The Principal
Navigations Voyages Traffiques and
Discoveries of the EngUsh Nation
In Twelve Volumes
Volume IX
GLASGOW
PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS BY
ROBERT MACLEHOSE & COMPANY LTD. FOR
JAMES MACLEHOSE AND SONS, PUBLISHERS
TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW
MACMILLAN AND CO. LTD. LONDON
THE MACMILLAN CO. NEW YORK
SIMPKIN, HAMILTON AND CO. LONDON
MACMILLAN AND BOWES CAMBRIDGE
DOUGLAS AND FOULIS EDINBURGH
MCMIV
HiDtaijravurE Iry Annan 2c Sane, G-laaij^a
SIR WALTER RALEGH
The Principal /9/^
Navigations Voyages ^P^^^^
Traffiques & Discoveries
of the English Nation
Made by Sea or Over-land to the
Remote and Farthest Distant Quarters
of the Earth at any time within the
compasse of these 1600 Yeeres
By
RICHARD HAKLUYT
Preacher, and sometime Student of
Christ-Church in Oxford
VOLUME IX
Glasgow
James MacLehose and Sons
Publishers to the University
THE TABLE
PAGE
A Catalogue of the Voyages of this ninth volume
made to Florida and New Mexico, certeine
Voyages made for the discovery of the gulfe
of California, and to the famous city of
Mexico ; with the Discourses and Letters
depending upon the Voyages of this ninth
Volume :
The voiage of captaine Rene Laudonniere to Florida 1564.
where he fortified and inhabited two summers, and one
whole winter ...... i
An oration of Laudonniere to his mutinous souldiers. . 46
A second voyage of captaine John Ribault to Florida 1565. 82
A letter of the lord admirall of France unto M. Laudonniere. 85
The voyage of captaine Dominique Gourgues to Florida
1567. where he most valiantly, justly, and sharpely
revenged the bloody and inhumane massacre committed
by the Spaniards upon his countreymen, in the yeere
1565. ....... 100
The relation of Pedro Morales a Spaniard, whom sir Francis
Drake brought from S. Augustines in Florida, touching
the state of those parts. . . . . .112
The relation of Nicolas Burgoignon, alias Holy, whom sir
Francis Draice brought also from S. Augustines. . 113
V
^^t28
THE TABLE
A Catalogue of the Voyages — Continued. page
A Briefe discourse of the famous cosmographer M. John
Baptista Ramusius, concerning the three voyages of
frier Marco de Ni9a, Francis Vasquez de Coronado,
and that of Fernando Alarchon, &c. . . . 115
An extract of a letter of C. Francis Vasquez de Coronado,
written from Culiacan the 8 of March 1539, to a secre-
tary of Don Antonio de Mendo^a the viceroy of Nueva
Espanna. . . . . . . .116
A letter of the sayd Francis Vasquez de Coronado governour
of Nueva Galicia, to Don Antonio de Mendo9a the
viceroy of Nueva Espanna, written from Culiacan the
8 of March 1539. . . . . . .118
A letter written by Don Antonio de Mendo9a, a viceroy of
Nueva Espanna to the emperour Charles the fift. . 121
The voyage of frier Marco de Ni9a from the towne of S.
Michael in the province of Culiacan, to the kingdome
of Cevola or Cibola, situate about 30 degrees of latitude
to the North of Nueva Espanna, begun the 7 of March,
1539 125
The voyage of Francis Vasquez de Coronado from Nueva
Galicia to Cibola, Acuco, Tiguex, Quivira, & to the
Westerne Ocean : begun the 22 of April, 1540. . 145
A testimony of Francis Lopez de Gomara, concerning the
strange crook-backed oxen, the great sheepe, and the
mighty dogs of Quivira. . . . . .167
A briefe relation of two notable voyages, the first made by
frier Augustin Ruyz, a Franciscan, in the yeere 1581 ;
the second by Antonio de Espejo in the yeere 1583. . 169
A letter intercepted of Bartholomew del Cano, written from
Mexico the 30 of May 1590, to Francis Hernandez
of Sivil, concerning the speedy building of two strong
forts in S. Juan de Ullua, and Vera Cruz, as also
touching the notable new and rich discovery of Cibola
or New Mexico, 400 leagues Northwest of Mexico. . 204
vi
THE TABLE
A Catalogue of the Voyages — Continued.
PAGE
The voyage of the right worshipfull knight Francisco de
Ulloa, with 3 ships set forth at the charges of the
right noble Fernando Cortez, by the coasts of Nueva
Galicia, & Culiacan, into the gulfe of California, called
El mar vermejo, as also on the backside of Cape Cali-
fornia, as far as 30 degrees, begun from Acapulco the
8 of July, I 5 39 206
The voyage and discovery of Fernando Alarchon, made by
the order of the R. H. Don Antonio de Mendo9a
viceroy of Nevi' Spaine, to the very bottome of the
gulfe of California, and 85 leagues up the river of
Buena Guia, begun the 9 of May, 1540. . -279
An extract of a Spanish letter w^ritten from Pueblo de los
Angeles in Nueva Espanna in October 1597, touching
the discovery of the rich islands of California, being
distant eight dayes sailing from the maine. . . 318
The voyage and course which sir Francis Drake held from
the haven of Guatulco, on the backside of Nueva
Espanna, to the Northwest of California, as far as
43 degrees, & from thence backe againe to 38 de-
grees, where in a very good harbour he graved his
shippe, entrenched himselfe on land, called the countrey
by the name of Nova Albion, and tooke possession
thereof on the behalfe of her Majestic. . . . 3^9
The memorable voyage of Francis Gualle a Spanish captaine
and pilot, undertaken at the appointment of the viceroy
of New Spaine, from the haven of Acapulco in the sayd
province, to the islands of the Lu9ones or the Philip-
pinas, unto the haven of Manilla, and from thence to
the haven of Macao in China ; and from Macao by
the Lequeos, the isles of Japan, and other isles to the
East of Japan, and likewise by the Northwest part of
America in 37 degrees and J backe againe to Acapulco,
begun the 10 of March 1582, & ended 1584. Out
vii
THE TABLE
A Catalogue of the Voyages — Continued. page
of which voyage, besides great probabilities of a North,
Northwest, or Northeast passage, may evidently be
gathered, that the sea betweene Japan and America
is by many hundred leagues broader, and the land
betweene Cape Mendofino and Cape California, is
by many hundred leagues narrower, then we iinde them
to be in the ordinary maps and relations. . .326
The voyage of Robert Tomson merchant into New Spaine,
in the yere 1555. . . • . . . 338
The voyage of M. Roger Bodenham to Sant Juan de Ullua
in the bay of Mexico, and from thence to the city of
Mexico, Anno 1564. . . . . -359
The memorable voyage of M. John Chilton to all the prln-
cipall parts of Nueva Espanna, and to divers places in
Peru, begun from Cadiz in Andaluzia, in March 1568. 360
The voyage of Henrie Hawks merchant to Nueva Espanna
(in which countrey he travelled for the space of five
yeres, and observed many notable things) written at
the request of M. Richard Hakluyt of Eyton in the
county of Hereford esquire, 1572. . . . 378
The voyage of Miles Philips one of the company put on
shore by sir John Hawkins, 1568, a little to the North
of Panuco ; from whence he travelled to Mexico and,
afterward to sundry other places, having remained in
the countrey 15 or 16 yeeres together, & noted many
things most worthy the observation. . . . 398
The travels of Job Hortop set on land by sir John Hawkins
1586 in the bay of Mexico, somewhat to the North of
Panuco before mentioned. .... 445
A relation of the haven of Tecuanapa, a most convenient
place for building of ships, situate upon the South sea
not farre from Nicaragua. .... 466
ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
Sir Walter Ralegh, ..... Frontispiece
Sir Walter Ralegh, the son of a Devonshire country-
gentleman, was born near Budleigh Salterton, South
Devon, about 1552. Sir Humphrey Gilbert was
his half brother by his mother's first marriage. In
1569 he joined the Huguenots in France as a
volunteer. He was at Oriel College, Oxford, in
1572. In September 1578 he assisted Sir Hum-
phrey Gilbert in fitting out his first expedition at
Dartmouth, and himself commanded the * Falcon '
of 100 tons. The expedition returned in 1579.
From June 1580 to December 1581 he saw service in
Ireland, and being then sent with despatches to the
Court at Greenwich, he quickly sprang into favour
with Elizabeth. He was knighted in 1584, and in
1585 was appointed Warden of the Stannaries, lord
lieutenant of Cornwall and vice-admiral of Cornwall
and Devon. He sat as member for Devonshire in
Parliament in 1585-86, and in 1586 he was granted
40,000 acres of land in Munster. On the 25th
March 1584 he was granted a patent * for the dis-
covering and planting of new lands and Countries,'
and as a result he founded the first English colony
of Virginia. The accounts of the various expedi-
tions to Virginia sent out by him are given in
Hakluyt, Vol. VIII., pp. 289 seq. He is said to
have spent over ^^40,000 (about j^ 3 20,000 of
our money) in his Virginian expeditions. About
ILLUSTRATIONS
1586 he introduced the potato into Great Britain
and is believed to have been the first English
gentleman to smoke tobacco. In 1591 he was
appointed second in command under Lord Thomas
Howard in the expedition to the Azores in that
year, but the Queen refused to let him go and
Sir Richard Grenville was appointed in his place.
Ralegh's account of the last fight of the * Revenge'
will be found in Hakluyt, Vol. VII., p. 38. In
1592 he contributed very largely to the expedition
under Frobisher and Burgh which captured the
'Madre de Dios' (Hakluyt, Vol. VII., p. 105), but in
July of that year he was disgraced and imprisoned
in the Tower, but was released in October. In
1593 he was returned to Parliament for Michael, in
Cornwall. In 1594 he sent Jacob Whiddon to ex-
plore the Orinoco, and early in 1595 he headed an
expedition to Guiana himself. He ascended the
Orinoco for about 450 miles in quest of the gold
mine of Manoa, but was unsuccessful in his search.
On his return to England he v/rote his *Discoverie
of Guiana' (Hakluyt, Vol. IX.). In June 1596
he commanded, with great distinction, the * War-
spite' in the Cadiz expedition and was severely
wounded. In 1597 he sailed, as second in com-
mand under Essex, to the Azores and took Fayal.
He was elected member for Dorset in 1597 and
for Cornwall in 1601. In September 1600 he
was appointed Governor of Jersey. On the acces-
sion of James I. Ralegh was stripped of all his
posts and monopolies, sent to the Tower for
alleged complicity in Lord Cobham's conspiracy,
and condemned to be executed on nth December
1603. On the loth December, however, he was
reprieved. From 1603 to 161 6 he was a prisoner
in the Tower, and there wrote his * History of
the World.' About 1610 Ralegh requested per-
mission to organise another expedition to Guiana.
In March 161 6 he was released from the Tower
PAGE
ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
and began to make preparations for this expedition.
He sailed from Plymouth with 14 ships on 12th
June 1 61 7. The expedition was a complete failure,
and in an attack on the town of San Thomas
Ralegh's son Walter was killed. Ralegh returned
to Plymouth with four ships in June 161 8. Shortly
after he was arrested, chiefly on the representation
of the Spanish Ambassador. He was taken to
London and, attempting to escape, was again sent
to the Tower. On the 28th of October, 1618,
he was condemned on his former sentence and
was beheaded on Tower Hill on the following
morning. He was buried in St. Margaret's Church
Westminster. The portrait here reproduced is taken
from the original, attributed to Zuccharo, in the
Dublin Gallery.
Rene Laudonniere, ...... 48
Rene Goulaine de Laudonniere, a French Captain, was
one of the first explorers of Florida. In 1561
Admiral Coligny wishing to find a safe retreat for
the persecuted Huguenots formed the project of
founding a Protestant colony in the New World.
A first expedition to Brazil had been a complete
failure, and Coligny next cast his eyes on Florida,
from which the Spanish had been driven by the
natives. The expedition, which had the approval
of Charles IX., sailed from Dieppe on the 15th
February 1562 under the command of Ribaut and
Laudonniere. The fortunes of the colonists, and
of the relief expedition which left Havre on the
22nd April 1564 are recorded very fully by Hak-
luyt. On his final return to France in 1566
Laudonniere was very coldly received by the
Court, and he died in obscurity. The portrait
is taken from the Effigies Regum of Crispin de
Passe in the Grenville Library in the British
Museum.
ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
Map of Florida by James Le Moyne, a.d. 1564, . 112
*The skillful painter' James Le Moyne de Mourgues,
' sometime living in the Black-fryers in London '
accompanied the second expedition under Laudon-
ni^re in 1564 for the relief of the French colonists
in Florida. He was sent out by ' Monsieur
Chastillion, then Admiral of France/ and his
sketches * lively drawn in colours ' were engraved
and published in De Bry's Collections of Travels
and Voyages, Grands {America) Voyages, Part IL,
Frankfort 1591. The Map here reproduced is
taken from the copy in the British Museum of
De Bry's Collections.
Map of the Coasts of China . . . . .336
This map, which shows the *trew description of all the
coasts of China, Cauchinchina, Camboya, Syao,
Malacca, Arraacan, Pegu, together with all the
Islands thereabowts, both great and smale, with
the cliffes, breaches, sands, droughts and shallowes,
all perfectly drawn and examined with the most
expert cardes of the Portingales Pilots' was engraved
by Robert Beckit and printed in London by John
Wolfe in 1598. The reproduction is taken from
the copy in the British Museum of John Huighen
van Linschoten his Discours of Voyages unto ye Easte
and Weste Indies, London, 1598.
Sir John Hawkins, ...... 400
Sir John Hawkins or Hawkyns was born in Plymouth
in 1532. While a young man he made 'divers
voyages to the Isles of the Canaries' and learnt
* that Negros were very good merchandise in His-
paniola and that store of Negros might easily bee
had upon the coast of Guinea.' About 1559 he
married Katharine, daughter of Benjamin Gonson,
treasurer of the Navy. In October 1562 he
commanded an expedition to Guinea and got into
ILLUSTRATIONS
his possession * partly by the sworde, and partly
by other means to the number of 300 Negros at
the least, besides other merchandises which that
country yieldeth.' He then sailed for Hispaniola,
sold his cargo and loaded his three ships and two
other hulks with hides, ginger, sugar and pearls and
arrived home in September 1563. In 1564. he set
out with a larger fleet on the same route and coast-
ing along Florida he found Laudonniere's French
colony, which he relieved, winning ' the reputation
of a good and charitable man, deserving to be
esteemed as much of us all as if he had saved all
our lives.' He arrived at Padstow on the 20th
September 1565. On the 2nd October 1567 he
set out on his * third troublesome voyage,' during
which he was attacked by the Spaniards in the
harbour of San Juan d'Ulloa and very narrowly
escaped. After suffering great hardships on the
voyage home, * for hides were thought very good
meat, rats, cats, mice and dogs, none escaped that
might be gotten,' he arrived in Mounts Bay on
25th January 1569. In 1572 he was Member of
Parliament for Plymouth. On nth October 1573
he was stabbed whilst riding in the Strand and was
dangerously wounded, the Queen sending her own
surgeon to attend him. About this time he was
made treasurer and comptroller of the Navy, and
it was largely owing to his skill and experience that
the Navy was thoroughly equipped to meet the
Armada. Hawkins was third in command of the
English fleet on the * Victory ' during the struggle
with the Armada. He was in the thick of the
fighting and was knighted by Lord Howard of
Effingham for his bravery. In 1590 he, with Fro-
bisher, commanded a squadron sent to the coast
of Portugal. In November 1591 he was one of
the commissioners for the proper division of prizes
taken at sea. On 28th August 1595 he sailed with
Drake in the expedition ' chiefly pretended for
xiii
ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
some speciall service on the Islands and maine of
the West Indies,' but died off Porto Rico on the
12th November. The portrait reproduced is taken
from the copy of Holland's Heroologia in the British
Museum.
The Jesus of Lubeck, 416
The ' Jesus of Lubeck ' vv^as a ship of 700 tons. She was
bought by Henry VIII. for his Navy from the
Merchants of Lubeck in 1544. On the accession
of Elizabeth, the * Jesus' was condemned, but was
afterwards retained, and in 1564 was, in accordance
with the custom of the times, lent to Sir John
Hawkins for a voyage to Guinea (Hakluyt, Vol.
VI., p. 263). In 1567 she was again lent to
Hawkins for his voyage to the West Indies by way
of Guinea. On the 12th August, 1568, Hawkins'
fleet was caught by * an extreme storme which con-
tinued by the space of foure days, which so beat
the Jesus, that we cut downe all her higher build-
ings, her rudder also was sore shaken, and withall
was in so extreme a leake that we were rather upon
the point to leave her then to keepe her any longer.'
On the 1 6th September the fleet entered San Juan
d'Ulloa ; on the 23rd the fight with the Spaniards
took place during which the * Jesus' was abandoned.
She was the first of only two ships of Elizabeth's
Navy to fall into Spanish hands, the other being Sir
Richard Grenville's ^ Revenge.' The armament of
the * Jesus ' was as follows: Cannons (50 or 60
pounders), 2 ; culverins (long 1 8 pounders), 2 ;
demi-culverins (long 9 pounders), 8 ; sacres (long 5
pounders), 8 ; falcons (3 pounders), 2. Her breach-
loading pieces were: slings, 2; fowlers, 10; bases,
30 (Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy, Vol. I.,
p. 114 iiote). The illustrations of the * Jesus ' and
the * Minion ' are taken from the original water-
colour paintings by Anthony Anthony in the Pepys
ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
Library, Magdalene College, Cambridge, and are
inserted by permission of the College authorities.
The Minion, ....... 432
The * Minion' * of the Queenes ' was built in 1523 for
Henry VIII.'s navy. She was originally of 180
tons but was rebuilt about 1536 as a 300 ton
ship. She was given to Sir Thomas Seymour
about 1549, but about 1560 her name reappears in
the Navy Lists. (Oppenheim, Administration of the
Royal Navy.) In 1561 she was lent to the Guinea
merchants and was damaged in an action with the
Portuguese (Hakluyt, Vol. VL, p. 260). In 1564.
she was again employed in the Guinea trade and
in 1567-68 she formed one of Hawkins' fleet in
his third expedition to Guinea and the West
Indies. She was so badly damaged at San Juan
d'Ulloa and 'so sore beaten with shot from our
enemies and brused with shooting off our own
ordinance' that with the greatest difficulty she
was brought into Mounts Bay in Cornwall on the
25th of January 1569. She was condemned in
1570.
Map of the World by Peter Plancius A. D. 1594, . 474
Peter Plancius was born in 1552. He was a Calvinistic
preacher, pastor of the church at Amsterdam, but
his chief title to fame is his service to geography.
He maintained the existence of an open polar sea,
and he induced the people of Amsterdam to despatch
an expedition to seek a passage north of Novaya
Zemlya under Willem Barents. He died on 25th
May 1622 (Markham, John Davis the Navigator,
Hakluyt Society, 1880). The Map is interesting
as being one of the few attempts to apply the
principles of Mercator's * projection ' before their
correct demonstration by Edward Wright. The
engraved margin shows the inhabitants and products
ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
of the various divisions of the globe, * Mexicana '
representing North America, * Peruana ' South
America, and < Magallanica ' the supposed great
Southern Continent. The celestial circles, with
the quaint drawings of the principal constella-
tions, are also of great interest. The Map is
reproduced from a copy of Linschoten's Itinerafio
(published at Amsterdam in 1604-5) in the British
Museum.
THE NINTH VOLUME
OF THE
Principall Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques
and Discoveries of the English Nation
Made to Florida and New Mexico ; certeine
Voyages made for the discovery of the Gulfe
of California, and to the famous city of
Mexico, with the Discourses and
Letter depending upon the
Voyages of this ninth
Volume
The second voyage unto Florida, made and written
by Captaine Laudonniere, which fortified and
inhabited there two Summers and one whole
Winter.
Fter our arrivall at Diepe, at our comming
home, from our first voyage (which was
the twentieth of July 1562) we found
the civil warres begun, which was in ^'^^ ^^'^^'^^
part the cause why our men were not
warres the
succoured, as Captaine John Ribault had frenchmen
promised them : whereof it followed that zvere not sup-
Captaine Albert was killed by his souldiers, and the /^^'^4 '^hkh
country abandoned, as heretofore we have sufficiently f.^^f r f~
J . -^ , , ' . 11 , •'i ntnae in their
discoursed, and as it may more at large be understood ji^.^^ vo'^aze
by those men which were there in person. After the
peace was made in France, my Lord Admiral De Chas-
tillon shewed unto the king, that he heard no newes at
all of the men which Captaine John Ribault had left in
Florida, & that it were pity to suffer them to perish.
In which respect, the king was content he should cause
3 ships to be furnished, the one of sixe score tunnes,
the other of 100, and the third of 60, to seeke them
out, and to succour them.
My Lord Admirall therefore being well informed of
the faithfull service which I had done, aswell unto his
Majestie as to his predecessors kings of France, adver-
tised the king how able I was to doe him service in this
voyage, which was the cause that he made me chiefe
Captaine over these 3 shippes, and charged me to
IX I A
A.D.
1564.
Laudonniers
second voyage
to Florida,
with three
ships the 22
of Aprill
1564.
The Isle of
Teneriffa, or
the Pike.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
depart with diligence to performe his commandement,
which for mine owne part I would not gainesay, but
rather thinking my selfe happy to have bene chosen
out among such an infinite number of others, which
in my judgement were very well able to have quitted
themselves in this charge, I embarked my selfe at
New Haven the 22 of Aprill 1564, and sayled so, that
we fell neere unto the coast of England : and then I
turned towards the South, to sayle directly to the
fortunate Islands, at this present called the Canaries,
one of which called the Isle Salvage (because as I
thinke it is altogether without inhabitants) was the first
that our ships passed. Sayling therefore on forward,
we landed the next day in the Isle of Teneriffa,
otherwise called the Pike, because that in the middest
thereof there is an exceeding high mountaine, neere as
high as that of Etna, which riseth up like a pike, into
the top whereof no man can go up but from the
middest of May untill the middest of August, by
reason of the over great colde which is there all the
yere : which is a wonderfull strange thing, considering
that it is not past 27 degrees and an half distant from
the Equator. We saw it all covered over with snow,
although it were then but the fift of May. The
inhabitants in this Isle being heretofore pursued by the
Spaniards, retired themselves into this mountaine, where
for a space they made warre with them, and would not
submit themselves to their obedience, neither by foule
nor faire meanes, they disdained so much the losse of
their Island. For those which went thither on the
Spaniards behalfe, left their carkases there, so that
not so much as one of them returned home to
bring newes. Notwithstanding in the ende, the in-
habitants not able to live in that place according to
their nature, or for want of such things as were
necessary for the commoditie of their livelyhood, did
all die there. After I had furnished my selfe with
some fresh water, very good and excellent, which
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1564.
sprang out of a rocke at the foote of this mountaine,
I continued my course toward the West, wherein the
windes favoured me so well, that 15 dayes after our
ships arrived safe and sound at the Antilles : and
going on land at the Isle of Marti nino, one of the ^^^ ^/^^ ^f
first of them, the next day we arrived at Dominica, ^^^{^^!^°-
^ 1 ^' r -i r Domi7iica an
twelve leagues distant trom the rormer. island.
Dominica is one of the fayrest Islands of the West,
full of hilles, and of very good smell. Whose
singularities desiring to know as we passed, and
seeking also to refresh our selves with fresh water, I
made the Mariners cast anker, after wee had sayled
about halfe along the coast thereof. As soone as we
had cast anker, two Indians (inhabitants of that place)
sayled toward us in two Canoas full of a fruite of
great excellencie which they call Ananas. As they Ananas a
approched unto our Barke, there was one of them fr^^f^ofg^^^i
which being in some misdoubt of us, went backe ^'^^^ ^^'^^^'
againe on land, and fled his way with as much speede
as he could possibly. Which our men perceived and [III. 320.]
entred with diligence into the other Canoa, wherein
they caught the poore Indian, & brought him unto
me. But the poore fellow became so astonied in be-
holding us, that he knew not which way to behave
himselfe, because that (as afterward I understood) he
feared that he was fallen into the Spaniards hands,
of whom he had bene taken once before, and which,
as he shewed us, had cut of his stones. At length
this poore Indian was secure of us, and discoursed
unto us of many things, wherof we received very
small pleasure, because we understood not his minde
but by his signes. Then he desired me to give him leave
to depart, and promised me that he would bring me a
thousand presents, whereunto I agreed on condition that
he would have patience untill the next day, when I pur-
posed to goe on land, where I suffered him to depart
after I had given him a shirte, and certaine small trifles,
wherewith he departed very well contented from us.
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1564.
The place where we went on shore was hard by a
very high Rocke, out of which there ran a litle river
of sweet and excellent good water : by which river we
stayed certaine dayes to discover the things which were
worthy to be seene, and traffiqued dayly with the
Indians : which above all things besought us that none
of our men should come neere their lodgings nor
their gardens, otherwise that we should give them
great cause of jelousie, and that in so doing, wee should
not want of their fruite which they call Ananas,
whereof they offered us very liberally, receiving in
recompence certaine things of small value. This not-
withstanding, it happened on a day that certaine of
our men desirous to see some new things in these
strange countries, walked through the woods : and
following still the litle rivers side, they spied two
serpents of exceeding bignes, which went side by side
overthwart the way. My souldiers went before them
thinking to let them from going into the woods : but
the serpents nothing at all astonied at these gestures
glanced into the bushes with fearful hyssings : yet for
all that, my men drew their swords and killed them,
and found them afterward 9 great foote long, and as
big as a mans leg. During this combate, certaine
others more undiscreete went and gathered their Ananas
in the Indians gardens, trampling through them with-
out any discretion : and not therev/ithall contented
they went toward their dwellings ; whereat the Indians
were so much offended, that without regarding any
thing they rushed upon them and discharged their
shot, so that they hit one of my men named Martine
Chaveau, which remained behind. We could not know
whether hee were killed on the place, or whether he
were taken prisoner : for those of his company had
inough to doe to save themselves without thinking of
their companion. Whereof Monsieur de Ottigni my
Lieuetenant being advertised, sent unto me to know
whether I thought good that he should lay an ambush
4
RENE LAUDONNIERE ad.
1564.
for the Indians which had either taken or killed our
man, or whether hee should go directly to their
dwellings to know the trueth. I sent unto him after
good deliberation hereupon, that he should not attempt
any thing, and that for divers occasions : but contrari-
wise that he should embarke himself with al diligence,
& consequently al they that were on land : which he
did with speed. But as he sayled towards our ships
he perceived along the shore a great number of
Indians which began to charge them with their
arrowes : hee for his part discharged store of shot
against them, yet was not able to hurt them, or by
any meanes to surprise them : for which cause he quite
forsooke them, and came unto our ship. Where
staying untill the next day morning we set sayle fol-
lowing our wonted course, and keeping the same, we
discovered diverse Isles conquered by the Spaniards,
as the Isles of S. Christopher, and of the Saintes, of
Monserrate, and La Redonda : Afterward we passed
between Anguilla and Anegada, sayling toward New
France. Where we arrived 1 5 dayes after, to witte, f^^ arrival
on Thurseday the 22 of June about 3 of the clocke '''' ^Y'/"" '^'
J .^ «--' ^ . '2.1, of J UtlC
in the afternoone, and landed neere a litle river which ^^^
is 30 degrees distant from the Equator, and 10 lagues Cape Francois
above Cape Fran9ois drawing toward the South, and being between
about thirtie leagues above the River of May. After ^^/^^^'^'£^
wee had strooken sayle and cast anker athwart the i^f river of
River, I determined to goe on shore to discover the Ma^, maketh
same. Therefore being accompanied with Monsieur the distance ^o
Ottigni, with Monsieur de Arlac mine Ensigne, & leagues about,
^ \ , r ^ 1 1 1 J • T w/iic/i IS but
a certame numoer or Cjentlemen and souidiers, 1 ^^ i^^^ues
embarked my selfe about 3 or 4 of the clocke in Q-^er land.
the evening. And being arrived at the mouth of
the river, I caused the chanell to be sounded, which
was found to be very shallow, although that farther
within the same the water was there found reasonable
deepe, which separateth it selfe into two great armes,
whereof one runneth toward the South, and the other
5
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1564.
toward the North. Having thus searched the River,
I went on land to speake with the Indians which
waited for us upon the shore, which at our comming
on land, came before us, crying with a loude voyce
in their Indian language, Antipola Bonassou, which is
as much to say, as brother, friend, or some such like
[III. 321.] thing. After they had made very much of us, they
shewed us their Paracoussy, that is to say, their King
and Governour, to whom I presented certaine toyes,
wherewith he was well pleased. And for mine owne
The great love part, I prayse God continually, for the great love
T'^fT^V"^^^^ which I have found in these Savages, which were sory
for nothing, but that the night approched, and made
us retire unto our ships.
For though they endevoured by al meanes to make
us tary with them, and shewed by signes the desire
that they had to present us with some rare things, yet
neverthelesse for many just and reasonable occasions I
would not stay on shore all night : but excusing my
selfe for all their offers, I embarked my selfe againe
and returned toward my ships. Howbeit, before my
The r'wer of departure, I named this River, the river of Dolphines,
^// JT/ h b^^^^^^ ^^^t at mine arrivall, I saw there a great
the Savazes ^^^^ber of Dolphines, which were playing in the
mouth thereof. The next day the 23 of this moneth
(because that toward the South I had not found any
commodious place for us to inhabit, and to build a
fort) I gave commandement to weigh anker, & to
hoise our sailes to saile toward the river of May,
Their arrwall where we arrived two dayes after, & cast anker.
^t the river of p^^^^^^^^^ going on land, with some number of
^'^' Gentlemen and Souldiers to know for a certaintie the
singularities of this place, we espyed the Paracoussy of
the countrey, which came towards us (this was the very
, same that we saw in the voyage of Captaine John Ribault)
which having espied us, cryed very far off, Antipola,
Antipola : and being so joyful that he could not con-
taine himselfe, he came to meet us, accompanied then
6
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1564-
with two of his sonnes, as faire and mightie persons as
might be found in al the world, which had nothing in
their mouthes but this word, Amy, Amy : that is to
say, friend, friend : yea, and knowing those which were
there in the first voyage, they went principally to them
to use this speech unto them. There was in their
trayne a great number of men and women, which stil
made very much of us, and by evident signes made us
understand how glad they were of our arrivall. This
good entertainment past, the Paracoussy prayed me to
goe see the pillar which we had erected in the voyage of
John Ribault (as we have declared heretofore) as a thing
which they made great account of.
Having yeelded unto him and being come to the place The pillar set
where it was set up, wee found the same crowned with ^'{•^^''^1'^ -^
crownes of Bay, and at the foote thereof many little crowned with
baskets full of Mill which they call in their language garlands of
Tapaga Tapola. Then when they came thither they Laurell and
kissed the same with great reverence and besought us ^^'^'i^'o^^^dwith
to do the like, which we would not denie them, to the ^^Hof^ol^g
ende we might drawe them to be more in friendship tvorshipped'by
with us. This done, the Paracoussy tooke me by the the Savages.
hand, as if he had desire to make me understand some
great secret, & by signes shewed me very well up within
the river the limits of his dominion, and said that he was
called Paracoussy Satourioua, which is as much as King Paracoussy
Satourioua. His children have the selfe same title of ^(^towioua.
Paracoussy : The eldest is named Athore, a man, I dare
say, perfect in beautie, wisedome, and honest sobrietie,
shewing by his modest gravitie that he deserveth the
name which he beareth, besids that he is gentle and
tractable. After we had sojourned a certaine space with
them, the Paracoussy prayed one of his sonnes to pre-
sent unto me a wedge of silver, which hee did & that A wedge oj
with a good wil : in recompence whereof I gave him a ^^^^^^''
cutting hooke and some other better present : wherewith
he seemed to be very well pleased. Afterward we tooke
our leave of them, because the night approched, & then
7
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1564.
returned to lodge in our shippes. Being allured with
this good entertainment I failed not the next day to
imbarke my selfe againe with my Lieutenant Ottigni and
a number of souldiers to returne toward the Paracoussy
of the river of May, which of purpose waited for us in
the same place, where the day before we conferred with
him. We found him under the shadow of an arbour
accompanied with fourescore Indians at the least, and
apparelled at that time after the Indian fashion, to wit,
with a great Harts skinne dressed like Chamois, and
painted with devices of strange and divers colours, but
of so lively a portrature, and representing antiquity, with
rules so justly compassed, that there is no Painter so
exquisite that could iinde fault therewith : the naturall
disposition of this strange people is so perfect and well
guided that without any ayd and favour of artes, they are
able by the helpe of nature onely to content the eye of
artizans, yea even of those which by their industry are
able to aspire unto things most absolute.
Then I advertised Paracoussy Satourioua, that my
desire was to discover farther up into the river, but that
this should be with such dihgence that 1 would come
againe unto him very speedily : wherewith he was con-
tent, promising to stay for me in the place where he was :
and for an earnest of his promise, he offered me his
goodly skinne, which I refused then, and promised to
receive it of him at my returne. For my part I gave
him certaine small trifles, to the intent to retaine him in
our friendship.
[III. 322.] Departing from thence, I had not sayled three leagues
up the river, still being followed by the Indians, which
coasted me a long the river, crying still. Amy, Amy, that
is to say friende, friende : but I discovered an hill of
meane height, neere which I went on land, hard by the
fieldes that were sowed with mil, at one corner whereof
there was an house built for their lodging, which keepe
and garde the mill : for there are such numbers of Cor-
Grosses. nish choughes in this Countrey, which continually devoure
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1564.
and spoyle the mill, that the Indians are constrained to
keepe and watch it, otherwise they should be deceived of
their harvest. 1 rested my selfe in this place for cer-
taine houres, & commanded Monsieur de Ottigni, and Monsieur de
my Sergeant to enter into the woodes to search out the ^^^^.S"^^-
dwellings of the Indians : where after they had gone
awhile, they came unto a Marish of Reeds, where finding
their way to be stopped, they rested under the shadow of
a mightie Bay tree to refresh themselves a little and to
resolve which way to take. Then they discovered, as it
were on the suddaine, five Indians halfe hidden in the
woodes, which seemed somewhat to distrust our men,
untill they said unto them in the Indian language Anti-
pola Bonassou, to the end that understanding their speech
they might come unto us more boldely, which they did
incontinently. But because they sawe, that the foure
that went last, bare up the traine of the skinne
wherewith he that went formost was apparrelled our
men imagined that the foremost must needes bee some
man of greater qualitie then the rest, seeing that withal
they called him Paracoussy, Paracoussy, wherfore, some
of our company went towards him, and using him
courteously shewed him, Monsieur de Ottigni, their
Lieutenant, for whom they had made an harbour with
Bay and Palme boughes after the Indian fashion, to the
ende that by such signes the Savages might thinke the
Frenchmen had compained with such as they at other
times.
The Indian Paracoussy drew neere to the French, and ^^^ curtesie
bepan to make him a long^ Oration, which tended to no ^^'^^ ^^^^/"
o o ■' dicins to the
Other end, but that he besought the Frenchmen very fy^^ch.
earnestly to come and see his dwelling and his parents,
which they granted him, and straight for pledge of
better amitie, he gave unto my Lieuetenant Ottigni, the
very skinne that he was clad with.
Then he tooke him by the hande, leading him right
toward the Marishes, over which the Paracoussy, Mon-
sieur Ottigni, and certaine other of our men were borne
9
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1564.
upon the Indians shouldiers : and the rest which could
not passe because of the myre and reedes, went through
the woodes, and followed a narrow path which led them
foorth untill they came unto the Paracoussyes dwelling ;
out of which there came about iiftie Indians to receive
our men gallantly, and to feast them after their manner.
After which they brought at their entrance a great vessell
of earth, made after a strange fashion full of fountaine
water cleare and very excellent.
This vessell was borne by an Indian, and there was
another younger which bare of this water in another
little vessell of wood, and presented thereof to every
one to drinke, observing in doing the same, a certaine
order and reverence, which hee made to each of them, to
whome hee gave drinke. Our thirst well quenched by
this meanes, and our men beeing sufficiently refreshed,
the Paracoussy brought them to his fathers lodging,
one of the oldest men that lived upon the earth. Our
men regarding his age, began to make much of him,
using this speech. Amy, Amy, that is to say, friende,
friende, whereat the olde sier shewed himselfe very
Afterward they questioned with him concerning the
course of his age : whereunto he made answere, shewing
that he was the first living originall, from whence five
generations were descended, as he shewed unto them by
another olde man that sate directly over against him,
Men of ex- which farre exceeded him in age. And this man was his
ceedmg olde f^^hej-^ which seemed to be rather a dead carkeis then a
^ ' living body : for his sinewes, his veines, his artiers, his
bones, and other parts, appeared so cleerely thorow his
skinne, that a man might easily tell them, and discerne
them one from another. Also his age was so great, that
the good man had lost his sight, and could not speake
one onely word but with exceeding great paine. Monsieur
de Ottigni having scene so strange a thing, turned to the
yoonger of these two olde men, praying him to vouch-
safe to answere him to that which he demanded touch-
10
RENE LAUDONNIERE
ing his age. Then the olde man called a company of
Indians, and striking twise upon his thigh, and laying
his hand upon two of them, he shewed him by signes,
that these two were his sonnes : againe smiting upon
their thighes, he shewed him others not so olde, which
were the children of the two first, which he continued in
the same maner untill the fift generation. But though
this olde man had his father alive more olde then him-
selfe, and that both of them did weare their haire very
long, and as white as was possible, yet it was tolde them,
that they might yet live thirtie or fortie yeeres more by
the course of nature : although the younger of them
both was not lesse then two hundred and fiftie yeeres
olde. After he had ended his communication, hee com-
maunded two young Egles to be given to our men,
which he had bred up for his pleasure in his house.
Hee caused also little Paniers made of Palme leaves full
of Gourds red and blew to bee delivered unto them.
For recompence of which presents he was satisfied with
French toyes.
These two olde men caused our men to bee guided
backe againe to the place from whence they came, by
the young Paracoussy which hath brought them thither.
And having taken leave of the Paracoussy, they came
and sought me out in the place where I stayed, and
rehearsed unto mee all that they had scene, praying mee
also that 1 would rewarde their guide, which so frankely
and heartily had received them into his house, which I
would not faile to doe by any meanes.
Nowe was I determined to search out the qualities of
the hill. Therefore I went right to the toppe thereof,
where we found nothing else but Cedars, Palme, and
Baytrees of so sovereigne odour, that Baulme smelleth
nothing like in comparison. The trees were environed
rounde about with Vines bearing grapes in such quantitie,
that the number would suffice to make the place habit-
able. Besides this fertilitie of the soyle for Vines, a
man may see Esquine wreathed about the shrubs in
II
A.D.
1564.
[III. 323.]
Savages in
Florida of
250. yeres
olde.
Egles in
Florida.
Cedars,
Palmes,
Bayes exceed-
ing sweete.
Abundance
of grapes.
Esquine a
drugge excel-
lent against
the pockes.
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1564.
great quantitie. Touching the pleasure of the place,
the Sea may bee scene plaine and open from it, and
more then sixe great leagues off, neere the River Belle,
a man may beholde the medowes divided asunder into
lies and Islets enterlacing one another : Briefly the place
is so pleasant, that those which are melancholicke would
be inforced to change their humour.
After I had stayed there a while, I imbarked againe
my people to sayle towards the mouth of the River,
where wee found the Paracoussy, which according to his
promise waited for us. Wherefore to content him, we
went on shore, and did him that reverence that on our
part was requisite. Then hee gave me the skinne so
richly painted, and I recompensed him with somewhat
of our marchandise. I forgat not to demaund of him the
place whence the wedge of silver came which he had
given me before : whereunto he made me a very sudden
answere, which notwithstanding I understood not, which
Silver certain he well perceived. And then he shewed me by evident
dayes journey sipp^es that all of it came from a place more within the
up within the -p.9 , . . . ^ ^ 1 • 1 1
river of Mm. R^ver by certame dayes journeyes rrom this place, and
declared unto us that all that which they had thereof, they
gat it by force of armes of the inhabitants of this place,
Thimogoamor- named by them Thimogoa, their most ancient and
tall enemies to naturall enemies, as hee largely declared. Whereupon
when I sawe with what affection hee spake when hee
pronounced Thimogoa, I understoode what he would
say. And to bring my selfe more into his favour, I
promised him to accompany him with all my force, if
hee would fight against them : which thing pleased him
in such sorte, that from thenceforth hee promised him-
selfe the victorie of them, and assured mee that hee
would make a voyage thither within a short space,
would cause store of Mill to be prepared, and would
commaund his men to make ready their Bowes, and
furnish themselves with such store of arrowes, that
nothing should bee wanting to give battaile to Thimogoa.
In fine hee prayed mee very earnestly not to faile of
RENE LAUDONNIERE ad.
^564.
my promise, and in so doing, hee hoped to procure
mee Golde and Silver in such good quantitie, that mine
affaires shoulde take effect according to mine owne and
his desire.
The matter thus fully resolved upon, I tooke my
leave of him to returne unto my shippes, where after
wee had rested our selves all the night following, wee
hoysed sayles the next day very earely in the morning,
and sayled towarde the River of Seine, distant from the The river of
River of May about foure leagues : and there continu- ^^^^^'
ing our course towarde the North, wee arrived at the
mouth of Somme, which is not past sixe leagues T'he river of
distant from the River of Seine : where wee cast Anker, ^°^^^'
and went on shoare to discover that place as wee had
done the rest. There wee were gratiously and cour- ^^^ courtesie
teously received of the Paracoussy of the Countrey, ^^^^^ ^^^^~
which is one of the tallest men and best proportioned ^li^^erof
that may bee founde. His wife sate by him, which Somme.
besides her Indian beautie, wherewith shee was greatly
endewed, had so vertuous a countenance and modest
gravitie, that there was not one amongst us but did
greatly commend her ; shee had in her traine five of
her daughters of so good grace and so well brought up,
that I easily perswaded my selfe that their mother was
their Mistresse, and had taught them well and straightly
to preserve their honestie. After that the Paracoussy had
received us as I have sayde, hee commaunded his wife
to present mee with a certaine number of bullets of silver, [III. 324.]
for his owne part hee presented mee with his bowe and
his arrowes, as hee had done unto Captaine John Ribault
in our first voyage, which is a signe of a perpetuall amitie
and alliance with those which they honour with such a
kinde of present. In our discoursing with one another,
wee entred into speach as touching the exercise of armes.
Then the Paracoussy caused a corselet to be set on end,
and prayed me to make a proofe of our Harguebuzes
and their bowes : but this proofe pleased him very little ;
for assoone as he knew that our Harguebuzes did easily
A.D.
1564.
Laudonnieres
consultation
zuith his com-
pany where it
might be best
for them to
plant.
Gold and sil-
ver found at
the river of
May.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
pearce that which all the force of their bowes could not
hurt, he seemed to be sorie, musing with himselfe how
this thing might bee done. Neverthelesse going about
to dissemble in his minde that which his countenance
could not doe by any meanes, hee began to fall into
another matter, and prayed us very earnestly to stay
with him that night in his house or lodging, affirming
that no greater happinesse could come unto him then
our long abode, which he desired to recompence with a
thousand presents.
Neverthelesse wee could not grant him this poynt,
but tooke our leave of him to returne to our shippes :
where soone after I caused all my companie to bee
assembled, with the Masters and Pilots of my shippes,
to consult together of the place whereof wee should
make choise to plant our habitation. First I let them
understand, howe none of them were ignorant, that the
part which was towarde the Cape of Florida, was alto-
gether a marish Countrey, and therefore unprofitable for
our inhabitation : A thing which could yeelde neither
profite to the King, nor any contentment or pleasure to
us, if peradventure we would inhabite there. On the
other side if wee passed further toward the North to
seeke out Port Royall, it would be neither very profitable
nor convenient : at the least if wee should give credit to
the report of them which remained there a long time,
although the Haven were one of the fairest of the
West Indies : but that in this case the question was
not so much of the beautie of the place, as of things
necessary to sustaine life. And that for our inhabiting
it was much more needefull for us to plant in places
plentifull of victuall, then in goodly Havens, faire, deepe
and pleasaunt to the view. In consideration whereof
that I was of opinion, if it seemed good unto them, to
seate our selves about the River of May : seeing also that
in our first voyage wee found the same onely among
all the rest to abounde in Maiz and corne, besides the
Golde and Silver that was found there : a thing that
14
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
put me in hope of some happie discoverie in time to
come.
After I had proposed these things, every one gave
his opinion thereof: and in fine all resolved, namely
those which had beene with me in the first voyage, that
it was expedient to seate themselves rather on the River
of May then on any other, untill they might heare
newes out of France. This poynt being thus agreed
upon, wee sayled toward the River, and used such
diligence, that with the favour of the windes wee arrived
there the morrow after about the breake of day, which
was on Thursday the 29. of the moneth of June. Hav- June the 29.
ing cast anker, I embarked all my stuffe and the souldiers
of my companie, to sayle right toward the opening of
the River : wherein we entred a good way up, and found
a Creeke of a reasonable bignesse, which invited us to
refresh our selves a little, while wee reposed our selves
there. Afterward wee went on shoare to seeke out a
place plaine without trees, which wee perceived from the
Creeke.
But because wee found it not very commodious for us
to inhabite there : wee determined to returne unto the
place which wee had discovered before, when wee had
sayled up the River. This place is joyning to a
mountaine, and it seemed unto us more fit and com-
modious to build a fortresse, then that where we were
last. Therefore we tooke our way towards the forrests
being guided therein by the young Paracoussy which
had ledde us before to his fathers lodging. Afterward
we found a large plaine covered with high Pinetrees
distant a little from the other : under which wee perceived
an infinite number of Stagges which brayed amidst the
plaine, athwart the which we passed : then wee dis-
covered a little hill adjoyning unto a great vale very
greene and in forme flat : wherein were the fairest
medowes of the world, and grasse to feede cattel.
Moreover it is invironed with a great number of brookes
of fresh water, & high woods, which make the vale
15
A.D.
1564.
The Vale of
Laudonnlere.
An Herma-
phrodite.
[III. 325.]
They
their planting
with prayer to
God.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
more delectable to the eye. After I had taken the viewe
thereof at mine ease, I named it at the request of our
souldiers, The Vale of Laudonniere. Thus we went
forward. Anon having gone a little forward, we met
an Indian woman of tall stature, which also was an
Hermaphrodite, who came before us with a great ves-
sell full of cleere fountaine water, wherwith she greatly
refreshed us. For we were exceeding faint by reason
of the ardent heate which molested us as we passed
through those high woods. And I beleeve that without
the succour of that Indian Hermaphrodite, or rather, if
it had not bene for the great desire which we had to
make us resolute of our selves, we had taken up our
lodging all night in the wood. Being therefore refreshed
by this meane, wee gathered our spirits together, and
marching with a cheerefull courage, wee came to the place
which wee had chosen to make our habitation in : where-
upon at that instant neere the rivers brinke we strowed a
number of boughes and leaves, to take our rest on them
the night following, which wee found exceeding sweete,
because of the paine which before we had taken in our
travell.
On the morrow about the breake of day, I com-
maunded a trumpet to be sounded, that being assembled
we might give God thankes for our favourable and
happie arrivall. There wee sang a Psalme of thankes-
giving unto God, beseeching him that it would please
him of his grace to continue his accustomed goodnesse
toward us his poore servaunts, and ayde us in all our
enterprises, that all might turne to his glory and the
advancement of our King. The prayer ended, every
man began to take courage.
Afterward having measured out a piece of ground in
forme of a triangle, wee indevoured our selves of all sides,
some to bring earth, some to cut fagots, and others to
raise and make the rampire, for there was not a man that
had not either a shovell, or cutting hooke, or hatchet, as
well to make the ground plaine by cutting downe the
16
RENE LAUDONNIERE
trees, as for the building of the Fort, which we did hasten
w* such cheerfulnesse, that within few dayes the effect
of our diligence was apparant : in which meane space the
Paracoussy Satourioua our neerest neighbour, & on
whose ground wee built our Fort, came usually accom-
panyed with his two sonnes and a great number of
Indians to offer to doe us all courtesie. And I likewise
for my part bestowed divers of our trifles frankely on
him, to the end he might know the good will we bare
him, and thereby make him more desirous of our friend-
ship, in such sort, that as the dayes increased, so our
amitie and friendship increased also.
After that our Fort was brought into forme, I began
to build a Grange to retire my munition and things
necessarie for the defence of our Fort : praying the
Paracoussy to command his subjects to make us a cover-
ing of Palme leaves, and this to the ende that when that
was done, I might unfraight my shippes, and put under
coverture those things that were in them. Suddenly the
Paracoussy commaunded in my presence all the Indians
of his companie to dresse the next day morning so good a
number of Palme leaves, that the Grange was covered
in lesse then two dayes : so that businesse was finished.
For in the space of those two dayes, the Indians never
ceassed from working, some in fetching Palme leaves,
others in interlacing of them : in such sort that their
Kings commandement was executed as he desired.
Our Fort was built in forme of a triangle. The side
toward the West, which was toward the lande, was in-
closed with a little trench and raised with turves made in
forme of a Battlement of nine foote high : the other side
which was toward the River, was inclosed with a Pallisado
of plankes of timber after the maner that Gabions are
made. On the South side there was a kinde of bastion
within which I caused an house for the munition to be
built : it was all builded with fagots and sand, saving
about two or three foot high with turfes, whereof the
battlements were made. In the middest I caused a great
IX 17 B
A.D.
1564.
In Florida
they cover
their houses
with Palme
leaves.
The forme of
the Fort Caro-
line.
The West side.
The South side.
A.D.
1564.
High building
is not good for
this Countrey.
Nota.
Caroline.
[HI. 326,]
The first voy-
age twentie
leagues.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Court to be made of eighteene paces long and broad,
in the middest whereof on the one side drawing toward
the South I builded a Corps de gard, and an house on the
other side toward the North, which I caused to bee
raised somewhat too high : for within a short while after
the wind beat it down : and experience taught me, that
we may not build with high stages in this Countrey,
by reason of the windes whereunto it is subject. One
of the sides that inclosed my Court, which I made very
faire and large, reached unto the Grange of my muni-
tions : and on the other side towardes the River was
mine owne lodging, round about which were galleries
all covered. The principall doore of my lodging was
in the middest of the great place, and the other was
towarde the River. A good distance from the Fort I
built an Oven to avoyde the danger against fire, because
the houses are of Palme leaves, which will soone be
burnt after the lire catcheth holde of them, so that with
much adoe a man shall have leasure to quench them.
Loe here in briefe the description of our Fourtresse,
which I named Caroline in the honour of our Prince
King Charles.
After wee were furnished with that which was most
necessarie, I would not lose a minute of an houre, with-
out imploying of the same in some vertuous exercise :
therefore I charged Monsieur de Ottigni my Lieutenant,
a man in trueth worthy of all honour for his honestie and
vertue, to search up within the River, what this Thimo-
goa might be, whereof the Paracoussy Satourioua had
spoken to us so often at our comming on shoare. For
execution hereof the Paracoussy gave him two Indians for
his guides, which taking upon them to lead him in this
voyage, seemed to goe unto a wedding, so desirous they
were to fight with their enemies.
Being imbarked they hoised sayle, and having sayled
about twentie leagues, the Indians which still looked on
this side and that side to espie some of their enemies,
discovered three Canoas. And immediatly they began to
18
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1564.
crie Thimogoa, Thimogoa, and spake nothing else but to
hasten forward to goe fight with them : which the Cap-
taine seemed to be willing to doe, to content them.
When they came to boord them, one of the Indians gat
holde of an Halbert, another of an Coutelas in such a
rage, that hee would have leapt into the water to have
fought with them alone. Neverthelesse Ottigni would
not let them doe it, for while hee deferred to boord them,
he gave the others respite to turne the prowes of their
Canoas toward the shoare, and so to escape into the
woods. Againe, the meaning of Ottigni was not to make
warre upon them of Thimogoa, but rather to make them
friendes, and to make them thenceforth to live in peace
one with another if it were possible, hoping by this meane
to discover dayly some new thing, & especially the
certaine course of the River. For this purpose he caused
the barke to retire, wherein were the two Indians his
guides, and went with his men towarde the Canoas which
were on the Rivers side. Being come unto them, he put
certaine trifles into them, and then retired a good way
from them, which thing caused the Indians which were
fled away to returne to their boats, and to understand
by this signe, that those of our Barke were none of their
enemies, but rather come onely to traffique with them.
Wherefore being thus assured of us, they called to our
men to come neere unto them : which they did incon-
tinently and set foote on lande, and spake freely unto
them, with divers ceremonies over long to recount. In
the ende Ottigni demaunded of them by signes if they
had any Golde or Silver among them. But they tolde
him they had none as then : and that if he would send
one of his men with them, they would bring him without
danger into a place where they might have some. Ottigni
seeing them so willing, delivered them one of his men
which seemed very resolute, to undertake this voyage :
this fellow stayed with them untill tenne of the clocke the
next morning, so that Captaine Ottigny somewhat ^^^^ /^^^^^
offended with his long stay, sayled ten great leagues further.
19
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1564.
further up the River : although he knew not which way
he should goe, yet he went so farre up that hee espied
the Boate wherein his souldier was : which reported
unto him, that the Indians would have carried him three
great dayes journey further, & told him that a King
Mayrraaking named Mayrra rich in Gold and Silver, dwelt in those
nchtngolde quarters, and that for small quantitie of marchandise
unci silvcv . •
enough might be had of him : yet that hee would not
hazard himselfe without his leave, and that he brought
but a very little Golde. This being done, our men
returned toward our Fort Caroline, after they had left the
souldier with the Indians to enforme himselfe more and
more of such things as he might discover more at
leasure.
The second Fifteene dayes after this voyage to Thimogoa, I dis-
voyage. patched Captaine Vasseur and my Sergeant also to
returne againe into this Countrey, and to seeke out the
souldier which remained there in the former voyage.
Being therefore imbarked, they sayled two whole dayes :
and before they came to the dwelling of the Indians,
they found two of them on the Rivers side, which
were expresly sent unto that place to descry whether
any of their enemies were come to that part, with in-
tention to surprise them, as they did usually.
When they perceived Captaine Vasseur, they knew
incontinently that he was none of their enemies, and
therefore made no difficultie to come neere unto the
Barke, and shewed him by signes that the Souldier
which they sought was not in that place, but was at
KingMolloua. that present in the house of King Molloua which was
Olata Quae yassall unto another great King named by them Olata
kh^^^^^^ Ouae Utina : and that if the Captaine would sayle
thitherward, hee should come thither very quickly :
wherwith he was content, and caused his men to rowe
to that part which the Indians shewed him : whereat
they were so glad, that they ranne quickly before by
land to declare his arrivall, which was at the lodging of
king Molloua, after he had rowed not past halfe a
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1564.
league. While king Molloua had ended intertaining
Captaine Vasseur and his men, the souldier came in with
five or sixe pounds weight of silver which he had trucked ^'^^^ ^^ "f^^
and traffiqued with Indians. ^Jnilver^^
This King caused bread to bee made, and fish to bee
dressed after the Indian fashion to feast our men : to
whom, while they were at meate, hee made a discourse of
divers other Kings his friends & allies, reckoning up to
the number of nine of them by name, to wit, Cadecha,
Chilili, Eclauou, Enacappe, Calany, Anacharaqua, Omit-
taqua, Aequara, Moquoso : all which with him to the
number of more then fortie, hee assured us to bee the J^ortte kings
vassals of the most renowmed Olata Ouae Utina. jjtina
This done, hee went about likewise to discover the [ni. 327.]
enemies of Ouae Utina, in which number hee placed as
the first the Paracoussy Satourioua Monarch of the
confines of the river of May, which hath under his obey-
sance thirtie other Paracoussies, whereof there were ten
which were all his brethren, and that therefore hee was
greatly esteemed in those partes : then hee named three
others no lesse puissant then Satourioua, whereof the
first dwelt two dayes journey from his lord Olata Ouae
Utina, and ordinarily made warre upon him, whose name
was Potanou, a man cruell in warre, but pitiful! in the KingPotanou.
execution of his furie. For hee tooke the prisoners to
mercy, being content to marke them on the left arme
with a great marke like unto a scale, and so imprinted
as if it had bene touched with an hotte yron, then
hee let them goe without any more hurt. The two
others were named Onatheaqua, and Houstaqua, being
great Lords, and abounding in riches, and principally
Onatheaqua, which dwelt neere unto the high moun-
taines, wherein there was abundance of many rare things, ^» exceeding
& infinite quantitie of a kinde of slate stone, wherewith ^^^^P^^'^^-
they made wedges to cleave their wood. The occasion
which (as he sayd) mooved Potanou to wage warre
against Olata Ouae Utina, was the feare that he had,
lest he and his companions should get of that hard
21
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1564.
stone in his Countrey, wherewith they headed their
arrowes, and could not get it in any neerer place.
Besides all this, MoUoua recited to Captaine Vasseur,
that the kings allies the vassals of the great Olata,
armed their brests, armes, thighes, legs & foreheads with
Large plates large plates of gold and silver : and that by this meanes
of gold and ^^ arrowes that were discharofed upon them could do
silvev. /» or
them no maner of hurt at all, but rather were broken
against them. Hereupon Captaine Vasseur inquired
whether the Kings Onetheaqua and Houstaqua were
like unto us. For by the description that they made
of them, he began to doubt whether they were
Spaniards or no : but Molloua tolde him that they
were not, but that they were Indians like the rest, saving
^ome paint ^h^t they painted their faces with blacke, and that the
^withblacke ^^^^ ^^ Molloua, painted them with red. Then my
and some with Lieutenant Vasseur, and my Sergeant promised him,
red. that one day I should march with my forces into those
Countreys, and that joyning my selfe with his Lord
Olata, I would subdue the inhabitants of the highest of
those mountaines. Hee was very glad of this speach,
and answered that the least of these Kings which hee
had named, should present unto the Generall of these
succours the height of two foot of gold and silver,
which by force of armes they had already gotten of those
two Kings, Onatheaqua, and Houstaqua.
The good cheere being done, and the discourses ended,
my men imbarked themselves againe, with intention to
bring mee those p^ood newes unto the Fort Caroline.
But after they had sayled a very long while downe the
River, and were come within three leagues of us, the
tyde was so strong against them, that they were con-
strained to goe on lande, and to retire themselves
because of the night, unto the dwelling of a certaine
Paracoussy named Molona, which shewed himselfe very
glad of their arrivall : for hee desired to know some
newes of Thimogoa, and thought that the French men
went thither for none other occasion but for to invade
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1564.
them. Which Captaine Vasseur perceiving, dissembled
so wel, that he made him beleeve that he went to
Thimogoa with none other intention, but to subdue
them, and to destroy them with the edge of the sworde
without mercy, but that their purpose had not such
successe as they desired, because that the people oi
Thimogoa being advertised of this enterprise, retired
into the woods, and saved themselves by flight : that
neverthelesse they had taken some as they were fleeing
away, which carried no newes thereof unto their
fellowes.
The Paracoussy was so glad of this relation, that he
interrupted him, and asked Vasseur of the beginning and
maner of his execution, and prayed him that hee would
shew him by signes howe all things passed. Immediatly
Francis la Caille the Sergeant of my band tooke his
sword in his hand, saying, that with the point thereof he
had thrust through two Indians which ranne into the woods,
and that his companions had done no lesse for their
partes. And that if fortune had so favoured them, that
they had not beene discovered by the men of Thimogoa,
they had had a victorie most glorious and worthie of
eternall memorie. Hereupon the Paracoussy shewed
himselfe so well satisfied, that he could not devise how
to gratifie our men, which hee caused to come into his
house to feast them more honourably : and having
made Captaine Vasseur to sit next him, and in his
owne chaire (which the Indians esteeme for the chiefest
honour) and then underneath him two of his sonnes,
goodly and mightie fellowes, hee commanded all the
rest to place themselves as they thought good. This
done, the Indians came according to their good custome,
to present their drinke Cassine to the Paracoussy, and
then to certaine of his chiefest friends, and the French-
men. Then hee which brought it set the cup aside, and [III. 328.]
drew out a little dagger stucke up in the roofe of the
house, and like a mad man he lift his head aloft, and
ranne apace, and went and smote an Indian which sate
23
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1564.
alone in one of the corners of the hall, crying with a
loud voyce, Hyou, the poore Indian stirring not at all
for the blowe, which he seemed to endure patiently. He
which held the dagger went quickly to put the same in
his former place, and began againe to give us drinke as
hee did before : but he had not long continued, and had
scarce given three or foure thereof, but he left his bowle
againe, tooke the dagger in his hand, and quickly
returned unto him which hee had strocken before, to
whom he gave a very sore blow on the side, crying
Hyou, as he had done before : and then hee went to
put the dagger in his place, and set himselfe downe
among the rest. A little while after he that had bene
stricken fell downe backwards, stretching out his armes
and legs, as if hee had bene ready to yeeld up the
latter gaspe. And then the younger sonne of the Para-
coussy apparelled in a long white skinne, fell downe
at the feete of him that was fallen backward, weeping
bitterly halfe a quarter of an houre : after, two other of
his brethren clad in like apparell, came about him that
was so stricken, and began to sigh pitifully. Their
mother bearing a little infant in her armes came from
another part, and going to the place where her sonnes
were, at the first shee used infinite numbers of outcries,
then one while lifting up her eyes to heaven, another
while falling downe unto the ground, shee cryed so
dolefully, that her lamentable mournings would have
moved the most hard and stony heart in the world with
pitie. Yet this sufficed not, for there came in a companie
of young gyrles, which did never leave weeping for a long
while in the place where the Indian was fallen downe,
whom afterward they tooke, and with the saddest gestures
they could devise, carried him away into another house
a little way off from the great hall of the Paracoussy,
and continued their weepings and mournings by the
space of two long houres : in which meane while the
Indians ceassed not to drinke Cassine, but with such
silence that one word was not heard in the parlour.
24
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1564.
Vasseur being grieved that he understood not these
ceremonies, demanded of the Paracoussy what these
things meant : which answered him slowly, Thimogoa,
Thimogoa, without saying any more. Being more dis-
pleased then he was before with so sleight an answere,
he turned unto another Indian the Paracoussyes brother,
who was a Paracoussy as well as his brother, called
Malica, which made him a like answere as hee did at the KingMalica,
first, praying him to aske no more of these matters, and
to have patience for that time. The subtill old Para-
coussy prayed him within a while after, to shew him his
sword, which he would not denie him, thinking that hee
would have beheld the fashion of his weapons : but he
soone perceived that it was to another ende : for the old
man holding it in his hand, behelde it a long while on
every place, to see if he could finde any blood upon it,
which might shew that any of their enemies had bene
killed : for the Indians are woont to bring their weapons
wherewith their enemies have beene defeated, with some
blood upon them, for a token of their victories. But
seeing no signe thereof upon it, he was upon the point
to say unto him, that he had killed none of the men of
Thimogoa : when as Vasseur preventing that which hee
might object, declared and shewed unto him by signes,
the maner of his enterprise, adding, that by reason of the
two Indians which he had slaine, his sword was so
bloudy, that hee was inforced to wash and make it cleane
a long while in the River : which the olde man beleeved
to be like to be true, and made no maner of replie
thereunto.
Vasseur, La Caille, and their other companions went
out of the hal to go into the roome whither they had
carried the Indian : there they found the Paracoussy
sitting upon tapistries made of small reedes, which was Tapistry made
at meate after the Indian fashion, and the Indian that of small reeds.
was smitten hard by him, lying upon the selfe same
tapistry, about whom stoode the wife of the Paracoussy,
with ail the young damsels which before bewailed him in
25
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1564.
They lappe the hall ; which did nothing else but war me a great deal
mosse about q£ mosse instead of napkins to rub the Indians side.
their woundes ^t ij^i--r» • r
and use it 'ui -hereupon our men asked the Jraracoussy agauie tor
stead of nap- what occasion the Indian was so persecuted in his
kins. presence : hee answered, that this was nothing else but
A ceremome ^ kinde of ceremonie, whereby they would call to minde
the death of ^^ death and persecutions of the Paracoussies their
their ancesters ancestours executed by their enemie Thimogoa : alleaging
slaine by their moreover, that as often as he himselfe, or any of his
enemies. friends and allies returned from the Countrey, without
they brought the heads of their enemies, or without
bringing home some prisoner, hee used for a perpetuall
memorie of all his predecessors, to beate the best
beloved of all his children with the selfe same weapons
wherewith they had bene killed in times past : to the
ende that by renewing of the wound their death should
be lamented afresh. Now when they were thus
informed of those ceremonies, they thanked the Para-
coussy for their good intertainement which they had
received, & so setting saile came to me unto the fort :
[III. 329.] where they declared all unto me as I have recited it
The returne of heretofore. The eight and twentieth of July our
their ships shippes departed to returne into France. And within a
the z% of while, about two moneths after our arrivall in Florida,
July. the Paracoussy Satourioua sent certaine Indians unto
mee to knowe whether I would stande to my promise
which I had made him at my first arrivall in that
Countrey, which was that I would shewe my selfe friend
to his friendes, and enemie unto his enemies, and also to
accompany him with a good number of Harquebuzes,
when he should see it expedient, and should finde a fit
occasion to goe to warre. Now seeing he rested upon
this promise, he prayed mee not to deferre the same :
seeing also that making accompt thereof, hee had taken
such good order for the execution of his enterprise, that
he was ready, and was furnished with all things that were
necessary for the voyage : I made him answere, that for his
amitie I would not purchase the enmitie of the other, and
26
RENE LAUDONNIERE
that albeit I would, yet notwithstanding I wanted meanes
to doe it. For it behoved mee at that present to make
provision of victuals and munition for the defence of my
Fort. On the other side, that my Barkes were nothing
ready, and that this enterprise would require time :
Moreover, that the Paracoussy Satourioua might holde
himselfe ready to depart within two moneths, and that
then I would thinke of fulfilling my promise to him.
The Indians caried this answere to their Paracoussy,
which was litle pleased with it, because hee could not
deferre his execution or expedition, aswell because all
his victuals were ready, as also because tenne other
Paracoussies were assembled with him for the performance
of this enterprise. The ceremonie which this Savage
used before hee embarked his armie deserveth not to be
forgotten. For when hee was set downe by the Rivers
side, being compassed about with ten other Paracoussies,
hee commaunded water to be brought him speedily. This
done, looking up into heaven, he fell to discourse of
divers things with gestures that shewed him to be in
exceeding great choller, which made him one while shake
his head hither and thither, and by and by with I wote
not what furie to turne his face toward the Countrey of
his enemies, and to threaten to kill them. Hee often-
times looked upon the Sunne, praying him to graunt him
a glorious victory of his enemies. Which when hee had
done by the space of halfe an houre, hee sprinkled with
his hand a little of the water which hee helde in a vessell
upon the heads of the Paracoussies, and cast the rest as it
were in a rage and despite into a fire which was there
prepared for the purpose. This done, hee cried out thrise,
He Thimogoa, and was followed with five hundreth
Indians at the least, which were there assembled, which
cried all with one voyce. He Thimogoa. This ceremonie,
as a certaine Indian tolde mee familiarly, signified nothing
else, but that Satourioua besought the Sunne to graunt
unto him so happy a victory, that hee might shed his
enemies blood, as he had shed that water at his pleasure.
27
A.D.
1564.
Tke ceremonie
zuhich they use
before they goe
to warre.
Satourioua fol-
lowed with
five hundreth
Indians,
A.D.
1564.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Consultation
before they
assault their
enemies.
Moreover, that the Paracoussies which were sprinckled
with a part of that water, might returne with the heads of
their enemies, which is the onely and chiefe triumph of
their victories.
The Paracoussy Satourioua had no sooner ended his
ceremonies and had taken a viewe of all his company,
but he embarked himselfe, and used such diligence with
his Almadies or boates, that the next day two houres
before the Sunnes set, he arrived on the territories of his
enemies about eight or tenne leagues from their villages.
Afterward causing them all to goe on land, hee assembled
his counsell, wherein it was agreed that five of the Para-
coussies should saile up the River with halfe of the
troupes, and by the breake of the day should approche
unto the dwelling of their enemie : for his owne part, that
hee would take his journey through the woods and
forrests as secretly as hee coulde : that when they were
come thither, as well they that went by water as hee
which went by land should not faile by the breake of the
day to enter into the village, and cut them all in pieces,
except the women and litde children.
These things which were thus agreed upon, were
executed with as great fury as was possible : which when
they had done, they tooke the heades of their enemies
which they had slaine, and cut off their haire round about
with a piece of their skulles : they tooke also foure and
twentie prisoners, which they led away, and retired them-
selves immediatly unto their Boates which wayted for
them. Being come thither, they beganne to singe praises
unto the Sunne, to whom they attributed their victorie.
And afterwards they put the skins of those heads on the
end of their javelings, and went altogether toward the
King Omoloa. territories of Paracoussy Omoloa, one of them which was
in the company. Being come thither, they devided their
prisoners equally to each of the Paracoussies, and left
thirteene of them to Satourioua, which straightway dis-
patched an Indian his subject, to carry newes before of
the victory to them which stayed at home to guard their
28
Hozv they use
their enemies
which they
take in warre.
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1564.
houses, which immediatly beganne to weepe. But as-
soone as night was come, they never left dancing and
playing a thousand gambols in honour of the feast.
The next day the Paracoussy Satourioua came home,
who before hee entred into his lodging caused all the [III. 330.]
hairie skuls of his enemies to bee set up before his doore,
and crowned them with branches of Lawrell, shewing by 215^^"^ ^^^^^
this glorious spectacle the triumph of the victory which V^^^^^^P^-
hee had obtained. Straightway beganne lamentation and
mournings, which assoone as the night beganne were
turned into pleasures and dances.
After that I was advertised of these things, I sent a
Souldier unto Satourioua, praying him to sende mee two
of his prisoners : which hee denied mee, saying that hee
was nothing beholding unto mee, and that I had broken
my promise, against the oath which I had sworne unto
him at my arrivall. Which when I understoode by my
Souldier, which was come backe with speede, I devised
howe I might be revenged of this Savage, and to make
him know how dearely this bolde bravado of his should
cost him : therefore I commanded my Sergeant to provide
mee twentie Souldiers to goe with mee to the house of
Satourioua : Where after I was come and entered into
the hall without any maner of salutation, I went and sate
mee downe by him, and stayed a long while without
speaking any woorde unto him, or shewing him any
signe of friendship, which thing put him deepely in his
dumpes : besides that certaine Souldiers remained at the
gate, to whom I had given expresse commaundement to
suffer no Indian to goe foorth : having stoode still about
halfe an houre with this countenance, at length I de-
maunded where the prisoners were which hee had taken
at Thimogoa, and commaunded them presently to bee
brought unto me.
Whereunto the Paracoussy angry at the heart, and
astonied wonderfully, stoode a long while without mak-
ing any answere, notwithstanding at last hee answered
me very stoutly, that being afraide to see us comming
29
A.D.
1564.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
thither in such warrelike maner they fled into the woods,
and that not knowing which way they were gone, they
were not able by any meanes to bring them againe ; Then
I seemed to make as though I understood not what he
saide, and asked for his prisoners againe, and for some of
his principall allies. Then Satourioua commaunded his
Athore. sonne Athore to seeke out the prisoners, and to cause
them to be brought into that place, which thing he did
within an houre after.
After they were come to the lodging of the Paracoussy,
they humbly saluted mee, and lifting up their hands
before me, they would have fallen downe prostrate as it
were at my feet : but I would not suffer them, and soone
after ledde them away with me unto my owne Fort. The
Paracoussy being wonderfully offended with this bravado,
bethought himselfe by all meanes how hee might be
revenged of us. But to give us no suspition thereof, and
the better to cover his intention, hee sent his messengers
oftentimes unto us bringing alwayes with them some
kinde of presents. Among others one day hee sent
three Indians, which brought us two baskets full of great
Pumpions, much more excellent then those which we
umptons. ]^^yQ jj-, France, and promised me in their Kings behalfe,
that during mine abode in that Countrey, I should never
want victuals : I thanked them for their Kings good will,
and signified unto them the great desire which I had,
aswell for the benefit of Satourioua, as for the quiet of
his Subjects, to make a peace betweene him and those of
Thimogoa : which thing coulde not choose but turne to
their great benefite, seeing that being allied with the Kings
of those parts, hee had an open passage against Ona-
theaqua his ancient enemie, which otherwise he could not
set upon. Moreover that Olata Ouae Utina was so mightie
a Paracoussy, that Satourioua was not able to withstand
his forces : but being agreed together they might easily
overthrow all their enemies, and might passe the confines
of the farthest Rivers that were towards the South. The
messengers prayed mee to have patience untill the morowe,
30
Excellent
RENE LAUDOXNIERE a.d.
1564.
at what time they would come againe unto me to certifie
me of their Lords inclination : which they failed not to
doe, advertising me that Paracoussy Satourioua was the
gladdest man in the world to treate of this accord
(although indeed hee was quite contrary) and that he
besought mee to be diligent therein, promising to
observe and performe whatsoever I should agree upon
with those of Thimogoa : which things the messengers
also rehearsed unto the prisoners which I had ledde away.
After they were departed, I resolved within two dayes to
sende backe againe the prisoners to Olata Ouae Utina,
whose subjects they were : but before I embarked them,
I gave them certaine small trifles, which were little knives
or tablets of glasse, wherein the image of King Charles
the ninth was drawen very lively, for which they gave
me very great thankes, as also for the honest entertain-
ment which was given them at the Fort Caroline. After
this they embarked themselves, with Captaine Vasseur,
and with Monsieur de Arlac mine Ensigne, which I had
sent of purpose to remaine a certaine time with Ouae
Utina, hoping that the favour of this great Paracoussy
would serve my turne greatly to make my discoveries
in time to come. I sent with him also one of my
Sergeants, and sixe gallant Souidiers.
Thus things passed on this maner, and the hatred of
Paracoussy Satourioua against mee did still continue, until
that on the nine and twentieth of August a lightning [HI. 331.]
from heaven fell within halfe a league of our Fort, ^/^onderfull
more worthy I beleeve to be wondered at, and to bee ]^ ofJu2-^st
put in writing, then all the strange signes which have
bene scene in times past, and whereof the histories have
never written. For although the medowes were at that
season all greene, and halfe covered over with water,
neverthelesse the lightning in one instant consumed above
five hundred acres therewith, and burned with the ardent
heate thereof all the foules which tooke their pastime in
the medowes, which thing continued for three dayes
space, which caused us not a little to muse, not being
31
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1564.
able to judge whereof this fire proceeded : for one while
wee thought that the Indians had burnt their houses,
and abandoned their places for feare of us : another while
wee thought that they had discovered some shippes in
the Sea, and that according to their custome they had
kindled many fires here and there, to signifie that their
Countrey was inhabited : neverthelesse being not assured,
King Sar- I determined to sende to Paracoussy Serrany to knowe
ranay. ^j^^ trueth thereof But even as I was upon the point to
sende one by boate to discover the matter, sixe Indians
King Allima- came unto mee from Paracoussy Allimacany, which at
^^^^' their first entrie made unto mee a long discourse, and a
very large and ample oration (after they had presented
mee with certaine baskets full of Maiz, of Pompions and
of Grapes) of the loving amitie which Allimacany desired
to continue with mee, and that hee looked from day to
day when it would please mee to employ him in my
service. Therefore considering the serviceable affection
that hee bare unto mee, hee found it very strange, that I
The lavages \}i\yx^ discharged mine Ordinance against his dwelling,
Vlt^'^ ^ t b ^^^^ ^^^ burnt up an infinite sight of greene medowes,
discharging of ^^^ Consumed even downe unto the bottome of the
the Christians water, and came so neere unto his mansion, that hee
Ordinance. thought hee sawe the fire in his house : wherefore hee
besought mee most humbly to commaund my men that
they would not shoote any more towards his lodging,
otherwise that hereafter he should be constrained to
abandon his countrey, and to retire himselfe into some
place further off from us.
Having understood the foolish opinion of this man,
which notwithstanding coulde not choose but bee very
profitable for us, I dissembled what I thought thereof for
that time, and answered the Indians with a cheerefull
countenance, that the relation which they made unto mee
of the obedience of their Paracoussy did please mee right
well, because that before hee had not behaved himselfe
in such sort towards mee, especially when I summoned
him to sende mee the prisoners of great Olata Ouae
32
RENE LAUDONNIERE ad.
^564-
Utina which he detained, whereof notwithstanding he
made no great accompt, which was the principal! cause
wherefore I had discharged mine Ordinance against him :
not that I meant to reach unto his house (as I might
have done easily, if it had pleased me) but that I was
content to shoote the halfe way to make him knowe my
force : assuring him furthermore, that on condition that Laudonniere
he would continue in his good affection, no more ordi- ^^^d, the pre -
nance should be discharged against him hereafter : and ^^ J'^'^^^^T*
besides that I would become his faithfull protectour
against his greatest enemies.
The Indians contented with mine answere returned to
assure their Paracoussy, which notwithstanding the assur-
ance withdrewe himselfe from his dwelling twentie or five
and twentie leagues off and that for the space of more
then two moneths. After that three dayes were expired,
the fire was quite extinguished. But for two dayes after
there followed such an excessive heate in the aire, that A wonderfull
the River neere unto which we planted our habitation, ^^^^^•
became so hoat, that I thinke it was almost ready to seeth.
For there died so great abundance of fish, and that of so
many divers sorts, that in the mouth of the River onely
there were founde dead ynough to have loaden fiftie Fiftie cart load
Carts, whereof there issued a putrefaction in the aire, offish dead in
which bred many dangerous diseases amongst us, inso- f- ^^^/"^^^
much that most of my men fell sicke, and almost ready
to ende their dayes. Yet notwithstanding it pleased our
mercifull God so to provide by his providence, that all
our men recovered their health without the losse of any
one of them.
Monsieur de Arlac, Captaine Vasseur, and one of my "Ihe thirde
Sergeants being embarked with their tenne Souldiers "^'oyage the
about the tenth of September, to cary backe the prisoners ^^J^^^ ^
unto Utina, sailed so farre up the River, that they dis-
covered a place called Mayarqua distant from our Fort Mayarqua a
about fourescore leagues, where the Indians gave them P^^'^^ ^°-
good entertainement, and in many other villages which ^rf-^!^^^ ft/ ^
they found. From this place they rowed to the dwel-
IX 33 c
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1564.
ling of Paracoussy Utina, which after hee had feasted
them according to his abilitie and power, prayed Mon-
sieur de Arlac and all his Souldiers to stay a while with
him, to ayde and assist him in battaile against one of his
KingPatanou. enemies called Potanou, whereunto Monsieur de Arlac
consented willingly. And because hee knew not how
long he might have occasion to stay in these parts, hee
sent mee Captaine Vasseur and the Barke backe againe,
which brought home onely five Souldiers with him.
The Indians Now because the custome of the Indians is alwayes to
manerofwar. wage war by surprise, Utina resolved to take his enemie
[III. 332.] Potanou in the morning by the breake of the day: to
bring this to passe, hee made his men to travaile all the
Two hundreth night, which might be in number two hundred persons,
Indians. §0 well advised, that they prayed our French-shot to be
in the fore-front, to the ende (as they saide) that the
noyse of their pieces might astonish their enemies : not-
withstanding they coulde not march so secretly, but
that those of the village of Potanou, distant from the
dwelling of Utina about five and twentie leagues, were
ware of them : which suddenly employed and bestowed
A village in- all their endevour to defend their village enclosed all
closed with ^^\\}s\ trees, and issued out in great companies : but
finding themselves charged with shotte, (a thing where-
with they never had bene acquainted) also beholding
the Captaine of their bande fall downe dead in the
beginning of their skirmish, with a shot of an Harque-
buse which strooke him in the forehead, discharged by
the hande of Monsieur de Arlac, they left the place :
and the Indians of Utina gate into the village, taking
Utina getteth men, women, and children prisoners. Thus Paracoussy
the victory of Utina obtained the victory by the ayde of our men,
hh^^tV^ which slew many of his enemies, and lost in this conflict
French. ^^^ ^^ their companions, wherewith Utina was very much
grieved. Eight or tenne dayes after, I sent Captaine
Vasseur backe againe with a Barke to fetch home
Monsieur de Arlac and his Souldiers, which at their
returne brought mee certaine presents from Utina, as
34
RENE LAUDONNIERE ad.
1564.
some silver, a small quantitie of golde, painted skinnes, Siher, and
and other things, with a thousand thankes, which the gold, and
Paracoussy gave me, which promised that if in any /^f»^^^
enterprise of importance I should have neede of his
men, he would furnish mee with three hundreth and
above.
While I thus travailed to purchase friends, & to practise
one while with one here, an other while with another
there, certaine Souldiers of my company were suborned
under hand by one named la Roquette of the Countrey La Roquettes
of Perigort, which put in their heads that hee was a conspiracie.
great Magician, and that by the secrets of Art-magicke
he had discovered a Mine of golde and silver farre up
within the River, whereby (upon the losse of his life,)
every Souldier should receive in ready Bullion the value
of tenne thousand Crownes, beside and above fifteene
hundred thousand which should be reserved for the
Kings Majestic : wherefore they allied themselves with
La Roquette and another of his confederates, whose
name was Le Genre, in whom notwithstanding I had
great affiance. This Genre exceeding desirous to enrich Monsieur de
himselfe in those parts, and seeking to be revenged, Genre.
because I would not give him the carriage of the Paquet
into France, secretly enfourmed the Souldiers that were
already suborned by La Roquette, that I would deprive
them of this great gaine, in that I did set them dayly on
worke, not sending them on every side to discover the
Countreys : therefore that it were a good deede, after they
had made mee understand so much, to seeke meanes to
dispatch mee out of the way, and to choose another
Captaine in my place, if I v/ould not give them victuals
according to their disordinate appetite. Hee also brought ^^^^^^ ^'^•^-
mee word hereof himselfe, making a large discourse unto ^ ^fnlere in^the
mee of the good affection of the Souldiers, which all be- Souldiers
sought mee that I would conduct them to the Countreys name.
where the Mine was : I made him answere that all could His answere.
not goe thither, and that it was necessary before their
departure to settle our Fortresse in such estate, that
35
A.D.
1564.
A dangerous
practice
against the
Captaine and
hisLieutenant.
Laudmniers
sicknesse.
Laudonniers
Apothecarie.
["I. 333.]
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
those which were to stay at home behind should remaine
in securitie against the Indians which might surprise
them. Furthermore, that their maner of proceeding
seemed strange unto mee, for that they imagined, that
the Kings Majestie was at the charges of our voyage
for none other ende, but onely to enrich them at their
first arrivall, in as much as they shewed themselves much
more given unto covetousnesse, then unto the service of
their Prince : But seeing mine answere tended unto
none other ende but to make our Fortresse strong and
defensible, they determined to travaile in the worke, and
made an ensigne of olde linnen, which ordinarily they
bare upon the rampart when they went to woorke,
alwayes wearing their weapons, which I thought they
had done to incourage themselves to worke the better.
But as I perceived afterwards, and that by the confession
of Genre sent mee in letters which he writ to mee of
that matter, these gentle Souldiers did the same for
none other ende, but to have killed mee, and my
Lieutenant also, if by chance I had given them any
hard speeches.
About the twentieth of September, as I came home
from the woods and coppises to finish the building of
my Fort, (and that according to my usuall maner, I
marched first to give encouragement unto my Soldiers)
I chafed my selfe in such sort, that I fell into a sore
and grievous sicknesse, whereof I thought I should have
died : During which sicknesse, I called Le Genre often
unto mee, as one that I trusted above all others, and
of whose conspiracies I doubted not any whit at all.
In this meane while assembling his complices, sometime
in his chamber and sometime in the woods to consult
with them, hee spake unto them to choose another
Captaine besides mee, to the intent to put mee to death :
but being not able by open force to execute his mis-
chievous intention, hee gate him unto mine Apothecarie
praying him instantly to mingle in my medicine, which
I was to receive one or two dayes after, some drugge
36
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1564.
that should make mee pitch over the pearch, or at the
least that hee would give him a little Arsenike or quicke
Silver, which hee himselfe would put into my drinke.
But the Apothecary denied him, as did in like maner
Master S. which was Master of the fire-workes. Thus The Master of
wholly disappointed of both his meanes, hee with certaine the fireworks.
others resolved to hide a little barrell of gunne-powder
underneath my bed, and by a traine to set it on fire.
Upon these practises a Gentleman which I had dis-
patched to returne into France, being about to take his
leave of me, advertised me, that Genre had given him
a booke full of all kinde of lewde invectives and slanders
against me, against Monsieur de Ottigny, and against
the principal of my company : upon which occasion I
assembled all my Souldiers together, and Captaine Captaine
Bourdet with all his, which on the fourth of September Bourdet ar-
arrived in the roade, and were come into our River. ^'^j^jV^ ,
In their presence 1 caused the contents of the booke to J^^gpt^mber'
bee read alowde, that they might beare record of the
untruths that were written against mee. Genre, which
had gotten him into the woods for feare of being taken,
(where he lived for a while after with the Savages by my
permission,) writ unto mee often, and in many of his
letters confessed unto mee, that hee had deserved death,
condemning himselfe so farrefoorth, that he referred all
to my mercie and pitie.
The seventh or eighth day of November, after I had The 4. voyage
caused sufficient provision of such victuals as were neede- ^^^ 7- ofNo-
fuU to bee made, I sent two of my men, to wit. La ^^^ ^^'
Roche Ferriere, and an other towarde King Utina, to
discover every day more and more of the Countrey :
where hee was the space of five or sixe moneths, during
which hee discovered many small villages, and among
others one named Hostaqua, the King whereof being Hostaqua a
desirous of my friendship, sent unto mee a quiver made village.
of a Luserns skinne full of arrowes, a couple of bowes,
foure or ivv^ skinnes painted after their maner, and a
cheine of Silver weying about a pounde weight. In
37
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1564.
recompence of which presents I sent him two whole
sutes of apparellj with certaine cutting hookes or
hatchets.
After these things therefore in this sort passed, about
the tenth of this moneth, Captaine Bourdet determined
to leave mee and to returne into France. Then I
requested him, yea rather was exceeding importunate
with him, to carry home with him some sixe or seven
Souldiers, whom I coulde not trust by any meanes :
which hee did for my sake, and would not charge him-
selfe with Genre, which offered him a great summe of
money, if it would please him to carry him into France :
hee transported him onely to the other side of the River.
One cfhis Three dayes after his departure thirteene Mariners which
Barks stoke \ j^^^ brought out of France, suborned by certaine other
^Mariners ^^ Mariners which Captaine Bourdet had left me, stole
away my Barkes in maner following. These Mariners
of Captaine Bourdet put mine in the head, that if they
had such Barkes as mine were, they might gaine very
much in the Isles of the Antilles, and make an exceed-
ing profitable voyage. Hereupon they beganne to devise
howe they might steale away my Barkes, and consulted
that when I should command them to goe unto the
The village of village of Sarauahi distant about a league and an halfe
Sarauahi. from Our Fort, and situated upon an arme of the River,
(whither according to my maner I sent them dayly to
seeke clay, to make bricke and morter for our houses)
they would returne no more, but would furnish them-
selves with victuals as well as they might possibly :
and then would embarke themselves all in one vessell,
Another of his and would goe their way : as indeede they did. And
Barks stolne ^\^2it which was worse, two Flemish Carpenters, which
away by two ^^^ ^^-^^ Bourdet had left mee, stole away the other
Barke, and before their departure cut the cables of
the Barke, and of the shipboate, that it might goe away
with the tyde, that I might not pursue them : so that
I remained without either Barke or boate, which fell
out as unluckily for mee as was possible. For 1 was
Carpenters.
RENE LAUDONNIERE ad.
1564.
ready to imbarke my selfe with all speede, to discover
as farre up our River, as I might by any meanes.
Nowe my Mariners, (as I understood afterwards) tooke
a Barke that was a passenger of the Spaniards neere
the Isle of Cuba, wherein they founde a certaine quan-
titie of golde and silver, which they seazed upon. And One of these
having this bootie they lay a while at Sea, untill ^^^inen
their victuals beganne to faile them : which was the j^^^ betrayed
cause, that oppressed with famine they came unto his own com-
Havana the principall Towne of the Isle of Cuba : tre-^ men to the
whereupon proceeded that mischiefe which hereafter I ^p^^^^rds^and
will declare more at large. When I saw my Barkes [nto%lor'ida
returned not at their wonted houre, and suspecting
that which fell out in deed, I commanded my Car-
penters with all diligence to make a little boat with a
flat bottome, to search those Rivers for some newes
of these Mariners. The boate dispatched within a
day and a night, by reason that my Carpenters found
planks and timber ready sawed to their hands, as com-
monly I caused my Sawyers to provide it, I sent men
to seeke some newes of my thieves : but all was in
vaine. Therefore I determined to cause two great A Saw-mill
Barkes to be built, eche of which might be thirtie five, necessary here,
or thirtie sixe foote long in the keele.
And now the worke was very well forwarde which [III. 334.]
I set my workemen about, when ambition and avarice,
the mother of all mischiefe, tooke roote in the hearts
of foure or five souldiers which could not away with
the worke and paines taking : and which from hence
forward (namely one Fourneaux, and one La Croix, and The thirde
another called Steven le Geneuois, the three principall sedition.
authors of the sedition) beganne to practise with the
best of my troupe, shewing them that it was a vile
thing for men of honest parentage, as they were, to
moyle themselves thus with abject and base worke,
seeing they had the best occasion of the worlde
offered them to make themselves all riche : which was
to arme the two Barkes which were in building, and
39
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1564.
By Peru the to furnish them with good men : and then to saile
French meane unto Peru, and the other Isles of the Antilles, where
the coast of every Souldier might easily enrich himselfe with tenne
Z^N^^T thousand Crownes. And if their enterprise should bee
de Dios. misliked withall in France, they should bee alwayes able,
by reason of the great wealth that they should gaine,
to retire themselves into Italy, untill the heate were
overpassed, and that in the meane season some warre
would fall out, which would cause all this to be quite
forgotten.
This word of riches sounded so well in the eares
of my Souldiers, that in fine, after they had often-
times consulted of their affaires, they grew to the num-
ber of threescore and sixe : which to colour their great
desire which they had to goe on stealing, they
caused a request to bee presented unto mee by Francis
de la Caille Sergeant of my company, contayning in
sum a declaration of the small store of victuals that
was left to maintaine us, until the time that shippes
might returne from France : for remedy whereof they
thought it necessary to sende to New Spaine, Peru,
and all the Isles adjoyning, which they besought mee
to be content to graunt. But I made them answere,
that when the Barkes were finished, I would take
such good order in generall, that by meanes of the
Kings marchandise, without sparing mine owne apparell,
wee would get victuals of the inhabitants of the
Countrey : seeing also that wee had ynough to serve
The captaines US for foure moneths to come. For I feared greatly,
charge at his that under pretence of searching victuals, they would
settingforth. enterprise somewhat against the King of Spaines Sub-
jects, which in time to come might justly bee layde
to my charge, considering that at our departure out of
France, the Queene had charged me very expresly, to
doe no kinde of wrong to the King of Spaines Sub-
jects, nor any thing whereof he might conceive any
jelousie.
They made as though they were content with this
40
RENE LAUDONNIERE ad.
1564.
answere. But eight dayes after, as I continued in
working upon our Fort, and on my Barkes, I fell
sicke. Then my seditious companions forgetting all
honour and duetie, supposing that they had found good
occasion to execute their rebellious enterprise, beganne
to practise afresh their former designes, handling their
businesse so well, during my sicknesse, that they
openly vowed that they would seaze on the Corps de
gard, and on the Fort, yea, and force mee also, if I
woulde not consent unto their wicked desire. My
Lieutenant being hereof advertised, came and tolde mee
that he suspected some evill practise : and the next
day in the morning I was saluted at my gate with
men in complet harnesse, what time my Souldiers were
about to play mee a shrewde tricke : then I sent to
seeke a couple of Gentlemen whom I most trusted,
which brought mee word that the Souldiers were deter-
mined to come to me to make a request unto me :
But I tolde them that this was not the fashion to present
a request unto a Captaine in this maner, and there-
fore they should send some few unto me to signifie
unto mee what they would have. Hereupon the
five chiefe authours of the sedition armed with
Corslets, their Pistolles in their handes already bent,
prest into my chamber, saying unto mee, that they
would goe to New Spaine to seeke their adventure.
Then I warned them to bee well advised what they
meant to doe : but they foorthwith replyed, that they
were fully advised already, and that I must graunt
them this request. Seeing then (quoth I) that I am
enforced to doe it, 1 will sende Captaine Vasseur and
my Sergeant, which will make answere and give mee
an accompt of every thing that shall be done in
this voyage : And to content you, I thinke it good
that you take one man out of every chamber, that
they may accompany Captaine Vasseur and my Sergeant.
Whereupon, blaspheming the Name of God, they
answered that they must goe thither : and that there
41
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1564.
lacked nothing, but that I should deliver them the
armour which I had in my custodie, for feare least ^ I
might use them to their disadvantage (being so villan-
ously abused by them :) wherein notwithstanding I
would not yeeld unto them. But they tooke all by
force, and caried it out of my house, yea and after
they had hurt a Gentleman in my chamber, which
spake against their doings, they layd hands on mee,
and caried mee very sicke, as I was, prisoner into a
shippe which rode at ancker in the middest of the
Laudonniere River, wherein I was the space of fifteene dayes,
kepti^.dayes attended upon with one man onely without permission
prisoner by hts r r • • r
ownesouldiers. *^^ ^^7 ^^ ^7 servants to come to visite mee: rrom
every one of whom, as also from the rest that tooke
my part, they tooke away their armour. And they
sent mee a passeport to signe, telling me plainely
[III- 335-] after I had denied them, that if I made any difficulty,
they would all come and cut my throat in the shippe.
Thus was I constrained to signe their Passe-port, and
Trenchant a forthwith to grant them certaine mariners, with Tren-
skiifull pilot. ^^^^^ ^^ honest and skilfull Pilot. When the barks
were finished, they armed them with the kings
munition, with powder, with bullets, and artillery,
asmuch as they needed, and chose one of my Sergeants
for their Captain, named Bertrand Conferrent, and for
their Ensigne one named La Croix. They compelled
Captaine Vasseur to deliver them the flag of his ship.
Then having determined to saile unto a place of the
Antilles called Leauguave, belonging unto the king of
Spaine, and there to goe on land on Christmasse night,
with intention to enter into the Church while the
Masse was sayd after midnight, and to murder all
those that they found there, they set saile the eight of
December. But because the greatest part of them by
this time repented them of their enterprise, and that
now they began to fall into mutinies among them-
selves, when they came foorth of the mouth of the
river, the two barks divided themselves ; the one kept
42
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1564.
along the coast unto Cuba, to double the Cape more
easily, and the other went right foorth to passe
athwart the Isles of Lucaya : by reason whereof they
mette not untill sixe weeks after their departure.
During which time the barke that tooke her way along
the coast, wherein one of the chiefe conspiratours
named De Orange was Captaine, and Trenchant his
Pilot, neere unto a place called Archaha, tooke a
Brigantine laden with a certaine quantity of Cassavi, Cassavi.bread
which is a kinde of bread made of roots, and yet ^^^^^ of roots.
neverthelesse is very white, and good to eat, and some
little Wine, which was not without some losse of their
men : for in one assault that the inhabitants of Arch-
aha made upon them, two of their men were taken,
to wit, Steven Gondeau, and one named Grand Pre,
besides two more that were slaine in the place, namely
Nicolas Master and Doublet : yet neverthelesse they
tooke the Brigantine, wherein they put all their stuffe
that was in their owne Barke, because it was of greater
burthen and better of saile then their owne. After-
ward they sailed right unto the Cape of Santa Maria
nere to Leauguave, where they went on land to calke and
bray their ship which had a great leake. In this meane BaracouaviU
while they resolved to saile to Baracou, which is a vil- lageinthelsk
lage of the Isle of Jamaica : where at their arrivall they °fJ^^^^^^-
found a Caravel of fifty or threescore tunnes burden,
which they tooke without any body in it : and after they
had made good cheere in the village the space of five or
sixe dayes, they embarked themselves in it, leaving their
second ship : then they returned to the Cape of Tiburon, The cape of
where they met with a Patach, which they tooke by Tiburon.
force after a long conflict. In this Patach the governour The governor
of Jamaica was taken, with great store of riches, aswell of of Jamaica
golde and silver as of merchandise and wine, and many ^^'^^^•
other things ; wherewith our seditious companions not
content, determined to seeke more in their caravell, and
their governour of Jamaica also. After they were come
to Jamaica, they missed of another caravel which did save
43
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1564.
it selfe in the haven. The governour being fine and
subtile, seeing himselfe brought unto the place which he
desired and where he commanded, obtained so much by
his faire words, that they which had taken him let him
put two little boyes which were taken with him into a
little cocke boat, and send them to his wife into the
village, to advertise her that she should make provision of
victuals to send unto him. But in stead of writing unto
his wife, he spake unto the boyes secretly that with all
diligence she should send the vessels that were in the
havens neere that place to succour and rescue him.
Which she did so cunningly, that on a morning about the
breake of the day, as our seditious companions were at the
havens mouth (which reacheth above two leagues up
Malgualire a within the land) there came out of the haven a malgualire
ktndeofvessdl which maketh saile both forward and backward, and then
that will saile ^^^ ^^^^ shippes, which mig^ht be ech of them of foure-
tOTZOQTci atlct 1 X -' o _
backward. score or an hundred tunnes a piece, with good store of
ordinance, and well furnished with men : at whose
comming our mutinous fellowes were surprised, being not
able to see them when they came, aswell because of the
darknesse of the weather, as also by reason of the length
of the haven, considering also they mistrusted nothing.
True it is that five or six & twenty that were in the
brigantine discovered these ships when they were nere
them, which seeing themselves pressed for want of leasure
to weigh their anker, cut their cable, and the trumpeter
which was in it advertised the rest : whereupon the Span-
yards seeing themselves descried, discharged a volley of
canon shot against the French men, which they followed
by the space of three leagues, and recovered their own
ships : the brigantine which escaped away, passed in the
The Cape of sight of the Cape des Aigrettes, and the Cape of S.
5. Antony in Anthony situate in the Isle of Cuba, & from thence
^,' passed within the sight of Havana ; but Trenchant their
Havana. ^ ., , , ° , . , . r
pilot, and the trumpeter, and certame other manners or
this brigantine, which were led away by force in this
voyage (as elswhere we have declared) desired nothing
44
RENE LAUDONNIERE
A.D.
1565.
The c kartell of
Bahama.
more then to returne to me : wherefore these men agreed
together (if peradventure the wind served them well) to
passe the chanell of Bahama, while their seditious com-
panions were asleepe: which they did accomplish with
such good successe, that in the morning toward the breake [III. 336.]
of the day about the five and twentieth of March they
arrived upon the coast of Florida : where knowing the
fault which they had committed, in a kinde of mockery
they counterfaited the Judges : but they played not this
pranke untill they had tippled well of the Wine which
remained yet in their prize. One counterfeited the Judge,
another presented my person : one other after he had
heard the matter pleaded, concluded thus : Make you
your causes as good as it pleaseth you, but if when you
come to the fort Caroline the Captaine cause you not to
be hanged, I will never take him for an honest man :
others thought that my choler being passed, I would
easily forget this matter. Their saile was no sooner
descried upon our coast, but the king of the place named
Patica, dwelling eight leagues distant from our fort, and King Patica.
being one of our good friends, sent an Indian to advertise
me that he had descried a shippe upon the coast, and that
he thought it was one of our nation. Hereupon the
brigantine oppressed with famine, came to an anker at the
mouth of the river of May, when at the first blush we
thought they had beene shippes come from France ; which
gave us occasion of great joy : but after I had caused her
to be better viewed, I was advertised that they were our
seditious companions that were returned. Therefore I sent
them word by Captaine Vasseur and my Sergeant, that they
should bring up their brigantine before the fortresse :
which they promised to doe. Now there was not above
two leagues distance from the mouth of the river where
they cast anker unto the fortresse. The next day I sent
the same Captaine and Sergeant with thirty souldiers,
because I saw they much delayed their comming. Then
they brought them : and because certaine of them had
sworne at their departure, that they would never come
45
The returne of
part ofLau-
donnieres sedi-
tious souldiers.
A.D.
1565.
Laudonnieres
orct'ion to his
mutinous soul-
diers.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
againe within the fort, I was well pleased they should
keepe their oth. For this purpose I waited for them at
the rivers mouth, where I made my barks to be built, and
commanded my Sergeant to bring the foure chiefe
authours of the mutiny on shore ; whom I caused im-
mediatly to be put in fetters : for my meaning was not to
punish the rest, considering that they were suborned, and
because my councell expresly assembled for this purpose
had concluded that these foure only should die, to serve
for an example to the rest. In the same place I made an
Oration unto them in this maner.
MY friends, you know the cause why our king sent
us unto this countrey ; you know that he is our
naturall Prince, whom we are bound to obey according to
the commandement of God, in such sort, that we ought
neither to spare our goods nor lives to do those things
that concerne his service : ye know, or at least you cannot
be ignorant, that besides this general and naturall obliga-
tion, you have this also joyned thereunto, that in receiving
of him reasonable pay and wages, you are bound to follow
those whom he hath established over you to be your
governours, and to command you in his name, having
for this purpose given him an oth of fidelitie, which you
cannot by any meanes revoke for any faire apparance
which you have to doe the contrary : for this is reason,
that seeing you live upon his charges on this condition,
(this is reason I say) that you should be faithfull unto
him. Notwithstanding you have had more regard unto
your unbridled affections then unto vertue, which invited
you to the observance of your oth, in such sort that being
become contemners of all honesty, you have passed your
bonds, and thought that all things were lawfull for you.
Whereupon it is fallen out, that while you thought to
escape the justice of men, you could not avoid the
judgement of God, which as a thing by no meanes to
be avoided hath led you, and in spight of you hath
made you to arrive in this place, to make you confesse
46
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1565.
how true his judgements are, and that he never suffereth
so foule a fault to escape unpunished.
After that I had used unto them these or the like
speeches, following that which wee had agreed upon in
councellj in respect of the crimes which they had com-
mitted, aswel against the kings Majesty as against mee
which was their Captaine, I commanded that they should The sentence
be hanged. Seeing therefore that there was no starting of death.
hole, nor meanes at all to save themselves from this
arrest, they tooke themselves unto their prayers : yet one
of the foure, thinking to raise a mutiny among my
souldiers, sayd thus unto them : What, brethren and
companions, will you suffer us to die so shamefully ?
And taking the word out of his mouth, I sayd unto him,
that they were not companions of authours of sedition and
rebels unto the kings service. Heereupon the souldiers
besought me not to hang them, but rather let them be
shot thorow, & then afterward, if I thought good, their
bodies might be hanged upon certaine gibbets along the
havens mouth : which I caused presently to be put in
execution. Loe here what was the end of my mutinous Execution.
souldiers, without which I had alwayes lived peaceably,
and enjoyed the good desire which I had to make an
happy and quiet voyage. But because 1 have spoken
of nothing but their accidentes and adventures which
happened unto them after their departure, without mak-
ing any mention of our fort, I will returne to the matters
from which I digressed, to declare that which fell out after
their departure. First I began to consider to the end I [III. 337-]
might confirme and make my selfe more constant in mine ^,^^ conttnua-
affliction, that these murmurers could not ground their ^^^^^
sedition upon want of victuals : for from the time of our
arrivall, every souldier dayly unto this day, and besides
untill the eight and twentieth of February, had a loafe of
bread weighing two and twenty ounces. Againe I re-
counted with my selfe that all new conquests by sea or by ^^? conquests
land are ordinarily troubled with rebellions, which are ^^Ji^l^s °a?id~
easie to be raised, aswell in respect of the distance of mutinies.
47
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1565.
place, as in respect of the hope that the souldiers have to
make their profit, as we may be well informed both by
ancient histories and also by the troubles which lately
happened unto Christopher Columbus, after his first
discovery, to Francis Pizarro, & Diego de Almagro in
Peru, & to Fernando Cortes. An hundred thousand
other things came unto my minde, to incourage and con-
firme me. My Lieutenant Ottigny, and my Sergeant of
my band came to seeke me in the ship, where I was
prisoner, and caried me from thence in a barke assoone
Laudonniere as our rebels were departed. After I was come unto
setteth things the fort, I caused all my company that remained, to be
Z ^^f^^'^{^^^\ assembled in the midst of the place before the Corps de
of prison to the g^rde, and declared unto them the faults which they
fort. that had forsaken us had committed, praying them to
beare them in memory, to beare witnesse thereof when
need should require. Foorthwith I ordained new
Captaines to command the troups ; and prescribed
them an order, according whereunto they were
to governe themselves from thence forward, and to
enter into their watch : for the greatest part of the
souldiers, of whom I had the best opinion, were gone
away with them. My declaration ended, they promised
mee all with one accord to obey mee most humbly, and
to doe whatsoever I should command them, though it
were to die at my feet for the Kings service ; wherein
assuredly they never after failed : so that I dare say,
after the departure of my mutinous companions I was
as well obeyed as ever was Captaine in place where he
commanded. The next day after my returne unto the
fort, I assembled my men together againe, to declare
unto them that our fort was not yet finished, and that
it was needfull that all of us should put thereto our
helping hands, to assure our selves against the Indians :
wherein having willingly agreed unto mee, they raised
. it all with turfes from the gate unto the river which is
tlTwcTside ^^ ^^ West side. This done, I set my Carpenters on
of the fort. worke to make another barke of the same bignesse that
48
JLauMus mtacf^ num Lemdi^ierus abtbo f"
'\Floridci re^Ticrum cov^re?tdic ^America ^lae mine
^J&ud Tntmmum cziius Francis v'rrtute ^hacfiwtv
^er/ida quern si nm sociorum tiirpiter hofti
^dc7io pro(^/7et (cuitis tamen , oniniius vhis ,
^EL^sus Tnambus) ipice,^ualicij ^lamra^atraffem /
RENE LAUDONNIERE
RENE LAUDONNIERE ad.
1565.
the others were of: I commanded the Sawyers that
they should prepare plancks, the Smithes to prepare
yron and nailes, and certaine others to make coales : so
that the barke was finished in eighteene dayes. After-
ward I made another lesser then the first, the better to
discover up the river. In this meane space the Indians
visited me, and brought me dayly certaine presents, as
Fish, Deere, Turki-cocks, Leopards, little Beares, and
other things according to the place of their habitation.
I recompensed them with certaine Hatchets, Knives,
Beads of glasse. Combes, and Looking-glasses. Two
Indians came unto me one day to salute me on the
behalfe of their King, whose name was Marracou, KingMarra-
dwelling from the place of our fort some forty leagues <:ou.
toward the South, and tolde mee that there was one in
the house of King Onathaqua which was called Barbu King Onatha-
or the bearded man, and in the house of King ^«^-
Mathiaca another man whose name they knew not, i^^H^^^^^-
which was not of their nation : whereupon I conceived
that these might be some Christians. Wherefore I
sent to all the kings my neighbours to pray them, that
if there were any Christian dwelling in their countreys,
they would finde meanes that he might be brought unto
mee, and that I would make them double recompense.
They which love rewards, tooke so much paine, that Two Span-
the two men, whereof we have spoken, were brought yards brought
unto the fort unto me. They were naked, wearing ^nto Lau-
their haire long unto their hammes as the Savages tl^^^^^mzes
use to do, and were Spanyards borne, yet so well
accustomed to the fashion of the countrey that at
the first sight they found our maner of apparell
strange. After that I had questioned of certaine
matters with them, I caused them to be apparelled,
and to cut their haire ; which they would not loose,
but lapped it up in a linnen cloth, saying that they
would cary it into their countrey to be a testimony of
the misery that they had indured in the Indies. In the
haire of one of them was found a little gold hidden, to
IX 49 D
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1565.
the value of five and twenty crownes, which he gave
unto me. And examining them of the places where
they had bene, and how they came thither, they answered
me that fifteene yeeres past, three shippes, in one of
which they were, were cast away over against a place
Caloiaplace named Calos upon the Flats which are called The Mar-
^P'^JI y/J^J^^^ tyres, and that the kins: of Calos recovered the greatest
called The ^ r a • i i • 1 • 1 j 1 •
Manures P^^^ ^^ ^^^ riches which were in the sayd shippes,
neere the travelling in such sort that the greatest part of the people
Cape of was saved, and many women ; among which number
Florida. there were three or foure women married, remaining
there yet, and their children also, with this king of Calos.
The King of \ desired to learne what this king was. They answered
Calos. j^g^ ^^i^ j^g ^^g ^^ goodliest and the tallest Indian of
the country, a mighty man, a warrier, and having many
Great quanti- subjects under his obedience. They tolde me moreover,
tieofgoldeand ^j^^|- j^g ^^^.d great Store of golde and silver, so farre
fjfj'^' g -] foorth that in a certaine village he had a pit full thereof,
which was at the least as high as a man, and as large as
a tunne : all which wealth the Spanyards fully perswaded
themselves that they could cause me to recover, if I were
able to march thither with an hundred shot, besides that
which I might get of the common people of the countrey,
which had also great store thereof. They further also
advertised me, that the women going to dance, did weare
Plates of gold about their girdles plates of golde as broad as a sawcer,
as broad as a ^nd in such number ; that the weight did hinder them
sazvcer. ^^ dance at their ease ; and that the men ware the like
also. The greatest part of these riches was had, as they
sayd, out of the Spanish shippes, which commonly were
cast away in this straight ; and the rest by the traffique
which this king of Calos had with the other kings of
the countrey : Finally, that he was had in great rever-
ence of his subjects ; and that hee made them beleeve
that his sorceries and charmes were the causes that
made the earth bring foorth her fruit : and that hee
might the easier perswade them that it was so, he
retired himselfe once or twise a yeere to a certaine
50
RENE LAUDONNIERE ad.
1565.
house, accompanied with two or three of his most
familiar friends, where hee used certaine inchantments ;
and if any man intruded himselfe to goe to see what
they did in this place, the king immediatly caused him
to be put to death. Moreover, they tolde me, that One of these
every yeere in the time of harvest, this Savage king Spanyards
sacrificed one man, which was kept expresly for this ^^^^^'^^^
purpose, and taken out of the number of the Spanyards Qq^^^
which by tempest were cast away upon that coast.
One of these two declared unto me, that hee had
served him a long time for a messenger ; and that
often times by his commandement he had visited a
king named Oathcaqua, distant from Calos foure or King Oath-
five dayes journey, which alwayes remained his faithfull ^^^^^ °^
friend : but that in the midway there was an Island °^^ ^^'
situate in a great lake of fresh water, named Sarrope, Sarrope an
about five leagues in bignesse, abounding with many Island,
sorts of fruits, specially in Dates, which growe on the Abundance of
Palme trees, whereof they make a woonderfull traffique ; ^^t^^-
yet not so great as of a kinde of root, whereof they A root of great
make a kinde of meale, so good to make bread of, P^'^^^ ^^ ^^^^
that it is unpossible to eate better, and that for fifteene ^^^ ^'
leagues about, all the countrey is fed therewith : which
is the cause that the inhabitants of the Isle gaine of
their neighbours great wealth and profit : for they will
not depart with this root without they be well payed
for it. Besides that, they are taken for the most war-
like men of all that countrey, as they made good
proofe when the king of Calos, having made alliance
with Oathcaqua, was deprived of Oathcaquaes daughter,
which he had promised to him in mariage. He tolde
me the whole matter in this sort : As Oathcaqua well
accompanied with his people caried one of his daughters,
exceeding beautifull, according to the colour of the
countrey, unto king Calos, to give her unto him for
his wife, the inhabitants of this Isle advertised of the
matter, layed an ambush for him in a place where he
should passe, and so behaved themselves, that Oathcaqua
SI
A.D.
1565.
The greatest
victory among
the Floridians.
The situation
ofCalos,
Cannaveral
in 28 degrees.
The Flor-
idians great
traitouis and
dissemblers.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
was discomfited, the betrothed yoong spouse taken, and
all the damosels that accompanied her ; which they caried
unto their Isle ; which thing in all the Indians countrey
they esteeme to be the greatest victory : for afterward
they marry these virgins, and love them above all
measure. The Spanyard that made this relation, tolde
mee that after this defeat he went to dwell with Oathca-
qua, and had bene with him full eight yeeres, even untill
the time that he was sent unto me. The place of Calos
is situate upon a river which is beyond the Cape of
Florida, forty or fifty leagues towards the Southwest : and
the dwelling of Oathcaqua is on this side the Cape to-
ward the North, in a place which we call in the Chart
Cannaveral, which is in 28 degrees.
About the five and twentieth of January Paracoussy
Satourioua my neighbour sent me certaine presents by
two of his subjects, to perswade me to joyne with him,
and to make warre upon Ouae Utina which was my
friend : and further besought me to retire certaine of
my men which were with Utina ; for whom if it had
not bene, he had often times set upon him, and defeited
him. He besought me heerein by divers other kings
his allies, which for three weekes or a moneths space
sent messengers unto mee to this end and purpose : but
I would not grant unto them that they should make
warre upon him ; yea rather contrariwise I endevoured
to make them friends ; wherein they condescended unto
me, so farre foorth that they were content to allow of
any thing that I would set downe : whereupon the two
Spanyards which of long time knew well the nature of
the Indians, warned me that in any case I should not
trust unto them, because that when they shewed good
countenance and the best cheere unto men, then was the
time that they would surprise and betray them ; and
that of their nature they were the greatest traitours and
most deepe dissemblers of the world. Besides I never
trusted them but upon good ground, as one that had
discovered a thousand of their crafts and subtilties, aswell
52
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1565.
by experience as by reading of the histories of late yeres.
Our two barks were not so soone finished, but I sent
Captaine Vasseur to discover along the coast lying toward
the North, and commanded him to saile unto a river,
the king whereof was called Audusta, which was lord
of that place, where those of the yere 1562 inhabited.
I sent him two sutes of apparell, with certaine hatchets,
knives, and other small trifles, the better to insinuate my [III. 339.]
selfe into his friendship. And the better to win him,
I sent in the barke with captaine Vasseur a souldier
called Aimon, which was one of them which returned
home in the first voyage, hoping that king Audusta
might remember him. But before they were imbarked
I commanded them to make inquiry what was become
of another called RoufB, which remained alone in those
parts when Nicolas Masson and those of the first voyage Nicolas Mas-
imbarked themselves to returne into France. They ^^« otherwise
understood at their arrivall there, that a barke passing 'fjf^^J^^'^^'"'
that way had caried away the same souldier : and after-
ward I knew for a certainty that they were Spaniards
which had caried him to Havana. The king Audusta King Audm-
sent me backe my barke full of mill, with a certaine tas great
quantity of beanes, two stags, some skinnes painted after himamty.
their maner, and certaine pearles of small value, because Pearks
they were burnt : and sent me word that if I would dwel burned,
in his quarters, he would give me a great countrey : and
that after he had gathered his mill, he would spare me
as much as I would have. In the meane while there came Peter Martyr
unto our fort a flocke of stocke-doves in so great number, '^ntethcap.i.
and that for the space of seven weeks together, that every tyiijp^^l
day wee killed with harquebush shot two hundred in of pigeons are
the woods about our fort. After that Captaine Vasseur in the Isles of
was returned, I caused the two barks to be furnished ^^^ Lucayos.
againe with souldiers & mariners, and sent them to
cary a present from me unto the widow of king Hiocaia, The widow of
whose dwelling was distant from our fort about twelve KtngHtoa-
legues Northward. She courteously received our men, '^^^^^.^
sent me backe my barks full of mill and acornes with
53
A.D.
1565.
This queenes
name was Nia
Cubacani.
T he jift voyage
up the river
of May.
Mathiaqua.
The discovery
of a mighty
lake, on the one
side whereof
no land can be
The Isle of
Edelano.
An excellent
worke of
nature.
Eneguape.
Chilily.
Patica.
Coya.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
certaine baskets full of the leaves of Cassine, wherwith
they make their drinke. And the place where this
widow dwelleth is the most plentifull of mill that is in
all the coast, and the most pleasant. It is thought that
the queene is the most beautifull of all the Indians, and
of whom they make most account : yea, and her subjects
honour her so much, that almost continually they beare
her on their shoulders, and will not suffer her to go on
foot. Within a few dayes after the returne of my barks,
she sent to visit me by her Hiatiqui, which is as much
to say, as her interpreter. Now while I thought I was
furnished with victuals untill the time that our ships
might come out of France (for feare of keeping my
people idle) I sent my two barks to discover along the
river, and up toward the head thereof, which went so
far up that they were thirty leagues good beyond a
place named Mathiaqua, and there they discovered the
entrance of a lake, upon the one side whereof no land
can be seene, according to the report of the Indians,
which had oftentimes climed on the highest trees in
the countrey to see land, and notwithstanding could not
discerne any : which was the cause that my men went
no further, but returned backe ; and in comming home
went to see the Island of Edelano situated in the midst
of the river, as faire a place as any that may be seene
thorow the world : for in the space of some three leagues,
that it may conteine in length and bredth, a man may
see an exceeding rich countrey, and marvellously peopled.
At the comming out of the village of Edelano to go
unto the rivers side a man must passe thorow an alley
about three hundred paces long and fifty paces broad :
on both sides wherof great tres are planted, the boughes
whereof are tied together like an arch, and meet together
so artificially that a man would thinke it were an arbour
made of purpose, as faire I say, as any in all christendome,
although it be altogether natural. Our men departing
from this place rowed to Eneguape, then to Chilily, from
thence to Patica, & lastly they came unto Coya : where
54
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1565.
leaving their barks in a litle creeke of the river with
men to guard them, they went to visit Utina, which
received them very courteously : and when they departed
from his house, he intreated them so earnestly, that sixe
of my men remained with him ; of which number there
was one gentleman, named Groutald, which after he had
abode there about two moneths, and taken great paines
to discover the countrey, with another which I had left
a great while there to that intent, came unto me to the
fort, and tolde me that he never saw a fairer countrey.
Among other things, he reported unto me that he had The king of
scene a place named Hostaqua, and that the king thereof ^ostaqua or
was so mighty, that he was able to bring three or foure ^l^r'^^ fij.^
thousand Savages to the field ; with whom if I would or foure thous-
joyne and enter into league, we might be able to reduce and lavages to
all the rest of the inhabitants unto our obedience : besides the field.
that this king knew the passages unto the mountaine of Themountaine
Apalatci, which the French men desired so greatly to (^f^P^^^ta.
atteine unto, and where the enemy of Hostaqua made
his abode ; which was easie to be subdued, if so be wee
would enter into league together. This king sent me
a plate of a minerall that came out of this mountaine, out
of the foote whereof there runneth a streame of golde or There is a
copper, as the Savagfes thinke, out of which they dig ^^^f f/^™
'- ^ -i 1-1 1 11 J J • r 1 -11 or rich coper tn
up the sand with an hollow and drie cane or reed untill ^^ mountaine
the cane be full ; afterward they shake it, and finde that of Apalatci.
there are many small graines of copper and silver among
this sand : which giveth them to understand, that some
rich mine must needs be in the mountaine. And because
the mountaine was not past five or sixe dayes journey
from our fort, lying toward the Northwest, I determined
assoone as our supply should come out of France, to [III. 340.]
remoove our habitation unto some river more toward
the North, that I might be nerer thereunto. One of
my souldiers whose name was Peter Gamby, which had Peter Gamby
remained a long space before in this countrey to learne J^-^^^^-
the languages and traffique with the Indians, at the last j-^^ village of
came to the village of Edelano, where having gotten Edelano.
55
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1565.
Gold y together a certaine quantity of golde and silver, and
silver. purposing to returne unto me, he prayed the king of
the village to lend him a canoa (which is a vessell made
of one whole piece of wood, which the Indians use to
fish withal, and to row upon the rivers) which this lord
of Edelano granted him. But being greedy of the
riches which he had, he commanded two Indians, which
he had charged to conduct him in the canoa, to murder
him & bring him the merchandise and the gold which
he had. Which the two traitours villanously executed :
for they knockt him on the head with an hatchet, as
he was blowing of the fire in the canoa to seethe fish.
Ut'ina sendeth The Paracoussy Utina sent certeine dayes afterward, to
ioLaudonniere pj-^y. j^^ ^-q \qx\^ him a dozen or fifteene of my shot, to
jor .IS epe. \^y^^^ his enemy Potanou, and sent me word, that this
enemy once vanquished, he would make me passage, yea,
and would conduct me unto the mountaines in such
sort, that no man should be able to hinder me. Then
I assembled my men to demand their advice, as I was
A good note, woont to do in all mine enterprises. The greater part
was of opinion, that I should do well to send succour
unto this Paracoussy, because it would be hard for me
to discover any further up into the countrey without his
helpe : and that the Spanyards when they were imployed
in their conquests, did alwayes enter into alliance with
some one king to ruine another. Notwithstanding,
because I did alwayes mistrust the Indians, and that
the more after the last advertisement that the Spanyards
had given me, I doubted lest the small number which
Utina demanded might incurre some danger ; wherefore
I sent him thirty shot under the charge of my Lieutenant
Ottigny, which stayed not above two dayes with Utina,
while he prepared victuals for his voyage, which ordinarily
and according to the custome of the countrey are caried
by women and yoong boyes, and by hermaphrodites.
Three hundred Utina setting forward with three hundred of his subjects,
Indians. having ech of them their bowe and quiver full of arrowes,
caused our thirty shot to be placed in the foreward, and
56
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1565.
made them march all the day, until that the night
approching, and having not gone past halfe the way,
they were inforced to lie all night in the woods, nere a
great lake, and there to incampe themselves : they
separated themselves by sixe and sixe, making ech of
them a fire about the place where their king lay, for
whose guard they ordeined a certeine number of those
archers, in whom he put most confidence. Assoone as
day was come, the campe of the Indians marched within
three leagues of Potanou : there king Utina requested
my Lieutenant to grant him foure or five of his men
to go and discover the countrey ; which departed im-
mediatly, and had not gone farre, but they perceived upon
a lake, distant about three leagues from the village of A lake three
Potanou, three Indians which fished in a canoa. Now leagues distant
the custome is that when they fish in this lake, they ^J^^fj ^^^'
have alwayes a company of watchmen, armed with bowes Potamu.
and arrowes to guard the fishers. Our men being hereof
advertised by those of the company, durst not passe any
further, for feare of falling into some ambush : wherefore
they returned towards Utina, which suddenly sent them
backe with a greater company to surprise the fishers,
before they might retire and advertise their king Potanou
of the comming of his enemies. Which they could not
execute so politikely, but that two of them escaped ; the
third also did the best he could to save himselfe by
swimming, in which meane while he was stayed with
shot of arrowes, and they drew him starke dead unto
the banks side, where our Indians flayed off the skinne
of his head, cut off both his armes in the high way,
reserving his haire for the triumph, which their king
hoped to make for the defeat of his enemy. Utina
fearing least Potanou advertised by the fishers which
were escaped, should put himselfe in armes to with-
stand him valiantly, asked counsell of his Jawa, which ^^"^^ "^^-
is asmuch to say in their language as his Magician, -^^.. ^^^
whether it were best to goe any further. Then his Magician.
Magician made certeine signes, hidious and fearefuU to
57
A.D.
1565.
Potanou accom-
panied with
two thousand
Indians.
The prediction
of the Ma-
gician found
true.
[Ill- 34>.]
Utina hath 1 8
or 20 kings to
his Vassals.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
beholde, and used certeine words ; which being ended,
he sayd unto his king, that it was not best to passe
any further, and that Potanou accompanied with two
thousand Indians at the least stayed in such and such
a place for him, to bidde him battell : and besides this,
that all the sayd Indians were furnished with cords to
binde the prisoners which they made full account to
take.
This relation caused Utina to be unwilling to passe any
further : whereupon my Lieutenant being as angry as
ever he might be, because hee had taken so great paines
without doing of any thing of account, sayd unto him,
that hee would never thinke well of him nor of his
people, if hee would not hazzard himselfe : and that if he
would not doe it, at the least, that he would give him a
guide to conduct him and his small company to the
place where the enemies were encamped. Heereupon
Utina was ashamed, and seeing the good affection of
Monsieur de Ottigny determined to go forward : and
he failed not to finde his enemies in the very place
which the Magician had named: where the skirmish
beganne, which lasted three long houres : wherein with-
out doubt Utina had beene defeated, unlesse our harque-
busiers had not borne the burthen and brunt of all the
battell, and slaine a great number of the souldiers of
Potanou, upon which occasion they were put to flight.
Wherewithall Utina being content for the present, caused
his people to retire and returne homeward to the great
discontentment of Monsieur de Ottigny, which desired
nothing more, then to pursue his victorie. After he
was come home to his house he sent messengers to
eighteene or twentie villages of other kings his vassals,
and summoned them to be present at the feasts and
dances which he purposed to celebrate because of his
victorie. In the meane while Monsieur de Ottigny re-
freshed himselfe for two dayes : and then taking his leave
of the Paracoussi, and leaving him twelve of his men
to see that Potanou, bethinking himselfe of his late losse,
58
REiVE LAUDONNIERE a.d,
1565.
should not come to burne the houses of Utina, he set
forward on his way to come unto me unto our Fort,
where he up and told me how every thing had passed :
and withall that he had promised the twelve souldiers,
that he would come backe againe to fetch them. Then
the kings my neighbours all enemies to Utina, being
advertised of the returne of my Lieutenant, came to
visite me with presents and to enquire how things had
passed, praying me all to receive them into my favour,
and to become enemie to Utina, which notwithstanding I
would not grant them for many reasons that mooved me.
The Indians are wont to leave their houses and to A custome of
retire themselves into the woods the space of three the Indians to
moneths, to wit January, February, and March : during: ^^^^^ ^^^"
,. 1 .' 1 -^ ^' -^' T J. T- ^ houses for ^ or
which time by no meanes a man can see one Indian, ror moneths and
when they goe on hunting, they make little cottages in to live in the
the woods, whereunto they retire themselves, living upon woods.
that which they take in hunting. This was the cause that
during this time, we could get no victuals by their meanes :
and had it not beene that I had made good provision
thereof, while my men had store, untill the end of Aprill They lookefir
(which was the time when at the uttermost, we hoped to succour out of
have had succour out of France) I should have beene P^^^*^^ h ^{^
greatly amazed. This hope was the cause that the at the utter -
souldiers tooke no great care to looke well unto their most.
victuals, although I devided equally among them that
which I could get abroad in the countrey, without re-
serving unto my selfe any more then the least souldier
of al the company. The moneth of May approching and
no manner of succour come out of France, we fell into
extreme want of victuals, constrained to eate the rootes
of the earth and certaine sorrell which we found in the
fields. For although the Savages were returned by this
time unto their villages, yet they succoured us with no-
thing but certaine fish, without which assuredly wee had
perished with famine. Besides they had given us before
the greatest part of their maiz and of their beanes for our
marchandise. This famine held us from the beginning
59
A.D.
1565.
Extreme fa-
mine for nxe
zoeekes space.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
of May untill the middest of June. During which time
the poore souldiers and handicraftsmen became as feeble
as might be, and being not able to worke did nothing
but goe one after another in Centincl unto the clift of an
hill, situate very neere unto the Fort, to see if they might
discover any French ship. In fine being frustrated of
their hope, they assembled altogether, & came to beseech
me to take some order that they might returne into
France, considering that if we let passe the season to em-
barke our selves, we were never like to see our countrey,
where it could not be chosen but that some troubles
were fallen out, seeing they had broken their promise
made unto us, and that no succour was come from
thence. Thereupon it was consulted and resolved by
all the company, that the barke Breton should be trimmed
up, whereof Captaine Vasseur had charge. But because
the ship was not bigge enough to receive us all, some
thought good to build the Brigandine two deckes higher,
which our mutinous souldiers had brought backe, and
that 25 men should hazard themselves to passe therein
into France. The rest being better advised said that it
should be farre better to build a faire shippe upon the
keele of the Galiote which I had caused to be made,
promising to labour couragiously therupon. Then I
enquired of my shipwrights to knowe in what space
they could make this shippe readie. They assured the
whole company that being furnished with all things
necessarie, they would make it readie by the 8. of August.
Immediatly I disposed of the time to worke upon it,
I gave charge to Monsieur de Ottigny my Lieutenant to
cause timber necessary for the finishing of both the
vessels to be brought, and to Monsieur de Arlac my
Standart-bearer to goe with a barke a league off from
the Fort to cut downe trees fit to make plankes, and to
cause the sawiers which he carried with him to saw them :
and to my Sergeant of the company to cause fifteene or
sixteene men to labour in making coales : and to Master
Hance keeper of the Artillery, & to the gunner to gather
60
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1565.
store of rosen to bray the vessels : wherein he used such
diligence, that in lesse then 3 weekes he gathered 2 hogs- Two hogsheads
heads of the same together. There remained now but '^f^osen.
the principal, which was to recover victuals to sustaine
us while our worke endured : which I undertooke to doe
with ye rest of my company & the Mariners of the ship.
To this end I embarked my selfe making up the thirtieth [HI. 342.]
in my great barke, to make a voyage of forty or fifty
leagues, having with us no provision at all of victuals :
whereby it may easily be gathered how simply those of
our Fort were provided. True it is that certaine souldiers
being better husbandes then the rest, and having made
some provision of mast, solde a little measure thereof for
lifteene and twentie sous unto their companions. During
our voyage we lived of nothing else but raspices, of a
certaine round graine little and blacke, and of the rootes
of palmitos which we got by the river sides : wherein
after we had sayled a long time in vaine, I was con-
strained to returne to the Fort : where the souldiers
beginning to be wearie of working, because of the ex-
treme famine which did consume them, assembled them-
selves and declared unto me, that seeing we could get
no victuals of the Indians, it was expedient for the saving
of their lives, to seaze upon the person of one of the
Kings of the Countrie : assuring themselves that one
being taken, the subjects would not suffer our men to
want victuals. I made them answere that this enterprise
was not rashly to be attempted : But that wee ought to
have good regarde unto the consequence that might insue
thereof. Hereupon they replyed unto me, that seeing
the time was past of our succour from France, & that
we were resolved to abandon the Countrie, that there was
no danger to constraine the Savages to furnish us with
victuals : which for the present I would not grant unto
them, but promised them assuredly that I would send
to advertise the Indians that they should bring me
victuals for exchange of marchandise and apparell : which
they also did for the space of certaine daies, during which
61
A.D.
1565.
The ink na-
ture of the
Indians.
A cruell an-
swer e of the
Savages.
Pinocke a cer-
tatne kinde of
fruit as higge
as cheries.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
they brought of their mast and of their fish : which these
Indians being traiterous, & mischievous of nature, and
knowing our exceeding strange famine, sold us at so
deere a price, that for lesse then nothing they had gotten
from us al the rest of our marchandise which remained.
And which was worse, fearing to be forced by us and
seeing that they had gotten all from us, they came no
neerer to our Fort then the shot of an Harquebuze.
Thither they brought their fish in their little boats, to
which our poore souldiers were constrained to goe, and
oftentimes (as I have scene) to give away the very shirts
from their backs to get one fish. If at any time they
shewed unto the Savages the excessive price which they
tooke, these villaines would answere them roughly &
churlishly : if thou make so great account of thy mar-
chandise, eat it, and we will eat our fish : then fell
they out a laughing and mocked us with open throat.
Wherupon our souldiers utterly impatient, were often-
times ready to cut them in pieces, and to make them
pay the price of their foolish arrogancie. Notwithstand-
ing considering the importance hereof, I tooke paines
to appease the impatient souldier : for I would not by
any meanes enter into question with the Savages, & it
suffised me to delay the time. Wherefore I devised to
send unto Utina to pray him to deale so farre foorth
with his subjects, as to succour me with mast and maiz :
which he did very sparingly, sending me 12 or 15
baskets of mast, and two of pinocks, which are a kind
of little greene fruits which grow among the weedes in
the river, and are as big as cheries : yea, & this was
not but by giving of them in exchange twise as much
marchandise and apparell as they were worth. For the
subjectes of Utina perceived evidently the necessitie
wherein we were, & began to use the like speech unto
us, as the others did : as it is commonly scene that
neede altereth mens affections. While these things were
in doing, a certain breathing space presented it selfe for
Utina gave me to understand that there was a king his
62
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1565.
subject whose name was Astina, which he determined Astinaaking.
to take prisoner, and to chastise him for his disobedience :
that for this cause, if I would give him aide with a
certaine number of my souldiers, he would bring them
to the village of Astina, where there was meanes to
recover mast and maiz. In the meane season he excused
himselfe unto me because he had sent me no more maiz,
and sent me word that the little store that he had left,
was scarsely sufficient for his seede-corne. Now being
somewhat relieved, as I thought, by the hope which I
had of this offer, I would not faile to send him the
men which he desired of me, which neverthelesse were
very evill intreated : for he deceived them, and in stead
of leading them against Astina, he caused them to march
against his other enemies. My Lieutenant which had the
charge of this enterprise with Captain e Vasseur and my
Sergeant was determined to be revenged of Utina and
to cut him in pieces & his people : and had it not bene
that they feared to do any thing against my wil, with-
out all doubt they would have put their enterprise in
execution. Therfore they would not passe any further
without advertising me thereof. Wherefore being come
backe againe unto the Fort, angry & pricked deepely
to the quicke for being so mocked, they made their
complaints unto me, declaring unto me that they were
almost dead for hunger. They told the whole matter
to the rest of the souldiers, which were very glad that
they had not entred into that action, & resolved,
assembling themselves againe together, to let me under-
stand that they did persist in their first deliberation,
which was, to punish the boldnesse and maliciousnes of
the Savages, which they could no longer endure, & were
determined to take one of their kings prisoner : which
thing I was enforced to grant unto them, to ye end to
avoid a greater mischiefe, and the sedition which I foresaw [in. 343.]
would ensue, if I had made refusall thereof. For, sayd
they, what occasion have you to deny us, considering
the necessitie wherein we are, and the small account
63
A.D.
1565.
Utina taken
prisoner in his
village by
Laudonniere
and 50 of his
soldiers.
Five or sixe
hundred In-
dians.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
that they make of us. Shall it not be lawfull for us to
punish them for the wrongs which they doe unto us,
besides that we know apparantly how little they respect
us ? Is not this sufficient although there were no
necessitie at all, since they thus delude us, and have
broken promise with us ? After I had therefore resolved
with them to seaze on the person of Utina, which
besides that he had given us occasion hereof, was also
most able to help us to recover victuals, I departed
with fiftie of my best souldiers all embarked in two
Barkes & we arrived in the dominions of Utina, distant
from our Fort about 40 or 50 leagues : then going on
shore we drew towards his village situated 6 great
leagues from the river, where we tooke him prisoner,
howbeit not without great cries and alarmes, and led
him away in our barkes, having first signified unto
his Father in law and his chiefe subjects, that in that
I had taken him, it was not for any desire that I
had to doe him any harme, but onely to relieve my
necessitie and want of victuals which oppressed me,
and that in case they would helpe me to some, I
would find meanes to set him againe at libertie : that
in the meane space I would retire my selfe into my
Barkes (for I feared least they would there assemble
themselves together, and that some mischiefe might
thereof insue) where I would stay for him two dayes
to receive his answere : notwithstanding that my mean-
ing was not to have any thing without exchange of
marchandise. This they promised they would doe.
And in very deede the very same evening, his wife
accompanied with all the women of the village came
unto the Rivers brinke, and cryed unto me to enter
into the barke, to see her husband and her sonne,
which I held both prisoners. I discovered the next
day five or sixe hundred Indian archers, which drew
neere unto the river side, and came to me to
signifie unto me how that during the absence of their
king, their enemie Potanou, being thereof advertised,
64
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1565.
was entred into their village, and had set all on fire.
They prayed me that I would succour them : never- The deepe dls-
thelesse in the meane while they had one part of their semblingofthe
troope in ambush, with intent to set upon me if I ^^^^^^^•
had come on land, which was easie for mee to dis-
cerne. For seeing that I refused so to doe, they
greatly doubted that they were discovered, and sought
by all meanes to remoove out of my minde that evill
opinion which I had conceived of them. They brought
mee therefore fish in their little boates and of their
meale of Mast, they made also of their drinke which
they call cassine, which they sent to Utina and me.
Now albeit I had gotten this point of them that I
held their king prisoner, yet neverthelesse I could not
get any great quantitie of victuals for the present : the
reason was, because they thought that after I had drawen
victuals from them, I would put their king to death.
For they measured my will according to their custome, The Indians
whereby they put to death all the men prisoners that kill all the men
they take in warre. And thus being out of all hope of ^]^'''^^^'^ f/'
his libertie, they assembled themselves in the great house, ,^arre.
and having called all the people together they proposed
the election of a new King, at which time the Father The election
in lawe of Utina set one of the kings young sonnes rf^ ^^'^ king.
upon the Royall throne : and tooke such paynes that
every man did him homage by the major part of the
voyces. This election had like to have bene the cause
of great troubles among them. For there was a kins-
man of the kings neere adjoyning, which pretended a
Title to the kingdome, and in deede he had gotten one
part of the subjects: notwithstanding this enterprise could
not take effect, forasmuch as by a common consent of
the chiefe, it was consulted and concluded, that the sonne
was more meete to succeede the Father then any other.
Now all this while I kept Utina with me, to whom I
had given some of mine apparell to cloth him, as I had
likewise done unto his sonne. But his subjects which
before had an opinion that I would have killed him,
IX 65 E
A.D.
1565.
The hatred
among the Sa-
vage kings of
Florida.
Note.
[III. 3+4.]
Note.
Rootes.
Esquine.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
being advertised of the good entertainment which I used
towards him, sent two men which walked along the river,
and came to visite him, and brought us some victuals.
These two men at their comming were received by me
with all courtesie, and entertained according to the victuals
which I had. While these things thus passed, there
arrived from all quarters many Savages of the countries
adjoyning, which came to see Utina, and sought by all
meanes to perswade me to put him to death, offering
that if I would do so, they would take order that 1
should want no victuals. There was also a King my
neighbour whose name was Saturioua, a subtill and craftie
man, and one that shewed by proofe that he was greatly
practised in affaires. The King sent ordinarily messengers
unto me, to pray me to deliver Utina unto him : and
to win me the more easily, he sent twise seven or eight
baskets of Maiz or of Mast, thinking by this way to
allure me, & to make me come to composition with him :
in the end notwithstanding when he saw he lost his
time, he ceased to visite me with ambassages & victuals :
& in the meane while I was not able with ye same store
of victuals which I had, so well to proportion out the
travaile upon the ships which we built to returne into
France, but that in the end we were constrained to
indure extreme famine, which continued among us
all the moneth of May ; for in this latter season,
neither Maiz nor Beanes, nor Mast was to be found
in the villages, because they had employed all for to
sowe their fields, insomuch that we were constrayned to
eate rootes, which the most part of our men punned
in the morters which I had brought with me to beate
gunnepowder in, and the graine which came to us from
other places : some tooke the wood of Esquine, beate
it, and made meale thereof, which they boyled with
water, and eate it : others went with their harquebusies
to seeke to kill some foule. Yea this miserie was so
great, that one was found that gathered up among the
filth of my house, all the fish bones that he could finde,
66
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
^565.
which he dried and beate into powder to make bread
thereof. The effects of this hideous famine appeared
incontinently among us, for our bones eftsoones beganne
to cleave so neere unto the skinne, that the most part of
the souldiers had their skinnes peirced thorow with them
in many partes of their bodies : in such sort that my
greatest feare was, least the Indians would rise up against
us, considering that it would have bene very hard for us
to have defended our selves in such extreme decay of all
our forces, besides the scarsitie of all victuals, which
fayled us all at once. For the very river had not such
plentie of f sh as it was wont, and it seemed that the
land and water did fight against us. Now as we were
thus upon termes of dispayre, about the end of the
moneth of May, and the beginning of June, I was New come by
advertised by certaine Indians that were my neigh- ^^^ ^^^ e/"
hours, that in the high Countrey up above the river, ^P-\^
there was new Maiz, and that that countrey was most
forward of all. This caused me to take upon me to go
thither with a certaine number of my men, and I went
up the river to a place called Enecaque : where I met The village of
the sister of Utina in a village where she made us very Enecaque.
good cheere and sent us fish. We found that which
was tolde us to be true : for the maiz was now ripe : but
by this good lucke one shrewde turne happened unto
me. For the most part of my souldiers fell sicke with
eating more of it then their weakened stomackes could
digest. We had also beene the space of foure dayes
since we departed from our Fort, without eating any
thing, saving little pinockes, and a little fish, which we A little greene
got of the fishers which wee met sometimes along the fruite that
river. And yet this was so little that certaine souldiers i.^y'^^^^ ^^^^he
eate privily little whelpes which were newly whelped. Jl^herks ^^
The next day I purposed to go into ye He of Edelano The He of
to take the king which had caused one of my men to Edelano.
be slaine, as I have mentioned before : but being adver-
tised of my departing out of my Fort, and of the way
which I tooke up the river, he feared that I went foorth
67
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1565.
with a purpose to be revenged of the evill turne which
he played : so that when I came thither, I found the
houses emptie, for he was retyred a little before with
all his people : & I could not by any meanes keepe my
souldiers, being angry because they had lost one of
their companions, from setting the village on fire. At
my departure from thence I passed backe againe by
Enecaque, where I gathered as much maiz as I could
possibly : which with great diligence I conveied to our
Fort to succour my poore men, which I had left in
great necessitie. They therefore seeing me a farre off
comming, ranne to that side of the river where they
thought I would come on land : for hunger so pinched
them to the heart, that they could not stay untill the
victuals were brought them to the Fort. And that they
well shewed assoone as I was come, and that I had
distributed that little maiz among them, which I had
given to ech man, before I came out of the barke : for
they eate it before they had taken it out of the huske.
But seeing my selfe in this extreme neede, I tooke
paines day by day to seeke some villages where there
was some food. And as I travailed this way and that
Two Carpen- way, it happened that two of my Carpenters were killed by
ters killed for ^j^^ ^^q sonnes of king Emola, and by one whose name
^lndians%lJ^ was Casti, as they went on walking to the village called
The village Athore. The cause of this murder was, because they
Athore. could not refraine themselves as they walked through
the fields from gathering a little maiz, which as they
were doing, they were taken in the maner : wherof I
was presently advertised by an Indian which a little
Islia Cuhacani before had brought me a present from Nia Cubacani
a Queene. Queene of a village, and neighbour to our Fort. Upon
receipt of this advertisement, I sent my Sergeant with
a number of souldiers which found nothing else but
the 2 dead corpses, which they buried and returned
without doing any other exploit, because the inhabitants
were fled away, fearing they should be punished for such
a foule fact. As these things thus passed, & that by
68
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1565.
this time we had almost driven out the moneth of May,
two subjects of king Utina came unto me with an
Hermaphrodite, which shewed mee that by this time the
maiz was ripe in the greatest part of their quarters.
Whereupon Utina signified unto me that in case I
would Carrie him home to his house, he would take
such good order that I should have plentie of maiz &
beanes : and withall, that the field which he had caused
to be sowen for me, should be reserved to my use.
I consulted with my men concerning this matter, and
found by the advice of all my company, that it was best
to grant him his request, saying, that he had meanes to
succour us with food sufficient to serve our turnes for [III. 345.]
our embarkement, and that therefore I might do well to
carry him home. Wherefore I caused the two barks
forthwith to be made readie, wherin I sailed to Patica, a Patica a
place distant from his village 8 or 9 leagues, where I "^'ill^ge-
found no bodie, for they were gotten into the woods,
and would not shew themselves, albeit Utina shewed
himselfe unto them, for as much as they imagined that I
should be constrained to let him go. But seeing no body
to shew themselves, I was constrained to hazard one of
my men which had bene acquainted with the state of the
countrie, to whom I delivered the young sonne of Utina,
and commanded him to goe with diligence to the village
of Utina, unto his father in law and his wife, to advertise
them that if they would have their king againe, they
should bring me victuals unto the side of the little river
whither I was gone. At my mans comming every one
made much of the little childe, neither was there a man
that thought not himselfe well appaide to touch him. His
father in law and his wife hearing of these newes came
presently towards our barkes, and brought bread which
they gave unto my souldiers, they held me there three
dayes, and in the meane while did all that they could to
take me : which presently I discovered, and therefore stood
diligently upon my gard. Wherefore perceiving they
could not have their purpose, and that they were already
69
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1565.
discovered, they sent to advertise me that as yet they
could not helpe me to victuals, and that the corne was
not yet ripe. Thus I was constrained to returne and to
carry backe Utina home, where I had much adoe to save
him from the rage of my souldiers : which perceiving the
maliciousnes of the Indians, went about to have murdered
him. Moreover it seemed they were content that they
had gotten the sonne, & that they cared not greatly for
the father. Now my hope fayling me on this side, I
devised to send my men to the villages where I thought
the maiz was by this time ripe ; I went to divers places,
and continued so doing 15 daies after, when as Utina
besought me again to send him unto his village, assuring
himselfe that his subjects would not sticke to give me
victuals : and that in case they refused so to do, he was
content that I should do what I thought good with him.
1 undertooke this voyage the second time with the two
barkes furnished as before. At my comming unto the
little river, we found his subjects there, which failed not
to come thither with some quantitie of bread, beanes, and
Desire of re- fish, to give my souldiers. Neverthelesse returning
venge rooted againe to their former practise they sought all meanes to
tn the savages. ^^^^^^ j^^^ hoping to cry quittance for the imprisonment
of their king, if they might have gotten the victorie of
me. But after that they sawe the small meanes, which
they had to annoy me, they returned to intreaties, and
offered that if I would give them their king with certaine
of my souldiers, they would conduct them unto the
village, and that the subjects seeing him, would be more
willing to give us victuals. Which thing notwithstanding
I would not grant unto them (mistrusting their subtilitie,
which was not so covert, but that one might espie day at
a little hole) untill they had first given me two men in
pledge with charge that by the next day they should
bring me victuals. Which thing they granted, and gave
mee two men which I put in chaines for feare they should
escape away, as I knew well they were instructed to doe.
Foure dayes were spent in these conferences, at the end
70
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1565.
whereof they declared unto me, that they could not fully
and wholly performe their promise : and that the utter-
most that they could doe for the present, was to cause
ech subject to bring his burthen of mill. To conclude,
they were content to doe so on condition that I would
send them their two pledges within ten dayes. As my
Lieutenant was ready to depart, I warned him above all A necessark
things to take heede he fell not into the Indians hands : ^^^omtion.
because I knew them to be very subtill and craftie to
enterprize and execute any thing to our disadvantage.
He departed therefore with his troope, and came to the
small river whereinto we were accustomed to enter to
approch as neere as we could unto the village of Utina,
being sixe French leagues distant from thence. There he
went on shore, put his men in good array, and drew streight
towards the great house that was the kings, where the
chiefe men of the countrey were assembled, which
caused very great store of victuals to be brought now
one and then another, in doing whereof they spent not-
withstanding three or foure dayes : in which meane
while they gathered men together, to set upon us in
our retreit. They used therefore many meanes to holde The
us still in breath. For one while they demanded their F^oridians
pledges, another while (seeing my Lieutenant would not ^^ ^^ ^^^^'
yeeld to them, untill such time as they had brought
the victuals unto the boats ; according to the agreement
passed betwene us) they signified unto him that the
women and young children were affraide out of all
measure to see fire in their matches so neere their
harquebuses : and that therefore they most earnestly
besought them to put them out, that they might more
easily get people ynough to carry the victuals, and that
they for their partes would leave their bowes and
arrowes, and would be contented that their servants
should carrie them. This second request was as flatly
denied them as the former : For it was an easie matter
to smel out their intention. But while these things
were thus in handling, Utina by no meanes was to be [III. 346.]
71
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1565.
scene, but hid and kept himselfe secret in a little house
apart, where certaine chosen men of mine went to see
him shewing themselves agreeved with him for the long
delayes of his subjects : whereunto he answered, that
his subjects were so much incensed against us, that by
no meanes possible he was able to keepe them in such
obedience as he willingly would have done, and that
he could not hold them from waging of warre against
Monsieur de Ottigny. That he also called to minde,
that even while he was prisoner, at what time our men
ledde him into his Country to obtaine some victuals,
J certaine he saw along the high wayes arrowes stucke up, at the
signeofivarre. gj-^jgg whereof long haires were fastened, which was a
certaine signe of open warre proclaimed, which arrowes
the Captaine also carried with him to the fort. He said
further that in respect of the good will he bare to the
Captaine, he forewarned his Lieutenant that his subjects
were determined to cut downe the trees, and cause them
to fall a thwart the little river where the boates were, to
keepe them from departing thence, that they might fight
with them at their ease, and that if it thus fell out, he
assured him for his part he would not be there to
meddle in the matter. And that which much more
augmented the suspition of warre was, that as my
messengers departed from Utina, they heard the voyce
of one of my men, which during the voyage had al-
wayes beene among the Indians, and whom as yet they
would never render, untill they had gotten their pledges
home. This poore fellow cryed out a maine because
two Indians would have carried him into the woods
to have cut his throat : whereupon he was succoured
and delivered. These admonitions being well under-
stoode, after ripe deliberation thereof Monsieur de
Ottigny resolved to retire himselfe the seven and twen-
tieth of July. Wherefore he set his souldiers in order,
and delivered to ech of them a sacke full of mill : and
afterward hee marched toward his barkes, thinking to
prevent the enterprise of the savages. There is at the
72
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1565.
comming foorth of the village a great alley about three An dle^ of ^
or foure hundred paces long, which is covered on both ^^ 4- hundred
sides with great trees. My Lieutenant disposed his men ^^^^^ ^^^'
in this alley and set them in such order as they desired
to march : for he was well assured that if there were any
ambush, it would be at the comming out of the trees.
Therefore he caused Monsieur de Arlac mine Ensigne
to march somewhat before with 8 harquebusiers to
discover whether there were any danger : besides he
commanded one of my Sergeants & Corporals to march
on the out side of the alley with foure harquebusiers
while he himselfe conducted the rest of his company ^ skirmish
through it. Now as he suspected, so it fell out : for \^^^'^^^ ^^^
Monsieur de Arlac met with two or three hundred ^^^ French,
Indians at the end of the alley, which saluted him with
an infinite number of their arrowes, & with such furie
that it was easie to see with what desire they sought to
charge us. Howbeit they were so well sustained in the
first assault which mine Ensigne gave them, that they
which fell downe dead, did somewhat abate the choler
of those which remained alive. This done my Lieu-
tenant hasted to gaine ground in such sort as I have
already said. After he had marched about foure
hundred paces, he was charged afresh with a newe A second fresh
troope of Savages which were in number about 700, ^^^^^^ ^
which assayled him before, while the rest of the former
set upon him behind. This second assault was so
valiantly sustayned, that I may justly say that Monsieur
de Ottigny so well discharged his dutie, as was possible
for a good Captaine to doe. And so it stood them
upon : for he had to deale with such kind of men, as
knewe well how to fight and to obey their head which
conducted them, and which knewe so well to behave
themselves in this conflict, as if Ottigny had not pre-
vented their practise, he had beene in danger to have
bene defeated. Their maner in this fight was, that TheFloridians
when two hundred had shot, they retyred themselves ^^^^^^/M^-
and gave place to the rest that were behind, and all
73
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1565.
the while had their eye and foot so quicke and readie,
that assoone as ever they saw the harquebuze laide to
the cheeke, so soone were they on the ground, and
eftsoone up to answere with their bowes and to flie
their way, if by chance they perceived we went about
TheFloridiam to take them : for there is nothing that they feare so
chiefefeare. ni^ch, because of our swords and daggers. This con-
flict continued and lasted from nine of the clocke in
the morning, untill the night departed them. And if
Ottigny had not bethought himselfe to cause his men
to breake the arrowes which they found in the way, &
so to deprive the Savages of the means to beginne
againe, without all doubt he should have had very much
to do : for by this meane they lacked arrowes, and so
were constrained to retire themselves. During the time
of the conflict they cryed and made signes that they
were the Captaines and Lieutenants friends : and that
they fought for none other cause but to be revenged
on the souldiers, which were their mortall enemies.
My Lieutenant being come unto his boates tooke a re-
Two slaine. view of his companie, and found two men wanting
which were killed, of whom the one was called James
Sale, and the others name was Mesureur. He found
Jwo^twen- moreover 22 of them wounded, which with much adoe
ty wounded, j^^ caused to be brought unto the boates. All the mill
that he found among his company came but to two mens
burdens, which he devided equally among them. For
[III. 347.] assoone as the conflict began, every man was constrained
to leave his sacke to put his hand to his weapon. In
this meane while I remained at the Forte, and caused
every man diligently to travell, hoping that my Lieu-
tenant would bring us victuals. But seeing the time
consume away, I began to suspect the truth of that
which fell out, whereof I was assured immediately after
at their returne. Seeing therefore mine hope frustrate
P;vz3?^r and ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ j made my prayer unto God, and thanked
God^for^ their ^^"^ °^ ^^^ grace which hee had shewed unto my poore
deliverance. souldiers which were escaped : Afterward I thought
74
RENE LAUDONNIERE
upon new meanes to obtaine victuals, aswell for our re-
turne into France, as to drive out the time untill our
embarking. I was advertised by certaine of our company,
which usually went on hunting into the woods and through
the villages, that in the village Sarauahi situated on the
other side of the river, and two leagues distant from the
Forte, and in the village Emoloa there were fields wherein
the mill was very forward, and that there was thereof in
those partes in great abundance. Wherefore I caused my
boates to be made ready, and sent my Sergeant thither
with certaine souldiours, which used such diligence, that
wee had good store of mill. I sent also to the river
which the Savages call Iracana, named by Captaine Ribault
the River of Somme, where Captaine Vasseur and my
Sergeant arrived with two boates and their ordinary furni-
ture, and found there a great assembly of the Lords of
the countrey, among whome was Athore the sonne of
Satourioua, Apalou, and Tacadocorou, which were there
assembled to make merrie : because that in this place are
the fairest maids and women of all the countrey. Cap-
taine Vasseur in my name gave certaine small trifles to
all the Lords, to the Queene, to the maids and women
of the villages. Whereupon the boates were foorthwith
laden with mill, after they had made our men as good
cheere as they could devise. The Queene sent me two
small Mats so artificially wrought as it was unpossible
to make better. Nowe finding our selves by this meane
sufficiently furnished with victuals, we began each of us
in his place, to travaile and use such diligence, as the
desire to see our native countrey might moove us. But
because two of our Carpenters were slaine by the Indians
(as heretofore I mentioned) John de Hais, master Car-
penter, a man very worthy of his vocation, repaired unto
me, and tolde me that by reason of want of men hee
was not able to make me up the ship against the time
that he had promised me : which speech caused such
a mutinie among the souldiers that very hardly he
escaped killing : howbeit I appeased them aswell as I
75
A.D.
1565.
The village
Sarauahi.
The village
Emoloa.
The river of
Iracana called
by Ribault ye
river of
Somme.
Courtesie and
liber alitie the
best meanes to
deale with the
savages.
Mostartificiall
mattes.
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1565.
could, and determined to worke no more from thence-
foorth upon the shippe, but to content our selves to
repaire the Brigandine which I had. So we began to
The heating beate downe all the houses that were without the Fort,
toiues^tlthout ^"^ caused coles to be made of the timber thereof:
the fort, i^ the likewise the souldiers beate downe the pallisade which
Palisade. was toward the waters side, neither was I ever able
to keepe them from doing it. I had also determined
to beat downe the Fort before my departure and to
set it on fire, for feare least some new-come guest
should have enjoyed and possessed it. In the meane
while there was none of us to whom it was not an
extreme griefe to leave a countrey, wherein wee had
endured so great travailes and necessities, to discover
that which we must forsake through our owne countrey-
The cause why mens default. For if wee had bene succoured in time
the French lost ^ place, & according to the promise that was made
unto us, the warre which was between us and Utina,
had not fallen out, neither should wee have had
occasion to offend the Indians, which with all paines
in the world I entertained in good amitie, aswell with
merchandise and apparel, as with promise of greater
matters, and with whom I so behaved myself, that
although sometimes I was constrained to take victuals
in some few villages, yet I lost not the alliance of
Eight kings eight Kings and Lords my neighbours, which continually
fTndT^nJ succoured and ayded me with whatsoever they were able
allies. to afford. Yea this was the principall scope of all my
The principall purposes, to winne and entertaine them, knowing how
scope of plan- greatly their amitie might advance our enterprise, and
ters in strange pj-iiicipallv while I discovered the commodities of the
countrey s. r r J ir 1 •
Florida a rich countrey, and sought to strengthen my selre therem.
countrey. I leave it to your cogitation to thinke how neere it
went to our hearts, to leave a place abounding in riches
(as we were throughly enformed thereof) in comming
whereunto, and doing service unto our Prince, we left
our owne countrey, wives, children, parents, and friends,
and passed the perils of the sea, and were therein
76
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1565.
arrived, as in a plentifull treasure of all our hearts
desire. As ech of us were much tormented in minde
with these or such like cogitations, the third of August ^ug. 1565.
I descried foure sayles in the sea, as I walked upon
a little hill, whereof I was exceeding well apaid : I
sent immediately one of them which were with me to
advertise those of the Fort thereof, which were so glad
of those newes, that one would have thought them
to bee out of their wittes to see them laugh and leape
for joy. After these ships had cast anker, we descried
that they sent one of their ship boates to land : where-
upon I caused one of mine to be armed with dili-
gence to send to meete them, and to know who they
were. In the meane while, fearing lest they were
Spaniards, I set my souldiers in order and in readi-
nesse, attending the returne of Captaine Vasseur and
my Lieutenant, which where gone to meete them, which
brought me word that they were Englishmen : and in [III. 348.]
trueth they had in their company one whose name
was Martine Atinas of Diepe, which at that time was
in their service, which on the behalfe of Master John ^- John
Hawkins their Generall came to request mee that I ^l^^H^ -^^
would suffer them to take fresh water, whereof they Q^nerall.
stood in great neede, signifying unto me that they
had bene above fifteene dayes on the coast to get some.
Hee brought unto mee from the Generall two flagons
of wine, and bread made of wheate : which greatly
refreshed me, forasmuch as for seven moneths space
I never tasted a drop of wine : neverthelesse it was
all divided among the greatest part of my souldiers.
This Martine Atinas had guided the Englishmen unto
our coast, wherewith he was acquainted : for in the
yeere 1562 he came thither with me, and therefore
the Generall sent him to me. Therefore after I had
granted his request, hee signified the same unto the
Generall, which the next day following caused one of
his small shippes to enter into the river, and came to
see me in a great shipboate, accompanied with gentle-
77
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1565.
men honourably apparelled, yet unarmed. He sent for
great store of bread and wine, to distribute thereof to
every one : On my part I made him the best cheere
^heepe and \ could possibly, and caused certaine sheepe and poultry
poultrie caned ^^ ^^ killed, which untill this present I had carefully
preserved hoping to store the countrey withall. For
notwithstanding all the necessities and sicknesse that
happened unto me, I would not suffer so much as
one chicken to be killed : by which meanes in a short
time I had gathered together above an hundred pullets.
Nowe three dayes passed, while the English General
remained with me, during which time the Indians came
in from all parts to see him, and asked me whether he
An advantage were my brother : I tolde them he was so, and signified
wisely taken, ^^^q them, that he was come to see me and ayde me
with so great store of victuals, that from thence for-
ward I should have no neede to take any thing of
them. The bruite hereof incontinently was spread over
all the countrey, in such sort as Ambassadours came
unto me from all parts, which on the behalfe of the
kings their masters desired to make alliance with me:
and even they, which before sought to make warre
against me, came to offer their friendship and service
unto me : Whereupon I received them and gratified
them with certaine presents. The General immediately
understood the desire & urgent occasion which I had to
returne into France : whereupon he offred to transport
me and all my company home : whereunto notwithstand-
ing I would not agree, being in doubt upon what occasion
he made so large an offer. For I knewe not how the
case stood betweene the French and the English : and
although hee promised me on his faith to put mee on
The French land in France, before hee would touch in England, yet
mistrusted that j stood in doubt least he would attempt somewhat in
mlnuwu/d' Florida in the name of his mistresse. Wherfore I flatly
plant in refused his offer : whereupon there arose a great mutinie
Florida. among my souldiers, which sayd that I sought to destroy
them all, and that the Brigandine, wherof I spake before,
78
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1565.
was not sufficient to transport them, considering the
season of the yeere wherein wee were. The bruite and
mutiny increased more and more : for after that the
General! was returned to his ships, he told certaine
gentlemen and souldiers which went to see him, partly
to make good cheere with him, hee declared, I say unto
them, that he greatly doubted that hardly we should be
able to passe safely in those vessels which we had : and
that in case we should enterprise the same, we should
no doubt be in great jeopardy : notwithstanding, if I
were so contented, he would transport part of my men
in his ships, and that he would leave me a small ship
to transport the rest. The souldiers were no sooner
come home, but they signified the offer unto their
companions, which incontinently consented together that
in case I would not accept the same, they would embarke
themselves with him and forsake mee, so that he would
receive them according to his promise. They therefore
assembled themselves all together and came to seeke me
in my chamber, and signified unto me their intention,
wherunto I promised to answere within one houre after.
In which meane space I gathered together the principal!
members of my company, which after I had broken the
matter with them, answered me all with one voyce, that
I ought not to refuse this offer, nor contemne the
occasion which presented it selfe, and that they could
not thinke evill of it in France, if being forsaken, as
we were, we aided our selves with such means as God
had sent us. After sundry debatings of this matter, in
conclusion I gave mine advise, that wee ought to deliver
him the price of the ship which he was to leave us,
and that for my part I was content to give him the
best of my stuffe, and the silver which I had gathered ^il^er found
in the countrey. Wherupon notwithstanding it was '^ ^^'^^^d.a.
determined that I should keepe the silver, for feare lest
the Queene of England seeing the same, should the rather ^ote,
bee encouraged to set footing there, as before she had
desired : that it was far better to carie it into France
79
A.D.
1565.
The great
importance of
this enterprise.
["I- 3+9-]
The great
humanity and
bounty of
Master John
Hawkins to
the French.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
to give encouragement unto our Princes not to leave
off an enterprise of so great importance for our com-
monwealth, and that seeing wee were resolved to depart,
it was farre better to give him our Artillerie, which
otherwise we should be constrained to leave behind us,
or to hide it in the ground by reason of the weakenesse
of our men, being not able to embarke the same. This
point being thus concluded and resolved on, I went my
selfe unto the English Generall, accompanied with my
Lieutenant, and Captaine Vasseur, Captaine Verdier,
and Trenchant the Pilot, and my Sergeant, all men of
experience in such affaires and knowing sufficiently how
to drive such a bargaine. We therefore tooke a
view of the ship which the Generall would sell,
whom we drew to such reason, that he was content to
stand to mine owne mens judgement, who esteemed it
to be worth seven hundreth crowns, whereof we agreed
very friendly. Wherefore I delivered him in earnest of
the summe, two bastards, two mynions, one thousand
of iron, & one thousand of powder. This bargaine
thus made, he considered the necessity wherin we were,
having for all our sustenance but mill and water :
wherupon being moved with pitie, he offred to relieve
me with 20 barels of meale, sixe pipes of beanes, one
hogshead of salt, and a hundred of waxe to make
candels. Moreover forasmuch as he sawe my souldiers
goe barefoote, hee offred me besides fifty paires of
shoes, which I accepted and agreed of a price with him,
and gave him a bill of mine hand for the same, for
which untill this present I am indebted to him. He
did more then this : for particularly he bestowed upon
my selfe a great jarre of oyle, a Jarre of vineger, a barell
of Olives, and a great quantitie of Rice, and a barell
of white Biscuit. Besides he gave divers presents to
the principall Officers of my company according to their
qualities : so that I may say that we received as many
courtesies of the Generall, as it was possible to receive
of any man living. Wherein doubtlesse he hath wonne
80
RENE LAUDONNIERE ad.
1565.
the reputation of a good and charitable man, deserving
to be esteemed asmuch of us all as if he had saved
all our lives. Incontinent after his departure I spared The departure
no paine to hasten my men to make biscuits of the ^f the English
meale which he had left me, and to hoope my caske
to take in water needfull for the voyage. A man may
well thinke what diligence we used, in respect of the
great desire we had to depart, wherein we continued so
well, that the fifteenth day of August the biscuit, the August i^^.
greatest part of our water, & all the souldiers stuffe was
brought aboord : so that from that day forward wee did
nothing but stay for good windes to drive us into
France : which had freed us from an infinite number
of mischiefes which afterward wee sufFred, if they had
come as we desired : but it was not Gods good pleasure,
as shall appeare hereafter. Being thus in a readinesse
to set sayle, we bethought our selves that it would doe
well to bring certaine men and women of the countrey
into France, to the end that if this voyage should be
taken in hand againe they might declare unto their Kings
the greatnesse of our King, the excellencie of our Princes,
the goodnesse of our Countrey, and the maner of living
of the Frenchmen : and that they might also learne our
language, to serve our turnes thereby in time to come.
Wherein I tooke so good order, that I found meanes
to bring away with me the goodliest persons of all the
countrey, if our intentions had succeeded as I hoped
they would have done. In the meane season the Kings
my neighbours came often to see and visite me: which,
after that they understood that I would returne into
France, demanded of mee whether I meant to returne
againe or no, and whether it should be in short time.
I signified unto them that within tenne Moones (so they TheFloridians
call their Moneths) I would visite them againe with ^^^J]?f^]l
such force, that I would be able to make them Con- revolutions of
querours over all their enemies. They prayed me that the Moone.
I would leave them my house, that I would forbid
my souldiers to beate downe the Fort and their lodg-
IX 81 F
A.D.
1565.
The arrival
ofCaptaine
Johi Rtbault
at the Fort
the 28 of
August 1565.
"Note.
[III. 350.]
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Ings, and that I would leave them a boate to ayde
them withall in their warre against their enemies.
Which I made as though I would grant unto them,
to the end I might alwaies remaine their friend until
my last departure.
The third voyage of the Frenchmen made by
Captaine John Ribault unto Florida.
S I was thus occupied in these conferences,
the winde and the tide served well to set
sayle, which was the eight and twentieth
of August, at which instant Captaine
Vasseur which commanded in one of
my shippes, and Captaine Verdier
which was chiefe in the other, now
ready to goe foorth, began to descry certaine sayles at
sea, whereof they advertised mee with diligence : where-
upon I appointed to arme foorth a boate in good order
to goe to discrie and know what they were. 1 sent also
to the Centinels, which I caused to be kept on a little
knappe, to cause certaine men to climbe up to the
toppe of the highest trees the better to discover them.
They descried the great boate of the shippes, which as
yet they could not perfectly discerne, which as farre as
they could judge, seemed to chase my boate, which by
this time was passed the barre of the river : so that
we could not possibly judge whether they were enemies
which would have caried her away with them : for
it was too great a ken to judge the trueth thereof.
Upon this doubt I put my men in order and in such
array as though they had beene enemies : and indeede I
had great occasion to mistrust the same : for my boate
came unto their ship about two of the clocke in the
afternoone, and sent me no newes all that day long to
put me out of doubt who they should be. The next
day in the morning about eight or nine of the clocke 1
saw seven boates (among which mine owne was one) full
of souldiers enter into the river, having every man his
82
RENE LAUDONNIERE ad.
1565.
harquebuze and morion on his head, which marched all
in battaile along the cliffes where my centinels were, to
whom they would make no kind of answere, notwith-
standing all the demandes that were made unto them,
insomuch as one of my souldiers was constrained to
bestowe a shot at them without doing hurt neverthelesse
to any of them, by reason of the distance between him
and the boates. The report hereof being made unto
me, I placed each of my men in his quarter, with full
deliberation to defend our selves, if they had bene
enemies, as in trueth wee thought them to have bene :
likewise I caused the two small field-pieces which I had
left me, to be trimmed in such sort, as if in approching
to the Fort they had not cryed that it was Captaine
Ribault, I had not failed to have discharged the same
upon them. Afterward I understood that the cause why
they entred in this maner, proceeded of the false reports F^^^^ reports
which had bene made unto my Lord Admirall by those 'fLftidmniere
1 . 1 , . -r-, ^ . , ^ \ . to the Admiral
which were returned mto 1^ ranee in the nrst shippes. Qf-pyance.
For they had put in his head, that I played the Lord
and the King, and that I would hardly suffer that any
other save my selfe should enter in thither to governe
there. Thus we see how the good name of the most
honest is oftentimes assayled by such, as having no
meanes to win themselves credit by vertuous and laud-
able endevours, thinke by debasing of other mens vertues
to augment the feeble force of their faint courage, which
neverthelesse is one of the most notable dangers which The danger of
may happen in a commonwealth, and chiefly among men of ^^^f^^'^^'^^S-
warre which are placed in government. For it is very hard,
yea utterly unpossible, that in governing of a company
of men gathered out of divers places and sundry Nations,
and namely such as we know them to be in our warres,
it is, I say, unpossible, but there will be alwayes some
of evill conditions and hard to be ruled, which easily
conceive an hatred against him, which by admonitions
and light corrections endevoureth to reduce them to the
discipline of warre. For they seeke nothing else, but
83
A.D.
1565.
Alcibiades
banished by
backbiters.
Laudonnieres
receiving of
Captaine
RibaulL
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
for a small occasion grounded upon a light pretext to
sound into the eares of great Lords that which mischiev-
ously they have contrived against those, whose execution
of justice is odious unto them. And albeit I will not
place my selfe in the ranke of great and renowmed
Captaines, such as lived in times passed, yet we may
judge by their examples, how hurtfull backbiters have
beene unto commonwealths. I will onely take Alcibiades
for witnesse in the commonwealth of the Athenians,
which by this meane was cast into banishment, where-
upon his citizens felt the smart of an infinite number of
mischiefes : insomuch as in the end they were constrained
to call him home againe, and acknowledge at length the
fault they had committed in forgetting his good services,
and rather beleeving a false report, then having had
regard unto so many notable exploits which in former
time hee had atchieved. But that I loose not my selfe
in digressing so farre in this my justification, I will
returne againe to my first course. Being therfore adver-
tised that it was Captaine Ribault, I went foorth of the
Fort to goe to meete him, and to do him all the honour
I could by any meanes, I caused him to be welcommed
with the artillery, and a gentle volley of my shot, where-
unto he answered with his. Afterward being come on
shore and received honourably with joy, I brought him
to my lodging, rejoycing not a little because that in this
company I knew a good number of my friends, which I
intreated in the best sorte that I was able, with such
victuals as I could get in the countrey, and that small
store which I had left me, with that which I had of the
English General. Howbeit I marveiled not a little when
as all of them with one voice began to utter unto me
these or the like speeches. My Captaine, we praise God
that we have found you alive, and chiefly because we
know, that the reports which have bene made of you,
are false. These speeches mooved me in such sort, that
I would needes out of hand know more, mistrusting
some evill. Wherefore having accosted Captaine John
84
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1565.
Ribault, & going both of us aside together out of the
Fort, he signified unto me the charge which he had,
praying mee not to returne into France, but to stay with
him my selfe and my company, and assured me that he
would make it well thought of at home. Whereupon I
replyed that out of this place I would do him all
service : that for the present I could not nor ought not
accept this offer, since he was come for no other intent
then to occupie the place which I before possessed, that
I could have no credite to be there commanded : that
my friends would never like of it, and that he would
hardly give me that counsaile, if in good earnest I should
demand his advise therein. He made me answere, that
he would not command me, that we should be com-
panions, & that he would build another fortresse, & that
he would leave mine owne unto me. This notwith-
standing I fully advertised him that I could not receive a
greater comfort then the newes which he brought me to
returne into France : and farther that though I should stay
there, yet it must needes be that one of us both was to [III. 351.]
command with title of the Kings Lieutenant, that this
could not well agree together : that I had rather have it
cast in my teeth to be the poorest begger in the world,
then to be commanded in that place, where I had endured
so much to inhabite and plant there, if it were not by
some great Lord or Knight of the order : and that in
these respects I prayed him very hartily to deliver me
the letters which my Lord Admirall had written unto
me, which he performed.
The contents of those letters were these.
CAptaine Laudonniere, because some of them which Letters of the
are returned from Florida speake indifferently of LordJdmirall
the Countrey, the King desireth your presence, to the ^^.^^^
end, that according to your tryall, he may resolve to
bestow great cost thereon, or wholly to leave it : and
therfore 1 send Captaine John Ribault to bee governour
there, to whom you shall deliver whatsoever vou have
85
A.D.
1565.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
in charge, and informe him of all things you have
discovered. And in a postscript of the letter was thus
written. Thinke not, that whereas I send for you, it
is for any evill opinion or mistrust that I have of you,
but that it is for your good and for your credit, and
assure your selfe that during my life you shall find me
your orood Master. ^
HASTILLON.
Jccusations
against him.
2.
Laudonnieres
answer e therC'
unto.
Now after I had long discoursed with Captaine Ribault,
Captaine la Grange accosted mee, and told me of an
infinite number of false reports which had bene made of
mee to my great hinderance : and among other things
he informed me, that my Lord Admirall tooke it very
evill that I had caried a woman with mee : likewise that
some bodie had tolde him that I went about to counter-
s' feit the King, and to play the tyrant : that I was too
4- cruell unto the men that went with mee : that I sought
to be advanced by other meanes then by my Lord
5- Admirall : and that I had written to many Lords of the
Court, which I ought not to have done. Whereunto
I answered, that the woman was a poore chambermayd,
which I had taken up in an Inne, to oversee my hous-
hold businesse, to looke to an infinite sort of divers
beasts, as sheepe and poultrie which I caried over with
me to store the countrey withall : that it was not meete
to put a man to attend this businesse : likewise, consider-
ing the length of the time that I was to abide there, mee
thought it should not offend any body to take a woman
with me, aswell to help my souldiers in their sickenesses,
as in mine owne, whereinto I fell afterward. And how
necessary her service was for us, ech one at that time
might easily perceive : That all my men thought so well
of her, that at one instant there were sixe or seven
which did demand her of me in mariage ; as in very
2. deede one of them had her after our returne. Touching
that which was sayd that I playd the King, these reports
were made, because I would not beare with any thing
which was against the duety of my charge, and the
86
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1565.
Kings service. Moreover, that in such enterprises it is
necessary for a Governour to make himselfe knowen and
obeyed, for feare least every body would become a master,
perceiving themselves far from greater forces. And that 3-
if the tale-tellers called this rigour, it rather proceeded
of their disobedience, then of my nature lesse subject
to cruelty then they were to rebellion. For the two 4*
last points, that I had not written to any of the Lords
of the Court but by the advice & commandement of
my Lord Admirall, which willed me at my departure to
send part of such things as I should find in the countrey
unto the Lords of the Counsel : to the end that being
mooved by this meane, they might deale with the Queene
mother for the continuance of this enterprise : that
having bene so small time in the countrey, continually
hindred with building of fortresses, and unlading of my
ships, I was not able to come by any newe or rare things
to send them, whereupon I thought it best to content
them in the meane while with letters, untill such time
as I might have longer space to search out the Countrey,
and might recover something to sende them : the dis-
tribution of which letters I meant not otherwise but to
referre to my Lord Admirals good pleasure : that if the
bearer had forgot himselfe so farre, as that he had broken
the covering of the letters, and presented them himselfe
for hope of gaine, it was not my commandement. And 5.
that I never honoured noble man so much, nor did to
any man more willing and faithfull service then to my
Lord Admirall, nor ever sought advancement but by
his meanes. You see how things passed for this day.
The next day the Indians came in from all parts, to
know what people these were : to whom I signified that
this was he which in the yeere 1562. arrived in this
countrey, and erected the pillar which stood at the
entrie of the river. Some of them knew him : for in
trueth he was easie to be knowen by reason of the
great bearde which he ware. He received many presents
of them which were of the villages neere adjoyning,
87
A.D.
1565.
[III. 352.]
Five Indian
kings.
The mountains
of Jpaiatcy
wherein are
mines of
perfect gold,
Sieroa Pira
red mettalL
Perfect gold.
Good meanes
to avoid the
danger of fire.
September 4.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
among whom there were some that he had not yet
forgotten. The kings Homoloa, Serauahi, Alimacani,
Malica, and Casti came to visit him and welcome him
with divers gifts according to their manner. I advertised
them that hee was sent thither by the king of France,
to remaine there in my roome, and that I was sent for.
Then they demanded and prayed him, if it might stand
with his good pleasure, to cause the merchandise that hee
had brought with him to be delivered them, and that in
fewe daies they would bring him to the mountaines of
Apalatcy, whither they had promised to conduct me, and
that in case they performed not their promise, that they
were content to be cut in pieces. In those mountaines,
as they sayd, is found redde copper, which they call in
their language Sieroa Pira, which is as much to say as
red mettall, whereof I had a piece, which at the very
instant I shewed to Captaine Ribault, which caused his
gold-finer to make an assay thereof, which reported
unto him that it was perfect golde. About the time
of these conferences, commings and goings of the kings
of the countrey, being weakened with my former travaile,
and fallen into a melancholy upon the false reports that
had bene made of mee, I fell into a great continuall fever,
which held me eight or nine dayes : during which time
Captaine Ribault caused his victuals to be brought on
shore, and bestowed the most part thereof in the house
which my Lieutenant had built about two hundred
pases without the forte : which hee did to the ende
they might bee the better defended from the weather,
and likewise to the intent that the meale might bee
neerer to the bake-house, which I had built of purpose
in that place, the better to avoide the danger of the
fire, as I sayd before. But loe howe oftentimes mis-
fortune doth search and pursue us, even then when
we thinke to be at rest ! loe see what happened after
that captaine Ribault had brought up three of his small
ships into the river, which was the fourth of September !
Sixe great Spanish ships arrived in the rode, where four
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1565.
of our greatest ships remained, which cast anker, assur-
ing our men of good amity. They asked how the chiefe ^-^^ Spaniards
captaine of the enterprise did, & called them all by ^^da-mhnng
.^ . . ^ T . ^ i and surprising
their names and surnames. 1 report me to you it it of the French,
could be otherwise but these men before they went out
of Spaine must needs be informed of the enterprise &
of those that were to execute the same. About the
breake of day they began to make toward our men :
but our men which trusted them never a deale, had
hoysed their sailes by night, being ready to cut the
strings that tyed them. Wherefore perceiving that this
making toward our men of the Spaniards was not to
doe them any pleasure, and knowing wel that their
furniture was too smal to make head against them,
because that the most part of their men were on shore,
they cut their cables, left their ankers, and set saile.
The Spaniards seeing themselves discovered, lent them
certaine volleis of their great ordinance, made saile after
them, and chased them all day long : but our men got
way of them still toward the sea. And the Spaniards
seeing they could not reach them, by reason that the
French ships were better of saile then theirs, and also
because they would not leave the coast, turned backe
and went on shore in the river Seloy, which we cal the The river
river of Dolphines 8 or 10 leagues distant from the "^f^^-^ ^Sn^
place where we were. Our men therefore finding them- ^^^^^^ |^^ g ~^
selves better of saile then they, followed them to descry \o leagues
what they did, which after they had done, they returned over land from
unto the river of May, where captaine Ribault having {^^A'{-* ^^^
descried them, embarked himselfe in a great boat to ^^Q^jyulL^h^
know what newes they had. Being at the entry of the Cape by sea.
river he met with the boat of captaine Cousets ship,
wherin there was a good number of men which made
relation unto him of all the Spaniards doings : and how
the great ship named the Trinitie had kept the sea,
and that she was not returned with them. They
told him moreover that they had seen three Spanish
ships enter into the river of Dolphins, & the other
89
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1565.
three remained in the rode ; farther that they had
put their souldiers, their victuals & munition on
land. After he understood these newes hee returned
to the fortresse, and came to my chamber where I
was sick, and there in the presence of the captaines,
La Grange, S. Marie, Ottigny, Visty, Yonville, and
other gentlemen, he propounded, that it was necessary
for the kings service, to embarke himselfe with all his
forces, and with the three ships that were in the rode
to seeke the Spanish fleete, whereupon he asked our
advise. I first replyed, and shewed unto him the conse-
quence of such an enterprise, advertising him among
Dangerous other things of the perilous flawes of windes that rise on
flawes of wind ^j^-g ^oast, and that if it chanced that hee were driven
Florida in from the shore, it would be very hard for him to recover
September. it againe, that in the meane while they which should stay
in the Forte should be in feare and danger. The
Captaines, Saint Marie, and La Grange declared unto
him farther, that they thought it not good to put any
such enterprise in execution, that it was farre better to
keepe the land, & do their best indevour to fortifie
themselves : And that after that the Trinitie (which was
the principall ship) were returned, there would be much
more likelyhood to enterprise this voyage. This not-
withstanding he resolved to undertake it, and that which
King Emola. more is, after he understoode by king Emola, one of our
neighbours which arrived upon the handling of these
matters, that the Spaniards in great numbers were gone
[III. 353.] on shore, which had taken possession of the houses of
A milage and Seloy, in the most part whereof they had placed their
river both of ^ ^j^j^h they had brought to labour, and also
that name. , 1^ , ' , ^ "^ i 1 i ° 1 • \ 1
lodged themselves and had cast divers trenches about
them. Thus for the considerations which he had, and
doubting (as he might well doe) that the Spanyards
would encampe themselves there to molest us, and in the
ende to chase us out of the Countrey, he resolved and
continued in his embarkment, caused a Proclamation to
be made, that all souldiers that were under his charge
90
RENE LAUDONNIERE ad.
1565.
should presently with their weapons embarke them, and
that his two ensignes should march : which was put in
execution. He came into my chamber, and prayed me
to lend him my Lieutenant, mine ensigne, and my
sergeant, and to let all my good souldiers, which I had,
goe with him, which I denied him, because my selfe
being sicke, there was no man to stay in the fort.
Thereupon he answered me that I needed not to doubt
at all, and that he would returne the morrow after, that
in the meane space Monsieur de Lys should stay behind
to looke to all things. Then I shewed unto him that he
was chiefe in this Countrey, and that I for my part had
no further authoritie : that therefore hee would take good
advisement what hee did, for feare least some inconveni-
ence might ensue. Then he tolde me that he could
doe no lesse, then to continue this enterprise, and that
in the letter which he had received from my Lord
Admirall, there was a postscript, which hee shewed mee
written in these wordes : Captaine John Ribault, as I was ^« advertise-
enclosing up this letter, I received a certaine advice, that ^l^^^jf^y^
Don Pedro Melendes departeth from Spaine to goe to ^^ Cattaine
the coast of Newe France : see you that you suffer him not Ribault.
to encroch upon you, no more then he would that you
should encroch upon him. You see (quoth he) the
charge that I have, and I leave it unto your selfe to
judge, if you could do any lesse in this case, considering
the certaine advertisement that we have, that they are
already on lande, and will invade us. This stopped my
mouth. Thus therefore confirmed or rather obstinate in
this enterprise, and having regard rather unto his
particular opinion then unto the advertisments which I
had given him, and the inconveniences of the time
whereof I had forewarned him, he embarked himselfe the Captaine Ri-
eight of September, and tooke mine ensigne and eight ^^^^^^ ^^"
and thirtie of my men away with him. I report mee to /L^g^
those that know what warres meane, if when an ensigne
marcheth, any souldier that hath any courage in him
will stay behind, to forsake his ensigne : Thus no man
91
A.D.
1565.
The tenth of
September.
A mighty
tempest the
tenth of Sept.
Laudonniere
hardly used by
Ribault,
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
of commandement stayed behind with mee, for ech one
followed him as chiefe, in whose name straight after his
arrivall, all cries and proclamations were made. Captaine
Grange, which liked not very well of this enterprise,
was unto the tenth of the moneth with mee, and would
not have gone aborde, if it had not beene for the instant
requestes that Captaine Ribault made unto him, which
staid two dayes in the rode attending untill La Grange
was come unto him : Who being come abord, they set
sayle altogether, and from that time forward I never saw
them more. The very day that he departed, which was
the tenth of September, there rose so great a tempest
accompanied with such stormes, that the Indians them-
selves assured me that it was the worst weather that
ever was scene on the coast : whereupon two or three
dayes after, fearing least our ships might be in some
distresse, I sent for Monsieur du Luys unto mee, to
take order to assemble the rest of our people to declare
unto them what neede wee had to fortifie our selves :
which was done accordingly : and then I gave them to
understand the necessity and inconveniences whereinto
we were like to fall, aswel by the absence of our ships, as
by the neerenesse of the Spanyards, at whose hands we
could looke for no lesse then an open and sufficient
proclamed war, seeing they had taken land and fortified
themselves so neere unto us. And if any misfortune
were fallen unto our men which were at Sea, we
ought to make a full account with our selves that wee
were to endure many great miseries, being in so small
number, and so many wayes afflicted as we were. Thus
every one promised mee to take paines : and therefore
considering that their proportion of victuals was small,
and that so continuing, they would not bee able to doe any
great worke, I augmented their allowance : although that
after the arrivall of Captaine Ribault my portion of victuals
was allotted unto mee as unto a common souldier, neither
was I able to give so much as part of a bottell of wine to
any man which deserved it : for I was so farre from
92
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1565.
having meanes to doe so, that the Captaine himselfe
tooke two of my boates, wherein the rest of the meale
was, which was left me of the biscuits which I caused to
bee made to returne into France : so that if I shoulde
say that I received more favour at the handes of the
Englishmen beeing Strangers unto mee, I shoulde say
but a trueth. Wee beganne therefore to fortiiie our Laudonniere
selves and to repaire that which was broken downe, ^^^"
principally toward the water side, where I caused three- foj-lifi^ them-
score foote of trees to be planted, to repaire the Palissado selves.
with the plankes which I caused to bee taken of the
Shippe which I had builded. Neverthelesse notwith-
standing all our diligence and travaile, wee were never
able fully to repaire it by reason of the stormes, which
commonly did us so great annoy, that wee could not
finish our inclosure. Perceiving my selfe in such [HI. 354.]
extremitie I tooke a muster of the men, which captaine ^ muster of
Ribault had left me, to see if there were any that i^ tJ^Tfori b-^
wanted weapon : I found nine or ten of them whereof Ribault,
not past two or three had ever drawen sword out of a
scabbard, as I thinke. Let them which have bene bold
to say, that I had men ynough left me, so that I had
meanes to defend my selfe, give earc a little now unto
mee, and if they have eyes in their heads, let them see
what men I had. Of the nine there were foure but yong
striplings, which served Captaine Ribault and kept his
dogs, the fift was a cooke : among those that were without
the fort, and which were of the foresaid company of
Captaine Ribault, there was a Carpenter of threescore
yeeres olde, one a Beere-brewer, one olde Crosse-bow
maker, two Shoomakers, and foure or five men that had
their wives, a player on the Virginals, two servants
of Monsieur du Luys, one of Monsieur de Beauhaire,
one of Monsieur de la Grange, and about fourescore and Fourescore
five or sixe in all, counting aswel Lackeys as women ^nd five left in
and children. Behold the goodly troupe so sufficient ^^Pj^^^[
to defend themselves, and so couragious as they have
esteemed them to be : and for my part I leave it to
93
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1565.
others consideration to imagine whether Captaine Ribault
woulde have left them with me to have borrowed my
men, if they had bene such. Those that were left me of
mine owne company were about sixeteene or seventeene
that coulde beare armes, and all of them poore and leane :
the reste were sicke and maymed in the conflict which
my Lieutenant had against Utina. This view being
thus taken, wee set our watches, whereof wee made two
Centinels, that the souldiers might have one night free.
Then wee bethought our selves of those which might
bee most sufficient, among whome wee chose two, one
of whom was named Monsieur Saint Cler, and the other
Monsieur de la Vigne, to whom we delivered candles
and Lanterns to goe round about the fort to viewe the
watch, because of the foule and foggie weather. I
delivered them also a sandglasse or clocke, that the
Centinels might not be troubled more one then another.
In the meane while I ceased not, for all the foule weather
nor my sicknesse which I had, to oversee the Corps de
garde. The night betweene the nineteenth and twentieth
of September La Vigne kept watch with his company,
wherein he used all endevour, although it rayned without
ceasing. When the day was therefore come, and that
hee saw that it rayned still worse then it did before, hee
pitied the Centinels so too moyled and wette : and
thinking the Spanyardes woulde not have come in such
a strange time, hee let them depart, and to say the
trueth, hee went himselfe unto his lodging. In the
meane while one which had something to doe without
the fort, and my trumpet which went up unto the
TheSpanyards rampart perceived a troupe of Spanyards which came
dtscryedthe 20 Jq^j-^^ from a little knappe. Where incontinently they
' beganne to cry alarme, and the Trumpetter also : Which
assoone as ever I understoode, foorthwith I issued out,
with my target and sword in my hand, and gatte mee
into the middest of the Court, where I beganne to crie
upon my souldiers. Some of them which were of the
forward sort went toward the breach, which was on the
94
RENE LAUDONNIERE a.d.
1565.
Southside, and where the munitions of the artillerie
lay, where they were repulsed and slaine. By the selfe
same place two ensignes entred, which immediately were T'he Spaniards
planted on the wals. Two other ensignes also entred ^^^^^' ^^^ ■^^^*
on the other side toward the West, where there was
another breach : and those which were lodged in this
quarter, & which shewed themselves, were likewise de-
feated. As I went to succour them which were
defending the breach on the southwest side, I encoun-
tred by chance a great com.pany of Spaniards, which
had already repulsed our men and were now entred,
which drave me backe unto the court of the fort : being
there I espied with them one called Francis Jean, which Franch Jean
was one of the Mariners which stole away my barks, ^/^^^^^^^ ^^
and had guided and conducted the Spanyards thither.
Assoone as he sawe me, he began to say. This is the
Captaine. This troupe was led by a captaine whose
name, as I thinke, was Don Pedro Melendes : these T^on Pedro
made certain pushes at me with their pikes which , ^^^S\i..
1-11 1 -r. --IT 11 ^^^^^ V ^^^
lighted on my tarket. But perceivmg that 1 was not able Spaniards.
to withstand so great a company, and that the court
was already wonne, and their ensignes planted on the
ramparts, & that I had never a man about me, saving
one only whose name was Bartholomew, I entred into
the yard of my lodging, into which they followed me,
and had it not bene for a tent that was set up, I had
bin taken : but the Spanyards which followed me were
occupied in cutting of the cordes of the tent, and in
the meane while I saved my selfe by the breach which
was on the West side neere unto my Lieutenants lodging,
and gate away into the woods : where I found certain Laudonniers
of my men which were escaped, of which number there ^^^^P^-
were three or foure which were sore hurt. Then spake
I thus unto them : Sirs, since it hath pleased God that
this mischance is happened unto us, we must needs take
the paines to get over the marshes unto the ships which
are at the mouth of the river. Some would needs go
to a little village which was in the woods, the rest fol-
95
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1565.
lowed me through the reedes in the water, where
being able to go no farther by reason of my sicknesse
which I had, I sent two of my men which were with me,
which could swim well, unto the ships, to advertise them
of that which had happened, and to send them word to
come and helpe me. They were not able that day to get
[III. 355.] unto the ships to certifie them thereof: so I was con-
strained to stand in the water up to the shoulders all that
night long, with one of my men which would never for-
sake me. The next day morning, being scarcely able to
draw my breath any more, I betooke me to my prayers
with the souldier which was with mee, whose name was
John du Che- John du Chemin : for I felt mv selfe so feeble, that I was
trvmf^^''^^ afraid I should die suddenly : and in truth if he had not
imbraced me in both his armes, and so held me up, it had
not bene possible to save me. After we had made an
ende of our prayers, I heard a voyce, which in my judge-
ment was one of theirs which I had sent, which were over
against the ships and called for the ship boat, which was
so in deed : and because those of the ships had under-
standing of the taking of the fort by one called John de
Hais, master Carpenter, which fled unto them in a shal-
The diligence lop ; they had set saile to run along the coast to see if
of the Man- ^j^^^ might save any : wherin doubtlesse they did very
them that Well their endevour. They went straight to the place
escaped out of where the two men were which I had sent, and which
the fort. called them. Assoone as they had received them in and
understood where I was, they came and found me in a
pitifull case. Five or sixe of them tooke me and caried
me into the shallop : for I was not able by any means
to go one foot. After I was brought into the shallop
some of the Mariners took their clothes from their
JasTaques backs to lend them me, and would have caried me
Morgues presently to their ships to give me a little Aqua vitae.
painter some- Howbeit I would not goe thither, untill I had first
T^fT^^ gone with the boat along the reeds, to seeke out the
fryers^in' poore soules which were scattered abroad, where we
London. gathered up 18 or 20 of them. The last that I took
96
cause of this
enterprise.
RENE LAUDONNIERE ad.
1565.
in was the nephew of the Treasurer le Beau. After we
were al come to the ships, I comforted them as well as
I could, and sent back the boat againe with speed to
see if they could find yet any more. Upon her returne,
the Mariners told mee how that captaine James Ribault
which was in his ship about two muskets shot distant
from the fort, had parled with the Spaniards, and that
Francis Jean came unto his ship, where hee staied a 'Francis Jean
long space, whereat they greatly marveiled, considering
hee was the cause of this enterprise, how hee would let
him escape. After I was come into the ship called the
Greyhound, captaine James Ribault & captaine Valvot
came to see me : and there we concluded to returne
into France. Now forasmuch as I found the ship un-
furnished of Captaine, Pilot, Master, and Masters-mate,
I gave advice to choose out one of the most able men
among al the mariners, & that by their owne voices. I
tooke also sixe men out of another small ship, which we
had sunke because it wanted ballast and could not be
saved. Thus I increased the furniture of the ship
wherein I was my selfe embarked, and made one, which
had bene Masters-mate in the foresaid small ship,
Master of mine. And because I lacked a pilot, I Thebaddeal-
prayed James Ribault that he would grant me one of ^^j{Jif^^^^
the foure men that he had in his ship, which I should
name unto him, to serve me for a Pilot : he promised to
give me them, which neverthelesse he did not at the in-
stant when wee were ready to depart, notwithstanding all
the speech I used to him, in declaring that it was for the
kings service. I was constrained to leave the ship behind
me which I had bought of the English Captaine, because
I wanted men to bring her away. For captaine James
Ribault had taken away her furniture : I tooke away her
ordinance onely, which was all dismounted, whereof I
gave nine pieces to James Ribault to carrie into France, Our returne
the other five I put into my ship. The 25 of Sep- ^^1^ France
tember wee set sailes to returne into France, and ^Ltember
Captaine James Ribault and I kept company all that 1565.
IX 97 G
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1565.
day and the next untill three or foure a clock in the
afternoone : but because his ship was better at bowline
then ours, he kept him to the wind and left us the
same day. Thus we continued our voyage, wherein
we had marveilous flawes of wind. And about the
October 28. eight and twentieth of October in the morning at the
breake of the day we discried the Isle of Flores, one
of the A9ores, where immediatly upon our approching
to the land we had a mightie gust of wind which
came from the Northeast, which caused us to beare
against it foure dayes : afterward the wind came South
and Southeast, and was alwayes variable. In all the
time of our passage we had none other foode saving
November 10. biscuit and water. About the tenth or eleventh of
November, after we had sailed a long time, and sup-
posing we were not farre from land, I caused my men
to sound, where they found threescore and fifteene
fathoms water, whereat we all rejoyced, and praised
God because we had sailed so prosperously. Immedi-
atly after I caused them to set saile again and so we
continued our way : but forasmuch as we had borne
The Chanel of too much toward the Northeast we entred into Saint
Saint George. Qeorges chanell, a place much feared of all Sailers, and
whereas many ships are cast away : But it was a faire
gift of God that we entred in it when the weather was
cleare. We sailed all the night, supposing wee had
bene shot into the narrow Sea betweene England and
France, and by the next day to reach Diepe, but we
were deceived of our longing : for about two or three
of the clocke after midnight as I walked upon the
hatches, I discried land round about me, whereat wee
were astonied. Immediatly I caused them to strike
saile and sound : we found we had not under us past
[III. 356.] 8 fathoms of water, whereupon I commanded them to
stay till breake of day : which being come, and seeing
my Mariners told me that they knew not this land,
I commanded them to approch unto it. Being neere
thereunto I made them cast anker, & sent the boat on
98
RENE LAUDONNIERE ad.
1565.
shore to understand in what Countrey we were. Word
was brought me that we were in Wales a province of
England. I went incontinently on land, where after I
had taken the ayre, a sickenesse tooke mee whereof
I thought I should have dyed. In the meane while I
caused the ship to be brought into the bay of a small
towne called Swansey, where I found merchants of S. Laudonnkres
Malo, which lent me money, wherewith I made certaine ^^^^"^^^^^^
apparel for my selfe and part of my company that was I'^Glamr^an-
with me : and because there were no victuals in the ship, shire in South
I bought two Oxen, and salted them, and a tunne of IVales.
Beere, which I delivered into his hands which had charge
of the ship, praying him to cary it into France, which he
promised me to doe : for mine owne part I purposed with
my men to passe by land, and after I had taken leave of
my Mariners, I departed from Swansey, and came that
night with my company to a place called Morgan, where
the Lord of the place, understanding what I was, stayed The courtesie
me with him for the space of 6 or 7 dayes, and at my ^f°^^ Master
departure mooved with pitie to see me goe on foot, '^^^^^'
especially being so weake as I was, gave me a litle
Hackny. Thus I passed on my journey first to Bristoll, Bristoll.
& then to London, where I went to doe my duty to London.
Monsieur de Foix, which for the present was the kings Monsieur de
Ambassador, and holpe me with mony in my necessitie. ^?^ , ^ /^^
From thence I passed to Caleis, afterward to Paris, where pj-gf^ch king
I was informed that the king was gone to Molins to in England.
sojourne there : incontinently, & with all the hast I could
possibly make, I gate me thither with part of my com-
pany. Thus briefly you see the discourse of all that The conclusion.
happened in New France since the time it pleased the
kings Majesty to send his subjects thither to discover
those parts. The indifferent and unpassionate readers
may easily weigh the truth of my doings, and be up-
right judges of the endevor which I there used. For
mine owne part I wil not accuse nor excuse any : it
sufficeth mee to have followed the trueth of the his-
tory, whereof many are able to beare witnesse, which
99
A.D.
1565.
The causes zuhy
the French
lost Florida.
The French
Fleete cast
azuay on the
coast of
Florida.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
were there present. I will plainly say one thing, That
the long delay that Captaine John Ribault used in his
embarking, and the 15. daies that he spent in roving
along the coast of Florida, before he came to our fort
Caroline, were the cause of the losse that we susteined.
For he discovered the coast the 14 of August, and
spent the time in going from river to river, which had
bene sufficient for him to have discharged his ships in,
and for me to have embarked my selfe to returne into
France. I wote well that al that he did was upon a good
intent : yet in mine opinion he should have had more
regard unto his charge, then to the devises of his owne
braine, which sometimes hee printed in his head so deeply,
that it was very hard to put them out : which also turned
to his utter undoing : for hee was no sooner departed
from us, but a tempest tooke him, which in fine wrackt
him upon the coast, where all his shippes were cast
away, and he with much adoe escaped drowning, to fall
into their hands which cruelly massacred him and all
his company.
The fourth voyage of the Frenchmen into Florida,
under the conduct of Captaine Gourgues, in
the yeere, 1567.
Aptaine Gourgues a Gentleman borne in
the Countrey neere unto Bourdeaux
incited with a desire of revenge, to
repaire the honour of his nation, bor-
owed of his friends and sold ipart of
his owne goods to set forth and furnish
three ships of indifferent burthen with
all things necessary, having in them an hundred and
fiftie souldiers, and fourescore chosen Mariners under
Captaine Cazenove his lieutenant, and Francis Bourdelois
Master over the Mariners. He set forth the 22 of
August 1567. And having endured contrary winds and
stormes for a season, at length hee arrived and went
domi:nique de gourgues a.d.
1567.
on shore in the Isle of Cuba. From thence he passed to
the Cape of Saint Antony at the end of the He of Cuba,
about two hundred leagues distant from Florida, where
the captaine disclosed unto them his intention which
hitherto he had concealed from them, praying and
exhorting them not to leave him being so neere the
enemie, so well furnished, and in such a cause : which
they all sware unto him, and that with such courage
that they would not stay the full Moone to passe the
chanell of Bahama, but speedily discovered Florida, The chanell of
where the Spanyards saluted them with two Canon B^^^^^^^-
shot from their fort, supposing that they had beene of ^^^ ^^^ j^^^^
their nation, and Gourgues saluted them againe to enter- ofLucayos.
taine them in this errour, that hee might surprise them
at more advantage, yet sailing by them, & making as
though he went to some other place until he had sailed
out of sight of the place, so that about evening, hee
landed 1 5 leagues from the fort, at the mouth of the The French-
River Tacatacouru, which the Frenchmen called Seine, ^^j^^J^^^^mg
because they thought it to bee like Seine in France, tacatacouru
Afterward perceiving the shore to bee covered with
Savages with their bowes and arrowes, (besides the signe [III. 357.]
of peace and amitie which he made them from his ships)
he sent his Trumpetter, to assure them, that they were
come thither for none other ende but to renew the
amitie and ancient league of the French with them.
The Trumpetter did his message so well (by reason he
had bene there before under Laudonniere) that he
brought backe from king Satourioua, the greatest of all
the other kings, a kidde and other meat to refresh us,
besides the offer of his friendship and amitie. After-
ward they retired dansing in signe of joy, to adver-
tise all the kings Satouriouaes kinsmen to repaire thither
the next day to make a league of amitie with the
Frenchmen. Whereupon in the meane space ourgenerall
went about to sound the chanel of the river to bring in
his ships, and the better to traffike and deale with the
Savages, of whom the chiefe the next day in the morning
lOI
A.D.
1567.
Eight savage
kings.
The kings
seate.
Complaints of
the lavages
against the
Spanyards.
Two chaines
of silver given
to Gourgues.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
presented themselves, namely the great king Satourioua,
TacatacouroUj Halmacanir, Athore, Harpaha, Helmacape,
Helicopile, Molloua, and others his kinsmen and allies,
with their accustomed weapons. Then sent they to
intreate the French general to come on shore, which he
caused his men to do with their swords and harquebusies,
which he made them leave behind them, in token of
mutuall assurance, leaving his men but their swords only,
after that the Savages complaining thereof had left and
likewise sent away their weapons at the request of
Gourgues. This done Satourioua going to meet him,
caused him to sit on his right hand in a seat of wood
of lentisque covered with mosse made of purpose like
unto his owne. Then two of the eldest of the company
pulled up the brambles & other weeds which were
before them, and after they had made the place very
cleane, they all sate round about them on the ground.
Afterward Gourgues being about to speake, Satourioua
prevented him, declaring at large unto him the incredible
wrongs, and continuall outrages that all the Savages, their
wives and children had received of the Spanyards since
their comming into the Countrey and massacring of the
Frenchmen, with their continuall desire if we would assist
them throughly to revenge so shamefull a treason, aswell
as their owne particular griefes, for the firme good will
they alwayes had borne unto the Frenchmen. Where-
upon Gourgues giving them his faith, and making a
league betweene them and him with an othe gave them
certaine presents of daggers, knives, looking glasses,
hatchets, rings, belles, and such other things, trifles unto
us, but precious unto these kings : which moreover,
seeing his great liberality, demanded eche one a shirt of
him to weare onely on their festivall dayes, and to be
buried in at their death. Which things after that they
had received, and Satourioua had given in recompense to
Captaine Gourgues two chaines of silver graines which
hung about his necke, and ech of the kings certaine
deere skinnes dressed after their manner, they retired
DOMINIQUE DE GOURGUES ad.
1567.
themselves danslng and very jocond, with promise to
keep all things secret, and to bring unto the sayd place
good companies of their subjects all well armed to be
avenged throughly on the Spanyards. In the meane
space Gourgues very narrowly examined Peter de Bre ^^^^^^^^"^^
borne in Newhaven, which being but a yong stripling J^J^^^^
escaped out of the fort into the woods while the Span- ^^^^^j ^ith
yards murdered the rest of the French, & was afterward Satourioua.
brought up with Satourioua, which at that time bestowed
him on our generall, whose advise stoode him in great
steade : Whereupon he sent to discover the fort and the
estate of the enemies by certaine of his men, being
guided by Olotacara Satouriouaes nephew which hee had
given him for this purpose and for assurance of Estampes
a gentleman of Cominges, and others which he sent to
discry the state of the enemies. Moreover he gave him Three pkdges
a Sonne of his starke naked as all of them are, and his ^^J^^^Ii
wife which he loved best of all the rest, of eighteene samrioua.
yeeres olde, apparelled with the mosse of trees, which
for 3 dayes space were in the ships, untill our men
returned from discrying the state of the enemie, and the
kings had furnished their preparation at their rende-
vous. Their marching being concluded, and the Savages
rende-vous being appointed them beyond the river
Salinacani, of our men called Somme, they all dranke The riz^er of
with great solemnitie their drinke called Cassine, made ^''\]''ff'\^
o.. .11/1 ^^j called bomme
of the juice of certame hearbs (as they are wont to do, j^^ the French.
when they go to any place of danger,) which hath such
force, that it taketh from them hunger and thirst for
24 houres, and Gourgues was faine to make as though
he drank thereof for company. Afterward they lift up
their handes and sware all that they would never
forsake him. Olotocara followed him with pike in hand.
Being all met at the river of Sarauahi, not without great The river of
trouble, by reason of the raine and places full of water S^^'^^^f^^-
which they must needes passe, which hindred their passage,
they were distressed with famine finding nothing by the
way to eat, their Bark of provision being not arrived,
103
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1567.
which was to come unto him from the ships, the oversight
and charge whereof he had left unto Burdelois with the
The estate of rest of the Mariners. Now he had learned that the
the Spaniards Spanyards were foure hundred strong, devided into three
forts builded and flanked, and well fortified upon the
river of May, the great fort especially begunne by the
French, and afterward repaired by them : upon the most
dangerous and principall landing place whereof, two
[III. 358.] leagues lower and neerer towarde the Rivers mouth, they
had made two smaller Forts, which were defended, the
river passing betweene them, with sixe score souldiers,
good store of artillery and other munition, which they
The river of ^^d in the same. From Saracary unto these smal forts
Q^^^^^l- °^ was two leagues space, which he found very painful,
because of the bad waies and continual raines. After-
ward he departed from the river Catacouru with 10, shot,
to view the first fort, and to assault it the next day in
the morning by the breake of day, which hee could not
doe, because of the foule weather, and darknesse of the
night. King Helicopile seeing him out of quiet in that
he had failed of his purpose there, assured him to guide
him a more easie way, though it were farther about. In-
somuch as leading him through the woods, he brought
him within sight of the fort, where he discerned one
quarter which was but begun to bee entrenched. Thus
after he had sounded the small river that falleth downe
thereby, hee stayed untill ten of the clock in the
morning for an ebbe water, that his men might passe
over there, unto a place where he had scene a litle
grove between the river & the fort (that he might not
be scene to passe and set his souldiers in array) caus-
ing them to fasten their flasks to their Morions, & to
hold up their swords and kalivers in their hands, for
feare least the water, which reached up to their girdles,
should not wet them : where they found such abun-
dance of great oysters, and shels which were so sharpe,
that many had their legs cut with them, and many
others lost their shoes. Notwitstanding assoone as
104
DOMINIQUE DE GOURGUES a.d.
1568.
they were passed over, with a French courage they
prepared themselves to the assault on the Sunday eve
next after Easter day, in Aprill 1568. Insomuch that
Gourgues to employ the ardent heat of this good
affection, gave twenty shot to his Lieutenant Cazenove,
and ten Mariners laden with pots and balles of wild
fire to burne the gate : and then he assaulted the Fort ^^^ assault
on another side, after he had made a short speech unto Vt r 1% .
1 . r 1 1 • 1 1 o 1 the first Fort.
nis men or the strange treasons which the opanyards
had plaid their companions. But being discried as they
came holding downe their heads within two hundred
paces from the Fort, the Gunner being upon the terrace
of the Fort, after he had cried, Arme, Arme, these be
French men, discharged twise upon them a colverine,
whereon the Armes of France were graven, which had
bin taken from Laudonniere. But as he went about to
charge it the third time, Olotocara, which had not ^^^ ^^^^^'^ ^/
learned to keepe his ranke, or rather moved with rage, °^°'^^^^'
lept on the platforme, and thrust him through the
bodie with his pike and slew him. Whereupon Gour-
gues advanced forward, and after he had heard Cazenove
cry, that the Spaniards which issued out armed at the
cry of the alarme, were fled, hee drew to that part, and
so hemmed them in betweene him and his Lieutenant,
that of threescore there escaped not a man, saving only
fifteene reserved unto the same death which they had
put the French unto. The Spanyards of the other fort
in the meanewhile ceased not to play with their ordin-
ance, which much annoied the assailants : although to
answere them they had by this placed and oftentimes
pointed the foure pieces found in the first Fort. Where- ^^^ assault
upon Gourp^ues beingf accompanied with fourescore shot ^^^^^^^^Sjf
D or ^ /^^ second tort,
went abord the barke which met him there to good
purpose to passe into the wood neere unto the Fort, out
of which he supposed the Spanyards would issue to save
themselves thorow the benefit of the woods in the great
fort, which was not past one league distant from ye same.
Afterward the Savages not staying for the returne of
105
A.D.
1568.
The savages
great swim-
mers.
The Spaniards
of the second
Fort all slaine.
Note.
A notable
Spanish
subtiltie.
[III. 359-:
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
the bark, lept al into the water holding up their bowes
& arrowes in one hand, & swimming with the other, so
that the Spaniards seing both ye shores covered with so
great a number of men, thought to flee towards the
woods : but being charged by the French, and afterward
repulsed by the Savages, toward whom they would have
retired, they were sooner then they would bereft of
their lives. To conclude they al there ended their
dayes saving 15 of those which were reserved to be
executed for the example of others. Wherupon
Captaine Gourgues having caused al that he found
in the second fort to be transported unto the first,
where he ment to strengthen himselfe to take resolu-
tion against the great Fort, the state whereof hee did
not understand : in fine a Sergeant of a band one of
the prisoners assured him that they might be there very
neere 300 wel furnished under a brave Governor, which
had fortified there, attending farther succours. Thus
having obtained of him the platforme, the height, the
fortification and passages unto it, and having prepared
eight good lathers, and raised all the Countrey against
the Spanyard, that he neither might have newes, nor
succours, nor retract on any side, he determined to march
forward. In the meane while the Governour sent a
Spanyard disguised like a Savage to spie out the state of
the French. And though he were discovered by Oloto-
cara, yet he used all the cunning he could possibly to
perswade them that he was one of the second fort, out of
which having escaped, and seeing none but savages on
every side, he hoped more in ye Frenchmens then their
mercy, unto whom he came to yeeld himself disguised
like a savage, for feare lest if he should have bin knowen,
he should have bin massacred by those Barbarians : but
the spie being brought face to face with the sergeant of
the band, & convicted to be one of the great fort, was
reserved until an other time : after that he had assured
Gourgues that the bruit was that he had 2000
Frenchmen with him for feare of whom the 200 and
106
DOMINIQUE DE GOURGUES a.d.
1568.
threescore Spaniardes which remained in the great fort,
were greatly astonied. Whereupon Gourgues being re-
solved to set upon them, while they were thus amazed,
and leaving his Standard-bearer and a Captaine with
fifteene shot to keepe the Fort, and the entry of the
River, he caused the Savages to depart by night to lye
in ambush within the woods on both sides of the river,
then he departed in the Morning, leading the Sergeant
and the spy fast bound along with him, to shew him that
in deede, which they had only made him understand be-
fore in paynting. As they marched Olotocara a resolute
Savage which never left the Captaine, said unto him, that
he had served him faithfully, and done whatsoever hee had
commaunded him, that he was assured to dye in the
conflict at the great Fort, wherein neverthelesse he
would not faile, though it were to save his life : but
he prayed him to give that unto his wife, if hee es-
caped not, which he had meant to bestow on him, that
shee might bury the same with him, that thereby hee The cause why
mi2:ht be better welcome unto the village of the soules f^ Flondtans
^ . . ^ . uU7"^ their
or spirits departed. To whom Captaine Gourgues ^oodszvith
answered, after he had commended his faithfull valour, them.
the love toward his wife, and his noble care of immortall
honour, that he desired rather to honour him alive then
dead, and that by Gods helpe he would bring him home
againe with victorie. After the discoverie of the Fort,
the Spanyards were no niggards of their Canon shotte,
nor of two double Colverines, which being mounted
upon a Bulwarke, commaunded all along the River,
which made captaine Gourgues to get to the hill covered
with wood, at the foot whereof the Fort beginneth, and Note.
the forrest or wood continueth and stretcheth foorth
beyond it : so that he had sufficient coverture to approch
thereunto without offence. He purposed also to remaine
there untill the Morning, wherein hee was resolved to
assault the Spaniards by scaling their walks on the side
toward the hill, where the Trench seemed not suffici-
ently flanked for the defence of the courtains, and from
107
^-^' THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1568.
whence part of his men might draw them that were
besieged, which should shew themselves to defend the
rampart while the rest were comming up. But the
Governour hastened his unhappy destinie, causing three-
score shotte to sallie foorth, which passing through the
Trenches, advanced forward to descrye the number and
valour of the French, whereof twentie under the conduct
of Cazenove, getting betweene the Fort and them which
now were issued foorth, cut off their repassage, while
Gourgues commanded the rest to charge them in the
Front, but not to discharge but neere at hand, and so
that they might be sure to hitte them, that afterward with
more ease they might cut them in pieces with their
swordes. So that turning their backs assoone as they
were charged and compassed in by his Lieutenant, they
The slaughter remayned all slaine upon the place. Whereat the rest
VJdsofth ^^^^ ^^^^ besieged were so astonied, that they knew none
third Fort. Other meane to save their lives, but by fleeing into the
Wooddes adjoyning, where neverthelesse being incoun-
tred againe by the arrowes of the Savages which lay in
wayte there for them (whereof one ranne through the
target and body of a Spanyard, which therewithall fell
downe starke dead) some were constrayned to turne
backe, choosing rather to dye by the hand of the
French, which pursued them : assuring themselves,
that none of them could iinde any favour neyther with
the one nor the other Nation, whom they had alike and
so out of measure cruelly intreated, saving those which
were reserved to be an example for the time to come.
^h^y^'^V^ The Fort when it was taken, was found well provided
the third Fort, ^f ^jj necessaries : namely of ivYt double Colverines, and
foure Mynions, with divers other small pieces of all
sorts, and eighteene grosse cakes of gunnepowder, all
sorts of weapons, which Gourgues caused with speede to
be imbarked, saving the powder and other moveables, by
reason it was all consumed with fire through the negli-
gence of a Savage, which in seething of his fish, set fire
on a traine of powder which was made and hidden by
108
/
DOMINIQUE DE GOURGUES ad.
1568.
the Spanyardes, to have feasted the French at the first
assault, thus blowing up the store house, and the other
houses buylt of Pine trees. The rest of the Spaniards
being led away prisoners with the others, after that the
Generall had shewed them the wrong which they had
done without occasion to all the French Nation, were all
hanged on the boughes of the same trees, whereon the
French hung : of which number five were hanged by
one Spaniard, which perceiving himselfe in the like
miserable estate, confessed his fault, and the just judge-
ment which God had brought upon him. But in stead
of the writing which Pedro Melendes had hanged over The writings
them, importing these wordes in Spanish, I doe not this hanged over
as unto French men, but as unto Lutherans, Gourgues ^^^ Laniards
caused to be imprinted with a searing iron in a table of ^lame in
Firrewood, I doe not this as unto Spaniardes, nor as unto Florida.-
Mariners, but as unto Traitors, Robbers, and Murtherers.
Afterward considering he had not men inough to keepe
his Forts which he had wonne, much lesse to store
them, fearing also lest the Spaniard which hath Dominions
neere adjoyning should renew his forces, or the Savages
should prevaile against the French men, unlesse his
Majestie would send thither, hee resolved to raze them.
And indeede, after he had assembled, and in the ende
perswaded all the Savage kings so to doe, they caused [HI. 3^0-]
their subjects to runne thither with such affection, that
they overthrew all the three Forts flatte even with the The three
ground in one day. This done by Gourgues, that hee "^^"^ ^^"^^ '
might returne to his Shippes which were left in the River
of Seyne called Tacatacourou, fifteene leagues distant
from thence, he sent Cazenove and the artillery by water :
afterward with fourescore harquebusiers, armed with
corslets, and matches light, followed with fortie Mariners
bearing pikes, by reason of the small confidence he was
to have in so many Savages, he marched by land alwayes
in battell ray, findinsr the waves covered with Savag^es, ^^'^^^ honour
, . , -^'i o , . y, ^ 1 ^ ' done h the
which came to honour him with presents and prayses, as ^^^^^^^ ^^
the deliverer of all the countries round about adjoyning. Gourgues.
109
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1568.
An old woman among the rest sayd unto him, that
now she cared not any more to dye, since she had seene
the Frenchmen once againe in Florida, and the Spaniards
chased out. Briefly being arrived, and finding his ships
set in order, and every thing ready to set sayle, hee
counselled the kings to continue in the amitie and ancient
league which they had made with the king of France,
which would defend them against all Nations : which
they all promised, shedding teares because of his de-
parture. Olocotara especially: for appeasing of whom
he promised them to returne within twelve Moones, (so
they count the yeeres) and that his king would send
Knives in them an army, and store of knives for presents, and all
great estima- other things necessary. So that after he had taken his
leave of them, and assembled his men, he thanked God
of all his successe since his setting foorth, and prayed to
The third of him for an happy returne. The third of May 1568, all
^^^' things were made ready, the Rendez-vous appoynted,
and the Ankers weighed to set sayle so prosperously,
that in seventeene dayes they ranne eleven hundred
The arrivall leagues : continuing which course they arrived at Rochel
^RM^the ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ June, the foure and thirtieth day after their
sixt of June, departure from the River of May, having lost but a small
Pinnesse and eight men in it, with a few gentlemen and
others which were slaine in the assaulting of the Forts.
After the cheere and good intertainment which he re-
ceived of those of Rochel, hee sayled to Burdeaux to
informe Monsieur Monluc of the things above mentioned,
albeit hee was advertised of eighteene Pinnesses, and a
great Shippe of two hundred Tunnes full of Spanyardes,
which being assured of the defeat in Florida, and that
Che-de Bois. he was at Rochel, came as farre as Che-de Bois, the same
day that he departed thence, and followed him as farre as
Blay (but he was gotten already to Bordeaux) to make
him yeeld another account of his voyage, then that,
wherewith hee made many Frenchmen right glad. The
Catholicke king being afterward informed that Gourgues
could not easily be taken, offered a great summe of
DOMINIQUE DE GOURGUES ad.
1582.
money to him that could bring him his head, praying
moreover king Charles to doe justice on him as of the
authour of so bloody an act contrary to their alliance and
good league of friendshippe. In so m.uch as comming to
Paris to present himselfe unto the King, to signifie unto
him the successe of his Voyage, and the meanes which
hee had to subdue this whole Countrey unto his obedi-
ence, (wherein hee offered to imploy his life, and all his
goods) hee found his entertainment and answere so con-
trary to his expectation, that in fine hee was constrayned
to hide himselfe a long space in the Court of Roan, about
the yeere 1570. And without the assistance of President
Marigny, in whose house he remayned certaine dayes,
and of the Receiver of Vacquieulx, which alwayes was
his faithfull friend, hee had beene in great danger.
Which grieved not a litle Dominique de Gourgues,
considering the services which hee had done aswell unto
him as to his predecessours kings of France. Hee was The birth,
borne in Mount Marsan in Guyenne, and imployed for ^^ and death
the service of the most Christian Kings in all the Armies >,„ P^^^^
made smce these twentie five or thirtie yeeres : at last
he had the charge and honour of a Captaine, which in
a place neere unto Siene, with thirtie Souldyers sustayned
the brunt of a part of the Spanish Armie, by which beeing
taken in the assault, and having all his men cutte in pieces,
hee was put into a Galley in token of the good warre and
singular favour which the Spanyard is woont to shew us.
But as the Galley was going toward Sicillie, beeing taken
by the Turkes, ledde away to Rhodes, and thence to
Constantinople, it was shortly afterwarde recovered by
Romeguas, commaunder over the Armie of Malta. By
this meane returning home, hee made a Voyage on the
coast of Africa, whence hee tooke his course to Bresil,
and to the South Sea. At length beeing desirous to
rapayre the honour of France, he set upon Florida with
such successe as you have heard. So that being become
by his continuall warlike actions both by Land and Sea
no lesse valiant Captaine then skilfull Mariner, hee hath
III
A.D.
1582.
[III. 361.]
Wateri a
ffjodly river.
La grand
Copal a rich
citie.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
made hlmselfe feared of the Spanyard, and acceptable
unto the Queene of England for the desert of his vertues.
To conclude, he dyed in the yeere 1582, to the great
griefe of such as knew him.
The relation of Pedro Morales a Spaniard,
which sir Francis Drake brought from Saint
Augustines in Florida, where he had remayned
sixe yeeres, touching the state of those partes,
taken from his mouth by Master Richard
Hakluyt 1586.
Hree score leagues up to the Northwest
from Saint Helena are the mountaines of
the golde and Chrystall Mines, named
Apalatci.
The river of Wateri is thirtie leagues
from S. Helena Northward, which is able
to receive any Fleete of ships of great
burden.
Wateri and Caiowa are two kings, and two rivers to
the North of Saint Helena.
Oristou,
Kings and Rivers to the South of
Saint Helena.
killed three hundred of the
Ahoia,
Ahoiaue,
Isamacon,
Icosa or Dicosa
The Spaniards have
subjects of Potanou.
The greatest number of Spaniards that have bene in
Florida this sixe yeeres, was three hundred, and now
they were but two hundred in both the Forts.
There is a great City sixteene or twentie dayes journey
from Saint Helena Northwestward, which the Spaniards
call La grand Copal, which they thinke to bee very rich
and exceeding great, and have bene within the sight of
it, some of them.
They have offered in generall to the King to take no
M ivSB^5£SSL4£fc«
NICHOLAS BURGOIGNON
wages at all of him, if he will give them leave to discover
this citie, and the rich mountaines, and the passage to a
sea or mighty Lake which they heare to be within foure
and twenty dayes travel from Saint Helena, which is in
32. degrees of latitude : and is that river which the
French called Port-royal.
He saith also that he hath scene a rich Diamond which
was brought from the mountaines that lye up in the
countrey Westward from S. Helena. These hils seeme
wholy to be the mountaines of Apalatci, whereof the
Savages advertised Laudonniere, and it may bee they
are the hils of Chaunis Temoatam, which Master Lane
had advertisement of.
The relation of Nicholas Burgoignon, alias Holy,
v^hom sir Francis Drake brought from Saint
Augustine also in Florida, where he had re-
mayned sixe yeeres, in mine and Master
Heriots hearing.
His Nicholas Burgoignon sayth, that
betweene S. Augustine and S. Helen
there is a Casique whose name is
Casicola, which is lord of ten thou-
sand Indians, and another casique whose
name is Dicasca, and another called
Touppekyn toward the North, and a
fourth named Potanou toward the South, and another
called Moscita toward the South likewise. Besides these
he acknowledgeth Oristou, Ahoia, Ahoiaue, Isamacon,
alledged by the Spaniard.
He further affirmeth, that there is a citie Northwest-
ward from S. Helenes in the mountaines, which the
Spaniards call La grand Copal, and is very great and
rich, and that in these mountains there is great store
of Christal, golde, and Rubies, and Diamonds : And
that a Spaniard brought from thence a Diamond which
was worth five thousand crownes, which Pedro Melendes
A.D.
1586.
IX
113
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1586.
the marques nephew to olde Pedro Melendes that slew
Ribault, & is now governer of Florida, weareth. He
saith also, that to make passage unto these moun-
taines, it is needefull to have store of Hatchets to give
unto the Indians, and store of Pickaxes to breake the
mountaines, which shine so bright in the day in some
places, that they cannot behold them, and therefore they
travell unto them by night. Also corslets of Cotton,
which the Spanyards call Zecopitz, are necessary to bee
had against the arrowes of the Savages.
He sayth farther, that a Tunne of the sassafras of
Florida is solde in Spaine for sixtie ducates : and that
they have there great store of Turkie cocks, of Beanes,
of Peason, and that there are great store of pearles.
The things, as he reporteth, that the Floridians make
most account of, are red Cloth, or redde Cotton to make
baudricks or gyrdles : copper, and hatchets to cut withall.
The Spaniards have all demaunded leave at their owne
costs, to discover these mountaines, which the King
denyeth, for feare lest the English or French would
enter into the same action, once knowen.
[III. 362.] All the Spaniards would passe up by the river
of Saint Helena unto the mountaines of golde and
Chrystall.
The Spaniards entring 50. leagues up Saint Helena,
found Indians wearing golde rings at their nostrels and
Oxen. eares. They found also Oxen, but lesse then ours.
Sixe leagues from Saint Helena toward the North,
there is a poynt that runneth farre into the sea, which
is the marke to the Seamen to finde Saint Helena and
Waterin.
Waterin is a river fortie leagues distant Northward
from Saint Helena, where any fleete of great ships may
ride safely. I take this river to be that which we call
Waren in Virginia, whither at Christmasse last 1585.
the Spaniards sent a barke with fortie men to discover
where we were seated : in which barke was Nicholas
Burgoignon the reporter of all these things.
114
VOYAGES TO NEW MEXICO
The Spaniards of S. Augustine have slaine three
hundred of the subjects of Potanou. One Potassi is
neighbour to Potanou. Oratina is he which the French
history calleth Olata Outina.
Calauai is another casique which they knowe.
Sundry Voyages made from Nueva Galicia, and
Nueva Viscaia in new Spaine, to the 15.
Provinces of new Mexico, and to Quivira and
Cibola, all situate on the backeside of
Guastecan, Florida, and Virginia, as farre as
37. degrees of Northerly latitude : with a
description of the rivers, lakes, cities, townes,
nations, fertile soyle, and temperate ayre in
those partes ; and most certaine notice of
many exceeding rich silver mines, and other
principall commodities.
A discourse of the famous Cosmographer John
Baptista Ramusius, concerning the three
voyages of Frier Marco de Nica, Francis
Vasquez de Coronado, and Ferdinando Al-
orchon next following : taken out of his
third volume of Navigations and Voyages.
He right honourable Don Antonio de
Mendo^a being sent by Charles the
Emperour to be viceroy of Mexico and
Nueva Espanna, and having understood
that Don Ferdinando Cortez had sent
many ships along the coast of Nueva
Espanna to discover countries, and to
find out the Isles of the Malucos, began himselfe to
desire to do the like, as viceroy of Nueva Espanna;
and hereupon they fell out : for Cortez said that he
was general and discoverer of the South sea, and that
it belonged to him to set forth those voyages. On
115
A.D.
1539-
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539.
the other side, the lord Don Antonio alledged that
it belonged to him to make that discovery, as being
viceroy of Nueva Espanna. So that they fell at great
variance, and Cortez returned into Spaine to complaine
unto the Emperour. Don Antonio in the meane
season having obteined knowledge of the voiage, which
Andrew Dorantez (who was one of the company of
Pamphilo Narvaez that escaped, as you may reade in
the relation of Alvaro Nunnez, called Cabega de Vaca)
made ; sent Frier Marco de Ni^a with a Negro of
the said Dorantez to discover that country. Which
Frier Marco de Niga being returned, & having in-
formed his lordship of all his discovery, he sent captain
Francis Vasquez de Coronado with many Spaniards on
horsebacke and Indians on foot : likewise he sent a fleete
by sea, whereof Ferdinando Alorchon was captaine, as
may be scene in the relations following.
An extract of a letter of captaine Francis Vasques
de Coronado, v^ritten to a Secretary of the right
noble Don Antonio de Mendo9a, viceroy of
Nueva Espanna. Dated in Culiacan, the 8.
of March 1539.
E saith that Frier Marcus de Ni^a arrived in the
Province of Topira, where he found all the Indians
fled unto the mountaines for feare of the Christians,
and that for his sake they came all downe to see
him, with great joy & boldnesse. They are men of
good making, and whiter then others, and their women
are more beautifull then others of the neighbour-
provinces. There are no great cities there, yet are the
houses built of stone, and are very good, and in them
Store ofgolde, they have great store of gold, which is as it were
silver, and |Qg|.^ because they know not what use to put it to.
^inTopirT^^ ^^^ people weare Emeralds and other precious jewels
[III. 363.] upon their bodies : they are valiant, having very strong
armour made of silver, fashioned after divers shapes
116
H
VASQUEZ DE CORONADO ad.
^539-
of beasts. They worship for their gods such things
as they have in their houses, as namely hearbes, and
birdes, and sing songs unto them in their language,
which differeth but litle from that of Culiacan. They
told the Frier that they were willing to become Chris-
tians, and the Emperors subjects, for they were without
a governour ; with condition that no man should hurt
them : and that they would change their golde for such
things as they wanted. Commandement was given, that
they should bee received without doing them any dis-
pleasure. Neere unto this countrey there is another
Province heretofore discovered by our men, where the
people go naked without any thing before them : they
are very hardly reduced to Christianitie, and they are
valiant and stoute. Their houses are covered with straw:
They seeke no other riches but to feede cattel. They goe
at certaine seasons to their sacrifices into a valley situate in
that Province, which is inhabited with people, esteemed by
those of the countrey as saints and priests, whom they
call Chichimecas, which dwell in the woods without
houses : and they eate such things as they of the
countrey give them of almes. They goe naked, and
are tanned in the smoke, and tye their privie member
with a string unto their knee, and the women likewise
goe Starke naked. They have certain temples covered
with strawe, with small round windowes full of the
skuls of dead men ; before their temple is a great
round ditch, the brim whereof is compassed with the
figure of a serpent made of gold and silver, and with
another mixture of unknowen metals : and this serpent
holdeth his tayle in his mouth. They of this valley
from time to time cast lots, whose lucke it shal be to
be sacrificed, and they make him great cheere, on
whom the lotte falleth, and with great joy they crowne
him with flowers upon a bed prepared in the sayd ditch
all full of flowres and sweete hearbes, on which they lay
him along, and lay great store of dry wood on both
sides of him, and set it on fire on eyther part, and so
117
A.D.
1539-
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
he dyeth. Where he continueth so quietly without
being bound, as though hee did something, wherein he
tooke great pleasure. And they say that hee is a
Saint, and doe worshippe him for that yeere, and sing
prayses, and Hymnes unto him, and afterward set up
his head with the rest in order within those windowes.
Also they sacrifice their prisoners, whom they burne in
another deeper ditch, and not with the foresayde cere-
monies. The Spanyards which are in Xalisco write,
that having good assistance, they hope that those people
will become Christians. The Countrey is very good and
fruitfull, and hath great store of good and wholesome
waters.
A Letter of Francis Vazquez de Coronado,
Governour of Nueva Galicia, to the lord
Don Antonio de Mendofa, Viceroy of
Nueva Espanna. Dated in Saint Michael of
Culiacan the 8. of March, 1539.
Of the hard passage from Saint Michael of Culiacan to
Topira. The description of that Province, and of
another neere unto the same, very rich in gold and
precious stones. The number of the people which
Vazquez caried with him in his journey thither ; and
how greatly Frier Marcus of Ni9a is honoured by the
Indians of Petatlan.
Y the helpe of God I meane to set forward
from this City of S. Michael of Culiacan
toward Topira the 10. of April : neither
can I any sooner set forward, because the
powder and match which your Lordship
sendeth mee, cannot be brought thither
before that time, and I thinke it be now
in Compostella. Besides this, I am to passe many
leagues over mightie high mountaines, which reach up to
the skyes, and over a River, which at this present is so
bigge and swolne, that it can in no place be waded over.
118
VASQUEZ DE CORONADO a.d.
1539.
And if I depart at the time aforesayde, they say wee may
wade over it. They tolde mee that from hence to Topira
was not above 50. leagues ; and I have learned since that
it is above foure score leagues. I doe not remember that
I have written to your Lordshippe the information which
I have of Topira : and though I had written thereof unto Topira.
you, yet because that since that time I have learned some-
thing more, I thinke it meete to signifie the same unto
your Lordship in these my letters. It may please your
honour therefore to understand, that they tell mee, that
Topira is a very populous Province, lying betweene two
rivers, and that there are above 50. inhabited townes
therein. And that beyond the same there is another Another
Countrey greater then it, the name whereof the Indians ^^^^f^
1 1 "^ ° It 1-1 • r • 1 province.
could not tell mee, wherem there is great store or victuals
of Maiz, French peason, Axi or Pepper, Melons, and
Gourds, and great store of Hennes of the countrey. The
people weare on their bodies golde. Emeralds, and other
precious stones, and are served commonly in golde and
silver, wherewith they cover their houses : and the
chiefe men weare great chaines of golde well wrought, ^J^- 304-]
about their necks, and are apparelled with paynted ^^^^^ ^^ £
garments, and have store of wilde kine ; and they say the Pintados
they enter not into their countrey, because themselves mentioned by
have no great store of people : those Indians being Fner Marco
many in number, and very valiant. That which here ^^^ ^ ^^^
I say, I learned by two other relations of Indians
dwelling neere unto them. I meane to set forward at
the time before mentioned, and I carrie with me 150.
horsemen, and twelve spare horses, and 200. footmen,
crossebowmen, and gunners. I take also with mee live
hogs, sheepe, and all such things as I can get for money :
assure your Lordship that I meane not to returne to
Mexico, until I be able to informe your honour more
perfectly, what the state of that place is : and if I find
ought that we may doe good in, I will stay there, untill I
have advertised your Lordship, that you may command
what you will have done : and if it fall out so unluckily,
119
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539'
that there be nothing of importance, I will seeke to dis-
cover loo. leagues farther, wherein (I hope in God) there
will be something found in which your Lordship may
imploy all these gentlemen, and those which shall come
hither hereafter. I thinke I cannot chuse but stay there :
and the waters, the seasons, and disposition of the coun-
trey, and other accidents wil direct mee what is best to be
done. Frier Marco de Ni^a entred a good way into the
country, accompanied with Stephan Dorantez, the 7. of
February last past : when I departed from them, I left
them with above 100. Indians of Petatlan, and from the
time of their comming thither they greatly honoured the
father, shewing him all the courtesies they could possibly.
I cannot send you, nor describe unto you his entrance
among them better then I have done in all my relations
which I wrote in my letters from Compostella, and I
signified unto you all things to the full from the citie of
S. Michael : and though there be but the tenth part of
those things, it is a great matter. Herewithall I have
sent your Lordship a Letter, which I received from the
said father : the Indians tell me, that all the people of the
countrey doe greatly reverence him : and I beleeve he
may travel many leagues farther in that sort. He
saith, that if he finde any good countrey, he will write
to me thereof: I will not goe thither without inform-
ing your Lordship of my journey. I hope in God,
that by one way or other wee shall discover some good
thing.
DON ANTONIO DE MENDOCA
A Letter written by the most honourable Lord
Don Antonio de Mendo9a, Vice-roy of Nueva
Espanna, to the Emperors Majestie.
Of certaine Noblemen which sought to discover the
end of the firme land of Nueva Espanna toward
the North. The arrivall of Vazquez de Coronado
with Frier Marco at S. Michael of Culiacan, with
commission to the Governors of those partes, to
pacifie the Indians, and not to make them slaves
any more.
A.D.
1539-
N the ships that went last from hence
(wherof Michael de Usnago was Admiral)
I wrote unto your Majestie, how I had
sent two Franciscan Friers to discover the
end of this firme land, which stretcheth to
the North. And because their journey
fell out to greater purpose then was
looked for, I will declare the whole matter from the be-
ginning. It may please your Majestie to call to mind
how often I wrote unto your Highnesse, that I desired
to know the ende of this Province of Nueva Espanna,
because it is so great a countrey, and that we have yet no
knowledge thereof. Neither had I onely this desire ; for
Nunno de Guzman departed out of this city of Mexico
with 400. horsemen, and 14000. Indians footemen borne
in these Indias, being the best men, & the best furnished,
which have bene seene in these parts : and he did so litle
with them, that the most Dart of them were consumed in
the enterprize, & could not enter nor discover any more
then already was discovered. After this the saide Nunno
Guzman beeing Governour of Nueva Galicia, sent Cap-
taines and Horsemen foorth divers times, which sped no
better then he had done. Likewise the Marques de valle
Hernando Cortez sent a captaine with 2. ships to discover
the coast : which 2. ships and the captaine perished.
After that he sent againe 2. other ships, one of the which
121
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539-
was divided from her consort, and the Master and cer-
taine mariners slue the captaine, & usurped over the ship.
This was the After this they came to an Island, where the Master with
Port of Santa ^ertaine mariners going on land, the Indians of the coun-
Isl^ofCali- ^T ^^'^ them, and tooke their boat : and the ship with
fornia. those that were in it, returned to the coast of Nueva
Galicia, where it ran on ground. By the men which
came home in this ship, the Marques had knowledge of
the countrey which they had discovered : and then, either
for the discontentment which hee had with the bishop
of Saint Domingo, and with the Judges of this royal
audience in Mexico, or rather because of his so pros-
perous successe in all things here in Nueva Espanna,
[III. 365.] without seeking any farther intelligence of the state of
that Island, he set forward on that voyage with 3. Ships,
and with certaine footemen and horsemen, not throughly
furnished with things necessary ; which fell out so con-
trary to his expectation, that the most part of the people
which he carryed with him, dyed of hunger. And
although he had ships, and a Countrey very neere him
abounding with victuals, yet could hee never finde meanes
to conquer it, but rather it seemed, that God miracu-
lously did hide it from him : and so he returned home
without atchieving ought else of moment. After this,
having heere in my company Andrew Dorantez, which
is one of those who were in the voyage of Panphilo
Narvaez, I often was in hand with him, supposing that
he was able to doe your Majestic great service, to imploy
him with fortie or fiftie horses, to search out the secret
of those parts : and having provided all things necessary
for his journey, and spent much money in that behalfe,
the matter was broken off, I wot not how, and that
enterprise was given over. Yet of the things which
were provided for that purpose, I had left mee a Negro,
which returned from the foresayde voyage of Narvaez,
with Dorantez, and certaine slaves which I had bought,
and certaine Indians which I had gathered together, who
were borne in those North partes, whome I sent with
122
DON ANTONIO DE MENDO^A a.d.
1539.
Frier Marco de Ni9a, and his companion a Franciscan
Frier, because they had bene long travelled, and exercised
in those partes, and had great experience in the affaires
of the Indies, and were men of good life and conscience,
for whom I obtained leave of their superiours : and so
they went with Francis Vazquez de Coronado, governour
of Nueva Galicia unto the Citie of Saint Michael of
Culiacan, which is the last Province subdued by the
Spaniards towarde that quarter, being two hundred
leagues distant from this Citie of Mexico. Assoone as
the governour, and the Friers were come unto that
Citie, hee sent certaine of those Indians which I had
given him, home into their Countrey, to signifie, and
declare to the people of the same. That they were to
understand, that your Majestie had commaunded they
should not hereafter bee made slaves, and that they
should not be afrayd any more, but might returne unto
their houses, and live peaceably in them, (for before
that time they had bin greatly troubled by the evill
dealings which were used toward them) and that your
Majestie would cause them to be chastened, which were the
causes of their vexation. With these Indians about twentie
dayes after returned about 400 men ; which comming
before the governour said unto him, that they came on
the behalfe of al their Countrey-men, to tell him, that
they desired to see and know those men which did them
so great a pleasure as to suffer them to returne to their
houses, and to sow Maiz for their sustenance : for by
the space of many yeres they were driven to flee into
the mountaines, hiding themselves like wild beasts, for
feare lest they should be made slaves, and that they and
all the rest of their people were ready to doe whatso-
ever should bee commaunded them. Whom the gover-
nour comforted with good wordes, and gave them
victuals, and stayed them with him three or foure dayes,
wherein the Friers taught them to make the signe of
the Crosse, and to learne the name of our Lorde Jesus
Christ, and they with great diligence sought to learne
123
A.D.
1539-
Valle de los
Corazones
mentioned by
Vazquez de
Coronado
cap. I.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
the same. After these dayes hee sent them home againe,
willing them not to be afraid, but to be quiet, giving
them apparel, beades, knives, and other such like things,
which I had given him for such purposes. The sayde
Indians departed very well pleased, and said, that when-
soever hee would send for them, they and many others
would come to doe whatsoever he would command them.
The entrance being thus prepared, Frier Marco and his
companion, with the Negro and other slaves, and Indians
which I had given him, went forward on their voyage
lo. or 12. dayes after. And because I had likewise
advertisement of a certaine Province called Topira situate in
the mountaines, and had appoynted the governour Vazquez
de Coronado, that he should use meanes to learne the
state thereof; he supposing this to be a matter of great
moment, determined himselfe to goe and search it,
having agreed with the sayd Frier, that he should
returne by that part of the mountaine, to meete with
him in a certaine valley called Valle de los Cora9ones,
beeing 120. leagues distant from Culiacan. The gover-
nour travelling into this province (as I have written
in my former letters) found great scarcity of victuals
there, and the mountaines so craggy, that he could
finde no way to passe forward, and was inforced to
returne home to Saint Michael : so that aswell in
chusing of the entrance, as in not being able to finde
the way, it seemeth unto all men, that God would
shut up the gate to all those, which by strength of
humane force have gone about to attempt this enter-
prise, and hath reveiled it to a poore and bare-footed
Frier. And so the Frier beganne to enter into the
Land, who because he found his entrance so well
prepared, was very well received; and because he wrote
the whole successe of his voyage, according to the
instruction which I had given him to undertake the
same, I wil not write any more at large, but send your
Majestic this copy of all such things as he observed
in the same.
124
FRIAR MARCO DE NICA ad.
1539.
A relation of the reverend father Frier Marco [in. 366.]
de Ni9a, touching his discovery of the king-
dome of Cevola or Cibola, situate about 30.
degrees of latitude, to the North of Nueva
Espanna.
Chap. I.
Frier Marco de Ni^a departeth from Saint Michael in
the Province of Culiacan, standing in 24. degrees
of Northerly latitude : and comming to the Towne
of Petatlan, receiveth many courtesies of the Indians
there. Departing from thence, he had information
of many Islands, and of a great countrey inhabited
with civil people ; he commeth to Vacupa : where
during his aboad, he heard newes of Cevola, and of
the state of the 7. Cities, and of other provinces, &
of the rich Islands of perles, which extent northward
upon the coast.
Frier Marco de Ni9a of the order of
S. Francis, for the execution of the
instruction of the right honourable lord
Don Antonio de Mendo9a, Vice-roy
and captaine Generall for the Emperors
Majestie in New Spaine, departed from
the towne of S. Michael in the province
of Culiacan on Friday the 7. of March, in the yeere
1539. having for my companion Frier Honoratus, and
carying with me Stephan a Negro, belonging to Andrew
Dorantez, and certaine of those Indians which the sayde
lord Vice-roy had made free, and bought for this pur-
pose : whom Francis Vazquez de Coronado governour
of Nueva Galicia delivered me, and with many other
Indians of Petatlan, and of the towne called Cuchillo,
which is some 50. leagues from Petatlan, who came to
the valley of Culiacan, shewing themselves to bee
exceeding glad, because they were certified by the
125
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539-
Indians which had bin set free, whom the said governour
had sent before to advertise them of their libertie, that
none of them from thenceforth should be made slaves,
and that no man should invade them, nor use them
badly; signifying unto them, that the Emperors Majesty
had willed and commanded that it should be so. With
the foresaid company I went on my voyage untill I came
Petatlan a to the towne of Petatlan, finding all the way great inter-
tozvne. tainment, and provision of victuals, with roses, flowres,
and other such things, and bowers which they made for
me of chalke and boughs platted together in all places
where there were no houses. In this towne of Petatlan
I rested 3. dayes, because my companion Honoratus fell
so sicke, that I was constrained to leave him there behinde.
Then, according to my said instruction, I followed
my journey as the holy Ghost did leade me, without
any merit of mine, having in my company the said
Stephan the Negro of Dorantez, and certaine of the
Indians which had bin set at liberty, and many of the
people of the countrey, which gave me great intertain-
ment and welcome in all places where I came, and
made mee bowers of trees, giving me such victuals
as they had, although they were but small : because
(as they said) it had not rained there in 3 yeres,
and because the Indians of this countrey sought meanes
rather to hide themselves, then to sowe corne, for
feare of the Christians of the Towne of S. Michael,
which were wont to make in-roades even to that place,
and to warre upon them, and to cary them away captives.
In all this way, which may be about 25 or 30. leagues
from that part of Petatlan, I saw nothing worthy the
noting, save that there came to seeke me certaine Indians
from the Island, where Fernando Cortez the Marques
of the valley had bin, of whom I was informed, that
The island of it was an island, & not firme land, as some suppose it
^aint lago. ^q \^q^ They came to ye firme land upon certaine rafts
of wood : and from the maine to the island is but
halfe a league by sea, litle more or lesse. Likewise cer-
126
FRIAR MARCO DE NICA a.d.
1539-
taine Indians of another island greater then this came A greathkndy
to visit me, which island is farther off, of whom I was ^.^f ^o- ^^f^
informed that there were 30. other smal islands, which seeme'tobe the
were inhabited, but had smal store of victuals, saving 2. new islands of
which have Maiz or corne of the countrey. These In- California
dians had about their necks many great shels which were ^'^chinpearks.
mother of Pearle. I shewed them pearles which I carryed
with me for a shew, and they told me that there were in
the Islands great store of them, and those very great :
howbeit I saw none of them. I followed my voyage
through a desert of 4. dayes journey, having in my com-
pany both the Indians of the islands, & those of the
mountaines which I had passed, and at the end of this
desert I found other Indians which marvelled to see me,
because they had no knowledge of any Christians, having
no traffike nor conversation with those Indians which I
had passed, in regard of the great desert which was A desert foure
between them. These Indians interteined me exceeding ^^^^J^^'^^y-
courteously, & gave me great store of victuals, & sought
to touch my garments, and called me Hayota, which in
their language signifieth A man come from heaven.
These Indians I advertised by my interpreter, according to
my instructions, in the knowledge of our Lord God in
heaven, & of the Emperor. In these countries & in all
places els by all wayes and meanes possible, I sought in- [HI. 367.]
formation where any Countreys were of more Cities and
people of civilitie and understanding, then those which I
had found : and I could heare no newes of any such :
howbeit they tolde mee, that foure or five dayes journey
within the Countrey, at the foote of the mountaines, there
is a large and mightie plaine, wherein they tolde mee, ^^^'^^ ^^^ ^^^
that there were many great Townes, and people clad in p^ ^^ ^
Cotton : and when I shewed them certaine Metals which I
carryed with mee, to learne what riche Metals were in
the Lande, they tooke the minerall of Golde and tolde
mee, that thereof were vesselles among the people of
that plaine, and that they carryed certaine round greene
stones hanging at their nostrilles, and at their eares,
127
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539.
and that they have certaine thinne plates of that Golde,
wherewith they scrape off their sweat, and that the
walks of their Temples are covered therewith, and that
they use it in all their houshold vessels. And because
this Valley is distant from the Sea-coast, and my in-
struction was not to leave the Coast, I determined to
leave the discovery thereof untill my returne ; at which
time I might doe it more commodiously.
Thus I travelled three dayes journey through Townes
inhabited by the sayde people, of whome I was received
as I was of those which I had passed, and came unto
Vacupaatozvn ^ Towne of reasonable bignesse, called Vacupa, where
40. ^^^g^^^ they shewed mee great courtesies, and 2:ave mee s^reat
from the Bay ^ - i • 1 1 1 1 • r •
of California. Store or good victuals, because the soyle is very rruit-
full, and may bee watered. This Towne is fortie
leagues distant from the Sea. And because I was so
farre from the Sea, it being two dayes before Passion
Sunday, I determined to stay there untill Easter, to
inform e my selfe of the Islandes, whereof I sayde
before that I had information. And so I sent certaine
Indians to the Sea by three severall wayes, whom I
commaunded to bring mee some Indians of the Sea-
coast and of some of those Islandes, that I might
receive information of them : and I sent Stephan
Dorantez the Negro another way, whom I commaunded
to goe directly Northward fiftie or threescore leagues,
to see if by that way hee might learne any newes of
any notable thing which wee sought to discover, and I
agreed with him, that if hee found any knowledge of
any peopled and riche Countrey which were of great
importance, that hee should goe no further, but should
returne in person, or should sende mee certaine Indians
with that token which wee were agreed upon, to wit,
that if it were but a meane thing, hee should sende
mee a white Crosse of one handfull long ; and if it
were any great matter, one of two handfuls long ; and
if it were a Countrey greater and better then Nueva
Espanna, hee should send mee a great crosse. So the
128
FRIAR MARCO DE NICA a.d.
1539-
sayde Stephan departed from mee on Passion-sunday
after dinner : and within foure dayes after the messen-
gers of Stephan returned unto me with a great Crosse
as high as a man, and they brought me word from
Stephan, that I should foorthwith come away after him,
for hee had found people which gave him information
of a very mighty Province, and that he had certaine
Indians in his company, which had bene in the sayd
Province, and that he had sent me one of the said
Indians. This Indian told me, that it was thirtie dayes ^^"^ ^^^^P^
journey from the Towne where Stephan was, unto the ^^ ^joaare
first Citie of the sayde Province, which is called Cevola. journey.
Hee affirmed also that there are seven great Cities in this
Province, all under one Lord, the houses whereof are
made of Lyme and Stone, and are very great, and the
least of them with one lofte above head, and some of two
and of three loftes, and the house of the Lorde of the
Province of foure, and that all of them joyne one unto
the other in good order, and that in the gates of the
principall houses there are many Turques-stones cun-
ningly wrought, whereof hee sayth they have there great
plentie : also that the people of this Citie goe very well
apparelled : and that beyond this there are other Pro-
vinces, all which (hee sayth) are much greater then these
seven cities. I gave credite to his speach, because I found
him to bee a man of good understanding : but I deferred
my departure to follow Stephan Dorantes, both because I
thought hee would stay for mee, and also to attend the
returne of my messengers which I had sent unto the Sea,
who returned unto me upon Easter day, bringing with
them certaine inhabitants of the Sea-coast, and of two of
the Islands. Of whom I understoode, that the Islandes
above mentioned were scarce of victuals, as I had learned
before, and that they are inhabited by people, which weare Great pearks
shelles of Pearles upon their foreheads, and they say that ^^d much gold
they have great Pearles, and much Golde. They in- ^^^^^J-^^" °f
formed mee of foure and thirtie Islandes, lying one neere .r^^hkhll-e'xA.
unto another : they say that the people on the Sea-coast in number.
IX 129 I
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539-
have small store of victuals, as also those of the Islandes,
and that they traffique one with the other upon raftes.
This coast stretcheth Northward as is to bee seene.
These Indians of the Coast brought me certaine Targets
made of Cow-hydes very well dressed, which were so
large, that they covered them from the head to the very
foote, with a hole in the toppe of the same to looke out
before : they are so strong, that a Crossebow (as I sup-
pose) will not pierce them.
[III. 368.] Chap. 2.
He hath new information of the seven Cities by cer-
taine Indians called Pintados, and of three other
kingdomes called Marata, Acus, and Totonteac, being
Countreys very rich in Turqueses and Hides of
cattel. Following his voyage through those coun-
tries, he taketh possession thereof for the Emperors
Majestic, and of the Indians is much honoured and
served with victuals.
THe same day came three Indians of those which
I called Pintados, because I saw their faces,
breasts and armes painted. These dwel farther up
into the countrey towards the East, and some of them
border upon the seven cities, which sayd they came to
see mee, because they had heard of me : and among
other things, they gave me information of the seven
cities, and of the other Provinces, which the Indian
that Stephan sent me had tolde mee of, almost in the
very same maner that Stephan had sent mee worde ;
and so I sent backe the people of the sea-coast : and
two Indians of the Islandes sayde they would goe with
mee seven or eight dayes.
So with these and with the three Pintados above
mentioned, I departed from Vacupa upon Easter tuesday,
the same way that Stephan went, from whom I received
new messengers with a Crosse of the bignesse of the
first which he sent me : which hastened mee forward,
130
FRIAR MARCO DE NICA ad.
1539-
and assured me that the land which I sought for, was
the greatest and best countrey in all those partes. The
sayd messengers told mee particularly without fayling
in any one poynt, all that which the first messenger
had tolde mee, and much more, and gave mee more
plaine information thereof So I travelled that day
being Easter tuesday, and two dayes more, the very
same way that Stephan had gone : at the end of which
3 dayes they tolde mee, that from that place a man
might travell in thirtie dayes to the citie of Cevola,
which is the first of the seven. Neither did one onely
tell me thus much, but very many ; who tolde me very
particularly of the greatnesse of the houses, and of the
fashion of them, as the first messengers had informed
me. Also they told me, that besides these seven Cities,
there are 3. other kingdomes which are called Marata,
Acus, and Totonteac. I enquired of them wherefore
they travelled so farre from their houses .? They said
that they went for Turqueses, and Hides of kine, and
other things ; and that of all these there was great
abundance in this Countrey. Likewise I enquired how,
and by what meanes they obteined these things ? They
tolde me, by their service, and by the sweat of their
browes, and that they went unto the first citie of the
Province which is called Cevola, and that they served
them in tilling their ground, and in other businesses, and
that they give them Hydes of oxen, which they have in
those places, and turqueses for their service, and that the
people of this city weare very fine and excellent turqueses
hanging at their eares and at their nostrils. They say also,
that of these turqueses they make fine workes upon the
principall gates of the houses of this citie. They tolde
mee, that the apparell which the inhabitants of Cevola
weare, is a gowne of cotten downe to the foote, with a
button at the necke, and a long string hanging downe
at the same, and that the sleeves of these gownes are
as broad beneath as above. They say, they gyrd them-
selves with gyrdles of turqueses, and that over these
131
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539-
coates some weare good apparel, others hides of kine
very well dressed, which they take to bee the best
apparell of that countrey, whereof they have there great
quantitie. Likewise the women goe apparelled, and
covered downe to the foote. These Indians gave me
very good intertainment, and curiously enquired the day
of my departure from Vacupa, that at my returne they
might provide me of foode and lodging. They brought
certaine sicke folkes before mee, that I might heale them,
and sought to touch my apparell, and gave mee certaine
Cow-hydes so well trimmed and dressed, that by them a
man might conjecture that they were wrought by civile
people, and all of them affirmed, sthat they came from
Cevola.
The next day I followed my journey, and carrying
Another ^ith mee the Pintados, I came to another Village where I
village. ^^g ^gjj received by the people of the same : who like-
wise sought to touch my garments, and gave mee as
particular knowledge of the Lande aforesayde, as I had
received of those which mette mee before : and also tolde
mee, that from that place certaine people were gone with
Stephan Dorantez foure or five dayes journey. And
here I found a great crosse, which Stephan had left me
for a signe, that the newes of the good Countrey in-
creased, and left worde, that with all haste they should
sende mee away, and that hee would stay for mee at the
ende of the first Desert that he mette with. Heere I set
up two Crosses, and tooke possession according to mine
instruction, because that the Countrey seemed better unto
mee then that which I had passed, and that I thought it
meete to make an acte of possession as farre as that
place.
[III. 369.] In this maner I travailed five dayes, alwayes finding
inhabited places with great hospitalitie and intertainments,
and many Turqueses, and Oxe-hides, and the like report
concerning the countrey. Heere I understood, that after
two dayes journey I should finde a desert where there is
no foode ; but that there were certaine gone before to
132
FRIAR MARCO DE NICA a.d.
1539-
build mee lodgings, and to carrie foode for mee :
whereupon 1 hastened my way, hoping to finde Stephan
at the ende thereof, because in that place hee had left
worde that hee would stay for mee. Before I came to
the desert, I mette with a very pleasant Towne, by A pleasant
reason of great store of waters conveighed thither to
village.
water the same. Heere 1 mette with many people
both men and women clothed in Cotton, and some
covered with Oxe-hydes, which generally they take for
better apparell then that of cotton. All the people of
this Village goe in Caconados, that is to say, with Tur-
queses hanging at their nostrilles and eares : which
Turqueses they call Cacona. Amongst others, the Lord
of this Village came unto me, and two of his brethren
very well apparelled in Cotton, who also were in
Caconados, each of them having his collar of Turqueses
about his necke : and they presented unto mee many
wilde beastes, as Conies, Quailes, Maiz, nuttes of Pine
trees, and all in great abundance, and offered mee many
Turqueses, and dressed Oxe-hydes, and very fayre
vessels to drinke in, and other things : whereof I
would receive no whit. And having my garment of
gray cloth, which in Spaine is called ^arago^a, the Lord
of this Village, and the other Indians touched my
gowne with their handes, and tolde mee, that of such
Cloth there was great store in Totonteac, and that the Store of wool-
people of that Countrey wore the same. Whereat I l^^l^loth^^^
. . 1 sheet^e ttt
laughed, and sayde that it was nothing else but such j^Jonf^ac
apparell of Cotton as they wore. And they replyed :
We would have thee thinke that we understand, that that
apparell which thou wearest, and that which we weare
are of divers sortes. Understand thou, that in Cevola
all the houses are full of that apparell which we weare,
but in Totonteac there are certaine litle beasts, from
whom they take that thing wherewith such apparell as
thou wearest, is made. I prayed them to informe mee
more playnely of this matter. And they tolde mee that
the sayde beastes were about the bignesse of the two
133
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
^539-
braches or spaniels which Stephan caryed with him, and
they say that there is great store of that cattell in
Totonteac.
Chap. 3.
He entreth into a desert, and the Indians suffer him to
want nothing necessary. Following his Voyage, he
commeth into a fertile valley, and hath certaine know-
ledge given him (as he had before) of the state of
Cevola and of Totonteac ; and that the coast of the
sea in 35. degrees trendeth much to the Westward :
and also of the kingdomes of Marata and Acus.
A desert of 'HT^He next day I entred into the Desert, and where I
foure dayes J_ ^^g ^.q J^ie, I found bowers made, and victuals
journey. ^^^ abundance by a rivers side : and at night I found
bowers and victuals in like sort, and after that maner I
found for 4. dayes travell : all which time the wildernesse
continueth.
J very popu- At the ende of these foure dayes, I entred into a valley
lous valley. ^^^^ ^^U inhabited with people. At the first Village
there mette me many men and women with victuals, and
all of them had Turqueses hanging at their nostrils and
eares, and some had collars of turqueses like those which
the Lord of the Village before I came to the Desert, and
his two brethren wore : saving that they ware them but
single about their neckes, and these people weare them
Collars of tur- three or foure times double, and goe in good apparell,
queses two or ^^^^ skinnes of Oxen : and the women weare of the sayd
three times ;_, , . -i j j 1
double. Turqueses at their nostrils and eares, and very good wast-
coats and other garments. Heere there was as great
knowledge of Cevola, as in Nueva Espanna of Temis-
titan, and in Peru of Cuzco: and they tolde us particularly
the maner of their houses, lodgings, streetes and market-
places, as men that had bene oftentimes there, and as
those which were furnished from thence with things
necessary for the service of their housholde, as those
also had done, which I already had passed. I tolde
them it was impossible that the houses should be
134
FRIAR MARCO DE NI^A ad.
1539-
made in such sort as they informed mee, and they for
my better understanding tooke earth or ashes, and
powred water thereupon, and shewed me how they
layd stones upon it, and how the buylding grewe up,
as they continued laying stones thereon, untill it
mounted aloft. I asked them whether the men of that
Countrey had wings to mount up unto those loftes :
whereat they laughed, and shewed mee a Ladder in as
good sort as I my selfe was able to describe it. Then
they tooke a Staffe and helde it over their heads, and
said that the lofts were so high one above another.
Likewise heere I had information of the woollen cloth [III. 370.]
of Totonteac, where they say are houses like those of
Cevola, and better and more in number, and that it is
a great Province, and hath no governour.
Here I understood that the coast of the sea trended
much toward the West : for unto the entrance of this
first desert which I passed, the coast still stretched
Northward : and because the trending of the coast is a Thhgradu-
thing of great importance, I was desirous to knowe and ^^"'^ ^^ ^^^"
see it: and I saw plainely, that in 1^1^. degrees the j ^J^J^^/at
coast stretcheth to the West, whereat I rejoyced no the least.
lesse, then of the good newes within land, and so I
returned backe to proceede on my journey.
Through the foresayd valley I travailed five dayes
journey, which is inhabited with goodly people, and so
aboundeth with victuals, that it sufficeth to feede above
three thousand horsemen : it is all well watered and like a
garden : the burroughs and townes are halfe and a
quarter of a league long, and in all these villages, I
found very ample report of Cevola, whereof they made
such particular relation unto me, as people which goe
yeerely thither to earne their living. Here I found a
man borne in Cevola, who told me that he came
thither, having escaped from the governour or Lieu-
tenant of the towne ; for the Lord of these seven
Cities liveth and abideth in one of those townes called
Abacus, and in the rest he appoynteth lieu-tenants Jhacus.
135
A.D.
1539-
Marata Iteth
toward the
Southeast,
Totonteac
lyeth West.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
under him. This townesman of Cevola is a white man
of a good complexion, somewhat well in yeeres, and of
farre greater capacitie then the inhabitants of this valley,
or then those which I had left behind me. Hee sayde
that hee would goe with mee, that I might begge his
pardon : and of him I learned many particulars : he
tolde me that Cevola was a great Citie, inhabited with
great store of people, and having many Streetes and
Market-places : and that in some partes of this Citie there
are certaine very great houses of five stories high, wherein
the chiefe of the Citie assemble themselves at certaine
dayes of the yeere. He sayeth that the houses are of
Lyme and Stone, according as others had tolde mee be-
fore, and that the gates, and small pillars of the principall
houses are of Turqueses, and all the vessels wherein they
are served, and the other ornaments of their houses were
of golde : and that the other sixe Cities are built like
unto this, whereof some are bigger : and that Abacus is
the chiefest of them. Hee sayth that toward the South-
east there is a kingdome called Marata, and that there were
woont to be many, and those great Cities, which were all
built of houses of Stone, with divers lofts ; and that these
have and doe wage warre with the Lord of the seven
cities, through which warre this kingdome of Marata is
for the most part wasted, although it yet continueth and
mainteineth warre against the other.
Likewise he saith, that the kingdome called Totanteac
lyeth toward the West, which he saith is a very mightie
Province, replenished with infinite store of people and
riches : and that in the sayde Kingdome they weare
woollen cloth like that which I weare, and other finer
sorts of woollen cloth made of the fleeces of those beastes
which they described before unto me : and that they are a
very civile people. Moreover hee tolde me, that there
is another great Province and kingdome called Acus ; for
there is Acus, and Abacus with an aspiration, which is the
principall of the seven cities : and Acus without an aspira-
tion is a kingdome and Province of it selfe. He told me
136
FRIAR MARCO ,DE NIQA a.d.
^539-
also, that the apparel which they weare in Cevola is after
the same maner as they before had certified me, and that
all the inhabitants of the Citie lie upon beddes raysed a
good height from the ground, with quilts and canopies
over them, which cover the sayde Beds : and hee tolde
mee that he would goe with me to Cevola and farther
also, if I would take him with me. The like relation was
given unto me in this towne by many others, but not so
particularly. I travelled three dayes journey through this
valley : the inhabitants whereof made mee exceeding great
cheere and intertainement. In this valley I saw above a
thousand Oxe-hides most excellently trimmed and dressed.
And here also I saw farre greater store of Turqueses and
chaines made thereof, then in all places which I had
passed ; and they say, that all commeth from the city of
Cevola, whereof they have great knowledge, as also of
the kingdome of Marata, and of the kingdomes of Acus
and Totonteac.
Chap. 4.
Of a very great beast with one home upon his fore-
head ; and of the courtesies which the Indians
shewed Frier Marcus of Ni^a, in his Voyage.
Also how cruelly Stephan Dorantez and his com-
panions were used upon their arrivall at Cevola, by
the Lorde thereof.
HEre they shewed me an hide halfe as bigge againe A mlghtje
as the hide of a great oxe, and tolde me that it ^^^^^^^^^
was the skin of a beast which had but one home upon
his forehead, & that this home bendeth toward his [III. 371.]
breast, and that out of the same goeth a point right
forward, wherein he hath so great strength, that it will
breake any thing how strong so ever it be, if he runne
against it, and that there are great store of these beasts
in that Countrey. The colour of the hide is of the
colour of a great Goat-skin, and the haire is a finger
thicke. Here I had messengers from Stephan which
brought me word, that by this time he was come to
137
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539-
the farthest part of the desert, and that he was very
joyfull, because the farther he went, the more perfect
knowledge he had of the greatnesse of the countrey,
and sent me word, that since his departure from me,
hee never had found the Indians in any lye ; for even
unto that very place he had found al in such maner
as they had informed him, & hoped that he should
find the like at his arrivall in the valley which he was
going unto, as he had found in the villages before
passed. I set up crosses, and used those acts and
ceremonies, which were to be done according to my
instructions. The inhabitants requested me to stay
here three or foure daies, because that from this place
there were foure dayes journey unto the desert, and
from the first entrance into the same desert unto the
Fifteene dates citie of Cevola are 15 great dayes journey more; also
journey from ^^^ ^^ would provide victuals for me and other
the end of the - r ^ t • 1 • 1 11
desert to necessaries tor that voyage. Likewise they told me,
Cemla or that with Stephan the Negro were gone above 300
Civola. men to beare him company, and to carry victuals after
him, and that in like sort many of them would go
with me to serve me, because they hoped to returne
home rich. I thanked them, and willed them to set
things in order with speede, and so I rested there
three dayes, wherein I alwayes informed my selfe of
Cevola, and of as many other things as I could learne,
and called many Indians unto mee, and examined them
severally, and all of them agreed in one tale, and told me
of the great multitude of people, and of the order of the
streetes, of the greatnesse of the houses, and of the
strength of the gates, agreeing altogether with that which
the rest before had told me. After three dayes many
assembled themselves to go with me, 30 of the prin-
cipal of whom I tooke, being very well apparelled, and
with chaines of turqueses, which some of them weare
five or sixe times double, and other people to cary
things necessary for them and me, and so set forward
on my voyage.
138
FRIAR MARCO DE NIQA a.d.
1539-
Thus I entred into the second desert on the 9 of May, The second de-
and travelled the first day by a very broad and beaten ''''^j'^^'^'
way, & we came to diner unto a water, where the Indians
had made provision for me : and at night we came to
another water, where I found a house which they had
fully made up for me, and another house stood made
where Stephan lodged when he passed that way, and many
old cottages and many signes of fire which the people had
made that travelled to Cevola by this way. In this sort I
travelled 12 dayes journey being alway well provided of Twelve dayes
victuals, of wild beasts. Hares, and Partridges of the J°^^^^^'
same colour and tast with those of Spaine although
they are not so big, for they be somewhat lesse.
Here met us an Indian the sonne of one of the
chiefe men that accompanied mee, which had gone
before with Stephan, who came in a great fright, hav-
ing his face and body all covered with sweat, and
shewing exceeding sadnesse in his countenance ; and he
told mee that a dayes journey before Stephan came to
Cevola he sent his great Mace made of a gourd by
his messengers, as he was alwayes woont to send them
before him, that hee might knowe in what sort hee
came unto them, which gourd had a string of belles
upon it, and two feathers one white and another red,
in token that he demanded safe conduct, and that he
came peaceably. And when they came to Cevola before
the Magistrate, which the Lord of the citie had placed
there for his Lieutenant, they delivered him the sayde
great gourd, who tooke the same in his hands, and
after he had spyed the belles, in a great rage and fury
hee cast it to the ground, and willed the messengers
to get them packing with speed, for he knew well
ynough what people they were, and that they should
will them in no case to enter into the citie, for if they
did hee would put them all to death. The messengers
returned and tolde Stephan how things had passed, who
answered them, that it made no great matter, and
would needes proceed on his voyage till he came to
139
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539-
the cltie of Cevola : where he found men that would
not let him enter into the towne, but shut him into a
♦ great house which stoode without the citie, and
straightway tooke all things from him which hee caried
to truck and barter with them, and certaine turqueses,
and other things which he had received of the Indians
by the way, and they kept him there all that night
without giving him meate or drinke, and the next day
in the morning this Indian was a thirst, and went out
of the house to drinke at a river that was neere at
hand, and within a little while after he saw Stephan
running away, and the people followed him, and slew
certaine of the Indians which went in his company.
And when this Indian saw these things, he hid him-
selfe on the banks of the river, and afterward crossed
the high way of the desert. The Indians that went
with me hearing these newes began incontinently to
lament, and I thought these heavie and bad newes would
cost mee my life, neither did I feare so much the losse of
mine owne life, as that I should not bee able to returne
[III. 372.] to give information of the greatnessc of that Countrey,
where our Lord God might be glorified : and streightway
I cut the cords of my budgets which I carried with me
ful of merchandise for traffique, which I would not doe
till then, nor give any thing to any man, and began to
divide all that I carried with mee among the principall
men, willing them not to be afraid, but to goe forward
with me, and so they did. And going on our way,
within a dayes journey of Cevola wee met two other
Indians of those which went with Stephan, which were
bloody and wounded in many places : and assoone as they
came to us, they which were with mee began to make
great lamentation. These wounded Indians I asked for
Stephan, and they agreeing in all poynts with the first
Indian sayd, that after they had put him into the foresayd
great house without giving him meat or drinke all that
day and all that night, they tooke from Stephan all the
things which hee carried with him. The next day when
140
FRIAR MARCO DE Nig A a.d.
1539-
the Sunne was a lance high, Stephan went out of the
house, and some of the chiefe men with him, and
suddenly came store of people from the citie, whom
assoone as hee sawe he began to run away and we like-
wise, and foorthwith they shot at us and wounded us,
and certaine dead men fell upon us, and so we lay till
night and durst not stirre, and we heard great rumours in
the citie, and saw many men and women keeping watch
and ward upon the walles thereof, and after this we
could not see Stephan any more, and wee thinke they
have shot him to death, as they have done all the rest
which went with him, so that none are escaped but
we onely.
Chap. 5.
The situation and greatnesse of the Citie of Cevola,
and how frier Marcus tooke possession thereof and
of other provinces, calling the same. The new
kingdome of S. Francis, and how after his depar-
ture from thence being preserved by God in so
dangerous a voyage, he arrived at Compostella in
Nueva Galicia.
HAving considered the former report of the Indians,
and the evill meanes which I had to prosecute
my voyage as 1 desired, I thought it not good wilfully
to loose my life as Stephan did : and so I told them,
that God would punish those of Cevola, and that the
Viceroy when he should understand what had happened,
would send many Christians to chastise them : but
they would not beleeve me, for they sayde that no
man was able to withstand the power of Cevola. And
herewithall I left them, and went aside two or three
stones cast, and when I returned I found an Indian of
mine which I had brought from Mexico called Marcus,
who wept and sayde unto me : Father, these men have
consulted to kill us, for they say, that through your and
Stephans meanes their fathers are slaine, and that
neither man nor woman of them shall remaine unslaine.
141
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539-
Then againe I devided among them certaine other
things which I had, to appease them, whereupon they
were somewhat pacified, albeit they still shewed great
griefe for the people which were slaine. I requested
some of them to goe to Cevola, to see if any other
Indian were escaped, with intent that they might learne
some newes of Stephan ; which I could not obtaine at
their handes. When I saw this, I sayd unto them, that
I purposed to see the citie of Cevola, whatsoever came
of it. They sayde that none of them would goe with
me. At the last when they sawe mee resolute, two of
the chiefe of them sayde they would goe with me ; with
whome and with mine Indians and interpreters I followed
my way, till I came within sight of Cevola, which is
situate on a plaine at the foote of a round hill, and
maketh shew to bee a faire citie, and is better seated then
any that I have scene in these partes. The houses are
builded in order, according as the Indians told me, all
made of stone with divers stories, and flatte roofes, as
farre as I could discerne from a mountaine, whither I
ascended to viewe the citie. The people are somewhat
white, they weare apparell, and lie in beds, their weapons
are bowes, they have Emralds and other jewels, although
they esteeme none so much as turqueses, wherewith they
adorne the walles of the porches of their houses, and their
apparell and vessels, and they use them in stead of money
through all the Countrey. Their apparell is of cotton
and of oxe hides, and this is their most commendable and
honourable apparell. They use vessels of gold and silver,
for they have no other mettall, whereof there is greater use
and more abundance then in Peru, and they buy the
Most rich same for turqueses in the province of the Pintados, where
mines of gold xhtVQ are sayd to be mines of great abundance. Of other
The province of kingdomes I could not obtaine so particular instruction.
the Pintados. Divers times I was tempted to goe thither, because I
knewe I could but hazard my life, and that I had offered
unto God the first day that I began my journey : in the
ende I began to bee afraid, considering in what danger I
142
FRIAR MARCO DE NIQA a.d.
1539-
should put my selfe, and that if I should dye, the know-
ledge of this Countrey should be lost, which in my
judgement is the greatest and the best that hitherto hath
beene discovered : and when I tolde the chief men, what
a goodly citie Cevola seemed unto mee, they answered me [III. 373.]
that it was the least of the seven cities, and that Toton- Tomteac the
teac is the greatest and best of them all, because it hath so ^^^^^^^^ ^f
. ^ 111- 1 r 1 most populous
many houses and people, that there is no ende or them, province.
Having seene the disposition and situation of the place,
I thought good to name that Countrey El Nuevo
reyno de san Francisco : in which place I made a great
heape of stones by the helpe of the Indians, and on
the toppe thereof I set up a small slender crosse be-
cause I wanted meanes to make a greater, and sayd
that I set up that crosse and heape in the name of the
most honourable Lord Don Antonio de Mendo^a
Viceroy and Captaine generall of Nueva Espanna, for
the Emperour our Lord, in token of possession, accord-
ing to mine instruction. Which possession I sayd that
I tooke in that place of all the seven cities, & of the
kingdomes of Totonteac, of Acus, and of Marata.
Thus I returned with much more feare then victuals. He retumeth.
and went untill I found the people which I had left
behind mee, with all the speede that I could make,
whome I overtooke in two dayes travell, and went in
their company till I had passed the desert, where I was j desert.
not made so much of as before : for both men and
women made great lamentation for the people which
were slaine at Cevola, and with feare 1 hastened from
the people of this valley, and travelled tenne leagues A valley.
the first day, and so I went daily eight or ten leagues,
without staying untill I had passed the second desert. ^ second
And though I were in feare, yet I determined to go to ^^^^^'^'
the great plaine, wherof I said before, that I had in-
formation, being situate at the foote of the mountaines,
and in that place I understoode, that this plaine is in-
habited for many dayes journey toward the East, but
I durst not enter into it, considering, that if hereafter
143
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539-
wee shoulde inhabite this other Countrey of the seven
cities, and the kingdomes before mentioned, that then I
might better discover the same, without putting my selfe
in hazard, and leave it for this time, that I might give
relation of the things which I had now seene. At the
entrance of this plaine 1 sawe but seven Townes onely of
a reasonable bignesse, which were a farre off in a lowe
valley beeing very greene and a most fruitfull soyle,
out of which ranne many Rivers. I was informed that
there was much golde in this valley, and that the inhabi-
tants worke it into vessels and thinne plates, wherewith
they strike and take off their sweat, and that they are
people that will not suffer those of the other side of the
plaine to traffique with them, and they could not tell me
the cause thereof. Here I set up two crosses, and tooke
possession of the plaine and valley in like sort and order,
as I did at other places before mentioned. And from
thence I returned on my voyage with as much haste as 1
coulde make, untill I came to the citie of Saint Michael
in the province of Culiacan, thinking there to have found
Francis Vazquez de Coronado governour of Nueva Galicia,
and finding him not there, I proceeded on my journey
Compostella in till I came to the Citie of Compostella, where I found
21. degrees of j^jj^^ J write not here many other particularities, because
Icititude . . •
they are impertinent to this matter : I only report that
which I have seene, and which was told me concerning the
Countreys through which I travelled, and of those which
I had information of.
144
VASQUEZ DE CORONADO
A.D.
1540.
The relation of Francis Vazquez de Coronado,
Captaine generall of the people which were sent
in the name of the Emperours majestic to the
Countrey of Cibola newly discovered, which
he sent to Don Antonio de Mendo9a Vice-
roy of Mexico, of such things as happened
in his voyage from the 22. of Aprill in the
yeere 1540. which departed from Culiacan
forward, and of such things as hee found in
the Countrey which he passed.
Chap. I.
Francis Vazquez departeth with his armie from Culiacan,
and after divers troubles in his voyage, arriveth at
the valley of the people called Los Caracones, which
he findeth barren of Maiz : for obtaining whereof
hee sendeth to the valley called The valley of the
Lord : he is informed of the greatnesse of the valley
of the people called Caracones, and of the nature of
those people, and of certaine Islands lying along
that coast.
He 22. of the moneth of Aprill last past
I departed from the province of Culiacan
with part of the army, and in such order
as 1 mentioned unto your Lordship, and
according to the successe I assured my
selfe, by all likelihood that I shall not
bring all mine armie together in this
enterprise : because the troubles have bene so great and
the want of victuals, that I thinke all this yeere wil
not be sufficient to performe this enterprise, & if it
should bee performed in so short a time, it would be
to the great losse of our people. For as I wrote unto
your Lordship, I was fourescore dayes in travailing to \il'^^'^/
Culiacan, in all which time I and those Gentlemen my ^qo. leagues
companions which were horsemen, carried on our backs, from Mexico.
IX 145 K
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
and on our horses, a little victuall, so that from hence-
forward wee carried none other needefull apparell with
us, that was above a pound weight : and all this not-
withstanding, and though wee put our selves to such a
small proportion of victuals which wee carried, for all
the order that possibly wee could take, wee were driven
to our shifts. And no marvayle, because the way is
rough and long : and with the carriage of our Harque-
buses downe the mountaines and hilles, and in the
passage of Rivers, the greater part of our corne was
spoyled. And because I send your Lordship our voyage
drawen in a Mappe, I will speake no more thereof in
this my letter.
Frier Marcus Thirtie leagues before wee arrived at the place which
ofNtza. ^j^g father provinciall tolde us so well of in his relation,
I sent Melchior Diaz before with fifteene horses, giving
him order to make but one dayes journey of two,
because hee might examine all things, against mine
arrivall : who travailed foure dayes journey through
exceeding rough Mountaines where hee found neither
victuals, nor people, nor information of any things,
saving that hee found two or three poore little villages,
containing 20. or 30. cottages a piece, and by the in-
habitants thereof hee understoode that from thence
forward there were nothing but exceeding rough moun-
taines which ran very farre, utterly disinhabited and voyd
of people. And because it was labour lost, I would not
write unto your Lordship thereof.
It grieved the whole company, that a thing so highly
commended, and whereof the father had made so great
bragges, should be found so contrary, and it made them
suspect that all the rest would fall out in like sort.
Which when I perceived I sought to encourage them the
best I coulde, telling them that your Lordshippe alwayes
was of opinion, that this voyage was a thing cast away,
and that wee should fixe our cogitation upon those seven
Cities, and other provinces, whereof wee had knowledge:
that there should bee the ende of our enterprise : and
146
VASQUEZ DE CORONADO ad.
1540.
with this resolution and purpose wee all marched cheere-
fully through a very badde way which was not passable
but one by one, or else wee must force out with Pioners
the path which wee founde, wherewith the Souldiours
were not a little offended, finding all that the Frier had
sayde to bee quite contrary : for among other things
which the father sayde and affirmed, this was one, that
the way was plaine and good, and that there was but
one small hill of halfe a league in length. And yet in
trueth there are mountaines which although the way were
well mended could not bee passed without great danger
of breaking the horses neckes : and the way was such,
that of the cattell which your Lordship sent us for the
provision of our armie wee lost a great part in the
voyage through the roughnesse of the rockes. The
lambes and sheepe lost their hoofes in the way : and of
those which I brought from Culiacan, I left the greater
part at the River of Lachimi, because they could not The river of
keepe company with us, and because they might come ^^'^himl.
softly after us, foure men on horsebacke remained with
them which are nowe come unto us, and have brought
us not past foure and twentie lambes, and foure sheepe,
for all the rest were dead with travailing through that
rough passage, although they travailed but two leagues a
day, and rested themselves every day.
At length I arrived at the valley of the people called T^he valley of
Caracones, the 26. day of the moneth of May: and from ^^e people
Culiacan untill I came thither, I could not helpe my ^^^^^
selfe, save onely with a great quantitie of bread of Maiz :
for seeing the Maiz in the fieldes were not yet ripe,
I was constrained to leave them all behind me. In this
valley of the Caracones wee found more store of people
then in any other part of the Countrey which wee had
passed, and great store of tillage. But I understood
that there was store thereof in another valley called The l^alle del
Lords valley, which I woulde not disturbe with force, '^^^'^^'*-
but sent thither Melchior Diaz with wares of exchange
to procure some, and to give the sayde Maiz to the
147
A.D,
1540.
The valley de
los Caracones
distant Jive
dayes journey
from the Wes-
terne sea.
[in. 375-]
Seven or eight
Isles, which
are the Isles
of Calfoima.
A ship seene
on the sea
coast.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Indians our friendes which wee brought with us, and
to some others that had lost their cattell in the way,
and were not able to carry their victuals so farre which
they brought from Culiacan. It pleased God that wee
gate some small quantitie of Maiz with this traffique,
whereby certaine Indians were releived and some
Spanyards.
And by that time that wee were come to this valley of
the Caracones, some tenne or twelve of our horses were
dead through wearinesse : for being overcharged with
great burdens, and having but little meate, they could not
endure the travaile. Likewise some of our Negros and
some of our Indians dyed here ; which was no small want
unto us for the performance of our enterprise. They
tolde me that this valley of the Caracones is five dayes
journey from the Westerne Sea. I sent for the Indians
of the Sea coast to understand their estate, and while I
stayed for them the horses rested : and I stayed there
foure dayes, in which space the Indians of the Sea coast
came unto mee : which told mee, that two dayes sayling
from their coast of the Sea, there were seven or eight
Islands right over against them, well inhabited with
people, but badly furnished with victuals, and were a
rude people : And they told mee, that they had seene
a Shippe passe by not farre from the shore : which I
wote not what to thinke whither it were one of those
that went to discover the Countrey, or else a Ship of
the Portugals.
148
ne^ from the
sea.
VASQUEZ DE CORONADO ad.
1540.
Chap. 2.
They come to Chichilticale : after they had rested them-
selves two dayes there, they enter into a Countrey
very barren of victuals, and hard to travaile for thirtie
leagues, beyond which they found a Countrey very
pleasant, and a river called Rio del Lino, they fight
with the Indians being assaulted by them, and with
victorie vanquishing their citie, they relieved them-
selves of their pinching hunger.
I Departed from the Caracones, and alwayes kept by
the Sea coast as neere as I could judge, and in very
deed I still found my selfe the farther off: in such sort
that when I arrived at Chichilticale I found my selfe Chkhiltlc.^
tenne dayes journey from the Sea: and the father ^^'^ "^^^'^^-^f'
.,<♦',,-'. 1 , r ^ .. n/?v from the
provinciall sayd that it was onely but live leagues dis-
tance, and that hee had scene the same. Wee all
conceived great griefe and were not a little confounded,
when we saw that wee found every thing contrary to the
information which he had given your Lordship.
The Indians of Chichilticale say, that if at any time
they goe to the Sea for fish, and other things that they
carry, they goe traversing, and are tenne dayes journey
in going thither. And I am of opinion that the infor-
mation which the Indians give me should be true. The
sea returneth toward the West right over against the
Caracones the space of tenne or twelve leagues. Where
I found that your Lordships ships were scene, which
went to discover the haven of Chichilticale, which father T^hls Chkhll
Marcus of Ni^a sayd to bee in five and thirtie degrees.
God knoweth what griefe of mind I have sustained :
because I am in doubt that some mishappe is fallen unto
them : and if they follow the coast, as they sayde they
would, as long as their victuals last which they carry with
them, whereof I left them store in Culiacan, and if they
be not fallen into some misfortune, I hope well in God
that by this they have made some good discoverie, and
in this respect their long staying out may be pardoned.
149
ticaleisindeede
hut in 28. deg.
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
I rested my selfe two dayes in Chichilticale, and to
have done well I should have stayed longer, in respect
that here wee found our horses so tyred : but because
wee wanted victuals, wee had no leasure to rest any
longer : I entred the confines of the desert Countrey on
The z-i^. of Saint Johns eve, and to refresh our former travailes, the
June. £j.g^ dayes we founde no grasse, but worser way of
mountaines and badde passages, then wee had passed
alreadie : and the horses being tired, were greatly
molested therewith : so that in this last desert wee lost
more horses then wee had lost before : and some of my
Indians which were our friendes dyed, and one Spanyard
whose name was Spinosa ; and two Negroes, which dyed
with eating certaine herbes for lacke of victuals. From
this place I sent before mee one dayes journey the master
Don Garcia of the fielde Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas with fifteene
LopezdeCar- j^Qj-g^g ^q discover the Countrey, and prepare our way:
wherein hee did like himselfe, and according to the
confidence which your Lordship reposed in him. And
well I wote he fayled not to do his part : for as I have
enformed your Lordship, it is most wicked way, at least
thirtie leagues and more, because they are inaccessible
mountaines.
J godly and ^q^ after wee had passed these thirtie leagues, wee
^t^f'filnT^ found fresh rivers, and grasse like that of Castile, and
specially of that sort which we call Scaramoio, many
Nutte trees and Mulberie trees, but the Nutte trees differ
from those of Spayne in the leafe : and there was Flaxe,
but chiefly neere the bankes of a certayne river which
Rio del Lino, therefore wee called El Rio del Lino, that is say, the river
of Flaxe : wee found no Indians at all for a dayes travaile,
but afterward foure Indians came out unto us in peace-
able maner, saying that they were sent even to that desert
place to signifie unto us that wee were welcome, and that
the next day all the people would come out to meete us
on the way with victuals : and the master of the fielde
gave them a crosse, willing them to signifie to those of
their citie that they should not feare, and they should
150
VASQUEZ DE CORONADO a.d.
1540.
rather let the people stay in their houses, because I came
onely in the name of his majestie to defend and ayd
them.
And this done, Fernando Alvarado returned to adver-
tise mee, that certaine Indians were come unto them in
peaceable maner, and that two of them stayed for my
comming with the master of the fielde. Whereupon I
went unto them and gave them beades and certaine short
clokes, willing them to returne unto their citie, and bid [III. 376.]
them to stay quiet in their houses, and feare nothing.
And this done I sent the master of the field to search ^ whefore-
whether there were any bad passage which the Indians ^^^^*
might keepe against us, and that hee should take and
defend it untill the next day that I shoulde come thither.
So hee went, and found in the way a very bad passage,
where wee might have sustayned very great harme :
wherefore there hee seated himselfe with his company
that were with him : and that very night the Indians
came to take that passage to defend it, and finding it
taken, they assaulted our men there, and as they tell mee, T'he treason of
they assaulted them like valiant men ; although in the ^^^ ^^^^^ns.
ende they retired and fledde away ; for the master of
the fielde was watchfull, and was in order with his com-
pany : the Indians in token of retreate sounded on a
certaine small trumpet, and did no hurt among the
Spanyards. The very same night the master of the Great forecast
fielde certified mee hereof Whereupon the next day ^^^/^^%^^^
in the best order that I could I departed in so great want master.
of victuall, that I thought that if wee should stay one day
longer without foode, wee should all perish for hunger,
especially the Indians, for among us all we had not two
bushels of corne : wherefore it behooved mee to pricke
forward without delay. The Indians here and their made
fires, and were answered againe afarre off as orderly as
wee for our lives could have done, to give their fellowes
understanding, how wee marched and where we arrived. ^
Assoone as I came within sight of this citie of Granada, ^^ ^£ ^^^^^ ^
I sent Don Garcias Lopez Campe-master, frier Daniel, Cibola.
151
A.D.
1540.
The arro-
gancie of the
people of
Cibola.
Commande-
ment to use
gentlenesse to
the lavages.
There zcere
'^00 men with-
in the towne.
Gomara, Hist.
gen. cap. 213.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
and frier Luys, and Fernando Vermizzo somewhat before
with certaine horsemen, to seeke the Indians and to
advertise them that our comming was not to hurt them,
but to defend them in the name of the Emperour our
Lord, according as his majestie had given us in charge :
which message was delivered to the inhabitants of that
countrey by an interpreter. But they like arrogant
people made small account thereof; because we seemed
very few in their eyes, and that they might destroy us
without any difficultie ; and they strooke frier Luys with
an arrow on the gowne, which by the grace of God did
him no harme.
In the meane space I arrived with all the rest of the
horsemen, and footemen, and found in the fieldes a great
sort of the Indians which beganne to shoote at us with
their arrowes : and because I would obey your will and
the commaund of the Marques, I woulde not let my
people charge them, forbidding my company, which
intreated mee that they might set upon them, in any
wise to provoke them, saying that that which the enemies
did was nothing, and that it was not meete to set upon
so fewe people. On the other side the Indians perceiving
that wee stirred not, tooke great stomacke and courage
unto them : insomuch that they came hard to our horses
heeles to shoote at us with their arrowes. Whereupon
seeing that it was now time to stay no longer, and that
the friers also were of the same opinion, I set upon them
without any danger : for suddenly they fled part to the
citie which was neere and well fortified, and other into
the field, which way they could shift : and some of the
Indians were slaine, and more had beene if I would have
suffered them to have bene pursued.
But considering that hereof wee might reape but small
profite, because the Indians that were without, were fewe,
and those which were retired into the citie, with them
which stayed within at the first were many, where the
victuals were whereof wee had so great neede, I assembled
my people, and devided them as I thought best to assault
152
VASQUEZ DE CORONADO a.d.
1540.
the citie, and I compassed it about : and because the
famine which wee sustained suffered no delay, my selfe
with certaine of these gentlemen and souldiers put our
selves on foote, and commaunded that the crossebowes
and harquebusiers shoulde give the assault, and shoulde
beate the enemies from the walles, that they might not
hurt us, and I assaulted the walles on one side, where
they tolde me there was a scaling ladder set up, and that
there was one gate : but the crossebowmen suddenly
brake the strings of their bowes, and the harquebusiers
did nothing at all : for they came thither so weake and
feeble, that scarcely they coulde stand on their feete : and ^^O' defend
by this meanes the people that were aloft on the wals to ^'^^ ^^.i ^^'f"^
//.,, ^ ^ 1-iir 1- Stones like those
derend the towne were no way nmaered rrom doing us ofHocheks-a.
all the mischiefe they could : so that twise they stroke
mee to the ground with infinite number of great stones,
which they cast downe : and if I had not beene defended
with an excellent good headpiece which I ware, I thinke
it had gone hardly with mee : neverthelesse my companie
tooke mee up with two small wounds in the face, and an
arrowe sticking in my foote, and many blowes with stones
on my armes and legges, and thus I went out of the
battell very weake. I thinke that if Don Garcias Lopez
de Cardenas the second time that they strooke mee to the
ground had not succoured mee with striding over mee
like a good knight, I had beene in farre greater danger
then I was. But it pleased God that the Indians yeelded
themselves unto us, and that this citie was taken : and
such store of Maiz was found therein, as our necessitie [III. 377.]
required. The Master of the fielde, and Don Pedro de
Tovar, and Fernando de Alvarado, and Paul de Melgosa
Captaines of the footemen escaped with certaine knocks
with stones : though none of them were wounded with
arrowes, yet Agoniez Quarez was wounded in one arme
with the shot of an arrowe, and one Torres a townesman
of Panuco was shot into the face with another, and two
footemen more had two small woundes with arrowes.
And because my armour was gilded and glittering, they
153
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
all layd load on mee, and therefore I was more wounded
then the rest, not that I did more then they, or put my
selfe forwarder then the rest, for all these Gentlemen and
souldiers carried themselves as manfully as was looked
for at their hands. I am nowe well recovered I thanke
God, although somewhat bruised with stones. Likewise
in the skirmish which wee had in the fieldes, two or three
other souldiers were hurt, and three horses slaine, one
of Don Lopez, the other of Viliega and the third of Don
Alonso Manrique, and seven or eight other horses were
wounded ; but both the men and horses are whole and
sound.
Chap. 3.
Of the situation and state of the seven cities called the
Kingdome of Cibola, and of the customes and quali-
ties of those people, and of the beasts which are found
there.
T remaineth now to certifie your Honour of the seven
cities, and of the kingdomes and provinces whereof
the Father provinciall made report unto your Lordship.
And to bee briefe, I can assure your honour, he sayd
the trueth in nothing that he reported, but all was quite
contrary, saving onely the names of the cities, and great
houses of stone : for although they bee not wrought
with Turqueses, nor with lyme, nor brickes, yet are
Excellent they very excellent good houses of three or foure
houses foure or qj. f^yg \q{x^<^ high? wherein are good lodgings and faire
Jive loftes high. ^\^^.^^^^^ y^\^ lathers in stead of staires, and certaine
cellers under the ground very good and paved, which
are made for winter, they are in maner like stooves :
and the lathers which they have for their houses are all
in a maner mooveable and portable, which are taken
away and set downe when they please, and they are
made of two pieces of wood with their steppes, as ours
be. The seven cities are seven small townes, all made
with these kinde of houses that I speake of: and
they stand all within foure leagues together, and they
154
r
VASQUEZ DE COROXADO a.d.
1540.
are all called the kingdome of Cibola, and every one Cibola is a
of them have their particular name : and none of /"^'f^'/^^^ ^^»-
them is called Cibola, but altogether they are called H^^^^f^^^"^^^
Cibola. And this towne which I call a citie, I have
named Granada, as well because it is somewhat like
unto it, as also in remembrance of your lordship. In
this towne where I nowe remaine, there may bee some
two hundred houses, all compassed with walles, and I
thinke that with the rest of the houses which are not
so walled, they may be together five hundred. There Five hundred
is another towne neere this, which is one of the seven, houses in
& it is somwhat bigger then this, and another of the
same bignesse that this is of, and the other foure are
somewhat lesse : and I send them all painted unto your A painter ne-
lordship with the voyage. And the parchment wherein ^^-^^^^J.^ ^^^^ ^
the picture is, was found here with other parchments.
The people of this towne seeme unto me of a reason-
able stature, and wittie, yet they seeme not to bee such
as they should bee, of that judgement and wit to builde
these houses in such sort as they are. For the most
part they goe all naked, except their privie partes which
are covered : and they have painted mantles like those Painted
which I send unto your lordship. They have no cotton ^^^^^^^^
wooll growing, because the countrey is colde, yet they
weare mantels thereof as your honour may see by the
shewe thereof: and true it is that there was found in
their houses certaine yarne made of cotton wooll. They
weare their haire on their heads like those of Mexico,
and they are well nurtured and condicioned : And they ^^ore ofTur-
have Turqueses I thinke good quantitie, which with the ^^^^^^^'
rest of the goods which they had, except their corne, they
had conveyed away before I came thither : for I found
no women there, nor no youth under fifteene yeeres
olde, nor no olde folkes above sixtie, saving two or
three olde folkes, who stayed behinde to governe all
the rest of the youth and men of warre. There were
found in a certaine paper two poynts of Emralds, and Emralds.
certaine small stones broken which are in colour some-
155
A.D,
1540.
Granates,
Chrlstall.
Excellent and
very great
Guinle cocks.
[III. 378.]
Gomara hist.
gen.Cap.zi'^.
saph that the
colde is by rea-
son of the high
mountaines.
A wood of
Cedars.
Excellent
grasse.
Deere, hares,
and conies.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
what like Granates very bad, and other stones of Christall,
which I gave one of my servaunts to lay up to send
them to your lordship, and hee hath lost them as hee
telleth me. Wee found heere Guinie cockes, but fewe.
The Indians tell mee in all these seven cities, that they
eate them not, but that they keepe them onely for their
feathers. I beleeve them not, for they are excellent good,
and greater then those of Mexico. The season which
is in this countrey, and the temperature of the ayre is
like that of Mexico : for sometime it is hotte, and
sometime it raineth : but hitherto I never sawe it raine,
but once there fell a little showre with winde, as they
are woont to fall in Spaine.
The snow and cold are woont to be great, for so say
the inhabitants of the Countrey : and it is very likely
so to bee, both in respect to the maner of the Countrey,
and by the fashion of their houses, and their furres and
other things which this people have to defend them from
colde. There is no kind of fruit nor trees of fruite.
The Countrey is all plaine, and is on no side moun-
tainous : albeit there are some hillie and bad passages.
There are small store of Foules : the cause whereof is
the colde, and because the mountaines are not neere.
Here is no great store of wood, because they have
wood for their fuell sufficient foure leaugues off from
a wood of small Cedars. There is most excellent grasse
within a quarter of a league hence, for our horses as well
to feede them in pasture, as to mowe and make hay,
whereof wee stoode in great neede, because our horses
came hither so weake and feeble. The victuals which the
people of this countrey have, is Maiz, whereof they have
great store, and also small white Pease : and Venison,
which by all likelyhood they feede upon, (though they
say no) for wee found many skinnes of Deere, of Hares,
and Conies. They eate the best cakes that ever I sawe,
and every body generally eateth of them. They have
the finest order and way to grinde that wee ever sawe
in any place. And one Indian woman of this countrey
156
VASQUEZ DE CORONADO a.d.
1540.
will grinde as much as foure women of Mexico. They
have most excellent sake in kernell, which they fetch ^^H &'^^
from a certaine lake a dayes journey from hence. They ^^/J'^^^^^^^^
have no knowledge among them of the North Sea, nor ^^^ ^i^fii^
of the Westerne Sea, neither can I tell your lordship 1^0. leagues
to which wee bee nearest : But in reason they should f^'°^^ Ctbola.
seeme to bee neerest to the Westerne Sea: and at the J-Z/J' j -^
least I thinke I am an hundred and fittie leagues from Porkespkks,
thence : and the Northerne Sea should bee much further mightie sheep,
off. Your lordship may see howe broad the land is "^'Ude goates.
here. Here are many sorts of beasts, as Beares, Tigers, ^^^J^ ^^^^'
Lions, Porkespicks, and certaine Sheep as bigge as an Q^^^ces.
horse, with very great homes and little tailes, I have ^tagges.
scene their homes so bigge, that it is a wonder to be- T^hey travaUe
hold their greatnesse. Here are also wilde goates whose ^' ^^^^^^^^J^'
heads likewise I have scene, and the pawes of Beares, ^^^ ^7^^^^ ^^^^
and the skins of wilde Bores. There is game of Deere, Oxe hides
Ounces, and very great Stagges : and all men are of dressed and
opinion that there are some big^orer then that beast /^^«{^^^'^0'
which your lordship bestowed upon me, which once
belonged to John Melaz. They travell eight dayes
journey unto certaine plaines lying toward the North
Sea. In this countrey there are certaine skinnes well
dressed, and they dresse them and paint them where
they kill their Oxen, for so they say themselves.
[Chap. 4.
157
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
Chap. 4.
Of the state and qualities of the kingdomes of Totonteac,
Marata, and Acus, quite contrary to the relation of
Frier Marcus. The conference which they have with
the Indians of the citie of Granada which they had
taken, which had fiftie yeres past foreseene the com-
ming of the Christians into their countrey. The
relation which they have of other seven cities, where-
of Tucano is the principall, and how he sent to
discover them. A present of divers things had in
these countreys sent unto the Viceroy Mendo9a by
Vasques de Coronado.
THe kingdome of Totonteac so much extolled by
the Father provinciall, which sayde that there were
such wonderfull things there, and such great matters,
and that they made cloth there, the Indians say is
Totonteac is an an hotte lake, about which are five or sixe houses ;
hotte lake. ^^^ ^^^ there were certaine other, but that they are
eth because It ^^^^^^^^ by warre. The kingdome of Marata is not
is a lake, and to be found, neither have the Indians any knowledge
endeth in ac to thereof. The kingdome of Acus is one onely small
have some citie, where they gather cotton which is called Acucu.
^^^z/z<? eu- ^j^j J g^^ ^j^^^ ^l^-g -g ^ towne. For Acus with an
aspiration nor without, is no word of the countrey.
And because I gesse that they would derive Acucu of
Acus, I say that it is this towne whereinto the king-
Other townes dom of Acus is converted. Beyond this towne they
neere a river. ^^^ there are Other small townes which are neere to a
river which I have scene and have had report of by
the relation of the Indians. I would to God I had
better newes to write unto your lordship : neverthelesse
I must say the trueth : And as I wrote to your lord-
ship from Culiacan, I am nowe to advertise your honour
as wel of the good as of the bad. Yet this I would
have you bee assured, that if all the riches and the
treasures of the world were heere, I could have done
no more in the service of his Majestie and of your
158
VASQUEZ DE CORONADO a.d.
1540.
lordshippe, then I have done in comming hither whither
you have sent mee, my selfe and my companions carry-
ing our victuals upon our shoulders and upon our
horses three hundred leagues ; and many dayes going
on foote travailing over hilles and rough mountaines,
with other troubles which I cease to mention, neither
purpose I to depart unto the death, if it please his
Majestie and your lordship that it shall be so.
Three dayes after this citie was taken, certaine Indians [III. 379.]
of these people came to offer mee peace, and brought
mee certaine Turqueses and badde mantles, and I re- Turqueses,
ceived them in his Majesties name with all the good ^^^^^^^'
speaches that I could devise, certifying them of the
purpose of my comming into this countrey, which is in
the name of his Majestie, and by the commaundement
of your Lordship, that they and all the rest of the
people of this province should become Christians, and
should knowe the true God for their Lorde, and receive
his Majestie for their King, and earthly Soveraigne : And
herewithall they returned to their houses, and suddenly ^^^^ Indians ^
the next day they set in order all their goods and sub- -^^f!\!^^ ^^^^
1 • 11-11 J n J 1 1 -11 ^'^^^ ^"^^^
Stance, their women and children, and ned to the nilles, zvives.children
leaving their townes as it were abandoned, wherein re- and goods.
mained very fewe of them. When I sawe this, within
eight or tenne dayes after being recovered of my woundes,
I went to the citie, which I sayde to bee greater then ^ citie greater
this where I am, and found there some fewe of them, ^^^^ Granada.
to whom I sayde that they should not bee afrayd, and
that they should call their governour unto mee : howbeit,
forasmuch as I can learne or gather, none of them hath
any governour : for I sawe not there any chiefe house,
whereby any preeminence of one over another might bee
gathered. After this an olde man came, which sayd that
hee was their lord, with a piece of a mantle made of
many pieces, with whom I reasoned that small while that
hee stayed with mee, and hee sayd that within three dayes
after, hee and the rest of the chiefe of that towne would
come and visite mee, and give order what course should
159
A.D.
1540.
Tzvo tables
painted by the
Indians, one
of beasts
another of
birdes and
fishes.
An old prophe-
cie that those
parts should be
subdued by
Christians.
They worship
the zcater.
Seven cities
farre from
Granada.
Tucano.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
bee taken with them. Which they did: for they brought
mee certaiiie mantles and some Turqueses. I advised
them to come downe from their holdes, and to returne
with their wives and children to their houses, and to
become Christians, and that they would acknowledge the
Emperours majestie for their King and lorde. And even
to this present they keepe in those strong holdes their
women and children, and all the goods which they have.
I commaunded them that they should paint mee out a
cloth of all the beastes which they knowe in their countrey :
And such badde painters as they are, foorthwith they
painted mee two clothes, one of their beastes, another
of their birdes and fishes. They say that they will bring
their children, that our religious men may instruct them,
and that they desire to knowe our lawe : And they assure
us, that above fiftie yeeres past it was prophecied among
them, that a certaine people like us should come, and
from that part that wee came from, and that they should
subdue all that countrey.
That which these Indians worship as farre as hitherto
wee can learne, is the water : for they say it causeth
their corne to growe, and maintaineth their life ; and that
they know none other reason, but that their ancesters
did so. I have sought by all meanes possible to learne
of the inhabitants of these townes, whether they have any
knowledge of other people, countreys and cities : And
they tell mee of seven cities which are farre distant from
this place, which are like unto these, though they have
not houses like unto these, but they are of earth, and
small : and that among them much cotton is gathered.
The chiefe of these townes whereof they have knowledge,
they say is called Tucano : and they gave mee no perfect
knowledge of the rest. And I thinke they doe not tell
me the trueth, imagining that of necessitie I must speedily
depart from them, and returne home. But herein they
shall soone finde themselves deceived. I sent Don Pedro
de Tovar with his companie of footemen and with certaine
other horsemen to see this towne : And I would not
160
VASQUEZ DE CORONADO ad.
1540.
have dispatched this packet unto your lordship, untill I
had knowen what this towne was, if I had thought that
within twelve or fifteene dayes I might have had newes
from him : for hee will stay in this journey thirtie dayes
at least. And having examined that the knowledge
hereof is of small importance, and that the colde and the
waters approch : I thought it my duety to doe according
as your lordship gave mee charge in your instructions,
which is, that immediatly upon mine arrivall here, I
should signifie so much unto your lordship, and so I
doe, sending withall the bare relation of that which I
have scene. I have determined to send round about the
countrey from hence to have knowledge of all things,
and rather to suffer all extremitie, then to leave this enter-
prise to serve his majestic, if I may find any thing wherein
I may performe it, and not to omit any diligence therein,
untill your lordship send mee order what I shall doe.
Wee have great want of pasture : and your lordship also
shal understand, that among all those which are here, there
is not one pound of raisins, nor suger, nor oyle, nor any The Spaniards
wine, save only one pinte which is saved to say Masse: T^^'^ ^^^^^
' J I J ^ discoveries.
for all is spent & spilt by the way. Now your lordship
may provide us what you thinke needefull. And if your
honour meane to send us cattell, your lordship must
understand that they will bee a sommer in comming unto
us : for they will not be able to come unto us any sooner.
I would have sent your lordshippe with this dispatch
many musters of things which are in this countrey : but
the way is so long and rough, that it is hard for me to doe
so: neverthelesse I send you twelve small mantles, such as
the people of the countrey are woont to weare, and a
certaine garm^ent also, which seemeth unto me to bee well L^^^- 380.]
made : I kept the same, because it seemed to mee to ^^f^ii^^^i^ ij^-
bee excellent well wrought, because I beleeve that no man broideredwith
ever sawe any needle worke in these Indies, except it were needle zvorke.
since the Spaniards inhabited the same. I send your
Lordshippe also two clothes painted with the beasts of
this countrey, although as I have sayde, the picture bee
IX 161 L
Jn oxhide.
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
very rudely done, because the painter spent but one day
in drawing of the same. I have seene other pictures
on the walks of the houses of this citie with farre better
proportion, and better made. I send your honour one
Oxe-hide, certaine Turqueses, and two earerings of the
LertaineTur- g^j^^^ ^j^^ fifteene combes of the Indians, and certain
tablets set with these Turqueses, and two small baskets
made of wicker, whereof the Indians have great store. I
send your lordship also two rolles which the women in
these parts are woont to weare on their heads when they
fetch water from their welles, as wee use to doe in Spaine.
And one of these Indian women with one of these rolles
on her head, will carie a pitcher of water without touching
the same with her hande up a lather. I send you also
a muster of the weapons wherewith these people are woont
to fight, a buckler, a mace, a bowe, and certaine arrowes,
among which are two with points of bones, the like
whereof, as these conquerours say, have never beene
seene. I can say nothing unto your lordshippe touching
the appareU of their women. For the Indians keepe them
so carefully from us, that hitherto I have not seene any
of them, saving onely two olde women, and these had
two long robes downe to the foote open before, and
girded to them, and they are buttoned with certaine
cordons of cotton. I requested the Indians to give me
one of these robes, which they ware, to send your honour
the same, seeing they would not shewe mee their women.
And they brought mee two mantles which are these,
which I send you as it were painted : they have two
pendents like the women of Spaine, which hang some-
The death of what over their shoulders. The death of the Negro is
A/jtf-^" ^^^ most certaine : for here are many of the things found
which hee carried with him : And the Indians tell me that
they killed him here, because the Indians of Chichilticale
tolde them that hee was a wicked villaine, and not like
unto the Christians: because the Christians kill no women:
and hee killed women ; and also he touched their women,
which the Indians love more then themselves ; therefore
162
Negro.
VASQUEZ DE CORONADO
A.D.
[540.
Gold and sil-
ver found in
Cibola,
they determined to kill him : But they did it not after
such sort as was reported, for they killed none of the
rest of those that came with him : neither slewe they the
young lad which was with him of the province of Petatlan,
but they tooke him and kept him in safe custodie untill
nowe. And when I sought to have him, they excused
themselves two or three dayes to give him mee, telling
mee that hee was dead, and sometimes that the Indians
of Acucu had carried him away. But in conclusion, when Acucu.
I tolde them that I should bee very angry if they did
not give him mee, they gave him unto me. Hee is an
interpreter, for though hee cannot well speake their
language, yet hee understandeth the same very well. In
this place there is found some quantitie of golde and
silver, which those which are skilfull in minerall matters
esteeme to be very good. To this houre I could never
learne of these people from whence they have it : And
I see they refuse to tell mee the trueth in all things,
imagining, as I have sayde, that in short time I would
depart hence, but I hope in God they shall no longer
excuse themselves. I beseech your lordship to certifie
his Majestie of the successe of this voyage. For seeing
wee have no more then that which is aforesayd, and untill
such time as it please God that wee finde that which
wee desire, I meane not to write my selfe. Our Lorde
God keepe and preserve your Excellencie.
From the province of Cibola, and from this citie of
Granada the third of August 1540. Francis Vasques de
Coronado kisseth the hands of your Excellencie.
The rest of this voyage to Acuco, Tiguex, Cicuic, and
Quivira, and unto the Westerne Ocean, is thus written
in the generall historie of the West Indies by Francis
Lopez de Gomara, Chap. 214.
BEcause they would not returne to Mexico without
doing something, nor with emptie hands, they
agreed to passe further into the countrey, which was
tolde them to bee better and better. So they came to
163
A.D.
1540.
Acuco.
The Westerne
sea discovered,
Tiguex.
Axa and
Quhnra.
[III. 381,]
A iozvne
burnt.
Another toicn
assaulted.
Mantles.
Turqueses.
Feathers.
Precious
things.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Acuco a towne upon an exceeding strong hill. And
from thence Don Garcias Lopez de Cardenas with
his companie of horsemen went unto the Sea : and
Francis Vasques went to Tiguex, which standeth on the
banke of a great river. There they had newes of
Axa and Quivira. There they sayde was a King
whose name was Tatarrax, with a long beard, horie
headed, and rich, which was girded with a Bracamart,
which prayed upon a payre of beades, which worshipped
a Crosse of golde, and the image of a woman, the
Queene of heaven. This newes did greatly rejoyce and
cheere up the armie : although some thought it to bee
false, and the report of the Friers. They determined
to goe thither, with intention to winter in so rich a
countrey as that was reported to bee. One night the
Indians ranne away, and in the morning they found
thirtie horses dead, which put the armie in feare. In
their journey they burnt a certaine towne : And in
another towne which they assaulted, they killed certaine
Spaniards, and wounded fiftie horses, and the inhabi-
tants drewe into their towne Francis de Ovando
wounded or dead, to eate and sacrifice him as they
thought, or peradventure to see more perfectly, what
maner of men the Spaniards were : for there was not
found there any signe of sacrificing men. Our people
layde siege unto the towne, but could not take it in
more then five and fortie dayes space. The townesmen
that were besieged, dranke snowe in stead of water : and
seeing themselves forlorne they made a fire, wherein
they cast their mantles, feathers, Turqueses and precious
things, that those strangers might not enjoy them.
They issued out in a squadron with their women and
children in the middest, to make way by force, and to
save themselves, but fewe escaped the edge of our swordes
and the horses, and a certaine river which was neere the
towne. Seven Spaniards were slaine in this conflict, and
fourescore were wounded, and many horses : whereby a
man may see of what force resolution is in necessitie.
164
VASQUEZ DE CORONADO ad.
1540.
Many Indians returned to the towne with the women
and children, and defended themselves, untill our men
set fire on the towne. In this countrey there are melons, Melons.
and white and redde cotton, whereof they make farre y^^°^-
larger mantels, then in other parts of the Indies. From ciaii^fourT
Tigues they went in foure dayes journey to Cicuic, which day es journey
is a small towne, and foure leagues from thence they met from Tiguex.
with a new kind of oxen wild and fierce, whereof the first
day they killed fourescore, which sufficed the armie with
fiesh. From Cicuic they went to Quivira, which after Quhira.
their accompt, is almost three hundred leagues distant,
through mighty plaines, and sandie heathes so smooth, and
wearisome, and bare of wood, that they made heapes of
oxe-dung for want of stones and trees, that they might Heapes of oxe
not lose themselves at their returne : for three horses were d^^^g^^^^M
, 1 ,. , 0-11-1 ^ r ^ • markestokriGw
lost on that plaine, and one Spaniard, which went rrom his ^^^
companie on hunting. All that way & plaines are as full
of crookebacked oxen, as the mountaine Serena in Spaine
is of sheepe : but there is no people but such as keepe
those cattell. They were a great succour for the
hunger and want of bread which our people stoode in.
One day it rayned in that plaine a great showre of
haile, as bigge as Orenges, which caused many teares,
weakenesse, and vowes. At length they came to Qui-
vira and found Tatarrax, whome they sought, an hoarie
headed man, naked, and with a Jewell of copper hang-
ing at his necke, which was all his riches. The The Spatiiards
Spaniards seeing the false report of so famous riches, returne to Tt-
returned to Tiguex, without seeing either crosse or ff^^/^/i/!/
shewe of Christianitie : and from thence to Mexico. TheSpaniards
In the ende of March of the yeere 1542. Francis Vas- zcouldhavein-
quez fell from his horse in Tiguex, and with the fall habited the
fell out of his wits, and became madde. Which some ^''^^'^O-
tooke to bee for griefe, and others thought it to be
but counterfeited : for they were much offended with
him, because hee peopled not the countrey.
Quivira is in fortie degrees : it is a temperate coun-
trey, and hath very good waters, and much grasse,
165
A.D.
1540.
Ships seene on
the sea coast
o/Quiz'ira,
which zvere
30. dayes in
say ling
thither.
Andrew de
Campo tra-
vailed from
Quivira to
Panuco.
The cause why
the Spaniards
peopled not in
Cibola.
[III. 382.]
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
plummes, mulberries, nuts, melons and grapes, which
ripen very well. There is no cotton : and they apparell
themselves with oxe-hides and deeres skinnes. They
sawe shippes on the sea coast, which bare Alcatrarzes or
Pellicanes of golde and silver in their prows, and were
laden with marchandises, and they thought them to bee
of Cathaya, and China, because they shewed our men
by signes that they had sayled thirtie dayes.
Frier John de Padilla stayed behinde in Tigues, with
another of his companions called Frier Francis, and
returned to Quivira, with some dozen Indians of
Mechuacan, and with Andrew de Campo a Portugall,
the gardiner of Francis de Solis : Hee tooke with him
horses and mules with provision. Hee tooke sheepe
and hennes of Castile, and ornaments to say Masse
withall. The people of Quivira slewe the Friers, and
the Portugall escaped with certaine Indians of Mechua-
can. Who albeit at that time he escaped death, yet
could hee not free himselfe out of captivitie : for by
and by after they caught him againe. But ten moneths
after he was taken captive, hee fled away with a couple
of dogs. As hee travailed, hee blessed the people with
a crosse, whereunto they ofi^ered much, and whereso-
ever hee came, they gave him almes, lodging, and foode.
He came to the countrey of the Chichimechas, and
arrived at Panuco. When he came to Mexico, hee
ware his haire very long, and his beard tyed up in a
lace, and reported strange things of the lands, rivers
and mountaines that he had passed.
It grieved Don Antonio de Mendo^a very much that
the army returned home : for hee had spent above three-
score thousand pesos of golde in the enterprise, and ought
a great part thereof still. Many sought to have dwelt
there ; but Francis Vasquez de Coronado, which was rich,
and lately married to a faire wife, would not consent, say-
ing, that they could not maintaine nor defend themselves
in so poore a countrey, and so farre from succour. They
travailed above nine hundred leagues in this countrey.
166
VASQUEZ DE CORONADO a.d.
1540.
The foresayd Francis Lopez de Gomara in his generall his-
torie of the West Indies, Chap. 215. writeth in maner
following of certaine great and strange beasts never
seene nor heard of in our knowen world of Asia,
Europe, and Africa : which somewhat resembling our
oxen, having high bunches on their backes like those
on the backes of Camels, are therefore called by him
Vacas corcobados, that is to say, Crooke-backed oxen,
being very deformed & terrible in shewe, and fierce
by nature : which notwithstanding for foode, apparell,
and other necessarie uses, are most serviceable and
beneficiall to the inhabitants of those countreys. He
reported also in the same chapter of certaine strange
sheepe as bigge as horses, and of dogs which use to
carie burthens of 50. pound weight upon their
backes.
A LI the way betweene Cicuic and Quivira is a most
plaine soyle, without trees and stones, and hath but ^^^^^ ^^'^
fewe and small townes. The men clothe and shooe them- ^^^^^, ^^^^ ^^^
selves with lether ; and the women which are esteemed Captain Fro-
for their long lockes, cover their heads and secrets with blsher brought
the same. They have no bread of any kinde of graine, ^^^^ England
as they say : which I account a very great matter. -^^^ .^^
Their chierest foode is flesh, and that oftentimes they
eate rawe, either of custome or for lacke of wood.
They eate the fatte as they take it out of the Oxe,
and drinke the blood hotte, and die not therewithal!,
though the ancient writers say that it killeth, as Em-
pedocles and others alBrmed, they drinke it also colde
dissolved in water. They seeth not the flesh for lacke
of pots, but rost it, or to say more properly, warme it
at a fire of Oxe-dung : when they eate, they chawe
their meate but little, and raven up much, and holding
the flesh with their teeth, they cut it with rasors of
stone, which seemeth to be great bestialitie : but such
is their maner of living and fashion. They goe to-
gether in companies, and moove from one place to
167
Incognita.
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
another, as the wilde Moores of Barbarie called Alarbes
doe, following the seasons and the pasture after their
Oxen.
The descrip- These Oxen are of the bignesse and colour of our
T/Jtira''' Bulks, but their homes are not so great. They have a
great bunch upon their fore shoulders, and more haire
on their fore part then on their hinder part : and it is
like wooll. They have as it were an horse-mane upon
their backe bone, and much haire and very long from
the knees downeward. They have great tuffes of haire
hanging downe their foreheads, and it seemeth that
they have beardes, because of the great store of haire
hanging downe at their chinnes and throates. The
males have very long tailes, and a great knobbe or
flocke at the end : so that in some respect they re-
semble the Lion, and in some other the Camell. They
push with their homes, they runne, they overtake and
kill an horse when they are in their rage and anger.
Finally, it is a foule and fierce beast of countenance
and forme of bodie. The horses fledde from them,
either because of their deformed shape, or else because
thev had never scene them. Their masters have no
other riches nor substance : of them they eat, they
drinke, they apparel, they shooe themselves : and of
their hides they make many things, as houses, shooes,
apparell and ropes : of their bones they make bodkins :
of their sinewes and haire, threed : of their homes,
mawes, and bladders, vessels : of their dung, fire : and of
their calves-skinnes, budgets, wherein they drawe and
keepe water. To bee short, they make so many things
of them as they have neede of, or as many as suffice them
in the use of this life.
Sheepe as big There are also in this countrey other beastes as big
as orses. ^^ horses, which because they have homes and fine wool,
they cal them sheepe, and they say that every home of
..... , theirs weigheth is fiftie pound weis^ht.
earning 50. There are also great dogs which will fight with a bull,
pound weight, and will Carrie fiftie pound weight in sackes when they
168
DISCOVERY OF NEW MEXICO
goe on hunting, or when they remoove from place to
place with their flockes and heards.
A.D.
1581-83.
El Viaje que Hizo Antonio de Espejo en el [HI. 383.]
anno de ochenta y tres : el qual con sus com-
panneros descubrieron una tierra en que
hallaron quinze Provincias todas llenas de
pueblos, y de casas de quatro y cinco altos,
a quien pusieron por nombre El Nuevo
Mexico, por parecerse en muchas cosas al
viejo. Esta a la parte del norte, y se cree
que por ella, y por poblado, se puede venir
hasta llegar a la tierra que llaman del
Labrador.
Del Nuevo Mexico, y de su descubrimiento, y lo que del
se sabe.
A dixe en el titulo del libro, que el anno ^uevo
de mil y quinientos y ochenta y tres, se ^^^^'^°-
avian descubierto quinze Provincias,
aquien los inventores llamaron El nuevo
Mexico en la tierra firme de Nueva
Espanna, y prometi de dar noticia del
descubrimiento, como lo hare con la
mayor brevedad que sea possible, porque si uviera de
poner diffusamente todo io que vieron y supieron, fuera
menester hazer dello nueva historia. La substancia dello
es, que el anno de mil y quinientos y ochenta y uno,
teniendo noticia un Religioso de la Orden de sant
Francisco, que se llamava fray Augustin Ruyz, que Augustln
morava en el valle de sant Bartholome, por relation ^^J^z.
de ciertos Indios. Conchos que se comunicavan con
otros sus convezinos llamados Passaguates : que hazia
la parte del Norte (caminando siempre por tierra)
avia ciertas poblaciones grandes, y nunca sabidas de
nuestros Espannoles, ni descubiertas, con zelo de
caridad, y de salvacion de las almas, pidio licencia al
169
sr^^K3^
l^^i
fMM
^Knr^\
^ppy
OT^I^II
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1581-83.
Conde de Corunna Virey de la dicha Nueva Espanna,
y a sus mayores, para yr a ellas, a procurar aprender
su lengua, y sabida, bautizarlos, y predicarles el santo
Evangelio. Alcan^ada la licentia de los sobredichos,
tomando otros dos companneros de su mesma Orden, se
partio con ocho soldados, que de voluntad le quisieron
acompannar, a poner en execution su Christiano y zeloso
intento. Los quales a pocos dias de camino toparon
Tiguas. con una Provincia, que se llamava de los Tiguas, distante
de las minas de sancta Barbola (de donde comen^aron la
Jornada) dozientas y cinquenta leguas hazia el Norte, en
la qual por cierta occasion los naturales le mataron al
dicho padre uno de sus dos companneros. El qual, los
soldados que yvan con el, viendo, y sintiendo el successo,
y temiendo que del se podria seguir otro mayor danno,
acordaron de comun consentimiento de bolverse a las
minas de donde avian salido, con consideracion de que la
gente que yva era muy poca para resistir a los successos
que se podian offrecer en tanta distancia de la vivienda de
los Espannoles, y tan lexos del necessario socorro. Los
dos Religiosos que havian quedado, no solo no vinieron
en su parecer, mas antes viendo la ocasion para poner en
execucion su buen desseo, y tanta mies madura para la
mesa de Dios, viendo que no podian persuadir a los
soldados a passar adelante en el descubrimiento, se
quedaron ellos en la dicha Provincia con tres muchachos
Indios, y un mestizo, que avain llevado consigo, pare-
ciendoles que aunque quedassen solos, estavan alii seguros,
por la afFabilidad y amor con que los naturales della los
tratavan. Llegados los ocho soldados adonde desseavan,
embiaron luego la nueva al dicho Virey delo succedido a
la ciudad de Mexico, que dista de las dichas minas de
santa Barbora ciento y sesenta leguas. Sintieron mucho
los religiosos de sant Francisco la quedada de sus
hermanos : y timiendo no los matassen viendo los solos,
comengaron a mover los animos de algunos soldados, para
Fra^Bernard- 4^^ ^^ compannia de Otro Religioso de la mesma Orden
hio'Beltran. llamado fray Bernardino Beltran, tornassen a la dicha
170
DISCOVERY OF NEW MEXICO
Provincia, a sacar de peligro a los dichos dos Religiosos,
y proseguir con la empresa comen^ada.
En esta sazon estava en las dichas minas por cierta
ocasion un vezino de la ciudad de Mexico, llamado
Antonio de Espejo, hombre rico, y de mucho animo y
industria, y zeloso del servicio de la majestad del Rey
Don Philippe nuestro sennor, natural de Cordova. El
qual como entendiesse el desseo delos dichos religiosos, y
la importancia del negocio, se ofFrecio a la Jornada y a
gastar en ella parte de su hazienda, y a riesgar su vida,
siendo le para ello concedida licencia de alguna persona
que representasse a su majestad, la qual procurandola los
dichos religiosos, le fue dada por el Capitan Juan de
Ontiveros Alcalde mayor por su magestad en los pueblos
que llaman las quatro Cienegas, que son en la gouver-
nacion de la Nueva Vizcaya, setenta leguas de las dichas
minas de santa Barbora, assi para que el pudiesse yr, como
para que juntasse la gente y soldados pue pudiesse, para
que le acompannassen, y ayudassen a conseguir su
Christiano intento.
El dicho Antonio de Espejo tomo el negocio con tantas
veras, que en muy pocos dias junto los soldados y basti-
mentos necessarios para hazer la Jornada, gastando en ello
buena parte de su hazienda : y partio con todos ellos del
valle de sant Bartholome a los diez de Noviembre de mil
y quinientos y ochenta y dos, lievando para lo que se
ofFreciesse ciento y quinze cavallos, y mulas, y muchas
armas, municiones, y bastimentos, y alguna gente de
servicio.
Endere9o su camino hazia el Norte, y a dos jornados
topo mucha cantidad de Indios de los que llaman Conchos
en Rancherias o poblaciones de casas pagicas. Los quales
como lo supiessen, y tuviessen dello relacion muy de
atras, los salieron a recebir con muestras de alegria. La
comida destos, y delos de la Provincia, que es grande, es
de carne de conejos, liebres, y venados que matan, y lo
ay todo en grandissima cantidad. Tienen mucho maiz,
que es el trigo de las Indias, calabagas, y melones, y en
171
A.D.
1581-83.
Antonio de
Espejo morio
en la Havana
1589.
[III. 384.]
Nueva
Bizcaya.
Co?ichos
Indios.
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1581-83.
abundancia : y ay muchos rios que crian mucha cantidad
de pescado muy bueno, y de diversas suertes : andan casi
todos desnudos, y las armas que usan son arco y flecha, y
viven debaxo de govierno, y sennorio de Caciques, como
los MexicanoSj y no les hallaron Idolos, ni pudieron
entender que adorassen a nadie, por lo qual facilmente
consintieron en que les pusiessen los Christianos cruzes,
y quedaron muy contentos con elks, despues de aversido
informados de los nuestros dela significacion dellas, que se
hizo por interpretes que llevavan, por cuyo medio
supieron de otras poblaciones, para adonde los dichos
Conchos los guiaron, accompannandolos mas de veinte y
quatro leguas, que todas estavan poblades de gente de su
nacion, y los salian a recebir de paz, por aviso que
embiavan los Caciques de unos pueblos a otros.
Andadas las veinte y quatro leguas dichas, toparon otra
Passaguates nacion de Indios, llamados Passaguates, los quales vivian
Indios. ^Y modo que los ya dichos Conchos sus convezinos, y
hizieron con ellos lo proprio, guiandolos adelante otras
quatro jornados, con los avisos de los Caciques, de la
manera ya dicha : hallaron los nuestros en este camino
Muchas minas muchas minas de plata, al parecer de los que lo entendian,
de piata, j^ mucho, y muy rico metal. Una Jornada destas toparon
Tobososlndios. Otra nacion, llamada los Tobosos, los quales en viendo el
rastro de los nuestros, se huyeron a las sierras, dexando
sus casas y pueblos desiertos. Supose despues que
algunos annos antes avian acudido por alii ciertos
soldados que yvan en busca de minas, y avian llevado
cautivos a ciertos naturales, lo qual tenia temerosos y
abispados a los demas. El Capitan dio orden como los
fuessen a llamar, assegurandolos de que no les seria hecho
ningun mal, y diose tan buena manna que hizo venir a
muchos, aquien regalo, y dio dones, acariciandolos, y
declarandoles por el interprete, que no yvan a hazer mal
a nadie, con lo qual se bolvieron todos a sossegar, y
consintieron les pusiessen Cruzes, y declarassen el mys-
terio dellas, mostrando reciber della gran contentamiento,
en cuya demostracion los fueron acompannando, como
172
DISCOVERY OF NEW MEXICO a.d.
1581-83.
lo avian hecho sus vezinos, hasta que los metieron en
tierra poblada de otra nacion differente, que distavan
de la suya cosa de doze leguas : usan arco, y flecha,
y andan desundos.
Prosiguese del descubrimiento del Nuevo Mexico.
LA nacion hasta donde los dicho Tobosos los guiaron
se llamava Jumanos, a quien por otro nombre llaman Jumanos
los Espannoles Patarabueyes : tienen una Provincia ^^^^°^'
grande, y de muchos pueblos con mucha gente, y las
casas eran con agoteas, y de calicanto, y los pueblos
tra^ados por buen orden : tienen todos los hombres y
mugeres los rostros rayados, y los bra90S, y piernas :
es gente corpulenta, y de mas policia, que los que hasta
alii avian visto, y tenian muchos mantenimientos, y
mucha ca^a de pie y de buelo, y gran cantidad de pes- Rio del Norte.
cado, a causa de tener grandes rios que vienen de hazia
el Norte, y alguno tan grande como Guadalquivir, el
qual entra en la propria mar del Norte. Tiene muchas
lagunas de agua salada que se quaja cierto tiempo del
anno, y se haze muy buena sal. Es gente bellicosa, Buena sal.
y mostraronlo luego, porque la primera noche que los
nuestros assentaron real, les flecharon, y mataron cinco
cavallos, hiriendo muy mal otros tantos, y no dexaran
ninguno a vida, sino por las guardas que los defendieron.
Hecho este mal recado, despoblaron el lugar, y se subi-
eron a una sierra que estava cerca, adonde fue luego
por la mannana el Capitan con otros cinco soldados
bien armados con un interprete llamado Pedro, Indio
de su mesma nacion, y con buenas razones los quieto
y dexo de paz, haziendolos baxar a su pueblo y casas, y
persuadiendolos a que diesten aviso asus vezinos de [III. 385.]
que no eran hombres que hazian mal a nadie, ni les
yvan a tomar sus haziendas: que lo alcan^o facilmente
con su prudencia, y con darles a los Caciques algunas
sartas de quentas de vidrio que llevava para este effeto,
y sombreros, y otras ninnerias : con este, y con el buen
tratamiento que les hazian, se fueron muchos dellos en
173
A.D.
1581-83.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Rio grande.
Apalito.
compannia de los nuestros algunos dias, caminando
siempre por la ribera del rio grande arriba dicho, por-
toda la qual havia muchos pueblos de Indies desta
nacion, que duraron por espacio de doze jornadas, en
todas las quales avisados los unos Caciques de los otros
salian a recebir a los nuestros sin arcos, ni flechas, y les
1 2 Jornadas. trayan muchos mantenimientos, y otros regalos y dadivos,
en especial cueros y camu9as muy bien aderegados, y que
no les excedian en esto las de Flandes. Es gente toda
vestida, y hallaron que tenian alguna lumbre de nuestra
sancta Fee, porque sennalavan a Dios mirando al cielo,
y le llaman en su lengua Apalito, y le conocen por
sennor, de cuya larga mano, y misericordia confiessan
aver recibido la vida, y el ser natural, y los bienes
temporales. Venian muchos dellos, y las mugeres y
ninnos, a que el Religioso, que diximos que yva con
el dicho Capitan y soldados, los santiguasse, y echasse
la benedicion : el qual como les preguntasse de quien
avian entendido aquel conocimiento de Dios que tenian :
respondieron, que de tres Christianos, y un negro, que
avian passado por alii, y detenidose algunos dias en su
tierra, que segun las sennas que dieron, eran Alvar
Nunnes Cabe^a de Vaca, y Dorantes, y Castillo Mal-
donado, y un negro, que todos ellos avian escapado de
la armida con que entro Panfilo de Narbaez en la Florida,
y despues de aver sido muchos dias esclavos, vinieron
a dar a estos pueblos, haziendo Dios por medio dellos
muchos milagros, y sanando con el tocamento solo de sus
manos muchos enfermos, por lo qual dexaron gran
nombre en toda aquella tierra. Toda esta Provincia
quedo de paz, y muy sossegada, en cuya demonstracion
fueron acompannando y sirviendo a los nuestras algunos
dias por la orilla del rio que diximos arriba.
A pocas dias toparon con una gran poblacion de
Indios, adonde los salieron a recebir por nueva que
tuvieron de sus vezinos, y les sacaron muchas cosas
muy curiosas de pluma de difFerentes colores, y muchas
mantas de algodon barretadas de azul y bianco, como
174
Otra Pro-
vincia.
DISCOVERY OF NEW MEXICO a.d.
1581-83.
las que traen de la China, para rescatarlas, y trocarlas
por otras cosas. Yvan todos, assi hombres como
mugeres, y ninnos vestidos de camu9as muy buenas y
bien adobadas, y nuncapudieron los nuestros entender
que nacion era por falta de interprete que intendiesse
su lengua, aunque por sennas tratavan con ellos, a los
quales como les mostrassen algunas piedres de metal Metal rko.
rico, y les preguntassen si havia de aquello en su tierra :
Respondieron por las mesmas sennas que cinco dias de
camino de alii hazia el Poniente, avia de aquello en muy
gran cantidad, y que ellos los guiarian para alia, y se lo
mostrarian, como lo cumplieron despues, acompannan-
dolos por espacio de veynte y dos leguas, todas pobladas
de gente de su mesma nacion : a quien immediatamente
se seguia por el mesmo rio arriba otra de mucha mas
gente que la de la passada, de quien fueron bien recibidos,
y regalados con muchos presentes, especialmente de pes-
cado que havia infinite, a causa de unas lagunas grandes Otra pro-
que cerca de alii havia, que lo crian en la abundancia "'■'1^'^^^'
dicha. Estuvieron entre estos tres dias, en los quales a-;^XT
de dia, y de noche les hizieron muchos bayles a su "^
modo, con particular signification de alegria : no se supo
como se llamava esta nacion por falta de interprete,
aunque entendieron que se extendia mucho, y que era
muy grande. Entre estos hallaron un Indio Concho
de nacion, que les dixo, y sennalo, que quinze jornadas
de alii hazia el Poniente havia una laguna muy ancha, Laguna muy
y cerca della muy grandes pueblos, y casas de tres y ^^^^^•
quatro altos, y la gente bien vestida, y la tierra de muchos
bastimentos, el qual se offrecio de llevarlos alia, y hol-
garan los nuestros dello, y solo lo dexaron de poner en
effecto, pro proseguir el intento con que avian comen9ado
la Jornada, que era yr al Norte a dar socorro a los
Religiosos arriba dichos.
En esta Provincia lo que particularmente notaron fue, Muchos Me-
que havia muy buen temple, y muy ricas tierras, y mucha ^^^^^ ^'^^°^'
ca9a de pie y buelo, y muchos metales ricos, y otras
cosas particulares, y de provecho.
175
A.D.
1581-83.
Sal hlanca.
Rio Turbioso
del Norte.
Nuevo
Mexico.
[III. 386.]
Casas de
quatro altos.
Estafas.
Suelasdevaca.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Desta Provincia fueron siguiendo su derrota por
espacio de quinze dias, sin topar en todos ellos nin-
guna gente por entre grandes pinales de pinnas y pin-
nones, como los de Castilla : al cabo de los quales aviendo
caminado a su parecer ochenta leguas, toparon una
pequenna Rancheria, o pueblo de poca gente, y en sus
casas, que eran pobres, y de paja, gran cantidad de cueros
de venados tan bien ader9ados como los de Flandes, y
mucha sal blanca, y muy buena. Hizieronles muy buen
hospedaje dos dias que alii estuvieron, despues delos
quales los accompannaron como doze leguas a unas
poblaciones grandes, caminando siempre por el rio del
Norte ya dicho, hasta llegar a la tierra que llaman el
Nuevo Mexico. Estava toda la ribera del dicho rio llena
de grandissimas alamedas de alamos blancos y en partes
tomavan quatro leguas de ancho, y ansi mesmo de
muchos nogales, y parrales como los de Castilla. Avi-
endo caminado dos dias por estas alamedas, y noguerales,
toparon diez pueblos que estavan assentados en la ribera
del dicho rio por ambas partes, sin otros que se mostra-
van mas desviados, en los quales les parecio avia mucha
gente, y la que ellos vieron passavan en numero de diez
mil animas. En esta Provincia los regalaron mucho con
recebimientos, y con llevarlos a sus pueblos, donde les
davan mucha comida, y gallinas de la tierra, y otras cosas,
y todo con gran voluntad. Aqui hallaron casas de quatro
altos, y bien edificadas, y con galanos aposentos, y en
las mas dellas avia estufas para tiempo de invierno.
Andavan vestidos de algodon, y de cuero de venado, y el
traje, assi de los hombres, como de las mugeres, es al
modo del de los Indios del reyno de Mexico : y lo que
les causo mas estranneza, fue ver que todos ellos, y ellas
andavan cal9ados con 9apatos y botas de buen cuero con
suelas de vaca, cosa que hasta alii nunca la avian visto.
Las mugeres trayan el cabello muy peynado, y compu-
esto, y sin cosa sobre la cabe9a. En todos estos pueblos
avia Caciques que los governavan como entre los Indios
Mexicanos, con Alguaziles para executar sus mandami-
176
DISCOVERY OF NEW MEXICO ad.
1581-83.
entos, los quales van por el pueblo, diziendo a vozes
la voluntad de los Caciques, y que la pongan por obra.
En esta Provincia hallaron los nuestros muchos Idolos
que adoravan, y en especial que tenian en cada casa
un templo para el Demonio, donde le llevavan de ordi-
nario de comer, y otra cosa, que de la manera que entre
los Christianos tenemos en los caminos cruzes: assi
tienen ellos unas como capillas, altas, donde dizen,
descansa, y se recrea el Demonio, quando va de un
pueblo a otro : las quales estan muy adornadas y pintadas.
En todas las sementeras, o labran^as, que las tienen muy
grandes, tienen a un lado dellas un portal con quatro
pilares, donde comen los trabaj adores, y passan la siesta,
porque es la gente muy dada ala labor, y estan de ordi-
nario en elk : es tierra de muchos montes y pinales.
Las armas que usan son arcos muy fuertes, y flechas
con las puntas de pedernal con que passan una cota, y
macanas, que son unos palos de media vara de
largo, y llanos todos de pedernales agudos, que bastan
a partir por medio un hombre, y ansi mesmo unas como
adargas de cuero de vaca crudio. Cuerodevact
Prosiguese del Nuevo Mexico, y de las cosas que en
el se vieron.
DEspues de aver estado en esta Provincia quatro dias,
y a poca distancia toparon son otra, que se llamava
la Provincia de los Tiguas, en la qual avia diez y seys Tiguas.
pueblos : en el uno de los quales, llamado por nombre
Poala, hallaron que avian muerto los indios a los dichos Poala.
dos padres fray Francisco Lopez, y fray Augustin, a
quien yvan a buscar, y juntamene a tres muchachos, y
un mestizo. Quando los deste pueblo, y sus convezinos
vieron a los nuestros, remordiendo les la propria con-
sciencia, y temiendose que yvan a castigarlos, y tomar
vengan9a de las muertes de los dichos padres, no los
osaron esperar, antes dexando sus casas desiertas se
subieron a las sierras mas cercanas, de donde nunca los
pudieron hazer baxar, aunque lo procuraron con alagos y
IX 177 M
A.D.
1581-83.
Metaies muy
buenos.
Nueva
Fizcaya.
Nota diligen-
tissime.
Otra pro-
vinc'ia.
M'lnas ricas.
[III. 387.]
Quires,
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
mannas. Hallaron en los pueblos y casas muchos mante-
nimientos, y gran infinidad de gallinas de la tierra, y
muchas suertes de metaies, y algunos que parecian muy
buenos. No se pudo entender claramente que tanta
gente fuesse la desta Provincia, por causa de averse (como
ya dixe) subido a la sierra.
Aviendo hallado muertos a los que buscavan, entraron
en consulta sobre si se bolverian a la Nueva Vizcaya, de
donde havian salido, o passarian adelante : en lo qual uvo
diversos pareceres : pero como alii entendiessen, que a
la parte de Oriente de aquella Provincia, y muy distante
de alii havian grandes pueblos y ricos, hallandose alii
tan cerca, acordo el dicho Capitan Antonio de Espejo
de consentimiento de Religioso ya dicho, llamado fray
Bernardino Beltran, y de la mayor parte de sus soldados,
y companneros, de proseguir con el descubrimiento hasta
ver en que parava, para poder dar dello noticia cierta
y clara a su Megestad, como testigos de vista : y assi
conformes determinaron que quedandose alii el Real,
fuessen el Capitan con dos companneros en demanda de
su desseo, que lo pusieron por obra. Y a dos dias de
camino toparon con una Provincia donde vieron onze
pueblos, y en ellos mucha gente, que a su parecer passava
en numero de quarenta mil animas : era tierra muy fertil
y bastecida, cuyos confines estan immediatamente juntas
con las tierras de Cibola, donde ay muchas vacas, de cuyos
cueros se visten, y de algodon : siguiendo en la manera
del govierno el orden que guarden sus convezinos : ay
sennales de muchas minas ricas, y assi hallavan metaies
dellas en algunas casas de los Indios, los quales tienen,
y adoran Idolos : recibieronlos de paz, y dieron les de
comer. Visto esto, y la disposicion de la tierra, se
bolvieron al real de donde avian salido, a dar noticia a sus
companneros de todo lo sobredicho.
Llegados al Real (como esta dicho) tuvieron noticia
de otra Provincia, llamada los Quires, que estava el rio
del Norte arriba seys leguas de distancia, y como se
partiessen para alia, y llegassen una legua della, les
178
DISCOVERY OF NEW MEXICO ad.
1581-83.
salieron a receblr de paz mucha cantldad de Indies, y a
rogar que se fuessen con ellos a sus pueblos, que como
lo hiziessen, fueron muy bien recebidos y regalados.
Vieron solamente cinco pueblos en esta Provincia, en los
quales avia muy gran cantidad de gente, y la que ellos
vieron passava de quinze mil animas, y adoran Idolos
como sus vezinos. Hallaron en uno destos pueblos una
Urraca en una jaula, como se usa en Castilla, y tira
soles, como los que se traen de la China, pintados en
ellos el sol y la luna, y muchas estrellas. Donde como
tomassen la altura, se hallaron en treynta y siete grados
y medio debaxo del Norte.
Salieron desta Provincia, y caminando por el proprio
rumbo, y a catorze leguas, hallaron otra Provincia,
llamada los Cunames, donde vieron otros cinco pueblos, Cunames
y el principal dellos, y mas grande se llamava Cia, que ^^"f^^^-
era tan grande que tenia ocho plazas, cuyas casas eran
encaladas, y pintadas de colores, y mejores que las que
havian visto en las Provincias atras : parecioles que la
gente que vieron passavan de veynte mil animas : hizieron
presente a los nuestros de muchas mantas curiosas, y de
cosas de comer muy bien guisadas, y juzgaron ser la
gente mas curiosa, y de mayor policia, de quantas hasta Rkos metales.
alii havian visto, y de mejor govierno : monstraronles
ricos metales, y unas sierras alii cerca de donde de los
sacavan. Aqui tuvieron noticia de otra Provincia, que
stava hazia el Nordueste, que se determinaron de yr a
ella.
Como uviessen andado como seys leguas, toparon con
la dicha Provincia, que se llamava de los Ameies, en Jmeies.
la qual havia siete pueblos muy grandes, y en ellos a su
entender mas de treynta mil animas. Uno destos siete
pueblos dixeron era muy grande y hermoso, que le
dexaron de yr a ver, assi por estar detras de una sierra,
como por temor de algun ruyn successo, si a caso se
dividian los unos de los otros. Es gente al modo de
la Provincia su vezina, y tan abastada como ella, y de
tan buen govierno.
179
A.D.
1581-83.
15 Leguas.
Acoma.
Metales.
24 leguas.
Zunyo Cibola.
60 Jornadas.
Lago muy
grande mucho
oro.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
A quinze leguas desta Provincia, caminando slempre
hazia el Poniente, hallaron un pueblo grande llamado
Acoma, era de mas de seys mil animas, y estava essen-
tado sobre uno penna alta que tenia mas de cinquenta
estados en alto, no teniendo otra entrada sino por una
escalera que estava hecha en la propria penna, cosa que
admiro mucho alos nuestros : toda el agua que en el
pueblo avia era de cisternas.
Vinieron los principales de paz a ver a los Espan-
noles, y traxeron les muchas mantas, y camu^as muy
bien adere 9adaSj y gran cantidad de bastimentos. Tienen
sus sembrados dos leguas de alii, y sacan el agua para
regarlos de un rio pequenno que esta cerca, en cuya
ribera vieron muy grandes rosales como los de aca de
Castilla. Ay muchas sierras con sennales de metales,
aunque no subieron a verlo, por ser los Indios dellas
muchos, y muy bellicosos. Estuvieron los nuestros en
este lugar tres dias, en uno de los quales los naturales
les hizieron un bayle muy solenne, saliendo a el con
galannos vestidos, y con juegos muy ingeniosos, con que
holgaron en se estremo.
Veynte y quartro leguas de aqui, hazia el Poniente,
dieron con una Provincia, que se nombra en lengua de
los naturales Zuny, y la llaman los Espannoles Cibola,
ay en ella gran cantidad de Indios, en la qual estuvo
Francisco Vazquez Coronado, y dexo muchas Cruzes
puestas, y otras sennales de Christianidad que siempre
se estavan en pie. Hallaron ansi mesmo tres Indios
Christianos que se avian quedado de aquella Jornada,
cuyos nombres eran Andres de Cuyoacan, Caspar de
Mexico, y Antonio de Guadalajara, los quales tenian
casi olvidada su mesma lengua, y sabian muy bien la
delos naturales, aunque a pocas bueltas que les hablaron
se entendieron facilmente. De quien supieron que
sesenta jornadas de alii avia una laguna, o lago muy
grande, en cuyas riberas estavan muchos pueblos grandes
y buenos, y que los naturales tenian mucho oro, de lo
qual era indicion el traer todos braceletes y orejeras
180
DISCOVERY OF NEW MEXICO a.d.
1581-83.
dello : y que como el sobredicho Francisco Vazquez Coro-
nado tuviesse noticia muy cierta dello, havia salido desta
Provincia de Cibola para yr alia, y aviendo andado
doze jornadas le falto el agua, y se determino de bolver,
como lo hizo, con determinacion de tornar otra vez
mas de proposito a ello, que despues no lo puso en
execucion, porque la muerte le atajo los passos y pen-
samientos.
Prosigue del Nuevo Mexico.
A La nueva de la riqueza dicha, quiso a cudir el dicho
Capitan Antonio de Espejo, y aunque eran de su
parecer algunos de sus companneros, la mayor parte, y
el Religioso fue de contrario : diziendo, era ya tiempo de
bolverse a la nueva Viscaya de donde havian salido, a ^^ueva
dar cuenta de lo que avian visto : que lo pusieron por j^jj'^^'^gg -,
obra dentro de pocos dias la mayor parte, dexando al
Capitan, con nueve companneros que lo quisieron seguir :
el qual, despues de haverse certificado muy por entero
de la riqueza arriba dicha, y de mucha abundancia de
metales que en ello avia muy buenos, salio con los dichos
sus companneros desta provincia, y caminando hazia el
proprio Poniente, despues de haver andado veinte y ocho 28 Leguas.
leguas, hallaron otra muy grande, en la quel les parecio
havia mas de cinquenta mil animas, cuyos moradores
como supiessen su llegada, les embiaron un recado,
diziendo, que si no querian que los matassen, no se
acercassen mas a sus pueblos : a lo qual respondio el
dicho Capitan, que ellos no les yvan a hazer mal, como
lo verian, y que assi les rogavan no se pusiessen en
llevar adelante su intento, dando al mensajero algunas
cosas de las que llevava : el qual supo tan bien abonar
a los nuestros, y allanar los pechos alborotados de los
Indios, que les dieron lugar de voluntad para que en-
trassen, que lo hizieron con ciento y cinquenta Indios
amigos de la provincia de Cibola ya dicha, y los tres
Indios Mexicanos, de quien queda hecha mencion. Una
legua antes que llegassen al primer pueblo, les salieron a
Otra
Provincia.
I5I
A.D.
1581-83-
Zagtiato 0
Ahuatopuehlo.
Metales ricos.
La laguna
grande arriba
dicha.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
recebir mas de dos mil Indios cargados de bastimentos, a
quien el dicho Capitan dio algunas cosas de poco precio,
que a ellos les parecio ser de mucho, y las estimaron mas
que si fueran de oro. Llegando mas cerca del pueblo,
que se llamava Zaguato, salio a recebirlos gran muche
dumbre de Indios, y entre ellos los Caciques, haziendo
tanta demostracion de plazer y regozijo, que echavan
mucha harina de maiz por el suelo, para que la pisassen
los cavallos : con esta fiesta entraron en el, y fueron muy
bien hospedados, y regalados, que se lo pago en parte el
Capitan, con dar a todos los mas principales sombreros, y
quentas de vidrio, y otras muchas cosas que llevava para
semejantes ofFrecimientos.
Despacharon luego los dichos Caciques recados a todos
los de aquella Provincia, dandoles noticia de la venida de
los huespedes, y de como eran hombres muy corteses, y
no les hazian mal : lo qal fue bastante para hazer los
venir a todos cargados de presentes para los nuestros, y
de que los importunassen, fuessen con ellos a holgarse a
sus pueblos, que lo hizieron, aunque siempre con recado
de lo que podia succeder. Por lo qual el dicho Capitan
uso de una cautela, y fue dezir a los Caciques, que por
quanto los cavallos eran muy bravos, y les avian dicho
que los querian matar, seria necessario hazer un fuerte de
calicanto donde meter lospara evitar el danno que querian
hazer en los Indios. Creyeronlo los Caciques tan de
veras que dentro de pocas horas juntaron tanta gente que
hizieron el dicho fuerte que los nuestros querian con una
presteza increyble. Demas desto, diziendo el Capitan
que se queria yr, le traxeron un presente de 40. mil
mantas de algodon pintadas y blancas, y mucha cantidad
de pannos de manos con borlas en las puntas, y otras
muchas cosas, y entre elks metales ricos, y que mostravan
tener mucha plata. Hallaron entre estos Indios muy
gran noticia de la laguna grande arriba dicha, y con-
formaron con los otros en lo tocante a las riquezas, y
mucha abundantia de oro.
Fiado el Capitan desta gente, y de sus buenos animos,
DISCOVERY OF NEW MEXICO a.d.
1581-83.
a cordo a cabo de algunos dias de dexar alii cinco de sus
copanneros con los demas Indies amigos, para que se
bolviessen a la provincia de Zuny con el bagaje, y de yrse
el con los quatro que quedavan a la ligera en descubri-
mento de cierta noticia que tenia de unas minas muy
ricas. Lo qual puesto por obra se partio con las guias
que llevava, y como uviesse caminado hazia el proprio
Poniente quarenta y cinco leguas, topo con las dichas 45 Leguas.
minas, y saco con sus proprias manos riquissimos metales, ^m^^^^^'^^
y de mucha plata : y las minas, que eran de una veta
muy ancha, estavan en una sierra adonde se podia subir
con facilidad, a causa de haver para ello camino abierto.
Cerca delas avia algunos pueblos de Indios serranos que
les hizieron amistad, y los salieron a recebir con Cruzes
en las cabe9as, y otras sennales de paz. Aqui cerca
toparon dos rios razonables, a cuyas orillas havia muchas
patras de unas muy buenas, y grandes noguerales, y
mucho lino como lo de Castilla, y dixeron por sennas que '^^0 grandhsi-
detras de aquellas sierras estava uno que tenia mas de ^^^•
ocho leguas de ancho, pero no se pudo entender que tan
cerca, aunque hizieron demonstracion que corria hazia la
mar del Norte, y que en las riberas del de una y orta ^^^ ^^^
banda ay muchos pueblos tan grandes, que en su com- ^^^^^•
paracion a quellos en que estava eran barrios.
Despues de haver tomado toda esta relacion, se partio
el dicho Capitan para la Provincia de Zuny, adonde havia
mendado yr a los dichos companneros : y como llegasse
a ella con salud, haviendo ydo por muy buen camino,
hallo con ella a sus cinco companneros, y al dicho padre
Fray Bernardino con los soldados que se avian deter-
minado de bolver, como ya diximos, que aun no se avian
partido, por ciertas ocasiones: a los quales los naturales Zum,o Cibola.
havian hecho muy buen tratamiento, y dadoles todo lo
necessario muy complida mente, haziendo despues lo [III. 389.]
mesmo con el capitan, y los que con el venian, a quien
salieron a recebir con demonstracion de alegria, y dieron
muchos bastimentos para la Jornada que havian de hazer,
rogandoles que bolvissen con brevedad, y traxessen
183
A.D.
1581-83.
Sesenta leguas.
Huhates
Indios.
Minas muy
rkas. 25000.
Tamos.
40000.
T^ey returne.
Julio. 1583.
Rio de las
vacas.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
muchos Castillas (que assi llaman a los Espannoles) y que
a todos les darian de comer. Por lo qual para poderlo
hazer con comodidad avian sembrado a quel anno mas
trigo y semillas, que en todos los passados.
En este tiempo se retificaron en su primera deter-
minacion el dicho religioso, y los soldados arriba dichos,
y accordaron de bolverse a la provincia de donde avian
salido con el designio que queda dicho, a quien se junto
Gregorio Hernandez que avia sido Alferez en la Jornada :
los quales partidos, quedando el Capitan con solos ocho
soldados, se resolvio de seguir lo comen9ado y correr por
el Rio del Norte arriba, que lo puso por obra. Y
haviendo caminado como sesenta leguas hazia la provincia
de los Quires ya dicha, doze leguas de alii hazia la parte
del Oriente, hallaron una provincia que se llamava los
Hubates, donde los Indios los recibieron de paz, y les
dieron muchos mantenimientos, y noticia de que cerca de
alii havia unas minas muy ricas, que las hallaron, y
sacaron dellas metales reluzientes y buenos, con los
quales se bolvieron al pueblo de donde avian salido.
Juzgaron esta provincia por de hasta veynte y cinco mil
animas, todos muy bien vestidos de mantas de algodon
pintadas, y camu9as muy bien adere 9adas. Tienen
muchos montes de pinales y cedros, y las casas de los
pueblos son de quatro y cinco altos. Aqui tuvieron
noticia que otra provincia que estava una Jornada de alii,
que se llamava de los Tamos, en que havia mas de
quarenta mil animas, donde como llegassen no les
quisieron dar de comer los moradores della, ni admit-
irlos en sus pueblos : por lo qual, y por el peligro en que
estavan, y estar algunos soldados enfermos, y ser tan
pocos (como havemos dicho) se determinaron de yrse
saliendo para tierra de Christianos, y lo pusieron en
execucion a principio de Julio del anno de ochenta y
tres, siendo guiados por un Indio que se fue con ellos, y
los llevo por camino differente del que a la venida havian
traydo, por un rio abaxo, a quien llamaron de las vacas,
por aver gran muche dumbre dellas en toda su ribera, por
184
DISCOVERY OF NEW MEXICO
A.D.
1581-83.
C ten to y
z-eynte leguas.
Rio de los
Conchos.
donde caminaron ciento y veynte leguas, topando las
ordinariamente : de aqui salieron al rio de los Conchos
por donde avian entrado, y del al Valle de Sant
Bertholome de donde havian salido para dar principio
al descubrimiento : y ya quando llegaron, hallaron que
el dicho fray Bernardino Beltran, y sus companneros avian
llegado a salvamento al dicho pueblo muchos dias havia,
y que de alii se avian ydo a la villa de Guadiana. Hizo Guadiana.
en este pueblo el dicho Capitan Antonio de Espejo infor-
macion muy cierta de todo lo arriba dicho, laqual embio
luego al Conde de Corunna Virey de aquel Reyno, y el a
su Magestadj y a los Sennores, de su Real Consejo de las
Indias, para que ordenassen lo que fuessen servidos, que
lo han ya hecho con mucho cuydado. Nuestro Sennor se ISlota.
situa de ayudar este negocio, de modo que tantas almas
redemidas con su sangre no se condenen, de cuyos buenos
ingenios (en que exceden alos de Mexico y Peru, segun
se entendio de los que los trataron) se puede presumir,
abra^aran con facilidad la ley Evangelica, dexando la
idolatria, que agora la mayor parte dellos tiene : que
lo haga Dios como puede para honra y gloria suya,
y augmento de la sancta fe Catholica.
185
[A briefe
A.D.
1581-83.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
A briefe relation of two notable voyages, the
first made by frier Augustin Ruyz a Fran-
ciscan, in the yeere 1581: the second by
Antonio de Espejo in the yeere 1583: who
together with his company discovered a land
wherin they found fifteene provinces all full
of townes, conteining houses of foure and
five stories high, which they named New
Mexico ; for that in many respects it
resembleth the province of olde Mexico.
This land is situate to the North of Nueva
Espanna, and stretcheth from 24 to 34
degrees and better : by the which & by
other inhabited lands it is thought that men
may travell even to Terra de Labrador.
Taken out of the history of China written
by Frier Juan Gonzales de Mendo9a, and
printed in Madrid 1 586.
Have now declared in the title of this
present discourse, that in the yeere 1583
there were discovered fifteene provinces,
which the discoverers called New Mexico,
situate on the firme land of Nueva
Espanna, and I promised to give notice
of the sayd discovery, which I will do
with, as much brevity as is possible : for if I should
record at large all particulars which they saw and came
to the knowledge of, it would require a full history.
The first zm- The substance thereof is as followeth.
age made by In the yere of our Lord 1581 a certaine Franciscan
FrierAngustin frier called Augustin Ruiz which dwelt in the valley of
Ruix^ to the g^ Bartholomew, being informed by the report of certaine
^Tigiias^. ^ ^^ Indians called Conchos, which had dealings and con-
[III. 390.] versation with other of their neighbours called Pas-
186
DISCOVERY OF NEW MEXICO a.d.
1581-83.
saguates ; that toward the North, travelling alwayes by
land, there were certaine great townes not hitherto
knowen nor discovered by our Spanyards : mooved with
a zeale of charity, and a desire to save soules, craved
licence of the Conde of Corunna as then Viceroy of
Nueva Espanna, and of his superiours, to go to the sayd
townes, and to indevour to learne their language, and
having learned the same, to baptize them, and to preach
the holy Gospel unto them. After he had obteined
licence of the parties aforesayd, taking with him other
two companions of his owne order, and eight souldiers, The chiefe of
who of their owne good will offered to beare him ^^f^ ^ ^^^^"
11 1 ^ . . 1 . ^ , . . diers was
company, he departed to put m execution his Christian fj-ancisco
and zealous intent. Who after certeine dayes travell Sanchez
come unto a countrey called The province de los Tiguas XamwLcado
distant from the mines of Santa Barbara, from whence "-^'^^^^ ^^f-^ ^
they began their journey, 250 leagues towards the ^rovinces^^^
North : in which province the inhabitants, upon a cer- zvhich being
taine occasion, slew one of the sayd friers two companions, intercepted is
The souldiers that went with him seeing this mishap, <^^^^J°^^^'
and perceiving the successe, and likewise fearing, that yt^^ province
thereof might happen some greater danger, determined de los Tiguas
with a common consent to return unto the mines from distant 250
whence they departed : considering that their company i^^g^^^^'^^th-
was too small to resist the dangers that might happen, ^^ii'^Jlf^^^L
being so farre distant from the dwellings of the Span- Barbara.
yards, and from all necessary succour. But the two
friers which remained alive did not onely refuse their
determination, but rather seeing fit occasion to put their
good desire in execution, and so great a harvest ripe
for the Lords table, because they could not persuade the
souldiers to proceed any further in that discovery, re-
mained behinde in the sayd province with three
Indian boyes, and one Mestizo, whom they had caried
with them ; thinking that although they remained alone,
yet should they be there in securitie, by reason of the
great affability and love which the people of that place
shewed unto them.
187
A.D.
1581-83.
The mines of
S<2ntaBa?'bara
160 leagues
distant from
Mexico.
The second
voyage.
Las quatro
Cienegas in
the province
ofNueva Bis-
cay a 70
leagues from
the mines of
Santa Bar-
bara.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
The eight souldiers being returned to their wished
home, immediatly sent newes of all that had passed to
the Viceroy unto the city of Mexico, which is distant
from the sayd mines of Santa Barbara 160 leagues.
The friers of Sant Francis were very much agrieved
at the staying of their brethren behinde in the countrey,
and fearing least the Savages would kill them seeing
them left alone, they began to moove the minds of
certaine souldiers to make another voyage to the sayd
province in the company of another frier of the foresayd
Order called Frier Bernardin Beltran, to deliver the
aforesayd two religious men out of danger, and to
prosecute their former enterprise.
At the same time there was at the foresayd mines
upon some occasion a citizen of Mexico called Antonio
de Espejo, a rich man, and of great courage and industry,
and very zealous in the service of king Philip his
sovereine, and was borne in Cordova. Who understand-
ing the desire of the foresayd friers, and the importance
of the action, offered himselfe to go on that voyage, and
also to spend part of his substance, and to adventure his
life therein ; conditionally that licence might be granted
him to the same purpose from some person sufficiently
authorised by his Majestie. Which licence at the sayd
friers procurement was granted unto him by the governour
Juan de Ontiveros the kings Alcalde mayor or chiefe
Justice in the towns called Las quatro Cienegas situate
within the jurisdiction of Nueva Biscaya seventy leagues
from the sayd mines of Santa Barbara ; authorizing him
both to take in hand the sayd voyage, and also to
assemble such people and souldiers as he could, which
might accompany and ayde him in the performance of
this his Christian intent.
The sayd Antonio de Espejo was so earnest in this
matter, that in very few dayes he had gathered a company
of souldiers, and made provision of things necessary for
his voyage, spending therein a good part of his substance.
And he departed with his whole company from the valley
DISCOVERY OF NEW MEXICO a.d.
1581-83.
of S. Bartholomew the tenth of November 1582 ; taking Antonio de
with him (for whatsoever should happen) 1 1 5 horses and ^{/^^> his set-
mules, with great store of weapons, munition, and victuals, ^llf^^ji f^
and some Indians to serve him in his journey. S.Bartholo-
Directing his course toward the North, after two dayes mew the tenth
journey he met with great store of the foresayd Indians of 'November
called Conchos, which dwell in villages or hamlets of \^ j^' ,, ,
' . ^ Indians called
cottages covered with straw. Wno, so soone as they Conchos.
understood of his approch, having newes thereof long
before, came foorth to receive him with shewes of great
joy. The food of this people and of all the rest of that
province, which is great, are conies, hares, and deere
which they kill, of all which they have great abundance.
Also they have great store of Maiz or Indian wheat,
gourds, and melons very good and plentifull : and there
are many rivers full of excellent fish of divers sorts. Many rivers.
They goe almost naked, and the weapons that they use
are bowes & arrowes, and live under the government
and lordship of Caciques like those of Mexico : they
found no idols among them, neither could they under-
stand that they worshipped any thing, whereupon they
easily consented that the Spanyards should set up crosses, [III. 391.]
and were very well content therewith, after they were
informed by our friers of the signification thereof, which
was done by the interpreters that they caried with them ;
by whose meanes they understood of other townes,
whither the sayd Conchos did conduct them, and bare
them company above foure & twenty leagues, all which
way was inhabited with people of their owne nation :
and at all places where they came they were peaceably
received by advice that was sent by the Caciques from
one towne to another.
Having passed the foure and twenty leagues afore-
sayd, they came unto another nation of Indians called
Passaguates, who live after the maner of the foresayd Passaguates.
Conchos their borderers, and did unto them as the others
had done, conducting them forward other foure dayes
journey, with advice of the Caciques as before. The
189
1581-83.
Very great
and rich stiver
mines.
Tobosos.
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Spanyards found in this journey many mines of silver,
which according to the judgement of skilfull men, were
very plentiful! and rich in metall.
A dayes journey from thence they met with another
nation called Tobosos, who so soone as they beheld the
countenance of our people fledde unto the mountaines,
leaving their townes and houses desolate. Afterward wee
understood that certeine yeeres past there came unto that
place certaine souldiers to seeke mines, who caried away
captive certaine of the people of the countrey, which
caused the rest of them to be so shey and fearefull.
The captaine sent messengers to call them backe againe,
assuring them that they should not sustaine any harme,
and handled the matter so discreetly, that many of them
returned, whom he made much of, and gave them gifts,
using them kindly, and declaring unto them by the
interpreter, that their comming was not to hurt any
man : whereupon they were all quieted, and were content
they should set up crosses, and declare the mystery of
the same, making shew that they were highly pleased
therewith. For proofe whereof they accompanied them
on their voyage, as their neighbours had done, untill
they had brought them to a countrey inhabited by
another nation, which was distant from theirs some 12
leagues. They use bowes and arrowes and go naked.
The nation unto which the sayd Tobosos conducted
them, is called Jumanos, whom the Spanyards by another
name call Patarabueyes : their province is very great,
conteining many townes and great store of people : their
houses are flat-rooffed, and built of lime and stone, and
the streets of their townes are placed in good order.
All the men and women have their faces, armes and
legges raced and pounced : they are a people of great
stature, and of better government, then the rest which
they had scene in their former journeyes : and are well
provided of victuals, and furnished with plenty of wilde
Rio turbioso leasts, fowles and fishes, by reason of mighty rivers
del Norte. which come from the North, whereof one is as great as
190
Jumanos or
Patarabueyes.
DISCOVERY OF NEW MEXICO a.d.
1581-83.
Guadalquivir, which falleth into the North sea or bay of
Mexico. Here are also many lakes of salt water, which
at a certeine time of the yere waxeth hard, and be-
commeth very good salt. They are a warlike people,
and soone made shew thereof: for the first night that
our people incamped there, with their arrowes they slew
five horses, and wounded five other very sore, nor would
not have left one of them alive, if they had not beene
defended by our guard. Having done this mischiefe,
they abandoned the towne, and withdrew themselves to a
mountaine which was hard by, whither our captaine went
betimes in the morning, taking with him five souldiers
well armed, and an interpreter called Peter an Indian of
their owne nation, and with good persuasions appeased
them, causing them to descend to their towne and houses,
and persuading them to give advice unto their neighbours,
rhat they were men that would hurt no body, neither
came they thither to take away their goods : which he
obtained easily by his wisedome, and by giving unto the
Cagiques certeine bracelets of glasse beads, with hats and
other trifles, which he caried with him for the same
purpose : so by this meanes, and by the good intertein-
ment which they gave them, many of them accompanied
our Spanyards for certeine dayes, alwayes travelling along
the banke of the great river abovesayd ; along the which Rio del Norte.
there were many townes of the Indians of this nation,
which continued for the space of twelve dayes travel, all
which time the Cagiques having received advice from one to
another, came forth to interteine our people without their
bowes and arrowes, and brought them plenty of victuals,
with other presents and gifts, especially hides and
chamois-skins very well dressed, so that those of
Flanders do nothing exceed them. These people are
all clothed, and seemed to have some light of our holy
faith : for they made signes of God, looking up to-
wards heaven, and call him in their language Apalito, Apdlto.
and acknowledge him for their Lord, from whose
bountifull hand and mercy they confesse that they have
191
A.D.
1581-83.
[III. 392.]
Pamphilo de
Narvaex
entred into
Florida 1527
Rio del Norte.
Another
province.
Very great
quantity of
silver.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
received their life and being, and these worldly goods.
Many of them with their wives and children came unto
the frier (which the captaine and souldiers brought with
them) that hee might crosse and blesse them. Who
demanding of them, from whom they had received that
knowledge of God, they answered, from three Christians,
& one Negro which passed that way, and remained
certaine dayes among them, who by the signes which
they made, were Alvaro Nunnez, Cabe9a de Vaca, and
Dorantes, and Castillo Maldonado, and a Negro ; all
which escaped of the company which Pamphilo de
Narvaez landed in Florida ; who after they had bene
many dayes captives and slaves, escaped and came to
these townes, by whom God shewed many miracles, and
healed onely by the touching of their hands many sicke
persons, by reason wherof they became very famous in
all that countrey. All this province remained in great
peace and security ; in token whereof, they accompanied
and served our m^en certaine dayes, travelling along by
the great river aforesayd.
Within few dayes after they came unto another great
province of Indians, from whence they came forth to
receive them, upon the newes which they had heard
of their neighbors, and brought them many very curious
things made of feathers of divers colours, and many
mantles of cotton straked with blew and white, like
those that are brought from China, to barter & trucke
them for other things. All of them both men, women
and children were clad in chamois skinnes very good
and wel dressed. Our people could never understand
what nation they were for lacke of an interpreter : how-
beit they dealt with them by signes ; and having shewed
unto them certaine stones of rich metall, and inquired
whether there were any such in their countrey : they
answered by the same signes, that five dayes journey
Westward from thence there was great quantity therof,
and that they would conduct them thither, and shew
it unto them ; as afterward they performed their
192
DISCOVERY OF NEW MEXICO a.d.
1581.83.
promise, & bare them company 22 leagues, which was
all inhabited by people of the same nation.
Next unto the foresayd province they came unto Another pro-
another further up the great river aforesayd, being '''^^^^'
much more populous then the former, of whom they
were well received, and welcomed with many presents,
especially of fish, whereof they have exceeding great
store, by reason of certaine great lakes not far from Great lakes.
thence, wherein they are bred in the foresayd plenty.
They stayed among these people three dayes ; all which
time both day and night they made before them many
dances, according to their fashion, with signification of
speciall joy. They could not learne the name of this
nation for want of an interpreter, yet they understood
that it extended very farre, and was very great. Among
these people they found an Indian of the foresayd nation
of the Conchos, who told them, and shewed them by
signes, that fifteene dayes journey from thence toward
the West there was a very broad lake, and nere unto A mighty lake.
it very great townes, and in them houses of three or
foure stories high, and that the people were well ap-
parelled, and the countrey full of victuals and provision.
This Concho offered himselfe to conduct our men thither,
whereat our company rejoyced, but left off the enterprise,
onely to accomplish their intent for which they undertooke
the voyage, which was to go Northward to give ayd unto
the two friers aforesayd. The chiefe and principall thing
that they noted in this province was, that it was of very
good temperature, and a very rich soyle, and had great
store of wilde beasts, and wilde-fowle, and abundance
of rich metals, and other excellent things, and very pro- Rich metals,
fitable.
From this province they folowed their journey for the
space of fifteene dayes without meeting any people all that
while, passing thorow great woods and groves of pine IVoods of pine
trees bearing such fruit as those of Castile : at the end
whereof, having travelled, to their judgement, fourescore
leagues, they came unto a small hamlet or village of fewe
IX 193 N
trees.
A.D,
1581-83.
ISIew Mex'ia.
Woods of
poplar and
zvalnut trees.
Vines.
Houses of 1.
stories high.
[HI. 393-]
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
people, in whose poore cottages covered with straw they
found many deeres-skinnes as well dressed as those of
Flanders, with great store of excellent white salt. They
gave our men good entertainment for the space of two
dayes while they remained there, after which they bare
them company about twelve leagues, unto certaine great
townes, alwayes travelling by the river called Rio del
Norte abovesayd, till such time as they came unto the
countrey called by them New Mexico. Here all along
the shore of the sayd river grew mighty woods of poplar
being in some places foure leagues broad, and great
store of walnut trees, and vines like those of Castillia.
Having travelled two dayes thorow the said woods
of Poplar and Walnut trees, they came to ten townes
situate on both sides of the sayd river, besides others
which they might see further out of the way, wherein
there seemed to be great store of people, and those
which they saw were above ten thousand persons. In
this province they received them very courteously, and
brought them to their townes, whereas they gave them
great plenty of victuals and hennes of the countrey, with
many other things, and that with great good will.
Here they found houses of foure stories high, very
well built, with gallant lodgings, and in most of them were
Stooves for the Winter season. Their garments were
of Cotton and of deere-skinnes, and the attire both of
the mien and women is after the maner of the Indians
of the kingdome of Mexico. But the strangest thing
of all was to see both men and women weare shooes
and boots with good soles of neats leather, a thing
which they never sawe in any other part of the Indies.
The women keepe their haire well combed and dressed,
wearing nothing els upon their heads. In all these
townes they had Ca9iques which governed their people
like the Ca9iques of Mexico, with Sergeants to execute
their commandements, who goe thorow the townes pro-
claiming with a loud voice the pleasure of the Ca9iques,
commanding the same to be put in execution. In this
194
DISCOVERY OF NEW MEXICO a.d.
1581-83.
province our men found many idols which they wor-
shipped, and particularly they had in every house an
Oratory for the divell, whereinto they ordinarily cary
him meat : and another thing they found, that as it is an
use among the Christians to erect crosses upon the high
wayes, so have this people certaine high chapels, in which
they say the divell useth to take his ease, and to recreat
himselfe as he travelleth from one towne to another ;
which chapels are marvellously well trimmed and painted.
In all their arable grounds, whereof they have great
plenty, they erect on the one side a little cottage or shed
standing upon foure studdes, under which the labourers
do eat, and passe away the heat of the day, for they are
a people much given to labour, and doe continually
occupy themselves therein. This countrey is full of T'hese high
mountaines and forrests of Pine trees. The weapons ^^'^'^^^^^^^^[^
. , 1 1 , , , ^ . . a came of the
that they use are strong bowes and arrowes headed with coldnes of the
flints, which will pierce thorow a coat of male, and countrey,
macanas which are clubs of halfe a yard long, so beset
with sharpe flints, that they are sufficient to cleave a man
asunder in the midst : they use also a kinde of targets
made of raw hides.
Having remained foure dayes in this province, not The provmce
farre oiF they came to another called The province of ^f^iguas.
Tiguas conteining sixteene townes, in one whereof, called
Poala, they understood that the inhabitants had slaine the Poala,
two fathers aforesayd, to wit, frier Francis Lopez, and
frier Augustus Ruyz, whom they went to seeke, together
with the three Indian boyes, and the mestizo. So soone
as the people of this towne and their neighbours saw our
men there, their owne consciences accusing them, and
fearing that our men came to punish them, and to be
avenged of the death of the foresaid fathers, they durst
not abide their comming, but leaving their houses desolate
they fled to the mountaines next adjoyning, from whence
they could never cause them to descend, although our
men attempted the same by divers devises and entise-
ments. They found in the townes and houses good store
195
A.D.
1581-83.
Very rich and
good metall.
This draweth
toward Vir-
ginia.
Another pro-
vince.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
of victuals, with infinite number of hennes in the coun-
trey, and many sorts of metals, whereof some seemed
to be very good. They could not perfectly understand
what numbers of people this province might conteine,
by reason they were fled into the mountaines, as I
have sayd before.
Having found those to be slaine which they went to
seeke, they entred into consultation, whether they should
returne to Nueva Biscaya, from whence they came, or
should proceed further in their journey ; whereabout
there were divers opinions : howbeit, understanding there,
that toward the Orient or East parts of that province,
and very far distant from thence, there were great and
rich townes : and finding themselves so far on the way,
the sayd captaine Antonio de Espeio with the consent
of the foresayd frier called Frier Bernardine Beltran, and
the greater part of his souldiers and companions deter-
mined to proceed on the discovery, till such time as
they did see to what end it would come ; to the end
they might give certeine and perfect knowledge thereof
to his Majesty, as eye-witnesses of the same. And so
with one accord they determined, that while the army
lay still there, the captaine and two more of his company
should prosecute their desire, which they did accordingly,
dayes journey they came unto another
they found eleven townes, and much
which in their judgement were above
forty thousand persons. The countrey was very fertile
and plentifuU, whose confines bordered upon the territories
of Cibola, where there are great store of kine, with whose
hides and with cotton they apparell themselves, imitating
in the forme of their government their next neighbours.
In this place are signes of very rich mines, some quantity
of the metals whereof they found in the houses of the
Indians ; which Indians have and doe worship idols.
They received our men peaceably, and gave them victuals.
Having scene thus much, and the disposition of the
And within two
province, where
people in them,
countrey, they returned
to the
196
campe, from whence they
DISCOVERY OF NEW MEXICO ad.
1581-83.
departed, to informe their companions of the things above
mentioned.
Being returned to the campe they had intelligence of Quires border-
another province called Los Quires, which stood sixe ^^^jvJ;^/^''
leagues higher up the river called Rio del Norte. And
in their journey thitherward, being arrived within a league
of the place, there came forth very many Indians to
receive them in peace, requesting them to beare them com-
pany to their townes : which they did, and were marvellous
well interteined and cherished. In this province they
found five townes only, wherein were great store of
people, and those which they saw were above 14000
soules, who worship idols as their neighbours do. In
one of these townes they found a pie in a cage after
the maner of Castile, and certaine shadowes or canopies
like unto those which are brought from China, wherein
were painted the Sunne, the Moone, and many Starres.
Where having taken the height of the pole-starre, they
found themselves to be in 37 degrees and J of Northerly ^|^^^^ J^
latitude. ^ and a halfe.
They departed out of this province, and keeping still [III. 394.]
the same Northerly course, foureteene leagues from
thence they found another province called The Cunames, Cunames, or
where they saw other five townes, the greatest whereof P^^^"^^^-
was called Cia, being so large, that it conteined eight Cia a great
market-places, the houses whereof being plaistered and ^^^^'
painted with divers colours, were better then any which
they had seene in the provinces before mentioned : the
people which they heere saw, they esteemed to be above
twenty thousand persons. They presented to our men
many curious mantles, and victuals excellently well
dressed ; so that our men deemed this nation to be
more curious, and of greater civility, and better govern-
ment, then any other that hitherto they had seene. They
shewed them rich metals, and the mountaines also not Rich metals.
farre off whereout they digged them. Heere our people
heard of another province standing toward the Northwest,
whereunto they purposed to goe.
197
A.D.
1581-83.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Ame'ies, or
Emexes.
J coma or J CO
man a towne
conte'ining
above 6000
persons.
Having travelled about sixe leagues, they came to the
sayd province, the people whereof were called Ameies,
wherin were seven very great townes, conteining, to their
judgement, above thirty thousand soules. They reported
that one of the seven townes was very great and faire,
which our men would not go to see, both because it
stood behinde a mountaine, and also for feare of some
mishappe, if in case they should be separated one from
another. This people are like unto their neighbours of
the former province, being as well provided of all neces-
saries as they, and of as good government.
About fifteene leagues from this province, travelling
alwayes toward the West, they found a great towne called
Acoma, conteining above sixe thousand persons, and
situate upon an high rocke which was above fifty paces
hie, having no other entrance but by a ladder or paire
of staires hewen into the same rocke, whereat our people
marvelled not a little : all the water of this towne was
kept in cisternes. The chiefe men of this towne came
peaceably to visit the Spanyards, bringing them many
mantles, and chamois-skinnes excellently dressed, and great
plenty of victuals. Their corne-fields are two leagues
from thence, and they fetch water out of a small river
nere thereunto, to water the same, on the brinks whereof
they saw many great banks of Roses like those of Castile.
Here are many mountaines that beare shewes of mettals,
but they went not to see them, because the Indians
dwelling upon them are many in number, and very
warlike. Our men remained in this place three dayes,
upon one of the which the inhabitants made before them
a very solemne dance, comming foorth in the same with
gallant apparell, using very witty sports, wherewith our
men were exceedingly delighted.
Twenty foure leagues from hence toward the West,
they came to a certaine province called by the inhabitants
ZiinyorSunne. themselves Zuny, & by the Spanyards Cibola, containing
great numbers of Indians ; in which province Francisco
Vazquez de Coronado had bene, and had erected many
Signes of
metals.
DISCOVERY OF NEW MEXICO a.d.
1581-83.
crosses and other tokens of Christianity, which remained Vasque-z de
as yet standing. Heere also they found three Indian '^°^°^^^^° ^'5;
Christians which had remained there ever since the said [. ,^
journy, whose names were Andrew de Culiacan, Caspar
de Mexico, and Antonio de Guadalajara, who had almost
forgotten their owne language, but could speake that
countrey speech very well ; howbeit after some small
conference with our men, they easily understood one
another. By these three Indians they were informed,
that threescore dayes journey from this place there was a
very mighty lake, upon the bankes whereof stood many ^ mighty lake
great and good townes, and that the inhabitants of the ^° daiesjour-
same had plenty of golde, an evident argument wherof '^q-J^i^
was their wearing of golden bracelets & earrings : and Plenty of golde.
also that after the sayd Francis Vasquez de Coronado
had perfect intelligence thereof, hee departed out of
this province of Cibola to goe thither, and that having
proceeded twelve dayes journey, he began to want water;
and thereupon determined to returne, as he did indeed,
with intention to make a second voyage thither at his
better opportunity ; which afterward he performed not,
being prevented of his determined journey by death.
Upon the newes of these riches the sayd Captaine
Antony de Espeio was desirous to go thither ; and though
some of his companions were of his opinion, yet the
greater part and the frier were of the contrary, saying
that it was now high time to returne home unto New
Biscay from whence they came, to give account of that
which they had scene : which the sayd greater part within
few dayes put in execution, leaving the captaine with
nine companions onely that willingly followed him : who
after hee had fully certified himselfe of the riches above-
sayd, and of the great quantity of excellent mettals that Another
were about that lake, departed out of this province of mlghtie pro-
Cibola with his companions ; and travelling directly toward ^^"«^'^ ^'?{^-
the West, after hee had passed 28 leagues, he found "^fj^fCihola
^1 . ^ . . . , ^ . ^ . 28 leagues.
another very great provmce, which by estimation con- called Mo-
teined above 50000 soules : the inhabitants whereof hotT^e.
199
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1581-83.
assoone as they understood of their approch, sent them
word, upon paine of death to come no neerer to their
townes : whereto the captaine answered, that their
[III. 395.] comming was in no wise to hurt them, as they should
well perceive, and therefore requested them not to molest
him in his intended voyage, and withall gave to the
messenger a reward of such things as they brought with
them : who thereupon made so good report of our
people, and so appeased the troubled minds of the
Indians, that they granted them free accesse unto their
townes, and so they went thither with 15. Indians their
friends of the province of Cibola aforesaid, and the three
Mexican Indians before mentioned. When they were
come within a league of the first towne, there came forth
to meete them above 2000. Indians laden with victuals,
whom the Captaine rewarded with some things of small
value, which they made great accom.pt of, and esteemed
more precious then gold. As they approched neere
Zaguato, or unto the towne which was named Zaguato, a great
Ahuato a multitude of Indians came forth to meete them, and
among the rest their Ca9iques, with so great demonstration
of joy and gladnes, that they cast much meale of Maiz
upon the ground for the horses to tread upon : with
this triumph they entred the towne, where they were very
wel lodged and much made of, which the Captaine did in
part requite, giving to the chiefest among them hats,
and beads of glasse, with many such trifles, which he
caried with him for the like purpose. The said Caciques
presently gave notice to the whole province of the arrival
of these new guests, whom they reported to bee a
courteous people, and such as offered them no harme :
which was occasion sufficient to make them all come
laden with presents unto our people, and to intreat them
to goe and make merry with them in their townes ;
which they yeelded unto, though alwayes with great
J zvttty pohctc foresight what mig^ht follow. Whereupon the Captaine
to 06 used b\ ... . .
the Endishin ^sed a certaine policie, making the Caciques beleeve,
like cases. that forasmuch as his horses were very fierce (for they
200
DISCOVERY OF NEW MEXICO a.d.
1581-83.
had told the Indians that they would kill them) there-
fore it was necessary to make a Fort of lime and stone
to inclose them, for the avoyding of such inconveniences
as otherwise might happen unto the Indians by them.
This tale was so stedfastly beleeved by the Caciques,
that in five houres they assembled such store of people
together, that with incredible celeritie they built the
said Fort which our men required.
Moreover, when the Captaine saide that he would
depart, they brought unto him a present of 40000.
mantles of cotton, both white and of other colours,
and great store of hand-towels, with tassels at the
corners, with divers other things, and among the rest
rich mettals, which seemed to holde much silver. Rich metals.
Among these Indians they learned very much con-
cerning The great Lake aforesaide, whose report agreed
wholly with the relation of the former, as touching the
riches and great abundance of gold about that lake. Great abm-
The Captaine reposing great confidence in this people ^^^''^^ ^J Z^^'^-
& in their good disposition toward him determined
after certaine dayes, to leave there five of his com-
panions with the rest of his Indian friends, that they
might returne with his cariages to the province of Zuni,
while himselfe with the foure other which remained
should ride in post to discover certaine very rich Mines,
whereof he had perfect information. And putting this
his purpose in execution he departed with his guides,
and having traveiled due-west 45. leagues he came unto
the said Mines, and tooke out of the same with his Exceedlngnch
owne hands exceeding rich metals holding great quantitie ^^^^/ ^^
of silver : and the mines which were of a very broad
veine were in a mountaine whereon they might easily
ascend, by reason of an open way that led up to the
same. Neere unto these mines were certaine townes
of Indians dwelling upon the mountaines, who shewed
them friendship & came forth to receive them with
crosses on their heads, and other tokens of peace. Here-
about they found two rivers of a reasonable bignesse,
201
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1581-83.
upon the banks whereof grew many vines bearing excel-
lent grapes, and great groves of walnut-trees, and much
A mighty ^ flaxe like that of Castile: and they shewed our men by
River of eight sig^^s, that behinde those mountaines there was a river
rumhsilo- ^bout 8. leagues broad, but they could not learne how
zvard the neere it was : howbeit the Indians made demonstration
ISlorth sea. that it ran towards the North sea, and that upon both
Perhaps this gides thereof stood many townes of so great bignesse, that
tnmJuChese- ^^ comparison thereof those wherein they dwelt were but
piouk bay, or small hamlets.
into the great After he had received all this information, the said
lakeofTadoac. Captaine returned toward the province of Zuni, whither
he had sent his said companions : and being arrived there
in safety, having travailed upon a very good way, he
found in the same place his 5. companions, & the said
father Frier Bernardin Beltran, with the souldiers which
were determined to returne, as is aforesaid, but upon
certaine occasions were not as yet departed : whom the
inhabitants had most friendly intreated, & furnished with
all things necessary in abundance, as afterward likewise
they used the Captaine, and those that came with him,
comming foorth to meete them with shew of great joy,
and giving them great store of victuals to serve them in
their journey homewards, and requesting them to returne
againe with speed, and to bring many Castilians with them
(for so they call the Spaniards) to whom they promised
food sufficient. For the better performance whereof they
sowed that yeere more graine and other fruits, then they
had done at any time before.
[III. 396.] At this present the Frier and souldiers aforesaid
resolved themselves in their former determination, &
agreed to returne unto the province from whence they
came with intention before mentioned, to seek the two
Friers that were slaine, to whom also Gregorio Hernan-
dez who had bene standard-bearer in the journey, joyned
himselfe. Who being departed, the Captaine accom-
panied onely with 8. souldiers, determined to prosecute
his former attempt, & to passe up higher the saide river
202
DISCOVERY OF NEW MEXICO ad.
1581-83.
called Rio del Norte, which he did accordingly. And
having traveiled about 60. leagues toward the province 60. Leagues.
of the Quires aforesaid, 1 2 leagues from thence toward
the Orient or East they found a province of Indians
called Hubates, who received them peaceably, and gave Hubates.
them great store of victuals, informing them also of
very rich Mines which they found, whereout they got ^^p' ^'^'^h
glistering & good metal, and therewith returned to the ^^^^■^•
towne from whence they came. This province contained
by their estimation 25000. persons all very well apparel-
led in coloured mantles of cotton, and Chamois-skins
very well dressed. They have many mountaines full
of Pines and Cedars, and the houses of their townes are Houses 0/^.
of 4. and 5. stories high. Here they had notice of ^-nd five stories
another province distant about one dayes journey from ^^ '
thence inhabited by certaine Indians called Tamos, and Tamos.
containing above 40000. soules : whither being come the
inhabitants would neither give them any victuals, nor
admit them into their townes : for which cause, and in
regard of the danger wherein they were, and because
some of the souldiers were not well at ease, and for that
they were so fewe (as we have said) they determined Thelrretume.
to depart thence, and to returne toward the land of the
Christians, which they put in execution in the beginning
of July 1583, being guided by an Indian that went with
them, who led them another way then they went forth by,
downe a river, which they called Rio de las vacas ; that ^^'^ de las
is to say. The river of oxen, in respect of the great ''^'^'^^^'
multitudes of oxen or kine that fed upon the bankes
thereof, by the which they traveiled for the space of
120. leagues, still meeting with store of the said cattell. no. Leagues.
From hence they went forward to the river of Conchos
by which they entered, and thence to the valley of S.
Bartholomew, from whence they first entered into their
discoverie. Upon their comming thither they found that
the said Frier Bernardin Beltran and his company were
safely arrived at the said towne many dayes before, &
were gone from thence to the towne of Guadiana. In Guadiana.
203
A.D.
1581-83.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
this towne the foresaid captaine Antony de Espejo made
most certaine relation of all that is aforesaid, which
relation presently hee sent unto the Conde of Corunna
Vizroy of Nueva Espanna, who sent the same to his
Majestie, & to the Lords of his royal counsel of the
Indies, to the end they might take such order as they
thought best, which they have already performed with
great care and circumspection.
Almighty God vouchsafe his assistance in this busines,
that such numbers of soules redeemed by his blood may
not utterly perish, of whose good capacitie, wherein they
exceed those of Mexico and Peru (as we be given to
understand by those that have delt with them) we may
boldly presume that they will easily embrace the Gospel,
and abandon such idolatrie as now the most of them doe
live in : which Almightie God graunt for his honour and
glory, and for the increase of the holy Catholique faith.
A letter of Bartholomew Cano from Mexico the
30. of May 1590. to Francis Hernandes of
Sivil, concerning the speedy building of tv^^o
strong Forts in S. John de UUua, and in Vera
Cruz, as also touching a notable new and rich
discovery of Cibola or New Mexico 400.
leagues Northwest of Mexico.
T may please you Sir, to be advertised
that I have received your letters, whereby
I understand that our ship with the
treasure is safely arrived, God be praised
therefore. The frigate arrived here in
safetie which brought the letters of
^ Advise from the King to the Viceroy.
She arrived in S. John de UUua the 29. of May, &
departed from S. Lucar in Spaine the 6. of April. By
which his Majestie writeth unto the Viceroy, what time
the Fleete shall depart from hence, and what course they
shall take, not as they had wont for to do ; by reason that
204
BARTHOLOMEW CANO ad.
1590.
there are great store of men of war abroad at the sea,
which meane to encounter with the Fleete. I pray God
sende them well to Spaine : for here wee were troubled
very sore with men of warre on this coast. His Majestic
hath sent expresse commandement unto the Marques of T'he marques
Villa Manrique his cosen, Viceroy of Nova Hispania, that ^f^^^^^ .^^«-
immediatly upon sight of his letters he shal command ^ofNomHu-
to be builded in S. John de Ullua, & in Vera Cruz two pai^ia.
strong Forts for the defence of these countries, of his
Majesties charges : And that there shalbe garisons in
both the Forts for the defence of the ships which ride
there, and for the strength of the countrey.
There are departed out of Mexico and other townes
hereabout by the commaundement of the Viceroy 500.
souldiers Spaniards, under the conduct of Rodorigo del
Rio the governour of Nueva Biscaia which are gone to [HI. 397.]
win a great City called Cibola, which is 400. leagues ':>^^- ^P^^^'^-
beyond Mexico to the Northwest, and standeth up in ^^'^'•'^^^f
,''.,,^., ' ,.i conquer the
the maine land. It is by report a very great citie, as great citie of
bigge as Mexico, and a very rich countrey both of golde Cibola which
Mines and silver Mines : and the King of the countrey ^/ 400-
is a mighty King, and he will not become subject to ^M^^^ico^^mh
his Majestie. There were certaine Spaniards sent to zvestward.
that king from the Viceroy in an ambassage : It is
thought that they are slaine, for v/e can here no
newes of them.
The other newes that I can certifie you of at this
instant is, that there is a Judge of the city of Guadala-
jara called don Nunno de villa Inscensia lately maried.
Also the kings Atturney of Guadalajara maried his
daughter of 8. yeres old with a boy of 12. yeres old.
But the Viceroy saith that he hath a warrant from his
Majestie, that if any Judge whatsoever dwelling in that
kingdome of Guadalajara should mary any sonne in
that jurisdiction, that then the said Viceroy is to deprive
him of his office. And therfore he went about to
deprive the Judge & the kings Attourney of their
offices. Whereupon the people of that province would
205
A.D.
1590.
A dangerous
rebellion in
Guadalajara
a province of
Nova His-
pania.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
not thereunto consent, nor suffer them to be dismissed
of their offices, nor to be arrested, nor caried prisoners
to Mexico. When the viceroy had intelligence thereof,
& that the Countrey did resist his commandement, and
would not suffer them to be apprehended, he sent
certaine Captaines with souldiers to goe and apprehend
the Judge, the kings Attourney, and as many as did
take their parts. So the citizens of Guadalajara with-
stood the viceroies forces, & put themselves in defence ;
and are up in armes against the viceroy : yet they do
not rebel against the king, but say : God save king
Philip, and wil submit themselves to his Majestie, but
not to the viceroy. So that all the kingdome of Guadala-
jara is up in armes, and are all in a mutinie against us
of Mexico. I beseech Almighty God to remedy it, and
that it may be qualified in time : or else all Nova Spania
wil be utterly spoiled. I write this thing, because it is
publiquely knowen in all places. And thus I rest, from
Mexico the 30. of May 1590.
Bartholomew Cano.
The first and second discovery of the gulfe of
California, and of the Sea-coast on the North-
west or back side of America, lying to the
West of New Mexico, Cibola and Quivira,
together with Sir Francis Drakes landing and
taking possession upon Nova Albion in the
behalfe of the Crowne of England, and the
notable voyage of Francis Gaule ; Wherein
amongst many other memorable matters is set
downe the huge bredth of the Ocean sea from
China and Japan to the Northwest parts of
America, in the 38. and 40. degrees.
A relation of the discovery, which in the Name
of God the Fleete of the right noble Fernando
Cortez Marques of the Vally, made with three
206
A.D.
1539-
FRANCIS DE ULLOA
ships; The one called Santa Agueda of 120.
tunnes, the other the Trinitie of 35. tunnes,
and the thirde S. Thomas of the burthen of
20. tunnes. Of which Fleete was Captaine
the right worshipfull knight Francis de Ulloa
borne in the Citie of Merida. Taken out of
the third volume of the voyages gathered by
M. John Baptista Ramusio.
Chap. I.
Francis Ulloa a captaine of Cortez departeth with a Fleet
from the port of Acapulco, and goeth to discover
unknowen lands, he passeth by the coast of Sacatula
and Motin, and by tempest runneth to the river of
Guajaval, from whence he crosseth over to the haven
of Santa Cruz, along the coast whereof he discovereth
3. smal Hands, and within two dayes and an halfe
returning to the maine land he discovereth the river
called Rio de san Pedro y san Pablo, and not far
distant from thence two other rivers as big or greater
then that of Guadalquivir which runneth by Sivil,
together with their head-springs.
E imbarked our selves in the haven of Acapuko hi
Acapulco on the 8. of July in the yeere ^7; ^^gr^es of
of our Lord 1539, calling upon almighty ^^^^^^^'^•
God to guide us with his holy hand unto
such places where he might be served,
and his holy faith advanced. And we
sailed from the said port by the coast
of Sacatula and Motin, which is sweete and pleasant The coast of
throup^h the abundance of trees that grow thereon, and ^^catuk and
rivers which passe through those countreis, for the which
wee often thanked God the creatour of them. So sailing
along we came to the haven of S. lago in the province
of Colima : but before we arrived there, the maine mast
of our ship called Santa Agueda was broken by a storme
of winde that tooke us, so as the ship was forced to [III. 398.]
207
Motin.
S. lago de
Colima.
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
^539.
saile without her mast until we arrived in the said haven.
From the port of Acapulco to this haven of Colima wee
were sayling the space of 20. dayes. Here wee stayed
to mende our mast and to take in certaine victuals,
water, and wood, the space of 27. dayes. And wee
departed from the saide haven the 23. of August, and
The hies of sayling by the Isles of Xalisco the 27. or 28. of the
Xaasco. saide moneth wee were taken with an extreame tempest
wherein wee thought we should have perished, and
being tossed and weather-beaten, wee ranne as farre as
Guajaval. the river of Guajaval in the Province of Culiacan. In
this storme wee lost the pinnesse called Sant Thomas,
and because wee had lost her wee crossed over to the
Santa Crux, port of Santa Cruz in California : for while wee were
^^^j[i.^^!^^^f so beaten in the former tempest, the pilot of the
Barke signified unto us, that he perceived she beganne
to leake, and that already she had received in much
water, insomuch that she beganne to founder: where-
upon, to helpe her neede, and that wee might meete
together in a knowen haven, if by chance the tempest
should separate us, as it did indeed, we willed him to
repaire to the haven of Santa Cruz, where we meant
to repaire his harmes and our owne. Wherefore being
all arrived in this place of Santa Cruz, wee stayed there
five dayes and tooke in water, wherein we heard no
newes of our Barke which we had lost : Whereupon the
Captaine resolved to follow on our voyage; wherefore
we set saile the 12. of September, and as wee sailed wee
Three Hands, saw along the coast of the saide haven 3. Islands, where-
of the Captaine made no great accompt, thinking there
coulde be no great good found in any of them. These
Islands seemed not to be great ; wherefore he commanded
the Masters and pilotes to proceed on their voyage,
and not to leese time without any profit. So sailing
over the gulfe of California, in two dayes and an halfe
Rio de san we came to the river of S. Peter and S. Paul, finding
p^f? "^ ^^^ before we entred into the same a small Island in the
mouth of the River, being 4. or 5. miles distant from
208
FRANCIS DE ULLOA ad.
1539-
the maine. On both sides of this River wee beheld
goodly and pleasant great plaines full of many greene
and beautifull trees, and farther within the land we
beheld certaine exceedino^ h'lsh. mountaines full of woods
very pleasant to beholde. From this River wee sailed
still along the coast the space of 15. leagues, in which
course wee found two other Rivers in our judgement Two great
as great or greater then Guadalquivir the River of ''^^'^''^•
Sivilia in Spaine. Al the coast by these Rivers is plaine
as the other which we had passed, with many woods :
likewise within the lande appeared great mountaines
covered with woods very beautifull to beholde, and
beneath in the plaine appeared certaine lakes of water.
From these Rivers we sailed 18. leagues, and found
very pleasant plaines, and certaine great lakes whose Certaine great
mouthes opened into the Sea : here our Captaine thought ^' "'
good throughly to discover what those lakes were, and
to search whether there were any good haven for his
ships to ride in, or to harbour themselves, if any tempest
should arise ; and so hee commaunded a boat to be
hoised out into the Sea, with a Master and five or sixe
men to view them, and to sound the depth, and botom
of them : who went thither, and found the coast very
sholde, and the mouthes of the lakes ; whereupon they
made no accompt of them, onely because the shore was
so shallow, for otherwise the land was very pleasant.
Here at evening we saw on the shore 10. or 12. Indians
and fires. The aforesaide two Rivers are two leagues
distant the one from the other little more or lesse, and
are great, as I have saide, and being in the last of them
v/e went up to the ship-top, and saw many lakes, and
one among the rest exceeding great, and wee supposed
that they had their springs out of this great lake, as
other Rivers also have from other lakes, for wee sawe the
course of them severally each by themselves, having
goodly woods growing all along their bankes. The cur-
rents of these Rivers might be discerned three leagues
within the Sea : and at the mouthes of them were many
IX 209 . o
runneth
Nortkzva?'d.
T
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539-
small stakes set up for markes : the shore here is plalne
and sandie, and the countrey very pleasant.
Chap. 2.
Sailing along the coast from the two aforesaid great
Rivers, they discover three mouthes of lakes and a
goodly Countrey, they come unto Cabo Roxo, and
take possession of those countreys for the Emperours
Majesty. A discourse of the faire havens that are
on those coastes, and of very many Islands which
they saw, before they came to the Cape called Capo
de las Plaias.
His day wee sailed along the coast the space of
1 6. leagues, and in the midst of this voyage there
is a Bay very faire of 4. or 5. leagues, having certaine
bankes or fences in it, in beholding whereof we tooke
great pleasure. The night following we road in 20.
The coast fadome water. The next day we followed our voyage
toward the North, and having sailed 3. or 4. leagues
we saw 3. mouthes of lakes which entered into the
land, where they became like standing pooles. Wee
road a league distance from these mouthes in 6. fadome
water, to see what they were, and sent our boat with
certaine men, to see if there were any entry for our
[III. 399.] ships : for halfe a league from shore we had not past
one or two fadome water. Here our men saw 7. or 8.
Indians, and found sundry sorts of greene herbes some-
what differing from those of Nueva Espanna. The
Countrey is plaine, but farre within land they saw great
and small hils extending themselves a great way, and
being very faire and pleasant to behold. The day
following we proceeded on our voyage, sayling alwayes
in sight of the plaine coast toward the Northwest, in
10. or 15. fadome water. And having sailed 6. good
leagues we found a Bay on the coast within the land
of about 5. leagues over, from whence the coast trended
Northwest, and this day we sailed about 16. leagues.
All this coast is plaine, and not so pleasant as that which
210
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1539-
we had passed : here are certaine small hilles, but not
so high as those which we had found before. Thus we
sailed all night Northwest, and until the next day at
noone, at which time we fell with a headland of white
sand, where by the height which we tooke that day we
found our selves to be in the latitude of 27. degrees and
£. This cape we called Capo Roxo. All the coast is Capo Roxo.
plaine and faire and cleane sand, and we saw within
land some few trees not very great, with certaine moun-
taines & woods 3. or 4. leagues distant from the said
cape : and here likewise appeared a mouth of a river,
which (as far as we could discerne) made certaine lakes
up within the land : from the mouth whereof for the
space of a league into the sea it seemed to be very
sholde, because the sea did breake very much. Here
we saw within the land 3. or 4. rivers. In this sort
we sailed on our voiage to the Northward, & because T^he coast
we had not good weather we road that nip^ht in a 2:reat ^^^^f^
. , . 9 , , ^ ^ horthzvard.
haven lying in our way, where on the shore wee saw
certaine plaines, and up within the land certaine hilles
not very high : and continuing our course toward the
North about 3. leagues from this haven we found an
Hand of about one league in circuite lying before the
mouth of the said haven. And sailing forward we found
an haven which hath two mouthes into the Sea, into
which we entered by the Northermost mouth, which hath
10. or 12. fadome water, & so decreaseth till it come
to 5. fadome, where we anckered in a poole which the
Sea maketh, which is a strange thing to beholde, for
there are so many entrances & mouths of streames
and havens, that we were all astonied at the sight
thereof; and these havens are so excellently framed by
nature, as the like are not to be scene in the world,
wherein we found great store of fish. Here wee
anckered, and the Captaine went on shore, and tooke
possession, using: all such ceremonies as thereunto belong. _. ,.
XT 1 r 1 • 1 r 1 J Tishtns,weares
Here also wee round certaine weares to catch nsn made ^j^^ ^^^^^ ^jr
by the Indians, and certaine small cottages, wherein were Virginia.
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539-
divers pieces of earthen pots as finely made as those in
Spaine. Here by commandement of the Captaine a Crosse
was erected upon an hill, and it was set up by Francis
Preciado. In this place we saw the Countrey full of
fresh and greene grasse, howbeit differing from that of
New Spaine, and up within the Countrey wee saw many
great and very greene mountaines. This Countrey
seemed very goodly and delightsome to all of us, in
regard of the greennesse and beautie thereof, and we
judged it to be very populous within the land. From
this haven we departed and kept our way toward the
Northwest with good weather, and began to finde hard
by the sea-shore exceeding high mountaines spotted with
white, and in them we saw many foules which had
their nestes in certaine holes of those rocks, and sailed
lo. leagues until night, all which night we were be-
calmed. The next day we followed our course Northwest
with good weather : and from that day forward we began
to see on the Westerne shore (whereon the foresaid
haven of S. Cruz standeth) certaine Islands or high
lands, whereat we rejoyced not a little. And so sayling
Jn Island. forward we met with an Island about two leagues in
bignesse, and on the East shore having still the maine
land and Islands in sight, we sailed 15. leagues until the
evening, alwayes finding hard by the sea-coast exceeding
high mountaines bare of trees, the land appearing still
more plainely unto us on the Westerne shore. Where-
Some take the upon wee began to be of divers opinions, some thinking
land of Call- ^^^^ ^j^-g ^oast of Santa Cruz was a firme land, and
nothinz but *^^^ ^^ joyned with the continent of Nueva Espanna,
Islands. Others thought the contrary, and that they were nothing
else but Islands, which were to the Westward. And
in this sort we proceeded forward, having the land on
both sides of us, so farre, that we all began to wonder
at it. This day we sailed some 15. leagues, and called
this Cape Capo de las Plaias.
FRANCIS DE ULLOA ad.
1539-
Chap. 3.
Of the Straight which they discovered on the coast of
Capo de las Plaias, and of the pleasant Countrey
which they found before they came to the rockes
called Los diamantes. Of the wonderfull whitenesse
of that Sea, and of the ebbing and flowing thereof:
and of the multitude of Islands and lands, which
extend themselves Northward from the haven of
Santa Cruz.
THe day folowing we sailed until night with so good
weather, that we ran about 20. leagues. All this
coast along the shore is full of little hilles without grasse
or trees : and that night we anckered in 20. fadome [III. ±00.]
water. The next day we followed our voyage beginning
to saile before breake of day Northwestward, and we
came into the midst of a Streight or mouth which was ^ Streight of
12 leagues broad from one land to the other, which V"' H^^T^
Streight had two Hands in the midst thereof being 4. ceeding depth.
leagues distant the one from the other : and here we
discerned the countrey to be plaine, and certaine moun-
taines, & it seemed that a certaine gut of water like
a brooke ran through the plaine. Tiiis streight (as far
as we could perceive) was very deep, for we could finde
no botome : and here we saw the land stretching afarre
off from the one shore to the other, and on the Westerne
shore of the haven of S. Cruz, the land was more high
with very bare mountaines. The day following we
passed on our way toward the North, and sailed some The Streight
15. leagues, and in the midst of our way we found a
circuit or bay of 6. leagues into the land with many
cooves or creeks, and the next day following continuing
our course we sailed some 10. leagues, and the coast
in this dayes journey was all of high mountaines naked
and bare without any tree. It is very deepe hard by
the shore, and that night we were constrained to stay
by reason of the contrary winde. The next morning
before breake of day we sailed still along the coast to
213
here runfieth
Northa-ard.
mantes.
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539-
the Northwest until evening, and ranne about some 15.
leagues. All along this shore wee sawe very goodly
mountaines within the land, and many plaines and downes
with some few trees, & the sea shore was all sandy. In
^mall rocks ^ the midst of this dayes course we found certaine small
ca Jed Los Din- fockes in the sea 4. leagues distant from the maine, were
the said land maketh a great point into the sea, and here
we stayed the rest of the night, where we had a very
great shower of raine. The day following we proceeded
on our voyage, and sailed untill night by a compasse or
turning, some 8. or 9. leagues, and saw within land a
few mountaines having no trees upon them, but the
Sunne shining alwayes very cleare, as farre as wee could
descry, they were very great, on the Westerne shore of
the haven of Santa Cruz. Here we stayed all night
because we found very shallow water and sawe the sea
very white, and in a maner like to chalke, so that we all
beganne to marveile thereat. The day following wee
went forward againe along the coast Northwestward, and
sailed eight leagues, and saw another land which stretched
Northwest, and was full of high mountaines. And still
continuing this course we searched very diligently to see
if there were any passage through betweene both the
landes, for right forward wee sawe no land. And thus
sayling wee alwayes found more shallow water, and the
Sea thicke, blacke, and very muddie, and came at length
into five fadome water ; and seeing this, wee determined
to passe over to the land which wee had scene on the
other side, and here likewise wee found as little depth
and lesse, whereupon we rode all night in ^y^ fadome
water, and wee perceived the Sea to runne with so great a
rage into the land, that it was a thing much to be
marveilled at, and with the like fury it returned backe
againe with the ebbe ; during which time wee found 11.
fadome water, and the flood and ebbe continued from
sixe to sixe houres.
The day following the Captaine and Pilote went up
to the shippes top, and sawe all the lande full of sand in
214
FRANCIS DE ULLOA ad.
1539-
a great round compasse, and joyning it selfe with the
other shore, and it was so low, that whereas wee were a
league from the same wee could not well discerne it,
and it seemed that there was an inlet of the mouthes
of certaine lakes, whereby the Sea went in and out.
There were divers opinions amongst us, and some thought
that that current entered into those lakes, and also that
some Prreat River there mig^ht be the cause thereof. And
when we could perceive no passage through, nor could
discerne the countrey to be inhabited, the Captaine
accompanied with certaine of us went to take possession
thereof. The same day with the ebbe of the Sea wee fell
downe from the other coast from the side of Nueva
Espanna, though alwayes we had in sight the firme land
on the one side of us, and the other Islands on our left
hande, on the side of the port of Santa Cruz situate on
the Westerne shore : for on that side there are so many
Islands and lands, so farre as we could descry, that it
was greatly to be wondered at : for from the said haven
of Santa Cruz, and from the coast of Culiacan we had
alwayes in a maner land on both sides of us, and that so
great a countrey, that I suppose if it should so continue
further inwarde, there is countrey ynough for many yeeres
to conquer. This day wee had the winde contrary, and
cast ancker until the flood increased, which was in the
afternoone, and then wee set saile likewise with contrary
winde untill midnight, and then cast ancker.
The next day wee departed, shaping our course along
the coast Southwest, untill midnight with little winde,
and wee sawe within the land high mountaines with some
openings, and wee made way some three leagues, and all
the next night wee were becalmed, and the next day we
continued our course but a little while, for we sailed not
above five leagues, and all the night were becalmed, and
sawe the lande full of bare and high mountaines, and on
our left hande wee descried a plaine countrey, and saw
in the night certaine fires.
[Chap. 4
215
A.D.
^539-
[III. 401.]
Burning
mouniaines.
Abundance of
Seaks.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Chap 4.
They land upon an Island to discover the same, and
there they see many fires, which issue out of
certaine mountaines, and many Seale-fishes. Here
they take an Indian, and can not understand his
language. Running along they discover another
Island, and take possession therof for the Emperours
Majestie, and a great haven in the firme land, which
they call Ancon de Sant Andres, or The haven of S.
Andrew.
THe next day following our course we saw a great
haven with an Hand in the sea, within a crosse-bow
shoote of the firme land, and in this Island and on the
firme land were scene many smokes by the judgement of
all the company ; wherefore the captaine thought good
that wee should goe on land to know the certainty of
these smokes and fires, himselfe taking ten or twelve of
us with a boate in his company : and going on shore in
the Island, we found that the smokes proceeded out of
certaine mountaines and breaches of burned earth, where-
out ascended into the aire certaine cinders and ashes
which mounted up to the middle region of the aire, in
such great quantitie, that we could not esteeme lesse then
twenty lodes of wood to bee burned for the causing of
every of those smokes, whereat wee were all not a little
amazed.
In this Island were such abundance of Scales, as it
was wonderful. Here we stayed that day, and killed a
great number of these Seals, with whom we had some
trouble : for they were so many, and ayded one another
so well, that it was strange to behold ; for it fell out, that
while we were occupied in killing some of them with
staves, they assembled twentie or thirty together, and lifting
themselves up assayled us with their feete in a squadron,
and overthrew two or three of our company on the
ground : whereupon letting goe those which they had in
their hands, they and the others escaped us and went into
216
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1539^
the sea, howbeit wee killed good store of them, which
were so fatte as it was wonderfull : and when we opened
some of them to have their livers, we found certaine
small blacke stones in their bodies, whereat wee much
marveiled. The next day wee rode at anker here for
lacke of good weather to sayle withall : whereupon the
Captaine determined to goe on shore with nine or ten
in his company, to see whether there were any people
there, or any signe of people that had bene there, and
they found on the maine land seven or eight Indians like
to Chichimecas, which were gone a fishing, and had a raft ^ ^^ft °f
of canes ; who so soone as they espied us ranne away ^^'^^^'
and betooke themselves to flight, but being pursued by
us, in the end we tooke one of them, whose language
was so strange that wee could by no meanes understand
him ; his clothing was nothing at all, for he was starke
naked. These people caried their water in bottels made ^^^^^^^ tf
of beasts skins, they fished with hookes of bone, and wee ^ffVii^^
found good store of their fishes, whereof we tooke three of bone.
or foure dozen.
The Indian which we had taken seeing himselfe in our
hands did nothing but weepe, but the Captaine called
him, and made much of him, giving him certaine beades,
with a hat and certaine hookes of ours, and then let him
goe. And it seemed that after hee was returned to his
companions, he declared unto them how we had done
him no harme at all, shewing them the things which we
had given him : whereupon they also determined to come
unto us to our boate, but because it was now night, and
that our shippes were farre from us, we forced not to stay
for them, especially because it was a bad place and a
dangerous. This countrey hath on the sea-coast high
and bare mountaines with certaine grasse in some places
like unto our broomes, or like unto woods of rosemary.
The next day wee sayled neere to the coast on the
same side, with very scarce winde, and in a manner
calme, and ranne not above five leagues, and all the
night following we lay becalmed, and we saw on the
217
A.D.
1539'
Ancon de S.
AndreSyOrThe
haveji ofS.
Andrew in 3 2
degrees.
[III. 402.J
Tzco Indians
of exceeding
huge stature.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
shore five or sixe fires. The land is high with very
high mountaines without grasse, having certaine caves
in them : the next day also, and part of the night
followinor we were becalmed : and the morow after we
followed our course along the sayd coast, and passed
betweene a great Island full of exceeding high moun-
taines, and the maine land, where we saw a very great
haven in the firme land in which wee ankered to see
what it was, and being come to an anker, the Captaine
and some of us went on land the same day to see if there
were any people and fresh water, and wee found certaine
small cottages covered with drie grasse, with certaine
little staves layd overthwart, and we went a little way
into the countrey which was very baren, by certaine small
and streight pathes, and found a little pond or pit, but
drie and without water ; and here the Captaine tooke
possession for the Marques of the valley in the name of
his Majestie, and after this we returned to our ship, and
that night we sawe foure or five fires on the land. The
next day the Captaine determined, because hee had
scene these fires, to goe on shore, and so with our two
boates we went fifteene or twenty of us unto certaine
crooked strands two leagues from the place where our
ships rode, and where we had scene the fires, and we
found two Indians of exceeding huge stature, so that
they caused us greatly to wonder ; they caried their
bowes and arrowes in their hands, and as soone as
they saw us leap on shore they ran away, and wee
followed them unto their dwellings and lodgings, which
were certaine cottages and bowers covered with boughs,
and there we found great and small steps of many
people, but they had no kind of victuals but onely
cuttle-fishes which wee found there. The countrey
toward the sea side seemed but barren, for we saw
neither trees nor greene grasse there, yet were there
certaine smal pathes not well beaten, and along the
sea-coast we saw many tracts of dogges, hares, and
conies, and in certaine small Islands neere unto the
218
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1539-
maine we saw Seale-fishes. This haven is called Ancon Ancon de Sam
de Sant Andres. ^''^'''^
Chap. 5.
They discover a mountainous Island very great, and
neere unto it certaine other Islands with a goodly
greene and pleasant countrey. They have sight of
certaine Indians in Canoas of canes, whose language
sounded like the Flemish tongue, with whome they
could not have any traffique.
THe next day we proceeded on our voyage, sayling
betweene the maine and an Island, which we suppose ^ great
to be in circuit about a hundreth or eighty leagues, ^^^^^^'
sayling sometimes within one, and sometimes within two
leao^ues of the maine. The soile of this Island is of
certaine mountaines not very steepe with caves in
them, and as farre as wee could descrie by the coast,
there appeared no signe of any plaine countrey. Here
from this day forward wee began to bee afraid, con-
sidering that we were to returne to the port of Santa
Cruz ; for it was supposed, that all along this mighty
gulfe from the entrance in at Culiacan until the
returning backe unto the said haven, was all firme
land, and also because wee had the firme land alwayes
on our right hand and it goeth round circle-wise unto
the sayd haven ; but many thought and hoped that
we should finde some mouth or out-let, whereby wee
might passe through unto the other coast. What our
successe was we will declare in the relation following.
The next day being Thursday wee sayled with scant ^% retume
winde, for it was almost calme, and passed beyond -^^^^ ^f^i^^^'jf
that great Island, having firme land alwayes on our o/oalifolnia
right hand, and coasting (as I sayd) very neere unto
it. The next day likewise we sayled with little winde,
it being in a manner calme, and passed neere unto
the shore by certaine round baies, and certaine points
which the land made, which was pleasant to behold
being somewhat greene, and there seemed to be some
219
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
^539-
creeke there. This Friday at night wee sayled alto-
gether with a fresh gale, and at breake of day wee
Another were betweene the maine land, and an Island on our
Island, jg£^ hand, which v/as somewhat big, as farre as we could
discerne. There was a great bay in the firme land,
and before it was a point which stretched farre into
the sea. The firme land seemed to bee much fresher
and pleasanter then those lands which we had passed,
having many bankes and hilles of indifferent height,
and beautifull to behold.
The countrey (as farre as wee could discerne) was so
pleasant and delightfull, that wee all desired to goe on
shore, and to search up into it two or three dayes
journey, to see whether it were inhabited or not.
Wee saw within the land of that bay two fires. The
night following being Saturday we sailed continually
with a prosperous and fresh gale, and the wind was so
great that we drew our bonet to our maine sayle, and
sayled so till the morning.
On Sunday the twelfth of October we found our
selves altogether inclosed with land, on the right hand
with the maine, which compassed us before and behinde,
and on the left hand with an Island of a league and
a halfe ; and betweene the maine and the Island in
the midst of the sea there lay a small Islet, and also
betweene the sayd maine and the Island there were
two mouthes, through which there appeared a passage
whereby afterward we passed through. This maine was
much more fresh and greene then the other which wee
had passed, and had certaine plaines and points of
mountaines of pleasant view, and full of greene grasse.
Here all this night we saw two or three villages
which were very great, and at breake of day we saw
a Canoa or boate made of canes, which came from the
land out of a creeke, and wee stood still untill it came
neere unto us in the ship, and they began to speake
in their language which no man understood, whose
pronuntiation was like to the Flemings, and being
220
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1539.
called they returned with great haste unto the shore,
and we were very sory because our boate had not
followed them.
Here happened unto us a very strange thing, which
was, that as this Indian returned to the shore in [III. 403.]
certaine of these creekes where a number of his fellow
Indians were, as wee viewed that part, we sawe five
Canoas issue foorth, which came toward us : where-
upon wee stayed to see what they would doe. In the
meane while our Admirall came up unto us, which
was neere the shore, for she also had scene them, and
so being come together we cast anker, expecting what
those Canoas would doe. In the meane while our
Generall commanded us to make ready our boate, and
to furnish the same with oares and men, to trie if
we could by any meanes take some of them, that
we might come to some knowledge of them, and
that wee might give them some of our trifles, and
specially of our hookes and beads to winne their friend-
ship. The Indians with their five Canoas approched
within one or two stones cast of us, and then began
to speake very loude unto us in a very strange lan-
guage, alwayes standing upon their guard to retire
themselves with speede. When our Captaine saw this,
and that they would not come neere us, but rather
retired, he commanded sixe mariners to goe into the
boate from the sterne of the ship, and himselfe also
went with them with all possible haste toward the
Indians. The Indians returned to the shore with so
great celeritie, that they seemed to flie in those little
Canoas of canes. Neverthelesse our men used such
diligence that one of the Canaos was boorded &
taken ; but the Indian in the Canoa seeing himselfe
now taken leapt into the water, and our men followed
with their boat to take him, but seeing himselfe
within their reach, he ducked with his head under
their boate, and so deceived them, and then rose up
againe, and with their oares and with staves they gave
221
A.D. THE ENGLISH V^OYAGES
1539-
him certaine blowes, to amaze him, but nothing would
serve them ; for as they were about to lay handes
upon him hee still dived under water, and with his
hands and feete got neere to the shore : and as he
rose up above the water, hee called to his felowes
which stood on the shore to behold, crying Belen
with a loud voyce, and so they pursued him, and
strooke him sometimes being very neere the shore,
and he alwayes went calling the rest of his fellowes
to come and helpe him, whereupon within a short
while after three other Canoas came foorth to succour
him, being full of Indians with bowes and arrowes
in their handes, crying with a loude voyce, that wee
should come on shore : these Indians were of great
stature and salvage, fat also and well set, and of a
browne colour. Our Captaine perceiving this, least
they should wound any of our people with their
arrowes, returned backe, and commanded us immediately
to set sayle, and so foorthwith wee departed.
This day the wind skanted, and we returned to anker
in the foresayd place, and our Admirall rode from the
firme land toward the Island, and wee which were in
the ship called The Trinitie lay neere unto the maine,
and before breake of day wee departed with a fresh gale.
And before we disemboqued out of that chanell we saw
certaine grasse very high and greene upon the maine :
whereupon a mariner, and the Pilot went up into the top,
and saw the mouth of a river which ranne through that
greene countrey into the sea. But because our Admirall
was under all her sayles farre from us, we could not tell
Port Belen a them of this river, where wee would have taken water,
very good whereof we had some neede, and because it was a very
aven. good haven to goe on shore to take it, and therefore
without watering we followed our course. On munday
we departed from this haven which is like unto a lake,
for on all sides we were compassed with land, having
the continent before, behinde us, and on our right side,
and the Island on our left side, and we passed foorth
222
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1539
at those mouthes beforementioned, which shewed an
out-let into the open sea. Thus wee sayled along still
viewing the situation of the countrey, rejoycing all of
us at the sight thereof, for it alwayes pleased us more
and more, still appearing more greene and pleasant, and
the grasse which wee found neere unto the shore was
fresh and delectable, but not very high, being (to all
our judgements) not past a spanne long. Likewise the
hilles which wee saw, which were many, and many
downes made a very pleasant prospect, especially be-
cause we judged, that there were many valleys and
dales betweene them.
Chap. 6.
They discover a very great bay with foure small Islands
in it, whereas they take possession. As they sayle
along and discover divers Islands they come at length
to the port of Santa Cruz, where not being able to
get any knowledge of those Indians, although they
lay in waite for them at a place called The well of
Grijalva, they departed thence. They have a perilous
and long tempest, which ceased, after they had scene
a light on their shrowdes.
AT our comming out of these openings we began to ^ great
iinde a Bay with a very great haven, environed with "'^'^^^^
divers small hilles having upon them greene woods and
pleasant to behold. In this bay and strand were two [III. 404.
small Islands neere unto the shore, one of the which
was like unto a table about halfe a league in bignes,
and the other was a round hill almost as big as the
former. These Islands served us onely to content our
sight, for we passed by them without staying, having
but a slacke wind on Munday morning : all which day
we followed our course with the foresayd slacke winde,
and within a while after it became flat contrary, so that
we were constrained to anker at the sayd point of the
sayd haven ; and on Tewesday at breake of day we
set sayle, but made but little away all the day, because
223
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539-
the winde continued contrary, although but very weake.
The night following wee were becalmed a little beyond
the point of this haven ; but about midnight wee began
to have a fresh gale, and on Wednesday in the morning
wee were seven leagues distant from that point. This
countrey shewed (as it was indeede) more plaine then the
rest, with certaine small woody hilles, and within the
other point which was before descried, the situation
seemed to be more pleasant and delightsome then the
rest which we had passed. And at the uttermost end
of the point were two small Islets. The sayd Wednes-
day about nine of the clocke the winde blew a good
gale, and we sayled by evening between seven and eight
leagues, and came over against a land not very high,
where wee saw certaine creekes or breaches not very
ragged, into every of which a river seemed to fall,
because the soyle was very greene, and had certaine
trees growing on it farre bigger then those which we
had found before. Here the Captaine with five or sixe
men went on shore, and taking possession passed up
one of those rivers, and found the footing of many
Indians upon the sand. On the bankes of that river
they saw many fruitful trees, as cherry-trees and little
apple-trees, and other white trees : they found also in
the wood three or foure beasts called Adibes, which
are a kind of dogs. The same night wee set sayle
with the winde off the land, which blew so freshly, that
it made us to strike our foresayle ; and on the sixeteenth
of October at nine of the clocke we came neere unto
a point of certaine high mountaines, on which day being
Thursday we made little way, because the winde ceased,
but it rose againe in the night, whereupon by the breake
of day on Friday wee came before the sayd point being
sixe or seven leagues off. The land seemed to bee very
mountainous with certaine sharpe points not greatly clad
with grasse, but somewhat bare. On our left hand wee
saw two Islands, the one of a league and a halfe, the
other not so much, and it seemed that we drew neere
224
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1539-
to the port of Santa Cruz, whereat we were sory, because
we were alwaies in good hope to find some out-let into
the maine Ocean in some place of that land, and that
the same port was the same out-let, and also that by
the sayd coast we might returne to the foresayd haven
of Santa Cruz, and that we had committed a great error,
because we had not certainely sought out the secret,
whether that were a Streit or a river, which wee had
left behind us unsearched at the bottome of this great
sea or gulfe.
All Friday and the night following we sayled with a
scant winde, and on Saturday at breake of day we were
betweene two points of land which make a bay, wherein ^ hay with 4
we saw before and behinde foure or five great and small ^^ 5 l^l^^ds.
Islands. The land was very mountainous, part wherof
was covered with grasse, and part was voide. Within
the land appeared more mountaines and hils, and in this
place we were come neere unto the haven of Santa Cruz,
which is all firme land, except it be divided in the very
nooke by some streite or great river which parteth it
from the maine, which because we had not throughly
discovered, all of us that were imployed in this voyage
were not a little grieved. And this maine land stretcheth
so farre in length, that I cannot well expresse it : for
from the haven of Acapulco, which standeth in seven-
teene degrees and twenty minutes of latitude, wee had
alwayes the coast of the firme land on our right hand, un-
till we came to the great current of the white & red sea : This current
and here (as 1 have said) we knew not the secret of this ^^/^ ^^5%
current, whether it were caused by a river or by a streit : ^^^ ^^J ^white
and so supposing that the coast which wee had on our and red,
right hand was closed up without passage, wee returned
backe againe, alwayes descending Southward by our
degrees, untill wee returned unto the sayd haven of This returne
Santa Cruz, finding still along the coast a goodly and ^^ mentioned
pleasant countrey, and still seeing fires made by the ^^^" ^*
Indians, and Canoas made of Canes. We determined
to take in fresh water at the haven of Santa Cruz, to
IX 225 p
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539-
runne along the outward Westerne coast, and to see
what it was, if it pleased God. Here we rested our
selves, and eat of the plummes and fruits called Pithaias :
They arrive and wee entred into the port of Santa Cruz on Sunday
at the haven ^^ jg ^f October and stayed there eight daies to take
Crux ^ ^^^ wood and water resting our selves all that while, that
our men might strengthen and refresh themselves. Our
captaine determined to divide amongst us certain gar-
ments of taffata, with clokes and saies, and a piece of
taffata, and likewise ordained, that wee should goe on land
to catch a couple of Indians, that they might talke with
our interpreter, and that we might come to the knowledge
of their language. Whereupon thirteene of us went out
[III. 405.] of our ship by night, and lay in ambush in a place which
is called The well of Grijalva, where we stayed untill
noone betweene certaine secret wayes, and could never
see or descrie any one Indian : wherefore wee returned
The Spaniards to our ships, with two mastive-dogs which we caried with
use masttves ^g ^-q catch the Indians with more ease : and in our
returne we found two Indians hidden in certaine thickets,
which were come thither to spie what wee did : but
because wee and our dogs were weary, and thought
not on them, these Indians issued out of the thickets,
and fled away, and wee ranne after them, and our
dogges saw them not : wherefore by reason of the
Reade more of thicknes of the wilde thistles, and of the thornes and
these staves bryars, and because we were weary, we could never
cap. 10. overtake them : they left behinde them certaine staves
so finely wrought that they were very beautifull to
behold, considering how cunningly they were made with
a handle and a corde to fling them.
The nine and twentieth of October being Wednesday,
we set sayle out of this haven of Santa Cruz with little
winde, and in sayling downe the chanell our shippe called
the Trinitie came on ground upon certaine sholdes : this
was at noone at a low water, and with all the remedy
that we could use wee could not draw her off, where-
upon wee were constrained to underprop her, and to stay
226
to take the
Indians.
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
^539-
the next tide : and when the tide began to increase wee
used all diligence to draw her off, and could not by any
meanes, whereat all the company and the Captaine were
not a little grieved : for wee thought wee should have
lost her there, although wee ceased not with all our
might to labour with both our boates, and with our
cable and capsten. In the ende it pleased God about
midnight at a full sea with the great force which
wee used to recover her, that wee drew her off the sand,
for which we gave God most hearty thankes, and rode
at anker all the rest of the night, wayting for day-light
for feare of falling into any further danger or mishap.
When day was come, wee set forward with a fresh gale,
and proceeded on our voyage, directing our prows to
the maine sea, to see whether it would please God to
let us discover the secret of this point. But whether it
pleased not his great goodnesse, or whether it were for
our sinnes, wee spent eight dayes from this port, before
we could double the point, by reason of contrary winds,
and great raine, and lightning and darknesse every night :
also the windes grew so raging and tempestuous, that they
made us all to quake, and to pray continually unto God
to ayde us. And hereupon wee made our cables and
ankers ready, and the chiefe Pilot commanded us with all
speede to cast anker, and in this sorte we passed our
troubles : and whereas wee rode in no securitie, he caused
us foorthwith to weigh our ankers, and to goe whither
the wind should drive us. And in this sorte wee spent
those eight dayes, turning backe by night the same way
that wee had gone by day, and sometimes making good in
the night that which we had lost in the day, not without
great desire of all the company to have a winde which
might set us forward on our voyage, being afflicted with
the miseries which wee indured by reason of the thunders,
lightnings, and raine, wherewith we were wet from toppe
to toe, by reason of the toyle which we had in weighing
and casting of our ankers, as neede required.
And on one of these nights, which was very darke
227
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539-
and tempestuous with winde and raine, because we
thought we should have perished, being very neere the
shore, we prayed unto God that he would vouchsafe to
ayde and save us without calling our sinnes to remem-
brance. And straightway wee saw upon the shrowdes of
the Trinity as it were a candle, which of it selfe shined,
and gave a light, whereat all the company greatly rejoyced,
in such sort that wee ceased not to give thankes unto God.
Whereupon we assured our selves, that of his mercie
hee would guide and save us, and would not suffer us
to perish, as indeede it fell out ; for the next day wee
had good weather, and all the mariners sayd, that it
was the light of Saint Elmo which appeared on the
shrowdes, and they saluted it with their songs and
prayers. These stormes tooke us betweene the Isles of
Saint lago and Saint Philip, and the Isle called Isla de
perlas lying over against the point of California sup-
posed to be firme land.
Chap. 7.
Sayling on their way they discover a pleasant Countrey,
and in their judgement greatly inhabited, and finde
the Sea-coast very deepe. They went to discover or
viewe the Isle of perles. And by a current one of
their ships is separated from the other, and with great
joy after three dayes they had sight again of her, and
following their voyage they discover certaine great,
greene, and pleasant plaines.
WE began to sayle along the coast the seventh or
eight of November, the land alwayes shewing very
greene with grasse pleasant to behold, and certaine plaines
neere the shore, and up within the countrey many
[III. 406.] pleasant hils replenished with wood, and certaine valleys,
so that wee were delighted above measure, and wondered
at the greatnes and goodly view of the countrey : &
every night we saw fires, which shewed that the countrey
is greatly inhabited. Thus we proceeded on our voyage
untill the tenth of the sayd moneth of November, having
228
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1539-
alwayes the coast of the maine Ocean on our right hand, From hence
and the farther we sailed, wee alwayes found the countrey firzvard the^
more delightsome and pleasant, as well in beholding the ^^^^^^.^^ ^^.
greennes therof, as also in that it shewed certaine plaines backside of
and deepe valleys, through which rivers did fall downe California.
into the land, within certaine mountaines, and hilles full
of great woods which were not very high, and appeared
within the countrey. Here we were 54 leagues distant
from California little more or lesse, alwayes toward the California.
Southwest, seeing in the night three or foure fires, where-
by it appeareth that the countrey is inhabited, and full of
people, for the greatnes of the countrey argueth no lesse :
and we supposed that there must needs bee great townes
inhabited within the land, although in this poynt we were
of divers opinions. The sea is so deepe on all this coast
that we could scarce find ground in 54 fadomes. On the
greatest part of the coast there are hilles of very white
sand, and it seemeth to be a dangerous coast, because of
the great and swift tides which goe there, for the sand
sheweth so much for the space of ten or twelve leagues,
for so the Pilots affirmed. This day being Saturday
the winde increased, and wee had sight of the Isle oi Islade perks.
pearles, which on this side of the gulfe appeareth with
a deepe valley all covered over with trees, and sheweth
much fairer then on the other side, and wee entred into
the Porte of Santa Cruz. From the ninth of November
to the fifteenth we sayled not above tenne leagues, be-
cause we had contrary winds, and great showres : and
besides this we had another mischance which did not a
little grieve us : for wee lost company of the ship
called The Trinitie, and could never see her for the
space of three dayes, whereupon wee suspected that
shee was returned home unto New Spaine, or that she
was severed from our company : wherefore we were
grieved out of measure to see our selves so left alone,
and the Captaine of all others was most sad, though
he ceased not to encourage us to proceede on our
voyage, saying that notwithstanding all this wee ought
229
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539-
not to leave off this enterprise which we had begunne,
and that though we were left alone we should deserve
the greater commendation and credite : whereupon wee
all answered him, that wee would not have him thinke
that any of us would ever be discouraged, but that we
would follow him untill hee should thinke it reason-
able that we should not proceede any further in the
enterprise, and that we were in danger of perishing, and
that untill then wee would bee at his commandement :
but withall we perswaded him that after he had scene
any great difficulty to proceede any further, he should
doe well to returne backe to make relation of our
successe to the R. H. lord the Marques de valle.
Hereupon he made an Oration unto us wherein he
told us, that he could not beleeve, much lesse could
imagine, wherefore the shippe called the Trinitie should
returne into Newe Spaine, nor why she should willingly
depart from us, and goe unto any other place, and that he
thought by all reason, that some current had caried her
out of our sight, and that through contrary weather and
tempests she could not fetch us up, and that notwith-
standing all that which we had done in the voyage, he
had an instruction, that if by chance we were separated
one from the other, wee were to take this course to meete
againe together, namely to returne backe eight or tenne
leagues to seeke one another, beyond certaine head-lands
which lay out into the sea, and that therefore we should
doe well to returne to seeke her up. This sentence
pleased us all, and so returning to seeke her, we espied
her two leagues distant from us, comming toward us with
a fresh gale of winde, whereat we greatly rejoyced.
Thus being come together we ankered for that day,
because the weather seemed very contrary, and the Cap-
taine chid them for their negligence in sayling, because
they had in such sort lost our company ; and they ex-
cused themselves, that they could doe no lesse, because
J current, a current had caried them away above three leagues,
whereby they could never reach unto us. The next day
230
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
being the sixeteenth of November wee set forward, but
sayled very little, for the North and Northwest winds
were against us. Here we discovered certaine plaines, in
my judgement very great and greene, and right before us
we could not discerne any mountaines or woods, whereat
wee marvelled to see so great a countrey. And wee met
an Indian in a Canoa on the shore whereon the sea did
breake, who stayed to beholde us a great while, and often-
times hee lifted up himselfe to view us the better, &
then returned backe along the coast : we used al dili-
gence to see whether he would come out further from
the shore, to give him chace, and to trie whether we
could catch him, but he very cunningly viewed us
without comming neere unto us, and returned to the
shore with his Canoa. Here we saw in the evening
but one fire, and wist not whether it were done by the
cunning of the Indians, because they would not have
us know that there were people there, or that it was [III. 407.]
so indeede. From the said 16 day of November untill
the 24 of the same moneth we could not proceede on
our way above 12 or 15 leagues: and looking into
our Sea-chart, we found our selves distant from the
Xaguges of the Port of Santa Cruz about 70 leagues. T/iey are 70
Now on the 24 being: munday very early in the morn- ^^fg^^^fi'om
u ^^1 A ' r^u^ the port of
mg we beganne to take very good view or that ^^^f^^ q^^^
Countrey, and all along the coast we saw many faire
plaines with certaine furrowes made in the midst like
unto halfe plaines, the said plaine still appearing up into
the Countrey, with pleasant champions, because the
grasse which grew there was very beautifull, short, and
greene, and good pasture for cattell. Howbeit because
we rode so farre off, we could not perfectly judge what
kind of grasse it was, but it shewed very short and
greene, and without thornes. These plaines on the
right hand made a bay into a valley which seemed to
be a piece of a mountaine : the rest shewed to be al
plaines without any thistles or weedes, but full of grasse
good for cattel very green and faire, as I have said.
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539-
Chap. S:
One of their ships by tempest was separated from the
other, and afterward meeting with her consort she
reporteth that the land stretcheth to the West by
the mouth of the great lake. The Pilots are of
divers judgements touching the state of this coast
inhabited by Chichimecas. They enter into an haven
to take in fresh water, and are suddenly assayled by
two squadrons of Indians. They defend themselves
valiantly, and the Captaine with some of his souldiers
are grievously wounded.
THe 26 of this moneth being Wednesday at night
the North wind tooke us, which still increased more
and more so greatly that it put us to much trouble,
for it continued two dayes, in which the Sea was alwayes
boisterous ; and this night againe we lost the Trinity
being beaten with the North winde aforesaid (and we
had sight of her on munday the 24) wherewith we were
all of us greatly agrieved, both Captaines, Souldiers and
Mariners, because we saw we were left alone, and our
ship call Santa Agueda wherein we were, was but badly
conditioned, and this grieved us more then the trouble
which we had with the boisterousnesse of the Sea, imagin-
ing that if we should leese the Trinity, or if any mishap
should fall unto us, we should not be able to follow
our voyage according to our Captaines and our owne
Land running desire. This said 24 day being munday we saw a
tozuards the Countrey with high mountaines toward the Northwest,
^ ^ ' and it seemed that the land stretched on still forward,
whereat we exceedingly rejoyced, because we judged
that the lande grew alwayes broader and broader, and
that wee should meete with some speciall good thing.
Whereupon we desired that it would please God to send
us good weather for our voyage, which hitherto we
'Note. found alwayes contrary, so that in 26 dayes we sayled
not above 70 leagues, and that with much trouble, some-
times riding at anker and sometimes sayling, and seeking
232
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1539-
the remedies and beneEte of the shore to avoide perils.
In this Countrey which we discovered the 26 day we
alwayes saw (as I have said) along the shore, and within
the land, goodly plaines without any tree, in the midst
wherof was a lake or gathering together of the Sea-
water, which (to our judgement) was above 12 leagues
in com passe, and the sea-coast reached to the mountaines
before mentioned. And this day we saw our ship called
the Trinitie, which rode 2 leagues distant from us, which
so soone as she saw us, set saile, and we came together
and rejoyced greatly. They brought us great quantity A wonderfull
of gray fishes, and of another kinde : for at the point -^f ^^/j^''
of those mountaines they found a fishing which was very jQ^^^iand.
wonderfull, for they suffered themselves to be taken by
hand : and they were so great that every one had much
adoe to finde roome to lay his fish in. They found
also on the said point a fountaine of fresh water which
descended from those hilles, and they told us that at
the same place they had found a narrow passage, whereby
the Sea entered into the said lake. They comforted us
much with the report of these things, and in telling us
that the lande trended to the West ; for the chiefe Pilot
thought, and the other Pilot was of the same opinion,
that we should finde a good Countrey. This night we
set saile to goe to that point to take in fresh water
which we wanted, and to see this lake, and to put some
men on shore : and after midnight the winde came upon
us so forcibly at the North that we could not stay there :
whereupon wee were constrained to put further into the
Sea, and returned the same way backe againe unto the
shore with much adoe, and came to an anker a great
way short of the place from whence we were driven :
and there we rode untill Thursday at noone with this
bitter North winde, and on Friday about noone, when we
most thought it would have ceased, it beganne to increase
againe, which grieved us not a little seeing the weather
so contrary, hoping alwayes that it would cease, and
that some winde would blow from the shore, whereby
233
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539-
[III. 408.] we might recover the point of land to take in fresh
water, and to search whether there were any people
about that lake. Here we lay from the 26 of the saide
moneth till the 29, driving up and downe the Sea,
winding in by little and little untill we had gotten under
the shelter of those mountaines : which being obtayned
wee rode the sayd 29 of the moneth halfe a league
from those wooddy mountaines, which we had seene in
the Sea. We stayed in this place at our ease all the
Sunday, and Juan Castilio the chiefe Pilot went that
day in the bote on shore with seven in his company,
and they landed neere the Sea, and on a certaine low
ground they found foure or five Indians Chichimecas of
great stature, and went toward them, who fled away like
Deere that had beene chased. After this the Pilot went
a little way along the Sea-shore, and then returned to
his boate, and by that time he was entered thereinto,
he saw about fifteene Indians of great stature also, with
their bowes and arrowes which called unto him with
a loude and strong voice, making signes with their
bowes ; but the Pilot made no account of their gesture,
but rather returned to the shippes, and declared what had
passed betweene him and the Indians. The same day
the Captaine commaunded that our caske should be
made readie against the next morning to take in water,
for in both the shippes there were about five and twentie
buttes emptie. The first of December, and the second
day in the morning the Captaine went with both the
barkes on shore with some dozen souldiers, and the
greatest part of the Mariners which laboured in filling
of water, leaving in the shippes as many as were neede-
full, and as soone as wee were come on shore at the
watering place the Captaine caused the buttes to be
taken out, to the ende they might be filled with water,
and while they returned to fetch the barrels and hogs-
heads of the shippe, the Captaine walked a turne or two
upon the shore for the space of one or two crossebow
shoots, and afterwarde we went up to certaine of those
234
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
^539-
mountaines, to view the disposition of the countrey,
and in trueth we found it in that place very bad to
our judgement, for it was very ragged, full of woods
and caves, and so stonie, that we had much adoe to goe.
Being come unto the top we found certaine small hilles
full of woods, and cliffes that were not so craggie,
although very troublesome to climbe up ; and while we
looked from these little hilles, we could not discerne
any more mountaines, but rather judged that from that
place forward there were great plaines. The Captaine
would not suffer us to goe any further, because in those
places we had scene certaine Indians which seemed to
be spies, and warning us thereof he commanded us to
retire unto the shore, where we were to take in water,
and to dispatch our businesse quickly, and appointed
us to make certaine pits, that our buts might more
easily be filled with water. And setting our Guardes
or Centinels, we beganne to fill water. In the meane
while the Captaine tooke certaine souldiers, and went to
the top of an high hill, from whence he descryed a great
part of the Sea, and a lake which is within the land :
for the Sea entereth in the space of a league, and there
is a good fishing place round about : and the lake was Afishlngplace
so great, that it seemed unto us to be very neere 30 ^^^^ ^ l^ke of
leagues in compasse, for we could not discerne the end ^o^^.?^^-^
thereof Then we came downe with no lesse trouble
then wee had mounted up unto the hill, by reason of
the steepenesse of the place, and some tumbled downe
with no small laughter of the rest. And being come
somewhat late to our watering place (for it was then
past noone) we set our selves to dinner, alwayes appoint-
ing some of our company in Centinell, untill we were
called to dinner, and when some were called two others
were appointed in their roomes. And about two of the
clocke after dinner, the Captaine and the rest suspecting
no danger of assalt of Indians, both because the place
seemed not to be fit for it, as also for that we had set
our Centinels at the passages ; two squadrons of Indians
A.D.
1539-
A sudde?i
as salt of the
Indians with
stones, arrows,
and staves.
[III. 409.]
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
came upon us very secretly and covertly, for one came
by the great valley through which the water ranne which
we tooke, and the other came by a part of that great
hill which we had ascended to see the lake, and all of
them came so covertly, that our Centinels could neither
see nor heare them ; and wee had not perceived them,
if a souldier by chance lifting up his eyes had not sayde,
Arme, Arme, my maisters, for many Indians come upon
us. When we heard this the Captaine leapt up in a great
rage, because the guards were changed out of their place :
and with his sword and target, being followed by a
souldier, whose name was Haro, and afterward by
the rest, he and the said souldier went toward a little
gate of certaine stones, whither the rest of us were to
follow him : for if the Indians had gotten that place from
us, we should have incurred great danger, and the
greatest part of us had like to have beene slaine, and
none could have escaped but such as by chance could
have leapt into the boates, and the tide went so high,
that none could be saved but such as were most excellent
swimmers. But at length the Captaine bestirred himselfe
very nimbly, using all celeritie that was possible. There-
fore when he and Haro had wonne the gate, the rest of
the souldiers gate up after them, and the Captaine and
Haro turned themselves to the Indians and made head
against them, and the Indians assailed them with such
numbers of stones, arrowes, & javelins (which was a
very strange thing) that they brake in pieces the target
which the Captaine had on his arme, and besides that
wounded him with an arrow in the bending of his knee,
and though the wound was not great, yet was it very
painefull unto him. While they thus stood to withstand
their assalt, they strooke Haro which was on the other
side so forcibly with a stone, that they threw him flat
upon the ground : and by and by another stone lighted
upon him which shivered his Target, and they hit the
Captaine with another arrow, and shot him quite through
one of his eares. Another arrow came and strooke a
236
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
souldier called Graviello Marques in the legge, of which
he felt great paine and went halting. In the meane space
Francis Preciado, and certaine other souldiers came up
and joyned himselfe with the rest on the left hand of the
Captaine, saying unto him, Sir, withdrawe your selfe, for
you be wounded, but be you not dismayed, for they are
but Indians and cannot hurt us. In this wise we beganne
to rush in among them upon the side of a rocke alwayes
gayning ground of them, which greatly incouraged our
mindes, and when we beganne to inforce them to retire,
we wanne a small wooddy hill, where we sheltered our
selves, whereas before they shot upon us from aloft, for
they were on the higher ground under covert in safetie,
& then by no meanes we could offend them, but by
running forcibly upon them with our targets on our
amies, and our swords in our hands. On the other side,
to approch and seeke to overtake them was a vaine
thing, seeing they were as swift as wilde goates. By
this time Haro was gotten up on foot, and having clapt
a woollen cloth upon his head, which had bled extremely,
he joyned himselfe unto us, of whom we received no
small aide. In the meane space the Indians fortified them-
selves on the cragge of a rocke, from whence they did
not a little molest us, & we likewise fortified our selves
upon an hillocke, whereby we descended into their Fort,
and there was a small valley betweene them & us, which
was not very deepe from the upper part. There we were
6 souldiers & two Negroes with the Captaine, & all of
us were of opinion that it was not good to passe that
place, least ye Indians being many might destroy us all,
for the rest of our souldiers which were beneath at the
foote of the hill, making head against the other squadron
of the Indians, kept them from hurting those which tooke
in water on the strand and from breaking the buts of
water, and being but few, we concluded to stay here, and
so we stood still fortifying our selves as well as we could,
especially considering that we had no succour on any
side ; for Berecillo our Mastive-dogge which should have
237
A.D.
1539-
The Spani-
ards use mas-
tives in their
warres against
the Indians.
Reade more
hereof cap. 12.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
aided us was grievously wounded with 3 arrowes, so
that by no meanes we could get him from us : this
mastive was wounded in the first assalt when the Indians
came upon us, who behaved himselfe very wel, & greatly
aided us; for he set upon them, and put 8 or 10 of them
out of array, & made them run away, leaving many
arrowes behind them : but at length (as I have said) he
was so wounded, that by no meanes we could get him
to goe from us to set any more upon the Indians, &
the other two mastives did us more harme then good :
for when they went against them, they shot at them
with their bowes, and we received hurt and trouble in
defending them. The Captaines legge when he waxed
cold was so swolne, that we lapped it up in a wollen
cloth, and he halted much of it : and while the Indians
thus stood still, one part of them beganne to dance, sing,
and shout, and then they began all to lade themselves
with stones, and to put their arrowes into their bowes,
and to come downe toward us verie resolutely to assalt
us, and with great out-cries they beganne to fling stones
and to shoot their arrowes. Then Francis Preciado
turned him to the Captaine and said : Sir, these Indians
know or thinke, that we be affeard of them, & in trueth
it is a great fait to give them this incouragement, it were
better for us resolutely to set upon them with these dogs,
& to assalt them on this hill, that they may know us
to be no dastards, for they be but Indians and dare
not stande us ; and if we can get their Fort upon the
hill, God will give us victory in all the rest. The
Captaine answered, that he liked well of the motion, and
that it was best so to doe, although for any further
pursuit up the hill, he thought we were to take another
course. By and by Francis Preciado getting his target
on his arme, and his sword in his hand, ranne unto the
other side of the valley, which on that part was not very
steepe, crying S. lago, upon them my masters, and after
him leapt Haro, Tere9a, Spinosa, and a Crossebow-man
called Montanno, and after them followed the Captaine,
23S
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
^539-
though very lame, with a Negro and a souldier which
accompanied him, incouraging and comforting them,
willing them not to feare. Thus we drave them to
the place where they had fortified themselves, and from
whence they descended, and we tooke another hill over
against them within a darts cast of them. And having
breathed our selves a little, the Captaine came unto us,
and said. Go too my maisters, upon them before they
strengthen themselves on this hill, for now we see
plainely that they be affeard of us, seeing we chase them
continually from their Forts : & suddenly 3 or 4 of us
went toward them well covered with targets, unto the
foot of their Fort where they were assembled, and the
rest of our company followed us : the Indians beganne [III. 410.]
to make head against us, and to fling many stones upon
us, and shoot many arrowes, and we with our swords
in our hands rushed upon them in such sort, that they
seeing how furiously we set upon them, abandoned the
fort, and ranne downe the hill as swift as Deere, and fled
unto another hill over against us, where the other
squadron of the Indians stood, of whom they were
rescued, and they began to talke among themselves,
but in a low voyce, and joyned together 6 and 6
and 8 & 8 in a company, and made a fire and warmed
themselves, and we stood quietly beholding what they
did.
[Chap. 9
239
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539-
Chap. 9.
After the skirmish the Captaine being wounded, and
the rest of the souldiers seeing the Indians depart,
returned unto their ships. The next day taking in
fresh water at the saide place he sent mariners to
sound the mouth of the lake. Departing thence
they came to the port called Baya de Sant Abad,
and indured a dangerous storme at sea. And after-
ward comming neere the shore to take fresh water
in the said haven, they see certaine peaceable
Indians.
BY this time it was late and the night approched,
and the Indians seeing this, within a short while
after determined to get them packing, and ech of them
or the greatest part tooke fire-brandes in their hands, &
got them away into craggy places. When the Captaine
saw this he commanded us to returne aboord our boats,
it being now darke night, thanking us all for the good
service we had done him. And being not able to stand
upon his legge, he leaned with his arme upon Francis
Preciado ; and thus we returned to our boats, where with
much adoe we got aboord, by reason of the great tide
and roughnesse of the sea, so that our boats were filled
with every wave. Thus very weary, wet, & some
wounded (as is aforesaid) each man returned unto his
ship, where our beds which we found, and our refreshing,
& the cheere we had at supper did not greatly comfort
us in regard of our former travels. We passed that
night in this sort, and the next day being Tuesday the
Captaine found himself greatly payned with his wounds,
& chiefly with that on his leg, because it was greatly
swolne with his going upon it. We lacked 12 buts to
fill with water, and the barrels in both the ships, and
the Captaine would have gone out to cause them to be
filled, but we would not suffer him, and therefore we left
off the businesse for that day. But he appointed that the
crossebowes should be made readie, and two speciall good
240
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1539-
harquebuzes, & the next day being Wednesday very
early, he commanded Juan Castillo chiefe Pilot to goe
out with both the botes and with all the souldiers and
mariners that he could make, having the day before
commanded the Trinitie to go as neere the shore as she
might, & to make ready some of her ordinance, that if
the Indians should shew themselves, they might affright
them, & doe them as much hurt as they could.
Wherfore on the Wednesday al we that were souldiers,
saving the wounded persons, went on shore with certaine
mariners in the best order that we could, and tooke the
first hill, where we had fortified our selves, standing all
upon our guard untill the water was filled, and untill
we were called, during which time not one Indian shewed
himselfe. Thus we went aboord when we thought good
our selves, at least without any suspition of the Indians,
although the tide of the Sea went so high y^ it put us
to great trouble, for oftentimes with great waves it beat
into our boats. This was on the Wednesday the 3 of
December. And to avoide losse of time the Captaine
commanded Juan Castilio the chiefe Pilot to take a boat
and certaine mariners as he should thinke good, and to
view the mouth of the lake to see whether the entrance
were deepe enough for to harbour the ships. He taking
the boat of the Admirall with 8 mariners, and ours of
the Trinity, went and sounded the mouth, & on the
shallowest place of the barre without they found 3 fadome A special good
depth, and farther in 4, & up higher 5, alwayes increasing
unto 10 or 12 fadomes, when they were come into the
two points of the said lake, which was a league broad
from one point to the other, and all their sounding was
exceeding good ground. Then they went over to the
southeast point, & there they saw a great boat or raft
which they indevoured to take to carrie unto their ships.
In ye meane while they espied certaine cottages, which
the Pilot determined to goe and see, and being come
neere they saw 3 other raftes with 3 Indians on them
distant from the cottages one or two cross-bowes shot,
IX 241 . Q
haven.
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539.
and he leapt on land with 4 or 5 mariners in his com-
panie : and while they behelde those cottages, they saw
many Indians descending downe a small hill in warlike
manner with their bowes and arrowes, whereupon they
determined to retire to their boats, and to returne to
their ships, and they were not gone from the sea-shore
scarce a stones cast, but the Indians were come upon them
to shoot at them with their arrowes, and because they
were unarmed, they would not fight with them, having
gone on shore for no other purpose, but to sound the
mouth and enterance of that lake. On Thursday the 4
of December we set saile with a fresh gale of winde,
and sayled some 8 or 10 leagues, and came unto certaine
[III. 411.] mouthes or inlets which seemed to all of us as though
they had beene Hands, and we entered into one of them,
Baya del and came into an haven which we called Baya del Abad
a ts \oo ^11 inclosed and compassed with land, being one of the
the point of fairest havens that hath beene scene : and about the same,
California. especially on both sides the lande was greene and goodly
to behold ; we discryed certaine rivers on that part which
seemed greene, & therefore we returned backe, going
out at that mouth wherby we came in, alwayes having
contrary wind : yet the Pilots used their best indevour
to make way : and we saw before us certaine wooddy
hils, and beyond them certaine plaines ; this we saw from
the Friday the 5 of the said moneth, untill the Tuesday,
which was the ninth. As we drew neere to these woods
they seemed very pleasant, and there were goodly and large
hilles and beyond them towardes the sea were certaine
plaines, and through all the countrey we saw these woods.
Many great From the day before, which was the Conception of our
^T T ] Lady, we saw many great smokes, whereat we much
FrancisGualle iT^^rvelled, being of diverse opinions among our selves,
maketh men- whether those smokes were made by the inhabitants of
the countrey or no. Over against these woods there
fell every night such a dew, that every morning when
we rose, the decke of the ship was so wet, that untill
the sunne was of a good height, we alwaies made the
242
tion
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1539-
decke durtie with going upon it. We rode over against
these woods from the Tuesday morning when we set
saile, untill Thursday about midnight, when a cruell
Northwest winde tooke us, which, whither we would or
no, inforced us to way our anker ; and it was so great,
that the ship Santa Agueda began to returne backe,
untill her cable broke, and the ship hulled, and suddenly
with a great gust the trinket and the mizen were rent
asunder, the Northwest winde still growing more and
more : within a short while after the maine saile was rent
with a mighty flaw of winde, so that we were inforced,
both souldiers, captaine, and all of us, to doe our best
indevor to mend our sailes ; and the Trinitie was driven
to do the like, for she going round upon her anker,
when she came a-head of it, her cable broke, so that
there we lost two ankers, each ship one. We went
backe to seeke Baya del Abad, for we were within 20
leagues of the same, and this day we came within foure
leagues of it, and being not able to reach it by reason
of contrary windes, we rode under the lee of certaine
mountaines and hilles which were bare, and almost voide
of grasse, neere unto a strand full of sandie hilles. Neere
unto this road wee found a flshing-piace under a point Afishingplace.
of land, where having let downe our lead to see what
ground was there, a fish caught it in his mouth, and
began to draw it, and he which held the sounding-lead
crying and shewing his fellowes that it was caught, that
they might helpe him, as soone as he had got it above
the water, tooke the fish, and loosed the cord of the
sounding-lead, and threw it againe into the sea, to see
whither there were any good depth, and it was caught
againe, whereupon he began to cry for helpe, and all of
us made a shout for joy; thus drawing the fish the rope
of the sounding-lead being very great was crackt, but at
length we caught the fish which was very faire. Here
we stayed from Friday when we arrived there, untill the
Munday, when as it seemed good to our Captaine, that
we should repaire to the watering place, from whence
243
upon this coast.
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539.
we were some sixe leagues distant, to take in 12 buttes
of water, which wee had drunke and spent, because he
knew not whither we should from thencefoorth finde any
water, or no ; and though we should finde water, it was
doubtfull whither we should be able to take it by reason
Great tides of the great tide that goeth upon that coast. We drewe
neere to that place on Munday at night, when as we
sawe certaine fires of the Indians. And on Tuesday
morning our Generall commaunded that the Trinitie
should come as neere our ship & to the shore as it could,
that if we had neede, they might helpe us with their
great ordinance : and having made 3 or 4 bourds to draw
neere the shore, there came 4 or 5 Indians to the sea-
side ; who stood and beheld while we put out our boat
and anker, marking also how our bwoy floated upon
the water ; and when our boat returned to the ship, two
of them leapt into the sea, and swamme unto the bwoy,
and beheld it a great while ; then they tooke a cane of
an arrow, and tyed to the sayd bwoy a very faire and
shining sea-oyster of pearles, and then returned to the
shore, neere to the watering place.
Chap. 10.
They give unto the Indians many trifles which stand upon
the shore to see them, and seeke to parley with them
by their interpreter, which was a Chichimeco, who
could not understand their language. They go to
take fresh water. Francis Preciado spendeth the time
with them with many signes, and trucking and being
afeard of their great multitude, retireth himselfe wisely
with his companions, returning with safety to the
ships.
'Hen the Captaine and we beheld this, we judged
these Indians to be peaceable people ; whereupon
the Captaine tooke the boat with 4 or 5 mariners carrying
[III. 412.] with him certain beades to truck, and went to speake
with them. In the meane while he commanded the
Indian interpreter our Chichimeco, to be called out of
244
w
FRAlSrCIS DE ULLOA ad.
1539-
the Admirall that he should parley with them. And the
Captaine came unto the boy, and laid certaine things
upon it for exchange, & made signes unto the Savages
to come and take them ; and an Indian made signes unto
our men with his hands, his armes, and head, that they
understood them not, but signified that they should go
aside. Whereupon the Captaine departed a smal distance
from that place with his boat. And they made signes
againe that he should get him further ; whereupon we
departing a great way off, the saide Indians leapt into
the water, came unto the boy, and tooke those beades,
and returned backe againe to land, and then came unto
the other three, and all of them viewing our things, they
gave a bowe and certaine arrowes to an Indian, and sent
him away, running with all haste on the shore, and made
signes unto us that they had sent word unto their lord
what things we had given them, and that he would come
thither. Within a while after the said Indian returned,
running as he did before, and beganne to make signes
unto us, that his Lord was comming. And while we
stayed here, we saw on the shore ten or twelve Indians
assemble themselves, which came unto the other Indians,
and by and by we saw another company of 12 or 15 more
appeare, who assembled themselves all together. And
againe they began to make signes unto us, to come foorth-
with to our boates, and shewed us many Oysters of pearles
on the top of certaine canes, making signes that they would
give them us. When we beheld this, the Captaine com-
manded us to make readie our boate, and went aboord
it with the said mariners, and rowed to a certaine stone
in forme of a rocke, which lay in the sea neere unto the
shore. And hither came first 2 or 3 Indians and layd
downe one of those Oysters, and a garland made of
Parats feathers, or sparrowes feathers painted red ; they
layd downe also certaine plumes of white feathers, and
others of blew colour. In the meane while we sawe
continually Indians assemble to the shore by tenne and
tenne, and so by little and little they came in squadrons ;
245
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539-
and one of them assoone as hee sawe the boat beganne to
leape forward and backeward with so great nimblenesse,
that doubtlesse he seemed to all of us a man of great
agilitie, and we tooke no small pleasure while we beheld
him fetching those gambols : but the rest of the Indians
which stood at the mouth of the fresh water ranne
toward him, and cryed unto him, forbidding him to use
those gestures, because we were come thither in peaceable
sort, and by this meanes he came with the rest to the
watering place, where by little and little in this manner
there assembled above a hundred of them all in order,
with certaine staves with cordes to fling them, and with
their bowes and arrowes, and they were all painted. In
the meane while our Chichimeco-interpreter borne in the
He of California, was come unto us, and the Captaine
againe commanded a mariner to strippe himselfe, and to
swimme and laye upon the said rocke certaine belles,
and more beades, and when he had layd them there, the
Indians made signes that he should goe away ; and so
they came thither and tooke them, and our men drew
neere with their boat. The Captaine commanded the
Indian our Chichimeco to speake unto them, but they
could not understand him, so that we assuredly beleeve,
that they understand not the language of the He of
California. This day being Tuesday untill night the
Indians stayed at this watering place, taking some of our
beades, and giving unto us their feathers and other
things, and when it was very late they departed. The
morrow following being Wednesday very early the
Captaine commanded that our buttes should be made
ready, that before breake of day, and before the Indians
should take the hill, which stood over the watering place,
we might be landed in good order : which was put in
execution : for we went on shore with as many as could
goe, saving those that had charge to take in the water,
and such as were to stay on ship-boord, which in all were
about fourteene or fifteene persons, in as good order as
we could devise : for we were foure crossebowes, two
246
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1539-
harquebuziers, and eight or nine targets, and the most
part of us carryed very good slings, and every one
eighteene river stones, which weapon the Captaine in-
vented, because the Indians at the first had handled us
very shrewdly with the multitude of stones which they
flang at us : we had nothing to defende us saving our
targets, and to seeke to winne the fortes from whence
they indamaged us ; he therefore thought with these
slings, that we might offend them, and we likewise
thought well of his opinion, for making tryall of them,
we threw very well with them, and much farther than we
thought we could have done : for the slings being made
of hempe, we flung very farre with them. Nowe being
come to the watering place the sayd Wednesday by
breake of day we tooke the fort of the fountaine, which
were certaine cragges or rockes hanging over the same,
betweene which there was an opening or deepe valley
through which this water runneth, which is no great
quantitie, but a little brooke not past a fadome broad.
So standing all in order, other foure or Rve Indians came
thither, who as soone as they sawe us to be come on
shore, and to have gotten the toppe of the watering place, [HI. 413.]
they retired unto a small hill on the other side, for the
valley was betweene them and us : neither stayed they
long before they beganne to assemble themselves as they
had done the day before by 10 and 10, and 15 and 15,
ranging themselves on this high hill, where they made
signes unto us. And Francis Preciado craved license of
the Generall to parley with these Indians, and to give
them some trifles ; wherewith he was contented, charging
him not to come too neere them, nor to goe into any
place where they might hurt him. Whereupon Francis
went unto a plaine place, under the hill where the Indians
stood, and to put them out of feare he layd downe his
sword and target, having onely a dagger hanging downe
at his girdle, and in a skarfe which he carried at his necke,
certaine beades to exchange with them, combs, fishing-
hooks and comfits. And he began to goe up the hill, and
247
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1539-
to shew them diverse of his marchandise. The Indians
as soone as he had layd those things on the ground,
and gone somewhat aside, came downe from the hill and
tooke them, and carried them up, for it seemed that their
Lord was among them, to whom they carried those trifles.
Trucks traf- Then they came downe againe, and layd to give unto
fique with the j^- ^^ -^^ ^^ g^jj place, an oyster of pearles, and two
ther ofpearle ^^^^hers like haukes feathers, making signes to Preciado
and other that he should come and take them ; which he did, and
things. againe layde there a string of belles, and a great fish-
hooke, and certaine beades ; and they taking the same,
layd there againe another oyster of pearle, and certaine
feathers : and he layd downe other beads, two fishhookes,
and more comfits, and the Indians came to take them
up, and approched much neerer unto him, then at other
times, and so neere that a man might have touched them
with a pike, and then they began to talke together : and
7 or 8 more came downe, unto whom Francis Preciado
made signes, that they should come downe no lower,
and they incontinently layd their bowes and arrowes on
the ground, and having layd them downe came somewhat
lower, and there with signes, together with them which
came first, they began to parle with him, and required
mariners breeches & apparell of him, and above all things
a red hat pleased them highly, which the said Francis
ware on his head, and they prayed him to reach it unto
them, or to lay it in the place ; and after this certaine of
them made signes unto him to knowe whether he would
have a harlot, signifying with their fingers those villanies
and dishonest actions, and among the rest they set before
him an Indian of great stature dyed wholly with black,
with certaine shels of the mother of pearle at his necke,
and on his head, and speaking by signes to Francis
Preciado touching the foresaid act of fornication,
thrusting their finger through a hole, they said unto him,
that if hee would have a woman, they would bring him
one ; and he answered, that he liked well of it, and that
therfore they should bring him one. In the meane space
248
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1539.
on the other side where the Generall stood with his
company, another squadron of Indians shewed them-
selves, whereupon the Generall and his company made a
stirre, and put themselves in battell array : whereupon
Francis Preciado was inforced to come downe from them,
to joyne with the Generall & his company : and here
the Indians which came last began to make signes that
we should lay downe something to truck, and that they
would give us some of their shels of mother of pearle,
which they brought upon certaine small stickes, and here-
withall they came very neere unto us, wherewith we
were not well content. And Francis Preciado said unto
the Captaine, that if it pleased him, hee would cause all
the Indians to come together and to stay upon that high
hill ; and he answered, that it was best to draw them all
together, for by this time our men had taken in all their
water, and stayed for the boat : whereupon Francis
taking a crowne of beades went toward the valley,
through which the water ran toward the Indians, and
made signes unto them to call the rest, and to come
all together, because hee would goe to the olde place,
to lay things on the ground for exchange, as at the
first ; and they answered that he should doe so, and
that they had called the others, and that they would
doe, as he would have them, and so they did, for they
caused them to come unto them, which they did, and
Francis likewise went alone towards them, in which
meane space the Generall commanded his people to get
into the boat. Francis comming unto the place beganne
to lay downe his marchandise of traffique, and afterwards
made signes unto them to stay there, because hee would
goe to the ships to bring them other things, and so he
returned to the place where the Captaine was, and found
them all got into the boates, saving the Generall and
three or foure others, and the Generall made as though
he had given other trifles to Preciado to carry unto
the Indians, and when he was gone a little from him,
he called him backe againe, and all this while the
249
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
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Indians stood still, and being come unto him, wee went
faire and softly to our boates, and got into them at our
ease, without any thronging, and thence we came
aboord our ship.
The Indians seeing us thus gone aboord came downe
to the strand where the brooke of water was, and called
unto us to come foorth with our boates, and to come on
shore, and to bring our beades, and that they would give
us of their mother of pearles : but we being now set at
[III. 414.] dinner made no account of them : whereupon they
beganne to shoote arrowes at the ship, and although they
fell neere us, yet they did not reach us. In the meane
season certaine mariners went out in the boat, to wey
the anker, whereupon the Indians seeing them comming
towards them, & bringing them nothing, they
beganne in scorne to shew them their buttockes, making
signes that they should kisse their bums : and these
seemed to be those that came last. The Generall
seeing this, commanded a musket to be once or twise
shot off, and that they should take their just ayme.
They seeing these shot to be made readie, some of
them rose and went to shoot their arrowes at our
mariners, which were gone to weigh the ankers, then the
Generall commanded the great ordinance speedily to
be shot off, whereupon three or foure bullets were
discharged, and we perceived that we had slaine one
of them, for we assuredly saw him lye dead upon the
shore ; and I thinke some of the rest were wounded.
They hearing this noyse, and seeing him dead ranne
away as fast as ever they could, some along the shore,
and some through the vallies, dragging the dead
Indian with them, after which time none of them
appeared, save ten or twelve, which peeped up with
their heads among those rocks ; whereupon another
piece of ordinance was discharged aloft against the
place where they were, after which time we never saw
any more of them.
250
FRANCIS DE ULLOA ad.
1539-
Chap. 1 1 .
At the point of the Trinitie they spend three dayes
in fishing, and in other pastime : after which set-
ting sayle they discover pleasant countries, and
mountaines voide of grasse, and an Hand afterward
called Isla de los Cedros, or the He of Cedars,
neere which they suffer sharpe colde and raine, and
to save themselves they returne thither.
IMmediatly we set saile to joyne with the ship Santa
Agueda, which was above halfe a league in the high
sea from us, and this was on the Wednesday the
seventeenth of December. Being come together because
the windes were contrary, we drew neere to a head-
land, which wee called Punta de la Trinidad, and here
wee stayed fishing, and solacing our selves two or
three dayes, although we had alwayes great store of
raine. Afterward we beganne to sayle very slowly, and
at night we rode over against those mountaines where
we had left our ankers, and upon knowledge of the
place we received great contentment seeing we had
sailed some five and thirtie leagues from the place
where we had taken in water : neither was it any
marvell that wee so rejoyced, because that the feare
which we had of contrary windes caused us to be so
well appayd of the way which we had made. The
day of the holy Nativitie of our Lord, which was on
the Thursday the five and twentieth of the said
moneth, God of his mercy beganne to shewe us
favour in giving us a fresh winde almost in the poope,
which carried us beyond those mountaines, for the
space of tenne or twelve leagues, finding the coast
alwayes plaine : and two leagues within the land, which
we coasted along, and betweene these mountaines, there
was a great space of plaine ground, which we might
easily discerne with our eyes, although others were
of another opinion. We beganne from Christmas day
to saile slowly with certaine small land-windes, and
2^1
A.D.
1539-
Great appar-
ance of gold
and silver.
Ja7mary
1540.
Fo?-ty leagues.
[III. 415.]
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
sayled from morning to night about seven or eight
leagues, which wee esteemed no small matter, alwayes
praying to God to continue this his favour toward us,
and thanking him for his holy Nativitie, and all the
dayes of this feast the Frier sayd masse in the Admirall,
and the father Frier Raimund preached unto us, which
gave us no small comfort, by incouraging us in the ser-
vice of God.
On Saturday at night being the 27 of the said moneth
we ankored neere unto a point which seemed to be
plaine land all along the shore, and within the countrey
were high mountaines with certaine woods, which woods
and mountaines ranne overthwart the countrey, and con-
tinued along with certaine small hilles sharpe on the
toppe, and certaine little vallies are betweene those
mountaines. And in truth to me which with dilio^ent
eyes beheld the same both in length and in the breadth
thereof, it could not chuse but be a good countrey, and
to have great matters in it, as well touching the in-
habiting thereof by the Indians, as in golde and silver ;
for there was great likelihood that there is store thereof.
This night we saw a fire farre within the lande towards
those mountaines, which made us thinke that the coun-
trey was throughly inhabited. The next day being
Sunday and Innocents day, the 28 of the said moneth
at breake of day we set sayle, and by nine or ten of
the clocke had sayled three or foure leagues, where we
met with a point which stretched towarde the West, the
pleasant situation whereof delighted us much. From the
eight and twentieth of December we ranne our course
untill Thursday being Newyeares day of the yeere 1 540,
and we ran some 40 leagues, passing by certaine inlets
and bayes, and certaine high mountains covered with
grasse in colour like rosemary : but toward the sea-side
very bare and burned, and toward the top were certaine
cragges somewhat of a red colour, and beyond these
appeared certaine white mountaines, and so all the
countrey shewed unto a point which appeared beyond
2:;2
FKANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1540.
those burnt white and red mountaines which have neither
any grasse nor tree upon them, whereat we marvelled
not a little. This Newyeares day we sawe neere the Tzvo small
maine two small Hands, and rejoyced greatly to see ^^''^tj'^^^^'^ihe
them ; for we stood in great feare, that contrary windes
would drive us as farre backe in one day, as we had
sayled in tenne, which if they had taken us, we could
not have withstood them. Wee ranne from the first of
January untill Munday which were five dayes, and the
land alwayes stretched Northwest from the mountaines
aforesaid.
And on the Sunday we saw a farre off a-head of us
a high land somewhat severed from the maine shore,
and all of us beganne to dispute whether it were the
land which trended toward the Northwest, for that way
the Pilots hoped to discover a better countrey : and
the said Munday the fift of Januarie we came to
this high land beforesaid, and it was two Hands the one
a small one and the other a great one : we coasted these
two Hands some sixe leagues, which were greene, and
had on the toppe of them many high slender trees ; and
the great Hand was twentie leagues in compasse. We isla. de los Ce-
coasted in 6 leagues in length without seeing or dis- ^p^ ^^^^i^^^d
covering any other things, but we saw before us high ^^ ei^c ap.
land which stretched eight or tenne leagues Northward,
where we rode on Munday at night. From Thursday
being Newyeares day untill the next Munday we sayled
about ^iS leagues. And in this course we felt great The land
cold, which grieved us much, especially being assailed ^^ j^^^ ^^^,
by two or three windie showers which pinched us much i^^zues
with colde. We rode over against this land two or
three nights, having it neere unto us, alwayes keeping
watch by equall houres, one while mariners, and another
souldiers, all the night long with great vigilancie. On
Tuesday being Twelfe day we came within two or three
leagues of this land, which we had descryed the day
before, seeming to us very pleasant for it shewed greene
with greene trees of an ordinary bignesse, and we saw
253
A.D.
1540.
Floi'ing weeds
for 5 o leagues.
Thirtie
degrees of
Northerly
latitude.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
many vallies, out of which certalne small mists arose,
which continued in them for a long time, whereupon
we gathered, that they rose out of certaine rivers. The
same morning, to our great comfort we saw great
smokes, though we were above foure leagues distant
from them, and the Captaine made no great reckoning
to approch neere unto them, nor to seeke nor serch what
the matter was, and perchance because he was not then
in the Santa Agueda, but was aboord the Trinitie, as
his maner was to come and stay there two or three
dayes, as well to passe the time, as to give order for
things that were needefull. In this countrey the winter
and raine seemed to be like that of Castile. We rode
al night two or three leagues distance from shore,
and toward evening we saw five or sixe fires, whereat
we all rejoyced, but did not marvell thereat, because
the situation of that countrey shewed to be habitable,
being faire, pleasant, and all greene, and likewise because
the Hand which we had left behind us being (as I
have said) twenty leagues in circuit, made shewe that
it was well peopled. On the Wednesday we were 3 or
4 leagues at sea from the land, and began to see two
fires more, & therfore we assured our selves that the
countrey was very well inhabited ; and the farther we
sayled, we alwayes found it more civill. And for the
space of fifty leagues before we came hither we alwayes
found swimming on the sea certaine flotes of weedes
of a ships length, and of the bredth of two ships, being
round and full of gourds, and under these weedes were
many fishes, and on some of them were store of fowles
like unto white sea-meawes. We supposed that these
floting weeds did grow upon some rocke under the
water. We were now in 30 degrees of Northerly lati-
tude. We sailed from the 7 of January untill the 9
still with contrary windes : and on Fryday about noone
there rose a North and Northeastern winde, which forced
us to returne under the shelter of that Hand which we
left behind us, from whence we had sayled above
254
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1540-
twentie leagues. And that Friday at night somewhat Twentie
late wee had sayled backe above twelve leagues of the '^^^^r";
same, and because it was night wee stayed in the sea, of Cedars
where we and our shippes were not a little troubled,
so that all that night none of us slept a winke, but
watched every one. The next morning betimes being
Saturday we proceeded on our voyage, and gate under
the shelter of the said Hand, riding in thirtie fadome
water : and on that side where we ankored, we found
high and closed mountaines, with heapes of a certaine
earth which was all ashes and burned, and in other
places skorched and as blacke as coales, and like the rust
of yron, and in other places whitish, and here and there
small blacke hilles, whereat we marvelled exceedingly,
considering that when we passed by, it seemed unto us
an habitable countrey full of trees, and now we saw not
a sticke growing on this side.
All of us supposed that on the other side toward
the firme lande the trees grewe which we sawe, although
(as I have sayde) wee sayled foure or five leagues distant
from the same.
We stayed here under the shelter of these mountaines [III. 416.]
Saturday, Sunday, and Munday, alwayes having the
Northren winde so strong, that we thinke if it had
caught us in the sea, wee should have bene cast away.
Chap. 12.
They environ and land upon the Hand of Cedars, to
discover the same, and to seeke water and wood.
They are assailed of the Indians, and many of them
wounded with stones : but at length getting the upper
hand, they goe to their cottages, and ranging farther
up into the Hand they find diverse things which the
Indians in their flight had left behind them.
ON Friday the 13 of January the Captaine com-
manded us to hoise out our boates, and to goe on
shore, which was done accordingly, and we did row along
the shore for the space of a good halfe league and
255
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
entered into a valley : for (as I said) all this countrey
was full of high and bare hils, of such qualitie as I
mentioned before : and in this and other small valleys
we found some water which was brackish, and not farre
from thence certaine cottages made of shrubs like unto
broome ; likewise we found the footings of Indians both
small and great, whereat we much marvelled that in
so rough and wilde a countrey (as farre as we could
discerne) there should be people. Here we stayed all
day, making foure or five pits to take in water which we
wanted, which though it were bad, and in small quantitie
we refused not ; and so the evening being come, we
returned to our boates, and so came unto our ships
which rode a good league from the shore. The next
day being Wednesday the fourteenth of the said moneth
our Generall commanded us to set saile, and we sailed
about the said Hand on the same side which we coasted
when we came from Nueva Espanna : for when we
arrived on the coast we saw five or sixe fires ; wherefore
he desired to see and learne whether it were inhabited ;
and at the farthest ende of this inlet or bay where we
rode there came out before us a Canoa, wherein were
foure Indians which came rowing with certaine small
oares, and came very neere us to see what we were :
whereupon we tolde our Generall, that it were best to
send some of us out with our boates to take these Indians
or some one of them to give them something that they
might thinke us to be good people : but hee would not
consent thereto, because he minded not to stay, having
then a prety gale of winde, whereby he might saile
about this Hand, hoping that afterward we might finde
and take some others to speake with them, and give
them what we would to carry on shore ; and as we
sayled neere the land, we saw a great hill full of
goodly trees of the bignesse of the trees and Cypresses
of Castile. We found in this Hand the footing of
wilde beasts and conies, and saw a peece of pine
tree-wood, whereof we gathered, that there was store
256
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1540.
of them in that countrey. Thus sayling neere unto the
shore, we sawe another Canoa comming toward us with
other foure Indians, but it came not very neere us, and
as we looked forward, we sawe toward a point which
was very neere before us, three other Canoas, one at the
head of the point among certaine flattes, and the other
two more into the sea, that they might descry us without
comming over neere us. Likewise betweene certaine
hilles which were neere the point, there appeared here
three and there foure of them, and afterward we saw a
small troope of some twentie of them together, so that
all of us rejoyced greatly to behold them. On this side
the land shewed greene with pieces of plaine ground
which was neere the sea, and likewise all those coasts
of hils shewed greene, and were covered with many trees,
although they grew not very thicke together. Here at
evening we rode neere the shore hard upon the said
point, to see if we could speake with those Indians, and
likewise to see if we could get fresh water, which now
we wanted, and still as soone as we were come to an
anker, we saw the Indians shew themselves on land
neere unto their lodgings, comming likewise to descry us
in a Canoa, by sixe and seven at a time, whereat we
marvelled, because we never thought that one of those
Canoas would hold so many men. In this wise we
stayed looking still what would be the successe, and in
the place where we rode we were two small leagues
distant from the shore, where we found these Indians
in their Canoas : whereupon wee marvelled not a little
to see so great an alteration in so small a distance of
countrey, as well because we still discovered pleasant land
with trees (whereas on the other side of the isle there
were none) as also because it was so well peopled with
Indians, which had so many Canoas made of wood, as
we might discerne, and not raftes or Balsas, for so they ^ Balsa is a
call those floats which are made all flat with canes. flat raft made
The next day being Thursday the fifteenth of the said ^^^^"^'
moneth about breake of day foure or five Indians shewed
IX 257 R
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
themselves at the head of that point, who as soone as
they had spyed us retired behind the point, and hid
themselves among the bushes upon certaine small hilles
[III. 417.] that were there, from whence they issued forth, and
covered all the greene hils and mountaines, which were
along that coast ; whereupon we gathered that they had
their dwellings there, in regard of the commoditie of
the water and the defence against ill weather and the
benefite of fishing. At sun-rising we saw the Indians
appeare in greater companies, going up unto the hilles
in small troopes, and from thence they stood and beheld
us. Immediatly we saw five or sixe Canoas come out
into the sea a good distance from us, and those which
were in them stood often on their tip-toes, to view and
descry us the better. On the other side we stirred not
at all for all these their gestures, but stood still riding
at anker ; and the Generall seemed not to be very willing
to take any of them, but this day in the morning very
early commanded the Masters mate to conveigh him to
our other shippe called The Trinitie. Things passed in
this sort, when about ten of the clocke we saw three
Canoas lanch farre into the sea to fish very neere unto
us, whereat we tooke great pleasure. At 12 of the clocke
the Generall returned from the Trinitie and commanded
the boat & men to be made readie, as well souldiers
as mariners, and that we should goe on shore to see
if we could get any wood and water, and catch one ot
those Indians to understand their language if it were
possible : and so all the men that were readie went into
the Admirals boate, and went toward the Trinitie which
by this time with the other ship had a small gale of
winde, wherewith they entered farther within the point,
and we discovered the lodgings and houses of the
Indians, & saw neere the waters side those five or sixe
Canoas which at the first came out to view us, drawen
on shore, and over against this place the ships cast anker
in 30 and ^S fadome water, and we were very neere
the land ; whereat we marvelled much to find so great
25S
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1540.
depth of water so neere the shore. Being gone abord
our botes, we made toward the shore over against a
village of the Indians, who as soone as they saw us ^ village of
about to come on land, left an hill whereon they stood ^^^ i^^^^^^-
to behold what we did, & came downe to the shore,
where we were prepared to come on land : but before
they came against us they caused their women and
children to fly into the mountaines with their goods,
& then came directly towards us, threatning us with
certaine great staves which they carried in their handes
some 3 yardes long and thicker then a mans wrest : but
perceiving that for all this we ceased not to come neere
the sea shore to come on land, they began to charge
us with stones and to fling cruelly at us, and they hit ^ skirmish of
4 or 5 men, among whom they smote the Generall with ^^ ^.^ ^^^^^,
two stones. In the meane while the other bote landed ^^^^^^^
a little beneath, whereupon when they saw that they
were forced to divide themselves to keepe the rest of
our company from comming on land, they began to be
discouraged, and did not assaile the Generals boate so
fiercely, who began to cause his people to goe on shore
with no small trouble ; for albeit he was neere the land,
yet as soone as they leapt out of the boat they sunke
downe, because they could finde no fast footing ; and
thus swimming or otherwise as they could, first a
souldier called Spinosa got on land, and next to him
the General, and then some of the rest, and began to
make head against the Indians, and they came hastily
with those staves in their hands, for other kinds of
weapons we saw none, saving bowes and arrowes of
pine-tree. After a short combate they brake in pieces
the targets of the Generall, and of Spinosa. In the
meane while those of the other boat were gotten on
land, but not without much difficultie, by reason of
the multitude of stones which continually rained downe
upon them, and they stroke Terazzo on the head a 'v'^f ^^'^f ^^^
1111 '^ 1 1 1 • 1 r ^J targets
very shrowd blow, and had it not bene tor our targets, against arrozc 5
many of us had beene wounded, and in great distresse, and stones.
259
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
although our enemies were but few in number. In
this maner all our company came on shore with swim-
ming and with great difficultie, and if they had not
holpen one another, some of them had bene drowned.
Thus we landed, and within a while after those of the
other bote were come on land, the Indians betooke
themselves to flight, taking their way toward the
mountaines, whether they had sent their women,
children and goods : on the other side we pursued
them, & one of those Indians which came to assaile
the Generals boat, was slaine upon the strand, & two
or three others were wounded, and some said more.
While we pursued them in this maner our mastive
dogge Berecillo overtooke one of them not farre from
us (who because we were so wet could not run very
Theuseofmas- fast) and pulled him downe, having bitten him cruelly,
twes in the^ ^j^j doubtlesse he had held him till we had come,
Indians ^ unlesse it had happened that another of his companions
had not followed that Indian which the dogge had pulled
downe, who with a staffe which he had in his hands gave
the dogge a cruell blow on the backe, and without any
staying drew his fellow along like a Deere, and Berecillo
was faine to leave him for paine, neither had he scarse
taken the dogge off on him, but the Indian got up, and
fled so hastily towarde the mountaine, that within a short
while hee overtooke his fellowe which had saved him
from the pawes of the dogge, who (as it appeared) be-
tooke him lustily to his heeles, and thus they came
unto their fellowes which descended not downe to the
shore being about some twentie, and they were in all
about fiftie or sixtie.
[III. 418.] After we had breathed our selves a while, we viewed
their houses where they stood, which were certaine
cottages covered with shrubs like broome and rosemary,
with certaine stakes pight in the ground ; and the
Generall willed us to march all together without dis-
persing of our selves, a little way up those mountaines,
to see if there were any water and wood, because we
260
well dressed
with a
gra'ine.
FRANCIS DE ULLOA ad.
1540.
stood in great neede of them both. And while we
marched forward, we saw in certaine little vallies the
goods which the women had left there behind them in
their flight : for the Indians as soone as they saw us
pursue them overtooke the women, and for feare charged
them to flie away with their children leaving their stuiFe
in this place. We went unto this booty, and found
good store of fresh-fish, and dried fish, and certaine bags
containing above 28 pound weight full of dried fish
ground to pouder, and many seal-skins, the most part
dressed with a faire white graine upon them, and others Seale-skins
very badly dressed. There were also their instruments ^f^^^^-^-^^.
to fish withall, as hookes made of the prickes of certaine
shrubs and trees. Here we tooke the said skins without
leaving any one in the place, and then we returned to
the sea, because it was now night, or at least very late,
and found our botes waiting for us.
Chap. 13.
A description of the Canoas of the Indians of the He
of Cedars, and how coasting the same to find fresh
water they found some, and desiring to take thereof
they went on shore, and were diversly molested with
the weapons of the Indians. They christen an old
Indian, and returne unto their ships.
THe Canoas which they had were certaine thicke
trunkes of Cedars, some of them of the thicknesse
of two men, and three fadome long, being not made
hollow at all, but being laid along and fastened together,
they shove them into the sea, neither were they plained
to any purpose, for we found no kind of edge-toole,
saving that there were certaine sharp stones, which we
found upon certaine rockes that were very keene, where-
with we supposed that they did cut & flea those seales.
And neere the shore we found certaine water, where-
with we filled certaine bottles made of the skins of those
seales, contayning ech of them above a great paile of
water. The next day our Generall commanded us to
261
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
set saile, whereupon sailing with a fresh gale about 2
leagues from the shore of this Hand, trending about the
same to see the end thereof, and also to approch neere
the firme land, to informe our selves of the state thereof,
because we had seene 5 or 6 fires, we compassed the same
about : for by this meanes we performed 2 or 3 good
actions, namely, we returned to our right course, and
searched whether any river fell out of the coast of the
firme land, or whether there were any trees there, or
whether any store of Indians did shew themselves
or no.
In this maner proceeding on our way all the Friday
being the 16 of January at evening, and seeking to
double the point of the Hand, so fierce and contrary a
Northren winde encountered us, that it drave us backe
that night over against the lodgings and habitations of
the Indians, and here we stayed all Saturday, what
time we lost the Trinitie againe, but on Sunday-night
being the 1 8 we saw her againe, and beganne to proceede
on our way to compasse that Hand, if it pleased God
to send us good weather.
On Sunday, Munday, and Tuesday (which was the
twentieth of the said moneth of Januarie) wee sailed
with scarse and contrary windes, and at length came to
Isla de los Ce- the cape of the point of the Hand, which we called Isla
dros.orthelh Je los Cedros or the He of Cedars, because that on the
of Cedars in ^^ ^^ ^l^^ mountaines therein, there P:rowes a wood of
28 des:. and a , ^ ^^ , , . n 1 r ^
quarter. these Cedars being very tall, as the nature or them is
to be. This day the Trinitie descryed a village or towne
of the Indians, and found water : for on Sunday night
we had newly lost her, and had no sight of her untill
Tuesday, whenas we found her riding neere the shore,
not farre from those cottages of the Indians. And as
soone as we had descryed her, we made toward her, and
before we could reach her, we espied three Canoas of
Indians which came hard aboord the said ship called
the Trinitie, so that they touched almost the side of
the ship, and gave them of their fish, and our people
262
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1540.
on the other side gave them certaine trifles in exchange,
and after they had spoken with them, the Indians went
backe to the shore, and at the same instant we came up
unto the Admirall and rode by them, and they all
saluted us, saying that the Indians were neere them,
and telling what had passed betweene them, whereat the
Generall and we received great contentment. They told
us moreover, that they had found fresh water, whereby
they increased our great joy, because we stood in much
neede thereof, for at the other place of the Indians we
could get but a little.
While we thus rode at ankor, we saw a Canoa with 3
Indians put out into the sea from their cottages, and they
went unto a fishing place, among certaine great and high These mighty
weedes, which grow in this sea among certaine rockes, d^^p^ (^nd high
the greatest part of which weedes groweth in 15 or 20 '^^cHbedin the
fadome depth ; and with great celeritie they caught seven ^nd of this
or eight fishes, and returned with them unto the Trinity, treatise.
and gave them unto them, and they in recompense gave [^^^' 4i9-]
the Indians certaine trifles. After this the Indians stayed
at the Sterne of the ship, viewing the same above three
houres space, and taking the oares of our boat they
tryed how they could rowe with them, whereat they tooke
great pleasure ; and we which were in the Admirall
stirred not a whit all this while, to give them the more
assurance, that they should not flie away, but should
see, that we ment to doe them no harme, & that we
were good people. As soone as we were come to anker,
& beheld all that had passed betweene the Indians and
those of the Trinity, after the Indians were gone to the
shore in their Canoas made of the bodies of trees, the
General commanded the boat which was without to be
brought unto him : and when it was come, he, and
Francis Preciado, and two others went into it, and so
we went aboord the Trinity. The Indians seeing people
comming out of the other ship into the Trinitie, sent
two Canoas unto the sterne of the ship, and brought
us a bottle of water, and we gave unto them certain
263
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540. ^ ^ ^ _ -
beads, and continued talking with them a little while ;
but evening approching the aire grew somewhat cold.
The Indians returned on shore to their lodgings, and
the General and we to our ship. The next day being
Wednesday in the morning, the General commanded
certaine of us to take the bote and goe ashore, to see
if we could find any brooke or well of fresh water in
the houses of the Indians, because he thought it un-
possible for them to dwell there without any water
to drinke. The father frier Raimund likewise went
out in our company, because the day before seeing
the Indians came to the sterne of the shippe and par-
lying with us, he thought he might have spoken a little
with them, with the like familiarity. In like sort many
mariners and souldiers went out in the boat of the
Trinity, and going altogether with their weapons toward
the shore, somewhat above the lodgings of the Indians,
very early in the morning they watched the boats, and
perceived that wee would come on land, whereupon they
sent away their women & children with certaine of them,
who caried their goods up into certaine exceeding steepe
mountaines and hilles, and 5 or 6 of them came toward
us, which were excellently well made, and of a good
stature. Two of them had bowes and arrowes, and other
two 2 bastonadoes much thicker then the wrist of a mans
hand, and other two with 2 long staves like javelins with
very sharpe points, and approched very neere us being
nowe come on shore. And beginning by signes very
fiercely to brave us, they came so neere us, that almost
they strooke with one of those staves one of our souldiers
called Garcia a man of good parentage, but the General
commanded him to withdraw himselfe, and not to hurt
any of them. In the meane season the General and frier
Raimund stept foorth, the frier lapping a garment about
his arme, because they had taken up stones in their hands,
fearing that they would do them some mischiefs. Then
began both of them to speake unto them by signes &
words, to be quiet, signifying, that they ment them no
264
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1540.
harme, but only were come to take water ; and the frier
shewed them a drinking-cup ; but nothing would serve to
make them leave that bragging, and flinging of stones :
and the General continuing still in a mind not to hurt
them, commanded his men gently to come neere unto
them, and that by signes they should all shew them, that
they meant in no wise to hurt them, but that we were
come on land onely to take water. On the other side
refusing utterly to take knowledge of these things they
still insulted more and more : whereupon Francis Preciado
counselled the General to give him leave to kill one of
them, because all the rest would flee away, wherby at
our ease we might take water : but he replied that he
would not have it so, but willed them to looze the two
mastives Berecillo and Achillo : wherefore the dogs were
let loose, and as soone as they saw them, they vanished
immediately, betaking them to their heeles, and running
up those clifl'es like goates. Also others which came The great use
from the mountains to succour them, betooke them- °J ^^^j^'^'^p^^
selves to flight. The dogs overtooke two of them, and
bit them a little, and we running after, laid hold on
them, and they seemed as fierce as wild & untamed
beasts, for 3 or 4 of us held either of them, to cherish
& pacifie them, and to seeke to give them some thing :
but we availed not, for they bit us by the hands, and
stooped downe to take up stones for to strike us with
them. We led them a while in this maner, & came
unto their lodgings, where the Generall gave a charge,
that no man should touch any thing of theirs, command-
ing Francis Preciado to see that this order were observed,
in not taking any thing from them, although in very deed
there was little or nothing there, because the women and
Indians which were fled had caried al away. Here we
found an old man in a cave so extreamly aged as it was
wonderful, which could neither see nor go, because he
was so lame and crooked. The father frier Raimund
sayd, it were good (seeing he was so aged) to make him
a Christian ; whereupon we christened him. The captaine
265
pursuit of the
Indians.
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
gave the Indians which we had taken two paire of eare-
rings, and certaine counterfeit diamonds, and making
much of them, suffred them to depart at their pleasure,
and in this sort faire and softly they returned to the rest
of their fellowes in the mountaine. We tooke the matter
[III. 420.] of that village which was but a small quantity, and then
the Generall commanded us to returne to our ship, be-
cause we had eaten nothing as yet, and after our repast
we sayled towards a bay which lay beyond that village,
where we saw a very great valley, and those of the Trinitie
sayd, that they had scene there good store of water, and
sufficient for us ; wherefore wee ankered neere unto that
valley. And the Generall went on shore with both the
boates, and the men that went on land in the morning
with the two fathers frier Raimund, and frier Antony :
and passing up that valley a crossebow-shot, we found a
very small brooke of water which nevertheles supplied
our necessity for we filled two buts thereof that evening,
leaving our vessels to take it with on shore untill the next
morning : and we rejoyced not a little that we had found
this water, for it was fresh, and the water which we had
taken up before was somewhat brackish, and did us great
hurt both in our bodies and in our taste.
Chap. 14.
They take possession of the Isle of Cedars for the Em-
perours Majestic, and departing from thence they
are greatly tossed with a tempest of the sea, and
returne to the Island, as to a safe harbour.
THe next day being the two and twentieth of January
very early the General commanded us to go on
shore, and that we should have our dinner brought us,
and should take in the rest of our water, which we did, and
filled 17 buts without seeing any Indian at al. The next
day going out to fill 8 or 9 vessels which were not yet
filled, a great winde at Northwest tooke us, wherupon
they made signes to us from the ships, that with all haste
wee should come on boord againe, for the wind grew
266
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1540.
still higher, and higher, and the Masters were affraid
that our cables would break, thus we were in the open
sea. Therefore being come aboord againe not without
great trouble, we returned backe over against the village
of the Indians,* where we had slaine the Indian, and be- Cap. 12.
cause the wind grew more calme about midnight, the
Pilots did not cast anker, but hulled under the shelter
of this Island, which (as I have said) is called The Isle of hladehsCe-
Cedars, and is one of the 3 Isles of S. Stephan, the "^'''J^l^^^^^
greatest & chiefest of them, where the General tooke ^ /^/^^ i ^^
possession. While we hulled here, about midnight, the Stephan.
next Friday being the 23 of the moneth, without our
expectation we had a fresh gale of wind from the South-
east, which was very favourable for our voyage, & the
longer it continued, the more it increased : so that be-
tweene that night and the next day being Saturday the 24
of the said moneth we sailed 18 great leagues. While Read cap. w,
wee were thus on our way, the wind grew so contrary ^^^^^ ^^^ ^'^^•
and so tempestuous, that to our great griefe we were con-
strained to coast about with our ships, and returned
twenty leagues backe againe, taking for our succour the
second time, the point of the lodgings of the Indians,
where the foresayd Indian was slaine, and here we stayed
Munday, Tewsday, and Wednesday, during which time
the Northwest and the North wind blew continually,
whereupon we determined not to stirre from thence
untill we saw good weather, and well setled for our
voyage : for in this climate these winds doe raigne so
greatly, that we feared they would stay us longer there
then we would ; and we were so weary of staying, that
every day seemed a moneth unto us. Under this shelter
we rode Thursday, Friday, and Saturday untill noone,
which was the last of January in the yeere 1540.
About noone the wind began to blow softly at South-
west, whereupon the General told the Pilots, that we
should doe well to put over to the maine land, where
with some wind off the shore we might by the grace of
God saile somewhat farther. Thus we hoised our sailes, February.
267
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
and sailed until evening three or foure leagues, for the
wind scanted, and wee remained becalmed. The night
being come there arose a contrary winde, and we were
inforced of necessitie to retire the third time to the same
shelter of the Isle of Cedars, where we stayed from the
first of February until Shrovesunday, in the which
meane time we tooke in two buts of water which we
had spent. During the space of these eight dayes we
sought to make sayle two or three times, but as we
went out a little beyond the point of this Isle, we found
the wind so boystrous and contrary, and the sea so
growen, that of force we were constrained to returne
under the succour of the Island, and often times wee
were in great feare that we should not be able to get
in thither againe. During this time that we could not
proceed on our journey, we imployed our selves in catch-
ing a few fishes for the Lent. From Shrovesunday being
the 8 of February, on which day we set sayle, we sayled
with a very scant wind, or rather a calme, untill Shrove-
tewsday, on which we came within kenne of the firme
land, from whence we were put backe these twenty leagues
(for in these two dayes and a halfe wee sayled some 20
small leagues) and we lay in sight of the sayd poynt of
the firme land. And on the Tewsday we were becalmed,
waiting till God of his mercy would helpe us with a
prosperous wind to proceed on our voyage.
[III. 421.] On Shrovesunday at night, to make good cheere
withall wee had so great winde and raine, that there
was nothing in our ships which was not wet, and a
very colde ayre. On Ashwednesday at sun-rising we
strooke saile neere a point which we fel somewhat
short withall in a great bay running into this firme
A great bay land : and this is the place where we saw five or sixe
in the firme ^^.^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^ rising of the sunne being so neere the
shore that we might well descrie and viewe it at our
pleasure we sawe it to bee very pleasant, for wee descried
as farre as wee could discerne with our eyes, faire valleys
and small hilles, with greene shrubs very pleasant to
268
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1540.
behold, although there grew no trees there. The
situation shewed their length and breadth. This day
was little winde, it being in a manner calme, to our
no small griefe : and the father frier Raimund sayd us
a drie masse, and gave us ashes, preaching unto us
according to the time and state wherein we were : with
which sermon we were greatly comforted. After noone-
tide we had contrary wind, which still was our enemie
in all our journey, at the least from the point of the port "T he point of
of Santa Cruz. Here we were constrained to anker in ^^^^^^^rjf^
five fadome water, and after wee rode at anker wee began ^^//^^ p^^ta
to viewe the countrey, and tooke delight in beholding de Balenas.
how goodly and pleasant it was, and neere unto the sea
wee judged that wee saw a valley of white ground. At
evening so great a tempest came upon us of winde and
raine, that it was so fearefull and dangerous a thing that
a greater cannot bee expressed ; for it had like to have
driven us upon the shore, and the chiefs Pilot cast out
another great anker into the sea, yet all would not serve,
for both these ankers could not stay the ship. Where-
upon all of us cryed to God for mercy, attending to see
how he would dispose of us ; who of his great goodnesse,
while we were in this danger, vouchsafed a little to slake
the tempest, and with great speede the chiefe Pilot com-
manded the mariners to turne the capsten, and the
Generall commanded and prayed all the souldiers to
helpe to turne the capsten, which they were nothing
slow to performe : and thus we beganne to weigh our
ankers, and in weighing of one which was farre greater
then the other, the sea was so boisterous that it forced
the capsten in such sorte, that the men which were at
it could not rule the same, and it strooke a Negro of
the Generals such a blowe, that it cast him downe along
upon the decke, and did the like unto another mariner
and one of the barres strooke our fire-furnace so violently,
that it cast it overboord into the sea. Yet for all these
troubles wee weighed our ankers, and set sayle, and
albeit we had great tempests at sea, yet made wee no
269
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
account thereof in respect of the joy which we conceived
to see our selves freed of the perill of being cast on that
shore with our ships, especially seeing it fell out at
midnight, at which time no man could have escaped,
but by a meere myracle from God.
Wee sayled up and downe the sea all Thursday, and
untill Friday in the morning being the fourteeneth
day of February, and the waves of the sea continually
came raking over our deckes. At length, on Saturday
morning at breake of day we could finde no remedy
against the contrary windes, notwithstanding the Generall
was very obstinate to have us keepe out at sea, although
it were very tempestuous, least we should be driven to
put backe againe, but no diligence nor remedie prevailed :
for the windes were so boysterous and so contrary, that
they could not be worse, and the sea went still higher,
and swelled more and more, and that in such sorte, that
we greatly feared wee should all perish. Whereupon the
Pilot thought it our best course to returne to the Isle of
Cedars, whither wee had repaired three or foure times
before by reason of the selfe same contrary windes, for wee
tooke this Island for our father and mother, although we
received no other benefite thereby save this onely, namely,
to repaire thither in these necessities, and to furnish our
selves with water, and with some small quantitie of fish.
Being therefore arrived at this Island, and riding under
the shelter thereof, the contrary windes did alwayes blow
very strongly, and here we tooke water which we drunke,
and wood for our fewel, and greatly desired, that the
windes would bee more favourable for proceeding on our
journey. And though we rode under the shelter of the
Isle, yet felt wee the great fury of those windes, and
the rage of the sea, and our ships never ceased rolling.
At breake of day the twentieth of February wee found
the cable of our Admirall cracked, whereupon, to our
great griefe, we were constrained to set sayle, to fall
downe lower the space of a league, and the Trinitie
came and rode in our company.
270
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1540.
Chap. 15. [III. 422.
They goe on land in the isle of Cedars, and take divers
wilde beasts, and refresh and solace themselves. They
are strangely tossed with the Northwest winde, and
seeking often to depart they are forced, for the
avoiding of many mischiefes, to repaire thither againe
for harbour.
THe two and twentieth of February being the second
Sonday in Lent, the General went on shore with the
greatest part of his people and the friers, neere unto a
valley which they sawe before them. And hearing masse
on land, certaine souldiers and mariners, with certaine
dogges which we had in our company went into the
said valley, and we met with certaine deere, whereof we
tooke a female, which was little, but fat, whose haire was
liker the haire of a wild goat then of a deere, and we
found her not to be a perfect deere, for she had foure
dugs like unto a cowe full of milke, which made us much
to marveile. And after we had flayed off her skinne,
the flesh seemed more like the flesh of a goate, then
of a deere. We killed likewise a gray conie, in shape
like unto those of Nueva Espanna, and another as blacke
as heben-wood. In the cottages at the shelter above,
where we brake our cable, we found many pine-nuts
opened, which (in mine opinion) the Indians had gathered
together to eate the kernels of them. On Munday the
23 of the said moneth we rode at anker, taking our
pleasure and pastime with fishing. And the Northwest
winde began to blow, which waxed so great a little before
midnight, as it was wonderfull : so that although we
were under the shelter of the Island, and greatly de-
fended from that wind, yet for all that it was so furious,
and the sea became so raging and boisterous, that it
greatly shook our ships, and we were in great feare of
breaking our cables, whereof (to say the trueth) we had
very much neede : for having spent longer time in this
voyage then we looked for, wee had broken two, and
271
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
lost two of our best ankers. This furious winde con-
tinued untill the next day being Tewsday the 24 when
as we went on shore with the friers, who sayd us masse,
recommending our selves to God, beseeching him to
vouchsafe to succour and help us with some good
weather that we might proceede on our voyage, to the
advancement of his service. And still the winds were
so high and outragious, that the devill seemed to be
loosed in the aire. Whereupon the Pilots caused all
the masts to be let downe, least they should be shaken
with the wind, and tooke off all the shrowds, and like-
wise caused the cabbens in the sterne to be taken away,
that the winds might have more free passage, for the
safetie of the ships : yet for al this they ceased not to
be in great trouble. On Tewsday the second of March,
about midnight or somewhat after, riding under the
Island in this distresse, there came a gust of Northwest
winde, which made the cable of the Admirall to slip,
and the Trinitie brake her cable, and had bene cast
away, if God of his mercy had not provided for us,
together with the diligence which the Pilots used, in
hoising the sailes of the trinkets and mizzen, wherewith
they put to sea, and rode by another anker untill day,
when the men of both the ships went with their boats
to seeke the anker untill noone, which at length they
found and recovered, not without great paines &
diligence which they used in dragging for it, for they
were till noone in seeking the same, and had much
adoe to recover it. After this we set up our shrowdes,
and all things necessary to saile, for to proceede on our
voyage, if it pleased God, and not to stay alwayes in that
place, as lost and forlorne. Thus on the Wednesday
two or three houres after dinner wee set saile, with a
scarce winde at Southeast, which was favourable for our
course and very scant ; and our Pilots & all the rest
of us were in no smal feare, that it would not continue
long. We began therfore to set forward, although we
seemed to see before our eies, that at the end of the
272
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1540.
Island we should meete with contrary winde at North
and Northwest. This day about evening when our ships
had discovered the point of this Isle of Cedars, wee
began to perceive those contrary windes, and the sea to
goe so loftily, that it was terrible to behold. And the
farther we went, the more the winds increased, so that
they put us to great distresse, sayling alwayes with the
sheates of our mainesaile and trinket warily in our hands,
and with great diligence we loosed the ties of all the
sailes, to save them the better, that the wind might not
charge them too vehemently. For all this the mariners
thought it best to returne backe, and that by no means
we should runne farre into the sea, because we were
in extreame danger. Whereupon wee followed their
counsel, turning backe almost to the place from whence
we departed, whereat we were al not a little grieved,
because we could not prosecute our voyage, and began
to want many things for the furniture of our ships.
The 8 of March being Munday about noone the Generall
commanded us to set saile, for a small gale of winde
blew from the West, which was the wind whereof we
had most need, to follow our voyage, whereat wee were
all glad for the great desire which we had to depart out
of that place. Therefore we began to set saile, & to
passe toward the point of the Island, and to shape our [III. 423.]
course toward the coast of the firme land, to view the
situation thereof. And as we passed the Island, and
were betwixt it and the maine, the Northwest being a
contrary wind began to blow, which increased so by
degrees, that we were constrained to let fall the bonets
of our sailes, to save them, striking them very low.
And the Trinitie seeing this bad weather returned forth-
with unto the place from whence we departed, and the
Admiral cast about all night in the sea, untill the morn-
ing ; and the chiefe Pilot considering that by no means
we could proceed farther without danger, if we should
continue at sea any longer, resolved that wee should
retire our selves againe to that shelter, where we rode at
IX 273 s
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
anker untill Thursday. And on Friday about noone we
set saile againe with a scarce winde, & in comming forth
unto the point of the Island, we met againe with contrary
winde at Northwest : whereupon running all night with
the firme land, on Saturday in the morning being S.
Lazarus day and the 13 of march, we came in sight
thereof, in viewing of the which we all rejoyced, and
we souldiers would very willingly have gone on shore.
This night fel great store of raine like the raine in
Castilia, and we were all well wet in the morning, &
we tooke great pleasure in beholding the situation of
Thefirmeland that firme land, because it was greene, and because we
verygreenand j^^j discovered a pleasant valley and piaines of good
mdh vdk'^s l^J'g^^^s, which seemed to bee environed with a garland
and pk'ines. of mountains. At length for feare of misfortunes,
seeing the sea so high, we durst not stay here or approch
neere the land, & because we had great want of cables
and ankers, we were again constrained to put to sea ;
and being in the same, and finding the said contrary
windes, the Pilots judged that we had none other
remedie, but againe to retire our selves to our wonted
shelter. And thus we returned, but somewhat above
the old place. On Sunday we rode here to the great
grief of all the company, considering what troubles we
indured, & could not get forward ; so that this was such
a corrasive, as none could be more intollerable. This
day being come to an anker wee had a mighty gale of
wind at Northwest, which was our adversary and capital
enemie, and when day was shut in, it still grew greater
and greater, so that the ships rouled much. And after
midnight, toward break of day, the Trinitie brake her
two cables, which held the two ankers which she had,
and seeing her selfe thus forlorne, she turned up and
downe in the sea untill day, and came & rode neere
us, by one anker which shee had left. This day all of
us went to seeke these lost ankers, and for all the
diligence which wee used, wee could find but one of
them. We rode at anker all day until night, when
274
FRANCIS DE ULLOA a.d.
1540.
the Trinitie againe brake a cable, which certaine rocks
had cut asunder : wherupon the General commanded
that she should ride no longer at anker, but that shee
should turne up and downe, as she had done before
in sight of us, which she did al day long, and at night
she came to an anker over against a fresh water somewhat
lower, and wee went and rode hard by her. On Palme-
sunday we went on shore with the fathers, which read
the passion unto us and said masse, and we went in
procession with branches in our hands. And so being
comforted, because we had received that holy Sacrament,
we returned to our ships.
Chap. 16.
Returning to the Isle of Cedars weather-beaten, and
with their ships in evil case, they conclude, that
the ship called Santa Agueda or Santa Agatha should
returne unto Nueva Espanna. Of the multitude
of whales which they found about the point of
California : with the description of a weede, which
groweth among the Islands of those seas.
HEre we continued untill the Wednesday before
Easter being the foure and twentieth of March,
on which day wee consulted together, that because the
ships were ill conditioned, and wanted necessary furniture
to proceede any further, it were best for us to returne
backe to New Spaine, as also because our clothes were
consumed : but the Generall seemed not willing to
returne, but to proceed on his voyage : and in fine it
was resolved, that seeing both the ships could not
proceede forwarde, as well because they had lost their
necessary furnitures, as also that the Santa Agatha had
neede of calking, because she received much water, and
was the worst furnished of the twaine, that shee should
returne backe to advertize the Marques of our successe
in this voyage, and what hindred our proceeding, and
in what case wee stoode, and howe wee were bereft of
our necessary furniture. And because the Trinitie was
275
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
the swifter ship, and better appointed then the other, it
was concluded, that it should be provided in the best
maner that might be, & that the General should
proceed on his journey in her with such companie as
he should make choise of, and that the rest should
returne at their good leisure. Wherefore upon this
determination we went under a point of this Island,
because it was a fit place to carene the ship : & in
recovering the same we spent Wednesday, Thursday, and
Friday till noone, and yet for all that wee could not wel
double it, until Easter day about noone. Here we
ankered very neere the shore, and in a valley we found
very excellent fresh water, wherof we made no smal
account, & here stayed all the Easter-holidayes, to set
our selves about the furnishing up of the Trinity : and
[III. 424.] after the worke was taken in hand by the two Masters
which were very sufficient calkers (one of which was
Juan Castiliano chiefe Pilot, and the other Peruccio de
Bermes) they finished the same so well in fives dayes,
as it was wonderfull; for no man could perceive how
any droppe of water could enter into any of the seames.
Afterward they mended the other ship from Saturday
till Munday, during which time all those were shriven
that had not confessed, and received the communion,
and it was resolved by charge of the confessors, that all
those seale-skins which they had taken from the Indians
should bee restored againe ; and the Generall gave
charge to Francis Preciado to restore them all, charging
him on his conscience so to doe. Thus they gathered
them together, and delivered them into the hands of the
fathers, to bee kept untill they returned to the place.
The Santa where they were to restore them. After this maner on
^^\iy~ Munday before noone we tooke our leaves of the
New-spaine Generall Francis Ulloa, and of the people that stayed
the 5. of with him, who at our departure shed no small number
Jpril. of teares, and we chose for our captaine in the Santa
Agueda master Juan Castiliano the chiefe pilot, as well
of the ship, as of us all, and set saile the same day
276
FRANCIS DE ULLOA ad.
1540.
being the fift of April, having our boat tied at our
Sterne, till we came over against the cottages, whence
wee had taken the seale-skins. From the countrey of T'he Isle of
the Christians and the port of Colima we were now ^^^^^'^ S^o
distant some three hundreth leagues, which is the first Colima^
port where wee determined to touch at. And having
sailed a league from the Trinitie the captaine Juan
Castiliano commanded us to salute them with three
pieces of great Ordinance, and she answered us with
other three, and afterward we answered one another
with two shot apiece.
We sailed on Munday & *Tewsday til noon with The sixt of
contrary wind in sight of the Island, and at noone we ^P^^^^-
had a fresh gale in the poupe, which brought us over
against the cottages of the Indians where we tooke away
those seal skins ; & there certain souldiers & mariners
with the father frier Antony de Melo leapt on shore
with the boat, carying the skins with them, & flung
them into the sayd cottages out of which they were
taken, and so returned to their ship. This day the The 7 of
weather calmed, whereupon we were driven to cast anker, ^^^'^^'
fearing that we should foorthwith be distressed for want
of victuals, if we should stay there any long time :
but God which is the true helper provided better for
us then we deserved or imagined ; for as we rode here, '^^^y ^^'^^
after midnight the Wednesday following before ten of -^^^^ ^^/^^^
the clocke wee had a favourable gale of winde from the the point of
Southeast, which put us into the sea ; whither being Santa Cruz
driven, wee had the wind at Northwest so good and con- °J' California
stant, that in sixe dayes it brought us to the cape of the ^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^'
point of the port of Santa Cruz : for which so great blessing
of God we gave unto him infinite thankes. And here
we began to allow our selves a greater proportion of
victuals then wee had done before, for wee had eaten
very sparingly for feare lest our victuals would faile
us. Before we came to this point of the haven of Santa
Cruz by sixe or seven leagues we saw on shore between
certaine valleys divers great smokes. And having passed
277
A.D.
1540.
Funta de
Balenas.
Read more of
these weedes
cap. 13.
5ant lago de
Buena esper-
anza in 19
degrees.
Cabo del En-
ganno in 30
degrees ^ a
halfe.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
the point of this port, our captaine thought it good to
lanch foorth into the maine Ocean : yet although we ran
a swift course, above 500 whales came athwart of us
in 2 or 3 skulles within one houres space, which were
so huge, as it was wonderfull, and some of them came
so neere unto the ship, that they swam under the same
from one side to another, whereupon we were in great
feare, lest they should doe us some hurt, but they could
not because the ship had a prosperous and good winde,
and made much way, whereby it could receive no harme,
although they touched and strooke the same.
Among these Islands are such abundance of those
weedes, that if at any time wee were inforced to sayle
over them they hindred the course of our ships. They
growe fourteene or fifteene fadome deepe under the water,
their tops reaching foure or five fadome above the water.
They are of the colour of yellow waxe, & their stalke
groweth great proportionably. This weede is much more
beautifull then it is set foorth, and no marvell, for the
naturall painter and creator thereof is most excellent.
This relation was taken out of that which Francis
Preciado brought with him.
After this ship the Santa Agueda departed from the
Generall Ulloa, and returned backe the 5 of April, she
arrived in the port of Sant lago de buena esperan9a
the 18 of the said moneth, and after she had stayed
there foure or five dayes, she departed for Acapulco :
howbeit untill this present seventeenth of May in the
yeere 1540, I have heard no tidings nor newes of her.
Moreover after the departure of the Santa Agueda
for Nueva Espanna, the General Francis Ulloa in the
ship called the Trinitie proceeding on his discovery
coasted the land untill he came to a point called Cabo
del Enganno standing in thirty degrees and a halfe of
Northerly latitude, and then returned backe to Newspaine,
because he found the winds very contrary, and his
victuals failed him.
278
FERNANDO ALARCHON
A.D.
1540.
The relation of the navigation and discovery [HI. 425.]
which Captaine Fernando Alarchon made by
the order of the right honourable Lord Don
Antonio de Mendo9a Vizeroy of New Spaine,
dated in Colima, an haven of New Spaine.
Chap. I.
Fernando Alarchon after he had suffered a storme,
arrived with his Fleete at the haven of Saint lago,
and from thence at the haven of Agualaval : he was
in great perill in seeking to discover a Bay, and
getting out of the same he discovered a river on the
coast with a great current, entring into the same,
and coasting along he discried a great many of
Indians with their weapons : with signes hee hath
traffique with them, and fearing some great danger
returneth to his ships.
N Sunday the ninth of May in the yeere
1540. I set saile with two ships, the one
called Saint Peter being Admirall, and
the other Saint Catherine, and wee set
forward meaning to goe to the haven of
Saint lago of good hope : but before we
arrived there wee had a terrible storme,
wherewith they which were in the ship called Saint
Catherine, being more afraid then was neede, cast over
boord nine pieces of Ordinance, two ankers and one
cable, and many other things as needfuU for the enter-
prise wherein we went, as the shippe it selfe. Assoone
as we were arrived at the haven of Saint lago I repaired The haven of
my losse which I had received, provided my selfe of ^^^^^ ^^'&'^'
things necessary, and tooke aboord my people which
looked for my comming, and directed my course toward
the haven of Aguaiavall. And being there arrived I The haven of
understood that the Generall Francis Vazquez de Coro- ^g^^^^"^^^-
nado was departed with all his people : whereupon taking
279
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
the ship called Saint Gabriel which carried victuals for
the armie I led her with mee to put in execution your
Lordships order. Afterward I followed my course along
the coast without departing from the same, to see if
I could find any token or any Indian which could give
me knowledge of him : and in sailing so neere the shore
I discovered other very good havens, for the ships
whereof Captaine Francis de Ullua was Generall for the
Marquesse de Valle neither sawe nor found them. And
These shoalds when we were come to the flats and shoalds from whence
are the bottome ^|^g foresaid fleete returned, it seemed aswell to me as
mejo or the ^^ ^^ ^^^^> ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^ firme land before us, and
Bay of Call- that those shoalds were so perilous and fearefull, that it
fornia. was a thing to be considered whither with our skiffes
we could enter in among them : and the Pilotes and the
rest of the company would have had us done as Captaine
Ullua did, and have returned backe againe. But because
your Lordship commanded mee, that I should bring you
the secret of that gulfe, I resolved, that although I had
knowen I should have lost the shippes, I would not
have ceased for any thing to have seene the head thereof:
and therefore I commanded Nicolas Zamorano Pilote
major, and Dominico del Castello that eche of them
should take a boate, and their lead in their hands, and
runne in among those shoalds, to see if they could find
out the chanell whereby the shippes might enter in :
to whom it seemed that the ships might saile up higher
(although with great travell and danger) and in this sort
I and he began to follow our way which they had taken,
and within a short while after wee found our selves fast
on the sands with all our three ships, in such sort that
one could not helpe another, neither could the boates
succour us, because the current was so great that it was
impossible for one of us to come unto another : where-
upon we were in such great jeopardie that the decke of the
Admirall was oftentimes under water, and if a great
surge of the sea had not come & driven our ship right
up, and gave her leave as it were to breath a while,
280
FERNANDO ALARCHON a.d.
1540.
we had there bin drowned : and likewise the other two
shippes found themselves in very great hazard, yet be-
cause they were lesser and drewe lesse water, their danger
was not so great as ours. Nowe it pleased God upon
the returne of the flood that the shippes came on flote,
and so wee went forward. And although the company
would have returned backe, yet for all this I determined
to goe forwarde, and to pursue our attempted voyage :
and we passed forward with much adoe, turning our
stemmes now this way, now that way, to seeke to find
the chanel. And it pleased God that after this sort we The httome oj
came to the very bottome of the Bay ; where wee found ^^ ^P f
a very mightie river, which ranne with so great fury of
a streame, that we could hardly saile against it. In
this sort I determined as wel as I could to go up this
river, and with two boates, leaving the third with the
ships, and twenty men, my selfe being in one of them
with Roderigo Maldonado treasurer of this fleet, and
Gaspar de Castilleia comptroller, and with certaine small
pieces of artillerie I began to saile up the river, and
charged all my company, that none of them should [III. 426.]
stirre nor use any signe, but he whom I appoynted,
although wee found Indians. The same day, which was They goe up
Thursday the sixe and twentieth of August, following ^^ ^'^"^'^^ f
our voyage with drawing the boats with halsers we went the^G^l^
about some 6 leagues : and the next day which was Jugust.
Friday by the breake of day thus following our way
upward, I saw certaine Indians which went toward cer-
taine cottages neere unto the water, who assoone as they
saw us, ten or twelve of them rose up furiously, and
crying with a loud voyce, other of their companions
came running together to the number of 50 which with
all haste carried out of their cottages such things as they
had, and layd them under certaine shrubs and many
of them came running toward that part whether wee
approched, making great signes unto us that we
should goe backe againe, using great threatnings against
us, one while running on this side and an other
281
A.D.
1540.
He carried 1
interpreter
with him.
A very
course taken
to appease
unknowen
lavages.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
while on that side. I seeing them in such a rage,
caused our boates to lanch from the shore into the
middes of the river, that the Indians might be out of
feare, and I rode at anker, and set my people in as good
order as I could, charging them that no man should
speake, nor make any signe nor motion, nor stirre out
of his place, nor should not be offended for any thing
that the Indians did, nor should shewe no token of
warre : And by this meanes the Indians came every
foote neere the rivers side to see us : and I gate by
little and little toward them where the river seemed to
be deepest. In this meane space there were above two
hundred and fiftie Indians assembled together with
bowes and arrowes, and with certaine banners in warre-
like sort in such maner as those of New Spayne doe
use : and perceiving that I drewe toward the shore,
they came with great cryes toward us with bowes and
arrowes put into them, and with their banners displayed.
And I went unto the stemme of my boate with the
interpreter which I carried with me, whom I com-
manded to speake unto them, and when he spake,
they neither understood him, nor he them, although
because they sawe him to be after their fashion, they
stayed themselves: and seeing this I drewe neerer the
shore, and they with great cryes came to keepe mee
from the shore of the river, making signes that I should
not come any farther, putting stakes in my way betweene
the water and the land : and the more I lingered, the
more people still flocked together. Which when I had
considered I beganne to make them signes of peace, and
taking my sword and target, I cast them downe in the
boate and set my feete upon them, giving them to under-
stand with this and other tokens that I desired not to
have warre with them, and that they should doe the like.
Also I tooke a banner and cast it downe, and I caused
my company that were with mee to sit downe likewise,
and taking the wares of exchange which I carried with
mee, I called them to give them some of them : yet for
282
FERNANDO ALARCHON a.d.
1540.
all this none of them stirred to take any of them, but
rather flocked together, and beg-anne to make a P:reat
murmuring among themselves : and suddenly one came
out from among them with a staife wherein certayne
shelles were set, and entred into the water to give them
unto mee, and I tooke them, and made signes unto him
that hee should come neere me, which when he had
done, I imbraced him, and gave him in recompence
certaine beades and other things, and he returning with
them unto his fellowes, began to looke upon them, and
to parley together, and within a while after many of
them came toward me, to whom I made signes to lay
downe their banners, and to leave their weapons : which
they did incontinently, then I made signes that they
should lay them altogether, and should goe aside from
them, which likewise they did : and they caused those
Indians which newly came thither to leave them, and
to lay them together with the rest. After this I called
them unto me, and to all them which came I gave
some smal trifle, using them gently, and by this time
they were so many that came thronging about mee,
that I thought I could not stay any longer in safety
among them, and I made signes unto them that they
should withdraw themselves, and that they should stand
al upon the side of an hill which was there betweene a
plaine & the river, and that they should not presse to
me above ten at a time. And immediatly the most
ancient among them called unto them with a loud voyce,
willing them to do so : and some ten or twelve of them
came where I was : whereupon seeing my selfe in some
securitie, I determined to goe on land the more to put
them out of feare : and for my more securitie, I made
signes unto them, to sit downe on the ground which they
did : but when they saw that ten or twelve of my com-
panions came a shore after me, they began to be angry,
and I made signes unto them that we would be friends,
and that they should not feare, & herewithal they were
pacified, and sate down as they did before, and I went
283
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
^540.
unto them, & imbraced them, giving them certain trifles,
commanding mine interpreter to speake unto them, for
I greatly desired to understand their maner of speech,
and the cry which they made at mee. And that I
might knowe what maner of foode they had, I made a
signe unto them, that wee would gladly eate, and they
brought mee certaine cakes of Maiz, and a loafe of
Mizquiqui, and they made signes unto mee that they
desired to see an harquebuse shotte off, which I caused
[III. 427.] to be discharged, and they were all wonderfully afraid,
except two or three olde men among them which were
not mooved at all, but rather cried out upon the rest,
because they were afrayd : and through the speach of
one of these olde men, they began to rise up from
the ground, and to lay hold on their weapons : whom
when I sought to appease, I would have given him a
silken girdle of divers colours, and hee in a great rage
bitte his nether lippe cruelly, and gave mee a thumpe
with his elbowe on the brest, and turned in a great furie
to speake unto his company. After that I saw them
advance their banners, I determined to returne my selfe
gently to my boates, and with a small gale of wind I
set sayle, whereby wee might breake the current which
was very great, although my company were not well
pleased to goe any farther. In the meane space the
Indians came following us along the shore of the river,
making signes that I should come on land, and that they
would give mee food to eate, some of them sucking
their fingers, and others entred into the water with
certaine cakes of Maiz, to give me them in my boate.
Chap. 2.
Of the habite, armour and stature of the Indians. A
relation of many others with whom he had by signes
traffique, victuals and many courtesies.
N this sort we went up two leagues, and I arrived
neere a cliffe of an hill, whereupon was an arbour
made newly, where they made signes unto me, crying
284
r
FERNANDO ALARCHON ad.
1540.
that I should go thither, shewing me the same with
their handes, and telHng mee that there was meate to
eate. But I would not goe thither, seeing the place was Good forecast.
apt for some ambush, but followed on my voyage, within
a while after issued out from thence above a thousand
armed men with their bowes and arrowes, and after that
many women and children shewed themselves, toward
whom I would not goe, but because the Sunne was
almost set, I rode in the middest of the river. These
Indians came decked after sundry fashions, some came
with a painting that covered their face all over, some
had their faces halfe covered, but all besmouched with Indians he-
cole, and every one as it liked him best. Others carried ^^^^outchedwlth
visards before them of the same colour which had the
shape of faces. They weare on their heads a piece of
a Deeres skinne two spannes broad set after the maner
of a helmet, and upon it certaine small sticks with some
sortes of fethers. Their weapons were bowes and
arrowes of hard wood, and two or three sorts of maces
of wood hardened in the fire. This is a mightie people,
well feitured, and without any grossenesse. They have
holes bored in their nostrels whereat certaine pendents
hang : and others weare shelles, and their eares are full
of holes, whereon they hang bones and shelles. All of
them both great and small weare a girdle about their
waste made of diverse colours, and in the middle is
fastened a round bunch of feathers, which hangeth
downe behind like a tayle. Likewise on the brawne of
their armes they weare a streit string, which they wind
so often about that it becommeth as broad as ones hand.
They weare certaine pieces of Deeres bones fastened to
their armes, wherewith they strike off the sweate, and
at the other certaine small pipes of canes. They carry Pipes and
also certaine little long bagges about an hand broade tyed ^1^^^^ ofTa-
to their left arme, which serve them also in stead of
brasers for their bowes, full of the powder of a certaine
herbe, whereof they make a certaine beverage. They
have their bodies traced with coles, their haire cut before,
285
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
and behind it hangs downe to their wast. The women
goe naked, and weare a great wreath of fethers behind
them, and before painted and glued together, and their
haire like the men. There were among these Indians
three or foure men in womens apparell. Nowe the next
day being Saturday very early I went forward on my
way up the river, setting on shore two men for eache
boate to drawe them with the rope, and about breaking
foorth of the Sunne, wee heard a mightie crie of Indians
on both sides of the river with their weapons, but with-
out any banner. I thought good to attend their com-
ming, aswell to see what they woulde have, as also to
try whether our interpreter could understand them.
When they came over against us they leapt into the
river on both sides with their bowes and arrowes, and
when they spake, our interpreter understoode them not :
whereupon I beganne to make a signe unto them that
they should lay away their weapons, as the other had
done. Some did as I willed them, and some did not,
and those which did, I willed to come neere me and
gave them some things which we had to trucke with-
all, which when the others perceived, that they might
likewise have their part, they layd away their weapons
likewise. I judging my selfe to be in securitie leaped
on shore with them, and stoode in the middest of them,
who understanding that I came not to fight with them,
^hels and began to give some of those shels and beades, and some
beades, brought me certaine skinnes well dressed, and others
Maiz and a roll of the same naughtily grinded, so that
none of them came unto me that brought mee not some-
[III. 428.] thing, and before they gave it me going a little way
from mee they began to cry out amayne, and made a
signe with their bodies and armes, and afterward they
approched to give me that which they brought. And
now that the Sunne beganne to set I put off from the
shore, and rode in the middest of the river. The next
morning before breake of day on both sides of the river
wee heard greater cryes and of more Indians, which
286
FERNANDO ALARCHON ad.
1540.
leaped into the river to swimme, and they came to
bring mee certaine gourdes full of Maiz, and of those
wrethes which I spake of before. I shewed unto them
Wheate and Beanes, and other seedes, to see whether
they had any of those kindes : but they shewed mee
that they had no knowledge of them, and wondred at
all of them, and by signes 1 came to understand that
the thing which they most esteemed and reverenced was
the Sunne : and I signified unto them that I came from ^ mtahle
the Sunne. Whereat they marveiled, and then they >*^^^"^-
began to beholde me from the toppe to the toe, and
shewed me more favour then they did before ; and when
I asked them for food, they brought me such abundance
that I was inforced twise to call for the boates to put
it into them, and from that time forward of all the things
which they brought me they flang up into the ayre one
part unto the Sunne, and afterward turned towards me to
give mee the other part : and so I was alwayes better
served and esteemed of them as well in drawing of the
boats up the river, as also in giving me food to eat : and
they shewed me so great love, that when I stayed they
would have carried us in their armes unto their houses :
and in no kind of thing they would breake my com-
mandement : and for my suretie, I willed them not to
carry any weapons in my sight : and they were so carefull
to doe so, that if any man came newly thither with them,
suddenly they would goe and meete him to cause him
to lay them downe farre from mee : and I shewed them
that I tooke great pleasure in their so doing : and to
some of the chiefe of them I gave certaine little napkins
and other trifles ; for if I should have given somewhat to
every one of them in particular, all the small wares in Swarmes of
New Spayne would not have sufficed. Sometimes it fell Z^^/'^'^-
out (such was the great love and good wil which they
shewed me) that if any Indians came thither by chance
with their weapons, and if any one being warned to leave
them behind him, if by negligence, or because he under-
stood them not at the first warning, he had not layd them
287
A.D.
1540.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
away, they would runne unto him, and take them from
him by force, and would breake them in pieces in my
presence. Afterward they tooke the rope so lovingly, and
with striving one with another for it, that we had no need
to pray them to doe it. Wherefore if we had not had this
An exceeding helpe, the current of the river being exceeding great, and
great current ^^^ vcl^vl that drew the rope being: not well acquainted
of the Ttver, . . . ^ , '•,
with that occupation, it would have beene impossible for
us to have gotten up the river so against the streame.
When I perceived that they understood mee in all things,
and that I likewise understoode them, I thought good
to try by some way or other to make a good entrance
to find some good issue to obtaine my desire : And I
caused certaine crosses to be made of certaine small sticks
and paper, and among others when I gave any thing I
gave them these as things of most price and kissed them,
making signes unto them that they should honour them
and make great account of them, and that they should
weare them at their necks : giving them to understand
that this signe was from heaven, and they tooke them
and kissed them, and lifted them up aloft, and seemed
greatly to rejoyce thereat when they did so, and sometime
I tooke them into my boate, shewing them great good
will, and sometime I gave them of those trifles which I
caried with me. And at length the matter grew to such
issue, that I had not paper and stickes ynough to make
crosses. In this maner that day I was very well accom-
panied, untill that when night approched I sought to
lanch out into the river, and went to ride in the
middest of the streame, and they came to aske leave
of me to depart, saying that they would returne the
next day with victuals to visite me, and so by litle
and little they departed, so that there stayed not above
fiftie which made fires over against us, and stayed there
al night calling us, and before the day was perfectly
broken, they leapt into the water and swamme unto
us asking for the rope, and we gave it them with a
good will, thanking God for the good provision which
FERNANDO ALAKCHON a.d.
1540.
hee gave us to go up the river : for the Indians were
so many, that if they had gone about to let our passage,
although we had bene many more then wee were, they
might have done it.
Chap. 3.
One of the Indians understanding the language of the
interpreter, asketh many questions of the originall
of the Spaniards, he telleth him that their Captaine
is the child of the Sunne, and that he was sent of
the Sunne unto them, and they would have received
him for their king. They take this Indian into
their boat, and of him they have many informations
of that countrey.
IN this maner we sailed until Tuesday at night,
going as we were wont, causing mine interpreter
to speak unto the people to see if peradventure any
of them could understand him, I perceived that one [III. 429.]
answered him, whereupon I caused the boates to be
stayed, and called him, which hee understoode, charging
mine interpreter that hee should not speake nor answere
him any thing else, but onely that which I said unto J wise devise.
him : and I saw as I stood still that that Indian began
to speake to the people with great furie : whereupon all
of them beganne to drawe together, and mine interpreter
understood, that he which came to the boate sayd unto
them, that he desired to knowe what nation we were,
and whence wee came, and whither we came out of
the water, or out of the earth, or from heaven : And
at this speech an infinite number of people came together,
which marvailed to see mee speake : and this Indian
turned on this side and on that side to speake unto
them in another language which mine interpreter under-
stood not. Whereas he asked me what we were, I
answered that we were Christians, and that we came from
farre to see them : and answering to the question, who
had sent me, I said, I was sent by the Sunne, pointing
unto him by signes as at the first, because they should
IX 289 T
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
not take mee in a lye. He beganne againe to aske
mee, how the Sunne had sent me, seeing hee went
aloft in the skie and never stoode still, and seeing
these many yeeres neither he nor their olde men had
ever seene such as we were, of whome they ever had
any kind of knowledge, and that the Sunne till that
houre had never sent any other. I answered him that
it was true that the Sunne made his course aloft in
the skie, and did never stand still, yet neverthelesse
that they might well perceive that at his going downe
and rising in the morning hee came neere unto the
earth, where his dwelling was, and that they ever sawe
him come out of one place, and that hee had made
mee in that land and countrey from whence hee came,
like as hee had made many others which hee sent into
other partes, and that nowe hee had sent me to visite
and view the same river, and the people that dwelt neere
the same, that I should speake unto them, and shoulde
joyne with them in friendshippe, and should give them
things which they had not, and that I should charge them
that they should not make warre one against another.
Whereunto he answered, that I should tell him the
cause why the Sunne had not sent mee no sooner to
pacifie the warres which had continued a long time among
them, wherein many had beene slaine. I tolde him the
cause hereof was, because at that time I was but a child.
Then he asked the interpreter whether wee tooke him
with us perforce having taken him in the war, or whether
he came with us of his own accord. He answered him
that he was with us of his owne accord, and was very
wel appaid of our company. He returned to enquire,
why we brought none save him onely that understood
us, and wherefore wee understood not all other men,
seeing we were the children of the Sunne : he answered,
that the Sunne also had begotten him, and given him a
language to understand him, and me, and others : that
the Sunne knew well that they dwelt there, but that
because he had many other businesses, and because
290
FERNANDO ALARCHON a.d.
1540.
I was but yong hee sent me no sooner. And he
turning unto me sayd suddenly: Comest thou therefore
hither to bee our Lord, and that wee should serve
thee ? I supposing that I should not please him if I
should have said yea, answered him, not to be their
Lord, but rather to be their brother, and to give them
such things as I had. He asked me, whether the Sunne
had begotten me as he had begotten others, and whether
I was his kinsman or his sonne : I answered him that
I was his Sonne. He proceeded to aske me whether
the rest that were with me were also the children of the
Sunne, I answered him no, but that they were borne
all with me in one countrey, where I was brought up.
Then he cryed out with a loud voyce and sayd, seeing
thou doest us so much good, and wilt not have us to
make warre, and art the child of the Sunne, wee will
all receive thee for our Lord, and alwayes serve thee,
therefore wee pray thee that thou wilt not depart hence
nor leave us : and suddenly hee turned to the people,
and beganne to tell them, that I was the child of the
Sunne, and that therefore they should all chuse me for
their Lord. Those Indians hearing this, were astonied
beyond measure, and came neerer still more and more
to behold me. That Lidian also asked mee other
questions, which to avoyd tediousnesse I doe not recite :
and in this wise we passed the day, and seeing the night
approch, I began by all meanes I could devise to get
this fellow into our boat with us : and he refusing to
goe with us, the interpreter told him that wee would
put him on the other side of the river, and upon this
condition hee entred into our boate, and there I made
very much of him, and gave him the best entertayne-
ment I could, putting him alwayes in securitie, and when
I judged him to be out of all suspition, I thought it
good to aske him somewhat of that countrey. And among
the first things that I asked him this was one, whether
hee had ever seene any men like us, or had heard any
report of them. Hee answered mee no, saving that hee
291
A.D.
1540.
Newes of
bearded and
white men.
[III. 430.]
The Sunne
worshipped as
God.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
had sometime hearde of olde men, that very farre from
that Countrey there were other white men, and with
beardes like us, and that hee knewe nothing else. I
asked him also whether hee knewe a place called Cevola,
and a River called Totonteac, and hee answered mee
no. Whereupon perceiving that hee coulde not give
mee any knowledge of Francis Vazquez nor of his
company, I determined to aske him other things of that
countrey, and of their maner of life : and beganne to
enquire of him, whether they helde that there was one
God, creator of heaven and earth, or that they worshipped
any other Idol. And hee answered mee no : but that
they esteemed and reverenced the Sunne above all other
things, because it warmed them and made their croppes
to growe : and that of all things which they did eate,
they cast a little up into the ayre unto him. I asked
him next whether they had any Lorde, and hee sayde
no : but that they knewe well that there was a great
Lorde, but they knewe not well which way hee dwelt.
And I tolde him that hee was in heaven, and that hee
was called Jesus Christ, and I went no farther in divinitie
with him. I asked him whether they had any warre,
and for what occasion. Hee answered that they had
warre and that very great, and upon exceeding small
occasions : for when they had no cause to make warre,
they assembled together, and some of them sayd, let
us goe to make warre in such a place, and then all of
them set forward with their weapons. I asked them
who commanded the armie : he answered the eldest and
most valiant, and that when they sayd they should
proceede no farther, that suddenly they retired from
the warre. I prayed him to tell me what they did with
those men which they killed in battell : he answered me
that they tooke out the hearts of some of them, and
eat them, and others they burned ; and he added, that
if it had not bene for my comming, they should have
bin now at warre : and because I commanded them
that they should not war, and that they should cease
292
FERNANDO ALARCHON a.d.
1540.
from armes, therefore as long as I should not com-
mand them to take armes, they would not begin to
wage warre agahist others, & they said among them-
selves, that seeing I was come unto them, they had
given over their intention of making warre, & that
they had a good mind to live in peace. He complained
of certaine people which dwelt behind in a mountaine Certalne war-
which made great war upon them, and slew many of [.^f^°^[ ^'
tiiem : I answered him, that from henceforward they f^i„g^
should not need to feare any more, because 1 had
commanded them to be quiet, & if they would not obey
my commandement, I would chasten them and kill them.
He enquired of me how I could kill them seeing we
were so few, and they so many in number. And because
it was now late and that I saw by this time he was
weary to stay any longer with me, I let him goe out
of my boat, and therewith I dismissed him very well
content.
Chap. 4.
Of Naguachato and other chiefe men of those Indians
they receive great store of victuals, they cause them
to set up a crosse in their countreys, and hee teacheth
them to worship it. They have newes of many
people, of their divers languages, and customes in
matrimony, how they punish adultery, of their
opinions concerning the dead, and of the sicknesses
which they are subject unto.
THe next day betimes in the morning came the
chiefe man among them called Naguachato, and
wished me to come on land because he had great store
of victuals to give me. And because I saw my selfe
in securitie I did so without doubting ; and incontinently
an olde man came with rols of that Maiz, and certaine
litle gourds, and calling me with a loud voyce and using
many gestures with his body and armes, came neere
unto me, and causing me to turne me unto that people,
and hee himselfe also turning unto them sayd unto
293
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
them, Sagueyca, and all the people answered with a great
voyce, Hu, and hee offred to the Sunne a little of every
thing that he had there, and likewise a little more unto
me (although afterward he gave me all the rest) and
did the like to all that were with me : & calling out
mine interpreter, by meanes of him I gave them thanks,
telling them that because my boats were litle I had
not brought many things to give them in exchange,
but that I would come againe another time and bring
them, and that if they would go with me in my boates
unto my ships which I had beneath at the rivers mouth,
I would give them many things. They answered that
they would do so, being very glad in countenance. Here
by the helpe of mine interpreter I sought to instruct
them what the signe of the crosse meant, and willed
them to bring me a piece of timber, wherof I caused a
great crosse to be made, and commanded al those that
were with mee that when it was made they should
worship it, and beseech the Lord to grant his grace
that that so great a people might come to the know-
ledge of his holy Catholike faith : and this done I told
them by mine interpreter that I left them that signe,
in token that I tooke them for my brethren, and that
they should keepe it for me carefully untill I returned,
and that every morning at the Sunne rising they should
kneele before it. And they tooke it incontinently, &
without suffring it to touch the ground they carried it
to set it up in the middest of their houses, where all
of them might beholde it ; and I willed them alwayes to
worshippe it because it would preserve them from evill.
They asked me how deep they should set it in the
[III. 431.] ground, & I shewed them. Great store of people fol-
Thesepeopk lowed the same, and they that stayed behinde inquired
^7^1^^f ^^~ ^^ "^^^' ^^^ ^^^ should joyne their hands, and how
the Christian ^hey should kneele to worship the same ; and they
faith. seemed to have great desire to learne it. This done, I
tooke that chiefe man of the Countrey, and going to
our boates with him, I followed my journey up the
294
FERNANDO ALARCHON a.d.
1540.
River, and all the company on both sides of the shoare
accompanied me with great good will, and served me
in drawing of our boates, and in hailing us off the
sands, whereupon we often fel : for in many places we The rive?- in
found the river so shoald, that we had no water for f^'f.^^ fi'^Z
1 A 1 r ^1 full of shelfes.
our boat. As wee thus went on our way, some or the
Indians which I had left behind me, came after us to
pray mee that I would throughly instruct them, how
they should joyne their hands in the worshipping of the
crosse : others shewed me whether they were well set
in such & such sort, so that they would not let me
be quiet. Neere unto the other side of the river was
greater store of people, which called unto me very
often, that I would receive the victuals which they had
brought me. And because I perceived that one envied
the other, because I would not leave them discontented,
I did so. And here came before me another old man
like unto the former with the like ceremonyes & Another olde
offrings : and I sought to learne something of him as ^^^^'
I had done of the other. This man said likewise to
the rest of the people. This is our lord. Now you see "^^^'^^ ^^^^■^-
how long asfo our ancesters told us, that there were bearded ^^!\[°j ^ ^^
& white people in the world, and we laughed them bearded and
to scorne. I which am old and the rest which are here, white men In
have never scene any such people as these. And ^^^ zt^orld.
if you wil not beleeve me, behold these people which
be in this river : let us give them therefore meate,
seeing they give us of their victuals: let us willingly
serve this lord, which wisheth us so well, and forbiddeth
us to make warre, and imbraceth all of us : and they
have mouth, handes and eyes as we have, and speake
as we doe. 1 gave these likewise another crosse as I
had done to the others beneath, and said unto them the
selfe same words : which they listened unto with a better
will, & used greater diligence to learne that which I said.
Afterward as I passed farther up the river, I found
another people, whom mine interpreter understood not Another
a whit : wherefore I shewed them by signes the selfe- ^^^^°^'
295
dwelling along
this river
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540-
same ceremonies of worshipping the crosse, which I had
taught the rest. And that principal old man which I
tooke with me, told me that farther up the river I should
find people which would understand mine interpreter :
and being now late, some of those men called me to
give me victuals, and did in all poynts as the others
had done, dauncing and playing to shew me pleasure. I
desired to know what people lived on the banks of this
People of 2T,. river: and 1 understood by this man that it was in-
T£^/;fl^^7^^n- habited by 23 languages, and these were bordering upon
the river, besides others not farre off, and that there
were besides these 23. languages, other people also which
hee knewe not, above the river. I asked him whether
every people were living in one towne together : and he
answered me, No : but that they had many houses
standing scattered in the fieldes, and that every people
had their Countrey severall and distinguished, and that
in every habitation there were great store of people.
AcucoasGo- He shewed me a towne which was in a mountaine,
mara writeth ^^^j ^^jj ^^ ^^^ \}ci^v^ was there great store of people
IS on a sirens. r ^ ^ ^^ - ^ - ^ 1 • 1 rr
mountaine. ^^ ^^^ conditions, which made continual warre upon
them : which being without a governour, and dwelling
in that desert place, where small store of Maiz groweth,
came downe into the playne to buy it in trucke of Deeres
skinnes, wherewith they were apparelled with long gar-
ments, which they did cutte with rasors, and sewed with
Great houses needles made of Deeres bones : and that they had great
of stone. houses of stone. I asked them whether there were any
there of that Countrey ; and I found one woman which
ware a garment like a little Mantle, which clad her from
the waste downe to the ground, of a Deeres skin well
dressed. Then I asked him whether the people which
dwelt on the rivers side, dwelt alwayes there, or els
sometime went to dwell in some other place: he answered
mee, that in the summer season they aboade there, and
sowed there ; and after they had gathered in their croppe
they went their way, and dwelt in other houses which
they had at the foote of the mountaine farre from the
296
FERjSTANDO ALARCHON A.D.
1540.
river. And hee shewed me by signes that the houses
were of wood compassed with earth without, and I under-
stood that they made a round house wherein the men Roimd houses,
and women lived all together. I asked him whether
their women were common or no : he tolde me no, and
that hee which was married, was to have but one wife
only. I desired to know what order they kept in marying:
and he told me, that if any man had a daughter to
marry, he went where the people kept, and said, I have
a daughter to marry : is there any man here that wil
have her } And if there were any that would have her,
he answered that he would have her : and so the mariage
was made. And that the father of him which would
have her, brought some thing to give the yong woman;
and from that houre forward the mariage was taken to
be finished, and that they sang & danced: and that when Dancing and
night came, the parents tooke them, and left them to- ^^^gi'^g at rna-
gether in a place where no body might see them. And 5/^!!^;
I learned that brethren, and sisters, and kinsfolks married
not together : and that maydes before they were married
conversed not with men, nor talked not with them, but
kept at home at their houses and in their possessions, [III. 432.]
and wrought : and that if by chance any one had com-
pany with men before she were maried, her husband
forsooke her, and went away into other Countreyes : and
that those women which fell into this fault, were accompted
naughty packs. And that if after they were maried, any
man were taken in adultery with another woman, they
put him to death : and that no man might have more
then one wife, but very secretly. They tolde mee that
they burned those which dyed : and such as remayned ^^0" ^^^^^
widowes, stayed halfe a yeere, or a whole yeere before
they married. I desired to know what they thought of
such as were dead. Hee told me that they went to
another world, but that they had neither punishment
nor glory. The greatest sicknesse that this people dye
of, is vomiting of blood by the mouth : and they have
Physicions which cure them with charmes and blowing
297
their dead.
A.D.
1540.
Pipes to drinke
Tabacco with.
Maiz, gourds,
Mill.
Grindest07ies,
earthenpots,
good fish.
This river
overflozveth his
banks at cer-
taine seasons.
Colde and
raine.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
which they make. The apparell of these people were
like the former : they carried their pipes with them to
perfume themselves, like as the people of New Spaine
use Tabacco. I inquired whether they had any governour,
and found that they had none, but that every family
had their severall governour. These people have besides
their Maiz certaine gourds, and another corne like unto
Mill : they have grindstones & earthen pots, wherein
they boyle those gourds, and fish of the river, which
are very good. My interpreter could goe no farther then
this place : for he said that those which we should find
farther on our way, were their enemies, and therefore
I sent him backe very well contented. Not long after
I espied many Indians to come crying with a loude
voice, and running after me. I stayed to know what
they would have ; and they told me that they had set
up the crosse which I had given them, in the midst of
their dwellings as I had appointed, but that I was to
wit, that when the river did overflow, it was wont to
reach to that place, therefore they prayed mee to give them
leave to remove it, and to set it in another place where
the river could not come at it, nor carry it away: which
I granted them.
Chap. 5.
Of an Indian of that countrey they have relation of
the state of Cevola, and of the conditions and
customes of these people, and of their governour:
and likewise of the countreys not farre distant from
thence, whereof one was called Quicoma, and the
other Coama : of the people of Quicoma, and of
the other Indians not farre distant they receive
courtesie.
THus sayling I came where were many Indians, and
another interpreter, which I caused to come with
me in my boat. And because it was cold, & my
people were wet, I leapt on shore, and commanded a
fire to be made, and as we stood thus warming our
FERNANDO ALARCHON a.d.
1540.
selves, an Indian came and strooke me on the arme,
pointing with his finger to a wood out of which I
saw two companies of men come w'' their weapons, &
he told me that they came to set upon us : & because
I meant not to fall out with any of them, I retired my
company into our boats, & the Indians which were with
me swam into the water, and saved themselves on the
other side of the river. In the meane season I inquired
of that Indian which I had with me, what people they
were that came out of ye wood : and he told me that
they were their enemies, and therefore these others at
their approch without saying any word leapt into the
water : and did so, because they meant to turne backe
againe, being without weapons, because they brought
none with them, because they understood my wil &
pleasure, that they should cary none. I inquired the
same things of this interpreter which I had done of the
other of the things of that countrey, because I under-
stood that among some people one man used to have
many wives, and among others but one. Now I under-
stood by him, that he had bin at Cevola, and that it
was a moneths journey from his country, and that from
that place by a path that went along that river a man Cevola 40
might easily travel thither in xl. daies, and that the dayes joume:^
occasion that moved him to go thither, was only to see H^^i^J^y^^ ^
Cevola, because it was a great thing, & had very hie
houses of stone of 3. or 4. lofts, and windowes on ech
side ; that the houses were compassed about with a wall
conteining the height of a man & an halfe, and that aloft
& beneath they were inhabited with people, and that they
used the same weapons, that others used, which we had
scene, that is to say, bowes & arrowes, maces, staves
& bucklers : and that they had one governor, & that
they were apparelled with mantles, and with oxe-hides, &
that their mantles had a painting about them, and that
their governour ware a long shirt very fine girded unto
him, and over the same divers mantles : and that the
women ware very long garments, and that they were
299
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
white, and went all covered : and that every day many
Indians wayted at the gate of their governor to serve
Turqueses In him, & that they did weare many Azure or blew stones,
Cevola. which were digged out of a rocke of stone, and that they had
but one wife, with whom they were maried, and that when
their governors died, all the goods that they had were buried
with them. And likewise all the while they eate, many
[III. 433.] of their men waite at their table to court them, and see
them eate, and they eate with napkins, and that they
have bathes. On thursday morning at breake of day
the Indians came with the like cry to the banke of the
river, and with greater desire to serve us, bringing me
meat to eat, and making me the like good cheere,
which the others had done unto me, having understood
what I was : & I gave them crosses, with the self
same order which I did unto the former. And going
farther up the river, I came to a country where I
found better government : for the inhabitants are wholy
obedient unto one only. But returning againe to con-
ferre with mine interpreter touching the dwellings of
those of Cevola, he tolde me, that the lord of that
countrey had a dog like that which I caried with me.
Afterward when I called for dinner, this interpreter saw
certaine dishes caried in the first and later service,
whereupon he told me that the lord of Cevola had
also such as those were, but that they were greene, and
that none other had of them saving their governour,
and that they were 4. which he had gotten together
This was the with that dogge, and other things, of a blacke man
Negro that which had a beard, but that he knew not from what
Frier Marco ^^^^ter he came thither, and that the king caused him
de Niza. afterward to be killed, as he heard say. I asked him
whether he knew of any towne that was neere unto
that place : he tolde me that above the river he knew
some, & that among the rest there was a lord of a
Quicoma. towne called Quicoma, and another of a towne called
Coama. Coama : and that they had great store of people under
them. And after he had given me this information, he
300
FERNANDO ALARCHON
A.D.
1540.
craved leave of me to returne unto his companions.
From hence I began againe to set saile, and within a
dayes sayling I found a towne dispeopled : where assoone
as I was entred, by chance there arrived there 500.
Indians with their bowes & arrowes, and with them
was that principall Indian called Naguachato, which I
had left behind, and brought with them certaine conies Conies and
& yucas : and after I had friendly interteined them all, >'^^'^^-
departing from them, I gave them license to returne to
their houses. As I passed further by the desert, I came
to certain cotages, out of which much people came to-
ward me with an old man before them, crying in a
langfuage which mine interpreter wel understood, and
he said unto those men : Brethren, you see here that
lord ; let us give him such as we have, seeing he dooth
us pleasure, and hath passed through so many discour-
teous people, to come to visit us. And having thus
said, he offred to the Sunne, and then to me in like
sort as the rest had done. These had certaine great
well made of the skins of fishes called Sea-
And I understood that this was a towne be-
unto the lord of Quicoma, which people came
onely to gather the fruit of their harvest in
summer ; and among them I found one which under-
stood mine interpreter very well : whereupon very easily
I gave them the like instruction of the crosse which I had
given to others behind. These people had cotton, but Cotton.
they were not very carefull to use the same : because
there was none among them that knew the arte of weav-
ing, & to make apparel thereof. They asked me how
they should set up their crosse when they were come to
their dwelling which was in the mountaine, and whether A mountaine.
it were best to make an house about it, that it might not
be wet, & whether they should hang any thing upon the
armes thereof. I said no ; & that it sufficed to set it in
a place where it might be scene of all men, until I re-
turned : and lest peradventure any men of warre should
come that way, they offired mee more men to goe with
301
bags
&
bremes.
longing
thither
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
me, saying that they were naughty men which I should
finde above ; but I would have none : neverthelesse 20.
of them went with me, which when I drew neere unto
those which were their enemies, they warned mee
thereof: and I found their centinels set upon their
guarde on their borders. On Saturday morning I
found a great squadron of people sitting under an ex-
ceeding great arbour, & another part of them without :
and when I saw that they rose not up, I passed along
on my voyage : when they beheld this, an old man
rose up which said unto me. Sir, why doe you not
receive victuals to eate of us, seeing you have taken
food of others ? I answered, that I tooke nothing but
that which was given me, & that I went to none but
to such as requested me. Here without any stay they
brought me victuals, saying unto me, that because I
entred not into their houses, and stayed all day and all
night in the river, and because I was the sonne of the
Sunne, all men were to receive me for their lord. I
made them signes to sit down, and called that old man
which mine interpreter understood, and asked him whose
that countrey was, and whether the lord thereof were
there, he said, yea : and 1 called him to me ; and when
he was come, I imbraced him, shewing him great love :
& when I saw that all of them tooke great pleasure at
the friendly interteinment which I gave him, I put a
shirt upon him, and gave him other trifles, and willed
mine interpreter to use the like speaches to that lord
which he had done to the rest ; and that done, I gave
him a crosse, which he received with a very good wil,
as the others did : and this lord went a great way with
me, untill I was called unto from the other side of
the river, where the former old man stood with much
people : to whom I gave another crosse, using the like
speach to them which I had unto the rest, to wit, how
they should use it. Then following my way, I mette
with another great company of people, with whom came
that very same olde man whom mine interpreter under-
302
cerning
wel disposed
know them,
he had bin
that the
there were
Cevola a
FERNANDO ALARCHON a.d.
1540.
stood ; and when I saw their lord which he shewed
unto me, I prayed him to come with me into my boat, [III. 434.]
which he did very willingly, and so I went still up the
river, and the olde man came and shewed me who
were the chiefe lords : and I spake unto them alwayes
with great courtesie, & all of them shewed that they
rejoyced much thereat, & spake very wel of my com-
ming thither. At night I withdrew my selfe into the
midst of the river, & asked him many things con-
that country : and I found him as willing &
to shew them me, as I was desirous to
I asked him of Cevola : and he told me
there, and that it was a goodly thing, &
lord thereof was very wel obeyed : and that
other lords thereabout, with whom he was
at continual warre. I asked him whether they had
silver & gold, and he beholding certaine bels, said they
had metal of their colour. I inquired whether they
made it there, and he answered me no, but that they
brought it from a certain mountaine, where an old
woman dwelt. I demanded whether he had any know-
ledge of a river called Totonteac, he answered me no,
but of another exceeding mighty river, wherein there
were such huge Crocodiles, that of their hides they
made bucklers, and that they worship the Sunne neither
more nor lesse then those which I had passed : and
when they offer unto him the fruits of the earth, they
say : Receive hereof, for thou hast created them, and
that they loved him much, because he warmed them ; and
that when he brake not foorth, they were acolde. Herein
reasoning with him, he began somewhat to complaine, say-
ing unto me, I know not wherefore the Sunne useth these
termes with us, because he giveth us not clothes, nor people
to spin nor to weave them, nor other things which he
Gold and sil-
ver in a moun-
taine neere
Cevola.
A mighty
This river
seemeth to hee
'Northward by
the colde.
giveth to many other, and he complayned that those of that
country would not suffer them to come there, and would
not give them of their corne. I tolde him that I would
remedie this, whereat he remayned very well satisfied.
303
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
Chap. 6.
They are advertised by the Indians, wherefore the lorde
of Cevola killed the Negro, which went with Frier
Marco, and of many other things : And of an old
woman called Guatazaca, which liveth in a lake and
eateth no food. The description of a beast, of the
skinne whereof they make targets. The suspition
that they conceive of them, that they are of those
Christians which were scene at Cevola, and how they
cunningly save themselves.
THe next day which was Sunday before breake of day,
began their cry as they were woont : and this was
the cry of 2. or 3. sorts of people, which had lyen all
night neere the rivers side, wayting for me : and they
tooke Maiz & other corne in their mouth, and sprin-
kled me therewith, saying that that was the fashion
which they used when they sacrificed unto the Sunne :
afterward they gave me of their victuals to eat, and
among other things, they gave me many white peason.
I gave them a crosse as I had done to the rest : and
in the meane season that old man tolde them great
matters of my doing, and poynted me out with his
finger, saying, this is the lord, the sonne of the Sunne :
and they made me to combe my beard, & to set mine
apparell handsomely which I ware upon my backe.
And so great was the confidence that they had in me,
that all of them told me what things had passed, &
did passe among them, & what good or bad mind they
bare one toward another. I asked them wherefore they
imparted unto me all their secrets, and that old man
answered mee : Thou art our lord, & we ought to hide
nothing from our lord. After these things, following
on our way, I began againe to inquire of him the state
of Cevola, & whether he knewe that those of this coun-
trey had ever scene people like unto us : he answered
me no, saving one Negro which ware about his legs
& armes certain things which did ring. Your lordship
304
FERNANDO ALARCHON a.d.
1540.
is to cal to mind how this Negro which went with frier The Negro
Marco was wont to weare bels, & feathers on his armes that went with
& legs, & that he caried plates of divers colours, and cie]<ji:caslaine
that it was not much above a yeere agoe since he came
into those parts. I demanded upon what occasion he
was killed ; and he answered me. That the lord of Cevola
inquired of him whether he had other brethren : he
answered that he had an infinite number, and that they
had great store of weapons with them, and that they
were not very farre from thence. Which when he had
heard, many of the chiefe men consulted together, and
resolved to kil him, that he might not give newes unto The cause
these his brethren, where they dwelt, & that for this 'therefore ^te-
, 11- 1 1 • • • phanDorantez
cause they slew him, and cut him into many pieces, ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^
which were divided among all those chiefe lords, that sla'me.
they might know assuredly that he was dead ; and also
that he had a dogge like mine, which he likewise killed
a great while after. I asked him whether they of Cevola
had any enemies, and he said they had. And he reckoned They of
unto me 14. or 15. lords which had warre with them: ^^^°^^ have
and that they had mantles, and bowes like those above jofj^f/eir
mentioned : howbeit he told me that I should find going enemies.
up the river a people that had no warre neither with
their neighbors, nor with any other. He told me that
they had 3. or 4. sorts of trees bearing most excellent
fruite to eate : and that in a certaine lake dwelt an olde Anolde woman
woman, which was much honoured and worshipped of ^^^l^d. Guatu-
them : and that shee remayned in a litle house which ^'''ff^^^^^
was there, and that she never did eate any thing : and shipped.
that there they made things which did sound, and that [III. 435.]
many mantles, feathers and Maiz were given unto her. ^nmiod'Es-
I asked what her name was, and he tolde me that she ^Smfhf^^tat
was called Guatuzaca, and that thereabout were many /^^^_
lords which in their life & death, used the like orders
which they of Cevola did, which had their dwelling in
the summer with painted mantles, and in the winter
dwelt in houses of wood of 2. or 3. lofts hie : and that
he had scene all these things, saving the old woman.
IX 305 u
A.D.
1540.
200. Ktndes
of people.
This might be
the crooke
backed oxe
of Quiz'ira.
The sea side.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
And when againe I began to aske him more questions, he
would not answere me, saying that he was wearie of me :
and many of those Indians comming about me, they said
among themselves : Let us marke him well, that we
may knowe him when he commeth backe againe. The
Monday following, the river was beset with people like
to them, and I began to request the old man to tell me
what people were in that countrey, which told me he
thought I would soone forget them : and here he reckoned
up unto me a great number of lords, and people at the
least 200. And discoursing with him of their armour,
he said that some of them had certaine very large targets
of lether, above two fingers thicke. I asked him of
what beasts skinne they made them : and he described
unto me a very great beast, like unto an Oxe, but
longer by a great handfull, with broad feete, the legs as
bigge as the thigh of a man, and the head seven hand-
fulls long, the forehead of three spannes, and the eyes
bigger then ones fist, and the homes of the length of
a mans leg, out of which grew sharpe poynts, an handfull
long, the forfeete and hinderfeete above seven handfuls
bigge, with a wrethed tayle, but very great ; and holding
up his armes above his head, he said the beast was
higher then that. After this hee gave mee information
of another olde woman which dwelt toward the sea side.
I spent this day in giving crosses to those people as
I had done unto the former. This old man that was
with me leapt on shore, & fell in conference with
another which that day had often called him ; and here
both of them used many gestures in their speach, mooving
their armes, and poynting at me. Therefore I sent
mine interpreter out, willing him to drawe neere unto
them, and listen what they said ; and within a while I
called him, and asked him whereof they talked, and he
sayd, that he which made those gestures said unto the
other, that in Cevola there were others like unto us
with beards, and that they said they were Christians, and
that both of them sayd that we were all of one company,
306
FERNANDO ALARCHON a.d.
1540.
and that it were a good deede to kill us, that those The lavages
others might have no knowledge of us, lest they ^^'^^^^^^ ^^ ^^
might come to doe them harme : and that the old ^ ^^ ee eoj.
man had answered him, this is the sonne of the Sunne,
& our lord, he doth us good, and wil not enter into
our houses, although we request him thereunto : he will
take away nothing of ours, he wil meddle with none of
our women, and that to be short, he had spoken many
other things in my commendation and favour : and for
all this the other stedfastly affirmed that we were all
one, and that the old man said. Let us goe unto him,
and aske him whether he be a Christian as the other
be, or els the sonne of the Sunne : and the old man
came unto me, and sayd : In the countrey of Cevola Certaim
whereof you spake unto me doe other men like unto ^f.^^^
you dwell. Then I began to make as though I wondred, 5^^^^ ^^^'
and answered him, that it was impossible ; and they Cevola.
assured me that it was true, and that two men had seene
them which came from thence, which reported that they
had things which did shoote fire, and swords as we had.
I asked them whether they had seene them with their
owne eyes ? and they answered no ; but that certaine of
their companions had seene them. Then he asked mee
whether I were the sonne of the Sunne, I answered him
yea. They said that those Christians of Cevola said so
likewise. And I answered them that it might well be.
Then they asked mee if those Christians of Cevola came
to joyne themselves with me, whether I would joyne
with them : and I answered them, that they needed not
to feare any whit at all, for if they were the sonnes
of the Sunne as they said, they must needes be my
brethren, and would use towards all men the like love
and courtesie which I used : whereupon hereat they
seemed to be somewhat satisfied.
[Chap. 7
307
A.D.
1540.
Cez'ola tenne
dayes distant
from this place.
A desert of
ten dayes jour-
ney.
[III. 436.]
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Chap. 7.
It is tolde him that they are ten dayes journey distant
from Cevola, and that there be Christians there,
which make warre against the lords of that countrey.
Of the Sodomie which those Indians use with foure
yong men appoynted for that service, which weare
womens apparel. Seeing they could not send newes
of their being there to them of Cevola, they went
backe againe downe the river to their ships.
THen I prayed them to tel me how many dayes that
kingdom of Cevola, which they sp^ke of, was distant
from that river : and that man answered, that there was
the space of tenne dayes journey without habitation,
and that he made none accompt of the rest of the way,
because there were people to be found. Upon this
advertisement I was desirous to certifie Captaine Francis
Vazquez of my being there, and imparted my mind
with my souldiers, among whom I found none that was
willing to goe thither, although I offered them many
rewards in your lordships name, onely one Negro slave
though with an evil wil oifred himselfe unto me to go
thither : but I looked for the comming of those two
Indians which they told me of, and herewithall we went
on our way up the river against the streame in such sort
as we had done before. Here that olde man shewed
me as a strange thing a sonne of his clad in womans
apparel, exercising their office : I asked him how many
there were of these among them, and he told me there
were foure ; & that when any of them died, there was
a search made of all the women with child which were
in the country, and that the first sonne which was borne
of them, was appoynted to doe that duetie belonging unto
women, and that the women clad him in their apparell,
saying, that seeing he was to doe that which belonged
to them, he should weare their apparel : these yong men
may not have carnall copulation with any woman : but
all the yong men of the countrey which are to marrie,
308
FERNANDO ALARCHON a.d.
1540.
may company with them. These men receive no kind
of reward for this incestuous act of the people of that
countrey, because they have libertie to take whatsoever
they find in any house for their food. I saw likewise
certaine women which lived dishonestly among men :
and I asked the old man whether they were married, who
answered me noe, but they were common women, which
lived apart from the married women. I came at length
after these discourses to pray them to send for those
Indians, which they said had bin at Cevola, & they told
me that they were eight dayes journey distant from that
place, but that notwithstanding there was one among
them which was their companion and which had spoken
with them, as he met them on the way, when they
went to see the kingdome of Cevola, and that they
told him that he were not best to goe any farther,
for he should find there a fierce nation like us, and
of the same qualities and making, which had fought
much with the people of Cevola, because they had killed
a Negro of their company, saying. Wherefore, have yee
killed him ? what did he to you ? did he take any bread
from you, or do you any other wrong ? and such like
speach. And they said moreover, that these people
were called Christians, which dwelt in a great house, &
that many of them had oxen like those of Cevola, and Oxen of
other litle blacke beasts with wooll and homes, & that ^^'^°^^-
some of them had beasts which they rode upon, which
ran very swiftly ; & that one day before their departure,
from sunne rising untill sunne setting these Christians
were all day in comming thither, & all of them lodged
in that place where others had lodged, & that these two
met with two Christians, which asked them whence they
were, & whether they had fields sowen with corne ; and
they told them that they dwelt in a farre country, and
that they had corne, and that then they gave each of
them a litle cap, and they gave them another to cary
to their other companions, which they promised to do,
& departed quickly. When I understood this, I spoke
309
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
againe with my company, to see if any one of them
would go thither, but I found them unwilling as at
the first, and they layd against me greater inconveniences.
Then I called the old man to see if he would give me
any people to goe with me, & victuals to travel through
A desert, that wildernes, but he laid before me many inconveni-
ences & dangers, which I might incurre in that voyage,
shewing me the danger that there was in passing by a
Cumana. lord of Cumana, which threatned to make warre upon
them, because his people had entred into the others
countrey to take a stagge, and that I should not therefore
depart thence without seeing him punished. And when
I replied that in any wise I must needes goe to Cevola,
he willed me to surcease from that purpose, for they
looked that that lord without al doubt would come to
annoy them, & that therefore they could not leave their
countrey naked to goe with me, and that it would be
better, that I would make an end of that warre betweene
them, and that then I might have their company to
Cevola. And upon this point we grew to such variance,
that we began to grow into choler, and in a rage he would
have gone out of the boat, but I stayed him, and with
gentle speeches began to pacific him, seeing that it
imported mee much to have him my friend : but for
all my courtesies which I shewed him, I could not alter
him from his mind, wherein he stii remained obstinate.
In this meane while I sent a man away unto my ships
to give them knowledge of the journey that I had deter-
mined to make. After this I prayed the old man that
he would fetch him backe againe, because I had deter-
mined, that seeing I saw no meanes to be able to go
to Cevola, & because I would stay no longer among
those people, because they should not discover me, and
likewise because I meant in person to visit my ships,
with determination to returne againe up the river, carying
with me other companions, & leave there some which I
had sicke, and telling the olde man and the rest that
I would returne, and leaving them satisfied the best I
310
FERNANDO ALARCHON a.d.
1540.
could (although they alwayes said that I went away
for feare) I returned downe the river : and that way
which I had gone against the streame up the river in
15. dayes and an halfe, I made in my returne in 2. dayes ^^ retumeth
and an halfe, because the streame was great and very ^^ J* ^^V\r
swift. In this wise going downe the river, much people ^/^^-^ ^^^v,;;
came to the banks, saying, Sir, wherefore doe you leave
us ? what discourtesie hath bin done unto you ? did you
not say that you would remayne continually with us,
and be our Lord ? And turne back againe ? if any [in. 437.]
man above the river hath done you any wrong we will
goe with our weapons with you and kill him; and such
like words ful of love and kindnes.
Chap. 8.
When they came to their shippes the Captaine named
that coast La Campanna de la Cruz, and builded
a Chapel unto our Lady, and called the river El
Rio de Buena Guia, and returned up the same
againe : when he came to Quicona and Coama the
Lords of those places used him very courteously.
UPon mine arrivall at my ships I found all my people
in health, although very heavie for my long stay,
and because the current had fretted fower of their cables,
and that they had lost two ankers which were recovered.
After we had brought our ships together, I caused them
to bring them into a good harbour, & to give the carena
to the shippe called Sanct Peter, & to mend all things
that were needfull. And here assembling all my com-
pany together, I opened unto them what knowledge I
had received of Francis Vasquez ; and how it might
be that in those sixteene dayes space which I was in
sayling up the river he might peradventure have some
knowledge of me, and that I was minded to returne
up the river once againe to try if I could finde any
meanes to joyne my selfe with him : and although some
spake against my determination, I caused al my boates
to bee made ready, because the ships had no need of
311
A.D.
1540.
Marke what
things the
Spaniardes
cary zuith them
in 7iewe dis-
coveries.
Rio de buena
Guia.
Parrats in
these parts.
Two moones
to Cez'ola.
Another booke
written of the
particulars of
that countrey.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
them. I caused one of them to be filled with wares
of exchange, with corne and other seedes, with hennes
& cockes of Castile, and departed up the river, leaving
order that in that province called Campanna de la Cruz
they should build an Oratorie or Chapell, and called it
the Chappell of our Lady de la Buena Guia, and that
they should call this river Rio de Buena Guia because
that is your Lordships Devise : I carried with me Nicolas
Zamorano Pilote mayor, to take the height of the pole.
And I departed on tuesday the fourteenth of September,
& on Wednesday I came unto the first dwellings of the
first Indians, which came running to hinder my passage,
supposing that we had bene other people, for we caried
with us a fifer, & a drummer, and I was clad in other
apparell then I went in 'before, when they saw me first
of all : and when they knew me they stayed, though
I could not grow unto perfect friendship with them,
whereupon I gave them some of those seedes which
I brought with mee ; teaching them how they should
sow them : and after I had sayled 3 leagues, my first
interpretour came even to my boat to seeke me with
great joy, of whom I demanded wherefore he had left
me, he tolde me that certaine companions of his had
led him away. I made him good countenance and better
intertainment, because he should beare me companie
againe, considering howe much it did importe me to
have him with me. He excused himselfe because he
stayed there to bring mee certaine feathers of Parrats,
which he gave me. I asked him what people these
were, and whether they had any Lord : hee answered me,
yea ; and named three or foure unto me, of foure or
25 names of people which he knew and that they had
houses painted within, and that they had trafficke with
those of Cevola, and that in two moones hee came into
the countrey. He told me moreover many other names
of Lords, and other people, which I have written downe
in a booke of mine, which I will bring my selfe unto
your Lordship. But I thought good to deliver this
312
FERNANDO ALARCHON a.d.
1540-
briefe relation to Augustine Guerriero in this haven of
Colima, that he might send it overland to your Lord-
shippe, to whom I have many other things to imparte.
But to returne to my journey, I arrived at Quicama, Ouicama.
where the Indians came forth with great joy and gladnes
to receive me, advertizing me that their Lord waited
for my comming ; to whom when I was come I found
that he had with him five or sixe thousand men without
weapons, from whom he went aparte with some two
hundred onely, all which brought victuals with them,
and so he came towards me, going before the rest with
great authoritie, and before him and on each side of him
were certaine which made the people stande aside, making
him way to passe. Hee ware a garment close before and
behind and open on both sides, fastened with buttons,
wrought with white and blacke checker worke, it was
very soft and well made, being of the skinnes of certaine
delicate fishes called Sea breams. Assoone as he was
come to the waters side his servants tooke him up
in their armes, and brought him into my boate,
where I embraced him and received him with great
joy, shewing unto him much kindnesse : upon which
intertainment his people standing by and beholding the
same seemed not a litle to rejoyce. This Lord turning
himselfe to his people willed them to consider my
courtesie, and that he being of his owne accord come
unto me with a strange people, they might see how
good a man I was, and with how great love I had
entertained him, and that therefore they should take
me for their Lord, and that all of them should
become my servants, and doe whatsoever I would [III. 438.]
command them. There I caused him to sit downe,
and to eat certaine conserves of sugar which I had
brought with mee, and willed the interpreter to thanke
him in my name for the favour which he had done
me in vouchsafing to come to see mee, recommending
unto him the worshipping of the crosse, and all
such other things as I had recommended to the
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
rest of the Indians ; namely that they should live
in peace, and should leave off warres, and should
continue alwayes good friendes together : he answered
that of long time they had continued in warres with their
neighbours, but that from thence forward he would
command his people that they should give food to all
strangers that passed through his kingdome, and that
they should doe them no kinde of wrong, and that if
any nation should come to invade him, he said he
would tell them howe I had commanded that they
should live in peace, and if they refused the same, he
would defend himselfe, and promised me, that he would
never goe to seeke warre, if others came not to invade
him. Then I gave him certaine trifles, as well of the
seedes which I brought, as of the hens of Castile, where-
with he was not a litle pleased. And at my departure
I caryed certaine of his people with me, to make friend-
ship betweene them and those other people which dwelt
above the River : and here the interpreter came unto me,
to crave leave to returne home ; and I gave him certaine
gifts wherewith he departed greatly satisfied.
Coama. The next day I came to Coama, and many of them
knew me not, seeing me clad in other aparrel, but the
old man which was there as soone as he knew me leapt
into the water, saying unto me. Sir, lo here is the man
which you left with me, which came forth very joyfull
& pleasant declaring unto me the great courtesies which
that people had shewed him, saying that they had stroven
together who should have him to his house, and that it
was incredible to thinke what care they had at the rising
of the Sunne to hold up their hands and kneele before
the Crosse. I gave them of my seedes, and thanked
them hartily for the good entertainement which they
had shewed my man, and they besought me that I
would leave him with them, which I granted them
untill my return, and he stayed among them very wil-
lingly. Thus I went forward up the River, taking that
olde man in my companie, which told mee, that two
314
FERNANDO ALARCHON ad.
1540.
Indians came from Cumana to enquire for the Christians, Cumana.
& that he had answered them that he knew none such,
but that he knew one which was the sonne of the Sunne,
and that they had perswaded him to joyne with them Treason of the
to kill mee and my companions. I wished him to lend ^^'^^^^^'
me two Indians, and I would send word by them, that
I would come unto them, and was desirous of their
friendship, but if that they on the contrary would have
warre, I would make such a warre with them, that should
displease them. And so I passed through all that people,
and some came and asked me, why I had not given them
Crosses as well as the rest, and so 1 gave them some.
Chap. 9.
They goe on land, and see the people worship the Crosse
which they had given them. The Captaine causeth
an Indian to make a draught of the countrey : hee
sendeth a Crosse to the Lord of Cumana, and going
down the River with the streame, he arriveth at his
ships. Of the error of the Pilots of Cortez as touch-
ing the situation of this Coast.
THe next day I went on land to see certaine cottages,
and I found many women and children holding up
their hands and kneeling before a Crosse which I had
given them. When I came thither I did the like my
self; and conferring with the old man, he began to
informe me of as many people and Provinces as he
knew. And when evening was come I called the old
man to come and lodge with mee in my boate ; hee
answered that hee would not goe with mee because I
would wearie him with asking him questions of so many
matters: I told him that I would request him nothing
else but that he would set me downe in a charte as
much as he knew concerning that River, and what maner
of people those were which dwelt upon the banckes
thereof on both sides : which he did willingly. And
then he requested me that I would describe my countrey
unto him, as he had done his unto me. And for to
315
A.D.
1540.
Jn Inchanter.
[in- 439-]
This River
ran much far-
ther up then
he had tra-
velled.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
content him, I caused a draught of certaine things to be
made for him. The next day I entred betweene certaine
very high mountaines, through which this River passeth
with a streight chanel, and the boats went up against
the streame very hardly for want of men to draw the
same. Here certaine Indians came and told me, that in
the same place, there were certaine people of Cumana,
and among the rest an enchanter, who enquired which
way we would passe ; & they telling him that we meant
to passe by the River, he set certaine canes on both
sides thereof, through which wee passed, without re-
ceiving any kinde of domage which they intended against
us. Thus going forward I came unto the house of the
olde man which was in my company, and here I caused
a very high Crosse to be set up, wherupon I engraved
certaine letters to signifie that I was come thither : and
this I did, that if by chance any of the people of the
generall Vasquez de Coronado should come thither, they
might have knowledge of my being there. At length
seeing I could not attaine to the knowledge of that
which I sought for, I determined to returne backe unto
my ships. And being ready to depart there arrived two
Indians, which by meanes of the interpreters of the old
man, told me that they were sent to me, and that they
were of Cumana, and that their Lord could not come
himselfe, because he was farre from that place, but de-
sired me to signifie unto him what my pleasure was. I
told them, that I wished that he would alwayes imbrace
peace, and that I was comming to see that countrey, but
being inforced to returne backe downe the River I could
not now doe it, but that hereafter I would returne, and
that in the meane season they should give that Crosse
unto their Lorde, which they promised me to do, and
they went directly to cary him that Crosse with certaine
feathers which were on the same. Of these I sought to
understand what people dwelt upward upon the bankes
of the River, which gave me knowledge of many people,
and told me that the River went farre more up into the
316
FERNANDO ALARCHON ad.
1540.
land then I had yet seene, but that they knew not the
head thereof, because it was very far into the countrey,
and that many other Rivers fell into the same.
Having learned thus much the next day morning I
returned downe the River, and the day following I came
where I had left my Spaniard, with whom I spake, and
told him that all things had gone well with me, and
that at this time and the former I had gone above 30
leagues into the countrey. The Indians of that place
inquired of me what the cause was of my departure,
and when I would returne ; to whom I answered, that
I would returne shortly. Thus sayling downe the
streame, a woman leapt into the water crying unto us
to stay for her, and shee came into our boate, and
crept under a bench, from whence we could not make
her to come out : I understood that shee did this,
because her husband had taken unto him another wife,
by whom hee had children, saying that she ment not
to dwell any longer with him, seeing he had taken
another wife. Thus shee and another Indian came with
me of their owne accord, and so I came into my ships,
and making them ready we proceeded home on our
voyage, coasting and oftentimes going on land, and
entering a great way into the countrey, to see if I
could learne any newes of Captaine Francis Vasquez
and his companie; of whom I could have no other
knowledge, but such as I learned in the aforesaide
River. I bring with me many actes of taking posses-
sion of all that Coast. And by the situation of the
River, and the height which I tooke, I iinde that that
which the Masters and Pilots of the Marquesse tooke
is false, & that they were deceived by 2 degrees, and I
have sayled beyond them above 4 degrees. I sayled up He say led %$
the River 85 leagues, where I saw and learned all the ^'^P'^^ ^^'
particulars before mentioned, and many other things ;
whereof when it shall please God to give mee leave to
kisse your Lordships hands, I will deliver you the full
and perfect relation. I thinke my selfe to have had
317
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1540.
very good fortune, in that I found Don Luis de Castilia,
The port of 2i\\di Augustine Ghenero in the port of Colima : for the
Cohma. Galiot of the Adelantado came upon mee, which was
there with the rest of his fleet, and commanded me to
strike sayle, which seeming a strange thing unto me,
and not understanding in what state things were in
Nueva Espanna, I went about to defend my selfe, and
not to doe it. In the meane while came Don Luis de
Castilia in a boate and conferred with mee, and I lay
at anchor on the other side of the haven where the
saide fleete road, and I gave unto him this relation (and
to avoyd striffe I determined to sayle away by night)
which relation I caryed about me briefly written ; for I
alwayes had a purpose to send the same, as soone as
I should touch upon Nueva Espanna, to advertize your
Lordship of my proceedings.
An extract of a Spanish letter written from Pueblo
de los Angeles in Nueva Espanna in October
1597, touching the discoverie of the rich Isles
of California, being distant eight dayes sayling
from the maine.
E have scene a letter written the eight of October
1597, out of a towne called Pueblo de los
Angeles situate eighteene leagues from Mexico,
making mention of the Hands of California situate two
or three hundreth leagues from the maine land of Nueva
Espanna, in Mar del Sur : as that thither have bene sent
before that time some people to conquer them : which
with losse of some twentie men were forced backe.
After that they had wel visited and found those Islands
or countreys to be very rich of gold and silver mynes,
and of very fayre Orientall pearles, which were caught
in good quantitie upon one fathome and an halfe pass-
ing in beautie the pearles of the Island Margarita: the
report thereof caused the Viceroy of Mexico to send
a citizen of Mexico with two hundreth men to conquer
318
SIR FRANCIS DRAKE a.d.
1578.
the same. Therein also was affirmed that within eight
dayes they could sayle thither from the mayne.
The course which Sir Francis Drake held from [m. 440-]
the haven of Guatulco in the South sea on
the backe side of Nueva Espanna, to the
North-west of California as far as fourtie
three degrees : and his returne back along
the said Coast to thirtie eight degrees : where
finding a faire and goodly haven, he landed,
and staying there many weekes, and discover-
ing many excellent things in the countrey
and great shewe of rich minerall matter, and
being offered the dominion of the countrey
by the Lord of the same, hee tooke posses-
sion thereof in the behalfe of her Majestie,
and named it Nova Albion.
Ee kept our course from the Isle of
Cano (which lyeth in eight degrees of
Northerly latitude, and within two leagues
of the maine of Nicaragua, where wee
calked and trimmed our ship) along the
coast of Nueva Espanna, untill we came
to the Haven and Towne of Guatulco,
which (as we were informed) had but seventeene Span-
iards dwelling in it, and we found it to stand in fifteene
degrees and fiftie minutes.
Assoone as we were entred this Haven we landed,
and went presently to the towne, and to the Towne
house, where we found a Judge sitting in judgement,
he being associate with three other officers, upon three
Negroes that had conspired the burning of the Towne :
both which Judges, and prisoners we tooke, and brought
them a shippeboord, and caused the chiefe Judge to
write his letter to the Towne, to command all the
Townesmen to avoid, that we might safely water there.
319
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
Which being done, and they departed, wee ransaked the
Towne, and in one house we found a pot of the quantitie
of a bushell full of royals of plate, which we brought to
our ship.
And here one Thomas Moone one of our companie,
took a Spanish gentleman as he was flying out of the
Towne, and searching him, he found a chaine of Gold
about him, and other jewels, which we tooke and so let
him goe.
The Portugal At this place our Generall among other Spaniards, set
Pdote set on ^ ^j^^^^ 1^-^ Poj^^ugall Pilote, which he tooke at the Island
of Cape Verde, out of a ship of Saint Marie port of
Portugal!, and having set them a shoare, we departed
thence.
Our General at this place and time thinking himselfe
both in respect of his private injuries received from the
Spaniards, as also of their contempts and indignities
ofl^ered to our Countrey and Prince in generall,
sufficiently satisfied, and revenged : and supposing that
her Majestie at his returne would rest contented with
this service, purposed to continue no longer upon the
Spanish coastes, but began to consider and to consult of
the best way for his Countrey.
He thought it not good to returne by the Streights,
for two speciall causes : the one, least the Spaniards should
there waite, and attend for him in great number and
strength, whose handes he being left but one ship, could
not possibly escape. The other cause was the dangerous
situation of the mouth of the Streights of the South side,
with continual! stormes raining and blustring, as he found
by experience, besides the shoals and sands upon the coast,
wherefore he thought it not a good course to adventure
that way : he resolved therefore to avoide these hazards, to
goe forward to the Islands of the Malucos, and there-
hence to saile the course of the Portugales by the Cape
of Bona Speran9a.
Upon this resolution, he began to thinke of his best
way for the Malucos, and finding himselfe, where hee
320
latitude.
SIR FRANCIS DRAKE ad.
1578.
now was, becalmed, hee sawe that of necessitie hee must
bee enforced to take a Spanish course, namely to saile
somewhat Northerly to get a winde. Wee therefore set
saile, and sayled 800 leagues at the least for a good
winde, and thus much we sayled from the 1 6 of Aprill
after our olde stile till the third of June.
The fift day of June being in fortie three degrees to- ^'^^ Francis
wardes the pole Arcticke, being speedily come out of ^^'^^^ ^^w^
the extreame heate, wee found the ayre so colde, that ^^^^ ^f
our men being pinched with the same, complayned of America, to
the extremitie thereof, and the further we went, the 43 degrees of
more the colde increased upon us, whereupon we thought ^°^'/^^jb
it best for that time to seeke land, and did so, finding it "''" "
not mountainous, but low plaine land, & we drew backe
againe without landing, til we came within thirtie eight 38 degrees.
degrees towardes the line. In which height it pleased
God to send us into a faire and good Bay, with a good
winde to enter the same.
In this Bay wee ankered the sevententh of June, and
the people of the Countery, having their houses close by
the waters side, shewed themselves unto us, and sent a
present to our Generall.
When they came unto us, they greatly wondred at the
things which we brought, but our Generall (according to
his naturall and accustomed humanitie) curteously in-
treated them, and liberally bestowed on them necessarie [III. 441.]
things to cover their nakednesse, whereupon they sup-
posed us to be gods, and would not be perswaded to the
contrary : the presentes which they sent unto our Generall
were feathers, and cals of net worke.
Their houses are digged round about with earth, and ^ description
have from the uttermost brimmes of the circle clifts of ^f^j^P^op^^
wood set upon them, joyning close together at the toppe ^^fj^iova ^^"^
like a spire steeple, which by reason of that closenesse are Albion.
very warme.
Their bed is the ground with rushes strawed on it, and
lying about the house, they have the fire in the middest.
The men goe naked, the women take bulrushes and
IX 321 X
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
kembe them after the maner of hempe, and thereof make
their loose garments, which being knit about their
middles, hang downe about their hippes, having also
about their shoulders a skinne of Deere, with the haire
upon it. These women are very obedient and serviceable
to their husbands.
After they were departed from us, they came and
visited us the second time, and brought with them
feathers and bags of Tabacco for presents : And when they
came to the toppe of the hil (at the bottome whereof wee
had pitched our tents) they stayed themselves, where one
appointed for speaker, wearied himselfe with making a
long oration, which done, they left their bowes upon
the hill and came downe with their presents.
In the meane time the women remaining on the hill,
tormented themselves lamentably, tearing their flesh from
their cheekes, whereby we perceived that they were about
a sacrifice. In the meane time our Generall, with his
companie, went to prayer, and to reading of the Scrip-
tures, at which exercise they were attentive and seemed
greatly to be affected with it : but when they were
come unto us they restored againe unto us those things
which before we had bestowed upon them.
The newes of our being there being spread through
the countrey, the people that inhabited round about
came downe, and amongst them the king himself, a
man of a goodly stature, and comely personage, with
many other tall and warlike men : before whose com-
ming were sent two Ambassadours to our Generall, to
signifie that their king was comming, in doing of which
message, their speech was continued about halfe an
howre. This ended, they by signes requested our
Generall to send something by their hand to their king,
as a token that his comming might bee in peace : wherein
our Generall having satisfied them, they returned with
glad tidings to their king, who marched to us with a
princely Majestie, the people crying continually after their
maner, and as they drewe neere unto us, so did they
322
SIR FRANCIS DRAKE a.d.
1578.
strive to behave themselves in their actions with
comelinesse.
In the fore front was a man of a goodly personage, who
bare the scepter, or mace before the king, whereupon
hanged two crownes, a lesse and a bigger, with three
chaines of a merveilous length : the crownes were made of ^'^f ^ are like
knit work wrought artificially with feathers of divers Ysurmy in
colours ; the chaines were made of a bony substance and Canada and
few be the persons among them that are admitted to weare Hochelage.
them : and of that number also the persons are stinted, as
some ten, some twelve, &c. Next unto him which
bare the scepter, was the king himselfe, with his
Guarde about his person, clad with Conie skinnes, and
other skinnes : after them followed the naked common
sort of people, every one having his face p*ainted, some
with white, some with blacke, and other colours, and
having in their hands one thing or other for a present,
not so much as their children, but they also brought
their presents.
In the meane time, our Generall gathered his men
together, and marched within his fenced place, making
against their approching, a very warlike shewe. They
being trooped together in their order, and a general
salutation being made, there was presently a generall
silence. Then he that bare the scepter before the king,
being informed by another, whome they assigned to
that office, with a manly and loftie voice, proclaimed
that which the other spake to him in secret, continuing
halfe an houre : which ended, and a generall Amen as
it were given, the king with the whole number of men,
and women (the children excepted) came downe without
any weapon, who descending to the foote of the hill,
set themselves in order.
In comming towards our bulwarks and tents, the
scepter bearer began a song, observing his measures in a
dance, and that with a stately countenance, whom the
king with his Garde, and every degree of persons fol-
lowing, did in like maner sing and dance, saving onely
323
A.D.
1578.
[III. 442.]
The king re-
s'lgnes his
crowne and
kingdome to
Sir Francis
Drake.
Great riches
in 'Nova
Albion.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
the women which daunced and kept silence. The General
permitted them to enter within our bulwark, where they
continued their song and daunce a reasonable time.
When they had satisfied themselves, they made signes
to our Generall to sit downe, to whom the king, and
divers others made several orations, or rather supplica-
tion, that he would take their province and kingdom
into his hand, and become their king, making signes
that they would resigne unto him their right and
title of the whole land, and become his subjects. In
which to perswade us the better, the king and the rest,
with one consent and with great reverence, joyfully
singing a song, did set the crowne upon his head, inriched
his necke with all their chaines, and offered unto him
many other things, honouring him by the name of Hioh,
adding thereunto as it seemed a signe of triumph : which
thing our Generall thought not meete to reject, because
hee knewe not what honour and profite it might bee to
our countrey. Wherefore in the name, and to the use
of her Majestie, he tooke the scepter, crowne and
dignitie of the said Countrey in his hands, wishing that
the riches & treasure thereof might so conveniently be
transported to the inriching of her kingdome at home,
as it aboundeth in the same.
The common sort of the people leaving the king and
his Guarde with our Generall, scattered themselves to-
gether with their sacrifices among our people, taking a
diligent viewe of every person ; and such as pleased
their fancie, (which were the yongest) they inclosing
them about offred their sacrifices unto them with lament-
able weeping, scratching, and tearing the flesh from their
faces with their nayles, whereof issued abundance of
blood. But wee used signes to them of disliking this,
and stayed their hands from force, and directed them
upwardes to the living God, whome onely they ought to
worshippe. They shewed unto us their wounds, and
craved helpe of them at our handes, whereupon wee
gave them lotions, plaisters and ointments agreeing to
324
SIR FRANCIS DRAKE a.d.
1578.
the state of their griefes, beseeching God to cure their
deseases. Every thirde day they brought their sacrifices
unto us, untill they understoode our meaning, that we
had no pleasure in them : yet they could not be long
absent from us, but daily frequented our company to
the houre of our departure, which departure seemed so
grievous unto them, that their joy was turned into
sorrow. They intreated us, that being absent wee would
remember them, and by stelth provided a sacrifice, which
we misliked.
Our necessarie businesse being ended, our Generall Great heards
with his companie traveiled up into the Countrey to their °fD^^^^-
villages, where we found heardes of Deere by a thousand
in a companie, being most large and fat of body.
We found the whole countrey to bee a warren of a Abundance of
strange kinde of Conies, their bodyes in bignes as be ^^^^^<?^ comes.
the Barbary Conies, their heads as the heades of ours,
the feet of a Want, and the taile of a Rat being of great
length : under her chinne on either side a bagge, into
the which shee gathereth her meate when she hath filled
her belly abroad. The people eate their bodies, and
make great account of their skinnes, for their Kings
coate was made of them.
Our Generall called this countrey. Nova Albion, and Islova Albion.
that for two causes : the one in respect of the white
bankes and ciiffes, which ly towardes the sea : and the
other, because it might have some afiinitie with our
Countrey in name, which sometime was so called.
There is no part of earth here to bee taken up, Qolde and
wherein there is not some speciall likelihood of gold or silver In the
silver. earth of Nova
At our departure hence our Generall set up a monu-
ment of our being there ; as also of her Majesties right
and title to the same, namely a plate nailed upon a faire
great poste, whereupon was ingraven her Majesties name,
the day and yeere of our arrivall there, with the free
giving up of the Province and people into her Majesties
hands, together with her highnes picture and armes, in
325
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
a peice of sixe pence of current English money under the
plate, where under was also written the name of our
Generall.
It seemeth that the Spaniards hitherto had never bene
in this part of the countrey, neither did ever discover
the land by many degrees to the Southwards of this
place.
The true and perfect description of a voyage
performed and done by Francisco de Gualle a
Spanish Captaine and Pilot, for the Vice-roy
of Nev^ Spaine, from the Haven of Acapulco
in New Spaine, to the Islands of the Lu9ones
or Philippinas, unto the Haven of Manilla, &
from thence to the Haven of Macao in China,
and from Macao backe againe to Acapulco,
accomplished in the yeere of our Lord, 1584.
Chap. I.
He tenth of March in the yeere of our
Lorde 1582 wee set sayle out of the
Haven of Acapulco, lying in the countrey
of New Spaine, directing our course
towards the Islands of the Lu^ones, or
Philippinas West Southwest, running in
that maner for the space of twentie five
leagues, till wee came under sixteene degrees, that so
wee might shunne the calmes by sayling close by the
shoare. From thence forward we held our course West
for the space of 30 leagues, & being there, we ran
West, and West & by South, for the space of 1800
[III. 443.] leagues, to the Hand called Isla del Enganno, which is
the furthest Hand lying in the South parts of ye Hands
called Des los Ladrones, that is. The Hands of rovers,
or Islas de las Velas, under 13. degrees and J. in
latitude Septentrionall, and 164. degrees in longitude
Orientall, upon the fixed Meridionall line, which lyeth
326
FRANCISCO DE GUALLE a.d.
1584.
right with the Hand of Ter^era. From thence we helde
our course Westward for the space of 280. leagues, till
we came to the point called El capo de Espirito Santo,
that is. The point of the holy Ghost, lying in the Hand
Tandaya, the first Hand of those that are called Philip-
pinas, Lu9ones, or Manillas, which is a countrey with
fewe hilles, with some mines of brimstone in the middle
thereof. From the point aforesayde, wee sailed West
for the space of eighteene leagues to the point or entrie
of the chanell, which runneth in betweene that Hand
and the Hand of Lu^on. This point or entrie lieth
scarce under 12. degrees. All the coast that stretcheth
from the entrie of the chanel to the point of El capo
del Spirito santo, is not very faire.
Eight leagues from the sayde point lyeth a haven of
indifferent greatnesse, called Baya de Lobos, that is,
The Bay of woolves, having a small Hand in the mouth
thereof: and within the chanell about halfe a league
from the ende of the sayd Hand lyeth an Hand or cliffe,
& when you passe by the point in the middle of the
chanell, then you have five and twentie fathom deepe,
with browne sand : there we found so great a streame
running Westward, that it made the water to cast a
skum as if it had beene a sande, whereby it put us in
feare, but casting out our lead, wee found five and
twentie fathom deepe.
From the aforesayd entrie of the chanell North,
and North and by East about tenne leagues, lyeth the
Island of Catanduanes, about a league distant from the
lande of Lu9on, on the furthest point Eastward, and
from the same entrie of the chanell towards the West
and Southwest lyeth the Hand Capuli about sixe leagues
from thence, stretching Westsouthwest, and Eastnorth-
east, being five leagues long, and foure leagues broad :
and as wee past by it, it lay Northward from us under
twelve degrees and ^. and somewhat high lande. Foure
leagues from the aforesayd Hand of Capuli Northwest-
ward lie the three Hands of the haven of Bollon in the
327
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1584.
Hand of Lu9ones5 stretching North and South about
foure leagues, distant from the firme lande halfe a league,
whereof the furthest Southward lieth under thirteene
degrees : In this chanell it is twentie fathom deepe, with
white sand, and a great streame, running Southeast :
we passed through the middle of the chanell. From
this chanell wee helde our course Southwest, and South-
west and by West, for the space of twentie leagues,
untill wee came to the West ende of the Hand of
Tycao, which reacheth East and West thirteene leagues.
This point or hooke lyeth under 12. degrees and §.
In the middle betweene this Hand and the Hand
Capuli there lie three Hands called the Faranias, and
we ranne in the same course on the Northside of all
the Hands, at the depth of 22. fathom with white sand.
From the aforesayd West point of the Hand Tycao
to the point of Buryas it is East and West to sayle
about the length of a league or a league and an halfe :
we put into that chanell, holding our course South, and
South and by West about three leagues, untill we were
out of the chanell at sixteene fathom deepe, with halfe
white and reddish sande in the chanell, and at the
mouth thereof, whereof the middle lyeth under 12.
degrees and f . and there the streames runne Northward.
The Hand of Buryas stretcheth Northwest and South-
east, and is lowe lande, whereof the Northwest point is
about three leagues from the coast of Lu^on, but you
cannot passe betweene them with any shippe, but with
small foists and barkes of the countrey. This shallowe
channell lieth under twelve degrees : and running thorow
the aforesaid chanell betweene the Hands Tycao and
Buryas, as I sayd before, we sayled Southward about
The Isle of two leagues from the Hand of Masbate, which stretcheth
Masbate. £^5^ ^j^^^ West 8. leagues long, being in bredth 4.
leagues, and lyeth under 12. degrees and J. in the
middle thereof, and is somewhat high land.
From the sayd chanell betweene Tycao and Buryas,
wee helde our course Westnorthwest for thirteene
328
FRANCISCO DE GUALLE ad.
1584.
leagues, leaving the Hand Masbate on the Southside,
and the Hand Buryas on the North side : at the ende
of thirteene leagues wee came by an Hand called
Banton, which is in forme like a hat, under twelve
degrees and f. when we had sayled the aforesayd
thirteene leagues and eight leagues more, on the South
side wee left the Hand called Rebuiam, which stretcheth
Northwest and Northwest and by North, and Southeast,
and Southeast and by South, for the space of eight
leagues, being high and crooked lande, whereof the North
point lyeth under twelve degrees and f . and there you
finde 25' fathom deepe, with white sand.
From the aforesayd Iland of Banton Southward nine
leagues, there beginne and followe three Handes, one of
them being called Bantonsilla, which is a small Hand in
forme of a sugar loafe: the second Crymara, being some-
what great in length, reaching East and West about two
leagues: the third Itaa, or the He of Goates, having cer-
taine hovels. By all these Hands aforesayd you may passe [III. 444.]
with all sortes of shippes, whereof the foremost lyeth
Southward under twelve degrees and J. From the Hand
of Bantonsilla, or small Banton, wee helde our course
Northwest for the space of foure leagues, to the chanell
betweene the Hands called de Vereies, and the Iland
Marinduque, the Vereies lying on the South side under
twelve degrees and £. (which are two small Hands like
two Frigats) and the Hand Marinduque on the North
side under twelve degrees, and |. which is a great Iland,
stretching Westnorthwest, and Eastsoutheast, having in
length 12. & in bredth 7. leagues. On the North side
with the Iland Lu^on it maketh a long and small chanell,
running somewhat crooked, which is altogether full of
shallowes and sandes, whereby no shippes can passe
through it. The furthest point Westward of the same
Iland lyeth under thirteene degrees and J. It is high
lande, on the East side having the forme of a mine of
brimstone or fierie hill, and on the West side the land
runneth downeward at the point thereof being round like
329
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1584.
a loafe of bread : in the chanell betweene it and the
VereieSj there are 18. fathom deepe with small blacke
sand.
From the aforesayd chanell of Vereies and Marinduque,
wee helde our course Westnorthwest twelve leagues to
the lande of Mindora, to the point or hooke called
Dumaryn, lying full under thirteene degrees : Five leagues
forward from the sayde chanell on the South side wee left
an Hand called Isla del maestro del Campo, that is. The
Hand of the Colonell, lying under twelve degrees and 5.
which is a small and flat Hand : In this course we had 45
fathom deep, with white sand.
By this point or end of the Hand Marinduque be-
ginneth the Hand of Myndoro, which hath in length East
and West five and twentie leagues, and in bredth twelve
leagues, whereof the furthest point Southward lyeth under
thirteene degrees, and the furthest point Northward under
thirteene degrees and f. and the furthest point Westward
under thirteene degrees. This Hand with the Hand of
Lu^on maketh a chanell of five leagues broad, and ten or
twelve fathom deepe with muddie ground of divers
colours, with white sande. Five leagues forward from
Marinduque lyeth the river of the towne of Anagacu,
which is so shallowe, that no shippes may enter into it.
From thence two leagues further lie the Hands called
Bacco, which are three Hands lying in a triangle, two of
them being distant from the land about three hundred
cubits, and between them and the land you may passe
with small shippes : And from the lande to the other
Hand, are about two hundred cubites, where it is altogether
shallowes and sandes, so that where the shippes may
passe outward about 150. cubites from the lande, you
leave both the Hands on the South side, running be-
tweene the third Hand and the river called Rio del
Bacco, somewhat more from the middle of the chanel
towardes the Hand, which is about a league distant
from the other : the chanell is tenne fathom deepe,
with mud and shelles upon the ground : the river of
33^
FRANCISCO DE GUALLE a.d.
1584.
Bacco is so shallowe, that no ships may enter into it.
From this Hand with the same course two leagues
forward, you passe by the point El Capo de Rescaseo,
where wee cast out our lead, and found that a man
may passe close by the lande, and there you shall finde
great strong streames : and halfe a league forward with
the same course, lyeth the towne of Mindoro, which
hath a good haven for shippes of three hundred tunnes.
Three leagues Northward from the same haven lyeth
the Hand called Cafaa, stretching from East and West,
being hilly ground.
From the sayde towne of Myndoro, wee helde our
course Westnorthwest eight leagues, till wee came to
the poynt or hooke of the sandes called Tulen, lying
upon the Hand of Lu9on, which sande or banke
reacheth into the Sea halfe a league from the coast :
you must keepe about an hundred cubites from it,
where you finde eight fathom water, muddie and shellie
ground : you runne along by those sandes North, and
North and by West for the space of two leagues, till
you come to the river called Rio de Anasebo : all the
rest of the coast called De los Limbones to the mouth
or entrie of the Bay called Manilla, (which are foure
leagues) is sayled with the same course. The Limbones
(which are Hands so called) are high in forme like a
paire of Organs, with good havens for small shippes,
running along by the Limbones : and two leagues be-
yond them on the South side, wee leave the Hands of
Fortan, and foure Hands more, but the three Hands of
Lubao, which are very low, lie under 13. degrees and
•g-. and the Limbones lie in the mouth or entrie of the
Bay of Manilla under 14. degrees and J. The Bay of
From thence we ranne Northwest for the space of sixe Manilla in 14
leagues to the haven of Cabite, keeping along by the ^^^^^^ ^^
land lying on the West side, where it is shallowe, and
is called Los Baixos del Rio de Cannas, The shallowes
of the river of Reedes : all along this Bay in the same
course, there is from ten to foure fathom deepe.
331
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1584.
Being by the point or hooke of Cabite, then wee kept
but an hundred paces from it, running Southwest, south-
southwest, and South, untill we discovered the whole
[III. 445.] mouth or entrie of the Bay, where we might anker at
foure fathom about two hundred cubites from the lande,
and then the towne of Manilla was two leagues North-
ward from us.
Chap. 2.
The course and voyage of the aforesayd Francisco Gualle
out of the haven or roade of Manilla, to the haven
of Macao in China, with all the courses and situations
of the places.
SAyling out of the haven of Cabite, lying in the Bay
of Manilla, wee helde our course Westwarde for the
space of eighteene leagues, to the point called El Cabo
de Samballes : and when wee were eight leagues in our
way, wee left the two Hands Maribillas on the South
side, and sailed about a league from them : the point
of Samballes aforesayde lyeth under foureteene degrees,
and f . being low land, at the end of the same coast
of Lu^on, on the West side.
From the hooke or point aforesayde, wee ranne North,
and North and by West, for the space of five and twentie
leagues (about a league from the coast of Lu^on) to the
point called Cabo de Bullinao : all this coast and Cape
is high and hilly ground, which Cape lyeth under six-
teene degrees and f . From this Cape de Bullinao we
helde our course North, and North and by East, for
45. leagues to the point called El Cabo de Bojador,
which is the furthest lande Northwarde from the Hand
Lu9on lying under 19. degrees.
The Cape de Bullinao being past the lande maketh
a great creeke or bough, and from this creeke the coast
runneth North to the point of Bojador, being a land full
of cliffes and rockes that reach into the Sea, and the land
of the hooke or point is high and hilly ground.
From the point of Bojador, wee helde our course
332
FRANCISCO DE GUALLE a.d.
1584.
Westnorthwest an hundred and twentie leagues, untill
we came to the Hand called A Ilha Branca, or the white
Hand, lying in the beginning of the coast and Bay of
the river Canton under two and twentie degrees, having Cjinton 22.
foure and twentie fathom browne muddie ground. ^^^^^'
From the Hand Hha Branca, wee helde the aforesayde
course of Westnorthwest, for the space of sixteene
leagues, to the Hand of Macao lying in the mouth of ^e Hand of
the river of Canton, and it maketh the river to have
two mouthes or entries, and it is a small Hand about
three leagues great.
Chap. 3.
The Navigation or course of the aforesayd Francisco
Gualle out of the haven of Macao to Newe Spaine,
with the situation and stretchings of the same, with
other notable and memorable things concerning the
same voyage.
WHen we had prepared our selves, and had taken
our leaves of our friends in Macao, we set saile
upon the foure and twentieth of July, holding our course
Southeast, & Southeast and by East, being in the wane
of the Moone : for when the Moone increaseth, it is
hard holding the course betweene the Hands, because as
then the water and streames run very strong to the
Northwest ; wee travailed through many narrowe chanels
by night, having the depth of eight or ten fathom,
with soft muddie ground, untill wee were about the Hand
Hha Branca, yet we saw it not, but by the height we Ilha Branca.
knew that we were past it.
Being beyond it, we ranne Eastsoutheast an hundred
and fiftie leagues, to get above the sands called Os
Baixos dos Pescadores, and the beginning of the Hands
Lequeos on the East side, which Hands are called As ^^ Uhasfer-
Hhas fermosas, that is to say. The faire Hands. This ^^^^^'
I understoode by a Chinar called Santy of Chinchon, and
hee sayde that they lie under one and twentie degrees
and ^. there it is thirtie fathom deepe : and although
333
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1584.
wee sawe them not, notwithstanding by the height and
depth of the water we knew we were past them.
Being past As Ilhas fermosas, or the faire Hands, wee
helde our course East, and East and by North, for two
hundred and sixtie leagues, untill we were past the length
Lequeos, of the Hands Lequeos, sayling about fiftie leagues from
them : the said Chinar tolde me, that those Hands
called Lequeos are very many, and that they have many
and very good havens, and that the people and inhabitants
thereof have their faces and bodies painted like the
Bysayas of the Hands of Lu9on or Philippinas and are
Mines of gold, apparelled like the Bysayas, and that there also are mines
of gold : Hee sayd likewise that they did often come
with small shippes and barkes laden with Bucks and
Harts-hides, and with golde in graines or very small
pieces, to traffique with them of the coast of China,
which hee assured mee to bee most true, saying that
hee had bene nine times in the small Hands, bringing
of the same wares with him to China : which I beleeved
[III. 44.6.] to bee true, for that afterwarde I enquired thereof in
Macao, and upon the coast of China, and found that
hee sayde true. The furthest or uttermost of these
Hands stretching Northwarde and Eastwarde, lie under
nine and twentie degrees.
Being past these Hands, then you come to the Hands
of Japon, whereof the first lying West and South, is
Firando. the Iland of Firando, where the Portugals use to
traffique : they are in length altogether an hundred and
thirtie leagues, and the furthest Eastward lieth under
two and thirtie degrees : we ranne still East, and East
and by North, untill we were past the sayd hundred
and thirtie leagues.
All this information I had of the aforesayd Chinar,
as also that there I should see some mines of brimstone
or fierie hilles, being seventie leagues beyond them,
and thirtie leagues further I should finde foure Hands
lying together, which I likewise found, as hee had tolde
mee : And that being in Japon, he sayd hee had there
334
FRANCISCO DE GUALLE a.d.
1584.
scene certaine men of a very small stature, with great
rolles of linnen cloth about their heads, that brought
golde in small pieces, and some white Cangas of cotton,
(which are pieces of cotton-linnen so called by the
Chinars) as also salte-fish like the Spanish Atun, or
Tunney, which hee sayde came out of other Ilandes East- ^^her Hands
ward from Japon : and by the tokens and markes which ^^^^'^^^^'^f
hee shewed mee, I gessed whereabout those Hands should *
bee, and found them not farre from whence he sayd
they lay. Hee sayd likewise that all the Hands of Japon
have good havens and chanels, being a Countrey full of
Rice, Corne, Fish, and flesh, and that they are an in-
different and reasonable people to traffique with, and
that there they have much silver.
Running thus East, and East and by North about
three hundred leagues from Japon, wee found a very
hollowe water, with the streame running out of the
North and Northwest, with a full and very broad Sea,
without any hinderance or trouble in the way that wee
past : and what winde soever blewe, the Sea continued
all in one sort, with the same hollow water and streame,
untill wee had passed seven hundred leagues. About ^^P^^ 9^^-
two hundred leagues from the coast and land of newe ^^J^S.^^^ d.istant
Spaine wee beganne to lose the sayd hollow Sea and of^jmerkain
streame : whereby I most assuredly thinke and beleeve, 37 degrees
that there you shall finde a channell or straight passage, ^«^ ^^^ halfe.
betweene the firme lande of newe Spaine, and the
Countreys of Asia and Tartaria. Likewise all this way
from the aforesayde seven hundred leagues, we found a
great number of Whale-fishes and other fishes called by
the Spaniards Atuns or Tunnies, whereof many are
found on the coast of Gibraltar in Spaine, as also Alba-
coras and Bonitos, which are all fishes, which commonly
keepe in chanels, straights, and running waters, there to
disperse their seede when they breede : which maketh
mee more assuredly beleeve, that thereabouts is a chanell
or straight to passe through.
Being by the same course upon the coast of newe
335
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1584.
^even and Spaine, under seven and thirtie degrees and \, wee
?/?'^*^^^ passed by a very high and faire lande with many trees,
^Read Francis wholly without snowe, and foure leagues from the lande,
UlloachapA6. you finde thereabouts many drifts of rootes, leaves of
trees, reeds, and other leaves like ^ggt leaves, the like
whereof wee found in great abundance in the countrey
of Japon, which they eate : and some of those that wee
found, 1 caused to bee sodden with flesh, and being
sodden, they eate like Coleworts : there likewise wee
found great store of Seales : whereby it is to bee pre-
sumed and certainely to bee beleeved, that there are
many rivers, bayes, and havens along by those coastes
to the haven of Acapulco.
From thence wee ranne Southeast, Southeast and by
South, and Southeast and by East, as wee found the
Cabo de San winde, to the point called El Cabo de Sant Lucas, which
Lucas in 22. jg the beginning of the lande of California, on the North-
^^' west side, lying under two and twentie degrees, being
five hundred leagues distant from Cape Mendocino.
In this way of the aforesayde five hundred leagues
along by the coast, are many Ilands : and although they
bee but small, yet without doubt there are in them some
Havens lately good havens, as also in the firme land, where you have
found out. these havens following, now lately found out, as that
of the He of Sant Augustine, lying under thirtie degrees
and £. and the Hand called Isla de Cedros, scarce under
eight & twentie deg. and J. and the Hand lying beneath
Saint Martyn, under three and twentie degrees and ^.
All this coast and countrey, as I thinke, is inhabited,
and sheweth to be a very good countrey: for there by
night wee sawe fire, and by day smoke, which is a
most sure token that they are inhabited.
From the poynt or hooke of Saint Lucas, to the
Southeast side of California, wee helde our course East-
southeast, for the space of 80. leagues, to the point
called El cabo de las corrientes, that is, the Cape of the
streames lying under 19. degrees and f. And running
this course. Northward about a league from us wee sawe
336
1L1.-Q _». *. i. -3
M^t::jl£l3Sli
c^^^'^K'Km'
FRANCISCO DE GUALLE a.d.
1584.
three Hands called Las tres Marias, (that is to say, The
three Maries) running the same course. About foure
leagues from the other Hands, there are other Hands,
reaching about two or three leagues : All this way from [III. 447.]
the mouth or gulfe of California aforesayd, for the space
of the sayd fourescore leagues, there are great streames
that run Westward.
From the point or Cape de las Corrientes, wee ranne
Southeast, and sometimes Southeast and by East, for the
space of an hundred and thirtie leagues to the haven of
Acapulco. In this way of an hundred and thirtie leagues,
being twentie leagues on the way, we had the haven of
Natividad, that is, of the birth of the Virgin Mary : and
other eight leagues further, the haven of Saint lago, or
Saint James : and sixe leagues further, the sea Strand
called La Playa de Colima, that is, the Strand of Colima.
All this coast from California to the haven of Acapulco is Acapulco.
inhabited by people that have peace and traffique with the
Spaniards, and are of condition and qualities like the
people of the other places of new Spaine.
The conclusion of the Author of this last voyage.
A LI this description and navigation have I my selfe
seene, prooved, and well noted in my voyage made &
ended in the yeere of our Lord 1584. from great China
out of the haven and river of Canton, as I will more at
large set it downe unto your honour, with the longitudes
and latitudes thereof, as God shall permit mee time and
leysure, whom I beseech to send you long and happie
dayes.
And the same was truely translated out of Spanish into
lowe Dutch verbatim out of the Originall copie, (which
was sent unto the Viceroy of the Portugall Indies) by
John Huyghen Van Linschoten.
[Divers voyages
IX 337 Y
A.D.
1553-
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Divers voyages made by Englishmen to the
famous Citie of Mexico, and to all or most
part of the other principall provinces, cities,
townes and places throughout the great and
large kingdom of New Spaine, even as farre
as Nicaragua and Panama, & thence to Peru :
together v^ith a description of the Spaniards
forme of government there : and sundry
pleasant relations of the maners and customes
of the natural inhabitants, and of the mani-
fold rich commodities & strange rarities found
in those partes of the continent : & other
matters most worthy the observation.
The voyage of Robert Tomson Marchant, into
Nova Hispania in the yeere 1555. with divers
observations concerning the state of the Coun-
trey : And certaine accidents touching him-
selfe.
Obert Tomson borne in the towne of
Andover in Hampshire began his travaile
out of England in An. 1553. in the
moneth of March : who departing out
of the citie of Bristoll in a good ship
called The barke yong, in companie of
other Marchants of the sayde citie, within
8. dayes after arrived at Lisbone in Portugal], where the
sayd Robert Tomson remained 15. dayes, at the end of
which he shipped himselfe for Spaine in the sayd shippe,
and within 4. dayes arrived in the bay of Cadiz in
Andalusia, which is under the kingdom of Spaine, &
from thence went up to the citie of Sivil by land, which is
20. leagues, and there hee repaired to one John Fields
house an English Marchant, who had dwelt in the said
city of Sivil 18. or 20. yeres maried with wife and
33^
ROBERT TOMSON ad.
1555.
children : In whose house the said Tomson remained
by the space of one whole yeere or thereabout, for two
causes : The one to learne the Castillian tongue, the other
to see the orders of the countrey, and the customes of
the people. At the end of which time having scene the
fleetes of shippes come out of the Indies to that citie,
with such great quantitie of gold & silver, pearles,
precious stones, suger, hides, ginger, and divers other
rich commodities, he did determine with himselfe to
seeke meanes and opportunitie to passe over to see
that rich countrey from whence such great quantitie of
rich commodities came. And it fell out that within
short time after, the sayd John Field (where the sayd
Tomson was lodged) did determine to passe over into
the West Indies, himselfe, with his wife, children, and
familie, and at the request of the sayde Tomson, he
purchased a licence of the King to passe into the Indies,
for himselfe, his wife and children, and among them
also for the sayde Tomson to passe with them : so that
presently they made preparation of victuall and other
necessarie provision for the voyage. But the shippes
which were prepared to perfourme the voyage being
all ready to depart, upon certaine considerations by the
kings commandement were stayed and arrested till further
should bee knowen of the Kings pleasure. Whereupon
the said John Field, with Robert Tomson departed out of
Sivil and came down to S. Lucar 15. leagues off, and [III. 448.]
seeing the stay made upon the ships of the said fleet,
& being not assured when they would depart, determined
to ship themselves for the lies of the Canaries, which are
250. leagues from S. Lucar, and there to stay till the said
fleet should come thither : for that is continually their
port to make stay at 6. or 8. daies, to take in fresh water,
bread, flesh, & other necessaries.
So that in the moneth of February in An. 1555. the
sayde Robert Tomson with the said John Field and his
companie, shipped themselves out of the towne of S.
Lucar in a carvel of the citie of Cadiz, and within 6.
339
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1555.
dayes they arrived at the port of the Grand Canaria,
where at our comming the ships that rode in the said
port began to cry out of all measure with loud voyces, in
so much that the castle which stood fast by began to
shoot at us, and shot 6. or 7. shot at us, and strooke
downe our maine maste, before we could hoise out our
boat to goe on land, to know what the cause of the
shooting was, seeing that we were Spanish ships, and
were comming into his countrey. So that being on
lande, and complaining of the wrong and damage done
unto us ; they answered, that they had thought we had
bene French rovers, that had come into the said port to
do some harme to the ships that were there. For that 8.
dayes past there went out of the said port a carvell much
like unto ours, laden with sugers and other marchandise
for Spaine and on the other side of the point of the sayd
Hand, met with a Frenchman of warre, who tooke the
said carvell, & unladed out of her into the said French
ship both men & goods. And being demanded of the
said Spaniards what other ships remained in the port
whence they came, they answered that there remained
divers other ships, & one laden with sugers (as they
were) & ready to depart for Spaine : upon the which
newes the Frenchmen put 30. tall men of their ship
well appointed into the said carvel which they had taken,
and sent her backe againe to the said port from whence
she had departed the day before. And somewhat late
towards the evening came into the port, not shewing
past 3. or 4. men, and so came to an anker hard by the
other ships that were in the said port, and being scene by
the castle and by the said ships, they made no reconing of
her, because they knew her, & thinking that she had
found contrary windes at the sea, or had forgot some-
thing behinde them, they had returned backe againe
for the same, and so made no accompt of her, but let her
alone riding quietly among the other ships in the said
port: So that about midnight the said carvel with the
Frenchmen in her went aboord the other ship that lay
340
ROBERT TOMSON ad.
1555.
hard by laden with sugers, and drove the Spaniards that
were in her under hatches, & presently let slip her cables
and ankers, and set saile & carried her cleane away, and
after this sort deceived them : And they thinking or
fearing that we were the like, did shoote at us as they did.
This being past, the next day after our arrivall in the
sayd port, wee did unbarke our selves and went on
lande up to the citie or head towne of the great Canaria,
where we remained 18. or 20. dayes : and there found
certaine Englishmen marchants servants of one Anthony English/actors
Hickman and Edward Castelin, marchants of the citie 'q^^^^J'^'''^
of London that lay there in traffique, of whom wee
received great courtesie and much good cheere. After
the which 20. dayes being past, in the which we had
scene the countrey, the people, and the disposition
thereof, wee departed from thence, and passed to the
next He of the Canaries 18. leagues off, called Teneriffe,
and being come on land, went up to the citie called La
Laguna, where we remained 7. moneths, attending the
comming of the whole fleete, which in the ende came,
and there having taken that which they had neede of,
wee shipped our selves in a ship of Cadiz, being one of
the saide fleete, which was belonging to an Englishman John Sweeting
maried in the citie of Cadiz in Spaine, whose name was J^^j.].^- Jj^^
John Sweeting, and there came in the sayd ship for Cadiz,sendeth
captain also an Englishman maried in Cadiz, and sonne a ship of his
in law to the sayde John Sweeting, whose name was °'^"^ ^^^^ f^^
Leonard Chilton: there came also in the said ship ^^^^ ^h^^^ n
another Englishman which had bene a marchant of duct of his
the citie of Exeter, one of 50. yeeres or thereabout, whose sonne in lazve
name was Ralph Sarre. So that wee departed from Leonard Chil-
the sayd Hands in the moneth of October the fore- ^^^^^.^ ^^^^^
sayd yeere, 8. ships in our companie, and so directed
our course towards the bay of Mexico, and by the
way towardes the Hand of S. Domingo, otherwise called
Hispaniola. So that within 32. dayes after we departed
from the Hes of Canaries wee arrived with our ship
at the port of S. Domingo, and went in over the
341
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1555.
barre where our ship knocked her keele at her entrie:
and there our ship rid before the towne, where wee
went on land, & refreshed our selves 16. dayes, where
we found no bread made of wheat, but biscuit brought
out of Spaine, and out of the bay of Mexico : for
the countrey it selfe doeth yeelde no kinde of bread
to make graine withall. But the bread they make there,
is certaine cakes made of rootes called Cassavi, which
is something substantiall, but it hath but an unsavorie
taste in the eating thereof. Flesh of beefe and mutton
they have great store : for there are men that have loooo.
head of cattell, of oxen, bulles and kine, which they
doe keepe onely for the hides : for the quantitie of
flesh is so great, that they are not able to spend the
hundreth part. Hogs flesh is there good store, very
sweete and savorie, and so holsome, that they give it
to sick folkes to eat in stead of hennes and capons,
although they have good store of poultrie of that sort,
[III. 449.] as also of Guinycocks & Guinyhens. At the time of
our being there, the citie of S. Domingo was not of
above 500. housholds of Spaniards, but of the Indians
dwelling in the suburbs there were more. The country
is most part of the yere very hot, & very ful of a
kind of flies or gnats with long bils, which do pricke
& molest the people very much in the night when
they are asleepe, in pricking their faces and hands,
and other parts of their bodies that lie uncovered, &
Many of our make them to swel wonderfully. Also there is another
men died of Y\n^ of small worme which creepeth into the soles
at the taking ^^ niens feet & especially of the black Moores and
of Puerto rico. children which use to go barefoot, & maketh their
feet to grow as big as a mans head, & doth so ake
that it would make one run mad. They have no
remedy for the same, but to open the flesh sometimes
3. or 4. inches & so dig them out. The countrey yeeldeth
great store of suger, hides of oxen, buls and kine,
ginger, Cana fistula & Salsa perillia : mines of silver
& gold there are none, but in some rivers there is
342
ROBERT TOMSON a.d.
1556.
found some smal quantitie of gold. The principal coine
that they do trafique withal in that place, is blacke
money made of copper & brasse: and this they say
they do use not for that they lacke money of gold
and silver to trade withall out of the other parts of
India, but because if they should have good money,
the marchants that deale with them in trade, would
cary away their gold and silver, and let the countrey
commodities lie still. And thus much for S. Domingo.
So we were comming from the yles of Canaries to
S. Domingo, & there staying until the moneth of
December, which was 3. moneths. About the beginning
of January we departed thence towards the bay of
Mexico & new Spaine, toward which we set our course,
and so sailed 24. dayes till we came within 15. leagues
of S. John de Ullua, which was the port of Mexico of
our right discharge : And being so neere our said port,
there rose a storme of Northerly windes, which came off
from Terra Florida, which caused us to cast about into
the sea againe, for feare least that night we should be
cast upon the shoare before day did breake, and so put
our selves in danger of casting away ; the winde and
sea grew so foule and strong, that within two houres
after the storme began, eight ships that were together
were so dispersed, that we could not see one another.
One of the ships of our company being of the burthen
of 500. tun called the hulke of Carion, would not
cast about to sea as we did, but went that night with
the land, thinking in the morning to purchase the
port of S. John de Ullua, but missing the port went
with the shoare and was cast away. There were drowned
of that ship 75. persons, men, women and children,
and 64. were saved that could swim, and had meanes
to save themselves : among those that perished in that
ship, was a gentleman who had bene present the yere
before in S. Domingo, his wife and 4. daughters with
the rest of his servants & houshold. We with the
other 7. ships cast about into the sea, the storme
343
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1556.
during 10. dayes with great might, boisterous winds,
fogs & raine : our ship being old and weake was so
tossed, that she opened at the sterne a fadome under
water, and the best remedy we had was to stop it
with beds and pilobiers, and for feare of sinking we
threw and lightned into the sea all the goods we had
or could come by : but that would not serve. Then
we cut our maine mast and threw all our Ordinance
into the sea saving one piece, which early in a morning
when wee thought wee should have sunke, we shot off,
and as pleased God there was one of the ships of our
company neere unto us, which we saw not by meanes
of the great fogge, which hearing the sound of the piece,
& understanding some of the company to be in great
extremitie, began to make towards us, and when they
came within hearing of us, we desired them for the love
of God to helpe to save us, for that we were all like
to perish. They willed us to hoise our foresaile as
much as we could & make towards them, for they would
do their best to save us, and so we did : And we had
no sooner hoised our foresaile, but there came a gale
of winde & a piece of a sea, strooke in the foresaile,
and caried saile & maste all overboord, so that then we
thought there was no hope of life. And then we began
to imbrace one another, every man his friend, every
wife her husband, and the children their fathers and
mothers, committing our soules to Almighty God, think-
ing never to escape alive: yet it pleased God in the time
of most need when all hope was past, to aide us with
his helping hand, and caused the winde a little to cease,
so that within two houres after, the other ship was able
to come aboord us, & tooke into her with her boat man,
woman and child, naked without hose or shoe upon
many of our feete. I do remember that the last person
that came out of the ship into the boat, was a woman
blacke Moore, who leaping out of the ship into the
boat with a yong sucking child in her armes, lept too
short and fell into the sea, and was a good while under
344
J
ROBERT TOMSON a.d.
1556.
the water before the boat could come to rescue her, and
with the spreading of her clothes rose above water againe,
and was caught by the coat & pulled into the boate
having still her child under her arme, both of them
halfe drowned, and yet her naturall love towards her
child would not let her let the childe goe. And when
she came aboord the boate she helde her childe so fast
under her arme still, that two men were scant able to
get it out. So we departed out of our ship & left it
in the sea : it was worth foure hundreth thousand ducats,
ship & goods when we left it. And within three
dayes after we arrived at our port of S. John de Ullua
in New Spaine. I do remember that in the great and [III. 450.]
boysterous storme of this foule weather, in the night,
there came upon the toppe of our maine yarde and
maine maste, a certaine little light, much like unto the
light of a little candle, which the Spaniards called the
Cuerpo santo, and saide it was S. Elmo, whom they Cuerpo Santo.
take to bee the advocate of Sailers. At the which sight
the Spaniards fell downe upon their knees and worshipped
it, praying God and S. Elmo to cease the torment, and
save them from the perill that they were in, with promising
him that at their comming on land, they would repaire
unto his Chappell, and there cause Masses to be saide, and
other ceremonies to be done. The friers cast reliques into
the sea, to cause the sea to be still, and likewise said Gospels,
with other crossings and ceremonies upon the sea to make
the storme to cease: which (as they said) did much good to
weaken the furie of the storme. But I could not per-
ceive it, nor gave no credite to it, till it pleased God
to send us the remedie & delivered us from the rage
of the same. His Name be praised therefore. This light
continued aboord our ship about three houres, flying
from maste to maste, & from top to top : and sometime
it would be in two or three places at once. I informed
my selfe of learned men afterward what that light should
be, and they said, that it was but a congelation of the
winde and vapours of the Sea congealed with the ex-
345
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1556.
tremitie of the weather, which flying in the winde, many-
times doeth chance to hit on the masts and shrowds of
the ships that are at sea in foule weather. And in trueth
I do take it to be so : for that I have seene the like in
other ships at sea, and in sundry ships at once. By this
men may see how the Papists are given to beleeve and
worship such vaine things and toyes, as God, to whom
all honour doth appertaine, and in their neede and
necessities do let to call upon the living God, who is the
giver of all good things.
The 16. of April in Anno 1556. we arrived at the port
of S. John de Ullua in new Spaine, very naked and
distressed of apparell, and all other things, by meanes
of the losse of our foresaid ship and goods, and from
His arrival at thence we went to the new Towne called Vera Cruz, ^yq
Vera Cruz, leagues from the said port of S. John de Ullua, marching
still by the sea side, where wee found lying upon the
sands great quantitie of mightie great trees with rootes
and all, some of them of foure, five, and sixe cart load
by our estimation, which, as the people tolde us, were
in the great stormy weather, which we indured at sea,
Florida 300. rooted out of the ground in Terra Florida, which is
leagues from three hundreth leagues over by Sea, and broupfht thither.
So we came to the saide Towne of Vera cruz, where wee
remained a moneth : and there the said John Field
chanced to meete with an olde friend of his acquaintance
in Spaine, called Gon9alo Ruiz de Cordova, a very rich
man of the saide Towne of Vera cruz : who hearing
of his comming thither with his wife and family, and of
his misfortune by Sea, came unto him and received him
and all his houshold into his house, and kept us there
a whole moneth, making us very good cheere, and
giving us good intertainement, and also gave us that
were in all eight persons of the said John Fields house,
double apparell new out of the shop of very good cloth,
coates, cloakes, hose, shirts, smocks, gownes for the
women, hose, shooes, and al other necessary apparel, and
for our way up to the Citie of Mexico, horses, moiles,
346
^an Juan de
Ullua,
ROBERT TOMSON a.d.
1557.
and men, and money in our purses for the expences by
the way, which by our accompt might amount unto the
summe of 400. Crownes. And after wee were entred
two dayes journey into the Countrey, I the saide Robert
Tomson fell so sicke of an ague, that the next day I
was not able to sit on my horse, but was faine to be
caried upon Indians backes, from thence to Mexico.
And when wee came within halfe a dayes journey of the
Citie of Mexico, the saide John Field also fell sicke,
and within three dayes after we arrived at the said Citie,
hee died : And presently sickened one of his children,
and two more of his houshold people, and within eight
dayes died. So that within tenne dayes after we arrived
at the Citie of Mexico, of eight persons that were of Mexico.
us of the saide company, there remained but foure alive,
and I the said Tomson was at the point of death of the
sicknes that I got upon the way, which continued with
mee the space of sixe moneths. At the ende of which
time it pleased Almightie God to restore me my health
againe, although weake and greatly disabled. And being
some thing strong, I procured to seeke meanes to live,
and to seeke a way how to profite my selfe in the
Countrey, seeing it had pleased God to sende us thither
in safetie. Then by friendship of one Thomas Blake a
Scottishman borne, who had dwelt and had bene married
in the said Citie above twentie yeeres before I came
to the saide Citie, I was preferred to the service of a
gentleman a Spaniard dwelling there, a man of great
wealth, and one of the first conquerours of the said Citie,
whose name was Gon9alo Cerezo, with whom I dwelt
twelve moneths and a halfe. At the ende of which I
was maliciously accused by the Holy house for matters
of Religion, and so apprehended and caried to prison,
where I lay close prisoner seven moneths, without speak-
ing to any creature, but to the Jailer that kept the said
prison, when he brought me my meat and drinke. In
the meane time was brought into the saide prison one
Augustin Boacio an Italian of Genoua also for matters
347
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1557-
of Religion, who was taken at Sacatecas 80. leagues to
[III. 451.] the Northwest of the Citie of Mexico : At the ende of
the said seven moneths, we were both caried to the high
Church of Mexico, to doe open penance upon an high
scaffold, made before the high Altar, upon a Sunday, in
the presence of a very great number of people, who were
at the least five or sixe thousand. For there were that
came one hundreth mile off, to see the saide Auto (as
they call it) for that there were never none before, that
had done the like in the said Countrey, nor could not
tell what Lutheranes were, nor what it meant : for they
never heard of any such thing before. We were brought
into the Church, every one with a S. Benito upon his
backe, which is halfe a yard of yellow cloth, with a hole
to put in a mans head in the middest, and cast over a
mans head : both flaps hang one before, and another
behinde, and in the middest of every flap, a S. Andrewes
crosse, made of red cloth, sowed on upon the same, and
that is called S. Benito. The common people before
they sawe the penitents come into the Church, were
given to understand that wee were heretiques, infidels,
and people that did despise God, and his workes, and
that wee had bene more like devils then men, and
thought wee had had the favour of some monsters, or
heathen people. And when they saw us come into the
Church in our players coates, the women and children
beganne to cry out, and made such a noise, that it was
strange to see and heare, saying, that they never sawe
goodlier men in all their lives, and that it was not pos-
sible that there could be in us so much evill as was
reported of us, and that we were more like Angels
among men, then such persons of such evill Religion as
by the Priestes and friers wee were reported to be, and
that it was great pitie that wee should bee so used for
so small an offence. So that being brought into the
saide high Church, and set upon the scaffold which was
made before the high Altar, in the presence of all the
people, untill high Masse was done, and the sermon
348
ROBERT TOMSON ad.
1557-
made by a frier, concerning our matter, they did put us
in all the disgrace they could, to cause the people not
to take so much compassion upon us, for that wee were
heretiques, & people that were seduced of the devill, &
had forsaken the faith of the Catholique Church of
Rome, with divers other reprochfull wordes, which were
too long to recite in this place. High Masse and
Sermon being done, our offences, as they called them,
were recited, every man what he had said and done, and
presently was the sentence pronounced against us. That
was, that the said Augustine Boacio was condemned to
weare his S. Benito all the dayes of his life, and put into
perpetuall prison, where hee should fulfill the same, and
all his goods confiscated and lost. And I the saide
Tomson to weare the S. Benito for three yeeres, and
then to be set at libertie. And for the accomplishing
of this sentence or condemnation, we must be presently
sent downe from Mexico, to Vera Cruz, and from thence
to S. John de Ullua, and there to be shipped for Spaine,
which was 6§. leagues by land, with strait commande-
ment, that upon paine of looo. duckets, the Masters
every one should looke straitly unto us, and carry us to
Spaine, and deliver us unto the Inquisitors of the Holy
house of Sivill, that they should put us in the places,
where we should fulfill our penances that the Archbishop
of Mexico had enjoyned unto us, by his sentence there
given. For performance of the which, we were sent
downe from Mexico, to the Sea side, which was 6^.
leagues, with fetters upon our feete, and there delivered
to the Masters of the ships, to be caried for Spaine,
as before is said. And it was so, that the Italian, fearing
that if he had presented himselfe in Spaine before the
Inquisitors, that they would have burned him, to prevent
that danger, when wee were comming homeward, and
were arrived at the yland of Ter9era, one of the ysles of
the A9ores, the first night that we came into the said
port to an ancker, about midnight he found the meanes
to get him naked out of the ship into the sea, & swam
349
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1558.
naked a shoare, and so presently got him to the further
side of the yland, where hee found a little Carvel ready
to depart for Portugal, in the which he came to Lisbone,
and passed into France, and so into England, where hee
ended his life in the Citie of London. And I for my
part kept still aboord the ship, and came into Spaine, and
was delivered to the Inquisitors of the Holy house of
Sivill, where they kept me in close prison, till I had
fulfilled the three yeeres of my penance. Which time
being expired, I was freely put out of prison, and
set at libertie : and being in the Citie of Sivil a
casher of one Hugh Typton, an English marchant
of great doing, by the space of one yeere, it fortuned
that there came out of the Citie of Mexico, a Spaniard,
called John de la Barrera, that had bene long time in
the Indies, and had got great summes of golde and
silver, and with one onely daughter shipped himselfe
for to come for Spaine, and by the way chanced to die,
and gave all that hee had unto his onely daughter,
whose name was Marie de la Barrera, and being arrived
at the Citie of Sivil, it was my chance to marry with
her. The marriage was worth to mee 2500. pounds in
barres of golde and silver, besides jewels of great price.
This I thought good to speake of, to shew the good-
nes of God to all them that put their trust in him,
that I being brought out of the Indies, in such great
misery and infamy to the world, should be provided at
Gods hand in one moment, of more then in all my
life before I could attaine unto by my owne labour.
[III. 452.] After we departed from Mexico, our S. Benitoes
were set up in the high Church of the said Citie, with
our names written in the same, according to their use and
custome, which is and will be a monument and a remem-
brance of us, as long as the Romish Church doth raigne
in that country. The same have bene scene since by
one John Chilton, and divers others of our nation, which
were left in that countrey long since, by Sir John Haw-
kins. And because it shalbe knowen wherefore it was
350
ROBERT TOMSON
that I was so punished by the Clergies hande, as before is
mentioned, I will in briefe words declare the same.
It is so, that being in Mexico at the table, among many
principall people at dinner, they began to inquire of me
being an Englishman, whether it were true, that in Eng-
land they had overthrowen all their Churches and houses
of Religion, and that all the images of the Saints of
heaven that were in them were throwen downe, broken,
and burned, and in some places high wayes stoned with
them, and whether the English nation denied their obedi-
ence to the Pope of Rome, as they had bene certified
out of Spaine by their friends. To whom I made answere,
that it was so, that in deed they had in England put
downe all the Religious houses of friers and monks that
were in England, and the images that were in their
Churches and other places were taken away, and used
there no more : for that (as they say) the making of
them, and putting of them where they were adored, was
cleane contrary to the expresse commandement of Al-
mighty God, Thou shalt not make to thy selfe any graven
image, &c. and that for that cause they thought it not
lawfull that they should stand in the Church, which is the
house of adoration. One that was at the declaring of
these words, who was my master Gonsalo Cereso, answered
and said, if it were against the commandement of God, to
have images in the Churches, that then he had spent a
great deale of money in vaine, for that two yeres past he
had made in the monastery of Santo Domingo, in the
said citie of Mexico, an image of our Lady of pure silver
& golde, with pearles and precious stones, which cost him
7000. and odde pesos, and every peso is 4.S. 8.d. of our
money : which indeed was true, for that I have scene it
many times my selfe where it stands. At the table was
another gentleman, who presuming to defend the cause
more then any other that was there, saide, that they
knew well ynough that they were made but of stockes
and stones, and that to them was no worship given,
but that there was a certaine veneration due unto them
351
A.D.
1558.
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1558.
after they were set up in the Church, and that they
were set there to a good intent : the one, for that they
were books for the simple people, to make them under-
stand the glory of the saints that were in heaven, & a
shape of them to put us in remembrance to cal upon
them, to be our intercessors unto God for us, for that
we are such miserable sinners, that we are not worthy
to appeare before God, & that using devotion to saints
in heaven, they may obtaine at Gods hands the sooner,
the thing that we demand of him. As for example,
said he, imagin that a subject hath offended his king
upon the earth in any kind of respect, is it for the
party to go boldly to the king in person, & to demand
pardon for his offences ? No, saith he, the presumption
were too great, & possibly he might be repulsed, and
have a great rebuke for his labour. Better it is for
such a person to seek some private man neere the king
in his Court, and make him acquainted with his matter,
& let him be a mediator to his Majesty for him, &
for the matter he hath to do with him, and so might
he the better come to his purpose, and obteine the
thing which he doeth demand : even so saith he, it is
with God and his saints in heaven : for we are wretched
sinners : and not worthy to appeare nor present our
selves before the Majesty of God, to demand of him
the thing that we have need of: therefore thou hast
need to be devout, and have devotion to the mother
of God, and the saints of heaven, to be intercessors to
God for thee, and so mayest thou the better obtaine
of God the thing that thou dost demand. To this I
answered, & said, sir, as touching the comparison you
made of the intercessors to the king, how necessary
they were, I would but aske you this question. Set
the case that this king you speak of, if he be so merci-
ful, as, when he knoweth that one, or any of his
subjects hath offended him, he send for him to his
owne towne, or to his owne house, or palace, & say
unto him, come hither, I know that thou hast offended
352
ROBERT TOMSON ad.
1558.
many lawes, if thou doest know thereof, and doest re-
pent thee of the same, with ful intent to offend no more,
I wil forgive thy trespasse, and remember it no more :
said I, if this be done by the kings owne person, what
then hath this man need to go seeke friendship at any of
the kings privat servants hands, but go to the principal,
seeing that he is readier to forgive thee, then thou art to
demand forgivenes at his hands ? Even so is it with our
gracious God, who calleth and crieth out unto us through-
out all the world, by the mouth of his Prophets, Apostles,
and by his owne mouth, saying. Come unto me al ye that
labour and are over laden, and I wil refresh you : besides
1000. other offers and proffers which hee doth make unto
us in his holy Scriptures. What then have we need of
the saints helpe that are in heaven, whereas the Lord him-
self doth so freely offer himselfe unto us ? At which
sayings, many of the hearers were astonied, and said, that
by that reason, I would give to understand, that the in- [III. 453.]
vocation of Saints was to be disanulled, and by the Lawes
of God not commanded. I answered, that they were not
my words but the words of God himselfe : looke into
the Scriptures your selfe, and you shall so finde it. The
talke was perceived to be prejudiciall to the Romish doc-
trine, and therefore it was commanded to be no more
entreated of, and all remained unthought upon, had it not
bene for a villanous Portugal that was in the company,
who said, Basta ser Ingles para saber todo esto y mas :
who the next day, without imparting any thing to any
body, went to the Bishop of Mexico, and his Provisor,
and said, that in a place where he had bene the day be-
fore, was an Englishman, who had said, that there was no
need of Saints in the Church, nor of any invocation of
Saints, upon whose denomination I was apprehended for
the same words here rehearsed, and none other thing, and
thereupon was used, as before is written.
Now to speake somewhat of the description of the coun-
trey, you shall understand, that the port of S. John de Sant Juan de
Ullua is a very little Island low by the water side, the ^^^^^'
IX 353 z
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1558.
broadest or longest part thereof not above a bow shoote
over, and standeth within two furlongs of the firme land.
In my time there was but one house, and a little Chappel
to say Masse in, in all the Island : the side to the land
wards is made by mans handes, with free-stone and
gravel, and is 4. fadome deep downe right, wherfore
the great ships that come in there do ride so neere the
shoare of the Island, that you may come and goe
aland upon their beake noses. They use to put great
chaines of yron in at their halsers, and an ancker to
the landward, and all little ynough to more well their
shippes for feare of the Northerly winds, which come
off the coast of Florida, that sometimes have caried
ships, & houses, and all away to the shoare. The king
was wont to have 20. great mightie Negroes, who did
serve for nothing else, but onely to repaire the said
Island, where the foule weather doeth hurt it. The
Countrey all thereabout is very plaine ground, & a mile
from the sea side a great wildernes, with great quantitie
of red Deere in the same, so that when the mariners
of the ships are disposed, they go up into the wilder-
nes, and do kil of the same, and bring them aboord to
eate, for their recreation.
T/ie zvay and From this port to the next towne, which is called
TaTjmnl ^^^^ ^^^^' ^^^ ^- leagues almost by the Sea side, till
Ullua to Vera 7°^ come within one league of the place, and then you
CrwL, is five turne up towards the land, into a wood, till you come
leagues, to a litle river hard by the said townes side, which
sometimes of the yere is dry without water. The
towne of Vera Cruz in my time, had not past 300.
housholds, and served but for the folke of the ships,
to buy and bring their goods aland, and deliver it to
their owners, as also the owners and their factors to
receive their goods of the Masters of the ships. This
towne standeth also in a very plaine on the one side the
river, and the other side is environed with much sande
blowen from the sea side with the tempest of weather,
many times comming upon that coast. This towne alsa
354
ROBERT TOMSON a.d.
1558.
is subject to great sicknes, and in my time many of the
Mariners & officers of the ships did die with those
diseases, there accustomed, & especially those that were
not used to the countrey, nor knew the danger therof,
but would commonly go in the Sunne in the heat of the
day, & did eat fruit of the countrey with much disorder,
and especially gave themselves to womens company at
their first comming : whereupon they were cast into a
burning ague, of the which few escaped.
Halfe a dayes journey from Vera Cruz, towards VentadeRin-
Mexico, is a lodging of five or sixe houses, called the <^'^^^^'^'
Rinconado, which is a place, where is a great pinacle
made of lime and stone, fast by a river side, where
the Indians were wont to doe their sacrifices unto their
gods, and it is plaine and low ground betwixt that and
Vera Cruz, and also subject to sicknes: but afterward
halfe a dayes journey that you do begin to enter into
the high land, you shall find as faire, good, and sweet
countrey, as any in the world, and the farther you go,
the goodlier and sweeter the countrey is, till you come
to Pueblo de los Angeles, which may be some 43 leagues Pueblo de los
from Vera Cruz, which was in my time a towne of 600. ^H^^^^-
housholds, or thereabout, standing in a goodly soile.
Betweene Vera Cruz and that you shall come through
many townes of the Indians, and villages, and many
goodly fieldes of medow grounds. Rivers of fresh waters,
forrests, and great woods, very pleasant to behold. From
Pueblo de los Angeles, to Mexico, is 20. leagues of very
faire way and countrey, as before is declared. Mexico Mexico.
was a Citie in my time, of not above 1500. housholds
of Spaniards inhabiting there, but of Indian people in the
suburbs of the said city, dwelt above 300000. as it was
thought, and many more. This City of Mexico is (iC^,
leagues from the North sea, and 75. leagues from the
South sea, so that it standeth in the midst of the maine
land, betwixt the one sea and the other. It is situated
in the middest of a lake of standing water, and environed
round about with the same, saving in many places, going
355
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1558.
out of the Citie, are many broad wayes through the said
lake or water. This lake and Citie is environed also
with great mountaines round about, which are in com-
passe above thirtie leagues, and the saide Citie, and lake
of standing water, doeth stand in a great plaine in the
middest of it. This lake of standing water doeth pro-
ceed from the shedding of the raine, that falleth upon
the saide mountaines, and so gather themselves together
in this place.
[III. 454.] All the whole proportion of this Citie doeth stand in
a very plaine ground, and in the middest of the said
Citie is a square place of a good bow shoote over from
side to side : and in the middest of the said place is
the high Church, very faire and well builded all through,
at that time not halfe finished, and round about the said
place, are many faire houses built : on the one side, are
the houses where Mutezuma the great king of Mexico
that was, dwelt, and now there lye alwayes the viceroyes
that the King of Spaine sendeth thither every three
yeeres. And in my time there was for viceroy a gentle-
Don Luis de man of Castil, called Don Luis de Velasco. And on
Velasco. ^^ Other side of the saide place, over against the same,
is the Bishops house, very faire built, and many other
houses of goodly building. And hard by the same, are
also other very faire houses, built by the Marques de
Valle, otherwise called Hernando Cortes, who was hee
that first conquered the saide Citie and Countrey, who
after the said conquest which hee made with great
labour and travaile of his person, and danger of his
This IS to be Hfe^ and being growen great in the Countrey, the King
lis second cm- ^^ Spaine sent for him, saying that he had some par-
ming into ticular matters to impart unto him. And when he came
Spaine. home, he could not bee suffered to returne backe againe,
as the King before had promised him. With the which,
for sorrow that he tooke, he died; and this he had for
the reward of his good service.
The said Citie of Mexico hath the streetes made very
broad, and right, that a man being in the high place,
356
ROBERT TOMSON a.d.
1558.
at the one ende of the street, may see at the least a
good mile forward, and in all the one part of the streets
of the North part of their Citie, there runneth a pretie
lake of very cleare water, that every man may put into
his house as much as he will, without the cost of any
thing, but of the letting in. Also there is a great cave
or ditch of water, that commeth through the Citie, even
unto the high place, where come every morning at the
break of the day twentie or thirtie Canoas, or troughes
of the Indians, which bring in them all maner of pro-
vision for the citie, which is made, and groweth in
the Countrey, which is a very good commoditie for
the inhabitants of that place. And as for victuals in
the said Citie, of beefe, mutton, and hennes, capons,
quailes, Guiny-cockes, and such like, all are very good
cheape : To say, the whole quarter of an oxe, as much
as a slave can carry away from the Butchers, for five
Tomynes, that is, five Royals of plate, which is just two
shillings and sixe pence, and a fat sheepe at the Butchers
for three Royals, which is 18. pence and no more. Bread
is as good cheape as in Spaine, and all other kinde of
fruites, as apples, peares, pomegranats, and quinces, at
a reasonable rate. The Citie goeth wonderfully forwards
in building of Frieries and Nunneries, and Chappels,
and is like in time to come, to be the most populous
Citie in the world, as it may be supposed. The weather
is there alwayes very temperate, the day differeth but one
houre of length all the yere long. The fields and the
woods are alwayes greene. The woods full of popinjayes,
and many other kinde of birdes, that make such an har-
monie of singing, and crying, that any man will rejoyce
to heare it. In the fields are such odoriferous smels of
flowers and hearbs, that it giveth great content to the
senses. About the Citie of Mexico two, three, or foure
leagues off, are divers townes of Indians, some of 4000.
or 6000. housholds, which doe stand in such a goodly
soyle, that if Christians had the inhabitation thereof, it
would be put to a further benefite. In my time were
357
A.D.
1558.
Mexico
conquered
Anno 1 519.
and 1 520.
Cochtnilla is
not a worme
nor a Jiie, but
a berry.
Indico.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
dwelling and alive in Mexico, many ancient men that
were of the conquerours at the first conquest with
Hernando Cortes: for then it was about 36. yeeres
agoe, that the said Countrey was conquered.
About Mexico there are divers Mines of silver, and
also in other places there about, but the principall
Mines that are in all New Spaine are in Sacatecas, 80.
leagues from Mexico, and the Mines of S. Martin, thirtie
leagues, both to the Northwestward of Mexico, where
is great store of gold and silver. Also there is a place
called the Misteca, fiftie leagues to the Northwest, which
doth yeeld great store of very good silke, and Cochinilla.
Wine and oyle there is none growing in the Countrey,
but what commeth out of Spaine. Also there are many
goodly fruits in that Countrey, whereof we have none
such, as Plantanos, Guyaves, Sapotes, Tunas, and in the
wildernes great store of blacke cheries, and other whol-
some fruites. The Cochinilla is not a worme, or a flye,
as some say it is, but a berrie that groweth upon certaine
bushes in the wilde fielde, which is gathered in time of
the yeere, when it is ripe. Also the Indico that doeth
come from thence to die blew, is a certaine hearbe that
groweth in the wilde fieldes, and is gathered at one time
of the yeere, and burnt, and of the ashes thereof, with
other confections put thereunto, the saide Indico is made.
Balme, Salsa perilla, Cana fistula, suger, oxe hides, and
many other good and serviceable things the Countrey
doeth yeeld, which are yeerely brought into Spaine, and
there solde and distributed to many nations.
Robert Tomson.
358
ROGER BODENHAM
A.D.
1564.
A voyage made by M. Roger Bodenham to S. [iii. 455.]
John de Ullua in the bay of Mexico, in the
yeere 1564.
Roger Bodenham having a long time lived
in the city of Sivil in Spaine, being there
married, and by occasion thereof using
trade and traffique to the parts of Bar-
bary, grew at length to great losse and
hinderance by that new trade begun by ^ ''^^'"^ trade
me in the city of Fez: whereupon being fif^^J^p^J
returned into Spaine, I began to call my wits about mee, u jioger
and to consider with my selfe by what meanes I might Bodenham.
recover and renew my state ; and in conclusion, by the
ayde of my friends, I procured a ship called The Barke
Fox, perteining to London, of the burden of eight or
nine score tunnes ; and with the same I made a voyage
to the West India, having obteined good favour with
the Spanish merchants, by reason of my long abode,
and marriage in the countrey. My voyage was in the
company of the Generall Don Pedro Melendes for Nova
Hispania : who being himselfe appointed Generall for
Terra Firma and Peru, made his sonne Generall for
New Spaine, although Pedro Melendes himselfe was
the principall man and directer in both fleets. We all
departed from Cadiz together the last day of May in
the yere 1564: and I with my ship being under the
conduct of the sonne of Don Pedro aforesayd, arrived
with him in Nova Hispania, where immediatly I tooke
order for the discharge of my merchandise at the port
of Vera Cruz, otherwise called Villa Rica, to be trans-
ported thence to the city of Mexico, which is sixty and
odde leagues distant from the sayd port of Villa Rica.
In the way are many good townes, as namely, Pueblo
de los Angeles, and another called Tlaxcalan. The city
of Mexico hath three great causeyes to bring men to
it, compassed with a lake, so that it needeth no walles,
359
A.D.
1564.
The place
where Cochi-
nilla groweth,
and the price
thereof.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
being so defended by the water. It is a city plentifull
of all necessary things, having many faire houses,
churches, and monasteries. I having continued in the
countrey the space of nine moneths, returned againe for
Spaine with the Spanish fleet, and delivered the mer-
chandise and silver which I had in the ship into the
Contractation house, and there received my fraight, which
amounted outwards and homewards to the value of
13000 ducats and more. I observed many things in the
time of my abode in Nova Hispania, aswell touching the
commodities of the countrey as the maners of the
people both Spanyards and Indians : but because the
Spanish histories are full of those observations, I omit
them, and referre the readers to the same : onely this
I say, that the commodity of Cochinilla groweth in
greatest abundance about the towne of Pueblo de los
Angeles, and is not there woorth above forty pence the
pound.
A notable discourse of M. John Chilton, touching
the people, maners, mines, cities, riches, forces,
and other memorable things of Nev^ Spaine,
and other provinces in the West Indies, scene
and noted by himselfe in the time of his
travels, continued in those parts, the space of
seventeene or eighteene yeeres.
N the yeere of our Lord 1561, in the
moneth of July, I John Chilton went
out of this city of London into Spaine,
where I remained for the space of seven
yeres, & from thence I sailed into
Nova Hispania, and so travelled there,
* and by the South Sea, unto Peru, the
space of seventeene or eighteene yeeres : and after that
time expired, I returned into Spaine, and so in the yere
1586 in the moneth of July, I arrived at the foresayd
city of London : where perusing the notes which I had
360
JOHN CHILTON ad.
1568.
taken in the time of my travell in those yeeres, I have
set downe as followeth.
In the yeere 1568, in the moneth of March, being 1568.
desirous to see the world, I embarked my selfe in the
bay of Cadiz in Andaluzia, in a shippe bound for the Cat^iz.
Isles of the Canaries, where she tooke in her lading, &
set forth from thence for the voyage, in the moneth
of June, the same yere. Within a moneth after, we
fell with the Isle of S. Domingo, and from thence directly
to Nova Hispania, and came into the port of S. John ^^« J^^" de
de Ullua, which is a litle Island standing in the sea,
about two miles from the land, where the king main-
teineth about 50 souldiers, and captalnes, that keepe the
forts, and about 150 negroes, who all the yeere long
are occupied in carying of stones for building, & other
uses, and to helpe to make fast the ships that come in
there, with their cables. There are built two bulwarkes
at ech ende of a wall, that standeth likewise in the sayde
Island, where the shippes use to ride, made fast to the
sayd wall with their cables, so neere, that a man may
leape ashore. From this port I journeyed by land to
a towne called Vera Cruz, standing by a rivers side, ^^^'^ C^^^-
where all the factours of the Spanish merchants dwell, ^ ^S^.J
which receive the goods of such ships as come thither,
and also lade the same with such treasure and merchandize
as they returne backe into Spaine. They are in number
about foure hundred, who onely remaine there, during
the time that the Spanish fleet dischargeth, and is loden
againe, which is from the end of August to the beginning
of April following. And then for the unwholesomnesse
of the place they depart thence sixteene leagues further
up within the countrey, to a towne called Xalapa, a very Xalapa six-
healthfuU soile. There is never any woman delivered ^^^^^ leagues.
of childe in this port of Vera Cruz : for so soone as they
perceive themselves conceived with child, they get them
into the countrey, to avoid the perill of the infected aire,
although they use every morning to drive thorow the
towne above two thousand head of cattell, to take away
361
A.D.
1568.
Perota seven
leagues.
Fuentes de
Ozumba nine
leagues.
Pueblo de los
Angeles eight
leagues.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
the ill vapours of the earth. From Xalapa seven leagues
I came to another place, named Perota, wherein are
certaine houses builded of straw, called by the name of
ventas, the inhabitants whereof are Spaniards, who ac-
custome to harbour such travellers as are occasioned to
journey that way up into the land. It standeth in a great
wood of Pine and Cedar trees, the soile being very colde,
by reason of store of snow which lieth on the mountaines
there all the yere long. There are in that place an
infinite number of deere, of bignesse like unto great
mules, having also homes of great length. From Perota
nine leagues, I came to the Fuentes of Ozumba, which
fuentes are springs of water issuing out of certeine
rocks into the midst of the high wayes, where likewise
are certaine ranges, and houses, for the uses before
mentioned. Eight leagues off from this place I came
to the city of the Angels, so called by that name of the
Spanyards, which inhabit there to the number of a
thousand, besides a great number of Indians. This city
standeth in very plaine fields, having neere adjoyning
to it many sumptuous cities, as namely the city of
Tlaxcalla, a city of two hundred thousand Indians,
tributaries to the king, although he exacteth no other
tribute of them then a handfull of wheat a piece, which
amounteth to thirteene thousand hanneges yeerely, as
hath appeared by the kings books of account. And the
reason why he contenteth himselfe with this tribute, onely
for them, is, because they were the occasion that he
tooke the city of Mexico, with whom the Tlaxcallians
had warre at the same time when the Spanyards came
into the countrey. The governour of this city is a
Spanyard, called among them The Alcalde mayor, who
administreth chiefest causes of justice both unto the
Christians and Indians, referring smaller and lighter
vices, as drunkennesse and such like, to the judgement
and discretion of such of the Indians as are chosen
every yeere to rule amongst them, called by the name
of Alcaldes. These Indians from foureteene yeeres olde
362
JOHN CHILTON a.d.
1568.
upwards, pay unto the king for their yerely tribute one
ounce of silver, and an hannege of maiz, which is valued
among them commonly at twelve reals of plate. The
widowes among them pay halfe of this. The Indians
both of this city, and of the rest, lying about Mexico,
goe clothed with mantles of linnen cloth made of cotton
wooll, painted thorowout with works of divers and fine
colours. It is distant from the city of the Angels foure Tiaxcdla
leagues to the Northward, & foureteene from Mexico, fi^^^ leagues
There is another city a league from it, called Chetula, r^^ ^^^
consisting of more then sixty thousand Indians, tributaries, Angeles.
and there dwell not above twelve Spanyards there.
From it, about two leagues, there is another, called
Acassingo, of above fifty thousand Indians, and about
eight or twelve Spanyards, which standeth at the foot
of the Vulcan of Mexico, on the East side. There are Vulcan is a
besides these, three other g^reat cities, the one named h\ll ih^i <:^^-
i-r • r -^ Txr • j '-r- -l tinualh burn-
lepiaca, a very ramous city, Waxazmgo, and iicnama- ^^^^//^;f^^
chalcho : all these in times past belonged to the kingdome
of Tlaxcalla : and from these cities they bring most of
their Cochinilla into Spaine. The distance from the Cochimlla.
city of the Angels, to the city of Mexico is twenty Pueblo de los
leagues. This city of Mexico is the city of greatest ^wl^^ 20
fame in all the Indies, having goodly and costly houses f^ft^iJ^°^
in it, builded all of lime and stone, and seven streets
in length, and seven in breadth, with rivers running
thorow every second street, by which they bring their
provision in canoas. It is situated at the foot of cer-
taine hilles, which conteine in compasse by estimation
above twenty leagues, compassing the sayd city on the
one side, and a lake which is foureteene leagues about
on the other side. Upon which lake there are built
many notable and sumptuous cities, as the city of
Tescuco, where the Spanyards built sixe frigats, at that
time when they conquered Mexico, and where also
Fernando Cortes made his abode five or six moneths in
curing of the sicknesse of his people, which they had
taken at their comming into the countrey. There dwell
Z^2>
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1568.
in this city about sixty thousand Indians, which pay
tribute to the king. In this city the sayd Fernando
built the finest church that ever was built in the Indies,
the name whereof is S. Peters.
His voyage^ After I had continued two yeeres in this city, being
from Mexico ^^esirous to see further the countreys, I imployed that
to Nueva i-itij j 1 ^ ^ ^ '' •
Biscaia. Which 1 had, and tooke my voyage towards the provmces
of California, in the which was discovered a certeine
countrey, by a Biscaine, whose name was Diego de
[III. 457.] Guiara, and called it after the name of his countrey. New
Nezv Biscay, gjscay, where I solde my merchandise for exchange of
silver, for there were there certaine rich mines discovered
by the aforesayd Biskaine. Going from Mexico I
directed my voyage somewhat toward the Southwest,
The Silver to certaine mines, called Tamascaltepec, and so travelled
mines of forward the space of twenty dayes thorow desert places
lamascal- 1 1 • j -ii t / n r o -r» 1 1
^^pg^^ unhabited, till I came to the valley or S. Bartholomew,
The valley of which joyneth to the province of New Biscay. In all
S.Bartholo- these places the Indians for the most part go naked, and
mew. ^j.g wilde people. Their common armour is bowes and
arrowes : they use to eate up such Christians as they come
by. From hence departing, I came to another province
The haven named Xalisco, and from thence to the port of Navidad,
where ye ships ^hj^h is I20 leagues from Mexico, in which port arrive
thePhilippinas ^^^ayes in the moneth of April, all the ships that come
arrive. out of the South sea from China, and the Philippinas,
and there they lay their merchandise ashore. The most
part whereof is mantles made of Cotton wooll, Waxe,
and fine platters gilded, made of earth, and much golde.
The next Summer following, being in the yeere 1570
(which was the first yeere that the Popes Buls were
brought into the Indies) I undertooke another voyage
towards the province of Sonsonate, which is in the
kingdome of Guatimala, whither I caried divers merchan-
dize of Spaine, all by land on mules backs. The way
thitherward from Mexico is to the city of the Angels,
and from thence to another city of Christians 80 leagues
Guaxaca. off, called Guaxaca, in which there dwelt about 50
364
JOHN CHILTON a.d.
1570.
Spanyards, and many Indians. All the Indians of this
province pay their tribute in mantles of Cotton wooll,
and Cochinilla, whereof there groweth abundance thorow-
out this countrey. Neere to this place there lieth a port
in the South sea, called Aguatulco, in the which there Aguatuko.
dwell not above three or foure Spanyards, with certaine
Negroes, which the king mainteineth there : in which
place Sir Francis Drake arrived in the yeere 1579, in
the moneth of April, where I lost with his being there
above a thousand duckets, which he tooke away, with
much other goods of other merchants of Mexico from
one Francisco Gomes Rangifa, factour there for all the
Spanish merchants that then traded in the South sea : for
from this port they use to imbarke all their goods that
goe for Peru, and to the kingdome of Honduras. From
Guaxaca I came to a towne named Nixapa, which standeth Nixapa.
upon certaine very high hilles in the province of Sapot- Sapotecas.
ecas, wherein inhabit about the number of twenty Span-
yards, by the King of Spaines commandement, to keepe
that country in peace ; for the Indians are very rebellious :
and for this purpose hee bestoweth on them the townes
& cities that be within that province. From hence I
went to a city called Tecoantepec, which is the farthest Tecoantepec
towne to the Eastward in all Nova Hispania, which some
time did belong to the Marques de Valle, and because it
is a very fit port, standing in the South sea, the king of
Spaine, upon a rebellion made by the sayd Marques
against him, tooke it from him, and doth now possesse it
as his owne. Heere in the yeere 1572 I saw a piece of
ordinance of brasse, called a Demy culverin, which came
out of a ship called the Jesus of Lubec, which captaine
Hawkins left in S. John de Ullua, being in fight with the
Spanyards in the yeere 1568 ; which piece they afterwards
caried 100 leagues by land over mighty mountaines to
the sayd city, to be embarked there for the Philippinas.
Leaving Tecoantepec, 1 went still along by the South sea
about 1 50 leagues in the desolate province of Soconusco, Soconusco.
in which province there groweth cacao, which the Chris-
365
A.D.
1570.
Suchetepec.
Guasacapan.
Guatimala.
Sonsonate.
San Salvador.
Acaxutla.
Nkoia a port
where ye ships
which goe to
thePhilippinas
are builded.
[III. 458.]
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
tians cary from thence into Nova Hispania, for that it
will not grow in any colde countrey. The Indians of
this countrey pay the king their tribute in cacao, giving
him four hundred cargas, and every carga is 24000
almonds, which carga is worth in Mexico thirty pieces
of reals of plate. They are men of great riches, and
withall very proud : and in all this province thorowout,
there dwell not twenty Christians. I travelled thorow
another province called Suchetepec ; and thence to the
province of Guasacapan : in both which provinces are
very few people, the biggest towne therein having not
above two hundred Indians. The chiefest merchandise
there, is cacao. Hence I went to the city of Guatimala,
which is the chiefs city of all this kingdome : in this city
doe inhabit about 80 Spanyards : and here the king hath
his governours, & councell, to whom all the people of the
kingdome repaire for justice. This city standeth from
the coast of the South sea 14 leagues within the land, and
is very rich, by reason of the golde that they fetch out of
the coast of Veragua. From this city to the Eastward 60
leagues lieth the province Sonsonate, where I solde the
merchandize I caried out of Nova Hispania. The chiefest
city of this province is called S. Salvador, which lieth 7
leagues from the coast of the South sea, and hath a port
lying by the sea coast, called Acaxutla, where the ships
arrive with the merchandize they bring from Nova
Hispania ; and from thence lade backe againe the cacao :
there dwell heere to the number of threescore Spanyards.
From Sonsonate I travelled to Nicoia, which is in the
kingdome of Nicaragua, in which port the king buildeth
all the shipping that travell out of the Indies to the
Malucos. I went forward from thence to Costa rica,
where the Indians both men and women go all naked,
and the land lieth betweene Panama, and the kingdome
of Guatimala : and for that the Indians there live as
warriers, I durst not passe by land, so that here in a
towne called S. Salvador I bestowed that which I caried
in annile (which is a kinde of thing to die blew withall)
366
JOHN CHILTON a.d.
1570.
which I caried with me to the port of Cavallos, lying in Puerto deCa-
the kingdome of Honduras, which port is a mighty huge ^^^^^^^ ^ ^"^^^
gulfe, and at the comming in on the one side of it there
lieth a towne of little force without ordinance or any
other strength, having in it houses of straw : at which
towne the Spanyards use yeerely in the moneth of
August to unlade foure ships which come out of
Spaine laden with rich merchandise, and receive in heere
againe their lading of a kinde of merchandise called
Annile and Cochinilla (although it be not of such value
as that of Nova Hispania) and silver of the mines of
Tomaangua, and golde of Nicaragua, and hides, and
Salsa perilla, the best in all the Indies : all which merchan-
dize they returne, and depart from thence alwayes in the
moneth of April following, taking their course by the
Island of Jamaica, in which Island there dwell on the
West side of it certeine Spanyards of no great number.
From this place they go to the cape of S. Anthony, which
is the uttermost part of the Westward of the Island of
Cuba, and from thence to Havana lying hard by, which is ^}^ ^^^^''^^'
the chiefest port that the king of Spaine hath in all the ^^Uam'^^^^
countreys of the Indies, and of greatest importance : for
all the ships, both from Peru, Hunduras, Porto rico, S.
Domingo, Jamaica, and all other places in his Indies,
arrive there in their returne to Spaine, for that in this
port they take in victuals and water, and the most part of
their lading : here they meet from all the foresayd places
alwayes in the beginning of May by the kings commande-
ment : at the entrance of this port it is so narrow, that
there can scarse come in two ships together, although it
be above sixe fadome deepe in the narrowest place of it.
In the North side of the comming in there standeth a
tower, in which there watcheth every day a man to
descrie the sailes of ships which hee can see on the sea ;
and as many as he discovereth, so many banners he
setteth upon the tower, that the people of the towne
(which standeth within the port about a mile from the
tower) may understand thereof. Under this tower there
367
A.D.
1570.
The smal force
of Havana.
The commodi-
ties of Cuba.
Nombre
Dios.
Panama.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
lieth a sandy shore, where men may easily go aland ; and
by the tower there runneth a hill along by the waters
side, which easily with small store of ordinance subdueth
the towne and port. The port within is so large that
there may easily ride a thousand saile of ships without
anker or cable, for no winde is able to hurt them. There
inhabit within the towne of Havana about three hundred
Spanyards, and about threescore souldiers, which the king
mainteineth there for the keeping of a certeine castle
which hee hath of late erected, which hath planted in it
about twelve pieces of small ordinance, and is compassed
round with a small ditch, wherethorow at their pleasure
they may let in the sea. About two leagues from
Havana there lieth another towne called Wanabacoa, in
which there is dwelling about an hundred Indians, and
from this place 60 leagues there lieth another towne
named Bahama, situate on the North side of the Island.
The chiefest city of this Island of Cuba (which is above
200 leagues in length) is also called Sant lago de Cuba,
where dwelleth a bishop & about two hundred Spanyards ;
which towne standeth on the South side of the Island
about 100 leagues from Havana. All the trade of this
Island is cattell, which they kill onely for the hides that
are brought thence into Spaine : for which end the Span-
yards mainteine there many negroes to kil their cattell,
and foster a great number of hogs, which being killed,
and cut into small pieces, they dry in the Sun, and so
make it provision for the ships which come for Spaine.
Having remained in this Island two moneths, I tooke
shipping in a frigat, and went over to Nombre de Dios,
and from thence by land to Panama, which standeth upon
the South sea. From Nombre de Dios to Panama is 17
leagues distance : from which towne there runneth a river
which is called the river of Chagre, which runneth within
5 leagues of Panama, to a place called Cruzes, thorow
which river they cary their goods, and disimbarke them
at the sayd Cruzes, and from thence they are conveyed
on mules backs to Panama by land ; where they againe
368
JOHN CHILTON ad.
1570.
imbarke them in certeine small ships in the South sea
for all the coast of Peru. In one of these ships I went
to Potossi, and from thence by land to Cusco, and from Potossi,
thence to Paita. ^^f^^'-
Here I remained the space of seven moneths, and then
returned into the kingdome of Guatimala, and arrived
in the province of Nicoia, and Nicaragua. From Nicara-
gua I travelled by land to a province called Nicamula
(which lieth toward the North sea in certaine high
mountaines) for that I could not passe thorow the
kingdome of Guatimala at that time for waters, where-
with all the Low countreys of the province of Soconusco,
lying by the South sea, are drowned with the raine that
falleth above in the mountaines, enduring alwayes from
April to September : which season for that cause they call
their Winter. From this province I came into another
called De Vera Paz, in which the chiefest city is also Vera Paz.
called after that name, where there dwelleth a bishop [III. 459.]
and about forty Spanyards. Among the mountaines of
this countrey toward the North sea, there is a province
called La Candona, where are Indian men of war which
the king can not subdue, for that they have townes and
forts in a great lake of water above in the sayd moun-
taines : the most part of them goe naked, and some weare
mantles of cotton wooll. Distant from this about 80
leagues, I came into another province called the province
of Chiapa, wherein the chiefest city is called Sacatlan, Chiapa 300
where there dwelleth a bishop and about an hundred ^^J^/^^/ fi''^^
IVL ex ICO
Spanyards. In this countrey there is great store of
Gotten wooll, whereof the Indians make fine linnen
cloth, which the Christians buy and cary into Nova
Hispania. The people of this province pay their
tribute to the king all in Cotton wooll and Feathers.
Foureteene leagues from this city there is another called
Chiapa, where are the finest gennets in all the Indies,
which are caried hence to Mexico, 300 leagues from
it. From this city I travelled still thorow hilles and
mountaines, till I came to the end of this province, to
IX 369 2 A
A.D.
1570.
Ecatepec an
hill nine
leagues high.
Tecoantepec.
His Journey to
Panuco.
Mestitlan.
Clanchinolte-
pec.
Guaxutla.
Guastecan.
Tancuylabo.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
a hill called Ecatepec, which in English signifieth The
hill of winde : for that they say, it is the highest hill
that ever was discovered : for from the top of it may
be discovered both the North and the South seas ; and
it is in height supposed to be nine leagues. They which
travell over it, lie alwayes at the foot of it over night,
and begin their journey about midnight, to travell to
the top of it before the Sunne rise the next day, because
the winde bloweth with such force afterwards, that it is
impossible for any man to goe up : from the foot of this
hill to Tecoantepec, the first towne of Nova Hispania,
are about fifteene leagues. And so from hence I jour-
neyed to Mexico.
By and by after I came to Mexico (which was in the
yere 1572) in the company of another Spanyard, which
was my companion in this journey, we went together
toward the province of Panuco, which lieth upon the
coast of the North sea, and within three dayes journey
we entred a city called Mestitlan, where there dwelt
twelve Spanyards : the Indian inhabitants there were about
thirty thousand. This city standeth upon certaine hie
mountaines, which are very thicke planted with townes
very holesome and fruitfull, having plentifull fountaines
of water running thorow them. The high wayes of these
hilles are all set with fruits, and trees of divers kindes,
and most pleasant. In every towne as we passed thorow,
the Indians presented us with victuals. Within twenty
leagues of this place there is another city called Clanchi-
noltepec, belonging to a gentleman, where there inhabit
about fourty thousand Indians ; and there are among them
eight or nine friers of the Order of Saint Augustine, who
have there a Monastery. Within three dayes after we de-
parted from this place, and came to a city called Guaxutla,
where there is another Monastery of friers of the same
Order : there dwell in this towne about twelve Spanyards.
From this place forwards beginneth a province called
Guastecan, which is all plaine grounds without any
hilles. The first towne we came unto is called Tan-
370
JOHN CHILTON a.d.
1572.
cuylabo, in which there dwell many Indians, high of
stature, having all their bodies painted with blew, and
weare their haire long downe to their knees, tied as
women use to doe with their haire-laces. When they
goe out of their doores, they cary with them their bowes
and arrowes, being very great archers, going for the
most part naked. In those countreys they take neither
golde nor silver for exchange of any thing, but onely
Salt, which they greatly esteeme, and use it for a Salt a pHnd-
principall medicine for certaine wormes which breed in P^^^ ^f^'-
their lips and in their gummes. After nine dayes travell
from, this place, we came to a towne called Tampice, Tampke a
which is a port towne upon the sea, wherein there Z'^^^^^^^^-
dwell, I thinke, forty Christians, of which number
whilest wee abode there, the Indians killed foureteene,
as they were gathering of Salt, which is all the trade that
they have in this place : it standeth upon the entrie of
the river of Panuco, which is a mighty great river ; and Panuco.
were it not for a sand that lieth at the mouth of it,
ships of five hundred tunne might goe up into it above
three score leagues. From hence we went to Panuco,
foureteene leagues from Tampice, which in times past
had bene a goodly city, where the king of Spaine had
his governour : but by reason that the Indians there
destroyed the Christians, it lieth in a maner waste, con-
teining in it not above tenne Christians with a priest.
In this towne I fell sicke, where I lay one and forty
dayes, having no other sustenance then fruit and water,
which water I sent for above sixe leagues off within the
countrey. Here I remained till my companion came to
me, which had departed from me another way, reteining
in my company onely a slave, which I brought with me
from Mexico. And the last day in Easter weeke my
companion came to me, finding me in a very weake
state, by reason of the unholesomenesse of the place.
Notwithstanding my weakenesse, I being set on an
horse, and an Indian behinde mee to holde mee, wee
went forward on our voyage all that day till night. The
371
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1572.
next day in the morning we passed over the river in a
canoa; and being on the other side, I went my selfe
before alone : and by reason there met many wayes traled
by the wilde beasts, I lost my way, and so travelled
thorow a great wood about two leagues : and at length
[III. 460.] fell into the hands of certaine wilde Indians, which were
there in certaine cottages made of straw ; who seeing me,
came out to the number of twenty of them, with their
bowes and arrowes, and spake unto mee in their language,
which I understood not : and so I made signes unto
them to helpe mee from my horse ; which they did by
commandement of their lord, which was there with them ;
and lighted downe. They caried me under one of their
cottages, and layed me upon a mat on the ground : and
perceiving that I could not understand them, they
brought unto mee a little Indian wench of Mexico, of
fifteene or sixteene yeeres of age, whom they commanded
to aske me in her language from whence I came, and for
what intent I was come among them : for (sayth she)
doest thou not know Christian, how that these people
will kill and eat thee ? To whom I answered, let them
doe with me what they will ; heere now I am. Shee
replied, saying, thou mayest thanke God thou art leane ;
for they feare thou hast the pocks : otherwise they would
eate thee. So I presented to the king a little wine which
I had with me in a bottle ; which he esteemed above
any treasure : for for wine they will sell their wives and
children. Afterwards the wench asked me what I would
have, and whether I would eat any thing. I answered
that I desired a little water to drinke, for that the
countrey is very hote : and shee brought me a great
Venice glasse, gilded, full of water. And marvelling at
the glasse, I demanded how they came by it. She tolde
Shallapa. me that the Casique brought it from Shallapa, a great
towne distant 30 leagues from this place on the hilles,
whereas dwelt certeine Christians, and certeine friers of
the Order of S. Augustine, which this Casique with his
people on a night slew ; and burning the friers monasterie,
372
JOHN CHILTON ad.
1572.
among other things reserved this glasse : and from thence
also brought me. Having now bene conversant with
them about three or foure houres, they bid her aske me
if I would goe my way. I answered her, that I desired
nothing els. So the Casique caused two of his Indians
to leade me forward in my way ; going before me with
their bowes and arrowes, naked, the space of three
leagues, till they brought me into an high way: and
then making a signe unto me, they signified that in short
time I should come to a towne where Christians in-
habited, which was called S. lago de los valles, standing ^ant lago de
in plaine fields, walled about with a mud wall: the l'^ ''^^l'^'
number of the Christians that dwelt therein, were not
above foure or five and twenty, unto which the king of
Spaine giveth Indians and townes, to keepe the countreys
subject unto him. Heere the Christians have their mighty Mtght-j mules.
mules, which they cary for all the parts of the Indies,
and into Peru, for that all their merchandize are caried by
this meanes by land. In this towne aforesayd, I found
my company, which I had lost before, who made no other
account of me but that I had beene slaine : and the Chris-
tians there likewise marvelled to heare that I came from
those kinde of Indians alive, which was a thing never
seene nor heard of before : for they take a great pride
in killing a Christian, and to weare any part of him
where he hath any haire growing, hanging it about
their necks, and so are accounted for valiant men. In
this towne I remained eighteene dayes, till I recovered
my health, and in the meane space there came one
Don Francisco de Pago, whom the viceroy Don Hen- J^on Henrico
rico Manriques had sent for captaine generall, to open ^/^^^^^^
and discover a certeine way from the sea side to the j^^^l^f
mines of Sacatecas, which were from this place 160
leagues, for to transport their merchandize by that way,
leaving the way by Mexico, which is seven or eight
weeks travell. So this captaine tooke me and my com-
pany, with the rest of his souldiers, to the number of
forty, which he had brought with him, and five hundred
373
A.D.
1572.
Rio de las
Palmas.
The mines of
Sacatecas.
The valley of
S. Michael
Pueblo nuevo.
Mechuacan.
Copper mines.
Campeche.
[III. 461.]
Merida.
Rio de
Tabasco,
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Indians, which we tooke out of two towns in this
province called Tanchipa, and Tamaclipa, all good
archers, and naked men, and went thence to the river
de las Palmas, which is of great bignesse, parting the
kingdome of Nova Hispania and Florida : and going
still along by this river the space of three dayes, seek-
ing passage to passe over ; and finding none, we were
at length inforced to cut timber to make a balsa or raft,
which when we had made, we sate on it, the Indians
swimming in the water, and thrusting it before them to
the other side. Within thirty dayes after, travelling
thorow woods, hilles, and mountaines, we came to the
mines of Sacatecas, which are the richest mines in all
the Indies, and from thence they fetch most silver : at
which mines there dwelt above three hundred Christians :
and there our captaine gave us leave to depart. So
we came to the valley of S. Michael toward Mexico ;
and from thence to Pueblo novo ; and from that place
to the province of Mechuacan, after which name the
chiefest city of that place is called : where there dwelles
a bishop, and above an hundred Spanyards in it : it
aboundeth with all kind of Spanish fruits, and hath woods
full of nut trees, and wild vines. Heere are many mines
of copper, and great store of cattell. It lieth 60. leagues
from Mexico, whither we came within foure dayes after.
The Indians of this countrey are very mighty and big
men.
Afterwards I returned another way to the province of
Sonsonate by Vera cruz, and so to Rio Alvarado, and
from thence to the province of Campeche, which lieth on
the South side of the bay of Mexico : the chiefe towne of
this province is called Merida, in which is a bishop and
almost 100 Spanyards. The Indians of this province pay
all their tribute in mantles of cotton wooll and cacao.
There is no port in all this province for a ship of 100 tun
to ride in, but onely in the river of Tabasco, by which
river this city of Merida standeth. The chiefest merchan-
dize which they lade there in small frigats, is a certeine
374
lucatan.
JOHN CHILTON a.d.
1572.
wood called campeche, (wherewith they use to die) as also
hides and annile. By this there lieth the province of
lucatan, nere the Honduras by the North sea coast, where
there is also another bishop, and a towne likewise named
lucatan, where there dwell a few Spanyards. They have
no force at all in all this coast to defend themselves with-
all, save only that the land is low, and there is no port to
receive any shipping, unlesse they be frigats, which cary
from thence to the port of S. John de Ullua, waxe, cacao,
hony, and also mantles of cotton wool, whereof they
make there great store, and of which kind of merchandize
there is great trade thence to Mexico : of the same also
they pay their tribute to the king.
The king hath tribute brought him yerely out of the ^^'fT'^'^t
Indies into Spaine betweene nine and ten millions of gold ^^^^//rfto
and silver : for he receiveth of every Indian which is sub- out of the West
ject unto him (excepting those which do belong to the Indies.
Incommenderos, which are the children of those Span-
yards, who first conquered the land, to whom the king
gave and granted the government of the cities and townes
subdued for three lives) twelve reals of plate, and a
hannege of maiz, which is a wheat of the countrey, (five
of them making a quarter of English measure) and of
every widow woman he hath sixe reals, & halfe a hannege
of maiz. And so if any Indian have twenty children in
his house, he payeth for every one of them, being above
fifteene yeres old, after that rate. This Wheat being
duely brought to the governour of every province and
city, is sold in Mexico by the kings governours there
every yeere ; so that the money received for it, is put into
the icings Treasurie there, and so is yeerely caried from
thence into Spaine. Of the Spanyards which are owners
of the mines of gold and silver, he receiveth the fift part
of it, which he calleth his quintas, which being taken out The quinto,
of the heape, there is his armes set on it ; for otherwise it
may not be brought out of the land into Spaine, under
paine of death. The marke of silver, which is eight
ounces, when it commeth out of the mines, not having
375
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1572.
^he marke of the kings seale upon it, is woorth three and forty reals of
silver is 64 plate, and so it is current : and when they will bring it for
leasojpae. spaine, they cary it to the kings Treasure house, where
his seale is set upon it ; and so it is raised in value there-
by to threescore and foure reals of plate : and so the king
hath for his custome of every marke of plate one and
twentie reals.
From the yere of 1570, which was the yeere that the
Popes buls came into the Indies, as is afore mentioned,
he hath received both of the Indians which are tributaries
unto him, and also of all others belonging to the In-
commenderos, of every one being above twelve yeeres of
age, foure reals of every bull. Also they cary other
pardons with them into the Indies, for such as be dead,
although an hundred yeres before the Spanyards came
into the countrey : which pardons the friers in their
preachings perswaded the poore Indians to take, telling
them that with giving foure reals of plate for a Masse,
they would deliver their soules out of purgatory. Of
the Christians likewise dwelling there he hath foureteene
reals for every bull : and there be certeine buls brought
thither for the Christians besides the former, which
serve for pardoning all such faults wherein they have
trespassed either against the king, by keeping backe
his customes, or one against another by any other in-
jury ; for every hundred crownes whereof a mans
conscience doth accuse him that he hath deceived the
king or any other, he must give ten for a bull, and so
after that rate for every hundred which he hath any
The revenue ^^y stollen, and so is pardoned the fault. The revenue
buhand^tar- ^^ ^^^ ^vX^ after this maner yeeldeth unto his treasury
dons came yeerely above three millions of gold, as I have bene
';jerel^ to three credibly informed, although of late both the Spanyards
millions. and Indians do refuse to take the buls ; for that they
perceive he doth make a yeerely custome of it : onely
ech Indian taketh one pardon for all his householde,
(whereas in former time every Indian used to take one
for every person in his house) and teareth the same
376
JOHN CHILTON a.d.
1572.
into small pieces, and giveth to every one of his
householde a little piece, saying thus, they need now
no more, seeing in that which they bought the yeere
before they had above ten thousand yeres pardon.
These pieces they sticke up in the wall of the houses
where they lie. Both the Christians & Indians are
weary with these infinite taxes and customes, which of
late he hath imposed upon them, more then in the
yeeres before : so as the people of both sorts did rebell 'Rebellions in
twise in the time that I was among them, and would "^^ , ^^"
have set up another king of themselves ; for which \.^^^^ ^^^^_
cause the king hath commanded upon paine of death, that tions.
they should not plant either wine or oile there, but should
alwayes stand in need of them to be brought out of
Spaine, although there would more grow there in foure
yeeres, then there groweth in Spaine in twenty, it is so
fertile a countrey.
And the king to keepe the countrey alwayes in sub- [HI- 4^2.]
jection, and to his owne use, hath streightly provided by T^he reasons
lawe, upon paine of death, and losse of goods, that none ^^^ ^- ^ ^r
of these countreys should traffique with any other nation, Spdne to forbid
although the people themselves doe much now desire to forren traffike
trade with any other then with them, and would un- ^mhe West
doubtedly doe, if they feared not the perill ensuing
thereupon.
About Mexico, and other places in Nova Hispania,
there groweth a certeine plant called magueis, which Magueis.
yeeldeth wine, vineger, hony, and blacke sugar, and of
the leaves of it dried they make hempe, ropes, shooes
which they use, and tiles for their houses : and at the ende
of every leafe there groweth a sharpe point like an awle,
wherewith they use to bore or pearce thorow any
thing.
Thus to make an end, I have heere set downe the
summe of all the chiefest things that I have observed and
noted in my seventeene yeres travell in those parts.
[A relation
377
A.D.
1572.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
S. John
Ullua.
A relation of the commodities of Nova Hispania,
and the maners of the inhabitants, written by-
Henry Hawks merchant, which lived five yeeres
in the sayd countrey, and drew the same at the
request of M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire of
Eiton in the county of Hereford, 1572.
Aint John de Ullua is an Island not high
above the water, where as now the
Spanyards upon M. John Hawkins being
there, are in making a strong fort. In
this place all the ships that come out
of Spaine with goods for these parts,
do unlade : for they have none other
port so good as this is. The comming into this place
hath three chanels, and the best of all is the Norther-
most, which goeth by the maine land : and on every
side of the chanels there are many small rocks as big
as a small barrell : they wil make men stand in doubt
of them, but there is no feare of them. There is
another Island there by, called The Island of sacrifices,
whereas the Spanyards did in times past unlade their
Spirits. goods : and for that, they say, there are upon it spirits
or devils, it is not frequented as it hath bene. In these
places the North wind hath so great dominion, that often-
times it destroyeth many ships and barks. This place
is given to great sicknesse. These Islands stand in 18
degrees and a halfe, and about the same is great plenty
of fish.
Five leagues from S. John de Ullua is a faire river;
it lieth Northwest from the port, and goeth to a little
Vera Cruz, towne of the Spanyards called Vera Cruz, and with small
vessels or barks, which they call frigats, they cary all
their merchandize which commeth out of Spaine, to the
said towne : and in like maner bring all the gold, silver,
cochinilla, hides, and all other things that the shippes
cary into Spaine unto them. And the goods being in
378
HENRY HAWKS
A.D.
1572.
Vera Cruz, they cary them to Mexico, and to Pueblo
de los Angeles, Sacatecas, and Saint Martin, and divers
other places so farre within the countrey, that some of
them are 700 miles off, and some more, and some lesse,
all upon horses, mules, and in waines drawen with oxen,
and in carres drawen with mules.
In this towne of Vera Cruz within these twenty yeres,
when women were brought to bed, the children new
borne incontinently died ; which is not so now in these
dayes, God be thanked.
This towne is inclined to many kinde of diseases, by
reason of the great heat, and a certeine gnat or flie which
they call a musquito, which biteth both men and women Mmquito.
in their sleepe ; and assoone as they are bitten, incon-
tinently the flesh swelleth as though they had bene
bitten with some venimous worme. And this musquito
or gnat doth most follow such as are newly come into
the countrey. Many there are that die of this annoy-
ance.
This towne is situated upon the river aforesayd, and
compassed with woods of divers maners and sorts,
and many fruits, as orenges and limons, guiaves, and
divers others, and birds in them, popinjayes both small Popinjays.
and great, and some of them as big as a raven, and
their tailes as long as the taile of a fezant. There are
also many other kinde of birds of purple colour, and
small munkeys, marvellous proper.
This bote or sicke countrey continueth five and forty
miles towards the city of Mexico ; and the five and forty
miles being passed, then there is a temperate countrey,
and full of tillage : but they water all their corne with
rivers which they turne in upon it. And they gather
their Wheat twise a yere. And if they should not
water the ground where as their corne is sowen, the
country is so bote it would burne all.
Before you come to Mexico, there is a great towne
called Tlaxcalla, which hath in it above 16000 house-
holds. All the inhabitants thereof are free by the kings
379
Monkey.
Wheat twise
in a ye ere.
Tlaxcalla a
free city.
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1572-
of Spaine : for these were the occasion that Mexico was
woonne in so short time, and with so little losse of
[III. 463.] men. Wherefore they are all gentlemen, and pay no
tribute to the king. In this towne is all the cochinilla
growing.
Mexico. Mexico is a great city; it hath more then fifty
thousand households, whereof there are not past five or
sixe thousand houses of Spanyards : all the other are the
people of the countrey, which live under the Spanyards
lawes. There are in this city stately buildings, and
many monasteries of friers and nunnes, which the Span-
yards have made. And the building of the Indians is
somewhat beautifull outwardly, and within full of small
chambers, with very small windowes, which is not so
comly as the building of the Spanyards. This city
standeth in the midst of a great lake, and the water
goeth thorow all or the most part of the streets, and
there come small boats, which they call canoas, and
in them they bring all things necessary, as wood, and
coales, and grasse for their horses, stones and lime to
build, and corne.
This city is subject to many earthquakes, which often-
times cast downe houses, and kil people. This city is very
well provided of water to drinke, and with all maner of
victuals, as fruits, flesh and fish, bread, hennes and
capons, Guiny cocks and hennes, and all other fowle.
There are in this city every weeke three Faires or
Markets, which are frequented with many people, aswell
Spanyards as the people of the countrey. There are
in these Faires or Markets all maner of things that may
be invented, to sell, and in especiall, things of the
countrey. The one of these Faires is upon the Munday,
which is called S. Hypolitos faire, and S. James his faire
is upon the Thursday, and upon Saturday is S. Johns
faire. In this city is alwayes the kings governour or
viceroy, and there are kept the Termes and Parliaments.
And although there be other places of justice, yet this
is above all : so that all men may appeale unto this
380
HENRY HAWKS a.d.
1572.
place, and may not appeale from this city, but onely
into Spaine before the king : and it must be for a
certeine summe : and if it be under that summe, then
there is no appellation from them. Many rivers fall
into this lake which the city standeth in : but there was
never any place found whither it goeth out.
The Indians know a way to drowne the city, and ^ ^^y io
within these three yeeres they would have practised the ^^^^
same : but they which should have bene the doers of
it were hanged : and ever since the city hath bene well
watched both day and night, for feare least at some time
they might be deceived : for the Indians love not the
Spanyards. Round about the towne there are very many
gardens and orchards of the fruits of the countrey,
marvellous faire, where the people have great recreation.
The men of this city are marvellous vicious ; and in like
maner the women are dishonest of their bodies, more
then they are in other cities or townes in this countrey.
There are neere about this city of Mexico many rivers Crocodiles.
and standing waters v/hich have in them a monstrous
kinde of fish, which is marvellous ravening, and a great
devourer of men and cattell. He is woont to sleepe
upon the drie land many times, and if there come in
the meane time any man or beast and wake or disquiet
him, he speedeth well if he get from him. He is like
unto a serpent, saving that he doth not flie, neither hath
he wings.
There is West out of Mexico a port towne which Navigation
is on the South sea, called Puerto de Acapulco, where ^ China from
as there are shippes which they have ordinarily for the jcatuko
navigation of China, which they have newly found.
This port is threescore leagues from Mexico.
There is another port towne which is called Culiacan,
on the South sea, which lieth West and by North out
of Mexico, and is 200 leagues from the same : and there
the Spanyards made two ships to goe seeke the streight The North-
ox gulfe, which, as they say, is betweene the Newfound- "^^^i-^treight.
land and Greenland; and they call it the Englishmens
3S1
A.D.
1572.
The more
Northzvard,
the richer
silver mines.
Painting
earth.
Golde
[III. 464.]
Mesquiquez.
Seven cities by
witchcraft not
found of the
seekers.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
streight : which as yet was never fully found. They
say, that streight lieth not farre from the maine land
of China, which the Spanyards account to be marvellous
rich.
Toward the North from Mexico there are great store
of silver mines. There is greater quantitie of silver
found in these mines toward the North, then there is
any other parts : and as the most men of experience
sayde alwayes, they finde the richer mines the more
Northerly, These mines are commonly upon great hilles
and stony ground, marvellous hard to be laboured and
wrought.
Out of some of the mines the Indians finde a certeine
kinde of earth of divers colours, wherewith they paint
themselves in times of their dances, and other pastimes
which they use.
In this countrey of Nova Hispania there are also
mines of golde, although the golde be commonly found
in rivers, or very neere unto rivers. And nowe in these
dayes there is not so much golde found as there hath
bene heretofore.
There are many great rivers, and great store of fish
in them, not like unto our kindes of fish. And there
are marvellous great woods, and as faire trees as may
be scene, of divers sorts, and especially firre trees, that
may mast any shippe that goeth upon the sea, okes and
pineapples, and another tree which they call Mesquiquez:
it beareth a fruit like unto a peascod, marvellous sweet,
which the wilde people gather, and keepe it all the yere,
and eat it in stead of bread.
The Spanyards have notice of seven cities which old
men of the Indians shew them should lie towards the
Northwest from Mexico. They have used and use
dayly much diligence in seeking of them, but they cannot
find any one of them. They say that the witchcraft of
the Indians is such, that when they come by these townes
they cast a mist upon them, so that they cannot see
them.
382
HENRY HAWKS a.d.
1572.
They have understanding of another city which they PedroMoraks
call Copalla : and in like maner, at my beeing^ in the ^ ^]^ol^^
countrey, they have used much labour and diligence in ^j-ite the like
the seeking of it : they have found the lake on which of Copalla.
it should stand, and a canoa, the head whereof was
wrought with copper curiously, and could not finde nor
see any man nor the towne which to their understand-
ing should stand on the same water, or very neere the
same.
There is a great number of beasts or kine in the The strange
countrey of Cibola, which were never brought thither ^^J^ ^
by the Spanyards, but breed naturally in the countrey.
They are like unto our oxen, saving that they have
long haire like a lion, and short homes, and they
have upon their shoulders a bunch like a camell, which
is higher then the rest of their body. They are marvellous
wild and swift in running. They call them the beasts
or kine of Cibola.
This Cibola is a city which the Spanyards found Cibola aban-
now of late, without any people in the same, goodly ^°^^^-
bnildings, faire chimneys, windowes made of stone &
timber excellently wrought, faire welles with wheeles
to draw their water, and a place where they had buried
their dead people, with many faire stones upon the
graves. And the captaine would not suffer his souldiers
to breake up any part of these graves, saying, he would
come another time to do it.
They asked certeine people which they met, whither
the people of this city were gone : and they made
answere, they were gone downe a river, which was ^ gf^^t river
there by, very great, and there had builded a city
which was more for their commodity.
This captaine lacking things necessary for himselfe
and his men, was faine to returne backe againe, without
finding any treasure according to his expectation : neither
found they but fewe people, although they found beaten
wayes, which had beene much haunted and frequented.
The captaine at his comming backe againe, had a great
383
nere Cibola.
A.D.
1572.
Water con-
gealed to salt.
Dogs of India
described.
Cacao a fruit
currant as
money.
Fruits.
Hot springs.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
checke of the governour, because he had not gone
forwards, and seene the end of that river.
They have in the countrey, farre from the sea side,
standing waters, which are salt : and in the moneths of
April and May the water of them congealeth into salt,
which salt is all taken for the kings use and profit.
Their dogs are all crooked backt, as many as are of
the countrey breed, and cannot run fast : their faces are
like the face of a pig or an hog, with sharpe noses.
In certeine provinces which are called Guatimala, &
Soconusco, there is growing great store of cacao, which
is a berry like unto an almond : it is the best merchandize
that is in all the Indies. The Indians make drinke of
it, and in like maner meat to eat. It goeth currantly
for money in any market or faire, and may buy any flesh,
fish, bread or cheese, or other things.
There are many kinde of fruits of the countrey, which
are very good, as plantans, sapotes, guiaves, pinas, aluacatas,
tunas, mamios, limons, orenges, walnuts very small and
hard, with little meat in them, grapes which the Spanyards
brought into the countrey, and also wilde grapes, which
are of the countrey, and are very small, quinses, peaches,
figs, and but few apples, and very small, and no peares :
but there are melons and calaba9as or gourds.
There is much hony, both of bees and also of a kind of
tree which they call magueiz. This hony of magueiz is
not so sweet as the other hony is, but it is better to be
eaten only with bread, then the other is ; and the tree
serveth for many things, as the leaves make threed to
sowe any kinde of bags, and are good to cover and thatch
houses, and for divers other things.
They have in divers places of the countrey many hote
springs of water : as above all other, I have seene one in
the province of Mechuacan. In a plaine field without
any mountaine, there is a spring which hath much water,
& it is so hot, that if a whole quarter of beefe be cast into
it, within on halfe houre it will be as well sodden as it will
be over a fire in halfe a day. I have seene halfe a sheepe
384
HENRY HAWKS
cast In, and Immediatly it hath bene sodden, and I have
eaten part of it.
There are many hares, and some conies. There are
no partridges, but abundance of quailes.
They have great store of fish in the South sea, and
many oisters, and very great. The people do open the
oisters, and take out the meat of them, and dry it as they
do any other kinde of fish, and keepe them all the yeere :
and when the times serve, they send them abroad into the
countrey to sell, as all other fish. They have no salmon,
nor trowt, nor pele, nor carpe, tench, nor pike in all the
countrey.
There are in the countrey mighty high mountaines, and
hilles, and snow upon them : they commonly burne ; and
twise every day they cast out much smoke and ashes at
certeine open places, which are in the tops of them.
There is among the wilde people much manna. I have
gathered of the same, and have eaten it, and it is good :
for the Apothecaries send their servants at certeine times,
to gather of the same for purgations, and other uses.
There are in the mountaines many wilde hogs, which
all men may kill, and lions and tygres ; which tygres do
much harme to men that travell in the wildernesse.
In this countrey, not long since, there were two
poore men that found a marvellous rich mine ; and when
these men went to make a register of the same (accord-
ing to the law and custome) before the kings officers,
they thought this mine not meet for such men as they
were : and violently tooke the sayd mine for the king ;
and gave no part thereof unto the two poore men.
And within certaine dayes the kings ofBcers resorted
thither to labor in the mine, & they found two great
mighty hilles were come together ; so they found no
place to worke in. And in the time while I was among
them, which was five yerees, there was a poore shep-
heard, who keeping his sheepe, happened to finde a well
of quicke-silver ; and he went in like maner to manifest
A.D.
1572.
Hares and
conies.
deafish.
[III. +65.]
Burning
mountaines.
Manna.
Wilde hogs,
lions, and
tigres.
the same, as the custome and
maner is
the kings
2B
Mines dis-
covered, net
found againe.
The authour
five yeeres in
Nueva Es-
panna.
A.D.
1572.
Sugar y con-
serves.
Description of
the Indians
person and
maners.
The people of
Nueva Es-
panna great
cowards.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
officers dealt in like order as they did with the two
poore men that found the rich mine, taking it quite
from the shepheard : but when they went to fetch home
the quicke-silver, or part thereof, they could never finde
it againe. So these things have bene declared unto the
king, who hath given commandement, that nothing
being found in the fields, as mines, and such like, shall
be taken away from any man. And many other things
have bene done in this countrey, which men might
count for great marvels.
There is great abundance of sugar here, & they
make divers conserves, & very good, and send them
into Peru, where as they sell them marvellous well, be-
cause they make none in those parts.
The people of the countrey are of a good stature,
tawny coloured, broad faced, flat nosed, and given much
to drinke both wine of Spaine and also a certeine kind
of wine which they make with hony of Magueiz, and
roots, and other things which they use to put into the
same. They call the same wine Pulco. They are
soone drunke, and given to much beastlinesse, and
void of all goodnesse. In their drunkennesse they use
and commit Sodomy ; and with their mothers and
daughters they have their pleasures and pastimes. Where-
upon they are defended from the drinking of wines, upon
paines of money, aswell he that selleth the wines as the
Indian that drinketh the same. And if this commande-
ment were not, all the wine in Spaine and in France were
not sufficient for the West Indies onely.
They are of much simplicity, and great cowards, voide
of all valour, and are great witches. They use divers
times to talke with the divell, to whom they do certeine
sacrifices and oblations : many times they have bene
taken with the same, and I have seene them most cruelly
punished for that offence.
The people are given to learne all maner of occupa-
tions and sciences, which for the most part they learned
since the comming of the Spanyards : I say all maner of
386
HENRY HAWKS a.d.
1572.
arts. They are very artificiall in making of images with
feathers, or the proportion or figure of any man, in all
kind of maner as he is. The finenesse and excellency
of this is woonderfull, that a barbarous people as they
are, should give themselves to so fine an arte as this is.
They are goldsmiths, blackesmiths, and coppersmiths,
carpenters, masons, shoomakers, tailors, sadlers, imbro-
derers, and of all other kind of sciences : and they will
do worke so good cheape, that poore yoong men that
goe out of Spaine to get their living, are not set on
worke : which is the occasion there are many idle people
in the countrey. For the Indian will live all the weeke
with lesse then one groat; which the Spanyard cannot
do, nor any man els.
They say, that they came of the linage of an olde man The Indians
which came thither in a boat of wood, which they call a T^^^^^^^
canoa. But they cannot tell whether it were before the -^^^^ Zm.^
flood or after, neither can they give any reason of the
flood, nor from whence they came. And when the
Spanyards came first among them, they did certeine
sacrifice to an image made in stone, of their owne
invention. The stone was set upon a great hill, which
they made of bricks of earth : they call it their Cowa.
And certeine dayes in the yere they did sacrifice, certeine
olde men, and yoong children ; and onely beleeved in
the Sunne and the Moone, saying, that from them they The Sun and
had all things that were needful for them. They have in
these parts great store of cotton wooll, with which they
make a maner of linnen cloth, which the Indians weare,
both men and women, and it serveth for shirts & smocks,
and all other kind of garments, which they weare upon
their bodies : and the Spanyards use it to all such pur-
poses, especially such as cannot buy other. And if it
were not for this kind of cloth, all maner of cloth that [ill. ^dd.']
goeth out of Spaine, I say linnen cloth, would be solde
out of all measure.
The wilde people go naked, without any thing upon The wllde In-
them. The women weare the skinne of a deere before
387
Moone
honored.
Store of cotton.
dians.
A.D.
1572.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
their privities, and nothing els upon all their bodies.
They have no care for any thing, but onely from day
to day for that which they have need to eat. They are
big men, and likewise the women. They shoot in bowes
which they make of a cherry tree, and their arrowes are
of cane, with a sharpe flint stone in the end of the same ;
they will pierce any coat of maile : and they kill deere,
and cranes, and wilde geese, ducks and other fowle, and
wormes, and snakes, and divers other vermin, which they
eat. They live very long : for I have scene men that
have beene an hundred yeres of age. They have but
very litle haire in their face, nor on their bodies.
Friers in reve- The Indians have the friers in great reverence: the
rence. occasion is, that by them and by their meanes they are
free and out of bondage ; which was so ordeined by
Charles the emperor : which is the occasion that now
there is not so much gold and silver comming into
Europe as there was while the Indians were slaves.
For when they were in bondage they could not chuse but
doe their taske every day, and bring their masters so
much metall out of their mines : but now they must be
well payed, and much intreated to have them worke.
So it hath bene, and is a great hinderance to the owners
of the mines, and to the kings quinto or custome.
Copper mines. There are many mines of copper in great quantity,
whereof they spend in the countrey as much as serveth
their turnes. There is some golde in it, but not so
much as will pay the costs of the fining. The quantity
of it is such, and the mines are so farre from the sea,
that it will not be worth the fraight to cary it into Spaine.
On the other side, the kings officers will give no licence
to make ordinance thereof; whereupon the mines lie
unlaboured, and of no valuation.
There is much lead in the countrey ; so that with it
they cover churches, and other religious houses : where-
mt . . ^ fore they shall not need any of our lead, as they have
The pompe of . , J, . ^ . . ^ ' -^
owners of ^^^ need thereor m times past.
mines. The pompe and liberalitie of the owners of the mines
388
HENRY HAWKS a.d.
1572.
is marvellous to beholde : the apparell both of them and
of their wives is more to be compared to the apparell of
noble persons then otherwise. If their wives goe out of
their houses, as unto the church, or any other place, they
goe out with great majesty, and with as many men and
maids as though she were the wife of some noble man. I
will assure you, I have seene a miners wife goe to the
church with an hundred men, and twenty gentlewomen
and maids. They keepe open house : who will, may
come to eat their meat. They call men with a bell to
come to dinner and supper. They are princes in keeping
of their houses, and bountifull in all maner of things.
A good owner of mines must have at the least an Things neces-
hundred slaves to cary and to stampe his metals ; he ^^p.f° ^^^^^
must have many mules, and men to keepe the mines ; he JIJ^^^ ^^
must have milles to stampe his metals ; he must have
many waines and oxen to bring home wood to fine the
oare ; he must have much quicke-silver, and a marvellous
quantity of salt-brine for the metals ; and he must be at
many other charges. And as for this charge of quicke-
silver, it is a new invention, which they finde more profit-
able then to fine their oare with lead. Howbeit the same
is very costly : for there is never a hundred of quick-
silver but costeth at the least threescore pounds sterling.
And the mines fall dayly in decay, and of lesse value :
and the occasion is, the few Indians that men have to
labour their mines.
There is in New Spaine a marvellous increase of cattel. The plenty of
which dayly do increase, and they are of a greater growth ^^^^^^^•
then ours are. You may have a great steere that hath an
hundred weight of tallow in his belly for sixteene shil-
lings ; and some one man hath 20000 head of cattel of
his owne. They sell the hides unto the merchants, who
lade into Spaine as many as may be well spared. They
spend many in the countrey in shooes and boots, and in
the mines : and as the countrey is great, so is the in-
crease of the cattell woonderfull. In the Island of Santo
Domingo they commonly kill the beasts for their hides
389
A.D.
1572.
Sheepe.
WoolL
Cloth.
Woad.
Alum.
Brasill.
[III. 467O
Hogs grease
in stead of oik.
Silks of sun-
dry sorts.
Horses.
Mules.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
and tallow ; and the fowles eat the carkeises : and so they
do in Cuba and Porto Rico, whereas there is much sugar,
and cana fistula, which dayly they send into Spaine.
They have great increase of sheepe in like maner, and
dayly do intend to increase them. They have much
wooll, and as good as the wooll of Spaine. They make
cloth as much as serveth the countrey, for the common
people, and send much cloth into Peru. I have seene
cloth made in the city of Mexico, which hath beene solde
for tenne pezos a vare, which is almost foure pounds
English, and the vare is lesse then our yard. They have
woad growing in the countrey, and alum, and brasill, and
divers other things to die withall, so that they make all
colours. In Peru they make no cloth : but heereafter
our cloth will be little set by in these parts, unlesse it be
some fine cloth. The wools are commonly foure shil-
lings every roue, which is ^yq & twenty pounds : and in
some places of the countrey that are farre from the places
where as they make cloth, it is woorth nothing, and doth
serve but onely to make beds for men to lie on.
They make hats, as many as doe serve the Countrey,
very fine and good, and sell them better cheape, then
they can be brought out of Spaine, and in like maner
send them into Peru.
Many people are set on worke both in the one and in
the other : they spin their wooll as we doe, and in steed
of oyle, they have hogs grease : they twist not their threed
so much as wee doe, neither worke so fine a threed.
They make no kersies, but they make much cloth, which
is course, and sell it for lesse then 12. pence the vare. It
is called Sayall.
They have much silke, and make all maner of sorts
thereof, as Taffataes, Sattins, Velvets of all colours, and
they are as good as the silkes of Spaine, saving that the
colours are not so perfect : but the blackes are better then
the blackes that come out of Spaine.
They have many horses, and mares, and mules, which
the Spaniards brought thither. They have as good
390
HENRY HAWKS ad.
1572.
Jennets, as any are in Spaine, and better cheape then Jennets,
they bee in Spaine. And with their mules they cary
all their goods from place to place.
There is raine usually in this Countrey, from the
moneth of May, to the midst of October, every day,
which time they call their winter, by reason of the said
waters. And if it were not for the waters which fall
in these hot seasons, their Maiz, which is the greatest
part of their sustenance, would be destroyed. This
Maiz is the greatest maintenance which the Indian Maize gra'me
hath, and also all the common people of the Spaniards. ->^^^' ^^^ ^^'^.
And their horses and mules which labour, cannot be ^^^^/
without the same. This graine is substantiall, and in-
creaseth much blood. If the Miners should bee
without it, they coulde not labour their Mines : for all
their servants eate none other bread, but onely of this
Maize, and it is made in cakes, as they make oaten
cakes, in some places of England.
The Indians pay tribute, being of the age of 20.
yeeres, 4. shillings of money, and an hanege of Maiz, An Hanega is
which is worth 4. shillings more unto the King every ^ bushel and
yeere. This is payd in all Nova Hispania, of as many ^^ ^•^^*
as be of the age of 20. yeeres, saving the Citie of
Tlascalla, which was made free, because the citizens
thereof were the occasion that Cortes tooke Mexico in
so little a time. And although at the first they were
freed from paiment of tribute, yet the Spaniards now
begin to usurpe upon them, and make them to till a
great field of Maiz, at their owne costes every yeere
for the King, which is as beneficial unto him, and as
great cost unto them, as though they paid their tribute,
as the others doe.
The ships which goe out of Spaine with goods for
Peru, goe to Nombre de dios, and there discharge the
said goods : and from thence they be caried over the
necke of a land, unto a port towne in the South
sea, called Panama, which is 17. leagues distant from
Nombre de dios. And there they doe ship their goods
391
A.D.
1572.
Salomons
Hands sought^
and found in
the South sea
1568.
China found
by the West.
* This is to be
understood of
the time when
this discourse
was written^
Anno 1572.
China ships
with one saile.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
againe, and so from thence goe to Peru. They are in
going thither three moneths, and they come backe
againe in 20. dayes. They have seldome foule weather,
and fewe ships are lost in the South sea. Foure yeeres
past, to wit 1568, there was a ship made out of Peru,
to seeke Salomons Islands, and they came somewhat to
the South of the Equinoctial, & found an Island with
many blacke people, in such number that the Spaniards
durst not go on land among them. And because they
had bene long upon the voyage, their people were very
weake, and so went not on land, to know what commoditie
was upon it. And for want of victuals, they arrived in
Nova Hispania, in a port called Puerto de Navidad, and
thence returned backe againe unto Peru, whereas they
were evil entreated, because they had not knowen more of
the same Island.
They have in this port of Navidad ordinarily their
ships, which goe to the Islands of China, which are cer-
taine Islands which they have found within these 7. yeres.
They have brought from thence gold, and much Cinamom,
and dishes of earth, and cups of the same, so fine, that
every man that may have a piece of them, will give the
weight of silver for it. There was a Mariner that brought
a pearle as big as a doves ^ggt from thence, & a stone,
for which the Viceroy would have given 3000. duckets.
Many things they bring from thence, most excellent.
There are many of these ylands, and the Spaniards have
not many of them as yet :* for the Portugals disturbe
them much, and combate with them every day, saying, it
is part of their conquest, and to the maine land they
cannot come at any hand. There are goodly people in
them, and they are great Mariners, richly apparelled in
cloth of gold, and silver, and silke of all sorts, and goe
apparelled after the maner of the Turkes. This report
make such as come from thence. The men of the
maine land have certaine traffique with some of these
ylanders, and come thither in a kind of ships, which
they have with one saile, and bring of such marchan-
392
HENRY HAWKS a.d.
1572.
dize as they have need of. And of these things there
have bene brought into New Spaine both cloth of gold
and silver, and divers maners of silks, and works of gold
and silver, marveilous to be seene. So by their saying,
there is not such a countrey in the whole world. The
maine land is from the ylands 190. leagues : and the
ylands are not farre from the Malucos Northwards.
And the people of those ylands, which the Spaniards
have, say, that if they would bring their wives and
children, that then they should have among them what
they would have. So there goe women dayly, and the [III. 468.]
king payeth all the charges of the maried men and
their wives, that go to those ylands. And there is no
doubt but the trade will be marveilous rich in time to
come. It was my fortune to be in company with one
Diego Gutieres, who was the first Pilot that ever went
to that countrey of the Phillippinas. Hee maketh report
of many strange things in that Countrey, aswell riches, as
other, and saith, if there bee any Paradise upon earth, it
is in that countrey : and addeth, that sitting under a
tree, you shall have such sweet smels, with such great
content and pleasure, that you shall remember nothing,
neither wife, nor children, nor have any kinde of appetite
to eate or drinke, the odoriferous smels wil be so
sweete. This man hath good livings in Nova Hispania,
notwithstanding hee will returne thither, with his wife
and children, and as for treasure there is abundance, as
he maketh mention. In this countrey of Nova Hispania
there are many buckes and does, but they have not so
long homes as they have here in England. The Span-
iards kill them with hand-guns and with grayhounds, and
the Indians kill them with their bowes and arrowes, and
with the skins they make chamoyce, such as we in Eng- Chamoke.
land make doublets and hose of, as good as the skins that Spanish
are dressed in Flanders, & likewise they make marveilous leather.
good Spanish leather of them. There is a bird which is ^^^/j^Jj'^
like unto a Raven, but he hath some of his feathers white : ^^^o^re car-
there is such abundance of them, that they eate all the rion.
393
A.D.
1572.
Wrongs done
to the Indians
punished.
Justice ye
cause of
clvUitle.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
corrupt and dead flesh which is in the countrey. Other-
wise the abundance of carren is so much, that it would
make a marveilous corrupt aire in all the Countrey, and
be so noisome, that no man could abide it. Therefore it
is commanded there shall none of them be killed. These
birds are alwayes about Cities, and townes, where there is
much flesh killed.
The Indians are much favoured by the Justices of the
Countrey, and they call them their orphanes. And if any
Spaniard should happen to doe any of them harme, or to
wrong, him in taking any thing from him, as many times
they doe, or to strike any of them, being in any towne,
whereas justice is, they are aswell punished for the same,
as if they had done it one Spaniard to another. When a
Spaniard is farre from Mexico, or any place of justice,
thinking to doe with the poore Indian what he list, con-
sidering he is so farre from any place of remedy, he
maketh the Indian do what he commaundeth him, and if
he will not doe it, hee beateth and misuseth him, according
to his owne appetite. The Indian holdeth his peace, untill
hee finde an opportunitie, and then taketh a neighbour
with him, and goeth to Mexico, although it be 20. leagues
off^, and maketh his complaint. This his complaint is
immediatly heard, & although it be a knight, or a right
good gentleman, he is forthwith sent for, and punished
both by his goods, and also his person is imprisoned, at
the pleasure of the Justice. This is the occasion that the
Indians are so tame and civill, as they are : and if they
should not have this favour, the Spaniards would soone
dispatch all the Indians, or the Indians would kill them.
But they may cal them dogs, and use other evill words, as
much as they will, and the Indian must needes put it up,
and goe his way.
The poore Indians wil go
leagues to a Faire or market
necks, with as much fruit or
ware, as cotton wooll, or cadis
not past worth a pennie : and
394
every day two or three
with a childe upon their
rootes, or some kinde of
of all colours, as shall be
they wil mainteine them-
HENRY HAWKS ad.
1572.
selves upon the same. For they live with a marveilous
small matter.
They are in such povertie, that if you neede to ride
into the Countrey, you shall have an Indian to goe with
you all the day with your bed upon his backe, for one
royall of plate : and this you shall have from one towne
to another. Here you are to understand, that all men
that traveile by the way, are alwayes wont to carry their
beds with them. They are great theeves, and wil steale
all that they may, and you shall have no recom pence at
their hands.
The garments of the women, are in this maner. The The apparel
uppermost part is made almost like to a womans smocke, ^ ^^^ Indians.
saving that it is as broad above as beneath, and hath no
sleeves, but holes on eche side one to put out their armes.
It is made of linnen cloth made of cotton wooll, and filled
full of flowers, of red cadis and blew, and other colours.
This garment commeth downe to the knees, and then
they have another cloth made after the same maner, and
that goeth rounde about their waste, and reacheth to their
shooes, and over this a white fine sheet upon their heads,
which goeth downe halfe the legge. Their haire is
made up round with an haire lace about their head.
And the men have a small paire of breeches of the
same cotton wool, and their shirts which hang over
their breeches, and a broad girdle about their middles,
and a sheete with flowers upon their backes, and with a
knot upon one shoulder, & an hat upon their heads,
and a paire of shooes. And this is all their apparell,
although it be a Casique, which they use in all the
Countrey.
The wals of the houses of the Indians, are but plaine. The houses of
but the stones are layd so close, that you shall not well ^^^ Indians.
perceive the joynts betweene one stone and another, they
are so finely cut : and by the meanes that the stones are
so workmanly done, and finely joyned together, there is
some beautie in their wals. They are marveilous small [III. 469.]
and light, as Pumie stones. They make their doores
395
A.D.
1572.
Fire rubbed
out of two
stickes.
Divers
speeches.
Mutezuma,
and his riches.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
very little, so that there can go in but one man at a time.
Their windowes, and roomes within their houses are
small, and one roome they have reserved for their friends,
when they come to talke one with another, and that is
alwayes faire matted, and kept marveilous cleane, and
hanged full of images, and their chaires standing there to
sit in. They eate their meate upon the ground, and
sleepe on the ground upon a mat, without any bed, both
the gentlemen, and other.
The Indians strike their fire with one sticke in another,
aswell the tame people, as the wilde. For they know not
how to doe it with an yron, and a stone.
In Nova Hispania every 10. or 12. leagues they have a
contrary speach, saving onely about Mexico : so there is a
number of speeches in the Countrey.
Mutezuma which was the last King of this Countrey,
was one of the richest princes which have bene scene in
our time, or long before. He had all kinde of beasts
which were then in the countrey, and all maner of birds,
and fishes, and all maner of wormes, which creepe upon
the earth, and all trees, and flowers, and herbes, all
fashioned in silver and gold, which was the greatest part
of al his treasure, and in these things had he great joy, as
the old Indians report. And unto this day, they say that
the treasure of Mutezuma is hidden, and that the Span-
iards have it not. This King would give none of his
people freedome, nor forgive any of them that should pay
him tribute, though he were never so poore. For if it
had bene told him that one of his tributaries was poore,
& that he was not able to pay his tribute according to the
custome, then he would have him bound to bring at such
times as tributes should be payd, a quill full of Lice,
saying, hee would have none free, but himselfe. He had
as many wives or concubines, as hee would have, and
such as liked him. Alwayes whensoever he went out of
his Court to passe the time, he was borne upon 4. of his
noble mens shoulders set upon a table, some say, of
golde, and very richly dressed with feathers of divers and
396
HENRY HAWKS
many colours and flowers. He washed all his body every
day, were it never so cold. And unto this day so do all
the Indians, and especially the women.
The Spaniards keepe the Indians in great subjection.
They may have in their houses no sword nor dagger, nor
knife with any point, nor may weare upon them any
maner of armes, neither may they ride upon any horse
nor mules, in any sadle nor bridle, neither may they
drinke wine, which they take for the greatest paine of
all. They have attempted divers times to make insurrec-
tions, but they have bene overthrowen immediatly by
their owne great and beastly cowardlinesse.
There remaine some among the wild people, that unto
this day eate one another. I have scene the bones of a
Spaniard that have bene as cleane burnished, as though it
had bene done by men that had no other occupation.
And many times people are caried away by them, but
they never come againe, whether they be men or
women.
They have in the Sea ylands of red salt in great abun-
dance, whereas they lade it from place to place about the
Sea coast : and they spend very much salt with salting
their hides, and fish : and in their Mines they occupie
great quantitie. They have much Alume, and as good as
any that is in all the Levant, so that they neede none of
that commoditie. They have also of their owne grow-
ing, much Cana fistula, & much Salsa Perilla, which
is marveilous good for many kind of diseases.
There are in Florida many Jarrefalcons, and
other kinde of hawkes, which the gentlemen of
Hispania send for every yere. The Spaniards
A.D.
1572.
The Indians
wash them-
selves every
day.
two forts there, chiefly
from planting there.
many
Nova
have
to keepe out the Frenchmen
Cannybals.
Island of salt.
Alume.
Cassia fistula.
Salsa Perilla.
Florida.
397
[A discourse
A.D.
1567.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
This Fleete
consisted of 6.
ships.
I . The Jesus.
[III. 470.]
2. The Myn-
ion.
l.TheWilliam
and John.
4. The Judith.
5. The Angel.
6. The Swal-
low.
A discourse written by one Miles Philips Eng-
lishman, one of the company put on shoare
Northward of Panuco, in the West Indies
by M. John Hawkins 1568. conteining many
special things of that countrey and of the
Spanish government, but specially of their
cruelties used to our Englishmen, and
amongst the rest to him selfe for the space
of 15. or 16. yeres together, until by good
and happy, meanes he was delivered from
their bloody hands, and returned into his
owne Countrey. An. 1582.
Chap. I .
Wherein is shewed the day and time of our departure
from the coast of England, with the number and
names of the ships, their Captaines and Masters, and
of our trafique and dealing upon the coast of Africa.
Pon munday the second of October 1567.
the weather being reasonable faire, our
Generall M. John Hawkins, having com-
manded all his Captaines and Masters
to be in a readinesse to make saile with
him, hee himselfe being imbarked in the
Jesus, whereof was appointed for Master
Robert Barret, hoised saile, and departed from Plim-
mouth upon his intended voyage for the parts of Africa,
and America, being accompanied with five other saile of
ships, as namely the Mynion, wherein went for Captaine
M. John Hampton, and John Garret Master. The
William and John, wherein was Captaine Thomas
Bolton, and James Raunce Master. The Judith, in
whom was Captaine M. Francis Drake afterward knight,
and the Angel, whose Master, as also the Captaine and
Master of the Swallow I now remember not. And so
398
MILES PHILIPS A.D.
1567.
sayling in company together upon our voyage untill
the tenth of the same moneth, an extreeme storme
then tooke us neere unto Cape Finister, which dured
for the space of foure dayes, and so separated our
ships, that wee had lost one another, and our Generall
finding the Jesus to bee but in ill case, was in minde
to give over the voyage, and to returne home. How-
beit the eleventh of the same moneth the Seas waxing
calme, and the winde comming faire hee altered his
purpose, and held on the former entended voyage :
And so comming to the yland of Gomera being one of
the ylands of the Canaries, where according to an order
before appointed, we met with all our ships which
were before dispersed, wee then tooke in fresh water
and departed from thence the fourth of November, and
holding on our course, upon the eightenth day of the
same moneth wee came to an ancker upon the coast of
Africa, at Cape Verde in twelve fadome water ; and
here our Generall landed certaine of our men, to the
number of 160. or thereabout, seeking to take some
Negros. And they going up into the Countrey for
the space of sixe miles, were encountred with a great
number of the Negros : who with their invenomed arrowes
did hurt a great number of our men, so that they were
inforced to retire to the ships, in which conflict they
recovered but a fewe Negros, and of these our men
which were hurt with their envenomed arrowes, there
died to the number of seven or eight in very strange
maner, with their mouths shut, so that wee were
forced to put stickes and other things into their
mouths to keepe them open, and so afterward passing
the time upon the coast of Guinea, untill the twelfth
of January, wee obteined by that time the number of
150. Negros. And being ready to depart from the
Sea coast, there was a Negro sent as an Ambassadour
to our Generall, from a King of the Negros, which
was oppressed with other Kings his bordering neigh-
bours, desiring our Generall to graunt him succour and
399
A.D.
1567.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
The William
and John
separated and
neve7' after
met with the
fleete.
Generall
a lande,
men or
ayde against those his enemies, which our
granted unto, and went himselfe in person
with the number of two hundreth of our
thereabouts, and the said King which had requested
our ayde, did joyne his force with ours, so that thereby
our Generall assaulted, and set fire upon a Towne of the
said King his enemies, in which there was at the least the
number of eight or ten thousand Negros, and they per-
ceiving that they were not able to make any resistance
sought by flight to save themselves, in which their flight
there were taken prisoners to the number of eight or nine
hundreth, which our Generall ought to have had for his
share : howbeit the Negro King which requested our ayde,
falsifying his word and promise, secretly in the night
conveyed himselfe away with as many prisoners as he had
in his custodie : but our Generall notwithstanding finding
himselfe to have nowe very neere the number of 500.
Negros thought it best without longer abode to depart
with them, and such marchandize as hee had from the
coast of Africa, towards the West Indies, and therefore
commanded with all diligence to take in fresh water and
fewel, and so with speed to prepare to depart. Howbeit
before we departed from thence, in a storme that wee
had, wee lost one of our ships, namely the William
and John, of which ship and of her people, we heard
no tidings during the time of our voyage.
Chap. 2.
Wherein is shewed the day and time of our departure
from the coast of Africa, with the day and time of
our arrivall in the West Indies, also of our trade, and
trafique there, and also of the great crueltie that the
Spaniards used towards us, by the Vice-roy his direc-
tion, and appointment, falsifying his faith and promise
given, and seeking to have intrapped us.
A LI things being made in a readinesse, at our Generall
his appointment, upon the thirde day of Februarie
1568. wee departed from the coast of Africa, having the
400
SIR JOHN HAWKINS
MILES PHILIPS A.D.
1568.
weather somewhat tempestuous, which made our passage
the more hard; and sayling so for the space of 52. dayes,
upon the 27. of March 1568. we came in sight of an
yland called Dominica, upon the coast of America in the
West Indies, situated in 14. degrees of latitude, and 322.
of longitude : from thence our Generall coasted from
place to place, ever making trafique with the Spaniards
and Indians as hee might, which was somewhat hardly
obtained, for that the King had straightly charged all
his governours in those parts not to trade with any : yet
notwithstanding, during the moneths of April and May,
our Generall had reasonable trade and trafique, and
courteous entertainement in sundry places, as at Mar-
garita, Cora9ao, and else where, til we came to Cape
de la vela, and Rio de Hacha, (a place from whence
all the pearles doe come :) the governour there would
not by any meanes permit us to have any trade or [III. 471.]
trafique, nor yet suffer us to take in fresh water : by
meanes whereof our Generall for the avoyding of famine
and thirst about the beginning of June, was enforced to
land two hundreth of our men, and so by maine force
and strength to obtaine that which by no faire meanes hee
could procure ; And so recovering the Towne with the
losse of two of our men, there was a secret and peaceable
trade admitted, and the Spaniards came in by night, and
bought of our Negroes to the number of 200. and up-
wards, and of our other marchandize also. From thence
we departed for Carthagena, where the Governour was
so straight, that wee could not obteine any trafique there,
and so for that our trade was neere finished, our Generall
thought it best to depart from thence the rather for the
avoyding of certaine dangerous stormes called the Huri-
canos, which accustomed to begin there about that time
of the yere, & so the 24. of July 1568. we departed from
thence directing our course North : and leaving the yland
of Cuba upon our right hand, to the Eastward of us, and
so sayling toward Florida upon the 12. of August an
extreeme tempest arose, which dured for the space of
IX 401 2C
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1568.
8 dayes, in which our ships were most dangerously tossed
and beaten hither, & thither, so that we were in continuall
feare to be drowned by reason of the shallownes of the
coast, and in the end we were constrained to flee for
succour to the port of S. John de Ullua, or Vera Cruz,
situated in 19. degrees of latitude, and in 279. degrees of
longitude, which is the port that serveth for the Citie of
Mexico : in our seeking to recover this port our Generall
met by the way three small ships that caried passengers,
which hee tooke with him, and so the sixtenth of
September 1568. wee entered the saide port of S. John
de Ullua. The Spaniards there supposing us to have
bene the King of Spaines Fleete, the chiefe officers of
the Countrey thereabouts came presently aboord our
Generall, where perceiving themselves to have made an
unwise adventure, they were in great feare to have bene
taken and stayed : howbeit our Generall did use them all
very courteously. In the said port there were twelve
ships which by report had in them in treasure to the
value of two hundreth thousand pound all which being
in our Generall his power and at his devotion, he did
freely set at libertie, as also the passengers which he had
before stayed, not taking from any of them all the value
of one groat : onely hee stayed two men of credite and
accompt, the one named Don Laurenzo de Alva, and the
other Don Pedro de Rivera, and presently our Generall
Mexico 60. sent to the Viceroy to Mexico which was threescore
leagues from leagues off, certifying him of our arrivall there by force
. uan e ^^ weather, desiring that forasmuch as our Queene his
Soveraigne, was the king of Spaine his loving sister and
friend, that therefore hee would, considering our neces-
sities and wants, furnish us with victuals for our Navie,
and quietly suffer us to repaire and amend our ships.
And furthermore that at the arrival of the Spanish Fleet
which was there dayly expected and looked for, to the
ende that there might no quarell arise betweene them,
and our Generall and his company for the breach of
amitie, he humbly requested of his excellencie, that there
402
MILES PHILIPS A.D.
1568.
might in this behalfe some special order be taken. This
message was sent away the 16. of September 1568. it
being the very day of our arrivall there.
The next morning being the sevententh of the same
moneth, wee descried 13. saile of great shippes : and
after that our Generall understood, that it was the king
of Spaines Fleete then looked for, he presently sent to
advertise the Generall hereof, of our being in the said
port, and giving him further to understand, that before
he should enter there into that harbour, it was requisite
that there should passe betweene the two Generals some
orders and conditions to bee observed on either part, for
the better contriving of peace betweene them and theirs,
according to our Generals request made unto the Viceroy.
And at this instant our Generall was in a great perplexitie
of minde, considering with himselfe that if hee should
keepe out that Fleete from entring into the port, a thing
which hee was very well able to doe with the helpe of
God, then should that Fleete be in danger of present
shipwracke and losse of all their substance, which
amounted unto the value of one million and eight Itisputdowne
hundreth thousand pounds. Againe he saw that if ^: ^f ''^ '^"^
he suffered them to enter, hee was assured that they ^^-^^ ^^-^
would practise by all maner of meanes to betray him relation.
and his, and on the other side the haven was so little,
that the other Fleete entring, the shippes were to ride
one hard aboord of another. Also hee saw that if their
Fleete should perish by his keeping of them out, as
of necessitie they must if he should have done so, then
stood hee in great feare of the Queene our Soveraignes
displeasure in so waightie a cause : therefore did he
choose the least evill, which was to suffer them to enter
under assurance, and so to stand upon his guard, and to
defend himselfe and his from their treasons which we
were well assured they would practise, and so the
messenger being returned from Don Martin de Hen-
riques, the newe Viceroy, who came in the same Fleete,
and had sufficient authoritie to command in all cases both
403
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1568.
by Sea and by lande in this province of Mexico or new
Spaine, did certifie our Generall, that for the better
maintenance of amitie betweene the king of Spaine and
[III. 472.] our Soveraigne, all our requests should bee both favour-
ably granted, and faithfully perfourmed : signifying
further that he heard and understood of the honest
and friendly dealing of our Generall, toward the king
of Spaines subjects in all places where he had bene, as
also in the said port: so that to bee briefe our requests
were articled, and set downe in writing. Viz.
4. Articles \ The first was that wee might have victuals for our
concluded money, and license to sell as much wares, as mis^ht suffice
upon, ^ c ' \. ^
betwixt the to ^^^^ish our wants.
English y the 2 The Second, that we might be suffered peaceably
Spaniards ; to repaire our ships.
although the ^ 'p}^g thirde that the yland might bee in our posses-
rac^ 1 us ^.^^ durinp; the time of our abode there, In which yland
bpamaj as kept °ii r 11 r • r 1 • 1 1 • 1 i
none of them, our Generall tor the better saretie or nim and his, had
alreadie planted and placed certaine Ordinance which were
eleven pieces of brasse, therefore he required that the
same might so continue, and that no Spaniard should
come to lande in the saide yland, having or wearing any
kinde of weapon about him.
4 The fourth and the last, that for the better and more
sure performance and maintenance of peace, and of all the
conditions, there might twelve gentlemen of credite bee
delivered of either part as hostages.
These conditions were concluded and agreed upon in
writing by the Viceroy and signed with his hand, and
sealed with his scale, and 10. hostages upon either
part were received. And further it was concluded that
the two Generals should meet, and give faith ech to
other for the performance of the premisses. Al which
being done, the same was proclaimed by the sound of
a trumpet, & commandement was given that none of
either part should violate or breake the peace upon
paine of death : thus at the ende of three dayes all was
concluded, and the Fleete entred the port, the ships
404
MILES PHILIPS A.D.
1568.
saluting one another as the maner of the Sea doth
require : the morrow after being friday we laboured
on all sides in placing the English ships by themselves, &
the Spanish ships by themselves, the Captaines and in-
feriour persons of either part, offering, and shewing great
courtesie one to another, and promising great amitie
upon all sides. Howbeit as the sequel shewed, the
Spaniards meant nothing lesse upon their parts. For the
Viceroy and governour thereabout had secretly at land
assembled to the number of 1000. chosen men, and
wel appointed, meaning the next thursday being the 24.
of September at dinner time to assault us, and set upon
us on all sides. But before I go any further, I thinke
it not amisse briefly to describe the maner of the yland
as it then was, and the force and strength, that it is
now of. For the Spaniards since the time of our Gene-
rals being there, for the better fortifying of the same
place, have upon the same yland built a faire Castle, A faire castle
and bulwarke very well fortified : this port was then at f^^^/^^^'f^^
. . , "^ T 1 1 1 r ^1 builded upon
our bemg there, a little yland or stones, not past three f/^^yiandof
foote above water in the highest place, and not past a San Juan de
bow-shotte over any way at the most, and it standeth Vllua.
from the maine land, two bowshootes or more : and there
is not in all this coast any other place for ships safely
to arive at : also the North windes in this coast are of
great violence and force, and unlesse the shippes bee
safely mored in, with their anckers fastened in this yland,
there is no remedie, but present destruction and ship-
wracke. All this our generall wisely foreseeing, did
provide that he would have the said yland in his custody,
or els the Spaniards might at their pleasure, have but
cut our cables, and so with the first Northwinde that
blewe we had had our passport, for our ships had gone
a shoore. But to returne to the matter.
The time approching that their treason must be put
in practise, the same Thursday morning, some appearance
thereof began to shewe it selfe, as shifting of weapons
from shippe to shippe, and planting, and bending their
405
A.D.
1568.
The value of
a Spanish vice-
roy his faith.
The mlianoiis
treacherie of
the Spaniards
and their
crueltie,
[III. 473.]
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Ordinance against our men that warded upon the lande,
with great repaire of people : which apparant shewes of
breach of the Viceroys faith caused our Generall to sende
one to the Viceroy, to enquire of him what was meant
thereby, which presently sent and gave order, that the
Ordinance aforesayde, and other things of suspicion
should bee remooved, returning answere to our Generall
in the faith of a Viceroy, that hee would bee our
defence, and safetie from all villanous treacherie : this was
upon Thursday in the morning. Our Generall not being
therewith satisfied, seeing they had secretly conveyed a
great number of men aboord a great hulke or ship of
theirs of sixe hundreth tunne, which shippe rode hard
by the Mynion, hee sent againe to the Viceroy Robert
Barret the Master of the Jesus, a man that could speake
the Spanish tongue very well, and required that those
men might bee unshipt againe, which were in that great
hulke. The Viceroy then perceiving that their treason
was throughly espied, stayed our Master, and sounded
the Trumpet, and gave order that his people should
upon all sides charge upon our men, which warded on
shoore, and else where, which strooke such a mase, and
sudden feare among us, that many gave place, and sought
to recover our shippes for the safetie of themselves.
The Spaniards which secretly were hid in ambush at
lande were quickly conveyed over to the yland in their
long boates, and so comming to the yland, they slewe all
our men that they could meete with, without mercy.
The Minion which had somewhat before prepared her
selfe to avoyd the danger, haled away and abode the
first brunt of the 300 men that were in the great hulke :
then they sought to fall aboord the Jesus, where was
a cruell fight, and many of our men slaine : but yet
our men defended themselves, and kept them out : so
the Jesus also got loose, and joyning with the Minion,
the fight waxed hote upon all sides : but they having
woon and got our ordinance on shore, did greatly annoy
us. In this fight there were two great shippes of the
406
MILES PHILIPS A.D.
1568.
Spaniards sunke, and one burnt, so that with their
shippes they were not able to harme us, but from the shore
they beat us cruelly with our owne ordinance, in such
sort that the Jesus was very sore spoyled : and suddenly
the Spaniards having fired two great ships of their owne,
they came directly against us, which bred among our
men a marveilous feare. Howbeit the Minion which
had made her sayles ready, shifted for her selfe, without
consent of the Generall, Captaine or Master, so that
very hardly our Generall could be received into the
Minion : the most of our men that were in the Jesus
shifted for themselves, and followed the Minion in the
boat, and those which that small boat was not able to
receive, were most cruelly slaine by the Spaniards. Of
our ships none escaped saving the Minion and the
Judith : and all such of our men as were not in them
were inforced to abide the tyrannous cruelty of the
Spaniards. For it is a certaine trueth, that whereas they
had taken certaine of our men ashore, they tooke and hung
them up by the armes upon high postes untill the blood
burst out of their fingers ends : of which men so used,
there is one Copstow, and certaine others yet alive, who by Copstoweoneof
the mercifull providence of the almis^hty, were long since * tiazvkins
. ^ . . . men vetui"ned
arrived here at home in England, carying still about with f^^^ Nueva
them (and shal to their graves) the marks and tokens of Espanna.
those inhumane and more then barbarous cruell dealings.
Chap. 3.
Wherein is shewed, how that after we were escaped
from the Spaniards, wee were like to perish with
famine at the Sea, and how our Generall, for the
avoiding thereof was constrained to put halfe of his
men on land, and what miseries wee after that
sustained amongst the Savage people, and how againe
we fell into the hands of the Spaniards.
AFter that the Viceroy, Don Martin Henriques, had
thus contrary to his faith and promise, most cruelly
dealt with our Generall master Hawkins, at S. John de
407
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1568.
Ullua, where most of his men were by the Spaniards
slaine and drowned, and all his ships sunke and burned,
saving the Minion, and the Judith, which was a small
barke of fiftie tunne, wherein was then Captaine master
Francis Drake aforesayd : the same night the said barke
lost us, we being in great necessitie, and inforced to
remoove with the Minion two bow-shoote from the
Spanish fleete, where we ankered all that night : and the
next morning wee weyed anker, and recovered an Island
a mile from the Spaniards, where a storme tooke us with
a North winde, in which we were greatly distressed,
having but two cables and two ankers left ; for in the
conflict before we had lost three cables and two ankers.
The morrow after, the storme being ceased and the
weather faire, we weied, and set sayle, being many men
in number, and but small store of victuals to suffice us
for any long time : by meanes whereof we were in de-
spaire and feare that we should perish through famine,
so that some were in minde to yeelde themselves to
the mercy of the Spaniards, other some to the Savages
or Infidels, and wandring thus certaine daies in these
unknowen seas, hunger constrained us to eate hides,
cats and dogs, mice, rats, parrats and munkies : to be
short, our hunger was so great, that wee thought it
savourie and sweete whatsoever wee could get to eate.
And on the eight of October wee came to land againe,
in the bottome of the bay of Mexico, where we hoped
to have found some inhabitants, that wee might have had
some reliefe of victuals, and a place where to repaire our
ship, which was so greatly bruised, that we were scarse
able with our weary armes to keepe foorth the water :
being thus oppressed with famine on the one side and
danger of drowning on the other, not knowing where
to find reliefe, wee began to be in wonderfull despaire,
and we were of many mindes, amongst whom there were
a great many that did desire our Generall to set them
on land, making their choise rather to submit themselves
to the mercie of the Savages or Infidels, then longer to
408
MILES PHILIPS A.D.
1568.
hazard themselves at sea, where they very well sawe,
that if they should remaine together, if they perished
not by drowning, yet hunger would inforce them in the
ende to eate one another : to which request our Generall
did very willingly agree, considering with himselfe that
it was necessary for him to lessen his number, both
for the safetie of himselfe & the rest : and therupon
being resolved to set halfe his people ashore that he
had then left alive, it was a world to see how suddenly
mens minds were altered : for they which a little be-
fore desired to be set on land, were now of another
minde, and requested rather to stay : by meanes where- [III. 474.]
of our Generall was inforced for the more contentation
of all mens minds, and to take away all occasions of
offence, to take this order : First he made choice of
such persons of service and account, as were needefull
to stay, and that being done, of those which were
willing to goe he appointed such as he thought might
be best spared, and presently appointed that by the
boat they should bee set on shore, our Generall promising
us that the next yeere he would either come himselfe,
or else send to fetch us home. Here againe it would
have caused any stony heart to have relented to heare
the pitifull mone that many did make, and howe loth
they were to depart : the weather was then somewhat
stormy and tempestuous, and therefore we were to
passe with great danger, yet notwithstanding there was
no remedy, but we that were appointed to goe away,
must of necessitie doe so. Howbeit those that went They were put
in the first boat were safely set on shore, but of them ^« i^^d 25
which went in the second boate, of which number I ^^^S^^^ f^^^-
. - 1 1 1-11 ward of
my selre was one, the seas wrought so high, that we Panuco the 8
could not attaine to the shore, and therefore we were of October
constrained through the cruell dealing of John Hampton 15^8.
captaine of the Minion, and John Sanders boatswaine of
the Jesus, and Thomas Pollard his mate, to leape out
of the boate into the maine sea, having more then a
mile to shore, and so to shift for our selves, and either
409
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1568.
to sinke or swimme. And of those that so were (as it
were) throwen out, and compelled to leape into the sea,
there were two drowned, which were of captaine Blands
men.
In the evening of the same day, it being Munday
the eight of October, 1568, when we were all come to
shore, we found fresh water, whereof some of our men
drunke so much, that they had almost cast themselves
away, for wee could scarse get life of them for the space
of two or three houres after : other some were so cruelly
swollen, what with the drinking in of the salt water, and
what with the eating of the fruit which wee found on
land, having a stone in it much like an almond (which
Capiile a kind fruit is called Capule) that they were all in very ill case,
of stone fruit, g^ ^^^^ ^^ were in a maner all of us both feeble, faint
and weake.
The next morning being Tewsday, the ninth of
October, we thought it best to travell along by the sea
coast, to seeke out some place of habitation : (whether
they were Christians or Savages, we were indifferent,
so that we might have wherewithall to sustaine our
hungry bodies) and so departing from an hill where we
had rested all night, not having any drie threed about
us, (for those that were not wet being not throwen
into the sea, were thorowly wet with raine, for all the
night it rained cruelly :) As we went from the hil, and
were come into the plaine, we were greatly troubled to
passe for the grasse and weedes that grewe there higher
then any man. On the left hand we had the sea, and
upon the right hand great woods, so that of necessitie
we must needs passe on our w^ay Westward, through
those marshes ; and going thus, suddenly we were
assaulted by the Indians, a warlike kind of people, which
are in a maner as Canibals, although they doe not
feede upon mans flesh as Canibals doe.
These people are called Chichimici, and they use to
weare their haire long, even down to their knees, they
doe also colour their faces greene, yellow, red and blew,
410
Chichimici a
warlike and
cruel people.
MILES PHILIPS A.D.
1568.
which maketh them to seeme very ougly and terrible
to beholde. These people doe keepe warres against
the Spaniards, of whom they have bene oftentimes very
cruelly handled : for with the Spaniards there is no
mercy. They perceiving us at our first comming on
land, supposed us to have bene their enemies, the bor-
dering Spaniards, and having by their forerunners des-
cried what number we were, and how feeble and weake
without armour or weapon, they suddenly according to
their accustomed maner, when they encounter with any
people in warlike sorte, raised a terrible and huge crie, Oar men as-
and so came running fiercely upon us, shooting off their ^^^ , ^/. ^
arrowes as thicke as haile, unto whose mercy we were
constrained to yeeld, not having amongst us any kind of
armour, nor yet weapon, saving one caliver, and two old
rustie swords, whereby to make any resistance, or to
save our selves : which when they perceived, that wee
sought not any other then favour and mercie at their
handes, and that we were not their enemies the Spaniards,
they had compassion on us, and came and caused us
all to sit down : and when they had a while surveyed,
and taken a perfect view of us, they came to all such
as had any coloured clothes amongst us, and those
they did strip starke naked, and tooke their clothes
away with them, but those that were apparelled in
biacke they did not meddle withall, and so went their
wayes, and left us without doing us any further hurt,
onely in the first brunt they killed eight of our men. Eight of our
And at our departure, they perceiving in what weake ^^^ ^^^^^^'
case we were, pointed us with their hands which way
we should go to come to a towne of the Spaniards,
which as we afterwards perceived, was not past ten
leagues from thence, using these words : Tampice,
Tampice, Christiano, Tampice Christiano, which is as
much (we thinke) as to say in English, at Tampice
you shall find the Christians. The weapons that they
use are no other but bowes and arrowes, and their [III. 475.]
arme is so good, that they very seldome misse to hit
411
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1568.
any thing that they shoote at. Shortly after they had
left us stript (as aforesayd) we thought it best to devide
our selves into two companies, and so being separ-
Anthony ated, halfe of us went under the leading of one Anthony
Godard. Qodard, who is yet a man alive, and dwelleth at this
instant in the towne of Plimmouth, whom before we
chose to be captaine over us all, and those which went
under his leading, of which number I Miles Philips was
one, travailed Westward that way which the Indians
with their hands had before pointed us to go. The
other halfe went under the leading of one John Hooper,
whom they did choose for their captain, & with the
David company that went with him, David Ingram was one,
Ingram. ^^^ ^^^ tooke their way and travelled Northward, and
shortly after, within the space of two dayes, they were
againe incountered with the savage people, and their
captaine Hooper and two more of his company were
slaine : then againe they divided themselves, and some
held on their way still Northward, and other some,
knowing that we were gone Westward, sought to meet
with us againe, as in truth there was about the number
of 25 or 26 of them that met with us in the space of
foure dayes againe, and then we began to reckon
amongst our selves, how many wee were that were set
on shore, and we found the number to be an hundred
and foureteene, whereof two were drowned in the sea, and
eight were slaine at the first incounter, so that there
remained an hundred and foure, of which 25 went West-
ward with us, and 52 to the North with Hooper and
Ingram : and as Ingram since hath often told me, there
were not past three of their company slaine, and there
were but sixe and twenty of them that came againe to
us, so that of the company that went Northward, there
is yet lacking, and not certainely heard of, the number
of three and twenty men. And verely I doe thinke
that there are of them yet alive, and married in the
said countrey, at Cibola, as hereafter I purpose (God
willing) to discourse of more particularly, with the reason
412
MILES PHILIPS A.D.
1568.
and causes that make mee so to thinke of them that
were lacking, which were David Ingram, Twide, Browne,
and sundry others, whose names wee could not remem-
ber. And being thus met againe together, we travelled
on still Westward, sometime thorow such thicke woods,
that we were inforced with cudgels to breake away the
brambles and bushes from tearing our naked bodies :
other sometimes we should travell thorow the plaines,
in such high grasse that wee could scarse see one
another, and as we passed in some places, we should
have of our men slaine, and fall downe suddenly, being
strooken by the Indians, which stood behinde trees and
bushes, in secret places, and so killed our men as they
went by, for wee went scatteringly in seeking of fruites
to relieve our selves. We were also oftentimes greatly
annoyed with a kind of flie, which in the Indian tongue
is called Tequani, and the Spaniards called them Mus-
kitos. There are also in the sayd countrey a number of
other kinde of flies, but none so noysome as these
Tequanies bee : you shall hardly see them they be
so small, for they are scarse so big as a gnat ; they
will sucke ones blood marveilously, and if you kill
them while they are sucking, they are so venimous
that the place will swell extremely, even as one that
is stoong with a Waspe or Bee : but if you let them
sucke their fill, and to goe away of themselves, then
they doe you no other hurt, but leave behinde them
a red spot somewhat bigger then a flea-biting. At
the first wee were terribly troubled with these kinde
of flies, not knowing their qualities, and resistance wee
could make none against them, being naked : as for
cold wee feared not any, the countrey there is alwayes so
warme. And as we travelled thus for the space of tenne
or twelve dayes, our captaine did oftentimes cause certaine
to goe up into the toppes of high trees, to see if they
could descrie any towne or place of inhabitants, but they
could not perceive any, and using often the same order to
climbe up into high trees, at the length they descried a
413
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1568.
great river that fell from the Northwest into the maine
sea, and presently after, we heard an harquebuze shot off,
which did greatly incourage us, for thereby wee knew that
we were neere to some Christians, and did therefore hope
shortly to finde some succour and comfort, and within the
space of one houre after, as we travelled, we heard a cocke
crowe, which was also no small joy unto us, and so we
The river of came to the North side of the river of Panuco, where the
Panuco. Spaniards have certaine Salines, at which place it was that
the harquebuze was shot off, which before we heard : to
which place we went not directly, but missing thereof, we
left it about a bow-shot upon our left hand : of this river
wee dranke very greedily, for wee had not met with any
water in sixe dayes before, and as we were here by the
river side resting our selves, and longing to come to the
place where the cocke did crowe, and where the harque-
buze was shot off, we perceived many Spaniards upon the
other side of the river, riding up and downe on horse-
backe, and they perceiving us, did suppose that we had
beene of the Indians their bordering enemies, the Chichi-
meci : the river was not past halfe a bowe shoot over : and
presently one of the Spaniards tooke an Indian boate
called a Canoa, and so came over, being rowed by two
Indians, and having taken the view of us, did presently
[III. 476.] rowe over backe againe to the Spaniards, who without
any delay made out about the number of twenty horse-
men, and imbarking themselves in the Canoas, they led
their horses by the reines swimming over after them, and
being come over to that side of the river where we were,
they sadled their horses, and being mounted upon them
with their lances charged, they came very fiercely running
at us. Our captaine Anthony Godard seeing them come
in that order, did perswade us to submit and yeelde our
selves unto them, for being naked, as we at this time
were, and without weapon, we could not make any
resistance, whose bidding we obeied, and upon the
yeelding of our selves, they perceived us to be Christians,
and did call for more Canoas, and caried us over by foure
414
MILES PHILIPS A.D.
1568.
and foure in a boat, and being come on the other side,
they understanding by our captaine how long we had bene
without meate, imparted between two and two a loafe of
bread made of that countrey wheat, which the Spaniards
call Maiz, of the bignesse of our halfepenie loaves, which
bread is named in the Indian tongue Clashacally. This
bread was very sweete and pleasant unto us, for we had
not eaten any in a long time before : and what is it that
hunger doth not make to have a savory and a delicate
taste ? And having thus parted the bread amongst us,
those which were men they sent afore to the towne,
having also many Indians inhabitants of that place to
garde them : they which were yong, as boyes, and some
such also as were feeble, they tooke up upon their horses,
behind them, and so caried us to the towne where they
dwelt, which was very neere distant a mile from the place
where we came over.
This towne is well situated, and well replenished with
all kindes of fruits, as Orenges, Limons, Pomegranates,
Apricoks, and Peaches, and sundry others, and is in-
habited with a great number of tame Indians, or
Mexicans, and had in it also at that time about the
number of two hundred Spaniards, men, women, and
children, besides Negros. Of their Salines, which lie T'he Valines
upon the West side of the river, more then a mile distant ^fP^^^'^^-
from thence, they make a great profit, for it is an excellent
good merchandize there: the Indians doe buy much
thereof, and cary it up into the countrey, and there sell
it to their owne countrey people, in doubling the price.
Also much of the Salt made in this place, is transported
from thence by sea to sundry other places, as to Cuba, S.
John de Ullua, and the other ports of Tamiago, and
Tamachos, which are two barred havens West and by
South above threescore leagues from S. John de Ullua.
When we were all come to the towne, the Governour
there shewed himselfe very severe unto us, and threatned
to hang us all : and then he demanded what money wee
had, which in trueth was very little, for the Indians which
415
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1568.
we first met withall, had in a maner taken all from us, and
of that which they left, the Spaniards which brought us
over, tooke away a good part also : howbeit, from
Anthony Godard the Governour here had a chaine of
gold, which was given unto him at Carthagena, by the
Governour there, and from others he had some small
store of money : so that wee accounted that amongst
us all he had the number of five hundred Pezos, besides
the chaine of gold.
And having thus satisfied himselfe, when he had taken
all that we had, he caused us to be put into a little house
much like a hogstie, where we were almost smoothered :
and before we were thus shut up into that little coat, they
gave us some of the countrey wheate, called Mayz, sod-
den, which they feede their hogs withall. But many of
our men which had bene hurt by the Indians at our first
comming on land, whose wounds were very sore and
grievous, desired to have the helpe of their Surgeons to
cure their wounds. The governour, and most of them
all answered, that wee should have none other Surgeon
but the hangman, which should sufficiently heale us of
all our griefes : and thus reviling us, and calling us
English dogs, and Lutheran heretikes, we remained the
space of three dayes in this miserable state, not knowing
what should become of us, waiting every houre to be
bereaved of our lives.
Chap. 4.
Wherin is shewed how we were used in Panuco, and in what
feare of death we were there, and how we were caried
to Mexico to the Viceroy, and of our imprisonment
there and at Tescuco, with the courtesies and cruelties
wee received during that time, and how in the end
wee were by proclamation given to serve as slaves to
sundry gentlemen Spaniards.
UPon the fourth day after our comming thither, and
there remaining in a perplexitie, looking every houre
when we should suffer death, there came a great number
416
6N^>ra.
MILES PHILIPS A.D.
1568.
of Indians and Spaniards weaponed to fetch us out of the
house, and amongst them wee espied one that brought
a great many of new halters, at the sight whereof we were
greatly amazed, and made no other account but that we
should presently have suffered death, and so crying and
calling to God for mercie and forgivenesse of our sinnes,
we prepared our selves, making us ready to die : yet in
the end, as the sequel shewed, their meaning was not so : [III. 477.]
for when wee were come out of the house, with those
halters they bound our armes behind us, and so coupling
us two and two together, they commanded us to march
on through the towne, and so along the countrey from
place to place toward the citie of Mexico, which is distant
from Panuco West and by South the space of ninetie
leagues, having onely but two Spaniards to conduct us,
they being accompanied with a great number of Indians
warding on either side with bowes and arrowes, lest we
should escape from them. And travelling in this order,
upon the second day at night we came unto a towne
which the Indians call Nohele, and the Spaniards call it
Santa Maria : in which towne there is a house of white
friers, which did very courteously use us, and gave us
hote meat, as mutton and broth, and garments also to
cover our selves withal, made of white bayes : we fed very
greedily of the meat, and of the Indian fruit, called Noc-
hole, which fruit is long and small, much like in fashion
to a little cucumber. Our greedy feeding caused us to
fall sicke of hote burning agues. And here at this place
one Thomas Baker one of our men died of a hurt : for he
had bene before shot with an arrow into the throat at the
first incounter.
The next morrow about ten of the clocke, we departed
from thence, bound two & two together, and garded as
before, and so travailed on our way toward Mexico, till
we came to a towne within forty leagues of Mexico,
named Mestitlan, where is a house of blacke friers : and
in this towne there are about the number of three
hundred Spaniards, both men, women, and children.
IX 417 2D
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1568.
The friers sent us meat from the house ready dressed,
and the friers, and the men and women used us very
courteously, and gave us some shirts and other such
things as we lacked. Here our men were very sicke of
their agues, and with eating of another fruit called in the
Indian tongue, Guiaccos, which fruit did binde us so sore,
that for the space of tenne or twelve dayes we could not
ease our selves. The next morning we departed - from
thence with our two Spaniards and Indian gard, as afore-
sayd. Of these two Spaniards the one was an aged man,
who all the way did very courteously intreate us, and
would carefully go before to provide for us both meat
and things necessary to the uttermost of his power : the
other was a yong man who all the way travelled with us,
and never departed from us, who was a very cruell caitive,
and he caried a javeline in his hand, and sometimes when
as our men with very feeblenesse and faintnesse were not
able to goe so fast as he required them, he would take his
javelin in both his handes, and strike them with the same
betweene the necke and the shoulders so violently, that he
would strike them downe ; then would he cry, and say,
Marchad, marchad Ingleses perros, Luterianos, enemigos
de Dios : which is as much to say in English, as March,
march on you English dogges, Lutherans, enemies to
God. And the next day we came to a towne called
Pachuca, and there are two places of that name : as this
towne of Pachuca, and the mines of Pachuca, which are
mines of silver, and are about sixe leagues distant from
this towne of Pachuca towards the Northwest.
Here at this towne the good olde man our Governour
suffered us to stay two dayes and two nights, having com-
passion of our sicke and weake men, full sore against the
minde of the yoong man his companion. From thence
we tooke our journey, and travelled foure or five dayes
by little villages, and Stantias, which are farmes or dairie
houses of the Spaniards, and ever as wee had neede, the
good olde man would still provide us sufficient of meates,
fruites, and water to sustaine us. At the end of which
418
MILES PHILIPS A.D.
1568.
five dayes wee came to a towne within five leagues of
Mexico, which is called Quoghliclan, where wee also
stayed one whole day and two nights, where was a faire
house of gray friers, howbeit wee saw none of them.
Here wee were told by the Spaniards in the towne, that
wee had not past fifteene English miles from thence to
Mexico, whereof we were all very joyfull and glad, hoping
that when we came thither, we should either be relieved,
and set free out of bonds, or els bee quickly dispatched out
of our lives : for seeing our selves thus caried bound
from place to place, although some used us courteously,
yet could wee never joy, nor be merrie till wee might per-
ceive our selves set free from that bondage, either by
death or otherwise.
The next morning we departed from thence on our
journey towards Mexico, and so travelled till wee came
within two leagues of it, where there was built by the
Spaniards a very faire church, called our Ladyes church,
in which there is an image of our Lady of silver & gilt,
being as high, & as large as a tall woman, in which
church, and before this image, there are as many lamps of
silver as there be dayes in the yeere, which upon high
dayes are all lighted. Whensoever any Spaniards passe
by this church, although they be on horse backe, they
will alight, and come into the church, and kneele before
the image, and pray to our Lady to defend them from all
evil ; so that whether he be horseman or footman he will
not passe by, but first goe into the Church, and pray as
aforesayd, which if they doe not, they thinke and beleeve
that they shall never prosper : which image they call in [III. 478.]
the Spanish tongue, Nuestra sennora de Guadalupe. At Nuestra
this place there are certain cold baths, which arise, spring-
ing up as though the water did seeth : the water whereof
is somewhat brackish in taste, but very good for any that
have any sore or wound, to wash themselves therewith,
for as they say, it healeth m.any : and every yeere once
upon our Lady day the people use to repaire thither to
oifer, and to pray in that Church before the image, and
419
Sennora.
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1568.
they say that our Lady of Guadalupe doeth worke a
number of miracles. About this Church there is not any
towne of Spaniards that is inhabited, but certaine Indians
doe dwell there in houses of their own countrey
building.
Here we were met with a great number of Spaniards on
horsebacke, which came from Mexico to see us, both
gentlemen, and men of occupations, and they came as
people to see a wonder : we were still called upon to
march on ; and so about foure of the clocke in the after-
noone of the said day we entred into the citie of Mexico,
by the way or street called La calle Santa Catherina : and
we stayed not in any place till we came to the house or
palace of the Vice Roy, Don Martin Henriques, which
standeth in the middest of the city, hard by the market
place, called La pla^a del Marquese. We had not stayed
any long time at this place, but there was brought us
by the Spaniards from the market place great store of
meat, sufficient to have satisfied five times so many as we
were : some also gave us hats, & some gave us money :
in which place we stayed for the space of two houres,
& from thence we were conveyed by water in two
large Canoas to an hospital where as certaine of our
Certaine En- men were lodged, which were taken before the fight at
glishmen taken 5^ j^j^j^ ^^ UUua : wee should have gone to our
thefisht^at Ladies hospitall, but that there were also so many of
^ant Juan de our men taken before at that fight that there was no
Vllua, roome for us. After our comming thither, many of
the company that came with me from Panuco dyed
within the space of fourteene dayes : soone after which
time we were taken forth from that place, and put
altogether into our Ladies hospitall, in which place we
were courteously used, and visited oftentimes by vertu-
ous gentlemen and gentlewomen of the citie, who
brought us divers things to comfort us withall, as
succats and marmilads, and such other things, and
would also many times give us many things, and that
very liberally. In which hospitall we remained for the
420
MILES PHILIPS A.D.
1568.
space of sixe moneths, untill we were all whole and sound
of body, and then we were appointed by the Vice Roy to
be caried unto the town of Tescuco, which is from
Mexico Southwest distant eight leagues : in which towne
there are certaine houses of correction and punishment
for ill people called Obraches, like to Bridewell here in
London : into which place divers Indians are sold for slaves,
some for ten' yeeres, and some for twelve. It was no
small griefe unto us when we understood that we should
be caried thither, and to bee used as slaves, we had rather
be put to death : howbeit there was no remedy, but we
were caried to the prison of Tescuco, where we were not
put to any labour, but were very straitly kept, & almost
famished, yet by the good providence of our mercifuU
God, we happened there to meet with one Robert Sweet- Robert
ing, who was the sonne of an Englishman borne of a ^J^^fH^^^
Spanish woman : this man could speake very good Eng-
lish, and by his means wee were holpen very much with
victuals from the Indians, as mutton, hennes, & bread.
And if we had not bene so relieved, we had surely
perished : and yet all the provision that wee had gotten
that way was but slender. And continuing thus straightly
kept in prison there for the space of two moneths, at the
length wee agreed amongst our selves to breake forth of
prison, come of it what would, for we were minded rather
to suffer death then longer to live in that miserable state.
And so having escaped out of prison, we knew not what
way to flie for the safetie of our selves, the night was
darke, and it rained terribly, and not having any guide,
we went we knew not whither, and in the morning, at the
appearing of the day, we perceived our selves to be come
hard to the city of Mexico, which is 24 English miles
from Tescuco. The day being come we were espied by
the Spaniards, & pursued, and taken, and brought before
the Vice Roy and head justices, who threatned to hang English
us for breaking of the kings prison. Yet in the end they £J^^^^/^
sent us into a garden belonging to the Vice Roy, &
comming thither, we found there our English gentlemen
421
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1568.
which were delivered as hostages when as our General
was betrayed at S. John de Ullua, as is aforesaid, and
with them wee also found Robert Barret, the Master of
the Jesus, in which place we remained labouring and
doing such things as we were commanded, for the space
of 4 moneths, having but two sheepe a day allowed to
Almost an suffice US all, being very neere a hundred men, and for
hundred bread we had every man two loaves a day, of the quantity
prisoners in °^ ^^^ halfepeny loafe. At the end of which foure
Mexico, moneths, they having remooved our gentlemen hostages,
and the Master of the Jesus to a prison in the Vice Roy
his owne house, did cause it to be proclaimed, that what
gentleman Spaniard soever was willing, or would have
any English man to serve him, and be bound to keepe
him forth comming, to appeare before the Justices within
one moneth after notice given, that they should repaire
to the said garden, and there take their choice : which
[III. 479.] proclamation was no sooner made, but the gentlemen
came and repaired to the garden amaine, so that happie
was he that could soonest get one of us.
Chap. 5.
Wherein is shewed in what good sort, and how wealthily
we lived with our masters untill the comming of the
Inquisition, when as againe our sorowes began a fresh :
Of our imprisonment in the holy house, and of the
severe judgement and sentences given against us, and
with what rigour and crueltie the same were
executed.
THe gentlemen that thus tooke us for their servants
or slaves did new apparell us through out, with
whom we abode, doing such service as they appointed
us unto, which was for the most part to attend upon
them at the table, and to be as their chamberlaines, &
to waite upon them when they went abroad, which they
greatly accounted of; for in that countrey no Spaniard
will serve one another, but they are all of them attended
and served by Indians weekely, and by Negroes which
422
MILES PHILIPS A.D.
1568.
be their slaves during their life. In this sort we re-
mained and served in the said citie of Mexico, and
thereabouts for the space of a yeere and somewhat longer.
Afterwards many of us were by our masters appointed
to go to sundry of their Mines where they had to doe,
and to be as overseers of the Negroes and Indians that
laboured there. In which mines many of us did profite
& gaine greatly : for first we were allowed three hundred
Pezos a man for a yeere, which is threescore pound
sterling, and besides that the Indians and Negroes
which wrought under our charge, upon our well using
& intreating of them, would at times as upon Saturdayes
when they had left worke, labour for us, and blow as
much silver as should be worth unto us 3 markes or
thereabouts, every marke being worth 6 Pezos, and
a halfe of their money, which 19 Pezos & a halfe, is
worth 4li. los. of our money. Sundry weekes we did
gaine so much by this meanes besides our wages, that
many of us became very rich, and were worth three
thousand or foure thousand Pezos, for we lived and
gained thus in those Mines some three or foure yeeres.
As concerning those Gentlemen which were delivered
as hostages, and that were kept in prison, in the Viceroy
his house, after that we were gone from out the
garden to serve sundry gentlemen as aforesaid, they
remained prisoners in the said house for the space of
4 moneths after their comming thither, at the end
whereof the fleete being readie to depart from S. John
de Ullua, to goe for Spaine, the said Gentlemen
were sent away into Spaine with the fleete, where as
I have heard it credibly reported, many of them died
with the cruell handling of the Spaniards in the Inquisi-
tion house, as those which have bene delivered home
after they had suffered the persecution of that house
can more perfectly declare. Robert Barret also master
of the Jesus, was sent away with the fleete into Spaine
the next yeere following, where afterwards he suffered
persecution in the Inquisition, and at the last was con-
423
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
^575-
demned to be burnt, and with him one more of our
men whose name was John Gilbert.
Now after that sixe yeeres were fully expired since
our first comming into the Indies, in which time we
had bene imprisoned and served in the said countreys
as is before truely declared, In the yeere of our Lord
one thousand five hundred seventie foure, the Inquisition
began to be established in the Indies, very much
against the mindes of many of the Spaniards them-
selves : for never untill this time since their first
conquering and planting in the Indies, were they
subject to that bloodie and cruell Inquisition. The
chiefe Inquisitor was named Don Pedro Moya de
Contreres, and John de Bovilla his companion, and
John Sanches the Fischall, and Pedro de los Rios, the
Secretary : they being come and setled, and placed
in a very faire house neere unto the white Friers,
considering with themselves that they must make an
entrance and beginning of that their most detestable
Inquisition here in Mexico, to the terror of the whole
countrey, thought it best to call us that were English-
men first in question, and so much the rather, for
that they had perfect knowledge and intelligence that
many of us were become very rich, as hath bene
alreadie declared, and therefore we were a very good
booty and pray to the Inquisitors : so that now againe
began our sorrowes a fresh, for we were sent for,
and sought out in all places of the countrey, and
proclamation made upon paine of loosing of goods and
excommunication, that no man should hide or keepe
secret any Englishmen or any part of their goods.
By means whereof we were all soone apprehended in
all places, and all our goods seized and taken for the
Inquisitors use, and so from all parts of the countrey
we were conveied and sent as prisoners to the citie
of Mexico, and there committed to prison in sundry
darke dungeons, where we could not see but by candle
light, & were never past two together in one place, so
424
MILES PHILIPS AD.
1575.
that we saw not one another, neither could one of us
tell what was become of another. Thus we remained
close imprisoned for the space of a yeere and a halfe, [III. 480.]
and others for some lesse time, for they came to prison
ever as they were apprehended. During which time
of our imprisonment, at the first beginning we were
often called before the Inquisitors alone, and there
severely examined of our faith, and commanded to say
the Pater noster, the Ave Maria, & the Creed in
Latin, which God knoweth a great number of us
could not say, otherwise then in the English tongue.
And having the said Robert Sweeting who was our friend
at Tescuco alwayes present with them for an interpreter,
he made report for us, y' in our own countrey speech
we could say them perfectly, although not word for
word as they were in Latin. Then did they proceede
to demand of us upon our othes what we did
beleeve of the Sacrament, & whether there did remaine
any bread or wine after the words of consecration,
yea or no, and whether we did not beleeve that
the host of bread which the priest did hold up over
his head, and the wine that was in the chalice, was
the very true and perfect body & blood of our
Saviour Christ, yea or no : To which if we answered
not yea, then was there no way but death. Then
they would demand of us what we did remember of our
selves, what opinions we had held, or had bin taught
to hold contrary to the same whiles we were in England :
to which we for the safety of our lives were constrained
to say, that we never did beleeve, nor had bene taught
otherwise then has before we had sayd. Then would
they charge us that we did not tell them the truth,
that they knew the contrary, and therfore we should
cal our selves to remembrance, & make them a better
answer at the next time, or els we should be rackt,
and made to confesse the trueth whether we would
or no. And so comming againe before them the next
time, we were still demanded of our beliefe whiles we
425
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1575-
were in England, and how we had bin taught, & also
what we thought or did know of such of our owne
company as they did name unto us, so that we could
never be free from such demands, and at other times
they would promise us, that if we would tell them
trueth, then should we have favour & be set at libertie,
although we very wel knew their faire speeches were
but means to entrap us, to the hazard and losse of
our lives : howbeit God so mercifully wrought for us
by a secret meanes that we had, that we kept us still
to our first answer, & would stil say that we had
told the trueth unto them, and knew no more by our
selves nor any other of our fellows then as we had
declared, and that for our sinnes and oifences in England
against God and our Lady, or any of his blessed Saints,
we were heartily sory for the same, and did cry God
mercy, and besought the Inquisitors for Gods sake,
considering that we came into those countreys by force
of weather, & against our wils, and that never in all
our lives we had either spoken or done any thing
contrary to their lawes, and therfore they would have
mercy upon us. Yet all this would not serve ; for stil
from time to time we were called upon to confesse,
and about the space of 3 moneths before they proceeded
Our men are to their severe judgement, we were al rackt, and some
cruelly rackt. enforced to utter that against themselves, which after-
wards cost them their lives. And thus having gotten
from our owne mouthes matter sufficient for them to
proceed in judgement against us, they caused a large
scaffold to be made in the middest of the market place
in Mexico right over against the head church, & 14
or 15 daies before the day of their judgement, with
the sound of a trumpet, and the noise of their Attabalies,
which are a kind of drummes, they did assemble the
people in all parts of the citie : before whom it was
then solemnely proclaimed, that whosoever would upon
such a day repaire to the market place, they should
heare the sentence of the holy Inquisition against the
426
MILES PHILIPS A.D.
1575-
English heretikes, Lutherans, and also see the same
put in execution. Which being done, and the time
approching of this cruell judgement, the night before
they came to the prison where we were, with certaine
officers of that holy hellish house, bringing with them
certaine fooles coats which they had prepared for us,
being called in their language S. Benitos, which coats
were made of yellow cotten & red crosses upon them,
both before & behind : they were so busied in putting
on their coats about us, and bringing us out into a
large yard, and placing and pointing us in what order
we should go to the scaffold or place of judgement
upon the morrow, that they did not once suffer us to
sleepe all that night long. The next morning being
come, there was given to every one of us for our
breakfast a cup of wine, and a slice of bread fried
in honie, and so about eight of the clocke in the
morning, we set foorth of the prison, every man alone
in his yellow coat, and a rope about his necke, and a
great greene Waxe candle in his hand unlighted, having
a Spaniard appointed to goe upon either side of every
one of us : and so marching in this order and maner
toward the scaffold in the market place, which was a
bow shoot distant or thereabouts, we found a great
assembly of people all the way, and such a throng, that
certain of the Inquisitors officers on horseback were con-
strained to make way, and so comming to the scaffold,
we went up by a paire of stayres, and found seates readie
made and prepared for us to sit downe on, every man
in order as he should be called to receive his judgement.
We being thus set downe as we were appointed, presently
the Inquisitors came up another paire of staires, and the
Viceroy and all the chiefe Justices with them. When
they were set downe and placed under the cloth of [III. 481.]
estate agreeing to their degrees and calling, then came
up also a great number of Friers, white, blacke and
gray, about the number of 300 persons, they being set
in the places for them appointed. Then was there a
427
A.D.
1575-
The cruell
judgements of
the Spanish
inquisitors
upon our poore
countreymen.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
solemne Oyes made, and silence commanded, and then
presently beganne their severe and cruell judgement.
The first man that was called was one Roger the chiefe
Armourer of the Jesus, and hee had judgement to have
three hundred stripes on horsebacke, and after condemned
to the gallies as a slave for lo yeeres.
After him were called John Gray, John Browne, John
Rider, John Moone, James Collier, and one Thomas
Browne : these were adjudged to have 200 stripes on
horsebacke, and after to be committed to the gallies for
the space of 8 yeeres.
Then was called John Keyes, and was adjudged to
have 100 stripes on horsebacke, and condemned to
serve in the gallies for the space of 6 yeeres.
Then were severally called the number of 53 one after
another, and every man had his severall judgement,
some to have 200 stripes on horsebacke, and some 100,
and condemned for slaves to the gallies, some for 6
yeeres, some for 8 and some for 10.
And then was I Miles Philips called, and was adjudged
to serve in a monasterie for 5 yeeres, without any stripes,
and to weare a fooles coat, or S. Benito, during all that
time.
Then were called John Storie, Richard Williams,
David Alexander, Robert Cooke, Paul Horsewell and
Thomas Hull : the sixe were condemned to serve in
monasteries without stripes, some for 3 yeeres and some
for foure, and to weare the S. Benito during all the
said time. Which being done, and it now drawing to-
ward night, George Rively, Peter Momfrie, and Cornelius
the Irishman, were called and had their judgement to
be burnt to ashes, and so were presently sent away to
the place of execution in the market place but a little
from the scaffold, where they were quickly burnt and
consumed. And as for us that had received our judge-
ment, being 68 in number, we were caried backe that
night to prison againe. And the next day in the morning
being good Friday, the yeere of our Lord 1575, we
428
MILES PHILIPS A.D.
^575-
were all brought into a court of the Inquisitors pallace,
where we found a horse in a readinesse for every one of
our men which were condemned to have stripes, and to
be committed to the gallies, which were in number 60
and so they being inforced to mount up on horsebacke
naked from the middle upward, were caried to be shewed
as a spectacle for all the people to behold throughout
the chiefe and principall streetes of the citie, and had the
number of stripes to every one of them appointed, most
cruelly laid upon their naked bodies with long whips
by sundry men appointed to be the executioners thereof:
and before our men there went a couple of criers which
cried as they went : Behold these English dogs, Luther-
ans, enemies to God, and all the way as they went there
were some of the Inquisitors themselves, and of the
familiars of that rakehel order, that cried to the exe-
cutioners. Strike, lay on those English heretiks, Luther-
ans, Gods enemies : and so this horrible spectacle being
shewed round about the citie, they returned to the
Inquisitors house, with their backes all gore blood, and
swollen with great bumps, and were then taken from
their horses, & carried againe to prison, where they
remained untill they were sent into Spaine to the gallies,
there to receive the rest of their martirdome : and I
and the 6 other with me which had judgement, and were
condemned amongst the rest to serve an apprentiship
in the monastery, were taken presently and sent to
certaine religious houses appointed for the purpose.
[Chap. 6
429
I
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1575-80.
Chap. 6.
Wherein is shewed how we were used in the religious
houses, and that when the time was expired, that we
were adjudged to serve in them, there came newes
to Mexico of M. Francis Drakes being in the South
Sea, and what preparation was made to take him,
and how I seeking to escape, was againe taken and
put in prison at Vera Cruz, and how againe I made
mine escape from thence.
Miles Philips and William Lowe were appointed to
the blacke Friers, where I was appointed to be an
overseer of Indian workmen, who wrought there in
building of a new church : amongst which Indians I
learned their language or Mexican tongue very per-
fectly, and had great familiaritie with many of them,
whom I found to be a courteous and loving kind of
people, ingenious, and of great understanding, and they
hate and abhorre the Spaniardes with all their hearts,
they have used such horrible cruelties against them, and
doe still keepe them in such subjection and servitude,
that they and the Negros also doe daily lie in waite to
practise their deliverance out of that thraldome and bond-
age, that the Spaniardes doe keepe them in. William
[III. 482.] Lowe he was appointed to serve the Cooke in the
kitchin, Richard Williams and David Alexander were
appointed to the gray Friers, John Story and Robert
Cooke to the white Friers : Paul Horsewel the Secre-
tary tooke to be his servant : Thomas Hull was sent to
a Monastery of priests, where afterward he died. Thus
we served out the yeeres that we were condemned for,
with the use of our fooles coates, and we must needs
confesse that the Friers did use us very courteously : for
every one of us had his chamber with bedding & diet,
and all things cleane and neat : yea many of the Spani-
ards and Friers themselves do utterly abhorre and mislike
of that cruell Inquisition, and would as they durst be-
waile our miseries, and comfort us the best they could,
430
MILES PHILIPS A.D.
1575-80.
although they stood in such feare of that divelish
Inquisition, that they durst not let the left hande know
what the right doth. Now after that the time was ex-
pired for which we were condemned to serve in those
religious houses, we were then brought againe before the
chiefe Inquisitor, and had all our fooles coates pulled off
and hanged up in the head church, called Ecclesia Major,
and every mans name and judgement written thereupon
with this addition. An heretike Lutheran reconciled.
And there are also all their coates hanged up, which were
condemned to the gallies, with their names and judge-
ments, and underneath his coat, Heretike Lutheran
reconciled. And also the coats and names of the three
that were burned, whereupon were written. An obstinate
heretike Lutheran burnt. Then were we suffered to goe
up and downe the countrey, and to place our selves as we
could, and yet not so free, but that we very well knew
that there was good espiall alwayes attending us and all
our actions, so that we durst not once speake or looke
awry. David Alexander & Robert Cooke returned to
serve the Inquisitor, who shortly after maried them both
to two of his Negro women : Richard Williams maried
a rich widow of Biskay with 4000 Pezos : Paul Horse-
well is maried to a Mestisa, as they name those whose
fathers were Spaniards, and their mothers Indians, and
this woman which Paul Horsewell hath maried, is sayd
to be the daughter of one that came in with Hernando
Cortes the Conquerour, who had with her in marriage
foure thousand Pezos, and a faire house : John Storie is
maried to a Negro woman : William Lowe had leave and
licence to goe into Spaine where he is now married : for
mine owne part I could never throughly settle my selfe
to marry in that countrey, although many faire offers
were made unto me of such as were of great abilitie
and wealth, but I could have no liking to live in
that place, where I must every where see and know
such horrible idolatrie committed, and durst not
once for my life speake against it : and therefore
431
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1580-82.
I had alwayes a longing and desire to this my native
countrey : and, to returne and serve againe in the
Mines where I might have gathered great riches and
wealth, I very well saw that at one time or another
I should fall againe into the danger of that divelish In-
quisition, and so be stript of all, with losse of life also, and
therefore I made my choise rather to learne to weave
Grogranes and Taffaties, and so compounding with a
Silke-weaver, I bound my selfe for three yeeres to serve
him, and gave him an hundred and iiftie Pezos to teach
me the science, otherwise he would not have taught mee
under seven yeeres prentiship, and by this meanes I lived
the more quiet, and free from suspition. Howbeit I
should many times be charged by familiars of that divelish
house, that I had a meaning to runne away into England,
and to be an heretike Lutherane againe : To whom I
would answere that they had no neede to suspect any
such thing in mee, for that they knewe all very well that
it was impossible for me to escape by any maner of
meanes : yet notwithstanding I was called before the
Inquisitor, and demaunded why I did not marrie : I
answered that I had bound my selfe at an occupation.
Well said the Inquisitor, I knowe thou meanest to runne
away, and therefore I charge thee here upon paine of
burning as an heretike relapsed, that thou depart not out
of this citie, nor come neere to the port of S. John de
Ullua, nor to any other port : To the which I answered,
that I would willingly obey. Yea said he, see thou doe
so and thy fellowes also, they shall have the like charge.
So I remained at my science the full time, and learned
the Art, at the end whereof there came newes to Mexico
that there were certaine Englishmen landed with a great
power at the port of Acapulco, upon the South sea, and
that they were comming to Mexico to take the spoyle
therof, which wrought a marvellous great feare amongst
them, & many of those that were rich, began to shift for
themselves, their wives & children : upon which hurlie
burlie the Viceroy caused a generall muster to be made of
432
MILES PHILIPS A.D.
1580-82.
all the Spaniards in Mexico, and there were found to be
the number of 7000 and odde housholders of Spaniards
in the citie and suburbs, and of single men unmaried,
the number of 3000 and of Mestizoes, which are counted
to be the sonnes of Spaniards borne of Indian women,
twenty thousand persons, and then was Paul Horsewel &
I Miles Philips sent for before the Viceroy, and were
examined if we did know an English man named Francis
Drake, which was brother to Captaine Hawkins : to which
we answered, that Captaine Hawkins had not any brother [III. 483.]
but one, which was a man of the age of threescore yeeres
or thereabouts, and was now governour of Plimmouth in
England. And then he demanded of us if we knewe
one Francis Drake, and we answered, no.
While these things were in doing, there came newes
that all the Englishmen were gone, yet were there eight
hundred men made out under the leading of several Cap-
tains, wherof two hundred were sent to the port of S.
John de Ullua, upon the North Sea under the conduct of
Don Luys Suares, two hundred were sent to Guatimala
in the South sea, who had for their captaine John Cortes,
two hundred more were sent to Guatulco, a port of the
South sea, over whom went for captaine Don Pedro de
Robles, and two hundred more were sent to Acapulco,
the port where it was said that Captaine Drake had bene.
And they had for Captaine doctor Robles Alcalde de
Corte, with whom I Miles Philips went as interpreter,
having licence given by the Inquisitors. When we were
come to Acapulco, we found that Captaine Drake was
departed from thence, more then a moneth before we
came thither. But yet our captaine Alcalde de Corte
there presently embarked himselfe in a small ship of
threescore tunne or thereabout, having also in companie
with him two other small barkes, and not past two
hundred men in all, with whom I went as interpreter in
his owne ship, which God knoweth was but weake and ill
appointed, so that for certaine, if we had met with
Captaine Drake, he might easily have taken us all : We
IX 433 2 E
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1580-82.
being Imbarked kept our course and ranne Southward
towards Panama, keeping still as nigh the shore as we
could, and leaving the land upon our left hand, and
having coasted thus for the space of eighteene or twentie
dayes, and being more to the South then Guatimala, we
met at last with other ships which came from Panama, of
whom we were certainely informed that he was cleane
gone off the coast more then a moneth before : and so we
returned backe to Acapulco againe, and there landed, our
Captaine being thereunto forced, because his men were
very sore sea-sicke : All the while that I was at Sea, with
them, I was a glad man, for I hoped that if we met with
master Drake, we should all be taken, so that then I
should have beene freed out of that danger and miserie
wherein I lived, and should returne to mine owne countrey
of England againe. But missing thereof, when I sawe
there was no remedie but that we must needes come on
land againe, little doeth any man know the sorow and
griefe that inwardly I felt, although outwardly I was con-
strained to make faire weather of it. And so being
landed, ye next morow after, we began our journey
towardes Mexico, and past these townes of name in
Tuatepec, our way, as first the towne of Tuatepec, 50 leagues from
Washaca, Te- Mexico, from thence to Washaca, 40 leagues from
^d^T^ J^^ 1° Mexico: from thence to Tepiaca 24 leagues from Mexico,
Siapelapa. ' ^^^ from thence to Pueblo de los Angeles, where is a
high hill which casteth out fire three times a day, which
hill is 1 8 leagues in maner directly West from Mexico,
from thence we went to Stapelapa, 8 leagues from Mexico,
and there our captaine and most of his men tooke boat,
and came to Mexico againe, having bene foorth about the
space of seven weekes or thereabouts. Our captaine
made report to the Viceroy what he had done, and how
farre he had travelled, and that for certaine he was in-
formed that captaine Drake was not to be heard of. To
The Spanish ^j^j^h the Viceroy replied and said. Surely we shall have
phecied but ^^"^ shortly come into our hands driven a land through
falsely, necessitie in some one place or other, for he being now in
434
MILES PHILIPS A.D.
1580-82.
these seas of Sur, it is not possible for him to get out of
them againe, so that if he perish not at sea, yet hunger
wil force him to land. And then againe I was com-
manded by the Viceroy that I should not depart the citie
of Mexico, but alwaies be at my masters house in a
readinesse at an houres warning, when soever I should be
called : for that notwithstanding within one moneth after
certaine Spaniards going to Mecameca, 18 leagues from
Mexico, to send away certaine hides and Cochinilla, that
they had there at their Stantias or dairie houses, and my
master having leave of the Secretarie for me to go with
them, I tooke my journey with them being very well
horsed and appointed, and comming thither and passing
the time there at Mecameca certaine dayes till we had
perfect intelligence that the fleete was readie to depart, I
not being past 3 daies journey from the port of S. John
de Ullua, thought it to be the meetest time for me to
make an escape, and I was the bolder, presuming upon
my Spanish tongue, which I spake as naturally as any of
them all, thinking with my selfe, that when I came to
S. John de Ullua, I would get to be entertained as a
souldiour, and so go home into Spaine in the same Fleete,
and therefore secretly one evening late, the moone shining
faire, I conveyed my selfe away, and riding so for the
space of two nights and two dayes, sometimes in, and
sometimes out, resting very little all that time, upon the
second day at night I came to the towne of Vera Cruz, ^^^'^ Cruz
distant from the port of S. John de Ullua, where the f '^^""^ 5
1 • 11 11 11 • leagues from
ships rode, but only 5 leagues, and here purposmg to rest 5 y^^^ ^^
my selfe a day or two, I was no sooner alighted, but Ullua.
within the space of one halfe houre after, I was by ill hap
arrested, and brought before Justices there, being taken
and suspected to be a gentlemans sonne of Mexico, that
was runne away from his father, who in trueth was the [III. 484.]
man they sought for : So I being arrested, and brought
before the Justices, there was a great hurly burly about
the matter, every man charging me that I was the sonne
of such a man dwelling in Mexico, which I flatly denied,
435
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1580-82.
affirming that I knewe not the man, yet would they not
beleeve me, but urged stil upon me that I was he that
they sought for, and so I was conveied away to prison.
And as I was thus going to prison, to the further increase
of my griefe, it chanced that at that very instant there
was a poore man in the presse that was come to towne to
sell hennes, who told the Justices that they did me wrong,
and that in truth he knew very well that I was an
Englishman and no Spaniard. They then demanded of
him how he knew that, and threatned him that he said so,
for that he was my companion, and sought to convey me
away from my father, so that he also was threatned to be
laid in prison with me : he for the discharge of himselfe
stood stifly in it, that I was an Englishman, & one of
captaine Hawkins men, and that he had knowen me
weare the S. Benito in the Blacke-friers at Mexico, for
3 or 4 whole yeres together : which when they heard,
they forsooke him, and began to examine me a new,
whether that speech of his were true, yea or no, which
when they perceived that I could not denie, and per-
ceiving that I was run from Mexico, & came thither of
purpose to convey my selfe away with the fleete, I was
presently committed to prison with a sorrowful! heart,
often wishing my selfe that that man which knew me had
at that time bene further off: howbeit he in sinceritie had
compassion of my distressed estate, thinking by his .
speech, and knowing of me, to have set me free from I
that present danger which he saw me in : howbeit,
contrary to his expectation, I was thereby brought into
my extreme danger, and to the hazard of my life, yet
there was no remedy but patience perforce. And I was
no sooner brought into prison, but I had a great paire
of bolts clapt on my legs, and thus I remained in that
prison for the space of 3 weekes, where were also many
other prisoners which were thither committed for sundry
crimes, & condemned to the gallies. During which
time of imprisonment there, I found amongst those my
prison-fellowes some that had knowen me before in
436
I
MILES PHILIPS A.D.
1580-82.
Mexico, and truely they had compassion of me, &
would spare of their victuals and any thing els that
they had to doe me good : amongst whom there was
one of them that told me that he understood by a
secret friend of his which often came to the prison to
him, that I shold be shortly sent backe againe to
Mexico by wagon, so soone as the fleete was gone
from S. John de UUua, for Spaine. This poore man
my prison-fellow of himselfe, & without any request
made by me, caused his said friend which came often
unto him to the grate of the prison, to bring him wine
and victuals, to buy for him 2 knives which had files
in their backes, which files were so wel made that
they would serve & suffice any prisoner to file off
his irons, & of those knives or files he brought one
to me, & told me that he had caused it to be made
for me, and let me have it at that very price it cost
him, which was 2 Pezos, the value of 8.s. of our
money: which knife when I had it, I was a joyfull
man, and conveied the same into the foote of my boot,
upon the inside of my left leg, and so within 3 or 4
dayes after that I had thus received my knife, I was
suddenly called for, & brought before the head Justice
which caused those my irons with the round bolt to
be stricken off and sent to a Smiths in the towne,
where was a new paire of bolts made ready for me of
another fashion, which had a broad iron barre comming
betweene the shackles, and caused my hands to be made
fast with a paire of manacles, and so was I presently
laid into a wagon all alone, which was there readie to
depart with sundry other wagons, to the number of
60. towardes Mexico, and they all were laden with
sundry merchandise which came in the fleete out of
Spaine.
The wagon that I was in was foremost in all the
companie, and as we travelled I being alone in the
wagon, began to trie if I could plucke my hands out
of the manacles, and as God would, although it were
437
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1580-82.
somewhat painefull for me, yet my handes were so
slender that 1 could pull them out, and put them in
againe, and ever as we went, when the wagon made
most noyse, and the men were busiest, I would be
working to file off my bolts, & travelling thus for the
space of 8 leagues from Vera Cruz, we came to an
high hill, at the entring up of which (as God would)
one of the wheeles of the wagon wherein I was, brake,
so that by that meanes the other wagons went afore,
and the wagon-man that had charge of me set an
Indian Carpenter a worke to mend the wheele : and
here at this place they baited at an hostrie that a
Negro-woman keepes : and at this place, for that the
going up of the hill is very steepe, for the space of
two leagues and better, they doe alwaies accustome to
take the moiles of 3 or 4 wagons, and to place them
altogether for the drawing up of one wagon, and so
to come downe againe, and fetch up others in that
order. All which came very well to passe : for as it
drew towards night when most of the Wagoners were
gone to draw up their wagons, in this sort I being
Miks Philips alone had quickly filed off my boltes, and so espying
hu last won- ^ tvcsxQ in the darke of the evening before they re-
^ ' turned downe the hill againe, I conveyed my selfe into
the woods there adjoyning, carrying my bolts and man-
[III. 485.] acles with me, & a few biscuits, and two small cheeses.
And being come into the woods, I threw my yrons
into a thicke bush, and then covered them with mosse
and other things, and then shifted for my selfe as I
might all that night. And thus by the good provi-
dence of Almightie God, I was freed from mine yrons
all saving the collar that was about my necke, and so
got my libertie the second time.
438
MILES PHILIPS A.D.
1580-82.
Chap. 7.
Wherein is shewed how I escaped to Guatimala, upon the
South sea, and from thence to the port of Cavallos,
where I got passage to goe into Spaine, and of our
arrivall at Havana, and our comming to Spaine,
where I was againe like to have bene committed
prisoner, and how through the great mercy of God
I escaped, and came home in safetie into England
in February 1582.
THe next morning (day light being come) I per-
ceived by the Sunne rising what way to take to
escape their hands, for when I fledde, I tooke the way
into the woods upon the left hand : and having left
that way that went to Mexico upon my right hand, I
thought to keepe my course as the woods and moun-
taines lay, still direct South as neere as I could : by
meanes whereof I was sure to convey my selfe farre
ynough from that way that went to Mexico. And as
I was thus going in the woods, I saw many great fires
made to the North not past a league from the moun-
taine where I was, and travailing thus in my bootes
with mine yron coller about my necke, and my bread
and cheese, the very same forenoone I mette with a
company of Indians which were hunting of Deere for
their sustenance : to whom I spake in the Mexican
tongue, and told them how that I had of a long time
bin kept in prison by the cruel Spanyards, and did
desire them to helpe me to file off mine yron coller,
which they willingly did : rejoycing greatly with me,
that I was thus escaped out of the Spanyards hands.
Then I desired that I might have one of them to guide
mee out of those desert mountaines towardes the South,
which they also most willingly did : and so they brought
mee to an Indian towne 8. leagues distant from thence,
named Shalapa, where I stayed three dayes, for that I
was somewhat sickely. At which towne (with the gold
that I had quilted in my dublet) I bought me an horse
439
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1580-82.
of one of the Indians, which cost mee 6. pezos, and so
travailing South, within the space of 2. leagues I hap-
pened to overtake a gray Frier, one that I had bene
familiar withall in Mexico, whom then I knewe to be
a zealous good man, and one that did much lament
the crueltie used against us by the Inquisitors, and
truely hee used me very courteously : and I having
confidence in him did indeede tel him, that I was
minded to adventure to see if I could get out of the
sayd countrey if I could finde shipping, and did there-
fore pray him of his ayde, direction, and advise herein,
which he faithfully did, not onely in directing me which
was my safest way to travaile, but he also of himselfe
kept me company for the space of three dayes, and
ever as we came to the Indians houses (who used and
intertained us well) hee gathered among them in money
to the value of 20. pezos, which at my departure from
him hee freely gave unto mee. So came I to the citie
Guat'mak on of Guatimala upon the South sea, which is distant from
the South sea. Mexico about 250. leagues, where I stayed 6. dayes,
for that my horse was weake. And from thence I
travailed still South and by East seven dayes journey,
passing by certaine Indian townes, untill I came to an Indian
towne distant from Mexico, direct South 309. leagues.
And here at this towne enquiring to go to the Port de
Cavallos in the Northeast sea, it was answered that in
travailing thither I should not come to any towne in
10. or 12. dayes journey: so heere I hired two Indians
to be my guides, and I bought hennes, and bread to
serve us so long time, and tooke with us things to
kindle fire every night, because of wilde beastes, and
to dresse our meate : and every night when we rested,
my Indian guides would make two great fires, betweene
the which we placed our selves, and my horse. And
in the night time we should heare the Lions roare, with
Tygres, Ounces, and other beastes, and some of them
we should see in the night, which had eyes shining like
fire. And travailing thus for the space of twelve dayes,
440
MILES PHILIPS A.D.
1580-82.
wee came at last to the port of Cavallos upon the East T'uerto de
sea, distant from Guatimala South and by East, two C^'^^l^^^-
hundreth leagues, and from Mexico 450. or thereabouts.
This is a good harborough for shippes, and is without
either castle or bulwarke. I having dispatched away
my guides, went downe to the Haven, where I saw
certaine ships loden chiefly with Canary wines, where I
spake with one of the Masters, who asked me what
Countrey man I was, and I told him that I was borne in
Granado, & he said, that then I was his countreyman. I re-
quired him that I might passe home with him in his ship,
paying for my passage : and he said yea, so that I had a
safe conduct, or letter testimonial to shew, that he might
incurre no danger : for said he, it may be that you have
killed some man, or be indebted, and would therefore
run away. To that I answered, that there was not any
such cause. Wei, in the end we grew to a price, that for [HI. 486.]
60. pezos he would cary me into Spaine : a glad man was
I at this good hap, and I quickly solde my horse, and
made my provision of hennes and bread to serve me
in my passage; And thus within 2. dayes after we set
saile, and never stayed untill we came to Havana, which
is distant from puerto de Cavallos by sea 500. leagues :
where we found the whole fleete of Spaine, which was
bound home from the Indies. And heere I was hired
for a souldier to serve in the Admiral ship of the same
fleete, wherein the General himself went. There landed
while I was here 4. ships out of Spaine, being all full of
souldiers and ordinance, of which number there were 200.
men landed here, & 4. great brasse pieces of ordinance,
although the castle were before sufliciently provided :
200. men more were sent to Campeche, & certaine
ordinance: 200. to Florida with ordinance: and 100.
lastly to S. John Ullua. As for ordinance there they
have sufficient, and of the very same which was ours,
which we had in the Jesus, and those others which we
had planted in the place, where the Vice-roy betrayed
M. Hawkins our general, as hath bene declared. The
441
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1580-82.
sending of those souldiers to every of those Ports, and
the strengthening of them, was done by commandement
from the king of Spaine, who wrote also by them to the
general of his fleete, giving him in charge so to doe,
as also directing him what course he should keepe in his
comming home into Spaine, charging him in any hand not
to come nigh to the yles of A9ores, but to keepe his
course more to the Northward, advertising him withal,
what number and power of French ships of warre, and
other, Don Antonio had at that time at Ter^era, &
the yles aforesaid : which the general of the fleete wel
considering, and what great store of riches he had to
bring home with him into Spaine, did in all very dueti-
fully observe and obey : for in trueth he had in his said
fleete 37. saile of ships, and in every of them there was
as good as 30. pipes of silver one with another, besides
great store of gold, Cochinilla, sugars, hides, and Cana
Fistula, with other Apothecary drugs. This our general,
Don Pedro de who was called Don Pedro de Guzman, did providently
Guzman. ^^^ order for, for their most strength and defence, if
neede should be, to the uttermost of his power, and
commanded upon paine of death, that neither passenger
nor souldier should come aboord without his sword and
harquebush, with shot and powder, to the end that they
might be the better able to encounter the fleete of Don
Antonio, if they should hap to meete with them, or any
of them : and ever as the weather was faire, the said
general would himself go aboord from one ship to
another, to see that every man had his ful provision
according to the commandement given. Yet to speake
truely what I thinke, two good tall ships of warre would
have made a foule spoile amongst them. For in all this
fleete there were not any that were strong and warlike
appointed, saving only the Admiral, and Vice-admiral :
And againe over and besides the weakenesse and the ill
furnishing of the rest, they were all so deeply laden, that
they had not bene able (if they had bene charged) to have
held out any long fight. Wel, thus we set saile, & had
442
MILES PHILIPS AD.
1580-82.
a very ill passage home, the weather was so contrary.
We kept our course in maner Northeast, and brought
our selves to the height of 42. degrees of latitude, to be
sure not to meete with Don Antonio his fleete, and were
upon our voyage from the 4. of June, untill the 10. of
September, and never saw land till we fell with the Arenas
Gordas hard by S. Lucar. And there was an order taken
that none should goe on shoare untill he had licence : as
for me, I was knowen by one in the ship, who told the
Master that I was an Englishman, which (as God would)
it was my good hap to heare : for if I had not heard it,
it had cost me my life. Notwithstanding, I would not
take any knowledge of it, and seemed to be mery &
pleasant, that we were all come so wel in safety.
Presently after, licence came that we should go on shoare,
and I pressed to be gone with the first : howbeit, the
Master came unto me, & said, Sirra, you must goe with
me to Sivil by water : I knew his meaning well inough,
& that he meant there to offer me up as a sacrifice to
the Holy house. For the ignorant zeale of a number of
these superstitious Spaniards is such, that they thinke that
they have done God good service, when they have brought
a Lutheran heretike to the fire to be burnt : for so do
they account of us. Wel, I perceiving all this, tooke
upon me not to suspect any thing, but was still jocund
& mery : howbeit, I knew it stood me upon to shift '
for my selfe. And so wayting my time when the Master
was in his cabbin asleepe, I conveyed my selfe secretly
downe by the shrowds into the ship boate, and made no
stay but cut the rope wherewithal she was moared, and
so by the cable haled on shore, where I leapt on land,
& let the boate goe whither it would. Thus by the
helpe of God I escaped that day, & then never stayed at
S. Lucar, but went all night by the way which I had
scene other take toward Sivil : so that the next morning
I came to Sivil, and sought me out a workemaster, that
I might fall to my science, which was weaving of taffataes ;
and being intertained I set my selfe close to my worke,
443
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1582.
and durst not for my life once to stirre abroad for feare
of being knowen : and being thus at my worke, within 4*
dayes after I heard one of my fellowes say, that he heard
there was great inquiry made for an Englishman that came
home in the fleete : what an heretique Lutheran (quoth I)
[III. 487.] was it, I would to God I might knowe him, surely I
would present him to the Holy house. And thus I kept
still within doores at my worke, and fained my selfe
not well at ease, & that I would labour as I might to
get me new clothes. And continuing thus for the space
of 3. moneths I called for my wages, and bought me all
things new, different from the apparell that I did weare at
sea, and yet durst not be overbold to walke abroad : and
after understanding that there were certaine English ships
at S. Lucar bound for England, I tooke a boat and went
aboord one of them, and desired the Master that I might
have passage with him to goe into England, and told him
secretly that I was one of those which Captaine Hawkins
did set on shore in the Indies : he very courteously
prayed me to have him excused, for he durst not meddle
with me, & prayed me therefore to returne from whence
I came. Which when I perceived, with a sorowful heart,
God knoweth, I tooke my leave of him, not without
watry cheekes. And then I went to S. Mary port,
which is 3. leagues from S. Lucar, where I put my selfe
to be a souldier to goe in the king of Spaines Gallies,
which were bound for Majorca, and comming thither in
He commeth the end of the Christmas holidayes, I found there two
home in an^ English ships, the one of London, and the other of the
^m^lfntn West countrey, which were ready fraighted and stayed
jrom Majorca. ^ • ' y /-rt a /r r 1 1 • i
but for a faire wmd. To the Master or the one, which
was of the West countrey went I, and told him that I
had bene 2. yeeres in Spaine to learne the language, and
that I was now desirous to goe home and see my friends,
for that I lacked maintenance : and so having agreed with
him for my passage, I tooke shipping. And thus through
the providence of Almighty God, after 16. yeeres absence,
having sustained many and sundry great troubles and
444
JOB HORTOP
miseries, as by this discourse appeareth, I came home to
this my native countrey of England in the yeere 1582.
in the moneth of February, in the ship called the Landret,
and arrived at Poole.
The travailes of Job Hortop, v^hich Sir John
Haw^kins set on land v^ithin the Bay of
Mexico, after his departure from the Haven
of S. John de Ullua in Nueva Espanna, the
8. of October 1568.
Ot untruely nor without cause said Job
the faithfull servant of God (whom the
sacred Scriptures tell us, to have dwelt
in the land of Hus) that man being
borne of a woman, living a short time,
is replenished with many miseries : which
some know by reading of histories, many
by the view of others calamities, and I by experience
in my selfe, as this present Treatise insuing shall shew.
It is not unknowen unto many, that I Job Hortop
pouder-maker was borne at Bourne, a towne in Lincoln-
shire, from my age of twelve yeeres brought up in Red-
riffe neere London, with M. Francis Lee, who was the
Queenes Majesties powder-maker, whom I served, until
I was prest to go on the 3. voyage to the West Indies,
with the right worshipful Sir John Hawkins, who
appointed me to be one of the Gunners in her Majesties
ship called the Jesus of Lubeck, who set saile from
Plimmouth in the moneth of October 1567. having with
him another ship of her Majesties, called the Minion,
and foure ships of his owne, namely the Angel, the
Swallow, the Judith, and the William and John. He
directed his Vice-admiral, that if foule weather did
separate them, to meete at the Hand of Tenerif. After
which by the space of seven dayes and seven nights, we
had such stormes at sea, that we lost our long boats and
a pinnesse, with some men : comming to the Isle of
445
A.D.
1568.
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1568.
Tenerif, there our Generall heard that his Vice-admirall
with the Swallow, and the William and John were at the
Hand called Gomera, where finding his Vice-admirall, he
anchored, tooke in fresh water, and set saile for Cape
Blank, where in the way wee tooke a Portugal caravel,
laden with fish called Mullets : from thence we sailed to
cape Verde. In our course thither we met a Frenchman
of Rochel called captaine Bland, who had taken a Portugal
caravel, whom our vice admiral chased and tooke. Cap-
taine Drake, now Sir Francis Drake was made master &
captaine of the Caravel, and so we kept our way till we
came to Cape Verde, and there we anchored, tooke our
boates, & set souldiers on shore. Our Generall was the
first that leapt on land, & with him Captaine Dudley :
there we tooke certaine Negroes, but not without damage
to our selves. For our Generall, Captaine Dudley, & 8.
other of our company were hurt with poysoned arrowes :
about nine dayes after, the 8. that were wounded died*
Our general was taught by a Negro, to draw the poyson
A remedie out of his wound with a clove of garlike, whereby he was
against poy- cured. From thence wee went to Sierra leona, where be
monstrous fishes called Sharkes, which will devoure men.
I amongst others was sent in the Angell with two Pin-
The river of nesses into the river called Calousa, to seeke two Caravels
L.aousa. ^j^^^ were there trading with the Negros : wee tooke one
of them with the Negros, and brought them away.
In this river in ye night time we had one of our pin-
[III. 488.] nesses bulged by a sea-horse, so that our men swimming
about the river, were all taken into the other pinnesses,
except two that tooke hold one of another, and were
caried away by the sea-horse. This monster hath the
just proportion of a horse, saving that his legs be short,
his teeth very great, and a span in length: hee useth in
the night to goe on land into the woods, seeking at
unawares to devoure the Negroes in their cabbins, whom
they by their vigilancie prevent, and kill him in this
maner. The Negroes keepe watch, and diligently attend
their comming, and when they are gone into the woods,
446
JOB HORTOP A.D.
1568.
they forthwith lay a great tree overthwart the way, so
that at their returne, for that their legs be so short, they
cannot goe over it : then the Negroes set upon them
with their bowes, arrowes and darts, and so destroy them.
From thence we entred the river called the Casserroes,
where there were other Caravels trading with the Negroes,
and them we tooke. In this Hand betwixt the river and
the maine, trees grow with Oisters upon them. There
grow Palmito trees, which bee as high as a ships maine
mast, and on their tops grow nuts, wine and oyle, which
they call Palmito wine and Palmito oyle. The Plantan
tree also groweth in that countrey ; the tree is as bigge as
a mans thigh, and as high as a firre pole, the leaves
thereof be long and broad, and on the top grow the fruit
which are called Plantanos : they are crooked, and a cubite
long, and as bigge as a mans wrist, they growe on
clusters : when they be ripe they be very good and
daintie to eate : Sugar is not m^ore delicate in taste then
they be.
From thence with the Angel, the Judith, and the two
pinnesses, we sailed to Sierra leona, where our Generall
at that time was, who with the captaines and souldiers
went up into the river called Taggarin, to take a towne of The river of
the Negroes, where he found three kings of that countrey Taggann.
with fiftie thousand Negroes besieging the same towne,
which they could not take in many yeeres before, when
they had warred with it. Our General made a breach,
entred & valiantly tooke the towne, wherein were found
five Portugals which yeelded themselves to his mercy, and
hee saved their lives : we tooke & caried thence for
traffique to the West Indies 500. Negroes. The three 500- 'Negroes
kings drove 7000. Negroes into ye sea at low water, ^^'^^^•
at the point of the land, where they were all drowned in
the Oze, for that they could not take their canoas to save
themselves. Wee returned backe againe in our pinnesses
to the ships, and there tooke in fresh water, and made
ready sayle towards Rio grande. At our comming thither Rio grande.
we entred with the Angel, the Judith, and the 2 pinnesses,
447
A.D.
1568.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
and found there seven Portugal Carvels, which made
great fight with us. In the ende by Gods helpe wee
wonne the victory, and drove them to the shore, from
whence with the Negroes they fled, and we fetcht the
carvels from the shore into the river. The next morning
M. Francis Drake with his carvel, the Swallow, and the
William and John came into the river, with captaine
Dudley and his souldiers, who landed being but a hun-
dred souldiers, and fought with seven thousand Negroes,
burned the towne, and returned to our Generall with the
losse of one man.
In that place there be many muske-cats, which breed in
hollow trees : the Negroes take them in a net, & put
them in a cage, & nourish them very daintily, & take the
muske from them with a spoone.
Now we directed our course from Guinea towards the
West Indies.
And by the way died Captaine Dudley.
In sayling towards the Indies, the first land that we
Dominica, escryed, was the Hand called Dominica, where at our
comming we ancored, & tooke in fresh water and wood
for our provision : which done, we sayled towards the
Margarita. Hand called Margarita, where our Generall in despite of
the Spaniards anchored, landed, & tooke in fresh victuals.
A mile off the Hand there is a rocke in the sea, wherein
doe breede many fowles like unto Barnacles : in the night
we went out in our boates, and with cudgels we killed
many of them, and brought them with many of their egs
aboord with us : their egges be as bigge as Turkies egges,
and speckled like them. We did eate them, and found
them very good meate.
Burhoroata. From thence wee sayled to Burboroata, which is in
the maine land of the West Indies : there we came in,
mored our ships, and taried two moneths trimming and
dressing our ships, and in the meane time traded with
certaine Spanyards of that countrey. There our Generall
sent us unto a towne called Placencia, (which stood on a
high hil) to have intreated a Bishop that dwelt there for
448
JOB HORTOP A.D.
1568.
his favour & friendship in their lawes, who hearing of our
comming, for feare forsooke ye town.
In our way up the hil to Placencia, wee found a Placencia In
monstrous venemous worme with two heads : his body ^^^ maine>
was as bigge as a mans arme, and a yard long : our
master Robert Barret did cut him in sunder with his
sword, and it made it as blacke as if it were coloured
with ynke.
Heere be many Tygers, monstrous and furious beasts,
which by subtiltie devoure and destroy many men : they
use the traded wayes, & wil shew themselves twise or
thrise to the travellers, and so depart secretly, lurking till
they be past, then suddenly & at unawares they leape upon
them and devoure them : they had so used two of our [III. 489.]
company, had not one of them looked behind. Our
General! sent three ships unto the Hand called Coragao, to
make provision for the rest, where they remayned untill
his comming. Hee sent from thence the Angel and the
Judith to Rio de Hacha, where we anchored before the
town. The Spaniards shot three pieces at us from the
shore, whom we requited with two of ours, and shotte
through the Governours house : we wayed anchor, &
anchored againe without shot of the towne, where wee
rid five dayes in despite of the Spanyards and their shot.
In the mean space there came a Carvel of advise from S.
Domingo, whom with the Angel, and the Judith wee
chased and drove to the shore : we fetcht him from thence
in spite of 200. Spaniards hargubush shot, and anchored
againe before the towne, and rid there with them, till our
Generals comming, who anchored, landed his men, and
valiantly tooke the Towne, with the losse of one man, ^10 de la
whose name was Thomas Surgeon : wee landed and ^^^^^ ^^^^^'
planted on the shore for our safeties, our field ordinance :
we drove the Spaniards up into the country above two
leagues, whereby they were inforced to trade with our
General, to whom he sold most part of his Negros.
In this river we killed a monstrous Lagarto or Croco-
dile in this port at sunne set : seven of us went in the
IX 449 2 F
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1568.
pinnesse up into the River, carying with us a dogge, unto
whom with ropeyarne we bound a great hooke of Steele,
with a chaine that had a swivel, which we put under the
dogs belly, the point of the hooke comming over his back
fast bound, as aforesaid : we put him over boord, and
vered out our rope by litle and litle, rowing away with
our boate : the Lagarto came & presently swallowed up
the dogge, then did we rowe hard, till we had choked
him : he plunged and made a wonderful stirre in the
water : we leapt on shore, and haled him on land : he was
23. foote by the rule, headed like a hogge, in body like a
serpent, full of scales as broad as a sawcer : his taile long
and full of knots as bigge as a fawcon shotte : he hath
foure legs, his feete have long nailes like unto a dragon :
we opened him, tooke out his guts, flayed him, dried his
skinne, and stuffed it with straw, meaning to have
brought it home, had not the ship bin cast away. This
monster will cary away and devoure both man and horse.
Santa From hence we shaped our course to Santa Martha,
Martha. ^here we landed, traded, and sold certaine Negroes :
there two of our company killed a monstrous adder,
going towards his cave with a Conie in his mouth : his
body was as bigge as any mans thigh, and seven foote
long : upon his tayle he had sixteene knottes, every one
as bigge as a great walnut, which they say, doe shew his
age : his colour was greene and yellow : they opened him,
and found two conies in his belly.
Cartagena. From thence wee sayled to Cartagena, where we went
in, mored our Shippes, and would have traded with them,
but they durst not for feare of the King : wee brought up
the Minion against the Castle, and shotte at the Castle
and Towne : then we landed in an Hand, where were
many gardens : there in a cave we found certaine Botijos
of wine, which wee brought away with us, in recompence
whereof, our Generall commanded to be set on shore
woollen and linnen cloth, to the value thereof. From
hence by foule weather wee were forced to seeke the Port
Campeche. of Saint John de Ullua. In our way thwart of Campeche
450
JOB HORTOP A.D.
1568.
we met with a Spaniard, a small ship, who was bound for
Santo Domingo : he had in him a Spaniard called
Augustin de villa nueva, who was the man that betrayed
all the Noble men in the Indies, and caused them to be
beheaded, wherefore he with two Friers fled to S.
Domingo : them we tooke and brought with us into
the Port of S. John de Ullua. Our Generall made great
account of him, and used him like a Noble man : howbeit
in the ende he was one of them that betrayed us.
When wee had mored our ships, and landed, wee
mounted the Ordinance that wee found there in the
Ilande, and for our safeties kept watch and warde. The
next day after wee discovered the Spanish fleete, whereof
Lu9on a Spanyard was Generall : with him came a Span-
yard called Don Martin Henriquez, whom the king of ^^« Martin
Spaine sent to be his Vice-roy of the Indies. He sent ^f ^^^'f''""'
a Pinnesse with a flagge of truce unto our Generall, to yjce^j-o^,
knowe of what Countrey those Shippes were that rode
there in the King of Spaines Port ; who sayd, they were
the Queene of Englands ships, which came in there for
victuals for their money : wherefore if your Generall will
come in here, he shall give me victuals and all other
necessaries, and I will goe out on the one side of the
Port, and he shall come in on the other side. The
Spanyard returned for answere, that he was a Vice-roy,
and had a thousand men, & therefore he would come
in. Our Generall sayd, If he be a Vice-roy, I represent
my Queenes person, & I am a Vice-roy as well as he :
and if he have a thousand men, my powder and shot
will take the better place. Then the Vice-roy after
counsell among themselves, yeelded to our Generals
demaund, swearing by his King and his Crowne, by
his commission and authority that he had from his King,
that hee would performe it, and thereupon pledges were
given on both parts. Our Generall bearing a godly and
Christian minde, voyde of fraude and deceit, judged the
Spanyards to have done the like, delivered to them sixe
gentlemen, not doubting to have received the like from [III. 490.] j
451
A.D.
1568.
Augustine de
villa nueva a
most thanke-
lesse traytour.
The Spanish
vice-admirall
fered.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
them : but the faithlesse Spanyardes, in costly apparell
gave of the basest of their company, as afterwardes it
was well knowen. These things finished, proclamation
was made on both sides, that on payne of death no
occasion should be given, whereby any quarel should
grow to the breach of the league, and then they peaceably
entred the port, with great triumph on both sides.
The Spaniards presently brought a great Hulke, a
ship of sixe hundred, and mored her by the side of the
Minion, and they cut out ports in their other ships,
planting their ordinance towards us, in the night they
filled the Hulke with men, to lay the Minion aboord,
as the sequel did shew, which made our General doubt-
ful of their dealings : wherefore, for that he could speake
the Spanish tongue, he sent Robert Barret aboord the
Vice-roy, to knowe his meaning in those dealings, who
willed him with his company to come in to him, whom
he commanded presently to be set in the bilbowes, and
forthwith a Cornet (for a watchword among the false
Spaniards) was sounded for the enterprising of their
pretended treason against our Generall, whom Augustine
de villa nova sitting at dinner with him, should then
presently have killed with a poynado which hee had privily
in his sleeve, which was espyed and prevented by one
John Chamberlayne, who tooke the poynado out of his
sleeve. Our General hastily rose up, and commanded
him to be put prisoner in the Stewards roome, & to be
kept with two men. The faithlesse Spanyards, thinking
all things to their desire had bene finished, suddenly
sounded a Trumpet, and therewith three hundred
Spaniards entred the Minion, whereat our General with
a loude and fierce voyce called unto us, saying, God and
Saint George, upon those traiterous villaines, and rescue
the Minion, I trust in God the day shalbe ours : and
with that the Mariners & souldiers leapt out of the Jesus
of Lubeck into the Minion, and beat out the Spanyards,
and with a shot out of her fiered the Spaniards Vice
admirall, where the most part of 300. Spanyards were
452
JOB HORTOP AD.
1568.
spoyled, and blowen over boord with powder. Their
Admirall also was on fire halfe an houre : we cut our
cables, wound off our ships, and presently fought with
them : they came upon us on every side, and continued
the fight from ten of the clocke until it was night : they
killed all our men that were on shore in the Hand, saving
three, which by swimming got aboord the Jesus of One of those
Lubeck. They sunke the Generals ship called the Angel, ^^^^ ^^^ -^^^
and tooke the Swallow : the Spaniards Admirall had porter herelf'
above threescore shot through her : many of his men
were spoyled : foure other of their ships were sunke. Foure Spanish
There were in that fleete, and that came from the shore ^^^P^ •^^'^'^^•
to rescue them, fifteene hundred : we slew of them five
hundred and fourtie, as we were credibly informed by
a note that came to Mexico. In this fight the Jesus of
Lubeck had five shotte through her mayne Mast : her
fore-mast was strooke in sunder under the hounds with
a chayne shotte, and her hull was wonderfully pearced
with shotte, therefore it was unpossible to bring her
away. They set two of their owne Shippes on fire, in-
tending therewith to have burnt the Jesus of Lubeck,
which we prevented by cutting our cables in the halse,
and winding off by our sternefast.
The Minion was forced to set saile and stand off from
us, and come to an anker without shot of the Island.
Our Generall couragiously cheered up his souldiers and
gunners, and called to Samuel his page for a cup of
Beere, who brought it him in a silver cup, and hee drink-
ing to all men willed the gunners to stand by their
Ordinance lustily like men. He had no sooner set the
cup out of his hand, but a demy Culverin shot stroke
away the cup and a Coopers plane that stoode by the
maine mast, and ranne out on the other side of the ^
ship : which nothing dismaid our Generall, for he ceased
not to incourage us, saying, feare nothing, for God, who
hath preserved me from this shot, will also deliver us
from these traitours and villaines. Then Captaine Bland
meaning to have turned out of the port, had his maine
453
A.D.
1568.
[III. 491.]
About an hun-
dred English-
men landed.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
mast stroke over boord with a chaine shot that came from
the shore, wherefore he ankered, fired his ship, tooke his
pinnesse with all his men, and came aboord the Jesus of
Lubek to our Generall, who said unto him, that he thought
he would not have runne away from him : he answered,
that he was not minded to have run away from him, but
his intent was to have turned up, and to have laid the
weathermost ship of the Spanish fleete aboord, and fired
his ship in hope therewith to have set on fire the Spanish
fleete, hee said if he had done so he had done well.
With this, night came on. Our Generall commanded the
Minion, for safegard of her masts to be brought under
the Jesus of Lubecks lee : he willed M. Francis Drake
to come in with the Judith, and to lay the Minion
aboord, to take in men and other things needefull, and
to goe out, and so he did.
At night when the wind came off the shore, wee set
sayle, and went out in despite of the Spanyards and their
shot, where wee ankered, with two ankers under the
Island, the wind being Northerly, which was wonderfuU
dangerous, and wee feared every houre to be driven with
the lee shore. In the end when the wind came larger, we
waied anker, and set saile, seeking the river of Panuco
for water, whereof we had very little, and victuals were
so scarce, that we were driven to eate hides, cats, rats,
parrats, munkies, and dogges : wherefore our Generall
was forced to divide his company into two parts, for there
was a mutinie among them for want of victuals : and
some said that they had rather be on the shore to shift
for themselves amongst the enemies, then to sterve on
ship-boord. He asked them who would go on shore,
and who would tarry on ship-boord, those that would goe
on shore, he willed to goe on foremast, and those that
would tarrie, on baft mast
us were willing to depart
every one of us sixe yards
to them that demanded it.
came unto us, where friendly
454
fourescore and sixteene of
Our Generall gave unto
of Roane cloth, and money
When we were landed, he
imbracing every one of
JOB HORTOP A.D.
1568.
us, he was greatly grieved that he was forced to leave
us behind him, he counselled us to serve God, and to
love one another, and thus courteously he gave us a
sorowful farewell, and promised if God sent him safe
home, he would do what he could, that so many of us
as lived should by some means be brought into England,
& so he did.
Since my returne into England I have heard that
many misliked that he left us so behind him, and
brought away Negroes : but the reason is this, for them
he might have had victuals, or any other thing needfull,
if by foule weather hee had bene driven upon the
Islands, which for gold nor silver he could not have had.
And thus our Generall departed to his ship, and we
remained on land, where for our safeties, fearing the
wild Indians that were about us, we kept watch all
night, and at Sunne rising wee marched on our way,
three and three in a ranke, untill that we came into
a fielde under a grove, where the Indians came upon us,
asking us what people we were, and how we came there.
Two of our company, namely Anthony Goddard and
John Cornish, for that they could speake the Spanish
tongue, went to them, and said wee were Englishmen,
that never came in that countrey before, and that we
had fought with the Spaniards, and for that we lacked
victuals, our Generall set us on shore : they asked us
whither we intended to goe, we said to Panuco. The
Captaine of the Indians willed us to give unto them
some of our clothes & shirts, which we did : then he
bad us give them all, but we would not so doe, where-
upon John Cornish was then slaine with an arrow, ^ohn Cornish
which an Indian boy that stoode by the Captaine shot ^^^^^^'
at him, wherefore he stroke the boy on the necke with
his bow, that he lay for dead, and willed us to follow
him, who brought us into a great fielde, where we found
fresh water : hee bad us sit downe about the pond and
drinke, and he with his company would goe in the
meane space to kill five or sixe Deere, and bring them
455
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1568.
us. We taryed there till three of the clocke, but they
came not : there one of our company whose name was
John Cooke, with foure other departed from us into
a grove to seeke reliefe, where presently they were taken
by the Indians, and stript as naked as ever they were
borne, and so returned to us.
Then we divided our selves into two parts, halfe to
Anthony Anthony Goddard, and the rest to James Collier, and
^ ^ • thus severally we sought for Panuco. Anthony Goddard
A river. with his company, bid us farewell, they passed a river,
where the Indians robbed many of them of their clothes,
and so passing on their way, came to a stony hill, where
James Collier, they Stayed. James Collier with his company that day
passed the same river, and were also robbed, and one of
them slaine by chance : wee came that night unto the
hill, where Anthony Goddard and his company rested,
there we remained til morning, and then we marched
altogether from ^'thence, entring betweene two groves,
where the Indians robbed us of all our clothes, and left
8. Englishmen us naked, they hurt many, and killed eight of us. Three
same. daves after we came to another river, there the Indians
Another river .
shewed us the way to Panuco, and so left us : we passed
the river into the wildernes, where we made wreaths of
greene grasse, which we wound about our bodies, to
keepe us from the Sunne, and gnats of that Countrey.
Seven day es \Ye travelled there seven dayes, and seven nights, before
rave 0 ^^^ came to Panuco, feeding on nothing but roots, and
Guiavos, a fruit like figs. At our comming to the river
of Panuco two Spanish horsemen came over unto us
in a Canowe : they asked us how long we had bene in
the wildernesse, and where our generall was, for they
knewe us to be of the company that had fought with
their countrimen : we told them seven dayes and seven
nights, and for lacke of victuals our Generall set us on
shore, & he was gone away with his ships. They
returned to their Governour, who sent them with ^yq
Canowes to bring us all over, which done, they set us
in aray, where a hundred horsemen with their lances,
456
JOB HORTOP A.D.
1568.
came forceably upon us, but did not hurt us, they carried
us prisoners to Panuco, where we remained one night.
In the river of Panuco there is a fish like a calfe, the
Spanyards call it a Mallatin, hee hath a stone in his head,
which the Indians use for the disease of the Collicke, in
the night he commeth on land, and eateth grasse. I
have eaten of it, and it eateth not much unlike to bacon.
From thence we were sent to Mexico, which is 90 leagues
from Panuco. In our way thither, 20 leagues from the
sea side, I did see white Crabs running up & downe
the sands, I have eaten of them, and they be very good [III. 492.]
meat. There groweth a fruit which the Spanyards call
Avocottes, it is proportioned like an Ggge, and as blacke
as a cole, having a stone in it, and it is an excellent good
fruit. There also groweth a strange tree which they
call Magueis, it serveth them to many uses, below by A manifold me
the root they make a hole, wherat they do take out of ^f^^i^^^^-
it twise every day a certaine kind of licour, which they
seeth in a great kettle, till the third part be consumed,
& that it wax thick, it is as sweet as any hony, and
they do eat it. Within 20. daies after that they have
taken al the licour from it, it withereth, & they cut it
down, & use it as we use our hempe here in England,
which done, they convert it to many uses : of some part
they make mantles, ropes, and threed : of the ends they
make needles to sow their saddles, pannels, & other
furniture for their horses : of the rest they make tyles
to cover their houses, and they put it to many other
purposes.
And thus we came to Mexico, which is seven or eight
miles about, seated in a great ^q,i\ invironed with 4 hils,
it hath but two wayes of entrance, and it is full of creeks,
in the which in their Canowes they passe from place to
place, & to the Islands there within. In the Indies
ordinarily three times a yeere bee wonderfull earthquakes,
which put the people in great feare and danger : during
the time of two yeeres that I was in Mexico, I saw them
sixe times : when they come they throw downe trees,
457
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1568.
houses, and Churches. There is a citie 25. leagues from
Mexico, called Tlaxcalla, which is inhabited with a
hundred thousand Indians, they goe in white shirts,
linnen breeches, and long mantles, and the women weare
about them a garment much like unto a flannell petticote.
The kings pallace was the first place wee were brought
unto in Mexico, where without we were willed to sit
downe. Much people, men, women, and children came
wondring about us, many lamented our misery, & some
of their clergy asked us if we were Christians, we said,
we praised God, we were as good Christians as they :
they asked how they might know that, we said, by our
confessions. From thence we were carried in a Canow
to a Tanners house, which standeth a little from the
citie : the next morning two friers and two priests came
thither to us, and willed us to blesse our selves, and
say our prayers in the Latin tongue, that they might
understand us, many of our company did so, whereupon
they returned to the viceroy, and told him that we were
good Christians, and that they liked us well, and then
they brought us much reliefe, with clothes, our sicke
men were sent to their Hospitals, where many were cured,
and many died. From the Tanners house we were led
to a gentlemans place, where upon paine of death we
were charged to abide, and not to come into the citie,
thither we had all things necessary brought us : on
Sundayes and holy dayes much people came, and brought
us great reliefe.
The viceroy practised to hang us, and caused a paire
of new gallowes to be set up, to have executed us,
wherunto the noblemen of that countrey would not
consent, but prayed him to stay until the ship of advise
brought newes from the king of Spaine, what should
be done with us, for they said they could not find any
thing by us, whereby they might lawfully put us to
death.
The viceroy then commanded us to be sent to an
Island there by, and he sent for the Bishop of Mexico,
458
JOB HORTOP A.D.
1568.
who sent foure priests to the Island, to examine and
confesse us, who said, that the viceroy would burne us,
when wee were examined and confessed according to the
lawes of the countrey. They returned to the Bishop,
and told him that we were very good Christians. The
Bishop certified the viceroy of our examinations and
confessions, and said that wee were good Christians,
therefore he would not meddle with us. Then the
viceroy sent for our master, R. Barret, whom he kept
prisoner in his pallace, untill the fleete was departed for
Spayne. The rest of us he sent to a towne seven leagues
from Mexico called Tescuco, to card wooll among the
Indian slaves, which drudgery we disdained, and con-
cluded to beat our masters, and so wee did : wherefore
they sent to the viceroy, desiring him for Gods sake
and our Ladies, to send for us, for they would not
keepe us any longer, they said that we were devils and
no men.
The viceroy sent for us, and imprisoned us in a house
in Mexico, from thence he sent Anthony Goddard, &
some other of our company with him into Spaine, with
Lugon, the General that tooke us : the rest of us staied in
Mexico two yeres after, and then were sent prisoners into
Spaine, with Don Juan de Velasco de Varre, admirall and
generall of the Spanish fleet, who caried with him in his
ship, to be presented to the K. of Spaine, the anatomie of
a giant, which was sent from China to Mexico, to the
viceroy Don Martin Henriquez, to bee sent to the king
of Spaine for a great wonder. It did appere by the
anatomie, that he was of a monstrous size, the skull of
his head was neere as bigge as halfe a bushel, his necke-
bones, shoulder-plates, arme-bones, and all other linea-
ments of his other partes, were huge and monstrous to
behold, the shanke of his legge from the ankle to the
knee was as long as from any mans ankle up to his wast,
and of bignesse accordingly.
At this time, and in this ship, were also sent to be
presented to the king of Spaine, two chestes full of earth
459
A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1568.
with ginger growing in them, which were also sent from
[III. 493.] China, to be sent to the king of Spaine. The ginger
A description runneth in the ground like to liccoras, the blades grow
oj ganger. ^^^ o{\t in length and proportion like unto the blades of
wild garlicke, which they cut every fifteene dayes, they
use to water them twise a day, as we doe our herbes here
in England, they put the blades in their pottage, and use
them in their other meates, whose excellent savour and
tast is very delightfull, and procureth a good appetite.
1570. When we were shipped in the Port of S. John de
Ullua, the Generall called our master Robert Barret and
us with him into his cabbin, & asked us if wee would
fight against Englishmen if we met them at the sea, we
said that we would not fight against our Crowne, but if
we met with any other, we would do what we were able.
He said if we had said otherwise he would not have
beleeved us, and for that we should be the better used,
and have allowance as other men had : and he gave a
charge to every one of us, according unto our knowledge,
Robert Barret was placed with the pilote, I was put in
the gunners roome, William Cawse with the boat-swaine,
John Beare with the quarter-masters, Edward Rider, &
Geffrey Giles, with the ordinary mariners, Richard the
masters boy attended on him and the pilote : shortly after
we departed from the port of S. John de Ullua with all
Havana. the fleete of Spaine, for the port called Havana: wee
were 26. dayes sayling thither. There wee came in,
ankered, tooke in fresh water, and stayed 16. dayes for
the fleete of Nombre de Dios, which is the fleet that
brings the treasure from Peru.
The Generall of that fleet was called Diego Flores de
Valdes. After his comming, when he had watred his
ships, both the fleetes joyned in one, and Don Juan de
Velasco de Varre was the first fifteen daies Generall of
both the fleets, who turning through the chanell of
Bahama, his pilote had like to have cast away all the fleet
upon the Cape called Cannaveral, which was prevented by
me John Hortop, & our master Robert Barret: for I
460
JOB HORTOP A.D.
1570-
being in the second watch escried land, and called to
Robert Barret, bidding him looke over boord, for I saw
land under the lee-bow of the ship : he called to the boat-
swaine, & bid him let flie the fore saile sheat, and lay the
helm upon the lee, and cast the ship about. When we
were cast about, we were but in seven fathome water : we
shot off a piece, giving advice to the fleet to cast about,
and so they did. For this we were beloved of the
Generall, and all the fleet. The Generall was in a great
rage, and swore by the king, that he would hang his
pilote : for he said, that twise before he had almost cast
away the Admirall. When it was day, he commanded a
piece to be shot off, to call to councill : the other Admirall
in his ship came up to him, and asked what the matter
was, he said, that his pilote had cast away his ship and all
the fleet, had it not bene for two of the Englishmen, and
therefore he would hang him. The other Admirall with
many faire words perswaded him to the contrary.
When we came in the height of Bermuda, we dis- A sea-monster
covered a monster in the sea, who shewed himselfe three ^'^ ^^^ ^^^P^
times unto us from the middle upwards, in which parts ^ ^ ^^^'
hee was proportioned like a man, of the complection of a
Mulato, or tawny Indian. The Generall did commaund
one of his clearks to put it in writing, and hee certified
the King and his Nobles thereof. Presently after this,
for the space of sixteene dayes we had wonderful foule
weather, and then God sent us a faire wind, untill such
time as we discovered the Hand called Faial.
On S. James day we made rackets, wheeles, and other
fire-workes, to make pastime that night, as it is the order
of the Spanyards. When we came neere the land, our
master R. Barret conferred with us, to take the pinnesse
one night, when we came on the Hand called Ter9era, to
free our selves from the danger and bondage that we were
going into, whereunto we agreed : none had any pinnesse
asterne then but our ship, which gave great courage to
our enterprise : we prepared a bagge of bread, and a Botijo
of water, which would have served us nine dayes, and
461
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1570.
provided our selves to goe : our Master borrowed a small
compasse of the Master gunner of the ship, who lent it
him, but suspected his intent, and closely made the
Generall privy to it, who for a time dissembled the
matter. In the ende seeing our pretense, he called R.
Barret, commanding his head to bee put in the stocks,
and a great payre of yron bolts on his legs, & the rest of
us to be set in the stocks by the legs. Then he willed a
peece to be shot off, and hee sent the pinnesse for the
other Admirall, and all the captaines, masters and pilots of
both fleetes to come aboord of him. He commanded the
mayne-yard to be strooke downe, and to put 2. puUies, on
every yard-arme one ; the hangman was called, and we
were willed to confesse our selves, for he swore by the
king that he would hang us.
When the other Admiral, and the rest were come
aboord, he called them into his counsel-chamber, and told
them that he would hang the master of the Englishmen,
and all his company. The Admirall, whose name was
Diego Flores de Valdes, asked him wherefore : he sayd,
that we had determined to rise in the night with the
pinnesse, and with a ball of fireworke to set the ship on
fire, and goe our wayes : therefore, sayd he, I will have
you the Captaines, Masters, and Pilotes, to set your hands
unto that, for I sweare by the king that I will hang them,
[III. 494.] Diego Flores de Valdes answered, I nor the Captaines,
Masters, and Pilotes wil not set our hands to that, for
hee said, if he had bin prisoner as we were, he would
have done the like himselfe. He counselled him to
keepe us fast in prison, till he came into Spaine, & then
send us to the Contratation house in Sivil, where, if we
had deserved death the law would passe on us, for hee
would not have it said that in such a fleet as that was,
sixe men and a boy should take the pinnesse, and goe
away, and so he returned to his ship againe.
When he was gone, the Generall came to the maine
mast to us, and swore by the king, that we should not
come out of the stocks til we came into Spaine : within
462
JOB HORTOP A.D.
1570.
1 6 dayes after we came over the bar of S. Lucar, and came
up to the Hurcados, then he put us into a pinnesse in the
stocks, and sent us prisoners to the Contratation house in
Sivill. From thence after one yere we brake prison, on
S. Stevens day at night, 7. of our company escaped,
Robert Barret, I Job Hortop, John Emerie, Humphrey
Roberts, and John Gilbert were taken, and brought backe
to the contratation house, where we remained in the stocks
till twelfe tide was past. Then our keeper put up a peti-
tion to the Judge of the contratation house, that we might
be sent to the great prison house in Sivill, for that we
broke prison, whereupon we were presently led thither,
where we remained one moneth, and then from thence, to
the castell of the Inquisition house in Triana, where wee
continued one yere : which expired, they brought us out
in procession, every one of us having a candle in his
hand, and the coate with S. Andrewes crosse on our
backs : they brought us up on an high scaffold, that was
set up in the place of S. Francis, which is in the chiefe
street of Sivill : there they set us downe upon benches,
every one in his degree, and against us on another scaffold
sate all the Judges, and the Clergy on their benches : the
people wondered, and gazed on us, some pittying our
cases, other said, burne those heretikes. When we had
sit there two houres, we had a sermon made to us : after
which one called Bresinia, secretarie to the Inquisition,
went up into the pulpit with the processe, and called
Robert Barret and John Gilbert, whom two familiars of Robert Barret
the Inquisition brouPfht from the scaffold before the f'^Jf^^J^-
. • bert bumed-.
Judges, where the secretarie read the sentence, which
was that they should be burnt, and so they returned to
the scaffold, and were burnt.
Then I Job Hortop, and John Bone were called, and -^f^ Hortop
brought to the place, as before, where we heard our
sentence, which was, that we should go to the Gallies,
and there row at the oares ende ten yeeres, and then to
be brought backe to the Inquisition house, to have the
coate with S. Andrewes crosse put on our backs, and
463
hu condem-
natiofi.
AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1570-
from thence to goe to the everlasting prison remedilesse,
and so we were returned from the scaffold from whence
we came. Thomas Marks, & Thomas Ellis were called,
and had sentence to serve in the Galleys eight yeeres,
and Humphrey Roberts, and John Emery to serve Rvc
yeeres, & so were returned to the benches on the scaffold,
where we sate till foure of clocke in the afternoone.
Then we were led againe to the Inquisition house, from
whence we were brought. The next day in the morning
Bresinia the treasurer came thither to us, and delivered
to every one of us his sentence in writing. 1 with the
rest were sent to the Gallies, where we were chained
foure and foure together : every mans daily allowance
was 26. ounces of course blacke bisket and water, our
clothing for the whole yeere two shirts, two paire of
breeches of course canvas, a red coat of course cloth,
soone on, and soone off, and a gowne of haire with a
friers hood ; our lodging was on the bare boords, and
banks of the Gallies, our heads and beards were shaven
every month, hunger, thirst, cold, and stripes we lacked
none, til our several times expired. And after the time
of 12. yeeres, for I served two yeeres above my sen-
tence, I was sent backe to the Inquisition house in
Sivill, and there having put on the coat with S. Andrewes
crosse, I was sent to the everlasting prison remedilesse,
where I wore the coat 4. yeres, & then upon great
suit. I had it taken off for 50 duckets, which Hernando
de Soria treasurer of the kings mint lent me, whom I
served for it as a drudge 7. yeres, and until the moneth
1590. of October last, 1590, and then I came from Sivill to
S. Lucar, where I made meanes to come away in a flie-
boat, that was laden with wines and salt, which were
Flemings goods, the king of Spaines subjects, dwelling
in Sivil, maried to Spanish women, and sworne to their
king. In this moneth of October last, departing from
S. Lucar, at sea, off the southermost Cape, we met an
English ship, called the Galeon Dudley, who took the
Flemming, & me out of him, & brought me to Ports-
464
JOB HORTOP A.D.
1590.
mouth, where they set me on land, the 2. day of
December last past, 1590. From thence I was sent by 1590.
M. Muns the lieutenant of Portsmouth, with letters to
the R. honorable the Earle of Sussex, who commanded
his secretary to take my name and examination, how
long I had bene out of England, and with whom I went,
which he did. And on Christmas even I took my leave
of his honor, and came to Redriffe.
The Computation of my imprisonment.
I suffered imprisonment in Mexico two yeeres.
In the Contratation house in Sivill one yeere.
In the Inquisition house in Triana one yeere. [HI. 495.]
I was in the Gallies twelve yeeres.
In the everlasting prison remediles, with the coat with
S. Andrews crosse on my back 4. yeres.
And at libertie I served as a drudge Hernando de
Soria 3. yeeres, which is the full complement of 23.
yeeres.
Since my departure from England, untill this time of
my returne, I was five times in great danger of death,
besides the many perils I was in, in the Gallies.
First in the Port of S. John de Ullua, where being
on shore, with many other of our company, which
were all slaine saving I, and two other that by swimming
got aboord the Jesus of Lubek.
Secondly, when we were robbed by the wild Indians.
Thirdly, after we came to Mexico, the viceroy would
have hanged us.
Fourthly, because he could not have his mind to hang
us, he would have burnt us.
Fiftly, the Generall that brought us into Spaine, would
have hanged us at sea.
Thus having truely set downe unto you my travels,
misery and dangers, endured the space of 23. yeeres, I
ende.
[A relation
IX 465 2G
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
The Port of
Tecuanapa.
The Bishop-
ricks of
Guaxacan, iff
Tlarcali.
Cuahintla.
Tulaningo a
small lake.
relation of the Haven of Tecuanapa, a most
convenient place for building of ships, situate
upon the South sea not farre from Nicaragua,
which was sent unto the viceroy of Mexico
or to the king of Spaine : wherein are de-
scribed the rivers of Ometepec, Tlacamama,
and Tlacolula falling into the said Haven, with
the townes, people, and mountaines adjoyning
to the said rivers, and other things fit for
the building and victualling of ships.
He Port and small harbour of Tecuanapa
hath in the driest time of Sommer in
the chanell little lesse then one fathome
at low water, and at full sea one fathome
and an halfe : in the time of raine, with
the increasing of the land-water it hath
three fathoms and more. It lyeth toward
the West, and there the Bishopricks of Guaxacan and
Tlarcali are separated. From hence toward the point
called Punta de Intla and Dordaci there is a Bay 2.
leagues distant, which though it be no special harbour,
yet upon an extremity ships may come and ride there, as
in times past they have done. This Bay on the right
hand toward the North maketh a lake somewhat large
towards the midst of the chanell, and in some parts
deepe, but specially on the side of Cuahintla, but on
either side it is but shallow. As you passe betweene
the sea & certaine great and large woods of orenge
trees, and trees of other nature which grow along the
sea coast, which are of no great bredth, al the countrey
appeareth very open : howbeit on the side of Cuahintla
the mountaines have many creeks and a small lake called
Tulaningo, and the countrey cannot be travelled, except
you take the way betweene the sea and the end of this
lake, which may be about two leagues of sandy way.
466
THE HAVEN OF TEC U ANAPA
And on the North side there is another small creeke.
And going by the sands side one quarter of a league,
you come to the way that leadeth unto Quacapotla a Ouacapotla.
mansion of Intla.
The river of Ometepec being the principal river T'he river of
which commeth to this haven hath his head in the moun- ^^'^^^^Z^^-
taines of Xicayan de Touer about 24. leagues from this
haven, from divers brooks which come out of the
mountaines of Cacatepec, and beneath a towne called
Suchistlahuaca litle more then 3. leagues all the brooks
joyne together : and from that place you may passe
downe to the sea with Canoas and Lighters : and you
might come farther but for the fall of a furious streame
or current which runneth between two great rocks,
passing from Cocahulapa a mansion of Ometepec unto
Yanguitle a mansion of the said Ometepec. These
inconveniences being past (which in my judgement may
be about one league) the river is more navigable, so
that you may sayle in the same about 12. leagues.
During the space of which 12. leagues, about a league
and a halfe distance from the waters side, and in many
other parts of the same river it hath great quantitie of
woods which use to grow in hot soiles, fit for ship-
timber, as Huber-trees, & Suchicuhitil, whereof they
of Nicaragua make great profit. Also there be white Nicaragua,
okes and Tehegurtes in great quantitie, and many other
kinds of timber : and in the mountaines there be firre-
trees, okes, and cork-trees, which easily may bee
caried downe the river, because they may be cut
some 2, 3, 4, and 5. leagues from the river, and
may be brought downe to the waters side with the
service and helpe of those that dwell in the townes
thereabout.
At the head of these brooks where the river beginneth
is the towne which is called Xicaian, belonging to the Xkaian.
heires of Francis de Touer y de Guillen, containing
about 350. Indians of rude speech and of little policie,
being 24. leagues from the sea, little more or lesse.
467
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
The place it selfe is hot, although the mountaines round
about be cold.
[III. 496.] A little from this is the towne of Aioanapa possessed
Aioanapa. |^^ ^y^^ heires of Perez Gomez, having in it about 300.
Indians of the selfe same speach and qualitie. The
countrey is more subject to heate then cold ; yet hath
it neere it cold countreys and mountaines. It is distant
from Xicaian de Touer 4. leagues, and from the sea
20. leagues.
Sixe leagues downeward toward the South is the towne
Suchistlahuaca. of Suchistlahuaca on the said river, and the inhabitants
are of the same speach and qualities. The countrey is
more subject to heate then cold. It is in the charge
of Gonzalvo Fernandez a citizen of Mexico, and hath
about 150. Indians, and is 15. leagues distant from
the sea.
Ometepec. From this towne unto the towne of Ometepec are 6.
leagues. The place is very hot, and in the same
government, and is situate betweene certaine hils one
league from the river : he and his followers have under
them about 700. Indians, which speake the Ayacastecan,
Amusgan, and Niciecan tongues, and this place is from
the sea nine leagues.
Ihualapa. From this towne unto Ihualapa are two great leagues :
it is in the government of the heires of Laurence de
Castro, of the foresaid temperature, and the people use
the said language, and are of the like stature ; and it
standeth three leagues from the river, and from the sea
ten leagues.
These are the best townes, and of the best traffique
that are upon all this coast. The Indians are rich in
Cacao and victuals, and in these townes doe the Indians
Niciecan. of Niciecan principally trade. And in the towne of
Ihualapa the chiefe Alguazil of the province is resident
for the most part of the yeere.
More lowe beneath the river of Tlacolula, about a
towne aglnst league or a league and an halfe from the towne of
the Mexicans, Ometepec is the towne called Pio, which was wont to be
468
THE HAVEN OF TECUANAPA
a towne of Tlacolula, and was a frontier towne against
the Mexicans. There be in it about 50. Indians of the
ancient inhabitants : one Graviel de Chiavez a citizen
of Mexico hath the governement thereof: it is 4. leagues
from Ihualapa, and 6. from the sea.
A little below this is the towne of Huehuatlan in the Huehuatlan.
selfe same governement standing one league from the
river on certaine high hils : it hath 10. Indians, and is
from the sea 5. leagues.
And one leao-ue from this towne stands the towne of
Cuahucapotla a mansion of Antla or Intla : it hath to the Cuahucapotla.
number of 15. Indians; it standeth one league and a
halfe from the river, and 4. leagues from the mouth
thereof
At the fountaines or heads of the rest of the brooks is
the towne of Cacatepec being in the government of Cacatepec
Raphael de Treyo : he and his tenants have under them
some 700. Indians of Niciecan : it is from the sea some
22. leagues.
The river which is called Tlacamama commeth from "^^e river of
the mountains of Atoyaque and Amusgos, which are '^■'^^^^f"^-
some 17. leagues from the sea. There it maketh a
formed river, so big, that it is navigable to the sea with
canoas and lighters : I say from a litle below Tolistla-
huaca a mansion of Xicaian. It is navigable 8. moneths
in the yeere, and the other 4. not, because that the sands
of the plaines do soke and drink up the water in such
wise, that there remaineth so little, that there is no
passage : howbeit in small lighters timber may bee
brought downe this river one league from the place
where it is cut, unto the place that I have spoken of;
whereas bigger vessels may bee made ; for nigh unto that
place other brooks and running waters doe joyne and
meet, which make it a maine river. It hath nigh unto
it in the mountaines of Atoyaque, Cacatepec, and Amus-
gos many woods of pine-trees, cork-trees, and okes of
great bignesse : and beneath those mountaines in the
warme countrey, neere unto the rivers there is much
469
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Atolaqui
Xicaian.
P'lnotespan.
The towjte of
T lac am am a.
[III. 497.]
A lake having
hard salt
growing under
the water.
timber of those sorts which I mentioned before to be
about the river of Ometepec, which may easily be cut
and carried downe unto Tecuanapa in the time before
specified.
This river hath likewise townes adjoyning to it ; the
first at the foote of the mountaines is the town of
Atoiaque belonging to the king, & to the heires of
Pronetto : their language is Niciecan, the countrey hot,
the people politique, & it is from the sea 15. leagues.
It hath about 200. Indians.
One league from this towne, and 14. from the sea
is the towne of Xicaian belonging likewise to the king,
and to the heires of Pronetto. They are Niciecan people
and very comely, and in a hot countrey. It hath by
account 300. Indians. There are resident in it the
Vicar and Justice; it is from the river a league and a
halfe.
A league from this towne, and 14. from the sea is
situate the mansion of Pinotespan subject to Tututepec,
which hath with the manors subject unto it 500.
Indians.
Two leagues from the towne, and one from Xicayan,
and 13. from Tecuanapa, and 3. from the river is the
towne of Tlacamama: the people are very comely and
politique. It containeth some 100. Indians, and be-
lon^eth to the kinor.
o o
More toward the South 5. leagues from the river, and
two from this towne, and 14. from the sea is the towne
called Pinotespan del Rey : They are handsome people,
but of slow speach : this towne conteineth about 100.
Indians like unto the former. They be wealthie, because
they make great quantitie of salte ; for they have a
lake in which salte groweth under the water, (a thing
repugnant to nature, that two contraries doe grow
and are conserved together) whereout they take it in
breaking it with stones upon the ground under the
water.
It hath also the towne of Amusgos, which is in the
470
THE HAVEN OF TECUANAPA
government of Fernando de Avila, which may be from
Tecuanapa i8. leagues. They speake the Amusgan
tongue. The countrey is hotte : it standeth on the
high way from Nicieca : it hath 400. Indians, few more
or lesse.
These are all the townes of account situate neere this
river.
Neere upon this river are two farmes, the one belong-
ing to Pedro Bravo, and the other to him that maketh
this relation unto your Excellencie, which may be from
the sea some 8. or 9. leagues all plaine ground. And in
this territorie there is but one towne called Quesala Quesala.
situate upon the river, and 6. leagues from the sea ;
which in times past hath beene a great towne, and nowe
hath but three Indians onely, and it is from the farmes
3. leagues.
The mansion house of Don Mattheo is more toward
the South, standing in a large mountainous and waste
countrey, which aboundeth with cattell being 3. leagues
from the river ; and as farre from Tecuanapa, as from the
place where all the cattell is ; and the sea that way is
from it but one league.
A little below this mansion about 4. leagues, and 7.
leagues from the sea, is a garden of Alonso Pedraza which
beareth Cacao.
And 2. leagues from this garden and 6. leagues from
the sea standeth the towne of Cuahintlan belonging to the Cuah'mtlan
king, a towne of 19 housholds, but very rich, for they delRey,
gather much Cacao and the best in that countrey. They
speake the Tlapanecan tongue. This towne hath the sea
that way within halfe a league.
And this coast from Cuahintlan to Tecuanapa, and the
coast which runneth to Huatulco is a coast of much Huatuko or
pearle, for in olde time the Indians orathered much pearle ^^^^^^^^° ^^
there. 'o If /Xf
And 2. leagues from Cuahintlan and 4. from Tecuanapa
is a garden of Cacao in the landes of Francisco Mal-
donado, which is called Cacahu-Atoyaque.
471
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
These are the things worthy of relation from the
head-springs of this river of Tlacamama unto the sea :
and this foresaid river entreth into the river of Ometepec
5. leagues from Tecuanapa.
The liver of The river of Tlacolula springeth within the boundes
Tlacolula. ^^ Chilsiztlahuaca subject to Comastlahuaca a towne of
Suchistlahuaca, neere which are many mountaines. This
river is navigable little more then 2. leagues before it
entreth into the river of Ometepec, where it is 5. leagues
from the sea.
Hard by it is the towne of Tlacolula abovenamed ; and
Azoyoque. 3. leagues from it is the towne of Azoyoque an olde
manour of Tlapa. The towne of Chilsiztlahuaca hath
but 3. Indians; and the towne of Azoyoque hath more
then 300. Indians. But because in this haven must bee
the building of ships, the provinces of Tlapa and Tutu-
The provinces tepec may stand them in great stead ; the province of
Jr/^^^^^ Tututepec being neighbour to the river of Tlacamama,
and the province of Tlapa to the river of Tlacolula. For
they may, as I have sayd, carrie the timber in lighters or
rafts downe the rivers, and may use the Indians in the
townes thereabout to fell, and draw the same out of the
cold mountaines ; for in the warm countreyes the most
is plaine ground, whereas with very fewe men and oxen
it may be brought unto the place where it should be
imbarqued.
There may come flat bottomes, and canoas unto the
townes thereabout, and lade themselves with victuals :
For they have already come by that river to the rode
of Ometepec, & made there provision at the mansion of
Don Mattheo, and at the farmes, at that time when his
Majestie did people the plaines which are betweene these
rivers, conteining a large and voyde countrey sufficient
for the erecting of 20. manours, being a countrey well
furnished with water and pasture without any danger or
perill, according to the description hereunto annexed.
This small harbour of Tecuanapa being scene and
viewed, seemeth very commodious for to build shippes
472
THE HAVEN OF TECUANAPA
a a
in, by reason of the great abundance of mountaines full Tecuanap,
of good timber for that purpose, with the commodities of ^^stjit har
rivers, and with the service and victuals from the townes Z°iif,h^l,
thereabout, which be very good for coast townes.
The desire of him that made this relation, hath bene
with zeale to serve your excellencie ; who therewithal!
desireth the Lord God to give the successe.
hutld ships for
the South sea.
END OF VOL. IX.
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