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BERTRAM  C  A  WlNOLC*  K» .  K  S.6    TR6   TS.A 


tion  now  than  in  some  earlier  ages,  how  is  it  that  if,  as  you  tell  us, 
the  earth  is  liable  to  be  grossly  over-populated  at  the  present  rate 
of  increase  in  a  few  hundred  years,  it  has  not,  in  the  three  to  five 
hundred  thousand  years  cheerfully  postulated  by  so  many  writers, 
long  ago  become  destitute  of  any  square  yard  of  land  unoccupied 
by  a  human  being?  Yet  it  would  appear  that  there  is  room  for 
twice  or  three  times  the  existing  population. 


THE  PROBLEM  OF  POPULATION.     By  Harold  Cox.     New  York : 

G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons.     $2.50. 
THE  POPULATION  PROBLEM.     By  A.  M.  Carr-Saunders.     New 

York:  Oxford  University  Press.     $7.00. 

As  to  the  first  of  these  books  we  have  only  to  say  that  in  our 
opinion  it  is  nothing  short  of  lamentable  that  such  a  work,  even 
by  a  person  occupying  so  prominent  a  position  as  the  Editor  of 
The  Edinburgh  Review,  should  have  been  published  in  the  United 
States  by  a  respectable  firm.  From  start  to  finish  it  is  nothing 
but  a  purely  materialistic  plea  for  contraceptive  measures,  and  the 
two  following  passages  will  afford  some  idea  of  what  its  morality 
and  theology  are.  "It  is  a  far  less  evil  that  a  hundred  women 
should  indulge  in  irregular  intercourse  free  from  the  fear  of  con- 
ception than  that  one  illegitimate  child  should  be  born."  (P. 
166.)  "The  very  story  of  the  virgin  birth  of  Christ  itself  implies 
that  there  is  something  immoral  in  the  ordinary  method  of  con- 
ception." (P.  213.)  The  present  Archbishop  of  New  York  and 
Monsignor  Brown,  of  Southwark,  England,  strong  supporters  of 
morality,  are  the  chief  objects  of  the  writer's  abuse.  They  may 
be  proud  of  it.  The  author  of  the  second  book  only  once  alludes 
to  this  particular  matter  and  that  in  a  note  where  he  expresses 
his  agreement  with  the  Laodicean  policy  of  Dr.  Inge,  the  well- 
known  Dean  of  St.  Paul's,  which  amounts  to  this:  "If  you  cannot 
be  continent,  I  suppose  you  must  be  contraceptive,  but  you  ought 
to  be  ashamed  of  yourself."  Video  meliora  proboque — it  is  not  a 
very  high  level  of  morality  but  better  than  the  carnality,  naked 
and  unashamed,  of  Mr.  Cox. 

Without  doubt  this  second  work  is  the  most  important  con- 
tribution to  the  question  of  population  which  has  appeared  for 
many  years.  It  is  scientific,  erudite,  well  documented,  and  cannot 
be  neglected  by  biologists,  sociologists,  or  politicians,  nor  should 
any  library  fail  to  possess  so  valuable  a  work  of  reference.  In- 
cidentally it  may  be  mentioned  that  it  demolishes  the  foundation 
stone  of  Mr.  Cox's  argument,  by  showing  that  England  never  yet 
has  been  over-populated  and  further  that,  as  Leroy  Beaulieu 
points  out,  "if  the  degree  of  skill  in  production  now  found  in 
Western  Europe  was  extended  throughout  the  world,  the  popula- 
tion economically  desirable" — note,  please,  not  merely  possible, 
but  desirable — "would  be  from  two  to  three  times  the  population 
of  the  world."  So  much  for  the  bed-rock  argument  of  those  who 
urge  that  civilization  can  only  be  saved  by  Malthusian  methods. 

One  would  like  to  ask  one  question  of  these  persons,  most  of 
whom  claim  an  enormous  antiquity  for  the  human  race,  and  it  is 
[this :  Granted  that  there  are  less  checks  on  the  increase  of  popula- 


THE   POPULATION 
PROBLEM 


THE   POPULATION 
PROBLEM 


a 


in 


HUMAN  EVOLUTION 


BY 


A.   M.   CARR-SAUNDERS 


OXFORD 

AT   THE   CLARENDON  PRESS 
1922 


OXFORD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

London        Edinburgh        Glasgow        Copenhagen 

New  York    Toronto    Melbourne    Cape  Town 

Bombay    Calcutta    Madras    Shanghai 

HUMPHREY     MILFORD 

Publisher  to  the  University 


AUG221957 

2498 

PjUNTED  IN  ENGLAND. 


PREFACE 

MANY  different  questions  connected  with  population  are  fre- 
quently discussed  at  the  present  day.  This  book  is  designed  not 
so  much  as  a  contribution  to  the  study  of  any  one  of  these 
questions  in  particular  as  an  attempt  to  trace  back  to  their  origin 
the  main  problems  which  now  attract  attention  and  to  indicate 
their  relation  one  to  the  other — to  view  the  whole  problem  in 
fact  from  an  historical  and  evolutionary  standpoint.  The  book  is 
an  accident  of  the  war.  When  war  broke  out  I  was  engaged  in 
collecting  material  which  is  incorporated  in  this  book  with  the 
object  of  discussing  certain  aspects  of  the  population  problem. 
It  had  occurred  to  me  that  I  might  write  an  introduction  showing 
how  these  aspects  are  related  to  the  problem  as  a  whole.  Further 
than  that  I  had  not  gone  when  there  followed  five  years  of  active 
service  during  which  the  project  of  writing  an  introductory  sketch 
became  converted  into  the  far  more  ambitious  project  of  treating 
at  some  length  the  population  problem  as  a  whole.  Had  it  thus 
not  been  for  these  years  during  which  it  was  possible  only  to 
elaborate  schemes  for  future  work,  I  should  never  have  embarked 
on  so  ambitious  a  task.  The  task  is  not  an  easy  one,  involving 
as  it  does  both  difficulties  of  proportion  and  difficulties  arising 
from  the  necessity  of  touching  upon  biological,  anthropological 
and  economic  problems,  with  regard  to  all  of  which  no  one  man 
can  pretend  to  have  extensive  knowledge.  Nevertheless,  quite 
apart  from  the  question  as  to  whether  this  book  does  in  any 
measure  achieve  its  purpose,  those  best  acquainted  with  modern 
population  literature  will  probably  agree  that  there  is  room  for 
an  attempt  to  view  the  whole  population  problem  in  historical 
perspective.  If  therefore  this4book  does  no  more  than  draw  the 
attention  of  those  interested  in  particular  aspects  of  the  matter 
to  the  necessity  of  so  doing,  it  will  not  altogether  have  failed  of 
its  purpose. 


6  PKEFACE 

I  wish  to  express  my  very  great  obligations  to  Professor  L.  T. 
Hobhouse,  who  read  through  the  whole  book  in  manuscript  and 
furnished  me  with  numerous  most  valuable  suggestions  and 
criticisms.  To  Mr.  Julian  Huxley,  who  read  the  chapters  which 
deal  most  directly  with  biological  problems,  I  am  also  indebted 
for  valuable  help.  The  calculations  which  appear  in  the  last 
section  of  the  fifth  chapter  I  owe  to  Mr.  H.  T.  Tizard. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTEE  I 

PAGE 

HISTORICAL     , ...       17 

(1)  Problems  of  population  fall  under  two  headings — quantitative 
and  qualitative ;  the  former  have  long  attracted  attention ;  the 
latter  have,  until  recently,  only  sporadically  aroused  interest.  (2) 
Numbers  were  discussed  in  a  restricted  sense  in  Greece  and  Rome,  but 
it  was  not  until  the  sixteenth  century  (3)  that  quantitative  problems 
were  considered  from  a  modern  point  of  view  when  (4)  a  dense  popula- 
tion was  generally  held  to  be  advantageous.  (5)  This  view  was  not 
everywhere  accepted,  and  (6)  the  relation  between  numbers  and  the 
food-supply  was  from  time  to  time  discussed,  and  the  position  of 
Malthus  more  or  less  anticipated.  (7)  In  1798  Malthus  published 
his  book,  which  (8)  was  favourably  received.  (9)  Neomalthusian 
propaganda,  though  not  approved  by  Malthus,  began  early.  (10) 
Darwin  and  Wallace  were  influenced  by  Malthus  in  founding  the 
hypothesis  of  natural  selection,  and  from  1858  onwards  qualitative 
problems  have  come  to  assume  an  equally  important  place. 

CHAPTEK  II 

THE  BASIS  OF  THE  POPULATION  PROBLEM :   (1)  THE  QUAN- 
TITATIVE ASPECT          ....  .37 

(1)  The  ancestors  of  man  were  once  subject  to  the  conditions  pre- 
vailing among  species  in  a  state  of  nature.  These  conditions  are 
studied.  (2)  Reproduction,  the  necessity  for  which  can  be  explained, 
(3)  always  consists  in  the  fusion  of  two  gametes,  but  (4)  is  accomplished 
by  different  methods.  (5)  Whatever  the  method,  most  ripe  ova  are 
fertilized,  though  among  lower  forms  failures  may  not  be  infrequent. 
A  reference  to  the  nature  of  (6)  reflex  action,  (7)  instinct,  (8)  intelli- 
gence, and  (9)  reason  shows  that,  (10)  whatever  the  stage  of  mental 
evolution  reached  among  species  in  a  state  of  nature,  reproduction  is 
essentially  *  mechanical '.  (11)  The  vast  number  of  ova  (12)  is  only 
partially  called  for  by  the  fact  that  a  certain  proportion  only  is 
fertilized.  The  vast  number  is  necessary  because  (13)  owing  to  the 
interdependence  of  all  species  a  large  proportion  of  the  young  of 
(14)  both  animals  (15)  and  plants  perish  before  maturity  (16)  and 
is  determined  by  the  sum  of  the  dangers  to  which  the  young  are 

63 


8  CONTENTS 

CHAPTEE  III 

PAGE 

THE    BASIS    OF    THE    POPULATION    PROBLEM:     (2)    THE 

QUALITATIVE  ASPECT .         .       64 

(1)  In  the  chromatin  of  the  nucleus  we  have  apparently  to  recognize 
the  physical  basis  of  the  inherited  qualities  which  (2)  take  the  form 
of  predispositions  towards  the  development  of  certain  characters. 
(3)  Difference  between  modifications  and  mutations.  (4)  '  Pure  Line  ' 
and  (5)  Mendelian  investigations  indicate  nature  and  behaviour  of 
latter  on  crossing.  (6)  Germinal  change  consists  in  the  apparent 
addition,  dropping  out,  or  modification  of  '  factors  ',  the  causes  of 
which  (7)  are  unknown,  and  are  not  due  to  the  inheritance  of  acquired 
characters.  (8)  Owing  to  the  death-rate  being  selective,  different 
germinal  constitutions  are  differently  favoured,  and  thus  (9)  per- 
manent change  among  species  in  a  state  of  nature  comes  about. 

CHAPTEE  IV 
THE  POPULATION  PROBLEM  AMONG  MEN     .        V       ?         .       80 

(1)  The  population  problem  among  men  has,  owing  to  the  evolution 
of  reason,  assumed  in  both  aspects  a  wholly  different  form.  (2)  To 
follow  the  nature,  causes,  and  results  of  these  changes  a  sketch  is 
required  of  human  evolution — especially  of  social  evolution.  History 
only  provides  a  partial  record  for  a  few  thousand  years,  and  (3)  we 
are  thus  dependent  for  social  history  upon  our  knowledge  of  primitive 
races  which  may  be  applied  to  prehistoric  races.  (4)  Outline  of 
future  chapters. 


CHAPTEE  V     , 

HUMAN  FECUNDITY .         .         . '"      ,         .         .         .        .         .       88 

(1)  We  have  to  ask  whether  human  fecundity  has  changed  and 
what  the  effect  of  certain  customs  is  upon  fecundity.  (2)  It  is  not 
to  factors  influencing  the  male  (3)  but  to  factors  influencing  the 
female  that  we  have  to  look.  (4)  The  length  of  the  mature  period 
increases  with  good  conditions ;  (5)  the  interval  between  births  has 
decreased  in  mankind,  (6)  while  the  number  at  a  birth  has  probably 
increased  (7)  owing  to  good  conditions.  (8)  That  human  fecundity 
has  increased  is  supported  by  other  evidence,  (9)  including  the 
number  of  children,  and  (10)  was  held  by  Darwin  and  others.  (11) 
Polygamy  has  had  no  influence,  but  lactation,  age  at  marriage,  early 
intercourse,  and  development  of  fat  adversely  affect  fecundity. 
(12)  Calculations  of  possible  increase. 


CONTENTS  9 

CHAPTEK  VI 

PAGE 

HUMAN  HISTORY 106 

(1)  The  outline  of  human  history  can  be  roughly  dated  by  (2)  esti- 
mating the  length  of  the  geological  eras.  (3)  Little  is  known  as  to 
the  evolution  of  the  Primate  stock,  but  (4)  the  association  of  geo- 
logical data,  fossils,  and  cultural  data  give  a  table  of  human  history. 
(5)  Fossil  remains  of  man  before  the  fourth  glacial  epoch.  (6)  Neander- 
thal man  in  the  fourth  glacial  epoch.  (7)  Numerous  remains  in  the 
post-glacial  epoch.  (8)  Putting  aside  eoliths,  (9)  we  have  Lower, 
Middle,  and  Upper  Palaeolithic  cultures,  followed  by  (10)  Neolithic 
culture  and  (11)  the  age  of  metals.  (12).  Putting  together  fossil 
and  cultural  evidence,  we  reach  a  scheme  the  details  of  which  can 
be  filled  in  by  (13)  our  knowledge  of  existing  primitive  races  with 

(14)  certain  reservations. 

CHAPTEK  VII 
HUNTING  AND  FISHING  RACES        .         .         .         .         .         .135 

(1)  A  survey  of  these  races  is  undertaken  to  show  the  prevalence 
of  factors  bearing  upon  fertility  and  elimination,  and  evidence  of 
(2)  pre-puberty  intercourse,  (3)  prolonged  lactation,  (4)  initiation 
ceremonies,  (5)  postponement  of  marriage,  and  (6)  abstention  from 
intercourse  is  given.  (7)  Evidence  of  small  average  size  of  family. 
(8)  Among  factors  of  elimination,  abortion,  (9)  infanticide,  (10)  war- 
fare, (11)  feuds,  (12)  killing  of  old  and  sick,  (13,  14)  disease,  and 

(15)  child  mortality  are  investigated. 

CHAPTEK  VIII 

PRIMITIVE  AGRICULTURAL  RACES 162 

(1)  A  similar  survey  of  these  races  is  undertaken,  and  evidence  is 
given  regarding  the  prevalence  in  America  (2)  of  pre-puberty  inter- 
course, (3)  postponement  of  marriage,  (4)  prolonged  lactation, 
(5)  abstention  from  intercourse,  (6)  small  size  of  the  family,  (7)  abor- 
tion, (8)  infanticide,  (9)  war,  (10)  feuds,  (11)  disease,  (12)  and  child 
mortality.  (13)  In  Africa  similarly  regarding  pre-puberty  inter- 
course, (14)  lactation,  (15)  marriage,  (16)  abstention  from  intercourse, 
(17)  contraceptive  methods,  (18)  size  of  family,  (19)  abortion,  (20)  in- 
fanticide, (21)  warfare,  (22)  feuds,  (23)  disease,  (24)  and  child  mortality. 
(25)  In  Oceania  regarding  pre-puberty  intercourse,  (26)  lactation, 
(27)  marriage,  (28)  abstention  from  intercourse,  (29)  contraceptive 
practices,  (30)  size  of  family,  (31)  abortion,  (32)  infanticide,  (33)  war- 
fare, (34)  feuds,  (35)  and  child  mortality.  (36)  In  Asia  of  the  same 
practices. 


10  CONTENTS 

CHAPTEE  IX 

PAGE 

THE  REGULATION  OF  NUMBERS  AMONG  PRIMITIVE  RACES    197 

(1)  The  theory  of  Malthus  has  long  been  disproved,  and  (2)  has 
been  replaced  by  the  modern  theory  of  an  optimum  density  of  popula- 
tion. (3)  Territories  are  strictly  defined  among  hunting  and  fishing 
races,  and  (4)  among  primitive  agricultural  races.  (5)  Among  all 
these  races  there  is  co-operation  in  the  search  for  food.  (6)  The 
principle  of  the  optimum  number  holds  good  for  all  of  them,  and  by 
the  natural  selection  of  customs,  practices  restrictive  of  increase 
come  everywhere  into  use  in  the  shape  of  abstention  from  inter- 
course, abortion,  and  infanticide.  (7)  Evidence  of  these  practices  is 
incomplete,  (8)  but  shows  that  they  are  so  practised  as  to  keep 
numbers  down  to  a  certain  level,  (9)  and,  though  they  may  be  adjusted 
solely  by  natural  selection,  yet  some  semi-conscious  adjustment  may 
take  place.  (10)  That  adjustment  should  take  place,  a  certain  standard 
of  skill  is  necessary  on  the  part  of  those  who  set  up  new  families  and 
is  ensured  by  marriage  customs.  (11)  General  conditions  of  savage 
life  afford  evidence  that  customs  are  effective.  (12)  There  is  no 
correlation  between  these  practices  and  economic  stages ;  though 
evidence  is  lacking,  the  presumption  is  that  some  such  practices 
were  everywhere  in  use  (13)  not  only  among  primitive  but  also 
among  prehistoric  races,  (14)  who  have  moved  slowly  away  from 
the  conditions  prevalent  in  the  intermediate  stage. 

CHAPTEE  X 

HISTORICAL  RACES 243 

(1)  These  races  fall  under  four  sub-headings.  For  all  of  them  the 
evidence  is  discussed  concerning  (2)  disease,  (3)  warfare,  (4)  and 
child  mortality.  (5)  In  sub-groups  1  and  2  celibacy  and  postpone- 
ment of  marriage,  (6)  pre-puberty  marriage,  (7)  lactation,  (8)  restraint 
from  intercourse,  (9)  contraceptive  practices,  (10)  size  of  family, 
(11)  abortion,  (12)  and  infanticide.  (13)  In  sub-groups  3  and  4  pre- 
puberty  intercourse  and  lactation,  (14)  celibacy  and  marriage, 
(15)  contraceptive  practices,  (16)  abortion  and  infanticide,  (17)  and 
venereal  disease. 

CHAPTEE  XI 
THE  REGULATION  OF  NUMBERS  AMONG  HISTORICAL  RACES    270 

(1)  Among  these  races,  in  spite  of  certain  complications,  the 
principle  of  the  optimum  number  holds  good. .  (2)  The  evidence  for 
the  first  sub-group  is  too  scanty  to  base  conclusions  upon.  (3) 
Among  the  races  of  the  second  sub-group  we  see  how  the  pressure 
is  felt,  and  (4)  we  have  knowledge  of  the  factors  at  work,  but  (5)  in 


CONTENTS  11 

PAGE 

India,  China,  and  Egypt  there  is  evidence  that  the  factors  are  not 
effective,  and  that  over-population  occurs.  (6)  In  the  third  sub- 
group, where  the  factors  are  different,  (7)  we  can  see  in  disabilities 
placed  upon  serfs,  and  (8)  in  difficulties,  (9)  restrictions,  and  (10)  Poor 
Law  provisions  hindrances  to  marriage.  (11)  The  system  was 
generally  effective,  though  over-population  occasionally  occurred. 

(12)  In  the  fourth  sub-group  there  is  no  evidence  of  over-population  ; 

(13)  the  factors  are  rather  different,  and  (14)  pressure  comes  about  by 
unconscious  response  to  economic  conditions.    (15)  Summarizing  the 
position  for  all  groups  we  find  that  owing  to  the  great  power  of  increase, 
customs  restrictive  of  increase  are  always  necessary,  and  (16)  have 
taken  various  forms  (17)  with  varying  effectiveness.     (18)   Changes 
in  quantity  are  a  result  rather  than  a  primary  cause  of  historical 
events.     (19)  Neither  migration  (20)  nor  war  is  due  directly  to  over- 
population,  though  the  position  as  regards   quantity  may  be  an 
element  in  the  situation  predisposing  nations  towards  migration 
and  war. 

CHAPTEE  XII 

SOME  MODERN  PROBLEMS 308 

(1)  The  recent  increase  in  numbers  was  in  response  to  economic 
requirements,  and  affords  no  ground  for  pessimism  as  to  the  future. 
(2)  The  density  desirable  may  be  considered  from  the  point  of  view 
of  moral  welfare  (3)  and  of  national  safety,  as  well  as  from  the  economic 
standpoint.  (4)  The  importance  of  minor  fluctuations.  (5)  Methods 
of  limiting  increase  at  the  present  day.  (6)  Different  ratios  of  increase 
as  between  different  classes,  (7)  between  different  races  in  the  same 
country,  and  (8)  between  different  countries. 


CHAPTEE  XIII 
THE  QUALITATIVE  PROBLEM 322 

We  have  to  ask  how  far  those  changes  which  constitute  history  are 
due  to  germinal  changes,  and  are  therefore  comparable  to  changes 
among  species  in  a  state  of  nature.  Analysis  of  remaining  chapters. 

CHAPTEE  XIV 

THE  INFLUENCE  OF  THE  ENVIRONMENT  AMONG  ANIMALS 

AND  PLANTS .       • .         .325 

(1)  Observations  show  that  environment  and  heredity  are  com- 
plementary one  to  the  other.  (2)  Abnormal  stimuli  may  produce 
almost  any  result,  but  (3)  for  each  species  there  is  a  normal  environ- 


12  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

ment,  to  certain  elements  in  which  marked  responses  may  be  made, 
though  (4)  generally  speaking  sessile  organisms  are  far  more  responsive 
to  differences  in  the  environment  than  are  free-living  organisms. 
(5)  Among  free-living  species  in  a  state  of  nature  closely  related  to 
man,  modifications  are  not  of  great  importance  in  producing  variations. 


CHAPTEB  XV 

THE  INFLUENCE  OF  THE  ENVIRONMENT  UPON  MAN  .        .     336 

(1)  Among  men  there  is  no  normal  environment.  (2)  The  effect 
of  exercise,  (3)  of  general  conditions,  (4)  and  of  climate.  (5)  Hunting- 
ton's  theory  of  optimum  climatic  conditions.  (6)  The  effect  of  food, 
altitude,  &c.  (7)  Statistical  results.  (8)  Effect  of  disease.  (9) 
Evidence  derived  from  twins.  (10)  Conclusion  that  modifications, 
with  the  exception  of  those  produced  by  disease,  are  not  of  great 
importance,  though  of  more  importance  than  in  the  case  of  species 
closely  allied  to  man. 

CHAPTEK  XVI 
HEREDITY  IN  MAN   .         .         .         /      .         .         .         .         .     356 

(1)  Recent  work  in  heredity  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  at  the 
basis  of  all  human  characters  lies  a  vast  number  of  unit-factors ; 
but  few  have  yet  been  recognized,  and  (2)  we  have  to  depend  upon 
statistical  data,  which  show  that  all  mental  and  physical  characters 
are  inherited.  Further  discussion  of  the  inheritance  of  (3)  disease, 
(4)  temperament,  (5)  instinct,  and  (6)  intellect.  (7)  Conclusion. 


CHAPTEK  XVII 
THE  EVOLUTION  OF  PHYSICAL  CHARACTERS        .         .         .368 

(1)  Preliminary  notice  of  certain  difficulties — cause  of  mutation, 
strength  of  selection.  (2)  During  the  intermediate  period  great 
changes  took  place,  but  (3)  in  general  during  the  first  and  second 
periods  the  tendency  was  towards  the  evolution  and  preservation 
of  certain  types,  (4)  which  is  comprehensible  when  the  conditions 
among  primitive  races  are  studied.  (5)  In  the  third  period  more  varia- 
tions have  been  allowed  to  persist ;  disease  becomes  of  importance. 
(6)  At  all  times  warfare,  migration,  and  crossing  have  influenced 
physical  characters.  (7)  Factors  of  possible  importance  other  than 
selection.  (8)  Conclusion. 


CONTENTS  13 

CHAPTEE  XVIII 

PAGE 

THE  EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHARACTERS  .      .  .         .         .385 

(1)  We  have  to  inquire  into  the  stage  of  mental  evolution  reached 
at  different  times.  (2)  After  discussing  evidence  derived  from 
fossils,  (3)  from  the  study  of  primitive  races,  (4)  from  Binet-Simon 
tests,  and  (5)  elsewhere,  we  conclude  that  by  far  the  greater  part 
of  mental  evolution  had  been  accomplished  in  Palaeolithic  times. 

(6)  Conditions  in  the  intermediate  period  strongly  favoured  intellect, 

(7)  but  in  the  first  and  second  periods  there  ceased  to  be  any  con- 
siderable premium  upon  intellect,  (8)  while,  though  at  the  opening 
of  the  third  period  some  advance  was  favoured,  later  conditions 
merely  allowed  of  the  existence  of  greater  diversity.     (9)    Definite 
conclusions  postponed  until  tradition  has  been  studied. 

CHAPTEE  XIX 

THE  NATURE  OF  TRADITION  .         .         .         .         .         .         .     407 

(1)  The  evolution  of  conceptual  thought  went  hand  in  hand  with 
that  of  language,  (2)  and  has  passed  through  a  series  of  stages. 

(3)  The  products  of  conceptual  thought  are  stored  up  in  various  ways, 

(4)  are  transmitted  by  language  and  by  the  operation  of  suggestion 
and  sympathy,  and  (5)  are  retained  by  habit.    (6)   In  a  relatively 
unimportant  way  tradition  is  present  among  the  higher  animals. 
(7)  Tradition  moulds  the  degree  and  direction  of  the  use  of  mental 
faculties,  and  (8)  is  naturally  selected. 

CHAPTEE  XX 

THE  ORIGIN  OF  TRADITION 419 

(1)  Supposing  other  things  to  be  equal,  we  have  to  study  the 
influence  of  differences  in  fertility  and  contact  upon  tradition. 
(2)  Fertility  is  a  purely  relative  term.  (3)  The  greater  the  fertility, 
the  greater  the  incentive  to  increase  in  skill  and  to  the  transmission 
of  skilled  processes.  (4)  Since  fertility  is  relative  there  is  a  shifting 
of  the  centres  of  progress.  (5)  Contact  varies  in  quantity  and 
quality,  and  facilitates  the  transmission  and  encourages  the  forma- 
tion of  skill.  (6)  Contact  is  hindered  by  isolation  by  sea,  deserts, 
and  mountains,  and  is  facilitated  by  rivers.  Importance  of  location 
and  language.  (7)  Contact  also  influenced  by  economic  factors 
which  have  brought  about  (8)  the  evolution  from  the  segmentary  to 
the  organic  form  of  social  organization.  (9)  Thus  the  origin  and 
transmission  of  tradition  have  been  very  greatly  encouraged  in  the 
third  period,  (10)  though  certain  influences  work  against  the  full 
realization  of  the  organic  type  in  modern  communities.  (11)  Differ- 
ences in  economic  organization  are  correlated  with  other  differences 
in  social  organization. 


14  CONTENTS 

CHAPTEE  XXI 

PAGE 

THE  RELATIVE  IMPORTANCE  OF  TRADITION  AND  HEREDITY    437 

(1)  Definite  conclusions  are  difficult  to  reach.  (2)  History  in  the 
intermediate  period  was  due  to  germinal  change.  (3)  The  natural 
endowment  of  America,  (4)  Asia,  (5)  Africa,  (6)  and  of  other  regions, 
(7)  and  their  geographical  features,  (8)  suggests  that  history  in  the 
subsequent  periods  was  chiefly  of  the  nature  of  traditional  change. 

(9)  Though  germinal  changes  are  important  they  do  not  account 
for  the  outstanding  events,  though  they  have  contributed  to  them. 

(10)  Lesser  germinal  changes  colour  tradition,  but  are  not  determin- 
ing factors  in  history.    (11)  Known  germinal  changes,  such  as  those 
produced  by  crossing,  are  less  important  than  accompanying  tradi- 
tional changes,  (12)  of  which  there  are  many  instances  in  the  third 
period.    (13)   The  direct  effect  of  the  environment  is  not  negligible, 
and  has  influenced  the  course  of  history.    (14)   The  cyclic  course  of 
civilization,  which  has  been  attributed  to  germinal  change,  is  in  the 
main  due  to  traditional  changes.    (15)  Tradition  at  the  present  day 
overlays  the  manifestation  of  mental  characters  in  so  great  a  degree 
that  (16)  differences  between  classes  may  well  seem  wholly  traditional, 
but  (17)  psychological  tests  and  (18)  other  evidence  show  that  innate 
mental  differences  are  present,  (19)  though  it  is  difficult  to  appraise 
their  value  and  the  importance  of  modern  differential  fertility. 

CHAPTEK  XXII 

CONCLUSION 475 

Summary  of  the  argument  and  of  the  conclusions. 

APPENDIX  I        . i         .         .483 

Summary  of  evidence  as  to  restriction  of  increase  amongst  Primitive 
Races. 

APPENDIX  II -.        \    488 

LIST  OF  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED      .         .         .         ...    489 

INDEX  509 


LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS 

A.  E.  B.  E.  =Annual  Report,  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Smithsonian  Institution. 

A.R.S.  /.=  Annual  Report  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution. 

Am.  Anth.  = American  Anthropologist. 

Am.  Jour.  Obstet.  =American  Journal  of  Obstetrics. 

Am.  Stat.  Ass.  =Publications  of  the  American  Statistical  Association. 

Ann.  de  Pal.  =Annales  de  Paleontologie. 

Ann.  Mus.  Congo  Beige  =  Annales  du  Musee  du  Congo  Beige. 

Arch,  fur  Anth.  =  Archiv  fiir  Anthropologie. 

AusL  Med.  Jour.  =  Australian  Medical  Journal. 

Biol.  Bull  = Biological  Bulletin. 

Bull  Soc.  Anth.  =  Bulletin  de  la  Societe  d' Anthropologie. 

0.1.  A.  =Congres  International  d' Anthropologie. 

Gent,  fur  Min.,  Geol.  und  Pal.  =Centralblatt  fiir  Mineralogie,  Geologic  und 
Palaontologie. 

Coll.  Mon.  Eth.  =  Collection  de  Monographies  Ethnographiques. 

Eug.  Lab.  Mem.  =  Eugenic  Laboratory  Memoirs. 

Eug.  Eev.  = Eugenics  Review. 

Geog.  Jour.  =  Geographical  Journal. 

Int.  Arch.  Eth.  =  Internationales  Archiv  fur  Ethnographic. 

J.A.I.  =  Journal  of  the  Anthropological  Institute. 

Jour.  Eth.  Soc.  = Journal  of  the  Ethnological  Society. 

Jour.  Pol.  Soc.  = Journal  of  the  Polynesian  Society. 

Jour.  Roy.  Agric.  Soc.  =  Journal  of  the  Royal  Agricultural  Society. 

J.  R.  S.  S.  =  Journal  of  the  Royal  Statistical  Society. 

M em.  Am.  Anth.  Soc.  =Memoirs  of  the  American  Anthropological  and  Ethno- 
logical Societies. 

Mem.  Anth.  Soc.  =Memoirs  of  the  Anthropological  Society. 

M  em.  &  Proc.  Man.  Lit.  <fc  Phil.  Soc.  =Memoirs  and  Proceedings  of  the  Man- 
chester Literary  and  Philosophical  Society. 

Mem.  Soc.  Anth.  =Memoires  de  la  Societe  d' Anthropologie. 

Phil.  Trans.  =  Philosophical  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Society. 

Quart.  Jour.  Geol.  Soc.  = Quarterly  Journal  of  the  Geological  Society. 

Q.  J.  M.  S.  —  Quarterly  Journal  of  Microscopical  Science. 

Rev.  Col.  Inter.  =  Revue  Coloniale  Internationale. 

Rev.  d'Anth.  =Revue  d' Anthropologie. 

Rev.  d?Eth.  =  Revue  d'Ethnographie. 

S.  I.  B.  E.  = Smithsonian  Institute,  Bureau  of  Ethnology. 

Soc.  Rev.  =  Sociological  Review. 

Trans.  Amer.  Gyn.  Soc.  =  Transactions  of  the  American  Gynecological  Society. 


16  LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS 

Trans.  &  Proc.  N.  Z.  Inst.  =  Transactions  and  Proceedings  of  the  New  Zealand 

Institute. 

Trans.  Edin.  Obstet.  Soc.  = Transactions  of  the  Edinburgh  Obstetrical  Society. 
Trans.  Eth.  Soc.  =  Transactions  of  the  Ethnological  Society. 
U.  S.  Oeog.  <k  Oeol.  Survey  =  United  States  Geographical  and  Geological  Survey 

of  the  Rocky  Mountain  Region. 
Z.  G.  E.  =Zeitschrift  der  Gesellschaft  fur  Erdkunde. 
Zeit.fur  all.  Erd.  =Zeitechrift  fiir  allgemeine  Erdkunde. 
Zeit.fur  Eth.  =Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologic. 

Zeit.fur  Morph.  und  Anth.  =Zeitschrift  fiir  Morphologic  und  Anthropologie. 
Zeit.  fiir  Soc.  =Zeitschrift  fiir  Socialwissenschaft. 


I 

HISTORICAL 

1.  PROBLEMS  of  population  fall  into  two  main  groups — those 
connected  with  the  quantity  and  those  connected  with  the  quality 
of  the  population.  Considerations  of  the  population  problem  are 
commonly  devoted  to  one  of  these  chief  aspects  to  the  exclusion  of 
the  other  with  the  result  that  the  relation  between  them  is  seldom 
appreciated.  It  is  one  of  the  objects  of  this  book  to  show  that  all 
problems  of  population  have  the  same  origin.  The  development 
of  biological  knowledge  in  the  last  century,  and  in  particular  the 
discussion  of  evolution,  have  made  it  clear  that  the  whole  popula- 
tion question  and  all  the  problems  arising  therefrom  have  their 
origin  in  the  fact  that  mankind  has  a  definite  position  in  the 
animal  kingdom.  In  the  next  two  chapters  an  attempt  is  made 
to  set  out  the  basis  of  the  whole  question  in  the  light  of  modern 
researcl^and  in  the  fourth  chapter  are  discussed  the  nature  of  the 
various  problems  and  their  relation  to  one  another ;  first  those 
which  are  connected  with  the  quantity  and  then  those  that  are 
connected  with  the  quality  of  the  population. 

This  was  not,  however,  the  manner  in  which  the  question  was 
first  approached.  There  was  not,  to  begin  with,  an  understanding 
of  the  zoological  position  of  man  leading  to  a  growing  compre- 
hension of  the  problems  to  which  it  gave  rise.  From  early  days 
attention  was  particularly  directed  to  the  question  of  numbers. 
Between  the  fifth  century  B.  c.  and  the  eighteenth  century  A.  D. 
— between,  that  is  to  say,  the  time  of  Plato  and  that  of  Malthus — 
opinions  were  often  expressed  regarding  the  desirability  or  other- 
wise of  a  dense  population.  The  work  of  Malthus  focussed  opinion 
upon  this  point.  In  a  restricted  sense  this  problem  can  be  solved 
without  an  understanding  of  the  biological  origin  of  the  whole 
question,  and  the  discussion  which  followed  the  publication  of  the 
Essay  on  Population  has  resulted  in  the  general  acceptance  of 
a  solution  by  students  of  political  economy.  In  a  wider  sense  the 
solution  of  this  ^problem  depends  upon  a  comprehension  of  its 
biological  origin,  and  it  was  not  therefore  until  after  the  middle 


18  HISTOKICAL 

of  the  last  century  that  all  the  problems  connected  with  quantity 
fell  into  their  proper  setting  owing  to  the  work  of  Darwin  and 
Wallace,  both  of  whom  acknowledged  their  debt  to  Malthus.  The 
latter,  though  he  did  not  in  any  way  realize  the  fact,  was  discussing 
a  point  which  is  most  intimately  connected  with  evolution,  and 
both  Darwin  and  Wallace  were  influenced  by  their  acquaintance 
with  the  work  of  Malthus  in  arriving  at  their  explanation  of  the 
process  of  evolution.  Thus  from  the  time  of  Darwin  and  Wallace 
it  has  been  possible  to  view  the  population  problem  as  a  whole, 
though  the  discussions  of  the  problems  connected  with  quantity 
have  been  pursued  independently  not  only  before  but  also  after 
the  publication  of  the  Origin  of  Species. 

Problems  of  quality  did  not  arouse  the  same  early  interest.  It  is, 
of  course,  well  known  that  Plato  was  occupied  with  this  aspect 
of  the  whole  problem ;  *  Koman  authors  also  commented  upon 
the  eugenic  bearing  of  certain  practices.2  In  later  days  in  a 
remarkable  book  Campanella  dwelt  upon  the  importance  of  good 
breeding.3  But  the  interest  in  quality  was  not,  as  was  the  interest 
in  quantity,  widespread  or  long  maintained  ;  it  was  not  until  the 
origin  of  living  species  by  evolution  had  been  generally  accepted 
and  some  knowledge  of  inheritance  had  been  gained,  that  problems 
of  quality  came  to  occupy  anything  more  than  the  passing  atten- 
tion of  mankind.4  J.  S.  Mill  and  Buckle,  for  instance,  both  of 
whose  opinions  were  formed  just  before  the  time  when  the  impor- 
tance of  heredity  came  to  be  appreciated,  deny  that  it  is  in  any 
way  relevant  to  the  study  of  social  problems.5 

2.  In  the  preface  to  the  greatly  enlarged  second  edition  of  his 
famous  book  Malthus  stated  that  he  had  found  many  references 
to  the  subject  of  which  he  had  not  been  aware  when  he  published 
the  first  volume.6  He  acknowledged  that  several  authors  had 
shown  themselves  to  have  possessed  a  grasp  of  the  '  principle  ' 

1  On  this  subject  see  Roper,  Ancient  Eugenics.  2  Roper  (loc.  cit.,  p.  12) 

quotes  Seneca  as  follows  :  We  drown  the  weakling  and  the  monstrosity.  It  is 
not  passion,  but  reason,  to  separate  the  useless  from  the  fit.'  *  Campanella, 

Civitas  Solis. 

*  Mr.  Roper  in  his  book  quoted  above  exaggerates  the  attention  paid  in  early 
times  to  quality.  He  says,  for  instance,  when  speaking  of  infanticide  and  similar 
practices,  that  '  these  barbaric  eugenics  .  .  .  were  concerned  with  questions  both 
of  quantity  and  of  quality  '  (p.  11).  .  As  will  be  pointed  out  later,  these  practices 
were  in  fact  primarily  concerned  with  quantity ;  such  bearing  as  they  had  upon 
quality  was  incidental. 

6  See,  for  instance,  Mill,  Principles  of  Political  Economy,  vol.  i,  p.  389.  Darwin 
commented  upon  this  aspect  of  Mill's  work  (Descent  of  Man,  p.  98). 

6  Malthus,  Essay  on  ike:  Principle  of  Population,  vol.  i,  p.  5. 


HISTORICAL  19 

which  it  was  the  object  of  his  book  to  demonstrate.  Among  these 
he  mentions  Plato  and  Aristotle.  In  these  cases  Malthus  was  too 
anxious  to  attribute  the  first  enunciation  of  the  '  principle  '  to 
others.  It  was  only  owing  to  the  very  peculiar  circumstances  of 
Greek  life  that  the  problem  ever  arose  at  all.  A  consideration  of 
the  ideal  city  state  involved  the  question  as  to  what  was  the  most 
desirable  number  of  citizens.  This  point  occupied  Plato's  atten- 
tion, and  in  one  place  he  deals  with  it  in  detail.  There  should  be, 
he  says,  5,040  citizens  in  the  state.1  In  the  Eepublic  he  explained 
that  the  number  of  citizens  was  to  be  kept  about  the  same  by 
a  strict  regulation  of  unions.2  In  the  Laws,  however,  no  such 
system  is  advocated,  and  he  discusses  the  possibility  of  a  failure  to 
maintain  the  number.3  He  appears  to  think  that  various  checks 
such  as  infanticide  and  '  inundations  '  will  keep  numbers  close  tc 
the  desirable  level ;  if  too  great  an  increase  takes  place,  ther 
recourse  must  be  had  to  emigration.  It  does  not  seem  that  th 
problem  was  ever  approached  more  closely  in  Greek  literature. 

References  to  this  subject  by  Roman  authors  are  confined  for 
the  most  part  to  laments  over  the  infertility  of  the  old  Roman 
stock.  That  which  drew  the  attention  of  the  Romans  to  the 
subject  was  thus  a  peculiar  phase  of  the  problem,  and  the  views 
expressed  by  them  were  in  consequence  usually  limited  to  the 
search  for  a  remedy  for  a  particular  weakness  in  national 
life.  As  we  shall  point  out  later,  it  is  doubtful  how  far  infertility 
was  characteristic  of  all  classes  ;  that  it  was  not  widespread  seems 
incidentally  to  be  indicated  in  the  following  curious  passage  fiom 
Tertullian  in  which  he  is  led  to  express  views  reminiscent  of  many 
modern  contributions  to  the  subject.  Tertullian  is  confuting  the 
Pythagorean  theory  of  the  transmigration  of  souls,  and  argues 
that,  if  it  were  true,  the  number  of  men  must  remain  unchanged. 
But,  he  says,  this  is  obviously  not  so  ;  population  continually 
increases.  This  leads  him  to  refer  to  the  state  of  contemporary 
civilization.  '  We  find  ',  he  says, '  in  the  records  of  the  Antiquities 
of  Man  4  that  the  human  race  has  progressed  with  a  gradual  growth 
of  population.  .  .  .  Surely  it  is  obvious  enough,  if  one  looks  at  the 
whole  world,  that  it  is  becoming  better  cultivated  and  more  fully 
peopled  than  anciently.  All  places  are  now  accessible,  all  are  well 
known,  all  open  to  commerce ;  most  pleasant  farms  have  obliterated 

1  Plato,  Laws,  v.  737.  2  Plato,  Republic,  v.  460.  3  Plato,  Laws,  v.  740. 

*  This  is  apparently  a  reference  to  a  work  by  Varro. 

B2 


- 


20  HISTOEICAL 

all  traces  of  what  were  once  dreary  and  dangerous  wastes  ; 
cultivated  fields  have  subdued  forests  ;  flocks  and  herds  have 
'  expelled  wild  beasts  ;  sandy  deserts  are  sown  ;  rocks  are  planted  ; 
marshes  are  drained ;  and  where  once  were  hardly  solitary 
cottages  are  now  large  cities.  No  longer  are  savage  islands  dreaded, 
nor  their  rocky  shores  feared  ;  everywhere  are  houses,  and  inhabi- 
tants, and  settled  government,  and  civilized  life.  What  most 
frequently  meets  our  view  is  our  teeming  population  ;  our  numbers 
are  burdensome  to  the  world,  which  can  hardly  supply  us  from  its 
natural  elements  ;  our  wants  grow  more  and  more  keen,  and  our 
complaints  more  bitter  in  all  mouths,  whilst  nature  fails  in  afford- 
ing us  her  usual  sustenance.  In  very  deed,  pestilence,  and  famine, 
and  wars,  and  earthquakes  have  to  be  regarded  as  a  remedy  for 
nations,  as  a  means  of  pruning  the  luxuriance  of  the  human  race.' 1 
3.  It  is  not  until  we  arrive  at  the  sixteenth  century  that  we 
discover  any  considerable  interest  in  the  matter.  From  thence 
onwards  references  are  very  frequent.  In  a  general  way  it  is  not 
difficult  to  understand  how  this  comes  about.  The  movement  of 
thought  at  that  time  turned  to  problems  of  practical  importance. 
The  interest  in  questions  connected  with  population  was  above 
all  things  due  to  the  problems  created  by  the  rise  and  consolidation 
of  the  great  European  states.  In  some  measure  also  the  voyages 
of  discovery  and  the  foundation  of  colonies  drew  men's  thoughts 
to  these  questions.  It  is,  as  we  shall  see,  in  the  works  of  the  new 
class  of  political  writers  and  theorists,  and  in  the  descriptions  of 
travel,  that  we  find  most  references.2 

These  references  take  for  the  most  part  the  form  of  discussions 
as  to  the  desirability  or  otherwise  of  a  large  population.  There  is, 
indeed,  often  but  little  discussion  ;  the  benefits  of  a  large  popula- 
tion seemed  so  obvious.  Men  were  mostly  of  the  same  opinion 
as  the  author  of  the  book  of  Proverbs,  *  in  the  multitude  of  the 
people  is  the  king's  glory  ;  but  in  the  want  of  people  is  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  prince.'  3  The  reasons  are  not  far  to  seek.  A  large 
population  appeared  to  mean  both  power  and  riches.  The  advan- 


1  Tertullian,  De  Anima  (Ante-Nicene  Christian  Library),  p.  481. 

globe — following  upon 
the  circumnavigation  of  the  world — had  no  doubt  an  influence.     The  fact  that 


1  The  realization  of  the  limitation  of  the  surface  of  the  globe — following  upon 


the  earth  is  spherical — or  at  least  that  it  is  not  flat — (as  a  matter  of  fact  it  is 
somewhat  tetrahedral)  was  of  course  known  to  Aristotle  (De  Caelo,  ii.  14).  It 
has  been  remarked  that  this  conception  was  always  present  to  the  minds  of  the 
authors  of  all  those  speculations  which  have  come  down  from  antiquity  (Bosanquet, 
Philosophical  Theory  of  the  State,  p.  330).  But  it  was  not  forced  upon  men's 
notice  until  it  was  practically  demonstrated.  3  Prov.  xiv.  28. 


HISTOEICAL  21 

tage  of  a  large  population  in  supplying  a  large  army  proved  most 
attractive  and  greatly  influenced  the  authors  of  the  eighteenth 
century.1  It  has  not  altogether  lost  its  attraction  for  some  people 
at  the  present  day,  as  we  shall  have  reason  to  notice  in  a  later 
chapter.  This  simple  view  of  the  benefits  of  a  large  population 
coincided  with  the  development  of  the  mercantile  theory  of  trade. 
Authors  of  this  school  of  thought  also  concluded  that  upon  thej 
whole  the  larger  the  population  the  better.  Protests  against  this 
point  of  view  are,  however,  met  with  from  time  to  time.  Those 
responsible  for  this  opposition  to  the  prevailing  opinion  were 
influenced  in  some  cases  more  by  observation  than  by  theory  and 
in  other  cases  more  by  theory  than  by  observation.  As  instances 
of  the  former  several  English  writers  of  the  end  of  the  sixteenth 
and  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  centuries  may  be  cited  ;  as 
instances  of  the  latter  several  authors  chiefly  belonging  to  the 
later  part  of  the  eighteenth  century.  The  views  of  the  last- 
mentioned  authors  are  often  influenced  by  a  conception  of  the 
relation  between  population  and  subsistence  closely  similar  to 
that  of  Malthus.  But  they  are  not  alone  in  their  anticipation 
of  his  position.  From  the  sixteenth  century  onwards  we  find  in 
passages  dealing  with  population  more  or  less  clear  statements 
of  the  Malthusian  position.  These  authors,  however,  are  not 
always  led  to  an  unfavourable  view  of  an  increase  in  population. 
Many  of  them,  indeed,  support  the  current  view  as  to  the  advan- 
tages of  large  numbers.  Nevertheless  on  the  whole  a  consideration 
of  the  connexion  between  population  and  the  food-supply  is  usually 
associated  with  a  fear  of  increase.  We  may  now  review  in  more 
detail  the  trend  of  opinion  sketched  above.  This  will  bring  us  to 
the  publication  of  the  Essay  on  Population.2 

4.  Long  before  the  sixteenth  century  men  gave  expression  to 
the  view  that  large  numbers  are  beneficial.  '  Quae  familia  plus 
multiplicatur  in  prolem,  amplius  cedit  ad  firmamentum  politiae,' 
said  Saint  Thomas  Aquinas.3  But  it  is  only  later  that  we  meet  with 
a  marked  insistence  on  this  view.  '  In  my  opinion ',  says  Bodin, 
*  they  erre  much  who  doubt  of  a  scarcitie  by  the  multitude  of 

1  Thus  Montesquieu  wrote  :  '  II  n'y  a  que  les  grandes  nations  qui  aient  des 
armees '  (Grandeur  et  Decadence  des  Romains,  p.  130).  *  The  literature  has 

been  several  times  reviewed.  I  am  chiefly  indebted  to  Stangeland, '  Pre -Malthusian 
Doctrines  of  Population ',  Studies  in  History,  Economics  and  Public  Law — Columbia 
University;  vol.  xxi,  No.  3,  1901.  8  Thomas  Aquinas,  De  Regimine 

Principum,  Bk.  IV,  ch.  ix.  (The  fourth  book  is  supposititious  ;  nevertheless  it 
probably  represents  the  views  of  St.  Thomas.) 


22  HISTORICAL 

citizens  and  children,  when  as  no  cities  are  more  rich  nor  more 
famous  in  arts  and  discipline  than  those  which  abound  most  with 
citizens.' l  According  to  Botero  '  the  greatness  of  a  citty  is  sayd 
not  to  be  the  largeness  of  the  citty  or  the  circuit  of  the  walls,  but 
in  the  multitude  and  the  number  of  the  inhabitants  and  their 
power  '.2  Machiavelli  held  very  similar  views,  and  Henry  IV  of 
France  is  reported  as  saying  that  '  the  strength  and  riches  of 
kings  consist  in  the  number  and  opulence  of  their  subjects  '.3  In 
accordance  with  the  views  thus  widely  and  strongly  held,  examples 
of  which  might  be  multiplied  almost  to  any  extent,  practical 

leasures  were  taken  to  encourage  the  increase  of  population.    Of 
ihese  the  best  known  is  the  law  of  Colbert  passed  in  1664.    Like 

lost  of  such  laws  it  was  modelled  on  the  laws  of  the  later  Roman 

Jmpire.    Similar  laws  were  at  one  time  or  another  in  force  in  most 

European  countries. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century  there  arose  a  school 
of  writers  who  might  be  classed  as  political  economists,  though  the 
term  was  not  in  use.  In  accordance  with  the  mercantile  theory 
of  commerce  then  predominant  a  large  population  was  held  to  be 
advantageous.  The  older  and  vaguer  theory  that  a  dense  popula- 
tion was  necessary  if  the  state  was  to  be  powerful  was  found  to 
coincide  with  the  newer  theories  as  to  conditions  of  prosperous 
trade.  Of  these  authors  Petty  and  Graunt  are  celebrated  as 
among  the  pioneers  of  statistics.  According  to  the  former  : 
'  fewness  of  people  is  real  poverty ;  and  a  nation  in  which  are 
eight  millions  of  people  are  more  than  twice  as  rich  as  the 
same  scope  of  land  in  which  are  but  four.'  4  '  Forasmuch  as 
princes ',  says  Graunt,  *  are  not  only  powerful  but  rich  accord- 
ing to  the  number  of  their  people  (hands  being  the  father  as 
lands  are  the  mother  and  womb  of  wealth)  it  is  no  wonder  that 
states  by  encouraging  marriage  and  hindering  licentiousness, 
advance  their  own  interest,  as  well  as  preserve  the  laws  of  God 
from  contempt  and  violation.' 5  Sir  Charles  Davenant  and 
Sir  Josiah  Child  are  two  of  the  foremost  authors  of  this  school. 
The  former  writes  as  follows  :  '  people  are  the  real  strength  and 


1  Bodin,  Six  Books  of  a  Commonweale,  Bk.  V,  ch.  ii,  p.  575.  2  Botero,  Delle 

Cause  delta  Grandezza  della  Cittd,  p.  5.  '  Quoted  by  Stangeland,  loc.  cit., 

p.  103,  from  the  Nouveau  Dictionnaire  tf  Economic  Politique,  article  '  Population '. 
According  to  Vauban  (La  Dime  Roy  ale  t  p.  18)  '  La  grandeur  des  rois  se  mesure 
par  le  nombre  de  leurs  sujets  *.  «  Petty,  '  Treatise  of  Taxes  and  Con- 

tributions '  in  Economic  Writings,  vol.  i,  p.  34*  6  Graunt,  National  and 

Political  Observations  upon  the  Bills  of  Mortality,  ch.  viii,  section  14. 


HISTOKICAL  23 

riches  of  a  country ;  we  see  how  impotent  Spain  is  for  want  of 
inhabitants  with  their  mines  of  gold  and  silver  and  the  best  ports 
and  soil  in  the  world  ;  and  we  see  how  powerful  their  numbers 
make  the  United  Provinces  with  bad  harbours  and  the  worst 
climate  upon  earth.  It  is  perhaps  better  that  a  people  should 
want  country  than  that  a  country  should  want  people.  When 
there  are  but  few  inhabitants  and  a  large  territory,  there  is  nothing 
but  sloth  and  poverty  ;  but  when  great  numbers  are  confined  to  a 
narrow  compass  of  ground,  necessity  puts  upon  them  invention, 
frugality,  and  industry  ;  which  in  a  nation  are  always  recompensed 
with  power  and  riches.' x  The  latter  refers  more  than  once  to  the 
subject.  *  Whatever  tends  to  the  population  of  a  country  tends 
to  the  improvement  of  it.'2  'Most  nations  in  the  civilized 
parts  of  the  world  are  more  or  less  rich  or  poor  proportionable  to 
the  poverty  or  plenty  of  their  people  and  not  to  the  sterility  of 
their  lands.'  3  To  these  quotations  we  may  add  one  from  Sir 
William  Temple  :  *  I  believe  the  true  and  original  ground  of  trade 
to  be  a  great  multitude  of  people  crowded  into  a  small  compass 
of  land.'  4 

It  would  be  possible  to  quote  many  similar  remarks  from 
authors  who  wrote  in  the  following  century.  Frederick Jhe  Great 
had  very  decided  opinions.  In  a  letter  to_Voltaire  he  says  :  *  Je 
regarde  les  hommes  comme  unehorde  de  cerfs  dans  le  parc_d!an 
grand  seigneur  et  qui  n'ont  pas  d'autre  fonction  que  de  peupler 
et  remplir  1'enclos.'  5  Hume  speaks  of  '  the  general  rule  that  the 
happiness  of  any  society  and  its  populousness  are  necessary 
attendants  '.6  Adam  Smith  says  '  that  the  mqst  decisive  mark 
of  the  prosperity  of  any  country  is  the  increase  of  the  number  of 
its  inhabitants  '.6  Nevertheless  that  which  interests  us  most  in 
the  authors  of  this  period  is  the  growing  interest  in  other  aspects 
of  the  subject. 

5.  Before  referring  to  the  more  or  less  close  anticipations  of 
the  views  of  Malthus  we  may  note  that  these  optimistic  views 
were  not  everywhere  accepted.  In  England  particularly,  towards 
the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  several  writers  expressed  a  dread 
of  overpopulation.  According  to  Holinshed  there  were  some 

1  Davenant,  Political  and  Commercial  Works,  vol.  i,  p.  16.  »  Child,  New 

Discourse  upon  Trade,  ch.  x,  p.  181.  8  Child,  loc.  cit.,  p.  179.  *  Temple, 

Observations  upon  the   United  Provinces,  p.   164.  5  Quoted  by  Ferdy,  Die 

kunstliche  Beschrdnkung  der  Kinderzahl,  p.  85.  •  Quoted  by  Cannan,  History 

of  the  Theories  of  Production  and  Distribution,  p.  124. 


24  HISTOKICAL 

men  '  affirming  that  we  had  already  too  great  a  store  of  people  in 
England  ;  and  that  youth,  by  marrying  too  soon,  do  nothing 
profit  the  countrie,  but  fill  it  full  of  beggars,  to  the  hurt  and  utter 
undoing  (they  saie)  of  the  commonwealth  '.*  Later  we  find 
Bruckner  speaking  as  follows  :  *  there  are  some  who  believe  that 
a  people  can  never  be  too  numerous  and  who  speak  of  increase 
as  if  it  always  contributed  to  happiness,  and  who  consequently 
continually  urge  the  sovereign  to  encourage  multiplication.  The 
truth  of  the  matter  is,  however,  often  far  different,  depending  on 
the  country  and  circumstances.  In  a  free  and  enlightened  nation, 
which  has  great  natural  advantages,  and  which  is  protected  from 
the  invasions  of  less  fortunate  neighbours,  increasing  numbers  are 
a  good.  ...  In  countries  not  so  circumstanced  increase  is  worse 
than  useless  ;  it  is,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  impossible,  and  attempts 
in  this  direction  can  but  result  in  added  suffering  and  an  increased 
number  of  deaths.'  2  Arthur  Young  said  the  same  in  more 
emphatic  terms.  *  Of  all  the  subjects  of  political  economy  I  know 
not  one  that  has  given  rise  to  such  a  crowd  of  errors  as  that  of 
population.  It  seems  for  centuries  to  have  been  considered  as  the 
only  test  of  national  prosperity.  The  politicians  of  those  times, 
and  the  majority  of  them  in  the  present,  have  been  of  the  opinion 
that  to  enumerate  the  people  was  the  only  step  to  be  taken  in 
order  to  ascertain  the  degree  in  which  a  country  was  flourishing. 
In  my  tour  through  the  North  of  England,  1769,  I  entered  my 
caveat  against  such  a  doctrine,  and  presumed  to  assert  "  that  no 
nation  is  rich  or  powerful  by  mere  numbers  of  people ;  it  is  the 
industrious  class  that  constitutes  a  nation's  strength " ;  that 
assertion  I  repeated  in  my  Political  Arithmetic  in  1774.'  3  About 
the  same  time  Kousseau  remarked  that '  il  y  a  pire  disette  pour  un 
etat  que  celle  d'hommes  '.4 

6.  In  the  eighteenth  century  the  problem  was  often  discussed 
with  reference  to  the  connexion  between  the  population  and  the 
food  supply.  The  contrast  between  the  vast  possibilities  of  increase 
and  the  smallness  of  the  actual  growth  in  population  also  often 
attracted  attention.  *  Through  various  causes ',  says  Wallace, 
'  there  has  never  been  such  a  number  of  inhabitants  on  the  earth 
at  any  one  point  of  time  as  might  have  been  raised  by  the  prolific 

1  Quoted  by  Stangeland,  loc.  cit.,  p.  110.  *  Quoted  by  Stangeland,  loc. 

cit.f  p.  234.    Bruckner's  work  was  published  in  1769.  *  Young,  Travels  in 

France,  vol.  i,  p.  481.  *  Quoted  by  Leroy-Beaulieu,  La  Question  de  la  Popu- 

lation, p.  31. 


HISTOKICAL  25 

virtue  of  mankind.  The  causes  of  this  paucity  of  inhabitants  and 
the  irregularity  of  increase  are  manifold.  Some  may  be  called 
physical,  as  they  depend  entirely  on  course  of  nature,  and  are 
independent  of  mankind.  Others  are  moral  and  depend  on  the 
affections,  passions,  and  institutions  of  men.  ...  To  this  last  we 
may  refer  so  many  destructive  wars  which  men  have  waged 
against  one  another  ;  great  poverty,  corrupt  institutions,  either 
of  a  civil  or  religious  kind,  intemperance,  debauchery,  irregular 
amours,  idleness,  luxury,  and  whatever  prevents  marriage, 
weakens  the  generating  faculties  of  men,  or  renders  them  negligent 
or  incapable  of  educating  their  children,  and  cultivating  the  earth 
to  advantage.  'Tis  to  such  destructive  causes  that  we  must 
ascribe  the  small  number  of  men.' 1  Sir  James  Steuart  devotes 
a  considerable  amount  of  space  to  this  subject.  '  The  generative 
faculty  ',  he  says, '  resembles  a  spring  loaded  with  a  weight,  which 
always  exerts  itself  in  proportion  to  the  diminution  of  resistance  ; 
when  food  has  remained  for  some  time  without  augmentation  or 
diminution,  generation  will  carry  numbers  as  high  as  possible  ;  if 
then  food  come  to  be  diminished,  the  spring  is  overpowered  ;  the 
force  of  it  becomes  less  than  nothing.  Inhabitants  will  diminish, 
at  least  in  proportion  to  the  overcharge.  If,  upon  the  other  hand, 
food  be  increased,  the  spring,  which  stood  at  0,  will  begin  to  exert 
itself  in  proportion  as  the  resistance  diminishes  ;  people  will  begin 
to  be  better  fed  ;  they  will  multiply,  and  in  proportion  as  they 
increase  in  numbers,  the  food  will  become  scarce  again.'  2 

Malthus  tells  us  that  when  he  wrote  his  first  edition  the  only 
authors  '  from  whose  writings  he  had  deduced  the  principle  which 
formed  the  main  argument  of  the  essay '  were  Hume,  Wallace, 
Adam  Smith,  and  Price.3  In  the  interval  between  the  publication 
of  the  first  and  second  editions  of  the  Essay  he  found  that  he  had 
been  anticipated  more  or  less  by  many  others.  Subsequently 
many  other  similar  passages  have  been  brought  to  light.  It  is  not 
worth  while  to  discuss  how  far  Malthus  had  been  anticipated.  Jt_ 
is  enough  to  note  some  of  the  opinions  that  had  been  expressed. 
In  the  eighteenth  century  the  fact  that  there  is  a  connexion  be- 
tween the  population  and  the  food-supply  had  become  a  common- 
place. '  La  mesure  de  la  subsistance  est  celle  de  la  population,' 4 

1  Wallace,  Dissertation  on  the  Numbers  of  Mankind,  p.  12.  *  Steuart, 

Principles  of  Political  Economy,  vol.  i,  p.  20.  3  Malthus,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i, 

p.  3.  4  Mirabeau,  L  Ami  des  Hommes,  ch  ii,  p.  14. 


26  HISTORICAL 

said  Mirabeau,  and  the  remark  could  be  paralleled  many 
times  over.1  Frequent  references  to  the  vast  power  of  human 
increase  may  be  found  much  earlier.  In  his  History  of  the  World 
Raleigh  had  remarked  that  were  it  not  for  wars,  famines,  pesti- 
lences, and  so  on,  a  teeming  population  all  the  world  over  would 
have  resulted  long  ago.2  Machiavelli  refers  more  than  once  to 
the  existence  of  checks.  He  attributed  the  barbarian  invasions 
in  the  later  days  of  Rome  to  an  unusually  rapid  increase  of  the 
tribes  beyond  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube.3  One  of  the  most 
interesting  references  to  the  subject  is  to  be  found  in  the  work  of 
Botero  from  which  we  have  already  quoted.  '  I  say,  then,  that 
the  augmentation  of  Cities  proceedeth  partly  out  of  the  virtue 
generative  of  men,  and  partly  out  of  the  virtue  nutritive  of  Citties. 
The  virtue  generative  is  without  doubt  to  this  day  the  very  same, 
or  at  least  such  as  it  was  three  thousand  years  past.  So  that  if 
there  were  no  other  impediment  or  let  therein,  the  propagation  of 
mankind  would  increase  without  end  and  the  augmentation  of 
Citties  would  be  without  terme.  And  if  it  do  not  increase  in 
infinite,  I  must  needs  say,  it  proceedeth  out  of  the  defect  of 
nutriment  and  sustenance  sufficient  for  it.'  4  Later  on  he  con- 
tinues :  '  although  men  were  as  apt  to  generation  in  the  height 
and  pride  of  the  Roman  Empire,  as  in  the  first  beginning  thereof ; 
yet,  for  all  that,  the  people  increased  not  proportionately.  For 
the  virtue  nutritive  of  Citties  had  no  power  to  go  further.  .  .  . 
By  the  selfe  same  reason,  mankinde  growne  to  a  certain  complete 
number,  hath  growne  no  further.  And  it  is  three  thousand  years 
agone  and  more,  that  the  world  was  replenished  as  full  with  people 
as  it  is  at  present.'  5 

What  are  perhaps  more  remarkable  than  these  references  to  the 
relation  of  numbers  to  the  food -supply,  so  far  as  anticipations  of 
Malthus  are  concerned,  are  discussions  mentioning  the  ratios  which 
are  found  from  time  to  time.  In  the  Primitive  Origination  of 
Mankind,  Sir  Matthew  2gje  endeavours  to  show  that  mankind 
must  have  had  a  beginning  and  must  have  an  end,  and  finds 
support  for  this  thesis  in  the  facts  regarding  human  fecundity. 

1  '  There  is  a  principle  in  human  society  by  which  population  is  perpetually 
kept  down  to  the  level  of  the  means  of  subsistence,'  said  Godwin  in  1798  (Political 
Justice,  Bk.  VIII,  p.  518).    Many  similar  remarks  are  to  be  found  in  the  writings 
of  the  Physiocrats.     See,  for  instance,  Turgot,  Sur  le  Commerce,  section  7,  and 
Quesnay,  Analyse  du  Tableau  Economique,  chs.  xxv  and  xxvi. 

2  Raleigh,  History  of  the  World,  in  collected  Works,  vol.  ii,  p.  25. 

8  Machiavelli,  History  of  Florence,  Bk.  I,  p.  5.  *  Botero,  loc.  cit.,  p.  73. 

5  Botero,  loc.  cit.,  p.  75. 


HISTOEICAL  27 

He  calculated  that  the  numbers  of  mankind  must  increase  in 
a  geometrical  ratio  unless  hindered  by  checks.  Obviously  it  has 
not  done  so  chiefly  because,  owing  to  absence  of  sufficient  food, 
large  numbers  are  always  being  removed  by  various  agencies 
which  he  enumerates  as  plagues,  famines,  wars,  floods,  and 
inundations.1  Sir  William  Petty  deals  with  the  geometrical  ratio 
at  some  length.  He  drew  up  an  elaborate  table  which,  assuming 
four  thousand  years  to  have  passed  since  the  flood,  shows  how  an 
estimated  world  population  of  320,000,000  could  have  been 
arrived  at.2  The  ratios,  however,  never  played  a  very  prominent 
part  in  the  discussion  until  after  the  publication  of  Malthus's 
book.  They  reappear  now  and  again,  as  for  instance  in  a  book  by 
Saxe.3 

7._Majtlms_puM  He  was, born  in 

1.766  at  the  '  Eookery  ',  a  country  house  of  some  size  near  Dorking. 
In  1784  he  went  up  to  Cambridge.  In  early  days  he  had  shown 
signs  of  ability  and  at  the  university  fulfilled  this  promise ;  he 
gained  some  prizes  and  was  placed  as  ninth  wrangler  in  the 
mathematical  tripos  of  1788.  In  1793  he  was  elected  fellow  of 
his  college,  but  only  resided  occasionally.  In  1798  he  was  curate 
at  Albury,  close  to  his  birthplace ;  in  1799  he  travelled  through 
Sweden,  Norway,  and  Eussia,  to  collect  information  for  his 
second  edition  ;  in  1802,  owing  to  the  Peace  of  Amiens,  he  was 
enabled  to  travel  through  Switzerland  and  France.  The  second 
edition  appeared  in  1803.  It  was  virtually  a  new  book.  The  four 
succeeding  editions  that  were  published  in  his  lifetime  were  mainly 
reprints  of  this  edition  with  some  new  matter  added.  In  1804  he 
married,  and  in  1805  became  Professor  oUHistory  and  Political 
Economy  at  Haileybury  College,  which  post  he  held  until  his 
death  in  1834.4" 

1  Hale,  Primitive  Origination  of  Mankind,  ch.  viii,  section  2.  2  Petty, 

Essay  concerning  the  Increase  of  Mankind,  p.  21. 

3  See  Stangeland,  loc.  cit.,  p.  230.     There  are  two  valuable  and  important 
books  which  appeared  in  the  eighteenth  century  dealing  with  population.     They 
do  not  lend  themselves  to  quotation,  but  deserve  mention  here.  Benjamin  Franklin, 
in  his  Observations  concerning  the.  Increase  of  Mankind  and  the  Peopling  of  Countries, 
pointed  out  the  differences  in  the  marriage-rate  as  between  Europe  and  the  more 
recently  colonized  countries  and  analysed  the  causes.     It  is  interesting  to  note 
that  he  was  led  to  a  more  or  less  clear  recognition  of  the  presence  of  the  struggle 
for  existence  among  all  living  organisms  (p.  21).     The  second  book  referred  to 
above  is  Adam  Ferguson's  Essay  on  the  History  of  Civil  Society.    The  name  of 
Ortes  should  perhaps  be  mentioned.     His  book  Riflessioni  sulla  Popolazione, 
published  in  1792,  anticipated  Malthus  in  almost  every  respect  and  yet  aroused 
practically  no  attention. 

4  According  to  Leslie  Stephen's  article  in  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography, 


28  HISTOKICAL 

It  would  seem  that  Malthus  and  his  father  used  often  to  discuss 
new  books  and  questions  of  the  day.  His  father,  Daniel  Malthus, 
was  inclined  to  favour  the  revolutionary  school ;  Robert  Malthus 
thought  that  he  saw  serious  objections  to  Godwin's  views  on  the 
subject  of  '  perfectibility  ',  and  was  so  much  impressed  by  them 
that  he  decided  to  put  his  ideas  in  writing.  Whereas  in  the  first 
edition  Malthus  was  chiefly  concerned  with  controverting  Godwin 
and  his  school,  by  the  time  of  the  second  edition  he  had  lost 
interest  in  this  side  of  the  matter  and  his  attention  was  almost 
entirely  devoted  to  the  problem  of  population. 

Such  was  the  origin  of  the  book  which  focused  the  attention  of 
men  on  the  population  question.  In  the  sixth  chapter  we  shall 
have  to  review  the  position  which  it  sets  out  and  to  trace  the 
subsequent  development  of  the  theory.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  here 
that  according  to  Malthus,  whereas  pojmlation  tends  to  increase 
in^geometrical  ratio,  food  tends  to  increase  in  an  arithmetical 
£atio.  As  a  result  population  is  checked  by  the  operation  of  vice 
and  misery,  to  which  factors  he  added,  in  the  second  edition, 
moral  restraint.  Statistics  showed,  even  in  the  lifetime  of  Malthus, 
that  the  increase  of  food  was  not  limited  to  an  increase  in  an 
arithmetical  ratio,  and  thus  in  reality  the  theory  fell  to  the  ground. 
It  was,  however,  only  gradually  realized  that  this  was  so  and  that 
the  relation  between  population  and  the  food-supply  is  connected 
with  the  question  of  the  return  to  industry,  which  may  at  any  one 
time  be  increasing  or  decreasing  according  to  the  operation 
of  many  factors,  of  which  the  increase  in  skill  is  the  chief.  The 
points  which  are  of  interest  in  this  historical  sketch  are  the 
strong  feelings  which  the  book  aroused  among  the  adherents 
of  the  various  schools  of  thought,  the  practical  movement  to 
which  it  gave  shape,  and  finally  the  influence  which  it  had  upon 
Darwin  and  Wallace. 

8.  From  what  has  been  said,  it  is  clear  that  the  ground  had  been 
well  prepared  for  a  favourable  reception.  Further  the  '  populous- 
ness  of  ancient  nations  '  was  a  famous  theme  for  controversy  in  the 

the  chief  authorities  for  the  life  of  Malthus  are  (1)  a  notice  by  Otter,  afterwards 
Bishop  of  Chichester,  prefixed  to  the  second  edition  of  the  Political  Economy 
published  in  1836  and  (2)  an  article  by  Empsen  in  the  Edinburgh  Review. 
Jan.  1837,  p.  469  to  p.  506.  See  also  Bonar's  Malthus  and  his  Work,  to  which 
in  this  and  the  following  sections  I  am  indebted.  For  some  personal  reminiscences 
see  Martineau's  Autobiography,  vol.  i,  p.  211.  He  is  described  as  possessing  the 
'  most  pleasing  manners  and  the  most  benevolent  heart '  (Manning,  History  and 
Antiquities  of  Surrey,  p.  578). 


HISTOKICAL  29 

eighteenth  century.  There  had  also  been  much  discussion  as  to 
whether  the  population  of  England  was  increasing  or  decreasing.1 
Again,  in  part  owing  to  the  industrial  revolution,  and  in  part  owing 
to  the  war,  questions  as  to  poverty  had  attracted  much  attention, 
and  to  them  Malthus's  book  had  direct  reference.  Thus  it  is  not 
surprising  that  the  success  of  the  first  edition  was  great  and 
immediate.2  Godwin  admitted  that  it  had  '  converted  friends  of 
progress  by  the  hundred  '.3  Pitt  dropped  his  Poor  Law  Bill  in 
1800  partly  because  of  the  opposition  of  those  who  had  been 
influenced  by  the  Essay.  The  earlier  supporters  of  Malthus 
belonged,  for  the  most  part,  to  the  Whig  and  Utilitarian  schools. 
Pitt,  Paley,  Copleston,  James  Mill,  Senior,  Eicardo,  Macintosh,  and 
Whitbread  all  adhered  to  Malthus.  In  1819  Brougham  referred  to 
the  '  principle  of  population  as  one  of  the  soundest  principles  of 
political  economy  '.4  Support  for  Malthus  was  especially  strong 
among  the  Utilitarians.  Referring  to  about  the  year  1825  J.  S.  Mill 
says  :  '  Malthus 's  principle  was  quite  as  much  a  banner  and 
a  point  of  union  among  us  as  any  opinion  especially  belonging  to 
Bentham.'5 

Opposition  was  chiefly  to  be  found  among  the  Tories,  Revolu- 
tionaries, and  Radicals.  Godwin  published  a  reply  to  Malthus  in 
1801,  and  several  years  later,  finding  that  the  '  principle  '  still 
gained  ground,  made  another  attempt  to  refute  it,  which  met  with 
as  little  success  as  the  earlier  attempt.  As  an  example  of  the 
attitude  of  the  followers  of  Godwin  towards  Malthus,  the  following 
remarks  by  Shelley  may  be  quoted.  '  Metaphysics  and  inquiries 
into  moral  and  political  science  have  become  little  else  than 
vain  attempts  to  revive  exploded  superstitions,  or  sophisms  like 
those  of  Mr.  Malthus,  calculated  to  lull  the  oppressors  of  mankind 
into  a  security  of  everlasting  triumph.'  6  The  Tory  element  of  the 
opposition  was  influenced  by  the  feeling  that  the  ordering  of 
human  affairs  could  not  be  so  innately  bad  as  the  Essay  seemed 

1  In  the  eighteenth  century  it  was  commonly  supposed  that  the  population  of 
England  was  decreasing.    Arthur  Young  was  one  of  the  few  who  did  not  share 
this  view.    (Mirabeau  indeed  thought  that  the  population  of  the  whole  of  Europe 
was  increasing.)    All  kinds  of  reasons  were  brought  forward  to  explain  the  supposed 
decrease.     Price  thought  that  it  was  due  to  the  enclosures ;    Horace  Walpole 
suggested  excessive  drinking  as  the  cause. 

2  It  is  not  correct  to  say  that '  the  essay  attracted  comparatively  little  attention 
until  1803  '  (Political  History  of  England,  vol.  xi,  p.  421).  *  Bonar,  loc.  cit., 
p.  43.            *  Bonar,  loc.  cit.,  p.  363.            6  Mill,  Autobiography,  p.  105.    It  is 
interesting  to  note  that  one  of  the  reasons  why  Coleridge  left  the  Utilitarians  was 
the  popularity  of  the  Essay  among  them.     See  Benn,  History  of  Rationalism, 
vol.  i,  p.  238.            6  Shelley,  Preface  to  the  Revolt  of  Islam,  p.  xi. 


80  HISTORICAL 

to  suggest.1  Southey  and  Coleridge  represent  this  view ;  the 
former  attacked  the  Essay  more  than  once  with  considerable 
violence.2  Cobbett  made  himself  prominent  among  the  critics  by 
inventing  the  sobriquet  '  Parson  '  Malthus.  It  occurs  in  the 
following  passage. 

'  Why,'  said  I,  *  how  many  children  do  you  reckon  to  have  had 
at  last  ?  ' 

*  I  do  not  care  how  many,'  said  the  man,  '  God  never  sends 
mouths  without  sending  meat.' 

*  Did  you  never  hear,'  said  I,  *  of  one  Parson  Malthus  ?  ' 
1  No,  sir.' 

*  If  he  were  to  hear  of  your  works,  he  would  be  outrageous,  for 
he  wants  an  Act  of  Parliament  to  prevent  poor  people  from 
marrying  young,  and  from  having  such  lots  of  children.' 

*  Oh,  the  brute,'  exclaimed  the  wife,  while  the  husband  laughed, 
thinking  I  was  joking.3 

Hazlitt,  who  may  be  classed  as  a  radical,  was  one  of  the  most 
violent  of  the  opponents.  Indeed,  as  Mr.  Bonar  says,  '  Malthus 
was  the  best  abused  man  of  his  age.' 4 

^TKcTEssay  early  became  known  on  the  Continent.  As  far  as 
Germany  was  concerned,  this  was  attributable,  according  to  von 
Mohl,  to  a  work  by  Luden.5  During  the  lifetime  of  Malthus  the 
violence  of  the  opposition  gradually  weakened  and  the  principle 
was  very  generally  accepted.  For  many  years  such  opposition 
as  there  was  was  based  rather  on  religious  grounds  than  upon  an 
understanding  of  true  weaknesses  of  the  theory.  Nevertheless 
Sumner,  who  was  afterwards  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and 
Thomas  Chalmers  in  early  days  both  proclaimed  their  adherence 
to  the  principle.6  In  1840  three  books  were  published  which  each 
attacked  the  principle  on  religious  grounds.  Of  the  authors, 
Sadler  was  a  Churchman  without  apparently  any  strong  political 

1  It  is  thus  curious  to  find  that  the  Essay  was  highly  praised  by  Joseph  do 
Maistre — one  of  the  greatest  of  conservatives  of  this  or  of  any  age  :  see  Du  Pape, 
Bk.  Ill,  ch.  iii,  section  3,  where  the  Essay  is  called  '  un  profond  ouvrage '  .  .  . 
'  un  des  livres  rares  apres  lesquels  tout  le  monde  est  dispense  de  traiter  le  meme 
sujet'.  Yet  in  1856  the  Dictionnaire  de  V Economic  Politique  was  put  upon  the 
Index  because  it  supported  the  conclusions  of  the  Essay. 

*  See,  for  instance,  Aitken's  Annual  Review,  vol.  ii,  1803,  p.  292.  3  Quoted 
by  Leslie  Stephen,  English  Utilitarians,  vol.  ii,  p.  255.           4  Bonar,  loc.  cit.,  p.  1. 

6  Luden,  Handbuch  der  Staatsweisheit  oder  Politik.  Von  Mohl  gives  a  useful 
review  of  the  literature  following  upon  the  publication  of  the  Essay  (Die  Geschichte 
und  Literatur  der  Staatswissenschaften,  vol.  iii,  p.  480,  and  Handworterbuch  der 
Staatswissenschaften,  vol.  ii,  p.  955). 

6  Sumner,  A  Treatise  on  the  Records  of  Creation  and  the  Moral  Attributes  of 
the  Creator ;  Chalmers,  On  Political  Economy  in  connexion  with  the  Moral  State 
and  Moral  Prospects  of  Society. 


HISTORICAL  81 

feelings,  Alison  a  Tory,  and  Doubleday  a  Radical.1  That  the 
religious  motive  continued  to  inspire  opposition  may  be  gathered 
from  an  essay  by  W.  P.  Greg  which  appeared  at  a  much  later 
date.2 

It  may  be  noticed  thaj;  strong  opposition  was  nearly  always 
exhibited  to  the  views  of  Malthus  by  socialistic  authors.3  Accord- 
ing to  Proudhon,  '  la  theorie  de  Malthus,  c'est  la  theorie  de 
1'assassinat  politique,  de  1'assassinat  par  philanthropic,  pour 
1'amour  de  Dieu.'  4  Karl  Marx  in  a  well-known  passage  attacked 
Malthus  in  most  violent  and  offensive  language.5 

9.  As  a  result  of  the  Essay,  there  began  within  the  lifetime  of 
Malthus  the  advocacy  of  Neomalthusianism.  Malthus  himself 
definitely  disapproved  of  this  practical  application  of  his  '  prin- 
ciple '.6  The  practical  application  of  which  he  approved  was 
made  by  Miss  Martineau  in  one  of  her  Illustrations  to  Political 
Economy,  which  read  so  strangely  at  the  present  day.7  As  regards 
Neomalthusianism  it  is  very  generally  supposed  that  active 
propaganda  only  began  about  the  time  of  the  famous  Bradlaugh- 
Besant  trial  in  1876.  This,  however,  is  a  complete  mistake.8 
The  first  publication  of  importance  in  which  these  ideas  were  put 
forward  was  an  article  by  James  Mill  in  the  Encyclopaedia  Bri- 
tannica.  His  language  was  very  guarded  but  the  drift  of  his  remarks 
unmistakable.  Four  years  later,  in  1822,  Francis  Place  wrote 
a  reply  to  Godwin.  He  covered  much  other  ground  but  openly 
and  deliberately  advocated  these  practices.  For  the  next  ten 
years  there  followed  an  active  propaganda.  The  events  which 
first  brought  the  whole  question  into  public  notice  are  somewhat 
curious.  In  1823  a  number  of  handbills  were  sent  to  Mrs.  Fildes, 
well  known  in  the  North  for  her  work  among  the  poor  ;  these  bills 
contained  descriptions  of  the  methods  which  the  new  school  of 

1  Leslie  Stephen,  loc.  eit.,  vol.  iii,  p.  180.  2  Greg,  Enigmas  of  Life,  ch.  ii. 

3  On  this  subject  see  Soetbeer,  Die  Stellung  der  Sozialisten  zur  Malthusischen 
Bevolkerungslehre.  Soetbeer  includes  in  his  review  the  writings  of  Godwin,  Henry 
George,  and  others  who  cannot  properly  be  regarded  as  socialists  *  Soetbeer, 

loc.  cit.,  p.  20.  5  Marx,  Capital,  vol.  ii,  p.  629. 

6  There  does  not  seemrTxTbe  anylounaaliioti  whatever  for  the  statement  made 
by  Place  to  the  effect  that  Malthus  recognized  the  advocacy  of  Neomalthusian 
methods  to  be  the  logical  outcome  of  his  position  but  that  he  shrank  from  their 
advocacy  for  fear  of  prejudice.     Place,  Illustrations  and  Proofs  of  the  Principle 
of  Population,  p.  173. 

7  Harriet  Martineau,  Illustrations  to  Political  Economy,  No.  VI,  Weal  and  Woe 
in  Graveloch.  8  On  this  subject  see  Field,  '  The  Early  History  of  the  Popula- 
tion Movement ',  American  Economic  Review,  April,  1911.     I  am  indebted  to  this 
valuable  article  in  what  follows. 


1K 


82  HISTOKICAL 

writers  wished  to  see  adopted  by  the  working  classes ;  an  anony- 
mous letter  accompanied  them  asking  her  to  help  in  distributing 
them.  Mrs.  Fildes  was  very  indignant,  and  the  whole  story  was 
published  in  the  journal  called  the  Black  Dwarf.  The  bills  attained 
a  great  notoriety  and  became  known  as  the  *  diabolical  handbills  '. 
Suspicion  seems  to  have  rested  upon  Kobert  Owen  ;  it  was  stated 
in  the  Black  Dwarf,  and  has  often  been  repeated  since,  that 
Neornalthusian  methods  were  in  use  at  New  Lanark.  It  is  far 
more  probable  that  Francis  Place  was  the  author  both  of  the 
handbill  and  of  the  letter.  Whether  this  is  so  or  not,  Place  was 
occupied  for  the  next  few  years  in  doing  all  he  could  to  spread  the 
new  opinions,  for  the  sake  of  which  he  was  prepared  to  sacrifice 
much  popularity.1  In  1834  the  Society  for  Promoting  Useful 
Knowledge  refused  his  help  because  of  his  opinions  on  the  subject. 
He  was  violently  attacked  by  Cobbett  and  Kichard  Carlile  ;  the 
latter  was  afterwards  converted  and  published  in  1825  articles 
advocating  these  practices.  The  articles  were  reprinted  in  1826 
as  Every  Woman's  Book,  which  went  through  several  editions.  At 
this  early  date  it  is  clear  that  on  the  one  hand  these  books  and 
pamphlets  were  widely  read  among  the  working  classes  ;  Carlile 
in  the  Republican,  for  instance,  asserted  that  they  were  *  circu- 
lating by  thousands  in  the  populous  districts  of  the  north  '.  On 
the  other  hand  Neornalthusian  ideas  were  held  by  many  eminent 
men  of  the  day.  The  Utilitarian  leaders,  if  not  actually  concerned 
in  the  propagation  of  these  views,  made  their  approval  known. 
J_.  S.  Mill  in  his  youthful  days  got  into  trouble  with  the  police 
through  distributing  some  of  these  pamphlets.  Grote  somewhat 
later  presented  to  London  University  a  copy  of  the  famous  Fruits 
of  Philosophy,  of  which  there  will  be  more  to  be  said  below. 

After  a  while  the  propaganda  died  down,  and  for  some  fifty  years 
there  was  little  heard  of  it.2  Some  books  were,  however,  published 
in  the  interval  which  subsequent  events  made  famous.  [R.  D.  Owen's 
Moral  Physiology  appeared  in  1830.  Knowlton's  Fruits  of  Philo- 
sophy and  Drysdale's  Elements  of  Social  Science  appeared  in  1833 
and  in  1854  respectively.  It  was  many  years,  however,  before 
they  became  well  known.  For  many  years  no  objection  was  taken 
to  the  Fruits  of  Philosophy,  or  any  similar  work  ;  such  books  were 

1  Graham  Wallas,  Life  of  Francis  Place,  p.  169.  *  For  the  later  history  of 

this  movement  see  Hans  Ferdy,  loc.  cit. ;  Gamier,  Du  Principe  de  la  Population  j 
and  Leroy-Beaulieu,  loc.  cit. 


HISTOBICAL  88 

allowed  to  circulate  freely.  In  1876  a  Bristol  bookseller,  Cook  by 
name,  was  condemned  to  two  years'  imprisonment  for  selling  an 
illustrated  edition  of  Knowltori's  work  Soon  after  another  book- 
seller was  also  fined.  Thereupon  Mr.  Bradlaugh  and  Mrs.  Besant 
determined  to  take  up  the  subject  and  fight  for  what  they  con- 
sidered to  be  the  right  of  freedom  of  discussion  in  these  matters. 
They  had  an  edition  of  the  Fruits  of  Philosophy  printed,  and  took 
a  small  shop  where  it  was  openly  exposed  for  sale.  A  prosecution 
followed.  In  1877  they  were  tried  before  Sir  Alexander  Cockburn, 
the  Lord  Chief  Justice  ;  the  Attorney-General  prosecuted.  The 
summing-up  was  distinctly  in  favour  of  the  accused  ;  the  jury, 
however,  returned  a  verdict  of  guilty,  adding  a  rider  to  the  effect 
that  they  considered  the  defendants  to  be  innocent  of  any  immoral 
intention .  Judgement  was  reserved.  But  in  the  interval  Mr.  Brad- 
laugh  and  Mrs.  Besant  continued  to  sell  the  book,  and  the  result 
was  that,  instead  of  merely  being  bound  over,  as  had  been  the 
intention  of  the  judge,  they  were  condemned  to  six  months' 
imprisonment  and  to  a  fine  of  six  hundred  pounds.  The  judgement 
was  subsequently  quashed  in  a  higher  court. 

The  trial  was  a  huge  advertisement  for  Neomalthusianism.  For 
some  years  spasmodic  efforts  to  punish  the  sale  of  Neomalthusian 
books  only  served  to  encourage  the  propagandists.  In  1877  the 
*  Neomalthusian  League  '  was  founded  and  a  vigorous  propaganda 
was  carried  on.  The  activity  of  the  league  in  England  gradually 
declined,  but  not  before  the  movement  had  spread  to  foreign 
countries.  Propaganda  in  other  countries  followed  a  very  similar 
course ;  in  1888  there  was  a  trial  in  Australia  which  is  as  famous 
in  that  country  as  the  Bradlaugh-Besant  trial  in  England.  Prosecu- 
tions occurred  in  India  and  in  America.  In  1891  a  remarkable 
dispute  took  place  in  Norway,  and  a  law  was  finally  passed  to 
prohibit  the  sale  of  Neomalthusian  books.  As  lately  as  1908 
a  Belgian  doctor  was  condemned  to  imprisonment  for  spreading 
the  knowledge  of  Neomalthusian  methods.1 

10.  With  this  notice  of  the  history  of  the  development  of 
Neomalthusianism  we  may  leave  this  side  of  the  subject.  The 
history  of  speculation  regarding  evolution  has  been  so  often 
described  that  there  is  no  need  to  go  into  the  facts  here. 

1  Still  more  recently  prosecutions  have  taken  place  in  the  United  States.  The 
publications  of  the  eminent  Danish  economist  Pierson  may  be  consulted  for  an 
able  advocacy  of  Neomalthueian  methods  put  forward  at  a  time  when  birth- 
control  received  little  scientific  support.  See  Principles  of  Economics,  vol.  ii,  p.  107. 

2498 


34  HISTOKICAL 

It  is  well  known  that  before  Darwin  and  Wallace  turned  their 
attention  to  the  subject,  the  origin  of  organisms  by  evolution  as 
opposed  to  origin  by  separate  acts  of  creation  had  often  been 
suggested.  There  was  already  at  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth 
century  a  considerable  accumulation  of  facts  regarding  the 
structure  and  relation  of  organisms  to  one  another  and  regarding 
the  fossil  remains  of  organisms.  This  evidence  was  seen  to  point 
to  evolution  as  against  creation,  but  until  Darwin  and  Wallace 
produced  their  theories  no  one  had  been  able  to  formulate  a  satis- 
factory hypothesis  as  to  how  evolution  could  have  come  about. 
It  is  of  great  interest  to  observe  that  it  was  after  reading  Malthus 
that  both  Darwin  and  Wallace  independently  formulated  their 
theories.  Malthus  had,  in  fact,  when  taking  up  for  consideration 
the  quantitative  aspect  of  the  problem,  so  far  as  man  was  con- 
cerned, been  dealing  with  that  class  of  facts  upon  which,  not  only 
the  quantitative,  but  also  the  qualitative  aspect  of  the  problem 
is  based.  When  Darwin  and  Wallace,  with  the  problem  of  evolu- 
tion before  them",  which  is  essentially  the  problem  of  quality — 
the  problem  of  the  manner  in  which  one  type  of  organic  form  can 
be  derived  from  another  type — chanced  to  read  Malthus,  their 
attention  was  called  to  the  class  of  facts  connected  with  the  birth- 
rate, the  death-rate,  and  allied  phenomena.  They  realized  that 
among  species  in  a  state  of  nature  a  somewhat  similar  state  of 
things  existed  to  that  which  Malthus,  with  another  aspect  of  the 
problem  in  view,  was  investigating  in  the  case  of  man,  and  from 
a  consideration  of  these  facts  they  founded  independently  the 
hypothesis  of  natural  selection. 

It  is  of  interest  to  note  what  Darwin  and  Wallace  themselves 
say  as  to  their  indebtedness  to  Malthus.  In  a  passage  in  the  well- 
known  autobiographical  sketch  Darwin  writes  as  follows  :  '  in 
October  1838,  that  is  fifteen  months  after  I  had  begun  my  systema- 
tic inquiry,  I  happened  to  read  for  amusement  Malthus'  '  Popu- 
lation ',  and  being  well  prepared  to  appreciate  the  struggle  for 
existence  which  everywhere  goes  on  from  long-continued  observa- 
tion of  animals  and  plants  it  at  once  struck  me  that  under  these 
circumstances  favourable  variations  would  tend  to  be  preserved, 
and  unfavourable  ones  to  be  destroyed.  The  result  of  this  would 
be  the  formation  of  a  new  species.  Here  then  I  had  at  last  got 
hold  of  a  theory  by  which  to  work.' J  In  two  letters  that  have 

1  Life  and  Letters  of  Charles  Darwin,  vol.  i,  p.  83, 


HISTORICAL  35 

been  published — one  to  Haeckel x  and  one  to  Wallace  2 — Darwin 
also  recorded  in  very  similar  words  his  debt  to  Malthus,  and  in  the 
Origin  of  Species,  after  describing  what  is  meant  by  the  struggle 
for  existence  and  how  it  comes  about,  says,  '  it  is  the  doctrine  of 
Malthus  applied  with  manifold  force  to  the  animal  and  vegetable 
kingdoms.'  3  So  too  Wallace,  in  his  reply,  after  having  been 
presented  with  the  first  Darwin- Wallace  medal  by  the  Linnean 
Society  in  1908,  acknowledged  his  debt  to  Malthus  in  the  following 
words  :  '  both  Darwin  and  myself,  at  the  critical  period  when  our 
minds  were  fully  stored  with  a  considerable  body  of  preserved 
information  and  reflection  bearing  upon  the  problem  to  be  solved, 
had  our  attention  directed  to  the  system  of  positive  checks  as 
expounded  by  Malthus  in  his  Principle  of  Population.  It  is  an 
unimportant  detail  that  Darwin  read  this  book  two  years  after  his 
return  from  his  voyage,  while  I  read  it  before  I  went  abroad  and 
it  was  a  sudden  recollection  of  its  teachings  that  caused  the 
solution  to  flash  upon  me.'  4 

Since  the  publication  of  the  Origin  of  Species  much  attention  has 
been  paid  to  the  problem  of  quality  as  regards  the  human  race.  It 
was  obvious  that  if  the  human  race  had  evolved  from  some  lower 
type,  it  was  probably  still  in  process  of  evolution,  and  that  the 
direction  of  evolution  was  by  no  means  necessarily  upwards.  It 
was  also  obvious  that  the  further  evolution  of  the  race  was  to 
some  extent  at  least  within  human  control,  if  and  when  men 
chose  to  use  the  means  of  control  that  lay  within  their  power. 
Great  impetus  was  given  to  this  side  of  the  problem  by  the  work 
of  Sir  Francis  Galton,  who  coined  the  word  *  eugenics  '.5  Societies 
for  the  study  of  eugenics  and  for  the  advocacy  of  eugenic  ideals 
have  been  started  in  England,  in  many  European  countries,  in 
America  and  elsewhere,  and  at  the  present  day  the  educated 
classes  in  every  country  are  at  least  aware  of  the  existence  of  the 
problem  of  the  quality,  as  they  have  long  been  aware  of  the 
existence  of  the  problem  of  the  quantity,  of  population. 

The  development  of  opinion  on  this  subject  has  thus  run  a 
peculiar  course.  Attention  was  drawn  in  early  days  to  fche 
existence  of  the  problem  of  numbers,  but  men  were  long  satisfied 
with  asserting  on  comparatively  simple  grounds  that  a  dense 

1  Haeckel,  History  of  Creation,  vol.  i,  p.  134.  2  Marchant,  A.  R.  WaJ,lace, 

Letters  and  Reminiscences,  vol.  i,  p.  136.  3  Darwin,  Origin  of  Species,  p.  50. 

t4  Marchant,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  116.  5  See  Sociological  Papers,  p.  45.    Galton 

5rst  proposed  to  use  the  word  '  stirpiculture  '. 
C2 


36  HISTOEICAL 

population  was  desirable  or  undesirable,  and  they  usually  came 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  more  inhabitants  in  a  country,  the 
better  for  the  country.  Long  before  the  time  of  Malthus,  and  by 
many  different  writers,  attention  was  paid  to  the  connexion 
between  numbers  and  the  food-supply.  It  was  Malthus,  however, 
who  first  aroused  public  interest  in  the  subject.  His  book,  indeed, 
made  an  impression  that  few  books  have  ever  made.  Since  his 
time  every  educated  man  has  had  the  problem  of  numbers  in  mind, 
and  current  opinion  still  often  enough  reflects  the  view  put 
forward  by  Malthus  if  not  in  detail — for  it  is  difficult  to  say  what 
exactly  the  views  of  Malthus  were — at  least  in  the  general  and  on 
the  whole  gloomy  and  fatalistic  manner  of  regarding  the  problem. 
It  is  owing  to  the  fact  that  those  contributions  which,  after  the 
time  of  Malthus,  attracted  most  attention,  added  little  to  the 
development  of  thought,  and  owing  to  the  influence  of  the  writings 
of  J.  S.  Mill,  who  himself  never  shook  off  the  profound  impression 
made  upon  him  early  in  life  by  the  Essay,  that  the  views,  or 
perhaps  we  should  rather  say  the  outlook,  of  Malthus  so  long 
maintained  their  sway.  The  development  of  the  modern  view  as 
expounded  by  political  economists  was  not  set  out  in  a  form  that 
attracted  public  attention,  and  it  was  thus  possible  for  the  late 
Governor  of  South  Africa,  when  answering  a  question  in  the  House 
of  Commons  a  few  years  ago,  to  refer  to  the  problem  as  though  no 
important  contribution  had  been  made  to  the  subject  since  the 
time  of  Malthus. 

Of  the  development  of  opinion  regarding  the  qualitative  aspect 
of  the  problem  there  is  little  to  be  said.  Popular  interest  in  this 
subject  is  of  comparatively  recent  birth.  That  which  is  interesting 
to  observe  is  that,  as  a  result  of  the  course  which  thought  has 
taken,  the  population  problem  is  seldom  seen  as  a  whole,  and  that 
the  relations  one  to  another  of  the  very  numerous  questions 
arising  therefrom  are  scarcely  ever  appreciated. 


II 

THE  BASIS  OF  THE  POPULATION  PROBLEM: 
(1)  THE  QUANTITATIVE  ASPECT 

1 .  IN  what  follows  the  evolutionary  position  is  taken  for  granted. 
It  is  assumed,  that  is  to  say,  that  the  higher  forms  of  life  have 
evolved  from  lower  forms.  If  we  make  this  assumption,  we  must 
suppose  that  at  one  time  the  ancestors  of  man  were  living  under 
those  conditions  to  which  species  in  a  state  of  nature  are  now 
subject.  By  species  in  a  state  of  nature  are  meant  all  species  of 
animals  and  plants  with  the  exception  of  man  and  those  species 
which  have  been  domesticated  by  him.  It  is  the  object  of  this 
and  the  following  chapter  to  show  that  among  species  in  a  state 
of  nature  the  population  problem  exists  both  in  its  quantitative 
and  qualitative  aspects,  and  further  that  in  certain  particulars 
of  fundamental  importance  the  position  is  the  same  for  all  such 
species.  Certain  propositions  may  be  laid  down  which  hold  good 
for  any  one  of  them,  and  in  these  chapters  it  is  proposed  to  show 
what  it  is  that  may  be  affirmed  with  regard  to  all  of  them.  It 
follows  that,  since  among  the  ancestors  of  man  the  population 
problem  must  at  one  time  have  taken  this  form,  we  shall,  as  the 
result  of  the  discussion,  arrive  at  a  basis  from  which  we  can 
proceed  to  study  the  shape  which  the  problem  in  its  double 
aspect  has  assumed  in  the  case  of  man. 

It  is  necessary  to  emphasize  the  fact  that  this  argument  does 
not  take  the  form  of  developing  an  analogy  between  the  position 
of  man  and  that  of  species  in  a  state  of  nature.  What  we  are 
doing  is  merely  to  attempt  to  ascertain  the  conditions  under 
which  the  ancestors  of  man  lived,  in  order  that  we  may  follow 
the  changes  which  have  taken  place.  Further,  it  may  be  well 
to  point  out  that  the  argument  in  these  chapters  will  follow 
rather  an  unusual  course.  It  may  seem  that  certain  facts  of 
considerable  general  importance  are  passed  over  and  others  of 
little  obvious  importance  emphasized.  The  justification  for  this 
course  will  be  apparent  later  when  we  come  to  deal  with  the 
position  with  regard  to  man  ;  for  this  sketch  is  not  introduced 


88  BASIS  OF  THE  PKOBLEM 

primarily  with  the  object  of  throwing  light  upon  the  position  of 
species  in  a  state  of  nature,  but  in  order  to  prepare  the  way  for 
a  discussion  of  the  shape  which  the  problem  has  assumed  in  the 
case  of  man. 

2.  At  the  basis  of  both  aspects  of  the  problem  lies  the  fact  of 
reproduction.    All  organisms  reproduce  their  kind.    Reproduction 
is  clearly  a  necessity,  because  all  living  things  are  liable  to  meet 
death  by  accident  and,  unless  there  was  reproduction,  every 
species  would  soon  be  extinguished.    It  is  worth  while  observing 
that  among  all  higher  forms  of  life  a  more  or  less  clearly  denned 
limit  to  the  duration  of  life  has  been  evolved.    In  other  words, 
natural  death  after  a  certain  period  ensues.    It  would  seem  that 
natural  death  has  been  evolved  in  the  following  manner.     All 
organisms  are  subject  to  the  wear  and  tear  of  daily  life,  to  meet 
which  there  is  a  faculty_pf ^J^cuperation.     Among  the  lower 
forms  this  faculty  is  very  pronounced.     The  whole  animal  can 
be  regenerated  from  a  small  fragment  and,  as  a  result,  very 
serious  accidents  are  not  fatal.    Among  the  higher  forms  there 
goes,  generally  speaking,  with  the  advance  in  structure  a  loss  of 
the  power  of  regeneration,  until  among  the  highest  there  is 
little  or  no  power  of  regeneration  ;   for  a  certain  average  length 
of  time  the  highest  organisms  withstand  the  batterings  of  daily 
life,  gradually  fail  to  recuperate,  and  finally  die.     Given  the 
necessity  of  reproduction  to  provide  for  the  continuance  of  the 
species  against  accident  to  its  members,  this  further  evolution 
is  not  difficult  to  understand.    A  power  of  recovery  from  all  but 
the  most  extreme  forms  of  accident  is  present  among  the  sampler 
types  ;    the  retention  of  such  a  power  of  recovery  tends  to  be 
incompatible  with  increasing  complexity  of  structure,  and  it 
has,  so  to  speak,  been  more  economical  to  evolve  organisms 
provided  with  a  power  of  recuperation  only  against  normal  wear 
and  tear  over  the  period  during  which  they  remain  capable  of 
reproduction.     The   higher   types   therefore,   after  reproducing 
their  kind,  die  and  thus  the  battle  of  life  is  always  being  resumed 
by  fresh  generations. 

3.  That  in  some  such  fashion  reproduction  has  to  be  explained 
seems  clear  ;  but  we  are  concerned  here  with  the  facts  of  reproduc- 
tion.   It  will  be  necessary  later  to  go  into  the  nature  of  reproduc- 
tion in  greater  detail ;  all  that  needs  to  be  said  here  can  be  stated 
quite  shortly.   There  are  two  forms  of  reproduction,  known  respec- 


BASIS  OP  THE  PKOBLEM  39 

tively  as  the  sexual  and  asexual ;  the  latter  type  of  reproduction 
occurs  only  among  plants  and  the  lower  animals.  As  sexual 
reproduction  occurs  among  all  groups  of  animals  and  plants, 
whether  asexual  reproduction  occurs  or  not  (except  among  the 
bacteria  where  the  latter  type  alone  is  known)  and  as  it  is  the 
only  type  which  occurs  among  the  higher  groups,  asexual  reproduc- 
tion may  be  disregarded  here.  The  asexual  type  of  reproduction, 
it  may  be  remarked,  introduces  no  new  principle,  and  those  groups 
among  'whom  it  is  found  are  not  on  that  account  to  be  set  apart 
from  other  groups  as  though  the  general  conclusions  at  which 
we  shall  arrive  were  not  applicable  to  them. 

To  make  the  process  of  sexual  reproduction  clear  it  is  necessary 
to  say  something  regarding  the  structure  of  organisms.  Excluding 
the  Protista  for  the  moment,  all  organisms  exhibit  a  cellular 
structure.  Upon  examination  under  a  microscope  the  living 
tissues  are  found  to  consist  of  a  number  of  compartments  or  cells. 
Among  plants  the  typical  cell  is  in  the  nature  of  a  small  box 
with  thick  sides  ;  among  animals  the  sides  or  cell- walls  are  very 
thin.  Within  the  cell-walls  there  are  to  be  distinguished  two 
chief  elements,  a  central  body,  the  nucleus,  and  the  surrounding 
cytoplasm.  This  cytoplasm  consists  of  ordinary  granular  proto- 
plasm and  the  nucleus  of  a  special  kind  of  protoplasm.  Only 
protoplasm  can  properly  be  spoken  of  as  alive.  Those  elements 
in  the  body  which  are  not  protoplasm  are  either  in  the  course  of 
being  turned  into  protoplasm  or  are  the  products  of  protoplasmic 
activity.  Examples  of  the  latter  in  man  are  the  hair  and  the 
nails,  and  in  the  case  of  other  animals,  feathers,  shells,  and  so 
on.  As  a  general  rule,  each  cell  contains  a  single  nucleus,  but 
there  are  cells  without  a  nucleus  and  cells  with  more  than  one 
nucleus.  The  name  Protista,  mentioned  above,  is  given  to  the 
lowest  animals  and  plants  which  are  commonly  said  to  consist 
of  a  single  cell.  They  may  be  thus  thought  of ;  but  the  group 
includes  forms  with  many  nuclei  of  which  it  can  only  be  said  that 
cell  structure  has  not  yet  been  differentiated.  It  is  therefore 
possible  that  the  term  cell  should  not  be  used  at  all  in  respect  of 
this  group. 

Among  the  Protista  sexual  reproduction  takes  very  different 
forms.  Essentially,  however,  it  consists  in  the  fusion  of  two 
individuals,  and  if  we  regard  each  individual  as  a  cell,  it  may 
be  said  to  consist  in  the  fusion  of  two  cells.  Among  the  higher 


40  BASIS  OF  THE  PKOBLEM 

forms  the  essential  feature  of  sexual  reproduction  is  the  same ; 
it  consists,  that  is  to  say,  in  the  fusion  of  two  cells.  It  no  longer 
consists  in  the  fusion  of  two  individuals,  but  in  the  fusion  of  two 
cells,  one  given  off  by  one  individual,  and  one  by  the  other. 

The  manner  in  which  these  cells,  known  as  gametes,  are  given 
off  by  the  male  and  the  female  and  the  manner  in  which  they 
fuse  require  some  further  explanation.  What  happens  in  plants 
is  in  all  important  features  similar  to  that  which  happens  among 
animals,  and  we  may  confine  our  attention  to  the  latter.  In 
every  normal  member  of  every  species  there  is  a  generative 
organ.1  It  consists  of  a  surrounding  wall  within  which  is  a  mass 
of  developing  germ-cells.  In  the  female  the  fully  developed 
gamete,  called  the  egg  or  ovum,  is,  relative  to  the  male  gamete,  of 
large  size.  It  is  typically  a  motionless  cell  containing  a  varying 
quantity  of  food  substance  which  may,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
bird's  egg,  reach  a  large  amount.  The  male  gamete  is  a  much 
smaller  cell.  With  a  few  exceptions  it  consists  of  a  small  oval- 
shaped  head,  to  which  is  attached,  by  means  of  an  intervening 
neck  or  middle-piece,  a  long  vibratile  tail.  The  head  is  the 
nucleus  of  the  cell ;  if  there  is  any  cytoplasm,  it  is  reduced  to 
a  very  small  amount  and  its  presence  cannot  be  readily  demon- 
strated.2 In  strong  contrast  to  the  ovum  the  spermatozoon  is 
typically  motile  and  can  swim  in  those  fluids  in  which  fertilization 
usually  takes  place. 

Fertilization  consists  in  the  penetration  of  an  ovum  by  a 
spermatozoon.  The  tail  does  not  always  enter  the  egg;  as  soon 
as  the  head  has  entered,  a  change  takes  place  in  the  egg  which 
sometimes  prevents  the  tail,  and  usually  other  spermatozoa,  from 
entering  the  egg.  The  head  or  nucleus  of  the  spermatozoon 
approaches  the  nucleus  of  the  egg  and  fuses  with  it.  At  this 
point,  therefore,  we  have  a  single  cell,  known  as  the  zygote,  formed 
by  the  fusion  of  two  cells,  one  derived  from  the  male  and  one 

1  Among  many  plants  and  not  infrequently  among  lower  animals  the  sexes 
are  not  separate — both  male  and  female  generative  organs  being  found  on  the 
same  individual.    This  condition  occurs  in  some  fish,  though  examples  of  herma- 
phroditism  are  rare  in  the  Vertebrates.    As  a  general  rule  in  such  cases  the  two 
generative  organs  found  in  the  same  individual  ripen  at  different  times  and  cross - 
fertilization  is  effected.    In  such  cases  the  description  given  above  applies.    Where 
self-fertilization  occurs,  the  above  account  does  not  apply  in  detail ;  the  occurrence 
of  self-fertilization,  however,  in  no  way  invalidates  the  general  conclusions  that 
will  be  drawn  in  what  follows. 

2  '  The  nucleus  [of  the  spermatozoon]  is  probably  enclosed  within  sheaths  of 
cytoplasm,  although  this  is  not  usually  readily  visible  '  (Doncaster,  Cytology,  p.  92). 


BASIS  OF  THE  PKOBLEM  41 

from  the  female.  The  zygote  grows  and  divides  and  ultimately 
gives  rise  to  an  adult ;  into  this  process  of  growth  it  is  not  necessary 
to  go  for  the  moment.  The  zygote  is  to  be  regarded  as  a  new 
member  of  the  species  the  existence  of  which  dates  from  the 
fusion  of  the  two  nuclei.  Whether  the  zygote  lives  an  independent 
existence  from  the  beginning,  or  is  retained  within  the  body 
of  the  mother  for  a  longer  or  shorter  period,  is  immaterial  so  far  as 
the  dating  of  the  beginning  of  the  existence -of  a  new  individual  is 
concerned.  Every  man  and  woman  is  thus  in  reality  some  nine 
months  older  than  his  or  her  nominal  age. 

4.  Such  are  the  essential  features  of  the  process  of  sexual 
reproduction  through  which  new  members  of  the  species  arise. 
We  have  now  to  consider  the  outward  features  of  the  process, 
which  vary  very  considerably.  So  various  are  they,  that  at 
first  sight  it  may  scarcely  seem  likely  that  there  is  any  funda- 
mental generalization  that  can  be  made  regarding  the  process 
as  a  whole  among  all  species  in  a  state  of  nature.  When  we 
have  glanced  at  the  facts  and  at  their  interpretation  we  shall 
be  in  a  position  to  discuss  what  it  is  that  holds  good  for  all  such 
species. 

Among  all  multicellular  animals  and  plants  the  number  of 
spermatozoa  produced  is  infinitely  greater  than  the  number 
of  ova.  A  single  normal  sexual  emission  in  man  is  said  to  contain 
about  226,000,000  spermatozoa.  This  immense  production  of 
male  gametes  makes  it  likely  that  a  male  gamete  will  meet  and 
fuse  with  each  female  gamete.  Among  the  higher  animals  there 
are  certain  instincts  which  further  ensure  that  the  male  cells 
will  be  brought  into  the  proximity  of  the  female  cells.  Among 
other  multicellular  animals  and  plants  there  are  no  such  instincts. 
Generally  speaking,  among  the  latter  types  fertilization  may  be 
thought  of  as  fortuitous.  In  anemophilous  plants,  for  example, 
such  as  the  Pines,  the  male  cells  or  pollen-grains  are  specially 
adapted  so  that  they  are  caught  and  carried  by  the  wind  for  long 
distances.  Many  million  times  more  male  cells  than  female  cells 
are  formed  in  these  plants,  and  some  of  them,  wafted  by  the 
wind,  eventually  light  upon  the  ovule.  So  too  among  such 
lowly  animals  as  the  sea-urchin  the  male  and  female  cells  are 
extruded  into  the  surrounding  sea-water ;  as  these  animals  live 
close  together,  and  as  the  male  and  female  cells  ripen  and  are 
extruded  at  the  same  time,  the  chance  that  any  egg  will  remain 


42  BASIS  OF  THE  PROBLEM 

unfertilized  is  small,  the  number  of  the  active  spermatozoa  being 
so  many  times  greater  than  the  number  of  eggs.  This  simple 
form  of  fertilization  is  characteristic  of  most  plants  and  of  many 
animals.  In  plants  there  are  certain  complications,  in  particular 
*those  connected  with  fertilization  with  the  help  of  insects,  into 
which  it  is  not  necessary  to  go. 

The  increasing  complexity  of  animal  structure  is  only  roughly 
correlated  with  increasing  complexity  in  the  processes  connected 
with  fertilization.  Though  the  most  complex  form  of  the  process 
is  found  among  the  highest  animals,  yet  some  animals,  which 
stand  relatively  high  in  the  scale,  exhibit  a  simple  method  of 
fertilization.  Of  this  the  fish  are  an  example,  and,  further,  the  more 
highly  developed  or  bony  fish  exhibit  a  simpler  form  than  some 
of  the  more  lowly-organized  cartilaginous  fish.  In  fact,  the  stage 
next  above  that  of  which  the  sea-urchin  was  given  as  an  example 
can  be  illustrated  from  the  bony  fish.  The  process  in  this  group 
consists  in  the  approach  of  the  male  to  the  female  alongside  of 
whom  he  swims,  led  by  a  rudimentary  development  of  the  sexual 
instinct.  When  the  female  ejects  her  gametes  into  the  water, 
the  male  does  the  same  and  the  vastly  greater  number  of  the 
male  gametes  ensures  that  all  or  nearly  all  of  the  eggs  are 
penetrated  by  a  spermatozoon.1 

The  next  stage  is  that  characterized  by  external  copulation. 
The  male  clasps  the  female  and  when  the  latter  ejects  her  eggs, 
he  extrudes  his  spermatozoa  at  the  same  time.  The  meeting  of 
the  gametes  thus  still  takes  place  outside  the  body  of  the  female. 
This  form  of  fertilization  is  found  among  the  Amphibia  ;  the 
male  frog,  for  example,  has  specially  developed  pads  on  his  front 
feet  with  which  he  embraces  the  female.  Internal  copulation, 
though  it  is  to  be  regarded  as  the  most  complex  form  of  the 
process,  is  found  among  such  low  forms  as  flat  worms,2  of  which 
the  common  tapeworm  is  a  member,  among  many  higher 
Invertebrates  such  as  snails  and  insects,  as  well  as  among 
cartilaginous  fish,  birds,  and  mammals.  The  essential  feature 
of  internal  copulation  is  that  the  male  is  provided  with  a  special 
copulatory  organ  or  penis  which  he  inserts  into  the  female.  The 
male  gametes  pass  through  the  penis,  which  takes  the  form  of 

1  A  few  bony  fish,  e.  g.  Anableps,  copulate  internally.  2  Internal  copulation 

among  the  flat  worms  is  of  a  very  primitive  type — the  penis  apparently,  at  least 
at  times,  penetrating  the  female  at  any  point. 


BASIS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  43 

a  tube,  directly  into  the  body  of  the  female,  and  fertilization  thus 
takes  place  within  the  body  of  the  female. 

5.  When  fertilization  takes  place  without  copulation  it  might 
be  thought  that  a  small  proportion  of  eggs  only  would  be  fertilized, 
that,  so  long  as  fertilization,  for  instance,  depends  on  the  wafting 
by  the  wind  of  a  pollen-grain  over  a  considerable  distance  until 
it  alights  on  one  small  spot,  or  upon  the  chance  meeting  of  a 
spermatozoon  and  an  egg  in  the  water,  there  would  be  but  a  small 
proportion  of  eggs  fertilized.  This,  however,  is  not  so  ;  observa- 
tion shows  that  in  a  state  of  nature  failure  is  comparatively  rare, 
and  that  the  majority  of  female  gametes  are  fertilized.  This  is 
in  the  main  due  to  the  vast  number  of  male  cells  compared  with 
the  number  of  eggs.  Among  those  forms  in  which  copulation 
takes  place,  fertilization  is  clearly  dependent  upon  the  strength 
of  the  sexual  instinct,  which  impels  the  male  to  seek  the  female. 
That  this  instinct  is  very  powerful  is  well  known.  It  may  for  the 
time  overcome  all  other  instincts.  There  is  a  frenzy  of  desire 
among  many  animals.  Male  frogs  and  toads  will  remain  clasping 
the  female  for  many  days  waiting  for  the  extrusion  of  the  eggs. 
Female  toads  have  been  discovered  smothered  by  the  male  in 
the  sexual  embrace.1^  It  has  been  noticed  that  birds,  which  under 
usual  circumstances  are  frightened  by  the  sound  of  a  gun,  will 
take  no  notice  when  in  pursuit  of  a  female.2  All  the  evidence 
points  to  the  fact  that,  owing  to  the  strength  of  the  sexual  instincts, 
females  are  rarely  left  undiscovered  by  a  male  in  the  sexual 
season.  Jenner  records  that  one  of  a  pair  of  magpies  was  killed 
and  that  on  the  following  day  the  survivor  appeared  with  another 
mate.  One  of  this  pair  was  killed  and  on  the  next  day  the 
survivor  again  appeared  with  another 'mate.  This  was  repeated 
for  seven  days  and  on  each  occasion  the  survivor  always  appeared 
with  a  new  mate.3  In  this  connexion  the  great  development  of 
those  forms  of  secondary  sexual  characters  may  be  referred  to 
which  enable  the  two  sexes  to  find  and  recognize  one  another. 
Such  are  recognition  marks,  call-notes  of  many  insects,  birds,  and 
mammals,  and  the  strong  odours  given  off  by  many  animals 
during  the  sexual  period. 

Generally  speaking,  the  male  is  always  prepared  for  4he  act 
of  copulation  and  the  act  takes  place  when  the  female  is  ready 

1  Letourneau,  Evolution  of  Marriage,  p.  8.  2  Darwin,  Descent  of  Man,  p.  384. 

3  Letourneau,  loc.  cit.,  p.  28. 


44  BASIS  OP  THE  PEOBLEM 

to  receive  the  male.  This  is  so  among  mammals  whether  the 
male  experiences  a  sexual  season  known  as  the  '  rut ',  as  among 
stags,  or  whether  he  does  not,  as  among  dogs  ;  for  the  period 
of  '  rut '  lasts  longer  than  the  period  during  which  the  female  is 
ready  to  receive  the  male.  The  facts,  however,  regarding  the 
sexual  season  in  mammals  are  somewhat  complicated  owing  to 
the  nature  of  the  sexual  season  experienced  by  the  female.  A 
number  of  different  types  of  mammalian  sexual  season  have  been 
distinguished  ;  it  is  not  necessary,  however,  to  go  into  these 
distinctions.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  each  sexual  season  consists 
of  one  or  more  sexual  cycles,  known  as  oestrous  cycles.  An 
oestrous  cycle  may  be  divided  into  four  periods  ;  the  first,  known 
as  the  pro-oestrous,  is  the  period  of  preparation  which  ends  in 
the  rupture  of  the  blood-vessels  in  the  mucous  membrane  of  the 
uterus.  When  the  blood  passes  to  the  exterior,  it  is  known  as  the 
menstrual  flow.  The  second  period  or  oestrous  is  the  period  of 
desire.  This  period  is  always  short ;  in  the  sheep  it  lasts  about 
twelve  hours  and  often  in  other  species  does  not  last  as  long. 
Only  during  this  latter  period  will  the  female  receive  the  male  ; * 
copulation  never  takes  place  at  any  other  period,  and  yet  in  spite 
of  the  fact  that  the  opportunity  for  copulation  is  narrowly 
restricted,  so  strong  is  the  sexual  instinct  in  the  male,  that  it  is 
very  rare  for  a  female,  so  far  as  observation  goes,  not  to  engage 
in  copulation  at  each  oestrous.  The  period  of  oestrous  is  followed 
by  the  period  of  metoestrous  during  which  the  activity  of  genera- 
tion subsides,  and  the  metoestrous  is  followed  by  the  anoestrous 
or  period  of  rest,  after  which  another  pro-oestrous  period  begins 
a  new  cycle. 

The  period  of  oestrous,  during  which  copulation  takes  place, 
is  usually  marked  by  the  presence  of  ripe  female  gametes  which 
are  therefore  at  once  fertilized .  Eipe  ova  are,  however,  not  always 
present  at  oestrous  ;  in  the  rabbit  ovulation  takes  place  an  hour 
and  a  half  after  copulation.  In  the  bat  there  is  a  very  marked 
want  of  coincidence  between  oestrous  and  ovulation  ;  copulation 
takes  place  in  the  autumn,  but  ovulation  does  not  take  place  until 
the  following  spring.  In  such  cases  the  spermatozoa  remain  alive 
in  the  uterus  until  the  female  gametes  are  ripe,  when  fertilization 
is  achieved  ;  thus  in  the  bat  the  spermatozoa  remain  alive  for 
several  months.  When  such  cases  occur,  therefore,  it  does  not 

1  Except  in  man — the  importance  of  which  fact  is  dealt  with  in  Chapter  IV. 


BASIS  OF  THE  PKOBLEM  45 

mean  that  the  ova  are  not  fertilized.  In  the  monkeys,  however, 
ovulation  may  occur  independently  of  oestrous  and  in  such 
a  manner  that  the  ova  then  liberated  may  not  be  fertilized. 

What  has  so  far  been  said  all  goes  to  show  that  the  majority 
of  ripe  ova  are  always  fertilized  among  species  in  a  state  of  nature. 
There  must  be  a  certain  number  of  failures  among  those  species 
which  copulate,  as  when  a  mammalian  female,  as  must  now  and 
again  happen,  does  not  engage  in  copulation  during  oestrous. 
Among  species  which  do  not  copulate,  failures  are  doubtless  more 
frequent.  There  is  probably  a  greater  wastage  of  eggs  when  they 
are  adhesive  and  fixed  to  some  object  than  when  they  are  pelagic, 
as  is  most  often  the  case  among  marine  animals  ;  for  when  eggs 
are  adhesive  the  seminal  fluid  may  drift  away. 

We  are  now  approaching  a  point  at  which  it  is  possible  to 
establish  the  first  generalization  regarding  the  process  of  reproduc- 
tion among  species  in  a  state  of  nature.  It  is,  however,  not 
possible  to  make  clear  what  it  is  intended  to  convey  until  some- 
thing has  been  said  regarding  animal  behaviour.  Some  of  the 
most  striking  differences  between  one  class  of  animal  and  another 
as  regards  the  process  of  reproduction  are  connected  with  the 
evolution  of  animal  behaviour.  So  far  we  have  spoken  of  instinct 
without  defining  what  is  meant,  and  until  something  has  been 
said  regarding  the  course  and  limit  of  mental  evolution  among 
animals,  the  nature  of  the  common  element  in  all  forms  of 
reproduction  among  all  species  in  a  state  of  nature  and  the 
manner  in  which  it  differs  from  what  is  found  among  men  cannot 
be  set  out.  It  may  seem  that  the  following  review  is  taking  us 
somewhat  out  of  our  path.  It  so  happens,  however,  that  in  view 
of  the  questions  that  will  come  up  later  for  discussion,  such  a 
sketch  will  be  necessary  and  it  may  therefore  be  now  undertaken 
so  as  to  render  further  amplification  unnecessary. 

6.  Putting  aside  the  behaviour  of  plants,  we  find  among  the 
lower  animals  a  type  of  behaviour  which,  though  simple  in 
a  certain  sense,  cannot  be  adequately  explained  without  a  pro- 
longed discussion.  Some  idea  can  be  obtained  of  its  nature  if  we 
consider  in  what  a  reflex  action  consists.  When  a  definite  and 
simple  stimulus  is  followed  directly  by  a  definite  and  simple 
reaction  we  have  what  is  called  a  reflex  action.  This  term,  it  may 
be  noticed,  is  usually  restricted  to  cases  where  a  nervous  system 
is  present.  When  similar  reactions  occur  among  organisms  in 


46  BASIS  OF  THE  PROBLEM 

which  the  nervous  system  has  not  been  differentiated,  it  has  been 
suggested  that  the  term  '  autotype  '  should  be  used.1 

Reactions,  however,  probably  never  follow  invariably  upon 
the  repetition  of  the  same  stimulus.  Among  the  lowest  class 
of  animals,  the  Protozoa,  a  free-swimming  ciliate  Infusorian, 
will,  if  it  comes  into  contact  witK  something  in  the  medium 
which  is  abnormal,  it  may  be,  for  example,  an  alkaline  solution, 
stop  and  go  backwards.  This  is  an  example  of  a  reflex  action. 
An  analysis  of  its  subsequent  movements  shows  that,  if  it  again 
and  again  meets  the  alkaline  solution,  some  modification  of 
the  reaction  takes  place.  The  animal  may  showr  increased 
activity  until  either  it  is  overcome  by  the  disturbing  medium 
or  it  has  freed  itself  from  it.  So  again  after  the  digestion  of 
food,  such  an  organism  shows  a  different  response  to  the  presence 
of  food. 

More  definite  instances  of  different  reactions  following  upon 
the  same  stimulus  are  provided  by  experiments  of  changing  the 
nature  of  the  medium.  An  Infusorian  will  react  violently  against 
certain  new  elements  in  the  medium  to  which  after  a  time  it 
becomes  habituated,  when  the  reaction  no  longer  follows.  Very 
interesting  experiments  have  shown  that  even  among  the  simplest 
class  of  organisms  there  is  a  certain  learning  from  experience. 
'  A  Stentor  (one  of  the  ciliate  Infusorians)  if  gently  touched  upon 
one  side  will  contract  upon  its  stalk,  but  will  soon  open  out  again. 
Touched  once  more,  it  will  perhaps  bend  to  one  side,  and  if  con- 
tinually molested  in  this  manner,  it  will  uproot  itself  in  pardon- 
able dudgeon  and  swim  away.  That  is  to  say  it  has  several  ways 
of  reacting  to  the  stimulus  and  seeking  equilibrium,  and,  if  one 
fails,  it  tries  another.  But  now  when  it  anchors  itself  again,  it 
seems  to  have  learnt  something,  for  if  again  touched  it  does  not 
go  through  the  stages  of  contracting  and  of  bending  aside.  It 
keeps  to  its  more  radical  remedy  and  moves  off  again.' 2  It  is 
doubtful  whether  there  is  any  further  complication  of  this  type 
of  behaviour  among  organisms  which  do  not  attain  to  the  kind  of 
behaviour  that  we  have  now  to  describe. 

7.  Herbert  Spencer,  as  is  well  known,  defined  instinct  as  com- 
pound reflex  action.  Though  this  definition  cannot,  for  various 

1  Jennings,    Behaviour  of  the   Lower   Organisms,   p.   277.  2  Hobhousc, 

Development  and  Purpose,  p.  62.    In  this  and  the  following  sections  I  am  indebted 
to  Professor  Hobhouse's  review  of  the  evolution  of  animal  behaviour. 


BASIS  OF  THE  PKOBLEM  47 

reasons,  be  accepted  as  adequate,  it  does  suggest  the  essential 
nature  of  instinct,  which  consists  in  the  response  to  a  given  but 
often  vague  stimulus  of  a  more  or  less  complicated  series  of 
reactions.  Instinct  is  more  than  compound  reflex  action  because 
it  involves  the  organism  as  a  whole,  and  is  accompanied  by,  or 
is  the  outcome  of,  a  mental  process.  All  mental  process  is  said 
to  involve  three  aspects — the  cognitive  or  the  knowing  of  an 
object,  the  affective  or  feeling  in  regard  to  an  object,  and  the 
conative  or  striving  to  or  from  an  object— and  these  three  aspects 
are  to  be  found  in  all  instinctive  actions.  The  instinctive  action 
is  initiated  by  a  sense-impression  and  is  followed  by  results  so 
important  because  the  nervous  system  is  innately  organized  to 
respond  to  certain  sense-impressions.  It  is  presumed  that  some 
kind  of  emotional  excitement,  however  faint,  always  follows  and 
that  it  gives  rise  to  the  striving  that  we  see  in  the  form  of  move- 
ment. Instinct  has  been  denned  as  '  an  inherited  or  innate  psycho- 
physical  disposition  which  determines  its  possessor  to  perceive 
and  to  pay  attention  to  objects  of  a  certain  class,  to  experience 
an  emotional  excitement  of  a  particular  quality  upon  perceiving 
such  an  object,  and  to  act  in  regard  to  it  in  a  particular  manner, 
or,  at  least,  to  experience  an  impulse  to  such  action  '.1 

Every  one  is  acquainted  with  many  examples  of  instinctive 
action.  '  There  are  many  instances  of  insects  that  invariably 
lay  their  eggs  in  the  only  place  where  the  grubs,  when  hatched, 
will  find  the  food  they  need  and  can  eat,  or  where  the  larvae 
will  be  able  to  attach  themselves  as  parasites  to  some  host  in 
a  way  that  is  necessary  to  their  survival.  In  such  cases  it  is 
clear  that  the  behaviour  of  the  parent  is  determined  by  the 
impression  made  on  its  senses  by  the  appropriate  objects  or 
places  :  e.g.  the  smell  of  decaying  fish  leads  the  Carrion  fly  to 
deposit  its  eggs  upon  it ;  the  sight  or  odour  of  some  particular 
flower  leads  another  to  lay  its  eggs  among  the  ovules  of  the 
flower,  which  serve  as  food  to  the  grubs.  Others  go  through 
more  elaborate  traits  of  action,  as  when  the  Mason-wasp  lays  its 
eggs  in  a  mud  nest,  fills  up  the  space  with  caterpillars,  which  it 
paralyses  by  means  of  well-directed  stings,  and  seals  it  up  ;  so 
that  the  caterpillars  remain  as  a  supply  of  fresh  animal  food  for 
the  young  which  the  parent  will  never  see  and  of  whose  needs 
it  can  have  no  knowledge  or  idea.' 2  To  take  some  examples  from 

1  McDougall,  Social  Psychology,  p.  29.  a  McDougall,  loc.  cit.,  p.  25. 


48  BASIS  OF  THE  PROBLEM 

among  the  Vertebrates, '  pheasants,  plovers,  moor-hen,  domestic 
chicks  and  ducklings,  with  many  others,  are  active  soon  after 
birth,  and  exhibit  powers  of  complex  co-ordination,  with  little 
or  no  practice  of  the  necessary  limb  movements.  They  walk  and 
balance  the  body  so  soon  and  so  well  as  to  show  that  this  mode 
of  procedure  is  congenital,  and  has  not  to  be  gradually  acquired 
through  the  guidance  of  experience.  Young  water  birds  swim 
with  neat  orderly  strokes  the  first  time  they  are  gently  placed  in 
the  water.  Even  little  chicks  a  day  or  two  old  can  swim  well.'  x 

Enough  has  been  said  in  the  way  of  illustration,  as  numerous 
examples  are  familiar  to  every  one.  It  is  possible  that  instinctive 
behaviour  may  have  to  be  attributed  to  so  lowly  a  group  of 
organisms  as  the  flat  worms.  Instinct  reaches  its  greatest 
development  among  the  insects,  and  some  examples  have  been 
given  above  of  the  amazingly  intricate  series  of  actions  which  are 
performed  by  insects,  under  the  guidance  of  instinct.  There  have 
been  two  lines  of  mental  evolution  among  animals,  one  culminat- 
ing in  the  insects  and  the  other  in  the  Vertebrates.  Among 
the  former  instincts  have  become  very  specialized  ;  among  the 
latter  they  have  remained  far  more  generalized.  Among  the 
latter  again  there  has  been  a  far  higher  development  of  intelligence 
than  among  the  former,  thus  further  distinguishing  the  two 
lines  of  mental  evolution.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  intelli- 
gence, though  certainly  at  times  in  a  very  primitive  form,  always 
accompanies  instinct,  and  to  the  discussion  of  intelligence  we 
must  now  turn. 

8.  We  saw  how  as  lowly  an  animal  as  an  Infusorian  can  in 
a  sense  learn  from  experience.  It  is  only  when  learning  from 
experience  reaches  a  more  advanced  stage  that  we  speak  of 
intelligent  action.  If  we  watch  one  of  the  higher  animals  which, 
under  the  influence  of  desire,  is  striving  to  satisfy  this  desire, 
we  find  that  it  behaves  in  the  following  manner.  An  animal, 
for  instance,  is  shut  up  in  a  box  with  food  outside.  It  is  led  by 
instinct  to  all  kinds  of  sporadic  activities  ;  it  will  clutch  and  claw 
and  make  every  kind  of  effort  to  extricate  itself.  If  some  simple 
catch  has  been  contrived  which  opens  the  door  and  offers  a  way 
of  escape,  the  animal  will  probably  sooner  or  later  accidentally 
operate  the  catch  and  escape.  If  the  animal  is  replaced  in  the 
box  many  times,  it  is  found  to  escape  on  the  average  sooner.  It 

1  Lloyd  Morgan,  Animal  Behaviour,  p.  84. 


BASIS  OF  THE  PKOBLEM  49 

learns  in  fact  in  some  degree  to  operate  the  catch  and  thus  to 
gain  freedom  and  food.  The  question  which  arises  is  what  degree 
of  mental  development  we  have  to  assume  in  order  to  account 
for  these  facts. 

The  stage  in  learning  from  experience  which  follows  next 
upon  that  present  among  some  protozoa  is  exemplified  by  the 
chick  which  at  first  instinctively  pecks  at  various  objects.  If 
it  pecks  at  a  yellow  caterpillar  with  an  unpleasant  taste  it  will 
drop  it.  The  next  time,  or  after  a  series  of  such  experiences,  it 
will  avoid  the  caterpillar.  The  explanation  seems  to  be  that 
a  modified  response  arises  directly  from  the  sight  of  the  caterpillar. 
The  sense-impression  has  become  charged  with  feeling  that  first 
arose  as  the  result  of  experience.  This  simple  explanation  is 
to  be  preferred  to  that  which  would  assume  the  realization  by 
the  chick  of  the  relation  between  the  position  when  it  again  finds 
itself  with  a  yellow  caterpillar  before  it  and  the  nastiness  which 
it  previously  experienced.  The  process  is  thus  one  of  the  revival 
of  acquired  meaning,  and  we  have  now  to  ask  if  a  higher  stage  of 
mental  process  is  ever  to  be  attributed  to  animals  or  whether  the 
behaviour  of  the  animal  in  the  cage  is  to  be  explained  on  the 
same  lines  as  the  behaviour  of  the  chick. 

'  Let  us  suppose  ',  says  Professor  Hobhouse, '  revival  to  operate 
in  a  mind  capable  of  perceiving  three  objects  A  B  C  in  definite 
space  and  time  relations,  C  being  something  desirable,  e.  g.  food. 
If  the  three  objects  are  present  to  the  senses,  the  first  two  leading 
up  to  the  third  (e.  g.  as  intervening  objects  in  space),  conation 
will  be  definitely  directed  to  C  via  A  and  B.  Let  this  have 
happened  and  then  let  A  alone  be  given.  If  the  animal  is  hungry, 
i.  e.  if  there  is  a  conational  basis  to  go  upon,  A  will,  according  to 
the  law  of  revival,  excite  a  conation  corresponding  to  the  previous 
one,  but  this  was  a  conation  definitely  directed  to  B  and  C  in 
succession  as  things  standing  in  a  definite  relation  to  A.  The 
animal  then  directs  its  efforts  to  a  point  where,  in  accordance  with 
the  first  experience,  B  and  C  should  be.  It  looks  for  them,  or  if 
B  is  some  change  which  brings  C  about,  sets  itself  to  perform 
B  and  so  obtain  C.  Its  action  is  directed  to  something  not 
given,  and  this  appears  to  be  the  germ  of  a  conation  or  practical 
idea.'  x  It  is  thus  possible  that  in  the  behaviour  of  the  animal  in 
the  box  we  may  have  to  recognize  the  first  step  towards  a  higher 

1  Hobhouse,  loc.  cit.,  p.  76. 
2498  D 


50  BASIS  OF  THE  PKOBLEM 

mental  process.  Effort  may  be  directed  to  something  not  given 
and  thus  there  may  be  the  first  sign  of  the  emergence  of  an  idea. 
Whether  this  is  so  or  not,  such  an  idea  is  certainly  not  a  general 
idea  ;  it  is  merely  a  reference  to  something  to  come,  and  that  is 
all.  This  is  the  highest  degree  of  mental  development  that  we  can 
attribute  to  animals  and  it  may  be  noticed  that,  this  being  so, 
there  can  probably  be  no  true  memory  among  animals.  Explicit 
ideas,  therefore,  among  animals,  so  far  as  they  exist  at  all,  do  not 
give  rise  to  other  ideas  following  one  another  in  sequence.  They 
are  isolated  and  serve  merely  to  guide  action. 

9.  The  highest  form  of  mental  process  attributable  to  animals 
reaches  a  fuller  development  among  men.  This  stage  of  mental 
development  has  been  called  the  stage  of  perceptual  correlation. 
How  far  the  apprehensions  of  direct  relationships  in  consciousness 
are  developed  among  animals  is  doubtful ;  there  is  no  doubt 
that  among  men  such  relations  are  apprehended.  Action,  there- 
fore, is  not  merely  connected  indirectly  with  the  result,  as  in  the 
example  of  the  chick  ;  action  is  undertaken  with  an  end  in  view. 
If  the  chick  came  to  apprehend  the  relation  between  the  cater- 
pillar and  the  unpleasant  taste,  it  would  have  reached  the  fully 
developed  stage  of  perceptual  correlation  ;  we  have  seen  that  we 
have  to  assume  in  this  case  a  simpler  state  of  mental  process, 
though  in  certain  cases  a  study  of  animal  behaviour  does  suggest 
some  approach  to  the  higher  stage.  At  this  stage,  which  is  fully 
developed  only  in  man,  the  world  ceases  to  be  presented  merely 
as  sense-impressions  charged  with  feeling  and  takes  the  shape  of 
a  mass  of  objects  of  perception  related  together  and  underlying 
the  sense-impressions  and  the  feelings  evoked  by  them. 

In  man  there  is  developed  a  still  higher  stage  of  mental  process 
which  is  his  peculiar  possession  and  chief  distinguishing  character- 
istic. This  is  the  stage  of  conceptual  thought.  In  the  perceptual 
stage  activity  is  guided  solely  by  the  presence  of  the  objects 
perceived.  If  there  is  any  anticipation  of  the  end,  the  action  from 
moment  to  moment  is  still  always  guided  by  what  is  actually 
given.  In  the  conceptual  stage  action  is  guided  by  an  ideal 
anticipation  of  the  end.  What  underlies  mental  process  at  this 
stage  is  generalization.  The  situation  as  given  is  broken  up  and 
analysed  ;  elements  common  to  it  and  to  previous  situations  are 
recognized  and  synthesized.  These  two  processes  of  analysis  and 
synthesis  go  on  side  by  side  and  concepts  are  formed  which  are 


BASIS  OF  THE  PKOBLEM  51 

outside  the  world  of  perception.  Common  elements  in  the 
perceptual  order  are  recognized  and  there  is  thus  made  possible 
a  grasp  of  the  continuity  running  through  experience. 

Man  is  thus  no  longer  guided  by  what  is  immediately  given  in 
experience  ;  he  can  make  plans  and  shape  his  actions  with  an 
ideal  end  in  view.  With  the  development  of  conceptual  thought 
goes  the  development  of  language,  whereby  man  learns  from 
others  and  passes  on  to  others  what  is  in  his  mind.  Of  the  stage 
of  conceptual  thought  there  will  be  more  to  say  in  a  later  chapter. 
This  further  development  is  only  mentioned  here  in  order  to 
contrast  mental  process  in  its  highest  form  in  man  with  the 
process  in  animals. 

10.  We  have  now  to  consider  the  bearing  of  mental  development 
upon  the  process  of  reproduction.  All  animals  are  endowed 
with  a  certain  power  of  reproduction  which  we  shall  call  fecundity. 
Fecundity  is  measured  by  the  number  of  ripe  ova  produced,  the 
number  of  spermatozoa  having  no  direct  bearing  on  fecundity. 
We  have  seen  that  the  highest  animals — those  most  nearly  related 
to  man — are  gifted  with  instinct  and  intelligence.  The  value  of 
intelligence  lies  in  the  fact  that  it  enables  instinct  to  adapt  itself 
to  the  special  circumstances  of  the  moment  and  thus  to  bring 
about  its  end  more  surely.  The  sexual  instinct  is  in  this  manner 
assisted  by  intelligence,  and  among  animals  which  copulate  the 
power  of  reproduction  is  thus  able  to  realize  itself  to  the  full  or 
almost  to  the  full.  There  may  be  certain  failures  to  achieve 
reproduction  and  certain  cases  of  perverted  instinct ;  to  some  of 
these  cases  we  have  already  referred.  Broadly  speaking,  however, 
it  is  true  that  the  highest  development  in  animals  of  instinct  and 
intelligence  works  towards  the  fulfilment  of  that  degree  of 
fecundity  which  is  innately  given.  It  follows,  therefore,  that  in 
this  sense  mental  development  among  animals  has  not  in  any 
fashion  changed  the  position  of  the  higher  animals  when  compared 
with  that  of  the  lower  animals.  Keproduction  in  the  sea-urchin 
and  reproduction  among  the  mammals — vastly  as  the  mental 
processes  differ — is  still  similar  in  this  respect.  The  power  of 
reproduction  is  realized  to  the  full  or  almost  to  the  full.  All  that 
instinct  and  intelligence  do  is  to  ensure  that  in  this  more  complex 
process  of  fertilization  the  full  power  of  reproduction  is  as  nearly 
as  possible  realized — that  is  to  say,  that  nearly  all  ova  are 
fertilized. 

D2 


52  BASIS  OF  THE  PBOBLEM 

Among  men,  even  in  the  lowest  stage  in  which  they  have  been 
studied,  the  position  is  entirely  different.  Owing  to  the  develop- 
ment of  conceptual  thought  men  act  with  some  ideal  object  in 
view.  Customs  grow  up  which  in  their  origin  must  be  traced 
to  some  process  of  reasoning,  however  obscure,  and  action 
deliberately  undertaken,  as  well  as  custom,  may  affect  the 
realization  of  the  power  of  reproduction.  Thus  among  the  lowest 
of  primitive  races  we  find  that  men  abstain  from  intercourse  for 
various  motives  which  we  must  regard  as  due  to  the  presence  of 
reason.  Or  again,  they  may  practise  certain  forms  of  mutilation 
of  the  sexual  organs  which  may  affect  the  power  of  reproduction. 
The  origin  of  such  a  custom  may  be  hidden  ;  it  may  be  almost 
certain  that  it  was  not  originated  with  any  understanding  of  its 
effect  upon  reproduction  and  even  that  its  effect  has  never  been 
recognized ;  nevertheless  originally  such  a  custom  could  only 
have  arisen  if  reason  was  present.  Similarly,  among  the  lowest 
races  there  are  abundant  examples  of  the  practices  of  abortion 
and  infanticide  which,  though  they  do  not  affect  fecundity,  have 
an  important  bearing  upon  the  quantitative  aspect  of  the  popula- 
tion problem  and  are  again  the  products  of  reason. 

Among  men,  therefore,  owing  to  the  development  of  a  higher 
stage  of  mental  power,  fecundity  is  not  realized  to  the  full,  and 
we  have  to  distinguish  between  the  power  of  reproduction,  which 
we  have  called  fecundity,  and  the  actual  degree  of  reproduction, 
which  we  shall  call  fertility.  It  may,  perhaps,  assist  to  emphasize 
what  is  meant  if  for  a  moment  we  think  of  the  reproductive 
process  among  animals  as  '  mechanical '.  The  introduction  of 
this  term  should  not  be  taken  to  have  any  ultimate  significance — 
any  reference  whatever  to  the  true  nature  of  mental  process.  It 
is  only  used  as  a  convenient  term  to  illustrate  the  difference 
between  reproduction  among  animals  and  among  men.  Among 
all  species  in  a  state  of  nature  reproduction  may  be  thought  of 
as  '  mechanical ',  whereas  reproduction  among  men  is  never 
1  mechanical '.  The  number  of  young  produced  in  the  case  of 
the  human  species  is  far  from  being  completely  correlated  with 
the  fecundity.  There  may  be  all  degrees  of  difference  between 
fecundity  and  fertility.  Among  species  in  a  state  of  nature  fecundity 
and  fertility  are  for  all  practical  purposes  one  and  the  same  thing 
because  reproduction  is  '  mechanical '  whatever  may  be  the  stage 
which  mental  development  has  reached.  Further,  such  differences 


BASIS  OF  THE  PKOBLEM  53 

as  exist  among  species  in  a  state  of  nature  between  fecundity — 
the  number  of  ripe  ova — and  fertility — the  number  of  fertilized 
ova — are  due  to  failures  of  the  gametes  to  meet  and  may  be 
called,  just  as  the  whole  process  may  be  called,  '  mechanical '. 
Such  '  mechanical '  differences  between  fecundity  and  fertility 
may  also  be  found  in  man  but  the  chief  cause  of  the  differences 
in  the  case  of  man  is  altogether  of  another  kind  and  is  due,  as 
we  have  seen,  directly  to  the  development  of  conceptual  thought. 

It  was  said  above  that  it  was  proposed  to  show  that  certain 
generalizations  can  be  made  regarding  the  process  of  reproduction 
among  species  in  a  state  of  nature.  This  then  is  the  first  generali- 
zation. Fecundity  and  fertility  are  closely  correlated  and, 
compared  with  the  position  among  men,  reproduction  may  be 
thought  of  as  '  mechanical  'and  even  the  failures  to  realize  the 
full  power  of  fecundity  may  be  thought  of  as  '  mechanical '. 

11.  It  has  been  mentioned  that  fecundity  is  very  large  among 
all  species  in  a  state  of  nature  and  we  have  now  to  ask  what  it 
is  that  determines  how  large  it  shall  be.  As  we  have  seen,  the 
fecundity  is  roughly  measured  by  the  number  of  ova  produced, 
and  this  number  clearly  depends  upon  many  factors,  such  as  the 
beginning  and  duration  of  the  mature  period,  the  number  of  eggs 
produced  at  any  one  time,  and  the  length  of  the  period  between 
the  epochs  of  egg  production.  Into  details  of  the  proximate 
causes  of  the  differences  in  fecundity  it  is  not  necessary  to  go. 
What  it  is  desired  to  know  is  what  factor  or  factors  in  general 
ultimately  determine  the  strength  of  fecundity  in  each  species. 
We  may  first  take  some  examples  of  the  degree  of  fecundity 
drawn  from  various  groups. 

The  common  whelk  lays  its  eggs  in  capsules  of  which  a  great 
number  are  produced.  It  has  been  calculated  that  a  small  clump 
of  such  capsules  of  about  two  cubic  inches  in  size  contains  about 
200,000  eggs.  Another  mollusc,  Aplysia,  may  lay  from  2,000,000 
to  3,000,000  at  a  time.  '  An  oyster  may  have  sixty  million  eggs 
and  the  average  American  yield  is  sixteen  millions.'  1  The  number 
of  eggs  found  attached  to  the  edible  crab  in  the  breeding  season 
varies  between  half  a  million  and  three  millions.  A  single  pair 
of  flies  may  produce  20,000  larvae.  The  number  of  eggs  produced 
by  parasites  may  very  largely  exceed  these  numbers.  Among 
the  vertebrates  the  fish  are  the  most  prolific  class.  '  In  a  Ling 

1  Thomson,  Darwinism  and  Human  Life,  p.  81. 


54  BASIS  OF  THE  PEOBLEM 

61  inches  long  and  weighing  54  pounds  the  ovaries  contained 
28,361,000  eggs  ;  a  cod  of  21 J  pounds  6,652,000.  The  least 
prolific  of  British  food  fishes  is  the  herring,  in  which  the  number 
of  ovarian  eggs  varied  from  21,000  to  47,000  in  four  specimens 
examined.'  * 

These  vast  numbers  of  eggs  produced  at  any  one  time  make 
theoretically  possible  a  prodigious  rate  of  increase.  It  has  been 
calculated  that  a  single  cholera  bacillus  can  give  rise  to  sixteen 
hundred  trillion  of  bacilli  in  a  day,  forming  a  solid  mass  weighing 
a  hundred  tons.  '  Wallace  quotes  Kerner  to  the  effect  that 
a  common  British  weed  (Sisymbrium  sophia)  often  has  three- 
quarters  of  a  million  seeds  ;  if  all  grew  to  maturity  for  only  three 
years  the  whole  of  the  land  surface  of  the  globe  would  not  hold 
them.  An  annual  plant  with  only  two  seeds  would  be  represented 
by  1,048,576  in  the  twenty-first  year.  ...  If  all  the  progeny  of 
one  oyster  survived  and  multiplied,  its  great-great-grand-children 
would  number  thirty-six  with  thirty-three  noughts  after  it,  and 
the  heap  of  the  shells  would  be  eight  times  the  size  of  the  world. 
Huxley  calculated  that  if  the  descendants  of  a  single  green-fly 
all  survived  and  multiplied  they  would,  at  the  end  of  summer, 
weigh  down  the  population  of  China.  The  common  house-fly 
lays  eggs  in  batches  of  120  to  150  at  a  time,  and  may  lay  five  or 
six  of  these  batches  during  its  life  of  about  three  weeks  in  very 
hot  weather.  At  the  end  of  summer,  if  all  developed,  and  if 
there  were  six  generations,  the  progeny  of  a  single  pair,  pressed 
together  into  a  solid  mass,  would  occupy  a  space  of  something 
like  a  quarter  of  a  million  cubic  feet,  allowing  200,000  flies  to 
a  cubic  foot.'  2  *  There  is  no  exception ',  says  Darwin,  in  a  well- 
known  passage,  '  to  the  rule  that  every  organic  being  naturally 
increases  at  so  high  a  rate,  that,  if  not  destroyed,  the  earth  would 
soon  be  covered  by  the  progeny  of  a  single  pair.  Even  slow- 
breeding  man  has  doubled  in  twenty  years,  and  at  this  rate  in 
less  than  a  thousand  years  there  would  literally  not  be  standing 
room  for  his  progeny.  Linnaeus  has  calculated  that  if  an  annual 
plant  produced  only  two  seeds — and  there  is  no  plant  so  un- 
productive as  this — and  their  seedlings  next  year  produced  two, 
and  so  on,  then  in  twenty  years  there  would  be  a  million  plants. 
The  elephant  is  reckoned  the  slowest  breeder  of  all  known  animals, 

1  Bridge,  Cambridge  Natural  History,  vol.  Fishes,  p.  412.  2  Thomson,  loc. 

cit.,  p.  82. 


BASIS  OF  THE  PEOBLEM  55 

and  I  have  taken  some  pains  to  estimate  its  probable  minimum 
rate  of  natural  increase  ;  it  will  be  safest  to  assume  that  it  begins 
breeding  when  thirty  years  old,  and  goes  on  breeding  until 
ninety  years  old,  bringing  forth  six  young  in  the  interval,  and 
surviving  till  100  years  old  ;  if  this  be  so,  after  a  period  of  740 
to  750  years  there  would  be  nearly  ninety  million  elephants  alive, 
descended  from  the  first  pair.' l 

12.  These  examples  show  that  the  power  of  fecundity,  which 
is  always  huge,  is  in  many  instances  much  greater  than  in  others. 
Were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  normally  all  but  a  small  proportion 
of  eggs  are  always  fertilized,  it  might  be  suggested  that  in  those 
cases  in  which  there  was  no  copulation  a  much  larger  number  of 
eggs  was  necessary  than  among  the  higher  forms,  in  order  that 
a  sufficient  number  should  be  fertilized.  This,  however,  can  only 
be  a  partial  explanation  of  the  larger  number  of  eggs  among 
those  lower  forms  where  there  is  no  copulation. 

In  order  to  obtain  an  answer  to  the  question  as  to  what  it  is 
which  determines  the  fecundity  of  any  species,  it  is  necessary 
to  look  into  certain  features  of  the  life  of  animals  and  plants  in 
a  state  of  nature.  Observation  and  deduction  bring  one  remarkable 
fact  to  light.  The  number  of  adults  of  any  species  at  any  one 
season  of  the  year,  when  compared  with  the  number  in  the 
corresponding  period  in  other  years,  remains  upon  the  whole 
constant.  This  fact  cannot  be  based  upon  statistics,  for  we  cannot 
take  anything  approaching  to  a  census.  Nevertheless,  it  is  an 
unavoidable  deduction  from  the  known  facts.  The  more  emphasis 
that  is  laid  upon  variations  in  numbers  from  season  to  season, 
the  more  apparent  does  it  become  that  such  differences  are 
trivial  when  compared  with  the  possible  rate  of  increase.  But  we 
know  that  all  but  a  small  proportion  of  eggs  are  fertilized,  and  as 
we  date  the  existence  of  a  new  member  of  the  species  from  the 
moment  of  fertilization,  it  is  clear  that  the  numbers  composing 
every  new  generation  greatly  exceed  the  number  of  adults  to 
which  the  new  generation  owes  its  existence.  It  follows,  therefore, 
that  all  but  a  small  proportion  of  the  young  of  each  generation 
perish  before  the  adult  stage  is  reached.  The  most  remarkable 
increases  in  the  adults  of  any  species  ever  recorded  are  negligible 
compared  with  the  possible  increase,  and  observation  shows  that 
as  a  general  rule  there  is  no  increase  at  all. 

1  Darwin,  Origin  of  Species,  p.  51. 


56  BASIS  OF  THE  PKOBLEM 

Fecundity  is,  therefore,  in  some  manner  connected  with  this 
fact  that  the  great  majority  of  fertilized  eggs  do  not  give  rise  to 
adults,  and  in  order  to  throw  further  light  upon  this  connexion 
we  must  ask  how  it  is  that  the  young  perish. 

18.  To  make  clear  how  it  is  that  the  young  of  every  species 
perish  on  so  large  a  scale,  it  is  necessary  to  refer  to  the  inter- 
dependence of  all  living  organisms.  This  can  perhaps  best  be 
illustrated  by  reference  to  the  chief  distinction  between  animals 
and  plants.  A  difference  in  the  mode  of  nutrition  is  that  which 
chiefly  distinguishes  animals  from  plants.  There  are  other 
differences  but  their  importance  is  small  compared  with  that  we 
may  now  describe.  The  need  of  food  is  common  to  all  living  things 
and  is  due  to  the  nature  of  the  living  substance  called  protoplasm — 
the  physical  basis  of  all  life.  Protoplasm  is  of  a  very  complex 
constitution.  It  is  for  ever  wasting  away  and  if  life  is  to  be 
preserved  food  must  be  supplied  to  compensate  for  the  loss. 
The  need  is  as  great  among  plants  as  it  is  among  animals,  but  the 
means  of  supplying  it  are  fundamentally  different. 

Plants  feed  upon  very  simple  substances — salts  of  nitric  acid, 
salts  of  ammonia,  and  carbonic  acid.  Among  green  plants 
carbonic  acid  is  taken  in  from  the  air  through  small  apertures  in 
the  leaves  known  as  stomata  ;  the  salts  of  nitric  acid  and  ammonia 
are  absorbed  from  solution  in  the  water  of  the  soil.  Carbonic 
acid  and  water  are  synthesized  within  the  cells  of  the  plant  into 
starch  ;  starch  is  converted  into  sugar  and  the  sugar  is  combined 
with  the  salts  of  nitric  acid  and  ammonia  to  form  amino-acids 
which  are  eventually  transformed  into  proteids.  Thus  the  plant 
makes  good  the  unavoidable  waste  of  its  living  substance  by 
elaborating  the  highly  complex  protoplasm  from  the  simplest 
elements. 

The  method  pursued  by  animals  is  entirely  different.  They 
feed  upon  complicated  substances,  which  may  be  divided  into 
proteids,  fats,  and  carbo-hydrates.  These  substances  do  not  take 
their  places  directly  in  the  living  cells  of  the  body  ;  they  first 
undergo  a  process  of  digestion,  after  which  they  are  assimilated. 
Digestion  involves  the  breaking  down  of  these  complex  foods  to 
a  certain  stage  ;  proteids,  for  example,  are  reduced  to  amino- 
acids,  and  starches  to  sugars.  In  these  forms  they  are  soluble 
and  are  taken  up  by  the  walls  of  the  alimentary  canal  and  are 
afterwards  resynthesized  into  proteids  and  starches. 


BASIS  OF  THE  PEOBLEM  57 

The  importance  of  this  distinction  lies  in  the  fact  that  the  only 
method  of  obtaining  the  highly  complex  substances  necessary 
for  animals  is  to  feed  upon  the  tissues  of  other  animals  or  plants. 
It  is  obvious  that  every  animal  species  cannot  feed  upon  some 
other  animal  species  ;  in  the  end  animals  as  a  whole  must  depend 
upon  plants  because  plants  alone  are  able  to  elaborate  the  sub- 
stances which  animals  need.  In  a  sense,  therefore,  animals  are 
parasitic  upon  plants  ;  in  any  case  the  existence  of  animals  is 
bound  up  with  the  continued  existence  of  plants.  This  inter- 
dependence of  living  organisms  runs  all  through  the  conditions 
under  which  species  in  a  state  of  nature  live  and  takes  a  variety 
of  shapes.  The  dependence  of  one  organism  upon  another  is 
largely  connected  with  the  question  of  the  provision  of  appropriate 
surroundings  which  are  often  only  found  in  the  proximity  of 
certain  other  species.  Many  species  can  only  flourish  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  trees.  The  interdependence  between  certain 
species  is  very  intimate.  There  are  many  examples  of  what  is 
known  as  symbiosis,  as  when  a  certain  species  of  sea  anemone 
lives  on  the  back  of  a  particular  species  of  crab.  Again,  parasites, 
which  alternate  between  one  host  and  another,  are  dependent 
upon  finding  a  member  of  a  particular  species  at  a  certain  time 
in  their  life-history,  as  otherwise  they  perish.  Many  examples  of 
interdependence  are  within  common  knowledge,  and,  bearing 
this  feature  of  organic  life  in  mind,  we  may  go  on  to  ask  how  it  is 
that,  through  the  elimination  of  a  great  proportion  of  the  young 
of  every  species,  the  number  of  adults  remains  upon  the  whole 
constant. 

14.  Taking  animals  first,  it  is  probable  that  the  most  common 
cause  of  elimination  lies  in  the  fact  that  the  young  of  all  species 
are  consumed  by  members  of  other  species.  It  is  difficult  to 
estimate  even  roughly  the  relative  importance  of  the  various 
causes  of  elimination  ;  '  the  causes  ',  says  Darwin,  *  which  check 
the  natural  tendency  of  each  species  to  increase  are  most  obscure  '.* 
The  particular  factor  mentioned,  however,  certainly  takes  a  very 
prominent  place.  The  young  of  marine  and  fresh-water  animals 
almost  all  form  food  for  other  species  and  are  obviously  exposed 
to  attack.  So  too,  though  perhaps  not  to  so  great  a  degree,  are 
the  young  of  terrestrial  animals  ;  whether  we  think  of  the  larvae 
of  insects  or  the  eggs  of  birds,  we  find  that  they  are  in  most  cases 

'"  Darwin,  Origin  of  Species,  p.  49. 


58  BASIS  OF  THE  PKOBLEM 

liable  to  be  consumed  by  enemies.  Even  where  copulation  is 
internal,  the  developing  embryo  is,  except  among  mammals, 
seldom  long  retained  within  the  body  of  the  mother,  and  once 
exposed  to  the  outside  world  it  almost  invariably  becomes  an 
object  of  prey  to  many  enemies.  In  fact,  wherever  we  look,  this 
cause  of  elimination  plays  a  very  great  part,  arising  immediately 
from  that  aspect  of  the  interdependence  of  species  which  is  derived 
from  the  mode  among  animals  of  making  up  for  the  wastage 
of  protoplasm. 

Elimination  again  is  largely  due  to  failure  to  find  those  conditions 
under  which  alone  life  can  continue.  These  conditions  may  be 
connected  with  the  nature  of  the  organic  or  of  the  inorganic 
surroundings.  When  the  young  of  the  flat  worm,  known  as  the 
Liver  Fluke,  which  infects  sheep  and  causes  a  serious  disease, 
passes  from  the  sheep  to  the  exterior,  it  can  only  maintain  itself 
for  a  certain  time  in  the  free-living  form.  Unless  within  this 
time  it  meets  with  a  certain  species  of  snail  into  which  it  penetrates, 
it  will  die.  Besides  such  failures  to  find  suitable  organic  surround- 
ings, there  may  be  failures  to  find  suitable  inorganic  surroundings. 
The  larvae  of  such  species  as  the  mussel,  which  require  suitable 
surroundings  to  which  to  attach  themselves  in  order  that  the 
adult  form  may  develop,  will  perish  if  such  surroundings  are  not 
available.  There  is  a  further  class  of  factors  connected  with  the 
inorganic  surroundings  which  bring  about  elimination.  They  may 
be  summed  up  under  the  heading  of  external  circumstances. 
Variations  in  temperature,  moisture  and  so  on,  when  they  pass 
beyond  a  certain  limit,  which  is  more  or  less  clearly  marked  for 
each  species,  are  followed  by  death.  Under  this  heading  comes 
also  death  from  accident,  as  when  animals  perish  from  the  violence 
of  storms  and  in  any  similar  fashion.  It  is  of  interest  to  note 
that  starvation  is  seldom  the  primary  cause  of  death.  It  may  be 
a  secondary  result  of  abnormal  external  circumstances  ;  extreme 
cold,  though  not  affecting  directly  the  members  of  one  species, 
may  be  fatal  to  members  of  another  species  upon  which  the 
former  feed.  But  when  circumstances  are  normal,  so  far  as 
observation  goes,  starvation  is  rare. 

15.  Among  plants  the  same  three  groups  of  factors  can  be 
traced,  though  their  relative  importance  is  not  the  same  as  among 
animals.  Elimination  through  consumption  as  food,  for  instance, 
by  other  species  is  not  so  important.  To  a  large  extent  plants 


BASIS  OF  THE  PKOBLEM  59 

can  serve  as  food  for  animals  and  survive.  Nevertheless  the 
young,  especially  in  the  form  of  seeds,  are  very  subject  to  attack 
by  animals  ;  seeds  are  one  of  the  principal  forms  of  food  for 
many  animal  species,  and  this  form  of  elimination  plays  a  large 
part  among  plants.  Dependence  upon  suitable  organic  and 
inorganic  surroundings  plays  much  the  same  role  as  it  does  among 
animals.  Some  species  can  only  flourish  in  the  shade  of  trees  and 
others  in  the  open.  Some  species  require  one  kind  of  soil  and 
others  another.  The  importance  of  external  circumstances  again 
is  very  similar. 

There  is  another  factor  of  a  somewhat  different  nature  which 
is  of  great  importance.  '  With  plants  ',  says  Darwin,  '  there  is 
a  vast  destruction  of  seeds,  but,  from  some  observations  which 
I  have  made,  it  appears  that  the  seedlings  suffer  most  from 
germinating  in  ground  already  thickly  stocked  with  other  plants.' 1 
In  order  that  a  seed  may  germinate,  it  must  not  only  fall  upon 
suitable  soil  but  must  find  enough  suitable  soil  unoccupied. 
Otherwise  it  will  not  germinate  or  will  not  develop  into  an  adult. 
This  is  different  from  anything  which  happens  among  animals, 
and  is  clearly  an  approach  to  starvation.  li  is,  however,  better 
thought  of  as  the  result  of  the  inability  of  any  given  area  to 
support  more  than  a  given  amount  of  life.  The  endowment  of 
any  area  may  be  such  as  to  render  it  incapable  of  supporting  life 
at  all,  or  it  may  be  such  as  to  render  it  capable  of  supporting 
any  degree  of  life  up  to  and  beyond  that  for  which  there  is  space. 
In  the  sea  the  amount  of  nitrogen  is  the  limiting  factor,  and  the 
deficiency  of  nitrogen  is  such  that  the  question  of  space  does  not 
arise.2  In  many  parts  of  the  world's  surface,  however,  the  endow- 
ment is  such  that  more  plants  could  be  supported  than  there  is 
space  for. 

In  this  connexion  it  may  be  noted  that  the  limitation  of  the 
surface  of  the  earth  is  not  a  cause  of  elimination  in  the  true  sense. 
This  is  best  seen  if  we  imagine  the  surface  to  be  extended.  If 
to  a  continent  already  inhabited  there  is  added  an  unoccupied 
area,  there  will,  if  the  new  area  is  generally  of  the  same  nature 
as  that  alone  formerly  existing,  be  a  spreading  of  organic  life 
over  the  new  area.  It  will  only  be  at  the  fringe  of  the  occupied 
area  that  there  will  be  any  difference  in  the  amount  of  elimina- 

1  Darwin,  Origin  of  Species,  p.  49.  2  Johnstone,  Conditions  of  Life  in  the 

Sea,  p.  235. 


60  BASIS  OF  THE  PEOBLEM 

tion  of  plant  life.  Unless  the  occupied  area  is  of  very  small 
extent,  there  will  be  no  difference  except  within  this  narrow 
fringe.  In  the  fringe  there  will  he  a  lessening  of  elimination, 
other  things  heing  equal,  because  there  will  not  be  the  same 
number  of  seeds  which  fail  to  grow  into  plants  owing  to  the 
previous  occupation  of  suitable  soil,  as  in  the  more  central  parts 
of  the  area.  When  the  new  area  has  been  entirely  occupied,  the 
same  conditions  as  existed  in  the  smaller  area  will  exist  throughout 
the  larger  area.  Further,  if  the  surface  available  for  occupation 
were  indefinite  in  extent,  there  would,  except  at  the  fringe,  which 
would  in  this  case  be  permanent,  be  no  difference  as  regards  the 
amount  of  elimination.  All  that  has  been  said  applies  equally 
well  if,  instead  of  imagining  these  additions  to  take  place  after 
evolution  had  reached  its  present  stage,  we  imagine  evolution 
to  have  taken  place  from  the  beginning  on  an  area  of  indefinite 
extent. 

16.  We  have,  therefore,  some  idea  of  the  manner  in  which  the 
young  of  animals  and  plants  perish.  Let  us  consider  any  animal 
species  ;  we  find  that  the  young  are  faced  with  a  large  number 
of  dangers.  The  new  members  of  the  species  may  be  consumed 
by  some  enemy  before  they  have  developed  beyond  the  stage  of 
the  fertilized  egg  or  at  any  stage  in  their  development.  They 
may  in  general  not  meet  with  favourable  organic  and  inorganic 
surroundings,  or  at  some  particular  stage  they  may  not  meet 
with  the  environment  necessary.  At  any  time  they  may  perish 
from  unfavourable  external  circumstances.  The  position  of  young 
plants  is  similar,  and  in  addition  they  may  fail  to  find  sufficient 
space  in  which  to  live. 

The  dangers  which  any  species  encounters  remain  both  in  kind 
and  in  degree  fairly  constant  over  a  considerable  period  of  time, 
and,  unless  in  each  generation  a  number  of  young  survives  at  least 
equal  to  the  number  of  adults  in  the  generation  to  which  it  owes 
its  birth,  the  species  will  decline.  It  follows  that  the  power  of 
reproduction  must  be  such  as  to  ensure  that  at  least  this  number 
of  young  will  survive.  The  power  of  reproduction  in  any  species 
is  therefore  connected  with  the  sum  of  all  the  dangers  which  the 
young  of  the  species  encounter.  But  it  is  not  true  that  the  greater 
the  fecundity  the  better  for  the  species.  Keproduction  over  and 
above  this  degree  would  place  the  young  in  a  less  favourable 
position.  Competition  bringing  no  corresponding  advantages 


BASIS  OF  THE  PKOBLEM  61 

would  be  increased,  and  starvation  or  injurious  semi-starvation 
would  result.  Any  considerable  increase  in  the  strength  of 
fecundity  beyond  that  which  is  essential  could  not  therefore  be 
beneficial.1 

The  facts  regarding  the  conditions  of  life  and  the  dangers  to 
which  the  young  of  different  species  are  exposed  coincide  with 
the  view  that  the  strength  of  reproduction  is  in  the  main  deter- 
mined by  the  sum  of  these  dangers.  The  greater  strength  of 
fecundity  among  those  species  which  shed  their  eggs  into  the 
water  cannot  be  attributed,  as  we  have  seen,  to  any  failure  of 
fertilization  on  a  large  scale  ;  it  may  be  attributed,  however, 
to  the  numerous  dangers  which  the  young  of  such  species  must 
encounter.  The  chance  that  any  single  fertilized  egg  will  grow 
into  an  adult  is  far  less  in  these  cases  than  wrhen  the  eggs  are 
retained  in  the  body  of  the  mother  and  when  the  young  are 
guarded  by  the  parent,  and,  unless  fecundity  was  on  a  large 
scale,  a  sufficient  number  would  not  survive.  Among  plants 
reproduction  must  always  be  on  a  large  scale  because  it  is  neces- 
sary to  ensure  that  a  sufficient  number  of  seeds  will  fall,  not  only 
on  suitable  ground,  but  on  suitable  ground  that  is  not  so  occupied 
as  to  prevent  growth  to  the  adult  stage,  in  addition  to  the  necessity 
of  providing  such  numbers  as  will  ensure  a  sufficient  number 
passing  through  all  the  other  dangers.  Eggs  and  young  aban- 
doned by  the  parents  may  be  variously  exposed  to  danger.  The 
development  of  instincts  common  among  insects  which  lead  to 
the  hiding  of  eggs  in  places  where  danger  of  destruction  at  the 
hand  of  enemies  is  decreased,  and  to  the  provision  of  food  for  the 
young  when  they  develop  from  the  eggs,  is  accompanied  by 
a  decrease  in  fecundity.  Further  developments  of  the  parental 
instinct  are  accompanied  by  decreases  in  fecundity  as  the 
degree  of  danger  lessens.  Parental  care  for  the  young  is  not 
uncommon  among  the  invertebrates.  There  are  a  number  of 
cases  in  which  the  young  are  retained  in  brood-pouches,  as  for 
instance  by  the  common  water-flea.  The  fresh-water  leech, 
Clepsine,  broods  over  its  young.  Among  the  vertebrates  the  fish 

1  For  the  sake  of  simplicity  fecundity  has  been  spoken  of  as  though  it  was 
fixed  at  a  certain  strength  for  each  species.  As  a  matter  of  fact  it  varies  within 
fairly  wide  limits — increasing  with  better  conditions.  In  this  fact  lies  the  explana- 
tion of  the  increase  of  species  under  favourable  conditions  which  has  often  been 
observed,  although,  when  conditions  are  less  favourable,  there  is  little  or  no 
evidence  of  starvation  among  such  species. 


62  BASIS  OF  THE  PEOBLEM 

for  the  most  part  take  no  care  of  their  young.  Some  fish,  however, 
such  as  Gasterosteus,  the  Stickleback,  make  nests.  No  great 
advance  is  found  among  the  Amphibia  or  among  the  reptiles. 
One  reptilian  group,  however,  the  Chelonia,  shows  a  remarkable 
advance  ;  they  live  in  pairs  and  guard  their  young  with  care.  If 
marriage  be  defined  as  '  a  more  or  less  durable  connexion  between 
male  and  female  lasting  beyond  the  mere  act  of  propagation  till 
after  the  birth  of  the  offspring  ',*  then  the  beginning  of  marriage 
is  discernable  in  this  group.  This  more  or  less  durable  connexion 
between  male  and  female  is  a  well-known  characteristic  of  birds, 
as  is  also  care  for  the  young.  '  Most  birds  when  they  pair  do  so 
for  good  and  all  until  one  or  the  other  dies.'  2  The  connexion  is 
not  so  durable,  and  the  parental  instinct  is  not  so  highly  developed, 
among  mammals  as  among  birds.  The  retention  of  the  young 
within  the  body  of  the  mammalian  mother,  however,  greatly 
decreases  the  dangers  to  which  the  young  are  exposed.  It  is  also 
worthy  of  note  that  those  species  both  of  birds  and  mammals 
which  prey  upon  others  are  on  the  whole  less  fecund  than  other 
species,  a  fact  which  is  to  be  connected  with  the  lower  degree  of 
danger  to  which  their  offspring  are  exposed. 

The  lower  degree  of  danger  to  which  the  young  are  exposed, 
the  less  the  fecundity  ;  and  the  less  the  fecundity,  provided  that 
it  reaches  the  strength  necessary  to  preserve  the  species,  the 
better  on  the  whole  for  the  species.  In  this  manner  we  reach 
the  second  generalization  regarding  the  quantitative  aspect  of 
the  population  problem  among  species  in  a  state  of  nature,  which 
may  be  stated  by  saying  that  the  strength  of  fecundity  in  any 
species  is  determined  by  the  sum  of  all  the  dangers  to  which  the 
young  of  that  species  are  exposed.  This  must  be  qualified,  in  so 
far  as  fecundity  and  fertility  are  not  the  same,  by  adding  to  the 
dangers  to  which  the  young  are  exposed  the  danger  that  a  certain 
proportion  of  eggs  will  not  be  fertilized.  It  follows  that  among 
men,  since  fecundity  and  fertility  are  not  the  same  for  quite 
other  than  '  mechanical '  reasons,  fecundity  is  not  directly  related 
to  the  dangers  to  which  the  young  are  exposed.  It  is  clear  that, 
when  men,  as  is  now  the  case  on  a  large  scale,  both  abstain  from 
intercourse  and  interfere  with  the  natural  result  of  intercourse, 
and  at  the  same  time  increase  in  number,  the  strength  of  fecundity 

1  Westermarck,  History  of  Human  Marriage,  p.  19.  a  Brehm,  Bird  Life, 

p.  285. 


BASIS  OF  THE  PKOBLEM  63 

is  considerably  greater  than  that  which  would  enable  a  sufficient 
number  of  young  to  escape  the  unavoidable  dangers.  But  the 
ancestors  of  man  must  once  have  been  subject  to  the  same  con- 
ditions as  those  to  which  species  in  a  state  of  nature  are  now 
subject,  and  it  will  be  into  the  causes  and  results  of  this  pro- 
gressive divergence  from  the  former  conditions  that  we  shall  look 
in  the  first  part  of  this  book. 


Ill 

THE  BASIS  OF  THE  POPULATION   PROBLEM: 
(2)  THE   QUALITATIVE  ASPECT 

1.  WE  have  now  to  consider  the  qualitative  aspect  of  the 
population  problem.  There  are  two  questions  to  which  an  answer 
is  required.  First  we  ask  :  What  is  the  nature  of  the  changes 
which  occur  ?  In  other  words,  if  we  may  speak  of  history  among 
animals  and  plants,  we  want  to  know  what  kind  of  changes 
underlie  the  facts  which  go  to  make  up  that  history.  The  second 
question  is  :  How  have  these  changes  come  about  ?  There  is  no 
doubt  about  the  answer  to  the  first  question,  and  it  can  be  given 
very  shortly.  Though  there  is  a  certain  consensus  of  agreement 
regarding  the  answer  to  the  second  question,  there  are  consider- 
able differences  of  opinion  over  points  which  are  not  unimportant, 
and  in  order  to  deal  adequately  with  these  points  a  long  dis- 
cussion would  be  required  for  which  there  is  no  space.  All  that 
can  be  done  here  is  to  set  out  the  most  important  facts  ;  they 
will  provide  a  satisfactory  answer  to  the  first  question  and  enable 
some  indication  to  be  given  of  the  lines  which  the  answer  to  the 
second  must  follow. 

However  slight  the  treatment  of  the  problem,  it  must  begin 
with  a  reference  to  the  physical  basis  of  inheritance.  Some 
description  has  been  given  of  the  process  of  fertilization.  It  was 
said  that  only  the  head  and  middle-piece  of  the  spermatozoon 
penetrate  the  egg,  and  that  no  cytoplasm  or  ordinary  granular 
protoplasm  can  be  demonstrated  in  these  parts  of  the  sperma- 
tozoon. The  head  is  the  nucleus  of  the  cell,  while  the  middle- 
piece  contains  the  centrosome,  a  body  which  is  attached  to  the 
nucleus  and  plays  an  important  part  when  the  nucleus  divides. 
From  these  facts  a  very  important  conclusion  follows.  It  is 
known  that  both  parents  contribute  equally  to  the  offspring  ; 
therefore  as  the  male  parent  contributes  only  a  nucleus  and  its 
appanage  the  centrosome,  the  basis  of  the  inherited  qualities 
must  be  sought  in  the  nucleus. 

Attention  is  thus  directed  to  the  nucleus,  which  can  sometimes 


BASIS  OP  THE  PKOBLEM  65 

be  seen  in  the  living  cell.  Its  detailed  structure  can,  however, 
only  be  made  out  in  specimens  which  have  been  preserved  and 
stained.  The  nucleus  is  then  seen  to  consist  of  a  thin  wall  within 
which  is  contained  a  colourless  sap.  In  the  sap  are  a  number  of 
beads  of  a  darkly  staining  substance  known  as  chromatin  sus- 
pended on  delicate  threads  of  a  substance  known  as  linin.  The 
division  of  a  cell  is  always  preceded  by  the  division  of  the  nucleus 
and,  when  the  nucleus  divides,  the  chromatin  undergoes  certain 
remarkable  changes.  The  beads  of  chromatin  become  aggregated 
together  into  rods — the  number  of  rods  which  appear  being 
invariably  constant  in  the  same  species,  though  varying  from 
species  to  species.  These  rods  are  known  as  chromosomes.  Beyond 
saying  that  the  rods  divide  into  two  and  that  each  daughter 
nucleus,  and  therefore  each  daughter  cell,  is  provided  with  that 
number  of  chromosomes  which  is  typical  for  the  species,  it  is 
not  necessary  to  follow  the  details  of  the  process  of  division  any 
farther.  Stated  in  the  briefest  possible  form,  this  is  what  happens 
during  ordinary  cell- division,  such  as  that  which  takes  place 
when  a  fertilized  egg  is  growing  from  a  single  cell  into  a  multi- 
cellular  adult. 

There  is  one  remarkable  exception  to  this  type  of  nuclear 
division.  In  the  last  division  but  one  of  those  series  of  divisions 
which  lead  to  the  formation  of  both  male  and  female  gametes, 
half,  and  not  the  full  number  of  chromosomes,  is  transmitted  to 
each  daughter  nucleus.  If  therefore  the  typical  number  of  chromo- 
somes in  the  nucleus  of  one  species  is  eight  and  in  another  four, 
the  number  of  chromosomes  in  the  gametes  will  be  four  and  two 
respectively.  In  the  former  species  the  nucleus  of  the  egg  will 
have  four  chromosomes,  and  that  of  the  spermatozoon  also  four, 
and  the  full  number  typical  of  the  species  will  only  be  restored 
when  the  nucleus  of  the  spermatozoon  fuses  with  the  nucleus  of 
the  egg  in  fertilization. 

The  invariable  reappearance  of  the  same  number  of  chromo- 
somes in  ordinary  cell-division,  their  reduction  to  half  that  number 
in  the  last  division  but  one  which  precedes  the  formation  of  the 
gametes,  the  complicated  mechanism  which  is  employed  and 
other  evidence  all  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  the  location  of  the 
basis  of  the  hereditary  qualities  can  be  further  narrowed  and  sought 
in  the  chromatin — in  one  element,  that  is  to  say,  of  the  nucleus.1 

1  That  the  basis  of  the  inherited  qualities  is  wholly  situated  in  the  chromatin 
2498  ™ 


66  BASIS  OF  THE  PKOBLEM 

2.  The  nucleus  must  not  be  thought  of  as  isolated  from  the 
rest  of  the  cell ;  there  is  a  constant  and  active  interchange  between 
the  nucleus  and  the  cytoplasm.  It  has  actually  been  demonstrated 
that  at  times  particles  stream  out  from  the  nucleus  into  the 
cytoplasm.  The  nucleus  is  the  centre  of  activity ;  without  the 
nucleus  the  cell  cannot  live.  This  being  so,  how  are  we  to 
view  the  process  of  development  from  the  fertilized  egg  to 
the  adult  ?  The  process  can  be  studied  in  detail.  The  egg  divides 
into  two  cells,  then  into  four,  eight,  sixteen,  thirty-two  cells,  and 
so  on.  The  gradual  differentiation  of  the  organs  can  be  watched 
and  their  lineage  to  certain  cells  in  earlier  stages  traced.  At 
every  stage  the  developing  organism  comes  under  the  influence 
of  certain  stimuli  provided  by  the  surrounding  conditions.  Very 
many  elements  in  the  environment  act  as  stimuli ;  among  them 
are  light,  temperature,  gravitation,  food,  and  so  on.  Provided 
that  the  environment  is  normal,  provided,  that  is  to  say,  that  the 
variations  in  the  stimuli  do  not  exceed  certain  limits,  an  adult 
member  of  the  species  will  be  formed.  What  is  implied  in  the 
term  '  normal  environment  '  will  be  more  fully  discussed  in 
Chapter  XIV,  where  the  results  of  subjection  to  an  abnormal 
environment  will  also  be  studied.  That  a  large  number  of  stimuli 
varying  within  only  narrow  limits  are  necessary,  will  there  also 
be  shown  to  have  been  proved. 

The  process  of  development,  therefore,  takes  the  shape  of  the 
growth  of  a  particular  organic  form  through  the  play  of  certain 
stimuli  upon  the  germinal  constitution.  The  germinal  constitu- 
tion has,  as  we  have  seen,  apparently  to  be  identified  with  the 
constitution  of  the  chromosomes  of  the  fertilized  egg,  of  which 
half  are  derived  from  the  father  and  half  from  the  mother.  It  is 
known  that  the  characters,  which  the  organism  exhibits,  in  some 
manner  have  a  basis  in  the  germinal  constitution.  The  number 
of  these  separate  characters  is  very  large.  What  view  then  are 
we  to  take  of  the  nature  of  the  germinal  constitution  ?  In  the 
first  place  every  character  as  seen  in  the  organism  is  the  result 
of  the  play  of  certain  stimuli  upon  something  in  the  germinal 
constitution.  This  something  can  only  be  thought  of  as  pre- 
dispositions to  the  development  of  certain  characters  under 
certain  stimuli  and  to  the  development  of  characters  differing  in 

cannot  be  considered  as  established  beyond  doubt.    The  element  of  doubt,  how- 
ever, has  no  bearing  upon  the  argument. 


BASIS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  67 

degree  or  in  kind  from  the  former  characters  under  other  stimuli. 
It  is  altogether  misleading  to  speak  of  anything  but  predisposi- 
tions as  present  in  the  germinal  constitution,  though,  of  course,  for 
the  sake  of  brevity  other  phraseology  may  be  employed  once  this 
point  is  understood.  When,  therefore,  we  speak  of  the  inheritance 
of  any  character,  we  mean  that  there  is  a  predisposition  in  the 
germinal  constitutions  both  of  the  parent  and  of  the  offspring  to 
develop  this  character  under  certain  stimuli,  which  stimuli  must 
play  both  upon  the  parent  and  upon  the  offspring  if  the  character 
is  to  be  manifested  in  both  of  them. 

If  we  have  to  regard  the  germinal  constitution  as  somehow 
containing  very  many  separate  predispositions  or,  as  they  are 
often  called,  factors,  is  it  in  the  second  place  possible  to  say  in 
what  these  factors  consist  ?  No  definite  answer  to  this  question 
can  as  yet  be  given.  Certain  hypotheses  have  been  put  forward. 
Weismann,  for  instance,  suggested  that  the  factors  were  to  be 
sought  in  groups  of  molecules  of  chromatin.  It  is  not  necessary, 
however,  to  postulate  definite  and  separate  particles  as  the 
physical  basis  of  the  predispositions.  The  protoplasmic  molecule 
is  a  very  complex  structure  consisting  of  a  very  large  number  of 
atoms.  Similar  atoms  may  be  differently  grouped  within  a  mole- 
cule, and  different  predispositions  may  well  be  functions  of 
different  groupings. 

3.  In  order  that  we  may  answer  the  first  of  the  two  problems 
set  out  at  the  beginning  of  the  chapter  we  must  consider  in  rather 
more  detail  in  what  the  development  of  an  organism  consists.1 
Every  character  is,  as  we  have  seen,  the  result  of  the  influence 
of  the  environment  upon  what  is  innately  given.  If  two  indivi- 
duals were  endowed  with  precisely  similar  germinal  constitutions, 
and  if  precisely  similar  stimuli  played  upon  each  of  them,  then 
the  adult  forms  would  be  similar  in  respect  of  all  their  characters. 
But  if  the  stimuli  are  not  similar,  if,  for  instance,  more  food  is 
provided  in  one  case  than  in  another,  then,  though  the  germinal 
constitutions  are  similar,  one  adult  may  be  larger  than  the  other. 
Again,  let  us  suppose  that  the  germinal  constitutions  differ,  that, 
for  instance,  there  is  in  one  case  a  predisposition  to  the  develop- 
ment of  greater  size  than  in  the  other,  then,  even  if  the  stimuli 

1  In  this  and  the  following  sections  I  am  indebted  to  Professor  Goodrich's 
admirable  treatment  of  these  problems  in  his  book,  The  Evolution  of  Living 
Organisms. 


68  BASIS  OF  THE  PROBLEM 

are  similar,  the  adult  forms  will  differ.  The  larger  members  of 
each  of  these  pairs  may  thus  resemble  one  another  very  closely 
in  outward  characters  ;  but  this  close  resemblance  will  not  be  due 
to  similar  germinal  constitutions.  It  follows  that  by  mere  outward 
inspection  no  conclusion  can  be  reached  as  to  the  germinal  con- 
stitution. There  are,  therefore,  two  classes  of  influences  at  work, 
and  alterations  in  either  class  of  influence  will  bring  about  altera- 
tions in  the  resulting  organism  ;  similar  characters  may  be  the 
product  of  one  kind  of  predisposition  and  one  kind  of  stimulus, 
or  of  a  different  predisposition  and  a  different  stimulus.  It  also 
follows  that  we  cannot  speak  of  certain  characters  as  inherited 
and  of  others  as  acquired.  Let  us  suppose  that  some  departure 
from  the  normal  structure  occurs.  It  may  be  due  to  a  change 
in  the  environment,  that  is  to  say,  to  a  new  stimulus  acting  upon 
an  unchanged  germinal  constitution,  or  it  may  be  due  to  a  change 
in  the  germinal  constitution  when  no  change  in  the  environment 
takes  place.  It  should  not  be  said  that  in  the  former  case  the 
new  departure  is  acquired  and  in  the  latter  case  that  it  is  inherited. 
What  has  happened  is  that  in  the  former  case  a  new  stimulus 
acting  upon  the  old  factors  has  "brought  forth  a  new  character, 
and  in  the  latter  case  that  the  old  stimulus  has  brought  forth 
a  new  character  because  it  has  acted  upon  a  different  factor. 

Though  the  popular  distinction  between  characters  which  are 
acquired  and  characters  which  are  inherited  is  misleading,  there 
are,  nevertheless,  two  kinds  of  variation.  A  new  departure  may 
be  due  to  a  change  in  the  germinal  constitution.  In  this  case 
the  new  character  will  reappear  in  future  generations,  provided 
that  the  changed  germinal  constitution  remains  and  provided 
that  the  complex  of  stimuli  which  composed  the  environment 
does  not  change.  Such  a  variation  may  be  called  a  *  mutation  '. 
A  new  departure  may  also  be  due  to  a  new  stimulus  acting  upon 
an  unchanged  germinal  constitution.  In  this  case  the  new 
character  will  only  reappear  in  future  generations  provided  that 
the  new  stimulus  remains.  Such  a  variation  may  be  called 
a  '  modification  '.  Mutations,  therefore,  are  transmitted  in  the 
germinal  constitution,  while  modifications  are  not  so  transmitted. 

4.  Already  we  have  reached  the  answer  to  the  first  problem. 
Permanent  change  in  organic  form  is  due  to  germinal  change. 
But  before  we  go  on  and  ask  how  germinal  changes,  that  have 
arisen,  become  established,  we  must  consider  further  the  difficult 


BASIS  OF  THE  PKOBLEM  69 

problem  of  the  manner  in  which  germinal  changes  arise.  A  refer- 
ence first  to  what  are  known  as  '  pure  line  '  investigations  and 
afterwards  to  Mendelian  phenomena  will  illustrate  what  is  known 
as  to  the  nature  of  existing  germinal  differences  ;  for  until  we 
have  some  such  information,  we  cannot  profitably  ask  how  exist- 
ing germinal  differences  arise.  The  best  known  '  pure  line  ' 
experiments  are  those  carried  out  by  Johannsen  with  beans. 
The  flowers  of  beans  fertilize  themselves  ;  the  offspring,  there- 
fore, have  approximately  the  same  germinal  constitution.  The 
offspring  constitute  a  '  pure  line  ',  for  by  a  '  pure  line  '  is  meant 
a  group  of  children  which  are  the  offspring  of  a  single  parent. 
The  character  selected  for  investigation  was  weight  and  it  was 
found  that,  if  beans  were  collected  from  a  bean-field  and  weighed, 
every  gradation  occurred  between  a  minimum  of  about  20  centi- 
grams and  a  maximum  of  about  90  centigrams.  When  the  beans 
were  separated  into  three  classes — heavy,  medium,  and  light — 
sown  and  plants  raised  from  them,  the  average  weight  of  the  beans 
produced  by  the  plants  derived  from  the  heavier  seed  was  greater, 
though  not  proportionately  greater,  than  the  mean  weight  of  all 
the  beans,  and  that  the  average  weight  produced  by  the  plants 
derived  from  the  lighter  seed  was  less,  though  not  proportionately 
less,  than  the  mean  weight  of  all  the  beans.  There  was,  in  fact, 
a  certain  regression  on  the  part  of  the  heavy  and  light  classes  to 
the  mean  weight.  A  similar  tendency  to  regression  to  the  mean 
can  be  observed  when  other  characters  are  similarly  studied. 
The  average  stature,  for  example,  of  the  offspring  of  tall  parents 
is  slightly  nearer  the  mean  stature  of  the  race  than  the  average 
stature  of  the  parents. 

This  tendency  to  regression  to  the  mean  has  long  been  known, 
but  it  was  not  until  Johannsen  proceeded  farther  and  investi- 
gated inheritance  within  a  '  pure  line  '  that  it  was  understood. 
In  the  experiment  described,  no  attention  was  paid  to  the  '  pure 
line  '.  When  Johannsen  separated  the  beans  produced  by  the 
self-fertilization  of  a  single  plant,  divided  them  into  heavier, 
medium,  and  lighter  classes,  sowed  them  and  weighed  their 
progeny,  he  discovered  a  very  interesting  fact.  The  average 
weight  of  the  progeny  of  a  heavy  bean  and  of  a  light  bean  belong- 
ing to  the  same  '  pure  line  '  was  the  same.  The  conclusion  to  be 
drawn  from  this  result  is  that  the  differences  in  weight  between 
the  offspring  of  a  single  self-fertilized  plant  are  due  to  differences 


70  BASIS  OF  THE  PEOBLEM 

in  the  stimuli  which  play  upon  them.  Obviously  the  stimuli  do 
differ ;  the  weight  is  affected  by  differences  in  light,  shade, 
number,  and  position  of  the  beans  in  a  pod  and  so  on.  But  since 
the  offspring  of  a  single  plant  have  approximately  the  same 
germinal  constitution,  the  average  weight  of  the  offspring  of  light 
beans,  which  are  light  because  of  subjection  to  less  favourable 
stimuli  than  the  average,  will  not  be  on  that  account  lighter  than 
the  mean  weight  of  the  strain,  and  similarly  mutatis  mutandis 
with  regard  to  the  offspring  of  the  heavy  beans. 

It  follows,  therefore,  with  regard  to  this  particular  character 
that  there  are  a  number  of  different  strains  in  the  population. 
The  beans  arising  from  any  one  strain  are  not  of  the  same  weight 
because  they  have  been  subjected  to  different  stimuli.  If  each 
strain  was  pure  and  if  differences  in  environmental  stimuli  could 
be  removed,  then  beans  gathered  from  a  bean-field  would  not 
exhibit  a  simple  gradation  in  weight ;  there  would  be  a  number 
of  steps  and  as  many  steps  as  there  were  strains.  In  actual  fact, 
the  modifications  produce  the  gradation  which  is  observed.  The 
fact  that  the  nature  of  the  germinal  constitution  cannot,  as  stated 
above,  be  determined  by  a  mere  inspection  of  the  characters  is 
exemplified  by  this  experiment.  If  we  take  a  bean  weighing, 
say,  55  centigrams,  it  may  belong  to  a  strain  which  varies,  say, 
between  20  and  65  centigrams,  or  to  a  strain  which  varies  between 
40  and  90  centigrams.  It  is  only  when  this  bean  is  sown,  and  the 
weight  of  the  offspring  calculated,  that  the  strain  to  which  it 
belongs  can  be  ascertained.  The  experiment  further  shows  why 
regression  towards  the  mean  is  observed,  when,  instead  of  limiting 
investigation  to  a  '  pure  line  ',  beans  differing  in  a  certain  respect 
from  the  average,  by,  for  instance,  greater  weight,  are  selected 
and  sown.  Such  beans  will  belong  to  several  different  strains  ; 
they  will,  however,  include  more  which  have  been  favourably 
than  unfavourably  influenced  by  the  surroundings.  The  average 
of  the  weight  of  all  their  offspring  will  therefore  be  less  than  the 
average  weight  of  the  parents.  At  this  point  we  touch  upon 
the  problem  of  selection,  but  before  we  go  on  to  deal  with  this 
question,  it  is  necessary  to  say  something  more  about  variation 
and  the  origin  of  variations. 

5.  Self-fertilization  is  very  exceptional,  and  what  happens  in 
the  case  of  the  beans,  though  illuminating,  is  not  typical.  As 
a  general  rule  in  reproduction,  two  parents  contribute  to  the 


BASIS  OF  THE  PKOBLEM  71 

germinal  constitution  of  the  offspring.  Strains,  therefore,  do  not 
remain  pure,  as  in  the  case  of  the  bean,  because  they  are  con- 
tinually crossed  ;  we  require  to  know  what  happens  when  crossing 
takes  place.  This  study,  first  successfully  undertaken  by  Mendel, 
has  been  greatly  extended  in  late  years.  We  may  first  illustrate 
in  the  simplest  form  what  it  was  that  Mendel  discovered  and  then 
go  on  to  inquire  what  deductions  bearing  upon  the  question  we 
have  to  answer  are  to  be  drawn  from  it. 

A  large  number  of  experiments  of  the  following  kind  has  been 
made.  Two  strains  in  any  species  are  chosen  ;  these  strains 
exhibit  opposed  characters.  Such  characters  may  be  tallness 
and  dwarfness,  colour  of  the  flower,  shape  of  the  comb  in  fowls, 
condition  of  the  seed,  whether  smooth  or  wrinkled,  and  so  on. 
We  may  call  one  character  A  and  the  other  a.  The  two  strains 
are  crossed,  and  in  the  first  generation  the  offspring  are  all  alike 
and  exhibit  a  character,  A7.  This  character  may  be  the  same  as 
either  A  or  a,  a  blend  between  them  or  something  wholly  new. 
Whatever  form  it  may  take,  it  is  produced  by  the  interaction  of 
A  and  a.  The  members  of  this  first  generation  are  then  interbred, 
and  of  the  second  generation  one  quarter  exhibit  the  character 
A,  one  quarter  the  character  a,  and  the  remaining  half  the  character 
A'.  If  the  quarter  exhibiting  the  character  A  are  interbred,  all 
the  offspring  exhibit  the  character  A,  and  the  same  holds  good 
regarding  the  quarter  exhibiting  the  character  a  ;  but  if  the  half 
exhibiting  A'  are  interbred,  the  offspring  will  split  up  in  the  same 
proportion  as  in  the  previous  generation,  one  quarter  exhibiting 
A,  one  quarter  a,  and  one  half  A'.  This  result  holds  good  for  any 
number  of  generations  so  long  as  interbreeding  is  continued. 

Into  the  very  numerous  complications  which  occur  it  is  not 
necessary  to  go.  They  are  all  interpreted  by  extensions  of  the 
simple  explanation  which  is  applied  in  the  elementary  case  given 
above.  It  is  supposed  that  all  characters  which  behave  on  crossing 
as  above  are  represented  in  the  germinal  constitution  by  factors 
which  behave  as  separate  units  ;  such  characters  are  called  '  unit- 
characters  ',  and  such  factors  '  unit-factors  '.  It  is  further  sup- 
posed that  each  gamete  bears  one  unit-factor  only  in  respect 
of  each  unit-character.  If  the  strain  is  pure,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
two  strains  exhibiting  characters  A  and  a,  then  all  the  gametes 
will  bear  the  unit-factors  for  A  and  a  respectively,  and  the  fer- 
tilized eggs  resulting  from  the  crosses  between  them  will  therefore 


72  BASIS  OF  THE  PROBLEM 

contain  both  unit-factors.  The  hybrids,  which,  as  we  have  seen, 
exhibit  the  character  A',  will  produce  gametes,  half  of  which 
bear  the  unit-factor  for  A  and  half  the  unit-factor  for  a.  When 
the  hybrids  interbreed,  on  the  average  of  chances  one  quarter  of 
the  fertilized  eggs  will  have  two  factors  for  A,  one  quarter  two 
factors  for  a,  and  one  half  both  a  factor  for  A'  and  a  factor  for 
a.  In  this  manner  the  splitting  up  of  the  second  generation  is 
explained. 

What  is  important  in  this  explanation  is  the  conception  of 
unit-f actors.  The  extension  of  the  explanation  to  cover  the  more 
complicated  cases  does  not  involve  any  modification  of  principle. 
It  follows  that  the  germinal  constitution  contains  a  very  large 
number  of  unit-factors  ;  what  therefore  is  innately  given  in  the 
germinal  constitution  is  a  collection  of  such  unit-factors.  Each 
unit-character  based  upon  a  unit-factor  can  theoretically  be 
separately  distinguished  and  isolated.  The  complications  to 
which  references  have  been  made  are  in  part  due  to  the  difficulty 
of  distinguishing  unit-characters.  What  is  apparently  a  simple 
character  may  not  be  a  unit-character,  but  a  combination  of  unit- 
characters.  This  apparently  simple  character  cannot  appear 
unless  all  the  unit-factors,  upon  which  these  unit- characters  are 
based,  are  present  in  the  germinal  constitution. 

It  may  next  be  asked  whether  all  unit-factors  behave  in  this 
manner  when  crossed.  To  this  no  definite  answer  can  yet  be 
given.  The  successful  analysis  of  apparently  contradictory  cases 
and  the  continual  discovery  of  characters  which  do  behave  in 
this  fashion  seem  to  point  to  an  affirmative  answer.  The  sugges- 
tion is  that,  when  this  mode  of  behaviour  cannot  be  demonstrated, 
it  is  because  the  unit-characters  have  not  yet  been  distinguished 
and  isolated. 

This  brief  reference  to  '  pure  line  '  investigations  and  to  the 
Mendelian  analysis  of  crossing  leads  therefore  to  the  following 
conclusions.  When,  as  in  the  case  of  the  self -fertilizing  bean, 
the  strains  are  kept  pure,  existing  germinal  differences  in  respect 
of  any  character  are  found  to  be  of  the  nature  of  steps  which  are 
usually  small — though  in  outward  manifestation  the  differences 
are  smoothed  over  by  the  influence  of  environmental  stimuli. 
This  is  the  nature  of  the  germinal  differences,  and  they  remain 
what  they  are — apart  from  the  origin  of  new  factors  or  of  the 
loss  of  old  factors,  and  apart  from  the  effects  of  a  differential 


BASIS  OF  THE  PKOBLEM  73 

death-rate.'  When,  as  is  usually  the  case,  biparental  reproduction 
takes  place,  the  position  is  more  complicated  :  strains  are  being 
continually  crossed,  and,  as  the  result  of  the  chance  mixture  of 
factors  in  the  germinal  constitution  of  the  children,  the  offspring 
of  the  same  parents  differ  in  their  germinal  constitution  one 
from  the  other.  Therefore,  in  any  species  in  which  biparental 
reproduction  takes  place,  new  combinations  are  constantly 
arising ;  but,  though  in  this  manner  the  germinal  constitu- 
tion may  in  a  sense  change,  the  change  is  due  simply  to 
a  shuffling  of  factors.  What  we  require  now  to  ask  is  what  is 
known  as  regards  the  manner  in  which  new  factors  arise  and  are 
added  to  the  germinal  constitution,  and  the  manner  in  wrhich  old 
factors  drop  out  and  are  lost  from  the  germinal  constitution  ; 
for  it  is  only  owing  to  such  additions  and  to  such  losses  that  true 
germinal  change  occurs,  and  that  shuffling  is  rendered  possible. 

6.  The  interpretation  of  the  results  of  the  crossing  of  different 
strains  has  shown  what  kind  of  changes  underlie  the  appearance 
of  certain  mutations.  It  has  been  shown  that  many  of  the  varieties 
of  domesticated  species  have  originated  by  the  apparent  loss  of 
one  or  more  unit-factors.1  Thus  the  numerous  varieties  of  domestic 
rabbits  and  of  sweet-peas  are  all  descended  from  a  single  wild 
species  of  rabbit  and  of  pea,  and  differ  from  the  wild  stock  not  by 
an  addition  to,  but  by  an  apparent  subtraction  from,  the  total 
number  of  factors  in  the  germinal  composition  of  the  wild  stock. 
The  reasoning  which  has  led  to  this  conclusion  need  not  be 
followed  here ;  one  proof  is  that  when  certain  varieties  are 
crossed,  characters  of  the  original  stock  reappear,  due  to  the  fact 
that,  one  variety  having  apparently  lost  one  factor  and  the  other 
another,  crossing  results  in  the  recombination  of  the  factors 
necessary  to  the  manifestation  of  the  original  character. 

This  is  a  strange  conclusion,  but  it  seems  nevertheless  to  be 
true  that  in  this  manner  many  domestic  varieties  have  arisen. 
If  this  was  the  only  manner  in  which  mutations  could  come  about, 
then  we  should  be  driven  to  imagine  that  the  most  elementary 
form  of  life  contained  within  it  innumerable  factors,  and  that 
evolution  has  merely  consisted  in  the  apparent  dropping  out  of 
factors.  This  conclusion  has  indeed  been  tentatively  suggested. 
But  until  it  has  been  definitely  shown  that  this  is  the  only  manner 

1  There  is  probably  no  actual  loss — no  gap  in  a  chromosome.  It  may  be 
supposed  that  owing  to  a  '  negative  variation  '  a  factor  ceases  to  be  functional. 


74  BASIS  OF  THE  PROBLEM 

in  which  mutations  originate,  it  must  be  supposed  that  changes  in 
and  additions  to  the  complex  of  factors  can  and  do  occur.  And 
we  may  note  that  certain  distinguishing  characters  of  domestic 
varieties  of  fowls  and  of  pigeons  appear  to  have  arisen  by  the 
addition  of  factors  ;  thus  the  '  single  comb  '  of  fowls  is  the 
original  character  of  the  wild  stock  which  has  been  modified  by 
the  apparent  addition  of  other  factors  and  not  by  the  dropping 
out  of  one  or  more  existing  factors.  It  is  again  not  necessary 
to  go  into  the  reasons  which  have  led  to  this  conclusion.  The 
conclusion  is  a  deduction  from  the  analysis  of  crosses  between 
different  breeds  of  fowls. 

7.  For  the  most  part  we  are  quite  ignorant  as  to  the  causes 
which  have  led  to  the  apparent  losses  and  apparent  additions 
of  factors,  though  a  few  observations  seem  to  indicate  certain 
circumstances  under  which  the  dropping  out  of  factors  may  take 
place.  In  this  connexion  some  reference  must  be  made  to  the 
problem  as  to  the  inheritance  of  acquired  characters,  though  it 
follows  from  what  has  been  said  above  regarding  terminology, 
that  we  should  more  correctly  speak  of  this  problem  as  the 
question  whether  modifications  in  any  one  direction  tend  to  be 
followed  by  mutations  in  the  same  direction.  As  the  result  of 
prolonged  discussion  and  controversy  it  is  now  generally  held 
that  nothing  of  the  kind  takes  place.  It  is  almost  universally 
agreed,  for  instance,  that  such  modifications  as  are  induced 
among  men  at  the  present  day  do  not  lead  to  mutations  in  the 
same  direction.  Therefore  we  may  for  the  purposes  of  this  book, 
so  far  as  man  is  concerned,  take  it  that  acquired  characters  are 
not  inherited.  But  looking  at  the  problem  as  a  whole  it  cannot  be 
regarded  as  settled.  There  is,  for  example,  some  evidence  of  the 
parallel  induction  of  modifications  and  of  mutations  ;  but  the 
question  may  be  raised  whether  such  cases  if  substantiated  fall 
under  the  heading  of  the  inheritance  °of  acquired  characters. 
Again,  some  biologists  regarding  the  problems  of  evolution  generally 
find  difficulty  in  arriving  at  an  explanation  unless  under  certain 
circumstances  adaptive  variations  are  followed  by  mutations. 

We  are  thus  left  with  the  fact  that  mutations  arise,  and  may 
be  either  large  or  small.  Outwardly,  variations  in  characters  are 
usually  continuous,  because  the  environmental  stimuli  vary  con- 
tinuously, smooth  over  and  obscure  the  differences  due  to  mutation, 
as 'in  the  case  of  the  beans  mentioned  above.  But,  discounting 


BASIS  OF  THE  PKOBLEM  75 

the  influence  of  the  environment,  the  mutations  themselves  may 
form  a  series  separated  by  steps  that  are  so  small  as  to  be  scarcely 
measurable  or  which  may  be  very  large.  The  weight  of  the  beans 
is  an  example  of  the  former  kind  of  mutation  ;  the  so-called 
'  meristic  '  variations,  when  another  member  is  added  to  a  series, 
the  addition,  for  instance,  of  a  vertebra  to  the  vertebral  column, 
is  an  example  of  the  latter  kind. 

Whenever  a  mutation  occurs,  we  have  to  think  of  it  as  founded 
upon  some  change  in  the  germinal  constitution.  Such  changes 
are  of  the  nature  of  modifications  of  factors — and  may  be  positive 
(leading  to  the  apparent  addition  of  factors),  negative  (leading  to 
the  apparent  loss  of  factors),  or  qualitative.  But  of  the  nature 
of  these  changes  we  know  little,  and  of  their  causes  less.  What 
is  important,  however,  is  that  these  changes  do  occur.  Further, 
they  occur  in  all  directions.  The  direction  is,  of  course,  in  a  sense 
determined  by  the  starting-point — by  what  is  already  given  in 
the  germinal  constitution — but,  given  the  starting-point,  muta- 
tions, apparently  occur  in  all  directions.  It  is  a  matter  of  impor- 
tance to  know  whether  mutations  ever  tend  to  occur  more  in  one 
direction  than  in  another.  Nothing  definite  has  been  ascertained 
as  to  this  particular  problem,  though,  as  we  shall  note  later, 
certain  facts  with  regard  to  the  evolution  of  animals  suggest  that 
there  have  been  tendencies  to  change  along  certain  lines.  It  may 
also  be  asked  whether  the  continued  selection  of  a  character  in 
any  way  affects  the  direction  of  the  variation  of  the  germinal 
constitution.  To  this  again  there  is  as  yet  no  definite  answer. 
On  the  whole  it  is  not  probable  that  selection  has  any  such  effect. 

8.  So  far,  therefore,  as  we  have  at  present  gone,  we  have  found 
that  permanent  change  is  of  the  nature  of  germinal  change.  We 
have  also  discussed  the  nature  of  germinal  differences  as  they 
exist  between  different  individuals,  and  we  have  discussed  the 
nature  and  causes  of  germinal  change.  With  regard  to  variation 
there  is  much  which  is  doubtful  and  obscure,  but  bearing  in  mind 
the  essential  features  of  what  is  certainly  known,  we  may  turn 
to  consider  what  passes  in  the  organic  world.  Upon  this  subject 
there  is  much  less  uncertainty.  We  have  seen  how  huge  is  fecun- 
dity. Of  the  young  in  any  generation,  only  about  that  number 
survives  which  equals  the  number  of  adults  in  the  generation 
from  which  they  are  derived.  For  normally  in  the  organic  world 
the  total  number  of  adults  of  any  species  at  corresponding  periods 


7.6  BASIS  OF  THE  PEOBLEM 

in  succeeding  years  remains  much  the  same.  The  instances  of 
a  marked  increase  in  the  number  of  any  species  are  rare,  and  are 
usually  traceable  to  the  intervention  of  man,  as  the  result  of 
which  certain  of  the  dangers  which  normally  confront  the  young 
have  been  removed.  It  follows,  therefore,  that  normally  of  the 
many  thousands  of  fertilized  eggs  of  a  fish,  for  example,  all  but 
two  perish.  Even  when  the  most  rapid  increase  ever  observed 
is  taking  place,  the  great  majority  of  young  perish.  From  a  con- 
sideration of  the  circumstances  it  is  evident  that  upon  the  whole 
those  individuals  which  present  certain  characters  will  have 
a  better  chance  of  surviving  than  others  which  do  not  present 
these  characters. 

This  point  demands  further  consideration,  because  upon  it 
turns  the  whole  question  of  natural  selection.  What  is  involved 
in  this  theory  is  that  the  death-rate  is  selective,  that  those  in- 
dividuals which  are  best  adapted  to  the  surroundings  which 
confront  the  species  do,  on  the  whole,  have  a  better  chance  of 
survival.  It  is  adaptation  which  determines  fitness,  but  the 
concept  of  adaptation  does  not  of  necessity  include  any  idea  of 
progress.  Given  any  complex  of  surroundings  such  as  that  which 
confronts  any  species,  there  may  be  a  more  or  less  close  fitting 
of  the  organisms  to  this  complex.  The  closeness  of  this  fitting 
may  have  been  obtained  by  a  simplification  of  structure,  a  com- 
plication of  structure,  or  it  may  be  that  for  long  ages  the  close- 
ness of  the  fitting  has  been  attained  by  the  elimination  of  depar- 
tures from  the  mean  of  the  species  in  any  direction  and  the 
preservation  of  the  average  type. 

In  this  connexion  it  has  often  been  pointed  out  that  the  death- 
rate  in  certain  cases  is  not  selective,  and  does  not  therefore  involve 
the  survival  of  the  more  fit  and  the  elimination  of  the  less  fit. 
When  the  whale  opens  its  mouth  and  engulfs  vast  numbers  of 
small  organisms  upon  which  it  feeds,  there  is  apparently  no 
escaping  of  certain  types  of  these  organisms  accompanied  by 
a  greater  elimination  of  other  types.  But  these  cases  are  not  on 
the  whole  common,  and  further  there  is  nothing  in  such  oases 
which  counteracts  selection  ;  it  merely  means  that  sometimes 
selection  is  not  operative.  A  consideration  of  the  mode  of  opera- 
tion of  the  factors  of  elimination,  the  general  nature  of  which  has 
been  indicated,  leads  without  any  doubt  to  the  conclusion  that 
in  the  vast  majority  of  cases,  when  any  organism  meets  its  death, 


BASIS  OF  THE  PEOBLEM  77 

either  that  organism  does  not  possess  some  character  which  other 
organisms  possess  and  which  have  enabled  them  to  survive,  or 
it  possesses  some  character  which  other  organisms  do  not  possess, 
and  which  at  some  crucial  moment  has  told  against  it.  This 
subject  could  be  considered  at  great  length,  but  it  must  suffice  to 
say  here  that  the  more  experienced  naturalists  are,  and  the 
greater  the  knowledge  they  have  of  the  conditions  of  organic  life, 
the  more  it  is  borne  in  upon  them  that  the  death-rate  is  upon 
the  whole  selective,  and  that  the  best  adapted  types  have  a  better 
chance  of  survival  than  other  types. 

From  the  nature  of  the  case  it  must  be  difficult  to  obtain 
statistical  evidence  of  natural  selection.  There  are,  however, 
certain  cases  known  which  are  of  great  interest.  Bumpus,  for 
instance,  after  a  storm  in  America  collected  136  sparrows,  all  of 
which  had  been  injured.  Of  these  72  recovered,  while  the  re- 
mainder died.  He  weighed  and  measured  all  the  specimens  and 
compared  the  figures  for  the  survivors  with  the  figures  for  those 
which  had  perished.  It  was  found  that  the  average  type  of  the 
latter  was  larger  and  heavier  than  the  average  type  of  the  former. 
It  was  also  observed  that  there  was  a  less  wide  range  of  variability 
among  the  survivors  than  among  the  dead,  showing  that  the 
favoured  type  approximated  more  closely  than  the  others  to  the 
average  type  of  the  species.  This  favouring  of  the  average  type 
has  been  shown  to  occur  by  other  observations,  and  it  may  be 
supposed  that  normally  it  is  the  average  type  of  any  species 
which  is  best  fitted  to  the  particular  niche  in  nature  occupied 
by  the  species,  and  that  therefore  adaptation  will  be  measured 
by  the  nearness  of  approach  to  this  type.  When,  on  the  other 
hand,  circumstances  are  changing,  some  deviation  from  the 
average  type  will  be  favoured. 

9.  This  leads  us  to  ask  in  more  detail  what  it  is  that  happens  in 
the  process  of  selection.  Selection  has  been  likened  in  its  action 
to  a  sieve  separating  the  fit  from  the  unfit.  But  fitness  is  measured 
by  the  characters  exhibited,  and  these  characters  may  be  either 
of  the  nature  of  mutations  or  of  modifications.  What  is  exhibited 
is  selected  quite  apart  from  the  underlying  nature  of  the  character  ; 
but  it  is  only  when  variations  of  the  nature  of  mutations  are 
selected  that  there  results  any  change  in  the  composition  of  the 
germinal  constitution  of  the  species.  So  far  as  selection  is  merely 
that  of  modifications  within  a  strain,  there  will  be  no  change  in 


78  BASIS  OF  THE  PROBLEM 

the  average  germinal  constitution  of  the  progeny.  It  is  only  in 
so  far  as  selection  is  a  selection  of  strains  that  there  will  be  any 
change.  If  the  strains  among  the  beans  referred  to  above  can  be 
isolated,  then  the  strain  with  the  predisposition  towards  the 
greatest  weight  can  be  isolated,  the  other  strains  eliminated,  and 
the  average  weight  brought  up  to  that  found  in  this  strain.  If 
the  strains  cannot  be  isolated,  then  an  approximation  only  to 
this  result  can  be  made  by  the  continued  selection  of  strains  of 
the  greatest  weight,  and  this  is  what  occurs  in  nature. 

This  leads  to  the  most  important  conclusion  of  all.  Selection 
can  only  act  upon  what  is  given.  We  may  put  aside  the  possible 
but  quite  unproved  influence  of  selection  upon  the  direction  of 
mutation.  Apart  from  this,  selection  can  have  no  other  effect 
than  to  eliminate  certain  strains  and  to  favour  others.  Supposing 
that  under  changing  circumstances  a  certain  character  is  favoured, 
all  that  can  happen  through  selection  is  that  the  strain  exhibiting 
this  character  will  be  favoured  and  all  other  strains  gradually 
eliminated.  Further  than  this  change  cannot  proceed  until 
mutations  have  occurred  in  the  direction  of  further  increase  in 
this  character.  As  has  been  said,  selection  is  no  more  than 
a  sieve  ;  as  a  rule  it  is  occupied  in  separating  out  the  extreme 
types  and  favouring  the  mean,  but  at  times  under  certain  circum- 
stances it  will  favour  some  type  that  deviates  from  the  mean,  but 
it  can  do  no  more  than  favour  what  types  are  at  any  given  moment 
in  existence.1 

10.  We  set  out  to  answer  two  questions  regarding  quality. 
We  asked  in  what  change  among  species  in  a  state  of  nature 
consisted.  The  answer  to  this  is  clear  ;  it  consists  in  changes 
in  the  germinal  constitution.  If  we  can  speak  of  history  in 
connexion  with  species  in  a  state  of  nature,  then  their  history  is 
based  solely  upon  germinal  change.  We  also  asked  how  change 
came  about.  It  is  less  easy  to  answer  in  a  few  words.  Obscure 

1  A  certain  amount  of  confusion  has  been  introduced  into  the  whole  question 
of  evolution  by  the  manner  in  which  in  recent  biological  writings  the  function  of 
selection  has  been  depreciated.  The  followers  of  Darwin  undoubtedly  at  times 
exaggerated  the  importance  of  selection.  In  particular  selection  has  even  been 
spoken  of  as  though  it  caused  variation  and,  as  it  were,  drew  organisms  along 
certain  paths.  It  is  essential  to  remember,  as  has  been  emphasized  above,  that 
it  can  only  act  upon  what  is  given.  But  without  doubt  there  has  been  recently 
a  tendency  to  underestimate  the  importance  of  selection.  Though  the  process 
of  selection  is  nothing  more  than  a  process  of  sifting,  that  process  is  of  fundamental 
importance  ;  unless  due  weight  is  given  to  it,  evolution  cannot  be  rendered 
comprehensible. 


BASIS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  79 

as  are  many  of  the  details  connected  with  the  process,  there  is 
a  sufficient  measure  of  agreement  regarding  the  main  facts  to 
enable  an  answer  shortly  to  be  formulated.  The  answer  rests 
upon  two  series  of  facts.  The  observed  characters  of  organisms 
are  based  upon  certain  predispositions  in  the  germinal  con- 
stitution. These  predispositions  or  factors  under  the  stimuli  of 
the  environment  give  rise  to  the  various  characters.  These  factors 
are  derived  from  both  parents  through  the  fusion  of  the  gametes, 
and  the  complex  of  factors  in  the  offspring  is  the  result  of  a  chance 
mixture  of  factors.  There  may  further  at  times  be  a  dropping 
out,  an  addition  to,  and  perhaps  a  modification  of  the  factors. 
Secondly,  the  death-rate  is  selective.  Although  the  result  of 
selection  is  confused  by  the  effect  of  modifications  which  smooth 
over  the  differences  due  to  differences  in  the  germinal  constitution, 
the  effect  is  that  individuals  with  certain  factors  are  favoured 
and  others  with  different  factors  are  eliminated.  Therefore  the 
average  nature  of  the  factors  may  be  changed  should  any  type, 
other  than  that  approximating  to  the  normal  type,  be  favoured. 
It  is  possible  in  this  manner  to  understand  how  change  has 
come  about.  There  are  many  difficulties,  but  they  are  all  capable 
of  fairly  satisfactory  explanation.  None  at  least  is  insuperable. 
There  is  one  problem  which  is  perhaps  somewhat  difficult  to  solve 
unless  a  particular  supposition  is  introduced.  This  problem  is 
connected  with  the  evolution  of  organs  along  certain  lines,  as,  for 
instance,  the  evolution  of  horns  and  teeth  in  the  vertebrates. 
This  class  of  evidence  has  chiefly  impressed  itself  upon  palaeonto- 
logists, and  one  of  the  most  distinguished  of  them  has  stated  that 
from  this  class  of  evidence  he  concludes  that  '  there  are  funda- 
mental predispositions  to  vary  in  certain  directions  '.*  This  is 
the  supposition  which  it  may  be  necessary  to  introduce,  but  which 
does  not  in  any  way  conflict  with  what  has  been  said. 

1  Osborn,  Evolution  of  Mammalian  Molar  Teeth,  p.  228.  One  of  the  most 
valuable  contributions  to  the  discussion  of  orthogenesis  has  been  made  by  Plate, 
tfber  die  Bedeutung  des  Darwinischen  Selectionsprinzips.  Plate  concludes  that 
the  evidence  points  to  some  kind  of  orthogenesis. 


IV 
THE  POPULATION  PROBLEM  AMONG  MEN 

1.  IT  has  been  shown  in  the  last  two  chapters  in  what  the 
population  problem  among  species  in  a  state  of  nature  consists. 
With  regard  to  the  quantitative  aspect  in  particular  it  has  been 
shown  that  among  such  species  mental  evolution,  greatly  as  the 
stage  reached  differs  between  the  lowest  and  the  highest  forms, 
has  not  attained  a  point  at  which  the  essential  features  of  the 
position  have  in  consequence  been  affected.  Enough  has  been 
said  to  show  that  in  the  case  of  the  most  primitive  races  of  man 
now  living  mental  evolution  has  reached  a  point  in  consequence 
of  which  the  quantitative  problem  has  assumed  a  totally  different 
aspect. 

With  regard  to  the  qualitative  problem  the  question  also  arises 
as  to  how  far  mental  evolution  in  man  has  affected  the  position. 
In  one  very  important  respect  mental  evolution  has  wholly  altered 
the  position  of  man  as  regards  this  aspect  of  the  problem,  as  it  has 
regarding  the  quantitative  aspect.  How  this  has  come  about  may 
be  considered  after  it  has  been  observed  that  mental  evolution 
has  also  been  the  cause  of  other  changes  which,  while  they  do  not 
alter  the  fundamental  position  of  man  as  regards  the  qualitative 
aspect,  yet  are  of  great  importance. 

As  we  have  seen  among  species  in  a  state  of  nature  change  is 
founded  upon  germinal  change.  So,  too,  among  men  there  is 
germinal  change,  and  so  far  as  history  (using  the  term  in  the 
widest  sense  to  include  what  is  often  rather  meaninglessly  called 
'  prehistory  ')  is  connected  with  germinal  change,  so  far  it  is  of 
essentially  the  same  nature  as  change  among  other  species.  But 
both  the  direction  and  intensity  of  germinal  change  among  men 
have  been  greatly  influenced  by  mental  evolution.  Certain  causes 
of  elimination  have  been  removed  wholly  or  in  part,  others  have 
been  introduced.  The  facts  are  familiar ;  there  is  no  need  to 
labour  the  point.  It  is  also  worth  noting  that,  should  it  be  found 
that  mutation  frequently  arises  owing  to  alterations  in  the  environ- 
ment during  the  formation  of  the  germ  cells,  such  a  discovery 


THE  PKOBLEM  AMONG  MEN  81 

might  have  considerable  bearing  upon  the  position  in  man. 
Owing  to  human  activity  under  the  guidance  of  reason,  the 
environment  has  been  profoundly  changed  in  many  directions, 
and  without  question  in  consequence  of  such  changes  the  germ 
cells  of  human  beings  are  subject  during  their  development  to  far 
more  varied  stimuli  than  are  those  of  other  species.  This,  how- 
ever, is  only  a  possibility.  Nothing  is  known  with  certainty  upon 
the  subject.  It  may  be  that  the  great  variety  of  foods,  the  absorp- 
tion of  alcohol  and  nicotin,  the  various  occupations  and  customs, 
and  many  other  factors,  all  ultimately  traceable  to  reason,  may, 
some  of  them  in  some  way,  tend  to  bring  about  mutation  in  man. 

It  is  by  making  possible  the  development  of  tradition  that  the 
evolution  of  reason  has  fundamentally  changed  the  nature  of  the 
qualitative  problem  among  men.  Into  the  nature  and  origin  of 
tradition  it  will  be  necessary  to  go  in  another  chapter.  Here  all 
that  is  required  is  an  indication  of  its  main  features  in  order  that 
its  connexion  with  the  problem  of  change  may  be  understood.  In 
the  stage  of  conceptual  thought  reached  by  man,  the  formation  of 
free  ideas  is  the  outstanding  feature.  With  the  development  of 
conceptual  thought  went  the  development  of  language.  By 
language  ideas  can  be  passed  from  one  man  to  another  and  also 
from  one  generation  to  another.  There  are  other  ways  in  which 
the  results  of  reasoning  can  be  handed  on,  but  they  need  not  be 
considered  at  present.  What  is  important  is  that  they  can  be  and 
are  handed  on.  Let  us  consider  for  a  moment  the  question  of  skill. 
Some  improvement  may  be  made  in  the  methods  of  hunting  or  of 
fishing.  It  may,  of  course,  be  lost,  but  it  may  be,  and  perhaps 
usually  is,  transmitted  to  other  men  by  the  inventor  and  afterwards 
to  succeeding  generations.  Tradition  is,  in  fact,  cumulative. 
Even  among  the  most  primitive  races  now  existing  there  is  a  huge 
mass  of  tradition.  Succeeding  generations  do  not  necessarily  start 
at  the  beginning  again.  They  start  with  the  experience  of  the 
race  behind  them,  so  far  as  it  has  been  preserved. 

Among  the  higher  animals  there  is  a  certain  handing  on  of  what 
has  been  learnt  by  experience ;  to  this  extent  there  is  tradition 
also  among  them.  We  shall  return  to  this  point  later.  So  relatively 
unimportant,  however,  is  tradition  among  other  animals,  that  we 
may  for  the  moment  regard  tradition  as  something  which  is  found 
among  men  only.  It  is  clear  that  tradition  has  played  some  part 
jn  any  case  in  producing  the  changes  which  we  call  history. 


82  THE  PROBLEM  AMONG  MEN 

We  have  only  to  think  of  the  rise  of  Japan  to  the  position  of  a  great 
power  in  the  last  half  of  the  nineteenth  century.  The  rise  of  Japan 
was  an  outstanding  fact  in  the  history  of  that  period  and  it  was 
clearly  in  the  main,  if  not  wholly,  a  traditional  and  not  a  germinal 
change.  It  took  the  form  of  a  rapid  absorption  of  European 
tradition.  The  evolution  of  reason  has  thus  introduced  into  the 
problem  of  the  causes  of  human  history  a  factor  which  is  not 
present  in  the  case  of  other  species  ;  it  has  also  modified  the  course 
of  selection,  but  this,  as  we  have  seen,  has  not  made  a  fundamental 
difference  between  the  position  of  man  and  that  of  species  in 
a  state  of  nature. 

The  problem  before  us  is  therefore  as  follows.  Owing  to  the  fact 
of  reproduction  the  population  problem  in  both  its  aspects  exists 
for  all  species  in  a  state  of  nature  and  further  presents  funda- 
mentally the  same  features  for  all  such  species.  The  ancestors  of 
man  were  at  one  time  subject  to  the  same  conditions  from  which 
they  have,  step  by  step,  moved  away  owing  to  the  development 
of  the  faculty  of  reason.  We  have  to  trace  the  causes  and  results 
of  this  moving  away — of  the  progressive  modifications  of  the 
conditions  existing  among  species  in  a  state  of  nature. 

Though  the  problem  has  two  aspects,  they  are  closely  inter- 
woven. Changes  which  affect  numbers  also  influence  the  quality 
of  population.  The  discussion  has  hitherto  taken  the  form  of  an 
introduction  to  the  problem  as  a  whole,  and  the  two  next  chapters, 
the  subject-matter  of  which  will  be  indicated  in  what  follows,  will 
also  be  devoted  to  certain  problems  which  equally  bear  upon  both 
aspects  of  the  question.  From  the  seventh  chapter  onwards  the 
two  aspects  are  treated  independently ;  we  deal  first  with  the 
quantitative  and  then  with  the  qualitative  aspect.  Nevertheless 
we  shall,  when  dealing  with  the  quantitative  problem,  present 
evidence  which  we  shall  consider  again  later  when  treating  of  the 
qualitative  problem.  The  book  thus  falls  into  three  parts ;  the  first 
six  chapters  are  introductory  to  the  problem  as  a  whole,  the  next 
six  chapters  are  concerned  with  problems  of  quantity  (though 
many  of  the  facts  brought  forward  will  be  found  also  to  bear  later 
upon  quality),  and  the  following  nine  chapters  with  problems  of 
quality.  The  last  chapter  sums  up  our  conclusions  as  to  the  whole 
problem. 

2.  We  may  next  ask  what  data  are  required  in  order  that  we 
may  look  into  the  changes  away  from  the  conditions  under  which 


THE  PKOBLEM  AMONG  MEN  83 

the  pre-human  ancestor  Jived  towards  the  conditions  which  now 
exist.  In  order  that  we  may  consider  the  quantitative  aspect  of 
the  problem,  it  is  evident  that  we  require  some  knowledge 
regarding  fecundity  and  as  full  details  as  possible  regarding 
the  factors  which  bear  upon  fertility  and  elimination.  It  is  only 
when  we  are  provided  with  such  information  that  we  can  hope 
to  be  able  to  determine  how  it  is  that  numbers  are  regulated 
among  men. 

In  addition  to  such  information,  it  will  be  desirable  to  have 
information  regarding  various  social  customs  and  the  general 
conditions  of  life.  As  regards  the  inquiry  into  the  qualitative 
part  of  the  problem,  it  is  clear  that  facts  regarding  fertility  and 
elimination  are  again  of  value  inasmuch  as  they  throw  light  upon 
the  nature  and  intensity  of  selection.  For  the  second  part  of  the 
problem  it  is  also  necessary  to  have  in  mind  the  main  facts  regard- 
ing the  changes  which  are  summed  up  as  history  into  the  causes 
of  which  we  have  to  inquire  ;  and  in  addition  it  will  be  necessary, 
in  order  that  we  may  attempt  some  estimate  of  the  relative 
importance  of  change  in  the  germinal  constitution  on  the  one  hand 
and  of  the  other  factor  or  factors  of  the  nature  indicated  above  on 
the  other  hand,  to  make  some  inquiry  into  the  conditions  which 
determine  the  nature  of  these  latter  factors.  This  will  involve 
a  reference  to  certain  elementary  facts  of  psychology  together 
with  some  discussion  of  the  origin,  formation,  preservation,  and 
so  on,  of  tradition. 

If  we  first  ask  how  far  the  data  desired  are  available,  we  may 
afterwards  go  on  to  discuss  how  the  facts  are  best  presented.  Our 
information  is  obviously  very  incomplete  as  regards  the  history  of 
social  habits  and  customs.  Historical  record^  do  not  take  us 
farther  back  than  at  the  most  six  thousand  years,  and  the  informa- 
tion available  with  respect  to  social  customs,  except  for  the  latter 
part  of  the  period,  is  very  inadequate.  If  we  take  a  broad  view 
of  history,  written  records  have  reference  only  to  relatively 
modern  times.  There  are  two  other  sources  of  evidence  upon 
which  we  have  to  rely  and  they  are  as  follows. 

Some  indication  of  the  bare  outline  of  the  course  which  history 
has  taken  can  be  gathered  from  a  study  of  the  fossil  and  cultural 
remains  of  man.  The  fossil  remains  are  in  the  form  of  skeletons 
or  portions  of  skeletons  and  the  cultural  remains  in  the  shape  of 
tools,  weapons,  and  other  traces  of  his  mode  of  life  that  man  has 

F3 


84  THE  PBOBLEM  AMONG  MEN 

left  behind  him.  It  is  interesting  to  observe  that  an  attempt  can 
be  made  to  date  these  remains.  They  occur  in  certain  strata,  and 
estimates  can  be  made  of  the  length  of  time  which  has  elapsed 
since  these  strata  were  deposited.  Though  a  very  large  measure 
of  doubt  must  surround  any  such  estimates,  nevertheless  there  is 
a  certain  measure  of  agreement  concerning  the  facts  which  is  of 
great  interest.  It  is,  therefore,  possible  to  draw  up  a  table  showing 
these  strata,  together  with  what  we  should  perhaps  call  guesses 
at  the  dates  at  which  they  began  to  be  laid  down.  It  can  also  be 
shown  in  the  table  what  fossil  and  cultural  remains  are  found  in 
the  respective  strata. 

The  information,  however,  which  we  thus  gain  is  very  meagre. 
A  study  of  fossil  remains  can  only  provide  us  with  an  outline  of 
the  facts  connected  with  the  evolution  of  the  skeleton.  More  can 
be  gathered  from  a  study  of  the  cultural  remains,  and  certain 
deductions  of  considerable  interest  can  be  made  especially  in 
connexion  with  our  present  purpose  so  far  as  the  evolution  of  skill 
is  concerned.  But,  of  course,  we  can  in  this  manner  gather  nothing 
as  to  the  nature  of  the  social  customs  and  institutions  belonging 
to  the  races  which  practised  these  skilled  methods.  The  question 
we  have  to  face  is  whether  this  very  bare  outline  of  the  facts  of 
history  can  in  any  manner  be  filled  in. 

3.  There  is  a  further  source  of  evidence  which  we  have  to 
consider.  There  has  come  under  the  observation  of  civilized  man 
a  large  number  of  races  in  a  low  stage  of  culture.  The  evolu- 
tion of  culture  or  of  control  over  the  surroundings  took  place 
more  quickly  among  certain  races  than  among  others.  Some  races 
got  left  out  of  the  main  stream  of  evolution,  and  finally  in  relatively 
recent  years  the  more  advanced  races  arrived  at  a  stage  where  they 
were  in  a  position  completely  to  dominate  the  latter.  The  more 
primitive  races  were  unable  to  offer  any  serious  resistance  to  the 
civilized  races.  It  was,  therefore,  possible  to  regard  these  primitive 
races  dispassionately  and  scientifically  ;  this  study  has  led  to  the 
collection  of  a  vast  amount  of  information  regarding  these  primi- 
tive races.  These  data  are  for  many  reasons  often  of  a  very  unsatis- 
factory nature  ;  of  this  the  chief  cause  is  that,  before  an  accurate 
study  was  begun,  contact  with  civilized  races  had  often  had 
a  considerable  influence  upon  the  former  mode  of  life  of  the 
primitive  races.  What  we  require  and  what  is  difficult  to  obtain 
is  information  as  to  the  conditions  under  which  these  races  lived 


THE  PROBLEM  AMONG  MEN  85 

before  they  came  into  contact  with  Europeans.  With  regard  to 
the  unsatisfactory  nature  of  the  evidence  there  will  be  more  to 
say  later. 

It  is  of  primary  importance  to  observe  that  these  races  are  not 
to  be  regarded  as  actual  representatives  of  certain  stages  through 
which  civilized  races  have  passed.  We  know  that  in  the  evolution 
of  control  over  nature  civilized  races  have  passed  through  certain 
stages  of  culture  ;  the  first  stage  was  marked  by  the  use  of 
unpolished  stone  implements  and  the  obtaining  of  food  by  hunting 
and  fishing  only ;  the  second  stage  was  marked  by  the  use  of 
polished  stone  implements  and  the  obtaining  of  food  by  agricul- 
ture and  the  domestication  of  animals.1  These  two  broad  divisions 
—the  Palaeolithic  and  the  Neolithic — may  be  subdivided.  But 
no  primitive  race  can  be  regarded  as  representing  any  definite 
stage  in  exact  detail,  whether  in  the  first  or  in  the  second  of  the 
two  broad  divisions  through  which  civilized  races  have  passed. 
While  the  culture  of  the  ancestors  of  civilized  man  was  evolving 
from  that  of  the  Palaeolithic  stage  to  that  of  the  present  day,  the 
culture  of  certain  other  races  did  not  progress  as  far  even  as  the 
Neolithic  stage.  But  the  culture  of  these  races  did  not  remain 
unmodified  ;  it  followed  in  each  case  a  line  of  evolution  of  its  own. 
These  races  are  therefore  to  be  regarded  as  specialized  representa- 
tives of  the  earlier  stages  of  culture  through  which  the  civilized 
races  passed.  Nevertheless,  specialized  though  their  culture  may 
be,  the  general  conditions  of  their  existence  are  certainly  similar 
to  the  general  conditions  which  must  have  characterized  the 
corresponding  stage  in  the  evolution  of  the  culture  of  civilized 
races.  That  is  to  say,  the  broad  features  which  characterize  the 
conditions  found  among  hunting  and  fishing  races  must  also  have 

1  Except  where  otherwise  stated,  increase  of  skill — of  power,  that  is  to  say, 
to  control  the  environment — is  taken  as  the  criterion  of  '  progress '.  Except, 
therefore,  where  otherwise  stated,  the  terms  '  civilized '"  and  '  higher '  races  are 
merely  intended  to  convey  that  races  so  denominated  have  a  greater  power  of 
controlling  the  environment  than  '  uncivilized  '  and  '  lower '  races.  The  terms 
'  higher '  and  '  lower '  are  thus  in  this  book  merely  convenient  labels  used  in 
a  special  sense.  In  a  fuller  sense  the  terms  '  higher '  and  '  lower  '  would  take 
account  of  innate  faculties,  social  organization,  and  moral  tradition,  as  well  as  of 
the  tradition  of  skilled  methods.  It  is  worthy  of  note,  so  far  as  the  argument 
in  this  book  is  concerned,  that  there  is  a  correlation  between  the  tradition  of 
skilled  methods  and  the  tradition  of  social  organization  and  between  both  of 
these  traditions  and  the  innate  faculties.  The  result,  therefore,  of  a  classification 
of  races  according  to  the  special  sense  of  the  terms  '  higher '  and  '  lower ',  as 
given  above,  does  not  conflict  so  directly  as  might  be  thought  with  a  classification 
according  to  the  fuller  meaning  of  these  terms.  Further  reference  is  made  to  the 
subject  in  the  later  part  of  this  book. 


86  THE  PKOBLEM  AMONG  MEN 

characterized  the  conditions  under  which  our  Palaeolithic  ancestors 
lived. 

There  is  here  obviously  suggested  a  method  whereby  the  frame- 
work of  history  arrived  at  by  the  evidence  of  fossil  and  cultural 
remains  may  be  filled  in.  The  broad  conclusions  drawn  from 
a  study  of  hunting  and  fishing  races  may  be  applied  to  Palaeolithic 
races.  But  this  method  must  be  used  with  great  caution  ;  it  has 
undoubtedly  been  pressed  too  far.  It  is  possible  to  divide  hunting 
and  fishing  races  into  groups  and  to  compare  these  groups  with 
stages  in  the  evolution  of  Palaeolithic  culture.  How  far  it  is  in 
any  way  valid  to  attribute  in  this  fashion  particular  social  institu- 
tions which  characterize  lower,  middle,  and  upper  hunting  races 
to  lower,  middle,  and  upper  Palaeolithic  races  respectively  is  very 
doubtful.  It  is  not  proposed  here  to  attempt  to  carry  the  method 
as  far  as  this.  For  one  thing,  so  far  as  the  subject  has  been  worked 
out,  there  is  no  clear  correlation  between  different  factors  affecting 
fertility  and  elimination  on  the  one  hand  and  stages  in  culture 
among  hunting  races  on  the  other  hand.  Thus,  as  it  happens,  any 
attempt  to  carry  this  method  into  more  detail  is  not  productive 
of  results,  and  therefore  it  is  not  worth  while  to  inquire  whether 
results  would  be  valid  or  not.  All  that  it  is  proposed  to  do  here 
is  to  examine  the  evidence  regarding  the  prevalence  of  certain 
customs,  habits,  and  so  on,  among  hunting  races,  and  to  apply 
the  broad  conclusions  founded  on  this  evidence  to  the  ancestors 
of  civilized  races  who  supported  themselves  by  hunting.  In  this 
manner  only  is  it  at  all  possible  to  fill  in  the  framework  of  history 
provided  by  the  remains  of  culture  and  by  fossils,  and  thus  to 
arrive  at  any  conclusions  regarding  the  course  of  the  movement 
away  from  the  conditions  found  in  the  pre-human  ancestor  to 
those  found  among  civilized  races. 

4.  With  regard  to  the  question  as  to  the  way  in  which  this 
evidence  may  be  most  conveniently  set  out,  it  is  proposed  to 
proceed  in  the  following  manner.  Before  we  come  to  the  evidence 
regarding  fertility  and  elimination,  something  has  to  be  said 
regarding  fecundity  in  man,  and  that  will  be  the  subject  of  the 
fifth  chapter.  In  the  following  chapter  the  evidence  regarding 
fossil  and  cultural  remains  will  be  very  briefly  discubsed,  just  so 
far  as,  in  the  first  place,  provides  the  necessary  historical  facts  to 
form  a  basis  for  the  discussion  of  the  qualitative  problem  and  as, 
in  the  second  place,  provides  the  framework  into  which  we  can  fit 


THE  PKOBLEM  AMONG  MEN  87 

the  conclusions  which  we  shall  draw  from  a  study  of  primitive 
races.  In  the  seventh  chapter  the  evidence  drawn  from  a  study 
of  hunting  races  will  be  reviewed  in  so  far  as  it  throws  light  upon 
fertility  and  elimination.  In  the  eighth  chapter  the  evidence 
bearing  upon  these  problems,  so  far  as  the  agricultural  races  are 
concerned,  will  be  similarly  set  out.  In  the  ninth  chapter  the 
evidence  will  be  discussed  in  its  bearing  upon  the  quantitative 
problem  among  these  races — all  reference  to  the  qualitative 
problem  being  left  for  later  chapters.  In  the  tenth  chapter  the 
evidence  for  the  historical  races  will  be  similarly  reviewed,  and 
in  the  eleventh  chapter  similarly  discussed.  The  twelfth  chapter 
will  be  devoted  to  a  discussion  of  certain  problems  connected  with 
the  quantitative  problem  at  the  present  day.  The  twelfth  chapter 
therefore  will  complete  the  treatment  of  the  first  or  quantitative 
aspect  of  the  problem,  and  in  the  remaining  chapters  will  be 
discussed  the  second  or  qualitative  problem.  Already  there  will 
have  been  presented  a  large  part  of  the  evidence  necessary  for  the 
discussion  of  the  second  problem — namely,  the  evidence  connected 
with  the  outline  of  the  facts  of  history  and  that  connected  with 
fertility  and  elimination.  What  other  evidence  is  necessary  can  be 
given  as  and  when  required. 


V 
HUMAN  FECUNDITY 

1.  As  a  preliminary  to  the  separate  inquiries  into  the  two 
aspects  of  the  problem,  it  is  necessary  briefly  to  consider  the 
question  of  human  fecundity. 

We  may  ask,  in  the  first  place,  whether,  taking  a  broad  view  of 
human  history,  there  is  any  reason  to  believe  that  human  fecundity 
has  changed  since  the  epoch  of  the  pre-human  ancestor,  and,  if  so, 
whether  it  has  increased  or  diminished.  Secondly,  there  are 
a  number  of  habits  and  customs  which  have  been  practised  in 
different  degrees  at  different  times,  such  as  prolonged  lactation, 
polygamy,  and  so  on,  and  we  may  also  ask  what  bearing,  if  any, 
such  habits  and  customs  have  upon  fecundity. 

There  is  much  connected  with  the  subject  which  is  difficult  and 
obscure.  It  is,  in  particular,  often  difficult  to  ascertain  whether 
any  differences  in  fecundity,  as  may  be  found  to  exist,  are  of  the 
nature  of  racial  or  of  environmental  differences.  Into  such  points, 
however,  we  need  not  go.  We  are.  concerned  only  with  the 
question  as  to  whether  there  are  differences  in  fecundity,  and  we 
may  confine  our  attention  to  a  notice  of  any  broad  differences 
which  do  exist  and  to  the  question  whether  certain  habits  and 
customs  widely  practised  at  one  time  or  another  and  supposed  to 
bear  upon  fecundity  do  or  do  not  have  the  influence  attributed  to 
them.  We  may  begin  with  the  first  question  set  out  above. 
In  order  to  obtain  an  answer  to  this  question  we  have  to  rely  upon 
evidence  derived  from  various  sources,  partly  from  primitive 
races,  which  we  assume  in  general  to  exhibit  conditions  prevalent 
among  prehistoric  races,  and  partly  from  evidence  derived  from 
a  study  of  the  mammalian  species  which  have  been  subject  to 
changes  comparable  with  those  to  which  man  has  in  the  course  of 
his  history  been  subject. 

2.  From  what  has  been  said  regarding  the  nature  of  reproduction 
in  Chapter  II,  it  follows  that  it  is  the  female  rather  than  the  male 
that  we  have  to  consider.    The  male  gametes  vastly  outnumber 
the  female,  and,  generally  speaking,  the  male  is  always  ready  for 


HUMAN  FECUNDITY  89 

intercourse.  When  studying  the  possibility  of  increasing  the 
fecundity  of  domestic  species,  attention  can,  as  pointed  out  by 
Marshall  in  the  case  of  sheep,1  be  limited  to  the  female.  Taking 
a  broad  view  of  the  matter,  it  is  clear  that  there  has  been  no  change 
in  fecundity  due  to  any  change  in  male  reproductive  power. 

There  are,  nevertheless,  two  points  concerning  the  male  which 
we  may  notice  before  we  pass  to  the  consideration  of  the  female. 
First,  with  regard  to  the  problem  as  to  changes  in  fecundity  during 
the  course  of  history,  we  shall  bring  forward  evidence  to  show  that 
good  conditions  favour  an  increase  in  the  reproductive  power  of 
the  mammalian  female.  There  is  reason  to  think  that  good 
conditions  have  a  similar  effect  on  males.  Thus  among  some 
mammalian  species  in  a  state  of  nature  there  is  a  special '  rutting 
season  '  for  the  male,  and  it  is  not  infrequently  found  that 
in  captivity  the  males  of  such  species  will  rut  all  the  year 
round.2  We  shall  also  bring  forward  evidence  to  show  that  with 
improvements  in  conditions,  sexual  excitement  is  more  easily 
aroused  and  that  there  has  been  an  increase  in  the  development 
of  the  generative  organs,  and  we  may  note  here  that  these  observa- 
tions apply  to  the  male  as  well  as  to  the  female.  As,  however,  any 
increase  in  male  reproductive  capacity  can  have  had  no  general 
influence  upon  fecundity,  we  may,  so  far  as  the  question  of  any 
general  increase  or  decrease  in  fecundity  is  concerned,  neglect  the 
male  and  confine  our  attention  to  the  female. 

Secondly,  with  respect  to  the  influence  of  certain  factors  at 
particular  times,  it  is  in  nearly  all  cases  the  female  and  not  the 
male  which  is  affected.  But  it  may  be  observed  that  sterile 
marriages  are  in  part  due  to  male  sterility.  Mayer  estimates  that 
this  is  so  in  a  third  of  such  marriages.3  Kelly  gives  the  result  of 
an  investigation  into  110  cases,  of  which  59  per  cent,  are  attributed 
to  the  male.4  Male  sterility  is  due  either  to  inborn  or  acquired 
conditions.  So  far  as  sterility  due  to  the  former  is  concerned, 
there  do  not  appear  to  be  any  grounds  for  thinking  that  it  has  to 
any  important  extent  varied  from  one  epoch  to  another.  So  far, 
however,  as  sterility  due  to  disease  is  concerned,  there  have  been 
in  all  probability  certain  changes.  Gonorrhoea  is  perhaps  the 
most  important  of  those  diseases  which  bring  about  sterility.  Of 

1  Marshall,  Phil.  Trans.  B,  cxcvi,  1904,  p.  77.  2  Heape,  Q.  J.  M.  8.,  vol.  xliv, 

p.  12.  3  Mayer,   Uber  Sterilitdf.,  p.  401.  4  Kelly,  Medical  Gynecology, 

p.  354.     See  also  Matthews  Duncan,  Sterility  in  Women,  p.  3. 


90  HUMAN  FECUNDITY 

the  59  cases  mentioned  above  12  per  cent,  were  due  to  gonorrhoea. 
Other  diseases  may  cause  sterility,  such  as  tubercle  and  epididy- 
mitis.  Kelatively  to  the  historical  period  as  usually  defined, 
gonorrhoea  is  an  old  disease  ;  but  we  shall  find  reason  for  thinking 
that  the  great  majority  of  diseases  have  evolved  since  the  time  of 
the  pre-human  ancestor,  and  to  the  extent  to  which  this  is  true  it 
must  be  allowed  that  male  sterility  due  to  disease  is  more  or  less 
recent.  With  these  remarks  we  may  leave  the  question  of  male 
sterility,  as  it  is  relatively  of  little  importance. 

3.  It  is  therefore  to  factors  which  influence  the  female  generative 
process  that  we  must  look  for  the  causes  of  such  increase  or 
decrease  of  fecundity  as  are  of  importance.    Certain  factors  may 
be  put  aside  on  the  grounds  that  there  is  no  reason  to  think  that 
they  have  been  of  more  importance  at  one  time  than  at  another. 
Such  are  malformations  of  any  kind  that  prevent  the  meeting  of 
the  male  and  female  gametes.1     With  regard  to  the  factors  of 
importance  it  is  by  their  influence  upon  different  aspects  of  the 
female  generative  process  that  they  are  best  classified.    There  are 
three  main  aspects  of  this  process,  variations  in  any  of  which  will 
influence  fecundity.    These  are  the  length  of  the  mature  period, 
the  interval  between  births,  and  the  number  at  a  birth. 

Some  reference  to  the  nature  of  the  female  sexual  cycle  in 
mammals  has  been  made.  The  beginning  of  maturity  is  usually 
measured  by  observing  the  beginning  of  menstruation.  It  is, 
perhaps,  worthy  of  mention  that  the  beginning  of  menstruation 
does  not  always  coincide  with  the  beginning  of  ovulation.  Thus 
the  estimation  of  the  duration  of  the  mature  period  made  by 
watching  for  the  beginning  and  end  of  menstruation  is  not  always 
exact ;  the  difference  is  not  of  consequence  here,  but  the  fact  that 
a  difference  is  possible  emphasizes  that  what  is  essential  in  the 
whole  process  is  ovulation.  The  true  mature  period  is  the  period 
during  which  ovulation  occurs.  The  interval  between  births  is 
also  dependent  upon  ovulation  and  so  is  number  at  a  birth.2  In 
fact  what  we  are  asking  is  in  the  main  what  factors  influence 
ovulation. 

4.  The  information  regarding  the  duration  of  the  mature  period 
is  not  satisfactory.    Though  there  is  a  large  amount  of  information 
about  the  beginning  of  menstruation,  there  is  little  information 

1  See  Mosnier-Clauzel,  De  quelques  Causes  de  Stirilitb  chez  la  Femme,  for  a 
summary  of  this  question.  a  Except  in  the  case  of  '  identical '  twins. 


HUMAN  FECUNDITY 


91 


15 

7   , 

,   25 

15 

1 

,   14 

14 

5 

,   29 

13 

11 

11 

12 

6 

0 

10 

0 

0 

about  the  age  at  which  it  ends.  There  are  at  least  three  factors 
which  influence  the  age  at  which  menstruation  begins — climate, 
race,  and  general  nature  of  the  surrounding  conditions. 

Generally  speaking,  the  hotter  the  climate  the  earlier  menstrua- 
tion begins.  Englemann  gives  the  following  figures  : 1 

Zone.  Average  Age  for  Menstruation. 

Tropics.  .  .  12-9  years 

Temperate  .  .  15-5      „ 

Cold       .  .  .  16-5     „ 

and  Krieger  gives  the  following  figures  : 2 

Place.  Average  Age  for  Menstruation. 

Cbristiania          .         .16  years    9  months  25  days 
Berlin 
London      . 
Lyons 
Marseilles  . 
Calcutta    . 
Sierra  Leone 

It  further  appears  that  there  is  a  tendency  for  menstruation 
to  end  earlier  in  hot  climates  ;  so  much  so  that  upon  the  whole 
the  mature  period  is  shorter  in  hot  than  in  cold  climates. 

There  is,  however,  no  very  close  or  definite  connexion  between 
climate  and  menstruation.  In  the  United  States  it  has  not  been 
found  possible  to  detect  any  influence  of  climate  upon  menstrua- 
tion, though  this  country  stretches  from  29°  to  45°  of  latitude, 
and  has  a  temperature  the  annual  average  of  which  varies 
from  40°  F.  to  70°  F.  But  if  the  conditions  concerning 
the  different  racial  elements  in  the  population  of  the  country  are 
examined,  it  is  found  that  in  whatever  part  of  the  country  they 
may  be  the  average  age  for  each  racial  element  remains  constant, 
and  usually  varies  slightly  from  the  average  age  for  the  whole 
population.3  There  are  other  indications  that  the  age  at  which 
menstruation  begins  are  connected  with  differences  in  race. 
Krieger  quotes  the  following  from  Joachim  for  girls  in  Hungary  :  4 

Eace.  Average  Age  of  Menstruation. 

Slavonic  .         .         .  16  to  17  years 

Magyar  ...  15  „  16      „ 

Jewish  .         .         .  14  „  15      „ 

Styrian  ...  13  „  14      „ 

1  Engelmann,  Trans.  Amer.  Gyn.  Soc.,  vol.  xxvi,  p.  87.  2  Krieger.  Die 

Menstruation,  p.  52.  See  also  Ploss  and  Bartels,  Das  Weib,  vol.  i,  p.  421. 
3  Engelmann,  loc.  cit.,  p.  98.  4  Krieger,  loc.  cit.,  p.  17. 


92  HUMAN  FECUNDITY 

Other  figures  show  that  Jewesses  menstruate  earlier  than  the 
average  age  for  menstruation  in  the  country  in  which  they  live.1 

What  is  of  chief  interest  to  us  is  that  good  "conditions  also 
influence  the  age  at  which  menstruation  begins.  The  better  the 
conditions,  the  earlier  does  it  begin.  Further,  it  is  also  known 
that  the  mature  period  tends  to  be  prolonged  where  conditions 
are  good.  It  is  known,  for  example,  that  the  mature  period  comes 
to  an  end  earlier  among  the  labouring  than  among  the  richer 
classes.2  Therefore  good  conditions  tend  to  be  connected  not  only 
with  an  earlier  beginning  but  also  with  a  longer  duration  of  the 
mature  period.  Thus  Mayer  found  the  average  age  at  which 
menstruation  began  among  8,000  women  of  the  upper  classes  to 
be  14-69  years,  and  among  3,000  poor  women  to  be  16;0  years.3 
Several  observers  have  recorded  the  average  age  for  the  beginning 
of  menstruation  among  the  different  classes  in  the  population. 
The  following  table  is  given  by  Krieger  :  4 


Brienne  de 

Boisment. 

Tilt. 

Xrieqer. 

Ravn. 

Yrs. 

Mths. 

Yrs. 

Mths. 

Yrs. 

Mths. 

Yrs. 

Mths. 

Upper  Class 

13 

8 

13 

5* 

14 

u 

*    14 

3 

Middle  Class 

14 

5 

14 

3* 

15 

4! 

15 

6* 

Lower  Class 

14 

1 

— 

16 

8,\ 

16 

•5i 

5.  With  regard  to  the  question  as  to  the  interval  between  births 
some  interesting  indirect  evidence  is  obtained  from  what  we  can 
learn  regarding  the  former  condition  of  the  sexual  cycle  in  man. 
A  sketch  was  given  in  the  second  chapter  of  the  main  features  of 
the  mammalian  sexual  cycle.  These  cycles  may  follow  one  another 
without  any  prolonged  interval,  or  there  may  be  a  lengthy  period 
of  rest.  In  monkeys  and  also  in  man  the  interval  is  short ;  but 
the  former  cannot  breed  at  every  heat  period ;  special  sexual 
se.asons  are  experienced  at  definite  times  of  the  year  when  breeding 
takes  place.  It  is  probable  that  ovulation  is  limited  to  this  special 
season,  and  that,  although  copulation  may  take  place  at  other 
seasons  of  the  year,  conception  can  only  follow  copulation  at  this 
special  season.5  In  civilized  man,  so  far  as  is  known,  ovulation  is 

1  It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  the  Eskimo  begin  to  menstruate  at  about  thirteen 
years  of  age — at  an  earlier  age,  that  is  to  say,  than  the  average  for  the  United 
States  (Kelly,  loc.  cit.,  p.  83).  2  Marshall,  Physiology  of  Reproduction,  p.  672. 

3  Krieger,  loc.   cit.,  p.   21.  «  Ibid.,  p.  24.  6  Marshall, 

Physiology  of  Reproduction,  p.  63.     There  are  considerable  variations  in  the  con- 
ditions among  monkeys  ;  the  above  is  only  generally  true. 


HUMAN  FECUNDITY  93 

never  confined  to  any  particular  season  of  the  year  ;  conception 
can,  therefore,  follow  copulation  at  any  period.  But  we  do  find 
evidence  of  the  former  existence  in  man  of  a  special  sexual  season, 
and  this  is  of  particular  interest  because  it  suggests  that  at  one 
time  there  was  in  man,  as  there  usually  is  in  monkeys,  one  season 
only  during  which  conception  could  follow  copulation. 

This  evidence  has  been  reviewed  by  Westermarck,  by  Ploss  and 
Bartels,  and  by  Havelock  Ellis.1  Some  examples  of  this  evidence 
may  be  cited  in  order  to  show  upon  what  facts  this  suggestion  is 
founded.  '  According  to  Mr.  Johnston,  the  Indians  of  California 
"  have  their  rutting  season  as  regularly  as  have  the  deer,  the  elk, 
the  antelope,  or  any  other  animals  ".  And  Mr.  Powers  confirms  the 
correctness  of  this  statement,  at  least  with  regard  to  some  of  these 
Indians,  saying  that  spring  '  is  a  literal  St.  Valentine's  day  with 
them,  as  with  the  natural  birds  and  beasts  of  the  forest '.  As 
regards  the  Goddanes  in  Luzon,  Mr.  Foreman  tells  us  that  '  it  is 
the  custom  of  young  men  about  to  marry  to  vie  with  each  other  in 
presenting  to  the  sires  of  their  future  brides  all  the  scalps  that  they 
are  able  to  take  from  their  enemies,  as  proof  of  their  manliness  and 
courage.  This  practice  prevails  at  a  season  of  the  year  when  the  tree 
— popularly  called  by  the  Spaniards  "  the  fire  tree  "—is  in  bloom.' 
Speaking  of  the  Watch-an-dies  in  the  western  part  of  Australia, 
Mr.  Oldfield  remarks,  '  Like  the  beasts  of  the  field,  the  savage  has 
but  one  time  for  copulation  in  the  year.  About  the  middle  of  the 
spring  the  Watch-an-dies  begin  to  think  of  holding  their  grand 
semi-religious  festival  of  Caa-ro,  preparatory  to  the  performance 
of  the  important  duty  of  procreation.  A  similar  feast  was, 
according  to  Mr.  Bonwick,  celebrated  by  the  Tasmanians  at  the 
same  time  of  the  year.' 2  Similar  evidence  is  forthcoming  as  regards 
many  other  primitive  races.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  among 
civilized  races  there  are  traces  of  customs  which  point  to  the 
former  existence  of  a  season  of  sexual  licence.  Such  were  "the 
mediaeval  Feast  of  Fools,  and  the  classical  festivals  of  Brumalia 
and  Kosalia.3  '  Feasts,  similar  to  the  erotic  feasts  which  were 
indulged  in  by  the  ancients  .  .  .  were  still  practised  to  some  extent 
in  Kussia  arid  in  some  parts  of  India  at  a  much  later  date,  while 
such  customs  as  "  gwneyd  Bragod  "  and  possibly  our  own  "  beari 

1  Westermarck,  History  of  Human  Marriage,  p.  25  ;  Ploss  and  Bartels,  loc.  cit.. 
vol.  i,  ch.  xxi  ;  Havelock  Ellis,  Studies  in  the  Psychology  of  Sex,  vol.  i,  p.  85. 
2  Westermarck,  loc.  cit.,  p.  28.  8  See  Frazer,  Golden  Bough,  vol.  iii,  pp, 

230  ff»,  where  this  subject  is  discussed  at  length. 


94  HUMAN  FECUNDITY 

feasts  "  may  not  improbably  be  the  modern  representatives  of 
these  ancient  customs  in  our  own  country.'  x 

This  evidence  all  points  to  a  former  condition  when  conceptions 
could  only  take  place  at  one  season  of  the  year.  We  must  suppose 
that  it  has  gradually  become  possible  for  copulation  to  be  followed 
by  conception  at  any  period,  and  that  therefore  fecundity  has 
increased.2  Some  light  is  thrown  upon  the  causes  that  underlie 
these  changes  by  a  reference  to  certain  facts  regarding  other 
species.  Before  we  turn  to  this  question  reference  may  be  made 
to  the  phenomenon  of  *  mittelschmerz  ' — or  intermenstrual  pain. 
It  is  not  uncommon  and  is  sometimes  accompanied  by  a  discharge. 
The  interpretation  of  this  phenomenon  is  doubtful.  One  explana- 
tion, however,  has  some  interest  for  us.  It  is  suggested  that  it  may 
represent  the  first  steps  in  the  establishment  of  a  different  variety 
of  sexual  cycle  in  which  the  dioestrous  periods  occur  fortnightly 
instead  of  monthly.  If  this  interpretation  is  correct,  it  would 
mean  that  the  sexual  cycle  is  evolving  in  the  direction  of  still 
greater  fecundity.3 

6.  It  has  frequently  been  observed  that  when  members  of  a  wild 
species  are  brought  into  captivity  there  is  a  change  in  the  sexual 
season.  This  change  may  be  in  the  direction  of  an  increase  or  of 
a  decrease  in  the  generative  power.  If  the  bringing  into  captivity 
involves  such  an  alteration  of  conditions  as  to  disorganize  the 
generative  process,  then  a  decrease  in  fecundity  may  result.  It 
frequently  happens,  for  instance,  that  carnivores  are  infertile  in 
captivity,  and  this  may  be  due  among  other  things  to  the  absence 
of  fresh  meat.4  Generally  speaking,  however,  if  the  alterations  do 
not  produce  disorganization,  an  increase  in  fecundity  results,  and 
as  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  change  in  human  circum- 
stances was  ever  of  such  a  nature  as  to  produce  disorganization, 
we  must  suppose,  on  the  analogy  of  what  happens  among  other 
mammalian  species,  that,  if  the  betterment  of  the  conditions  has 
had  any  effect,  it  has  been  in  the  direction  of  an  increase  in 
fecundity. 

A  few  examples  of  what  is  meant  may  be  given.  The  wild  dog  of 
South  America,  the  wolf,  and  the  fox  breed  only  once  a  year  under 

1  Heape,  loc.  cit.,  p.  34.  »  It  may  also  be  observed  that  among  certain 

primitive  races  the  menstrual  flow  is  said  only  to  occur  at  long  intervals  (Heape, 
loc.  cit.,  p.  30).  Among  Eskimo  women  there  is  said  to  be  no  menstruation  in 
winter  (ibid.,*p.  29).  «  For  further  details  see  Groom,  Trans.  Edin.  Obst&t. 

Soc.,  vol.  xxi,  1896 ;  Havelock  Ellis,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  90 ;  Marshall,  loc.  cit., 
p.  65 ;  and  Kelly,  loc.  cit.,  ch.  v.  *  Heape,  loc.  CJt.,  p.  15. 


HUMAN  FECUNDITY  95 

natural  conditions  ;  in  captivity  they  experience  two  annual 
heats  like  the  dog.1  The  otter  in  the  wild  state  breeds  but  once 
a  year  ;  in  captivity  oestrous  may  occur  at  regular  monthly 
intervals  all  the  year  round.2  Bears  are  monoestrous  in  the  wild 
state  ;  in  the  Zoological  Gardens  oestrous  may  be  experienced 
for  two  or  three  months.3  With  regard  to  the  Ungulata  we  have 
numerous  facts  of  the  same  nature.  The  red  deer  offers  the  best 
example ;  under  natural  conditions  there  are  two  dioestrous 
cycles  lasting  three  weeks ;  in  captivity  the  sexual  season  extends 
over  the  whole  year.4  The  facts  are  somewhat  similar  in  respect 
to  cattle  and  horses.  Examples  might  also  be  taken  from  other 
mammalian  classes.  The  wild  rabbit  breeds  from  February  to 
May  ;  in  captivity  the  sexual  season  lasts  nearly  the  whole  year. 
Further  it  may  be  noticed  that  among  lower  groups  good 
conditions  are,  as  is  well  known,  markedly  favourable  to  increased 
fecundity. 

Before  we  go  on  to  look  into  the  causes  of  this  increase  in 
fecundity,  it  may  be  noticed  that  the  number  of  young  produced 
at  a  birth  among  domestic  species  is  on  an  average  greater  than 
that  produced  by  the  wild  ancestor.  This  evidence,  it  will  be 
observed,  refers  to  the  third  factor  which  bears  upon  the  increase 
in  fecundity.  The  wild  rabbit  is  said  to  produce  at  the  most  six 
young  at  a  time  ;  the  tame  rabbit  has  four  to  eleven,  and  a  case 
is  known  in  which  eighteen  were  born,  all  of  which  survived.5  The 
wild  sow  bears  from  four  to  eight,  and  sometimes  twelve,  young. 
The  domestic  sow  is  considered  to  be  of  no  value  unless  she 
produces  at  least  eight  at  a  birth.  Equally  remarkable  examples 
are  to  be  found  outside  the  Mammals.  '  The  hen  of  Gallus  bankiva 
lays  from  six  to  ten  eggs  ;  the  tame  one  in  the  course  of  a  year 
from  eighty  to  one  hundred/ 

7.  It  is  clear  that  one  common  feature  in  the  conditions  sur- 
rounding domesticated  species  and  civilized  man,  as  compared 
with  species  in  a  state  of  nature,  is  the  increase  in  the  richness  and 
regularity  of  the  food-supply,  and  the  general  betterment  of  the 
environment.  In  fact,  just  as  this  increase  in  the  richness  of  the 
surroundings  may  increase  the  length  of  the  mature  period,  so 
it  may  increase  the  number  at  a  birth  and  also  decrease  the 

1  Marshall,  loc.  cit.,  p.  57.  2  Ibid.,  p.  59.  3  Heape,  loc.  cit.,  p.  15. 

4  Ibid.,  p.  15.  5  This  and  the  following  examples  are  taken  from  Darwin, 

Variations  of  Animals  and  Plants  under  Domestication,  vol.  ii>  p.  90. 


96  HUMAN  FECUNDITY 

interval  between  births.  That  this  is  the  result  of  an  improved 
environment  in  the  case  of  the  sheep  has  been  shown  by  Marshall. 
He  found,  for  instance,  that  in  *  Scotch  Blackfoot,  Cheviot,  and 
other  Scottish  sheep  the  normal  percentage  of  ova  discharged  at 
any  single  oestrous  is  not  appreciably  in  excess  of  the  usual 
percentage  of  births  at  the  lambing  season  '.*  This,  it  may  be 
noted,  is  an  example  of  what  was  said  in  the  second  chapter 
regarding,  in  the  first  place,  the  measurement  of  fecundity  by  the 
number  of  ripe  ova  produced,  and,  in  the  second  place,  regarding 
the  fertilization  on  the  average  of  all,  or  nearly  all,  ripe  ova. 
Marshall  also  found  that  *  there  was  every  reason  for  supposing 
that  the  processes  of  growth  and  maturation  can  be  very  largely 
influenced  both  by  insufficiency  of  food  supply  on  the  one  hand 
and  by  artificial  stimulation  on  the  other  '.2  What  apparently 
happens  is  that  insufficiency  of  food  retards  the  development  of 
the  ova  and  may  cause  the  degeneration  of  some  of  them.  There- 
fore if  the  food-supply  is  good,  there  will  be  more  ripe  ova  at  the 
sexual  season,  fewer  sterile  females,  and  a  greater  number  of  twin 
births.  *  There  is  overwhelming  evidence/  says  Heape,  *  that 
flocks  in  good  condition  at  tupping  time  have  a  higher  subsequent 
development  of  fertility  than  flocks  in  poor  condition  at  tupping 
time.'  3  By  *  good  '  condition  is  meant  not  a  '  f at '  but  a  strong, 
healthy,  and  vigorous  animal. 

It  may  be  asked  whether  there  is  any  evidence  as  to  the  increase 
in  numbers  at  a  birth  in  the  human  female.  Among  civilized  races 
about  one  birth  in  eighty  to  ninety  is  on  the  average  a  twin  birth. 
Our  knowledge  of  primitive  races  is  not  sufficiently  precise  to 
enable  any  estimate  to  be  made  regarding  the  frequency  of  twin 
births  among  them.  There  are,  however,  very  numerous  references 
in  the  accounts  of  these  races  to  the  superstitions  attaching  to 
twin  births.  The  nature  of  these  superstitions,  and  in  general  the 
mystery  felt  to  surround  twin  births,  very  strongly  suggests 
that  the  phenomenon  is  rare.  It  can  only  be  said  that  it  is 
probable  that  twin  births  are  rarer  among  primitive  races  than 
among  civilized  races. 

So  far,  therefore,  as  we  have  gone,  the  evidence  points  to  the 
conclusion  that  two  of  the  three  factors  which  determine  fecundity 
have  varied  in  the  direction  of  increasing  fecundity,  and  that 

1  Marshall,  loc.  cit.,  p.  596.  *  Ibid.,  p.  597.  3  Heape, 

Jow.  Roy.  Agric.  Soc.,  vol.  x,  p.  236. 


HUMAN  FECUNDITY  97 

possibly  the  third  factor  may  have  varied  in  the  same  direction. 
It  has  also  been  noted  that  similar  changes  have  been  observed 
to  take  place  in  animals  which  have  been  subject  to  better  con- 
ditions. The  fact  that  human  conditions  have  certainly  been 
bettered  suggests  that  the  same  cause  may  have  been  at  work 
in  the  case  of  man.  There  is,  however,  no  doubt  that  changes  in 
the  case  of  man  are  not  wholly  explicable  in  this  way.  In 
part  the  differences  are  racial  differences,  and  to  the  degree 
in  which  the  differences  are  racial  they  cannot  be  attributed  to 
the  direct  effect  of  the  surroundings. 

8.  Additional  support  to  the  view  that  fecundity  has  increased 
with  civilization  is  given  by  certain  other  types  of  evidence.  In 
the  first  place  it  appears  to  be  a  fact  that  the  reproductive  organs 
of  the  more  primitive  races  of  mankind  are  smaller  and  in  all 
respects  less  well-developed  than  those  of  civilized  races.1  It  is 
not  meant  that  the  organs  differ  qualitatively  in  any  way  ;  they 
are  merely  smaller  relatively  to  the  other  organs  than  among 
civilized  races.  It  is  doubtful  how  we  should  interpret  these  facts  ; 
but  it  does  not  seem  unreasonable  to  assume  a  connexion  between 
a  lesser  development  of  the  reproductive  organs  and  a  lower  degree 
of  fecundity. 

Secondly,  we  have  a  considerable  body  of  evidence  with  respect 
to  the  strength  of  sexual  desire  among  these  races.2  Many 
observers  have  recorded  their  opinion  that  the  members  of  these 
more  primitive  races  do  not  experience  sexual  excitement  to  the 
same  degree  as  do  the  members  of  the  more  civilized  races.  There 
are  other  observations  which  record  the  difficulty  experienced  in 
obtaining  sexual  erethism.  It  seems  reasonable  to  associate  these 
observations  with  a  lower  degree  of  fecundity  than  that  found 
among  civilized  races. 

In  this  connexion  the  fact  that  lack  of  sexual  excitement 
renders  fertilization  less  likely  is  relevant.  As  fertilization  has 
been  achieved  with  the  female  in  a  condition  of  narcosis,3  it  is 
clear  that  sexual  excitement  is  not  necessary.  Nevertheless,  if  the 

1  The  evidence  is  summarized  by  Ploss  and  Bartels,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  ch.  vi. 

2  See  Ploss  and  Bartels,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  ch.  xix,  and  Havelock  Ellis, '  Studies  in 
the  Psychology  of  Sex',  Analysis  of  the  Sexual  Impulse,  p.  209.     The  fact  is  com- 
mented upon  by  Ratzel,  History  of  Mankind,  vol.  ii,  p.  17.    As  examples  of  the 
evidence  for  particular  races  see,  for  the  Malays,  Stevens,  Zeit.  fur  Eth.,  Bd.  xxviii, 
1896,  p.  180;   for  the  Fuegians,  Hyades  et  Deniker,  Mission  scientifique  du  Cap 
Horn,  Tome  vii,  p.  187;  for  the  Andamanese,  Portman,  ./  A.  L,  vol.  xxv,  p.  369. 

3  Mayer,  loc.  cit.,  p.  409. 
2498 


98  HUMAN  FECUNDITY 

question  of  sexual  excitement  has  any  bearing  at  all  upon  the 
degree  of  fecundity  as  between  higher  and  lower  races,  it  must  be 
in  the  direction  of  rendering  the  lower  races  less  fertile. 

It  was  observed  in  the  second  chapter  that  the  willingness  of  the 
female  to  receive  the  male  at  any  time  in  the  sexual  cycle  is 
a  peculiarity  of  man.  It  may  be  observed  in  passing  that  evidence 
has  lately  been  brought  forward  suggesting  that  the  indifference 
of  the  female  to  the  point  in  the  sexual  cycle  at  which  intercourse 
takes  place  has  been  exaggerated,  or  rather  that  the  existence  of 
periods  of  desire  has  been  somewhat  overlooked.1  However  this 
may  be,  what  concerns  us  here  is  the  peculiar  fact  that  the  male 
is  received  by  the  female  at  any  time  in  the  sexual  cycle.  It  is 
possible  that  copulation  at  one  time  in  the  sexual  cycle  is  more 
likely  to  result  in  conception  than  at  other  times,  though  the  facts 
are  obscure.  But  whether  this  is  so  or  not  is  scarcely  relevant  to 
our  purpose,  because  there  is  no  reason  to  think  that  there  have 
been  any  variations  in  the  practice  of  copulation  between  one 
time  and  another  or  between  one  race  and  another,  as  could  have 
sensibly  affected  fecundity  even  if  the  limitation  of  copulation  to 
one  period  of  the  sexual  cycle  is  of  marked  importance. 

9.  Lastly,  we  have  to  refer  to  what  we  may  call  the  statistical 
evidence.  The  interpretation  of  the  evidence  as  to  number  of 
children  among  primitive  races  is  so  difficult  a  matter  that  it 
cannot  in  itself  be  held  to  throw  much  light  upon  the  question  of 
fecundity.  The  trend  of  the  evidence,  however,  certainly  supports 
the  conclusion  that  fecundity  is  less  among  primitive  races  than 
among  civilized  races.  There  are  a  vast  number  of  observations 
recorded  by  travellers  regarding  the  number  of  children  among 
these  races.  For  the  most  part  these  observations  have  reference 
only  to  the  number  of  children  seen  alive,  and  therefore  are  not 
even  a  measure  of  the  fertility — far  less  a  measure  of  the  fecundity. 

Practically  all  such  observations  emphasize  the  small  size  of  the 
families.  When  dealing  with  hunting  and  agricultural  races  in 
another  connexion  we  shall  have  reason  to  refer  in  some  detail 
to  this  evidence.  Here  we  may  give  a  few  typical  examples  of  this 
evidence,  remembering  that  it  is  evidence  for  the  most  part  of  the 
number  of  children  seen  and  not  of  the  number  of  children  born, 
though,  in  selecting  the  following  examples  for  quotation,  an 
effort  has  been  made  to  pick  out  those  in  which  the  authors  have 
•  Stopes,  Married  Love,  p.  68. 


HUMAN  FECUNDITY  99 

attempted  to  discount  the  effects  of  infanticide  and  other  factors 
of  elimination. 

Of  the  Australians  Curr  remarks  :  '  I  am  of  opinion  that  the 
Australian  females  bear  on  an  average  six  children,  or  did  before 
the  advent  of  the  whites  and  whilst  living  in  their  natural  state.'  x 
Spencer  "and  Gillen  state  that  sterility  is  common  among  the 
Australians  2  and  that  the  number  of  children  rarely  exceeds  four 
or  five  and  is  generally  two  or  three.3  Of  the  Eskimos  we  read  : 
*  the  women  are  not  prolific.  Although  all  the  adults  are  or  have 
been  married,  many  of  them  are  childless,  and  few  have  more 
than  two  children.  One  woman  was  known  to  have  had  at  least 
four.  Dr.  Simpson  heard  of  a  "  rare  case  "  where  one  woman  had 
borne  seven  children.'  4  '  On  the  average  the  pure  breed  Green- 
landers  are  not  prolific.  Two,  three,  or  four  children  to  each 
marriage  is  the  general  rule,  though  there  are  instances  of  families 
of  six  or  eight  or  even  more.'  5  Of  the  American  Indians  there  is 
a  large  amount  of  evidence.  Dr.  Holder,  who  combined  medical 
knowledge  with  exceptional  opportunities  for  observation,  says  : 
'  With  Indians  large  families  are  the  exception.  The  Crow  tribe, 
of  less  than  2,500  people,  is  divided  into  630  families,  which  gives 
less  than  four  to  each  family,  and  this  includes  parents  and  often 
grand-parents  and  relatives  by  affinity  or  adoption,  leaving  the 
average  offspring  to  each  child-bearing  woman  decidedly  lower 
than  in  white  communities.' 6  Speaking  of  the  Indians  of  Van- 
couver Island,  Sproat  says  :  *  As  a  rule  they  have  few  children.' 7 
Bancroft  reports  of  the  Nootka  tribe  :  '  Women  rarely  have  more 
than  two  or  three  children.' 8  Of  the  Chinooks  :  *  Barrenness  is 
common,  the  birth  of  twins  rare,  and  families  do  not  usually 
exceed  two  children.' 9  Catlin  says  :  '  It  is  a  very  rare  occurrence 
for  an  Indian  woman  to  be  "  blessed  "  with  more  than  four  or  five 
children  during  her  life  ;  generally  they  are  contented  with  two 
or  three.' 10 

It  is  merely  suggested  here  that  evidence  of  this  kind,  which 
will  be  much  amplified  in  the  following  chapters,  may  have  to  be 
interpreted  as  pointing  to  a  lower  degree  of  fecundity  among  these 

1  Curr,  The  Australian  Rave,  p.  70.  2  Spencer  and  Gillen,  Native  Tribes 

of  Central  Australia,  p.  52.  3  Ibid.,  p.  264.  *  Murdoch,  Ethnological 

Results   of  the  Port   Barrow   Expedition,  9th  A.E.B.E.,  p.  38.  6  Nansen, 

Eskimo  Life,  p.  150.  6  Holder,  Am.  Jour.  Obstet.,  vol.  xxv,  1891,  p.  44. 

7  Sproat,  Scenes  and  Studies  of  Savage  Life,  p.  94.  8  Bancroft,  Native 

Races  of  tJie  Pacific  States,  vol.  i,  p.   197.  »  Ibid.,  p.  242.  10  Catlin, 

North  American  Indians,  vol.  ii,  p.  228. 

G2 


100  HUMAN  FECUNDITY 

lower  races  than  among  the  civilized  races.  The  trend  of  the 
evidence  is  at  least  suggestive  when  it  is  remembered  that  accord- 
ing to  the  estimate  made  by  Matthews  Duncan  a  normal  woman 
among  civilized  races  living  in  wedlock  throughout  the  mature 
period  under  favourable  circumstances  should  bear  from  ten 
to  twelve  children.1 

If  the  view  suggested  is  correct,  we  should  expect  to  find  in  such 
countries  as  India  and  China  a  higher  fecundity  than  among 
primitive  races,  but  a  lower  fecundity  than  among  European 
races.  There  is  some  indication  that  this  is  so.  At  first  sight  it 
might  seem  that  the  well-known  fertility  of  these  races  indicated 
a  higher  fecundity  than  in  Europe.  When,  however,  in  the  case 
of  India,  not  the  crude  fertility,  but  the  fertility  corrected  for  the 
number  of  married  women  of  reproductive  age  is  calculated,  it  is 
found  to  be  lower  than  in  Europe.  The  figures  per  1 ,000  are  160  in 
India  and  196  in  England.2  It  has,  of  course,  to  be  remembered 
that  there  are  in  both  countries  certain  factors  bearing  upon 
fertility — early  marriage  in  India  and  restraint  from  intercourse 
and  contraceptive  methods  in  England.  But  it  can  hardly  be 
supposed  that  the  former  is  more  effective  than  the  latter  in 
decreasing  fecundity,  and  it  is  probable  that  we  have  here  an  indica- 
tion of  lower  fecundity  in  India. 

10.  All  the  evidence,  therefore,  points  to  the  same  conclusion.  If 
there  has  been  any  general  change  in  the  strength  of  human 
fecundity  in  the  course  of  human  history,  using  that  phrase  in  the 
widest  sense,  it  has  been  in  the  direction  of  an  increase.  It  is  not 
necessary  for  our  present  purpose  to  attempt  to  be  more  precise. 
This  view  is,  as  we  shall  show  below,  that  of  the  best  authorities. 
It  may  be  noticed  that  different  opinions  are  frequently  expressed 
by  authors  who  are  not  professional  biologists.3  Such  opinions  are 
in  most  cases  so  vaguely  worded  that  it  is  seldom  clear  what 

1  Matthews  Duncan,  Fecundity,  Fertility,  and  Sterility,  p.  112.  2  Wattal, 

Population  Problem  in  India,  p.  7. 

3  See,  for  instance,  Eucken,  Currents  of  Modern  Thought,  p.  264.  When  Herbert 
Spencer  says  (Principles  of  Biology,  vol.  ii,  p.  431)  that  'advancing  evolution 
must  be  accompanied  by  declining  fertility ',  he  is  apparently  using  the  term 
fertility  as  equivalent  to  fecundity  and  is  therefore  misrepresenting  the  position. 
The  Dean  of  St.  Paul's  is  doubtless  aware  of  the  true  state  of  the  case ;  never- 
theless his  reference  to  the  subject  is  likely  to  be  misleading.  After  remarking 
upon  the  fact  that  fecundity  (which  he  calls  fertility)  decreases  among  animals 
with  increasing  care  for  the  offspring,  he  goes  on  to  say  that  '  man  is  no  exception 
to  these  laws  '  (Outepoken  Essays,  p.  60).  As  a  matter  of  fact,  man  is  a  remarkable 
exception  to  this  '  law  '  ;  if  anything,  his  fecundity  has  increased.  His  position 
has  become  assimilated  to  that  of  the  animals  because  his  fertility  has  decreased — 
quite  another  matter. 


HUMAN  FECUNDITY  101 

precisely  is  meant.  In  many  cases  it  is  fairly  evident  that  it  is 
intended  to  imply  that  there  is  some  connexion  between  growth 
of  civilization  and  decrease  in  fecundity.  So  far  as  this  is  what  is 
meant,  there  is  no  evidence  for  this  view.  There  is  no  indication 
whatever  that  increasing  intellectual  activity  is  accompanied  by 
decreasing  fecundity.  On  the  other  hand,  inasmuch  as  intellectual 
activity  is  connected  with  an  amelioration  in  the  conditions,  to 
that  degree  there  is  a  connexion  between  it  and  an  increase  in 
fecundity.  Such  views  clearly  owe  their  origin  to  the  attention 
paid  to  the  decline  in  the  birth-rate.  It  is  not  always  realized  that 
a  declining  birth-rate  may  be  due  to  a  decline  in  fertility  alone, 
wholly  unconnected  with  a  decline  in  fecundity. 

That  fecundity  has  increased  was  the  opinion  of  Darwin. 
*  There  is  reason  to  suspect ',  he  says,  '  that  the  reproductive 
power  is  actually  less  in  barbarous  than  in  civilized  races.  ...  It  is 
highly  probable  that  savages,  who  often  suffer  much  hardship  and 
do  not  obtain  so  much  nutritious  food  as  civilized  men,  would  be 
actually  less  prolific.'  *  According  to  Heape,  '  it  would  seem 
highly  probable  that  the  reproductive  power  of  man  has  increased 
with  civilization,  precisely  as  it  may  be  increased  in  the  lower 
animals  by  domestication  ;  that  the  effect  of  a  regular  supply  of 
good  food,  together  with  all  the  other  stimulating  factors  available 
and  exercised  in  modern  civilized  communities,  has  resulted  in 
such  great  activity  of  the  generative  organs,  and  so  great  an 
increase  in  the  supply  of  the  reproductive  elements,  that  conception 
in  the  healthy  human  female  may  be  said  to  be  possible  almost 
at  any  time  during  the  reproductive  period.'  2 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  no  differences  in  fecundity  can  be 
observed  as  between  modern  civilized  races.3  The  conclusion  we 
have  reached  is  merely  that  there  has  been,  broadly  speaking,  an 
increase  in  fecundity,  and  that  in  large  measure  this  is  explicable 
as  a  result  of  the  betterment  of  conditions,  and  there  is  nothing 
to  lead  us  to  expect  that  there  would  on  this  account  be  any 
difference  between  modern  European  races. 

11.  We  may  now  pass  to  a  brief  consideration  of  certain  habits, 
customs,  and  other  factors  which,  operative  from  time  to  time, 
have,  or  are  widely  supposed  to  have,  an  influence  upon  fecundity, 

1  Darwin,  Descent  of  Man,  p.  132.  2  Heape,  loc.  cit.,  p.  39.    This  is  also 

the  opinion  of  Havelock  Ellis,  see  '  Studies  in  the  Psychology  of  Sex ',  Analysis 
of  the.  Sexual  Impulse,  p.  220.  3  Newsholme  and  Stevenson,  J.  R.  S.  8.,  vol.  lix, 
p.  64. 


102  HUMAN  FECUNDITY 

and  in  some  cases  upon  fertility  ;  for  though  fertility  is  not, 
properly  speaking,  considered  in  this  chapter,  it  is  convenient  to 
deal  with  certain  matters  here. 

To  polygamy  has  often  been  attributed  a  decrease  in  the 
number  of  children  born  to  a  woman.  Whether  it  is  supposed 
that  the  practice  of  polygamy  in  some  way  decreases  fecundity 
or  has  an  influence  upon  fertility  is  not  clear.  In  any  case  there  is 
no  evidence  that  it  has  any  influence  either  upon  fecundity  or 
upon  fertility.  There  is  no  reason  to  think  that  polygamy  is 
attended  by  any  structural  or  physiological  changes  such  as  would 
influence  fecundity,  and  the  statistical  evidence  does  not  show 
any  difference  in  the  average  number  of  children  born,  whether 
monogamy  or  polygamy  is  practised.  Theal  investigated  this 
question  as  far  as  marriages  among  Bantu  women  are  concerned. 
He  collected  a  number  of  returns  and  sums  up  the  returns  as  follows. 
*  Altogether  these  returns  embraced  393,  the  wives  or  widows 
of  monogamists,  mostly  professing  Christians,  and  591  women, 
the  wives  or  widows  of  polygamists.  In  a  few  instances  it  was 
noted  that  the  women  might  not  have  passed  the  age  of  child- 
bearing.  The  393  women,  wives  of  monogamists,  had  borne 
2,223  children,  that  is  on  an  average  5-65  children  to  a  woman. 
The  591  women,  wives  of  polygamists,  had  borne  3,298  children, 
that  is  on  an  average  5-58  children  to  each  woman.  Thus  mono- 
gamy made  hardly  any  appreciable  difference  in  the  birth-rate.' 1 
*The  question  of  the  influence  of  lactation  on  fecundity  is  of 
considerable  importance,  but  unfortunately  no  very  definite 
conclusions  can  be  drawn  from  the  facts  known.  There  is  a  con- 
siderable amount  of  evidence  to  the  effect  that  the  continuance 
of  lactation  to  some  extent  inhibits  heat  in  animals  and  menstrua- 
tion in  women.  Though  the  effect  of  continued  lactation  is 
doubtless  in  this  direction,  it  cannot  be  said  to  be  of  any  very 
definite  strength.  It  is  stated  that  mares  giving  suck  are  liable  to 
miss  a  season.2  '  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  in  the  case  of  sows 
early  weaning  is  conducive  to  a  more  frequent  recurrence  of 
oestrous  and  an  increased  number  of  litters.'  3  '  The  return  of 
menstruation  during  lactation  in  women  has  been  dealt  with 
recently  by  Heil  and  Dingwall  Fordyce.  Heil,  who  has  studied 
the  conditions  of  200  nursing  mothers,  expresses  the  belief  that 

1  Theal,    Yellow-  and  Dark-Skinned  People  of  Africa,  p.   348.  *  Heape, 

Joe.  cit,  p.  43.  3  Marshall,  loc.  cit.,  p.  400. 


HUMAN  FECUNDITY  108 

the  recurrence  of  menstruation  and  not  the  condition  of  amenorrhoea 
is  the  normal  state  during  lactation,  but  that  menstruation  is 
not  so  frequent  in  the  later  lactations  as  in  the  earlier  ones.  For- 
dyce  has  reached  similar  conclusions,  finding  that  menstruation 
occurred  during  lactation  in  40  per  cent,  of  the  cases  in  which 
suckling  was  performed,  while  in  92  per  cent,  of  the  cases  its 
return  was  within  nine  months  of  parturition,  and  that  menstrua- 
tion during  lactation  was  commoner  with  the  earlier  than  with  the 
later  lactations,  showing  that  age  is  an  important  factor.' 1 

There  is  another  question  of  importance.  It  may  be  asked 
what  influence  age  at  marriage  has  upon  fecundity.  As  far  as  the 
age  of  the  husband  is  concerned,  there  is  scarcely  any  influence 
at  all.  For  any  given  age  of  wife  the  fecundity  remains  nearly 
the  same,  whatever  the  age  of  the  husband.  The  age  of  the  wife, 
however,  is  of  importance,  apart  from  the  fact  that  delay  in 
marriage  reduces  the  use  made  of  the  limited  period  of  maturity. 
For  a  woman  is  not  equally  fecund  throughout  the  mature  period. 
The  earlier  years  are  the  most  fecund  years,  and  therefore  post- 
ponement of  marriage  reduces  the  fecundity,  other  things  being 
equal,  by  more  than  the  fraction  of  the  mature  period  which  is 
passed  in  celibacy.  According  to  Dunlop's  observations  on 
marriage  in  Scotland  '  the  effect  of  one  year's  delay  of  marriage  is 
to  reduce  the  average  family  by  fully  one-third  of  a  child,  or  that 
three  years'  delay  may  be  expected  to  result  in  the  family  being 
one  child  less.  This  result  may  be  fairly  correct  in  general,  but 
it  cannot  be  strictly  applied,  for  the  crude  observations  show  that 
the  effect  of  one  year's  delay  is  not  constant  through  the  fertile 
period  of  the  woman's  life,  but  is  greater  for  the  younger  and  less 
for  the  later  years.  Thus  a  year's  delay  when  the  woman  is  aged 
from  20  to  25  averages  045  of  a  child,  0-37  when  she  is  aged  from 
25  to  30,  0-32  when  she  is  aged  from  30  to  35,  0-29  when  she  is 
aged  from  35  to  40,  and  0-19  when  she  is  aged  from  40  to  45.' 2  It 
requires,  it  may  be  noticed,  a  delay  of  about  forty  years  on  the  part 
of  the  husband  to  decrease  the  number  of  children  by  one 
child.3 

v  A  further  problem  is  the  influence  of  sexual  intercourse  before 
puberty  upon  fecundity.  Exactly  what  influence  early  intercourse 
has  upon  the  generative  organs  and  their  functions  is  not  clear. 

1  Marshall,  loc.  cit.,  p.  74.   .See  also  Heape,  loc.  cit.,  p.  43,  and  Matthews  Duncan, 
Sterility  in  Women,  p.  85.      2  Dunlop, J.  M.  S.  8. ,  vol.  Ixxvi,  p.  266.      8  Ibid.,  p«  267. 


104  HUMAN  FECUNDITY 

It  is  known,  however,  that  early  intercourse  is  injurious  to  the 
general  health,  and  it  is  not  difficult  to  understand  in  a  general 
way  how,  if  this  is  so,  the  reproductive  functions  would  be 
adversely  affected.  In  the  Punjab  Census  Keport  '  it  has  been 
shown  that  the  states  which  practise  early  marriage  on  an  exten- 
sive scale  have  generally  a  smaller  proportion  of  females  at  the  age 
period  12  to  15.  Inquiries  into  a  large  number  of  cases  show  that, 
when  the  marriage  of  young  people  is  consummated  at  an  early 
age,  a  fairly  large  number  of  wives  dies  of  phthisis  or  some  other 
disease  of  the  respiratory  organs  or  from  some  ovarian  complica- 
tion within  ten  years  of  the  consummation  of  marriage.' x  It  is 
also  known  that  when  of  two  races  both  living  a  similar  kind  of 
life  under  similar  conditions,  one  practises  early  marriage  and  the 
other  does  not,  as  for  example  the  Hindus  and  Mohammedans  in 
India,  fertility  is  higher  among  the  latter  than  among  the  former.2 
Finally,  it  may  be  noted  that  the  development  of  fat  may  lead 
to  sterility.  It  is  a  fact  well  known  to  breeders  that  excessive 
fatness  is  accompanied  by  sterility.  Animals  that  have  been 
fattened  for  agricultural  bhows  are  often  barren.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  the  development  of  fat  may  have  the  same  effect  in 
women.  It  is  not  quite  clear  why  the  development  of  fat  should 
be  inimical  to  fecundity ;  formerly  it  was  supposed  that  the 
sperm  was  prevented  from  reaching  the  ovum  owing  to  the 
presence  of  a  mechanical  obstruction.  Although  this  may  at  times 
be  the  cause,  it  seems  that  the  presence  of  an  excessive  amount  of 
fat  has  a  deleterious  influence  upon  the  metabolism  of  the  organism 
and  that  the  maturation  of  the  ova  must  be  in  some  way  affected. 
Marshall  found  signs  of  abnormal  ovarian  metabolism  in  inter- 
stitial tissue  of  the  ovaries  of  fat  cows  and  heifers.3  Sterility,  it 
may  be  remarked,  is  not  to  be  regarded  as  an  ultimate  consequence 
of  *  good  '  conditions  which  have  been  made  too  '  good  '.  '  Good  ' 
conditions  do  not  merely  consist  in  abundant  food,  but  also  in 
sufficient  exercise  and  so  on.  The  development  of  fat  in  such  a 
degree  as  to  cause  sterility  is  due  to  an  excessive  amount  of  food — 
an  abundant  food-supply  being  one  only  of  the  factors  going  to 
make  up  '  good  '  conditions — to  the  exclusion  of  other  factors. 

1  Quoted  by  Wattal,  loc.  cit.,  p.  23.  *  Ibid.,  p.  15.     See  also  Matthews 

Duncan,  Fecundity,  Fertility,  and  Sterility,  pp.  277  ff.  a  Marshall,  loc.  cit., 

p.  595.  The  corpus  luteum  persists  in  the  ovary  of  fat  animals  and  to  this  fact 
Fraenkel  (Archiv  fur  Qynaekologie,  Bd.  Ixviii,  1903)  ascribes  the  barrenness  that 
so  often  accompanies  fatness. 


HUMAN  FECUNDITY 


105 


12.  In  conclusion,  some  calculations  may  be  conveniently 
added  to  illustrate  the  strength  of  human  fecundity,  which,  as  we 
shall  see,  is  constantly  underestimated.  Let  us  consider  a  popu- 
lation of  a  million  born  in  the  same  year,  half  of  whom  are  males 
and  half  females.  Let  us  suppose  that  they  all  marry,  each  couple 
before  the  age  of  twenty  producing  two  children,  half  of  whom 
are  girls  and  half  boys.  For  the  sake  of  simplicity  we  may  imagine 
that  at  the  end  of  each  twenty-year  period  the  parents  die  simul- 
taneously with  the  birth  of  their  offspring.  Then,  if  the  children 
marry  and  produce  offspring  as  did  their  parents,  we  shall  have 
a  standard  population  of -1,000,000,  which  will  neither  increase  nor 
decrease  so  long  as  these  conditions  are  fulfilled.  If,  however,  the 
average  number  of  children  is  2j  per  couple,  then  in  100  years  the 
population  will  be  3,050,000;  if  three,  7,954,000;  if  four, 
32,000,000  ;  if  five,  97,650,000. 


VI 
HUMAN  HISTORY 

1.  As  a  further  preliminary  to  the  separate  inquiries  into  the 
two  parts  of  the  problem,  we  have  to  sketch  the  main  outlines  of 
history  in  its  broadest  aspect.    The  facts  will  in  themselves  form 
an  important  element  in  the  subject-matter  when  we  come  in  the 
second  part  of  the  book  to  discuss  the  qualitative  problem.    They 
also  form,  as  explained  in  the  third  chapter,  a  framework  into 
which  such  knowledge  as  we  have  of  primitive  races  may  be 
fitted  with  all  the  necessary  qualifications  and  safeguards.    The 
procedure  will  be  in  the  first  place  to  glance  at  the  main  sub- 
divisions of  the  sedimentary  deposits,  and  to  ask  how  far  they 
can  be  dated.    In  this  fashion  alone  can  we  arrive  at  any  chrono- 
logical basis  with  regard  to  human  evolution.    We  have  then  to 
refer  to  the  evolution  of  the  Primate  branch  of  the  mammals  to 
which  man  belongs,  and  afterwards  to  the  evolution  of  the  bodily 
form  of  man.    As  the  fossils  upon  which  the  evidence  is  based 
are  connected  with  certain  geological  strata,  some  vague  indication 
of  their  date,  or  at  least  of  their  relative  appearance  in  time,  can 
be  arrived  at,  in  any  case  with  regard  to  the  later  forms.    We  can 
then  refer  to  the  evidence  of  the  cultural  remains  of  man  and 
correlate  this  evidence  with  that  derived  from  the  fossil  remains. 
In  this  fashion  some  indication  can  be  obtained  of  the  evolution 
of  culture  and  of  the  physical  form  of  man  anterior  to  the  last 
three  or  four  thousand  years.    For  the  last  period  written  records 
are  available,  and  supplement  the  evidence  derived  from  cultural 
remains.     Finally  we  have  to  discuss  the  manner  in  which  we 
can  use  the  evidence  derived  from  primitive  races  to  fill  in  the 
gaps  in  our  knowledge. 

2.  The  deposition  of  the  sedimentary  strata  is  usually  divided 
into  four  main  periods,  each  of  which  is  subdivided  into  smaller 
eras.    The  following  table  shows  the  divisions  most  commonly 
adopted. 


HUMAN  HISTOKY  107 


Quaternary 

Cainozoic  -I  Pliocene 

Miocene 


Tertiary 


Oligocene 


Eocene 

{Cretaceous 
Jurassic 
Triassic 
(Permian 
Carboniferous 
Devonian 
Silurian 
Cambrian 
Archaeozoic  Precambrian 

It  is  with  the  Cainozoic  period  that  we  are  alone  concerned,  and 
chiefly  with  the  Pleistocene  and  Eecent  subdivisions  of  that 
period.  Before  we  consider  the  Quaternary  epoch,  one  or  two 
facts  with  regard  to  the  dating  of  the  other  periods  may  be  men- 
tioned. However  long  it  is  supposed  that  the  deposition  of  the 
sedimentary  deposits  has  occupied,  it  is  usually  held  that  the 
Archaeozoic  period  occupied  at  least  half  of  the  whole  length  of 
time.  This  supposition  is  rendered  necessary  by  the  fact  that 
already  in  the  Cambrian  era  organisms  of  a  high  degree  of  com- 
plexity are  found  ;  thus  in  this  era  Crustaceans,  Brachiopods, 
and  Worms  are  common ;  Echinoderms,  Coelenterates,  and 
Sponges  are  also  known.  In  the  Silurian  most  of  the  classes  of 
the  animal  kingdom  are  represented,  the  exceptions  being  am- 
phibians, reptiles,  birtls,  and  mammals.  The  presence  of  fish 
shows  that  by  this  time  vertebrates  had  already  been  evolved. 
Amphibians  first  appear  in  the  Carboniferous  and  reptiles  in  the 
Permian.  Birds  first  occur  in  the  Upper  Jurassic  and  mammals 
towards  the  close  of  the  Triassic.  The  estimates  as  to  the  time 
occupied  by  the  deposition  of  all  these  strata  taken  together  vary 
very  greatly — the  average  being  about  100,000,000  years,  though 
it  should  be  mentioned  that  as  long  a  period  as  1,000,000,000 
years  has  been  proposed.1  With  regard  to  the  length  of  time 

1  Jolly,  Science  Progress,  1914,  No.  33,  p.  41,  states  that  there  are  four  methods 
of  estimating  the  duration  of  the  whole  period,  by  considering  (1)  the  thickness 
of  the  sediment,  (2)  the  mass  of  the  sediment,  (3)  the  sodium  contained  in  the 
sea,  and  (4)  radioactive  transformation.  (1)  gives  about  100  to  134  million  years, 
(2)  about  87  million  years,  (3)  about  80  to  90  million  years,  and  (4)  a  much  longer 
period. 


108  HUMAN  HISTOEY 

which  it  is  supposed  that  the  later  subdivisions  of  the  Cainozoic 
period  have  covered,  it  may  be  noticed  that  Penck  estimates  the 
length  of  the  Pliocene  and  Miocene  periods  at  about  two  and 
three  million  years  respectively. 

It  is  the  dating  of  the  subdivisions  of  the  Pleistocene  epoch 
that  is  of  interest  here.  This  era  is  also  known  as  the  glacial 
epoch.  During  this  period  large  areas  both  in  the  northern  and 
southern  hemispheres  were  covered  by  the  formation  of  glaciers 
or  by  the  advance  of  previously- existing  glaciers.  It  is  now 
almost  universally  admitted  that  in  Europe  at  least  there  were 
four  separate  advances  of  the  ice.  After  reaching  on  each  occasion 
a  point  of  maximum  extension,  the  ice  retreated,  and  there  were 
thus  three  inter-glacial  or  genial  epochs,  while  the  period  since 
the  fourth  glaciation  is  known  as  the  Eecent  period.  The  limit 
of  the  extension  of  the  ice  varied  in  each  glaciation,  and  was  at 
its  maximum  in  the  second  glaciation.  These  separate  glaciations 
and  intervening  genial  periods  serve  to  subdivide  the  Pleistocene 
era,  and  wrhen  fossil  and  cultural  remains  are  discovered  an 
attempt  is  made  to  ascertain  in  which  of  these  subdivisions  they 
occur. 

Nothing  more  than  guesses  can  be  made  as  to  the  length  of  the 
glacial  period  as  a  whole  and  of  the  subdivisions,  and  these  guesses 
differ  very  widely.  Osborri  gives  the  following  list  of  estimates  : l 

1863.  C.  Lyell        .  .  .  800,000  years 

1874.  J.  D.  Dana  .  .  .  720,000 

1893.  C.  D.  Walcott  .  .  400,000 

1893.  W.  Upham  .  .  .  100,000 

1894.  A.  Heim       .  .  .  100,000 
1900.  W.  J.  Sollas  .  .  400,000 

1909.     A.  Penck      .         .         .     520,000-800,000  years 
1914.     J.  Geikie      .         .         .     620,000  (minimum)  years 

Osborn  adopts  the  more  conservative  estimate  of  Penck  for 
the  duration  of  the  whole  period,  and  gives  a  subdivision  of  the 
period,  which  is  as  follows  :  2 

1  Osbora,  Old  Stone  Age,  p.  22. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  23.  It  is  well  to  lay  stress  on  the  fact  that  all  these  figures  are 
little  more  than  guesses  founded  on  various  observations  such  as  the  rate 
of  deposition  of  sediment  by  rivers.  No  conclusions  with  regard  to  evolution 
can  be  drawn  from  the  supposed  length  of  the  whole  period  or  from  the  supposed 
length  of  the  subdivisions.  Nevertheless  the  relative  length  of  the  different  sub- 
divisions as  estimated  has  in  all  probability  some  approximation  to  fact,  and 
thus,  whatever  may  be  the  real  length  of  the  period,  the  time  which  elapsed 
between,  say,  the  beginning  of  the  Pleistocene  and  the  middle  of  the  third  genial 
epoch  was  at  least  twice  and  perhaps  three  times  longer  than  that  which  has 
elapsed  since  the  beginning  of  the  latter  epoch  to  the  present  day. 


HUMAN  HISTOEY  109 


Period.                   Relative  Duration. 

Grand  Totals. 

Recent 

25,000 

25,000 

Fourth  Glacial 

25,000 

50,000 

Third  Genial 

100,000 

150,000 

Third  Glacial 

25,000 

175,000 

Second  Genial 

200,000 

375,000 

Second  Glacial 

25,000 

400,000 

First  Genial 

75,000 

475,000 

I    First  Glacial 

25,000 

500,000 

Pleistocene  H 


8.  With  man  are  associated  among  mammals  more  or  less  closely 
five  groups  of  animals — the  Anthropoid  apes,  the  Platyrrhini  or 
Old  World  monkeys,  the  Catarrhini  or  New  World  monkeys, 
the  Lemurs,  and  the  Tarsii.  It  is  clear  that  all  these  groups 
diverged  from  a  common  stem  ;  the  first  divergence,  however, 
must  have  occurred  not  later  than  the  Eocene.  To  ascertain  the 
interrelationship  of  these  groups  and  the  order  of  their  divergence 
we  have  to  rely  chiefly  upon  the  evidence  provided  by  fossils. 
This  evidence  is  very  incomplete  and,  so  far  as  the  definitely 
pre-human  ancestor  is  concerned,  is  lacking  entirely  until  we  come 
to  a  form  known  as  Pithecanthropus,  found  in  Java  in  a  deposit 
attributed  either  to  the  late  Pliocene  or  early  Pleistocene.  With 
regard  to  the  evolution  of  the  Primate  stock  it  is  usual  to  assume 
that  the  Lemurs l  and  the  Tarsii  branched  off  from  the  main  stem 
very  early,  and  that  the  Catarrhini  followed  by  the  Platyrrhini 
branched  off  in  the  Eocene.  It  is  usual,  therefore,  to  assume 
that  in  Oligocene  times  there  was  existing  a  Primate  stock 
ancestral  both  to  the  anthropoid  apes  and  to  man.  It  is  possible 
that  Propliopithecus  from  the  Fayum  is  a  representative  of  this 
common  stock  from  which  the  gibbons  branched  off  in  the 
Miocene  in  one  direction,  and  the  orang,  chimpanzee,  gorilla, 
and  man  in  another.  Man,  it  is  imagined,  branched  off  from  this 
latter  stock  in  the  early  Miocene  and  the' orang  shortly  after- 
wards, the  separation  of  the  chimpanzee  and  gorilla  occurring 
somewhat  later.  Various  ancestral  gibbons  (Pliopithecus  and 
Pliohylobates)  and  ancestral  anthropoids  (Dryopithecus,  Neo- 
pithecus,  and  Palaeopithecus)  are  known  from  the  Miocene  and 
Pliocene,  but  nothing  has  come  to  light  as  yet  of  the  distinctively 
pre-human  stock  in  these  times. 

1  The  extinct  Lemurs  of  the  Lower  Eocene  were,  it  may  be  noticed,  of  a  very 
generalized  type  and  can  only  with  difficulty  be  distinguished  from  Insectivores. 
At  this  time  the  chief  features  now  characteristic  of  the  various  Mammalian 
classes  had  not  yet  appeared. 


110  HUMAN  HISTOKY 

Apart  from  the  question  as  to  how  the  distinctively  human 
stock  is  related  to  the  rest  of  the  primate  stock,  there  is  much  to 
be  said  for  the  view  that  the  pre-human  ancestor  of  Miocene 
times  was  a  small  arboreal  primate  which  probably  lived  in 
a  restricted  area.  But  of  the  mode  of  life  we  have  of  course  no 
direct  knowledge.  It  is  possible,  however,  that  the  mode  of  life 
of  the  anthropoid  apes  may  give  some  indication  of  the  con 
ditions  under  which  the  pre-human  ancestor  lived.  That  they 
are  all  confined  to  warm  climates  in  the  Old  World  is  suggestive 
when  it  is  remembered  that  Pithecanthropus  was  found  in  Java. 
They  are  all  more  or  less  arboreal.  The  orang  seldom  comes  to 
the  ground ;  the  chimpanzee,  though  more  arboreal  than  the 
gorilla,  is  less  so  than  the  orang,  while  the  gorilla  is  the  least 
arboreal  of  all.  The  first  two  species  construct  nests  in  the  trees, 
and  the  same  is  asserted  of  the  gorilla,  though  this  appears  to  be 
doubtful.  They  all  adopt  in  varying  degrees  a  semi-erect  attitude 
from  time  to  time.  They  exhibit  a  certain  development  of  the 
social  instinct ;  the  gorilla  is  seen  in  bands,  the  gibbons  con- 
gregate in  the  evening  in  groups.  It  seems  certain  that  marriage 
in  the  sense  in  which  Westermarek  employs  the  term  exists 
among  them  ;  it  is  asserted  that  they  are  all  polygamous,  though 
the  chimpanzee  may  be  monogamous.  In  any  case  they  are  not 
promiscuous  in  their  sexual  relations. 

If  a  guess  is  to  be  made  at  all  as  to  the  mode  of  life  of  the 
pre-human  ancestor,  it  is  most  reasonable  to  assume  that  it  was 
something  after  the  same  kind.  But  whereas  the  apes  are 
powerful  specialized  animals,  the  pre-human  ancestor  must  have 
been  a  weaker  and  more  generalized  primate,  having  specialized 
only  in  the  increase  of  the  brain.  It  was  this  character  which 
undoubtedly  enabled  him  to  maintain  himself,  and  which  com- 
pensated for  the  relative  absence  of  other  means  of  defence. 
The  apes,  on  the  other  hand,  are  well  able  to  look  after  them- 
selves. *  The  orang,  as  Selenka  informs  us,  is  more  than  a 
match  for  the  dangerous  carnivora  with  which  he  has  to  contend, 
and  the  gorilla  is  monarch  of  the  woods.' 1 

When  we  survey  the  Tertiary  period  as  a  whole  we  see  that 
there  was  a  rapid  and  varied  evolution  of  the  mammalian  stock 
in  Eocene  and  Oligocene  times  which  culminated  in  the  Miocene. 

1  Sollas,  'Presidential  Address  to  the  Geological  Society',  1910,  p.  48  (Quart 
Journ.  Geol.  Soc.,  vol.  bcvi). 


HUMAN  HISTOEY  111 

All  classes  of  mammals  were  in  process  of  rapid  evolution.  After 
this  epoch  of  evolution,  specialization,  and  adaptation,  the  way 
was  opened  to  the  taking  of  the  lead  by  a  species  which  exceeded 
others  rather  in  intelligence  than  in  bodily  superiority.  The  pre- 
human ancestor,  we  must  suppose,  had  somewhat  fallen  behind 
in  this  contest  to  achieve  adaptation  by  means  of  specialization, 
and  could  not  then  have  taken  a  prominent  place  among  mam- 
malian species.  Nevertheless,  somehow  he  managed  to  maintain 
himself,  and  ultimately,  as  we  shall  point  out  later  on,  the  retention 
of  a  generalized  bodily  form  became  of  a  very  distinct  advantage 
in  that  it  enabled  the  best  use  to  be  made  of  his  growing  intellect. 

4.  The  fossil  remains  of  man  from  the  Pleistocene  are  few  and 
incomplete.  It  is  a  matter  of  great  interest  to  observe  in  what 
subdivision  of  the  Pleistocene  these  fossils  occur,  in  which 
glacial  or  genial  epoch,  that  is  to  say,  they  are  found,  as  in  this 
manner  some  indication  can  be  gained,  if  not  of  their  absolute, 
then  of  their  relative,  distance  from  the  present  epoch  in  time. 
As  already  mentioned,  abundant  evidence  of  human  cultural 
remains  are  also  found  in  the  Pleistocene,  and  these  remains 
likewise  can  be  associated  with  the  subdivisions  of  the  period. 
Various  names  have  been  given  to  these  cultural  periods,  and 
we  shall  glance  later  at  the  evidence  upon  which  these  periods 
are  based.  But  it  will  be  of  assistance  now  to  give  a  table  showing 
how  the  cultural  periods  are  connected  with  the  subdivisions  of 
the  epoch,  as  it  will  thus  be  apparent  how  the  fossil  remains  stand 
in  relation  not  only  to  the  glacial  and  genial  periods,  but  also  to 
the  cultural  periods.1 

With  regard  to  this  table,  except  in  respect  to  epochs  of  the 
later  post-glacial  period,  the  dates  are  only  intended  to  give  an 
idea  of  relative  distance  in  time.2  Some  approximation  to  accuracy 
can  be  obtained  for  the  Neolithic,  Bronze,  and  Iron  ages.  In  the 
case  of  the  latter  two  epochs,  different  dates  have  been  given 
for  the  beginning  of  the  period  in  the  Orient  and  in  Europe. 
The  remaining  dates  refer  to  Europe  only.  As  many  cultures,  so 
far  as  can  be  deduced  from  the  evidence,  came  from  the  Orient, 
the  beginnings  of  such  culture  periods  in  the  Orient  are  doubtless 
to  be  dated  some  considerable  time  before  they  first  appeared  in 

1  The  table  is  based  on  those  given  by  Osborn  (Old  Stone  Age,  pp.  18  and  41). 

2  To  show  how  the  estimates  vary  it  may  be  mentioned  that  Sollas  (Ancient 
Hunters,  ch.  xiv)  only  allows  27,000  years  since  the  close  of  the  Chellean  period. 


112 


HUMAN  HISTOKY 


Europe.  The  names  of  the  cultural  periods,  it  may  be  remarked, 
are  taken  from  the  places  where  either  specimens  of  the  culture 
were  first  found,  or  where  they  are  seen  at  their  best.  Thus 
Chellean  is  derived  from  Chelles — a  palaeolithic  station  close  to 
Paris — Acheuleari  from  St.  Acheul  in  the  valley  of  the  Sornme, 
Mousterian  from  Le  Moustier  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Yezere, 
and  so  on. 


Period.  Date. 

1,000  B.C. 

1,800  „ 

2,000  „ 

4,000  „ 

Post-Glacial        5'000  » 

7,000  „ 

10,000  „ 

12,000  „ 

16,000  „ 

20,000  „ 

25,000  „ 

Fourth  Glacial     50,000  „ 

Third  Genial      150,000  „ 


Culture. 


t  Europe 

I  Orient 

(Europe 
Orient 
( Copper 
1  Swiss  Lake 
.      .     .         (Early 

Azilian 

Upper  '  Magdalenian 

Palaeolithic  ,  Solutrian 

Aurignacian 


Racial  Type. 


Iron 


Bronze 


Neolithic 


Middle 


Modem  racial  types. 


Briinn  and  other  races. 

Cro-Magnon  and 
Grimaldi. 


Palaeolithic  \ 


Mousterian     .  H.  neanderthalensis. 


Third  Glacial 
Second  Genial 
Second  Glacial 
First  Genial 
First  Glacial 
Beginning  of 
Pleistocene 


175,000  „ 

375,000  „ 

400,000  „ 

475,000  „ 

500,000  „ 

525,000  , 


Lower 
Palaeolithic 


/Acheulean 
]  CheUean 
I  Pre-Chellean 


Eoanthropus. 

H.  heidelbergensis. 


Pithecanthropus. 


5.  Turning  to  the  fossil  remains  of  man  we  have  first  to  deal 
with  Pithecanthropus.  In  September  1891  Dr.  Eugene  Dubois 
of  Amsterdam  discovered  at  Trinil  in  Java  certain  fossil  remains  ; 
he  continued  to  excavate  for  some  two  years,  and  succeeded  in 
finding  other  remains,  all  of  which  he  attributed  to  the  same 
individual.  To  this  individual  he  gave  the  name  of  Pithecan- 
thropus erectus.1  Dubois  considered  that  the  strata  in  which 

1  Dubois,  Pithecanthropus  erectus ;  einernenschendhnliche  UbergangsformausJava. 
Dubois  has  published  several  other  papers  and  the  literature  is  very  large.  The 
earlier  literature  has  been  summarized  by  Klaatsch  (Zoologisches  Centralblatt, 
vol.  vi,  1899,  p.  217),  and  by  Schwalbe  (Zett.  fur  Morph.  und  Anth.,  Bd.  1,  1899, 
p.  16).  For  a  concise  account  see  Duckworth,  Morphology  and  Anthropology, 
pp.  510  ff.  The  remains  consist  of  the  upper  portion  of  a  skull,  a  left  femur, 
a  second  left  upper  molar,  a  third  right  upper  molar  and  a  second  left  lower 
pre-molar.  The  last  tooth  was  not  found  by  Diibois  but  by  subsequent  excavators. 


HUMAN  HISTOKY  113 

Pithecanthropus  was  found  belonged  to  the  Pliocene.  Very  great 
interest  naturally  attaches  to  this  question  ;  Dubois's  view  has 
been  challenged :  subsequent  visitors  to  Trinil  have  very 
carefully  considered  the  matter,  and  the  weight  of  scientific 
opinion  now  favours  the  attribution  of  the  strata  to  the  early 
Pleistocene.1 

The  scantiness  of  the  remains  renders  a  reconstruction  of  the 
individual  a  difficult  and  doubtful  matter.  Nevertheless,  after 
some  twenty  years  of  discussion  there  is  a  very  general  agreement 
that  Pithecanthropus  was  in  many  respects  intermediate  in  type 
between  modern  man  and  the  hypothetical  pre-human  ancestor. 
The  bones  of  the  cranium  are  fused,  the  brow  ridges  massive, 
and  there  is  a  marked  narrowing  behind  the  orbit — all  ape-like 
features.  Further  the  cranium  is  flattened  somewhat  as  among 
the  apes,  but  not  to  so  great  a  degree  ;  the  altitudinal  index  is 
34-2  ;  of  the  average  European  it  is  52 ;  of  Neanderthal  man 
40-4.  The  cranial  capacity  is  about  855  c.c.,  or  250  c.c.  greater 
than  the  largest  known  skull  of  any  of  the  Simiidae,  whereas  the 
average  cranial  capacity  of  the  Australian,  the  lowest  living  race, 
is  about  1190  c.c.  The  femur  has  only  a  slight  curvature,  and  is 
decidedly  human,  indicating  that  its  possessor  was  some  1650- 
1700  mm.  in  height,  and  probably  walked  upright.  The  teeth 
are  simian  rather  than  human,  the  roots  diverge  and  the  crowns 
are  large  ;  they  exhibit,  nevertheless,  certain  human  features. 

If  we  attempt  to  reconstruct  Pithecanthropus,  we  must  picture 
a  creature  half  ape,  half  man,  which  was  probably  terrestrial  and 
erect.  His  body  weight  must  have  been  about  70  kilograms.  If 
this  fact  is  correct,  it  provides  a  very  useful  method  of  estimating 
the  relation  of  Pithecanthropus  to  the  apes  on  one  hand  and  to 
man  on  the  other.  We  know  roughly  what  proportion  brain 
weight  bears  to  body  weight.  If  Pithecanthropus  had  been 
human — given  the  brain  weight  deduced  from  the  cranial  capacity 
—the  body  weight  should  be  19  kilograms.  If  Pithecanthropus 
had  been  simian,  the  body  weight  should  be  230  kilograms.  We 
have  in  fact  reason  to  think  that  it  was"  about  70  kilograms, 

The  skull  and  the  femur  were  not  found  together  but  some  fifty  feet  apart.  The 
attribution  of  all  the  remains  to  one  individual  is,  however,  probably  justified. 

1  Elbert  (Cent,  fur  Min.,  Geol.  und  Pal.,  Bd.  17,  1909,  p.  513)  holds  that  the 
beds  are  on  the  border  between  the  Pliocene  and  the  Pleistocene.  Volz  (Neves 
Jahr.  fur  Min.,  Geol.  und  Pal. ;  Fesiband  zur  Feier  des  100-jdhrigen  Bestehens,  1907, 
p.  256)  places  the  beds  in  the  Middle  Pleistocene.  The  whole  problem  is  discussed 
by  Selenka  and  Blanckenhorn.  See  Die  Pithecanthropus-Schichten  auf  Java. 

2498  w 


114  HUMAN  H1STOKY 

which  emphasizes  the  intermediate  position  of  Dubois's  famous 
discovery. 

It  is  further  probable  that  Pithecanthropus  had  free  use  of 
the  arms,  the  legs  having  become  specialized  for  progression.  It 
is  quite  possible  that  he  may  have  employed  tools  of  wood  or  of 
stone,  though  there  is  no  evidence  to  this  effect.  It  is  farther 
possible  that  some  rudimentary  form  of  speech  may  have  been 
employed.  The  motor  centre  for  speech  is  found  in  a  particular 
area  of  the  brain  known  as  Broca's  area.  This  area  can  be  identi- 
fied in  the  brain  cast  of  Pithecanthropus,  and  it  is  stated  to  be 
twice  as  great  as  in  the  apes,  but  only  half  as  large  as  in  man. 
1  The  undeveloped  forehead  of  Pithecanthropus  and  the  diminutive 
frontal  area  of  the  brain  indicate  that  the  Trinil  race  had  a  limited 
faculty  of  profiting  by  experience  and  accumulated  tradition,  for 
in  this  prefrontal  area  of  the  brain  are  located  the  powers  of 
attention  and  of  control  of  the  activities  of  all  other  parts  of  the 
brain.  In  the  brain  of  the  ape  the  sensory  areas  of  touch,  taste, 
and  vision  predominate,  and  these  are  well  developed  in  Pithecan- 
thropus. The  central  area  of  the  brain,  which  is  the  storehouse 
of  the  memory  of  action  and  the  feelings  associated  with  them, 
is  also  well  developed,  but  the  prefrontal  area,  which  is  the  seat 
of  the  faculty  of  profiting  by  experience  or  of  recalling  the  con- 
sequences of  previous  responses  to  experience,  is  developed  to 
a  very  limited  degree.' 1 

Pithecanthropus  is  thus  a  form  of  the  highest  interest  in  the 
history  of  man.  Provisionally,  it  may  be  put  at  the  dawn  of  the 
Pleistocene.  Uncertainty  also  surrounds  the  position  of  the  next 
human  remains  to  be  mentioned,  which  ^consist  of  a  lower  jaw 
from  the  Mauer  Sands  near  Heidelberg.2  It  is  generally  agreed 
that  these  sands  were  deposited  in  a  genial  epoch,  and  opinion 
now  inclines  to  associate  them  with  the  second  genial  epoch. 
The  jaw  itself  is  very  simian,  scarcely  showing  any  approach  to 
human  characters.  The  teeth,  however,  are  remarkably  human, 
and  it  is  said  that  in  some  respects  the  teeth  of  existing  primitive 
races  approach  the  simian  condition  more  nearly  than  do  the 
teeth  of  the  Heidelberg  race.  The  relation  of  this  form  to  Pithecan- 
thropus and  to  those  which  follow  may  be  left  for  consideration 
until  we  have  completed  our  sketch  of  human  fossil  types. 

1  Osborn,   Old  Stone   Age,   p.    83.  2  Schoetensack,   Der    Unterkiefer  dea 

H.  heidelbergensis. 


HUMAN  HISTOEY  115 

There  remains  a  third  early  form  to  be  mentioned — Eoan- 
thropus  dawsoni  from  Piltdown  near  Lewis.1  The  gravel  in  which 
Eoanthropus  was  found  was  certainly  deposited  in  a  warm  period. 
It  probably  dates  from  either  the  second  or  the  third  genial 
epoch,  but  great  uncertainty  attaches  to  the  correlation  of  these 
gravels  with  the  phases  of  the  glacial  period.  Some  implements 
found  near  the  bones  have  been  referred  to  the  pre-Chellean 
culture  period,  which  would  indicate  the  third  genial  epoch.  The 
mammalian  fauna  seems  also  to  favour  the  reference  of  these 
strata  to  the  same  period. 

The  remains  of  Eoanthropus  consist  of  the  greater  part  of  the 
brain  case  and  part  of  the  right  mandible  with  the  first  and  second 
molars  in  situ.  The  canine  tooth  was  found  later.  The  skull  has 
been  reconstructed  from  several  fragments.  There  has  been  much 
controversy  as  to  the  correct  method  of  performing  this  recon- 
struction. The  first  estimate  of  the  cranial  capacity  put  it  at 
about  1,100  c.c.  Woodward  has  later  revised  his  estimate,  and 
arrived  at  a  figure  approaching  1,300  c.c.  Keith  has  suggested 
a  higher  figure.  The  bones  of  the  skull  are  very  thick,  brow 
ridges  are  almost  absent,  and  the  forehead  is  very  steep.  The 
jaw,  on  the  other  hand,  is  even  more  ape-like  than  the  jaw  of 
Heidelberg  man ;  it  slopes  away  with  scarcely  any  vestige  of 
a  chin,  the  pre-molar  series  of  teeth  is  parallel,  and  the  molars 
do  not  decrease  in  size  backwards.  It  is  owing  to  the  simian 
features  of  the  jaw  that  the  authors  felt  justified  in  creating 
a  new  species  for  these  remains.  Although  the  absence  of  brow 
ridges  and  the  presence  of  a  steep  forehead  are  characters  which 
mark  the  higher  human  types,  they  are  also  found  among  all 
young  apes.  It  is  thus  possible  that  Eoanthropus  may  represent 
in  the  general  form  of  the  skull  the  missing  Miocene  and  Pliocene 
ancestor  more  nearly  than  Pithecanthropus.  The  brain,  though 
very  primitive,  was  decidedly  human ;  there  was  a  moderate 
development  of  those  areas  connected  with  speech. 

6.  It  is  a  matter  of  doubt  to  what  subdivisions  of  the  Pleistocene 
the  types  hitherto  mentioned  should  be  assigned  and  with  what 
cultures,  if  any,  they  should  be  connected.  At  this  point  we  come 
to  a  region  of  less  uncertainty.  Associated  with  Mousterian 
implements  and  with  the  deposits  of  the  fourth  glacial  period  we 
find  a  distinct  type  of  man  whom  we  may  call  Mousterian  or 

1  Dawson  and  Woodward,  Quart.  Jour.  Geol.  Soc.,  vol.  Lxix,  1913,  p.  117. 

H2 


116  HUMAN  HISTOKY 

Neanderthal ;  for  it  was  in  the  Neanderthal  near  Dusseldorf  that 
the  first  specimen  of  this  race  was  discovered  in  1856.1  Since 
that  date  several  other  examples  of  this  type  have  been  found. 
Some  of  the  specimens  have  been  preserved  almost  complete, 
and  Professor  Boule  has  been  able  to  make  a  detailed  study  of 
the  skeleton  from  La  Chapelle-aux-Saints,2  In  the  course  of  his 
memoir  he  institutes  a  comparison  between  this  and  other 
examples  of  Neanderthal  man,  and  shows  that  they  all  agree  in 
the  possession  of  certain  features  of  importance.  Neanderthal 
man  was  small  but  massive  ;  the  facial  portion  of  the  head  was 
much  developed  in  comparison  with  the  cranial ;  the  head  was 
low  and  narrow,  the  forehead  receding,  the  occiput  protruding, 
the  orbits  large,  and  the  brow  ridges  heavy.  The  lower  jaw  was 
strong,  the  chin  rudimentary,  and  the  hinder  molar  teeth  primitive. 
The  vertebral  column  indicates  a  less  upright  posture  than  that 
of  modern  man.  With  regard  to  one  feature — the  cranial  capacity 
— there  is  great  variability.  The  cranial  capacity  of  the  Gibraltar 
skull  is  only  1,296  c.c.,  whilst  that  of  the  Chapelle-aux-Saints 
specimen  is  1,620  c.c.  According  to  Boule,  however,  this  variation 
is  no  greater  than  that  found  among  modern  European  skulls. 
He  makes  out  the  average  capacity  of  Neanderthal  man  as 
1,400  c.c. ;  this  estimate  is  far  lower  than  that  usually  given  ;  it 
is  often  said  that  the  average  capacity  approaches  1,600  c.c. 

The  Neanderthal  race  forms  a  very  distinct  type.  It  is  found 
only  in  the  Middle  Palaeolithic  period.3  Of  its  origin  there  will 
be  something  to  be  said  later  ;  it  appears  that  it  died  out  before 
the  Upper  Palaeolithic  age  began,  for,  as  we  shall  see,  apparently 
none  of  the  types  which  occurs  later  descended  from  this  race. 

7.  The  Upper  Palaeolithic  culture  is  associated  with  the  end 
of  the  fourth  glacial  epoch.  In  place  of  the  remains  of  Neander- 
thal man  we  find  the  remains  of  several  types,  none  of  which 
shows  any  affinity  to  Neanderthal  man.  On  the  contrary  they  all 
approximate  more  or  less  closely  to  modern  man.  At  one  bound 
we  seem,  when  looking  at  the  fossil  remains  from  this  epoch  in 

1  The  Gibraltar  skull  may  have  been  discovered  before  the  specimen  from 
Neanderthal ;  it  aroused  no  interest,  however,  until  after  the  discovery  of  the 
latter.  *  Boule,  Ann.  de  Pal.,  vol.  vi,  1911,  vol.  vii,  1912,  vol.  viii,  1913. 

3  In  some  cases  the  origin  has  not  been  clearly  identified  (e.  g.  the  Gibraltar 
skull).  It  is  said  that  remains  of  Neanderthal  man  are  sometimes  found  associated 
with  Acheulean  instruments  (in  the  case  of  the  Krapina  remains,  for  example). 
See  Boule,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  vi,  p.  120,  and  vol.  vii,  p.  227,  and  also  Anthony,  Bull, 
et  Mim.  Soc.  d'Anth.,  1913,  p.  189. 


HUMAN  HISTOEY  117 

Europe,  to  have  passed  into  the  modem  period  so  far  as  human 
bodily  form  is  concerned.  As  we  shall  see  later,  it  is  probable 
that  the  various  types  entered  Europe  from  the  East,  and  probably 
originated  somewhere  in  Western  Asia.  The  most  important  of 
these  types  is  known  as  Cro-Magnon  man.  It  is  found  throughout 
the  Late  Palaeolithic  period.  The  first  specimen  was  found  at 
Cro-Magnon  in  the  valley  of  the  Vezere.  Other  specimens  have 
been  found  in  the  Grotte  de  Grimaldi  and  assigned  to  the  beginning 
of  the  Aurignacian,  the  first  subdivision  of  the  Upper  Palaeolithic, 
and  others*  again  at  Obercassel,  and  assigned  to  the  Magdalenian, 
or  last  subdivision  of  the  Upper  Palaeolithic.  In  modern  France 
in  the  region  of  Perigueux  there  is  existing  at  the  present  day 
a  type  which  in  so  many  features  resembles  Cro-Magnon  man 
that  it  may  be  a  survival  from  Upper  Palaeolithic  times. 

The  general  features  of  the  chief  types  of  the  Upper  Palaeolithic 
may  be  very  briefly  indicated.  The  skull  of  Cro-Magnon  man  was 
narrow,  the  face  low  and  broad  ;  the  brow  ridges  project  slightly  ; 
the  orbits  are  low  and  rectangular  ;  the  nose  is  long  and  narrow 
and  the  root  broad.  Cro-Magnon  man  was  tall,  approaching  an 
average  of  6  ft.  in  height ;  the  cranial  capacity  was  large,  being 
somewhere  about  1,600  c.c.1 

In  the  Grotte  de  Grimaldi  were  also  found  two  skeletons  of 
what  has  been  called  the  Grimaldi  race.  No  other  skeletons  of 
this  type  have  been  found  in  Europe.  There  are  two  points  to 
notice  about  this  type ;  first  it  is  not  relatively  speaking  a  low 
type;  the  cranial  capacity  was,  for  instance,  1,580  c,c.;  secondly, 
it  shows  undoubted  resemblance  to  the  Negroid  type.  The  skull 
is  narrow,  the  face  large  and  low,  and  prognathism  is  marked. 
The  orbits  are  large  and  of  low  vertical  height,  the  nose  broad 
and  flat. 

The  third  type  is  that  found  at  Briinn  and  again  at  Brux  in 
connexion  with  Solutrian  culture  (middle  of  Upper  Palaeolithic). 
The  skull  is  very  long  and  generally  of  a  lower  type  than  the 
Cro-Magnon  skull.  In  certain  respects  there  is  a  slight  resem- 

1  The  remains  found  at  the  station  of  Raymonden,  Chancelade,  and  described 
by  Testut  (Bull.  Soc.  d'Anth.  de  Lyon,  vol.  viii,  1889),  are  now  generally  classed 
with  Cro-Magnon  man.  As  Testut  says,  Chancelade  man  possesses  '  tous  les 
caracteres  propres  aux  races  sup^rieures '.  The  cranial  capacity  was  1,710  c.c. 
But  there  are  certain  features  in  which  it  departs  from  the  ordinary  Cro-Magnon 
type  and  certain  features  in  which  it  resembles  the  modern  Eskimo  type — 
particularly  in  the  shape  of  the  cranium,  the  sides  of  which  tend  to  slope  up  and 
meet  at  an  angle.  The  possible  significance  of  this  will  be  referred  to  later. 


118  HUMAN  HISTORY 

blance  to  the  Neanderthal  type.  Finally  from  deposits  at  the 
close  of  the  late  Palaeolithic  period  at  Offnet  two  further  types 
are  known.  One  of  them  is  a  long-headed  race  not  unlike  the 
Mediterranean  type  of  European  at  the  present  day.  The  other 
is  a  broad-headed  race,  which  is  not  unlike  the  Alpine  type  of 
modern  European. 

In  a  general  sketch  further  details  need  not  be  added.  There 
is  no  essential  difference  between  the  physical  type  existing  in 
Neolithic  times  and  that  of  modern  man.  Leaving  the  discussion 
of  the  inter-relationship  and  origin  of  these  types  until  after  we 
have  spoken  of  the  evolution  of  culture,  what  we  have  found  so 
far  is  that  in  the  beginning  of  the  Pleistocene  and  in  the  early 
Palaeolithic  there  are  three  primitive  types  of  man  known,  and 
that  in  the  Middle  Palaeolithic  there  is  a  peculiar  type  with 
many  primitive  features,  whereas  in  the  Upper  Palaeolithic  we 
are  in  the  presence  of  types  which  for  the  most  part  differ  but 
little  from  modern  races,  and  even  show  affinity  to  certain  modern 
races  in  particular  cases.1 

8.  We  have  now  to  give  some  account  of  the  evolution  of  culture 
as  shown  by  the  implements  and  other  remains  left  by  primitive 
man.  The  story  of  the  first  identification  of  stone  implements  by 
Boucher  de  Perthes  is  well  known.  Gradually  a  succession  of 
periods  has  been  recognized,  and  the  names  given  to  them  have 
already  been  introduced  in  the  preceding  pages.  Of  the  two 
main  periods — Palaeolithic  and  Neolithic — the  first  is  distinguished 
by  the  facts  that  stone  implements  were  not  polished,  agriculture 
was  not  practised,  pottery  was  not  made,2  and  animals  were  not 
domesticated.  Within  the  Palaeolithic  period  several  successive 
types  of  culture  can  be  distinguished,  but  before  we  deal  with 
them  something  must  be  said  regarding  the  so-called  Eolithic 
period. 

There  are  found  in  many  places  stones  supposed  to  exhibit 
a  very  primitive  form  of  human  workmanship.  To  them  the  name 
of  eoliths  has  been  given.  They  have  been  described  from  the 

1  Thus  Boule  (loc.  cit.,  vol.  viii,  p.  Ill),  speaking  of  the  Upper  Palaeolithic  types 
in  general,  says :  '  Tous  ces  hommes  fossiles  ne  sont  pas  plus  differents  des  hommes 
actuels  que  ceux-ci  ne  different  entre  eux.' 

*  Pottery  stated  to  be  Palaeolithic  has  been  found  in  Belgium.  There  is  nothing 
surprising  in  the  fact,  if  it  is  a  fact,  that  Palaeolithic  man  should  have  possessed 
this  art,  so  far  as  his  abilities  are  concerned.  In  general,  however,  nomadic  races 
(and  the  Palaeolithic  races  were,  of  course,  nomadic)  have  little  use  for  pottery. 
See  Dechelette,  Manuel  ff  Archtologie,  vol.  i,  pp.  169  ff. 


HUMAN  HISTOEY  119 

Oligocene,  Miocene,  and  Pliocene.  Many  archaeologists  believe 
that  they  are  the  remains  of  a  primitive  form  of  culture  which 
preceded  the  Palaeolithic  form  of  culture.  The  matter  is  still 
under  debate. 

We  may  note  that  eoliths  exhibit  very  little  variation.  The 
same  types  appear  from  the  Oligocene  onwards,  and  if  there  was 
an  eolithic  culture  it  must  have  lasted  some  millions  of  years  and 
been  accompanied  by  little  or  no  progress  in  the  fashioning  of 
implements.  An  exception  must  be  made  in  the  case  of  the  so- 
called  '  rostro-carinate  '  implements  described  by  Mr.  Eeid  Moir, 
and  attributed  to  the  late  Pliocene.1  These  stones  are  of  a  dis- 
tinctive type,  and  apparently  do  not  occur  in  the  Oligocene  and 
the  Miocene.2  There  are  several  considerations  which  make  it 
difficult  to  accept  eoliths  as  genuine  remains  of  an  early  culture  ; 
some  of  these  considerations  do  not  apply  to  the  rostro-carinate 
type,  and  some  apply  with  less  force,  (a)  Breuil  has  pointed  out 
that  as  good  eoliths  occur  in  the  Eocene  as  in  the  later  strata.3 
Apart  from  this,  the  occurrence  of  eoliths  in  the  Oligocene,  taken 
together  with  the  immense  length  of  the  period  during  which 
no  progress  in  skill  was  made,  is  almost  incompatible  with  what 
we  must  suppose  to  have  been  the  course  of  human  evolution. 
The  various  classes  of  mammals  were  in  rapid  evolution  at  this 
time,  and  it  is  difficult  to  understand  how,  before  this  period  of 
mammalian  expansion,  man  alone  could  have  evolved  to  some- 
thing akin  to  the  type  of  the  early  Pleistocene,  and  then  for  so 
long  a  period  have  failed  to  progress.4  If  indeed  Propliopithecus, 

1  Reid  Moir,  Pre- Palaeolithic  Man.  Rostro-carinates  are  found  in  the  Red 
Crag  which  is  a  Pliocene  formation.  Mr.  Reid  Moir  holds  that  they  were  evolved 
from  eoliths  (p.  66).  2  Sollas,  Ancient  Hunters,  ch.  iii.  8  Breuil, 

L' Anthropologie,  vol.  xx,  1910. 

4  Professor  Wood  Jones,  basing  his  conclusions  on  comparative  anatomy,  has 
lately  put  forward  a  view  of  the  course  of  human  evolution  somewhat  at  variance 
with  that  outlined  above.  He  sums  up  his  view  by  saying  that  '  Homo  is  not 
descended  from  the  anthropoid  apes  preceded  by  a  series  of  Primate  forms 
represented  by  Old  World  Monkeys,  New  World  Monkeys,  and  Lemurs.  For 
we  have  seen  that  the  anatomical  characters  of  man  demand  rather  a  recognition 
of  the  finding  that  his  stock  branched  off  from  the  very  root  of  the  Primates  ; 
that  man  has  evolved  entirely  by  generalized  development  of  the  brain,  and  that 
he  retains  the  bodily  simplicity  only  found  in  some  such  far  distant  progenitor 
as  the  Tarsius  stock  ;  that  no  matter  what  may  be  the  relation  of  the  New  World 
and  Old  World  Monkeys,  the  human  race  combines,  in  some  instances,  a  blend 
of  their  characters ;  that  the  anthropoid  apes  retain  a  certain,  and  a  varying, 
amount  of  the  basal  simplicity  that  belongs  to  man,  but  that  the  Old  World 
Monkeys  have  specialized  far  away  from  this  simplicitjr.  Regarded  in  this  way 
we  may  say  that  the  line  of  Homo  springs  from  the  base  of  the  (non-Lemurine) 
Primate  stem  and  not  from  its  systematic  apex '  ('  Origin  of  Man ',  p.  126,  in  Animal 
Life  and  Human  Progress,  edited  by  Dendy).  In  this  view  therefore  the  human 


120  HUMAN  HISTOKY 

or  any  similar  form  in  the  Oligocene,  is  a  type  from  or  near  the 
line  of  human  ascent,  then  we  cannot  allow  Oligocene  eoliths  to 
be  genuine  artefacts,  and  there  is  no  reason  why,  if  we  reject 
Oligocene  eoliths,  we  should  consider  Miocene  or  Pliocene  eoliths 
to  be  genuine,  (b)  Numerous  observations  have  been  made 
showing  that  stones  similar  to  eoliths  are  formed  under  natural 
conditions  of  pressure,  wave  action,  and  so  on.  It  is  of  particular 
interest  to  note  that  even  the  rostro-carinate  type  can  be  thus 
formed.1  (c)  Upon  the  whole  eoliths  are  only  found  where  other 
stones  of  the  same  composition  are  found,  whereas  palaeoliths 
may  be  found  anywhere — the  deduction,  of  course,  being  that 
eoliths,  inasmuch  as  they  are  formed  under  natural  agencies, 
remain  associated  with  other  stones  of  the  same  composition 
whereas  palaeoliths  were  widely  distributed  by  those  who  used 
them.  The  question  of  eoliths  is  very  far  from  being  settled. 
Lest  it  be  thought  that  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  accepting 
eoliths  as  genuine  have  been  exaggerated  owing  to  some  bias,  it 
may  be  mentioned  that  the  chief  deduction  we  shall  draw  from 
human  history  as  a  whole  would  be  considerably  strengthened  if 
eoliths  could  be  regarded  as  genuine  artefacts.  If  we  cannot 
accept  eoliths  as  without  question  genuine,  it  does  not  mean  that 
before  the  Palaeolithic  period  man  did  not  make  and  use  stone 
implements.  Undoubtedly  he  did  so.  But  it  may  be  from  the 
nature  of  the  case  that  it  is  impossible  to  recognize  these  instru- 
ments.2 

9.  In  a  warm  period  of  the  Pleistocene,  now  almost  universally 
identified  with  the  third  genial  epoch,  occur  the  first  implements 

stock  has  been  separate  from  the  rest  of  the  primate  stock  since  early  in  the 
Tertiary  period.  If  this  conclusion  is  well  founded,  the  argument  derived  from 
the  course  of  evolution  as  outlined  above  is  certainly  weakened. 

1  Sollas,  loc.  cit.,  p.  72. 

2  With  reference  to  this  subject  Breuil  says  with  great  force  that  '  si  la  nature, 
exceptionnellement  sans  doute,  peut  produire  des  objets  aussi  semblables  a  des 
types  industriels  parfaitement  de.finis  et  connus  comme  telsdans  leurs  milieux  normaux 
en  dehors  de  toute  possibilite  d'erreur,  a  combien  plus  forte  raison  doit-on  se  montrer 
circonspect  a  Pegard  des  manifestations  les  plus  elementaires  de  1'activite  humaine, 
et  se  montrer  exigeant  avant  de  fonder  sur  leur  constatation  si  problematique 
des  theories  depassant  si  formidablement  ce  qui  est  acquis  d'une  maniere  definitive 
et  en  toute  Evidence  ! '  (U Anthropologie,  vol.  xxi,  p.  407).     For  examples  of  the 
expression  of  similar  views  see  Obermaier,  Der  Mensch  der  Vorzeit,  p.  412,  and 
Dechelette,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  22.     The  weight  of  expert  opinion  is  against  the 
acceptance  of  eoliths  as  genuine.     Among  the  more  distinguished  supporters  of 
the  theory  may  be  mentioned  Rutot  in  Belgium,  Ray  Lankester  and  Reid  Moir 
in  England,  Verworn  in  Germany,  and  de  Mortillet  in  France.     Among  those 
who  are  sceptical  are  Boule,  Breuil,  and  Dechelette  in  France,   Schmidt  and 
Obermaier  in  Germany,  and  Sollas  in  England. 


HUMAN  HISTOKY  121 

of  undoubted  human  workmanship.  Within  this  early  Palaeo- 
lithic epoch  three  phases  of  culture  are  distinguished,  the  pre- 
Chellean,  Chellean,  and  Acheulean.  It  is  worth  while  observing 
that  M.  Eutot,  who  is  a  foremost  supporter  of  the  eolithic  theory, 
remarks,  on  arriving  in  a  general  review  of  the  evidence  at  this 
pre-Chellean  period,  that  there  can  be  observed  the  '  appari- 
tion subite  d'objets  nouveaux  '.l  It  is  precisely  these  '  objets 
nouveaux '  which  many  authorities  consider  as  the  first  genuine 
artefacts,  and  not  as  mere  improvements  of  a  more  primitive  type 
of  implement. 

The  typical  instrument  of  the  Chellean  period  was  the  hand 
axe — a  stone  shaped  to  fit  the  hand,  and  used  for  striking  blows.2 
Knives  and  scrapers  were  also  common.  In  the  Acheulean  or 
latest  period  of  the  Palaeolithic  there  is  seen  a  general  improve- 
ment in  workmanship.  The  hand  axe  is  lighter  and  more  care- 
fully worked.  There  is  a  great  variety  of  small  implements, 
often  showing  a  considerable  degree  of  care  and  skill.  For  the 
first  time  there  is  in  the  Acheulean  era  evidence  that  man  employed 
fire.  It  does  not  appear  that  bone  was  yet  used  for  making 
implements.  It  can  be  shown  that  early  Palaeolithic  implements 
represent  a  steady  and  continual  advance  in  skill  with  the  improve- 
ment of  old  types  and  the  development  of  new  types. 

During  the  late  Acheulean  period  it  was  becoming  colder,  and 
the  succeeding  stage,  or  Middle  Palaeolithic  era,  falls  almost 
wholly  within  the  fourth  glacial  period.  Man  began  to  make 
his  home  in  caves,  and  we  are  well  acquainted  with  the  physical 
type  under  the  name  of  Neanderthal  man,  described  above. 
There  are  again  traces  of  fire.  Some  kind  of  ceremonial  burial 
was  employed.  A  skeleton  found  at  La  Chapelle-aux-Saints 
showed  that  the  body  had  been  carefully  disposed  for  burial ; 
implements  had  been  placed  close  to  the  body,  one  fine  implement 
lying  within  reach  of  the  left  hand.  There  is  a  marked  difference 
as  regards  the  stone  implements  between  this  and  the  preceding 
period.  A  different  method  of  shaping  implements  was  employed. 
There  is  some  inclination  to  regard  the  Mousterian  stone  industry 
as  of  a  lower  grade  than  the  stage  previously  attained.  With 
regard  to  this  stage  in  general  we  may  note  that  it  is  the  first  in 

1  Rutot,  Revue  de  VUniversite  de  Bruxdles,  1911,  p.  258.  2  Remains  of 

Chellean  industry  are  widespread  and  are  found  outside  Europe — in  Africa,  for 
example,  from  the  Cape  to  the  Sahara.  See  Dechelette,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  88. 


122  HUMAN  HISTOKY 

which  we  have  a  detailed  knowledge  of  the  physical  type  and  in 
which  we  have  some  indication  of  the  stage  of  psychical  develop- 
ment as  shown  by  the  employment  of  ceremonial  burial. 

This  stage  is  sharply  divided  from  that  which  follows  it.  So 
far  as  is  known,  Neanderthal  man  disappears  at  the  end  of  the 
Middle  Palaeolithic,  and  Mousterian  industry  is  replaced  by  the 
Aurignacian,  a  wholly  new  type  of  culture,  presumably  intro- 
duced by  some  new  racial  element.  As  we  have  seen,  there  are 
several  racial  types  in  the  Upper  Palaeolithic,  and  the  Cro-Magnon 
type,  which  occurs  from  the  beginning  of  this  period,  may  have 
brought  the  new  culture  into  Europe.  The  art  of  stone  imple- 
ment making  reached  a  height  during  the  Aurignacian  never 
previously  approached ;  knives  and  scrapers  were  especially 
finely  shaped.  In  the  Solutrian,  or  middle  period  of  the  Upper 
Palaeolithic,  stone  implement  making  reached  the  highest  point 
to  which  it  attained  in  the  Palaeolithic  period.  The  workmanship 
exhibited  in  the  well-known  willow  and  laurel  leaf  lance-heads  is 
very  fine.  Bone  tools  are  first  found  in  the  Upper  Palaeolithic. 
It  is  clear  from  the  disposition  of  the  skeletons  that  burials  were 
again  employed,  and  indicate,  if  not  a  belief  in  a  future  life  in 
our  meaning  of  the  phrase,  at  least  the  presence  of  a  body  of 
tradition  regarding  the  state  of  the  deceased.  It  is  not  certain 
whether  man  at  this  stage  possessed  the  bow  and  arrow.  Nothing 
can,  of  course,  be  known  with  certainty  regarding  the  degree  to 
which  perishable  substances  were  manufactured  ;  it  can  only  be 
said  that  in  all  probability  skins  and  furs  were  used  as  clothing, 
that  basketwork  was  understood,  and  nets  constructed.  The 
most  remarkable  remains  which  have  been  preserved  from  this 
period  are  the  drawings  and  paintings  on  the  walls  of  caverns. 
They  are  found  throughout  the  Upper  Palaeolithic  period,  and 
indicate  a  high  degree  of  skill  and  taste.1 

That  the  Solutrian  Age  shows  an  improvement  upon  the  Aurig- 
nacian from  the  point  of  view  of  stone  implement  making  has 
been  indicated.  It  also  shows  a  similar  improvement  as  regards 
bone  implements  ;  bone  needles  with  perforated  eyes,  for  instance, 
occur  for  the  first  time.  There  is  a  distinct  improvement  in  the 
drawings  and  paintings.  In  the  next  or  Magdalenian  period  of 

1  The  admiration,  justly  enough  aroused,  for  these  works  of  art  has  undoubtedly 
led  to  an  exaggeration  of  the  level  of  social  and  intellectual  development  reached 
by  Upper  Palaeolithic  man,  whose  times  are  sometimes  referred  to  as  though  they 
were  a  kind  of  Golden  Age. 


HUMAN  HISTOKY  123 

the  Upper  Palaeolithic  there  is  a  loss  of  skill  so  far  as  stone  imple- 
ments are  concerned  ;  there  is  no  general  decadence,  however,  as 
the  making  of  implements  from  bone,  horn,  and  ivory  shows 
a  considerable  advance.  Further,  drawing  and  painting  reached 
their  highest  development.  The  remains  from  this  era  are  very 
abundant  and  well  known,  and  exhibit  a  vast  number  of  types 
of  implements  giving  a  general  impression  of  a  considerable 
degree  of  material  wealth  relatively  to  the  fact  that  agriculture 
was  not  practised. 

At  the  very  end  of  the  Upper  Palaeolithic  the  Magdalenian 
culture  is  succeeded  by  a  rather  obscure  stage  known  as  the 
Azilian-Tardenoisian.  There  is  again  a  sudden  and  very  distinct 
break  in  the  evolution  of  culture.  In  nearly  all  respects  there  is 
a  failure  to  reach  the  previous  level  of  skill.  Both  flint  and  bone 
implements  are  of  inferior  workmanship.  The  artistic  spirit 
vanishes.  Little  is  known  about  this  culture  ;  possibly  man  at 
this  period  was  not  so  unskilled,  as  at  first  sight  seems  to  have 
been  the  case,  for  he  had  apparently  domesticated  the  dog.1 

10.  Neolithic  culture  is  marked  by  the  practice  of  agriculture, 
the  domestication  of  animals,2  the  polishing  of  stone  implements, 
and  the  making  of  pottery.3  Though  it  is  strongly  contrasted 
with  the  preceding  culture,  there  is  considerable  evidence  of 
a  transition  period.  This  evidence,  however,  is  generally  inter- 
preted as  indicating  the  infiltration  of  the  new  culture  from  the 
East,  and  not  the  evolution  of  the  new  culture  in  Europe.  Even 
at  this  relatively  recent  period  in  history  the  chronology  is  vague. 
The  Swiss  Lake  Dwellings  (Eobehausian  period)  represent  the 
typical  fully  developed  European  Neolithic  culture,  and  are 
dated  about  8000  to  7000  B.C.  Farther  East  there  is  evidence  of 
a  far  greater  antiquity.  Montelius  on  the  basis  of  De  Morgan's 

1  Azilian  remains  are  confined  to  the  south  of  Europe  ;  Tardenoisian  remains 
are  widely  distributed  in  Europe.     To  this  period  also  belongs  the  Maglemose 
culture  from  Zeeland.     Some  grain  found  in  the  cave  of  Mas  d'Azil  has  been 
interpreted  as  showing  that  agriculture  was  practised ;  in  all  probability,  however, 
the  grain  has  been  introduced  recently — perhaps  by  rats.     Certain  curiously 
marked  pebbles  are  known  from  Azilian  times  and  have  been  taken  by  some 
authors  to  be  evidence  of  the  use  of  an  alphabet.     This  interpretation  cannot  be 
accepted,  though  possibly  these  markings  may  have  been  signs  intended  to  assist 
the  memory — such  as  were  in  use  in  Peru,  for  example. 

2  Palaeolithic  man  may  have  kept  animals  as  pets.    Many  primitive  races  have 
a  passion  for  keeping  pets  though  they  derive  no  economic  advantage  from  so  doing. 

3  That  agriculture  is  an  art  learnt  but  recently  is  not  yet  appreciated  by 
some  men  of  science.     Thus   Sir  A.  D.  Hall  in  a  book  published  in  1919  says 
that  '  agriculture  must  be  almost  coeval  with  the  human  race  '  (Fertilizers  and 
Manures,  p.  2). 


124  HUMAN  HISTORY 

observations  at  Susa  calculated  that  the  Neolithic  Age  began 
there  about  20,000  years  ago.1  Sir  Arthur  Evans  estimates  that 
at  least  14,000  years  have  elapsed  since  the  beginning  of  the 
Neolithic  period  at  Cnossus.2  All  that  can  be  said  is  that  the 
Neolithic  culture  was  flourishing  in  the  eighth  millennium  B.C.  in 
many  parts  of  Europe,  having  been  brought  from  farther  East, 
where  it  had  originated  at  a  considerably  earlier  date.  It  has 
proved  very  difficult  to  subdivide  the  Neolithic  epoch  into  succes- 
sive periods.  In  the  Palaeolithic  period  superimposed  deposits 
containing  relics  of  various  cultures  are  not  infrequently  found, 
thus  enabling  the  succession  of  culture  periods  to  be  made  out. 
In  the  Neolithic  period  evidence  of  this  kind  is  for  the  most  part 
lacking.  It  is  not  proposed  to  enter  upon  the  subject  here  beyond 
saying  that  three  stages  are  recognized  by  French  archaeologists, 
the  Campignienne,  the  Chasseo-Robenhaussienne,  and  the  Carna- 
ceenne.  The  first  of  these  stages  is  markedly  more  primitive  than 
the  succeeding  stages.  The  second  is  that  of  the  Swiss  Lake 
Dwellings,  and  the  third  that  of  Megalithic  monuments — Dolmens, 
Menhirs,  Cromlechs,  Alices  Couvertes,  stone  circles,  and  so  on.3 

What  has  been  said  regarding  culture  periods  in  general— 
namely,  that  they  are  not  definite  periods  in  time  in  the  history 
of  mankind  as  a  whole,  but  epochs  through  which  different  races 
have  passed  at  different  times — is  well  illustrated  in  the  case  of 
the  Neolithic.  The  Neolithic  culture  had  existed  some  thousands 
of  years  in  Western  Asia  before  it  penetrated  into  Europe,  and 
was  practised  in  some  parts  of  Europe,  in  Britain,  for  instance, 
up  to  about  2000  B.  c.  or  later,  for  thousands  of  years  after  metals 
had  been  taken  into  use  elsewhere.  In  general  the  Neolithic 
period  has  to  be  regarded  as  a  period  of  great  advance  in  material 
wealth.  Relatively  to  Palaeolithic  men,  Neolithic  men  were  rich, 
and  often  lived  in  villages  of  some  size.  Several  animals  were 
domesticated,  several  varieties  of  cereals  cultivated,  linen  was 
manufactured,  and  the  vine  as  well  as  a  large  number  of  fruit- 
trees  known.  It  appears  that  many  at  least  of  the  well-known 
trading  routes  used  in  the  Bronze  Age  were  open  in  the  Neolithic 
Age.  Some  of  these  routes  brought  the  Baltic  into  communication 
with  the  Mediterranean,  one  began  at  Venice,  passed  over  the 

1  Montelius,  C.  I.  A.,  1906,  vol.  ii,  p.  32.  2  Pottery  from   the   earliest 

Neolithic  at  Cnossus  was  well  made,  and  therefore  this  culture  must  have  originated 
considerably  more  than  14,000  years  ago.  3  On  this  subject  see  Dechelette, 

loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  336. 


HUMAN  HISTOKY  125 

Brenner,  and  reached  the  Danube  by  means  of  the  Inn  ;  thence 
it  traversed  the  Bohemian  forest  to  the  Moldau,  and  thus  reached 
the  Elbe,  which  was  followed  to  its  mouth.  Another  began  at 
Trieste,  and  passing  through  Laibach  and  Gratz  reached  the 
Danube  by  means  of  the  Leitha  ;  thence  it  followed  the  March, 
traversed  Moravia,  passed  through  Silesia  along  the  Oder,  while 
the  Vistula  was  reached  by  striking  across  Posen,  the  principal 
terminus  being  Danzig.1 

11.  Obscurity  surrounds  the  location  and  date  of  the  first  use 
of  metal.2  Gold  was  probably  the  first  metal  known  to  man  ;  it 
is  found  in  the  pure  state  in  many  countries,  and  would  attract 
attention  owing  to  its  lustre.  It  was  not,  however,  of  economic 
importance  until  much  later.  In  all  probability  man  learnt  the 
art  of  metal  working  from  the  accidental  reduction  of  ore  that 
formed  one  of  the  ring  of  stones  round  the  camp  fire.  Copper 
may  have  been  first  used  where  it  appears  at  the  surface  in  a  pure 
state,  having  been  beaten  into  implements,  as  was  done  by  the 
Indians  near  Lake  Superior ;  the  use  of  this  metal  is,  however, 
until  heat  is  employed,  to  be  regarded  merely  as  a  variation  of 
the  art  of  stone  implement  making,  and  does  not  form  the  first 
step  in  the  art  of  metal  working  for  which  knowledge  of  reduction 
by  heat  is  required.  It  is  frequently  said  that  an  age  of  copper 
preceded  the  age  of  bronze,  and  in  many  places  copper  imple- 
ments were  used  before  bronze  implements.  Probably  the 
occurrence  of  a  Copper  Age  in  any  one  place  was  dependent  upon 
the  nature  of  the  ore  found  there.  Copper  is  frequently  asso- 
ciated with  tin  and  other  metals  in  a  state  of  nature.  We  may 
suppose  that  the  first  metal  workers  were  simply  trying  to  get 
metal — being  aware  that  metal  could  be  obtained  by  heating 
certain  kinds  of  stone — and  that  in  some  places  they  got  copper 
and  in  other  places  bronze.  Later  they  learnt  to  add  a  definite 
percentage  of  tin  or  some  other  metal,  and  thus  to  produce  an 
alloy  of  definite  composition.  Thus  a  true  Bronze  Age  followed 
either  a  Copper  Age  or  an  accidental  Bronze  Age.  It  is  some- 
what curious  that  iron  was  not  taken  sooner  into  use,  for  less 
heat  is  required  than  in  the  case  of  copper  for  reduction — 700°  C. 
to  800°  C.  as  against  1,100°  C. 

1  Jade  was  found  in  the  first  city  of  Hissarlik,  which  must  have  come  from 
the  Kuen-lun  (Gowland,  J.  A.  L,  vol.  xlii,  1912,  p.  260).  a  On  this  subject 

see  Gowland,  loc.  cit.,  p.  236. 


126  HUMAN  H1STOEY 

Whether  there  was  more  than  one  place  of  origin  of  the  use  of 
any  metal  in  the  Old  World  is  not  known.  Copper  was  inde- 
pendently taken  into  use  in  the  New  World,  and  the  use  of  copper 
may  have  originated  independently  in  North  and  South  America.1 
Bronze  was  known  in  Peru.  Heat  was  certainly  employed  for 
hammering  and  annealing  copper,  and  casting  may  have  been 
employed.  Iron  was  sometimes  used  in  North  America  to  make 
ornaments.  With  regard  to  the  Old  World  a  claim  is  made  for  many 
countries  as  the  original  home  of  metal  working.  Keisner  found 
copper  daggers,  spear  heads,  harpoons,  pins,  needles,  and  bracelets 
in  the  graves  of  the  middle  pre-Dynastic  period  of  Egypt ;  by  the 
time  of  the  first  dynasty  the  Egyptians  were  '  in  possession  of  a  full 
equipment  of  copper  weapons  '.2  In  the  early  pre-Dynastic  period 
metallic  pigments  containing  copper  were  in  use,  and  it  is  possi- 
ble that  the  reduction  of  copper  may  have  been  first  suggested 
by  some  accidental  fusion  of  these  substances.  It  is  further 
claimed  that  there  is  evidence  of  the  local  evolution  of  copper 
implements  since  the  earliest  forms  imitate  stone  implements, 
and  the  later  forms  are  merely  improvements  of  pre-existing 
types.3  Reisner  concludes  that  there  is  no  reason  to  assume  that 
the  invention  came  from  beyond  the  frontiers  of  Egypt.4  The 
Sumerians.  on  the  other  hand,  when  we  first  meet  them  at 
a  very  early  date,  must  have  been  using  copper  for  some  con- 
siderable time.  All  that  can  be  said  with  certainty  is  that  the 
use  of  metals  originated  in  the  Orient,  probably  before  4000  B.  c. 
— possibly  some  two  or  three  thousand  years  earlier.  Copper,  it 
may  be  noticed,  occurs  in  Armenia,  in  the  upper  basin  of  the 
Tigris  and  in  Sinai  amongst  other  places.  The  use  of  bronze 
gradually  spread  over  Europe.  It  is  found  in  Crete  about  3000  B.  c., 
in  Southern  Thessaly  about  2500  B.C.,  and  seems  to  have  reached 
England  about  2000  B.  c.  or  somewhat  later.  Generally  speaking, 
we  can  connect  the  taking  into  use  of  metals  with  the  rise  of 
the  first  civilizations.  These  civilizations  reached  their  greatest 
development  before  the  introduction  of  iron.  The  whole  Minoan 
civilization,  the  Mycenean  survival  of  Minoan  civilization  on  the 
mainland,5  the  most  glorious  period  of  Egyptian  history  up  to 

1  Handbook  of  American  Indians  :  articles  on  Copper  and  Iron.  2  Reisner, 

'  Early  Dynastic  Cemeteries  of  Naga-ed-Der ',  University  of  California  Publications, 
1908,  p.  117.  3  Reisner,  loc.  cit.,  p.  127.  4  Ibid.,  p.  134.  6  Iron 

weapons  are  found   in  late   Mycenean  graves   (Ridgeway,   Early  Age  of  Greece, 
p.  294). 


HUMAN  HISTOKY  127 

and  including  the  greater  partof  the  Second  Empire,  the  Su- 
merian  kingdom,  the  earlier  periods  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  all 
fall  within  the  Bronze  Age. 

Though  it  is  clear  that  &  great  advance  took  place  in  the  Bronze 
Age,  it  is  not  evident  how  far  this  advance  is  attributable  to  the 
taking  of  metals  into  use  and  how  far  to  other  discoveries  which 
were  made  about  the  same  time.  The  first  use  of  the  wheel  and 
of  the  plough,  for  instance,  dates  from  this  period,  and  very  con- 
siderable importance  without  question  is  attributable  to  the 
plough.  Still  greater  importance  is  in  all  probability  to  be 
attributed  to  writing,  which  again  was  first  used  about  this  time. 
At  a  far  earlier  period  various  methods  of  marking  sticks  had 
doubtless  been  employed  as  aids  to  memory,  as  they  are  still 
employed  by  the  Australians,  and  some  progress  may  have  been 
made  towards  such  a  system  as  that  of  the  use  of  knotted  cords 
in  Peru.  -But  the  invention  of  writing  properly  speaking  came 
much  later.  By  the  time  of  the  fourth  dynasty  Egyptian  writing 
had  reached  its  final  form,  and  the  Sumerians,  when  we  first 
meet  them,  were  using  cuneiform  writing.  This  invention  of  such 
great  import,  whether  it  arose  independently  or  not  in  Egypt, 
Mesopotamia,  and  China,  was  evidently  roughly  coincident  with 
the  first  use  of  metals. 

Estimates  as  to  the  date  of  the  first  use  of  iron  in  the  Meso- 
potamian  region  vary  considerably;  1500  B.C.  to  1300  B.C.  is 
the  date  most  usually  given.  In  Egypt  the  earliest  known  iron 
weapon  dates  from  1200  B.C.  By  900  B.C.  the  use  of  iron  had 
spread  over  most  of  Europe.  It  reached  Scandinavia  about 
500  B.C.  It  was  introduced  into  Greece  by  the  Thresprotian 
invasion,  which  put  an  end  to  the  Mycenean  period,  arid  inaugu- 
rated the  Homeric  Age.  It  is  possible  that  the  Etruscans  brought 
the  knowledge  of  iron  to  Italy  where  they  arrived  during  the 
eleventh  century  B.  c.  Upon  the  whole,  opinion  inclines  to  the 
view  that  the  use  of  iron  originated  in  Western  Asia.  Claims 
have  also  been  made  for  Europe  (neighbourhood  of  Hallstatt)  as 
the  place  of  origin,1  for  Egypt,  and  for  Africa  south  of  Egypt.2 
With  regard  to  Egyptian  claims  it  may  be  noticed  that  iron  does 
not  become  common  until  after  1200  B.C.  But  four  examples  of 
iron  have  been  found  in  Egypt  from  periods  before  this  date 

1  Ridgeway,  Beginnings  of  Iron,  p.  644.  a  Von  Luschan  supports  this  view 

(Zeit.  fur  Eth.,  vol.  xli,  1909,  p.  52). 


128  HUMAN  HISTOKY 

— some  of  them  belonging  to  very  early  times.  The  finding  of 
these  pieces  of  iron  presents  a  rather  difficult  problem,  of  which 
the  solution  seems  to  be  that  iron  was  very  occasionally  used, 
and  probably  only  for  ornamental  purposes,  long  before  1200  B.  c. 
in  Egypt ;  it  was  not,  however,  brought  into  general  use  at  this 
early  date. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  carry  this  sketch  of  cultural  evolution 
any  farther.  The  Bronze  Age  marks  a  turning-point  in  history. 
The  outline  at  least  of  the  subsequent  course  of  events  is  suffi- 
ciently familiar.  One  point  may  be  noticed.  We  have  found 
reason  to  place  the  centre  of  progress  somewhere  in  the  Orient. 
After  metal  has  been  taken  into  use  the  centre  of  progress  begins 
to  shift  westwards.  Once  metals  had  been  introduced  into  Crete, 
for  instance,  Minoan  civilization  was  in  any  case  largely  an 
autochthonous  growth.  Speaking  of  Crete,  Hall  says  :  '  We  have 
nothing  to  show  any  intrusion  of  any  other  culture  system  which 
in  any  way  suddenly  modifies  or  alters  the  course  of  this  develop- 
ment, which  is  that  of  the  civilization  of  a  single  people  raising 
itself  on  its  own  lines  from  Neolithic  barbarism.  Its  first  develop- 
ment from  the  static  condition  in  which  it  had  existed  for  many 
centuries  in  the  Neolithic  stage  was  sudden,  and  the  dynamic 
influence  which  was  given  by  the  acquisition  of  metal  speedily 
carried  it  to  the  great  height  of  cultivation  which  we  have  seen.' l 
Hitherto — before,  that  is  to  say,  the  taking  into  use  of  metal — 
the  centre  of  progress  has  been  looked  for  in  Central  Asia.2  There 
had  been  progress  in  Europe  within  the  culture  periods,  but  the 
great  steps  in  progress  were  made  in  the  East. 

12.  Let  us  now  review  what  has  so  far  been  said  in  this  chapter. 
Such  indications  as  the  evidence  provides  point  to  the  origin  of 
man  in  the  eastern  portion  of  the  Old  World,  and  probably  in 
a  warm  climate.  The  principal  facts  in  favour  of  this  view  are 
the  distribution  of  the  anthropoids,  the  occurrence  of  Pithecan- 
thropus in  Java,  and  the  failure  to  find  any  evidence  of  the  antiquity 
of  man  in  the  New  World.3  Unless  Pithecanthropus  is  to  be 

1  Hall,  Ancient  History  of  the  Near  East,  p.  254. 

8  See  on  this  point  Breuil, '  Les  Subdivisions  du  Paleolithique  Superieur,  C.I.  A., 
1912.  With  regard  to  the  Neolithic  period  Dechelette  says  :  *  II  est  permis  de 
placer  en  Orient  le  principal  centre  de  diffusion  des  accroissements  successifs  de  la 
civilisation  occidentale'  (loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  313). 

3  See  Hrdlicka,  'Early  Man  in  South  America'  (S.I.B.E.,  No.  52,  1912), 
*  Skeletal  Remains  suggesting  or  attributed  to  Early  Man  in  North  America ' 
(ibid., No.  33, 1907),  and '  Recent  Discoveries  attributed  to  Early  Man  in  America' 
(ibid.,  No.  66,  1917). 


HUMAN  HISTORY  129 

attributed  to  the  Pliocene,  we  have  no  knowledge  of  man  before 
the  Pleistocene.  It  would  seem  that  the  pre-human  ancestor  of 
the  Miocene  and  Pliocene  was  probably  rather  an  obscure  member 
of  the  primate  stock  retaining  generalized  features.  Somehow 
without  specialization  he  managed  to  survive — possibly  in  some 
very  limited  area.  When  the  rapid  evolution  of  bodily  form 
among  the  mammals  had  slowed  down,  the  only  specialization 
in  which  the  pre-human  ancestor  had  indulged  began  to  stand 
him  in  good  stead.  That  it  carried  him  as  far  as  it  did — to  the 
dominion  over  all  living  things — was  made  possible  by  the  fact 
that  his  bodily  form  was  not  specialized,  but  was  capable  of  being 
turned  into  an  instrument  of  the  mind.  The  evidence  seems  to 
indicate  the  late  Pliocene  or  early  Pleistocene  as  the  era  when 
man  began  to  develop  along  this  path. 

Just  as  the  East  was  probably  the  place  of  man's  origin,  so  it 
remained  the  seat  of  both  bodily  and  cultural  evolution.  There 
is  no  sign  of  the  evolution  of  human  physical  form  in  Europe, 
nor  is  there  any  evidence  of  the  evolution  of  the  main  stages  of 
culture  in  Europe  until  after  the  taking  of  metals  into  use,  though 
there  is  evidence  both  of  progress  and  of  decay  within  the  culture 
periods.  The  evidence  points  to  the  conclusion  that  successive 
waves  of  immigrants  brought  with  them  new  cultures  from  the 
East.  Some  may  have  entered  Europe  from  Africa,  as  perhaps 
did  the  Cro-Magnons,  bringing  the  Aurignacian  culture.  These 
waves  of  migration  are  not,  however,  to  be  regarded  as  com- 
parable to  migrations  within  the  historical  period — the  Islamic 
migrations  of  the  Arabs,  for  instance.  These  earlier  movements 
were  rather  of  the  nature  of  slow  drif tings  of  peoples.  They  may 
have  been  connected  with  climatic  changes  and  have  occupied 
long  periods  of  time.  Quite  possibly  when  we  appear  to 
see  the  extinction  of  one  culture  and  the  sudden  replacement 
of  it  by  another,  what  in  fact  happened  was  that,  owing  to 
climatic  changes,  those  who  practised  the  earlier  culture  had 
shifted  elsewhere  before  the  newcomers  occupied  the  area  in 
question. 

With  regard  to  the  bodily  evolution  of  man  the  first  detailed 
knowledge  we  have  is  of  the  Neanderthal  race.  We  know  that 
Neanderthal  man  lived  in  the  fourth  glacial  period.  Before  this 
epoch  we  know  nothing  of  human  bodily  evolution  except  from 
three  imperfect  specimens  which  we  cannot  assign  definitely  to 

2498  T 


130  HUMAN  HISTOKY 

any  period  in  the  Pleistocene  beyond  placing  them  before  the 
Middle  Palaeolithic.  No  definite  conclusions  can  be  drawn  as  to 
the  relation  of  these  three  forms  one  to  another,  or  to  the  forms 
•which  follow. 

Pithecanthropus  may  or  may  not  be  on  the  direct  line  leading 
to  all  the  higher  races.  There  is  some  probability  that  Heidelberg 
man  is  a  forerunner  of  Neanderthal  man,  whereas  Eoanthropus 
would  seem  to  be  related  on  the  one  hand  to  the  hypothetical 
Pliocene  ancestor,  and  on  the  other  hand  to  the  Late  and  not  to 
the  Middle  Palaeolithic  races.  It  is  quite  possible  that,  as  Europe 
was  not  the  scene  of  human  evolution,  Piltdown  and  Heidelberg 
men  represent  varieties  which  have  died  out,  and  not  stages 
from  the  main  line  of  human  evolution.  This  is  certainly  the  case 
with  the  Neanderthal  race.  In  the  Upper  Palaeolithic  we  find 
races  of  as  high  a  physical  type  as  those  of  the  present  day,  but 
we  have  no  certain  knowledge  of  their  direct  ancestors. 

By  far  the  most  remarkable  feature  of  the  whole  process  has 
been  the  speeding  up  of  the  rate  of  progress  of  the  evolution  of 
culture.  This  speeding  up  would  be  very  much  emphasized  if 
we  could  accept  eoliths  as  genuine,  as  indicating,  that  is  to  say, 
the  existence  of  an  eolithic  culture  before  the  Palaeolithic  culture 
extending  over  an  immense  period  of  time.  As  it  is,  the  accelera- 
tion of  the  rate  of  progress  is  striking  enough.  The  whole  Palaeo- 
lithic period  probably  lasted  at  least  100,000  years.  Regarding 
this  period  as  a  whole,  we  can  observe  a  noteworthy  speeding  up 
of  progress  in  the  last  part  of  the  period.  A  few  thousand  years 
only  separate  the  early  from  the  late  divisions  of  the  Upper 
Palaeolithic  and  the  progress  exhibited  is  very  considerable, 
whereas  but  relatively  little  progress  is  visible  during  the  huge 
length  of  time  which  the  Lower  Palaeolithic  must  have  occupied. 
The  whole  progress  made,  however,  up  to  the  opening  of  the  Bronze 
Age  is  insignificant  compared  with  that  made  since.  Neverthe- 
less, progress  has  not  been  uniform  within  the  historical  era. 
There  have  been  periods  of  stagnation  and  even  of  decadence. 
Little  progress  in  command  over  nature  was  made  between  the 
time  of  the  later  Egyptian -civilization  and  the  later  Middle  Ages 
as  compared  with  the  progress  made  in  the  last  hundred  years. 
Progress  in  skill  gathered  speed  in  the  thirteenth  century,  and  the 
speeding  up  became  very  marked  in  the  eighteenth  century. 
There  has  been  a  similar  lack  of  uniformity  in  the  evolution  of 


HUMAN  HISTOKY  131 

culture  where  culture  is  judged  by  standards  other  than  command 
over  nature. 

13.  How  far  can  we  employ  our  knowledge  of  primitive  races 
to  fill  in  this  framework  ?  Some  reference  has  been  made  in  the 
fourth  chapter  to  the  position  which  these  races  occupy.  It  was 
pointed  out  that  they  represent  '  relicts  '  of  stages  of  culture 
through  which  the  civilized  races  have  passed,  due  allowance 
being  made  for  the  fact  that  they  have  developed  to  some  degree 
on  specialized  lines  of  their  own  since  their  separation  from  the 
main  stream  of  progress.  In  some  few  cases,  as  in  the  example  of 
the  Seri  Indians,  there  may  have  been  decadence. 

Broadly  speaking,  these  races  fall  into  two  groups.  There  are 
the  hunting  and  fishing  races,  and  there  are  those  which  practise 
a  primitive  form  of  agriculture.  The  former,  it  is  to  be  presumed, 
ceased  to  be  in  any  important  manner  influenced  by,  if  they  were 
not  wholly  cut  off  from,  the  main  current  of  cultural  evolution 
before  the  end  of  the  Palaeolithic  Age.  The  latter  may  have 
remained  more  or  less  in  contact  with  the  main  stream  of  evolu- 
tion until  late  Neolithic  times,  or  they  may  have  lost  touch 
earlier  and  have  acquired  independently  the  art  of  agriculture, 
as  was  presumably  the  case  with  those  American  Indians  who 
practise  agriculture.  The  chief  hunting  and  fishing  races  are  the 
Tasmanians,  Australians,  Bushmen,  Eskimos,  and  certain  of  the 
American  Indians.  Professor  Sollas  has  drawn  up  a  comparison 
between  the  culture  of  some  of  these  races  and  that  of  certain 
epochs  in  the  Palaeolithic  era.  He  has  shown  that  Tasmanian 
and  Australian  culture  may  be  compared  with  early  and  late 
phases  respectively  of  the  Middle  Palaeolithic.  A  very  striking 
similarity  indeed  can  be  shown  between  the  Aurignacian  culture 
and  that  of  the  Bushmen  on  the  one  hand  and  between  the 
Magdalenian  culture  and  that  of  the  Eskimo  on  the  other.  When 
we  consider  the  osteological  evidence,  however,  we  do  not  find 
any  striking  similarity  between  Neanderthal  man  and  Australians 
and  Tasmanians.  The  existence  of  the  negroid  skeleton  of 
Grimaldi  is  suggestive,  but  the  likeness  between  it  and  the  Bush- 
men type  is  not  close.  The  skull  found  at  Chancelade,  however, 
and  generally  considered  as  an  aberrant  type  of  Cro-Magnon  man 
does  show  a  very  curious  resemblance  to  the  Eskimo  skull.  Thus 
though  we  cannot  think  of  the  Tasmanians  and  Australians  as 
actual  relicts  of  the  Neanderthal  racial  type,  which  we  know  in 

12 


182  HUMAN  HISTOKY 

Europe,  we  may  think  of  Australian  culture  in  its  broad  general 
features  as  representative  of  the  Middle  Palaeolithic.1 

As  has  been  already  indicated  in  the  fourth  chapter,  it  is  not 
proposed  to  attempt  to  carry  the  method  so  far  as  to  attribute 
to  peoples  of  different  Palaeolithic  cultures  peculiarities  of  certain 
primitive  hunting  and  fishing  races.  All  that  it  is  proposed  to  do 
is  to  look  into  the  general  conditions  which  obtain  among  hunting 
and  fishing  races  with  the  object  of  throwing  light  upon  the  con- 
ditions in  the  Palaeolithic  era  as  a  whole.  Similarly  it  is  proposed 
to  throw  light  upon  the  Neolithic  period  by  an  inquiry  into  the 
conditions  obtaining  among  primitive  agricultural  races.  This 
method  is  clearly  legitimate.  It  may  nevertheless  be  said  at  once 
that  as  a  matter  of  fact,  so  far  as  the  most  important  conclusions 
are  concerned,  we  shall  find  no  reasons  for  thinking  that  hunting 
and  fishing  races  differ  from  agricultural  races.  The  legitimacy 
of  the  method  is  therefore  not  strictly  relevant.  It  follows  from 
this  that  the  splitting  up  of  the  data  and  the  consideration 
separately  of  hunting  and  of  agricultural  races  is  in  reality  only 
a  matter  of  convenience. 

14.  Before  we  embark  upon  this  attempt  to  throw  light  upon 
such  general  characteristics  of  prehistoric  races  as  are  relevant 
to  our  particular  purpose,  there  is  another  point  to  be  considered. 
One  supposition  regarding  the  mode  of  life  of  man  in  early  days 
is  that  he  lived  in  groups  of  polygamous  families.  As  monogamy 
occurs  among  some  of  the  lowest  of  existing  primitive  races,  he 
may  have  been  monogamous.  In  any  case  it  seems  that  early 
man  was  not  promiscuous  in  his  sexual  relations.  Whatever  his 
primitive  mode  of  life  may  have  been,  man  gradually  rose  to  the 
recognition  of  common  bonds  and  to  the  observation  in  common 
of  certain  rules  and  restrictions.  Primitive  social  organization 
in  fact  gradually  came  into  being,  and  this  step,  slowly  and  pain- 
fully achieved  as  it  no  doubt  was,  represents  one  of  the  most 
important  steps  ever  achieved  by  man.  Then  for  the  first  time 
he  began  to  reap  the  benefits  of  co-operation.  Clearly  we  must 
imagine  a  primitive  form  of  social  organization  to  have  existed 
in  the  late  Palaeolithic  ;  the  attainment  to  so  relatively  high 

1  It  is  interesting  to  note  the  cranial  capacity  of  these  races  and  to  compare 
them  with  the  figures  given  above  for  prehistoric  races:  Tasmanians,  l,225c.c. ; 
-Australians,  1,320 c.c. ;  Bushmen,  1,244  c.c. ;  Veddahs,  1 ,201  to  1,336  c.c. ;  American 
Indians,  1,300  to  1,450  c.c.  See  Hoernes,  Natur  und  Urgeschichte  der  Menschen, 
vol.  i,  p.  60. 


HUMAN  HISTORY  133 

a  degree  of  skill  and  achievement  is  not  otherwise  comprehensible. 
The  achievements  of  late  Palaeolithic  man  indicate  the  presence 
of  a  considerable  body  of  tradition,  and  the  presence  of  tradition 
in  any  considerable  amount  indicates  social  organization.  It  is 
difficult  to  come  to  any  conclusion  with  regard  to  early  and 
Middle  Palaeolithic  times.  The  mode  of  life  of  Neanderthal  man 
is  perhaps  apt  to  be  considered  as  more  primitive  than  was  in 
fact  the  case,  owing  to  the  somewhat  brutal  form  attributed  to 
his  bodily  features.  It  has  to  be  remembered  that  he  practised 
ceremonial  burial,  and  was  acquainted  with  the  use  of  fire — very 
significant  facts  which  render  it  on  the  whole  probable  that  social 
organization  of  a  kind  existed.  Possibly  we  may  have  to  suppose 
that  social  organization  existed  among  lower  Palaeolithic  men. 
They  too  employed  fire,  and  it  may  well  be  that  their  mode  of 
life  was  not  very  different  from  that  of  the  Tasmanians. 

Among  all  primitive  races  we  find  a  form  of  social  organization, 
and  unless  it  has  been  achieved  more  than  once  they  are  all 
4  relicts  '  of  the  periods  succeeding  that  in  which  men  wandered 
in  family  groups.  In  the  first  place,  therefore,  primitive  races 
are  only  comparable  with  prehistoric  races  which  have  achieved 
this  great  step  forward.  They  throw  little  or  no  light  upon  the 
conditions  anterior  to  the  taking  of  this  step.  Further,  when  we 
look  into  the  life  of  these  races,  we  find  that  the  form  of  social 
organization  is  rigid.  Men  are  bound  hand  and  foot  by  custom.1 
It  has  been  suggested  that  the  peculiarly  rigid  nature  of  the 
social  organization  among  these  races — the  fact  that  they  are 
soaked  in  tradition — is  due  to  their  having  been  left  out  of  the 
main  stream  of  progress.  It  has  been  suggested  in  fact  that, 
while  other  races  have  gone  forward,  they  have  more  or  less 
stagnated,  and  that — this  is  what  is  important — the  relative 
stagnation  has  been  the  cause  of  the  rigidness  of  the  organization. 
It  follows  that,  to  the  extent  to  which  this  is  so,  primitive  races 
are  not  properly  comparable  with  prehistoric  races.  But  it  may  be 
doubted  if  the  facts  are  altogether  as  sometimes  alleged.  Doubt- 
less the  earliest  social  organization  was  far  less  rigid  than  it 
afterwards  became,  and  we  must  beware  of  attributing  to  those 
early  races,  which  first  became  socially  organized,  the  features 
characteristic  of  primitive  races,  at  least  in  many  aspects.  But 
we  must  date  back  the  origin  of  social  organization  in  all  pro- 

1  See  J.  J.  Atkinson,  Primal  Law  (in  Social  Origins,  by  Lang  and  Atkinson). 


184 


HUMAN  HISTORY 


bability  nearer  100,000  than  50,000  years  ago.  In  other  words, 
later  Palaeolithic  races  must  have  had  some  thousands  of  years 
of  social  organization  behind  them.  Is  then  the  peculiar  rigidity 
of  the  organization  of  primitive  races  altogether  to  be  regarded 
as  an  acquirement  attained  during  the  15,000,  20,000,  30,000 
years,  or  whatever  the  period  may  have  been,  since  they  have 
been  out  of  the  main  stream  of  progress  ?  It  can  scarcely  be  so. 
A  hardening  of  the  system  may  have  taken  place,  but  not  to  such 
an  extent  as  to  render  it  impossible  to  make  comparisons  between 
primitive  races  and  prehistoric  races,  and,  what  concerns  us,  to 
render  unacceptable  the  attribution  to  prehistoric  races  of  those 
general  conditions  of  life  found  among  primitive  races,  which 
will  form  the  subject-matter  of  the  next  two  chapters. 


VII 
HUNTING  AND  FISHING  RACES 

1 .  WE  now  pass  to  a  consideration  of  the  quantitative  problem. 
In  this  chapter  we  deal  with  hunting  and  fishing  races.     We 
require  information  first  regarding  those  factors  which  hinder  the 
realization  to  the  full  of  the  power  of  fecundity,  and  secondly 
regarding  those  factors  which  cause  elimination.  Not  until  we  have 
this  information  can  we  hope  to  determine  how  numbers  are 
regulated  among  these  races.    This  inquiry  is  not  intended  to  be 
exhaustive  ;  our  aim  is  merely  to  gain  an  idea  of  the  nature  of  the 
more  important  factors  which  are  in  operation.    When  we  come 
to  the  interpretation  of  the  evidence,  there  will  be  more  to  say 
both  as  to  the  incompleteness  of  the  evidence  as  here  presented 
and  as  to  the  inherent  difficulties  of  ascertaining  what  the  position 
was  before  European  influence  had  made  itself  felt. 

2.  We  may  first  consider  sexual  intercourse  before  maturity. 
It  is  perhaps  more  difficult  to  determine  the  prevalence  of  this 
custom  than  that  of  any  other  practice  which  we  shall  have  to 
examine  in  the  course  of  this  chapter.    The  difficulty  is  due  to  the 
nature  of  the  facts  under  discussion  ;   first  it  is  clearly  noir  easy 
to  ascertain  them  and  comparatively  few  authors  have  the 
intimate  knowledge  necessary  to  enable  definite  statements  to 
be  made  ;  secondly  such  veiled  and  guarded  language  is  often  used 
that  the  true  state  of  the  case  remains  uncertain.    We  shall  see 
that  marriage,  or  at  any  rate  cohabitation,  very  soon  after  puberty 
is  the  universal  rule  among  these  races.     Statements  therefore 
concerning  '  very  early '  marriage  must,  in  the  absence  of  more 
exact  information,  be  taken  to  mean  no  more  than  that  marriage 
follows  at  once  after  puberty.    Of  the  Tasmanians  there  is  no  cer- 
tain information.    Statements  exist  to  the  effect  that  marriages 
are  sometimes  consummated  in  Australia  before  puberty  ; l  these 
statements  are  seldom  specific  or  on  good  authority.    The  more 
trustworthy  accounts  state  definitely  that,  no  matter  at  what  age 
betrothal  occurs,  the  husband  does  not  claim  his  wife  until  she  is 

1  Lumholtz,  Among  Cannibals,  p.  164. 


136  HUNTING  AND  FISHING  KACES 

mature.1  The  existence  of  early  betrothal  as  a  widespread  habit 
lias  IK)  doubt  betrayed  some  authors  into  an  error.2  We  know 
little  of  the  customs  of  the  Bushmen  in  this  as  in  most  other 
respects.  Statements  have  been  made,  however,  to  the  effect  that 
marriage  took  place  at  so  early  an  age  that  the  girls  could  not 
have  been  mature.3 

Passing  to  the  Eskimos  it  would  appear  that  pre-puberty  inter- 
course is  not  uncommon.  Of  the  Eskimos  of  Greenland  we  read  as 
follows  :  *  Often  indeed  he  marries  before  there  is  any  chance  of 
the  union  being  productive.' 4  Murdoch  says  of  the  Port  Barrow 
Eskimos  that  '  promiscuous  sexual  intercourse  between  married 
or  unmarried  people,  or  even  among  children,  appears  to  be  looked 
upon  merely  as  a  matter  for  amusement  ' ;  5  similarly  Turner  says 
of  the  Eskimos  of  the  Ungava  district  that  '  many  of  the  females 
are  taken  before  that  period  '  (i.e.  before  maturity).6  There  are 
some  indications  that  similar  habits  occur  among  the  Indian  tribes 
of  the  far  north  and  of  the  Pacific  Coast.  Boss  reports  of  the 
Eastern  Tinneh  that '  they  marry  sometimes,  but  not  often  at  ten, 
and  have  their  menses  at  thirteen  '.7  Bearing  in  mind  the  average 
age  at  which  menstruation  begins  among  American  Indians,  the 
following  statement  by  Gibbs,  referring  to  the  tribes  of  Western 
Washington  and  North-western  Oregon,  points  to  the  same  conclu- 
sion. '  Cohabitation  of  unmarried  females  among  their  own  people 
brings  no  disgrace  if  unaccompanied  by  childbirth.  .  .  .  This  com- 
mences at  a  very  early  age,  perhaps  ten  or  twelve  years.'  8  There 
does  not  seem  to  be  any  definite  statement  with  regard  to  the 
Calif ornians ;  nevertheless  the  common  accounts  of  marriage  at 
twelve  or  thereabouts,  coupled  with  statements  as  to  freedom 
before  marriage,  are  suggestive.  Speaking  generally  of  the  Cali- 
f ornians,  Powers  says  that  '  marriage  frequently  takes  place  at  the 
age  of  twelve  or  fourteen  ',9  and  that  *  there  is  scarcely  an  attribute 

1  See,  for  example,  Parker,  Euahlayi  Tribe,  p.  56,  and,  for  the  tribes  of  Western 
Victoria,  Brown, «/.  A.  /.,  vol.  xliii,  p.  158. 

2  Early  betrothal  is  also  common  among  other  races  of  this  group  ;  but,  unless 
otherwise  stated,  this  should  not  be  taken  as  meaning  that  cohabitation  follows 
until  after  puberty.     The  more  careful  accounts  usually  state  that  it  does  not ; 
for  the  Thompson  Indians,  for  instance,  see  Teit,  Jesup  North  Pacific  Expedition, 
vol.  i,  p.  321. 

3  Hartland,  Primitive  Paternity,  vol.  i,  p.  267.     This  author  has  dealt  at  some 
length  with  the  prevalence  of  this  habit.  *  Nansen,  First  Crossing  of  Green- 
land, p.  320.                  6  Murdoch,  9th  A.  R.  B.  E.,  p.  419.  6  Turner,  llth 
A.  R.  B.  E.,  p.  188.     See,  for  Behring  Strait  Eskimos,  Nelson,  18th  A.  R.  B.  E., 
p.  292.             7  Ross,  A.  R.S.I.,  1860,  p.  305.             8  Gibbs,  U.S.  Oeog.  and  Geol. 
Survey,  voL  i,  p.  199.            •  Powers,  ibid.,  vol.  iii,  p.  413. 

I 


HUNTING  AND  FISHING  EACES 


137 


known  as  virtue  or  chastity  in  either  sex  before  marriage  \l 
Another  observer  speaks  of  very  early  marriage  among  the 
Comanches  in  such  a  manner  as  to  suggest  that  it  may  be 
consummated  before  puberty.2  Lastly,  there  is  some  information 
for  certain  other  races  which  belong  to  this  group.  We  are  told 
that  among  the  Fuegians  sexual  relations  begin  at  about  ten  to 
twelve  years  of  age,3  whereas  menstruation  begins  at  about 
fourteen  or  fifteen  years  of  age.4  Of  the  Veddahs  we  read  that 
*  marriage  takes  place  at  an  early  age  ;  it  was  said  that  marriage 
sometimes  takes  place  before  puberty,  and  as  we  have  heard  of 
this  at  Herrebedda,  Barrdaraduwa,  and  Omuni,  we  see  no  reason 
to  doubt  the  truth  of  the  statement  '.5 

3.  There  is  ample  evidence  to  the  effect  that  the  period  of 
lactation  is  always  prolonged  among  these  races.  Speaking  of  the 
Tasmanians,  Ling  Both  mentions  two  years  6  and  Bonwick  three 
to  four  7  as  the  length  of  this  period.  Of  the  central  Australians 
Eyre  says  that  '  infants  are  not  often  weaned  until  between  two 
and  three  years  old  '.8  Of  the  Western  Australians  Grey  says 
that  '  the  native  women  suckle  their  children  until  they  are  past 
the  age  of  two  or  three  years  '.9  For  the  Southern  Australians, 
Eylmann  mentions  four  years,10  for  the  Narrinyeri,  Taplin  two 
years,11  for  the  aborigines  of  Encounter  Bay,  Meyer  'a  considerable 
time,  sometimes  to  the  age  of  five  or  six  years  ',12  f°r  the  aborigines 
of  Victoria,  Curr  three  years,13  and  for  the  natives  of  King  George's 
Sound,  Brown  four  to  five  years.14 

From  America  the  evidence  is  similar.  Among  the  Port  Barrow 
Eskimos  the  children  are  nursed  until  about  three  or  four  years  of 
age.15  Nansen  states  that  '  Greenland  mothers  are  very  slow  to 
wean  their  children.  They  often  give  suck  until  the  child  is  three 
or  four,  and  I  have  even  heard  of  cases  in  which  children  of  ten 
or  over  continue  to  take  the  breast.' 16  Crantz,  speaking  of  the 
same  country,  corroborates  this  evidence,17  and  Bessels  mentions 

1  Ibid.,  p.  157.  2  Ten  Kate,  Rev.  d'Eth.,  vol.  iv,  p.  129.  3  Hyades 

and  Deniker,  Mission  Scientifique,  p.  188.  4  Ibid.,  p.  187.  G  Seligman, 

Veddahs,  p.  95.  It  is  possible  that  this  may  have  been  formerly  forbidden 
(ibid.,  p.  96).  6  Ling  Roth,  Aborigines  of  Tasmania,  p.  168,  note. 

7  Bonwick,  Daily  Life  and  Origin  of  the   Tasmanians,  p.  85.  8  Eyre, 

Journals,  vol.  ii,  p.  250.  See  also  Spencer  and  Gillen,  Native  Tribes  of  Central 
Australia,  p.  51.  9  Grey,  Journals,  voL  ii,  p.  250.  10  Eylmann,  Die 

Eingeborenen  der  Kolonie  Sudaustralien,  p.  261.  u  Taplin,  Native  Tribes  of 

South  Australia,  p.  15.          u  Meyer,  Aborigines  of  the  Encounter  Bay  Tribe,  p.  187. 

13  Curr,  Recollections,  p.  263.     See  also  Smyth,  Aborigines  of  Victoria,  vol.  i,  p.  48. 

14  R.   Brown,  Geog.   Journ.,  vol.  i,  p.   39.  15  Murdoch,  loc.  cit.,  p.   415. 
18  Nansen,  Eskimo  Life,  p.  151.             "  Crantz,  History  of  Greenland,  vol.  i,  p.  162. 


188  HUNTING  AND  FISHING  RACES 

a  case  from  Smith  Sound  in  which  a  child  was  suckled  up  to  seven 
years  of  age.1  Heriot,  speaking  generally  of  the  Indian  tribes  of 
the  North,  mentions  '  the  length  of  time  employed  by  the  women 
in  nursing  their  children,  whom  they  nourish  for  three  or  four 
years  ',2  and  Long  gives  four,  five,  and  even  six  years.3  For  the 
Ingaliks  Dall  mentions  three  years,4  for  the  Eastern  Tinneh 
Ross  three  or  four,5  for  the  Thlinkeet  Krause  four  years,6  and 
Lord  for  the  Indians  of  Puget  Sound  two  or  three  years.7 
Speaking  of  the  Ahts  of  Vancouver  Island,  Sproat  says  he  has 
seen  *  a  boy  of  four  following  his  mother  for  her  milk  ',8  and 
of  the  tribes  of  California  Schoolcraft  that '  children  are  sometimes 
not  weaned  until  five  years  of  age  '.9  Similarly  the  Nootkas 
suckle  their  children  until  they  are  three  or  four  years  old,10  and 
Chinooks  their  children  '  until  three,  four,  or  five  years  old  '.n  The 
facts  are  similar  for  the  inland  Salish  and  Shushwap12  as  well  as 
for  the  tribes  of  Oregon  and  Washington13  and  the  Chepewayans.14 
So  also  in  South  America  the  Puelches15  and  the  Abipones16 
suckle  their  children  for  three  years,  and  the  same  is  reported 
of  the  Fuegians 17  and  of  the  Andaman  Islanders  who  '  never 
wean  their  babies  so  long  as  they  are  able  to  suckle  them'.18 
Among  the  Ghiliaks  suckling  is  continued  up  to  the  age  of  three 
years.19 

4.  Initiation  ceremonies  at  the  period  of  maturity  are  of  common 
occurrence  among  primitive  races.  These  ceremonies  are  some- 
times accompanied  by  mutilation  of  the  genital  organs  ;  but  there 
is  apparently  no  reason  to  believe  that  this  mutilation  has  any 
effect  upon  fecundity,  except  possibly  among  the  Australians.20 
It  is  unnecessary  to  describe  the  exact  nature  of  the  operations 
performed  upon  Australian  boys  and  girls.  The  operations  are 
severe  and  it  seems  very  possible  at  first  sight  that  they  might 
affect  the  reproductive  power.  The  opinion  of  authorities  is 
divided  on  this  point.  Spencer  and  Gillen  think  that  the  opera- 

1  Bessels,  Arch,  fur  Anth.,  vol.  viii,  p.  113.  2  Heriot,  Travels,  p.  339.     See 

also  Weld,  Travels,  p.  373.  8  J.  Long,  Voyages,  p.  60.  4  Dall,  Alaska, 

p.   196.  5  Ross,  loc.  cit.,  p.   305.  6  Krause,  Die  Thinklit-Indianer, 

p.  216.    See  also  Bancroft,  Native  Race*,  vol.  i,  p.  111.  7  Lord,  Naturalist 

in  Vancouver,  vol.  ii,  p.  233.  8  Sproat,  loc.  cit.,  p.  94.  •  Schoolcraft, 

Indian  Tribes,  vol.  iii,  p.  212.  10  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  197.        u  Ibid., 

p.  242.  12  Ibid.  l3  Gibbs,  loc.  cit.,  p.  209.  14  Long,  loc.  cit., 

p.  60.  15  Guinnard,  Three  Years'  Slavery  among  the  Patagonians,  p.  146. 

18  Dobrizhoffer,  Abipones,  vol.  ii,  p.  195.  "  Hyades  and  Deniker,  loc.  cit., 

vol.  vii,  p.  195.  »  Man,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xii,  p.  81.  19  Deniker,  Rev. 

ffEth.,  vol.  ii,  p.  303.  20  For  races  of  North-east  Africa  see  King,  Journal 

Anthropological  Society  of  Bombay,  vol.  ii,  1890. 


HUNTING  AND  FISHING  EACES  139 

tions  may  have  an  injurious  effect ; 1  others,  such  as  Roth  2  and 
Mathews,3  hold  the  contrary  view.  Upon  the  whole,  opinion 
inclines  to  the  latter  side. 

Less  doubt  exists  with  regard  to  the  assertion  sometimes  made 
that  these  ceremonies  are  practised  with  the  intention  of  producing 
sterility,  or  in  any  case  relative  sterility.4  For  this  there  is  no 
good  evidence  and  the  best  authorities  definitely  assert  that  it  is 
not  so.5  Another  assertion  has  been  made  for  which  there  is  even 
less  foundation  ;  it  is  said,  for  instance,  that  '  in  some  tribes  we 
find  it  a  custom  that  every  man  submits  to  this  operation  after 
the  birth  of  his  second  or  third  child  '.6  It  would  appear  that  as 
a  matter  of  fact  the  operation  is  performed  at  puberty  and  at  no 
other  time. 

5.  The  three  further  factors  to  be  considered  which  may  have 
a  bearing  upon  fecundity  are  all  connected  with  marriage.  It  has 
been  shown  by  Westermarck  that  marriage  exists  as  an  institution 
among  all  races,  however  primitive.7  What  we  have  to  ask  is 
whether  there  is  any  postponement  of  marriage,  whether,  that  is 
to  say,  there  is  any  temporary  or  permanent  celibacy  and,  so  far 
as  fecundity  is  concerned,  the  age  of  women  at  marriage  alone  is 
relevant.  The  evidence  points  to  the  fact  that  marriage  ofjwomen 
takes  place  almost  universally  among  these  races  if  not  before, 
then  at  or  very  soon  after,  puberty.  This  is  Westermarck's 
conclusion,  after  a  wide  survey  of  the  races  belonging  both  to  this 
and  the  next  group.  It  will  be  sufficient  to  give  some  examples 
of  the  evidence  and  then  to  note  a  few  cases  in  which  some  post- 
ponement is  reported. 

Summing  up  the  evidence  with  regard  to  the  Australians, 
Malinowski  says  that  in  general  it  is  true  that  there  are  no  un- 
married girls  under  sixteen  and  no  widows  under  forty-five,  though 
there  is  some  evidence  with  regard  to  the  existence  of  unmarried 
females  ; 8  thus  Smyth,  speaking  of  the  inhabitants  of  Victoria, 
records  that  girls  were  married  between  the  ages  of  ten  and  twelve,9 
and  similar  evidence  is  given  by  Taplin  of  the  inhabitants  of  South 
Australia.10  In  Australia  there  is  no  evidence  worth  mentioning 

1  Spencer  and  Gillen,  Native  Tribes  of  Central  Australia,  p.  52.  2  W.  E.  Both, 

Ethnological  Studies,  p.  179.  3  R.  H.  Mathews,  Ethnological  Notes,  p.  177. 

4  Curr,  Australian  Race,  vol.  ii,  p.  19.  5  W.  E.  Roth,  loc.  cit.,  p.  179  ; 

Spencer  and  Gillen,  Native  Tribes  of  Central  Australia,  p.  264.  6  Semon, 

Australian  Bush,  p.  234.  7  Westermarck,  Human  Marriage,  p.  134. 

8  Malinowski,  Family  among  Australian  Aborigines,  p.  134.  9  Smyth,  loc. 

cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  77.  10  Taplin,  loc.  cit.,  p.  10. 


140  HUNTING  AND  FISHING  EACES 

of  either  temporary  or  permanent  celibacy.  Apart  from  the 
instances  to  be  given  below  the  evidence  with  regard  to  other  races 
in  this  group  is  very  similar  to  that  given  before  of  the  Australians. 
Thus  the  average  age  for  a  girl  to  marry  in  Vancouver  Island  was 
sixteen,1  among  the  Californians  generally  between  twelve  and 
fourteen,2  and  among  the  Stseelis  and  Skaulits  tribes  fifteen.3 
Veddah  girls  married  between  eleven  and  twelve.4 

There  is  no  doubt  that,  generally  speaking,  postponement  of 
marriage  is  rare,  though  occasionally  some  slight  delay  is  reported, 
as  in  the  instances  given  in  what  follows.  It  should  be  mentioned, 
however,  that  from  time  to  time  there  is  quite  a  considerable  delay 
upon  the  part  of  the  man  amongst  these  races  ;  to  this  point  we 
shall  return  later.  As  regards  women,  Crantz  states  that  some- 
times Eskimo  girls  do  not  marry  until  they  are  twenty.5  Hill  Tout, 
speaking  of  the  Salish  and  the  Tinneh,  says  *  with  the  exception 
of  the  Carrier  tribes  early  marriages  were  everywhere  the  custom  '.6 
The  same  author  mentions  that  among  the  Thompson  tribes  girls 
did  not  marry  until  seventeen  or  eighteen,7  and  this  is  confirmed 
by  Teit.8  The  latter  author  gives  somewhat  similar  evidence  for 
the  Shushwap,9  and  also  says  that  among  the  Lillooet  Indians  girls 
are  isolated  for  two  years  after  puberty,  and  only  marry  when  from 
sixteen  to  twenty  years  old.10  As  regards  South  America  we  are 
told  by  Musters  that  among  the  Tehuelches  the  girls  '  often  remain 
several  years  spinsters  ',n  and  by  Dobrizhoffer  that  among  the 
Abipones  girls  do  not  marry  before  their  twentieth  year.12 

There  is  one  other  matter  to  which  reference  may  be  made  here. 
There  is  often  very  considerable  disparity  in  age  between  husband 
and  wife  at  marriage  among  primitive  races.  It  is  frequently  the 
practice  for  the  girls  on  reaching  the  age  of  puberty  to  be  taken  in 
marriage  by  the  older  men,  while  the  young  men  marry  women 
twice  their  age.13  Since,  however,  as  pointed  out  in  Chapter  IV 
the  age  of  the  husband  has  little  or  no  effect  upon  fertility,  this 
practice  is  of  no  importance  from  our  present  point  of  view.  The 
important  fact  which  results  from  the  evidence  is  that  almost 

1  Sproat, loc.  cit.,  p.  94.  2  Powers,  loc.  cit.,  p.  413.          3  Hill  Tout,  J.  A.  I., 

vol.  xxxiv,  p.  319.  *  Sarasin,  Forschungen  aus  Ceylon,  vol.  iii,  p.  469. 

6  Crantz,  loc.  cit.,  p.  158.  a  Hill  Tout,  British  North  America,  p.   182. 

7  Hill  Tout,  loc.   cit.,  p.    190.  8  Teit,  Jesup  North  Pacific  Expedition, 
vol.  i,  p.  190.            •  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  591.  10  Ibid.,  p.  255.  »  Musters, 
Patagonians,  p.    186.           »  Dobrizhoffer,  loc.   cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.   42.  13  See, 
for  instance,  as  regards  the  Australians,  Malinowski,  loc.  cit.,  p.  48  ;   Tasmanians, 
Bonwick,  loc.  cit.,  p.  85;    Bushmen,  Theal,   Yellow>  and  Dark-Skinned  People, 
p.  46 ;  and  Chinooks,  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  241. 


HUNTING  AND  FISHING  KACES 


141 


universally  among  these  races  the  women  are  married  at  or  soon 
after  puberty  and  remain  married  throughout  the  mature  period. 

6.  Among  almost  every  uncivilized  race  there  are  numerous 
occasions  upon  which  sexual  intercourse  is  tabooed.     Common 
instances  are  those  of  taboo  during  the  preparations  for  a  hunting 
party  or  a  military  expedition.    It  is  not  worth  while  to  enumerate 
these  occasions,  because  with  one  exception  it  does  not  seem  that 
they  can,  even  when  considered  together,  have  any  marked  effect 
upon  fertility.1    The  exception  referred  to  is  the  prohibition  upon 
intercourse  thatjollows  the  birth  of  a  child.    This  taboo  is  of  very 
great  importance  among  certain  races  that  we  shall  consider  in  the 
eighth  chapter.    As  regards  hunting  and  fishing  races  there  is  no 
record  of  its  existence  in  Tasmania,  Australia,  among  the  Bush- 
men, the  Eskimos,  or  any  other  people  of  importance  with  the 
exception  of  the  American  Indians.    The  evidence  in  this  case  is 
scanty  ;  there  are  certain  difficulties  and  the  matter  is  better  left 
for  discussion  in  the  next  chapter  when  we  come  to  deal  with  the 
agricultural  races  of  this  part  of  the  world.    It  is  enough  to  say 
here  that  certain  early  observers,  speaking  generally  of  the  American 
Indians,  refer  to  this  custom,  and  that  two  early  observers  speaking 
specifically  of  two  hunting  tribes — one  in  North  and  one  in  South 
America — record  this  custom.     Cabe£a  de  Vaca  says  that  the 
Yguazas  abstain  from  intercourse  for  two  years  after  childbirth,2 
and  Dobrizhoffer  records  of  the  Abipones  that '  the  mothers  suckle 
their  children  for  three  years,  during  which  time  they  have  no 
conjugal  intercourse  with  their  husbands  '.3 

7.  At  this  point  we  may  refer  to  the  remarkable  fullness  and 
unanimity  of  the  evidence  with  regard  to  the  number  of  children 
observed  among  these  races.    The  evidence  is  to  the  effect  that 
the  number  of  children  is  always  small.4     Bonwick  says  that 
'  families  were  never  large  with  the  Tasmanians  ',5  and  that  '  the 
native  woman  as  a  rule  had  very  few  children,  and  fewer  still 
were  .  .  .  permitted  to  live  ' ; 6  he  attributes  this  to  the  fact  that 
women  did  not  begin  to  bear  children  until  after  several  years  of 

1  It  is  rare  that  the  prohibition  for  such  reasons  extends  over  so  long  a  period 
as  a  year.   This  is  the  period  of  abstinence  sometimes  enjoined  upon  the  Thlinkeet 
Indians  (Swanton,  26th  A.  R.  B.  E.,  p.  449).    On  this  subject  see  Crawley,  Mystic 
Hose,  pp.  187,  215,  and  342  ;    Hubert  and  Mauss,  Histoire  des  Religions;   Frazer, 
Golden  Bough,  vol.  i,  p.  29  ;   and  Westermarck,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  150  if. 

2  Cabe9a  de  Vaca,  Narrative,  p.  62.  3  Dobrizhoffer,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  97. 
4  This  has,  of  course,  often  been  remarked  upon.     See,  for  instance,  Darwin, 
Descent  of  Man,  vol.  i,  p.   132.             6  Bonwick,  loc.  cit.,  p.  79.  6  Ibid., 
p.  85. 


142  HUNTING  AND  FISHING  EACES 

marriage,1  and  that  women  ceased  to  bear  at  or  soon  after  the  age 
of  thirty-five.2  Abundant  evidence  is  forthcoming  from  Australia. 
'  Large  families  of  children  are  unusual  among  the  aborigines,' 
says  Dawson,  *  however  many  may  be  born,  rarely  more  than  four 
are  allowed  to  grow  up.' 3  Lumholtz  remarks  that  there  are  seldom 
more  than  three  or  four  children.4  Mathew  referring  to  two 
Queensland  tribes  records  that '  the  number  of  children  in  a  family 
was  small  on  the  average.  Six  would  be  rare.  I  know  of  no 
aboriginal  family  with  more  than  five  who  survived  infancy.' 5 
Grey  obtained  some  statistics  in  Western  Australia  with  reference 
to  the  average  number  of  children  born  by  women  who  had  passed 
child-bearing  age.  '  Forty-one  females,  of  whose  families  I  have 
obtained  (from  themselves  and  others)  lists  upon  the  accuracy  of 
which  I  can  rely,  had  188  children,  or  about  4-6  children  each.'  6 
Among  the  native  tribes  of  Central  Australia  the  number  of 
children  in  a  family  rarely  exceeds  four  or  five,  and  is  generally 
two  or  three  ; 7  at  the  same  time  sterility  is  common  ;  the  greatest 
fertility  is  noticed  among  the  stout  and  the  strong,  whereas  the 
thin  and  weak  have  scarcely  any  children.8  Eyre  quotes  some 
observations  of  Moorehouse,  also  made  in  Central  Australia,  and 
says  that  '  his  investigations  have  led  to  the  conclusion  that  each 
woman  has  on  an  average  five  children  born  (nine  being  the 
greatest  number  known)  ' ; 9  Eyre  adds  that  he  agrees  with  this 
estimate.  Schurmann  records  that  '  the  number  of  children 
reared  by  each  family  is  variable,  but  in  general  very  limited, 
rarely  exceeding  four  '.  He  adds  the  interesting  information  that 
in  spite  of  early  marriage  he  has  not  observed  that  they  have 
children  at  an  earlier  age  than  is  common  among  the  Europeans, 
and  says  that  it  is  rare  for  a  mother  to  have  children  '  in  rapid 
succession  '.10  Wilhelmi's  evidence  is  similar ;  with  reference  to 
the  aborigines  of  the  Port  Lincoln  district  he  states  that  *  the 
number  of  children  in  a  family  varies  considerably  ;  but,  on  the 
whole,  it  is  limited — seldom  exceeding  four  ' ;  he  also  adds  that 

1  Bonwick,  loc.  cit.,  p.  76.  2  Ibid.,  p.  85-     See  also  Smyth,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii, 

p.  387.  3  Dawson,  Australian  Aborigines,  p.  39.      The  interesting  estimate 

of  Curr  has  been  given  on  p.  99.  In  another  place  he  says:  'The  number 
of  children  born,  on  the  average,  by  Bangerang  women  I  estimate  at  six  or 
perhaps  eight '  (Recollections,  p.  252).  4  Lumholtz,  loc.  cit.,  p.  134. 

5  J.  Mathew,  Eaglehawk  and  Crow,  p.  165.  6  Grey,  Journals,  vol.  ii,  p.  250. 

He  also  remarks  that,  although  girls  are  mature  at  twelve,  '  child-bearing  does  not 
often  commence  before  the  age  of  sixteen '  (ibid.,  p.  323).  7  Spencer  and 

Gillen,  Native  Tribes  of  Centra!.  Australia,  p.  264.  8  Ibid.,  p.  52. 

9  Eyre,  Journals,  vol.  ii,  p.  376.  l°  Schiirmann,  Aboriginal  Tribes,  p.  223. 


HUNTING  AND  FISHING  KACES  143 

it  seldom  happens  that  '  children  are  born  in  a  family  quick  after 
one  another  '.1 

Stow  remarks  that '  the  Bushmen  seldom  had  large  families  '  ;  2 
Theal,  on  the  other  hand,  says  that  '  the  earliest  Dutch  colonists 
observed  that  they  were  remarkably  prolific  ' 3 — one  of  the  very 
few  statements  which  attribute  a  high  fertility  to  any  of  these 
races.  Passing  now  to  the  New  World  we  find  a  similar  abundance 
of  evidence  pointing  to  the  same  conclusion.  '  The  Greenlanders 
are  not  very  prolific.  A  woman  has  commonly  three  or  four 
children,  but  at  most  six ;  they  generally  bear  but  one  child  in 
two  or  three  years.'  4  Writing  more  than  a  hundred  years  later 
than  Crantz,  Nansen  gives  very  similar  testimony,  which  has 
already  been  quoted,5  as  has  that  of  Murdoch  for  the  Port  Barrow 
Eskimos.6  The  latter  adds  that  '  they  do  not  commonly  bear 
children  before  the  age  of  twenty  '.7  According  to  Bessels  the 
number  in  an  Eskimo  family  near  Smith  Sound  is  on  the  average 
two  ;  this  low  figure  is  due  to  infanticide,  he  goes  on  to  say.8  In 
the  Ungava  district  '  the  number  of  children  born  varies  greatly, 
for,  although  these  Eskimo  are  not  a  prolific  race,  a  couple  may 
occasionally  claim  parentage  of  as  many  as  ten  children.  Two  or 
three  is  the  usual  number.' 9  Armstrong  notes  of  the  Eskimos 
generally  '  that  they  are  not  a  prolific  race  from  all  that  I  could 
learn  '.10  Of  the  Aleut  es  Bitter  says  that  the  average  number  in 
a  family  is  two  or  three.11 

Writing  of  the  neighbourhood  of  Hudson  Bay,  Hearne  says  : 
'  Providence  is  very  kind  in  causing  these  people  to  be  less  prolific 
than  the  inhabitants  of  civilized  nations  ;  it  is  very  uncommon 
to  see  one  woman  have  more  than  five  or  six  children  ;  and  these 
are  always  born  at  such  a  distance  from  one  another,  that  the 
younger  is  generally  two  or  three  years  old  before  another  is  born 
into  the  world.' 12  Among  the  Eastern  Tinneh  to  be  confined  once 
every  three  years  is  '  a  high  average  '.13  The  author  responsible 
for  this  statement  goes  on  to  say  that  *  the  women  are  capable  of 
bearing  children  from  fourteen  to  forty-five — a  long  period  of  their 

1  Wilhelmi,  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Victoria,  vol.  v,  p.  1 80.  2  Stow, 

Native  Races,  p.  50.  3  Theal,  loc.  cit.,  p.  44.  4  Crantz,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i, 

p.  161.  6  p.  99.     Hutton,  however,  gives  a  high  figure  for  the  birth-rate 

(Eskimos  of  Labrador,  p.  80).  6  p.  99.  7  Murdoch,  loc.  cit.,  p.  39. 

This  author  says  further  that  '  all  authors  who  have  described  Eskimos  of  unmixed 
descent  agree  in  regard  to  the  generally  small  number  of  their  offspring '  (ibid., 
p.  419).  «  Bessels,  loc.  cit.,  p.  112.  9  Turner,  loc.  cit.,  p.  189. 

10  Armstrong,  Personal  Narrative,  p.  195.  "  Ritter,  Zeit.fur  all.  Erd.,  vol.  xiii, 

p.  265.  12  Hearne,  Journey,  p.  312.  13  Ross,  loc.  cit.,  p.  305. 


144  HUNTING  AND  FISHING  RACES 

lives — but  in  it  very  few  infants  are  produced.    Families  on  an 
average  contain  three  children  .  .  .  and  ten  is  the  greatest  number 

1  have  seen.'     In  Alaska  '  the  females  of  the  coast  tribes  are  not 
fruitful,  and  to  see  four  children  of  one  mother  is  quite  a  rare 
occurrence,  one  or  two  being  the  common  number  of  children  to 
a  family  '.l    The  evidence  of  Sproat  for  the  Ahts  and  of  Bancroft 
for  the  Nootkas  and  the  Chinooks  has  already  been  quoted.2 
Among  the  Omahas  '  the  usual  number  of  children  may  be  stated 
at  from  four  to  six  in  a  family  '.3    Of  the  Sound  Indians  Bancroft 
states  that  '  the  women  t  are  not  prolific,  three  or  four  being 
ordinarily  the  limit  of  their  offspring  '.4    The  woman  of  the  interior 
of  the  Pacific  Coast  '  is  not  prolific  ',5  and  the  number  in  a  Chepe- 
wayan  family  is  on  the  average  four.6    In  California  '  barrenness 
was  not  infrequent,   twins   very  uncommon,   and  the  general 
average  of  families  did  not  exceed  two  children  '.7    Of  the  same 
people  Baegert  states  that  *  it  is  certain  that  many  of  their  women 
are  barren  and  that  a  great  number  of  them  bear  not  more  than 
one  child  '.8    Of  the  Comanches  we  read  :  '  they  are  not  a  prolific 
race  ;  indeed  it  is  but  seldom  that  a  woman  has  more  thari  three  or 
four  children.' 9    Among  the  Puelches  of  South  America  *  children 
are  not  nearly  so  numerous  as  might  be  imagined  '  ;  this  is  due  in 
part,  however,  according  to  the  author,  to  infanticide.10  According 
to  Bridges,  in  Tierra  del  Fuego  '  few  women  have  more  than  six 
children  owing  to  the  great  length  of  time  between  the  several 
births  '.11    Of  the  same  people,  Hyades  and  Deniker  record  their 
opinion  that  four  is  the  average  number  of  children  to  a  married 
woman.12  They  add  that  in  spite  of  early  marriage  very  few  young 
couples  of  eighteen  to  twenty  years  of  age  had  any  children, 
although  sterility  was  rare.13 

Of  the  other  races  which  belong  to  this  group  the  evidence  points 
to  a  'similar  conclusion.14  Man  thinks  that  three  or  four  is  an 
average  number  of  children  in  an  Andamanese  family,  and  six  is 

1  Petroff,  *  Report  of  the  Population  of  Alaska ',  10th  Census  of  the  U.S.A.,  p.  127. 

2  p.  99.  3  S.  H.  Long,  loc.  cit.,  p.  19.   See  also  Dorsey,  3rd  A.R.B.E.,  p.  264. 
4  Bancroft,   loc.    cit.,    vol.   i,   p.    218.  5  Ibid.,   p.    156.  6  Keating, 
Narrative,  p.  156.             7  Schoolcraft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  iii,  p.  211.  "  Baegert, 
A.  R.  B.  E.,  1863,  p.  368.           •  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  513.  10  Guin- 
nard,  loc.  cit.,  p.  143.           "  Bridges,  A  Voice  from  South  America,  vol.  xiii,  p.  202. 
»  Hyades  and  Deniker,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  vii,  p.  189.              13  Ibid.,  p.  188. 

14  It  may  be  observed  that  according  to  Keane  the  Botocudos  form  an  exception. 
'  Families  ',  he  says,  '  are  said  to  be  comparatively  large,  four  or  five  children  being 
common  enough '  (./.  A.  /.,  vol.  xiii).  This  is,  however,  contradicted  by  von 
Tschudi,  Reisen  durch  Sudamerika,  vol.  ii,  p.  284. 


HUNTING  AND  FISHING  EACES  145 

the  largest  number  he  met  with.1  Portman  mentions  three  as  an 
average.2  The  Sarasins  are  of  opinion  that  Veddah  women  are 
fairly  prolific  and  that  the  small  families  recorded  are  due  to 
infant  mortality.3  Of  the  Tuski  tribes  Dall  says  '  they  are  not 
prolific  ',4  and  according  to  Deniker  '  the  Ghiliak  women  do  not 
have  many  children ;  it  is  rare  to  find  more  than  two  or  three  to 
a  family  '.5 

8.  We  now  come  to  the  consideration  of  the  factors  of  elimination. 
The  first  practice,  the  extent  of  which  we  have  to  investigate,  is 
that  of  abortion.  The  methods  employed  need  not  be  specified  in 
each  case  ;  the  use  of  violent  physical  means  is  perhaps  the  most 
common  ;  among  other  methods  the  drinking  of  various  decoc- 
tions is  frequently  referred  to.  Doubt  is  sometimes  expressed  as 
to  the  efficacy  of  some  of  these  means — especially  that  of  the  last 
named.  It  may  be  that  in  some  cases  it  is  of  the  nature  of  a  magical 
ceremony  without  any  practical  result ;  as  a  general  rule,  however, 
there  is  no  doubt  that  the  methods  used  are  effective. 

Among  the  Tasmanians  *  abortion  was  frequently  practised  '.6 
Statements  are  sometimes  made  which  seem  to  imply  that  abortion 
was  not  uncommon  among  the  Australians.7  A  survey  of  the 
literature  does  not  support  this  view ;  the  practice  is  indeed 
mentioned  occasionally,  but  it  is  clearly  negligible  in  comparison 
with  the  universal  presence  of  infanticide.  Curr  says  that  it  is 
occasionally  employed.8  In  Collins 's  account  of  the  aborigines  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Port  Jackson  there  is  a  reference  to  '  the 
horrid  and  cruel  custom  of  endeavouring  to  cause  a  miscarriage  '.9 
Palmer  records  the  practice  as  occurring  among  the  Mythuggadi 
tribe,10  and  Eoth  says  it  is  common  among  certain  districts  of 
North-west  and  Central  Queensland.11  Abortion  has  been  noticed 
among  the  Eskimos,  but  never  as  a  common  practice.12  It  is  among 
the  Indian  tribes  of  the  North  and-the  Pacific  Coast  that  we  find  the 
most  numerous  references  to  this  custom.13  Speaking  of  the  tribes 
near  Hudson  Bay,  Ellis  mentions  '  a  very  strange  maxim  of  policy 
which  prevails  much  amongst  them,  which  is  that  of  suffering 

1  Man,  loc.  cit.,  p.  81.  2  Portman,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxv,  p.  369.  3  Sarasins, 

loc.  cit.,  vol.  iii,  p.  169.  *  Dall,  loc.  cit.,  p.  381.  5  Deniker,  Rev.  d'Eth., 

vol.  ii,  p.  302.  6  Bonwick,  loc.  cit.,  p.  76.  7  See,  for  example,  Klemm, 

Allgemeine  Kultur-Geschichte  der  Menschheit,  vol.  i,  p.  291.  8  Curr,  Australian 

Race,  vol.  i,  p.  76.  9  Quoted  by  a  reviewer  in  the  Edinburgh  Review,  vol.  ii, 

1803,  p.  34.  "  Palmer,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xiii,  p.  280.  "  Roth,  loc.  cit., 

p.  183.  12  Wells  and  Kelly,  U.S.A.  Bureau  of  Education,  1890,  p.  19 ;  Bessels, 

loc.  cit.,  p.  112.  13  See  Weld,  loc.  cit.,  p.  373,  and  Robertson,  History  of 

America,  vol.  i,  p.  297 

2498  K 


146  HUNTING  AND  FISHING  RACES 

rather  than  of  obliging  their  women  to  procure  frequent  abortions 
by  the  use  of  a  certain  herb  common  in  that  country  '^  Similar 
facts  are  recorded  of  the  Knisteneaux.2  Abortion  is  not  '  uncom- 
mon among  the  Haidahs  '.3  The  Nootkas  '  frequently  prevent  the 
increase  of  their  families  by  abortion  '.4  Lord  says  that  the 
'  causing  of  abortion  '  is  '  not  uncommon  '  among  the  natives  of 
Puget  Sound,5  while  we  find  this  practice  spoken  of  as  '  common  ' 
in  Vancouver  Island.6  Teit  mentions  abortion  as  being  '  rarely 
practised  '  among  the  Thompson  Indians,7  and  as  '  rare  '  among 
the  Shushwap.8  Gibbs  speaks  of  abortion  as  being  '  almost 
universal '  among  the  tribes  of  Western  Washington  and  North- 
western Oregon.9  According  to  Bancroft  abortion  is  of  '  frequent 
occurrence  '  among  the  Chinooks,  and  '  not  uncommon  '  among 
the  inland  tribes.10  Powers  also  records  the  practice  among  the 
Kabinapek  of  California,11  and  Castelnau  among  the  Guaycurus  12 
and  Rengger  among  the  Payaguas.13  Cooper,  who  has  reviewed 
the  evidence  so  far  as  the  Fuegians  are  concerned,  states  that 
*  deliberate  abortion  is  common J.14 

9.  There  is  one  common  form  of  infanticide — the  killing  of 
deformed  children — which  can  have  no  importance  so  far  as 
numbers  are  concerned.  But  this  practice  may  be  noted  here 
because  of  its  bearing  upon  quality.  We  may  also  note  in  particu- 
lar when  the  killing  is  said  to  be  of  female  children.15 

Bonwick  states  that  infanticide  was  fairly  prevalent  in  Tas- 
mania.16 Ling  Roth,  who  summarizes  the  evidence  of  several 
authors,  finds  it  somewhat  conflicting  ;  but  it  would  seem  that 
infanticide  undoubtedly  occurred  though  it  is  not  known  with  any 
certainty  whether  it  was  practised  on  a  large  scale  or  not.17  In 

1  H.   Ellis,    Voyage,  p.    198.  a  Mackenzie,    Voyages,  vol.  i,  p.    148. 

3  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  169.  *  Ibid.,  p.  197.  6  Lord,  Naturalist 

in  Vancouver,  vol.  ii,  p.  231.  6  Sproat,  loc.  cit.,  p.  94.  7  Teit, 

loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  305.  8  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  584.  9  Gibbs,  loc.  cit., 

p.  199.  10  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  242.     It  also  occurred  among  the 

Omahas  but  was  not  common  (Dorsey,  loc.  cit.,  p.  263,  and  Long,  loc.  cit.,  p.  20). 

11  Powers,  loc.  cit.,  p.  207.    For  New  Mexico  see  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  590. 

12  Castelnau,   Expedition,   vol.   ii,  p.    450.       See   also   Azara,    Voyages,   p.    146. 

13  Rengger,  Reise,  p.  329.  «*  Cooper,  S.  I.  B.  E.,  Bull.  No.  63,  1917,  p.  171. 
16  Female   infanticide   was   brought   into   great   prominence   by  MacLennan. 

Although  he  asserted  that  female  infanticide  was  *  common  among  savages  every- 
where '  (Studies  in  Ancient  History,  p.  Ill),  he  did  not  bring  forward  any  con- 
siderable body  of  evidence. 

i  18|Bonwick,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  79  and  85.  See  also  Smyth,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  386. 
17iLing  Roth,  loc.  cit.,  p.  167. '  This  author  suggests  that  infanticide  may  have 
increased  owing  to  the  disturbances  due  to  the  arrival  of  the  Europeans.  There 
is  no  evidence  that  this  was  so,  and  for  the  reasons  given  later  it  is  most  improbable 
that  this  is  ever  the  result  of  European  influence. 


HUNTING  AND  FISHING  EACES  147 

Australia  infanticide  is  practised  on  a  very  large  scale.  Parker 
states  that  it  was  very  frequent  and  that  deformed  children  were 
always  killed.1  Lumholtz's  testimony  is  similar,2  while,  according 
to  Dawson,  no  matter  how  many  children  are  born,  '  rarely  more 
than  four  are  allowed  to  grow  up  ' — the  deformed  children 
apparently  always  being  destroyed.3  According  to  an  estimate 
made  by  Curr  of  conditions  in  Victoria  '  nearly  one  half  [of  the 
children  born  to  any  one  married  woman]  fell  victims  to  infanti- 
cide * 4,  and  more  girls  than  boys  perished.5  According  to  Wil- 
helmi,  if,  as  rarely  happens,  births  follow  one  another  quickly 
among  the  aborigines  of  the  Port  Lincoln  district,  '  the  youngest 
is  generally  destroyed  '  ; 6  Beveridge  says  that  the  practice 
prevails  in  Victoria  and  Riverina  *  to  a  very  considerable  extent  '.7 
This  last  statement  is  supported  by  that  of  Mathews  to  the  effect 
that  '  infanticide  is  common  '  in  New  South  Wales  and  Victoria.8 
Among  the  inhabitants  of  the  River  Darling  region  '  it  seems  to 
have  been  the  custom  to  kill  many  of  the  children  directly  after 
birth  ',9  and  in  Southern  Australia  infanticide  was  very  prevalent.10 
According  to  Howitt  infanticide  was  practised  '  to  some  extent  ' 
among  the  Mining  Tribe,11  in  the  Tongeranka  tribe  it  was  '  com- 
mon ' ; 12  in  the  Mukjarawaint  tribe  '  the  grandparents  had  to  decide 
whether  a  child  was  to  be  kept  alive  or  not ' ; 13  in  all  the  tribes  of 
the  Wotjo  nation  and  also  the  Tatuthi  and  other  tribes  of  the 
Murray  River  frontage,  when  a  child  was  weak  and  sickly  they 
used  to  kill  its  infant  brother  and  sister  and  feed  it  with  the  flesh 
to  make  it  strong ; 14  in  the  Wadthaurung  tribe  the  practice  was 
evidently  not  uncommon  ; 15  in  the  Narrinyeri  tribe  infanticide 
appears  to  have  been  very  prevalent,  so  that  '  more  than  one  half 
of  the  children  fell  victims  to  this  atrocious  custom  ',16  whilst 
deformed  children  seem  always  to  have  been  killed  both  in  this 
case 17  and  among  the  aborigines  of  Encounter  Bay.18  Infanticide 
was  common  among  the  tribes  of  Port  Lincoln — girls  being  less 
often  spared  than  boys 19 — among  the  Dieyerie  tribe,  where 

1  K.  L.  Parker,  loc.  cifc.,  p.  23.  a  Lumboltz,  loo.  cit.,  p.  134.          3  Dawson, 

loc.   cit.,  p.   39.  «  Curr,   Recollections,  p.   252.  6  Ibid.,  p.   263. 

6  Wilhelmi,  loc.  cit.,  p.  180.  '  P.  Beveridge,  Aborigines  of  Victoria,  p.  26. 

8  R.  H.  Mathews,  Ethnological  Notes,  p.  17.  9  Bonney,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xiii, 

p.  125.  10  Palmer,  loc.  cit.,  p.  280;    Fison  and  Howitt.  Kamilaroi  ard 

Kurnai,  p.  190 ;   Eylmann,  loc.  cit.,  p.  261  ;   and  Smyth,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  52. 
11  Howitt,  Native  Tribes,  p.  748.  »  Howitt,  loc.  cit.,  p.  749.  13  Ibid., 

p.  749.  "  Ibid.,  p.  750.  »  Ibid.,  p.  750.  "  Taplin,  loc.  cit.,  p.  12. 

17  Ibid.,  p.  14.  18  Meyer,  loc.  cit.,  p.  186.  19  Schiinnann,  loc.  cit., 

p.  223. 

K2 


148  HUNTING  AND  FISHING  KACES 

deformed  children  were  never  spared,1  among  two  Queensland 
tribes,2  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Port  Darwin,3  in  Central  Australia,4 
and  among  the  Northern  tribes  of  Central  Australia.5  In  Western 
Australia  deformed  children  were  always  killed.6 

Our  information  with  regard  to  the  Bushmen  suggests  that 
infanticide  was  prevalent,  though  not  confined  to  new-born 
children.  '  The  Bushmen  will  kill  their  children  without  remorse 
on  various  occasions  ;  as  when  they  are  ill-shaped,  when  they 
are  in  want  of  food,  when  the  father  of  a  child  has  forsaken  its 
mother,  or  when  obliged  to  flee  from  the  fathers  of  others.' 7 
Infanticide  is  more  common  than  abortion  among  the  Eskimos.8 
Nelson  says  that  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Behring  Straits  even 
girls  of  four  to  six  years  of  age  are  at  times  killed.9  Among  the 
Central  Eskimos '  it  is  practised  to  some  extent ',  though  apparently 
only  girls  and  the  children  of  widows  and  widowers  are  destroyed.10 
Murdoch  never  heard  of  infanticide  in  the  Port  Barrow  region,11 
but  says  that  it  is  reported  to  be  *  frequently  practised  among  the 
Eskimo  of  Smith  Sound  without  regard  of  sex  '  and  that  female 
infanticide  occurs  among  the  people  of  King  William  Land.12  It 
is  also  recorded  of  the  inhabitants  of  Smith  Sound  by  Bessels  that, 
after  two  children  have  been  born,  any  others  that  may  come  are 
more  often  than  not  killed.13  In  Greenland  *  the  heathen  Eskimo 
killed  deformed  children,  and  those  that  seem  too  sickly  to  live, 
as  well  as  those  that  lose  their  mothers  at  birth,  when  no  one  else 
can  be  found  to  take  charge  of  them  '.14  Killing  of  deformed 
children  is  also  reported  by  Smith,15  and  that  of  children  who  have 
lost  their  parents  by  Kink.16  Among  the  Aleuts  infanticide  is  said 
to  be  rare,17  but  among  the  Malemutes  infanticide,  especially  of 
girls,  was  not  infrequent.18 

Infanticide  is  frequently  practised  among  the  Kutchins 19  and 
the  killing  of  deformed  children  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  Copper 

1  Gason,  Manners  and  Customs,  p.  258.  2  Mathew,  Two  Representative 

Tribes,  p.  165.  »  Foelsche,  J.  A.  L,  vol.  xxiv,  p.  192.  4  Eyre,  loc.  cit., 

vol.  ii,  p.  376.  See  also  Spencer  and  Gillen,  Native  Tribes,  p.  264.  '  5  Ibid., 
Northern  Tribes,  p.  608.  6  Grey,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  251.  7  Moffat, 

Missionary  Labours,  p.  58.     See  also  Stow,  Native  Races,  p.  51.  8  Reclus, 

Primitive  Folk,  p.  34.  9  Nelson,  loc.  cit.,  p.  289.  10  Boas,  6th  A.  R.  B.  E., 

p.  580.  "  Murdoch,  loc.  cit.,  p.  416.  »  Ibid.,  p.  417.  13  Bessels, 

loc.  cit.,  p.  112.  "  Nansen,  Greenland,  p.  330.     See  also  Nansen,  Eskimo 

Life,  p.  151.  1S  C.  E.  Smith,  Edinburgh  Medical  Journal,  vol.  xiii,  p.  859. 

16  Rink,  loc.  cit.,  p.  35.  17  Dall,  loc.  cit.,  p.  399.  18  Bancroft,  loc.  cit., 

vol.  ii,  p.  81.  "  Kirkby,  Church  Missionary  Intelligencer,  vol.  xiv,  p.  116  ; 

Hardisty,  A.  R.  S.  I.,  1866,  p.  312  ;  S.  Jones,  ibid.,  p.  327  ;  MacKenzie,  Voyages, 
vol.  i,  p.  148. 


HUNTING  AND  FISHING  KACES  149 

Eiver  District  is  especially  mentioned  in  the  account  of  Jacobsen's 
journey.1  Among  the  Chinooks  Lord  says  it  is  *  not  uncommon  '  ^ 
and  Bancroft  that  it  is  of  '  frequent  occurrence  '.3  The  Thompson 
Indians  seldom  kill  their  children,  and  a  woman  who  did  so  was 
reprimanded.4  With  the  Haidahs,  on  the  other  hand,  infanticide 
is  reported  to  be  •*  not  uncommon  ',5  and  among  the  tribes  between 
the  Frazer  and  Columbia  Eivers  it  was  formerly  common.6  The 
same  impression  is  gained  from  accounts  of  the  Chepewayans.7 
The  Koniagas  '  prize  boy  babies,  but  frequently  kill  the  girls  '.8 
Powers,  referring  generally  to  the  Calif ornians,  speaks  of  '  the 
prevalence  of  the  crime  of  infanticide  ' ;  9  in  particular  he  records 
that  it  was  common  among  the  Gallinomero,  who  never  spared 
deformed  children,10  that  among  the  Kabinapek  n  and  the  Nishi- 
nan  12  children  who  had  lost  their  mother  were  killed,  and  that 
deformed  children  were  destroyed  by  the  Woruk.13  Among  the 
Yguazes  infanticide  was  fairly  frequent.14  The  Abipones  of  South 
America  *  do  not  bring  up  more  than  two  children  to  a  family,  the 
others  being  killed  to  save  trouble;'15  According  to  another 
observer  '  they  seldom  rear  but  one  child  of  each  sex,  murdering 
the  rest  as  fast  as  they  come  into  the  world,  till  the  eldest  are 
strong  enough  to  walk  alone  '.16  This  practice,  on  the  other  hand, 
is  said  to  be  '  extremely  rare  '  among  the  Botocudos.17  It  occurs 
among  the  Guaycurus.18  Among  the  Puelches  infanticide  is 
common  and  deformed  children  are  always  killed.19  •  In  spite  of 
what  has  sometimes  been  said,  infanticide  '  only  occurs  occasion- 
ally '  among  the  Fuegians.20  In  the  literature  with  regard  to 
the  Veddahs  reviewed  by  the  Sarasins,  there  is  only  one  author 
who  mentions  infanticide.21 
10.  Wars 22  were  apparently  common  between  the  Tasmanian 

1  Woldt,  Kapitdn  Jacobsen's  Eeise,  p.  393.  2  Lord,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  231. 

3  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  242.  «  Teit,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  305.  5  Gibbs, 

loc.  cit.,  p.  198 ;  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  169.  6  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i, 

p.  169.  7  Keating,  loc.  cit.,  p.  160.  8  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  81. 

9  Powers,  loc.  cit.,  p.  416  ;  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  pp.  390  and  413.  10  Ibid., 

p.  177.  »  Ibid.,  p.  222.  13  Ibid.,  p.  328.  13  Ibid.,  p.  382. 

14  Cabe9a  de  Vaca,  loc.  cit.,  p.  62.    According  to  Ten  Kate  (Rev.  d'Eth.,\ol.  iv) 
the  Comanches  kill  one  of  two  twins.     This  is  not  an  uncommon  custom ;   in 
itself,  however,  it  can  have  very  little  effect  upon  the  quantity  of  the  population. 
For  the  Californians  see  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  pp.  390  and  413. 

15  Dobrizhoffer,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  97.  16  Charlevoix,  Histoire,  vol.i,  p.  405. 
17  Keane,  loc.  cit.,  p.  206.              18  Church,  loc.  cit.,  p.  248.  19  Guinnard,  loc. 
cit.,  p.  143.             20  Westermarck,  loc.  cit.,  p.  313,  quoting  a  letter  from  Mr.  Bridges 
who  in  another  place  (loc.  cit.,  p.  181)  says  that  deformed  children  are  especially 
likely  to  be  killed.             21  Sarasins,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  iii,  p.  469. 

22  It  should  be  remembered  that  elimination  through  war  tells  more  upon  males 


150  HUNTING  AND  FISHING  EACES 

tribes,  but  we  have  no  trustworthy  information  as  to  their  charac- 
ter.1 Of  conditions  in  Australia  we  have  abundant  evidence  ;  the 
literature  has  been  recently  studied  by  Wheeler.2  He  distinguishes 
between  regulated  and  unregulated  warfare,  of  which  the  latter  is 
rare.3  By  regulated  warfare  is  meant  not  only  that  the  use  of 
heralds,  messengers,  and  preliminary  negotiations  is  recognized, 
but  also  that  the  fighting  itself  is  regulated  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
restrict  bloodshed.  Most  commonly,  if  it  comes  to  fighting,  the 
two  opposing  sides  meet  and  throw  boomerangs  until  one  or  two 
men  are  knocked  down.  Then,  before  further  damage  is  done, 
fighting  stops  and  peace  is  re-established — not  a  single  life  perhaps 
having  been  lost.4  Unregulated  warfare  is  a  more  serious  matter  ; 
a  war  party  may  attack  and  destroy  a  local  group  of  some  other 
tribe  without  observing  any  of  the  formalities  described  above.5 
In  the  latter  case  women  are  sometimes  slain,  although  this  never 
happens  in  regulated  warfare.6  On  the  whole  the  loss  of  life  owing 
to  warfare  in  Australia  must  be  very  small. 

The  Bushmen  gained  the  reputation  of  being  vigorous  fighters 
during  the  wars  with  the  colonists  and  managed  to  inspire  terror 
throughout  a  large  part  of  Africa.  We  have,  however,  but  little 
information  as  to  their  habits  before  they  were  so  rudely  disturbed 
and,  it  must  be  said,  so  barbarously  treated.  '  They  never 
appear ',  says  Stow,  '  to  have  had  great  wars  against  each  other  ; 
sudden  quarrels  among  rival  huntsmen,  ending  in  lively  skirmishes, 
which  owing  to  their  nimbleness  and  presence  of  mind,  caused 
little  damage  to  life  or  limb,  appear  to  have  been  the  extent  of 
their  individual  and  tribal  differences.' 7  Of  the  Eskimos  about  the 
Behring  Strait  Nelson  says  that  *  an  almost  continuous  inter- 
tribal warfare  '  formerly  existed  ; 8  such  a  state  of  things  is 
clearly  uncommon ;  in  Greenland,  for  instance,  we  are  told  that  war 
is  rare,9  whereas  among  the  Central  Eskimos  real  wars  have  never 
happened.10  Nevertheless  a  good  deal  of  fighting  seems  often  to 
occur  between  the  Eskimos  and  the  Tinneh,  whom  they  hate  and 
fear.  '  Along  the  line  of  contact  with  the  Tinneh  tribes  of  the 

than  females.  Out  of  sixty-six  cases  in  which  there  was  the  relevant  information 
investigated  by  Professor  Hobhouse  and  his  collaborators,  men  only  were  slain 
in  twenty  cases  (Hobhouse,  Wheeler,  and  Ginsberg,  Simpler  Peoples,  p.  232). 

1  Ling  Both,  loc.  cit.,  p.  83.  2  Wheeler,  Tribe  in  Australia.  3  Ibid., 

pp.  116  ff.  *  Curr  (Recollections,  p.  309)  says  that  he  never  heard  of  any  one 

being  killed  in  a  regular  battle.  6  Wheeler,  loc.  cit.,  p.  151.  6  Ibid., 

p.  154.  7  Stow,  loc.  cit.,  p.  38.     Letourneau,  however,  says  that  war  was 

common   (La  Guerre,  p.   54).  8  Nelson,  loc.  cit.,  p.   327.  •  Nansen, 

Eskimo  Life,  p.  162.  10  Boas,  loc.  cit.,  p.  466. 


HUNTING  AND  FISHING  EACES  151 

Interior  a  bitter  feud  was  always  in  existence,'  says  Nelson,1  who 
is  confirmed  by  Bancroft,2  Hall,3  and  Ellis.4  Of  the  Malemutes 
we  are  told  that  '  the  occupants  of  the  several  islands  are  almost 
constantly  at  war  '.6 

It  is  among  the  American  Indians  both  in  the  North  and  South 
that  we  find  war  to  be  more  frequent  and  sanguinary  than  else- 
where. Certain  tribes  are  more  peaceful  than  others,  but  in  the 
lives  of  only  a  few  did  war  play  an  unimportant  part.  In  addition 
to  the  evidence  of  actual  fighting  we  have,  what  is  suggestive  in 
this  connexion,  many  accounts  of  the  large  part  which  martial 
training  played  in  the  upbringing  of  these  races.  '  The  whole 
force  of  public  opinion  in  our  Indian  communities ',  says  School- 
craft,  '  is  concentrated  upon  this  point,  its  early  Lodge  teachings, 
its  dances,  its  religious  rites,  the  harangues  of  prominent  actors 
made  at  public  assemblies,  all,  in  fact,  that  serves  to  awaken  and 
fire  ambition  in  the  mind  of  the  savage,  is  clustered  about  the  idea 
of  future  distinction  in  war.'6  'They  are',  says  an  eighteenth- 
century  traveller,  *  early  possessed  with  the  notion  that  war  ought 
to  be  the  chief  business  of  their  lives.' 7  And  war  does  play  a  very 
large  part  in  their  lives.  '  All  Indian  tribes  are  frequently  at  war 
with  one  another,'  says  Harmon.8  The  Thlinkeet  are  often  at  war  9 
and  the  same  applies  to  all  the  tribes  of  the  Pacific  Coast,  including 
the  Haidahs,10  the  Ahts,11  and  the  Kwakiutl.12  Among  some  of 
these  tribes,  however,  as,  for  example,  the  Chinooks,13  frequent  as 
fighting  may  be,  it  is  not  very  sanguinary.  The  Northern  tribes 
of  the  interior  we  have  seen  to  be  at  war  with  the  Eskimos  from 
time  to  time,  and  we  are  told  that  among  themselves  it  is  practi- 
cally continuous.14  The  Inland  tribes  are  perhaps  somewhat  less 
warlike,15  though  the  accounts  of  the  Shushwap,16  Lillooets,17  and 
Thompson  Indians  18  give  the  impression  of  tribes  among  whom 
fighting — and  fighting  of  a  severe  kind — is  by  no  means  infrequent. 

1  Nelson,  loc.  cit.,  p.  237.  2  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  120.  3  Hall, 

loc.  cit.,  p.  598.  4  Ellis,  loc.  cit.,  p.  182.  5  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i, 

p.  91.  6  Schoolcraft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  57.     See  also  ibid.,  vol.  iii,  p.  64. 

7  Carver,  Travels,  p.  229.  For  accounts  of  early  military  training  see  Domenech, 
Seven  Years'  Residence.,  vol.  ii,  p.  229,  and  Dodge,  Hunting  Grounds  of  the  Great 
West,  p.  256.  8  Harmon,  Journal,  p.  306.  He  is  speaking  in  particular  of 

the  Carrier  tribe ;  a  good  account  of  the  methods  of  fighting  is  given.  9  Krause, 
loc.  cit.,  p.  248  ;  Swanton,  26th  A.  R.  B.  E.,  p.  449.  10  Niblack,  A.  R.  8. 1., 

1888,  p.  340 ;  Swanton,  Jesup  North  Pacific  Expedition,  vol.  v,  pp.  55  ff. 
11  Sproat,  loc.  cit.,  p.  59.  12  Boas,  A.  R.  B.  E.,  1895,  p.  425.  13  Mac- 

Kenzie,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  123-30.  14  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  236. 

15  Ibid.,  vol.  i,  p.  268.  »  Teit,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  540  ff.  17  Ibid.,  p. 

234.         w  Ibid.,  vol.  i,  p.  263. 


152  HUNTING  AND  FISHING  EACES 

The  Crees  and  the  Blackfeet,  for  instance,  waged  '  unceasing 
war  '  ; 1  the  warlike  instinct  of  the  Chepewayans  is  well  known.2 
The  tribes  of  Western  Washington  and  Northern  Oregon  engaged 
in  constant  warfare,  though  the  actual  encounters  did  not  result 
in  any  great  loss  of  life.3  In  Central  California  *  battles,  though 
frequent,  were  not  attended  with  much  loss  of  life  '.4  In  Southern 
California  we  hear  of  *  frequent  and  deadly  wars  '  5  from  one 
author  and  of  '  continual  wars  '  from  another,6  the  last  laying 
stress  upon  warfare  as  an  important  factor  in  the  population 
question.  The  Seri  Indians  of  Tiburon  Island  engage  in  practically 
continuous  warfare,7  and  the  Comanches  *  highly  honour 
bravery  on  the  battlefield  '.  From  early  youth  they  are  taught 
the  art  of  war.8  '  In  consequence  of  continual  hostilities  '  the 
Ygauzas  '  cannot  travel  the  country  nor  make  many  exchanges  '.9 
Among  the  Puelches  war  is  both  common  and  sanguinary,10  and 
the  same  is  the  case  with  regard  to  the  Guaycurus  u  and  the 
Charruas.12  The  Fuegians  are  *  almost  always  at  war  with  adjoin- 
ing tribes  ;  they  seldom  meet,  but  a  hostile  encounter  is  the 
result  '.13 

11.  Passing  to  the  consideration  of  feuds  it  is  found  that  they 
originate  largely  from  motives  of  blood  revenge.  The  expression 
blood  revenge  suggests  retribution  for  a  murder  actually  committed, 
but  among  primitive  races  the  origin  of  blood  revenge  is  far  more 
often  the  natural  death  of  some  member  of  the  tribe.  Owing  to 
the  almost  universal  belief  among  these  races  that  death  is  never 
natural  in  our  sense  of  the  word,  the  loss  of  a  relation  or  fellow- 
tribesman  is  attributed  to  magical  influence,  and  the  guilt  fastened 
upon  some  individual  by  a  process  of  magical  divination.  It 
appears  that  women  are  judged  to  be  equally  capable  with  men 
of  causing  death,  and  that  therefore  elimination  from  this  cause 
falls  equally  upon  both  sexes. 

'  No  such  thing  as  natural  death  is  recognized  by  the  [Australian] 
natives  ;  a  man  who  dies  has  of  necessity  been  killed  by  another 
man  or  perhaps  even  by  a  woman.' 14  *  If  an  Abipon  die  from 

1  Catlin,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  53.  2  MacKenzie,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  171. 

3  Gibbs,  loc.  cit.,  p.  190.  *  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  379.  6  Ibid., 

vol.  i,  p.  562.  •  Baegert,  loc.  cit.,  p.  359.  7  MacGee,  17th  A.  R.  B.  E., 

pp.  157  and  273.  He  speaks  of  a  '  frequent  decimation  of  the  warriors  '  (p.  273). 
8  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  499.  •  Cabe$a  de  Vaca,  loc.  cit.,  p.  54. 

10  Guinnard,  loc.  cit.,  p.  125.  "  Azara,  vol.  ii,  p.  146.  12  Ibid.,  p.  7. 

13  King  and  Fitzroy,  Narrative,  vol.  ii,  p.  183.  See  also  Featherman,  Social 
History,  vol.  iii,  p.  508. 

u  Spencer  and  Gillen,  Native  Tribes,  p.  45.    To  show  the  length  to  which  this 


HUNTING  AND  PISHING  EACES  153 

being  pierced  by  many  wounds,  or  from  having  his  bones  broken, 
or  his  strength  exhausted  from  extreme  old  age,  his  countrymen 
all  deny  that  wounds  or  weakness  occasioned  his  death,  and 
anxiously  try  to  discover  by  which  of  the  jugglers  and  for  what 
reason  he  was  killed.'  x  Among  different  races  the  holding  of  this 
belief  has  different  results.  With  regard  to  Australia,  Messrs. 
Spencer  and  Gillen  in  the  passage  quoted  above  continue  as 
follows  :  '  sooner  or  later  that  man  or  woman  will  be  attacked. 
In  the  normal  condition  of  the  tribe  every  death  meant  the  killing 
of  another  individual ' — the  guilty  person  being  indicated  by 
a  medicine  man.2  The  avenging  party  is  at  times  merely  directed 
by  the  medicine  man  to  proceed  in  a  certain  direction  and  after 
a  march,  it  may  be  of  a  considerable  distance,  discovers  another 
local  group  which  it  entirely  wipes  out.3  At  other  times  an 
individual  near  by  is  indicated  and  at  once  dispatched.  It  is 
obvious  that  if  such  results  commonly  followed  upon  the  death  of 
every  tribesman  the  population  would  rapidly  dimmish,  and,  as 
a  matter  of  fact,  serious  as  the  consequences  of  this  belief  are, 
there  are  many  indications  that  blood  revenge  is  not  carried  out 
with  the  extreme  rigour  that  the  above  passage  would  seem  to 
indicate.  Probably  most  deaths  go  unavenged,4  yet  in  spite  of 
this  blood  revenge  must  be  accounted  as  a  factor  of  importance  in 
Australia,5  especially  as  it  affects  women  as  well  as  men.6 

Among  the  races  belonging  to  the  second  group  we  shall  meet 
with  a  somewhat  similar  state  of  affairs.  But,  widespread  as  this 
belief  is,  it  does  not  appear  to  provoke  bloodshed  among  the  other 
races  belonging  to  this  group  on  any  large  scale.  We  hear  of  feuds 
among  the  Eskimos  and  the  punishment  of  witchcraft  by  death. 
Murder  is  also  reported  as  occurring  among  the  Eskimos.  '  It  is 

belief  is  carried,  the  following  story  may  be  quoted.  '  A  woman,  while  clearing 
out  a  well,  was  bitten  in  the  thumb  by  a  black  snake.  It  began  to  swell  imme- 
diately, and  in  the  short  space  of  twenty-four  hours  the  woman  was  a  corpse. 
Still  it  was  asserted  that  it  was  not  an  accident,  but  that  the  deceased  had  pointed 
out  a  certain  aboriginee  as  her  murderer '  (Wilhelmi,  loc.  cit.,  p.  191).  In  this 
case  no  killing  actually  followed,  though  it  nearly  did  so. 

1  Dobrizhoffer,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,.p.  84.  2  Spencer  and  Gillen,  Native 

Tribes,  vol.  ii,  p.  45.  3  Curr,  Australian  Race,  vol.  i,  p.  86. 

«  Spencer  and  Gillen,  Native  Tribes,  p.  477.  Wheeler  (loc.  cit.,  p.  149)  says  that 
'  warfare  only  arises  as  a  result  of  a  blood  feud,  due  to  the  killing  of  a  member 
of  one  local  group  by  a  member  of  another  local  group,  nearly  always  by  magical 
means.  But  even  this  ground  of  offence  is  most  generally  settled  by  one  of  the 
methods  of  regular  procedure  above  described.'  Since,"  as  we  have  seen,  the 
regular  procedure  seldom  ends  in  the  shedding  of  blood,  many  deaths  thus  pass 
unavenged. 

5  Thomas,  Natives  of  Australia,  p.  47 ;  Eyre,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  379.  •  Curr, 

Recollections,  p.  317. 


154  HUNTING  AND  FISHING  RACES 

not  a  rare  occurrence  that  a  man  who  is  offended  by  another  man 
takes  revenge  by  killing  the  offender,'  and  a  feud  then  follows 
which  may  last  for  generations.1  Blood  feuds  originating  in 
actual  murder  are  also  recorded  of  various  Indian  tribes  ; 2  but  it 
does  not  appear  that  bloodshed,  owing  to  belief  in  witchcraft, 
occurs  on  any  significant  scale  either  in  North  or  South  America. 
Of  the  Haidahs  we  are  told  that  '  death  is  ascribed  to  the  ill-will 
and  malign  influence  of  an  enemy  and  one  suspected  of  causing  the 
death  of  a  prominent  individual  must  be  ready  to  die  '.3  Niblack, 
speaking  of  the  Coast  tribes  from  Southern  Alaska  to  British 
Columbia  and  thus  including  the  Haidahs,  says  :  *  all  severe 
diseases  or  illnesses  are  ascribed  to  the  evil  influence  of  enemies, 
and  in  the  case  of  the  death  of  an  important  personage,  a  victim 
is  usually  found  who  has  presumably  charmed  away  the  life  of  the 
deceased.'  4  The  implication  is,  of  course,  that  a  victim  is  only 
sought  on  rare  occasions,  as  on  the  death  of  a  prominent  man. 

12.  The  custom  of  killing  the  old  and  the  sick  is  of  sufficient 
importance  to  deserve  mention.  Among  these  races  it  is  not 
uncommon  and  is  connected  with  the  nomadic  nature  of  their 
existence.5  The  Tasmanians  would  seem  to  have  been  in  the 
habit  of  abandoning  the  sick  and  infirm.6  There  is  some  evidence 
of  this  habit  in  Australia,7  but  on  the  whole  sick  and  aged  are  well 
looked  after  in  that  country.8  '  The  Bushmen  frequently  forsake 
their  aged  relations  when  removing  from  place  to  place  for  the 
sake  of  Imnting.  In  this  case  they  leave  the  old  person  with 
a  piece  of  meat  and  an  ostrich  egg-shell  full  of  water  ;  as  soon  as 
this  little  stock  is  exhausted,  the  poor  deserted  creature  must 
perish  by  hunger  or  become  the  prey  of  wild  beasts.'  9  The  aged 
are  not  treated  well  by  the  Eskimos.  In  the  Ungava  district  they 
are  put  to  death,10  and  among  the  Central  Eskimos  a  man  may  kill 

1  Boas,  6th  A.  R.  B.  E.,  p.  582.  Similar  accounts  are  given  by  other  authors : 
see  Nelson,  loc.  cit.,  p.  293 ;  Rink,  loc.  cit.,  p.  35 ;  Klutschak,  Ala  Eskimo  unter 
den  Eskimos,  p.  228.  2  For  instance,  the  Lillooet  (Teit,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  236) 

and  the  Shastika  (Powers,  loc.  cit.,  p.  29).  3  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  348. 


•Niblack, Joe.  cit.,  p.  348.     A  somewhat  similar  account  is  given  of  the  Zaporos 

ol.  vii,  p. 
6  It  is  not  only  among  these  races  that  the  aged  are  thought  to  be  in  the  way. 


(Simson,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  vii,  p.  506). 


Bonnard,  in  an  article  in  the  Figaro  on  the  Prince  de  Beauvais'  travels  in  Canada, 
mentions  that  the  latter  saw  an  enterprising  Canadian  township  recommended 
by  the  announcement  that  there  were  '  no  old  inhabitants  to  hinder  progress  ' 
(Figaro,  March  28,  1914).  The  evidence  for  the  existence  of  this  custom  has  been 
reviewed  by  Westermarck,  Moral  Ideas,  vol.  ii,  pp.  386  ff. 

6  Ling  Roth,  loc.  cit.,  p.  73.  7  Sartori,  Globus,  vol.  Ixvii,  p.  108.  8  See, 

for  instance,  Spencer  and  Gillen,  Northern  Tribes,  p.  32,  and  Natives  Tribes,  p.  51. 
9  Theal,  loc.  cit.,  p.  19.  10  Turner,  loc.  cit.,  p.  186. 


HUNTING  AND  FISHING  EACES  155 

his  aged  parents.1  '  On  the  East  coast  (of  Greenland)  it  sometimes 
happens  that  old  people,  who  seem  likely  to  die  are  drowned,  or 
else  drown  themselves.'  2  For  the  most  part  the  Indians  treat 
their  sick  and  aged  well ;  but  there  are  some  instances  to  the 
contrary.  The  Queka  Indians  abandon  the  sick  and  aged.3  The 
Ahts,4  the  tribes  of  Washington,5  and  the  Chepewayans  6  did  the 
same.  The  Central  Californians  killed  the  old  people,7  and, 
according  to  MacGee  the  Seri '  often  abandoned  the  sick  and  aged 
who  cannot  keep  up  with  them  in  their  constant  wanderings  to  and 
fro  '.8  In  some  of  the  accounts  of  the  Fuegians  similar  habits  are 
attributed  to  them  ;  there  is,  however,  some  reason  to  doubt  their 
accuracy.9  These  practices  certainly  occur  among  the  Zaporos.10 

13.  We  have  now  to  mention  certain  other  modes  of  elimination. 
That  form  of  elimination,  which  we  saw  to  be  of  great  importance 
among  animals  in  a  state  of  nature  whereby  the  young  perish  on 
a  large  scale  because  they  are  consumed  by  other  species,  is  of 
little  importance  among  men  who  have  reached  the  stage  of  the 
lowest  races  known  to  us.11 

The  subject  of  elimination  from  disease  can  be  approached  from 
different  aspects.  We  can  ask  what  evidence  there  is  regarding  the 
prevalence  of  disease  among  primitive  races  when  they  first  came 
under  the  observation  of  Europeans.  This  evidence  is  of  somewhat 
doubtful  value.  It  is  also  of  assistance  to  ask  how  far  these  races 
were  immune  from  diseases  prevalent  in  Europe  ;  for  it  is  in 
general  to  be  inferred  that  marked  liability  to  disease  is  a  sign 
that  no  immunity  has  been  evolved  against  disease  because  it  was 
previously  absent.  We  can  further  consider  the  question  of  the 
evolution  of  disease  in  general  and  ask  to  what  conclusions  it 
points.  The  latter  aspect  of  the  matter  can  be  taken  first. 

I  Boas,  6th  A.  It.  B.  E.,  p.  165.          2  Nansen,  Eskimo  Life,  p.  151.          3  Woldt, 
loc.  cit.,  p.  57.  *  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  205.  6  Willoughby, 
A.  R.S.I.,  1886,  p.  274.             6  Long,  loc.  cit.,  p.  74.            7  Bancroft,  loc.  cit., 
vol.  i,  p.  390.             8  MacGee,  loc.  cit.,  p.  157.     Conditions  are  similar  among 
.the  Yguazas  :    see  Cabe9a  de  Vaca,  loc.  cit.,  p.  80.             9  Featherman,  loc.  cit., 
vol.  iii,  p.  503.             10  Simson,  loc.  cit.,  p.  507. 

II  It  is  impossible  to  estimate  the  amount  of  elimination  from  this  source. 
It  is,  as  a  rule,  no  doubt  small.    In  India,  although  a  higher  degree  of  skill  has  been 
reached,  elimination  from  this  source  is  not  inconsiderable   owing  to  the  pre- 
valence of  poisonous  snakes.     '  In  1910,  55  persons  were  killed  by  elephants, 
25  by  hyenas,  109  by  bears,  319   by  wolves,  853  by  tigers,  and  688  by  other 
animals,  including  wild  pigs.    No  less  than  22,478  died  from  the  bite  of  poisonous 
snakes.    The  grand  total  of  mortality  is  24,878    (Lull,  Organic  Evolution,  p.  105). 
The  amount  of  elimination  will  vary  according  to  the  nature  of  the  fauna,  the 
geographical  surroundings,  habits,  and  other  factors.     Thus  among  the  Eskimo 
the  use  of  the  '  kayak '  is  responsible  for  a  considerable  number  of  deaths.     See 
Crantz,  loc.  cit.,  p.  166 ;  Nansen,  loc.  cit.,  p.  55  ;  Boas,  6th  A.  E.  B.  E.,  p.  433. 


156  HUNTING  AND  PISHING  KACES 

The  organisms  which  cause  disease  do  not  belong  all  to  one 
class.  Some,  such  as  the  bacteria,  are  plants,  others  are  animals. 
Further,  those  species  which  cause  disease  are  closely  related  to 
other  quite  innocuous  species.  Non- virulent  diphtheroid  bacteria 
are,  for  instance,  found  in  the  throat.  What  has  happened  has 
been  that  certain  species,  belonging  to  different  groups  in  the 
animal  and  vegetable  kingdoms,  have  taken  to  a  parasitic  mode 
of  life.  It  is  not  very  difficult  to  imagine  how  this  could  occur.  It 
is  to  be  presumed  that  organisms  now  parasitic  were  once  free- 
living  and  saprophytic.  There  is  a  bacillus  which  lives  on  grass  ; 
it  is  closely  related  to  the  tubercle  bacillus  but  is  harmless.  Such 
an  organism  might  be  frequently  swallowed  ;  if  liable  to  destruc- 
tion, resistance  might  be  evolved.1  Its  presence  might  be  inno- 
cuous, or  it  might  not  be  so  and  a  new  disease  might  be  the 
consequence.  The  invasion  of  a  host  by  a,  parasite  appears  usually 
to  be  followed  by  a  struggle — on  the  part  of  the  host  to  get  rid  of 
the  parasite,  and  on  the  part  of  the  parasite  to  maintain  itself 
within  the  host — in  the  course  of  which  struggle  the  parasite  may 
develop  activities  noxious  to  the  host.  To  this  struggle  there  are 
different  possible  solutions.  But,  when  we  find  the  struggle  in 
progress,  it  is  a  fair  assumption  that  the  association  of  host  and 
parasite  is  recent.  The  very  fact  of  disease,  therefore,  suggests  that 
it  is  of  relatively  recent  origin. 

There  are  two  further  facts  which  are  relevant  in  this  connexion. 
Diseases  are  very  rare  among  species  in  a  state  of  nature.  Such 
diseases  as  we  know  of  among  animals  and  plants  occur  for  the 
most  part  among  domesticated  species.  Again,  there  are  certain 
conditions  which  favour  the  evolution  of  disease  ;  these  conditions 
are  found  among  domesticated  species  and  also  among  civilized 
man.  There  are  many  ways  in  which  disease  can  be  transmitted — 
by  insects,  by  liquid  particles  in  the  air,  by  drinking  water,  by 
water  used  for  bathing,  by  water  introduced  within  the  tissues, 
and  so  on.  Transmission  by  all  these  means,  with  the  partial 
exception  of  transmission  by  insects,  is  obviously  very  greatly 
favoured  by  the  aggregation  of  the  members  of  the  host  species. 
In  fact  only  when  such  aggregation  occurs  can  we  understand 
how  disease  on  a  large  scale  could  be  evolved.  The  aggregation  of 
men,  such  as  occurred  within  the  third  period,  into  villages  and 
towns,  gave  rise  to  conditions  under  which  bacteria  could  flourish 

1  Cohen,  Physiological  Therapeutics,  vol.  v,  p.  158. 


HUNTING  AND  FISHING  EACES  157 

in  close  proximity  to  man  ;  under  these  conditions  there  was  far 
more  opportunity  for  bacteria  and  other  micro-organisms  to 
become  parasitic  than  before.  The  suggestion,  therefore,  is  that 
most  diseases  evolved  in  that  relatively  recent  period  when,  owing 
to  the  increase  in  skill,  men  came  to  live  in  close  proximity  under 
settled  conditions. 

This  suggestion  is  supported  by  two  other  lines  of  evidence. 
'It  would  appear  that  Australia  and  America  were  upon  their 
discovery  free  from  most  of  the  diseases  known  in  Europe.  With 
regard  to  the  former  Davidson  says  :  '  Australia  presents  us  with 
a  spectacle  of  a  continent,  from  the  pathology  of  which  entire 
classes  of  diseases,  prevalent  in  other  divisions  of  the  globe,  were, 
until  comparatively  recent  times,  completely  absent.  Thus  the 
whole  class  of  eruptive  fevers — small-pox,  scarlet  fever,  and 
measles — so  fatal  elsewhere,  were  unknown.  Epidemic  cholera, 
relapsing  fever,  yellow  fever,  whooping  cough,  and  diphtheria 
were  equally  absent,  as  also  was  syphilis.  .  .  .  Leprosy  was  absent 
from  the  southern  continent.' J  The  facts  with  regard  to  America 
are  very  similar.  It  has  been  asserted  that  the  only  lethal  disease 
of  importance  present  in  America  before  the  visit  of  Columbus 
was  malaria,  and  it  is  worthy  of  note  that  malaria  is  an  insect -born 
disease.  The  question  whether  tuberculosis  was  known  in  America 
before  the  discovery  has  been  studied  by  Hrdlicka,  who  concludes 
that,  though  it  cannot  be  affirmed  that  it  did  not  exist,  it  is  highly 
improbable  that  it  did.2  Again,  the  marked  liability  on  the  part 
of  primitive  races  to  common  European  diseases  points  strongly 
to  the  fact  that  no  immunity  had  been  evolved  against  these 
diseases  because  they  were  formerly  unknown.  Since  contact 
with  Europeans  has  been  established,  these  races  have  been  swept 
by  epidemics,  such  ab  the  epidemic  of  measles  which  carried  off 
a  large  proportion  of  the  population  of  Fiji  in  1875. 

It  is  not  to  be  concluded  that  most  diseases  are  recent  in  the 
ordinary  sense  of  the  word,  but  only  when  a  broad  view  is  taken 
of  human  history.  It  is  known,  for  instance,  that  tuberculosis, 
plague,  leprosy,  and  bilharzia  existed  in  ancient  Egypt.  Where 
and  when  diseases  originated  we  cannot  say,  but  the  fact  that 
certain  widely-spread  diseases  can  be  traced  to  a  previously  limited 
and  localized  incidence — cholera,  for  instance,  to  the  Ganges 
Valley — suggests  that  such  diseases  originated  in  those  places  in 

1  Davidson,  Geographical  Pathology,  vol.  ii,  p.  565.  2  Hrdlicka,  8. 1.  B.  E., 

Bull.  42. 


158  HUNTING  AND  FISHING  EACES 

relatively  recent  times  and  spread  thence.  But  in  spite  of  such 
indications  the  place  of  origin  of  most  diseases  is  obscure  ;  syphilis 
was  often  said  to  have  been  introduced  from  America  ;  the 
evidence,  however,  that  it  was  apparently  present  in  Germany 
in  1495  is  against  this  view.1  It  is  further  of  great  interest  to 
note  that  certain  diseases  may  have  evolved  in  very  recent  days. 
Diphtheria  may  date  from  the  beginning  of  the  last  century  and 
trench  fever  may  be  a  new  disease. 

Little  as  we  may  know  regarding  the  facts  concerning  any  one 
disease,  the  general  conclusion  is  not  doubtful.  It  was  not  until 
the  third  period,  and,  therefore,  only  among  the  races  of  the 
third  group,  that  disease  became  a  factor  of  the  first  importance 
in  elimination.  Some  diseases  may  have  reached  the  African 
races  through  Egypt ;  and  to  the  extent  to  which  this  has  occurred 
they  are  not  typical  representatives  of  the  time  preceding  the  last 
of  the  three  periods.2 

14.  In  further  support  of  this  conclusion  some  passages  may  be 
quoted  regarding  the  races  in  this  group  when  they  had  been 
little  influenced  by  contact  with  Europeans.  Such  passages  are 
perhaps  not  of  great  weight  as  evidence  of  the  former  absence  of 
disease  ;  they  are,  however,  worth  notice  because  they  also  bear 
upon  another  subject  that  will  come  up  for  discussion  in  the  ninth 
chapter.  According  to  Bonwick  '  there  are  strong  reasons  to 
believe  that,  before  connexion  with  the  whites,  the  aborigines 
[Tasmanians]  were  a  healthy  as  well  as  a  happy  people  '.3  Of 
the  Australians  Curr  says  that  '  as  a  rule  the  health  of  the  blacks 
in  their  wild  state  was  excellent  '.4  Longevity  may  be  considered 
as  evidence  of  good  health,  and  of  the  presence  of  aged  people  in 
Australia  many  observers  speak.  '  From  numerous  instances  it 
would  appear  that  the  former  generations  were  fairly  long  aged. 
Almost  every  small  community  would  have  in  it  two  or  three  men 
or  women  over  seventy  years  of  age,  and  here  and  there  some 
centenarians  would  be  met  with.' 5  So,  too,  Burchell  records 
having  noticed  many  old  people  among  the  Bushmen.6  Writing 
of  the  Eskimos  in  a  medical  journal  Smith  calls  them  '  uncommonly 
healthy  '.7  This  is  the  opinion  that  one  gains  from  other  accounts,8 

1  Hrdlicka,  8. 1.  B.  E.,  Bull.  34.  See  also  Adami,  Medical  Contributions,  pp.  15- 
22.  a  Among  many  races  in  this  group — especially  in  tropical  countries — certain 
non-lethal  diseases  are  prevalent  which  are  of  great  importance  from  another 
point  of  view.  They  will  be  referred  to  again  in  Chapter  XV.  3  Bonwick, 

loc.  cit.,  p.  87.  *  Curr,  Recollections,  p.  282.  5  Mathew,  loc.  cit.,  p.  92. 

See  also  Eyre,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  377,  and  Curr,  Recollections,  p.  297.  6  Bur- 

chell, Travels,  vol.  ii,  p.  57.         7  Smith,  loc.  cit.,  p.  859.         8  Murdoch, loc.  cit., p.  39 


HUNTING  AND  FISHING  EACES  159 

some  of  which  specially  mention  longevity  as  a  characteristic.1 
'  The  North  Americans  are  in  general  robust  and  of  a  healthful 
temperament,  calculated  to  live  to  an  advanced  age.' 2  Another 
author  says  that  the  Indians  east  of  the  Kocky  Mountains  are  '  in 
general  subject  to  few  diseases  '.3  Krause  quotes  the  opinion  of 
a  doctor  who  lived  among  the  Thlinkeets  in  the  year  1836  to  the 
effect  that  they  were  a  strong,  healthy  people.4  Of  the  Shushwap 
we  are  told  that  they  were  formerly  healthy  and  lived  to  a  great 
age.5  Hill  Tout  sums  up  the  situation  with  regard  to  the  Salish 
as  follows  :  '  the  great  age,  to  which  both  men  and  women 
formerly  lived,  shows  the  vigour  of  the  race  and  the  general  whole- 
someness  of  their  lives  and  condition.'  6  '  The  Nootkas  are 
generally  a  long-lived  race,  and  from  the  beginning  to  the  failing  of 
manhood  undergo  little  change  in  appearance.  Jowitt  states  that 
during  his  captivity  of  three  years  at  Nootka  Sound,  only  five 
natural  deaths  occurred,  and  the  people  suffered  scarcely  any 
disease  except  the  cholic.' 7  Powers,  referring  to  the  Californians 
as  a  whole,  calls  them  '  a  healthy,  long-lived  race  ',8  and  Baegert 
speaks  of  them  as  '  strong,  hardy,  and  much  healthier  than  the 
many  thousands  who  live  in  daily  abundance  ' 9  [in  civilized 
countries].  Among  the  Abipones  '  the  diseases  which  in  Europe 
fill  houses  with  sick  persons  and  graves  with  the  dead  bodies  are 
unknown  here.  .  .  .  You  scarce  hear  once  in  three  years  of  any  of 
them  dying  of  a  fever,  pleurisy,  or  consumption.' 10  Hardt  men- 
tions the  good  health  of  the  Botocudos  n  and  King  and  Fitzroy 
consider  the  Patagonians  to  be  very  healthy.12 

15.  There  remains  one  other  matter  to  be  mentioned.  There  is 
abundant  evidence  that  the  rate  of  child  mortality  is  very  high 
amongst  all  these  races.  The  causes  of  death  are  various  ;  disease 
is  seldom  mentioned,  and  death  is  most  often  due  to  exposure  as 
the  result  of  improper  treatment  or  of  certain  customs,  or  to  want 
of  suitable  food.  In  Tasmania  it  was  difficult  to  rear  children 
largely  owing  to  the  fact  that  suitable  food  was  not  available.13 
Turner  says  of  the  Eskimos  of  the  Ungava  District  that  *  many  die 
in  early  childhood  ',14  and  this  would  seem  to  be  generally  true  of 

1  Crantz,  loc.  cit.,  p.  166.  2  Heriot,  loc.  cit.,  p.  350.  3  Harmon,  loc 

cit.,  p.  271.  4  Krause,  loc.  cit.,  p.  148.  6  Teit,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  618. 

6  Hill  Tout,  British  North  America,  p.  252.  7  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  284. 

8  Powers,  loc.  cit.,  p.  416.  •  Baegert,  loc.  cit.,  p.  385.  10  Dobrizhoffer, 

loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  219.  u  Hardt,  Geography  of  Brazil,  p.  598.  12  King 

and  Fitzroy,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  155.  13  Bonwick,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  78  and 

85.  14  Turner,  loc.  cit.,  p.  189.     See  also^rmstrong,  loc.  cit.,  p.  197, 

and  Button,  loc.  cit.,  p.  80. 


160  HUNTING  AND  FISHING  EACES 

this  race.  The  reason  usually  given  is  the  absence  of  proper  food  ; 1 
and  it  is  not  difficult  to  understand  that  the  peculiar  Eskimo  diet 
should  be  unsuitable  for  children.  Child  mortality  is  heavy  among 
the  Indians,  '  only  a  small  proportion  coming  to  maturity  '.2  The 
reason  given  in  this  case  is  generally  the  absence  not  only  of 
knowledge  with  regard  to  the  simplest  requirements  of  children, 
but  of  any  reasonable  care  of  them.3  To  this  we  may  add — as  the 
evidence  will  show — the  practice  of  extraordinary  customs  which 
seem  designed  to  eliminate  all  but  those  with  the  strongest  consti- 
tutions. '  With  all  the  affection  of  the  mother,  the  women  are 
almost  completely  ignorant  of  ordinary  sanitary  rules  as  to  feeding, 
exposure,  &c.,  with  the  result  that  infant  mortality  is  something 
terrible  in  almost  every  tribe.'  4  Heriot  speaks  of  '  incredible 
fatigues,  whose  excess  occasions  the  death  of  many  long  before  the 
age  of  maturity  '.5  According  to  Domenech  :  '  many  Indians  die 
in  infancy ;  their  mothers,  to  inure  them  to  suffering  and  to 
strengthen  their  constitution,  do  not  take  all  the  necessary  care  of 
them.  .  .  .  Till  the  age  of  ten  or  twelve  years  they  are  kept  quite 
naked,  having  only  in  winter  a  garment  which  we  would  hardly 
call  such  in  the  warmest  summer.'6  Throughout  America  it  is 
a  common  custom  to  bathe  even  new-born  children  in  cold  water 
at  all  seasons  of  the  year,  and  to  this  Krause  attributes  the  high 
child  mortality  that  he  records  among  the  Thlinkeet.7  '  Many 
children  [of  the  Eastern  Tinneh]  die  at  an  early  age,'  according  to 
one  author,8  whilst  from  another  we  hear  that  '  the  infant  is  not 
allowed  food  until  four  days  after  birth,  in  order  to  accustom  it  to 
fasting  in  the  next  world  '.9  Nootka  mothers  '  roll  their  children 
in  the  snow  to  make  them  hardy  ',10  and  the  Thompson  Indians 
take  small  care  of  their  children,  allowing  them  to  run  about 
without  any  protection.11  Of  the  Californians  the  Jesuit  missionary 
Baegert,  who  dwelt  long  among  them  when  they  were  almost 
uninfluenced  by  European  culture,  says  :  '  that  many  infants  die 
among  them  is  not  surprising  :  on  the  contrary,  it  would  be  a  great 

1  Crantz,  loc.  cit.,  p.   162 ;    Murdoch,  loc.  cit.,  p.  415.  a  Handbook  of 

American  Indians:    Article,   Child  Life.  a  The  absence   of  care   and  the 

resulting  mortality  is  emphasized  by  Gerland  (pber  das  Aussterben  der  Natur- 
volker,  p.  24  to  p.  39).  *  Handbook  of  American  Indians :  Article,  Child  Life. 

It  may  be  noticed  that,  among  the  older  authors,  Robertson  (loc.  cit.,  voL  i,  p.  297) 
has  very  similar  remarks  on  the  same  subject.  5  Heriot,  loc.  cit.  p.  344. 

a  Domenech,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  295.  7  Krause,  loc.  cit.,  p.  217.    Of  these 

people  Bancroft  (loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  Ill)  says  that  '  when  the  child  is  able  to  leave 
its  cradle,  it  is  bathed  in  the  ocean  every  day  without  regard  to  season  '. 
8  Ross,  loc.  cit.,  p.  305.  •  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  121.  10  Ibid., 

p.  201.  "  Teit,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  178. 


HUNTING  AND  FISHING  KACES  161 

wonder  if  a  great  number  remained  alive.  For  when  the  poor 
child  first  sees  the  light  of  day,  there  is  no  other  cradle  provided 
for  it  but  the  hard  soil,  or  the  still  harder  shell  of  a  turtle,  in  which 
the  mother  places  it,  without  much  covering,  and  drags  it  about 
wherever  she  goes.  And  in -order  to  be  unencumbered  and  enabled 
to  use  her  limbs  with  greater  freedom  while  running  in  the  fields, 
she  will  leave  it  sometimes  in  charge  of  some  old  woman,  and  thus 
deprive  the  poor  creature  for  ten  hours  or  more  of  its  natural 
nourishment.  As  soon  as  the  child  is  a  few  months  old  the  mother 
places  it,  perfectly  naked,  astraddle  on  her  shoulders,  its  legs 
hanging  down  on  both  sides  in  front,  and  it  has  consequently  to 
learn  how  to  ride  before  it  can  stand  on  its  feet.  In  this  guise  the 
mother  roams  about  all  day,  exposing  her  helpless  charge  to  the 
hot  rays  of  the  sun  and  the  chilly  winds  that  sweep  over  the 
inhospitable  country.' l  Conditions  seem  to  be  much  the  same 
in  South  America.  Dobrizhoffer  tells  us  that  the  Abipones  plunge 
their  new-born  babies  into  a  cold  stream,2  and  Guinnard  says  that 
very  few  diseases  occur  among  the  children  of  the  Puelches, 
though  child  mortality  is  high.3  '  Few  [Fuegian]  women  save  all 
their  children  ;  most  die  in  early  infancy.'  4  So,  too,  among  the 
Andamanese  child  mortality  is  said  to  be  excessive  5  and  is  ascribed 
to  injudicious  management  on  the  part  of  the  parents.6  According 
to  the  Sarasins  it  is  the  high  death-rate  that  is  the  cause  of  the 
small  size  of  the  Veddah  families  which  they  observed.7  New-born 
Ghiliak  children  are  bathed  '  often  when  it  is  40°  below  zero.  The 
children  who  can  survive  such  an  experience  are  necessarily  very 
strong.' 8  '  According  to  Schrenck,  the  Ghiliak  woman  never 
dares  "  to  give  birth  to  a  child  at  home ;  she  must,  in  spite  of 
severity  of  season  or  of  stormy  weather,  go  out  of  the  hut  for  the 
purpose.  In  late  autumn  or  in  winter  they  build  a  special  hut  for 
the  woman,  but  a  very  uncomfortable  one,  so  that  the  mother  and 
the  child  suffer  the  cold  and  feel  the  wind  ".' 9 

This  concludes  our  survey  of  the  races  of  the  first  group.  Before 
we  consider  what  conclusions  are  to  be  drawn  from  these  facts,  we 
have  to  deal  in  the  same  fashion  with  the  races  of  the  second 
group.  This  will  form  the  subject-matter  of  the  next  chapter. 

1  Baegert,   loc,    cit.,   p.   368.  2  Dobrizhoffer,  loc.   cit.,   vol.  ii,   p.   43. 

3  Guinnard,  loc.  cit.,  p.   147.  *  Bridges,  loc.  cit.,  p.  202.               5  Man, 

loc.  cit.,  p.  79.            6  Ibid.,  p.  81.             7  Sarasins,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  iii,  p.  469. 

8  Deniker,  loc.  cit.,  p.  303.  9  Czaplicka,  Aboriginal  Siberia,  p.  137.  For 
a  general  sketch  of  the  treatment  of  children  by  parents  see  Steinmetz,  Entwick' 
lung  der  Strafe,  vol.  i,  pp.  179  ff. 

2498  T. 


VIII 
PRIMITIVE  AGRICULTURAL  RACES 

1.  IT  is  necessary  first  to  explain  what  races  will  be  considered. 
The  lower  limit  has  already  been  made  clear.  As  regards  the 
upper  limit,  some  description  has  been  given  of  the  stage  of 
Neolithic  culture,  and  the  races  to  be  considered  here  are  those 
which  may  be  in  general  compared  with  the  Neolithic  races. 
The  comparison  can  only  be  rough  ;  as  we  saw,  the  subsequent 
evolution  of  culture  was  rapid  ;  metals  came  into  use,  and, 
generally  speaking,  about  the  time  of  the  first  taking  of  metals 
into  use  arose  the  first  great  empires.  At  this  point  we  clearly 
enter  upon  a  new  epoch  and  the  upper  limit  in  time  is  defined 
by  the  rise  of  Eur- Asiatic  civilization.  We  wish  to  study  here 
the  conditions  anterior  to  this  step  in  the  evolution  of  culture. 
It  so  happens  that  this  Eur- Asiatic  culture  has  influenced  in  varying 
degrees  many  of  the  races  of  Africa,  Oceania,  and  Asia.  The  upper 
limit  among  the  races  to  be  considered  here  is  best  defined  by  the 
degree  to  which  they  have  been  influenced  by  this  culture. 
America  stands  apart  as  there  has  clearly  been  no  influence  of 
this  culture  upon  the  races  in  that  continent.  But  it  should  be 
remembered  that  in  some  places  in  America  a  degree  of  culture 
was  reached  which  was  probably  higher  than  that  to  which  any 
Neolithic  race  attained.1  Nevertheless  all  the  races  of  America 
not  already  dealt  with  may  be  considered  here.  Many  African 
races  are  acquainted  with  the  use  of  iron  ;  it  has  been  suggested 
that  the  knowledge  of  the  use  of  this  metal  originated  in  Africa  ; 
this,  however,  is  doubtful  and  the  existence  of  this  practice  is 
probably  to  be  regarded  as  due  to  the  spread  of  an  element  of 
Eur- Asiatic  culture.  The  use  of  the  plough  is  also  an  example 
of  the  spread  of  an  element  of  this  culture  ;  2  roughly  speaking 

1  Reference  has  been  made  in  Chapter  V  to  the  use  of   metals   in  America. 
Mr.  Joyce,  however,  says  that  in  spite  of  progress  in  this  direction  the  Central 
American  races  '  were  living  at  the  discovery  practically  in  an  age  of  stone  ' 
(Mexican  Archaeology,  p.  304). 

2  The  importance  of  the  plough  in  agriculture  has  been  emphasized  by  many 
authors.    See,  for  instance,  Hahn,  Die  Entstehung  der  Pflugkvltur. 


PKIMITIVE  AGEICULTUKAL  KACES  163 

the  use  of  the  plough  does  not  spread  towards  the  west,  south  of 
the  latitude  of  Lake  Chad  ;  towards  the  east  it  extends  farther 
south,  and  on  this  account  the  Gallas,  Somalis,  and  Abyssinians 
can  scarcely  be  considered  as  representative  of  the  second  group 
of  races.1  The  peculiarity  of  the  Oceanic  region  is  that  many  of 
the  races  now  found  there  undoubtedly  migrated  from  some 
point  on  or  close  to  the  Asiatic  coast  after  Eur- Asiatic  culture  had 
reached  a  high  degree  of  development.  Nevertheless  they  are 
for  the  most  part  ignorant  of  the  use  of  metal  and  of  the  plough.2 
The  Dyaks  are  metal  users  and  the  plough  is  known  in  parts  of 
Borneo.  We  shall  not  on  this  account,  however,  exclude  the 
Dyaks  from  consideration  here.  The  true  Malays  on  the  other 
hand  will  be  excluded  ;  they  are  Mohammedans  and,  originally 
located  in  Sumatra,  spread  in  the  twelfth  century  over  a  large 
part  of  this  area.  On  the  fringe  of  Asia  are  a  number  of  races 
which,  though  in  a  broad  survey  are  of  no  great  importance, 
may  be  noticed  here.  Such  are  the  Ostiaks,  Yakuts,  Chuckchees, 
Samoyeds,  and  so  on.3  What  races  are  dealt  with  here  may  be 
made  more  clear  by  a  reference  to  those  which  will  be  considered 
in  Chapters  X  and  XL  In  those  chapters  we  shall  consider  the 
ancient  empires,  the  classical  races,  mediaeval  and  modern  Europe 
and  its  derivatives  as  well  as  the  chief  races  of  Asia,  whether 
pastoral  such  as  the  Arabs  or  existing  by  a  higher  form  of  agri- 
culture than  that  practised  by  the  races  to  be  noticed  here.  In 
this  manner  we  shall  obtain  a  broad  view  of  the  conditions  both 
before  and  after  the  rise  of  Eur- Asiatic  civilization. 

It  is  obvious  that  we  have  before  us  a  very  large  mass  of  material 
— too  large,  in  fact,  to  be  dealt  with  without  further  subdivision. 
It  might  seem  that  the  only  reasonable  course  is  to  distinguish 
between  various  grades  of  agricultural  progress,  and  to  consider 
in  turn  those  races  which  fall  into  each  grade.  Such  distinctions 
have  been  made  by  Professor  Hobhouse  and  his  collaborators, 
who  recognize  three  grades  of  agriculture  and  two  grades  of 
pastoral  nomadism.  As  has  already  been  indicated,  we  do  not 

1  The  influence  of  different  phases  of  Eur-Asiatic  culture  upon  the  races  of 
Africa  must  be  borne  in  mind.    Early  Egyptian  civilization  exerted  great  influence 
and  so  at  a  later  date  did  the  Semitic — especially  on  the  east  coast ;  since  the  time 
of  Mohammed  the  influence  of  Eur-Asiatic  culture  has  been  marked  among  the 
more  northern  of  the  negroid  races.    The  inhabitants  of  Bornu  were,  for  instance, 
converted  to  Islam  in  the  eleventh  century. 

2  They  may  have  had  a  knowledge  of  iron  before  the  migration  (see  Thomson, 
Fijians,  p.  11).  3  The  Samoyeds  formerly  worked  iron  but  have  now  lost  the 
art — obtaining  what  they  want  from  the  Russians. 

L  2 


164  PKIMITIVE  AGKICULTUKAL  KACES 

find  any  correlation  between  economic  stages  and  the  factors 
bearing  upon  fertility  and  elimination.  What  we  do  find  is 
a  certain  correlation  between  these  factors  and  large  geographical 
areas,  and  in  what  follows  the  races  of  the  second  group  will  be 
considered  according  to  the  geographical  areas  in  which  they  are 
situated,  and  not  according  to  the  stage  of  economic  progress 
which  they  have  reached.  The  areas  selected  are  as  follows. 
There  is,  in  the  first  place,  America  ;  secondly,  there  is  Africa, 
and  thirdly  Oceania.  The  first  two  areas  are,  on  the  whole,  fairly 
homogeneous  ;  though  the  third  area  is  not  so  homogeneous,  the 
level  of  agricultural  skill  is  fairly  uniform—nearly  all  these  races 
falling  into  Hobhouse's  second  grade.  Lastly,  there  are  the 
Asiatic  peoples  among  whom  Eur- Asiatic  culture  has  not  pene- 
trated ;  many  of  them  are  inhabitants  of  the  northern  fringe  of 
the  continent.  It  will  be  noticed  that  the  pastoral  races  chiefly 
fall  within  the  last  group.  The  so-called  pastoral  races  of  America 
— the  Navahos,for  instance — have  only  acquired  domestic  animals 
since  coming  into  contact  with  Europeans.  The  pastoral  races 
of  Africa  are  with  difficulty  distinguished  from  their  neighbours, 
who  also  raise  cattle  but  practise  some  agriculture  at  the  same 
time.  It  will  thus  be  observed  that  this  mode  of  classification 
is,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  roughly  in  correspondence  with  the  mode 
of  classification  based  upon  the  stage  of  economic  progress 
reached. 

America 

2.  We  have  now  to  examine  in  turn  the  races  of  these  four 
regions.  The  procedure  will  be  that  followed  when  dealing  with 
hunting  and  fishing  races.  As  before  we  begin  with  examples 
of  intercourse  before  maturity.  This  may  take  the  form  of 
marriage  before  puberty  or  of  less  regular  connexions.  As  Mr. 
Hartland  says,  '  it  would  appear  that  sexual  intercourse  before 
puberty  is  either  recognized  by  a  formal  marriage  or  tolerated  as 
the  gratification  of  a  natural  instinct  among  a  great  variety  of 
peoples  in  all  quarters  of  the  globe  '-1  It  will  be  sufficient  here  to 
note  a  few  instances  of  this  practice.  Of  the  tribes  of  Guatemala, 
Bancroft  says  that  '  marriages  take  place  at  an  early  age,  often 
before  puberty  ',2  and  the  same  would  seem  to  be  the  case  among 
the  Navahos.3  Accounts  of  the  great  laxity  of  manners  and  of 

1  Hartland,  Primitive  Paternity,  vol.  i,  p.  272.  2  Bancroft,  loc.  cit., 

vol.  i,  p.  702.  3  Stephen,  Am.  Anth.,  vol.  vi,  p.  356. 


PEIMITIVE  AGEICULTUKAL  KACES  165 

early  intercourse  are  given  of  some  North-American  tribes — as, 
for  instance,  of  the  Hurons  and  the  Illinois  by  Charlevoix.1  The 
same  is  also  commonly  reported  of  the  Brazilian  tribes  in  such 
a  manner  as  to  leave  little  doubt  that  intercourse  before  puberty 
is  common  among  them.2 

3.  Generally  speaking,  throughout  America  lactation  lasted  two 
years  or  more.3    The  suckling  period  indeed  sometimes  extended 
over  several  years  ;  thus  among  the  Sioux  it  might  be  continued 
until  the  child  was  five  years  old  ;  4   of  the  Lengua  Indians  of 
the  Paraguayan  Chaco,  Hawtrey  says  that  '  it  is  customary  to 
suckle  children  till  five  or  six  years  of  age  ' ;  5   Bancroft  reports 
that  a  child  might  be  suckled  until  eight  years  old  among  the 
Chichmics.6    Two  years  would  appear  to  be  about  the  minimum  ; 
in  Mexico  7  and  Guiana  8  it  was  three  years  or  more.     D'Orbigny 
gives  three  years,9  and  Forbes  one  or  more,  often  two,  for  the 
Aymara  Indians.10    In  Mexico  suckling  was  said  to  last  three  or 
four  years.11 

4.  With  regard  to  postponement  of  marriage  the  facts  are  very 
similar  to  those  in  respect  to  the  races  of  the  first  group.    As  an 
almost  universal  rule  girls  are  married  soon  after  puberty,  if  not 
before.     There  is  no  postponement  of  marriage  of  a  nature  to 
affect  fertility  in  any  noticeable  manner.     There  is  at  times 
a  certain  postponement  of  marriage  among  the  male  part  of  the 
population,  and  occasionally  some  evidence  of  lifelong  celibacy. 
This,  however,  has  no  bearing  upon  fertility  ;    it  is  of  interest 
in  another  connexion,  and  we  shall  on  that  account  return  to  it 
later. 

5.  As  noticed  in  the  last  chapter  there  are  among  nearly  all 
primitive  races  a  number  of  occasions  upon  which  sexual  inter- 
course  is   prohibited.     Alone   among   these   prohibitions,   that 
against  intercourse  for  some  time  after  the  birth  of  a  child  is  of 
importance  as  a  factor  bearing  upon  fertility.    We  shall  find  that 

1  Charlevoix,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  v,  pp.  5  and  38.     For  the  Creeks  see  Schoolcraft, 
loc.  cit.,  vol.  v,  p.  272.  2  Poppig,  Reise  in  Chile,  vol.  ii,  p.  128;  von  Martius, 

Ethnographie  Amerikas,  vol.  i,  p.  112 ;  Azara,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  104.  3  Hand- 

book of  American  Indians,  vol.  i,  p.  265.  Heriot  (loc.  cit.,  p.  344)  mentions  six  to 
seven  years  as  not  uncommon.  Schoolcraft  (loc.  cit.,  vol.  v,  p.  655)  gives  eighteen 
months  to  two  years  for  the  Oregon  Indians.  4  Keating,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  417. 

5  Hawtrey, J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xxi,  p.  295.  Grubb  gives  three  to  four  years  (An  Unknoum 
People,  p.  142).  6  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  633.  7  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  281. 

8  iin  Thum,  Savages  of  Guiana,  p.  219 ;     Joest,  Int.  Arch.  Eth.,  vol.  v,  p.  94. 

9  D'Orbigny,  UHomme  Amiricain,  vol.  i,  p.  47.  10  Forbes,  Journ.  Eth.  Soc., 
vol.  ii  (new  series),  p.  224.            "  Joyce,  loc.  cit.,  p.  162. 


166  PEIMITIVE  AGEICULTUEAL  EACES 

in  Africa  this  prohibition  becomes  of  very  great  importance. 
The  evidence  as  to  the  existence  of  this  prohibition  in  America  is 
somewhat  puzzling.  In  the  last  chapter  two  instances  were 
given  in  which  intercourse  during  lactation  was  prohibited  in 
two  hunting  races.  Both  these  instances  are  reported  by  authors 
who  made  their  observations  many  years  ago  when  the  customs 
of  the  American  Indians  had  been  less  modified  by  contact  with 
white  men  than  is  the  case  with  most  of  the  observations  upon 
which  we  have  to  rely.  We  also  find  that  two  other  observers, 
who  wrote  more  than  a  hundred  years  ago,  record  the  existence 
of  this  custom.  It  is  not  clear  to  what  tribes  these  remarks  refer 
— whether  to  hunting  peoples  or  to  agricultural  peoples,  or  to 
both.  Weld  says  :  '  They  suckle  the  few  children  they  have  for 
several  years,  during  which  time,  at  least  among  many  of  the 
tribes,  they  avoid  all  connexion  with  their  husbands.'  x  Heriot 
speaks  of  '  the  length  of  time  employed  by  the  women  in  rearing 
their  children,  whom  they  nourish  for  three  or  four  years,  during 
which  period  they  cohabit  not  with  their  husbands  '.2  In  addition 
to  this  evidence  we  have  the  following  records  of  the  existence 
of  this  practice  for  various  agricultural  races.  Two  eighteenth- 
century  writers — Le  Beau,  speaking  of  the  Iroquois,3  and  Charle- 
voix  of  the  Illinois  4 — state  that  intercourse  was  prohibited  during 
lactation.  Speaking  of  the  Crow  tribe,  Holder  mentions  that 
abstention  from  intercourse  during  lactation  was  observed.5  In 
Mexico,  according  to  Bancroft,  the  suckling  period  lasted  for 
three  years  or  longer,  and  during  this  time  there  was  often  no 
intercourse.6  D'Orbigny  says  of  the  Moxos  and  Chiquitos  that 
the  mother  '  invariably  suckles  her  children  for  three  years  or 
more,  during  which  time  she  has  no  relations  whatever  with  her 
husband  '.7  There  do  not  seem  to  be  any  denials  of  the  existence 
of  this  practice  except  in  the  following  instance  ;  in  most  in- 
dividual cases  there  is  no  mention  of  the  practice.  The  exception 
referred  to  is  in  the  case  of  the  Fuegians.  Hyades  and  Deniker, 
referring  to  the  statement  of  D'Orbigny  mentioned  above,  remark 
that  sexual  relations  are  resumed  within  two  months  of  the  birth 
of  a  child  among  the  Fuegians.8  It  is  not  possible  to  arrive  at 

1  Weld,  loc.   cit.,  p.   373.  2  Heriot,  loc.   cit.,  p.   339.  8  Le   Beau, 

Aventures,  ou  Voyage  curieux  et  nouveau,  vol.  ii,  p.  200.  *  Charlevoix,  loc. 

cit.,  vol.  vi,  p.  5.    Ashe  (Travels,  p.  276)  says  that  the  Shawnees  abstain  for  nine 
weeks  after  birth.  8  Holder,  Am.  Journ.  Obstet.,  vol.  xxv,  p.  44.  8  Ban- 

croft, loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  281.  7  D'Orbigny,  L'Homme  Americain,  vol.  i,  p.  47. 

8  Hyades  and  Deniker,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  vii,  p.  195. 


PBIMITIVE  AGKICULTUKAL  KACES  167 

any  conclusion  as  to  what  the  condition  of  affairs  was  before  the 
habits  of  the  Indians  had  been  much  modified  by  contact  with 
white  men.  The  fact,  however,  that  the  habit  is  definitely 
recorded  by  various  authors,  who  for  the  most  part  made  their 
observations  at  a  time  when  the  habits  of  these  races  were  far 
less  modified  than  when  the  more  detailed  accounts  were  written 
from  which  these  races  are  best  known,  strongly  suggests  that 
this  custom  was  formerly  widespread. 

There  is  no  evidence  of  the  use  of  any  effective  methods  to 
prevent  fertilization.  We  are  told  that  among  the  Shawnees 
'  the  girls  drink  the  juice  of  a  certain  herb  which  prevents  con- 
ception, and  often  renders  them  barren  throughout  life  '-1  But 
in  those  cases  which  have  been  carefully  investigated  it  would 
seem  that  such  methods  are  not  in  fact  effective.  Hrdlicka,  for 
instance,  referring  to  a  number  of  tribes,  among  whom  are  the 
Apaches,  Navahos,  Pueblos,  Pimas,  Nahua,  Aztec,  and  Uti,  says 
that  *  there  is  a  very  general  belief  among  the  Indians  visited  that 
sterility  may  be  artificially  induced  '.2  On  investigation,  however, 
it  was  found  that  the  substances  used  were  quite  ineffective. 

6.  Among  agricultural,  as  among  hunting  and  fishing  races,  we 
find  numerous  references  to  the  small  average  number  of  children 
in  a  family.  Speaking  generally  of  the  Indians  of  the  North, 
Weld  states  that  the  number  of  children  is  small,3  and  Le  Beau 
that  the  number  of  children  born  is  less  than  in  Europe.4  Charle- 
voix  comments  on  the  small  size  of  the  family  among  the  Iroquois 
and  attributes  it  to  early  intercourse,  abstention  from  intercourse 
during  lactation,  and  to  prolonged  lactation.5  Catlin,  whose 
experience  was  chiefly  obtained  among  the  Mandans,  has  given 
the  estimate  quoted  in  the  fourth  chapter,6  and  Holder's  estimate 
for  the  Crow  tribe  has  also  been  cited.7  Of  the  Sioux  we  are  told 
that  *  sterility  among  women  is  by  no  means  uncommon  ',8  and  of 
the  south-west  Texas  tribes  '  they  are  not  prolific — a  woman 
seldom  having  more  than  three  children  '.9  In  South  America 
the  facts  are  similar.  Nordenskiold  visited  the  tribes  between 
Peru  and  Bolivia.  *  The  families  are  not  large,'  he  says,  *  they 
live  in  monogamy,  and  one  sees  in  each  family  one  to  three 
children ;  in  the  largest  family  that  I  saw  (and  that  was  among 

1  Ashe,  loc.  cit.,  p.  272.  2  Hrdlicka,  8.  I.  B.  E.,  Bull.  34,  p.  163. 

8  Weld,  loc.  cit.,  p.  373.  *  Le  Beau,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  199.  6  Charle- 

voix,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  vi,  p.  5.  •  p.  99.  7  p.  99.  8  Keating,  loc. 

cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  415.  •  Schoolcraft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  v,  p.  684. 


168  PKIMITIVE  AGBICULTURAL  RACES 

the  Atsahuaoa  Indians)  there  were  four  children.' x  Of  the 
Aymara  Indians  of  the  same  district  we  are  told  that  '  there 
seem  to  be  but  few  large  families — very  seldom  more  than  four 
children,  and  often  less  than  that  number  '.2  Spix  and  Martius, 
travelling  in  Brazil,  '  seldom  saw  more  than  four  children  in 
a  family  '.3  Azara  was  much  impressed  by  the  small  number  of 
children  that  he  observed  in  South  America.  He  investigated  the 
matter  among  the  Guaranis  with  particular  care,  and  found  that 
the  average  number  in  a  family  was  four.4  Taking  into  account 
various  factors  he  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  number  of 
children  born  was  less  than  among  the  Spaniards.5  Rengger, 
who  also  visited  the  Guaranis,  is  of  the  same  general  opinion 
though  he  estimates  the  average  number  in  a  family  to  be  smaller 
than  does  Azara  ;  6  to  the  Guanas  he  allows  only  two  or  at  the 
most  three  children.7  According  to  von  Martius  the  marriages 
of  the  Macusis  *  are  not  rich  in  children  '.8  D'Orbigny  carefully 
investigated  the  average  number  of  children  in  a  family  among 
the  Moxos  and  Chiquitos  ;  he  found  it  to  be  roughly  about  two 
in  the  case  of  the  former  and  three  in  that  of  the  latter.  He 
attributed  the  small  number  to  early  intercourse  and  also  to 
abstention  from  intercourse  at  certain  periods.9  Two  is  the 
average  number  of  children  in  a  family  of  the  tribes  of  the  Upper 
Hualaga,  and  marriages  are  often  sterile.10 

7.  We  have  now  to  examine  the  extent  of  the  practices  of 
abortion  and  infanticide  ;  with  regard  to  the  former,  we  may 
repeat  what  was  said  above — namely,  that  there  is  every  reason 
to  suppose  the  methods  used  are  usually  effective.  Among  the 
Sioux,  Keating  says  that  '  married  females  frequently  obtain 
miscarriages  with  the  knowledge  and  consent  of  their  husband ' ; n 
this  fact  is  confirmed  by  Schoolcraft.12  It  was  very  common  in 
the  Crow  tribe.13  In  a  report  upon  the  tribes  of  the  South- 
western United  States  and  Northern  Mexico,  Hrdlicka  states 
that  '  artificial  abortion  is  practised  by  all  the  tribes  visited  '.14 
The  tribes  visited  include,  among  others,  the  Apaches,  Navahos, 
Pueblos,  Pimas,  Nahua,  Otommi,  and  Aztec.  The  Pima  Indians 

1  Nordenskiold,  Ze.it.  fur  Eth.,  vol.  xxxviii,  p.  98.  *  Forbes,  Journ.  Eth. 

Soc.,  vol.  ii,  p.  224.  3  Spix  and  Martius,  Travels,  vol.  ii,  p.  246.  «  Azara, 

loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  59.  5  Ibid.,  p.  179.  6  Rengger,  loc.  cit.,  p.  133. 

7  Ibid.,  p.  335.  8  von  Martius,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  642.  9  D'Orbigny, 

loc.   cit.,  vol.  i,  pp.  46  and  47.  10  Poppig,  loc.   cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.   323. 

11  Keating,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  394.  ia  Schoolcraft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  iii,  p.  243. 

»  Holder,  loc.  cit.,  p.  44.  "  Hrdlicka,  loc.  cit.,  p.  163. 


PKIMITIVE  AGEICULTUEAL  EACES  169 

practised  abortion  if  conception  took  place  before  the  previous 
child  had  been  weaned  ;  the  suckling  period  among  these  people 
lasted  until  the  child  was  six  or  seven  years  old.1  The  habit  is 
recorded  of  the  Menomini  tribe  and  of  the  Zunis,  though  it  is  rare 
among  the  latter.2  Among  the  Cheyennes  '  it  has  long  been  the 
custom  that  a  woman  should  not  have  a  second  child  until  her 
first  is  ten  years  old  '.3  Abortion  is  not  mentioned  in  this  case, 
but  in  view  of  the  widespread  prevalence  of  this  custom,  abortion 
is  presumably  the  means  used  to  bring  about  this  result.  In 
Mexico  4  and  throughout  South  America  abortion  was  commonly 
employed.  '  The  use  of  the  means  of  abortion  is  common  and 
explains  the  small  number  of  children  ',  says  Karl  von  den  Steinen 
of  the  Bakairi.5  It  is  especially  frequent  in  Brazil  and  among 
the  Indians  of  the  Chaco.6 

8.  Compared  with  the  prevalence  of  abortion,  infanticide  was 
not  very  common  among  the  agricultural  tribes  of  the  northern 
half  of  the  Continent.    It  was  occasionally  practised  among  the 
Sioux,  and  more  girls  were  killed  than  boys.7    Of  the  Creeks  it 
is  said  that  '  to  destroy  a  new-born  infant  is  not  uncommon  '.8 
It  was  common  among  the  Pimas.9   Infanticide  is  usually  confined 
to  the  killing  of  deformed  children,  and  in  this  form  it  is  recorded 
of  the  Apaches,  Mohaves,  Navahos,  Zuni,  and  the  Tepecano.10 
Infanticide  is  more  common  in  South  America.    It  is  found  in 
Brazil  among  the  Guanas  u  and  the  Mbayas.12    The  former  are 
said  to  kill  more  girls  than  boys.    It  is  also  practised  to  a  con- 
siderable extent  in  the  Chaco.     '  Infanticide  is  quite  common 
among'  the  Lenguas,  an  interval  of  seven  or  eight  years  being 
always  observable  between  children  of  the  same  family.' 13  Grubb 
states  that  the  first  child  is  always  killed  if  a  girl.14    The  killing 
of  deformed  children  is  reported  from  many  parts,  including 
Dutch  Guiana  15  and  Peru.16 

9.  War  plays  no  less  a  part  in  the  lives  of  the  agricultural  than 
of  the  hunting  tribes  in  America.    It  was  perhaps  more  murderous 
among  the  famous  tribes  of  the  Atlantic  coast  and  the  great 

1  Russell,  26th  A.  R.  B.  E.,  p.  186.  2  Stevenson,  23rd  A.  R.  B.  E.,  p.  296. 

3  Grinnell,  Am.  Anth.,  vol.  iv,  p.  15.  *  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  183  and 

269.  5  Von  den  Steinen,  Durch  Central-Brazilien,  p.  123.  6  Ehrenreich, 

Konigliches  Museum  zu  Berlin,  vol.  i,  Heft  2,  p.  27;  Azara,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  116. 
7  Schoolcraft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  iii,  p.  243.  8  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  272.  9  Yarrow, 

A.  R.  B.  E.,  vol.  i,  p.  99.  10  Hrdlicka,  loc.  cit.,  p.  165.  «  Azara,  loc. 

cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  93.  «  Ibid.,  p.  116.  13  Hawtrey,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xxi,  p.  295. 

14  Grubb,  loc.  cit.,  p.  223.  15  Bonaparte,  Suriname,  p.  48.  1S  Smythe 

and  Lowe,  Narrative,  p.  240. 


170  PEIM1TIVE  AGKICULTUKAL  KAC^S 

plains  than  anywhere  else  except  possibly  Brazil.  '  As  all  nations 
of  the  Indians  in  their  .natural  condition  ',  says  Catlin,  '  are 
unceasingly  at  war  with  the  tribes  that  are  about  them,  for  the 
adjustment  of  ancient  and  never  ending  feuds,  as  well  as  from 
a  love  of  glory,  to  which  in  Indian  life  the  battlefield  is  almost 
the  only  road,  their  warriors  are  killed  off  to  that  extent,  that  in 
many  instances  two  and  sometimes  three  women  to  a  man  are 
found  in  a  tribe.' l  Another  author,  himself  a  member  of  the 
tribe,  describes  the  manner  in  which  the  young  Ojebway  Indian 
is  brought  up  to  regard  war  as  his  chief  object  in  life.  '  When 
they  are  young  a  spirit  of  war  is  instilled  into  their  bosom  ;  and 
in  order  to  excite  them  to  courage  and  ambition,  the  parents 
and  the  old  wise  men  recount  to  them  the  wonderful  exploits  of 
the  braves  in  former  days,  such  as  a  single  warrior  stealing  up 
secretly  to  a  village,  killing  a  number  of  the  enemy,  taking  off 
their  scalps,  and  making  his  escape  before  the  remainder  were 
apprised  of  the  slaughter.'  2  So  again,  '  among  the  earliest  songs 
to  which  a  Dacotah  child  listens  are  those  of  war.  As  soon  as 
he  begins  to  totter  about,  he  carries  as  a  plaything  a  miniature 
bow  and  arrow.  The  first  thing  he  is  taught  as  great  and  truly 
noble  is  taking  a  scalp,  and  he  wants  to  perform  an  act  which  is 
so  manly.  At  the  age  of  sixteen  he  is  often  on  the  warpath.'  3 

The  neighbouring  tribes  maintained  feuds  that  must  have  been 
the  cause  of  a  regular  and  by  no  means  inconsiderable  amount  of 
elimination.  The  Crows  were  at  war  with  the  Blackfeet,4  the 
Sioux  with  the  Ojebway,5  the  Minnetanes  with  the  Shoshones.6 
The  Sioux  are  said  to  have  killed  women.7  Farther  south  the 
Yuchi  and  other  members  of  the  Creek  Confederacy  were  very 
warlike.8  The  Pueblo  Indians  were  more  peaceful,  though  they 
were  subject  to  vigorous  and  frequent  attacks  from  the  Apache 
and  other  neighbours.9  The  wars  undertaken  by  the  empires  of 
Mexico  and  Peru  were  of  rather  a  different  nature.  Both  states 
pursued  a  regular  policy  of  aggression  towards  the  less  advanced 
peoples  who  surrounded  them.  These  wars  partook  more  of  the 
nature  of  raids  upon  the  weaker  nations  for  the  purpose  of  robbery 

1  Catlin,  loc.   cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.    119.  *  Jones,   Ojebway  Indians,  p.   64. 

8  Neill,  History  of  Minnesota,  p.  68.  *  Catlin,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  42. 

6  Neill,  loc.  cit.,  p.  70.  6  Matthews,  U.S.  Geog.  and  Geol.  Survey,  Misc.  Pub- 

lications, No.  7,  p.  61.    For  the  wars  of  the  Iroquois  see  Perrot,  Memoires,  pp.  9  ff. 
and  pp.  78  ff.  7  Long,  loc.  cit.,  p.  29.  8  Speck,  Univ.  of  Pennsylvania 

Publications,  vol.  i,  No.  1,  p.  84.  •  Russell,  loc.  cit.,  p.  200. 


PKIMITIVE  AGEICULTUKAL  KACES  171 

than  of  great  sporting  contests,  as  were  on  the  whole  the  wars 
of  the  northern  tribes.  Throughout  South  America  warfare  seems 
to  have  been  a  regular  feature  of  inter-tribal  relation.  It  was 
usually  very  sanguinary.  According  to  Wallace  the  Mandrucos 
fight  with  their  neighbours  every  year.1  Much  the  same  is  re- 
ported by  Church  of  the  Araras,  Mogos,  Masas,  and  other  tribes 
of  the  Amazon  basin,2  and  also  by  White  of  the  north-western 
regions  of  the  southern  half  of  the  Continent.3  The  peoples  of 
the  Chaco  were  formerly  at  continual  war  with  the  Guaranis.4 

10.  There  are  frequent  references  to  blood-feuds  in  the  accounts 
of  these  races.     Blood-feuds  are  only  to  be  with  difficulty  dis- 
tinguished from  warfare  ;    feuds  between  man  and  man  and 
between  family  and  family  merge  into  those  feuds  between  tribes 
that  are  called  warfare.    It  will  be  sufficient  here  to  note  that 
a  considerable  amount  of  elimination  must  among  certain  tribes 
arise  from  that  peculiar  form  of  blood-feud  which  is  connected 
with  the  belief  that  natural  death  is  caused  by  some  enemy.    In 
Guiana  '  a  person  dies  and  it  is  supposed  that  an  enemy  has 
secured  the  agency  of  an  evil  spirit  to  compass  his  death.    Some 
sorcerer,  employed  by  the  friends  of  the  deceased  for  that  purpose, 
pretends  by  his  incantations  to  discover  the  guilty  individual  or 
family,  or  at  any  rate  to  indicate  the  quarter  where  they  dwell. 
A  near  relative  of  the  deceased  is  then  charged  with  the  work  of 
vengeance.  ...  If  the  supposed  offender  cannot  be  slain,  some 
innocent  member  of  his  family — man,  woman,  or  little  child — 
must  suffer  instead.'  5    The  Uaupes  of  the  upper  waters  of  the 
Bio  Negro  *  scarcely  seem  to  think  that  death  can  occur  naturally, 
always  imputing  it  either  to  direct  poisoning  or  to  the  charms 
of  some  enemy,  and  on  this  supposition  will  proceed  to  revenge 
it.    This  they  generally  do  by  poison.'  6    It  is  difficult  to  ascertain 
how  far  these  beliefs  are  acted  upon  ;  it  seems  nevertheless  clear 
that  among  certain  tribes  a  considerable  amount  of  elimination 
must  be  attributed  to  this  source. 

11.  It  is  not  necessary  to  repeat  here  what  was  said  in  the 
former  chapter  with  regard  to  disease.    Our  conclusion  was  that 
in  all  probability  most  diseases  did  not  evolve  until  at  or  about 
the  beginning  of  the  third  period.     We  therefore  regard  this 

1  Wallace,  Travels  on  the  Amazon,  p.  516.  See  also  Church,  loc.  cit.,  p.  77. 
2  Church,  South  America,  pp.  78,  99,  and  137.  See  also  Von  Martius,  loc.  cit., 
vol.  i,  p.  129.  3  White,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xiii,  p.  244.  «  Grubb,  loc.  cit., 

p.  105.  6  Brett,  Indian  Tribes,  p.  357.  6  Wallace,  loc.  cit.,  p.  500. 


172  PEIMITIVE  AGEICULTUEAL  EACES 

source  of  elimination  as  of  relatively  small  importance  among  the 
races  of  this  group  whether  in  America  or  elsewhere.  We  may 
note  a  few  examples  of  the  evidence  to  the  effect  that  these  races 
were  formerly  on  the  whole  remarkably  healthy  and  long-lived. 
Catlin  says  that  the  Mandans  were  '  undoubtedly  a  longer  lived 
and  healthier  race  '  than  most  civilized  peoples.1  According  to 
Le  Beau  the  Iroquois  were  '  practically  never  ill ' ;  in  spite  of 
a  climate  that  he  himself  found  trying,  '  they  were ',  he  says, 
*  nearly  all  strong  and  robust ',  and  had  few  diseases.2  '  On  the 
whole,  the  Yuchi,  men,  women,  and  children,  are  a  remarkably 
healthy  set  of  people.' 3  The  Shawnees  are  '  very  healthy  and  are 
exempt  from  many  diseases  '.4  Spix  and  Martius,  with  their  exten- 
sive knowledge  of  the  Indians  of  Brazil,  say  in  general  that  '  the 
Indians  are  seldom  sick  and  generally  live  to  an  advanced  age  '.5 

12.  There  is  among  the  agricultural  races  of  America  as  among 
the  hunting  races,  and,  as  we  shall  see,  among  all  primitive  races, 
a  very  high  rate  of  child  mortality.    As  before  we  find  the  chief 
causes  to  be  lack  of  knowledge,  lack  of  care,  lack  of  suitable  food 
and  surroundings,  and  certain  peculiar  customs.6     It  is  not  neces- 
sary to  review  the  evidence  in  detail.    Of  the  Sioux  we  are  told 
that   '  many   die  in  infancy   caused   by  exposure  '.7      Another 
observer  uses  the  same  phrase,  and  adds  that  '  their  mothers, 
to  inure  them  to  suffering  and  to  strengthen  their  constitution, 
do  not  take  all  the  necessary  care  of  them  '.8    Lumholtz  attributes 
child  mortality  in  part  to  the  eating  of  unsuitable  food.9     Not 
only  in  North  America  but  also  in  Brazil  are  new-born  children 
regularly  dipped  in  cold  water.10 

Africa 

13.  Pre-p liberty  intercourse  is  common  throughout  Africa  both 
in  the  form  of  recognized  early  marriage  and  of  irregular  but 
tolerated  early  sexual  relations.    Among  the  Cross  Eiver  natives 

1  Catlin,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  228.  2  Le  Beau,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  93  and  98. 

3  Speck,  loc.  cit.,  p.  14.  4  Ashe,  loc.  cit.,  p.  270.  5  Spix  and  Martius, 

loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  249.  6  For  the  North  American  Indians  see  Handbook  of 

American  Indians,  p.  238.  7  Schoolcraft,loc.cit.,  vol.iii,p.  238.  8  Dome- 

nech,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  295.  9  Lumholtz,  Unknown  Mexico,  vol.  ii,  p.  90. 

10  Heriot,  Travels,  p.  343.  Dumarest,  speaking  of  the  Cochiti,  says  that  '  some- 
times, in  the  midst  of  winter,  the  child's  father  will  take  him  out  and,  after  breaking 
the  ice,  .  .  .  will  immerse  him  in  the  river.  Formerly  when,  in  winter,  children 
came  from  bathing  in  the  river,  they  were  not  allowed  to  approach  the  fire  until 
their  hair  was  thawed  out '  (Mem.  Am.  Anth.  Ass.,  vol.  vi,  No.  3,  p.  144).  Koch- 
Griinberg  states  the  mortality  is  heavy  among  the  children  of  the  Amazon  tribes 
and  that  they  are  dipped  in  cold  water  (Zwei  Jahre,  vol.  ii,  pp.  59  and  150). 


PKIMITIVE  AGRICULTURAL  RACES  173 

'  until  she  reach  the  age  of  puberty,  a  girl  is  permitted  by  her 
parents  and  by  her  betrothed  to  go  about  freely  and  have  as 
many  lovers  as  she  pleases  '-1  A  considerable  proportion  of 
marriages  among  the  Ibo-speaking  people  of  Nigeria  take  place 
before  puberty.2  In  the  Congo  districts  the  habit  is  specially 
common.3  Sexual  relations  commence  early  among  the  Bushongo  ; 
after  reaching  the  age  of  puberty  '  a  girl  is  not  supposed  to  have 
further  sexual  relations  before  marriage  '.4  It  is  also  recorded 
by  van  Overbergh  of  the  Mangbetu,5  by  Delhaise  of  the  Warego,6 
by  de  Rochebrune  of  the  Onolove.7  Speaking  of  the  Bangala, 
Weeks  says  that  '  above  the  age  of  five  years  it  would  be  impos- 
sible to  find  a  girl  who  was  a  virgin  '.8  '  The  sexual  morality  of 
the  Bahuana  is  conspicuous  by  its  absence ;  the  unmarried 
indulge  as  they  please  from  a  very  early  age,  and  the  girls  before 
puberty.'9  Torday  and  Joyce,  who  are  responsible  for  this 
statement,  speak  very  similarly  of  the  Bambala,10  and  du  Chaillu 
of  the  Mpongwe.11  The  Masai  and  the  Nandi  in  East  Africa 
have  a  regularized  system  of  intercourse  before  puberty.12  It 
also  occurs  among  the  tribes  inhabiting  the  Baringo  district 13 
and  among  the  Swaheli.14  Children  of  the  Wapagoro,  in  what 
was  German  East  Africa,  are  brought  together  by  their  parents 
when  about  seven  years  of  age,  and  are  separated  for  a  period 
when  menstruation  begins — that  is  to  say,  about  three  years 
later.15  Pre-puberty  marriage  was  formerly  very  prevalent 
among  the  Makonde 16  and  the  Wanjamuesi 17  of  the  same  district. 
'  As  regards  the  little  girls  over  nearly  the  whole  of  British  Central 
Africa,  chastity  before  puberty  is  an  unknown  condition.  Before 
a  girl  is  become  a  woman  it  is  a  matter  of  absolute  indifference 
what  she  does,  and  scarcely  any  girl  remains  a  virgin  after  about 
five  years  of  age.' 18  Similar  testimony  is  given  by  Stannus  19  and 
by  Maugham20  for  the  same  district. 

1  Partridge,  Cross  River  Natives,  p.  254.  2  Thomas,  Ibo-speaking  Peoples, 

p.  62.  3  Hutereau,  Ann.  Mus.  Congo  Beige,  ser.  3,  tome  i,  p.  4;    Cureau, 

Societes  Primitives,  p.  109.  4  Torday  and  Joyce,  Ann.  Mus.  Congo  Beige, 

ser.  3,  tome  ii,  p.  110.  5  Van  Overbergh,  Coll.  Mon.  Eth.,  No.  4,  p.  309. 

6  Delhaise,  ibid.,  No.  5,  p.  157.  He  thinks,  however,  that  the  practice  was  intro- 
duced by  the  Arabs.  7  Rochebrune,  Rev.  d'Anth.,  vol.  iv,  ser.  2,  p.  281. 
8  Weeks,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxix,  p.  442.  9  Torday  and  Joyce,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxvi, 
p.  288.  10  Ibid.,  vol.  xxxv,  p.  420.  u  du  Chaillu,  Explorations  and  Adven- 
tures, p.  162.  12  Johnston,  Uganda  Protectorate,  vol.  ii,  pp.  824  and  878. 
13  Dundas,  K.  R.,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xliii,  p.  60.  M  Velten,  Sitten  und  Gebrduche  der 
Swaheli,  p.  28.  15  Fabry,  Globus,  vol.  xci,  p.  221.  16  Weule,  East  Africa, 
p.  305.  17  Reichard,  Z.  G.  E.,  vol.  xxiv,  p.  253.  18  Johnston,  British 
Central  Africa,  p.  409,  note.  19  Stannus,  J.A.I.,  vol.  xl,  p.  309.  20  Maugham, 
Zambezia,  p.  333. 


174  PRIMITIVE  AGRICULTURAL  RACES 

14.  The  suckling  period  would  appear  to  last  nearer  three  than 
two  years  on  the  average.    A  few  examples  may  be  given.    Ewe- 
speaking  people,  two  or  three  years  ; l   Yoruba-speaking  people, 
three  years  ;  2   the  Tenda,  two  and  a  half  to  three  years  ; 3   in 
Liberia,  three  or  four  years  ; 4    the  Kagero,  two  to  three  and 
sometimes  five  years  ;  5  the  Hausa,  two  years  ;  6  the  Bushongo, 
two  years  ; 7    in  the  Congo  Basin,  at  least  two   years  on  the 
average  ;  8    the  Mangbetu,  a  year  and  a   half   or   longer ; 9    in 
West  Africa,  on  the  average  two  to  three  years  ; 10  the  Mayombe, 
two  years  or  longer ;  u   in  Uganda,  at  least  two  years  ; 12    the 
Nandi,  two  years ; 13  the  Kuku,  three  years ; 14   the  Wamakonde, 
Wakaua,  and  Wamuera,  three  years ; 15  the  Baganda,  three  years ; 16 
the  Wadschagga,  two  years  : 17   the  Wanjamuesi,  two  to  three 
years; 18    the  Wazaramo,  two  to  three  years  ; 19    the  Baronga, 
three  years ; 20  in  the  Madi  district  of  Central  Africa,  three  years  ; 21 
in  South  Africa,  two  years,  according  to  Lichtenstein,22  frequently 
until  three  years,  according  to  Kidd.23 

15.  There  is  little  or  no  evidence  of  any  postponement  of 
marriage  among  girls.     The  facts  with  regard  to  men  will  be 
given  later.    According  to  Denham  and  Clapperton,  girls  in  Bornu 
'  rarely  marry  until  they  are  fourteen  or  fifteen  ;    often  not  so 
young  5.24    Among  the  Barigala,  girls  marry  at  the  age  of  sixteen 
to  eighteen.25     '  In  the  primitive  Bantu  tribe  every  girl  gets 
married,  some,  however,  sooner  than  others.' 26    The  average  age 
at  marriage  among  girls  south  of  Lake  Nyassa  is  fifteen.27    '  For 
the  whole  of  the  Bantu  tribes  south  of  the  Limpopo  the  average 
[age  at  marriage  for  girls]  would  probably  be  between  fifteen  and 
sixteen.' 28 

16.  Throughout  the  negroid  and  Bantu  races  of  Africa  sexual 

1  Ellis,  Eive-Speaking  Peoples,  p.  206.          8  Ellis,  Yoruba-Speaking  Peoples,  p.  185. 
3  Belacour,  Rev.  tfEth.,  1912,  p.  45.  4  Buttikoffer,  Inter.  Arch.  Eth.,  vol.  i,  p.  82. 

6  Tremearne,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xlii,  p.  174.  6  Tremearne,  Hausa  Superstitions 

and  Customs,  p.  93.  7  Torday  and  Joyce,  Ann.  Mus.  Congo  Beige,  ser.  3, 

vol.  ii,  p.  112.  8  Cureau,  loc.  cit.,  p.  180.  •  Overbergh,  Coll.  Mon. 

Eth.,  No.  3,  p.  296.  10  Harris,  Mem.  Anth.  Soc.,  vol.  ii,  p.  68.  "  Over- 

bergh and  Jonghe,  Coll.  Mon.  Eth.,  No.  2,  p.  217.  12  Wilson  and  Felkin, 

Uganda,  vol.  i,  p.   187.  "  Hollis,  Nandi,  p.  65.  14  Plas,  Coll.  Mon. 

Eth.,   No.    6,   p.    205.  «  Fiilleborn,   Nyassa-   und  Rowuma-Gebiet,   p.    61. 

16  Roscoe,  Baganda,  p.  55.  "  Gutmann,  Globus,  vol.  xcii.  l8  Reichard, 

loc.  cit.,  p.  257.  »  Burton,  Central  Africa,  vol.  i,  p.  117.  20  Junod, 

Ba-Ronga,  p.    19.  "  Felkin,   Trans.   Edin.   Obstet.   Soc.,   vol.   ix,   p.    19. 

«8  Lichtenstein,  Travels,  vol.  i,  p.  260.  23  Kidd,  Essential  Kaffir,  p.  19. 

14  Denham  and  Clapperton,  Narrative,  p.  319.  2S  Weeks,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxix, 

p.  417.  2i  Junod,  South  African  Tribe,  p.  183.  "  Stannus,  loc.  cit., 

p.  310.  28  Theal,  Yellow-  and  Dark-Skinned  Peopl.e,  p.  347. 


PBIMITIVE  AGEICULTUKAL  EACES  175 

intercourse  is  almost  invariably  prohibited  for  some  time  after 
child-birth.  As  a  rule  the  prohibition  holds  good  so  long  as  suck- 
ling lasts,  and  this  we  have  seen  to  mean  more  nearly  three  than 
two  years.  In  some  cases  the  period  is  shorter,  and  there  are 
instances  where  it  only  endures  for  a  few  months.  There  are  also 
very  rare  examples  of  the  exact  opposite — namely,  of  a  prohibition 
against  breaking  off  intercourse.  As  the  evidence  given  below 
shows,  to  this  custom  we  must  attribute  very  great  importance. 
A  Ewe-speaking  woman  '  may  not  admit  the  male  .  .  .  while 
suckling  '.l  Among  the  Yoruba-speaking  people  '  during  the 
period  of  lactation  the  wife  must  not  cohabit  with  her  husband  '.2 
Intercourse  during  the  suckling  period  is  prohibited  by  the 
Kagero,3  the  Hausa,4  and  in  Benin.5  In  the  Warri  district  of 
the  Niger  Protectorate  it  is  '  customary  for  a  woman  to  avoid 
cohabitation  with  her  husband  for  nearly  three  years  after 
pregnancy  '.6  Mungo  Park,  who  travelled  through  this  district, 
observed  that  '  three  years'  nursing  is  not  uncommon,  and  during 
this  period  the  husband  devotes  his  whole  attention  to  his  other 
wives  '.7  Other  authors  record  similar  facts  for  other  West  African 
races.  The  Moioa  abstain  for  four  years,8  the  Gallinas  until  the 
child  can  talk  and  walk,9  the  Hobbes  during  lactation  ; 10  Nassau, 
speaking  generally  of  the  Cameroon  district,  mentions  three  years,11 
and  Keade,  speaking  of  Ashanti,  mentions  the  period  of  lactation.12 
With  regard  to  the  Congo  district,  Cureau,13  Johnston,14  and 
Ward  15  mention  prohibition  during  the  suckling  period.  Among 
the  Bangala  '  during  the  suckling  period  the  husband  has  no 
sexual  relations  with  his  wife,  or  the  child  will  become  thin  and 
weak  and  probably  die  s.16  Another  account  of  the  same  people 
mentions  two  years  as  the  length  of  the  period.17  Prohibition 
during  lactation  is  also  recorded  of  the  Mayombe,18  the  Ababua,19 
and  the  Bayaka.20  Intercourse  is  only  resumed  among  the 
Mandja  21  and  the  Warega  22  when  the  child  can  walk.  The 

1  Ellis,  Ewe-Speaking  Peoples,  p.  206.  *  Ellis,   Yoruba-Speaking  People*, 

p.   185.  3  Tremearne,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xlii,  p.  174.  *  Ibid.,  vol.  xxxvi, 

p.  93.  5  Ling  Roth,  Great  Benin,  p.  39.  6  Granville,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxvii, 

p.   106.  7  Mungo  Park,  Travels,  p.  402.  8  Tremearne,  Head-Hunters 

of  Nigeria,  p.  239.  •  Harris,  loc.  cit.,  p.  36.  10  Desplagnes,  Plateau 

Central  Nigerien,  p.   227.  "  Nassau,  Fetichism  in   West  Africa,  p.   11. 

12  Reade,  South  Africa,  p.  45.  13  Cureau,  loc.  cit.,  p.  378.  "  John- 

ston, George  Grenfell  and  the  Congo,  p.  671.  15  Ward,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxiv, 

p.  289.  16  Weeks,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxix,  p.  418.  "  Overbergh  and  Jonghe, 

Coll.  Hon.  Eth.,  No.   1,  p.   199.  "  Ibid.,  No.  2,  p.  219.  19  Halkin, 

ibid.,  No.  7,  p.  260.  20  Torday  and  Joyce,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xxxvi,  p.  51. 

21  Gaud,  Coll.  Man.  Eth.,  No.  8,  p.  154.  »  Delhaise,  loc.  cit.,  p.  154. 


176  PKIMITIVE  AGKICULTUEAL  KACES 

Adio  of  the  Upper  Congo  region  form  a  curious  exception  ;  soon 
after  birth  intercourse  again  takes  place  ;  if  it  did  not,  the  child 
would  die,  since  the  father  would  thereby  show  'no  affection  for 
the  mother.1  The  Kuku  only  interrupt  intercourse  for  three  or 
four  months,2  although  suckling  lasts  three  years,3  and  among 
the  Nandi  prohibition  only  extends  over  a  period  of  three  months,4 
while  lactation  lasts  two  years.5  Similarly  '  among  the  Awa- 
Wanga  many  believe  that  within  five  or  six  days  of  the  birth  of 
a  child  the  parents  must  cohabit  or  the  child  will  die  '.6 

The  last-mentioned  cases  are  rare  exceptions  ;  the  customs 
that  we  saw  to  be  normal  in  the  west  of  Africa  are  also  normal 
elsewhere  in  Africa.  In  Uganda  '  a  woman  must  live  apart  from 
her  husband  for  two  years,  at  which  time  the  children  are  weaned  '.7 
A-Baganda  woman  *  lived  apart  from  her  husband  for  three  years 
while  nursing  her  child  '.8  When  a  woman  in  the  region  of  the 
Kovuma  river  '  bears  a  child  she  lives  completely  apart  from 
her  husband  till  the  child  is  able  to  speak,  as  otherwise  it  is 
believed  that  harm,  if  not  death,  would  come  to  the  infant  '.9 
A  year  is  mentioned  as  the  length  of  the  prohibited  period  among 
the  Swaheli,10  and  the  duration  of  lactation  as  the  period  among 
the  tribes  of  the  Baringo  district n  and  among  the  Wanjamuesi.12 
On  the  other  hand  the  prohibited  period  is  short  among  some  of 
the  tribes  of  what  was  German  East  Africa  ;  it  is  two  months  in 
Konde-land,13  three  months  among  the  Wapagoro,14  and  '  a  few 
months  '  among  the  Wagogo.15  In  British  Central  Africa  the 
wife  does  not  resume  sexual  intercourse  with  her  husband  for 
two  years,  unless  she  is  the  only  wife,  when  six  months  to  one 
year  is  allowed  to  elapse.16  In  the  Miri  district  the  period  is  six 
months,  although  suckling  lasts  for  two  years,17  and  the  same  is 
recorded  of  the  Atonga.18  Speaking  of  Baronga,  Junod  says 
that  there  is  no  cohabitation  until  the  child  is  weaned,  and 
mentions  that  this  is  so  among  all  the  Bantu  races  of  South 
Africa.19  Kidd  confirms  Junod's  statement,  and  says  that  most 
Kaffir  women  live  in  strict  seclusion  from  their  husbands  while 

1  Hutereau,  loc.  cit.,  p.  46.  2  Plas,  loc.  cit.,  p.  203.  8  Ibid.,  p.  205. 

4  Hollis,  Nandi,  p.  66.  5  Ibid.,  p.  65.  6  Hobley,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxiii, 

p.  358.  '  Wilson  and  Felkin,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  187.  8  Roscoe,  Baganda, 

p.  55.    Ratzel  (History,  vol.  iii,  p.  16)  gives  three  years.  •  Thomson,  Geog. 

Journ.,  vol.  iv,  p.  73.  10  Velten,  loc.  cit.,  p.  73.  "  Dundas,  J.  A.  I., 

vol.  xl,  p.  60.  "  Reichard,  loc.  cit.,  p.  257.  13  Fiilleborn,  loc.  cit., 

p.  352.  "  Fabry,  loc.  cit.,  p.  223.  ls  Cole,  J.A.I.,  vol.  xxxii,  p.  312. 

16  Stannus,  loc.  cit.,  p.  311.  "  Felkin,  loc.  cit.,  p.  31.  18  Johnston, 

British  Central  Africa,  p.  415.  w  Junod,  Ba-Ronga,  p.  490. 


PKIMITIVE  AGKICULTUKAL  EACES  177 

they  are  suckling  their  children,  which  frequently  lasts  for  three 
years.1     In  Loango  the  suckling  period  is  the  prohibited  period.2 

17.  Among  the  races  hitherto  surveyed  there  is  no  evidence  of 
the  existence  of  any  practice  that  renders  sexual  intercourse 
fruitless.    There  are  numerous  instances  of  magical  practices  that 
are  supposed  to  have  this  result,  but  we  have  no  reason  to  think 
that  any  of  them  are  effective.     In  Africa  we  again  meet  with 
similar  magical  practices,  and  we  must  similarly  account  them  to 
be  without   effect.     In  this  area,  however,  we  also  meet  with 
for  the  first  time  practices  of  quite  a  different  nature.    Many  races 
in  different  parts  of  the  Continent  are  acquainted  with  means  of 
preventing  fertilization.    It  is  not  necessary  to  describe  how  this 
end  is  achieved.3    Any  one  who  is  interested  in  the  subject  can 
turn  to  Junod's  account.     The  methods  employed  in  other  parts 
of  Africa  are  apparently  similar  to  those  there  described.    Know- 
ledge of  these  methods  extends  throughout  South  Africa,4  the 
Congo,5  what  was  formerly  German  East  Africa,6  and  probably 
elsewhere.     Generally  speaking  this  practice  is  employed  under 
two  different  circumstances  ;  measures  may  be  taken  to  prevent 
conception  by  those  who  are  not  married  and  who  do  not  wish 
to  be  married  for  some  time  ;  they  may  also  be  used  by  married 
people  under  certain  circumstances,  as  for  example  by  parents 
in  the  Thonga  tribe  who  may  have  intercourse  when  the  child 
begins  to  crawl,  but  who  must  avoid  conception  until  the  child 
is  weaned.7    Again,  young  married  couples  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Port  Herald  live  in  a  special  house  so  long  as  they  are  unable 
to  build  a  house  for  themselves,  and  during  this  time  no  children 
must  be  conceived.8 

18.  Almost  without  exception  the  average  number  of  children 
is  everywhere  recorded  as  small.   Mungo  Park,  referring  apparently 
to  the  Mandingoes,  says  that  '  few  women  have  more  than  five 
or  six  children  J.9    In  Northern  Nigeria,  four  to  five  is  given  as 
the  maximum  number.10    Talbot  collected  some  statistics  for  the 
Ekoi  people ;    the  average  number  born  to  sixty-one  married 
women  was  4-3.11    '  The  marriages  ',  says  Burton  of  the  Egbas, 
'  are  not  very  prolific  '.12     Assinien  women  very  exceptionally 

1  Kidd,  Essential  Kaffir,  p.  19.          2  Pechuel-Loesche,  Loango- Expedition,  p.  31. 
3  Junod,  South  African  Tribe,  vol.  i,  p.  488.  4  Junod,  ibid.    See  Macdonald, 

J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xix,  p.  117.  5  Cureau,  loc.  cit.,  p.  189.  6  Fiilleborn,  loc. 

cit.,  p.  552,  note.  7  Junod,  loc.  cit.,  p.  55.  8  Fiilleborn,  loc.  cit.,  p.  550. 

9  Mungo  Park,  loc.  cit.,  p.  403.  10  Tremearne,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xlii,  p.  174. 

"  Talbot,  Shadow  o    the  Bush,  p.  12.  12  Burton,  Abeokuta,  vol.  i,  p.  207. 

2498  Ayr 


178  PBIMITIVE  AGEICULTUEAL  EACES 

have  more  than  six  children,  according  to  Mondiere  ; l  in  Liberia 
families  are  said  to  be  small.2  Among  the  Bangala  '  it  is  rare 
for  a  woman  to  have  more  than  two  or  three  children  ' ;  3  another 
observer,  speaking  of  the  same  people,  remarks  that  '  there  was 
much  sterility  '.4  Cureau,  speaking  generally  of  the  tribes  of  the 
Congo  Basin,  says  that  families  are  small.5  Kuku  women  bear 
three  children  on  the  average.6  The  number  of  children  is  given 
as  three  to  five  for  the  Baholoholo,7  three  to  four  for  the  Ba- 
mbala,8  and  the  same  for  the  Warega  ; 9  among  the  Mangbetu 
families  are  not  large,10  while  '  on  an  average  a  Bayaka  woman 
bears  three  children ;  families  of  more  than  four  are  rare  '.u 
Turning  to  the  races  of  the  eastern  side  of  the  Continent  we  find 
that  the  average  Swaheli  family  is  given  as  consisting  of  two 
children.12  Figures  have  been  collected  concerning  forty-nine 
families  of  the  Akikuyu,  from  which  it  appears  that  the  average 
number  of  children  is  between  three  and  five.13  The  Bakene 
women  '  are,  as  a  rule,  strong  and  healthy  and  have  children, 
though  few  of  them  ever  have  so  many  as  six,  three  being  the 
average  number  for  each  wife  J.14  Two  or  three- — at  the  most 
five — children  are  born  to  the  Wanjamuesi  mother.15  Among  the 
tribes  south  of  Lake  Nyassa  '  the  average  number  of  children  in 
a  family  is  three  to  five  '.16  The  Makalaka  '  race  is  not  prolific, 
and  the  women  .  .  .  seldom  bear  more  than  an  average  of  three 
children  '.l7  Lastly,  the  Hottentots  have  '  seldom  more  than  two 
or  three  children  ',  and  *  many  of  the  women  are  barren  ',18  while 
similarly  in  Madagascar  the  natives  '  do  not,  as  a  rule,  have 
large  families,  and  a  considerable  portion  is  childless  '.19 

19.  Abortion  is  practised  by  many  races  in  various  parts  of 
Africa.  Among  the  Tenda  people  married  women  rarely  practise 
abortion,  unmarried  women  more  frequently  ; 20  Tremearne  men- 
tions it  in  speaking  of  some  of  the  Nigerian  tribes.21  It  appears 

1  Mondiere,  Rev.  d'Anth.,  vol.  iv,  p.  75.  8  Buttikoffer,  loc.  cit.,  p.  82. 

8  Overbergh  and  Jonghe,  loc.  cit.,  No.  1,  p.  201.  «  Weeks,  J.  A.  I.,  vol. 

xxxix,  p.  420.  6  Cureau,  loc.  cit.,  p.  138.  «  Plas,  loc.  cit.,  p.  208. 

7  Schmitz,  Coll.  Mon.  Eth.,  No.  9,  p.  595.  8  Torday  and  Joyce,  J.  A.  I., 

vol.  xxxv,  p.  51.  •  Delhaise,  loc.  cit.,  p.  157.  10  Van  Overbergh,  loc. 

cit.,  No.  4,  p.  297.  "  Torday  and  Joyce,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xxxvi,  p.  51. 

12  Velten,  loc.  cit.,  p.  28.  13  Routledge,  Prehistoric  People,  p.  136.    Owing 

to  the  fact  that  the  families  are  incomplete,  there  is  some  uncertainty  about  these 
figures.  14  Boscoe,  Man,  vol.  ix,  p.  118.     See  also  same  author's  Northern 

Bantu,  p.  151  15  Reichard,  loc.  cit.,  p.  255.  16  Stannus,  loc.  cit.,  p.  310. 

17  Elton,  Journal,  p.  6.  18  Barrow,  Travels,  vol.  i,  p.  97.     See  also  Theal, 

Yellow-  and   Dark-Skinned   People,   p.   86.  »  Little,    Madagascar,   p.    64. 

w  Delacour,  loc.  cit.,  p.  45.  21  Tremearne,  J.  A-  /-,  vol.  xlii,  p.  171, 


PEIMITIVE  AGEICULTUKAL  EACES  179 

to  be  on  the  whole  more  common  in  the  Congo  district  than 
elsewhere  in  Africa.  '  The  practice  of  provoking  abortion  is 
a  very  common  one  throughout  Congoland  (though  ignored,  for 
example,  by  the  Bayaka),  but  most  of  all  in  the  North  and 
Centre.'1  With  regard  to  particular  races  in  this  district,  we  find 
abortion  mentioned  as  common  among  the  Bangala,2  Bahuana,3 
Warega,4  Ababua,5  and  Onolove  6 ;  it  exists  but  is  less  common 
among  the  Mangbetu,7  and  the  Bushongo.8  In  what  was  German 
South-west  Africa  abortion  is  very  frequently  employed.9  It 
would  appear  to  be  less  frequently  practised  in  the  eastern  half 
of  the  Continent.  It  is  known  among  the  Akamba  10  and  the 
Swaheli.11  In  what  was  formerly  the  German  Nyassa  district 12 
and  in  British  Central  Africa  it  is  said  to  be  not  uncommon  13  ; 
the  same  is  said  of  the  Zambezi  Valley.14  Abortion  is  '  almost 
universally  practised  by  all  classes  of  female  in  Kafir  society  5.15 
It  is  mentioned  in  connexion  with  Madagascar.16 

20.  Almost  every  tribe  throughout  Africa  kills  children  under 
certain  circumstances  which  they  believe  to  be  unpropitious. 
Examples  of  such  circumstances  are  peculiarities  in  the  process 
of  birth,  the  birth  of  twins,  or  the  cutting  of  the  upper  teeth 
before  the  lower.  Motherless  children  are  also  sometimes  killed. 
The  cumulative  effect  of  these  habits  cannot  be  considerable,  and 
we  may  disregard  them.  It  is  an  almost  invariable  rule  that 
infanticide — in  the  sense  in  which  we  use  the  term  when  speaking 
of  the  Australians — is  unknown  in  Africa.  The  only  exceptions 
are  to  be  found  among  the  Hottentots  and  in  Madagascar — in 
both  cases  the  races  practising  infanticide  not  being  of  Negroid 
or  Bantu  stock.  The  former  are  said  to  have  killed  their  female 
children  fairly  frequently ; 17  in  Madagascar  infanticide  was  very 
common.18  Among  the  various  unpropitious  circumstances  men- 
tioned above,  there  is  one  which  is  widely  recognized  in  Africa, 
and  which  is  of  interest  to  us.  Children  who  are  abnormal  or 

1  Johnston,   George   Grenfell  and  the  Congo,   p.   671.  2  Weeks,  J.  A.  I., 

vol.  xxxix,  p.  449  ;   Overbergh  and  Jonghe,  loc.  cit.,  No.  1,  p.  201.  3  Torday 

and  Joyce,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xxxvi,  p.  228.  «  Delhaise,  loc.  cit.,  p.   147. 

5  Halkin,  loc.  cit.,  p.  259.  Hutereau  (loc.  cit.,  p.  101)  says  that  it  is  not  often 
employed.  e  Rochebrune,  loc.  cit.,  p.  283.  7  Van  Overbergh,  loc.  cit., 

No.  4,  p.  298.  8  Torday  and  Joyce,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xxxvi,  p.  111.  9  Liibbert, 
Mitth.  der  Forschungsreisenden,  vol.  xiv,  p.  88.  10  Hobley,  Akamba,  p.  58. 

11  Velten,  loc.  cit.,  p.  29.  12  Fiilleboni,  loc.  cit.,  p.  352.  13  Johnston, 

British  Central  Africa,  p.  417 ;  Angus,  Azimba  and  Chipitaland,  p.  324. 
14  Maugham,  Zambezia,  p.  339.  15  Maclean,  Kaffir  Laws  and  Customs, 

p.  62.  »•  Ellis,  History  of  Madagascar,  vol.  i,  p.  55.  17  Kolben,  Cape  of 

Good  Hope,  vol.  i,  p.  144.  l8  Ellis,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  155 ;  Little,  loc,  cit.,  p.  60. 

M2 


180  PKIMITIVE  AGKICULTUKAL  KACES 

deformed  are  nearly  always  killed.  Among  other  instances  this 
practice  is  recorded  of  the  Hausa,1  Kagero,2  the  Congo  tribes 
generally — the  Fangs  being  especially  mentioned  in  this  respect  3 
—the  Mandja,4  the  Basonge,5  the  Ababua,6  the  Bushongo,7  the 
Wanika,8  the  Wakamba,9  in  the  Lenda  district,10  in  the  Lind 
Hinterland,11  in  British  Central  Africa,12  in  Portuguese  East 
Africa,13  among  the  Kaffirs  14  and  the  Hottentots.15 

21.  The  nature  and  frequency  of  warfare  varies  very  greatly  in 
different  parts  of  the  Continent.  Although  among  some  few 
tribes  and  in  some  districts  war  is  as  murderous  as  in  America, 
it  is  on  the  whole  far  less  effective  as  an  agent  of  elimination  than 
in  that  country.  .  The  position  is  somewhat  complicated  by  the 
fact  that  the  more  northern  Negroid  races  have  long  been  in 
contact  with  Hamitic  and  Semitic  tribes  ;  the  latter  have  made 
war  on  the  former  and  greatly  influenced  the  history  of  the 
Negroid  races.  Movements  have  been  set  on  foot  and  passed  like 
waves  over  the  whole  Continent. 

War  is  not  a  very  serious  matter  among  the  Gallinas  of  Sierra 
Leone  16  or  the  Ewe-speaking  people  of  Togoland.17  It  was  very 
different  in  Dahomey  18  and  Benin  ; 19  the  Amazons  of  the  former 
region  have  often  been  described.20  Tremearne  gives  an  account 
of  the  head-hunters  of  Nigeria,  whose  habits  must  have  been  the 
cause  of  a  great  deal  of  elimination.21  Throughout  the  whole 
of  this  region,  especially  in  Ashanti 22  and  Benin,  human  sacrifice 
is  practised  on  a  large  scale,  and  results  in  a  considerable  loss  of 
life.23  Passing  farther  south  towards  the  Congo  region,  we  find 
that  warfare  is  a  moderately  important  factor  of  elimination.24 
Weeks  describes  family,  town,  and  district  fights — the  last  two 
developing  out  of  the  former  ;  considerable  loss  of  life  and  material 

1  Tremearne,  Hausa  Superstitions,  p.  93.  2  Ibid.,  Head-Hunters  of  Nigeria, 

p.  239.  3  Cureau,  loc.  cit.,  p.  177  ;  Ward,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xxiv,  p.  291.    Torday 

(Camp  and  Tramp,  p.  142),  when  speaking  of  the  Bayaka,  mentions  them  as  an 
exception  to  the  general  rule  that  Congo  tribes  kill  misshapen  children.  4  Gaud, 
loc.  cit.,  p.  257.  6  Van  Overbergh,  loc.  cit.,  No.  3,  p.  241.  6  Halkin, 

loc.  cit.,  p.  260.  7  Torday  and  Joyce,  Ann.  Mus.  Congo  Beige,  ser.  3,  tome  ii, 

p,  113.  8  Krapf,  Travels,  p.  193.  •  Hildebrand,  Recht  und  Sitte,  p.  293. 

10  Livingstone,  Labours  and  Travels,  p.  577.  »  Fiilleborn,  loc.  cit.,  p.  62. 

"  Johnston,  British  Central  Africa,  p.  417.  M  Maugham,  Portuguese  East 

Africa,  p.  270.  14  Barrow,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  157 ;   Kidd,  Essential  Kaffir, 

p.  202  ;  Shooter,  Kaffirs  of  Natal,  p.  88.  15  Theal,  History  and  Ethnography, 

vol.  i,  p.  48.  16  Harris,  loc.  cit.,  p.  27.  17  Ellis,  Ewe-Speaking  Peoples, 

p.  190;  Maclean,  Compendium,  p.  62.  18  F.  E.  Forbes,  Dahomey,  p.  15. 

19  Ling  Roth,  Great  Benin,  p.    125.  20  See  Forbes,  loc.  cit.,  p.  23. 

21  Tremearne,  Head-Hunters  of  Nigeria,  passim.  22  Beecham,  Ashantee,  p.  207. 
83  See  Ellis,  Ewe-Speaking  Peoples,  pp.  117  ff,  24  Cureau,  loc.  cit.,  p.  348. 


PEIMITIVE  AGEICULTURAL  RACES  181 

damage  appears  to  follow.1     Du  Chaillu  describes  what  he  calls 
'  blood  feuds  '  in  the  Shekiani  tribe  ;  '  frequently  a  dozen  villages 
are  involved,  ...  the  killing  and  robbing  goes  on  for  months  and 
even  for  years  '.2    Again,  *  when  war  has  rarely  broken  out  in 
the  country  [of  the  Bakalai]  there  is  no  rest  or  safety.    No  man 
or  woman  in  any  village  can  take  a  step  in  any  direction,  day  or 
night,  without  fear  of  death.  ...  At  last  whole  districts  are  de- 
populated ;    those  who  are  not  killed  desert  their  villages.'  3 
Burrows,  describing  the  tribes  of  the  Upper  Welle  district,  says 
that  they  all  live  '  in  a  perpetual  state  of  internecine  warfare  '.4 
War  and  human  sacrifice  have  a  perceptible  effect  upon  the 
numbers    of    the    Banyala ; 5    fighting  is  frequent  among  the 
Bambala,  but  is  not  very  sanguinary.6    Of  the  Bahuana  we  hear 
that '  wars  are  frequent,  and  in  some  cases  last  for  years  ',7  of  the 
Bayaka  that,  though  '  frequent ',  wars  '  do  not  seem  to  have 
any  appreciable  effect  upon  the  population  '.8    The  Baganda  are 
a  warlike  people,  and  fighting  occurs  yearly  with  the  neighbour- 
ing tribes.    Though  a  regular  cause  of  the  loss  of  life,  such  wars 
are  not  so  serious  as  the  intermittent  civil  wars  *  which  also 
broke  out  from  time  to  time  in  Uganda  between  rival  princes 
who  laid  claim  to  the  throne.    These  latter  wars  were  by  far  the 
most  disastrous  that  could  happen  to  the  country ;   and  during 
the  few  weeks  they  lasted,  untold  damage  was  done  and  a  great 
loss  of  life  took  place.' 9    In  this  district  the  presence  of  the  Masai 
tribe  was  a  continuous  source  of  murderous  war.10    Among  the 
Akanda  '  no  warriors  but  those  who  had  killed  a  Masai  were 
supposed  to  be  able  to  marry  ' ;  u  between  the  Akikuyu  and  the 
Masai  perpetual  war  was  waged.12    Of  the  tribes  of  the  Baririgo 
district  it  is  said  that  they  are  all  good  fighters,  and  that  war  is 
a  sanguinary  affair.13     The  pastoral  Bahima  are,  on  the  other 
hand,  a  peaceable  people.14    '  It  is  doubtful  whether  (in  Central 
Africa)  "great  loss  of  life  occurs  in  any  of  the  wars  among  the 
natives.'15     In  South  Africa  the  military  qualities  of  the  Zulus 

1  Weeks,  Congo  Cannibals,  p.  222.  2  Du  Chaillu,  loc.  cit.,  p.  161.         3  Ibid., 

p.  386.  «  Burrows,  loc.  cit.,  p.  38.    For  the  Azanda  and  Abandi.a  see  Hute- 

reau,  loc.  cit.,  p.  36  and  p.  44.  5  Coquilhat,  Haul  Congo,  p.  287  ;   Overbergh 

and  Jonghe,  loc.  cit.,  No.  1,  p.  413.  6  Torday,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  97  ff.  ;   Torday 

and  Joyce,   J.  A.  /.,   vol.   xxxv,  p.   416.  7  Torday  and  Joyce,  J.  A.  I., 

vol.  xxxvi,  p.  289.  8  Ibid.,  vol.  xxxv,  p.  49.  9  Roscoe,  Baganda,  p.  346. 

10  Hollis,   Masai,  passim.  u  Hobley,   Akamba,   p.   45.     See   also  Dundas, 

J.  A.  L,  vol.  xliii,  p.  605.         12  Routledge,  Prehistoric  People,  p.  13.         13  Dundas, 
J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xl,  p.  51.  14  Roscoe,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xxxvii,  p.  108.  18  John- 

ston, British  Central  Africa,  p.  470. 


182  PKIMITIVE  AGEICULTUEAL  EACES 

are  well  known  ;  all  through  this  region  in  former  days  warfare 
was  regularly  waged,  and  was  a  constant  source  of  elimination.1 
Of  the  Hottentots  we  hear  that  the  tribes  '  were  constantly  at 
war  with  each  other  ' ; 2  from  another  account  it  would  seem 
that  the  fighting  was  neither  very  prolonged  nor  sanguinary.3 

22.  Belief  in  witchcraft  as  the  cause  of  death  is  common 
throughout  Africa  ;  furthermore  as  a  result  of  this  belief  the 
supposed  offender  is  often  slain.  There  seems  to  be  no  doubt 
that  among  many  tribes  this  factor  of  elimination  is  of  some 
importance.  Speaking  of  Kalabar,  Hutchinson  says :  *  They 
cannot  believe,  or  at  least  they  will  not  try  to  understand,  how 
natural  causes  create  diseases,  but  attribute  them  and  subsequent 
death  to  "  ifod  "  or  witchcraft.  Hence  a  plan  is  adopted  to  find 
out  the  perpetrator  by  fixing  on  a  number  of  persons,  and  com- 
pelling them  as  the  alternative  of  the  Egbo  law  of  decapitation, 
to  take  a  quantity  of  a  poisonous  nut,  which  is  supposed  to  be 
innocuous  if  the  accused  be  innocent,  and  to  be  fatal  if  guilty.'  4 
Even  among  the  relatively  advanced  Baganda,  '  death  from 
natural  causes  rarely  presented  itself  to  the  native  mind  as 
a  feasible  explanation  for  the  end  of  life  ;  illness  was  much  more 
likely  to  be  the  result  of  malice  finding  vent  in  magical  art  '.5 
Torday  mentions  the  Bayaka  as  an  exception  to  the  general  rule 
in  that  they  accept  illness  as  a  cause  of  death,  though  '« trials  for 
witchcraft  are  not  unknown  '.6  Though  the  belief  is  widespread 
that  the  cause  of  death  is  to  be  sought  in  magic,  the  amount  of 
elimination  varies  considerably  from  place  to  place.  Formerly  in 
British  Central  Africa  '  it  was  so  general  that  deaths  due  to  it 
were  in  the  larger  villages  matters  of  daily  occurrence  '.7  Among 
the  South  African  tribes  '  the  number  of  persons  who  perished 
on  charges  of  dealing  with  witchcraft  was  very  great  *.8  In  West 
Africa  it  was  undoubtedly  common.9  For  the  Congo  district, 
Burrows10  and  Du  Chaillu,11  for  Central  Africa,  Werner12  and 
Macdonald,13  for  South  Africa,  Junod,14  and  for  Madagascar, 
Parker,15  bring  similar  evidence.  Speaking  of  the  Congo  region, 

1  Theal,  Yellow-  and  Dark-Skinned  People,  p.  344.  2  Same  author,  History, 

vol.  i,  p.  38.  8  Kolben,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  282.  4  Hutchinson,  Western 

Africa,  p.  150.  See  also  same  author's  Ten  Years'  Wanderings,  p.  54.  6  Roscoe, 

Baganda, -p.    98.  6  Torday,    loc.    cit.,    p.    137.  7  Maugham,    British 

Central  Africa,  p.  276.  8  Theal.  Yellow-  and  Dark-Skinned  People,  p.  205. 

•  Wilson,  Western  Africa,  pp.  115  and  179;  Beecham,  loc.  cit.,  p.  227. 
w  Burrows,  loc.  cit,,  p.  43.  »  Du  Chaillu,  loc.  cit.,  p.  271.  12  Werner, 

Native  Races,  p.  168.  13  Macdonald,  loc.  cit.,  p.  106.  u  Junod,  South 

African  Tribe,  vol.  i,  p.  417.  16  Parker,  G.  W.,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xii,  p.  478. 


PKIMITIVE  AGBICULTUBAL  BACES  183 

Weeks  says  that  three  forms  of  death  are  recognized  ;  (1)  by  act 
of  God  ;  (2)  by  another's  witchcraft ;  (3)  by  one's  own  witch- 
craft. Thus  to  die  by  the  swamping  of  a  canoe  is  a  case  of  the 
first,  to  die  by  being  swamped  and  eaten  by  a  crocodile  is  an 
example  of  the  becond,  because  '  no  crocodile  will  upset  a  canoe 
unless  told  to  do  so  by  a  witch  '.  Deaths  from  the  second  cause 
and  executions  following  upon  them  appear  to  be  frequent.1 

23.  With  respect  to  disease  the  African  races  are  in  a  somewhat 
different  position  when  compared  with  the  other  races  of  this 
group.    Owing  to  the  fact  that  they  have  never  been  wholly  cut 
off  from  Eur- Asiatic  civilization,  some  diseases  have  penetrated 
among  them  which  are  not  found,  for  instance,  among  the  American 
agricultural  races  who  were  cut  off  from  the  rest  of  mankind  long 
before  the  origin  of  the  third  period.    It  is  a  very  difficult  matter 
to  decide  what  diseases  are  African  in  origin  and  what  diseases 
have  found  their  way  into  Africa  from  the  north.    It  is  possible 
that  sleeping  sickness  and  black- water  fever  are  African  in  origin. 
It  is  certain,  however,  that  most  of  the  diseases  which  cause 
a  large  amount  of  elimination  among  the  African  races  at  the 
present  time  have  been  imported  from  Asia.     Among  the  latter 
are  dengue    fever,  small-pox,  bubonic  plague,  cholera,  Asiatic 
relapsing  fever,  dysentery,  typhus,  and  syphilis.2     Nevertheless 
in  spite  of  the  fact  that  disease  is  of  more  importance  in  Africa 
than  in  America,  there  is  a  considerable  amount  of  evidence  to 
the  effect  that  upon  the  whole  before  the  advent  of  the  white 
man  the  African  races  were  healthy  and  long-lived.    Thus  Theal 
says  that  the  Bantu  races  of  South  Africa  were  formerly  '  subject 
to  few  diseases  ',3  and  Boscoe,  that  the  Baganda  '  were  happy 
and  healthy  before  the  introduction  of  European  civilization  '.4 
In  earlier  days  the  Basuto  were  remarkable  for  their  healthiness  ;  5 
they  lived  to  a  great  age.    We  are  also  told  that  the  Hottentots 
suffered  from  few  diseases.6 

24.  We  find  many  records  of  a  high  death-rate  among  children. 
Undoubtedly  this  is  largely  due  nowadays  to  diseases  that  have 
been  introduced  into  Africa  within  the  last  few  hundred  years. 
The  evidence  seems  to  show,  however,  that,  when  we  discount 

1  Weeks,  Congo  Cannibals,  p.  341.  2  On  this  subject  see  Davidson, 

Geographical  Pathology ;  Clemow,  Geography  of  Disease ;  Hirsch,  Geographical 
ind  Historical  Pathology;  and  Johnston,  Negro  in  the  New  World,  pp.  15  ff. 
8  Theal,  Yellow-  and  Dark-Skinned  People,  p.  174.  *  Roscoe,  Baganda,  p.  174. 

8  Ellenberger,  Basuto,  p.  295.  6  Barrow,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  109. 


184  PEIMITIVE  AGRICULTURAL  RACES 

this  factor,  child  mortality  is  still  high,  and  is  due  to  ignorance 
and  want  of  care  on  the  part  of  the  mother.  Both  Harris  l  and 
Talbot,2  speaking  of  West  Africa,  remark  upon  the  high  rate  of 
infant  mortality,  and  connect  it  with  want  of  care.  '  As  soon  as 
an  infant  is  able  to  walk,  it  is  permitted  to  run  about  with  great 
freedom,'  says  Mungo  Park.3  According  to  Du  Chaillu,  '  they 
know  nothing  scarcely  of  the  care  of  children,  and  lose  a  great 
proportion  through  mistake  in  treatment  in  infancy  '.4  In  the 
Congo  region,  *  that  a  great  portion  of  the  children  die — once  they 
are  born — is  evident  from  the  Baptist  Mission  records,  extending 
over  more  than  twenty  years.  This  is  chiefly  due  to  unsuitable, 
indigestable,  or  insufficient  food.  Grenfell  has  some  notes  on  the 
preposterous  attempts  to  feed  infants  a  few  weeks  old  with 
manioc  paste.' 5  Among  the  Mangbetu  many  children  die,  *  as 
they  are  left  to  look  after  themselves  at  about  two  or  three  years 
of  age  '.6  Weeks  7  and  van  Overbergh  8  also  record  high  infant 
mortality  for  other  tribes  of  this  region.  It  is  interesting  to  observe 
that  Delhaise,  speaking  of  the'  Warega — an  isolated  and  primitive 
people — says  that  disease  is  rare  among  the  children,  though  the 
death-rate  is  high.9  According  to  Gutmann,  many  children  die 
in  infancy  among  the  Wadschagga,  owing  to  the  very  unsuit- 
able methods  of  feeding.  A  mother  takes  food  from  her  mouth 
and  presses  it  into  that  of  her  child.10  Similarly  a  high  infant 
death-rate  and  want  of  care  is  recorded  of  the  Zulus,11  Basutos,12 
and  Kaffir  13  races  generally. 

Oceania 

25.  Intercourse  before  the  age  of  puberty  is  not  very  common 
among  the  races  of  Oceania.  In  New  Zealand,  however,  it  was 
frequent.  '  It  often  happened  that  a  girl  would  have  intercourse 
with  a  youth  before  she  arrived  at  puberty.  At  times  marriage 
took  place  and  was  consummated  at  this  early  age.'14  This  state 
of  things  is  confirmed  by  several  other  authors.15  Dumas  says  it 

1  Harris,  loc.  cit.,  p.  68.  *  Talbot,  loc.  cit.,  p.  12.  3  Mungo  Park,  loc. 

cit.,  p.  403.  4  Du  Chaillu,  loc.  cit.,  p.  163.  6  Johnston,  George  Grenfell 

and  the  Congo,  vol.  ii,  p.  672.  6  Van  Overbergh,  loc.  cit.,  No.  4,  p.  297. 

7  Weeks,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxix,  p.  418.  8  Van  Overbergh,  loc.  cit.,  No.  3,  p.  244. 

9  Delhaise,  loc.  cit.,  p.  157.  10  Gutmann,  loc.  cit.,  p.  3.  "  Leslie,  Zulus 

and  Amatongas,  p.  198.  12  Casalis,  Basutos,  p.  193.  »  Holden,  loc. 

cit.,  p.  172.  14  Best,  Man,  vol.  xiv,  p.  32.  "  Dieffenbach,  Travels, 

vol.  ii,  p.  16  ;  Angas,  Australia  and  New  Zealand,  vol.  i,  p.  314  ;  Tuke,  Edinburgh 
Medical  Journal,  vol.  ix,  part  1,  p.  224 ;  Tregear,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xix,  p.  101. 


PEIMITIVE  AGBICULTUEAL  EACES  185 

formerly  occurred  in  Hawaii,1  and  from  an  account  given  by 
Kubary  it  seems  to  have  been  practised  in  the  Pelew  Islands.2 
Although  Brainne  does  not  actually  say  so,  his  account  seems 
clearly  to  indicate  that  intercourse  occurs  before  puberty  in  New 
Caledonia,3  and  the  same  may  be  deduced  from  Codrington's 
account  of  Banks's  Island4  and  from  Danks's  description  of  the 
marriage  customs  of  the  New  Britain  group.5  Krieger  mentions 
pre-puberty  intercourse  in  British  New  Guinea,6  while  Murray 
says  that  among  the-  Baru  and  other  tribes  girls  are  married 
when  between  seven  and  ten  years  old,  adding  that  marriage  is 
consummated  immediately.7  According  to  Seligman  among  the 
Sinaugolo  '  connection  often  takes  place  before  menstruation  is 
established  '.8  The  same  is  reported  as  occurring  among  the 
Javanese 9  and  very  occasionally  among  the  Topebatos  of 
Celebes.10 

26.  The  average  length  of  the  suckling  period  would  seem  to  be 
at  least  two  years  and  is  probably  longer.    A  few  facts  may  be 
given.     In  Samoa  it  lasts  two  years,11  in  the  Solomon  Islands 
two  years  or  more,12  in  New  Caledonia  more  than  three  years,13 
in  Fiji  two  or  three  years,14  in  the  Bismarck  Archipelago  often 
up  to  three  years,15  in  what  was  German  New  Guinea  about 
three  years,16  in  Sarawak  three  to  five  years,17  among  the  Bontoc 
Igorot  slightly  less  than  two  years,18  and  among  the  Ainu  four 
or  five  years.19 

27.  Of  postponement  of  marriage  among  girls  there  is  again 
practically  no  evidence.    In  the  Society  Islands  girls  were  married 
when  between  twelve  and  sixteen  years  of  age.20    In  the  Western 
Islands  of  the  Torres  Straits  girls  marry  a  few  years  younger  than 
the  men,  of  whom  the  age  of  marriage  is  given  as  between  twenty 
and  twenty -five.21  Very  occasionally,  as  in  the  above  cases,  there 
would  seem  to  be  some  insignificant  postponement  of  marriage. 

1  Dumas,  Collection  des  Theses,  p.  18.  2  Kubary,  Journal  dzs  Museum  Godeffroy, 
vol.  i,  p.  53.  See  also  same  author,  Ethnographische  Beitrdge,  p.  148.  3  Brainne, 
Nouvelle-Caledonie,  p.  250.  '  Codrington,  Melanesians,  p.  235.  5  Danks, 

J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xviii,  p.  288.  6  Krieger,  Neu-Guinea,  p.  297.  7  Murray,  Papua, 
p.  195.  8  Seligman,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xxxii,  p.  302.  9  Epp,  Holldndisch-Ostindien, 
p.  393.  10  Kreutz,  Zeit.  Soc.  Wiss.,  vol.  ii,  p.  201.  u  Pritchard,  Polynesian 

Reminiscences,  p.  141.  12  Ribbe,  Zwei  Jahre,  p.  144.  13  Bernard,  Nouvelle- 
Caledonie,  p.  288.  See  also  Glaumont,  Rev.  d'Eth.,  vol.  vii,  p.  80 ;  Lortsch,  Globus, 
1885,  p.  107  ;  and  Moncelon,  Bull.  Soc.  Anth.,  vol.  ix,  p.  361.  14  Thomson, 
Fijians,p.  176.  15  Thurmwald,  Forschungen,  p.  123.  16  Hagen,  Unter  den 

Papuas,  p.  233.  l7  Ling  Roth,  Sarawak,  p.  100.  18  Jenks,  Ethnological  Survey 
Publications,  vol.  i,  p.  61.  19  Hitchcock,  A.  R.  B.  E.,  1890,  p.  465.  20  Moeren- 
haut,  Voyages,  p.  62.  21  Cambridge  Anthropological  Expedition,  vol.  v,  p.  247. 


186  PEIMITIVE  AGKICULTURAL  EACES 

In  general,  however,  it  is  clear  that  practically  all  women  are 
married  from  the  beginning  of  and  throughout  the  mature  period. 

28.  The  important  taboo  upon  sexual  intercourse  for  a  period 
after  child-birth  is  common.     The  Maori  cease  to  cohabit  *  after 
childbirth  till  the  child  is  weaned  '.l    '  Throughout  the  Western 
Islands  (of  the  Torres  Straits)  cohabitation  ceases  early  in  preg- 
nancy and  is  not  resumed  for  some  time,  the  baby  sleeping 
between  the  husband  and  wife.     This  restriction  is  in  force  in 
Maburag   until   the   child   spontaneously   endeavours   to   move 
about.    As  a  matter  of  fact  another  child  is  seldom  born  until 
the  previous  one  is  some  three  or  four  years  old.' 2    In  Savage 
Island   '  the  child  was  usually  suckled  about  twelve  months, 
during  which  period  there  was  strict  sexual  abstention  between 
the  parents  '.3    According  to  Kubary  the  prohibited  period  lasted 
ten  months  in  the  Pelew  Islands,4  and  according  to  Kramer,  six 
months  in  Samoa.6     A  married  woman  among  the  Sinaugola  *  is 
supposed  to  forego  cohabitation  during  the  period  of  suckling  '.6 
In  the  neighbourhood  of  Finschafen  in  New  Guinea,  intercourse 
is  not  resumed  until  the  child  can  walk  and  speak.7    With  regard 
to  the  Solomon  Islands,  Eibbe  speaks  of  a  *  long  period  '  of 
prohibition  ;  8  with  reference  to  New  Caledonia,  Glaumont  speaks 
of  several  months  9  and  another  observer  of  a  considerable  time 
in  this  connexion.10    *  After  the  birth  of  a  child  (in  the  Bismarck 
Archipelago)  the  husband  was  not  supposed  to  cohabit  with  his 
wife  until  the  child  could  walk.'  n     '  During  the  whole  of  this 
time  [two  or  three  years],  unless  he  had  more  than  one  wife, 
a  Fijian  was  obliged  to  lead  a  life  of  celibacy.' 12   The  same  author 
says  that  '  in  Tonga  and  the  Gilbert  Islands  the  separation  is 
rigidly  enforced  '.13     Another  account  places  the  length  of  the 
period  of  separation  in  Fiji  at  three  or  '  even  four  years  '.14 

29.  Here,  as  elsewhere,  we  find  numerous  references  to  practices 
intended  to  render  conception  impossible.    A  good  example  is 
found  in  Seligman's  account  of  the  Sinaugolo.    '  There  is  generally 
a  woman  in  the  village  or  one  of  the  surrounding  villages  who  is 

1  Tregear,  loc.  cit.,  p.  103.  2  Cambridge  Anthropological  Expedition,  vol.  v, 

p.  199.  3  Thomson,  Savage  Island,  p.  141.  4  Kubary,  Journal  des 

Museum  Godzffroy,  vol.  i,  p.  54.  6  Kramer,  Samoa-Inseln,  vol.  i,  p.  38. 

•  Seligman,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxii,  p.  302.     See  also  Seligman,  Melanesians,  p.  86. 
7  Schellong,  Zeit.  fur  Eth.y  vol.  xxviii,  p.  19.  8  Ribbe,  loc.  cit.,  p.  144. 

9  Glaumont,  loc.  cit.,  p.  80.          10  Lambert,  Neo~Caledoniens,  p.  104.          "  Brown, 
Melanesians,  p.  37.  "  Thomson,  Fijians,  p.  176.  13  Ibid.,  p.  178. 

14  Seeman,  Viti,  p.  191. 


PRIMITIVE  AGRICULTURAL  RACES  187 

supposed  to  be  gifted  with  a  power  inherited  from  her  mother 
of  causing  women  to  become  "  hageabani  ",  literally  incapable 
of  having  more  children.  Suppose  that  a  woman  considers  that 
she  has  had  enough  children,  she  will  by  stealth  seize  an  oppor- 
tunity of  consulting  such  a  woman  and  will  pay  for  services. 
The  woman  gifted  with  the  power  sits  down  behind  and  as  close 
as  possible  to  her  patient,  over  whose  abdomen  she  makes  passes 
while  muttering  incomprehensible  charms.  At  the  same  time 
herbs  or  roots  are  burnt,  the  smoke  of  which  the  patient  inhales.' l 
Such  practices  are  obviously  purely  magical,  and  are  quite 
ineffective.  There  are  many  definite  statements  with  regard  to 
particular  races  that  no  effective  practices  are  known.  In  a  few 
cases  it  is  asserted  that  conception  can  be  and  is  prevented. 
Krieger,  for  instance,  says  that  in  what  was  German  New  Guinea 
methods  of  preventing  conception  are  known.2  Pfeil  gives 
a  circumstantial  account  of  a  method  said  to  be  employed  in 
New  Ireland.3  It  seems  clear,  nevertheless,  that  the  prevention 
of  conception  can  be  of  but  little  importance  in  this  region. 

30.  There  is  the  same  remarkable  unanimity  of  evidence  with 
regard  to  the  small  average  size  of  families  in  Oceania  as  else- 
where. In  New  Zealand  '  families  are  usually  small  in  number  '.4 
According  to  Dieffenbach,  'families  are  not  large ;  there  are  rarely 
more  than  two  or  three  children  ',5  while  Brown  says  '  they  have 
very  few  children.  Large  families  are  never  seen  among  them ; 
perhaps  two  would  be  a  high  average  compared  with  the  number 
of  marriages/  6  There  are  rarely  more  than  three  children  in 
a  family  in  the  Western  Islands  of  the  Torres  Straits ; 7  in  the 
Eastern  Islands  the  number  varies  from  two  to  six,  leaving  child- 
less marriages  out  of  account.8  In  the  Sandwich  Islands  the 
average  is  said  to  be  three.9  *  There  were  few  instances  of  large 
families  '  in  Samoa ;  '  four  or  five  would  be  the  average.' 10  Three 
is  said  to  be  the  average  among  the  Aru  Islanders,11  while  in  the 
Pelew  Islands  marriages  are  reported  to  be  often  childless.12  '  I 
have  never  known ',  says  Melville  of  the  Marquesas,  '  of  more 
than  two  youngsters  living  together  in  the  same  home,  and  but 

1  Seligman,  J.A.I.,  vol.  xxxii,  p.  303.  2  Krieger,  N en-Guinea,  p.  165. 

8  Pfeil,  Studien  und  Beobachtungen,  p.   31.  «  Angas,  loc.   cit.,  p.   314. 

5  Dieffenbach,  loc.  cit.,  p.  33.  •  Brown,  New  Zealand,  p.  40.  7  Haddon, 

J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xix,  p.  359.  8  Cambridge  Anthropological  Expedition,  vol.  iii, 

p.  108.  »  Kramer,  Die  Samoa- fnseln,  p.  335.  10  Turner,  Samoa, 

p.  83.  "  Ribbe,  loc.  cit.,  p.  194.  12  Kubary,  Journal  des  Museum 

Godeffroy,  vol.  i,  p.  54. 


188  PRIMITIVE  AGRICULTURAL  RACES 

seldom  even  that  number/ 1  Tautain,  who  collected  some 
figures  for  these  islands,  found  the  birth-rate  to  be  very  low.2  In 
the  Kingsmill  Islands  '  a  woman  seldom  has  more  than  two 
children,  and  never  more  than  three  *.3  Dr.  Seligman  is  under 
the  impression  that '  childless  marriages  are  not  very  uncommon  ' 
among  the  Koitu  and  Motu  of  New  Guinea  ; 4  and  Stone  says  of 
the  latter  that  *  as  a  rule  their  progeny  is  not  numerous  '.5 
Krieger  remarks  upon  the  small  families  in  New  Guinea,  attribut- 
ing the  fact  to  abortion  and  infanticide.6  In  the  Bismarck 
Archipelago  '  families  as  a  rule  are  not  very  large.  ...  A  large 
number  of  the  women  have  no  children.' 7  Three  is  the  average 
number  in  New  Ireland  ;  a  family  of  four  or  five  is  considered 
large.8  In  New  Caledonia  there  are  seldom  more  than  three  in 
a  family.9  Fijian  women  are  not  prolific.10  Ling  Roth,  survey- 
ing the  literature  of  Sarawak,  notes  that  the  small  size  of  the 
families  has  often  been  remarked  upon,  and  quotes  the  statements 
of  Houghton  and  Whitehead.11  According  to  the  former,  *  in 
general  there  are  more  than  two  children  in  a  family  ;  on  an 
average  three  or  four,  very  seldom  only  one  child  '.  '  The  families 
of  the  natives  ',  says  Whitehead,  '  are  very  small ;  in  one  or  two 
instances  I  have  known  them  to  contain  eight  or  more  by  one 
mother,  but  many  women  have  only  three  or  four,  most  one  or 
two  children ;  and  it  is  by  no  means  uncommon  to  find  them 
childless.'  Brooke  estimated  '  four  or  five  births  to  every  married 
woman  *.12  Wallace  was  impressed  by  the  same  fact,  and  took 
some  pains  to  investigate  the  matter.  '  From  inquiries  at  almost 
every  Dyak  tribe  I  visited,  I  ascertained  that  the  women  had 
rarely  more  than  three  or  four  children,  and  an  old  chief  assured 
me  that  he  had  never  known  a  woman  have  more  than  seven.' 13 
So,  too,  according  to  Bock,  *  a  Dyak  family  seldom  consists  of 
more  than  three  or  four  children  \14  Hagen  estimates  four  children 
born  per  fertile  married  woman  as  the  average  among  the  Orang 
Kubu  of  Sumatra  ; 15  while  Marsden,  writing  in  the  eighteenth 

1  Melville,  Narrative,  p.  213.  2  Tautain,  V  Anthropologie,  vol.  ix,  p.  418. 

3  Jenkins,  Voyage,  p.  404.  *  Seligman,  Melanesians,  p.  80.  5  Stone, 

New  Guinea,  p.  93.  6  Krieger,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  165,  293,  and  390.     Neuhaus 

confirms  this  (Deutsch  Neu*Guinea,  vol.  i,  p.  150).  7  Brown,  Melanesians, 

p.  37.  8  Pfeil,  loc.  cit.,  p.  32.    See  also  Stephan  and  Graebner,  Neu- 

Mecklenberg,  p.  16.  •  Lortsch,  loc.  cit.,  p.  107;   De  Vaux,  'Les  Canaques', 

Rev.  d'Eth,  vol.  ii,  p.  330.  10  Blyth,  Glasgow  Medical  Journal,  vol.  xxviii, 

p.  178.  u  Ling  Roth,  Sarawak,  vol.  i,  p.  106.  "  Brooke,  Sarawak, 

vol.  ii,  p.  335.  »  Wallace,  Malay  Archipelego,  vol.  i,  p.  141.  "  Bock, 

Head  Hunters,  p.  211.  15  Hagen,  Unter  den  Papuas,  p.  27. 


PKIMITIVE  AGEICULTUEAL  RACES  189 

century,  was  struck  by  the  small  average  fertility  ;  '  women  are 
by  nature  unprolific  '  in  Sumatra,  was  his  opinion.1  Two  or  three 
is  the  average  in  Nias  ;  2  '  the  average  number  of  persons  in  one 
family  in  Java,  where  it  is  perhaps  as  large,  if  not  larger  than 
elsewhere,  is  estimated  at  only  four  or  four  and  a  half  '.3  Kreutz 
has  compiled  some  figures  for  Celebes.  He  makes  two  and  a  half 
children  to  be  the  average  per  married  woman  among  the  Tolage 
and  four  among  the  Topebatos.4  The  Ainus  *  are  not  at  all 
prolific  '  ; 5  while  according  to  another  author,  '  not  many 
children  are  born,  usually  three  or  four  '.6 

31.  Abortion  and  infanticide  are  common,  and  there  are  many 
places  where  both  practices  are  employed.  Abortion  is  often 
spoken  of  among  the  Maoris  ;  it  would  appear  to  be  fairly  common.7 
In  the  Murray  Islands  of  the  Torres  Straits  '  abortion  was  very 
common ' ; 8  and  in  the  Western  Islands  it  is  very  frequent 
according  to  Haddon,9  and  similar  facts  are  recorded  of  the 
Eastern  Islands.10  Abortion  was  known  in  Hawaii ;  u  in  the 
Kingsmill  or  Gilbert  Islands  it  was  extremely  prevalent,12  and 
also  in  Samoa.13  It  was  practised  at  times  in  Eotuma14  and  in 
Savage  Island.15  Abortion  seems  to  be  fairly  common  in  Fiji.16  It 
is  said  to  be  '  fairly  frequent '  in  the  New  Hebrides  ; 17  according 
to  Jamieson,  '  a  certain  proportion  of  women  die  in  endeavouring 
to  procure  abortion  ',18  There  is  very  similar  evidence  from  New 
Caledonia  19  and  the  Solomon  Islands  ;  it  was  probably  more 
prevalent  in  the  latter  than  in  the  former,  especially  among  the 
south-eastern  islands  of  the  group.20  In  the  Bismarck  Archipelago 
it  is  reported  to  be  frequently  practised,21  and  so  also  in  the  Aru 

1  Marsden,  History  of  Sumatra,  p.  219.  2  Modigliani,  Viaggio,  p.  554. 

3  Bickman,  Travels,  p.  278.  4  Kreutz,  loc.  cit.,  p.  40.  8  Batchelor, 


Ainu,  p.  19.  6  Hitchcock,  loc..  cit.,  p.  465.  7  Dieffenbach,  loc.  cit., 

N.  Z.  Inst.,  vol.  xxxvii,  p. 
loc.  cit.,  p.  735.  8  Hunt,  J.A.I.,  vol.  xxviii,  p.  9.  9  Haddon,  J.  A.  I., 


vol.  ii,  p.  12;    Goldie,  Tram,  and  Proc.  N.  Z.  Inst.,  vol.  xxxvii,  p.  110;   Tuke, 


vol.  xix,  p.  359.  10  Cambridge  Anthropological  Expedition,  vol.  vi,  p.  197. 

11  Dumas,  loc.  cit.,  p.  18.  12  Jenkins,  loc.  cit.,  p.  404 ;  Kramer,  loc.  cit., 

p.  335  ;  Thomson,  Fijian*,  p.  211.  13  Kramer,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  53  ;  Turner, 

Samoa,  p.  79.  14  Gardiner,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xxvii,  p.  480.  1S  Thomson, 

Savage  Island,  p.  141. 

w  Pritchard,  Polynesian  Reminiscences,  p.  423  ;  Waterhouse,  King  and  People  of 
Fiji,  p.  327  ;  Thomson  (Fijians,  p.  180)  thinks  that  it  has  been  introduced  lately. 
On  the  other  hand  Blyth  says  that  it  was  formerly  more  prevalent  than  it  is  now 
(loc.  cit.,  p.  181). 

17  Hagen  and  Pineau,  Rev.  d'Eth.,  vol.  vii,  p.  332.  "  Jamieson,  Aust. 

Med.  Journ.,  new  series,  vol.  vii,  p.  53.  19  Bernard,  Nouvelle-Caledonie, 

p.  288 ;  Rochas,  Nouvelle-Caledonie,  p.  200.  20  Codrington,  Melanesians, 


190  PEIMITIVE  AGEICULTURAL  RACES 

Islands l  and  the  island  of  Flores.2  Similar  evidence  comes 
from  all  parts  of  New  Guinea.3  It  is  specially  mentioned  for  the 
Gulf  of  Geelink,4  among  the  Baru  tribe,5  near  Dorej,6  among 
the  Mafulu  people,7  among  the  Koitu  and  the  Motu,8  and  the 
Southern  Massim.9  It  is  also  practised  in  Nias,10  Central  Celebes,11 
among  the  Bontoc  Igorot,12  and  in  the  Mitchell  group.13 

82.  Infanticide  was  very  prevalent  in  New  Zealand — far  more 
so  than  abortion.  '  Infanticide  is  frequent  among  the  New 
Zealanders  ' ; 14  according  to  another  observer  '  it  was  formerly 
very  common  ' ; 15  or  again,  '  it  was  formerly  very  prevalent  '.16 
We  hear  of  the  '  wholesale  destruction  of  human  life  through 
infanticide  *.17  There  is  evidence  that  girls  were  more  often 
killed  than  boys.18  Infanticide  occurred  in  the  Western  Islands 
of  the  Torres  Straits  ; 19  among  the  Eastern  Islanders  '  after 
a  certain  number  had  been  born,  all  succeeding  children  were 
destroyed  '.20  In  the  Gilbert  Islands  it  is  very  prevalent ;  21  in 
Samoa  and  Tonga,22  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  either  absent  M  or 
very  rare.24  It  appears  to  have  been  fairly  common  in  Savage 
Island,25  in  Tikopia  (Barwell  Islands),26  and  in  Nissau.27  *  In- 
fanticide was  committed  on  a  large  scale  '  in  Rarotonga  28  and 
in  Funafuti,29  but  it  probably  reached  its  greatest  extent  in 
Tahiti.  The  famous  secret  society  known  as  the  Areoi  is  said  to 
have  enjoined  the  killing  of  all  children  upon  its  members.  In 
any  case  it  was  very  prevalent  in  the  island,  and  not  confined  to 
the  Areoi.30  *  The  first  missionaries  have  published  it  as  their 
opinion  that  not  less  than  two-thirds  of  the  children  were  murdered 
by  their  own  parents.'31  Infanticide  was  not  known  in  the 

1  Ribbe,  loc.   cit.,  p.   194.  a  Riedel,  Rev.   Col.  Inter.,  vol.  ii,  p.   71. 

*  Krieger,  loc.  cit.,  p.  165  (German  New  Guinea),  p.  292  (British  New  Guinea), 
and  p.  390  (Dutch  New  Guinea).  «  Ibid.,  p.  392.  5  Murray,  Papua, 

p.    194.  •  Rosenberg,    Malayische    Archipel,    p.    454.  7  Williamson, 

Mafulu  People,   p.    176.  •  Seligman,   Melanesia™,  p.    135.  9  Ibid., 

p.  568.  10  Modigliani,  loc.  cit.,  p.  554.  "  Kreutz,  loc.  cit.,  p.  201. 

"  Jenks,  loc.  cit.,  p.  60.  1S  Turner,  Samoa,  p.  280.          u  Angas,  Australia 

and  New  Zealand,  vol.  i,  p.   312.  1S  Taylor,   Te  Ika  a  Maui,  p.   338. 

16  Tuke,  loc.  cit.,  p.  221.  l7  Polack,  Manners  and  Customs,  vol.  ii,  p.  92. 

See  also  Meade,  Ride,  p.  163,  and  Dieffenbach,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  16.  "  Brown, 
New  Zealand,  p.  41 ;  Earle,  Narrative,  p.  243.  "  Haddon,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xix, 

p.  359  ;   Cambridge  Anthropological  Expedition,  vol.  vi,  p.  107.  20  Cambridge 

Anthropological  Expedition,  vol.  vi,  p.   107.  M  Tuituila,  Journ.   Pol.  Soc., 

vol.  i,  p.  267.  »a  West,  Ten  Years,  p.  270.  M  Turner,  Samoa,  p.  79 ; 

Brown,  Melanesians,  p.  47.  **  Kramer,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  53.  25  Thom- 

son,  Fijians,   p.    141.  *'  Rivers,   Melanesian   Society,   vol.   i,   p.    313. 

»7  Thurmwald,  Zeit.  fur  Eth.,  vol.  xlii,  p.  111.  38  Gill,  Coral  Islands,  vol.  ii, 

p.  13.  «•  Edgeworth  David,  Funafuti,  p.  195.  so  Lutteroth,  Insel 

Tahiti,  p.  12.  31  Ellis,  Polynesian  Researches,  vol.  i,  pp.  249  ff. ;  same  author, 

Tour  through  Hawaii,  p.  325. 


PRIMITIVE  AGRICULTURAL  RACES  191 

Caroline  Islands  l  (with  the  exception  of  Pelew).  It  was  appar- 
ently as  common  in  the  Sandwich  Islands  as  in  Tahiti.2  It  was 
also  practised  in  Fiji,  but  girls  were  destroyed  in  preference  to 
boys.3  Glaumond  states  that  it  is  *  very  common '  in  New 
Caledonia,4  and  this  is  confirmed  by  Bernard5  and  Moncelin.6 
The  last  named  mentions  that  girls  are  killed  in  preference  to 
boys.  It  is  moderately  common  in  the  New  Hebrides,  and  again 
more  girls  are  killed  than  boys  ; 7  according  to  Meinecke  it  is 
not  so  frequent  in  Tala  as  in  Fate.8  Infanticide  is  '  very  common  ' 
in  Banks's  Island,9  in  Radack,10  in  Vaitapu,11  and  in  the  Mar- 
quesas.12 It  would  not  seem  to  be  very  prevalent  in  the  Solomon 
Islands,  except  in  Ugi,  where  both  Elton 13  and  Guppy 14  report 
it  to  be  common.  Otherwise,  in  the  rest  of  the  group  it  seems  to 
be  rare,15  and  is  absent  in  San  Christoval.16  It  was  formerly 
common  in  the  Bismarck  Archipelago.17  There  is  evidence  of  the 
existence  of  the  habit  in  various  parts  of  New  Guinea  ;  according 
to  Seligman  it  is  '  common '  among  the  Southern  Massim ; 18 
among  the  Northern  Massim  it  is  practised  if  there  is  a  large 
family  of  girls.19  The  same  is  said  of  the  Mafulu  people.20  Otherwise 
it  would  seem,  generally  speaking,  that  infanticide  is  somewhat 
rare  in  New  Guinea.  Murray  suspects  its  existence  among  the 
Baru  tribe,21  and  Erdweg  among  the  inhabitants  of  Tumleo.22 
Newton  says  that  he  only  knows  one  district  in  British  New 
Guinea  where  it  is  frequently  practised.23  So,  too,  among  the 
Dyaks  it  is  decidedly  uncommon.24  Lastly,  it  may  be  noticed  that 
there  exists  '  in  some  parts  of  the  Solomons  and  New  Hebrides 
a  most  remarkable  state  of  things,  all  the  children  are  killed,  chiefly 
by  infanticide,  it  would  appear,  and  substitutes  purchased  '.25 

1  Kotzebue,  Voyage,  p.  211.  a  Ellis,  Narrative,  pp.  324  8. ;  Angas,  Poly- 

nesia, p.  144;  Dumas,  loc.  cit.,  p.  19.  The  last-named  author  says  that  it 
was  undoubtedly  more  prevalent  before  the  arrival  of  Europeans  than  later. 
8  Waterhouse,  loc.  cit.,  p.  328.  4  Glaumond,  loc.  cit.,  p.  79.  5  Bernard, 

loc.  cit.,  p.  288.  6  Moncelin,  loc.  cit.,  p.  357.  7  Somerville,  J.  A.  I., 

vol.  xxiii,  p.  4.  According  to  Paton,  '  Infanticide  is  systematically  practised ' 
(New  Hebrides,  p.  452).  •  Meinecke,  Z.  O.  E.,  vol.  ix,  p.  340.  9  Codring- 

ton,  Melanesians,  p.  229.          10  Kotzebue,  loc.  cit.,  p.  173.  "  Turner,  Samoa, 

p.  284.  "  Hale,  U.S.  Exploring  Expedition,  vol.  vi,  p.  15.  13  Elton, 

«/.  A.  I.,  vol.  xvii,  p.  93.  "  Guppy,  Solomon  Islands,  p.  42.  18  Elton, 

loc.  cit.,  p.  93  ;  Somerville,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxvi,  p.  393  ;  Parkinson,  loc.  cit.,  p.  8  ; 
Ribbe,  loc.  cit.,  p.  144.  16  Verguet,  Eev.  d'Eth.,  vol.  iv,  p.  206.  17  Brown, 

Melanesians,  p.  36  ;  Pfeil,  loc.  cit.,  p.  18.  "  Seligman,  Melanesians,  p.  568. 

»  Ibid.,  p.  705.  20  Williamson,  Mafulu  People,  p.  176.  21  Murray, 

loc.  cit.,  p.  194.  **  Erdweg,  Mittheilungender  anthropologischen  Gesellschaft  in 

Wien,  vol.  xxxii,  p.  281.  2S  Newton,  New  Guinea,  p.  189.  24  St.  John, 

Forests  of  the  Far  East,  vol.  i,  p.  48 ;  Brooke,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  337  25  Ratzel, 

loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  268  ;  Romilly,  Western  Pacific,  p.  68. 


192  PKIMITIVE  AGEICULTUKAL  KACES 

33.  Warfare  occurs  everywhere  in  Oceania  ; -1  apparently  there 
is  not  a  single  case  in  which  it  is  definitely  recorded  to  be  absent. 
In  some  islands  it  is  as  murderous  as  anywhere  in  America, 
though  on  the  whole  it  cannot  be  regarded  as  anything  like  such 
an  important  cause  of  elimination  as  in  that  Continent.  The 
Maories  were  especially  skilled  in  the  art  of  war  which  *  carries 
off  a  large  number  of  their  strongest  men,  and  has  often  proved 
so  destructive  to  a  tribe,  that  it  has  been  broken  up  entirely  and 
has  disappeared  '.2  In  the  Murray  Islands  there  is  frequent 
fighting  and  raiding  of  the  neighbouring  islands  and  coasts  ; 3 
and  the  same  is  true  of  all  the  islands  of  the  Torres  Straits,  though 
it  is  commoner  in  the  western  than  in  the  eastern  islands.4  *  A  life 
for  a  life  '  is,  we  are  told,  the  principle  underlying  warfare 
among  these  people  ; 5  in  the  Sandwich  Islands  elimination  from 
this  cause  must  have  been  very  considerable  ;  we  hear,  for 
example,  of  '  the  sanguinary  character  of  their  frequent  wars  '.6 
It  is  much  the  same  in  Tahiti ;  '  their  wars  were  merciless  and 
destructive  ' ; 7  '  occasions  of  hostility  were  also  at  times  remark- 
ably trivial,  though  not  so  their  consequences.'  8  War  seems  to 
be  equally  frequent  in  Samoa,  though  possibly  less  murderous.9 
Brown  believes  that  '  the  wars  of  the  Samoans  tended  for  a  long 
time  to  check  the  natural  increase  of  the  population  '.10  '  There 
was  never  any  difficulty  in  finding  a  reason,  if  a  fight  was  desired 
(in  Rotuma),  as  any  pretext  could  be  seized.'  u  Such  fights  were 
sometimes  followed  by  very  considerable  slaughter.12  '  War, 
either  offensive  or  defensive,  was  their  continual  delight  [in 
Rarotonga].  A  state  of  peace  was  rarely  known  to  continue 
long  between  the  tribes.  .  .  .  These  quarrels  invariably  led  to 
fighting,  in  which  the  warriors  of  each  tribe  engaged  with  the 
utmost  desperation  and  cruelty.' 13  War  was  the  favourite  occupa- 
tion of  the  Kingsmill  Islanders,14  and  in  the  Pelew  Islands  it  was 
their  '  daily  concern  '.15  Warfare  is  said  to  have  been  especially 

1  Moerenhaut,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  30,  says  that  '  Tous  ces  peuples  etaient  tres 
frequemment  en  guerre '.  2  Dieffenbach,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  16  ;    Tregear, 

J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xix,  p.  110.  8  Hunt,  loc.  cit.,  p.  10.  4  Cambridge  Anthropo- 

logical Expedition,  vol.  iv,  p.  6  ;   vol.  v,  p.  229  ;   and  vol.  vi,  p.  189.  5  Ibid., 

vol.  v,  p.  298.  8  Ellis,  Narrative,  p.  4  ;  Dumas,  loc.  cit.,  p.  19.  7  Ellis, 

Polynesian  Researches,  p.  293  ;   Lutteroth,  loc.  cit.,  p.  17.  8  Ellis,  Polynesian 

Researches,  p.  294.  •  Turner,  Samoa,  p.  189;    Pritchard,  loc.  cit.,  p.  55; 

Angas,  Polynesia,  p.  270.  10  Brown,  Melanesians,  p.  173.  u  Gardiner, 

J.  A.  /.,  vol.   xxvii,  p.  470.  12  Ibid.,  p.  474.  13  Gill,  Coral  Islands, 

vol.  ii,  p.   12.  14  Jenkins,  loc.  cit.,  p.  407.  16  Kubary,  Journal  des 

Museum  Godeffroy,  vol.  i,  p.  62  ;  Wilson,  Pelew  Islands,  p.  334. 


PRIMITIVE  AGKICULTUEAL  KACES  193 

developed  in  the  Marshall  Islands.1  According  to  Williams, 
'  Fiji  is  rarely  free  from  war  and  its  attendant  evils  ' ;  2  '  natural 
deaths  are  reduced  to  a  small  number  among  the  heathen  Fijians, 
by  the  prevalence  of  war  and  various  systems  of  murder  which 
custom  demands.'  3  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  interesting  to  note 
that  Thomson  thinks  that  the  destructive  nature  of  warfare  in 
Fiji  is  exaggerated  as  elsewhere  in  Oceania.  He  gives  the  following 
account  of  his  own  experiences  in  another  island  as  an  example 
of  what  he  found  warfare  really  to  mean.  '  As  we  travelled  along 
the  coast  we  found  that  every  village  had  its  frontier  ;  a  stream 
mouth,  or  a  sapling  stuck  upright  in  the  sand,  beyond  which 
none  would  venture.  The  natives  did  their  best  to  dissuade  us 
from  crossing  these  boundaries  by  representing  their  neighbours 
as  thirsting  for  the  blood  of  strangers.  But  on  the  other  side  of 
the  frontier  we  found  a  meek  folk,  lost  in  wonder  that  we  had 
come  through  the  last  stage  of  our  journey  unscathed,  so  cruel 
and  ferocious  were  its  inhabitants.  Every  man  lived  in  active 
terror  of  his  neighbours,  and  went  armed  to  his  plantation,  but 
this  did  not  prevent  him  from  being  a  most  skilful  and  indus- 
trious husbandman,  or  from  living  to  a  good  old  age.  The  fear 
being  mutual,  there  was  scarcely  any  war  ;  an  occasional  attack 
upon  a  woman  or  upon  an  unarmed  man  served  to  keep  the 
hereditary  feud  alive.'  4  It  may  very  well  be  that  the  murderous 
nature  of  warfare  has  often  been  exaggerated,  and  that  as  a  matter 
of  fact  the  true  state  of  affairs  often  approximates  more  closely 
to  the  picture  given  by  this  author. 

In  the  New  Hebrides  fighting  is  said  to  be  fairly  frequent ; 5  in 
New  Caledonia  it  is  certainly  common,  though  perhaps  not  very 
serious.6  So  too  in  the  Solomon  Islands  there  is  *  unceasing  war  '.7 
According  to  Komilly,  '  in  a  battle  the  victorious  party,  if  they 
can  surprise  their  enemies  sufficiently  to  admit  of  a  wholesale 
massacre,  kill  not  only  the  men,  but  also  all  the  women  and 
children  '.8  A  very  similar  general  impression  is  gained  from 
descriptions  of  New  Guinea.  '  The  Western  section  of  the 
Koita,  especially  the  Arauwa  and  the  Kokurokuna,  were  formerly 

1  Seligman,  Mdanesians,  p.  671.  »  Williams,  Fiji,  p.  43.  *  Ibid., 

p.  203.  He  calculates  the  annual  loss  as  from  1,500  to  2,000,  and  adds  that  this 
should  be  increased  in  order  to  include  widows  strangled  on  the  death  of  their 
husbands  (p.  53).  *  Thomson,  Fijians,  p.  86.  5  Hagen  and  Pineau,  loc. 

cit.,  p.  336.  •  Lambert,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  173  ff.  ;  Moncelon,  loc.  cit.,  p.  358  ; 

de  Rochas,  p.  304  ;  Brainne,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  244  ff.  7  Guppy,  loc.  cit.,  p.  33 ; 

Verguet,  loc.  cit.,  p.  215.  8  Romilly,  Western  Pacific,  p.  69. 

2498 


194  PKIMITIVE  AGKICULTUEAL  EACES 

involved  in  almost  continual  warfare  with  Kabadi ;  apart  from  this 
long  continual  struggle  the  Koita  appear  to  have  carried  on  little 
inter-tribal  fighting.  ...  A  considerable  number  of  people  fell  in 
these  encounters.' x  Other  accounts  of  New  Guinea  give  the 
impression  that,  however  frequent  the  fighting,  the  losses  were 
not  large.2  Among  the  Dyaks,  on  the  other  hand,  warfare  is  not 
only  frequent  but  also  sanguinary ; 3  women  and  children  are 
killed  at  times.4  Fighting  occurs  between  the  Ainu  clans,  and  is 
the  cause  of  much  loss  of  life.5 

84.  It  is  not  necessary  to  discuss  the  prevalence  of  feuds  in 
general,  as  they  are  not  to  be  distinguished  from  warfare.  But 
in  addition  to  the  special  case  of  murder  following  upon  natural 
death,  one  form  of  homicide  deserves  mention  as  it  is  of  con- 
siderable importance  in  this  region,  though  not  uncommon 
elsewhere — especially  in  Nigeria.  Head  hunting  is  popularly 
connected  with  Borneo,  but  it  is  also  practised  in  New  Guinea 
and  the  neighbouring  islands.  The  taking  of  a  head  is  counted 
a  proof  of  manliness  ;  in  Kiwai  Island,  Fly  River,  it  enables 
a  young  man  to  secure  a  wife  more  easily.6  Thomson  saw  thirteen 
skulls  over  the  door  of  a  house  in  an  inland  village  in  Normanby 
Island.7  Woodford  found  whole  villages  devastated  owing  to 
the  prevalence  of  this  habit.8  Speaking  of  the  New  Hebrides, 
Hickson  says  that  '  in  the  olden  times  a  fresh  human  head  was 
an  indispensable  preliminary  to  any  marriage  negotiations  '.9 
Among  the  Sea  Dyaks  (Ibans)  it  is  certainly  a  form  of  sport ; 
the  other  inhabitants  of  Borneo  are  said  only  to  practise  it  as 
a  part  of  warfare.10  It  is  not  true  to  say  that  in  Borneo  the  taking 
of  a  head  is  indispensable  for  a  youth  who  wishes  to  marry,11 
though  considerable  prestige  clearly  attaches  to  it.12  Without 
doubt  the  practice  is  responsible  for  a  large  number  of  deaths,13 
and  the  head  of  a  woman  or  child  is  equally  valuable  as  that  of 
a  man.14  The  habit  is  also  very  prevalent  among  the  Bontoc 
Igorot.  *  For  unknown  generations  these  people  have  been  fierce 

1  Seligman,  Melanesians,  p.    121.  2  Abel,  New  Guinea,  pp.    129  ff. ; 

Williamson,  Mafulu  People,  p.  180 ;  Reche,  Sudsee- Expedition,  1908-10,  p.  289. 
3  Ling  Roth,  Sarawak,  vol.  ii,  p.  117;  Hose  and  McDougall,  Pagan  Tribes, 
pp.  158  ff.  *  Ling  Roth,  Sarawak,  vol.  ii,  p.  120.  6  Batchelor,  loc.  cit., 

p.  15.  8  Chalmers,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxiii,  p.  123.  '  Thomson,  British  New 

Guinea,  p.  23.  8  Woodford,  Head  Hunters,  p.  154  ;   Guppy,  loc.  cit.,  p.  16  ; 

Romilly,  Western  Pacific,  p.  73.  •  Hickson,  New  Hebrides,  p.  275.  10  Hose 

and  McDougall,  loc.   cit.,   p.    187.  u  Ibid.,  p.   187.  "  Gomes,   Sea 

Dyaks,  p.  5.  1S  Brooke,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  121  ;  Ling  Roth,  Sarawak,  vol.  ii, 

p.  143.  "  Brooke,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  121  ;   St.  John,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  68. 


PKIMIT1VE  AGEICULTUEAL  EACES  195 

head  hunters.  Nine-tenths  of  the  men  in  the  pueblos  of  Bontoc 
and  Samoki  wear  on  the  breast  the  indelible  tatoo  emblem  which 
proclaims  them  takers  of  human  heads.'  x  Women  and  children 
over  five  years  of  age  are  killed.2 

The  failure  to  recognize  natural  death  as  such  is  as  prevalent 
in  this  region  as  in  the  others  which  we  have  surveyed.  Speaking 
of  New  Guinea,  Eomilly  says  '  in  the  native  opinion  there  is  no 
such  thing  as  a  "  natural  death  ".  If  a  man  escapes  a  violent 
death  and  dies  of  fever  or  pneumonia,  it  is  said  that  he  has  been 
bewitched  and  that  a.  devil  has  killed  him.'  3  So,  too,  von  der  Sande 
in  his  description  of  Humboldt  Bay  records  that  '  the  opinion 
is  generally  held  that  death  is  always  caused  by  the  evil  desire  of 
other  persons  ' ;  4  in  consequence  numerous  murders  follow. 

35.  With  regard  to  the  prevalence  of  disease  it  is  sufficient  to 
say  that  disease  was  certainly  less  common  than  in  Africa.  It  is 
probably  true  that  disease  was  of  as  little  importance  as  a  factor 
of  elimination  as  in  America.5 

The  evidence  with  regard  to  infant  mortality  shows  that  it  is 
again  considerable,  and  due  to  ignorance  and  want  of  care.  Speak- 
ing of  New  Guinea,  Newton  says  that '  the  rate  of  infant  mortality 
is  high,  but  it  is  often  due,  so  we  suspect,  to  the  absolute  belief 
that  a  child  must  have  some  taro  to  eat — where  taro  is  the  staple 
food — if  it  is  to  thrive.  .  .  .  Infants  not  twenty-four  hours  old 
have  had  taro  given  them.'  6  Kreutz  found  that  many  more 
children  died  in  the  second  than  in  the  first  year  ;  this  he  attri- 
buted to  the  fact  that,  whereas  while  in  the  first  year  they  are  well 
looked  after,  in  the  second  year,  when  they  begin  to  crawl  about, 
they  often  die  from  want  of  attention.7  Turner  states  that  not  less 
than  two-thirds  of  the  children  in  Samoa  died  in  childhood  from 
carelessness  and  mismanagement,8  and  of  the  Bontoc  Igorot  we  are 
told  that  children  are  brought  up  without  any  sign  of  knowledge 
as  to  how  they  should  be  treated  from  the  point  of  view  of  health.9 

1  Jenks,  loc.  cit.,  p.  172.  a  Ibid.,  p.  182.  3  Romilly,  From  my 

Verandah,  p.  52.  *  Von  der  Sande,  Nova  Guinea,  vol.  iii,  p.  270.  Neuhaus, 

loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  131,  attributes  considerable  importance  to  this  factor. 

6  It  is  again  noticeable  that  in  the  accounts  of  the  older  observers  the  general 
good  health  of  these  races  is  remarked  upon.  See,  for  instance,  Kotzebue,  loc. 
cit.,  p.  129  (for  the  Sandwich  Islands)  and  p.  170  (for  Radeck) ;  Cheyne,  Western 
Pacific  Ocean,  p.  9  (for  Island  of  Pines). 

6  Newton,  loc.  cit.,  p.  189.  For  New  Ireland  see  Stephan  and  Graebner,  loc.  cit., 
p.  1 8,  where  the  high  child  mortality  is  attributed  to  exposure.  7  Kreutz, 

loc.  cit.,  p.  202.  8  Turner,  Samoa,  p.  135.  »  Jenks,  loc.  cit.,  p.  61.  For 

the  whole  question  of  child  mortality  among  primitive  races  see  Gerland,  tfber 
das  Aussterben  der  Naturvolker,  p.  24  to  p.  39. 

N2 


196  PRIMITIVE  AGRICULTURAL  RACES 

Asia 

36.  It  is  not  worth  while  to  deal  at  length  with  the  remaining 
peoples  who  are  to  be  classed  with  this  group.  For  the  most 
part  they  are  herders  of  reindeer  ;  the  more  western  races  have 
long  been  in  contact  with  Eur- Asiatic  civilization  ;  even  the 
Chuckee  were  discovered  in  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth 
century,1  while  the  Yukaghis  were  converted  to  Christianity  two 
hundred  years  ago.2  It  is  interesting  to  note,  however,  that 
generally  speaking  the  conditions  among  them  are  similar  to 
what  we  have  found  elsewhere. 

Suckling  lasts  three  years  among  the  Koryak  3  and  the  Tun- 
guses,4  while  Yakut  mothers  sometimes  suckle  their  children 
until  the  latter  are  five  years  of  age.5  There  is  no  evidence  of 
postponement  of  marriage  ;  the  early  age  at  which  it  takes  place 
has  been  remarked  on  for  most  of  these  races.6  As  regards  the 
number  of  children,  Krasheninicoff  says  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Kamtchatka  that  *  in  general  these  people  are  not  fruitful  '.7 
Sograff  comments  on  the  small  number  of  Samoyed  children.8 
Jochelson  found  an  average  of  over  five  to  married  women  above 
forty  years  old.9  Abortion  and  infanticide  are  common  in 
Kamtchatka  ; 10  Stellers  comments  especially  on  the  prevalence 
of  abortion  which  is  very  frequently  employed.11  The  Samoyeds 
destroyed  deformed  children.12  There  are  the  usual  comments 
on  the  general  good  health  of  these  people.  Both  Ostyaks  and 
Samoyeds  *  enjoy  the  best  of  health  and  attain  a  very  old  age  '-13 
Infant  mortality  is  large.14 

1  Bogoras,  Jesvp  North  Pacific  Expedition,  p.  690.  *  Jochelson,  ibid.,  vol.  ix, 

p.  110.  »  Ibid.,  vol.  vi,  p.  413.  4  Ibid.,  vol.  ix,  p.  104.  •  Sumner, 

J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxi,  p.  79.  '  For  instance,  by  Sumner,  loc.  cit.,  p.  79,  for  the 

Yakuts  ;  by  Jackson,  Great  Frozen  Land,  p.  82,  for  the  Samoyeds  ;  and  by  Georgi, 
Bfinerkungen,  vol.  i,  p.  265,  for  the  Tunguses. 

7  Krasheninicoff,  History  of  Kamtchatka,  p.  216.  De  Lesseps  (Travel*,  vol.  i, 
p.  133)  puts  the  average  at  four  to  five  children.  It  may  be  noticed  that  according 
to  Pallas  (Rcitt,  vol.  iii.  p.  77)  the  Samoyeds  do  not  cohabit  for  two  months 
after  the  birth  of  a  child. 

•  Sograff,  Arch,  fur  Anth.,  vol.  xiv,  p.  293.  *  Jochelson,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  vi, 

p.  414.  "  Krasheninicoff,  loc.  cit.,  p.  217.  "  Stellers,  Kamchatka, 

p.  349.  "  Sarytschsv,  Collection  of  Voyages,  vol.  vi,  p.  50  ;  Bogoras,  loc.  cit., 

p.  513.  1J  Finsch,  Reisc,  p.  538.  See  Georgi,  loc.  cit.,  p.  263,  for  the  Tun- 
guses and  Bogoras,  loc.  cit.,  p.  33,  for  the  Chuckee.  »*  See  Finsch,  loc.  cit., 
p.  538,  for  the  Ostyaks  and  Samoyeds ;  Jochelson,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  vi,  p.  423,  for  the 
Koryak  ;  and  Sumner,  loc.  cit.,  p.  79,  for  the  Yakuts. 


IX 

THE   REGULATION   OF  NUMBERS  AMONG 
PRIMITIVE  RACES 

1 .  WE  have  now  to  ask  what  light  these  facts  throw  upon  the 
quantitative  aspect  of  the  problem.  Eemembering  that  among 
all  the  races  concerning  which  facts  have  been  given  there  exists 
that  form  of  primitive  social  organization  the  nature  of  which 
has  been  referred  to,  we  may  first  examine  briefly  the  theory  of 
population  as  it  applies  to  society  in  which  there  is  co-operation  ; 
for  the  existence  of  this  primitive  form  of  social  organization 
implies  co-operation.  We  may  then  go  on  to  apply  what  we 
learn  from  this  review  of  the  theory  of  population  to  the  facts, 
so  far  as  they  concern  the  races  of  the  first  and  second  groups. 
We  may  next  ask  how  far  we  can  apply  what  we  learn  from 
primitive  races  to  prehistoric  races  up  to  the  opening  of  the  third 
period,  and  finally  we  may  inquire  how  it  is  to  be  supposed  that 
the  transition  took  place  from  the  conditions  under  which  the 
pre-human  ancestorjived  to  those  under  which  the  earliest  societies, 
of  which  we  can  indirectly  gain  any  knowledge,  must  be  supposed 
to  have  lived. 

Malthus  was  the  first  writer  to  set  out  a  theory  in  detail  and  to 
support  it  with  evidence.1  Of  the  origin  of  his  book  some  account 
has  been  given  in  the  first  chapter.  In  this  book  Malthus,  accord- 
ing to  his  own  account,  attempted  to  show  three  things — that 
population  was  limited  by  the  means  of  subsistence,  that  it  almost 
always  increases  when  the  means  of  subsistence  increase,  and 
that  there  are  three  checks  upon  increase — vice,  misery,  and 
moral  restraint.  By  '  vice  '  and  '  misery  '  he  meant  disease, 
war,  poverty,  and  so  on.  By  '  moral  restraint '  he  meant  restraint 
from  sexual  intercourse.  This  last  check  was  not  mentioned  in 
the  first  edition  of  the  Essay ;  it  was  introduced  for  the  first  time 
in  the  second  edition. 

It  is  important  to  observe  the  nature  of  the  argument  put  forth 

1  On  this  subject  see  Cannan,  Theories  of  Production  and  Distribution,  ch.  v. 
Professor  Cannan's  work  has  been  used  in  this  and  in  the  two  following  sections. 


198       THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS 

by  Malthas.  The  whole  theory  is  one  of  the  comparative  rapidity 
of  the  increase  of  population  and  of  the  increase  of  food.  Popula- 
tion, he  said,  when  unchecked,  increases  in  a  geometrical  ratio, 
food  only  in  an  arithmetical  ratio.  Therefore  there  must  always 
be  checks  at  work  limiting  population.  He  made  a  survey  of  the 
social  conditions  in  different  countries,  and  pointed  to  the  evidence 
of  the  existence  of  various  forms  of  vice  and  misery  ;  where  moral 
restraint  was  practised,  there  was  less  vice  and  misery  ;  where 
no  moral  restraint  was  practised,  vice  and  misery  reached  their 
greatest  prevalence.  Furthermore  the  checks  taken  together 
must  always  be  effective ;  it  was,  according  to  Malthus,  merely 
a  question  of  what  kind  of  checks  should  be  in  operation.  It 
was  desirable  in  his  view  to  increase  '  moral  restraint '  in  order 
to  decrease  '  vice '  and  *  misery  '.  It  also  follows  that,  if  the 
checks  were  always  effective,  there  could  be  no  such  thing  as 
over-population.  The  conception  of  over-population,  properly 
speaking,  did  not  enter  into  the  theory  at  all.  It  belongs  to  the 
later  theory,  which  is  based  upon  the  productiveness  of  industry 
— an  idea  which  finds  no  place  in  his  book. 

In  the  later  editions  Malthus  made  certain  reservations  about 
the  impossibility  of  subsistence  increasing  faster  than  in  an 
arithmetical  ratio.  Facts  incompatible  with  the  theory  regarding 
the  increase  of  population  in  America  had  come  to  light,  and  he 
admitted  the  possibility  of  the  increase  of  subsistence  in  a  geo- 
metrical ratio  in  new  countries  under  certain  conditions.  He 
maintained,  however,  that  in  general  subsistence  could  not  increase 
faster  than  in  an  arithmetical  ratio,  and  that  his  theory  was 
therefore  in  essential  features  still  correct.  The  ratios  were  at 
the  basis  of  his  theory,  and  sum  up  the  whole  essence  of  the 
argument.  It  has  frequently  been  said,  however,  that  Malthus 
did  not  attach  much  importance  to  the  ratios.  Professor  Nichol- 
son, for  example,  says  that  he  used  them  '  not  strictly — but  as 
the  basis  for  a  simile  '-1  But  Professor  Cannan  has  shown  that 
there  is  no  foundation  whatever  for  this  view,  and  quotes  a  passage 
from  Malthus  exhibiting  the  importance  which  the  latter  attributed 
to  this  part  of  his  theory.2 

That  subsistence  can  only  increase  in  an  arithmetical  ratio,  or 
in  other  words  that  the  periodical  additions  to  the  average  annual 

1  Nicholson,  Political  Economy,  vol.  i,  p.  182,  note.  *  Cannan,  loc.  cit., 

p   143. 


THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEBS      199 

produce  cannot  be  increased,  has  long  ago  been  disproved  by 
statistics.  Such  figures  as  caused  Malthus  to  make  his  reserva- 
tions about  new  countries  have  been  forthcoming  for  old  countries 
also.  In  his  own  lifetime  the  census  showed  the  falsity  of  the 
arithmetical  ratio  for  so  '  old  '  a  country  as  England.  It  is  not 
necessary  to  go  into  the  facts,  which  are  well  known  and  beyond 
dispute.  It  is  only  the  result  of  the  proof  of  the  fallacy  contained 
in  the  arithmetical  ratio  part  of  the  theory  that  concerns  us. 
The  result  was  that  the  whole  argument  collapsed,  founded  as  it 
was  on  the  comparative  rapidity  of  the  increase  of  population 
and  of  food.  As  Professor  Cannan  says  :  '  The  Essay  on  the 
Principle  of  Population  falls  to  the  ground  as  an  argument,  and 
remains  only  a  chaos  of  facts  collected  to  illustrate  the  effect  of 
laws  which  do  not  exist.  Beyond  the  arithmetical  ratio  theory, 
there  is  nothing  whatever  in  the  Essay  to  show  why  subsistence 
for  man  should  not  increase  as  fast  as  an  "  unchecked  popula- 
tion ".  "  With  every  mouth  God  sends  a  pair  of  hands,"  so  why 
should  not  the  larger  population  be  able  to  maintain  itself  as  well 
as  the  former  ?  ' l 

2.  The  answer  to  this  question  was  in  process  of  being  dis- 
covered during  the  lifetime  of  Malthus.  In  the  early  years  of 
the  century  attention  was  drawn  to  the  high  price  of  corn,  to  the 
position  of  agriculture,  and  especially  to  the  fact  that  less  rich 
land  was  being  brought  under  cultivation.  From  the  discussion 
which  ensued,  and  to  which  Malthus  contributed,  there  arose  the 
idea  of  decreasing  returns  to  agriculture.  It  has  been  pointed 
out  that  it  must  always  have  been  recognized  in  practice  that  it 
did  not  '  pay  '  to  employ  more  than  a  certain  amount  of  labour 
on  a  given  area  of  land.  In  these  years,  however,  for  the  first 
time  the  principle  which  underlay  this  fact  was  made  clear. 
West  and  Eicardo  were  chiefly  responsible  for  bringing  the  matter 
to  light.  The  development  of  the  theory  need  not  occupy  us. 
It  may  be  formulated  shortly  here.  '  Whether  we  consider  an 
acre  of  land  or  a  whole  country,  after  a  certain  point  is  reached, 
the  return  to  a  given  amount  of  labour  and  capital  will  diminish. 
It  will  do  so,  however,  only  under  the  supposition  that  the  arts 
of  agriculture,  using  the  phrase  in  the  broadest  sense,  remain 
stationary.'  2  The  law  is  not  limited  to  agriculture.  It  is  applic- 
able to  all  industry.  Whenever  some  agent  in  production,  upon 

1  Cannan,  loc.  cit.,  p.  144.  a  Nicholson,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  163. 


200  THE  KEGULAT10N  OF  NUMBERS 

which  an  industry  is  absolutely  dependent,  is  strictly  limited, 
after  a  time  equal  increments  of  capital  and  labour  will  not 
produce  equal  returns.  In  other  words  the  returns  to  the  same 
doses  of  capital  and  labour  will  diminish.  This,  however,  will 
only  occur  when,  as  stated  above,  the  supply  of  some  agent  in 
production  is  restricted  ;  otherwise  when  an  industry  enlarges 
there  will,  as  a  rule,  be  an  increasing  return.  The  more  labour, 
apart  from  diminishing  returns,  the  better. 

When  speaking  of  agriculture  it  was  said  that  diminishing 
returns  only  supervene  when  there  are  no  improvements  in  the 
arts  of  agriculture.  This  is  true  in  general  of  all  other  industries. 
Any  increase  in  the  arts  of  production  will  in  general  admit  of 
more  labour  and  capital  being  profitably  employed  ;  if  there  are 
no  further  improvements,  there  will  after  a  time  come  a  point 
when  diminishing  returns  will  again  supervene.  The  following 
out  of  the  working  of  these  laws  in  detail  would  call  for  a  long  and 
intricate  discussion.  Since  the  problem  of  quantity  is  only 
touched  upon  in  its  broadest  outlines,  such  a  discussion  is  not 
necessary  here.  The  broad  fact  which  emerges,  and  which  alone 
is  relevant  here,  is  that,  since  the  laws  in  general  are  applicable 
to  all  industry,  there  will  be,  taking  into  account  on  the  one 
hand  the  known  arts  of  production  and  on  the  other  hand  the 
habits  and  so  on  of  any  people  at  any  one  time  in  any  given  area, 
a  certain  density  of  population  which  will  be  the  most  desirable 
from  the  point  of  view  of  return  per  head  of  population.  There 
will,  in  fact,  under  any  given  circumstances  always  be  an  optimum 
number ;  if  the  population  fails  to  reach  that  number  or  if  it 
exceeds  it,  the  return  per  head  will  not  be  so  large  as  it  would 
be  if  it  attained  that  number.  This  conception  is  of  such  impor- 
tance that  its  formulation  in  other  words  by  a  modern  economist 
may  be  quoted.  '  At  any  given  time,  or,  which  comes  to  the 
same  thing,  knowledge  and  circumstances  remaining  the  same, 
there  is  what  may  be  called  a  point  of  maximum  return,  when  the 
amount  of  labour  is  such  that  both  an  increase  and  a  decrease  in 
it  would  diminish  proportionate  returns.  ...  If  we  suppose  all 
the  difficulties  about  the  measurements  of  the  returns  to  all 
industries  taken  together  to  be  somehow  overcome,  we  can  see 
that  at  any  given  time,  or  knowledge  and  circumstances  remain- 
ing the  same,  just  as  there  is  a  point  of  maximum  return  in  each 
industry,  so  there  must  be  in  all  industries  taken  together.  If 


THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBEBS  201 

the  population  is  not  large  enough  to  bring  all  returns  up  to  this 
point,  returns  will  be  less  than  they  might  be,  and  the  remedy  is 
increase  of  population  ;  if,  on  the  other  hand,  population  is  so 
great  that  the  point  has  been  passed,  returns  are  again  less  than 
they  might  be,  and  the  remedy  is  decrease  of  population.'  * 

This  idea  of  an  optimum  number  is  one  which  can  be  developed 
in  great  detail.  It  is  only  necessary  here  to  notice  that  when, 
as  in  the  higher  economic  stages,  the  arts  of  production  on  the 
one  hand  are  improving  and  the  habits  and  so  on  of  any  people 
are  on  the  other  hand  constantly  altering,  the  most  desirable 
density  is  in  consequence  frequently  changing.  In  the  lower 
stages,  when  progress  in  skill  is  slow  and  social  conditions  more 
or  less  stationary,  the  optimum  number  may  remain  about  the 
same  over  long  periods  of  time.  Further,  with  regard  to  progress 
in  skill,  inasmuch  as  the  productivity  of  labour  is  enhanced  by 
every  improvement  in  the  arts  of  production,  the  result  of  such 
progress  will  be  that  the  return  per  head  will,  as  a  rule,  increase. 
Such  progress  will  thus,  as  a  rule,  allow  of  a  larger  population 
which  will  have  a  larger  income  per  head. 

This  idea  of  an  optimum  density  of  population  is  wholly 
different  to  that  put  forward  by  Malthus.  To  him  the  problem 
was  one  of  the  relative  increase  of  population  and  of  food  ;  with 
us  it  is  one  of  the  density  of  population  and  of  the  productiveness 
of  industry.  To  Malthus  the  position  was  much  the  same  in  all 
ages  ;  in  his  view  population,  except  under  unusual  circumstances, 
had  in  any  country  at  any  given  time  always  increased  up  to  the 
limit  of  subsistence,  and  was  in  process  of  being  checked  —  chiefly 
by  vice  and  misery.  In  the  modern  view  increase  in  skill  has 
brought  to  ar^  increasingly  dense  population  a  larger  income  per 
head.  The  chief  cause  of  the  largest  possible  income  not  on  all 
occasions  being  reached  is  that  at  times  the  density  of  population 
increases  beyond  the  optimum  number  for  the  given  conditions, 
though  at  other  times  the  failure  of  population  to  reach  the 
desirable  level  may  produce  the  same  result. 

Though  the  problem  of  diminishing  returns  was  being  discussed 
as  the  successive  editions  of  the  Essay  appeared,  the  idea  was 

1  Cannan,  Wealth,  p.  68.  This  is  frequently  misunderstood.  Thus  we  read  that 
'  occasionally,  from  accidental  circumstances,  England  was  for  a  short  time 


pe 

(Inge,  loc.  cit.,  p.  90).    The  evidence  alluded  to  would  tend  to  show  that  there  was 
reviously  a  condition  of  over-populatio 
etter  off  when  under-population  arises. 


,       .       .,    .       . 

previously  a  condition  of  over-population.    In  any  case  a  people  as  a  whole  is  not 
b 


202  THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBEES 

not  applied  by  Malthus  to  the  population  question.  This  was 
undertaken  by  later  writers.  The  development  of  the  modern 
theory  need  not  detain  us  ;  it  is  of  interest,  however,  to  observe 
that  J.  S. _Mill,  whose  influence  over  contemporary  thought  was 
so  great,  never  shook  off  the  deep  impression  made  upon  him 
early  in  life  by  the  Malthusian  theory.  He  exhibited  a  remark- 
able dread  of  over-population,  and  in  his  Principles  of  Political 
Economy  seems  to  have  regarded  diminishing  returns  as  so  often 
arising  that  only  rarely  could  an  increase  in  population  be  advan- 
tageous. He  appears  in  fact  to  have  thought  that  after  a  certain 
stage  all  further  increase  in  population  was  harmful,  and  to  have 
looked  upon  *  the  degree  of  industry  which  is  required  for  the 
maximum  productiveness  of  industry  as  something  fixed  once 
and  for  all  '.*  Mill's  view,  therefore,  though  founded  upon  the 
productiveness  of  industry,  differs  from  the  modern  view  to  which 
it  has  given  place.  It  has  since  been  clearly  established  that 
there  is  no  maximum  density  desirable  from  the  point  of  view 
of  productiveness  ;  so  long  as  skill  increases,  other  things  being 
equal,  so  long  will  the  desirable  density  increase.  The  influence 
of  Mill's  writings  has  had  the  effect  of  keeping  alive  in  England 
longer  than  elsewhere  the  pessimistic  view  of  the  problem  which 
the  teaching  of  Malthus  had  originally  given  rise  to.2  So  strong 
were  Mill's  opinions  that  he  regarded  the  limitation  of  the  family 
by  virtuous  restraint  as  one  of  the  most  desirable  of  social  reforms. 
He  was  led  in  the  following  passage  to  express  views  that  are 
strongly  in  contrast  with  those  of  the  many  who  now  deplore  the 
decline  of  the  birth-rate  among  the  upper  social  classes  of  to-day. 
*  Little  improvement ',  he  said,  '  can  be  expected  in  morality 
until  the  producing  of  large  families  is  regarded  with  the  same 
feelings  as  drunkenness  or  any  other  physical  excess.  But  while 
the  aristocracy  and  clergy  are  foremost  to  give  the  example 
of  this  kind  of  incontinence,  wrhat  can  be  expected  of  the 
poor  ?  ' 3 

3.  This  conception  of  an  optimum  number  holds  good  wherever 
there  is  social  co-operation  between  groups  of  men  living  within 
definite  areas.  As  we  have  seen  a  primitive  form  of  social  organiza- 
tion exists  among  all  these  races.  This  implies  in  itself  a  certain 

1  Caiman,  Theories  of  Production  and  Distribution,  p.  181.  2  See  Leroy- 

Beaulieu,  Question  de  la  Population,  ch.  iii.  3  Quoted  by  Nicholson,  loc.  cit., 

vol.  i,  p.  180. 


THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEES      203 

degree  of  co-operation.  It  remains  to  show  that  these  races  are 
all,  without  exception,  divided  into  groups  which  are  strictly 
limited  to  definite  areas — contrary  to  the  still  common  notion 
that  they  wander  where  they  please — and  we  may  further  note 
that  the  inhabitants  of  these  areas  co-operate  to  a  greater  or  less 
degree  in  the  search  for  food,  and  that  there  is  a  social  obligation 
upon  each  man  to  do  his  share.  We  may  review  the  evidence, 
beginning  with  the  first  point,  which  is  of  such  importance  that 
it  may  be  treated  at  some  length. 

It  is  both  misleading  and  dangerous  to  apply  terms  carrying 
modern  legal  conceptions  to  these  races  ;  unfortunately,  any 
terms  that  may  be  used  are  to  some  extent  biased.  We  have, 
however,  somehow  to  describe  the  results  of  investigation  into 
the  customs  of  these  races,  and  it  has  been  found  that  among 
all  these  races,  without  exception,  groups  of  men  are  recognized 
as,  if  not  owning,  then  as  enjoying  the  usufruct  of  certain  very 
clearly  defined  areas.  According  to  Ling  Both  it  is  not  clear 
whether  the  Tasmanian  tribes  had  any  definite  hunting  grounds 
or  not.1  Bonwick  confidently  asserts  that  it  was  so,2  and  Wheeler 
thinks  that  the  conditions  in  Tasmania  were  probably  the  same 
as  in  Australia.3  From  Australia  we  have  abundant  evidence  ; 
the  facts  recorded  from  different  parts  of  the  continent  vary 
considerably,  and  we  must  either  believe  that  customs  differed 
from  place  to  place,  which  is  not  at  all  unlikely,  or  that  many 
observers  are  mistaken,  which,  considering  the  positive  nature 
of  their  assertions,  is  not  very  probable.  Wheeler  has  reviewed 
the  evidence  and  sums  up  his  conclusions  as  follows  :  *  Our 
information  shows  the  existence  in  some,  at  any  rate,  of  the 
areas  of  Australia  of  what  must  be  held  to  be  private  ownership 
in  land,  but  it  does  not  follow  that  the  whole  of  the  tribal  territory 
was  so  allotted.  The  unit  would  generally  be  the  individual 
family,  but  there  are  a  few  indications  that  the  ownership  might 
even  be  vested  in  single  persons  within  the  family,  other  than 
the  head.  The  clearest  mentions  of  individual  or  of  family 
ownership  seem  to  come  from  the  south-eastern  area,  where  the 
physiographic  conditions  are  most  varied,  and  where,  in  con- 
sequence, fishing  rights  become  important.  But  it  seems  likewise 
that  the  rights  of  families  or  of  individuals,  as  also  those  of  local 

1  Ling  Roth,  Tasmania,  p.  116.  2  Bonwick,  loc.  cit.,  p.  83.  3  Wheeler, 

Tribe  in  Australia,  p.  35. 


204  THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBEES 

groups,  were,  in  general,  subject  to  tribal  over-rights,  though  we 
have  no  clear  information  on  this  point.' 1 

There  is  no  doubt,  in  the  first  place,  that  the  tribes  were  every- 
where restricted  to  clearly  defined  territories.2  Doubt  only  arises 
with  regard  to  the  smaller  groups.  The  usual  mode  of  living  is 
in  small  groups  of  one  to  three  families,  which  usually  form 
a  portion  of  a  local  group,  but  which  may  exceptionally  be  actual 
local  groups.  Only  in  the  more  fertile  districts  is  the  number  of 
families  living  in  contact  greater.3  These  local  groups,  into 
which  the  tribes  are  divided,  seem  generally  to  have  their  clearly 
defined  areas  within  the  tribal  territory.  Thus  Brown,  speaking 
of  the  Kariera  tribe  of  Western  Australia,  says  that  '  the  country 
of  a  local  group,  with  all  its  products,  animal,  vegetable,  and 
mineral,  belongs  to  the  members  of  the  group  in  common.  Any 
member  of  the  group  has  the  right  to  hunt  over  the  country  of 
his  group  at  all  times.  He  may  not,  however,  hunt  over  the 
country  of  any  other  local  group  without  the  permission  of  its 
owners/  4 

In  some  parts  no  further  subdivision  of  the  land  was  recognized. 
'  I  could  not  find  ',  says  Brown  of  Western  Australia,  '  any 
evidence  of  the  individual  ownership  of  any  part  of  the  soil  or 
of  any  of  its  products.  The  whole  of  the  territory  of  the  group 
and  everything  in  it  seem  to  belong  equally  to  all  the  members 
of  the  group.'  5  In  other  parts  we  hear  of  family  ownership  ; 
Stanbridge  says  of  Victoria  that  the  tribal  land  '  has  been  from 
time  immemorable  parcelled  out  among  its  families  and  trans- 
mitted by  direct  descent  to  the  present  generation  '.6  Further, 
some  accounts  speak  of  individual  ownership.  The  natives  of 
King  George's  Sound  '  who  live  together  have  the  exclusive  right 
of  fishing  and  hunting  upon  the  neighbouring  grounds,  which  are, 
in  fact,  divided  into  individual  properties,  the  quantity  of  land 
owned  by  each  individual  being  very  considerable  '.7  Eyre 
speaks  of  the  parcelling  out  of  territory  among  the  individual 

1  Wheeler,  loc.  eit.,  p.  45.  Malinowski  (loc.  cit.,  p.  152)  comments  on  this  tribal 
over-right,  which,  he  says,  is  shadowy.  2  See,  for  instance,  Brown,  J.  A.  I., 

vol.  xliii,  p.  144,  for  Western  Australia ;  Spencer  and  Gillen,  Native  Tribes,  p.  7, 
for  Central  Australia ;  and  Stanbridge,  Trans.  Eth.  Soc.,  new  series,  vol.  i,  p.  286, 
for  Victoria.  3  Malinowski,  loc.  cit.,  p.  156.  *  Brown,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xliii, 

p.  145.  Spencer  and  Gillen  describe  the  ownership  by  local  groups  of  quarries 
where  stone  suitable  for  making  instruments  is  found  (Native  Tribes,  p.  590). 
6  Ibid.,  p.  146.  See,  too,  Spencer  and  Gillen,  Northern  Tribes,  p.  27.  •  Stan- 

bridge,  loc.  cit.,  p.  286.     See  also  Parker,  Aborigines,  p.  12.  7  Brown,  Oeog. 

Journ.,  vol.  i,  p.  12. 


THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBERS  205 

members  of  the  tribe.  '  Every  male  has  some  portion  of  land, 
of  which  he  can  always  point  out  the  exact  boundaries.  These 
properties  are  subdivided  by  a  father  among  his  sons  during  his 
own  lifetime,  and  descend  in  almost  hereditary  succession.' x  As 
further  examples  of  the  ideas  held  by  the  Australians  on  the 
subject  of  property,  it  may  be  noticed  that  Smyth  describes 
individual  property  in  trees  which  passes  by  inheritance,2  while 
Lumholtz  says  that  '  if  a  native  finds  a  hive  of  honey  in  a  tree, 
but  has  not  an  immediate  opportunity  of  chopping  it  out,  he  can 
safely  leave  it  till  some  other  day  ;  the  discoverer  owns  it,  and 
nobody  else  will  touch  it,  if  he  has  either  given  an  account  of  it 
or  marked  the  tree,  as  is  the  custom  in  some  parts  of  Western 
Queensland  '.3 

Wherever  we  turn  we  find  similar  evidence  of  the  recognition 
of  distinct  areas  over  which  groups  have  more  or  less  exclusive 
rights.4  Every  tribe  certainly  has  iis  own  clearly  defined  terri- 
tory ;  it  seems  further  very  probable  that  in  most  places  the 
tribal  territory  is  divided  among  local  groups,  if  indeed  the 
subdivision  does  not  go  farther.  The  Bushmen  were  formerly 
divided  into  tribes  occupying  '  well  defined  tracts  of  country, 
which  they  looked  upon  as  their  own  ancestral  hunting  ground  '.5 
Their  respect  for  property  is  shown  by  the  fact  that,  when  a  man 
found  a  bees'  nest,  he  put  his  mark  upon  it,  and  thenceforward 
it  became  '  the  sacred  property  of  the  finder  '.6  Klutschak 
describes  distinct  territories  for  the  Eskimo  tribes,  who  confine 
their  seasonal  migrations  to  these  definite  areas.7  Subdivision 
of  land  does  not  seem  to  go  farther  than  subdivision  among  the 
villages ;  the  inhabitants  of  a  village  had  the  right  to  refuse  to 
allow  any  strangers  to  settle  permanently  in  the  neighbourhood. 
'  If  a  new  family  wished  to  settle  at  an  inhabited  place,  the 
newcomers  had  to  await  the  consent  of  the  people  already  settled 
there,  which  was  given  by  certain  signs  of  civility  or  welcome, 
the  strangers  having  meanwhile  put  their  boat  abhore,  but  not 
yet  begun  bringing  up  their  goods.  If  these  signs  were  not  given 
they  pushed  the  boat  off  again  and  went  on  to  look  for  another 
place.' 8  It  is  so  well  known  that  the  American  Indians  recognized 
clearly  defined  tribal  boundaries  that  we  need  not  attempt  to 

1  Eyre,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  297.  *  Smyth,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  145. 

3  Lumholtz,  Among  Cannibals,  p.  147.  4  See  Grosse,  Die  For  men  der  Familie, 

p.  35.  5  Stow,  loc.  cit.,  p.  35.  6  Ibid.,  p.  86.  7  Klutschak,  loc.  cit., 
p.  227.  8  Rink,  loc.  cit.,  p.  31. 


206  THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS 

illustrate  the  fact  by  means  of  references.1  It  is  perhaps  not  so 
well  known  that  there  are  also  many  indications  of  family  and 
even  of  individual  property  in  land.  In  the  first  place  we  often 
hear  of  the  right  of  the  inhabitants  of  a  village  to  clearly  defined 
tracts.  '  Each  tribe  had  its  village  sites  and  contiguous  hunting 
and  fishing  grounds  ;  as  long  as  the  people  lived  on  these  sites 
and  regularly  went  to  their  hunting  grounds,  they  could  claim 
them  against  all  intruders/  2  Of  the  Carrier  Tribes,  Harmon 
says  that  *  the  people  of  every  village  have  a  certain  extent  of 
country,  which  they  consider  their  own,  and  in  which  they  may 
hunt  and  fish  ;  but  they  may  not  transcend  these  bounds,  without 
purchasing  the  privilege  from  those  who  claim  the  land  '.3  Of 
the  Western  Tinneh,  Hill  Tout  records  that  the  heads  of  the  clan 
own  the  hunting  grounds,  '  the  limits  of  which  were  always  very 
clearly  defined  '.4  Among  the  more  nomadic  Eastern  Tinneh  we 
hear  that  bands  used  the  same  hunting  grounds ;  these  areas, 
however,  were  not  regarded  as  belonging  exclusively  to  them.5 
Among  the  Salish  of  the  Interior,  '  all  hunting,  fishing,  root  and 
berry  grounds  were  common  property  and  shared  in  by  all  alike  ' ; 
whereas  among  those  of  the  coast  the  food  grounds  were  the 
property  of  the  septs  and  local  groups.6  From  other  accounts  it 
appears  that  family  and  individual  ownership  were  recognized  in 
some  places.  This  applies  especially  with  regard  to  the  fishing 
stations  of  the  Pacific  €oast  tribes,  where  *  varying  lengths  of 
shore  were  held  as  private  fishing  rights  by  heads  of  families,  and 
these  rights  were  passed  from  father  to  son  and  were  always 
respected  '.7  S wanton  gives  an  especially  interesting  account  of 
the  practices  of  the  Haidahs  of  Queen  Charlotte  Islands.  *  Each 
Haidah  family  had  its  own  creek  or  creeks,  or  portion  of  a  creek, 
where  its  smoke  houses  stood.  Some  of  the  smaller  creeks  are 
said  to  have  no  owners ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  some  families 
are  said  to  have  had  no  land.  In  the  latter  cases  they  were 

1  '  Captain  Cook  found  among  the  Ahts  "  very  strict  notions  of  their  having 
a  right  to  the  exclusive  property  of  everything  that  their  country  produces  ", 
so  that  they  claimed  pay  for  even  wood,  water,  and  grass.    The  limits  of  their 
tribal  property  are  very  clearly  defined,  but  individuals  rarely  claim  any  property 
in  land  '  (Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  191).     See  also  Dellenbaugh,  North  Americans, 
pp.  410  ff. 

2  Handbook  of  American  Indians,  Article   '  Land  Tenure '.  3  Harmon, 
loc.  cit.,  p.  255.            4  Hill  Tout,  British  North  America,  p.  147.    See  also  Ban- 
croft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  118.                  6  Ibid.,  p.  157.                  9  Ibid.,  p.  159. 
7  Handbook  of  American  Indians,  Article  '  Property '.     See  Teit,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii, 
p.  255,  for  a  description  of  this  among  the  Lillooet  Indians  ;  also  Bancroft,  loc. 
cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  230,  and  Niblack,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  298  and  337. 


THE  REGULATION  OF  NUMBERS  207 

obliged  to  wait  until  another  family  was  through  before  picking 
berries,  and  had  to  pay  for  the  privilege.  Any  family  might  pick 
berries  on  the  land  belonging  to  another  after  the  owners  had 
finished  picking,  if  it  obtained  the  consent  of  the  latter  and  paid 
a  certain  price.' l  Referring  to  the  Sit  kin  Indians,  Elliot  says 
that  '  the  coastline,  and  ebpecially  the  margins  of  streams  and 
rivers,  are  duly  divided  up  among  the  different  families.  These 
tracts  are  regarded  as  strictly  private  property.' 2  Krause  further 
gives  an  account  of  what  can  only  be  called  individual  private 
property  in  land  among  the  Thlinkeets.3  The  remarkable  system 
in  vogue  among  the  Veddahs  deserves  notice.  '  The  whole  Veddah 
country  was  divided  into  small  hunting  regions,  of  which  each 
family  possessed  one.'  The  arrangements  were  most  elaborate  ; 
the  size  of  the  tracts  varied  in  accordance  with  the  goodness  of 
the  land,  and  each  included  a  portion  of  hill  country  to  which 
each  family  thus  had  access  during  the  rainy  season  without 
trespassing  upon  the  ground  of  other  families.'  4  Cooper  has 
very  fully  reviewed  the  evidence  for  the  Fuegians.  It  has  been 
stated  that  communism  existed  among  them.  This  is  not  correct. 
'  While  all  Fuegians  are  nomads,'  he  says,  '  yet  a  Yaghan,  for 
instance,  is  chary  of  poaching  on  Alacalufan  or  Onan  territory. 
Even  within  recognized  tribal  territory  the  existence  of  more  or 
less  definitely  marked  off  family  hunting  grounds  is  explicitly 
attested  for  the  Onas  by  Professor  Furlong  and  Dr.  Dabbene  and 
implicitly  by  Dr.  Gallardo.'  5 

4.  Passing  now  to  the  races  of  the  second  group  it  is  everywhere 
found  that  tribal  territories  are  recognized,  and  it  has  been  shown 
that,  compared  with  hunting  and  fishing  races,  there  is  an  increase 
in  the  number  of  cases  in  which  land  is  held  by  smaller  groups, 
if  not  by  individuals,  and  a  corresponding  decrease  in  the  number 
of  cases  in  which  communal  ownership  is  recognized.6  The  details 
of  the  variation  in  land  tenure  are  not  relevant,  and  a  few  descrip- 
tions of  the  conditions  among  different  tribes  will  serve  as  examples 

1  Swanton,  Jesup  North  Pacific  Expedition,  vol.  v,  p.  71.  a  Elliot,  Arctic 

Province,  p.  54. 

3  Krause,  loc.  cit.,  p.  167.  Before  leaving  the  Indians  it  is  worth  noticing  that 
each  family  had,  as  a  rule,  its  own  store  of  food.  Many  different  methods  of  storing 
food  are  known ;  the  more  migratory  tribes  of  the  Salish  and  the  Tinneh  stored 
food  either  in  detached  sheds  elevated  on  posts  several  feet  from  the  ground, 
or  where  the  soil  was  unusually  dry  in  well-like  holes.  See  Hill  Tout,  British 
North  America,  p.  108. 

*  Sarasins,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  iii,  pp.  475  ff.  See  also  Seligman,  loc.  cit.,  p.  106. 
6  Cooper,  loc.  cit.,  p.  178.  8  Hobhouse,  Wheeler,  and  Ginsberg,  Institutions 

of  the  Simpler  Peoples,  pp.  243  ff . 


208  THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBERS 

of  the  manner  in  which  groups  of  men  among  these  races  drew 
their  means  of  subsistence  from  clearly  denned  areas.  '  Among 
the  Navahos  a  section  of  territory  was  parcelled  out  and  held  as 
clan  land  and,  as  descent  in  the  tribe  was  traced  through  the 
mother,  was  spoken  of  by  members  of  the  clan  as  "  my  mother's 
land  ".  Upon  such  tracts  the  woman  worked  raising  maize,  &c., 
and  the  product  was  recognized  as  their  property.' l  Of  the 
North- American  Indians  generally  we  are  told  that  'occupancy 
gradually  established  a  claim  or  right  to  possess  the  tract  from 
which  a  tribe  or  individual  derived  food.  This  occupancy  was 
the  only  land  tenure  recognized  by  the  Indian  ;  he  never  of  him- 
self reached  the  conception  of  the  land  as  merchantable.  ...  As 
long  as  a  person  planted  a  certain  tract  the  claim  was  not  dis- 
puted, but  if  its  cultivation  were  neglected,  any  one  who  chose 
might  take  it.  Among  the  Zuni,  according  to  Gushing,  if  a  man, 
either  before  or  after  marriage,  takes  up  a  field  of  unappropriated 
land,  it  belongs  strictly  to  him,  but  is  spoken  of  as  the  property 
of  his  clan,  or  on  his  death  it  may  be  cultivated  by  any  member 
of  that  clan,  though  preferably  by  near  relatives,  but  not  by  his 
wife  or  children,  who  must  be  of  another  clan.' 2  So,  too,  among 
the  Omahas  maize  was  cultivated  in  patches  of  one-half  to  three 
acres  in  size ;  property  in  these  patches  was  recognized  so  long 
as  cultivation  was  continued.  Afterwards  any  one  could  take 
them.3  In  Mexico  there  was  an  elaborate  system  of  land  tenure.4 
Conditions  in  South  America  were  very  similar  to  those  in  North 
America.  Spix  and  Martius  speaking  of  Brazil  say :  '  The 
savages  consider  the  lands  they  have  put  under  cultivation  to  be 
in  some  measure  the  property  of  their  tribe.  .  .  .  One  or  several 
families  unite  to  clear  a  part  of  the  virgin  forest  and  plant  maize, 
manioc,  cotton,  or  bananas.  .  .  .  The  same  ground  is  cultivated 
every  year,  because  it  would  be  too  difficult  every  yeai  to  clear 
new  portions  of  the  forest.  ...  A  field  cultivated  for  several  years 
is  considered  to  belong  to  a  family,  and  the  neighbours  recognize 
these  rights.'  5 

The  rights  over  land  are  very  similar  in  Africa.  Bar  tie  Frere 
says  that  '  it  is  clear,  from  the  accounts  of  early  Dutch  and  other 
travellers  in  South  Africa,  that  every  Hottentot  tribe  had  its 

1  Handbook  of  American    Indians,   Article    'Property'.  2  Ibid.,   Article 

'  Land  Tenure  '.  3  Fletcher  and  La  Flesche,  27th  A.  It.  B.  E.,  p.  269.    Porsey 

(loc.  cit.,  p.  366)  gives  further  details.  *  Joyce,  Mexican  Archaeology,  p.  116. 

5  Spix  and  Martius,  vol.  i,  p.  83. 


THE  REGULATION  OP  NUMBERS  209 

territory,  into  which  strangers  might  not  intrude  for  pasture  or 
hunting,  without  the  leave  of  the  whole  tribe  ;  each  kraal  had  its 
pasture  lands  distinct,  over  which  the  people  of  that  section  of 
the  tribe  moved  their  mat  huts,  as  the  need  of  their  herds,  for 
grass  or  water,  rendered  advisable.  As  each  kraal  had  more  or 
less  of  a  family  constitution,  it  is  difficult  to  say  how  far  the 
pasture  lands  were  held  in  common,  or  as  the  property  of  the 
individual  occupant.' l  Of  the  Ewe-speaking  people,  Ellis  says 
that  among  most  tribes  there  is  no  private  property  in  land  but 
that  the  family  in  occupation  of  any  tract  cannot  be  disturbed.2 
Of  the  Yoruba-speaking  people  the  same  author  says  that  land, 
belonging  to  the  community  collectively,  is  vested  in  the  chief, 
who  distributes  among  households  and  families  as  required.  No 
man  can  be  depossessed  of  land  once  allotted  to  him,  and  the 
usufruct  descends  to  his  children,  but  the  land  cannot  be  sold.3 
*  It  is  doubtful ',  says  Talbot,  '  whether  any  part  of  the  Ekoi 
country  remains  at  present  unowned.'  4  According  to  Scott 
Elliot  the  rights  of  property  in  land  of  the  different  families  in 
Sierra  Leone  are  carefully  maintained,  especially  in  times  of 
famine.5  In  ^Northern  Nigeria  a  *  man  is  free  to  mark  out  a  farm 
on  any  unoccupied  land  ',  and  has  a  claim  to  it  as  long  as  he 
cultivates  it.6  Among  the  Bangala  of  the  Upper  Congo  '  the 
boundaries  of  a  town  are  well  defined,  and  the  lands  belonging 
to  a  town  are  well  known  to  all  other  towns  in  the  neighbourhood. 
If  an  animal  is  killed  on  ground  owned  by  a  town  other  than 
that  to  which  the  huntsman  belongs,  he  has  to  send  a  portion — 
generally  the  head — to  the  chief  of  the  town  which  claims  the 
ground.' 7  Further,  '  every  woman  had  her  farm,  which  was  her 
exclusive  property,  and  not  even  a  fellow  wife  had  any  rights 
over  it  '.8  The  hunting  grounds  of  the  Bushongo  are  well  defined  ; 
the  usufruct  of  the  soil  belongs  to  individuals,  and  trees  are 
private  property.9  Among  the  Mangbetu  '  every  tribe  has  an 
accurate  knowledge  of  the  boundary  of  the  territory  over  which 
it  can  hunt,  move  about,  and  establish  its  villages  '.10  Hobley 
states  that  among  the  Akamba  there  is  individual  property  in 
land  which  passes  on  the  death  of  the  father  to  the  sons.11  The 

1  Bartle  Frere,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xii,  p.  260.  2  Ellis,  Ewe-Speaking  People,  p.  217. 
3  Ibid.,  Tonka-Speaking  People,  p.  188.  *  Talbot,  loc.  cit.,  p.  262. 

5  Scott  Elliot,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xxiii,  p.  82.  8  Tremearne,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xlii,  p.  ]  87. 

7  Weeks,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xxxix,  p.  123.  8  Ibid.,  p.  129.  9  Torday  and 

Joyce,  Ann.  Mus.  Congo  Beige,  ser.  3,  tome  ii,  p.  91.  10  Van  Overbergh,  loc. 

cit.,  No.  2,  p.  465.  »  Hobley,  Akamba,  pp.  82  and  136  ff. 

2498  0 


210  THE  BEGULATION  OF  NUMBEES 

limits  of  the  properties  are  very  well  defined  and  well  known 
among  the  Ababua  ;    cultivation  renders  the  title  good.1     The 
Baganda  '  lived  in  their  gardens  or  plantations.    These  gardens 
were  often  joined  one  to  the  other,  and  a  number  of  people  lived 
in  a  community,  often  forming  four  or  five  miles  of  continuous 
garden  with  families  living  each  on  their  own  plot.' 2    Even  the 
fallow  land  among  the  Akikuyu  was  '  all  in  private  ownership  ', 
and  could  not  be  brought  into  cultivation  without  the  owner's 
consent.3    In  British  Central  Africa  a  man  making  a  garden  is 
*  perfectly  free  to  choose  so  long  as  the  ground  is  not  in  cultiva- 
tion, or  has  not  been  bespoken  by  some  one  else  ;    and,  once 
marked,  no  one  can  interfere  with  it  '.4    Of  the  same  region  we 
are  told  that  '  these  negroes  have  clear  ideas  of  property.    The 
waste  land  is  usually  considered  to  belong  to  the  chief,  but  planta- 
tions and  enclosures  belong  personally  to  the  individual  who 
originally  made  "them.  .  .  .  Natives  have  clear  ideas  of  large  or 
small  estates,  or  of  their  kingdom  ;  and  in  the  case  of  the  former 
they  are  marked  by  the  planting  of  certain  trees  of  thick  growth, 
while  of  course  streams  and  mountains  are  recognized  as  boun- 
daries and  natural  limits  of  territories.'  5    Of  the  Thonga  tribe 
in  Portuguese  East  Africa  we  hear  that  '  each  man  has  his  own 
field  which  he  tills  '.6    Speaking  of  the  Bantu  races  south  of  the 
Zambezi,  Theal  says  that  '  the  chief  apportioned  to  each  head  of 
a  family  sufficient  ground  for  a  garden  according  to  his  needs, 
and  it  remained  in  that  individual's  possession  as  long  as  it  was 
cultivated  '.7    So  Conder  says  of  Bechuanaland,  '  the  land  belongs 
to  the  chief.    He  divides  it  among  his  head  men  and  they  in  turn 
among  their  people.    There  is  no  division  of  grazing  land.    The 
mealie  fields  are  practically  the  property  of  the  cultivator  so  long 
as  they  are  tilled.    I  found  each  patch  to  belong  to  an  individual, 
and  to  be  divided  generally  by  untilled  land  from  the  next  patch.'  8 
Among  the  Ovaherero  the  whole  land  is  common  property,  but 
the  rights  of  tribes  and  also  of  individuals  to  particular  bpots  are 
recognized  so  long  as  they  are  occupied.    Whoever  first  appro- 
priates a  spring  and  the  surrounding  pastures  can  maintain  his 
right.9 

1  Halkin,  loc.  cit.,  p.  493.  2  Roscoe,  Baganda,  p.  15.  3  Routledge, 

Prehistoric  People,  p.  39.  4  Werner,  loc.   cit.,  p.   179.  5  Johnston, 

British  Central  Africa,  p.  471.  6  Junod,  South  African  Tribe,  vol.  i,  p.  307. 

7  Theal,  Yellow-  and  Dark-Skinned  People,  p.  230.  8  Conder,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xvi, 

p.  86.  '  Hahn,  Z.  G.  E.,  vol.  iii,  p.  255.     For  Madagascar,  where  conditions 

are  much  the  same,  see  Parker,  J,  A.  /.,  vol.  xii. 


THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS       211 

The  conditions  in  Oceania  are  in  their  main  elements,  which 
alone  are  relevant,  similar  to  those  in  America  and  Africa.  In 
the  Pelew  Islands  every  family  had  its  plot  of  land,  which  was 
considered  as  private  property  so  long  as  it  was  occupied  and 
cultivated.1  In  New  Zealand  *  land  was  held  primarily  by  tribal 
rights  ;  and  within  this  tribal  right  each  free  warrior  of  the  tribe 
had  particular  rights  over  some  portion'.2  In  Sarawak  *  each 
tribe  had  its  limits,  which  have  been  handed  down  from  father 
to  son  for  ages,  so  that  every  old  man  of  a  tribe  knows  the  exact 
extent  of  its  district  '.3  In  British  New  Guinea  we  hear  of  '  pro- 
perly regulated  and  well-defined  property  rights,  certainly  not 
bounded  by  surveyed  lines  commonly  used  to  indicate  European 
land  claims,  but  marked  and  known  by  natural  features  such  as 
surface  conditions  afford  '.4  It  may  also  be  noticed  that  rights 
over  certain  areas  are  recognized  by  the  peoples  of  Northern  Asia, 
such  as  the  Tunguses  and  the  Yakuts.5 

5.  Passing  to  the  second  and  third  points  we  find  that  within 
these  areas  there  is  evidence  even  among  the  most  primitive 
hunters  of  co-operation  in  the  search  for  food  and  of  strict  rules 
for  the  division  of  the  available  food.  Coupled  with  this  we  find 
that  there  is  a  social  obligation  which  is  strongly  enforced  for 
every  man  to  do  his  share.  Thus,  where  hunting  and  fishing  can 
only  be  carried  out  by  joint  parties,  strict  rules  exist  for  the 
division  of  the  catch  among  those  who  have  taken  part  and  among 
their  dependents.  This  may  be  illustrated  by  a  few  examples. 
Howitt  gives  many  details  of  the  rules  in  force  in  Australia 
with  regard  to  the  division  of  food.  These  rules  not  only  differ 
from  place  to  place  but  also  for  the  various  forms  of  game.  Thus 
among  the  Kurnai  '  a  wombat  is  cooked,  then  cut  open  and 
skinned.  The  skin  is  cut  into  strips  and  divided  with  parts  of 
the  animal  thus.  The  head  to  the  person  who  killed  the  animal. 
His  father  the  right  rib  ;  mother  the  left  ribs  and  backbone, 
which,  with  some  of  the  skin,  she  gives  to  her  parents.  Her 
husband's  parents  receive  some  of  the  skin.  The  elder  brother 
gets  the  right  shoulder,  the  younger  the  left.  The  elder  sister  gets 
the  right  hind  leg,  the  younger  the  left  hind  leg,  and  the  rump 
and  the  liver  are  sent  to  the  young  men  in  the  camp.' 6  '  If 
a  man  only  killed  enough  game  or  procured  enough  food  for 

1  Wilson,  Pelew  Islands,  p.  297.  2  Tregear,  loc.  cit.,  p.  106.  3  Ling 

Roth,  loc.  cit.,  p.  419.  '  Thomson,  British  New  Guinea,  p.  194.  5  Miiller, 

Unter  Tungusen,  p.  46.  6  Howitt,  Native  Tribes,  p.  759. 

02 


212  THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS 

himself,  his  wife  and  his  children,  then  he  need  not  divide  with 
others  ;  but  if  he  found  that  his  father  had  no  food,  he  would 
give  them  what  he  had  and  go  out  and  look  for  more/  *  '  All  the 
males  in  the  Chepara  tribe  are  expected  to  provide  food,  if  not 
sick.  If  a  man  is  lazy  and  stays  in  camp,  he  is  jeered  at  and 
insulted  by  the  others.' 2 

The  principal  features  of  the  Australian  customs  as  described 
above  are  to  be  found  among  all  hunting  and  fishing  races,  though 
such  elaborate  rules  as  are  usual  -in  Australia  are  somewhat 
uncommon  elsewhere.  The  Bushmen  may  have  had  their  rules 
for  the  division  of  game ;  all  we  are  told  is  to  the  effect  that  they 
shared  food.  '  When  one  feasted  they  all  partook  ;  and  when  one 
hungered  they  all  equally  suffered.'  3  We  have  evidence  both  of 
the  sharing  of  food  and  of  the  dividing  up  of  game  among  the 
Eskimos.  Details  of  the  latter  are  given  by  Nansen;  4  with  regard 
to  the  former  we  have  frequent  references  to  the  division  of  food 
within  the  villages  among  all  who  need  it.5  Of  the  Eskimos  we  are 
also  told  that  *  it  might  be  considered  a  law  that  every  man,  as  far 
as  he  was  able  to  do  it,  should  practise  the  trade  of  a  hunter  on  the 
sea,  until  he  was  either  disabled  by  old  age  or  had  a  son  to  succeed 
him.  This  duty  neglected,  he  brought  upon  himself  the  repre- 
hension not  only  of  the  other  members  of  his  own  family,  but  also 
of  the  wider  community.' 6  Kules  for  the  division  of  food  were 
almost  universal  among  the  Indians  ;  when  a  hunter  of  the  Hare 
tribe  kills  an  animal,  he  is  only  allowed  the  tongue  and  ribs  ;  the 
rest  is  distributed  according  to  a  system.7  So,  too,  among  the 
Lillooet  a  regular  partition  of  the  game  took  place,  of  which  one 
of  the  features  was  '  that  the  persons  who  had  the  game  had  no 
preference  over  others  '.8  Such  phrases  as  '  studied  equity  in  the 
distribution  of  necessaries  ',9  which  is  applied  to  the  Seri  Indians, 
indicate  the  existence  of  similar  rules.10 

Conditions  are  similar  among  the  races  of  the  second  group.  In 
Fiji  '  public  opinion  took  care  that  no  man  in  the  community 

1  Howitt,  Native  Tribes,  p.  765.  2  Ibid.,  p.  767.  3  Stow,  loc.  cit.,  p.  41.  See  also 
Theal,  Yellow-  and  Dark-Skinned  People,  p.  48.  4  Nansen,  Eskimo  Life,  p.  113. 

5  See,  for  instance,  Klutschak,  pp.  231  if.,  and  Whymper,  Voyages  et  Aventures, 
p.  346.  •  Rink,  loc.  cit..  p.  31.  7  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  121. 

8  Teit,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  256.  •  MacGee,  17th  A.  R.  B.  E.,  p.  273. 

10  Hill  Tout  (British  North  America,  p.  159)  describes  an  exceptional  case  of 
a  Salish  tribe  in  which  '  even  the  food  was  held  and  the  meals  taken  in  common, 
the  presiding  elder  or  headsman  calling  a  certain  family  each  day  to  provide 
the  meals  for  all  the  rest,  every  one  taking  it  in  turn  to  discharge  this  social 
duty '. 


THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBERS       213 

shirked  his  work  \l  In  New  Ireland,  '  should  a  man  neglect  his 
family,  a  mode  of  punishment  very  similar  to  one  practised  by 
schoolboys  among  civilized  races  is  adopted.  A  double  row  of 
men,  women,  and  children — the  whole  population  of  the  village — 
armed  with  stiff  birches  is  formed  ;  and  at  a  signal  from  the  chief 
the  delinquent  is  obliged  to  run  a  certain  number  of  times  through 
the  lines  and  receive  a  general  castigation  from  the  rods  of  the 
villagers  '.2  Of  the  Pawumwa  Haseman  says  '  all  work  together. 
...  If  any  one  refuses  to  assist  in  planting,  the  chief  forces  him  to 
work.  I  saw  one  Indian  with  a  long  scar  on  the  side  of  his  head 
and  neck,  the  result  of  punishment  for  laziness.' 3 

6.  It  is  thus  clear  that  within  any  group  in  any  primitive  race, 
the  members  of  which  co-operate  together  to  obtain  their  food 
from  a  definite  area  to  which  they  are  confined,  the  principle  of  the 
optimum  number  holds  good.  There  is,  that  is  to  say,  taking  into 
account  the  abundance  of  game,  the  fertility  of  the  land,  the 
skilled  methods  in  use,  and  all  other  factors,  a  density  of  popu- 
lation which,  if  attained,  will  enable  the*  greatest  possible  average 
income  per  head  to  be  earned  ;  if  the  density  is  greater  or  if  it  is 
less  than  this  desirable  density,  the  average  income  will  be  less 
than  it  might  have  been.  Obviously  it  must  be  a  very  great 
advantage  for  any  group  to  approximate  to  this  desirable  density. 
There  are  three  possibilities  open  to  any  group.  The  desirable 
number  may  be  approached,  it  may  be  exceeded  up  to  the  point 
where  men  can  only  just  exist,  or  it  may  not  be  reached.  Extreme 
departures  from  the  optimum  number  must  be  very  disadvan- 
tageous ;  if  numbers  increase  until  they  are  limited  by  starvation 
only,  then  no  benefit  arises  from  the  use  of  any  skilled  methods 
that  may  be  known.  Under  such  circumstances  all  inventions  in 
the  methods  of  hunting,  fishing,  and  cultivating  the  ground  profit 
nothing.  Social  conditions  must  also  inevitably  be  unstable  where 
starvation  alone  limits  numbers. 

This  being  so,  how  are  numbers  regulated  ?  We  may  observe 
to  begin  with  that  there  is  a  number  of  factors  at  work  among  all 
these  races  which  incidentally  limit  increase.  This  they  may  do 
either  by  decreasing  fertility  or  by  increasing  elimination.  To  the 
former  class  belong  pre-puberty  intercourse  and  prolonged 
lactation,  to  the  latter  war  and  lack  of  care  of  children.  Two 

1  Thomson,  Fijians,  p.  229.  2  Angas,  loc.  cit.,  p.  373.  3  Haseman, 

Am.  Anth.,  vol.  xiv,  p.  338. 


214  THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBERS 

characteristics  of  these  factors  are  noteworthy.  The  effect  they 
have  upon  the  limitation  of  increase  is  incidental ;  it  is  the  chance 
accompaniment  of  the  practice  of  certain  customs  or  of  certain 
habits.  In  the  second  place  the  working  of  any  single  factor,  so 
far  as  it  reduces  fertility  or  increases  elimination,  is  fairly  regular  ; 
in  any  primitive  race  at  any  given  time  such  habits  as  prolonged 
lactation  and  early  intercourse,  when  they  occur,  cause  a  certain 
definite  reduction  of  fertility  ;  and  such  customs  as  those  of  war 
and  those  connected  with  the  upbringing  of  children  cause  a  certain 
definite  amount  of  elimination.  The  nature  of  the  factors  present 
and  the  degree  of  their  incidence  varies  considerably  from  race  to 
race,  but  it  follows  from  what  has  been  said  above  that  in  any 
primitive  race  over  a  considerable  length  of  time  the  amount  by 
which  fertility  is  decreased  and  the  amount  of  elimination  which 
is  caused  remain  fairly  constant. 

There  is  another  class  of  factors  the  primary  and  not  the  inci- 
dental function  of  which  it  is  either  to  reduce  fertility  or  to  cause 
elimination.  These  factors  are  prolonged  abstention  from  inter- 
course, abortion,  and  infanticide.  The  view  put  forward  here  is 
that  normally  in  every  primitive  race  one  or  more  of  these  customs 
are  in  use,  and  that  the  degree  to  which  they  are  practised  is  such 
that  there  is  an  approach  to  the  optimum  number.  With  regard 
to  this  view  we  may  first  deal  with  the  question  as  to  the  prevalence 
of  these  customs.  We  may  then  refer  to  the  evidence  as  to  the 
nature  and  origin  of  these  practices.  We  shall  then  be  in  a  position 
to  ask  how  it  may  be  supposed  that  they  are  so  practised  as  to 
bring  about  that  amount  of  restriction  of  increase  which  will  result 
in  an  approach  to  the  optimum  number  being  made. 

7.  The  evidence  regarding  the  practice  of  these  customs — 
prolonged  abstention  from  intercourse,  abortion,  and  infanticide — 
has  already  been  given  in  the  last  two  chapters.  This  evidence  is 
also  summed  up  in  the  Appendix  to  which  the  reader  is  invited  to 
turn.  No  attempt  has  been  made  to  conduct  an  exhaustive 
inquiry ;  but  it  is  claimed  that  there  is  ample  evidence  of  the 
widespread  prevalence  of  one  or  more  of  these  practices.  There  is 
no  indication  of  the  correlation  of  any  one  practice  with  any  one 
economic  stage.  As  far  as  the  evidence  goes,  any  practice  may  be 
in  use  in  any  economic  stage.  To  the  meaning  of  this  we  shall 
refer  later.  It  is  further  claimed  that,  when  the  influence  of  contact 
with  Europeans  is  taken  into  account,  the  evidence  of  the  existence 


THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS  215 

of  these  customs  is  still  more  impressive  ;  for  the  observations 
upon  which  we  have  to  rely  have  for  the  greater  part  been  made 
after  these  races  had  been  in  contact  with  Europeans,  and  such 
contact  is  followed  by  a  diminution  of  these  practices. 

One  of  the  first  changes  brought  about  by  this  contact  is 
connected  with  the  introduction  of  diseases  previously  unknown. 
These  diseases  are  often  peculiarly  fatal,  causing  a  very  high  death- 
rate,  and  it  is  clear  that,  unless  the  practices  of  abstention  from 
intercourse,  abortion,  and  infanticide  were  largely  abandoned, 
the  race  would  perish.  There  is  no  difficulty  in  understanding 
how  these  practices  would  actually  be  abandoned  soon  after  the 
introduction  of  disease.  The  proximate  causes  of  these  practices 
are  largely,  as  we  shall  see,  the  difficulty  of  transporting  many 
young  children  and  the  undesirability  of  having  more  than  one 
child  during  the  period  of  lactation.  If  disease  began  to  carry  off 
many  children,  the  immediate  causes  for  these  practices  would 
largely  or  entirely  disappear  and  so  would  the  customs  themselves.1 

Apart  from  the  introduction  of  disease,  the  effect  of  contact  is 
in  other  ways  to  reduce  the  extent  of  these  practices.  Contact  has 
often  resulted  in  warfare  between  aboriginal  races  and  European 
settlers — as  in  Tasmania,  Australia,  and  America,  or  as  between 
the  Bushmen  and  the  Boers.  The  largely  increased  death-rate 
would,  as  in  the  case  of  disease,  be  followed  by  a  diminution  of  the 
extent  of  these  practices.  Further,  under  other  conditions,  as  for 
instance  in  Polynesia,  the  efforts  of  missionaries  have  long  been 
directed  to  putting  a  stop  to  these  customs.2  We  may  also 
note  that  there  is  often  a  bias  on  the  part  of  observers  to  under- 
estimate the  extent  of  the  employment  of  infanticide  and  abortion. 
Many  observers  are  attracted  by  the  races  who  come  under  their 
notice  and  seem  to  think  that  these  practices  are  incompatible 
with  the  kindly  nature  or  pleasant  disposition  of  the  people  they 
describe — that  in  fact  the  attribution  to  them  of  such  customs  as 

1  Some  authors  have  assumed  without  producing  any  evidence  that  these 
practices — especially  infanticide — have  increased,  if  they  have  not  been  initiated, 
after  contact  with  Europeans.    It  is,  therefore,  of  interest  to  note  that  according 
to  Rivers  there  is  definite  genealogical  evidence  from  Tikopia  of  the  disappearance 
of  infanticide  (Melanesian  Society,  vol.  i,  p.  352). 

2  According    to  Neuhauss  for   instance,  both  abortion  and  infanticide  were 
formerly  prevalent  in  parts  of  New  Guinea  where  they  are  now  rare  owing  to 
missionary  teaching.    No  accurate  account  has  been  given  of  these  tribes  in  their 
former  state,  and  thus  quite  possibly  a  modern  observer  might  well  merely  record 
the  practices  as  being     rare  ' — a  statement  which  would  be  misleading  for  our 
present  purpose  but  which  is  of  the  kind  likely  to  be  relied  on  by  those  who  do  not 
admit  the  wide  prevalence  of  these  customs  (Deutsch  Neu-Guinea,  vol  i,  p.  31). 


216  THE  REGULATION  OF  NUMBERS 

a  normal  feature  of  existence  is  a  kind  of  libel — and  if  they  report 
them  at  all,  they  persuade  themselves  into  thinking  that  they  are 
infrequent  and  abnormal.  We  have  only  to  remember  the 
objection  taken  to  the  interpretation  of  the  finds  in  neolithic 
graves  in  England  as  evidences  of  infanticide — an  objection  based 
on  the  dislike  of  believing  that  our  ancestors  could  have  been 
guilty  of  such  a  habit.  Or,  again,  we  may  remember  that  Tacitus, 
when  desirous  of  holding  up  the  Germanic  tribes  as  an  example 
to  the  Romans  of  his  day,  declared  that  they  never  committed 
infanticide — the  implication  being  again  that  infanticide  is  to  be 
regarded  as  a  degenerate  and  unworthy  custom.1 

Nevertheless,  in  spite  of  all  such  tendencies  working  for  the 
rapid  disappearance  of  these  customs,  and  in  spite  of  the  bias 
against  believing  in  their  existence,  there  is,  as  the  Appendix 
shows,  ample  evidence  that  one  or  more  of  these  practices  are 
recorded  for  almost  every  people. 

8.  We  may  now  consider  the  evidence  regarding  the  origin  and 
nature  of  these  practices.  We  shall  find  that  abortion  and  infanti- 
cide arise  owing  to  the  difficulty  of  providing  for  more  than  one 
childj,t  j,  time.  We  shall  also  find  that  these  customs  are  practised 
as  normal  features  of  social  life  and  in  such  a  manner  as  to  keep 
the  number  of  children  at  a  fairly  constant  average  figure.  There 
is  frequently  a  belief  that  a  particular  number  of  children  is  the 
right  number  of  children.  Further,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  number 
of  children  to  be  preserved  is  a  matter  for  consideration  in  which 
the  wishes  of  not  only  the  parents  but  also  of  the  relations  and  of 
the  community  in  general  have  to  be  taken  into  account,  and 
that  the  practices  are  enforced  by  social  pressure. 

A  large  amount  of  evidence  has  been  given  to  the  effect  that 
the  number  of  children  is  always  small — the  number,  that  is  to 
say,  after  these  practices  have  taken  effect.  This  is  in  itself 
evidence,  it  may  be  noticed,  that  these  practices  do  result  in 
reducing  the  number  of  children  to  a  small  constant  average. 
Some  additional  evidence  may  now  be  noted. 

According  to  Curr  infanticide  in  Australia  '  resulted  principally 
from  the  difficulty,  if  not  the  impossibility,  of  transporting  several 
children  of  tender  age  from  place  to  place  on  their  frequent 
marches  ',2  and  later  he  observes  that  *  infanticide  was  common 

1  As  will  be  pointed  out  later,  this  statement  of  Tacitus  is  undoubtedly  incorrect. 

2  Curr,  Recollections,  p.  252, 


THE  REGULATION  OF  NUMBERS  217 

among  the  Bangerang.  .  .  .  They  themselves  gave  as  their  reason 
for  it  the  impossibility  of  the  woman  carrying  more  than  one 
infant  in  their  constant  wanderings.'  x  '  Every  child  which  was 
born  before  the  one  which  preceded  it  could  walk  was  destroyed, 
because  the  mother  was  regarded  as  incapable  of  carrying  two,'  2 
says  another  observer  of  the  Narrinyeri  tribe.  Considerable 
information  is  given  by  Ho  wit  t  for  various  Australian  tribes. 
'  Infanticide  is  practised  by  the  Mining  to  some  extent,  the  mode 
of  killing  being  by  starvation.  After  a  few  days  of  short  commons 
the  child  becomes  peevish  and  troublesome,  and  in  consequence 
more  neglected,  being  placed  by  itself  away  from  the  camp  and 
fires,  and  it  is  said  to  be  afflicted  with  Mupurn  (magic).  When 
death  ends  its  sufferings  Mupurn  is  the  cause.  The  reason  they 
give  for  this  practice  is  that  if  their  numbers  increase  too  rapidly 
there  would  not  be  enough  food  for  everybody.  Yet  they  are 
very  fond  of  their  offspring,  and  very  indulgent  to  those  they  keep, 
rarely  striking  them,  and  a  mother  would  give  all  the  food  she  had 
to  her  children,  going  hungry  herself.'  3  '  In  the  Tongaranka  tribe 
the  practice  of  infanticide  was  common,  because  a  baby  was 
frequently  too  much  trouble  to  look  after,  and  it  was  often  the 
mother  who  killed  it.  But  it  was  not  done  until  the  family 
consisted  of  three  or  four  ;  but  after  that  too  much  work  in 
hunting  had  to  be  done  to  keep  the  family  in  food.  ...  In  the 
Mukjarawaint  tribe  the  children  belonged  to  the  grandparents, 
though  the  parents  had  care  of  them.  If,  for  instance,  a  boy  was 
born  and  then  a  girl,  the  father's  parents  might  take  them,  or  the 
mother's  parents,  and  so  also  with  another  couple  of  children.  If, 
then,  another  child  was  born  and  one  of  the  grandparents  took  it, 
it  would  be  kept.  If  not,  it  was  killed,  there  being  too  many 
children.  The  grandparents  had  to  decide  whether  a  child  was  to 
be  kept  alive  or  not.  If  not,  then  either  the  grandfather  or  father 
killed  it,  by  striking  it  against  the  mother's  knee,  and  then  knock- 
ing it  on  the  head.  , . .  According  to  Buckley,  if  a  family  increased 
too  rapidly  in  the  Wadthawing  tribe,  as,  for  instance,  when 
a  woman  had  a  child  within  twelve  months  of  the  previous  one, 
there  was  a  consultation  in  the  tribe  as  to  whether  it  should  live 
or  not.  .  .  .  Infanticide  in  the  Kurnai  tribe  arose  through  the 
difficulty  of  carrying  a  baby  when  there  were  other  children, 

1  Curr,  Recollections,  p.  263.  2  Taplin,  loc.  cit..  p.  14.  '  Howitt, 

Native  Tribes,  p.  748. 


218  THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBERS 

especially  when  the  next  youngest  was  not  able  to  walk.' l  Of  the 
aborigines  of  the  Eiver  Darling  we  are  told  that '  it  seems  to  have 
been  the  custom  to  kill  many  of  the  children  directly  after  birth, 
to  save  trouble  and  privation  in  time  of  drought,  when  long 
distances  must  be  travelled,  in  the  search  for  food  and  water  ',2 
and  the  same  proximate  cause  of  infanticide  is  mentioned  by 
Beveridge.3  Of  the  women  in  the  Port  Lincoln  district  it  is  said 
that  they  put  forward  as  the  cause  of  infanticide  the  fact  that  they 
'  cannot  suckle  and  carry  two  children  together ' ; 4  similar 
reasons  are  said  to  be  given  by  the  women  of  Central  Australia.5 
Speaking  of  the  natives  of  Port  Darwin  Foelsche  says  that  the 
reason  for  infanticide  is  that  '  too  many  children  encumber  the 
parents  in  travelling  about  for  food  '.6  It  is  also  worthy  of  note 
in  connexion  with  Howitt's  statement  about  there  being  at  times 
a  dread  of  over-population  that,  according  to  Spencer  and  Gillen, 
this  is  not  the  case  at  any  rate  in  Central  Australia  ; 7  according 
to  Curr,  however,  *  in  many  tribes  there  is  a  great  fear  of  a  want 
of  food  arising  from  over-population  '.8  Among  the  tribes  of 
Port  Lincoln  '  the  number  of  children  reared  by  each  family  is  ... 
very  limited,  rarely  exceeding  four ',  and  '  if  a  mother  has  children 
in  rapid  succession  .  .  .  the  young  infant  is  killed  '.9  In  the 
Dieyerie  tribe  about  30  per  cent,  of  the  children  are  destroyed  at 
birth.10  In  the  neighbourhood  of  Port  Darwin  children  are  killed 
'  where  a  woman  has  more  than  three  or  four  '.11  In  Central 
Australia  'each  mother  only  rears,  upon  an  average,  two  children'.12 
Among  the  Northern  tribes  of  Central  Australia  the  number  of 
children  is  kept  down  by  infanticide  to  two  or  three.13 

Similar  evidence  is  forthcoming  for  other  races  of  this  group. 
Thus  of  the  Puelches  Guinnard  says  that  '  among  these  almost 
primitive  creatures,  children  are  not  nearly  so  numerous  as  might 
be  imagined,  for  the  existence  of  the  new  born  infant  is  submitted 
to  the  judgment  of  the  father  and  mother,  who  decide  on  its  life  or 

1  Howitt,  Native  Tribes,  p.  749.  2  Bonney,  J.  A.  I ,  vol.  xiii,  p.  125. 

3  Beveridge,  loc.  cit.,  p.  26.  4  Wilhelmi,  loc.  cit.,  p.  181.    See  also  Eylmann, 

loc.  cit.,  p.  261.  5  Spencer  and  Gillen,  Native  Tribes,  p.  608.  6  Foelsche, 

loc.  cit.,  p.  192.  7  Spencer  and  Gillen,  Native  Tribes,  p.  264. 

8  Curr,  Australian  Race,  vol.  i,  p.  76.    In  another  work,  however,  the  same  author 
says  that  he  often  spoke  to  the  natives  on  this  subject,  and  is  '  sure  that  the  idea 
of  over-population  never  entered  their  heads '  (Recollections,  p.  263).     Smyth 
(loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  52)  thinks  that  there  may  be  some  fear  of  over-population. 

9  Schurmann,  loc.  cit.,  p.  223.  10  Gason,  loc.  cit.,  p.  8.          "  Foelsche, 
loc.  cit.,  p.   192.            n  Eyre,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  376.  I3  Mathew,  Two 
Representative  Tribes,  p.  165. 


THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEES  219 

death  '.l  Charlevoix  says  of  the  Abipones  that  '  they  seldom  rear 
but  one  of  each  sex,  murdering  the  rest  as  fast  as  they  come  into 
the  world,  till  the  eldest  are  strong  enough  to  walk  alone.  They 
think  to  justify  this  cruelty  by  saying  that,  as  they  are  almost 
constantly  travelling  from  one  place  to  another,  it  is  impossible 
for  them  to  take  care  of  more  infants  than  two  at  a  time  ;  one  to 
be  carried  by  the  father,  the  other  by  the  mother.' 2 

Turning  to  races  of  the  second  group  in  Funafuti  every  mother 
was  allowed  to  keep  alternate  children,  but  the  second,  fourth, 
and  so  on  had  to  be  destroyed.3  '  A  Tikopian  family  is  usually 
limited  to  four  children,  any  excess  of  this  number  being  killed 
by  burying  them  alive  in  the  house  or  just  outside  it ;  occasionally 
five  or  six  may  be  kept  alive  but  never  more.  If  the  first  four 
children  are  girls  one  or  more  of  these  may  be  killed  in  the  hope 
that  the  succeeding  children  may  be  boys,  in  which  case  the  lives 
of  the  boys  would  be  spared.'  4  In  New  Guinea,  in  the  later  years 
of  marriage,  abortion  is  used  in  order  to  lessen  the  number  of 
children,  since  a  large  family  would  mean  too  much  work  for  the 
parents.5  In  the  Kingsmill  Islands  '  a  woman  seldom  has  more 
than  two  children,  and  never  more  than  three  ;  when  she  discovers 
herself  to  be  enceinte  for  the  third  or  fourth  time,  the  foetus  is 
discharged  by  a  midwife  '.6  In  the  Sandwich  Islands,  '  however 
numerous  the  children  among  the  lower  orders,  parents  seldom 
rear  more  than  two  or  three,  and  many  spare  only  one ;  all  the 
others  are  destroyed,  sometimes  shortly  after  birth,  generally 
during  the  first  year  of  their  age  '.7  *  They  consider  three  children 
a  burden,'  says  the  same  author  in  another  passage,  *  and  are 
unwilling  to  cultivate  a  little  more  ground,  or  undertake  the  small 
additional  labour  necessary  to  the  support  of  their  offspring  during 
the  helpless  period  of  infancy  and  childhood.' 8  *  No  married 
pair  (among  the  Gilbert  Islanders)  are  allowed  by  their  law  to 
have  nor  bear  more  than  four  children,  that  is  only  four  children 
get  the  chance  of  life.  The  woman  has  the  right  to  rear  or  to 
endeavour  to  rear  one  child.  It  rests  with  the  husband  to  decide 
how  many  children  shall  live,  and  this  depends  on  how  much  land 
there  is  to  divide.' 9  In  Fiji '  infanticide  is  more  prevalent  among 

1  Guinnard.  loc.  cit.,  p.   143.  2  Charlevoix,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  405. 

3  Edgeworth  i)avid,  Funafuti,  p.  195.  *  Rivers,  Melanesian  Society,  vol.  i, 

p.  313.  5  Neuhaus,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  150.  8  Jenkins,  loc.  cit.,  p.  404. 

See  also  Kramer,  loc.  cit.,  p.  335.  7  Ellis,  Narrative,  p.  324.  8  Ibid., 

p.  327.  9  Tuituila,  loc.  cit.,  p.  267. 


220  THE  REGULATION  OF  NUMBERS 

the  poor  classes  than  the  rich  '.*  Speaking  of  the  Murray  Islands 
Hunt  says  that  *  after  a  certain  number  had  been  born,  all  succeed- 
ing children  were  destroyed,  lest  the  food  supply  should  become 
deficient  '.2  Codrington  says  of  the  Melanesians  that  '  abortion 
and  infanticide  were  very  common.  If  a  woman  did  not  want  the 
trouble  of  bringing  up  a  child,  desired  to  appear  young,  was  afraid 
the  husband  might  think  the  birth  before  its  time,  or  wished  to 
spite  her  husband,  she  would  find  some  one  to  procure  abortion. . . . 

Infanticide  was  more  prevalent  in  some  islands  than  others The 

old  women  of  the  village  generally  determined  whether  a  new-born 
child  should  live  ;  if  not  promising  in  appearance  or  likely  to  be 
troublesome,  it  was  made  away  with.'  3  Among  the  Mafulu  of 
British  New  Guinea  a  woman  must  not  give  birth  to  a  child  unless 
she  can  give  a  pig  to  a  village  feast,  and  consequently  children  are 
often  destroyed  either  by  abortion  or  infanticide,  both  of  which 
are  common.4  Of  the  Western  Islands  in  the  Torres  Straits  we 
hear  that  '  few  women  rear  more  than  three  children,  and  besides 
most  of  those  born  before  marriage  are  doomed  to  be  killed 
immediately  after  birth,  unless  the  father — which  is  seldom  the 
case — is  desirous  of  saving  the  child.  .  .  .  Even  of  other  infants 
some,  especially  females,  are  made  away  with  in  a  similar  manner 
when  the  mother  is  disinclined  to  support  it.5  5  Of  the  Eastern 
Islands  it  is  said  that  *  after  a  certain  number  had  been  born,  all 
succeeding  children  were  destroyed,  lest  the  food  supply  should 
become  insufficient  '.6 

Rengger,  who  remarks  upon  the  small  number  of  children 
among  the  Guaranis,  traces  it  to  the  regular  practice  of  abortion 
after  a  certain  number  had  been  born.7  '  Infanticide  is  quite 
common  among  the  Lenguas,  an  interval  of  seven  or  eight  years 
being  always  observable  between  children  of  the  same  family.  Not 
only  are  babies,  which  are  born  in  the  interval,  immediately  killed, 
but  abortion  is  also  practised.'  8  Among  the  Creek  Indians  '  to 
destroy  a  new-born  infant  is  not  uncommon  in  families  that  are 
grown  so  numerous  as  to  be  supported  with  difficulty  '.9  Of  the 
Cheyennes  it  is  said  that  '  it  has  been  the  custom  that  a  woman 
should  not  have  a  second  child  until  her  first  is  ten  years  old. 

1  Waterhouse,  loc.  cit.,  p.  327.  2  Hunt,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xxviii,  p.  9. 

3  Codrington,  loc.  cit.,  p.  229.  «  Williamson,  Mafulu  People,  p.  177. 

6  Cambridge  Anthropological  Expedition,  vol.  v,  p.  198.  6  Ibid.,  vol.  vi,  p.  107. 

7  Rengger,  loc.  cit.,  p.  329.  8  Hawtrey,  loc.  cit.,  p.  295.  •  Schoolcraft, 
loc.  cit.,  vol.  v,  p.  272. 


THE  EEGULATION  OP  NUMBERS  221 

When  that  age  is  reached,  the  man  is  likely  to  go  with  his  wife 
and  child  to  some  large  dance  or  public  gathering,  and  there  ...  to 
announce  publicly  that  now  this  child  is  going  to  have  a  little 
brother  or  sister.' l  There  is  sometimes  evidence,  for  instance 
among  the  Sioux  2  and  the  Brazilian  tribes,3  that  abortion  is 
committed  after  consultation  with  the  husband.  Among  the  Pima 
Indians  '  sometimes  a  mother  nursed  a  child  until  it  was  six  or 
seven  years  old,  and  if  she  became  pregnant  in  the  meantime  she 
induced  abortion  '.4  In  Fiji  there  was  no  cohabitation  until  the 
child  was  two  years  old.  '  This  separation  . . .  was  in  bygone  times 
invariably  enforced  '  and  abortion  was  practised  when  there  had 
been  enough  children.5  Speaking  also  of  Fiji  Seeman  says  that 
'  relatives  of  a  woman  take  it  as  a  public  insult  if  a  child  should 
be  born  before  the  customary  three  or  four  years  have  elapsed, 
and  they  consider  themselves  in  duty  bound  to  avenge  it  in  an 
equally  public  manner  '.6  Similarly  Gutmann  says  of  the  Wad- 
schagga  that  it  is  considered  most  disgraceful  if  a  woman,  who  is 
still  suckling  a  two  years  child,  again  becomes  a  mother,  and  that 
in  consequence  abortion  is  frequent.7  In  German  New  Guinea, 
according  to  Krieger,  only  three  children  are  as  a  rule  brought  up 
owing  to  a  fear  of  scarcity  of  food.8  In  Eadeck  '  every  mother 
is  allowed  to  bring  up  only  three  children;  every  fourth  and 
succeeding  one  she  is  obliged  to  bury  alive  herself  '.9  Infanti- 
cide was  ordered  by  law  in  Vaitapu  and  not  more  than  two 
children  were  allowed  in  a  family.10  Of  the  Roro-speaking 
tribes  of  New  Guinea  we  are  told  that  '  formerly  it  was  not 
customary  for  a  woman  to  have  children  until  her  garden 
was  bearing  well  '.n  In  the  New  Hebrides  '  infanticide  was 
sadly  prevalent.  As  the  burden  of  plantation  and  other  work 
devolved  on  the  woman,  she  thought  she  could  not  attend 
to  more  than  two  or  three  children,  and  that  the  rest  must 
be  buried  as  soon  as  born.' 12  In  the  New  Britain  group  *  after 
marriage  children  are  not  borne  by  the  woman  for  a  period  of  from 
two  to  four  years.  I  am  informed  that  this  is  the  result  of  a  popular 
dislike  to  speedily  becoming  a  mother  on  the  part  of  the  women, 

1  Grinnell,  loc.  cit.,  p.  15.  2  Keating,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  394.  3  Ehren- 

reich,  loc.  cit.,  p.  27.  4  Russell,  26th  A.  R.  B.  E.,  p.  186.  5  Blyth, 

loc.  cit.,  p.  181.  6  Seeman,  Viti,  p.  191.  7  Gutmann,  loc.  cit.,  p.  3. 

8  Krieger,  loc.  cit.,  p.  165.    See  also  Parkinson,  loc.  cit.,  p.  22.  '  Kotzebue, 

loc.  cit.,  vol.  iii,  p.  173.  10  Turner,  Samoa,  p.  284.  "  Seligman,  Melane- 

sians,  p.  270.  12  Turner,  Samoa,  p.  333.    According  to  Paton,  loc.  cit.,  p.  452, 

infanticide  was  '  systematically  practised  '. 


222       THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS 

who  use  various  means  to  procure  abortion  and  use  them  success- 
fully. ...  A  considerable  period  elapses  between  the  birth  of  one 
child  and  the  birth  of  another.  The  general  term  is  about  three 
years.  One  child  is  always  well  out  of  hand  before  another 
appears.' l  We  may  also  note  that,  according  to  Kivers,  infanti- 
cide is  frequent  among  the  Todas  and  is  practised  not  when  food 
runs  short  but  as  a  regular  custom.2 

It  will  be  remembered  that,  when  setting  out  in  the  last  two 
chapters  the  evidence  for  the  extent  of  abortion  and  of  infanticide, 
these  practices  were  in  many  cases  stated  to  be  committed  when 
there  was  a  certain  number  of  children  thus  corroborating  the 
evidence  given  to  this  effect  above. 

9.  We  are  now  in  a  position  to  discuss  the  manner  in  which 
numbers  are  regulated  among  these  races,  leaving  until  later  the 
discussion  as  to  how  the  position  among  these  races  was  derived 
from  that  among  species  in  a  state  of  nature.  Everywhere  groups 
of  men  are,  as  we  have  seen,  confined  to  definite  areas.  Among 
the  few  things  which  the  men  composing  these  groups  do  know 
with  accuracy  are  the  limits  within  which  their  food  must  be 
obtained.  Further  they  co-operate  in  the  search  for  food.  It 
follows,  therefore,  that  within  any  such  area  there  is — taking  all 
the  relevant  facts  into  account — an  optimum  number.  The 
advantages  to  any  group  of  approaching  this  number  are  immense  ; 
a  wide  departure  from  this  number  can  only  be  socially  disastrous. 
We  found  that  within  any  group  there  is  a  number  of  factors — 
some  of  which  reduce  fertility  and  others  of  which  increase  elimina- 
tion— and  that  the  average  amount  of  restriction  of  increase 
resulting  from  the  action  of  these  factors  was  fairly  contstant.  We 
also  found  that  there  were  certain  other  factors — prolonged 
abstention  from  intercourse,  abortion,  and  infanticide — which  are 
everywhere  present  and  considerably  restrict  increase.  If,  as  we 
shall  see  later,  there  is  reason  to  think  that  some  approach  to  the 
optimum  is  everywhere  attained,  it  is  clear  that  the  former  factors 
cannot  of  themselves  alone  sufficiently  restrict  increase.  It  is 
therefore  to  the  latter  factors,  the  primary  function  of  which  it  is 
to  restrict  increase,  that  we  must  look  when  we  seek  for  the 
mechanism  by  which  numbers  are  brought  near  the  desirable  level. 

It  is  clear  how  these  factors  originate.  Among  more  or  less 
nomadic  peoples  abortion  and  infanticide  are  practised  because 

1  Banks,  loc.  cit.,  p.  291.  •  Rivers,  Todas,  p.  401. 


THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBEES       223 

of  the  difficulty  of  transporting  and  of  suckling  more  than  one 
child  at  a  time.  Abstention  from  intercourse  arises  as  a  taboo. 
The  problem  we  have  to  face  is  how  these  practices  could  come 
to  be  of  the  necessary  intensity.  Now  men  and  groups  of  men  are 
naturally  selected  on  account  of  the  customs  they  practise  just 
as  they  are  selected  on  account  of  their  mental  and  physical 
characters.  Those  groups  practising  the  most  advantageous 
customs  will  have  an  advantage  in  the  constant  struggle  between 
adjacent  groups  over  those  that  practise  less  advantageous 
customs.  Few  customs  can  be  more  advantageous  than  those 
which  limit  the  number  of  a  group  to  the  desirable  number,  and 
there  is  no  difficulty  in  understanding  how — once  any  of  these  three 
customs  had  originated — it  would  by  a  process  of  natural  selection 
come  to  be  so  practised  that  it  would  produce  an  approximation 
to  the  desirable  number.  There  would  grow  up  an  idea  that  it  was 
the  right  thing  to  bring  up  a  certain  limited  number  of  children, 
and  the  limitation  of  the  family  would  be  enforced  by  convention. 

Though,  however,  adjustment  is  understandable  as  the  result 
of  a  natural  selection  of  customs,  the  evidence  shows  that  there  is 
even  among  the  most  primitive  races  at  times  at  least  some 
deliberation  as  to  whether  a  child  shall  be  allowed  to  live.  In  the 
more  advanced  races  there  is  increasing  evidence  of  deliberation. 
It  cannot  be  supposed  that  in  deliberation  of  this  kind  there  is  any 
grasp  of  the  true  position  regarding  the  importance  of  the  optimum 
number,  but  it  may  be  supposed  that  under  these  circumstances 
the  actual  position  at  the  moment  as  to  whether  there  are  too  many 
or  too  few  in  the  group  does  weigh  when  taking  the  decision.  To 
all  members  of  such  a  group,  confined  as  thjey  are  within  the 
knowledge  of  them  all  to  a  limited  area,  the  disadvantages  of  too 
many  mouths  must  be  obvious.  Therefore  even  among  the  more 
primitive  races  there  may  be  soine  semi-conscious  adjustment  of 
numbers  by  means  of  one  of  these  methods.  However  this  may  be, 
it  is  clear  that,  even  if  there  is  no  semi-conscious  deliberation 
among  the  lower  groups,  there  is  to  some  extent  an  automatic 
adjustment  to  the  needs  of  the  moment.  Suppose  disease  or 
severe  weather,  for  instance,  to  produce  a  higher  rate  of  infant 
mortality,  then  abortion  and  infanticide,  inasmuch  as  they  are 
practised  because  of  the  difficulty  of  transporting  more  than  one 
child,  will  be  less  practised. 

10.  Leaving  aside  for  the  moment  the  evidence  that  an  approxi- 


224  THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBERS 

mation  to  the  desirable  number  is  in  this  manner  attained,  we 
may  note  that  in  order  that  the  system  should  be  effective,  some- 
thing more  is  necessary.  The  conception  of  an  optimum  number 
involves  the  idea  of  a  standard  of  living.  The  attainment  of 
the  optimum  number  indicates  that  the  highest  standard,  which 
is  possible  taking  all  the  circumstances  into  account,  has  been 
reached.  In  order  that  the  standard  of  living  may  be  maintained, 
it  is  not  merely  enough  that  numbers  should  be  restricted  :  the 
younger  generation  must  become  proficient  in  the  skilled  methods 
which  make  this  standard  possible  of  attainment,  and  in  particular 
it  is  important  that  the  young  men  should  not  marry  unless  they 
are  both  energetic  and  skilful — unless,  that  is  to  say,  they  are 
both  willing  to  keep  up  and  are  capable  of  keeping^up  the  standard 
of  living  previously  attained.  There  is  abundant  evidence  to  the 
effect  that  pressure  is  exerted  upon  the  younger  generation.  It  is 
commonly  recognized  that  among  primitive  races  the  girls  marry 
at  or  soon  after  puberty.  It  is  not  so  often  recognized  that  the 
young  men  not  infrequently  do  not  marry  until  some  years  later. 
The  inefficient  and  the  physically  incapable  sometimes  do  not 
marry  at  all.  In  such  facts  we  may  see  evidence  of  the  pressure 
exerted  by  social  conditions  and  conventions.  We  find  also  that 
not  only  are  young  men  carefully  instructed  in  the  skilled  methods, 
but  that  the  parents  of  the  bride  anxiously  inquire  as  to  the 
bridegroom's  energy  and  capability  of  supporting  a  family.  The 
conditions  regarding  marriage  have  been  much  studied,  and  in 
marriage  by  service  and  marriage  by  purchase  we  can  observe  the 
pressure  which  forces  a  young  man  to  show  himself  proficient  in 
the  skilled  methods  which  are  in  use  among  his  people.  Obliga- 
tions on  the  would-be  bridegroom  to  work  and  save  up  the  purchase 
money  or  to  serve  his  future  parents-in-law  make  it  necessary  for 
the  young  man  to  learn  skilled  methods  and  to  exhibit  energy  and 
competence  before  marriage,  whereby  it  is  in  any  case  rendered 
unlikely  that  new  families  will  be  set  up  which  will  adopt  a  lower 
standard  of  living  than  that  of  the  previous  generation.  At  the 
evidence  for  these  facts  we  may  now  glance. 

In  Australia  betrothals  generally  take  place  in  infancy  and 
marriage  follows  later ;  these  betrothals  are  usually  arranged  as 
exchanges,  but  the  system  shows  some  features  of  marriage  by 
purchase.1  Considerable  postponement  of  marriage  is  often 

1  Malinowski,  loc.  cit.,  p.  48. 


THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEES  225 

observed,  especially  among  the  less  skilled  members  of  the  com- 
munity ;  thirty  is  mentioned  as  a  not  uncommon  age  for  marriage.1 
Among  the  Eskimos  there  is  a  very  strong  feeling  that  a  boy  must 
show  himself  proficient  in  the  difficult  arts  of  hunting  and  fishing 
as  practised  by  them.  A  young  man  seldom  marries  until  he  is 
over  twenty,  though  often  betrothed  when  an  infant.2  Before  that 
age  he  cannot  learn  all  the  methods  of  hunting  game,  managing 
a  kayak,  and  so  on.  Marriage  is  considered  impossible  because  he 
would  not  be  in  a  position  to  maintain  his  family,  and  it  is  the 
necessity  of  showing  that  he  is  in  this  position  before  marriage  is 
allowed  which  is  remarked  upon  by  all  observers  of  Eskimo  life.3 
The  usual  form  of  marriage  in  America  is  by  purchase.4  As  a  rule, 
the  amount  to  be  paid  is  relatively  large,  and  the  boy  must  either 
spend  some  time  in  getting  it  together  or  else  obtain  it  from  his 
father.  At  other  times  marriage  is  by  service.  Thus  among  the 
Kenai  the  bridegroom  performs  a  year's  service,5  and  among  the 
Haidahs  boys  were  often  betrothed  at  an  early  age  and  went  to  live 
with  the  girl's  family  and  worked  for  them  until  marriage.6  A  Seri 
bridegroom  leaves  his  own  family  and  enters  that  of  the  bride  for 
a  year  ;  '  he  must  display  and  exercise  skill  in  turtle  fishing, 
strength  in  the  chase,  subtlety  in  warfare  and  all  other  physical 
qualities  of  competent  manhood  '.7  Among  the  Jakun  a  husband 
'  is  expected  to  provide  a  hut,  cooking  pots  and  other  necessary 
articles  such  as  will  suffice  to  enable  house-keeping  to  be  started 
with  reasonable  comfort  '.8  Among  the  Fuegians  '  as  soon  as 
a  youth  is  able  to  maintain  a  wife  by  his  exertions  in  fishing  and 
bird  catching,  he  obtains  the  consent  of  her  relations,  and  does 
some  piece  of  work,  such  a&  helping  to  make  a  canoe,  or  preparing 
sealskins  '.9 

1  Curr,  Australian  Race,  vol.  i,  p.  110  ;  Dawson,  loc.  cit.,  p.  35;  Smyth,  loc.  cit., 
vol.  ii,  p.  291  ;  Malinowski,  loc.  cit.,  p.  259  ;  Lumholtz,  Among  Cannibals,  p.  184. 
2  Crantz,  loc.  cit.,  p.  158  ;  Boas,  6th  A.  R.  B.  E.,  p.  579. 

3  Crantz,  loc.  cit.,  p.  158  ;   Boas,  6th  A.  R.  B.  E.,  p.  579  ;   Klutschak,  loc.  cit., 
p.  233  ;  Nansen,  Greenland,  vol.  ii,  p.  230 ;  id.,  Eskimo  Life,  p.  139 ;  Murdoch, 
9th  A.  R.  B.  E.,  p.  104.  '  There  is  a  superstition ',  says  Ball,  speaking  of  the  Eskimos 
of  Alaska,  '  that  a  youth  must  not  marry  until  he  has  killed  a  deer,  otherwise  he 
will  have  no  children  '  (loc.  cit.,  p.  196). 

4  Handbook  of  American  Indians,  Article  '  Marriage  '.  5  Bancroft,  loc.  cit., 
vol.  i,  p.  134.      For  the  Kutchins  see  Richardson,  Arctic  Searching  Expedition, 
vol.  i,  p.  407,  and  for  the  inhabitants  of  Cadiack,  Lisiansky,   Voyage,  p.  198. 
8  Swanton,  Jesup  North  Pacific  Expedition,  vol.  v,  p.  50.  7  MacGee, 
17th  A.  R.  B.  E.,  p.  280.     For  further  details  of  marriage  by  service  among  the 
Indians    see  Carver,  loc.  cit.,  p.  373,  and  Domenech,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  300. 
8  Skeat  and  Blagden,  Malays,  vol.  ii,  p.  70.                 9  King  and  Fitzroy,  loc.  cit., 
vol.  ii,  p.  182.     See  also  Bridges,  loc.  cit.,  p.  201. 

2498  > 


226  THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBEES 

In  this  connexion  it  may  be  noticed  that  we  often  hear  of  the 
scorn  poured  upon  the  weak  and  unsuccessful ;  it  appears  to  be 
the  case  that  such  men  sometimes  never  marry.1  Among  the 
Kut chins  '  poor  men,  whose  abilities  as  hunters  are  small,  and 
who  have  been  unable  to  accumulate  herds,  remain  bachelors  '.2 
One  of  the  most  difficult  things  an  Eskimo  has  to  learn  is  how  to 
catch  seals.  '  The  poor  wretch  '  that  cannot  do  so  '  is  despised  to 
the  last  degree,  and  is  obliged  to  subsist  on  women's  diet,  such  as 
scolpings,  which  he  can  fish  for  on  the  ice,  mussels,  periwinkles, 
dried  herrings,  &c.' 3  With  regard  to  postponement  of  marriage, 
from  twenty- three  to  twenty-five  is  the  usual  age  of  marriage  for 
men  among  the  Thompson  Indians,4  from  twenty-one  to  twenty- 
five  for  men  among  the  Lillooets,5  and  twenty-five  among  the 
Abipones.6 

With  regard  to  the  races  of  the  second  group,  among  the  Tope- 
bat  os  men  marry  when  about  eighteen.  They  have  both  to  present 
gifts  to,  and  to  do  work  for,  their  future  parents-in-law.7  The 
bridegroom  also  works  for  his  future  parents-in-law  among  the 
Bontoc  Igorot.8  In  Fiji  *  young  men  of  the  lower  orders  married 
rather  late  in  life  for  a  primitive  people,  rarely,  it  appears,  before  the 
age  of  twenty-five  ',9  Later  the  same  author  says  that  '  marriages 
were  often  delayed  for  years  when  the  bridegroom's  family  were 
too  poor  to  acquire  property  commensurate  with  their  pride  '.10  In 
the  Maldivo  Islands  '  although  a  man  is  allowed  four  wives  at 
a  time,  it  is  only  on  condition  of  his  being  able  to  support  them'.11 
In  the  Caroline  Islands  '  a  suitor  serves  for  his  wife  in  the  house 
of  his  father-in-law  elect  as  Jacob  did  with  Laban  and  frequently 
has  his  pains  for  nothing  *.12  Marriage  by  purchase  is  common 
in  New  Guinea  and  often  results  in  a  postponement  of  marriage 
while  the  purchase  money  is  being  collected.13  Speaking  of  the 
New  Britain  Group,  Danks  says  '  some  I  have  met  who  have  never 

1  See  Carpenter,  Intermediate  Types,  passim.  2  Richardson,  loc.  cit., 

vol.  i,  p.  383.  3  Crantz,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  163.  4  Teit,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i, 

p.  321.  6  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  265. 

6  Rafael,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  124.  According  to  Man  (loc.  cit.,  p.  81)  men  among 
the  Andamanese  marry  at  from  eighteen  to  twenty -three  years  of  age ;  Port  man 
(loc.  cit.,  p.  369)  says  twenty-six.  Deniker  (Rev.  d'Eth.,  p.  301)  says  that  the 
Ghiliaks  do  not  marry  until  between  twenty  and  twenty-five  years  old.  The 
Aetas  of  the  province  of  Cagayan  have  to  pass  a  bow  and  arrow  shooting  test 
before  marriage  (Blumentritt,  Z.  G.  E.,  vol.  xxvii,p.  65).  The  custom  of  wrestling 
for  wives  has  been  recorded  for  various  races  (Lubbock,  Primitive  Man,  p.  106). 

'  Kreutz,  loc.  cit.,  p.  202.  8  Jenks,  loc.  cit.,  p.  68.  »  Thomson, 

Fijian*,  p.  172.  10  Ibid.,  p.  202.  »  Rosset,  J.A.I.,  vol.  xvi,  p.  168. 

12  Christian,  Geog.  Journ.,  vol.  xiii,  p.  1 14.  >»  Krieger,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  172, 297. 


THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS       227 

married,  but  the  cause  lay  in  their  inability  to  raise  the  shell  money 
with  which  to  purchase  a  wife  '.*  In  Sumatra  marriage  by 
purchase  is  said  to  constitute  a  certain  hindrance  to  marriage,  in 
spite  of  which,  however,  there  are  few  celibates.2  Among  the 
Negritos  of  Zambala  the  amount  of  the  purchase  money  is  large  and 
'  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  gifts  made  represent  almost  all  the 
wealth  of  which  a  young  man  and  family  can  boast  '.3  In  the 
Western  Islands  of  the  Torres  Straits  men  marry  when  between 
twenty  and  twenty-five  years  old,4  marriage  being  by  purchase.5 
In  certain  cases  where  head  hunting  is  practised  prowess  in  this 
art  must  be  shown  before  marriage.6  In  certain  parts  of  Borneo 
4  it  is  a  rule  among  all  the  tribes  that  no  youth  can  regularly  wear 
a  mandan,  or  be  married  or  associate  with  the  opposite  sex,  till  he 
has  been  on  one  or  more  head  hunting  expeditions  '.7 

Marriage  by  purchase  is  often  found  in  Africa.  The  necessity 
of  collecting  the  purchase  money  frequently  involves  some  post- 
ponement of  marriage.  Formerly  among  the  Thonga  a  man 
generally  married  when  about  twenty-five  years  old,8  but  there 
was  some  variation  in  the  age  owing  to  the  varying  difficulty 
experienced  in  getting  together  the  necessary  cattle.9  Sooner  or 
later  nearly  all  the  men  among  this  tribe  get  married  ; 10  and  this 
is  true  of  all  Bantu  peoples.  *  The  kind  of  individual  called 
a  bachelor  does  not  abound  among  the  Bantu.  The  wretched,  the 
invalids,  the  weak-minded  only,  are  deprived  of  the  legal  marriage 
which  for  the  black  man  is  and  remains  the  one  object  in  life.'  n 
Sometimes  in  South  Africa  '  a  young  man  too  poor  to  acquire 
a  wife  by  the  transfer  of  cattle  would  make  an  arrangement  with 
the  father  of  the  girl  to  live  with  her  and  serve  him  '.12  Among  the 
Baronga  young  men  do  not  marry  for  several  years  after  puberty.13 
Werner's  description  of  marriage  among  the  Zulus  is  of  particular 
interest.  '  The  price  paid  by  the  Zulus  (under  the  name  of  Lobola) 
and  others  cannot  property  be  called  purchase,  being  rather  in  the 
nature  of  a  settlement  or  guarantee  that  the  suitor  is  able  to 
support  a  wife  ;  it  is  held  by  her  family  in  trust  for  her  and  her 
children.' 14  The  same  author,  speaking  generally  of  British  Central 

1  Banks,  loc.  cit.,  p.  288.  2  Marsden,  Sumatra,  pp.  218, 219  ;  Brenner,  Besuch 
bei  den  Kannibalen,  p.  247.  3  Reed,  loc.  cit.,  p.  56.  4  Cambridge 

Anthropological  Expedition,  vol.  v,  p.  247.  5  Ibid.,  p.  230.  °  Hickson, 

loc.  cit.,  p.  275  (of  the  New  Hebrides).  7  Bock,  Head  Hunters,  p.  216. 

8  Junod,  South  African  Tribe,  p.  100.  9  Ibid.,  p.  102.  10  Ibid.,  p.  101, 

11  Ibid.,  p.  125.  »  Theal,  Yellow-  and  Dark-Skinned  People,  p.  220. 

13  Junod,  Ba-Ronga,  p.  30.  14  Werner,  loc.  cit.,  p.  129. 

P2 


228  THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEES 

Africa,  says  that  '  young  men  may  have  to  wait  for  some  years, 
owing  to  lack  of  means  or  other  reasons.  In  the  country  under  the 
Angoni  chiefs  they  are  called  on  ...  to  "  serve  their  time  ",  herding 
the  chief's  cattle,  and  later,  perhaps,  going  to  war.' 1  The  men 
of  the  Akikuyu  are  described  as  *  not  marrying  very  young  '.2 
Roscoe  enumerates  the  various  articles  required  to  make  up 
a  bride's  price  among  the  Baganda,  and  adds  that  *  they  were 
difficult  to  obtain  and  represented  a  large  sum  to  a  poor  person, 
so  that  it  took  him  a  long  time  to  collect  them  :  a  man  frequently 
spent  twelve  months  begging  among  his  relatives  and  friends  the 
amount  abked  ;  for  though  as  a  rule  he  had  secured  some  of  the 
things  before  he  went  to  ask  for  the  lady,  there  would  still  be 
a  balance  to  find  '.3  Among  the  Wapagoro  regular  sexual  inter- 
course is  practised  by  children.  At  puberty  they  are  separated 
and  the  boy  must  then  begin  to  collect  the  purchase  money,  and 
not  until  he  has  finished  may  intercourse  be  resumed.4  Plas  notes 
postponement  of  marriage  among  the  Kuku  owing  to  the  amount 
of  the  purchase  money.5  An  interesting  account  of  the  Akamba 
is  given  by  Dundas.  '  During  his  lifetime  a  man  so  divides  his 
stock  that  he  allots  a  portion  to  each  of  his  wives.  On  his  death 
the  portion  of  each  wife  goes  to  her  son  or  sons.  ...  If  the  cattle 
left  are  not  numerous  enough  to  buy  a  wife  for  each  son  they  are 
loft  with  the  eldest  son  until  the  increase  suffices  for  the  purchase 
oi  a  wife  for  him.  When  the  increase  is  again  large  enough  it  is 
given  to  the  second  son  to  buy  a  wife,  and  so  on  until  each  has 
a  wife.'  6  According  to  Johnston,'  the  Masai  warrior  is  not  allowed 
by  the  elders  of  his  tribe  to  marry  until  he  has  reached  about 
thirty  years  of  age  and  has  accumulated  a  fair  amount  of  property 
or  else  so  distinguished  himself  by  his  bravery  as  to  merit  an  early 
retirement  '.7  Among  the  Bangala,  if  a  man  is  accepted  by  a  girl 
he  has  to  pay  the  '  bespoke  '  money,  after  which  '  the  girl  is 
reserved  for  him  until  such  time  as  he  can  pay  the  whole  or  larger 
part  of  the  marriage  money  ',  and,  while  he  is  collecting  this 
money,  he  will  build  a  house  if  he  does  not  already  own  one.8 
Further,  '  a  man  can  marry  a*  many  women  as  he  can  afford  to 
pay  marriage  money  for,  but  to  each  he  must  give  a  house  ',9  and 

1  Werner,  loc.  cit.,  p.  128.  2  Routledge,  Prehistoric  People,  p.  124. 

3  Roscoe,  Baganda,  p.  88.  The  price  of  course  varies  with  varying  economic 
conditions,  as  Dundas  notes  for  the  Wawanga  (J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xliii).  *  Fabry, 

loc.  cit.,  p.  221.  5  Plas,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  215,  219.  6  Dundas,  J.  A.  /., 

vol.  xliii,  p.  516.  7  Johnston,  Uganda,  vol.  ii,  p.  822.  8  Weeks,  J.  A.  /., 

vol.  xxxix,  p.  440.  •  Ibid.,  p.  441. 


THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBERS  229 

as  a  result  of  the  high  marriage  price,  if  his  family  cannot  help 
him,  a  man  '  cannot  save  enough  to  procure  a  wife  until  he  is 
thirty  or  even  older  '^  Cureau  states  that  in  the  Congo  basin 
a  bride's  relatives  are  much  interested  in  estimating  a  suitor's 
capabilities  of  supporting  a  family  and  of,  in  general,  doing  well.2 
Among  the  Ekoi  people,  '  by  a  native  custom  if  a  man  wishes  to 
marry  an  Ekoi  maiden  he  must  serve  her  people  for  some  consider- 
able time,  usually  from  two  to  three  years.  His  work  mostly 
consists  in  helping  to  clear  bush  for  next  season's  farms,  but  other 
services  may  be  required  of  him.  During  this  time  he  is  expected 
to  make  presents  to  the  relations  of  his  future  wife.'  3 

Very  similar  institutions  are  found  in  America.  Among  the 
Nandowensis,  '  when  one  of  their  young  men  has  fixed  upon 
a  young  woman  he  approves  of,  he  discovers  his  passion  to  her 
parents,  who  give  him  an  invitation  to  come  and  live  with  them 
in  their  tent.  He  assiduously  accepts  the  offer,  and  by  so  doing 
engages  to  reside  in  it  for  a  whole  year,  in  the  character  of  a 
married  servant.  During  this  time  he  hunts,  and  brings  all  the 
game  he  kills  to  the  family,  by  which  means  the  father  has  an 
opportunity  of  seeing  whether  he  is  able  to  provide  for  the  support 
of  his  daughter  and  the  children  that  might  be  the  consequence 
of  their  union.'  4  Among  the  Ojebway  Indians  marriage  is  also 
by  service  and  the  future  father-in-law  is  described  as  being 
anxious  that  the  suitor  should  be  a  good  hunter.5  Of  the  Natchez 
it  is  said  to  be  '  rare  for  young  men  to  marry  before  they  be  five- 
and- twenty.  Till  they  arrive  at  that  age  they  are  looked  upon  as 
too  weak,  without  understanding  and  experience.' 6  According 
to  Dorsey,  men  of  the  Omaha  tribe  did  not  marry  formerly  until 
between  twenty-five  and  thirty.7  Among  the  Attakapas,  '  if 
a  savage  desires  to  marry  a  girl  whose  father  is  still  living,  he 
approaches  the  latter  ;  the  latter  then  inquires  if  he  is  a  brave 
warrior,  a  good  hunter  ',  if  he  can  make  weapons,  and  so  on.8  In 
Mexico  men  married  about  twenty.9  In  British  Guiana  marriage 
is  by  service,  and  the  bridegroom  must  show  that  he  is  capable  of 

1  Weeks,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xxxix,  p.  417.  2  Cureau,  loc.  cit.,  p.  417. 

3  Talbot,  loc.  cit.,  p.   105.     It  will  also  be  remembered  that  contraceptive 
practices  are  of  importance  in  Africa,  and  that  there  is  evidence  that  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Port  Herald  a  young  couple  must  not  have  children  until  they  have 
built  a  house  for  themselves.    See  p.  177. 

4  Carver,  loc.  cit.,  p.  373.  5  Jones,  Ojebway  Indians,  p.  79.  6  Du 
Pratz,  loc.  cit.,  p.  199.               7  Dorsey,  loc.  eft.,  p.  259.               8  Bossu,  Voyages, 
p.  247.               9  Joyce,  Mexican  Archaeology,  p.  162.     See  also  Bancroft,  loc.  cit., 
vol.  ii,  p.  251. 


230  THE  REGULATION  OF  NUMBERS 

taking  a  man's  part ;  within  a  certain  time  he  must  clear  a  piece 
of  land  of  a  given  area.1  Another  author  gives  further  details  : 
'  Before  he  is  allowed  to  choose  at  all  he  must  prove  that  he  is 
a  man  and  can  do  a  man's  work.'  There  are  various  tests.  Among 
others  '  he  clears  a  space  in  the  forest  to  be  planted  with 
cassaba,  and  brings  in  as  much  game  and  fish  as  pos&ible,  to 
show  that  he  is  able  to  support  himself  and  others  '.2  In  Peru 
a  man  had  to  be  twenty-four  years  old  before  he  could  marry.3 
Von  Martius  states  that  the  system  of  marriage  by  purchase 
in  Brazil  is  to  be  regarded  as  a  symbol  that  the  bridegroom 
can  support  a  family.4  Men  among  the  Guanas  marry  when 
over  twenty.5 

11.  The  evidence  so  far  adduced  shows  that  the  mechanism 
whereby  numbers  may  be  kept  near  to  the  desirable  level  is 
everywhere  present.  When  inquiring  into  the  nature  of  the 
mechanism,  we  found  certain  indications  that  it  was  effective. 
The  regularity  with  which  certain  customs  are  practised,  the  small 
average  number  of  children,  and  other  facts  afford  strong  but  not 
conclusive  evidence  that  an  approach  is  normally  made  to  the 
optimum  number.  We  may  now  ask  what  further  evidence  there 
is  as  to  the  position  in  this  respect. 

Conclusive  evidence  is  not  available.  It  is  only  when  we  are 
able,  as  among  some  of  the  races  in  the  third  group,  accurately  to 
measure  the  average  income  over  a  period  of  years  during  which 
numbers  are  changing  that  we  can  arrive  at  a  definite  result.  With 
regard  to  other  races  we  have  to  adopt  methods  which,  though 
less  precise,  nevertheless  afford  important  evidence.  We  may 
inquire  into  the  general  conditions  of  life  and  ask  whether  there 
are  indications  of  the  approach  to  the  highest  standard  of  living 
within  reach,  or  whether  living  is  more  usually  reduced  to  the  bare 
level  of  subsistence.  We  may  ask  whether  famine  and  starvation 
frequently  occur,  what  the  average  physical  condition  of  the 
people  is,  whether  old  age  is  often  reached,  whether,  in  short,  the 
conditions  are  such  as  we  should  expect  to  find  them  when  the 
optimum  number  was  approached,  or  as  we  should  expect  to  find 
them  when  the  numbers  reached  the  maximum  which  could  just 
be  kept  alive. 

The  conception  of  savage  life  which  formerly  prevailed  was  that 

1  Schomburgk,  Reisen,  vol.  ii,  p.  251.  2  im  Thurm,  loc.  cit.,  p.  221. 

8  Rivero  and  von  Tschudi,  Peruvian  Antiquities,  p.  185.  *  Von  Martius, 

loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  109.  6  Azara,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  93. 


THE  BEGULATION  OF  NUMBEBS  231 

primitive  races  were  always  in  a  condition  of  semi-starvation.1  In 
this  connexion  it  has  to  be  remembered  that  the  conception  of  the 
optimum  number  has  regard  to  all  the  conditions,  and  that  among 
these  races,  taking  the  degree  of  skill,  social  customs,  and  so  on  into 
account,  there  would  be,  even  if  the  optimum  number  was  attained, 
times  of  scarcity,  if  not  of  famine.  The  existence  of  times  of 
scarcity,  therefore,  is  no  evidence  that,  so  far  as  numbers  are 
concerned,  these  races  have  not  attained  the  best  conditions 
possible  for  them.  It  is  undoubtedly  the  fact  that  they  are 
physiologically  adapted  to  withstand  periods  of  scarcity  in 
a  manner  that  civilized  men  are  not  adapted,  and  it  is  interesting 
to  observe  that,  according  to  the  results  of  certain  experiments, 
occasional  periods  of  semi-starvation  are  far  less  harmful  than  is 
continual  under- feeding.2 

Descriptions  of  the  Australians  suggest  the  picture  of  anything 
but  an  emaciated  people  in  a  condition  of  semi-starvation.  In 
one  place  Spencer  and  Gillen  speak  of  them  as  well  nourished  ;  3  in 
another  place  they  describe  a  typical  Arunta  as  '  by  no  means 
poor  in  physique ;  in  fact  he  might  often  serve  a  sculptor  for 
a  model,  and,  when  walking  behind  a  native,  you  are  continually 
struck  with  his  proportions  and  beautiful  carriage  '.4  These 
authors  go  on  to  say,  however,  that  *  there  are  times  when  he  is 
hard  pressed  and  during  a  long  continuance  of  drought  his  life  is 
not  a  happy  one  '.5  So,  too,  Schumann  says  of  the  tribes  of  Port 
Lincoln  :  '  the  male  sex  exhibits  a  great  deal  of  unstudied  natural 
grace  in  their  deportment,  their  walk  is  perfectly  erect  and  free, 
motions  of  the  body  easy  and  gestures  natural  under  all  circum- 
stances.' 6  Further,  we  are  told  that  '  their  food,  if  of  indifferent 
quality,  was  at  least  wholesome  and  readily  procurable,  six  hours 
a  day  abundantly  sufficing  for  that  purpose,  so  that  hunger  was 
little  known  ', 7  and  that  *  in  most  of  the  districts  with  an  indi- 
genous population  game  is  so  abundant  compared  to  the  number 
of  inhabitants,  as  to  enable  every  one  to  procure  for  himself  and 
his  family  as  many  pounds  of  meat  a  day  as  his  heart  desired  '.8 
Perhaps  this  is  too  optimistic  a  view  ;  there  are  certainly  many 
references  to  lean  times  when  food  is  difficult  to  procure.  *  In  few 

1  See  Herbert  Spencer,  Principles  of  Biology,  vol.  ii,  p.  515.  2  Morgulis, 

American  Naturalist,  vol.  xlvii,  p.  477.  s  Spencer  and  Gillen,  Native  Tribes, 

p.  44.  *  Same  authors,  Across  Australia,  vol.  i,  p.  191.  5  Ibid.,  vol.  i, 

p.  197.  •  Schiirmann,  loc.  cit.,  p.  209.  7  Curr,  Recollections,  p.  259. 

8  Semon,  loc.  cit.,  p.  217.     See  also  Smyth,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  122. 


232  THE  REGULATION  OF  NUMBERS 

parts  of  Australia ',  says  Thomas,  '  can  the  native  count  on 
anything  like  regular  supplies  of  food  ',*  and  we  hear  of  those 
powers  of  enduring  hunger  and  thirst  so  common  among  these 
races  and  so  incomprehensible  to  Europeans.2 

Burchell  is  enthusiastic  about  the  Bushmen  ;  '  as  we  rode 
onwards,  I  could  not  cease  admiring  the  beautiful  symmetrical 
form  of  our  Bushman  guide,  who  walked  and  sometimes  ran  before 
us,  with  a  gait  the  most  easy  and  free  that  I  ever  beheld.  All  the 
limbs,  unshackled  by  clothing,  moved  with  a  grace  never  perhaps 
seen  in  Europe.  The  contemplation  of  his  well-proportioned, 
although  small  and  delicate  figure,  his  upright  manly  port,  his 
firm  and  bold  step,  and  the  consciousness  of  liberty  which  beamed 
in  his  countenance  afforded  us  indescribable  pleasure.'  3  Never- 
theless the  Bushmen  had  '  periods  of  fasting  '  4  and  were  '  often 
destitute  of  food  for  several  successive  days  during  seasons  when 
both  roots  and  game  were  scarce  '.5  They  were  also  '  capable  of 
remaining  a  long  time  without  food,  and  could  then  devour 
immense  quantities  of  meat  without  any  ill-effect  '.6 

In  most  countries  a  lean  season  occurs  periodically  once  or  more 
every  year.  Such  lean  seasons  are  more  exacting  in  some  regions 
than  others.  The  Australians  manage  to  subsist  for  the  most  part 
without  storing  up  food  ; 7  in  other  countries  the  storing  of  food 
becomes  a  necessity.8  We  often  find  that  where  food  has  to  be 
stored  up  the  stock  runs  low  towards  the  end  of  the  lean  season. 
The  Eskimos  have  to  depend  for  many  months  upon  the  food  they 
have  preserved,  and  if  for  any  reason,  as  for  instance  the  late 
formation  of  the  floe,  their  calculations  are  upset,  they  may  be 
placed  in  a  very  trying  situation.9  Of  them  we  hear  stories,  as  of 
other  races,  regarding  their  powers  of  withstanding  hunger ;  '  a  man 
who  has  eaten  nothing  for  three  days,  at  least  nothing  but  sea  grass, 
can  manage  his  little  kayak  or  canoe  in  the  most  furious  waves  '.10 

1  Thomas,  Natives  of  Australia,  p.  88.  See  also  Eylmann,  loc.  cit.,  p.  293. 
2  See,  for  instance,  Palmer,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xiii,  p.  281.  3  Burchell,  loc.  cit., 

vol.  i,  p.  422.  4  Stow,  loc.  cit.,  p.  91.  5  Ibid.,  p.  180.  6  Theal, 

loc.  cit.,  p.  36.     See  also  Moffat,  loc.  cit.,  p.  57,  and  Campbell,  Personal  Narrative, 

5.  88.  7  Thomas  (loc.  cit.,  p.  117)  speaks  of  storing  up  of  food.    The  Kurnai 

o  not  store  up  food,  but  the  Dieri,  who  are  closely  allied  to  them,  do  so  on 
a  small  scale  (Fison  and  Howitt,  loc.  cit.,  p.  108). 

8  The  beginnings  of  this  custom  are  found  among  the  Fuegians.    Darwin  says 
that  '  when  they  find  a  stranded  whale,  they  bury  large  portions  in  the  sand,  and 
during  the  often  recurrent  famines  travel  from  great  distances  for  the  remnants 
of  the  half  putrid  mass  '  ( Voyage,  vol.  i,  p.  327). 

9  Boas,  6th  A.  K.  B.  E.,  p.  427.    See  also  Rink,  loc.  cit.,  p.  186.  10  Crantz, 
loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  134. 


THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS  233 

Of  the  Kut chins  of  the  Peel  River  we  are  told  that  they  are 
1  an  athletic  and  fine-looking  race,  considerably  above  the  average 
stature,  most  of  them  being  upwards  of  six  feet  in  height  and 
remarkably  well  proportioned  '.*  '  The  Indians  north  of  the 
Columbia  are,  for  the  most  part,  good-looking,  robust  men,  some 
of  them  having  fine,  symmetrical  forms.  They  have  been  repre- 
sented as  diminutive  ;  with  crooked  legs  and  uncouth  features. 
This  is  not  correct ;  but,  as  a  general  rule,  the  direct  reverse  is  the 
truth.' 2  The  Montagnais  are  described  as  '  tall,  strong,  erect, 
well-proportioned  and  agile  ' ; 3  on  the  other  hand,  we  hear  that 
they  are  liable  to  shortages  of  food,  are  able  to  go  without  food  for 
three  days  together  at  a  time,  and  are  guilty  of  great  excesses 
of  eating  and  drinking  when  food  is  plentiful.4  Hardisty  says  that 
the  Loucheux  can  always  obtain  food  except  under  very  unfavour- 
able circumstances.5  '  It  sometimes  happens  that  the  Ahts  are  in 
straits  for  want  of  food,  when  the  fish  do  not  appear  until  late  in  the 
spring,' 6  but '  they  can  bear  the  want  of  food  a  long  time  without 
becoming  exhausted  '.7  The  account  of  the  Californians  given 
by  the  acute  Jesuit  missionary  Baegert  is  of  particular  interest. 
'  Notwithstanding  the  barrenness  of  the  country,  a  Californian 
hardly  ever  dies  of  hunger,  except  perhaps  now  and  then  an 
individual  that  falls  sick  in  the  wilderness  and  a  great  distance  from 
the  mission,  for  those  who  are  in  good  health  trouble  themselves 
very  little  about  such  patients,  even  if  these  should  happen  to  be 
their  husbands,  wives  or  other  relations,  and  a  little  child  that 
has  Lost  its  mother  or  both  parents  is  also  occasionally  in  danger 
of  starving  to  death.  .  .  .  The  food  of  the  Californians  is  certainly 
of  a  mean  quality,  yet  it  keeps  them  in  a  healthy  condition,  and 
they  become  strong  and  grow  old  in  spite  of  their  poor  diet.' 8 
*  Californians  can  endure  hunger  easier  and  much  longer  than 
other  people ;  whereas  they  will  eat  enormously  if  a  chance  is 
given.' 9  Three  days  without  food  appeals  differently  to  an 
observer  in  a  mission  station  on  the  one  hand  and  to  a  prisoner 

1  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  127.  In  the  spring,  when  the  winter  stores  are 
exhausted,  they  usually  experience  a  lean  season  (ibid.,  p.  129).  2  Swan, 

North-west  Coast,  p.  154.  3  Le  Jeune,  Jesuit  Relations,  vol.  vi,  p.  229. 

4  Ibid.,  pp.  233,  277,  and  285. 

5  Hardisty,  loc.  cit.,  p.  311.     Other  accounts  describe  lean  periods  among  the 
northern  tribes  as  fairly  common,  during  which  '  they  often  subsist  for  a  great 
length  of  time  upon  a  very  little  food  '  (Harmon,  loc.  cit.,  p.  284).   See  also  Morgan, 
Houses  and  House  Life,  p.  56. 

6  Sproat,  loc.  cit.,  p.  53.  7  Ibid.,  p.  22.  8  Baegert,  loc.  cit.,  p.  366. 
9  Ibid. 


234  THE  REGULATION  OF  NUMBERS 

among  the  Indians  on  the  other.  '  So  protracted  was  the  hunger 
we  experienced,'  says  Cabec.a  de  Vaca,  '  that  many  times  I  was 
three  day»  without  eating  anything.  The  natives  also  endured  as 
much,  and  it  appeared  to  me  a  thing  impossible  that  life  could  be  so 
prolonged.'  The  lame  author  goes  on  to  say,  however,  that  '  they 
are  a  merry  people  considering  the  hunger  that  they  suffer  ;  not- 
withstanding they  never  cease  to  dance  nor  to  observe  their 
festivities  and  ceremonies.  To  them  the  happiest  part  of  the  year 
is  the  season  of  eaiing  prickly  pears  ;  for  then  they  have  hunger  no 
longer,  and  pass  all  the  time  in  dancing  and  they  eat  day  and 
night.  ...  It  occurred  to  us  many  times  while  we  were  among  this 
people,  and  there  was  no  food,  to  be  three  or  four  days  without 
eating,  when  they,  to  revive  our  spirits,  would  say  to  us  not  to  be 
sad,  that  soon  there  would  be  pears  and  we  should  enjoy  plenty, 
and  drink  of  the  juice,  and  that  our  bellies  would  be  very  big,  and 
we  should  be  content  and  joyful,  having  no  hunger.' l 

It  is  submitted  that  the  conditions  indicated  by  the  type  of 
evidence  of  which  examples  have  been  given  above  are  not 
compatible  with  the  state  of  existence  on  the  bare  means  of 
subsistence.2  With  this  evidence  there  should  be  considered  the 
facts  given  in  the  sixth  chapter  regarding  the  good  health  and 
advanced  age  to  which  these  races  generally  attain. 

Turning  to  races  of  the  second  group,  in  the  Eastern  Islands  of 
the  Torres  Straits  '  nutritious  food  is  generally  very  scarce  at 
the  end  of  the  dry  season  '.3  The  Dyaks  usually  experience 
a  season  when  it  is  difficult  to  procure  food.4  We  are  told  that 
famine  was  unknown  in  Fiji,5  but  that  from  November  to 
February  there  was  sometimes  a  scarcity  when  the  last  yam 
crop  had  been  consumed  and  the  next  crop  had  not  ripened.6 
So  too  among  the  Baganda  '  no  one  ever  went  hungry  while  the 
old  customs  were  observed  ',7  but  there  are  at  times  lean  seasons. 
'  When  food  is  abundant  they  have  their  three  meals  daily  ; 
when  it  is  scarce  they  content  themselves  with  two,  and  hope 
for  the  rain  and  a  plentiful  supply  of  fruit.'  8  Cureau,  describing 

1  Cabeca  de  Vaca,  p.  63. 

2  Similar  evidence  is  forthcoming  for  many  other  races.    For  the  Andamanese 
see  Man,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  342  ff.  ;   for  the  Payaguas,  Azara,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  142 ; 
for  the  Ghiliaks,  Deniker,  Rev.  d'Eth.,  vol.  ii,  p.  295  ;  and  for  the  Fuegians,  Hyades 
and  Deniker,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  122,  339. 

*  Cambridge  Anthropological  Expedition,  vol.  iv,  p.  180.  4  Ling  Roth, 

Sarawak,  vol.  i,  p.  422.  8  Thomson,  Fijians,  p.  332  6  Ibid.,  p.  335. 

7  Roscoe,  Baganda,  p.  12.  «  Ibid.,  p.  6. 


THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBERS  235 

the  races  of  the  Congo  Basin,  gives  a  general  description  of  the 
conditions  which  corresponds  very  closely  with  that  just  quoted 
for  the  Baganda.1  In  British  Central  Africa  '  "  the  time  of 
hunger  "  comes  after  the  rains,  when  the  last  year's  corn  is 
eaten,  and  the  new  is  not  yet  ripe — about  March  '.2  Of  the 
Kagero  of  Northern  Nigeria  we  are  told  that  the  '  people  are 
naturally  more  healthy  and  better  conditioned  in  December,  say, 
than  in  August ',  because  towards  the  end  of  the  year  there  is 
plenty  of  food  from  the  harvest  whereas  later  in  the  wet  season 
there  is  usually  a  scarcity.3  So  of  the  Mandja  of  the  Northern 
Congo  we  are  told  that  '  generally  by  the  month  of  October,  the 
Mandja  family  has  consumed  its  reserves  of  food  ;  thereupon 
follows  want  for  two  months  '.4  In  North  America  Catlin  describes 
times  of  scarcity  among  the  Mandans  5  and  im  Thurm  describes 
similar  conditions  in  Guiana.6 

Of  the  fine  development  of  physical  form  there  is  abundant 
evidence.  The  inhabitants  of  Timor  Laut  are  'handsome- 
featured  fellows,  tall,  erect,  and  with  splendidly  formed  bodies  '.7 
One  of  the  earlier  travellers,  Kotzebue,  was  very  much  struck 
with  the  physical  features  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Sandwich 
Islands8  and  of  Eadeck.9  So,  too,  in  Africa  the  Akikuyu  are 
'  exceedingly  strong,  muscular,  healthy  and  well  set  up  '.10  *  The 
Damaras,  generally  speaking,  are  an  exceedingly  fine  race  of 
men.  Indeed  it  is  by  no  means  unusual  to  meet  with  individuals 
six  feet  and  some  inches  in  height,  and  symmetrically  well 
proportioned  withal.  Their  features  are,  besides,  good  and 
regular ;  and  many  might  serve  as  perfect  models  of  the  human 
figure.'  n  As  in  the  case  of  the  races  of  the  first  group,  we  are 
told  that  formerly  these  people  lived  to  a  great  age.  '  Under 
natural  conditions  the  Bantu  were  a  longer  lived  people  than 
the  Europeans.' 12  Catlin  was  greatly  impressed  with  the  physical 
fitness  of  the  North  American  Indians.  He  never  saw  *  a  more 
hardy  and  healthy  race  of  men  ',  while  the  women  were  '  exceed- 
ingly healthy  and  robust  '.13  According  to  Heriot,  '  the  North 
Americans  are  in  general  robust,  and  of  a  healthful  temperament, 

1  Cureau,  loc.  cit.,  p.  252.  2  Werner,  loc.  cit.,  p.  181.  3  Tremearne, 

J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xlii,  p.  180.  4  Gaud,  loc.  cit.,. p.  21.  5  Catlin,  loc.  cit., 

vol.  ii,  p.  124.  •  im  Thurm,  loc.  cit.,  p.  253.  7  Forbes,  Timor  Laut,  p.  9. 

8  Kotzebue,  loc.  cit.,  p.  129.  »  Ibid.,  p.  170.  10  Routledge,  Prehistoric 

People,  p.  19.  "  Anderson,  Lake  Ngami,  p.  49.  12  Theal,  Yellow-  and 

Dark-Skinned  People,  p.  175.    See  also  Ellenbereer,  loc.  cit..  p.  295.  1S  Catlin, 

loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  228. 


236  THE  REGULATION  OF  NUMBERS 

calculated  to  live  to  an  advanced  age  \l  Du  Pratz  speaks  highly 
of  the  physical  characteristics  of  the  Natchez  and  much  similar 
evidence  could  be  quoted.2  Azara,  for  instance,  says  that  the 
Payaguas  lived  to  an  advanced  age  3  and  also  mentions  especially 
the  fine  physical  features  of  the  Mbayas  4  and  of  the  Charruas.5 
Of  the  Mandrucos  Wallace  says  that  *  their  figures  are  generally 
superb  ;  and  I  have  never  felt  so  much  pleasure  in  gazing  at  the 
finest  statue,  as  at  the  living  illustrations  of  the  beauty  of  the 
human  form.  The  development  of  the  chest  is  such  as  I  believe 
never  exists  in  the  best  formed  Europeans,  exhibiting  a  splendid 
series  of  convex  undulations,  without  a  hollow  in  any  part  of 
it.'  6  Humboldt  remarks  of  the  Chaymas  that  both  men  and 
women  '  are  very  muscular,  but  fleshy  and  plump  '.7  So,  too, 
Spix  and  Martius,  speaking  of  Brazilian  tribes,  say  that  '  the 
Indians  are  seldom  sick  and  generally  live  to  an  advanced  age  '.8 

Lastly  it  may  be  observed  as  evidence  of  some  weight  that,  as 
between  different  races,  the  higher  the  skill  and  the  greater  the 
natural  richness  of  the  surroundings,  the  higher,  so  far  as  we  can 
judge,  is  the  return  per  head.  Though  the  return  cannot  be 
measured,  all  that  we  know  of  the  conditions  of  life  point  to  this 
conclusion,  whether  we  contrast  the  agricultural  races  in  general 
with  the  hunting  and  fishing  races,  or  whether  we  contrast  such 
hunting  and  fishing  races  as  those  of  the  north-west  coast  of 
America  with  the  Fuegians. 

12.  The  conclusions  derived  from  a  study  of  the  first  two 
groups  are  therefore  to  the  effect  that  an  approximation  to  the 
desirable  number  is  normally  attained  by  the  practice  of  one  or 
more  of  the  three  customs  mentioned.  As  a  result,  the  small 
average  size  of  the  family  is  arrived  at — the  size  being  just  about 
that  which  allows  for  the  average  mortality  from  various  causes 
later  in  life,  so  that  in  the  next  generation  there  will  be  as  nearly 
as  possible  the  same  number  of  adults  as  in  the  former  generation. 
It  may  be  that,  as  an  occasional  coincidence,  just  that  amount 
of  reduction  of  fertility  and  just  that  amount  of  elimination 
necessary  to  bring  about  approximation  are  effected  by  means  of 
those  factors  which  were  described  as  having  incidentally  these 
results.  But  such  a  coincidence  must  be  very  rare  and  the 

1  Heriot,  loc.  cit.,  p.  350.               *  Du  Pratz,  vol.  ii,  p.  161.  3  Azara, 

loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  142.              «  Ibid.,  p.  107.             5  Ibid.,  p.  8.  6  Wallace, 

Narrative,  p.  478.  7  Humboldt,  Personal  Narrative,  vol.iii,  p.  233.  8  Spix 
and  Martius,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  249. 


THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBERS  237 

evidence  shows  that  the  practice  of  one  or  more  of  the  other 
class  of  factors  is  widespread,  if  not  universal.  Further,  it  has 
been  shown  that  a  more  or  less  automatic  adjustment  is  attained 
by  means  of  variations  in  the  intensity  of  the  operation  of  these 
latter  factors,  whereas  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  it  could  come 
about  by  variations  in  the  former  factors  only,  and,  however 
unprogressive  social  organization  and  general  conditions  may  be, 
some  adjustment  must  be  necessary  from  time  to  time. 

It  has  been  observed  that  there  is  no  apparent  connexion 
between  the  practice  of  any  of  these  customs  and  the  different 
economic  stages,  and  it  may  be  stated  that  an  investigation 
undertaken  to  see  if  any  connexion  could  be  detected  was  without 
result.  This  conclusion  is  not  surprising.  The  problem  of  how 
to  control  numbers  is  one  which  is  presented  to  all  races  at  all 
times.  We  have  grouped  races  according  to  their  economic 
status  ;  but  there  is  no  reason  to  expect  that  under  any  one 
economic  system  a  particular  method  of  controlling  population 
would  be  adopted  more  than  any  other  method — no  reason,  for 
instance,  why  infanticide  rather  than  abortion  should  be  practised 
under  one  system  rather  than  under  another.  As  has  been  said, 
the  problem  is  always  present,  and  the  method  adopted  must 
originally  have  depended  upon  some  factor  quite  independent  of 
the  economic  stage ;  abortion,  for  instance,  might  have  been 
practised  in  one  country  because  of  the  presence  of  some  herb 
which  experience  showed  to  be  effective,  while  in  another  country 
a  taboo  upon  sexual  intercourse  for  magical  reasons  might  have 
been  developed  into  a  taboo  during  lactation. 

This  survey  of  primitive  races  is  limited  to  the  elucidation  as 
to  what  is  normally  the  position  as  regards  the  regulation  of 
numbers.  The  evidence  is  not  sufficiently  detailed  to  allow  us  to 
judge  whether  in  any  one  particular  instance  there  was  or  was  not 
a  close  approximation  to  the  desirable  number  before  contact 
with  Europeans  had  changed  their  conditions.  It  is  merely 
suggested  that  there  was  in  general  a  tendency  for  such  an 
approximation  to  occur  and  it  may  further  be  deduced  that, 
since  the  desirable  number  remained  the  same  over  a  great 
length  of  time,  rendering  the  approximation,  so  to  speak,  easy 
of  attainment,  the  adjustment  to  the  optimum  number  normally 
came  about.  And  in  this  connexion  the  limitation  to  clearly 
defined  areas  may  be  borne  in  mind.  The  very  fact  of  the  universal 


238  THE  [REGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS 

recognition  and  careful  maintenance  of  these  areas  is  an  indication 
that  such  was  the  normal  condition.  Migration  is  abnormal, 
and  this  fact  is  apt  to  be  forgotten  for  two  reasons.  First,  when 
reviewing  the  course  of  history,  migrations  stand  out  as  the  chief, 
if  not  the  only,  known  facts  and  the  huge  intervals  of  time 
between  one  movement  and  another  are  forgotten.  Secondly, 
our  knowledge  of  primitive  races  is  largely  derived  from  observa- 
tions made  when  migration  had  been  set  on  foot  owing  to  contact 
with  Europeans,  as,  for  instance,  in  America.  Migration  may  be 
a  disturbing  factor,  upsetting  the  adjustment  of  numbers  ;  but 
it  is  an  abnormal  condition  and  hence  it  is  disregarded  here. 

And  here,  in  answer  to  the  objections  that  a  greater  prevalence 
of  infanticide  and  so  on  is  assumed  than  there  is  evidence  for, 
we  may,  bearing  in  mind  the  many  reasons  why  the  evidence  is 
deficient,  reply  that  this  assumption  is  not  unreasonable.  If 
such  an  assumption  is  not  made,  the  position  among  these  races 
is  not  comprehensible.  It  may  be  granted,  for  instance,  that 
there  is  evidence  of  the  practice  of  infanticide  on  a  large  scale 
among  certain  Australian  tribes  ;  but  it  may  be  pointed  out  that 
similar  evidence  is  lacking  in  the  case  of  other  tribes.  Allowing 
that  a  far  more  detailed  examination  of  the  evidence  is  desirable 
than  there  is  space  for  here,  especially  with  regard  to  the  nature 
of  the  evidence  and  the  date  to  which  it  refers,  we  may  ask  what 
it  is  supposed  was  going  on  among  those  tribes  who  did  not,  as 
it  may  be  alleged,  practise  infanticide — abortion  and  abstention 
from  intercourse  being  uncommon  or  unknown  in  Australia. 
The  fecundity  of  all  Australians  is  presumably  very  similar  ;  it 
would  be  very  remarkable  indeed  if  it  were  not.  The  factors 
tending  to  lessen  fertility  and  to  produce  elimination  do  not 
differ  so  very  much  from  one  tribe  to  another.  It  must  follow 
that,  if  one  tribe  practised  infanticide  on  a  large  scale  and  main- 
tained its  numbers  nevertheless,  another  tribe  which  did  not 
do  so  must  have  been  rapidly  increasing.  This  rapid  increase  is 
not  compatible  with  the  strict  maintenance  of  well-defined 
territories  and  with  all  that  we  know  of  normal  inter-tribal 
relations,  and  it  is  submitted  that  the  assumption  made  here, 
namely  that  infanticide  or  some  other  custom  was  almost  always 
practised,  provides  the  only  explanation  of  the  position.1 

1  There  is  evidence  of  an  Australian  tribe  asking  for  an  extension  of  territory. 
So  rare,  however,  is  evidence  of  this  kind  that  it  only  serves  to  emphasize  that 
the  strict  maintenance  of  territories  was  the  normal  condition. 


THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBERS  239 

Lastly  it  may  be  recalled  that  there  are  many  indications  that 
fecundity  is  somewhat  less  among  these  races  than  among  modern 
races.  However  this  may  be,  it  has  always  to  be  remembered 
that  the  power  of  increase  is  nevertheless  huge.  It  has  been,  for 
instance,  calculated  that  between  the  years  1906  and  1911  the 
population  of  the  world  was  increasing  at  such  a  rate  that  it 
would  double  itself  in  about  sixty  years.  At  this  rate  of  increase  the 
estimated  population  of  the  world  in  1914 — namely,  1,694,000,000 
— would  be  produced  by  the  progeny  of  a  single  pair  in  1,782 
years.1  Furthermore,  this  is  occurring  under  conditions  in  which 
the  increase  is  everywhere  obviously  and  severely  checked  in 
very  many  ways ;  therefore,  even  if  the  fecundity  among  these 
races  is  less  than  among  civilized  races,  it  must  not  be  thought 
that  there  is  thereby  brought  about  any  considerable  alleviation 
of  the  problem  as  to  how  numbers  should  be  controlled. 

13.  We  have  now  to  ask  how  far  the  conclusions  to  which 
we  have  come  regarding  primitive  races  are  applicable  to  pre- 
historic races.  In  the  first  place,  they  are  clearly  only  applicable 
to  races  among  whom  social  organization  has  become  established  ; 
for  it  is  only  when  men  begin  to  reap  the  advantages  of  co-opera- 
tion that  the  conception  of  the  optimum  number  arises.  As  we 
have  seen,  it  is  not  possible  to  say  when  primitive  social  organiza- 
tion arose.  It  must  certainly  have  been  present  in  the  Upper 
Palaeolithic  ;  the  evidence  of  the  presence  of  a  large  body  of 
tradition  is  otherwise  incomprehensible.  As  suggested,  it  may 
very  well  be  that  we  should  look  for  the  origin  of  social  organiza- 
tion in  the  Lower  Palaeolithic.  Among  the  Tasmanians,  whose 
skill  was  not  much  in  advance  of  that  of  Acheulean  man,  there 
was  a  primitive  form  of  social  organization.  Nevertheless, 
wherever  the  beginnings  of  social  organization  are  to  be  placed, 
we  must  suppose  that  a  long  period  of  time  elapsed  before  it 
assumed  that  rigid  form  characteristic  of  primitive  races.  Giving 
all  due  weight  to  this  consideration,  we  must  assume  that  in,  and 
perhaps  before,  the  Upper  Palaeolithic  era  the  position  with 
regard  to  numbers  was  in  all  essentials  similar  to  that  among 
primitive  races.  It  is  not  uncommon  to  meet  with  statements 
to  the  effect  that  man  was  a  wanderer  until  he  began  to  practise 
agriculture.  This  is  a  mistake  if  it  implies  that  after  social 
organization  had  arisen  definite  areas  for  different  groups  of 

1  Knibbs,  Census  of  Australia,  Appendix  A,  vol.  i,  p.  31. 


240  THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBERS 

men  were  not  recognized.  There  can  be  no  direct  proof  of  this  ; 
but  the  fact  that,  wherever  we  look,  absolutely  without  exception 
we  find  among  all  primitive  races  the  recognition  and  careful 
maintenance  of  such  areas,  just  as  much  among  hunting  and 
fishing  as  among  agricultural  races,  must  lead  us  to  suppose  that 
among  the  more  bkilled  hunters  of  pre-history  similar  conditions 
normally  obtained.  It  is  altogether  unreasonable  and  without 
foundation  to  suppose  that  the  recognition  of  areas  is  a  develop- 
ment subsequent  to  the  separation  of  primitive  races  from  the 
main  line  of  social  evolution.  If  then  the  recognition  of  areas, 
which  probably  arose  with  the  development  of  social  organization, 
was  a  characteristic  of  the  later  prehistoric  races,  we  are  led  to 
conclude  that  the  desirability  of  attaining  to  and  maintaining 
the  optimum  number  must  have  had  the  same  consequences  as 
among  primitive  races.  •  It  must,  in  other  words,  have  resulted 
in  the  practice  of  infanticide,  of  abortion,  or  of  abstention  from 
intercourse.  For  there  is  no  reason  to  assume  that  the  factors 
bearing  upon  fertility  and  elimination  reached  a  considerably 
greater  intensity  than  among  primitive  races.  We  have,  how- 
ever, no  reason  to  assume  that  any  one  of  these  habits  was 
practised  rather  than  another,  for  there  is,  as  we  have  seen,  no 
correlation  between  these  factors  and  stages  in  economic  develop- 
ment. All  that  we  assume  is  that  in  one  way  or  another  adjust- 
ment was  brought  about,  and  in  corroboration  of  this  we  may 
note,  as  will  be  pointed  out  in  the  next  chapter,  that  as  pre- 
historic races  emerge  into  the  light  of  history  there  is  abundant 
evidence  of  the  practice  by  them  of  one  or  other  of  these  customs. 
14.  Lastly  we  may  ask  how  we  are  to  view  the  change  from 
the  conditions  under  which  the  pre-human  ancestor  must  have 
lived  to  the  conditions  which  we  have  found  reason  to  attribute 
to  prehistoric  races.  The  conditions  to  which  species  in  a  state 
of  nature  are  subjected,  and  to  which  therefore  we  assume  the 
pre-human  ancestor  to  have  been  subject,  were  described  in  the 
second  chapter.  We  found  that  the  fecundity  of  any  species 
was  connected  with  the  sum  of  all  the  unavoidable  dangers  as  we 
called  them  to  which  the  young  of  the  species  are  exposed. 
A  limit  is  set  to  the  development  of  the  strength  of  fecundity 
beyond  a  certain  point  by  the  fact  that  it  cannot  be  to  the 
advantage  of  any  species  that  its  fecundity  should  increase 
considerably  beyond  the  point  which  ensures  the  survival  of  the 


THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS  241 

species,  as  such  an  increase  would  intensify  the  struggle  between 
the  members  of  the  species — this  intensification  of  the  struggle 
not  bringing  any  corresponding  advantages. 

We  are  ignorant  with  regard  not  only  to  the  form  of  the  pre- 
human ancestor,  but  also  with  regard  to  the  conditions  under 
which  he  lived.  We  must  suppose,  however,  that  his  fecundity, 
like  that  of  any  other  species  in  a  state  of  nature,  was  of  a  strength 
that  enabled  a  sufficient  proportion  of  his  offspring  to  survive 
the  unavoidable  dangers.  As  we  have  seen,  that  which  marks 
the  setting  out  of  man  on  the  path  which  led  to  the  dominion 
over  all  other  species  was  the  growth  of  his  intellect.  The  most 
obvious  consequence  of  this  increase  in  intellectual  power  must 
have  been  to  enable  man  to  protect  himself  against  many  of  these 
dangers.  We  do  not  know  to  what  dangers  he  was  subject,  but 
they  must  in  all  probability  have  been  many  and  serious  in  view 
of  his  relatively  poor  equipment  with  means  of  defence.  Yet 
we  have  only  to  look  at  the  Tasmanians  to  find  that,  when  a 
degree  of  skill  had  been  reached  not  far  superior  to  that  of  Lower 
Palaeolithic  man,  he  had  freed  himself  from  most  of  these  dangers. 
Parasites  were  not  then,  so  far  as  we  can  tell,  a  serious  menace, 
and  against  the  attacks  of  other  species  he  could  defend  himself 
with  almost  complete  success.  Whether  his  fecundity  had  come 
to  differ  from  that  of  the  pre-human  ancestor  by  that  time  we 
cannot  tell ;  in  any  case  the  fecundity  of  prehistoric  man  was 
evidently  in  the  main  a  legacy  of  the  pre-human  ancestor — a 
degree  of  fecundity  that  had  been  evolved  in  the  face  of  quite 
other  conditions.  Since  the  time  of  prehistoric  man  fecundity 
has  increased — this  increase  being  apparently  in  the  main  in 
the  nature  of  a  modification  due  to  changed  conditions  of  life. 

It  appears  that  we  must  regard  the  growth  of  intellect  as 
having  enabled  man  to  avoid  the  serious  consequences  which 
a  fecundity  in  excess  of  that  necessary  to  ensure  survival  would 
otherwise  have  brought  about.  Excessive  fecundity,  not  there- 
fore being  a  disadvantage,  was  not  reduced  by  selection.  It 
must  be  remembered  that  human  fecundity  is  only  relatively 
excessive ;  actually  man  is  a  slow- breeding  animal,  and  when  we 
speak  of  this  relatively  excessive  fecundity,  we  are  not  to  think 
of  such  a  degree  of  fecundity  as  would  occupy  so  prominent 
a  place  among  the  bodily  functions  as  to  render  man  less  adaptive 
than  he  would  haye  been  bad  it  been  less.  Fecundity,  in  other 

2493 


242  THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS 

words,  could  only  have  become  disadvantageous  had  it  led  to 
greatly  increased  competition  among  the  members  of  the  species 
without  any  corresponding  advantage.  This  might  perhaps  have 
happened,  had  not  the  growth  of  the  intellect  indirectly  produced 
new  causes  of  elimination  and  intensified  some  of  the  formerly 
existing  factors.  Thus  the  change  in  food  and  in  the  mode  of 
life  was  evidently  productive  of  a  higher  infant  mortality  ;  such 
changes  were  due  to  the  growth  of  the  intellect,  and  the  higher 
mortality  consequent  upon  them,  if  not,  as  is  possible,  an  actual 
advantage,  was  at  least  countenanced  by  natural  selection.1 
Such  changes  therefore  were,  other  things  being  equal,  tolerated, 
as  were  also  abstention  from  intercourse  due  to  taboos,  pre- 
puberty  intercourse,  prolonged  lactation,  and  so  on.  The 
practices  of  abortion  and  infanticide  together  with  prolonged 
abstention  from  intercourse — also  due  to  the  intellect — enabled 
man  completely  to  escape  any  disadvantages  which  might  have 
arisen  from  his  relatively  excessive  fecundity— the  reserve,  so  to 
speak,  of  fecundity  being  possibly  an  advantage. 

In  some  such  manner  as  this  it  seems  that  we  have  to  regard 
the  present  position  of  man  with  reference  to  fecundity.  The 
strength  of  fecundity  is  in  the  main  a  legacy  from  ancestors 
who  were  subject  to  wholly  different  conditions.  It  is  excessive 
relatively  to  his  present  needs  ;  this  excess  has,  however,  not 
been  a  disadvantage;  for  the  consequences  which  might  have 
been  deleterious  have  been  avoided  owing  indirectly  to  the 
modifications  of  the  conditions  of  life  and  directly  to  the  rise  of 
certain  customs  all  ultimately  traceable  to  the  growth  of  the 
intellect. 

1  There  is  some  evidence  that  miscarriages  are  not  uncommon  among  these 
races  (for  Australia  see  Grey,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  249,  and  for  the  Loucheux  Indians 
see  Hardisty,  loc.  cit.,  p.  312).  If  this  is  so,  it  would  appear  also  to  be  due  to 
changed  conditions  to  which  primitive  races  had  not  learnt  to  adapt  themselves — 
there  being  no  advantages  in  their  so  doing. 


X 

HISTORICAL  RACES 

1.  IN  this  chapter  we  deal  with  the  factors  bearing  upon 
fertility  and  elimination  in  the  third  of  the  three  groups 
described  in  Chapter  V.  In  one  important  respect  this  and 
the  following  chapter  are  contrasted  with  the  preceding  chapters. 
In  the  latter  we  were  dealing,  not  with  the  facts  derived  from  the 
peoples  whom  it  was  our  object  directly  to  investigate,  but  with 
the  facts  derived  from  primitive  races  with  the  object  of  throwing 
light  upon  prehistoric  races.  Here  we  are  dealing  with  the  facts 
relating  to  the  peoples  whose  position  it  is  our  object  to  consider. 
The  setting  out  of  the  facts  relating  to  these  races  presents  great 
difficulties.  The  amount  of  information  is  huge,  but  for  the 
most  part  it  is  far  from  being  of  a  satisfactory  nature,  and  the 
rapid  changes  which  have  occurred  within  the  historical  period 
increase  the  difficulties.  Only  a  brief  review  of  the  subject, 
designed  to  illustrate  the  more  important  features,  is  attempted. 

The  races  under  consideration  are  divided  into  four  sub-groups. 
Sub-group  1  includes  the  civilizations  of  Egypt,  Mesopotamia, 
Greece,  and  Home  up  to  the  fall  of  the  Western  Empire.  In 
these  countries  we  have  some  knowledge  of  the  progress  from 
Neolithic  culture  to  a  culture  exhibiting  a  far  greater  command 
over  nature.  From  this  culture  is  derived  the  later  civilization 
of  Europe,  which  we  consider  under  sub-groups  3  and  4 — the 
former  beginning  with  Europe  after  the  fall  of  the  Western 
Empire  and  ending  roughly  about  A.  D.  1760,  the  date  given  by 
Marshall  as  marking  the  beginning  of  the  industrial  system,  the 
latter  beginning  about  1760,  and  including  all  European  races 
and  their  derivatives  in  America,  Australia,  and  so  on.  Generally 
speaking,  therefore,  sub-group  1  includes  the  ancient  empires, 
sub-group  8  Europe  from  the  Koman  Empire  to  the  rise  of  the 
industrial  system,  and  sub-group  4  the  epoch  of  the  industrial 
system. 

There  remain  those  races  which  have  passed  beyond  the  culture 
of  the  races  included  in  the  second  group,  but  which  have  been 


244  HISTOEICAL  RACES 

out  of  the  main  stream  of  the  evolution  which  led  to  the  industrial 
evolution.  In  sub-group  2  are  included  India,  China,  Persia, 
Japan,  and  also  the  partly  nomadic  Arabs  and  certain  other 
Asiatic  peoples.  In  late  years  the  customs  of  the  races  in  this 
sub-group  have  been  influenced  by  contact  with  Europeans  ; 
changes  due  to  this  contact  will  be  disregarded,  as  were  similar 
changes  in  the  races  belonging  to  the  first  and  second  groups. 

In  one  very  important  respect  the  conditions  with  regard  to 
all  races  in  the  third  group  differ  from  those  in  the  preceding 
groups.  Disease  is  a  factor  of  the  greatest  importance,  and  we 
may  consider  in  the  first  place  the  facts  regarding  the  prevalence 
of  disease  in  all  groups.  What  little  there  is  to  be  said  regarding 
war,  famine,  and  child  mortality  in  all  the  races  of  this  group 
may  also  be  considered  together.  With  regard  to  the  other 
factors  we  find  that  in  many  respects  the  conditions  in  the  first 
two  sub-groups  are  similar  and  are  contrasted  with  those  in  the 
latter  two  sub-groups.  Therefore,  after  considering  disease  and 
the  other  factors  mentioned  for  all  groups  taken  together,  it  will 
be  convenient  to  deal  with  the  sub-groups  separately,  taking  the 
ancient  empires  and  the  Asiatic  peoples  first,  and  mediaeval  and 
modern  Europe  afterwards. 

2.  Something  was  said  in  Chapter  VI  with  regard  to  the  evolution 
of  disease.  It  was  there  shown  that  in  all  probability  most  diseases 
evolved  relatively  late  in  history.  The  more  settled  conditions 
ofjthe  Neolithic  Age  may  have  provided  the  first  suitable  surround- 
ings for  the  evolution  and  spread  of  disease.  The  taking  of  metals 
into  use  was  followed  by  an  increase  in  the  density  of  population 
when  conditions  became  yet  more  favourable.  The  use  of  metals 
was  followed  by  the  rise  of  the  first  civilizations.  It  was  then 
that  men  first  came  to  dwell  in  towns  and  cities,  and  it  is  interest- 
ing to  observe  that  the  earliest  cities  were  very  compact.  Mr.  Hall, 
speaking  of  Minoan  civilization,  says  that  the  towns  were  very 
cramped, '  more  so  than  the  most  confined  of  European  mediaeval 
cities  '^  On  the  rise  therefore  of  these  early  civilizations  the 
conditions  were  strongly  contrasted  with  those  which,  we  imagine, 
must  have  been  prevalent  before,  and  favoured  the  spread  of 
disease  as  it  had  never  been  favoured  before.  From  the  rise  of 
the  early  civilizations  until  within  the  last  hundred  years,  con 

1  Hall,  Ancient  History  of  the  Near  fJast,  p.   UQ,      So,  too,  Memphis  was 
a  very  cramped  pity. 


HISTOKICAL  EACES  245 

ditions  have  remained  favourable.  They  may  perhaps  have  been 
most  favourable  in  European  towns  in  mediaeval  and  later  times. 
According  to  Eogers,  '  the  habits  of  the  people  were  favourable 
to  pestilence.  Every  writer  during  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth 
centuries  who  makes  his  comment  on  the  customs  and  practices 
of  English  life,  adverts  to  the  profuseness  of  their  diet  and  the 
extraordinarily  uncleanliness  of  their  habits  and  persons.  The 
floor  of  an  ordinary  Englishman's  house,  as  Erasmus  describes  it, 
was  inconceivably  filthy,  in  London  filthier  than  elsewhere,  for 
centuries  after  these  events.  The  streets  and  open  ditches  of  the 
towns  were  polluted  and  noisome  beyond  measure.  The  English- 
man disdained  all  the  conditions  of  health.' l 

Turning  to  the  evidence,  we  find  that  facts  are  very  scanty  for 
the  earliest  times  of  this  period.  Such  evidence  as  we  have  points 
to  the  prevalence  of  disease  during  the  early  civilizations.  We 
know  that  pestilence  swept  over  Egypt — the  references  to  the 
subject  in  the  Bible  being  familiar.  But  precisely  what  diseases 
were  prevalent  are  not  known  ;  the  descriptions  of  the  symptoms 
are  seldom  sufficiently  accurate  even  in  mediaeval  times  to  make 
it  possible  to  identify  the  diseases.2  From  other  evidence  it 
appears  that  in  any  case  tuberculosis,  leprosy,  plague,  and  bil- 
harzia  were  common  in  Egypt.  There  is  much  evidence  to  show 
that  most  diseases  only  reached  Europe  in  relatively  late  times. 
Plague,  for  instance,  probably  first  reached  Europe  in  A.D.  542. 
It  is  possible,  however,  that  the  pestilence  which  ravaged  most 
of  Europe  between  A.  D.  164  and  188  was  plague.3  Generally 
speaking,  the  evidence  points  to  the  conclusion  that  many  diseases 
came  from  the  East,  where  they  in  all  probability  originated. 
Plague,  cholera,  and  sma]l-pox  all  seem  to  have  had  their  origin 
in  India.  This  conclusion  is  in  harmony  with  what  we  know  of 
the  origin  of  civilization,  for  it  is  where  men  first  came  to  dwell 
in  close  proximity  that  we  should  expect  to  find  that  disease 
originated. 

With  regard  to  mortality  from  disease  very  little  accurate 
information  is  available  until  modern  times.  It  is  quite  impossible 
to  say,  for  instance,  whether  disease  was  the  cause  of  a  higher 

1  Rogers,  Six  Centuries,  vol.  i,  p.  336.  2  On  this  subject  see  Hirsch,  Hand- 

book of  Geographical  and  Historical  Pathology ;  Hecker,  Epidemics  of  the  Middle 
Ages  ;  Clemow,  Geography  of  Disease.  3  The  famous  '  plague  '  of  Athens, 

430  to  428  B.C.,  was  not  plague  in  the  technical  sense;  it  was  probably  typhoid  or 
small-pox. 


246  HISTORICAL  RACES 

mortality  in  the  Middle  Ages  than  in  the  times  of  the  Early 
Empires.  All  we  know  is  that  it  was  in  both  cases  an  important 
factor  of  elimination.  Within  the  last  century  disease  has  come 
to  be  in  an  increasing  degree  under  the  control  of  scientific  methods. 
Some  diseases  such  as  small-pox  have  been  almost  banished  from 
this  country  ;  others,  such  as  diphtheria,  have  been  rendered  less 
lethal.  Of  the  Early  Empires  there  are  of  course  no  exact  facts. 
Macdonell,  working  on  figures  from  the  Corpus  Inscriptionum 
Latinarum  of  the  Berlin  Academy,  found  that  there  was  a  very 
low  expectation  of  life  in  ancient  Rome  as  compared  with  the 
present  day.  Whereas  in  England  ar  the  age  of  fifteen  the  expecta- 
tion of  life  for  boys  is  forty-five  years  and  for  girls  forty-eight 
years,  in  Rome  it  was  twenty  and  fifteen  years  respectively  ; 
and  again,  whereas  in  England  at  the  age  of  thirty  the  expecta- 
tion of  life  for  men  is  thirty-three,  and  for  women  thirty-six  years, 
in  Rome  it  was  nineteen  and  fourteen  respectively.  He  also  found 
that,  though  the  death-rate  was  less  high,  the  position  was  much 
the  same  in  the  provinces  of  Hispania  and  Lusitania  as  in  Rome. 
In  Africa,  however,  the  expectation  of  life  was  higher,  but  this 
may  perhaps  be  due  to  the  presence  of  a  large  number  of  colonists.1 
There  is  abundant  evidence  of  a  high  rate  of  mortality  in  Europe 
up  to  the  opening  of  the  last  century.  We  must  remember, 
says  Rogers,  that  '  in  the  Middle  Ages  the  risks  of  death  from 
disease  were  far  greater  than  they  are  at  present,  that  medical 
skill  was  almost  non-existent,  that  the  conditions  of  life  were 
eminently  unwholesome,  that  the  diet  of  the  people,  during  fully 
one- half  of  the  year,  though  abundant,  was  insalubrious  ' ; 2  and 
in  another  place  he  says  that  '  in  the  large  towns  the  deaths,  to 
judge  from  the  return  up  to  the  eighteenth  century,  greatly 
exceeded  the  births  '.3  Theilhaber,  quoting  Goldstein,  gives 
figures  which  corroborate  this  view  for  Basel  and  Frankfort.4 
Halley  constructed  one  of  the  earliest  tables  of  mortality  for  the 
city  of  Breslau  for  the  years  1687  to  1691,  and  they  show  that  the 
mortality  was  '  considerably  higher  than  that  shown  by  modern 
statistics  '.5  Price  constructed  a  table  for  Northampton  for  the 
years  1735  to  1780,  and  it  shows  a  death-rate  of  249-31  per 
thousand  for  the  ages  0-2,  which  is  far  higher  than  at  the  present 
day.6 

1  Macdonell,  Biometrika,  vol.  ix,  p.  369.  2  Rogers,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  118. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  336.  •  Theilhaber,  Da*  sterile  Berlin,  p.  27.  6  Henderson, 

Mortality  Laws  and  Statistic*,  p.  3.  6  Ibid.,  pp.  4,  110. 


HISTORICAL  RACES  247 

Finally,  though  disease  has  nowadays  very  largely  come  under 
scientific  control,  by  far  the  greater  number  of  deaths  is  due  to 
disease.  Thus  in  1917  there  were  498,922  deaths  among  the 
civilian  population  of  England  and  Wales.  Of  these,  20,480  were 
due  to  violence  (not  suicide),  2,495  to  suicide,  2,485  to  ill-defined 
or  unknown  causes,  and  2,598  took  place  during  pregnancy.  Of 
the  remainder  all  were  due  to  defined  diseases.  Enteric  fever 
(typhoid  and  paratyphoid)  accounted  for  977,  measles  for  10,538  ; 
whooping  cough,  4,509  ;  tuberculosis  for  59,934  ;  syphilis  for 
2,127;  cancer  for  41,158;  pneumonia  for  39,832;  diphtheria 
and  croup  for  4,498  ;  meningitis  for  4,761  ;  organic  heart  disease 
for  52,692  ;  bronchitis  for  38,907  ;  other  respiratory  diseases  for 
7,031  ;  diarrhoea  for  13,311  ;  nephritis  and  Bright 's  disease  for 
14,298  ;  and  congenital  debility  for  23,850.! 

3.  Warfare  is  the  second  factor — disease  being  the  first — 
which  among  these  races  is  remarkable  in  that  its  effects  are  not 
regular.  It  is  wholly  impossible  to  estimate  the  loss  of  life  in 
war  "until  modern  times.  Contemporary  statements  nearly  always 
hugely  exaggerate  the  numbers  engaged  in  battle  and  the  number 
slain.  '  In  the  first  Battle  of  St.  Albans  we  have  been  told  that 
five  thousand  persons  were  slain.  It  is  almost  certain  that  not 
much  more  than  half  that  number  were  in  action.' 2  This  is 
probably  equally  true  of  nearly  all  such  statements.  With  regard 
to  elimination  through  warfare  there  are  two  facts  to  be  borne 
in  mind.  The  first  is  that,  even  if  the  contemporary  statements 
were  correct,  war  is  by  no  means  so  important  a  factor  as  it  seems 
at  first  sight.  A  practice  which  resulted  in  the  conscious  limita- 
tion of  each  family  by  one  child  would  have  greater  results  over 
a  period  of  years  than  there  is  ever  claimed  as  the  direct  result 
of  warfare  in  reducing  numbers  over  a  similar  period.  The  second 
is  that  the  indirect  elimination  following  upon  warfare  is  of  far 
greater  importance  than  the  direct  elimination.  Famine  and 
disease  following  warfare  were  until  recent  times  responsible  for 
many  more  deaths  than  warfare  itself.  When  we  are  told  that 
during  the  Thirty  Years'  War  the  population  of  Wiirtemberg  was 
reduced  from  500,000  to  46,000,3  it  has  to  be  remembered  that 
disease  and  famine  played  a  greater  part  than  loss  of  life  in 
battle.  Further,  when  the  direct  effects  of  warfare  as  a  whole 

1  Annual  Report  of  the.  Registrar -General  for  1917.  2  Rogers,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  \9 

p.  332.  s  Niebuhr,  Lectures  in  Ancient  History,  vol.  ii,  p.  231. 


248  HISTOBICAL  EACES 

are  contrasted  with  those  of  disease,  it  is  apparent  that  they  are 
relatively  insignificant.  Elimination  from  disease,  though  irre- 
gular, is  always  in  progress  within  this  period  ;  there  are  lengthy 
epochs  when  there  is  little  or  no  loss  through  war.  Again,  the 
great  epidemics  are  far  more  destructive  of  life  than  the  great 
wars  ;  Hecker,  for  instance,  after  a  lengthy  examination  of  the 
various  accounts,  came  to  the  conclusion  that  about  a  quarter  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Europe  perished  during  the  Black  Death.1 

The  nature  which  warfare  assumed  in  this  period  is  obviously 
connected  with  the  rise  and  consolidation  of  large  states.  Warfare 
becomes  a  matter  of  policy  ;  it  is  no  longer  a  cause  of  a  regular 
degree  of  elimination.  There  is  among  the  races  under  review  in 
this  chapter  every  degree  between  the  kind  of  warfare  typical  of 
the  races  previously  reviewed  and  that  typical  of  this  period. 
The  nomadic  races  of  Asia  have  at  least  until  recent  times  main- 
tained a  form  of  regular  warfare.  Vambery  states  that  there  is 
'  inveterate  and  irreconcilable  enmity  '  between  two  tribes  of 
Turkomans.2  We  are  told  that  among  such  a  primitive  people 
as  the  Nagas  the  tribes  were  formerly  in  a  state  of  constant 
hostility.3  Among  these  people  also  head-hunting  was  formerly 
common  and  the  victims  sometimes  included  women.4  '  One  indi- 
vidual showed  Mr.  Carnegie  his  apron  which  recorded  the  deaths  of 
twenty-five  individuals — men,  women  and  children — slain  by  his 
own  hand.' 5  Generally  speaking,  however,  we  have  in  this  period 
to  think  of  warfare  as  typically  of  a  different  nature  to  that  which 
we  have  noticed  before,  but  whether  it  on  the  whole  accounts 
directly  for  a  higher  degree  of  elimination,  it  is  not  possible  to  say. 

The  features  of  warfare  which  are  of  importance  here  are  its 
relatively  slight  effect  in  producing  elimination,  its  irregular 
action,  and  its  important  consequences  in  bringing  about  disease 
and  famine.  With  disease  we  have  already  dealt.  Famine  appears 
here  for  the  first  time  among  the  more  important  factors  of 
elimination,  and  its  appearance  is  obviously  connected  with  the 
higher  organization  of  society  which,  if  broken  down,  as  by 
warfare,  may  give  rise  to  famine.6  Social  organization  may  be 

1  Hecker,  loc.  cit.,  p.  30.  The  proportion  of  the  population  which  perished  is 
often  said  to  have  been  greater.  Rogers  (loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  223)  puts  it  at  one- 
third  of  the  population  of  England.  2  Vambery,  Travels,  p.  313. 
3  Hodson,  Naga  Tribes,  p.  113.  «  Crooke,  Northern  India,  p.  41.  8  Ibid., 
p.  47.  •  Thus  in  irrigated  countries,  if  the  system  of  irrigation  is  allowed 
to  fall  into  decay  or  if  it  is  damaged  directly  or  indirectly  by  war,  famine  may 
result.  See  Cresswell,  Man,  vol.  xv,  p.  68. 


HISTOKICAL  EACES  249 

broken  down  by  other  causes  than  war.  as  by  some  failure  in 
government.  Famine  may  also  result  from  exceptionally  bad 
weather  in  any  period  ;  but  it  would  seem  that  when  a  certain 
stage  of  organization  has  been  reached  the  danger  is  greater  than 
before  or  afterwards.  There  were  great  famines  in  England  in 
the  years  1194  to  1196,  1257  to  1259,  and  1315  to  1316,  since 
when  famines  have  been  unknown.  These  famines  were  all  con- 
nected with  bad  weather,  but  the  fact  that  they  have  not  occurred 
since  is  to  be  attributed  rather  to  superior  social  organization  and 
increasing  knowledge  than  to  better  climatic  conditions.  The 
sudden  and  prolonged  changes  of  climate  which  occur  in  certain 
places,  as  for  instance  in  Peninsular  India,  tax  the  resources  even 
of  modern  knowledge  and  skill.  In  the  case  of  famine,  more  so 
even  than  in  the  case  of  warfare,  the  loss  of  life  is  apt  to  be  over- 
estimated. Famine  somehow  strikes  the  imagination  and  gives 
it  a  prominence  in  history  which  it  does  not  deserve.  It  is  in 
reality  a  minor  factor. 

Before  leaving  the  subject  of  warfare,  it  is  interesting  to  note, 
in  view  of  what  will  be  said  later  regarding  the  influence  of 
Christian  teaching  in  assisting  to  put  a  stop  to  abortion  and 
infanticide,  that  the  early  Church  was  also  opposed  to  warfare. 
According  to  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Tertullian,  Origen,  and 
Lactantius,  all  warfare  was  unlawful  for  the  converted.  Under 
Domitian  a  Christian  soldier  who  refused  to  fight  was  executed. 
There  was  a  controversy  between  Celsus  and  Origen  on  this  matter. 
The  view  of  the  latter  was  that  the  prayers  of  Christians  were 
more  effective  than  their  swords.  This  attitude,  however,  was 
soon  abandoned,  and  by  the  time  of  Constantine  the  army  was 
largely  Christian.1 

4.  In  the  groups  already  discussed  we  have  found  child  mortality 
to  be  an  important  factor.  We  traced  it  to  certain  factors  such 
as  carelessness,  ignorance,  and  practices  such  as  bathing  new- 
born babies  in  cold  water.  Within  the  historical  period  child 
mortality  also  plays  an  important  part.  Though  there  is  little 
or  no  evidence  of  the  practice  of  such  customs  as  those  referred 
to,  ignorance  and  carelessness  are  familiar  enough  among  the  less 
educated  classes  at  the  present  day,  and  in  addition  disease 
exacts  a  very  heavy  toll  of  infant  life.  In  fact,  whereas  among 
primitive  races  the  actual  cause  of  the  death  of  children  appears 

1  Lecky,  European  Morals,  vol.  ii,  p.  248. 


250  HISTORICAL  RACES 

generally  to  be  exposure  or  debility  following  on  the  results  of 
ignorant  and  careless  treatment,  among  the  races  of  this  group 
the  actual  cause  of  death  is  usually  disease  to  which  children 
have  been  more  or  less  predisposed  by  the  treatment  they  have 
received. 

There  is  little  exact  evidence  as  to  the  conditions  among  the 
historical  races,  but  the  general  impression  gained  from  the 
literary  evidence  is  that  infant  mortality  was  high.  The  high 
rate  of  child  mortality  among  Asiatic  races  is  well  known.  In 
the  period  1902  to  1911  the  average  deaths  of  children  for  one 
thousand  births  was  in  the  United  Provinces  852,  in  Bombay  320, 
in  Burma  832,  and  in  the  Punjab  806.1  Referring  to  these 
figures,  Wattal  comments  on  the  *  extremely  unsanitary  con- 
ditions of  child-birth  and  the  appalling  ignorance  prevalent  on 
the  subject  '.2  With  regard  to  ignorance  it  is  everywhere  the 
same  story.  Of  the  modern  Egyptians  we  are  told  that  '  the 
children  are  foul  in  the  eyes,  and  are  allowed  to  munch  such 
indigestible  dainties  as  beans  and  bread  as  soon  as  they  have 
•  teeth  with  which  to  bite,  while  the  mother  protests  to  the  lady 
doctor  that  nothing  but  milk  has  ever  passed  the  child's  lips, 
though  its  little  hand  may  actually  be  holding  a  hunch  of  raw 
potato  '.3 

Of  the  Middle  Ages  again  there  is  no  exact  evidence,  but  all 
we  know  points  to  a  very  high  child  mortality.  Some  figures  for 
the  eighteenth  century  from  the  country  have  been  quoted  and 
doubtless  there  was  a  considerably  higher  death-rate  in  the 
towns.4  From  the  general  conditions  and  from  the  prevalence 
of  disease  it  is  obvious  that  it  could  not  have  been  otherwise. 

Within  the  last  century  there  has  been  in  most  European 
countries  a  considerable  decrease  in  child  mortality.  The  degree 
of  mortality  varies  greatly  from  country  to  country.  For  the 
same  period  as  that  for  which  the  Indian  figures  were  given  the 
figures  are  for  England  and  Wales  127-3,  France  132-4,  Germany 
186-6,  Hungary  207-6,  New  Zealand  64-4,  Sweden  84-4,  Australia 
87-5,  and  Scotland  116-1.5  Some  further  reference  to  this  subject 
and  particularly  to  the  differences  between  the  various  countries 
will  be  made  in  Chapter  XI. 

5.    With  this  reference  to   the  importance  of   disease,   war, 

1  Wattal,  Population  Problem,  p.  20.  «  Ibid.,  p.  21.  »  Balls, 

5.  224.     For  Chinese  Tibet  see  Wilson,  Abode  of  Snow,  p.  193.  *  See  Ru 

.  R.  S.  S.,  vol.  Ixiii,  p.  610.  6  Wattal,  loc.  cit.,  p.  20. 


HISTOKICAL  EACES  251 

famine,  and  child  mortality  throughout  the  historical  period  we 
may  pass  to  the  consideration  of  the  remaining  factors,  dealing 
first  with  the  ancient  empires  and  Asiatic  peoples  and  afterwards 
with  Europe  from  the  fall  of  the  Eoman  Empire.  We  shall  find 
that  considerable  differences  exist  regarding  the  importance  of  the 
various  factors  as  between  these  two  divisions.  Koughly  speaking, 
with  the  exception  of  the  importance  of  disease,  conditions  in  the 
ancient  empires  and  in  Asiatic  countries  are  similar  to  those  in 
previous  groups.  In  Europe  after  the  introduction  of  Christianity 
we  shall  find  that  certain  factors  become  of  little  or  no  importance, 
whereas  others  appear  for  the  first  time,  and  finally  in  the  modem 
period  we  shall  discover  further  changes.  It  is  therefore  con- 
venient to  consider  the  conditions  in  the  first  two  sub-groups 
taken  together  and  afterwards  those  in  the  latter  two  sub-groups. 
All  the  evidence  goes  to  show  that  celibacy  and  postponement 
of  marriage  were  very  rare  in  the  ancient  empires  and  are  very 
rare  among  Asiatic  peoples.  The  only  instances  to  the  contrary 
are  such  cases  as  those  of  the  later  days  of  the  Eoman  Empire  ; 
such  cases  are  wholly  exceptional  and  what  there  is  to  be  said 
about  them  will  be  deferred  to  the  next  chapter.  Generally 
speaking,  every  one  married  at  or  soon  after  the  age  of  puberty. 
In  Greece  '  in  various  places  criminal  proceedings  might  be  taken 
against  celibates  '.l  Though  the  figures  on  which  he  worked  were 
small,  Macdonell  found  that  marriages  in  Eome  took  place  between 
the  ages  of  ten  and  twenty.2  In  all  these  countries  we  find  examples 
of  religious  celibacy.  In  Egypt 3  and  Chaldea  4  there  were  celi- 
bates of  both  sexes  for  religious  reasons,  in  Eome  there  were  vestal 
virgins,  in  Persia  Sun  Priestesses  who  did  not  marry,  and  in  India 
and  Tibet  there  are  similar  examples.5  But  unlike  Christian 
celibacy,  these  instances  of  celibacy  were  of  no  importance  what- 
ever as  regards  the  question  of  numbers.  The  religious  celibates 
never  formed  more  than  an  insignificant  fraction  of  the  whole 
population.  In  general,  as  we  shall  see  later,  marriage  was  strongly 
encouraged  by  religions  other  than  Christianity  for  the  mass  of 
mankind.  The  one  other  important  exception  would  seem  to  be 
Buddhism,  which  not  only  forbade  marriage  to  the  sacerdotal  caste, 

1  Westermarck,  Moral  Ideas,  vol.  ii,  p.  403.     See  on  this  subject  Schomann, 
Griechische  Alterthumer,  vol.  i,  p.  271,  and  Plutarch,  Lycurgus,  p.  15.  2  Mac- 

donell,  loc.  cit.,  p.  369.  3  Miiller,  Das  Sezuelle  Leben,  p.  7.  «  Ibid.,  p.  14. 

5  Westermarck,  Moral  Ideas,  vol.  ii,  p.  407.     In  China  there  is  a  Golden  Orchid 
Society,  the  girl  members  of  which  swear  never  to  marry  (Giles,  China,  p.  69). 


252  HISTORICAL  RACES 

but  discouraged  marriage  among  all  those  who  would  attain  to 
wisdom.  It  would  appear,  however,  that  celibacy,  though  possibly 
widespread  in  the  earlier  days  of  Buddhism,  soon  ceased  to  be 
practised  except  by  a  small  proportion  of  the  adherents  of  Buddha. 
'  It  is  said  that  in  Nepal,  under  the  modern  Gurkha  rule,  the 
celibate  occupies  a  lower  position  than  the  married  monk,  to  whom 
the  services  in  the  temples  are  committed.  It  is  said,  too,  that 
the  Lamas  of  Sikkim  and  other  northern  countries  constantly  have 
children  living  with  them,  though  they  do  not  admit  them  to  be 
their  own.  Yet  for  all  that  celibacy  is  the  rule,  and,  nominally  at 
any  rate,  the  great  majority  of  Lamistic  monks  in  Western  Asia 
are  unmarried  coenobites,  who  live  together  in  monasteries.' l 

Much  evidence  could  be  given  as  to  the  view  taken  of  celibacy 
and  of  the  duty  of  marrying  early.  '  The  Oriental ',  says  Polak, 
'  does  not  understand  how  any  one  can  remain  a  celibate  who  has 
the  chance  to  marry.' 2  *  Le  celibat ',  says  Fustel  de  Coulanges, 
'  devait  etre  a  la  fois  une  impiete  grave  et  un  malheur  ;  une 
impiete,  parce  que  le  celibataire  mettait  en  peril  le  bonheur  des 
manes  de  sa  famille  ;  un  malheur,  parce  qu'il  ne  devait  Devoir 
lui-meme  aucun  culte  apres  sa  mort  et  ne  devait  pas  connaitre 
ce  qui  rejouit  les  manes.  C'etait  a  la  fois  pour  lui  et  pour  ces 
ancetres  une  sorte  de  damnation.' 3  Doughty  describes  the 
reasons  for  the  absence  of  celibacy  among  the  Arabs.4  The  same 
conditions  are  found  in  China.5  Of  Corea,  Ross  says  '  the  male 
human  being  who  is  never  married  is  never  called  a  "  man  ", 
whatever  his  age,  but  goes  by  the  name  of  "  yataw  ",  a  name 
given  by  the  Chinese  to  unmarriageable  young  girls,  and  the  man 
of  thirteen  or  fourteen  has  a  perfect  right  to  strike,  abuse,  order 
about  the  "  yatow  "  of  thirty  who  dares  not  so  much  as  open  his 
lips  to  complain  '.6  '  Among  natives  of  India  ',  says  Kerr,  '  it  is 
considered  an  indispensable  duty  to  enter  into  the  marriage  state.' 7 
*  A  Hindoo  male ',  according  to  Wattal,  *  must  marry  and  beget 
children — son,  if  you  please — to  perform  his  funeral  rites  lest  his 
spirit  wander  uneasily  in  the  waste  places  of  the  earth.  The  very 
name  of  son,  "  Putra  ",  means  one  who  saves  his  father's  soul  from 
the  hell  called  "  Puta  ".  A  Hindoo  maiden  unmarried  at  puberty 

1  Monier- Williams,  Buddhism,  p.  269.  2  Polak,  Persien,  vol.  i,  p.  205. 

3  Fustel  de  Coulanges,  Cite  antique,  p.  50.  *  Doughty,  Travels,  vol.  i, 

p.  321.     See  also  Bertherand,  Medecine  et  Hygiene  des  Arabes.  6  Gardner, 

Journ.  Eth.  Soc..,  new  series,  vol.  ii,  p.  19.  6  Ross,  Corea,  p.  313.  7  Kerr, 

of  India,  p.  202. 


HISTOKICAL  EACES  253 

is  a  source  of  social  obloquy  to  her  family  and  of  damnation  to  her 
ancestors.  Among  the  Mohammedans,  who  are  not  handicapped 
by  such  penalties,  the  marriage  state  is  equally  common,  partly 
owing  to  Hindoo  example,  and  partly  to  the  general  conditions  of 
life  in  primitive  society  where  a  wife  is  almost  a  necessity  both  as 
a  domestic  drudge  and  as  a  helpmate  in  field  work.' 1 

Early  marriage  is  considered  to  be  a  duty  for  all.  Westermarck 
quotes  Mohammed  as  saying :  '  whenever  a  servant  of  God 
marries  verily  he  perfects  half  his  religion  '.2  According  to  the 
Laws  of  Manu  it  is  a  religious  duty  incumbent  upon  all.3  In  the 
Vedic  Age  marriage  was  much  encouraged  and  offspring  greatly 
desired.4  Confucianism  and  Zoroastrianism  similarly  encouraged 
marriage.  '  A  youth  ',  says  Dubois,  speaking  of  India,  '  who  was 
not  married  before  he  was  eighteen  was  considered  by  them  to  be 
sinning  against  the  command  of  the  Creator,  which  says  "  Increase 
and  Multiply  ".'  5  '  Almost  all  Chinese,'  says  Gray,  '  robust  or 
infirm,  well  formed  or  deformed,  are  called  upon  by  their  parents 
to  marry  so  soon  as  they  have  attained  the  age  of  puberty.'  6 
'  Marriage  and  the  upbringing  of  offspring  became  a  duty  incum- 
bent upon  every  Chinese  who  is  normally  fit  for  marriage  ',7  say 
two  modern  Chinese  authors.  Similar  statements  are  to  be  found 
regarding  Burma,8  Upper  Siam,9  Persia,10  the  Mongols,11  and  the 
Kalmucks.12 

6.  Marriage  before  the  age  of  puberty  is  not  uncommon  and  is 
very  prevalent  in  India.  It  is  doubtful  how  far  intercourse  takes 
place  before  maturity.  In  the  North-West  Provinces  of  India  it 
is  stated  that  in  most  cases  there  is  no  cohabitation  before  puberty.13 
This  statement  is  confirmed  by  Kisley  ;  he  further  states  that  in 
Bengal  cohabitation  begins  at  once.14  In  India  in  1901,  243,500 
girls  were  married  under  the  age  of  five,  2,030,000  between  the 
ages  of  five  and  ten,  and  6,585,000  between  the  ages  of  ten  and 
fifteen.15  Eram,  speaking  generally  of  the  East,  states  that  pre- 
puberty  marriages  are  not  rare.16  We  hear  that  10  per  cent,  of 

1  Wattal,  loc.  cit.,  p.  3.  2  Westermarck,  Moral  Ideals,  vol.  ii,  p.  400. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  400.  4  Monier- Williams,  Buddhism,  pp.  363,  364.  6  Dubois, 

Hindu  Manners,  p.  214.  6  Gray,  China,  vol.  i,  p.  186.     See  also  Douglas, 

China,  p.  85,  and  Giles,  China,  p.  189.  7  Leong  and  Tao,  Life  in  China,  p.  10. 

8  Crawford,  Journal,  vol.  ii,  p.  240.  9  Bock,  Temples  and  Elephants,  p.  186. 

10  Polak,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  201.  "  Hue,  Souvenirs,  vol.  i,  p.  297.          12  Pallas, 

loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  305.         13  Crooke,  North-Western  Provinces,  p.  228.  "  Risley, 

People  of  India,  p.  185.  "  Leopold  and  Weise,  Sexual-Ordnung,  p.  347.     In 

the  Vedic  Age,  however,  child  marriages  were  apparently  unknown  (see  Bennet, 
Antiquities  of  India,  p.  114).  w  JJram,  facQucliertwnts  en  Orient,  p.  69, 


254  HISTORICAL  RACES 

the  Kirghiz  marry  before  the  beginning  of  menstruation.1  Among 
the  Annamites  2  and  the  Todas  3  intercourse  sometimes  occurs 
before  puberty.  Macdonell's  figures  for  Rome,  already  referred  to, 
show  that  marriage  must  -sometimes  have  taken  place  before 
puberty. 

7.  The  ancient  Egyptians  suckled  their  children  for  two  or 
three  years.4    The  suckling  period  is  prolonged  in  Arabia.5    In 
the  Koran  mothers  are  recommended  to  suckle  for  two  years.6 
Among  Asiatic  races  lactation  is  usually  extended  for  a  con- 
siderable length  of  time.    The  Japanese  sometimes  do  not  wean 
their  children  until  the  fourth  year.7    The  poorer  classes  in  Persia 
suckle  until  the  third  year.8    In  Upper  Siam  '  infants  are  generally 
suckled  three  years  '.9     In  Turkey  lactation  is  also  prolonged.10 
Generally  speaking,  the  evidence  is  to  the  effect  that  the  suckling 
period  is  always  prolonged — the  average  being  perhaps  somewhere 
about  two  to  three  years. 

8.  In  sub-group  1  many  examples  are  found  of  restraint  from 
sexual  intercourse  being  imposed  upon  married  persons  at  certain 
seasons.    Examples  from  Egypt  are  given  by  Miiller.11    According 
to  the  Laws  of  Manu  separation  from  the  wife  was  obligatory  at 
certain  periods — for  instance,  at  new  and  full  moon  and  on  certain 
days  of  the  month.12    Similar  conditions  existed  in  Persia.13   Such 
restrictions,  however,  are  not  of  much  importance.    Of  prolonged 
abstention  from  intercourse  there  is  little  evidence.     In  China, 
according  to  Gray,  '  a  husband  is  not  expected  to  cohabit  with 
his  wife  after  she  has  conceived,  nor  after  the  child  is  born,  during 
the  whole  period  that  it  is  being  nourished  at  the  mother's  breast. 
Any  violation  of  this  rule  is  supposed  not  only  to  cause  the  child 
to  become  sickly  but  to  provoke  the  displeasure  of  the  ancestors 
and  to  bring  misfortune  upon  all  members  of  the  family.    Wealthy 
Chinese  are  generally  very  careful  in  the  practice  of  such  absten- 
tion.' 14    It  is  quite  clear,  however,  from  what  we  know  of  Chinese 
fertility  that  this  custom  is  not  widely  practised  among  the  people 
as  a  whole.    Smith  speaks  of  *  the  objection  of  the  Arabs  to  inter- 

1  Wassilief,  Zentralblatt  fur  Anthropologie,  vol.  x.  2  Mondiere,  Mem.  Soc. 

Anth.,  vol.  ii,  p.  465.  3  Rivers,  Todas,  p.  503.  *  Lenormant,  Histoire 

ancienne,  vol.  Hi,  p.  142.  s  Doughty,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  237  ;    Burckhardt, 

Notes  on  the  Bedouins,  p.  96.  •  Koran,  ch.  ii.  '  Faulds,  Nine  Years, 

p.  285.  See  also  Warnick,  Archiv  fur  Gynaekologie,  vol.  x,  p.  574.  For  China 
see  Matignon,  Dix  Ana,  p.  318.  •  Polak,  loc.  cit.,  p.  216.  •  Bock, 

Temples  and  Elephants*  p.  260.  10  Rigler,  Die  Turkei,  vol.  i,  p.  212. 

"  Muller,  Das  Sexuelle  Leben,  p.  6.  JJ  Ibid.,  p.  29,  »  Ibid.,  p.  37. 

14  Gray,  China,  vol.  i,  p.  185. 


HISTOKICAL  KACES  255 

course  with  a  nursing  mother  which  was  supposed  to  hurt  the 
suckling  '^  In  Turkey  also  there  is  said  to  be  no  intercourse 
during  lactation.2  There  are  thus  indications  of  the  practice  of 
this  important  custom,  and  it  may  be  that  it  existed  in  such  a 
degree  as  to  have  exerted  considerable  influence.3 

9.  There  is  a  general  impression  that  the  knowledge  of  contra- 
ceptive methods  has  only  been  acquired  in  modern  times.    This, 
however,  is  not  correct.     We  have  already  seen  that  there  is 
evidence  of  their  use  in  the  second  group.     In  the  third  group 
there  is  evidence  of  the  knowledge  of  certain  methods  in  early 
times.    Theilhaber  gives  some  particulars  regarding  their  employ* 
ment  among  the  Jews,  German  tribes,  Arabs,  the  Franks  before 
their  conversion  to  Christianity,  the  Greeks,  and  the  Komans.4 
Methods  are  employed  at  the  present  day  in  China  5  and  in  India,6 
though  there  is  some  doubt  as  to  how  far  they  are  effective. 
According  to  Wattal  there  is  some  statistical  evidence  from  India 
which  may  be  interpreted  either  as  a  result  of  such  practices  or  as 
a  result  of  abstention  from  intercourse.7    There  is  not  sufficient 
evidence  to  allow  of  any  exact  estimate  being  made  of  the  extent 
of  these  practices.    Generally  speaking,  however,  it  would  appear 
that  it  is  not  until  we  arrive  at  the  latest  period  of  human  history 
that  we  find  these  practices  to  be  of  considerable  importance. 

10.  With  regard  to  the  size  of  families  in  early  times  there  is 
little  exact  evidence.    Among  Asiatic  peoples  at  the  present  day 
we  have  some  evidence  of  the  degree  of  fertility,  whereas  hitherto 
the  evidence  has  been  only  that  of  the  number  of  children  sur- 
viving after  infanticide  and  infant  mortality  had  taken  their  toll. 
This  evidence  from  the  Asiatic  races  we  may  now  turn  to  discuss, 
but  we  may  note  before  doing  so  that  the  evidence  for  the  remain- 
ing races  of  the  first  sub-group  gives  a  rather  different  impression 
than  that  which  we  obtain  when  studying  primitive  races  ;  upon 
the  whole  we  get  the  impression  that  families  were  at  least  not  so 
markedly  small  as  among  primitive  races.8 

Fertility  is  often  said  to  be  higher  in  the  East  than  in  Europe. 
So  far  as  India  is  concerned  this  is  not  so.  The  error  has  arisen 
because  attention  has  been  paid  to  the  crude  birth-rate.  When 

1  Smith,  Kinship,  p.  283.  2  Rigler,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  212.  3  It  is 

possible  that  there  are  traces  of  this  custom  in  Persia  (see  Polak,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i, 
p.  216).  *  Theilhaber,  Das  sterile  Berlin,  p.  10.  See  also  Theilhaber,  '  Die 

Geburten-Beschrankung  ',  Neue  Generation,  1913.  8  Collineau,  Revue  Men- 

suclle  de  Vficole  <f  Anthropologie,  1899.  «  Webb,  Pathologia  Indica,  p.  258. 

7  Wattal,  loc.  cit.,  p.  28.  •  Aristotle,  Politics,  ii.  9. 


256  HISTOKICAL  KACES 

the  crude  birth-rate  is  corrected  for  the  number  of  married  females 
of  reproductive  age,  then  the  true  birth-rate  is  found  to  be  lower 
than  in  Europe.  '  The  total  number  of  births  registered  in 
England  and  Wales  during  the  year  1911  was  881,138,  which 
when  calculated  on  the  total  population  gives  a  crude  birth-rate 
of  244  per  thousand.  The  total  number  of  births  registered  in 
India  during  the  same  year  was  9,209,703,  which  when  calculated 
on  the  total  population  gives  a  crude  birth-rate  of  38-59  per 
thousand.  It  would  seem  therefore  that  the  fertility  in  India 
is  higher  than  in  England.  But  this  is  not  so.  The  total  number 
of  females  of  reproductive  age  (15  to  45)  in  England  and  Wales 
at  the  census  of  1911  was  8,988,745  and  if  we  calculate  the  births 
per  thousand  of  such  females  the  figure  stands  at  98.  The  total 
number  of  females  of  those  ages  in  India  in  1911  was  71,535,861 
and  the  corresponding  Indian  figure  is  128.  If,  however,  we  calcu- 
late the  births  on  the  number  of  married  females  of  reproductive 
ages  the  Indian  figure  stands  at  160  while  the  English  figure  is 
196.'  i 

The  fertility  in  other  Asiatic  countries  is  often  said  to  be  very 
high  ;  it  is  asserted  to  approach  50  per  1,000  in  China.  Exact 
figures  are,  however,  lacking.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  corrected 
birth-rate  would  be  much  less.  Among  nomadic  people  the 
evidence  is  to  the  effect  that  the  number  of  children  is  small,  and 
this  is  probably  connected  with  the  practice  of  abortion,  which  is 
common  for  instance  among  the  Arabs. 

11.  We  have  now  to  give  some  account  of  the  factors  which 
have  a  bearing  upon  elimination  in  the  third  group.  Of  these  the 
first  is  abortion.  Classical  literature  is  full  of  references  to  the 
subject.  Plato  and  Aristotle  both  permitted  abortion.  '  No  law 
in  Greece  or  in  the  Koman  republic  or  during  the  greater  part  of 
the  Empire  condemned  it.'  2  '  A  long  chain  of  writers  both  pagan 
and  Christian  represent  the  practice  as  avowed  and  almost  uni- 
versal. They  describe  it  as  resulting,  not  simply  from  licentious- 
ness or  from  poverty,  but  even  from  so  slight  a  motive  as  vanity 
which  made  mothers  shrink  from  the  disfigurement  of  child-birth. 
They  speak  of  a  mother  who  had  never  destroyed  her  offspring  as 
deserving  of  signal  praise  and  they  assure  us  that  the  frequency  of 
the  crime  was  such  that  it  gave  rise  to  a  regular  profession.'  3 

1  Wattal,  loc.  cit,,  p.  7,  *  Lecky,  European  Morris,  vol.  ii,  p.  2}, 

»  Ibid.,  p.  21, 


HISTOBICAL  EACES  257 

The  practice  was  more  common  in  Eome  than  in  Greece.1  It  was 
deplored,  nevertheless,  by  many  authors  including  Ovid,  Juvenal, 
and  Seneca.  Some  details  of  the  methods  employed  are  given 
by  Theilhaber.2 

In  sub-group  2  we  find  the  practice  to  be  widespread.  Eram 
comments  upon  its  frequency  throughout  the  East.3  Wilkins  says 
that  *  the  crime  of  procuring  abortion  is  one  of  the  commonest  in 
India  ',  and  quotes  Dr.  Chevers  as  saying  that  abortion  is  '  an  act 
of  almost  daily  commission  '  and  has  become  '  a  trade  among 
certain  of  the  lower  midwives  '.  It  is  especially  common  in 
Bengal  —  perhaps  10,000  being  destroyed  monthly.4  According  to 
Matignon,  in  China  abortion  is  legal  and  usual  during  the  three- 
year  suckling  period.5  It  is  also  common  in  Annam,6  in  Japan,7 
Persia,8  and  Turkey.9  Infanticide  was  condemned  by  Mohammed 
but  not  abortion,  which  is  frequent  among  the  Arabs.10  In  Turkey 
it  is  very  common  ;  n  it  is  said  to  be  brought  about  after  the  second 
birth  if  the  husband  consents.12  The  fact  that  in  later  times  we 
hear  of  enactments  against  abortion  among  the  Burgundians, 
Eipuarians,  Visigoths,  Bavarians,  Saxons,  Frisians,  and  Lombards 
seems  to  point  to  the  conclusion  that  the  practice  was  common 
before  their  conversion  to  Christianity.13 

12.  There  is  some  reason  for  believing  that  infanticide  was 
common  among  the  Egyptians  at  the  time  of  Moses.14  '  The 
ancient  Jews  seem  to  have  themselves  practised  infanticide,  for 
as  late  as  the  time  of  Isaiah  they  are  reproached  with  the  habit 
of  "  slaying  the  children  in  the  valleys  under  the  clefts  of  the 
rocks  ".  In  2  Chron.  xxviii.  3  and  xxxiii.  6  the  same  statement  is 
made.  It  is  true  that  these  cases  may  have  partaken  of  the 
nature  of  human  sacrifices  rather  than  of  ordinary  infanticide, 
but  the  two  generally  prevailed  together,  and  we  have  express 
testimony  that  both  of  them  existed  at  that  time  among  all  the 

1  Westermarck,  Moral  Ideals,  vol.  i,  p.  415.  2  Theilhaber,  Das  sterile 

Berlin,  p.  11.      See  also  von  Siebold,   Versuch  einer  Geschichte  der  Geburtshilfe. 

3  Eram.  loc.  cit.,  p.  45.     It  was  forbidden  by  the    Laws  of  Manu  (viii.   37). 

4  Wilkins,  Hinduism,  p.  429.      See  also  Shortt,  Transactions  Obstetrical  Society, 
vol.  ix  ;   Webb,  loc.  cit.,  p.  259  ;  and  Jellinghaus,  Ze.it.  fur  Eth.,  vol.  iii,  p.  365. 


5  Matignon,  Dix  Ans  au  Pays  du  Dragon,  p.  318.     See  also  the  same  author's 

perstition,  le  Crime  et  la  Misere  en  Chine,  and  Collineau,  loc.  cit.,  p.  352. 

6  Mondiere,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  487.  7  Warnick,  loc.  cit.,  p.  574.     See  also 


MacLennan's  quotations  from  Miss  Bird,  loc.  cit.,  p.  105.  8  Polak,  loc.  cit., 

vol.  i,  p.  217.  »  Ploss  and  Bartels,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  846.  10  Rique, 

Oaz.  Mid.,  vol.  xviii,  p.  161.    For  the  Tartars  see  Niemojowski,  Siberian  Pictures, 
vol.   i,   p.    161.  »  Rigler,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.   206,  and  vol.  ii,  p.   229. 

13  Polak,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  21  a  "  Sutherland,  Moral  Instinct,  vol.  i,  p.  139. 

11  Buckle,  Miscellaneous  Work*,  vol.  ii,  p.  240. 
2498 


258  HISTOKICAL  RACES 

surrounding  nations,  Phoenicians,  Aramaeans,  Syrians,  and  Baby- 
lonians as  well  as  among  their  kindred  the  Carthaginians.' l 

Glotz  has  an  interesting  chapter  on  the  subject  of  infanticide 
in  Greece.  In  prehistoric  times  in  Greece  the  head  "of  the  family 
could,  as  among  all  people  of  '  Aryan  origin  ',  dispose  of  his 
children  as  he  wished.2  After  examining  the  myths  it  is  clear, 
according  to  Glotz,  that  infanticide  was  a  daily  occurrence  during 
the  period  at  which  myths  were  being  formed.3  In  historical 
times  it  was  universal.  Most  often  infanticide  was  ordered  by 
the  father,  who  generally  on  the  fifth,  sometimes  on  the  seventh 
or  tenth,  day  after  the  birth  publicly  proclaimed  whether  he  would 
keep  the  child  or  not.4  If  he  decided  not  to  keep  the  child,  it  was 
exposed,  and  there  is  reason  to  think  that  most  of  the  exposed 
children  died.5  Infanticide  was  enjoined  by  the  ideal  legislation 
of  Plato  and  Aristotle  and  by  the  actual  legislation  of  Lycurgus 
and  Solon.  Summing  up  his  examination  of  this  subject  Glotz 
says :  '  L 'opinion  de  la  Grece  ancienne  est  done  a  peu  pres  unanime. 
Recue  dans  la  vie  privee,  cette  pratique  a  ete  admise  en  droit 
par  les  legislatures  et  fondees  en  raison  par  les  maitres  de  la 
pensee.' 6 

In  very  early  times  infanticide  was  general  in  Rome.  Later 
the  right  of  the  father  to  destroy  his  children  was  somewhat 
restricted.  '  The  power  of  life  and  death,  which  in  Rome  was 
originally  conceded  to  the  father  over  his  children,  would  appear 
to  involve  an  unlimited  permission  of  infanticide  ;  but  a  very 
old  law,  popularly  ascribed  to  Romulus,  in  this  respect  restricted 
the  parental  rights,  enjoining  the  father  to  bring  up  all  his  male 
children,  and  at  least  his  eldest  female  child,  forbidding  him  to 
destroy  any  well-formed  child  till  it  had  completed  its  third  year, 
when  the  affections  of  the  parents  might  be  supposed  to  be 
developed,  but  permitting  the  exposition  of  deformed  or  maimed 
children  with  the  consent  of  their  five  nearest  relations.' 7  There 
is  evidence  to  show  that  this  permission  was  frequently  utilized. 
The  plots  of  Plautus  and  Terence  sometimes  turn  upon  the 
reappearance  of  children  supposed  to  have  been  destroyed. 

*  Pliny  says   that  infanticide  is   really  a   lamentable  necessity 
"  seeing  that  the  fertility  of  some  women  is  so  over-abundant  in 

1  Sutherland,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.   132.  2  Glotz,  Etudes  sociales,  p.   187. 

3  Ibid.,  p.   188.  4  Ibid.,  p.   191.     Possibly,  however,  there  was  no  public 

ceremony  unless  the  father  had  decided  to  keep  the  child.  6  Ibid.,  p.  212. 

•  Ibid.,  p  224,  7  Leckv,  European  Morals,  vol.  ii,  p.  26. 


HISTOKICAL  KACES  259 

children  that  it  needs  some  such  practice  to  counterbalance  it  " 
while  .  .  .  Seneca  saw  nothing  reprehensible  in  it.'  x  Suetonius 
has  several  allusions  to  the  matter  which  prove  that  infanticide 
was  accepted  by  the  Romans  in  a  very  matter-of-fact  spirit. 
For  instance,  in  describing  the  public  grief  for  the  death  of 
Germanicus,  he  mentions  that  many  women  exposed  their 
infants.  The  opening  of  the  fourteenth  episode  of  the  Golden 
Ass  of  Apuleius  describes  how  a  husband  before  going  forth  on 
a  journey  directed  his  young  wife  that  the  coming  babe  if  a  girl 
was  to  be  destroyed  ;  the  whole  being  related  as  a  perfectly 
natural  and  common  occurrence.2 

Among  the  Arabs  it  was  very  prevalent  before  the  time  of 
Mohammed,  by  whom  it  was  forbidden.  Instances  are  given  by 
Smith  to  show  the  extent  of  the  practice.3  Discussing  the  matter 
in  another  place  Smith  says  that  Wilken  '  doubts  whether  among 
the  Arabs  the  practice  was  carried  to  such  an  extent  as  to  do  more 
than  keep  the  sexes  balanced — men  being  more  exposed  than 
women  to  violent  deaths  ;  but  there  is  evidence  that,  at  any 
rate  in  some  places  and  at  some  times,  there  was  a  strong  pressure 
of  public  opinion  against  bearing  any  daughter,  even  though  she 
were  the  only  child  of  her  parents.  If  we  take  along  with  this  the 
fact  that  wealthy  and  powerful  men  had  often  several  wives, 
there  can,  I  think,  be  no  question  that,  at  least  in  some  parts  of 
the  country,  wives  must  have  been  so  scarce  that  the  mass  of 
the  tribesmen  must  have  been  driven  to  practise  polyandry.'4 
The  evidence  from  China  is  somewhat  conflicting  ;  this  is  probably 
to  be  accounted  for  by  the  variations  in  habits  in  different  parts 
of  the  country.  Norman  has  collected  evidence  to  show  its 
wide  extent.  '  The  testimony  ',  he  says,  '  of  a  Chinese  teacher 
is  as  follows  :  "  Infanticide  is  very  common  among  the  poor, 
and  even  people  in  pretty  easy  circumstances.  There  is  hardly 
a  family  in  which  at  least  one  child  has  not  been  destroyed,  and 
in  some  families  four  or  five  are  disposed  of."  .  .  .  Another  man, 
who  is  now  a  member  of  the  Christian  Church,  says  that  in  his 
village  there  is  hardly  a  family  that  has  not  destroyed  two  or 
three  children.  ...  A  lady  contributor  to  the  North  China  Daily 

1  Sutherland,  loc.  cit,,  vol.  i,  p.  136.  -  Ibid.,  p.  137.  3  Smith, 

Kinship,  p.  279.  See  also  Doughty,  loo.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  239,  and  Wilken,  Das 
Matriarchat,  p.  53.  4  Smith,  Kinship,  p.  129.  For  evidence  of  infanticide  in 
Mingrelia  see  Chardin,  Travels,  p.  144.  The  Gagas  put  all  children  to  death 
and  stole  others  (Battel,  Strange  Adventures,  p.  32«). 

R2 


260  HISTOEICAL  KACES 

News  furnished  the  following  statistics  :  "  I  find  that  160  Chinese 
women,  all  over  50  years  of  age,  had  borne  681  sons  and  538 
daughters.  Of  the  sons  366  or  nearly  60  per  cent,  had  lived 
more  than  10  years  ;  while  of  the  daughters  only  205  or  38  per 
cent,  had  lived  10  years.  The  160  women  had,  according  to  their 
own  statement,  destroyed  158  of  their  daughters ;  but  none  had 
ever  destroyed  a  boy.  As  only  four  women  reared  more  than 
three  girls,  the  probability  is  that  the  infanticides  confessed  to 
are  considerably  below  the  truth.  I  have  occasionally  been  told 
by  a  woman  that  she  had  forgotten  just  how  many  girls  she  had 
had  more  than  she  wanted.  The  greatest  number  of  infanticides 
confessed  to  by  any  one  woman  is  eleven."  ' 1  Gray  states  that 
infanticide  prevails  to  a  huge  extent  and  gives  an  example  of 
a  young  husband  who  had  had  three  sons  and  four  daughters. 
Of  the  latter  three  had  been  killed.2  According  to  Douglas  the 
practice  prevails  among  the  poorer  classes  '  to  an  alarming 
extent  '.3  Abeel  speaks  of  infanticide  in  China  as  '  very  common  '.4 
*  In  Pekin,'  he  says,  '  after  deducting  more  than  one-half  for  the 
natural  deaths  the  number  of  exposed  children  is,  according  to 
Barrow,  about  4,000  a  year.  ...  In  some  Provinces  not  one  in 
three  is  suffered  to  live.' 5  The  practice  is  said  to  be  specially 
prevalent  in  South  China.6  Milne  says  that  in  Canton  '  infanticide 
was  rare.  Dr.  Williams,  however,  states  that  though  the  practice 
is  rare  in  Canton  it  is  common  in  Amoy.  He  thinks  that  in 
general  the  proportion  of  children  killed  is  not  great,  but  mentions 
two  provinces  wherein  the  practice  prevails  to  an  atrocious 
extent,  twenty  to  thirty  per  cent,  of  the  female  children,  therefore, 
tfcn  to  fifteen  per  cent,  of  the  total  number  of  infants  born,  being 
put  to  death.' 7  The  important  fact,  upon  which  we  shall  comment 
in  the  next  chapter,  seems  to  be  that  in  China  infanticide  is 
practised  not  so  much  as  a  regular  habit  as  in  times  of  distress. 
Moule  thinks  that  infanticide  is  connected  with  times  of  want, 
and  Douglas  that  it  is  in  general  only  committed  by  the  poorer 
classes  in  times  of  distress.  Norman  emphasizes  the  fact  that  it 
is  chiefly  committed  by  the  poorer  classes.  Giles  denies  its 
existence  altogether.8  It  is  therefore  of  particular  interest  to 

1  Norman,  Peoples  and  Politics,  p.  290.  2  Gray,  China,  vol.  ii,  p.  50. 

3  Douglas,  China,  p.  106.  *  Abeel,  Journal,  p.  108.  5  Ibid.,  p.  109. 

Douglas,  however,  says  that  infanticide  scarcely  exists  in  Pekin  (Society  in  China,, 
p.  353).  •  Moule,  New  China,  p.  179.  7  Sutherland,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i, 

p.  142.  •  Giles,  China,  p.  97. 


HISTOKICAL  RACES  '261 

find  two  modern  Chinese  authors  speaking  as  follows.  '  One 
must  not  assume  that  such  a  custom  is  prevalent ;  flagrant 
and  sometimes  dramatic  accounts,  of  which  we  have  heard 
so  much,  only  hold  true  in  certain  districts  and  at  times  of 
famine.' l  According  to  Faulds  infanticide  was  formerly  common 
in  Japan.2 

It  is  said  that  infanticide  was  formerly  characteristic  of  five- 
sixths  of  British  India.3  Recently  it  was  common  in  Central 
India,  Rajputana,  Cutch  Bhooj,  Agra  Province,  Khondistan, 
among  the  Jats,  and  in  the  Punjab  generally.4  The  Mysore 
census  for  1852  showed  that  in  a  population  of  3,410,882  there 
was  a  10  per  cent,  excess  of  males  in  the  adult  population  in 
spite  of  a  16  per  cent,  excess  of  female  births.5  It  is  stated  to 
exist  among  the  Nagas  6  though  the  evidence  is  conflicting.7 
It  was  formerly  *  very  common  all  over  the  Jeypore  country  '.8 
It  was  especially  prevalent  among  the  Khond  people,9 
where  '  it  was  expressly  sanctioned  and  promoted  by  their 
religious  doctrine  '.10  It  was  also  common  among  the  Todas.11 
'  Lieut. -General  Walker  estimated  that  about  33,000  female 
children  were  annually  put  to  death  in  Cutch  and  Gujerat,  a  rate 
amounting  to  about  one-fourth  of  the  total  births  and  therefore 
to  about  half  of  the  girls  born.  Watson  and  Kaye  assert  that 
"  no  criminality  either  by  law  or  usage  was  ever  attached  among 
the  Rajputs  to  infanticide.  The  child  was  smothered  in  milk 
or  else  opium  was  smeared  upon  the  mother's  breasts  in  quantities 
sufficient  to  cause  immediate  death."  The  Encyclopaedia  of  India 
asserts  that  in  one  of  the  districts  of  this  Province,  while  there 
were  82,400  boys,  there  were  only  35,137  girls  at  the  1874  enumera- 
tion, a  discrepancy  which  clearly  showed  that  more  than  one- 
half  of  the  girls  had  been  destroyed.' 12 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  in  addition  to  infanticide  '  the  wilful 
neglect  of  female  children  operates  destructively  in  every  town 
and  village  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  India  '.13  This 

1  Leong  and  Tao,  loc.  cit.,  p.  91.  2  Faulds,  loc.  cit.,  p.  285.    For  Tonquin 

see  Richard,  History  of  Tonquin,  p.  757.  3  Wilkins,  Hinduism,  p.  431. 

*  Risley,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  166  and  168 ;  Dubois,  Hindu  Manners,  vol.  ii,  p.  612 ; 
Crooke,  loc.  cit.,  p.  136 ;  Browne,  Indian  Infanticide,  p.  612 ;  Wilkins,  loc.  cit., 
p.  431  ;  Russell,  Central  Provinces,  vol.  iv,  p.  419.  5  Wilkins,  loc.  cit.,  p.  432. 

6  Godden,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xxvi,  p.  179  ;  Risley,  loc.  cit.,  p.  165.  7  Hodson, 

Man,  vol.  xiv,  p.  98.  8  Thurston,  Ethnographic  Notes,  p.  504.  9  Mac- 

pherson,  Memorials  of  Service,  p.  132;  Campbell,  Personal  Narrative,  p.  139. 
19  Macpherson,  Religion  of  the.  Khonds,  p.  65.  "  Rivers,  Todas,  p.  478. 

12  Sutherland,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  144.  »  Wilkins,  loc.  cit.,  p.  431. 


262  HISTOKICAL  KACES 

is  especially  noticeable  where  in  recent  days  infanticide  has 
much  diminished.  Thus  in  Kajputana  girls  are  allowed  to  die 
when  in  the  case  of  a  boy  medical  aid  would  be  summoned.1 

Infanticide  was  extensively  practised  among  the  Teutonic 
tribes  before  their  conversion  to  Christianity.2  The  well-known 
statement  of  Tacitus  that  the  Germans  did  not  practise  infanticide 
is  certainly  erroneous.  Lecky  suggests  that  the  whole  passage 
is  to  be  taken  rather  as  an  indirect  way  of  scolding  his  own  people 
than  as  a  sober  statement  of  fact  about-another.  *  Guizot  regards 
the  picture  which  Tacitus  draws  as  being  analogous  to  the  portrait 
Fenimore  Cooper  gives  of  the  Bed  Indians.'  3  There  is  ample 
evidence  that  the  practice  was  common.  '  Grimm  declares  that 
"  all  the  Teutonic  Sagas  are  full  of  the  exposure  of  children,  and 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  in  the  early  days  of  heathenism  it 
was  lawful  ".  Miiller  says  that  all  the  Teutonic  races  in  early 
times  had  the  right  of  exposing  their  children,  but  in  the  course 
of  centuries  it  came  to  be  exercised  only  by  the  parent.  ...  It 
is  related  that,  when  in  A.  D.  1000  the  Norsemen  of  Iceland 
were  converted  to  Christianity,  they  stipulated  that  the  right  of 
slaying  their  infants  should  not  be  removed.'  4  There  is  evidence 
from  graves  that  infanticide  was  practised  in  Neolithic  times 
in  England.5  It  is  thus  of  particular  interest  to  notice  that, 
where  we  can  catch  sight  of  peoples  emerging  out  of  the  pre- 
historic period,  we  find  infanticide  established  as  a  practice  ; 
the  conclusions  derived  from  the  direct  evidence  of  the  peoples 
of  this  group  are  thus  linked  on  to  the  conclusion  to  which  in  the 
last  chapter  we  came  from  indirect  evidence.6 

13.  Turning  to  sub-groups  three  and  four,  disease,  war,  famine, 
and  child  mortality  have  already  been  dealt  with.  The  remaining 
factors  are  those  in  respect  of  which  there  is  a  contrast  between 
these  sub-groups  and  those  just  considered.  Furthermore,  as 

1  Dubois,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  612.  Infanticide  was  sometimes  committed  by  the 
Kandyans  (Bailey,  Trans.  Eth.  Soc.,  vol.  ii,  p.  296),  by  the  Koulous  (Ujfalvy, 
Bull.  Soc.  Anth.,  vol.  v,  p.  227),  by  the  Belochis  (Barton,  Sindh,  p.  244),  and  in 
Svanetia  (Phillipps-Wolley,  Savage  Svanetia,  vol.  ii,  p.  92). 

*  Strieker,  Arch,  fur  Anth.,  vol.  v,  p.  451.     It  was  practised  in  the  Vedic  age 
(Kaegi,  Rigveda,  p.  16).  3  Sutherland,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  138.     See  Grimm, 
Deutsche  Rechtsalterthumer,  pp.   455  ff.  *  Ibid.,  p.  138.  6  Lubbock, 
Prehistoric  Times,  p.  176. 

•  Infanticide  was  practised  by  the  extinct  Guanches  of  the  Canary  Islands 
(Ploss,  Das  Kind,  vol.  ii,  p.  259)."    Dasent  says  of  the  Norsemen  that  it  was  the 
father's  right  to  rear  his  children  or  not  at  his  will.    As  soon  as  it  was  born  the 
child  was  laid  upon  the  bare  ground ;   and  until  the  father  came  and  looked  at  it 

.  .  its  fate  hung  in  the  balance  '  (Story  of  Burnt  Njal,  vol.  i,  p.  xxv). 


HISTOKICAL  KACES  263 

regards  these  factors  there  are  certain  important  differences  as 
between  what  we  may  call  mediaeval  and  modern  races. 

Of  pre-puberty  intercourse  there  is  no  evidence.  Among 
modern  races  it  is  certainly  negligible.  If  it  occurred  at  all  in 
the  mediaeval  period  it  was  very  uncommon,  and  we  may  there- 
fore regard  this  factor  as  of  no  account.  Hitherto  we  have  found 
that,  though  far  from  being  universal,  it  is  a  fairly  common  practice. 
Its  disappearance  thus  makes  one  distinction  between  these  races 
and  those  which  we  have  previously  studied. 

The  length  of  the  suckling  period  marks  a  similar  distinction. 
It  is  not  possible  to  lay  down  any  hard  and  fast  distinction  ; 
even  at  the  present  day  in  certain  country  districts  it  is  prolonged, 
as,  for  instance,  in  Hungary  for  several  years  according  to  Gonezi.1 
Generally  speaking,  however,  the  tendency  has  been  for  a  reduction 
to  the  conditions  which  now  rule  in  Western  Europe. 

14.  A  far  more  remarkable  difference  between  these  races  and 
those  hitherto  considered  is  provided  by  the  conditions  regarding 
celibacy  and  the  postponement  of  marriage.  Hitherto  we  have 
found  that,  with  the  exception  of  a  very  few  individuals  who 
chiefly  for  religious  reasons  did  not  marry,  all  women,  if  indeed 
not  married  before  puberty,  got  married  soon  after.  Such 
postponement  of  marriage  as  occurred  was  confined  to  men,  and 
therefore  neither  celibacy  nor  postponement  had  any  effect  upon 
numbers.  At  this  point  we  come  upon  wholly  new  conditions. 

The  views  of  St.  Paul  with  regard  to  marriage  are  well  known 
and  the  attitude  of  all  early  Christians  authors  is  similar  though 
usually  more  pronounced.  If  marriage  was  tolerable,  virginity 
was  in  any  case  preferable.  '  For  why  ',  says  Tertullian,  '  should 
we  long  to  bear  children,  whom,  when  we  have  them,  we  desire 
to  send  before  us  ...  ourselves  also  longing  to  be  removed  from 
this  most  wicked  world.  .  .  .  Therefore  whether  marriage  be  for 
the  sake  of  the  flesh,  or  of  the  world  or  of  having  descendants,  not 
one  of  these  necessities  belongeth  to  the  servants  of  God.' 2  Such 
a  passage  as  this  can  be  paralleled  in  the  works  of  almost  any  of 
the  Fathers.  They  return  to  the  subject  over  and  over  again. 
St.  Augustine  did  not  avoid  the  practical  difficulty.  *  But  1  am 
aware',  he  says,  'of  some  that  murmur.  What,  say  they,  if  all 
men  should  abstain  from  sexual  intercourse,  whence  will  the 

1  Gonezi,  '  Die  auf  die  Geburt  und  das  Saugen  der  Kinder  bezughabenden 
Gebrauche ',  Zentralblatt  fur  Anthropologie,  vol.  xii.  -2  Tertullian,  First  Book 

to  His  Wife,  p.  414. 


264  HISTORICAL  RACES 

human  race  exist  ?  Would  that  all  would  thus  ;  .  .  .  much  more 
speedily  would  the  City  of  God  be  filled  and  the  end  of  the  world 
hastened.' x  There  are  many  decrees  of  the  early  Council  regarding 
celibacy.  It  was  first  enjoined  by  the  Popes  in  885.2  Gregory  VII 
was  very  zealous  on  behalf  of  celibacy,  and  owing  to  his  efforts  it 
became  very  general  in  Europe  in  the  eleventh  century  though 
it  was  not  rigidly  enforced  until  the  thirteenth  century  among 
the  clergy.3  Much  earlier,  however,  in  certain  countries  celibacy 
had  come,  under  the  influence  of  Christian  teaching,  to  be  of 
importance.  It  was  initiated  by  Paul  the  Theban  and  St.  Antony 
after  the  Decian  persecution  4  and  according  to  Schonberg  there 
were  at  one  time  in  a  single  diocese  in  Egypt  20,000  men  and 
10,000  women  celibates.5  It  was  felt  to  be  necessary  to  take 
steps  to  limit  the  extent  of  the  practice,  and  in  381  the  Council 
of  Saragossa  forbade  virgins  to  take  the  veil  unless  over  forty 
years  of  age.6  Thus  under  the  influence  of  Christianity  celibacy 
became  for  the  first  time  in  human  history  a  factor  of  importance. 
That  the  celibate  is  to  be  preferred  to  the  married  state  is 
emphasized  by  the  Council  of  Trent.7 

Also  in  this  period  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  world 
postponement  of  marriage  became  of  importance.  The  evidence 
as  to  the  age  at  marriage  is  unfortunately  far  from  exact.  There 
is,  however,  a  very  large  amount  of  evidence  which  shows  that, 
at  least  in  the  society  typical  of  most  European  countries  from 
the  tenth  century  onwards,  marriage  was,  except  among  the 
privileged  classes,  always  somewhat,  and  often  very  long,  postponed 
both  for  men  and  women,  though  more  for  the  former  than  the 
latter.  This  postponement  was  brought  about  by  the  pressure 
of  social  conditions,  customs,  and  laws.  To  these  conditions  and 
customs  it  will  be  necessary  to  refer  in  the  next  chapter,  and  it 
will  suffice  to  say  here  that,  generally  speaking,  in  the  country 
there  was  a  limited  number  of  households  and  that,  until  death 
made  vacancies,  there  was  no  house  for  those  wishing  to  marry, 
who  in  consequence  had  to  wait,  and  that  in  the  towns  guild 
restrictions  bound  apprentices  for  a  large  number  of  years  during 

1  Augustine,  On  the  Good  of  Marriage,  p.  285.  a  Lea,  Sacerdotal  Celibacy, 

vol.  i,  p.  62.  3  Ibid.,  pp.  260  and  301.  «  Ibid.,  p.  105.  5  Schon- 

berg, Volksivirtschaftslehre,  p.  868.  •  Lea,  loc.  cit.,  p.  107. 

7  Concilium  Tridentinum,  Sessio  24,  Can.  10.  '  Si  quis  dixerit  statum  coniugalem 
anteponendum  ease  statui  virginitatis  vel  coelibatus,  et  non  ease  melius  ac  beatus 
manere  in  virginitate  aut  coelibatu,  quam  iungi  matrimonio,  anathema  sit ' 
(quoted  by  Lea,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p  204). 


HISTOKICAL  EACES  265 

which  they  might  not  marry,  and  that  at  many  times  in  many 
places  the  poor  were  prohibited  from  marrying. 

There  is  very  little  statistical  evidence.  The  matter  has  been 
investigated  by  Kubin,  who  worked  with  the  Danish  figures  for 
the  sixteenth,  seventeenth,  and  eighteenth  centuries.  '  It  was  the 
universal  rule ',  he  says,  *  that  as  soon  as  the  obstacles  .  .  .  were 
surmounted,  every  one  proceeded  to  get  married.' J  Apart,  there- 
fore, from  religious  celibacy,  there  was  no  voluntary  celibacy  such 
as  we  find  at  the  present  day.  But  these  obstacles  in  the  case  of 
the  dependent  class  were  serious,  and  marriage  was  long  postponed 
by  men  in  this  class,  though  postponed  for  a  shorter  time  by 
women  than  by  men.  *  Even  though  the  social  and  economic 
structure  of  the  community  of  old  restrained  one  section  of  the 
population — the  dependent  section — from  marriage,  the  other 
part  of  the  population,  the  independent  section,  married  far  earlier 
than  nowadays.  There  was  perhaps  .  .  .  some  holding  back  in 
certain  circles  of  the  best  society.  But  for  ordinary  independent 
people  marriage  at  an  early  age  was  a  matter  of  course.  Those 
who  could  marry  early,  then,  did  so.  But  those  who  were  unable 
to  marry  till  late  in  life — when  they  no  longer  held  the  position  of 
journeymen,  labourer,  &c. — yet  married.' 2  With  regard  to  women 
there  was  *  a  state  of  affairs  resembling  that  found  in  the  case  of 
men,  a  compulsory  condition  of  celibacy  for  certain  sections  of  the 
population.  ...  In  certain  classes  of  the  population  there  were 
a  good  many  more  unmarried  women  at  something  over  twenty 
years  of  age  than  there  are  now.'  3  Summing  up  his  conclusions 
the  same  author  says  '  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  in  the  independent 
section  of  the  community  marriage  took  place,  as  a  rule,  at  an 
earlier  age  in  the  eighteenth  century  than  it  does  now,  the  average 
age  of  marriage  was  yet  higher  at  that  time,  because  the  more 
numerous  dependent  class  married  later ',  and  adds  that  '  there 
must  have  been  a  difference  between  the  age  of  the  bride  and 
bridegroom  considerably  greater  than  in  the  marriages  of  our 
time  '.4 

The  state  of  things  indicated  above  is  that  typical  of  mediaeval 
Europe  and  lasted  up  to  the  industrial  revolution.  It  is  not  to  be 
supposed  that  there  was  any  abrupt  change  from  the  conditions 
prevalent  before ;  on  the  contrary  the  conditions  described 

1  Rubin,loc.cit.,p.598.  1  Ibid.,  p.  606.  3  Ibid.,  p.  608.  «  Ibid., 

p.  609. 


266  HISTOKICAL  KACES 

developed  slowly  as  European  mediaeval  society  assumed  its 
typical  aspect.  The  growth  of  these  conditions  is  connected  with 
the  disappearance  of  abortion  and  infanticide,  and,  as  we  shall  se^, 
there  is  evidence  that  there  was  a  lengthy  period  during  which 
these  customs  continued  to  be  practised  after  the  introduction  of 
Christianity. 

The  transition  from  the  conditions  of  what  we  have  called  the 
mediaeval  period  to  those  of  the  modern  period  was  relatively 
sudden.  The  economic  changes  connected  with  the  rise  of  the 
industrial  system  in  the  latter  half  of  the  eighteenth  century  did 
away  with  the  obstacles  to  marriage  which  have  been  mentioned. 
As  a  result  the  average  age  at  marriage  was  lowered.  In  England 
between  1867  and  1888  it  was  for  men  twenty-six  and  for  women 
twenty-four.  The  question  of  the  age  at  marriage  in  the  modern 
period  need  not  detain  us  because  it  was  not  the  variations  in  that 
factor  which  have  controlled  numbers.  There  have  been  variations, 
but  these  variations  have  been  compensated  for  by  other  factors. 

Celibacy  for  religious  reasons,  which  at  certain  times  and  places 
was  of  great  importance  in  the  mediaeval  period,  has  ceased  to  be 
of  any  importance  in  the  modern  period.  On  the  other  hand,  for 
the  first  time  in  history  voluntary  celibacy  on  grounds  other  than 
religious  has  come  to  be  of  importance.  '  In  the  course  of  this 
century  [nineteenth  century]  Wappaus  found  that  in  Saxony 
14-6  of  the  unmarried  adult  population  died  single ;  in  Sweden 
14-9  per  cent.,  in  the  Netherlands  14*2  per  cent.,  and  in  France 
20-6  per  cent.'  *  The  returns  of  the  thirteenth  United  States 2 
Census  showed  that  of  the  females  35-44  years  of  age  10  per  cent, 
were  single. 

In  this  connexion  there  is  another  matter  which  may  be  men- 
tioned here.  It  will  be  referred  to  in  detail  later  on.  Whereas  in 
the  mediaeval  period  the  independent  class  married  early  and 
the  dependent  class  considerably  later,  in  the  modern  period  this 
has  been  reversed.  It  is  now  the  wage-earning  class  which  marries 
earlier  than  the  independent  class. 

15.  Contraceptive  methods  were  known  in  the  mediaeval  period,3 
but  there  is  no  evidence  that  either  these  practices  or  restraint 
from  intercourse  between  married  persons  were  of  any  importance. 
According  to  Kubin,  *  so  far  as  the  eighteenth  century  ...  is 

1  Westermarck,  Human  Marriage,  p.  145,  2  Popenoe  and  Johnson, 

Applied  Eugenics,  p.  136.  *  See,  for  instance,  Albertus  Magnus,  De  Secretis 

Mulierum,  p.  233. 


HISTORICAL  RACES 


2G7 


concerned,  it  may  be  taken  as  a  fact  that  in  the  main  the  limit  of 
fertility  of  marriage  was  set  by  nature  alone.' 1  This  applies 
equally  to  the  whole  of  the  period.  In  this  respect,  therefore,  this 
period  resembles  those  which  preceded  it. 

Whatever  effects  may  have  to  be  attributed  to  these  factors  in 
the  former  periods,  it  is  within  the  modern  period  that  they  first 
become  of  primary  importance.  Something  was  said  in  the 
First  Chapter  as  to  the  history  of  the  so-called  Neomalthusian 
propaganda,  and  it  was  pointed  out  that  it  began  relatively  early 
in  the  century.  It  is  obviously  very  difficult  to  obtain  any 
definite  facts  regarding  the  extent  of  these  practices,  but  a  very 
great  body  of  evidence  points  to  the  conclusion  that,  not  only 
have  these  practices  come  to  be  of  great  importance,  but  also  that 
it  is  by  means  of  variation  in  their  use,  together  with  deliberate 
restraint  from  intercourse  between  married  persons,  by  which 
population  has  come  to  be  regulated. 

With  regard  to  definite  evidence  the  results  of  an  inquiry  carried 
out  by  the  National  Birth-Rat e  Commission  may  be  quoted.  Of 
481  schedules  issued,  366  gave  definite  replies  regarding  the 
limitation  of  births.  In  288  cases  the  marriages  were  specifically 
stated  to  be  limited,  and  in  203  of  these  288  cases  there  were 
further  particulars.  In  105  cases  (51-7  per  cent.)  limitation 
appears  to  have  been  due  merely  to  restriction  of  intercourse  to 
periods  when  conception  was  believed  to  be  unlikely  or  to  absten- 
tion from  intercourse.  There  were  98  cases  in  which  contra- 
ceptive methods  were  apparently  employed.2 

16.  We  now  come  to  a  consideration  of  the  three  practices 
which  we  found  to  be  of  such  importance  in  the  first  two  groups. 
Of  prolonged  restraint  from  intercourse  imposed  as  a  social 
custom  there  is  no  trace.  It  was  certainly  not  characteristic  of 
the  mediaeval  period  ;  it  is  possible  that  in  the  earlier  portion  of 
the  period,  of  which  in  these  respects  we  have  little  definite  know- 
ledge, the  practice  may  have  been  continued  from  the  times 
previous  to  conversion  to  Christianity,  just  as  we  shall  find  that 
abortion  and  infanticide  •  were  continued  in  some  cases.  It  is 
important  also  to  notice  that  abortion  and  infanticide,  at  least  in 
the  form  of  well-recognized  social  customs,  are  also  absent.  For 
the  first  time  in  history  none  of  these  practices  are  in  common 
use.  We  may  shortly  consider  how  they  came  to  disappear. 

1  Rubin,  loc.  cit.,  p.  614.  *  The  Declining  Birth-rate,  p.  20. 


268  HISTORICAL  EACES 

'  Abortion  ',  says  Lecky,  *  was  probably  regarded  by  the  average 
Roman  of  the  later  days  of  Paganism  much  as  an  Englishman  in 
the  last  century  regarded  convivial  excess,  as  certainly  wrong,  but 
so  venial  as  scarcely  to  deserve  censure.  The  language  of  the 
Christians  from  the  very  beginning  was  widely  different.  With 
unswerving  consistency  and  with  the  strongest  emphasis,  they 
denounced  the  practice,  not  simply  as  inhuman,  but  as  definitely 
murder.' l  The  evidence  goes  to  show  that  the  Christian  objection 
to  abortion  was  the  chief  factor  in  bringing  this  practice  into  dis- 
credit. The  Christian  attitude  was  due  to  the  belief  that  children 
in  the  womb  possessed  souls.  St.  Clement  of  Alexandria,  for  in- 
stance, was  of  opinion  that  such  children  had  guardian  angels.  It 
is  probable  that  abortion  was  not  stamped  out  altogether ;  it  may 
have  continued  to  some  extent  throughout  the  whole  mediaeval 
period  ;  it  is  known  to  be  practised  to  a  considerable  extent 
among  the  less  educated  classes  in  the  more  advanced  countries 
at  the  present  day.2  Figures  have  been  given  which  show  that 
abortion  is  at  the  present  day  a  considerable  factor  in  France. 
But  it  is  clear  that  from  being  a  factor  of  the  first  importance 
it  has  come  to  be  altogether  a  secondary  factor  and  what  is 
more  to  be  regarded  definitely  as  criminal. 

The  first  protest  against  infanticide  was  made  by  Philo  in  the 
first  century  A.  D.3  The  Christians  opposed  infanticide  as  they 
did  abortion,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  Christian  influence 
played  as  large  a  part  in  putting  down  this  practice  as  it  did  in 
the  case  of  abortion.  Speaking  of  the  later  days  of  the  Empire, 
Lecky  says  that  '  the  legislators  then  absolutely  condemned  it 
and  it  was  indirectly  discouraged  by  laws  which  accorded  special 
privileges  to  the  fathers  of  many  children. . .  .  Pagan  and  Christian 
authorities  are  united  in  speaking  of  infanticide  as  a  crying  vice 
of  the  Empire  and  Tertullian  observed  that  no  laws  were  more 
easily  or  constantly  evaded  than  those  which  condemned  it. 
A  broad  distinction  was  popularly  drawn  between  infanticide 
and  exposition.  The  latter,  though  probably  condemned,  was 
certainly  not  punished  by  law ;  it  was  practised  on  a  gigantic 
scale  with  absolute  impunity,  noticed  by  writers  with  most  frigid 
indifference,  and,  at  least  in  the  case  of  destitute  parents,  con- 

1  Lecky,  European  Morals,  vol.  ii,  p.  21.  2  The  Declining  Birth-rate,  p.  58. 

Leroy-Beaulieu  gives  a  very  high  estimate  of  the  number  of  abortions  which 
occur  yearly  in  France  (Question  de  la  Population,  p.  330).  3  Glotz,  loc.  cit., 

p.  223. 


HISTOEICAL  EACES  269 

sidered  a  very  venial  offence.' 1  Finally  in  374  Valentinian  made 
all  infanticide  a  capital  offence  and  particularly  enjoined  the 
punishment  of  exposition.  There  is  much  evidence  to  show  that 
many  centuries  elapsed  before  the  practice  was  finally  suppressed 
in  Europe.  It  was  apparently  common  in  France  up  to  the  time 
of  Charlemagne,  who  made  it  a  capital  offence.  A  law  of  the 
Spanish  Visigoths  in  the  seventh  century  punished  both  abortion 
and  infanticide  with  death.2 

The  disappearance  of  both  these  practices  is  connected  with 
the  evolution  of  the  typical  conditions  of  mediaeval  society  which 
are  marked,  as  we  saw,  by  postponement  of  marriage  and  religious 
celibacy.  As  the  former  went  out  the  latter  came  in,  and  we  shall 
find  that  numbers  came  to  be  regulated  by  the  peculiar  methods 
of  the  latter  period  as  they  had  previously  been  regulated  by 
those  of  the  former. 

17.  Mention  may  perhaps  be  made  of  the  influence  of  venereal 
disease.  Gonorrhoea  has  long  been  prevalent ;  there  is  some 
reason  to  think  that  it  was  known  in  Assyria.  Syphilis  is  of  more 
recent  introduction  into  Europe  and  may  be  of  more  recent 
evolution.  Though  syphilis  is  a  frequent  cause  of  abortions, 
still-births,  and  infant  mortality,  it  does  not  produce  sterility. 
The  presence  of  gonorrhoea  tends  to  prevent  conception  in 
women  and,  if  not  cured  within  a  certain  time,  it  may  cause 
permanent  sterility.  A  considerable  proportion  of  the  sterile 
marriages  at  the  present  day  may,  as  indicated  in  the  Fourth 
Chapter,  be  due  to  gonorrhoea.  Though  no  great  influence  is  to 
be  attributed  to  venereal  diseases  when  the  whole  question  is 
broadly  viewed,  it  may  be  remembered  that  within  the  third 
period  they  have  been  prevalent  and  thus  further  distinguish 
that  period  from  the  first  two  periods.3 

1  Lecky,  European  Morals,  vol.  ii,  p.  27. 

2  The  fact  that  penance  was  imposed  upon  the  mother  who  killed  her  child  by 
the  Council  of  Mentz  in  852  suggests  that  the  practice  was  not  uncommon  at  that 
time  (Westermarck,  Moral  Ideas,  vol.  i,  p.  411).  3  See  The  Declining  Birth- 
rate, pp.  58-62. 


XI 

THE  REGULATION  OF  NUMBERS  AMONG 
HISTORICAL  RACES 

1.  AT  the  beginning  of  the  Ninth  Chapter  it  was  shown  that 
under  any  given  conditions  there  is  a  certain  density  of  population 
which  is  the  most  desirable.  What  was  there  said  applies 
whenever  men  enjoy  the  benefits  of  co-operation.  In  the  first 
and  second  groups,  most  men  are  engaged  in  the  production  of 
food,  and,  except  in  some  races  in  the  second  group,  the  distinction 
between  rich  and  poor,  the  division  of  labour,  and  other  complica- 
tions of  social  life  are  not  far  advanced.  Where  such  complica- 
tions are  much  increased,  as  in  the  third  group,  it  may  seem  that 
so  simple  an  idea  as  that  of  an  optimum  number  is  no  longer 
even  in  general  valid.  It  must  suffice  here  to  state  that  such 
complications  do  not  destroy  the  general  validity  of  this  view. 
In  fact  the  quotation  from  Professor  Cannan  given  in  the  Sixth 
Chapter  has  direct  reference  to  modern  conditions,  and  the 
principle  there  laid  down  was  intended  by  him  to  apply  to  the 
economic  conditions  of  the  present  day,  though  it  is,  as  he  says, 
also  applicable  to  any  society  once  co-operation  has  arisen. 

Among  the  complications  of  social  life  to  which  we  may  refer 
are  those  connected  with  property,  the  division  of  labour,  and 
the  division  into  classes.  The  latest  development  connected 
with  property — the  introduction  of  the  capitalist  system  and 
the  appearance  of  a  large  class  of  wage-earners — does  not  change 
the  general  position.  One  remarkable  modern  development  of 
the  division  of  labour  results  in  one  country  devoting  itself 
largely  to  manufacture  while  another  may  devote  itself  to  the 
production  of  food.  Of  all  such  complications  there  is  only  one 
which  so  modifies  the  idea  of  an  optimum  number  as  to  require 
mention  in  a  broad  survey.  That  complication  is  the  division 
into  classes.  Where  there  is  a  more  or  less  well-marked  division 
into  classes  performing  more  or  less  well-defined  kinds  of  labour, 
there  is  nevertheless  generally  such  an  ebb  and  flow  between  them 
that  there  can  hardly  be  any  question,  broadly  speaking,  of  over- 


THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS  271 

population  in  any  one  class.  This,  however,  may  not  always  be 
so,  and  in  particular  at  the  present  day  it  may  be  that  in  the 
lowest  social  class  there  is  over-population  though  not  in  the 
nation  as  a  whole.  It  may  be  that  in  this  class  there  is  a  failure 
to  attain  to  such  a  standard  of  living  as  is  within  reach  owing  to 
over-population,  and  whether  this  does  in  fact  happen  will  have 
to  be  discussed  later. 

In  the  Ninth  Chapter,  when  discussing  the  data  of  the  first 
and  second  groups,  we  showed  how  approximation  to  the  desirable 
number  might  be  brought  about  and  we  further  came  to  the 
conclusion  that  normally  there  was  such  an  approximation.  It 
is  proposed  here  to  treat  the  data  for  the  third  group  in  the  same 
fashion,  though  the  treatment  will  be  even  slighter  than  in  the 
case  of  the  other  groups.  Subsequently  we  shall  discuss  the  chief 
causes  of  failure  of  adjustment  in  this  and  in  the  preceding  groups. 
Lastly  we  shall  touch  upon  the  questions  of  migration  and  war 
which  have  often  been  held  to  be  caused  by  over-population. 

2.  The  difficulties  in  dealing  with  the  first  sub-group  are  so 
great  that  we  shall  only  devote  a  very  few  words  to  the  con- 
sideration of  the  problems  that  arise.  The  facts  regarding  the 
social  conditions  in  Egypt,  Assyria,  and  other  great  empires  are 
very  scanty.  It  is  only  with  regard  to  Greece  and  Home  that  we 
have  any  considerable  amount  of  information.  Our  conclusions 
as  to  what  was  in  the  main  the  position  with  regard  to  the  ancient 
empires  will  be  rather  in  the  nature  of  a  deduction  when  we 
have  completed  our  sketch  of  all  the  races  in  the  third  group. 

How  adjustment  may  be  conceived  to  have  come  about  in 
these  races  is  in  the  absence  of  knowledge  of  their  social  con- 
ditions not  possible  to  illustrate.  We  know,  however,  that  the 
social  life  of  these  races  was  based  upon  the  cultivation  of  the 
land.  It  is  true  that  in  addition  to  the  cultivator  we  find 
the  artisan  and  the  wage-earner.1  The  question  as  to  how  the 
increase  of  the  artisan,  merchant,  and  wage-earning  classes  may 
be  kept  down  to  the  desirable  level  will  be  discussed  when  dealing 
with  the  third  and  fourth  sub-groups,  and,  as  in  general  the 
conditions  are  probably  much  the  same  everywhere,  we  may 
omit  the  consideration  of  what  happens  among  these  classes  in 
this  sub-group.  With  regard  to  the  cultivators  we  have  already 

1  Among  these  races  the  evolution  of   the  capitalist  system  had  begun  and  in 
Babylonia  had  gone  a  considerable  distance  (Sayce,  Babylonians  and  Assyrians, 


272  THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBERS 

seen,  when  dealing  with  the  second  group,  how,  when  either 
family  or  village  communities  are  limited  to  a  certain  area,  we 
can  understand  that  the  undesirability  of  such  an  increase  as 
would  cause  the  average  earnings  to  fall  below  the  possible 
maximum  not  only  might,  but  actually  does,  result  in  a  limitation 
of  increase.  So  again  here  among  the  cultivators,  we  can  suppose 
that  the  danger  of  an  undue  increase  was  brought  to  notice  in 
the  same  fashion.  We  shall  also  discuss  in  some  little  detail  what 
happens  among  the  cultivators  in  the  third  sub-group,  and  thus 
we  can  omit  the  consideration  of  what  facts  there  are  for  this 
sub-group  and  merely  ask  what  methods  there  are  whereby 
increase  could  have  been  checked. 

Of  fertility  we  have  little  evidence.  It  has  to  be  remembered 
that  on  general  grounds  fecundity  was  if  anything  greater  than 
among  the  races  of  the  former  groups.  Lactation  was  apparently 
often  prolonged  and  pre-puberty  marriage  may  not  have  been 
uncommon.  Disease  and  war  were  very  important  as  factors  of 
elimination,  and  moreover  they  were  both  erratic  in  their  action. 
It  is  no  longer  possible  to  think  of  a  certain  average  degree  of 
elimination  from  these  causes  which  varied  little  from  year  to 
year.  On  the  other  hand  there  is  no  difficulty  in  supposing  that 
abortion  and  infanticide  were  employed  in  varying  degrees  to 
meet  the  situation.  It  may  be  observed  that  abortion  in  Rome 
and  infanticide  in  Greece  were  practised  systematically,  and  not 
merely  when  pressure  had  arisen  but  in  order  that  it  might  not 
arise.  Thus  Hesiod  recommends  the  cultivator  not  to  bring  up 
more  than  one  son  at  home,  for  thus  '  wealth  will  increase  in  the 
house  *.1  What  practices  were  in  use  among  the  Egyptians, 
Assyrians,  Babylonians,  Hittites,  and  other  peoples  we  do  not 
know  in  any  detail,  though  there  is  considerable  evidence  of  the 
prevalence  of  infanticide.  There  may  have  been  a  tendency  to 
practise  these  customs  to  some  average  degree,  but  there  is  no 
difficulty  in  supposing  that  following  upon  war  and  pestilence 
there  would  be  such  a  relaxation  as  soon  to  bring  numbers  up  to 
the  former  level.  The  question  as  to  how  far  we  may  assume 
these  methods  to  have  been  effective  will  be  left  for  discussion 
until  later  in  the  chapter. 

8.  There  is  a  great  variety  of  races  in  the  second  sub-group  ; 
they  fall  under  the  headings  of  the  more  or  less  nomadic  peoples, 

1  Myres,  Eug.  Rev.,  vol.  vii,  p.  30. 


THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEES  273 

the  more  primitive  peoples  of  India,  who  in  many  respects  are 
comparable  to  the  races  of  the  second  group  but  who  have  been 
to  some  extent  influenced  by  Eur-Asiatic  culture  and  the  chief 
races  of  India  and  China.  Those  races  which  fall  under  the 
second  and  third  headings  are  predominantly  agricultural ;  75  per 
cent,  of  the  population  of  Bengal,  for  instance,  is  supported  directly 
or  indirectly  by  agriculture.  Whether,  as  in  many  parts  of  India, 
the  village  community  system  obtains,1  or  whether,  as  in  China, 
there  is  family  or  individual  ownership  of  the  land,2  what  was 
said  above  regarding  the  possibility  of  the  desirable  number 
making  itself  felt  also  applies  here.  So  also  does  what  was  there 
said  about  the  position  of  the  artisan  and  wage-earner.  As 
a  typical  example  of  the  manner  in  which  the  pressure  is  felt 
where  the  family  system  obtains  in  an  agricultural  community, 
we  may  take  the  conditions  in  China  as  described  by  two  Chinese 
authors.  '  In  a  village  the  well-to-do  family  is  a  rare  exception, 
and  the  typical  family  is  the  working-class  family.  The  father  is, 
as  a  rule,  a  husbandman,  and  the  sons  follow  his  footsteps.  If 
they  do  not  possess  a  piece  of  land  of  their  own  they  cultivate 
either  the  land  of  the  ancestral  hall,  of  the  village  temple,  or  that 
of  any  private  owner.  The  mother,  daughter,  and  daughter-in-law 
do  the  household  work  together,  and  also  add  considerably  to  the 
family  income  by  such  employment  as  may  be  carried  on  in  the 
home.  The  earnings  of  all  the  members  of  a  family  are  given 
to  the  mother  in  a  hotch-potch  for  the  maintenance  of  the  corpor- 
ate whole.  The  family  from  our  point  of  view  is  a  living  organism 
which  possesses  a  spirit  quite  apart  from  the  individuals  who 
form  it.  Each  member  does  not  live  and  work  for  himself,  but 
for  the  family  to  which  he  belongs.  Every  other  member  has 
a  claim  on  his  earnings.'  3  Another  author,  after  describing  this 
system,  tells  us  that  '  any  member  of  the  family  who  should 
disgrace  himself  in  any  way,  as  by  becoming  an  inveterate  gambler 
and  permanently  neglecting  his  work,  or  by  developing  the  opium 
vice  to  great  excess,  would  be  formally  cast  out,  his  name  being 
struck  off  the  ancestral  register.  Men  of  this  stamp  generally 
sink  lower  and  lower,  until  they  swell  the  ranks  of  the  professional 
beggars,  to  die  perhaps  in  a  ditch.'  4 

With  regard  to  the  nomadic  peoples  we  always  find  that  they 

1  There  are  often  a  limited  number  of  families  in  each  village  (Barnett,  Anti- 
quities of  India,  p.  105).  a  For  particulars  see  Gray,  China,  vol.  ii,  p.  108. 
3  Leong  and  Tao,  loc.  cit.,  p.  10.  *  Giles,'  loc.  cit.,  p.  189. 

2498  g 


274  THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS 

are  restricted  to  clearly  marked  territories.  Kobertson  Smith, 
after  describing  the  local  groups  among  the  Arabs,  goes  on  to  say 
that  '  the  nomadic  Arabs,  whose  way  of  life  supplied  the  type  in 
which  all  Arabian  society  was  mainly  moulded,  are  not  to  be 
thought  of  as  roaming  quite  at  large  through  the  length  and 
breadth  of  the  peninsula.  Each  group,  or  confederation  of 
groups,  had  its  own  pastures,  and  still  more  its  own  waters,  beyond 
which  it  could  not  move  without  immediate  risk  of  a  hostile 
encounter.'  x  Somewhat  similar  conditions  are  recorded  of  all 
nomadic  people.2 

4.  When  we  consider  the  factors  which  bear  upon  fertility  and 
elimination,  we  find  that,  as  in  the  first  sub-group,  war  and  disease 
are  of  importance — especially  the  latter — and  that,  further,  the 
amount  of  elimination  to  which  they  give  rise  is  very  irregular 
from  one  period  to  another.  For  some  thousands  of  years  India 
appears  to  have  been  subject  to  the  passage  of  scourge  after 
scourge,  sweeping  away  hundreds  of  thousands  of  the  population. 
Famine  at  times  is  the  cause  of  many  deaths,  and  is  due  in  part, 
as  it  is  in  varying  degrees  among  all  races,  to  climatic  factors. 
It  happens,  however,  that  in  India  these  conditions  are  such  as  to 
produce  famine  more  often  than  anywhere  else.  Peninsular  India 
is  *  subject  to  excessive  variations  [of  rainfall]  distributed  quite 
irregularly  and  over  very  long  periods.  In  such  regions  years  of 
adequate  rainfall  and  abundant  yield  may  follow  in  successive 
decades  at  a  time  during  which  a  considerable  population  settles 
and  opens  up  the  country ;  then  follow  a  few  years  of  drought 
with  high  temperature  and  aridity  ;  and  unless  migration  and 
storage  works  are  practicable  and  are  executed  in  time,  the  land 
is  deserted.'  3  Famine  is  also  due  at  times  to  some  failure  in 
social  organization  or  to  some  failure  to  keep  up  the  previous  level 
of  skill,  as,  for  instance,  to  maintain  irrigation  works. 

Fecundity,  as  we  have  seen,  is  probably,  on  the  whole,  higher 
among  these  races  than  among  the  races  of  the  second  group. 
Pre-puberty  marriage  in  India  probably  has  a  considerable  influence 
in  reducing  fertility,  at  least  among  the  Hindu  part  of  the  popu- 
lation. With  regard  to  practices  limiting  fertility  and  causing 
elimination,  we  have  seen  that  infanticide  and  abortion  are  wide- 

1  Robertson   Smith,   Kinship   and  Early   Marriage,   p.   36.  *  For  Tartar 

tribes  see  William  de  Rubruck,  Journey,  pp.  53  and  188.  8  Dickson,  Climate 

and  Weather,  p.  148.  For  a  study  of  somewhat  similar  conditions  in  Australia  see 
Taylor,  The  Australian  Environment. 


THE  [REGULATION  OF  NUMBEES  275 

spread  and  perhaps  to  some  small  extent  contraceptive  practices 
or  prudential  restraint  are  employed  by  all  these  races.  It  may 
also  be  noticed  that  there  is  plenty  of  evidence  that  in  former 
times  in  any  case  marriage  customs  existed  which  ensured  that 
before  marriage  took  place  the  bridegroom  was  competent  to 
support  a  family  at  the  recognized  standard  of  living.  '  The  days 
are  still  remembered  when  no  young  Munda  could  marry  before 
he  was  able  to  construct  a  plough  with  his  own  hands,  nor  would 
a  Munda  girl  be  given  away  in  marriage  before  she  could,  with 
her  own  hands,  weave  mats  with  palm  leaves  and  spin  cotton.' 1 
5.  There  is  no  reason  for  thinking  that  over-population  occurs 
among  the  nomadic  people  such  as  the  Arabs  ;  presumably  the 
methods  we  have  seen  to  be  in  use  are  effective.  There  has 
been  much  discussion  as  to  whether  over-population  exists  in 
India,  and  there  is  a  very  great  difference  of  opinion  on  the  matter. 
Hitherto,  in  order  to  throw  some  light  on  this  point,  we  have  had 
to  rely  on  general  evidence  ;  here,  for  the  first  time,  there  is  some 
exact  evidence  of  the  kind  which  should  enable  a  definite  answer 
to  be  given.  What  we  want  to  know  in  the  case  of  India  is 
whether  the  real  income  per  head  is  increasing  or  not  with  the 
increase  of  population.  Unfortunately  the  evidence  in  India  is 
somewhat  contradictory.  It  has  recently  been  summed  up  by 
Wattal.2  He  shows  that  some  of  the  arguments  in  favour  of  the 
view  that  there  is  no  over-population  are  of  very  doubtful  validity. 
It  has  been  said,  for  instance,  that  large  areas  are  sparsely  popu- 
lated ;  in  this  connexion  it  has  to  be  remembered  that  the  soil 
is  poor  in  these  areas.  It  has  also  been  said  that  the  complaints 
about  insufficiency  of  labour  point  to  the  same  conclusion.  There 
are,  however,  many  reasons  to  account  for  this  fact.  On  the 
other  hand,  Wattal  points  out  that  the  acreage  per  unit  of  the 
agricultural  population  hardly  exceeds  one  and  a  half  acres  and 
further  shows  a  tendency  to  fall.  He  also  points  out  that  in 
Europe  250  persons  to  the  square  mile  is  thought  to  be  the  limit 
of  density  where  agriculture  is  practised,  whereas  in  India  from 
four  to  five  times  that  number  in  many  places  find  their  support 
on  an  area  of  this  size.  He  finds  the  explanation  of  this  not  in 
any  superiority  of  soil  or  of  skill  but  in  the  lowness  of  the  standard 
of  living.  Four  persons  subsist  on  an  income  that  would  hardly 
support  one  person  in  Europe.  The  lowness  of  the  standard  of 

1  Roy,  Mundas,  p.  346.  «  Wattal,  loc.  cit.,  ch.  v. 

82 


276  THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBEES 

living,  the  small  area  of  land  per  head,  and  the  tendency  for  the 
amount  of  land  per  labourer  to  decrease  points  strongly  to  the 
conclusion  that  over-population  does  occur  in  many  parts  of 
India.  • 

It  is  also  probable  that  many  parts  of  China  are  over-populated. 
The  apparent  overcrowding  and  the  low  standard  of  living  lend 
support  to  this  view,  and  in  this  connexion  it  is  interesting  to  note 
that  infanticide  is  practised  not  so  much  as  a  regular  custom  but 
at  times  when,  numbers  being  so  great,  no  further  increase  could 
be  supported.  Moule  says  that  infanticide  is  '  local  and  spas- 
modic '  rather  than  *  chronic  and  national ',  and  notices  that  it  is 
especially  connected  with  *  want  from  flood,  or  famine  or  civil 
war  '.!  There  is  much  other  evidence  to  the  same  effect.2  It  will 
be  remembered  that  some  evidence  was  given  in  the  last  chapter 
pointing  to  the  great  prevalence  of  infanticide  ;  it  is  necessary 
to  remember  that  such  conditions  are  consistent  with  a  state  of 
over-population.  The  prevalence  of  such  a  custom  in  no  way 
shows  that  numbers  are  as  a  result  being  kept  down  to  the  desirable 
level.  These  customs  may  bring  about  this  result,  or  they  may, 
in  a  country  in  the  position  in  which  there  is  reason  to  believe 
that  many  parts  of  China  now  are,  merely  eliminate  those  for  whom 
there  is  no  place  at  all.  Almost  the  same  amount  of  infanticide, 
which  would  limit  numbers  to  a  desirable  level  in  a  country  where 
such  a  level  was  being  maintained,  would,  in  a  country  where 
numbers  were  already  excessive,  merely  cut  off  those  for  whom 
enough  food  to  support  existence  could  not  be  found. 

What,  then,  is  the  cause  of  the  over-population  which  almost 
certainly  exists  in  parts  of  India  and  China  ?  The  irregularity  of 
the  factors  of  elimination  is  itself  no  bar  to  the  adjustment  of 
population,  but  this  irregularity  may  indirectly  have  an  important 
bearing  upon  the  outlook  of  man  and  ultimately  upon  the  behaviour 
of  the  mass  of  the  population.  Great  scourges  must  tend  to 
produce  a  hopelessness  of  outlook.  When  time  and  again  war 
and  disease  sweep  through  a  country,  there  must  arise  a  tendency 
for  the  standard  of  living  to  be  lost  sight  of.  Gradually  there 
may  come  about  a  condition  of  things  when  there  is  no  hope  or 
fear.  European  influence  may  have  had  an  ill  effect.  The 
lessening  of  elimination  through  disease  and  war  does  not  of 

1  Moule,  New  China  and  Old,  p.  179.    See  also  Bland,  Recent  Events  and  Present 
Policies  in  China.  *  See  p.  260. 


THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBEES  277 

necessity  in  itself  tend  to  bring  about  any  over-population.  On 
the  contrary,  it  tends  rather  to  remove  the  causes  which  produce 
degraded  social  conditions  and  the  consequences  referred  to  above 
which  flow  from  them.  But  in  other  ways  European  influence  is 
not  beneficial.  Those  customs,  for  instance,  which  insist  upon 
the  bridegroom  possessing  a  certain  degree  of  skill  break  down, 
and  unless  a  more  or  less  distinctly  formulated  ambition  takes 
their  place,  there  is  nothing  to  ensure  that  the  necessary  effort 
to  secure  the  highest  standard  of  living  that  is  possible  will  be 
made. 

That  which  is  common  to  these  races,  where  over-population  is 
suspected,  is  the  absence  of  hope  and  fear  alike,  of  ambition  and 
of  a  standard  of  living ;  they  are  contented  to  subsist  on  what 
will  just  support  life.  Such  conditions  are  fatal  to  the  attainment 
of  the  desirable  number.  Abortion  and  infanticide  may  still  be 
practised,  but  as  a  rule  only  in  the  presence  of  absolute  need,  not 
as  regular  customs  before  the  need  arises.  To  the  bringing  about 
of  these  conditions  the  factors  mentioned  above  contribute,  but 
they  probably  never  represent  the  whole  cause.  In  these  cases 
we  seem  always  to  find  that  political  misfortunes  have  overtaken 
these  peoples.  They  have  suffered  from  oppression  in  one  form 
or  another  and  gradually  the  old  customs  have  been  lost ;  hope 
and  ambition  have  faded  from  the  outlook.  In  consequence  of 
oppression  the  mass  of  the  people  has  by  degrees  sunk  to  a  degraded 
condition  in  which  neither  the  former  customs  are  practised  nor 
is  an  individual  effort,  as  a  rule,  made  towards  the  attainment  of 
the  best  which  the  skilled  methods  available,  surroundings  and 
so  on,  make  possible. 

It  is  also  probable  that  there  is  over-population  in  Egypt ; 
it  is  probable,  that  is  to  say,  that  with  the  recent  increase  of  the 
fellaheen  population  there  has  been  a  decrease  in  the  income 
per  head.  Any  one  who  has  had  an  opportunity  of  watching  the 
behaviour  of  the  fellaheen  side  by  side  with  that  of  members  of 
some  race  such  as  the  Somalis  cannot  fail  to  have  been  very  much 
impressed.  The  fellaheen  cultivate  one  of  the  richest  countries 
on  earth,  and  they  have  within  their  grasp  and  to  some  extent 
within  their  use  a  considerable  degree  of  modern  skilled  methods. 
At  an  Egyptian  port  these  men  were  to  be  seen  at  work  during 
the  war.  From  time  to  time  Somalis  disembarked  with  ship- 
loads of  camels.  The  Somalis  live  in  a  country  which  relatively 


278  THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS 

to  Egypt  is  infertile  and  have  little  knowledge  of  skilled  methods. 
Stepping  ashore  for  the  first  time  in  a  modern  port,  bewildered 
as  was  inevitable  with  his  surroundings,  the  Somali,  nevertheless, 
showed  himself  a  man.  He  carried  a  certain  pride  with  him. 
The  fellaheen  grovelled  to  him ;  the  Somali  obviously  despised 
him.  The  Somali  is  a  man  who  has  not  suffered  from  a  tradition 
of  oppression  as  has  the  Egyptian  fellah  ;  it  is  easy  to  understand 
how  among  the  Somalis  conditions  would  arise  and  would  be 
maintained  whereby  excess  of  numbers  would  not  reduce  them 
to  a  bare  level  of  subsistence,  whereas  among  the  fellaheen  numbers 
probably  tend  to  be  regulated  by  the  ability  of  the  land  to  keep 
men  alive  in  spite  of  the  possibility  of  the  return  per  head  being 
far  higher  in  Egypt  than  in  Somaliland. 

6.  Passing  to  the  third  sub-group  we  come  for  the  first  time 
upon  conditions  substantially  different  to  those  with  which  we 
have  hitherto  met.  All  those  factors,  which  in  previous  groups 
we  have  noticed  as  having  a  bearing  upon  fertility,  have  either 
diminished  in  importance  or  more  often  have  vanished  altogether. 
Lactation  was  not  prolonged,  there  was  no  pre-puberty  marriage, 
and  there  is  no  evidence  of  restraint  from  intercourse  between 
married  persons  being  imposed  as  a  social  custom.  Though  the 
knowledge  of  contraceptive  practices  may  have  been  present  there 
is  no  evidence  of  their  extensive  use.  It  has  also  to  be  remembered 
that  fecundity,  if  anything,  was  increasing.  On  the  other  hand 
disease  was  the  cause  of  a  very  high  death-rate,  higher  almost 
certainly  than  in  any  previous  age. 

The  most  striking  difference,  however,  between  this  and  former 
sub-groups  is  the  absence  of  abortion  and  infanticide.  Further, 
we  find  what  we  have  never  found  before,  or  rather  never  in  such 
a  degree  as  to  be  of  any  importance,  postponement  of  marriage 
and  celibacy  ;  in  other  words,  for  the  older  methods  there  has 
been  substituted  a  new  method  whereby  fertility  may  be  reduced. 
We  fyave  now  to  inquire  how  the  realization  of  the  desirability  of 
some  limitation  brought  about  the  most  important  factor — 
postponement  of  marriage — and  how  effective  it  was.  With 
regard  to  religious  celibacy,  which  was  of  less  importance  and 
ceased  to  be  of  any  importance  in  England  during  the  sixteenth 
century,  we  may  merely  notice  its  existence.  Under  conditions, 
such  as  we  shall  describe,  and  which  rendered  marriage  difficult, 
monastic  institutions  were  obviously  a  refuge  for  many  for  whom 


THE  REGULATION  OF  NUMBERS  279 

there  was  little  prospect  of  marriage.1  The  estimates  of  the 
number  of  religious  celibates  are  too  vague  and  conflicting  to  be 
worth  analysing.  It  can  only  be  regarded  as  a  secondary  factor 
representing  the  most  extreme  result  of  the  working  of  the 
pressure  which  we  are  about  to  describe. 

7.  The  following  sketch  is  in  the  main  confined  to  conditions 
in  England  since  the  thirteenth  century,  and  we  may  first  notice  t  . 
that  in  that  century  '  almost  every  one  not  only  possessed  land,  N 
but  cultivated  it  '.2  Yet  the  serf,  in  addition  to  the  pressure  to 
postpone  marriage  which  was  felt  by  all  cultivators,  was  definitely 
restricted  with  regard  to  marriage.  Besides  being  unable  to 
move  away  from  his  manor,  *  the  serf  was  disabled  from  marrying 
his  daughter  without  licence  and  fine.  Very  numerous  instances 
are  found  of  these  kinds  of  payment,  under  the  name  of  mercheta, 
in  the  earliest  times.  Similarly  fines  are  paid  for  marrying 
a  daughter  outside  the  manor,  for  marrying  a  nief ,  i.  e.  a  female 
serf,  who  was  possessed  of  property,  and  men  of  another  manor 
for  marrying  a  female  serf  from  her  lord's  manor.  I  have  found 
traces  of  this  custom/  says  Rogers,  '  though  they  become  very 
infrequent  far  on  into  the  fifteenth  century.'  3  Such  facts  are 
to  be  regarded  as  the  legal  enforcement  among  serfs  of  that 
amount  of  postponement  which  was  on  the  average  enforced  by 
circumstances  upon  cultivators  in  general.  As  villein  tenements 
were  usually  indivisible,  the  question  arises  as  to  what  happened 
when  there  was  more  than  one  son.  *  The  indivisibility  of  villein 
tenements  is  chiefly  conspicuous  in  the  law  of  inheritance  ;  all 
the  land  went  to  one  of  the  sons  if  there  were  several ;  very  often 
the  youngest  inherited  ;  and  this  custom,  to  which  mere  chance 
has  given  the  name  of  Borough  English,  was  consfdered  as  one 
of  the  proofs  of  villeinage.  It  is  certainly  a  custom  of  great 
importance,  and  probably  it  depended  on  the  fact  that  the  elder 
brothers  left  the  land  at  the  earliest  opportunity  and  during  their 
father's  life.  Where  did  they  go  to  ?  It  is  easy  to  guess  that 
they  sought  work  out  of  the  manor  as  craftsmen  or  labourers  ; 
that  they  served  the  lord  as  servants,  craftsmen  and  the  like  ; 
that  they  were  provided  with  holdings,  which  for  some  reason 
did  not  descend  to  male  heirs  ;  that  they  were  endowed  with 
some  demesne  land,  or  fitted  out  to  claim  land  from  the  waste. 

1  See  Marshall,  Principles  of  Economics,  p.  186.  2  Rogers,  Six  Centuries, 

vol.  i,  p.  47.  3  Ibid.,  p.  45. 


280  THE  BEGULATION  OF  NUMBEES 

We  may  find  for  all  these  suppositions  some  supporting  quotations 
in  the  records.  But  still  it  would  be  hard  to  believe  that  the 
entire  increase  of  population  found  an  exit  by  these  by-paths. 
If  no  exit  was  found,  the  brothers  had  to  remain  on  their  father's 
plot,  and  the  fact  that  they  did  so  can  be  proved,  if  it  needs 
proof,  from  the  documents.  The  unity  of  the  holding  was  not 
disturbed  in  this  case ;  there  was  no  division.' l  Here  we  see  the 
pressure  at  work.  The  tenement  would  in  general  be  of  the  size 
which  could  well  support  a  family,  and  a  tenement  might  not  be 
divided,  thus  ensuring  that  there  was  no  overcrowding  of  families 
until  life  could  only  just  be  supported. 

8.  Far  more  important  than  any  particular  disabilities  regarding 
marriage  which  attach  to  serfs  are  the  conditions  making  very 
difficult  any  increase  in  population  which  are  always  found 
among  cultivators.  When  a  village  has  as  many  hands  as  it 
requires,  the  number  of  houses  is  not  increased.  Speaking 
generally  of  the  Middle  Ages  Pollard  says  that  'the  number  of 
holdings  was  almost  stationary  and  the  number  of  families  fixed  '.2 
The  number  of  hands  in  a  village  found  to  be  required  would  be 
about  that  which  experience  has  shown  to  produce  the  largest 
average  income.  Any  further  increase  is  made  very  difficult,  if 
not  impossible.  *  Country  life  was  as  elsewhere  rigid  in  its  habits  ; 
young  people  found  it  difficult  to  establish  themselves  till  some 
married  pair  had  passed  from  the  scene  and  made  a  vacancy  in 
their  own  parish  ;  for  migration  to  another  parish  was  seldom 
thought  of  by  an  agricultural  labourer  under  ordinary  circum- 
stances. Consequently  whenever  a  plague  or  famine  thinned  the 
population,  there  were  always  many  waiting  to  be  married,  who 
filled  the  vacant  places.'  3 

Such  always  are  the  conditions  among  cultivators  in  a  settled 
country  ;  it  is  forced  to  the  notice  of  every  one  that  not  more 
than  a  certain  number  of  hands  are  required  and  postponement  of 
marriage  is  thus  imposed  upon  the  younger  people.  Neither  land 
nor  houses  are  available  for  them  at  an  early  age.  '  Before  the 
Keformation,  not  only  were  early  marriages  determinately  dis- 
couraged, but  the  opportunity  for  them  did  not  exist.  A  labourer 
living  in  a  cottage  by  himself  was  a  rare  exception  to  the  rule  ; 
and  the  work  of  the  fields  was  performed  generally  ...  by  servants 

1  Vinogradoff,  Villeinage  in  England,  p.  246.  2  Pollard,  Factors  in  Modern 

History,  p.  135.  3  Marshall,  Principles  of  Economics,  p.  186. 


THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS  281 

who  lived  in  the  families  of  the  squire  or  farmer,  and  who,  while 
in  that  position,  commonly  remained  single,  and  married  only 
when  by  prudence  they  had  saved  a  sufficient  sum  to  enable 
them  to  enter  some  other  position.'  l  Miss  Davies,  working  on 
figures  for  the  parish  of  Corsley,  found  reason  for  thinking  that  at 
any  one  time  there  was  usually  a  number  of  younger  people 
who  were  debarred  from  marrying  and  were  waiting  their  turn, 
so  to  speak,  until  they  could  step  into  places  vacated  by  members 
of  an  older  generation.2 

9.  In  addition  to  those  who  cultivated  the  land  there  were 
merchants  and  craftsmen  who  for  the  most  part  lived  in  the  towns. 
'  The  essence  of  the  mediaeval  town  was  the  formation  of  gilds 
of  merchants  and  craftsmen  '  and-  '  within  the  limits  of  the 
corporation  gilds  had  the  monopoly  of  manufacture  or  trade  '.3 
Membership  of  a  guild  was  a  birthright  or  an  inheritance,  and  new- 
comers could  only  enter  after  a  long  period  of  apprenticeship.  The 
result  of  this  system  of  apprenticeship  was  to  bring  about  the 
postponement  of  marriage,  an3Tthiis^to  limit  the  undue  increase  of 
population.  '  The  position  of  a  son^wlio  acquired  a  holding 
when  his  parent  died  is  analogous  to  that  of  an  apprentice  who 
cannot  set  up  as  a  master  till  given  permission  by  the  proper 
authorities.  It  is  quite  plain  that  in  the  eyes  of  the  ordinary 
man  in  the  sixteenth  century  one  of  the  advantages  of  a  system 
of  compulsory  apprenticeship  was  that  it  prevented  youths 
marrying  at  a  very  early  age,  e.g.  an  Act  (2  and  3  Philip  and 
Mary)  forbids  the  admitting  of  any  one  to  the  freedom  of  the 
City  of  London  before  the  age  of  twenty-four,  and  enacts  that 
apprentices  are  not  to  be  taken  so  young  that  they  will  come 
out  oi  their  time  before  they  are  twenty-four.  The  reason  alleged 
for  this  rule  is  that  distress  in  the  city  of  which  "  one  of  the  chief 
occasions  is  by  reason  of  the  over-hasty  marriages  and  the  over 
soon  setting  up  of  householdes  by  the  younge  folke  of  the  city  .  .  . 
be  they  never  so  younge  and  so  unskilful ".'  Again  a  petition  of 
the  weavers  states  (Hist,  MSS.  Com.  Cd.  784,  p.  114)  :  '  whereas 
by  the  former  good  laws  of  their  trade  none  could  exercise  the  same 
until  he  had  served  an  apprenticeship  for  seven  years  and  attained 
the  age  of  twenty-four,  now  in  these  disordered  times  many 
apprentices  having  forsaken  parents  and  masters  .  .  .  refuse  to 

1  Froude,  Henry  VIII,  p.  3,  note.  «  Davies,  Life  in  an  English  Village, 

p.  31,  a  Rogers,  Six  Centuries,  vol.  i,  p.  106. 


282  THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS 

serve  out  their  time,  but  before  they  are  18  or  20  years  old  betake 
themselves  to  marriage.' x 

Kubin,  whose  conclusions  regarding  the  age  at  marriage  in 
the  sixteenth,  seventeenth,  and  eighteenth  centuries  have  already 
been  quoted,  sums  up  the  position  in  these  words  :  '  The  domestic 
servant  class  then,  as  now,  was  unmarried,  but  that  class  was 
much  more  numerous  than  at  present.  Subordinates  in  the 
industrial  class  and  in  handicrafts  were  not,  as  in  our  own  time, 
free  and  independent,  but  lived  for  the  most  part  in  the  houses 
of  their  masters,  and,  at  any  rate,  were  accustomed  to  wait  until 
they  became  masters  before  marrying ;  the  chances  of  attaining 
the  position  of  master  were  greater  than  now.  The  same  rule 
applied  to  other  journeymen  in  various  employments,  whether  in 
town  or  country.' 2 

Thus  in  the  town  as  well  as  on  the  land  the  pressure  was  at 
work.  The  result  was  twofold.  Marriage  was  made  difficult,  and 
many  sought  refuge  in  lifelong  celibacy  in  religious  institutions. 
Again,  a  standard  of  skill  was  insisted  upon  which  tended  to 
ensure  that  young  husbands  would  be  able  to  support  a  family 
as  well  as  ensuring  that  they  would  not  have  a  family  at  all 
until  there  was  a  place  for  them.  And  it  must  be  assumed 
that  the  number  of  families  felt  to  be  desirable  was  somewhere 
about  that  which  given  all  circumstances  produces  the  maximum 
benefit  from  co-operation.  It  may  also  be  observed  that  we  can 
in  evidence  of  the  above  kind  detect  the  recognition  of  a  standard 
of  living — the  essential  feature  in  any  community  in  which  an 
approach  to  the  desirable  number  is  to  be  attained.  For  this 
standard  of  living  is  only  the  income  per  head  which,  given  all 
the  circumstances,  is  the  highest  within  reach. 

10.  [Regulations  prohibiting  the  marriage  of  the  poor  were  not 
uncommon  in  this  period.  *  In  Bavaria  .  .  .  the  regulations  of  the 
Government  and  the  Police  Ordinances  of  161 6  forbade  the  marriage 
of  servants,  day  labourers,  and  others  without  property,  and  the 
punishments  by  which  those  were  threatened  by  the  legislation  of 
1751  who,  without  the  permission  of  the  superior  authorities, 
entered  into  wedlock,  and  were  afterwards  unable  to  support 
themselves  without  begging  or  the  like,  extended  to  corporal 
chastisement  and  the  like.'  3  The  Poor  Law  Commission  of  1834 

1  Tawney,   Agrarian  Problem,  p.    105,  note.  2  Rubin,  loc.   cit.,  p.   598. 

8  Rubin,  loc.  cit.,  p.  597. 


THE  EEGULATION  OP  NUMBEKS  283 

obtained  reports  regarding  the  regulations  in  various  European 
countries.  Of  Denmark  we  hear  that  '  all  those  persons  who  are 
in  receipt  of  parish  relief  are  not  allowed  to  marry  unless  by 
permission  granted  on  special  grounds  by  the  Commissioners  '-1 
In  Wiirtemberg  no  subject  of  the  state  could  marry  until  he 
possessed  '  the  rights  of  a  member  of  a  community  or  a  settled 
non-freeman.  But  even  such  a  one  must  prove  to  the  magistrates 
before  his  marriage  that  he  possesses  sufficient  means  of  sub- 
sistence. The  want  of  such  means  of  subsistence  is  considered  as 
existing,  (a)  in  every  one  who  is  not  primarily  qualified  in  the 
exercises  of  a  liberal  art  or  science,  or  for  exercising  on  his  own 
account,  commerce,  a  profession,  agriculture  or  some  other 
business  sufficient  for  the  support  of  a  family,  or  possesses  sufficient 
property  for  the  independent  support  of  a  family  ;  and  (6)  in 
every  one  who,  at  the  time  of  the  intended  marriage,  is  the 
subject  of  political  or  police  investigation,  for  vagabondage, 
prodigality,  habitual  idleness,  notorious  propensity  to  drinking,  or 
repeated  fraud,  repeated  theft  or  systematic  begging,  or  who 
has  been  punished  for  the  same,  during  the  two  years  immediately 
preceding,  or  who  in  the  course  of  the  three  preceding  years 
(except  in  the  case  of  misfortune  not  incurred  by  his  own  fault) 
has  received  assistance  from  public  funds  for  his  own  support, 
or  is  in  receipt  of  such  at  the  time  of  the  intended  marriage.'  2 

11.  Somewhat  similar  conditions  to  those  which  led  to  postpone- 
ment of  marriage  in  England  were  operative  elsewhere.  Looking 
at  this  period  in  general  there  is  little  doubt  that  the  restrictions 
upon  increase  were  upon  the  whole  effective.  There  were  fluctua- 
tions in  the  nearness  of  approach  to  the  desirable  number ;  at 
times  for  some  reason  too  great  an  increase  became  noticeable. 
Adjustment,  however,  soon  followed.  *  There  was  reason  to 
believe  that  towards  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century  there  was 
a  considerable  increase  in  population,  unaccompanied  by  any  great 
improvement  in  the  means  of  production,  and  consequently  a 
relative  over-population  in  many  European  countries.  The 
frequent  complaints  of  poverty  and  lack  of  employment  which 
led  eventually  to  stringent  measures  against  foreign  competitors, 

1  Report  for  Inquiry  into  the  Administration  and  Practical  Operation  of  the  Poor 
Laws,  Appendix  F,  p.  283.  a  Ibid.,  p.  520.  For  further  information  on  this 

subject  see  the  Handworterbuch  der  Staatswissenschaften,  Article  '  Eheschliessung '. 
The  Danish  Poor  Law  Act  of  1891  prohibits  the  marriage  of  the  poor  under  certain 
circumstances. 


284  THE  BEGULATION  OF  NUMBERS 

confirms  the  evidence  from  other  sources  to  show  that  the  gilds 
were  being  overstocked  with  journeymen  who  could  hardly  hope 
to  attain  the  position  of  householders  and  employers.  In  the 
callings  where  the  old-world  organization  was  effective  there 
was  an  increasing  tendency,  during  the  fifteenth  century,  to 
restrict  the  avenues  by  which  the  freedom  to  exercise  a  craft 
could  be  obtained ;  larger  fines  were  demanded  on  admission, 
while  the  social  qualifications  of  those  who  were  eligible  as 
apprentices  were  raised.' l  At  other  times  certain  social  changes 
caused  over-population.  Such  was  the  case  in  the  sixteenth 
century  owing  to  the  enclosures.  '  According  to  one  calculation 
made  in  1548  three  hundred  thousand  men  had  been  thrown 
out  of  work  by  the  decay  of  agriculture — or  about  ten  per 
cent,  of  the  whole  population.' 2  What  is  important,  however, 
is  that  in  general  the  determination  of  the  people  to  maintain 
the  standard  of  living  brought  about  adjustment — which  at 
this  period  usually  took  the  form  of  making  marriage  more 
difficult. 

There  were  also  instances  of  a  definite  failure  over  a  long  period 
to  achieve  adjustment.  Such  a  case  is  that  of  Ireland  in  the 
eighteenth  century.  The  potato  was  introduced  about  1585,  and 
when  taken  into  cultivation  throughout  the  country  could  have 
enabled  a  larger  population  to  subsist  at  a  higher  standard  of 
living.  So  degraded,  however,  did  the  social  conditions  become, 
that  the  introduction  of  the  potato  merely  enabled  a  larger  popula- 
tion to  subsist  at  the  lowest  standard  which  would  support  life. 
The  conditions  of  that  period  have  been  described  in  the  following 
passage  by  Goldwin  Smith  :  '  The  mass  of  the  people  were 
socially  and  economically  in  a  state  the  most  deplorable,  perhaps, 
which  history  records  as  having  existed  in  any  civilized  nation. . . . 
The  Irish  gentry  were  probably  the  very  worst  upper  class  with 
which  a  country  was  ever  afflicted.  Their  habits  grew  beyond 
measure  brutal  and  reckless.  Their  drunkenness,  their  blasphemy, 
their  ferocious  duelling,  left  the  squires  of  England  far  behind.  .  .  . 
Over  the  Eoman  Catholic  poor  on  their  estates  these  "  vermin 
of  the  kingdom  ",  as  Arthur  Young  calls  them,  exercised  a  tyranny 
compared  with  which  the  arbitrary  rule  of  the  old  chiefs  over  their 
clans  was  probably  a  parental  authority  used  with  beneficence 

1  Cunningham,  Growth  of  English  Industry  and  Commerce,  vol.  i,  p.  442. 
2  Pollard,  loc.  cit.,  p.  144. 


THE  REGULATION  OF  NUMBERS  285 

and  justly  repaid  by  gratitude  and  affection.  ...  All  moral 
restraints  on  the  growth  of  population  were  removed  by  the 
compulsory  ignorance  into  which  Protestant  ascendancy  and  the 
penal  laws  had  plunged  the  Catholic  peasantry  and  by  the  abject 
wretchedness  of  their  lot.  ...  The  island  became  utterly  over- 
charged with  population.'  1 

In  this  period  it  is  not  common  to  find  over-population  on  this 
scale  for  so  long  a  time.  In  all  countries  there  were  periods  when 
population  was  excessive,  but  as  a  rule  the  circumstances  were 
seldom  such  that  the  vigour  of  the  people  did  not  before  long 
bring  about  a  return  to  a  higher  standard. 

12.  In  the  fourth  sub-group  there  is  available  a  far  larger 
amount  of  information,  and  more  exact  estimates  as  to  the 
position  are  rendered  possible  than  could  be  the  case  before.  We 
have  first  to  ask  whether  there  is  evidence  of  over-population. 
Where,  as  in  this  period,  there  has  been  a  rapid  increase  in  numbers 
the  question  is  more  easy  to  answer  than  when  asked  in  connexion 
with  periods  which,  compared  with  the  present  conditions,  were 
relatively  static.  We  can  form  a  judgement  based  upon  the 
relative  increase  in  wealth  and  in  population  and  upon  the  average 
real  wages  over  a  number  of  years.  The  following  figures  show 
that  wealth  has  grown  more  quickly  than  population.2 


Great  Britain.  Population. 

£ 

1865  .    .    .   6,113,000,000  1861  .  .  .  28,927,485 

1875  .    .    .   8,548,000,000  1871  .  .  .  31,484,661 

1885  .    .    .   10,037,000,000  1881  .  .  .  34,884,848 

1895  .    .    .   10,663,000,000  1891  .  .  .  37,732,922 

1905  .    .    .   13,036,000,000  1901  .  .  .  41,458,721 

1909'  .    .    .   13,986,000,000  1911  .  .  45,216,665 

The  following  figures  show  that  real  wages  have  risen  during 
the  period.3  With  regard  to  the  drop  in  real  wages  in  the  last 
years  shown  in  this  table  it  has  to  be  remembered  that  such  minor 
fluctuations  may  be  due  under  complex  modern  conditions  to  a 
variety  of  causes.  The  condition  of  credit,  the  share  taken  of  the 
total  income  by  capital  and  many  other  factors,  the  action  of  some 

1  Two  Centuries  of  Irish  History,  edited  by  Bryce,  p.  21.     Sir  Horace  Plunkett 
estimates  that  Ireland  can  now  support  about  2,500,000  agriculturalists  or  500,000 
families  (Ireland  in  the  New  Century,  p.  30).    The  population  in  1790  was  estimated 
at  over  4,000,000.    In  the  sixteenth  century  it  was  probably  less  than  1,000,000. 

2  Quoted  by  J.  A.  Hobson  in  evidence  before  the  National  Birth-Rate  Commis- 
sion, The  Declining  Birth-rate,  p.  285.  3  Bowley,  Distribution  of  National 
Income,  p.  18. 


Nominal  Wages. 

Cost  of  Living. 

Real  Wages. 

100 

100 

100 

101 

96 

105 

104 

89 

117 

110 

88 

125 

115 

87 

132 

121 

91 

133 

126 

94 

134 

128 

96 

133 

132 

100 

132 

134 

100 

134 

286  THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS 

of  which,  there  is  good  reason  to  think,  was  the  cause  of  the  decline 
in  real  wages  noticeable  in  the  early  years  of  the  present  century, 
all  affect  real  wages. 

1880  .. 

1881-5  .. 

1886-90  .. 

1891-5  .. 
1896-1900    . 

1901-5  .. 

1906-10  .. 

1911  .. 

1912  .. 

1913  .. 

All  the  evidence  points  to  the  same  conclusion — namely,  that 
throughout  this  period  there  has,  on  the  whole,  been  an  increase 
in  the  average  real  income  per  head,  and  that  therefore  there  has 
been  no  over-population  in  England.  On  the  whole  the  same 
conclusion  applies  to  other  countries  in  which  the  industrial 
conditions  are  more  or  less  similar.  It  is  well  known  that  during 
this  period  there  have  been  very  remarkable  fluctuations  in  the 
birth-rate.  In  England  it  was  stationary  from  about  1840  to 
1880.  Since  that  date  it  has  declined  by  about  one-third.1  It 
seems  clear  that  during  this  latter  period  the  rapid  increase  of 
the  former  period  ceased  to  be  economically  advantageous.  In 
other  words  the  decline  has  been  in  response  to  changing  economic 
conditions.  What  we  have  now  to  ask  is  how  the  desirability  of 
a  limited  increase  under  the  conditions  existing  in  this  period 
can  have  been  so  realized  that  the  adjustment  of  numbers  to 
economic  requirements  took  place. 

18.  The  factors  bearing  upon  fertility  and  elimination  are  in 
this  sub-group  in  the  main  the  same  as  those  in  the  former  sub- 
group. The  factors  which  did  or  may  have  limited  fertility  in 
the  earlier  groups  are  again  absent.  Postponement  of  marriage 
is,  as  in  the  third  sub-group,  an  important  factor  and  in  addition 
for  the  first  time  contraceptive  practices  play  a  large  part.  The 
importance  of  contraceptive  practices,  together  with  the  decline 
in  the  birth-rate,  due  to  the  start  made  in  this  period  towards  the 
mastering  of  disease,  are  the  chief  differences  to  be  noticed  when 
comparing  conditions  in  this  sub-group  with  those  in  the  former. 
It  may  also  be  noticed  that  the  factors  of  elimination  are  more 

1  The  decline  in  Austria  dates  from  1883,  in  Germany,  Hungary,  and  Italy, 
from  1885,  in  Norway  from  1900. 


THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS  287 

regular  in  their  operation  ;  epidemics  of  disease  are  rare  and  war 
does  not  now,  as  so  often  formerly,  indirectly  cause  a  large  death- 
rate.  The  methods  of  limiting  increase  are  confined  to  those 
which  reduce  fertility  with  the  exception  of  the  practice  of 
abortion,  which  is  still  of  some  importance  in  the  lower  social 
classes.  It  is  important  to  observe  that,  although  the  postpone- 
ment of  marriage  has  throughout  the  period  had  an  important 
bearing  upon  fertility,  it  has  not  been,  as  in  the  former  sub-group, 
by  raising  or  reducing  the  age  of  marriage  that  the  change  in 
fertility  has  been  chiefly  due.1  This  change  has  been  due  to 
diminished  fertility  which  is  to  be  chiefly  accounted  for  by  the 
conscious  limitation  of  fertility  in  the  form  either  of  abstention 
from  intercourse  between  married  persons  or  of  the  use  of  con- 
traceptive practices.  We  are  not  able  to  measure  the  prevalence 
of  the  different  forms  of  conscious  limitation  and  thus  definitely 
to  associate  them  with  the  declining  birth-rate.  We  do  not  find, 
however,  any  such  increase  in  other  factors,  such  as  venereal 
disease,  which  diminish  fertility,  as  will  account  for  the  facts. 
We  have  no  reason  for  supposing  that  fecundity  has  diminished, 
and  as  we  have  strong  reasons  for  thinking  that  conscious  limi- 
tation has  been  increasingly  practised,  we  must  attribute  the 
changes  to  this  cause.2 

14.  In  this  sub-group  we  may  roughly  distinguish  between 
property  owners,  professional  classes,  peasant  proprietors,  and 
wage  earners.  The  distinguishing  feature  has  been  the  rise  of 
a  very  large  wage-earning  class  not  possessed  of  property.  The 
peasant  proprietor,  who,  though  a  property  owner,  is  to  be  dis- 
tinguished from  other  property  owners,  is  of  little  importance  in 
England.  In  other  countries,  however,  the  class  of  peasant 
proprietors  is  of  importance,  and  we  may  first  ask  how  the 
desirability  of  limiting  increase  is  brought  home  to  them. 

As  we  have  seen,  wherever  men  owe  their  living  to  the  produce 
of  a  definite  area  of  land,  whether  ownership  is  vested  in  families 
or  in  village  communities,  the  situation  is  in  the  main  always 
much  the  same.  That  more  than  a  certain  number  cannot 

1  Thus  the  mean  age  for  marriage  of  all  husbands  in  England  only  increased 
from  28-43  years  in  1896  to  28-88  years  in  1909,  while  the  mean  age  for  all  wives 
only  increased  from  26-21  in  1896  to  26-69  in  1909. 

2  For  evidence  that  the  decrease  in  fertility  is  due  to  artificial  restraint  see 
Stevenson,  J.  R.  S.  S.,  vol.  Ixxxiii,  p.  431.  There  are  reasons  for  thinking  that  contra- 
ceptive methods  play  a  smaller,  and  restraint  from  intercourse  a  larger,  part  than 
is  generally  supposed  (see  Dr.  Greenwood's  remarks  on  the  paper  quoted  above, 
p.  440,  and  also  Dudfield,  J.  It.  8.  8.,  vol.  Ixxi,  1908,  p.  25). 


288  THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBEES 

maintain  the  standard  of  living  upon  a  certain  area  must  be 
obvious.  It  may  be  more  or  less  definitely  realized  by  each 
individual ;  it  is  also  enshrined  in  the  social  conventions  of  such 
people.  The  conditions  in  French  rural  districts  have  been  much 
studied,  and  there  is  a  large  amount  of  evidence  pointing  to  the 
conclusion  that  families  are  consciously  limited  owing  to  the 
realization  that  large  families  are  not  economically  advantageous. 
Legal  regulations  and  social  customs  as  to  the  inheritance  of 
landed  property  are  of  considerable  importance  in  France  and 
other  countries  in  this  connexion,  but  there  is  no  space  to  enter 
upon  the  subject  here.  The  conditions  are,  generally  speaking, 
clear  ;  any  one  who  is  acquainted  with  the  conditions  of  life 
in  the  country  districts  of  France,  Switzerland,  or  Norway,  for 
instance,  has  probably  observed  what  is  going  on.  Somewhat  as 
has  been  described  for  the  Middle  Ages  in  England,  the  number 
of  houses,  and  consequently  the  number  of  families,  is  not  increased. 
Further,  when  marriage  takes  place  the  number  of  children  is 
clearly  limited  by  considerations  based  on  the  economic  conditions. 
There  is,  of  course,  always  an  opportunity  for  the  young  people 
to  go  to  the  towns  and  work  for  wages,  and  we  must  now  ask 
what  the  conditions  are  among  the  wage-earning  classes. 

Hitherto,  with  the  exception  of  the  artisans  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  we  have  always  found  men  in  groups  of  varying  size  support- 
ing themselves  upon  a  restricted  area.  In  the  case  of  the  wage- 
earners  it  is  more  difficult  to  understand  how  the  desirability  of 
limitation  can  become  translated  into  customs  or  habits  whether 
consciously  or  unconsciously  followed,  because,  first,  we  are  no 
longer  dealing  with  a  small  group  confined  in  the  knowledge  of 
all  of  them  to  a  certain  area,  and,  secondly,  because  restrictive 
customs  in  the  nature  of  taboos  have  little  chance  of  establishing 
themselves  to-day.  There  are  no  restrictions  of  importance  on 
the  entrance  to  various  trades  ;  there  is  at  least  nothing  com- 
parable to  the  restrictions  imposed  by  the  guilds.  A  young  man 
of  the  wage-earning  class  finds  no  hindrance  to  marriage  and 
further  finds  that  the  maximum  rate  of  earning  he  is  ever  likely 
to  attain  to  is  within  his  grasp  at  an  early  age.  Why  therefore 
should  he  not  marry  early  ?  Compared  with  the  mediaeval  period 
he  does  marry  early.  As  Kubin  says,  '  the  journeymen  and 
servants  of  former  times  were  as  a  rule  unmarried,  while  in  our 
times  skilled  workmen  and  factory  employees,  on  account  of  the 


THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBEES  289 

high  level  of  their  earnings  (and  the  fact  that  they  are  received 
in  money,  not  in  kind),  and  because,  for  the  greater  part,  as 
stated  earlier,  they  attain  no  better  position  by  waiting — are 
married  as  journeymen  or  labourers.' l  We  have  now  to  ask 
why  the  wage  earners  should,  if  they  do  not  limit  fertility  by 
postponing  marriage,  limit  fertility  by  conscious  restriction  of 
their  families. 

This  is  not  an  easy  question  to  answer.  As  there  are  no 
barriers  to  marriage,  so  to  the  production  of  a  large  family  there 
are  no  barriers  in  the  form  of  social  conditions  or  customs  which 
must  be  conformed  to.  There  is  apparently  no  hindrance  to  the 
production  of  as  many  children  as  can  be  fed — that  is  to  say,  to 
the  increase  of  population  to  the  level  at  which  life  can  just  be 
supported.  Such  an  increase,  however,  does  not  take  place.  To 
understand  why  it  is  so  we  must  first  realize  how  powerful  the 
desire  to  better  the  social  conditions  and  to  raise  the  standard  of 
living  has  been  among  the  wage  earners.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hammond 
have  lately  described  the  conditions  under  which  the  village 
labourer  existed  in  the  earlier  years  of  the  last  century.2  During 
the  agricultural  depression  which  followed  the  Napoleonic  Wars 
the  most  determined  effort  was  made  by  the  governing  classes  to 
induce  the  labourer  to  lower  his  standard  of  living  in  the  very 
mistaken  hope  that  such  a  change  would  ease  the  position.  Above 
all  things  the  labourers  were  urged  to  abandon  the  use  of  wheaten 
bread  and  to  accept  some  substitute.  All  kinds  of  arguments  and 
many  forms  of  pressure  were  employed.  The  labourers,  however, 
were  obstinate.  They  clung  to  their  standard  of  living  and  in 
England,  at  least  since  the  Industrial  [Revolution,  this  determina- 
tion to  maintain,  and  if  possible  to  raise,  the  standard  has  been 
powerfully  manifested  by  the  wage-earning  class.3  Eeturning  now 
to  the  question  we  have  to  answer,  we  may  say  that  this  deter- 
mination becomes  translated  into  a  system  of  family  limitation, 
and  that  the  decline  in  the  birth-rate  which  is  due  to  conscious 
limitation  has  been  in  correspondence  with  changing  economic 
conditions.  The  previous  rate  of  increase  was  no  longer  desirable 
in  the  interest  of  the  wage-earning  classes,  and  it  has  been  checked. 
Nevertheless  it  has  not  been  checked  by  a  fully  conscious  realiza- 
tion of  the  position.  At  the  most  there  has  only  been  a  semi- 

1  Rubin,  loc.  cit.,  p.  606.  a  Hammond,  Village  Labourer,  ch.  vii.  3  See 

Pigou,  Wealth  and  Welfare,  p.  28. 
2498 


290  THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBEES 

conscious  understanding  of  what  is  involved.  In  the  main  we 
have  to  think  of  this  determination  as  achieving  its  end  by  an 
unconscious  adaptation  of  social  habits  and  practices  to  the  needs 
of  the  time.  There  have  been  other  factors  at  work  tending  in 
the  same  direction.  The  influence  of  factory  legislation  in  restrict- 
ing the  employment  of  children  has  been  to  render  large  families 
of  less  economic  advantage.  Again  among  more  highly  paid 
sections  of  the  wage-earning  classes  certain  influences,  which  are 
not  economic  at  all  but  rather  social,  have  also  tended  towards 
reduction  in  fertility. 

It  may  be  observed  that,  where  the  determination  to  maintain 
the  standard  of  living  is  not  strongly  manifested,  there  over- 
population may  occur.  Thus  in  England,  and  in  all  industrial 
countries,  there  is  at  the  bottom  of  the  social  scale  a  thriftless, 
unskilled,  and  casually  employed  class  in  which  the  limitation  of 
families  is  little,  if  at  all,  practised.  Among  this  class  the  desire 
to  improve  conditions  is  seldom  shown  and  in  consequence  the 
birth-rate  is  not  limited.  If  the  members  of  this  class  '  restricted 
considerably  their  rate  of  growth,  there  is ',  says  Hobson, '  reason- 
able ground  for  holding  that  they  would  make  a  double  economic 
gain,  being  paid  at  a  higher  rate,  for  more  efficient  and  more 
regular  work/  x  • 

The  conditions  among  the  professional  classes  need  not  detain 
us.  In  addition  to  feeling,  as  do  the  working  classes,  the  benefit 
in  a  general  way  of  restriction,  there  are  many  other  factors 
which  come  in.  Of  these  perhaps  the  most  important  is  the 
question  of  the  age  at  which  the  maximum  income  is  attained. 
As  these  classes  form  only  a  small  proportion  of  the  population, 
and  as  we  shall  have  to  discuss  in  the  following  chapter  the 
causes  of  the  lower  rate  of  increase  in  these  classes  than  among 
the  wage-earning  class — having  in  view  the  possible  bearing 
upon  certain  problems  of  qualitative  change — we  can  omit  any 
further  discussion  here,  merely  observing  that  no  question  of 
over-population  arises.  Possibly  there  may  be  relative  under- 
population  in  something  the  same  way  as  there  is  over-population 
in  the  lowest  grade — whether  this  is  so  or  not  depending  largely 
upon  the  ease  with  which  the  professional  classes  are  recruited 
from  below. 

1  Hobson, '  Evidence  before  the  National  Birth-Rate  Commission ',  The  Declining 
Birth-rate,  p.  289. 


THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEES  291 

15.  The  discussion  of  historical  races  has  been  brief  and  was  only 
entered  upon  in  order  to  round  off  the  subject.  There  are  other 
points  in  connexion  with  the  adjustment  of  numbers  to  which 
allusion  must  be  made.  It  will  be  convenient,  however,  first  to 
review  shortly  our  conclusions  regarding  the  problem  of  adjust- 
ment as  a  whole  and  then  to  ask  in  respect  of  the  various  periods 
in  turn  what  we  are  led  to  think  that  the  position  must  have  been. 

Keasons  have  been  given  for  thinking  that,  if  any  general  change 
in  fecundity  has  taken  place  in  the  course  of  history,  it  has  been 
in  the  direction  of  increase.  In  any  case  fecundity  is  very  large — 
the  theoretical  power  of  increase,  that  is  to  say,  is  very  great. 
Some  figures  were  given  at  the  end  of  the  fourth  chapter  in 
illustration  of  this  fact.  There  is  a  tendency  noticeable  in  nearly 
all  discussions  of  questions  of  quantity  to  under-estimate  the 
power  of  increase.  Another  calculation'  previously  given  may 
therefore  be  recalled.  It  has  been  shown  that  at  the  present  f 
average  rate  of  increase  of  the  population  of  the  world — a  rate  of 
increase  which  is  obviously  everywhere  very  severely  restricted —  \ 
a  single  pair  would  produce  in  1,750  years  descendants  equal  in 
number  to  the  present  population  of  the  world. 

In  connexion  with  the  under-estimation  of  the  power  of  increase, 
is  the  over-estimation  of  the  relief  given  by  any  factor  which 
allows  of  a  growth  of  population — increase  in  skill  or  migration, 
for  example.  It  is  constantly  assumed  that,  when  such  a  factor 
can  be  detected  in  operation,  there  is,  so  to  speak,  a  complete 
outlet  for  fecundity.  This  is  the  idea  which  lies  at  the  basis  of 
such  statements  as  those  which  speak  of  '  surplus  population  ' 
as  being  drawn  off  by  migration.  When,  however,  a  calculation 
is  made,  it  is  seen  that  the  relief  given  is,  except  under  very 
unusual  circumstances,  almost  negligible.  It  was  shown  on 
p.  105  that  under  the  circumstances  mentioned  a  population  of 
1,000,000  would  remain  stable  so  long  as  to  each  married  woman 
there  was  born  an  average  of  two  children.  But  if  the  average 
was  2J  children,  then  in  a  hundred  years  the  population  would 
be  3,050,000.  It  follows,  therefore,  that  most  unusually  favourable 
circumstances  only  make  room  for  a  fraction  of  the  possible 
increase  and  that  migration  likewise  only  draws  off  an  insignificant 
fraction  of  the  possible  additions  to  the  population. 

Starting  with  such  considerations  and  taking  into  account 
the  fact  that,  wherever  social  co-operation  exists,  there  must 

T2 


292  THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBERS 

be  within  any  area  a  certain  desirable  density  of  population — 
the  optimum  number — it  has  been  argued  that  there  will  come 
about  an  approximation  to  this  number  owing  to  the  practice  of 
certain  habits  and  customs  restrictive  of  increase.  It  has  further 
been  argued  that,  except  under  most  unusual  circumstances, 
habits  and  customs  having  primarily,  and  not  merely  incidentally, 
this  result,  must  everywhere  exist.  This  is  seldom  realized. 
Professor  Myres,  for  instance,  after  remarking  upon  the  fertility 
of  ancient  Egypt  and  of  Assyria,  says  that  *  anything  like  infanti- 
cide was  out  of  the  question  '*  It  is  clear  from  the  context  that 
he  is  thinking  not  of  infanticide  in  particular  but  of  any  practices 
restrictive  of  increase — the  implication  being  that  in  a  fertile 
country,  where  skill  is  increasing,  there  is  a  sufficient  outlet  for 
the  increase  of  population  resulting  from  the  power  of  human 
increase.  Again,  it  has  been  asserted  that  the  Bantu  races  do 
not  commit  infanticide — at  least  on  a  large  scale — as  do  many 
other  primitive  races,  because,  inasmuch  as  they  have  been  in 
movement  for  an  unknown  length  of  time,  the  attrition  following 
upon  the  war  that  is  always  in  progress  at  the  fringe  of  the 
movement  is  sufficient  to  absorb  the  *  surplus  population '. 
But  it  has  been  forgotten  that  the  Bantu  races  practise  prolonged 
abstention  from  intercourse — a  custom  quite  as  effective  as 
abortion  and  infanticide — as  may  be  seen  when  the  evidence  as 
to  the  small  average  number  in  a  family  is  considered  ;  2  for  the 
average  number  in  a  Bantu  family  is  as  small  as  among  primitive 
races  in  general,  and  it  cannot  be  held  that  attrition  through  war 
falls  seriously  upon  others  than  adults.  It  therefore  follows  that 
war  among  these  people  affords  but  an  insignificant  amount  of  relief. 

16.  Turning  now  to  the  methods  of  adjustment,  we  may  take 
the  first  two  groups  together  and  afterwards  the  third  group. 
War  and  migration,  however,  may  be  put  aside  and  considered 
separately  at  the  end  of  the  chapter.  As  regards  the  first  two 
groups  it  is  necessary  to  say  no  more  than  this  :  evidence  has  been 
produced  to  show  that  everywhere  among  primitive  races  either 
abortion,  infanticide,  or  prolonged  abstention  from  intercourse 
are  practised  in  such  a  degree  and  in  such  a  manner  as  to  have  as 
their  primary  result  the  restriction  of  increase. 

The  question  as  to  how  far  these  practices  are  effective  in 

1  Myres,  Eugenics  Review,  vol.  vii,  p.  21.  *  Also  abortion,  as  we  have  seen, 

is  not  uncommon. 


THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEES  293 

bringing  about  an  approximation  to  the  desirable  number  is  not 
easily  answered.  As  regards  those  primitive  races  which  have 
come  under  European  observation  there  is  no  definite  evidence 
because,  before  exact  observation  could  be  made,  the  conditions 
of  life  had  wholly  changed.  But,  putting  aside  the  fact  that 
the  evidence,  such  as  it  is,  does  suggest  an  approximation,  it 
may  be  observed  that  conditions  were  such  as  to  render  an 
approximation  easy.  Skill  increased  so  slowly  that  for  long 
periods  of  time  the  desirable  number  remained  about  the  same  ; 
the  factors  of  elimination,  such  as  war  and  disease,  were  not 
erratic  in  their  action  ;  social  organization  was  not  complex  in 
the  economic  sense  and  therefore  the  danger  of  break-downs 
followed  by  changes  in  the  desirable  number  was  absent.  Thus 
we  may  conclude  that,  in  all  probability,  in  primitive  society  an 
approximation  was  normally  attained. 

In  the  third  period  we  meet  with  wholly  different  conditions. 
Social  organization  becomes  elaborate  in  the  economic  sense,  war 
and  disease  become  erratic  in  their  operation,  and,  relatively  to 
what  was  the  case  before,  skill  increases  rapidly.  As  a  result  the 
desirable  number  frequently  changes,  becoming  on  the  whole 
larger,  particularly  in  those  periods  with  which  we  are  best 
acquainted.  There  has  in  consequence  grown  up  an  idea  that 
throughout  human  history  population  has  been  increasing, 
whereas  in  fact  it  is  far  more  correct  to  regard  population  as 
normally  having  been  stable.  It  may  not  improbably  turn  out 
that  the  third  period  is  in  this  repect  peculiar  and  we  may  be 
approaching  a  period  when  population  will  again  normally  be 
stable.  However  that  may  be,  the  changes  mentioned  tend  to 
make  adjustment  more  difficult ;  on  the  other  hand,  there  have 
been  at  the  same  time  at  work  changes  tending  to  facilitate 
adjustment  among  which  growing  freedom  from  convention  and 
increasing  sensitiveness  to  the  economic  situation  may  be 
particularly  noticed.  As  regards  the  methods  of  adjustment, 
evidence  has  been  adduced  to  show  that,  up  to  the  opening  of 
what  we  have  called  the  mediaeval  period,  one  or  other  of  the 
same  methods  were  in  use  that  were  in  vogue  before,  that  all 
these  methods  ceased  to  be  practised  in  the  mediaeval  period  and 
were  replaced  by  postponement  of  marriage,  and  that  finally 
in  the  modern  period  deliberate  restriction  has  replaced  postpone- 
ment of  marriage. 


294  THE  KEGULATION  OP  NUMBEKS 

The  question  of  the  effectiveness  of  adjustment  in  this  period 
has  been  touched  upon.  In  general  it  may  be  said  that  under- 
population  is  rare.  Under-population  seldom  arises  and  then 
generally  as  a  result  of  the  abnormal  incidence  of  war  or  disease. 
It  sometimes  happens  that  for  a  long  period  an  area  once  densely 
populated  maintains  but  a  sparse  population  and  this  is  not 
infrequently  taken  to  indicate  under-population.  But  such 
situations  generally  arise  when  for  one  reason  or  another — such 
as  the  destruction  of  capital  during  prolonged  war,  or  the  break- 
down of  artificial  works  upon  which  the  food-supply  depends — 
there  has  been  a  decrease  in  the  density  desirable.  Thus  the 
Mesopotamian  watercourses  were  neglected  by  the  Mongol 
conquerors  in  the  thirteenth  century  and  in  consequence  the 
optimum  number  for  that  area  declined.  Such  a  situation  should 
therefore  not  be  taken  as  indicating,  without  further  inquiry, 
under-population. 

Over-population  is  less  rare.  It  may  be  due  to  the  neglect 
of  ancient  practices  having  as  their  effort  the  restriction  of 
increase  without  the  taking  into  use  at  the  same  time  of  new 
practices.  This  sometimes  happens  when  a  higher  and  a  lower 
civilization  come  into  contact  and  has  been  one  of  the  causes  of 
over-population  in  India.  It  may  also  arise  when  on  the  passing 
away  of  old  practices  some  influence  may  militate  against  the 
taking  up  of  new  practices.  In  this  manner  the  influence  of  the 
Catholic  Church,  which  has  been  directed  against  contraceptive 
practices,  may  have  tended  to  produce  over-population  in  Ireland. 
More  commonly,  however,  over-population  arises  in  this  period 
as  the  result  of  a  spirit  of  apathy  and  listlessness.  Under  such 
circumstances,  which  are  usually  the  result  of  social  oppression 
or  political  misfortunes,  no  effort  is  made  to  keep  up  the  standard 
of  living  and  in  consequence  the  machinery  designed  to  restrict 
increase  breaks  down. 

Taking  the  third  period  in  more  detail,  we  have  as  regards 
the  last  section  of-  that  period  definite  evidence  to  the  effect 
that  approximation  is  fairly  close.  There  are  minor  fluctua- 
tions in  the  nearness  of  approach  to  the  desirable  number. 
That,  however,  which  it  is  in  any  broad  view  of  the  whole 
problem  of  quantity  desirable  to  emphasize,  is  the  nearness  of 
approach — the  fact  that  in  any  country  at  any  given  time 
within  this  period  the  numbers  present  are,  roughly  speaking, 


THE  REGULATION  OF  NUMBERS       295 

those  economically  desirable.  We  shall,  indeed,  find  later,  when 
dealing  with  war  and  when  referring  again  to  this  subject  in  the 
next  chapter,  that  minor  differences  in  the  nearness  of  approach 
as  between  countries  in  close  proximity  may  be  of  considerable 
importance. 

Within  the  mediaeval  period,  in  spite  of  the  very  high  death- 
rate  from  disease,  over-population  occurred  in  England  from  time 
to  time.  The  fact  that  wages  rose  after  the  Black  Death,  and 
that,  after  the  decline  in  the  population  which  took  place  in  the 
last  years  of  the  seventeenth  century  and  in  the  opening  years  of 
the  eighteenth  century,  the  average  man  was  more  prosperous, 
points  to  this  conclusion,  as  does  the  fact  that  frequent  attempts 
were  made  to  render  the  restrictions  upon  marriage  more  severe. 
It  seems  probable  that  there  was  a  similar  tendency  towards 
over-population  in  most  European  countries,  and  the  reason  would 
appear  to  be  that  postponement  of  marriage  did  not  bring  about 
a  sufficient  restriction  of  increase  ;  postponement  of  marriage 
was  not  in  fact  a  sufficient  substitute  for  abortion,  infanticide,  and 
abstinence  from  intercourse,  in  spite  of  the  prevalence  of  disease. 
Under-population  was  less  frequent ;  when  it  occurred  it  was 
sometimes  due  in  part  to  a  spirit  of  luxury  and  selfishness  follow- 
ing upon  a  period  of  expansion  and  prosperity,  as  in  the  later 
history*  of  Spain.  There  may  for  similar  reasons  be  under- 
population  among  the  richer  classes  in  Europe  and  America 
to-day. 

With  regard  to  the  preceding  period  we  have  considerable 
knowledge  of  the  conditions  in  Greece  and  Rome.  The  history  of 
both  countries  presents  very  similar  features.  In  the  earlier 
times  practices  restrictive  of  increase  comparable  with  those 
found  among  primitive  races  were  operative.  There  followed  a 
vigorous  epoch  of  colonization  and  then  a  period  of  decadence. 
These  periods  of  decadence  have  been  much  discussed.  In  these 
discussions  it  is  sometimes  forgotten  that  the  destruction  of 
capital  in  civil  war  on  a  large  scale,  especially  in  the  last  century 
B.C.  in  Rome,  must  have  diminished  the  numbers  desirable. 
But  in  spite  of  this  it  is  clear  that  we  are  here  again  in  the 
presence  of  examples  of  decline,  at  least  among  the  richer  classes, 
owing  to  the  presence  of  selfishness  and  luxury  ;  this  is  certainly 
the  conclusion  to  which  a  study  oi  Polybius  leads  as  regards 
Greece,  while  the  admirable  works  of  Sir  Samuel  Dill  render  the 


296  THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBERS 

position  in  Borne  equally  clear.1  Our  knowledge  of  Egypt, 
Assyria,  and  Babylonia  is  insufficient  to  enable  any  judgement 
to  be  passed  on  conditions  in  these  countries. 

18.  Our  conclusions,  therefore,  are  broadly  as  follows.  Within 
the  first  two  periods  failure  to  approach  the  optimum  number 
is  rare.  Within  the  third  period  departures  away  from  the 
desirable  number  are  less  rare  but  are  usually  checked  so  long 
as  the  tone  of  society  remains  healthy  and  vigorous.  In  an 
oppressed  society  over-population  not  infrequently  arises  ;  in 
a  selfish  and  luxurious  society  there  may  at  times  be  under- 
population. 

In  the  main,  changes  in  numbers  come  about  in  response  to 
economic  requirements.  We  should  not  therefore  attribute 
directly  to  changes  in  the  quantity  of  population  great  historical 
events.  Thus  we  may  agree  with  Mr.  Keynes  when  he  says  that 

*  some  of  the  catastrophes  of  past  history,  which  have  thrown 
back  human  progress  for  centuries,  have  been  due  to  the  reactions 
following  on  the  sudden  termination,  whether  in  the  course  of 
Nature  or  by  the  act  of  man,  of  temporarily  favourable  conditions 
which  have  permitted  the  growth  of  population  beyond  what 
could  be  provided  for  when  the  favourable  conditions  were  at  an 
end  J.2    But  we  cannot  agree  when  he  says  that  *  the  great  events 
of  history  are  often  due  to  secular  changes  in  the  growth  of  popu- 
lation and  other  fundamental  economic  causes,  which,  escaping 
by  their  gradual  character  the  notice  of  contemporary  observers, 
are  attributed  to  the  follies  of  statesmen  or  the  fanaticism  of 
atheists.     Thus  the  extraordinary  occurrences  of  the  past  two 
years  in  Russia,  that  vast  upheaval  of  Society,  which  has  over- 
turned what  seemed  most  stable — religion,  the  basis  of  property, 
the  ownership  of  land,  as  well  as  forms  of  government  and  the 
hierarchy  of  classes — may  owe  more  to  the  deep  influences  of 
expanding  numbers  than  to  Lenin  or  Nicholas  ;    and  the  dis- 
ruptive powers  of  excessive  national  fecundity  may  have  played 
a  greater  part  in  bursting  the  bonds  of  convention  than  either 
the  power  of  ideas  or  the  errors  of  autocracy.'  3    In  the  first 
passage  it  is  suggested  that  consequences  of  great  import  may 
follow  when  events  so  derange  social  organization  that  the  numbers 

1  The  excessive  practice  of  infanticide  in  Tahiti  and  elsewhere  in  Oceania  may  be 
regarded  as  an  example  of  selfish  indulgence.  See  p.  190.  So,  too,  the  Gagas 
put  all  children  to  death  and  stofe  others  (Battel,  Strange  Adventures,  p.  326). 

*  Keynes,  Economic  Consequences  of  the  Peace,  p.  215.  *  Ibid.,  loc.  cit.,  p.  12. 


THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEES 


297 


previously  maintained  cannot  be  supported.  To  this  we  may 
agree  ;  the  attribution  of  the  catastrophe  is  not  directly  to  changes 
in  numbers.  In  the  second  passage  it  is  suggested  that  national 
fertility  may  be  so  much  in  excess  of  requirements  as  to  disrupt 
social  organization.  To  this  we  cannot  agree.  In  general  increase 
is  in  response  to  economic  requirements  and,  when  it  is  in  excess 
and  is  not  within  a  reasonable  time  curbed,  the  conditions  which 
result  are  not  those  which,  though  they  may  have  important 
consequences,  produce  the  kind  of  result  here  attributed  to  them. 

19.  Both  war  and  migration  are  frequently  said  to  be  the 
consequences  of  over-population.  We  may  take  migration  first. 

It  may  be  as  well  to  give  some  typical  expressions  of  this 
point  of  view.  Mr.  Haddon  says,  '  when  reduced  to  its  simplest 
terms  a  migration  is  caused  by  an  expulsion  and  an  attraction, 
the  former  nearly  always  resulting  from  a  dearth  of  food  or 
from  over-population,  which  practically  comes  to  the  same  thing. 
Sooner  or  later  a  time  comes  when  the  increase  of  the  population 
of  a  country  exceeds  its  normal  food  supply.' l  In  the  Keport  of 
the  National  Birth-Rate  Commission  we  read  that  '  a  pressure 
of  population  in  any  country  brings  as  a  chief  historic  consequence 
overflows  and  migrations  into  neighbouring  and  other  accessible 
countries  '.2  Professor  Myres,  speaking  of  the  Greek  migrations 
of  the  eighth  to  the  sixth  centuries  B.  c.,  attributes  them  to  the 
fact  that  '  population  had  overtaken  the  means  of  subsistence  '.3 

It  is  not  altogether  clear  what  is  meant  by  such  statements. 
Very  frequently  it  seems  to  be  implied  that  there  commonly 
exists  a  condition  in  which  there  is  more  than  enough  food  in  an 
area  occupied  by  an  existing  population,  that  sooner  or  later 
population  catches  up,  so  to  speak,  the  food-supply  and  that 
migration  afterwards  follows  any  further  increase  of  population. 
We  may  first  look  at  this  point  of  view.  All  that  has  so  far  been 
said  goes  to  show  that  only  for  very  short  periods  and  under  very 
unusual  circumstances  can  there  be  under  any  conditions  of 
social  organization  a  state  of  under-population.  Even  if  we  put 

1  Haddon,  Wanderings  of  Peoples,  p.  1.  *    The  Declining  Birth-rate,  p.  43. 

8  Myres,  Eugenics  Review,  vol.  vii,  p.  31.  These  authors  are  only  repeating  what 
has  often  been  said  in  former  times,  as,  for  instance,  by  Bacon  in  the  following 
passage  :  '  Look  when  the  world  has  fewest  barbarous  people  but  such  as  commonly 
will  not  marry,  or  generate,  except  they  know  means  to  live  (as  is  almost  everywhere 
at  this  day  except  Tartary)  there  is  no  danger  of  inundations  of  people.  But  when 
there  be  great  shoals  of  people  which  go  on  to  populate,  without  foreseeing  means 
of  life  and  s  us  ton  tat  ion,  it  is  of  necessity  that  once  in  an  age  or  two  they  discharge 
a  portion  of  their  people  upon  other  nations  '  (Essay  on  the  Vicissitude  of  Things). 


298  THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS 

aside  the  idea  of  an  optimum  number,  we  must  regard  the  popula- 
tion, which  any  area  is  capable  of  supporting,  as  strictly  limited. 
Given  the  vast  power  of  increase  that  we  know  always  to  be 
present,  there  cannot  commonly  be  a  condition  of  underrpopula- 
tion — a  condition,  that  is  to  say,  in  which  population  has  ceased 
to  increase  before  it  was  checked  by  the  food  limit.  For  we  are 
not  dealing  with  the  spread  of  population  into  unoccupied  areas  ; 
that  occurred  perhaps  before  there  was  any  social  organization. 
We  are  dealing  with  a  period  in  which  all  portions  of  the  earth's 
surface,  relative  to  the  degree  of  skill  attained,  had  long  been 
fully  occupied.  Though  increase  of  skill  may  at  times  enable 
regions  previously  quite  infertile  to  be  occupied,  this  is  altogether 
an  exceptional  case  ;  increase  of  skill  normally  merely  allows  of 
an  increase  of  density  in  the  same  area.  General  considerations 
point  to  the  normal  condition  being  of  necessity  either  one  in 
which  population  has  increased  up  to  the  level  of  subsistence  or 
one  in  which  it  has  increased  to  the  optimum  level,  and  the 
evidence  presented  shows  that  as  a  rule  some  approximation 
to  the  latter  condition  is  attained.  General  considerations  on 
the  one  hand  and  the  evidence  on  the  other  both  render  wholly 
unacceptable  the  idea  that  commonly  there  is  a  condition  of 
under-population  which  is  followed  by  migration  when  the 
pressure  due  to  the  catching  up  of  the  amount  of  food  available 
by  the  increase  of  population  begins  to  be  felt.  Further,  no  support 
is  given  to  this  view  by  the  facts  known  regarding  any  particular 
migration.  What  evidence  is  there,  with  regard  to  the  Greek 
migrations  referred  to  by  Professor  Myres,  that  for  some  unknown 
length  of  time,  for  some  unknown  reason,  the  increase  of  population 
had  not  reached  the  limit  made  possible  by  the  food-supply  ? 
Unless  there  is  definite  evidence  of  peculiar  circumstances  in  some 
peculiar  combination,  such  a  theory  cannot  be  held  to  account  for 
migration.  The  idea  of  population  catching  up  the  means  of 
subsistence  and  bringing  about  a  crisis  followed  by  migration 
is  the  product  of  an  altogether  unhistorical  view  of  the  matter.1 
We  do  know,  indeed,  that  at  times  a  condition  of  under-popula- 
tion arises  chiefly  owing  to  the  irregular  action  of  certain  factors 

1  These  remarks  also  apply  to  those  cases  in  which  countries  at  times  appear  to 
be  empty.  Attention  is,  for  example,  sometimes  drawn  to  the  fact  that  England 
appears  to  have  been  an  '  empty '  country  in  the  Middle  Ages.  The  emptiness  is 
only  apparent.  Relative  to  the  available  skill  and  all  other  relevant  circumstances 
England  was  fully  populated  in  the  Middle  Ages  ;  the  tendency  was  rather  towards 
over-  than  under-population. 


THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS 


299 


of  elimination.  Disease  has  been  known  to  remove  one-third 
of  the  population  of  a  country  in  two  or  three  years.  There  does 
not,  however,  appear  to  be  a  single  instance  in  which  migration 
can  be  traced  to  the  recovery  from  such  a  catastrophe.  What 
appears  usually  to  happen  is  that  there  is  a  certain  relaxation 
of  the  pressure  which  before  either  hindered  marriage  or  caused 
abortion  or  infanticide  to  be  practised  ;  population  increases 
until  the  pressure  again  makes  itself  felt.  And  it  may  be  observed 
that  it  is  not  following  upon  exceptional  conditions  such  as  these 
that  migration  is  supposed  by  the  authors  quoted  to  take  place. 
It  is  supposed  to  take  place  because  not  infrequently  there  is 
a  condition  of  under-population  for  which  there  is  in  fact  no 
evidence  whatever.  This  view  further  clearly  implies  an  over- 
estimate of  the  relief  afforded  by  migration.  The  calculations 
given  on  a  previous  page  apply  here. 

The  view  criticized  above  is  sometimes  so  expressed  as  not  to 
lay  stress  upon  under-population  as  the  condition  which  ultimately 
gives  rise  to  migration.  It  is  merely  asserted  that  over-popula- 
tion is  in  some  manner  the  cause  of  migration,  and  we  may  now 
examine  this  view.  Let  us  recall  what  we  found  to  be  the  condition 
in  those  countries  in  which  over-population  had  undoubtedly 
occurred.  We  found  the  distinguishing  feature  of  the  social  con- 
ditions of  those  countries  to  be  the  absence  of  hope,  of  a  spirit 
of  enterprise,  and  of  a  determination  to  maintain  a  standard  of 
living.  It  most  emphatically  is  not  where  such  conditions  are 
prevalent  that  migration  takes  place.  All  that  we  know  of  migra- 
tion points  to  precisely  the  opposite.  It  is  not  from  countries  in 
the  condition  of  India  and  China  at  the  present  day  or  of  Ireland 
in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  that  waves  of  migra- 
tion arise.  Migrating  races  exhibit  the  opposite  characters.  With 
them  we  associate  enterprise,  hopefulness,  courage,  and  so  on. 
The  conclusion  cannot  on  general  grounds  be  doubtful.  Migration 
does  not  arise  where  a  condition  of  over-population  has  come 
about.  Further,  if  we  examine  the  evidence  of  particular  migration 
in  no  case  can  it  be  shown  that  migration  has  begun  as  a  direct 
result  of  those  conditions.1  It  is  true  that  compared  with  the 

1  Except  perhaps  in  the  case  of  the  so-called  Irish  migration  to  America  after 
the  famine  in  the  middle  of  the  last  century.  Without  doubt,  however,  there  was 
in  this  migration  a  large  political  element — the  nature  of  which  is  referred  to  below. 
Further  there  were  many  peculiar  features  in  the  position,  and  the  migration  was 
scarcely  a  migration  in  the  broad  historical  sense. 


300  THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS 

numerous  migrations  of  which  we  have  knowledge,  there  are  but 
few  cases  concerning  which  we  have  detailed  information  of  the 
social  conditions.  But  where  this  information  does  exist,  in  no 
instance  do  we  find  evidence  that  migration  began  after  a  con- 
dition of  over-population  had  come  about. 

It  may  be  that  what  is  implied  by  those  who  put  forward  the 
view  that  migration  is  somehow  connected  with  over-population 
is  somewhat  different.  It  may  be  implied  that  migration  occurs 
when  what  we  have  called  the  optimum  number  has  been  attained. 
If  our  general  conclusions  on  this  subject  are  borne  in  mind,  it 
is  clear  that  something  more  than  this  is  required  as  an  explana- 
tion. Migration  occurs  irregularly  at  long  intervals  ;  adjustment 
of  population  to  some  point  approximating  to  the  desirable  level 
is  always  going  on.  Clearly  it  cannot  be  in  the  ordinary  process 
of  adjustment  that  some  impetus  to  migration  occurs  ;  there  must 
be  some  particular  predisposing  factor  or  factors  at  work.  What  are 
these  factors  ?  It  would  seem  to  rest  with  those  who  put  forward 
the  theory  to  show  what  they  are,  and  this  has  not  been  done. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  is  another  explanation  which  appears 
to  account  at  least  in  part  for  nearly  every  migration  of  which 
we  have  some  knowledge  of  the  circumstances,  and  it  may  be 
that  an  explanation  on  similar  lines  accounts  at  least  in  part 
for  most  of  the  later  migrations  in  history.  There  is  nothing 
novel  in  this  explanation  ;  it  is  admitted  as  an  explanation  of 
many  migrations  by  Mr.  Haddon.1  He  admits  that  many  migra- 
tions have  been  undertaken  for  political  or  religious  reasons  and 
instances  the  voyage  of  the  Mayflower  and  the  Islamic  and 
Buddhistic  movements.  That  which  is  common  to  these  explana- 
tions is  that  migration  is  undertaken  in  response  to  some  idea. 
There  is  no  question  of  over-population  at  all,  and  in  all  those 
cases  in  which  we  have  any  detailed  knowledge  of  the  conditions 
connected  with  migration  we  find  that  we  can  point  to  some 
idea  as  the  motive  force.  Why,  therefore,  when  details  are  not 
known,  should  another  explanation  be  sought  ?  It  is  suggested 
that  essentially  the  same  explanation  is  the  most  reasonable 
explanation  of  all  migrations,  at  least  in  historical  times.  With 
regard  to  the  earlier  movements  we  find  that  migrations  appear 
to  occur  where  a  high  level  of  skill  has  been  reached  in  some 
area.  Where  races  are  in  contact  with  others  of  a  markedly 
1  Haddon,  Wanderings  of  Peoples,  p.  3. 


THE  REGULATION  OF  NUMBERS  301 

lower  degree  of  skill  there  arises  a  tendency  for  the  former  to 
eject-  the  latter.  The  immediate  motive  is  desire  to  possess  their 
land  where  the  land  is  fertile  relative  to  the  skill  of  the  first  men- 
tioned race.  Thus  the  Bantu  people  have  pushed  back  the 
Bushmen  until  the  latter  were  left  with  regions  infertile  relatively 
to  the  Bantu  culture.  Throughout  human  history  there  must 
have  been  this  tendency  for  migrations  to  follow  the  great  steps 
in  the  acquirement  of  power  over  nature.  But  there  is  no  reason 
to  think  that,  even  in  early  times,  migrations  only  arose  as 
a  result  of  increase  of  skill.  What  we  know  of  even  the  most 
primitive  races,  such  as  the  Australians,  shows  that  we  can 
imagine  movements  to  have  been  initiated  quite  apart  from  any 
differences  in  skill.  The  accounts  given  of  the  respect  in  which 
the  older  men  are  held  among  the  Australians  renders  it  possible 
to  understand  how  an  impulse  to  movement  might  be  initiated 
by  them  which,  once  having  taken  shape,  might  have  far-reaching 
consequences.  We  have  further  accounts  of  the  existence  of  a 
spirit  of  restlessness  among  primitive  races.  This  restlessness 
proves  on  analysis  to  be  nothing  more  than  the  currency  of  an  idea — 
an  idea  that  some  benefit  would  arise  if  a  movement  took  place. 

We  have,  however,  to  remember  when  dealing  with  this  matter 
that  many  if  not  most  of  the  migrations  of  pre-history  were 
probably  not  migrations  at  all  in  the  usual  sense  of  the  term. 
They  are  probably  better  thought  of  as  driftings  of  people  ;  they 
may  have  occupied  very  long  periods  of  time  and  have  been  con- 
nected with  slow  changes  in  climate.  At  any  one  time  the  move- 
ment may  have  been  quite  imperceptible,  and,  when  this  was  so, 
such  driftings  are  seen  clearly  enough  to  have  had  nothing  to 
do  with  over-population  if  the  immensity  of  the  power  of  increase 
is  borne  in  mind. 

Some  reference  may  now  be  made  to  the  much-discussed  theory 
to  the  effect  that  historical  migrations  are  due  to  climatic  changes. 
Ellsworth  Huntington  has  put  forward  in  a  number  of  publications 
the  view  that  not  only  have  important  climatic  changes  occurred 
within  the  historical  period,  but  that  these  changes  have  been 
what  he  calls  '  pulsatory ' — that  is  to  say,  there  has  been  an 
alteration  between  humid  and  arid  conditions  in  many  parts  of 
the  world.1  This  view  has  been  contested.2  In  particular  doubt 

1  See  especially  his  Pulse  of  Asia,  and  Civilization  and  Climate,  ch.  xi.  a  See 

Gregory,  Geographical  Journal,  vol.  xliii. 


302  THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS 

has  been  cast  upon  the  '  pulsatory  '  nature  of  such  changes  as 
have  taken  place.  Whether  this  view  as  to  climatic  change  is 
correct  or  not  is  of  no  particular  importance  for  our  present 
purpose  ;  for  on  the  one  hand  it  has  been  shown  that  certain 
migrations,  particularly  those  in  Central  Asia,  where  the  evidence 
as  to  the  pulsatory  nature  of  the  change  is  said  to  be  most  clear, 
are  explicable  as  due  to  political  changes,1  while  on  the  other 
hand  it  does  not  appear  to  be  possible  in  general  to  correlate  the 
migrations  of  history,  which  are  essentially  rapid  movements, 
with  slow  changes  of  climate.  It  seems  likely  that  population 
would  adjust  itself  to  slow  climatic  changes  without  difficulty  or 
with  as  little  difficulty  as  it  adjusts  itself  to  other  changes  which 
alter  the  optimum  density.  Extreme  climatic  changes  very  slowly 
brought  about,  as  doubtless  took  place  in  pre-history,  might 
result  in  driftings,2  but  the  less  extreme  changes  in  climate  during 
the  historical  period  have  in  all  probability  been  without  any 
pronounced  effect  upon  movement. 

Enough  has  been  said  to  show  that,  whereas  there  is  much 
that  can  be  adduced  both  on  theoretical  grounds  and  after  a 
review  of  the  evidence  against  the  theory  attributing  migration 
to  over-population,  there  is  much  to  recommend  the  extension  of 
the  explanation  already  admitted  in  many  cases.  But  even  if 
migration  is  not  a  result  of  over-population,  it  may  seriously 
affect  the  adjustment  of  population,  once  it  has  been  set  on 
foot.  And  it  is  to  the  observation  of  the  secondary  disturbing 
effect  of  migration  on  population  that  we  may  attribute  the  error 
of  tracing  migration  to  over-population. 

When,  however,  all  allowances  are  made,  the  easy  manner  in 
which  the  common  theory  of  migration  is  assumed  to  be  true  and  is 
used  by  writers  of  great  authority  is  very  surprising.  Mr.  Hogarth, 
for  instance,  in  a  well-known  and  very  delightful  book  alluding 
to  the  Chaldean  or  fourth  great  wave  of  migration  from  Arabia, 
is  led  to  explain  all  these  Arabian  migrations  as  follows :  '  The 
great  Southern  Peninsula  ',  he  says,  '  is  for  the  most  part  a  high- 
land steppe  endowed  with  a  singularly  pure  air  and  an  uncon- 
taminated  soil.  It  breeds,  consequently,  a  healthy  population 
whose  mortality,  compared  with  its  death-rate,  is  unusually 
high  ;  but  since  the  peculiar  conditions  of  its  surface  preclude 

1  Peisker,  Cambridge  Mediaeval  History,  vol.  i,  p.  328.  2  Frequently,  no 

doubt,  such  driftings  were  directed  towards  regions  previously  uninhabited  and 
uninhabitable. 


THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBERS 


303 


the  development  of  its  internal  food  supply  beyond  a  point  long 
ago  reached,  the  surplus  population  which  rapidly  accumulates 
within  it  is  forced  from  time  to  time  to  seek  its  sustenance  else- 
where.' l  Let  us  consider  this  theory  for  a  moment.  To  begin 
with,  so  far  as  relatively  to  the  civilizations  of  the  valleys  of  the 
Nile  and  of  the  Euphrates  disease  was  rare  and  the  death-rate 
on  that  account  low,  so  far  the  position  in  Arabia  merely  approxi- 
mated to  that  normal  among  primitive  races.  Therefore  the 
healthy  conditions  taken  by  themselves  do  not  necessarily  form 
an  incentive  to  migration.  The  remainder  of  the  argument  rests 
upon  an  over-estimate  of  the  relief  afforded  either  by  increased 
skill  or  by  migration.  It  is  implied  by  Mr.  Hogarth  that,  could 
additional  skill  have  been  applied  to  the  increase  of  food,  the 
'  surplus  population '  would  have  been  absorbed  ;  but  that  it 
was  not  so  absorbed  and  found  relief  in  migration.  The  calcula- 
tions already  given  show  how  illusory  is  the  idea  that  relief  can 
be  thus  afforded.  In  such  arguments  the  strength  of  human 
fecundity  is  always  under- estimated.  Further  the  theory  assumes 
a  condition  of  things  within  Arabia  which  is  very  difficult  to 
understand.  The  Chaldean  migration  took  place  about  800  B.  c.,  \ 
the  third  or  Aramean,  about  1500  B.  c.,  the  second  or  Canaanite, 
about  2500  B.  c.,  and  we  may  add  a  fifth  or  Islamic  in  the  seventh 
century  A.D.  The  shortest  interval  between  these  movements  is 
800  years.  We  are  asked  to  suppose  that  for  several  hundred 
years  there  was  an  increase  of  population  over  and  above  that 
which  could  properly  be  supported  ;  for  evidently  it  is  not 
supposed  that  the  increases  occurred  only  shortly  before  the 
migrations.  Now  we  know  that  abortion  and  infanticide  were 
practised  regularly  in  Arabia.  The  increase  therefore  must  have 
been  small  compared  with  the  possible  increase,  and  yet  these 
methods  were  not  according  to  the  theory  effective  in  producing 
that  position  which  it  must  be  the  object  of  every  vigorous  society 
to  attain.  A  very  small  increase  in  the  degree  to  which  these 
practices  were  performed  would  have  brought  about  this  result, 
and  is  it  not  far  more  reasonable  to  suppose  that  an  approximation 
to  this  desirable  position  was  normally  attained  rather  than  to 
suppose  that  there  was  a  chronic  failure  the  results  of  which 
could  only  have  been  socially  disastrous  ? 
There  are  two  other  considerations  which  may  bo  adduced  in 

1  Hogarth,  Ancient  East,  p.  78. 


304  THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS 

favour  of  the  view  here  advanced.  Migration,  in  the  first  place, 
takes  place  rather  from  vigorous  communities  than  from  countries 
where  social  conditions  have  long  been  depressed  by  over-popula- 
tion. In  the  second  place,  the  migrations  in  question  are  suscep- 
tible of  another  explanation.  ^Regarding  the  only  one  of  these 
migrations  of  which  we  detailed  knowledge — the  Islamic — we 
know  that  it  was  prompted  by  the  currency  of  an  idea,  and  why 
should  we  not  assume  that  the  previous  migrations  were  so 
prompted  rather  than  fall  back  on  the  theory  of  over-population 
which  raises  so  many  difficulties  ? 

^20.  It  has  often  been  said  that  war  is  a  '  biological  necessity '. 
'  Wherever  we  look  in  nature  ',  says  General  von  Bernhardi, 
*  we  find  that  war  is  a  fundamental  law  of  development.  This 
great  verity,  which  has  been  recognized  in  past  ages,  has  been 
convincingly  demonstrated  in  modern  times  by  Charles  Darwin. 
He  proved  that  nature  is  ruled  by  an  unceasing  struggle  for 
existence,  by  the  right  of  the  stronger,  and  that  this  struggle  in 
its  apparent  cruelty  brings  about  a  selection  eliminating  the  weak 
and  the  unwholesome.' 1  This  has  been  a  favourite  contention  of 
German  publicists.2  It  is  not  necessary  to  show  here  that  such 
views  rest  upon  a  fundamental  misunderstanding  as  to  what  is 
implied  by  the  term  '  struggle  for  existence  '.  The  error  has  been 
recently  exposed  by  Mr.  Chalmers  Mitchell,  who  in  particular  has 
pointed  out  that  there  is  nothing  in  the  relationship  between 
species  in  a  state  of  nature  which  can  in  any  sense  be  called  war 
and  further  that  modern  nations  are  not  units  of  the  same  order 
as  species.3 

It  has  also  been  held  that  war  originates  from  the  necessity 
for  the  search  for  food.  '  La  guerre  ',  said  Comte,  '  constitue 
a  1'origine  le  moyen  le  plus  simple  de  se  procurer  les  subsist ances.' 4 
There  is  no  foundation  whatever  for  this  view  based  either  on 
what  we  know  of  species  in  a  state  of  nature  or  of  the  conditions 
obtaining  among  primitive  races.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the 
theory  that  '  eagerness  to  acquire  property  was  originally  the 
cause  and  object  of  war  '.5 

The  idea  that  over-population  is  the  cause  of  war  is  sometimes 
carried  back  to  some  such  '  biological '  origin  as  that  indicated 

1  Quoted  by  Mitchell,  Evolution  and  the  War,  p.  3.  2  It  is  only  fair  to  say 

that  at  least  one  German  author  has  recently  demonstrated  the  falsity  of  this  view 
(see  Nicolai,  Biology  of  War,  p.  34).  *  Mitchell,  loc.  cit.,  ch.  i.  4  Comte, 

Philosophic  positive,  vol.  iv,  p.  506.  6  Nicolai,  loc.  cit.,  p.  34. 


THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS 


305 


above  ;  in  disproof  of  such  views  no  more  need  be  said.  More 
often  we  meet  with  statements  such  as  the  following :  '  The 
population  question  pushes  Germany  on.  For  the  most  part  it 
is  inland  peoples  that  have  most  severely  felt  that  pressure  of 
a  growing  population.  Islanders  and  coast  dwellers  can  expand 
over  the  seas.  But  when  inland  peoples  outgrow  their  bounds, 
they  must  burst  them.' x  Such  a  statement  is  a  striking  example 
of  the  over-estimation  of  the  relief  afforded  by  war  and  by 
migration  and  of  the  under-estimation  of  the  power  of  fecundity. 
What  has  been  said  above  regarding  migration  is  again  applicable 
here. 

If  our  contention  that  over-population  is  not  the  cause  of 
migration  is  well  founded,  then  the  argument  that  war  is  also 
due  to  over-population  falls  to  the  ground.  Precisely  the  same 
conditions  which  are  supposed  to  push  nations  on  to  fight  are  also 
supposed  to  push  them  on  to  migrate.  As  we  shall  see  later, 
this  by  no  means  implies  that  questions  of  population  do  not  at 
times  enter  into  the  situation  when  war  breaks  out. 

What  then  is  the  cause  of  war  ?•  It  is  probable  that  the  instinct 
of  pugnacity  led  to  fighting  when  men  lived  in  groups  of  families — 
at  least  between  the  males  for  the  headship  of  the  family.  It  is 
further  probable  that,  as  social  organization  slowly  evolved, 
sporadic  fighting  of  this  kind  was  continued  and  led  to  fighting 
between  groups.  But  in  very  early  times  tradition  began  to 
overlay  and  obscure  the  manifestations  of  instinct ;  the  manner 
in  which  this  occurs  will  form  an  important  part  of  the  discussion 
in  the  second  part  of  this  book.  It  is  enough  to  say  here  that 
among  primitive  races  tradition  can  be  of  such  a  nature  as 
altogether  to  overlay  the  instinct  of  pugnacity,  as  among  certain, 
peoples,  who  though  not  devoid  of  the  instinct  scarcely  ever 
fight  because  of  the  existence  of  powerful  social  conventions 
and  customs  inhibiting  its  expression.  Thus,  though  war  may 
form  an  outlet  for  pugnacity,  it  can  no  longer  be  said  that  it  is 
the  direct  consequence  of  pugnacity.  War,  in  fact,  gradually 
becomes  a  custom.  That  this  is  now  essentially  the  nature  of 
war  needs  no  proof.  It  is  obviously  at  the  present  day  a  mode 
of  action  whereby  the  highly  organized  governments  of  modern 
nations  try  to  achieve  some  political  end.2 

1  Holland  Rose,  Origins  of  the  War,  p.  47. 

2  Evidence  has  lately  been  brought  forward  to  show  that  not  only  is  war  a  custom 

2498 


306  THE  KEGULATION  OF  NUMBEES 

It  has,  however,  to  be  remembered  that  warfare  takes  a  place 
among  the  factors  of  elimination  and  that  the  greater  the  amount 
of  elimination  through  war,  the  less  need  there  is  for  the  practices 
of  abortion  and  infanticide.  But  this  is  quite  a  different  thing 
from  saying  that  warfare  results  from  over-population  or  from 
the  pressure  of  population.  It  merely  implies  that,  given  the 
power  of  increase,  warfare  is  a  factor  which  may  perform  to  a 
small  degree  the  elimination  necessary  in  order  that  numbers 
should  not  exceed  the  desirable  limit  and  is  therefore  tolerated  — 
other  things  being  equal  —  as  a  factor  in  social  life  by  the  natural 
selection  of  customs. 

It  has  nevertheless  to  be  allowed  that,  when  war  breaks  out, 
the  position  as  regards  population  may  form  an  element  in  the 
situation  —  just  as  the  passions  which  have  been  aroused  may 
do  so  though  they  cannot  be  regarded  as  the  cause  of  modern 
war.  Let  us  consider  the  late  war.  Broadly  speaking  in  all 
European  countries  increase  in  population  was  in  response  to 
economic  requirements.  Yet  there  were  what  we  have  called 
minor  fluctuations  away  from'  the  desirable  economic  density. 
France  and  Germany  represented  two  opposite  tendencies  - 
towards  under-  and  over-population  respectively.  These  relatively 
slight  differences  were  greatly  exaggerated  in  popular  opinion 
owing  to  the  attention  paid  to  the  birth-rate.  The  Germans  were 
thinking  and  talking  of  expansion  whereas  the  French  were  stay-at- 
home  people.  The  Germans  looked  across  the  frontier  and  thought 
they  saw  a  half  -empty  country  which  they  could  well  develop 
with  their  *  surplus  '  population,  while  the  French  thought  they 

but  also  that  it  is  a  custom  of  relatively  late  origin  (Perry,  '  Ethnological  Study  of 
Warfare  ',  Mem.  and  Proc.  Man.  Lit.  and  Phil.  Soc.,  vol.  Ixi).  It  is  suggested 
that  it  is  bound  up  with  organization  under  kings  and  chiefs,  and  that  it  was 
introduced  at  a  more  or  less  definite  time  by  a  certain  race.  The  evidence  adduced 
would  seem  not  to  be  adequate.  The  theory  belongs  to  a  series  of  attempts  to 
show  that  very  'many  customs  and  social  institutions  now  widespread  evolved  in 
some  one  centre  and  spread  thence.  Though  Professor  Elliot  Smith  and  his  school 
may  with  justice  insist  on  the  fact  that  the  multiple  origin  of  similar  customs  has 
been  too  lightly  assumed,  it  is  equally  unreasonable  to  insist  upon  tracing  all 


similar  customs  and  institutions  to  the  same  source.    Those  who  are  acquainted 

rgence  in  the  animal  ki 
—  the  independent  evolution  of  tracheae  in  the  Arachnids  and  in  the  Insects,  to 


with  the  numerous  and  wonderful  examples  of  convergence  in  the  animal  kingdom 


take  only  one  example  —  will  have  little  difficulty  in  accepting  the  view  that 
in  response  to  similar  environmental  conditions,  similar  customs  may  from 
time  to  time  have  been  independently  evolved.  Other  authors  have  urged 
that  the  apparent  absence  of  weapons  among  the  cultural  remains  of  early  races 
is  evidence  that  they  did  not  practise  warfare  (Havelock  Ellis,  Philosophy  of 
Conflict,  p.  49).  But  when  so  much  doubt  surrounds  the  question  as  to  how  the 
most  common  implements  were  used,  it  is  dangerous  to  attribute  much  weight 
to  this  argument. 


THE  EEGULATION  OF  NUMBEKS       307 

saw  a  teeming  population  ready  to  burst  its  bonds  and  overwhelm 
them.  Again,  as  between  England  and  Germany  it  appeared  to 
many  Germans  that,  while  Germany  had  little  or  no  opportunity 
of  expansion,  Great  Britain  had  owing  to  her  overseas  dominions 
ample  opportunity.  But  increase  is  governed  by  the  conditions 
within  a  country,  and  the  fact  that  emigration  from  Great  Britain 
to  Greater  Britain  was  possible  did  not  enter  into  the  situation 
as  regards  the  control  of  increase  in  Great  Britain  ;  very  many 
people  in  this  country,  however,  as  well  as  in  Germany,  if  they  did 
not  actually  think  that  it  did  so,  at  least  held  opinions  which 
were  in  fact  founded  upon  this  supposition.  Thus  though  in 
actual  fact  England  broadly  speaking  restricted  her  population  as 
did  Germany  in  accordance  with  the  economic  situation  within  the 
country,  yet  the  position  of  England  with  reference  to  Greater 
Britain  had  an  influence  upon  the  situation,  and  many  Germans 
thought  that  unless  there  was  an  outlet  for  '  surplus  population  ' 
Germany  would  eventually  be  over-populated,  whereas  the  fact 
is  that,  as  we  have  seen,  so  long  as  conditions  remain  healthy  in 
a  country,  over-population  does  not  arise.1 

This  subject  could  be  elaborated  at  great  length.  Upon 
analysis  it  would  always  be  found  that,  though  certain  aspects  of 
the  population  problem  and  certain  mistaken  views  of  the  position 
may  and  do  predispose  nations  and  governments  towards  war, 
it  is  not  true  strictly  speaking  to  say  that  the  population  question 
is  in  any  sense  a  cause  of  war.  War  has  now  merely  become 
a  mode  of  action  whereby  an  organized  state  tries  to  achieve 
certain  political  ends.  It  is  within  the  power  of  mankind  to 
renounce  this  mode  of  action.  There  is  nothing  in  the  nature  of 
man  or  of  social  organization  which  renders  war  inevitable. 
*  Dieu  ne  leur  a  donne  ni  des  canons  de  vingt-quatre  ni  des 
baionnettes,  et  ils  se  sont  fait  des  bai'onnettes  et  des  canons  pour 
se  detruire.' 2 

1  It  has  been  remarked  that  those  countries  which  began  the  war  were  on  the 
whole  the  countries  with  the  highest  birth-rate.  The  conclusion  has  been  drawn 
that  pressure  of  population  brings  about  war.  On  the  same  lines  as  above,  this 
conclusion  may  be  shown  to  be  unacceptable. 

8  Voltaire,  Candide — the  opinion  of  the  Anabaptist  Jacques. 


U2 


XII 
SOME  MODERN  PROBLEMS 

1.  THE  present  period,  which  may  be  dated  from  1760  in 
England  and  from  rather  a  later  date  in  most  European  countries, 
has  been  marked  by  an  unparalleled  increase  of  population.  The 
rate  of  increase  has  for  some  years  been  slowing  down.  This 
outburst  of  population  is  sometimes  referred  to  as  though  there 
was  something  mysterious  about  it.  It  was,  in  fact,  merely  the 
response  to  increase  in  skill,  and  similarly  the  declining  birth-rate 
is,  at  least  for  the  most  part,  merely  the  response  to  the  fact  that 
skill  is  no  longer  increasing  so  fast.1  The  fact  that  the  upper 
social  classes  began  to  restrict  their  increase  before  the  lower 
social  classes  is  partly  due  to  the  fact  that  they  are  more  sensitive 
to  economic  requirements.  This  point  is  almost  always  over- 
looked in  discussions  of  the  question  of  differential  fertility,  and 
when  forming  any  judgement  on  this  subject  the  possible  loss  in 
quality  has — though  it  is  a  very  difficult  problem — to  be  balanced 
against  the  gain  in  arriving  at  an  adjustment  of  quantity.  There 
may  be  more  to  be  said  for  Mill's  opinion  quoted  on  a  previous 
page  than  most  eugenists  would  be  willing  to  admit. 

Before  we  go  on  to  notice  some  of  the  many  problems  that 
arise,  something  may  be  said  as  to  the  future.  So  deeply  have 
men  been  impressed  by  this  increase  that  the  most  pessimistic 
prophecies  have  been  published  as  to  the  fate  in  store  for  the 
human  race.  Numerous  calculations  have  been  made  to  show 
that  within  a  certain  length  of  .time  there  will  only  be  standing 
room.  Mr.  Knibbs  has  calculated  that,  if  the  rate  of  increase  of 
the  population  of  the  world  obtaining  in  the  five  years  preceding 
1911  was  to  be  continued,  there  would  in  500  years  be  246,114 
millions.  He  is  appalled  by  the  prospect.  '  No  artifices  of 
cultivation,'  he  says,  *  nor  any  possible  diminutions  of  human 
stature,  so  as  to  decrease  the  necessary  quantity  of  food  per 

1  As  an  example  of  this  increase  in  skill  it  may  be  noted  that  between  1840 
and  1895  the  quantity  of  product  of  various  crops  in  America  per  unit  of  labour 
increased  fivefold  (Quaintance,  American  Economic  Association  Publications, 
3rd  Series,  vol.  v,  1904,  p.  21). 


MODERN  PROBLEMS  309 

person,  can  possibly  relieve  the  gravity  of  the  situation.  In  no 
case  can  the  increase  of  1  per  cent,  per  annum  be  maintained  for 
five  centuries.' l  This  pessimism  is  baseless  ;  he  appears  to  regard 
increase  as  something  inevitable  that  cannot  be  stopped — forget- 
ting that  throughout  the  greater  part  of  human  history  numbers 
have  been  for  all  practical  purposes  stationary,  and  that  increase 
only  exceptionally  outruns  economic  requirements.2  There  is  no 
room,  it  is  true,  for  mere  complacency.  Though  the  desirable 
density  may  as  a  rule  result  from  economic  pressure  without 
conscious  effort,  it  does  not  follow  that  it  would  not  be  better 
if  adjustment  was  consciously  brought  about.  And  it  may  be 
that  if  and  when  men  begin  consciously  to  adjust  numbers,  they 
may  have  to  take  some  criterion  other  than  the  economic  into 
account.  To  this  point  we  may  now  turn. 

2.  So  far  we  have  proceeded  on  the  assumption  that  the  only 
criterion  was  the  economic  criterion — that  the  only  test  whereby 
the  desirable  number  might  be  ascertained  was  the  test  founded 
on  the  average  income  per  head.  There  does  not  seem  to  be  any 
reason  for  supposing  that  there  is  any  limit  to  the  increase  of 
skill  in  the  production  of  food,  and  that  therefore  there  is  any 
limit  to  the  desirable  number  so  long  as  the  criterion  remains 
economic.  This  suggests  that  at  some  point  mankind  will  have 
to  introduce  another  method  of  estimating  what  density  is 
desirable,  as  it  is  clear  that  the  economic  advantages  of  increase 
somewhere  come  into  conflict  with  other  ideals  as  to  desirable 
social  conditions.  In  other  words,  at  some  point  a  larger  income 
would  not  be  worth  having  if  it  necessitated  too  large  a  population. 

It  would  require  a  lengthy  discussion  of  many  points  and  the 
weighing  up  of  many  factors  before  it  would  be  possible  to  come 
to  any  definite  conclusion  on  this  subject.  It  may  be  observed 
that  there  are  those  who  with  some  apparent  reason  doubt 
whether,  taking  the  broadest  view  of  human  welfare,  a  denser 
population  than  that  now  existing  in  Belgium  can  be  thought 
desirable.  It  also  seems  reasonable  to  hold  that  our  great  cities, 
and  in  particular  London,  have  passed  the  limit  that  allows  of 

1  Knibbs,  Scientia,  vol.  xii,  p.  495. 

2  Mr.  J.  A.  Hobson's  opinion,  which  is  in  conformity  with  that  of  the  great 
majority  of  economists,  may  be  noted :    '  there  is ',  he  says,  '  no  evidence  that 
the  world's  population  is  outrunning  the  natural  resources  ;    but  on  the  contrary 
the  presumption  is  that  for  their  fuller  utilization  a  larger  population  is  necessary 
and  thereby  could  be  maintained  with  a  higher  standard  of  living  (The  Declining 
Birth-rate,  p.  75). 


310  MODEEN  PKOBLEMS 

the  development  of  the  most  healthy  social  conditions.  It  is 
a  matter  of  doubt  whether  such  agglomerations  of  population  are 
or  will  remain  necessary  even  if  the  total  population  of  the  country 
was  to  increase.  There  are  two  considerations  which  are  relevant 
here.  First  it  may  be  objected  that  in  spite  of  the  high  average 
density  of  population  in  this  and  other  countries,  it  is  still  easy 
to  find  large  areas  which  are  sparsely  populated,  and  that  their 
existence  shows  that  there  can  be  as  yet  no  question  of  over- 
crowding beyond  what  is  the  socially  desirable  limit.  But  it  must 
be  remembered  that  the  great  mass  of  the  population  scarcely 
ever  moves  out  of  the  densely  populated  areas,  and  that  if  they 
attempted  to  get  out  into  the  country,  if  only  for  holidays — as 
with  increased  leisure  and  higher  incomes  they  will  soon  attempt 
to  do — there  would  soon  be  little  left  of  the  solitude  which  can 
now  be  easily  found. 

The  other  consideration  that  is  very  relevant  in  this  connexion 
is  the  average  income  per  head.  '  Before  the  war ',  says  Professor 
Bowley,  '  the  home  income  would  not  have  yielded  more  than 
£230  gross  annually  per  family  of  five,  or  £170  net  after  all  rates 
and  taxes  were  paid  and  an  adequate  sum  invested  in  home 
industries.'  x  No  one  can  regard  this  position  as  satisfactory. 
On  all  hands  it  is  agreed  that  it  must  be  increased  even  by  those 
who  with  justice  insist  upon  the  fact  that  any  general  improve- 
ment must  be  accompanied  by  a  decrease  in  the  emphasis  now 
laid  upon  material  comfort.  Income  can,  of  course,  be  increased 
without  increasing  population,  but  probably  it  cannot  be  in- 
creased so  fast. 

3.  There  are  at  least  two  other  points  of  view  from  which  the 
density  desirable  may  be  considered.  England,  for  instance,  is 
in  a  peculiar  position  with  regard  to  her  food-supply,  a  fraction 
only  of  which  is  produced  in  the  country  while  the  rest  is  im- 
ported. Only  by  this  method  can  England  maintain  her  present 
population.  How  far  in  the  case  of  war,  or  in  a  lesser  degree 
in  the  case  of  social  or  economic  disturbances  elsewhere,  such 
a  position  is  compatible  with  national  safety  is  certainly  a  matter 
for  careful  consideration.  It  seems  scarcely  likely  that  the 
decision  would  ever  be  taken  to  limit  population  on  this  accou»t 
alone  in  view  of  the  economic  sacrifices  which  it  would  entail. 

In  addition  to  treating  the  question  as  it  affects  safety  in  the 

1  Bowley,  Division  of  the  Product  of  Industry,  p.  49. 


MODERN  PEOBLEMS  311 

sense  just  alluded  to,  it  may  also  be  treated  from  the  purely 
military  point  of  view.  The  desire  for  a  dense  population  so 
frequently  expressed  from  the  sixteenth  century  onwards,  as 
noted  in  the  first  chapter,  is  largely  based  on  the  fact  that  the 
larger  the  population  the  more  potential  soldiers  there  are. 
Harrison,  for  instance,  wrote  as  follows  :  '  Some  also  do  grudge 
at  the  great  increase  of  people  in  these  days  thinking  a  necessary 
brood  of  cattle  far  better  than  a  superfluous  augmentation  of 
mankind.  But  if  it  should  come  to  pass  that  any  foreign  invasion 
should  be  made,  which  the  Lord  God  forbid  for  his  mercy's  sake, 
then  should  these  men  find  that  a  wall  of  men  is  far  better  than 
stacks  of  corn  and  bags  of  money,  and  complain  of  the  want  when 
it  is  too  late  to  seek  the  remedy.' l  This  attitude  was  especially 
noticeable  in  Germany  before  the  war.  A  German  tiuthor  com- 
ments on  the  '  mad  craze  for  numbers  ',  and  goes  on  to  add  that 
'  at  the  back  is  rather  the  desire,  which  I  admit  is  often  vague  t 
for  as  many  soldiers  as  possible  '.2  It  is  by  no  means  absent  in 
England.  '  In  the  second  Eeport  of  the  National  Birth-Eate  Com- 
mission we  read  as  follows  :  '  But  in  the  event  of  a  war  similar 
to  that  which  we  have  just  experienced,  what  would  happen  to 
us  with  a  greatly  reduced  birth-rate  ?  Surely  all  we  have  would 
be  taken,  and  we  must  become  slaves — as  we  should  be  to-day 
if  we  had  entered  on  the  struggle  with  Germany  without  adequate 
man-power.  Moreover  what  would  happen  to  our  Empire  ?  ' 3 
It  may  be  doubted  whether  there  has  been  produced  by  such 
considerations  in  recent  times  even  in  Germany  any  effect  upon 
numbers  ;  probably  economic  forces  have  overruled  such  con- 
siderations altogether.  It  is  possible  that  they  may  have  had 
some  influence  upon  military  nations  in  earlier  days.  It  is  to  be 
imagined  and  certainly  to  be  hoped  that  they  will  not  mould 
views  on  this  subject  in  future. 

4.  As  has  been  indicated,  such  departures  as  there  are  among 
European  nations  at  the  present  day  from  the  desirable  density 
are  of  the  nature  of  minor  fluctuations.  Europe  is  not  from  the 
point  of  view  of  productiveness  over-populated  (or  was  not  in 
1914 ;  it  is  very  difficult  to  sum  up  the  position  in  this  respect 
since  the  loss  of  capital  owing  to  the  war).  There  is  no  ground 

1  Harrison,  Description  of  England,  Bk.  II,  ch.  x,  p.  215.  2  Nicolai, 

loc.  cit.,  p.  48.  3  Problems  of  Population  and  Parenthood,  p.  73.     A  French 

historian  says  that  '  la  densitd  de  la  population  fait  la  force  des  nations '  (de 
Morgan,  Premieres  Civilisations,  p.  111). 


312  MODEKN  PKOBLEMS 

for  the  pessimism  of  Sir  Thomas  Holdich,  who  says  that  '  Asia 
affords  no  asylum  for  overcrowded  Europe  >.1 

It  may  be  observed  that  the  phenomenon  of  unemployment 
as  generally  seen  in  industrial  countries  is  not  evidence  of  over- 
population. It  has  been  shown  by  Beveridge  that  unemployment, 
such  as  now  occurs  in  England,  is  in  no  way  connected  with 
over-population.  It  is  due  to  certain  maladjustments  in  the 
industrial  system,  such  as  the  decay  of  industries,  the  seasonal 
and  cyclical  fluctuations  of  trade,  and  the  position  as  to  the 
normal  reserve  of  labour.  The  industrial  system  so  functions  that, 
unless  special  measures  are  adopted,  there  is  always  a  certain 
amount  of  unemployment.  Unemployment  is  thus  '  a  problem 
of  industry  '  as  Beveridge  has  called  it.2  It  may  also  be  observed 
that  the  remarkable  differences  in  the  return  per  head  as  between 
different  countries  are  in  any  case  very  largely  due  to  the  amount 
of  skill  employed  and  not  to  the  nearness  of  approximation  to  the 
desirable  number.3 

At  any  given  time  in  any  nation  it  is  desirable  either  that 
population  should  be  stable  or  that  there  should  be  a  certain 
ratio  of  increase.  It  is  clear  that  increase  may  be  brought  about 
under  many  different  conditions.  A  high  birth-rate  and  a  high 
death-rate  may  give  the  same  ratio  of  increase  as  a  low  birth-rate 
and  a  low  death-rate.  These  conditions  have  been  much  studied ; 
the  consideration  of  them  falls  outside  this  book.  But  we  may 

1  Holdich,  Political  Frontiers,  p.  256.    It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  wheat- 
eating  population  of  the  world  increased  less  rapidly  in  the  twenty-five  years 
preceding  1906  than  the  wheat  area  of  the  world.    At  the  beginning  of  this  period 
there  were  283  people  (more  or  less  wheat-eaters)  for  every  hundred  acres  of  wheat, 
whereas  in  1906  there  were  264  such  people  for  the   same   area  (Agricultural 
Statistics,  Cd.  3832,  vol.  xvi,  part  4). 

2  Beveridge,  Unemployment,  ch.  i. 

3  The  average  income  per  head  in  1914  is  given  by  Stamp  as  follows  (J.  R.  8.  8., 
vol.  Ixxxii,  p.  491) : 

£  £ 

United  States     .          .          .72  Austria-Hungary         .          .     21 

United  Kingdom          .          .     50  Spain  .     1 1 

Germany  .          .          .          .30  Australia  ....     54 

France       .          .          .      ...     88  Canada      .         ".          .          .40 

Italy  .          .          .          .23  Japan         ....       6 

The  figures  are  only  approximate.  The  most  accurate — those  for  the  United 
Kingdom  and  for  Australia — are  not  likely  to  be  inaccurate  to  a  greater  extent 
than  10  per  cent.,  while  the  least  accurate — those  for  Japan — may  be  inaccurate 
to  a  greater  extent  than  40  per  cent.  Rowntree,  commenting  upon  the  low  wages 
in  Belgium  as  compared  with  England,  attributes  them,  not  to  over-population, 
but  to  a  low  standard  of  education,  low  degree  of  efficiency  and  productivity,  to 
the  fact  that  only  a  small  proportion  of  workers  are  engaged  in  the  production  of 
high-class  goods,  and  to  the  feebleness  of  the  trade  unions  (Land  and  Labour, 
pp.  75  ff.). 


MODEKN  PKOBLEMS 


318 


note  that,  as  far  as  numbers  and  the  direct  effect  of  the  environ- 
ment are  concerned,  but  not  necessarily  so  far  as  quality  is 
concerned,  a  low  birth-rate  and  a  low  death-rate  represent  more 
healthy  conditions  than  a  high  birth-rate  and  a  high  death-rate. 
There  is  a  certain  correlation  between  the  birth-rate  and  the 
death-rate,  though  it  is  often  exaggerated.  In  Japan,  for  instance, 
there  has  recently  been  a  tendency  towards  a  decrease  in  the 
birth-rate  and  an  increase  in  the  death-rate.  It  is  necessary  to 
beware  of  those  sweeping  generalizations  which  assert  that  a  high 
birth-rate  means  a  high  death-rate  and  vice  versa.  It  may  also 
be  noted  that  the  decrease  in  the  birth-rate  has  been  attained 
in  different  European  countries  in  very  different  ways.  Thus, 
whereas  in  England  the  decrease  has  been  general  throughout  the 
country,  in  Germany  it  has  been  almost  entirely  confined  to  the 
towns.1 

Here,  however,  the  discussion  is  limited  to  general  principles  ; 
problems  of  this  nature  cannot  be  further  inquired  into.  We  have 
already  noted  that  minor  fluctuations  in  the  nearness  of  approach 
to  the  optimum  number  as  between  neighbouring  countries  may 
increase,  if  it  does  not  give  rise  to,  friction  between  them.  We 
may  further  note  here  that  such  consequences  only  follow  when 
there  are  differences  of  nationality  involved.  When  within  an 
area  inhabited  by  one  nationality  some  part  of  it  is  becoming 
under-populated — say  the  urban  districts — population  flows  in 
from  other  districts  and  in  this  case  from  the  country.  But  when 
one  country  is  tending  towards  under-population  and  a  neigh- 
bouring country  towards  over-population,  there  is  but  little  flow 
of  population  and  but  little  adjustment.  Various  difficulties, 
some  legal,  others  sentimental,  check  the  movement  towards  the 
less  fully  populated  country.  Nevertheless,  there  is  some  move- 
ment. Thus  there  were  resident  in  France  in  1911  1,182,696 
foreigners.2  But  this  immigration  only  went  a  little  way  towards 
bringing  up  the  population  towards  the  level  which  was  apparently 
economically  desirable,  and  there  thus  arose  a  position  which 
aggravated  the  tension  between  France  and  Germany. 

There  are  certain  '  new  '  countries  where  curious  conditions 
obtain.  Their  position  cannot  be  judged  in  the  same  manner  as 
can  that  of  a  country  which  has  long  been  settled.  The  occupation 


1  Newsholme  and  Stevenson,  loc.  cit.,  p.  55. 
de  la  Population,  p.  55. 


Leroy-Beaulieu,  Question 


314  MODEKN  PEOBLEMS 

of  such  countries  can  only  proceed  at  a  certain  pace,  and  if  it  went 
more  quickly  we  should  have  a  peculiar  condition  of  relative 
over-population.  There  is  reason  to  think  that  population  in 
many  of  these  countries  has  not  grown  as  quickly  as  it  might  have 
done,  and  that  there  is,  in  fact,  a  condition  of  relative  under- 
population. 

5.  This  leads  us  to  refer  to  the  methods  of  limiting  increase  in 
use  at  the  present  day.  It  is  clear  that  some  methods  are  necessary. 
Even  if  it  should  be  thought  advisable  that  population  should 
increase,  it  cannot  possibly  be  desirable  that  it  should  increase 
as  fast  as  is  possible.  It  therefore  falls  to  those  who  disapprove 
of  certain  methods  to  suggest  others.  This  problem  is  seldom 
faced  by  those  who  would  dissuade  men  and  women  from  certain 
practices.  The  attempt  to  advise  in  these  matters  without  regard- 
ing the  problem  as  a  whole  is  strongly  to  be  deprecated.1 

Abortion  is  condemned  on  every  hand,  and  we  are  thus  left 
with  postponement  of  marriage,  restriction  of  intercourse  between 
married  persons,  and  the  use  of  contraceptive  methods  as  the 
means  of  bringing  about  the  limitation  of  families.  There  is 
much  to  be  said  for  the  postponement  of  marriage  for  a  certain 
period  after  the  age  of  puberty.  That  education  should  be  com- 
pleted, and  that  a  certain  experience  of  life  should  be  gained, 
before  the  choice  of  a  partner  is  made  and  the  responsibilities  of 
setting  up  a  home  are  undertaken,  are  obviously  desirable.  In 
order,  however,  that  postponement  of  marriage  should  be  effective, 
it  would  require  that  the  average  age  at  marriage  should  be  so 
late  as  to  produce  many  undesirable  consequences.  It  seems 
certain  that,  not  only  under  present  conditions,  but  under  almost 
any  conditions  of  social  life  that  we  can  picture,  late  marriage 
must  be  accompanied  by  a  system  of  prostitution  and  irregular 
sexual  habits  which  nearly  every  one  agrees  in  deploring.  Apart 
from  this  almost  overwhelming  argument  against  late  marriages, 
there  are  many  other  objections.  It  is  not  a  good  thing  on  the 
whole  for  children  that  their  parents  should  be  beyond  a  certain 
age.2  Much  can  be  urged  with  force  against  late  marriage  on  the 
lines  that  after  a  certain  age  the  outlook  and  habits  of  celibates 

1  The  high  birth-rate  in  certain  parts  of  Ireland — said  to  be  due  to  the  influence 
of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  in  discouraging  the  use  of  contraceptive  methods — 
may  be  leading  to  over-population.  2  Thus  Marro  found  that  children  of 

older  parents  were  more  melancholy  than  those  of  younger  parents  (La  Pubertd 
studiata  nelV  uomo  e  nella  donna). 


MODERN  PROBLEMS  315 

so  change  as  to  render  them  less  fitted  to  bring  up  a  family.  As 
few  will  be  found  to  advocate  late  marriage  as  the  only  method, 
we  may  leave  the  matter  at  this  point. 

With  regard  to  restriction  of  intercourse,  the  most  important 
question  is  whether  it  can  possibly  be  effective.  Very  serious 
doubts  arise  on  this  account  when  it  is  proposed  to  rely  on  this 
method  alone.  Late  marriage  might  be  in  practice  effective 
because  sexual  desire  would  find  its  satisfaction  apart  from  mar- 
riage. Abstention  from  intercourse  implies  that  sexual  desire  will 
not  find  its  satisfaction ;  on  this  account  it  is  likely  that  it  can 
only  be  effective  when  accompanied  by  a  system  of  prostitution 
that  we  have  akeady  agreed  to  regard  as  undesirable.  Apart 
from  this  there  are  strong  arguments  against  this  method  founded 
on  the  undesirable  psychological  results  of  abstention.  It  is 
in  fact  perhaps  scarcely  possible  to  think  of  a  marriage  system 
as  satisfactory  in  which  what  we  must  regard  as  the  physical 
object  of  marriage  is  not  realized. 

We  are  thus  led  to  speak  of  the  use  of  contraceptive  methods 
and  we  may  glance  at  two  sides  of  the  matter — ethical  and 
physiological.  It  is  a  notable  fact  that  all  religious  bodies,  so  far 
as  their  opinions  can  be  discovered,  are  strongly  opposed  to  this 
method.1  This  objection  is  founded  upon  many  considerations, 
of  which  the  most  striking  is  perhaps  that  the  method  allows 
of,  or  rather  that  it  encourages,  self-indulgence.  Those  whose 
attention  has  been  drawn  to  the  problem  of  the  causes  of  the 
progress  and  decay  of  civilization  will  not  fail  to  feel  the  force  of 
any  argument  against  the  spread  of  habits  which  encourage  self- 
indulgence.  But  it  may  be  suggested  that  the  normal  exercise 
of  any  physical  function  can  scarcely  be  called  self-indulgence. 
There  is  a  mean  in  the  satisfaction  of  physical  appetites,  on  the 
one  side  of  which  is  self-indulgence  and  on  the  other  side  asceticism. 
It  is  a  question  whether  those  who  disapprove  of  these  methods 
because  they  encourage  self-indulgence  are  not  in  fact  demanding 
an  ascetic  life.  As  a  form  of  self-discipline  there  may  be  much 
to  recommend  ascetic  practices,  but  that  is  another  matter.  The 
fact  is  that  in  the  use  of  these  methods  there  is  nothing  which 
necessarily  encourages  self-indulgence.  They  make  it  possible  to 
exercise  a  normal  function ;  they  do  not  necessarily  lead  to  its 
over-use.  This  would  seem  to  be  without  doubt  the  most  tangible 

1  The  Declining  Birth-rate,  p.  63. 


316  MODEEN  PROBLEMS 

objection  to  these  methods.  The  other  objections  are  on  the  whole 
rather  of  a  religious  than  of  an  ethical  nature,  and  as  such  fall 
outside  the  scope  of  this  book.1 

In  addition  to  the  ethical  there  is  the  physiological  aspect  of 
the  matter.  There  are  several  different  methods  employed  to 
prevent  conception.  It  is  a  matter  of  great  importance  to  know 
which  of  them  can  be  employed  without  causing  ill  health.  With 
regard  to  this  little  is  known  and  opinions  vary.  More  than  this 
need  not  be  said. 

It  is  no  part  of  the  object  of  this  book  to  advocate  any  par- 
ticular methods  ; 2  it  is  only  intended  here  to  show  what  problems 
arise  at  the  present  day  from  the  quantitative  aspect  of  the  whole 
matter.  It  may  be  suggested  that  upon  the  question  of  the 
methods  of  limiting  population  it  is  desirable  that  there  should 
be  some  consensus  of  opinion.  Man  has  not  only  to  settle 
how  far  he  is  going  to  limit  population,  but  how  he  is  going  to 
do  it. 

6.  We  may  now  glance  at  certain  questions  which  if  they  are 
to  be  referred  to  at  all  in  this  part  of  the  book  are  most  easily 
introduced  here.  These  questions  are  not  directly  concerned  with 
the  quantitative  aspect  of  the  problem  ;  their  importance  lies 
chiefly  in  their  bearing  upon  the  qualitative  aspect. 

It  is  a  familiar  fact  that  at  the  present  day  the  birth-rate  is 
higher  among  certain  sections  of  the  population  than  among 
others.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  this  was  also  the  case  in 
some  of  the  older  civilizations — notably  in  Eome.  We  may  first 
look  at  the  facts  and  afterwards  at  the  causes.  Many  investiga- 
tions have  shown  that  there  is  a  higher  fertility  among  the  lower 
social  grades.  Heron  found  that  there  is  a  high  average  cor- 
relation between  the  birth-rate  and  conditions  which  indicate 
a  lower  social  grade,  such  as  the  number  of  pawnbrokers  per 
1,000  inhabitants,  the  amount  of  child  employment,  pauperism, 
overcrowding,  and  other  indications  of  poverty  and  lack  of 

1  The  arguments  for  and  against  are  fully  and  fairly  set  out  in  Problems  of 
Population  and  Parenthood,  pp.  44-8. 

2  Personally  I  agree  with  the  views^oflhe  Dean  of  St.  Paul's  on  this  matter. 
Speaking  of  the  use  of  these  methods.  *  it^eems  '.  he  says. '"  a  pjjLqflgr  which  high- 
minded  persons  should  avoid  if  they  can  practise  self-restraint.     Whatever  injures 
the  feeling  of  "  sanctification  and  honour  "  with  which  St.  Paul  bids  us  regard 
these  intimacies  of  life,  whatever  tends  to  profane  or  degrade  the  sacraments  of 
wedded  love,  is  so  far  an  evil.    But  this  is  emphatically  a  matter  in  which  every 
man  and  woman  must  judge  for  themselves,  and  must  refrain  from  judging  others  ' 
(Outspoken  Essays,  p.  74). 


MODEKN  PEOBLEMS 


317 


culture.1  Whether  a  differential  birth-rate  results  or  not  in  a 
differential  contribution  to  the  next  generation  depends  on 
whether  there  is  a  differential  survival  rate,  and  if  so,  whether  it 
compensates  for  or  not  the  differences  in  the  birth-rate.  The 
following  extract  from  the  Keport  of  the  National  Birth-Kate 
Commission  throws  light  upon  this  point.  Using  material  pro- 
vided by  the  Kegistrar-General  for  England  and  Wales  giving  the 
births  for  1911  classified  according  to  the  occupation  of  the  father, 
the  following  is  the  position  : 

'  Classifying  into  groups  arranged  in  descending  order  of  social 
grade  we  have  : 

Births  per  1,000  married  males 

Social  Class.  aged  under  55  years. 

Upper  and  middle  classes           ...  119 

Intermediate 132 

Skilled  workmen      .....  153 

Intermediate  ......  158 

Unskilled  workmen           .  213 

The  rate  of  mortality  in  the  first  year  of  life  is  also  provided  in 
these  groups,  and  follows  the  same  order,  viz.  76-4,  1064,  112-7, 
121-5,  152-5.  If,  however,  we  multiply  the  birth-rate  by  the 
difference  between  unity  and  the  proportion  of  deaths,  i.  e.  the 
proportion  of  survivals  in  the  first  year,  the  resulting  effective 
birth-rates  are  still  in  the  same  order,  viz.  110,  118,  136,  139,  181, 
after  the  hazards  of  the  first  twelve  months  have  passed.  We 
must  conclude,  therefore,  that  the  initially  higher  birth-rate  of 
the  lower  classes  is  not  so  reduced  by  heavier  infant  mortality 
that  their  effective  birth-rates  are  brought  into  approximate 
equality  with  those  of  the  wealthier  classes.  We  have  no  material 
allowing  us  to  extend  the  comparison  to  later  years  of  life  ;  but 
equally  we  have  no  reason  to  suppose  that  such  an  extension 
would  change  the  order/  2 

All  available  evidence  goes  to  support  this  conclusion,  namely, 
that  the  higher  the  social  status  the  lower  is  the  fertility,  and  that 
this  initial  difference  is  not  removed  by  subsequent  differential 
mortality.  This  is  apparently  true  not  only  for  England  but  also 
for  other  countries  in  which  the  economic  situation  is  similar,  and 
is  a  relatively  recent  phenomenon.3 

1  Heron,  Drapers'  Company  Research  Memoirs,  No.  1, 1906.  See  also  Stevenson, 
loc.  cit.  2  The  Declining  Birth-rate,  p.  9. 

3  It  is  also  noticeable  in  India  (Wattal,  loc*.  cit.,  p.  24).  It  will  be  remembered 
that  in  Denmark  in  the  latter  part  of  the  mediaeval  period  there  was  some  slight 
tendency  according  to  Rubin  for  marriage  to  be  postponed  among  the  very  highest 
social  class  ;  among  the  independent  class  generally  marriage  in  those  days,  how- 
ever, not  only  took  place  earlier  than  now  but  earlier  than  in  the  lower  grades  of 
society. 


318  MODEKN  PKOBLEMS 

7.  In  looking  for  the  causes  of  this  differential  increase  as 
between  various  sections  of  the  population,  we  have  to  remember 
that,  in  accordance  with  what  has  been  said  in  the  last  chapter, 
we  suppose  the  position  in  regard  to  population  in  the  nation  as 
a  whole  to  be  ruled  by  economic  factors.  If  there  is  an  increase, 
then  we  suppose  that  increase  to  be  somewhere  about  that  which 
the  economic  situation  demands  in  order  that  the  greatest  income 
per  head  should  be  gained.  It  follows  that  generally  speaking 
the  conditions  we  find  among  the  mass  of  the  industrial  population 
excluding  the  lowest  class  approximate  to  those  which  are  de- 
manded ;  but  it  is  possible  that,  just  as  the  increase  among  the 
lowest  class  is  excessive,  so  the  increase  among  the  higher  social 
class  may  be  too  small  judging  from  the  economic  standpoint. 
We  have  here  to  ask  what  factors  there  are  which  bring  about 
a  lower  fertility  among  the  upper  classes,  recollecting  that  this 
low  fertility  may  not  be  wholly  due  to  an  approximation  to 
economic  requirements,  but  may  represent  a  failure  in  adjusting 
increase  to  the  economic  situation. 

Among  the  factors  which  bring  about  a  low  fertility  in  these 
classes,  those  connected  with  differences  in  education  and  the  age 
at  which  the  maximum  income  is  obtained  are  the  most  important. 
Education  is  continued  in  these  classes  up  to  an  age  at  which 
men  in  the  industrial  classes  are  earning  almost  the  maximum 
wage  to  which  they  will  ever  attain.  Even  when  education  in 
the  ordinary  sense  of  the  word  is  finished,  there  usually  follows 
a  period  when  the  salary  gained  is  low,  or  when  perhaps  a  premium 
has  to  be  paid  in  order  to  obtain  a  start  in  whatever  profession 
is  chosen.  Doctors  and  barristers  seldom  begin  to  earn  until  some 
years  after  their  education  is  complete.  Further,  when  they  do 
begin  to  earn,  the  income  is  often  for  many  years  low,  and  may 
in  some  cases  not  reach  the  maximum  until  late  in  life.  Among 
the  industrial  population  conditions  are  wholly  different,  and 
the  maximum  rate  of  wages  is  soon  reached.  Whatever  forces, 
therefore,  may  be  playing  upon  the  industrial  population, 
there  are  in  addition  the  above  forces  playing  upon  the 
professional  classes  which  account  for  the  lower  rate  of  increase 
among  them. 

There  are  also  many  other  factors  at  work  in  the  same  direction. 
In  the  life  led  by  the  upper  social  classes  there  are  more  numerous 
ways  in  which  the  desire  for  relaxation,  change,  and  pleasure  may 


MODEEN  PKOBLEMS  319 

find  satisfaction  than  among  the  lower  classes.  Life  is  in  many 
ways  more  varied.  This  has  an  influence  upon  fertility  in  two 
ways.  When  a  marriage  takes  place  among  the  upper  social 
classes  it  involves  to  a  far  more  considerable  extent  than  among 
the  lower  classes  a  renunciation  of  much  that  has  given  pleasure 
hitherto.  When  a  man  marries  and  *  settles  down  '  he  gives  up, 
as  a  rule,  many  activities  from  which  he  had  derived  pleasure 
before.  Further,  after  marriage  the  possibility  of  indulging  in 
many  of  the  pleasures  which  this  varied  life  offers  is  often  incom- 
patible with  the  bringing  up  of  a  family.  Children  are  often  in 
the  way.  Again,  though  children  are  no  longer  the  economic  asset 
among  the  lower  classes  which  they  were  before  the  passing  of  the 
Factory  Acts,  the  possession  of  children  is  generally  looked  upon 
among  those  classes  as  a  support  in  old  age  when  the  power  of 
earning  has  gone.  Children,  on  the  other  hand,  among  the  upper 
classes  have  rather  to  be  provided  for,  and  in  any  case  are  seldom 
regarded  as  a  support.1 

Very  many  other  factors  might  be  mentioned,  but  enough  has 
been  said  to  show  how  in  the  main  the  different  fertilities  may  be 
explained.  The  insufficient  income  of  many  of  the  less  well-paid 
groups  of  the  higher  classes  is  often  alleged  as  a  cause  of  low 
fertility.  This  view  is  well  founded  when,  as  often  occurs,  social 
conventions  force  a  so-called  higher  standard  of  living  upon  them 
—a  standard  which  merely  involves  the  expenditure  of  more  money 
than  among  the  industrial  classes  in  preserving  appearances 
without  adding  to  welfare.  When,  however,  this  is  extended  to 
classes  in  which  income  has  reached,  say,  between  £600  and  £1,000 
a  year,  it  cannot  be  allowed  that  income  is  truly  insufficient. 
It  is  in  such  cases  only  insufficient  when  more  than  is  reasonable 
is  expended  in  the  way  of  material  satisfaction.  A  man  cannot 
be  heard  to  say  that  he  cannot  afford  a  large  family  as  otherwise 
he  will  not  be  able  to  keep  a  motor-car — so  long,  that  is  to  say, 
as  the  motor-car  is  not  necessary  to  his  profession. 

7.  This  differential  fertility  occurs  in  countries  where  the 
population  is  less  homogeneous  than  in  England,  and  thus  assumes 
importance  in  another  aspect.  For  whether  we  assume  the 

1  Among  the  industrial  classes  conception  before  marriage  is  not  uncommon. 
It  is  said  that  many  men  are  not  desirous  of  legal  marriage  until  it  is  probable 
that  they  will  have  children.  This  is  not  to  be  regarded  as  evidence  of  loose 
sexual  morality  so  much  as  evidence  of  foresight  and  of  thought  for  old  age  when, 
if  they  have  children,  they  will  be  more  or  less  secure  against  extreme  poverty. 


320  MODEKN  PKOBLEMS 

differences  between  the  elements  in  the  population  to  be  due  to 
inherited  characters  or  to  varying  social  traditions — a  question 
to  be  discussed  later — a  change  in  the  proportion  of  the  different 
elements  will  be  of  great  importance.  According  to  Hill,  who 
has  investigated  this  matter  in  America,  the  percentage  of  white 
women  of  native  parentage  under  45  years  of  age  bearing  no 
children  is  18-1,  while  the  percentage  of  foreign  women  is  5-7. 
The  average  number  of  children  for  white  married  women  of 
native  parentage  is  2-7,  and  for  similar  women  of  foreign  parentage 
4-4.  Among  the  foreign  women  the  average  number  of  children 
for  a  married  English  woman  is  84,  for  a  German  4-3,  for  an 
Italian  4-9,  for  a  Pole  6-2.1  The  above  is  only  one  example  of 
conditions  which  obtain  in  many  countries  raising  difficult 
problems. 

The  same  problem  arises  in  an  even  more  important  form  when 
there  are  in  the  same  country  races  as  different  as  the  white  and 
the  negro.  In  the  United  States  and  in  South  Africa  the  problem 
assumes  greater  importance  than  elsewhere.  In  the  latter  country 
the  negroes  are  increasing  faster  than  the  white  element  of  the 
population.  In  America  this  has  not  been  the  case  in  the  last 
hundred  years  ;  but  the  fact  that  the  white  element  has  main- 
tained its  relative  position  is  due  to  the  fact  that  in  addition  to 
the  increase  in  the  native-born  white  population  there  has  been 
an  increase  due  to  immigration.2 

8.  The  question  of  the  relative  rate  of  increase  of  the  population 
of  different  countries  is  a  somewhat  different  matter.  It  is  due 
to  many  factors,  one  of  the  less  important  of  which  is  that  the 
population  of  various  countries  does  not  approach  equally  closely 
to  the  number  desirable  in  each  country.  The  chief  factor  is  the 
variation  in  the  arts  of  production  in  use  in  each  country.  It 
is  only  an  extension  of  this  fact  that  the  natural  resources  of 
different  countries  have  been  more  exploited  in  some  cases  than 
in  others.  In  Kussia  the  arts  of  production  in  use  are  less  advanced 
than  in  more  western  countries.  The  introduction  of  western 
methods  into  such  a  country  enables  a  rapid  increase  of  population 
to  take  place.  During  the  same  period  the  increase  can  only  be 

1  Hill,  Am.  Slot.  Ass.,  vol.  xiii,  p.  590.  An  allied  problem  is  that  connected  with 
the  proportion  of  various  racial  elements  among  the  immigrants  into  a  new  country. 
Thus  between  1900  and  1913  Great  Britain  contributed  roughly  one-third  and  the 
United  States  and  continental  Europe  two-thirds  of  the  immigrants  into  Canada, 

»  Tucker,  Progress  of  the  U.S.A.,  p.  98. 


MODEBN  PKOBLEMS  321 

slow  in  countries  which  already  use  these  methods,  and  thus,  so 
long  as  the  knowledge  of  the  arts  of  production  is  not  equal  in  all 
countries,  different  rates  of  increase  are  liable  to  arise  when 
knowledge  spreads  into  a  more  backward  country.1 

Such  changes  are  altering  the  composition  of  the  population 
of  the  world.  The  following  figures  have  .been  given  for  Europe. 
Out  of  1,000  inhabitants  there  were  in  the  years  named  the 
following  proportion  of  Teutonic,  Komance,  and  Slav  elements : 

1801  1850  1905 

Teutonic     .         .         .375  369  273 

Romance     .         .         .355  321  251 

Slav  ...      268  310  375 

1  Leroy-Beaulieu  estimates  that,  if  the  degree  of  skill  in  production  now  found 
in  Western  Europe  was  extended  throughout  the  world,  the  population  economically 
desirable  would  be  from  two  to  three  times  that  of  the  present  population  of  the 
world  (Question  de  la  Population,  p.  174). 


XIII 
THE  QUALITATIVE  PROBLEM 

WE  now  approach  the  second  part  of  the  problem,  and  turn 
from  a  consideration  of  the  quantity  to  a  consideration  of  the 
quality  of  the  population*  In  the  second  and  third  chapters  we 
found  that  reproduction  was  a  necessity,  and  that  to  the  fact  of 
reproduction  can  be  traced  the  origin  of  problems  both  of  quantity 
and  of  quality.  In  the  third  chapter  we  further  found  that  the 
position  of  animals  and  plants  in  a  state  of  nature  as  regards 
problems  of  quality  was  in  its  broadest  aspect  simple.  The 
changes  in  the  forms  of  organisms,  which,  when  viewed  as  a  whole, 
we  call  evolution,  are  due  to  changes  in  the  physical  basis  from 
which  new  generations  arise.  The  long  procession  of  organisms, 
usually  of  increasing  complexity,  from  the  simplest  type  to  the 
immediate  ancestor  of  rational  man,  thus  owes  its  being  to  a  long 
procession  of  changes  in  the  germ-cells. 

When  treating  of  the  quantitative  problem  among  men,  we 
considered  a  large  amount  of  evidence  which  bears  also  upon 
quality,  and  this  evidence,  supplemented  as  and  where  necessary, 
will  enable  us  to  make  some  estimate  of  the  importance  of  quali- 
tative changes  among  men.  This  is  the  object  of  the  remaining 
chapters.  We  have- to  try  and  estimate  how  far  human  history 
is  comparable  with  changes  among  species  in  a  state  of  nature — is 
due,  in  other  words,  to  germinal  changes.  There  are  two  other 
possible  causes  of  change  among  men — the  direct  influence  of  the 
environment  and  the  influence  of  tradition — and  in  order  to 
estimate  the  importance  of  germinal  change,  it  will  be  necessary 
also  to  consider  what  importance  is  attributable  to  these  two 
factors.  To  one  of  them — namely  to  tradition — we  shall  find 
reason  to  attribute  great  importance.  Tradition,  in  fact,  comes 
ultimately  to  be  of  more  importance  than  germinal  change  among 
the  underlying  causes  of  history.  But  tradition  is  profoundly 
influenced  by  the  quantity  of  population  among  other  factors,  and, 
therefore,  to  the  extent  to  which  this  is  so,  the  determining  factor 
in  human  history  is  still  bound  up  with  the  population  problem. 


THE  QUALITATIVE  PKOBLEM  323 

As  history  ceases  to  be  strictly  correlated  with  changes  in  quality, 
it  comes  to  be  influenced  by  a  factor  the  nature  and  strength  of 
which  is  largely  determined  by  the  quantity  of  population.  Thus 
the  two  aspects  of  the  whole  problem  are  linked  together  in  the 
case  of  man  in  a  manner  that  does  not  obtain  among  species  in 
a  state  of  nature. 

The  attempt  to  deal  with  this  problem  will  be  undertaken  in 
the  following  manner.  In  Chapter  III  reference  was  made  to  the 
influence  of  the  environment  upon  growth  and  upon  the  adult  form. 
In  Chapter  XIV  this  subject  will  be  developed  so  far  as  species 
in  a  state  of  nature  are  concerned,  and  the  results  of  the  inquiry 
will  be  applied  to  man  in  Chapter  XV.  The  subject-matter  of 
Chapter  XV  will  be  confined  to  the  influence  of  the  environment 
upon  human  bodily  and  mental  characters.  The  influence  of  the 
environment  as  a  stimulus  affecting  the  direction  in  which  mental 
characters  are  used  will  be  left  to  a  future  chapter. 

We  next  turn  to  inquire  what  influence  changes  in  the  germ- 
cells  have  had.  Before  we  can  make  any  progress  it  is  necessary 
to  ask  what  characters — physical  and  mental — have  their  basis 
in  the  germ-cells,  and  an  inquiry  into  this  subject  will  occupy 
Chapter  XVI.  In  Chapters  XVII  and  XVIII  we  ask  what 
evidence  there  is  of  selection  and  other  factors  throughout  human 
history  which  we  have  reason  to  suppose  have  a  bearing  on 
change  in  the  average  germinal  constitution  of  the  human  species. 
This  will  among  other  things  necessitate  an  examination  of  the  facts 
in  Chapters  VII,  VIII,  and  X  hr  order  to  ascertain  what  bearing 
they  have  upon  selection.  Having  thus  some  knowledge  of  what 
is  inherited,  and  having  discussed  the  occurrence  of  such  factors 
as  in  human  history  may  have  brought  about  changes  from  one 
generation  to  another  in  the  character  inherited,  we  shall  be  in 
a  position  in  Chapter  XVII  to  attempt  an  estimate  of  the  results 
which  the  factors — selection  and  others — have  had  upon  physical 
characters.  We  shall  find  that  as  regards  these  characters  the 
position  is  more  or  less  clear  ;  we  shall  find,  that  is  to  say,  that 
the  influence  of  selection  and  other  factors,  considered  in  con- 
junction with  the  influence  of  the  environment  discussed  in 
Chapter  XV,  does  enable  us  in  the  main  to  understand  how  the 
physical  evolution  of  man  has  come  about.  With  regard  to 
mental  characters  to  be  discussed  in  Chapter  XVIII,  we  shall 
find  that  the  task  cannot  be  similarly  completed.  With  a  far  less 

X2 


324  THE  QUALITATIVE  PROBLEM 

degree  of  certainty  than  in  the  case  of  physical  characters  we 
shall  arrive  at  some  idea  as  to  how  mental  characters  have  evolved. 
This,  however,  still  leaves  unanswered  the  problem  as  to  how  far 
the  evolution  of  mental  characters  accounts  for  what  we  call 
history.  To  attack  this  problem  it  is  necessary  to  consider  how 
the  environment  acts  as  a  stimulus  upon  the  mind,  conditions  the 
degree  to  which  and  the  direction  in  which  the  mind  is  used,  and 
thus  leads  to  the  building  up  of  tradition.  In  Chapter  XIX  we 
consider  the  nature  of  human  mental  endowment  and  the  manner 
in  which  tradition  is  built  up  and  handed  on.  In  Chapter  XX 
we  consider  the  nature  of  the  environment  under  which  human 
mental  activities  have  been  exerted.  This  will  enable  us  in 
Chapter  XXI  to  survey  the  broad  facts  of  history  and  to  come 
to  some  conclusion  as  to  the  parts  played  respectively  by  the 
changes  in  human  mental  endowment,  by  the  direct  influence  of 
the  environment  upon  the  mental  faculties,  and  by  its  influence 
as  a  stimulus  upon  the  exercise  of  these  faculties.  In  a  concluding 
chapter  the  results  of  the  whole  inquiry  will  be  summed  up. 


XIV 

THE  INFLUENCE  OF  THE  ENVIRONMENT 
AMONG  ANIMALS  AND  PLANTS 

1.  A  BRIEF  inquiry  into  the  part  played  by  the  environment 
among  animals  and  plants  forms  a  necessary  introduction  to 
a  similar  inquiry  as  regards  man  such  as  we  shall  undertake 
in  the  next  chapter. 

In  the  second  chapter  something  was  said  as  to  fertilization 
and  as  to  the  development  of  the  zygote  or  fertilized  egg  to  the 
adult  form.  It  has  been  shown  by  Herbst  that,  if  this  process 
of  development  is  to  result  in  a  normal  adult,  all  the  factors 
comprising  the  normal  environment  must  be  present.  Herbst 
ascertained  the  exact  composition  of  sea-water  at  Naples.1  Using 
as  his  material  the  larvae  of  sea-urchins,  he  changed  slightly  in 
many  different  ways  the  composition  of  the  water.  The  experi- 
ments were  very  exhaustive.  At  every  stage  in  the  development 
he  observed  the  results  of  abstracting  one  or  more  of  the  con- 
stituents of  sea-water — the  normal  environment  of  the  larvae. 
Commenting  upon  the  results  of  these  experiments,  Jenkinson 
says  :  *  Whatever  may  be  the  ultimate  explanation  of  the  facts, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  whatever  that  the  most  complete  demonstra- 
tion has  been  given  of  the  absolute  necessity  of  many  of  the 
elements  occurring  in  ordinary  sea-water,  its  normal  environment, 
for  the  proper  growth  atfd  differentiation  of  the  larva  of  the  sea- 
urchin.  Nor  is  this  all.  Some  of  the  substances  are  necessary 
for  one  part  or  phase  of  development,  some  for  another,  some 
at  the  very  beginning,  others  only  later  on.  Thus  potassium, 
magnesium  and  some  degree  of  alkalinity  are  essential  for 
fertilization,  chlorine  and  sodium  for  segmentation,  calcium  for 
the  adequate  cohesion  of  the  blast omeres,  potassium,  calcium 
and  the  hydroxyl-ion  for  securing  the  internal  osmotic  pressure 
necessary  for  growth,  while  without  the  sulph-ion  and  magnesium 
the  due  differentiation  of  the  alimentary  tract  and  the  proper 

1  These  experiments  have  been  summarized  by  Jenkinson  (Experimental  Embryo- 
logy, pp.  141  ff.). 


326    ENVIRONMENT  AMONG  ANIMALS  AND  PLANTS 

formation  of  the  skeleton  cannot  occur ;  the  secretion  of  the 
skeleton  depends  on  the  presence  of  some  sulphate  and  alkalinity, 
the  skeleton  requires  calcium  carbonate,  cilia  will  only  beat  in 
an  alkaline  medium  containing  potassium  and  magnesium,  and 
muscle  will  only  contract  when  potassium  and  calcium  are  there.' l 

Summing  up  the  results  of  these  and  other  experiments, 
Jenkinson  says  :  '  Every  factor,  or  nearly  every  factor  [of  the 
environment],  is  necessary  for  this  or  that  phase  or  part  of  the 
process,  some  for  the  whole.  Light  of  a  certain  wave  length  will 
accelerate  development  ;  light  of  another  kind,  or,  in  some 
instances,  darkness,  will  retard  it,  or  will  stop  it  altogether  ; 
a  certain  degree  of  heat  is  indispensable  ;  oxygen  is  required  for 
respiration,  water  for  growth ;  some  eggs  demand  constant 
agitation,  others  complete  rest ;  fertilization  or  segmentation 
or  gastrulation,  or  some  one  or  other  of  the  later  phases  of 
development  may  depend  absolutely  on  the  presence  of  some 
particular  chemical  element ;  remove  the  factor  in  question, 
whatever  it  may  be,  and  that  particular  process  will  not  occur, 
and  the  specific  typical  end  which  is  reached  in  normal  develop- 
ment will  not  be  attained.' 2 

Putting  aside  until  later  the  question  as  to  what  is  implied 
by  the  term  normal  environment,  we  may  now  ask  what  the 
relation  is  between  heredity  and  environment.  To  regard 
a  developing  organism  as  subject  to  the  action  of  two  forces, 
one  tending  to  thrust  it  in  one  direction  and  the  other  in  another, 
is  to  view  the  matter  in  a  wholly  false  light.  Heredity  and 
environment  are,  as  is  clear  from  the  evidence  given  above, 
complementary  one  to  the  other  ;  without  a  germinal  constitution 
there  can  be  no  organism ;  without  appropriate  stimuli  an 
organism  cannot  develop.  Similarly  it  is  misleading  to  speak 
of  the  relative  importance  of  the  two  factors  unless  the  terms 
are  very  clearly  defined.  To  see  that  careful  definition  is  necessary, 
we  have  only  to  remember  that,  because,  with  the  exception  of 
the  anaerobic  bacteria,  all  organisms  require  free  oxygen,  environ- 
ment might  be  held  to  be  all-important.  Here,  however,  we  are 
not  concerned  with  the  problem  as  to  the  conditions  under  which 
we  might  speak  of  the  relative  importance  of  the  two  factors  ;  we 
have  merely  to  note  that  they  are  essentially  complementary. 

2.    We  may  now  observe  that,  just  as  a  normal  adult  only 

1  Jenkinson,  loc.  cit.,  p.  161.  2  Ibid.,  p.  157. 


ENVIRONMENT  AMONG  ANIMALS  AND  PLANTS    327 

develops  under  normal  stimuli,  abnormal  stimuli  experimentally 
induced  may  be  followed  by  every  kind  of  result  from  the  most 
extreme  to  the  most  insignificant  changes  both  of  form  and  of 
life- cycle.  We  may  note  the  results  of  a  few  of  the  vast  number 
of  experiments  which  have  been  made.  With  regard  to  plants 
it  has  been  shown  that  '  each  developmental  stage  depends  upon 
special  external  conditions,  and  in  cases  where  our  knowledge 
is  sufficient,  a  particular  stage  may  be  obtained  at  will.  In  the 
Green  Algae,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Fungi,  we  may  classify  the 
stages  of  development  into  purely  vegetative  growth  (growth, 
cell-division,  branching),  asexual  reproduction  (formation  of 
zoospores,  conidia),  and  sexual  process  (formation  of  male  and 
female  sexual  organs).  By  modifying  the  external  conditions, 
it  is  possible  to  induce  algae  or  fungi  ...  to  grow  continuously 
for  several  years,  or,  in  the  course  of  a  few  days,  to  die  after  an 
enormous  production  of  asexual  or  sexual  cells.  In  some  instances 
even  an  almost  complete  stoppage  of  growth  may  be  caused, 
reproductive  cells  scarcely  being  formed  before  the  organism 
is  again  compelled  to  resort  to  reproduction.  Then  again  the 
sequence  of  different  stages  of  development  may  be  modified 
as  we  desire/  1 

Another  kind  of  experiment  shows  that  foliage  shoots  can  be 
converted  into  runners  and  vice  versa ;  it  is,  for  instance,  possible 
to  induce  a  germinating  tuber  of  the  potato  to  form  foliage  shoots 
under  the  influence  of  a  higher  temperature.  The  transfer  of 
plants  from  one  environment  to  another  is  often  followed  by 
remarkable  changes.  MacLeod,  for  instance,  states  that  a  species 
of  Philodendron  which  has  large  leaves  pierced  with  round  holes 
was  cultivated  for  many  years  in  the  Botanical  Gardens  at  Ghent 
in  a  greenhouse  which  was  rather  cool  and  dry.  The  holes  were 
found  to  be  rare  ;  at  times  it  was  not  possible  to  observe  a  single 
perforation  in  any  of  the  leaves  of  a  specimen.  In  every  other 
respect  the  plants  were  healthy.  The  plants  were  later  transferred 
to  a  greenhouse  that  was  warm  and  moist  and  after  a  few  months 
the  new  leaves  were  found  to  be  abundantly  perforated.2  Bonnier 
made  some  very  interesting  observations  on  the  dandelion.  He 
found  that  the  plant,  when  sown  at  a  high  altitudeln  the  Pyrenees, 
produced  very  short  stems  with  hairy,  dark  green  leaves  and 

1  Klebs,  '  Influence  of  the  Environment ',  in  Darwinism  and  Modern  Science, 
p.  227.  *  MacLeod,  Quantitative  Method,  p.  12. 


328    ENVIKONMENT  AMONG  ANIMALS  AND  PLANTS 

a  compact  flower.  On  the  other  hand,  seeds  gathered  from  such 
plants  growing  at  a  high  altitude  and  sown  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Paris  produced  after  three  years  elongated  stems  with  less 
hairy  and  brighter  leaves,  or,  in  other  words,  plants  very  similar 
to  those  grown  from  seeds  obtained  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Paris.  The  modifications  acquired  during  a  given  time  by 
a  lowland  plant  grown  at  a  high  altitude,  or  by  a  highland  plant 
grown  at  a  low  altitude,  took  about  the  same  time  to  disappear 
on  returning  the  plants  to  their  original  climates.1  Similarly 
*  Schubeler  sowed  seeds  of  various  plants  in  different  latitudes 
in  Norway  and  proved  that  the  brilliancy  of  the  flowers  increased 
with  the  latitude.  So  great  was  the  difference  that  it  was  difficult 
to  conceive  that  they  were  produced  from  the  same  batch  of 
seeds.'  2  Observations  on  European  peach-trees  transported  to 
Keunion  were  made  by  Bordage.  Such  trees  lost  their  deciduous 
habit  and  became  evergreen,  though  in  some  cases  it  took  twenty 
years  before  the  change  was  complete.3  Lastly  the  red  primrose 
'  reared  at  a  temperature  of  80°-35°  C.  (with- moisture  and  shade) 
has  pure  white  flowers,  but  the  same  plants  reared  at  15°-20°  C. 
have  red  flowers.  If  the'  white-bearing  plants  are  brought  into 
a  cooler  place,  the  flowers  that  are  already  in  bloom  remain 
white,  but  those  that  develop  later  in  the  cooler  temperature 
are  red.'  4 

We  may  also  notice  the  results  of  some  of  the  experiments 
upon  developing  animals.  Stockard  experimented  with  the  fish 
Fundulus  heteroclitus.  He  subjected  the  eggs  both  before  cleavage 
began,  and  after  the  two-  and  four-celled  stages  had  been  reached, 
to  solutions  of  magnesium  salts  in  sea-water.  The  eyes  of  a  large 
percentage  of  the  embryos  were  abnormal.  In  some  cases  there 
was  a  single  median  eye  ;  in  other  cases  there  was  a  median  eye 
showing  signs  of  a  double  structure.6  '  In  a  long  series  of  experi- 
ments Fere  has  shown  that  monstrosities  can  be  produced  by 
exposing  the  hen's  egg  to  the  unfavourable  influence  of  a  large 
variety  of  substances.  Vapour  of  ether,  alcohol,  essential  oils, 
nicotine,  mercury  and  phosphorus,  injection  of  alkaloids  such 
as  morphine,  nicotine,  strychnine  and  others,  of  bacterial  toxins 
(those  of  tubercle  and  diphtheria),  of  peptone,  dextrose,  and 

1  Vernon,  Variation  in  Animals  and  Plants,  p.  312.  2  Quoted  from  Henslow 

by  Vernon,  ibid.  »  Thomson,  Animal  Life,  p.  407.  4  Morgan, 

Mechanism  of  Menddian  Heredity,  p.  38.  5  Stockard,  Journal  of  Experimental 

Zoology,  vol.  vi,  p.  334. 


ENVIRONMENT  AMONG  ANIMALS  AND  PLANTS    329 

glycerine,  several  alcohols,  certain  salts  .  .  .  are  all  harmful, 
retarding  and  distorting  the  embryo  to  a  greater  or  less  extent.' x 
Many  experiments  show  the  effect  of  differences  in  food,  tempera- 
ture, and  humidity  upon  developing  organisms.  Agar  carried  out 
some  experiments  on  a  small  water-flea,  Simocephalus.  This 
animal  is  enclosed  in  a  kind  of  shell  composed  of  two  valves, 
somewhat  like  a  mussel.  Normally  the  edges  of  the  valves 
nearly  meet,  so  that  if  a  section  is  cut  across  the  animal  trans- 
versely the  shape  of  the  body  enclosed  in  the  valves  is  oval. 
When  the  food  was  varied  in  a  certain  way,  Agar  found  that 
the  edges  of  the  valves  were  turned  outwards  so  that  the  shape 
of  a  transverse  section  was  no  longer  oval  but  bell-like.  He 
also  found  that  the  length  was  reduced  by  exposure  to  a  high 
temperature.2  Experimenting  with  a  beetle,  Tower  found  that 
both  the  colour  and  the  colour  pattern  could  be  modified  by 
changes  in  temperature  and  humidity.3  Similarly  Morgan  showed 
that  a  species  of  the  fruit  fly  exhibited  a  peculiar  formation  of 
the  abdomen  in  the  presence  of  moisture ;  when  raised  in  dry 
conditions  the  abnormality  disappeared.4  Poulton  obtained  some 
remarkable  results  when  working  with  the  larvae  of  moths. 
'  Larvae  surrounded  by  the  leaves  on  which  they  fed,  became, 
in  the  majority  of  species,  light  brown  or  light  grey  in  colour. 
If,  however,  an  abundance  of  twigs  had  been  mixed  with  the 
leaves  of  the  food  plant,  they  became  dark  in  colour.  The  larvae 
of  the  Peppered  Moth  afforded  the  most  striking  result  of  all, 
for  when  reared  among  green  leaves  and  shoots  they  became 
bright  green  without  exception,  whilst  in  the  presence  of  dark 
brown  twigs  they  nearly  all  assumed  a  corresponding  colour.'  5 

A  Japanese  experimenter  exercised  rats  for  90  to  180  days  ; 
he  found  that  this  long-continued  exercise  markedly  increased 
the  weight  of  the  heart,  kidneys,  and  other  organs  on  an  average 
to  about  20  per  cent.6  A  thickening  has  been  observed  in  the 
stomach  of  a  gull  fed  on  grain  for  a  year  and  this  change  is  said 
to  take  place  under  natural  conditions  in  the  herring  gull,  which 
feeds  in  winter  on  fish  and  in  summer  on  grain.  Conversely  if 
graminivorous  birds  are  fed  on  a  carnivorous  diet,  the  gizzard 
assumes  the  form  of  a  carnivorous  bird's  stomach.  Cuvier  found 
the  length  of  the  intestine  of  the  wild  boar  is  as  9  to  1  and  of 

1  Jenkinson,  loc.  cit.,  p.  ] 32.  2  Agar,  Phil.  Trans.,  Series  B,  vol.  cciii,p.  319 

3  Tower,  Investigation  of  Evolution,  pp.  168  ff.  4  Morgan,  loc.  cit.,  p.  39 

5  Vemon,  loc.  cit.,  p.  219.  •  Thomson,  Animal  Life,  p.  383. 


380    ENVIKONMENT  AMONG  ANIMALS  AND  PLANTS 

the  domestic  boar  as  18-5  to  1,  a  difference  which  is  in  part 
probably  due  to  diet.1  The  colour  of  birds'  plumage  is  affected 
by  their  diet.  Hempseed  causes  bullfinches  and  other  birds 
to  become  black.  Cayenne  pepper  causes  yellow  to  change  to 
orange  red.  In  the  New  York  Zoological  Gardens  it  has  been 
shown  that  some  birds,  such  as  the  bobolink,  may  be  so  dieted 
that  they  keep  their  breeding  plumage  throughout  the  year  and 
will  sing  their  spring  song  in  mid-winter.2  Warren  produced 
marked  changes  in  the  common  water-flea,  Daphnia,  by  keeping 
them  in  a  confined  space  for  many  generations.  '  Semper  and 
de  Varigny  found  that  when  freshwater  snails  were  reared  in 
vessels  of  a  shape  that  allowed  them  abundant  water  but  very 
little  surface  in  which  to  take  exercise  they  developed  into 
dwarf  forms.  Every  precaution  was  taken  to  procure  abundant 
food,  perfect  aeration  and  thorough  removal  of  waste  products. 
De  Varigny's  experiments  were  particularly  careful  and  point 
convincingly  to  the  conclusion  that  the  condition  of  dwarfing  was 
the  restricted  area  for  exercise.' 3  Lastly  it  may  be  remembered 
that,  as  is  well  known,  parasites  may  induce  remarkable  changes 
in  their  hosts. 

8.  From  what  was  said  in  the  third  chapter  it  follows  that  the 
results  of  artificial  subjection  to  abnormal  stimuli  just  described 
are  to  be  interpreted  as  examples  of  the  fact  that  different 
responses  are  given  to  different  stimuli  by  the  same  or  approxi- 
mately the  same  germinal  constitution.  But  large  and  conspicuous 
changes  of  this  nature  are  not  visible  only  as  the  result  of  artificial 
circumstances.  Many  species  are  normally  subject  to  more  or 
less  definite  and  sudden  changes  in  the  surroundings,  and  some  of 
them  exhibit  more  or  less  definite  responses  to  such  changes. 
This  is  especially  obvious  in  the  case  of  sessile  organisms  the 
outward  form  of  which  is  clearly  modified  by  the  surroundings. 
Thus  '  the  water  ranunculus,  when  growing  submerged  beneath 
the  surface  of  a  pond,  produces  leaves  the  blades  of  which  are 
cut  up  into  a  number  of  fine  thread-like  segments.  As  soon  as 
the  top  of  the  plant  reaches  the  surface  of  the  water,  those  leaf- 
rudiments  which  are  just  commencing  their  existence,  proceed 
to  develop  in  a  totally  different  fashion.  The  leaves  to  which 
they  give  rise  possess  a  wide  and  unpointed  blade,  which  floats 

1  Vernon,  loc.  cit.,  p.  294.  2  Thomson,  Animal  Life,  p.  391.    In  the  case  of 

the  Porto  Santo  rabbit  examined  by  Darwin  the  change  in  colour  was  found  to  be 
due  to  the  environment.  8  Ibid.,  p.  383. 


ENVIRONMENT  AMONG  ANIMALS  AND  PLANTS    331 

upon  the  surface  of  the  water.  The  two  sets  of  leaves  are  as 
utterly  different  in  their  appearance  as  it  is  possible  for  leaves 
to  be.  Yet  the  effect  of  the  external  conditions  upon  the  young 
leaf -rudiment  determines  which  of  the  kinds  is  to  appear.' l 

Examples  may  also  be  found  in  the  life-history  of  free-living 
organisms.  One  is  afforded  by  the  common  honey-bee.  As  is 
well  known,  a  queen  bee  differs  markedly  from  a  worker  bee  in 
shape.  Both  queens  and  workers  arise  from  fertilized  eggs  ; 
whether  a  queen  or  a  worker  develops  from  any  one  egg  appears 
to  depend  wholly  on  the  environment — a  larva  that  gives  rise 
to  a  queen  receiving  in  the  first  place  different  and  presumably 
more  nutritious  food  than  that  received  by  a  larva  giving  rise 
to  a  worker,  and,  in  the  second  place,  inhabiting  a  cell  which 
differs  in  size  and  shape  from  that  inhabited  by  a  worker  larva. 
Another  is  afforded  by  the  life-history  of  the  plant  lice  (Aphids). 
At  certain  seasons  of  the  year  winged  forms  appear.  It  has  long 
been  suspected  that  the  appearance  of  winged  forms  depends  on 
some  environmental  stimulus.  That  this  is  so  has  been  rendered 
practically  certain  by  the  work  of  Shinji,  who  has  shown  that 
aphids  reared  on  plants  watered  with  certain  solutions  are  winged 
almost  without  exception.2 

Among  mammals  the  assumption  of  a  winter  coat  by  the 
lemming,  ptarmigan,  and  variable  hare  is  a  similar  phenomenon. 
Sir  John  Eoss  has  told  how  a  Hudson  Bay  lemming  was  protected 
from  the  cold  on  board  his  ship  by  keeping  it  in  the  cabin.  It 
retained  its  normal  summer  coat  during  the  winter.  On  exposing 
it  in  a  cage  on  deck  to  a  temperature  of  80°  below  zero,  the  fur 
on  the  cheeks  and  a  patch  on  each  shoulder  became  perfectly 
white  during  the  first  night.  After  another  day's  exposure  *  the 
patches  on  each  shoulder  had  extended  considerably,  and  the 
posterior  part  of  the  body  and  the  flanks  had  turned  a  dirty 
white.  ...  At  the  end  of  a  week  it  was  entirely  white  except  in 
a  dark  band  across  the  shoulders  prolonged  posteriorly  down 
the  middle  of  the  back.'  3 

A  curious  example  of  the  importance  of  the  environment 
before  birth  is  afforded  by  the  difference  between  the  mule  and 
the  jennet.  The  former  is  the  product  of  a  cross  between  a  stallion 
and  a  she-ass,  the  latter  between  a  jackass  and  a  mare.  There 

1  Lock,  Recent  Progress,  p.  317.  2  Shinji,  '  Wing  Development  in  Aphids ', 

Bid.  Bull.,  vol.  xxxv.  3  Quoted  by  Vernon,  loc.  cit.,  p.  242. 


382    ENVIRONMENT  AMONG  ANIMALS  AND  PLANTS 

is  every  reason  to  believe  that  it  is  not  the  fact  that  horse-ancestry 
is  in  one  case  traced  through  the  father  and  in  the  other  case 
through  the  mother  that  gives  rise  to  the  difference  ;  the  difference 
can  only,  be  attributed  to  the  fact  that  in  one  case  the  period 
before  birth  is  passed  within  a  mother  of  one  species  and  in  the 
other  case  is  passed  within  a  mother  of  another  species. 

4.  We  are  now  in  a  position  to  discuss  what  is  meant  by  the 
term  *  normal  environment '.  There  is  a  more  or  less  definite 
range  of  variations  of  the  environmental  stimuli  to  which  species 
in  a  state  of  nature  are  subject.  The  range  may  differ  greatly 
from  species  to  species,  but  remains  more  or  less  constant  for  any 
species.  So  long  as  the  variations  fall  within  this  range,  the 
environment  may  be  described  as  normal.  Such  variations  will 
be  followed  by  different  responses  on  the  part  of  similar  germinal 
constitutions,  and  the  variations  among  the  members  of  any 
species  under  a  normal  environment  are .  due  to  the  combined 
influence  of  differences  in  the  environment  and  of  differences  in 
the  germinal  constitutions.  From  time  to  time  in  a  state  of 
nature  organisms  are  subject  to  variations  of  the  environmental 
stimuli  which  fall  outside  the  normal  range,  and  there  are  thus 
produced  extreme  modifications  similar  to  those  which  can  be 
experimentally  induced.  Thus  Gemmill  on  examining  a  large 
number  of  fish  embryos  found  monsters  with  a  single  eye  very 
similar  to  those  experimentally  produced  by  Stockard.1 

It  may  next  be  observed  that  there  is  a  marked  difference  in 
the  degree  to  which  sessile  organisms  on  the  one  hand  and  free- 
living  organisms  on  the  other  hand  respond  to  differences  in  the 
normal  environment.  The  former  are  much  more  susceptible 
to  differences — or  at  least  to  certain  differences.  Sessile  organisms, 
for  instance,  differ  from  one  another  very  greatly  in  form  and 
such  variations  are  known  to  be  chiefly  due  to  differences  in  the 
environmental  stimuli.  Free-living  organisms  do  not  vary  in 
this  manner.  The  reason  is  fairly  clear.  All  species  are  adapted 
to  a  particular  niche  in  nature,  and  among  the  former  the  mode 
of  adaptation  of  necessity  takes  the  form  of  susceptibility  to 
surrounding  conditions  ;  a  tree  or  a  sponge  must  be  able  to  adapt 
itself  to  its  actual  surroundings.  A  free-living  organism  is,  on 
the  other  hand,  adapted  by  its  specific  form  to  its  niche  in  nature 

1  Gemmill,  Teratology  of  Fishes,  p.  44.  The  cyclopia  found  was  attributed  by 
Gemmill  only  partly  to  environmental  causes. 


ENVIKONMENT  AMONG  ANIMALS  AND  PLANTS    333 

and,  in  order  that  it  may  reach  and  maintain  this  form,  it  must 
exhibit  a  relative  lack  of  susceptibility  to  surrounding  conditions. 
5.  The  broad  features  of  the  situation  among  species  in  a  state 
of  nature  are  now  fairly  clear.  By  outward  inspection  it  cannot 
be  ascertained  whether  any  particular  characteristic  is  of  the 
nature  of  a  modification  or  of  a  mutation.  But  we  know  that 
among  sessile  organisms  outward  form  is  largely  of  the  nature 
of  modification,  whereas  among  free-living  organisms,  which 
interest  us  more  closely  because  conditions  are  more  nearly 
comparable  to  those  obtaining  among  men,  modifications  play 
a  much  smaller  part.  A  large  number  of  measurements  has 
been  made  of  certain  features  of  particular  species  in  a  state 
of  nature  as,  for  instance,  by  Allen  for  the  squirrel  and  Weldon 
for  the  common  shrimp.  Though  on  general  grounds  we  may 
have  reason  to  suspect  how  far  the  variations  recorded  are  of 
the  nature  of  modifications,  we  can  arrive  at  no  certain  answer. 
Observations  made  on  members  of  a  species  in  a  state  of  nature, 
some  of  which  are  subject  to  conditions  that  differ  from  those 
to  which  the  rest  of  the  members  are  subject,  are  of  more  assistance 
for  our  present  purpose.  Thus  the  tiger  ranges  from  tropical  to 
temperate  regions.  Tigers  from  the  former  regions  exhibit  certain 
differences  from  those  from  the  latter  regions  in  respect  of  the 
condition  of  the  coat.  It  is  possible  that  these  differences  are 
purely  environmental.  Again  certain  marine  molluscs  from  cold 
waters  exhibit  differences  when  compared  with  members  of  the 
same  species  from  warmer  waters  ;  these  differences  may  again 
be  purely  environmental.  In  those  cases  in  which  a  species  has 
within  recent  years  spread  to  a  new  environment,  it  is  often  found 
the  degree  of  variation  has  increased.  Thus  Bumpus  found  that 
the  egg  of  the  common  sparrow  is  more  variable  in  the  United 
States  than  in  England  ; *  it  has  also  been  noticed  that  the 
variation  of  the  common  periwinkle  is  greater  in  America  than 
in  England — both  these  species  having  been  recently  introduced 
into  America.2  It  is  also  of  interest  to  observe  that  Montgomery 
found  greater  variations  among  migratory  than  among  non- 
migratory  species  of  birds  and  the  greatest  variation  among  those 
that  had  the  widest  range.3  Though,  until  the  matter  has  been 
put  to  the  test  of  experiment,  nothing  can  be  affirmed  as  to  the 

1  Vernon,  loc.  cit.,  p.  213.  2  Ibid.,  p.  215.     Similarly  the  snail,  Helix 

aspersa,  has  a  variety  (tennis)  with  a  thin  shell  which  is  found  where  calcareous 
material  is  scarce.  3  Vernon,  loc.  cit.,  p.  261. 


384    ENVIRONMENT  AMONG  ANIMALS  AND  PLANTS 

nature  of  these  differences,  it  is  probable  that  in  part  at  least 
these  differences  are  environmental.  Such  observations  help  to 
exhibit  the  degree  of  importance  that  we  are  led  to  attribute 
to  modifications  among  free-living  animals  in  a  state  of  nature. 
It  must  also  be  borne  in  mind  that  departures  from  the  normal 
range  of  variations  of  the  environmental  stimuli  are  not  so  very 
infrequent  and  that  more  or  less  extreme  modifications,  as  result, 
for  instance,  from  the  attacks  of  parasites,  do  occur. 

Lastly  we  may  go  a  step  farther  and  ask  what  happens  when 
the  environment  changes.  This  inquiry,  if  pursued,  would  lead 
us  beyond  the  scope  of  this  chapter.  A  reference,  however,  to 
this  problem  may  assist  to  render  the  relation  of  a  species  under 
natural  conditions  to  its  environment  rather  more  clear.  Change 
of  environment  may  be  due  either  to  the  migration  of  some  or 
all  the  members  of  a  species  to  a  locality  where  the  environment 
is  different,  or  to  an  actual  change  in  the  environment  in  the 
same  locality.  If  the  change  is  at  all  marked,  then  there  will 
be  a  different  response  on  the  part  of  the  germinal  constitution 
to  the  new  conditions.  Let  us  suppose  that  the  diet  is  changed  and 
that  some  members  of  a  species  of  bird  take  to  a  diet  of  grain 
having  previously  existed  on  a  diet  of  fish.  There  will  be  a  different 
response  in  that  the  stomach  will  assume  a  different  form.  But  it  is 
most  unlikely  that  the  old  germinal  constitution  will  be  that  which 
gives  the  best  response  to  the  new  conditions.  Almost  certainly 
a  somewhat  different  type  of  germinal  constitution  will  be  that 
which  will  give  the  best  response  to  the  new  conditions,  will  be 
that,  in  other  words,  from  which  there  will  arise  the  form  of 
stomach  most  suited  to  dealing  with  grain.  If  and  when,  there- 
fore, a  mutation  arises  exhibiting  this  changed  type  of  germinal 
constitution,  it  will  be  favoured,  and  in  this  manner  a  new  variety 
and  ultimately  a  new  species  may  be  formed.  It  has  thus  to  be 
remembered  that,  although  the  germinal  constitution  to  some 
extent  responds  differently  to  different  stimuli,  it  is  very  unlikely 
that  any  average  type  of  germinal  constitution  will  give  the  best 
response  to  any  other  environment  than  that  to  which  the  species 
is  now  subject.  It  does  not  therefore  follow  that,  because  the 
responses  of  the  germinal  constitution  are  various,  there  are  not 
factors  making  for  a  change  in  the  germinal  constitution  when 
the  environment  changes. 

Summing  up  what  we  have  said,  we  have  to  think  of  every 


ENVIEONMENT  AMONG  ANIMALS  AND  PLANTS    335 

species  as  living  under  a  more  or  less  clearly  defined  environment 
into  which  very  many  elements  enter  ;  whether  the  variations 
in  these  elements  are  great  or  small,  there  is  an  average  condition, 
and  to  that  average  condition  a  certain  type  of  germinal  con- 
stitution gives  the  best  response.  In  the  case  of  a  free-living 
animal  in  the  adult  form  the  germinal  constitution  does  not 
respond  readily  to  ordinary  variations  from  the  normal,  though 
it  has  to  be  remembered  that  extreme  influences  such  as  those 
caused  by  parasites  may  cause  marked  reactions.  Further, 
it  has  always  to  be  borne  in  mind  that  during  development 
all  animals  and  plants  are  particularly  susceptible  to  environ- 
mental changes.  It  is  not  possible  to  make  any  precise 
statement  as  to  how  far  the  differences  we  see  under  natural 
conditions  are  modifications  and  how  far  mutations.  All  that 
we  can  say  is  that  the  part  played  by  the  environment  in  producing 
modifications  is  on  the  whole  smaller  in  the  case  of  free-living 
animals  than  in  the  case  of  sessile  animals  and  of  plants. 


XV 

THE  INFLUENCE  OF  THE  ENVIRONMENT 
UPON  MAN 

1.  THE  way  has  now  been  cleared  for  a  consideration  of  the 
influence  of  the  environment  upon  man.  The  relation  of  the 
ancestors  of  man  to  the  environment  must  have  been  the  same 
as  that  between  any  wild  species  and  its  environment.  In  the 
course  of  his  history  man  has  moved  away  from  this  position 
until  his  relation  to  the  environment  has  become  so  different 
from  that  described  for  other  animals  and  plants  that  we  can  no 
longer  speak  of  a  normal  environment.  This  has  not  come  about 
because  man  is  not  subject  to  the  same  laws  as  are  other  organisms. 
It  has  come  about  because  his  relation  to  the  environment  has 
been  modified  in  many  ways. 

The  conception  of  the  normal  environment  involved  the  idea 
that,  much  as  the  different  elements  composing  the  environment 
might  vary,  there  was  some  more  or  less  clearly  defined  limit  to 
their  variations.  In  one  sense  this  remains  true  for  man ;  but 
the  variations  are  so  much  greater  in  degree  and  in  kind  that 
there  is  a  clear  distinction  between  the  conditions  obtaining 
among  civilized  races  and  those  obtaining  among  any  wild  species. 
Let  us  glance  for  a  moment  at  what  has  happened.  It  is  obvious 
that  man  has  varied  his  surroundings  in  every  respect,  not  only 
with  regard  to  what  we  may  call  external  circumstances,  but  also 
with  regard  to  nutrition  and  to  customs  and  habits  that  we  sum 
up  under  the  name  of  use.  The  most  obvious  changes  in  external 
circumstances  are  those  connected  with  the  spread  of  man  to 
every  corner  of  every  continent.  Man  has  become  subject  to 
every  extreme  of  heat  and  cold,  humidity  and  aridity,  of  barometric 
pressure  and  all  that  goes  to  make  up  climate.  There  is  in 
addition  a  vast  mass  of  artificial  influences,  due  in  the  first  place 
to  various  methods  of  protection  adopted  against  climate.  Every 
description  of  house  is  known,  involving  all  degrees  of  access  to 
fresh  air.  Dress  again  varies  almost  infinitely — the  variations  all 
being  of  possible  influence  upon  the  development  of  mental  and 


ENVIRONMENT  AMONG  MEN  337 

physical  characters.  The  aggregation  of  men  into  towns  involves 
exposure  to  smoke,  noise,  and  vibration  among  other  factors. 
Modern  industrial  conditions  in  particular  expose  workers  to 
varied  surroundings.  Human  diet  has  become  equally  varied. 
The  cooking  of  food  was  an  innovation  involving  great  changes 
in  the  factors  which  play  upon  the  digestive  organs.  Innumerable 
animals  and  plants  have  been  drawn  upon  by  man  as  food. 
Perhaps  more  important  than  the  variations  in  what  man  eats 
are  the  variations  in  what  he  drinks.  Under  the  heading  of  use 
come  all  those  habits  such  as  reading,  washing,  smoking,  and 
shaving.  Various  occupations  bring  with  them  various  degrees 
of  muscular  activity  or  involve  its  reduction  to  next  to  nothing. 
There  are  various  modes  of  riding  and  various  ways  of  sitting. 
Lastly  the  prevalence  of  disease  has  introduced  another  factor 
which  has  a  profound  influence  upon  mental  and  physical 
characters. 

This  varying  of  the  environment  has  come  about  gradually, 
slowly  at  first  and  with  increasing  speed  latterly,  until  at  the 
present  day,  of  four  men  having  their  homes  in  the  same  town 
one  may  do  clerical  work  involving  no  exercise,  another  may 
labour  in  a  cotton  mill  where  it  is  warm  .and  moist,  a  third  may 
perform  hard  physical  labour  in  a  mine  in  semi-darkness  where 
the  air  is  full  of  a  particular  kind  of  dust,  and  a  fourth  may  work 
on  board  ship  exposed  to  all  the  rigours  of  the  Atlantic.  To  such 
differences  may  be  added  all  the  differences  between  meat-eaters 
and  vegetarians,  smokers  and  non-smokers,  alcoholic  drinkers 
and  abstainers,  and  so  on.  Contrast  the  variations  in  the  environ- 
ment of  modern  man  with  the  variations  in  the  environment  of 
any  species  in  a  state  of  nature  and  it  will  be  apparent  why  it  was 
said  above  that  the  relation  of  man  to  his  environment  was  clearly 
distinguishable  from  that  of  any  species  in  a  state  of  nature  to  its 
environment. 

We  are  about  to  consider  in  this  chapter  the  influence  of  the 
environment  upon  the  physical  basis  of  life  ;  we  shall  be  concerned, 
in  other  words,  with  its  function  as  the  complement  of  the  germinal 
constitution.  The  discussion  will  be  limited  to  the  notice  of  such 
factors  as  are  in  operation  ;  of  the  possible  effects  of  the  environ- 
ment there  is  no  need  to  speak.  From  two  other  points  of  view 
also  the  environment  is  of  importance ;  as  a  factor  in  selection 
it  will  be  considered  in  Chapters  XVII  and  XVIII ;  as  the  subject- 


388  .    ENVIRONMENT  AMONG  MEN 

matter,  so  to  speak,  upon  which  mental  processes  work,  it  will  be 
considered  in  Chapters  XIX  and  XX.  It  is  important  to  dis- 
tinguish the  influence  of  the  environment  in  this  latter  respect 
from  the  sense  in  which  it  is  considered  in  this  chapter.  The 
failure  to  do  so  has  vitiated  many  contributions  to  the  subject. 
It  is  felt  that  the  environment  is  somehow  of  great  influence  in 
social  life  and  it  is  not  realized  that,  if  in  the  respect  in  which  it  is 
considered  in  this  chapter  we  find  reason  to  conclude  that  its 
influence  is  not  great,  there  is  another  field  in  which  its  influence 
may  be  established. 

When  considering  the  influence  of  the  environment  on  man, 
it  is  convenient  to  distinguish  between  physical  and  mental 
characters.  Mental  characters  may  be  considered  under  the  head 
of  the  intellect,  the  disposition,  and  the  temperament.  It  must, 
however,  be  clearly  understood  that  this  is  merely  a  distinction 
convenient  for  our  present  purpose  which  is  not  based  upon,  and 
does  not  imply,  any  fundamental  distinction.  Mental  characters, 
such  as  the  instinct  of  gregariousness,  and  physical  characters, 
such  as  head  form,  are  for  our  purpose  merely  characters  resulting 
from  the  play  of  certain  stimuli  upon  a  certain  germinal  consti- 
tution. 

2.  It  is  remarkable  how  little  on  the  whole  is  known  with 
regard  to  the  influence  of  the  environment  on  man.  For  the  most 
part  we  have  to  depend  upon  observations  as  distinguished  from 
experiments.  Though  a  few  experiments  have  been  made,  some 
deliberately  but  others  accidentally,  we  are  for  the  most  part  in 
the  position  with  regard  to  man  that  we  should  be  with  regard  to 
other  animals,  had  we  only  such  observations  to  go  on  as  those 
quoted  respecting  the  size  of  marine  molluscs,  the  variation  in 
the  coat  of  the  tiger,  and  the  changes  in  the  sparrow  and  the 
periwinkle  when  introduced  into  America.  Though  such  observa- 
tions may  strongly  suggest  certain  conclusions  as  to  the  part  played 
by  the  environment,  no  definite  or  precise  results  can  be  reached. 

We  may  first  consider  some  evidence  bearing  upon  the  influence 
of  particular  factors  such  as  exercise  and  climate.  We  may 
disregard  those  rare  cases  of  extreme  modifications  deliberately 
induced,  such  as  the  distortion  of  the  shape  of  the  head  or  of  the 
feet  by  pressure.  These  extreme  modifications  approximate  to 
mutilations  such  as  amputation  of  the  finger- joints  or  the  knocking 
out  of  the  incisor  teeth. 


ENVIRONMENT  AMONG  MEN  339 

It  is  well  known  that  exercise  has  considerable  effect  upon  the 
development  of  the  muscles.  It  is  also  well  known  that  there  is 
a  clearly  denned  point  for  each  individual  beyond  which  exercise 
will  produce  no  further  effect.  Though  exercise  has  a  considerable 
effect  upon  other  organs,  especially  certain  internal  organs,  it  is 
probable,  not  only  that  it  has  more  effect  upon  the  muscles  than 
upon  any  other  system  of  organs,  but  that  the  effect  upon  the 
muscles  is  relatively  at  least  as  great  as,  if  not  greater  than,  the 
effect  upon  any  organ  of  any  other  factor  that  we  shall  consider 
except  disease.  Owing  to  differences  in  the  amount  of  exercise 
the  bodily  development  of  man  in  a  modern  community  varies 
very  considerably  ;  owing  to  such  modifications  clerical  workers 
differ  from  blacksmiths,  whether  or  not  there  are  also  germinal 
differences.  So  too  owing  to  differences  in  habits  men  of  one 
race  differ  from  men  of  another  race.  Darwin,  for  instance,  refers 
to  the  thin  legs  and  thick  arms  of  the  Payagua  Indians  who  spend 
a  large  part  of  their  lives  in  canoes.1  It  is  certain  that  all  such 
physical  differences  are  not  due  to  germinal  differences  and  that 
environment  in  the  shape  of  use  is  in  part  the  cause.  The  position 
is  similar  with  regard  to  certain  peculiarities  observable  among 
races  that  have  adopted  unusual  modes  of  squatting. 

Little  is  known  as  to  the  effects  of  use  upon  mental  characters. 
To  some  degree  no  doubt  the  intellect  is  developed  by  use,  though, 
perhaps,  the  degree  to  which  this  is  so  is  apt  to  be  exaggerated  in 
popular  estimation  owing  to  the  fact  that  modes  of  thinking 
acquired  through  education  add  to  the  efficiency  of  the  faculty, 
which  result  is  mistaken  for  the  effects  of  use.  That  the  effects  of 
exercise  are  not  great  is  shown  by  the  experience  of  the  Workers' 
Education  Association.  This  institution  gives  advanced  courses 
to  men  often  of  middle  age  who  have  received  but  little  intellectual 
training  in  early  life.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  strength  of 
their  intellects  is  much  less  than  it  would  have  been  had  they 
received  a  university  training.  It  seems  at  any  rate  certain 
that  the  differences  in  the  amount  of  use  now  obtaining  between 
the  various  professions  and  classes  in  England  have  less  effect 
generally  upon  mental  than  upon  physical  characters.  Given, 
for  example,  two  men  of  equal  intellect,  one  of  whom  received 
the  best  educational  training  of  the  day,  and  the  other  of  whom 
received  the  training  given  to  the  working  classes,  it  does  not 
1  Darwin,  Descent  of  Man,  p.  33, 
Y2 


340  ENVIRONMENT  AMONG  MEN 

seem  that  at  the  end  of  the  training  there  would  be  anything  like 
the  same  difference  as  regards  strength  of  intellect  between  them 
as  there  would  be  between  two  men,  one  of  whom  received  an 
athletic  training  and  the  other  of  whom  did  not. 

3.  Physical  changes  are  not  infrequently  observed  to  follow 
upon  changes  in  the  environment,  though,  when  these  changes 
are  complex,  it  is  often  impossible  to  say  with  which  features  of 
the  environment  the  changes  are  connected;  Thus  '  the  Anthro- 
pological Committee  of  the  British  Association  long  ago  showed 
the  beneficent  effects  of  the  Factory  Acts,  which  rescued  young 
children  from  the  hardships  of  daily  toil.  Boys  of  nine  years  in 
1873  had  a  height  and  weight  equivalent  to  the  height  and  weight 
of  boys  of  ten  years  old  in  1833.' l 

It  is  known  that  stature  has  increased  in  certain  European 
countries  during  the  last  century.  Soren  Hansen  gives  the 
following  figures  for  Denmark  : 2 

1852  to  1856  .  .  165-42  cm.  average  height. 

1879  „  1888  .  .  167-78  „ 

1891  „  1900  .  .  168-43  „ 

1904  „  1905  .  .  169-11  „ 

Similarly  the  stature  of  the  Dutch  has  increased  from  165-5  cm. 
in  1866  to  167  cm.  in  1883  and  to  168  cm.  in  1899.  A  number 
of  reasons  has  been  suggested  to  account  for  this  marked  increase, 
the  higher  standard  of  living,  the  decrease  in  the  incidence  of 
disease  which  is  known  to  inhibit  growth,  and  the  smaller  number 
of  children  in  a  family.  This  last  factor  is  certainly  of  importance 
at  the  present  day.  From  some  observations  made  in  an  English 
manufacturing  town  Ewart  concludes  that  when  children  are 
born  at  a  longer  interval  than  two  years  they  are  on  an  average 
three  inches  taller  and  three  pounds  heavier  than  children  born 
at  a  shorter  interval.3  It  is  a  fair  assumption  that  in  families, 
where  the  income  is  small,  the  fewer  the  children  the  more 
favourable  would  be  the  environmental  conditions. 

The  physical  inferiority  of  people  living  in  poorly  endowed 
surroundings  is  often  thought  to  be  at  least  in  part  due  to  modi- 
fications induced  by  hard  conditions.  Thus  physical  inferiority 
is  noticeable  in  districts  in  Europe  that  are  markedly  poorly 
endowed,  as  for  instance  in  the  area  between  Limoges  and 

J  Mitchell,  loc.  cit.,  p.  47.  z  Hansen,  '  Increase  in  Stature ',  p.  23,  in  Problems 
in  Eugenics.  3  Ewart,  '  The  Influence  of  Parental  Age  on  Offspring  ',  Eugenics 
fieview,  vol.  Hi. 


ENVIRONMENT  AMONG  MEN  341 

Perigueux  in  France.  So  far  as  this  is  so,  the  causes  may  have  to 
be  sought  in  climatic  differences  as  well  as  in  other  differences 
more  directly  comparable  with  those  which  exist  between  well- 
and  ill-treated  children  in  the  same  country. 

4.  The  influence  of  climate  upon  man  has  long  attracted 
attention.  Statistical  evidence  has  been  produced  showing  that 
the  shape  of  the  head — a  characteristic  usually  considered  not  to 
be  in  any  way  susceptible  to  such  differences  in  the  environment 
as  occur  between  one  climate  and  another — is  modified  by  climate. 
Boas  produced  figures  showing  that  the  cephalic  index  (a  measure 
obtained  by  calculating  the  relation  of  breadth  of  the  head  to  the 
length  which  is  put  at  100)  of  Sicilians  born  in  America  to  be  80, 
while  that  of  Sicilians  born  in  Sicily  is  78,  and  of  Hebrews  born  in 
America  to  be  81,  while  that  of  Hebrews  born  in  Eastern  Europe, 
whence  the  immigrants  came,  is  83.  It  would  appear  that  the 
Hebrews  who  are  broad-headed  in  Europe  become  narrower-  - 
headed  in  America,  and  that  the  Sicilians  who  are  narrow-headed 
in  Europe  become  broader-headed  in  America.  There  would  thus  ' 
seem  to  be  an  approximation  in  America  to  a  cephalic  index  the 
mean  of  which  lies  between  80  and  81. l  These  results  have  been 
severely  criticized  from  many  points  of  view.  Sergi  claims  to  have 
shown  that  the  results  are  the  '  pure  effect  of  illusion  due  to  the 
statistical  methods  employed  by  the  author  ?.2  It  has  also  been 
suggested  that  the  results  are  due  to  selection.  In  this  connexion 
it  is  interesting  to  note  that  both  Ammon  and  Levi  obtained 
somewhat  similar  results  and  that  they  both  attributed  them  to 
selection.  The  former,  working  with  figures  from  Baden,  found 
that  the  inhabitants  of  cities  tended  to  become  longer-headed 
and  concluded  that  the  short-headed  type  tended  to  die  out  under 
the  conditions  of  city  life.3  Levi,  working  on  Italian  figures,  came 
to  the  same  conclusion  and  attributed  it  to  the  same  cause.4 
Others  have  suggested  that  the  methods  of  nursing  children  may 
affect  the  shape  of  the  head  and  that  the  changed  habits  of  the 
immigrants  in  America  may  account  for  the  changes  in  the  shape 
of  the  head.  Though  it  has  certainly  not  been  proved  that  the 
environment  can  in  the  manner  suggested  change  the  shape  of 
the  head,  the  question  cannot  be  regarded  as  settled. 

1  Boas,  Cfuinges  in  Immigrants,  p.  5.  2  Sergi,  '  Variation  and  Heredity ', 

p.  18  (in  Problems  in  Eugenics).     Few  anthropologists,  it  may  be  added,  accept 
Boas's  conclusions.  8  See  Ammon,  Naffirliche  Auslese  beim  Menschen  and 

Zur  Anthropologie  der  Badener.  *  Levi,  Anthropometria  Militare. 


342  ENVIKONMENT  AMONG  MEN 

Observations  have  been  made  on  the  cephalic  index  of  Jews 
which  may  perhaps  be  held  to  lend  support  to  the  views  of  Boas. 
Huntington  gives  the  following  table  : l 

Cephalic  Index  of      Cephalic  Index  of 

Country.  Jews.  other  Races.              Difference 

Caucasus       .          .          .  87-5  87-4  0-1 

Galicia           .          .          .  83-6  84-4  0-8 

Baden            .          .          .  83-5  84-1  0-6 

Little  Russia          .          .  82-9  83-2  0-3 

Turin   ....  82-4  84-9  •  2-5 

Lithuania      .          .          .  81-7  80-6  1-1 

Russian  Poland      .          .  81-9  80-9  1-0 

White  Russia         .          .  80-9  82-5  1-6 

It  would  appear  that  there  is  a  tendency  for  the  cephalic  index 
of  Jews  to  vary  as  does  that  of  the  surrounding  types.  Fishberg 
has  attributed  this  fact  to  intermarriage2  and  this  may  be  in 
part  at  least  the  explanation,  though  in  .the  present  state  of  our 
knowledge  the  possible  influence  of  the  environment  cannot  be 
altogether  excluded. 

The  uncertainty  surrounding  the  matter  is  in  fact  a  good 
example  of  the  state  of  our  knowledge  regarding  many  similar 
problems  affecting  man.3  Boas  himself,  it  may  be  noticed,  only 
believes  in  a  '  strictly  limited  plasticity  ' 4  of  head-form  ;  it  is 
indeed  evident  that  this  and  other  physical  characters  which 
distinguish  the  races  of  man  are  for  the  most  part  of  the-  nature 
of  mutations  and  not  of  modifications.  Europeans  who  migrate 
to  tropical  climates  and  the  inhabitants  of  tropical  climates  who 
come  to  live  in  Europe  retain  the  greater  part  of  their  distinguishing 
physical  characters. 

The  manner  and  degree  in  which  tropical  climates  influence 
Europeans  is  a  matter  of  considerable  interest.  There  is  as  yet 
but  little  known  on  the  subject.  Sir  Patrick  Manson,  writing  in 
1907,  said  that  '  although  many  attempts  have  been  made  to 
trace  and  explain  the  effect  of  temperature  on  the  physiological 
processes  of  the  human  body,  more  especially  in  reference  to  the 
pathological  proclivities  to  which  atmospheric  heat  and  cold  may 

1  Huntington,  World  Power  and  Evolution,  p.  173.  *  Fishberg,  Mem. 

Am.  Anth.  Ass.,  vol.  i,  1905. 

8  Nystrom  has  elaborated  a  theory  according  to  which  the  habits  and  customs 
of  races  profoundly  affect  the  shape  of  the  head,  but  it  cannot  be  said  that  he 
brings  forward  any  convincing  evidence  ('  tJber  die  Formenveranderungen  des 
menschlichen  Schadels ',  Arck.ftr  Anth.,  Bd.  27). 

4  Boas,  loc.  cit.,  p.  76. 


ENVIEONMENT  AMONG  MEN  343 

conduce,  it  cannot  be  said  that  any  important  conclusions  have 
been  attained.  .  .  .  But  though  we  may  not  be  able  to  indicate 
precisely  the  way  in  which  our  bodies  are  physiologically  affected 
by  extremes  of  atmospheric  temperature,  especially  prolonged 
high  temperature,  our  sensations,  the  loss  of  physical  and  mental 
energy,  the  modification  of  physical  characteristics  undergone  by 
white  races  when  placed  for  several  generations  in  tropical 
conditions,  and  the  dark  skins  of  all  tropical  races  indicate  that 
the  white  races  on  first  arrival  are  not  in  all  respects  adapted 
for  tropical  conditions,  that  they  are  somehow  prejudicially 
affected  thereby,  and  that  while  living  in  tropical  countries  they 
are  more  open  to  certain  pathological  risks  than  are  the  natives 
of  those  countries.' 1  Since  the  year  in  which  Sir  Patrick  Manson 
wrote  further  information  has  been  obtained  on  this  subject. 
Our  knowledge  is,  however,  still  scanty.  With  regard  to  actual 
facts  it  is  known  that  the  pulse,  rate  of  breathing,  and  temperature 
of  the  body  do  not  vary  when  measured  in  Europe  and  when 
measured  among  white  men  under  tropical  conditions.  The 
number  of  red  blood- corpuscles  and  the  amount  of  haemoglobin 
in  the  blood  is  the  same  and  metabolism  is  not  less  intense. 
On  the  other  hand  the  rate  by  which  a  nervous  impulse  travels 
along  a  nerve  decreases  in  Europeans  the  longer  they  live  in 
the  tropics.  The  muscles  and  the  connective  tissue  become 
more  elastic.  The  well-known  pallor  of  Europeans  living  in  the 
tropics  is  due  to  a  thickening  and  softening  of  the  epidermis, 
which  becomes  opaque.2 

It  is  very  difficult  to  arrive  at  any  conclusions  as  to  what  the 
effects  of  a  tropical  climate  upon  Europeans  really  are.  It  is 
necessary  to  discount  the  effect  of  tropical  diseases  and  of  the 
habits  and  customs  of  Europeans  living  in  the  tropics.  On  the 
whole  it  is  probable  that  the  popular  notion  of  the  considerable 
and  generally  injurious  nature  of  the  modifications  undergone 
by  Europeans  living  in  the  tropics  is  exaggerated.  It  is  said 
that,  for  example,  in  Java,  when  sanitary  conditions  are  good 
and  reasonable  habits  adopted,  the  death-rate  among  European 
children  is  less  than  in  Europe.  Nevertheless  a  tropical  climate 
does  have  an  injurious  effect  upon  Europeans.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  Europeans  in  the  tropics  are  more  irritable  and  in  general 

1  System  of  Medicine,  edited  by  Allbutt  and  Rofleston,  vol.  ii,  part  ii,  p.  2. 
2  See  Kohlbrugge,  '  Influence  of  a  Tropical  Climate  on  Europeans ',  Eug.  Rev., 
vol.  iii. 


344  ENVIKONMENT  AMONG  MEN 

more  highly  strung  than  in  their  native  land.  Clearly  in  some 
fashion  the  nervous  tone  is  injuriously  affected  by  residence  in 
tropical  climates.  In  a  similar  manner  nervous  tone  is  affected 
by  many  elements  in  the  environment  in  civilized  countries, 
such  as  vibration,  noise,  and  so  on,  leaving  aside  the  effect  of 
food,  drink,  and  disease.  To  the  importance  of  disease  in  this 
respect  we  shall  return  later.  As  regards  noise,  vibration,  and  so  on, 
but  little  is  known — their  influence  being  possibly  considerably 
greater  than  is  usually  suspected. 

5.  Ellsworth  Huntingdon  has  in  recent  years  in  a  number  of 
publications  elaborated  a  theory  according  to  which  climate,  has 
been  one  of  the  main  factors  in  determining  where  civilization 
shall  develop  and  flourish.  As  this  theory  depends  upon  the 
supposed  direct  influence  of  the  environment  on  man,  it  may 
be  noticed  here.  He  has  made  observations  which  are  interpreted 
as  showing  that  there  are  optimum  climatic  conditions  under 
which  the  maximum  energy  is  exhibited.  These  conditions  arise 
when  the  average  temperature  of  day  and  night  together  lies 
between  58°  F.  and  71°  F.  and  when  there  is  a  certain  degree  of 
moisture.  His  observations,  made  in  America,  were  based  on 
the  output  in  piece-work  factories  and  on  similar  data  and  tend 
to  show  that  not  only  do  all  European  races,  including  the  Finns, 
display  most  energy  under  these  optimum  conditions,  but  also 
the  Japanese  and  the  negroes.  He  then  proceeds  to  show 
that  where  these  optimum  conditions  prevail  in  the  world,  there 
to-day  are  to  be  found  the  highest  forms  of  civilization.  Upon 
these  data  he  raises  a  very  far-reaching  theory  to  the  effect  that 
throughout  history  civilization  has  arisen  and  flourished  only 
where  there  has  been  an  approximation  to  these  climatic  con- 
ditions. To  the  obvious  difficulty  that  former  civilizations  have 
often  flourished  in  countries  the  climate  of  which  at  the  present 
day  is  far  from  these  optimum  conditions,  he  replies  that  climate 
has  changed,  a  theory  which  he  has  for  some  years  strongly 
advocated.1 

It  may  be  said  that  there  is  nothing  novel  in  the  idea  of 
optimum  climatic  conditions.2  In  the  previous  section  it  was 
pointed  out  that  Europeans  in  tropical  climates  suffer  from 

1  Huntingdon,  Civilization  and  Climate.  See  also  the  same  author's  '  Climate 
and  Evolution  of  Civilization  ',  in  Evolution  of  the  Earth  and  its  Inhabitants,  edited 
by  Lull.  a  Thus  Montesquieu  remarked  upon  the  fact  that  greatest  vigour 

is  found  in  the  colder  climates  (Esprit  des  Lois,  Part  III,  Bk.  XIV,  ch.  11). 


ENVIRONMENT  AMONG  MEN  345 

injurious  mental  disturbances.  What  is  remarkable  is  that  the 
optimum  conditions  for  negroes  should  be  the  same  as  for 
Europeans.  It  will  require  more  proof  than  has  yet  been  advanced 
before  this  can  be  accepted.  Further,  the  changes  in  climate 
which  the  theory  demands  have  not  been  proved.  Professor 
Gregory  has  reviewed  the  question  and  his  conclusions  do  not 
support  those  of  Huntingdon — at  any  rate  not  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  render  the  theory  tenable.1  Nevertheless,  whatever  the 
fate  of  the  theory  in  its  present  form  may  be,  its  enunciation 
has  raised  many  interesting  questions  and  has  incidentally  helped 
to  show  how  little  we  know  at  present  regarding  the  effect  of  the 
surroundings  on  man. 

6.  When  men  move  from  one  climate  to  another  they  come 
under  the  influence  not  only  of  changes  in  temperature  and 
moisture  but  also  of  food  and  sometimes  of  altitude  and  other 
factors  about  the  effects  of  which  there  is  a  considerable  amount 
of  information.  A  vegetarian  diet  is  said  to  produce  changes  in 
the  gut ;  but  changes  in  beverages  are  probably  of  far  greater 
importance  than  changes  in  food.  The  effects  of  alcohol  have 
been  closely  studied,  chiefly  with  regard  to  its  influence  upon 
nervous  tone.  Nervous  tone  is  affected  in  an  important  manner 
by  many  drugs,  as  for  instance  by  opium,  and  in  a  lesser  degree 
by  tea  and  coffee.  Changes  in  nervous  tone  are  of  such  importance 
that  its  susceptibility  to  various  influences  has  to  be  borne  in 
mind.  It  is  quite  possible  that  the  introduction  of  a  new  form  of 
beverage  into  a  country  might  have  a  perceptible  effect  upon 
the  average  condition  of  nervous  tone  and  thus  have  a  bearing 
upon  the  course  of  history. 

Altitude  is  known  to  have  various  effects  upon  physical 
characters.  The  fact  that  the  larger  lung  capacity  of  those 
who  live  at  high  altitudes  diminishes  on  descent  to  the  plains, 
as  recorded  by  Darwin  of  the  Quicha  Indians,  is  evidence  that 
this  character  is  in  part  at  least  environmental.2  The  effect  of 
high  altitudes  has  lately  been  studied  in  much  detail.  It  is 
known  that  there  is  among  other  changes  an  increase  in  the 
number  of  red  blood-corpuscles  in  the  blood.3 

1  Gregory,  Geog.  Journ.,  vol.  xliii.  There  have  been  many  studies  of  the  influ- 
ence of  climate  upon  temperament.  See,  for  instance,  Dexter,  Weather  Influences. 
2  Darwin,  Descent  of  Man,  p.  35.  3  Acton  and  Harvey,  '  Increase  in  the 

Number  of  Erythrocytes ',  Biometrika,  vol.  viii.  See  also  the  results  of  the 
Monte  Rosa  and  Pike's  Peaks  Expeditions,  Phil.  Trans.,  vols.  cciii  and  ccvi. 


346  ENVIRONMENT  AMONG  MEN 

7.  Attempts  have  been  made  to  obtain  more  precise  information 
by  the  use  of  statistical  methods.    Thus  the  correlations  have  been 
measured  between  the  state  of  children's  eyesight  and  fifteen 
environmental  conditions.     The  mean  of  the  correlations  was 
found  to  be  0-04 — only  one  reaching  O-l.1    Again  the  association 
between  various  intellectual  and  physical  characters  and  con- 
ditions, which  were  taken  as  representing  a  good  or  bad  environ- 
ment, has  been  measured.    A  slight  association  was  found  between 
intelligence  in  boys  and  few  people  per  room  and  no  association 
between   eyesight,   condition  of  glands   and  hearing,  and   bad 
economic  and  moral  surroundings.2     Somewhat  different  results 
have  been  reached  by   American  workers,   who  find  that  by 
employing   psychological   tests    a    fairly  well-marked  difference 
can  be  detected  between  children  in  the  same  school  whose 
parents  belong  to  different  social  classes  and  who  would  therefore 
be  subject  to  different  home  conditions.3 

The  interpretation  of  these  results  is  difficult.  Before  any 
definite  conclusion  could  be  reached  with  regard  to  any  one 
character,  it  would  be  necessary  to  measure  the  effect  of  every 
factor  in  the  environment  upon  that  character.  As  the  matter 
stands  there  is  strong  but  not  conclusive  evidence  of  the  small 
influence  of  the  surroundings,  so  long  as  we  suppose  that  innate 
differences  do  not  exist  between  the  subjects  measured.  But  if 
innate  differences  exist,  then  the  interpretation  of  the  absence 
of  any  marked  degree  of  correlation  must  be  that  the  common 
elements  of  the  environment  supplied  by  the  community  are  of 
greater  importance  than  the  innate  differences.  We  shall  find 
reason  to  conclude  in  later  chapters  that  small  innate  differences 
do  exist,  and,  if  this  is  so,  then  the  interpretation  of  these  results 
is  not  at  variance  with  the  general,  though  necessarily  vague, 
conclusions  derived  from  the  evidence  previously  given,  i.e.  that 
the  influence  of  the  environment  as  represented  by  the  variations 
actually  occurring  in  the  elements  of  the  surroundings  hitherto 
mentioned  is  small. 

8.  There  is  another  class  of  factors  which  may  be  summed  up 
under  the  heading  of  disease.     It  was  remarked  that  disease 
may  produce  notable  results  among  species  in  a  state  of  nature. 

1  Barrington  and  Pearson,  Eug.  Lab.  Mem.,  No.  5,  1909.  2  The  results  of 

these  investigations  have  been  summed  up  by  Miss  Elderton  in  a  pamphlet  entitled 
The  Relative  Strength  of  Nature  and  Nurture.  3  See,  for  instance,  Bridges  and 

Coles,  *  Relation  of  Intelligence  to  Social  Status  ',  Psychological  Review,  vol.  xxiv. 


ENVIRONMENT  AMONG  MEN  347 

Compared,  however,  with  the  state  of  things  among  men,  and 
especially  in  the  later  stages  of  history,  disease  is  rare  among 
such  species.  Among  men  it  comes  to  assume  a  peculiar  impor- 
tance. 

Disease  results  both  from  the  attacks  of  parasites  and  from 
other  causes.  The  various  classes  of  disease  will  be  referred  to 
in  the  next  chapter.  We  are  here  concerned  only  with  the 
results,  and  we  may  think  of  the  disease  as  affecting  particular 
organs  in  the  body  and  as  affecting  the  general  functioning  of 
the  organs.  Every  organ  in  the  body  is  liable  to  be  attacked 
by  disease  and  the  modifications  produced  are  in  many  cases 
familiar.  Thus  all  physical  and  mental  characters  may  be 
directly  and  to  almost  any  degree  modified  by  disease.  Again 
it  is  known  that  the  result  of  disease  in  children  is  to  inhibit 
growth,  and  that  the  growth  thus  lost  is  not  subsequently  made 
up.  Disease  may  thus  be  said  to  draw  upon  the  capital  and  not 
upon  the  income  of  children.1  We  may  here  confine  ourselves 
to  some  notice  of  the  effect  of  disease  on  the  general  functioning 
of  the  bodily  organs  which  though  not  so  familiar  is  more  important 
from  our  point  of  view. 

The  functioning  of  the  bodily  organs  has  been  found  in  late 
years  largely  to  depend  upon  certain  glands — known  as  the  en- 
docrinous  or  ductless  glands — in  a  manner  and  to  a  degree  alto- 
gether unsuspected.  The  thyroid  gland,  for  example,  manufactures 
a  secretion  which  is  essential  to  the  proper  growth  and  normal 
metabolic  functions  of  the  whole  body.  If  it  is  removed  from 
a  child,  the  whole  body  is  stunted  and  mental  deficiency  results. 
Certain  maladies,  such  as  goitre,  cretinism,  and  others  are  known 
to  be  connected  with  a  diseased  condition  of  the  thyroid.  Profound 
modifications  of  both  physical  and  mental  characters  may  thus 
follow  when  these  glands  cease  to  function  normally,  which  is 
known  to  be  the  case  in  certain  specific  diseases  and  may  arise 
in  other  ways  which  are  not  fully  understood. 

Temperament  depends  upon  the  general  functioning  of  the 
bodily  organs  and  upon  the  actual  condition  of  the  nervous 
system.  Disease,  whether  it  takes  the  form  of  a  failure  of  the 
ductless  glands  to  function  as  they  should,  or  some  other  form, 
always  affects  the  general  functioning  of  the  body  and  thus  has 
a  direct  bearing  upon  temperament.  Thus  'we  know  now', 

1  Galton,  Inquiries  into  Human  Faculty,  p.  236. 


348  ENVIRONMENT  AMONG  MEN 

says  Mr.  McDougall,  *  that  defect  of  the  functions  of  this  organ 
(thyroid)  may  reduce  any  one  of  us  to  a  state  of  mental  apathy 
bordering  upon  idiocy,  and  that  its  excessive  activity  produces 
the  opposite  effect  and  may  throw  the  mind  into  an  over-excitable 
condition  verging  upon  maniacal  excitement.     Again  we  know 
that  certain  diseases  tend  to  produce  specific  changes  of  tempera- 
ment, that  phthisis  often  gives  it  a  bright  and  hopeful  turn, 
diabetes  a  dissatisfied  and  cantankerous  turn.     It  is  clear  that 
in  some  such  cases  of  profound  alteration  of  temperament  by 
bodily  disorder  the  effects  are  produced  by  means  of  the  chemical 
products  of  metabolism,  which,  boing  thrown  out  of  the  diseased 
tissues  into  the  blood  and  reaching  the  nervous  system  by  way  of 
the  blood-stream,  chemically  modify  its  processes.    It  is  probable 
that  every  organ  in  the  body  exerts  in  this  way  some  influence 
upon  our  mental  life,  and  that  temperament  is  in  large  measure 
the  balance  or  resultant  of  all  these  many  contributory  influences.' 1 
Thus  in  addition  to  the  more  obvious  direct  effects  of  disease 
upon  mental  and  physical  characters,  there  are  the  more  subtle 
and  profound  effects  upon  temperament,   and  in  our  general 
summing-up  we  shall  find  reason  to  attribute  no  small  importance 
to  temperament  in  its  influence  upon  progress.    It  thus  becomes 
of  importance  to  observe  that  in  particular  regions  of  the  world 
certain  chronic  and  non-lethal  diseases  are  very  common.    Clearly 
the  result  of  disease  upon  temperament  is  greatest  when  it  takes 
the  form,  not  of  kill  or  cure — which  is  on  the  whole  the  case  in 
temperate  climates— but  of  chronic  non-lethal  maladies  which 
are  common  in  tropical  climates,  especially  in  Africa.    The  hook- 
worm disease  is  an  African  disease  which  has  been  introduced 
into  America.    The  hook-worm  (Ancylostomum  duodenale)  is  an 
internal  parasite  which  attaches  itself  to  the  lining  of  the  intestine 
and  causes  bleeding  and  anaemia.     Death  may  ensue,  but  the 
patient  usually  lives  a  long  time.    It  is  a  most  debilitating  disease ; 
it  is  said  to  affect  some  50  per  cent,  of  the  inhabitants  of  some 
tropical  and  sub-tropical  countries.     Even  as  a  mild  infection 
it  is  the  cause  of  much  invalidity  and  heavy  economic  loss.    The 
laziness  and  degeneracy  of  the  '  poor  white  trash  ',  who  are  said 
to  belong  to.  the  purest -blooded  English  stock  in  the  United 
States,  are  due  not  so  much  to  the  environment2  and  heredity 

1  McDougall,  Social  Psychology,  p.  118.  2  Here  environment  clearly  means 

social  or  traditional  environment. 


ENVIKONMENT  AMONG  MEN  349 

as  to  the  ravages  of  these  parasites.  In  a  public  lecture,  delivered 
before  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  in  191 5,^  Allan  Smith, 
citing  the  factors  which  have  caused  the  Southern  States  to  lag 
in  American  progress,  mentioned  that  the  hook-worm  disease 
'  stands  with  malaria  as  worse  than  wars  and  the  devastations 
of  battles  and  worse  than  all  other  pathogenic  agencies  in  com- 
bination'. Through  the  influence  of  these  diseases  '  the  men  and 
women  of  the  South,  bred  from  the  best  colonial  stock,  offspring 
of  pioneers,  with  the  blood  of  English  gentry  and  of  continental 
cavaliers  in  their  veins,  sank  lower  and  lower  in  physical  degenera- 
tion and  squalor,  were  derided  and  denounced  as  lazy  and  shiftless 
and  condemned  in  popular  opinion  as  worthless  and  a  disgrace  '.x 

There  are  many  other  tropical  and  sub-tropical  diseases  of 
a  somewhat  similar  nature.  Among  them  may  be  mentioned 
the  *  ya^vs  ' — marked  by  various  eruptions  probably  due  to 
a  spirochaete — the  guinea-worm,  which  lives  buried  in  con- 
nective tissue  ;  bilharzia,  a  trematode  worm  which  lives  in  the 
bladder  and  infects  nearly  50  per  cent,  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Egypt ;  and  elephantiasis,  due  to  a  worm  related  to  the  guinea- 
worm.  The  manner  and  degree  in  which  these  various  diseases 
affect  the  nervous  tone  varies  very  much.  In  general  the  result 
is  debility  and  a  lowering  of  the  nervous  tone.  So  too  malaria  is 
a  cause  of  debility,  and  the  main  reason  for  the  decadence  of  Ancient 
Greece  has  been  sought  in  this  disease.2 

9.  The  results  of  the  inquiry  so  far,  though  illuminating,  are 
indefinite.  This  is  largely  because  we  are  ignorant  regarding 
innate  differences.  The  consideration  of  the  evidence  as  to 
identical  twins  offers  a  way  out  of  this  difficulty.  It  is  known 
that  there  are  two  kinds  of  twins.  There  are  the  so-called  identical 
twins,  between  whom  there  is  a  very  close  resemblance,  and  other 
twins  between  whom  there  is  no  greater  resemblance  than  between 
any  two  children  of  the  same  parents.  It  was  formerly  thought 
that  there  was  a  sharp  distinction  between  the  two  kinds  of 
twins — identical  twins  arising  from  a  single  ovum,  which  com- 
pletely separated  into  two  halves  during  early  development,  each 
half  giving  rise  to  one  child,  ordinary  twins  arising  from  the 
simultaneous  fertilization  of  two  ova.  If  this  was  so,  then 
identical  twins  would  always  have  approximately  the  same 

1  Leiper, '  Some  Inhabitants  of  Man ',  p.  151  (in  Animal  Life  and  Human  Progress, 
edited  by  Dendy),  8  See  Jones,  Malaria  and  Greek  History. 


350  ENVIEONMENT  AMONG  MEN 

germinal  constitution,  whereas  other  twins  would  have  germinal 
constitutions  as  different  as  on  the  average  are  those  of  the  off- 
spring of  the  same  parents.  That  identical  twins  do  thus  at 
times  arise  is  practically  certain,  but  it  has  recently  been  shown 
that  the  supposed  sharp  distinction  between  identical  and  other 
twins  does  not  exist.1  This  may  be  explained  by  various  assump- 
tions. It  may  be  supposed  that  some  ova  are  binucleate  or 
that  some  ova  are  penetrated  by  two  spermatozoa  ;  again  the 
earlier  or  later  separation  of  the  blastomeres  may  have  a  bearing 
upon  the  position.  Under  any  of  these  circumstances  twins 
intermediate  between  identical  twins  and  ordinary  twins  would 
arise — twins,  that  is  to  say,  not  having  approximately  similar 
germinal  constitutions,  but  germinal  constitutions  more  nearly 
alike  than  those  of  ordinary  twins.  However  this  may  be,  it  is 
sufficient  for  our  purpose  to  note  that  so-called  identical  twins 
are  always  more  alike  in  their  germinal  constitutions  than  are 
ordinary  twins  and  may  quite  frequently  have  practically  similar 
germinal  constitutions.  It,  therefore,  follows  that  differences 
between  identical  twins  must  be  very  largely  of  the  nature  of 
modifications.  It  is  thus  of  great  interest  to  ask  in  what  these 
differences  consist. 

Galton  collected  data  regarding  thirty-five  cases  of  identical 
twins.  He  summarizes  the  information  about  them  up  to  the 
time  at  which  they  left  the  family  circle  as  follows.  '  In  a  few 
of  these  not  a  single  point  of  difference  could  be  specified.  In 
the  remainder,  the  colour  of  the  hair  and  eyes  were  almost  always 
identical ;  the  height,  weight,  and  strength  were  nearly  always 
so.  Nevertheless  I  have  a  few  cases  of  a  notable  difference  in 
height,  weight,  and  strength,  although  the  resemblance  was 
otherwise  very  near.  The  manner  and  personal  address  of  the 
thirty-five  pairs  of  twins  are  usually  described  as  very  similar, 
but  are  accompanied  by  slight  differences  of  expression,  familiar 
to  near  relatives  though  unperceived  by  strangers.  The  intonation 
of  the  voice  when  speaking  is  commonly  the  same,  but  it  frequently 
happens  that  the  twins  sing  in  different  keys.' 2  He  goes  on  to 
say  that  '  both  twins  are  apt  to  sicken  at  the  same  time  in  no 
less  than  nine  out  of  the  thirty-five  cases.  Either  the  illnesses, 

1  See  Fisher,  '  Genesis  of  Twins ',  Genetics,  vol.  iv.  a  Galton,  Inquiries  into 

Human  Faculty,  p.  219.  Curiously  enough  there  was  no  similarity  to  be  detected 
in  handwriting — an  interesting  commentary  on  the  value  to  be  attributed  to 
deductions  drawn  from  handwriting  as  to  character. 


ENVIKONMENT  AMONG  MEN  351 

to  which  I  refer,  were  non-contagious,  or,  if  contagious,  the  twins 
caught  them  simultaneously  ;  they  did  not  catch  them  the  one 
from  the  other.  This  implies  so  intimate  a  constitutional  re- 
semblance, that  it  is  proper  to  give  some  quotations  in  evidence,' l 
and  he  proceeds  to  give  detailed  evidence.  Later  he  remarks 
on  the  '  similarity  in  the  association  of  ideas.  No  less  than 
11  out  of  the  35  cases  testify  to  this.  They  make  the  same 
remarks  on  the  same  occasions,  begin  singing  the  same  song  at 
the  same  moment  and  so  on.' 2  With  regard  to  tastes  and  dis- 
positions Galton  says  that  '  in  16  cases — that  is  in  nearly  one- 
half  of  them — these  were  described  as  closely  similar ;  in  the 
remaining  19  they  were  much  alike,  but  subject  to  certain  named 
differences.  These  differences  belonged  almost  wholly  to  such 
groups  of  qualities  as  these  :  the  one  was  more  vigorous,  fearless, 
energetic,  the  other  was  gentle,  clinging,  and  timid  ;  or  the  one 
was  more  ardent,  the  other  more  calm  and  placid  ;  or  again  the 
one  was  the  more  independent,  original,  and  self-contained  ; 
the  other  the  more  generous,  hearty,  and  vivacious.  In  short  the 
difference  was  that  of  intensity  or  energy  in  one  or  other  of  its 
protean  forms  ;  it  did  not  extend  more  deeply  into  the  structures 
of  the  characters.  The  more  vivacious  might  be  subdued  by 
ill  health,  until  -he  assumed  the  character  of  the  other ;  or  the 
latter  might  be  raised  by  excellent  health  to  that  of  the  former. 
The  difference  was  in  the  key-note,  not  in  the  melody.'  3  Galton 
sums  up  the  evidence  as  follows  :  '  It  follows  from  what  has  been 
said  concerning  the  similar  dispositions  of  the  twins,  the  similarity 
in  the  association  of  their  ideas,  of  their  special  ailments,  and  of 
their  illnesses  generally,  that  the  resemblances  are  not  superficial, 
but  extremely  intimate.  I  have  only  two  cases  of  a  strong  bodily 
resemblance  being  accompanied  by  mental  diversity,  and  one 
case  only  of  the  converse  kind.' 4 

It  has  to  be  remembered  that  up  to  this  period  the  twins  had 
been  reared  under  very  similar  conditions  indeed  ;  Galton  in 
fact  says  that  they  had  been  reared  '  exactly  alike  '.5  He  goes 
on  to  ask  what  changes  were  produced  when  they  left  the  family 
and  went  out  into  the  world.  He  sums  up  the  result  of  his 
inquiries  into  this  point  as  follows  :  '  Here  are  35  cases  of  twins 
who  were  "  closely  alike  "  in  body  and  mind  when  they  were 

1  Galton,  loc.  cit,.  p. -226,          *  Ibid.,  p.  231,  3  Ibid,  *  Ibid.,  p.  232. 

•  Jbid.,  p.  233, 


852  ENVIRONMENT  AMONG  MEN 

young,  and  who  have  been  reared  exactly  alike  up  to  their  early 
manhood  and  womanhood.  Since  then  the  condition  of  their 
lives  has  changed ;  what  change  of  nurture  has  produced  the 
most  variation  ?  .  .  .  They  (the  85  cases)  showed  me  that  in 
some  cases  the  resemblance  of  body  and  mind  had  continued 
unaltered  up  to  old  age,  notwithstanding  very  different  conditions 
of  life  ;  they  showed  me  that  in  other  cases  the  parents  ascribed 
such  dissimilarity  as  there  was,  wholly  or  almost  wholly  to  some 
form  of  illness.' l  '  We  may,  therefore,  broadly  conclude  that 
the  only  circumstance,  within  the  range  of  those  by  which  persons 
of  similar  conditions  of  life  are  affected,  that  is  capable  of  producing 
a  marked  effect  on  the  character  of  adults,  is  illness  or  some 
accident  which  causes  physical  infirmity.'2  Gait  on  then  turns 
to  consider  the  details  regarding  twenty  cases  of  unlike  twins 
and  he  finds  that  in  spite  of  similar  surroundings  no  growing 
resemblance  can  be  traced.3 

10.  In  attempting  to  sum  up  our  conclusions  on  this  subject, 
we  may  first  ask  what  influence  is  to  be  attributed  to  the  environ- 
ment and  then  ask  what  bearing  such  influence  has  upon  the 
main  problem  under  review  in  these  later  chapters.  It  has  always 
to  be  recollected  that  changes  in  the  environment  may  have  the 
most  extreme  results.  Some  examples  were  given  of  experiments 
upon  developing  animals,  and  it  was  shown  that  in  the  case  of 
fish,  for  example,  monsters  of  various  kinds  can  be  produced. 
So  too  doubtless  extreme  modifications  could  be  produced  in 
the  case  of  man  and  are  occasionally  produced  by  untoward 
surroundings  and  by  such  customs  as  those  of  the  distortion  of 
the  head  and  of  the  feet.  What  we  want  to  know,  however,  is 
not  what  modifications  can  be  produced,  nor  what  exceptional 
modifications  sometimes  arise,  but  what  changes  are  induced  by 
the  variations  in  the  environment  which  usually  occur. 

The  answer  is  that,  putting  aside  disease  among  the  factors 
and  leaving  out  for  the  moment  temperament  among  the  cha- 
racters, such  variations  as  occur  are  of  little  importance.  This 
applies  to  both  physical  and  mental  predispositions  and  includes 
the  effect  of  not  only  such  factors  as  climate  and  so  on  but  also  of 
such  factors  as  are  summed  up  in  a  good  or  bad  home  environment. 

1  Gallon,  Inquiries  into  Human  Faculty,  p.  233.  a  Ibid.,  p.  235.  3  Ibid., 

p.  237.  The  general  results  of  Gallon's  work  have  been  confirmed  in  all  important 
respects  by  Thorndike's  elaborate  investigations  ('Measurements  of  Twins' 
Archives  of  Philosophy,  Psychology,  and  Scientific  Methods,  vol.  i,  1905), 


ENVIRONMENT  AMONG  MEN  353 

It  is  probable  that  physical  predispositions  are  on  the  whole 
more  susceptible  to  such  changes  as  occur  than  are  mental 
predispositions.  There  is  no  reason,  for  instance,  to  think  that 
the  normal  variation  of  any  factor  which  influences  mental 
predispositions  produces  as  much  effect  as  does  use  upon  muscular 
development.  But  it  is  also  further  clear  that,  though  we  must, 
keeping  aside  for  the  moment  questions  connected  with  disease 
and  with  temperament,  think  of  such  modifications  as  occur  as 
not  of  much  importance,  nevertheless  these  modifications  are  of 
greater  importance  than  among  species  in  a  state  of  nature  closely 
related  to  man.  Consider  for  a  moment  muscular  development. 
Side  by  side  in  the  same  street  may  live  a  man  whose  daily  work 
is  wholly  sedentary  and  whose  muscles  are  in  consequence 
undeveloped,  and  a  man  who  works  in  a  mine  or  engineering 
shop  and  develops  his  muscles  accordingly.  Nowhere  among 
vertebrate  animals  in  a  state  of  nature  are  such  differences 
found. 

Though  but  little  is  definitely  known  on  the  subject,  it  seems 
that  temperament  is  more  susceptible  to  changes  in  the  environ- 
ment than  are  other  mental  or  physical  characters.  Changes  of 
climate,  for  example,  appear  to  produce  more  marked  changes 
in  temperament  than  in  any  other  character.  Temperament  is 
certainly  very  susceptible  to  the  influence  of  disease,  which  may 
also  profoundly  affect  all  characters  both  mental  and  physical. 
It  is  probably  in  its  effects  upon  temperament  that  disease  has 
its  chief  importance.  We  may  even  have  to  recognize  in  the 
effects  produced  by  certain  tropical  diseases  a  serious  hindrance 
to  progress  in  tropical  countries.  It  is  difficult,  however,  to 
disentangle  from  the  effects  of  disease  in  this  sense  the  effects 
which  it  produces  in  the  sense  awaiting  consideration  in  later 
chapters.  Clearly  the  wide  prevalence  of  disease,  where  such  is 
the  case,  must  form  an  important  factor  in  the  surroundings 
which  the  mind  has  for  the  subject-matter  of  its  activities — 
but  on  this  and  on  allied  subjects  there  will  be  more  to  say  later. 

We  have  already  in  what  has  just  been  said  referred  to  one 
kind  of  modification  in  its  effect  upon  progress.  Upon  this 
subject  in  general  it  may  in  the  first  place  again  be  emphasized 
that,  so  far  as  is  at  present  known,  there  are  no  grounds  for 
believing  that  modifications  of  the  kind  considered  in  this  chapter 
give  rise  to  mutations.  From  this  it  follows  that  the  results 

2498  ~ 


354  ENVIRONMENT  AMONG  MEN 

of  modifications  are  not  cumulative.  Unless  in  every  successive 
generation  the  modification  is  induced,  it  will  not  reappear. 
Secondly  these  modifications  on  the  whole  tend,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  effect  of  disease  upon  temperament,  to  be  connected  with 
a  condition  of  things  that  acts  as  a  drag  upon  progress  rather 
than  as  a  spur  to  progress.  The  reason  for  this  is  clear  in  the 
light  of  what  has  been  said  in  the  last  chapter.  It  was  there 
shown  that  the  germinal  constitution  among  species  in  a  state 
of  nature  has  come  to  be  through  the  action  of  selection  of  such 
a  kind  that  under  certain  stimuli  it  gives  rise  to  a  certain  form. 
This  form  is  that  which  is  best  adapted  to  meet  the  normal 
features  which  characterize  the  niche  in  the  organic  world  which 
the  species  occupies.  Large  modifications  only  become  apparent 
when  the  species  or  certain  members  of  it  are  no  longer  subject 
to  their  normal  environment.  To  meet  the  new  surroundings 
a  somewhat  different  germinal  constitution  would  give  a  better 
response.  In  other  words  the  most  satisfactory  conditions  are 
those  under  which  considerable  modifications  do  not  arise. 

Lastly  we  may  again  refer  to  a  point  that  has  already  been 
alluded  to.  Great  stress  has  been  laid  by  certain  authors,  for 
instance  by  Professor  Bidgeway,  upon  the  influence  of  the 
environment  upon  man.  Kidgeway  in  one  passage  speaks  as 
follows  :  '  My  argument  was,  and  is,  that  as  the  ice  sheet  receded, 
man  passed  upwards  from  the  south  or  south-east  into  Europe, 
and  settled  in  the  three  southern  peninsulas,  gradually  spreading 
northwards  over  the  Alps  and  extending  eventually  up  to  the 
Baltic.  As  they  gradually  spread  upwards,  under  the  influence 
of  the  environment  (and  in  the  environment  I,  of  course,  include 
food),  they  grew  less  dark,  those  of  them  who  settled  permanently 
along  the  axis  of  the  Alps  tending  to  have  shorter  skulls,  while 
those  who  had  passed  upwards  earliest  became  the  most  blonde 
and  tallest  people  in  the  world.' 1  It  is  clear  from  other  passages 
that  Bidgeway  is  including  two  very  different  things  under  the 
phrase — the  influence  of  the  environment.  He  is  thinking  of  the 
production  of  modifications  such  as  have  been  studied  here,  and 
also  of  the  elimination  of  certain  types  under  the  influence  of  the 
environment.  He  does  not  make  it  as  clear,  as  is  perhaps  desirable, 
to  which  of  these  two  factors  he  attributes  most  importance. 
But  what  is  more  relevant  to  our  argument  is  that  to  include 

1  Ridgeway,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xl,  p.  13. 


ENVIKONMENT  AMONG  MEN 


355 


the  results  of  selection  under  the  heading  of  the  influence  of  the 
environment  is  somewhat  misleading.  Selection  is  a  wholly 
different  matter  and,  unless  it  is  carefully  distinguished  from 
other  factors,  confusion  of  thought  results.  The  effects  which 
follow  from  elimination  owing  to  climate  and  food  should  not 
be  summed  up  under  the  heading  of  the  influence  of  the  environ- 
ment ;  in  this  book  they  are  considered  in  Chapters  XVII  and 
XVIII. 


Z2 


XVI 
HEREDITY  IN  MAN 

1.  HAVING  touched  upon  the  influence  of  the  environment  in 
producing  modifications,  we  have  now  to  approach  the  suhject 
of  the  selection  of  characters,  both  mental  and  physical.  It  is 
proposed  to  consider  in  this  chapter  what  it  is  that  is  inherited, 
and  in  the  two  following  chapters  to  consider  the  results  of 
selection. 

What  is  meant  by  saying  that  any  character  is  inherited  is  clear 
from  former  chapters.  There  are  certain  predispositions  in  the 
germinal  constitution  of  every  individual — predispositions  to  give 
rise  to  certain  characters  under  certain  conditions  and  to  other 
characters  under  other  conditions.  There  is  a  predisposition,  for 
instance,  in  the  species  of  primrose  referred  to  in  Chapter  XIV  to 
give  rise  to  red  flowers  at  a  certain  temperature  and  to  white 
flowers  at  a  different  temperature,  the  colour  of  the  flower  being 
equally  inherited  in  both  cases.  We  may  therefore  take  as  our 
starting-point  the  fact  that  there  are  in  the  constitution  of  every 
individual  many  such  predispositions. 

From  the  results  of  breeding  experiments  upon  Mendelian  lines 
certain  conclusions  have  been  reached  which  carry  us  farther. 
These  experiments  have  shown  that  certain  unit-characters  can 
be  isolated  which  behave  in  a  certain  manner  when  crossed,  and 
from  the  manner  in  which  they  behave  it  is  deduced  that  they 
depend  upon  unit-factors  in  the  germinal  constitution  which  are 
invariable.  The  number  of  unit-characters  which  have  been 
detected  in  any  one  species  is  not  large  ;  it  is  true  that  in  one 
species  of  insect  about  two  hundred  unit-factors  have  been  found, 
but  even  this  number  can  only  form  a  small  proportion  of  the 
total  number  if  it  is  the  case  that  the  germinal  constitution 
consists  entirely  of  unit-factors  which  on  crossing  give  the  Mende- 
lian ratio.  This  is  the  working  hypothesis  which  is  put  forward 
as  the  explanation  of  inheritance,  and  which  it  is  the  object  of 
investigators  now  to  test.  We  may  consider  for  a  moment  what 
it  is  that  this  hypothesis  implies. 


HEEEDITY  IN  MAN  357 

We  have  to  think  of  the  germinal  constitution  as  containing 
a  very  large  number  of  factors — predispositions  in  other  words. 
The  characters  to  which  these  factors  give  rise  may  be  the 
characters  which  we  see  when  we  examine  any  individual,  but 
more  often  they  are  not.  There  are,  for  instance,  cases  in  which 
the  colour  of  a  flower  or  of  the  coat  of  a  mammal  are  unit-characters 
but  more  often  such  visible  characters  are  the  product  of  two  or 
more  unit -factors.  There  are  many  cases  now  known  in  which 
the  visible  character  is  in  this  fashion  due  to  the  presence  of 
several  unit -factors.  With  regard  to  this  hypothesis  in  general 
all  that  can  be  said  is  that  at  present  no  facts  are  known  which 
are  definitely  in  contradiction  to  it.  It  is  the  only  hypothesis 
which  holds  the  field.1 

Up  to  the  present  very  few  unit-factors  have  been  distinguished 
in  man.  It  has  been  found  that  brachydactyly — a  peculiar  mal- 
formation of  the  hand — presenile  cataract,  tylosis — a  thickening  of 
the  hands  and  of  the  soles  of  the  feet — epidermolysis  bullosa — a 
blistering  of  the  skin — and  night  blindness  behave  as  simple 
Mendelian  characters.  So  too  does  eye  colour,  pigment  in  front 
of  the  iris  being  dominant  to  its  absence — in  other  words,  brown, 
green,  and  hazel  being  dominant  to  pure  grey  and  blue.  There 
is  also  some  reason  for  thinking  that  musical  ability  is  a  recessive 
character.  On  the  hypothesis  outlined  above  it  must  be  supposed 
that  most  of  the  visible  characters  of  man  are  the  product  of 
several  unit-factors  which  have  not  yet  been  identified.  What 
appears  to  happen  when  matings  take  place  between  people 
of  different  colour,  stature,  and  so  on  is  that  there  is  a 
blending  of  characters  in  the  offspring.  Such  appearances  are 
not  incompatible  with  the  hypothesis — the  assumption  being  that 
many  unit-characters  are  concerned. 

This  question  as  to  the  ultimate  nature  of  inheritance  has  been 
introduced  here  because  of  its  inherent  interest.  It  is  not  as  a 
matter  of  fact  strictly  relevant.  What  we  require  to  know  is 
rather  what  predispositions  are  present  in  the  germinal  consti- 
tution. It  is  this  which  is  essential ;  the  precise  manner  in  which 
the  predispositions  are  represented  in  the  gametes,  whether  by 

1  The  '  Ancestral  Law  of  Heredity ',  which  attributes  on  the  average  half  the 
germinal  constitution  to  the  parents,  a  quarter  to  the  grandparents,  an  eighth 
to  the  great-grandparents,  and  so  on,  is  not  incompatible  with  Mendelian  inheri- 
tance as  a  general  statistical  result.  The  conception  of  the  nature  of  inheritance 
involved  in  this  theory  is,  however,  incompatible  with  the  Mendelian  conception  of 
unit-characters,  which  conception,  it  may  be  said,  is  the  only  one  which  fits  the  facts. 


858  HEBEDITY  IN  MAN 

unit-factors  or  not,  is  not  essential  to  the  present  inquiry.  We 
require  to  be  able  to  give  some  answer  to  such  questions  as 
whether  disease,  intellect,  and  temperament  are  represented  in 
the  germinal  constitution  or  not,  and  we  can  find  an  answer  to 
these  questions  without  concerning  ourselves  with  the  ultimate 
nature  of  inheritance. 

2.  Since  studies  of  inheritance  on  Mendelian  lines  do  not  at 
present  enable  us  to  say  what  human  characters  are  inherited, 
we  are  dependent  for  our  knowledge  of  this  subject  chiefly  upon 
biometry.  The  method  pursued  by  biometricians  is  as  follows. 
The  particulars  with  respect  to  any  character — say  stature — are 
noted  both  for  the  parents  and  for  the  children.  The  average 
degree  of  resemblance  between  parents  and  children  can  thus  be 
measured  and  expressed  numerically.  If  the  resemblance  was 
complete,  if,  that  is  to  say,  in  respect  of  any  character  children 
exactly  resembled  their  parents,  the  fact  would  be  expressed  by 
saying  that  the  correlation  was  equal  to  unity.  When  the  re- 
semblance is  less,  the  fact  is  expressed  by  representing  the  degree 
of  resemblance  as  a  fraction.  It  must  be  emphasized  that  this 
method  merely  measures  the  average  degree  of  resemblance  ;  it 
does  not  without  further  inquiry  tell  us  how  far  that  resemblance 
is  due  to  inheritance.  So  far  as  such  degrees  of  resemblance  are 
found,  it  is  quite  possible,  supposing  that  we  had  no  further  know- 
ledge of  the  subject  at  all,  that  they  might  arise  as  follows.  It 
might  be  that  all  men  had  the  same  germinal  constitution,  and 
that  the  degree  of  resemblance  was  due  to  the  fact  that  fathers 
and  their  children  were  brought  up  under  more  or  less  similar 
surroundings.  Though  this  fact  should  be  borne  in  mind,  such 
an  explanation  of  the  resemblances  found  in  the  cases  that  will 
be  quoted  in  what  follows  is  as  a  matter  of  fact  shut  out,  and  we 
may  accept  the  correlations  as  a  measure  of  the  degree  of  likeness 
due  to  inheritance. 

The  correlations  between  parents  and  children  and  between 
children  of  the  same  parents  have  been  determined  in  respect  of 
many  characters — both  mental  and  physical — and  found  to  be 
about  0-5.  Thus,  in  respect  of  height  the  correlation  between 
father  and  son  was  found  to  be  0-514,  between  father  and  daughter 
0-510,  between  mother  and  son  0-494,  between  mother  and  daughter 
0-507,  between  brother  and  brother  0-511,  between  sister  and  sister 
0-537,  between  brother  and  sister  0-553.  So  too  the  average  parental 


HEEEDITY  IN  MAN 


359 


correlation  in  respect  to  eye  colour  is  0-495,  and  the  average 
fraternal  correlation  is  0-475.  With  regard  to  ability  the  fraternal 
correlation  is  0-46,  the  correlation  between  sisters  0'47,  and  that 
between  brother  and  sister  0-44. 

All  that  has  been  said  with  regard  to  the  nature  of  fertilization 
and  development  lead  to  a  similar  conclusion.  In  the  processes 
of  maturation  and  fertilization  we  can  detect  a  mechanism  whereby 
the  bearers  of  inherited  qualities  are  transmitted  from  parent  to 
child.  In  development  we  see  how,  when  the  appropriate  stimulus 
plays  upon  the  fertilized  egg,  an  adult  member  of  the  species 
grows  up.  It  is  only  when  we  suppose  that  within  the  fertilized 
egg  there  are  certain  predispositions  in  respect  of  every  character 
which  are  derived  from  the  parents  that  we  can  in  any  way 
understand  how  adult  individuals  come  into  being.1  And  it  must 
be  emphasized  that,  however  much  opinions  may  differ  regarding 
the  precise  nature  of  the  mechanism  of  inheritance,  there  is  no 
difference  regarding  the  fact  of  inheritance.  All  biologists  are 
agreed  on  this  subject  up  to  a  point ;  the  matters  in  debate  are 
not  strictly  relevant  here. 

8.  There  are  certain  points,  however,  which,  in  view  of  the 
form  which  the  discussion  in  the  following  chapters  will  take, 
require  further  treatment.  As  regards  physical  characters,  it  is 
sufficient  to  think  of  all  such  characters  whether  great  or  small 
as  inherited.  But  with  regard  to  disease  it  may  be  as  well  to 
consider  further  to  what  degree  it  can  be  said  to  be  inherited. 

What  we  call  disease  falls  under  two  headings  :  disease  due  to 
the  attacks  of  parasites  and  disease  due  to  structural  defects  or 
weaknesses.  Parasitic  infections  are  of  post-conceptional  ac- 
quirement ;  they  may  be  acquired,  it  is  true,  before  birth,  but 
such  an  acquirement  is  strictly  analogous  to  the  '  catching  '  of 
a  disease  after  birth.  In  the  sense,  therefore,  that  parasites  are 
not  transmitted  from  the  parent  to  the  ovum,  as  the  germinal 
constitution  is  transmitted,  disease  is  never  inherited. 

It  has  been  shown,  however,  that  in  the  case  of  certain  diseases, 
such  as  tuberculosis,  a  definite  susceptibility  to  contract  the 
disease  is  inherited.  In  other  words,  given  an  equal  exposure  to 
infection,  some  men  do  not  '  catch '  the  disease,  some  only 

1  The  fact  that  the  germinal  constitution  of  any  one  individual  belonging  to 
a  species,  in  which  biparental  reproduction  is  taking  place,  differs  almost  always 
from  that  of  any  other  member  of  the  species  is  due  on  the  Mendelian  hypothesis 
to  the  chance  mixture  of  factors  in  the  zygote. 


860  HEEEDITY  IN  MAN 

experience  a  mild  form,  and  others  die  rapidly  of  it.  It  is  probable 
that  there  are  innately  given  degrees  of  susceptibility  to  all 
diseases  which  are  caused  by  the  invasion  of  the  body  by  small, 
chiefly  unicellular,  parasites,  which  produce  their  harmful  effects 
by  the  secretion  of  toxins.  The  same  does  not  apply  to  the 
diseases  caused  by  the  attacks  of  the  larger  multicellular  parasites, 
such  as  tapeworms,  which,  at  any  rate  to  a  large  extent,  produce 
their  harmful  effects  directly  by  causing  lesions  of  the  tissues. 
As  to  how  far  we  have  to  think  of  different  kinds  of  susceptibility 
to  different  diseases,  or  how  far  diseases  go  in  classes,  so  that 
susceptibility  to  one  disease  goes  with  susceptibility  to  another 
disease  and  vice  versa,  little  is  known,  but  it  is  probable  that  in 
some  cases  at  least  there  is  a  linkage  of  susceptibilities,  that,  for 
instance,  susceptibility  to  scarlet  fever  is  to  some  extent  linked 
with  susceptibility  to  measles.  We  must  suppose  that  there  are 
structural  peculiarities  which  underlie  these  different  suscepti- 
bilities. Though  various  hypotheses  have  been  put  forward,  we 
are  still  ignorant  as  to  their  nature.  But  whatever  the  exact 
nature  of  these  structural  differences,  it  is  clear  that  they  are 
inherited  like  any  other  physical  character. 

We  have  therefore  to  note  that,  (a)  susceptibility  to  specific 
infections  is  inherited.  If  gross  anomalies,  such  as  polydactyly 
and  syndactyly  (malformations  of  the  hand)  are  to  be  accounted 
as  diseases,  then  we  may  note  that  (b)  gross  anomalies  are  in- 
herited, (c)  Minor  anomalies  are  also  inherited.  Under  this  head 
come  haemophilia,  due  to  some  peculiarity  in  the  blood-vessels, 
which  results  in  their  not  contracting  as  they  should  and  to  the 
absence  of  coagulating  power  in  the  blood,  albuminuria,  due  to 
some  defect  in  the  filtering  apparatus  in  the  kidney,  albinism, 
myopia,  icthyosis,  and  others,  all  of  which  are  clearly  due  to 
structural  peculiarities.  Further,  we  may  note  that  (d)  '  other 
conditions  due,  it  would  seem,  to  disturbances  of  metabolism, 
underlying  which  may  very  possibly  be  finer  anatomical  variations, 
have  for  long  been  noted  as  tending  to  be  inherited  ;  such  as 
obesity,  diabetes,  gout,  and  chronic  rheumatism  '.l  Lastly  (e) 
certain  nervous  diseases  are  inherited.  We  may  distinguish  two 
classes  of  nervous  disease — the  homeomorphic  and  the  hetero- 
morphic.  '  In  the  former  the  offspring  show  the  same  lesions  and 

1  Adami,  '  Inheritance  and  Disease  ',  p.  26  (in  A  System  of  Medicine,  edited  by 
Osier  and  McCrae). 


HEKEDITY  IN  MAN  361 

symptoms  as  the  parents.  These  are  cases  more  particularly  of 
lack  of  development  or  of  premature  atrophy  of  certain  groups 
of  nerve  cells.' l  In  the  latter  the  parent  may  suffer  from  one 
kind  of  disease,  while  the  offspring  may  exhibit  one  or  more  of 
a  group  of  other  diseases.  This  is  attributed  to  a  lack  of  develop- 
ment of  the  highest  nerve-centres  as  a  whole.  There  is  a  lack  of 
*  perfect  stability  and  co-ordination  of  various  parts  so  that 
according  to  the  strains  to  which  the  individual  members  of 
family  are  subjected,  now  one,  now  the  other  series  of  centres 
may  show  itself  unable  to  respond  adequately,  and  one  or  the 
other  form  of  mental  disturbance  and  nervous  disease  may  result. 
Here  are  to  be  included  the  condition  of  insanity,  familial  epilepsy 
and  the  neuroses.'  2  In  other  words,  we  sometimes  find  stocks 
in  which  there  is  a  nervous  weakness,  which  may  manifest  itself 
in  very  various  ways,  including  hysteria,  epilepsy,  inability  to 
control  impulse,  delusion,  and  so  on.  Alcoholism  is  sometimes 
spoken  of  as  though  it  was  to  be  regarded  as  an  irresistible  impulse 
to  drink.  Probably  we  should  rather  imagine  that  a  condition 
of  general  nervous  weakness  may  at  times  manifest  itself  in  the 
form  of  a  loss  of  control  with  regard  to  the  use  of  alcohol.  Accord- 
ing to  Mott  '  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  neurasthenics,  epileptics, 
imbeciles,  degenerates,  eccentrics,  and  potential  lunatics — all 
those  indeed  with  an  inherent  narrow  margin  of  highest  control 
— possess  a  marked  intolerance  to  the  effects  of  alcohol  '.3  Certain 
facts  are,  however,  very  puzzling.  Suicide,  for  example,  would 
seem  to  be  a  manner  in  which  general  nervous  weakness  may 
manifest  itself.  Nevertheless,  the  tendency  to  suicide  appears 
sometimes  as  a  very  definite  and  peculiar  disease  which  manifests 
itself  generation  after  generation  at  a  certain  age.  Perhaps  in 
these  cases  we  should  rather  see  an  example  of  how  the  same 
outward  circumstances — here  the  knowledge  of  the  family  history 
— tends  to  cause  a  general  nervous  weakness  to  manifest  itself  in 
the  same  way,  rather  than  an  example  of  a  specific  nervous 
weakness.4 

4.  What  we  know  as  temperament  stands  half-way  between 
physical  and  mental  characters.  As  we  have  seen,  temperament 
depends  upon  influences  exerted  by  the  functioning  of  the  bodily 
organs  on  the  nervous  system  and  upon  the  peculiarities  of  the 

1  Adami,  loc.  cit.,  p.  26.  «  Ibid.  3  Quoted  by  Thomson,  Heredity, 

p.  275.  «  Tredgold  found  that  80  per  cent,  of  the  mentally  deficient  had  a 

bad  nervous  inheritance  (Mental  Deficiency,  p.  40). 


362  HEREDITY  IN  MAN 

nervous  system  itself.  Though  on  this  account  temperament  or 
nervous  tone  is  peculiarly  susceptible  to  environmental  influences, 
a  certain  condition  of  nervous  tone  is  innately  given.  We  must 
suppose  the  actual  structure  of  the  nervous  system  to  be  largely 
inherited,  and  we  must  suppose  that  the  manner  in  which  the 
bodily  organs  function  is  largely  due  to  their  innate  organization. 
We  have  thus  to  think  of  a  certain  temperament  as  always  given 
in  the  germinal  constitution.  An  extreme  example  is  an  innate 
defect  of  the  thyroid  gland  which  can  produce  any  degree  of  mental 
apathy.  Again,  such  characters  as  excitability,  rapidity  of 
response,  and  differences  in  respect  of  fatiguability  and  recupera- 
tion are  largely  inherited. 

Habit  is  best  considered  under  this  heading.  The  essential  fact 
about  habit  is  that,  if  the  nervous  system  is  stimulated  in  a  certain 
fashion,  so  that  a  stimulus  passes  along  certain  paths,  the  next 
stimulus  of  the  same  kind  will  produce  an  impulse  which  passes 
more  easily  along  those  paths.  Thus  in  time  the  same  result, 
whatever  it  may  be,  is  achieved  by  the  application  of  a  weaker 
stimulus.  This  fact,  which  is  of  great  importance,  suggests  an 
actual  modification  of  structure — an  actual  fashioning  of  a  path. 
Whether  this  is  so  or  not,  we  do  not  know.  What  is  noticeable 
here  is  that  the  ease  with  which  habits  are  formed  undoubtedly 
differs  from  man  to  man,  and  we  have  again  to  postulate  pre- 
dispositions in  the  germinal  constitution  which  tend  towards 
a  definite  degree  of  development  of  the  power  of  the  formation 
of  habits. 

5.  The  greatest^  difficulties  arise  when  dealing  with  the  purely 
mental  characters.  There  is  a  general  agreement  among  biologists 
that  mental  characters  are  inherited  just  as  physical  characters 
are  inherited.  As  we  have  pointed  out,  there  is  evidence  to  this 
effect  derived  from  studies  on  biometric  lines.  The  difficulties 
arise  when  we  attempt  to  give  more  precision  to  the  statement 
that  mental  characters  are  inherited.  One  method  of  approaching 
this  problem  is  to  analyse  mental  behaviour,  and  to  ascertain 
if  possible  what  faculties  there  are  which  cannot  be  explained 
in  terms  of  other  faculties.  Such  faculties  are  the  least  that  we 
must  suppose  to  be  given  in  the  germinal  constitution.  It  does 
not,  p_f_jeourse,  follow  that  irreducible  characters  are  Mendeliah 
characters.  In  all  probability  they  are  due  to  the  presence  of 
many  Mendelian  factors.  This  analysis  is  a  matter  of  great 


HEKEDITY  IN  MAN  863 

difficulty,  and  there  is  at  present  no  agreement  among  psycho- 
logists as  to  what  ultimate  faculties  of  the  mind  are  given  out 
of  which  the  characters  we  observe  are  compounded.  Modern 
analysis  leads  to  the  idea  of  mental  process  as  the  activity  of 
a  subject.  But  though  we  may  not  think  of  the  mind  merely  as 
a  bundle  of  faculties,  we  have  to  attribute  certain  faculties  to  the 
subject,  and  the  question  arises  as  to  what  these  faculties  are. 

There  is  less  difficulty  with  regard  to  the  affective  and  conative 
faculties,  that  is  to  say,  those  that  are  connected  with  feeling  and 
striving,  than  with  regard  to  the  cognitive  faculties.  Psycho- 
logists are  to  some  extent  agreed  as  to  what  instincts  can  be 
recognized.  McDougall,  for  instance,  gives  the  following  list, 
associating  in  each  case  with  the  impulse  an  emotion  representing 
the  conative  or  affective  aspect.1  (1)  Instinct  of  flight,  and 
emotion  of  fear.  (2)  Instinct  of  repulsion  and  emotion  of  disgust. 
(3)  Instinct  of  curiosity  and  emotion  of  wonder.  (4)  Instinct  of 
pugnacity  and  the  combative  emotion.  (5)  Instinct  of  self- 
assertion  and  the  emotion  of  elation.  (6)  Instinct  of  self-abasement 
and  the  emotion  of  subjection.  (7)  Parental  instinct  and  the 
tender  emotion.  To  the  remaining  instincts  which  he  names 
a  special  emotion  is  less  definitely  attached.  These  instincts  are 
those  of  reproduction,  sexual  jealousy,  female  coyness,  gre- 
gariousness,  acquisition,  and  construction.  This  list  is  not 
exhaustive  ;  there  are  other  instincts  of  less  importance,  such 
as  the  instinct  which  tends  to  make  a  boy  at  a  certain  age  leave 
his  home.  The  list,  however,  includes  all  the  more  important 
instincts. 

There  are  a  number  of  other  emotions  often  described  as 
primary  which  McDougall  describes  as  complex.  Thus,  according 
to  his  view  admiration  is  a  combination  of  wonder  and  self- 
abasement.  When  fear  is  added,  we  have  the  emotion  of  awe, 
and  when  gratitude  is  added  we  have  the  emotion  of  reverence. 
Gratitude  is  itself  a  combination  of  tender  emotion  and  self- 
abasement.  In  a  similar  fashion  loathing,  fascination,  and  envy 
can  be  explained.  According  to  this  view,  therefore,  we  should 
not  think  of  separate  predispositions  towards  these  complex 
emotions  as  existing  in  the  germinal  constitution  ;  we  should 
think  of  them  as  determined  by  the  predispositions  towards  the 
simpler  emotions. 

1  McDougall,  Social  Psychology,  ch.  iii. 


364  HEREDITY  IN  MAN 

McDougall  further  describes  three  general  or  non-specific 
tendencies  which  have  sometimes  been  classed  as  instincts.1 
Sympathy,  or  the  sympathetic  induction  of  the  emotions,  describes 
the  fact  that  instinctive  behaviour  incites  similar  behaviour  in 
the  observer.  Suggestion  is  denned  as  a  process  of  communication 
resulting  in  the  acceptation  with  conviction  of  the  communicated 
proposition  in  the  absence  of  logically  adequate  grounds  for  its 
acceptance.  Imitation,  which  has  often  been  used  to  include 
sympathy  and  suggestion,  is  in  the  limited  sense  adopted  by 
McDougall,  the  tendency  to  copy  the  bodily  actions  of  some  one 
else.  Finally  there  is  the  tendency  to  play. 

Apart,  therefore,  from  temperament  and  the  faculties  connected 
with  cognition,  we  have  to  recognize  predispositions  towards 
certain  instincts  and  certain  general  tendencies.  Without  question 
they  differ  in  strength  from  man  to  man;  without  question 
such  differences  are  in  large  part  attributable  to  varying  pre- 
dispositions in  the  germinal  constitution,  and  we  must  presume 
that  such  differences  are  in  some  way  connected  with  differences 
in  nervous  structure  or  organization.  The  subject  is  one  of  great 
difficulty,  and  nothing  can  be  affirmed  regarding  it  with  any 
certainty.  The  ultimate  modes  of  feeling  seem  to  be  those  of 
pleasure  and  displeasure,  and  of  excitement  and  depression.  It  is 
scarcely  possible  to  stop  at  this  point,  and  it  seems  that  we  have 
to  go  on  and  attribute  the  more  specific  forms  of  feeling  or  emotions 
to  primary  faculties  incapable  of  further  analysis.  So,  too, 
conation  or  striving  seems  to  be  distinguishable  into  striving 
towards  and  into  striving  away  from  an  object.  Again  as  with 
feeling  it  appears  that  we  have  to  go  farther  and  presume  certain 
more  clearly-defined  faculties  as  indicated  above. 

6.  The  difficulties  are  still  greater  with  regard  to  cognition. 
Analysis  seems  to  bring  us  to  three  ultimate  faculties — those  of 
judgement,  of  comparison,  and  of  association.2  Judgement 
consists  in  affirming  or  denying,  and  upon  this  faculty  all  higher 
reasoning  is  built.  Memory  should  perhaps  be  considered  as 
a  special  aspect  of  this  faculty — as  the  power  to  think  of  an 
object  over  again,  and  to  affirm  or  deny  it  to  be  the  same  object. 
This  faculty,  together  with  the  faculty  of  comparing,  enables 
that  process  of  distinction  and  systematization  to  be  performed 
upon  which  all  the  higher  developments  are  based.  To  these 

1  McDougall,  Social  Psychology,  ch.  iv.  *  Ibid.,  ch.  iii. 


HEEEDITY  IN  MAN  365 

faculties  of  analysis  and  synthesis  are  to  be  added  the  faculty  of 
association,  whereby  objects  come  to  be  thought  of  in  groups 
according  to  the  sequence  in  which  they  came  to  be  presented 
to  the  mind  quite  apart  from  their  intrinsic  affinities  or  dis- 
tinctions. Thus,  in  addition  to  the  faculties  whereby  the  mind 
attains  some  grasp  of  the  constitution  of  the  world  of  objects, 
there  is  a  faculty  which  in  some  degree  mirrors  the  history  of  the 
world. 

It  is  probable  that  in  addition  to  these  ultimate  faculties,  there 
may  be  many  other  faculties  which  cannot  be  reduced  to  aspects 
of  the  former,  and  have  therefore  to  be  considered  also  as  primary. 
However  that  may  be,  what  is  important  for  our  present  purpose 
is  that  the  faculty  commonly  known  as  ability  is  undoubtedly 
innate.  It  may  be  very  variously  composed  of  specialized  forms 
of  these  three  primary  faculties,  and  perhaps  of  other  faculties 
combined  in  very  many  ways.  Every  degree  of  ability  is  known 
and  there  are  many  forms  in  which  it  is  specialized,*  such  as  in 
musical,  artistic,  and  other  directions.  It  has  been  shown  that 
a  high  development  of  general  ability  is  correlated  with  a  high 
development  of  any  special  ability.  In  other  words,  we  have  to 
think  of  a  genius  with  some  marked  talent  as  possessing  on  an 
average  a  high  general  level  of  ability.  There  is  ample  evidence 
of  the  inheritance  of  ability,  both  derived  from  the  examination 
of  large  numbers  of  cases  and  from  the  analysis  of  family  histories. 
This  evidence  also  shows  that  musical  and  other  forms  of  special 
ability  are  inherited.  We  have  therefore  to  think  of  predis- 
positions in  the  germinal  constitution,  which  give  rise  to  abilities 
of  all  kinds,  although  a  more  correct  analysis  may  refer  them  to 
some  combination  of  the  ultimate  faculties  enumerated  above, 
much  as  certain  complex  emotions  are  to  be  referred  to  the 
combination  of  certain  primary  emotions,  and  not  thought  of  as 
given  as  such  in  the  germinal  constitution. 

There  are  other  characters  which  do  not  appear  to  be  covered 
by  any  extension  of  the  term  ability.  Such,  for  instance,  are 
will  and  self-control.  In  its  essence  will  seems  to  be  the  rising  up 
of  some  dominating  impulse  which  controls  or  harmonizes  the 
feelings.  The  weaker  impulse  somehow  overcomes  the  stronger. 
The  will  is  variously  explained,  and  in  modern  psychological 
writings  often  in  such  a  manner  as  to  exclude  the  idea  of  a  special 
faculty.  It  is  not  necessary  here  to  go  into  these  explanations  of 


366  HEKEDITY  IN  MAN 

the  origin  of  will.  It  is  clear  that,  if  it  has  to  be  referred  to  the 
working  of  complex  faculties  which  are  themselves  explicable  in 
the  terms  of  more  ultimate  faculties,  it  is  in  a  sense  innately 
given.  Undoubtedly  will  is  in  a  sense  inherited.  However 
much  will  may  be  a  product  of  the  environment  in  the  second 
sense,  there  is  clearly  an  innate  tendency  towards  the  develop- 
ment of  a  will  of  a  certain  form  and  strength.  Whether  therefore 
it  is  an  ultimate  faculty  or  not,  it  is  due  in  some  measure  either 
to  a  definite  innate  predisposition  or  to  such  a  combination  of 
other  innate  predispositions  as  give  rise  to  the  manifestation  of 
a  will  of  a  certain  nature. 

Finally,  we  may  look  at  the  whole  problem  of  the  inheritance 
of  mental  characters  from  another  point  of  view.  It  is  known 
that  certain  areas  in  the  brain  associated  with  particular  functions 
are  differently  developed  in  different  individuals,  and  that  there 
are  differences  in  the  speed  at  which  the  nervous  impulse  travels 
which  are  doubtless  due  to  anatomical  peculiarities  and  so  on — 
that  there  are,  in  fact,  differences  in  the  physical  basis  which 
underlies  the  manifestation  of  mental  characters.  It  is  thus  easy 
to  understand  in  a  general  way  how  mental  characters  which  are 
based  upon  the  nervous  organization  are  inherited.  A  man  may 
inherit  a  brain  in  which  certain  regions  are  of  relatively  large 
size,  or  a  nervous  organization  by  which  impulses  are  swiftly 
conducted,  and  thus  we  can  understand  how  quickness  of  re- 
sponse, power  of  concentration,  readiness  of  association,  type  of 
mind  (whether  emotional  or  intellectual)  are  inherited. 

7.  This  brief  inquiry  into  what  is  given  in  the  germinal  con- 
stitution leads  to  the  conception  of  large  numbers  of  predis- 
positions which  under  the  stimulus  ojf  the  environment  develop 
into  the  characters  that  we  observe.  This  is  true  at  least  of 
physical  characters.  In  physical  characters  we  observe  the  result 
of  the  play  of  the  environment  upon  certain  predispositions. 
With  regard  to  mental  characters  the  position  is  somewhat 
different.  Into  mental  characters,  as  presented  to  us — into  ability, 
for  instance — there  enters  the  influence  of  the  environment  in  the 
second  sense.  When  we  are  judging  the  ability  of  a  man  from 
a  practical  point  of  view,  we  are  judging  a  character  into  the 
make-up  of  which  has  entered  not  only  certain  predispositions 
and  a  certain  environment — using  environment  in  the  sense  of 
the  complement  to  inheritance — but  also  the  results  of  the  influence 


HEKEDITY  IN  MAN  367 

of  the  environment  in  the  second  sense,  such  as  habit  and  what 
may  be  regarded  as  tools,  namely,  modes  of  thought  and  so  on. 
In  order  to  get  at  the  characters  we  must  disentangle  or  allow  for 
these  tools.  This  difficulty  does  not  arise  in  the  case  of  physical 
characters.  When  measuring  the  physical  strength  of  two  men 
we  are  not  likely  to  allow  one  man  to  throw  an  object  with  a 
thro  wing-stick  and  another  to  use  his  own  unaided  strength. 
But  we  are  apt  when  comparing  ability  to  forget  that  one  man  may 
have  learnt  to  distinguish  between  the  categories  when  another 
may  not  have  done  so.  To  this  difficulty  we  shall  refer  again  later. 
These  predispositions  have  their  basis  in  the  germinal  consti- 
tution and  are  therefore  inherited.  It  is  probable  that  we  should 
regard  the  germinal  constitution  as  consisting  of  unit-factors. 
However  that  may  be,  it  is  clear  that  either  a  differential  birth- 
rate (reproductive  selection)  or  a  differential  death-rate  (lethal 
selection),  will  change  the  average  germinal  constitution  of  the 
race  among  which  they  are  operative.  Bearing  this  in  mind,  we 
may  inquire  when  and  where  in  human  history  we  can  detect 
reproductive  and  lethal  selection  at  work.  And  we  must  re- 
member that  in  the  first  place  not  merely  obvious  factors  such  as 
war  have  been  and  are  at  work,  but  also  that  subtle  changes  in 
social  life  and  social  organization  may  have  profound  effects,  and 
that  in  the  second  place  not  merely  obvious  characters  may  be 
favoured  or  eliminated,  but  the  least  striking  and  most  minute 
(though  not  necessarily  the  least  important)  characters  both 
mental  and  physical  may  be  similarly  affected. 


XVII 
THE  EVOLUTION  OF  PHYSICAL  CHARACTERS 

1.  HAVING  discussed  what  is  given  in  the  germinal  constitution, 
we  are  now  in  a  position  to  inquire  into  the  question  of  changes 
in  the  germinal  constitution.  Such  changes  may  affect  physical 
or  mental  characters.  In  this  chapter  we  are  concerned  with 
physical  characters  alone.  Compared  with  the  evolution  of 
mental  characters  the  evolution  of  physical  characters  is  a  sub- 
sidiary matter  ;  as  this  evolution,  however,  has  gone  hand  in 
hand  with  the  evolution  of  mental  characters  and  furthermore 
possesses  an  importance  of  its  own,  all  reference  to  it  cannot 
be  omitted  though  the  subject  will  be  treated  very  briefly.  As 
a  preliminary  to  this  inquiry  we  may  note  certain  facts  about  the 
selection  of  physical  characters  in  general. 

We  know  practically  nothing  as  to  the  cause  of  mutations. 
We  have,  therefore,  to  take  mutations  for  granted,  and  to  inquire 
how  certain  stocks  with  particular  predispositions  are  favoured 
and  others  eliminated.  In  this  process  both  lethal  selection  and 
reproductive  selection  play  a  part.  Among  species  in  a  state  of 
nature  lethal  selection  is  more  important  than  reproductive 
selection  ;  among  men  the  importance  of  reproductive  selection 
tends  to  increase  until  in  the  latest  period  it  assumes  an  impor- 
tance approaching  that  of  lethal  selection. 

Hitherto  we  have  only  referred  in  passing  to  the  existence  of 
tradition  among  men.  Tradition  will  be  found  to  form  a  serious 
complication  when  we  come  to  deal  with  the  selection  of  mental 
characters.  With  regard  to  physical  characters  it  also  complicates 
the  position,  but  only  to  a  relatively  unimportant  degree.  In  the 
first  place  it  makes  the  environment  very  varied,  especially  in 
industrial  societies  where  men  living  next  door  to  one  another 
may  be  subject  to  very  different  conditions  in  their  daily  occupa- 
tions. Secondly,  the  fact  that  men  protect  themselves  against 
external  conditions — for  instance,  against  cold — may  lead  to 
a  group  of  men  who  are  protected  surviving,  where  a  less  well- 
protected  group  perishes,  though  the  former  may  conceivably  be 


EVOLUTION  OF  PHYSICAL  CHAKACTERS         369 

naturally  less  resistent  to  cold  than  the  latter.  In  the  broad  and 
rapid  survey  that  we  shall  make  these  complications  can  be 
disregarded ;  the  existence  of  tradition  does  not  introduce, 
so  far  as  physical  characters  are  concerned,  that  peculiar  com- 
plication which  is  the  cause  of  much  difficulty  when  we  come  to 
deal  with  mental  characters — namely,  the  combination  of  what  is 
acquired  through  tradition  with  the  underlying  character  itself 
in  such  a  way  that  the  manifestation  of  the  character  is  connected 
in  a  varying  degree  with  its  innate  strength.  We  shall  thus, 
when  dealing  with  mental  characters,  have  to  attempt  to  strip 
off  the  acquirements.  When  dealing  with  physical  characters 
we  can  always  get  down  to  the  character  at  once.  There  is  no 
difficulty  in  separating  the  arm  from  the  tool  which  it  employs, 
and  we  thus  get  directly  at  the  character  which  has  developed  as 
the  result  of  the  influence  of  certain  stimuli  upon  a  given  pre- 
disposition. It  is,  on  the  other  hand,  difficult  to  separate  the 
intellectual  characters  from  all  those  traditional  elements  which 
combine  with  them  in  their  outward  manifestations — to  measure, 
for  example,  the  strength  of  the  instinct  of  curiosity,  which 
involves  discounting  all  those  elements  in  the  tradition  which 
may  inhibit  or  emphasize  its  expression. 

With  regard  to  the  strength  of  selection  there  is  no  exact  know- 
ledge, with  the  exception  of  some  work  which  has  been  done  upon 
statistics  for  modern  communities.  The  occurrence  of  selection 
in  the  past  is  in  fact  merely  a  deduction  from  what  we  know 
regarding  innate  predispositions  and  regarding  elimination  and 
differential  fertility.  It  has  been  shown,  however,  that  lethal 
selection  does  occur  at  the  present  day.  Professor  Karl  Pearson 
has  calculated  that  selection  accounts  for  a  very  large  percentage — 
perhaps  60  per  cent. — of  the  deaths  at  the  present  day,1  and 
Mr.  Snow,  summing  up  the  results  of  an  inquiry  into  this  subject, 
states  that  '  natural  selection  in  the  form  of  a  selective  death- 
rate,  is  strongly  operative  in  man  in  the  early  years  of  life  '.2 
As  it  is  universally  agreed  that,  if  anything,  the  intensity  of  natural 
selection  has  decreased  with  civilization,  we  may  take  it  as  certain 
that  it  was  operative  to  as  great,  or  to  a  greater,  extent  during 

1  Pearson,    '  Groundwork   of  Eugenics ',   Eugenics  Laboratory  Lecture  Series, 
1909,  p.  25. 

2  Snow,  Studies  in  National  Deterioration,  No.  7,  p.  34.     See  also  Beeton  and 
Pearson,  '  Inheritance  of  the  Duration  of  Life ',  Biometrika,  vol.  i,  1901,  and 
Elderton  and  Pearson, '  Further  Evidence  of  Natural  Selection  in  Man ',  Biometrika, 
vol.  x,  1915. 

2498  A  a 


870        EVOLUTION  OF  PHYSICAL  CHARACTERS 

the  emergence  of  man  and  during  what  we  have  called  the  first 
and  second  periods  of  his  history. 

2.  During  the  intermediate  period,  which  was  of  relatively 
immense  length,  the  greater  part  of  human  bodily  evolution 
was  accomplished.     Only  two  or  three  worn  and  fragmentary 
remains  have  as  yet  been  discovered  from  this  period.    It  is  at 
least  apparent  from  them  that  the  amount  of  physical  evolution 
which  has  been  accomplished  since  the  end  of  that  period  is  slight 
compared  with  what  was  accomplished  within  that  period.    We 
may  assume  that  lethal  selection  was  strongly  at  work.    Changes 
in  mode  of  life — the  assumption,  for  instance,  of  a  terrestrial 
for  an  arboreal  existence  and  the  adoption  of  an  upright  posture — 
must  have  involved  lethal  selection.     These  changes  of  habit 
must  also  have  brought  ancestral  man  into  contact  with  new 
enemies.     The  spreading  of  man  into  new  climatic  zones  was 
doubtless  followed  by  selection,  and  must  again  have  involved 
contact  with  new  enemies.    So,  too,  selection  followed  upon  the 
first  great  steps  in  the  acquirement  of  skill — the  making  of  clothes, 
the  use  of  fire,  and  so  on.     In  addition  to  lethal  selection,  differen- 
tial fertility  acting  through  polygamy  must  have  been  at  work. 
In  part  no  doubt  differential  fertility  merely  reinforced  lethal 
selection  ;  but  in  part  also  it  may  have  taken  the  form  of  sexual 
selection  and  have  favoured  other  types. 

But  when  we  come  to  details  we  find  that  we  are  ignorant 
regarding  the  causes  of  even  the  largest  changes.  Some  guesses 
have  been  hazarded.  The  increase  in  the  capacity  of  the  skull 
is  connected  with  the  evolution  of  the  intellect  and  may  be  left 
for  consideration  in  the  next  chapter.  The  decrease  in  the  size 
of  the  jaw  and  the  corresponding  decrease  in  the  size  of  the  teeth 
were  perhaps  connected  with  a  change  in  diet.  The  loss  of  the 
hairy  covering  may  have  been  connected  with  sexual  selection 
or  it  may  have  been  favoured  because  it  removed  a  lodging-place 
for  parasites. 

3.  As  we  pass  from  the  intermediate  to  the  first  period  of 
human  history  we  reach  a  region  of  less  uncertainty.     We  are 
ignorant  as  to  the  physical  characters  of  man  at  the  close  of  the 
intermediate  period,  but  we  know  that  in  the  earlier  part  of  the 
Upper  Palaeolithic  there  was  existing  one  variety — the  Grimaldi 
race — which  bears  certain  resemblances  to  the  negroid  type,  and 
that  in  the  latter  part  of  the  same  period  there  were  existing 


EVOLUTION  OF  PHYSICAL  CHAKACTEES         371 

several  varieties  closely  resembling  types  of  modern  European 
man.  It  seems,  therefore,  that,  so  far  as  this  period  is  concerned, 
we  have  to  account  not  merely  for  the  evolution  of  the  main 
types  but  also  for  the  evolution  of  the  less  easily  distinguishable 
varieties  of  man.  The  splitting  up  may  have  begun  in  the  former 
period  but  it  probably  did  not  go  far.  As  to  how  this  evolution 
took  place  certain  conclusions  may  first  be  drawn  from  what  we 
know  must  have  been  the  general  conditions  of  life.  Secondly, 
from  what  we  know  as  to  the  position  among  races  of  the  first 
group,  rather  more  definite  conclusions  may  be  added  concerning 
the  nature  and  direction  of  selection. 

It  has  already  been  remarked  that  in  all  probability  man 
spread  into  various  climatic  zones  before  the  beginning  of  the  first 
period  of  history.  The  consequences  of  this  spreading  of  man 
must  have  been  twofold.  Mankind  became  segregated  into 
groups,  the  surroundings  of  which  differed,  first  in  that  they 
were  subject  to  different  climatic  environments,  and  secondly 
in  that  they  were  forced  to  pursue  different  modes  of  life.  It 
is  clear  that,  whereas  in  some  tropical  regions  man  would  be 
supporting  himself  by  hunting  and  collecting  in  such  a  way  as 
to  require  a  certain  type  of  bodily  exertion,  in  a  temperate  region 
he  would  be  supporting  himself  by  a  very  different  form  of  exer- 
tion. This  difference  between  the  needs  of  daily  life  would  result 
in  the  favouring  of  different  types  in  the  two  regions.  The 
type  best  adapted  to  gain  a  living  in  one  region  would  be  different 
to  that  best  adapted  to  gain  a  living  in  another  region.1 

Of  far  more  importance  in  the  production  of  varieties  of  men 
than  the  factors  already  noted  are  differences  in  climate  to  which 
man  has  become  exposed.  How  great  these  differences  are  is 
familiar  and  need  not  be  laboured.  We  know  little  with  regard 
to  the  manner  in  which  different  types  of  man  are  suited  to 
different  types  of  climatic  zones.  But  it  is  clear  that  in  general 
the  races  of  men  are  innately  adapted  to  different  climates. 
There  is  no  historical  reason  why  in  all  parts  of  North  and  South 
America  the  European  races  should  not  have  ousted  the  American 
Indian  as  they  have  done  in  the  ^United  States.  In  Mexico  and 
other  regions,  however,  where  the  climate  differs  most  markedly 
from  that  in  Europe,  Europeans  have  not  succeeded  in  establishing 

1  Pruner-Bey  ('  Memoire  sur  les  Negres  ',  Mem.  Soc.  Antk.,  vol.  i,  p.  334)  has 
shown  in  detail  how  the  peculiarities  of  negro  structure  are  to  be  regarded  as 
adaptations  to  the  surrounding  conditions. 

Aa2 


372        EVOLUTION  OF  PHYSICAL  CHAKACTEBS 

themselves  as  they  have  elsewhere  in  the  Continent.  In  Mexico 
Indian  blood  largely  predominates  over  European,  and  the 
explanation  must  be  that  Europeans  are  not  so  well  physically 
adapted  to  the  climate  as  are  the  original  inhabitants.  In  this 
there  is  nothing  surprising.  We  can  understand  how  certain 
types  of  respiratory,  excretory,  and  circulatory  organs  might  be 
better  adapted  than  others  to  certain  conditions  of  temperature, 
moisture,  actinic  rays,  and  so  on,  though  we  may  be  ignorant  as  to 
what  types  of  circulatory  and  other  organs  are  best  fitted  to  any 
particular  climatic  zone.  It  would  be  very  remarkable  if  it  were 
not  so,  if,  that  is  to  say,  any  type  of  constitution  was  equally 
well  fitted  to  any  kind  of  climate.  In  this  manner  to  differences 
in  habits  and  in  climate  we  may  attribute  the  origin  of  the 
varieties  of  mankind. 

Nevertheless,  differences  between  races  are  far  from  being 
wholly  due  to  selection  on  these  grounds.  Sexual  selection  is 
of  importance.  There  grows  up  within  each  race  a  more  or  less 
clearly  defined  type  of  physical  beauty,  and  differential  fertility 
working  through  polygamy  would  evidently  favour  such  types. 
That  differences  in  colour  to  some  extent  represent  adaptations 
to  climate  is  clear  ;  in  part  such  differences  are  probably  to  be 
explained  as  due  to  varying  ideals  of  beauty,  but  there  are  probably 
yet  other  factors  entering  into  the  evolution  of  racial  types. 

Kecently  Professor  Keith  has  made  an  interesting  contribution 
to  the  problem  of  racial  differences.  Eeference  has  already  been 
made  to  the  duct less_glands .  It  is  now  known  that  variations  in 
the  functioning  of  these  glands  have  a  profound  influence  upon 
the  bodily  organs.  Keith  has  remarked  that,  if  the  peculiarities 
characteristic  of  the  chief  racial  types  of  man  are  considered 
together,  it  appears  that  they  are  attributable  to  different  degrees 
of  development  of  these  glands  in  different  races.  It  should  be 
observed  that  this  suggestion  does  not  involve  the  conclusion  that 
racial  differences  are  of  the  nature  of  modifications.  It  is  merely 
supposed  that  the  innate  development  of  these  glands  is  different 
in  different  races — that  there  is  a  predisposition  in  one  race  to  the 
peculiar  development  of  one  gland  and  in  another  race  to  the 
peculiar  development  of  another  gland.  The  value  of  the  sugges- 
tion lies  in  the  fact  that  it  shows  how  many  racial  peculiarities, 
for  which  there  are  at  least  no  obvious  explanations,  may  be 
merely  the  accompaniments  of  a  difference  in  the  development 


EVOLUTION  OF  PHYSICAL  CHAEACTEKS        373 

of  one  or  more  of  these  glands.  It  must  be  supposed  that  one 
or  more  of  the  results  of  the  developments  of  a  gland  are  of 
direct  value  in  facing  the  peculiar  conditions,  whether  climatic 
or  otherwise,  to  which  the  race  is  subject,  and  that  the  other 
consequences  of  the  development  of  the  gland  are  in  any  case 
not  prejudicial.  These  other  consequences  may  possibly  take  the 
form  of  noticeable  peculiarities  of  colour  or  of  bodily  structure 
which  thus  turn  out  in  themselves  not  to  be  of  survival  value 
but  merely  to  be,  so  to  speak,  accidental  peculiarities. 

Some  quotations  from  Professor  Keith's  exposition  of  this 
suggestion  may  make  the  matter  more  clear.  '  When  we  compare  ', 
he  says,  '  the  three  chief  racial  types  of  humanity — the  Negro, 
the  Mongol,  and  the  Caucasian  or  European — we  can  recognize 
in  the  last-named  a  greater  predominance  of  the  pituitary  than 
in  the  other  two.  The  sharp  pronounced  nasalization  of  the  face, 
the  tendency  to  strong  eyebrow  ridges,  the  prominent  chin,  the 
tendency  to  bulk  of  body  and  height  of  stature  in  the  majority 
of  Europeans,  is  best  explained,  so  far  as  the  present  state  of  our 
knowledge  goes,  in  terms  of  pituitary  functions.' *•  After  remark- 
ing that  the  interstitial  glands  are  largely  the  cause  of  secondary 
sexual  differences  he  goes  on  to  say  :  '  I  am  of  opinion  that  the 
sexual  differentiation — the  robust  manifestation  of  the  male 
characters — is  more  emphatic  in  the  Caucasian  than  in  either  the 
Mongol  or  Negroid  racial  types.  In  both  Mongol  and  Negro,  in 
their  most  representative  form,  we  find  a  beardless  face  and  an 
almost  hairless  body,  and  in  certain  negro  types,  especially  in 
Nilotic  tribes,  with  their  long,  stork-like  legs,  we  seem  to  have 
a  manifestation  of  the  abeyance  in  the  action  of  the  interstitial 
glands.  At  the  close  of  sexual  life  we  often  see  the  features  of 
a  woman  assume  a  coarser  and  more  masculine  appearance.' 2 
Later  he  remarks  that  the  evidence  points  to  the  original  human 
colouring  as  black.  Now,  the  supra-renal  bodies  cause  a  clearing 
away  of  pigment  and  '  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  supra- 
renal  bodies  constitute  an  important  part  of  the  mechanism  which 
regulates  the  development  and  growth  of  the  human  body  and 
helps  in  determining  the  racial  characters  of  mankind.  We  know 
that  certain  races  come  more  quickly  to  sexual  maturity  than 
others,  and  that  races  vary  in  development  of  hair  and  of  pigment, 
and  it  is  therefore  reasonable  to  expect  a  satisfactory  explanation 

1  Keith,  Nature,  vol.  civ,  p.  302.  2  Ibid.,  p.  303. 


374        EVOLUTION  OF  PHYSICAL  CHAKACTERS 

of  these  characters  when  we  have  come  by  a  more  or  less  complete 
knowledge  of  the  supra-renal  mechanism.' l  The  thyroid  acts 
directly  upon  the  skin  and  the  hair  and  also  upon  the  skeleton. 
'  This  is  particularly  the  case  as  regards  the  base  of  the  skull 
and  the  nose,  the  arrest  of  growth  falls  mainly  upon  the  basal  parts 
of  the  skull  with  the  result  that  the  root  of  the  nose  appears  to 
be  flattened  and  drawn  backwards  between  the  eyes,  the  upper 
forehead  appears  projecting  or  bulging,  the  face  appears  flattened, 
and  the  bony  scaffolding  of  the  nose  particularly  when  compared 
with  the  prominence  of  the  jaw  is  greatly  reduced.  Now  these 
facial  features  which  I  have  enumerated  give  the  Mongolian 
face  its  characteristic  aspect,  and,  to  a  lesser  degree,  they  are 
also  to  be  traced  in  the  features  of  the  negro.  Indeed,  in  one 
aberrant  branch  of  the  negro  race — the  Bushman  of  South  Africa — 
the  thyroid  facies  is  even  more  emphatically  brought  out  than 
in  the  most  typical  Mongol.  You  will  observe  that,  in  my  opinion, 
the  thyroid — or  a  reduction  or  alteration  in  the  activity  of  the 
thyroid — has  been  a  factor  in  determining  some  of  the  racial 
characteristics  of  the  Mongol  and  Negro  races.  I  know  of  a  telling 
piece  of  evidence  which  supports  this  thesis.  Some  years  ago 
there  died  in  the  East  End  of  London  a  Chinese  giant — the  subject 
one  must  suppose  of  an  excessive  action  of  the  pituitary  glands — 
the  gland  which  I  regard  as  playing  a  predominant  part  in  shaping 
the  face  and  bodily  form  of  the  European.  The  skeleton  of  this 
giant  was  prepared  and  placed  in  the  museum  of  the  London 
Hospital  Medical  College  by  Col.  T.  H.  Openshaw,  and  any  one 
inspecting  that  skeleton  can  see  that,  although  certain  Chinese 
features  are  still  recognizable,  the  nasal  region  and  the  supra- 
orbital  ridges  of  the  face  have  assumed  the  more  prominent 
European  type/  2 

4.  If  we  turn  now  and  look  at  the  conditions  of  life  among 
primitive  races,  we  find  that  natural  selection  and  differential 
fertility  tend  to  work  towards  the  preservation  of  existing  types 
rather  than  towards  further  evolution.  The  Australians  may 
have  existed  in  their  present  home  for  many  thousands  of  years 
without  undergoing  any  considerable  change  of  type,  and  we  have 
every  reason  to  suppose  that,  if  they  had  been  left  untouched 
by  white  or  other  races,  the  racial  type  would  have  remained 
substantially  the  same  for  thousands  of  years  to  come.  The  same 

1  Keith,  Nature,  vol.  civ,  p.  303.  *  Ibid.,  p.  404. 


EVOLUTION  OF  PHYSICAL  CHAKACTEKS        375 

holds  good  if  we  consider  any  primitive  race  in  its  normal  sur- 
roundings. 

That  this  is  so  is  clear  if  we  glance  at  the  chief  causes  of 
elimination.  The  heavy  child  mortality  recorded  of "  all  these 
races  is  put  down  to  neglect  and  exposure  4  it  must  on  the  whole 
result  in  the  elimination  of  the  physically  weak.  Such  customs 
as  the  bathing  of  new-born  babies  in  cold  water  seem  designed 
to  ensure  this  result.  Among  the  adults  who  on  the  whole  are 
but  little  protected  against  climate  there  must  always  be  a  certain 
tendency  towards  the  elimination  of  those  less  able  to  withstand 
the  relatively  harder  seasons.  There  are  also  many  factors 
making  for  the  cutting-off  of  the  malformed  and  the  congenitally 
deficient.  Among  those  races  which  normally  practise  infanticide, 
deformed  children  are  always  killed,  and  among  those  races,  such 
as  the  Bantu  races  of  Africa,  who  never  regularly  practise 
infanticide  as  a  custom,  abnormal  children  are  nearly  always 
done  away  with.  Similarly  the  destruction  of  witches  tends 
towards  the  same  end  though  they  are  more  often  marked  by 
mental  than  by  physical  peculiarities.  Again  the  fact  that 
abortion  and  infanticide  are  practised  to  a  greater  degree  among 
the  less  fortunate  and  the  lower  social  classes  of  the  races  in  the 
second  group  has  the  same  result,  as  in  general  the  stronger  and 
more  successful  members  of  the  race  are  those  who  do  not  need  to 
practise  these  customs  to  the  same  extent.  Finally,  the  general 
conditions  of  life  among  these  races — more  particularly  among 
the  races  of  the  first  group — is  such  as  to  bring  about  a  continual 
elimination  of  the  less  physically  fit.  Speaking  of  the  Seri  Indians 
Me  Gee  remarks  upon  the  '  elimination  of  the  weak  and  helpless  ', 
and  says  further  that  '  a  parallel  eliminative  process  is  common 
among  American  aborigines  ;  the  wandering  bands  frequently 
undergo  hard  marches  under  the  leadership  of  athletic  warriors 
with  whom  all  are  expected  to  keep  pace,  which  leads  both  to 
the  desertion  of  the  aged  and  the  feeble  '.  He  calls  it  *  a  merciless 
mechanism  for  improving  the  fit  and  eliminating  the  unfit  '.* 

As  remarked  above,  the  effect  of  polygamy  must  be  to  intensify 
the  action  of  selection.  In  this  particular  case  the  general  result 
of  polygamy  must  be  to  preserve  the  average  features  of  the 
race  ;  for  it  will  be,  so  to  speak,  the  all-round  man,  the  man  best 
adapted  to  the  climate,  to  the  peculiar  conditions  of  life  and  so 
1  McGee,  loc.  cit.,  p.  157. 


376        EVOLUTION  OF  PHYSICAL  CHAKACTERS 

on  who  will  leave  most  descendants.  It  is  thus  of  interest  to 
investigate  the  frequency  of  polygamy  among  the  races  of  the 
first  two  groups.  This  point  has  been  inquired  into  by  Professor 
Hobhouse  and  his  fellow  authors.  Polygamy  was  distinguished 
by  them  into  general  and  occasional  polygamy,  and  though  it  is 
very  difficult  to  arrive  at  any  exact  figures  their  general  conclusions 
may  be  summed  up  as  showing  that,  in  all  the  subdivisions  con- 
sidered by  them,  general  and  occasional  polygamy  was  found  in 
from  80-95  per  cent,  of  the  cases.  General  polygamy  increases 
among  the  races  here  placed  in  the  second  group,  though  there 
is  no  strong  correlation  between  the  degree  of  polygamy  and  the 
economic  stage.  We  observe  in  fact  a  wide  prevalence  of  polygamy 
among  all  races  of  "any  economic  stage,  and  upon  the  basis  of  these 
figures  we  must  regard  the  differential  fertility  arising  from 
polygamy  as  a  factor  of  great  importance. 

It  seems,  therefore,  that  within  the  first  and  second  periods 
there  were  two  tendencies  at  work — towards  the  evolution  of 
varieties  and  towards  the  maintenance  of  the  various  types. 
The  evolution  of  varieties  was  due  in  the  first  place  to  the  spread- 
ing of  man.  As  soon  as  spreading  was  complete,  a  tendency 
towards  a  cessation  of  progress  must  have  set  in.  That  further 
evolution  took  place  was  due  chiefly  to  migration,  with  the  results 
of  which  we  have  yet  to  deal.  Once  varieties  had  been  evolved, 
apart  from  migration,  and  apart  from  changes  in  climate  and 
progress  in  skill,  which  only  slightly  and  at  long  intervals  modified 
the  surroundings,  there  was  little  basis  for  further  evolution.  Man 
had  mastered  his  surroundings  up  to  a  point  and  had  made  his 
position  secure  in  the  circumstances  under  which  he  lived  and  the 
tendency  was  towards  the  preservation  of  the  types  which  had 
achieved  these  results  in  different  places. 

5.  In  the  third  of  our  three  periods  there  has  been  a  remarkable 
change.  We  find  that  there  has  been  a  gradual  moving  away 
from  the  conditions  under  which  in  normal  times  there  is  in  the 
races  of  the  first  and  second  groups  a  rigorous  elimination  of  those 
types  which  depart  from  the  mean.  Lethal  selection  has  come 
largely  to  take  the  form  of  selection  through  disease.1  Though 
polygamy  gradually  ceases  to  be  a  factor  of  importance,  other 
forms  of  differential  fertility  become  prominent. 

1  For  evidence  that  disease  leads  to  a  selective  death-rate  see  Popenoe  and 
Johnson,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  124  ff. 


EVOLUTION  OF  PHYSICAL  CHAKACTEES        377 

We  may  glance  at  the  chief  features  of  these  changes.  In  the 
last  section  we  mentioned  various  factors — infanticide  of  the 
deformed,  customs  with  regard  to  the  treatment  of  children, 
the  neglect  and  exposure  of  children,  the  general  conditions  of 
life,  and  so  on — all  of  which  have  as  their  result  the  cutting-off 
not  merely  of  the  deformed  and  the  monstrosities  but  also  of  all 
departures  from  the  type  best  fitted  to  contend  with  the  climatic 
environment  and  the  conditions  of  daily  life.  Some  of  these 
factors — such  as  infanticide — disappear  ;  the  action  of  others 
becomes,  if  anything,  reversed  ;  not  only  do  the  less  well -fit  ted 
types  have  a  better  chance  of  survival  than  before,  because  the 
conditions  are  less  rigorous,  but  they  suffer  little  or  no  dis- 
advantage owing  to  the  fact  that  the  conditions  have  been 
artificially  rendered  almost  as  favourable  for  the  less-fitted  as 
for  the  better-fitted.  To  take  two  examples,  not  only  are  men 
with  defective  eyesight  not  eliminated,  but  they  are  by  the 
invention  of  spectacles  placed  in  as  good  a  position  as  those  with 
perfect  eyesight.  Similarly  a  woman  with  a  narrow  pelvis  is, 
owing  to  the  advance  in  surgical  skill,  enabled  to  bear  children 
and  to  transmit  her  peculiarity  to  her  daughters. 

It  should  not  be  forgotten  that,  in  spite  of  the  gradual  lessening 
of  the  rigour  of  selection,  selection  owing  to  climate  and  the  general 
conditions  of  life  still  continues.  But  another  factor  has  within 
this  period  come  to  assume  a  preponderating  importance,  and 
that  is  selection  through  disease.  It  was  pointed  out  that  diseases 
may  be  roughly  distinguished  into  those  due  to  the  attacks  of 
parasites  and  those  due  to  structural  defects.  It  is  to  diseases  of 
the  first  kind  that  the  greater  part  of  selection,  which  occurs  in 
the  third  period,  is  due.  Some  figures  were  given  in  an  earlier 
chapter  showing  how  large  a  proportion  of  deaths  at  the  present 
day  is  due  to  one  or  other  of  these  diseases.  In  the  last  chapter 
it  was  shown  that  men  differ  in  their  susceptibility  to  these  diseases, 
and  selection  has  thus  very  largely  come  to  take  the  form  of  the 
elimination  of  the  more  susceptible,  and  of  the  favouring  of  the 
naturally  immune  and  of  those  who  have  a  power  of  resisting 
disease  and  of  acquiring  immunity.  There  has  therefore  come  to 
be  an  increasingly  heavy  premium  upon  the  type  of  constitution 
which  can  resist  disease,  and  a  strong  constitution  in  this  sense  is 
not  necessarily  the  same  as  a  strong  constitution  among  primitive 
races  where  the  premium  is  rather  upon  muscular  strength, 


378        EVOLUTION  OF  PHYSICAL  CHAEACTERS 

perfect  development  of  the  senses  of  seeing  and  hearing,  and 
upon  resistance  to  climatic  conditions.  We  have  thus  to  think 
of  the  whole  course  of  bodily  evolution  as  changing  in  the 
third  period  so  as  to  meet  a  new  danger  rather  than  as  con- 
tinuing on  the  former  lines  so  as  better  to  contend  with  the  old 
difficulties. 

It  is  noteworthy  that  selection  in  this  period  has  not  been  on 
account  of  diseases  of  the  second  type  due  directly  to  structural 
defects.  These  diseases  are  seldom  lethal  until  after  maturity 
has  been  reached,  and  the  tendency  has  rather  been,  as  in  the 
case  of  eyesight,  towards  the  increased  chance  of  survival  of  those 
suffering  from  these  defects.  Thus,  though  selection  has  turned 
in  this  period  towards  the  weeding-out  of  those  susceptible  to 
the  attacks  of  parasites,  it  has  come  to  tolerate  those  who  exhibit 
defects  in  structure  as  distinguished  from  the  peculiarities  of 
structure  which  must  be  presumed  to  constitute  the  physical 
basis  of  susceptibility. 

All  this  is  familiar  enough.  It  is  not  so  often  realized  that  the 
disappearance  of  polygamy  in  what  we  have  called  the  mediaeval 
and  the  modern  sections  of  the  third  period  works  in  precisely 
the  same  manner.  But  the  disappearance  of  polygamy  does  not 
mean  that  reproductive  selection  ceases  to  be  of  importance.  In 
mediaeval  and  modern  times  celibacy,  postponement  of  marriage, 
and  restriction  of  families  have  come  to  be  practised  in  varying 
degrees  by  different  stocks.  There  is  some  trace  of  differential 
fertility  in  the  earlier  periods  owing  to  causes  other  than  polygamy, 
but  it  is  only  in  the  mediaeval  and  modern  periods  that  they 
become  important.  It  is  doubtful  how  far,  if  at  all,  the  religious 
celibate  class  of  the  mediaeval  period  differed  in  physical  characters 
from  the  average.  It  would  appear  that  during  this  period 
postponement  of  marriage  led  to  the  producing  of  less  children 
by  the  lower  social  classes  than  by  the  upper.  Therefore,  so  far 
as  this  epoch  is  concerned,  it  is  not  apparent  that  differential 
fertility  had  any  considerable  effect  upon  bodily  characters  one 
way  or  the  other.  Possibly  the  net  result  of  postponement  may 
have  been  to  favour  the  better  stocks. 

Within  the  latter  part  of  the  modem  period  restriction  of 
families  has  assumed  very  great  importance.  It  has  been  calculated 
that,  as  a  consequence  of  the  fact  that  restriction  is  more  practised 
by  certain  sections  of  the  population  than  by  others,  50  per  cent. 


EVOLUTION  OF  PHYSICAL  CHAKACTEKS        379 

of  the  married  population  provide  75  per  cent,  of  the  next 
generation.  It  thus  becomes  most  important  to  determine  whether 
the  various  sections  of  the  population  are  innately  different  as 
regards  their  physical  characters.  Largely  owing  to  our  ignorance 
respecting  the  direct  influence  of  the  environment,  it  is  not 
possible  to  arrive  at  present  at  any  precise  answer.  But  there 
can  be  little  doubt  that  on  the  whole  the  most  fertile  sections 
of  the  population  are  the  less  physically  fit  sections. 

It  is  necessary,  however,  to  view  these  facts  in  their  proper 
perspective.  Though  differential  fertility  of  this  kind  may  have 
been  at  work  among  some  of  the  ancient  empires  in  their  later 
years,  it  is  chiefly  a  very  modern  phenomenon  characteristic  of 
modern  European  countries  and  their  derivatives  only  within  the 
last  fifty  years.  Therefore,  however  important  a  problem  it  may 
be  for  modern  communities,  it  is  a  factor  which  has  had  but 
little  effect  on  human  history  as  a  whole.  It  may  be  noticed 
that  restriction  of  increase  is  not  the  only  form  of  reproductive 
selection  in  modern  communities.  Sexual  selection  is  also  at 
work.1 

6.  Such  has  been  the  direction  in  which,  through  selection  and 
differential  fertility  within  races,  changes  have  taken  place.  But 
changes  also  take  place  through  the  conflict  of  races,  and  the  nature 
of  these  changes  demands  some  notice.  Warfare  plays  a  part  in 
the  normal  existence  of  nearly  all  primitive  races.  It  is  some- 
times, as  among  the  American  Indians,  a  bloodthirsty  affair,  but 
more  often  than  not  it  is  a  relatively  unimportant  cause  of 
elimination.  It  is  not  easy  to  arrive  at  any  conclusion  regarding 
the  results  of  warfare  as  an  agent  of  selection.  Upon  the  whole, 
among  primitive  races,  so  far  as  physical  characters  are  concerned, 
there  is  probably  a  tendency  towards  the  preservation  of  the 
physically  strong  and  fit.  But  it  has  to  be  remembered  that 
missile  weapons  were  early  introduced,  and  that,  as  Thucydides 
remarked,  missile  weapons  kill  the  strong  man  in  the  prime  of 
life  as  well  as  the  weak.  Again,  success  in  warfare  very  largely 
depends  upon  characters  other  than  physical — such  as  the 
possession  of  skill.  All  that  can  be  said  with  certainty  is  that 
in  the  first  and  second  periods  warfare  was  not  a  cause  of  elimina- 
tion of  the  fit  which  it  has  come  to  be  in  the  third  period.  This 
latter  fact  has  been  lately  brought  home  to  the  civilized  nations 

1  See  Popenoe  and  Johnson,  loc.  cit.,  ch.  xi. 


380        EVOLUTION  OF  PHYSICAL  CHAKACTEKS 

of  the  world  in  so  obvious  a  manner  that  it  need  not  be  further 
discussed.1 

Warfare  following  upon  migration  may  exterminate  whole 
races.  The  Bushmen  were  apparently  on  the  verge  of  extinction 
at  the  hands  of  the  invading  Bantu  peoples.  In  this  manner 
a  peculiar  physical  type  may  be  lost  and  another  may  become 
of  relatively  greater  prevalence.  Migration  may  also  be  followed 
by  any  degree  of  racial  mixture.  Many  rash  statements  have  been 
made  by  historians  as  to  the  biological  results  of  crossing.  The 
consequences  actually  observed  to  follow  upon  a  mixture  of  races 
are  to  so  large  a  degree  the  result  of  a  conflict  of  traditions — a 
subject  with  which  we  shall  deal  in  a  later  chapter — that  the 
purely  biological  effects  of  crossing  may  be  very  largely  obscured. 
Bearing  this  in  mind  we  may  briefly  refer  to  the  conclusions 
to  be  derived  from  recent  biological  work  which  bear  on  the 
problem.  Koughly  speaking  there  are  two  possible  kinds  of 
crosses  between  races.  First  there  are  crosses  between  the  most 
clearly  distinguished  varieties  such  as  white  and  black.  Heterosis, 
or  hybrid  vigour,  will  be  exhibited  in  a  marked  fashion  in  the 
first  generation.  Heterosis,  the  underlying  cause  of  which  has 
only  recently  become  apparent,  is  always  at  its  height  in  the  first 
cross.  The  increase  of  vigour,  however,  is  not  long  maintained  in 
subsequent  generations.  Further,  each  type,  such  as  those  which 
we  are  considering,  has  a  series  of  character  complexes,  built 
up  through  ages  of  selection  and  compatible  with  one  another, 
and  by  crossing  such  complexes  are  broken  apart.  The  chance 
of  gain,  on  the  other  hand,  through  the  favourable  re-combination 
of  characters  is  small.  On  the  average,  therefore,  the  result  of 
such  a  cross  is  unfavourable.  There  may  also  be  crosses  between 
races  exhibiting  less  differences.  Again,  heterosis  will  be  visible 
on  crossing.  But  in  distinction  to  the  results  of  the  former  kind 
of  cross,  the  other  results  may  not  be  unfavourable.  Great 
variability  may  follow  such  a  cross  and  this  is  on  the  whole 
advantageous.  Valuable  character  re-combinations  may  also 
come  to  light.  Thus  we  may  say  that,  so  long  as  there  is  not  too 
great  a  difference  between  the  races  which  cross,  the  results  are 

1  There  has  been  much  discussion  as  to  the  effect  upon  the  population  of  France 
owing  to  the  Napoleonic  wars.  The  facts  have  been  summed  up  by  Havelock 
Ellis  (Essays,  in  War  Time,  pp.  33  ff.),  and  it  appears  that  without  any  question  the 
average  physical  constitution  of  the  French  was  lowered ;  most  kinds  of  infirmities, 
for  instance,  became  more  frequent. 


EVOLUTION  OP  PHYSICAL  CHAKACTEKS        381 

usually  genetically  favourable  ;  there  will  be  the  advantage  of 
hybrid  vigour,  though  this  is  always  temporary,  and  there  may 
very  possibly  be  the  advantage  of  valuable  character  re -com- 
binations.1 

Migration  is  important  not  only  because  it  is  connected  with 
war  and  racial  crossing  but  also  because  of  the  selection  which 
follows  upon  transfer  to  new  climatic  conditions.  To  the  nature 
of  these  changes  allusion  has  already  been  made  ;  it  has  been 
pointed  out  that  races  adapted  to  maintain  themselves  in  one 
environment  cannot  as  a  general  rule  maintain  themselves  in  a 
very  different  environment.  To  new  surroundings,  which  only 
differ  slightly  from  the  old,  they  may  become  adapted  by  selection, 
and  much  selection  on  these  lines  must  have  taken  place  as  a 
result  of  racial  movements  in  Europe.  It  is  probably  now  taking 
place  among  Europeans  who  have  migrated  to  America.  Dublin 
and  Baker,  for  instance,  have  shown  that  the  death-rate  varies 
considerably  among  the  different  racial  elements  who  have 
immigrated,  some  elements  being  probably  better  adapted  to 
the  new  environment  than  others.2  Similarly  selection  may  be 
going  on  within  modern  races  owing  to  the  rapid  urbanization  of 
industrial  countries.  Urban  conditions  may  be  more  favourable 
to  some  types  than  to  others.  But  it  has  not  yet  been  shown  in 
what  direction  these  changes,  if  they  are  in  progress,  are  taking. 

Summing  up  our  conclusions  we  may  say  that  the  great  changes 
in  human  bodily  form  were  accomplished  in  the  intermediate 
period  when  the  splitting  up  into  varieties  may  also  have  begun. 
This  splitting  was  continued  in  the  first  period  and  the  modern 
types  were  formed  before  the  end  of  that  period.  The  chief 
characteristic,  however,  of  the  first  and  second  periods  was  the 
maintenance  of  the  types  evolved,  though  this  was  interfered  with 
by  migration  which  brought  about  elimination  of  certain  types, 
racial  mixture,  and  further  climatic  adaptation.  Finally,  in 
modern  times  there  has  been  a  lessening  of  the  stringency  of 
selection,  which  previously  tended  to  maintain  the  existing 

1  Recent  research  bearing  on  this  problem  has  been  summed  up  by  East  and 
Jones  in  their  book  Inbreeding  and  Outbreeding. 

2  Dublin  and  Baker,  Amer.  Stat.  Soc.,  vol.  xvii,  1920.    Nevertheless,  as  shown 
by  an  important  memoir  by  Hrdlicka,  a  new  variety  is  not  being  produced,  at 
least  with  any  rapidity,  under  the  influence  of  the  American  environment.    Hrdlicka 
studied  representatives  of  the  old  white  American  stock,  whose  ancestors  had  been 
for  four  generations  in  the  United  States,  and  concluded  that  no  new  sub-type 
has  yet  emerged.     In  fact  the  faithful  preservation  of  the  traits  of  the  original 
immigrants  is  the  outstanding  result  of  the  study. 


382        EVOLUTION  OF  PHYSICAL  CHAKACTEKS 

varieties,  and  a  turning  of  lethal  selection  to  the  building  up  of 
immunity  against  disease. 

7.  There  are  one  or  two  other  points  connected  with  germinal 
change  about  which  a  word  may  be  said.  Of  the  origin  of 
mutations  we  know  nothing,  but  since  in  all  probability  the 
ultimate  cause  of  mutations  may  have  to  be  sought  in  some 
kind  of  environmental  change,  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that, 
as  man  is  subject  to  an  immense  variety  of  environmental  stimuli, 
mutations  may  be  more  frequent  in  man  than  in  any  species 
in  a  state  of  nature.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  germinal 
constitution  may  be  adversely  affected  by  certain  factors,  especially 
by  the  use  of  alcohol.  Of  this  there  is  no  certain  evidence.1  It 
has  been  supposed  that  there  may  be  some  connexion  between 
the  difference  in  age  of  the  parents  on  the  one  hand  and  the 
germinal  constitution  of  the  offspring  on  the  other.  It  has  been 
supposed,  for  instance,  that  the  offspring  are  innately  more 
vigorous  when  the  parents  are  at  a  certain  age.  So  far  as  investiga- 
tion has  gone  at  present,  it  has  not  been  established  that  there  is 
any  such  connexion — of  sufficient  importance  at  least  to  deserve 
consideration  here.  In  other  words,  the  fact  that  among  certain 
races  young  men  have  wives  of  considerably  greater  age  than 
themselves  and  older  men  young  wives,  does  not  to  any  note- 
worthy extent  affect  the  germinal  constitution  of  the  race.  Again 
it  has  been  stated  that  the  first-born  are  innately  inferior  to  the 
later-born  children.2  This  conclusion  has  been  criticized.3  As, 
however,  the  preponderance  of  first-born  children  among  the 
offspring  as  a  whole  would  not  appear  to  be  markedly  greater 
at  any  one  period  of  history  than  at  another,  the  inferiority  of  the 
first-born,  if  it  exists,  would  make  no  difference  between  men  of 
different  races  at  the  same  or  at  different  times. 

The  correlation  of  characters  one  with  another  should  not  be 
forgotten.  The  favouring  of  one  character  may  involve  the 
favouring  of  quite  other  characters.  Of  this  what  was  said  regard- 
ing the  ductless  glands  is  an  example.  It  has  been  supposed  that 
liability  to  disease  is  correlated  with  pigmentation  and  that, 
owing  to  selection  through  disease,  a  change  in  the  average  pig- 

1  An  admirable  summing  up  of  what  is  known' as  to  the  effect  of  alcohol  on  the 
germinal  constitution  will  be  found  in  Popenoe  and  Johnson,  loc.  cit.,  ch.  ii. 

*  Pearson,  '  Problem  of  Practical  Eugenics ',  Eugenics  Laboratory  Lecture  Series, 
No.  5. 

»  Greenwood  and  Yule,  J.  R.  8.  8.,  vol.  Ixxii,  1914.  See  Pearson's  reply  *  On  the 
Handicapping  of  the  First-born  ',  Eugenics  Laboratory  Lecture  Series,  No.  10. 


EVOLUTION  OF  PHYSICAL  CHAKACTEKS        383 

mentation  is  taking  place.  Attempts  to  establish  this  correlation 
have,  however,  failed.  It  is  of  particular  interest  to  notice  that 
no  correlations  have  been  found  between  physical  and  mental 
characters  ;  this  is  so  even  as  regards  intellect  and  size  of  head. 

8.  A  survey  of  the  facts  regarding  the  bodily  evolution  of  man, 
and  of  the  conditions  under  which  it  has  taken  place,  shows  that 
there  is  at  least  no  more  difficulty  in  understanding  how  it  has 
come  about  than  in  understanding  how  the  varieties  of  any  other 
species  have  come  into  existence.  Given  mutations,  the  action  of 
selection  and  of  differential  fertility  provides  an  explanation  which 
is  in  general  satisfactory,  though  we  may  be  a  very  long  way 
from  understanding  how  any  one  particular  change  came  about. 
There  are  in  fact  greater  difficulties  met  with  from  time  to  time 
in  trying  to  reach  a  satisfactory  explanation  of  evolution  among 
other  animals  than  when  dealing  with  man.  The  evolution  along 
particular  lines  of  organization,  the  evolution  of  teeth  and  horns 
among  mammals,  for  instance,  raises  a  difficulty  which  seems  in 
the  present  state  of  our  knowledge  perhaps  to  require  the  assump- 
tion that  at  times  there  is  a  tendency  for  the  continual  occurrence 
of  mutations  in  the  same  direction.  Such  a  difficulty  does  not 
occur  in  the  case  of  human  bodily  evolution. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  the  facts  regarding  the  course  which 
the  evolution  of  living  organisms  has  taken  requires  the  assumption 
that  large  mutations  have  occurred  from  time  to  time  and  have 
established  themselves  as  varieties.  There  is  no  doubt  that  large 
mutations  do  occur  and  have  established  themselves  in  the  course 
of  the  evolution  of  the  varieties  of  animal  types  known  to  us,  and 
they  may  have  done  so  in  the  case  of  man.  There  is,  however, 
no  reason  to  imagine  that  the  origin  of  any  particular  change  in 
man  was  due  to  a  large  mutation.  It  has  been  stated  that  the 
number  of  chromosomes  is  different  in  the  white  man  and  in  the 
negro,  and  upon  the  basis  of  this  statement  it  has  been  suggested 
that  one  variety  had  arisen  as  a  mutation  from  the  other.  This 
statement,  however,  was  apparently  based  upon  erroneous 
observation.  Again,  it  has  been  suggested  that  the  Pygmy  type 
arose  as  a  mutation.  But  it  has  been  observed  that  some  Ba  Twa 
pygmies  of  the  Congo  who  three  generations  ago  left  their  forests, 
settled  near  the  Bushongo,  and  took  to  agriculture  have  become 
markedly  taller.  Inter-marriage  is  said  to  be  out  of  the  question 
and  therefore  we  are  led  to  suppose  in  the  new  environment 


384        EVOLUTION  OF  PHYSICAL  CHAEACTEKS 

a  taller  type  has  been  favoured.1  If  this  is  so,  if  a  taller  type  can 
be  selected  by  degrees  in  one  environment,  the  shorter  type  may 
equally  well  have  been  selected  in  another  environment. 

So  far,  therefore,  as  the  history  of  man  outlined  in  the  fifth 
chapter  is  the  history  of  the  development  of  his  bodily  structure, 
so  far  the  explanation  of  history  is  to  be  sought  in  changes  in  the 
germinal  constitution,  and  the  changes  undergone  are  strictly 
comparable  with  the  changes  among  species  in  a  state  of  nature, 
though  owing  to  the  more  varied  environment  outward  differences 
in  the  case  of  man  may  be  rather  more  often  due  to  environmental 
influences  than  in  the  case  of  species  closely  related  to  man. 

Ridgeway,  loc.  cit.,  p.  18. 


XVIII 
THE  EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHARACTERS 

1.  WHEN  we  originally  asked  how  far  changes  in  the  quality 
of  the  population  accounted  for  the  facts  given  in  the  sixth 
chapter,  it  was  at  once  obvious  that  the  interest  centred  in 
mental  changes.  Now  that  we  have  gained  some  idea  as  to 
what  is  given  in  the  germinal  constitution  and  as  to  the  influence 
of  the  environment  in  general,  we  are  in  a  position  to  come  more 
closely  to  the  main  problem.  Three  questions  present  themselves. 
We  have  to  inquire  into  the  facts  regarding  the  stage  of  mental 
evolution  reached  at  any  one  time.  This  involves  making  both 
an  estimate  as  to  the  extent  of  the  gap  between  the  pre-human 
ancestor  and  Palaeolithic  man  and  an  examination  of  the  differ- 
ences in  the  mental  characteristics  of  the  chief  living  types  of 
man  which  may  be  taken  roughly  to  represent  stages  reached  in 
the  three  chief  periods.  We  have  next  to  ask  if  we  can  account 
for  these  facts,  and  this  involves  an  inquiry  into  selection, 
differential  fertility,  and  such  other  factors  as  may  assist  to 
explain  changes  in  the  germinal  constitution.  Lastly  we  have 
to  ask  how  far  such  changes  as  have  taken  place  are  correlated 
with  the  main  features  of  human  history. 

To  make  an  estimate  of  the  stage  of  mental  evolution  reached 
by  one  race  as  compared  with  that  reached  by  other  races  is  not  an 
easy  matter.  To  begin  with  there  is  the  difficulty  of  discounting 
the  direct  influence  of  the  environment.  Temperament  we  found 
to  be  peculiarly  susceptible  to  environmental  influence.  Tempera- 
ment affects  the  functioning  of  other  mental  characters  in  a  very 
important  manner.  '  Effective  mental  ability ',  says  Professor 
Punnett,  *  is  largely  a  matter  of  temperament,  and  this  in  turn 
is  quite  possibly  dependent  upon  the  various  secretions  produced 
by  the  different  tissues  of  the  body.  Similar  nervous  systems 
associated  with  different  livers  might  conceivably  result  in 
different  individuals  upon  whose  mental  ability  the  world  would 
pass  a  very  different  judgment.' l  Apart,  however,  from  this 

1  Punnett,  Menddism,  p.  208. 
2498  B  b 


886          EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHAKACTEKS 

difficulty  and  apart  from  the  influence  of  disease,  it  is  not  probable 
that  other  factors  in  the  environment  have  any  marked  direct 
effect  upon  either  disposition  or  intellect. 

There  is  a  far  more  serious  difficulty  to  which  allusion  has 
already  been  made.  It  arises  from  the  fact  that  mental  faculties 
as  exhibited  in  daily  life  are  overlaid  by  tradition  and  shaped 
by  habit.  There  is  no  difficulty  in  getting  down  to  any  physical 
character.  It  is  always  possible  to  separate  the  limb  from  the 
tool  which  it  uses.  It  is  frequently  very  difficult  to  effect  the 
corresponding  separation  between  the  faculty  and  the  tool  in 
the  case  of  mental  characters.  Human  mental  characteristics, 
as  manifested  in  daily  life,  represent  the  combination  of  acquire- 
ments with  a  certain  basis.  By  the  basis  is  meant  that  which 
develops  as  the  result  of  environmental  stimuli  acting  upon  the 
predispositions.  The  basis  of  all  mental  faculties  is,  therefore, 
that  which  strictly  speaking  is  comparable  with  physical  characters. 
Mental  characters  as  manifested  in  daily  life  represent  this  basis 
combined  with  tradition.  This  applies  not  only  to  the  intellectual 
but  also  to  the  instinctive  faculties.  The  manifestation  of  instinct 
is  dependent  upon  the  channels  into  which  it  has  been  led  by 
tradition  and  upon  the  outlets  which  tradition  provides  for  it. 

In  attempting  to  estimate  the  stage  of  evolution  of  mental 
characters  reached  at  any  one  time,  we  must,  as  far  as  we  can, 
allow  for  all  that  obscures  their  manifestation.  There  are  several 
different  ways  in  which  this  may  be  attempted  and  it  will  be 
found  possible  to  reach  a  fairly  definite  conclusion  with  regard 
to  the.  degree  of  development  of  mental  characters  as  exhibited 
by  two  races  as  different  as  the  white  and  black.  But  the  inquiry 
into  the  differences  between  the  more  nearly  related  varieties, 
such  as  the  different  branches  of  the  white  race,  present  far  more 
difficult  problems,  and  by  these  methods  we  shall  not  be  able  to 
approach  them  with  much  hope  of  success.  Further,  these 
difficulties  will  be  more  strongly  felt  when  we  go  on  to  inquire 
into  the  causes  of  the  changes  which  have  led  to  the  evolution 
of  the  different  types.  Therefore,  though  in  this  chapter  we 
shall  reach  certain  conclusions  as  to  the  nature,  causes,  and 
results  of  mental  changes  in  the  earlier  periods,  we  shall  find 
that,  owing  to  the  difficulties  mentioned,  we  are  unable  to  reach 
any  conclusion  as  to  the  later  periods  until  we  have  inquired 
into  the  importance  of  tradition.  It  will  thus  be  necessary  to 


EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHAEACTEKS          387 

cut  short  this  inquiry  and  turn  to  consider  tradition  in  the 
following  two  chapters.  Only  when  this  subsidiary  inquiry  has 
been  made  shall  we  be  able  to  complete  our  estimate  as  to  the 
part  played  by  changes  in  the  germinal  constitution  so  far  as 
they  affect  mental  characters. 

2.  The  indications  as  regards  mental  development  obtainable 
from  a  study  of  fossil  remains  are,  of  course,  very  vague.  Such 
as  they  are,  however,  considerable  interest  attaches  to  them. 
In  the  later  part  of  the  first  period,  in  the  Upper  Palaeolithic, 
that  is  to  say,  we  meet  with  types  of  men  whose  cranial  capacity 
and  the  formation  of  whose  brain,  so  far  as  it  can  be  judged  from 
skulls,  do  not  indicate  any  difference  in  mental  capacity  as 
compared  with  modern  man.  It  must  be  emphasized  that  this 
is  a  very  rough  method  of  comparing  intellectual  capacity. 
Something,  however,  may  be  deduced  from  such  observations, 
and  it  is  probable  that,  though  there  may  have  been  noteworthy 
differences  between  Cro-Magnon  and  modern  European  intellectual 
capacity,  as  we  judge  differences  to-day,  nevertheless  looking  at 
human  evolution  as  a  whole,  we  cannot  escape  the  conclusion 
that  by  the  end  of  the  first  period,  before  man  had  learnt  to 
support  himself  otherwise  than  by  hunting  and  fishing,  by  far 
the  greater  part  of  the  journey  from  the  condition  of  our  pre- 
human ancestor  to  that  of  European  man  had  been  accomplished. 
This  is  a  very  important  deduction,  because,  inasmuch  as  the 
greater  part  of  the  progress  in  skill  had  still  to  come,  it  means 
that  progress  in  intellectual  capacity  and  progress  in  skill  did 
not  go  hand  in  hand. 

What  we  should  like  to  be  able  to  do,  but  cannot  at  present 
do,  is  to  follow  the  evolution  of  the  cranial  capacity  and  the 
shape  of  the  brain  of  the  ancestors  of  Upper  Palaeolithic  man. 
But  all  we  have  in  the  Middle  Palaeolithic  are  representatives 
of  the  peculiar  Neanderthal  type,  which  apparently  died  out. 
Judging  from  the  cranial  capacity,  the  intellectual  development 
of  Neanderthal  man  must  have  been  considerable  and  probably 
not  inferior  to  that  of  the  Australians.  If  Eoanthropus  is  to  be 
assigned  to  the  Lower  Palaeolithic,  it  is  the  only  skull  of  that 
period  that  we  have.  Judging  not  so  much  from  the  cranial 
capacity  as  from  the  formation  of  the  brain,  the  intellectual 
capacity  of  Eoanthropus  was  clearly  much  less  than  that  of 
Neanderthal  man  and  of  any  other  type  of  man  now  living. 

Bb2 


388          EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHAKACTEKS 

Pithecanthropus  was  certainly  anterior  to  the  Palaeolithic.  He 
may,  it  is  true,  have  used  and  even  fashioned  implements  of 
a  very  primitive  type.  It  is  noteworthy  that,  so  far  as  can  be 
judged,  in  cranial  capacity  he  stands  about  half-way  between 
modern  man  and  the  hypothetical  ancestor,  and  if  we  are  going 
to  make  any  deductions  at  all  regarding  so  difficult  a  point,  it 
is  reasonable  to  assume  that  in  general  his  intellectual  capacity 
was  about  half-way  between  that  of  modern  man  and  the  pre- 
human ancestor. 

On  the  basis  of  this  evidence  the  broad  outlines  of  the  picture 
are  as  follows.  At  the  very  least  the  intellectual  development 
of  Early  Palaeolithic  man  had  reached  a  point  half-way  between 
that  of  the  pre-human  ancestor  and  that  of  modern  European 
races.  Almost  certainly  it  had  gone  farther,  perhaps  considerably 
further.  As  regards  man  in  the  Middle  Palaeolithic,  we  have 
details  only  regarding  an  aberrant  type  whose  intellectual  capacity, 
though  considerable,  probably  did  not  reach  that  of  the  con- 
temporary ancestors  of  the  Upper  Palaeolithic  types  of  whom 
as  yet  we  know  nothing.  The  cranial  capacity  and  other  features 
of  the  Upper  Palaeolithic  types  show  no  essential  differences 
from  modern  man,  though  it  has  to  be  remembered  that,  as 
cranial  capacity  is  but  a  rough  guide,  differences  in  mental 
capacity  may  have  existed. 

8.  In  order  to  gain  a  more  exact  idea  of  the  stage  of  mental 
evolution  reached  in  the  first  and  second  periods,  we  are  obliged 
to  turn  to  the  evidence  supplied  by  primitive  races,  just  as  we 
turned  to  them  to  fill  in  the  gaps  in  our  knowledge  of  the  social 
habits  of  Palaeolithic  man. 

There  are  at  least  three  methods  whereby  an  attempt  may 
be  made  to  arrive  at  some  idea  of  the  intellectual  development 
of  primitive  races  as  compared  with  modern  European  man. 
There  is  to  begin  with  a  very  large  number  of  observations  and 
impressions  recorded  by  men  who  in  many  cases  have  lived  a  long 
time  among  primitive  races  and  have  had  unusual  opportunities 
for  judging  them.  Then  attempts  have  been  made  to  measure 
the  intelligence  of  these  races  by  the  use  of  the  Binet-Simon 
methods,  and  we  may  notice  the  results  of  some  of  these  attempts. 
Lastly,  in  certain  parts  of  the  world  for  some  generations  white 
and  coloured  races  have  been  living  side  by  side  under  almost 
identical  conditions  and  now  compete  together  almost  on  an 


EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHARACTERS          389 

equality,  and  we  may  note  the  current  opinion  in  those  regions 
with  regard  to  their  respective  intellectual  capacities. 

All  the  evidence  regarding  the  Australians  agrees  in  attributing 
to  them  a  relatively  high  level  of  intellect.  '  Most  observers  ', 
says  Thomas,  '  agree  that  up  to  the  age  of  puberty,  possibly 
longer,  they  have  an  extraordinary  facility  in  the  acquisition  of 
knowledge.' 1  Speaking  of  the  aborigines  of  Victoria,  Smyth 
records  that  '  black  children  brought  up  in  the  schools  learn 
very  quickly,  and  in  perception,  memory,  and  power  to  dis- 
criminate, they  are,  to  say  the  least,  equal  to  European  children. 
A  missionary,  the  Eev.  F.  A.  Hagenauer,  a  gentleman  of  great 
ability,  who  has  control  of  the  aboriginal  station  at  Lake  Welling- 
ton, reports  that  the  examination  made  by  the  Government 
School  Inspectors  shows  that  the  aboriginal  pupils  taught  by 
him  are  quite  equal  to  the  Whites.  In  his  last  report  he  states 
that  the  whole  of  the  fifth  class  in  his  school  has  passed  the 
standard  examination  (that  appointed  for  children  in  State 
schools)  and  that  they  had  received  certificates.' 2  Spiller  has 
collected  a  large  number  of  such  opinions,3  and  Semon  says 
that  '  on  examining  the  accounts  of  missionaries  who  have  had 
occasion  to  instruct  children  of  Australian  natives,  it  will  be 
found  that  nearly  all  of  them  come  to  the  conclusion  that  at 
the  onset  of  instruction  hardly  any  difference  between  faculties 
of  black  and  white  children  in  grasping  the  elements  is  to  be 
remarked.  There  is  such  a  capability  of  memory  and  sharpness 
of  the  senses  that  in  reading,  writing,  drawing,  topography,  and 
geography  they  at  first  even  excel  the  whites.' 4  Nearly  all 
observers  agree  that  there  comes  a  point  when  the  faculties  of 
aboriginal  children  cease  to  develop.  Thus  Smyth  says  that 
4  WitlTkeen  senses,  quick  perceptions,  and  a  precocity  that  is 
surprising,  he  stops  just  short  of  the  point  where  an  advance 
would  lead  to  a  complete  change  in  the  characters  of  his  mind  ',5 
and  Mathew  who  remarks  that  '  in  schools  it  has  been  observed 
that  aboriginal  children  learn  quite  as  easily  and  rapidly  as  children 
of  European  parents  ',  goes  on  to  say  that '  while  among  Europeans 
the  range  of  mental  development  seems  almost  unbounded,  with 
the  blacks  its  limit  is  soon  attained  '.6 

1  Thomas,  Natives  of  Australia,  p.  25.  2  Smyth,  Aborigines,  vol.  i,  p.  22. 

3  Spiller,  '  Mentality  of  Australian  Aborigines  ',  Soc.  Rev.,  vol.  vi.  *  Semon, 

Australian  Bush,  p.  78.  6  Smyth,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  22  6  Mathew, 

Eaglehawk  and  Crow,  p.  78. 


390          EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHARACTEES 

Among  the  Andaman  Islanders  there  is,  according  to  Man,  up 
to  the  age  of  12  or  14  '  as  much  intelligence  as  [among]  ordinary 
middle  class  children  of  civilized  races  '  ;  he  goes  on  to  quote 
another  observer  who  found  these  people  '  not  deficient  in  brain 
power;  it  rather  lies  dormant  and  unused  in  their  savage  state', 
and  gives  the  example  *  of  an  aboriginal  patient  of  12  years  of 
age,  who  had  been  entered  in  the  Ross  Orphanage  School,  and 
who,  in  his  tender  years,  could  yet  read  English  and  Ordu  fluently, 
as  well  as  speak  and  write  in  both  these  languages,  retaining  also 
a  knowledge  of  his  native  tongue.  He  had  besides  a  fair  knowledge 
of  arithmetic.  I  may  add  that  this  is  not  an  exceptional  case, 
for  I  would  instance  others,  and  one  lad  in  particular  who  was 
his  superior.' 1  These  opinions  could  be  paralleled  many  times 
over.  The  Jesuit  missionary  Baegert,  for  example,  had  a  high 
opinion  of  the  intellectual  abilities  of  the  Calif ornian  Indians. 

*  Like  other  people,  they  are  possessed  of  reason  and  understanding, 
and  their  stupidity  is  not  inborn  with  them,  but  the  result  of 
habit ;    and  I  am  of  opinion  that,  if  their  sons  were  sent  to 
European  seminaries  and  colleges,  and  their  girls  to  convents 
where  young  females  are  instructed,  they  would  prove  equal  in 
all  respects  to  Europeans  in  the  acquirement  of  morals  and  of 
useful  sciences  and  arts.'  2 

The  opinions  of  observers  of  races  which  fall  within  the  second 
group  are  all  very  similar.  Some  typical  opinions  may  be  given. 
Speaking  of  Bantu  races  south  of  the  Zambezi  Theal  says  that 

*  in  Mission  Schools  children  of  early  age  are  found  to  keep  pace 
with  those  of  white  parents.     In  some  respects,  indeed,  they 
are  the  higher  of  the  two  .  .  .  but  while  the  European  youth  is 
still  developing  his  powers  the  Bantu  youth  in  many  instances 
is  found  unable  to  make  further  progress.     His  intellect  has 
become  sluggish  and  frequently  he  exhibits  a  decided  repugnance, 
if  not  an  incapacity,  to  learn  anything  more.    The  growth  of 
his  mind,  which  at  first  promised  so  much,  has  ceased  just  at 
that  stage  where  the  mind  of  the  European  begins  to  display 
the  greatest  vigour.'  3    Later  he  says  that   '  the  strong  desire 
of  the  greater  number  is  to  live  as  closely  like  their  ancestors 
as  the  altered  circumstances  of  their  country  will  permit,  to  make 
use  of  a  few  of  the  white  man's  simplest  conveniences  and  of  his 

1  Man,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xii,  p.  95.  a  Baegert,  loc.  cit.,  p.  378.  »  Theal, 

Yellow-  and  Dark-Skinned  People,  p.  264. 


EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHAEACTEES          391 

protection  against  their  enemies,  but  to  avoid  his  habits  and  to 
shut  out  his  ideas.  Compared  with  Europeans  their  adults  are 
frequently  children  in  imagination  and  in  simplicity  of  belief, 
though  not  infrequently  one  may  have  the  mental  faculties  of 
a  full-grown  man.' 1  Of  the  Bangala  of  the  Upper  Congo  Weeks 
says  that  *  up  to  the  age  of  14  and  15,  the  boys  and  girls,  especially 
the  boys,  are  very  receptive  and  easily  taught ;  but  after  that 
age  comparatively  few  make  real  advance  in  learning  '.2  This 
is  attributed  partly  to  the  fact  that  at  this  age  other  matters 
occupy  their  attention — working  on  their  own  account,  looking 
round  for  a  wife,  and  so  on,  but  more  especially  to  the  fact  that 
by  this  age  they  have  learnt  all  that  their  fathers  have  to  teach 
them  and  thenceforth  settle  down  into  a  routine.  Of  the  men  of 
the  races  of  Central  Africa  Johnston  speaks  as  follows  :  *  his 
mental  powers  are  not  much  developed  by  native  training,  but  I 
am  certain  that  he  has  in  him  possibilities  in  the  present  generation 
as  great  of  those  of  the  average  Indian  ;  and  there  is  really  no 
saying  what  he  may  come  to  after  several  generations  of  education. 
I  think  it  is  truly  remarkable  the  way  in  which  a  little  savage 
boy  can  be  put  to  school  and  taught  to  read  in  a  few  months 
and  subsequently  become  a  skilful  printer  or  telegraph  clerk  or 
even  book  keeper.  The  little  boys  are  much  sharper  and  shrewder 
than  the  grown-up  male.  When  the  youth  arrives  at  puberty 
there  is  undoubtedly  a  tendency  towards  an  arrested  development 
of  the  mind.'  3  This  latter  tendency  is  attributed  to  the  attention 
paid  to  sexual  matters.  This  arrest  of  development  is  a  feature 
in  all  descriptions  of  the  mental  characters  of  these  races.  Junod 
is  inclined,  however,  to  think  that  these  descriptions  are  on  the 
whole  exaggerated.4  In  order  to  enable  us  to  form  such  judgement 
on  this  point  a  few  further  quotations  may  be  given.  Ellis, 
describing  the  Ewe-speaking  peoples  of  Togoland,  mentions  the 
precocity  of  the  children  when  compared  with  Europeans,  and 
says  that,  '  at  puberty  the  physical  nature  masters  the  intellect 
and  frequently  completely  deadens  it  '.5  The  Bambala  children 
'  are  very  precocious,  and  up  to  the  age  of  puberty  are  often 
astonishingly  intelligent ;  after  puberty,  however,  they  become 
exceedingly  apathetic  ;  sexual  excess  and  continual  intoxication 
with  palm  wine  contribute  largely  to  this  result  '.6  Speaking 

1  Theal,  loc.  cit.,  p.  265.  2  Weeks,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xxxix,  p.  131.  *  Johnston, 
British  Central  Africa,  p.  408.  *  Junod,  South  African  Tribe,  p.  100.  6  Ellis, 
Ewe-Speaking  Peoples,  p.  9.  •  Torday  and  Joyce,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xxxv,  p.  268. 


392          EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHAKACTEES 

of  the  natives  of  Portuguese  East  Africa,  Maugham  refers  to 
the  great  brightness  and  promise  early  displayed  ;  as  regards  the 
later  stages  says  that  he  has  *  over  and  over  again  been  the 
witness  of  the  sudden  and  astounding  change  which  takes  place 
among  the  young  male  house  servants  as  youth  approaches 
manhood.  Brightness  and  initiative  disappear  ;  they  go  about 
their  duties  in  a  most  casual  manner  ;  they  are  unable  to  remember 
the  clearest  and  simplest  instructions,  and  are  constantly  away 
without  permission.' l  Eef erring  to  this  subject  so  far  as  the 
natives  of  the  Congo  are  concerned,  Weeks  states  that  '  for 
generations  boys  on  arriving  at  the  age  of  14  or  15  had  learnt 
all  their  father  had  to  teach  respecting  fishing,  hunting,  wood- 
craft, building,  paddling,  &c.  .  .  .  Thus  their  intelligence  had 
attained  for  generations  the  fullest  development  by  the  above 
age ;  now  we  have  to  help  them  over  that  crucial  stage  ;  in  some 
cases  it  is  very  difficult ;  but  in  other  cases  we  can  do  so  ;  and 
in  such  there  is  no  limit  to  the  intellectual  progress  they  can 
make.  In  many  cases  they  have  mastered  a  good  working 
knowledge  of  French,  Portuguese  or  English,  both  spoken  and 
written,  and  as  larger  opportunities  are  given,  a  larger  number 
of  youths  will  make  such  mental  progress  as  will  encourage  their 
friends  and  teachers.' 2  Bryant,  who  has  had  a  wide  experience 
of  South  African  natives,  sums  up  his  impressions  by  confirming 
the  common  opinion  that  the  native  boy  is,  at  an  early  age,  if 
anything,  superior  to  the  European  boy  of  the  same  age,  and 
that  at  puberty  his  mental  development  is  arrested.  He  thinks 
that  Boer  boys  living  in  the  backwoods  and  receiving  practically 
no  training  are,  if  anything,  inferior  to  the  African  boys.  He 
adds — what  is  of  particular  interest — the  fact  that  the  African 
boys,  whose  education  begins  early,  do  not  show  the  same  arrest 
of  development  as  those  whose  education  begins  later.  Never- 
theless the  African  boy  educated  from  an  early  age  is  surpassed 
by  the  European  boy  later  on.  We  find  also,  he  says,  that  '  in 
practically  every  case  where  a  South  African  native  has  had  the 
opportunity  of  receiving  an  education  in  one  of  the  universities 
of  Europe  or  America,  that  that  native  has  invariably  been  able  to 
hold  his  own  against  all  white  rivals  and  to  pass  as  successfully 
as  they  the  same  examinations  in  Law,  Medicine,  or  Arts.' 

1  Maugham,  Portuguese  East  Africa,  p.  268.  2  Weeks,  Among  Congo 

Cannibals,  p.  76. 


EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHAEACTEES          393 

Such  men,  however,  he  adds,  may  have  been  selected  as  particularly 
fitted  to  profit  by  further  education.1  Summing  up  his  opinion 
upon  this  subject,  Olivier  says  that  it  is  not  possible  to  '  justify 
a  generalization  that  there  is  any  particular  human  function  for 
which  coloured  persons  are  by  their  African  blood  disqualified. 
In  various  categories  of  human  activity  we  may  maintain  that, 
as  a  rule,  black  and  coloured  folk  are  not  up  to  the  normal 
standard  of  the  white,  and  are  difficult  and  disheartening  to 
deal  with.  But  in  other  categories  they  are  more  liberally  endowed 
than  the  average  white  man,  not  only  with  sympathetic  and 
valuable  human  qualities,  but  with  talent  and  executive  ability 
for  their  expression.'  2 

The  evidence  has  been  taken  from  the  accounts  of  African 
races  ;  very  similar  evidence  could  be  presented  for  all  races  in 
the  second  group.  No  purpose  would  be  served  by  so  doing, 
however,  because  such  evidence  amounts  merely  to  a  repetition 
of  opinion  similar  to  those  given  above.  Before  attempting  to 
analyse  this  evidence,  we  may  glance  at  the  evidence  obtained 
on  other  lines. 

4.  Many  investigations  have  been  recently  carried  out  to  test 
the  relative  intelligence  of  children  of  modern  Europeans  and 
of  primitive  races.  The  method  used  is  known  as  the  Binet- 
Simon  method  and  consists  essentially  in  subjecting  children  to 
a  large  number  of  carefully  prepared  tests  upon  the  total  result 
of  which  an  estimate  is  made  of  the  intelligence  of  each  child. 
Some  of  the  most  instructive  of  these  observations  have  been 
made  in  America,  where  white  and  coloured  children  receive 
a  very  similar  education  ;  the  result  of  an  investigation  carried 
out  by  Miss  Strong  in  that  country  may  be  described.  She 
tested  225  white  children  belonging  to  two  schools  and  125 
coloured  children  belonging  to  one  school.  There  is  a  standard 
degree  of  intelligence  for  each  year  of  age,  and  thus  every  child 
can  be  graded  according  as  to  whether  it  reaches  the  standard 
degree  of  intelligence,  or  is  above  or  below  it.  The  results  of  this 
particular  investigation  are  summed  up  in  the  following  table  : 3 

Coloured  Children.  White  Children. 
More  than  one  year  backward     .          .               29-4  10-2 

Satisfactory 69-8  84-4 

More  than  one  year  advanced     .         .  0-8  5-3 

1  Bryant,  JEug.  Rev.,  vol.  ix.,  pp.  47-9.  »  Olivier,  White  Capital  and  Coloured 

Labour,  p.  59.  8  Strong,  Pedagogical  Seminary,  vol.  xx,  p.  501. 


Below  Age. 

At 

Age. 

Above 

Age. 

White. 

Coloured. 

White. 

Coloured. 

White. 

Coloured. 

19-4 

40-0 

30-6 

33-3 

50-0 

26-7 

13-9 

39-4 

6M 

58-8 

25-0 

11-8 

18-5 

23-0 

55-5 

38-5 

26-0 

38-5 

32-2 

71-4 

41-9 

21-4 

25-9 

7-2 

55-1 

75-0 

27-6 

12-5 

17-3 

12-5 

34-6 

43-7 

42-2 

50-0 

23-1 

6-3 

67-5 

77-0 

32-5 

23-0 

— 

— 

34-5 

51-4 

41-2 

33-9 

24-3 

14-7 

394          EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHAKACTEKS 

That  the  inferiority  of  the  coloured  children  is  exhibited  at  all 
ages  is  shown  by  the  following  table  :  -1 


6  years 

7 

8 

9 
10 
11 
12 


With  regard  to  these  results  Miss  Strong  writes  as  follows  : 
'  This  seems  to  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  the  coloured  children 
are  mentally  younger  than  the  white.  There  is  a  difference  of 
nearly  15  per  cent,  in  the  satisfactory  group,  nearly  three  times 
as  many  are  more  than  a  year  backward,  and  less  than  1  per  cent, 
are  more  than  a  year  advanced.  A  course  of  study  in  the  coloured 
school  is  practically  the  same  as  that  in  the  white  schools.  To 
what  extent  the  difference  is  due  to  racial  inferiority,  to  what 
extent  differences  in  the  home  environment,  cannot  be  said. 
It  is  certainly  not  due  to  difference  in  school  training.' 2 

There  are  certain  criticisms  of  weight  to  be  made  regarding 
the  importance  to  be  attached  to  estimates  of  intelligence  due 
to  this  method.  These  need  not  detain  us  beyond  noting  that, 
although  in  general,  inasmuch  as  the  children  use  the  same 
language,  the  mental  equipment  is  similar,  nevertheless  there 
may  be  considerable  differences  in  acquired  habit  as  between 
white  and  coloured  children  which  affect  their  responses  to  the 
test.  There  is  a  further  criticism  of  some  importance  to  be  made 
regarding  this  particular  investigation.  It  was  entirely  carried 
out  by  white  examiners,  and  it  may  very  well  be  that  the  coloured 
children  did  not  respond  as  readily  and  acquit  themselves  as 
favourably  as  if  they  had  been  examined  by  members  of  their 
own  race.  There  is  reason  to  suspect  therefore  that  the  coloured 
children  may  not  show  up  in  as  favourable  a  light  as  the  white 
children  quite  apart  from  any  colour  bias  that  may  possibly  affect 
the  results  in  the  same  way.  In  any  case  it  seems  certain  that 
the  results  are  not  unduly  favourable  to  the  coloured  children. 

1  Strong,  loc.  cit.,  p.  503.  a  Ibid.,  p.  501.    With  regard  to  the  disabilities 

under  which  the  Negro  labours  in  America  see  Booker  T.  Washington,  Story  of  the 
Negro,  vol.  ii,  pp.  114  ff. 


EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHARACTEKS          895 

The  results  of  several  similar  inquiries  have  been  summarized 
by  Popenoe  and  Johnson.  '  The  most  careful  study  yet  made  ', 
they  write,  '  of  the  relative  intelligence  of  negroes  and  whites, 
is  that  of  G.  0.  Ferguson,  junior,  on  486  white  and  421  coloured 
pupils  in  the  schools  of  Kichmond,  Fredericksburg,  and  Newport 
News,  Va.  Tests  were  employed  which  required  the  use  of  the 
higher  '  functions  '  and  as  far  as  possible  (mainly  on  the  basis 
of  skin  colour)  the  amount  of  white  blood  in  the  coloured  pupils 
was  determined.  Four  classes  were  made :  full-blood  negro, 
|  negro,  |  negro  (mulatto),  and  £  negro  (quadroon).  It  was  found 
that '  the  pure  negroes  scored  69-2  per  cent,  as  high  as  the  whites  ; 
that  the  f  negroes  scored  73  per  cent,  as  high  as  the  whites  ;  that 
the  mulattoes  scored  81-2  per  cent,  as  high  as  the  whites  ;  and 
that  the  quadroons  obtained  91-8  per  cent,  of  the  white  score.' 
This  confirms  the  belief  of  many  observers  that  the  ability  of 
a  coloured  man  is  proportionate  to  the  amount  of  white  blood 
he  has.1 

Summing  up  a  review  of  this  subject  Huntingdon  writes  as 
follows  :  '  So  far  as  I  am  aware,  every  exact  test  which  has  been 
made  on  a  large  scale  indicates  mental  superiority  on  the  part 
of  the  white  race,  even  when  the  two  races  have  equal  opportuni- 
ties. For  example,  in  Washington  the  coloured  children  remain 
in  school  quite  as  long  as  the  white ;  they  do  not  accomplish  so 
much  in  the  way  of  study  and  do  not  reach  so  high  a  grade. 
In  the  cities  of  the  south,  Mayo  and  Leram  find  that  where  the 
races  are  given  essentially  the  same  instruction,  the  proportion  of 
whites  who  are  promoted  is  greater  than  than  of  negroes.  More- 
over, the  differences  seem  to  increase  with  years,  which  suggests 
that  the  average  coloured  child  not  only  stands  below  the  average 
white  child  in  mental  development  at.  all  ages,  but  ceases  to 
develop  at  an  earlier  age.  In  the  High  Schools  of  New  York, 
superiority  of  the  white  race  is  shown  by  Mayo's  examination  of 
the  average  marks.  By  the  time  the  children  reach  the  High 
School,  the  processes  of  promotion  have  weeded  out  a  much 
larger  proportion  of  coloured  children  than  of  white.  Hence, 
the  negroes  form  a  specially  selected  group  whose  superiority  to 
the  average  of  their  race  is  more  marked  than  the  superiority  of  the 
white  High  School  children  when  compared  with  the  rest  of 
the  race.  Nevertheless,  the  average  marks  of  the  white  children 

1  Popenoe  and  Johnson,  loc.  cit.,  p.  288. 


396          EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHARACTEKS 

are  distinctly  higher  than  those  of  the  coloured.' l  Here  again, 
as  in  the  case  of  Miss  Strong's  investigation,  it  is  not  improbable 
that  the  conditions  are  to  some  extent  weighted  against  the 
coloured  race. 

5.  A  third  method  of  arriving  at  some  indication  of  the  relative 
degree  of  mental  capacity  is  to  notice  what  has  happened  where 
for  some  generations  the  two  races  have  lived  under  more  or 
less  similar  conditions.  '  One  of  the  best  places  for  comparing 
the  two  races  is  in  the  Bahama  Islands ',  writes  Huntington. 
For  reasons  which  I  shall  present  later,  the  process  of  making 
*  poor  whites  '  has  probably  gone  farther  in  the  Bahamas  than  in 
almost  any  other  Anglo-Saxon  community.  Part  of  the  white 
population  are  like  their  race  in  other  regions,  but  a  large  portion 
have  unmistakably  degenerated.  Witness  their  intense  and 
bigoted  speech,  their  sunken  cheeks  and  eyes,  their  sallow  com* 
plexion,  and  their  inert  way  of  working.  In  spite  of  racial 
prejudice,  there  is  no  real  colour  line  in  the  Bahamas.  Persons 
with  more  or  less  negro  blood  are  worthy  occupants  of  the  highest 
positions,  and  are  universally  accepted  in  the  most  exclusive 
social  circles.  The  British  Government  gives  the  negro  every 
possible  opportunity.  The  state  of  affairs  may  be  judged  from 
the  remarks  of  a  '  poor  white  J  sailor,  who  said  to  me  :  '  You 
want  to  know  why  I  like  the  Southern  States  better  than  the 
North.  It  is  because  they  hate  a  nigger  and  I  hates  him  too. 
What  kind  of  a  place  is  this  where  they  do  everything  for  the 
nigger  and  nothing  for  the  white  man  ?  It  is  bad  enough  to  have 
to  go  to  jail,  but  it 's  pretty  hard  for  a  white  man  to  be  taken 
there  by  a  nigger  constable.'  In  one  Bahaman  village  I  saw 
negro  girls  teaching  white  children  in  the  public  school.  In  that 
same  village  a  number  of  the  leading  white  men  cannot  read  or 
write. 

'  When  they  were  children,  their  parents  would  not  send  them 
to  school  with  negroes.  The  despised  negroes  learnt  to  read  and 
write  but  have  now  largely  forgotten  these  accomplishments. 
The  proud  whites  grow  up  in  abject  ignorance.  To-day  the  same 
thing  is  going  on.  I  visited  two  villages  where  the  white  children 
are  staying  away  from  school  because  they  will  not  go  to  negro 
teachers.  The  homes  of  such  whites  are  scarcely  better  than 
those  of  their  coloured  neighbours,  and  their  fathers  are  called 

1  Huntington,  Civilization  and  Climate,  p.  12. 


EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHAKACTEES          897 

"  Jim  "  and  "  Jack  "  by  the  black  men  with  whom  they  work. 
Eacial  prejudice  apparently  works  more  harm  to  the  whites 
than  to  the  blacks.  So  far  as  occupations  go  there  is  no  difference, 
for  all  alike  till  the  soil,  sail  boats,  and  gather  sponges. 

'  When  the  lumber  industry  was  introduced  into  the  islands, 
whites  and  blacks  were  equally  ignorant  of  the  various  kinds  of 
work  involved  in  cutting  trees  and  converting  them  into  lumber. 
The  managers  did  not  care  who  did  the  work  so  long  as  it  was 
done.  They  wanted  three  things  :  strength,  docility  or  faithful- 
ness, and  brains.  They  soon  found  that  in  the  first  two  the 
negroes  were  superior.  Time  and  again  persons  in  authority, 
chiefly  American  but  also  some  of  the  more  capable  native  whites, 
told  me  that  if  they  wanted  a  crew  of  men  to  load  a  boat  or 
some  such  thing,  they  would  prefer  negroes  every  time.  The 
poor  white  shirks  more  than  the  coloured  man.  He  is  not  so 
strong,  he  is  proud  and  touchy.  Other  things  being  equal,  the 
negro  receives  the  preference,  but  other  things  are  not  equal. 
The  very  man  who  praised  the  negroes  generally  added  :  "  But 
you  can't  use  a  negro  for  everything.  They  can't  seem  to  learn 
some  things,  and  they  don't  know  how  to  boss  a  job."  The  pay 
roll  reflects  this.  Even  though  the  negroes  receive  the  preference 
the  400  who  are  employed  earn  on  an  average  only  about  60  per 
cent,  as  much  as  the  57  white  men.  If  we  take  only  the  57  most 
competent  negroes  their  average  daily  wages  are  still  only  88  per 
cent,  as  great  as  those  of  the  native  whites.  The  difference  is 
purely  a  matter  of  brains.  Although  the  white  man  may  be 
ignorant  and  inefficient,  with  no  more  training  than  the  negro, 
and  although  his  father  and  grandfather  were  scarcely  better, 
he  possesses  an'  inheritance  of  mental  quickness  and  initiative 
which  comes  into  evidence  at  the  first  opportunity.' 1 

6.  What  conclusions  are  we  to  draw  from  this  varied  evidence  ? 
Let  us  first  ask  how  we  should  view  the  differences  between  the 
negro  and  the  modern  European.  There  seems  to  be  no  marked 
difference  in  innate  intellectual  power  ;  the  differences  are  rather 
differences  in  disposition  and  temperament.  The  white  man  has 
initiative,  inventiveness,  versatility,  and  power  of  leadership  ;  the 
black  man  has  humility,  patience,  loyalty,  and  self-sacrifice.  It 
is  remarkable  with  what  unanimity  observers  of  the  negro 
racejn  its  own  country  speak  of  the  high  degree  of  intellectual 

1  Huntington,  loc.  cit.,  p.  14. 


898          EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHAKACTEKS 

development.  Certain  points  are  noteworthy.  The  apparent  arrest 
of  development  is  associated  with  an  absorption  at  a  certain  age  in 
practical  matters,  in  tribal  habits  and  customs,  in  sex  and  in 
settling  down  to  a  normal  married  existence  as  much  on  the  lines 
of  their  ancestors  as  is  possible  under  the  altered  conditions. 
Several  passages  quoted  above  strongly  suggest  that  what  we 
are  here  witnessing  is  a  turning  away  from  the  training  felt  to 
be  strange  and  foreign,  owing  to  the  strength  of  the  native 
tradition  which  claims  all  the  affection  and  interest  of  the  young 
man.  In  other  words  this  arrest  may  not  be  so  much  an  inevitable 
result  of  the  kind  of  mental  faculties  which  are  inherited  as 
a  result  of  the  coming  into  play  of  a  peculiar  tradition.  This 
conclusion  is  supported  by  the  fact  that,  when  in  Africa  education 
begins  earlier,  when,  that  is  to  say,  there  is  more  of  a  break  with 
native  tradition,  the  arrest  is  less  well  marked.  Further,  in 
America,  it  is  still  less  marked  though  it  can  be  detected.  The 
conclusion  would  thus  seem  to  be  that,  though  there  may  be  some 
tendency  for  intellectual  development  to  stop  at  a  rather  lower 
stage  than  among  European  races, '  it  is  nothing  like  so  well 
marked  as  the  observations  of  residents  in  South  Africa  would 
seem  at  first  sight  to  show. 

The  evidence  quoted  has  chiefly  been  drawn  from  observations 
upon  the  negro  races.  It  must  suffice  here  to  say  that  what  is 
known  regarding  the  intellectual  development  of  other  races 
included  in  the  first  and  second  groups  leads  to  the  conclusion 
that,  although  there  are  signs  of  differences  as  hetween  these 
races,  yet  these  differences  are  not  remarkable,  and  further  that 
the  degree  to  which  so  apparently  low  a  race  as  the  Australians 
differs  from  Europeans  is  not  in  any  case  much  greater  than  the 
degree  in  which  negroes  differ  from  Europeans. 

It  remains  to  ask  how  far  this  evidence  supplements  that 
derived  from  a  study  of  fossil  remains.  Judging  from  the  fact 
that  the  general  level  of  the  development  of  the  mental  faculties 
of  any  primitive  race  is  not  separated  markedly  farther  from  that 
of  modern  European  man  than  are  the  negro  races  in  this  respect 
from  modern  European  man,  it  seems  that  we  must  allow  to 
Upper  Palaeolithic  man  on  the  average  a  degree  of  mental 
development  at  least  equivalent  to  that  of  the  negro.  It  is  further 
only  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  ancestors  of  Upper  Palaeolithic 
man  in  the  Middle  Palaeolithic  were  little  inferior  in  mental 


EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHAEACTEKS          399 

capacity,  inasmuch  as  to  Neanderthal  man,  to  whom  they  were 
superior  and  whom  they  apparently  exterminated,  we  must 
attribute  a  degree  of  intelligence  little,  if  at  all,  inferior  to  that 
of  the  Australians.  Of  Lower  Palaeolithic  man  we  know  much 
less.  We  do  not  know,  for  example,  whether  he  buried  his  dead. 
But  if  we  consider  the  variety  of  instruments  fashioned  and  used 
by  him,  it  is  not  unreasonable  to  attribute  to  him,  in  view  of  the 
nature  of  the  general  conclusions  to  which  we  are  being  led, 
a  degree  of  intelligence  again  but  little  inferior  to  that  of  Middle 
Palaeolithic  man. 

Our  conclusions  can  only  be  tentative  ;  nevertheless  such  indi- 
cations as  we  have  all  point  the  same  way.  It  would  seem  that 
the  major  part  of  the  progress  in  the  evolution  of  the  intellectual 
faculties  had  been  accomplished  far  back  in  Palaeolithic  times. 
Those  living  races  which,  with  all  due  reservations  and  qualifica- 
tions, may  be  held  to  represent  in  mental  and  bodily  characters 
Palaeolithic  races,  differ  from  modern  European  man  rather  in 
disposition  than  in  intellect.  And  it  is  important  to  note  that  it 
is  in  the  growth  of  the  intellect  rather  than  in  the  growth  of 
the  other  mental  faculties  that  modern  man  is  distinguished  from 
his  pre-human  ancestor. 

7.  We  may  again  follow  the  same  procedure  as  in  the  last 
chapter.  We  may  recall  the  general  conditions  to  which  man 
was  subject  in  the  intermediate  and  early  periods  and  ask  how  the 
evolution  of  mental  characters  was  influenced  by  them.  We  may 
further  ask  to  what  degree  and  in  what  direction  the  conditions 
of  life  among  primitive  races  influence  the  selection  of  mental 
characters  since  in  general  we  may  assume  the  same  influences 
to  have  been  at  work  among  prehistoric  races.  With  regard  to 
the  intermediate  period  we  have  to  remember  that  it  was  far 
longer  than,  perhaps  many  times  as  long  as,  the  period  which 
has  elapsed  since  the  rise  of  Palaeolithic  industry.  Within  this 
period  man  descended  to  the  ground,  spread,  if  not  into  every 
continent,  at  least  far  over  the  surface  of  the  world  and  came  to 
dominate  all  other  living  organisms  as  no  species  had  ever  done 
before.  Clearly  he  was  enabled  to  achieve  this  result  by  his 
intellectual  powers  and  by  them  alone.  He  did  not  develop  any 
other  means  of  attack  or  means  of  defence  :  he  conquered  by 
his  intellect. 

In  a  general  way  it  is  possible  to  understand  how  this  came 


400          EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHAEACTEKS 

about.  To  begin  with,  the  pre-human  ancestor  was  favourably 
situated  for  such  a  development  because  he  was  a  generalized 
and  not  a  specialized  type.  Once  specialization  of  form  has  set 
in,  as  it  has  among  the  anthropoid  apes,  there  are  two  bars  to 
such  a  development  as  occurred  in  man.  The  specialization  of 
bodily  form  in  order  to  cope  with  a  peculiar  environment  renders 
the  body  less  adaptable  to  any  changes  in  the  environment 
which  may  take  place.  Further,  unless  the  body  is  of  the  nature 
of  an  instrument  capable  of  being  readily  employed  to  perform 
various  functions,  the  intellect  is  unable  to  manifest  itself.  We 
have  only  to  think  of  the  specialized  fore  and  hind  limbs  of  most 
mammalian  types  to  see  how  poor  an  instrument  the  body  would 
in  those  cases  make  in  the  service  of  the  intellect. 

Under  these  favourable  circumstances,  evolution  took  this 
momentous  turn.  We  can  understand  how,  since  the  pre-human 
ancestor  depended  for  his  survival  almost  solely  upon  his  intellect, 
there  would  be  a  high  premium  upon  intellectual  development. 
It  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  he  lived  in  groups  of  polygamous 
families  and  that  differential  fertility  thus  intensified  selection. 
There  is,  of  course,  never  at  any  time  only  a  single  factor  governing 
selection,  and  though  undoubtedly  intellect  was  the  chief  factor 
in  selection,  climatic  and  other  factors  were,  as  we  have  noticed, 
also  in  operation,  bringing  about  those  changes  in  bodily  form 
that  we  have  observed. 

The  instincts  of  the  pre-human  ancestor  were  doubtless,  in 
common  with  those  of  other  mammals,  of  a  generalized  type 
compared  with  what  we  find  among  some  lower  groups  of  animals. 
The  tendency  has  been  for  them  to  become  even  more  generalized, 
though  not  on  the  whole  any  less  powerful.  It  seems  likely,  for 
instance,  that  the  instinct  of  flight  was  definitely  associated  with 
the  snakes  among  other  objects  from  the  attacks  of  which  pre- 
sumably the  ancestor  was  at  one  time  in  danger.  We  assume 
this  because  we  occasionally  meet  with  cases  in  which  this 
specialization  of  the  instinct  of  flight  still  obtains.  The  instinct 
of  flight  has  now  become  wholly  generalized,  being  aroused  by 
general  conditions  and  not  by  specialized  occurrences.  If  it  is 
correct  to  think  of  the  ancestor  as  living  in  groups  of  families, 
for  the  leadership  of  which  there  must  have  been  continual 
struggles,  we  may  conclude  that  the  instincts  of  pugnacity  and 
of  self-assertion  were  favoured,  and  we  may  make  other  similar 


EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHAEACTEES          401 

deductions  in  estimating  the  value  of  which,  however,  it  must 
be  remembered  that  we  are  very  largely  in  the  region  of  hypothesis 
and  speculation.  The  one  thing  to  which  we  may  with  certainty 
hold  fast  is  the  premium  upon  intellect. 

8.  At  length  the  intermediate  period  gave  place  to  the  period 
marked  by  the  origin  of  society  of  the  primitive  type,  denned 
by  the  fact  that  men  are  bound  together  by  rigid  custom. 
Obedience  to  custom  involves  a  considerable  measure  of  control 
of  the  impulses.  Before  society  of  this  kind  could  have  arisen, 
mental  evolution  must  have  reached  a  still  higher  level. 

Let  us  consider  what  is  implied.  To  begin  with,  the  dependence 
of  man  upon  his  intellect  for  his  position  in  the  world  accounts, 
as  we  have  seen,  for  the  evolution  of  his  mental  faculties  up  to 
a  relatively  high  level  in  the  intermediate  period.  When  this 
level  had  been  reached,  the  next  step  was  rendered  possible. 
What  was  now  required  was  that  man  should  be  able  to  enjoy 
the  advantages  of  social  co-operation.  To  this  end  law  was 
necessary.  McDougall  quotes  Bagehot  as  saying  that  '  law,  rigid, 
definite,  concise  law,  was  a  primary  want  of  early  mankind  ; 
that  which  they  needed  above  everything  else,  that  which  was 
requisite  before  they  could  gain  anything  else  ',  and  that  :  '  in 
early  times  the  quantity  of  government  is  much  more  important 
than  its  quality.  What  is  wanted  is  a  comprehensive  rule  binding 
men  together,  making  them  do  the  same  things,  telling  them 
what  to  expect  of  ea.ch  other,  fashioning  them  alike,  and  keeping 
them  so.  What  this  rule  is,  does  not  matter  so  much.  A  good 
rule  is  better  than  a  bad  one,  but  a  bad  one  is  better  than  none/  1 
That  man  should  acquiesce  in  the  restrictions  imposed  by  society 
involves  prudence,  which  inhibits  those  impulses  which  would 
lead  to  a  contravention  of  custom.  Now,  fear  is  a  simple  emotion, 
but  prudence  implies  something  more.  It  involves  '  a  capacity 
for  deliberation  and  the  weighing  of  motives  in  the  light  of  self- 
consciousness  '.2  In  order  that  society  might  become  established, 
there  was  thus  required  a  further  evolution  of  the  intellect,  and, 
since  the  advantages  to  be  gained  by  the  establishment  of  society 
were  so  great,  there  must  have  been  a  heavy  premium  upon 
evolution  in  this  direction. 

The  beginning  of  the  first  period  in  history  thus  marks  the 
successful  completion  of  a  step  in  mental  evolution  raising  man 

1  McDougall,  Social  Psychology,  p.  284.  2  Ibid.,  p.  286. 

2498  C  C 


402          EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHAKACTEKS 

above  the  stage  reached  in  the  intermediate  period^.  It  is  important 
to  observe  that  all  primitive  races  known  to  us  are  representatives 
of  man  after  he  had  completed  this  step.  So  far,  therefore,  as 
their  mental  faculties  throw  light  upon  the  mental  evolution 
of  man,  it  is  the  level  of  evolution  reached  after  and  not  before 
the  evolution  of  social  organization  that  is  illustrated. 

We  may  now  glance  at  the  conditions  characteristic  of  primitive 
races  and  ask  how  they  bear  upon  the  selection  of  mental  characters. 
Primitive  society  we  found  to  be  characterized  by  hard  and  fast 
rules  which  must  be  implicitly  obeyed  if  social  organization  is 
to  be  maintained.  Obedience  to  these  conventions  is  of  the 
utmost  importance  ;  we  may  remember  incidentally  that,  unless 
the  conventions  are  observed,  an  approximation  to  the  optimum 
population  will  not  be  made.  There  is  in  consequence  a  tendency 
towards  the  elimination  of  those  exhibiting  characteristics  in- 
compatible with  due  subservience  to  the  prevailing  tradition. 
Such  characteristics  are  any  marked  developments  of  intellect 
or  of  disposition  away  from  the  average.  The  man  who  will 
not  conform  is  not  tolerated.  However  advantageous  to  the 
individual  certain  developments  might  be,  such  developments 
are  not  favoured  because  the  importance  of  maintaining  intact 
the  group  to  which  he  belongs  is  of  greater  moment.  Thus,  as 
in  the  case  of  physical  characters,  the  general  tendency  is  on  the 
whole  against  further  evolution  and  towards  the  preservation  of 
those  types  which  have  reached  the  position  characteristic  of 
any  primitive  race.  And  it  is  to  be  noted  that,  whereas  bodily 
form  is  on  the  whole  adapted  to  the  physical  environment,  mental 
characters  are  adapted  on  the  whole  to  the  traditional  environment. 
Men  come  to  be  selected  in  accordance  with  the  needs  of  social 
organization,  and  as  tradition  grows  in  amount  also  in  accordance 
with  their  capability  of  absorbing  tradition. 

It  is  difficult  to  point  to  any  factors  which  markedly  favour 
further  evolution  of  mental  characters.  On  reading  the  admirable 
accounts  of  the  daily  life  and  customs  of  the  Australians  as  given 
by  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen,  or  of  a  much  more  advanced 
people — the  tribes  of  Borneo,  as  described  by  Messrs.  Hose  and 
McDougall — we  observe,  it  is  true,  the  respect  paid  to  men  of 
experience  and  of  rather  more  than  average  intelligence.  We 
can  understand  how  men  not  up  to  the  average  level  of  intelligence 
would  not  in  all  respects  fare  as  well  as  others,  but  we  do  not 


EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHAKACTEKS          403 

find  that  there  are  factors  distinctly  favouring  unusual  intelligence. 
Some  progress  there  probably  was.  On  the  whole  those  men 
who  attained  the  leadership  were  probably  rather  more  intelligent 
than  the  average,  though  among  the  qualities  which  assisted 
such  men  to  gain  the  leadership  many  other  mental  qualities 
played  a  more  prominent  part  than  intellect ;  thus,  by  practising 
polygamy,  or  practising  it  to  a  greater  extent  than  the  rest,  they 
left  more  than  the  average  number  of  descendants — and,  while 
perhaps  raising  the  intellectual  level  of  the  race,  more  certainly 
altering  the  average  mental  endowment  in  respect  of  these  other 
qualities. 

Such  an  examination  also  shows  that  a  somewhat  different 
disposition  is  favoured  in  different  cases.  Thus  a  warlike  type 
is  favoured  among  the  American  Indians,  for,  though  possibly 
the  most  warlike  may  be  killed  off  the  most  quickly,  this  is  more 
than  counterbalanced  by  the  ease  which  with  such  men  get 
numerous  wives.  But  such  differences  in  no  way  conflict  with 
the  fact  that  the  tendency  is  towards  the  preservation  of  a 
mean,  which  though  it  may  vary  somewhat,  is  in  general  outline 
the  same  among  all  these  races. 

There  still  remains  to  be  noticed  the  result  of  conflict  be- 
tween groups,  other  than  normal  warfare,  which  at  times  led 
to  the  substitution,  whole  or  partial,  of  a  less  intelligent  by 
a  more  intelligent  race,  or  at  least  of  a  less  skilled  by  a  more 
skilled  race  ;  for  by  this  time  the  outward  manifestation  of 
intellect  was  to  a  considerable  extent  overlaid  by  tradition. 
But  such  substitution,  though  it  changes  the  average  germinal 
constitution  of  the  species  as  a  whole,  scarcely  accounts  in  any 
noteworthy  degree  for  the  evolution  of  a  higher  level  of  intellectual 
capacity.  The  conditions  which  did  favour  further  evolution 
within  these  two  periods  are  the  same  as  those  which,  when 
present  to  a  more  marked  degree  and  acting  over  a  longer  period 
of  time,  finally  gave  rise  to  the  races  of  the  third  period,  and 
to  these  conditions  we  may  now  turn. 

9.  There  are  certain  regions  of  the  world's  surface  which 
contain  within  them  areas  abutting  one  upon  the  other  and 
differing  sharply  one  from  the  other.  Such  a  region  is  found  in 
that  part  of  Western  Asia  which  embraces  Asia  Minor,  Armenia, 
Syria,  Arabia,  Mesopotamia,  and  Western  Iran.  In  such  areas 
races  live  in  close  contact  with  other  races  of  very  different 

c  c  2 


404          EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHAKACTERS 

habits,  customs,  and  modes  of  life  ;  hunting  and  fishing  races, 
pastoral  races,  agricultural  races,  races  predominately  sea-faring, 
all  come  into  contact  and  conflict.  Under  conditions  of  these 
kinds  there  is  more  tendency  for  advantage  to  accrue  to  intellect 
not  only  as  between  members  of  different  races  but  as  between 
members  of  the  same  race  than  in  conflicts  between  races  of 
similar  culture.  Where  these  conditions  have  ruled,  therefore, 
there  has  been  a  tendency,  though  perhaps  not  a  very  marked 
tendency,  for  a  premium  to  have  been  set  upon  intellect.  It  so 
happens,  however,  that  this  region  of  Western  Asia  is  endowed 
above  all  other  regions  with  plants  and  animals  that  can  be 
domesticated  and  with  other  features  offering  rewards  to  skill. 
In  this  region  there  was  thus  an  additional  premium  upon  intellect, 
and  it  was  apparently  in  this  region  that  the  races  who  initiated 
the  third  period  made  their  appearance.  To  the  favouring  of 
intellect  under  these  conditions  we  may  thus  attribute  what 
superiority  of  intellect  the  races  of  this  group  exhibit  over  the 
races  of  other  groups.  But  it  is  rather  in  disposition  and  tempera- 
ment that  the  predominant  races  of  this  group  differ  from  those 
of  the  preceding  groups.  In  them  we  meet  with  a  power  of 
leadership,  a  resourcefulness,  a  versatility,  that  marks  them  off 
from  the  primitive  races,  and  it  is  precisely  these  qualities  which 
would  be  chiefly  favoured  in  conflict  and  competition  of  the  kind 
described.  The  outward  manifestation  of  these  qualities  may 
indeed  be  largely  a  matter  of  tradition,  but  that  they  are  also 
in  part  innate  in  the  modern  European  we  have  seen  to  be  the 
case,  and  the  explanation  of  this  further  evolution  is  clearly  to 
be  found  in  the  conditions  to  which  they  have  long  been  subject. 
Turning  to  the  conditions  within  the  races  of  the  third  period 
and  neglecting  the  Asiatic  races,  those  races  which  in  fact  have 
been  left  in  a  backwater  out  of  the  main  stream  of  progress,  we 
find  ourselves  faced  with  the  difficulty  that  tradition  has  so  far 
come  to  overlay  the  innate  qualities  of  intellect  and  disposition, 
that  we  are  only  with  great  difficulty  at  present  able  to  estimate 
the  result  of  any  factors  which  we  may  see  at  work  favouring 
or  otherwise  particular  types.  We  may  note,  however,  that 
success  both  between  and  within  races  has  fallen  rather  to 
character  than  to  skill.  There  is,  in  other  words,  little  reason 
for  thinking  that  intellect,  so  far  as  it  is  measured  by  skill,  has 
been  markedly  favoured.  On  the  other  hand,  character  as 


EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHAKACTEKS          405 

outwardly  manifested  has  been  clearly  favoured.  But  how  far 
we  should  see  in  this  process  a  favouring  of  certain  innate  types 
of  disposition  and  of  temperament  must  be  left  for  consideration 
until  later.  These  reservations  regarding  the  passing  at  present  of 
any  judgement  apply  with  the  greatest  force  to  the  results  of  the 
differential  fertility  between  the  social  classes  in  many  countries 
at  the  present  day.  But  we  may  say  that,  as  in  the  case  of 
physical  characters,  there  has  now  ceased  to  be  any  strong 
tendency  towards  the  preservation  of  a  mean  type.  Conditions 
allow  of  the  existence  of  variations  away  from  the  mean — 
but,  as  regards  intellect,  unfavourable  equally  with  favourable 
variations. 

10.  We  have  seen  that  the  evidence  derived  both  from  a  study 
of  fossil  remains  and  from  a  study  of  primitive  races  leads  to 
the  conclusion  that  the  evolution  of  human  intellectual  capacity 
early  reached  a  relatively  advanced  stage.  An  inquiry  into  the 
forces  which  we  must  assume  to  have  been  at  work  shows  that 
intellectual  capacity  was  more  favoured  in  the  intermediate  stage 
than  after  primitive  society  had  come  into  being.  It  was  favoured 
at  first  as  the  character  which  enabled  man  to  obtain  his  dominating 
position  in  the  world  and  afterwards  again  as  the  necessary  trait 
which  enabled  him  to  enjoy  the  benefits  of  co-operation.  When 
dwelling  on  the  fact  that  the  advance  since  the  setting-up  of 
primitive  society  has  been  relatively  small,  it  must  not  be  forgotten 
that  the  latter  period  has  been  far  shorter  than  the  former.  The 
period  of  time  which  has  elapsed  since  the  ancestors  of  man  set 
out,  so  to  speak,  to  conquer  the  world,  must  at  a  minimum 
estimate  be  five  to  ten  times  as  long  as  the  period  sinee  the 
establishment  of  primitive  society  to  the  present  day. 

The  general  conclusion  to  which  we  are  led  is  that  of  the  whole 
degree  of  mental  evolution  which  has  taken  place  by  far  the 
greater  part  was  achieved  at  a  time  when  only  a  beginning  had 
been  made  with  progress  in  skill.  To  the  question  whether  the 
historical  process  outlined  in  the  fifth  chapter  is  comparable  with 
progress  among  wild  species — is  based,  in  other  words,  upon 
changes  in  the  germinal  constitution — these  conclusions  suggest 
the  answer  that  the  happenings  in  the  intermediate  period  are 
very  largely  in  any  case  to  be  accounted  for  in  this  manner. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  increasing  domination  of  man 
was  largely  proportional  to  the  growth  of  his  innate  intellectual 


406          EVOLUTION  OF  MENTAL  CHAEACTERS 

capacity.  But  to  the  question  as  to  how  far  the  happenings 
within  the  period  since  the  origin  of  primitive  society  are  connected 
with  the  further  evolution  of  innate  capacity  we  can  at  present 
return  no  answer.  We  may  note  the  striking  fact  that  within 
this  period  progress  in  skill  has  been  immense  and  has  latterly 
gone  on  at  a  greatly  increased  speed,  whereas  changes  in  the 
germinal  constitution  have  been  relatively  small.  This  clearly 
suggests  that  there  has  been  but  little  connexion  between  the 
course  of  history  as  usually  understood  and  changes  in  the 
germinal  constitution.  But  before  we  can  pass  any  judgement, 
we  must  gain  some  idea  as  to  the  manner  in  which  tradition 
contributes  to  the  shaping  of  history.  Only  then  shall  we  be 
in  a  position  to  estimate  the  part  played  by  such  changes  in 
innate  characters  as  have  occurred,  and  to  this  task  we  may 
now  turn. 


XIX 
THE  NATURE  OF  TRADITION 

1.  So  far  as  bodily  characters  are  concerned,  we  have  seen 
that  we  have  to  look  for  the  explanation  of  human  history 
primarily  in  changes  in  the  germinal  constitution.  With  regard 
to  mental  characters  the  position  is  different.  It  is  evident  that, 
at  least  in  the  later  stages  of  history,  the  outstanding  features 
are  not  correlated  strictly  with  changes  in  the  germinal  constitu- 
tion underlying  mental  faculties.  To  some  extent,  possibly  to 
a  large  extent,  they  are  independent  of  such  changes.  The  influ- 
ence of  the  environment  in  the  second  sense  has  to  be  considered, 
and  until  it  has  been  considered  we  cannot  arrive  at  any  conclu- 
sion as  to  the  importance  to  be  attributed  to  the  former  factor  in 
bringing  these  events  about.  What  is  now  required,  therefore, 
is  a  study  of  the  influence  of  the  environment  in  the  second  sense. 
It  will  be  very  briefly  undertaken  in  this  and  the  following  chapter. 
In  this  chapter  we  are  concerned  with  the  nature  of  tradition, 
and  the  manner  in  which  it  is  passed  on,  stored  up,  and  retained. 
In  the  next  chapter  we  have  to  examine  the  influence  of  the  various 
factors  in  building  up  tradition. 

In  Chapter  II  we  saw  that,  as  far  as  mental  development  is 
concerned,  the  distinguishing  characteristic  of  man  is  the  con- 
ceptual process  of  thought.  Man  is,  of  course,  also  possessed  of 
all  the  simpler  mental  processes  there  described.  We  have 
here  in  particular  to  study  the  consequences  which  follow  the 
attainment  to  this  higher  level  of  mental  process.  It  has  already 
been  observed  that  the  circumstances  were  favourable  to  the 
evolution  of  this  faculty.  They  also  enabled  the  fullest  use  to  be 
made  of  it.1  In  the  first  place  the  human  instincts  are  very 
generalized.  They  provide  a  basis  for  all  kinds  of  vaguely  directed 
activities  in  response  to  vaguely  discriminated  impressions  from 
a  large  class  of  objects.  Since  it  is  only  through  the  instinctive 
faculties  that  the  intellect  gets  to  work,  the  generalized  nature 

1  See  McDougall,  Psychology,  p.  171. 


408  THE  NATUEE  OF  TRADITION 

of  the  instincts  is  a  great  advantage.  Secondly  the  immature 
period  is  prolonged.  In  comparision  with  the  higher  animals  the 
immature  period  occupies  a  far  longer  proportion  of  the  normal 
term  of  life  and  thus  there  is  provided  a  far  longer  period  in  which 
learning  can  proceed.  Lastly  there  is  the  power  of  speech. 

The  question  has  been  much  debated  as  to  whether  there  can 
be  thought  on  the  conceptual  level  without  language.  It  would 
seem  that  conceptual  thought  can  only  exist  without  language 
when  of  a  very  rudimentary  kind.  '  Language  is  not  merely 
an  accompaniment  of  conceptual  activity  ;  it  is  an  instrument 
essential  to  its  development.  It  is  an  appropriate  means  of 
fixing  attention  upon  ideally  represented  objects  as  distinguished 
from  percepts.' 1  Language,  on  the  other  hand,  so  far  as  it  is 
a  means  of  communication  concerning  objects  outside  the  actual 
range  of  perception,  can  only  arise  between  persons  capable  of 
conceptual  thought.  And  this  is  essentially  the  function  of  lan- 
guage. It  reflects  the  conceptions  by  which  empirical  data  are 
brought  into  relation.  '  Eesemblances  of  quality  are  expressed 
by  general  terms,  continuity  of  existence  by  individual  names, 
the  relation  of  ideas  and  the  order  of  connexion  in  thought  by 
the  arrangement  of  words  in  a  sentence.'  2  Language  expresses 
that  breaking  up  and  re-combination  of  the  elements  of  experience 
which  we  have  seen  to  be  the  essential  features  of  conceptual 
thought. 

Language  makes  possible  the  influence  of  mind  upon  mind, 
and  is  the  basis  of  all  human  social  development.  It  fixes  the  mind 
of  a  thinker  upon  his  own  ideas,  and,  when  in  communication 
with  another  person,  it  fixes  the  mind  of  the  hearer  upon  the 
ideally  represented  objects  present  in  the  mind  of  the  speaker. 
Into  its  origin  it  is  not  necessary  to  go.  But  it  may  be  observed 
that,  just  as  the  generalized  nature  of  the  instincts  and  the 
prolonged  immature  period  enabled  the  fullest  use  to  be  made 
of  the  power  of  conceptual  thinking,  so  the  fact  that  the  mouth 
and  the  throat,  usually  otherwise  unoccupied,  were  ready  at  hand 
as  convenient  instruments  of  communication  enabled  speech  to 
be  developed  without  occupying  other  organs,  such  as  the  hands, 
which  could  be  profitably  employed  at  the  same  time  for  other 
purposes. 

1  Stout,  Manual  of  Psychology,  p.  597.  2  Hobhouse,  Development  and 

Purpose,  p.  91. 


THE  NATUKE  OF  TKADITION  409 

2.  Before  we  go  on  to  consider  how  tradition — the  product 
of  conceptual  thought — is  passed  on  and  stored  up,  it  should 
be  noticed  that  we  have  not  to  regard  the  process  of  conceptual 
thought  as  one  which  sprang  into  being  in  its  present  form  and 
continued  as  such  ever  since.  There  has  been  a  movement  of 
thought  up  from  dim  and  rudimentary  beginnings  to  its  present 
stage.  This  movement  may  be  considered  as  consisting  essentially 
in  the  clarification  of  concepts.  It  is  possible  to  examine  the 
nature  of  this  movement  without  reference  to  the  question  as 
to  how  far  the  later  stages  are  dependent  upon  the  evolution  of 
innate  mental  characters.  It  may  be  that  the  higher  stages  of 
conceptual  thought  are  possible  only  when  the  evolution  of  the 
intellect  has  proceeded  beyond  the  point  where  lower  stages  of 
thought  alone  are  manifested.  This  question  may  be  neglected 
for  the  present  and  we  may  consider  very  briefly  the  nature  of 
this  movement,  which  is  best  illustrated  if  we  contrast  in  a  few 
words  the  stage  which  conceptual  thought  has  reached  among 
primitive  peoples  as  a  whole  with  the  stage  it  has  reached  in  the 
everyday  life  of  the  so-called  civilized  races  of  the  present  time, 
and  in  so  doing  we  may  follow  Professor  Hobhouse's  recent 
exposition.1 

With  the  origin  of  language  arises  the  first  sign  of  the  power 
to  grasp  the  data  of  experience  in  accordance  with  their  affinities 
and  so  to  build  up  conceptions  of  individuals,  groups,  and  classes 
as  the  subject  of  rough-and-ready  generalizations.  *  With  regard 
to  matters  standing  out  very  plainly  in  experience  or  very  close 
to  practical  interests  there  is  not  room  for  much  divergence  in 
method.  .  .  .  But  outside  the  limited  area  of  readily  tested  belief 
lies  a  mass  of  more  doubtful  ideas  of  great  significance  in  human 
life.  In  this  region  we  find  in  the  first  stage  that  the  movements 
of  fancy  under  the  sway  of  feeling  take  the  lead  in  forming 
belief,  and  that  the  ideas  formed  are  so  obscure  and  inconsistent 
as  to  blur  the  deepest  lines  of  distinction  drawn  for  more  developed 
thought  in  the  logical  categories.  We  may  then  consider  the  first 
stage  in  human  thought  to  be  one  of  which  the  process  of  organiz- 
ing experience  into  common  categories  is  incomplete,  and  the 
evidence  for  the  truth  of  an  idea  is  not  yet  separate  from  the 
quality  which  renders  it  pleasant.' 2  This  is  the  stage  charac- 

1  Hobhouse,  Development  and  Purpose,  chs.  vi,  vii,  viii,  and  ix.  2  Ibid., 

p.  96. 


410  THE  NATURE  OF  TRADITION 

teristic  of  the  most  primitive  peoples.  The  categories — parti- 
cularly the  category  of  substance — are  not  clearly  denned.  Thus 
vital  functions  may  be  confused  with  material  substance,  meri 
and  animals  may  be  identified  with  their  shadow,  and  a  pain 
may  be  confused  with  a  stone  that  can  be  extracted.  So,  too,  it 
is  thought  that  a  man's  qualities  can  be  obtained  by  eating  him. 
Relations  and  qualities  tend  to  become  substances,  substances 
deliquesce  into  a  series  of  changes,  and  the  general  is  confused 
with  the  particular.  These  tendencies  of  early  thought  underlie 
animism  and  magic,  which  are  characteristic  of  all  primitive 
races.  Mr.  Frazer,  for  instance,  has  distinguished  two  forms  of 
sympathetic  magic  which  he  calls  homoeopathic  and  contagious 
magic.  Dancing  and  leaping  to  make  the  crops  grow  high  is  an 
example  of  the  former ;  '  the  sympathy  that  is  supposed  to 
exist  between  a  man  and  any  severed  portion  of  his  person,  as 
his  hair  or  nails,  so  that  whoever  gets  possession  of  human  hair 
or  nails  may  work  his  will  at  any  distance  upon  the  person  from 
whom  they  were  cut  ',l  is  an  example  of  the  latter.  '  Homoeo- 
pathic magic  is  founded  on  the  association  of  ideas  by  similarity  : 
contagious  magic  is  founded  on  the  association  of  ideas  by  con- 
tiguity. Homoeopathic  magic  commits  the  mistake  of  assuming 
that  things  which  resemble  each  other  are  the  same ;  contagious 
magic  commits  the  mistake  of  assuming  that  things  which  have 
once  been  in  contact  with  each  other  are  always  in  contact.' 2 

There  follows  a  second  stage  which  Professor  Hobhouse  calls 
the  stage  of '  common  sense  '..  It  is  characterized  by  the  organiza- 
tion of  ideas  in  accordance  with  the  categories  and  by  the  differen- 
tiation of  feeling  from  belief.  At  this  stage  the  categories  are  no 
longer  ordinarily  confused  and  the  difficulty  of  affirming  what 
a  man  does  not  like  to  believe  is  no  longer  so  strongly  felt  as  in 
the  previous  stage.  Experience  is  tested  and  good  evidence  is 
recognized  as  such.  It  is  no  longer  believed  that  an  enemy  can 
be  harmed  by  maltreating  a  likeness  of  him  or  that  qualities  like 
courage  are  substances  that  may  be  transferred.  This  is  the 
stage  of  conceptual  thought  reached  by  the  ordinary  man  in 
everyday  life  in  a  modern  community  when  he  is  not  specifically 
engaged  in  work  of  a  scientific  nature  or  in  problems  of  religion 
or  philosophy.  Just  as  the  simpler  mental  processes  are  present 

1  Frazer,  Golden  Bough,  London,  1911,  part  i,  vol.  i,  p.  175.  *  Frazer, 

loc.  cit.,  part  i,  vol.  i,  p.  53.  Taboo,  it  may  be  observed,  is  merely  a  kind  of 
negative  magic. 


THE  NATURE  OF  TRADITION  411 

among  men  who  have  reached  the  conceptual  level,  so  the  earliest 
stage  of  conceptual  thought  can  be  recognized  where  later  stages 
have  been  reached,  as,  for  instance,  when  grace  is  conferred  by  the 
laying  on  of  hands  in  a  modern  community. 

The  beginnings  of  the  common-sense  stage  may  perhaps  be 
found  in  the  second  period.  Essentially  it  is  characteristic  of  the 
third  period,  and  it  was  only  within  this  period  that  this  stage 
came  to  its  full  development.  When  this  stage  is  contrasted 
with  that  which  preceded  it,  it  is  seen  that  it  is  the  clarification 
of  concepts  which  is  the  distinguishing  feature  of  the  movement 
of  thought.  In  other  words  there  has  been  an  improvement  in 
the  instrument  whereby  the  intellect  works — comparable  to  any 
other  process  through  which  skill  is  increased.  Just  as  the  bow 
and  arrow  and  the  plough  have  been  improved  by  a  series  of  inven- 
tions, so  has  the  instrument  of  thought  been  improved  ;  and  just 
as  further  improvements  in  the  plough  and  the  bow  and  arrow 
after  a  certain  stage  has  been  reached  may  possibly  depend 
upon  further  evolution  of  mental  capacity,  so  possibly  progress 
in  the  movement  of  thought  may  depend  upon  further  evolution 
of  the  intellect.  Again  it  should  be  observed  that  just  as  tools 
such  as  the  plough  are  handed  down  as  part  of  the  tradition, 
so,  too,  the  instrument  of  thought  is  handed  down  as  part  of  the 
tradition  and  that,  therefore,  in  studying  in  what  follows  the 
manner  in  which  tradition  is  passed  on  and  stored  up,  we  are 
studying  the  methods  whereby  the  instrument  of  thought  as  much 
as  any  other  skilled  process  is  transmitted. 

Further  stages  in  the  movement  of  thought  maybe  distinguished. 
It  is  not  necessary  to  go  into  them  here.  .  They  arise  within  the 
third  period,  and  relatively  late  within  that  period.  They  are 
characterized  by  the  rise  and  development  of  science,  philosophy, 
and  religion — religion,  that  is  to  say,  which  has  passed  beyond 
the  stage  of  folk-religion. 

8.  Let  us  now  consider  the  passing  on  and  storing  up  of  the 
products  of  conceptual  thinking.  We  may  take  the  latter  point 
first.  Ideas  may  be  stored  up  in  language,  customs,  folk-lore, 
institutions,  tools,  and  so  on,  using  tools  in  the  narrower  sense  of 
material  implements.  In  one  sense  language  is  in  itself  a  great 
storehouse  of  ideas  quite  apart  from  its  function  as  a  means  of 
transmitting  ideas  regarding  specific  customs  and  rights.  Slowly 
and  painfully  concepts  have  been  elaborated,  distinguished, 


412  THE  NATUEE  OF  TEADITION 

clarified  ;  and  as  a  child  learns  his  native  language,  in  a  few  years 
he  acquires  the  products  of  the  thinking  of  untold  generations 
from  whom  he  is  descended.  It  is  difficult  to  exaggerate  the 
immense  importance  of  this  method  of  storing  ideas.  Very 
largely  through  language  alone,  though  not  without  the  acquire- 
ment of  ideas  otherwise  stored,  a  man  passes,  by  the  time  he  has 
reached  maturity,  through  a  stage  of  thought  corresponding  to 
the  primitive  stage,  to  the  common-sense  stage,  and  even  to  the 
higher  stages. 

It  is  obvious  enough  that  at  the  present  day  ideas  are  largely 
stored  in  books  and  the  vast  importance  of  writing  and  printing- 
inventions  of  the  third  period1 — is  a  commonplace.  Similarly, 
ideas  are  stored  in  customs,  institutions,  rites,  folk-lore,  and  so  on. 
Behind  all  institutions,  ceremonies  for  example,  we  must  seek 
ideas.  The  original  ideas  which  gave  birth  to  customs  have  often 
been  lost,  but  whether  this  is  so  or  not,  where  an  institution  exists 
and  is  passed  on  there  we  are  witnessing  the  perpetuation  of  an 
idea,  if  it  is  merely  an  idea  that  it  is  the  correct  thing  to  perform 
some  simple  action  on  certain  occasions.  Many  valuable  ideas 
are  stored  up  in  the  making  and  use  of  tools  and  in  the  practice 
of  skilled  processes,  especially  those  which  are  concerned  with 
the  provision  of  food.  We  can  understand  how  by  the  exercise 
of  thought  improvements  in  some  tool  or  in  some  method  are  now 
and  again  made,  and,  once  made,  how  they  are  stored  up.  What 
is  less  easy  is  to  understand  precisely  how  the  passing  on  of  ideas 
so  stored  is  brought  about. 

4.  Something  has  already  been  said  as  to  the  manner  in  which 
by  means  of  language  ideas  present  in  the  mind  of  the  speaker 
are  transmitted  to  the  hearer ;  and  it  has  been  pointed  out  that 
apart  from  this  the  learning  of  any  language  is  in  itself  a  process 
by  which  the  ideas  elaborated  by  former  generations  are  acquired. 
Bearing  in  mind  the  manner  in  which  ideas  are  transmitted  by 
language,  it  is  clear  how,  after  the  invention  of  writing  and  more 
especially  after  the  invention  of  printing,  ideas  thus  stored  up 
are  transmitted.  But  before  these  inventions,  and  indeed  to 
a  large  extent  after  them  also,  ideas  committed  to  memory  by 
each  generation  are  passed  on  by  language.  Among  primitive 
people  there  is  a  vast  store  of  ideas  affecting  conduct,  belief,  and 

1  The  beginning  of  writing — for  instance  the  Maya  script — dates  from  the 
second  period. 


THE  NATUEE  OF  TKADITION  413 

every  side  of  life  which  is  so  passed  on.  But  the  storing  up  of 
ideas  is  not  merely  a  matter  of  memory  and  the  passing  on  is 
not  merely  a  matter  of  language.  Kites,  ceremonies,  implements, 
and  so  on,  are  themselves  storehouses  of  ideas,  and  the  transmis- 
sion of  the  ideas  therein  contained,  as  well  indeed  as  the  ideas 
solely  retained  in  the  memory  of  past  generations,  is  accomplished 
in  large  part  by  a  process  of  absorption. 

This  process  of  absorption  is  due  to  the  presence  of  certain 
innate  tendencies.  These  tendencies  have  sometimes  been  grouped 
under  one  head  and  called  imitation — as,  for  instance,  by  Tarde 
and  others  who  have  studied  the  process  and  emphasized  its 
great  importance  in  social  life.  Following  McDougall  we  may 
distinguish  three  innate  tendencies.  By  sympathy  is  meant  that 
the  exhibition  of  emotional  excitement  on  the  part  of  the  agent 
may  induce  a  similar  emotional  excitement  on  the  part  of  the 
patient.  By  imitation  is  meant  that  there  may  be  a  tendency  for 
the  patient  to  assimilate  his  bodily  movements  to  those  of  the 
agent.  Important  as  are  these  innate  tendencies  in  facilitating 
the  transmission  of  customs  and  so  on — themselves  ultimately 
the  product  of  conceptual  thought — suggestion  assumes  a  far 
more  prominent  place. 

McDougall's  definition  of  suggestion  has  already  been  quoted. 
According  to  his  view  it  is  essentially  the  acceptance  with  con- 
viction of  a  proposition  in  the  absence  of  logically  adequate 
grounds  for  its  acceptance.  He  points  out  that  a  proposition  is 
not  necessarily  communicated  in  formal  language,  and  further 
distinguishes  certain  conditions  which  are  favourable  for  the 
communication  of  propositions  by  suggestion.  Chief  among  these 
are  deficiency  of  knowledge  relating  to  the  topic  in  regard  to  which 
the  suggestion  is  made,  imperfect  organization  of  knowledge,  and 
the  impressive  character  of  the  source  from  which  the  suggested 
proposition  is  communicated.  These  conditions  are  very  pro- 
minent among  children  and  in  all  primitive  society.  There  is 
no  doubt  that  it  is  largely  by  virtue  of  suggestion  that  children 
absorb  the  tradition  of  their  race  and  time.  Children  have 
little  knowledge  and  what  they  have  is  imperfectly  organized  ; 
further  propositions  come  to  them  from  a  source  which  is  impres- 
sive and  has  prestige  whether  it  is  from  parents  or  grown-up 
people  or  from  the  conventions  ruling  in  society.  Just  as  children 
in  modern  society  absorb  tradition  by  suggestion,  so  do  men 


414  THE  NATURE  OF  TRADITION 

among  primitive  races  where  the  conditions  are  even  more 
favourable  for  transmission  by  this  means.  Thus,  in  order  that 
the  products  of  conceptual  thinking  of  former  generations  should 
be  transmitted,  it  is  not  necessary  that  there  should  be  convic- 
tions based  on  logical  grounds  or  that  formal  language  should 
be  employed.  Tradition  can  be,  and  is  to  a  large  extent, 
*  absorbed  '. 

5.  Tradition,  having  thus  passed  on,  is  retained,  and  in  the 
process  of  retention  habit  plays  an  important  part.    Habit  applies 
to  all  forms  of  mental  process  and  to  all  forms  of  action.    Once 
something  has  been  performed  in  one  way,  it  is  easier  to  do  it 
again  in  that  way  than  in  any  other.    '  This  is  the  great  principle  ', 
says  McDougall,  '  by  which  all  acquisitions  of  the  individual 
mind  are  preserved  'j1  whatever  the  mode  of  acquisition  may  be. 

6.  The  products  of  the  thinking  of  past  generations  are  thus 
stored  up,  transmitted,  and  retained.    Additions  are  made  to  the 
store,  and  improvements  are  made  in  the  method  of  storing. 
Tradition,   by  which  is  meant  this  store,  is  thus  cumulative. 
The  acquirements  of  past  generations  are  passed  on  to  the  present 
generation   and,  modified  in  some  degree,  are  transmitted  to 
future  generations.    New  generations,  therefore,  so  far  as  acquired 
knowledge  is  concerned,  begin  at  the  point  where  the  former 
generation  left  off.    It  does  not,  of  course,  follow  that  additions 
are  always  being  made  to  tradition  ;   it  may  be  for  all  practical 
purposes  stagnant  or  much  that  has  been  acquired  may  be  lost.2 
It  does,  however,  permit  of  accumulation,  and  this  fact  introduces 
an  element  of  vast  importance  into  the  life  of  man  as  compared 
with  his  pre-human  ancestors. 

It  is  not,  however,  correct  to  say  that  this  is  a  wholly  new 
element.  Tradition  may  be  and  is  present  before  the  level  of 
conceptual  thinking  has  been  reached.  Many  animals,  for 
example,  live  in  herds  and  instinctively  take  shelter  when  one 
member  of  a  herd  utters  a  warning  cry.  If  at  some  past  time  a  new 
enemy  has  appeared,  they  will  have  learnt  by  experience  to  take 
shelter.  Subsequent  generations  will  raise  the  warning  cry  on  the 
appearance  of  the  enemy,  because  what  we  may  think  of  as  a  tra'di- 
tion  has  grown  up  concerning  the  hostile  nature  of  the  species 
with  which  past  generations  were  brought  into  contact.  Thus 

1  McDougall,  Social  Psychology,  p.  111.  a  See  on  this  subject,  Rivers, 

'  Disappearance  of  Useful  Arts ',  Festskrift  tilleguad  Edward  Westermarck,  1912. 


THE  NATUKE  OF  TEADITION  415 

we  may  think  of  a  tradition  among  horses  that  motor-cars  are 
not  dangerous.  When  cars  were  first  introduced  horses  tended 
instinctively  to  avoid  them.  Many  horses  learnt  from  experi- 
ence that  cars  were  harmless,  and  young  horses,  seeing  motor- 
cars for  the  first  time  in  the  presence  of  older  horses,  which  have 
learnt  the  lesson,  absorb  the  tradition  that  they  are  not  dangerous. 
Tradition  among  animals  can  go  even  farther  than  this.  To 
some  degree  it  seems  that  the  manner  of  nest  building  among 
birds  is  traditional  and  not  instinctive.1  But  compared  with 
the  vast  importance  of  tradition  among  men,  tradition  among 
animals  is  an  almost  negligible  feature  in  their  lives,  and  for  all 
practical  purposes  we  can  think  of  tradition  as  a  peculiar  charac- 
teristic of  man  due  to  the  higher  mental  process  to  which  he  has 
attained. 

7.  In  any  race  at  any  given  time  there  is  thus  a  vast  body  of 
tradition.  These  traditions  govern  both  the  degree  and  the 
direction  in  which  the  various  mental  processes  function.  What 
is  meant  will  be  clearer  if  we  think  of  the  influence  of  the  mass 
of  traditions  upon  physical  characters.  At  any  given  time  there 
are  a  number  of  tools  and  skilled  processes  known  and  employed 
and,  in  the  first  place,  the  degree  in  which  the  body  is  exercised 
will  depend  upon  their  nature.  It  may  be  that  hunting  with  bow 
and  arrow,  or  fishing  in  canoes,  is  the  chief  occupation  of  the  men. 
The  degree  of  physical  exercise  will  be  conditioned  by  these 
traditions  and  so  too  will,  in  the  second  place,  the  nature  and 
direction  of  physical  exercise.  Similarly  with  regard  to  the 
intellectual  faculties,  the  degree  to  which  they  are  used  will  be 
conditioned  by  the  form  of  language,  by  the  necessity  of  learning 
what  custom  lays  down  as  the  acquirement  of  an  average  member 
of  society,  and  by  the  opportunities  and  inducements  generally 
to  the  employment  of  reasoning.  The  direction  in  which  the 
intellectual  faculties  work  will  also  be  closely  conditioned  by 
tradition.  Having  absorbed  the  traditions  of  the  race  and  time, 
the  direction  which  reasoning  follows  will  always  be  very  largely 

1  There  is  a  tendency  to  exaggerate  the  importance  of  tradition  among  animals. 
Thus  it  has  been  said  that  nest  building  is  '  largely '  traditional  among  birds. 
But  the  Curator  of  Birds  in  the  New  York  Zoological  Park  raised  a  number  of 
wild  birds  from  incubated  eggs,  and  found  that  these  birds,  although  they  had 
never  had  parental  care  or  example,  nevertheless  learnt  to  fly,  to  build  nests,  and 
to  perform  all  these  activities — though  they  were  sometimes  slower  in  so  doing 
than  they  would  otherwise  have  been — that  are  at  times  said  to  be  '  largely ' 
traditional  (see  Lull,  Organic  Evolution,  p.  170). 


416  THE  NATUKB  OF  TKADITION 

governed  by  what  has  been  acquired.  Few  men  strike  out  new 
paths,  and,  when  they  do,  the  direction  of  the  path  is  seen  to  be 
greatly  influenced  by  the  previous  trend  of  thought.  Tradition, 
as  it  advances,  thus  tends  to  proceed  in  grooves. 

The  manner  in  which  tradition  conditions  the  degree  and 
nature  of  the  manifestation  of  the  instinctive  tendencies  is 
equally  well  marked.  Among  some  races,  such  as  the  Eskimos, 
fighting  is  almost  unknown.  Though  among  such  races  the 
instinct  of  pugnacity  is  probably  less  strongly  given  in  the  germinal 
constitution  than  among  other  races,  to  a  large  extent  the  relative 
absence  of  fighting  is  certainly  due  to  tradition.  Among  the 
Eskimos  we  find  a  great  body  of  custom  and  ideas  all  of  which  tend 
to  impress  upon  them  that  fighting  is  wrong.  An  emotion  again 
may  be  greatly  developed  by  some  racial  tradition.  Self-assertion 
is  much  more  developed  among  the  members  of  the  larger  and 
more  prosperous  European  races  than  among  the  smaller  and 
weaker  races.  The  attitude  of  the  Englishman  is  very  different 
from  that  of  the  Dane,  who  will  tell  you  that  Denmark  is  only 
a  little  country  that  wants  to  be  let  alone.  Latterly  the  attention 
of  the  world  has  been  drawn  to  the  peculiar  manner  in  which 
the  teaching  of  various  historians,  moralists,  philosophers  and 
others  has  moulded  the  outlook  of  the  Germans  and  come  to 
direct  the  expression  of  their  emotions.  Thus  in  a  most  striking 
manner  it  has  been  made  obvious  how  a  peculiar  body  of  tradition, 
ultimately  the  product  of  conceptual  thinking,  has  directed  the 
emotions  and  sentiments  of  a  whole  people  into  certain  channels 
with  such  disastrous  results.  The  direction  of  an  instinct  is  often 
changed  ;  the  tender  emotion  may  be  diverted  among  the  childless 
to  charitable  works,  and  the  instincts  of  celibates  obviously 
become  much  changed.  Any  instinct  indeed  is  capable  of  mani- 
festing itself  in  very  different  forms  according  to  the  outlet  which 
it  finds,  and  the  nature  of  the  outlet  is  determined  chiefly  by 
tradition.  '  On  a,  aujourd'hui ',  says  Joubert,  '  non  seulement 
la  cupidite  mais"  1'ambition  du  gain.' x  The  simpler  emotion  has, 
that  is  to  say,  become  more  complex  under  the  influence  of  the 
traditional  environment. 

8.  Lastly  we  may  note  that  the  tradition  acquired  and  present 
at  any  one  time  may  form  the  basis  for  the  selection  of  men  and 
of  groups  of  men.  There  are  often,  especially  among  the  higher 

1  Joubert,  Pensees,  p.  217. 


THE  NATURE  OF  TKADITION  417 

races,  differences  in  tradition  as  between  the  groups  and  classes 
in  the  same  race.  The  differences  are  usually  much  greater 
between  different  races.  The  tradition  present  in  a  race,  whether 
because  it  includes  a  higher  degree  of  skill,  enables  a  greater  degree 
of  coherence  to  be  realized,  is  the  foundation  of  more  vigorous 
endeavour,  or  because  it  is  a  combination  of  these  and  other 
elements,  may  enable  one  race,  when  in  conflict  with  other  races, 
to  overcome  those  other  races,  should  the  latter  be  possessed  of  a 
tradition,  which,  taken  as  a  whole,  is,  relatively  to  the  conditions 
of  the  contest,  less  valuable.  There  is  thus  a  process  of  natural 
selection  based  upon  differences  in  tradition,  just  as  there  is 
a  natural  selection  based  upon  differences  due  to  modifications 
and  also  upon  differences  due  to  mutations.  Selection  of  modifica- 
tions, as  we  have  seen,  produces  no  permanent  results.  But 
selection  of  tradition,  like  selection  of  mutations,  has  results  which 
may  be  permanent.  In  primitive  society,  where  tradition  within 
a  race  tends  to  be  uniform,  this  selection  of  tradition  chiefly 
comes  into  play  in  the  conflict  between  races.  In  more  advanced 
societies  where  there  are  considerable  differences  in  tradition 
between  the  classes,  it  also  comes  into  play  within  races. 

The  conflict  between  races  is  always  in  large  measure  a  con- 
flict between  traditions  whether  or  not  the  differences  in  tradition 
are  a  measure  of  more  fundamental  differences.  In  these  conflicts 
a  mass  of  tradition  may  be  wiped  out  and  lost  for  good  or  any 
degree  of  amalgamation  of  tradition  may  take  place. 

At  length  within  modern  races  there  arises  a  competition  of 
ideas  of  a  rather  different  nature.  Within  civilized  races  there  is 
no  longer  a  mass  of  tradition  which  has  to  be  accepted  as  a  whole  ; 
there  are  different  ideas  which  may  be  said  to  compete.  One 
idea  may  get  the  better  of  another  within  the  minds  of  the 
majority  without  involving  any  elimination  of  men  who  hold 
any  other  idea,  because  men  can  now  change  their  outlook — not, 
of  course,  in  the  case  of  the  great  majority  by  any  logical  process. 
Thus  a  struggle  comes  into  being  between  ideas,  customs,  and 
institutions  in  modern  communities  which  leads  to  change  without 
involving  human  selection. 

These  considerations  pave  the  way  to  an  examination  of  the 
influence  of  the  actual  conditions  under  which  tradition  has  been 
elaborated.  We  have  seen  that  conceptual  thinking  develops 
with,  and  is  furthered  by,  the  use  of  speech.  It  does  not  develop 

2498 


418  THE  NATURE  OF  TRADITION 

merely  to  a  particular  level  and  there  stop.  There  is  a  movement 
of  thought  which  at  least  in  its  earlier  stages  takes  the  form  of 
a  clarification  of  concepts.  The  products  of  conceptual  thinking 
are  stored  up  and  handed  on  in  the  form  of  tradition.  This 
tradition  is  cumulative.  Not  only  are  additions  made  to  it  but 
the  methods  of  storing  are  improved.  Elements  may  also  be 
lost.  Finally,  forming,  as  it  does,  a  very  important  element  in  the 
manifestation  of  human  mental  character,  men,  and  more  parti- 
cularly races  of  men,  may  be  selected  in  accordance  with  the  degree 
and  quality  of  tradition  acquired  by  them. 


XX 

THE  ORIGIN  OF  TRADITION 

1.  THE  study  of  the  formation  of  tradition  is  a  matter  of  great 
complexity.     Many  important   aspects   of   the   problem  await 
elucidation.    It  is  proposed  here  to  reduce  the  discussion  to  the 
barest  outline,  and  to  confine  it  to  the  origin  of  skilled  processes 
and  in  particular  to  the  origin  of   skill  in  the  provision  of  the 
essential  requirements  of  daily  life.    We  further  take  into  account 
only  the  most  important  aspects  of  the  environment — namely, 
the  influence  of  fertility  and  the  influence  of  contact  of  man  with 
man  and  of  race  with  race.    All  questions  connected  with  innate 
differences  in  mental  and  physical  characters  will  be  for  the 
present  disregarded.     We  want  to  know — other  things  being 
equal — how  skill  will  originate  and  grow,  given  such  differences 
in  the  environment  as  regards  fertility  and  contact  as  exist. 

2.  The  first  problem  which  confronts  us  is  concerned  with  the 
differences  in  the  environment  arising  from  differences  in  fertility. 
To  this  term  a  special  meaning  is  attached.     Fertility  as  here 
employed  corresponds  to  what  is  usually  spoken  of  as  the  wealth 
of  any  country  or  district.     The  nature  and  abundance  of  the 
fauna  and  flora,  the  surface  features  of  the  land,  the  composition 
of  the  upper  layers  of  the  ground,  the  minerals  and  to  some 
degree  the  climate,  as  well  as  other  factors,  all  go  to  make  up 
the  fertility  or  wealth  of  any  area.    The  differences  in  the  factors 
which  go  to  make  up  fertility  as  between  different  portions  of 
the  world's  surface  are  well  known  ;   they  are  very  great — areas 
closely  approximated  being  at  times  sharply  differentiated  one 
from  another  whereas  in  other  places  conditions  remain  very 
similar  over  large  areas. 

The  most  important  fact  to  be  observed  in  this  connexion  is 
that  there  is  no  absolute  standard  of  fertility.  '  The  term  fertility ', 
says  Marshall,  '  has  no  meaning  except  with  reference  to  the 
special  circumstances  of  a  particular  time  and  place.' l  Fertility 
is  in  fact  purely  a  relative  term,  and,  now  that  we  have  for  the 

1  Marshall,  Principles  of  Economics,  p.  160. 
D  d2 


420  THE  OEIGIN  OF  TKADITION 

moment  put  aside  differences  in  mental  and  physical  characters, 
fertility  is  relative  for  our  purpose  only  to  the  amount  of  skill 
and  such  other  elements  of  tradition  as  may  be  in  existence.  An 
area,  which  is  very  fertile  for  a  race  with  some  agricultural  skill, 
may  be  far  from  fertile  for  a  race  with  a  knowledge  only  of  hunting 
and  fishing,  and  the  presence  of  minerals  obviously  adds  nothing 
to  the  fertility  of  an  area  to  a  race  lacking  knowledge  of  their  use. 
The  country  inhabited  by  the  Eskimos,  who  maintain  a  standard 
of  living  that,  relative  to  the  standard  achieved  by  many  races, 
is  far  from  low,  would  be  wholly  infertile  to  a  race  not  possessed 
of  the  peculiar  skill  distinctive  of  Eskimo  culture. 

It  should  be  noticed  that,  so  far  as  fertility  is  dependent  upon 
animal  and  plant  life,  the  fertility  of  different  regions  of  the 
world's  surface  has  varied  in  the  period  covered  by  the  emergence 
of  man,  not  merely  relatively  but  absolutely.  There  have  been 
climatic  changes  of  which  the  glacial  periods  were  the  most 
remarkable.  There  have  been  changes  in  the  boundaries  of  seas, 
Buch  as  the  Mediterranean,  which  have  profoundly  affected  the 
fertility  oi  the  neighbouring  regions.  The  Sahara  at  one  time  was 
certainly  not  as  barren  as  it  is  now.  In  any  survey,  such  as  that 
we  are  going  to  make,  which  was  at  all  detailed,  such  changes 
would  have  to  be  taken  into  account.  But  in  what  follows  they 
may  be  disregarded. 

It  may  be  observed  here  that  in  certain  areas  there  is  a  destruc- 
tive element  in  the  total  make-up  of  the  surroundings.  The 
variable  climatic  conditions  of  Australia  and  India  which  have 
been  noticed  in  another  connexion  are  of  importance  also  in  this 
respect.  The  hurricanes  of  New  Caledonia  are  another  example. 
So  too  are  all  those  features  in  the  Central  African  environment 
which  destroy  the  products  of  man's  handiwork.1  This  destructive 
element  is  only  an  exaggeration  of  certain  features  which  charac- 
terize all  areas  ;  nevertheless  where  these  features  are  exaggerated 
important  results  follow.  There  may  be,  for  instance,  two  areas, 
otherwise  equally  fertile ;  but  if  the  destructive  element  is  impor- 
tant in  one  area,  it  is  probable  that  so  high  an  economic  stage 
will  not  be  reached  or  maintained  there  as  in  the  other,  and 
further,  for  the  same  reason,  there  will  be  less  tendency  for  any 
advance  in  tradition  to  be  made.  The  reason  for  this  will  be  clear 
when  we  have  examined  the  influence  which  fertility  has  upon 

1  See  Cureau,  loc.  cit.,  p.  253. 


THE  OKIGIN  OF  TRADITION  421 

skill.  For  this  destructive  element  is  a  kind  of  negative  fertility, 
and  just  as  fertility  is  on  the  whole  favourable  to  progress  in  skill, 
so  what  is  equivalent  to  its  absence  is  a  hindrance  to  progress  in 
skill. 

3.  Fertility  is  thus  relative  to  the  tradition  prevalent  at  any 
one  time.  Let  us  suppose  that  man  has  spread  over  the  surface 
of  the  world  and  that  the  tradition  present  is  everywhere  very 
similar,  being  of  a  simple  form  so  far  as  skill  is  concerned,  and 
consisting  in  a  rudimentary  knowledge  of  hunting  and  fishing. 
It  is  clear  that  certain  areas — the  great  deserts,  the  frozen  wastes 
of  the  north — will  be  absolutely  infertile  ;  with  this  degree  of 
skill  only,  life  cannot  be  maintained  there.  The  remaining  areas 
will  vary  from  those  which  are  just  sufficiently  fertile  to  permit 
of  life  being  maintained  to  those  which  are  the  most  fertile  relative 
to  this  particular  degree  of  skill.  Supposing  for  the  moment  that 
the  degree  of  skill  remains  everywhere  similar,  it  follows,  from 
what  has  been  said  earlier,  that  population  will  be  most  dense 
and  the  return  per  head  highest  where  the  fertility  is  greatest. 
Other  things  being  equal,  differences  in  fertility  are  thus  responsible 
for  important  differences  in  social  life. 

From  these  differences  in  fertility  therefore  consequences  of  the 
greatest  importance  follow.  In  the  first  place,  where  population 
is  most  dense,  there,  other  things  being  equal,  will  be  the  greatest 
amount  of  contact  between  men.  With  the  results  that  flow 
from  contact  we  shall  deal  later,  but  it  may  be  mentioned  here 
that  contact  is  in  itself  a  stimulus  leading  to  the  origin  of,  additions 
to,  and  modifications  of,  tradition,  and  that  the  greater  the  amount 
of  contact  the  more  quickly  and  the  more  thoroughly  is  tradition 
transmitted.  Therefore,  in  the  first  place,  where  the  fertility  is 
greatest,  there  will  be  the  greatest  opportunity  for  existing 
tradition  to  be  quickly  absorbed.  In  the  second  place,  quite 
apart  from  the  question  of  contact,  where  fertility  is  greatest 
there  is  also  for  other  reasons  the  greatest  stimulus  to  increase  in 
skill.  To  illustrate  this  point  let  us  remember  in  what  fertility 
consists.  The  existence  of  areas  of  greater  fertility  implies  that 
there  are  in  such  areas  either  a  greater  abundance  of  animals, 
plants,  minerals,  and  so  on  which  can  be  of  use,  or  a  greater 
variety,  or  both  together.  Let  us  further  remember  how  inventions 
come  about.  For  thousands  of  years  in  a  variety  of  ways  the  fact 
that  the  seed  if  sown  would  produce  its  like  in  twenty-,  fifty-,  or 


422  THE  OKIGIN  OF  TRADITION 

a  hundred-fold  measure  must  have  been  pressing  itself  upon  the 
attention  of  man  when  supporting  himself  by  hunting  and  fishing 
only.  How  often  the  metal  softened  in  the  camp-fire  before  the 
method  of  fashioning  a  far  more  effective  tool  than  stone  was 
adopted,  we  cannot  guess.  Eventually  the  facts  were  observed, 
the  practical  applications  to  the  needs  of  life  undertaken,  and 
valuable  additions  made  to  skill  and  embodied  in  tradition.  Man 
in  fact  throughout  the  greater  part  of  his  history  has  not  gone 
about  consciously  trying  to  better  his  lot.  Rude  and  poor  as  life 
was,  his  necessity  was  not  the  mother  of  his  inventions.  Once, 
however,  an  invention  was  made  it  became  a  necessity,  and  it  is 
more  in  accordance  with  the  facts  to  invert  the  proverb  and  to 
regard  invention  as  the  mother  of  necessity.  But  where  should 
we  expect  the  facts  to  be  noticed  and  the  improvements  to  be 
made  in  skill  ?  Obviously  where  they  most  often  happened, 
where,  in  other  words,  fertility  was  greatest.  For  it  is  in  those 
regions  where  there  is  the  greatest  abundance  in  quality  and 
quantity  of  useful  objects  that  there  will  be  the  greatest  chance 
of  their  usefulness  being  observed,  and  that  there  will  be  derived 
the  highest  return  per  head  from  any  improvements  in  skill. 

The  greater  the  fertility,  therefore,  the  greater  the  incentive 
to  progress  in  skill.  This  conclusion  may  seem  to  be  in  contra- 
diction with  the  commonly  accepted  idea  that,  when  a  living  is 
easily  obtained,  there  is  a  tendency  to  stagnation.1  This  notion  is 
derived  from  observations  and  descriptions  of  countries  where,  so 
it  is  said,  such  is  the  bounty  of  nature  that  the  hand  has,  so  to 
speak,  only  to  be  stretched  out  in  order  to  gather  in  the  fruits 
of  the  earth.  This  idea  is  largely  founded  upon  an  under-estimate 
of  the  labour  undergone,  especially  on  the  part  of  the  women,  and 
upon  an  exaggeration  of  the  returns  per  head,  and,  as  far  as  it  is 
so  derived,  it  is  incorrect.  But  it  is  true  that  often  in  such  regions 
there  is  a  tendency  to  stagnation  ;  such  tendency,  however,  is 
in  no  way  derived  from  the  fertility  ;  it  arises  because  to  the 
tradition  there  is  added  for  quite  other  reasons  a  spirit  of  apathy 
and  of  listlessness.  How  this  comes  about  may  be  discussed 
later  but  it  may  be  mentioned  here  that  a  destructive  element  in 
the  natural  endowment  of  any  area,  such  as  not  infrequently  exists 
in  tropical  regions,  is  one  cause  of  the  existence  of  this  spirit. 

1  Statements  such  as  the  following  are  commonplaces  of  anthropological  litera- 
ture. *  These  [Brazilians]  have  found  life  too  easy,  as  the  latter  [Australians] 
have  found  it  too  difficult '  (Herbertson,  Man  and  His  Work,  p.  3). 


THE  OKIGIN  OF  TEADITION  423 

4.  Fertility "  then  is  relative,  but,  other  things  being  equal, 
where  fertility  is  greatest  there  we  find  the  greatest  incentive 
to  increase  in  skill.  From  this  follow  certain  important  con- 
sequences. So  long  as  progress  in  skill  keeps  along  any  one  line, 
so  long  as  it  takes  the  form,  for  instance,  of  improvement  in 
methods  of  hunting,  so  long,  as  a  general  rule,  will  the  same  areas 
remain  the  more  fertile  areas.  But  this  does  not  always  follow. 
It  may  be  that  some  remarkable  invention,  that  of  the  bow  and 
arrow  perhaps,  renders  areas,  previously  not  the  most  fertile,  the 
most  remunerative.  Hitherto  it  may  have  been  that  in  such 
areas  the  hunting  of  game  was  for  various  reasons  difficult  until 
a  higher  degree  of  skill  was  reached,  but  this  higher  degree  having 
been  reached,  these  areas  became  more  remunerative  than  those 
previously  the  most  fertile.  With  the  progress  of  skill  there  is 
thus  a  shifting  of  the  centres  of  the  highest  fertility. 

This  shifting  of  centres  becomes  more  marked  where  progress 
takes  a  different  turn,  where,  for  instance,  agriculture  arises. 
For  this  there  are  two  main  reasons.  First,  it  generally  happens 
that  an  area  which  is  very  fertile  to  a  high  degree  of  development 
of  one  kind  of  skill,  as  the  north-west  coast  of  America  is  fertile 
to  hunting  and  fishing,  is  relatively  infertile  to  another  type  of 
skill,  as,  for  instance,  agriculture,  in  any  case  in  its  lower  forms. 
It  is  rare  that  any  area  is  so  highly  endowed  that  at  one  and  the 
same  time  it  offers  a  large  return  to  the  development  of  a  particular 
form  of  skill  and  is  also  relatively  fertile  to  the  first  beginnings 
of  another  and  ultimately  far  more  remunerative  type  of  skill. 
Secondly,  it  is  not  as  a  rule  where  skill  is  specialized  that  we  find 
the  beginnings  of  a  new  form  of  skill.  Tradition  tends  to  move  in 
grooves  and  where  attention  is  with  success  concentrated  upon  one 
type  of  skilled  process,  it  is  not  there  that  we  should  expect  to 
find  the  origin  of  quite  another  type  of  skilled  process.  This  is 
only  an  application  of  a  principle  noted  in  another  connexion, 
namely  that  evolution  proceeds  from  the  generalized  and  not 
from  the  specialized  type. 

In  this  manner  the  differences  in  natural  endowment  which 
distinguish  one  part  of  the  world  from  another  bring  about 
a  shifting  of  the  centres  of  progress.  There  are  other  factors 
still  to  be  considered  which  work  in  the  same  direction  ;  but 
apart  from  them  this  shifting  comes  about.  Though  this  shifting 
has  been  a  feature  of  every  stage  of  human  history,  it  must  have 


424  THE  OEIGIN  OF  TKADITION 

been  most  noticeable  where  the  great  steps  in  skill  were  made — 
when  agriculture  superseded  hunting,  when  animals  were  first 
domesticated,  and  when  metals  came  into  use. 

5.  To  differences  in  fertility  we  have  to  add  differences  in 
contact  as  affecting  progress  in  skill.  Contact  may  be  considered 
as  varying  in  quality  and  quantity  and  may  be  thought  of  as 
influenced  chiefly  by  two  groups  of  factors  which  we  may  call 
geographical  and  economic.  We  may  first  ask  how  it  is  that 
differences  in  contact  bring  about  differences  in  skill. 

From  contact  two  results  follow.  The  spread  of  tradition  is 
in  varying  degrees  encouraged  and  progress  in  tradition  is  more 
or  less  stimulated.  For  the  most  part  differences  in  the  spreading 
of  tradition  are  to  be  traced  to  differences  in  the  quantity  of 
contact,  though  differences  in  quality  also  play  a  considerable 
part,  while  differences  in  the  manner  in  which  progress  is  stimu- 
lated arise  chiefly  from  differences  in  the  quality  of  contact. 

It  is  obvious  that  tradition  can  only  be  transmitted  by  means 
of  contact.  Later  developments  such  as  writing  and  printing 
allow  of  contact  at  a  distance  ;  but  for  the  most  part  it  is  personal 
contact  with  which  we  are  concerned.  It  is  on  the  whole  true 
that,  other  things  being  equal,  the  more  contact,  the  more  swiftly 
and  easily  is  the  existing  mass  of  tradition  disseminated  throughout 
any  society,  and  that  therefore  the  more  fertile  an  area,  the 
greater  the  chance  of  the  spreading  of  tradition.  But  other  things 
are  by  no  means  equal  throughout  history.  At  a  certain  stage, 
owing  to  the  working  of  what  we  may  sum  up  as  economic  factors, 
there  comes  about  a  profound  change  in  the  organization  of 
society,  the  nature  of  which  is  described  below.  This  change 
markedly  favours  the  transmission  of  tradition  and  therefore  we 
have  to  remember  that  the  amount  of  contact  ascertained  by  the 
density  of  population  is  by  no  means  a  fair  measure  of  the  degree 
in  which  the  passing  on  of  tradition  is  facilitated.  Further  con- 
sideration of  this  point  may  be  left  until  we  come  to  deal  with 
the  changes  referred  to.  Geographical  factors  also  have  a  bearing 
upon  the  transmission  of  tradition,  but  since  their  influence  is 
chiefly  pronounced  in  the  stimulus  to  skill  arising  from  the 
conflict  of  traditions  of  different  quality  we  may  leave  them  to 
be  dealt  with  later  as  a  whole. 

Of  more  importance  than  the  bearing  of  contact  upon  the 
transmission  of  tradition  is  the  part  it  plays  as  a  stimulus  to 


THE  OKIGIN  OF  TKADITION  425 

tradition.  The  remarkable  change  which  at  a  certain  period 
supervenes  in  the  organization  of  society  and  to  which  reference 
has  been  made  above,  has  as  far-reaching  effects  in  affecting 
stimulus  to  skill  as  it  has  in  facilitating  the  transmission  of 
tradition.  Again  we  may  leave  the  consideration  of  this  point 
until  we  have  described  the  nature  of  this  change.  It  is  clear, 
however,  that  the  presence  of  other  men  is  on  the  whole  a  stimulus, 
though  not  in  itself  an  important  stimulus,  so  long  as  tradition  is 
fairly  uniform.  Nevertheless  the  more  contact  there  is,  on  the 
whole  the  more  stimulus  there  is.  '  There  be  thoughts  ',  wrote 
Maitland, '  which  only  come  to  men  when  they  be  tightly  packed.' * 
<But  it  is  when  traditions  of  different  quality  come  into  contact 
that  the  stimulus  becomes  important.  Where  this  happens,  we 
have  to  distinguish  two  things.  There  is  the  passing  over  of  the 
elements  peculiar  to  each  tradition  to  the  other  tradition  and 
there  is  the  stimulus  which  the  mere  contact  affords. 

The  passing  over  of  elements  of  one  tradition  to  another  and 
the  stimulus  afforded  go  more  or  less  together.  Under  certain 
circumstances  there  is  no  passing  over  and  there  is  no  stimulus, 
or  at  least  they  are  reduced  to  a  minimum.  This  sometimes 
happens  when  two  cultures  varying  very  markedly  one  from 
the  other  come  into  contact — one  being  distinguished  by  the 
possession  of  a  far  higher  degree  of  skill  than  the  other.  The  less 
skilled  race  is  driven  from  its  territory,  and  if  it  survives  it  is 
because  certain  areas  of  its  territory  are  relatively  infertile  to 
the  higher  skill  of  the  conquering  race.  A  remnant  of  the  less 
skilled  race  survives  in  some  corner  of  its  former  territory  and 
reaches  a  modus  vivendi  with  the  dominant  race.  This  modus  vivendi 
may  take  the  form  of  an  almost  complete  disregard  of  one  race  for 
the  other ;  no  influence  is  exerted  by  one  on  the  other ;  little,  if  any- 
thing, is  absorbed  from  the  other  tradition.  Some  such  condition 
was  reached  as  between  the  Veddahs,  the  Todas,  the  Central 
African  pygmies,  and  the  races  respectively  surrounding  them. 

In  order  that  the  contact  should  be  effective  it  is  necessary 
that  the  differences  between  the  cultures  should  not  be  too  great. 
It  is  most  effective  in  such  a  region  as  Western  Asia  where  in 
close  proximity  there  are  several  areas  varying  markedly  one  from 
another.  In  such  a  region  there  will  grow  up,  owing  to  the 
variations  in  fertility,  somewhat  different  traditions.  These 

1  Quoted  by  Fisher,  Soc.  Rev.,  vol.  i,  p.  61. 


426  THE  OEIGIN  OF  TRADITION 

traditions  coming  into  contact  will  rarely  wholly  overwhelm  one 
another ;  there  will  be  a  perpetual  taking  over  by  one  tradition 
of  some  elements  from  the  other  so  that  each  tradition  will  be 
enriched  as  it  could  not  have  been  enriched  had  it  depended 
entirely  upon  the  environment  which  gave  birth  to  it.  Further, 
the  fact  that  implements,  skilled  processes,  customs,  and  institu- 
tions of  a  strange  nature  are  now  and  again  coming  under  the  notice 
of  each  race  acts  as  a  stimulus  to  thought  and  invention  quite 
apart  from  the  advantage  that  may  be  gained  by  the  absorption 
of  what  is  valuable  into  its  tradition.  It  is  probable  that  in  this 
stimulus  to  thought  we  have  to  recognize  one  of  the  most  important 
factors  making  towards  progress. 

There  is  no  space  to  pursue  this  subject  here.  It  may  perhaps 
be  noticed  that,  when  two  cultures  come  into  contact,  all  the 
elements  do  not  spread  with  equal  rapidity.  It  has  been  observed, 
for  instance,  that,  when  a  tradition  comprising  greater  skill  comes 
into  contact  with  a  less  full  tradition,  *  it  is  the  recognition  of  the 
superiority  of  the  natural  objects  and  arts  which  prevails  and 
makes  possible  the  acceptance  of  other  elements  of  an  introduced 
culture.' 1  Certain  general  principles  can  be  made  out  but  there 
is  much  that  requires  elucidation.  There  is  a  considerable  body 
of  evidence  in  favour  of  the  view  that  megalithic  buildings  have 
been  derived  from  one  centre.  If  this  is  so,  it  is  a  remarkable 
example  of  the  fact  that  an  art  of  an  obviously  impressive  though 
not  useful  nature  can  pass  from  one  race  to  another  without  any 
noticeable  assimilation  of  other  elements  of  the  culture  where  the 
art  was  first  practised.  Again,  if  this  is  so,  it  is  not  improbable 
that  useful  arts  which  in  their  way  are  equally  impressive  may 
have  similarly  proceeded  from  one  centre.  It  is  remarkable  also 
that  mythology  can  apparently  spread  from  one  culture  to  another. 
To  whatever  source  we  may  attribute  their  origin  there  seems 
little  doubt  that  in  North  America,  for  instance,  tales  and  legends 
have  spread  from  one  side  of  the  continent  to  the  other  after 
very  different  economic  systems  had  been  evolved  and  without 
any  marked  spreading  of  other  elements  in  the  traditions  at  the 
same  time.2 

6.  Having  thus  indicated  the  manner  in  which  contact  influences 
the  origin,  growth,  and  transmission,  of  tradition  we  may  turn 

1  Rivers,  *  Contact  of  Peoples ',  Essays  and  Studies  presented  to  W.  Ridgeway, 
p.  478.  2  Boas,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xl,  p.  536. 


THE  OKIGIN  OF  TEADITION  427 

to  consider  what  bearing  geographical  and  economic  factors  have 
upon  contact.  The  former  problem  may  be  passed  over  with 
a  few  words  ;  the  latter  will  require  a  rather  longer  discussion. 
The  former  has  been  the  subject  of  much  attention  and  the  main 
facts,  which  are  all  that  concern  us,  are  familiar  ;  the  latter  has 
not  received  so  much  attention  though  it  is  of  great  importance. 

Not  only  the  spread  of  elements  of  culture  but  also  the  move- 
ment of  peoples  are  governed  by  geographical  factors.  An  isolated 
area  is  isolated  from  the  slow  permeation  of  elements  of  tradition, 
as  well  as  from  migratory  races.  To  the  degr.ee,  therefore,  to  which 
any  area  is  isolated,  it  is  removed  both  from  those  influences 
which  favour  the  passing  on  of  elements  of  tradition  as  well  as 
those  which  form  an  incentive  to  skill.  Isolation  is  never  complete. 
The  more  isolated  an  area  is,  the  less  often  have  migratory  *aces 
reached  it,  with  the  result  that  when  they  have  done  so,  there  has 
usually  been  a  conflict  between  a  culture  so  dissimilar  in  skill 
that  the  migratory  race  has  often  wiped  out  the  original  race. 
Apart  from  the  visits  of  migratory  races  the  beneficial  results  of 
contact  are  reduced  to  a  minimum  within  an  isolated  area.  The 
differences  in  traditions  are  small,  and  both  the  elements  of  culture 
which  can  be  acquired  and  the  stimulus  which  can  be  derived  from 
contact  are  of  little  importance.  What  these  geographical  features 
are  is  fairly  well  known. 

The  first  factor  is  isolation  by  sea.  America  was  apparently 
peopled  some  time  in  the  first  period.  Subsequently  to  the  date 
of  its  original  peopling  it  may  be  regarded  as  having  been  for  all 
practical  purposes  isolated  from  the  other  continents  and  thus 
its  inhabitants  had  been  long  cut  off  from  contact  with  the 
rest  of  the  human  race  when  it  was  '  discovered  '  by  Columbus. 
America  was  probably  visited,  perhaps  more  than  once,  by  parties 
reaching  the  Pacific  Coast  and  was  certainly  visited  by  the 
Norsemen,  but  this  small  amount  of  contact  has  exerted  no 
influence  upon  the  evolution  of  skill.  America  is  the  most  remark- 
able instance  of  isolation  by  sea.  Isolation  by  sea  has  exerted 
a  profound  influence  upon  Australia,  New  Zealand,  and  Oceania ; 
and  important  also  has  been  the  semi-isolation  of  Africa,  which 
continent,  until  great  progress  had  been  made  in  navigation,  was 
only  in  contact  with  Asia  by  a  narrow  neck.  Among  primitive 
races  deserts  and  mountains  hinder  contact  in  almost  equal  degree, 
and,  though  in  one  sense  not  geographical  features,  forests  and 


428  THE  OEIGIN  OF  TRADITION 

vegetation,  especially  in  tropical  countries,  exert  a  profound 
influence  upon  contact. 

Other  features  in  the  environment  may  be  regarded  rather  as 
facilitating  contact.  Rivers  form  great  arteries  of  communication, 
and  it  is  remarkable  how  small  a  hindrance  they  are  to  contact. 
Thus  '  Christopher  Gist,  exploring  the  Ohio  in  1751,  found  a 
Shawnee  village  situated  on  both  sides  of  the  river  below  the 
mouth  of  the  Scioto,  with  about  a  hundred  houses  on  the  north 
bank  and  forty  on  the  south.  The  small  and  unique  nation  of  the 
Mandan  Indians  were  found  by  Lewis  and  Clarke  near  the  northern 
bend  of  the  Missouri  in  1864  in  two  groups  of  villages  on  opposite 
sides  of  the  river.  They  had  previously  in  1772  occupied  nine 
villages  lower  down  the  stream,  two  on  the  east  bank  and  seven 
on  the  west.'1  Freshwater  lakes,  though  not  salt  lakes,  have 
again  been  centres  in  which  contact  has  been  favoured,  as  was 
the  case  in  Switzerland  at  one  period  and  also  in  Mexico  and 
Peru  where  the  highest  level  of  progress  was  reached  in  America. 

In  considering  any  area  there  are  certain  general  features  of 
importance  quite  apart  from  those  which  actually  hinder  or 
facilitate  contact.  In  the  case  of  any  area  there  is  what  we  may 
call  its  location,  that  is  to  say,  its  position  relative  to  its  surround- 
ings. The  position  of  any  area  in  Africa  with  regard  to  its  distance 
from  the  north-eastern  corner,  through  which  contact  with 
inhabitants  of  other  continents  came  about,  is  obviously  of  great 
importance,  and  similarly  is  the  distance  of  any  one  area  from 
the  sea  when  navigation  has  been  developed.  To  location  we  may 
add  diversity  of  features  which  brings  about  the  contact  between 
different  economic  systems.  This  feature  of  diversity  is  chiefly 
relevant  when  considering  large  areas ;  and  in  this  respect  Europe 
and  Asia  are  far  more  favoured  than  America. 

Lastly,  differences  in  language  are  a  potent  influence  in  hinder- 
ing contact  though  they  are  rather  evidences  than  causes  of  isola- 
tion. When  once  established  differences  in  language  intensify  the 
isolation  due  to  other  causes.  It  may  be  observed  in  passing  that, 
contrary  to  what  might  be  expected,  the  degree  to  which  among 
primitive  races  '  foreign '  languages  are  understood  is  considerable. 

Though  in  the  first  two  periods  the  importance  of  the  various 
factors  in  hindering  and  facilitating  contact  has  varied  greatly, 
it  is  sufficient,  when  taking  a  broad  view,  to  bear  the  general 

1  Semple,  Geographic  Environment,  p.  357. 


THE  OEIGIN  OF  TKADITION  429 

nature  of  these  influences  in  mind.  The  tendency  in  the  third 
period  has  been  obviously  to  reduce  vastly  the  importance  of  all 
hindrances  to  contact  arising  from  features  of  the  environment. 
Kailways  cross  deserts  and  tunnels  pierce  mountains,  and  that 
amount  of  contact,  small  though  it  may  be,  which  owing  to 
the  inventions  of  writing  and  printing  now  occurs  between  all 
parts  of  the  world,  can  transmit  more  tradition  than  wide 
avenues  of  contact  between  neighbouring  peoples  previously 
made  possible. 

Here  we  can  leave  this  matter.  It  has  been  worked  out  in 
much  detail.  All  that  is  necessary  for  our  purpose  is  to  bear  in 
mind  the  fact,  which  indeed  is  obvious,  that  contact  is  in  various 
ways  hindered  and  facilitated  by  geographical  causes. 

7.  We  have  now  to  consider  what  is  less  familiar — the  bearing 
of  what  we  may  call  economic  factors  upon  contact.  These 
factors  are  themselves  but  an  expression  of  the  working  of  the 
economic  system,  and  the  economic  system  is  correlated  with 
fertility  though  modified  by  the  degree  and  kind  of  contact 
allowed  by  the  geographical  environment.  Therefore  in  con- 
sidering the  working  of  these  economic  factors,  we  are  in  fact 
considering  another  aspect  of  the  manner  in  which  the  environ- 
ment bears  thus  indirectly  upon  contact. 

Progress  in  skill,  as  we  have  said,  is  correlated  with  increasing 
density  of  population,  and,  other  things  being  equal,  the  greater 
the  density  of  population,  the  more  contact  there  is.  But  other 
things  are  not  equal ;  the  chief  disturbing  factors  are  those 
connected  with  the  organization  of  society  in  their  influence  both 
upon  the  quality  and  quantity  of  contact.  The  vast  importance 
of  the  step  which  led  to  the  origin  of  primitive  society  has  already 
been  remarked  upon.  When  we  observe  primitive  society  in 
more  detail,  it  is  seen  that,  compared  with  the  type  of  organiza- 
tion which  arose  in  the  third  period,  this  form  of  society  essentially 
consists  of  a  repetition  of  similar  elements.1  A  perfect  type  of 
this  form  of  society  would  be  one  which  consisted  merely  of  a 
collection  of  families,  not  differing  essentially  one  from  another, 
each  being  a  microcosm  of  the  whole  society.  Actually  we  find 
that  primitive  society  is  usually  composed  of  the  repetition  of 
larger  elements  than  the  family,  which  Durkheim  calls  '  clans  '. 
This  term  is  employed  in  order  to  mark  the  family  and  political 

1  See  Durkheim,  Travail  Social,  chs.  vi  and  vii. 


430  THE  OKIGIN  OF  TRADITION 

features  which  characterize  these  elements.  The  variations  of 
the  constitution  of  primitive  society  are  very  numerous,  but  it  has 
essentially  this  form  which  Durkheim  calls  '  segmentary  '.  The 
solidarity  of  such  a  society  rests  solely  upon  the  similarity  between 
these  clans  ;  the  binding  forces,  that  is  to  say,  which  keep  the 
society  together,  do  not  take  their  origin  in  the  fact  that  these 
elements  are  complementary  to  each  other  and  in  combination 
form  one  organic  whole ;  such  coherence  as  there  is  arises  solely 
from  the  fact  that  these  elements,  in  so  far  as  they  are  similar, 
coalesce  together.  Typically,  then,  we  find  in  this  stage  of  organiza- 
tion families  living  side  by  side  very  largely  independent  one 
of  another  but  combining  to  form  clans.  These  clans  have  as 
a  rule  no  definite  constitution  ;  but  at  times,  owing  to  internal 
dissensions  or  warfare,  a  leader  or  leaders  may  arise  who  put 
themselves  at  the  head  of  these  groups. 

As  has  been  said,  variations  in  and  developments  of  this  type 
of  organization  may  arise  and,  though  among  primitive  races 
some  approach  to  the  higher  type  can  be  detected,  the  evolution 
of  the  higher  type  of  organization  is  essentially  a  development 
which  took  place  in  the  third  period.  This  type  of  organization 
we  call  organic,  as  distinguished  from  segmentary,  because  in  the 
first  place  the  elements  which  go  to  form  the  whole  do  not  simply 
cohere  owing  to  their  similarity  ;  they  are  in  the  nature  of  more 
or  less  specialized  organs  all  of  which  are  necessary  in  order  that 
the  whole  may  exist.  Each  again  has  a  particular  role  and  each 
organ  is  formed  of  differentiated  parts.  These  organs  are  not 
simply  connected  one  with  another  like  links  in  a  chain  ;  they  are 
co-ordinated  one  with  another  and  subordinated  one  to  another 
into  an  organic  system.  The  parts  are  dependent  on  the  whole 
and  the  whole  on  the  parts. 

In  an  organic  society,  in  fact,  men  are  grouped  according  to 
their  profession  and  not  according  to  their  descent.  One  of  the 
marks  of  the  segmentary  type  of  society  is  that  men  are  grouped 
according  to  their  descent,  real  or  fictitious,  and  it  is  this  relation- 
ship which  determines  their  position  in  society.  In  the  organic 
type  of  society,  that  which  determines  a  man's  position  is  the 
function  which  he  -fulfils.  In  this  form  of  society  there  are 
remnants  of  the  older  form  of  organization,  as  is  seen  in  the 
recognition  of  areas,  smaller  elements  such  as  parishes  being 
united  into  larger  areas  such  as  boroughs,  which  are  united  in 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  TRADITION  431 

turn  into  provinces  of  which  the  country  is  composed.  This, 
however,  is  not  the  form  of  organization  which  keeps  the  higher 
type  of  society  together.  That  which  forms  its  essential  difference 
from  the  lower  type  is  the  organic  nature  of  the  relation  of  the  parts 
— the  complementary  co-ordination  of  the  various  professions  one 
with  the  other.  It  is  this  interlocking  of  complementary  parts 
and  not  the  coherence  of  similar  segments  which  cement  the  form 
of  society  typical  of  the  third  stage. 

8.  The  evolution  from  the  segmentary  to  the  organic  form 
of  social  organization  was  relatively  speaking  a  rapid  process. 
The  approach  that  can  be  made  to  the  organic  type  within  the 
segmentary  type  is  only  slight.  Doubtless  the  new  type  developed 
within  the  old  forms.  Thus  we  see  among  the  Hebrews  the 
assumption  of  priestly  functions  by  a  single  tribe — that  of  the 
Levites.  But  the  development  of  the  organic  type  cannot  go  far 
without  breaking  up  the  segmentary  form  of  organization  ;  the 
number  and  importance  of  functions  does  not  correspond  with  the 
existing  forms  of  organization  and  cannot  long  develop  within  them. 

We  have  now  to  ask  what  brings  about  the  evolution  of  the 
organic  type  of  society  and  then  what  bearing  these  forms  of 
organization  have  upon  the  growth  and  transmission  of  tradition. 
It  is  rather  that  the  crumbling  away  of  this  segmentary  organiza- 
tion of  society  brings  to  birth  the  organic  type  than  that  the 
growth  of  the  latter  is  the  cause  of  the  disappearance  of  the 
former.  This  must  be  so  because,  as  we  have  seen,  the  existence 
of  the  segmentary  type  is  a  barrier  to  the  development  of  the 
organic  type.  This  crumbling  away  is  brought  about  by  what 
Durkheim  calls  the  growth  of  moral  density.  Growth  in  moral 
density  comes  about  through  the  pressure  of  the  increasing  contact 
between  men  performing  the  same  functions,  and  this  causes  the 
decay  of  the  segmentary  type  of  organization  and  brings  about 
an  organization  resting  upon  function.  The  effect  acts  upon 
the  cause  and  accelerates  the  process.  The  growth  in  moral 
density  is  connected  with  the  growth  in  volume  of  society  which 
is  measured  solely  by  the  increase  in  population.  But  growth  in 
moral  density,  though  only  made  possible  by  growth  in  volume, 
does  not  of  necessity  go  hand  in  hand  with  it.  Growth  of  moral 
coalescence  is  not  correlated  absolutely  with  the  increase  in 
volume.  The  density  of  population  can  become  very  considerable, 
while  the  moral  density  remains  relatively  undeveloped.  This 


432  THE  ORIGIN  OF  TRADITION 

result  is  sometimes  attributable  to  the  survival  of  certain  elements 
of  segmentary  organization  to  which  religious  feelings  have 
become  attached  and  which  have,  therefore,  resisted  the  forces 
which  make  for  their  dissolution.  This  is  the  case,  for  example, 
with  regard  to  the  maintenance  of  the  family  system  in  China, 
which  is  the  great  barrier  to  a  development  of  moral  coalescence. 
The  most  powerful  motive  in  Chinese  life  is  the  devotion  to  the 
family  system,  and  this  motive  prevents  the  progress  of  division 
of  labour.  Among  the  Hindus  the  caste  system  has  the  same 
effect.  But  it  is  not  merely  a  survival  from  a  former  segmentary 
organization  to  which  religious  motives  have  become  attached  ; 
it  has  actually  undergone  a  development  for  the  most  part  in 
opposition  to  the  organic  organization  of  society.  '  The  divisions ', 
says  Sherring,  '  among  the  Hindus  involving  complete 
separation  in  respect  of  marriage  and  social  intercourse,  number 
not  hundreds  but  thousands.  In  other  words  the  Hindu 
brotherhood  is  split  up  into  innumerable  clans,  holding  not  the 
smallest  connexion  with  one  another,  acknowledging  no  common 
bond  save  that  of  idolatry.  .  .  .  Caste  dissolves  the  social  compact 
found  in  other  countries,  infuses  the  poison  of  deadly  strife  into 
the  small  village  communities  scattered  in  tens  of  thousands  over 
the  land,  induces  enmity  between  neighbours  on  the  most  trivial 
grounds,  carries  out  its  own  childish  rites  and  laws  with  Draconian 
severity,  exercises  the  strongest  power  of  disintegration  the  human 
race  has  ever  been  subject  to,  and  only  displays  a  spirit  of  binding 
and  uniting  in  relation  to  those  selfish  creatures  who  belong  to 
one  and  the  same  caste,  and  who  are  thereby  kept  apart  from  all 
the  rest  of  mankind  by  an  unnatural  divorce.' l 

Thus  primarily  it  is  the  breaking-down  of  the  segmentary  type 
of  organization  and  the  condensation  of  society  which  permits 
the  division  of  labour.  In  the  end  the  advance  to  the  higher 
type  of  organization  is  attributable  to  the  growth  of  population. 
It  is  first  necessary  that  a  relatively  high  degree  of  skill  should  be 
attained  involving  a  certain  density  of  population.  Then  there 
arises  a  tendency  for  the  segmentary  organization  to  break  down 
and  give  way  to  the  organic  type.  The  breaking- down  may  be 
more  or  less  imperfect  and  there  may  be  factors  which  work 
against  the  full  development  of  the  organic  type. 

9.  The  degree  to  which  the  higher  type  of  organization  favours 

1  Sherring,  Hindu  Castee  and  Tribes,  vol.  iii,  p.  218. 


THE  OKIGIN  OF  TKADITION  433 

the  increase  of  skill  cannot  be  over-estimated.  So  long  as  all  men 
are  more  or  less  self-supporting  and  perform  all  the  functions 
necessary  to  maintain  existence,  the  securing  of  food,  the  building 
of  shelters,  the  fashioning  of  weapons,  the  making  of  clothes,  their 
skill  in  any  one  direction  must  remain  small.  But  as  soon  as  certain 
men  begin  to  concentrate  upon  certain  functions  the  whole 
position  changes.  It  then  becomes  possible  for  skill  to  reach 
a  far  higher  level,  and  with  the  further  division  of  functions 
there  is  practically  no  limit  to  the  degree  of  skill  which  may  be 
obtained.  A  concentration  upon  one  function  and  the  association 
of  men  so  employed  are  themselves  powerful  stimuli  to  further 
progress.  The  facts  are  familiar  and  there  is  no  need  to  elaborate 
the  position.  At  length  classification  by  function  tends  to  override 
classification  by  any  other  standard,  and  all  those  engaged  in  any 
country  in  any  one  function  become  associated  in  such  a  manner 
that  the  stimulus  is  further  emphasized  and  the  possibility  of  any 
favourable  new  departure  being  lost  is  reduced  to  a  minimum. 

The  importance  of  the  organic  type  of  organization  in  favouring 
the  transmission  and  storing  of  tradition  is  equally  well  marked 
when  compared  with  the  segmentary  type.  The  more  society  is 
divided  into  self-contained  and  self-sufficient  segments,  the  less 
likelihood  is  there  that  any  development  in  one  segment  will 
spread  to  the  other  segments.  All  events  tend  to  be  localized,  and 
any  promising  departure  in  a  new  direction  is  unlikely  to  penetrate 
far  and  become  embodied  in  tradition.  New  departures  are  more 
likely  to  be  lost  altogether  than  to  be  preserved.  The  more 
society  is  organized  on  the  organic  type,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
more  facilities  there  are  for  the  transmission  and  storing  of 
tradition.  As  the  segmentary  system  breaks  down,  the  trans- 
mission and  storing  of  tradition  themselves  become  special 
functions.  Various  means  of  communication  are  elaborated,  the 
spreading  of  news  becomes  a  function  in  itself,  teaching  becomes 
a  profession,  and  libraries  are  established. 

10.  Such  very  briefly  are  the  nature,  causes,  and  results  of  the 
change  in  the  organization  of  society  so  far  as  concerns  our 
present  purpose.  There  are  certain  points  in  this  connexion  to 
which  some  allusion  may  be  made.  We  have  already  commented 
on  the  fact  that  the  transformation  to  the  higher  type  does  not  go 
hand  in  hand  with  growth  in  numbers.  The  two  examples  from 
India  and  China  showed  how  little  correspondence  there  may  be 

2498 


434  THE  OEIGIN  OF  TKADITION 

between  density  of  population  and  division  of  labour.  Again,  in 
modern  communities  there  is  an  apparent  anomaly.  There  are 
considerable  differences  as  regards  the  amount  and  kind  of 
tradition  present  in  the  different  strata  of  society,  and  this  may 
appear  all  the  more  anomalous  because  in  such  societies  the 
division  of  labour  has  been  developed  to  the  greatest  extent. 
Tradition,  it  would  seem,  should  be  very  uniform.  Uniformity 
of  tradition,  on  the  other  hand,  is  a  mark  of  primitive  society. 
But  this  anomaly  is  only  apparent.  Among  primitive  races  there 
is  infinitely  less  tradition  than  among  civilized  races.  Among  the 
latter  not  only  is  the  amount  of  tradition  vast,  but  it  is  in  the 
course  of  rapid  evolution,  and  there  is  therefore  in  the  first  place 
a  far  greater  possibility  for  differences  in  tradition  to  arise. 
Further,  the  very  fact  of  the  division  of  labour  means  that  different 
forms  of  skill  are  cultivated  deliberately  by  different  elements 
of  the  community.  Thence  arise  the  differences  in  social  customs 
and  conventions  which  are  apparent  in  the  different  strata  of 
modern  society.  Where  there  is  division  of  labour,  there  must  be, 
as  we  have  seen,  differences  in  the  acquirement  of  the  tradition 
of  skill,  and  we  may  think  of  the  differences  in  the  social  and 
conventional  tradition  as  originating  in  the  differences  in  functions. 
Where  there  is  ownership  of  property  on  a  large  scale,  ownership 
may  be  regarded  as  a  function  in  society,  and  clearly  enough 
certain  customs  and  conventions  become  connected  with  this 
function  and  distinguish  the  so-called  upper  classes.  Differences 
in  social  tradition  so  arising  do  lead  to  some  approach  to  a  seg- 
mentary  division  of  society.  Once  classes  are  set  up,  there 
is  a  tendency  for  a  man  to  take  his  position  rather  according  to 
his  class  than  according  to  his  function.  Actually  what  happens 
is  that  the  upper  classes  adopt  certain  functions,  the  sacer- 
dotal or  the  military  for  example,  and  thus  the  differences  in 
custom  and  convention  become  somewhat  artificially  perpetuated, 
perpetuated  that  is  to  say  over  and  above  the  distinctions  which 
would  be  the  inevitable  accompaniment  of  different  functions. 
In  this  fashion  class  becomes  of  considerable  importance  in 
modern  communities  as  a  barrier  to  the  transmission  of  tradition, 
'and  there  is  thus  less  coalescence  between  those  performing 
different  functions  than  the  mere  division  of  labour  brings  about. 
k  Interesting  as  are  these  modifications  of  the  working  of  what 
we  have  called  economic  factors,  they  do  not  seriously  affect  the 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  TRADITION  435 

conclusions  to  be  drawn  in  a  broad  survey.  The  transformation 
to  the  organic  type  of  society  is  a  mark  of  the  third  period,  and 
therefore  within  this  period  the  conditions  became  such  as  to 
stimulate  the  growth  of  skill  and  to  facilitate  the  transmission 
and  storing  of  skill  in  a  manner  never  before  approached. 

11.  Given,  therefore,  differences  in  fertility  and  in  the  geo- 
graphical configuration  as  between  one  part  of  the  world's  surface 
and  another,  and  given  migration,  we  can  understand  how  skill 
arises,  how  it  is  transmitted,  and  how  it  is  stored.  The  factors 
considered  are  not  the  only  factors,  but  they  are  the  chief  factors, 
and  a  consideration  of  them  alone  enables  us  to  understand  how 
in  the  main  progress  may  be  achieved — how,  that  is  to  say,  to 
some  degree  command  over  nature  may  be  attained.  Further, 
in  thus  tracing  the  causes  of  progress  in  this  narrow  sense  we  are 
tracing  in  some  manner  the  origin  and  growth  of  other  elements 
in  tradition,  not  directly  concerned  with  command  over  nature. 
This  can  be  illustrated  by  a  reference  to  the  results  obtained  by 
Messrs.  Hobhouse,  Wheeler,  and  Ginsberg.  As  we  have  seen, 
progress  in  skill  falls  easily  into  a  series  of  stages — hunting  and 
fishing,  agricultural  and  metal-using.  These  authors  further 
subdivided  hunting  people  into  two  stages,  agricultural  peoples 
into  three,  and  pastoral  into  two.  They  then  investigated  the 
correlation  between  these  stages  and  the  conditions  relative  to 
justice,  the  family,  warfare,  and  so  on.  It  was  found  that  in  the 
points  indicative  of  the  degree  of  social  organization  there  is 
a  certain  correspondence  with  economic  advance.  *  This  corre- 
spondence ',  they  say  they  have  found,  '  in  the  development  of 
government  and  of  justice  alike,  in  the  fact  that  as  we  mount  the 
scale  there  is  more  of  government  and  'more  of  the  public  admini- 
stration of  justice  within  society,  and  in  the  fact  that  the  unit  for 
government  and  for  justice  extends.  Both  intensively  and  ex- 
tensively there  is  a  growth  of  order  corresponding  roughly  to  the 
industrial  advance.  On  the  other  hand  economic  development  has 
no  necessary  connexion  with  improvement  in  the  relation  between 
members  of  a  society.  It  does  not  imply  greater  considerateness 
or  a  keener  sense  of  justice,  and  in  some  ways  may  be  held  even 
adverse  to  them.  Thus  in  relation  to  marriage  and  the  position  of 
women,  we  find  little  change  throughout  the  grades,  and  of  those 
which  we  do  find  the  most  marked  are  specifically  connected  with 
the  economic  factor,  viz.  the  extension  of  purchase  and  of  general 

E  e  2 


436  THE  OKTGIN  OF  TKADITION 

polygamy  .  .  .  Economic  causes  are  again  associated  with  the  de- 
velopment of  organized  warfare  and  the  substitution  of  the  enslave- 
ment of  prisoners  for  their  slaughter,  liberation,  or  adoption.' l 

In  other  words  social  institutions  are  correlated  to  a  considerable 
extent  with  economic  systems,  and  in  tracing  economic  systems 
to  differences  in  the  '  wealth  '  of  the  environment  and  to  differ- 
ences in  contact,  we  are  at  the  same  time  accounting  to  the  extent 
of  this  correlation  for  the  existence  of  most  social  institutions. 
Those  aspects  of  tradition  which  are  not  correlated  with  the 
economic  system  are  obviously  often  explicable  as  due  to 
the  direct  influence  of  the  environment ;  for  differences  in  the 
environment  which  have  little  or  no  bearing  on  the  economic 
system  may  give  rise  to  differences  in  these  aspects  of  tradition. 
It  has  often  been  pointed  out,  for  example,  that  the  trend  of 
legends  is  explicable  as  due  to  certain  aspects  of  the  environment ; 
thus  in  Assyria  legends  were  largely  connected  with  floods.  In 
large  part,  therefore,  differences  in  fertility  and  differences  in 
degree  and  kind  of  contact  account  not  merely  for  progress  in 
skill  but  also  in  large  measure  for  many  social  institutions,  and 
those  aspects  of  social  institutions  which  are  not  so  to  be  explained 
are  in  part  due  to  the  influence  of  aspects  of  the  environment 
which  do  not  contribute  directly  to  fertility,  and  in  part  to  a 
complicated  interaction  of  tradition.  It  was  remarked  that,  so 
far  as  can  be  seen,  the  more  conscious  methods  of  adjusting 
the  level  of  population  to  the  optimum  number  are  not  correlated 
with  the  economic  system.  There  is  no  evidence  of  infanticide 
and  abortion,  for  example,  being  so  correlated.  The  occurrence 
of  these  institutions  among  certain  races  irrespective  of  the 
economic  conditions  may  be  accounted  for  by  differences  in  the 
environment  which  do  not  affect  wealth.  We  have  seen  that 
certain  methods  must  of  necessity  be  employed,  and  the  adoption 
of  one  method  in  one  place  and  of  another  in  some  other  place 
may  be  due,  for  example,  to  the  presence  in  one  area  of  plants  by 
the  use  of  which  abortion  can  be  brought  about,  or  the  presence 
in  another  area  of  an  instrument  designed  for  some  other  purpose 
which  can  be  employed  for  this  object.  In  other  areas  the  practice 
of  killing  deformed  children  from  superstitious  motives  may  have 
been  developed  into  a  regular  custom  of  infanticide,  or  the  taboo 
upon  intercourse  for  short  periods  may  have  become  developed 
into  a  practice  of  abstaining  for  prolonged  periods. 

1  Hobhouse,  Wheeler,  and  Ginsberg,  loc.  cit.,  p.  254. 


XXI 

THE  RELATIVE  IMPORTANCE  OF  TRADITION 
AND  HEREDITY 

1.  WE  are  now  in  a  position  to  attempt  an  estimate  of  the 
relative  importance  of  germinal  change  on  the  one  hand  and 
of  the  accumulation  of  tradition  on  the  other.1    The  direct  influ- 
ence of  the  environment  cannot  be  left  altogether  out  of  account ; 
it  is,  however,  already  apparent  from  what  has  been  said  on  the 
subject  that,  although  the  direct  influence  of  the  environment 
may  modify  the  course  of  history,  it  is  not  an  important  factor 
in  comparison  with  the  other  two.     That  which  renders  the 
problem  so  difficult  is  the  fact  that  the  manifestations  of  human 
characteristics  are  shaped  both  by  traditional  changes  and  by 
germinal  changes,  and  that  each  kind  of  .change  reacts  on  the 
other.    Tnus  if  we  observe  increasing  subservience  in  the  charac- 
teristics of  a  race,  we  must  remember  that  previous  elimination 
of  the  more  self-assertive  may  manifest  itself  in  this  manner  by 
moulding  tradition  through  a  long  course  of  years,  that  the  nature 
of  the  environment  may  set  the  current  of  tradition  flowing  in 
this  direction,  or  that  both  factors  may  be  at  work ;   and  that, 
so  far  as  the  second  factor  is  at  work,  it  may  for  reasons  to  be 
explained  below  cause  the  elimination  of  the  more  self-assertive 
and  so  accelerate  the  process.    It  is  in  fact  very  difficult  to  arrive 
at  any  precise  conclusions  regarding  particular  problems,  but  we 
shall,  after  considering  certain  problems,  reach  a  fairly  definite 
conclusion  regarding  the  relative  importance  of  these  factors 
in  general. 

2.  With  these  problems  in  view  we  may  first  consider  the 
general  characteristics  of  the  interlmediate  period  and  then  those 
of  the  three  subsequent  periods. 

It  is  clear  that  at  the  beginning  of  the  intermediate  period  the 
ancestors  of  man  were  living  under  those  conditions  which  we 

1  According  to  Delvaille  (Histoire  de  VIdee.  de  Progres,  p.  405)  Terrasson,  writing 
in  the  eighteenth  century,  was  the  first  author  to  emphasize  the  importance  of 
tradition  in  the  modern  sense — particularly  in  his  work  La  Philosophic  applicable 
a  tons  les  objets  de  la  raison. 


438  TKADITION  AND  HEKEDITY 

have  seen  to  be  common  to  all  species  in  a  state  of  nature  and  that, 
therefore,  if  we  are  to  speak  of  history  at  all,  history  was  at  this 
time  an  expression  of  germinal  change  alone.  We  know  nothing 
directly  as  to  what  happened  within  this  period,  but  from  such 
hints  as  we  can  get  we  must  apparently  make  certain  deductions. 
We  know  that  within  this  long  period — many  times  as  long  as  the 
whole  period  which  has  succeeded  it — there  was  accomplished  by  far 
the  greater  part  of  the  evolution  of  the  human  intellect.  This  is 
the  conclusion  we  draw  from  the  fact  that  the  intellect  of  primitive 
races,  which  must  be  taken  as  representing  man  in  the  first  period, 
differs  in  a  small  degree  from  that  of  modern  man  relative  to 
the  difference  which  we  must  suppose  to  have  existed  between 
the  intellect  of  man  in  the  first  period  and  that  of  the  pre-human 
ancestor.  Again  the  picture  we  must  draw  of  our  ancestors  in 
the  intermediate  period  is  that  of  a  species  acquiring  domination 
almost  solely  by  its  intellect.  Further  we  have  seen  that  the  advance 
to  the  stage  of  primitive  society  was  only  made  possible  by  an 
important  step  in  mental  evolution — so  important  a  step  that 
none  of  our  ancestors  who  did  not  take  it  have  survived.  The 
deduction  to  be  drawn  is  clearly  that  in  the  intermediate  period 
history  was  founded  in  the  main  on  germinal  change.  If  we  find 
reason  to  conclude  that  germinal  change  has  ceased  to  play  so 
important  a  part  in  the  following  periods,  it  should  be  remem- 
bered that  the  sum  of  all  these  latter  periods  represents  but  a  frac- 
tion of  the  length  of  the  intermediate  period.  If  we  regard  human 
history  as  a  whole  and  date  the  beginning  at  the  time  when  our 
ancestors  began  to  move  away  from  those  conditions  which  govern 
the  existence  of  all  species  in  a  state  of  nature,  then  we  must 
conclude  that  germinal  change  has  been  the  explanation  of  what 
has  happened  during  far  the  greater  part  of  history  as  defined 
above. 

3.  The  course  of  history  from  the  beginning  of  the  first  period 
to  the  present  day  presents  certain  remarkable  features.  It 
has  to  be  remembered  that  the  course  of  events  in  the  first  and 
second  periods  has  been  reconstructed  from  evidence  gathered 
almost  solely  in  Europe,  and  even  then  in  large  part  from  one 
country,  namely,  France.  Europe  was  not  the  centre  of  progress, 
and  it  may  be  that  the  abrupt  replacement  of  one  stage  of  culture 
by  another,  of  which  we  find  evidence,  would  not  be  what  we  should 
find  nearer  the  centre  of  progress.  There  the  evolution  of  culture 


TKADITION  AND  HEEEDITY  439 

may  have  been  more  continuous.  From  time  to  time  waves  of 
migration  swept  westwards  and  a  higher  stage  of  culture  over- 
whelmed the  lower.  It  may  be  that  the  culture  systems  on 
reaching  Europe  followed  lines  of  development  of  their  own 
which,  owing  to  circumstances  being  relatively  less  favourable, 
did  not  carry  them  so  far  as  nearer  their  point  of  origin.  There- 
fore the  next  wave  as  a  rule  brought  a  higher  degree  of  skill  which 
replaced  the  then  existing  European  system. 

However  this  may  be,  what  we  do  undoubtedly  find  is  a 
relatively  slow  rate  of  progress  in  the  early  part  of  the  first 
period.  Progress  became  more  rapid  in  the  Upper  Palaeolithic 
and  in  the  Neolithic.  Finally  at  the  opening  of  the  third  period 
progress  was  vastly  accelerated  and  has  gone  on  with  ever-increas- 
ing rapidity  subject  to  certain  checks  at  various  times  and  places. 
This  speeding  up  of  the  evolution  of  skill  is  the  chief  outstanding 
characteristic  of  history  since  the  opening  of  the  first  period, 
and  with  it  we  may  associate  the  facts  that  progress  has  not 
been  uniform  as  between  different  countries,  and  has  been  subject 
to  set-backs  within  countries  especially  within  the  third  period. 
Recalling  what  was  said  in  the  last  chapter  as  to  the  influence  of 
fertility  and  contact  upon  the  growth  of  tradition,  we  may  now 
note  that  the  main  outline  at  least  of  these  outstanding  events  is 
apparently  explicable  as  the  result  of  the  working  of  these  factors. 
We  may  begin  with  a  consideration  of  the  facts  regarding 
America. 

America  was  apparently  peopled  from  Asia  at  an  early  date.1 
Putting  aside  the  Eskimos,  it  is  probable  that  the  invaders 
possessed  a  simple  and  fairly  uniform  type  of  culture  and  that 
the  cultural  differences  found  at  the  time  of  the  discovery  as 
between  races  in  different  parts  of  the  continent  were  indigenous. 
In  other  words  America  is  a  country  in  which  a  section  of  the 
human  race  was  early  cut  off  from  contact  with  the  remainder — 
such  contact  as  occurred  with  the  Norsemen  and  may  have 
occurred  with  the  Pacific  Islanders  having  been  without  impor- 
tance. For  many  thousands  of  years  cultural  evolution  had 
proceeded  independently  in  this  isolated  area.  At  the  time  of 
the  discovery  it  had  in  Mexico  and  Peru  reached  a  fairly  high  level. 
A  form  of  writing  had  even  been  evolved,  and  in  general  the  level 

1  See  Am.  Anth.,  vol.  xiv,  1912,  for  a  symposium  of  the  views  of  American     j 
authorities  on  this  point. 


440  TKADITION  AND  HEKEDITY 

of  culture  was  such  as  we  may  compare  with  that  attained  shortly 
before  the  opening  of  the  third  period  in  Eur-Asia.  It  is  possible 
that  at  this  time  the  evolution  of  culture  was  on  the  verge  of 
making  a  great  step  forward  similar  to  that  made  in  Eur-Asia 
in  the  third  period.  But  in  any  case  progress  in  America  had 
fallen  behind  progress  in  Eur-Asia  by  some  thousands  of  years, 
and  it  is  thus  interesting  to  compare  the  endowment  of  America 
with  that  of  Eur-Asia. 

It  may  first  be  noticed  that  the  area  is  a  large  one  and  that  it 
is  diversified  in  that  it  contains  within  it  many  types  of  geogra- 
phical and  climatic  environment.  Nevertheless  the  shape  of  the 
area  as  a  whole,  and  more  especially  perhaps  the  absence  of  rela- 
tively fertile  areas  in  proximity  differing  sharply  from  one  another 
such  as  we  find  in  Eur-Asia,  renders  it  less  favourably  disposed  to 
facilitate  contact  than  are  parts  of  Eur-Asia.  In  this  connexion 
it  may  be  observed  that  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  is  a  barrier 
rather  than  a  means  of  communication.  Apparently  the  civiliza- 
tions of  Mexico  and  Peru  had  no  knowledge  one  of  the  other. 
.  The  differences  in  respect  of  fertility  are  more  remarkable. 
Generally  speaking  America  is  not  notably  less  fertile  than 
Eur-Asia,  relative  to  skill  in  hunting  and  fishing.  The  north- 
west coast  of  North  America  is  possibly  more  fertile  relative  to 
this  type  of  skill  than  is  any  other  area  in  the  world.  But  when 
we  come  to  examine  the  endowment  of  America  as  a  whole 
relative  to  skill  in  the  lower  forms  of  agriculture  and  in  the 
domestication  of  animals,  we  find  that  America  is  poorly  endowed 
compared  with  Eur-Asia.  Maize  and  rice  are  the  only  important 
indigenous  cereals.  All  the  other  valuable  cereals  were  absent 
from  America.  This  is  a  very  important  fact  because  cereal 
culture  is  in  many  ways  a  far  more  profitable  art  than  either 
root-culture  or  arboriculture.  But  America  is  poor  not  only  in 
cereals  ;  many  plants  which  play  so  important  a  part  elsewhere 
in  primitive  agriculture  are  absent — the  plantain,  yam,  banana, 
breadfruit,  and  date-palm,  for  instance.  Among  the  important 
plants  we  may  note  the  potato,  coco-nut  palm,  manioc,  arrowroot, 
and  the  cocoa  plant.  Brazilian  arrowroot  is,  it  may  be  observed, 
very  easily  propagated.  '  Even  if  the  plant  is  left  in  the  ground 
when  the  root  has  been  taken,  new  tubers  grow  from  its  joints  after 
the  first  shower  of  rain.' x  Some  such  plant  as  this  in  America 

1  Payne,  History  of  the  New  World,  vol.  i,  p.  311. 


TEADITION  AND  HEEEDITY  441 

or  as  the  yam  elsewhere  must  have  presumably  been  that  first 
cultivated. 

The  poverty  of  America  in  animals  fit  for  domestication  is 
even  more  remarkable.  If  we  except  the  reindeer,  milch  animals 
were  entirely  absent — a  fact  of  great  significance.  The  Indians 
had  made  the  fullest  possible  use  of  such  animals  as  there  were. 
'  Setting  aside  the  reindeer,  an  unprofitable  animal  on  any  soil  which 
produces  any  better  crop  than  moss,  the  Indians  had  domesticated 
every  animal  in  the  continent  which  was  capable  of  domestica- 
tion.' 1  Among  them  was  the  llama,  an  animal  of  restricted  useful- 
ness, as  it  cannot  be  used  for  draught  and  cannot  be  milked. 
The  fact  that  there  are  several  varieties  of  llama  would  seem  to 
point  to  the  fact  that  it  had  been  brought  under  domestication 
many  centuries  before  the  discovery  of  America.  Turkeys,  dogs, 
pheasants,  ducks,  and  geese  were  also  domesticated  as  well  as 
a  few  other  animals  of  little  importance. 

When  compared  with  Western  Asia,  America  is  seen  to  be 
poorly  endowed  in  animals  fit  for  domestication  and  plants 
suitable  for  agriculture.  But  it  must  be  remembered  that  Western 
Asia  is  far  richer  than  any  other  area.  America  is  not  poor  com- 
pared with  Africa  or  Australia.  We  may  now  glance  at  the 
endowment  of  these  other  regions  beginning  with  Asia. 

4.  It  is  often  a  matter  of  the  greatest  difficulty  to  trace  the 
original  habitat  of  the  species  of  animals  and  plants  which  after 
many  centuries  of  domestication  have  given  rise  to  the  varieties 
now  in  use  ;  in  some  cases  it  is  impossible  ;  the  camel,  for  instance, 
has  never  been  found  wild.2  In  some  cases  the  evidence  is  vague 
and  merely  points  to  the  original  home  as  having  been  within  some 
large  and  not  very  clearly  defined  region.  Nevertheless  an  inquiry 
into  the  original  habitat  of  the  more  important  domesticated 
animals  and  plants  leads  to  a  very  remarkable  conclusion.  We 
find  that  with  few  exceptions  Western  Asia  was  the  home  of  the 
great  majority  of  such  species.  The  chief  exceptions  among 
animals  are  the  elephant,  buffalo,  reindeer,  and  llama.  The 
llama  originated  in  South  America,  the  reindeer  is  found  in  the 
circum-Polar  regions,  the  elephant  and  buffalo  are  Indian.  It  is 
probable  that  the  original  home  of  the  camel  was  somewhere  in 
this  Asiatic  region,  and,  if  this  is  so,  then  all  milch  animals,  with 

1  Payne,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  289.  *  The  single-humped  Arabian  camel  has 

never  been  found  wild,  but  it  is  said  that  the  double-humped  Bactrian  camel 
has  been  found  wild  in  Turkestan.  See  Flower  and  Lydekker,  Mammals,  p.  297. 


442  TRADITION  AND  HEREDITY 

the  exception  of  the  reindeer,  whether  belonging  to  the  ovine, 
equine,  bovine,  or  camel  group,  had  their  original  home  in  the 
Asiatic  region — a  very  important  fact  when  the  large  part  played 
by  milch  animals  is  borne  in  mind.  It  should  be  perhaps  mentioned 
that  certain  species  had  a  wide  range  and  extended  beyond  this 
Asiatic  region  vaguely  defined  though  it  is.  The  wild  ancestors 
of  the  ox  and  the  pig  were  indigenous  in  Europe  as  well  as  in 
Asia.1  The  richness  of  the  Asiatic  endowment  as  regards  plants 
is  no  less  remarkable.  Practically  all  cereals  of  importance  with 
the  exception  of  maize  and  one  or  two  others  originated  there. 
Wheat,  barley,  oats,  rye,  millet,  and  others  of  much  importance 
at  a  certain  stage  of  progress  in  skill  are  indigenous  in  that 
region. 

5.  Turning  to  Africa  we  find  that  the  large  majority  of  domesti- 
cated animals  and  of  cultivated  plants  are  not  indigenous  ;  when 
not  introduced  by  Arabs  or  Europeans,  they  were  derived  from 
Egypt  and  into  Egypt  they  had  probably  been  brought  from 
Asia.     Of  those  animals  now  domesticated  cattle,  goats,  sheep, 
and  fowls  were  derived  from  Egypt,  the  dog  from  Arabia,  the 
cat  was  brought  by  the  Arabs,  while  pigs,  muscovy  ducks,  turkeys, 
and  pigeons  were  introduced  by  the  Portuguese.    Sorghum  grain, 
millet,  eleusine,  colocasia  (arum),  yam,  and  the  banana  were 
introduced  from  Egypt ;    the  sugar-cane,  rice,  wheat,  oranges, 
limes,  cucumbers,  melons,  gourds,  onions,  and  hemp  were  intro- 
duced by  the  Arabs,  while  the  coco-nut  palm  came  from  Asia 
and  the  date-palm  from  the  Mediterranean  basin.     '  The  only 
doubtful  exceptions  are  ground-nuts  .  .  .  which  may  be  indigenous, 
and  certain  semi-cultivated  beans.' 2     It  may  be  observed  that, 
although  Africa  is  poor  as  regards  animals  and  plants  fit  for 
domestication,  the  negro  never  domesticated  with  one  or  two 
exceptions  such  species  as  were  capable  of  domestication.    Thus 
the  guinea-fowl  and  the  coffee  plant,  both  indigenous,  were  not 
domesticated  by  the  negroes. 

6.  Of  the  natural  endowment  of  other  regions  it  is  not  necessary 

1  Wild  oxen  were  abundant  in  Europe  in  the  time  of  Julius  Caesar,  and  of  them 
the  Chillingham  herd  may  be  a  remnant.     Horses  were  abundant  in  Europe  in 
Neolithic  times.    But  it  is  probable  that  both  oxen  and  horses  were  first  domesti- 
cated in  Asia.    The  ovine  group  was  originally  situated  in  the  mountain  region  of 
Central  Asia,  though  Ovis  savigni,  apparently  allied  to  the  Argoli,  has  been  found 
fossil  in  the  Forest  Bed  of  Norfolk  (Mower  and  Lydekker,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  355,  357, 
367,  and  382). 

2  Johnston,  British  Central  Africa,  p.  429. 


TKADITION  AND  HEEEDITY  443 

to  speak.  The  absence  of  all  mammals,  with  the  exception  of 
marsupials,  from  Australia  is  well  known,  and  the  handicap 
resulting  therefrom  is  obvious.  There  are,  however,  certain 
broad  facts  with  regard  to  fertility  and  geographical  configuration 
to  which  attention  may  be  drawn  here.  With  respect  to  the 
fertility  of  tropical  regions  in  general  there  are  two  facts  of 
importance.  For  the  most  part  cereals  are  absent,  and  it  is  chiefly 
trees  and  roots  among  indigenous  plants  which  lend  themselves 
to  domestication.  Arboriculture  and  root-culture,  however,  do 
not  in  many  respects  give  as  good  a  return  as  does  the  culture 
of  cereals.  Further,  fruits  and  roots  cannot  be  stored  as  a  rule  ; 
their  food  value  is  not  high,  and  in  many  ways  the  problems 
presented  by  the  cultivation  of  roots  and  trees  do  not  afford 
anything  like  the  same  stimulus  to  skill  or  require  anything  like 
the  same  'advance  in  social  organization  and  in  settled  and 
regulated  conditions  of  life  as  does  the  cultivation  of  cereals. 
Again,  in  the  general  make-up  of  tropical  conditions  there  is 
frequently  an  element  of  destructiveness.  The  rapidity  with 
which  in  tropical  Africa  products  of  human  handiwork  are 
destroyed  is  well  known,  and  to  a  greater  or  less  degree  some- 
thing of  the  kind  is  a  feature  of  all  tropical  regions. 

7.  Turning  to  geographical  conditions  in  general  as  favouring 
or  hindering  contact  we  find  America  isolated  and,  as  a  land 
mass  taken  by  itself,  practically  divided  into  two  parts  in  which 
the  conditions  do  not  markedly  favour  contact — especially 
contact  between  different  economic  systems  in  close  proximity. 
The  remaining  land  masses  may  be  thought  of  as  radiating  out 
from  one  centre.  The  central  area  is  not  only  in  general  favourably 
located,  but  is  in  itself  so  formed  as  to  favour  contact.  The 
diversity  of  its  surface,  the  inland  seas,  the  steppes,  plateaux, 
mountain  uplands,  plains,  and  river  valleys  render  it  in  this 
respect  richly  endowed.  Forests  were  less  of  a  barrier  to  contact 
in  this  region  than  elsewhere,  and  in  this  respect  Western  Asia 
was  better  situated  than  Europe.  Tropical  forests  and  jungles 
form  far  more  serious  barriers  than  do  forests  in  temperate  regions, 
and  the  discovery  of  the  use  of  metals  is  of  less  effect  in  reducing 
the  hindrances  due  to  this  barrier  in  tropical  than  in  temperate 
countries.  Looking  at  the  tracts  of  land  which  radiate  out  from 
this  centre  we  see  how  isolated  is  the  greater  part  of  Africa. 
Egypt  is  indeed  almost  a  part  of  the  Western  Asiatic  region,  but 


444  TKADITION  AND  HEREDITY 

it  is  nearly  cut  off  from  the  rest  of  Africa  by  desert,  being  connected 
with  the  remainder  of  the  continent  only  by  the  valley  of  the  Nile 
which  in  its  middle  regions  is  almost  barren  while  its  upper  reaches 
pass  through  huge  tracts  of  marsh  and  swamp.  As  we  approach 
the  south  of  Africa  we  come  to  what  in  primitive  times  was 
a  blind  alley.  So,  too,  in  whatever  direction  We  pass  outwards 
from  the  heart  of  Eur-Asia,  whether  we  cross  the  sea  to  Australia 
or  travel  to  the  eastern  or  western  boundaries  of  the  Eur- Asiatic 
land  mass,  we  reach  regions  where,  on  account  of  what  we  may 
call  their  location  and  of  other  factors  such  as  the  presence  of 
forest  or  jungle  or  on  account  of  the  configuration  of  their  sur* 
faces,  contact  is  not  favoured.  We  must  in  addition  bear  in  mind 
that  it  is  the  central  region  which  is  the  most  richly  endowed 
as  far  as  fertility  is  concerned. 

We  may  remember  that  there  was  another  factor  to  which 
as  a  stimulus  to  the  formation  of  skill  and  to  the  transmission 
and  storing  of  tradition  we  found  reason  to  attach  great  impor- 
tance— namely,  the  replacement  of  the  segmentary  by  the  organic 
type  of  social  organization.  This  great  change  took  place  in  the 
Eur- Asiatic  region  and  must  be  traced  indirectly  to  the  charac- 
teristics of  that  region  as  a  whole.  For  we  found  that,  before  such 
a  change  could  come  about,  a  growth  in  the  volume  of  population 
was  necessary,  and  growth  in  volume  is  directly  dependent  upon 
fertility  and  all  other  elements  in  the  surroundings  which  favour 
the  increase  of  skill. 

8.  There  is,  therefore,  at  the  least  a  very  remarkable  corre- 
spondence between  the  outstanding  events  of  history  since  the 
opening  of  the  first  period  and  the  distribution  in  space  and  time 
of  the  chief  factors  which  influence,  tradition.  We  may  set 
events  in  America  up  to  the  time  of  the  discovery  against  events 
in  the  rest  of  the  world.  We  do  not  know  with  what  degree  of 
skill  the  original  emigrants  were  armed  ;  but  since,  generally 
speaking,  the  fertility  of  America  relative  to  skill  in  hunting  and 
fishing  is  not,  if  at  all,  inferior  to  fertility  elsewhere,  we  have  no 
reason  to  imagine  that  progress  in  the  first  period  would  be 
less  rapid  than  elsewhere.  Again  the  presence,  though  not  in 
great  variety,  of  easily  cultivatable  plants  would  facilitate  much 
as  elsewhere  the  transition  to  the  most  primitive  form  of  agricul- 
ture. But  the  poverty  in  cereals  and  animals  fit  for  domestication 
and  the  absence  of  milch  animals  indicate  an  environment  which, 


TKADITION  AND  HEKEDITY  445 

relative  to  conditions  in  Western  Asia,  offers  far  less  stimulus  to 
progress.  Further  the  general  configuration  of  the  land  does  not 
favour  contact  as  in  the  latter  region.  Nevertheless  considerable 
progress  in  cereal  culture  and  in  the  domestication  of  animals 
had  been  made,  and  in  Mexico  and  Peru,  where  the  presence  of 
lakes,  the  absence  of  formidable  barriers,  and  the  diversity  of 
surroundings  offered  by  the  proximity  of  high  and  low  land 
rendered  contact  most  effective,  there  had  grown  up  societies 
with  a  relatively  high  level  of  skill.  But  America  had"  lagged 
behind  Eur-Asia,  and  the  degree  to  which  this  was  so  is  only  what 
would  be  expected  if  we  suppose  that  the  innate  capacity 
of  the  inhabitants  of  both  regions  was  once  approximately  equal 
and  that,  while  some  had  wandered  into  less  favourable  surround- 
ings, others  had  remained  in  or  migrated  to  more  favourable 
surroundings.  It  is  at  least  clear  that  if  we  do  set  the  general 
trend  of  events  in  America  against  events  in  Eur-Asia  there  is 
nothing  incompatible  with  the  theory  that  the  constitution  of  the 
environment  can  account  in  the  main  for  the  differences  in  the 
growth  and  accumulation  of  skill. 

Putting  America  aside,  the  same  may  be  said  of  events  elsewhere. 
The  rich  endowment  of  Western  Asia  has  been  emphasized,  and  this 
region  appears  to  have  been  the  centre  of  progress  in  the  first 
period  and  was  most  certainly  so  in  the  second  and  during  the 
earlier  part  of  the  third  period.  Everything  leads  us  to  suppose 
that  at  any  given  timet  up  to  a  comparatively  recent  date  the 
level  of  skill  was  higher  in  this  region  than  elsewhere.  From  time 
to  time  waves  of  migration  spread  outwards — most  often  appar- 
ently into  Europe  and  less  often  into  Africa  and  Oceania — carrying 
with  them  a  degree  of  skill  so  much  higher  than  that  existing  in 
the  outlying  areas  that  an  abrupt  transition  to  another  culture 
took  place  accompanied  by  varying  degrees  of  extermination  of, 
and  mixture  with,  the  races  situated  there.  If  we  bear  in  mind  the 
endowment  of,  and  general  conditions  in,  Africa  and  Oceania, 
the  trend  of  events  in  these  regions  is  again  comprehensible  on  the 
same  principles  as  those  indicated  above.  It  may  also  be  observed 
that  the  principle  of  the  shifting  of  the  centre  of  progress  owing  to 
the  change  in  relative  fertility  may  be  seen  at  work  in  Western 
Asia.  At  a  certain  period,  for  instance,  after  a  particular  degree 
of  civilization  had  been  reached,  the  great  river  valleys  of  the  Nile 
and  of  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates,  which  formerly  had  been 


446  TKADITION  AND  HEKEDITY 

relatively  less  fertile,  became  the  most  fertile  regions.  Later  the 
progress  connected  with  the  industrial  revolution  led  to  another 
remarkable  shifting  of  the  centre  of  advance — into  regions,  that 
is  to  say,  where  coal  is  abundant  and  easily  worked.  This  shifting 
of  the  focus  of  progress  is  often  overlooked  by  those  who  seek  an 
explanation  of  the  fact  that  the  site  of  the  earlier  civilizations 
has  not  remained  the  site  of  the  later  civilizations.  *  The  con- 
trasts ',  says  Professor  Elliot  Smith,  '  in  the  achievements  of  the 
various  peoples  cannot  be  explained  away  by  lack  of  opportunities, 
in  face  of  the  patent  fact  that  among  the  most  backward  races 
of  the  present  day  are  some  that  first  came  into  contact  with, 
or  were  even  the  founders  of,  civilization,  and  were  most  favour- 
ably placed  for  acquiring  culture  and  material  supremacy.' l 
The  shifting  of  the  centre  of  progress  is  at  least  in  part  an  explana- 
tion. 

Within  the  third  period  there  took  place  that  remarkable 
change  in  social  organization  already  described  which  so  markedly 
stimulated  the  growth  of  skill  and  facilitated  its  transmission. 
This  change  had  the  most  profound  effects  on  events  in  Europe 
and  Asia.  With  it  we  must  associate  a  remarkable  speeding  up 
of  the  progress  in  skill  which  has  been  the  chief  feature  of  the 
last  period  of  human  history.  The  explanation  of  the  acceleration 
of  progress  is  thus  ultimately  based  on  the  endowment  of  different 
regions  in  respect  to  fertility,  location,  and  the  facilities  offered 
to  contact.  It  may  also  be  noted  that  the  further  trend  of  events 
in  Europe  and  Asia  is  made  comprehensible  by  this  principle  of  the 
shifting  of  the  centre  of  greatest  fertility  on  the  one  hand  and  by 
the  imperfect  realization  of  the  organic  type  of  society  on  the 
other.  In  India  and  in  China  there  have  been  forces  working 
contrary  to  the  full  development  of  the  organic  type  of  organiza- 
tion in  the  shape  of  devotion,  largely  on  religious  grounds,  to 
various  forms  of  a  segmentary  division  of  society,  and  this  may 
prove  to  be  one  of  the  chief  reasons  why  in  Eastern  Asia  we  seem 
to  be  faced  with  a  backwater  out  of  the  main  stream  of  progress. 

Further,  as  tradition  became  more  complex,  small  differences 
in  the  environment  often  gave  a  favourable  or  unfavourable 
turn  to  the  development  of  skill.  Thus  after  the  invention  of 
writing  countries  were  greatly  favoured  that  possessed  suitable 

1  Elliot  Smith,  Presidential  Address  to  the  British  Association,  Section  H,  1912, 
p.  577. 


TBADITION  AND  HEKEDITY  447 

writing  materials.  In  China  writing,  owing  to  the  cumbersome 
form  which  it  has  taken,  has  never  been  of  more  than  a  very 
restricted  usefulness.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  differences 
between  the  clarity  of  Greek  thought  and  the  vagueness  of  Indian 
speculation  are  in  part  due  to  the  greater  use  made  of  writing  in 
the  former  country.1 

9.  Thus  in  general  if  we  survey  the  outstanding  facts  we  find 
that  explanations  based  on  the  influence  of  the  environment  in 
stimulating  progress  in  skill  suggest  themselves.  Kacial  differ- 
ences do  exist  and  play  a  part.  We  may  gain  some  idea  what  this 
part  is  if  we  now  turn  to  consider  the  nature  of  these  differences, 
and  we  may  first  pay  attention  to  the  larger  differences  such  as 
those  which  distinguish  the  negro  from  the  European.  These 
differences,  it  must  be  emphasized,  are  only  large  relative  to  the 
differences  which  exist  between  European  races.  Relative  to 
the  difference  between  the  ancestor  in  the  intermediate  stage  and 
modern  man  they  are  almost  negligible. 

Some  analysis  has  been  made  of  the  differences  between  negroes 
and  white  men  and  with  regard  to  these  differences  we  may  observe 
two  things.  In  the  first  place  they  can  only  in  part  account  for 
the  differences  in  performance.  Before  coming  into  contact  with 
Europeans,  negroes  had  not  passed  beyond  the  stage  of  primitive 
thought ;  but  it  is  evident  that  they  are  not  innately  incapable 
of  so  doing.  The  results  of  educating  the  negro  have  been  to 
narrow  the  conception  of  the  gap  which  separates  him  from  the 
white  man.  Just  as  D'Alembert  and  Diderot  would  not  believe 
that  the  Russians  could  be  civilized  up  to  the  European  standard, 
so  a  later  generation  believed  that  the  negroes  could  not  be  so 
civilized  ;  but  '  negroes  are  now  indisputably  the  equals  of  white 
men  in  categories  in  which  one  hundred  years  ago  their  masters 
would  have  confidently  argued  that  they  were  naturally  incapable 
of  attaining  equality  '.2  Nevertheless  there  are  differences  ;  the 
negro  is  intellectually  on  the  average  somewhat  inferior,  and 
certainly  possesses  somewhat  different  emotional  and  tempera- 
mental characteristics. 

In  the  second  place  from  the  end  of  the  first  period  to  the 
present  day  the  evolution  of  mental  characters  shows  little 
correspondence  to  the  evolution  of  skill.  Whereas  progress  in 

1  Rhys  Davids,  Buddhism,  p.  40.  a  Olivier,  White  Capital  and  Coloured 

Labour,  p.  57. 


448  TKADITION  AND  HEEEDITY 

skill  has  been  vastly  accelerated,  progress  in  the  evolution  of 
mental  characters  has  slowed  down  and  may  within  the  third 
period  have  almost  ceased.  Selection  within  this  last  period  has, 
it  may  be  remembered,  come  largely  to  be  on  account  of  disease. 
The  nature,  therefore,  of  racial  differences  and  the  trend  of 
evolution  of  mental  characters  tend  to  confirm  the  conclusion 
derived  from  a  study  of  the  influence  of  fertility  and  of  contact- 
namely,  that  the  outstanding  events  are  to  be  traced  to  environ- 
mental rather  than  to  germinal  changes.  But  germinal  changes 
are  not  negligible.  We  have  seen  how  these  circumstances  which 
favoured  progress  in  skill  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  third  period 
also  favoured  mental  evolution  in  just  those  directions  in  which 
the  white  race  is  superior.  Germinal  changes  may  thus  be 
regarded  as  contributing  to  the  progress  which  occurred  at  this 
time ;  evolution  in  the  direction  of  self-assertion  and  other 
qualities,  which  characterize  the  white  races,  must  have  accelerated 
the  cultural  changes  already  in  progress.  When  Mr.  McDougall 
says  that  *  in  so  far  as  differences  of  cultural  level  are  associated 
with  differences  of  level  of  innate  intellectual  and  moral  qualities, 
cultural  superiority  must  be  regarded  as  the  effect,  rather  than 
the  cause,  of  innate  mental  superiority  \l  the  above  considerations 
suggest  another  view.  It  would  appear  more  probable  that 
cultural  changes  and  germinal  changes  went  hand  in  hand,  and 
that  they  were  both  products  of  the  same  environment ;  no 
doubt  one  kind -of  change  reacted  on  the  other,  but  there  seems 
as  little  reason  for  holding  that  the  former  were  the  effect  of  the 
latter  as  for  holding  that  the  opposite  was  the  case.  Mr.  McDou- 
gall's  view  meets  with  considerable  difficulties  when  we  extend 
our  inquiry  to  the  events  within  the  third  period.  He  attributes 
the  cultural  level  of  the  early  civilizations  to  previous  mental 
evolution,  but  as  he  thinks  that  there  has  been  no  appreciable 
evolution  since  that  time,  the  events  of  the  last  five  thousand 
years  including  the  continued  progress  in  skill  must  be  otherwise 
accounted  for.  It  is  surely  more  probable  that  this  series  of 
events  beginning  with  the  rise  to  the  early  civilizations  and 
continuing  to  the  present  day  is  in  the  main  based  upon  one 
determining  cause.  This  we  have  found  reason  to  identify  with 
the  influence  of  fertility  and  contact  upon  the  development  of 
tradition  ;  to  germinal  change  we  attribute  in  the  earlier  epochs 

1  McDougall,  Group  Mind,  p.  119. 


TKADITION  AND  HEKEDITY  449 

no  little  influence  but  an  influence  which  is  contributory — 
supplementing  for  a  time  the  process  which  continued  when 
germinal  change  had  largely  ceased.  So  far  as  we  find  this 
conclusion  to  be  supported  by  further  inquiry,  so  far  it  is  correct 
to  say  that  races  with  the  innate  mentality  of  the  negroes  would 
not  by  themselves  have  reached  the  position  attained  by  the 
white  races,  though  it  is  not  true  that  the  white  races  progressed 
directly  because  of  their  superior  innate  mental  endowment. 

10.  We  may  now  inquire  into  the  importance  of  the  lesser 
racial  differences.  There  are  usually  recognized  in  Europe  three 
chief  racial  types — Nordic,  Mediterranean,  and  Alpine.  If  innate 
mental  differences  exist,  we  should  expect  to  find  associated  with 
each  type  certain  peculiar  traditional  features ;  for,  as  we  have  seen, 
innate  racial  peculiarities  tend  to  set  the  current  of  tradition 
flowing  in  certain  directions,  and  the  association  of  different 
institutions  and  beliefs  with  particular  racial  types  would  suggest 
that  innate  mental  differences  are  making  themselves  felt,  though, 
before  this  conclusion  can  be  accepted,  it  must  be  shown  that 
the  play  of  environmental  factors  upon  tradition  has  been  fairly 
uniform  for  all  these  types.  A  considerable  amount  of  evidence 
can  be  accumulated  to  show  that  such  association  exists.  Thus 
the  Nordic  peoples  are  mostly  Protestant  and  the  Alpine  and 
Mediterranean  peoples  mostly  Catholic  or  Greek  Church.  The 
fact  that  during  the  Keformation  a^  choice  was  set  before  most 
European  nations  as  to  what  religion  should  be  adopted — the 
issue  hanging  in  the  balance  for  some  time  in  many  places — seems 
to  indicate  that  the  conditions  were  more  or  less  equalized  and 
that  the  adoption  of  the  Protestant  religion  by  the  Nordic  type 
was  influenced  by  certain  innate  characters  attaching  to  this 
type — self-assertiveness  and  love  of  independence,  for  instance.1 
The  South  Germans,  who  are  of  the  Alpine  race,  remained 
Catholic,  while  in  the  Netherlands  the  Nordic  Dutchmen  became 
Protestant.  Similarly  there  is  a  certain  correspondence  in  Europe 
between  the  distribution  of  types  of  political  institutions  and  that 
of  racial  types,  and  much  other  relevant  evidence  could  be 
brought  forward.  We  have  seen  how  sharply  negroes  are  distin- 
guished from  Europeans  in  emotional  disposition ;  similar 
differences,  though  on  a  much  smaller  scale,  are  visible  as  between 
European  races.  It  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  the  Irish  and  the 

1  McDougall,  Group  Mind,  p.  112. 
2498  p  f 


450  TKADITION  AND  HEKEDITY 

Scotch  differ  from  the  English  in  disposition  and — though  this 
is  more  doubtful — there  may  be  intellectual  differences.  There 
may  be  some  slight  difference  between  the  English  and  the  French 
intellect ;  it  is  hardly  likely  that  the  French  passion  for  logic 
and  the  English  aversion  to  it  are  altogether  traditional  charac- 
teristics. It  would,  therefore,  appear  that  there  are  innate  mental 
differences  between  European  races  which  tend  not  so  much  to 
thrust  races  along  certain  paths  as  in  the  course  of  generations 
to  colour  tradition  and  even  at  crises  in  national  life,  when 
a  choice  is  presented,  to  determine  which  path  shall  be  taken. 
These  differences  may  be  explained — though  it  is  a  somewhat 
speculative  enterprise — by  supposing  that  the  ancestors  of  the 
various  racial  types  were  exposed  to  different  surroundings — 
the  ancestors  of  the  Alpine  race  to  patriarchal  institutions,  of  the 
Nordic  race  to  more  individualistic  institutions — and  that  thus 
subservient  and  assertive  types  were  respectively  favoured.1 

The  influence,  however,  of  innate  racial  differences  between 
races  so  closely  related  as  those  of  modern  Europe  must  not  be 
overrated.  It  is  possible  to  point  to  many  examples  of  the  fact 
that  the  distribution  of  institutions,  customs,  and  so  on  does  not 
always  correspond  to  that  of  racial  types.  In  Belgium,  to  take 
only  one  instance,  the  Walloons  are  of  Alpine  stock,  that  is  to 
say,  they  are  racially  similar  to  the  great  majority  of  Germans. 
But  the  Walloons  are  distinctly  French  in  character  and  sym- 
pathy, whereas  the  Flemings — the  other  element  in  the  Belgian 
population — are  Nordic  and  are  in  certain  respects  more  allied 
to  the  Germans  with  whom  racially  they  have  little  in  common. 
Either  in  such  a  case  innate  racial  differences  do  not  exist  of  the 
kind  suggested,  or,  as  is  more  probable,  they  exist  but  have  been 
obscured  by  tradition.  That  tradition  is  the  predominant  factor 
in  shaping  those  characteristics,  of  which  we  think  when  we  have 
any  nation  in  mind,  can  be  seen  when  we  look  at  two  examples 
of  race  formation  in  modern  times.  Those  characteristics  which 
we  find  to  be  distinctive  of  the  Boer  race,  for  instance,  can  be 
traced  to  the  peculiar  turn  given  by  the  environment  to  the 
peculiar  tradition — remarkable  both  in  its  religious  and  social 
aspects — brought  by  the  first  settlers.  The  racial  elements  repre- 
sented among  the  Boers  of  to-day  are  well  known — Dutch  for  the 
most  part  with  some  admixture  of  French  and  English  blood. 

1  See  McDougall,  Group  Mind,  ch.  xvii. 


TKADITION  AND  HEEEDITY  451 

But  it  is  not  to  this  peculiar  germinal  constitution  but  to  the 
motherhood  of  the  South  African  veldt  acting  upon  a  peculiar 
tradition  that  what  is  distinctively  Boer  is  to  be  attributed. 
So,  too,  there  are  no  mental  characteristics  as  manifested  so 
definite  as  those  which  are  associated  with  Americans.  But  it 
is  impossible  to  think  that  they  are  the  product  of  the  influence 
of  the  various  racial  stocks  which  have  gone  to  make  the  modern 
American  population.  Clearly  enough  these  characteristics  are 
almost  wholly  traditional,  and  it  can  without  much  difficulty 
be  shown  how  the  peculiar  geographical,  social,  and  political 
environment  has  given  rise  to  them. 

Can  we  further  understand  how  these  distinctive  accumula- 
tions of  tradition  are  maintained  ?  Let  us  remember  that  a  man 
requires  not  only  a  home  in  the  usual  sense  of  a  roof  over  his  head, 
but  what  we  may  call  a  home  in  the  world  of  tradition,  and  that 
just  as  most  men  find  a  dwelling-place  in  the  country  in  which 
they  are  born,  so  most  men  at  the  same  time  find  a  home  in  the 
world  of  tradition  in  the  same  country.  Now  in  any  area,  where 
men  have  for  a  longer  or  shorter  time  acted  together,  there  has 
been  evolved  a  certain  tradition  under  the  influence  of  those 
elements  in  the  surroundings  enumerated  above.  If  another 
group  of  men  has  been  associated  together  in  a  very  similar 
area,  the  tradition  there  elaborated  will  show  a  likeness  to  that 
in  the  former  area.  But  there  may  be  considerable  differences. 
Small  differences  in  the  aggregate  of  influences  sometimes  have 
far-reaching  effects,  and  again  what  we  regard  in  our  ignorance 
as  '  chance  '  happenings  may  have,  as  we  shall  point  out  later, 
profound  consequences.  Small  differences  and  apparently  unim- 
portant happenings  give  turns  and  twists  to  the  direction  in  which 
tradition  is  built  up,  and  the  individual  differences  between 
one  tradition  and  another  become  exaggerated  by  the  tendency 
of  tradition  to  move  in  grooves.  The  peculiarities  of  a  tradition 
become  embodied  in  the  sum  of  all  the  institutions — using  that 
term  in  the  widest  sense — characteristic  of  a  race  and,  as  each 
man  passes  under  the  influence  of  those  traditions,  so  these  peculi- 
arities are  maintained.  As  often  pointed  out  language  is  of  less 
importance  than  might  be  supposed.  A  common  language  does 
not  imply  a  common  tradition,  and  on  the  other  hand  a  diversity 
in  language  does  not  imply  a  diversity  in  tradition.  Institutions 
of  another  kind  are  of  more  importance.  It  is  institutions  like 

P  f  2 


452  TKADITION  AND  HEKEDITY 

the  public  schools  of  England  which  embody  the  distinctive 
elements  in  social  tradition.  The  case  of  the  Jews  is  especially 
noteworthy.  There  is  no  common  language,  no  Jewish  state,  but 
one  thing  a  Jew  has  in  common  with  other  Jews — his  religion. 
Eound  the  Jewish  religion  centres  all  that  is  distinctively  Jewish, 
and  the  clinging  of  the  Jew  to  his  religion  has  resulted  in  the  main- 
tenance of  a  Jewish  race  amidst  all  the  strange  vicissitudes  to 
which  the  Jews  have  been  subject.  '  Qu'est-ce  qui  a  conserve 
le  Juif  a  travers  les  siecles  et  1'empeche  de  disparaitre  au  milieu 
des  nations  ?  C'est  sa  religion.  ...  Or  ces  rites  protecteurs,  cette 
cuirasse  ou  cette  carapace  d 'observances  qui  1'a  defendu  durant 
deux  mille  ans,  et  que  rien  ne  pouvait  transpercer,  notre  esprit 
occidental  1'a  entamee.  .  .  .  Si  le  judaisme,  debilite,  venait  a  se 
decomposer  et  a  se  dissoudre,  qu'adviendrait-il  du  Juif  ?  Ferine 
et  sauvegarde  par  sa  religion,  le  Juif  ne  risquait-il  point  de 
s'evanouir  avec  le  judaisme  ?  ' l 

.  Again,  it  has  been  pointed  out  that  men  have  often  achieved 
fame  as  contributors  to  the  civilization  or  literature  of  countries 
other  than  that  to  which  they  by  race  belonged.  It  has  been  said 
that  no  one  could  have  been  more  French  than  the  English 
Hamilton,  the  Swiss  Kousseau,  the  Italian  de  Maistre,  the  German 
Heine,  or  the  mulatto  Dumas.  Great  contributions  to  the  building 
up  of  what  is  typically  British  have  been  made  by  men  who  were 
not  of  British  blood  though  of  course  distinguished  British 
patriots.  A  string  of  names  from  Simon  de  Mont  fort  to  Disraeli 
can  be  quoted.  On  the  other  hand,  '  natives  of  the  British  Isles 
have  helped  to  create  the  armies  and  fleets,  and  to  build  up  the 
politics  of  most  European  States.  In  the  eighteenth  century 
you  might  have  found  an  Irishman  directing  as  Prime  Minister 
the  fortunes  of  Spain,  and  another  those  of  Naples,  a  third  com- 
manding the  forces  of  Austria,  and  a  fourth  seeking  to  rebuild  the 
French  dominions  in  India.  Scots  as  a  rule  restricted  their 
attention  to  Protestant  countries,  but  John  Law  in  the  early 
years  of  that  century  did  wonderful  things  with  French  finance. 
The  right-hand  man  of  Frederick  the  Great  was  a  Scot,  and  Scots 
took  more  than  their  share  in  the  making  of  Kussia — an  article 
of  almost  exclusively  foreign  manufacture.  Peter  the  Great 
himself  had  a  mother  of  Scottish  birth,  and  the  fact  made  all  the 
difference  between  him  and  his  imbecile  half-brothers.  Napoleon 

1  Leroy-Beaulieu,  Israel  chez  les  Nations,  p.  77. 


TKADITION  AND  HEKEDITY  453 

himself  was  not  a  Frenchman  by  birth  ;  one  of  his  marshals,  an 
Italian,  became  king  of  Sweden,  and  founded  the  present  Swedish 
line  of  monarchs.' l 

This  reference  to  the  nature  of  minor  racial  differences  thus 
tends  to  confirm  what  was  said  above.  Germinal  differences  are 
not  to  be  disregarded,  but  we  must  reject  such  theories  as  those 
of  Gobineau  and  Houston  Chamberlain,  who  see  in  race  the 
primary  explanation  of  all  national  achievement.  Mommsen 
poured  scorn  upon  the  Celts  and  Vacher  de  Lapouge  attributed 
most  of  the  misfortunes  of  France  to  the  brachycephalic  element 
in  the  population.2  But  we  are  now  sceptical  of  any  such  facile 
explanations  of  the  course  of  history. 

11.  We  can  now  come  rather  closer  to  the  problem  if  we  go  on 
to  examine  certain  instances  of  germinal  change  that  we  know 
to  have  taken  place,  and  ask  what  effect  is  to  be  attributed  to 
them  and  to  such  traditional  changes  as  have  accompanied  them. 

Again  and  again  in  the  course  of  history  certain  stocks  have 
been  exterminated.  This  was  apparently  the  fate  of  the  Neander- 
thal race,  and  in  modern  times  was  the  fate  of  the  Tasmanians. 
But  though  in  this  manner  the  average  germinal  constitution  of 
the  whole  species  has  been  altered,  and  as  a  rule  raised,  there  has 
been  little  or  nothing  in  such  events  working  towards  the  further 
evolution  of  the  remaining  stocks. 

Intermingling  of  different  racial  stocks  has  been  of  frequent 
occurrence.3  As  we  have  seen,  if  the  differences  are  large,  vigour 
may  be  exhibited  in  the  first  cross  but  will  soon  disappear  ; 
unfavourable  combinations  of  characters  on  the  other  hand  are 
likely  to  arise,  and  the  mulatto  thus  tends  to  be  a  genetically 
undesirable  type.  Nevertheless,  the  undesirable  character  of  the 
mulatto  is  in  large  part  traditional.  The  mulatto  is  neither  of  one 
race  nor  the  other  and  he  knows  it.  He  is  an  outcast.  There  is 
no  tradition  which  he  naturally  absorbs.  He  neither  grows  up 
with  the  pride  of  the  white  man  nor  with  the  feeling  of  community 
with  his  coloured  relatives,  whose  position  with  regard  to  other 
races  is  generally  accepted  as  something  inevitable.  In  the 
world  of  tradition  there  is  no  home  for  him.  There  are  no  channels 
which  enable  his  capacities,  such  as  they  are,  to  develop  in 
a  favourable  manner,  and  we  have  thus  to  give  greater  weight 

1  Pollard,  Factors  in  Modern  History,  p.  15.  2  Vacher  de  Lapouge,  Selections 

societies,  pp.  293  S.  3  For  a  discussion  of  this  problem  see  Hoernes,  Natur- 

und  Urgeschickte  des  Menschen,  vol.  i,  pp.  119  ff. 


454  TEADITION  AND  HEEEDITY 

to  tradition  than  to  an  unfavourable  germinal  constitution  in 
producing  the  results  which  we  sjae. 

When  the  differences  are  less,  there  is  again  the  advantage  of 
hybrid  vigour,  though  this  again  is  transitory.  More  important 
is  the  chance  of  a  favourable  re-combination  of  characters.  Many 
interesting  speculations  have  been  made,  though  they  are  all  very 
fanciful,  with  regard  to  the  fortunate  blendings  which  have 
produced  some  races,  the  bringing  together  of  practical  capacities 
and  imagination  and  the  like.  In  general  we  may  regard  such 
crossing  as  genetically  favourable  and  of  considerable  importance 
in  history.  Its  frequent  occurrence  in  Europe  and  Asia  has 
probably  favoured  those  regions  as  compared  writh  India,  where 
racial  differences  have  perhaps  been  too  great,  and  China,  where 
they  have  perhaps  been  too  small. 

Nevertheless,  it  is  probable  that  too  great  an  effect  has  been 
attributed  to  the  genetic  results  of  crossing.  When  we  come  to 
consider  traditional  changes,  we  shall  see  how  potent  a  factor  is 
the  contact  of  traditions  which  accompanies  the  intermingling  of 
stocks  and  to  which  the  greater  part  of  the  results  observed  have 
to  be  in  all  probability  attributed. 

It  has  been  noticed  that  to  an  increasing  extent  from  the  first 
period  onwards  the  selection  of  mental  characters  comes  largely 
to  be  determined  by  tradition.  The  trend  of  tradition  sets  in 
a  peculiar  direction ;  tradition  develops  in  a  groove  and  the 
peculiarities  tend  to  become  exaggerated.  Men  are  favoured  in 
so  far  as  they  are  innately  adapted  to  the  chief  features  of  the 
tradition.  In  an  oligarchic  society  like  that  of  ancient  Peru  the 
naturally  servile  man  fares  better  than  the  self-assertive  man  ; 
among  the  warlike  tribes  of  North  America  the  servile  man  goes 
under.  It  may  be  argued  that  so  distinctive  a  religion  as  the 
Mohammedan  would  only  gain  ascendancy  where  the  average 
innate  mental  faculties  were  of  a  peculiar  kind  ;  however  that 
may  be,  it  is  clear  that  once  having  gained  ascendancy  this 
peculiar  tradition  would  favour  a  certain  mental  type  and  dis- 
courage others.  Thus  again  we  see  the  tendency  of  germinal 
change  to  reinforce  the  trend  of  traditional  change  rather  than 
to  determine  traditional  change. 

We  also  saw  that  under  a  segmentary  organization  of  society  the 
tendency  was  towards  the  preservation  of  a  certain  type  of 
mental  constitution  adapted  to  the  peculiar  tradition.  Departures 


TRADITION  AND  HEEEDITY  455 

from  the  favoured  type  in  any  direction  are  cut  off.  When  organic 
organization  supersedes  segmentary  organization  the  whole 
position  changes.  It  is  no  longer  necessary  that  a  peculiar 
tradition  should  be  strictly  maintained  demanding  a  certain  type 
of  mental  organization.  There  is  favoured  a  tradition  allowing 
of  the  fullest  division  of  labour  which  not  only  permits  but  even 
encourages  various  types  of  innate  mental  capacity.  Various 
forms  of  intellectual  and  emotional  capacity  thus  find  a  place 
which  would  otherwise  have  gone  under.  But  there  are  two  sides 
to  the  picture  ;  though  artists  and  philosophers  may  survive, 
even  if  they  do  not  exactly  flourish,  the  feeble-minded  survive 
also. 

12.  The  selection  of  mental  characters  within  the  third  period 
demands  further  attention.  We  have  commented  upon  the 
incompatibility  between  group  selection  and  the  selection  of 
individuals  in  the  earlier  periods.  Favourable  individual  develop- 
ments may  not  survive  because  they  are  not  in  harmony  with 
the  type  necessary  to  maintain  the  group.  Group  selection  was 
active  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  third  period,  and  resulted  in  the 
evolution  of  higher  types.  Later  group  selection  took  rather 
a  different  form,  but  though  it  allowed  the  survival  of  variations 
from  the  favoured  type,  it  did  not  altogether  cease.  There  was, 
however,  apparently  little  tendency  towards  further  evolution  of 
groups  as  a  whole  ;  but  germinal  changes  took  place  accord- 
ing as  to  whether  circumstances  allowed  the  survival  of  more 
departures  in  an  upward  or  in  a  downward  direction.  We  may 
glance  at  the  results  of  lethal  and  of  reproductive  selection.  The 
average  germinal  constitution  of  a  race  may  be  profoundly 
changed  by  the  operation  of  factors  that  we  may  place  under  the 
heading  of  lethal  factors,  though  they  do  not  always  operate  by 
elimination.  In  a  civilized  country  with  its  complicated  machinery 
of  social  organization,  the  government  may  adopt  a  policy  which 
**  greatly  favours  certain  types  and  discourages  others  ;  apparently 
chance  happenings  may  so  turn  the  course  of  events  as  to  produce 
the  same  results.  Thus  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes 
drove  out  of  France  men  who  undoubtedly  differed  in  their  innate 
mental  constitution  from  the  average  ;  so  too  did  the  setting  up 
of  the  Inquisition  in  Spain.  The  bad  management  of  the  liberal 
movement  in  Germany  in  1848  resulted  in  the  setting  up  of  a 
regime  as  a  result  of  which  a  certain  type  of  German,  to  whom 


456  TRADITION  AND  HEREDITY 

the  regime  was  uncongenial,  tended  to  emigrate.  The  Bolshevist 
regime  obviously  favours  a  peculiar  mentality.  From  such  in- 
stances it  is  clear  that  the  average  germinal  constitution  may  be 
changed  in  very  different  directions  in  neighbouring  countries 
with  great  suddenness.  But  in  seeking  the  explanation  of  what 
follows  in  these  cases,  it  is  clear  that  germinal  change  is  following 
traditional  change  ;  it  may  accelerate  traditional  change,  but  it 
is  only  a  contributory  cause  of  the  historical  movement  that  we 
observe.  The  lack  of  enterprise  that  has  marked  the  Spanish 
people  during  the  last  three  hundred  years  was  not  caused  by 
germinal  change  but  by  traditional  change  which  moulded  the 
outlook  and  disposition  of  the  people  ;  germinal  change  doubtless 
followed  in  the  same  direction  and  contributed  to  the  present 
position.  The  true  importance  of  germinal  change  is  not,  as  some 
authors  would  have  it,  that  it  sets  movements  in  progress  among 
civilized  nations,  but  that  it  exaggerates  the  tendencies  of  tra- 
ditional change,  and  renders  it  difficult  for  nations  to  get  out  of 
the  grooves  into  which  they  have  moved. 

Just  as  germinal  change  may  set  in  different  directions  owing 
to  lethal  selection,  so  it  may  do  owing  to  reproductive  selection. 
In  the  religious  celibates  of  the  Middle  Ages  we  have  probably 
to  recognize  a  distinct  mental  type,  though  how  far  a  more 
valuable  type  than  the  average  it  is  impossible  to  say.  Some  of 
their  peculiar  qualities  were  doubtless  valuable,  but  they  pre- 
sumably lacked  other  valuable  qualities,  since  they  were  dis- 
inclined to  face  the  difficulties  of  the  normal  social  life  of  their  time. 
Even  if  it  is  held  that  their  peculiar  qualities  were  on  the  whole 
distinctly  valuable,  we  have,  before  a  final  judgement  is  passed 
as  to  the  effects  of  celibacy,  to  remember  that  it  may  have  had 
a  beneficial  influence  on  tradition.  An  authority  upon  the  Middle 
Ages  has  said  that  '  It  is  more  than  probable  that  any  real 
familiarity  with  the  early  Middle  Ages  will  lead  an  unprejudiced 
student  to  the  belief  that  the  celibacy  of  the  clergy  was  at  that 
time  essential  to  the  setting  apart  of  the  clerical  order,  to  the 
purification  of  the  Church,  and  to  its  influence  upon  the  world, 
that  clerical  celibacy  was  in  fact  a  necessary  stage  in  the  spirituali- 
zation  of  European  society  '.1 

Reproductive  selection  chiefly  arises  because  certain  classes 
make  greater  contributions  to  the  following  generation  than  other 

1  Smith,  Church  and  State  in  the  Middle  Ages,  p.  83. 


TRADITION  AND  HEREDITY  457 

classes.1  Generally  speaking,  throughout  the  Middle  Ages,  so  far 
as  is  known,  the  so-called  upper  classes  contributed  more  to 
succeeding  generations  than  the  so-called  lower  classes.  The 
position  is  now  reversed,  and  it  would  appear  that  in  the  later 
days  of  Greece  and  Rome  also  the  upper  classes  contributed  less 
to  the  population  than  the  lower  classes.  It  is  possible  that  the 
same  may  have  been  the  case  in  other  ancient  empires.  The 
utmost  importance  has  been  attributed  to  the  influence  of  this  form 
of  differential  fertility  upon  the  course  of  history.  Mr.  McDougall, 
for  instance,  writes  as  follows  :  *  Looking  at  the  course  of  history 
widely,  we  may  see  in  the  differentiation  of  the  social  classes  by 
the  social  ladder  and  in  the  tendency  of  the  upper  strata  to  fail 
to  reproduce  themselves,  an  explanation  of  the  cyclic  course  of 
civilization.' 2  Clearly  a  careful  inquiry  into  this  subject  is 
needed.  There  are  certain  points  to  which  attention  may  be  at 
once  drawn,  but  we  shall  not  be  able  to  reach  any  definite  con- 
clusion until  we  have  examined  farther  into  the  nature  of  the 
modifications  produced  by  differences  in  tradition  between  the 
different  classes. 

Here  we  may  observe  that  it  is  altogether  misleading  to  speak, 
as  Mr.  McDougall  does,  of  the  lower  classes  as  being  *  drained  ' 
by  the  operation  of  the  social  ladder,  even  in  England  at  the 
present  day  where  the  chance  of  rising  is  as  great,  if  not  greater, 
than  it  has  ever  been  before.  A  very  limited  number  can  and 
do  rise.  The  ladder  is  not  only  steep  and  difficult  to  climb  ;  it 
is  also  narrow  and  does  not  permit  of  many  upon  it  at  the  same 
time.  Further,  so  great  is  the  prestige  of  class  that  very  few  of  the 
descendants  of  those  who  have  climbed  ever  sink  back,  and  yet 
among  them  the  regression  to  the  mean  is  always  in  operation. 
In  other  words,  supposing  that  the  ancestors  of  those  composing 
the  upper  social  classes  to  have  been  distinguished  by  desirable 
mental  qualities,  their  descendants,  to  whose  disappearance  so 
much  is  attributed,  are  not  distinguished  by  a  similar  superiority 
to  the  average. 

Granting  for  the  moment  all  that  has  ever  been  claimed 
regarding  the  superiority  of  those  who  climb,  the  above  con- 
siderations modify  the  importance  to  be  attributed  to  differential 
fertility.  It  may  further  be  noticed  that,  although  Mr.  McDougall 

1  Where,  as  in  America,  different  racial  stocks  exist,  differential  fertility  assumes 
greater  importance.  See  p.  320.  2  McDougall,  Group  Mind,  p.  260. 


458  TKADITION  AND  HEKEDITY 

and  others  speak  of  differential  fertility  as  the  origin  of  the 
cyclical  course  of  civilization,  what  they  in  fact  attribute  to  this 
cause  are  the  periods  of  decline.  Other  causes  are  sought  for 
to  account  for  the  equally  remarkable  periods  of  advance. 
Mr.  McDougall,  for  instance,  attributes  the  rise  of  Greek  civiliza- 
tion to  a  '  happy  blending  '  of  two  races.1  It  may  be  said,  on  the 
other  hand,  that  the  facts  point  strongly  to  the  conclusion  that 
both  the  *  ups  '  and  the  '  downs  '  are  part  of  the  same  pheno- 
menon. The  '  ups  '  are  as  remarkable  as  the  '  downs  '  ;  one 
process  seems  just  the  reverse  of  the  other.  No  one  proposes  to 
explain  the  '  ups  '  as  due  to  the  favourable  results  of  differential 
fertility,  and  before  we  can  accept  unfavourable  differential 
fertility  as  the  chief  cause  of  the  *  downs  '  we  may  ask  if  the 
fundamental  cause  of  both  processes  is  not  of  another  kind.  If 
we  should  find  this  to  be  the  case,  it  of  course  by  no  means  implies 
that  germinal  change  does  not  play  a  contributory  part. 

13.  The  greater  part  of  the  discussion  in  this  chapter  has  been 
devoted  to  an  attempt  to  estimate  the  importance  of  germinal 
differences  and  of  germinal  changes  ;  it  is  clear  that  in  order  to 
arrive  at  more  definite  conclusions  we  have  to  consider  in  rather 
more  detail  traditional  differences  and  traditional  changes.  The 
influence  of  the  direct  effect  of  the  environment  must  not  be 
forgotten,  as  it  frequently  enters  as  a  contributory  factor  into  the 
moulding  of  the  course  of  history.  It  may  conveniently  be  con- 
sidered here. 

Temperament  is  a  characteristic  of  great  importance.  Just  as 
among  men  around  us  temperament  is  seen  to  influence  each 
man's  achievement,  and  largely  to  determine  failure  or  success, 
so  racial  temperament  is  important  in  determining  racial  achieve- 
ment. This  characteristic  is  peculiarly  sensitive  to  the  direct 
effect  of  the  environment,  and  it  may  very  well  be  that 
changes  in  diet  and  so  on  may  have  influenced  the  course 
of  history  through  their  bearing  upon  temperament.  At  the 
present  day  the  urban  conditions  under  which  so  large  a  percentage 
of  the  members  of  western  nations  live — smoke,  noise,  vibration, 
and  so  on — may  have  a  bearing  upon  temperament  and  so  upon 
achievement. 

Such  considerations  are  somewhat  speculative.  More  clear  are 
the  results  of  disease  upon  temperament.  It  is  a  remarkable  fact 
1  McDougall,  Group  Mind,  p.  247. 


TBADITION  AND  HEEEDITY  459 

that  disease,  which  is  chiefly  noticeable  within  the  third  period, 
upon  the  whole  then  takes  a  lethal  form  from  which  the  patient 
either  dies  or  recovers  more  or  less  completely.  In  tropical  regions, 
however,  there  are  a  number  of  diseases  of  the  non-lethal  chronic 
type,  such  as  the  hook-worm  disease  for  instance,  which  affect 
a  large  percentage  of  the  population  and  sap  the  energy — mental 
and  physical — of  those  attacked.  The  prevalence  of  any  such 
disease  must  act  in  an  important  fashion  as  a  drag  upon  progress, 
and  the  spreading  of  such  a  disease  into  a  country  previously 
unaffected  may  quite  conceivably  put  a  stop  to  progress,  and  even 
bring  about  a  condition  of  decadence.  The  decline  of  Greece  has 
been  attributed,  for  instance,  to  the  introduction  of  malaria.  In 
answering  the  question,  therefore,  why  certain  areas  have  lagged 
behind  others,  we  must  not  forget  the  influence  of  chronic  disease 
when  it  affects  a  large  proportion  of  the  population,  and  it  is 
a  curious  fact  that  in  general  the  working  of  this  factor  has  been 
in  the  same  direction  as  that  of  other  factors  which  influenced 
tradition.  Where,  that  is  to  say,  there  has  been  a  low  degree  of 
fertility  in  the  environment  and  little  stimulus  through  contact, 
there  also  upon  the  whole  the  deleterious  effect  of  disease  has  been 
most  pronounced. 

It  may  further  be  noticed  that  the  direct  effect  of  the  environ- 
ment has  a  bearing  upon  the  moulding  of  tradition.  The  apathy 
and  listlessness,  for  example,  resulting  from  the  prevalence  of 
a  disease  like  malaria  form  an  element  in  the  environment  and 
give  an  unfavourable  turn  to  the  development  of  tradition. 

14.  Something  has  been  said  in  the  last  two  chapters  as  to  the 
nature  and  formation  of  tradition,  and  in  this  chapter  as  to  its 
influence  in  determining  the  main  outlines  of  the  course  of  history 
in  the  chief  geographical  divisions  of  the  world.  The  part  played 
by  tradition  may  be  best  further  illustrated  by  a  reference  to  two 
problems  to  which  allusion  has  already  been  made — namely,  the 
cyclical  course  of  civilization  and  modern  differential  fertility. 
When  we  speak  of  the  cyclical  course  of  civilization  we  have  in 
mind  the  alternations  of  periods  exhibiting  vigour  and  energy 
with  periods  exhibiting  apathy.  As  within  the  same  culture  we 
see  progress  along  one  line  and  within  one  atmosphere.  At  times, 
more  especially  when  the  degree  of  skill  is  relatively  low,  there  may 
be  scarcely  any  progress  and  the  condition  is  one  of  stagnation. 
But  under  such  circumstances  any  turning  back  is  rare.  On  the 


460  TRADITION  AND  HEREDITY 

other  hand,  when  the  degree  of  skill  is  relatively  high,  we  some- 
times see  periods  of  sudden  advance  often  initiated  almost  at 
a  definite  date,  and  brought  to  a  climax  within  a  few — perhaps 
even  in  one — generations.  There  often  follows  a  period  of  stagna- 
tion or  even  of  decline.  Professor  Flinders  Petrie  has  set  out  in 
a  small  book  some  striking  facts  regarding  this  tendency  based 
largely  on  the  history  of  Egypt.  He  shows  how,  taking  what  is 
left  from  various  periods  of  artistic  production,  this  tendency 
may  be  illustrated,  and  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  find  many 
further  illustrations  in  the  history  of  any  art  in  the  last  few 
hundred  years  in  Europe,  and  in  a  less  degree  in  the  history  of  the 
various  sciences.1  Sir  Francis  Galton,  whose  life  work  has  done 
so  much  to  illuminate  the  nature  and  importance  of  germinal 
characters,  wrote  as  follows  :  '  I  have  studied  the  causes  of  civic 
prosperity  in  various  directions  and  from  many  points  of  view, 
and  the  conclusion  at  which  I  have  arrived  is  emphatic,  namely, 
that  chief  among  these  causes  are  a  large  capacity  of  labour- 
mental,  bodily,  or  both — combined  with  eagerness  for  work.' 2 
Now  the  periods  of  advance  are  marked  by  the  exhibition  of  these 
characteristics,  and  we  may  ask  how  far  they  are  traditional  in 
nature.  Let  us  take  as  an  example  of  a  period  of  advance  the 
Renaissance  in  England.  '  Englishmen  of  the  sixteenth  century ', 
says  Sir  Sidney  Lee,  '  breathed  a  new  atmosphere  intellectually 
and  spiritually.  They  came  under  a  new  stimulus,  compounded 
of  many  elements,  each  of  them  new  and  inspiring.  To  that 
stimulus  must  be  attributed  the  sudden  upward  growth  of 
distinctive  achievement  among  them,  the  increase  of  the  oppor- 
tunities of  famous  exploits,  and  the  consequent  preservation  from 
oblivion  of  more  names  of  Englishmen  than  in  any  other  century 
before.  The  stimulus  under  which  Englishmen  came  in  the 
sixteenth  century  may  be  summed  up  in  the  familiar  word 
Renaissance.  The  main  factor  of  the  European  Renaissance,  of 
the  New  Birth  of  the  intellect,  was  a  passion  for  extending  the 
limits  of  human  knowledge,  and  for  employing  men's  capabilities 
to  new  and  better  advantage  than  of  old.  New  curiosity  was 
generated  in  regard  to  the  dimensions  of  the  material  world. 
There  was  a  boundless  enthusiasm  for  the  newly  discovered  art 
and  literature  of  ancient  Greece.  Men  were  fired  by  a  new  resolve 

1  Flinders  Petrie,  Revolutions  of  Civilization.  2  Galton,  Eug.  fiev.,  vol.  i, 

p.  75. 


TKADITION  AND  HEEEDITY  461 

to  make  the  best  and  not  the  worst  of  life  upon  earth.  They  were 
ambitious  to  cultivate  as  the  highest  good  the  idea  .of  beauty.' l 

Let  us  look  at  the  other  side  of  the  picture  when  energy  is 
lacking.  There  was  a  widely  held  opinion  that  the  world  would 
end  in  the  year  A.  D.  1000.  All  classes  shared  this  opinion  and 
prepared  for  the  end,  and  it  can  easily  be  understood  how  under 
these  circumstances,  whatever  the  innate  capacities  may  have 
been,  little  capacity  for  labour  or  eagerness  for  work  would  be 
manifested.  Again,  in  the  later  days  of  the  Roman  Empire  there 
was  abroad  a  spirit  of  lethargy  and  apathy.  The  great  Empire 
was  like  a  clock  that  had  run  down  ;  the  machinery  was  all 
intact,  but  there  was  no  force  to  set  it  in  movement.  It  is  said 
that  there  was  abroad  in  the  minds  of  men  prescience  of  some 
coming  catastrophe,  a  feeling  that  the  inevitable  end  was  approach- 
ing. If  such  a  mental  horizon  is  contrasted  with  that  set  before 
an  Englishman  of  the  sixteenth  century  or  a  Greek  in  the  age  of 
Pericles,  we  can  understand  how  eagerness  for  work  as  outwardly 
manifested  is  profoundly  influenced  by  tradition. 

When  our  knowledge  of  the  circumstances  is  sufficiently  precise, 
we  can  always  detect  the  influence  of  a  powerful  stimulus  in 
periods  of  progress.  It  often  takes  the  form  of  a  national  purpose. 
'  A  national  purpose  ',  it  has  been  said,  *  is  the  most  unconquerable 
and  victorious  of  all  things  upon  earth.  It  can  raise  up  Babylon 
from  the  sands  of  the  desert,  and  make  imperial  civilizations 
spring  from  a  score  of  huts,  and  after  it  has  wrought  its  will  can 
leave  monuments  that  seem  as  everlasting  a  portion  of  nature 
as  the  rocks.' 2  At  times  the  stimulus  may  arise  from  an  invention 
of  great  import,  such  as  the  discovery  of  the  use  of  metals.  More 
often,  however,  the  stimulus  takes  the  form  not  directly  of 
invention  but  of  friction  between  different  ideas — the  coming  into 
the  mental  horizon  not  merely  of  new  skilled  methods  but  of 
strange  and  foreign  ideas  of  all  kinds.  Thus  contact  of  cultures  is 
followed  by  more  than  the  transfer  of  the  elements  of  one  culture 
to  another  ;  it  is  in  itself  a  stimulus  so  powerful  as  to  be  of  the 
greatest  import  in  history. 

In  the  past  when  there  was  little  or  no  contact  at  a  distance, 
stimuli  were  most  often  due  to  the  physical  contact  of  races  whose 
tradition  was  not  too  dissimilar.  '  Just  as  in  the  mental  develop- 

1  Lee,  Great  Englishmen  of  the  Sixteenth  Century,  p.  28.  2  A.  E.,  Imagina- 

tion and  Reveries,  p.  107. 


462  TKADITION  AND  HEREDITY 

ment  of  the  individual  a  conflict  of  impressions  invites  selective 
attention,  so  in  the  spiritual  development  of  society  a  clash  of 
cultures  awakes  latent  energies  of  a  constructive  kind.' l  This 
fact  has  led  to  the  error  of  attributing  to  war  a  more  direct 
importance  in  stimulating  energy  than  there  is  evidence  for.2 
Contact  usually  implied  war,  but  contact  is  equally  effective 
without  war,  as  can  be  seen  in  the  example  of  the  Italian  Renais- 
sance. The  stimulus  in  this  case  was  largely  derived  from  the 
rediscovery  of  the  ideals  and  learning  of  ancient  society,  and  can 
only  be  attributed  to  war  in  the  far-fetched  sense  that  Greek 
scholars  were  disseminated  over  Europe  by  the  capture  of  Con- 
stantinople. And  in  more  modern  times  stimulus  is  often  derived 
from  indirect  contact  in  which  war  plays  no  part  at  all — as  can 
be  seen  often  enough  in  the  history  of  art,  in  the  influence,  for 
example,  of  Chinese  and  Japanese  art  upon  European  painting. 

The  effect  of  a  sudden  stimulus  may  be  to  break  down  habit, 
and  the  importance  of  habit  has  been  dwelt  upon  as  the  character- 
istic which  enables  tradition  once  acquired  to  be  maintained. 
Such  breakings  down  can  be  observed  in  the  lives  of  men  and 
women  around  us  under  the  influence  of  sudden  stress,  and 
something  similar  may  happen  to  a  nation  as  a  whole.  Professor 
Graham  Wallas  has,  for  instance,  dwelt  upon  the  importance  of  the 
breaking  down  of  habit  as  accounting  for  the  excesses  of  the 
French  Revolution.3 

Though  a  stimulus  may  always  be  detected  at  work  during 
periods  of  advance,  it  is  by  no  means  always  possible  to  find 
evidence  of  favourable  germinal  change.  There  is  frequently  no 
evidence  at  all  of  germinal  change  at  such  periods.  In  the  past 
no  doubt  contact  often  implied  racial  intermingling,  and,  though 
in  the  present  state  of  biological  knowledge  we  are  justified  in 
supposing  that  crosses  between  two  races  not  too  distinct  would 

1  Marett,  Psychology  and  Folk-Lore,  p.  73. 

2  As,  for  instance,  by  Renan  in  the  following  passage  which  contains  nevertheless 
an  element  of  truth :  '  La  guerre  est,  de  la  sorte,  une  des  conditions  du  progres, 
le  coup   de  fouet  qui  empeche  un  pays  de  s'endormir,  en  for§ant  la  m^diocrite 
satisfaite  d'elle-meme  a  sortir  de  son  apathie.    L'homme  n'est  soutenu  que  par 
1'effort  et  la  lutte.  .  .  .  Le  jour  ou  I'humanite  deviendrait  un  grand  empire  remain 
pacific  et  n'ayant  plus  d'ennemis  exterieurs  serait  le  jour  ou  la  moralite"  et  1'in- 
telligence  courraient  les  plus  grands  dangers '  (Reforme  intellectuelle  et  morale,  p.  111). 

3  Wallas,  Great  Society,  p.  80.     '  In  a  settled  and  traditional  society  custom  is 
of  such  overwhelming  weight  that  a  law  can  only  act  in  accordance  with  it ; 
a  sudden  change  in  the  machinery  of  government  would  break  down  of  itself — 
nay,  in  such  a  society  laws  can  hardly  l>e  passed  save  those  that  the  development 
of  tradition  demands  '  (Belloc,  Life  of  Danton,  p.  142). 


TKADITION  AND  HEKEDITY  463 

usually  have  favourable  results,  there  is  no  sufficient  foundation 
for  attributing  favourable  results  to  all  such  intermingling  as  has 
been  done  by  some  authors — von  Luschan,  for  instance.  The 
conclusion  would  seem  to  be  that  germinal  change  is  never  more 
than  a  contributory  cause  of  advance,  and  that  traditional  change 
is  the  whole  explanation  of  some  of  such  periods. 

Periods  of  decline  are,  as  we  have  seen,  sometimes  associated 
with  unfavourable  traditional  changes.  Tradition  may  be  of  such 
a  nature  as  to  sap  rather  than  to  encourage  vigour.  But  directly 
unfavourable  turnings  of  tradition,  such  as  the  belief  that  the 
world  would  come  to  an  end  at  a  certain  date,  are  only  occasional 
causes  of  decline.  There  is  in  the  course  which  the  development 
of  tradition  takes  an  almost  inevitable  tendency  for  periods  of 
advance  to  be  succeeded  by  periods  of  repletion  and  apathy. 
What  appears  to  happen  so  often  in  the  history  of  art  after  a  time 
of  advance  may  lead  to  an  understanding  of  the  tendency  of  events 
in  general.  If  we  watch  the  flowering  of  any  school  of  art  we 
reach  a  period,  exemplified  in  the  work  of  the  followers  of  Eaphael 
for  instance,  and  perhaps,  as  some  would  say,  in  the  work  of 
Eaphael  himself,  when  the  artists  appear  to  be  lost  in  the  practice 
of  the  technical  side  of  artistic  production.  The  ideal,  in  order 
to  express  which  the  technique  has  been  called  into  existence,  has 
been  lost.  The  original  stimulus  has  in  fact  lost  its  power,  and 
the  means  to  the  expression  of  the  ideal  have  been  mistaken  for 
ends  in  themselves.  The  technique  becomes  a  plaything,  and, 
there  being  nothing  to  express,  art  takes  the  form  of  variations 
in  technique,  and  becomes,  in  a  word,  conventional.  This  is 
what  would  appear  to  happen  as  regards  progress  in  general — 
due  allowance  being  made  in  the  case  of  skilled  processes  for  the 
fact  that,  since  they  are  designed  to  achieve  practical  ends,  there 
is  less  chance  of  decadence.  But  in  general  we  see  the  fading 
of  the  power  of  the  stimulus,  the  coming  of  a  time  of  repletion, 
when  men  are  lost  in  the  mass  of  what  has  under  the  influence  of 
the  stimulus  been  accumulated,  and  in  the  case  of  the  arts  tend 
to  use  the  skill  achieved  as  an  end  in  itself.  We  may  trace  such 
a  course  of  events  in  the  history  of  Greek  thought.  The  course 
of  events  may  be  profoundly  modified  in  a  multitude  of  ways  by 
the  appearance  of  a  new  stimulus  and  so  on.  But  we  may  say 
that  such  is  the  inevitable  working  of  the  factors  upon  the  forma- 
tion of  tradition,  that  periods  of  stagnation,  of  repletion,  and 


464  TRADITION  AND  HEREDITY 

sometimes  of  decadence  tend  to  occur  after  periods  of  sudden 
advance. 

It  appears  that  we  should  attribute  differential  fertility,  with  its 
possibly  serious  effect  upon  the  direction  of  germinal  change 
which  marks  these  periods,  rather  to  the  prevalence  of  apathy 
than,  as  Mr.  McDougall  and  others  would  do,  attribute  to  differ- 
ential fertility  the  evidence  of  decline.  For  it  is  the  upper  classes 
upon  whom  the  sense  of  apathy  weighs,  and  it  is  they  who  con- 
tribute least  to  future  generations.  Further,  we  may  remark  that 
decline  is  not  so  mysterious  a  matter  as  is  sometimes  suggested. 
Such  complex  organizations  are  vigorous  civilizations  that,  as  has 
been  said,  '  the  wonderful  thing  is  that  they  exist  at  all ;  what 
needs  explanation  is  not  so  much  the  decay  of  some,  but  rather 
the  long  persistence  of  others.' l 

In  concluding  our  reference  to  this  matter,  we  may  notice  that 
in  recent  times,  when  the  working  of  tradition  is  known  to  us  in 
detail,  changes  can  be  traced  as  due  to  tradition  to  which  the 
cyclical  changes  are  similar  though  of  greater  magnitude.  Attention 
has  been  drawn  to  the  moulding  of  tradition  in  Germany  in 
a  particular  direction  which  so  powerfully  affected  the  achieve- 
ment of  that  race.  These  events  cannot  be  explained  as  due  in 
the  main  to  germinal  change,  though  possibly,  as  observed,  the 
German  regime  initiated  about  1850  may  have  resulted  in  the 
emigration  of  a  certain  type  of  German,  and  thus  in  this  way 
germinal  change  may  have  played  a  minor  part.  So  too  England 
during  the  Boer  War  was  very  different  to  England  at  the  election 
of  1906,  and  the  difference  which  was  obviously  traditional  was 
enough  to  affect  the  achievement  of  the  race.  In  such  examples, 
which  could  be  multiplied  indefinitely,  we  see  how  the  current 
of  tradition  may  set  in  one  way  or  another  quite  apart  from 
germinal  changes,  and  such  changes  of  current  may  lead,  when 
they  hold  good  over  generations,  to  periods  of  advance  or  of  decay. 

15.  There  remains  to  be  discussed  the  importance  of  tradition 
in  modern  differential  fertility.  It  is  first  necessary  to  examine 
rather  more  closely  than  has  yet  been  done  the  manner  in  which 
mental  characters  as  manifested  are  due  to  tradition,  and  then  to 
ask  how  far  the  particular  traditions,  to  which  the  upper  and 
lower  classes  are  respectively  subject,  account  for  the  mental 
characteristics  manifested  by  them. 

1  McDougall,  Group  Mind,  p.  146. 


TKADITION  AND  HEREDITY  465 

As  pointed  out,  it  is  obvious  that  the  direction  in  which  the 
intellect  works  and  the  degree  to  which  it  works  are  very  largely 
determined  by  tradition.  Thought-  will  be  in  the  primitive  or 
common-sense  stage  according  to  the  nature  of  tradition.  It  is 
not  so  obvious  that  the  manifestation  of  the  disposition  is  equally 
governed  by  tradition.  The  negroes  are  innately  placid,  good 
tempered,  and  un-self-assertive  as  compared  with  white  men.  Yet 
Americans  constantly  complain  of  the  '  sauciness  '  and  truculence 
of  the  negro.  These  characters  are  evidently  attributable  to  the 
surroundings  to  which  the  negroes  in  America  are  subject ;  the 
manner  in  which  they  are  looked  down  upon  and  the  irritating 
minor  restrictions  to  which  they  are  subject  evoke  in  the  negroes 
a  reaction  which  results  in  their  being  called  '  saucy  '  and  trucu- 
lent. In  other  words  their  disposition  is  so  modified  by  tradition 
that,  as  manifested,  it  belies  their  innate  characteristics.  In  an 
earlier  chapter  reference  was  made  to  the  subservience  of  the 
Egyptian  fellah.  In  the  production  of  this  'characteristic  a 
centuries-old  tradition  of  oppression  plays  a  large  part,  though 
the  elimination  of  the  more  self-assertive  individuals  may  have 
produced  a  low  average  level  of  self-assertiveness.  If  we  compare 
an  English  public-school  boy  with  an  Egyptian  fellah  in  respect 
to  self-assertiveness  and  self-reliance,  those  characters  as  mani- 
fested form  no  guide  to  the  underlying  innate  differences.  Among 
the  former  self-reliance  is  strongly  encouraged,  among  the  latter 
it  is  inhibited.  But  if  we  compare  English  public-school  boys 
one  with  another,  and  Egyptian  fellaheen  one  with  another,  then 
the  differences  disclosed  are  to  some  considerable  degree  a  measure 
of  innate  differences,  because  tradition  is  more  or  less  equalized. 
Again,  let  any  one  observe  the  attitude  of  the  British  private 
soldier  towards  our  coloured  subjects,  or  for  that  matter  what  he 
can  make  of  the  attitude  of  the  latter  towards  the  English  soldier, 
and  he  will  not  be  in  doubt  as  to  the  importance  of  tradition  in 
producing  the  attitude  of  command  and  its  opposite — the  ten- 
dency to  submission. 

There  is  no  doubt  therefore  as  to  the  possibility  of  tradition 
affecting  profoundly  the  manifestation  of  all  mental  characters. 
When  we  compare  white  with  black  races  in  their  original  home, 
we  have  to  discount  the  whole  tradition.  European  races,  how- 
ever, have  a  considerable  amount  in  common,  and  when  we  com- 
pare them  we  have  less  to  discount.  When  classes  within  the 


466  TRADITION  AND  HEREDITY 

same  race  are  compared,  there  is  still  less  to  be  discounted  ;  they 
have  both  European  and  racial  tradition  in  common  ;  the  differ- 
ences come  in  at  a  higher  level.  Finally,  when  we  compare 
individuals  in  the  same  class,  we  have  only  to  discount  family 
and  individual  differences  in  tradition.  It  is  therefore  clear  that 
we  have  to  gain  some  idea  as  to  the  nature  of  the  differences  in 
tradition  to  which  the  classes  in  England  at  the  present  day  are 
subject. 

16.  We  have  already  remarked  upon  the  curious  fact  that, 
although  the  organization  of  society  on  organic  lines  greatly 
favoured  the  transmission  of  tradition,  there  have  come  to 
be  large  differences  in  tradition  as  between  the  different  com- 
ponent elements  of  society.  This  we  attribute  to  the  fact  that 
in  the  first  place  the  different  component  elements  specialize  in 
different  kinds  of  skill ;  the  vastness  of  the  mass  of  tradition  makes 
it  impossible  for  every  man  to  absorb  all  of  it ;  so  far  as  skill  is 
concerned,  each  man  absorbs  that  development  of  it,  the  speciali- 
zation in  which  characterizes  his  function  in  society.  This  may 
account  for  differences  as  between  classes  with  regard  to  skill,  but 
why,  it  may  be  said,  should  it  account  for  differences  in  manners, 
customs,  and  mode  of  life  ?  Whatever  functions  may  be  performed 
by  the  different  elements  of  society,  do  not  the  members  of  all 
alike  now,  in  any  case,  enjoy  the  same  privileges,  have  they  not 
all  homes,  have  they  not  access  to  the  same  interests  apart  from 
their  professions  ?  Manners  and  customs  differ,  and  differ  so  much 
that  a  public-school  boy  finds  himself  out  of  his  element  as  a  private 
in  a  line  regiment,  and  a  university  man  finds  it  difficult  to  establish 
ordinary  human  relations  with  the  men  he  meets  in  a  working 
men's  club  such  as  he  establishes  without  effort  when  in  company 
of  men  of  his  class. 

These  differences  are  attributable  to  the  fact  that  ownership  of 
property  has  become  a  function  in  society.  Further,  there  has 
come  about  the  reservation  to  the  property-owning  class  of 
certain  professions — notably  the  military  and  the  clerical — 
which,  though  they  do  not  afford  a  high  rate  of  remuneration, 
do  afford,  as  property-owning  affords,  ample  opportunities  for 
leisure.  Property-owners  as  a  class  have  had  thus  both  the  time 
and  the  means  to  cultivate  the  art  of  living.  Some  of  the  results 
are,  as  all  will  admit,  of  value.  Some  of  the  results  are  harmful ; 
but  for  the  most  part  cultivation  of  the  art  of  living  results  in 


TEADITION  AND  HEEEDITY  467 

the  multiplication  of  conventions  which  are  neither  useful  nor 
harmful,  being  mere  matters  of  form.  The  wage-earning  class, 
on  the  other  hand,  has  neither  the  time  nor  the  means  to  elaborate 
any  code  of  manners.  Working  long  hours  for  what  amounts  to 
little  more  than  a  bare  subsistence,  they  could  not  have  evolved 
such  a  code  of  manners  nor  have  they  absorbed  any  considerable 
part  of  it.  There  was  no  room  for  it  as  their  lives  were  lived. 
Other  consequences  follow  from  property-owning.  Property- 
owning  is  power ;  in  the  property-owning  class  there  arises  a 
tradition  of  self-assertion,  a  habit  of  command,  whereas  in  the 
wage-earning  class  there  arises  a  tradition  of  self-abasement  and 
a  habit  of  subservience,  traditions  and  habits  so  strong  as  largely 
to  obscure  natively  given  characters.  We  may  note  with  interest, 
therefore,  that  it  is  on  these  lines,  and  not  on  a  theory  of  germinal 
differences,  that  an  eminent  historian  answers  the  question  why 
military  history  shows  that  men  of  greater  age  and  wider  ex- 
perience will  on  the  field  of  battle  follow  to  the  death  a  boy  of 
the  upper  class  when  they  will  not  follow  one  of  their  own 
class.  It  may  be  objected  that  what  has  been  said  scarcely  applies 
to  the  conditions  of  the  present  day  and  that  subservience  of  the 
wage-earning  class  is  not  very  marked  at  the  moment.  This  is 
true,  but  it  is  a  recent  change.  The  reason  why  the  change  has 
come  about  is  surely  that  the  wage-earning  class  has  obtained 
power  and  knows  it.  The  change  is  an  illustration  of  the  power 
of  tradition  to  dominate  the  outward  expression  of  such  important 
characteristics  as  assertion  or  subservience.  No  one  can  attribute 
the  difference  to  germinal  change.  The  wage-earning  class  has 
not  absorbed  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  property-owning 
class  at  the  same  time  for  a  variety  of  reasons  ;  for  one  thing  they 
have  still  little  place  for  such  conventions  in  their  lives,  and  for 
another  thing  they  tend  to  regard  everything  connected  with  the 
property-owning  class  as  hostile,  while  we  may  also  remember 
that  many  elements  in  the  upper-class  tradition  depend  for  their 
existence  upon  the  presence  of  servants. 

An  insight  into  the  nature  of  these  traditional  differences  may 
be  gained  in  rather  a  different  way.  Many  members  of  the  upper 
class  have  attempted  to  interest  themselves  in  the  conditions  of 
life  among  the  less  fortunate  classes.  It  is  doubtful  how  far  the 
experience  gained  in  the  majority  of  cases  is  of  value  in  throw- 
ing light  upon  the  problems  under  consideration.  But  let  any 


468  TRADITION  AND  HEREDITY 

unprejudiced  person  go  and  live  in  the  working-class  quarter  of 
any  large  town  without  any  object  in  view  other  than  to  experience 
the  conditions.  Under  such  circumstances  the  conclusions  which 
grow  up  in  his  mind  will  probably  be  something  of  the  following 
nature.  To  all  seeming  the  innate  qualities  of  the  boys  and  girls, 
in  temperament,  disposition,  and  intellect,  are  very  much  what 
they  were  in  the  boys  and  girls  he  was  at  school  with  or  formerly 
associated  with  himself.  The  more  intimate  his  acquaintance 
becomes  with  the  conditions  among  which  these  boys  and  girls 
grow  up,  the  more  striking  seem  the  peculiarities  and  limitations 
of  the  mental  horizon  outside  of  which  they  have  little  chance 
of  penetrating  compared  with  that  which  confronts  children  of 
his  own  class.  The  dullness  and  drabness,  if  there  is  nothing 
worse,  of  a  home  life  in  two  or  three  rooms,  relieved  by  what 
excitement  can  be  found  in  the  smaller  streets  of  a  large  town, 
or  later  by  picture  palaces  or  an  occasional  football  match,  followed 
by  marriage  and  the  struggle  to  keep  up  a  home  under  discouraging 
circumstances — all  these  features,  which  are  not  appreciated  in 
their  full  weight  until  they  are,  as  it  were,  felt  by  individual 
experience,  seem  adequately  to  explain  the  differences  between 
the  adults  of  one  class  and  those  of  another.  Any  one  who  has 
had  such  an  experience  will,  on  the  whole,  be  rather  surprised  that 
more  sordidness  does  not  exist,  than  be  inclined  to  summon  the 
hypothesis  of  innate  inferiority  to  explain  the  sordidness  that 
does  exist. 

17.  Profound  differences  in  tradition  as  between  the  social 
classes  do  therefore  exist  and,  as  far  as  we  have  gone,  they  might 
appear  to  account  for  all  mental  differences  manifested  ;  they 
must  in  any  case  account  for  a  considerable  part  of  them.  But 
though  we  could  prolong  the  discussion  on  the  same  lines  and 
produce  much  evidence  tending  to  the  same  conclusion,  we  could 
reach  no  precise  result.  We  may  go  on  therefore  and  ask  whether 
there  is  any  evidence  of  the  existence  of  innate  differences  between 
the  classes. 

Mere  observation  of  the  boys  and  girls  of  the  different  classes 
does  not  indicate  any  differences.  But  mere  observation  is  not 
enough.  The  problem  may  be  approached  in  two  ways.  We  may 
notice  the  results  of  inquiries  made  regarding  the  intelligence  of 
children  by  modern  methods,  and  we  may  also  ask  by  what 
characters  those  who  rise  to  a  higher  social  status  are  distinguished, 


TKADITION  AND  HEKEDITY  469 

and  further  what  innate  differences  may  be  supposed  to  underlie 
these  apparent  differences.  The  results  of  inquiries  made  to  test 
the  relative  intelligence  of  children  of  parents  of  different  social 
status  are  fairly  uniform.  Bridges  and  Coles,  for  example,  found  as 
the  result  of  such  an  investigation  that  '  there  was  very  considera- 
ble dependence  of  intelligence  upon  "sociological  conditions"'; 
they  go  on  to  say  that  '  when  children  are  classified  according  to 
the  occupations  of  their  fathers,  a  striking  correlation  is  shown 
between  intelligence  quotient  and  occupation  group.  Hence  if 
mental  age  rather  than  chronological  age  were  used  to  determine 
the  time  for  beginning  school,  the  children  of  the  professional 
group,  for  example,  would  begin  school  two  years  earlier  than  the 
children  of  the  unskilled  labour  group  ;  for  the  former  mature 
intellectually  much  earlier  than  the  latter.'  x  The  interpretation 
of  such  observations  bristles  with  difficulties .  It  is  not  clear  what 
relation  earlier  maturity  bears  to  adult  intelligence.  Though  the 
direct  effect  of  the  environment  is  probably  negligible,  the  possi- 
bility that  tradition  may  influence  the  results  is  certainly  not 
shut  out.  Indeed,  the  fact  that  the  correlation  is  higher  for  boys 
than  for  girls  suggests  that  tradition  does  come  in.  Nevertheless, 
a  consideration  of  these  results  suggests  that  the  whole  explana- 
tion cannot  be  found  in  tradition  and  that  we  have  here  a  sign  of 
some  superiority  of  intelligence  in  the  children  of  parents  of 
a  higher  social  status.  More  than  that  cannot  be  said. 

18.  Let  us  approach  the  question  in  another  way.  Can  we  dis- 
cover any  characteristics  distinctive  of  those  who  succeed  in  modern 
society,  who  rise,  as  it  is  called,  from  the  ranks  of  the  wage- 
earning  classes,  and,  if  we  can,  what  these  characters  are  and  how 
far  we  must  assume  the  existence  of  innate  differences  to  account 
for  them  ?  We  may  think  of  the  upper  social  classes  in  England 
to-day  as  falling  roughly  into  three  divisions — the  professional 
and  the  business  classes  and  those  whose  fathers,  grandfathers,  or 
more  remote  ancestors  came  into  possession  of  property  by  one 
means  or  another.  In  the  case  of  a  small  proportion  of  the  latter 
class,  the  position  was  won  under  conditions  which  differ  more 
or  less  profoundly  from  these  ruling  to-day.  This  section  is 

1  Bridges  and  Coles,  Psyclwlogical  Review,  vol.  xxiv,  p.  29.  These  authors  do 
not  commit  themselves  to  any  view  with  regard  to  the  interpretation  of  their 
results — a  fact  which  commends  the  investigation  to  students  of  these  matters  as 
indicating  that  the  investigation  was  not  undertaken  with  any  bias  (a  condition 
of  things  unfortunately  not  common  in  studies  of  this  problem). 


470  TKADITION  AND  HEREDITY 

a  small  section,  and  we  need  not  further  consider  it  here.  A  large 
proportion  of  the  so-called  upper  classes  have  attained  their 
position  under  the  conditions  which  now  exist,  or  their  forefathers 
have  attained  it  under  conditions  which  did  not  greatly  differ 
from  them.  What  characteristics  are  they,  which,  when  manifested 
under  these  conditions,  lead  to  success  ? 

It  has  often  been  assumed  that  intellect  is  the  chief  factor  in 
success.  This  assumption  is  not  only  made  in  ordinary  con- 
versation when  a  reference  to  the  career  of  a  successful  man  in 
any  line  is  almost  certain  to  be  followed  by  the  comment  that 
*  he  must  be  a  very  clever  fellow '  but  in  serious  contributions 
to  the  problem.  This  assumption  is  certainly  wrong.  There  are 
many  elements  in  character  which  contribute  more  largely  to 
success  than  the  intellectual,  such  as  capacity  for  work,  energy, 
ambition,  desire  to  dominate,  tact,  and  so  on.  Furthermore, 
success  in  a  profession  is,  to  an  almost  as  great  an  extent  as  success 
in  business,  attributable  to  such  characteristics.  Few  more 
remarkable  things — remarkable  in  being  in  conflict  with  ideas 
as  commonly  preconceived — are  learnt  from  observation  and 
experience  than  the  length  to  which  such  characteristics  in  favour- 
able association  can  carry  a  man  even  in  the  strictly  learned 
professions  where  it  might  be  supposed  that  intellect  alone 
would  carry  off  the  prizes.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  those 
elements  in  character  which  are  most  important  as  regards  success 
are  such  as  we  must  attribute  to  differences  in  disposition  and 
temperament  rather  than  in  intellect  so  far  as  we  can  attribute 
them  at  all  to  innate  differences. 

This  is  essentially  what  we  want  to  know — what  innate  differ- 
ences do  exist.  We  have,  when  trying  in  the  first  place  to  fix 
upon  the  outwardly  existing  characteristics,  to  remember  that 
tradition  may  give  powerful  twists  and  turns — sometimes  of 
a  desirable  and  sometimes  of  an  undesirable  nature — to  the 
simpler  characteristics  mentioned  above,  such  as  ambition.  In 
the  business  world,  for  example,  the  successful  man  is  from  many 
points  of  view  the  man  who  gets  his  head  above  the  heads  of 
other  people,  who  gets  more  out  of  other  people  than  they  get  out 
of  him.  But  are  we  to  imagine  that  there  is  something  in  him 
which  impels  him  so  to  act  with  regard  to  his  fellow  men,  or  are 
we  to  imagine  that  the  simpler  characteristics  of  ambition  and 
love  of  power  lead  to  such  conduct  under  the  guidance  of  a  par- 


TRADITION  AND  HEREDITY  471 

ticular  tradition  without  any  definite  desire  on  his  part  or  even 
perhaps  without  any  clear  realization  as  to  what  it  is  precisely 
that  he  is  doing?  The  second  explanation  is  that  which  best 
fits  the  facts.  It  seems  clear  that,  as  tradition  changes  in  the 
course  of  years,  the  activities  of  the  energetic  ambitious  men  are 
led  this  way  and  that.  At  present  no  doubt  to  a  certain  degree 
they  are  led  in  the  direction  of  '  pushfulness  ' — by  what  M.  Faguet 
has  called  '  le  gout  d'arrivisme  '.  It  is  always  dangerous  to  read 
into  the  activities  of  men  the  working  of  particular  innate 
characteristics.  Few  things  in  history  perhaps  have  been  as 
harsh  as  the  conduct  of  the  generation  which  devised  the  game 
laws,  and  yet  these  very  men  did  not  merely  quote  the  classics 
with  unbounded  enthusiasm  but  were  also  moved  by  genuine 
sympathy  and  altruism  to  abolish  slavery,  the  horrors  of  which  were 
known  to  them  only  by  report.  We  should  refrain,  therefore,  from 
deducing  from  the  activities  of  the  successful  men  and  of  the  upper 
classes  more  than  the  presence  of  those  simpler  characteristics  men- 
tioned above  as  leading  to  positions  of  pre-eminence  over  other  men. 

These  simpler  characteristics  are  in  themselves  very  complex 
manifestations  of  many  elements,  of  which  tradition  is  one.  But 
in  the  case  of  this  particular  problem,  as  we  are  considering  rise 
from  a  lower  to  a  higher  social  status,  tradition  cannot  be  held 
to  be  the  cause  of  the  differences.  There  are,  in  fact,  unquestionably 
innate  differences  in  temperament  and  disposition  which  underlie 
the  characteristics  leading  to  success,  and  the  temperamental 
differences  which  have  been  curiously  neglected  are  probably 
the  most  important  and  form  perhaps  half  the  secret  of  success. 
Among  the  temperamental  characteristics  leading  to  success  we 
may  note  low  degree  of  fatiguability,  high  power  of  recuperation, 
rapidity  of  response,  hopeful  nature,  vigour,  energy,  and  healthy 
nervous  tone.  Among  the  characteristics  of  disposition  we  may 
note  similarly  the  instincts  of  self-assertion,  of  emulation,  and  of 
acquisition.  The  power  of  forming  habits  is  probably  also  a  con- 
siderable aid  to  success  under  modern  conditions. 

What  part  does  intellect  play  ?  Judging  from  the  fact  that 
it  is  certainly  an  aid  to  success,  though  not  so  powerful  a  factor 
as  is  usually  thought,  we  may  conclude  that  there  is  some,  probably 
a  slight,  difference  in  intellectual  capacity  between  the  classes. 
Intellect,  when  it  accompanies  success,  is  rather  more  hi  the 
nature  of  an  incidentally  favourable  factor  than  of  a  primary 


472  TBADITION  AND  HEKED1TY 

cause  of  success.  The  powerful  instinct  of  self-assertion  will  make 
itself  felt ;  its  possessor  will  probably  arrive  somewhere  ;  a  power- 
ful intellect  may,  in  the  absence  of,  or  rather  with  the  inadequate 
development  of.  other  innate  qualities,  not  advance  its  pos- 
sessor's position  in  the  world. 

But  though  considerations  based  upon  a  testing  of  intelligence 
on  the  one  hand  and  upon  an  analysis  of  qualities  leading  to  success 
on  the  other  do  without  question  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  there 
are  differences  in  innate  qualities  as  between  the  successful  and 
the  unsuccessful,  there  are  grounds  for  thinking,  for  the  reasons 
mentioned  above,  that  the  differences  between  the  classes  are  not 
large.  For  we  must  remember  that,  so  far  from  the  lower  classes 
being  drained  of  men  of  certain  qualities,  a  very  small  proportion 
of  the  men  of  these  classes  is  ever  enabled  to  set  out  on  the  path 
leading  to  success  in  business  or  in  a  profession.  Also  we  must 
not  forget,  when  considering  success,  the  part  played  by  fortunate 
accidents  under  complex  modern  conditions — mere  chance  happen- 
ings which,  altering  the  whole  course  of  a  man's  life,  may  determine 
whether  he  is  successful  or  unsuccessful.  Again,  there  is  little 
or  no  relapse  worth  speaking  of  into  the  lower  classes  when  once 
a  status  is  gained.  Such  is  the  influence  of  place  and  status  that 
for  the  most  part,  whatever  may  be  the  innate  qualities,  the 
descendants  of  men  who  won  their  way  upwards  maintain  their 
position.  Therefore  the  regression  to  the  mean  which  is  always 
at  work  must  tend  to  lessen  such  innate  differences  as  exist  between 
the  classes. 

19.  Lastly,  there  is  a  very  difficult  problem  the  existence  of 
which  must  not  be  forgotten  inasmuch  as  it  affects  in  the  most 
fundamental  manner  the  judgement  to  be  passed  on  the  meaning 
of  these  differences.  We  have  to  ask  what  is  the  value  of  the 
differences  which  exist.  Success  alone  cannot  be  taken  as  an 
indication  of  the  value  of  the  characters  exhibited  by  the  success- 
ful. There  can  indeed  be  no  doubt  that,  other  things  being  equal, 
a  decrease  in  the  average  intellect  would  be  an  unfortunate  thing. 
Similarly  we  may  regard  those  temperamental  qualities  which 
were  indicated  as  leading  to  success  as  on  the  whole  of  value. 
But  it  cannot  be  affirmed  without  more  consideration  that  all 
temperamental  qualities  which  distinguish  the  successful  are 
desirable,  and  more  particularly  that  a  further  development  of 
the  instincts  of  self-assertion,  acquisition,  and  emulation  would  be 


TRADITION  AND  HEEEDITY  473 

desirable  under  present  circumstances  ;  it  may  even  be  that  we 
might  view  a  diminution  in  the  average  strength  of  some  of  the 
qualities  which  mark  the  successful  at  least  with  equanimity. 
The  instincts  of  acquisition  and  self-assertion  were  of  great  value 
in  the  past,  highly  indeed  as  mankind  has  paid  for  the  careers 
of  men  markedly  endowed  with  these  qualities.  But,  with  -the 
present  stage  of  social  evolution  in  Europe  in  mind,  should  it  not 
be  said  that  the  instinct  of  acquisition  when  developed  above  the 
average  is  on  the  whole  harmful,  and  may  it  not  be  that  self- 
assertion  is  likely  to  be  a  source  of  difficulty  in  any  form  of 
co-operative  commonwealth,  and  to  some  form  of  co-operation 
as  replacing  or  modifying  competition  we  seem  to  be  tending. 

We  may  see  this  whole  problem  of  value  in  another  light  if  we 
ask  what  it  is  that  we  value  in  the  men  of  our  race.  Latterly 
we  have  had  reason  to  dwell  upon  the  qualities  which  we  feel 
to  characterize  the  men  of  our  race  at  their  best.  Are  they  not 
self-respect  together  with  modesty,  tenacity  together  with  tender- 
ness ?  Any  one  who  has  served  in  the  ranks  of  the  army  is  not 
likely  to  allow  that  these  qualities  are  on  the  whole  less  developed 
in  the  classes  from  which  the  ranks  of  the  army  are  usually  filled 
than  in  the  rest  of  the  nation.  In  this  connexion  we  should 
perhaps  remember  that  a  sense  of  comradeship  in  facing  the 
elemental  facts  of  existence  without  material  wealth  may  provide 
an  impetus  to  the  expression  of  these  qualities,  whereas  an 
absorption  in  the  less  immediate  necessities  of  life  may  militate 
against  their  expression.  To  the  degree  to  which  this  is  so,  we 
should,  when  trying  to  estimate  the  innate  capacities  in  the 
different  classes,  make  the  necessary  allowances — in  the  case  of 
the  so-called  upper  classes  for  the  circumstances  adverse  to  the 
expression  of  these  qualities  and  in  the  case  of  the  so-called  lower 
classes  for  circumstances  which  on  the  whole  perhaps  favour 
their  expression.  However  this  may  be,  we  feel  that  these 
qualities  are  the  most  valuable  which  our  race  has  produced 
and  that  upon  their  preservation  and  upon  greater  opportunities 
for  their  expression  depends  our  best  hope  for  the  future.  He 
would  be  a  bold  man,  however,  who  suggested  that  the  possession 
of  these  qualities  in  more  than  average  amount  was  a  character- 
istic of  the  successful.  The  same  may  be  said  of  good  taste,  good 
manners,  and  of  other  qualities  which,  to  say  the  least  of  them, 
contribute  to  the  amenities  of  life. 


474  TKADITION  AND  HEKEDITY 

It  is  at  least  apparent  how  difficult  a  problem  is  the  judgement 
to  be  passed  on  the  effects  of  modern  differential  fertility.  There 
are  grounds  for  thinking  that  those  who  see  in  differential  fertility 
the  cause  of  the  cyclical  course  of  civilization  both  over-estimate 
the  results  and  neglect  certain  aspects  of  the  changes  involved. 
Differential  fertility  is  not  a  factor  to  be  disregarded  ;  the  results 
which  it  is  now  producing  demand  the  most  careful  investigation. 
Nevertheless,  so  far  as  our  knowledge  extends,  we  should  view 
it  rather  as  the  result  than  as  the  cause  of  the  cyclical  course  of 
history — the  course  which  historical  changes  take  being  due 
primarily  to  changes  in  tradition.  This  conclusion  is  in  harmony 
with  all  that  has  been  said  in  this  chapter  as  to  the  relative 
importance  of  change  in  tradition  and  of  change  in  the  germinal 
constitution.  From  the  first  period  in  history  changes  in  tradition 
have  come  to  override  changes  in  the  germinal  constitution  ; 
the  latter  form  of  change  is  far  from  being  negligible,  but  it  is 
a  contributory  rather  than  a  fundamental  cause  of  the  events  of 
history. 


XXII 

.  CONCLUSION 

1.  AN  attempt  has  been  made  to  trace  the  origin  of  problems 
of  population  from  their  source  and  to  indicate  their  nature  and 
interdependence.     They  have  been  traced  back  to  man's  place 
in  nature.    The  ancestors  of  man  must  at  one  time  have  been 
subject  to  the  same  conditions  as  those  to  which  all  species  in 
a  state  of  nature  are  subject.    These  conditions  were  investigated, 
and  it  was  shown  that  fecundity  is  in  the  main  determined  by 
the  sum  of  all  the  dangers  to  which  the  young  of  any  species 
are  exposed — allowance  being  made  for  the  fact  that  a  certain 
proportion  of  ova  will  not  be  fertilized.    It  was  also  shown  that 
change  or  history — if  history  can  be  spoken  of  in  this  connexion 
— is  due  to  germinal  change  alone,  and  it  was  further  indicated 
how  it  may  be  supposed  that  germinal  change  comes  about. 
The  early  stages  in  the  moving  away  of  the  pre-human  ancestor 
from  these  conditions  elude  our  inquiry,  though  certain  deductions 
may  be  made  as  to  the  main  outline  of  what  happened.     For 
evidence  as  to  the  latter  stages,  until  we  reach  historical  times, 
we  are  chiefly  dependent  upon  the  method  of  using  our  knowledge 
of  existing  primitive  races  as  throwing  light  upon  prehistoric 
races. 

2.  Problems   of   population    fall  under  two   main   headings, 
problems  of  quantity  and  problems  of  quality.    But  all  problems 
of  population  are  interwoven  one  with  another  and  the  method 
of  solving  any  quantitative  problem  bears  upon  the  quality  of 
population.     Thus  the  methods  of  regulating  quantity  affect 
quality  by  influencing  germinal  change,  and  in  the  later  periods 
of  history  growth  in  quantity  affects  quality  by  its  influence 
upon  tradition.    No  one  problem  should  be  considered  without 
reference  to  its  bearing  both  upon  quantity  and  quality.     At 
the  present   day,   for  instance,   differential  fertility  is   almost 
always  considered  solely  from  the  point  of  view  of  quality  ;   it 
is  forgotten  that  the  reduction  in  the  birth-rate  may  be  that 
which  economic  conditions  demand  and  that  it  may  of  necessity 


476  CONCLUSION 

have  to  begin  among  the  upper  classes.  Though,  therefore, 
differential  fertility  by  producing  unfavourable  germinal  changes 
is  to  be  to  that  degree  deplored,  yet  we  have  to  remember  that, 
so  far  as  quantity  is  concerned,  failure  to  meet  economic  require- 
ments might  be  a  much  greater  misfortune. 

8.  As  regards  quantitative  problems  we  saw  that  from  the 
first  period  of  history  onwards — from  the  time,  that  is  to  say, 
that  it  began  to  be  possible  for  man  to  reap  the  benefits  of 
co-operation — it  was  of  the  utmost  importance  for  every  group 
to  approximate  to  the  optimum  number.  This  is  the  number 
which — taking  into  consideration  the  nature  of  the  environment, 
the  degree  of  skill  employed,  the  habits  and  customs  of  the 
people  concerned,  and  all  other  relevant  facts — gives  the  highest 
average  return  per  head.  This  number  is  not  fixed  once  and  for 
all.  On  the  contrary  it  is  constantly  varying  as  the  conditions 
referred  to  vary,  and,  as  skill  has  tended  to  increase  throughout 
history,  so  has  the  number  economically  desirable  tended  to 
increase.  The  errors  underlying  the  wholly  different  exposition 
given  by  Malthus  have  been  indicated  ;  for  him  there  was  no 
such  thing 'as  over-population.  In  his  view  population  had  at 
any  one  time  increased  up  to  the  possible  limit  and  was  in  process 
of  being  checked.  In  the  modern  view  numbers  may  approximate 
to  the  desirable  level,  may  not  reach  it,  or  they  may  exceed  it, 
and  if  either  of  two  latter  positions  arise,  the  return  per  head 
will  not  be  as  high  as  it  might  be. 

The  quantitative  problem  presents  itself  to  all  races  at  all 
times.  There  is  no  escaping  it.  The  common  notion,  that  it 
only  presents  itself  at  certain  times  and  in  certain  places  is  based 
upon  a  failure  to  grasp  the  strength  of  fecundity.  Almost  without 
exception  those  factors,  which  incidentally  restrict  increase  and 
produce  elimination,  are  insufficient  so  to  reduce  fertility  as  to 
keep  numbers  down  to  the  optimum  level.  There  thus  arises 
the  need  for  factors  which  directly  restrict  fertility  and  cause 
elimination ;  among  primitive  races  these  factors  take  the  form 
of  abortion,  infanticide,  and  prolonged  abstention  from  inter- 
course. There  is  no  correlation  between  these  factors  and  the 
economic  stage  reached,  and  therefore  we  have  no  grounds  for 
assuming  any  one  factor  to  have  been  prevalent  at  any  one  stage 
in  prehistory,  though  we  must  assume  that  one  or  more  of  these 
factors  was  always  at  work.  This  assumption  is  confirmed  by 


CONCLUSION  477 

the  fact  that,  whenever  we  can  catch  sight  of  the  emergence  of 
prehistoric  races  into  the  light  of  history,  we  find  one  or  other 
of  these  factors  to  have  been  present.  Further  there  is  every 
reason  to  suppose  that  normally  such  of  these  factors  as  are  in 
use  are  effective  and  that  therefore  in  the  first  and  second  periods 
of  history  some  approximation  to  the  optimum  number  was 
normally  attained. 

The  third  period  is  in  many  respects  different  from  those  that 
preceded  it.  In  the  first  place  the  number  desirable  has  been 
constantly  increasing,  so  much  so  that  increasing  numbers  are 
taken  as  being  a  normal  feature  of  human  society  whereas, 
in  fact,  numbers  throughout  human  history  as  a  whole  have 
been  stationary.  It  may  be  that  we  are  nearing  a  time  when 
numbers  will  be  again  normally  stationary,  for  though  increase 
may  remain  economically  desirable,  it  may  cease  to  be  so  from 
a  wider  point  of  view  of  human  welfare,  when,  that  is  to  say, 
facts  other  than  income  per  head  are  taken  into  account.  In 
the  second  place  there  have  been  frequent  failures  to  attain  to 
the  optimum  number  owing  to  the  many  disturbing  influences 
at  work.  Chief  among  them  are  the  fluctuations  in  the  number 
desirable,  the  erratic  action  of  certain  causes  of  elimination,  such 
as  war  and  disease,  and  migrations." 

Eegarding  the  quantitative  problem  as  a  whole,  it  is  evident 
that  the  necessity  of  solving  it  has  had  the  most  profound  effect 
upon  all  societies  at  all  times.  It  bears  directly  upon  the  relation 
between  the  sexes — around  which  so  largely  centres  human  welfare 
— and  upon  the  most  intimate  and  most  valued  aspects  of  the  life 
of  every  adult — those  connected  with  the  family.  In  the  past 
the  solution  has  been  unconsciously  or  semi-consciously  achieved  ; 
it  has  now  come  within  the  power  of  mankind  after  a  due  con- 
sideration of  the  position  deliberately  to  decide  what  the  best 
solution  may  be. 

4.  Turning  now  to  the  problems  of  quality,  we  found  that 
change  among  species  in  a  state  of  nature,  and  therefore  among 
our  pre-human  ancestors,  was  due  to  germinal  change  alone. 
Just  as  man  has  moved  away  from  the  position  in  which  all 
species  in  a  state  of  nature  are  situated  as  regards  quantity, 
so  he  has  moved  away  from  the  position  in  which  they  are  placed 
as  regards  quality.  Human  history,  in  other  words,  is  not  explicable 
as  due  to  germinal  change  alone.  Tradition  becomes  a  factor 


478  CONCLUSION 

of  ever-increasing  importance  ;  the  direct  influence  of  the  en- 
vironment also  assumes  a  greater  importance  than  among  species 
in  a  state  of  nature,  though  it  remains  relatively  insignificant 
compared  with  changes  in  tradition  and  changes  in  the  germinal 
constitution.  Germinal  change,  however,  retains  almost  its  full 
importance  so  far  as  permanent  changes  in  physical  characters 
are  concerned. 

We  have  seen  that  physical  characters  as  presented  to  us  are 
the  expression  of  the  inter-action  between  certain  germinal 
predispositions  and  a  certain  environment,  and  that,  disease 
apart,  such  variations  as  usually  occur  in  the  environment  do 
not  in  any  notable  manner  affect  these  characters.  Tradition 
does  not  enter  directly  into  the  expression  of  physical  character ; 
it  alters  the  environment,  it  is  true,  but  that  is  another  matter. 
Nevertheless  when  we  come  to  investigate  the  smaller  differences, 
such  as  those  which  are  found  as  between  members  of  different 
classes  in  a  modern  community,  the  greatest  caution  is  necessary 
before  the  differences  in  the  environment  are  ruled  out  as  con- 
tributory factors  in  producing  these  differences.  Broadly  speaking, 
we  may  say  that  differences  in  stature,  eye  colour,  eyesight, 
muscular  power,  and  so  on,  are  all,  though  in  varying  degrees, 
because  different  organs  vary  in  their  susceptibility  to  environ- 
mental differences,  expressions  of  germinal  differences.  It  follows 
that,  so  far  at  least  as  physical  characters  are  concerned,  the 
germinal  constitution  is  of  primary  importance.  Disease  due  to 
parasites  is  a  question  apart.  The  parasites  might  be  eliminated, 
^or  conceivably  preventive  medicine  might  render  susceptibility 
to  disease  of  little  account.  Disease  due  to  structural  defects 
must  be  classed  with  other  physical  characters  and,  whether  it 
be  that  we  are  considering  health  (immunity  from  parasitic 
disease  except ed),  stature,  eye  colour,  or  any  other  physical 
character,  it  is  to  the  germinal  constitution  that  we  must  look 
as  the  factor  of  chief  importance. 

It  is  not,  however,  of  changes  in  physical  characters  but  of 
changes  in  mental  characters  of  which  we  think  when  we  ask 
what  it  is  that  has  caused  those  events  the  recording  of  which  is 
the  province  of  historians.  There  are  three  factors  to  be  con- 
sidered, germinal  change,  traditional  change,  and  the  direct  effect 
of  the  environment,  which  latter  factor  we  may  pass  over,  merely 
recalling  that  it  can  at  times — as  in  the  case  of  chronic  disease 


CONCLUSION 


479 


affecting  at  one  time  a  large  proportion  of  the  inhabitants  of 
a  country — appreciably  retard  progress.  It  is  never  in  the  true 
sense  a  cause  of  progress.  In  thus  relegating  the  direct  effect 
of  the  environment  to  a  very  subsidiary  place  among  the  factors, 
we  are  not  dismissing  the  environment  as  of  little  account  in 
human  history  or  in  the  lives  of  individual  men  and  women. 
Though  the  direct  effect  of  the  environment  on  the  germinal 
constitution  is  seldom  clearly  distinguished  from  its  effect  in 
moulding  tradition,  yet  it  is  wholly  distinct ;  and  in  fact,  while 
attributing  to  the  former  little  importance,  we  have  found  the 
latter  to  be  of  increasing  importance  until  it  comes  altogether  to 
dominate  germinal  change. 

Nevertheless  when  this  distinction  is  realized  and  an  unbiased 
effort  made  to  estimate  the  relative  importance  of  these  factors, 
it  seems  that  the  position  is  often  curiously  misunderstood.  It 
is  frequently  suggested  that  the  achievement  of  our  race  in  the 
future  and  of  mankind  in  general  will  somehow  depend  principally 
upon  the  course  of  germinal  change,  and  that  it  is  in  the  lives 
of  men  at  the  present  day  or  at  any  given  time  that  environment 
in  its  bearing  upon  tradition  is  of  importance.  But  this  is  a 
misconception  of  the  position.  Bearing  in  mind  the  discussions 
in  former  chapters  as  to  what  is  inherited  and  as  to  the  direct 
influence  of  the  environment,  let  us  ask  wherein  the  importance  of 
germinal  differences  is  to  be  sought,  first  as  between  men  at  the 
present  day  and  afterwards  in  history  as  a  whole.  With  regard 
to  physical  characteristics  it  is  clear  that,  disease  apart,  men  are 
what  they  are  owing  principally  to  their  native  endowment. 
Whether  a  man  is  tall  or  short,  dark  or  fair,  has  blue  or  brown 
eyes,  or  what  is,  apart  from  the  possibility  of  a  correlation  between 
these  and  more  valuable  characters,  of  more  importance,  whether 
he  is  healthy,  vigorous,  strong,  endowed  with  good  eyesight  and 
hearing,  in  short  with  a  sound  constitution — this  is  a  matter 
principally  of  native  endowment,  supposing  the  differences  in 
the  environment  not  to  exceed  those  which  now  on  the  average 
occur.  And  the  same  applies  to  mental  characters  with  an 
allowance  made  for  the  marked  degree  of  susceptibility  which 
temperament  exhibits  to  changes  in  the  environment.  Whether 
a  man  has  more  than  the  average  degree  of  intellect,  is  markedly 
assertive,  pugnacious,  or  inquisitive,  is  capable  of  withstanding 
or  recovering  from  fatigue,  depends  upon  his  native  endowment. 


CONCLUSION 

But  it  is  at  the  same  time  true  that  achievement  is  in  very  large 
degree  governed  by  tradition.  This  is  true  if  the  criterion  of 
achievement  is  an  historical  criterion,  as,  for  instance,  when  a  man 
of  one  race  is  compared  with  another  man  of  the  same  race  belong- 
ing to  a  different  epoch  or  when  a  man  of  one  race  is  compared 
with  a  man  of  another  race.  It  is  not  true  when  the  comparison 
is  made  between  two  men  of  the  same  class  within  the  same  race 
because  within  classes  in  a  race  tradition  is  more  or  less  equalized. 
And  where  tradition  is  equalized,  there  achievement  is  a  measure 
of  innate  endowment,  and  it  is  within  a  class  usually  so  equalized 
that  at  any  given  time  the  outward  manifestation  of  mental 
characters  is  nearly  as  much  a  measure  of  native  endowment  as 
are  those  of  physical  characters.  Therefore  not  what  a  man 
achieves  as  judged  by  historical  standards,  not  whether  his 
thought  will  follow  primitive  or  common-sense  lines,  is  dependent 
upon  his  endowment,  but  what  he  will  make  of  the  tradition  of 
his  time — his  performance,  in  other  words,  compared  with  that 
of  men  around  him. 

Achievement,  therefore,  as  judged  historically,  is  in  very  large 
measure  to  be  explained  as  due  to  the  influence  of  the  environment 
upon  the  origin  and  transmission  of  tradition.  Up  to  a  certain 
stage,  however,  and,  when  the  whole  of  human  history  is  taken 
into  account,  up  to  a  late  stage,  achievement  was  in  the  main 
dependent  upon  germinal  change.  But  this  late  stage  is  anterior 
by  many  thousands  of  years  to  the  beginning  of  history  in  the 
usual  meaning  of  that  term.  Beginning  not  later  than  the  last 
period  of  the  Palaeolithic,  the  explanation  of  the  course  of  events 
is  in  the  main  to  be  sought  not  in  germinal  change  but  in  the 
influence  of  environment  upon  tradition.  The  importance  of 
germinal  change  in  the  later  stages  is  by  no  means  negligible. 
Germinal  change,  however,  was  not  so  much  the  cause  of  the 
course  which  events  followed  as  a  consequence  of  these  events. 
The  effect  reacted  upon  the  cause  and  accelerated  the  process. 
Finally  when  considering  the  latest  phase  of  history — the  latest 
phase,  that  is  to  say,  when  taking  a  broad  view — we  reach  the 
following  conclusion.  We  find  that  the  great  acceleration  of  the 
rate  of  progress  which  characterizes  the  history  of  the  period  is 
to  be  explained,  not  by  a  change  in  quality,  but  by  the  growth  in 
quantity  of  the  population  which,  though  it  does  not  of  necessity 
lead  to,  is  the  indispensable  condition  precedent  to,  the  break- down 


CONCLUSION  481 

of  the  segmentary  organization  of  society  and  to  the  rise  of  the 
organic  type  of  social  organization.  This  is  the  paradox  of  the 
population  problem.  Change  among  species  in  a  state  of  nature 
is  based  upon  germinal  change  alone  ;  change  among  our  pre- 
human ancestors  was  equally  a  matter  of  change  in  the  quality 
of  population  ;  but  the  explanation  of  the  most  outstanding  fact 
in  recent  history  broadly  viewed  is  to  be  sought  in  a  change  in 
quantity  rather  than  in  quality  of  population. 

The  explanation  of  the  course  of  events  since  late  Palaeolithic 
times  as  due  to  tradition  on  the  lines  indicated  in  the  last  chapter 
is  in  general  satisfactory,  provided  that  on  the  one  hand  allowance 
is  made  for  the  fact  that  differences  in  race  do  imply  differences 
in  mental  and  moral  qualities,  which  arising  on  the  whole  together 
with  changes  in  tradition,  reinforce  the  tendency  to  change  along 
certain  lines,  and  that  on  the  other  hand  apparently  chance 
happenings  do  give  turns  and  twists  to  the  course  of  events.  The 
reconciliation  of  this  latter  phenomenon  with  the  general  trend  of 
the  argument  is  not  difficult.  Under  certain  conditions  the  death 
or  even  theaindisposition  of  some  prominent  man  or  the  whim  of 
a  powerful  minister  may  appear  to  divert  the  course  of  events. 
Nevertheless  in  reality  such  events  have  only  a  passing  effect  and  do 
not  obscure  the  broad  workings  of  the  factors  we  have  indicated. 

The  relation  of  the  innate  qualities  to  tradition  may  be  illus- 
trated by  the  use  of  a  metaphor.  Tradition  may  be  likened  to 
some  vast  structure  which  mankind  is  building.  Each  generation 
adds  a  few  bricks  to  the  structure.  The  part  of  the  building  to 
which  any  one  man  contributes,  whether  it  is  to  the  ground  floor 
or  to  one  of  the  upper  stories,  wholly  depends  upon  the  race  and 
epoch  to  which  he  belongs  ;  so  too  does  for  the  most  part  the 
kind  of  brick  he  will  lay  and  the  methods  he  will  employ  in  laying 
it.  His  contribution  to  the  structure  is  governed  by  the  plan  of 
the  building  as  elaborated  by  previous  generations  and  by  the 
bricks  they  have  prepared  and  the  methods  of  laying  them  they 
have  introduced.  But  in  any  generation  whether  a  man  will  lay 
a  brick  at  all  or  whether  he  will  do  it  energetically  and  intelligently 
as  compared  with  his  fellow-workers  will  depend  upon  the  innate 
qualities  with  which  he  is  endowed. 

Our  conclusion  therefore  must  be  something  after  this  kind. 
Those  who  base  upon  germinal  change  their  hopes  for  the  physical 
condition  of  the  human  race  in  the  future  are  building  upon 

2493 


482  CONCLUSION 

sound  foundations.  However  much  our  power  to  control  and 
regulate  vital  processes  may  increase — and  it  is  clearly  upon  the 
verge  of  a  very  great  increase — in  the  end  a  satisfactory  physical 
condition  can  only  be  the  product  of  a  certain  germinal  constitu- 
tion. On  the  other  hand,  those  who  think  that  germinal  change 
in  mental  characters  will  effect  the  evolution  of  society  and  mould 
the  course  of  history  are  upon  the  whole  mistaken.  The  course 
of  history  is  in  the  main  dependent  upon  changes  in  tradition 
which  are  for  the  most  part  independent  of  germinal  change. 
Just  as  the  outstanding  happenings  in  the  last  century — the 
turning  of  thought  and  conduct  in  Germany,  for  example,  along 
certain  lines,  which  ended  in  so  great  a  catastrophe — were  due 
to  changes  in  tradition  and  not  to  changes  in  the  germinal  consti- 
tution, so  whether  the  problems  now  pressing  upon  European 
society  are  to  be  solved  or  whether  some  greater  catastrophe, 
reaching  a  climax  in  a  long  course  of  years  or  bursting  suddenly 
upon  us,  is  to  be  the  outcome,  will  depend  upon  changes  in  tradition 
and  not  upon  germinal  change.  The  reason  for  this  lies  in  the 
fact  that  the  vast  accumulation  of  tradition  overlays^he  outward 
expression  of  mental  character,  determines  the  direction  of 
intellectual  activity  and  moulds  the  expression  of  the  instinctive 
faculties.  But  as  far  as  tradition  is  equalized,  so  far  do  innate 
mental  differences  manifest  themselves  as  between  man  and  man, 
and  since  tradition  is  more  or  less  equalized,  if  not  within  races, 
at  least  within  classes  in  the  same  race,  to  that  degree  is  mental 
endowment  of  pre-eminent  importance  to  the  individual. 


APPENDIX  I 

THERE  is  presented  below  a  summary  of  the  evidence  that  in 
all  parts  of  the  world  there  existed  among  primitive  races,  before 
they  had  been  subjected  to  European  or  other  outside  influence, 
customs  the  primary  function  of  which  was  the  restriction  of 
increase.  An  ideal  review  of  the  matter  would  require  a  pre- 
liminary selection  of  certain  areas  where  the  conditions  referred 
to  could  be  thoroughly  studied.  After  a  mapping  out  of  the  races 
and  tribes,  in  order  that  some  idea  might  be  obtained  of  the 
relative  numerical  importance  of  each,  an  exhaustive  examination 
of  the  literature  might  be  undertaken  and  the  date  of  the  observa- 
tions noted.  The  credibility  of  the  authors  would  have  to  be 
considered  and  some  method  of  allowing  for  negative  evidence 
elaborated.  Nothing  of  the  kind  has  been  attempted  here.  It 
may  be  suggested  that  the  problem  should  have  been  pursued  at 
least  somewhat  further.  Various  attempts  were  made  to  analyse 
the  evidence  in  other  ways,  but  the  difficulties  met  with  were 
such  that  it  seemed  best  to  present  the  evidence  as  follows. 
Evidence  of  a  reasonably  credible  nature  as  to  the  existence  of 
these  customs  has  been  noted.  In  many  of  these  cases  other 
authors  are  silent  as  to  these  practices  ;  in  one  or  two  cases  the 
practices  have  been  denied  ;  but  when  the  denial  is  either  not 
apparently  founded  on  Careful  observation  or  is  of  a  distinctly 
later  date,  these  instances  have  not  been  omitted.  Where  the 
weight  of  the  evidence  is  against  the  existence  of  the  practice,  as 
in  the  case  of  the  existence  of  infanticide  among  the  Veddahs, 
any  positive  evidence  is  omitted.  One  author  does  record  infanti- 
cide among  the  Veddahs,  and  it  may  be  that  it  formerly  existed. 

It  is  submitted  that  the  evidence  as  given  below  does  show 
customs  restrictive  of  increase  to  have  been  so  widespread,  in  the 
form  either  of  abortion,  infanticide,  or  prolonged  abstention  from 
intercourse,  as  to  have  been  practically  universal.  It  is  in  fact 
submitted  that,  although  for  the  many  reasons  set  out  in  the 
text  the  evidence  must  be  very  incomplete,  there  is  ample  support 
for  the  theory  which  has  been  advanced. 

In  the  following  summary  the  letter  '  R  '  stands  for  prolonged 
restriction  of  intercourse,  '.  A  '  for  abortion,  and  '  I '  for  infanti- 
cide. Where  the  evidence  records  the  practice  to  be  rare,  but 
there  are  reasons  for  thinking  that  the  rarity  may  be  recent,  the 
reference  has  been  included  with  the  word  '  rare '  given  in 
brackets. 

H  h2 


484  APPENDIX 

AUSTRALIA 
Group  I. 
I.     General   References.     Parker,    Aborigines,   p.    23 ;     Lumholtz,    Among 

Cannibals,  p.  134. 

Victoria.     Curr,  Recollections,  p.  252. 
Victoria  and  Riverina.     Beveridge,  Aborigines,  p.  26. 
New  South  Wales  and  Victoria.     Mathews,  Ethnological  Notes,  p.  17. 
Port  Lincoln.     Wilhelmi,  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Victoria, 

vol.  v,  p.  180  ;  Schiirmann,  Aboriginal  Tribes,  p.  223. 
River  Darling.     Bonney,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xiii,  p.  125. 
Southern  Australia.     Palmer,   J.  A.  I.,  vol.   xiii,   p.   280 ;    Fison  and 

Howitt,  Kamilaroi  and  Kurnai,  p.   190  ;    Eylmann,  Kolonie  Sud- 

australien,  p.  261  ;   Smyth,  Aborigines,  vol.  i,  p.  52. 
Mining  Tribe.     Howitt,  Native  Tribes,  p.  748. 
Tongeranka.     Ibid.,  p.  749. 
Mukjarawaint.     Ibid. 
Wotjos.     Ibid. 
Tatuthi.     Ibid. 
Wadthaurung.     Ibid. 
Narrinyeri.     Taplin,  Native  Tribes,  p.  13. 
Queensland.     Mathew,  Two  Tribes,  p.  165. 
Port  Darwin.     Foelsche,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxiv,  p.  192. 
Central  Australia.     Eyre,  Journals,  vol.  ii,  p.  376 ;   Spencer  and  Gillen, 

Native  Tribes,  p.  269. 

Northern  Tribes.     Spencer  and  Gillen,  Northern  Tribes,  p.  608. 
Western  Australia.     Grey,  Journals,  vol.  ii,  p.  251. 

A.     North-west  and  Central  Queensland.     Roth,  Ethnological  Studies,  p.  183. 
Mythuggadi.     Palmer,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xiii,  p.  280. 
Port  Jackson.     Collins,  Edinburgh  Review,  vol.  ii,  p.  34. 

TASMANIA 
Group  I. 

A.     Bonwick,  Tasmanians,  p.  76. 
I.     Ibid.,  pp.  79  and  85  ;   Ling  Roth,  Tasmania,  p.  167. 

BUSHMEN 
Group  I. 

I.     Moffat,  Missionary  Labours,  p.  58  ;   Stow,  Native  Races,  p.  51. 

AMERICA 
Group  I. 

R.     General  References.     Weld,  Travels,  p.  373 ;   Heriot,  Travels,  p.  339. 
Yguazas.     Cabe^a  da  Vaca,  Narrative,  p.  62. 
Abipones.     Dobrizhoffer,  Abipones,  vol.  ii,  p.  97. 
A.     General  References.     Weld,  loc.  cit.,  p.  373  ;   Robertson,  History,  vol.  i, 

p.  297. 
Eskimos.     Wells  and  Kelly,  U.S.A.  Bur.  of  Education,   1890,  p.   19 ; 

Bessels,  Arch,  fur  Anth.,  vol.  viii,  p.  112. 
Hudson  Bay.     Ellis,  Voyage,  p.  198. 
Knisteneaux.     Mackenzie,  Voyages,  vol.  i,  p.  148. 
Haidahs.     Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  169. 
Puget  Sound.     Lord,  Naturalist,  vol.  ii,  p.  231. 
Vancouver  Island  (Nootkas).     Sproat,  Savage  Life,  p.  94  ;    Bancroft, 

vol.  i,  p.  197. 
Thompson    Indians.     (Rare.)    Teit,    Jesup   North   Pacific   Expedition, 

vol.  i,  p.  305,  and  vol.  ii,  p.  584. 
Shushwap.     (Rare.)     Ibid. 


APPENDIX  485 

Western  Washington  and  North-western  Oregon.     Gibbs,    U.S.   Geog. 

and  Geol.  Survey,  vol.  i,  p.  199. 
Chinooks.     Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  242. 
Inland  Tribes  Pacific  Coast.     Ibid. 
Omahas.     (Rare.)     Dorsey,  3rd  A.R.B.E.,  p.  263. 
Californians.     Powers,  loc.  cit.,  p.  207. 
New  Mexico.     Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  590. 
Guaycurus.     Castelnau,  Expedition,  vol.  ii,  p.  450 ;    Azara,    Voyages, 

p.  146. 

Payaguas.     Rengger,  Reise,  p.  329. 
Puegians.    Cooper,  S.  /.  B.  E.,  No.  63,  p.  171. 
I.     Eskimos.     Behring  Straits.     Nelson,  18th  A.  R.  B.  E.,  p.  289. 
Central.    (Rare.)     Boas,  6th  A.  R.  B.  E.,  p.  580. 
Smith  Sound.    Murdoch,  9th  A.  R.  B.  E.,  p.  417  ;   Bessels,  Arch,  fur 

Anth.,  vol.  viii,  p.  112. 

King  William  Land.    Murdoch,  loc.  cit.,  p.  417. 
Greenland.     Nansen,  Greenland,  p.  330. 
Aleuts.    (Rare.)    Ball,  Alaska,  p.  399. 
Malemutes.     Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  81. 
Kutchins.     Kirkby,  Church  Missionary  Intelligencer,  vol.  xiv,  p.  115 ; 

Hardisty,  21st  A.R.B.E.,  p.   312;    Mackenzie,    Voyages,  vol.  i, 

p.  148. 

Copper  River  District.    Woldt,  Reise,  p.  393. 
Chinooks.     Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  242  ;    Lord,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii, 

p.  231. 

Koniagas.     Bancroft,  vol.  i,  p.  81. 
Nootkas.     Bancroft,  vol.  i,  p.  197. 

Haidahs.     Gibbs,  loc.  cit.,  p.  198  ;  Bancroft,  vol.  i,  p.  169. 
Kwakiutl.     Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  169. 
Chepewayans.     Keating,  Narrative,  p.  160. 
Californians.     Powers,  loc.  cit.,  p.  416  ;  Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  pp.  390 

and  413. 

Yguazas.    Cabe^a  da  Vaca,  Narrative,  p.  62. 
Abipones.    Dobrizhoffer,  Abipones,  vol.  ii,  p.  97  ;   Charlevoix,  loc.  cit., 

vol.  i,  p.  405. 

Guaycurus.     Church,  South  America,  p.  248. 
Puelches.     Guinnard,  Patagonians,  p.  143. 
Fuegians.     (Rare.)    Westermarck,  Human  Marriage,  p.  313. 

Group  II. 

R.     Iroquois.     Le  Beau,  Aventures,  vol.  ii,  p.  200. 
Illinois.     Charlevoix,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  vi,  p.  5. 
Crows.    Holder,  Am.  Journ.  Obstet.,  vol.  xxv,  p.  44. 
Mexico.     Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  281. 

Moxos  and  Chiquitos.     D'Orbigny,  UHomme  Americain,  vol.  i,  p.  47. 
A.     Sioux.     Keating,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  394  ;    Schoolcraft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  i, 

p.  204. 

Crows.     Holder,  loc.  cit.,  p.  44. 
Apaches,     Navahos,    Pueblos,    Pimas,    Nahua,    Otommi,    and    Aztec. 

Hrdlicka,  S.  I.  B.  E.,  Bull.  34,  p.  163. 
Menomini.     Stevenson,  23rd  A.R.B.E.,  p.  296. 
Zuni.     (Rare.)    Ibid. 

Mexico.     Bancroft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  183  and  269. 
Brazil   and    the    Chaco.     Ehrenreich,    Konigllches  Museum   zu  Berlin, 

vol.  i,  Heft  2,  p.  27  ;  Azara,  vol.  ii,  p.  116. 
Bakairi.     Von  den  Steinen,  Brazilien,  p.  123. 
I.     Pimas.     Yarrow,  A.  R.  B.  E.,  vol.  i,  p.  99. 
Sioux.     Schoolcraft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  iii,  p.  243. 


486  APPENDIX 

Creeks.     Schoolcraft,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  272. 
Guanas.     Azara,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  93. 
Mbayas.     Ibid.,  p.  116. 

Lenguas.     Hawtrey,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxi,  p.  295. 
Guaranis.     Rengger,  Reise,  p.  329. 

AFRICA 

R.     Yoruba-speaking.     Ellis,  Yoruba- Speaking  Peoples,  p.  185. 
Ewe-speaking.     Ellis,  Ewe-Speaking  Peoples,  p.  206. 
Kagero.    Tremearne,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xlii,  p.  174. 
Hausa.     Ibid.,  vol.  xxxvi,  p.  93. 
Benin.     Ling  Roth,  Benin,  p.  39. 
Niger  District.     Mungo  Park,  Travels,  p.  402. 
Warri  District.     Granville,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxvii,  p.  106. 
Moioa.     Tremearne,  Nigeria,  p.  239. 
Gallinas.    Harris,  Darkest  Africa,  p.  36. 
Hobbes.     Desplagnes,  Plateau  Nigerien,  p.  227. 
Cameroon.     Nassau,  West  Africa,  p.  11. 
Ashanti.     Reade,  South  Africa,  p.  45. 
Congo  District.     Cureau,  Societes  primitives,  p.  378 ;   Johnston,  George 

Grenfett,  p.  671  ;  Ward,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxiv,  p.  289. 
Bangala.     Weeks,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxix,  p.  418 ;   Overbergh  and  Jonghe, 

Coll.  Mon.  Eth.,  No.  1,  p.  199. 

Mayombe.     Overbergh  and  Jonghe,  Coll.  Mon.  Eth.,  No.  2,  p.  219. 
Ababua.     Hakin,  Coll.  Mon.  Eth.,  No.  7,  p.  260. 
Bayaka.     Torday  and  Joyce,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxvi,  p.  51. 
Mandja.     Gaud,  Coll.  Mon.  Eth.,  No.  8,  p.  154. 
Warega.     Delhaise,  ibid.,  No.  5,  p.  154. 
Uganda.     Wilson  and  Felkin,  Uganda,  vol.  i,  p.  187. 
Baganda.     Roscoe,  Baganda,  p.  55. 
Rovuma  River.     Thomson,  Geog.  Journ.,  vol.  iv,  p.  73. 
Swaheli.    Velten,  Suaheli,  p.  73. 
Baringo  District.    Dundas,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xl,  p.  60. 
Wanjamuesi.    Reichard,  Z.  G.  E.,  vol.  xxiv,  p.  257. 
British  Central  Africa.     Stannus,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xl,  p.  311. 
Miri  District.    Felkin,  Trans.  Edin.  Obstet.  Soc.,  vol.  ix,  p.  31. 
Atonga.     Johnston,  British  Central  Africa,  p.  415. 
South  Africa.     Junod,  Baronga,  p.  490  ;  Kidd,  Essential  Kaffir,  p.  19. 
Baronga.     Junod,  Baronga,  p.  490. 
Loango.     Pechuel-Loesche,  Loango-Expedition,  p.  31. 
A.     Tenda.     Delacour,  Rev.  d'Eih.,  1912,  p.  45. 

Nigeria.     Tremearne,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xlii,  p.  171. 

Congo  District.     Johnston,  George  Grenfell,  p.  671. 

Bangala.     Weeks,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxix,  p.  449  ;   Overbergh  and  Jonghe, 

Coll.  Mon.  Eth.,  No.  1,  p.  201. 

Bahuana.     Torday  and  Joyce,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxvi,  p.  228. 
Warega.     Delhaise,  loc.  cit.,  p.  147. 
Ababua.     Halkin,  loc.  cit.,  p.  259. 
Onolove.     de  Rochebrune,  Rev.  d'Anth.,  vol.  iv,  p.  283. 
Mangbetu.     (Rare.)    Van  Overbergh,  Coll.  Mon.  Eth.,  No.  4,  p.  298. 
Bushongo.     (Rare.)    Torday  and  Joyce,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxvi,  p.  111. 
Akamba.     Hobley,  Akamba,  p.  58. 
Swaheli.     Velten,  loc.  cit.,  p.  29. 
Nyassa  District.    Fulleborn,  Nyassa-Gebiet,  p.  352. 
British  Central  Africa.     Johnston,  British  Central  Africa,  p.  417  ;  Angus, 

Azimba  and  Chipitaland,  p.  324. 
Zambezi  Valley.     Maugham,  Zambezia,  p.  339. 
South  Africa.    Maclean,  Kaffir  Laws,  p.  62. 


APPENDIX  487 

Wadschagga.     Gutmann,  Wadschagga,  p.  3. 
Madagascar.     Ellis,  Madagascar,  vol.  i,  p.  55. 
I.     Hottentots.     Kolben,  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  vol.  i,  p.  144. 

Madagascar.     Ellis,   Madagascar,  vol.  i,  p.    155 ;    Little,   Madagascar, 
p.  60. 

OCEANIA 

R.     New  Zealand.     Tregear,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xix,  p.  103. 

Torres  Straits.     Cambridge  Expedition,  vol.  v,  p.  199. 

Savage  Island  (Niue).     Thomson,  Savage  Island,  p.  141. 

Pelew  Islands.     Kubary,  Journal  des  Museum  Godeffroy,  vol.  i,  p.  54. 

Samoa.     Kramer,  Samoa-Inseln,  vol.  i,  p.  38. 

New  Guinea.     Seligman,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xxxii,  p.  302  (Sinaugola) ;   Schel- 

long,  Zeit.fur  Eth.,  vol.  xxviii,  p.  19  (Finschafen). 
Solomon  Islands.     Ribbe,  Zwei  Jahre,  p.  144  ;   Glaumond,  Rev.  d'Eth., 

vol.  vii,  p.  80. 
Bismarck    Archipelago    (New    Britain    Group).     Brown,    Melanesians, 

p.  37. 
New  Caledonia.     Glaumond,  loc.  cit.,  p.  80  ;  Lambert,  Neo-Caledoniens, 

p.  104. 

Fiji.     Thomson,  Fijians,  p.  176 ;   Seeman,  Viti,  p.  191. 
Tonga.     Thomson,  loc.  cit.,  p.  178. 

Gilbert  Islands  (Kingsmill  or  Line  Islands).    Thomson,  loc.  cit.,  p.  178. 
A.     New  Zealand.     Dieffenbach,  New  Zealand,  vol.  ii,  p.  12  ;   Goldie,  Trans. 

and  Proc.   N.  Z.   Inst.,  vol.   xxxvii,    p.    110 ;  Tuke,    Edin.    Med. 

Journ.,  vol.  ix,  p.  735. 
Torres  Straits.     Hunt,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxviii,  p.  9  ;    Haddon,  J.  A.  /., 

vol.  xix,  p.  359  ;   Cambridge  Expedition,  vol.  vi,  p.  197. 
Hawaii.     Dumas,  lies  Hawal,  p.  18. 
Gilbert  Islands.     Jenkins,   Voyage,  p.  404  ;    Kramer,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii, 

p.  53 ;  Thomson,  Fijians,  p.  211. 

Samoa.     Kramer,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  53  ;  Turner,  Samoa,  p.  79. 
Rotuma.     Gardiner,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxvii,  p.  480. 
Savage  Island.     Thomson,  loc.  cit.,  p.  141. 
Fiji.     Pritchard,  Polynesian  Reminiscences,  p.  423  ;    Waterhouse,  Fiji, 

p.  327. 
New  Hebrides.     Hagen    and   Pineau,    Rev.    d'Eth.,   vol.   vii,    p.    332; 

Jamieson,  Aust.  Med.  Journ.,  vol.  vii,  p.  53. 
New  Caledonia.     Codrington,  Melanesians,  p.  33  ;  Ribbe,  loc.  cit.,  p.  144  ; 

Parkinson,/^.  Arch.  Eth.,  vol.  xiii,  p.  8;   Elton,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xvii, 

p.  93. 

Solomon  Islands.     Ribbe,  loc.  cit.,  p.  144. 
Bismarck  Archipelego.     Brown,  Melanesians,  p.  33  ;    Banks,  J.  A.  I., 

vol.  xviii,  p.  291  ;    Pfeil,  Studien,  p.  313 ;    Stephan  and  Graebner, 

Neu- Mecklenburg,  p.  18. 

New  Britain.     Danks,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xviii,  p.  291. 
Aru  Islands.     Ribbe,  loc.  cit.,  p.  194. 
Flores.     Riedel,  Rev.  Col.  Inter.,  vol.  ii,  p.  71. 
New  Guinea.     Krieger,  Neu- Guinea,  pp.  165,  292,  390,  and  392  ;  Murray, 

Papua,  p.  194 ;  Rosenberg,  Malayische  Archipel,  p.  454  ;  Williamson, 

Mafulu  People,  p.  176  ;    Seligman,  Melanesians,  pp.  135  and  568  ; 

Neuhaus,  Deutsch  Neu- Guinea,  vol.  ii,  p.  150. 
Nias.     Modigliani,  Viaggio,  p.  554. 
Celebes.     Kreutz,  Zeit.  Soc.  Wiss.,  Heft  11,  p.  21. 
Luzon.     Jenks,  Ethnological  Survey  Publications,  vol.  i,  p.  60. 
Mitchell  Group.     Turner,  Samoa,  p.  280. 
I.     New  Zealand.     Angas,  Savage  Life,  vol.  i,  p.  312 ;  Taylor,  Te  Ika  a  Maui, 

p.  338 ;   Tuke,  loc.  cit.,  p.  312. 


488  APPENDIX 

Torres  Straits.     Haddon,  J.  A.  /.,  vol.  xix,  p.  359  ;    Cambridge  Expedi- 
tion, vol.  vi,  p.  107. 

Gilbert  Islands.     Tuituila,  Journ.  Pol.  Soc.,  vol.  i,  p.  267. 
Savage  Island.     Thomson,  Fijians,  p.  141. 
Raratonga.     Gill,  Coral  Islands,  vol.  ii,  p.  13. 
Tahiti.      Lutteroth,  Insel  Tahiti,  p.  12  ;    Ellis,  Polynesian  Researches, 

vol.  i,  p.  249. 

Pelew  Islands.     Kotzebue,  Histoire,  vol.  xvii,  p.  211. 
Sandwich  Islands.     Ellis,  Narrative,  p.  324  ;   Angas,  Polynesia,  p.  144  ; 

Dumas,  loc.  cit.,  p.  19. 
Fiji.     Waterhouse,  Fiji,  p.  328. 
New  Caledonia.    Glaumond,  loc.  cit.,  p.  79  ;  Bernard,  Nouvelle-Caledonie, 

p.  288;  Moncelin,  Bull.  Soc.  Anth.,  vol.  ix,  p.  357. 
New   Hebrides.     Somerville,   J.  A.  I.,   vol.   xxiii,   p.   4 ;    Paton,   New 

Hebrides,  p.  452. 

Banks  Island.     Codrington,  Melanesians,  p.  229. 
Solomon   Islands   (Ugi).     Elton,   J.A.I.,   vol.   xvii,   p.    93 ;     Guppy, 

Solomon  Islands,  p.  42. 
Bismarck  Archipelago.     Brown,   Melanesians,  p.   36;    Pfeil,  loc.  cit., 

p.  18. 
New  Guinea.     Seligman,  Melanesians,  pp.  568  and  705;    Williamson, 

Mafulu  People,  p.  176  ;  Newton,  New  Guinea,  p.  189. 
Funafuti.     Edgeworth  David,  Funafuti,  p.  195. 

Tikopia  (Barwell  Island).     Rivers,  Melanesian  Society,  vol.  i,  p.  313. 
Nissau.     Thurmwald,  Zeit.fur  Eth.,  vol.  xl,  1908,  p.  111. 
Radeck.     Kotzebue.  Voyages,  p.  173. 
Vaitapu  (Ellice  Archipelago).     Turner,  Samoa,  p.  284. 
Marquesas.     Hale,  U.S.  Exploring  Expedition,  vol.  vi,  p.  15. 
Maupiti.     Montgomery,  Journal,  vol.  ii,  p.  12. 
Murray  Islands.     Hunt,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxviii,  p.  9. 

APPENDIX  II 

SINCE  the  chapter  on  Human  Fecundity  was  set  up  in  type 
my  attention  has  been  called  to  a  paper  by  Siegel  (Munchener 
Medizinische  Wochenschrift,  1916,  p.  748).  Though  much  has 
been  said  as  to  the  supposed  influence  of  the  time  of  copulation 
with  reference  to  the  sexual  cycle  upon  fertility,  no  definite 
information  has  been  forthcoming.  This  paper,  however,  contains 
important  data  which  bear  upon  this  point.  Owing  to  the  fact 
that  married  soldiers  only  had  occasional  leave  from  the  army 
during  the  war  and  then  only  for  two  or  three  days  at  a  time, 
it  has  been  possible  to  obtain  information  as  to  the  period  in  the 
sexual  cycle  in  which  between  two  and  three  hundred  children 
were  conceived.  Siegel  finds  that  the  likelihood  of  fertilization 
increases  from  the  beginning  of  menstruation,  reaches  the  highest 
point  six  days  later,  remains  almost  at  the  same  height  until  the 
twelfth  or  thirteenth  day,  and  then  declines  to  the  twenty-second 
day,  after  which  there  is  absolute  sterility. 

If  these  data  are  confirmed,  then  those  customs  which  en- 
couraged copulation  immediately  after  menstruation  (as  among 
the  ancient  Jews)  or  discourage  it  (as  among  the  Hindus)  must 
have  an  important  bearing  upon  fertility. 


LIST  OP  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED 


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INDEX 


Ababua,  restriction  of  intercourse,  175  ; 
abortion,  179  ;  infanticide,  180  ;  pro- 
perty, 210. 

Abipones,  lactation,  138 ;  age  at  mar- 
riage, 140 ;  abstention  from  inter- 
course, 140  ;  infanticide,  149,  219  ; 
feuds,  152  ;  health,  159  ;  treatment 
of  children,  160 ;  age  at  marriage, 
226. 

Abortion,  among  hunting  and  fishing 
races,  145  ;  among  agricultural  races, 
168,  178,  189,  196  ;  extent  of,  215  ; 
origin  of,  216  ;  as  regulating  num- 
bers, 222 ;  among  historical  races, 
256,  268,  314. 

Acheulean  period,  121. 

Acquired  characters,  not  inherited,  74  ; 
contrasted  with  inherited  characters, 
68. 

Adio,  restriction  of  intercourse,  176. 

Africa,  evolution  of  tradition  in,  442. 

Aged,  treatment  of,  among  hunting  and 
fishing  races,  154. 

Ahts,  lactation,  138  ;  war,  151  ;  treat- 
ment of  aged,  155  ;  food,  233  ;  pro- 
perty, 296. 

Ainu,  lactation,  185;  fertility,  189; 
war,  194. 

Akamba,  abortion,  179  ;  property,  209 ; 
marriage  customs,  228. 

Akikuyu,  fertility,  178  ;  war,  181  ;  pro- 
perty, 210;  age  at  marriage,  228; 
health,  235. 

Aleuts,  fertility,  143  ;  infanticide,  148. 

Amazon  tribes,  war,  171. 

America,  evolution  of  tradition  in,  439  ; 
racial  characteristics,  451. 

American  Indians,  fertility,  99.  See 
also  under  various  tribes. 

Andamanese,  lactation,  138 ;  fertility, 
144 ;  infant  mortality,  160 ;  intel- 
lect, 390. 

Animal  behaviour,  evolution  of,  45  ff . 

Annam,  abortion,  256. 

Anthropoid  apes,  evolution  of,  109 ; 
mode  of  life,  110. 

Apaches,  contraceptive  methods,  167  ; 
abortion,  168. 

Arabs,  celibacy,  252  ;  lactation,  254 ; 
restriction  of  intercourse,  254  ;  con- 
traceptive methods,  255  ;  abortion, 
256  ;  infanticide,  259  ;  over-popula- 
tion, 275  ;  migration,  302. 


Aru  Islands,  fertility,  186 ;  abortion, 
189. 

Ashanti,  restriction  of  intercourse,  175  ; 
sacrifices,  180. 

Asia,  evolution  of  tradition  in,  441. 

Assiniens,  fertility,  177. 

Atonga,  restriction  of  intercourse,  176. 

Attakapas,  age  at  marriage,  229. 

Aurignacian  period,  122. 

Australians,  fertility,  99  ;  early  inter- 
course 135;  lactation,  137;  initia- 
tion ceremonies,  138  ;  age  at  mar- 
riage, 139  ;  abortion,  145  ;  infanti- 
cide, 147,  216 ;  war,  149 ;  feuds, 
152  ;  treatment  of  sick,  154  ;  disease, 
157 ;  health,  158,  231  ;  property, 
203  ;  division  of  food,  211  ;  marriage 
customs,  224  ;  storing  of  food,  232  ; 
intellect,  389. 

Awa-Wanga,  restriction  of  intercourse, 
176. 

Aymaras,  lactation,  165  ;  fertility,  168. 

Azilian-Tardenoisian,  123. 

Aztecs,  contraceptive  methods,  167 ; 
abortion,  168. 

Baganda,  lactation,  174  ;  restriction  of 
intercourse,  176  ;  war,  181  ;  witch- 
craft, 182;  health,  183;  property, 
210  ;  marriage  customs,  228  ;  food, 
233. 

Bahamas,  396. 

Bahima,  war,  181. 

Baholoholo,  fertility,  178. 

Bahuana,  war,  171  ;  early  intercourse, 
173;  abortion,  179. 

Bakairi,  abortion,  169. 

Bakalai,  war,  181. 

Bakene,  fertility,  178. 

Bambala,  war,  171  ;  early  intercourse, 
173  ;  fertility,  178  ;  intellect,  391. 

Bangala,  early  intercourse,  173  ;  age  at 
marriage,  174 ;  restriction  of  inter- 
course, 175  ;  fertility,  178  ;  abortion, 
179  ;  property,  209  ;  marriage  cus- 
toms, 228;  intellect,  391. 

Banks  Island,  early  intercourse,  185; 
infanticide,  191. 

Bantu  Races,  polygamy,  102 ;  age  at 
marriage,  174 ;  restriction  of  inter- 
course, 176;  health,  183;  intellect, 
390. 

Banyala,  war,  181. 


510 


INDEX 


Baringo  District,  early  intercourse,  173  ; 
restriction  of  intercourse,  176  ;  war, 
181. 

Baronga,  lactation,  174 ;  restriction 
of  intercourse,  176  ;  age  at  marriage, 
227. 

Basonge,  infanticide,  180. 

Basuto,  health,  183  ;  infant  mortality, 
184. 

Bayaka,  restriction  of  intercourse, 
175  ;  fertility,  178  ;  war,  181  ;  witch- 
craft, 182. 

Bechuanaland,  property,  210. 

Behaviour,  evolution  of,  45. 

Benin,  restriction  of  intercourse,  175  ; 
war,  180. 

Binet-Simon  methods,  393. 

Biometric  methods,  358. 

Bismarck  Archipelago,  lactation,  185 ; 
restriction  of  intercourse,  186  ;  fer- 
tility, 188;  abortion,  189;  infanti- 
cide, 191. 

Black  Death,  248. 

Blackfeet,  war,  152,  170. 

Boers,  450. 

Bontoc  Igorot,  lactation,  185  ;  abor- 
tion, 190  ;  head-hunting,  194  ;  infant 
mortality,  195 ;  marriage  customs, 
226. 

Borneo,  fertility,  191  ;  war,  194  ;  head- 
hunting, 194,  227. 

Bornu,  age  at  marriage,  174. 

Botocudos,  fertility,  144 ;  infanticide, 
149 ;  health,  159. 

Brazilians,  early  intercourse,  164  ;  fer- 
tility, 168 ;  abortion,  169,  221  ; 
health,  172,  236  ;  infant  mortality, 
172  ;  property,  208  ;  marriage  cus- 
toms, 230. 

Bronze  Age,  125. 

Buddhism,  celibacy,  252. 

Burma,  marriage,  253. 

Bushmen,  early  intercourse,  136  ;  fer- 
tility, 143  ;  infanticide,  148  ;  war, 
150  ;  treatment  of  aged,  154  ;  health, 
158,  232  ;  property,  205  ;  division  of 
food,  212. 

Bushongo,  early  intercourse,  173  ;  lacta- 
tion, 174  ;  abortion,  179  ;  infanti- 
cide, 180  ;  property,  209. 

Calif omians,  early  intercourse,  126 ; 
lactation,  138  ;  age  at  marriage,  140  ; 
fertility,  140  ;  infanticide,  149  ;  war, 
152  ;  treatment  of  aged,  155  ;  health, 
159  ;  infant  mortality,  160. 

Cameroon  district,  restriction  of  inter- 
course, 175. 

Caroline  Islands,  infanticide,  190 ; 
marriage  customs,  224. 

Carrier  tribes,  property,  206. 

Casual  Labour,  over- population  and, 
290. 


Catholic  Church,  contraceptive  prac- 
tices and,  294. 

Celebes,  early  intercourse,  185 ;  fer- 
tility, 189 ;  abortion,  190. 

Celibacy,  primitive  races,  226  •  histori- 
cal races,  251,  263,  278. 

Cells,  nature  of,  39. 

Chaco  Indians,  abortion,  169  ;  infanti- 
cide, 169 ;  war,  171. 

Chaldea,  celibacy,  251. 

Charruas,  war,  152  ;   health,  236. 

Chellean  period,  121. 

Chepewayans,  lactation,  138  ;  fertility, 
144;  infanticide,  149;  war,  152; 
treatment  of  aged,  155. 

Cheyennes,  abortion,  169,  220. 

Chichmics,  lactation,  165. 

Children,  death-rate  among  hunting  and 
fishing  races,  159 ;  among  agricul- 
tural races,  172,  183,  196 ;  among 
historical  races,  249. 

—  number  of,  see  Fertility. 

Chinese,  fecundity,  100  ;  celibacy,  252  ; 
marriage,  253  ;  restriction  of  inter- 
course, 254  ;  contraceptive  methods, 
255  ;  fertility,  256  ;  abortion,  256  ; 
infanticide,  259,  276  ;  over-popula- 
tion, 276  ;  organization  of  society, 
432. 

Chinooks,  fertility,  99  ;  lactation,  138  ; 
abortion,  146  ;  infanticide,  149  ;  war, 
151. 

Chiquitos,  fertility,  168. 

Christianity,  war  and,  249  ;  marriage 
and,  263  ;  infanticide  and  abortion 
and,  268. 

Chromosomes,  as  physical  basis  of 
heredity,  65. 

Civilization,  cyclical  course  of,  459. 

Climate,  famine  and,  249,  274  ;  migra- 
tion and,  301  ;  head  form  and,  341  ; 
tropical  effects  of,  342 ;  selection 
and,  371. 

Comanches,  early  intercourse,  137 ; 
fertility,  144  ;  war,  152. 

Confucianism,  marriage  and,  253. 

Congo  tribes,  early  intercourse,  173 ; 
lactation,  174  ;  restriction  of  inter- 
course, 175 ;  contraceptive  methods, 
177  ;  fertility,  178  ;  abortion,  179  ; 
infanticide,  180;  war,  180 ;  witchcraft, 
182 ;  infant  mortality,  184 ;  marriage 
customs,  229 ;  food,  234. 

Contact,  influence  upon  tradition,  424  ; 
geography  and,  427. 

Contraceptive  methods,  agricultural 
races,  177,  186 ;  historical  races, 
255,  266,  287,  315  ;  Catholic  Church 
and,  294. 

Co-operation,  in  search  for  food,  211. 

Copper  Age,  125. 

Copper  River  tribes,  infanticide,  148. 

Copulation,  external,  42  ;  internal,  43, 


INDEX 


511 


Corea,  celibacy,  252. 

Creeks,  infanticide,  169,  220. 

Crees,  war,  211. 

Cro-Magnon  man,  117. 

Cross  River  tribes,   early  intercourse, 

172. 
Crow  tribe,  fertility,  99  ;   restriction  of 

intercourse,     166 ;     abortion,     168 ; 

war,  170. 
Cytoplasm,  nature  of,  39 ;    relation  to 

nucleus,  66. 

Dacotahs,  war,  170. 

Dahomey,  war,  170. 

Damaras,  health,  175. 

Death,  origin  of,  38  ;  causes  of,  among 
animals,  57 ;  among  plants,  58 ; 
ignorance  of  cause  among  hunting 
and  fishing  races,  153. 

Decreasing  returns,  199. 

Development  of  organisms,  41,  66,  325. 

Disease,  evolution  of,  155 ;  among 
hunting  and  fishing  races,  158 ; 
among  agricultural  races,  171,  183, 
195 ;  among  historical  races,  244  ; 
tropical,  348  ;  twins  and,  352  ;  inheri- 
tance of,  359  ;  selection  and,  377. 

Ductless  glands,  347,  372. 

Dyaks,  use  of  metal,  163  ;  food,  233. 

Egbas,  fertility,  177. 

Egypt,  disease,  245,  247  ;  treatment  of 
children,  250  ;  celibacy,  251  ;  lacta- 
tion, 254  ;  restriction  of  intercourse, 
254  ;  infanticide,  272  ;  over-popula- 
tion, 277. 

Ekoi,  fertility,  177  ;  property,  209 ; 
marriage  customs,  229. 

Elimination,  causes  of  among  animals, 
58 ;  among  plants,  59  ;  under  natural 
conditions,  75. 

Enclosures,  population  and,  284. 

Environment,  influence  of  upon  animals 
and  plants,  325  ;  upon  men,  336  ; 
influence  upon  progress,  458. 

Eoanthropus,  115. 

Eoliths,  118,  130. 

Eskimos,  fertilitj^,  99,  143  ;  early  inter- 
course, 136  ;  lactation,  137  ;  age  at 
marriage,  140 ;  abortion,  145 ;  in 
fanticide,  148 ;  war,  150 ;  feuds, 
153  ;  treatment  of  aged,  154  ;  health, 
158 ;  infant  mortality,  159 ;  pro- 
perty, 205  ;  division  of  food,  212  ; 
marriage  customs,  225 ;  "  celibacy, 
226  ;  storing  of  food,  232. 

Eugenics,  attitude  of  Romans,  18 ; 
term  due  to  Galton,  35 ;  modern 
problems,  308. 

Evolution,  theory  of,  17,  18,  34 ;  of 
animal  behaviour,  45  ;  among  species 
in  a  state  of  nature,  77  ;  of  Primates, 
109;  of  man,  110,  128;  of  culture, 


129  ;    of  disease,  155  ;    of  tradition, 

438. 
Ewe-speaking  people,   lactation,    174  ; 

restriction  of  intercourse,  175  ;   war, 

180  ;  property,  209  ;  marriage,  229. 
Exercise,  influence  of,  329,  339. 

Factory  Acts,  290,  340. 

Famine,  climate  and,  249. 

Fecundity,  early  references  to  human, 
25  ;  definition  of,  51  ;  distinguished 
from  fertility,  52  ;  among  species  in 
nature,  63 ;  how  determined,  60 ; 
not  influenced  by  the  male,  88  ;  rela- 
tion to  length  of  mature  period,  90  ; 
to  interval  between  births,  92  ;  effect 
of  captivity  upon,  95 ;  relation  to 
number  at  a  birth,  95  ;  increase  of 
human,  97  ;  of  primitive  races,  99  ; 
in  India  and  China,  100  ;  opinion  of 
Darwin  regarding,  101  ;  relation  to 
polygamy,  102  ;  to  lactation,  102 ; 
to  age  at  marriage,  103 ;  to  early 
intercourse,  103  ;  to  development  of 
fat,  104  ;  among  men,  105  ;  of  pre- 
human ancestor,  241. 

Fertility,  distinguished  from  fecundity, 
52  ;  among  hunting  and  fishing  races, 
141  ;  among  agricultural  races,  167, 
177, 183, 196;  among  historical  races, 
255 ;  Indian  and  European  com- 
pared, 256  ;  calculations  regarding, 
291  ;  differential,  316  ;  differential 
between  classes,  316,  457  ;  between 
races,  320. 

Fertilization,  40. 

Feuds,  among  hunting  and  fishing  races, 
152  ;  among  agricultural  races,  171. 

Fiji,  lactation,  185  ;  restriction  of  inter- 
course, 186  ;  fertility,  188  ;  abortion, 
189,  221  ;  infanticide,  191,  219  ;  war, 
193  ;  obligation  to  work,  212  ;  age 
at  marriage,  226  ;  food,  233. 

Flores,  abortion,  190. 

Food,  co-operation  in  search  for,  211. 

Franks,  contraceptive  methods,  255. 

Fuegians,  early  intercourse,  137  ;  lacta- 
tion, 138  ;  fertility,  144  ;  abortion, 
146;  infanticide,  149;  war,  152; 
treatment  of  aged,  155  ;  infant  mor- 
tality, 160  ;  restriction  of  intercourse, 
166  ;  property,  207  ;  marriage  cus- 
toms, 225. 

Funafuti,  infanticide,  190,  219. 

Gallinomero,  infanticide,  149. 

Gallinas,  restriction  of  intercourse,  175  ; 
war,  180. 

Gametes,  nature  of,  40. 

Geological  strata,  time  occupied  by 
deposition  of,  107. 

Ghiliaks,  lactation,  138 ;  infant  mor- 
tality, 160. 


512 


INDEX 


Glacial  epoch,  duration  of,  108  ;  sub- 
divisions of,  109. 

Gonorrhoea,  effect  upon  fecundity,  89. 

Greece,  discussion  regarding  population 
in,  19  ;  celibacy,  251  ;  contraceptive 
methods,  255;  abortion,  256;  in- 
fanticide, 258  ;  malaria,  349. 

Grimaldi  man,  117. 

Guanas,  fertility,  168  ;  infanticide,  169  ; 
age  at  marriage,  230. 

Guaranis,  fertility,  168 ;  war,  171  ; 
abortion,  220. 

Guatemala,  early  intercourse,  164. 

Guaycurus,  abortion,  146  ;  infanticide, 
149 ;  war,  152. 

Guiana,  lactation,  165 ;  infanticide, 
169  ;  feuds,  171  ;  marriage  customs, 
229  ;  food,  234. 

Habit,  inheritance  of,  362  ;  tradition 
and,  414,  462. 

Haidahs,  abortion,  146 ;  infanticide, 
149 ;  war,  151  ;  feuds,  154 ;  pro- 
perty, 206  ;  marriage  customs,  225. 

Hausa,  lactation,  174  ;  restriction  of 
intercourse,  175  ;  infanticide,  180. 

Hawaii,  early  intercourse,  185  ;  abor- 
tion, 189. 

Head,  shape  of,  and  environment,  341. 

Head-hunting,  194. 

Health,  of  primitive  rates,  158,  196, 
231  ;  of  historical  races,  245. 

Heidelberg  man,  114. 

Hobbes,  restriction  of  intercourse,  175. 

Hottentots,  fertility,  178  ;  infanticide, 
179,  180;  war,  182;  health,  183; 
property,  208. 

Housing  accommodation,  population 
and,  280. 

Hualaga  tribes,  fertility,  168. 

Hudson  Bay  tribes,  fertility,  -143 ; 
abortion,  145. 

Hungary,  lactation,  263. 

Hurons,  early  intercourse,  165. 

Ibo-speaking  people,  early  intercourse, 
173. 

Ice  Age,  see  Glacial  epoch. 

Illinois,  early  intercourse,  165  ;  restric- 
tion of  intercourse,  166. 

Imitation,  inheritance  of,  364 ;  tradi- 
tion and,  413. 

Income,  average  per  head,  310. 

Increase,  possible  among  animals  and 
plants,  54  ;  actual,  55. 

India,  fecundity,  100 ;  early  inter- 
course, 104  ;  infant  mortality,  250  ; 
celibacy,  251  ;  early  intercourse,  253 ; 
contraceptive  methods,  255 ;  fertility, 
255;  abortion,  256;  infanticide, 
260  ;  climate,  274  ;  over-population, 
275  ;  caste  system,  432. 

Infant  mortality,  see  Children. 


Infanticide,  hunting  and  fishing  races, 
146 ;  agricultural  races,  169,  179, 
190,  196  ;  extent  of  under-estimated, 
215  ;  origin  of,  216  ;  importance  of, 
in  regulating  numbers,  228  ;  among 
historical  races,  257,  268. 

Ingaliks,  lactation,  138. 

Inheritance,  relation  of,  to  social  pro- 
blems, 18  ;  physical  basis  of,  64  ; 
biparental,  71  ;  environment  and, 
326 ;  in  man,  356  ;  of  physical 
characters,  359  ;  of  disease,  359  ;  of 
mental  characters,  361. 

Initiation  ceremonies,  138. 

Instinct,  nature  of,  47  ;  inheritance  of, 
363. 

Intellect,  inheritance  of,  364 ;  among 
prehistoric  races,  387,  398  ;  primitive 
races,  389 ;  negroes,  393 ;  in  the 
Bahamas,  396 ;  evolution  of,  399, 
409,  438  ;  influence  upon  progress, 
447. 

Intelligence,  nature  of,  47  ;  develop- 
ment among  animals,  50. 

Interdependence  of  organisms,  56. 

Ireland,  over-population,  284,  294. 

Iron  Age,  127. 

Iroquois,  restriction  of  intercourse,  166  ; 
fertility,  167  ;  health,  172. 

Jakun,  marriage  customs,  225. 

Japan,  rise  of,  82. 

Java,  early  intercourse,  185  ;   fertility, 

189  ;  health,  343. 
Jews,     contraceptive    methods,     255 ; 

infanticide,  256  ;  civilization,  452. 

Kabinapek,  abortion,  146  ;  infanticide, 

149. 

Kaffirs,  see  South  Africa. 
Kagero,  lactation,  174 ;    restriction  of 

intercourse,   175  ;    infanticide,   180  ; 

food,  234. 

Kalabar,  witchcraft,  182. 
Kalmucks,  marriage  customs,  253. 
Kamtchatka,   age    at    marriage,    196 ; 

abortion,  196  ;  infanticide,  196. 
Kenai,  marriage  customs,  225. 
Kingsmill  Islands,  restriction  of  inter- 
course, 186  ;  fertility,  188  ;  abortion, 

189  ;  infanticide,  190,  219  ;  war,  192. 
Kirghiz,  early  intercourse,  254. 
Knisteneaux,  abortion,  146. 
Konde-land,  restriction  of  intercourse, 

176. 

Koniagas,  infanticide,  -149. 
Koryak,  lactation,  196. 
Kuku,   lactation,    174 ;    restriction   of 

intercourse,     176 ;      fertility,     178  ; 

marriage  customs,  228. 
Kutchins,  infanticide,   148 ;    celibacy, 

226  ;  health,  233. 
Kwakiutl,  war,  151. 


INDEX 


513 


Lactation,  influence  upon  fecundity, 
102 ;  among  hunting  and  fishing 
races,  137  ;  among  agricultural  races, 
165,  174,  185,  196  ;  among  historical 
races,  254. 

Land,  claims  of  groups  to  areas  of,  203  ; 
property  in,  279. 

Language,  tradition  and,  408,  412. 

Laws,  encouraging  population,  22. 

Lenda  district,  infanticide,  180. 

Lenguas,  lactation,  165 ;  infanticide, 
169,  220. 

Liberia,  lactation,  174  ;  fertility,  177. 

Lillooets,  age  at  marriage,  140,  226  ; 
war,  151  ;  division  of  food,  212. 

Limitation  of  families,  views  of  Mill, 
202. 

Limitation  of  the  surface  of  the  world, 
theories  of  population  and,  20  ;  influ- 
ence upon  evolution,  59. 

Lind  hinterland,  180. 

Loango,  restriction  of  intercourse,  176. 

Loucheux,  food,  233. 

Macusis,  fertility,  168. 

Madagascar,  fertility,  178 ;  abortion, 
179 ;  witchcraft,  182. 

Madi  district,  lactation,  174. 

Magdalenian  period,  123. 

Makalaka,  fertility,  178. 

Makonde,  early  intercourse,  173. 

Malaria,  349. 

Malays,  163. 

Maldive  Islands,  marriage  customs,  226. 

Malemutes,  infanticide,  148  ;  war,  151. 

Malthusian  theory,  anticipations  of,  19, 
25  ;  nature  of,  28  ;  reception  of,  29  ; 
debt  of  Darwin  and  Wallace  to,  34 ; 
summary  of,  197  ;  criticism  of,  199. 

Mandans,  fertility,  167  ;  health,  172  ; 
food,  234. 

Mandingoes,  fertility,  177. 

Mandja,  restriction  of  intercourse,  175  ; 
infanticide,  180  ;  food,  234. 

Mandrucos,  war,  171  ;   health,  236. 

Mangbetu,  early  intercourse,  173  ;  lacta- 
tion, 174  ;  fertility,  178  ;  abortion, 
179 ;  infant  mortality,  184 ;  pro- 
perty, 209. 

Manu,  Laws  of,  253. 

Marquesas,  fertility,  187 ;  infanticide, 
191. 

Marriage,  among  animals,  62  ;  influ- 
ence of  age  at,  103  ;  among  primitive 
races,  139  ;  postponement  of,  among 
hunting  and  fishing  races,  139,  226  ; 
disparity  in  age  at,  140 ;  postpone- 
ment of,  among  agricultural  races, 
165,  174,  185,  196 ;  customs  regard- 
ing, 224,  275 ;  postponement  of, 
among  historical  races,  251,  264,  279, 
306  ;  prohibition  of,  281,  282. 

Marshall  Islands,  war,  193. 


Masai,    early   intercourse,    173 ;     war, 

181  ;  marriage  customs,  228. 
Mayombe,  lactation,   174 ;    restriction 

of  intercourse,  175. 

Mbayas,  infanticide,  169  ;  health,  236. 
Memory  among  animals,  50. 
Mendelian  inheritance,  nature  of,  71  ; 

in  man,  356. 

Menstruation,  relation  to  ovulation,  90. 
Mental  evolution,  among  animals,  45  ; 

connexion    with    reproduction,    51  ; 

among    men,    50 ;     influence    upon 

population  problem,  80. 
Mercantile  theory  of  trade,  22. 
Mexico,  lactation,  165  ;    restriction  of 

intercourse,     166 ;     abortion,     169 ; 

war,   170 ;    property,   208 ;    age  at 

marriage,  220. 
Migration,  over-population  and,   297 ; 

selection  and,  381. 
Minnetanes,  war,  170. 
Minoan  civilization,  244. 
Miri  district,  restriction  of  intercourse, 

176. 

Mitchell  Islands,  abortion,  190." 
Mittelschmerz,  94. 
Modifications,  nature  of,  68. 
Mohammedanism,  celibacy,  253  ;  lacta- 
tion, 254. 

Mohaves,  infanticide,  169. 
Moioa,  restriction  of  intercourse,  175. 
Monasticism,  celibacy  and,  279. 
Mongols,  marriage,  253. 
Montagnais,  health,  233. 
Mousterian  period,  121. 
Moxos,  restriction  of  intercourse,  166  ; 

fertility,  168. 

Mundas,  marriage  customs,  275. 
Murray  Islands,  war,  192  ;  infanticide, 

220. 

Mutations,  nature  of,  68  ;  origin  of,  73  ; 
among  men,  81,  383. 

Nagas,  war,  248. 

Nahuas,  contraceptive  methods,  167  ; 
abortion,  168. 

Nandi,  early  intercourse,  173 ;  lacta- 
tion, 174  ;  restriction  of  intercourse, 
176. 

Nandowensis,  marriage  customs,  229. 

Natchez,  marriage  customs,  229 ; 
health,  236. 

Natural  Selection,  among  species  in 
nature,  75  ;  lethal  and  reproductive, 
367  ;  strength  of,  369 ;  in  inter- 
mediate period,  370 ;  in  first  and 
second  periods,  371  ;  of  tradition, 
417. 

Navahos,  early  intercourse,  164  ;  con- 
traceptive methods,  167  ;  abortion, 
168;  infanticide,  169  ;  property,  208. 

Neanderthal  man,  116. 

Neolithic  period   118,  123. 


514 


INDEX 


Neomalthusianism,  early  history  of, 
31  ;  Bradlaugh-Besant  trial,  33  ;  in 
foreign  countries,  33. 

New  Britain,  early  intercourse,  185 ; 
abortion,  222  ;  celibacy,  226. 

New  Caledonia,  early  intercourse,  185  ; 
lactation,  185 ;  restriction  of  inter- 
course, 186  ;  fertility,  188  ;  abortion, 
189 ;  infanticide,  191  ;  war,  193. 

New  Guinea,  early  intercourse,  185 ; 
lactation,  185 ;  restriction  of  inter- 
course, 186  ;  contraceptive  practices, 
186;  fertility,  188;  abortion,  190; 
infanticide,  191  ;  war,  193 ;  head- 
hunting, 194 ;  witchcraft,  195. 

New  Hebrides,  abortion,  189  ;  infanti- 
cide, 191,  221 ;  war,  193. 

New  Zealand,  early  intercourse,  184  ; 
restriction  of  intercourse,  186  ;  fer- 
tility, 187;  abortion,  189;  infanti- 
cide, 190;  war,  192;  property,  211. 

Nias,  fertility,  189 ;  abortion,  190. 

Nigeria,  fertility,  177  ;  abortion,  178  ; 
war,  180 ;  property,  209. 

Nishinan,  infanticide,  149. 

Nissau,  190. 

Nitrogen  in  the  sea,  59. 

Nootkas,  fertility,  99  ;  lactation,  138  ; 
abortion,  146  ;  health,  159 ;  infant 
mortality,  160. 

Nucleus,  nature  of,  39  ;  function  of,  66. 

Oestrous  cycle,  44. 

Ojebway  Indians,  war,  170 ;  marriage 
customs,  229. 

Omahas,  fertility,  144  ;  property,  208  ; 
age  at  marriage,  229. 

Onolove,  early  intercourse,  173  ;  abor- 
tion, 179. 

Optimum  density  of  population,  200, 
213  ;  approximation  to,  among  pri- 
mitive races,  230,  236,  292  ;  among 
historical  races,  239,  270,  293,  309  ; 
military  needs  and,  310. 

Orthogenesis,  79. 

Ostyaks,  health,  196. 

Otommi,  abortion,  168. 

Ovaherero,  property,  210. 

Over-population,  fear  of,  in  England, 
23  ;  among  historical  races,  275,  283, 
284,  290,  304  ;  migration  and,  297  ; 
war  and,  304 ;  in  the  future,  308  ; 
unemployment  and,  312. 

Ovulation,  see  Menstruation. 

Ovum,  40. 

Palaeolithic  period,  118 

Patagonians,  health,  159. 

Pawumwa  Indians,  obligation  to  work, 

213. 

Payaguas,  abortion,  146  ;  health,  236. 
Pelew  Islands,  early  intercourse,  185  ; 


restriction  of  intercourse,  186  ;  fer- 
tility, 187  ;  war,  192  ;  property,  211. 

Persia,  celibacy,  251  ;  marriage,  253  ; 
lactation,  254 ;  restriction  of  inter- 
course, 254 ;  abortion,  265. 

Peruvian  tribes,  fertility,  167  ;  infanti- 
cide, 169;  war,  170;  age  at  marriage, 
230. 

Pimas,  contraceptive  methods,  167 ; 
abortion,  168,  221  ;  infanticide,  169. 

Pithecanthropus,  112. 

Plough,  invention  of,  127  ;  use  of,  162. 

Polygamy,  influence  upon  fecundity, 
102  ;  among  primitive  races,  132. 

Poor  law,  marriage  and,  282. 

Port  Herald,  contraceptive  methods, 
177. 

Primates,  evolution  of,  109. 

Primitive  races,  value  of  evidence  re- 
garding, 85,  131  ;  intellect  and,  447. 

Progress,  definition  of,  85 ;  rate  of, 
130  ;  in  different  regions,  438. 

Protista,  reproduction  among,  39. 

Pueblos,  contraceptive  methods,  167  ; 
abortion,  168  ;  war,  170. 

Puelches,  lactation,  138  ;  fertility,  144  ; 
infanticide,  149,  218;  war,  152; 
infant  mortality,  160. 

Puget  Sound  Indians,  lactation,  138 ; 
abortion,  146. 

Pure  Line  inheritance,  69. 

Queka  Indians,  treatment  of  aged,  155. 

Racial  crosses,  380,  453. 

Radeck,  infanticide,  191,  221  ;  health, 
235. 

Rarotonga,  infanticide,  190  ;  war,  192. 

Ratios  of  increase  of  food  and  of  popula- 
tion, 26,  198  ;  of  human  population, 
105. 

Reflex  action,  45. 

Religious  writers,  attitude  to  Malthus, 
30. 

Reproduction,  necessity  for,  38  ;  nature 
of,  39 ;  methods  of,  41  ;  among 
species  in  nature  and  men,  52. 

Reproductive  organs,  size  among  pri- 
mitive races,  97. 

Rome,  discussion  of  population  problem 
in,  18,  49  ;  expectation  of  life  in,  246  ; 
age  at  marriage  in,  251  ;  early  inter- 
course, 254 ;  contraceptive  methods, 
255;  abortion,  256,  272  ;  infanticide, 
258. 

Rotuma,  abortion,  189 ;  war,  192. 

Rovuma  River,  restriction  of  inter- 
course, 176. 

Salish,  lactation,  138  ;  age  at  marriage, 
140  ;  health,  159  ;  property,  206. 

Samoa,  lactation,  185  ;  restriction  of 
intercourse,  186;  fertility,  187; 


INDEX 


515 


abortion,  189 ;  infanticide,  190 ; 
war,  192  ;  infant  mortality,  195. 

Samoyeds,  fertility,  196 ;  infanticide, 
196  ;  health,  196. 

Sandwich  Islands,  infanticide,  101, 
219 ;  fertility,  187  ;  war,  192 ; 
health,  235. 

Sarawak,  lactation,  185  ;  fertility,  188  ; 
property,  211. 

Savage  Island,  restriction  of  intercourse, 
186  ;  abortion,  189  ;  infanticide,  190. 

Selection,  see  Natural  Selection. 

Seri  Indians,  war,  152 ;  treatment  of 
aged,  155  ;  division  of  food,  212  ; 
marriage  customs,  225  ;  elimination 
among,  375. 

Sexual  cycle  in  Mammals,  44  ;  former 
condition  in  man,  92  ;  effect  of  cap- 
tivity upon,  94 ;  peculiarity  of,  in 
man,  98. 

Sexual  instinct,  42,  43,  51  ;  among 
primitive  races,  97. 

Sexual  intercourse,  before  maturity, 
influence  upon  fecundity,  103  ;  among 
hunting  and  fishing  races,  135  ;  taboo 
upon,  among  hunting  and  fishing 
races,  141  ;  among  agricultural  races, 
164,  172,  184  ;  taboo  upon,  among 
agricultural  races,  165,  175,  186 ; 
before  maturity  among  historical 
races,  253,  263  ;  taboo  upon,  among 
historical  races,  267 ;  restrictions 
upon,  315. 

Shawnees,  contraceptive  methods,  167  ; 
health,  172. 

Shekiani,  feuds,  181. 

Shoshones,  war,  170. 

Shushwap,  lactation,  138  ;  age  at  mar- 
riage, 144 ;  war,  151  ;  health,  159. 

Siam,  marriage,  253  ;  lactation,  254. 

Sierra  Leone,  property,  209. 

Sioux,  lactation,  165;  fertility,  167; 
abortion,  168,  221  ;  infanticide,  169  ; 
war,  170  ;  infant  mortality,  172. 

Sitkins  Indians,  property,  207. 

Social  organization,  origin  of,  132 ; 
mental  evolution  and,  401  ;  organic, 
401 ;  segmentary,  429. 

Socialists,  attitude  to  Malthus,  31. 

Society  Islands,  age  at  marriage,  185. 

Solomon  Islands,  lactation,  185 ;  re- 
striction of  intercourse,  186  ;  abor- 
tion, 189 ;  infanticide,  191 ;  war,  193. 

Sound  Indians,  fertility,  144. 

South  Africa,  lactation,  174  ;  abortion, 
179  ;  infanticide,  180 ;  witchcraft, 
182 ;  infant  mortality,  184 ;  pro- 
perty, 210  ;  marriage  customs,  227  ; 
intellect,  392. 

Spermatozoa,  40,  41. 

Starvation,  no  evidence  for,  among 
primitive  races,  231  ;  among  animals, 
58,  61  ;  among  plants,  59. 


Stature,  increase  of,  340. 

Sterility,  in  males,  89  ;  among  Austra- 
lians, 99  ;  fat  and,  104. 

Suggestion,  inheritance  of,  364  ;  tradi- 
tion and,  413. 

Sumatra,  fertility,  188  ;  marriage  cus- 
toms, 227. 

Swaheli,  early  intercourse,  173  ;  restric- 
tion of  intercourse,  176 ;  fertility, 
178. 

Sympathy,  inheritance  of,  364  ;  tradi- 
tion and,  413. 

Tahiti,  infanticide,  190  ;  war,  192. 

Tasmanians,  early  intercourse,  135 ; 
lactation,  137  ;  fertility,  141  ;  abor- 
tion, 145 ;  infanticide,  146 ;  war, 
149  ;  treatment  of  sick,  154  ;  health, 
158 ;  infant  mortality,  159 ;  pro- 
perty, 203. 

Tehuelches,  age  at  marriage,  140. 

Temperament,  disease  and,  347  ;  en- 
vironment and,  353,  438  ;  inheritance 
of,  361. 

Tendas,  lactation,  171  ;  abortion,  178. 

Tepecanos,  infanticide,  169. 

Texas  tribes,  fertility,  167. 

Thirty  Years'  War,  247. 

Thlinkeet,  lactation,  138 ;  war,  151  ; 
health,  159  ;  infant  mortality,  160  ; 
property,  207. 

Thompson  tribes,  age  at  marriage,  140, 
226;  abortion,  146;  infanticide, 
149 ;  war,  151  ;  infant  mortality, 
160. 

Thonga,  restriction  of  intercourse,  177  ; 
property,  210  ;  age  at  marriage,  227. 

Tibet,  celibacy,  251. 

Tikopia,  infanticide,  190,  219. 

Timor  Laut,  health,  235. 

Tinneh,  early  intercourse,  136  ;  lacta- 
tion, 138  ;  age  at  marriage,  140 ; 
fertility,  143;  war,  150;  infant 
mortality,  150  ;  property,  206. 

Todas,  infanticide,  222  ;  early  inter- 
course, 254. 

Tonga,  restriction  of  intercourse,  186  ; 
infanticide,  190. 

Topebatos,  age  at  marriage,  224. 

Torres  Straits,  age  at  marriage,  185, 
227  ;  restriction  of  intercourse,  186  ; 
fertility,  187;  abortion,  189;  in- 
fanticide, 190,  220  ;  war,  192  ;  food, 
234. 

Trent,  Council  of,  celibacy  and,  264. 

Tunguses,  lactation,  196;  property,  211. 

Turcomans,  war,  248. 

Turkey,  lactation,  254;  restriction  of 
intercourse,  255  ;  abortion,  256. 

Uaupes,  feuds,  171. 

Uganda,  lactation,  174  ;  restriction  of 
intercourse,  176  ;  war,  181. 


516 


INDEX 


Under-population,  294,  295,  297. 
Unemployment,   over-population   and, 

312. 

Unit-factors,  71. 
Utilitarian  school,  attitude  to  Malthus, 

29,  32. 
Utis,  contraceptive  methods,  167. 

Vaitapu,  infanticide,  191,  221. 

Vancouver  Island,  fertility,  99  ;  age  at 
marriage,  140  ;  abortion,  146. 

Veddahs,  early  intercourse,  137  ;  age 
at  marriage,  140 ;  fertility,  145 ; 
infanticide,  149 ;  infant  mortality, 
160 ;  property,  207. 

Venereal  disease,  269.  See  also  Gonor- 
rhoea. 

Wadschagga,  lactation,  174 ;  infant 
mortality,  184  ;  abortion,  221. 

Wagogo,  restriction  of  intercourse,  176. 

Wakamba,  infanticide,  180. 

Wamakonde,  lactation,  174. 

Wanika,  infanticide,  180. 

Wanjamuesi,  early  intercourse,  173 ; 
lactation,  174 ;  restriction  of  inter- 
course, 176  ;  fertility,  178. 

Wapagoro,  early  intercourse,  173  ;  re- 
striction of  intercourse,  176  ;  mar- 
riage customs,  228. 

War,  among  hunting  and  fishing  races, 
149  ;  among  agricultural  races,  169, 
180,  192 ;  among  historical  races, 
247 ;  Christian  Church  and,  249 ; 
over-population  and,  304  ;  origin  of, 
305  ;  selection  and,  379. 


Warega,  early  intercourse,  173  ;  restric- 
tion of  intercourse,  175 ;  fertility, 
178;  abortion,  179;  infant  mor- 
tality, 184. 

Warri  district,  restriction  of  intercourse, 
175. 

Wazaramo,  lactation,  174. 

Wealth,  of  different  areas,  419 ;  in- 
fluence upon  tradition,  421  ;  shifting 
of  centres  of  greatest,  423. 

Welle  district,  war,  181. 

West  African  tribes,  lactation,  174. 

Wheel,  invention  of,  127. 

Witchcraft,  as  cause  of  death,  182. 

Work  among  primitive  races,  obligation 
to,  212. 

Workers'  Education  Association,  239. 

Woruk,  infanticide,  149. 

Writing,  invention  of,  127. 

Yakuts,  lactation,  196  ;   property,  211. 

Yguazas,  abstention  from  intercourse, 
141  ;  infanticide,  149  ;  war,  152. 

Yoruba-speaking  people,  lactation,  174  ; 
restriction  of  intercourse,  175  ;  pro- 
perty, 209. 

Yuchi,  war,  170  ;  health,  172. 

Zambala,  marriage  customs,  227. 
Zaparos,  treatment  of  aged,  155. 
Zoroastrianism,  marriage  and,  253. 
Zulus,  war,  181  ;  infant  mortality,  184  ; 

marriage  customs,  227. 
Zuni,  abortion,  169  ;   infanticide,  169  ; 

property,  208. 


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