qualiter his gestis gladios prohibere potestis. 

Versus quidam oatholici conUxi eosdem Lollardos. 

Gens Lollardorum gens ast vilis Podomoruni, 
Errores eorum sunt in mundo causa dolorum. 
Hii sunt ingrati, maledicti, dtomone nati, 
Quos vos, pnelati, sitis damnare parati; 
Qui pugiles estis fidei populisque praeestis, 
Non horum gestis ignes prohibere potestis. 



' These verses appear to belong i taken from MS. Cotton. Vespas. D. 
to the reign of Henry V. They are | ix. fol. 51, r*. 



ON THE DEATH OP HENRY V. 12!) 

On the Death of Henry V.* 

Nota bene de Henrico rege quint o, scilicet Anglice. 

Flnit tractatus celebri memoramine dignus, 
Tractatus talis qualem non viderat Anglus, 
Nee visurus erat, licet annis mille manebit, 
Flosquam militia nisi gratia deferat arma, 
Et fortisque potens princeps sit bella gubemans, 
Ut semper ftierit Henricus quintus quando regebat; 
Quando sed id fiet, Deus utique non homo dicet. 
Det Deus Augustus ut sit Julio novus hseres, 
Duxque patri Macedo successor honore Philippo. 
Quam probus et pugnax, quam vi\;ax, fortis, et auda^c 
Adversus Francos fuit Henricus rex nomine quintus, 
Dum regnans steterat, hsdc nunc concordia monstrat. 
Monstrat, dedarat, piano sermonequc narrat, 
Quod fuit in bellis Mars, altus et Hector in armis^ 
In causis Icathus, in judiciis Kadamantus, 
Carolus in quaestu, Clodoveus et in moderatu ; 
Pluraque sub brevibus ut summatim referamus, 
Quicquid regis erat, hie imus solus habebat, 
Unus et in numero rex, miles, duxque regendo. 
Begum gemma fuitque ducum flos dummodo vixit. 
Quam bona, quam magna, quam grandia, quamque 

notanda 
Hie rex, dum rexit, apud hostes gesta peregit. 
Si melius memores, et quomodo nunc variat sors, 
Non sine militias neglectu desidiaque. 
Die flens, dieque moerens, fert hostis sen modo gaudens^ 



I From a MS. in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, MS. Land. No. 697, 
fol. 28, v". 

VOL. IL I 



130 



POLITICAL POEMS. 



Nunc yir, nunc sestus, nunc Martis iota potestas 
Ad Francos abiit, nunc nos Anglosque reliquit 
Begina fallit habens patrem, sequitur sua proles, 
Fallit item dictum, dat ramus semper eundem 
Fructum quem stipes, interdum sunt variantes. 
Desino plura loqui, res est manifesta legentL 

Deed enim talia haberi in memoria in honorum 
laudeni, vituperationem enim eorum qui dor- 
mitcmi et peregre permittvmt omnia in per^ 
ditionem. 



/ 



Epigram on the Assumption of the Arms of 
France. 1422.^ 



Invectio OaUici contra dominum regetn Anglice pro 
mutatione ai^morum. 

lilia Fraricorum, rex Karole septime regum, 
Sint tua cum regno, si qua est reverentia legum. 

Justa reaponaio Anglici pro mutatione a/rrruyrum. 

Lilia Franoorum descensu progenitonim 

Jam sunt Anglorum, si lex valet uUa priorum. 



* From a manuscript in the Bod- 
leian Library, MS. Rawlinson, No. 
214, foL 121, v°. This epigram 
appears to have been written on the 



occasion of the proclamation of the 
dauphin of France, claiming the 
kingdom as Charles Vll., upon the 
death of Charles Yl. 



english title to the crown of france. 131 

On the English Title to the Crown of France.* 

Here begyTi/neth a rememhra/mice of a peedeugrS how 
that tiie kyng of England, Henry the aeoct, is 
truly borne heir unto the corone of Fra/unoe 
by lynyaUe succeesioun,^ ah wde on hie ffader 
fAdey Henry the fifih, whom Cfod asaoiUe, as by 
KaJbeftyne quene of England, hie modir, wham 
Ood aeeaiU; made by Lydygate Joham, the monke 
of Bury, at Pa/rySy by Ike instawaoe of my lord 
of Wanrewyh 

The prolog. 

Trouble hertis to sette in quyete, 
And make folkys theire language for to lette, 
Which disputen in their opynyons 
Touching the ligne of two regions, 
The right, I mene, of Inglond and of Fraunce, 
To put away alle maner variaunce, 
Holy the doute and the ambyguyt^^ 
To sette the ligne where hit shuld be, 
And where hit aught justly to abide, 
^Wrongfulle claymes for to set aside^ 
I moved was shortly in sentement 
By precept first and commaundement 
Of the nobly prince and manly man, 
Which is so loiyghtly and so moche can, 



> This U one of the nameronB 
metrical prodactioiiB of the poet 
Lydgate, and certainly is one of hU 
wont Its date la fixed to the 
autnnm of the year 1426 by the 
statement that the king was then 
M nigh '* five years old, and Lydgate 
himself gives os the day of the 

VOL. IL I 2 



month on which it was written, 
namely, the asth of July. It is 
printed from MS. Harl. No. 7333, 
fol. 81, f. I have not been able 
to disoorer any traces of the original 
from which Iiydgate professes to 
translate. 



132 POLITICAL POEES. 

My lord of Warrewyk, so prudent and wise, 
Beyng present that tyme at Parys 
Whanne he was than repairede agein 
From seint Juliane of Matins, oute of Mayne 
Resorted home, as folkys telle conne, 
From the castelle that he had wonne 
Thurgh his knyghthode and his hy noblesse, 
^And thm^h his wysdom and his hy prowesse. 
Gladly he chevith what so he begjmne, 
Sesyng not tylle he his purpos wynne, 
The fyne therof berith witnessing. 
Lyf and goodis for title of his kyng 
He spaiith not to put in juperdye, 
Oonly the right for to magnifie 
Of him that is to him moste soverain, 
Henry the sext, of age ny fyve yere renne, 
Borne to be kyng of worthie reamys two. 
And God graunt that it may be so, 
Septure and crowne that he may in dede, 
As he hath right, in peas to possede^ 
And to put his title in remembraunce, 
Whiche that he hath to Inglond and to Fraunce. 
Ther^ent The noble, that worthi varioure, 
^*^^i f ^^^^^^ ^^y ^ eaUid a very conqueroure, 
Fraunce, Who lyst considre and serche by and by 
BTeA^rdi ^^ grete emprise in ordre coriously, 
' And specially to enorece his glory. 
Who list remembre the grete high victory 
Which that he had in VemoiUe in Perche, 
Fulle notable in boke oute to serche, 
In cronydes to be song and rad; 
And this prince moste discrete and sad, 
Hy lord of Bedford, of Fraunce the regent. 
Was the first that did his entent, 
By grete advys and M hy prudence, 
Thurugh his laboure and his diligence, 



ENGLISH TITLE TO THE CROWN OF FRANCE. 133 

That made eeoche in cronycle fulle notable^ 
By the clerk which he knew moste able, 
Benomed of wysdom and science^ 
Worthie eke of fame and of credence. 

And I) as he that durst not withsey, 
Humbly his biddyng did obey, 
Ful desirous him to do plesaunce, 
With fere suppresed for my ignoraunce, 
And in my hert quakyng for drede ; 
And as I kend began to taken hede 
Unto the Frenssh compiled by Laurence, 
* In substaunce filowyng the substaunce 
Of his wiityng and compilacioun. 
Alle be that I in my translacioun 
To my helpe nor to my socoure 
Of rethoryk have no maner floure, 
Yit shal I folow my maistre douteles, 
Calot, and be not recheles 
Liche his writyng my stiel to direct ; 
Where I dare pray hem to correct, 
I mene tho that shalle hit sene or rede; 
And right forth who so lyst take hede, 
Undir favoure and supportacioun, 
Thus I begyn on my translacioun. 

Here endith the jyroloff, and begynneth the translcicioun. 

Crist Jhesu, prince and soverain lord 
Of unytd, of pease, and of accorde, 
Seyng the myschief and the hie dLstaunce 
Betwene the kyng of England and of Fraunce ; 
Perylle of soules both nygh and feiTe, 
By occasioun of the moi;talle werre ; 
Seyng also the grete confusiouu 
Of both reames, by devisioun 
Thurgh feyned falshede caused cursidly 
By the dolphyn, that so horribly 



134 



POLITICAL POEBIS. 



Sohewjng 
of the pee- 
degr^ in 
poitratore. 



Made sleen withoute drede or shame, 

At Monstreux, a toune of greie iame, 

Johan due of Burgoyne, by grete violence, 

Doyng to him honm^ and reverence, 

And evermore of inyqnit^, 

By false tresoun and cursed cruelty, 

Compassed ; alas \ that was to grete a ruth 

Under coloure and shadowe of veray trouth, 

In dispite of the chirche, alas ! 

Havyng no reward in this horrible cas 

To suert^ nor othe ymade tofome, 

Nor asuranoe in holy place aswome, 

The high lord Herry Bully to offende; 

That wit of man coude not comprehende, 

That this dolphyn shuld in any wise 

So hygh tresoun compassen or devise, 

Him self, alas ! in hindryng of his name, 

Thurgh the world to sdaundre and to blame. 

Causing in soth his unabilit^ 

For to succede to any dignity, 

Of knyghtly honure to regne in any lond, 

As by lettres ensealid with his hond 

Clerly recorde, truth wolle not vary, 

He to his othe wirching the contrary. 

Consideryng this and peised in balaunoe, 
Touching the right of true enheritaui^ce, 
God thurgh his myght who can undirstonde 
More of grace than of mannes honde, 
AUe oure trouble to enden and to fyne, 
By purveaunce which that is devyne, 
Provided hath of his hy grace 
For reames two large to compasse 
A rightfuUe heire, I dare^hit wele endite, 
As this figure imto every wight 
Shewyng in ordre descendyng lyne right, 
To forein blode that it not ne choinge, 
The crowne to put in non hondis straunge, 



ENGLISH TITLE TO THE CROWN OF FRANCE. 136 

But it conveied there it shuld be. 

Verily, liche as ye may se, 

The peedegr^ doth hit specifie, 

The figure lo of the genelagye, 

How that God list for her puichace 

Thurgh his power and benigne grace, 

An heir of peas by just successioun, 

This figure makith clere demonstracioun. 

Ageins which noman may maligne, 

But that he stondith in the veray ligne, 

As ye may se, as descendid is 

Of the stok and blode of seint Lowys ; 

Of which we aught of equity and right 

In oure hertis to be glad and light, 

That we may se with every drcumstaunoe 

Direct the lyne of Englond and of Fraunce. 

Oil the othir part byhold and ye may se Shewyng 

How this Herry in the eight degri tareTCj 

Is to seint Lowys sons and veiy heire; pede^. 

To put awey alle doute and despaire, 

God hath for us so graciously provided, 

To make al oon that first was devided, 

That this Herry stonding in the lyne, 

Thurgh Goddis bond and purviaunce devyne. 

Is justly borne, to voide alle variaunce, ^ 

For to be kyng of Englond and of Fraunce ; 

To whom we owe truly to obey 

In every thing, there is nomore to sey. 

By whom we se the werre doutelesse 

Fully finisshed, brought in werre and peas, 

Betwix this noble worthi reames twayne, 

Ful long afome with laboure and grete payne 

Sought and required, which ben now at rest, 

Thanked be God, that alle doth for the best. 

And that this peas in sothfast unyt^, 

Be endid sone withoute strif or plee. 

By thavise and mediacioun 



136 POLITICAL POEMS. 

Made by tret^ of bothe regioun, 

Swome and asured by fiille besy peyne 

Of both parties at Trois in Champoigne. 

Charlis the sext makyng thassurance, 

Thilke tyme beyng kyng of Fraunoe ; 

The quene also swome in the same wise, 

And after hem, as I shal devise, 

The boke also entouchid with his hond, 

Was Herry swome, kyng of Englond, 

Heir of Fraunce, and also regent, 

And Phelip eke beyng there present, 

Due of Burgoyne, assured eke and swome, 

Sone to the due of whom I spake byforne, 

That slayn was and murdred traitoursly; 

Than thre astatis beyng by and by, 

Prelatis, erles, lordis, and barons, 

Swome and assured, of both regions, 

As the traits fully hath devised. 

And there in Troys also was solempnesed 

The manage, to conferme up the peas; 

And to declare the maner douteles 

Of this weddyng, who so lyst to serche. 

At Seint Petirs Aundels of the chirche. 

The said Herry, manly and pmdent. 

Of Englond kyng, of Fraunoe the regent, 

Betrouthed hath my lady Kateryne, 

And the mystery with that is devyne. 

O manage by grete reverence. 

The sacrement for the excellence 

He hath worshipped, and fulle humbly 

In the chirch made axid openly, 

After castume of hy or low degr^, 

To show ensample of humylit^. 

In the chirche thries of Seint Johan, 

Liche the custume of new and yore agon, 

Thries published in open audience, 

As the lawe byndeth in sentence. 



ENGLISH TITLE TO THE CROWN OF FRANCE. 137 

Touching the statuyt in cas of mariage. 

For any favoure of blode or lynage, 

The cours sujmg in alle his hole entent. 

And in no wise list not be exempte. 

From poynt to poynt list no thing withdrawe, 

The bonde filowyng of holy chirche lawe, 

Notwithstondyng his astate rialle ; 

But in his chirche than parochialle 

Of Seint Johan he came with good entente 

For to receive the holy sacrement 

Of manage, he and Kateryne, 

As ye tofome have herd me determyne. 

The which Kerry if I shal disciyve, 
I dare wele sey there was never on lyve 
No manlier to speke of worthinesse, 
Of govemaunce, nor of hy prowesse, 
Whiche thurgh his manhode and grete laboure, 
Lyche a notable worthi conqueroure 
Cesid not, thurgh his besy peyne, 
Justly to bring worthi reames twayne 
Undir oo crowne by desceynt of lyne ; 
For which he may among the worthie nyne 
Truly be set and reconed for oon. 
Who can take hede among hem everichone. 
And of this Henry, of knyghthode moste famous, 
Moste avisy, and moste victorious, 
From saint Lowys in the right lyne, 
I sey of him and of Kateryne, 
Don in ordre by corious lynealle, 
Descendid is from the stok rialle 
Of seint Lowis, who can undirstond, 
Henry the sext, borne in Englond, 
For to possede by enheritaunce 
Crownes two of Englond and of Fraunce, 
By true title, as ye have hard tofome, 
The first yere in soth that he was borne. 
By the which of hem he and his fader dere Kyng of 

Both two passing in oon yere, ^^' 



138 POLITICAL POEMS. 

tb[e Everiche in baste suyng aftir othir, 

thekyi^of ^7 pitous &ate, hit wold be non othir, 
Engiond, The yere of grace by computacioun 
fift], A thoufland foure hundrid' by conclusioun 

Twenty and two, who so compte right 
God graunt her soulis of her grete myght 
Joy and rest which is etemalle, 
In his court above celestialle ; 
And graunt oure kyng joy, honure, and glorye, 
Peas and quiete, and of his foon the victorye, 
To love his people, and to be loved ayen. 
As thei loved her lord most soverain, 
Charles the sext, which was his aieUe. 
And in doctryne norisshed be as wele, 
And ak wys and prudent fynally, 
As was his fader callid eke Henry. 
Graunt him grace and also good fortune, 
In his regnes also to contynue 
His rialle lyne also to habounde, 
And that hit may verily be founde 
Hy to encrece in worship and vertue, 
As an heir blessed of Jhesu, 
And of renoun excellent in vertue. 
To drawen oute a true peedegrue, 
Lyneally descending even adoun 
From seint Lowys, most famous of renoun5 
And renommed of parfite holynesse ; 
And specially, the trouth to expresse, 
Amonges other to rekene everychone, 
Of Frenssh men oonly there was oon 
From the trouth which wold not vane, 
Oure liege lord chosen secretary 
For his feithfulle true diligence, 
Which by name callid is Laurence 
Calet, of the counseiUe derk, 
Which toke on him the laboure of this werk, 
Ever afbir to be rad and song; 
First to compile hit in the Frenssh tong, 



ENGLISH TITLE TO THE CROWN OF FRANCE. 139 

Compendiously drawe hit in sentence 

In that language, by grete providence, 

As he that was passing excellent, 

In rethoryk famous and eloquent, 

And diligent withouten any slouth 

To dedare pute the trouth, 

The chaf to voide and take the true come. 

Of which my lorde that I spak of byfome, 

My lord of Warrewyk, ful worthi of renoun, 

Of high prudence and discrecioun, 

Touching the writyng of this Calot derk. 

Draw into Frenssh by his besy werk, 

Gaf me precept in oondusioun 

To make therof a playne translacioun 

In EngUssh tong, and bad me hit translate. 

And to reherce the very true date 

Of this laboure, when I first bygan, 

Hit was in soth, as I reherce can, 

The monyth of Juylle twenty dales comen, 

And eight over, when the sonne shone 

Made his paleys and his dwellyng place 

Ameddis the hevene in the thrid face, 

The signe I mene caUid the lioun. 

Which is the toure and chief mansioun 

Where Fhebus hath moste soverain dignity ; 

And thilke tyme in the thritteneth degr^ 

He entred was of the same signe, 

Thatempre wedir lusty and benigne, 

Satume beyng in the scorpyoun. 

In which he hath no d'omynacioun, 

Ne dignity shortly for to tary; 

Jubiter in the sagittary 

Seven degr^s where he is dignified, 

Fulle fortunat and gretly magnified; 

Furious Mars, the ferfulle red sterre, 

Causar of stryf, patroun of the werre, 

With lus hemes cast moste fervently, 

Was two pocys passed of gemeny ; 



14.0 POLITICAL POEMS. 

Fretuh Venus, lady of Citheroun^ 
Was nyne degrees entred the lyoun ; 
And the mone, with her homes pale, 
From the bolle gan her cours availe ; 
The same tyme when that Mercorious 
In the lyoun had take his hous, 
Ful contrary to his dignity, 
Beyng tho in the tenth degr^ ; 
And of the bulle also douteles 
By accomptes also twenty grees 
Entred was the hed of the dragoun ; 
And his taille in thopposicioim ; 
The same tyme> as I understond, 
My lord bad me this werk take in hond. 
That he may se his generaciouu 
Unto the forteth multiplicacioun 
Victoriously for to regnen here, 
After this lyfe above the sterres clere, 
God him graunt oonly of his grace 
OS mercy there for to have a placa 

Here endith the genologie of kyng HeniTf tlie aexf, 
and folmvith a roundelle of him ayens kia doro- 
naciouriy Ttuide by Lydegate daun Johan. 

Rejoice, ye reames of Englond and of Fraunce, 
A braunche that sprang oute of the floure-de-lys^ 
Blode of seint Edward and seint Lowys, 
God hath this day sent in govemaunce. 

God of nature hath yoven him suffisauncc, 
Idkly to atteyne to grete honure and pris. 

O hevenly blossome, o budde of alle plesaimce, 
God graunt the grace for to ben als wise 
As was thi fader by circumspect advise, 
Stable in virtue, withoute variaunce. 

Explicit. 



/ 



TO KINO HENRY VI. ON HIS CORONATION. 



141 



To King Henry VI. on his Coronation.* 

Most noble prince of cristen princes alio, 

Floi¥ryng in yowtlie and verfcuous innocence, 

Whom God above list of his grace calle 
This day to estate of knyghtly excellence, 
And to be crowned -with diewe reverence, 

To grete gladnesse of al this regioun, 
Lawde and honour to thy magnificence^ 

And goode fortune unto thy high renoun. 



Royal braunched, descended from two lynes, 

Of seynt Edward and of seynt Lowys ; 
Holy seyntes, translated in theyr shrynes, 

In theyr tyme manly, prudent, and wys; 

Arthur was knyghtly, and Charles of grete prys, 
And of all these thy grene tender age. 

By the grace of Qod and by his adyys, 
Of manly prowesse shal taken tarage. 



Qod of his grace gaf to thy kynrede 

The polme of conquest, the laurere of victorye ; 
They loved Qod, and worshipped hym in dede, 

Wherfor theyr names he hath put in memory, 

Made hem to reigne for vertu in his glorye; 
And sith thow art bom of theyr lynage, 

Tofore al thynges that bien transitorye 
Love Qod and drede, and so gynne thy passage. 



' This poem was evidently ad- 
dreaied to the iniknt king» on his 
corooatMni, which took place on the 



6th of November 1429. It is printed 
from a contemporary manoscript, 
MS. Harl. No. 2251, fol. 251, v^ 



142 POLITICAL POEMS. 

Downe firom the heven thre floui'-de-lyB of gold. 

The fielde of asore, were sent to Godovd, 
To sygnifie, in storye it is tolde, 

Farfite bileve, and soth&st unyt^ 

Of thre persones in the Trynit^ ; 
For to declare that the lyne of Ffraunce 

Shuld in theyr trouth parfite and stable be, 
Qronnded on feyth, withouten variaunce. 



And sith thow art from that noble lyne 
Descended downe, be stidefast of byleve ; 

Thy knyghtly honoar lete it shewe and shjoie, 
Shewe thy power and thy myght to preve 
Ageyn^ al thoo that wil the chirche greve. 

Cherisshe thy lordes, hate extorcioun; 
Of thyn almesse thy peple thow releve ; 

Ay on thy comunes havyng compaasioun. 



Noble prince, the high Lord to qweme, 
Susteyne right, trouth to magnyfie, 

Differre vengeaunce, alwey or thow deeme, 
And gyf no dome til thow here iche partye 
Til nother part thy favour nat applye; 

And eeke considre, in thyn estate royal, 
The Lord above, whiche noman may denye, 

Indiflferently seeth and considreth alle. 



God sent this day unto thy regalye 

Of al vertues hevenly influence ; 
First of alle thi state to magnyfye 

With Salamons soverayne sapience; 

To goveme thy wit and thi high prudence, 
Liche kyng David to be loo! mercyable, 

Whiche of pit^, whan men dide hym offence, 
Mercy preferryng, list nat be vengeable. 



TO KING HENRY VI. ON HIS CORONATION. l43 

Nobles and force in wexynge liche Sampson, 

Kesemble in knyghthode to worthy Josu^; 
And tho-w mayst be Qoddis champioun, 

As that he was, Judas the Maehab^e; 

With Alisaundres magnanimyt^ ; 
Conquest, victorye, with Cesar Julius, 

His pacience'and his tranquillity, 
And in suftratince to be als vertuous. 



Provident, with Brutus Cassius ; 

Hardy as Hector, whan tyme doth require ; 
Vices eschewyng as Fabricius; 

Constant of hert, and al als entier 

As Zenocrates, whos renoun shoone so dlere; 
Wronges forgetyng, noble Cypion ; 

Clement, with Titus ; with al these in feere. 
In al thi dedis conquest and high tenoun. 

In al thi werkis haimtyng rightwisnesse, 

As themperour that caUid was Trajan ; 
With Thiberye, fredam and gentiUesse; 

Attemperance, with prudent Gi-acian; 

And in thy doomes, Uche Justynian, 
Nothyng conclude til thow se the fyne; 

Pees preferryng aa Octovyan ; 
The chirche cherysshyng, like Constantyne. 

And that thow mayst be resemblable fotmde, 
Heretikes and Lollardes to oppresse, 

liche themperour worthy Sygesmounde ; 
And as thy fader, flowre of high prowe&se, 
At the gynning of his roial noblesse, 

Voided al cokil farre out of Syon, 
Cristes spottse satte in stablenesse, 

Outrayeng foreyns that cam from Babilon. 



144 POLITICAL POEMS. 

God graunt the grace for to i^esemble in al 

Unto these noble worthy conquerours; 
Longe to eontynue in thyn estate royal, 

And to be lyke to thy progeny tours ; 

To gadre the vertu out of fressfae floures, 
As dide thy fadir, niyrrour of manhode ; 

And to represse of vices al the showres, 
With fynal grace to love God and drede. 



Fynally, remembryng of reasoun 
Croppe and roote of that royal lyne 

Fro whiche thow cam, folwe discrecioun 
Of thy fader, whiche dide so shyne 
In al vertu ; plainly to termyne. 

Late hym by thy myrrour and thy guyde, 
With the goode lyf of qwene Kateryne, 

Thi blessid moder, in that other side. 



Of goode rootes, sprynggyng by vertu, 

Must growe goode fruyte be necessite; 
Whan influence by the Lord Jhesu 

Is sent adowne from his hevenly cytee. 

And God I pray, of his hygh bounty, 
Of fader and moder in thy tendre yowth 

To take ensample, reygneng in thy see, 
And bien in vertu als famous and als kowth. 



With hym in knyghthode to have excellence ; 
Like thy moder in vertuous goodenesse ; 

And liche hem both, grounde thy conscience 
To love thi Lord in parfite stabilnesse, 
Goode lyf and longe al vices to represse. 

Love of thy lieges, pees and obeysaxmce. 

♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ 

Tliy right rejoisyng of Ingland and of Fraunce. 



TO KING HENRY VI. ON HIS CORONATION. 145 

Prince excelent, be feythfiil, triewe, and stable ; 

Drede God, do lawe, chastice extorcioun; 
By liberal of courage, unmutable ; 

Cherisshe the chirche with hole affeccioun; 

Love thy lieges of eyther regioiin ; 
Preferre the pees, eschewe werre and debate; 

And God shal sende from the heven downe 
Grace and goode hure to thy royal estate. 

Be mercyful, nat hasty ne vengeable ; 

Lightly forgyve, where as thow seest reasoun; 
Be rightful juge, be manly, be tre table ; 

Thy right ay sugre with remyssioun; 

Deme nat to sone, but make dilacioun ; 
Kewe on the poore and folk desconsolate ; 

And God shal sende from the heven above 
Grace and good hure to thy royal estate. 

In thy behesfces be nat variable ; 

Holde thy promesses, made of entencioun ; 
Be bountevous, and kyngly honurable ; 

Voyde thy realme from discencioun ; 

Eschew flatery and adulacioun; 
Folkes reconsile that stonde desolate ; 

And God shal sende from the heven downe 
Grace and goode hure unto thy royal estate. 



VOL II. 



146 POLITICAL POEM& 



On the Cobonation op Henry VI.^ 

Nov. 6, 1429. 
A balade made of the same hynge. 

Holde up oure yong kyng, (we hemgna, ^ 

And aende us peas in oure londe, ave regma. 

Mater, nunc bright bee thy beamjrs, .\ 

Moodir of mercy, save bothe reamys ; \ 

See to oure innocent, oure crowne may be gladder, ^ 

Holde up oure lorde that nevir sigh his ffadir, l 

Ne the fSoMlir his sone reynyng in his londes ; .> 

Crete nede have we to kepe peas amonge us. > 

On a Sounday, trewly ye may trowe, / 

Oure bisshoppes and oure abbottes were mytird arowe ; a 

Two archiebisshoppes so woorthely acqueyntid, • 

And a gracious cardynalle aboute oure kyng anoyntid/^^ 

Thre swerdis there were borne, oon poyntlees, and two 

poyntid; c 
The toon was a swerde of mercy, the oothir of astate, 
The thrid was of the empier the which ert oure gate. 
Three dukes were in presens woorshipe to encrece; 
Two bisshoppis hym ledde to kepe in peece ; 
Six erles in their estate shewid them alle; 
And the v. poortis beryng up the palle. 
Gracious Werwik, Gbd hym contynue, 
Beryng up his trayne in peece and vue. 
Alle the barouns of oure londe togidir they were founden. 
The juges, the knyghtes of the shire, and the dt^ of 

Londen. 
This is procession goyng thorughe the halle ; 
Angelis mete, manna, on his crowne did &Ile, 



> Printed from M8. Lansdovne, No. 286, ifoL 5, 7''. 



ox THE COBONATION OF HENRY VI. 147 

And conceyvid in this lande the crowne to encreoe, 

Evir enduryng with plenty and with peece. 

The archiebiashope of Cauntirbury appoyntid, 

The gracious kyng Harry the sixt he anoyntid 

Oure sovereigne lorde in the chief, who wille undir- 

stonde. 
The oardynalle tho was on his right hande; 
On the toothir side the channceller, theis lordes were 

able. 
The bisshope of Beames^ at the same table. 
Huntyngdone kneeljmg with his septure on the right 

honde, 
Stafforde with his swerde there woorthyly holdande. 
Northfolk as a marschalle fulle woorthyly beknowe, 
Bidyng in his office, truly ye may trowe. 
Salisbury in Bedforde office present hym there, 
Sittyng on a stede, as he conestable were. 
The V. poortis on the right hande that the palle beere, 
At the boorde on the right hande present they were. 
At the next bisshoppis and abbottes togidir were 

founden ; 
And on the toothir side the citee of Londoun. 
Many oothir lordis were present in that place, 
To woorshipe oure soveraigne lorde with alle solace. 
Byfore the kyng, with his lordis thus sittyng alle, 
Came PhiUipe Dymmok ridyng to the halle, 
Armyd dene with armure so bright. 
Like as perteynethe unto a woorthy knyght, 
As the kynges champion by heritage ; 
There redy his body and his gloove to wage, 
Tif there were any man that wille say the contrary, 
That kjmg Harry the sixt is crownyd truly. 
He is redy to delyvir hym, and not abasshe. 
By signement of tiie kyng, tyme and place. 



> An error apparently for Bheims. 

K 2 



148 POLITICAL POKILS. 

Praye we alle bothe more and lesse, 

Criflt save Englonde in reste and peece, 

And God coomforthe that mykille hathe loost, 

That was woon with woorshipe kte nevir be looet. 



On the Duke op BuRGtrNDY.' 
A songe made of the duke of Burgeyne, 

Thow Phellippe, fonndour of new falsehede, 
Distroubar of pees^ capiteine of cowardise, 

Sower and distrouber, reprof of alle knyghthode, 
Which of alle Bourgoyne, that is so gret of pris, 
Thow clepest thi selfe due, whan woltow ryse 

Ande in pleyne felde do mustre with thi lance? 
See how alle knyghthode thi werre doth despise. 
White thi owne falsnes alle thi myschance. 

Remembre the, Phelippe, ande have in mynde 
Howe Henry the w*« of werray gentelnesse, 

Withotene thi desert, he was to the kynde, 

Ande alwa thi socoure whane thou were in destresse, 
Defende thi persone from alle wilftdnes 

Of alle thi mortal enemys of Engelonde and of France; 
Wherfor thou shewest gret unkyndnesse, 

The which thou may wite alle thi myschance. 

Remembre the, Phelippe, at thi begynnyiig, 

Whan that thi ffader, thurgh conspired tresoun, | 



* ThiB piece, which appears to he 
imperfect, was written at the time 
of the defection of the dnke of 
Bargondy teom the English alliance, 
prohablj shortly before, or at the 



It is printed fh)m MS. Sloane. 
No. 252, fbl. 169, t*. It is written 
in a French hand, and apparently 
by a scribe whose mother tongue 
TTfls not English, which will account 



time of; the siege of Calais (1436). j lor some obscurity. 



ON THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY. 149 

By assent of Charles that callede him self kyng 
Of that reame of Ffrance withouten ground resoun, 
Was at Motreux broght to his confusioune ; 

To kyng Henry there thou dedist thy l^eance ; 
Of lyf and land he was thi proteccioun ; 

Wherfor thi faJsnes causethe thi myschanee. 

Bemembre the, Phelippe, what tyme and how 
To kyng Henry the fifte, by thi owne assent, 

Withouten his desire, thou madest a solempno vow, 
XTsyng Goddes body, the holy sacrament, 
To becomme trew lygman with good entente 

To liim ande his heires, withouten variance ; 

Now art thou fals to Gode, by thine owne assente. 

The which thou may witte all thi myschanse. 

Remembre the, Philleppe, that thou yonge kyng, 
Harry the sext, was crowned at Parys, 

Johan due of Bedford thine absenc excusyng 
By souflSsant warant made by thi devise, 
He did thine homage as to the ffloure-de-lys ; 

This matere the lust not to adversity, 

With thine oune falsnes and thi myschanee. 

Remembre the, Philleppe, how peple of Englond 
Have bene to the evyr gentil and trew; 

For whan thou wer besegede with many a thousand 
Of Armynackes, they did the rescewe.^ 



* This poem appears to end imperfectly. 



150 



POLITICAL POEMS. 



Philippe op Burgxtndy and James of Scotland.* 

PhUippus d/ux BurguncU(B ad Jacobmn regem Scot- 

toTwm. 

niustri Jacobo Scotiorum principi magno, 
Begi magnifico cum fulmine castra reduce. 



Reaponaio ad hoc per quendam Anglicum. 

Burgundus Scoto, dux regi, &isuB iniquo, 
Philippufl Jacobo, dedit h89c baliaria metro. 
Et si quis quaarat cujus vox extitit ista, 
Vox balearis erat, ut finxerat ipse metrista. 
Nunc reflexivum parvum lapidem tibi flabo, 
Atque ducem vivum si vult mihi stare probabo 
Bumbardo metrico; sic scripsit amicus amico^ 
Begi magnifico cum fulmine castra reduco ; 
Ecce tene lapidem, per sermones ita viles^ 
Et frangendo fidem, tu falsus es undique miles. 
Nee Burgundorum dux, quamvis scandat ad astra, 
Nee rex Scotorum, sibi subdit Anglica castra. 
Per tantum fulmen, per talem nempe reductum, 
Anglorum culmen adquisivit sibi fructum. 
Quamvis falsidicus hie dux noster amicus, 
Nobis multa dedit ut ab obsidione recedat, 
Angligenis vinceps tum Scotus rex habeatur, 
Est falsus prinoeps, quia pnncipi falsificatur. 
Dux Burgundorum quia princeps feJsus habetur, 
Principi Scotorum sua per metra falsa fatetur. 
Est et semper erit similis, similem sibi quaerit; 
Ambo peijuri, sunt ambo simul perituri. 



*Thi8 short poem, printed from 
MS. Bawliiuoii, No. 214, fol. 166, 
r**, belongs no doabt, from internal 
evidence, to the same period as the 



preceding. The king of Scotland 
mnst be James I., vho was mur- 
dered in the night of the 20th of 
February 1437. 



PHILIPPE OF BUBGtJNDY AND JAMES OF SCOTLAND. 161 

Philippus, Jacobus, sancti simul ambo foere; 
Istorum reprobus contendit uterqae manere. 
Nominibus similes sunt non in imagine morum ; 
Sed nisi sint humiles non intrant castra polorum. 
Dux dudum victus est, per papam maledictus ; 
Acriter inflictus est iste grayissimus ictus. 
Miror vos quippe, te, Jacobe, teque, Philippe, 
Cur ita temptatis nos Anglos et stimulatis. 
Si vultis pacem, populum revocate minacem ; 
Si vultis gnerras, proprias defendite terra& 
Expectate domi, nos proprias terras tenemus, 
Vinus pomi vestri pretio nee egemus. 
Obsecre, rex et dux, clare videatis ubique, 
Quomodo lex et lux vestrum tenebranttu* utrique. 
Si non curetis vestras animas fore salvas, 
Non alias detis infemi visere valvas. 
Dux Burgundicus et rex Scoticus insidiantur, 
Sed rex Anglicus et grex publicus his dominantur. 
Anglia regna premit, Burgundia dedecus emit, 
Francia fracta tremit, Scotia victa gemit. 
XJndique concursus stat et Anglia fortis et ursus; 
Anglia dum rugit, circula terra fugit. 

Explicit 



On the Siege of Calais. 1436.' 

Her biginyth the sege off Calaya, in the yer off 
our Lord j. m' iiU\ 

In Juyl, whan the sone schon, 
Tres, levys, and herbis grene, 
Wyth many sonder colowris, 



1 From MS. Cotton. Qalba £. ix. 
fol. no, v^ The duke of Bnigondy 
laid siege to Calais on the 19th of 



July 1436, and -was compelled to 
raise it on the 25th day of the same 
month. 



162 POLITICAL POEMS. 

And ffresch flowris that April mad, 
Qan for to feynt and to fad 

Of lusty colowris and of swete odowris ; 
And finyte on tre both gi'et and smale 
Gan for to rip and wex fulle pale; 

Than comyth tyme off labowr, 
To profit and to wirschip wyne 
In armes, so ther be no treson inn, 

Untruth, ne fals colowr. 
The duk of Burgayn off grete prid 
Mad gret assembill^ in landes wyd, 

In Flanders, and in Breban, 
Of his power and in chevalry 
Of Burgayn and in Pikardye, 

Of Henaw and off Holand ; 
A c.l. ml, and mo, 
That weryne alle to ryd and go 

To ber sper and schild, 
And mak avant Calys to wyn, 
And schuld dye that wer theryn, 

Both man, woman, and chyld. 
The wolles and the merchandyss, 
And othir god with the ympriso, 

They wold have a serteyne. 
The walles they wold ber adowne, 
Towi*, castelle, and dongen, 

Alle schuld be mad fulle playn. 
And so with red baners displayed, 
With odir in the bateyllys arayed, 

They cum the towne abote ; 
Statly tentes anon they py^te, 
Larg and long and gret of sylth ; 

It was a ryalle rowte. 
Wyth gunnes gret, and other gret ordinance. 
Them to help and to avane, 

With many a prowd pavys, 



ON THE SIEGE OF CALAIS. 153 

Qayly peynted and stuffed welle, 
Ribawdes armyd with iyme and stele, 

Waa never better off devyce ; 
Ix. m^ cokkes to crow at ny^th, • 

And viiL ml cressetes to brene li^th ; 

Qret wonder to her and se, 
How sone the had mad her logyng, 
Defens off berth and dikyng ; 

Redier my^th non be. 
The erle of Mortayne mad a diner, 
And, " Felowys, be of good chere, 

" Off no thyng hav we no dred ; 
" I trust to God to se that day, 
" That, for alle the proud aray, 

" Fulle low schalle thay lowth.'' 
The levetenant, ser Johan Raclyf, 
That ever lovyd worschyp and dred repreve. 

Kept fulle god governance. 
And so did the baren off Dudley, 
In the castelle, the soth to say. 

Mad fulle good ordinance. 
My lord Camoys at Bolyn-gate, 
The bulwerkes he did undertak, 

At no tyme wuld he fayle, 
Nether late ne erly ; 
Yff any withowt wer so hardy 

It onys to assayle. 
At the Mylk-gate ser Johan Aston, 
And ser Jefferey Warbulton, 

With a many a hardy man, 
The trompetes lowd they dyd blow, 
That the duk my^th welle know 

The wach whan yt bigan. 
The portei-s kept the gattes full manly, 
The gattes opyn continually, 

To wate they wer not irk ; 



164 POLinCAl. POEMS. 

The trew sodiers both day and nythe 
Lay on the wallas in hames brighe, 

Hit was ther howss and kirk. 
The burges and men wer full bown 
For to defend the possession, 

Hit longith to them off ry^th ; 
The merchanttes wer fill redy 
At all tymes and every skry ; 

Hyt was a full good sytth. 
And so did the good comjois, 
That had stuffed well the town 

With the good and vitayle, 
In town and feld to rid and go, 
And all odur werkes to doo, 

In all that my^th avayle. 
The women, both yung and old, 
Wyth stones stuffed every scaffold, 

The spared not to swet ne swynk; 
With boylyng cawdrens, both grett and smalle, 
Yf they wold assaute the walle, 

AU bote to gev them drynk. 
The furst day ther enmys prowd 
Gan to skirmysch with schowtes lowd, 

But countred they wer anon. 
Gonners, to schew ther arte, 
Into the town in many a parte 

Schote many a fulle gret stone. 
Thankyd be God and Mary myld, 
The hurt nothir man, woman, ne chyld, 

To the howsis thow they did harm. 
Sent Barbara ! than was the ciy, 
When the stone in the stone did fly; 

They cowd non other charm. 
And for the duk lay them no nere, 
At the sowth-west comer 

Off gonnes he had a song ; 



ON THE SIEGE OF CALAIS. 155 

That anon he left that place, 

And to the west end he mad a chace ; 

Hym thowth he bod to long. 
Ther men my^th se archerys good 
Cast from them both gown and hood, 

The better for to schote; 
That Frensch and Flemysch was ful fayn 
To ther tentes to retom ogayn. 

They saw non othir boote. 
And one amang, an lyrysch man, 
TJppone his hoby swyftly ran; 

Hyt was a sportfulle sygthe. 
How hys darttes he did schak ; 
And when him lyst to leve or tak, 

They had fdlle gret dispite. 
Allso a hownd that did hyeghe go by, 
That longid to the water-bayly, 

Fulle swyftly wold he ren; 
And every skyrmysch to travayle, 
Man and hors he wold assayle, 

Fulle welle he coude them kenne. 
And so hit byfelle upon a Thyrsday, 
The erle of Morteyn made a trskj 

At seynt Peturs on the playne; 
And drove them to there tentys nere. 
And toke many a prisonere, 

And many off them wer slayn. 
And after they com with gret navi, 
With bolgit schipis fill craftly, 

The havyn for to han schent, 
At Friday; but on the morow, 
Tlian began the dukes sorow, 

Hys schypis when he saw brent. 
And so after, within a whyle, 
Drawyn adown was hys castell 

With many a hardy man; 



156 POLITICAL POEBIS. 

His men of armes were layd to grownd, 
And sum askapid with dethys wond, 

And few off them were tan. 
The next morow, or yt was day, 
Erly the duk fled oway. 

And with hym they off Gant. 
And after Bruges and Apres both 
To folow after they wer not loth; 

Thus kept they ther avaunt. 
For they had very knowyng 
Off the duk off Gloceturs cumyng, 

Caleys to rescue. 
Bycaus they bod not ther, 
In Flanders he soght hem fer and ner, 

That ever may they yt rew. 
Only God, in whom ys aU . . . . , 
Sav Caleys that ryall towne, 

That ever yt mot wel cheye 
Unto the crown of mery Yngland, 
Whils that this world wyll stand, 

That neany enmys ytt greve. 
Lytelle wote the fool. 

Who my^th ches, 
What harm yt wer 

God Caleys to lese. Amen. 

Explicit the sege off CcUeys, 



THE LIBEL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 



157 



The Libel of English Policy.^ 



Here beginneih the ptvloge of tlie pivcesae of the Libelle 
of Englyahe Polycye, exhortynge alle Englande to 
kepe the see enviroun, cmd oiamelye the narowe 
see, shewynge whate profete coTrvmeth tliereof and 
also worshype and salvacioiun to Englande and 
to aUe Englyshe menne,. 

»The trewe processe of Englysh polycye. 

Of utterwarde^ to kepe tliys regne^ in rest 
Of oure England, that no man may denye, 

* Incipit liber de custodia maris, pnesertim arcta inter Dovoream 
et Caliseam. 



* The date of this very important 
poem is fixed by iatemal eyidence, 
for it was written after the siege of 
Calais by the dnke of Burgundy, 
and the invasion of his territory by 
the duke of Gloucester, which latter 
event occupied the first half of the 
month of August 1436, and while 
the emperor Sigismond was still 
living, and therefore before his death 
in 1437. From the tone in which 
the defeat of the Flemings is spoken 
of we are justified in supposing that 
it was written soon after that event ; 
and if we may take the marginal note 
in the MS. we follow (see further on, 
p. 183) as referring to the time at 
which the poem was written, its date 
would be fixed very nearly, for the 
14th year of Henry VI. ended on the 
31 St Aog. 1436. It is here printed 
iVom a MS. in the Bodleian Library, 
MS. Laud. No. 704, fol. l,r» (A.), 
collated with other copies, MS. HarL 
No. 401 1, fol. 120, r" (B.), MS. Harl. 
No. 271, foL 1, r° (C), and MS. Cot- 
ton. Vitel.Rx.foL 192, r»(D.) The 



first of these manuscripts has the 
appearance, by the care and style in 
which it is written, of having been 
an original copy, intended to be sent 
by the author to one of the states- 
men of the day, perhaps to the lord 
Hungerford, whose name is inserted 
in the Envoy at the end. In MS. 
D. the title has been changed to 
*' TheBibleof EnglischePolyce," an 
evident mistake. It is hardly ne- 
cessary to state that Libel (Jihelbui) 
means a little book. There are two 
classes of the MS8., one of which 
has the name of lord Hungerford at 
the end, the other is addressed to a 
high ecclesiastic, no doubt cardinal 
Beaufort In this respect Hakluyt's 
copy agreed with the text now 
printed, while the three other 
manuscripts belong to the second 
class. I have not attempted to give 
all the verbal variations in the texts, 
but the readings of MS. D. are 
generally the most interesting. 

' outwardy B., D. 

^ hndf B. ; reamey D. 



158 



POLITICAL POEMS. 



Nere say of soth but^ one of the best 
Is thys, that who seith southe, noi-the, est, and ^ 
Cheryshe marchandyse,* kepe thamyralt^, 
That we bee maysteres of the narowe see. 



west,^ 



^Ffor Sigesmonde the grete emperoure, 

Whyche yet regneth,* whan he was in this londe 

Wyth kynge Herry the v*®, prince of honoure, 
Here moche glorye as hym thought he founde; 
A myghty londe, whyche hadde take on honde 

To werre in F&aunce and make mortality. 

And evere welle kept® rounde aboute the see.^ ' 

And to the kynge thus he seyde, "My brothere," 
Whan he perceyved too townes ® Calys and Dovere, 

'* Of alle youre townes to chese of one and othere,- 
" To kepe the see and sone to come overe 
" To werre oughtwardes and youre regne" to recovere, 

*' Kepe these too townes, sire, and^^ youre magest^, 

" As youre tweyne eyne to kepe the narowe see'" 

Ffor if this see be kepte in tyme of werre, 
Who cane here" passe withought daungere and woo? 

Who may eschape, who may myschef dyflferre ? 
What marchaundye may for by be agoo.? 
Ffor nedes hem muste take truse " every jffbo, 

Fflaundres, and Spayne, and othere, trust to me, 

Or ellis hyndered alle for thys narowe see. 

** Videns imperator SigiBmundus duas viUas inter csetens An- 
gli», scilicet Caliseam et Dovoream, ponens buob duos digitos super 
duos suos oouloB, ait regi, " Frater, custodite istas duas yilias sicut 
" duos vestros ooulos." 



> but it is, D., with Hakluyt 
» or, B., D. 

' Men aojf <(f$otke tkia is the best. 
Who saUedie souths, norths, est, 
or west, B. 

* marchamiUss,'B. 

^ whiche reigned, B. 

• hepe, D. 



' And were ever wek hqi>t rounde 
aboute the see, B. 
" too townes, omitted in B. 
• ream,B. 

" to, B. 5 sewer to, D, 
1* thorougfU, D. 
» trusse,B, 



THE LIBEL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 169 

Therfore I caste me by a lytele wrytinge 

To shewe att eye thys conclusione, 
Ffor concyens and for myne acquytynge 

Ayenflt God and ageyne abusyon, 

Ajid cowardyse and to oure enmyes confosione; 
^Ffor iiij. thynges our noble sheueth to me, 
Kyng, shype, and swerde, and pouer of the see. 

Where bene oure shippes? where bene oure swerdes* 
become? 
Owre enmyes bid for the shippe sette a shepa 
Alias ! oure renle halteth, hit is ben9me ; 

Who dare weel say that lordeshyppe shulde take 

kepne? 
I wolle asaye, thoughe myne herte gynne to wepe, 
To do thys werke, yf we wole ever the, 
Ffor verry shame, to kepe aboute the see. 

Shalle any prynce, what so be hys name,^ 
Wheche hathe nobles moche lyche onres, 

Be lorde of see, and* Fflemmyngis to oure blame* 
Stoppe us^ take ns, and so make fade the floures 
Of Englysshe state^^ and disteyne oure honnoures? 

Ffor cowardyse, alias ! hit shulde so be ; 

Therfore I gynne to wryte now of the see. 

' Quatuor considerantur in moneta aurea Anglicana quae dicitur 
noble, scilicet, rex, navis, et gladius, qui designant potestatem 
Anglicorum aaper mare, in quorum opprobrium his diebus Britones 
minoies et Flandrenses et cseteri dicunt Anglicis, " tollite de vestro 
" nobile navem, et imponite ovem," intendentes quod, sicut quon- 
dam a tempore Edwardi tertii Anglici erant domini maris, modo 
his diebus sunt vecordes, victim et ad bellandum et mare obser- 
vandum velut oves ; et sicut ssepissime patet eorum derisio in oppro- 
brium Anglicorum, etc. 



1 wher ben thei, B. | * a«, R 

* SehoR the duke of Bwrgoyne he * out of fame,!), 
his name, D. I * cutate, B. 



160 



POLITICAL POEMS. 



Of the commorlytees of Spoyne and of Fflaundre^. 
The ffyrnte chapitle. 

Knowe welle alle men that profites' in certayne, 
Commodyt^ caUed, commynge ^ ont of Spayne, 
And marchandy, who so wylle wete what that is, 
*lBene fygaes, raysyns^ wyne bastarde, and dates; 
And lycorys, Syvyle oyle, and grayne, 
Whyte * Caatelle sope, and wax, is not in vayne ;* 
Iren, wolle, wadmole, gotefel, kydefel also, 
Ffor poynt-makers fuUe nedefolle be the ij. ; 
Saffron, qniksilver, wheche ame Spaynes marchandy;'^ 
Is* into Fflanndres shjrpped fuUe crafty lye, 
Unto Bruges, as to hiere staple fayre, 
The haven of Sluse here havene' for he^tj repayrc, 
Wheche is cleped Svyn, tliaire shyppea gydynge, 
Where many wessell? and fayre ame abydynge. 
But these morchandes, wyth there shyppes greet, 
And suche chaffare as they bye and gette 
By the weyes, most nede take on6 honde 
By the costes to passe of oure Englonde, 
Betwyxt Dover and Calys, thys is no doute, 
Who can weelle ellis suche mater bringe aboutie. 

And whenne these seyde marchauntz discharged '° be 
Of marchaundy in Fflaundres neere the see, 

^ Ffygues, raisjns, wyne bastarde, dates, lyquoiyce, Cyvylle oylle, 
grayne, white Cartelle sope, wax, iren, wademolle, gottefelle, kyde- 
felle, Baffiroun, quykesylvere. 



* Here hegynnethe tJte profites, B. 

' With eommoditeee that comethe, 
B. ; Comoditeea caUed out of, D. 
» With,D, 

* and were certaytif B. ; and wex, 
armours in vayn, D. 



• ThU and the preceding line are 
transposed in D. 

• This, D. 

' To have at, B. 

• they haven, D. 

' many a vesselle are bydyng, B. 
" charged, B. 



THE LIBEL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 161 

Than they be charged agayn wyth marchaimdy 

That to Fflaundres bougeth fiill rychelye ; 

Ffyne clothe of Ipre,* that named is better than oure is,* 

Cloothe of Curtryke," fyne cloothe of aUe coloures, 

Moche ffustyane and also lynen cloothe. 

But ye Fflemmyngis, yf * ye be not wrothe, 

The grete snbstaunce of youre cloothe, at the fiille,* 

Ye wot ye make hit of youre® Englissh woUe. 

Thanne may hit not synke in mannes brayne, 
But that hit most, this marchaundy of Spayne, 
But ought and inne by oure costes passe ; 
He that seyde nay, in wytte was lyche an asse/ 
Thus if thys see werre kepte, I dare well sayne, 
Wee shulde have pease with the growndes tweyne. 
Ffor Spayne and Fflaundres is as yche othere brothere, 
And nethere may well lyve wythowght othere. 
The® may not lyven to ma3aitene there degrees, 
Wythought oure Englysshe commodytees, 
Wolle and tynne ; for the wolle of Englonde 
Susteyneth the comons Fflemmyngis,® I understonde. 
Thane yf Englonde wolde hys wolle restreyne 
Ffrome Fflaundres, thys ffbloweth in certayne, 
Fflaundres of nede must wyth us have pease, 
Or ellis he is distroyde, wythowght lees. 
Also yef Fflaundres thus distroyed bee, 
Some marchaundy of Spayne wolle nevere ithe ;^° 
Ffor distroyed hit is, and, as in chefle. 
The wolle of Spayne hit cometh not to preffe, 
But if it be toseed " and menged welle 
Amonges Englysshe wolle the gretter delle. 



* //ncr, B. 

' than ourest B. 

* Curryk, B. 

* though^ B. 

« atte/uBe, B. 
The clothe ye make of our ^ B. 



' He that seithe nay^ in witte is 
like an asse, B. 
• That, D. 

' conume ofFlaunders, D. 
" woBe never thee, B. 
>> toned, B,,D.i coated, Htikl 



VOL. IL L 



162 POLITICAL POEMS. 

Ffor Spayneshe wolle in Fflaundres draped^ is, 

And evere bath be, that men have mynde of thifl ;* 

And yet wolle is one of the cheffe marchatuidy 

That longeth to Spayne, who so woll aspye ; * 

Hit is of lytelle valeue, trust unto me, 

Wyth Englyashe wolle but if it menged be. 

Thus if the see be kepte, then herkene hedere, 

Tf these ij. londes comene not* togedere, 

So that the fflete of Fflaundres passe nought, 

That in the narowe see he be not brought 

Into the Bocfaelle, to feche* the fumose® wine, 

Nere into Britonuse bay for salt so fyne, 

What is than Spayne? what is Fflaundres also? 

As who seyde,' nought, the thryfte is ago. 

Ffbr the lytelle londe of Fflaundres is 

But a staple to other londes, iwys, 

And alle that groweth in Fflaundres, greyn and sede, 

May not a moneth ffynde hem mete of® brede. 

What hath thenne Fflaundres, be Fflemmyngis leffe or* 

lothe. 
But a lytelle madere and Flemmyshe cloothe ? 
By drapinge' of oure wolle in substaunce 
Lyvene here comons, this is here govemaunce; 
Wythought whyche they may not leve at ease, 
Thus moste hem^® steive, or wyth us most have pensse/ 



Of the covrmwdit^s of PortingaUe. The ij. captle. 

The marchaundy also of Portyngale 
To^^ dyverse londes tome** into sale. 



> ^aperd, D. i ' seith, B., D. 

' haie wynd iwia, B. ; or this^ D. | " and, D., and so Hakl. 

« list aspie, B. j ® drapryng, D. 

* can not come, D. i '" ihei, B. 
»*e*«,B. »7nto,B. 

• fmmouae, D. " conwr, B. 



tHE LIBEL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 



163 



Portyngalers wyth us have troughfc one hande,' 

Whose marchaundy cometh moche into Englande. 

They bene oure* firendes wyth there commoditez, 

And wee Englysshe passen into there countrees. 

e Here londe hathe oyle/ wyne, osey, wex, and greyne ; 

Ffygues, reysyns, hony, and cordeweyne ; 

Dates and salt, hydes, and suche marchaundy. 

And if they wolde to Pflaundres passe forth bye,* 

They schulde not be sulSrede ones ner twyetf, 

Ffor supportynge of oure cruelle enmyes j 

That is to saye Fflemmyngis wyth here* gyle, 

Ffor chaungeable they are in lytelle whyle.® 

Than^ I conclude by resons many moo, 

Yf wee suflTerede nethere fl5«nde nere tToo, 

What so^® enmyes and so supportynge,^ 

Passe for-by us in tyme of werrynge,' 

Sethe oure ffirendys wolle not bene in causse 

Of oure hyndrenge, yf reason lede thys daiisse. - 

Than nede frome Fflaundres pease shulde by to us 

sought, 
And othere londes shulde seche pease, doute nought. 
Ffor Fflaundres is staple, as men tell me, 
To aUe*° nacyons of Ciystiantd. 



* Wynne, oyle, oBcy, wex, greyne, ffygues, reysyns, hony, 
weyne, dates, salt, hydes. 



oorde- 



> have truse in honde, B. $ hath 
trouih in honde, D. 

•yoiir,D. 

' This word is supplied from B. ; 
10^91, oyUy wex, D. 

^ fare-bife, B. ; forb^ D. 



• For they were never trewe emf 
wkyU, D. 

' TFAan, A. 
"/or,©. 

* What for enemyeand aupporiyng, 
B. 

" 0/o/7c,B.j ToaSemanern.,D. 



h 2 



164 



POLITICAL POEUS. 



The cornmodyUd of Pety ^ Brytayne, wyth hei^e revera 
on the see. Tlie iij. capitle. 

Fforthermore to wrytene I hame fayne, 

Somwhate spekynge of the Lytell Bretayne ; 

Commodity therof there is and was,' 

Salt and wynes, creste clothe,* and canvasse ; 

And the londe of Fflaunderis sekerly 

Is the staple of there marchaundy ; 

Wheche marchaundy may not passe awey. 

But by the coste of Englonde, this is no nay. 

And of this Bretayn, who so trewth levys,* 

Are* the grettest rovers and the grettest thevys 

That have bene in the see many oone-yere,f 

That oure marchauntes have bowght full dere7 

Ffor they have take notable gode of cures 

On thys seyde see,® these false coloured pelours,* 

Called of Seynt Malouse, and elles where, 

Wheche to there duke none obeysaunce woU bere. 

Wyth suche colours we have bene hindred sore, 

And fayned pease is called no werre herefore. 

Thus they have bene in dyverse costes manye 

Of oure England, mo than reherse can I ; 

In Northfolke coostes, and othere places aboutte, 

And robbed and brente and slayne by many a routte. 

And they have also ransonned toune by toune,'® 

That into the regnes of bost" have ronne here soune; 



> LiUlle, B. 

* The commoditees therof is' and 
toot, B. ; ComodiiU therof duU is and 
UfOSfD, 

* creskecloth, D. 

* the trauthe bekves, B. 

* A. reads and^ an eyident error 
of the scribe ; the whole line stands 



thus in B.: Are the grettest robbers 
and thetfes, 

' many a yere, B. 

' bought joUe to dere, B. 

* On this sgdethe see, D. 

' thise seidpillourf, B. 

>' towne to toume, B. ; towre and 
towne, D. 

»» of the best, Ti, 



THE LIBEL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 



165 



Whyche hathe bene ruthe unto thys realme and shame ; 
They that the see shulde kepe are moche to blame. 
Ffor Bretayne is of easy reputasyoun, 
And Seynt Malouse tumeth hem to reprobacioun. 



A storie of kynge Edwarde the iij^ hya ordynauiice 
for Bretayne. 

'Here brynge I in a storye to me lente, 

What a goode squyere ^ in tyme of parlemente, 

Toke unto me welle wretene in a scrowe, 

That I have comonde/* bothe wyth hygh and lowe, 

Of whyche all mene accordene in to one. 

That hit was done not monye yeris' agone, 

But when noble kynge Edwarde the therde 

Eegned in grace, ryght thus hit betyde. 

Ffor he hadde a manere gelozye 

To hys marchauntes, and lowede^ hem hartelye. 

He felde* the weyes to reule well the see,® 

Whereby marchauntes myght have prosperity, 

That fro^ Harflewe and Houndflewe^ dyd he makene, 

And grete werres that tyme were undertakene 

Betwyx the kynge and the duke of Bretayne ; 

At laste to falle to pease bothe were they feyne. 

' Historia, ostendens quam ordinatdonem rex Edwardus m» 
fecit contra depredatores marinos Britanniae minoris, ad debellan- 
dum eoB et subjuganduin minores BritannoB, non obstante colore 
duels eonim, per ekcusationem sui dicehtis se non posse domare 
suos inobedientes, et insubjicibiles ei erant. 



> That Hampton esquyer, D. 

* I comoned with bothe, B, i amen^ 
did,J>. 

* dates, D. 

* hved,B. 
*feUe,.D. 



• He/eU wele the waxes the rtUes 
ofAesee,B. 

^ iherfor, B. 

Harflete and Houn4fiete, B. ; 
Harflew and Hand^flew, D. 



166 



POLITICAL POEMS. 



Upon the whyche, made by convencioun, 

Oure marchaundys made hem redy boune 

Towarde Bretayne to lede here marchamidye,- 

Wenynge hem frendes, and wente forthe boldelye.^ 

But sone anone oure marchaundes were itake,. 

And Tree spede nevere the bettere for treuse sake. 

They loste here goode, here mond, and spendynge;.^ 

But there compleynte come^ unto the kynge. 

Then wex he wrothe, and to the duke he sente, 

And oompleyned that* such harme was hente 

By convencioun, and pease made so refused. 

Whiche duke sent ageyne, and hym excused, 

Kehersynge that the mounte of Seynte Michele 

And* Seynt Malouse wolde never a dele 

By subject unto his® govemaunce, 

Ner be undere hys obeysaunce; 

And so they did withowten hym that dede. 

But whan the kynge anone had takene hede, 

He in his herte set a jugemente/ 

Wythoute callynge of ony parlemente, 

Or grete tary to take longe avyse, 

To fortefye anone he dyd devyse 

Of Englysshe townes iij., that is to seye 

Derthmouth, Plymmouthe, the third it is Ffoweye, 

And gaffe® hem helpe and notable puissance, 

Wyth insistence set® them in govemaunce 

Upon Pety Bretayn^® for to werre. 

That gode see-menne wolde no more deferre, 



* and Uiedir yode hcidbf, B. 

^ They lost her navy, her goode, 
and here ependinge, D. Hi^uyt 
has navy in place of moni. 

' ihei complayned hem^ B. 

* how,B. 

* Nor,B. 

' undir Att, B. 



^ Amendes he wold none make, he 
seide, 
Wherfor the kynge in hart eette 
ajugement, B. 
* garte hem, D. 
^ to sette, B. 
>^ LiteOe Bretaigne, B, 



THE LIBEL OF ENQUSU POLICY. 



167 



But bete theme home, and made^ they myght not route, 

Tooke prysoners, and lemyd hem for to loutte. 

And efte the duke an ensample wysse 

Wrote to the kynge, as he ffyrste dyd dewysse, 

Hym excusynge; but oure meny wode* 

Wyth grete poure passed overe the ffloode. 

And verrie forth into the ' dukes londe, 

And had neygh destrued free and bonde.* 

But than* the duke knewe* that the townes thre 

Shulde have loste all hys natale cuntree/ 

Undertoke by sewrte trewe, not false, 

Ffor Mount Mychelle and Seinte Malouse als, 

And othere partees* of the Lytelle Bretajmne, 

Whych to obeye, as seyde was, were nott fayne, 

The duke hym selfe for all dyd undertake, 

Wyth all hys herte a fall pease dyd he make.** 

So that in all the lyffe tyme of the kynge 

Marchaundes hadde pease wythowtene werrynge. 

KHe made a statute for Lumb^des in thys londe. 

That they shulde in no wysse take one honde 

Here to enhabite, here^^ to charge and to dyscharge, 

Butt xL dayes, nomore tyme had they large. 

Thys good kynge, be wytt of suche appreffe, 

Eepte hys marchauntes and" the see fro myscheffe. 

' Tutum statutum regis Edwardi tertii pro Lombardis. 



* that, B, ; made is omitted in A., 

and IB here supplied from D. and 

HaUnyt. 

' Than the duke in like wise 

Wrote to the kynge for the tnue. 

The kynge aunewerd how his 

mayni wode, B. 
And after the duke m sembiahle 

wtfse 
Wrote to the kynge, as he fyrst 

diddemse, 
Hym excusyng, hut our navy 
woode, D. 



* werryd in the, D. 

* To destroie the dukes hnde, 
Ayenst his wille, I undirstonde, 

B. 

* And whan, B. 

* «y, B. 

' Sheid haoe de^roied his countrt, 
B. ; notable contri, D. 
" And for dUe the parties, B. 
^ These two lines omitted in B. 
1* Omitted in B. and D. 
" in, B. 



168 POLITICAL POEMS. 



Of the corrnnodites of Scotdonde, aiid drapynge of her 
woUe in Fflavmdrea. The iiij. chapUle, 

Moreovere^ of Scotlonde the commoditees 

t At flFelles, hydes, and of woUe the ffleesse. 

And alle thesse muste passe bye us aweye 

Into Fflaundres by Englonde, sothe to saye.^ 

And alle here woUe was draped^ for to selle 

In the tonnes of Poperynge and of Belle, 

Whyche my lorde of* Glowcestre wyth ire^ 

Ffor here ffalshede sett upon a ffjrre. 

iAnd yett they of Belle and Poperynge 

Cowde never drapere® here woUe for any thynge, 

But if they hadde Englysshe woll wythalle. 

Oure godely woUe that^ is so generalle 

Nedefulle to hem in Spayne and Scotlande als, 

And othere costis, this sentence is not fals. 

Ye worthi marchauntes, I do it upon yow, 

I have this lemed, ye wott wele where and howe;" 

Ye wotte the staple • of that marehaundye 

Of this Scotlonde is Fflaundres sekerlye.'® 

And** the Scottes bene chargede, knowene'* at the eye,'* 

J Out of Flaundres wyth lytyll merceiye, 



^ Ffelles, hydes, wolleflees, owtewarde. 

* Hie patet de incendio villarum de Poperynge et de Belle per 
ducem Gloucestre et suos. 
i Mercerye, haberdashrye, cartewhelys, barowes, homeward. 



> Abo over aUe Sc.j B. 

* this is no itay, B. 

* drapered^'D, 

* the duke of, B. 

' in grete ire, B. ; in ire, D. 
< drcqte, B. ; draper, D. 
» it, B, D. 



' That this is trew, ye wote wek 
how,l^. 
• For the staple, B. 
>• truly, B. 
" Than,'^. 

'3 This word is omitted by B. 
" kiiowen that ye, D. 



THE LIBEL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 169 

And greie plentee of haburdasshers ^ ware, 
And halfe here ^hippes* wyth carte whelys bare, 
And wyth barowes, are laden as in substaunce. 
Thus moste rude ware be in here cheveaaunoe ; 
So they may not forbere thys Fflemysshe londe. 
Therefor if we wolde manly take on honde 
To kepe this see fro Flaundres and fro Spajme, 
And fro Scotelonde, lydi as fro Pety* Bretayne, 
Wee schulde ryght sone have pease for all here bostis ; 
Ffor they muste nede passe by oure Englysshe costis. 



Of the cammoditeea of Pruse^ and Hyglie JDuche 
menne, and Enterlynges. The v. cltapUle. 

Now goo wee fforthe to the commoditees 
That Cometh to^ Pruse in too manere degrees; 
Ffor too manere peple have suche use. 
This is to saye, Highe Duch men of® Pruse ^, 
And Esterlynges, whyche myghte not be forborne 
Oute of Fflaundres, but it were verrely lome. 
^'Ffor they bringe in® the substaunce of the® beere 
That they drynken fele'® to goode chepe, not dere." 
Ye" have herde that twoo Fflemmynges togedere, 
Wol undertake, or they goo ony whethere,. 
Or they rise onys, to drinke a barelle fulle 
Of gode berkyne ; '® so sore they hale and puUe, 

^ Nota de proprietatibus et conditionibus populorum Flandren- 
sium. 



> haberdasshe, B; haburdashiy, 
D. 
s B. omitB these three words. 
« LiteOe, B. 

* Spntce, D. 
•>9tMmD.andHaklnyt. 

• and,B. 



^ Spruce, D. 

• hem,B. 

• here, B. ; their, D. 
»• eeUe, D. 

• * thei drynke good ekept dare, B. 
»/,R 

*' here, B. ; berekjfn, D. 



170 



POLITICAL POEMS. 



Undre the borde they pissen as they sitte ; 
This Cometh of covenant * of a worthy ^ witte. 
iWythoute Calise in ther buttere the® cakked, 
Whan they flede* home, and when they leysere* lakked 
To holde here sege, they wente lyke® as a doo ; 
Wei was that Fflemmynge that myght trusse and goo. 
Ffor fere they turned bake/ and hyede faste ; 
Mi lorde of® Gloucestre made hem® so*° agaste 
™Wyth his commynge, and sought hem in here londe, 
And brente and slowe as he hadde take on honde ; 
So that oure enmyse" durste not byde nor stere, 
They flede to mewe,*^ they durste no more appere. 
Then his meynd seyden that he was dede, 
Till we were goo, ther was non bettir rede. 
Ffy! cowardy knyghthode was aslepe, 
As dede their duk yn mew they did hym kepe,^® 
Bebukede sore for evere so shamefiiUy 
»Unto here uttere everelastinge vylany. 



' Nota enonnitatem Bcurrilitatis Flandrensium quando fiigas 
feoerunt relinquentes Caliseam. 

" Nota de fuga Flandrensiuni propter adventum strenuissimi 
principiB ducis Glouoestrensis. 

^ Hio redarguitur veoordia fugientium, in perpetuam eorum 
memoriam. 



D. 



' conoetofght, D. 

' ccmetke of an unworthy ^ B. 

' hoture thei, B. 

* wenUy D. 
» leve, B. 

• yode light, B. ; went lyght, D. 

' And her prince toumed his baky 



^ The duke of, B. 

• h^, D. 

" sore, B. 

" their duke, D. 

*' mew, B. ; He was in mew, D. 

" This and the three preceding 
lines, omitted in A.^ are sapplied 
fVomD. 



THE LIBEL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 



171 



After here a/nd bacon, odre gode commoditSa uaene. 

^ Now bere and bacon bene fro Pruse ^ ibroughte 

Into Pflaundres, as loved and fere isoughte.;^ 

Osmonde, coppre, bow-staffes, stilp,* and wex, 

Peltre-ware/ and grey, pych, terre, borde, and flex, 

And Coleyne threde, fustiane, and canvase, 

Garde, bokeram, of olde tyme thus it wase. 

But the Fflemmyngis amonge these thinges dere 

In comen lowen* beste bacon and bere. 

Thus am they hogges, and drynkyn wele ataunt, 

Ffare wele, Flemynge, hay, harys, hay, avaunt.® 

Also Pruse ^ mene make here aventure 

Of plate of sylvere^ of® wegges gode and sure 

In grete plente, whiche they bringe and bye 

Oute of londes of Bealme ® and Hungrye ; 

Whiche is encrese ful grete unto^® thys londe. 

And thei bene laden,** I understonde, 

Wyth woUen clothe alle ** manere of coloures, 

By dyers crafbes fill djrverse that bene oures.*^ 

And they aventure fill gretly unto the Baye 

Ffor salte, that is nedefiille wythoute naye. 

Thus if they wolde not oure frendys bee, 

Wee myght lyghtlye" stope hem in the see; 

They shulde not passe oure stremes wythoutene leve, 

It wolde not be, but if we shulde hem greve. 

® Bere, bacon, osmonde, coppre, bowestaves, stele, wex, peltre- 
ware, grey, pyche, larre, borde, fflex, Coleyne threde, ffustiane, 
canvas, carde, bokerame, sylrer plate, wegges of silvere and metalL 



» Spruce, T>. 

' Flanders, laden ferre ieought, B. 

« etele, D. 

* Pdfyoare^B. 

* hven, B., D. 

* These two lines are added ftom 
). 

' Spruce, D. 



• and, B. 

* Beam, B. ; Beame, D. 
" in, B 

" lade agayn, B. 

" ofaUe,B. 

" whiche avaifleiherof is oureSfB, 

" ffretfy, B. 



172 



POLITICAL POEMS. 



Of the commoditees of the Januays, and here gi^tte 
Tcarekkya} The vj. chapitle. 

The Janueys oomyne in sondre wyses 

Into this londe, wyth dyverse marchaundyses, 

In grete karrekkis* arrayde wythouten lake, 

Wyth clothes of golde, silke,' and pepir blake 

They bringe wyth hem, and of wood * grete plent<5, 

Wolle, oyle, woad aschen, by wesshelle* in the see, 

Coton, roche-alum, and gode golde of Jene.^ 

And they be charged wyth wolle ageyne, I wene, 

And woUene clothe of owres of colours alle. 

And they aventure, as ofte it dothe by&tlle, 

Into Flaundres wyth suche thynge as they bye, 

That is here chefie staple sykerlye ; 

And if they wolde be cure fulle ennemyse, 

They shulde not passe our stremez with merchaundyse. 



The commodites and nyceteea of Venicyans and 
Florentynea, with there galeea. The vij. chapitle. 

The grete galees of Venees and Fflorence 

Be wel ladene wyth thynges of complacence, 

Alle spicerye and of grocers ware, 

Wyth swete wynes, alle manere of chaffare, 

Apes, and japes, and marmusettes taylede, 

Nifles, trifles,^ that liteUe have availede, ® 

And thynges* wyth whiche they fetely blere oure eye, 

Wyth thynges not enduryng that we bye^;^^ 



' earrikes, B, 

* carrikea, B. 

* silver, B. ; ofgdde and syluer, D, 

* wood, B. 

* vends, B. 

* Gene,D. 



' NufeUs and trufeUs, D. 

* This line, omitted in A., is here 
given from B. 

* And oAer thyngeafB. 

" Whiche^ thynges be not duryng 
that we bye, B. 



THE LIBEL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 173 

P Ffor moche of thys clia£fare that is wastable 
Mighte be forborne for dere and djrssevable.* 
And that* I wene, as for infinnitees, 
In oure Englonde is' suche oomoditees, 
Wythowten helpe of any othere londe, 
Whych by wytte and practike bethe ifounde, 
That alle humors myght be voyded sure ; 
Whych that we gledre wyth oure Englysh cure. 
That wee shulde have no nede to skamonye, 
Turbit, euforbe, correcte,* diagredie,** 
<lRubarde, sen^, and yet' they bene to® nedefulle; 
But I knowe thynges also^ spedefuDe, 
That growene here, as these thynges seyde ;® 
Lett of this matere no mane be dysmayde, 
But that a man may voyde* infirmytee 
Wythoute degrees fet'^ fro beyonde the see.- 
And yetb" there shulde excepte be ony thynge, 
It were but sugre, truste to my seyinge.** 
He that trustith not to my seyinge and sentence, 
Lett hym better serche experience. 
In this mater I wole not ferthere prese, " 
Who so not beleveth, let hym leve and sease.^^ 
Thus these galeise for this** lykynge ware, 
And etynge ware^*® here hens oure beste chaffare, 



^ Hie de materialibus et ingfedientibus reoeptas medicinales. 
*i Of druges materiales for receytes of medicines. 



' for thei ben duceivable, B. 

«yi«,B. 

■ are, B. ; our londe am, D. 

* correcHd,!), 

* Mgardye, B. 

* two^B. 

* But IhMr ben thynges oho, B. 
•/avi««rf,B. 

^byde^D. 



** Without thise drugges, B. ; 
drouggisfettj D. 

"3e/;B.;(/;D. 

» senynge, B. 
"p&«,B. 
" cease, B. 
» theire, B. 
«• stuffe, D, 



174 POLITICAL POEBia 

Clothe, wolle, and tynne, whiche, as I seyde ^ befome, 

Oute of this londe werste myghte * be forborne. 

Ffor eche other londe of ilecessit^ 

Have grete nede to by Bome of the thre ; ^ 

And wee resseyve of* hem into this cooste 

Ware and ohaffare that lyghtlye wol be loste. 

And wolde Jhesu that oure lordis wolde 

Considre this wel, both yonge and olde ; 

Namelye olde,^ that have experience, 

That myghte the yonge exorten to prudence. 

What harme, what hurt, and what hinderaunce 

Is done to us unto youre® grete grevaunce, 

Of suche londes and of suche ^ nadons ? 

As experte men knowe ® by probacions ; 

By wretynge as discured" oure counsayles, 

And false coloure alwey the countertayles 

Of oure '^ enmyes, that dothe us hinderinge 

Unto oure goodes, oure reahne," and to the kynge ; 

As wysse men have shewed welle at eye, 

And alle this is colowred by marchaundrye. 

An emsampelle of deseytte. 

Also they here the golde owte of thys londe^ 
And souketh the thryfte awey oute of oure honde, 
As the waffore ^* soukethe honye fro the bee^ 
So mynuceth^' oure commodity 
Now wolle ye here how they in Cotteswolde 
Were wonte to borowe, or they schulde'* be sold6, 



> as is seid, B. ' B^ writyng are discovered^ B. ; 

« myght worse, B. cmd diseuredy D. 

• oneoflhise thre, B. lo aIU irey of our, D. 

yZ'\ ^^therynge,!). 

• elder, B. « -n Tk 
« ' " waspe, B., D. 
« oure, B. \ ^ ' 

» thise, B. ! " msffuiifshethe, B. ; mipisfshe, D. 

• shew, B.; proved, D. ' " asitshold, B. 



THE LIBEL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 175 

Here woUe gode,' as for yere and yere,^. 

Of clothe and t3mne they did in lych ' manere, 

And in her galeys schyppe this marchaundye ? 

Than sone at Venice of them men wol it bye, 

Then utterjie* there the chaffare be the payse. 

And lyghtly als* ther they make her reys.* 

And whan tho gode bene at Venice solde, 

Than to carrye her channge they ben fulle bolde 

Into Flaundres, whan thei this money have, 

They wyll it profre ther sofcelt^ to save, 

To Englysshe marchaundis to yeve it oute by es- 

chaunge, 
To be paid agayn, thei make not strannge/ 
Here in Englonde, semynge for the better, ' 
At the reseyvinge and syght of the lettir,* 
By iiij. pens lesse* in the noble rounde, 
That is xij. pens in*^ the golden pounde. 
And yf we wolle have of paymente, 
A fulle monythe than moste hym nedes assente, 
To viij. pens losse, that is sheUyngis tweyne,- 
In the Englysshe pounde, as efbesones ageync 
Ffor ij. monthes xij. pens must be paye, 
In the Englysshe pounde, what is that to seye, 
But iij. shyllingis, so that in pounde felle . 
Ffor hurte and harme harde is wyth hem to delle. 
And whenne Englysshe marchaundys" have contente 
This eschaunge in Englonde of ^* assente, 
That these seyde Veneciance have in wone,'* 
And Florentynes, to here here golde sone 



* tDoUes good, B. 

* fro yere to yere, B., D. 
» like, B., D. 

« Tim utter, "B. 

* ifMyef, D. 

' This line is added from B. and D. 



" Added also from D. 
<> losse, B, 

" xij, d. losse in, B. 
" marchattnies, B. 

** have mowen, D. 



176 POLITICAL POKHS. 

Overe the see into Flaundres ageyne. 

And thus they lyve in Flaundres, sothe to sayne, 

And in London, wyth suche chevesaunoe 

That men calle nsur^, to oure losse and hinderaunce. 



Anothere exemj)le of disceytte. 

Now listen welle how they made us a baleys 

Whan they borwed* at the towne of Caleys, 

As they were wonte, ther wolle that was hem lente, 

Ffor yere and* yere they schulde make paymente. 

And some tyme als too yere and too yere ; 

This was fayre lone,* but yett wolle ye here 

How they to Bruges* wolde her woUes carye, 

And for hem take paymente wythouten tarye, 

And selle it &Bte for redy money in honde? 

Ffor fifty pounde of money of losse they wolde not 

wonde 
In a thousande pounde, and lyve therebye, 
Tylle the day of paymente easylye, 
Some^ ageyne in exchaunge makynge, 
Ffulle lyke usurie, as men make undertakynge. 
Than whan thyB payment of a thowsande pounde 
Was welle contente, they shulde have chaffare sounde, 
Yff they wolde fi'o the staple foUe 
Beseyve ageyne ther thousande ^ pounde in wolle. 
And thus they wold, if we will beleve, 
Wypen our nose with our owne sieve; 
Thow this proverbe be homly and undew, 
Yet be liklynesse it is for soth fuUe trew.^ 



borowed^ B., T), 



« to,B.,D. 

• love, D. 

* Bridget, B. 



» Come, R, D. 

' tty. thousand, B. 

' This aud the preceding three 
lines 9,re added from D., irhich omits 
the ibur which follow. 



THE LIBEL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 177 

In Cotteswolde also they ryde aboute, 

And al Englonde, and bien, wythouten doufce, 

Wliat them liste, wyfche fredome and fraunchise, 

More then we Englisshe may getyn in any wyse. 

But wolde God that, wythoute lenger delays?, 

These galeise were unfi'aught in^ xl. dales, 

And in tho xl. dayes charged ageyn'e; 

And that they myght be put to certeyne ' 

To go to oste, as wee there wyth hem doo.** 

It were expediente that they did right soo 

As wee do there ; if the kynge wolde itt, 

A ! what worschip wold falle to Englysshe witte ! 

What profite also to oure marchaundye, 

Whiche wolde of nede be cherisshed hartelye ! 

Ffor I wolde wete why nowe owre navey fayleth, 

Whan many a foo us at oure dorre assayleth, 

r Now in * these dayes, that, if there come a nede, 

What navey shulde wee have it is to drede. 

In Denmarke ware fulle noble conquerours 

In tyme passed, fulle worthy werriours, 

s Whiche when they had here marchaundes destroyde, 

To poverte they felle, thus were they noyede ; 

And so they stonde at myscheffe at this daye ; 

This lemed I late, welle wryten, this no naye.'* 

Therefore be ware, I can no better wylle,** 

Yf grace it wole of other mennys perylle ; 

Ffor yef marchaundes were cherysshede to here spede, 

We were not lykelye to fayle ^ in ony nede. 

•" A woffoUe compleyn[te] of lake of navey if nede come. 

" A storye of destruccion of Denmarke for destruocion of her 
marchauntes, by presidente of master Richarde Barnet shewynf]^e in 
a rolle. 



* withyn, D. 

- in.certayn, B., D. 

•' as we in Flaunders dito, 1). 



* This lerned I late, it is no nay, 
B..D. 
« while, D. 



' at. D. , ' Wte to fulle, B. 

VOL. II. M 



178 POLITICAL POEMS. 

Yff they bee riche, than in prosperity 
Schalbe oure londe, lordes, and comont^.' 
*And in worship nowe thinke I on the sonne 
Of marchaimdy, Bicharde of Whitingdone,^ 
That loode-sterre* and chefe chosen floure, 
Whate hathe by hym oure England of honoure ? 
And whate profite hathe bene of his richesse ? 
And yet lasteth dayly in worthinesse, 
That penne and papere may not me suffice 
Him to describe, so high he was of prise ; 
Above marchaundis to sette him one of the beste, 
I can no more, but God have hym in reste.' 



Nov) the 2'>'i'inci}mlle matcve. 

" What reason is it that wee schulde * go to oste'^ 
In there cuntrees, and in this EngHsshe coste 
They schulde® not so, but have more liberte 
Tlian wee oure selfe? now, alle so mot I the, 
I wolde men shulde to geftes' take no hede 
That lettith oure thinge publique for to spede ; 
Ffor this wee see welle every day at ey^, 
Geftes and festes stopene oure poUicye. 



* Memoire of the sonne of marchaunde, Ric. of Wliytingdone. 

•^ Nota, here is for to be notyde that sithene this seyde ordy- 
naunce of writinge there have be ordeynede to go to oste in Lon- 
done, etc*. But how this policie is subverted, it is men'elle to 
knowe, be wyles and gyles, which e wol be in othere place de- 
clarede. 



* compnaltS, B. * shalle, B. 

- Richard Whytingtony D. '• hoste^ I). 

=* This passage relating to Richard *" shalle^ B. 

Whittington is not found in B. " ijiftcsy B. ; giftisy D. 



THE LIBEL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 179 

Now se that fooles bene eyther they or wee, 
But evere wee have the wai'se in this contr^, 
Therefore lett hem unto coste^ go here, 
Or be wee free wyth hem in like manere 
In there cuntr^ ; and if it woUe not bee, 
Compelle them unto coste,^ and ye*shalle see 
Moche avauntage and muche profite arise, 
Moche more than I write can in any wyse. 



Of Olive charrje and discharge^ at her maHis. 

Conseyve welle here that Englysshe men at martis 

Be discharged, for alle her craftes and artes, 

In the Braban of her marchaundy 

In xiiij. dayes, and ageyne hastely 

In the same dayes xiiij. are charged efte; 

And yf they byde lenger alle is berefte, 

Anone they schulde forfet here godes alle, 

Or marchaundy, it schulde no bettere falle. 

And wee to martis of Braban charged bene 

Wyth Englyssh clothe, fulle gode and feyre to seyne, 

Wee bene ageyne charged wyth merceyre, 

Haburdasshere * ware, and wyth grocerye. 

To whyche martis, that Englisshe men call fe3rres, 

Iche nacion ofle maketh here repayeres, 

Englysshe and Frensh, Lumbardes, Januayes,*'^ 

Cathalones,® theder they take here wayes, 

Scottes, Spaynardes, Iresshmen there abydes, 

Wythe grete plentd bringinge of salte hydes." 



» hosty B., D. ; oste, Hakl. 
« A(M^B-,D.; 0*/!?, Hakl. 
' discharge and charge, B. 

* Haberdassh, B. ; fiaburdashe, 
1), I Irische hydes, D. 

M 2 



* Zombardift, Duchmen, and Sa^ 
voieSf D. 

• Catolonesy D. 
^ hryngen of Irissh hides, B. ; 

Wiche Bruges grete plenti eatith of 



1 



180 



POLITICAL POEMS. 



And I here saye that wee in Braban lye, 
Fflaundrea and Seland, wee bye more marchaundy ^ 
In comon use, then done alle other naeionA ; 

This have I herde of marehanndes relacions. 

And yfF the Engly&she be not in the martLs, 

They bene febelle, and as noughte bene here* parto8-, 

Ffor they bye more, and fro purse ^ put owte, 

More * marchaundj^ tlian alio othere rowte. 

Kepte than the see,^ shyppes schulde not bringo ne 

feche, 
And than the carreys wolde not theder streche ; 
And so tho martes wolde full evel thee, 
Yf wee manly kepte aboute the see. 

Of the commoditeea of Brahan ' and Sekindc and- 
Henauld^, and marchaitndyses cai^yed hy londe 
to the maHes. The viij, chaintle. 

Yit® marchaundy of Braban and Selande,^ 
vThe® madre and woode® that dyers take on hande 
To dyne^® wyth, garleke and onyons, 
And salt fj'sshe als for husbond and comons ; 
But they of Holonde^* at Caleyse byene oure felles, 
And oure woUes, that Englyshe men hem selles. 
And the chefare that Englysshe men do byene 
In the martis, that noman may denyene, 

' Madere, woade, garleke, onyons, salt fysshe. 



' And I here say that we in Brahan 

bye 
More plentS of theire marchaun- 

dye, B., D. 
And I here say that toe in Bra- 
bant bye, 
Flaunders and Zeland, more of 
marchandy, Hakl. 
' in their, T>. 
^f re pens J T). 



* For, B. 

* And the see were kept that, B. ; 
Kepe than, D. 

« 7%«,B. 

' Zehnde, D. 

« Bethe, B.; By, D. 

» wad, B. 

" dyen, D. 

" Selond.B. 



THE LIBEL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 181 

Is not made in Braban that cuntre, 

It commeth frome oute of Henanlde, not be the see, 

But alle by londe by carris,^ and firome Fraunce, 

Burgoyne, Coleyne, Camerete,* in substaunce. 

Therfore at martis yf there be a i^estreynte, 

Men seyne pleynly, that liste no fibbles peynte,^ 

Yf Englysshe men be wythdrawene awey, 

Is grete rebuke and losse to here afiraye,* 

As^ though wee sent into the londe of Fraunce 

Tenne thousande peple, men of gode puissaunce,® 

To werre imto her hynderynge multiphary ; ^ 

So bene oure Englysshe marchauntes necessajy. 

^ Yf it be thus assay, and we ® schall weten 

Of men experte, by whome I have this wrytenc. 

Ffor seyde is that this carted*^ marchaundye 

Drawethe in valew as moche verralye'^ 

As alle the gode that commethe in shippes thedyre, 

Whyche Englisshe men bye moste and bring it hedire. 

Ffor here martis bene feble, shame to saye, 

But Englisshe men thedire dresse here waye. 



Conclusion of this deppenidinge of keiyimje of the see. 

Than I conclude, yff nevere so moche by londe " 
Werre by carres brought unto there honde, 
Yff welle the see were kepte in governaunce, 
They shulde by see have no delyveraimce, 

'^' Not^ what oure marchaundes hye in that costis more than all 
other, etc". 



* icariedy B. j in carreSf D, * tx. thoiuand men of pwtsauncCf 

• CamerUct Ct^ayn, B. j Camerik, ' B. 

D. ; ^ muUiplye, B. 

« fayn, D. ' yc, R 

^ and lossCf and affray^ B. ; losse ' whan this carted^ B. 

to their astraye^ D. I '^ as moc/ie to valew sikerly, B. 

» Alle, D. I " Yfmen ao moche he o/lond, H. 



182 



POLITICAL POEMS. 



Wee shulde hem sioppe, and wee shulde hem destroy, 
Ah piysoners wee shulde hem brynge to noy ; 
And so wee shulde of oui-e cruelle enmysse 
^Make oure ffrendes for fere of marchaundysse, 
YfF they ^ were not suffred for to pa&se 
Into Fflaundi-es ; but wee be firayle as glasse,^ 
And also bretyUe,' not thought,* nevere abydynge, 
But when grace shynetho sone ai-c wee slydjoige. 
Wee woU it not reseyve in any wysse ; 
That maken luste, envye, and covetysse. 
Expoune me this, and ye shall sothe it fynde, 
Bere it aweye, and kepe it in youre mynde. 



Thcnaf/le of thys conclitsloiin. 

Than shidde worshyp unto oure noble be, 
In feet and forme to lorde and magest^ f 
y Liche as the seale the grettest of thys londe 
On the one syde hathe, as I understondc, 
A prince rydynge wytli his swerde idraue, 
In the othere syde sittynge, sothe it is in sawe,® 
zBetokenynge goode reule and ponesshjnoigo 
In verry dede^ of Englande by the kynge. 
And hit is so, God blcssyd mote he bee ; 
So one lyclie wysse I wolde were on the sec. 
By the noble that swerde schulde have powere. 
And the shippes one the see aboute us here. 

^ Nota, of oure defautes lettynge oure gode spede in polycye. 
y Nota, of the kynges grete seale. 
* By Bepter and swerde* 



» we,D. 

^ but we fre as glasse, B. ) we be 
frebfy as I gesse^ D. 

' And as brasUe, 6. ; And also at 
Brushia, D. 



* tough, B. 

^ Rather than to the duke and hU 
meynye, D, 

' sothe is this saw, H,, D. 
' sede, B. 



THE LIBEL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 



183 



What nedeth a garlande, whyclie is made of ivye,' 
Shew a tavern wynelesse/'* also thryve I ; 
Yf men were wysely,^ the Frenshmen and* Flemmynge 
Shulde bere no state in see by werrynge. 



Of Hanky lie Lyons? 

^ Thane Hankyne Lyons shuldo not be so bolde® 
To stoppo wyne, and shippes^ for to holde, 
Unto our shame ; he hadde be betene thens. 
Alias ! alias ! why dede wee these® offence, 
Fftdly° to shende the olde Englisshe fames," 
And the profites of Englonde, and there names? 
Why is thys powere called of covetise " 
Wyth ffals colours caste befome oure eyes? 
That if goode men ben called werryours 
Wolde take the see for the comon socours, 
And pm*ge the see^^ imto oure grete avayle, 
And Wynne hem gode, and havc*^ up the sayle, 
And one oure enmyes there lives to juparte/* 
So that they myght there pryses well depai'te, 
As reasone wolde, justice, and equity 
To make this lande have lordeshyp of the see. 

^ This tyme anno regis H. VI. lav^^ was Hankyne Lyons arche- 
bere one the see, and afore Fety Pynson. Alias, alias ! 



''' Shevardours wiveles now aUo^ D. 
^ tcifly, B. ; while, D. 
* duke and tJte, D. 
^ Of Hankyn Lyons, a rover on 
the see, B. ; OfHankyng Lyons, I). 
' shold not have ben so bold, B. 
' stoppe us, and our shippes, B. 
^ whi do ye this, B. 



» Wafully,B.', F/oule,!), 

"* shend our Englisshe foones, B. 

^> this powdre called covetise, B. 

»'^ The words for , . , see, 
omitted by the scribe of MS. A., arc 
supplied from B. and D. 

" hale,B.,J). 

'* coarte, D. 



J84 POLITICAL POEMS. 



A ifalm coloiu'C in e.fxttisyiuj of prises} 

** Thane shalle Luinbardes and otiioro feyncd frendes 
Make her chalenges by colom-c false of fendcs, 
And sey there chafarc in the shippcs is, 
And.chalenge alle, loke yf this be amisse. 
Ffor thus may alle that men have brought to sorowc,*- 
And ben excused and saved by false eoloiu'e. 

^Be ware, ye men that bare® the gi-etc on honde, 
That they destroy* the polycye of this londe, 
By gifbe and goode, and the fyne golden clothes, 
And silke and othere, sey ye nat this sothe is? 
Bot if ye hadde verry experience, 
That they take mede wythe pr3rv(? violence, 
Carpettis, and thynges of price and of pleysaunce, 
Whereby stopped shulde be^ gode governaunce. 
And if it were as ye seye unto me, 
Than wolde I seye, alias, cupidity ! 
That they that have here lyves put in dredc 
Schal be sone oute* of wynnynge, al for mede, 
And lese here costes, and brought to povevte, 
That they shalle nevere have luste to go to sec. 

^* Lumbardis are cause inoughe to hurte this lande, allethougli 
there were none othere cause. 

^ Alias! for bribes and gifte of goode festes and meanes that 
fitoppen oure pollycye. 



This title is omitted in A., but 



supplied from B. 
- so sworcy B. 



•'• thci here, B. 

* stoppid isy B. 

* Schalle be sfionxn outf B., D. 



THE LIBEL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 186 



Stcryngc to an ovdhwAiiice (Hjois coloure of mof/Hr- 
teners and excusers, 

<^Ffor thys coloure that^ muste be seyde alofte, 

And by declared of the gi*ete fulle ofte, 

That oure seemeii wolle by many wysse^ 

Spoyllo oure frendys in stede of oiire enmyse ; 

Ffor whyche coloure and Lumbardes mayntenaunce, 

The kjnttgc it nedeth to make an ordinaunce 

Wyth hys counselle, that may not fayle, I troue, 

That frendes shuld frome enmyes welle be knoue, 

Oure enmyes taken, and oure fi-endes spared ; 

The remedy of hem muste be declared. 

©Thus may the see be kept in no selle;* 

Ffor if ought be taken, wotte ye weel, 

Wee have the strokes, and enmyes have tlie wynnyng, 

But maynteners ar parteners of the synnynge. 

Wee lyfe^ in luste, and byde in covetyse, 

This is oure reule* to mayntene marchauntyse, 

And polycye that we have on the see; 

And, but God helpe, it woll none other bee. 



Of tlie coriiDiodltees of Ireloiule, and policye and 
kepynge thei*eof and cojiquerynge of xvylde Iryshe, 
wyth an incident of Walys. Tlte ix. chapitle. 

1 caste to spekc of Ii-elonde but a lytelle, 
Commoditees^ yit I woll entitelle, 

*^ It is a merveyle thynge that so grete a sekcnesse and hurt of 
tlic londe may have no remedy of so many as letten hem selfe \vysc- 
men of govemaunce, etc*. 

^ £t unde mors oritur inde vita resurgat. 



' then.B. | * %,B.,D. 

• toold in any wise^ B. * tale, B., D. 

» be kept every dele, B., D. I • Tfie comodit€8j B., D. 



186 POLITICAL POEMSw 

Hydes, and fish, samon, hake, herynge, 

Irish woUen, lynyn doth, Mdynge, 

And martemus' gode, bene here marehaundyse, 

Hertys* hydes, and other of venerye, 

Skynnes of otere, squerel, and Iiysh are,^ 

Of shepe, lambe, and fox, is here chaffare, 

Ffelles of kydde and conyes grete plentd. 

So that yf Irelond halpe us to kepe the see, 

Because the k3aige elepid* is rex Aiujlia\ 

And is domi/nus also Hibet'nicv, 

Old possessyd* by progenitours, 

The Triche men have caase lyke to oures 

Oure londe and herres togedre defende, 

That none enmye shulde hurte ne offende* 

Yrelonde ne us, but as one comonte 

Sliulde helpe to kepe welle aboute the see. 

Ffor they have havenesse gi'ete and godely' bayes, 

Surc,.wyde, and depe, of gode assayes, 

Att Waterforde and coostis monye one, 

And as men seyn in England, be there none 

Better havenesse shyppes in to ryde, 

Ne more sure for enmyes to abyde. 

® Why speke I thus so muche of Yrelonde ? 

Ffor also muche as I can understonde 

It is fertyle for thynge® that there do growe 

And multiplyen, loke who so lust to knowe ; 

So large, so gode, and so comodyouse. 

That to declare is straunge and merveylouse. 

Ffor of sylvere and golde there is the oore 

Amonge the wylde Yrishe, though they be \)OTe ; 



martortut, D. ' ^rJ/y, B., D. 



- Hert, D. 

' Irishe Jtare, B., D. 

« callid, D. 

* O longe passed^ D. 

" nor shende, B., D. 



B. and D. insert here a new 
title or rabric, ^n exhortacion to 
kepe sikerly Irland. 

^fructifuUe of thyngesj B. ; riche 
for thingcSf D. 



THE LIBEL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 187 

Ffor they ar loide, and can thereone no skylle ; 

So that if we had thelre pese and gode wylle, 

To myne and fyne, and metalle for to pure, 

In wylde YrLshe myght we fynde the cura 

As in Londone seyth ^ a juellere, 

Whych brought trom thens gold oore^ to us here, 

Whereof was fyned metalle gode and clene, 

As'^ the touche, no bettere coude be sene. 

Nowe here be ware and hertly take entente, 

As ye wolle answere at the laste jugemente, 

That for sloughe and for racheshede* 

Ye remembere, wyth alle youre myghte take liede 

To kepe Yrelond, that it be^ not loste ; 

Ffor it is a boterasse and a poste 

Undre England, and Wales another. ^ 

God forbede but eche were othere brothere, 

Of one ligeaunce dewe unto the kynge. 

But I have pit^, in gode feythe, of thys thynge, 

That I shaUe saye, wythe avysemente, 

I ham aferde that Yrclonde wol be ® shente ; 

It muste awey, it wolle be loste frome us, 

But if thow helpe, thow Jhesu graciouse, 

And yeve us grace alle sloughte to levc bysyde/ 

Ffor myche thynge in my hartc'is hyde,® 

Whyche in anothere trety^e I caste to wrytte, 

Made aUe onelye for that soyle and sitee" 

Of fertile Yerelonde, whiche mythe not be forborne, 

But if Englond were nyghe as gode as gone.*^ 

God forbede that a wylde Yrishe wyrlynge 

Shulde be chosene for to be there kynge, 



» seid, B. I ® shalle be, B. 

' good ur€f B. | ^ alouthe to 8ette aside, B. 

='^^B.,D. ^IkidcB. 

* rechelesse/iede, B. ; rechelehede, » cete, D. These two lines are 
D. omitted in B, 

* were, B. " lorn, B. ; fornc, D. 



188 POLITICAL POEMS. 

Aftere here conqueste for oure laste' puisshaunce, 

And hyndere us by other londes allyaunce. 

Wyse mene seyne, whyche folyn not ne dotyn,* 

That wylde Yrishe so muche of grounde have gotyne 

There* upon us, as lykelynesse may be, 

Lyke as England to sherish two or thrc* 

Of thys oure londe is made comparable, 

So wylde Yrishe have wonne unto us unable^ 

Yit" to defende, and of no^ powere 

That oure grounde there is a lytelle comere,® 

To alle Yrelonde in trewe eomparisone. 

It nedeth no more this mater to expone, 

Which if it be loste, as Criste Jhesu forbede, 

Ffarewelle Wales, than Englond cometh to drede 

Ffor alliaunce of Scotelonde and of Spayne, 

And other moo, as the Pety® Bretayne, 

And so have enmyes environ rounde aboute. 

I beseche God that some prayers devoute 

Mutt lett the seyde**^ apparaunce probable" 

Thys disposed ^^ wythought feyned fable ; 

But alle onely for perelle that I see 

Thus ymynent as lykely for to be.'* 

And welle I wote that frome hens to Rome, 
And, as men sey, in alle Cristendome, 
Ys no groimde ne lond to Yreland lyche, 
So large, so gode, so plenteouse,'* so riche, 
That to this worde doTiiinua dothe longe. 
Than me semyth that ryght were, and not wronge, 



' lossCf D. ^ cover, I). 

" whiche listen not to doicu, B. ® litelle, B. 

» That, D.: •• Might he seid, B. 

• In Englond unto sheres two or ^^ provable, J), 

thre, B. *" Thus dispouned, B. 

• on Its have wonne unable, V. '* Whiche is like in short tyme to be, 

• It, B. ; Hit, I). I B. ; Tkusjugemcnt likbj, D. 

' defende with our power, D. i ^* plentevous, B.; plenty vous, D, 



THE LIBEL OP ENGLISH POLICY. 189 

To gete that lend, and it were piteoiise* 

To us to lese thys liyghe uame domiinns. 

And alle this^ worde dominus of name 

Shiilde have the grounde obeisaunte, wyldo and tame. 

Tlmt name and peple* togedere myght aceorde, 

Alle* the grounde subjecte to the^ lorde; 

And that it is possible to be subjecte 

Unto the kynge, well shall it be detecte*^ 

In the lytelle boke that I of spake ; 

I trowe reson alle this woUe imdertake.' 

And I knowe welle with Irland* ho we it stant ; 

Alias ! fortune begynneth so to stant,® 

Or ellis grace, that dede is goveroaunce. 

Ffor so mynusshytb partyes of oure puissaunce ^^ 

In that land, that we lesse" every yere 

More grounde and more, as welle ^* as ye may here. 

I herde a man^^ speke to me fulle late, 

'Whyche was a lorde of ful grete astate,'** 

That expensis '^ of one yere don in Fraunce 

Werred '^ on men welle wylled of puissaunce, 

Tliys seyd gi-ounde of Yrelonde to conquere. 

And yit because Englonde*' myght not forbore 

These seyde expensis gedred in one yere, 

But in iij. yere or iiij. gadred up here, 

' This lorde was the erle of Ormond, that told to me this mater, 
that he wolde undretake it in peyne of lesse of all his lyveloode, 
etc*; but tliis profere not by admitted; ergo male. 



* pitevouSf B. '/or to stante, B. 

= That of this, D. '• For m moche hssethe dayh/ oure 

* And that same peple, B. puyssaunce, B. 

* And, B. " that lesith, D. 
'- her, B. ; their, D. « ashe welle, B. 
^ And the kyng wold wele tlterto . ^'alord^B, 

adverte, B. , '* Whiche was erle of Oimond, a 
"* These two lines are omitted in lord and astate, B. 

B. " experience, D, 

" These two words are restored *• Wared^ B. 

from B. and D. " And yf England, B. 



190 



POLITICAL POEMa 



Myght Wynne Yrelonde to a fynalle conqnest 
In one Boole yere,* to sett us alle in reste. 
And how sone wolde thys be payde ageyne. 
What were it worthe yerely, yf wee not feyne, 
I wylle declare^ who so luste to looke, 
I trowe fill pleynly in my lytele boke* 
But covetyse and singularity 
Of one' profite, envye, cruelty,* 
Hathe done us harme, and doo us every daye, 
And mustres^ made that shame it is to saye, 
Oure money spente alle to Ijrtelle avayle ; 
And oure enmyes so gretely done prevayle, 
That what harme may feUe and overthwarte,^ 
I may unneth wiytte more for sore of herte,' 



An exitortacion to the Vepynge of WahjR. 

Be ware of Walys, Criste Jhesu mutt us * kcpe, 

That it make not oure chilcleis® childe to we{»e, 

No us also, if it go his waye 

By unwarenesse ;^° seth that many a day 

Men have be ferde of here rebellioun 

By grete tokenes and ostentacioun." 

Seche the menys wyth a discrete avyse, 

And helpe that they rudely not aryse 

Ffor to rebelle,^* that Criste it forbede ; 

Loko wele aboute, for, God wote, we have nede, 



» In too hole, D. 

' These two lines are omitted in 
B. 

' oione, B. ; comon, D. 

* cnvie and camaUtie, B. ; car' 
nalite, D, 

^ monaturisy D. 

^ over whert, B ; ever weierte, D. 



''for sorow in hert, B. 
« iV, B. ; hity D. 
'rA/Ww, B., D. 
^* woundemesse, D. 

" demonstracioun, B. ; o/osfenta' 
chtun, D. 

'2 to be rehelle, D. 



THE LIBEL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 191 

Unfayllyngly, unfeynynge,^ and unfeynte, 

That concience for slought you not atteynte. 

Kepe welle that grounde for liarme that may bene 

used, 
Or afore God mutt ye bene accused. 

Of the oomodiua stokfyssJie of Yseloiide, and kejyynge 
of the see, namely the oiarowe see, wyth an in- 
cident of the Jcejyynge of Calyse, The ienne 
chapitule. 

Of Yseland to wryte is lytille nede, 

Save of stokfische ; yit for sothe in dede 

Out of Bristow, and costis many one, 

Men have practised by nedle and by stone 

Thider-wardes wytjiine a lytel whyUe, 

Wythine xij. yere,* and wythoute penile, 

Gone and comen, as men were wonte of olde 

Of Scarborowgh unto the • costes colde ; 

And now so fele shippes thys yere there were, 

That moche losse for unfraught * they bare ; 

Yselond myght not make hem to be fraught 

Unto the hawys; this moche harme they caught."' 

Tliene here I ende of the comoditees 

Ffor whiche nede is well to kepe the sees; 

Este and weste, sowthe and northe they be; 

And chefely kepe the sharpe® narowe see, 

Betwene Dover and Caleise, and as thus 

That fosse passe ^ not wythought gode wyll** of us, 

And they® abyde oure daunger in the lenghte, 

What for oure costis and Caleise in oure '® strenghte. 



» unfeylynghjf ttnMeiflyngh/, D. 

- In yeresfew, B. 

^ that, B. 

* unfreyyht, D. 

^ This and tho three preceding 



« aharphf the, B. 

' That oure foes passe^ B. 

« leve, B. 

" And 3(f they, B., D. 



lines are omitted in B. '» with here, B. 



192 POLITICAL POEMS. 

An exortacioitn of the sure kejyyiige of Calhe, 

And for the love of God and of his blisse, 

Cherishe ye Caleise better than it ivS; 

See welle therto, and here the grete compleynte 

That trewe men tellen, that wooUe no lies peynte; 

And as ye knowe that writynge commyth from thens, 

Do not to England for sloughte so grete offens, 

But that redressed it be for ony thynge, 

Lest that * a songe of sorow that wee synge. 

Ffor lytelle wenythe the fole, who so myght chese," 

What harme it were gode Caleise for to lese, 

What woo it were for alle this Englysshe groimde. 

Whiche welle conceyved the emperoure Sigesinonnde, 

That of all joyes made it one of the moste. 

That Caleise was soget unto Englysshe coste. 

Hym thought it was a jewel moste of alle, 

And so the same in Latyn did it calle. 

And if ye woUe more of Caleise here and knowe, 

I caste to writte wytliine a litelle scrowe;^ 

Like as I have done byforene by and bye 

In othir parties of oure pollicie. 

Loke welle how harde it was at the firste to gete, 

And by my counselle lyghtly let not it leete. 

For if wee leese it wyth shame of face 

WylfuUy, it is* for lake of grace. 

Howe was the Hareflewe^ cryed upon, and Rone," 

That it were likely for slought to be gone, 

How was it warened and cryed on in Englonde, 

I make recorde wyth this penne in myne honde. 

It was warened plejmely in^ Normandye, 

And in England, and I thereone® dyd crye. 



» This word is inserted from B. * Harjleet, B.; Harflete, D. 

Lesse than a songe, I). ^ at Bom, B., D. 

* what myschefe, D. ' also of Gascoigne and, B. 

* throw, B. ^ And alle Emjlond also theron, 

* for it isy B. B. 



i 



THE LIBKL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 193 

The worlde was defrauded, it^ betid ryght soo; 
Ffiirewell Hareflewe ! * lewdely it was agoo ; ^ 
Now ware Caleise, I can sey no bettere, 
My soule discharge I by this presente le£tere. 



Aftere tlie chapitle of com/nwdUeea of dyverae landes, 
ahewyth the coiiclusioun of Jcepynge of the see 
environ by a ato'i^ye of Jcynge Edgare, and ij. 
i/iicidentea of kynge Edwarde tlie iif^ and kynge 
Herry the v'K The xi. chapitle. 

Now see wee welle than that this rownde see 

To oui-e noble by paryformytee/ 

Undere the shypp, shewyd there the sayle, 

And oure kjmge of royalle apparaylle, 

Wyth swerde drawe, bryght and extente, 

Ffor to chastise enmyes vyolente, 

Shulde be lorde of the see aboute, 

To kepe enmys fro wythine, wythoute,* 

To be boldo thorowgh cristianjrt^ 

Master and lorde enviroun of the see, 

Alio lyvinge** men suche a' prince to drede 

Of suche a regne to be aferde in dede. 

fir Thus prove I welle that it was thus of olde, 

Whiche by a cronicle anone shal be tolde, 



' Dicit chronica, quod iste Edgarus, cunctis pncdccessoribus suis 
felicior, null! sanctitate inferior, omnibus morum suavitate pne- 
stantior, etc*, vixit ipse Anglis non minus memorabilis quam Cirus 
Persis, Karolus Francis, Romulus de Romanis. 



was deef, and it, B., D. 



« HarJiete,D. 

' Farewde Chtyen and Normandy^ 
lewdly it is ago, B. 



* parformytiy B. ; he perfourmere, 
D. 

' enemyea withyn and withoule, D. 

• lovynge, D. 

^ 8uch as a,D^ 



VOL. IL N 



194 



POLITICAL POEMS. 



Ryghte curiouse, but I wolle interprete 

Hit into EngliBshe, as I did it gete. 

Of kynge Edgare, oo ^ moste merveyllouse 

Prince lyvynge, wytty, and chevalrouse, 

So gode that none of his predecessours 

Was to him lyche in prudens and honours. 

He was fortunat, and more gracious 

Then other before, and more glorious. 

He was benethe no man* in holinesse, 

He passed alle in vertuuse swetenesse. 

Of Englysshe kynges was none so commendable 

To Englysshe men, ne lasse* memoriable 

Than Cirus was to Perse by puissaunce ; ^ 

And as grete Charlis was to them of Fraimce, 

And as to Bomanis was grete Bomulus, 

So was to England this worthy Edgarus. 

I may not write more of his worthynesse, 

Ffor lake of tyme, ne of his holynesse ; 

But to my matere I hym examplifie, 

Of condicions tweyne and of his policie. 

Wythine his land was one, this is no doute, 

And anothere in the see wythoute, 

That in tyme of wynter^ and of werre,® 

Whan boistous wyndes put see-men into ferre,^ 

Wythine his lande aboute bi alle provinces 

He passyd thorowghe perceyvynge his princes, 

Lordes, and othir of the commont^e,® 

Who was oppressoure, and who to poverty 

Was drawe and broughte, and who was clene in® 

lyffe, 
Any who^** was by myscheffe and by stryffe 



^ ofie,B. 

' He was a bksaid man, D. 
' nor non more, D, 
* Like Cirvs that gate Percy hy 
puyssauncef B. 
' of aventurefD^ 



• qfveer, B. 
' feer.B. 

^ comynaltiy B. 

• of, B. 

*" ThlB word is inserted from B. 
andD. 



THE LIBEL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 195 

Wyth overeledynge and extorcioun ; 

And gode and bad of eche condicioun 

He aspied, and his mynisters als, 

Who did tronght, and whiche of hem was fels ; 

How the ryght and lawes of inn londe 

Were execute, and who durste take on honde 

To disobeye his statutes and decrees, 

Yf they were welle kepte in alle cuntreea 

Of these he made subtile investigacioun ^ 

By his owyne espye and other menis relacioun. 

Amonge othyr was his grete besines 

Welle to bene ware that grete men of rycchesse, 

And men of myght in citee ner in toune, 

Shuld to the pore doo none oppressione. 

Thus was he wonte, as in this wynter tyde, 

One suche enserchise busily to abyde; 

This was his laboure for the pubUque thinge, 

Thus was he* occupied, a passynge holy kynge. 

*^Now to the purpose; in the somer flGayre, 

Of lusty season, whan clered was the eyre, 

He had redy shippes made byfore, 

Grete and huge, not fewe but manye a score, 

Ffulle thre' thousande and sex hundred also, 

Statelye inowgh on oure see to goo. 

The cronicles seyth these shippes were fuU boisteous;* 

Suche thinges lojigen to kynges victorious. 



^ Didt chronica, prseparaverat naves robustissimas numero tria 
milia sezcentas, in quibus redeunte sestate omnem insulam, ad 
teiTorem eztraneorum et ad suorum excitationem, cum maximo 
apparatu ciicmnnavigare oonsueverat. 



* enquiracioun^ B. ■ ' ti. m, D. 

^ was is omitted in A. | * costious, D. 



N 2 



196 POLITICAL POEBfS. 

In somere tide ^ wolde he have in wone, 

And in cusfcome, to be fuUe redy sone,^ 

Wyth multitude of men of ^ gode array, 

And instrumentis of werre of teste * assay ; 

Who coude hem welle in ony wyse describe, 

Hit were not lyght for ony man on lyve. 

Thus he and his wolde entre shippes grete, 

Habilementis havynge and the fete 

Of see werres, that joyfull was to see 

Suche a naveie, and lord of magestd 

There present in persone hem amonge, 

To saiJe and rowe environ alle on londe,* 

So regaliche aboute^ the Englisshe yle, 

To all straungeours terroure and perille; 

Whose Sonne wente aboute ' in alle the worlde stoute,® 

Unto grete fen-e of alle that be wythoute, 

And exercise to knyghtis and his meynd 

To hym longynge ® of his natalle ^® contrd 

Ffor corage muste of nede have exercise, 

Thus " occupied for esshewynge of vise. 

This knewe the kynge, that policie espied, 

W3aiter and somer he was thus occupied. 

Thus conclude I by auctorit6 

Of cronique, that enviroun the see 

Shulde bene cures subies** unto the kynge. 

And he be lorde therof for ony thynge, 

Ffor grete worship, and for profite also, 

To defende his londe fro every foo. 

That worthy kynge I leve, Edgar by name. 

And alle the cronique of his worthy fame ; 



> time.B, 

^ to hefortyfied aone, D, 

• in, B. 

^ jiood,^. 

* alonge, B., D., and Hakl. 
' He ransaked aboute, B. 

' oaf, D, 



• oftoiite, B., D. 
® lawdingy D. 
" jw6&, D. 
" Yougihe, B. 

" svbjeete to, B., D.; our suh- 
jtcls, Hackluyt 



THE LIBEL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 197 

Save onely this I may not passe away, 
A word of myghty strenght til that * I seye, 
>That grauntyd hym God suche worship here, 
Ffor his meritis, he was wythoute pere, 
That sumtyme at his grete festivity 
Kynges and yerles of many a contre, 
And provinces* fele, were there presente, 
And mony lordes come thedire by assente 
To his worship; but in a certayne daye 
He bade shippes be ^ redy of arraye 
Ffor to visite Seyiite Jonys chyrche he lyste, 
Rowynge unto the gode holy Baptiste. 
He assygned to yerles, lordes, knyghtes, 
Many shippes ryght godely to syghtes ; 
And for hym selfe and viij. kynges mo 
Subdite * to hym, he made kepe one of tho, 
A gode shipp, and entred into it, 
Wyth viij, kynges, and doune did they sit, 
And eche of them an ore toke in hande. 
At ore-holes viij.,* as I understonde ; 
And he hym selfe atte the shipp behynde 
As steris-man, it hjma ® becam of kyude. 
Suche another rowynge, I dare welle save. 
Was not sene of princes many a day. 

* Dicit chronica, et ut non minus quantam ei etiam in hac vita 
bonorum operum mercedem donaverit, cum aliquando ad maximam 
ejus festivitatem reges, comites, multarumque provinciarum protec- 
tores, convenissent, quadam die naves jussit parari, gratum habens 
ecdesise beati Johannis Baptists Tenete navigio petere ; cum itaque 
comitibus et satrapis naves plurimas delegasset, ipse cum vi\j. re- 
gibus sibi subditis navem unam intravit, ad octo itaque remos 
regibus totidem coUocatis, ipse in puppe sedens gubematoris fun- 
gebatur officio. 



' A worde of myrthe and trouthe 
yit woBe, B. ; tnyrth and truth, D. 
' preence9y D. 
* He had sheppes redy, B., D. 



* SubJecte,B. 

* This word is inserted from B, 
« This word also from B. 



198 



POLITICAL POEMS. 



Lo than how he on waters had* the price, 
In land, in see, that I may not suffice 
To telle, o right ! o magnanimity ! * 
That kynge Edgar had upon the see. 



An incident of the lorde of the see, kynge Edwarde 
the thredde. 

Of kynge Edwarde I passe, and his prowesse 

On londe, on see, ye* knowe his worthynessc. 

The siege of Caleise, ye wott welle alle the mater, 

Eounde aboute by londe and by the water. 

How it lasted, not yeres many agoo. 

After the bataiUe of Crecy was idoo ; 

How it was closed environ aboute, 

Olde men saue it whiche leyvn, this is no doute. 

Olde knyghtis sey that the duke of Burgoyne, 

Late rebuked for all his golden coyne. 

Of shipp and see made no besegynge there, 

Ffor wante of shippes that durste not come for fere. 

It was no thynge beseged by the see, 

Thus caUe they it no seage for honest^. 

Qonnes assayled, but assaute was there none, 

No sege, but fiige, welle was he that myght gone. 

This manere carpynge have knyghtes ferre in age, 

Experte of olde this manere langage.^ 

But kynge Edwarde made a sege royalle. 

And wanne the toune, and in especiaUe 

The see was kepte, and thereof he was lorde. 

Thus made he nobles coigned of recorde. 



' This word from B., D. 
' To telle the righte highe mag- 
nanymit€y B. 

3/,B. 



* This and the nine prerioiui lines, 
alluding to the siege of Calais by 
the duke of Burgundy, in 1436, are 
not found In B. 



THE LIBEL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 199 

In whose tyme was no navey in the see 
That myght wythstonde of hys magest^.^ 
Bataylle of Sluce ye may rede every day, 
How it was done, I leve and go my way ; 
Hit was so late done that ye it knowe. 
In eomparisone wythine a Ijrtel throwa 
Ffor whiche to God yeve we honoure and glorye, 
Ffor lorde of see the kynge was wyth victorie. 



ATiothere incident of kepynge of the see, in the tyme 
of the merveillouse werroure and victorious prince, 
kynge Heivy the v^, cmd of his grete ahippea. 

And yf I shulde conclude al by the kynge, 

Henry the fifte, what was hys purposynge, 

Whan at Hampton he made the grete dromons, 

Which passed other grete shippes of alle the comons. 

The Trinity, the Grace-Dieu, the Holy-Goste, 

And other moo whiche as now be loste, 

What hope ye was the kynges grette entente 

Of tho shippes, and what in mynde he mente? 

It was not ellis but that he caste to be 

Lorde rounde aboute enviroun of the see. 

And whan Harflew' had his sege aboute,' 

There came carikkys* orrible, grete, and stoute. 

In the narowe see wyllynge to abyde 

To stoppe us there wyth multitude of pride. 

My lorde of Bedeforde ' came one, and had the cure ; 

Destroyde they were by that discomfiture.® 

This was after the kynge Hareflew^ had wonne, 

Whane oure enmyes to besege had begonne. 



^ That cowd withstonde the myght 
of his magesti, D. 
^Harflete,!^. 
^ had his swerd bought, D, 



* a bataielle, B. 

» The duke of Bedford, B. 

* seon^fiture, B. 

' Harflete, B. 



200 



POLITICAL POEMS, 



That alle waa slayne or take, by treue relacioiin. 

To his worship and of his Englisshe nacioun. 

Ther was presente the kynges chamberleyne 

At bothe batayles, whiche knowethe this in ceiiayne; 

He can it telle other wyse than I ; 

Aske hym, and wite ; I passe forthe hasteleye.* 

What had this kynge of his * magnificens, 

Of grete corage, of wysdome and prudence, 

Provision, forewitte, audacitd, 

Of fortitude, justice, agilit^,' 

j Discrecioun, subtile avisifenesse,* 

Atemperaunce, noblesse,' and worthynesse, 

Science, proesce,** devocion, equyt^. 

Of moste estate his magnanimity, 

Liche to Edgare and the seyde Edwarde, 

A braunche of bothe, lyche hem as in regarde. 

Where was on lyve a man' more victoriouse. 

And in so shorte tyme prince so mervelouse? 

By lande and see so welle he hym acquite, 

To speke of hym I stony in my witte. 

Thus here I leve the® kynge wyth his nobelesse, 

Henry the fifte, wyth whome alle my processe 

Of this trewe boke of pure ® pollicie. 

Of see kepjmge, entendynge '® victorie, 

I leve endely, for aboute in the see 

No better was prince of strenuit^." 



J Nota de condildonibus quibusdam regis Hemici quinti, dc« 
centibus magnanimitatem omnis magni principis, beUigeri, con« 
quaestoris. 



> This and the three preceding 
lines are omitted in B. 
< hie, B. ; suche, D. 
" Of fortUudo Justice Anglice, D. 
* avis^nes, 6, ; avisement, D. 



• processe, B. 

' ony lives man, B. 

• this,B. 

• trew,D, 

»• entfyng, B. 
" extrefiuftee, B. 



THE LIBEL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 201 

And if he Lad to this tyme lyved here, 

^ He bad bene prince named wythoutene pere. 

His grete shippes shulde have bene put in i^reffe, 

1 Unto the ende that he mente of in cheffe. 

Ffor doute it nat, but that he wolde have be 

Lorde and master aboute the rounde see, 

And kepte it sure, to stoppe oure enmyes hens. 

And woime us gode, and wysely brought it thens. 

That no passage shulde be wythought daungere 

And his licence on see to meve and stere. 



Of unite, shewynge of our kepyrige of the see, wyth 
ane endely pi'ocesse of pease by auctoint^. The 
xij. chaintule. 

m Now than for love of Cryste and of his joye, 
Brynge yit Englande out of trouble and noye, 
Take herte and witte, and set a govemaunce, 
Set many wittcs wythoutene variaunce 
To one accorde and unanimity, 
Put to gode wylle^ for to kepe the see. 
Ffurste for worshypp and profite also, 
And to rebuke of eche evyl wylled foo ; 
Thus shalle richesse and worship to us longe ; 
Than to the noble shalle wee do no wronge, 
To here that coigne in figure and in dede, 
To oure corage and oure enmyes to drede. 

^ Nota, prince perelesse. 

* Grace-Dieu, Holy-Gost, etc. 

™ Exhortatio generalis in custodiam totius Anglise per dlligen- 
tiam custodise circuitus maris circa litoram ejusdem, qiue debet 
esse per unanimitatem consiliariorum regis et hominum bonae 
voluntatis. 



A«{pe, B. 



\ 



202 POLITICAL ;POEMS. 

^ Ffor whiche they muste dresse hem to pease in haste, 

Or ellis there thrifte to standen and to^ waste, 

As this processe hathe proved by and bye, 

Alle by reason and experte policie, 

And by stories whiche preved welle this parte ; 

And elles I wolle my lyfFe put in jeparte, 

But many landes wolde seche here pease for nede, 

The see welle kepte, it muste be do for drede. 

Thus muste Flaundres for nede have unit^ 

And pease wyth us, it wolle none other bee, 

Wythine shorte while, and ambassiatours 

Wolde bene here sone to trete for ther secours. 

This unitd is to Qod plesaunce^ 

And pease after the werres variaunce ; 

o The ende of bataile is pease sikerlye. 

And power causeth pease finally.' 

P Kepte * than the see abought in specialle, 

Whiche of England is the rounde walle ; 

As thoughe England were lykened to a cit^, 

And the walle enviroim were the see. 

Kepe than the see, that is the walle of Englond, 

And than is Englond kepte by Goddes sonde ; 

That is, for ony thinge that is wythoute, 

Englande were at ease wythoutene doute. 

And thus shulde everi lande one with another 

Entrecomon*^ as brother wyth his brother, 



^ Tres sunt causae pnedictse custodise, scilicet honor, et oom« 
modum regni, et opprobrium inimids. 

^ Finis belli est pax. 

p De drcuitu maris, quod est quasi murus et vidna regni 
Anglise. 



> shaUe gone to, B. 
' to Goddes p.y'B, 
' And poverte causetke pease fy- 
naUe verrebf, B. 



« kepe, B., D. 

^ Entrecome never, B. 



THE LIBEL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 203 

And life togedre werreles ^ in unit^, 

Wythoute ranconre, in veny charity, 

In reste and pese, to Cristis grete plesaunce, 

Wythoute striflfe, debate, and variaunca 

Whiche pease men shulde enserche' with besinesse, 

And knytt it sadely holdyng in holynesse. 

The apostil seyth, if ye liste to see, 

q " Be ye busy for to kepe unit^ 

" Of the spirite in the bonde of pease/' 

Which is nedefulle to alle, wythouten lesse. 

The profete bideth us pease fore to enquere, 

r To pursue it, this is holy desire.' 

Oure Lorde Jhesu seith, "Blessed mot they be 

" That maken pease, that is tranquillity. '^ 

8 " Ffor pease makers," as Mathew writeth arj^ght, 

" Shull be called the sonnes of God allemighf 

God yeve us grace the weyes for to- kepe 

Of his preceptis, and singly not to slepe 

In shame of synne, that oure verry foo 

Mow be to us convers and tomed too. 

Ffor in* Proverbis a text is to purpose, 

Pleyne inowgh, wythoute ony glose, 

" Whan mennes weyes please unto oure Lorde, 

" It shalle converte and brjmge to accorde 

" Mannes enmyes unto pease verray, 

" In unit^, to life* to Goddis pay." 

Which unitd, pease, reste, and charitd, 

He that was here claude^ in humanity, 

<i Ad Eph. 4 : " Solicit! sitis servare unitatem spiiitus in vinculo 

" pads." 
' In primo : '' Inquire pacem et persequere earn." 
* Matheus 5^: "Beati pacifici, quoniam fOii Dei vocabuntur." 
^ Proverbis : ** Cum placuerint Domino vise hominis, inimioos ejus 

" convertet ad pacem." 



> unthoitt toerre, B. 
' inforse, B. ; encrese^ D. 
^ And after it to puraew, with 
hart clere, B. 



* lyke, B. ; lave, T>, 
' cladde, Hakl. 



204 POUnCAL PO£M& 

That came frome hevyne, and stiede up with our 

nature, 
" Or he aacendid he yafe to us cure. 
And lefle wjrth us pease ageyne striffe and debate. 
Mote gefe us pease so welle iradicate^ 
Here in this worlde, that after alle tliis' feste 
Wee mowe have pease in the londe of byheste, 
^ Jerusalem, which of pease is the sight, 
Wyth his bryghtnes of etemalle lighte. 
There glorified in reste wyth his tuicione, 
The deitd to see wyth fuUe fhiicione, 
He secunde persone in divinis is,' 
He us assume,^ and brynge us to the blisse. Amen. 



Here eTidithe tlie trewe proce^e of the libeUe^ of 
Englysshe poUciCy exhortynge alle Englande to kepe 
tlie see enviroun, and namely the narowe see; 
aJiewynge whate worshipey profUe, and aalvacioun 
comniethe thereof to the reigne of Englonde, etcf". 

Go furthe, libelle,*' and mekely shewe thy face, 

Apperynge evere wyth humble contynaunce; 
And pray my lordes the to take in grace 

In opposaile,'^ and cherisshynge the® avaunce 
To hardynesse, if that not variaunce 

Thow haste fro troughte** by full experience, 
Auctours and reasone, yif ought faile^® in substaunce, 

Bemitte to heme that yafe the this science. 

* ** Pacem reliaquo vobis, pacem meam do vobis." 
' ** Urbs beata, Jerusalem, dicta pacis visio, etc*." 



* irradiaUf B. 

' after at his^ B. 

* in divituuessfi, ; divinenesse, Hac. 

* asynfj, B. 
» bible, D. 



• lytle byUe, B., C. 

* apposeU, C. ; especialle, D. 
' scherische the and a,, C. 

" hast sore thowt trowthe, B., C. 
'yaUe, B., C. 



THE LIBEL OF ENGLISH POLICY. 



205 



' That sythe it is sothe, in verray feythe, 

That the wyse lorde baron of Hungerforde 
Hathe the oversene, and verrily he seithe 

That thoTv arte trewe, and thus he dothe recorde, 
Nexte the gospell ; God wotte, it was his worde, 

Whanne he the redde alle over in a nyghte. 

Go forthe, trewe booke, and Criste defende thi 
ryghte. 

Explicit lihellus de policia consei'vaiiva marie. 



Lament of the Duchess of Gloucester.* 

Thorowowt a pales as I can passe, 

I hard a lady make gret mone, 
And ever she syked and sayd,, " Alas ! 

" Alle wordly joy ys from me gone ; 
" And alle my frendes fipom me can fle ; 

** Alas ! I am fuUe woo begon ; 
" Alle women may be ware by me. 

" Alle women that in this world be wrowght, 
*' By me they may insaumpuUe take, 

" As I that was browght up of nowght, 
" A prince had chosyn me to his make; 



> Instead of the lines -which 
follow, B. has in conclusion : 
To the gret prelate, the heygheet to 
confessor, 
The gret mayster of the gretest 
housse, 
Cheff tresorere of the gret socoitre, 
Besschop, herle, and baroun pten-' 

tivous, 
Ofhighe wgttes lordes thre famous. 
To examene thy doubled rendytee, 
I offer the tham to be gracious, 
To myn excuse, farwdle, my own 
,treti. 



MSS. C. and D. conclude in the 
same words. 

' The duchess of Gloucester per- 
formed her penance on the 18th of 
November 1441. The poem here 
printed is presenred in a MS. of the 
latter half of the fifteenth century, 
in the Library of Balliol College, 
Oxford, No. 354, foL169, ▼*», written 
by a citizen of London named 
Richard HiU, but the poem itself 
appears to have been composed at 
the time of the event to which it 
refers. 



206 POLITICAL POEMS. 

" My sofferen lorde so to forsake, 
" Yt was a dulfulle destenye. 

'' Alas I for to sorow how shuld I slake ; 
" Alle women may be ware by me. 

" I was so high upon my whele, 

" Myne owne estate I cowld not know, 
" Therfor the gospelle seythe fulle welle, 

" Who wille be high, he shalle be low. 
" The whele of fortune, who may it trow, 

" Alle ys but veyn and vanyt^; 
" My flowris off joy be alle down blow ; 

" Alle women may be ware by me. 

" In worldly joy and worthynes 

" I was besette on every side ; 
" Of Glowcestere I was duches, 

" Amonge alle women magnyfyed. 
" As Lucyfer felle down for pryde, 

" I felle ffrom alle felycj^; 
" I hade no grace my self to gyde ; 

" Alle women may be ware by me. 

" Alas I what was myne adventure, 

" So sodenly down for to falle, 
" That hade alle London at my cure, 

" To crok and knele, whan I wold calle? 
" Now, feder of hevyn celestyalle, 

" Of my complaynt have pyt^. 
^' Now am I made sympulest of alle ; 

" Alle women may be ware by me, 

" Before the counselle of this londe, 
" At Westmynster, upon a day, 

'* Ffulle rewfully ther dide I stonde ; 
" A worde for me durst no man say. 



LAMENT OF THE DUCHESS OF GLOUCESTER. 20 

Owre Boverayn lorde withowt delay 
" Was there he myght both here and see 
And to his grace he toke me ay. 
" Alle women may be ware by me. 

Hys grace to me was evermore gayne, 
" Thowgh I had done so gret offence; 
The lawe wolde I hade bene slayn, 
" And sum men dyde there delygence. 
That worthy prynce of high prudence 
" Of my sorow hade gret petye. 
Honour to hym, with reverence! 
" Alle women may be ware by me. 

I come before the spirituality; 

" Two cardynaJs, and byshoppis fyve, 

And oder men of gret degr^, 

** Examened me of alle my lyffe. 

And openly I dyde me shryfie 

" Of alle thyng that they asked me. 

Than was I putt in penaunce belyffe ; 

" Alle women may be ware by me. 

Thorow London in many a strete, 

" Of them that were most pryncypalle, 

I went bare fote on my fette, 

" That sum tyme was wonte to ride rialle. 

Fader of hevyn and lorde ^f alle, 

" As thou wilt, so must yt be. 

The syne of pryde wille have a fiJle ; 

" Alle women may be ware by me. 

Ffarewelle, London, and have good day; 
" At the I take my leve thia tyde. 
Farewelle, Qrenwych, for ever and ay ; 
" Ffiurewelle, fayer places on Temmys syde ; 



208 POLITICAL POEMS. 

" Ffarewelle, alle weltli and the world so wide. 

" I am asigned where I shalle be ; 
" Under mens kepyng I must abide. 

" Alle women may be ware by me. 

" Ffarewelle, damask and clothes of gold ; 

" Ffio^welle. velvet, and clothes in grayn; 
" Ffiirewelle, robes in many a folde; 

" Ffarewelle, I se you never agayn. 
" Ffarewelle, my lorde and sufFerayn ; 

" Ffarewelle, that may no bettere be ; 
" Owr partyng ys grownd of felyng payn. 

" Alle women may be ware by me. 

" Ffarewelle, my mynstrels, and alle your songe, 

" That ofte hath made me for to daunce. 
" Ffarewelle ; I wott I have done wronge ; 

" And I wyte my mysgovemaunce. 
" Now I lyste nother to pryke nor praunce; 

" My pryde ys put to poverty. 
" Thus, both in Englond and in Fraunce, 

" Alle women may be ware by me. 

" Ffarewelle, alle joy and lustynesse; 

" Alle worldly myi*th I may forsake. 
" I am so fulle of hevynesse, 

" I wotte not to whom my mone to make. 
" Unto hym I wille me take 

" That for me dyed upon a tre. 
" In prayer I wille both waJke and wake ; 

" Alle women may be ware by me." 

Here endith the lamytadon of the duches of 
Oloivcettre. 



ON. THE PROSPECrr OF PEACE. 209 



On the Pbospect op Peace.* 

Mercy and Trouthe mette on an hih mounteyn, 
Briht as the sonne -^th his beemys cleer, 

Pees and Justida walkyng on the pleyn. 

And with foure sustryn, moost goodly of ther cheer, 
List nat departe nor severe in no maneer, 

Of oon aoooord by vertuous encrees 

Joyned in charity, pryncesses moost enteer, 

Mercy and Trouthe, Rihtwisnesse and Pees. 

Misericordiaf ground and original 

Of this processe, Poa? is conclusioun ; 
Rihtwisnesse of vertues pryncipal. 

The swerd to modefye of executioun, 

With a sceptre of discrecioun ; 
Ther sustir Equitaa wil put hir silf in prees^ 

Which with hir noble mediacioun 
Sette alle vertues in quiete and in peea 

In this woord Pdx ther be lettrys thre ; 

P set tofom for polity k prudence; 
A for augmentum and moore auctorit^; 

X for Xpus, moost digne of reverence, 

Which on a cros by mortal violence 
With blood and watir wrot by a relees 

Of our trespacys, and for ful confidence 
With hym to regno in his eternal pees. 



> This poem, by the well-known 
monk of Bory, John Lydgate, ap- 
pears to hare been composed daring 
the negotiations for peace between 



England and France in the latter 
port of the year 1443. It is printed 
from a nearly contemporary copy in 
MS. Harl. No. 2265, foL 21, r». 



VOL. II. O 



210 POLITIGAL POEBOL 

In inward pees ther is eek of the herte 

Which callid is a pees of conscience ; 
A pees set outward, which that doth ayerte 

To worldly tresoiirs- with to gret dilUgence ; 

Glad pees in povert, groundid on pacienoe, 
Professyd to which was Diogenees, 

Which gruchyd nevir for noon indigence, 
Such as God sent, content in werre and peea 

Ther is also a pees contemplati^ 

Of parfiht men in ther professioun ; 
As some that leede a solitary lif, 

In fastyng, prayng, and devout orisoun ; 

Yisite the poore, and of compassioun, 
Nakyd and needy, and hxmgry socourlees. 

And poore in spirit, which shal have ihet guerdoun, 
With Crist to regne in his eternal pees. 

Pees is a princesse, douhtir to Charity, 

Kepyng in reste citds and roial touns. 
Folk that be froward, set in tranquyllit^, 

Monarchies and famous regiouns ; 

Pees preservyth them from divisiouns ; 
As seith the philisophre callid Socratees, 

Among alle vertues makith a discripcioun, 
He moost comendith this vertu callid pees. 

Pees is a vertu pacient and tretable, 

Set in quyet discoord of neihboures, 
Froward cheerys, pees makith amyable. 

Of thorny roseers pees gadrith out the floures, 

Makith the swerd to ruste of conqueroures, 
Provided by poeetys nat slouh nor reklees, 

And mediacioun of wise enbassitoures, 
The spere maad blont, brouht in love and peea 



ON THE PROSPECT OP PEACE. 211 

And who that list plenty of pees possede, 

Live in quyete fro sclaundre and diffame, 
Our Lord Jhesus he muste love and drede, 

Which shal preserve hym fro worldly trouble and 
shame. 

This woord Jhesus in Nazareth took his name, 
Brouht by an angil, which put hym silf in prees, 

Whan Qabriel cam, the gospeleer seith the same, 
Brouht gladdest tydynges that evir was of peea 

And in rejoisshyng of this glad tydyng, 

Angelis song devoutly in the ayr 
Gloria in eoccdsia, at oomyng of this kyng ; 

And thre kynges havyng ther repayr, 

With a sterre that shoon so briht and fayr, 
Brouht hem to Bedleem, a place that they chees, 

Of ther viage brouht out of despayr, 
Where pooidy loggyd they fond the kyng of pees. 

Briht was the sterre ovir the dongoun moost, 

Wher the hevenly queen lay poorly in jesyne, 
With the seven douhtren of the Hooly Goost 

On hire awayt3mg, moodir and virgine; 

Tofore whos face lowly they did enclyne, 
Song laudea Deo pastores doutlees, 

Ffyl doun to ground, bowyd bak and chyne. 
And of ther song the refreit was of pees. 

Of thes seven douhtren of the Hooly Goost, 

Caritas in love brente briht as levene. 
And for bicause that she lovyd moost, 

Hir contemplacioun rauht up to the hevene. 

The next sustir in ordre, as I can nevene, 
Was Pacience, which put hir silf in prees. 

And moost was besy, of alle the sustryn sevene, 
Folk at diseoord to settyn hem in pees. 

o 2 



212 POLITICAL F0E1C& 

Gaudium im, spiritu to lejoiflsbe every wrong, 

Ffor Cristes comyng, among hir sostiys alle. 
With a glad spirit this was hir newe song, 

Owudete in DoTrdno, bom in an oxis stalle; 

A new myiade in Bedleem is now fiJle, 
Eyng Davidis heir, xnong prophetis periees, 

Shal at Jerosalem, in that royal halle. 
As lord of loidys, caDyd sovereyn lord of pee& 

In thes seven sustiyn was no divisionn ; 

Cheef of ther oonsayl was EvmUitas; 
Content with litel was Discredonn ; 

Moost meke of alle was Letorpaupertas ; 

AUe of accord, cause that BeniffnitcLS 
Set govemaunce that noon was rokless. 

Of cardinal vertnes Perfeda-aocietaa, 
What evir they wrouhte, condadid upon pees. 

Thes sustryn aile, padent and pesible, 

Lyk ther princesse moost feyr, moost gracious, 

Callyd Maria, as ferro as was posible, 
Ffulfilled with vertnes she was moos plentevons, 
Queen of hevene, lay in a symple hous, 

A pooro stable, mong beestys rewleless, 
An oxe, an asse, no courseers costious, 

In a streiht rakke lay ther the kyng of pees. 

At Cristes birthe, as I reherse can, 

This pees cam in, almoost at merk mydnyht, 
Tyme of thempyre of Octovian, 

Whan Cibile cast hir look upriht 

Toward the Orient, and sauh an auhteer briht, 
Callyd ara ccdi, of beut^ peerlees ; 

Tiieron on empresse moost fayr of face and silit, 
A child in hir armys callyd cheef lord of peea 



ON THE PROSPECT OF PEACE. 213 

The pees of grace long while did endure, 

Tyme that iij. kynges wer conveyd with the steiTe, 
Tyl Herodes of froward aventure 

Geyn Jhesus by malys gan a werre, 

Sent his knyhtes both nyh and ferre, 
Slouh innocentys of malys gilUees, 

In Bedleem boundys this tyraunt list so erre 
Ageyn the prynce callyd soverayn lord of pees. 

This Herodis tlraunt ful of pryde, 

In his malys surquedqus and cruel, 
Thoruh aUe the citees that stood there besyde 

Slouh alle the childre, geyn Crist he was so feL 

Of compassioun moost pitously Rachel 
Wepte, whan she sauh the knyhtes mercilees 

Slouh so hir childre bom in Israel, 
Ffor his sake, sovereyn lord of pees. 

Ther be figures dolorous of pit^, 

Of fals tyrauntes vengable to do wraak ; 
Caym slouh Abel for his great equity ; 

Attwen Ismael was stryff and Isaak ; 

Esaw wolde have founde a laak, 
Cause that Jacob was put out of prees; 

By Bebeoca a while set abaak, 
Atwen the brethre tyl ther wer maad a pees. 

The Apocalips remembryd of seyn Johan, 
In his avisiouns the ewangelist took heede, 

With a sharp swerd he sauh ridyng oon, 
Ffers and proudly, upon a poleyn steede, 
Of colour reed, his joum^ for to speede, 

By his array vengable and reklees; 

Whos power was bothe in lengthe and breede, 

To make werre, and distroye pees. 



214 POUnOAL POEMS. 

His swerd wex bloody in the mortal werre 

Attween Grekys and them of Troye toun, 
Gan spreede abrood bothe nyh and ferre, 

Thebes afom brouht to destruocioun ; 

Kyng Alisaundre put Darye doun 
In Perce and Meede, the crowne whan he chees ; 

Yowes of the Peook the Ffrenash makith mencioun, 
Pryde of the werrys, moost contrary imto pees. 

Othir werrys that were of latter age, 

Afftir Jerusaleem and gret Babiloon, 
Werrys attween Boome and Cartage, 

Of thre Sdpiouns, moost sovereyn of renoun ; 

Bekne Hanybal, the proude champioun, 
Brak Eome wallys, ftirious and reklees, 

At the laste, stranglyd with poisoun, 
Of marcial ire koude lyve nevir in pees. 

At werrys dreedful vertuous pees is good ; 

Striff is hatfiil, pees douhtir of plesaunce. 
In Charlys tyme ther was shad gret blood; 

God sende us pees twen Tnglond and Ffraunoel 

"Werre causith povert, pees causith habundaimce, 
And attween bothen, for ther moor encrees, 

Withoute feynyng, fraude, or varyaunce, 
Twen al cristene Crist Jhesu send us pees. 

The ffifte Herry, preevyd a good knyht 

By his prowesse and noble chivahye, 
Sparyd nat to pursue his riht, 

His title of Ffraunce and of Normandye, 

Deyed in his conquest, and we shal alle dye. 
God graunt us alle, now aftir his discees, 

To sende us grace, attween ech partye, 
By love and charyt^ to live in parfiht pees. 



ON THE PROSPECT OP PEACE. 



215 



Criste cam with pees at his nativity, 

Pees songe of angehs for gladnesse in Bedleem ; 
And of his mercy to make us alle fre, 

He suffiyd deth at Jerusaleem. 

The day wex dirk, the sonne lost his beem; 
The theef to paradyse by mercy gan in prees ; 

Gladdest kalendis to every cristen reem, 
Ffor us to come to evirlastyng pees. 

Explicit quod Lydgate, 



On the Truce of 1444.* 

Sum man goth stille of wysdam and resoun 

Afom provided can kepe weel scUence ; 
Fful oflfte it noyeth, be recoord of Catoun, 

Large language concludyng off no sentence ; 

Speche is but fooly and sugryd elloquenco 
Medlyd with language wheer men have noght to don ; 

An old proverbe groundid on sapience, 
Alle goo we stille, the cok hath lowe schoon. 

To thynke mochyl, and seyn but smal, 

Yiff thow art feerffulle to ottre thy language, 
It is no wisdam a man to seyn out al ; 

Sum bird can synge merily in his cage. 

The stare wyl chatre and speke of long usage, 
Though in his speche ther be no greet resoun ; 

Kepe ay thy tounge fix) surfeet and outrage ; 
Alle go we stille, the cok hath lowe shoon. 



* This poem, also by Lydgate, 
appears to ha^e been occasioned by 
the trace condnded by the earl of 
Suffolk in 1444, and the treaty of 



marriage between Henry VI. and 
Margaret of Argon. It is printed, 
like the preceding, from MS. Harl. 
No. 2255, fol. 181, V". 



21G POUnCAL FO] 

XJnavised spekc no ihyng toforn. 

Nor of thy toange be nat r^kelees, 
Uttre neyir no darnel with good com, 

Begyn no trouble whan men trete of pees ; 

Scilenee is good, and in every prees. 
Which of debate yevith noon oocasyonn ; 

Pacience preysed of pmdent Socratees ; 
Alle go we stille, the cok hath lowe shoon. 

Comonn astrologeer, as folk expert wed knowe, 

To kepe the howiys and tydis of the nyght, 
Sumtyme hih and snmlyine he syngith lowe; 

Dam Pertelot sit with hire brood donn right; 

The fox comjrth neer withoute candellyght 
To trete of pees, menyng no tresomi. 

To avoyde as gile and f&aude he hath behight, 
Alle go we stille, the cok hath lowe shoon. 

Undir fals pees ther may be covert ffiraude ; 

Good cheer outward, with face of innocence ; 
Ffeyned fflaterye, with language of greet laude ; 

But what is wers than sbynyng apparence. 

Whan it is prevyd fials in existence? 
Al is dul shadwe whan Fhebus is doun goon, 

Berkyng behynde, ffawnyng in presence; 
Alle go we stille, the cok hath lowe shoon. 

The royalle egle, with his ffetherys dunne. 

Of nature so hih takith his flyght, 
No bakke of kynde may looke ageyn the sunne, 

Of flfrowardnesse yit wyl he ffleen be nyght 

And quenche laumpys, though they brenne bright 
Thynges contrarye may nevir accorde in oon; 

A fowle gloowerm in dirknesse shewith a lyght; 
Alle go we stille, the cok hath lowe shoon. 



ON THE TRUCE OF Hik 217 

The wourld is toumyd aJmoost up-so-doun, 

XJndir prynoes ther dar noon ofSoeer, 
Peyne of his lyff, do noon extorcioun ; 

Ffreeiys dar nat fflatere, nor no pardowneer, 
Where evir he wall^e al the longe yeer, 

Awtentyk his seelys everychoon, 

Up peyne of cursyng, I dar remembre heer, 
AUe goo we stille, the cok hath lowe shoon, 

Alle estatys of good condicioun 

Wille noon of them offende his conscience. 
Bysshoppis, prelaiys, of oon affeccioun 

Kepe ther chargys of entieer dilligence ; 

Avaunsyd persownys holde residence 
Among ther parysshens, make a departysoun 

Of ther tresours to folk in indigence ; 
Alle goo we stille, the cok hath lowe shoon. 

I saugh a kevelle, corpulent of stature, 

Lyk a materas redlyd was his coote, 
And theron was sowyd this scripture, 

A good be stille is weel wourth a groote. 

It costith nat mekyl to behoote, 
And paye ryght nought whan the feyre is doon. 

Suych labourerys synge may be roote, 
Alle goo we stille, the cok hath lowe shoon. 

Atwen a shipe with a large seyl 

And a cokboot that goth in Tempse lowe, 
The toon hath oorys, to his greet avayl, 

To spede his passage whan the wynd doth blowe; 

A blynd maryneer, that doth no sterre knowe, 
His loodmannage to conveye doun; 

A firessh comparisoun, a goshawk and a crowe ; 
Alle go *we stille, the cok hath lowe shoon. 



218 POUnOAL POEMS. 

The royalle ^le, with his fetherys dunne, 
Whoos eyen been so deer and so bryght 

Off nature, he perce may the sunne ; 
The owgly bakke wyl gladly fleen be nyght 
Dirk cressetys and laumpys that been lyght; 

The egle aloffte, the snayl goth lowe doun» 
Darythe in his shelle, yit may he se no sight; 

Alle go we stille, the ook hath lowe shpon. 

The pecok hath ffetherys bryght and shene ; 

The oormeraunt wyl daryn in the lake; 
Popyngayes firoo Panidys oomyn al grene ; 

Nyghtynggales al nyght syngen and wake, 

For longe absence and wantyng of his make ; 
Withoute avys make no comparysoun 

Atween a laumperey and a shynyng snake ; 
Alle go we stille, the cok hath lowe shoon. 

Where is also a thyng incomparable, 

By cleer repoort, in al the wourld thorugh right; 
The ryche preferryd, the poore is ay cowpable, 

In ony qnarelle gold hath ay moost myght. 

Evir in dirknesse the owle takith his flight; 
It were a straunge unkouth devisyoun, 

Tersites wrecchyd, Ector moost wourthy knyght; 
Alle goo we stille, the cok hath lowe shoon. 

Is noon so proude, pompous in dignyt^, 

As he that is so sodeynly preferryd 
To hih estaat, and out of povdrt^ ; 

Drdco volcma on nyght his tayl is stenyd; 

SteUxB ermticcB nat ffix, for they been erryd; 
Stable in the eyr is noon inpressioun ; 

This wourld wer stable, yif it were nat werryd ; 
Alle goo we stiUe, the ook hath lowe shoon. « 



^ 



ON THE TRUCE OF 1444. 219 

Among estatys whoo hath moost qniete? 

Hih lordshippes be vexid with bataylle; 
Tylthe of ploughmen ther labour wyl nat lete ; 

Geyn Phebus uprist syngen wyl the quaylle ; 

The amerous larke of nature wyl not faylle 
Ageyn Aurora synge with hire mery sown; 

No laboureer wyl nat for his travaylle; 
AUe goo we stille, the cok hath lowe ahoon. 

Foo unto hevys and enemy is the drane; 

Men with a tabour may lyghtly cacche on hare ; 
Bosard with botirflyes makith beytis for a crane ; 

Brechelees beerys be betyn on the bare; 

Hoimdys for favour wyl nat spare 
To pynche his pylche with greet noyse and soun ; 

Clepith he meiye that slombryth with greet care; 
Alle goo we stille, the cok hath lowe shoon. 

I sauh a krevys, with his klawes longe, 

Pursewe a snayl, poore and impotent ; 
Hows of this snayl, the wallys wer nat stionge, 

A slender shelle, the sydes al torent. 

Whoo hat|i no goold, his tresour soone spent; 
The snaylis castel but a sklendir ooote; 

Whoo seith trouthe, ofite he shalle be shent; 
A good be stiQe is oflfte weel wourth a groote. 

Whoo hath noon hors on a staff may ryde ; 

Who hath no bed, may slepyn in his hood; 
Whoo hath no dyneer, at leyser must abyde, 

To staunche his hungir abyde upon his ffood. • 

A beggers appetight is alwey flBressh and good, 
With voyde walet, whan al his stuff is doon, 

Ffor fawte of vitaylle may knele afore the skood ; 
*Alle goo we stille, the cok hath loWe shoon. 



220 POUnCAL POEBCa ' 

Tlie ryche man sit stuffyd at his stable ; 

The poore man stant hmigiy at the gate. 
Of remossaylles he wolde be partable ; 

The awmeneer seyth he cam to late. 

Off poore men doolys is no sekir date, 
Smal or ryght nought whan the feeste is doon. 

He may weel grucche and with his tounge prate ; 
AUe goo we stille, the cok hath lowe shoon. 

A good be stille is weel wourth a groote; 

Large language causith repentaunce; 
The kevel wroot in his rydlyd coote. 

Out with al this marke in your remembraunce. 

Whoo cast his joumd in Yngelond or in Ffraunce, 
With gallyd hakeneys, whan men have moost to doon, 

A ffool presumptuous, to cacche hym acqueyntaunce ; 
Alle goo we stille, the cok hath lowe shoon. 

Whoo that is hungry, and hath no thyng but boonys 

To staunche his apetyght, is a froward foode ; 
Among an hundryd oon chose out for the noonys 

To dygestioun repastys be nat goode. 

To chese suych vitaylles ther braynes wer to woode. 
That lyoun is gredy iiat stranglith goos or capoun; 

Fox and ffulmard, togidre whan they stoode, 
Sang, be stille, the cok hath lowe shoon. 

Here al thyng and kepe thy pacience; 

Take no quarelle, thynk mekyl and sey nought ; 
A good be stille, with discreet sdlence 

For a good grote may not wel be bought. 

Keep cloos thy toimge, men sey that free is thought, 
A thyng seid oonys, outhir late or soon, 

Tyl it be loost, stoole thyng is nat sought ; 
Alle goo we stille, the cok hath lowe shoon. 

Explicit quod Lydgate. 



ON THE POPULAR DISCONTENT, ETC. 



221 



On the Popular Discontent at the Disasters 
IN France.^ 

(Written about 1449.) 

Bedforde.* Gloucetter * ^ 

The Bote is ded, the Swanne is goone, ^ 
Excetter/ 
The firy Cressett hath lost his lyght ; '. 
Therfore Inglond may make gret mone, . 
Were not the helpe of Qodde ahnyght. . 
Roone.* 
The castelle is wonne where care begowne, 
Somerset." 
The Portecolys is leyde adowne; '■ 

Cardinalle.'^ 
Iclosid we have oure welevette hatte, .• 

That keveryd us from mony stormys browne.t. 



* The varioiiB erents alluded to 
in these curious yerBos, such as the 
deaths of the dukes of Gloucester 
and Exeter and of cardinal Beaufort, 
which occurred in 1447» and especi- 
ally the loss of Rouen, which was 
surrendered to the French in that 
year, seem to ^ their composition 
to the year following, or at latest to 
1449. They are preserred in the 
Cotton. Rolls* ii. 23, in the British 
Museum. This was one of the songs 
which payed the way for the popu- 
larity of the house of York. 

' John Flantagenet, duke of 
Bedford, third son of king Henry 
IV., and regent of France, had died 
in 1435. 

' Humphrey Flantagenet^ duke of 
Gloucester, fourth son of Henry IV., 
died under arrest at Bury St. Ed- 



munds in 1446, and is belieyed to 
have heen murdered. 

^ John Holland, duke of Exeter, 
who died on the 5th of August 
1446. 

* Rouen was surrendered to the 
French in 1447. 

« Edmund Beaufort, earl of Somer- 
set, under which title he was made 
regent of France on the recall of 
the duke of York in 1445, and cre- 
ated duke of Somerset on the Slst 
of March 1448. After the loss of 
Rouen and Caen, he was recalled 
from his command in France, and 
had to encounter great unpopularity, 
both for his mismanagemeut in 
France, and because hr was one of 
the court favourites. 

' Cardinal Beaufort died on the 
nth of April 1447. 



fOUBCAL YOl 



Natflifelke.' 
The Wldie lioun is lejrde to sLepe, 



Thoroa^ the envy of the Ape clogge ; 
And he is bownden that oare dore shuld hspe. 

That IS Talbott ome goode dogge:' 
Fswkaibcige.' 
The Fiffihere hathe l»t his hangolhoAe; 

Gete theym agayne when it woDe ba 
Wrllobj/ 
Oare MyUe-saylle irille not abowte. 
Hit hath so longe gooiie emptya 

The Bere is bound that was so wild, 
Ffor he hath lost his ragged staffa 
BokyngbanL.* 
The Carte nathe is spokeles, 

For the connseille that he gaffe. 
DaiiTeUe.7 
The Idly is both fiiire and grene ; 

NoflCTB.* 

The Connoite rennyth not, as I wena 



> John de Movbrmy, duke of 
Norfolk* The lefinenoe is profasbly 
to the duke who died in 1432, and 

who had <jig t ing ^ifl>^ Kimaglf in 

the French wan wider Heniy V. 

* The great warrior John Talbot, 
earl of Shrewebory, who had been 
recalled from acttre aenrke in 
Fiance. 

' William Neville lord Eanean- 
berg, one of the diatingaiihed heroea 
of the French wark 

* Itobert lord WiOoBghby, another 
of the heroea of the French wani 

* Bichaid Neville, created earl of 
Warwick on the 4th of May 1442. 
He eapooaed the party of the dnke 
of Y<nk, and waa taken and be- 



headed at the batde of Wakefield. 
He waa the fiuher of the king^ 
maker. 

• Hnmphrey de StafiM, ercaled 
dnke of Buckingham on the 14th 
of September 1444. He waa killed 
in die battle of Northampton, in 
1460. 

' Thomaa Daniel, ''armiger,* or 
eaqoier, waa one of the napc^ralar 
courtiera, who appeara in thia aame 
Cottonian Boll, ii. 23, aa one of 
thoae indicted at Bocheeter on the 
feaat of the Aasmnption of the 
Virgin, 29th Hen. VL (Angoat 15, 
1451). 

' John Norria, one of the offioen 
of the hooaehold to Henry Yl 



ON THE POPUIAB BISOOMTENT, ETC. 



223 



Trevilian.1 
The Comysshe Chowgh oflPb with his trayne -^ 
Rex. 
Hath made oure EguUe bljmde. 
Arundelle.^ 
The White Harde is put out of mynde, , 

Because he wolle not to hem consent ; 
Theifore the commyns saith is both trew and kynde 
Bothe in Southesex and in Kent. 
Bowser.* 
The Water-Bowge and the Wyne-Botelle, 
Prior of Saint Johanis. 
With the Vetturlockes cheyne bene fast. 
Eixcettur. 
The Whete-yere wolle theym susteyne 
As longe as he may endure and last 
Devynshire.* 
The Boore is fiurre into the west, 
That shold us helpe with shilde and spere ; 
Yorke.* 
The Fawkoun fleyth, and hath no rest; 

Tille he witte where to bigge his nest. 



' Daniel Trerilian* mcloded in 
the articles against the duke of 
Snffolk. A John TteryUan is enu- 
merated among the persons indicted 
at Bocbester in 1451, as " nnper de 
'* London, armiger." 

' William Eitz-Alan, earl of 
Anmdel. 

' Henrj lord Bonrchier, whose 
arms were argent, a cross ingrailed 
gules, between four water-bougets, 



sable. The wine-bottle maj per^ 
haps refer to James Butler, created 
earl of Wiltshire in 1449. 

^ Thomas Courtenaj, earl of 
Devon, one of the heroes of the 
French wars, and a staunch sup- 
porter of the Lancastrian cause. 

^The duke of York had at this 
tune retired to his goyemment in 
Ireland. 



224 



POLITICAL POSII& 



On the Arrest of the Duke of Sttffolk.* 

Now is the Pox • drevin to hole ; hoo to hym, hoo 1 

hoo! 
Ffor and he crepe out, he wille yow alle undo. 
Now ye han founde parfite, love weUe your game ; 
For and ye renne countre thenne be ye to blame. 
Sum of yow holdith with the Fox, and rennythe hare ; 
But he that tiede Talbot oure doge, evylle mot he fare ! 
Ffor now we mys the black doge withe the wide 

mouthe ; 
Ffor he wolde have ronnen welle at the Fox of the 

southe. 
And alle gooth bacwarde, and Donne is in the myre*; 
As they han deservede, so pay they ther hire. 
Now is tyme of Lent, the Fox is in the Towre ; 
Therfore sende hym Salesbury to be his confessoure.' 
Many mo ther bene, and we kowde hem knowe; 
But wonne most b^;ynne the daunce, and alle come 

arowe. 
Loke that your hunte blowe welle thy chase; 
But he do welle is part, I b^rew is £9M3e ! 
This Fox at Bury slowe oure grete gandere ;* 
Therfore at Tybome mony monne one hym wondere. 
Jack Napys, with his dogge, 
Hath tiede Talbot oure gentUle dogge. 



1 From the Cotton. Rolls, il 23. 

' The duke of Suffolk, who was 
accused, among other crimes, of 
having promoted the murder of the 
duke of Gloucester. 

• Richard Neville, earl of Salis- 



hury, was one of the great political 
opponents of the duke of Suffolk. 

* The duke of Gloucester, who 
was accused and arrested when 
attending the parliament held at 
Bury St. Edmunds in 1446. 



ON THE ARREST OP THE DUKE OP SUPPOLK. 225 

Wherfore Beamownt,* that gentille rache, 

Hath bronght Jack Napis in an eville cache. 

Be ware, al menne, of that blame, 

And namly ye of grete fame, 

Spiiitualle and temperalle, be ware of this, 

Or els hit wiUe not be welle, iwis. 

Gave save the kynge, and God forbede 

That he suche apes any mo fede. 

And of the penile that may befiaJle 

Be ware, dukes, erles, and baron* alle. 

Gens erit australis rector r^ni generalis, 
Et regit injuste, periet quoque postea juste. 
He is wise that is wode, he is riche that hase no 

goode; 
He is blynde that may se, he is ridie that shalle 

never ithe ; 
He is fledde that is not ferde, and he abideth that 

makethe alle your berde& 



On Bishop Boothe.* 

Boothe, be ware, bisshoppe* thoughe thou be, 
Sithe that Symoun hym selff set the in thy sete, 

Petur his pagent pleyed not with the; 
Caro and Scmguie did pryvely plete; 
Thy goode and thy catelle made the to mete '' 

With the churche of Chester, whiche crieth, alas ! - 

That to suche a mafflarde marryede she wa& 



^ John lord Beaamont, lord consta- 
ble of England, who in that capacity 
arrested the duke of Suffolk. 

« From the Cotton. Rolls, iL 23. 
It -was evidenfly written in the 
middle of the excitement against 
thedukeofSolFolk. 



'WiUiam Boothe, made bishop 
of Coventry and Lichfield in 1447, 
was promoted to the archbishopric 
of York in 1453. This see was, 
daring several centuries after the 
Norman conquest, called popularly 
the bishopric of Chester. 



VOL. II. P 



226 POIiITIGAL PpEMB. 

Prese not to practise on the privets 

Of prinoes powere, but pluk at the plonghe ; 

Clayme thou a Carter crafty to be; 

Medille the no ferthere, for that is ynoughe. 

Thow hast getyne gret goode, thou wost welle how. 

By symoni and usure bilde is thy bothe; 

Alle the worlde wote welle this sawjns be sothe. 

The psahnus of the sawter, or Salamonis boke, 
Austyne or Ambrose, or othere tretyes ther are, 

But Ktelle on the lessons lust the to loke. 
Be not to bolde, but be thou wel ware. 
The wit of this worlde wantonly ware, 

And likenyde to lewdenes lome in my lore; 

Shame sewith sone, whenne syn gooth byfora 

Sum servyne silver, and sorow they doone seche ; 

Synne is ther soveraigne, se what I say. 
Loke on this lessoun, and leme of a leche, 

Thy soule for to save with miserere mei. 

The printe of a palsy wisith the thy way, 
And shewith by thy semblant to sey the ther sothe, 
That tyme is to course hens, and breke up the bothe. 

Cast in thy condens clerkly to knowe, 
Publique and privathe is aUe one; 

Tullius hit tellith fiille trewly y trowe, 
The regentes of Rome mony day gone, 
In honours and havour lile hem allone. 

And of the wide worlde worthiest they were, 

To the commyne thynge in charity they kere. 

But whenne they begane godes to encrese. 

To prevat persons sorow and shame, 
Dishonoure, dispite, rebuke dide in prese. 

With alle maner myscheff disserityng ther feme ; 

Lost alle ther lose of ther nobille name, 
Disperpiled theyme in warde, and put theyme to dedyne ; 
Bemembre now how Some felle to a ruyna 



X ^ 



ON BISHOP BOOTHE. 227 

Justice ne was egaly execute, 

Fredome was forfarene for lak of liberty, 

Right was repraysede and founde for no repute. 
They were punysshede and tokyne in grd 
Rigour of lawe hit wolle no better be ; 

Dethe thoghe hit were, they my^t no better escape, 

But the grate afid the goldede they made but a jape. 

And lepe over lawe at ther owne lust ; 

Ffavour and favelle, foulle faille they ferys, 

Broghte forthe avarice fast by the fiste. 
« « « « « 

These were the rasours and the sharpe sheres, 
These were the same that Rome overthrewe; 
Wittenes of writyng alle this is trewe. 

These made ther enmyes thenne to summyse, 

And put fro ther powere with shenshippe and shame ; 

Cronicols thise causis crafUy canne devise, 

And tellene how trechery brought in the blame. 
Hit is not in Englonde now the selff same ; 

Discusse it with diligens, and telle iff hit be, 

This pagent is pringnant, sir Pilat, pardd. 

And ye in youre olde age put in pres, 
And pecus the parlious youre parfettes to play, 

And pray for the party to make his pees, 

That alle the worlde crieth oute on, sotly to say. 
The voyse of the pepiUe is clepede vox Dei ; 

It is agayns grace and a gret griff 

To maynetayne a mater of suche myscheffes 

Vox oppreseorum one the prince plajmyth. 
And one the priste eke, be warre yow off wreche ; 

Juggement and justice tho that theym waynyth, 
Serche out and se welle, sorow they seche. 
The juge that is unjuste is a shrewede leche ; 

Tent to the tale of Treviliane, 

And ffynde by his falsed what worshippe he wan. 

p 2 



228 pouncix poems. 

Be ware of this wamjmg, and wayte welle abonte, 

I connselle the corse not, ne blame not the bille, 

• • • • « , 

Tt is myche lesse harme to bylle thanne to kyUe. 

Be no more blynde, but weynyth youre wille. 
To set yow in 9ewrb6 holde up youre honde, 
God save the kyng, his lawe, and his londe. 

Men seyne that youre secte is opynly knowyne and 



Condudede in condeus wonne of the tweyne, 
That ye be ychone with tresoun aliede. 

Or els hit is lucre that maketh you to leyne. 

Pit^ for to here the people complayne, 
And riken up the ragmanne of the hole rowte, 
That servyth silvyre and levyth the law oute. 

Se alle the set that for the swayne sewe, 
Whether mony or mede make yow to mewe, 

Try out the trouthe, myght he be trewe^ 
That covetise hath causede this gret myscheff. 
By rapyne of richese put this in prefe ; 

Muse one this mater^ and be no more blynde; 

Be faithefiulle and feynte not fawtus to fynde. 

God kepe oure kyng ay, and gide hym by grace, 
Save hym fro Southefolkes, and frome his foois alle ; 

The Pole is so parlyus men for to passe, 

That fewe can ascape hit of the banck rialle 
But set under suger he shewithe hem galle; 

Witnes of Humfrey, Henry, and Johan,^ 

Whiche late were one lyve, and now be they goon. 

And mony other that nedith not to telle, 

Sum bene ago^ and summe abidene here; 
Hit is a shrewde pole, pounde, or a welle, 



■ Humphrey Plantagenet^doke of I dinal of Winchester; and John 
Glonoester} Bmry Beaufort, car- I doke of Bedford. 



ON BISHOP BOOTHS. 



229 



That drownythe the dowghty, and bryngethe hem 
abeere. 

And alle is for the lordane lovithe no pere. 
Practyse his preff of alle that I sey, 
God kepe oure kyng, and hym to convey. 

Bridelle yow, bysshoppe, and be not to bolde. 
And biddeth yowre beawperes se to the same; 

Cast awey covetyse now be ye bolde, 
This is alle emest that ye calle gama 
The beelesire ye be, the more is youre blame. 

Trowthe tellithe the tale, and wille it not hide; 

Your laboure for lucre is playnly aspiede. 

God, for his mercy alle this reme gyde. 



A Wabhing to King Hbnby.* 

Ye that have the kyng to demene, 
And firauncheses gif theyme ageyne. 

Or els I rede ye fle ; 
Ffor ye have made the kyng so pore, 
That now he beggeth fro dore to dore ; 

Alas, hit shuld so be* 

Tome of Say* and Danielle bothe, 
To begyn be not to lothe; 

Then shalle ye have no shame. 
Who Mrille not, he shaUe not chese, 
And his life he shalle lese. 

No resoun wiUe us blame. 



> From the Cotton. Charten,ii. 23. 

'James Fienes, lord Saye and 
Sele, lord treasm^r, was one of the 
unpopular statesmen of tbe day, and 
haying been, as a matter of policy, 
committed to the Tower, he was 



dragged thence by the mob in Jack 
Cade's rebellion, and was beheaded 
by them on the 4th of July 1451. 
This song was written apparently 
before this nobleman was thrown 
into the Tower. 



230 POLITICAL P0BBC8. 

Trowthe and pore men ben appreflsede> 
And myscheff is nothyng redressede ; 

The kyng knowith not alle. 
Thorowout alle Englonde, 
On tho tbat holdene the £bJs bonde 

Yengeaiince wille cry and calle. 

The traytours wene they bene so aly, 
That no mane can hem aspy; 

We cane do theme no griffe. 
We sweve by hym that hairwede heUe 
They shalle no lenger in eresy dwelle, 

Ne in ther Ma beleve. 

So pore a kyng was never scene, 
Nor richere lordes alle bydene ; 

The commmies may no more. 
The lorde Say biddeth holde hem downe, 
That worthy dastarde of renowne, 

He techithe a fals loore. 

SuflTolk Normandy hath swolde, 
To gete hyt agayne he is bolde, 

How acordeth these to in one; 
And he wenythe, withouten drede, 
To make the kyng to avowe his dede, 

And calle hit no tresoun. 

We trow the kyng be to leere, 

To seUe bothe menne and lond in feere; 

Hit is agayne resouiL 
But yef the commyns of Englonde 
Helpe the kynge in his fonde> 

SuflTolk wolle here the crowne. 

Be ware, kynge Henrd, how thou doos ; 
Let no lenger thy traitours go loos ; 

They wille never be trewe. 
The traytours are swome alle togedere 
To holde fast as they were brother; 

Let hem drynk as they hanne brewa 



A WABNINO TO KING HENRT. 231 

The chaunselere that Ust was hath staffes take^ 
Blanke charters, to done us wrake, 

No nombre of them, hit is ferde. 
He wolle not suffice the clerkes preche ; 
Trowthe in no wise he wille not teche ; 

He is the devels sheparde. 

This bille is trewe ; who wille say nay, 
In Smythfelde synge he a day, 

And the helpe of the rode ; 
That traitours shalle provide; 
More resonn canne not be mevide ; 

Ther shalle hit be made goode. 

O rexy si rex es, rege te^ vel eris sine re rex ; 
Nomen habes sine re, nisi te recte regas. 



Vebses against the Duke of Suffolk.^ 

Ffor feer or for fiivoiir of ony fals mane. 
Loose not the love of alle the commynalt^ ; 

Be ware and sey, by seint Juliane, 

Duke, jwge, baroun, archebisshope and he be. 
He woUe repent it within this monthes thre. 

Let ffolke accused excuse theym selff, and they cane; 
Beseyve no goode, let soche bribry be; 

Support not theyme this wo bygane, 

And let theym suche clothis as they spane. 
And take from theym ther wages and ther fed, 

or, by God and seint Anne ! 
Som must go hens, hit may none othere weys be, 
And els is lost alle this lond and we; 

Hong up suche menne to oure soverayne lorde, 
That ever counselde hym with fals men to be acorde. 

Anno milleno Domini centumque quatemo 
L. simplex pleno caveat omnis homo. 



> From the Cottonian Rolls, ii 23. 



232 



POUTIGAL FOEBO. 



On the Death of the Duke of Suffolk.* 
May 3, 1450. 

In the monethe of May, when gresse groweih grene. 

Flagrant in her floures, with swete savour, 
Jac Napes wolde one the see a maiyner to ben^ 

With his doge and his cheyn, to seke more tresour. 

Suyche a payn prikkede hym, he asked a confessour. 
Nicolas' sai<i "I am redi thi oonfessour to be;'' 

He was holden so that he ne passede that hour. 
For Jac Napes soule Placebo and Dirige. 

Who shalle execute his exequies with a solempnitd? 

Bisshopes and lordes, as grete reson is; 
Menkes, chanons, prestes, and other dergie. 

Fray for this dukes soule that it might come to blis ; 

And let never suyche another come after this; 
EUs interfectours blessed might thei be. 

And graunte them for ther dede to regno with 
angelis ; 
And for Jac Nape soule Placebo and Dirige. 

" Placebo" begynnethe the bisshop of Herforde.* 
"DUexi, for myn avauncement,'' saithe the bisshop 
of Chestra* 
" Rew md" saith Salisbury,^ " this gothe to ferre forthe." 
''Ad Dominum cum tribularer," ssaith the abbot 
of Gloucestre.® 



> From MS. Ck»tton. Yespas. B. 
xvi. foL 1, ▼*. 

' Nicholas was the name of tho 
ship which arrested the vessel on 
which the duke of Snffolk was em- 
harked. 

' Bejpnald Baker, who had heen 
promoted to this see ftom the abbacy 
of Gloucester in 1450. 



* Boothe, bishop of Coventry and 
Litchfield. See the note, p. 225. 

* Richard Beanchamp was elected 
bishop of Salisbury in 145a 

* Reginald, abbot of St Peter's in 
Gloucester; he was one of the 
unpopular courtiers indicted at 
Rochester in 1451, according to the 
Cottonian Roll 



4,} 



ON THE DEATH OF THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK. 233 

" Damimia custodvt," saith the abbot of Boucbestre. 
*' Levavi ooriloa" saith firere Stanbury, "volavi" 

"Si imquitatea" saith the bisshop of Worcetre;* 
''For Jac Nape sonle de profu/ndia damavi." 

" Opera mcmmum tuarvm," seith the cardynal wisely,* 

That brought forthe confitebor, for alle this Napes 
reson. 
''Audivi vocem," songe Allemightty God on hye ; 

And therfore syng we "Magnificat anvma mea 
" Bomvaum!' 

Unto this dirige most we gon and come 
This pascalle tyme, to say veiyli 

Thre psahnes and thre lessouns, that alle is and somme. 
For Jac Nape soule, Placebo and Dirige, 

Executors of this office Dirige for to synge, 
Shalle begyn the bisshop of synt Asse ; • 

" Verba Toea auribus" saith abbot of Redynge ; 
" Alle your joye and hope is come to alasse.'' 
" Committere, Domine, yet graunte us grace," 

Saith abbot of synt Albans ful sorily. 

The abbot of the Toure hille, with his fat fiioe, 

Quaketh and tremuleth for "Domvne, ne m furore.*' 

Maister Water Liard* shal synge "Ne quando" 
The abbot of Westmynstre, "Domine Deus meue, in 
" te speravi ; 



> John Carpenter, bishop of Wor- 
cester, who was also a great supporter 
of the high church party, and there- 
fore of the court. 

' John Kemp, archbishop of York, 
had been made a cardinal at the close 
of the year 1439. 

* Thomas, bishop of St Asaph, 



a prelate who appears to hare gained 
no degree of celebritj. 

* Walter Liard (in the ordinary 
lists of bishops he is called Hart 
and Lyhart) was bishop of Norwich 
from 1445 to 1472. This name also 
occurs in the list of unpopular 
courtiers indicted at liochestcr. 



2M 



POLmcUi 



*' Beqwiem aiemam gTMmte them alle (o oome ta*' 
Therto a paier-noster saith the biaabop of synt Bavy^ 
For tbeB sooles that wise were and mi^^tty, 

Suffolk, Moleyns, and Roos, ihes thie;' 
And in especial for Jac Napes^ that ever was wyly. 

For his souie PlacAo and Dirige. 

Rise up, Say, rede paroe in JDomine, 

" Nihil enirfi sunt dies mei," thou shalt synge. 
The biaahop of Carlyle* sing " Credo" ful aora 

To suyche fals traitours come foule endynge! 

The baron of Dudley with grete momynge, 
Bedethe, " Tosdet anirrumi meaTa vitcs m«B." 

Who but Danyel qui Lasarum ahal syng ? 
For Jac Nape aoule Placebo and Dirige, 

John Say* redethe, ''Manus tuce feoermfvt me!' 

^'Libera Tne" sjmgethe Trevilian, "warre the rere, 
** That thei do no more so, requiescant in pace" 

Thus prayes alle Englond ferre and nerre. 

Where is Somerset? whi aperes he not here. 
To synge *'Dies irce et miseries V 

God graunte Englond alle in fere 
For thes traitours to syng Placebo and Dirige. 

Meny mo ther be behynde, the sothe for to telle, 

That shal messes oppon thes do synga 
1 pray som man do rynge the belle. 

That these forsaiden may come to the saciynge ; 

And that in brief tyme, without more tarienge, 
That this messe may be ended in suyche degr^ ; 

And that alle Englond joyfiille may sjmge 
The commendacioun with Placebo and Dirige. 



' John Delamere was consecrated 
bishop of St David's in 1447. 

' Lord Hungerford had at this 
time succeeded, by right of his wife, 
to the title of lord Molines. He 
was B partizan of the house of Lan- 



caster. Thomas Lord Ros was also 
a stanch partlzan of the pArty of 
Henry VL 

* Nicholas Close. 

* In the Rochester list, John Say 
is described as <* esquire^ of London." 



ON THE GORBUFTIOKS OT THE TIMES. 



S35 



On the Cobbuptions of the Times.^ 

Ffulfyllyd ys the profe[s]y for ay 

That Merlyn sayd, and many on mo, 
Wysdam ys wel ny away, 

No man may knowe hys f[r]end fro foo. 
Now gyllorys don gode men gye; 

Ryjt gos redles alle behynde ; 
Truthe ys tumyd to se trechery; 

Ffor now the bysom ledys the blynde. 

Now gloserjrs fulle gayly they go; 

Pore men be perus of this land ; 
Sertes sum tyme hyt was not so, 

But sekyr alle this ys synnes sonde. 
Now maynte[ne]rys be made justys. 

And lewde men rewle the lawe of kynde ; 
Nobulle men be holdyn wyse, 

Ffor now the bysom ledys the blynde. 

Truthe is set at lytyl prys; 

Worschyp fro us longe hath be slawe; 
Robberys now rewle ry^twysenesse, 

And wyimerys with her sothe sawe; 
Synne sothfsistnesse has slawe; 

Myrth ys now out of mannys mynde ; 
The dre^e of God ys al todrawe ; 

Ffor now the bysom ledys the b[l]ynde. 



1 From MS. Harl. 5396, fol. 295, 
t*. Unfortunately two lines are 
lost by the close cutting of the bot- 
tom of the leaf. An entry on the 
last page of the mannscript, in the 



same handwriting as this poem, 
giyes the date of St Bartholomew's 
day, in the thirty-fonrth year of the 
reign of Henry VI., t.e., August 24, 
1456. 



236 PouncAL poiais. 

Now brocage ys mado ofiycerys ; 
And baiatnr ys made bajly; 

Enyttus be made cnstemeiys, 

♦ » ♦ ♦ 

fiatererys be made kyngas peiys ; 

Lordya be led alle out of kynde ; 
Pore men ben kny^tns feiys; 

Ffor now tbe bysom ledys the blynde. 

The constery ya oombryd with coveytyae, 

Ffor tronth his sonkyn undur the grounde; 
W[ith] ofl^cyal nor den no fiBtvonr ther y% 

But if air symony ahewe them aylver romide. 
Ther among 6p[irit]nalt^ it ys founde, 

Ffor pet^ ya dene out of ther mynde. 
Lord, whan thy wylle ia, al ya confounde; 

Ffor now the byaom ledya the blynde. 

He ya lovyd that wele can lye; 

And thevys tru men honge ; 
To God I rede that we cry, 

That this lyfe last not longa 
This werld is tumyd np-so-doune among; 

For frerys ar confessourys, ageyn a kynde. 
To the chefe ladyes of this londe ; 

Therfor the bysom ledys the blynde. 

Lordys the lawe they lere, 

• • • • 

Japerys syt lordys ful nere; 

Now hath the devylle alle hys devys; 
Now growyth the gret flour-de-lys; 

Wymmonis wyttes are fulle of wynd ; 
Now ledres ladyn the leward at her debres; 

For caus the bysom ledys [the] blynde. 



ON THB GOBBUFTIONS 07 THE TIMES. 237 

Now prelates don pardon selle, 

And holy chyrche ys chaffare, 
Holynes comyth out of helle, 

Ffor absoluciouns waxyn ware. 
Oabberys gloson eny whare, 

And god© feyth comys alle byhynde; 
Ho shalle be levyd the sothe wylle spare? 

Ffor now the bysom ledys the blynde. 

The grete wylle the sothe spare, 

The eomonys love not the grete; 
Therfor every man may care, 

Lest the wade grow© over the whete. 
Take hede how synne hath chastysyd Frauns, 

Whan he was in hys fayrest kynde ; 
How that Flaundrys hath myschannys; 

Ffor cause the bysom ledyth the blynde. 

Therfor every lord odur avanns, 

And styfly stond yn ych a stoure ; 
Among ^ou make no dystaimce, 

But, lordys, buskys ^ou out of boure. 
Ffor to hold up this londus honour, 

With strenkyth our enmys for to bjmde, 
That we may wynne the hevynly tour; 

Ffor here the bysom ledys the blynde. 

Eay>licU. 



238 roLmoAL 



On the CoBBUPnoFS of ths Tims&' 

How myachawnce regnythe in Ingda/ndL 

Now Qod, that syttyBt an' hyghe in trone, 

Help thy peple in here greet nede, 
That trowthe and resonn r^ne may sone. 

For ihanne achal they leve owt of drede. 

In that wyse conscience schal hem lede. 
Hem to brynge onto good govemaunce; 

That yt may sone be doon in dede; 
Of alle oure aynnys* God, make a delyverannce. 



And men wolde, and take good hede, 

This lond ys nowfnll of inyquyt^; 
And al that causyth the mayde Mede, 

The wyche feer bannyd ys firom felycyt^. 

There that sche regnyth ther ys no prosperyt^, 
To holy cherche sche doth greet grevamice; 

For of here apeyryd ys the hyghe dygnyt^, 
Of al oure synnys, God, make a delyveraunce. 

Mede makyth fele men for to weepe, 

Wyth here frendys sche wol abyde, 
The wyche cmine here goodys wysely kepe, 

Be manye false weyes here wyttys gyde. 

Untrowthe regnyth in many a syde, 
For agayn here ys a gre^t distaiince, 

That knowen ys fill feer and wyde; 
Of al oure synnys, Good, make a delyveraunce. 



* From a MS. in the Uniyersity I 184, y"*, in a handwriting of the 
library, Cambridge, Ft 1. 6, foL I reignof Henry VL 



ox THE COBBUPTIOKS OF THE TDTES. 239 

Meed and fGiIseheed assocyed are ; 

Trowthe bannyd ys, the blynde may not se ; 
Manye a man they make fiille bare, 

A strange compleynt ther ys of every degr^. 

The way ys now past of tranquyllyt^, 
The wyche causyth a full greet varyaunce; 

Amange the comunys ther ys no game nor gle ; 
Of al oure synnys, God, make a deljrveraunce. 

And men myghte wel the hyghe wey fynde 

Of trowthe and resomie, and where they dwelle ; 
Meede wyth here help stand seholde behynde, 

In dyspyte of alle the develys of helle. 

XJntrowthe wyt many oon seholde no more melle; 
Falsehed and sche byn bothe of oon substaunce, 

Alle be they not worth an oyster-schelle ; 
Of alle oure synnys, God, make a delyveraunce. 

Murdre medelythe ful ofte, as men say ; 

TJsure and rapyne stefly dothe stande, 
Here abydynge ys wythe her that goon fill gay ; 

For whaiine they wele they have hem in hande. 

And thus they r^ne throughe thys lande; 
Ful manye they brynge to myschaunce. 

Wyse men, beholden, be wayr al afore hande; 
Of alle oure synnys, God, make a delyveraunce. 

Idylnesse and thefte ^yt have they no care, 

Thoughe that thys worlde thus endure ever more ; 
Oftyn tymes here wyde purse is full bare, 

And other whylee here schoon be al totore ; 

The mete that thei ete ys alle forlore; 
On the galwys they seholde anhaunse ; 

They greve the comunys, and that ryghte sore ; 
Of alle oure synnys, God, make a delyveraunce. 



240 POLTncAL POEna 

Slowthe and neclygenoe ful sore empeche 

Justise, that scholde r^ne contenually; 
Coveytjse causyth that, for he dothe tecfae 

Of all aatatis seme fiiUe besyly. 

The prosperity of thys land thns they gy 
Forthewyth togedere al to the dannce ; 

A wronge way to werke alle they be redy; 
Of alle oure synnys, God, make a delyverannoe. 

Wyght ys blak, as many men seye. 

And blak ys wyght, bnt somme men sey nay ; 
Auctoryteys for hem they toleye ; 

Large conscience cansyth they croked way. 

In thys reame they make a foul aray. 
Whanne the dyse renne, ther lakkythe a chaunce ; 

Clene oonsden bakward goth alway; 
Of al onre synnys, God, make a delyveraunoe. 

Myscheef mengid ys, and that in every syde ; 

Dyscord medelythe fill fast amonge; 
Tlie gatis of glaterye standen np wyde, 

Hem semytlie that al js ryghte and no wronge. 

Thus endurid they have al to longe ; 
Crosse and pyle standen in balaunce ; 

Trowthe and resoun be no thynge stronge ; 
Of alle onre synnys, God, make a delyveraunce. 

Rychesse renewyd causithe the perdicioun 

Of trowthe, that scholde stande in prosperyt^ ; 
Between here and hope ys mayd a devisionn. 

And that ys al for lak of charyt^ ; 

Wherfore ther regnethe no tranquillyt^; 
Thys mateer causithe the fool ignoraunce, 

That the peple may not in eese be ; 
Of alle oure synnys, God, make a delyveraunca 



ON THE COBRUPTIONS OF THE TIMES. 241 

He that hathe the word at hys owne wylle, 
Helthe> lychesse, and oontTnual trauqiiillyt^, 

Ech mannys hestee ys glad to folfylle^ 
He thenkyth upon noon deversitd 
Ful unsewyr atte the laste may he be 

To sette hys herte in swyche abundaunce; 
Dampnadoun jt sche^v^he, as thenkythe me ; 

Of alle oure sennys> Qod, make a delyveraanoe. 

Wyghte is wyghte, ^yf jt leyd to blake ; 

And soote ys swettere aftnr byttemesse; 
And falsenesse ys evere drevene abake, 
• Where tho thronghte ys rooiyd wytheowte dubbil- 

nesse. 
Wytheowte preef may not be sykemesse ; 
Wherfore trowthe and resoun scholde hem avaimce, 

For to take to hem stedefisiatnesse. 
Of alle onre synnys, Qod, make a delyveraunce. 

That unhappy insacyable simonia 

Now regnethe in Ingeland, and that sore; 
He sparithe not for closynge of alleluya ; 

Woo worthe the tyme that evere was he bore! 

Unavy^d derk soone may be forlore 
Unto that theef to donne obeysannoe ; 

For as afore God they ben forswore; 
Of alle oure synnys, God, make a delyveraunce. 

Hatrede and praptyk of fals audx)ritd 

Al good consciende they putten owte; 
Of trowthe and resoun lettynge the prosperytd ; 

Wherfore concord ys put feer abowte. 

And ^yf men wolde stonden owt of dowte 
Drede of God, with a good atemperaonce 

From these symiys scholde make hem schowte, 
And put hem alle to a pleyne delyveraunce. 

VOL. II. Q 



242 POLTnCAI. POKII& 

Yengeaonce and wrathe in an hastyvyt^, 

Wyth an nnatedefiist speiyte of indyscrecioim. 
Been the cause that men may not yn eese be ; 

For here oonsentynge diawith to confiifiioan. 

Al londys patten thys land in derifliomL 
For thyff nsyd 3^8 oonly of acnstomannce, 

^yf that day may oome of a good conchudomi^ 
Of alle onre synnys to make a delyverannoa 

• 
Men of holy cherche, that been ful wyse^ 

Scholde meekly preye with good devosioan. 
That trowthe and resoun myghte sone aryse. 

For to bryng away thys fidae tribnladonn ; 

And that the heyere herd with good medytacioun 
May the pore peple swych wyse avaunoe. 

In the drede of Qod to sette here ocapacyonn. 
Of al here synnys to make a delyverannce. 

And men wolden weel hem self knowe, 
Grace for to aske in here greet nede, 

To God here hertis bowyng fbl lowe, 
Almesse doynge weel to taken heede, 
Fylgremage goyng to gete hem mede, 

Prayeng and fiastynge with good rememoraunce, 
Body and sowle so they may hem lede 

Into blysse of etemaUe purvyatmoe. 

Now, God, that art ful of al pletevousnesse. 

Of al vertuys grace and charyt^, 
Patte fix>m us al thys unsekymesse, 

That we stande ynne in grete necessytd, 

That agayn trowthe no varyeng be, 
Al tymes that art founteyne of al felycit^, 

Of al oure synnys thoa make a delyveramice. 



AGAINST THE LOLLABBS. 243 



AOAIKST THE LOLLABDfi.^ 



Lo, he that can be Cristes derci 

And knowe the knottes of his crede» 
Now may se a wonder werke 

Of harde happes to take goud heede. 

The dome of dethe is hevy diede 
For hym that wol not mercy crie ; 

Than is my rede^ for mucke ne mede 
That no man melle of lollardrye. 



I sey for meself, yut wist I never 

But now late what hit shuld be, 
And, by my trouthe, I have wel lever 

No more kyn than my a, b, c. 

To loUe so hie in suyche degr^ 
Hit is no perfit profecie; 

Sauf seker sample to the and me 
To be war of loUardia 



The game is nott to loUe so hie 
Ther fete faiien fondement; 

And yut is a moche folie 
For fiJs beleve to ben brent 
Ther the Bibelle is al myswent 

To jangle of Job or Jeremye, 
That constnien hit after her entent 

For lewde lust of loUardie. 



* FkomMa Cotton. Vespa8.B.ZTi. 
IbL a, T^ I hare pot together here 
A few short pieces <m the religious 
^^otes of this period. The first 
beloiigSv pcfhaps, to arather esrlier 



date, as it seems to contain a oonti- 
nnons allusion to the ceiebnited Sir 
John Oldcastle, who was pat to death 
in 1418, bat aU the others bdong 
evidently to the reign of Henry VL 
Q 2 



344 POLITICAL POEICS. 

Hit is mikyndly for a kni^t, 

That shuld a kynges castel kepe, 
To bable the Bibel day and ni^t 

In -restjmg tyme^when he shuld slepe ; 

And earefoly awey to crepe, 
For alle the chief of chivabie. 

Wei anght hym to waile and wepe. 
That suyche lust hath in loUardie. 



An old castel, and not repaired. 

With wast walles and wowes wide, 
The wages ben fill yvel wared 

With suiche a capitayn to abide; 

That rerethe riot for to ride 
Agayns the kynge and his dergie, 

With priv^ peyne and pore pride; 
Ther is a poynt of lollardie. 

For many a man withyn a while 

Shal aby his gult fuL sore; 
So fele gostes to begile 

Hym aught to rue evermore. 

For his sorowe shal he never restore 
That he venemed withenvye; 

But ban the burthe that he was of bore, 
Or ever had lust in lollardie. 



Every shepe that shuld be fed in felde, 
And kepte fro wolfes in her folde, 

Hem nedethe nether spere ne shulde, 
Ne in no castel to be withholds 
For ther the pasture is fal colde. 

In Bomer seson when hit is drie ; 
And namly when the soyle is solde^ 

For lewde lu9t of lollardie, V . . 



AGAINST THE LOLLABDS. 245 

An old oastel draw al doun, 

Hit is ful hard to rere hit newe, 
With suyche a congregadoun 

That cast hem to be untrewe. 

When b^gers mow nether bake ne brewe, 
Ne have wherwith to borow ne bie, 

Than mot riot robbe or reve, 
Unde[r] the colour of lollardie. 



That castel is not for a kynge 
That the walles ben overthrowe; 

And yut wel wors abidynge 
Whan the captayn away is flowe, 
And fofsake spere and bowe, 

To crepe fro kni^thode into dergie. 
Ther is a bitter blast yblowe, 

To be bawde of lollardie. 

I trowe ther be no kni^t alyve 

That wold have don so open a shame. 
For that crafte to studi or strive, 

Hit is no gentel mannes game ; 

But if.'hym lust to have a name 
Of pelour imder^ ipocrasie, 

And that were a foule defame 
To have suyche lose of lollardie. 

And, pard^ loUe thei never so longe, 

Yut wol lawe make hem lowte ; 
' God wol not suflBre hem be so stronge 
To bryng her purpos so abowte. 
With saunz faUe and saunz doute, 

To rere riot and robberie; 

By reson thei shul not long route, 

While the taile is docked of loUardie. 



246 FOLmGAL poma 

Of the hede hit is las duoge, 

When grace wol not be his gide, 
Ne soffie hym for to lepe at Iaige» 

But hevely his hede to hide. 

Where shuld he other route or ride 
Agayns the chief of chivalrie, 

Not haidi in no place to abide. 
For alle the sekte of bUardie. 



A I Ood, what nnkyndly goet 

Shnid greve that God gruochede non^t ! 
Thes LoUardes that lothen yjoageB most 

With mannes haades made and wrou^t^ 

And pilgrimages to be sou^t; 
Ihei seien hit is but mawmentrie. 

He that this lose first up bron^t^ 
Had gret lust in loUardie. 



He wer fed lewde that wold byleve 
In tigare mad of stok or stem, 

Tut fourme shulde we none repreye. 
Nether of Marie ne of Jon, 
Petre, Poule, ne other none 

Canonised by dergie ; 
Than the seyntes everychone 

Be litel holde to lollardie. 



And namly James among hem alle. 

For he twyes had tnmement, 
Modie mischaunse mot him be&Ue 

That last beheded hym in Kent ; 

And alle that were of that assent. 
To Crist of heven I depe and crie, 

Sende hem the same jugement, 
And alle the sekte of lollardie. 



AQAINST THK LOLLABDa 247 

For ihat vengans agayns kynde 

Was a poynt of cowardyse ; 
And namly suyche on to bete or bynde 

That mi^t not stande, set, ne rise. 

What dome wold ye hym devyse 
By lawe of armes or gentrie. 

Bat serve hym in the same wise. 
And alle the sekte of loUardia 



When fietlsnes faileth firele folie, 
Pride wol preseyn sone amonge; 

Than wiUerdome with old envy 
Can none other way but wronga 
For synne and shame with sorowe stronge, 

So overset with ayutrie^ 

That fals beleve is ikyjx to fonge 

The lewde lust of loUardie, 



And under colour of suiche lollynge, 

To shape sodeyn suireccioun 
Agaynsb oure liege lord kynge, 

With £aJs ymaginacioun. 

And for that corsed conclusion. 
By dome of kni^thode and dergie. 

Now turneth to confusioun 
The sory sekte of lollardie. 



For holy writ berithe witnes. 

He that fals is to his kynge, 
That shamfiil dethe and hard distres, 

Shal be his dome at his endynge. 

Than double dethe for suyche loUynge 
Is hevy, when we shul hennes hye. 

Now, Lord, that madest of nou^t alle thinge, 
Defende us alle fro lollardie. 



248 POLrriGAii POEMa 



To THK Kino.* 



O rex AnglonuDi qu» stmt jam facta videto^ 
Dudmn gestonun signacula dura timeto. 
Quid, rex, est clerum sic per laicos lanittri? 
TJt &tear verum signat proceres superarL 
En, rex, a Grsecis bellans fortuna recessit, 
Cleri facta necis bi\jus prognostica gessit. 
Signum, Boma, tibi quee nunc armis viduatur, 
Cur? quia clems ibi nee floret nee dominatur. 
En, rex, pro studio per singula regna timeris, 
Tu quia de proprio clero responsa mereria 
O rex, tu videas spes hie distantibus an sit, 
Ut faculam foveas, scintilla decora remansit. 
Bex, si sit per te cleri facies relevata, 
Est tibi tunc certe victoria magna parata. 
Si fons siccetur, laico regnante furore. 
Miles vinoetur belli privatus honore. « 

Tu miles juras cleri defendere jura, 
Cur nunc non curas inflicta sibi mala dura. 
Bex, princeps, miles, dero rogo consoda te, 
Quisquis ad ista siles fugiet decus et vigor a te. 
HsBC duo si coeant sociari juncta valore, 
Non simt qui valeant nostros privare vigore. 
Hoc sdo quod dero miles bonus bmnis adhseret. 
Solus pro vero falsus sua prospera mceret. 
OxonisB pereant rores et germina terras, 
Singula te subeant strages et jurgia guerrse. 
plebs ingrata regi, mala signa parasti, 
Dura tibi fata veniant quia tanta patrastL 
O rex invicte, pueros recolas spoliatos. 
Sis rex vindictsB revocans terrore fugatos. 



> From MS. Col. Merton, Oxozu No. 306, fioL 8, i«. 



AGAINST THE FRIABS. 249 



A Political Pbophect.^ 

When Rome is removith into Englonde, 
And ilke preest baiit the popeis poure in hande^ 
Betuene the iij^ and the sixte, who wold onderstonde, 
Moche were and wo schalle arysse in Englonda 
Thayr ohalle tyde then a striffe be the stremis of 

Hommonr, 
That a northyne slave schalle follow him for ever, 
The iij^ schalle recnire and rekyn of rulys, 
That haiit lywith in Lowthe many longe days. 
Than worthe upp, Walls, that vantithe no vylis, 
And holpe up thi brother with brithe hardde brandis, 
Thi kynnys men of Trlonde, lordes of honour, 
Thy schalle spende ther speres with dentes of dolour. 
To bringe owt of brawlis the kynd blod of Brutes^ 
The whiche schalle lyve on to lyve of landes. 



Against the Feiabs .• 

Freeres, freeres, wo ^e be! 

Trmdstri mcdorvmi, 
For many a mannes soule bringe ^e 

ad pcBTUza mfernorum. 
Whan seyntes felle firyst from hevene, 

quo pri/ua habitdbcmt, 
In erthe leyflHi the synnus viL, 

et fratres (xm/m/miicoha/nt. 



> fVom MS. Cotton. Cleopatra I ' From a MS. in Trin. Coll, 
C. hr. foL 84, y^ | Cambridge, 0. 2, 40, fifteenth cent 



2M POLmGAL POEMa 

FalncB was the ffiyrt fflaiii^ 

qwB fratrtB pertulerufU; 
For fiJnes and ffiils derei 

muUi perierunL 
Freeres, ye can weyl lye, 

ad faUcmdwn gmtrnn; 
And weyl can blere a mannns ye 

pecuniaa kabentem. 
Tf thei may no more* geytte, 

fruges petwnt idi ; 
For fiJnee walde thei not lette, 

qm Tum aunt de grege ChrisH. 
Lat a freer of sum ordor 

tecum pemoctare, 
Odur ihi wyff or thi don^tour 

hie vuU violare; 
Or ihi son he weyl prefor^ 

aicut fwrtom, fortis ; 
God gyffe syche a freer peyne 

in vnfemi portis! 
Thei weyl assayUe boyth Jacke and Oyllc, 

licet amt prwdanea ; 
And parte off pennans take hem tylle, 

qui 8U/nt latrones. 
Ther may no lorde of this cantr^ 

He cBdifieare, 
As may thes freeres, where thei be, 

gm vadtumt mendicare. 
Mony-makers I trow thei be^ 

regie prodUaree, 
Therfore ylle mowyth thei thee, 

falei deccptoree. 
Fader fyrst in Trinity, 
JUme, atque flamen. 

Orrmee dicant Amen. 



ON THE COBByPTIOK OF PUBLIC KANNEBS. 251 



On the CoERUPnoN of Public Mannebs.* 

Ye prowd galonttes hertlesse, 
With your hyghe cappis wiUesse, 
And youie schort gownys thriftleBae, 
Have brought this londe in gret hevyneese. 

With youre longe peked schone, 
Therfor your thrifte is ahnost don, 
And with youre long here into your eyen, 
Han brought this lend to gret pyne. 

Ye poopeholy prestis faUe of presomcioun, 
Wiii your wyde ftirryd hodes voyd of discrecioun, 
Unto your owyn prediyng of contrary condiciouin, 
Wheche causithe the people to have lesse devociouiL 

Avaundd by symony in cetees and townys, 

Make schorter youre taylis and broder your crounys ; 

Leve your schort stuffide dowbelettes and your pleytid 

gownys, 
And kepe your owjn howsyng, and passe not your 

boundis. 

Bepreve non other men, I schalle telle you whye, 
Ye be so lewyd youer selfe, there settithe no man you 

bye, 
It is not but a schame y[e] wold be callyd holly. 
And worse dysposyd people levythe not undir the skye.' 

Ffirst make fire your selfe, that now to syne be 

bounde, 
Leve syne, and drede it, than may ye take on bond 
Othir to repreve, and that I undirstonde, 
Ye may amende alle other and biyng pese to londe. 

> From MB. Had. No. 372, foL 113, i«, of tbetimd of Heoiy VL 



262 POUTIGAL FOSHa 



Epigbamb ok the Pubuc Eztbavagakcb.' 

Lnffe, loffe, where is ihi reste? 
Of Englond I am oute keste, 

Thurgh air Enyye. 
Thise longe berdes to middis the bieste 
Has putt loife oate of his neste, 

Thurgh fdonye. 



Fleshly Instes and festes, 
Furres of ferly bestes^ 
Costefcdle crouperes with crestes, 

Fules that it first fonde; 
Bobes made of scredes, 
Qrisely othes and grete medee, 
Flaterers and false dedes. 

Has schent Englond. 



On the Times.* 

Now ys Tngland alle in fyght; 
Moche peple of consyens lyght; 
Many knyghtes, and lytyl of myght ; 
Many lawys, and lytylle ryght; 
Many actes of parlament, 
And few kept wyth tni entent ; 
Lytylle chaiyt^, and feyne to plese; 
Many a galant penyles ; 



1 



From a MS. in the Library of i * From a MS. in Corp. Chr. CoL, 
Corpus ChriBtiCoUege, Oxford, No. Oxford, No. 237, fol. 236, ▼«». 
274,foi:i'65. I 



ON THB TIMES. 263 

And many a wondurfolle dysgyzyng^ 
By nnprudent and myssavyzyng ; 
Qrete countenanse, and smalle wages ; 
Many gentyJlemen, and few pages ; 
Wyde gownys, and large slevys ; 
Wele besene, and strong thevys; 
Moch bost of there dothys, 
But wele I wot they lake none othys. 



On THB TnfEa^ 

De TrdBerrima responaione pcpuU gum jam instat. 

Proh dolor ! o crudi gestns sparsim juvenescunt, 
Barescunt ludi, solatia cuncta senescnnt 
Crimen avariti89 dominatur ubique locorum, 
Qnse quasi blanditiaa toUit terras miserorom. 
Dormit militia vitiata cupidine reirum. 
Pro quibus in vitia jam pugnat amor mnlierunL 
Clems decrescit^ vestitu ynlgus olesdt, 
Curia ditescit,, virtus in vOia cessit. 
Heu ! ratio moritur, pretio judex hebetesdt, 
Fraude fides premitur^ pietas cum lege recessit. 
Sed» quidem consd pent entia pseudo-colons; 
Inde sumus consi querula quocunque doloris: 
Dico piarum prodest pro jure tribunal adire, 
Dum ratio vivat qu© jus fadet revenira 



> From a Ma in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, Bodl. 833, fbl. 177, i^. 



254 POLITICAL POEMS. 



On ths Pbocbsbsuok to St. Paul's of the 
Reoonciled Pabtibs.^ 

(March 25, 1458.) 

Whan charity is choBen with states to stonde 

Sted£BU3 and skille without distaunce. 
Than wrathe may be exilede out of this londe. 

And God onre gide to have the govemaunoe. 

Wisdom and wellthe, with alle plesaunoe^ 
May rightful regne, and proqperit^; 

For love hath imderlaide wrathefiil venjaunce, 
Bejoise, Anglonde, onre lordes aeordede to be. 

Rejoae, and thanke God for evermore. 

For now shsJ encrese thi oonsolacion ; 
Onre enemyes qnaken and dreden fol sore, 

That peas is made ther was division. 

Whiche to them is a gret confusion, 
And to us joy and felicity. 

God hold hem longe in every season, 
That Anglonde may rejoise concord and unit^« 

Now is sorowe with shame fled into Frannce, 

As a felon that hathe forsworn this londe; 
Love hath put out malicious govemaunce^ 

In every place bothe fre and bonde. 

In Yorke, in Somerset, as I understonde, 
In Warrewike, is love and chants. 

In Sarisbury eke, and in Northumbrelande, 
^That every man may rejoise concord and unitd. 



> From MS. Cotton. yefpa8..B. zri. iolL 4, i^ 



ON THE PROCESSION TO ST. PAUL'a 255 

Egremown and Clifford, with other forsaide, 

Ben set in the same opynyon. 
In every quarter love is thus laide; 

Qraoe and wisdom hathe thus the dominadon* 

Awake, welthe, and walke in this region, 
Bounde aboute in toun and dt^; 

And thanke them that brought hit to. this con- 
clusion ; 
Bejoise, Anglond, to concord and unit^. 

At Foules in Londoun, with gret renoun, 

On cure Ladi day in Lent this peas was wrought; 

The kyng, the quene, with lordes many oone, 
To worship that virgine as thei ought, 
Wenten a procession, and spariden right nought. 

In sighte of alle the comynalt^, 

In token that love was in herte and thought; 

Bejose, Anglond, in concorde and unit^. 

Ther was bytwyn hem lovely countynaunce, 

Whiche was gret joy to alle that ther were ; 
That long tyme hadden be in variaunce, 

As frendes for ever that had be in fere. 

Thei wenten togeder and made goud dure. 
France and Britayn repente shul thei; 

For the bargayn shul thei abye ful dere ; 
Bejose, Anglond, in concorde and unitd 

Oure Boveraigne lord kynge Qod kepe alwey, 

The queue, and the archebisshope of Canterbury, 
And the bisshop of Wynchestre, (Canceller of Anglonde, 
And other that ban labured to this love-day; 

Qod preserve hem, we pray hertly, 

And Londoun, for thei fill diligently 
Eepten the peas in trowbd and adversity. 

To biyng in reste thei labured ful truly; 
Bejoise, Anglond, in concorde and unitd 



266 POLITICAL poEaia 

Of thre thynges I praise the worshipful dt^ ; 

The firsts the true &ithe that thei have to the 
kynge; 
The seoonde, of love to the comynaltd ; 

The thrid, goud rule for evermore kepynge; 

The whiche God maynteyn evermore duryuge, 
And save the znaier and aUe the worth! dt^; 

And that is amys Gbd brynge to amendynge, 
That Anglond may rejoise to Concorde and unitd 



Epitaph fob Richabd Duke of York.* 

A remembrer k tous ceurs de noblesse 

Que ycy gist la fleur de gentillesse, 

Le puissant due dTork, Rychart ot nom. 

Prince royal, preudomme de renom, 

Saige, vaniant, vertueux en sa vie, 

Qui bien ama loyault^ sans envie, 

Droyt heritier, prouv^ en mainte terre, 

Des couronnez de France et d'Engleterre. 

Ou parlement tenu k Yestmestre, 

Bien fut congneu et trouv^ vray heir estre. 



[Tbanslation.] 



Let it be remembered by all noble hearts— that here lies 
the flower of gentility, — the powerful duke of York, Richard 
was. his name, — a royal prince, a gentleman of renown,— wise, 
valiant, virtuous in his life,-*who loved well loyally with- 
out enyy,— the right heir, proved in many a land,*— of the 
crowns of France and England.-— In the parliament held at 
Westminster— he was fully acknowledged and found to be 



I From MS. Haxi No. 4S, foL 81, f^. 



EPITAPH FOB BIOHARD DTJKE OF YORK. 257 

Sy fut roygent et gouvemeur de France, 
Normandie il garda d'encombrance, 
Sur Pontaysse la ryviere passa, 
Le roy Francoyez et son doulfin chassa. 
En Erllande mist tel gouvemement, 
Tout le pais rygla paisiblement. 
D'Engleterre fut long temps prottetur, 
Le peuple ama, et fut leur deffendeur. 
Noble lygite ot d'enfens, que Dieu garde. 
Dont Taysn^ fylz est nom4 Edouarde, 
Qui est vray roy, et son droit conquessta, 
Par grant labour qu'il en prinst Taqueta, 
II est regnant solitaire ou jour d'uy, 
Dieu et ses sainz sy le gardent d'enuy ! 
Ce noble due k Wacquefylde mourut, 
Doux paix traitant force sur luy courut, 
L'an soixnte, le xxx® de Deoembre, 
Cinquante ans ot d'age, comme on remembre, 
En priant Dieu et la tresbelle dame 
Qu'en Paradiz puist reposser son ame ! 

Amen. Cheater le W. 



the right heir. — ^And he was regent and governor of France, 
— ^Normandy he guarded from danger, — he passed the river 
at Pontoise, — and drove away the French king and his 
dauphin. — In Ireland he established such government, — 
that ho ruled all the country peaceably. — Of England he 
was long protector, — ^he loved the people, and was their 
defender. — He had a noble lineage of children, whom may 
God have in his keeping. — ^The eldest of whom is named 
Edward; — ^who is time king, and conquered his right, — ^ho 
purchased it by great labour which he bestowed upon it, — 
he is reigning singly at the present day, — God and his saints 
preserve him from injury ! — This noble duke died at Wake- 
field, — ^while treating of sweet peace, force rushed upon him, 
— ^the year sixty, the thirtieth of December, — he was fifty 
years of age, as people remember, — ^Praying God and the 
very fair lady — that his soul may repose in Paradise ! — ^Amen. 
Chester the Herald. 

VOL, Il R 



258 



POLITICAL POEMS. 



On the Civil WxRa* 



Procesama aub brevibtb8 m metro bdli Ulius primi 
quod actum erai apud vUlam Sancti Albani 
temporibud regis Eermci aexti. 

Martia Bplendiferum regerent cum sidera ^lucem, 
Aspicerentque feros torvis aspectibus Anglos, 
Albani villam tranquilla pace vigentem 
Foedarunt multo violenter sanguine fuso. 
Sex aderat praesens, secumque cohors satis ingens 
De dominis regni; contrarius his Eboraci 
Duxque duo comites Warwici et Sarsburiensis 
Yenerunt ; media fit grandis pugna platea. 
In qua corruerant qui nobilitate vigebant 
De patiia SoreaB, comes insignis dominusque^ 
Comiit ac ipse qui belli causa fuisse 
Fertur, dux magnus de Somerseth yocitatus, 
Ac alii plures ; satis aspera sors f uit ipsis. 
Multi fugerunt, aliter se non properarunt 
Quam &ciunt trepids^ nisum fiigiendo columbse, 
Insultumve canis damns, lepus, aut fera qusevis. 
Bum fugiunt, nemora petierunt sive frutecta; 
In quibus, ut pueri virgam metuendo magistri, 
Se pudet id ferre, veoorditer occubuere. 
Qui Aierant nostra propius penetralia tecta 
Ad nos fagerunt, sub staUis et latuerunt, 
Aut infra latebras; timor ingens duxerat ipsos. 



J 



* This piece, imtteii by the well- 
known monk of St Alban*s, John 
de Whethamstede, was evidently 
composed immediately after the 
decisive and sangninary battle of 
Towton, which is mentioned in it. 
The author seems to be chiefly 



desirous of recording the ill-treat- 
ment which the abbey of St Alban's 
received fh>m the northern partixans 
of the house of Lancaster. It is 
printed fVom a manuscript in the 
Bodleian Library, MS. Laud. No. 
C97, fol. 29, r°. 



ON THE CIVIL WABS, 259 

Sic imbedllis teigam dedit hostibufi hostis, 
Non Bine dedecore, nee nominis absque rabore. 
Mors est, non vita, sub turpi vivere fama. 
Et patet in paucis sors belli quce fiiit hujus, 
Qualis et eventus domini ducis et comitatus. 

Ter deno trino domini regis fiiit anno 

Henrici sexti, fiu5ies hcBC obvia coeli, 

In Maio mense bis dena bis quoque luce. 

Providentia Dei rmsericordia meddaiione martyris 
8ui Albcmi aetvmi esse crediTwas^ ut rex ad 
viMam cv/m acdderet diverteret ae a monasterio 
ac ad viUm mediv/ra properaret^ vmde quia ta/m 
tanta tarn gratuita guce fueroM Tned/iatume 8ui 
Toartyris vn» aalva/tionem sues eccleaicB miaeri- 
cordia. donvmi plasmatcyns, idea in laudem et 
gloriam utriusque scribitv/r uUeriua de hac 
maieria metrice avJb hia verbia. 

Dum Mains madidi flos floruit imbribus Austri, 
MoUibus et Zephyrus refoveret flatibus arvos, 
Flora velut riguos herbis ditaverat hortos, 
Post glades inopes bos fecerat et locupletes, 
Sic rapidis Stilbon praedonibus undique regnum 
Bepleratque nimis, sic late sparserat ipsos, 
Ut villam tandem tantus pervaderet istam 
Illorum numerus, ut vix evaderet unus 
Quin spolium lueret, spoliantes vel trepidaret. 
Accidit ex causa spoliatio tam gravis ista; 
Mars cceli dominus fuerat tunc, et soror ejus 
In terris domina beUi Bellona vocata, 
Unde malum multum signanter partibus istis 
Contigit, et bellum fuit istis grande peractum, 
Sanguis et effusus multus, dux et jugulatus 
niius pugnsB qui fertur causa fuisse. 
Bello finito, strepitu quoque pacificato, 
Indultum est prsedsB, prsedones quippe fuere 

R 2 



\ 



\ 



260 POLITICAL POJEMS. 

Yictores omnes, nuUi quasi compatientea. 
Tunc rex, tunc proceres, tunc villani quoque plures, 
Ac alii varii, fuerant rebus spoUati 
Attamen ecdesia simul ecdesiad bona concta, 
Infra qu8B fuerant sub dausuraque jacebant, 
Manaerunt salva^ nee ei res defuit ulla. 
Laus igitur Domino, laus in specieque patrono, 
Cujus per media stabant sua singula salva, 
Salvus et a cunctis simul abbas, frater, et omnes. 
Spiritus ille bonus sine fiallo, spiritus almus, 
Ad villam regem qui direxit venientem 
IlUus ad medium, nee tunc permiserat ipsum 
Ecclesiam petere, conservavit sua quseque. 
Sed patronus erat qui pro monachis mediarat, 
A raptore locumque suum servavit, et omnem 
Ipsius omatum, foedari nee tulit ipsuuL 
Si rex intrasset, secumque dueem sociasset, 
Valvas ecclesisB, paruissent cuncta rapinee, 
Nee poterat furias quisquam compescere plebis. 
Laus igitur Domino rursus rursusque patrono ! 
Stat locus iste suo salvus munimine solo, 
Salvaque supposita, sua salvaque pnedia cuncta. 
Tempore dilapso miracula plura patrono 
Concessum facere fuit, utique ab omnipotente 
Laude celebrandum prsd cunctis creditur unum, 
Quod dum preedator stabat pro tempore liber, 
Et raperet varia, bene servavit sua cuncta, 
Flere nee ecclesiam rem raptam pertulit uUam. 

iSbte de hello apud Wacfeld hcMto. 

Anno nulleno centimi quater, x. quoque seno, 
Terdenoque die duodeno mense Decembre, 
Infra Eboracensem juxta Vacfeld comitatum, 
Dux dominus villse fertur pugnans habuisse 
Conflictum grandem contra gentem borealem 
Ac proceres plures pneerant qui gentibus ipsis ; 



ON THE CIVIL WARS. 261 

Quo docuit quia sors quod res fortuna secundas 
Vifcat habere moras, cecidit dux, natus et ejus, 
Ac comes insignis, sors belli sora fuit ipsis 
Obvia, sicque satis regni fuerat brevis haeres, 
Omen et id Isetum tulerat mutamine msestum, 
Deflendum miiltis ; jus regni jus fuit ejus. 



Processus beJU iUius swe p^'odii secv/ndi sub metrico 
stylo, quod iifUer Australes et Boreales com/mis- 
sum fuerai i/nfra et eoctra viUam Sancti Alhcmi. 

M. semel x. seno centum quater et simul uno, 

Gum lux septena fuerat mensis quoque dena, 

Numinis illius venerantur quod morientes, 

Inter Solares pugnantes et Boreales 

Magna cohors cecidit, duo milia plebs numeravit, 

Sors apud Albani villam protomartyiis almi 

Et pugnsB campum cassis dedit et tumulatum. 

Quod dolet ac doluit annis multisque dolebit 

Villicus ac monacbus prope eos babitator et omnis. 

Principio pugnse potiores marte fuere 

Australes, tandem vidt Boreasque triumpbum 

Abstulerat secum, stat sors mox versa retrorsum 

Martis, ut eventum fore sdres sic dubiosum. 

lit veniunt cinifes, culices, brucique, locustse, 

Ac vastant segetes, bUbb musc» quoque multse, 

Sic advenerunt similes illis Boreales 

Ac vastaverunt segetes et opes populares 

Austri totius ; bis judex sit Radamantus, 

£t Minos CretsB conjimctus eis iEacusque, 

Atque modum poense pensent seu demeruere. 

Vix infemalis pro poena sufficit ipsis 

Aut focus aut furisB, licet essent agmine mille. 

Gens est Cerberea, gens Spbyngea, gens Briarea, 

Latratu, raptu, spolii prsedaeque voratu, 

JjAub hsQC, laus Boreae, laus est baec laus sine laude^ 



262 POLITICAL POEMS. 



NuTic quia de viria Borealibus sit ecepe et acepius 
mentio in proBmisais, ideo de eorv/m moribvs et 
conditionibua acribitur hie uUeriiia metrice avh 
hia verbia. 

Qui mores plebis agnoscere vis borealis, 
Perlege, pange metra, tibi dicent nil nisi vera. 
Gens Bore®, gens Tisiphonae, gens aJta Meg8ei«, 
Gens lactata Styge, potataque plebs Acheronte, 
SaBvit in Anstrales, stimularet sen fiiror omnes, 
Non vigor attrahere victus, non visve moveret, 
Est fiiror aut fiiria quicquid gens egerit ista. 
Gens BoresB, gens Cerberees linguaeque loquelae, 
Latrat et elatrat et verba rudissima tractat. 
Proditor est quisque vir nobilis ejus in ore, 
Presbyter et monachus, puer et vir, sexus et omnis, 
FcemineaB sive probri quod possit vilius edi, 
Semper ut inficiat vir vilis vilia tracta. 
Gens BoresB gens proluvie foedissima de se 
Harpyiis similis violando vasa liquoris, 
Ac mensas hominum, tabulatas ac mulierum. 
Fcedior est fatu, bis turpior est moderatu, 
Nescit honesta loqui vir foedsB progeniei. 
Gens Bori89 gens perfidise, gens prompta rapinae, 
Gens est centimano raptu similis Briarese, 
Et Tityo jecore, Sisypho saxoque ruente ; 
Et licet ulterius societur Tantalus istis, 
Non portat metrum, mos est his pejor eoinim, 
Diripiunt, rapiunt, post se vix saxa relinquit 
Gens BoresB, gens nequitise, gens absque pietate, 
Et sine lege veris vindex, sine judice juris. 
Decisor quia vi vult cuncta re^ gladiali, 
Moreve barbarico, licitum foret in spoliando, 
Ut fierent propria^ per raptum i^es alienae. 
Friguit aut caluit nimis id quod tollere noUet, 
Gens Boreie, gens viperese pellis generisque, 



ON THE CIVIL WAKS. 263 

Mordet et emordet^ rodit, corrodit, et urget 
Matris ad interitum, male sicut tendat ad ortum. 
Devorat ad patriam qnse ssepe dbaverat ipsum. 
Per matrisque modum dederat aibi lac ad edendum, 
Et lingU89 stimulo noceat caudaeque veneno 
Australi populo sibi res et opes rapiendo, 
Austiterat prseda raptrix Boreasque rapina. 
Eine gens, gens ista quia fertur tarn vitiosa, 
Quod mihi, si centum linguae sint oraque centum, 
Ferrea vox, et item vix singula dioere possem. 
Hanc cantaream sibi qusesivit propriandam, 
Extinctis cereis sonituque nolasque libellis, 
Et pro perpetuo maledicta sit Arctos ab Austro. 



Proceaaua aiib brevibiis mb fomvi et modo quibua 
cornea Marckice^ fiivaa et hcerea domim dAida 
Eborad interfecti, audita fama de morte em 
patriae Tnox aeeociata eibi non pauca mvZtitud4/ne 
plebia, ad partes Borealea eeceaeit contra proceres 
et aUoa rebeUea pugnaturoe^ idea acribitv/r hie 
uUeriua aub breuHoquio atylo Toetrico avh hia 
verbia. 

X. numero seni lapsi sunt drciter anni, 
Postquam successit rex juris jureve rexit 
Anglorum regnum, vis non jus rexerat ipsum ; 
Jam nova progenies quia ooelo venit ab alto. 
Batumi soboles qui nomine dicitur altro, 
Edwardus quartu% Bicardo sauguine junctua 
Creditur a multis redient Satumia nostris 
Temporibus seda ; lis, visque, nefas simul una 
Deperient ; jura^ lex, et pax sint reditura ; 
Fraus etiamque dolus cessabunt, ac violentus 
Baptus avaritiaa snbeunt verumque fidesque. 
Eaec spes plebis erat, den chorus hsecque putabai 
Det seu spemtur regnum Deus ut statuatur, 
Et plebs tranquille vivat derusque quiete. 



264 POLITICAL POEMS. 



Deinde de tempore Ulius^ belli quo domUi atahant 
Boreales, et prcBdomiti, pro exceamhua patratia 
in pairia auatrali, vMerina metricc aic acribena 
inquit 

M. semel x. temo centum quatemi simul uno, 

In Martis mense ter dena denique luce. 

In patria Borese Ferebrius prope jugera villae 

Pugna fuit plebis acris nimis et satis atrox. 

Vicerat Arctos in belle martius heros 

Junior Edwardus, Hector novus, alter Acliilles, 

Prostravit midtos ; Austro tunc cesserat Arctos, 

Et doluit casum supra x. bis millia, quorum 

Quamplures domini, plures et erant generosi. 

Illius patriro flos et sors tunc cecidere, 

Et merito, quoniam spoliarunt nequiter Austrum. 

Laus igitur Domino, sit honor, sit gloria Cliristo ! 

Cessat nunc flatus grandis Boreseque boatus, 

Inque Austrum rediit, ^olus ventum variavit. 

Est Boreas mordens et valde ventus adurens; 

Est Auster Justus, vult morsu rodere morsus, 

Et male mordentem vere vires toUere eidem ; 

Est Zephyrus placidus, est suavis frater et ejus ; 

Hinc Boreasque Aquilo pro tunc clauduntur in antro. 



Quia in prcemiasia a'U mentio de titulia utHuaqtie 
jam dicti regia, ideo in recenaio^iem et recitationia 
recordationem acribitur hie ulteriua de vii*iaque 
metrice avb horum verborum tenore. 

In sibi conjunctis Edwardi semine natis 
Ortus erat primo lionellus, Johannesque secundo; 
Cedat lex regni vult junior ut seniorL 
Attamen Henricus hseres genitusque Johannis, 
Per vim sceptrigerum regimen tuleratque coronam, 
Et tenuit muJtis sed non sine viribus annis. 



ON THE CIVIL WABS. 265 

Illi successit rex, qui si non caruisset 
JustitisB titulo, non Hector 'dignior ipso, 
Non judex jEacus, non or© politus Ulixes. 
Ipso defuncto successit filius, in quo 
Stirps ea cessavit; heeres rectus remeavit, 
Scilicet Edwardus Leonelli proximus hseres. 
Hie petiit regimen, rex obstat datquo negamen. 
Bes agitur belli, vicit sanguis Leonelli 
Et palmam tulerat, Henricus rex fugiebat. 
Bello finito, multo quoque sanguine fuso^ 
Cum victor secum pabnam ferretque triumphum, 
Vendicat hoc iterum, plebs applaudabat eidem, 
Clamabatque sibi, vivat felicior omni 
Rege vel Augusto, melior regat Octaviano. 
Hsec vox cunctorum clamor fuit ac populorum. 
Rex igitur factus, rex in solioque levatus, 
Quod fractum fuerat iterum bene consolidabat, 
Jureque quo potuit vim pressit, jus renovavit. 
Sic vetus id dictum fuerat bene verificatum, 
De male qusesitis vix gaudet tertius hseres, 
Stare diuque nequit mala quicquid vis stabilivit; 
Jus nescitque mori, valeat licet ense ferire; 
Ex bene patratis bene crescit honos quoque vii-tus. 
O rota versatilis nimis oque rotabilis axis, 
Sorte novercante fetoque modum variante, 
Corruit Henricus isto sub nomine sextus, 
Et ca9um tulerat, titulus sibi deficiebat, 
Defedtque bonus, heus ! pro moderamine sensus, 
Proque bono campi cor defuit Herculis illi 
Matris non patris fuit ortus filius excors, 
Matrem nee coluit, nimis a patre degeneravit, 
Quo melior miles non Teucer erat vel Atrides, 
Sive timor Phrygiis Ajax robustus in armis. 
Hie fuit in verbis rex mitis, rex pietatis, 
Attamen in factis nixniae vir simplicitatis. 
Hino postquam triginta novem rex prsefuit annis, 
Cseca suam fortuna rotam, quasi fortis in armis, 



266 POLITICAL POEM& 

Yolverat^ et regimen rapiebat regis^ eundem 
Compulit ac subito sic dioere^ ''sum sine regna" 
O sors prosperior^ o gratia soiieque major, 
Qui diutuma nimis fuit expectatio plebis, 
Sod mittendus erat, jam dante Deo veniebat. 
Hie Mariis soboles et nomine martins heros, 
Marte triumphante jus soeptii jusque ooronae 
XJt decuit sumpsit, ut debuit ac sibi jimxit. 
Tunc bona spes fuerat sors prospera quod reveniret, 
Lsetaque pro Toto coleret plebs secla sub ipso. 
Det Deus ac fadat bona ne spes irrita fiat ! 
Qui veteres recolis veteranaque gesta revolvis, 
Ferreque scis si vis there quis fuit ac pater ejus. 
Die si legisti, legisseve te meministi, 
Quenquam decrepitum qui oesserat opilionem^ 
Et steterat multis absens in partibus annis, 
Rursus gestantem baculum baculoque r^entem 
Conventum pecorum concordi voce legentum. 
Bes hsec rata satis, nee contingens retroactis 
Temporibus multis, nostris tamen accidit annis. 
In patre qui sextus fuit ordine prime Johannis, 
Sed post octavus bis prsefuerat quia dictus,- 
Hoc duplex nomen sibi vendicat unus et idem, 
Deque loco segetis pater est cognomine dictus, 
Hac nimc in decade numerus qui didtur esse, 
In qua totius residet perfectio legis, 
Scriba suo calamo pausam finemque libeUo 
Imposuit fessus, senio morboque repressus, 
Csecutiens steterat, auditus defidebat, 
Contractique manus digiti fuerant simul omnes, 
Semper et ad valvas stabat mors improba pulsans; 
Dixit et eodesisB, dispone tuo, moriere. 
Hac igitur causa scriptor nihil addidit ultra; 
Addere nee poterat, quia visus deficiebat. 
Idem scribendi sibi finis eratque videndi. 

Explicit, explidunt qualia sciripta ferunt 



A POLITICAL RETEOSPECT. 267 



A Political Retrospect.' 

To have in mynde callyng to remembraunce 

The gret wrongys doon of oold antiquity, 
Unrightful heyres by wrong alyaunce 

Usurpyng this royaume caused gret adversity ; 

Kyng Richard the secounde, highe of dignytee, 
Whiche of Ingeland was rightful enheritoure, 

In whos tyme ther was habundaunco with plentee 
Of welthe and erthcly joye, withou^t langoure. 

Than cam Henry of Derby, by force and myght, 

And undir the colour of fals perjury, 
He toke this rightwys iiyng, Goddes trew knyght, 

And hym in prison put perpetuelly, 

Pyned to dethe, alas ! ful pj^uxly ; 
Holy bisshop Scrope, the blyssed confessour. 

In that quarel toke hys dethe ful padently, 
That alle the world spak of that gret langoure. 



Whos dethe ys a very trew evidence 

To alle Ingeland for the just title and lyne, 
Whiche for the trowthe by tyranny and violence 

Was put doune and suspect holde venyrsyne ; 

Many a trew lord then put to mortel fyne ; 
Alway they have ben aboute withe rigoure 

The lynaige of kyng Richard to undinnyne, 
That longe have lyved in gret langoure. 



* This poenH) "wliich appears to 1 maniucript in the Library of the 
hare been composed in 1462 or I Society of Antiquaries, No. 101^ 
1463, is preserved in a contemporary I foL98, z^. 



268 POLITICAL POKMS. 

God smote the said Henry, for hys gret fersnesse, 

With a lepre holdyng hym to hys ende fynally. 
Next hym Henry the fyfte, of knyghtly prowesse, 

Named the best of that lyne and progenyi 

How be it he regned unrightftilly, 
^it he upheld in Ingeland the honnonr; 

Henry hys sone of Wy[n]desore, by gret foly, 
Alle hathe retonmed unto huge langoure. 



Callyng to mynde the fals engendred treson 

-And myschyefz that were in hys dayes regnyng; 
The good due of Gloucestre, in the season 

Of the parlement at Buiy beyng, 

Was put to dethe ; and ay sithe gret momyng 
Hathe ben in Ingeland, with many a scharp schoure, 

Falshode, myschyef, secret synne upholdyng, 
Whiche hathe caused in Engeland endelez langoure. 

Noo mervail though Engeland hathe ben unhappy, 

Whiche hathe be mysrewled ^erys sertayne; 
Scripture saithe heritage holdyn wrongfully 

Schal never cheve ne with the thred heyre remayne. 

As hathe be verified late ful playne, 
Where as iij. kynges have, regned by erroure, 

The thred put ou^te, and the right brought agayne, 
Whos absence hathe caused endlez langoure. 



Also scripture saithe, woo be to that regyon 
Where ys a kyng unwyse or innocent; 

Moreovyr it ys right a gret abusion, 
A womman of a land to be a regent, 
Qwene Margrete I mene, that ever hathe ment 

To goveme alle Ehgeland with myght and poure, 
And to destroye the ryght lyne was here entent, 

Wherfore sche hathe a &1, to here gret langoure. 



A POLTTIOAL BETBOSPECI. 269 

And now Bche ne rought, so that ache myght attayne. 

Though alle Engeland were brought to confusyon, 
Sche and here wykked aifynit^ certayne 

Entende uttyrly to destroye thys regioun; 

For with theym ya but dethe and distruccioun, 
Bobberye and vengeaunce, with alle rygoar, 

Therfore alle that holde of that oppynioun, 
God sende hem a schort ende witli meche langour. 

it ys gretly agayne kynde and nature, 
An Englyshe man to corrumpe hys owne nacion, 

Will3mg straungiers for to reeure, 

And in Engeland to have the domynacioun, 
Wenyng thanne to be gret of reputacion ; 

For sothe they that soo hope, least schal be theyre 
pour; 
He that woold be high schal be undir subjecioun, 

And the fyrst that schal repente the langoure. 

Wherfore I lykken England to a gardayne, 

Whiche that hathe ben overgrowen many yere 
Withe wedys, whiche must be mowen doune playne. 

And than schul the pleasant swete herbes appere. 

Wherfore aUe trewe Englyshe peuple, pray yn fere 
For kyng Edward of Rouen, oure comfortoure. 

That he kepe justice and make wedis clere, 
Avoydyng the blak cloudys of langoure. 

A gret signe it ys that God lovythe that knyght, 
For alle thoo that woold have destroyed hym utterly, 

Alle they ar myschyeved and put to flyght. 
Than remembre hys fortune with chevalry 
Whiche at Northamptoun gate the victory, 

And at Mortimers Crosse he had the honnour; 
On Palme Sonday he wan the palme of glorye, 

And put hys enemyes to endelez langour. 



270 POUnCAL POKMSL 

And drave bys adyenary ou^t of the lande ; 

Aftyr cam to London and was cronned kyng. 
Ryght late God ^af bym grace to xindiistonde 

The &Is traytonrs agayne hym jrmagynynge. 
The prophede saithe^ there schal dere hym noo thinge, 

He it y 8 that schal wynne castelle, tonne, and tonre ; 

AUe lebeUyons nndyr he sdhal hem biynge, 
Willyng to hys highenesse any kngonre. 



Richard the erl of Warwyk, of knyghthode 

Lodesterre, borne of a stok that evyr schal be 
trewe, 

Havyng the name of prowes and manhoode, 
Hathe ay ben redy to helpe and resskewe 
Kyng Edward, in hys right hym to endewe; 

The commens therto have redy every houre ; 
The voyx of the peuple, the voix of Jhcsu, 

Who kepe and preserve hym from alle langoure. 

Now blyssed saint George, pray the vierge immaculat 
To be good mediatrix, praying her sonne 

Tliat Edward of Rouen may be victorienx and for- 
tunat. 
Withe alle the trew lordes of hys regioun, 
That they may se a good way and directioun 

To make peas in Engeland, that riche and pouer 
^^y joyfrilly ^y^^ ^t tlie conclusyon, 

Welcom everlastjmg joye, and farewal langoure. 



RECOVERY OF THE THRONE BY EDWARD IV. 271 



On the Recovery of the Throne by Edward IV.^ 

Bemembyr with reverens the Maker of maukynde. 
How myjty, how mercyfuUe, how glorius he is, 

Alle erthly creaturus in thayre reasonys byn blynde, 
Whan they compar with his power tiiay do alle 

amys. 
Agaynste his power no thynge impossible is ; 

Wherefore lett ns say in wele and in woo 

Good Lorde, evermore thy wille be doo. 

How mervelous to man, how dowtfulle to drede, 
How &r paste maonys resoun and mynde hath it 
bee, 
Tlie comyng of kjroge Edwarde, and his good spede, 
Owte of Dochelonde into Englonde over the salte see. 
In what parell and trowbiU, in what payne was 
heel 
Whan the salte water and tempest wrought hym 

gret woo; 
But in adversity and ever, Lorde, thy wille be doo. 

His kny^tehode, his power, his ordinance, his ry^te, 
Agajmst this trowblis tempest avaylid hym no 
thynge. 

What may manhode do agaynst Goddes my^te? 
The wynde, the water spareth nodyr priynce ne kyng. 
Haply that trowbill was for wickyd lyvyng; 

God wolde every creature his Maker shulde know. 

Wherefore, good Lorde, ever more thy wille be doo. 



• From MS. Beg. 17 D. xv. fol. 3^7, rT 



272 POLITIGAL P0E1I& 

Lorde, the unkyndnes was shewid to kynge Ed^ward 
that day ! 
At his londyng in Holdymes he had grett payne ; 
His subjectes and people wolde not hym obey, 
Off hym and his people thay had grett disdayne. 
There schewid hym unkyndnes, and answerid hym 
playne, 
As for kynge he sholde not londe there for wele ne woo ; 
Tett londid that gentill prynce, the will of God was soo. 

To Yorke this nobille prynoe and his pepuU did passe, 
Magr^ his enmyes, no man hym lett my^te ; 

At wiche cit^ trowbeKd the ryalle prynce was, 

Yett into the cit^ he enterid be Qoddes power and 

my^te; 
And whan the pepoU of his persone had a verrey sy^te, 

Thayre malioe was quenchid, were they never so woo. 

Wherefore, good Lorde, ever more thy wille be doo. 

That shortly to ride that nobill prynce was redy, 
By Pomfiiett castell he paste, his enmys not with- 
stondyng. 
Marques Mountigew of that passage was verrey hevy, 
Wyth the prynce he durste not mete, but ther lay 

the momyng ; 
His tresoun in his mynde before done was remiyng, 
Supposyng that kjmg Edwarde remembryd it also. 
Wherefore, good Lorde, ever more thy wille be doo. 

At Covyntrd that gentill piynce was trowblid mer- 
velously, 
Wyth the scourge of God thus betyn was hee. 

Mete, dryncke, and logynge his pepulle lackyd certaynly, 
Yett he pight his felde in placis thre. 
To fyght with Warwicke and all his meny. 

But he was afirayed, and his people also. 

In every thynge, Lord, thy wille be doo. 



BEOOVEBY OF THE THRONE BT EDWABD lY. 273 

glorius God, how thou haste ajsaigned 
Hertes disoeveryd to be stablisshyd ayene. 

In love of matremonye thou haate hem jojrayd, 

Eyng Edwarde and the duke of Clanmse gret 

honour to attayne. 
Thay were dysoeveryd by a sottell meane ; 

Nature hath compellid hem agayne togere go; 

Thus in every thyng, Lorde, thy wille be doo. 

At Warwicke the knot was knytt agayne, 

Unknowyng to many a man m this londe ; 
God sent his grace by a sovereyne meane, 
Yett the pepuUe ben blynde, they will not under- 

stonde. 
Stryve not with the peopull, ne the werkys of his 
honde, 
And thoncke hym hertely it plesith hym so to do ; 
And lett us say, *' Good Lorde, ever thy wille be doo/' 

Longe lay the kyng there, away wolde not hee, 
Dayly he prophered batayle, his enmys durst not 
fyghte; 
Lacke of logynge and vitayle, it was grett pet^, 
Causid the gentill prynce to remeve, suche was Goddes 

myjte. 
Lowe how the good Lorde his owne gentill kny^te, 
BecausQ he shulde remembir hym in wele and in woo. 
Thus in every thyng, Lorde, thy wille be doo. 

As the priynce passid to Londone, God shewid ryghte 

Secrett thyng to hym, tokyn of victory ; 
In presence of the same priynce, by Goddes powere 
and my^te, 
And ymage wiche was closid brake opyn sodenly. 
God sheid hym this comforte in the abbey of 
Deyntr^, 

VOL. II. s 



274 POLinOAL POEMS. 

Becaiise he shiQde be stidfast in wela and in woo; 
The ymage was of saynt© Anne, God wolde it shulde 
be BO. 

The gentill priynce and his pepnll to Londone did passe, 
Into the cit^ he enterid with a company of men trew. 

For the wiche his enmys cryed, "Owte and alas!" 
Thayre red colowrus chaungid to pale hewe. 
Than the nobill prynce began werkys new. 

He toke prisoners a kyng and a derke, loo, 

How the will of God in every thynge is doo. 

To Westmynster the kyng be water did glide, 
Worshypfiilly resayvid with processionn in flfeet, 

Ilesay vid with reverence, his dewt^ not denye ; 
The cardenall uppone his hede the crowne did sett, 
The septure in his honde, withowte intrumpcioun or 
lett 

Then to seynt Edwardes shryne the priynce did goo, 

Thus in every thyng the wille of God is doo. 

The kyng oomfortid the quene, and other ladyes eke ; 

His swete babis fiill tendurly he did kys; 
The yonge prijmoe he behelde, and in his armys did here. 

Thus his bale tumyd hym to blis; 

Aflur sorow joy, the course of the worlde is. 
The sitte of his babis relesid parte of his woo ; 
Thus the wiUe of God in eveiy thyng is doo. 

How sodenly that tyme he was compeUid to parte 
To the felde of Barnefc with his enmys to fyghte. 

God lett never prynce be so hevy in his herte 
As kynge Edwarde was all that hole ny^te. 
And aftur that shone a ster over his hede full 
bryjte, 

The syght of the wiche made his enmys woo ; 

It was a tokyn of victory, Goddis will was soo. 



BEOOVERT OF THE THBONE BY EDWARD IV. 276 

This piynoe it peroeyvid, and he let it passe and goo, 
That was to Ciyst his creature he did calle, 

To oure lady and to saynt George, and other seyntes 
moo ; 
Then sodenly uppone his knes the prynce did falle, 
Beseohyng the good Lorde and his seyntes aUe 

His ryght hym to sonde, and defende hym of his foo, 

And said ever, "Good Lorde, thy wille be doo," 

Thow knowyst my ry^te, Lorde, and other men also ; 
As it is my ry^te, Lorde, so thou me defende, 

And the quarell that is wronge it may be overthrow. 
And to ryght parte the victory thou sonde. 
And I promesse the, good Lorde, my lyffe to amende, 

I knolege me a synner wrappid in woo. 

And all said with one voyse, "Lorde, thy will be 
doo." 

His meditacioun thus made, his herte hevy, 
Yet his hede he up lyfte with a mery chore, 

And said, " Frendis, to this jomey it is tyme we hye ; 
" Latt us all call to Cryst and his seyntes in fere, 
" As he uppone a crosse boght us lyght dere. 

" I knolege me a synner wrappid in woo; 

" In this adversity evir, Lorde, thy wille be doo." 

" Avaunoe, baner,'' quod the kyng, " passe forthe anone, 

'* In the name of the Trinytd and oure Lady 

biyghte, 

" Seynt Edward, seynt Anne, and swete seynt Johan, 

" And in the name of seynt George, oure ladis 

" kny^te, 
" This day shew thy grett power and thy gret 
*' myjte, 
" And brynge thy trew subjectes owte of payne and 

" woo; 
" And as thy wille is, Lorde, thys jomey be doo/' 

s 2 



276 pouncAL poBifs. 

There was shotyng of gonnjrs and arows plente ; 
There waa ahowtyng and crying thai the erih did 
quake; 
There was hewyng of hames, pei^ was to see ; 
For fere of that firay many man did shake. 
There was tremelyng and tomyng tbayre woo did 
waka 
There was hewyng of hehnettes and salettes also ; 
Hit plesid God that seasonn it shulde be soo. 

There was jollyng, ther was rennyng for the sove> 
reynt^^ 

There was rorynge and rumbelynge, pettf to here ; 
Fajme was the waykyer away for to flee. 

That day many a stowte man was ded there; 

Warwicke and Mowntegew were slayne in fere, 
Ejiy^tes and gentihnen and other men moo. 
In all thynges, good Lorde, every thy wille be doo. 

There was rydynge and rennyng ; sum ciyed, " Wayle- 
« away 1 ** 

Unknowyng to many man who the better hadde. 
Sum sou^te thayre maysters, sum hit thaym that day. 

Sum ran here and tiiere like men that were madde ; 

Sum were ryght hevy and harde bestadde, 
Byght besy in thayre wittes away to goo. 
Alle was for the best, oure Lorde wold it shulde be so. 

Kynge Edward and his brothere, dowtyng no fere, 
Lordis and other gentilmen in the kynges ry^te, 
Stidfiistyly and worshypfiilly thayre parte did there, 
Manly and freshely that day did tiiay fy^te. 
To kynge Edwarde fiUe the victorye, throw Goddes 
my^te. 
Many one whan thay wist thay were ry^te woo. 
Hit bootid hem not to stiyve, the wille of God was 
soo. 



BEOOYEBY OF THE THBONB BY EDWABD IV. 277 

To London com the kyng whan the batell was doo, 
Levyng behjmde hym many a dede man; 

Sum hurte, Bum slayne, sum cryinge ^' Alas ! '' 
Gretter multitude than I con telle. 
Sum waloyng in blood, sum pale, sum wan. 

Sum sekyng thayre frendis in care and in woo. 

In every thynge. Lord, thy wiUe be doo. 



In Sothwerke, at Bambere heth, and Eyngston eke, 
The bastarde and Ids mean^ in the contr^ abowte, 

Many grett men in London they made seke, 
Man, wyff, ne childe there durst non rowte. 
Oxin, shepe, and vetayle, withowtyn any dowte, 

Thay stale away and carrid ever to and £roo. 

Qod suffirs modie thyng, his wille to be doa 



Moche sorow and shame the wrecchis thay wroughte, 
Fayre placis thay brend on the water side. 

Thayre myschevus dedis avaylid ham noughte, 
SchamfuUy thay wrougte, and so thaym betyd. 
Thay wolde not leve ther malice, but therin abyde, 

Thay cryed kynge Edward and Warwicke also. 

Thus the wille of God in every thynge is doo. 

At Londone brygge thay made asawte, sham to see, 
The utter gate on the brygge thay sett on fyre ; 
Into Londone shott arows withowte petd 

With gunnus thay were bett that sum lay in the 

myre. 
Thay askyd wage of the brygge, thay paid them 
thayre hire. 
Ever amonge thay had the worse, then wakynd thaire 

woo. 
False men most be poyneshyd, the will of God is soo. 



278 pounoAL poms. 

At Londone brige anodyr sawte thay made agayne, 
Wyth gimpowdir and wildefire and straw ^e ; 

Fro the gate to the drawbrygge thay brent down playne. 
That X. myle men my^te se the smeke. 
Thay were not of thayre entent the nere of a leke. 

For into the dt^ thay my^te not com for wele ne 
for woo; 

God restid thayre malice, the wille of hym was soo. 

At Algate thay sawtid in an ill seasoun; 

Thay brente fayre howsi8> petd was to se. 
Thus these false men did opyne tresoun, 

Supposynge evermore to enture into cit^. 

God and good seyntes thereof had pitA 
Thayre malice was sesid and turned hem to woo. 
Thus in every thynge, Lorde, thy will be doo. 

The erle of Esex, and also the aldurmen, 
At Bysshopus gate togedder thay mette, 

And owte therat sewde like manly men. 

Thay bete hem down, no man my^te hem lett; 
Freshely on thayre enmyes that day did thay fyjte. 

Thayre false treson broujte theym in woo; 

Thus in every thynge, Lorde, tiiy wille be doo. 

The erle Revers, that gentill kny^te, 

Blessid be the tym tiiat he borne was! 
By the power of God and his grett mytte, 

Throw his enmyes that day did he passe. 

The maryners were keUid, thay cryed "Alas!" 
Thayre false tresoun brou^te hem in woo, 
Thus in every thynge, Lorde, thy wiUe be doa 

There aventurid the erle then into the honde^ 

Contravelde the welefaire of London that day ; 
When the comens the skomfertour did understonde. 



BEOOYERY OF THE THBONE BT EDWABD IV. 279 

Thay seuyd owte freshly, thay kepud none araye ; 

Glad with the Kentyschmen thay were for to fraye: 
Thay were kyllid down, away thay my^te not goo. 
Thus the wille of God is evermore doo. 

God wolde the erle Revers there shulde be; 

He purchesid grett love of the comyns that seasoun ; 

Lovyngly the cetysens and hee 
Pursuyd thayre enmyes, it was but reason, 
And kyUid the peple for thayre false tresoun, 

Or the chase were do, cc. and moo. 

Thus in every thynge, Lorde, thy will be do. 

When the Kentyschmen herd of that fraye, 
Like maysterles men away thay wente, 

Erly in the momyng, or it were day, 

Throw halkys and hegges resortid into Kent. 
Thay vanysshyd away as thayre tayles had be brente, 

Remembrynge thayre fidse tresoun, in hertes woo. 

Thus in every thynge, Lorde, thy will be doo. 

O glorius God, what vexacioun was then 

To the quene and the lordis and other lades eke, 

To the mayre, and the comens^ and the aldurmen ; 
Thay nedid no fere ne sorow to seke. 
Then aftur kynge Edwarde thay cryed and did wepe ; 

The lacke of liis presence made the pepull woo. 

Thus the wille of God in every thynge is doo. 

O that nobill prynce and emperour flouere. 

To sitt at Londone resorte he than; 
Nothur Alisaunder ne Artur, ne no conquerouere 

No better were acompenyd with nobill men. 

Like none of the rounde tabuUe were beseyn, 
Ryally horsid and aparelde in the fere of thayre foo. 
Thus victoriusly he come, Goddes wille was soa 



280 POLITICAL POEHS. 

The duke of Qlooetter, that nobill prynce, 
Yonge of age and victorius in batayle, 

To the honoure of Ectour that he myjte oomens, 
Grace hym folowith, fortune, and good spede. 
I suppose hes the same that derkis of rede, 

Fortune hathe hym chosyn, and forthe wyth hym 
will goo. 

Her husbonde to be, the wille of God is soo. 



In the kynges forwarde the prynoe did ride, 

Withe nobill lordis of grefct renowne ; 
The erle of Penbroke, the lorde chamberlayne be his 
side; 

Many other kny^tes and yomen of the crowne ; 

With tru[m]ppus and clarions thay rode to Londone. 
In the kynges forwarde were viij. m^ and moo. 
Thus in every thynge the wille of God is doo. 



The lordo ehambirlayne, that gentill kny^te, 

Whiche failid his mayster nother in storme ne stoui^ ; 

Off goodly men he had a faire sy^te, 

Wiche rode afore the kynge to his honoure. 

He hathe deservid thancke amonge other paramour, 

In Dochelonde, in Englonde, in wele and in woo ; 

He hath beddyn with his kynge, the wille of God 
is soo. 



Then the glorius prynce, victorius and ryalle, 

Kynge Edwarde the iiij****, I wille ye undurstonde, 

Viij. aldermen of Londone, I wille ye undyrstonde, 
In the felde he dubbid tha3rm kny^tes, and bade 

them up stonde, 
Fulle nobille and worshypfuUy with his honde. 

Wyth reverence and worshyp thay thanckyd hym also ; 

He remembirde thayre trew hertes, God wolde soo. 



RECOVERY OF THE THRONE BY EDWARD IV. 281 

The duke of Claranse, that honorabill kny^te^ 

Can alowe the (AM notabully. 
Hym to beholde it was a goodly syjte, 

He is an excellent piynce oertaynly. 

He thonckyd the cetisence of thayre fidelity ^ 

Done to the kynge, it plesid hym soo. n< 

Thus in every thynge the wille of God is doo. 

Then to the gate the kynge did ride, 

His brethir and his lordis in ordre, a good si^te to see. 
iiij. ml hamessid men the kynge did abide, 

And worshypfuUy resayvid hym into the dtd. 

Cryste preserve the pepull, for his grett pet^! 
XX. m^ I suppose, and many one moo, 
Weksomyd kyng Edward, the will of God was soo. 

Throw the cit^ to Foulus thai did ride; 

He was resayvid with prosessioun solemply; 
His brether and his lordis knelyng hym beside, 

Thayre offeiyng thay made devoutly, 

Lovyng and thonckyng Qod of his victory. 
His brether and his lordis said the same also. 
Thus in every thynge, Lorde, thy wille be doo. 

O qiiene Elizabeth, o blessid creature, 

O glorius God, what payne had sche? 
What langowr and angwiche did sche endure? 

When hir lorde and sovereyn was in adversity. 

To here of hir wepyng it was grett pet^, 
When sche remembirde the kynge, sche was woo. 
Thus in every thynge the wiUe of God is doo. 

Here aftir, good lady, in youre felicity, 

Remembir olde trowblis and thynges paste. 
And thyncke that Cryste hym selfe is hee 

That is kynge of kynges, and ever shall laste. 

Knytt it in youre herte suerly and faste. 
And thyncke ho hathe delyveryd you owte of woo ; 
Hertly thoncke hym, hit plesith hym so to doo. 



282 



FOLmClL POEUB. 



And ever, good lady, fo!" the love of Jhesa, 
And his blessid modir in any wise, 

Remembir suche personus as have be trewe, 
Helpe every man to have justice. 
And thes that wille othir maner maters device, 

Thay love not the kynge, 1 dar say soo. 

Besechyng ever God that his wille be doa 

Explicit the baiet off the kynge. 



On England's CoMatEitciAL Policy.* 

AngUa, propter tuas naves et lanaa, oirniia regna te 
eahitare debererd. 

Goo forth, lybell, and mekly schew thy face 
Afore my lordes, with humble countenaimss, 
And pray thejmi all to take the to grace. 
In appoysaylle and in cheryschyng the to avaunce. 

Ffor thow mayst expertly be provyd by prudence, 
Among alle discrete men havyng sapyence, 
Ffor oone of the best that may be thought 
Ffor the welth of Ynglond, yf it be well sowthe. 

Ffor ther ys no reme in no maner degree, 
Butt they have nede to oure Englysshe commodyt^; 
And the cawse theroff I wylle to yow expresse, 
The wiche ys soth as the gospelle of the masse. 



> This poem was "wiitten to enforce 
the same principles as those con- 
tained in the larger tract of an 
earlier date, the Libel of English 
Policy, of which it is partly a sort 
of abstract adapted to the time. 



It is taken from a manuscript in the 
British Museum, MS. Lansdowne, 
No. 796, fbl. 2, v**, of about the 
reign of Edward TV., at which 
period it appears to ha^e been com- 
posed. 



ON ENGLAND'S COMUBRGIAL POLICT. S83 

Ther yg noothir pope, 6mperovnr6) nor kyng, 
Bysschop, cardyn&l, or any man levyng, 
Of what condicion or what maner degree, 
Duiyng theyre levyng thei must have thynges iij. 

Mete, drynk, and doth, to every mannes sustynaimoe, 

They leng alle i^., withowtt varyamioe» 

Ffor who so lackyth any of thyse iij. tiiynges, 

Be the popys or emperowrs^ or soo royall kynges, 

Yt may not stonde with theym in any prosperyt^; 
Ffor who so lackythe any of thyse, he snffryd 

adversyt^; 
Wilys this ys soth be yowre wyttes dysceme, 
Of alle the remes in the worlde this beryth the 

lanteme. 

Ffor of everyche of thyse iij. by Ooddes ordynaunoe, 
Wee have suffjrcyenly unto oure sustynaunce, 
And with the supplusage of oone of thyse iij. thynges, 
We mytgth rewle and goveme alle crystyn kyngea 

And paynymys also we my^the mak theym ful tame, 
Ffor the cause we take no hed we be mykylle to 

blame ; 
For of alle the pepylle that be lyvyng on grounde 
To praye and to please God we be most bownde. 

Ffor thow thei have met, diynke, in every kyngges 

londe, 
Yet they lacke clothe, as y und3n:Btonde ; 
And for to determyn that the trouthe jrs soe, 
Lestyn wel to me, and ye moste acord therto. 

Ffor the marchauntes comme oure wollys for to bye, 
Or elles the cloth that is made theroff sykyrly, 
Oute of dyverse londes fer byyond the see, 
To have thyse merchaundyss into theyr contr^ 



284 POLITICAL P0EBI8. 

Ffirom ArteyBe, Pekardy, Henaude, and Normandy, 
Bretayne, Fraunse, Petowe, and Barry, 
Qasscoyne, Gyon, and also Aragun, 
Portyngale, Spayne, and Naverun, 

Castyle, Cesyle, Coleyn, and Swethyn, 
Pruse-londe, Florence, Venyse, and Jene, 
Mekne, Catelony, and alle Ttally, 
Bewme, Hungry, Qreke, and gret Turky. 

And many moo londes that I can not nevene. 
But y dar sey alle that be unther hevyne, 
Bothe crystyn [and] hethyn of alle maner degreys. 
They have nede to oure Englysshe commodyteis. 

Therfor let not owre woole be sold for now^te, 
Neyther oure clothe, for they must be sowth ; 
And in especyaUe restrayne strayttly the wool, 
That the comyns of thys land may wyrke at the 
fuUe. 

And yf any wooll be sowlde of thys londe, 
Lete yt be of the worst bothe to ffre and bonde. 
And noone other in [no] maner wyse, 
Ffor many dyverse cawsys, as y can devyse. 

Yf the woole be corse, the doth is mykyll the worse. 
Yet into lytyUe thei putt owtc of purse. 
As myche for gardyng, spynnyng, and wevyng, 
Ffullyng, rowyng, dyyng, and scherjmg. 

And yet when suche clothe ys aUe ywrowte, 

To the maker it waylyth lytylle or now^tte, 

The pryce ys sympylle, the cost ys never the lesse, 

They that wyrkkyd soche wooll in wytte be lyke an 



ON England's oommbrcul pouct. 285 

The oostes into lytyll trewly at the fiille 
Ys as myche as yt were maad of the fyne woll, 
Yet a ^erde of that oon ys worth v. of that other ; 
Bettyr can not I seye, thow yt were to my brother. 

Take hed to my leasoun that y have schewyd here, 
Ffor yt ys necessary to every dothyer, 
And the most prevayle to theym that may be fownde, 
Yf they wylle take hede therto and yt undyrstonde. 

A ordynaunee wolde be maad for the poore porayle, 
That in thyse dayes have but lytyll avayle, 
That is to sey for spynners, carders, wevers also, 
Ffor toukers, dyers, and schermyn thereto. 

For in thyse dayes ther is a hewsaunce, 

That puttyth the pore pepylle to grett hynderaunce, 

By a strange mene that is late in londe 

Bygun and usyd as y undyrstonde 

By merchaundes and cloth-makers, for Qodys sake 

take kepe, 
The wyche makythe the poreylle to mome and wepe ; 
Lytyll thei take for theyre labur, yet halff ys mer- 

chaundyse ; 
AJas ! for rewthe, yt ys gret pyt& 

That they take for vj^, yt ys dere ynow of iij., 
And thus thei be defrawdyd in every contr^, 
The pore have the labur, the ryche the wyimyng ; 
This acordythe now^te, it is a hevy partyng. 

Butt to voyde fraude, and sett egaUytd, 
That syche wjrrfolk be payd in good mon^, 
Ffrom this tyme forthe by suffycyent ordynaunee 
That the poreylle no more be putte to suche gre- 
vaunce. 



286 POLITICAL POKMa 

For and ye knew the aorow and hevyneas 

Of the pore pepyll levyng in dysfcreBS, 

How ibei be oppresayd in alle maner of thyng, 

T^ y^vyng theyxn to myehe weythe into the spynnyng. 

Ffor ix}^ I wene they achalle take zij.. 
This ifl very trewthe, as y know my selff ; 
Theyre wages be batyd, theyre weyte ys emsresyd^ 
Thus the spynneiB and carders araylys be alle seasyd. 

Yt were profytabyl also and exspedyent for oure 

kyng, 
And a gret awawntage of myche wynnyng, 
And a gret enscherychyng to alle the comynalt^,- 
That dwelle abowte ther that the mynys be, 

The wyche have hyt in usage 
To myne in the ertbe to gete theyre sostynaunoe, 
Ther myght be had x. tymys more wynnyng 
Than ys now adayees with good govemyng. 

For and ther were a myntte ordeynyd ny therby, 
And a ordynaiinoe maad therto sykyrly. 
That alle the sylver, whan yt fynyd were, 
Thether schold be bro^tthe and yconyd there. 

And mony to be caryyd into another place, 
But oonly to be coynyd in a schort space, 
Wherby that the wyrkfolk myghte trewly be payd, 
Then I dar sey yt wold not be denayyd, 

But ayenst oon man then schnld ye have z., 
For the good payment of the wyrkmen ; 
And the moe peopyU that wyrk in the mynys, 
The more sylver schuld be had up at aUe tymys. 



ON englakd's gommebgial policy. 287 

And thus the kyng sdbold be enrychyd for his parte. 
More than he is now, I dare play[n]ly joparte, 
After the rate of theyre gret wynnyng, 
The wiche schold be to hjnn a profytable thyng. 

And thus this lond may be enrychyd ageyne, 
The kyng, the lordes, and alle maner of men, 
Knyghtis, squyers, and alle the comynalt^, 
They may playnly voyd alle poverty. 

And so to contynow owtt of hevyness. 
Fro penowiy and nede, and to be put owt of dystress ; 
And for to cawse owre enmyss be this ordynaunss 
To seke love and pese withowtt varyaunss. 

And fiulle fayne that they may be subyet to this lond, 
Tf we kepe the woollys straytly owt of theyre bond ; 
For by the endraperyng theroff they have theyre 

sustynaunce, 
And thus owre enmys be supportyd to owre gret 

hynderaunce. 

And therfor, for the love of God in trinyt^, 
Conceyve welle these matorss, and scherysshe the 

comynalt^, 
That theyre pover levyng synfulle and adversyt^ 
May be altratyd unto welth, rychess, and prosperyt^. 

Here endythe the boke of Tnglysshe polysye, 
That may cause alle the worlde yt to obeye ; 
Ther may no man denye but that it ys sothe, 
For every man must have met, drynk, and clothe. 



THE END. 



GLOSSARY AND INDEX OF MEDIEVAL LATIN 

WORDS. 



VOL. ir. 



GLOSSARY AND INDEX OF MEDIEVAL LATIN WORDS. 



A. 

accidia^ i. 175 ; sloth, listless melan- 
choly. 

acroma, i. 118, for ocroafMi ; a 
concert of muslo. 

adamas, i. 286 ; the diamond* 

adunare, i. 259 ; to unite, to bring 
together in one. 

affugere, i, 37 ] to fly from, to es- 
cape. 

aldirmannus, L 284 ; an alderman. 

alle, i. 33. 

alpha theos, i. 120. 

ambassiator, i. 441 ; an ambassador. 

amodo, i. 104 ; henceforth. 

ancillare, i. 227 \ to bring into 
subjection. 

anigerulus, i. 285 ; an error for 
avigerulus ; a dealer in birds. 

antos, i, 43. 

applaudare, ii. 265 ; to applaud. 

arcta, ii. 157 ; the straits, between 
Dover and Calais. 

arestasio, i. 143 ; an arrest. 

argumentare, i. 260 ; to argue, to 
dispute. 

armiger, i. 138 ; an esquire. 

ars, i. 284, 287, &c. ; a trade, a 
trading corporation. 



artifex, i. 287 i an artican, a mem- 
ber of a guild or company. 

apothecarius, i. 284 , a dealer in 
drugs, an apothecary. 

applicare, i. 160 ; to apply one thing 
to another. 

assissB, i. 194 ; the assizes. 



B. 

baga, i. 185 ; a ring, a jewel. 

balearea, ii. 150; shots from an 
arbalest or military machine. 

balearis, ii. 150 ; an arbalest, or 
other military machine for throw- 
ing missiles. 

balliyus, i. 141 ; a baiLif. 

bannire, i. 135 ; to banish, to pui 
under ban. 

bannitio, i. 136 ; ban, banishment. 

bare, i. 110, 196, ii. 3 s a baron. 

barra, i. 294 ; a bar. 

barridus, i. 176, 177, 194, 196; 
strong, powerful, proud. 

barrus, L 196 ; an elephant. 

bastardus, i. 108 ; a bastard. 

bipartitus, i. 287 ; party-coloured. 

bladum, i. 176 ; wheat, hU. 
T 2 



292 



OLOSSART AND INDEX 



bombinare, i. 183, 184 ; crepitum 
edere, 

bombus, i. 184 ; crepitus ventris. 

bracus, i. 44 ; a sort of locust which 
devours the vegetation. 

bubo, i. 194 ; a camp-follower, a 
scamp. 

bumbardus, ii. 150 ; a gun, a can- 
non. 

burgensis, i. 166 ; a burgher, a 
burgess. 

bursista^ i. 285 ; a maker of purses. 



caballus, i. 288 ; a horse, chevaL 
calamizare, i. 192, 193 ; to sing joj- 

foUy. 
calippus, i. 27. 

camerarius, i. 461 ; a chamberlain, 
cancellarius, i. 228 ; a chancellor, 
candelarius, i. 285 ; a maker of 

candles, 
cantarea^ ii. 263 ; a chantry, 
capellare, i. 227 ; to put a hat on. 
capi talis, i. 120 ; put to death, 
capito, i. 194 ; a fish, the gurnard, 
capitulum, i. 257 ; a chapter or 

meeting of the monks, 
capucium, i. 243 ; a capuce. 
carbunculus, i. 286 ; a carbuncle, 

the precious stone, 
catalla. i. 418 ; chattels, 
caudare, ii. 128 ; to give a tail to. 
cerarius. i. 285 ; a maker of wax 

tapers, 
certificare, i. 105 ; to certify, to 

give information of. 
cervicatus, ii. 119; proud, over- 
bearing. 



ceses, i. 117. 

chekmat, i. 29; a term in ihe 
game of chess — checkmate. 

chronica, i. 362 ; a chronicle. This 
was the most common form of the 
word in medieval Latin. 

cirothecarius, i. 285 ; a glover. 

cissura, i. 205 ; for scissura. 

cistula, L 293 ; a musical instru- 
ment. 

clepere, i. 203 ; to steal. 

cleptes, i. 201 ; a thief, a bandit. 

dimat, i. 29 ; apparently a term in 
chess. 

clunagitare, i. 159, 160, 171 ; futuere. 

coir, i. 28. 

coliberti, i. 95^ 121 ; the free com- 
panions, or freebooters, who, 
under Duguesdin and other chiefs, 
ravaged the provinces of France. 
It is «n unusual sense of the 
word. 

collistrigium, 1. 230 ; the pillory. 

comes, passim ; an earl. 

comitissa, i. 461 ; a countess. 

compotus, i. 33 ; an account, reck- 
oning. 

conjectuari, i. 124 ; to conjecture, to 
divine. 

consi, ii. 253 ; perhaps for conseii, 
but the line appears to be corrupt. 

conventiculum, i. 299 ; a conven- 
ticle, an assembly in secret. 

counare, i. 29 ; to collect, to amass. 

crustum, i. 190 ; a crust of bread. 

cuUus, i. 176, for cuius. 

curtus, i. 201, ii. 127; short. 

cy, i. 36. 



OF MlSpiEVAL LATIN WOBPS. 



293 



D. 

damus, ii. 258 ; for datna^ 
deztrariasy i. 236, 288 ; a war-horse, 

destrier, 
distractus, i. 134; drawn ; disiractus 

et suspensus, drawn and hanged, 
ducissa, i. 460 ; a duchess, 
duellum, i. 1 1 1 ; a single combat 
duplare, i. 282 ; to double, 
dux, passim ; a duke. 



E. 

ethelinga, i. 98 ; a prince, 
ezactivus, i. 39 ; exigent, one who 

exacts, 
excillare, i. 169, 171; manere cum 

uxore propria. 



fallare, ii. 250 ; to deceive. 

fatare, i. 36; to be fated. 

fayissor, i. 195 ; a favourer or main- 
tainor. 

feodum, i. 31 ; homage. 

feriare, i. 9S\ apparently fovferire, 
to strike. 

finis, i. 188 ; a fine. 

firet, i. 29 ; apparently a term in 
the game of chess. 

fortunium, i. 30 ; fortune ; fortunia 
durUy misfortunes. 

furire, L 118 ; to be mad with rage. 



G. 



garcio, i. 227 ; a lad, a camp-fol- 
lower ? 

gardianus, i. 257 ; the guardian. 

gaudiosus, i. 192, 212 ; full of joy. 

generosus, i. 125 ; vir generosus, a 
gentleman, an esquire. 

genulos, i. 120. 

girfalco, i. 45 ; a large species of 
falcon, a gerfalcon. 

gith, i. 101; a plant, the corn- 
cockle. 

glabrlo, i. 173, 174 ; a beardless 
man. 

glomerare, i. 285 ; to assemble in a 
cluster round anything. 

gluto, i. 116, 118 ; a glutton, a loose 
fellow, a ribald. 

gi'iseus, i. 256; grey. 

guerrhf passim; war. 



hogg6> !• S^ ; a sort of ship, perhaps 
the same word as the modem hoy. 



I. 

igris, i. 33. 

immo, i. 99, &c. ; the usual medie- 
val form of imo. 

impetuensis, i. 204, 205; impetu- 
ous. 

improperare, i. 177; to reproach, to 
abuse. 



294 



GL0B8ABT AND IKSSX 



improperiimiy i. 177 ; reproach, 

ftbaee, insnlt. 
ingratuitas, i. 230 ; ingratitode. 
ingredienSy ii. 173 ; an ingredient 

(in medicine). 
insaljicibiliSy iL 166 ; insabtniflaiTe, 

nngoremable. 
intrttsor, 1. 114 ; a UBUper. 



jooariy i. 444 ; to r^joicO) to be glad 

and joyful. 
jnbiluB, i. 40, 263 ; a joyful shout 
junctor, i. 285 ; a joiner (the trade), 
justitia, i. 172 s a just claim, or 

right 



K. 

koghe, i. 35 ; a sort of ship, usually 
interpreted a cock*boat. 



laboritium, L 259 ; properly, agri- 
cultural labour. 

lapides, L 160 ; testiculi. 

latrones, i. 116; the free compa- 
nies. 

ligures, [i. 116 ; ribalds, camp-fol- 
lowers, plunderers. 

lista^ i. 192 ; the border or lis^ in 
cloth. 



liTaret, L 29; apparently an old 
term in the game of chess. 

lorinarius, L 285 ; more correctly 
larmarimif a maker of horses' 
bits. 



magistrari, L 258 ; to take the de- 
gree of master of arts. 

maleys, L 27 ; an Anglo-^Nonnan 
word, signifying uncomfortable. 

maligni, L 436 ; the nudignants, a 
term applied to the court party in 
the reign of Bichard II. It 
reminds us of the term as used by 
the puritans at a later period. 

mannus, i. 169 ; a horse, a palfrey. 

marcha, i. 156 ; a mark (the coin). 

marescalluB, i. 106 ; a marshal. 

mediola, i. 247. 

megarus, L 194 ; a mackareL 

memoramen, ii. 129 ; a memorial, a 
record. 

mendicantes, i. 255 ; the mendicant 
friars. 

metrista, ii. 150 ; a versifier. 

millus, i. 194, 196 ; for mullus, a 
mullet (the fish). 

minores, i. 256 ; the minorites, or 
friars minors. 

ministrallus, i. 143 ; a minstrel. 

miserea, iL 114 ; a misery. 

missa, i. 114; the senrice of the 
mass. 

monacordium, i. 293 ; a musical in- 
strument with one istring, more 
usually written monoehordum. 

monacomus, i. 294; a unicorn. 

mortificare, L 95 ; to kill. 

moms, i. 194 s a haddock (the fish). 



OF MEDIEyAL LATIN WOBDB. 



296 



mojs, i. 180) 182; water. 
miUtarey i. 184 ; for mulctare, 
malto, i. 126, 162, ha. ; a eheep, 
mouton. 



N. 

nablum^ i. 293 ; a masical instra* 
ment. 

nobile, i. 139, ii. 159 ; a noble, the 
name of a coin struck first in the 
18th Ed. m. 

notus, i. 94 ; for nothusy a bastard. 

novalia, i. 236 ; some sort of tax 
exacted by the church. 

novercare, iL 265 ; to play the step- 
mother, to treat with cruelty. 



obstringillis, i. 176, 177 ; it appears 
by the context to mean obstructed, 
but according to Ducange obstriu' 
gilli was a word signifying a sort 
of loose shoes. 

opponere, i. 124 ; to subscribe. 

otiva^ i. 226. 



P. 

palafridusy L 169, palefiidus, i. 289; 
a palirey. 

pancratiatus, i. 161 ; punished, tor- 
mented. 

pandoxator, i. 285 ; a brewer. 

pares, i. 57 ; the peers. 

pellicia, i. 256; a Air cloaiky or 
mantle. 



penn% i. 346 ; a pen. 

phy, i. 27 ; an exclamation of dis- 
gust. 

pilatus, i. 260 ; wearing a hat, the 
mark of an academic degree. 

pir, i. 180, 182 ; fire. 

pirata, i. 194 ; a robber on the sea. 

pirgus, i. 28 ; a way, a road. 

pisticus, i. 30 ; pure, unadulterated. 

plagare, L 109 ; to wound. 

pomilio, i. 285 ; a fruiterer. 

pos cy pes cy, i. 86. 

possessionatus, L 2^5 ; endowed, 
having possessions. 

pour est ny, L 36. 

prominentia, ii. 115 ; prerogative 
or privilege. 

prffitendere, i. 124; to assert, to 
declare. 

propiare, i. 288 ; to approach. 

propriare, ii. 268 ; to appropriate. 

provisores, i. 280 ; prorisioners ? 

pugnalea, i. 56. 



Q. 

quietare, i. 124 ; to satisfy, 
quietatio, i. 150 ; inactivity. 



R 

rate, i. 43, 162 ; a rat 

recepta, ii. 173 ; a receipt. 

rectores, 1.250; ecclesiastical dig- 
nitaries. 

reserare, i. 125, 126 ; to interpret, 
reveal 

reseratio, i 127 ; an interpreta- 
tion. 



296 



iSJOBSASY AH1> VSDEX 



ro0iiiii,L 118; for roMUM, red. 
mmbiUy L 194 ; a kind of fish, the 

stmg^eon. 
mmi^iea^ L 37, 39 ; » jaTelin, a 

djHTt 



& 

saligia^ L 173 ; a fictitiooB word, 

explained in the text, 
seacci, L 46 ; the game of chess, 
acamumi, L 183, 186; for — 



seortnniy u 140 ; in seorHsy in for- 
nication ; scorta^ fornication. 

flcntifer, L 138 ; a knjght. 

scntom, L 137, 139 ; a coin, called 
in English a noble, in French an 
ieu. 

eecU, L 285 ; a soit, uniformity of 
dres% livery. 

seduus, L 183, 185 ; one who lisps, 
and cannot pronounce the letter s 
properly. 

senescallas, L 106 ; a seneschal^ or 
steward. 

seen, i. 29. 

shopa^ L 254 ; a shop. 

siba, i. 48. 

singlaris, i. 28, 33 ; a wUd boar, 
sanglier. 

sitola, L 293 ; a musical Instrmnent. 

sotilaris, i. 233 ; a shoe. 

spata^ i. 119 ; a sword, epee. 

statutum, i. 273 ; a statute. 

staurum, i. 30, 47, 137, &c. ; pro- 
visions of all kind, stores. 

strata, 1. 288 ; a street. 

strepaiius, i. 285; a maker of 
stirrups. 



snbarratQs, L 102 ; ei^;aged» bound 
by duty? 

sonmiare, L 117 ; to count, reAatu 

mifragi^ L 257; soffivgies, ex- 
plained in the taxi. 

supponere, L 126 ; to be pot in tiie 
place of somediing^ to re|H:^&- 
senL 

supponere, L 171, 172; to sop- 
port. 

supponere, u 248 ; to suppose, 
supponere, L 160 ; futuere. 



tantomodo, i. 259; to such a de- 
gree. 

taxa^ L 143 ; a tax. 

taxare, i. 143 ; to levy a tax. 

temerare, i. 27 ; to occupy by vio- 
lence, to usurp* 

temptare, i. 132 ; the medieval form 
of tentarej to attempt 

tenementum, i. 191 ; landed pro- 
perty. 

terminare, L 140 ; to decide. 

terminus, i. 125, 127; a term, or 
appellation. 

tiro, tyro, i. 110, 115 ; a youth not 
yet experienced in military affiurs. 

tractatus, i. 450 ; treated. 

tractatus, ii. 129 ; a treaty. 

treuga^ i. 37, 39 ; et passim; used 
generally in the plural, treug^^; 
a truce. 

triphones, i. 48. 

truUa^ i. 184 ; crepitus ventris. 

turmosus, i. 174 ; belonging to the 
mob, or to the lower classes. 



OF MEDIEVAL LATIN WORDa 



297 



U. 

imusy passim; used for the in- 
definite article a, Ft. un* 



V. 

yendicare, ii. 265 ; to claim ; vendi" 
care sidiy i. 133. 

venerinuSy i. 102 ; adulterine ; 
frtUres veneriniy illegitimate 
brothers. 

vespilio, L 194 ; a thief, a robber. 

veteratus, i. 206 ; antiquated. 

vicarii, i. 280 ; vicars, in the eccle- 
siastical sense of the word. 

viella, i. 293 ; a fiddle, a violin. 



villagium, i. 244 ; a village, 
villanus, i. 140 ; a villain, a rustic, 
vinceps, ii. 150. 



ymas, i. 44. 

ymon, i. 228. 

ypotarus, L 194 ; a kind of fish ; 
perhaps for ypotamus^ which is 
found in the medieval glossaries 
in the sense of a sea-horse. 



Z. 

zelotopatus, i. 204 ; struck with 
jealousy. 



GLOSSARY AND INDEX OF OBSOLETE 
ENGLISH WORDS. 



w^ww^ m MWMMW»^»w<»<»MW^ 



GLOSSARY AND INDEX OF OBSOLETE ENGLISH WORDS. 



[As the letters t and y are so contmnally interchanged in English words of the fourteenth 
and fifteenth centaries, it has been thought better to class them together in the 
following Glossary, except in particular cases where y only is correct, and where it 
commences a word. Q and y are also classed together.] 






a, ii. 43 ; on ; leyen hem a watery put 
them on water, or, as we should 
say, to sea, t.e., overthrow them. 

a, i. 70 ; at, a halfeb, at half ebb. 

abate, i. 76 ; to reduce, put down. 

abateth, i. 408 ; lowers, diminishes* 

abated, ii. 14 ; diminished. 

abeere, ii. 229 ; to their bier. 

abide, ii. 281 ; to wait for. 

abyde, ii. 191 ; to endure, to suffer. 

abidyng, ii. 245 ; dwelling place. 

abit, ii. 12 ; remains, endures. 

abite, ii. 67 ; a habit. 

aby, ii. 244 ; to be punished for, to 
pay for. 

a-cale, i. 305 ; cold. 

achieved, ii. 5, 7 ; obtained, suc- 
ceeded. 

acombrede, i. 38, 415, 416 ; en- 
cumbered, confused. 

acountid, i. 399 ; reckoned, put to 
account. 

acresith, ii. 105 ; increaseth. 

acustomaunce, ii. 242 ; habit, cus- 
tom. 



adoune, i. 378^ ; down. 

adrad, ii. 6 ; in fear, in alamu 

afefe, ii. 51 ; to enfeof, to give in 
feof. 

afferme, ii. 6 ; to strengthen, to con- 
solidate. 

afibrse, i. 413 ; by force, by neces- 
sity. 

affray e, ii. 181 ; fright, alarm. 

afore, ii. 241 ; before. 

afraie, i. 329 ; to frighteo. 

agadred, i. 344 ; assembled. 

against, i. 318 ; contrary to. 

a^enward, ii. 66 ; back. 

agilte, i. 343 ; to offend against 

agoo, i. 404 ; gone. 

agramed, i. 313 ; angered, displeased. 

agrise, i. 314, 329 ; to be terrified. 

aie, i. 330 ; an egg, 

aielle, ii. 138 ; an ancestor. 

ailed, i. 85 ; perhaps used in the 
sense of diseased. * Ailed unsele, 
in a bad or unfortunate condition 
of healtL 

aken, ii. 11 ; ache. 

alblast, i. 69 ; an arbalest, or cross- 
bow. 



302 



GLOaaABT AND INDKX 



alee, i. 416; to the lee-ward. 

algate, ii. 11 ; nevertheleeB. 

alie, L 392 ; an ally. 

aller, ii. 66 ; of all, plural. 

alls, i. 60 ; also. 

almesse, i. 819 ; alms. 

alowe, ii. 281 ; to approve. 

als,/NiMtm; as. 

als, i. 337 ; also. 

also, jpo^nm; as. 

alsone, i. 251 ; as soon as, 

altratyd, ii. 287 ; altered. 

alumners, iL 110 ; disciples. 

alweldand, i. 75 ; all ruling. 

amarride, i. 369 ; macred. 

ambassiatours, ii. 202 ; ambassadors. 

amenusith, ii. 105 ; diminishes. 

amorwe, i. 414 ; on the next day. 

amoonteth, ii. 91 ; is, what it 
amoonteth to. 

an, ii. 124 ; on ; an Ay, on high, 

ancres, ii. 64 ; anachorites. 

viSiQ^ passim ; one. 

anet, ii. 50 ; dill (the plant) 

anewe, i. 392 ; to renew, to make 
new. 

angerliche, i. 323 ; in anger. 

anhaunse, ii. 239 ; be raised up. 

annuels, i. 267 ; payment for saying 
anniversary masses for the dead. 

annuellers, i. 80, 95 ; priests em- 
ployed to sing anniversary masses 
for the dead. 

apaid,ii.23; apaiedy ii, 31; satisfied. 

aparte, i. 316 ; openly. 

apechyng, ii.*46; impeaching, ac- 
cusing. 

apeire, i. 372, 384 ; to impair. 

apend, i. 323 ; belong. 

aperid, i. 377 ; decayed, failed. 

apertli, ii. 68 ; openly. 



apis, ii. 76 ; i^*b. 

aplace, ii. 5 ; into place; U come 
apUteey has taken the place of 
heathenism. 

appoysaylle, iL 282 ; inquiry, ques- 
tion. 

appreffe, ii. 167 ; contrivance. 

apprisist, ii. 113 ; settest value on. 

araie, i. 326 ; array, dress. 

are, i. 78 ; formerly, ere. 

are, ii. 186 ; the hare. 

areche, i. 412 ; to reach, to attain* 

archebere, ii. 183 ; an archpirate. 

aredy, i. 387 ; ready. 

arere, i. 397 ; back. 

aresoneth, ii. 40 ; argues against. 

arith, i. 397 ; aright. 

arouutid, i. 403 ; driven away ? 

arowe, ii. 146 ; on a row. 

arseworde, ii. 64 ; backwards. 

astate, ii. 137 ; estate, 

aschen, ii. 172 ; ashes. 

aschonne, i. 390 ; to avoid. 

ascry, i, 67 ; to proclaim or cry, to 
report. 

askapid, IL 156 ; escaped, 

aspie, ii. 58 ; a spy, a scout. 

assaute, ii. 195 ; assault. 

assay, ii. 196 ; trial, proof; ofbeste 
assa^y of the best description ; at 
assay y i. 215, when brought to 
trial ; of gode assayeSy ii. 186, 
proved to be good. 

asseye, ii. 41 ; inquire. 

assised, ii. 11 ; judged, regulated. 

assoille, ii. 131 ; absolve, pardon ; 
assoiled, ii. 32 ; absolved. 

assoiled, ii. 38, 113; answered or 
solved a question. 

astonye, ii. 51 ; to astonish, to con- 
found. 



OP OBSOLETB ENGLISH WOBDS. 



SOS 



astonjed, i. 380 ; astounded, stunned, 
confounded. 

fttamed, i. 392 ; tamed, diseipUned« 

Atasten, ii. 90 ; to taste, 

ataunt, ii. 171 } so much. 

atcheved, ii. 5, 7 ; succeeded. 

ate, ii. 6 s at the. 

atempre, ii. 139 ; temperate. 

atrete, i. 217 ; distinctly, positively. 

attemperance, atemperaunce, ii. 143, 
241 ; moderation. 

atwen, ii. 213 ; between. 

auters, ii. 42 j altars. 

autorise, ii. 80 ; to allege authority 
for. 

ayaile, ii. 140; to descend, to go 
down. 

ayayle, ii. 286 ; advantage, profit ; 
avaylysy 286 ; profits. 

availed, ii. j profited, with advan- 
tage. 

avant, ii. 124 ; forward. 

avaunt, ii. 156 ; a boast. 

avys, avyse, i. 277, ii. 190 ; advice, 
council, deliberation, 

avysemente, ii. 187 ; counsel, deli- 
beration. 

avisifenesse, ii. 200 ; good counsel. 

avisy, ii. 137 ; advised, cautious. 

avow, ii. 1 1 ; to vow, to take a vow. 

avowries, ii. 85 ; patrons, protec- 
tors. 

avutrie, ii. 247 ; adultery. 

awgrym, L 414 ; arithmetic. 

awmeneer, ii. 220 ; an almoner. 

awne, i. 331 ; own. 

axe, i. 381 ; to ask. 

axist, ii. 69 ; thou askest. 

ay, i. 267 ; always. 

ayensty i. 325 ; against. 



B. 

bable, ii. 244 ; to talk childishly, 
bablid, i. 395, 415 ; chattered. 
ba%ng, ii. 53 ; barking, 
baighteth, i. 323 ; baited, 
bakke, ii. 216, 218 ; a bat. 
baldely, i. 71 j boldly, 
bale, i. 58, 74, 75 ; evil, mischief, 

sorrow ; to brewe hale^ to breed 

mischief, 
baleys, ii. 176 ; a rod, 
baUid, i.415; bald, 
ban, i. 83, ii. 244 ; curse, 
band, i. 72, 73 ; a bond, 
bar, i. 216 ; bore, 
baratur, ii. 236 ; a contentious 

person, 
bare, i. 74, 77 j a boar, 
bargenyng, ii, 77 ; contending, 
baselarde, L 331 ; a long dagger, 
basonet, ii, 125 ; a bassenet, or light 

helmet, 
bastarde, ii. 160; a sort of wii^e 

brought from Spain, mentioned 

not unfrequently in old writers, 
batail, i. 82 ; an army, 
batailed, ii. 9 ; warred upon, 
bated, i. 389 ; fluttered, 
baterid, i. 388 ; battered, 
batyd, ii. 286 ; abated, diminished, 
battis, i. 409 ; bats, cudgels, 
baudrike, i. 331 ] the sword-belt, 
bawtid, i. 380 } abated? 
bay, ii. 90 ; brynge you HI a bayy 

bring you to bay (as in hunting), 
bayed, i. 404 ; barked, 
beawper^s, ii. 229 ; companions, 
beddyn, ii. 280 ; remained, 
bede, ii. 103 ; m prsjer. 



304 



QLOSSART AND IKDEX 



bede, L 62 ; to proffer. 

bede, L 71 ; to abide. 

bedredy ii. 22 ; bed-ridden. 

been, ii. 17 ; to be. 

beelsire, ii. 229 ; literally, fair lord. 

beerja, IL 219 ; bears. 

behest, ii. 5 ; promise ; behestea, 
ii. 145 ; promises. 

bebote, i. 416 ; promised. 

beboten, iL 33 ; they promise. 

behoveli, ii. 12 ; necessary. 

beytis, ii. 219 ; baits. 

bdd, i. 75 ; protection, refuge. 

belde, L 379 ; to protect, to bring 
help. 

beldid, ii. 77 ; built. 

beleft, i. 381 ; left behind. 

belyffe, ii. 207 ; immediately. 

ben, i. 218 ; be. 

bende, i. 275 ; a band. 

bendes, i. 319 ; bonds. 

bene, ii. 179 ; we are. 

benyme, i. 372 ; to take from. 

benysonn, iL 113 ; a blessing. 

benome, ii. 159 ; taken away. 

bent, ii. 127 ; a field, a plain. 

bent, iL 125 ; indented. 

beo, L 216 ; by. 

beo, L 215 ; they are. 

beoth, L 218 ; are. 

berde, L 69 ; keped hym in the berde, 
a phrase which perhaps signifies 
to keep within bounds. The 
Promptorium has the word berde 
in the sense of margin or brink. 

here, i. 73 ; a bier. 

bere-bag, i. 62, 84 ; a bag carrier. 
An injurious word, applied to the 
Scots, who carried their provi- 
sions, consisting of oatmeal, iu 
bags on their backsw 



berefle, iL 179 ; taken from, 
bereved, L 387 ; depriyed oL 
bereward, L 864 ; a bear^ward, or 

keeper of a bear, 
berkyne, iL 169 ; beer, ale. 
berkyng, iL 216 ; barking, 
berlingis, L 396 ; young bears, 
heme, L 373 ; man. 
beside^ ii. 19 ; aside, 
besinesse, ii. 203 ; activity, earnest- 
ness ; with besinesse, busily, 
beste, L 371 ; beast, Le^ my cattle, 
bestad, ii. 6 ; arranged, 
bete, ii. 125 ; to strike, 
bete, i. 62 ; to amend or relieve ; 

bete their bale, to bring them 

relief from misfortune, 
bete, i. 62 ; to walk up and down ; 

bete ham, iL 94; to address 

themselves, 
betid, ii. 198 ; happened, 
betydyth, i. 384; it happens, it 

betides, 
bett, L 226 ; beat 
beu, L 390 ; finci handsome, 
bid, L 58 ; ask. 
bidden, ii. 48 ; to pray, 
bide, L 68, ii. 185 ; to remain, dwell, 
byde, i. 216 ; to support^ bear, 
byde, ii. 126 ; prayed, 
bydene, i. 366 ; immediately ; at 

bidene, forthwith, at once, 
bye, ii. 160 ; to buy. 
bye, i. 269 ; to aby, to make amends 

for. 
bien, ii. 177 ; they buy. 
byfalle, L 269 ; to befall ; faire mot 

byfalle, may they have good luck ; 

foule mote him befalL i. 304 ; 

may he have bad luck or fortune, 
bifom, i. 66 ; before. 



OF OBSOLETE ENGLISH WORDS. 



305 



big, i. 80; to take up one's dwelling. 

big, i. 77 ; prepared, 

bigge, ii. 223 ; to baild. 

biging, i. 62 ; a dwelling. 

biglj, ii. 57 ; strongly, boldly. 

bjheste, ii. 204 ; promise. 

biker, i. 71 ; to skirmish, to fight. 

byleve, i, 269 ; belief. 

bilevid, i. 64 ; remained. 

bylle, ii. 228 ; to write a bill against, 

to libel, 
bylle, i. 274 ; to bell, 
birde, i. 333 ; a gurl, yonng woman, 
bysom, ii. 235 ; blind, 
bysyde, ii. 187 ; beside ; to leve 

by9yde^ to abandon, 
bit, ii. 35; biddeth. 
bitake, ii. 114; give, abandon to, 

commit to. 
bithoght, i. 74 ; bethought, 
bitid, i. 61 ; befallen, 
blaunchid, ii. 50; blanched,whitened. 
blaw, i, 69 ; to blow, 
ble, i. 269 ; colour, hue. 
blent, i. 327 ; blinded, 
blere, iL 172 ; to blear, to dim one's 

sight, 
blernyed, i. 389. 
blea^, i. 217; blew. 
Wynne, i. 266 ; blin, i. 72, 74 ; to 

cease, to desist, 
blith, i. 78 ; joyful, 
blythid, i. 396; made joyful, gave 

joy to. 
blonder, i. 268 ; bustle, disturbance, 
blwun, L 225. 
bod, ii. 155 ; remained, 
bodden, ii. 23 ; bidden, 
boisteous, ii. 195; boistous, i. 307» 

335 ; threatening, fearful, tur- 

bulent, rude. 
VOL. IL 



bokerame, ii. 171 ; buckram, 

boldid, i. 379 ; emboldened. 

bole, ii. 84 ; a bull. 

bolgit, ii. 155; bulged. 

bolle, ii. 140; a bulL 

bonde, i. 216 ; bonds, fetters. 

bondus, i. 225 ; bondsmen, serfs. 

bone, i. 68 ; a petition, prayer, 

bone, L 58 ; a boon> a favour. 

bonet, i. 415 ; a supplementary or 
additional sail in a ship, fastened 
with lacings to the feet of courses 
or lower sails, in moderate or fair 
winds, and the operation of apply* 
ing it is still termed bending. 

bonus, i. 277 ; bones. 

boote, ii. 155 ; remedy. 

bootid, iL 276 ; availed, helped. 

bore, i. 72 ; a boar. 

borowe, i. 415 ; a borough. 

bosard, ii. 219 ; a buzzard, a kind of 
moth. 

bosse, i. 396. 

host, L 218 ; to boast. 

bot, passim ; but. 

bot, i. 62, &c. ; without. 

bote, i. 68,218, 365 ; remedy, help, 
compensation. 

botOt i. 65 ; a boat. 

boterasse, ii. 187 ; a buttress. 

bothe, ii. 226 ; a booth. 

botirflyes, ii. 219 ; butterflies, 

bougeth, ii. 161, 

boun, i. 90 ; ready, going to do any- 
thing. 

boun, i. 268 ; ready. 

bountevous, ii. 145 ; bountiful. 

boure, i. 81 ; hour, i. 265; a chamber. 

bown, ii. 154 ; ready. 

boxonmesse, ii. 44 ; obedience. 

boy, i. 272 ; a serving lad. 
U 



306 



GL088ABT AND INDEX 



bojnard, i. 389 ; hojJXBrdiHf u 379 ; 
a low fellow. 

brade, i. 71 ; broad. 

brajd, i. 217 ; a Biroke. 

braste, i. 396 ; burst. 

bredd, i, 887 ; a bird. 

bredder, i. 275 ; broader. 

brede, 1. 369 ; breadth. 

breme, i. 411 ; proud, haughty. 

bremme, i. 384, 387 ; proud, swag- 
gering. 

bremli, ii. 62 ; fiercely. 

brems, i. 72; (or brenis) corslets. 

brene, i. 73, ii. 153 ; to bum. 

brent, i. 269 ; brente, ii. 278 ; burnt. 

brere, i. 78 ; a briar, bush, breris, 
i. 395; briars. 

brese, ii. 54 ; gadflies. 

brest, i. 407 ; burst. 

bretyllo, ii. 182 ; brittle. 

bribith, ii. 40 ; begs, robs. The 

word is used in both senses, 
brid, i. 78 ; bryd, i. 364 ; a bird, 
brid, i. 61 ; a lady, a bride, 
brig, i. 77 ; a bridge, 
brim, i. 71 ; sea, flood, 
brymme, ii. 109 ; fierce, 
brin, i. 64 ; burn, 
brodid, i. 387 ; spread, 
broylist, ii. 61 ; bringest up con- 
fusedly, blunderest. 
bromes, i. 391 ; brooms, 
broud, i. 396; a bond (?). 
bround, ii. 52 ; a firebrand, 
brouute, i. 380 ; brought, 
browet, i. 382 ; broth, 
bud, i. 71 ; behoved, must 
bud, i. 85 ; made, compelled, 
bugee, i. 265; a sort of cloth, 
buystousnesse, ii, 99; boiaterousness. 
burgase, i. 70 ; the burghers. 



burne. i. 400, 404 ; a man; buraes, 

i. 379; men, fellows, barons, 
bumesse, i. 404 ; baronage, nobility, 
buraisched, i. 895 ; smoothed ( ?). 
burthe, ii. 244 ; a birth, the act of 

being bom. 
buserde, ii. 98 ; the buzzard, a kind 

of large moth, 
busk, i, 62 : to go rapidly, busked, 

i. 395 ; hurried, buskys, ii. 237; 

haste you. 
bus9he,i. 382; to but, to push, to busk. 
busshinge, i. 378; busking, pushing, 
bute, i. 5S, 70 ; compensation (for 

bote), 
byse, i. 265; a fine description of silk. 
by, passim^ for be. 



cacche, ii. 67 ; catch. 

cakked,ii. 170; cacaverunt. 

calkyn, ii. 61 ; to calculate. 

can, i. 269, ii. 131, know, knows. 

can, i. 226 ; began. Used with a 
verb to form a sort of imperfect 
tense. Can schatote, they 
shouted, or were shouting — ^lite* 
rally, they began to shout 

canst, i. 334 ; knowest thou. 

cant, i. 78 ; brisk, courageous. 

cantly, i. 71 ; briskly, courageously. 

carcckes, i. 320 ; figures, characters. 

cared, ii. 4 ; been in care, or trouble. 

carikkys, ii. 199 ; large ships. 

carke, i. 310 ; to care. 

carpe, i. 381 ; to talk, to converse, 
carpist, ii. 68 ; talkest. carpynge, 
ii. 198; talking. 



OF OBSOLETE ENGUSH WORDS. 



367 



carpe, i. 414 ; talk, conversation. 

carrejs, ii. 180 ; carracks, or large 
ships. 

carris, ii. 181 ; carts. 

cassoi i. 364 ; case. 

cast, ii. 90 ; contrived, formed a de- 
sign. 

castis, i. 896 ; contrivances, machi- 
nations. 

cataile, i. 84 ; goods. 

catel, i. 217 ; chattels. 

caatelle, i, 394 ; craft. 

cantell, ii. 32 ; a stratagem, trick. 

certejne, ii. 177 ; to certeynCy to a 
limit J for a certeyn bi ^ere^ for so 
much a year. 

cease, ii. 6 ; to cause to cease, to 
put a stop to. 

cetisence, ii. 281 ; citizens. 

chaffare, ii. 160; merchandize. 

chaffren, i. 307 ; to barter. 

chafyr, ii. 110 ; to trade. 

chalengen, ii. 44 ; claim. 

chaUe, i. 249 ; shaU. 

chapitle, iL 160 ; a chapter. 

chargeaunt, ii. 106 ; burthensome, 
chargeable. 

chefare, ii. 180 ; merchandize. 

cheff, i. 402 ; cheffe, ii. 201 ; head, 
chief. 

chekonys, i. 387 ; chickens. 

chele, i. 387 ; cold. 

chepe, i. 247 ; to purchase. 

cherichen, i. 387 ; cherish. 

cherliche, i. 402 ; dearly. 

chese, i. 252 ; ches, ii. 5 ; to 
choose. 

chesse, i. 378 ; chose. 

chevalleris, i. 413 ; knights. 

cheve, ii. 268 ; to flourish, to suc- 
ceed. 



chevitl), ii. 132 ; bringeth to a suc« 

cessful issue, achieveth. 
chevesaunce, ii. 169 ; bargain, 

agreement, 
chevetan, i. 225 ; chieftain, captain, 
chevyteyns, i. 378 ; chieftains, 
chief, ii. 147 ; head, 
chire, ii. 225 ; cheer, 
chyteryng, ii. 40 ; chattering, 
chow^e, ii. 40; a chough (the bird), 
christened, i. 306 ; a Christian, 
churliche, i. 335 ; clownish, chur- 
lish, 
cisme, ii. 41 ; schism, 
clappid, i. 416 ; talked, 
claterers, i. 271 ; chatterers. ^ 
claterist, ii. 60 ; chatterist. 
clatrid, ii. 76 ; talked loudly. 
Claude, ii. 203 ; clothed, clad, 
cleete, i. 217 ; a piece of wood(?). 
clekkid, ii. 95. 
cleme, i. 313 ; to claim, 
clepe, ii. 32 ; call, cleped, i. 368, 

395, called, clepest, ii. 148 ; 

callest. clepen, i. 309 ; called. 

clepen, i. 325 ; they call, 
clip, i. 73 ; to embrace, 
cliper, i. 215, 252 ; slippery, 
clogge, ii. 222, 224, 232 ; a clog of 

wood at the end of a chain or 

rope, 
cofren, i. 306 ; to put in coffers, 
coyffes, i. 409 ; coifs, 
coile, i. 402 ; choose (?). 
cokil, ii. 143 ; the weed in com. 
colectis, ii. 88 ; collections, 
coleres, i. 275 ; collars, 
colys, i. 382 ; coals, 
colis, i. 413. 

coloure, ii. 185 ; pretence, 
combraunco, ii. 65 ; trouble. 
U 2 



308 



OLOSSABT AND INDKX 



combred, i. 377 ; confased. 

combroiueli, iL 104; troablesomelj. 

come, L 415 ; arriTal, coming. 

comenB, ii. 280 ; to oonunence. 

eomjne, i. 416 ; the comanaltj. 

comjnliche, i. 378; cominonlj. 

comliche, i. 413; in an elegant 
manner^ comelj. 

comonde, ii. 165; conunnnedy con- 
yened. 

comont^, ii. 178, 186 ; oommonaltj. 

comsithy L 401 ; begins, commences, 
comsidf 1. 413 ; began. 

comu jnes, i. 250 ; the commons. 

con, i. 250 ; can. 

concludist, ii. 86 ; refutest. 

confect, ii. 108 ; made, composed. 

conyes, ii. 186 ; rabbits. 

conig, i. 82 ; a rabbit 

conne, ii. 4; are acquainted with. 

constery, ii. 236 ; the consistory 
court. 

construen, ii. 243; interpret. 

constrwe, i. 378; to construe. 

contynaunce, i. 264, iL 204; be- 
haviour, appearance. 

contrarie, ii. 62; to act contrary to. 

contraYelde,ii.278; Uboured with(?). 

cordeweyne,ii. 163; Spanish leather, 
brought from Cordova. 

coroune, i. 86; a crown. 

corouii, ii. 67; the priest's tonsure. 

correcte, ii. 173. 

corette, i. 371 ; to correct. 

corrumpe, ii. 269; to corrupt. 

corsed, ii. 247; cursed. 

corvysers, ii. 109; shoemakers. 

coste, ii. 179. 

costened, i. 400; cost. 

costes, ii. 184; expenses. 

costious, ii. 212; costly. 



costis, L 385, 390; regions, 
cot-armers, ii. 126 ; men in eoal* 



cotis, i. 401 ; coats. 

ooude, L 396; knew. 

cougioan, i. 393; perhaps eampiammj 

a coward, 
con^the, i. 371 ; knew how, could, 
oonntred, ii. 154 ; encountered. 
conntenance^ ii. 253 ; appeanmces, 

ostentation, 
countours, i. 328 ; arithmeticians, 
courseera, ii. 212 ; highbred horses, 
covetise, ii. 78 ; covaitise, i. 84 ; 

covetousness. 
covent, i. 225; assemblage, 
covent, i. 68; convent, oorentis, 

iL 64 ; convents, 
covetour, i. 306; a coverture. 
craUit, i. 308. 

crasid, i. 373, 377; crushed, broken, 
creaunce, i. 374; credit, 
crepit, ii. 51 ; creeps, 
cressetes, ii. 153, 218, cressets, 

frames at the ends of poles in 

which fires were lighted, 
creste-clothe, ii. 164 ; a sort of fine 

linen, 
croys, L 269; a cross, 
croisery, i. 317. 
crok, ii. 206; to bend, 
crokettes, i. 312; locks of hair, 
crokk, i. 382; a pot, a pitcher, 
cropun, ii, 47; crept (?), 
crouche> i. 332; a cross, 
crouperes, ii. 252; cruppers, 
cuynde, i. 251 ; kind, nature, 
culleth, i. 311, 321, 344; to cherish; 

to enforce, 
culorum, i. 372, 415; the conclusion 

of a narrative. 



OF OBSOLETl: EKOLISH WORDS. 



309 



cumberd, i. 78 ; cumbred, i. 252 ; 
troubled, encumbered, entangled. 

cumen, i. 63; come. 

cumly, i. 66; comeljr. 

cunne, i. 218; can. 

cure, ii. 199; care. 

cure, iL 206; service. 

cure, ii. 187; remedy. 

custumale, ii. 71; accustomed. 

cutted, i. 332 ; jagged, alluding to 
an extravagant fashion prevalent 
in the reign of Richard IL 



dagges, i. 401 ; slips, shreds, the 
cuts in the fashionable dress. 

dale, L 87. 

daliaunce, ii. Ill ; tittle-tattle. 

dare, i. 59, 250 ; to stare, to be 
terrified, to be scared. 

dareand, i. 59; staring. 

dased, i. 344; confused, dazzled. 

daunger, ii. 191; lordship or do- 
minion. 

dawe, ii. 44; day, daylight. 

dawe, i. 323 ; dawis, i. 377; days. 

debres, ii. 236. 

ded, i. 80; deed. 

dedde, i. 308; death. 

dede, i. 74; death. 

dede, ii. 189; dead. 

dees, i. 374. 

dey^ede, i. 218; died. 

deyntis, i. 406; dainties. 

del| i. 251; dele, i« 64; part, share. 

dele, ii. 31 ; parts, a thousand dehj 
a thousand times. 



deleated, ii. 14; delayed. 

delid, i. 79; dealt. 

delith, ii. 110; distiibute- 

delle, i. 371; part, deal. 

dome, ii. 57; to judge. 

demene, ii. 229; to direct, or lead. 

demer, i. 383; a judge, one who 
demes. 

demin, i. 319; they judge. 

den, ii. 236 ; a dean. 

denayyd, ii. 286; denied. 

dene, L 73; a den, or habitation. 

denyene, ii. 180 ; to deny. 

dent, ii. 126 ; a blow. 

departe, ii. 183; to share. 

departysoun, ii. 2l7f a distribution, 
a sharing. 

dere, ii. 270; to ii^ure. 

dere, i. 78; dear. 

derei, ii. 250; confusion, noise^ 
disturbance. 

derid, i. 386; ii\jured, hurt, harmed. 

derklich, i. 394; obscurely. 

dem, i. 59 ; cruel, severe. 

deme, i. 375, 377; secret. 

derrere, ii. 89 ; dearer. 

destrie, ii. 47; to destroy. 

detecte, ii. 189; exposed, made 
evident. 

dever, ii. 73, 98; duty. 

deversit^ ii. 241; change of for- 
tune. 

dewe, i. 394; due, legitimate. 

diagredie, ii. 173. 

dight, i. 70; prepared, made ready« 

dy^ght, i. 226; arranged. 

dighte, i. 76; to prepare oneself; 
dighteth, i. 333 ; arranges, pre- 
pares. 

digness, i. 398 ; worthiness. 

diking, i. 335; making ditches* 



aio 



QliOSSARY AND INDEX 



dilaciouu, ii. 14o ; delay. 

(lymc, i. 412 ; a teuth. 

dimuuir, i. 216 ; d(finure, quiot. 

dyne, ii. 180; to dye. 

ditieth, i. 394; gives to dinner, 

feeds, 
diut, i. 73; a blow ; dyntcs, ii. 126; 

biowri. 
dirk, ii. 218; dark, 
disclaunder, i. 336 ; to slander, 
discryvc, i. 374 ; to describe, 
discured, ii. 174 ; discovered, 
disevt, ii. 64 ; a desert. 
di.si)erpiied, ii. 226 ; scattered, 
dissese, i. 383 ; uneasiness, 
dyssevable, ii. 173 ; deceptive, 
distance, i. 83 ; distaunoe, i. 339, 

ii. 254 ; debate or discord, 
doe, ii. 31 ; done, 
dokkist, ii. 27 ; curtailest. 
dole, i. 79, 80 ; in tlie latter instance 

it means sorrow, grief; in the 

former, perhaps, a portion, from 

A. S. delan. 
dolfyne, ii. 124 ; dolpbyn, ii. 133 ; 

the dauphin of Prance, 
dolosite, ii. Ill ; deceit, 
dome, i. 309 ; judged, condemned, 
dome, i. 308 ; judgment ; a/ dame^ 

i. 327 ; in judgment, 
domes cart, i. 398; the exeontioner's 

cart, 
domes-day, i. 72 ; day of judgment, 
domp, i. 88 ; to plunge, to tumble, 
dongen, i. 77 ; struck, 
dongen, ii. 152 ; the keep or main 

tower of a castle ; dongoun^ ii. 21 1 ; 

where it is applied to the place in 

which Christ was born, 
doolis, ii. 220 ; doles, shared, 
doren, ii, 107 ; dare. 



doth, ii. 7 ; causeth, maketh. 

dotyn, ii. 188 ; dote. 

dou^teth, i. 399 ; feareth. 

dout, i. 73 ; to fear. 

dout, i. 69, 324 ; fear, doubt. 

dowtes, i. 368 ; doubts. 

dowtfulle, ii. 271 ; fearful. 

drad, i. 213 ; dradde, i. 417 ; feared. 

draffe, ii. 84 ; dregs, refuse. 

draggee, ii. 72 ; a draught (?). 

draue, ii. 219; a drone. 

dray, i. 81 ; noise, tumult, 

draped, ii. 162 ; made into cloth. 

drapcre, ii. 168 ; to make cloth. 

dravc, ii. 270 ; drove. 

drawte, i. 403 ; draught, shot. 

dresce, i. 58 ; set right ? 

dressen, i. 314 ; they prepare. 

drewris, i. 78 ; jewels, valuable 

things, 
dride, i. 374 ; dread, fear, 
drye, ii. 64 ; to suffer, to undergo^ 
drive, i. 71 ; to go quickly. 
dromons, ii. 199 ; ships of war. 
droupe, i. 250 ; to droop, 
drouping, i. 344 ; drooping, 
drowse, L 225 ; drew, dragged, 
druy^e, i. 216 ; dry. 
dubby, ii. 57 ; 
dud, i. 225 ; did. 
dude, i. 364 ; did. 
dulfulle, ii. 206 ; gi*ievous, dolefbl. 
dure, i. 215 ; to endure, last 



E. 

odder, i. 392 ; a snake, an adder. 
eeoche, ii. 133. 
eeris, i. 394 ; ears, 
efte, ii. 179 ; again. 



OF OBSOLETE ENGLISH WORDS. 



311 



eftsoouc, i. 322 ; soon again. 

egallytd, ii. 285 ; equality, fairness. 

cgg(^ i* ^06 ; to urge. 

eghen, i. 77 ; eyes. 

eyere, i. 388. 

ei^e, i. 250 ; eyes. 

eylid, i. 382 ; ailed. 

eyne, i. 387 ; eyes. 

eyre, ii. 195 ; air. 

eyren, i. 393 ; eggs. 

eyrer, i. 363 ; a brood of swans. 

eyria, ii, 86; heii'8(?). 

eirsyng, ii. 81 ; 

elde, i. 372 ; old age. 

elderne, i. 377 ; of the eiders, of tlie 

men of old. 
cliche, i. 377 ; alike, equally, 
enbassitoures, ii. 210 ; ambassadors, 
enbatailid, ii. 57 ; formed in order 

of battle, 
encensen, ii. 44 ; to cense, to per- 
fume with or offer incense. 

cncres, iL 9; increase. 

endauntid, i. 398 ; feared (?)• 

endely, ii. 201 ; final. 

endraperyng, ii. 287 ; making into 
cloth* 

enhaunsid, ii. 41 ; raised. 

enmysse, ii. 182 ; enemies. 

enoignt, ii. 12 ; anointed. 

enpechest, ii. 82 ; accusest. 

enplede, i. 826 ; to implead. 

enquere, ii. 203 ; to seek. 

ensample, ii. 6 ; an example. 

enscherychyng, ii. 286; a cherishing. 

enserche, ii. 203 ; to seek. 

enserchise, iii 195 ; inquiry. 

ensise, i. 822 ; quality (?). 

cntendement, ii. 13 ; meaning. 

entent> i. 372, iL 199 ; intention, de- 
sign. 



entrecomon, ii. 202 ; to hold inter- 
course, to intercommunicate. 

enviroun, ii. 157 ; round about 

eorthe, i. 251 ; earth. ' 

er, i. 266 ; before. 

er, i. 59 ; are. 

eron, i. 364 ; an eagle. 

erste, ii. 124 ; first, before, formerly* 

ert, i. 266, ii. 113; art. 

ertou, i. 78 ; art thou. 

es, passim ; is. 

ese, i. 382 ; ease. 

eth, i. 71 ; easy. 

euforbe, ii. 173; a plant, spurge. 

evangely, i. 306 ; the gospel. 

even, ii. 39; equal ; her even Chris" 
HaUy their fellow Christian. 

evene, ii. 8 ; leyel ; in evene^ on a 
firm footing ; al in evene^ i. 1 1, all 
straight with one another. 

eveiich, ii. 6 ; every one, everich on 
livey everybody alive. 

everichone, ii. 137 ; every one. 

expoune, ii. 182 ; explain, expound. 

eztente, ii. 193 ; stretched out, held 
forth. 



P. 

fade, ii. 7 ; sad. 

faght, i. 81 ; fought. 

fay, L 215 ; faie, i. 330 ; faith. 

failed, i. 395 ; deserted, abandoned. 

fallen, ii. 243 ; want. 

fain, i. 64 ; fayn, iL 155; glad. 

faitours, i. 307 ; flatterers, deceivers. 

faldynge, iL 186; a sort of rough 

cloth, 
fally, ii. 103 ; falsely. 



312 



GLOSSARY AND INDEX 



fUnes, ii. 260 ; falseneM, deceit. 

famed, i. 313 ; defamed. 

fameiif i. 74 ; foe-men. 

fand, i. 73 5 to try. 

fare, i. 59 ; to go ; foulefare^ L 26; 
to go ill, to misbehave, to fare 
foully ; 261, to be ruined. 

fare, i. 73 ; frankis fare^ the distri- 
bution of your money ( ?). 

fare, i. 69 ; going, expedition. 

fare, i. 326 ; business, affiur (?). 

fau^te, i. 386 ; fault, want. 

faukyn, i. 388 ; fawcon, 389 ; a 
falcon. 

fawtis, i. 372 ; faults. 

feblen, i. 391 ; become feeble. 

federed, ii. 125; feathered, i. 9; 
pierced with arrows, the feathers 
of which appeared without. 

feedrin, fedris, i. 388 ; feathers. 

feer, ii. 241 ; fai*; feer abowte^ far 
out of the way. 

feet, ii, 182; deed, fact. 

feet, i. 398 ; fetched. 

feyned, i. 269 ; feigned, pretended. 

feynt, ii. 162 ; to become weak. 

felde, passim ; a field. 

felde, ii. 166 ; felt. 

fele, i. 63 ; many. 

fell, i. 61, 70; crueL 

fell, i. 77 ; to strike down. 

felle whare, i. 399 ; fel-ware, feltry, 
skins of wild animals. 

felle, i. 391 ; the skin, felles, ii. 
168 ; skins. 

felliche, i. 389 ; cruelly. 

felliest, ii. 17 ; most cruel. 

fende, i. 252 ; the fiend, the devil. 
fendeS) ii. 184 ; devils. 

feole, i. 260 ; many. 

fer, i. 269; far. 



fer, L 71, 81 ; far, farther. 

ferd, i. 68 ; afraid. 

ferde» i. 67 ; fear. 

ferde, i. 376 ; went. 

fere, i. 73 ; a companion, a fellow. 

fere, i. 340 ; company. 

fere, i. 77 ; to frighten. 

ferkyd, i. 396 ; hastened, fferkyd 

hemfforthy they rushed forwards, 
ferly, ii. 262 ; strange, 
ferene, i. 68 ; fern, 
ferli, ii. 61 ; wonderfully, 
ferme, ii. 44 ; to strengthen, 
ferme, i. 313 ; {arm. 
ferre, ii. 194 ; fear, 
ferrum, i. 77 ; oferrumy afar, 
fers, it 126 ; fierce, 
fersnesse, ii. 268 ; cruelty, 
ferthe, ii. 4, 66 ; fourth, 
festne, i. 269 ; to fasten, 
fete, ii. 196 ; fact, 
fete, ii. 243 ; feet, 
fetely, ii. 172 ; cleverly, neatly, 
ficul, ii. 82 ; fickle, 
fyght, ii. 252 ; in fyght^ engaged in 

fighting, in strife (?). 
file, i. 79, 81 ; a worthless fellow, a 

coward, 
filowyng, ii. 133 ; following, 
fyn, ii. 91 ; the end. afyfi^ in the 

end. 
fyne, ii. 134 ; to conclude, to put 

an end to. 
fyne, ii. 132 ; end, result 
fyne, ii. 187 ; to refine, fynyd, ii. 

286 ; refined, 
finding, i. 327 ; board, living, 
fyndyth, i. 414 ; support, keep, pro- 
vide for. 
figre,ii. 112; of figs, figre^tne^ a 

fig-tree. 



OF OfiSOL£T£ ENGLISH WORDS. 



SU 



fyth, i. 364 ; to fight. 

flagrant, ii. 232 ; fragrant. 

flaurd, ii. 250 ; 

fle, i. 394 ; to fly. 

fleand, i. 77 ; flying. 

fleen, i. 64 ; fly. 

flemed, ii. 40 ; flemid, i. 60 ; ba- 
nished. 

flex, ii. 171 ; flax. 

flit, i. 88 ; to remove, 

floter, i. 389 ; to flutter. 

flour, i. 216 5 ii, 7 ; a flower. 

flusshe, i. 389 ; to hop as a bird. 

fode, i. 389 ; a child. 

fodid, i. 387 ; fodid, ii. 12 ; che- 
rished, bred up, fostered, fed* 

fodith, i. 394 ; cherishes, feeds. 

fode, i. 386 ; food. 

fode, i. 74 ; a youth, a person. 

foyne, i. 399 ; a polecat 

fold, i. 81 ; the earth, the world. 

folyn, ii. 188 ; go mad, or foolish. 

foltheed, i. 380 ; folly (?). 

folus, i. 225 ; fools. 

fomen, L 218 ; foes. 

fond, ii. 230 ; a dilemma (?). 

fonde, i. 84 ; to endeavour, to at- 
tempt. 

fonde, i. 266 ; invented. 

fonde, ii. 252 ; found. 

fondement, ii. 243 ; foundation. 

fone, fune, i. 62 ; foes. 

fong, ii. 247 ; to take, embrace, 
fongen, i. 414 ; we take, fongeth, 
i. 333 i they take. 

fonnedli, ii. 97 ; foolishly. 

fonnest, ii. 85 ; becomest foolish. 

foode, ii. 220; a young man, a 
feUow : foodis, i. 398 ; fodis, 405 ; 
youths. 

foole, i. 395 ; fowls. 



foon, ii. 127 ; foes. 

forbode, i. 344 ; a forbidding. 

for-by, ii. 158 ; near, past. 

forckis, i. 379 ; the gallows. 

fordyd, i. 371 ; apparently an error 
for fondidf endeavoured. 

fordone, i, 322, ii. 39 ; destroyed, 
abolished, overthrown. 

fordoth, i. 398 ; undoeth, ruineth, 
destroyeth. 

foreyns, ii. 143 ; stiangers, inter- 
lopers. 

forewitte, ii. 200; foreknowledge. 

forfarene ; gone into exile. 

forgard, i. 344. 

forgone, i. 86 ; lost. 

forgrowe, i. 363 ; overgrown. 

forhele, ii. 45 ; conceal, or, perhaps, 
withhold. 

forjugid, ii. 79 ; judged to death. 

forlith, ii. 7 ; violates. 

forlorne, i. 365 ; lost^ spoilt. 

forlore, ii. 241 ; ruined, lost in a 
moral sense. 

formed, i. 415 ; informed. 

formere, iL 42 ; informer, teacher. 

formyng, ii. 42 ; informing, infor- 
mation. 

forsings, i. 331 ; ruins by singing, 
sings to ruin. ' 

forslokend, ii. 40; smothered, stifled. 

forswore, ii. 241 ; perjured. 

forth!, L 77 ; therefore. 

forthinken, ii. 73 ; repent. 

forthren, i. 336 ; to further, to pro- 
mote. 

forward, i. 86 ; an engagement, 
promise. 

forwarde, ii. 280 ; the front or van- 
guard of an army. 



314 



OtOSa4&T AXD IBBKX 



forweTiied, i. 374 ; weaned badlj, 

Gomipied in the weaning, 
forwrithen, iL 45; twisted, tar* 

tuous. 
forjete, i. 317, 325 ; forget. 
fosse, iL 191 ; foes, 
fostrid, i. 387 ; fostered, 
foule, ii. 126 ; a fowL 
foulen, i. 330 ; defonl. 
foaljd, i. 388; fowled, hnnted birds, 
foondament, ii. 9 ; foondation. 
founded, L 59 ; tried, 
founnores, iL 113 ; informers, 
fra ; from. 

fray, ii. 279 ; to fight, 
fraine, ii. 38 ; to interrogate, 
frankis, i. 73 ; francs, French 

money (?). 
frc, i. 67, 395 ; free, of gentle birth, 
freyneth, ii. 42 ; inquireth, ques- 

tioneth. 
frek, i. 59, 68 ; eager, 
frele, iL 247 ; fi-aiL 
frely, i. 74 ; of gentle blood, 
frelle, i. 373 ; frail 
frentike, ii. 85 ; frenetic, frantic, 
frers, i. 263 ; friars, 
freted, L 387 ; eat. 
fretyd, ii. 41. 
fryst, ii. 249 ; first, 
frith, L 63, 389 ; a low wood, 
fuge, ii. 198 ; flight, 
fuyre, i. 805 ; fire, 
fules, iL 252 ; fools. 
fullefiUe, L 370 ; to fill full, 
fulmard, ii. 220 ; a polecat, 
fumose, ii. 162 ; smoky (?)• 
fnn, i. 83 ; found, 
funden, u 81 ; fonnd. 



O. 



to je6t> to make 



gabbe, L 269; 
jest oL 

gabberys, ii. 237 ; jesters. 

gadering, L 326 ; gathering. 

gaf, i. 69 ; gave. 

gaglide, L 396 ; gaggled. 

gayes, L 385 ; 

gayne, iL 207 ; kind, generous. 

gaJaye, i. 64 ; a galley. 

galiote, L 65 ; a name of a par- 
ticular sort of ship, a small galley. 

gale, L 74 ; song, noise (?). 

gayned, L 68 ; gayned k^ he got. 

giJonttes, iL 251 ; gallants. 

galpen, ii. 100 ; to yawn. 

galwys^ ii. 239 ; the gaUows. 

gardyng, ii. 284 ; carding (of wool) 

gardoun, iL 112; reward. 

gamement, ii. 70 ; garment 

gamer, iL 99 ; a store-room. 

gate, i. 267, way ; »o gatesy in thai 
manner; weni my gaie, L 268^ 
went my way, went away. 

gate, iL 269; obtained. 

gate, ii. 146 ; 

gaudes, L 61, 62 ; tricks. 

geete, i. 216 ; to get 

geffces, iL 178 ; gifts. 

geyn, iL 213 ; against 

gent, ii. 125 ; gentle, noble. 

ger, i. 76 ; to make, to cause* 

^erde, ii. 285; a yard. 

^ere, L 79 ; 

^eme, L 267 ; earnestly. 

^ers, L 264 ; years. 

gert, L 64 ; ceased. 



OF OBSOLETE ENOUSH WORDS. 



316 



gery, i. 398 ; changeable, giddy. 

gesi, i. 326 ; a guest ; gestes, i. 90, 
guests. 

get, i, 62, gain (?);bot get, may per- 
haps mean without any gain (by 
their treachery). Ritson explains 
it as "an interjection of con- 
tempt." 

^even, ii. 67 ; to give. 

gy-y ii. 240 ; rule, guide. 

gie, i. 406 ; gye, i. 370 ; to guide, 
to direct, to rule. 

^yf, ^if, passim ; if. • 

gigges, i. 326 ', loose womcn^ 

gild, ii. 244 ; beguiled. 

gildyn, ii. 50 ; gilt. 

gyle, i. 395 ; guile. 

gylour, i. 374 ; a deceiver, a be- 
guiler. 

gyllorys, ii. 235 ; guilers. 

gyn, i. 79 ; a trap. 

gynne, ii. 141 ; begin. 

gynningj'ii. 143; beginning. 

gioure, i. 370; giour, ii. 109; a 
ruler, leader, guide. 

gy side, i. 399 ; disguised (?)• 

^iste, i. 385 ; 

^it, i. 79 ; yet. 

gyuleris, L 398 j guilers. 

glade, i. 71 ; to gladden. 

glasen, ii. 100; made of glass. 

glaterye, ii. 240 ; flattery (?)• 

gle, i. 64, 68, ii. 239 ; game, mirth, 
gladness. 

glede, i. 344 ; a kite (the bird). 

gledre, ii. 173. 

glee, i. 406 ; joy, pleasure. 

glose, ii. 40 ; flattery. 

glosinge, i. 414 ; flattering. 

god, ii. 152 ; goods, property. 



goldede, ii. 227 ; possessed of gold, 

wealthy, 
gome, i.*400, 401 ; a man ; gomes, i. 

388 ; men. 
gong, i. 307 ; gonge, ii. 72, iv privy, 
gonnes, ii. 198 ; gonnys, 276 ; 

gunnus, 277 ; guns, cannons, 
gospeleer, ii. 211 ; the evangelist, 
gost, i. 37(^ 373 ; spirit, gostes, 

ii. 244 ; spirits, 
gotefel, ii. 150; goat's hides, 
govemaile, i. 336 ; helm, rudder 
^ovun, ii. 98 ; given, 
gowe, i. 48. 
graas, i. 251 ; grace, 
grayn, ii. 208 ; a scarlet dye ; 

clothes in ffrayny scai'let cloth, 
graythest, i. 76 ; readiest, quickest, 
grame, i. 70; grief, harm, 
grame, i. 370; to be angry, 
gras, i. 252 ; grace, 
greable, ii. 112 ; agreeable, 
gree, i. 313 ; pleasure, 
grees, ii. 140 ; d^rees. 
grey, ii. 171 ; badger skins or fur (?). 
grennes, i 390 ; interpreted in the 

margin as meaning greyhounds, 
grete, ii. 125 ; a cry. 
grete, i. 90; to greet, to salute, 
grette, i. 377 ; great, 
greves, i. 388 ; griefs, 
griff; ii. 227 ; grief, 
gryse, i. 250; to bo terrifled. 
gryse, i. 265 ; a species of doth, 
groche, i. 339 ; to grudge, 
gromys, i. 272 j grooms, 
gromes, i. 377 ; men. 
gronde, i. 87 ; ground ; in the eee 

gronde ; at the bottom of the sea. 
groote, ii. 219 ; a groat, fourpence, 
grost, ii. 47 ; 



316 



QLOSSABT AND IKDEX 



grott, i. 370 ; » groat, 
grotas, i. 395 ; groats, 
grucche, ii. 76 ; grodge. 
grucchen, i. 370 ; to grudge, 
grw, ii. 91 ; Greek. 
gait, ii. 244 ; guilt. 



H, 

habilemeut9, ii. 196 ; accoutrements. 

haburjouus, ii. 64 ; breastplates. 

hacchen, i. 387 ; hatch. 

hay, i. 48 ; 

haiit, ii. 249 5 has, possesses. 

hayme, i. 266 ; them. 

hairwede, ii. 230 ; harrowed, sacked. 

halde, i. 74 ; to hold or keep a pro- 
mise. 

hale, ii. 169 ; to hawl. 

halely, i. 69 ; wholly. 

hales, i. 403 ; tents. 

half-delle, i. 403 ; one half part. 

halk, i. 318 ; a comer, halkys, ii. 
279; comers. 

halow, L 311 ; bless, consecrate* 

halowed, ii. 60 ; consecrated. 

halowid, i. 403 ; halooed at, hooted. 

halteth, ii. 169 ; goes lamely, totters. 

ham, i, 266 ; them. 

han, i. 273 ; they have. 

hangulhooke, ii. 222 ; a hook for 
angling, a fish-hook. 

hansell, i. 416 ; the first use. 

happid, ii. 44; wrapped, covered. 

haras, i. 392; a stud of colts. 

harborow, ii. 97 ; lodging. 

hardi, ii. 246 ; courageous, bold. 

harys, ii. 171 ; hares. 



harloite, i. 313; a scamp, a vaga- 
bond. It was a term applied 
properly to men. harloieSy iL 89. 

harlotrie, ii. 99 ; ribaldry. 

faasseUis, i. 381 ; hasels (?). 

hastyvyt^ ii. 242 ; rashness, hasti- 
ness. 

hat, i. G9 ; hate, i. 317 ; is caUed. 

hauntlere, i. 387 ; antlered, or su- 
perior deer. 

hauteyn, L 268; high, proud, 
haughty. 

hautesse, i. 391 ; highness. 

haved, i. 86 ; had. 

haves, i, 86 ; has. 

havour, ii. 226 ; wealth. 

hawys, ii. 191. 

hed, ii. 283 ; heed, care. 

heed, i. 386 ; head. 

heerdes, i. 313; herds, keepers. 

hegges, iL 279 ; hedges. 

hegh, i. 269; high. 

heyer, i. 396 ; 

heyere, ii. 242 ; higher. 

heih, i. 216 ; hei^e, i. 218 ; high. 

heipeth, i. 393; lays(?). 

heire, ii. 20; to hire. 

heyres, ii. 267 ; heirs. 

heyres, i. 193 ; eggs. 

hele, i. 73, ii. 69 ; to cover, to con- 
ceal. 

hele, i. 372 ; health, prosperous con- 
dition. 

hele, i. 392, ii. 13 : salvation. 

helys, i. 276 ; heels. 

heliples, ii. 11 ; helpless. 

hende, i. 388 ; gentle* 

hende, i. 73; hinde, i. 86 ; gentle- 
manly. 

hens, hennes, henny s, passim ; hence« 

hent, i. 320 ; taken. 



OF OBSOLETE ENGLISH WORDS. 



317 



r 



hente, i. 382 ; henten, i. 411 ; took, 
. caDght. 

heore, i. 215 ; their, 
herbegage, ii. 94 ; lodging, 
herborowe, i. 403 ; to lodge, to give 

lodgixig, to harbour, 
here, i. 73 ; to hear, 
heres, i. 80 ; hear, listen ta 
here, ii. 251 ; hair, 
herie, 76 ; to spoil, to ravage, 
hem, i. 318. heme, i. 402 ; a cor- 
ner, 
hemes, L 64 ; brains, 
herre, ii. 9 ; a hinge ; out of herre^ 

out of hinge, unsettled, 
herres, ii. 186 ; theirs, 
hertis, i. 380. hertys, ii. 186 ; harts, 

deer, 
hertly, ii. 355 ; heartily, 
hestes, i. 322 ; commandments, 
hete, i. 74 ; to promise, hetes, i. 62 ; 

promises, 
betith, i. 393 ; warmth, 
heve and hale, i. 330 ; a phrase 

equivalent to might and main, 
heved, i. 64 ; head, hevidles, i. %6 ; 

headless, 
heved, ii. 85 ; to behead, 
hevyheed, i. 394 ; heavy-head, 

dull-head, 
hevys, ii. 219 ; 
hewen, ii. 42 ; to labour, 
hewsaunce, ii. 285; a usance, a 

custom, 
hyand, i. 269 ; going, hieing, 
liicke, i. 394 ; a familiar appellation 

of contempt, 
bide — at hide, i. 59 ; secretly, 
hye, ii. 247 ; go. 
hied, i. 398 ; raised up high, 
hiede, ii. 6 ; heed. 



hyeghe go by, ii. 155 ; apparently 

a similar phrase to the modem 

heigh-go-mad. 
hieles, ii. 7 ; heels, 
hyen, ii. 86 ; to raise up. 
hiere, ii. 5 ; here, 
hiere, ii. 7 ; to hear, 
bight, i. 75 ; was called, 
hille, i. 409 : to cover, 
hillyng, ii. 77 ; covering, roof, 
hynderynge, ii. 181 ; hindrance, 
hirte, i. 396 ; hurt, 
hit, ii. 131 ; and passimy the original 

and correct form of it. 
ho, i. 276 ; who. 
hobbis, i. 378 ; clowns (?). 
hobblid, i. 381 ; hobbled, gone, 
hoblid, i. 391 ; hobbled, 
hoby, ii. 155 ; a small kind of horse, 
bode, i. 266 ; a hood, 
hodove, i. 196 ; a whale, 
hog-hyerd, i. 269 ; a hog-herd, a 

driver of pigs, 
hold, ii. 23 ; holden, held, 
hold, i. 317 ; a fortress, whence the 

word stronghold. 
holde, ii. 4 ; held, 
hole, i. 326 ; whole, 
holy, ii. 131 ; wholly, 
holl, i. 88; ahole(?). 
holly, i. 215; wholly, holliche, 

i. 218. 
holpen, i. 267 ; helped, 
holsume, i. 402 ; wholesome, 
holte, i. 391 ; holtes, i. 381 ; a 

wood, 
hone, i. 409 ; 

hongen, L 331 ; they hang, 
hongen, ii. 11 ; hung, 
honsalle, i. 224 ; hansel, 
hoole, i. 370 ; whole. 



818 



OLOaSABT AHD IXDKX 



boot, iL 69; liot. 

hope, ii, 199 ; expect, roppoee, 

guess, 
hope, L 218 ; to expect, 
hoppeo, u 330 ; thej hop. 
hor, i. 225 ; their, 
hore, L 307 ; a whore, 
horow, i. 337 ; hoar, monldj. 
hortjng, i. 275 ; hnrtiiig. 
hosel, ii. 46 ; to administer the 

encharist 
hosjn, L 275 ; hose (in the plural), 
honaelin, i. 340 ; to administer the 

eucharist. 
hoaten, i. 330 ; thej hoot, 
hovyn, 1. 388 ; to hover, hoyed, 

i. 66 ; hovered, halted, hoveth, 

i. 393 ; hovereth. 
howsjng, ii. 251 ; honses. 
hue, i. 393. 
hund, L 82 ; a dog. 
hante, ii. 224 ; a hunter, 
hordis, i. 88 ; ropes. 
hure, ii. 145; goode hurCy represents 

the French word hanheur. happi- 
ness, prosperity, 
hurle, i. 392; to jostle. 



icast, L 217 ; cast. 

ich, i. 216 ; I. 

ich, i. 372 ; iche, i. 400 ; each. 

iclcpid, i. 305; called. 

idoo, ii. 198 ; done. 

idraue, ii. 182 ; drawn. 

i^en, ii. 55 ; eyes. 

ilcyd, i. 217 ; laid down. 

ilka, I. 59 ; each, every. 



ilkonep L 82 ; eaefa one, eveiy one. 
impe, L 218 ; a q>nNit, sprig, ahoot. 
ine, L 81, 86 ; a lodging, 
ioe, i. 77 ; ejres. 
infortune, ii. 5 ; misfortune, 
inne, L 264 ; in, ike adverb. 
inne, L 333 ; lodging, 
ino^e, L 225 ; enough, 
immien, L 335 ; taken, obtained. 
inaanmpuUe, iL 205 ; example, 
interfectours, iL 282 ; slayers, 
intrikid, iL 55 ; interlaced, 
intrumpcioun, ii. 274 ; interruption, 
ipainted, i. 307 ; painted, 
ipearled, L 308 ; adorned with 

pearb. 
ipent^ i. 332 ; pinned, 
iradicate, IL 204 ; rooted, 
irk, ii. 153 ; slow. 
isei^e, i. 215 ; seen, 
ithe, ii. 161 ; thrive, 
ivel, L 313 ; evil, 
iwis, J. 64 ; iwya, ii. 162 ; truly, 

surely, 
iye, i. 330 ; eyes, 
iyme, ii. 153 ; iron. 



J. 

jaces, i. 398 ; fringes (?). 

jake, i. 274; a jack, a defensive 

coat, 
jangle, i. 327, ii. 243 ; to prate. 

jangelist, ii. 104 ; pratest. 
jangeler, ii. 86 ; a prater, 
jape, iL 227 ; a joke, 
japes, i. 67, 266y ii. 172 ; jeers, 

tricks, buffooneries (?). 
jape, i, 270 ; futuere* 



OF OBSOLBTiS ENGLISH WOBDS. 



819 



japid, ii. 75 ; mocked, deceived, 

japerjs, ii. 236 ; jesters. 

jawdewyne, ii. 86, 101 ; a term of 
reproach. 

jerorys, i. 273 ; jurors. 

jesine, ii. 213 ; childbed. 

jette, i. 399 ; fashion, 

jewis, i. 410 ; justice. 

joguloursy ii. 89 ; minstrels, jug- 
glers. 

joied, i. 399 ; rejoiced. 

jolit^ i. 250, 251 ; joy, mirth. 

joUyng, ii. 276 ; people coming into 
collision with one another. 

joparte, ii. 286; jeopard, risk, make 
a wager. 

jomay, i. 64 ; a voyage. 

jorney, ii. 275 ; properly a day, or a 
day's work, but usually applied to 
a battle. 

jospinel, ii. 105 ; a term of re- 
proach. 

Juylle, ii. 139 ; Juyl, 151 ; July. 

juperdye, ii. 132; jeopardy. 

juparfce, ii. 183 ; to jeopard, to put 
in risk. 



K. 

kayes, i. 83 ; the keys, 
kayser, i. 163 ; an emperor, 
kayseceris, i. 378 ; emperors, 
kare, i. 225 ; care, trouble, 
karekkys, ii. 172 ; carricks or car- 

racksy large ships, galeouR. 
kareyne, i. 390 ; carrion, 
kembe, i. 312 ; to comb 
ken, i. 73 ; to know. 



ken, i. 8 ; to teach, to make to 

know, 
kend, i. 85 ; kende, i. 318 ; taught, 
kendly, ii. 65 ; kindly, naturally, 
kenned, i. 390 ; knew, 
kepe, ii. 285; take kepcy pay at- 
tention, 
kepud, ii. 279 ; kept, 
kepen, ii. 65 ; keep, dwell, 
kere, ii. 226. 

kest, i. 226. keste, ii. 252 ; cast, 
kettord, i. 363 ; diminished, 
kevelle, ii. 217; 

kevere, i. 391, 393 ; to discover, 
kevereth, ii. 71 ; covers, 
kew-kaw, i. 407 ; awry, 
kid, i. 61 ; known, 
kydefel, ii. 160 ; kid leather, 
kime, i. 324 ; a simpleton, 
kyn, ii. 243 ; know, 
kynde, i. 380 ; nature, 
kynde, i. 394 ; natural, 
kynrede, ii. 141 ; kindred, 
kirtell, i. 82 ; kyrtelle, i. 265 ; a 

kirtle, a sort of cloak thrown over 

the shoulders, 
kith, i. 71 ; to make known, to 

show, 
kith, i. 218 ; a r^ion. 
knave, ii. 76 ; a serving lad. 
knelys, i. 275 ; kneel, 
knokelys. i. 276; knuckled, with 

knuckles, 
knowlechen, ii. 43 ; acknowledge, 
kogge, i. 72 ; a cock-boat, 
konne, i. 393 ; to come to life> to be 

hatched, 
kouth, i. 71 ; knew, 
kowth, ii. 144 ; known, celebrated, 
krevys, ii. 219 ; a crab, 
kud, i. 218 ; known, celebrated. 



320 



GLOSSABT AND INDEX 



kuyttes, i. 388 ; kites (the bird), 
kun, i. 83 ; can, knows how. 
kunnjuge, i. 384 ; knowledge. 



laak, ii. 213 ; a lack, a fault (?). 

lacchide, i. 377 ; blamed. 

ladde, I 377 ; led. 

ladde, L 399 ; lad, people. 

laddus, i. 225 ; lads. 

lade, i. 264 ; a load. 

ladyn, ii. 236 ; 

laAe, i. 395 ; left, deserted. 

layke, i. 64 ; a game, plaj. 

lake, ii. 177 ; lack. 

langour, ii. 267 ; faintness. 

lare, i. 70 ; teaching. 

lasse, ii. 7,45; less. 

late, ii. 148 ; let. 

late, ii. 83 ; leave. 

latli, ii. 6 ; loath, hateful. 

latte, i. 317 ; left. 

lautte, i. 388 ; caught. 

laurere, ii. 141 ; laurel. 

law, i. 78 ; low. 

leaud, i. 307, ii. 25; lewd, un- 
learned. 

leaut^, i. 269 ; lojaltj. 

leche, ii. 226 ; a physician. 

ledderr, i. 90 ; a ladder. 

leddyn, i. 373 ; led. 

lede, i. 382 ; people. 

ledeing, i. 82 ; at his ledeing^ at his 
rule, at his beck. 

ledres, ii. 236. 

leef, i. 373 ; dear, to be desired. 

leef, i. 251 ; believe. 

leere, ii. 230 ; empty. 



lees, ii. 161 ; lies ; wythowgki leu, 
truly. 

lesinge, i. 399 ; falsehood. 

leete, ii. 192 ; to abandon, to loee. 

leggaunce, i. 217 ; allegiance* 

leggen, i. 252 ; to lie down. 

leggist, ii. 41 ; allegest. 

legiance, i. 374 ; allegiance. 

leyfft, ii. 249 ; left. 

leyne, i. 387 ; laid. 

leyne,iL228; tolie(?). 

leisere»ii. 170; leisure. 

lele, i. 326 ; loyal. 

lele, i. 64 ; legal. 

lely, i. 77 ; faithfully, truly. 

lely, i, 89 ; the lily. 

lelley, i, 383 ; loyally, faithfully. 

lemed, ii. 52 ; shone. 

lemes, i. 388 ; rays of brightness. 

lemman, i. 313, 330 ; a concubine. 

ten, i. 90 ; lend, give. 

lend, i. 63 ; remained, dwelt. 

lended, i. 81 ; remained. 

lendys, i. 394 ; loins. 

lene, i. 218 ; grant. 

leode, i. 405 ; man, person. 

leodis, i. 379 ; people, lads 

leof, i. 215 ; dear. 

lere, i. 70 ; to teach. 

lered, i. 326. lend, ii. 25 ; learned, 
educated. 

lese, i. 386 ; a leash. 

lese, ii. 6 ; to lose. 

lesynges, ii. 40 ; falsehoods. 

lesse, ii. 189 ; lose. 

lesse,ii. 189 ; loss. 

let, ii. 31 ; hinder, let, i, 251 ; pre- 
vented, hindered. 

lete, i. 215, 217 ; to leave, to aban- 
don, to fail. 

lete, i. 217 ; to care. 



OF OBSOLETTE ENGLISH WOBDS. 



821 



letherin, i. 90 ; made of leather. 

lett, i. 64, &c. ; to prevent, to put a 
stop to. 

lette, i. 384 ; to fail. 

lette, i. 383 ; hindered, prevented. 

letteroun, ii. 78 ; a lectern, or read- 
ing-stand. 

lead, i. 326 ; uneducated, ignorant. 

Ieut6, i. 269 ; loyalty. 

leve, i. 66^ 69 ; to believe, 

leve, i. 392 ; to live. 

leven, 1. 331 ; to believe. 

leven, ii. 67 ; leave. 

levene, ii. 211 ; lightning. 

leverey, i. 379 ; levere, 381 ; leve- 
rez, 383 ; livery. 

levest, i. 388 ; dearest. 

leved, i. 394 ; lived ? 

levid, i. 60; left. 

levyn, ii. 198 ; live. 

leveste, i. 372 ; most willingly, es- 
pecially. 

leward, ii. 236, 

lewde, 1. 382 ; uneducated, ignorant. 

lewdely, ii. 193; vilely, ill-advisedly, 

lewidheed, ii. 75 ; ignorance. 

libel, ii. 157, 282 ; a little book, a 
pamphlet. 

liche, ii. 142, et passim; like. 

licnesse, ii. 108 ; similitude, sem- 
blance. 

lieue, ii. 14 ; place. 

lifes, i. 66 ; lives. 

liflode, i. 366 ; lyfflode, i. 405 ; food, 
sustenance. 

lig, i. 77 ; to lie. 

ligand, i. 82 ; lying. 

lyje, i. 250 ; to lie. 

ligeaunce, ii. 187 ; allegiance. 

liggen, ii. 19 ; laid. 

ligges, i. 65 ; lies, 
vol.. IL 



lightly, ii. 10 ; lyghtlye, ii. 174 ; 
li^tly, ii. 43 ; lyghtlich, i. 373 ; 
easily. 

littles, ii. 43 ; without light, in the 
dark. 

lyke, i. 269 ; to please ; that lyhed 
mcy it pleased me. liketh, ii. 113 ; 
it pleases ; hoxo hem Itkith, how 
it pleases them, likyde, i. 399 ; 
pleased, lykynge, ii. 173; pleasing. 

lykyng, i. 267, 392; pleasure, lust. 

likne, i. 217, 343 ; to compare, to 
liken, likynest, ii. 89 ; comparest. 
lykken, ii. 269 ; compare. 

lile, ii. 226 ; 

lymitour, i. 265 ; limitors, ii. 21 ; 
friars licensed to beg within cer- 
tain limits. 

list, ii. 141 ; likes, pleases. 

list, i. 73; cunning, artifice (?). 

liste, i. 392 ; to desire. 

lite, i. 325, 369 ; little. 

lith, i. 218 ; limb. 

lithes, i. 58 ; listen. 

livelich, i. 218 ; lively, vigorous. 

lywith, ii. 249 ; lived. 

loby, i. 389 ; a lubber. 

loenge, ii. 14 ; praise. 

Jo^e, L 225 ; laughed. 

logges, ii. 50 ; 

loggid, ii. 211 ; lodged. 

lolle, ii. 243 ; to profess the doc- 
trines of religious reform, to be a 
lollard ; literally, to idle about. 

lollers, i. 305 ; vagabonds. 

londlese, i. 305 ; people without 
settled abode. 

longe, i. 21 7 ; to belong to. longid, 
i. 389; belonged, longeth, i. 333; 
longith, 393 ; belongs, longynge, 
ii. 196 ; belonging. 



322 



GI^OSSARY AND INDEX 



loDjd, i. 408 ; 

loodmannage, ii.217 ; pilotage. 

loode^sterre, ii. 178 ; lodesterre, ii. 

270 ; the polar star, 
lordane, ii. 229 ; an idle lout, 
lordjns, i. 383 } lords, a form of fa* 

mlliarity. 
lore, i. 325 ; lost, 
lore, i. 252, 401 ; teaching, doctrine, 

lesson, 
lorell, i. 314, 338, 389; a scoundrel, 
lorn, i. 69 ; lost, 
los, i. 218 ; lose, ii. 245 ; praise, 

repute, 
losell, i. 342 ; a scoundrel, 
loseng^rie, i. 322 ; losengerj, ii. 27; 

lying and flattery, 
loste, ii. 167 ; ruined, 
lotby, ii. 102 ; a concubine, 
lothen, ii. 246 ; hate, 
loure, i. 266, 377 ; to look discon* 

tented or cross, 
lousid, ii. 56 ; let loose, 
lout, i. 73, 78; loute, i. 308 ; to stoop, 

to bend, to bow, to make obei- 
sance, 
love-daies, ii. 52, 255 ; meetings for 

arranging disputes amicably, 
lovyng, ii. 281 ; praising, 
lowede, ii. 165 ; loved, 
lowte, i.226; lowth, ii. 153; to bow. 
luf, i. 79 ; luffe, ii. 252 ; love, 
lurker, i. 394 ; an intruder (?). 
lusscheburne, i. 140 ; a debased 

foreign coin, so named from 

Luxemburgh, whence they were 

brought. 
luste,i. 393; to desire, lust, ii. 149; 

pleases. 



M. 

ma, passim; more. 

moddid, i. 376, 387 ; drove mad. 

mafey, ii. 75 ; my faith ! (an ex- 
clamation). 

mafflarde, ii. 225 ; a fool. 

mafflid, i. 415 ; stammered. 

magr6, ii. 272 ; in spite of. 

maine, i. 74 ; strength, force. 

maistership, i. 338 ; office of itutho- 
rity. 

maisterfuUy, i, 323 ; authoritatively, 
by force. 

maistrie, i. 338 ; authority. 

male, i. 307 ; a box, a chest. 

malisoun, ii. 112 ; curse. 

mals, i. 379 ; 

manasinge, i. 60 ; a threat. 

manciple, ii. 98; the purveyor of 
provisions, or clerk of the kitchen. 

mane, i. 65 ; moan, lament, 

maners, i. 225 ; manors, mansion 
houses. 

manslaught, i. 273 ; manslaughter. 

marcerye, i. 264 ; mercery. 

marchandes, ii. 160 ; merchants. 

marchandy, ii. 160 ; merchandise. 

marches, ii. 12 ; borders, border dis- 
tricts. 

mare, i. 80 ; more. 

markes, i. 267 ; marks (money). 

merkis, i. 384 ; marks, signs, badges. 

market-beaters, i. 330 ; swaggerers. 

marmusettes, ii. 172 ; monkeys. 

marren, ii. 72 ; to mar. 

marternus, ii. 186 ; furs of the mar- 
ten. 

martis, ii. 179 ; marts, or fairs. 

mase, i. 81 ; makes. 

mastling, i. 308 ; mixed metal. 



OF OBSOLETE ENGLISH WORDS. 



323 



mastry, i. 328 ; authority, force. 

matjn, ii. 50 ; to confound, 

mater, i. 273 ; matter. 

materas, ii. 217 ; a mattress. 

mawfesours, ii. 85; evil-doers. 

maugr^, i, 330; in spite of. 

mawgr6, i. 60, ii. 1 12 ; bad comfort, 
spite, displeasure. 

mawmentrie, ii. 246 ; idolatry. 

meohe, ii. 42 ; much. 

mede, i. 71, 332 ; reward, bribe, 
modes, ii. 252 ; bribes. 

medled, ii. 74 ; mixed. 

megre, i. 264 ; meagre, thin. 

meynd, ii. 196 s attendants, com- 
pany. 

meyntenourz, i. 405 ; maintainers. 

mekill, i. 63 ; much. 

mele, i. 250 ; to meddle, to treat. 

mell, 1. 329; melle, ii. 243; to 
meddle. 

mellid, i. 388 ; mixed. 

memoriable, ii. 194; to be remem- 
bered, memorable. 
^ mendis, i. 376, 381; amends. 

men6, i. 408; household, retinue. 

men^^, i. 61,66; retinue. 

menged, ii. 161; mixed. 

mengid, ii. 99; reminded. 

menid, i. 70; meant, intended. 

meny,ii. 167; people, maini. 

menys, ii. 190; means. 

mente, ii. 50 ; mint (the plant). 

menuse, ii. 53; to diminish, to de- 
tract from. 

menusynge, ii. 85 ; detracting from. 

mere, ii. 68; a mare. 

merk, ii. 212 ; dark. 

merke, i. 84 ; a mark. 

meschef, i. 48, ii. 7 ; mishap, mis- 
fortune. 



messo, ii. 93 ; the mass. 

messes, i. 327 ; dishes at table. 

mete, ii. 86 ; boundary. 

meteles, i. 264 ; without meat 

meuve, i. 370 ; move. 

meye, i, 378; move. 

mewe, ii. 170; a close place; strictly 

speaking, the place where falcons 

were put to moult, 
mewe, ii. 228; to moult, 
mych, i.278; myche, ii. 187; much, 
michel, ii. 45 ; great, 
middis, ii. 252; the midst, the middle 

of. 
midel-erd, i. 58; the earth, the 

world, 
mylne, ii. 53 ; a mill, 
mynged, i. 379; meddled, mixed; 

though it may be an error for 

mt/nded, 
myngit, ii. 51 ; mixes, 
mynys, ii. 286 ; mines, 
myneth, ii. 58 ; undermines, 
mynusshyth, ii. 189; diminishes, 
myry, ii. 72 ; pleasant, merry, 
mis, i. 252 ; error, wrong, 
myschevyd, i. 272, ii. 269 ; plagued, 

injured, brought into misfortune, 
miscreantz, ii, 12 ; unbelievers, in- 
fidels, 
misfare, i. 89 ; to mischance, mishap, 
misqueme, i. 323 ; to displease, 
missaverynge, ii. 53 ; misunder-* 

standing (?). 
myssavyzyng, ii. 253 ; bad counsel, 
myssetyme, ii. 58 ; to err. 
myste, i. 378; might, 
mistere, i. 309; need, 
mystir, i. 409 ; 
myswent, ii. 243; gone wrong, fulleu 

into abuse. 

X 2 



324 



GLOSSABT AVD INDEX 



mjtird, ii. 146; mitred, luid their 

mitres on* 
myth, i. 364; mjthe, lu 187; might, 
moche, ii. 243; great, 
mochel, i. 268 ; mnch. 
mode, i. 74; mod, iL 7; mind, spirit, 
mody, i. 71; highminded, bniTe. 
mold, i. 80 ; molde, i. 391 ; i. 406 ; 

earth, world, 
molde, L 388; 
mon, i. 251; man. 
mone, ii. 208 ; lamentation, 
mon^, i. 64 ; money, 
monest, iL 104 ; lamentest, moaaest. 
monknjnde, i. 250 ; mankind, 
monj, i. 252 ; njpmj. 
moo, ii. 188 ; more, 
moppis, i. 406 ; fools, 
more, iL 21 ; greater, 
more, L 83 ; a moor, 
momjnge, ii. 76 ; mourning, 
mot, i. 59 ; may. 
mote, 1. 218 ; might, 
moule, i. 342 ; to become mouldy, 
monn, i. 400 ; may. 
mouside, i. 396 ; mused, 
mowe, i. 327; may. 
mowen, ii. 269 ; mowed, 
mowyth, it. 250 ; may. 
mowtynge, i. 380 ; moulting, 
mucke, ii. 243 ; used commonly as 

a contemptuous term for money^ 

or wealth, 
multiphary, ii. 181 ; multifarious, 
mun, i. 73 ; may. 
muse, i. 372 ; reflect, brood over, 
mutt, ii. 188 ; might. 



N. 

naker, i. 69 ; a musical instrument, 

a comet or brass horn, 
nay, iL 126 ; this is no nay^ this 

admits of no denial, 
nayt, iL 62; naught, 
nale, L 330 ; the ak. 
namely, ii. 92 ; especially. 
natlie, IL 222 ; the nave of a cart, 
neaay, iL 156 ; none, not any. 
nee, i. 274 ; the neck, 
neft, i. 376 ; 
neghe, i. 267 ; closely. ^ The land 

is so closely sought by the friars, 

that the secular priests can hardly 

get any employment." 
nelde, i. 327 ; a needle, 
nempne, i. 376 ; to name, to men- 
tion, to tell ; nempned, L 403 ; 

called. 
neXy passim; nor. 
nere, L 403 ; nearer, 
nere, i. 330 ; for ne taere^ were not. 
neres, L 264 ; kidneys (?). 
nevene, ii. 211, 284 ; name, 
newe, ii. 49 ; anew, again, 
newed, i. 373, 412 ; renewed, 
neweth, i. 372 ; annoyeth. 
uy, i. 392 ; near, 
nyeth, L393; approacheth. nyhedy 

i. 403 ; approached, 
nifles, ii. 172 ; trifles, nicknacks. 
nigges, i. 326 ; niggai*ds. 
nyghed, i. 380 ; approached, 
nil, L 313 ; contracted from ne will^ 

will not. 
nis, i. 216 ; nys, 370 ; contraction of 

ne isy is not. 
nyset^, i. 399; delicacy, nicety, 
nyst, L 415 ; knew not^ for ne wist. 



OF OBSOLETE ENGLISH WORDS. 



325 



noble, ii. 169 ; the uaine of a coin 
minted under Edward III. 

nodyr, ii. 271 ; neither. 

nodur, i. 365 ; no nodur^ for non 
oduTy none other. 

noy, ii. 182 ; injury, noyes, i. 372; 
injuries, griefs, annoyances. 

noien, ii. 56 ; to injui-e. 

nokes, i. 75 ; comers, nooks. 

nold^ i. 325 ; for ne woldy would not. 

nolle, i. 374 ; the head, noddle. 

nomen, i. 86 ; took. 

not, i. 393 ; 

nother, i. 392 ; neither. 

nouther, i. 216 ; neither. 

nownagis, i. 412 ; nonages. 



0. 



obeysaunty i. 308 ; making obeis- 
sance. 

obeisaunte, ii. 189 ; obedient. 

obout, i, 61 ; about. 

odur, ii. 250 ; or. 

ogayn, i. 59 ; again, ogayne, i. 64 ; 
against. 

ogaines, i. 59 ; against. 

oghne, ii. 9 ; own. 

oght, i. 267 ; aught. 

oilles, i. 401 ; 

ok, i. 216 ; oak. 

olive, i. 71 5 alive. 

onde, i. 84 ; an error of the press 
for londe. 

one, i. 82 ; only. 

onys, i. 371 ; once. 

onthryfty, i. 272 ; that which coun- 
teracts or destroys thrift. 

00, i. 278 ; one. 



oon, ii. 137 ; one. 

oore, ii. 186; ore. 

open, i. 70 ; upon. 

opposaile, ii. 204 ; question, in- 
quiry, argument, for apposaile. 

or, i. 397 ; before. 

ore, ii. 197 ; an oar. 

osey, iu 163 ; a sort of wine. 

osmonde, ii. 171 ; a sort of iron. 

oste, ii. 177, 178, for hoste; to take 
up lodgings (?). 

ostentacioun, ii. 190 ; appearances, 
demonstration. 

otere, ii. 186; the otter. 

ottre, ii. 215 ; to utter. 

ouches, i. 331, 334; jewels. 

ouris, ii. 68 ; ours. 

outraye, i. 216; to outrage, to in- 
jure. 

outrayeng, ii. 143 ; erasing, ex- 
pelling. 

overeledynge, ii. 195 ; oppression. 

oversene, ii. 205 ; overlooked, read 
through. 

overthwarte, ii. 190; to cross, to 
embarras. 

overwacche, i. 406 ; sitting up over 
late. 

oway, i. 78 ; away. 

owgly, ii. 218 ; ugly. 

owyn, i. 273 ; own. 



paien, ii. 46 ; pay. 
paiene, ii. 5 ; pagan, 
paynen, i. 311 ; to labour, 
paynymes, ii. 65 ; payujrmys, ii. 283 ; 
I pagans. 



326 



OtOSHAST AKD DTDKX 



pa!e«, iL 20«S ; a palace. 

pal<'t, L 79 : the head, the pate. 

fiall, L 78 ; fine cloth. 

paone, i. 376. 394, 409 ; paiiDe«Y L 

409 ; the ^kuIl, the head, 
pang, ii. 66 ; pence, 
panerifi, i. 390 ; netji, snares. 
imragalA, i. 377 ; peer«, companioDf . 
parage, i. 218 ; peerage (?;. 
par-amonr, ii. 280 ; hj or for love 

(used adverbiaUj). 
parbrake, ii. 63 ; to romit. 
parceit, i. 369 ; perception, 
parde, passim; an cxclamatioi]) 

literally Inf God. 
pardonjfitres, ii. 78 ; pardoners, 
parfetten, ii. 227. 

parfit, iL 9 ; the rule, the exemplar, 
parfite, ii. 224. 

par}'formytee, ii. 193 ; nimilitude. 
parishen, i. 327 ; a parishioner, 
parjsshens, ii. 217 ; parishioners, 
parle, i. 414 ; to talk, 
parlioufi, ii. 227 j perilous, 
paroche, ii. 72 ; a parish, 
partable, ii. 220 ; sharing in* 
parten, ii. 98 ; to give a share of. 
pavys, ii. 152 ; a sort of large 

shield, 
pease, i. 339 ; a pea. 
pccus, ii. 227. 

peedeugr^, ii. 131 ; a pedigree, 
peere, i. 372 ; a pear, 
peynys, i. 272 ; punishment, 
pcynte, ii. 181 ; to paint, 
peise, ii. 8 ; to weigh, to deliberate* 
poked, ii. 251 ; peaked, 
pelcrs, i. 62 ; pillars, 
pelour, ii. 245; a plunderer, a 

robber, pelour s, ii. 164 ; thieves. 



. peiire-ware, iL 171 ; raw hides, per- 
haps mote especially of wild 
hiiea^t*- 
I pelare, i. 265 ; Inr. 

pencell i. 76 ; a streamtf, or orna- 
mental f^. 
. pende, L 323 ; to confine.* 

ix-rij'lac. i. 398 ; want of money. 

peraunter, iL 60; peradventore, 
perhaps. 

pcrde, iL 125 ; an exclamation of 
affirmation, par Dieu, 

perdurable, ii. 14 ; endurable, ever* 
lasting. 

pere, iL 201 ; a peer. 

pere, L 59 ; a pear. 

perfit, iL 243 ; perfect. 

perlis, i. 375 ; pearb. 

permagall, i. 307 ; probably a miii- 
print for peregal^ equaL 

perrie, i. 308 ; precious stones. 

persen, iL 81 ; pierce. 

persons, iL 30 ; persownys, ii. 217 ; 
parsons, parish priests. 

perswyaunce, ii. 242; continua- 
tion (?). 

pertli, ii. 51 ; openly, plainly, for 
apertli. 

pes, ii. 5 ; peace. 

pese, ii. 251 ; peacCi 

pesinge, L 400 ; piecing, joining the 
pieces together. 

^ie^ passim; pity. 

piement, L 316 ; a sort of mixed 
drink. 

piereles, ii. 13 ; peerloiw, without 
equaL 

pight, i. 390 ; py^te, ii. 152; raised^ 
fixed, pitched. 

piken, ii. 66 ; to steal. 

pikers, ii. ^6 ; thieves. 



OF OBSOLETi: ENGLISH WOBDS. 



327 



pylche, ii. 219 ; a leathern coat. 

pyle, ii. 240 ; the obverse side of a 
coin, the other side having a cross. 
Hence the game of crosse and 
pyle was equivalent to our 
*' heads and tails." 

pill, i. 314 ; to plunder. 

pill3mge, i. 374 ; plundering. 

pillour, i. 306 ; a pillow. 

pine, i. 77, ii. 251 ; pain, punish- 
ment. 

pined, i. 318 ; pyned, ii. 267 ; 
pynnyd, i. 389 ; tormented, pun- 
ished. 

pipoudris, i. 409 ; courts of pipou- 
dei*e held at fairs and markets 
for the speedy trial of offences 
occurring there. 

pirith, i. 393 ; peeps, watches. 

pistles, ii. 63 ; epistles. 

pitaile, i. 76 ; foot soldiers. 

piteouse, pitevous, ii. 189 ; lament- 
able. 

pyteuxly, ii. 267 ; piteously. 

playn, ii. 152, 269 ; even, level. 

plain, ii. 13 ; simple, candid. 

playne, i. 64; abundant (?). 

plasmacion, i. 275 ; make, formation. 

plate, i. 76 ; mail, armour. 

pleasaunce, ii. 254 ; pleasure* 

pleigne, ii. 8 ; pleyn, i. 77 j pleyne, 
i. 376 ; to complain. 

pleysaunce, ii. 184 ; pleasure, 
tkynges of pleysauncCy orna- 
mental objects. 

plenili, ii. 89 ; fully. 

plesand, i. 265 ; pleasing, agreeable. 

plentevous, plenteouse, ii. 188, 212 ; 
productive, producing plenty, 
abundant. 

plentevousnesse, ii. 242 ; abundance. 



plete, i. 305, 410 ; to plead, to argue* 

plewme, i. 389 ; plume. 

plit, ii. 13 ; plight. 

plytes, i. 399 ; pleats. 

plomayle, i. 381 ; featliers, plumage. 

pocys, ii. 139 ; 

poynt-makers, ii. 160; makers of 
the points, or laces, with which 
the hose were fastened. 

pokes, i. 332 ; sleeves. 

pol, i. 389 ; the head. 

poleyn, ii. 213 ; u poleyn sieede, 
may mean either a young steed, 
or a Polish steed. 

polled, i. 79 ; shorn, shaved. 

poopeholy, ii. 251, pretending to 
great holiness. 

porayle, ii. 285 ; the poor classes of 
society. 

port, i. 329; bearing. 

portred, i, 307; pictured. 

possessioners, i. 267; persons en- 
dowed with land, referring here 
apparently to the monks, in con- 
tradistinction to the friai*s. 

postilles, ii. 44; apostles. 

pouge, i» 276; a pouch. 

poure, ii. 249; power. 

poure, i. 372 ; to pore. 

pover, i. 66 ; poor. 

povert, i. 270 ; poverty. 

powch, i. 274 ; a purse, a pouch. 

powchers, ii. 109 ; makers of 
pouches. 

power, ii. 25 ; poor. 

praptyk, ii. 241 ; perhaps for prac* 
tyky or practice. 

pray, i. 314 ; prey (?). 

prease, ii. 33 ; to urge, to press. 

prease, i. 305; prison (?). 

precith, i. 393 ; pressethi 



328 



GLOSSARY AND INDEX 



preffe, iL 161 ; proof, 

preififly i. 369 ; proofs, experience. 

prejsing, i. 374 ; appraising, fixing 
a value on. 

presciousitee, ii. 68 ; value, pre- 
cionsness. 

prese, i. 61 ; press, crowd. 

presejm, ii. 247; press (?). 

presse, i. 401 ; to push. 

presse, i. 250. 

prest, i. 226, 326 ; ready. 

prest, i. 71; pressed, in haste. 

prevayle, ii. 285 (?). 

prevy, ii. 285 ; private. 

preve, i. 372 ; to prove. 

price, ii. 198 ; a prize. 

prikc, i. 62 ; pryke, ii. 208 ; to ride. 

pringnant, ii. 227 ; pregnant (?). 

prynte, i. 385 ; impression (?). 

pi-ise, i. 59 ; ii. 14, 63 ; praise, value. 

privyng, ii. 85 ; depriving. 

privyte, ii. 75 ; privacy. 

procuratour, i. 326; a proctor, an 
attorney. 

procure, ii, 34 ; to act by procura- 
tion. 

proesce, ii. 200; prowess. 

prophete, i. 412 ; profit. 

propurteS) i. 394; peculiarities, 
characteristics. 

prove, i. 76 ; to try. 

pnissaunce, ii. 181 ; power. 

puit, i. 215 ; put. 

pulter, i. 389; poultry (?). 

puplc, ii. 41 ; people. 

pure, i. 391 ; poor. 

purraile, i. 389; the common people, 
the poor. 

putree, i. 312 ; whoredom, 
puttocke, i. 344 ; a kite (the bird). 



; queint, i. 334 ; ingenious, quaint, 
queintise, i. 322 ; cunning, 
queme, i. 400; qweme, iL 142 ; to 

please, 
quentise, i. 385, 400; cunning, 

artfulness, 
quereie, ii. 14 ; the complaint, 
quic, iL 74 ; alive, 
quicke, L 326 ; alive, 
quite, iL 12 ; requite, 
quite, L 78 ; quit, relieved of. 
quok, L 251 ; quaked, 
quell, qwell, L 61, 70; to kill, 
qwen, L 275 ; when, 
qwere, L 273 ; ware, beware of. 
qwere, L 274 ; where. 



R 

rabeyn, i. 388 ; rapine. 

rache, ii. 225 ; a scenting hound. 

racheshede, ii. 187 ; carelessness. 

Apparently miswritten by the 

scribe for racheteshede. 
rad, ii. 132 ; read (part.) 
rafte, i. 373 ; taken from you, reft, 
ragmanne, ii. 228 ; a catalogue or 

inventory, 
ray, i. 398 ; array, 
rayed, L 397 ; arrayed, 
rayke, i. 264 ; to wander about 
railed, L 69 ; set, placed, 
ranes, ii. 6S ; snot, 
rape, i. 82 ; a rope, 
rapely, i. 74, 369 ; quickly, hastily^ 



OF OBSOLETE ENGUSH WOBDS. 



329 



rascaile, i. 386 ; rasskayle, 387 ; 

raskalle, ib. ; the lower orders, 
rasydy ii. 108 ; erased, diminished, 
rasith, ii. 92 ; erascth, defaceth. 
ratele, ii. 64 ; to rattl^ out, to talk 

loudly and inconsiderately, 
rathly, i. 77 ; speedily, 
ratyn, ii. 110. 
rauht, it. 211 ; reached, 
raunsound, i. 323 ; ransomed, 

fleeced, 
ravinour, i. 326 ; a plunderer, 
raw, i. 69; a row, a rank, 
realles, i. 378 ; royals (regales). 
reamys, ii. 132 ; realms, 
rebellyous, ii. 270; rebels, 
recchith, i. 397; care, reck, 
recheless, ii. 133 ; reckless, 
reclayme, i. 390 ; brought back, a 

term in falconry, 
recuire, ii. 249 ; recover, 
recure, ii. 269 ; to recover, 
red, rede, i. 218, 252 ; to counsel, 

to advise, 
rede, ii. 8 ; a reed, 
rede, i. 6^ ; counsel, 
redeles, i. 373 ; counsel-less, un- 
advised, 
redely, i. 371, 383 ; readily, 
redles, i^ 73; unadvised, foolish, 
redlyd, ii. 217 ; twisted, 
reden, i. 376 ; rode, 
reede, i. 398 ; counsel, 
reevelle, i. 413 ; revel, 
refreit, ii. 21 1 ; the burthen of a song, 
regaliche, ii. 196 ; royally, 
regalie, ii. 4 ; regalye, ii. 142 ; 

royalty, royal position, 
reght, i. 74 ; right, 
regno, i. 266 ; to reign, 
regne, ii. 157 ; a kingdom. 



reyke, ii. 73 ; course, fling. 

reynebowe, i. 404 ; the rainbow. 

reys, ii. 175. 

reisiu, ii. 109; raise. 

rejoise, ii. 254 ; to enjoy ; rejoisyug, 
ii. 144 ; enjoying. 

reles, ii. 47 ; release. 

reme, ii. 282 ; realm. 

rememoraunce, ii. 242 ; remem- 
brance, mindfulness. 

remene, i. 216 ; to call to mind (?). 

remevyd, ii. 123 ; removed. 

remossaylles, ii. 220 ; remnants. 

rcn, i. 73 ; to run. 

renyd, ii. 77 ; ruined. 

renk, i. 381 ; a man. 

renne, i. 383 ; to run; ii. 132 ; run 
(participle), rennen, ii. 74 ; they 
run. rennyng, ii. 276 ; running. 

renomed, ii. 133 ; renowned. 

rent, i. 73. 

renue, ii. 75 ; be restored. 

reot, i. 413 ; riot, disorder. 

repreff, i. 371 ; reproof. 

repreve, i. 402 ; to reprove. 

rere, ii. 245; to raise. 

reremys, i. 406 ; bats. 

rereth, ii. 244 ; raiseth. 

rerewarde, ii. 57 ; the reai-guard of 
an army. 

resayvid, ii. 274 ; received. 

resceyte, i. 385 ; receipt. 

rese, i. 76; halting (?). 

reste, ii. 252 ; dwelling place. 

resteined, ii. 14 ; retained (?). Per- 
haps it should be read resceivcd. 

restid, ii. 278 ; arrested. 

restore, i. 390 ; 

retch, ii. 33 ; care, reck. 

retourned, ii. 268; brought back 
again. 



330 



GLOaSABT AXD ISDtX 



rere, iL 51 ; to deprive, take from, 
rere, iL 245 ; to plunder, rered, 

i. OS ; plondCTedy robbed* 
rereree, L 265 ; a term in dress* 

makinz* 
revere, iL 164 ; sea-robbers, pirates, 
reward, L 218, iL 134 ; regard, 
rewe, L 373 ; to me. 
rewisy i. 371 ; rows, lines, or oooplet^* 
rewleless, iL 212 ; without mle, nn- 

goremed. 
rewme, L 378, 396 ; a realm, 
rewth, L 369 ; mtb. 
rialle, L 398 ; rojal. 
rialle, ii. 207 ; rojallj, like a king 

or queen, 
rybawdus, L 225 ; ribawdes, ii. 152; 

ribalds, a low class of medieval 

society, 
ribaudery, i. 263 ; ribaldry, 
richen, L 326 ; to enrich, 
ryff, L 380 ; rife, freqaent 
lyfHed, i. 374 ; rifled, 
rifild, i. 62 ; plundered, rifled, 
rig, L 77 ; rigge, L 407 ; the back, 
ri^tyn, L 369; to correct, to set 

right, 
right wy 8, iL 267; rightwise, i. 314; 

righteous, 
rightwisenesse, ii. 8 ; righteousness, 
riken, ii. 228 ; reckon, 
riot, ii. 244 ; tumult, 
riote, i. 263, 373 ; riot ; riotous 

living, 
riotours, i. 311 ; people who live in 

extravagance and riot, 
rith, i. 369 ; right, 
riveling, i. 62 ; a rough shoe for- 
merly worn by the Scots, 
rode, i. 74, 89 ; a cross, 
rofe, ii. 126 ; clove, split. 



roll; i. 40I ; roof, vault. 

romee^ iL 90 ; roar (?>• 

ronneo, L 364 ; run. 

rood,L 311 ; roode, iL 127; acroaa. 

roother, L 216 ; a rudder. 

roseers, iL 210 ; roae trees. 

rote« iL 221 ; a musical instrument 

resembling the hurdy-gurdy, 
rotus, L 387 ; rootK. 
ron^t, iL 269 ; recked, cared, 
rou^t, L 366 ; 
rou^te, L 396 ; rout, 
roune^ L 380 ; to whisper, 
route, iL 246 ; to go in company on 

foot, 
route, ii. 167 ; assemble, 
routus, i. 374 ; rowts. 
roven, i. 343 ; riven, separated, 
rovers, ii. 164 ; robbers on the sea, 

pirates, 
rowyng, ii. 284; 
rownde, iL 193 ; encircling. Tkis 

rawnde see^ this sea round us. 
rowners, L 271 ; whisperers, 
rowte, i. 225, ii. 180; a company, a 

crowd. g 

rugh-fute, L 62 ; rough-footed, 
rumbelynge, ii. 276; tumult. 



S. 

sacrynge, ii. 234 ; the conseci^ation 

of the host. 
sadde, ii. 47; serious, 
sadly, ii. 38; seriouslyt 
saff, i. 373; safe, 
saff, i. 374 ; save, 
sayle, i. 216; to assaiL 
saine, i. 61 ; to say. 



OF OBSOLETE ENGLISH WOBDS. 



331 



saklcs, i. 61 ; blameless^ guiltless* 

sale) 1. 75; shall. 

sale, i. 307; 

sail, L 73; shall. 

saltou, i. 88; shalt thou. 

salve, i. 70 ; to save* 

sample, ii. 243; example. 

sand, ii. 6 ; the act of sending, a 

message, 
sape, i. 266 ; soap* 
sare, i. 59; sore, 
saiy, i. 60; sore, 
sairi, i. 218; 

satyllyn, ii. 81; settle (?). 
savere, i. 371 ; know (?). 
sauf, ii. 243; save. 
sauf, ii. 8 ; saved^ safe, 
sauf, ii. 6; safe, possessing safety* 
saul, 1. 63; saul^ i. 266; the soul, 
sawd, ii. 94; pa3rment, hire* 
sawe, i. 70, 86, ii. 182; a saying, a 

report, sawis, i* 402, ii* 401 ; say* 

ings. 
sawte, ii. 277, 278; an assault* 
sawtid, ii* 278; assaulted, 
scant, ii. ^89 ; to become sCMity, to 

fail 
scaplerie, ii. 19; a scapulary, part of 

the ecclesiastic dress* 
Bcath^ i. 265 ; loss, 
schac, i. 67; to shake* 
schad, ii. 7; shed, 
schawes, i. 89; woods* 
sched, i. 252; the division of the 

hair on the top of the head* 
Bchedde, ii. 8; shed, 
scheltron, i. 71 ; schilteroun, i« 72 ; 

a squadron or division of soldiers* 
Bchende, i. 73; to destroy, 
schene, i. 71; bright, 
schenty i. 225 ; ruined, destroyed. 



scheimyu, ii. 285; shear-men, those 
who shear the cloth. 

schew, i. 415j show* 

schewe, i. 394, 413; appeal'. 

schides, ii. 53; planks* 

schiperd, i. 84; shepherd. 

schone, ii. 251; shoes. 

schope, ii. 63; created. 

schoppe, i. 403; to chop. 

schemed, i* 404 ; scorned. 

schour, i. 216 ; shower. 

schour, ii. 268 ; schowre, i. 85 ; bat- 
tle, conflict* 

schrapid, i. 394; scraped, scratched. 

schrevys, i. 413; sheriffs. 

schrewed, i. 392 ; cursed* 

schrive, i. 88; confess thyself. 

schroff, i. 388; 

schroup, i. 388; 

scole, ii* 43; school* 

scomferture, ii. 278; discomfiture. 

scorte, i. 401 ; scorn* 

scredes, ii. 252; shreds, alluding to 
the cutting and jagging of the 
cloth in dresses of that period* 

scrowe, ii. 165, 192; a writing, a 
scroU. 

se, i. 63 ; the sea. 

se, i. 378; a seat, a see* 

seche, i. 392; to seek. 

see, i. 410; a seat. 

seggist, ii. 72; speakest. 

sey, ii. 124 ; saw. 

seie, i. 215; to say. 

seye, i. 215 ; seen. 

sei^e, i. 216; seen. 

seimtis, i. 398 ; girdles. 

seyn, ii. 17, 181 ; they say 

seyne, ii. 179; to see. 

seist) ii. 49; speakest. 

seke, ii. 125; sick. 



332 



GLOSSARY AND INDEX 



seker, i. 321; sure. 

sekir, ii. 243; eure, certain. 

selcouthe, i. 368 ; strange, wonder* 

ful. 
eele, ii. 125; time, 
selde; i. 394; seldom, 
selj, ii. 109; simple, 
selle, ii. 185; 
sembland, i. 78; like, 
semble, ii. 125; an assembly, a meet- 
ing together (here, in shock of 

battle), 
sembled, i. 369; assembled, 
sen, i. 60; since, 
sen, ii. 9; see. 
senceres, ii. 42; censers, 
sendal, ii. 68; a sort of valuable 

cloth or silk, 
sene, ii. 133; see. 
senin, i. 86; since, afterwards, 
seo, i. 250, &c.; see. 
sere, i. 365; dry, withered, 
sere, i. 86; several, 
scrgantes, i. 70; servants, 
serpentli, ii. 49; treacherously, like 

a serpent. 
Berteyne,ii. 152; certain; aserteyne, 

in certain, for certain, 
served, ii. 12; preserved, 
servid, i. 381; deserved. 
8esid,ii. 278; stopped. 
sesse, ii. 104; cease, 
severe, ii. 209 ; to separate, 
sewde, ii. 278 ; seuyd, ii. 279 ; 

issued, 
sewe, ii. 228; sue. 
sewis, i. 310; follows, 
shadwe, ii» 216; shade, shadow, 
shede, i. 311; separate, 
shende, i. 344, ii. 183; to ruin, to 

destroy. 



shendship, ii, 45; 8henshepe,i. 405; 
shenshippe, ii. 227 ; ruin, destruc- 
tion. 

shene, ii. 218 ; bright, shining. 

shent, i. 269; shente, ii. 187; ruined, 
destroyed, lost. 

shepen, ii. 76; a sheep-cot. 

sherish, ii. 188; shires. 

shewyng, ii. 109; offering. 

shipun, ii. 72; a sheep-cot. 

shone, i. 266; shoes. 

show, i. 317; a shoe. 

shryfe, i. 265; to shrive. 

shryffe, ii. 207; confess. 

shrift, ii. 22 ; confession. 

shrift-fathers, ii. 22 ; confessors. 

shulde, ii. 244; shield. 

sibbe, ii. 70; kindred. 

sibbe, i. 392; kin, relation. 

sicerly, ii. 49 ; surely. 

siche, ii. 67; such. 

sydus, i. 277; sides. 

sie, i. 327; to see. 

sigh, ii. 146; saw. 

signement, ii. 147; assignment, as- 
signation. 

syked, ii. 205 ; sighed. 

siker, i. 217; sure, secui-e. 

sykerliche, i. 252; surely. 

sykernesse, ii. 241 ; certainty. 

sympylle, ii. 284 ; in the sense of 
small. 

synder, i. 216; sunder; in synder, 
asunder. 

syngyn, i. 270; to sing. 

sir, i. 378, 379; a lord. 

sit, ii. 5 ; becomes. 

sitee, ii. 187; situation (?), 

sytes, i. 268 ; sits. 

sit^h, i. 374; a sight. 

sith, ii. 22; since. 



OF OBSOLETE ENGLISH WOBDS. 



333 



Bythenne, i. 225 ; since, afterwards. 

Bitte, ii. 5 ; becomes. 

sitting, i. 393 ; incubation. 

skall, i. 311; scab. 

skamonje, ii. 173 ; scammonj, a 

plant used in medicine, 
skathed, L 385 ; injured, 
skere, i. 333. 
skylle, i. 385, ii. 188. skil, ii. 42 ; 

reason, knowledge ; can thereone 

no ikylley are quite ignorant in 

the matter, 
sklendir, ii. 219 ; slender, 
skood, ii. 219. 
skry, ii. 154 ; cry. 
fikrith, i. 71 ; to escape (?). 
slake, ii. 206 ; to desist, to cease, 
slake, ii. 10 ; to be extinguished, 
slaken, i. 86; to assuage, to quench, 
slaveyn, i. 404 ; a sort of mantle, 
slawe, ii. 235 ; slain, 
sleen, ii. 134 ; to slay. 
sleight, ii, 13 ; trickery, deception, 
slen, ii. 10 ; to slay, 
slent, ii. 112 ; slunk, 
sleth, ii. 7 ; slayeth. 
slew, i. 345 ; probably a misprint of 

the black-letter edition for fleWy 

i.e. put them to flight, 
slewys, i. 273 ; sleeves, 
slyndynge, ii. 182 ; slipping, 
slike, i. 59, 60 ; such, 
slite, i. 335. 
slodc, i. 404 ; slided. 
slogh, i. 64 ; slo^e, i. 225 ; slou^, i. 

216 ; slew, 
sloughe, sloughte, ii. 187; sloth, 
slouh, ii. 13 ; he slew, 
slowe, ii. 8 ; slew, 
slugly, ii. 203 ; sluggishly, 
smacchith, ii. 64 ; smacks, tastes of, 



smere, i. 325 ; to smear, to daub 

over, 
smorthering, ii. 54 ; smothering. 

Perhaps a mere error of the 

scribe, 
snaper, i. 88 { to stumble, 
snarre, ii. 55 ; to ensnare, 
snek-drawers, ii. 98 ; lifters of 

latches, 
snell, i. 70 ; quick, 
snowcrie, ii. 111. 
soeifrin, ii. 10 ; suffer, 
sofferen, ii. 206 ; sovereign, 
softe, ii. 8 ; mild, 
soget, i. 272, ii. 192 ; subject, 
soile, ii. 38 ; to assoil, to absolve, 
sojoumant, i. 327 ; a sojourner, 
soleyne, i. 415 ; sullen, or solemn, 
somen, ii. 89; to summon, 
somere, i. 380 ; summer, 
sompne, i. 330 ; to summon, 
sompnour, i, 313 ; the officer who 

cited offenders before the consis- 
tory court, 
sonde, i. 370, ii. 202 ; that which is 

sent, a message, sondis, i. 413 ; 

messages, 
sender, i. 268 ; to separate ; make 

ham to sonder^ disperse them, 
sondrid, i. 388 ; separated, 
song, i. 267 ; singing, 
songen, i. 79 ; sung. 
Sonne, ii. 178, 196 ; the sun. 
sool, ii. 103 ; soole, ii. 190 ; sole, 

single, 
sore, ii. 190 ; sorrow, 
sorrowen, ii. 7 ; lament over, 
sorwynge, ii. 40 ; lamenting, 
sotch^, ii. 175 ; subtlety, 
sothe, i. 266 ; truth, 
sotil, ii. 85 ; subtle. 



334 



OLOSHABT AND INDEX 



aottell, ii. 273 ; subtle. 

souketh, ii. 174 ; sucks. 

soukle, i, 304; to absorb moi8ture(?), 

said of bad seed 
Boule, i. 376. 

soun, ii. 219 ; sound, yoioe. 
soupe, i. 337 ; sup. 
sourdldy i. 368 ; proceeded, 
soure, i. 269 ; sourly, 
sowed, i. 70 ; repented (?). 
sowkid, i. 412 ; sucked, drunk in. 
sowters, ii. 109 ; cobblers, 
sowth, ii. 284 ; sought, 
sparris, ii. 77 ; rafters, beams, 
spas, i. 252 ; space, 
specialifi, i. 276 ; sweethearts, 
specionus, ii, 98 ; beautiful, 
spyse, i, 265 ; spice, 
spokeles, ii, 222 ; destitute of 

spokes, 
spone, i. 273 ; spun, 
sporys, i, 275 ; spurs, 
stable, ii. 8 ; to strengthen, 
stable, i. 373, 404; to become strong, 

or firm, 
stakerth, ii. 40 ; staggers, 
stalle, i. 389 ; stole, 
standen, ii. 202 ; to be arrested, to 

become stationary, not progres- 
sing, 
stane, i. 62 ; stone, 
stant, passim, stands, 
stappis, ii. 102 ; steps, 
stare, ii. 215 ; the starling, 
stareand, i. 64 ; stai-ing. 
sted, i. 252 ; stede, i. 63, 76; ii. 14; 

steedes, i. 304 ; place, 
steeris, i. 405 ; oxen, 
stefly, ii. 239 ; stiffly, firmly, 
steken, ii. 97 ; to bar the door, to 

shut out. 



stelen, i. 386 ; stole. 

stended, ii. 80 ; stinted, limited* 

sterching, ii. 50 1 starching, 

stere, ii. 6, 170 ; to stir. 

stere, ii, 10 ; a steersman. 

stere, ii. 125 ; stout, strong. 

steren, i. 62 ; stem. 

sterynge, ii. 185 ; stirring, 

stern, i. 64 ; a star. 

Sterne, i. 304 ; fierce, 

styde, i, 365 ; place. 

stiede, ii. 204 ; mounted, 

stiel, ii. 133 ; style* 

stiere, ii. 10 ; to steer, 

stiere, ii. 10 ; a steersman, 

stif, i. 398 ; firm, strong. 

styfie, i, 394 ; to become strong, or 
firm, 

styffiieasey i, 405 ; strength, rigi- 
dity. 

stigh, ii. 9 ; mounted, ascended. 

stile, ii. 171 ; steel. 

stille, i. 269 ; quietly. 

stint, i. 71 ; put an end to. 

stynted, i. 386 ; desisted, ceaaed. 

stirid, i. 379 ; stirred. 

stirt, i. 90 ; stai'ted, rushed. 

stonde, ii. Ill ; stoned. 

stonden, ii. 241 ; to stand. 

stony, ii. 200; am astonished, am 
confounded. 

stonyed, i. 386 ; astonished. 

stent, i. 365 ; stands. 

stopene, ii. 178 i stop, hinder. 

stound, i. 72, 304 ; a moment, a 
period of time ; in a slound, at 
once. 

stour, 216 ; battle. 

stoute, ii. 196; strongly, power- 
fully. 

stownde> ii. 125 ; time, moment. 



OF OBSOLETE ENGLISH WORDS. 



3SS 



stowTe, i. 61 ; fight, battle. 

Htrajth, i. 275 ; 8ti*aight, tight, 

Btrake, i. 416 } a stroke. 

Btrate, i. 74 ; street or road (?). 

streche, ii. 180 ; to go, to hasten, 

Btrenkith, i. 89 ; strength, 

strenuit^, ii. 200 ; courage, force of 
character. 

Btrevyn, i. 88 ; striven, 

strie, i. 405; to destroy. Btried,i. 381 ; 
destroyed. 

strive, i. 71 ; strife. 

Btryve, ii. 6 ; to make strife. 

stroye, i. 398 ; stroy, i. 64 ; to 
destroy, stroyed, i, 385 ; de- 
stroyed, 

Btronte, i. 401 5 to rant. 

Btronters, i. 406 ; ranters. 

Btrountynge, i. 397, 398 ; strontynge, 
400 ; ranting. 

Btrowun, ii. 110 ; strew, scatter, 

sturte, i. 330 ; struggle (?). 

Bubdite, ii. 197; subjected. 

subies, ii. 196 ; Bubjects. 

subjit, ii. 9 ; subject. 

sufferayn, li. 208 ; sovereign. 

Bugre, ii. 145 ; to sugar, to sweeten. 

suld, i. 63 ; should. 

Bummyse, ii. 227 ; subject. 

superfine, ii. 70 ; superfluous. 

Bupplusage, ii. 283 ; surplus. 

surquedous, ii. 213; arrogant. 

surreccioun, ii. 247 ; insurrection, 

sustryn, ii. 209 ; sisters. 

suwit, ii. 107 ; follows. 

swa, i. 266 ; so. 

swage, i. 218 ; to diminish. 

swayne, ii. 228 ; 8wan(?). 

swche, i. 278 ; such. 

Bwelt, i. 89 5 died. 

swych, passim ; such. 



Bwink, i. 69 ; swynk, ii, 154 ; to 

labour. 
Bwire, i, 82, 341 ; neck. 
Bwith, i. 71 ; quick. 
Bwythe, i. 394 ; quickly, imme* 

diately. 
Bwoch, i. 271 ; such^ 
swolde, ii. 230 ; sold, 
swot, ii. 51 ; sweet. 



tabide, i. 327 ; to abide. 

tables, ii. 24 ; tablets, table-books. 

taburns, i. 87 ; tabors, drums. 

taille, ii. 70 ; cutting, fashion. 

take, i. 314 ; to give. 

tale, ii. 73 ; count. 

taliage, ii. 79 ; the king's tax. 

tappe, ii. 95 ; to draw and sell ale. 

tapsteres, ii. 95 ; ale-wives. 

tarage, ii. 141 ; the flavour or cha- 
racter of a thing. 

tarette, i. 65 ; a sort of ship, per- 
haps a large vessel with a tower. 

targe, i. 217 ; a shield. 

tary, ii. 166 ; delay. 

telde, i. 388 ; told. 

tempred, ii, 5 ; moderated, tem- 
pered. 

tene, i. 71 ; ii. 125 ; grief, sorrow, 
affliction. 

tene, i. 224 ; to afflict, to grieve, 
tenet, afflicts, tenyd, i. 395 ; 
injured, hurt. 

tent, ii. 227 ; attend to, pay atten- 
tion to. 

tent, i. 384 ; tente, 385 ; entent. 



336 



GLOSSARY AND INDEX 



tents, i. 339 ; tenths, tithes. 

ten tze, ii. 12 ; the game of tennis. 

termyne, ii. 144 ; to end, to deter- 
mine. 

ten'e, ii. 171 ; tar. 

teschue, ii. 6 ; to escliue. 

thanne, ii. 41 ; not for thanne, ne- 
vertheless. 

the, passim; for they. 

the, ii. 159 ; to flourish, to thrive. 

thee, i. 313, ii. 180 ; to thrive, to 
flourish. 

thefly, ii. 60, by theft. 

thenayle, ii. 182(?). 

thende, ii. 12 ; the end. 

thenke, i. 216, 268 ; to seem, to 
appear ; 7ne thenkesy it seems to 
me. 

there, passim; their. 

thilke, ii. 37 ; that. 

thynchith, i. 397 ; appears ; me 
thynchith, it seems to me. 

thir ; those. 

thof, i. 265 ; though. 

tholde, ii. 9 ; the old. 

thonckyd, ii. 281 ; thinked. 

thorowghe, ii. 194 ; through. 

thorwe, i. 364 ; through. 

thought, ii. 182 ; tough. 

thred, ii. 268 ; third. 

threo, i. 252 ; three. 

throff, i. 398 ; throve, 

throughte, ii. 241 ; truth. 

throwe, ii. 199 ; space of time. 

thurgh, ii. 5 ; through. . 

tyde, i. 59, 269 ; time. 

tyde, ii. 249 ; happen. 

tiffelers, i. 309 ; busybodies, 

tight, i. 72 ; turned (?). 

til, i. 250 ; tyll, i. 58 j tille, i. 264 ; 
to. 



tille, ii. 83 ; to entice, to draw, 
tillers, i. 376 ; tillers, husbandmen, 
timber, i. 72 ; destruction, 
tymed, i. 395. 
tyne, i. 88 ; to lose, 
tint, i. 79 ; lost, 
tyrie, i. 48. 

tithandes, i. 64 ; tidings, 
tytheth, ii. 50 ; taketh tithes, 
tobarst, i. 251 ; burst to pieces, 
tobrake, ii. 10 ; broken, 
tobroke, ii. 10 ; broken to pieces, 
todongin, i. 79 ; knocked to pieces, 
todrawe, i. 341, ii. 235 ; torn to 

pieces, 
tofalle, ii. 7 ; cuts off, crops (?). 
tofore, ii. 10 ; before, 
toforne, ii. 137 ; before, 
toke, 1. 268, ii. 165 ; gave ; toke 

ham to the devel yehone^ gave 

them all to the devil, 
tole, i. 314 ; toU. 

tole, i. 331 ; a tool, an instrument, 
toleye, ii. 240 ; to put forward, 
tolled, i. 395 ; collected, took toll 

of(?). 
too, ii. 158, et passim; two. 
toon, ii. 106 ; the one. 
toothir, ii. 147 ; the other, 
topull, i. 308 ; pull to pieces, 
torace, i. 342 ; annihilate (?). 
torent, ii. 219 ; rent to pieces, or 

greatly rent, 
tome, ii. 162 ; turn, 
toseed, ii. 161 ; picked, pulled, as 

wool, &c. A term used amon^ 

clothiers, 
tote, i. 305 ; to spy. 
totere, i. 311 ; to tear to pieces, 
tothrete, i, 218 ; to threaten vio- 
lently. 



OF OBSOLETE ENGLISH WORDS. 



S37 



totore, ii. 239 ; torn to pieces. 

tourne, i. 340 ; to turn. 

toukers, il 285 ; a class of dyers. 

tray, i. 322 ; to betray. 

tray, i. 72, ii. 125 ; grief, sorrow. 

traylid, i. 376 ; treUis-worked (?). 

traine, i. 322 ; they betray. 

trais, i. 79 ; betray. 

traiste, i. 68 ; to trust. 

traitorie, ii. 28 ; treason. 

trantes, i. 265 ; tricks, stratagems. 

travayle, i. 218 ; to labour. 

travailen, i. 335 ; laboured. 

traveile, i. 371 ; to labour. 

travell, ii. 23 ; labour. 

travell, ii. 27 ; to labour. 

trefte, i. 376. 

treget, i. 79 ; deceit, imposition. 

tremelyng, ii. 276 ; trembling. 

trentall, ii. 21, trentel, 81 ; a ser- 
vice of thirty masses for the dead. 

trest, 1. 79 ; trust. 

tretes, i. 307 ; treats (?), 

trey, i. 72 ; vexation. 

triacle, i. 388 ; a remedy, medicine* 

trifflour, i.*397 ; a trifler (?). 

tristi, i. 385 ; trusty. 

tristith, i. 404 ; trust. 

trompes, i. 87 ; trumpets. 

troper, ii. 43 ; one of the service 
books, the troparius* 

trouble, ii. 131 ; troubled, dis- 
turbed. 

trought, ii. 163, 195 ; truth. 

trowist, ii. 68 ; believest thou. 

trowyth, i. 271 ; truth. 

trumpe, i. 69 ; a trumpet. 

trumpe, i. 70 ; to blow the trumpet. 

trusse, i. 264, 326 ; to pack up and 
depart, to pack off. 

turbit, ii. 173. 
VOL. IL 



turmentour, i. 397 ; an executioner, 
twen, ii. 214 ; between, 
twye, twey, ii. 42 ; two. 
twynned, i. 404 ; parted, separated, 
twynte, i. 395 ; a jot. 



U. 

uch, i. 216 ; each. 

umset, i. 77 ; surrounded. 

umstride, i«68 ; to encircle with the 
legs. 

unability, ii. 134 ; inability, inca* 
pacity. 

unboxom, ii. 42 ; disobedient. 

uncod, i, 364 ; unknown. 

underfongen, ii. 11 ; undertaken. 

underlaide, ii. 254 ; to lay under 
foot, to tread down. 

undermyn, ii. 84 ; undermine. 

undernome, ii. 22 ; to take up, to 
take to task. 

undemomen, ii. 85 ; examined, ac- 
cused. 

understont, i. 327 ; understands. 

unfraught, ii. 191 ; want of freight. 

unhale, i. 74 ; diseased. 

unhold, i. 317 ; faithless. 

unkyndly, ii. 244 ; unnatural, con- 
trary to the nature or profession 
of any one. 

unkunning, ii. 36 ; want of know- 
ledge. Used as an adjective on 
the next page. 

unmightie, ii. 37 ; wanting power. 

unnethe, i. 215 ; hardly. 

unpower, ii, 36 j want of power. 
Y 




338 



GLOSSARY AND INDEX 



unsekymesae, iu 242; insecurity, 
uncertainty. 

unsele, i. 86 ; unfortunate. 

unsewyr, ii. 241 ; insecure, uncer- 
tain. 

unsikcr, ii. 78 ; unsure. 

unwarenesse, ii. 190 ; want of can* 
tion, imprudence. 

up-so-down, ii. 217, 236 ; upside- 
down. This latter is apparently 
only a corruption of the older 
phrase. 

ur, i. 216 ; our. 

urniall, i. 313. 

uttere, i. 403 ; further out. 

utteme, ii. 176 ; they utter. 

utterwarde, ii. 167 ; externally. 

uvel, i. 225 ; evil. 



yailable, ii. 8 ; profitable, 
vaire, i. 265 ; a sort of fur. 
vantith, ii. 249 ; boasts, vaunts, 
varioure, ii. 132 ; a warrior, 
vauwarde, ii. 57 ; the van of an 

army, 
venemed, ii. 244 ; poisoned, 
venerye, ii. 186 ; game, animals 

which were hunted, 
vengeable, i. 328 ; revengeful, 
venym, ii. 74 ; poison, 
venyrsyne, ii. 267. 
verrei, ii. 65 ; true, 
verrie, ii. 167 ; for werrie^ make 

war. 
vierge, ii. 270 ; virgin, 
vylis, ii. 249. 
vys, i. 278 ; vice, 
voyd, ii. 287 ; avoid, 
voidli, ii. 103 ; vainly. 



w. 

wadmole, ii. 160 ; a coarse woollen 

cloth, 
waffore, ii. 174 ; a wasp (?). 
waginge, ii. 50 ; wagging, taming 

round, 
wayke, i. 264 ; weak, 
waykyer, ii. 276 ; the weaker, 
waylyth, ii. 284 ; availeth. 
waynyth, ii. 227; think, suppose (7). 
wait, i. 60 ; to await (?). 
wayt, ii. 127 ; watch, 
waite, i. 371, 372 ; to watch, to 

consider or think on, to pay atten- 
tion to. 
waited, ii. 10 ; watched, served, 
wayve, i. 378 ; to remove (therr 

fears), 
wake, ii. 276 ; to awake, 
wakkin, i. 72, 86 ; to awaken, 
wale way, i. 48 ; alas! 
wall, i. 312 ; a well, 
walmed, i. 397 ; properly boiled up, 

agitated, 
waltrid, i. 390; weltered, 
walwed, i. 374 ; wallowed, 
wane, i. 65 ; plenty, frequency, 
waniand, i. 70, 84, 87 ; the wane 

of the moon, 
wan, i. 264, 377 ; won, redeemed, 
wapin, i. 71 ; a weapon, 
wapind, i. 67 ; armed, provided with 

weapons, 
war, i. 59 ; were, 
ware, i. 277- Perhaps on ware 

should be printed ontoare^ in the 

sense of unawares, 
ware, i. 275 ; to beware. 



OF OBSOLETE KKGLISH WORDS. 



339 



wared, ii. 244 ; expended, 
warened, ii. 192 ; warned, 
warie, i. 399 ; to curse, 
warned, i. 404 ; forbade, warned^ 

ii. 4 ; refused, 
wast, ii. 244 ; ruined, 
wastable, ii. 173 ; subject to waste, 
wate, i. 268 ; know, 
wate, ii. 153; to watch, 
wattis, i. 414 ; men of importance, 
wawes, i. 216 ; waves, 
wawlis, ii. 109 ; perhaps for waves, 
waxen, i. 268 ; grown, 
waxus, i. 365 ; waxes, grows, 
weddis, i. 408 ; pledges, 
wede, 1. 71, 85 ; appai*el, dress, 
wede, i. 269 ; to go mad. 
wederes, ii. 44 ; has perhaps here 

the sense of tempests, 
wedir, i. 387 ; weather, 
wede, i. 397 ; dress, 
weet, ii. 17 ; know, 
wegges, ii. 171 ; wedges, 
weie, ii. 6 ; weighed, 
weythe, ii. 286 ; weight. 
' welde, i. 306 ; to govern, to wield, 
welders, ii. 78 ; possessors, 
wele, i. 63 ; weal, prosperity, 
wele, i. 62 ; well, 
weleaway, ii. 112; an exclamation 

of lamentation, 
weleful, i. 81 ; prosperous, 
wely, i. 267 ; prosperous, in good 

condition, 
welldith, i. 407 ; possesseth. 
welle, i. 218 ; a fountain, 
wenen, i. 267 ; suppose, think. 

wened, i. 64 ; though, expected. 

wenynge, ii. 166 ; supposing, 
went, i. 271 ; gone, 
weole, i. 250 ; weal, prosperity. 



weor, i. 218 ; were. 

wepeandy i. 82 ; weeping. 

were, ii. 44 ; to defend, to protect. 

were, L 59 ; to make war. 

were, i. 77, 86 ; war ; were man^ a 

man of war. 
were, i. 215 ; to wear, 
weryne, ii. 152 ; wei*e. 
wermode, ii. 52 ; wormwood, 
werned, ii. 5 ; refused, 
werre, ii. 194 ; spring, for verre, 
werred, ii. 189; expended, 
werrid, i. 369 ; made war. 
werrynge, ii. 183 ; making war. 
werreles, ii. 203 ; without war. 
werryours, ii. 183 ; warriors, 
werroure, ii. 199 ; a warrior, 
wescheth, ii. 53 ; screameth (?). 
wesshe, i. 387 ; to wash, 
weten, i. 329 ; they know. 
wex, ii. 163 ; wax. 
wexynge, ii. 143 ; growing, 
whore, i. 387 ; were, 
whete-yere, ii. 223 ; the wheatean 
white, ii. 148 ; blame, 
whote, i. 89 ; knowest. 
wlate, i. 337; to loathe, 
wlysp, i. 185 ; to lisp, 
wy, i. 407 ; a man. 
wickett, i. 404 ; the gate, 
wiel, ii. 7 ; well, 
wyenges, i. 269 ; wings, 
wyght, i. 407 ; creature, wight, 
wight, i. 69, 85 ; active, nimble, 
wyghte, ii. 241 ; white, 
wyghtly, i. 268 ; nimbly, quickly, 
wiht, i. 250 ; a creature, 
wyle, i. 369 ; while, 
wyle, i. 273 ; will, 
wylis, i. 386 ; wiles, tricks, 
willerdome, ii. 247; wilfulness (?). 
Y 2 



340 



OL0B8ABT AND INDEX 



wilne, i. 306 ; to wish, to desire. 

Wynne, i. 266 ; to gain access to* 

wynt, i. 216 ; wind. 

wirche, ii. 4 ; to work, wirching, 
if. 134 ; working. 

wyrfolk, ii. 285 ; workmen, work- 
folk (?). 

wyrkkyd, ii. 284 ; worked. 

wyrlynge, ii. 187 ; 

wysely, ii. 183; prudent. 

wisith, ii. 226 ; shows, points out. 

wisse, i. 310 ; warn. 

wissen, i. 370 ; to teach, to warn. 

wishen, i. 322 ; they knew. 

wit, i. 70 ; to know. 

wite, ii. 148 ; wyte, ii. 208 ; blame. 

wyth, i. 364 ; for wights active. 

withholde, ii. 244 ; defended, pro- 
tected against. 

wythoutene, ii. 202 ; without (the^ 
prep.). 

withsay, i. 321 ; to deny. 

wytte, i. 377 ; to blame, to lay to 
one's blame. 

witterly, i. 370, ii. 82 ; truly, cer- 
tainly. 

woday, i. 48 ; a day of woe (?). 

wode, i. 74, ii. 167 ; mad, furious. 

wolde, i. 218; tohold(?). 

wolle, i. 273 ; wool. woUys, ii. 283 ; 
wools. 

woltow, ii. 148 ; for wilt thou. 

wombis, i. 391 ; bellies. 

won, ii. 87 ; wone, ii. 196 ; custom. 

wonand, i. 74 ; dwelling, residing. 

wonde, i. 84 ; stop, stay. 

wonde, i. 216. If this be the correct 
reading, it may mean a club. 

wonder, i. 250 ; wonderful. 

wouder, i. 251 ; wonderfully. 

wonen, i, 77 ; won. 



wones, i. 266 ; dwellings, residence. 

woneth, i. 377 ; dwell. 

woning, i, 06^ 89; dwelling, resi- 
dence. 

wonne, ii. 224 ; one. 

wonnen, i. 267 ; to dwell, wonne, 
i. 388. 

wonnen, i. 71 ; won, gained. 

wonnynges, i. 270 ; dwelling places. 

woo, i. 364 ; sorrow, sorrowfuL 

wood, i. 312 ; mad. 

woode, ii. 180 ; woad. 

woodnesse, ii. 55 ; madness. 

woost, ii. 104 ; knowest. 

worth, i. ^2 ; ii. 249 ; be, become. 

worthli, i. 71 ; worthy. 

wost, i. 370 ; knew. 

woves, i, 390 ; waves. 

wowes, ii. 244 ; walls, more espe- 
cially the walls of houses* 

wox, i. 251 ; waxed, grew. 

wrake, i. 252, 375 ; ii. 53 ; wraak, 
ii. 213 ; ruin, destruction, ven- 
geance. 

wrall, i. 314 ; 

wreche, ii. 227 ; wreke, i. 89 ; re- 
venge. 

wrenchis, ii. 48 ; stratagems, frauds. 

wrye, i. 384 ; go aside. 

wiynkels, ii. 45. 

writhyn, ii. 90 ; to twist, wriggle. 

writte, i. 370 ; a letter. 

wi'o, i. 305 ; a corner. 

wroken, i. 61 ; revenged. 

wrote, i. 73 ; to root up, to over^ 
throw. 

wrowght, ii, 205 ; made, created. 

wullus, i. 412 ; wools. 

wun, i. 79 ; won. 

wust, i. 337; protected (?). 



OF OBSOLETE ENGLISH WORDS. 



341 



T, passim ; I. 
y, i. 365 ; high (?). 
y, i. 276 ; they, 
yafe, i. 324 ; gave, 
yall, i. 315, 345 ; to yell, 
yame, i. 387 ; to desire eagerly, 
yatesy i. 305 ; gates, 
yeve, ii. 25 ; to give, 
yblowe, ii. 245 ; blown, 
ycharchid, i. 403 ; charged, 
ychone, i. 267 ; everyone, 
yconyd, ii. 286 ; coined, 
ydemed, i. 403 ; judged, 
ydo, i. 391 ; done, 
ydountid, i. 375 ; feared, 
yef, i. 333 ; give, 
yefte, ii. 27 ; gifts, 
yeme, i. 378 ; to guide or rule, 
yerles, ii. 197; eai*les. 
yever, ii. 25 ; a giver, 
yfeyned, i. 371 ; feigned, 
yfourmed, 11. 43 ; informed, 
ygon, i. 385 ; gone, 
ygrave, i. 375 ; engraved, sculp- 
tured, 
yheeded, i. 380 ; horned, heuded. 
yhelid, i. 402 ; covered, roofed, 
yhotte, i. 403 ; bidden, 
ykende, i. 319 ; known. 



ykep, L 865 ; kept. 

yeveth, ii. 24 ; giveth. 

ylafte, i. 413 ; left. 

ylau^te, i. 309, 409 ; caught. 

ylyste, i. 373 ; listed, taken. 

yloke, i. 375 ; locked. 

yluggyd, i. 409 ; pulled or lugged 
about. 

ymagynynge, ii. 270 ; plotting. 

ympe, i. 218 ; a sprout, a young 
sprig, a graft. 

ymprise, ii. 152. 

ymummyd, i. 410 ; compelled to 
keep silence (?). 

ynned, i. 398 ; harvested, brought 
in. 

ynnere, i. 401 ; further in. 

ynowe, i. 386 ; enough. 

yois, i. 272 ; pleasure, enjoyment. 

yoven, ii. 140 ; given. 

ypynned, i. 388 ; fledged, penned. 

ypassid, i. 381 ; past. 

yi'ent, i. 311 ; torn. 

ysoupid, i. 414 ; supped. 

ytakyn, i. 387 ; taken, caught. 

ytemprid, i. 374 ; mixed, tempered. 

ytoron, i. 366 ; torn. 

ywys, i. 365 ; truely, surely. 

yworewid, i. 395 ; worried. 

y wounded, i. 403 ; wrapped, en- 
veloped. 

ywrowte, ii. 284 ; made. 



INDEX. 



INDEX. 



^ ' ■■ A. 

Aile, John of, i. 71. 

Albemarle, the earl of Ratland made duke 

of, i. 461. 
Aldgate, London, attacked nnsnccessfully 

by the followers of the bastard of 

Panconberg, ii. 278. 
Angelyn, Girard or Gerald, one of the 

commanders in the army sent to 

support Peter the Cmel, i. 106. 
Anne of Bohemia, her marriage with 

Kichaxd IL i. 458. 
description of her, i. 286. 
Armagh, Richard Pitz-Balph, archbishop 

of, i. 259, 269. 
Artois, Robert of, i. 2. 

his TOW, i. 8. 
Arundel, Richard Fitz-Alan, earl of, be- 
headed, L 864, 392, 427, 430. 
Thomas Pitx-Alan, earl of, restored, 

i. 446. 
William Fitz-Alan, earl of, ii. 223. 
Asaph, Thomas, bishop of, ii. 233. 
Aston, Sir John, one of the conunanders in 

Calais in 1436, ii. 153. 
Andenam, d', i. 95. 
Azincourt, battle of, i. 123, 127. 



B. 

Padding, John, i. 71. 
Badges, signs, &c. : 

ape, the duke of Suffolk, ii. 222, 224. 

bear, the earl of Warwick, i. 864» 
892, 419 ; ii 222.- 



Badges, signs, Scc-r-conL 

boar, Edward III., i. 27, 28, 3i), et 

passim. 
boar, the earl of Devon, ii. 223. 
boar, the earl of Oxford, i. 420. 
bull, Edward in., i. 137. 
cart, the duke of Buckingham, ii. 222. 
chough, Trevilian, ii. 223. 
cock, Edward the Black Prince, i. 203, 

204. 
colt, Thomas Pitz-Alan, I 392. 
conduit, lord Norris, ii. 222. 
cresset, the earl of Exeter, ii. 221. 
dog, Talbot earl of Shrewsbury, ii. 

222, 224. 
eagle, Edward ILL, L 41, 46. 
eagle, duke of Lancaster, i. 364, 380. 
eagle, kmg Henry VI., ii. 223. 
falcon, the duke of Lancaster, i. 389. 
&lcon, Richard duke of York, ii. 223. 
feather and crown, the earl marshal, 

i. 419. 
fetterlocks, the prior of St John's, ii. 

223. 
fisher, lord Pauconbei^, ii. 222. 
fox, the duke of Suffolk, ii. 224. 
greyhound, the Beauforts, i. 386. 
horse, the earl of Arundel, i. 364, 392, 

419. 
leopard, Edward HI., i. 27, 31, 89. 
lily, the king of France, 'i. 89. 
Uly, Daniel, ii. 222. 
lion, Philippe king of France, i. 41. 
mill-sail, lord Willoughby, ii 222. 
portcullis, the earl of Somerset, ii. 221. 
" rote," the duke of Bedford, ii, 221. 
sun, king Richard II., i 419. 



346 



INDEX. 



Badges, signs, St,c.-^ont, 

swan, Thomas of Woodstock, duke of 

Gloucester, i. 362, 392, 419. 
swan, Humphrey Plantagenet duke of 

Gloucester, ii. 221. 
water-bouget, lord Boorchier, ii. 223. 
-white hart, the earl of Arundel, ii. 223. 
white lion, the duke of Norfolk, IL 222. 
wheatear, the earl of Exeter, ii. 223. 

wine bottle, , iL 223. 

Bagot, Sir William, i. 363, 367, 450, 462. 
Baleares, islands, derivation of the name, 

i. 107. 
Balle, John, the insurgent in the reign of 

Richard II., i. 231, 235. 
Balliol,Edward, i. 83. 

obtains the crown of Scotland, i. 142, 
454. 
, his goTemment, i. 178. 
John de, king of Scotland, i. 454. 
Bannockbum, battle of,i. 61, 132. 
Bamet, master Richard, iu 177. 

battie of, ii 274, 275. 
Beauchamp, John lord, beheaded, i. 423. 

Richard, i. 364. 
Beaufort, Cardinal, the Libel of English 
Policy addressed to him, il 157, 
205. 
his death, ii. 221. 
Beaumont, John de, i. 17, 20, 221. 

John lord, lord constable of England, 
ii. 225. 
Berwick taken by the Scots, L 176, 177. 
recovered, i. 178. 
taken by the Scots and recovered, i. 

457. 
taken and recovered again, i. 458. 
Bedford, John Plantagenet duke of, regent 
of France, ii. 132. 
his victory at sea, ii. 199. 
his death, ii. 221. 
Bishopsgate, London, ii. 278. 
Blois, Charles of, i. 160, 163, 176, 178. 
Bohemia, king o^ L 18, 78, 456. 

killed in the batUe of Crescy, i. 36, 

139, 167. 
its articles of commerce, ii. 171. 



Bolingbroke Castle, the birthplace of Henry 

IV., i. 99. 
Botiler, killed in the battle of Slnys, 

i. 456. 
Bourbon, duke o^ made prisoner at Atm- 

court, ii. 126. 
Bourchier, Henry lord, ii 223. 

Sir William, ii. 126. 
Brabant, its articles of commerce, ii. 180. 
Brambel, Nicholas, lord mayor of London, 

hanged, i 423. 
Bridlington, John of, his prophecies, and 

account of him, i. 123. 
Bristol, a trade with Iceland established 
there at the b^inning of the reign 
ofHenry VI., ii. 191. 
Brittany, the wars of, i. 150. 

its articles of commerce, H 164. 
celebrated for its rovers or pirates, ib, 
Bruce, Robert, 1. 47. 

David, king of Scotland, taken prisoner 
at Nevile's Cross, i. 41, 46, 83, 86, 
157, 456. 
disgraceftil anecdote of his infimcy, 

i. 46. 
his scandalous life, i. 141, 143. 
obtains peace with England, i. 188. 
Bruges, the '* staple " of Slanders, ii. 160. 
Buckingham, Thomas of Woodstock made 
earl of, i. 457. 
his expedition into France, ib, 
accompanies his brother to Scotland, 

i. 468. 
Humphrey de Stafford duke of, ii 222. 
Burgundy, Philip duke of, absent firom the 
battle of Azincourt) ii. 124. 
John duke of, murdered by the dau- 
phin, ii. 134, 149. 
Philip duke of, supports the Bnglish 

title to France, ii 136. 
song against him on his defection 

from the English alliance, ii. 148. 
his relations with the king of Scotland, 

ii. 150. 
his expedition against Calais, il. 15S, 
170. 
Burley, Richard de, i 109. 

Simon de, beheaded, i 428, 460, 



INDEX. 



347 



Bury St. Edmimd's, prior of, slain by the 
insurgents, temp, Bichard n., i 458. 

Bushey, Sir John, i. 363, 367, 388, 436, 
444, 462. 



Caen taken by the English, i. 155. 
Calais, siege of, by Edward III., i. 80, 158, 
159, 221, 456 ; ii. 198. 
feeling of the French in regard to the 

English occupation, i. 301. 
siege of, by the duke of Burgundy, 

ii. 151, 198. 
relieved by the duke of Gloucester, 

ii. 166, 170. 
the emperor Sigismund's opinion of 

its importance, ii. 158. 
on the necessity of securing it, ii. 192. 
Calet or Calot, Laurence, author of a treatise 
on the English title to the crown of 
France, ii. 133, 138, 139. 
Caletrapia, baron of, i. 121. 
Calverley, Hugh de, i, 107, 118, 121, 457. 
Camois, lord, one of the commanders at 

Calais in 1436, ii. 153. 
Canterbury, archbishop of, Simon de Sud- 
bury, slain by the Kentish insur- 
gents, i. 225, 457. 
poem on that event, i. S27. 
Henry Chichdey, officiated at the 

coronation of Henry VI., ii. 147. 
Thomas de Arundel deposed and 
banished by Richard II., i. 425, 427, 
434. 
restored, i. 446. 
returns with the duke of Lancaster to 

England, i. 462. 
Thomas Bottrchier, archbishop of, ii. 
255. 
Capet, Hughes, legends relating to him, i. 

33. 
Carlisle, Nicholas Closer bishop o^ ii. 234« 



Cavendish, Sir John, chief justice, slain by 
the insurgents under Richard IL, i. 
457. 

Chandos, John, L 95, 106, 118. 

Charles, king of France, i. 35. 

Charles VI., king of France, his acknow- 
ledgment of the English title, ii. 
136. 
his death, ii. 138. 

Charles VIL, king of France, ii. 130. 

Cheap (Cheapside), i. 290, 398. 

Cherbourg, bought of the king of Navarre, 
i. 457. 

Chester, love of king Richard H. for, i. 
461. 

Chester, William Boothe, bishop o^ songs 
against him, ii. 225, 232. 

Cheviot HiUs, peculiarities of the, i. 188. 

Chichester, bishop of, flies into exile, 
i. 421. 

Christopher, the, captured by the French, 
L 65. 

Cirencester, insurrection against Henry IV. 
suppressed at, i. 451. 

Clarence, Lionel duke of, son of Edward 
m., i. 26. 
George Plantagenet, duke of, recon- 
ciled with his brother Edward IV., 
ii. 278. 
enters London with his brother after 
the battle of Bamet, il. 281. 

Clement, pope, his partiality to the French, 
i. 155, 164, 221. 

Clifford, L 134. 

Clifford,Lord,ii4 255. 

Clinton, Sir William, i. 7h 

Clovis, king of France, i. 32. 

Cobham, John lord, imprisoned by Ri- 
chard II., i. 425, 433. 
recalled from exile, i. 446. 

Copland, John, captures king David Bruce 
at Nevile's Cross, l 46, 85, 158. 

Cosington, Stephen de, 1. 106, 118. 

Cotteswold, the wool trade connected with 
this district, ii. 174, 177. 

Council of London in 1382, Latin song on 
the, i. 253. 



348 



INDEX. 



Cnaej, battle ot, i. 36, 52, 77, 156, 157, 

221, 456. 
dophorne, an opponent of the W jelilitci, 

i. 261. 
GroMde, one contemplated, L 183. 



D. 

Daniel, ii. 222, 229, 234. 

Darid, king of Scotland. See Brace. 

Derby, Heniy Plantagenet, earl of; i. 10, 

15, 151. 
Henry Plantagenet, earl of, afterwards 

Henry IV., i. 419. 
banished by king Richard II., i. 437, 

440, 441, 
made duke of Hereford, i.461. 
Deschamps, Eustace, his poem on the 

truceof 1394, i. 300. 
Despencer, Thomas lord, his death, i. 451. 

made earl of Gloucester, L 461. 
Despenser, Hugh de, &ther and son, i. 133, 

134, 135, 136. 
Devon, Thomas Conrtenay, earl oi^ ii 223. 
Doncaster, John of, his brayery in the 

siege of Gnisnes, i. 90. 
Dorset, John Beaufort, marquis of, i. 386. 
Douglas, earl of, killed at Otterbum, i. 460. 
Douglas, William, i. 49, 50. 
Dover, its importance, 11. 158. 
Dublin, duke o£ See Vere. 
Dudley, John de Sutton, baron of, a com- 
mander in Calais, ii. 153. 
one of the court party, ii. 234. 
Dunbar, Greorge earl of, i. 460. 
Dundee, i. 60. 
Dymmok, Philip, champion at the corona* 

tionofHenry VI.,ii. 147. 



E. 

Eaithqoake of 1(1^, L 250, 253, 254. 
Easterlings (peofh of the Hanie Tovns), 

their articles of commeree, ii 169. 
Edgar, king, his policy for the protectioa 

of England within and withont, ii 

193-198. 
Edward n., king of England, his chancier, 

i 131. 
the place and time of his birth, i. 132. 
his disastroos wars with the Scots, 

i 132. 
scandalous story relating to his birth, 

il33. 
his death, i 136. 
Edward IIL, vows to make war on France, 

i 6, 7. 
expedition to Flanders, i. 24. 
his virtues enumerated, i. 39, 40. 
bora at Windsor, i 40. 
his expeditions to Brabant, i 63, 66, 

455. 
his sons, i 96. 
his character, i. 99. 
pUce and date of his birth, i 135. 
how he obtained the kingdom, i 135, 

136. 
character of, i. 137, et seq. 
his Scottish wars, i 141. 
his sister married to David king 'of 

Scotland, i 141, 142. 
his claims to the crown of France dis- 
cussed, i. 144, et seq. 
his first expedition to France, i. 147. 
second expedition to Fktmce, i. 154. 
his last expedition to France, i. 179. 
English song on his death, i 215. 
Latin poem on the same Bulject, i. 219. 
his piety, i 220. 

his accession to the throne, i. 454. 
his death, i 457. 

his policy towards Brittany, ii 165. 
his care to be master of the sea, ii. 198. 
Edward the Black Prince, his expedition 

to Spain, i 94, 97, 456. 



INDEX. 



349 



Edward the Black Prince — cont, 

his conduct in the battle of Ni^'ara, 

i. 114. 
▼ictor at Poitiers, i. 174, 456. 
lamentation for, i. 220. 
bom, i455. 
his death, i. 456. 
Edward IV., king of England, ii. 257. 
succeeds his father as dnke of York, 
and marches against the Lancas- 
trians, ii. 263; and defeats them, 264, 
his chiims to the crown, ii. 264, 265. 
praise of his government, ii. 265, 269. 
poem on his return from Flanders and 

recovery of the throne, ii. 271. 
his triumphal entry into London after 
the battle of Barnet, ii. 279. 
Egremont, Thomas Percy lord, ii. 255. 
Elizabeth, queen of Edward IV., her re- 
ception of her husband after his 
victory at Barnet, ii. 281. 
Elmham, Thomas of, account of him, ii. 1 1 8. 
Enrique, don, king of Castile, i. 101, 121. 
Erghom, John, i. 123. 
Erpingham, Thomas, i. 126, 462. 
Essex, Henry Bourchier, earl of, ii. 278. 
Exeter, the earl of Huntmgdon, made dnke 
of, i. 461. 
John Holland, duke of, his death, ii. 
221, 223. 



Falkirk, battle of, i. 141. 
Fauconberg, William Neville lord, ii. 222. 
the bastard o^ his attack on Lon- 
don, ii,277. 
Faokemont, Jean de, i. 19. 
Fay, Godemars de, i. 14. 
Felton, William de, i. 110. 
Ferri^res, the baron de, slain at Najara, i. 

115. 
Ferrybridge, battle of, ii. 264. 
Flanders, insurrection of the Flemings, 
i. 150. 
their character, i. 205. 
its articles of commerce, ii. 160. 



Flanders, Louis count o£, i. 15. 
slam atCrecy, i. 157. 
count o( reftues king Edward's dangh- 
ter, i. 161. 
Flemings, fought against the English at 
Azincourt, ii. 127. 
their contempt of the English, ii. 159. 
Flenr^-Us of France, legend of them, ii. 

142. 
Florentines, their articles of commerce, ii. 

172. 
Fois, the count de, i. 104. 
France, arms of, assumed by Philippe de 
Valois, i. 26. 
invective against, ib, 
epigram on the assumption of the 

ann8oi;byHenry VI., ii. 130. 
metrical declaration of the English 
claims to the crown of, 131. 
French, character of the, i. 158, 173, 174. 
their sufferiogs under their king John, 

i. 173,175. 
assist the Scots, i. 459. 
dispute between the Englishman and 

the Frenchman, i. 91. 
venes against the English, and reply^ 
ii. 127. 
Friars, the mendicants, their character, i* 
255. 
flian minors, i. 256, 268. 
the grey friars, or Franciscans, i. 25G* 
pied friars, 1. 262, 
song against the friars, i. 263. 
their conduct and opinions discussed 

popularly, ii. 16-114. 
satire on them, iL 249. 
the Augustine friars in London, i. 430. 



a 

Garter, order of the, established, i. 150. 
Gkiunt, John of, duke of Lancaster, i. 97. 
Gaveston, Peter de, i. 133. 



360 



Iia)K3L 



GenoMe, tlieir armlet of commerce, ii 179. 
Gloncefter, Thomas of Woodctoek, duke 
of, murdered, L 868, 892, 461. 
arrefted at Plescy and murdered at 

Calaifl, i. 427, 428, 429. 
Thomas of Woodstock made dake of, 

L 459. 
Hsmphrej Flaatagenet, doke of, at 

Aaincourt, ii. 125. 
rescued Calais, iL 156, 170. 
bis expedition into Flanders, ii 168. 
his death, iL 221, 224, 268. 
Bkhard Plantagenet, dnke of, ii. 280. 
Eleanor, dachess of, ballad on her 
condemnation and penance, ii. 205. 
GbaoesCer, Hogh de Andley, earl of, i. 71. 
Gloncester, lord Despenser made earl of, i. 

461. 
Gloucester, abbot o( ii. 232. 
Godericus, i. 39. 

Gold procured from Ireland, iL 187. 
Gower, John, poems by him, i. 346, 356, 

360,417 ; ii 1,4. 
Goydonn, an opponent of the WycUiEtes, 

L 260, 
Greene, Sir Henry, i. 363, 388, 436, 444, 

462. 
Groine,the, L 112. 
Guesclin, Bertrand da, 1. 95, 121. 
Guisnes taken by Edward III., i. 89. 
Gumey, Matthew de, i. 107. 



H. 

Hainault, its articles of commerce, ii. 181. 
Hales, Sir Robert, slaughtered in Jack 

Straw's rebellion, L 226, 457. 
Halidon Hill, battle of, i. 41, 58, 143, 221, 

455. 
Hastings, Ralph de, L 110. 
Helmebrigge, an active man among the 
grey fHars, i. 256. 



Henry IV., King of England, deeted, 
447 ; and crowned, 448. 
poems by Gower addressed to him, 

ii. 1,4. 
Klmham's poem on his death, ii. 1 18. 
his death in the Bethlehem chamber at 

Westminster, i 122. 
branded as an nsuiper, L 267. 
See Derby, Hereford, Lancaster. 
Henry Y., created prince of Wales, i. 449. 
Elmham's poem addressed to him, ii. 

118. 
his fiUher's adyioe to the prince, iL 1 20. 
his expedition into France, ii. 123. 
Latin verses on his death, iL 129. 
his great ships, and care of the sea, 

a 199. 
his resolution to enforce his title to 

Franoe, ii. 214. 
his character by a Yorkist, iL 268. 
Henry YL, king of England, his marriage, 
ii. 136. 
Lydgate*s roundel on him, ii. 140. 
poem on his coronation, iL 141. 
description of his coronation, ii. 146. 
Latin verses addressed to him, ii. 248. 
his party defeated by the Yorkists, iL 

265. 
his miserable government, ii. 268. 
captured by Edward IV., iL 274. 
Henry the bastard, king of Castile, i. 94. 

See Enrique. 
Hereford, Humphrey de Bohun, earl of, 
L 123, 197. 
Henry, earl of Derby, made duke of, 

L 461. 
accuses the duke of Norfolk of trea- 
son, and is banished, L 461. 
returns to England, i. 462. 
afterwards Henry IV. 
Ilerefbrd, Reginald Baker, bishop of, ii. 

232. 
Hereford, Nicholas, a leader of the Wy- 

cliffite party, L 260, 262, 263. 
Herminiac, count of, L 107, 113. 
Heron, the vows of the, i. 1. 



INDEX. 



351 



Holdeniefls, Edward IV. lands there, his 

reception, ii. 272. 
Holland (John de Holland, earl of Hunt- 
ingdon), rises against Henry IV., 

i. 451, 
Hospxtalers, master of the, slain at Creoy, 

i. 157. 
Homphrey Plantagenet, son of Thomas, 

dnke of Gloacester, imprisoned in 

Ireland, L 364. 
his death, i. 446, 447. 
Hnngary, its articles of commerce, ii. 171. 
Hongerlbrd, Bobert lord, his opinion of the 

libel of English PoUcj, ii. 205. 
Huntingdon, Guichard de Angonldme made 

earl of, 1. 457. 
John de Holland, earl of, made duke 

of Exeter, i. 461. 
John Holland, earl of, present at Aain- 

coort, ii. 125. 
at the coronation of Henry YI., ii. 147. 



I. 



Iceland, its tradeehiefly in stockfish, ii. 191. 

Ireland, dnke of. See Vere. 

Ireland, expeditions of Richard II. to, i. 443, 

460, 462. 
its products, and its importance, ii. 

185-190. 
Isabella, queen of Edward H., i. 34, 136. 
Isabella of France, queen of Richard H., 

brought to England and crowned, 

i. 460. 



J. 

James I., king of Scotland, his relations 
with the dnke of Burgundy, ii. 150. 
John, king of France, i. 75, 76, 77. 
ascends the throne, i. 168, 169. 
taken prisoner at Poitiers, L 177. 
Judges, six appointed by Edward III., i. 
187. 



Eeightley, Sir Richard, slain at Aiinconrt, 

ii. 126. 
Kent, Thomas Holland, earl of, beheaded 

at Cirencester, i. 451 
made duke of Surrey, i. 461. 
King's evil, Philippe of Valois not able to 

cure it, i. 32. 
Knollis, Robert, i. 95, 108, 457. 
Kyret, Hugh, commands the French at the 

battie of the Sluys, i. 70. 



Lancaster, Thomas duke o^ i. 132. 
rebelled against the king, L 133. 
his death, 134. 
Lancaster, Henry Plantagenet, duke of, 
i. 71. 
the second Henry Plantagenet, duke 

of, i. 95, 163. 
his death, i. 182, 217. 
John of Gaunt, duke of, i 97, 99, 100, 

106, 108, 110, 113, 118, 120, 437. 
his expedition to Scotland, i. 458. 
his expedition to Spain, i. 459. 
his death, L 442, 461. 
Henry Plantagenet, duke of, i. 365, 

366, 367, 380. 
returns to England to assume the 

crown, i. 438, 442, 462. 
See Henry IV., king of England. 
Latimer, killed in the battle of Sluys, 

i. 456. 
laart, Walter. See Norwich, bishop o£ 
Libel of English Policy, ii. 157. 

a second <* libel ** on the same sulgect, 
ii. 282. 
Lidford, the law of, i. 399. 
Lincoln, earl of^ one of the titles of the 
duke of Lancaster, i. 99. 



352 



INDEX. 



Lollards, poem against them, L 231. 
poem in their defence, i 253. 
Gower's account of them, i. 347. 
Latin verses for and against them, ii. 

128. 
hostility to them, ii 143. 
English ballad against them, 243. 
Lomhards,£dward in.'8 statute concerning 
them, ii. 167. 
their behayiour, iL 184, 185. 
I/)ndon, fidelity of the citizens to king 
Henry IV., i. 451. 
attacked by the bastard of Fauconberg, 
ii.277. 
Louis of Bavaria, the emperor, i. 63. 
Louis, king of France, i. 35. 
Ludgate, pageantry at, i. 293. 
Lushebumes (Luxemburg), money brought 

from Flanders, i 140. 
Lydgate, John, his poem on the English 
title to the crown of France, iL 131. 
his poems on the prospect of peace, 

il 209. 
and on the truce of 1444, ii. 215. 
Lyons, Hank in, the pirate, ii. 183. 



M. 

Maidstone, Richard of, account of him, i. 
282. 

Majorca, the king of, L 107. 

March, Roger de Mortimer, earl of, his 
death, i. 182. 

March, Edmund de Mortimer, earl of^ ac- 
companies Richard II. to Ireland, 
i. 460. 

Margaret, queen of Henry VI., her cha- 
racter, 11. 268. 

Marshal, Thomas de Mowbray, carl. See 
Norfolk, duke of 

Marton (Merton ?), John de, i. 97. 

Mauny, Walter de, i. 13, 71. 

Menteith, i. 50. 



Mertoim. Dr., an opponent of the Wydif- 

fites, i. 261. 
Minot, Laurence, his songs on the wars of 

Edward UI.,L 58. 
I Molines, lord, ii 234. 
Money, alterations in, in the reign of 

Edward IIL, i. 139. 
iUse, i. 140. 
Monks, the Benedictines, I 258, 334. 
Montagu, John Nevill, marquis o^ op- 
I posed to Edward IV., ii. 272. 

dain at Bamet field, ii. 276. 
Montford, count of Brittany, I 150. 
Montbermer, Thomas de, killed at the 

battle of the Sluys, i. 456. 
Morlay, Sir Robert de, i. 70. 
Mortaign, earl of, ii. 153, 155. 
Mortimer, Roger de, his character and 

death, i. 139, 140. 
Mortimers, rise against Edward H. in 

Shropshire, L 133. 
Mortimer's Cross, battle of, ii. 269. 



N. 

Nijara, battle of, i. 95, 113, 114, 456. 
Navarre, king o^ i. 108. 

taken prisoner, i 110. 
Nevile*s Cross, battle of, i. 40, 41, 44, 52, 

83, 157, 158,221,456. 
Noble, the English coin, description of it, 

ii. 159. 
Norfolk, the countess of, made duchess of, 
i. 461. 
Thomas de Mowbray, duke of, i. 39G, 

419, 461. 
John de Mowbray, second duke of; 
officiated as lord marshal at the 
coronation of Henry VI., H. 147. 
John de Mowbray, third duke of; 
ii. 222. 
Norreis, ii. 222. 



INDEX. 



353 



Northamptoxi, William de Bohmi, earl o^ 
i. 71. 
his death, i 182. 
Northampton, battle of, ii. 269. 
Northbory, John, i. 462. 
Nortfanmberland, Henry de Percy, earl ot, 
i. 419, 457. 
condemned for the leas of Berwick, 

L458. 
joins the dnke of Lancaster, L 462. 
Henry Percy, second earl o^ slain at 

St Albania, ii. 258. 
Henry Percy, third earl o^ ii. 254. 
Norwich, Henry Spencer, bishop of, his 
crosade against the heretics of 
Flanders, i. 459. 
Walter Liart [or Hart], biBhop of, 
ii. 233. 
Notingham, Thomas de Mowbray made 
earl of, 1. 457. 
accompanies Richard II. to Ireland, 
i. 460. 



o. 

Oilr the holy, not fbmished ibr the coro- 
nation of Philippe of Valois, i. 32. 

OldcasUe, Sir John, the Lollard, ii. 243. 

Onallns, i. 50. 

Orleans, duke of, made prisoner at Azin- 
conrt, ii. 126. 

Ormond, James Bntler, earl of, his opinion 
on the conquest of Ireland, ii. 189. 

Otterbum, baUle of, i. 460. 

Oxford, Robert de Vere, earl of, his defeat 
and flight, i. 420. See Vere. 
Richard de Vere, earl o^ engaged at 
Azinconrt, il 125. 



VOX.. IL 



Paris, the Porte de I'Enfer, there, i. 212. 
Paul's, St, cathedral, in London, i. 292, 

293. 
Palaces, list of the royal, ii. 78. 
Pembroke, William Herbert, earl o( ii. 280. 
Penda, L 98. 
Pepin, king, i. 34. 

Percy, Henry lord, i. 45, 158, 178. See 
NorUinmberland. 
Henry, jnnr., and Ralph, taken by 

the Scots at Otterbnm, L 460. 
Thomas, i. 457. 

made earl of Westmoreland, 461. 
Perrers, Alice, the mistress of Edward HI., 

proscribed, i. 457. 
Pestilence, the great, i. 170. 
the second, i. 180, 181. 
in reign of Richard II, i. 252, 253, 
279. 
Peter the Cruel, king of Spain, i. 94, 95, 

101, 107, 110. 
Peterborough, Walter of, his poem on the 
expedition of the Black Prince into 
Spain, i. 97. 
mentioned, i. 122. 
Philippa of Hainault, queen of Edward IH., 
i. 18. 
her vow, i. 23. 
her marriage, i. 455. 
Philippe le Bel, king of France, legend 

relating to him, i. 207. 
Philippe de Yalois, king of France, his 
treatment of Robert of Artois, i. 3. 
abused, i. 26, 27, 38. 
incapable of curing the king's evil, 

i.32. 
defeated at Crecy, i. 1^7, 221. 
made a threatof relieving Calais, i. 166. 
his death, i. 168. 
PictB, why the Scots were so called, i. 51. 
Ploughman, complaint of the, i. 300. 
Poitiers, battle ot, L 169, 176, 456. 
Pole, William atte, i. 147. 
Pomidres, the sire de, i. 104. 

Z 



354 



IKDEX 



Portugal, its articlefl of eommerce, ii 162. 
Pnuna, its articles of commerce, ii. 169. 

171. 
Pnryeyors, statate against the, i. 222. 
FynsoD, Pety, the pirate, ii 1 S3. 



R. 

Batclif, Sir John, lientenant-goremor of 
Calais, il 153. 

Beading, abbot o£ ii 233.^ 

Bepingdon, Philip, a supporter of the Wy- 
cUffites, i. 262, 263. 

Belies, given to the religions houses in 
London by Edward m., i. 220. 

Bichard II., king of England, i 219. 
accession and coronation, i 457. 
his reconciliation with the Londoners, 

and solemn entry into the city,i 282. 
poem by Gower on him, i 360. 
English song on his ministers, i. 363. 
poem on his deposition, i 368. 
his errors, i 418. 
agrees with the three great chiefis and 

calls a parliament, i. 422. 
his proceedings against the three lords, 

i. 425-436. 
his blank charters, i. 439, 461. 
his last expedition to Ireland, i 443,462. 
returns to Wales, i 444, 462 ; and sur- 
renders to the duke of Lancaster, 

i. 445. 
carried to London, and deposed, i 446, 

447. 
his death, i 452,462. 
his expedition into Scotland, i 459. 
his first expedition to Ireland, i 46a 
his extortions, i 461. 
praise of his government by a later 

Yorkist writer, ii 267. 
Bichard of Maidstone. See Maidstone. 



Biven, Antlumy Wldvile, Murl, iL S78. 

Bobert of Artois, ii 2. 

BocheUe, La, battle o^ i 164. 

Bochester, abbot of, ii 283. 

Boland, one of the dooxe pain of Chftrie- 

magne, i 106. 
Bonoesvalles, battle oi; i 105. 
Boa, Thomas, baron de, ii 234. 
Bouen, recovered by the French, ii. 221. 
Bound table, festival of the, i 150. 
Bussell, one of the creatoreaof Biohard IL, 

i462. 
Butland, earl o^ accompanies Bidiard IL 

to Ireland, i 460. 
made duke of Albem»ile, 461, 



a 



Saint Alban's, abbot of, ii 233. 
first battle of, ii. 258. 
second battle oi; ii 261. 
Saint David's, John Delamere, bishop o^ 

ii. 234. 
St John's, prior of, ii. 223. 
St. Malo, a great harbour of pirates, ii. 

164, 166. 
St Michel, Mont, in Brittany, a harbour 

of pirates, ii. 166. 
Saint Paul's, procession to, in 1458, ii 254. 
Salic law of Prench succession, legends 
relating to its origin, i 33, 207. 
the subject discussed, i 144» et seq, 
Salisbury, WiUiam de Montacote^ earl ot, 
i 10, 11. 
John de Montacute, earl d, beheaded 

at Cirencester, i 451. 
Thomas de Montacute, earl ot, 
officiated at the coronation of 
Henry VL, ii. 147. 
Bichard Neville, earl of, ii 224, 254. 
Bichard Beauchamp, bishop of, ii 
232. 



INDEX. 



355 



Salyador, San, town o^ lumnden to Peter 

the Crael, i, 109. 
Sancho, illegitiinate ion of Alphonao, king 

ofCastUe,!. 101, 181. 
Saroy palace lyanit by the Kentish in- 

torgents, 1. 296. 
Say, John, ii. 229, 234. 
Saye, James Fienes, lord* his nnpopuhirity, 

ii. 230, 234. 
Scarboroiigh, its trade with Iceland, ii. 

191. 
Scotland, its articles of oommerce, iL 

168. 
Scots, their eyil qualities, i. 42. 

infest the English borders in the reign 

of Edward n., 132. 
Scrape, Sir William, eari of Wiltshire, i. 

367, 388, 436, 444, 461, 462. 
Ships built for Henry Y , at Southampton, 

IL 199. 
Sigismond, emperor of Germany, ii 143. 
his Tisit to England, and opinion of 

the importance of Calais, ii, 158, 192. 
Slays, batae of, i. 35, 70, 148, 456; ii. 

199, 
Somerset, the earl o^ made marquis of, 

L461. 
Edmund Beaufort, earl of, in disgrace, 

ii. 221. 
one of the leaders of the court party, 

ii. 234. 
Henry Beanibrt, dnke of, 11. 354. 
slain at St Alban's, ii 258, 259. 
Southampton, attacked by the French, i 

64. 
Sonthwark, i. 288. 

Spain, its articles of eommeroe, ii. 160. 
Spaniards attack the English coast and are 

defeated by Edward HI, i 222. 
Stafford, Humphrey, earl of, officiated at 

the coronation of Henry VI., ii. 

147. 
Stanbury, friar, ii 233. 
Stokes, an opponent of the Wydiffites, i 

261. 



Straw, Jack, poem on his rebellion, i 224. 
names of the most active insurgents, 

i230, 
his insurrection, i 458. 
Suffolk, Biichael de la Pole, earl o( i 270. 
flies into exile, i 421, 460. 
made earl of, i. 459. 
Michael de la Pole, third earl of, slain 

at Azincourt, ii 126. 
William de la Pole, duke o^ ii. 222. 

arrested, ii 224. 
the popular feeling against him, ii. 228. 
accused of selling Normandy to the 

French, ii 230. 
verses against him, ii. 231. 
ballad on his death, ii. 232. 
Surrey, the earl of Kent, made duke of, i. 

461. 
Swyn. See Sluys. 



Tails, the English reproached with having, 

i 177. 
Talbot, John, earl of Shrewsbury, ii. 222, 

224. 
Tello, illegitimate son of Alphonso, king 

of Castile, i 101, 121, 122. 
Templars, an allusion to their offences, i 

267, 
Temple Bar, i 294. 
Tuel, Hugh, governor of the Isle of 

Wight, i 457. 
Toumay, siege of, i 72. 
Tower Hill, abbot of, ii. 233. 
Towton, battle of, ii. 264. 
Trades, the, of London in the reign of 

Richard H., i 284, 285. 
Tnssilian, Sir Bobert, chief judge of the 

king's bench, hanged, i 423 460. 
Trevilian, ii. 223, 227, 234. 

z2 



856 



INDEX. 



Trois» treaty of, u. 136. 

Trace of 1347, poem on, i. 53 ; trace with 

Fnmoe in 1394, L 300 ; in 1444, ii. 

215. 



U. 

Uffbrd, Sir Thomas, i. 95. 



Yannes, siege of^ i. 150. 

Venetians, their articles of commerce, it 

172. 
Vere, Bobert de, dnke of Ireland, i. 270, 

367, 420, 459. 
Yemeoil, battle of, ii. 132. 
Vienne, Sir John de, goTemor of Calais, i. 

83. 
sent to resist the Scots, i 459. 



W. 

Wakefield, battle of, ii. 257, 260. 

Waleri, St, batde of, 456. 

Wales, needful to be held in sntiiectioD, iL 

190. 
Walsingham, John, the author of an alli- 

teratiye poem against the Lollards, 

iill4. 
Walworth, Sir William, lord mayor of 

London, i 227, 228. 
Warbnldon (Warbnrton ?), Sir JeflBrey, 

one of the commanders in Calais in 

1436, ii 153. 
Warwick, Thomas de Beanchamp, earl of, 

banished to the Isle of Miin, i 364, 

392. 



Warwick, Thomas de Beaachamp— €tMi^ 
imprisoned, L 428. 
banished, I 431. 
set at liberty, i. 446. 
employed Lgrdgate 1» write on the 
Eng^ title to France, iL 131, 132, 
139. 
bore the king's train at his coronation^ 

iL 146. 
Richard NcTille, first earl of, ii 222. 
Richaid Kerille, earl d, the king- 
maker, iL 254. 
a great snpporter of Edward IV., 870. 
opposed to Edward IV., 272. 
slain in the battle of Bunet, 276. 
Wells, John, an enemy of the Wydiffites, 

L260. 
Westminster, abbot of, ii. 233. 
Westminster Hall, L 297. 
Westmoteland, Sir Balph de Kerille made 
earl of, L 461. 
joins the duke of Lancaster, L 462. 
Whappelode, an opponent of the Wydifiltes, 

L261. 
Whethamsted, John de^ his poems on the 

wars of the Boaes, ii. 258. 
Whittington, Richard, the merchant of 

London, ii. 178. 
Wight, Isle of; taken by the French, L 

457. 
Willonghby, Bobert k»d, IL 222. 
Wiltshire, Sir William Serope made earl 
* of, L 461. See Serope. 
Winchester, William de Wainfleet, Inshop 

of, ii. 255. 
Windsor, William. L 457. 
Worcester, Sir Thomas Percy made earl 

of, L 461. 
Worcester, John Carpenter, bishc^ of, iL 

233. 
WydiiTe, John, L 235, 258, 259, 260, 458; 
ii. 45, 52, 53, 107. 



INDEX. 



367 



York, Edmnnd Plantageaet ibade duke o( 

L459. 
Edward Flantagenet dnke of, slaizi at 

Aaneonrt, ii. 125. 
Bichard duke o^ retires to Ireland, ii. 

223. 
reconciled with the court, ii 254. 
epitaph on him, il 266. 
York, archbiehope of : 

William de la Zouche, i. 158. 
Alexander de NeriUe, flies into exile, 

L 421, 460. 



York, archbishops of^con^ 

Bichard Scrope, poem on his execu- 
tion, ii 114. 
his death lamented, 267. 
John Kemp, cardinal, ii. 233. 



Zealand, its articles of commerce, ii. 180. 
Zouche, William de ]&, archbishop of York, 
i 158. 



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12. Muniment A Gildhall^ Londoniensis ; Liber Albus, Libe- 

Custumarum, et Liber Horn, in archiyis Gildhallae asservati. 
Vol. I., Liber Albus. Vol. 11. (in Two Parts), Liber Custnmarom. 
Edited by H. T. Riley, Esq., M.A., Barrister-at-Law. 

13. Chronica Jouannis de Oxenedes. Edited by Sir H, Ei.i.i8» K.H. 

14. A Collection op Political Poems fro m th e Accession op 
Edward III. to the Reign of Henry VULL Vols. I. and IL 
Edited by T. Wright, Esq., M.A. 

15. The "Opus Tertium" and "Opus Minus" of Roger Bacon. 

Edited by the Rev. J. S. Brewer, M.A., Professor of English 
Literature, King's College, London, and Reader at the Rolls. 

16. Bartholomjei de Cotton, Monachi Norwicensis, Historia 
Anglicana (A.D. 449—1298). Edited by H. R. Luard, M.A., 
Fellow and Assistant Tutor of Trinity College, Camhridge. 

17. The Brut t TrwrsoGiON, or, The Chronicle of the Princes of 

Wales. Edited by the Rev. J. Williams ab Ithel. 

18. A Collection of Royal and Historical Letters during the 
Reign of Henry IV. Vol. I. Edited by the Rev. F. C 
Hingeston, M.A., of Exeter College, Oxford. 

19. The Repressor of oyer much Blaming of the Clergy. Bj 
Reginald Pecock, sometime Bishop of Chichester. Vols. I. 
and n. Edited by C. Babington, B.D., Fellow of St. John's 
College, Camhridge. 

20. The Annales Cambria. Edited by the Rev. J. Williams ab 
Ithel. 

21. The Works of Giraldus Cambrsnsis. Vol. I. Edited by 
the Rev. J. S. Brewer, M.A., Professor of English Literature, 
King's College, London, and Reader at the Rolls. 

22. Letters and Papers illustrative of the Wars of the 
English in France during the Reign of Henry the Sixth, 
King of England. Vol. I. Edited by the Rev. J. Stevenson, 
M.A., of University College, Durham, and Vicar of Leighton 
Buzzard. 

23. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, according to the several 
Original Authorities. VoL I., Originjd Texts. Vol. H., 
Translation. Edited by B. Thorpe, Esq., Memher of the Rojal 
Academy of Sciences at Munich, and of the Society of Netherlandish 
Literature at Leyden. 



11 



In the Press. 

BiCABDI D£ CmEKGESTRIA SpECULUM HiSTOBIALE DE GeSTIS ReGUM 

Anglic. (A.D. 447—1066.) Edited by J. E. B. Mayor, M.A., 
Fellow and Assistant Tutor of St. John's College, Cambridge. 

Le Livere de Reis de Brittaxie. Edited by J. Gloyer, M.A., 
Chaplain of Trinity College, Cambridge. 

Regveil des Croniques et anchiennes Istories de la Grant 
Bretaigne a present nomme Engleterre, par Jehan de 
Watjrin. Edited by W. Hardt, Esq. 

The Wars op the Danes in Ireland : written in the Irish language. 
Edited by the Rev. Dr. Todd, Librarian of the University of 
Dublin. 

A Collection op Sagas and other Historical Documents relating 
to the Settlements and Descents of the Northmen on the British 
Isles. Edited by George W. Dasent, Esq., D.C.L. Oxon. 

A Collection op Royal and Historical Letters during the 
Reign op Henry IV. Vol. 11. Edited by the Rev. F. C. 
Hingeston, M.A., of Exeter College, Oxford. 

Letters and Papers op the Reigns op Richard HI. and Henrt 
VII. Edited by James Gairdner, Esq. 

MuNiirENTA GiLDHALL-ffl LoNDONiENSis ; Liber Albus, Liber Cus- 
tumarum, et Liber Horn, in archivis Gildhallae asservati. Vol. III. 
Translations from the Anglo-Norman portions of the Liber Albus ; 
Appendix ; Glossaries ; and Index. Edited by H. T. Riley, Esq., 
M.A., Barrister-at-Law. 

EuLOGiUM (HiSTORiARUM siVE Temporis), Chronicou ab Orbe 
condito usque ad Annum Domini 1366 ; a Monacho quodam 
Malmesbiriensi exaratum. Vol. m. Edited by F. S. Hatdon, 
Esq., B.A. 

Letters and Treatises op Bishop Qrossetete, illustrative of the 
Social Condition of his Time. Edited by the Rev. H. R. Luard, 
M. A., Fellow and Assistant Tutor of Trinity College, Cambridge. 

The Works op Giraldus Cambrensis. Vol. II. Edited by the 
Rev.' J. S. Brewer, M.A., Professor of English Literature, King's 
College, London, and Reader at the Rolls. 

Letters and Papers illustrative op the Wars op the English 
IN France during the Reign op Henry the Sixth, King 
op England. Vol. 11. Edited by the Rev, J. Stevenson, M.A., 
of University College, Durham, and Vicar of Leighton Buzzard. 

Descriptive Catalogue op Manuscripts relating to the Early 
History op Great Britain. Edited by T. Dupfus Hardy, Esq. 



12 



In Progress. 

HxSTORiA MmoB Mattilsi Pabis* Edited by Sir F. Madden, K.H., 
Chief of the MS. Department of tlie British Museum. 

CnnONICON AbBATLB EYESHAMENSISy AUCTOBIBUS DOMINICO PrIORE 
EVESHAMUE £T ThOHA DE MaRLEBEBGE AbBATE, A FUNDA- 

TiONE AD Annum 1213; una cum Continuatione ad Annum 
1418. Edited by the Rev. W. D. Macrat, M.A., £odleiai> 
Library, Oxford. 

A EoLL OP THE Irish Pbivt Council op the 16th Year of the 
Reign op Richard U. Edited by the Rev. James Graves. 

Poltchronicon Ranulphi Higdeni, with Trevisa's Translation. 
Edited by C. Babinoton, B.D., Fellow of St. John's College^ 
Cambridge. 



June 1861.