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FOR. THE PEOPLE
FOR EDVCATION
FOR) SCIENCE

LIBRARY

THE AMERICAN MUSEUM
OF

NATURAL HISTORY

PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

VOLUME XXVI

DUBLIN

HODGES, FIGGIS, & CO., Lrp,
LONDON: WILLIAMS & NORGATE

1906-1907

Tur AcaDEMY desire it to be understood that they are not
answerable for any opinion, representation of facts, or train of
reasoning that may appear in any of the following Papers. The

Authors of the several Essays are alone responsible for their

contents.

anZ y -
4 OU

PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

VOLUME XXVI

SECTION A.—MATHEMATICAL, ASTRONOMICAL,
AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE

DUBLIN
HODGES, FIGGIS, & CO., Lrp.
LONDON: WILLIAMS & NORGATE
1906-1907

Tue AcapEMy desire it to be understood that they are not
answerable for any opinion, representation of facts, or train of
reasoning that may appear in any of the following Papers. The
Authors of the several Essays are alone responsible for their

contents.

CONTENTS

SECTION A.—MATHEMATICAL, ASTRONOMICAL, AND
PHYSICAL SCIENCE

Hackett (Fenix Epwarp), M.A., B.Sc., M.R.I.A. :— PAGE
The Ionic Theories of Magneto-Optic Rotation, 1

Purser (Frepericr), M.A., F.T.C.D., M.R.I.A, :—

Some Applications of Bessel’s Functions to Physics, 25

ERRATA.

SEcTion A.

Page 27, line 3 from bottom, read

( _7(a- 1)
6 =i Gos 5, tan Siemrlee =" )r

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», 9l, bottom line, for <‘ | #( =) drdv’’, read “| #(7) var’’.
: 0 R 0 R

272
ise vead “e e s nl? ”

17 8
» 939, ,, 10 from top, read ‘‘ The law of distribution of charge will be

determined as in problem C”’.

. 4
,», 94, line 9 from top, for ‘* —. pile
me | ue

», 40, ,, 7 from top, for “a= TO ead yee mh dies
h h
4h? ‘

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», 44, line 3 from bottom, for ‘*4BynR' Yo(nR’)n2l” read “4 BynRYVo(nR)/n7l’’.

; a a
», 45, lines 2, 4, 6, 7 from top, for <‘‘ _" read ** = ae

e-3nB *
es

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e-3nB
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a a

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,, 62, ,, 10 from bottom, for “eS ie

a _2
g (amr)? read “ > Fy (ama) ®.

2 5 - :
64, ,, 4 from bottom, for ‘ 3 ” read ‘‘ 2’, making corresponding correction

throughout to end.

N.Y. Acanemy
OF SCIEN3=3

PROCEEDINGS

THE ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

PAPERS READ BEFORE THE ACADEMY.

fe
THE IONIC THEORIES OF MAGNETO-OPTIC ROTATION.

By FELIX E. HACKETT, M.A., B.Sc.,
University College, Dublin.

Read Aprit 23. Ordered for Publication Aprit 25. Published Jury 7, 1906.

Tue influence of a magnetic field on the transmission of plane-
polarised light has always been an important problem in any theory
that endeavoured to explain the interaction of ight and matter. The
earlier attempts to explain the phenomenon are all deficient in that
they have no real physical basis; but, with the rise of the theory of
electrons, great progress has been made, especially by Drude, who
has developed two possible explanations of the phenomenon on what
may be called the ionic hypothesis. These two explanations still hold
the field, as the existing experimental evidence, and in particular
the evidence obtained to test the formule for the rotation of the plane
of polarisation, has not enabled either to be decisively rejected. The
principal criterion to decide between them is this—that the hypothesis
which assigns the effect to rotating ions indicates that the magnetic
rotation should change sign when crossing an absorption-band, while
the second formula, based on the Hall-effect, leads to the conclusion
that the rotation should be of the same sign on each side of an
absorption-band. The latter condition is satisfied completely in the
ease of sodium vapour, which has been very completely investigated
by Wood.' Its behaviour has also been found to satisfy some other

1 Phil. Mag., Oct., 1905.
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SECT. A. ] A

2 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

deductions of this theory, which is accordingly taken to hold for this
particular case, and, possibly, for all gases and vapours. It is not
quite certain whether a change of sign in the magnetic rotation has
been actually observed ; in the case of praseodymium chloride, Wood!
under great difficulties, obtained indications of such a property.
The validity of the hypotheses in other cases has been usually tested
by their dispersion formule; but as these are equally satisfactory
within the range of the spectrum, no verdict can be given. Recently,
however, Ingersoll,? extending the range of examination of the rotatory
power of carbon disulphide into the infra-red, found that the Hall-effect
formula was beginning to give more satisfactory results.

While, therefore, there is a disposition to reject the hypothesis of
rotating ions as a general explanation of the phenomenon of magnetic
rotation, the experimental evidence on the subject is by no means
conclusive. It is proposed to show in this paper that :—

The hypothesis of molecular currents, in conjunction with the
average values for the magnetic rotation and index of refraction in
diamagnetic substances, leads to values for the radii of the assumed
lonic orbits and magnetic susceptibility altogether at variance with
the actual or possible values of these magnitudes, so that this hypothesis
must be rejected in the case of diamagnetic substances in favour of the
hypothesis of the Hall-effect. which leads to a normal value for the

ratio — of the electron, and so supports the view taken that the

Hall-effect is the true explanation of magnetic rotation in diamagnetic
substances.

The leading principle in the ‘‘ ionic theory ”’ is the explanation of
the interaction of light and matter by means of charged particles, or
ions, anchored to fixed positions in space, which can be disturbed from
their position of equilibrium in every direction, and with a restoring
force after displacement proportional to the displacement, but indepen-
dent of its direction. Each ion has its own period of vibration, and
will absorb vibrations of that period. From these assumptions formule
can be deduced, expressing the optical properties of matter in terms of
the period, mass, charge, and number of these ions per unit volume.
It is, evidently, the disturbance caused by the external magnetic field
in the motion of the ions, which is the origin of the magneto-optic
rotation. As stated above, Drude has considered this disturbance from

1 Phil. Mag., May, 1905. 2 Tbid., Jan., 1906.

enn

Hackxett—The Tonic Theories of Magneto-optic Rotation. 3

two possible points of view, and thus arrived at two distinct expressions
for the rotation. The hypothesis which assigns the effect entirely to
rotating ions will be examined first.

The Hypothesis of Rotating Ions.

The effect of a magnetic field on any substance may be expressed
by saying that the magnetic field induces molecular currents in the
case of diamagnetism, or changes the orientation of molecular currents
already existing in the case of paramagnetism. In terms of the ionic
theory, the molecular currents are due to ions describing closed circuits.
These circuits can all be taken, as will be shown later, to be in planes
perpendicular to the magnetic field. The current due to an ion of
charge e describing a circuit of area g in time 7 is e/r, and the circuit
acts as a magnet of moment ge/r. The intensity of magnetisation is
nge/t, where ” is the total number of such circuits per unit volume.
The sign of the moment of the circuit depends on the sign of the charge
and the direction of rotation. This can be expressed by making the
proper conventions connecting the signs of ¢ and r. The flux of
magnetic force 4 per unit area due to ail such circuits is given by
the equation

Ee iicney So:
8

Each circuit may be regarded as indeformable, and vibrates under the
action of light with the same velocity as the ion would possess if its
motion were due solely to the action of light. This motion of the
magnetic field due to the ions causes an additional term to be added
to the rate of change in the magnetic induction in the equations of the

electro-magnetic field. By solving these equations, Drude gets the

rotation for the simple case of plane-polarised light travelling in the

direction of the magnetic field. His expression for the rotation is

expressed below in electromagnetic units, and in a more convenient
notation for the purposes of the present paper. The manner in which
the transformation is effected is given in detail in a note at the end of
the paper. When the necessary changes have been made, it is found
the magnetic rotation can be expressed in the form '

9 2
é.= SF CVn, (1)

4 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

where
un
n* = if 3F D3 ae G
Lg
z Bet We
i =
-}

nm = the index of refraction,
_A, = wave-length of ionic vibration,
X = wave-length of light vibration,
e = velocity of light 3 x 10” cm. per sec.
q; = area of the ionic circuit,
tT, = period of the ionic circuit.

It may be permitted here to briefly recall the physical meaning
of the expressions for ~ and ¢’v. The summation of terms extends
over all the absorption-bands. The constant ¢, is characteristic of
the ions of the absorption-band, depending on their number, mass,.
eharge, and period. It is easily seen that it is equal to the contribu-
tion of the ions of the absorption-band to the dielectric constant by
making A= o. As is well known, there are a few substances for
which it is only necessary to take account of the ions in one ultra-
violet absorption-band. The rest of the absorption-bands lie so far
away on each side of the visible spectrum that their wave-length is

either very large or very small compared with the wave-length of
2
light: therefore ~ =0. For such terms in the ultra-violet

‘ 2

a = 0, and for the infra-red terms 2 =i
In this case
d AGe RB
n= 1+ 3¢6,+— X? = Le Spt gi+ SO 4+ oo, (2)
we
2 Yo Pi qi bE
alae a di? 7) d” (3)

Hacxetrt—TZhe Ionic Theories of Magneto-optic Rotation. 5

we get
27 27? D149 a b
5 = ya = e C+ 7 aT = nl oat ® a |: (4)
ayer
L ?

and from these transformed equations (2) and (3) of Drude, we have
the following equation, which is the basis of the present paper :—

Dry
: ‘i B, ; (5)

Drude tested this formula (4) for carbon disulphide and creosote,
and found very satisfactory agreement with experiment, both in the
case of the index of refraction and the magnetic rotation. To save
the trouble of reference, the tables he gives have been reproduced
below :—

Bisulphide of Carbon.

Ay = 0°212u yee = 0°0450
A= 2°516 = 0°0433
a’ = — 0°0136 b’ = + 0°1530
Spectr. Line. | nm cale. | n obs. | Beale. | 5 obs.
}
A 1°6115 1°6118
B 1°6179 1°6181 om ae
C 1°6210 1°6214 0-592 07592
D 1°6307 1°6308 0°762 0°760
E 1°6439 1°6438 0°999 1-000
F 1°6560 1°6555 1°232 1°234
G 1°6805 1:6800 1-704 1°704
A 1°7033 1°7032
Creosote.
A = 01845 py A’? = = 0°0340,
= 2:2948 B, = 0:0227,
a’ = -0°1799 b’ = + 0°3140.

6 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

n cale. nm Obs.

Spectr. Line. | 5 cale. 5 obs. |
| |
B 1-5319 15819 | 0°515 hi.
0 1°5386 15385 | 0573 | 0-573
D 1:5386 1°6383, |) 0745 1) 10-758
E 15454 15452 | 0990 | 1-000
F 1-5515 15515 | 1-296 1-241
a | reese | 15689 | 1-723 1-723
H 15744 | 1:5744 | 2-206 |

These constants given by Drude, if they are reduced to the proper
units, enable us to calculate g/t by means of equation (5). The
calculation possesses no special interest, and is presented separately

in Note B. The calculation shows that 4 is constant, which
follows from the fact that Verdet’s constant is independent of the
magnetic field. It is assumed in the foregoing that all the ions in
any one absorption-band describe circuits of the same area and period ;
since these ions are all alike in their properties, this must be true, as
they should behave similarly in the magnetic field.

From Drude’s constants we get for the ions in the ultra-violet
absorption-band of carbon disulphide and creosote the following values

q
f i need ‘_-—_
S| SF
= = 3°87 x 10° for carbon disulphide,
hy = 3 aro i
es 4:28 x 10™ for creosote.

It would thus seem that we could determine the area and size of
these ionic circuits for a given magnetic field when the value of 7 is
known, and thus get an estimate of the internal motions in the
molecule.

The Pervod of the Ionie Circuits.

In deducing this result, no conception has yet been formed regard-
ing the mass or period of the ion. It would seem natural at first to

Hackxerr— The Ionic Theories of Magneto-optic Rotation. 7

consider that the period is the same as the corresponding light vibra-
tion. This is not the case. Assuming that some mode of motion of
the ion persists, a close examination shows that it is only the
disturbance introduced into the path of the ion by the external
magnetic field which produces magneto-optic rotation, and that the
influence of this disturbance may be represented by the ion describing

an orbit with angular velocity + in a plane normal to # in the
MN

customary notation.

The average magnetic field for a time t, during which the ion
describes any path, is equal to the magnetic field due to a current of

strength, : in the path, whether this path be closed or not, provided

the ion is not moving with a speed approaching that of light. I an
ion of charge ¢ describe an orbit in the periodic time 7, the magnetic
field of the ion can be replaced by the field due to a current of strength
Bite

7 the same orbit, or by a magnetic shell of the same area and
strength, which can be resolved into three component magnetic shells
or current circuits, ¢,, 7), Jz, in the rectangular planes, each circuit
e
-
of the ion on these planes. The distortion of the path by the external
magnetic field, as Larmor showed, can be represented by a rotation of

having a current strength ~ where g,, g,, g. are the projected paths

; B ues Fae
the axes round the magnetic force with an angular velocity on’ while

the ion describes its original path with reference to the moving
axes. It simplifies matters to take the axis of z along the
direction of the external field, and, if this be done, it is seen that the
magnetic field of the ion is now equivalent to a rotation of the system
Gz) Vy) 7. With the axes, with an increased current in the circuit q,.
The rotation of the axes has a period very great in comparison with
| _ the natural periods of the ions, so that the actual path of an ion is but
| slightly altered during the period 7’; the average magnetic force

during this time will then be given by the same system as before,

a 4
the components 4q,, 4,, ¢g:, each with current strength 7 in the

instantaneous position of the rectangular planes. This is only a
first approximation, and the influence of the change in the path has
yet to be allowed for. The actual projections of the path during the

8 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

period are not now 9,, ¢,, 7., but slight distortions of them, which, in
the case of ¢,, g,, since the rotation is about z, are equivalent to
introducing small components at right angles, causing a rotation of
their magnetic field with the planes of reference, that is, g, and q,
may be conceived to rotate with these planes. The circuit g, also
rotates, but the distortion due to this cause does not change the direc-
tion of the magnetic force, but only its magnitude. The orbit g, is

‘ 2 ;
now described with angular velocity 7 - and the magnetic

¢
2m’
field due to this orbit can be replaced by that due to the circuit

e é . e é
g:, With current strength = and an additional current - where
T

th
= = as which may be considered as flowing in a separate circuit
denoted by 7,’.

To show that it is only the class of components gq,’ which need
be considered in general, it is necessary to examine the state of
things in the absence of an external magnetic field. Assuming that
the ions are ever in a state of motion, then their magnetic field can be
grouped into the three components which, summing over all the ions
of any given class present, give resultant sums along the axes (A,),
(A;), (hs). for the ions of class (s). These three components are
equal and must be zero, since otherwise, in the transmission of light
close to the period of these ions, the influence would be predominant,
and, according to theory, there should be a marked rotation of plane-
polarised light near an absorption-band.

As this is not so in general,

[1]. = [Ac], = (AJ. = 0.

In the presence of an external magnetic field, these components
cannot produce any rotation, since they are unchanged when resolved
along the rotating system of axes, and vanish by reason of the above
condition, This argument holds evidently only for diamagnetic
substances, which are not optically active; and, in passing, it may
be noted, suggests a possible mode of attacking this last property.

The magnetic rotation must then be caused by the fourth class of
components g.’, and we may ignore completely the presence of the
other components. The direction of rotation in q,’ is left-handed with
reference to the external field, and produces a magnetic force opposed
to it. These circuits are obviously the equivalent of the molecular

Hacxett—TZhe Ionic Theories of Magneto-optic Rotation. 9

currents invoked to explain diamagnetism, and, since the sum of the
normal components h,, h,, h, of each kind of ion is null, with
or without the external field, it is obvious, in calculating the suscepti-
bility, we may also ignore them. This result also follows, if we make
the assumption that the molecule is non-magnetic, and that all the
ions describing circuits are alike [7.¢., electrons], and consequently
under the influence of an external field the rotating axes for each
circuit have the same angular velocity. In this case the total sum of
the’ components along the three axes 3g,, S¢,, Sg. vanish when the
axes are fixed, and when they are rotating, since each molecule is
non-magnetic, and consequently the susceptibility depends on the
circuits qg.’.. In the expressions for magnetic rotation and magnetic
susceptibility, then we may ignore completely the normal components
of the magnetic field of the ion h,, h,, h,, and regard the circuit 4.’

with a current © as the only circuit present.
T,
The ion then may be considered as simply describing, in a periodic
time Tt = = the circuit ¢.’, which is the projection of its actual path

2m
on a plane normal to the magnetic field. We have then for the
magnetic susceptibility, if Jis the magnetic moment per unit volume
and q¢ the area of the ionic circuit,

2H
Ati Aa ST ti i Ll a
7 TS 4n > : 47> pane
_—— nge = held
b= 2 4am ee, (6)

A different mode of treatment of the question given by Langevin
for the magnetic susceptibility of diamagnetic substances leads to a
similar expression for i. The above course of reasoning shows that
the same simplified circuit, which occurs in the expression for 4, is
the only efficient cause in producing the rotation which may be due to
motion of the ions in orbits. Therefore we cannot take the period in

the expression ” asthe natural period ; but we must take the modified

tH
period of the simplified circuit, and substitute
_2n
,” eH

10 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

The Area of the Lonie Cireutts.

The ionic circuits can, on an average, be regarded as circular. We
have then g = zr’, where r is the radius of the circuit: and inserting
the value for the periodic time deduced above, we get

. eH

ar? —
4" im _e
rH Hox 4m

For the ions in the ultra-violet absorption-bands of carbon di-
sulphide and creosote, the following values were obtained for the
radii of the ionic circuits in cm.

q Sd ¢ | é |

x 108 tis |

TH * mn |
Carbon disulphide, 3°9 |’ 1:8 x 107 2°9 x 10-6
Creosote, . : a 4°3 | 1:8 x-107 3°1 x 10-6

The kinetic theory of gases gives us as an upper limit for the radius
of the sphere of influence the value 2 x 10 cm.

The values for the radius of the ionic orbits are then 100 times the
molecular diameter, and their area 10,000 times the molecular section.
This is of course an impossible result, and it can also be shown that
a result of similar character holds good in general for diamagnetic
substances, though satisfactory dispersion-formule have only been
obtained in a few cases.

It will now be shown that = is, in general, of the same order
UE

as has been already found for carbon disulphide and creosote.
We have from (1)

Dar?
6 = vr ONE,
a

Hacxert—The Tonic Theories of Magneto-optic Rotation. 11

C’v = > 5 aa mh
vie
We can evidently write c¢’v= Ln —1) where : is of the same
y i

q poe Ont
order of magnitude as the highest values of = occurring in ¢’v.

s
Writing =ord. as an abbreviation for ‘‘is of the same order of
magnitude as”’

9 2
6 = ord, <> - «(= 1) 2,
Expressing Verdet’s constant in radians where 4A,, is its value in
¥ minutes
Be
= 3457-75

4 = ord oe as a A,
tH =” Yarn (n? — 1) 8487-75
Taking the value of Verdet’s constant for yellow line of sodium,
we find that the average value of eo is about 1 x 10° for the
following substances :—methyl alcohol, ethyl alcohol, acetone, watery.
benzene, carbon disulphide, quartz, rock-salt, sylvine, borax, selenium,
blende, fluorspar, diamond.
For these substances then

5 = ord. 1:6 x 10~,

which is of the same order as the values got in the more precise
calculation for carbon disulphide and creosote. Using this approxi-
mation to estimate the radius of the ionic orbits, we have

OE oS.
tH 4m

r = ord. 1°8 x 107,

=3t-G.30 2G,

12 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

It is obvious that there is something unsound in the assumptions
which lead to such results. The explanation that the ions are not
describing circuits or are not influenced by the magnetic field in the
manner conceived would by no means be a satisfactory solution of the
question. It is more feasible to regard the discrepancy as arising in the
application of the theory to the experimental facts. If the ions were
describing circuits of molecular size, then Sr would have 1/10000 of
the values given above, and consequently such a system could not
produce more than 1/1000 of the observed rotation. Another way of
stating the case is that the magnetic field produced by the rotating
ions would require to be about 10,000 times greater than it is to
produce the actual rotation. This suggests that, if the magnetic
susceptibility were calculated by means of the data obtained above
concerning the ionic circuits, we should obtain also impossible values.
This additional form of the argument is given here, as it utilises

directly the calculated values of 2 | and thus avoids the question of
T

HH’
the periodic time.

Magnetic Rotation and Magnetic Susceptibility.

If we make the usual hypothesis that the ions in diamagnetic
substances on the application of magnetic force are set rotating in a
plane normal to the field in such a direction that the force due to the
ion, whether positive or negative, is opposed to the field, all terms in
the expression for the magnetic susceptibility can then be taken
positive. We have the following expression for 4 from (6)

where
nm = number of ions per unit volume,
e = charge on the ions.

It simplifies the argument if we refer these quantities to the
molecule and the molecular constants, writing

8, = number of ions of class (py) per molecule,
NV = number of molecules per molecular weight in grammes,
V = volume of the molecular weight in grammes,

Hackxett—The Ionic Theories of Magneto-optic Rotation. 13

N . .
= = number of ions per unit volume,
« = charge carried by the silver ion in electrolysis,
s = number of such charges carried by the ion,
e, = charge on the ion,

Ne = 9654 electro-magnetic units. Since this quantity of elec-
tricity deposits 108 gms. of silver or V atoms of silver
carrying charge e.

Making these substitutions, we get
pa capped, NS lle.
ee ey Oe ee a

Since all terms in / are positive, & is certainly greater than any
one term; and since s@ is greater than unity, provided we take the
proper molecular weight, we can immediately set down a lower limit
for the susceptibility in the case of carbon disulphide and creosote,
and in the more general case, the order of this lower limit, based
on deductions made from magnetic rotation, which will test the
correctness of the application of the hypothesis of rotating ions. The
actual values of the susceptibility are compared below with the lower
limit calculated: in this way we should have—

kV = 9654 °F! 5 9654 ©,
tH

These numbers show that the lowest values for the susceptibility
which could exist on the basis of the present theory of magnetic
rotation is certainly 10,000 times too great. There is no necessity
to consider whether the actual molecule is represented by the
chemical formula or a multiple of it, and so cause £, the number
of ions per chemical formula, to be less than unity. The difference is
far too great to be affected by considerations of this nature. Chemical

14 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

knowledge is not quite definite on the point; but it may be taken
that the multiple at the outside could not exceed 10, and in most
cases the chemical formula represents the molecule. The meaning of
this result is easily seen. Jn order that the magnetic field due to the
ions should produce the rotation observed, it should be 10,000 times
greater than it actually is; or the rotation which is produced by the
magnetic field of the vons must be at most of the order of one-thousandth
of what 78s actually observed.

The argument can then be summarised as follows :—

1, Diamagnetism and paramagnetism are explained on the hypo-
thesis of molecular currents caused by rotating ions.

2. The electromagnetic equations, expressing the influence of the
external magnetic field, and these ionic circuits on the transmission
of light through a substance, show that plane-polarised light would
suffer rotation due to the rotating ions. It is then tentatively
assumed that all the actual rotation is due to this cause.

3. The formula, showing how the rotation varies with wave-
length, agrees very satisfactorily with observation.

4. But it is shown in this paper that from this formula can be
deduced the value of an where /7is the external field, and q is the area,
and 7 the periodic time of the circuits in the ultra-violet absorption-
band of carbon disulphide and creosote. It is also shown that

must have a value of the same order im all diamagnetic substances

in general, from the known value for Verdet’s Constant of magnetic

rotation, and that this calculated value of = leads to absurd results.
T

5. It is shown that the periodic time of the ionic circuits must be
taken as 7 = 27 = as indicated by Langevin, which enables ¢ to
be evaluated. The resulting value of the ionic orbit is found to be
about 100 times the molecular radius.

6. It is also shown that this value of = would require the

Tr
magnetic susceptibility to be 10,000 times greater than its observed
value.

7. From the expression (6) given for the magnetic susceptibility, it
is easily seen that ions. describing orbits of molecular size, or even
much smaller than this, would completely account for the observed

Hackxerr—The Ionic Theories of Magneto-optic Rotation. 15

values of the susceptibility. The results stated in (5) and (6) then
show that such rotating ions could not produce one-thousandth part

of the observed rotation. The tentative assumption that all the

magnetic rotation in diamagnetic bodies is due to rotating ions must
therefore be dropped. It is well known that the theory did not
represent the facts for sodium vapour. But this investigation goes
still further; it is now seen that though the presence of rotating ions
does cause magnetic rotation, yet the hypothesis of rotating ions must be
abandoned as the cause of the effect in diamagnetic substances, since it
only explains a negligible part of the actual magnetic rotation.

The Hypothesis of the Hall-Effect.

It is more than probable then that the Hall-effect is the true
cause of the magnetic rotation; and it will now be shown that an
analysis similar to the above justifies this view.

In the second explanation of magnetic rotation, this phenomenon
is assigned to the distortion of the paths of the ions in the magnetic
field due to the electromagnetic force acting on a charged body at
right angles to its direction of motion in the magnetic field. This
distortion of the path is expressed in Maxwell’s equations, by
additional terms in the expression for the dielectric current. These
terms give the rotation of plane-polarised light travelling in the
direction of the field. The form given below is taken from Drude,
expressed in the uniform notation of this paper. The transformation
is given in note 4. The magnetic rotation is found to be—

Qnd20’ (7)
where
n* = 1 an po Po 2?
1-5
tg d, eA,

nm = index of refraction,
e = velocity of light in em.,
charge on the ion in electro-magnetic units,

iS
II

16 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

m = mass of the ion,
X, = wave-length of ionic vibration,
X = wave-length of ight vibration.

It was shown in the earlier part of this paper that, in many cases,
it was only necessary to take account of the ions in one ultra-violet

absorption-band. For the rest of the ultra-violet terms Ants 0, and

r?
for the inira-red terms = In this case
1 Rue 1 B,
a — _ pan Dai
n Cae x3 1+ 2+ Go oe ea
2
ed? dit He cbeees nugniin BD
ee ee mM, . Peace nbapS MOVs
5a) “3
2 , ry
B, = pir, . Le oie (8)

Hence we have

1 C” pee a!’ b’r2
enced a — 5 =_- _— ae ¥ [she he eee eee ae 9
oon Fane ea aR ee it ue ol 0)

haf ee, (10)
mm, - B
Drude gives the following tables, Sh show how the formula (9)
agrees with observation :—

BIsULPHIDE OF CARBON.

A? = 0:0450, a’ = + 01167, bY = + 0'2379.
el :
Spectr. Line. 6 calc: 5 obs.
| |
0 0-592 0592
D 0-760 0-760 |
E 0-996 1:000
F 1°225 1234
B 1-704 1°704

Hackxetr— The Lonic Theories of Magneto-optic Rotation. 17

CREOSOTE.
A,;? = 0:0840, a’ = — 0°070, b” = + 0°380.
| Spectr. Line. | 5 cale. | 5 obs.
C 0°573 0°573
D 0°744 0°758
E 0°987 1:000
F 1°222 1°241
G 1°723 1:723

From the constant 6” obtained by Drude, it is possible to calculate

D’. Therefore we can deduce the value of <: for the ions of the
1

ultra-violet absorption-band in carbon disulphide and creosote. The
calculation is given in Nore B. We get

“1 = +53 x 10? for carbon disulphide, ;
my,

2s -77 x 10’ for creosote.

The theory of the Hall-effect leads to a proper value of “ in the
m

case of carbon disulphide and creosote. It is possible by the same
kind of approximation as before to show that in general the value

of < deduced from the magnetic rotation on this theory is of the

proper order. The dispersion formula in general has to take account
of absorption-bands in the infra-red also; and if « be the dielectric
constant, we have the following relations :—

9 es > Ps | Bs gir,” ped." psA;3°

7a i J A
* 2 - Neu uy” RE = ‘ VAS

B, B, B;

A+ his aa oe ae ee
A-HrP A-A* NP+AZ

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SECT. A. | B

18 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

xk — A = 3d, of the infra-red terms besides By, By,

A - =e = -~ eS — 1 = S¢, of the ultra-violet terms other than B,,
A? GS A,"
$1 = Bry.

The values of ¢, for the different kinds of ions whose periods
he near the spectrum periods are almost identical. From a table
of dispersion constants the following averages were obtained. For
the ultra-violet periods ¢, = 1. For the infra-red periods @, = 2°38.
The values of 3¢, and Sq, ealculated from the table show that ¢
for the other ions present is small. The average value of $¢, and 3¢,
is about “4. For the present approximation, it 1s evident that the
values of ¢ for any absorption-band do not greatly differ. We have

n> — | = aa
= x
a d eA

We can therefore write
CAT.
v= —(n? _ 1)
Wr

where “— is of the same order of magnitude as the highest values
m

er*
m,
approximation the coefficients are practically equal. Using the same
notation as before and equating the expression for 6 to the usual
expression with Verdet’s constant expressed in minutes, we have

occurring in v, since it has been shown above that in this

vz (n? — 1) er Ae
= = re == : Hz,
oie. ee ee SES
er? 2.AN76.N ro
— = ord. ———_- * ———-

Hacxetrtr— The Ionic Theories of Magneto-optic Rotation. 19

Taking A,, for the yellow line of sodium, we find the average

is ‘038 for the same list of substances as before.

value of

Inserting the value of X for this wave-length, regarding A* and X? as
expressed in 10 cm.,

en? :
— = ord. 2°3 x 10°.
m

In order to find what approximation this gives for an ultra-violet
absorption-band, which in the case of carbon disulphide and creosote
is seen to be due to electrons, we take ‘019 the average value of the
wave-length of the ultra-violet absorption-bands in the table of
dispersion constants, as the value of A* in units of 10~* cm.

We get then

ng 28X10
"1-9 x 107

= = ord. 1°2 x 10".
m
The experimental values of - lie between 1°86 x 107 and ‘64 x 10’;

and the preceding calculation from magnetic rotation has given the
values :—

"53 x 10° | ‘Tick 2"

| e e

=3 order 10°

io es

These results show that the rotation observed has the magnitude
which would arise from the influence of the Hall-effect on the motion
of electrons. It is concluded, therefore, that the theory based on the
- Hall-effect supplies a satisfactory explanation of the phenomenon of
magneto-optic rotation, and must be accepted in preference to the
theory of rotating ions which only accounts for a negligible part of
the rotation, unless impossible values are assigned to the radii of the
ionic orbits.

20 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

“0S Note" a,
Transformation of Drude’s Expressions for Magnetic Rotation.!

Drude writes for the rotation on the hypothesis of rotating ions

= . 428.
207? [P J
where
a > — [p. 425. ]
i pee
a
0 Ge
/ = Bk » ‘
Cv > b, is [ p. 4 9) ]
ae
b 1 m@ Ts
Spy ist sv s me Le . AN
Tv 86 Are,” 7 Be
7, = period of ion in circuit q,
nm, = number of ions per unit volume,
2r7 = period of light-vibration,
2a7, = period of ionic vibration,
e = velocity of light,
e = dielectric constant.
Transformation
Write = wave-length of light-vibration.
A, = wave-length of ionic vibration,
n = index of refraction,
ds = 10s,
b, rit eee
mt ON

These substitutions give

Q7r?

ye Cun,

1 Drude’s ‘‘ Theory of Optics ’’—Longmans.

Hacxerr—TZhe Ionic Theories of Magneto-optic Lotation.

where |
n* = =-1+> ae
7 ja
ps 4s
2 = —— 2
ecv=c'= > wil
ay
as

git SM, [p. 438. ]
2n . .
where
/ 6,n, 6,
1-3)
e, = charge on ion in electrostatic units,
e, = charge on ion in electromagnetic units.
Transformation

Using the same notation as before, we have

m,O 6 ne
/ &”’ 8 3 s §
&, = 6f,,. ¢, = C6, A= == —-—
47re, é, we OM,
since
6, dre, mo 4nec . 4r.ee hj 6, AZ
ha ° ts Re a
é m, 4ne, m, m, 47°C" m, me
Therefore
V = TC py’ — TC ~ _ os eA, =_ > ee, 1 2 CAs
1 AZ \" m,.7e 1 AA n-
as ae
Hence

— 3H. 7zev' —~sH.y

¥ Qncde snc. 2

22 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Nore B.
we on
Calculation of 7, and a

The constants by which Drude calculates the magnetic rotation
are in arbitrary units. For magnetic rotation in general 6 = 4,,{Hdz,
where A,, is Verdet’s constant in minutes. It is necessary to find the
factor to reduce Drude’s constants to radians. Writing 6, for his
rotation for any wave-length, and 4,,, Verdet’s constant, for the same
length, and & for the number of minutes in one radian, we get the
following relations :—

/ MA
db) = ” E | Hypothesis of Rotating Ions. (4)

Uae ee
on 2 6”
1 = = E + Ae Hypothesis of Hall-effect. (9)
1 = A,,G.

nfo 1 ja Mee
8 — —s — -_—_——— — ns ——— Se ee
ak ig ous al ET hah r " Qe role

This expression gives the rotation in radians for any magnetic
field and any thickness of the substance in terms of the constants
given by Drude, and can be directly compared with either of the
general theoretical formule,

I.
\ : q
Calculation of ——-

The formula for the rotation deduced from the hypothesis of
rotating ions can be put in the following form (4) in the case of

certain substances
ne 2r’n TC A D =
7g |e eee

and the experimental constants give a general formula in the form

nila’ b’
| eee
ia EE ¥ a i

Hacxett—TZhe Ionic Theories of Magneto-optic Rotation. 23

Comparing
2a? D a b iT

¢ ka’

but from (5)

7, HE, ie Ir’ B, ka’

where #, is a constant in the dispersion formula

In practice #, and db’ are expressed in the units corresponding to
wave-lengths in 10cm. This does not change their ratio. A, in the
above expression is in em. Writing A,=w, x 10%, and assuming
that B, and 6’ are expressed in their ordinary form, the results can be
exhibited in tabular form thus :—

q w,"b’ 150

rH =B, rka
Bade | cas fares bb ett

Substance. Bi wy? b | D line. Pa =x 10°
Carbon Disulphide,. | *0433 | -045 158 "762 "042 3°9 |
Creosote, . . | *0277 | 0433 | -314 | -745 | -024 | 4:3 |

éy

k = 3487°75. a=— -

If.

Calculation of La
m

The formula for the rotation on the hypothesis of the Hall-effect
can be put in the following form (9) in the case of certain substances :

LEC D'x?
aL t oa

and the experimental constants give a general expression in the form

1 fa” 2 7

“

ae os ise ae 3.
, nka |r? * (1? - xe | i:

24 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

; D' Vs
Comparing Fae
D'
but from (10) “ = 5
1

B,
eae ar cy
Substituting ae — :
i m a 1

In practice 6” and B’ are expressed in the units corresponding to
wave-lengths 10-* cm. This does not change their ratio, and the
results can be exhibited in tabular form thus :—

k= 848775, a = ==

N.Y. Acavemy
OF OCIENCES
eae)

LL.

SOME APPLICATIONS OF BESSEL’S FUNCTIONS TO
PHYSICS.

By FREDERICK PURSER, M.A.

Read May 14. Ordered for Publication May 16. Published September 18, 1906.

Ir will be convenient at the outset to investigate certain expansions
connected with these functions.

Retaining the notation which I employed in my previous paper
(May, 1902), I employ further the symbol Y, to denote a second
integral of the differential equation

< + iM 1}ju=0
ba ade ): oa
satisfied by w= ,. Y, may then be defined by

Ye) = Hele)-[ sac

This may be written in the form
V,(2) = K(x) loge + eK,(2) + (2),

e being a certain numerical coefficient, (7) an even function of 2,

ViZ. dov* + ayz*+..., the coefficients of which are determined by
Te sha ood
Ag(x) + — Hi() = 0, P|

Substituting for A{(z) its value, we have the following determination
for the coefficients dz, a4, ds:
1 3 |
= a= 36 x 384 Dia sty
a convergent series.

aY(2) ,

Y,(z) being thus defined, Y,(x) is given by Y,(2)= t

dx
will be observed that for all positive values of x, Y,(«) is negative.

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC, A. } C

26 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Values of K(x), Ki(®), Yi(x), Yilw) for large values of &.

We have seen that, as x increases indefinitely, H,(#) approaches

er
ha 10 ae

er
Qrx We Qrx

Substituting in the first expression for Y,(#) we find

- ¥{x) == | REO SND ie
janet, 2 fe

—x

the limit

Dar e
AC

Assume now for ~ large

Ke) = 9

(Be

d(z), where 2= =

Qrx

Then ¢(z) satisfies the differential equation
a? d 1
¢ 2 — _— 9 —— — fi = 2
(s qt (22 — 2) ait “| (2) = 0;

whence writing $(%) = 1+ G2. .+ me", We have
(2m + 1)?
Ams. = S34
m+1 8 (m re 1) m)
giving rise to a semiconverging series.
Similarly assuming
(i
la
we find, putting $/(2)=1+42+---- bene";

(2m + 1)?
bins = = ema allt e
8 (m + 1)

Ve abe $/(2);

giving another semiconverging series.
We thus find the series for large values of x

| pe ORs
Kia) =7= =| tet : ne (1)

=: =
~ = s.

we |

PursEr—Applications of Bessel’s Functions to Physics. 27

whence differentiating, we have
1 x
K(x) =—— a F -
JaxJe |
Jare* ( oz
=a Leh

The y 1 2
men Gia Vie . (: _ Be i a 5)
It is to be noted that it is easily seen from the definitions that
= 1
K(x) ¥i(w) — Aix) ¥,() =—- (6)

I should add that I have, in the present paper, employed the
symbols o(w), 5(w) to denote cosh (w), sinh (w).
APPLICATIONS.
A.—Heat Conduction.
The terminal faces of a solid conducting-cylinder are maintained
at zero temperature, the curved surface at temperature V, to find the

temperature at any point of interior.
Let a be radius of cylinder, 26 its height; let the middle point
*of the axis of cylinder be taken as axis of z, and take

nm =(28 + 1) aa

s having all integer values, including 0; then the expression for v
will be

3 ei 2 1

eS >, Ho (nr) | Ho(na) (- 1) aaa

Let the cylinder be flat; then, for values of r corresponding to

. points near curved surface, we may employ approximately the formula

COS 22, (7)

for A,(z), where 2=nr.
jQ7rx
We may then write

4V a 1 47 |a
go Pay iy e-™-") cosme = —— _|=tan! U, (8)
T ’ 28 =? 1 wT f

e-7(4—r)

where

Tz
U =cos — tan 2tan-?

2b 2b’
a formula which gives the diminution of temperature as we proceed

into interior.
C2

28 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

B.—Electrical—Theory of Leyden Jar—Finite Dimensions.

Let R, R’ be the radii of the bounding surfaces of the cylindrical
sheath, the enclosed dielectric being air, V, V’ the corresponding
potentials. Then we may manifestly write for the potential v in
interior of sheath v=Alogr+, A,B being determined by
V=AlogR+B, V'=Alog h’+B. For this expression (1) satisfies
Laplace’s equation, (2) gives values V, V’ at curved surfaces,
(3) represents with sufficient closeness the variation of v over the
terminal faces.

We have then

wie V-—Yy' Be V log R’ we log #
low loo =.
fo) Re! 2 R
The total charge is then
2 ofA eae eee
4a . low 2 low
2p! PvP

where /= length of cylinder.

Charges on inner Surface of inner Tinforl, and outer Surface of outer
Tinforl.

Neglecting now thickness of sheath, suppose the hollow cylinder
of radius & prolonged to a very great length Z. We may then,
taking n= a7 and centre of cylinder as origin, s having all
odd values, represent potential in cylinder by v, = 3B,4,(nr) cos nz,
and in external space by = 3A’, Y,(nr) cosnz. Let potential at
bounding surface between cylinder and external space be represented
by V=(A,Y,(nr) + B’,do(mr)) cosnz, and let the unital charges on
the inner surface of inner, on outer surface of outer tinfoil, and on
surfaces of condenser be denoted by ¢, ¢, ¢, ¢, respectively, each of
these being q.p. uniform over its surface.

We have then the following data :

From 2—10) to s= i," Vem.

from
dV adv
BOO esd, a) ge ae i ee

Purser—Applications of Bessel’s Functions to Physics. 29

from d Vad

dvi dv ;
The general Fourier expression for — --—, for r=R, is
dr adr
then
9 l
i
Zr: Am (é@ — e,) COS nz cos nzdz,
0
or

Sir sin (nl
Fz (@ — @) Scosnz. ae = Sk,, cos nz.

Similarly, for + = 2’, we have from

2=0 to s=L, V=»,;

from
aV dv
= @) fj = 1 waite = mee f
‘ i tls OR ES) 4m (¢,—¢');
from
: aV advo
aV dw 8 sin nl
f . i — / ee ee if oe yf ; = My :
or 7 i ae ides (é, — e') x 3 cos nz ; Sk',, cos nz

We have then the following equations :—

A, Y(nk) + BK (aR) = BK (nB) ; (9)

A, Y,(nR) + BK (nk) = BK (nk) = ee (10)
A,V (nk') + 2,6 (nk) = A’, (nk); (11)
A, Y,(nR’) + B',E,(nR’) = A’, V\(nR’) + : ee (12)

From these we deduce by virtue of

Kak) ¥\(nR) ~ K(nR)¥(nR) =

En Vink!) - Ky(nk)) ¥(nB) =
L
B, =n, RY,(nkR) - n',R'Y,(nk’). (13)
Hence
4me, = X(nRn, Y,(nk) —-nkR'Y,(nkR’)n’',)K(nk) ; (14)

VF = 3(n,RY,(nR) — n',R’ Y(nR’))K,(nR). (15)

30 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

From these two equations, the initial charges ¢,, ¢, are determined
in terms of e, e’. Itis manifest, since e+e¢’=0, q.p., that ¢, &
are each small compared with the condenser-charge e.

Applying the same method, we may discuss the charge on an
indefinitely thin metallic cylinder of length 2/, electrified to potential
V.

Taking axes as before, and prolonging the cylinder as before
to indefinitely great length Z, we have for the potential inside
cylinder v= 3B, cosnzA,(ur), and outside wv’ = 34, cosnz Y,(nr).
Wie Shave: then*(1) trom i 2=0° to 2=2, w=%> dor =7 =m
(2) Again, for

pate o- O24, from 2=0 “tore?
e being unital charge, and =0 from z=/ to s=f. The
Fourier expression for = — = will then be
Sired COS NZ. vu ee k,, COS nz.
We have thus the system
A, Vint.) = Bho. (16)
A, Y,(nR) = B, Auk) + x 2 (17)
whence B,, =, VG (18)
whence V=36,K (nk) = R3n,K (nk) Y,(nR), (19)

an equation determining e.

C.—An indefinitely thin circular Plate, Radius R, has matter uniformly
distributed over it: to find its Potential.

Taking a cylinder of indefinite height / on the plate as base, we
have inside this cylinder

potential = a (/ — ) + 3B,K, (nr) cos (nz) = 2,

sw
where »=—

aiue having all positive odd values. Outside

potential = 3.4,,Y) (nr) cos nz =v’.

Purser—Applications of Bessel’s Functions to Physics. 31

Hence, since for r=, », = have the same values as v’, = we
-
have
2
B, Kn) +5 5 = A, Y,(nR), (20)
B,K\(nR) = A, ¥,(nR); (21)
whence
2 a :
B, == 7 Met. Y,(nh). (22)

Integrating the expression above for v(z=0) with respect to
r, we find, substituting for B,,

_ 2 R? Get.
2n| redr = alr R? — —— 27d etti(nk) Vi(nk) (23)
1 (a . - 1)
=- {= Sal? ~ 16alRSE,(nR) Yi(wR) =}. (24)
re a fa
Now itis known that & ag

Hence
1 - 2K4\(nR)Y¥ink
2

R 2
an | vordr = 8 cae
T

If now we write
s7R rR

‘an, . 2 oy = ™

the right-hand side assumes the form of the definite integral

* 1-2K,(2) ¥,(2)
SS) te

2a? |

Now p being the uniform density = a it is known that v at any

point 7 of the plate

ae Ae a
| AS) rdrv = 3h.

32 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Hence we have
5 al? = aR}. | Eee eek) EN) 5
0 uv
{ es. ee as (25)
0 v0

Again, equating the value of the potential given above for z= 0
with its value previously found, we have

2ak 2ah
—— B(5)= al — — si 7 bola) Ya(nk)
8 1 2a 1
— 2 al 2 = ce snk ¥i(nkt) A (nr).

Proceeding as before, we have then

2a EZ) = 20 =| (1 ~ #¥,(2)K. (5) )S

#(5) = te (1 ~ 2¥(«)K, ee (26)

an expression connecting the second elliptic complete function # with
Bessel’s functions.
If, in this formula, we put 7=0, we have

B= -2K( (27)

i again, 7= if,
i dx
1=| (-eK(@)K(e) S- (28)
We have also

yaw
dr

But also

7 Bad, (nr) Y,(nR) = - “ [ KF 7) Pleae,

whence

PursEer—Applications of Bessel’s Functions to Physics. 38

It is further apparent that, if we take a cylinder of height ¢
standing on the circular face, its radial attraction on any point r of
either terminal face will be proportional to

se) x() a

D.— Circular Disk at Constant Potential V in centre of Cylinder of
large dimensions at Potential Zero.

We now assume for the inner cylinder
Potential = a(/ — s) + 3B,K,(nr) cos nz + TBnJ(mr er”,
and for the outer

Potential = 3A4,,Y,(nr) cosnz, n= =

s having all odd values.
Expressing the terms in A,(vr) in aseries of J,(mr) terms, where

the m are given by J,(m&)=0; and expressing that Potential = V
for z=0, we find for m, different from 0,

ee
Bn = «ST (mR) Saat) “ m+ n2’ oY
while, corresponding to m=0, we have
1
V = al + 23,8,. aR nin): (31)

The Fourier expression for the a(/-— 2) term is then, as before,

ig IP

1
ay © ely; n? COS 22.

That for the £,, is easily seen by calculation of

l
| e™ cos nzdz,
0

2 m

to be 72m = — B,J, o(m) °° nz

n* +m

n'*

4
= — — COS nz > eenees SB, (n’
1 nm” + m*

= P, cos ns.

= m? +n’?

J4 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
We have then, in virtue of the equivalence of potential and its

differential coefficient with respect to r forthe inner and outer cylindrical
spaces, the system of equations

B,Kj(nR) +

Le , = AV (nk); (32)

Bh nh) =A YG). (33)

B, = - nRY,(nP) (, + 7) (34)

whence, substituting in (31), we find
V=al—- “43, Ei(nB) VY (nk) — — - 23,P,V,(nR) Kink). (35)

4
=

~2 gp this equation may be

In virtue of the relation 5& “-

written in the form

V= dx — 23,,P, Yn), (nk).

2a i Li DAG (2) 1a)
x

T Jo

: R
Now, independently, we know that in the present case V = =

Also we have seen that

[ 1 = 2K(#)¥i(2) 4g _ 4
2 ca

0 v

We thus find
8 a \ 32 — 37"

23.P,,¥i(nk)K,(nR) = & re feat

Now an approximate value for P, is found by substituting in it

2 5! ig is
for By - = WRY(n'h). This gives, writing nh=2, wh=72',

8a CT the ta ; ; dz'
Bata |, BOBO) aay

— G)
4 ap (oh

a, being arootof J,(x) =0;

23,,P, ¥i(nR)K(nR) =—= Spon, 0?,

Purser—Applications of Bessel’s Functions to Physics. 35

l
z'* + a,”

where

U = | K,(2') ¥,(2’) da’.

Hence we have the approximate relation

Zndin T? = = (82 - 31°),

E.— Circular Plate at Potential V fronts Indefinite Plane at distance €,
at Potential Zero.

The cylindrical space S is now divided into two parts—one below,
the other above, the circular plate.
In the former, the potential will be represented by

ad + SmBmd(mz)J,(mr) + &,B,H,(nr) sin nz ;
in the latter, by

. = : ze + SwBm» 8(me)J (mr) e-™ (2-9) + 3B, H(nr) sin nz ;

and for space S’, generally by
3A, Y,(nr) sin nz.

Proceeding as before, we have, expressing the constancy of
potential over circular plate,

sin né

Deas —B,K(nP — n? J,(mR)

+ Bnd(ml) = 0;

1
—— | — V.
a5... oP B,Ky(nR) sin ng + a€

The coefficient P,, of sin nz in the Fourierian expansion for the £,,
terms will then be

2 4 mens
= Sim ey: (mk) = - 7 sin ne 2m te +n) Amb)

l aes +n?
where

n’

Q= 5, By TK,(n' R) awe n'b.

+n’)

36 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

The equations asserting equivalence of the potential and its differential
coefficient to 7, for r= R, give now

2a
B,=—- RY (nkR)(P,+—5smnt), C=1-£, (35’)

nee’

whence

V =al — 43, K,(nkR) Vinh) apsin’ (nf) — 23,P,K,(nR) Y,(nR) sin nf.
(36")

In evaluating now P,,, by substituting as before in it, for B,’, we may

distinguish two cases :

I. €not< R.
Here, by the substitution of B,’, we shall have

16a ‘ a.

Re. Set, Sees seu abS a
P= it ae sin (7f) 3, ana : Q,
where

sin? 7’

Q= Sn! w+ ap? K,(n'R) Y,(n'R).

We may evidently, since 7 becomes indefinitely large, write / for
l—£; so we shall find

poe 16aR? singe = Ries
al’ 2 =
Ce [ : aint Ka") Y,(@') da! ;
“m — ; z'2 ri a,” ?

SP,KG(nk) Y,(nR) sin nf =

2
Ga, °

; : : a oo
If, now, in the integral O©,,, we write for sin’ 5 its mean

value = 4q.p., we shall have
Hie a ‘i EK, (z) Y\(2)| é
V = al -—43,,K,(nk) Y\(nR) yn (nf) —8 nn i da (a? + a,?)

= al — 4%, (nk) iy. (mB) = se jin’ ne 7” am a oT .
T

Now it is easily seen that

1
é(i=—£)=25 3 sin? (7).

Purser—Applications of Bessel’s Functions to Physics. 37

We may therefore write

ses m. ‘Ss \
p= iets eee a

— ae x — ea, (36)
eM :

§2—37"
Loz, *

the equation determining a.

II. ¢ small compared with R.

Here we may write ¢S=1, dm€=ml. We now find

8
SP, K,(nR) Y,(nR) sin nf = ae
i

a d ‘
ar | — sin? K(2) Y,(2) de.
0 m

SOQ n”,

3 2
This is seen to be of the order 7 \l8( 5) , and may therefore be.

R C
neglected in terms of a We may then, in this case, write with
great accuracy
2ak (” ; 1
V= | de. sin? (1 - 2K;(2) Y,2).

If we divide this into two ranges, +=0. to w=1, wx=1 to
2%=o, we may write in the former sin = ts, this part of V
v

becoming thus
“2. Fak
fee ge

[ (1 - 2A4(2) Yi(7)) dx = t=

In the second part we may write

TES 45
ay eS a)
a sla a)

and the second part is seen by reduction to assume the form

b+ ppt igs. et where acne
R? R? € 2?

>?
l

ae : eee
Pp, 7 being certain numerical coefficient

38 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Now i da 3 da 1 dix
cos2— = cos e— + cos x —.
s x j xL L

€
The former part is a finite number A; the latter = H’-loge, where
K' is another finite number, giving finally

ae af C+ MF loss +S). (37)

Charge on Disk.

ce 1 dV aV ;
The total charge on disk = malice - rdrdé .A qe? being the

i ee tare
discontinuity of — in passing trom the hither side of the disk to

the further. In considering this now, we may neglect the terms
in B, as involving no discontinuity. The B terms may also be
neglected as involving, when integrated, the factors J;(m&), which
vanish. There remain only the terms in a. Now for hither side

yi y
this term = a, for further - nage giving discontinuity — or

bia aie}
q.p. a. Hence total charge = = S being area of disk. Now,
retaining only principal terms in equation for V, we have V= ac;
total charge = Be ;

A4nl

Charge on Back of Disk.

Neglecting the P,, terms, we have

sin 2

Be — 20. (nie) ae 2aRY,(nR) sin ng

‘Now, total charge on back of disk

= Ss ; {| a’ aS) + be || rarao nB,,. K,(nr).cos ng
Qa if Qr

— adn i : sin 2n€. RE|(nR) Yi(nh).
T

PursER—A pplications of Bessel’s Functions to Physics. 39

The former term vanishes for J = ©; the latter
ak?

Oc ale gl ee
| 7s 2, 4i(2) Y,(«) de,

a charge negative and small of order ee
L

We can now solve the problem where two equal circular disks at
potentials V, V’ stand opposite one another at a distance small com-
pared with their common radius. For, consider two cases: (1) The

re | er aa’ cn
disks have equal potential 5 (V'+V). Here it is manifest that we

have a solution by supposing each disk equally charged, the
charge at front and back being the same for each plate, the
medial plane being one of zero normal attraction. The law of
distribution of charge will be that of an isolated circular plate at

: : AoE
constant potential. (2) One plate is at potential 5(V’-V); the

other at potential - : (V’-V). This is the case just investigated,

the medial plane being now of potential zero.
Combining these, we obtain the solution required.

F.— Condenser formed of Circular Disk at Potential V, midway between
Infinite Plates at Potential Zero.

Let h be the semi-interval between planes mi =a,, where

aia.) 3:0, -n = i, s having all positive odd values.
Then the potential being evidently symmetrical on either side of
the disk, we may assume for it the expression

}
a(h—s) + 3,B,H,(nr) cow ns + SA gJ,(mr) (arm) — ame
/

for interior of cylinder standing on circular base; while for exterior
space to o we have as usual 34, Y,(nr) cos nz.

On evaluation the Fourier term corresponding to 4,, becomes
2 m emh

Fa we Am COS NB
hm? +n? 8(mh)~ ™
2 2},2 2h2 \
2R 4 : a,,7h a,,7h gege eee
See m 1+ a ar TT 3 ar a a Ti i cr=nlr.
nh Rx + a, 7h? 4 Rr + a,,*h? ] yy? + 2

40 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Also

/ /

n a
Bhs _-— 23, By Ki (n'R) R(m? +n) I 23, By Ky (n'R) a 7 a’?

where «#’ =n'R.
The coefficient of B,,A\(7’R) in the Fourier term corresponding
to .A,, will then be

4 Re x!
— A056 = -
h’ (One ae a”) (age =F a’)
9
_ 2a Qn * an, . \ rae ark
| (Gn” Bi x*) (a7 =r x” ant = u> re =e 4u? i ) ; h

a5 oe oe
(a? — u?) (a? — a’*) (a,,2 + 2”)

uP
$e OSE
(a? — u?) (a — 2?) (a? +27) (0 — 2") (v — @) (0,2 +0)

Now, it is easily seen that

La x 1
= 1 ae Sem
ew 2-40 a
whence our coefficient assumes the form
Ble s u
—— yg’, COS nz — ~ —.
ji? m7 (ub — 2?) (u? — a’) (ay? + U*)
Now (see Transactions, R.1.A., May, 1902),
1 1
De it aa Ae ee
Om? tae» 2u
causing our coefficient to assume the form
4h?
~ == cos nz 2'S ues Ete Dad
h (u® — 2”) (a? — x!)
or for z= 0,
4R? u

i
h* uw (u> — 2) (u* — x”)

Purser—Applications of Bessel’s Functions to Physics. 41

If, now, we replace 2,2’ by their values
sak sak

— Soa 5 ~~ Oh
this becomes
3238’ 1 2

F — + Nae we _) Re 328°
a 1G. 8) EP 8) P-GP ee

In the case where s = 8’, we proceed thus :—
Putting «= 2’ we have
5 Ee ke
(a*,, + 2)? (0%, +0?) (2?-v)P (a, +27)? (2? - u*) (0? + u*)?
x u? ue?
~ (2) (2, +4)? * (a? w)*(a%, + 2%) (aw) (a, tary’

Our coefficient then becomes, in this case,

4k? 1 1 1 32
bas ac 5 te rai = (for Z= 0) Ba ay S€,..

Our Fourier equations, then, derived from making 2, =: have the

same values for the boundary 7 = & of internal and external cylin-
drical space, are

32 32
B,, Ky (nk) - ay BK (nk)se,, — =F By Hi(n'R)s'e,9 + ae. (38)

nh
= A, ¥) (nk),
B,K,(nR) = 4,Y,(nR); (89)
32
B, = = nRY, (nk) {BK (nk) se,, + 3, By Hi (n'R) 8’,
2a
ta nRhY (nk). (40)

Writing, now, B,A,(nR)=y,, multiplying by A,(nR), and
remembering that
2nRK, (nk) y1(nF) = 1,

we find the system of equations
4ah
ot (41)

16
Yn = =] (YnS€,, + n:Yn8 E51)

R.I.A, PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. A. | D

42 Proceedings of the Royul Irish Academy.

These equations can now be solved by approximation.
For this purpose, we must calculate the numbers e,,,, €,,.

Now, _3 be
CEC TOE |

» having all positive integer values.

Now,
a ee area i
* 4a)? — 4a) Fae ae
Now, ih eee! 1 ‘a 1
4u2 4\Qn-8 Qn +8)?
le =~ 5 p20 -2(7 Tey 2) |
a Vie es 173 reas
1 1 1 | ee | 1 I
cae ES SO Macleay fe esee eae
“e ALA ly i tor | 2(145 a (42)
Again,
1 1 1 1 i 1 1
es et ee gan eo aeels
5 = Ba +4" ey pe ata (145 3) oe)
Now,
16 256 64ah /e € 4ah
n= anntoan(ettet..)- (2 3)- =
16 4ah
= teers? Sle aan
16 4ah

Now, integrating our ma expression for » over disk, and
remembering that J,(a,,)=0, we ae

Vooh+ => 3 gi

4h Gof 1 a h
=ah+ ay (1 ie fF €j3 ae €i5 ee )\-5 c R e- 1), (44)
where 1 1
K= 1 + 33 + 53 eee 3
or, nearly,
4h 16ah?
V = ah + yi - — = (K- 1). (45)

Purser—A pplications of Bessel’s Functions to Physics. 43

Now, mT l 2 dah
on ae i ce =) eee
a 8ah
Ls eee an

2 9
V=ah- a Eee = {+16 (K-1))=0h-« 4 (46)

PR TR?
Le aa We
a=7( Poa)

Now, total charge on plate

the term in ¢ indicating the correction to be made for = not indefinitely

small, A further approximation will be found by taking note of the
terms €3, €;, - . - hitherto omitted. Their values will be found to be

1 ei
€5 = 360 °°"

This problem is discussed by Maxwell (‘“‘ Electricity and Magnetism,”
vol.i.). I have given the investigation above as proceeding on definite
lines of approximation, the degree of accuracy of which can be readily
estimated, which can hardly be said to be the case in his method.

G.—Theory of Guard-ring.

Two large circular plates front one another at a distance 4; the
upper has the ring between two circles R, R’ (where R’ - R= B is
small compared with 2) cutout. The upper plate is at potential zero,
the lower at potential V, to find the effect of the cutting out of the
groove on the charge on the upper circular disk. Taking z from the
upper plate, we have now three forms of potential :—

I. For cylinder on circular base, radius 2, extending from upper
to lower cylinder,

z a be PAT i
v=V 7+ SB’, (nr) sin nz.

44 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

II. For cylindrical sheath between planes,between radii &, FR’ :
Here
v= y= +at+B logr+dyr?+ yz (¢-2)+3 (Any, (mr) + B,Hynr) sinns,
where a, 8 are determined so that

a+ Blogr+4yr’
shall vanish for

(Pa Ie Vip = ls
This gives
a+ Blog Rk + 4yRh’ = 0,
a+ Blog &’+4yk?= 0,
whence
B i PL:
pit Yas VES oh:
B is io
R! sty yh = yB 6y vA

III. For external cylinder between plates extending from #’ to o :
v=) 7+ 3A’, Y,(nr) sin nz.
We have then, proceeding in the usual method, the following equations.
A’, Y((nkR’) = A, Y(nkR’) + B, K(k’) + 8y/n°Z, (47)
A, Y,(nR’) = A,Y,(nR’) + B,K(nk') + 4yB/n'l, (48)
A,Y,(nR) + B,K,(nR) + 8y/nl = BY,K(nR), (49)
A, Y,(nR)+ BK, (nk) -4yB/n'l = BE (nk). (50)

sir : i
n= —, 8 having all positive values.

It will be noted here that the y terms correspond only to s odd.
Hence for s even we shall have

Al = ee
We shall therefore understand now, throughout, s to be odd.
The former pair of equations now give
B, = — nh’ Y(nk')8y/n3l + 4Bynk'Y(nk’\n7l ; (51)
the latter pair
A, =nRK(nk)4yB/n7l + nRKy(nk) “ : (52)

Purser—Applications of Bessel’s Functions to Physics. 45

We have now to determine the constant y. For this purpose,

consider the value of ni in the sheath at upper plane close to

circumference of circle, radius R. Here evidently we have
de
dr

Similarly, close to circumference of circle, radius A’, we have
ao
dr

Hence, q. p.,
dv _ 0
dr

at point midway.

This givesfor r=34(R+ RP),
1
n(A,Y,(nr) + B,K,(nr)) + Ve + yl=0. (53)

Now, for this value of r,
-3"B
Your =e Y,(nk),
-5nB
K{nr)=6 7" K(nk’), q-p.
-3nB
A, Y,(nr) + B,K,(nr) =e (= ye + syB/lQ), (54)

where
P=nRK,(nR)Y,(nR) - nR' EK (nk) Vn’),

Q=nRK(nk)YV,(nR) + nkR'K,(nk’) Y,(n'h).
Remembering that
1
Ki(nkR)¥,(nR) — K,(nR)Y,(nk) = a7
we find Beet. i= — 1, -q.p.

Our equation to determine y then becomes

V, e72 e-gnB
ee) ee = > = 56
Daim nl alee ” an
In this expression, the term
nB
emB dyB, 1+ e 2
4y BS a -— log 7B

l-¢ 2

46 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

The term e-3nB

forms, in general, a rapidly converging series, so that we may write the
equation to determine y in the form
Ve

ra + dyl = 0, (56)

where A is a numerical coefficient.
; : dv ‘ :
Now, integrating ap Over circular disk, we have

1
Z

47 x charge = VS — + 27 RB’, (nk).

N
© SBI (nR) = 3.4, ¥,(nR) + B,K,(nR) - 4yB -

1 B
= 12yB.% —, q. p. = (12 x 8). (57)
The added charge is then

y being determined as above.

This will be correct, neglecting smalls of order I

This problem has also been discussed by Maxwell, the same general
remark applying as in previous.

H.—Application to fluid Irrotational Motion.

I. A thin cylindrical disk descends in a vertical cylinder of water,
to the axis of which its plane is perpendicular, the centre of the disk
lying on the axis. It is further supposed that the height of the
cylinder is large compared with the radius of the disk, and the breadth
large compared with the height.

: d
Let ¢ be the velocity-potential of the fluid, and let —
reckoned from the bottom of the cylinder, take the place of potential

, where 2 is

Purser—Applications of Bessel’s Functions to Physics. 47
in problem (E). Then from bottom of cylinder to disk, we have

oP as + 3 Bad (ms) J,(mr) £ 3B, K (nr) sin (ns),

dz
the m system being determined by /,;(m&) = 0, the 2 system by
_ Sr
ta

below the disk, and above
= a; : zt a Zinfae (mC) Jmre igi $5 >B,,K, (nr) sin Ne,

to which will correspond

d=. (5 ~ : r) + 3m ~ Bub (mz) J,(mr) - = BE (nr) cos nz,

below the disk, and above

bear Cr r)\- % = B,.3(mt) T(mr) 6°”

7m Se , B Kynr cos nz + C.

The constant C will be determined by the consideration that, at
the disk z= ¢, the lower and upper ¢ coincide, for r=.
This gives

.
a5 - Siri Be) + 3,

ms _
: r Bie =e. (58)

1
m

Referring to the value of £,, in potential problems, it is easily
seen that the last term on the left-hand side is, in general,
negligible, so that we may write

-ap5(- 5-4 #): (59)

Now, the kinetic energy 7 of the fluid
-4||(-7)as,

when Ad is the meee of d. This discontinuity now

“
= a LR ~ r*) + discontinuity of terms in J,(mr).

i-¢4

48 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

These, however, vanish on integration by virtue of

Ji(mk) = 0.
Hence, we find

rd Se a oe l ak!
Poa 7( sR-5 BR \-ap 5. (60)

Alsoq.p. V=al, whence we have € being small compared with /
7Rt 1
2T = Vi5 “BL 1,27 »

It is obvious that this formula will also give the kinetic energy of an
infinite fluid due to the motion of two thin circular disks which are
in motion towards one another with equal and opposite velocities, their
distance being supposed small compared with their common radius.

If we suppose € comparable with #, but both small compared
with /, the expression for the kinetic energy of the fluid will have
the same form in a, but a will now be given in terms of V by

V= el = eee) . sin? cu

R dz. (61)

T 0 ba

I.— Case where disk fits not quite tightly an enclosing cylinder radius R’,
Le. &' = R+ B, where B is supposed small compared with LR.

Let v, as before, be the potential corresponding to the vertical
velocity of any point in the fluid, Then the expression of v for the
internal cylindrical space above and below the disk will be the same as
before, but that for the outer cylindrical sheath #, 2’ will now be

v = A,Y(nr)+ BK (nr),

where now the conditions of motion give

for
r=’, 1e. A, Y,(nk’) + BK, (nk’) = 0,

so that vo’ may be written

re Ae [ ¥5(mn - Zar re (nr))

PursEr—A pplications of Bessel’s Functions to Physics. 49

Our boundary equations, then, between inner cylindrical space and

sheath, give
¥,(nR’)
= ( =
Ly A ( Fa(n) ar K(nk) |, (62

B,E(nR) + 2a — - :

B,E(nR) = A, ( cn) u ora E,(nR) ) (63)

» ( Fi(nk’)
B,,/nR = (P,, + 2a/In?) (oe Ki (nh) ¥i(nk) - (64)
Let us suppose, now, & not </; then we may write for Aj, Y, their
exponential values, viz.,

¥i(nk’) = -2nR' penal
K,(nR’) ~ Te (1 +

we
bo
FS)
i,
‘
es
oo
Se

coefficient of (P, + 2a//n”) = q. p.

7 -27B _ Ate ( 3 ey .
Jil: ) wer ae 5° ak)

Neglecting the term in P,, as before, we have

p= rR
=) ae 57 2B (1 eb
2a 46 / nk 8nR

i.e. B, is small compared with Bn

The kinetic energy of the fluid will then be given by

Vi wrk

pee ty,

i.e. as disk descends,

f(-f)

ual

50 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

J.— Cylinder maintained full with orifice in middle of bottom.

Let U denote the vertical velocity at the top of cylinder, w that at
orifice, both being supposed uniform over their respective sections.
Consider, now, two cylinders—one standing on the orifice and reaching
to the top of the vessel; the other extending from this to the external
boundary of the vessel. Then, if the breadth of the cylindrical vessel
be considerable compared with its height, we may write for the cylinder

on orifice
= B+ SB,K, (nr) cos na + Uz + is ao (2? — 37°),

where / is height of cylinder, ” = =, s having all integer values, and

% 1s measured from the top.
For the external cylinder, we may write

¢'= A,+hklogr+3A,Y,(nr) cosnz+ Uz-

Now, the Fourier expression for z is

a es |
B= 5 7g 008 NE,

s having odd value only. The Fourier for z* is
1?

ft
iD 3 oo 27 — cos nl cos n2,

(2? — 37°),

s having all values.

Also, r? may be regarded as the constant term in a Fourier’s
expansion.

We have, then, s differing from 0, and odd;

A, ¥, (nf) — —- a ae ay COs }
1 4(u—U) cosnl
Sia i a
NOES or ; .
for s even the term — Wi will vanish from both sides. In general,
therefore, we shall have
A, Y,(nk) = BA, (uk) + cos nl ; (65)
also, ALY Gh) = By GR), (66)
siving B= =a a cos nl Y,(nR), (67)
A,=-nk = cos nl K, (nk). (68)

Purser—Applications of Bessel’s Functions to Physics. 41

The constant terms corresponding to s = 0 give

2 =F + blog 2
= By + he
i.e. A, +klogR = B+ = ae
also Ree = ES:
We have, then,
p= = Rt
B, may be taken = 0, and then
et wis - = + R* log Re), (69)
4, + blogr=5,(Rlog > + 5-5): (70)

Kinetic Energy of Motion.
This will be-3U {{ VdS over upper surface, + 3 {f VdS over orifice.

The former of these, remembering that U may be neglected when com-
pared with uw, and & when compared with &’, becomes

uf? R\ R?- R R” HH” oR eR 4
Tas 3) +R (= log + ca )5

1
- (Rk — R) - > _A,RY,(nB) +3 = BRE WE

Simplifying, as above, and remembering that the two last terms

vanish, this becomes
1 oh U
ety oe I
a Uu i3 R Ts Tél Rk".

Or, since UR"? = uk’,
WER x?

a7 + Toy OX

R
= TU | u rar | rdr+ y- ~ BRE WR cos .
\v 0

52 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Hence, confining ourselves to principal term,

oe ee mu RR?
ene Sy = > ay
Equation of Pressure.
We have
1 di
pa- 50-24 Flt) + ge. Cit)

To determine F(t), consider centre of upper surface. For this point
evidently v= U. Also

dd 2 _du jrink 2 au
Hog aR Se: G
where
f rage 1 Yy, 2Rxr
- i a
i d
We have, then, II denoting hes pressure,
Ss 1% = | yh. + Fi), (72)

which determines /’(¢). oth the same equation to hold for a
distance below the orifice, small compared with the height 7 of the
cylinder, but large compared with radius of orifice, we have

10 [es = ap yee F(t) + gh,
whence
p(T) = EE yy) + gh,
where
Re he
he 2Re

This gives the equation determining the law of variation of «4
till steady motion is attained. When uh is small, y' - y is proportional

y
to | NOLS
0

for v- U?,

We may evidently write on the left-hand side

Purser—Applications of Bessel’s Functions to Physics. 53

Form of Issuing Jet, where steady motion has been attained.

Consider a distance & below orifice conditioned as above; and
let wu? denote the vertical velocity which may now be assumed
uniform over cross-section, the horizontal velocity also being

1
now negligible. We have, then, 5 (w?- U*)=g(h+). Also,

evidently UR"? =uk?=w'p?, where p is radius of cross-section
corresponding to . The equation to the curve of the jet is therefore

2 Jp4
pa oie g(h+), (78)
2p
or neglect U’,
Ge) u2R
2 (gh +f)

Stream Lines and Radial Velocity.
dp

The vertical velocity or rs at any point is given by
ae a8 —— &,, cosnl. Ky(nr) Y,(n) sin nz + ws +U

for points in internal cylinder, and by .

— = =n cos nl Y,(nr)Ky(nf) sin nz + u(t : 7

for external cylinder. Ifwe write s=/-€, the former of these
expressions may be written

an ca, Se, > Vi(a)da+u(l—- 6) +U,

Qu” ba rx
3 =i sin (5) ¥a( Sp ) Hila)az ~ ao
provided & be sufficiently small with respect to / to allow us to
substitute integrals for sums.
Similarly for internal cylinder
de

Qu Rh 7 u
les += cos nz, (nr) Yink - of"?

and the latter

54 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

for external cylinder

/ 12
ge =-3% i cos nz cos nl Y,(nr) Kink + — Us oe zak
2’ al >
giving in internal Pei the stream line ine
ze

—— 3 cos nd ~ 7 (nR) ry (nr) sin nz + x rs + v= C"

and in external ian
2uk

Ae 3 cos nl” rY, (wr) sin nz. HK, (nk) + ut ~ sree Be =.

Dt
If 7 be small, the trigonometric terms may be replaced for

internal cylinder by
Qu (” bx ru u ba
| sin (7) ¥ (a) dx — =| cos ahi ~ Yi(a) da,
and for external by

Qu tx pp Qu,” la
== sin 5 Y(F ) Hie) ae | cos ¥, (7 t) (v) de.

If, now, we refer back to the expressions previously found for
the attraction-components of a circular disk over which matter is
uniformly distributed, we shall find that these are proportional both
for internal and external cylinders to the corresponding velocity

components in the fluid-motion problem. In particular, we see that
the radial velocity-component at orifice

are 7 [e)-# (a)

which is infinite at ie as it should be from general theory of fluid
irrotational motion, and vanishes for r = 0,

APPLICATION TO THE THEORY OF ELASTICITY.

K.—Torsion of Right Cylinder.
Assume y
U = XnAndJi(mr) (me) :
v=- Sn di(mr)- 5 (mz) ;

w=0.

PursER—Applications of Bessel’s Functions to Physics.

Origin at Middle of Axis,

These expressions give dilatation 9=0, and satisfy the internal
an of elie To calculate the surface forces we have

d
ahha, a wy = 8 (me) (* J,(mr) - — =, (mr) \-- ay
si >> my A md (mr) o (me),
rs = = m yr 1
dv. dw
aor as Se X m = J\(mr) o (mz),
du Ww y-
dy + dx — r orem a (mz), a J,(mr) ae = Fi(mr))

The corresponding stresses are then an by
Si ie 2p LY SmA,NQS(ms) (where Q = - Jomr — = FAmr)).
N,'=— Ny, Ny = 9,
T, =- pe SA nJ (mr) o (mz) m ;

T= 'p z SA,,J,(mr) omem;

=.
7 3c(mz) A,0.

2
T= pe

It appears, then, that the components of stress on element-plane
perpendicular to 7 are given by

X = yA,,Q o(mz), Y=-23A4,Qa(mz), Z=0.

If, then, the m system be so chosen that Q=0, for r=a, it
appears that the curved surface is unacted on by stress.
Consider, now, the forces on terminal planes, These will be

>» z MAmd,(mr)d(ml), - > = mAJ(mr) d(ml), 0,

yielding torque SmrA,,J,(mr) § (ml), or shearing force
mA ,,J\(mr)s(ml),

Now, we can prove that any function of r can be expressed
between r=0, r=a, inaseriesofthe form SXa,,J,(mr), where

06 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

generally the m system are given by maJ.(ma)=kJ,(ma). For
let m,, mz, be two roots of the m system, then

@) if rJ\(m r)Ji(mar) dr = 0.
0
For

a 1 A
| rJ\(myr)Ji(mer) dr = — me (m,a)J\(m2a) + =| rd (mr\J (mer) dr
0 1 0
i m {
= — —ad,(mga\Ji(ma) + — | rJ(myr)T(mer) dr ;
Ms m

Gt 2) | rT (mr) T(r) dr = myaT (mya) T,(ma)
0

— m(a)Jo(m a) J,(mea),

where the right-hand side vanishes in virtue of the condition
satisfied by the m.

GRANT a 7
(2) | rTe(mr) dr = 5 T(ma) aC a J (ma).
For
| rJ (mr) dr = — = J\(ma)J,(ma) +| rJ (mr )dr
4 ma .

2 a
=— — J,(ma)J,(ma) + 5 J2(ma) + m| r?S (mr) J\(mr dr
0

Os a 1
= © Ima) + © Ima) I(ma)— — F(a),
which assumes form above in virtue of the relation
ma J,(ma) — kJ,(ma) = 0.
In the present case, it will be seen that £=2, so that
a a’
| rFe(mr) dr = © Te(ma),
0
Let, now, any function (7) be supposed to be expressed in the |
form |
P(1) = Gf + Bem/ inn),

where it will be noted that the first term corresponds to m=0, the |

PursEr—A pplications of Bessel’s Functions to Phusics. 57

first root of the equation of condition maJ,(ma)—kJ\(ma)=0. We
have, then, by what we have proved above,

| rp(r)J,(mr) dr,
for m different from 0,

=: “| r’J(mr) dr + Cm 5 (na).

Now, remembering that £=2, we have

a LY, a
| rdi(mr) = — ~ Ina) aaa rJ (ma)
0

2 1
= on dima) - me ovine) = 0.

We have, then,
2 1 e
Cm = | rp (r) J) (mr) dr,

a JS;*(ma) J 4
for m different from 0, while to determine ¢, we have

we
ty | rp (r) dr.
3 0
Let now, for (7), be taken the supposed given distribution
of shear over terminal; then we have to determine the

A,,, mA,,dml = 2/a*J;* (ma) | rp (7) J, (mr) dr.

In m=0 we have

MA mJ, (mr) = or = a\| ro (r) dr.
0

The corresponding terms in w, v will be

5 (mz) dm
eg as eae a

0 > or CoY%, — Cort.

Suppose, now, ¢,=0. This will be the case when the total torque

vanishes over each terminal, i.e., the forces over this terminal
constitute a system in rigid equilibrium.

In this case the stresses and strains depend for each term in m™,

R.I.A. PROC., VOL, XXVI., SEC. A. | EK

58 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

on the exponential o (mz), and therefore decrease very rapidly as we go
inward from the surface. This case, then, verifies St. Venant’s
general theory of equipollence.

We may now note specially three cases of distribution of shearing
force :—

I. The ¢,, vanish, A(r) being or.

We have now w= qy2, v=—¢,24, w= 0.
This constitutes Coulomb’s and St Venant’s solution for circular
cylinder under torsion.

II. The torque over terminal is confined to the neighbourhood
of the centre.
Here

R
pa a) eee 2
Cm a ad? (ma) | lie i) (r) dr,

0
RF being radius of activity of terminal torque.

III. The action of terminal torque is confined to rim. Here the

¢,, are proportional to
1

Ti (ma)’

hile the 3 S
while the m= = rp (r) dr = = x total torque.

L.—Consider, now, the case where the equation determining
the m is

J, (ma) = 0.
We have now for the curved surface ~ =v =w=0, i.e. the

surface is held. The surface tractions which must operate for
this purpose are

X = y3A,, (mz) = J, (ma) = — 23A,,3 (mz) = J,(ma), Zw

i.e. a tangential force mA,,6 (mz) . J, (ma).
To determine the 4, we have now to express the given law
of shearing force over terminal in a series
h (7) = Cor + Sem, (mr).
We have now as before

a a 2
| rJ, (mr) J,(m'r) = 0, | rd? (mr) dr = “ Ji? (ma).
Q

Purser— Applications of Bessel’s Functions to Physics. 59

Also | J, (mr) dr = - “ J, (ma).

We have then

2 , :

On = J,? (ma) - . @J, (ma) = | rh (7) J, (mr) dr.
= 0

Also
a as a“
| rb (r) dr = ¢) —- + 3m. — Jo” (ma),
‘ 4 m

from which two equations, ¢, ¢, are determined, and thence
A,,, Ao as before.

M.—Suppose, now, that the curved surface is acted on by
tangential forces, while the terminals are free.

We now assume

u = 3B, sin 2K, (nr) ‘,

x
v= 2 Bs sin nzK, (nr) y ,
“0,

where the origin is taken as before, the values of x being given by

str
n= OL )
s having all odd values, 7 denoting semi-height of cylinder.

The typical terms in the strains at the curved surface are then
given by

du dv PHN), dw
—_ Se eo ea j= 0
a dy BD. © sin nz, Ee ,
dv dw x
a. + aa nB,” Ky (na) Cos n2,
dw du y
a +o nB,, - KX, (na) cos na,

lal dy y-2
dy dx

Where a is radius of cylinder,

Q sin nz.

Q = he (* KK, (nr)), for r=a.

dr \r
E2

60 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

The corresponding stresses are then

N,=-N,= 2u “2 OB, sin nz, N=

NL x)
T,=-p i B,, KE, (na) cos na, if lise <2 B,, K, (na) cos nz,

Q sin ng.

y — a
fap

It appears, therefore, that there acts on each element plane of the
curved surface a force whose type is QaB, sinnz. The &, will be
known from the Fourier expression for actual force distribution.

A strip do in breadth of the curved surface bounded by two near
parallels to the axis is therefore acted on by a torque whose axis is
normal to cylinder

h h 1
= — sin nzdz = pont = cos nz dz
—h -h
si
= iOB,do = —2sinnh = wB,lo 72 sin B?
the total torque being therefore
2
2a3Qdo a pr, = sin — -
1 s° 2
For a corresponding internal strip, the torque
h? 1
= 2ro), do — nel sin sk
Sy 2°”
where O i oul (nr) }-
Or
If the thickness of the cylinder be small compared with its breadth,
we have i: [1 aan)
9 ,
K, (nr) = —= or | Jar, K,(nr) = eS
| 2a | nr

Be n 2 i
ee See ee
Jaa Jur T\ tr =)
It appears, therefore, that the torque diminishes rapidly from the
surface according to the exponential law.
This corresponds for a circular cylinder to the result given in
Tait and Thomson (Art. 728, p. 563, vol. 1., Ist ed.).

Purser— Applications of Bessel’s Functions to Physics. 61

Rotatory Motion of a Fluid, friction being taken account of.

In the problems we shall consider, we shall assume the cylindrical
rotation formule
“=-oy, v=wr, w=),

where , the angular rotation, is a function of the distance 7 from the
axis of the cylinder. The equations of motion are now

dp E 2 dp . 2
——— ew SO 2 eee ere 205
pu + pynu, a: pv + RV;

dv du , (dv du\ _, 2
P\ de” ay) YY \ de” dy ) 2hV's,

¢ being the molecular rotation.

Now, cra du ructey du du :
Wer ae “ede

dv dv dv ad ;

v= = sr Oy

di +U es ee dy = di
Hence, : ;
dv du _ ad dv d du dé

ta aan ay te ae
dé :
pa = B's,

an expression, we may observe, arrived at without assuming smallness
du

du . . ,
of such terms as u dz 12 comparison with a
xv

Assume, now, £=e¢™d/(r); then, writing _ =a’, we have

We ah dh os
par pt) o0)=0 or (r) = CJ,(ar).

We shall then obtain solutions of vortex problems by taking

t= 4,6" J, (ar),
the system of m being determined by the particular conditions of the
problem considered. The rotation w is connected with the molecular
rotation ¢ by

du
ot = ae * £ (ur)

62 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

I. A cylinder of water of indefinite length, originally at rest, is
set and maintained in motion by a constant spin © applied to the
bounding surface to determine the state of motion of the water at
any time ¢.

Assume €= 0 + 3¢,,67"Jo(a.f), smce, fort o,6= 9);
we have, then,

1
or = Or? + 23, — "rd, (amr) + P(E).
ain
We have now the following conditions :—

(1). For r=a, at all times o = (0.

This condition will be satisfied by cancelling the term /'(¢), and
taking the a», as the non-zero roots of J,(aa) = 0.

(2). For ¢=0, r between 0 anda, w=0. This gives
Or + 23 " T.(aur) =10
between these limits. Multiply by 7J/; (amr), and integrate between
0 and a; then
Q [ 7°J, (andr + 9 | PT gt 0,
Now, we have

| rT? (apr) dr = % To? (amt),
0

¢ 1
| PT) (amr) dr = — — WI, (ana) 5
0 Am

Q °
A TAR SAN

Cm =

whence, finally,
wor = Or + 2036S) (Aint) | Omty (amt).

As ¢ becomes large, we may retain only the first term of the =; also,

we have, q. p.,
2 OT
J) (anf) a AA Aan = aa

ae om \2 5
sles) iayi\2 2
wr = Or — 20e He a(rZ).

Purser — Applications of Bessel’s Functions to Physics. 68

If 7 be small compared with (a), we shall have

wr = Or (1 — e¢-”*),
1 5r\?
p \4da

II. Vortex Decay.

The vessel having arrived at a uniform state of spin, the containing
cylinder is stopped.
We have in this case
c= Lome J, (mn?) 5
¢ now vanishing for ¢ o, this gives

where

Cm
wor = 23, — et rt, (amr) + F(t).
Am

The conditions are now (1) for r=a at all times w=0. This
gives, as before, J, (a,0) = 0, F(¢) = 0. (2) For ¢ = 0, w=.
This gives

Or+ 23 Jy (Am),

Am
whence we have
eh oy sling
m J, (ma) ?
giving now
— Fat a 5 A
Co (a) ,
as before, when ¢ is large, we may reduce the & to its first term.

wr = — 203e

Decay of Energy.
The kinetic energy

A= pr | (wr)*rdr

2uam*t 1
ee a
a ee | rJ2 (a,2r) dr
CY A (a,,@) 0 )
2pam*e

l
2rpQO?AS —, ¢ p

2 >
m

64 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

a result which may be written in the following form. Let A,
be the original kinetic energy, 4,, = a,,a the roots of J, (#) = 0;
then

i 2 home
This verifies, for ¢=0. For we know that

1
eile aoe

Decay of Areal Motion.

Let A be the total moment of momentum at any time. We
find in the same way

III. Vortex spreading in Spaee.

Given initially, ow =Q from r=0 to r=a, and wr? = Od from
r=a to r=, while for all values of 7, w= 0 for 7 = &.
Consider, first, the expression for ¢. Write

- emt
¢ ¥ k - Dome p Sant).

Now, any function ¢ of »* may be expressed from r=0 to r= ina
series in J,(a,,7), the a,, being given by /J,(a,,f) = 0.

Now, putting ¢=0, we have €=k+ 3epJ (ar); and this
Q
is to represent a irom v=0 to'r=a, and 0 from ~7=@ -t0

y= R. We have then

RR? R QO a
Cm - J (Gale) = [ rod (amr dr = = rd (ann) dr,
Qa (ant)

Cm =

On LET (ay) ’

PursEr—Applications of Bessel’s Functions to Physics. 65

To determine we have, multiplying by 7, and integrating from
f=0Gto = Zt,
dey Oa? i Od

L
Pe ae BOW
To determine w, we have now

_ Hn“

Qa xr 1
+ 32¢m—Trd(amrje ?
Om

lee Se

wr?

This satisfies the condition w=0, for r=, more and more
closely as # increases indefinitely. In this case, which is that of
vortex spreading from a uniform value inside an internal cylinder
into infinite space, we may express the = terms as definite integrals.
Let zv=a,7, then q.p.

g nT Lf T\( Om)
Mannie. Ee
Qa [*% a eo wes
a x PRs a a
oS | —J\(x)e P : i (£2)
Y
0
a ry
or writing «= —,
a
ur?

ry \ . : .
= | their values in series
a

If we write for Ji(y), J (
Pf a Y l y y :
We) ie es aa

y ry af ry" ,'
ae ey ae 8a?

we shall obtain a series
my”

w= 034, | genta Po” dé.
0
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. A. |

66 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Now,

*~ uy? o py"
1 aes 1 pa 2m—-1 pa?
yrmtle Pp ai = = 2m Ye a ee OP dt
0 “ fp Jo
| a mt+1
eae ps ‘
: e

We have thus an expression for w proceeding by inverse powers of ¢.

Expression for €.

Similarly, we can express ¢, and find

an expression which can be similarly expanded with that for w.

nel

PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

VOLUME XXVI

SECTION B.—BIOLOGICAL, GEOLOGICAL, AND
CHEMICAL SCIENCE

DUBLIN
HODGES, FIGGIS, & CO., Lr.
LONDON: WILLIAMS & NORGATE
1906-1907

THE AcapvEmy desire it to be understood that they are not
answerable for any opinion, representation of facts, or train of
reasoning that may appear in any of the following Papers. The
Authors of the several Essays are alone responsible for their

contents.

CONTENTS

SECTION B—BIOLOGICAL, GEOLOGICAL, & CHEMICAL

SCIENCE,

Aprenry (Water Ernest), D.Sc., M.R.I.A. :—
The Composition of a Nitrogen Mineral Water at
St. Edmundsbury, Lucan, .
Cote (GRENVILLE ArtHur Jamgs), F.G.S., M.R.LA. :—
On Contact-phenomena at the junction of Lias and
Dolerite at Portrush. (Plate II.),

Eipritt (GrorGe), see Ryan (Hveu).

Hues (GeRTRUDE L.), see FEarnsipEs (WituraM G.).

Frarnsives (Wiuuiam G.), M.A., F.G.S., Gerrrupe L. Evuss,
D.Sc., anp Bernarp Smitu, M.A., F.G.S. :—
The Lower Paleozoic Rocks of Pomeroy. (Plates
VIL, Vie),
Kiir0r (James R.) :-—
The River Shannon: its present Course and Geological
History. (Plates I11.-VI.),

The Silurian and Metamorphic Rocks of Mayo and
West Galway. (Plates IX., X.),
Marspen (Rozert Sypney), D.Sc., M.B., F.R.S.E., M.R.LA. :—
Sixteen years’ Observations on the Relations between
Temperature and the spread of Scarlatina,
Measles, and Typhoid Fever,
Mertam (Abert Epwarp), B.Sc., M.R.LA. :—
Studies in Tuberculosis, I.-II., .

PAGE

129

iV Contents

PrarGEer (Rosert Luoyp), B.E., M.R.L.A. :— PAGE
Trish Topographical Botany: Supplement, 1901-1905, 18

Ryan (Hveu), D.Sc., F.R.U.I., M.R.LA., anp Grorex
Heritt, B.A. :—

Note on the Action of Emulsine on 8-Glycosides, . 53

ScuaRFF (Rospert Francis), Pu.D., B.Sc., M.R.1L.A. :—

On the former Occurrence of the African Wild Cat
(Felis ocreata, Gmel.) in Ireland. (Plate I.), 5 1

Smit (Bernarp), see Fearnsipes (Wiuiam G.).

Proc Rl. AcsAp.. VOL. SOX Vil SEcr. ia,

Jaws AND TEETH OF CATS

[| PLATE

PROCEEDINGS

THE ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

PAPERS READ BEFORE THE ACADEMY

ON THE FORMER OCCURRENCE OF THE AFRICAN WILD
CAT (FELIS OCREATA, GMEL.) IN IRELAND.

By R. F. SCHARFF, .M.R.1A.
(Pirate I.)

Read NovemBer 30. Ordered for publication Drcemper 4, 1905. Published
JANUARY 1, 1906.

Arter having made exhaustive inquiries in various parts of the
country as to the occurrence of the Wild Cat in Ireland, the late
William Thompson came to the conclusion (p. 11) that this species
could not be given with certainty as a native animal. Nevertheless,
he was informed that Wild Cats existed formerly in the West of
Ireland, and he refers to a large cat which was shot in a wild state
at Shane’s Castle park, County Antrim. This resembled Felis catus,
according to his description, in everything except the form of the tail.
It appeared to him to be a genuine hybrid between Felis catus and the
~ Domestic Cat (p. 12)—an admission on his part that he believed in
the existence of the true Wild Cat in this country.

A more interesting historical reference to the former existence of
the Wild Cat in Ireland occurs in an ancient Irish poem. The
manuscript poem, which is preserved in the Royal Irish Academy,
was translated by Mr. Eugene O’Curry, and published by Sir William
Wilde. The original is believed to be as old as the ninth century ;
and, as Sir William Wilde expresses it, it is certainly one of the most
remarkable productions of its kind known in any language in Europe
of the samedate. The history of the poem is as follows :—Fin mac
Cumhaill was made prisoner by Cormac mac Art, monarch of Erinn,
who consented to liberate him on the condition that a male and

R. I. A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SECT, B. ] A

2 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

female of every species of wild animal in Ireland were brought to
him at the ancient city of Tara. The result of Mac Cumhaill’s
mission, which was successfully accomplished, is described in this
poem. Reference is made to a large number of wild mammals and
birds. Among them are some names of which the meaning is still
unknown. But of particular interest is the allusion to two cats which
were brought from the cave of Cruachain (p. 191) as ransom to Cormac,
indicating that Wild Cats were then known to exist in Ireland.

At a meeting of the Dublin Natural History Society,! Mr. William
Andrews stated that he had every reason to believe that the true Wild °
Cat was at one time well known in the remote glens of the western
parts of Kerry. The Marten, he says, was called ‘Cat Cpann’
(‘Tree Cat’) in Kerry; the Wild Cat was known as ‘Cat Piadaé’
(‘Hunting Cat’).

In the year 1885 Mr. W. B. Tegetmeier exhibited a specimen of a
cat before the London Zoological Society which had been obtained in
Donegal, and which he referred to as the Wild Cat (Lelis catus).
Dr. E. Hamilton, however, showed subsequently (p. 211) that this
specimen was not Felis catus, the difference in the tail and feet being
very distinct. He concluded that it was the offspring of a Domestic Cat
which had run wild, and bred in the woods and mountains of the district.

As I shall demonstrate in the following pages, there can be no
doubt that a Wild Cat did exist in comparatively recent times in
Ireland. That Wild Cat was not identical with the European Wild
Cat (Felis catus), but with the African, which has not a bushy tail.
It is possible, therefore, that the cat obtained in Donegal may have
been one of the last survivors of the genuine Irish Wild Cat. Indeed,
Mr. F. C. Wallace assures me that he saw a magnificent Wild Cat near
Annaghdown, County Galway, about 1883, when rabbit-shooting. I
ventured to express a hope in the Lrish Naturalist that renewed efforts
might be made to ascertain whether some member of the Wild Cat tribe
may not be lingering on at present in the more remote regions of the
West. Mr. Robert Warren held out little hope that such efforts would
be successful; while my note elicited some interesting historical
evidences as to the former existence of the Wild Cat in Ireland
(cf. Jrish Naturalist, 1905) from Mr. W. F. de V. Kane and
Mr. R. Welch.

When Dr. Forsyth Major was engaged in examining the collection
of tossil Mammalia in our N oun Museum some years ago, he

'Ct, Proce. Dub. Nat, era i. ae 1:'p~ 69.

Scuoarrr— Former Occurrence of African Wild Cat in Ireland. 3

discovered an ulna from Ballinamintra cave which he pronounced
to be that of a Wild Cat. I subsequently sent a drawing of this
ulna to Professor Nehring, of Berlin, who possessed a very large
collection of skeletons of Wild Cats, and who was a recognised
authority on mammalian osteology. (We have to deplore his untimely
death, which occurred last winter.) All he could say was that the
ulna was not that of a Domestic Cat, nor could he identify it with the
_ ulne of the German Wild Cats in his collection. This left the matter
of the former occurrence of the Wild Cat in Ireland somewhat in
doubt, until I had an opportunity of examining the large collection
of cat remains brought to light through Mr. Ussher’s successful
explorations of the Edenvale and Newhall caves, near Ennis, in
County Clare.

In examining a number of jaw fragments of cats, and single teeth
from these caves, I was struck by the great size of some of the lower
carnassial, or molar teeth. Many of the individuals to whom these teeth
belonged were evidently Domestic Cats which had strayed and had died
in the caves in recent times, or whose remains had been dragged there
by other carnivores. A few, however, seemed to belong to another
species, and I determined to make a very careful comparison with all the
available material of cats in the Dublin Museum. I also transported
all the cave remains of cats to the British Museum, where, with
Mr. Oldfield Thomas’ kind permission, I was enabled to compare them
with the large series of cat skulls in his charge. I likewise compared
the Irish remains with those of the fossil English Wild Cat remains in
the British Museum, Dr. Smith Woodward kindly granting me every
possible facility for doing so. And, finally, I examined and measured
the well-known jaw of a Wild Cat which is in the charge of Professor
Sollas at Oxford, who gladly placed the specimen at my disposal. Lhave
thus had opportunities for handling and critically comparing a large
series of the teeth of various species of cats, both fossil and recent.

In the following table I give the measurements of the lengths of
the lower carnassial teeth of Domestic Cats. In order that there
should be no doubt as to the exact position where the length of the
tooth was measured, I herewith indicate the line of measurement by
a dotted line on a figure representing a carnassial tooth :—

Fic. 1.—Lower Carnassial Tooth of Cat, showing line of measurement.
A2

domestica).

Domestic Car (Lelis
|
Locatity AND Museum REGISTER. SCX. :
5
m.m.
_ f London, he Won | ae) LOOT 5
gq | White-park Bay, Co. Antrim, 275. 1902 | — | 6%
S @ | loc. (?) (probably Irish), .. 79. 1902 | —| 64
~ = | Dundrum, Co. Dublin, 3 7
5 Cappagh, Co. Waterford,.. 107. 1902 | — | 63
®.4 Shot wild at
pa ° 2
F4°= | Glenarm, Co. Antrim, Ne ee OP ss 65
= Shot wild at
A
( Greystones, Co. Wicklow i nee 3 8
4 ( Edenvale Caves, EK. A. 30. ——|—]| 7
5 . TO eo (iy ee ES Pr
a= Zl 99 E. C. 93. a —" ff
ie EK. C. 230. —— | — (cy
oq b) 2
2 i TG Bie ee a ee ee
aa | 38 E.C. 87. ——}— | 7
= 99 E. GC: 58. Sa ow Sie 63
A L oe) ry E. Oy 79. a aaa ay a ae if
{ Newhall Caves, N.H. 84.-——- | — | 8
55 N. H. 118. —— | —] 8
” N. H. 156. —— | — 8
; f IN ES 10232 lh aes
E |
® | s9 N.H. 93. ——|}—| 7
Ss | 5A N.H. 23. ——|—]| 74
= be N. Jal. 29% = ae eae ar 73
5 | %» N.H. 2.——|—| 7
S < bie) N. JéL, ie eal =— 7
Q | » N.H. 85. —— | —| 6}
5 Nee 102 ee
= Ley N. H. 102. —~ | — | 63
“ | Barntick Cave, C.B. 7.—|]—| 7
= | 29 RAPS Bcf) ee
59 C.B. 6.——|—| 7
4 OB iit) === es tae
” C.B. 2.——|—] 64
L 39 C. B. }. 7 — 6
Ag [ England, 127. £. bee PE Lia
aah) », (tailless var.) 45. 3.17.10. ——- | — | 62
Sap) os Bi AE ae Ce 6 pees eae Fe
sat» .. 46.3.18. 8. —— |] -—]| 8
a f
oe |
“a”! < Gower Caves, .. M. 95. —— 8
pe i oe NES OG:: ——j}—] 63

Carnassial
to canine.

m.m.

Carnassial to
Ist premolar.

wo
—
tole

Upper
Carnassial.

REMARKS.

Broken.

Whole skull
preserved.

Scuarre—Lormer Occurrence of African Wild Cat in Ireland. 5

The distances from the anterior edge of the socket which contained
the canine tooth to the posterior edge of the carnassial tooth-socket
were, likewise, measured; also from the latter to the anterior edge
of the first premolar socket, so as to be able to compare the size of the
carnassial with the length of the jaw. I also indicate the length of
the upper carnassial, measured along its outer edge. ‘The lower
carnassial tooth (Plate L., fig. 1) forms a particularly suitable object
for discriminating the various species of cats from one another ; and as
the lower jaws, and with them that tooth, are frequently preserved in
caves, we possess ample material for comparison, and are thus able to
trace the range of the species in past times. It will be noticed from
the above table that the length of the lower carnassial in the majority
of recent Domestic Cats varies between 64 and 74 mill. Only in two
cases did this tooth reach a length of 8 mill., and both of these were
probably old males. They were of powerful dimensions, the skull
being quite as large as an average-sized African Wild Cat. One of
these was shot as a Wild Cat in the County Wicklow. It may have
been a descendant of a true Wild Cat which had interbred with the
domestic form. In the Gower caves of England, and in Ireland in
the Newhall caves, similar specimens have been met with, which
seem to form a link between the Domestic Cat and the larger African
Wild Cat, in so far as the size of the lower carnassial is concerned.
~The Domestic Cat may possibly have developed quite independently
from the Wild Cat in Ireland, and these intermediate stages may be
the links connecting the later undoubted cave-remains of Domestic
Cats with the older ones of the genuine Wild Cat. I had only few
opportunities of examining the upper carnassial teeth in fossil cats,
as the skull is very rarely preserved in caves; but that tooth in the
two large recent cats referred to was equal in size to that of some of
the smaller Wild Cats. ‘he length of the upper carnassial in all the
cats, both wild and domestic, ranged from 10 to 124 mill. ; while the
lower carnassial, a smaller tooth, showed difference in size ranging
from 53 to 10 mill. The latter tooth has apparently been more affected
by domestication than the upper carnassial. In all Domestic Cats it
resembles in shape the same tooth in the Wild African or Caffer Cat
(Plate I., fig. 7), being broad and low as compared with that of the
European Wild Cat. {nm recent Domestic Cats the lower carnassial
generally varies between 63-8 mill. in length; but I have met
with the remains of an extremely small race of cats in the New-
hall and Barntick caves (Plate 1., fig. 1). heir limb bones are
about the size of the ordinary Marten (Justela martes), and the

6 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

lower carnassial, in one case, only measured 5$ mill. in length
GN. b02)2

When we compare the table containing the measurements of the
Domestic Cat with those of the African Wild Cat, which is often
referred to as the Caffer or Egyptian Cat, the most striking differences
in size will be noticed in the lower carnassial tooth, The cave
specimens of cats whose lower carnassial did not exceed 8 m.m.
in width were placed among the Domestic Cats. Specimens in
which the lower carnassial measured 8} m.m. and more in length,
must be looked upon as belonging to the larger African Cat. This
slight difference in size may seem a trivial character; but the jaws,
with a carnassial of 84 m.m. and more, were indistinguishable from
those of the African Wild Cat. The recent cat jaws from southern
Europe and Africa, which belong te our own Museum, and those which
I measured in the British Museum, were undoubtedly those of Wild
Cats of the same species. Ihave indicated the sizes of their carnassial
teeth and some other measurements, which seemed to me useful for
comparison.

The shape of the lower carnassial tooth in the genus felis is
subject to slight variation, and the jaws of the various species are
recognised principally by the size of that tooth. As the African
Wild Cat has a slightly larger lower carnassial than the Domestic
Cat, so in the Serval Cat, the Lynx, the Panther, and finally in
the Lion and Tiger, the same tooth assumes gradually larger and
larger dimensions, though retaining a very similar shape. From
the presence in the upper layers in some of the Irish caves of cat
remains with large lower carnassial teeth, we can conclude therefore
that a Wild Cat inhabited Ireland at the time when these deposits
were laid down. ‘That these are quite recent is proved by the fact
that they contain human remains as well as those of various species of
domestic animals.

It will be noticed from the table of measurements that I have
included two instances of the supposed fossil occurrence in England
of the European Wild Cat, under the heading of the African Cat.
These are two well-known jaws of cats, one of which is in the British
Museum, and the other in the Oxford Museum, both of them having
been discovered in Kent’s Hole, near Torquay. ‘The first of these,
which has been figured by Dr. Hamilton (p. 7, fig. 2), was referred
to as the Kuropean Wild Cat (Wedis catus) by Owen (p. 173) in his

1 This indicates tiie Dublin Museum register number of the specimen.

Arrican Wriip Car (felis ocreata, Gmel.).

Scuarrr—Former Occurrence of African Wild Cat in Ireland. 7

Recent in British Museum.

Fossil in Dublin Museum.

Museum.

Oxford Fossil in Rritish
Mus.

Locatity AND Musrum REGISTER.

: (Sardinia 7"
fai
= ra = 99
DS Dn
SAS
3 A= \Abyssinia,
Sardinia,

Deelfontein (Cape), ..

9) 9)

99 %9

S. Africa,

Andalusia,

Kent’s Hole, Torquay,
Gibraltar Caves,

> 99

Happaway Cave, England,

Kent’s Hole, Torquay,

: S$ | 24

we | ude las

yi lear it fol hand en Be

bor fl | | a

m.m, m.m. m.m

76.1901| ¢ | 9 | 30 | 202
278. 1902 | ¢ 8i | 291 | 20

649.1904 |— | 82| 32 | 213
SMe ds Tan aulejiec | Ba | one
2 6 ele ho ad ar a a: SS
2.12.1.3]| ¢ si | 35 | 293
2.12.12] ¢] 9 | 37 | 24
Shia sh jo git! sagt! ga
A ag al a iy al Be
Be. del 91 | 342 | 24
Poe 40) f. %..[ a‘) ga)
AS GP A Fh ek eto dks
EP Orso 4h Say fe «oy
N.H. 88|—]| 10 | 36 | 243
N.H.118|—| 982| 322 | 22
N.H. 88}—| 83] 323 | 922
ey OG Pee eye PCL) 91d
Moa eet |e vee | a8. | 99
je eh ae Pee (Sn eee
167.10] — | 83] 332] 22}
a oon (ee eer a |
rer Bese ogg gg
eee |) oo Te
al. Sa) W827 any!

Upper
carnassial.

fragment.

124 | Upper jaw
fragment.

Upper jaw

8 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

article on the Wild Cat. I have not been able to measure the jaw
from the brick earth of Gray’s, figured by him; but the Kent’s
Hole jaw is almost identical with one of the jaws from the Newhall
caves in Ireland, and agrees also with the jaw of the African Cat,
with which Owen had perhaps omitted to compare it. Especially
are these resemblances to be seen in the cave carnassial, which is
slightly different in shape in the European Wild Cat from that in the
African Wild Cat. I have no hesitation in also referring the Oxford
specimen to the African Cat. An upper jaw fragment in the British
Museum from Happaway cave, with a large upper carnassial, which
has not yet been described, was pointed out to me by Dr. Andrews.
He informs me that he had identified it as Felis caligata, which is
one of the numerous synonyms for the African Wild Cat. I have
therefore included it in the above table of measurements. I have
also included in this table of measurements the two mandibles from
the caves of Gibraltar, described and figured by Busk. In only one of
them is the lower carnassial complete. It is 9} m.m. long, and
therefore not quite as large as that in the splendid jaw from Newhall
caves (N.H. 88), of which I give an illustration (Plate I., fig. 2).

When studying these cave remains of cats, I had also an opportunity
of comparing them with the jaw of an Egyptian mummy cat in the
Dublin Museum (Plate I., fig. 4), which the larger Irish specimens
closely resemble. It is interesting to note that no traces of domesti-
cation were visible in the teeth of the mummy cat. This seemed to
me to indicate that this species led a semi-feral existence at the time
when it was the custom in Egypt to preserve and mummify cats.
But Dr. Forsyth Major kindly drew my attention to a work in the
British Museum Library, which gives the results of a most exhaustive
study on this interesting subject by Messrs. Lortet and Gaillard.
The authors critically examined fifty skulls of mummy cats, and
found that two series were distinguishable (p. 23), viz., a large form
exactly like the present African Wild Cat, and a smaller one resem-
bling our own Domestic Cat. The latter, however, was more closely
related to the wild species than is our Domestic Cat, and it was much
rarer than the larger form. Various stages of face reduction seem
to be traceable in these mummy cats.

Messrs. Lortet and Gaillard are of opinion that our Domestic Cat
has originated from two wild Egyptian species of cat. <A similar
opinion, at least, that our Domestic Cat is a descendant of the
African, rather than of the European Wild Cat, has already been
expressed by Prof. Nehring (p. 27), while Mr. Lydekker (p. 157)

Scuarrr—Former Occurrence of African Wild Cat in Ireland. 9

holds that the African Wild Cat was probably the chief ancestral
stock of our European domesticated breed.

The domesticated cats of Europe have probably, to some extent,
descended from the European Wild Cat (Lelis catus), which seems to
be an eastern species. The domestic cat of India has in a similar
way originated, in all probability, from one of the desert cats of
India, and certainly within recent times much intercrossing has
taken place, impairing the purity of the domestic race. As far as
Ireland is concerned the great majority of Domestic Cats that I
have examined seem to me to have had for their ancestor only
one species, viz., the African Wild Cat, from which it may have
developed, as I remarked before, quite independently in Ireland
itself,

To Prof. Boyd Dawkins and Mr. Sandford belongs the credit of
having first recognised the occurrence in British cave deposits of the
African Wild Cat. They first noticed the agreement of the jaw from
Bleadon cave (p. 182) with that of what they call Felis caffer, which
again is one of the numerous synonyms of Felis ocreata. They do not
seem to have made a special study of the lower carnassial, yet there
can be no doubt that the Bleadon jaw (plate 24, fig. 6) agrees in
every particular with the jaws of the Wild Cats I have described
from the Irish caves.

It seems to me that the jaw fragment of Felis sp. indet., described
by Prof. Depéret from the Pliocene deposits of south-western France,
belongs also to the African Wild Cat.

There still remains for me to make a few remarks on the
nomenclature adopted in this paper. In the final Report issued by
the Irish Cave Committee to the British Association in 1904, I had
used the term Felis caligata for the Irish Wild Cat, which I considered
of the same species as the larger African Wild Cat. But I have now
convinced myself that Felis caligata, Felis maniculata, Felis caffer, and
a good many other names which have been given to African Wild
Cats, are really synonyms. In the dilemma which of these names to
adopt for the Irish Wild Cat, Mr. Oldfield Thomas kindly drew
my attention to a paper by Mr. Schwann, in which he showed—
and Mr. Thomas quite agrees with his views—that the oldest
name is ¢lis ocreata. I have, therefore, adopted this name,
which was given to the African Wild Cat by Gmelin in 1791, and
so has priority over Jélis caligata and others, which are more
recent.

R. I. A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SECT. B.] B

10 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

European Witp Car (Felis catus).

: wae os 2
sa | Gf | es | sf
Locatiry AND Muszum RxGISTER. Sex.| Ba ae a6 aS
Hee Secireeyl ale
5 oe Ose a3 5
Oo ore
2 | m.m. | m.m. | m.m. | m.m.
Sed E Inverness, Scotland, .. 170. 1899 | g 8 33 214 104
Aas
S = 2 | Germany, wo, 822.1904 | <P Sh 36 oa) ena.
a
Fort William, Scotland, 99. 2. 9.1] —| 7 324 | 21 104
E Inverness, Scotland, 98. 12.2621 eg 4) 3 333 | 22 Teh
dS a e 4.- 126: Belo oN aie 31 20 10
Es
a . .. 4; 1905584) gal. g eA) BB Ale eaalea lon
® a P
p-= | Caucasus, 79. 11.15. 4. ——|— | 82 344 | 22 113
F | Baranza, Hungary, 2 Gree pe le 8 354 | 22 114
‘Manonville, France, OF, tela Seated 8 a5 21 113

It will be seen from this table of measurements of the jaws of the
European Wild Cat that, although the latter are of about the same
size as those of its African relative, the length of the lower carnassial
is often equal, and rarely exceeds that of the Domestic Cat. It is
almost always much shorter than that of the African Cat. But the
carnassial makes up in height for what it lacks in length, and it is,
as a rule, more square-shaped (Plate I., fig. 5) than that of the
African Cat. That it has not always this peculiar shape is probably
due to the fact that we frequently find in museums skulls which
belong to half-breeds. We do not know whether the African and
the European Wild Cats interbreed. They probably do so, and it
is certain that the latter frequently cross with Domestic Cats, so that
it is not easy to obtain pure-bred specimens now.

Among the specimens examined at the British Museum, the one
from the Caucasus had a lower carnassial of an intermediate type,
also those from Hungary and France. Nevertheless, they were
sufficiently distinct from African and cave types to be readily
separable.

ScHarFr—Former Occurrence of African Wild Cat in Ireland, 11

In conclusion, I should like to express my special thanks to the
British Association, and to the Royal Irish Academy Fauna and
Flora Committee, without whose help the valuable cave researches
could not have been undertaken, and also to Mr. R. J. Ussher, and to
the owners of the Edenvale, Newhall, and Barntick Caves, without
whose conspicuous services the cat remains would probably never
have been brought to light.

LITERATURE.
Busx, G.:
On the ancient or quaternary Fauna of Gibraltar. Trans, Zool.
Soc. London. Vol. 10. 1877.
Dawkins, W. B., and W. A. Sanprorp:
The British Pleistocene Mammalia. Part IV. 1872.

Depiret, C.:
Les animaux pliocénes du Roussillon. Mém. Soc. Géol. de

France (Paléontologie). 1890.

Hamitron, E.:
Remarks upon the supposed existence of the Wild Cat (felis

catus) in Ireland. Proc. Zool. Soc. London. 1885.
Hamitron, E.:
The Wild Cat of Europe. London, 1896.
Lorter and Gariiarp:
La faune momifiée de l’ancienne Egypte. Archives du Musée
d’hist. Nat. de Lyon. Vol. 8. 1903.
LypekkKeErR, R.:
A Handbook to the Carnivora. Part I. (Cats, &c.) London.
Neurine, A.:
Ueber die Sohlenfarbung am Hinterfuss von Felis catus, ete.
Sitzungsber. Gesellsch. Naturf. Freunde. Berlin, 1887.
Owen, RicHArD:
A History of British Fossil Mammals and Birds. London, 1846.
Scuarrr, R. F., R. Warren, W. F. de V. Kane, and R. Wetcu.
[ Notes on the Wild Cat in Iveland.] Irish Naturalist. Vol. 14.
(April, May, June, and July, 1905.)
Scuwann, H.:
On felis ocreata, better known as Felis caligata and its sub-
species. Ann. & Mag. Nat. Hist. (Ser. 7.) Vol. 138. 1904.

THompson, W.:
Natural History of Ireland. Vol. 4. 1856.

Wi1pE, W.:
Upon the unmanufactured animal remains belonging to the

Academy. Proc, R. Irish Academy. Vol. 7. 1860.

12 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
DESCRIPTION OF PLATE I.

Fig.

1. Right ramus of lower jaw of dwarf form of Domestic Cat (Felis

domestica), from Newhall caves. (N.H. 102.) x 1.

. Right ramus of lower jaw of African Wild Cat (Pelis ocreata), from

Newhall caves. (N. H. 88.). x 1.

. Right ramus of lower jaw of European Wild Cat (£elis catus), from

Inverness, Scotland. (107. 1899.) x1.

. Right ramus of lower jaw of African Mummy Cat (felis ocreata),

from Egyptian tomb. (72. 1901.) x 1.

. Lower carnassial tooth of European Wild Cat (Felis catus), from

Inverness, Scotland. x 2.

. Lower carnassial tooth of Domestic Cat (Z¥vlis domestica), from

Cappagh, Co. Waterford. x 2.

. Lower carnassial tooth of African Wild Cat (Felis ocreata), from

Newhall caves. ~ 2.

Norre.—The roots of the teeth in figs. 6 and 7 should be twisted

more to the right in order to give an exact idea of their position in
the alveoli.

et a

it.

IRISH TOPOGRAPHICAL BOTANY: SUPPLEMENT,
1901-1905.

By ROBERT LLOYD PRAEGER.

Read Fesruary 12. Ordered for Publication Ferruary 14.
Published Marcu 10, 1906.

In the year 1901, the Academy did me the honour of publishing my
‘‘Trish Topographical Botany,’ in which the distribution of
Flowering Plants and Higher Cryptogams in Ireland was shown
according to forty geographical divisions, consisting of counties or
portions of counties. The result of the publication of this work was
to give a marked stimulus to the working out of the range of plants
in this country; and our knowledge of botanical geography has
advanced rapidly during the succeeding years. Each year I have
summarized the results of the preceding season’s work in Zhe Lrish
Naturalist. Now that five seasons have elapsed, and a large body
of material has accumulated, publication of a summary of the results
obtained appears desirable.

To show the general advance in our knowledge of plant-distribu-
tion in Ireland, it may be mentioned at once that the net total
number of species and sub-species to be now added to the county
lists is 814. Also that, whereas at the end of 1900 the average
number of aggregate species recorded from the torty divisions was 628,
it has risen at the end of 1905 to 646. The additions now made
involve an extension of range for nearly every second plant out of
some 700 not set down in 1900 as already known to occur in all
forty divisions. This gain of course has not been equally shared by
all parts of the country. In one division—namely, East Mayo—no
addition to the flora has been recorded ; while at the other end of the
line, Limerick heads the list with 104 additional species and sub-
species. The areas in which the most marked progress has been
made may be briefly mentioned as under :—

1 and 2. Kerry, A number of valuable additions have resulted

from the continuance of Dr. Scully’s researches into the flora.
R. I. A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SECT. B. ] C

14 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

8. Liverick. Miss Knowles and Miss O’Brien, working at the
Barony of Shanid, have made great additions to the flora; Miss
Armitage and R. A. Phillips have also materially contributed.

9, Crane. R. A. Phillips and the writer are mainly responsible
for a long list of additions to the already large flora of this interesting
county.

19. Kitparr. Miss Knowles’ examination of the herbarium of
John Douglas, formed in 1864-5, has supplied an important con-
tribution to the flora of this county.

22. Mraru. W. A. Barnes and myself are chiefly responsible for
a good list of new plants.

23. WexsrmEatH. Miss Reynell is the principal contributor to the
list of plants new to this county.

27, 28, 29, 30, 32, 33, 38. Mayo W., Srico, Lerrrrm, Cavan,
Monacuan, FermanacH, Down. The flora of all these divisions has
been considerably added to, mainly through my own work.

The following list shows the number of species (aggregates)’
known to occur in each division in 1901, the additions made during
1901-1905, and the present total flora of each division. From this
we may see the advance made during the five years in our knowledge
of plant-distribution in Ireland, and the comparative richness, as at
present known, of the different parts of the country.

1. Kerry South, . 5680" 4° 26" =) 706
2. Kerry North, . , «00° °4E8 ot FSF ris6
o:. Cork West,’ % : Pine is) Bk a1
4. Cork Mid, : ; FE CTD Ca 3" Gio
on Conk: Bast; 9 : 2 TOO! ® 4h A ea 04
6. Waterford, . , 2 600" = * “O1 = 1669
¢. Tipperary &., . : SOE EE) e600
8. Limerick, : le 3 = Se 707
9s Clare, >% : + GL a he a
10. Tipperary N., BS ENS eee I ee aheitl
Ite Kikkonmyer) (sir oy) PY GLE Wok ate,
1200 Wierdtondaite slo, 89 BERG Aeaiae Bigg
13. Carlow, . ; Te a o88

1 That is, those species which are printed in heavy type in ‘‘ Irish Topo-
graphical Botany.’’ This gives a conservative estimate of the flora, the fruticose
Rubi, the hypnoid Saxifrages, and other groups of segregates ranking as one species
each group.

PrarceEr—Trish Topographical Botany : Supplement. 15

14. Queen’s County, . . §82 + = 590
15. Galway S.E., . ° s 662 4+ 2 = 664
16. Galway W., . : ge GOO. 69 = (674
17. Galway N.E., . ‘ - 608 + @¢ = 615
18. King’s County, . 554 + 9 = 6563
19. Kildare, . : : EP GL OOF = 688
20. Wicklow, ; Lo 20" 6) e726
aie Maile a ep cee IU PbO" 4 Fe | 766
22. Meath, . 3 : eee? 4 28 = 640
23. Westmeath, . ; ge ey re BY e699
24. Longford, : : » 644 + 5S = 549
25. Roscommon, . pe oda ot US! = od0
26. Mayo East, . : - 872 + O = 572
27. Mayo West, . ) . -601 + 40 = 641
28. Sligo, . : : . 606 + 48 = 654
29. Leitrim, . ; : c. Deo lf Vol v= “OE
30. Cavan, . ; ; . 0o00-+ 49 = 549
31s Louthy : : a Od Spe =) 'Ga0
32. Monaghan, . ; eT ene oes
33. Fermanagh, . . §940"'+ "S50 =" 590
34. Donegal E., . 684° 4° 92 = '656
35. Donegal W., . b e680" 4" OOP = 651
36. Tyrone, . é : . 669° +° 13° = 582
37. Armagh, ; oP? GOA T= eh OO tel) GO
38. Down, . ‘ ; . @42 + 27 = 769
39. Antrim, . . ee tT Be SY 8
40. Londonderry, . : e PEN UZ eee tT eS TOS

Twenty-four plants which, according to the standard adopted in
*‘ Trish Topographical Botany,’’ rank as species or sub-species, have
to be added to the Irish list. These are mostly critical forms, and
include seven Brambles and six Hawkweeds. Three of the additions,
namely, /twbus Letti, R. dunensis, and Hieracium Seullyi, are plants
newly described from Irish material, and not yet recorded elsewhere.
Another, Yumaria purpurea, is also a new plant, detected in both
‘Great Britain and Ireland. Glyceria festuceformis is a Mediterranean
grass as yet unknown in Great Britain; while G. /oucaudi and
Nitella mucronata, now recorded from Ireland, are of extreme rarity
in the sister island. Three aliens—Lepidium Draba, Valerianella
carinata, and Tragopogon porrifolius—are now admitted, as being fully
naturalized in more than one district; while another, Matricaria

16 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

occidentalis, is accorded sub-specific rank under I. discoidea. The full
list of species or sub-species added to the Irish flora is given below :—

PLANTS ADDED To THE Frora.

Fumaria purpurea.—A new species established by H. W. Pugsley,
and widely spread in Ireland.

*Zepidium Draba.—An alien from 8.E. Europe and W. Asia, now
established in several Irish counties.

Rubus Lettii.—A lately described plant, found in Down and Armagh
by H. W. Lett and C. H. Waddell.

R. criniger.—Found in Clare in 1905 by R. A. Phillips. Ranks
as new, the former Down record having been withdrawn
(see p. 18).

R. dunensis.—A lately described plant found abundantly in Down
and Armagh by Messrs. Rogers, Lett, and Waddell, and in
West Mayo by myself.

R. podophyllus.—One of Dr. Scully’s North Kerry brambles, 1903.

R. mutabilis—Found in North Kerry by G. C. Druce, and in Down
by W. M. Rogers, both in 1901.

R. longithyrsiger.—Found (in the var. botryeros) by myself in Fer-
managh, and by R. A. Phillips in East Cork.

R. serpens.—Found by R. W. Scully in North Kerry in 1903.

Rosa obtusifolia.—Found in Limerick by R. A. Phillips in 1905.

* Valerianella carinata.— Now admitted to the flora, as being fully
established in more than one locality.

*Matricarva ocerdentalis.—Admitted as deserving sub-specific rank ;
in J.7.B. included under JZ. discovdea.

Arctium Newbouldi.—Apparently a distinct Burdock. Not un-
common in Ireland.

ieracium pachyphyllum.— Raised to specific rank in Linton’s
‘‘ British Hieracia.” Previously included under H. vulgatum.

H. crebridens.— Recorded from Clare in Willams’ ‘ Prodromus
Flore Britannice.”’

H. rivale.—Found in the Mourne Mountains by myself in 1890, but
only recently named.

H. Orarium.—F¥ound in West Mayo by myself in 1900, and in
Antrim by 8. A. Stewart.

Hf. Seullyt.—A South Kerry plant of R. W. Scully’s, newly de-
scribed in Linton’s ‘ British Hieracia.”’

IT. stictophyllum.—Collected in West Donegal by F. J. Hanbury in
1891. Recently recorded in Linton’s ‘“ British Mieracia.”’

PraEGER—Trish Topographical Botany : Supplement. 17

*Tragopogon porrifolius.—Now admitted to the Irish list, as being
fully established in several districts.
Carex irrigua.—F ound by Miss Eleanor D’Arcy in Co. Antrim in 1901.
Glycerva festuceformis.—Found in Strangford Lough by myself in
1903, and now shown to be widely spread on the Co. Down
shores.
G. Koucavdi.—Found in Limerick by Miss Knowles in 1903.
Nitella mucronata.—Found in Monaghan in 1901 by Rev. G. R.
Bullock- Webster. .

Of equal or greater importance are certain extensions of the range
of well-marked species, of limited distribution in Great Britain,
or Ireland, or both, which have been recorded during the last five
years. Some of the more interesting of these are noted below.

Some Noraste Extensions oF RAnce.

Species. Range as formerly known. Extension.
Ranunculus scoticus, . W. Mayo, : . Fermanagh.
Cochlearia grenlandica, . W. Donegal, . . W. Mayo.
Teesdalia nudicaulis, . 'yrone, , . N. Kerry, Down.
Silene acaulis, . : . Ben Bulben, W. Mayo.

E. Donegal, Derry,

Rosa hibernica, ‘ . Antrim, Down, Limerick.
Derry,

Saxifraga decipiens, y~ Kerry ye. : . W. Mayo.

*Valerianella carinata, . Down, . . N. Kerry.

Epilobium angustifolium, Ulster, Leitrim, W. Mayo.
Wicklow,

Pyrola secunda, ; . Antrim, Derry, . Fermanagh.

Euphrasia Salisburgensis, W. coast, Limerick Sligo, Fermanagh.
to Leitrim,

Pinguicula grandiflora, . Cork and Kerry, . Clare.

Polygonum mite, . . Leitrim, Cavan, Limerick.
L. Neagh,

Spiranthes Romanzoffiana, W. Cork, Armagh, Antrim.

Derry,
Sisyrinchium angustifolium, Kerry, Cork, Clare, Sligo, Fermanagh.
Galway,
{Juncus tenuis, . : . Kerry, W. Cork, Down.
Clare,

Brachypodium pinnatum, Waterford, . . W. Cork.
Equisetum pratense, . Donegal, Antrim, . Fermanagh.

18 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

On the other side of the account, certain records have to be with-
drawn, but these are fortunately few in number. Of four names
withdrawn for the present from the Irish list, three are critical plants
apparently misnamed, and the fourth a critical plant which the latest
authority has treated as a variety only.

PLANTS WITHDRAWN,

Fumaria muralis, . . apparently all records are incorrect—P.,'
TVs, ne G2
Rubus gratus, ; . records transferred to &. Selmeri—W. M.

Rogers, 22 JV,, xsi2To-
R. pubescens - - is doubtful—W. M. Rogers, J. WV., x. 215.
Hieracium cerinthiforme ranks asa variety—W. R. Linton, ‘‘Account
of the British Hieracia.”’

In addition, Rubus eriniger was withdrawn, but simultaneously
restored by the finding of the true plant elsewhere (R. A. Phillips,
ET OXav, 0)

Some division-records have to be withdrawn likewise; but these
again lie mostly among’ the critical genera Fumaria, Rubus, and
Mieracium. They are listed below; and the reasons for their with-
drawal are added.

DIVISION-RECORBDS WITHDRAWN.

Divisions
Name.

withdrawn. Reason.
Fumaria Borei, . 17,18, 20, 24,
25, 28, 31,
F, confusa, . . Tao See Z. V., xiv. 156-1638.

F, officinalis, = altos
Arenaria trinervis, 27. Belongs to 26.—P., J. W., xiv. 28.
Rubus silvaticus, . 38. Doubtful—W. M. Rogers, /. W., x. 215.
R. rudis, ; . 88. Is R. radula echinitoides—W.M. Rogers,
ING kere LO
R. Chamemorus,. 40. Belongs to 36—Vowell and Barrington,
TN ., Xi. 317.
Valeriana Mikanii, 1,2. Is not true Mikanii—R. W. Scully,
TaN,, xin, (8.
Hieracium vulgatum, 2, Is H. orimeles—R. W. Scully, 2. X.,
xii, 79.

| As in “Irish Top. Bot.,’’ the initial P. stands for my own name.

Prarcer—Jrish Topographical Botany : Supplement. 19

Divisions

Name. ee an: Reason.
H. gothicum, . Ll. Is &. sparsifolium—k. W. Scully, Z. ¥.,
x1ity-3 9,
H. rigidum, 2. Is H. sparsifolium—R. W. Scully, Z. V.,
yt rR
H. boreale, . . 1. Is a new form (H. Seullyt)—R. W.

Scully, Z. W., xiii. 79, and Linton’s
‘¢ Brit. Hieracia.”’
Butomus umbellatus, 30. Belongs to 33—P., J. W., xii. 35.

In addition, Zeucojum estivum, withdrawn from Limerick, was
simultaneously restored (P., 7, V., xiv. 24); and a number of county-
records of Fumitories have been withdrawn and replaced (P., Z. W.,
xiv. 156-163).

The present appears a suitable place for noting any corrigenda iv
‘* Trish Topographical Botany ”’ which have been observed from time
to time. I am glad to say that they are not very many in number,
nor serious in their import.

CorRIGENDA IN ‘‘ [R1sH TopoGRAPHIcAL Borany.”’

p. xxx. line 2. Jor stablemoss-grown read stable moss-grown.

p. exxil. item 376. or u. read ut.

p- exlvi. line 2. For Charles read Cosslett.

p.cxlviii. Anemone nemorosa. Add 22.

p. clxvi. Carduus nutans. or 26 read 27.

p. elxxiy. Salsola Kali. Add 9, delete 10, delete 19, add 20.

p- 38 Thalictrum flavum. For 16 read 17.

p- 55 Lychnis diurna. Under 12 add rare.

p. 57 Cerastium semidecandrum, Under 40, for Coast read Coast
and Lough Neagh, and after last line add and Dr. Moore's
Lough Neagh station.

p- 82 Trigonella ornithopodioides. For 5 Cork E. read 4 Cork Mid.

p- 93 Prunus insititia. Under 33, for House read Lane.

p. 103 Rubus hirtifolius. or 10 read 16.

p- 127 Sedum Telephium. for 1 read 2.

p. 184 Carduus nutans. Jor 26 read 27.

p- 187 Cichorium Intybus. Under 8, withdraw Longpavement,
which belongs to Clare.

p- 195 Hieracium vulgatum. Under 14, for inaculeatum read

maculatum.
p. 196 Hieracium rigidum. Under 35, for glabrescens read
scabrescens,

20 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

p- 201 Tragopogon pratensis. ead Census 22—FEast 8, Centre 10,
West 4.

p- 241 Orobanche Hedere. Read Census 24—East 9, Centre 5,
West 10.

p. 247 Pinguicula lusitanica. Under 12, for NE. read NW.

p- 250 Mentha Sativa. Read Census 35—East 15, Centre 11,
West 9.

p. 262 Lamium hybridum. Under 38, add Not rare.

p. 270 Atriplex portulacoides. Read Census 11 + (1)—East 9,
Centre 0, West 2 + (1).

p. 288 Populus tremula. ead Census 33
Nyest 11:

p. 290, Elodea canadensis. ead Census 36—East 15, Centre 13,
West 8.

p- 291 Under 34, for Bundowes read Bundrowes.

p. 295 Epipactis latifolia. Read Census 30—KEast 12, Centre 9,
West 9.

p. 303 Habenaria bifolia. Read Census 37—East 12, Centre 13,
West 12.

p. 343 Carex Hudsonil. Read Census 33 + (1)—East 12 + (1),
Centre 12, West 9.

East 12, Centre 10,

I now proceed to list the new county records which have to be
added to the floras of the forty divisions as enumerated in ‘‘ Irish Topo-
graphical Botany.”’ The list has been arranged in two forms. First,
under the respective divisions; and in this first list, to each species is
appended a contracted reference to the place of publication of the record.
The vast majority of the new records have appeared in Zhe Lrish
Naturalist ; and where volume and page are quoted without a title
prefixed, this Journal is indicated. Other references have been con-
tracted as follows :—

B.E.C. = Report of the Botanical Exchange Club.

CES. = Irish Topographical Botany.

J.B. = Journal of Botany.

J.& K. = Johnson & Knowles: The Levinge Herbarium. Sev.
Proc. R. Dublin Soc. (N.S.), x. 122-132, 1908.

eC: = Journal of the Limerick Field Club.

W.B.E.C. = Report of the Watson Botanical Exchange Club.

An italic number (e.g. 874), quoted as a reference, refers to the
Bibliography in “ Irish Topographical Botany.”’ A few recognizable
contractions for the titles of books also occur.

PrAuGER—Trish Topographical Botany : Supplement. 21

NEW RECORDS, ARRANGED UNDER BOTANICAL DIVISIONS.

1. Kerry Sours.

Ranunculus Drouetii, xii. 113.
Fumaria purpurea, xii. 113.
Spergularia rubra, xi. 157,
Rubus suberectus, xiii. 128.
plicatus, xii. 128.
nitidus (opacus), xili. 128.
affinis (Briggsianus),xili. 129.
pulcherrimus, xii. 114.
villicaulis (Selmeri andrhom-
bifolius), xiii. 129.
argentatus (robustus), xlil.
129.
micans, xill. 129.
iricus, xii. 114.
pyramidalis, xii. 114.
mucronatus, xii. 129.

Rubus anglosaxonicus (tradu-
loides), xi. 130.
regillus, xii. 130.
Babingtonii, xii. 130.
Potentilla procumbens, xii. 114.
Callitriche obtusangula, xi. 114.
Galium erectum,' xii. 78.
Hieracium argenteum, xiii. 78.
orimeles, xii. 79.
Scullyi, Linton’s Brit. Hier.
sparsifohum, xii. 79.
*Cuscuta Trifolii, xi. 115.
Atriplex hastata, xi. 158.
Orchis latifolia, xi. 115.
{Juncus glaucus, xi. 158.
Bromus racemosus, xii. 116.

2. Kerry Norra.

Ranunculus heterophyllus, xii.
bis.
Fumaria purpurea, xii. 113.
Cochlearia danica, xii. 114.
*Diplotaxis muralis, xii. 114.
Teesdalia nudicaulis, xi. 157.
Cerastium arvense, x1. 157.
Rubus plicatus, x. 229.
cariensis, xiii. 129.
pulcherrimus, x. 229.
argentatus, x11. 114.
micans, xiii. 129.
iricus, xiii. 129.

Rubus pyramidalis, xiii. 129.
anglosaxonicus, xii. 1380.
regillus, xi. 130.
podophyllus, xii. 130.
mutabilis, x. 229.
fuscus, xill. 130.
serpens, xill. 130.
corylifolius (sublustris), xii.

130.
Potentilla procumbens, xi. 157.
(Enanthe Phellandrium, xiii.
78.
Galium erectum, xi. 78.

1 Dr. Scully believes this plant to be native in Kerry and West Cork (Jrish

Naturalist, xiii. 78.)

22 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

tGalium Mollugo, x1. 157. Orchis latifolia, xu. 115.
*Valerianella carinata, xii. 114, Ophrys apifera, xu. 115.
Xlil. 4. Potamogeton plantagineus, xii.
*Matricaria occidentalis, xil. 114. 115.
*Petasites fragrans, x1. 157. *Bromus erectus, x1. 159.
*Crepis biennis, xil. 115. * secalinus, xii. 116.
Hieracium orimeles, xiii. 79. racemosus, x1. 159,
sparsifolium, xili. 79. * commutatus, xu. 116.
Centunculus minimus, xii. 115. Equisetum trachyodon, xii. 116.
Lithospermum officinale, xi. 158. Pilularia globulifera, xi. 159.
Atriplex hastata, xi. 158. Chara polyacantha, xu. 116.
*Salix pentandra, xiii. 80. Tolypella glomerata, xii. 116.

3. Cork West.

Rubus pulcherrimus, xii. 30. Arctium Newbouldu, /. 7. B.,,
argentatus, x11. 30. and xii. 3.
Questierii, xii. 30. tCuscuta Trifolii, xii. 38.
Rosa glauca (subcristata), xv. Orchis latifolia, xii. 35.
. 58. Brachypodium pinnatum, xi.
{Anthemis Cotula, xii. 32. 219:
4, Cork Mip.
Ranunculus heterophyllus, xy. *Macricaria discoidea, xiv. 2238.
56. Hieracium Schmidtii, xv. 59.

Fumaria Borei, xii. 137.

5. Corx Hast.

Fumaria Borei, xiii. 34. *Matricaria discoidea, xiv. 223.
Rubus villicaulis (Selmeri), tCrepis taraxacifolia, xii. 33.
my. 6. *Tragopogon porrifolius, 599,
mutabilis, xiv. 7. xl. 4.
longithyrsiger (botryeros), Atriplex littoralis, xiii. 118.
XV. Ls

6. WATERFORD.

Fumaria Borei, xiii. 11. Lamium intermedium, xii. 34.
Primula officinalis, xi. 5. Phleum pratense, xii. 35.
Pinguicula vulgaris, xii. 34. Ophioglossum vulgatum, xii. 36..

Prarcer—ZJrish Topographical Botany : Supplement. 28

7. Treperary Sovuru.

Ranunculus sceleratus, xii. 29.
Fumaria Boreei, xiii. 34.
Brassica alba, xii. 29.
Cerastium tetrandrum, xi. 29.

*Hypericum hircinum, xv. 57.
Erodium cicutarium, xii. 30.
Rubus corylifolius (cyclophyl-

lus), xii. 31.

Myriophyllum spicatum, xii.
31.

Bidens tripartita, xv. 58.

Arctium minus, xii. 32.

Samolus Valerandi, xii. 33.

Lemna polyrhiza, xv. 60.

Potamogeton heterophyllus, xii.
Oo.

8. LIMERICK.

Ranunculus circinatus, xv. 55.
trichophyllus, xii. 209.
Baudotii (confusus), xv. 56.
Auricomus, xiv. 27.

}Papaver Argemone, xii. 29.
Fumaria capreolata, xii. 252.

Boreei, xiii. 11.
*Hesperis matronalis, J. & K.
*Erysimum cheiranthoides, xv.
56.

*Lepidium Draba, xii. 252, xiii. 4.

Viola palustris, xii. 249.
Reichenbachiana, xii. 249,
canina, xv. 56.

Polygala vulgaris, xii. 29.

Lychnis diurna, xii. 29.

t Githago, xiii. 251.
Stellaria palustris, xv. 57.
Arenaria trinervia, xv. 57,
Montia fontana, xii. 249.

tAlthea officinalis, xii. 30.
Linum angustifolium, xii. 30.
Geranium pyrenaicum, L.F.C.,

ill. 34,

Rhamnuus catharticus, xii. 209.

Trifolium medium, xii, 30.

Rubus plicatus, xiv. 6.
rhamnifolius, xiv. 6.
pulcherrimus, J. B., xl. 81.

Rubus villicaulis (Selmeri), xii,

30.

argentatus, xiv. 6.

myricé (hesperius), xiv. 6.

macrophyllus (Schlechten-
dalit);, J...6,,, xl. 81.

Questierli, J, B., xl. 81.

micans, J.B., xl. 81.

hirtifolius (danicus), J. B.,
pd It 8

anglosaxonicus, Xiy. 7.

infestus, x11. 250.

radula(anglicanus), J. B., xl.
SL.

scaber, xXly. 7.

ceesius, Xiv. 7.

Rosa involuta, xv. 57.
hibernica, xii. 250.
obtusifolia (frondosa), xv. 57,

Callitriche stagnalis, xii. 31.
obtusangula, xv. 58.

Peplis Portula, xii. 31.

*Carum Carui, L. F.C., iii. 34.
Anthriscus vulgaris, xi. 209.
Galium boreale, xii. 251.

t erectum, xii. 32.

t Mollugo, xu. 209, 251.

*TInula Helenium, xii. 32.

*Matricaria discoidea, xi. 253.

24 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

*Matricaria occidentalis, xii. 251.
Hieracium murorum, xiii. 13.
*lT'ragopogon porrifolius, x. 250,

xii. 4.
Vaccinium Oxycoccus, xii. 209.
Myosotis repens, x1. 250.
collina, xu. 33.
*Solanum nigrum, xii. 252.
Veronica hederefolia, xii. 209,
250.
montana, xi. 33.
*Orobanche minor, xil. 252.
+Mentha rotundifolia, xii. 34.
Scutellaria galericulata, xv. 60.
Stachys arvensis, x11. 250.
Lamium amplexicaule, xv. 60.
tBallota nigra, xii. 209.
Teucrium Scordium, xii. 251.
*Plantago media, xii. 34.
Polygonum mite, xv. 60.
Betula verrucosa, L. F. C., ii.
141.
{Salix triandra, xv. 60.
pentandra, xv. 60.
eeeuraotlis, tuokinC:,/11, 141.
Juniperus nana, xi. 252.
Habenaria chloroleuca, xiv. 29.
{Leucojum estivum, xiv. 29.
Potamogeton nitens, xv. 61.
Eleocharis acicularis, xii. 251.

Scirpus pauciflorus, L.F.C., ii.
142.
fluitans, xiv. 29.
Rhynchospora fusca, xii. 35.
Cladium Mariscus, xii. 35.
Carex curta, xii. 252.
aquatilis (virescens), xv. 61.
limosa, xy. 61.
pallescens, xv. 61.
strigosa, xi. 251.
Hornschuchiana, xii. 252.
Milium effusum, xii. 251.
Catabrosa aquatica, L. F.C., i.
140.
Pea nemoralis, xii. 209.
{ compressa, xii. 209.
Glyceria plicata, xii. 252.
aquatica, xii. 36.
Foucaudi, xiv. 51.
Festuca sylvatica, xv. 61.
“Bromus secalinus, L. F.C., iii.
of.
Agropyron pungens, xii. 251.
acutum, xv. 61.
Lepturus filiformis, xii. 36.
Asplenium marinum, xii. 36.
Equisetum variegatum, xil. 252.
Lycopodium Selago, L. F. C., ii.
140.
Chara contraria, xv. 61.

9, CLARE.

Thalictrum flavum, xiv. 191.
Ranunculus peltatus, xiv. 191.

Auricomus, xiii, 11.
Fumaria Borei, xiii. 11.
Nasturtium sylvestre, xii. 209.
Cardamine flexuosa, xiv. 27
Cochlearia anglica, xiv. 28.
Viola tricolor, J. & K.

*Arenaria tenuifolia, xiv. 191.

Montia fontana, x1. 4.
Malva moschata, xi. 4.
Vicia angustifolia, J. & K.
+ Prunus Cerasus, x1. 4.
Rubus rhamnifolius, xiv. 6.
pulcherrimus, xiv. 6.
silvaticus, xv. 57.

PrAEGER—rish Topographical Botany : Supplement. 25

Rubus iricus, xv. 57.
pyramidalis, xiv. 6.
criniger, xiv. 7.
oigocladus, xiv. 7.
podophyllus, xiv. 7.
serpens, Xiv. 7.
dumetorum, xiv. 7.

Potentilla procumbens, xiii. 12.

*Sedum album, xil. 209.

Myriophyllum verticillatum, xiv.

192.
spicatum, xiv. 192.
Callitriche stagnalis, xiv. 28.
*Petroselinum sativum, xiv. 192.
*Matricaria discoidea, xy. 58.
} Picris echioides, xv. 59.
Hieracium crebridens, Williams’
Prod. Fl. Brit.
Leontodon hispidus, xii. 33.
Tragopogon pratensis, xiv. 28.
Pinguicula grandiflora, xii. 269.
{Mentha rotundifolia, xiy. 28.
sativa, J. & K.

Galeopsis versicolor, J. & K.
Betula verrucosa, xiv. 192.

{Salix fragilis. xiv. 192.
~ purpurea, xiv. 193.

Orchis Morio, xiv. 193.
incarnata, xiv. 190.

tLeucojum estivum, xiv. 29.

Allium vineale, xiv. 29.
Typha angustifolia, xiii. 259.
Luzula vernalis, xiv. 29.
Sparganium affine, xiv. 193.
Lemna polyrhiza, xiv. 193.
Potamogeton heterophyllus, xiy.
1938.

nitens, xiv. 193.

prelongus, xiv. 193.
Carex Hudsonii, xiv. 190.
Melica uniflora, xiv. 193.
Glyceria plicata, xiv. 193.
Equisetum hyemale, xiv. 29.

trachyodon, xiv. 193.
Chara polyacantha, xiv. 193.
Tolypella glomerata, xv. 61.

10. Treprrary Norra.

Ranunculus Auricomus, xy. 56.
Fumaria Borei, xiy. 159.
Ononis arvensis, xill. 12.

Rubus pyramidalis, xiv. 6.

leucostachys, xi. 30.

Callitriche hamulata, xy. 58.
*Tanacetum vulgare, xii. 52.
Hieracium vulgatum, xv. 59.

Lithospermum officinale, xii. 13.

Scutellaria galericulata, xii. 13.

Neottia Nidus-avis, xii. 34.

Sisyrinchium angustifolium, xiv.
i vé

Allium ursinum, xi. 14.

Melica uniflora, xii. 36.

tLolium temulentum, xu. 36.

11. Kinkenny.

Ranunculus trichophyllus, xiii.
10.
Fumaria Borei, xiii. 34.

Fumaria officinalis, xv. 56.
Rubus plicatus, xu. 30.
micans, xii. 30.

26 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Rubus Borreri, xii. 30.
Keehleri (dasyphyllus), J. B.
xl. 156.
Lamium amplexicaule, xii. 34.
Carex muricata, x11. 35.

Carex Pseudo-cyperus, xv. 61.
Phleum pratense, xii. 35.
Cystopteris fragilis, xii. 36.
Equisetum maximum, xii. 36.

12. WEXFORD.

Fumaria purpurea, xii. 11.
Hieracium umbellatum, xiv. 28.
Atriplex farinosa, x. 255.

Polygonum lapathifolium, xii.
o4.
Lemna polyrhiza, x. 255.

13. Cartow.

Fumaria confusa (hibernica),
xii. 35.

Rubus Keehleri (dasyphyllus),

Mls OL.

Habenaria bifolia, xi. 6.

14. QuEEN’s County.

Ranunculus Auricomus, xv. 56.
Fumaria confusa, xv. 56.
‘Cerastium tetrandrum, xii. 29.
Rubus scaber, xii. 31.

Myosotis versicolor, x11. 33.

Epipactis latifolia, xii. 35.
Carex dioica, xii. 85.
Phleum pratense, xii. 35.
Agrostis alba, x11. 36.

15. Gatway SourH-EAsr.

Ranunculus sceleratus, xu. 29.

Neottia Nidus-avis, xii. 34.

16. Gatway WEST.

Ranunculus penicillatus, xii. 29.
Crambe maritima, xii. 29.
-f Viola odorata, xi. 29.
tSymphytum officinale, xii. 33.
Verbascum Thapsus, x11. 33.

Phleum pratense, x11. 35.
Trisetum flavescens, x11. 36.
Catabrosa aquatica, xi. 36.
Bromus sterilis, xu. 36.

17. Gatway NortH-Fast.

Ranunculus heterophyllus, xv.
o6.
Rubus leucostachys, xiv. 7.
dumetorum, xii. 31.
Rosa mollis, J. & K.
*Petasites fragrans, xiv. 28.

Arctostaphylos Uva-ursi, xii. 33.

Phleum pratense, xii. 35.

Agrostis canina, x1. 36.

Adiantum Capillus-Veneris, xi.
321.

PraEGER—Jrish Topographical Botany : Supplement. 27

18. Kine’s Covunry.

Ranunculus penicillatus, xii. 29.

Fumaria confusa, xi. 35.
officinalis, xii. 11.

Ononis arvensis, x1. 4.

Lathyrus palustris, xi. 184.

Guaphalium uliginosum, xiv. 28.
{Lactuca muralis, xii. 260.

Convolvulus arvensis, xiv. 28.

Bromus erectus, xii. 36.

19. KILDARE.

Ranunculus Lenormandi, xiii. i1.
Sisymbrium Thalianum, xiv. 12.
Viola palustris, xii. 11.
Polygala serpyllacea, xiii. 11.
*Saponaria officinalis, xiv. 12.
+Melilotus officinalis, xiv. 12.
Lotus uliginosus, xiv. 12.
Saxifraga granulata, xiv. 12.
*Sempervivum tectorum, xiii. 12.
+Foniculum officinale, xiv. 12.
Filago germanica, xiv. 12.
Gnaphalium uliginosum, xiv. 12.
Arctium majus, xiv. 13.
*Centaurea Cyanus, xiv. 15.

Lithospermum arvense, xiv. 13.
*Mimulus guttatus, xiv. 13.
Lathreea squamaria, xiv. 13.
Polygonum Hydropiper, xiii. 14.
Juncus squarrosus, xiii. 14.
Potamogeton lucens, xiy. 18.
Zannichellia palustris, xiv. 13.
Carex sylvatica, xi. 170.
Phleum pratense, xi. 170.
Agrostis canina, xiv. 18.
Melica uniflora, xiv. 13.
Agropyron caninum, xiv. 13.
Botrychium Lunaria, xi. 6.

20. Wicxktow.

Fumaria purpurea, xii. 36.
*Matricaria discoidea, xii. 32.
Potamogeton plantagineus, xi.
¥70,

{Poa compressa, xv. 61.
*Bromus secalinus, xv. 61.

Cryptogramme crispa, xiv. 222.

21. DusLin.

Fumaria purpurea, x1. 186.
Borei, xiv. 159.
*Lepidium Draba, xii. 187, xiii. 4.
*Trifolium agrarium, xiii. 12.
Rubus plicatus, xii. 297.
Agrimonia odorata, xi. 56.
*Sedum album, xii. 187.
Callitriche obtusangula, xii. 187.
Galium uliginosum, xii. 56.
*Matricaria occidentalis, iii. 215,
xill. 57.
Arctium Newbouldi, xii. 113.
*Crepis biennis, xi. 184.

Hieracium murorum, xii. 189,
xii. 57.
scilaphilum, xu. 247.
Vaccinium Oxycoccus, x1. 189.
*Lysimachia Nummularia, xii.
190.
Utricularia vulgaris, xii. 190.
*Salix pentandra, xi. 59.
Carex aquatilis, x. 49.
pallescens, xiii. 59.
Milium effusum, xi. 322.
Agropyron acutum, xy. 61.

Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

92. Mraru.

Anemone nemorosa, xiii. 10.

Fumaria Borei, xii. 34.
confusa, xill. 35.
densiflora, xiv. 161.

Cochlearia danica, xiv. 28.
anglica, xv. 56.

Montia fontana, x11. 29.

Hypericum elodes, xv. 57.

Geranium columbinum, xi. 4,

angel Be
*Trifolium agrarium, xiil. 12.
Potentilla procumbens, xii. 12.
Callitriche autumnalis, xii. 12.
Caucalis nodosa, x1. 31.

Solidago Virgaurea, x1. 12.

Bidens tripartita, xii. 32.
*Matricaria occidentalis, xiv. 28
*“Silybum Marianum, xii. 382.

Jasione montana, xii. 13.

Lysimachia nemorum, xii. 18.

Veronica agrestis, xi. 5.

scutellata, x1. 34.

Stachys arvensis, xii. 13.

Lamium intermedium, xiii. 14.

Teucrium Scorodonia, xiii. 14.

Scleranthus annuus, xii. 34.

Polygonum minus, xu. 14.

Orchis mascula, xii. 14.

Allium ursinum, xii. 14.

Luzula maxima, xili. 14.

23. WESTMEATH.

*Clematis Vitalba, xi. 29.
Fumaria officinalis, J. & K.

+Lychnis vespertina, xu. 29.
Cerastium tetrandrum, x11. 29.
Montia fontana, xi. 29.
Hypericum humifusum, xii. 30.
Rosa mollis, J. & K.
Callitriche vernalis, J. & K.

stagnalis, J. & K.

Scandix Pecten-Veneris, xii. 31.

*Sambucus Ebulus, xi. 31.
Valerianella olitoria, xii. 32.
Filago germanica, xii. 32.

Gnaphalium uliginosum, xu. 32.

Bidens tripartita, xii. 32.

Senecio sylvaticus, xu. 32.
*Cichorium Intybus, xu. 32.
Erica cinerea, x1. 33.
*Anchusa sempervirens, J. & K.
Myosotis versicolor, xu. 33.
Solanum Dulcamara, x11. 33.
Veronica polita, xu. 33.
Orobanche Hedere, xi. 184.
Pinguicula lusitanica, xiii. 13.
{Verbena officinalis, xii. 34.
Mentha sativa, J. & K.
Thymus Serpyllum, xii. 34.
Teucrium Scorodonia, xil. 34.
Blechnum Spicant, xii. 36.

24. LoncrorD.

+Brassica nigra, xii. 270.
Arctium Newbouldii, xiii. 13.
Orobanche Hedere, xi. 184.

Galeopsis versicolor, xii. 270.
Bromus mollis, xu. 270.
Agropyron repens, xil. 270,

— CO

PRAEGER—Lrish Topographical Botany : Supplement. 29

25. Roscommon,

Ranunculus Auricomus, x1. 4,
Sisymbrium Alliaria, xi. 4.
Rhamnus Frangula, xi. 4.
Hypopithys multiflora, x. 201,

x1...0.

Populus tremula, xi. 6.
Empetrum nigrum, xi. 6.
Carex strigosa, xil. 35.
Agrostis alba, xiv. 29.
Melica uniflora, xiv. 29.

27. Mayo WEstT.

Ranunculus trichophyllus, xiv.
235,
Baudoti, xiv. 235.
*Chelidonium majus, xii. 269.

Fumaria capreolata, xiii. 282.
officinalis, xiv. 233.

Cochlearia danica, xii. 285.
groenlandica, xiil. 282.

*Lepidium Draba, xii. 269, xiii. 4.

Cakile maritima, xil. 269,

Silene acaulis, xii. 284.

Stellaria Holostea, xii. 269.

+Ulex Gallii, xiii. 283.

Rubus cariensis, xiii. 283.
rhamnifolius, x1il. 283.
mucronatus, xi. 283.
dunensis, xiii. 2838.
rosaceus (hystrix), xiil. 283.
corylifolius (cyclophyllus),

Xiv. 233.
ceesius, xiv. 240.
Saxifraga decipiens, xii. 284.
*Sempervivum tectorum, xii. 269
Epilobium angustifolium, xiii.
284.

Eryngium maritimum, xiii. 279.

Sium angustifolium, xiv. 236.

Asperula adorata, xii. 269.

*Tanacetum vulgare, xiii, 272.

Arctium Newbouldii, xii. 289,

R.A. PROC, VOL. XXVI., SEC. B. |

Hieracium hypocheroides, xu.
284.
Orarium, xii. 311.
*Campanula rapunculoides, xii.
269.
Pyrola media, xiv. 28.
Convolvulus arvensis, xiv. 239.
Solanum Dulcamara, xii. 269.
Hyoscyamus niger, xiv. 239.
Veronica hederefolia, xii. 269.
Lamium hybridum, xii. 280.
Beta maritima, xii. 280.
Atriplex hastata, xii. 287.
Polygonum Raii, xii. 269.
Ceratophyllum demersum, xiv.
235.
*“Tris foetidissima, xii. 269.
Potamogeton pectinatus,
286.
flabellatus, xiv. 233.
tGlyceria aquatica, xiii. 286.
Festuca Myuros, xii. 269.
Bromus asper, xii. 269.
Agropyron repens, x1i. 288.
Aspidium aculeatum, xii. 288.
Ophioglossum vulgatum, xii.

xl.

288.
Equisetum maximum, xii. 288.
Lycopodium inundatum, xiv.
221.
D

30 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

28. Sxieo.

Ranunculus circinatus, xii. 270.
Auricomus, xii. 270.
Papaver dubium, xiii. 205.
t hybridum, xiii. 205.
*Chelidonium majus, xv. 56.
{Brassica Rapa (Briggsii), xii.
270.
Senebiera Coronopus, xii. 270.
Cakile maritima, xi. 123.
Spergularia rupestris, xii. 11.
Hypericum humifusum, xii. 270.
Lotus uliginosus, xiii. 206.
Vicia angustifolia, xii. 270.
*Sempervivum tectorum, xii. 270.
*Sedum album, xiii. 206.
Epilobium angustifolium, xi.
184.
Cicuta virosa, xii. 270.
Crithmum maritimum, xii. 206.
Aithusa Cynapium, xii. 206.
tAnthemis Cotula, x1. 270.
*Matricaria discoidea, xii. 270.
* occidentalis, xiv. 28.
*T'anacetum vulgare, x11. 270.
*Cichorium Intybus, xui. 206.
Chlora perfoliata, xiii. 206.
tVerbascum Thapsus, xi. 33.
tLinaria vulgaris, xii. 206.

*Mimulus guttatus, xii. 270.
Veronica hedereefolia, xii. 270.
agrestis, xv. 59.
Euphrasia Salisburgensis, xiv
221.
Orobanche rubra, xiv. 222.
Lycopus europeeus, xii. 270.
Chenopodium rubrum, xiii. 206.
Ulmus montana, xii. 270.
tSalix fragilis, xu. 270.
Empetrum nigrum, xii. 270.
Orchis Morio, xu. 35.
Sisyrinchium angustifolium, xiii.
207.
Potamogeton heterophyllus, xiii.
207.
obtusifolius, x1. 270.
Scirpus fluitans, xy. 61.
Carex curta, xu. 270.
extensa, xu. 270.
paludosa, x1. 270.
riparia, xiv. 29.
Phleum pratense, xu. 270.
Glyceria maritima, x1. 270.
Agropyron caninum, xii. 270.
Polypedium Phegopteris, xiv. 29,
Equisetum maximum, xii. 270.

29. LEITRIM.

Ranunculus penicillatus, xv. 56.

Papaver dubium, xv. 56.

*Chelidonium majus, xv. 56.

Fumaria confusa (hibernica),
xiv. 161.

Brassica alba, xu. 270.

Reseda Luteola, xv. 56.

Polygala vulgaris, xi. 29.

Silene Cucubalus, xy. 56.
*Trifolium hybridum, xii. 270.

Lathyrus macrorrhizus, xi. 270.

Rubus Keehleri (dasyphyllus),

Myr ole

Potentilla procumbens, xv. 57.
+Smyrnium Olusatrum, xii. 270.

Scandix Pecten-Veneris, xv. 58.

PraEGeR—ZJrish Topographical Botany : Supplement.

Scabiosa arvensis, xv. 58.
Gnaphalium = sylvaticum,
12.

*Matricaria discoidea, xiv. 28.

*Tanacetum vulgare, xii. 270.
Convolvulus arvensis, xy. 59.

*Polygonum Bistorta, xii. 34.
Ulmus montana, xiy. 221.
Parietaria officinalis, xv. 60.
Salix repens, xii. 270.

xii.

Epipactis latifolia, xu. 35.
Sparganium simplex, xy. 60.
Lemna trisulca, xv. 60.
Scirpus fluitans, xy. 61.
Glyceria plicata, xv. 61.
Festuca rigida, xv. 61,
Agropyron caninum, Xiv.
Botrychium Lunaria, xii.
Equisetum hyemale, xiv.

30. CAvVAN.

Ranunculus trichophyllus, xv.
55,
penicillatus, xv. 56.
Papaver Rheas, xu. 29.
*Chelidonium majus, xv. 56.
Fumaria officinalis, xiii. 36.
Brassica alba, xv, 456.
t{Lychnis Githago, xv. 57.
Hypericum dubium, xy. 57.
Vicia hirsuta, xiii. 12.
*Prunus insititia, xv. 57.
Padus, x1. 4.

Rubus plicatus, xv. 57.
pyramidalis, xv. 57.
corylifolius, xv. 57.

Rosa spinosissima, xy. 47.
arvensis, xv. 58.

{Sedum Telephium, xy. 58.

Callitriche autumnalis, xii. 12.

{Smyrnium Olusatrum, xv. 58.
(Enanthe fistulosa, xi. 5.
Valerianella olitoria, xv. 58.

t Auricula, xiii. 12.

tAnthemis Cotula, xv. 58.

*Tanacetum vulgare, xiii. 12.
Arctium minus, xv. 59.

Carduus pyenocephalus, xii. 31.

*Centaurea Cyanus, xv. 59.

Jasione montana, xv. 59.
Vaccinium Oxycoccus, mill. 13.
Solanum Dulcamara, xv. 59.
Lithospermum officinale,
13.
tVerbascum Thapsus, xy. 59.
Galeopsis versicolor, xv. 60.
*Chenopodium Bonus-Henricus,
xv. 60.
Salix repens, xv. 60.
fragilis, xv. 60.
Orchis pyramidalis, xii. 14.
Juncus obtusiflorus, xiv. 260.
Luzula vernalis, xv. 60.
Sparganium minimum, xiv. 260.
Lemna gibba, xiv. 260.
Potamogeton heterophyllus, xiv.
260.
Zizii, xiv. 260.
Carex teretiuscula, xii. 14.
limosa, xiii. 14.
filiformis, xiv. 260.
Avena pubescens, xv. 61.
Bromus sterilis, xv. 61.
}Lolium temulentum, xy. 61.
Isoetes lacustris, xiv. 260.
Chara polyacantha, xiv. 260.
Nitella flexilis, xi. 143.
D2

Xiil.

+
+

32 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

31. LoutH.

Fumaria capreolata, xiv. 158.
confusa, xii. 11.
purpurea, xii. 36.

Cochlearia anglica, xv. 56.

Trifolium filiforme, xi. 200.

Saxifraga tridactylites, xiv. 28.

i{Sedum Telephium, xiv. 28.

Festuca Myuros, xi. 200.
Equisetum hyemale, xi. 184.

32. MoNAGHAN.

Ranunculus Auricomus, xv. 96.

*Chelidonium majus, xv. 96.
Viola odorata, xv. 56.
Polygala vulgaris, xv. 56.
Arenaria trinervia, xv. 57.
Hypericum elodes, xv. 57.
Anthyllis Vulneraria, xii. 270.

Myriophyllum spicatum, xv. 58.

Sium latifolium, xv. 58.
Pimpinella Saxifraga, xv. 55.
Ethusa Cynapium, xv. 58.
Valerianella olitoria, xv. 58.
Solidago Virgaurea, xv. 58.
*Tanacetum vulgare, xv. 58.
Senecio sylvaticus, xv. 58.
Arctium minus, xv. 59.
*Silybum Marianum, xv. 959.
*Cichorium Intybus, xv. 99.
Leontodon hirtus, xiv. 259.
Andromeda Polifolia, xiv. 259.
Primula officinalis, x1. 5.
Veronica hederefolia, xv. 59.
polita, xv. 59.
montana, xiv. 259.
Lathreea squamaria, xiv. 259.

+Ballota nigra, xv. 60.
“Chenopodium Bonus-Henricus,

+Mentha piperita, xv. 59.

sativa, xv. 59.
Origanum vulgare, xv. 59.

xv. 60.
Euphorbia exigua, xv. 60.
Juncus obtusiflorus, xv. 60.
Sagittaria sagittifolia, xv. 60.
Potamogeton plantagineus, XV.
on
Rhynchospora alba, xiy. 259.
Carex vulpina, xv. 61.
strigosa, Xiv. 259.
Avena pubescens, xv. 61.
Glyceria plicata, xv. 61.
Festuca elatior, xv. 61.
Bromus sterilis, xv. 61.
Chara aspera desmacantha, x1.
143.
hispida, xi. 142.
contraria, x1. 143.
vulgaris, xi. 142.
Nitella mucronata, xi. 142.

293. FERMANAGH.

Ranunculus scoticus, xiii. 238.
*Papaver somniferum, xu. 29.
Rheas, xii. 29.
dubium, xii. 29.

Meconopsis cambrica, xi. 238.
Fumaria confusa, xiv. 160.
Brassica alba, xii. 270.

tLychnis Githago, xu. 29.

ee ee

PraEcEr—ILrish Topographical Botany : Supplement. 38

Rubus pulcherrimus, xiii. 239.

Scrophularia aquatica, xii. 33.
longithyrsiger (botryeros),

*Veronica peregrina, xil. 34.

xill. 238.
Saxifraga stellaris, xii. 31.
aizoides, xu. 31.

*Sempervivum tectorum, xi. 31.

Sedum Rhodiola, xiii. 239.
= fefexum, x. 31.
Peplis Portula, xii. 31.

Epilobium angustifolium, xiii.

239.

Cheerophyllum temulum, xu. 31.
Scandix Pecten-Veneris, xiv. 28.

(Enanthe fistulosa, xii. 31.
TGalium erectum, xii. 32.
}Dipsacus sylvestris, xi. 32.
*Matricaria discoidea, xiv. 259.
*Petasites fragrans, xu. 270.

Lobelia Dortmanna, xill. 239.
Vaccinium Oxycoccus, xu. 33.
Pyrola media, xiii. 239.

minor, Xill. 239.

secunda, x. 171, xi. 5.
Hypopithys multiflora, xii. 259.
{Verbascum Thapsus, xi. 33.

Kuphrasia Salisburgensis, xiii.
240.

Pinguicula lusitanica, xii. 34.

Origanum vulgare, xii. 270.

*Chenopodium Bonus-Henricus,

xl. 34.
Ulmus montana, xiii. 240.
Juniperus nana, xill. 240.
Sisyrinchium angustifolium,
x1. 6
Juncus obtusiflorus, x1. 35.
Butomus umbellatus, xii. 35.
Eriophorum latifolium, xiii. 240.
Carex dioica, xiii. 240.
teretiuscula, xi. 6.
paludosa, xii. 241.
Alopecurus pratensis, xi. 35.
Ophioglossum vulgatum, xiii.
241,
Botrychium Lunaria, x1. 6.
Equisetum pratense, xiil. 241.
trachyodon, xi. 241.
Lycopodium clavatum, xiv. 259.

34. Donecat East.

Fumaria Borel, xiv. 159.
Viola arvensis, xiv. 28.

Arctium Newbouldu, xii. 13.
Malaxis paludosa, xi. 321.

35. DonrGaL WEsT.

Viola arvensis, xiv. 28.

Hieracium stictophyllum, xv. 59.

36. TYRONE.

Ranunculus Auricomus, xii. 11.
Fumaria purpurea, xiii. 36.
*Hesperis matronalis, xv. 56.
Vicia hirsuta, xi. 4.
Rubus villicaulis (Selmeri), xy.
57.

leucostachys, xv. 57.

Keehleri (dasyphyllus) xv. 57.

Rosa arvensis, xv. 58.

Leontodon hirtus, xv. 59.
Primula officinalis, xv. 59.
Scleranthus annuus, xii. 34.

Orchis pyramidalis, xv. 60.
}Leucojum estivum, xv. 60.

Lemna trisulca, xi. 6.

Carex Hornschuchiana, xi. 6.

Ophioglossum

vulgatum, Xv.
61.

04 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

37, ARMAGH.

Rubus micans, x. 215.
Lett; x2207.
Gelertii, x. 217.
dunensis, x. 218.
oigocladus (Newbouldii),
x20:

Rubus Bloxamii, x. 219,

Arctium Newbouldii, 11. 132,
pan Re

Tragopogon pratensis, xv. 59.

Habenaria viridis, xi. 6.

38. Down.

Ranunculus penicillatus,
W.5.E. C. 1901-2.
Fumaria purpurea, xiv. 159.
Teesdalia nudicaulis, x1. 209.
Stellaria palustris, xi. 209.
Geranium columbinum, Xi.
262.

+ lucidum, xii. 30.

Trigonella ornithopodioides, xi.
209.

*Medicago maculata, xi. 209.

Trifolium striatum, xi. 209.
filiforme, xi. 209.

Rubus argentatus, x. 215.
myrice (hesperius), x. 215.
micans, x. 215.
Lettii, x. 216.
cinerosus, x. 217.
anglosaxonicus

Me) Xo ly.
Borren, x. 217.
dunensis, x. 218.
mutabilis, x. 219.

{Galium Mollugo, xu. 271.

(vestitifor-

*Valerianella carinata, 872,
xi. 4.
to. Aurieula, xi. 263.
Artemisia maritima, x1. 209.
Hieracium Sommerfeltii, x11.
Our:
pachyphylium, Linton’s Brit.
Hier., and B. E. C. 1900.
rivale, x1. 311.
*Tragopogon porrifolius,
Raia
Statice occidentalis, xi. 209.
*Plantago media, xi. 271.
Chenopodium rubrum, xii. 263.
+ Juncus tenuis, xii. 108, xin. 43.
Potamogeton plantagineus, x1.
209,
flabellatus, x1. 209.
Carex divulsa, xl. 264.
Hudsonii, xi. 210.
Glyceria plicata, x11. 264.
festuceeformis, xl. 264.
Lastrea spinulosa, xi. 264.
Chara polyacantha, xi. 210.

874,

39. ANTRIM.

Ranunculus circinatus, xi. 247.
Fumaria purpurea, xiil. 36.
confusa, xiv. 161.
*Trifolium agrarium, xi. 201.

Rubus plicatus, x. 214.
micans, x. 210.
Gelertuy x: 217.
Crithmum maritimum, xu. 245.

Prarcur—JLrish Topographical Botany : Supplement. 35

Arctium Newbouldii, xii. 13. *Tragopogon porrifolius, 874,
Hieracium pachyphyllum, Lin- xii. 4.
ton’s Brit. Hier. and J.B., Spiranthes Romanzoffiana, x.
aexiy. 114. wee
Orarium, Linton’s Brit. Hier. Carex irrigua, x. 165.

40. LonponpDERRY.

Fumaria confusa, xiy., 161.

The above list answers the question, What plants have been added
to the flora of any division since the publication of ‘‘ Irish Topographical
Botany’’? An equally important question is, Has the range of such and
such a plant been extended during this period? To provide an answer
to this inquiry, I now rearrange the list of additional records in
systematic order, appending, to the names of the species, numbers

expressing the botanical divisions to which the plants have been
added :—

New ReEcorDS ARRANGED SYSTEMATICALLY.

*Clematis vitalba, 238. Papaver dubium, 28, 29, 33.
Thalctrum flavum, 9. + Argemone, 8.
Anemone nemorosa, 22. + hybridum, 28.

Ranunculus circinatus, 8, 28, 39. Meconopsis cambrica, 38.
trichophyllus, 8, 11, 27, 30. *Chelidonium majus, 27, 28, 29,

Drouetii, 1. 30, 32.

heterophyllus, 2, 4, 17. Fumaria capreolata, 8, 27, 31.
peltatus, 9. Borei, 4, 5, 6, 7,8, 9, 10, 11,
penicillatus, 16, 18, 29, 30, 21, 22, 34.

38. purpurea, 1, 2, 12, 20, 21,
Baudotii, 8 (confusus), 27. 31, 36, 38, 39.
Lenormandi, 19. confusa, 13 (hibernica), 14,
sceleratus, 7, 15. 18, 22, 29 (hibernica), 31,
scoticus, 33. 33, 39, 40.

Auricomus, 8, 9, 10, 14, 25, officinalis, 11, 18, 28, 27, 30.

28, 32, 36. densiflora, 22.

*Papaver somniferum, 33. Nasturtium sylvestre, 9.

Rheas, 30, 33. Cardamine flexuosa, 9.

36 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Cochlearia danica, 2, 22, 27.
greenlandica, 27.
anglican, 9.22. 31.
*Hesperis matronalis, 8, 36.
Sisymbrium Thalianum, 19.
Alliaria, 25.
*Krysimum cheiranthoides, 8.

{Brassica Rapa (Briggsii), 28.

nigra, {24.
alba, 7, 29, 30, 38.
{Diplotaxis muralis, *2.
Senebiera Coronopus, 28.
*Lepidium Draba, 8, 21, 27.

Teesdalia nudicaulis, 2, 38.

Crambe maritima, 16.

Cakile maritima, 27, 28.

Reseda Luteola, 29.

Viola palustris, 8, 19.
odorata, +16, 382.
Reichenbachiana, 8.
canina, 8.
tricolor, 9.
arvensis, 34, 35.

Polygala vulgaris, 8, 29, 32.
serpyllacea, 19.

*Saponaria officinalis, 19.
Silene Cucubalus, 29.
acaulis, 27.
tLychnis vespertina, 23.
diurna, 8.
t Githago, 8, 30, 33.

Cerastium tetrandrum, 7, 14, 238.

arvense, 2.
Stellaria Holostea, 27.
palustris, 8, 38.
*Arenaria tenuifolia, 9.
trinervia, 8, 32.
Spergularia rubra, 1.
rupestris, 28.
Montia fontana, 8, 9, 22, 23.
¥*Hypericum hircinum, 7.

Hypericum dubium, 30.
humifusum, 23, 28.
elodes, 22, 32.

tAltheea officinalis, 8.

Malva moschata, 9.
Linum angustifolium, 8.
Geranium pyrenaicum, 8.
columbinum, 22, 38.
lucidum, $38.
Erodium cicutarium, 7.
Rhamnus catharticus, 8.
Frangula, 25.
Ulex Galli 27:
Ononis repens, 10, 18.
Trigorella ornithopodioides,
o8.
®Medicago maculata, 38.
tMelilotus officinalis, 19.
Trifolium medium, 8.
striatum, 38.

* hybridum, 29.

* agranium, 21, 22, 39.
filiforme, 31, 38.
Anthyllis Vulneraria, 32.
Lotus uliginosus, 19, 28.
Vicia hirsuta, 30, 36.

angustifolia, 9, 28.
Lathyrus palustris, 18.
macrorrhizus, 29.
*Prunus insititia, 30.
+ Cerasus, 9.
Padus, 30.
Rubus suberectus, 1.

plicatus, 1, 2, 8, 11, 21, 30,

39.
nitidus, 1 (opacus).
affinis, 1 (Briggsianus).
cariensis, 2, 27.
rhamnifolius, 8, 9, 27.

pulcherrimus, 1, 2, 3, 8, 9, ,

30.

Prarcer—Irish Topographical Botany : Supplement. 37

Rubus villicaulis, 1 (Selmeri and

rhombifolius), 5, 8, 36 (all
Selmeri).

argentatus, | (robustus), 2, 38,
8, 38.

silvaticus, 9.

myrice (hesperius), 8, 88.

macrophyllus, 8 (Schlech-
tendalii).

Questieri, 3, 8.

micans, 1, 2, 8, 11, 37, 38,
59.

hirtifolius, 8 (danicus).

TRIOUS 15 221,09:.

pyramidalis, 1, 2, 9, 10, 30.

leucostachys, 10, 17, 36.

Letti, 37, 38.

criniger, 9.

cinerosus, 38.

mucronatus, 1, 27.

Gelertii, 37, 39.
anglosaxonicus, | (raduloides),
2, 8, 38 (vestitiformis).

infestus, 8.

Borreri, 11, 38.

dunensis, 27, 37, 38.

radula, 8 (anglicanus).

oigocladus, 9, 37 (New-
bouldi).

regillus, 1, 2.

podophyllus, 2, 9.

Babingtonii, 1.

mutabilis, 2, 5, 38.

Bloxamii, 37.

fuscus, 2.

scaber, 8, 14.

longithyrsiger (botryeros),
5, 33.

Keehleri (dasyphyllus), 11,
13, 29, 36.

rosaceus, 27 (hystrix).

Rubus serpens, 2, 9.
dumetorum, 9, 17.
corylifolius, 2 (sublustris), 7,

27 (both cyclophyllus), 30.
ceesius, 8, 27.
Potentilla procumbens, 1, 2, 9,
22, 29.

Agrimonia odorata, 21.

Rosa spinosissima, 30.
involuta, 8.
hibernica, 8.
mollis, 17, 238.
obtusifolia, 8 (frondosa).
glauca, 3 (subcristata).
arvensis, 30, 36.

Saxifraga stellaris, 33.
aizoides, 33.
tridactylites, 31.
sranulata, 19.
decipiens, 27.

*Sempervivum tectorum, 19, 27,
98, 33.
Sedum Rhodiola, 33.
+ Telephium, 30, 31.
* album, 9, 21, 28.
* yeflexum, 33.

Myriophyllum verticillatum, 9.
spicatum, 7, 9, 32.

Callitriche vernalis, 238.
stagnalis, 8, 9, 23.
hamulata, 10.
obtusangula, 1, 8, 21.
autumnalis, 22, 30.

Peplis Portula, 8, 38.

Epilobium angustifolium, 27,

28, 33.
Eryngium maritimum, 27.
tSmyrnium Olusatrum, 29, 50.
Cicuta virosa, 28.
*Petroselinum sativum, 9.
*Carum Carui. 8.

38 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Sium latifolium, 32.
angustifolium, 27.

Pimpinella Saxifraga, 32.

Cherophyllum temulum, 33.

Scandix Pecten-Veneris, 23, 29,

Oo.

Anthriscus vulgaris, 8.
{Feeniculum officinale, 19.

Crithmum maritimum, 28, 39.

(Enanthe fistulosa, 30, 33.

Phellandrium, 2.
AMthusa Cynapium, 28, 32.
Caucalis nodosa, 22.

*Sambucus Ebulus, 23.

Galium boreale, 8.
ieeerectum,? 15°2, 8; 7383:

t Mollugo, {2, 8, 38.

uliginosum, 21.

Asperula odorata, 27.

Valerianella olitoria, 23, 30,

o2,
* carinata, 2, 38.

Auricula, 30, 38.

Dipsacus sylvestris, $33.

Scabiosa arvensis, 29.

Solidago Virgaurea, 22, 32.

Filago germanica, 19, 28.

Gnaphalium uliginosum, 18, 19,

23.

sylvaticum, 29.

*Inula Helenium, 8.

Bidens tripartita, 7, 22, 23.
tAnthemis Cotula, 3, 28, 30.
*Matricaria discoidea, 4, 5, 8, 9,

20, 28, 29, 33.
occidentalis, 2,-8, 21, 22, 28:
*Tanacetum vulgare, 10, 27, 28,
29, 30, 82.

Artemisia maritima, 388.
*Petasites fragrans, 2,17, 33.
Senecio sylvaticus, 25, 32.

Arctium majus, 19.

minus, 7, 30, 32.
Newbouldii, 8, 21, 24, 27,
34, 37, 39.

Carduus pycnocephalus, 30.
*“Silybum Marianum, 22, 32.
*Centaurea Cyanus, 19, 30.
*Cichorium Intybus, 23, 28, 32.
}Picris echioides, 9.

}Crepis taraxacifolia, 15.

= ~biennis, 2,21.

Hieracium Schmidtii, 4.
argenteum, 1.
Sommerfeltii, 38.
orimeles, 1, 2.
hypocheroides, 27.
pachyphyllum, 38, 39.
crebridens, 9.
rivale, 38.
murorum, 8, 21.
vulgatum,- 10.
Orarium, 27, 39.
sclaphilum, 21.
Seullyi, i.
stictophyllum, 35.
sparsifolium, 1, 2.
umbellatum, 12.

tLactuca muralis, 18.

Leontodon hirtus, 32, 36.
hispidus, 9.

Tragopogon pratensis, 9, 37.
* porrifolius, 5, 8, 38, 39.

Lobelia Dortmanna, 33.

Jasione montana, 22, 30.
*Campanula rapunculoides, 27.

1 Dr. Scully believes this plant to be native in South and North Kerry, and

West Cork (J... xiii. 78).

PravcER—Lrish Topographical Botany : Supplement. 39

Vaccinium Oxycoceus, 8, 21, Orobanche rubra, 28.

30, 33. Heder, 23, 24.
Arctostaphylos Uva-ursi, 17. * minor, 8.
Andromeda Polifolia, 32. Lathreea eis 19, 32.
Erica cinerea, 23. Utricularia vulgaris, 21.
Pyrola media, 27, 33. Pinguicula vulgaris, 6.
minor, 33. erandiflora, 9.
secunda, 33. lusitanica, 23, 33.
Hypopithys multiflora, 25, 33. } Verbena officinalis, 23.
Statice occidentalis, 38. +Mentha piperita, 32
Primula officinalis, 6, 32, 36. t rotundifolia, 8, 9.
*Lysimachia Nummularia, 21. sativa, 9, 23, 35
nemorum, 22. Lycopus europeeus, 28.
Centunculus minimus, 2. Origanum vulgare, 32, 33.
Samolus Valerandi, 7. Thymus Serpyllum, 23.
Chlora perfoliata, 28. Scutellaria galericulata, 8, 10.
tSymphytum officinale, 16. Stachys arvensis, 8, 22.
*Anchusa sempervirens, 23. Galeopsis versicolor,.9, 24, 30.
Myosotis repens, 8. Lamium amplexicaule, 8, 11.
collina, 8. intermedium, 6, 22
versicolor, 14, 23. Lamium hybridum, 27.
Lithospermum iiuinade? 10,30. {Ballota nigra, 8, 32.
arvense, 19. Teucrium Scordium, 8.
Convolvulus arvensis, 18, 27, 29. Scorodonia, 22, 23.
tCuscuta Trifolii, *1, 3. *Plantago media, 8, 38.
Solanum Dulcamara, 23, 27, 30. Scleranthus annuus, 22, 36.
= nigrum, 8. Chenopodium rubrum, 28, 38.
Hyoscyamus niger, 27. * Bonus-Henricus, 30, 32, 33.
Verbascum Thapsus, 16, {28, Beta maritima, 27.
{30, [33. Atriplex littoralis, 5.
tLinaria vulgaris, +28. hastata, 1, 2, 27.
Scrophularia aquatica, 33. farinosa, 12.
*Mimulus guttatus, 19, 28. Polygonum Raii, 27.
Veronica hederefolia, 8, 27, 28, Hydropiper, 19.
32. lapathifolium, 12.
agrestis, 22, 28. minus, 22.
polita, 23, 32. mite, 8.
montana, 8, 32. * Bistorta, 29.
scutellata, 22. Euphorbia exigua, 32
* peregrina, 33. Ulmus montana, 28, 29, 33.

Euphrasia Salisburgensis, 28,33. Parietaria officinalis, 29.

40)

Betula verrucosa, 8, 9.
Salix triandra, {8.
pentandra, *2, 8, *21.
fragilis, 8, 9, 28, 30.
repens, 29, 30.
purpurea, 9.
Populus tremula, 25.
Empetrum nigrum, 25, 28.
Ceratophyllum demersum, 27.
Juniperus nana, 8, 39.
Malaxis paludosa, 34.
Neottia Nidus-avis, 10, 15.
Spiranthes Romanzoffiana, 39.
Epipactis latifolia, 14, 29. °
Orchis pyramidalis, 30, 36.
Morio, 9, 28.
mascula, 22.
incarnata, 9.
latifolia, 1, 2, 3.
Ophrys apifera, 2.
Habenaria viridis, 37.
bifolia, 13.
chloroleuca, 8.
*Tris feetidissima, 27.
Sisyrinchium angustifolium, 10,
28, 33.
{Leucojum estivum, 8, 9, 36.
Allium vineale, 9.
ursinum,. 10, 22.
Typha angustifolia, 9.
Juncus squarrosus, 19.
tenuis, 38.
glaucus, 11.
obtusiflorus, 30, 32, 33.
Luzula maxima, 22.
vernalis, 9,30. ,
Sparganium simplex, 29.
affine, 9.
minimum, 30.
Lemna trisulca, 29, 36.
gibba, 30.

Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Lemna polyrhiza, 7, 9, 12.
Sagittaria sagittifolia, 32.
Butomus umbellatus, 33.
Potamogeton plantagineus, 2, 20,
32, 38.

heterophyllus, 7, 9, 28, 30.

nitens, 8, 9.

lucens, 19.

Zizii, 30.

prelongus, 9.

obtusifolius, 28.

pectinatus, 27.

flabellatus, 27, 38.
Zannichellia palustris, 19.
Eleocharis acicularis, 8.
Scirpus pauciflorus, 8.

fluitans, 8, 28, 29.
Eriophorum latifolium, 38.
Rhynchospora fusca, 8.

alba, 32.
Cladium Mariscus, 8.
Carex dioica, 14, 33.

teretiuscula, 30, 33.

vulpina, 32.

muricata, 11.

divulsa, 38.

curta, 8, 28.

Hudsonii, 9, 38.

aquatilis, 8 (virescens), 21.

limosa, 8, 30.

uTigua, 39.

pallescens, 8, 21.

strigosa, 8, 25, 32.

sylvatica, 19.

Hornschuchiana, 8, 36.

extensa, 28.

filiformis, 30.

Pseudo-cyperus, 11.

paludosa, 28, 33.

riparia, 28.
Alopecurus pratensis, 33.

PraEGER—ZLrish Topographical Botany : Supplement. 41

Milium effusum, 8, 21.
Phleum pratense, 6, 11, 14, 16,
17, 19, 28.
Agrostis canina, 17, 19.
alba, 14, 25.
Trisetum flavescens, 16.
Avena pubescens, 380, 32.
Catabrosa aquatica, 8, 16.
Melica uniflora, 9, 10, 19, 25.
Poa nemoralis, 8.
compressa, }8, 20.
Glyceria plicata, 8, 9, 29, 32, 38.
aquatica, 8, [27.
festuceeformis, 38.
Foucaudi, 8.
maritima, 28.
Festuca rigida, 29.
Myuros, 27, 31.
sylvatica, 8.
elatior, 32.
Bromus asper, 27.
erectus, *2, 18.
sterilis, 16, 30, 32.

* ~ secalinus, 2, 8, 20.

racemosus, 1, 2.

commutatus, *2.

mollis, 24.
Brachypodium pinnatum, 3.

{Lolium temulentum, $10, 30.

The Irish Naturalist.
have appeared elsewhere.

Agropyron caninum, 19, 28, 29.
repens, 24, 27.
pungens, 8.

Agropyron acutum, 8, 21.
Lepturus filiformis, 8.
Adiantum Capillus-Veneris, 17,
Cryptogramme crispa, 20.
Blechnum Spicant, 23.
Asplenium marinum, 8.
Cystopteris fragilis, 11.
Aspidium aculeatum, 27.
Lastrea spinulosa, 88.
Polypodium Phegopteris, 28.
Ophioglossum vulgatum, 6, 27
33, 36.
Botrychium Lunaria, 19, 29, 33.
Equisetum maximum, 11, 27,
28.
pratense, 55.
hyemale, 9,29, 31.
trachyodon, 2, 9, 33.
variegatum, 8.

Lycopodium Selago, 8.
inundatum, 27.
clavatum, 33.

Isoetes lacustris, 30.

Pilularia globulifera, 2.

Chara aspera desmacantha, 32.
polyacantha, 2, 9, 30, 38.
hispida, 32.
contraria, 8, 32.
vulgaris, 32.

Tolypella glomerata, 2, 9.

Nitella mucronata, 32.
flexilis, 30.

]

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

The bulk of papers and notes on the topographical botany of

Ireland, published during the period 1901-1905, has appeared in
Indeed, out of some 240 items, only 51
It seems unnecessary to list the mass
of material which has appeared in the Journal named, since that
Journal is easily accessible to workers.

The remaining items,

42 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

however, being widely scattered, are brought together in the
following list. A few earlier items which escaped entry in the
Bibliography in ‘Irish Topographical Botany” have also been
included.

BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1901-5.
(Exclusive of items in The Lrish Naturalist).

Anderson, ‘Thomas:
[Exhibited variety of Lustrea Filiz-mas from Clonmel at Bot. Soc. Edind.,
14 Nov., 1850.] Bot. Gazette, 1.9. 1861.
[The Clonmel Bromus racemosus is B. diandrus]. Bot. Gazette, ur. 41.
1851.
Anderson, Thomas, and J. Sibbald:
[Record of Broiius racemosus, Rosa cinnamonea, and Medicago sativa from near
Clonmel.] Lot. Gazette, ut. 11. 1851.
Armitage, J/iss Eleonora :
Notes of some plants of the County Limerick. Jowrn. Limerick Field Club,
11. part 6, 188-143. 1902.
Limerick Rubi. Jowrn. Bot., xu. 81. 1902.
Babington, Charles Cardale, M.A., F.L.S., &c.:
Irish Furze. Gardener’s Chronicle and Agricultural Gazette, 1845, 12.
Memorials, Journal, and botanical Correspondence of Charles Cardale
Babington. . . 8vo. Cambridge. 1897.
Manual of British Botany. . . 9th ed., edited by Henry and James Groves.
8vo. London. 1904.
Baker, Edmond Gilbert, F.L.8. :
Some British Violets. Journ. Bot., xxx1x. 9-12, 221-227. 1901.
Ball, John, F.R.S., F.L.S. :
Notes on some British forms of the Genus Thalictrum. Bot. Gazette, 1. 312.
1849.
Balfour, Prof. Isaac Bayley, F.R.S. :
Exhibition of Forms of Erica Tetralix from Connemara. Brit. Assoc. Report
for 1902, 799. 1903.
Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club:
Annual Report and Proceedings, (2), Iv. part vii. tov. partiv. 1889-90 to
1904-5. S8vo. Belfast.
A Guide to Belfast and the Counties of Down and Antrim. 8yo. Belfast.
1902. pp. 106-128: Flowering Plants and Vascular Cryptogams, by
R. Lloyd Praeger.
Botanical Exchange Club of the British Isles :
Report, 1899 to 1904.
Britten, James, K.S.G., F.L.S.:
Aylmer Bourke Lambert in Ireland. Journ. Bot., xu. 219. 1905.
Burbidge, Frederick William, M.A., F.L.S., and Nathaniel Colgan, M.R.I.A.:
A new hybrid Senecio (x S. albescens). Jowrn. Bot., xu. 401-406, tab. 444.
1902.

Pratcer—Lrish Topographical Botany : Supplement. 43

Colgan, Nathaniel, M.R.I.A.:
A Flora of the County Dublin. Svo. Dublin, 1904,
See also under Burbidge, Frederick William.
Davies, John Henry :
The botany of the shores of Lough Neagh. Proc. Belfast Nat. Hist. and
Phil. Soc. for 1900-1, 35-42. 1901.
Drane, Robert, F.L.S. :
Irish Biological Futilities. Trans. Cardiff Naturalists’ Soc., xxxvit. 26-30.
(1904) 1905.
Druce, George Claridge, M.A., F.L.S. :
Note on the Irish Carex rhynchophysa. Jowrn. Linn. Soc. (Bot.), xxxv.
276-279. 1899.
Hurst, Cecil P.:
On the range of Diotis candidissima Desf. in England and Wales, and in
Ireland. Mem. Manchester Lit. & Phil. Soc., xnvr. 1-8, 2 plates. 1902.
Johnson, Prof. Thomas, D.Sc., F.L.8S., M.R.I.A., and Miss M. C. Knowles:
The Levinge Herbarium. Sci. Proc. R. Dublin Soc., N.S., x. 122-132.
1903.
Knowles, Miss Matilda Cullen, see Johnson, Prof. Thomas, and M. C. Knowles.
Lambert, Aylmer Bourke :
Annotations in Hudson’s Flora Anglica, ed. 11., in Department of Botany,
British Museum. (See Journ. Bot., xu. 219. 1905.)
Lett, Rev. Canon Henry William, M.A., M.R.I.A.:
Glyceria festuceformis in Ireland. Jowrn. Bot., xu. 77-78, 121-122.
1904.
Linton, Rev. Edward Francis, M.A., F.L.S. :
Erica Stuarti, nov. hybr. Ann. Scott. Nat. Hist., x1. 176-177. 1902.
Linton, Rev. William Richardson, M.A., F.L.S. :
An Account of the British Hieracia. 8vo. London. 1905.
Macfarlane, J. Muirhead, D.Sc., F.R.S.E.:
An examination of some Ericas collected by the Scottish Alpine Botanical Club
in Connemara during 1890. Trans. & Proc. Bot. Soc. Edinb., xrx. 68-64.
plate 1. 1891.
Marshall, Rev. Edward Shearburn, M.A., F.L.S.:
Irish Topographical Botany. [Review.] Journ. Bot., xxx1x. 316-318,.
1901.
On the British forms of Rhinanthus. Journ. Bot., x1. 291-300. 19038.
O’Brien, Robert Donough :
Notes on some Bulbs from the Alluvial of the Shannon Estuary. Jowrn.
Limerick Field Club, ur. no. 9, 42-44. 1905.
Oliver, Daniel, junior, LL.D., F.R.S., F.L.S.:
Discovery of Naias flexilis in Ireland. Bot. Gazette, u. 278. 1850.
Paul, Rev. David, LL.D. :
Excursion of the Scottish Alpine Botanical Club to County Kerry in 1901.
Trans. & Proc. Bot. Soc. Edinb., xxi. 156-165. 1902.
Pethybridge, George Herbert, Pu.D., B.Sc., and Robert Lloyd Praeger :
The Vegetation of the District lying south of Dublin. Proc. R.I.A., xxv.,.
Sect. B., 124-180. Five Plates. Coloured map. 1905.

+4 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Petrie, Mrs. Hilda Flinders:
Lesser Dodder discovered in Ireland. Nature Notes, x11. 198. 1901.
Phillips, Robert Albert :

Some notes on the flora of Limerick. Jowrn. Limerick Field Club, mr. no. 9,

32-85. Plate. 1905.
Planchon, Jules Emile:

Observation sur les Ulex, et description d’une nouvelle espéce de ce genre,
commune a la Bretagne et a la region sud-ouest de l’Angleterre. Ann.
des Sciences Nat., (3) (Botanique) x1. 202-217, planche 9. 1849. Reprinted
in English in Bot. Gazette, 1. 281-290. 1849.

Praeger, Robert Lloyd, B.A., B.E., M.R.I.A.:

Irish Topographical Botany. Proc. R.I. Acad. (8), vn. Pp. 188 + 410.
Hight coloured maps. 1901.

The Vegetation of Ireland. Knowledge, xx1v., 281-5. 1901.

Plant Colonists. Knowledge, xxv., 16-19. 1902.

Notes on Plant Geography. Knowledge, xxv., 49-52. 1902.

On types of distribution in the Ivish flora. Proc. R.I. Acad., xx1v., Sect. B.,
1-60. 1902.

Gleanings in Irish Topographical Botany. Proc. R.I. Acad., xxiv., Sect. B.,
61-94. 1902.

Geographical distribution of plant-groups in Ireland. Geographical J1., xx1.
50-62. 1908.

Geographical Plant-groups in the Irish Flora. Brit. Assoc. Report for 1902,
683-684. 1905.

The Composition of the Flora of the North-east of Ireland. Brit. Assoc.
Report for 1902, 815-816. 1903.

Glyceria festuceformis in Ireland. Jowrn. Bot., xu. 78-80. 1904.

New stations for Glyceria festuceformis. Jowrn. Bot., xu. 310-311.
1904.

Glyceria festuceeformis. Jowrn. Bot., xu. 352. 1904.

Glyceria festuceeformis, Heynh. Journ. Bot., xii. 245. 905.

See also under Pethybridge, George Herbert, and Robert Lloyd Praeger.

Pugsley, Herbert William, B.A. :
The British Capreolate Fumitories. Journ. Bot., xu. 129-1386, 173-181, tab.
436. 1902.
Purchas, fev. William Henry :
Corrections. Journ. Bot., xxx1. 374-375. 1898.
Rendle, Alfred Barton, M.A., D.Sc., F.L.S.:

Glyceria festuceformis in Ireland. Jowrn. Bot., x11. 353-356, tab. 455.
1903.

Rogers, fev. William Moyle, M.A., F.L.S.:

Some North-east Ireland Rubi. Jowrn. Bot., xxx1x. 378-384. 1901.

On the distribution of Rubi in Great Britain [and Ireland. Journ. Bot.,
XL. 150-157. 1902.

Rubus Newbouldu, Bab. Journ. Bot., xur. 364-365. 1905.
Rouy, Georges:
Remarques sur la Floristique européenne, (Aradis ciliata R. Br.) Revue de
Bot. Syst., t. 61-64. 1908.

PratGER—Lrish Topographical Botany : Supplement. 45

Salmon, Charles Edgar :
Notes on Limonium. ty. Jiimonium humile Mill. Journ. Bot., xumt1., 54-59.
1905.
Sibbald, J., see Anderson, Thomas, and J. Sibbald.
Townsend, Frederick, M.A., F.L.S.:
Arabis ciliata R. Br. Journ. Bot., xu1. 278-279. 1908.
Waddell, Rev. Cosslett Herbert, B.D. :
The Numbering of the Botanical County-Divisions of Ireland. Journ. Bot.
xi. 244. 1905.
Watson Botanical Exchange Club:
Annual Report: Seventeenth (1900-1) to Twenty-first (1904-5).
West, William, F.L.S.:
Spiranthes Romanzoffianain Antrim. Journ. Bot., xxxrx. 348. 1901
Williams, Frederic Newton, F.L.S.:
Prodromus Florae Britannicae. 8vo. Brentford. 1902, &. In progress.
Wright, Edward Perceval, M.A., M.D., F.L.S., M.R.I.A.:
Euphrasia occidentalis Wettst. in Ireland. A Note. Notes from the Bot.
School Trin. Coll. Dublin, no. v1. 237-238. 1905.

R. I. A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SECT. B. | E

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ah ahallits atta Pi
st prin (Mou,
jul ne ais
WNC AS ae
Laoinadi@ deal
e Vthah VOM ay by
hh ULE SRO
be aati wage ‘’
at 8 pa AW
aT fin’ t 37m
bof ee iy
+ Muncie ee

}
i? eet ht ae tue tate % ‘

PratGer—Lrish Topographical Botany ; Supplement. 45

Salmon, Charles Edgar :
Notes on Limonium. tv. Limonium humile Mill. Journ. Bot., xut., 54-59.
1905.
Sibbald, J., see Anderson, Thomas, and J. Sibbald.
Townsend, Frederick, M.A., F.L.S. :
Arabis ciliata R. Br. Journ. Bot., xu1. 278-279. 1908.
Waddell, Rev. Cosslett Herbert, B.D. :
The Numbering of the Botanical County- Divisions of Ireland. Jowrn. Bot.,
xu. 244. 1905.
Watson Botanical Exchange Club:
Annual Report: Seventeenth (1900-1) to Twenty-first (1904-5).
West, William, F.L.S.:
Spiranthes Romanzoffianain Antrim. Jowrn. Bot., xxx1x. 348. 1901
Williams, Frederic Newton, F.L.S.:
Prodromus Florae Britannicae. 8vo. Brentford. 1902, &c. In progress.
Wright, Edward Perceval, M.A., M.D., F.L.S., M.R.I.A.:
Euphrasia occidentalis Wettst. in Ireland. A Note. Notes from the Bot.
School Trin. Colt. Dublin, no. v1. 287-238. 1905.

R, I. A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SECT, B. |

Ly $6nd

Iie

SIXTEEN YEARS’ OBSERVATIONS ON THE RELATION
BETWEEN TEMPERATURE AND RAINFALL AND THE

SPREAD OF SCARLATINA, MEASLES, AND TYPHOID
FEVER.

By R. SYDNEY MARSDEN,

DiSe,, M.B., C.M., D.P.H.; FR:S, Hdinb., M.Ri1.A., &e.,
Medical Officer of Health for Birkenhead.

Read Arrit 23. Ordered for publication Aprin 25. Published May 12, 1906.

In endeavouring to trace any connexion between meteorological
conditions and the spread of any disease, it is obvious that there are
only two circumstances likely to have any effect—first, temperature,
and secondly, rainfall or humidity ; and with regard to the first, since
the temperature curve will always have a maximum in the summer
and a minimum in the winter, it seems more important to consider
the variations of temperature from the normal condition than the
absolute temperature itself.

Exceptional circumstances cannot be explained by ordinary
phenomena, and the weekly variations of both temperature and rain-
fall have therefore been tabulated (from observations taken at the
Observatory, Bidston Hill, Birkenhead, in the County of Cheshire),
together with the number of cases of scarlatina, measles, and typhoid
fever notified to me during the same periods, as Medical Officer of
Health for the District.

These weekly variations have been set down in tables for the
sixteen years 1890 to 1905, inclusive; and thus we have actual data
side by side for forming an opinion on this doubtful though important
point, as to whether there is any relation between meteorological
conditions and the spread of these diseases in epidemic form.

The relation between rainfall and ground-water and diphtheria
has been carefully studied by several observers; and Dr. Arthur

Marspen— Zemperature and Rainfall and Spread of Diseases. 47

Newsholme’ has shown pretty conclusively that ‘‘diphtheria only
becomes epidemic in years in which the rainfall is deficient, and
the epidemics are on the largest scale when three or more years of
deficient rainfall immediately follow each other.”

Dr. Gresswell has suggested’ that not only the rainfall of the year,
but also that for prior years, has influence on scarlatina; and Dr.
Longstaff showed?’ that the increases in the death-rates from scarlatina,
erysipelas, puerperal fever, and rheumatism, in England and Wales,
occurred in years of deficient rainfall.

In the following table I have put down the total amount of rain-
fall, the excess of temperature above the normal, and the number of
cases of scarlatina, measles, typhoid fever, and diphtheria, occurring
in the County Borough of Birkenhead during the years 1890 to 1905,
inclusive :—

Total nee eon: Nonot Number of cases notified during year.
Dobe Mer Mie hoe | ace |
Inches. a: in Year. |gcarlatina Measles eae Diphtheria
1 1890 26°820 — 0°3 199 247 1620 182 30
2 1891 31°643 — 0°9 194 180 524 197 28
3 1892 33°032 — 1°5 211 218 1542 150 25
4 1893 24°537 +1°9 181 421 540 221 17
9) 1894 27°912 + 0°8 202 379 1818 194 133
6 1895 26°265 — 0°8 172 430 258 192 142
7 1896 26°633 + 1:2 196 606 2166 149 115
8 1897 28-580 + 0°4 189 630 1141 152 80
9 1898 | 25°719 | +1°3 183 643 589 243 190
10 1899 27°807 | + 0°6 186 205 2461 275 86
1a 1900 32°054 + 0°4 208 203 316 163 48
12 1901 25°192 — 01 190 266 2179 207 75
13 1902 25°566 — 0°9 200 407 1356 327 114
14 1903 34°418 — 0-1 224 658 420 79 101
15 1904 25°175 — 0°2 196 627 2212 1038 97
16 1905 24°011 | —0°1 192 874 979 63 138

Average rainfall for thirty-nine years = 28°613 inches.
Average temperature for thirty-nine years = 49°1° F.

The population of the Borough had increased from 98,143 at midsummer, 1890,
to 115,979 at midsummer, 1905. This must be allowed for to a certain extent in
comparing the number of cases of infectious diseases notified.

1 Epidemic Diphtheria. (Swan Sonnenschein & Co., 1900.)

* A Contribution to the Natural History of Scarlatina. (Clarendon Press,
- 1890.)

3 Studies in Statistics. (Stanford, 1891.)

48 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

In the tables and curve-diagrams accompanying this paper, I have
shown the weekly variations of temperature and rainfall, and the
corresponding number of cases of the infectious diseases mentioned,
notified for each week, from 1900 to 1905, inclusive.}

The results of our inquiry, after a careful examination of the
tables and curve-diagrams, are to show—

I. As regards Searlatina.

That there is a rise in the number of cases after there has been
deficient rainfall, and the number again falls after rain. Also, that
after a series of dry years, the number of cases increases. This bears
out Dr. Cresswell’s observation, and also that of Dr. Longstaff, ‘‘ That
the death-rate from scarlatina increases in years of deficient rainfall’ ;
as it will naturally follow that, with a large increase in the number of
cases occurring, the number of deaths will be likely to rise also.
Temperature has apparently little or no influence.

Il. Measles.

In the case of measles, neither rainfall nor temperature has
apparently any influence or anything to do with its spread.

Ill. Zyphoid Fever.

Contrary to the well-known views of Von Pettenkofer, the fore-
going table shows the number of cases occurring in any one year to
be quite independent of the fact as to whether it is a dry or a wet
year ; but the weekly tables and diagram-curves show that there seems
. to be a tendency for the number of cases to fall after rain, and to rise
in the dry weather.

The number of typhoid cases dealt with in these tables is, however,
too small to generalize on.

It is evident, therefore, that atmospherce temperatures have no
effect on the spread of these diseases.

I have stated above that scarlatina and diphtheria show a marked
resemblance to each other in their method of spreading. Both increase

* The tables and graphic diagrams referred to in this paper are preserved in
the Library of the Royal Irish Academy, and will be continued and printed in the
annual report on the Sanitary Condition of the County Borough of Birkenhead for
the year 1906.

Marspen— Temperature and Rainfall and Spread of Diseases. 49

after deficient rainfall, and recede after rain; and both spread more
actively after a series of dry years.

How far does the resemblance between them go?

Tf we consider how constantly these two diseases are associated
together in the same individual ; and, again, how it not infrequently
happens that different persons in the same house, or even the same
family, will be attacked simultaneously—the one with scarlatina and
the other with diphtheria—does it not suggest the possibility that
these two diseases may be simply modifications of the same thing?
Or, in other words, may they not be “‘allotropic forms” (to use a
chemical term) of the same disease, as charcoal and the diamond are
allotropic forms of carbon? I think this may possibly be so.

I am indebted to Mr. W. EK. Plummer, m.a., F.z.4.s., Director of
the Liverpool Observatory, Bidston Hill, Birkenhead, for the par-
ticulars respecting the weekly variations of temperature and rainfall
contained in the tables; and to him I tender my best thanks for his
courtesy and trouble in the matter.

Marspen— Zemperature and Rainfull and Spread of Diseases. 49

after deficient rainfall, and recede after rain ; and both spread more
actively after a series of dry years.

How far does the resemblance between them go?

If we consider how constantly these two diseases are associated
together in the same individual ; and, again, how it not infrequently
happens that different persons in the same house, or even the same
family, will be attacked simultaneously—the one with scarlatina and
the other with diphtheria—does it not suggest the possibility that
these two diseases may be simply modifications of the same thing?
Or, in other words, may they not be ‘‘allotropie forms” (to use a
chemical term) of the same disease, as charcoal and the diamond are
allotropic forms of carbon? I think this may possibly be so.

I am indebted to Mr. W. E. Plummer, m.a., F.r.a.s., Director of
the Liverpool Observatory, Bidston Hill, Birkenhead, for the par-
ticulars respecting the weekly variations of temperature and rainfall
contained in the tables; and to him I tender my best thanks for his
courtesy and trouble in the matter.

K. I. A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SECT, B. | F

EV:

THE COMPOSITION OF A NITROGEN MINERAL WATER
AT ST. EDMUNDSBURY, LUCAN.

By: W.-E., ADENEY,|D:8¢.,, M1. Ral _A,,,
Curator and Examiner in Chemistry in the Royal University, Dublin.

Read Jun 25. Ordered tor Publication Junr 27. Published Jury 25, 1906.

THE mineral water which forms the subject of this communication
rises to within 4 feet from the ground-level in a shallow-built well,
which is situate in the demesne of St. Edmundsbury, Lucan, and flows
thence in considerable volume into the River Liffey. The water in the
well is between 1 and 2 feet deep, and through it large bubbles of gas
are to be seen constantly rising from the bottom to the surface, giving
it the appearance somewhat of ebullition. The well is marked in the
Ordnance maps as the ‘‘ Boiling Well.” It is similarly named in
older maps of the eighteenth century. There can be little doubt from
its surroundings that the mineral water must formerly have been of
some repute.

Some of the loose stones at the bottom of the well are covered
with iron rust, as also is the mouth of the outlet from the spring to
the river below. “

A sample of the gases which are evolved was collected and
analyzed. ‘The following results were obtained :—

Nitrogen, : . 97-9 per cent.
Carbon dioxide, ; sceezal os

A sample of water was also collected and analyzed for the purpose
of ascertaining whether it was fit to be used as a potable water. The
results which were obtained are given in the following table, expressed
as parts per 100,000 volumes of the water :—

Organic nitrogen, ; ob 0 0LS
Nitrogen as ammonia, . : . 0:009
Nitrogen as nitrates, . Mele
Nitrogen as nitrites, . 70-6
Chlorine, : : ; : . 44:8

Total solids, . d : . 12820

Aprnry—Composition of a Nitrogen Mineral Water. 51

The gases, which were dissolved in the water, were also deter-
mined. They were as follows, expressed in volumes at 0° C. , ‘and
760 mm. bar., per 1000 volumes of the water :-—

Carbon dioxide, . : | a 140° 47
Oxygen, . : 0-0
Nitrogen, . , , : 27°13

A portion of the sample of water was aerated, and kept out of
contact with the air, with a view of ascertaining whether it contained
any fermentative organic substances. After aeration the dissolved
gases had the following composition, expressed as before :-—

Carbon dioxide, . . ; ooh WD 269
Oxygen, . : 5°74
Nitrogen, . ; ; ; ; 12°44

The remainder of the aerated portion was kept for three months
out of contact with the air, and the composition of the dissolved gases
was then found to be practically the same.

It may be gathered from the very small quantity of organic
nitrogen which the sample contained, and from the fact that the
organic substances which it did contain were non-fermentative, that
the sample contained no polluting matters which would render it
unfit for potable purposes.

It should be noted that the sample, when collected, was quite
clear and colourless, and free from turbidity.

Further samples of the evolved gases, and of the water, were
subsequently @llected, just previous to heavy rains succeeding a long
period of dry weather, and when the autumn season had well advanced.
The sample of water was, as. before, quite clear and colourless. It
yielded the following results on analysis :—

Organic nitrogen, 0008
Nitrogen as ammonia, . ; ; ols
Nitrogen as nitrates, ' i> 00
Nitrogen as nitrites, , : , O°@
Chiorine) / .; , . 45°87
Total solids, ; NApe TE 12256

The gases dissolved in the water, expressed as before in volumes
per 1000 volumes of the water :—
Carbon dioxide, . ' . 188°88

Oxygen, . ; 0°34
Nitrogen, . , ; 21°18

52 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

A portion of this sample, when aerated and kept out of contact
with the air for a fortnight, suffered no diminution in the dissolved
oxygen.

The foregoing two sets of analyses, when compared, show that
the two samples differed but slightly in composition, although they
were collected at different seasons of the year.

The water holds in solution an abnormally large volume of
nitrogen, fully twice that found at ordinary atmospheric pressures
and temperatures.

It is probable that the excess of nitrogen was derived from the
fermentative decomposition of nitrates ; 1:8 parts nitric nitrogen per
100,000 parts of the water would, on decomposition, yield 14 ce.
Nitrogen at 0° C., and 760 mm. bar. If wholly derived from the air,
the water must have been subjected to considerable pressure, at least
that of two atmospheres. The spring evidently rises from a consider-
able depth below the surface of the ground, otherwise the water
would not retain so much nitrogen in solution.

The tact that after several days of strong frost, and at a time
when the temperature of the air was 32° Fahr., that of the water, as
it rose to the surface of the well, was 60°5° Fahr., shows that the water
is unaffected by surface conditions.

A large volume of the water was collected on the 24th of November,
1904, and a careful quantitative analysis was made of its saline
constituents. The results are given in the subjoined table :-—

Constituents, expressed as grains per gallon—

Calcium bicarbonate, . , me op 24
Ferrous bicarbonate, —. ’ ; ‘ 0:32
Magnesium sulphate, . : ; 3°24
Magnesium chloride, . . : 9°38
Sodium chloride, . . . 41°24
Potassium chloride, , 0°15
Lithium chloride, ; . trace
Barium sulphate, . ; . trace
Alumina, . : ; ; 0-11
Silica, . | LP ON SRP es ee ees

90°21

It appears from the foregoing results that the water is a mild saline
water, and should, I think, prove of value in therapeutic action. This
is a question, however, which more properly belongs to the domain
of medicine.

NOTE ON THE ACTION OF EMULSINE ON
B-GLYCOSIDES.

By HUGH RYAN, D.8c., F.R.U.1., anp GEORGE EBRILL, B.A.,
Catholic University School of Medicine, Dublin.

Read Junr 25. Ordered for Publication Junz 27. Published Juny 25, 1906.

In a previous communication’ we have described the syntheses of
some glycosides derived from arabinose by the action of phenols and
naphthol. Owing to lack of material at the time, we were unable to
determine the behaviour of enzymes towards these substances. The
method described by us for the preparation of the arabinosides was
similar to that previously used for the syntheses of the glucosides of
the three cresols, 8-naphthol and carvacrol, and of the galactoside of
a-naphthol.*

In the latter experiments the glycosides produced were easily
hydrolysed by emulsine, and were, therefore, assigned to the B-series.
The syntheses of the pentosides being in every respect analogous to
those of the 8-hexosides, we feel justified in regarding the former as
8-compounds, and are supported in this view by the behaviour of
a- and B-acetochlorohexoses towards alkaline solutions. In the absence
of alkali, an a-acetochlorohexose yields an a-hexoside, and a
B-compound gives a B-hexoside; but, in the presence of alkali, both
substances yield a B-hexoside. Even if our aceto-chloro-arabinose
had been an a-derivative, it should, under the conditions of the
experiments, have yielded B-glycosides.

Since members of the #-series are characterised by the ease with
which emulsine hydrolyses them, and the only known synthetical
glycosides obtained from pentoses and phenols are those got by us, we
deemed it essential for the completion of our work to see if emulsine is
inactive towards phenolic pentosides. Emil Fischer has already
shown that emulsine is inactive towards alcoholic pentosides.

For our purpose, tubes containing aqueous solutions of

1 Proc. Royal Irish Academy, vol. xxiv., Sec. B., Partiv., p. 379.
2 Ryan, Jour. Chem. Soc., 1899, p. 1054; Ryan and Mills, Jour. Chem. Soc.,
1901, p. 704.

R-1.A, PROC,, VOL. XXVI.; SEC. B.' G

54 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

8-orthocresyl-arabinoside, -carvacryl-arabinoside, -8-naphthyl-
arabinoside, and f-phenyl-glucoside, to which emulsine had been
added, were kept at a constant temperature of 45° C. for seventy-two
hours. The phenyl-glucoside was almost completely converted into
phenol and glucose ; but, in the case of the arabinosides, although faint
odours of carvacrol and cresol could be observed, there was no
indication of the presence of even a minute trace of arabinose.

In the following Table we include, for purpose of comparison, all
the known synthetical glycosides of the phenols :—

Hydrolysed
NAME. by Synthesised by
Emulsine ? |
& | g.g-Naphthyl-arabinoside, ee Ryan and Ebrill.
< E B-Orthocresyl-arabinoside, : No. Rya™ and Ebrill.

B B-Carvacryl-arabinoside, . : No. Ryan and Ebrill.
B-Phenyl-glucoside, . ; : Yes. Michael.
Tetracetyl-8-phenyl-glucoside, . a Michael.
Guaicyl-glucoside, . : Yes. Michael.
Eugenyl-glucoside, . Yes. Michael.

Helicine, . : : ; : Yes. | Michael.
Methyl-arbutine, ; : Yes. Michael.
B-a-Naphthyl-glucoside, . : Yes. Drouin.

| B-Thymol-glucoside, , : Yes. Drouin.

% B-Orthocresyl-glucoside, . $ Yes. Ryan.

: _ Tetracetyl-B-ortocresyl-glucoside,, No. Ryan. |

| B-Metacresyl-glucoside, . Yes. Ryan and Mills. |

i | Tetracetyl, . : ; a Ryan.
rr | B-Para-cresyl-glucoside, . ; Yes. Ryan.
| Tetracetyl- ds : : No. Ryan.
B-B-Naphthyl-glucoside, . : Yes. Ryan.
Tetracetyl- J ; : No. Ryan.
B-Carvacryl-glucoside, . Yes. Ryan.
B-a-Naphthyl-galactoside, Yes. | Ryan and Mills.
B-Phenyl-galactoside, : 3 Yes. Fischer and Armstrong.
Tetracetyl- , ; = Fischer and Armstrong.
B-Phenyl-Maltoside, ’ Yes. Fischer and Armstrong.

Heptacetyl- _,, : : aa —

Cc.
DopE-
COSIDES

~
c

Ryan—Wote on the Action of Emutsine on [3-Glycosides. 55

Owing to the sparing solubility of the acetyl derivatives of the
hexosides in water, the reactions were also tried in dilute alcohol
(80 c.c. water + 20 c.c. absolute alcohol); but the glycosides remained
unaffected by emulsine. Under the same conditions this enzyme
easily hydrolysed amygdaline.

If we examine the above results, we sliall see that the activity of
emulsine towards a glycoside depends not only on the configuration of
the molecule, as Emil Fischer has pointed out, but also on the nature
of the groups. Thus the replacement of four hydrogen atoms in

£-B-naphthyl-glucoside

on | Hon |
CH.6n—¢—¢—0_C_—c' i
H H OHH
ene)

by four acetyl radicals
—-0O
Rg A
_ OAc | H OAc|
CH20Ac—C—C—C—C—CH

converts a glycoside capable of hydrolysis by emulsine into one which
cannot be so hydrolysed.

The conversion of the natural glucoside, salicine, into its benzoyl
derivative, populine, has a similar effect.

Again, it is obvious that the emulsine test does not hold for all
f-glycosides. It holds only for derivatives of fermentable sugars,
such as glucose, galactose, and maltose, and does not hold for
B-glycosides of non-fermentable sugars, such as arabinose.

Ryan—WNote on the Action of Emulsine on [3-Glycosides. 55

If we examine the above results, we shall see that the activity of
emulsine towards a glycoside depends not only on the configuration of
the molecule, as Emil Fischer has pointed out, but also on the nature
of the groups. Thus the replacement of four hydrogen atoms in
§8-B-naphthyl-glucoside

roa on |
OH H OH
CH.0H- 0-060 —C- Ht
H H OHH
H,Ci9p—O
by four acetyl radicals

0
=) OAe H OAc
CH20Ac—C—C—C—C—CH
H HOAcH |
H7C1p—O
converts a glycoside capable of hydrolysis by emulsine into one which
cannot be so hydrolysed.

The conversion of the natural glucoside, salicine, into its benzoyl
derivative, populine, has a similar effect.

Again, it is obvious that the emulsine test does not hold for all
B-glycosides. It holds only for derivatives of fermentable sugars,
such as glucose, galactose, and maltose, and does not hold for
f-glycosides of non-fermentable sugars, such as arabinose.

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. B. H

VI.

ON CONTACT-PHENOMENA AT THE JUNCTION OF
LIAS AND DOLERITE AT PORTRUSH.

By GRENVILLE A. J. COLE, M.R.I.A., F.G.S.,

Professor of Geology in the Royai College of Science for Ireland.
(Prats IT.)

Read Novemprr 12. Ordered for Publication NovemBer 14.
Published DecEMBER 20, 1906.

Tue invasion of the fossiliferous Liassic shales at Portrush, in the
County of Antrim, by a basaltic magma of early Cainozoic age, has given
rise to features which are famous in the history of geology. Little
need now be written on the general physical characters of the
junction; but some details have awaited elucidation, and for these,
so far as I am aware, the aid of the microscope has not hitherto been
called in. Two circumstances attracted me especially to the Portrush
rocks. One was the occurrence, in the collections of the Royal College |
of Science for Ireland, of the original mineral specimens described by
Oldham and Portlock! some seventy years ago. The second was
the discovery by the late Mr. A. V. Jennings,” in 1897, of green
soda-pyroxene in a vein associated with the dolerite. During the
past five years I have visited the sections at Portrush from time to
time, and have gathered the material for microscopic examination
which is utilised in the present paper.

James Bryce, jun.,*? in a paper which made its mark, but which §
remains none too clear in its conclusions, drew attention to the
repetition of the two rock-types, the flinty fossiliferous materialff

1Report on the Geology of the County of Londonderry, &c., Board of
Ordnance (1843), pp. 99, 150, and 742.

* Irish Naturalist, vol. viii. (1899), p. 64.

3“¢ An Account of the celebrated Portrush Rock,’’ Journ. Geol. Soc. Dublin
yol. i. (1885), pp. 169 and 178.

CotE—Contact-Phenomena at Junction of Lias and Dolerite. 57

and the true basalt, inalternating strata a few inches in thickness,
both in the peninsula of Portrush and in the outlying isles, the
Skerries. He rightly judged that this interlamination was due to
‘the injection of one of the rocks into theother.” Sir R. Griffith, in
an annual address for 1855, which is not published in the Journal of
the Geological Society of Dublin, added valuable observations ;! and
Portlock? has given a most valuable literary history of the successive
researches on the altered Lias of Portrush. The rock is again
described in a memoir published by the Geological Survey of Ireland
in 1888.°

Among the minerals described by Oldham in Portlock’s memoir, is
one referred with doubt to bronzite+ ‘The analysis given is
admittedly unserviceable, since the flaky mineral was not separated
from the rock. The original specimens, which came from the
Portrush peninsula, consist of a dark-grey crystalline type of the
altered calcareous shale, with red-brown micaceous plates lying at all
angles at onesurface. ‘These plates, where they meet on one another,
produce the effect of being the bounding planes of solid crystals, just as
the mica does in the peridotite known as scyelite.2 A mica-
lamprophyre sent me by Mr. J. St. J. Phillips, from a dyke at
Orlock, Co. Down, shows a similar structure. Another instance
is seen in the biotite which has abundantly arisen in an inclusion,
probably of sedimentary origin, gathered by me from the granite of
Ballymagreehan Quarry, Castlewellan.

My own observations at Portrush have not enabled me to trace the
spot whence Portlock’s well developed specimens were obtained;
but, from the detection of smaller examples, I have no doubt that the
crystalline plates hitherto described as bronzite were found close to a
junction with the dolerite. A specimen selected for a thin section
shows, indeed, a film of dolerite in contact with the altered shale of
which the main mass is composed.

In the first place, the flaky mineral is undoubtedly a brown mica.
It has the characteristic cleavage and pleochroism, and is practically
uniaxial in sections parallel to the cleavage. It arises in certain
zones of the altered rock, the larger crystals lying, for instance, at

1 See abstract in Portlock, op. cit., p. 43.

* Ibid., pp. 37-44.

’ Explanatory Memoir to sheets 7 and 8, p. 18.

* Report on Geol. of Londonderry, &c., p. 742.

> Judd, ‘‘ Tertiary and older Peridotites of Scotland.’’ Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc.
London, vol. xli. (1885), p. 402.

58 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

various angles in one layer; small crystals, which are virtually
colour-spots, occurring in the next layer; and a third layer being
practically free from mica. These zones coincide, in the specimens
in my hands, with the bedding-planes of the shale; but I suspect
that examples will be found where the zonal arrangement will be
seen to be parallel to the surface of contact with the intrusive mass,
whether this runs along or transverse to the bedding-planes.

In Portlock’s specimens, it is not clear if the coarse development
of the mica occurred in actual contact with a dolerite sheet, since the
specimens are free from igneous matter where the large crystals are
displayed. But I think it highly probable that a more massive sheet,
or the main igneous mass, lay towards this surface, the mineralising
agents of Lévy, the ‘‘crystallisers”’ of Doelter,' operating there most
freely. For the production of biotite or hornblende, it is now
recognised that the presence of some such stimulus is required.’

The brown mica, however, does not represent the first product
of metamorphism in the calcareous shale of Portrush. It is well
known that the rock has become flinty, and shows the streak of
steel when we attempt to scratch it with a knife. This is largely
due to the formation of minute grains and prisms of pale yellow-
green to yellow-brown pyroxene throughout the ground. Small
granules of quartz, apparently also secondary, and sometimes includ-
ing spherulites of chlorite, occur here and there; there are also a
few nests of zeolites; but the essential mineral is pyroxene, which
sometimes replaces a whole zone in closely packed and fairly uniform
eranules. The brown mica in consequence includes granular pyroxene
in abundance, and has developed, indeed, first as colour-spots in the
interstitial material, and then as more defined crystals, with continuous
cleavage-planes, but without proper bounding edges.

In a specimen collected by myself, the mica, so long as it is
minute, looks as if it bad arisen simultaneously with pyroxene
eranules of similar size; but this effect is probably deceptive,
since all the larger crystals include pyroxene. A black mineral,
in feathery aggregates of small rods, with the appearance of
magnetite by reflected light, occurs in the zone in which mica is
best developed, and also in less degree on either side of it. This
suggests rutile; but even in very small prisms it is not translucent.

1 Petrogenesis (1906), pp. 22 and 24.

2 The biotite-calciphyres of Monte Somma are well known. For a small Irish
example, see Cole, ‘‘ On the Geology of Slieve Gallion,’’ Sci. Trans. R. Dublin Soc.,
vol. vi. (1897), p. 224.

CoLrr—Contact-Phenomena at Junction of Lias and Dolerite. 59

On scratching with a knife, it remains black and lustrous, and is
probably an iron-ore, the occurrence of which is determined by
some original difference of composition in this particular layer of the
stratified series. A similar opaque mineral occurs in plates and
granules in Portlock’s specimens.

I am unable to determine the minute colourless constituents which
fill in the spaces between the prisms and granules of yellow-brown
pyroxene. Some are prismatic, lke small felspars; others are
merely granular. This transparent ground is not affected by hot
hydrochloric acid, since the irregular edges of broken fragments of the
rock retain their forms, even when examined during the attack by an
objective magnifying five hundred diameters. I cannot, therefore,
verify the presence of wollastonite, which might very reasonably be
expected to occur.

It is, moreover, a coloured pyroxene that has invaded the shell-
fragments of the Liassic sediment, not only in the way of an infilling,
but also as a replacement of the shells. Oldham! long ago noticed a
belemnite at Portrush, the cavity of which was occupied by augite ;
but he regarded this as resulting from an intrusion of the underlying
dolerite. We may, at any rate, agree that such mineralisation’is due
to the direct influence of the dolerite, and perhaps to the inflow of
‘“‘erystallisers” from it. Aggregates of pale green-brown granular
pyroxene, appearing as long bands when the microscopic section is cut
transversely to the bedding of the rock, represent in many layers the
substance of the well-known fossils of Portrush.

This type of alteration, in the fossils and in the ground, is still
conspicuous in a specimen of the flinty Lias, taken from the top-bed
cf a quarry, where the nearest visible igneous rock lay a metre lower
down. Close to the dolerite, the fossils become practically lost.
There the micaceous zones also appear. Thus, in the banded specimen
particularly studied, and described above in connexion with the
‘“bronzite,” the layer nearest the igneous rock consists of abundant
pyroxene in a colourless granular ground. The streaky grouping of
the pyroxene, when read in the light of less altered specimens of the
rock, indicates the former presence of shells. ‘Then follows a zone
in which the opaque feathery mineral appears, and the pyroxene
granules are smaller. Then a zone in which these small granules are
associated with the opaque mineral and brown mica. This passes
gradually into the normal pyroxenic flinty rock, which is grey and

In Portlock’s Report on Geology of Londonderry, &c., p. 150.

60 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

less translucent than the preceding zones, and retains clearer traces
of organic remains, the pyroxene occurring as an infilling (compare
fig. 1). ‘This sequence is seen within a distance of two centimetres.
The whole phenomena of Portrush are, of course, on a small scale
when compared with those that occur among the roots of mountains,
and on the margins of great laccolites and domes. But they corre-
spond interestingly with those so well described by Lacroix,' where
fragments of limestone are entombed in basalt near Aubenas, Ardéche.
In his figure 8, p. 146, Lacroix shows a zone of augite prisms,
embedded in calcite and colourless glass, at the actual contact. The
limestone in this case is turned into a very fine-grained mixture of
pyroxene and wollastonite, with some isotropic and some opaque
particles. Grains of anorthite occur in the isotropic matter. In his
figure 9, p. 148, Lacroix shows veins of basalt in the limestone ;
vitreous matter is abundant, and the basalt itself, by absorption of

Section of altered Liassic shale, small quarry, Portrush. Traces of
fossil shells remain, infilled and partly replaced by pyroxene.
The paler part of the ground is rich in small plates of brown mica,
which occur also in the darker and greyer portion. Minute
granules of pyroxene abound throughout. x 15.

the limestone, becomes more vitreous. Later on,? he describes the
marginal zone of silicates formed by the mingling of andesite and
limestone on the surfaces of inclusions in the lava of Santorin.

1 Les Enclaves des roches volcaniques (1893), p. 144, &¢
* Ibid, p. 264.

Cotr—Contact-Phenomena at Junction of Lias and Dolerite, 61

Various ‘ Kalksilicathornfelse,’’ produced by contact-metamorph-
ism, have been described from time to time;! and an interchange of
material with the adjacent igneous rock has been usually accepted to
account for the variety of minerals formed. The carbon dioxide seems
generally driven off and lost.

More appropriate still is a comparison with the Cambrian lime-
stones of Skye, described by Harker,’ which have been invaded by
Cainozoic gabbro and granite. In one place in the gabbro area, and
at another in the granite area, a white bed of minutely granular
diopside has replaced a zone of the Cambrian marble. Where chert
existed in the latter, as in connexion with sponge-remains, meta-
morphic silicates are now specially abundant. The crusts of sponges
have been replaced by tremolite, while diopside occurs within
them, in a granular aggregate of carbonates in which dolomite is
predominant.

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Pigs2.

Section of junction of fluidal olivine-basalt (darker mass) and Liassic
shale (lighter mass), small quarry, Portrush, showing the fusion
and intermingling that have gone on in places. The light-
coloured band often seen along the actuai contact-surface is formed
of minute granules of pyroxene, which also abound throughout
the altered shale. The basalt contains olivine and rods of felspar,
but is very fine-grained, fluidal, and compact. x 15.

At Portrush, where the basaltic magma has penetrated along the
bedding-planes of the calcareous shales in thin sheets, a centimetre

1 E.g., Fr. Slavik, ‘‘ Ueber einen Granathornfels von Predazzo,’’ Centralblatt
fiir Min., &c., 1904, p. 661.

* “Tertiary Igneous Rocks of Skye,’’ Mem. Geol. Survey of United Kingdom
(1904), pp. 146-7.

62 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

or so in thickness, considerable interfusion and intermodification of
the materials have taken place. The junctions seen in the upper levels
of the small quarries on the peninsula frequently suggest an actual
melting of the lower portion of the shale. The curved and mammil-
lated under-surface becomes in places not well marked off from the
basalt ; and microscopic examination shows that the two rocks have
‘‘run’? in one another (fig. 2) The magma that has given us
close at hand the well known ophitic dolerite of Portrush has here
cooled as a very fine-grained and grey basalt, with porphyritic crystals
of olivine and a few clear felspar prisms, insufficient to form a mesh.
The ground between these consists of a very delicate felt of felspar,
granular pyroxene, and magnetite, with traces of brown mica on an
equally minute scale. Prismatic pyroxene develops freely at the
actual junction with the altered shale, but seems to belong as much
to the igneous rock as to the sedimentary. Then follows the pyrox-
enic type of altered Liassic shale. In places the latter has been
streaked out, clearly in a viscid state, until it mingles, in a common
flow-structure, with its invader.

In another example, also collected by myself, the basalt displays
a distinct mesh of felspar, with granular augite, passing towards an
ophitic structure ; but the microscope reveals in its midst patches of
undefined outline, which can be nothing else than partially digested
fragments of the calcareous shale. The specimen from which the
section was cut shows streaky bands of altered shale, wrapped round
by dark olivine-basalt, which is closely commingled with them.

Occasionally a granular mineral, with striking pleochroism, its
axis-colours ranging from pale green to rich brown-red, is found in
the contact-zone of the shale. In one of Portlock’s specimens, this —
mineral appears also within the dolerite near the junction; but it was
developed before the felspar, while the green pyroxene of the same
rock arose later than the felspar. From its mode of occurrence in the
altered shale, and the occasional inclusions of colourless material in
the centre of its granules, I believe this handsomely pleochroic
substance to be andalusite. If this be correct, its presence in the
dolerite is likely to be due to partial absorption of the shale.

One of the most interesting features suggested by the contact-
rocks of Portrush, and by similar instances, is the accumulation of
one mineral, in our case pyroxene, to the exclusion of others, in the
actual contact-zone within the invaded rock. It is possible that this
is due to a selective absorption of certain materials, those that are,
under the specval circumstances, more fusible or more miscible with the

Cote—Contact-Phenomena at Junction of Lias and Dolerite. 63

invading magma becoming drained out, as it were, into that magma.
In view of the small amount of fusion that has taken place in the
invaded rock, the local accumulation cannot well be due to a
movement of crystallising material through the calcareous shale
towards its margin, as has been argued in the case of lava-basins.
The possibility of zoning by selective absorption is supported by a
contact of granite and garnet-amphibolite at Castleore near Lough
Gill. Here a zone consisting wholly of red garnet appears in one
place along the junction. The garnet is like that prevalent in the
amphibolite ; this latter garnet, moreover, remains in the body of the
granite after the other constituents of the complex amphibolite have
become absorbed.! Lacroix,” in one of his examples from Ardéche,
regards a zone consisting entirely of pyroxene as a marginal moditica-
tion of the invading basalt. In the cases from Portrush, such zones,
however, appear to belong partly to the calcareous shale.

Below the junction with the Lias, the invading olivine-basalt
shades downwards into olivine-dolerite. The latter, as has been
often noted, is cut by numerous subsequent veins of dolerite. Olivine
is by no means so common in these; they are also usually coarser in
grain and paler in colour than the main mass. Zeolites have arisen
in these veins through alteration of the felspar,’ just as is the case
in the still more conspicuous veins at Fair Head. The veins often
run horizontally along planes of yielding in the main dolerite ; then
they bend sharply up or down, and proceed again along another
horizontal plane. These horizontal veins or sheets are at times
faulted by still later veins. There is no reason to assign any
appreciable difference in age to these igneous inflows; the veins
were, however, clearly influenced by planes of weakness, due to
shrinkage, in a mass that was practically consolidated. Where they
enter the compacter and basaltic layer, they include,fragments of it,
just as a granite may include lumps of slate. Though they doubtless
represent the upwelling of the last remaining portion of the magma
that underlay Portrush, they are subsequent intrusive bodies, and
not ‘* segregation-veins ” in the old and, I venture to think, somewhat
fanciful acceptance of the term. The vertical veins terminate

* Other details of absorption in Castleore are given in Cole, ‘ Intrusive Gneiss
of Tirerrill and Drumahair,’’ Proc. R. Irish Acad., vol. xxly., sect. B (1903),
p. 364. ‘

* Les Enclaves des roches volcaniques, p. 148.

ary. A. B. Young, ‘An Analcite Diabase and other rocks from Gullane Hill,”
Trans. Edin. Geol. Soc., vol. viii. (1903), p. 331.

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. B.] ys

64 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

upwards, so far as I have observed, before reaching the zone of
altered sediment, as if this flinty layer was already in existence in its
metamorphosed state, and provided a tough obstacle, while the basalt
below still shrank, settled, and split open.

Sir A. Geikie! has carefully described these veins and those at
Fair Head, and has urged that the complete dovetailing of the
crystals at their edges in between those of the main dolerite shows
that the latter rock was still plastic at the period of the intrusion of
the veins. A high temperature seems certainly to have prevailed in
the invaded mass, since it is difficult otherwise to account for the
coarseness of the crystallisation within the vems. But the renewed
growth of crystals in an invaded rock, and the interchange of
constituents at high temperatures with those of its invader, may
cause an interlocking of crystals to arise between rocks of very
different ages.*

Sir A. Geikie observed also how the felspar at Portrush 1s
collected in the central part of the veins, the dark constituents being
gathered on the margins. To this it may be added that the pyroxene
and magnetite are distinctly more conspicuous in the lower part of
the horizontal ves, though they are also grouped towards the upper
surface. Sometimes the augite crystals grow out in the upper part,
where they have more play, approximately at right angles to the
surface of the sheet; in the ,lower zone they are more closely
matted together. The marginal aggregation gives us, as it were, a
model, in one small sheet after another, of the Hauptmassiv and
Grenzfaciesglieder of Brogger.2 Even in microscopic sections ot
veinules a millimetre across, traversing fine-grained basalt, it is
possible to trace a gathering of granular pyroxene on the margins,
representing the first deposit from the magma against the bounding
walls. At this stage, then, the conditions were clearly not such as
would produce the ordinary ophitic structure. Such marginal
differentiation in veins has of course been noted in other areas.
Professor R. B. Young* has thus recently described a similar darkening
of the sides of small basic veins at Corby Craigs. The gravitational
separation towards the lower surface in the Portrush examples is

1 Ancient Volcanoes of Great Britain, vol. ii., pp. 300 and 303.

2 Of. Cole, ‘‘On a Hillside in Donegal,’’ Science Progress in the Twentieth
Century, voli. (1906), pp. 351 and 363.

3 Die Eruptivgesteine des Kristianiagebietes; I. Die Gesteine der Grorudit-
Tinguait-Serie (1894), p. 179.

4 Op. cit., Trans. Edin. Geol. Soc., vol. viii., p. 334.

Cote— Contact-Phenomena at Junction of Lias and Dolerite. 65

paralleled by the diabase dykes of Electric Peak, described by
Iddings.1 This author refers us with justice to Charles Darwin’s*
discussion of differentiation in igneous masses through the growth of
crystals in a magma of less density. Darwin’s view that crystals
would in many cases gather towards the bottom of horizontal flows
led him, sixty years ago, to one of those philosophic conclusions that
have placed him among the greatest and most far-seeing of geological
observers.

Finally, in view of Mr. Jennings’s specimen from one of the veins
of Portrush, with its fine-grained and coarser zones rich in soda-
pyroxene, there is clearly room for further research in this well
visited and attractive field. A specimen in the Portlock Collection,
probably from Portrush and not from Fair Head, shows a zone of
soda-pyroxene and plagioclase, forming a rock of dioritic composition,
succeeded by a zone of granular dolerite of finer grain, this being
succeeded, along an interlocked edge, by a zone of hornblende-
plagioclase rock, such as one generally associates with the epidiorite
phase. But the hornblende in this case cannot be derived from the
pyroxene of the dolerite that is seen in the adjacent zone. Are
these zones due to successive intrusion, or to marginal. differentia-
tion, or to contact-alteration ? Moreover, is the somewhat startling
epidiorite or aphanite a stranger brought up solid from the underlying
schistose series ?

The main dolerite of Portrush shows a felspathic facies in places,
in which the felspar is andesine, as determined by Mr. T. Crook and
myself. There are thus possibilities of modification in this mass also,
on the one hand by marginal differentiation, and on the other by
absorption of material met with in its passage from below.

**<'The eruptive rocks of Electric Peak and Sepulchre Mountain, Yellowstone
Park,” Twelfth Ann. Rep. U. S. Geol. Survey, Part i. (1891), pp. 584-5.
* Observations on Volcanic Islands (1844), Minerva Edition, pp. 243-5.

66 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE II.

Altered calcareous shale of Liassic age, north shore of peninsula
of Portrush.

X The invading sheet of dolerite appears in the right-hand part
of the bottom of the picture. |

(Photographed by R. Wetcu.)

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VIT.

STUDIES IN TUBERCULOSIS.
J.-II.

by A. BO METYAM, B.Sc.; M.R.C.V.8., M.B.I.A.-

Read January 14. Ordered for Publication January 30.
Published Frsruary 11, 1907.

I.—Inrection oF BovinEs BY THE AVIAN TUBERCLE BACILLUS.

Ir will be remembered that Koch, at the London Congress on Tubercu-
losis in 1901, gave as his opinion that the organism of tuberculosis of
man was different from that producing tuberculosis in bovines; and
he further asserted that the organism found in the lesions of oxen
was not pathogenic for man. Since that time much has been done in
investigating these statements of Koch; and though it would be rash
to say that every tubercle bacillus isolated from lesions of bovines is
capable of producing tuberculosis in man, still it would be equally
wrong to assert that tubercle bacilli obtained from bovines are in
every case innocuous.

For years past it has been recognized that bacilli obtained from
mammals differ in their morphological and other characteristics from
those isolated from birds; and it has been recognized that the avian
bacillus is not so pathogenic for mammals as for birds. Further, it is
maintained that mammalian tubercle bacilli are not so pathogenic for
birds as those of avian origin. As an experimental fact, we may
mention that the guinea-pig resists the avian tubercle bacillus, whilst
the rabbit responds, and rapidly so. On the other hand, tubercle
bacilli of mammalian origin rapidly cause wasting, lesions, and death
in the guinea-pig, but not so certainly in the rabbit.

The tubercle bacillus of mammalian origin grows slowly upon the
ordinary laboratory media. The colonies are warty and rugose, dry
and scaly. The scales formed of myriads of organisms are broken
down with difficulty.

The avian bacillus grows rapidly. The colonies are whitish, fatty
in appearance, moist, do not form scales, and the organisms can easily
be disassociated.

R.I.A. PROC., VOL, XXVI., SECT. B. | K

68 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Both organisms agree in their tinctorial characters, and generally
in their microscopic appearances.

The organism [I have utilized was isolated by me direct from the
liver of a turkey, and has been sub-cultured over a period of two
years. It grows readily and well upon the usual media, glycerine
blood-serum, glycerine agar, and glycerine potato. It also grows in,
and on, bouillon containing 5 per cent. glycerine. It has maintained
its pathogenic properties constantly, and apparently without attenua-
tion.

As I was desirous of ascertaining the pathogenicity of the
organism I had isolated for bovines, and particularly as I was un-
acquainted with any recent experiments made with cultures of the
avian bacillus upon bovines, I determined to utilize two cattle which
I had in my possession. They were submitted to the usual tuberculin
test, with the object of determining their freedom from tuberculosis.
There was no reaction, and consequently they were declared free from
tuberculosis. The animals were a heifer and a young bull, both of
the same age, approaching two years. The virus I employed was a
culture in bouillon (glycerinated) of the third generation. The heifer
received 5 c.c. of the bouillon into the auricular vein, on September 4,
1906. The infection was first attempted into a vein of the left ear;
but, the animal moving when the injection was about to be made,
the needle left the vein, and a small quantity of the fluid escaped
into the tissues. The injection was then made into a vein of the
right ear, the quantity being made up todc.c. A fortnight later a
small swelling was noticed at the root of the left ear where the first
injection had been attempted; but it remained hard and did not
suppurate.

On September 25 the animal was noticed to be coughing, and the
respirations were slightly increased in frequency. The temperature
was 106°F, On succeeding days, until death, the temperature was
taken morning and evening. The subject continued to cough. The
respirations were hurried, the eyes sank, the animal lost condition,
and symptoms of pneumonia supervened. The temperatures recorded
are of interest, and I append them :—

A.M. P.M.
September 26 104:4 104-2
Paap 27 104:6 106-0
hates: 104-0 105°6
as 29 104°0 105°8

a 30 104°8 106°2

Merrram—Studies in Tuberculosis. 69

A.M. P.M.
October 1 105°6 106:0
. y) 104:0 106-2
5, 3 104-2 105°6
- 4 104°2 105°8
Fe 5 104-0 104:8
fs 6 104°6 105:0
a fs 104°8 104°6
rr 8 104:0 105°0
9 104°4. Kaiulled.

It will be observed that, save on two occasions—on September 26
and October 7—the evening temperature was higher than the
morning temperature.

Post-mortem Examination.—There was a local lesion where inocu-
lation had been first attempted, and smears made from it revealed the
tubercle bacilli. Sections showed an enormous proliferation of
connective tissue around the vein, obliterating it. Caseation had
commenced. Tubercle bacilli in enormous numbers were found in
the new tissues. The anterior lobes of both lungs showed diffused
broncho-pneumonia ; the lung-tissue being extensively hepatised. The
lesion in the right lung was more extensive than that in the left. The
lymphatic glands on the thoracic trachea (tracheal or bronchial) and
the post-mediastinal lymphatic glands were greatly enlarged, and con-
tained tubercle bacilli. The spleen, the liver, and kidneys were normal
in appearance to the naked eye. No lesions could be discovered in the
mesenteric glands; nor were there any appreciable lesions in the
cervical lymphatic glands. Examined microscopically, the lungs
revealed acute tuberculous broncho-pneumonia. Numerous tubercles,
evidently primary tubercles, developed in the pulmonary capillaries
were present, as well as alveolar tubercles which had developed
secondarily. The alveoli contained well-developed tubercles, in
addition to a certain amount of fibrin, red blood-corpuscles, and isolated
leucocytes. The alveolar tubercles contained giant cells, and tubercle
bacilli were readily found. Microscopic examination of the spleen,
liver, and kidneys, demonstrated the presence of young tubercles, as did
also examination of the bronchial and mediastinal lymphatic glands.
The results of the post-mortem and microscopic examination are
similar to the results obtained from the rabbit after infection by the
auricular vein, although in the bovine the lesions in the abdominal
viscera are not so pronounced.

70 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

At the same time, on September 4, 1906, 10 c.c. of the same
culture as used in the previous experiment were administered to the
bull. The culture was diluted in two Erlenmeyer flasks of ordinary
tap-water (240 c.c.), and given by means of the stomach-pump.
This method of administration was employed to obviate the risk of
the drench passing into the rumen. The lumen of the tube was
flushed out with a further quantity of water. The animal had been
previously tested with tuberculin, but did not respond.

As the companion animal appeared ill on September 25, the
temperature of this animal was also taken; and I append the tempera-
tures for purposes of comparison.

A.M. P.M.

September 25 | — 1042
wk gee 102-2 103-0

ae 27 102°0 102°'8

re 28 102:0 102°8

i Sago 101:4 101°8
silee0 102°0 102°4
October 1 102°6 102°8
Z 2 102-2 102°6

be 3 102°6 102-0

a 4 101°8 102-0

i: 5 102°2 103°6

fs 6 102-6 101.8

p 7 103-0 102-6

. 8 102°8 103-0

9 101.8 —

The temperature fluctuated more than in perfect health; but still,
save on September 25, it was never as high as any temperature
recorded in its companion. I determined to apply the tuberculin test
after the lapse of a short time. According to von Behring, the tuber-
culin test should not be applied until after three months had elapsed
from date of infection. Any test prior to that is said to be useless,
because infection has not been established.

The test I applied fifty days after injection ; and it shows that von
Behring’s statement is incorrect. The tuberculin was injected at
11.30 p.m. on October 24, the temperature at the time of inoculation
being 101°8.

MerramM—NStudies in Tuberculosis. 71

The records of temperature upon October 25 are as follows :—

8 a.m. : 102°4
9 2.m. ‘ , 102°0
11 a.m. : 103-6
1 p.m. : : 104°8
2.45 p.m. : 106:0 about 15 hours.
4.45 p.m. : 105°6
6.45 p.m. : : 104°8
9 p.m. 3 104:0
11.30 p.m. ; 103-4
October 26—9 a.m. , 101-2

A clear and unmistakable reaction had occurred, and the animal
was undoubtedly infected by the single dose of the culture. On
December 2 the animal received a second dose of tuberculin—-a
double dose—with the object of ascertaining if there was any pre-
cocious reaction to an increased dose, such as Vallée maintains. The
injection was made at 12 noon, the temperature at the time being
102°2. At1.380it was 103°4; 2.30, 103°6; 3.30, 102°8; 4.30, 103°0;
5.30, 103-2; 6.30, 1028; 7.30, 104-0; 9.0, 1038; 11 p.m., 103-8.
Next morning the temperature at 9 a.m. was 103°0. I think that
there was an undoubted reaction at the seventh hour, but it was not
as early as expected. It is probable that a reaction occurred during
the early hours of the morning of December 3, but the temperatures
are not recorded.

This animal received a further dose of tuberculin on December 18,
at midnight, the temperature at time of injection registering 101:2°F.
Next day the temperatures were as follows :—9 a.m., 101°8°; 11 a.m.,
202-4 5:1 p:m., 102:4;°3 p.m., 102-0; °5 p.m., 102°4; 7 p.m., 102-2;
December 20, 10 a.m., 102°0. No reaction. The animal was killed
on December 20 at noon.

Post-mortem Examination.—The carcass was in fair condition, A
small quantity—a few ounces—of fluid escaped from the peritoneal
sac on opening the abdomen. The mesenteric lymphatic glands were
not enlarged, but the majority showed lesions of tubercle. These
lesions were in the cortex of the gland, and varied in size from a pea
downwards. They were dry and caseous, but not markedly calcareous.
Smears made from the glands and stained for the tubercle bacillus
showed a few bacilli, some very short and like diplococci, others
apparently degenerating (staining badly, irregular in shape, and in
part swollen).

v2 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

The glands near to the bowel-wall appeared to have borne the
brunt of the infection. Those further away in the mesentery were
apparently free frem lesions. No tuberculous lesion: could be found
elsewhere.

Inoculation of the caseous material taken from a mesenteric
lymphatic gland into a rabbit remained without effect. The rabbit
did not develop even a local lesion. The inference, therefore, is that
the lesion was innocuous: that the animal had recovered from the
infection.

The case is of great interest, because—/first, a single dose of
virus was able to infect ; second, infection was readily revealed at the
fiftieth day by tuberculin ; ¢hird, after the lesion had become sterile,
tuberculin gave no reaction, and this again emphasized the value of
tuberculin as a diagnostic reagent; fourth, it supports the contention
that animals recover from infection by virus of low potency. It will
be interesting to learn if, as is maintained by Calmette and Guerin,
immunity from tuberculosis may be brought about by the use of
doses of virus of low virulency given by the alimentary tract.

IJ.— Nore on THE PRESENCE oF TUBERCLES IN THE LACTEALS OF THE
VILLI oF THE INTESTINE IN TUBERCULOUS INFECTION.

Infection in tuberculosis, probably in the great majority of cases, is
infection by the alimentary tract. This opinion is being forced upon
investigators who have paid particular attention to experimental
tuberculosis induced by feeding with contaminated or infective
materials. In some cases the virus may pass through the mucous
membrane of the intestine without producing a visible lesion; at
other times necrosis and ulceration of the intestine are established.
Probably the explanation of the different results obtaimed is to be
found in the amount and degree of virulence of the infective agent
employed. In cases where there are macroscopic lesions there 18 no
difficulty in tracing the course of the virus in the intestinal wall,
particularly to the mesenteric lymphatic glands situated in the
mesentery. In other cases the blood capillaries may take up the
virus, and lesions develop in consequence in the liver, the organ
where the virus is first arrested. The point to be ascertained in both
forms of infection is how do the bacilli pass through the intestinal
mucous membrane. The tubercle bacilli are non-motile and are
incapable per se of passing through the epithelial covering of the

Merram—Studies in Tuberculosis. 73
mucous membrane. They must be conveyed through by some
element capable of passing through the epithelium into the lymphatic
or blood-vessels. Now, it is a fact that lymphocytes or other forms of
leucocytes are frequently passing to and fro through the epithelium
into the lacteals placed in the villi of the mucous membrane of the
small intestine, or into the lymphoid tissue which forms so large a
portion of the structure of the mucous membrane of both small and
large intestines. That tubercle bacilli do pass into the lacteals soon
after an infective repast is known. Nicolas and Decos found the
fluid in the lacteals contained sufficient tubercle bacilli, three hours
after an infective repast, to infect a guinea-pig.

Ravenal found the chyle of a dog that had fed on tuberculous
material infective four hours after the meal. The tubercle bacilli in
both these cases probably gained access to the lacteals through the
agency of cells that had phagocyted them. Ifthis is the case, then,
doubtless, lesions should be found in the lacteals themselves;
tubercles should develop in these lymphatic vesseis as elsewhere. I
have been fortunate in finding such tubercles. The animal was a
rabbit that I fed upon material from a tuberculous mammary gland of
a cow. I killed the animal thirty-eight days later. There were
extensive lesions of the intestine and especially close to the ileo-
coecal valve, where the mucous membrane was necrotic and ulcerating.
Sections of the wall of the gut showed considerable destruction of
mucous membrane ; but on the edge of the lesion, where the villi were
still intact with the epithelium 7 situ, I found tubercles present in
the lacteals of the villi. The endothelial lining of the lacteal could
be discovered without difficulty. The tubercle itself is composed of
epithelioid cells, with some few lymphocytes placed especially at the
margin of the tubercle. In one section a giant cell was present. All
the characteristic elements of the tubercle are present, epithelioid
cells, giant cells, and lymphocytes. The tubercle is precisely of the
samg character as that developing in, for instance, the pulmonary
capillaries or along the course of the lymph in the peri-bronchial or
peri-vascular lymphatics of the lungs.

iwenees
Jit: atin stfut

1 Tatil =

Mrrram—Studies in Tuberculosis. ta

mucous membrane. They must be conveyed through by some
element capable of passing through the epithelium into the lymphatic
or blood-vessels. Now, it is a fact that lymphocytes or other forms of
leucocytes are frequently passing to and fro through the epithelium
into the lacteals placed in the villi of the mucous membrane of the
small intestine, or into the lymphoid tissue which forms so large a
portion of the structure of the mucous membrane of both small and
large intestines. That tubercle bacilli do pass into the lacteals soon
after an infective repast is known. Nicolas and Decos found the
fluid in the lacteals contained sufficient tubercle bacilli, three hours
after an infective repast, to infect a guinea-pig.

Ravenal found the chyle of a dog that had fed on tuberculous
material infective four hours after the meal. The tubercle bacilli in
both these cases probably gained access to the lacteals through the
agency of cells that had phagocyted them. Ifthis is the case, then,
doubtless, lesions should be found in the lacteals themselves;
tubercles should develop in these lymphatic vessels as elsewhere. I
have been fortunate in finding such tubercles. The animal was a
rabbit that I fed upon material from a tuberculous mammary gland of
a cow. I killed the animal thirty-eight days later. There were
extensive lesions of the intestine and especially close to the ileo-
ceecal valve, where the mucous membrane was necrotic and ulcerating.
Sections of the wall of the gut showed considerable destruction of
mucous membrane ; but on the edge of the lesion, where the villi were
still intact with the epithelium 7 situ, I found tubercles present in
the lacteals of the villi. The endothelial lining of the lacteal could
be discovered without difficulty. The tubercle itself is composed of
epithelioid cells, with some few lymphocytes placed especially at the
margin of the tubercle. In one section a giant cell was present. All
the characteristic elements of the tubercle are present, epithelioid
cells, giant cells, and lymphocytes. The tubercle is precisely of the
same character as that developing in, for instance, the pulmonary
capillaries or along the course of the lymph in the peri-bronchial or
peri-vascular lymphatics of the lungs.

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. B. L

[ween

Val:

THE RIVER SHANNON: ITS PRESENT COURSE AND
GEOLOGICAL HISTORY.

By J. R. KILROE, H. M. Geological Survey.
[Puates ITI.-VI.]

Read JaNuARY 28. Ordered for publication Frpruary 13.
Published Marcu 29, 1907.

Tue conditions of the Shannon basin in the last section of the river’s
course—from Killaloe to the estuary—came under consideration
during the recent examination by H. M. Geological Survey of the
Limerick area, in 1904; and some references to the drainage were
made in the Explanatory Memoir accompanying the published one-inch
geological map, recently issued. The narrow limits of the map did
not afford justification for a full treatment of the interesting questions
involved in the history of the river; and it is here proposed to set
forth, in some detail, the facts bearing upon those questions in their
geological, physiographic, and economic relations.

In 1862, Professor Jukes, m.a., F.R.S., published, in the Quarterly
Journal of the Geological Society, an account of the formation of
some of the river-valleys in the south of Ireland, in which reference
is made to the Shannon basin and those adjoining it. The author
pointed out that the Shannon could not have excavated the ravine
at Killaloe after the limestone ground north of Sheve Bernagh and
Sleve Arra had reached its present relatively low level. He argued
that the Shannon, Barrow, Nore, and Suir must have begun to flow
upon a surface high above the present basins of those rivers; that the
hypothetical surface was an uplifted plain of marine denudation; and
that the rivers maintained their courses while the general surface was
lowered by subaérial waste and river-erosion. Different kinds of rock
became exposed, which occasioned differential lowering ; ridges were
thus formed, and, while assuming growing importance, were trenched
by the rivers.

KitroE—Zhe Shannon: its Course and Geological History. 75

Professor Hull, m.a., 11.D., F.R.s., adopted this hypothesis,
and points out, in his ‘‘ Physical Geology of Ireland,’”! that the
valleys through which the Moy, Owenwee, Erne, and other rivers
flow outward from the central plain, may be similarly accounted for.

Some interesting items of information are to be gleaned from the
Parliamentary Papers on the subject of the Shannon Navigation.
The minutes of evidence by Col. John Fox Burgoyne (vol. xvii, 1834,
p- 4) deal with the regimen of the river from Lough Allen to
Limerick, and set forth the facilities for commercial traffic along the
three sections, viz.: The Upper Shannon, comprising the stretch from
Lough Allen to Lough Ree; the Middle Shannon, from Lough Ree
to Lough Derg; and the Lower Shannon, from Killaloe to Limerick.

Still more interesting information is afforded by the Admiralty
Charts, which set forth the soundings of the expansions of the
Shannon in considerable detail.

Facilities were in existence prior to 1834 for passing the shallows
at Athlone and Killaloe by means of canals and locks; powers for-
merly possessed by the Board of Inland Navigation had already been
transferred to the Board of Works (Ireland), which is in possession
of levels of the river-bed at several points; and these data have been
kindly placed at my disposal by the officers of the Board of Works,
without which any scientific discussion of the physiography would
necessarily be incomplete.

The Shannon takes its rise in the townland of Derrylahan, in
Cavan—issuing from a deep, roundish hole or pond, which is the
outlet of an underground stream. The lakelet is locally known as
Legnashinna, 345 feet above datum, upon a limestone col, which
forms the waterparting between the basins of the Shannon and the
Erne.” The limestone is very cavernous, traversed by several under-
ground streams; and the water which issues from Legnashinna has
been traced to another lakelet, about 14 mile north-eastward, Lough
Garvah (512 feet above datum), which forms a natural reservoir for
streams visible and concealed. Tracing these rills still higher, the

actual watershed is reached, which, in this locality, is 600 fect
above datum.

1 Sixth edition, 1894, p. 363.

* According to Joyce (‘ Irish Names of Places,’’ pp. 75, 272, third ed., 1871),
Shannon was called Senos on Mercator’s edition of Ptclemy’s Map, 1605.
“Legnashinna’ may be a later Irish form of ‘Shannon,’ joined with Slog’ i* a
hollow.’ Shannon, near Lifford in Donegal, was probably Shandon, after ‘ Sean
Dun,’ ‘Old fort.’

76 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

If a zigzag line be drawn along the course of the river southward
from the watershed line, omitting the smaller curvatures (see map),
the distance to Loop Head and Kerry Head at the Shannon’s mouth
is 189 miles, or about 175 miles from its source to Kilcredaun Point
at Carrigaholt. The drainage-area of the river and its tributaries is
6400 square miles, or about one-fifth of the area of Ireland. The water-
shed line bounding the basin is indicated on the map, as are also those
of the principal adjoining drainage-areas; and tho heights of the
trigonometrical points through which, or near to which, the watershed
passes, as set forth on the Ordnance Map, are also given. The heights
on the Ordnance Map, when the line traverses low ground, do not
usually give the lowest—though they are nearly the lowest—points
separating the Shannon basin from the basins adjoining it, for the
points selected for indication of heights in the process of levelling,
were some salient features of the ground, usually drift hillocks,
in the central plain. The approximately lowest points upon the
watershed, as thus shown on the accompanying map, and in tabulated
form, are—

WATERSHED LEVELS.

Shannon from Woodford River (branch of Erne), 202 feet.

E 4; dirne; : ; : : 489 _,,
ip 9 Boyne, : ‘ o12 5,
ip >) ibarrow, -- ; : ‘ -- 2d l
s 35) JNore, : : ; : o74_s,,
ms jee : : , : ; 444 ,,
m , Blackwater, . : 2 : O00 4 43
- 59. wComm bs Tee : ‘ ' 287 ,,
sa. » Noy. : ; ; ‘ ; 5081/4,
. ,, Drumahaire River, . : ‘ 213

Submergence of the land to a somewhat greater extent than
180 feet would connect Galway Bay with the Shannon estuary,
along the Fergus valley by Gort and Ennis; a lowering of a little
more than 200 feet would bring the waters of Donegal Bay into the
Shannon basin ; and a lowering of more than 260 feet would connect
the Irish Sea with the Atlantic, severing the northern half of the
island from the southern.

1 Recorded by Prof. Jukes, F.n.s., Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc., Nov.,. 1862,
p-. 379.

Kitrore—The Shannon: its Course and Geological History. 77

A sectional view of the river is given (figs. 1 and 2, Plate IV.), and
two lines representing the eastjand west watersheds—looked at as from
the east side. The profiles exhibit the striking variation in levels, of
points over which the watershed passes—the heights to which the
sandstone hills tower as compared with the slight elevation above the
sea and extreme flatness of the limestone plain. The section also
exhibits how insignificant is the fall between Lough Allen and the
estuary—some 159 feet, most of which is expended at the shallows of
Carrick-on-Shannon, Rooskey, Athlone, Meelick, and between Killaloe
and Limerick. The extreme flatness of the river between Athlone
and Meelick is such that, consequent upon the completion of the Suck
Drainage-works in 1892, it was found that the callows along the
Shannon above the confluence of the Suck at Shannonbridge were
much more liable to sudden and frequent floodings than they previously
had been. The more rapid discharge of the Suck waters into the
Shannon, before ordinary extra water had time to pass away, had the
effect of modifying the regimen of the main stream to an extent
which resulted in an action at law.'

The waters of Lough Ree stood some 10 feet higher within recent
times than they now do, as proved by evidence of solution, with under-
‘ cutting of limestone blocks, to be seen about five miles north-west of
Athlone, close to the railway, in the townland of Cornaseer. Under
these conditions the lake must have been, perhaps, twice its width,
and for a considerable period. Its ancient surface-level is clearly
indicated by the caps of the mushroom-shaped blocks.

The average rainfall in the Shannon basin, calculated for a period
of thirty years (1870 to 1899) is as follows :—

At Broadford in Clare, . : : 33°50 inches.
,, Birr Castle, ; . ‘ ‘ 33°06 _,,
,, Mullingar, . : 36°50" _,,
,, Ahascragh, ‘ ; E 40-40* _,,
Average for four stations, . : : 35°86,

The stations in question are all at a low level; if we had records
from some in the hilly regions of Lough Allen and around Lough

—

1 La Touche versus The Suck Drainage Board.
* Rainfall at these stations was in part computed, observations there not
extending over the full term of thirty years.

78 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Derg, the average would doubtless be higher. We may take it roughly
as 386 inches for the entire basin.

Prestwich calculated, from the observations of Harrison for eleven
years, and from those of Beardmore for eighteen years, that the
Thames discharge at Kingston averages 1,250,000,000 gallons daily,
from 3670 square miles, which is equivalent to 8 inches per annum.
The average annual rainfall is 27 inches, so that the discharge is
somewhat more than one-third. The Severn discharges 1,600,000,000
gallons for 3890 square miles above Gloucester, equivalent to 10 inches
of rainfall, The average record here is 40 inches, so that the discharge
in this case is about one-fourth. For the purpose of comparing these
two areas and their discharges with those of the Shannon, it may
further be stated that about two-thirds of the Thames basin is occupied
by permeable strata; and it is to be expected that the proportion of
water evaporated therefrom would in the aggregate be less propor-
tionately than from the surface of the Severn basin, formed for the
most part of impermeable strata. The proportion of the rainfall
evaporated in the latter case is greater than in the former, and the
discharge consequently less in proportion to the rainfall. In the case
of the Shannon the evaporation must be very great, because of the
numerous lakes, marshes, peat-bogs, and protracted water-flow, in
streams and tributaries, within the low-lying, comparatively flat
basin.? We do not, therefore, greatly err in comparing the circum-
stances determining the proportionate discharge of the Shannon with
those of the Severn rather than those of the Thames, and in estimating
the Shannon discharge as about one-fourth of the rainfall, that is to
say, 9 inches per annum.

Analyses of the Shannon water, as carried out by Sir Charles

1 Anniversary Address,’’ Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc., vol. xxviii., 1872.

2 Mr. R. H. Scott, r.x.s., thought that the evaporation from a free-water surface
about equals the rainfall. Mr. C. Greaves, c.z., found that on an average of
fourteen years—1860-1873—the rainfall of London was 25°721 inches and the
evaporation 20°613, and that in three distinct years the evaporation exceeded the
rainfall; and the late Dr. Haughton, F.n.s., ascertained that on the average of two
years in Dublin, the evaporation fell short of the rainfall by only 1:08 inch.—
‘« Elementary Meteorology,’ by R. H. Scott, F.n.s., 6th edition, p. 102. The
Rothamsted averages for seven years—1870-1877—were 30°26 inches of rainfall ;
and

Evaporated from or retained by soil (a clay-loam), 20 inches deep, 17:97 inches.

9 LB) ”? 9 +) 40 LP) 9 17°47 inches.

” 9 39 3 ae GO. +», »5 17°40 inches.

Krnroe—The Shannon: its Course and Geological History. 79

Cameron for the Limerick Corporation, yielded the following results
as kindly supplied to the author :—

SHANNON WATER.

CoMPOSITION OF SPECIMEN OF WATER ANALYSED FOR
Limerick CoRPORATION.

One Imperial gallon (70,000 grains) contains in grains marked :—

Total solid matters, .. Me 6 5G J 22)°000
Including :—
Albuminoid ammonia, oe fe fe eee 205012
Saline ammonia, ws Pt ie ~- 0°004
Nitrous acid, bee we ae is «« | none.
Nitric acid, Re iy = ae «. trace,
Chlorine, .. ae ve ee ana ae 093
Sulphuric acid, : Be aie Lee ». 1°4412
Equal to calcium sulphate, es + .. 2°0000
Phosphoric acid, .. “a ss (onone.
Colour, looked at through a abe 2 feet ae sts deep yellow.
Odour, 100° F., = os .. none.
Suspended nancies de o ae few minute.
Turbidity, 58 as ae very slight.
Sediment, : 5 very slight.
Microscopic peaunutian Moderate mitered of micro-organisms present.

These are fairly good waters of the peaty class.
Cuares A. CAMERON.

According to Prestwich, the waters of the Thames give of solid
matter 20°48 grains per gallon. Litheby, Odling, and Abel showed that
unfiltered waters of the Thames above Kingston give 20°82 of solid
residues. Prestwich calculated his average from these figures as 20°68,
of which he takes 1°60 to be suspended organic matter; and by
deducting this latter amount from the gross solid residue, he obtained
19 grains as representing the inorganic or mineral matter carried off
by the Thames annual discharge at Kingston. The Thames water at
London contains 33 parts in every 100,000,! corresponding to 23:1
grains per gallon. The water here contains salts? and organic matter
washed from the ground and atmosphere of so populous an area; and,
making allowance for these, the mineral portion of the residue derived
from the basin would probably not greatly differ from the amount per
gallon obtained at Kingston. Returning to the figures obtained for

1“ Text-Book of Geology,’’ by Sir A. Geikie, p.c.L., LL.D., F.R.S., &e., 4th
edition, p. 489.
* Salts of ammonia, &c.

80 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Acadenvy.

the Shannon water, and making a deduction for the trifling organic
substances present, 20 grains of mineral matter per gallon, out of 21
grains of solid stated in the results of analyses, would seem to be a fair
estimate. The analysis was recorded in June, and might be slightly
different from the average obtainable for the year. It is higher
than for the Thames water at Kingston, as might be expected, for the
Shannon area is for the most part hmestone, and organic acids derived
from the peat of the vast tracts of bog would operate powerfully on
this rock. An estimate of 20 grains per gallon of mineral matter does
not err, however, on the major side, for an average was obtained by
Bischof for a number of rivers containing very small and very large
quantities of mineral matters, and is given by Sir A. Giekie as 21 parts
in 100,000, whereof 11°34 parts were carbonate of lime.!

Twenty grains per gallon represents about 1,000,000 tons per
annum, conveyed to the sea from the entire Shannon area, equivalent
to 2740 tons for an average daily discharge of solid matter.

Taking the Shannon yearly discharge to be approximately 9 inches
off each square inch of the drainage area, and 20 grains of mineral
matter to be carried away in each gallon, then in every 100 years an
average of 3°246 gallons flows off each square inch of surface, carrying
64°92 grains of mineral matter. If we assume the rock affected and
eroded to be in great part somewhat earthy limestone, of 2°65 specific
gravity, the matter borne away would approximately total ;;th inch,
about °3 foot in a century.2 Lowering of the surface at this rate
would be one foot in 12,000 years. The lowering of England and
Wales was estimated to have been one foot in 12,978 years.

It will be shown that a differential lowering of some 2500 feet
has taken place over most of the area now occupied by limestone in
Shannon basin since the commencement of the river’s history ; which,
upon the basis of one foot in 12,500 years, or nearly 13,000 years
according to Mellard Reade’s estimate, would have necessitated a total
period of erosion of more than 80,000,000 years. Such a figure seems
extravagantly high, particularly if, as we believe, the initiation of the
river-basin dates no further back in geological time than the Miocene
epoch. We must infer that the conditions of subaérial denudation
have been different in the past, including perhaps a much greater

1 Bischof, Chem. Geol. i. chap. v., quoted by Sir A. Geikie, op. cit., p. 488.

2 Mr. Mellard Reade’s estimate for the general surface of England and Wales,
where not half the area is limestone, was -0077 foot per century.—Transactions
of the Liverpool Geol. Soc., 1882.

KitroE—TZhe Shannon: its Course and Geological History. 81

annual rainfall than the present; or that the area presented strata
much more easily denuded than limestone. With regard to this latter
alternative, there must have been a period during the formation of
the basin when the area affected was formed of non-calcareous strata
—those of the Pendleside, Millstone Grit, and Coal-measures series—
and therefore Jess easily removable than limestone. The denudation
of these members, however, may have preceded the Cretaceous
period; and the hollows may have been since filled with more soluble
and friable strata. Even this supposition, however, does not help to
diminish materially the period neeessary for erosion, on the assump-
tion of uniform operation ; for the Thames drains an area consisting
almost entirely of Secondary strata, and some Tertiary—just such as
might have covered Ireland while the Shannon basin was to some
extent being formed; yet the present rate of waste of the Thames
area is comparable to that of the Shannon area. The calculations,
therefore, lead us to regard the forces producing denudation as
variable, or as having acted much more vigorously at some periods
than at others. ‘This agrees entirely with the conclusion arrived at
by students of subterranean as well as superficial erosion.1 If we
take even half the time calculated and set down—15,000,000 years—
as the time expended in the denudation of Ireland, including the
sculpturing of the present physical features, and the severance of the
island from Great Britain, it seems a very long period when we think
of the small proportion it must hold to the sons necessary for the
filling up of the entire geological record.

We have an irrefutable argument presented in at least two Irish
regions, for the post-Eocene age of the present surface features of
Ireland. One is the existence of the Mourne group of hills, which
consist in large part, and from summits almost to base, of Tertiary
granite’; the other is the occurrence of a dyke of Tertiary basalt
which may be traced across the top of Errigal (2466 feet). Both
of these igneous intrusions must have invaded strata at least on a

1 See Martel’s data in ‘‘ Spelunca,”’ vol. vi., 1906. Later on in the present
paper a probable cause is suggested by which the presumed vast duration of the
processes of waste may have been considerably curtailed.

* For the Tertiary age of the Mourne granites, see ‘‘ Ancient Volcanoes ot
Great Britain,’’ by Sir A. Geikie, p.c.u., F.R.S., vol. ii., p. 421. They probably
belong to the same general epoch as the Antrim basalts—shown to be Eocene by
Mr. J. Starkie Gardner, F.u.s., ¥.c.s., &c., Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc., vol. xii.

(1885), p. 82. The dyke of basalt across Errigal was traced by the present
writer.

82 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

level with the highest points of the hills, the strata having since
been removed from the deep adjacent valleys, and from the neigh-
bouring low ground stretching away at foot from the hilly tracts.
The very low summits touched by the watershed between the Shannon
basin and that of the Woodford river—tributary of the Erne—have
already been referred to. The ground separating the Erne basin from
the general basin of the Blackwater, Bann, and Lagan, adjoining the
Mourne group, is almost equally low; and from these facts we may
conclude that the differential lowering of the ground stretching
between the Donegal and Down hills synchronized with the lowering
of the Shannon basin, and indeed of the whole central plain: thus,
the formation of this basin involves the larger question of the
denudation of the entire island. No reason can be advanced to show
why the moulding of the features in the southern half of Ireland
has not been contemporaneous with that of features in the northern
half; and it is a very noticeable fact that the summits of the highest
hills in the chief Irish groups lie approximately upon a plane 2500
to 3000 feet above present datum level, as may be seen from the
following list, viz. :—

1. In the Donegal group, Errigal stands at 2466 feet.
2 Gs ‘ if Muckish 3 ZERO Ds,
aE Sp Sperrin - Sawel a 2240s:
a Mourne as Slieve Donard __,, 2796. 5,
Osmeae as a Sleve Bingian ,, 2449 ,,
6. ,, North Mayo $5 Nephin 55 2646 ,,
7. 55 5 a3 Slieve Cor BS 2369 ,,
8. ,, South Mayo a Croagh Patrick ,, DoLOY
9. 4 » ie Mweelrea ir 2688 ,,
10. ,, Galway es Formnamore sts 2239's.
LU age ss Pr Bennabeola = 2230" 5s
Le as 5 4 Benbawn an 2395 ,,
13. ,, Leinster Fe Lugnaquilla 3 3039 ,,
14. 3; 9 2”? Kippure 9 2473 5,
15. ,, Magillicuddy a Carrantuohill & 3414 ,,
16. ,, 9 +5 Mangerton re 2TDB" os,
17. ,, Galtee BS Galtymore = 3015 ,,
18. ,, Knockmealdown ,, The Summit sy 2609 ~.;
19. ,, Comeragh 3 Knockanaffrin __,, 2413 55

When the circumstances of this coincidence are considered, it is even
more remarkable than at first sight appears; 1, 2, 6,7, 8, 11, and 12
being quartzite; 8 mica schist, 18 cleaved felsite! over granite; 4, 9,

1 As recently ascertained by Mr. M‘Henry of the Geological Survey.

Kinrrozr—Zhe Shannon: tts Course and Geological History. 83

and 14, granite; 9 and 10 Silurian grits; and the last four, of Old
Red Sandstone strata. It cannot be regarded as a mere coincidence
that hill-summits formed of rocks of such different natures could all
range upon or approximate to aplane; and it is therefore probable
that in the summits of the mountain groups we have the vestiges of a
great plain of denudation, such as was postulated in 1862 by Professor
Jukes. That authority, as already noted, believed the plain to have
been one due to marine erosion; and Professor Hull concurred in the
belief, which he extended so far as to attribute the existence of
plains found at lower levels in the interior to the same origin. It
is not easy to see why this hypothesis should not be accepted, at least
for the original plain upon which the Shannon commenced to run in
Tertiary times; but I did not think the hypothesis could apply in the
case of the lower planes connecting certain hill-tops in the interior,
since it would have to be supposed that the causes which produced
them—the erosion of ocean-waves and currents—left the outworks,
the higher grounds around the island, unaffected ; and this throughout
the long period necessary for the formation of the plains within.

The work of Mr. W. M. Davis, in America, tends to veto the
above hypothesis in so far as marine erosion is supposed to be the
agent which produced the plain. He shows that sub-aérial waste,
operating upon an uplifted area, retained at a certain level, can do
precisely the work with which marine erosion has been credited.?
This hypothesis, moreover, in the case of Ireland, would account for
the existence of plains at lower levels—produced, let us say, where
similarity of conditions prevailed. And, as against the previous
hypothesis, it may be mentioned that it is likely the denudation
which formed the great Irish plain commenced when the land showed
itself above the Miocene sea, rather than when it was sinking. The
great Cardigan bulge, which initiated the drainage directions in
Wales, took place when the land was emerging; and this was probably
concurrent with the intrusion of the Mourne granophyres, accom-
panied by bulging of the invaded Silurian strata, which must have
been cleared away to expose the summit of Sleve Donard, prior, as
we have seen, to the initiation of the Shannon. If, according to this
reasoning, the ancient great plain of Ireland was formed during
emergence, this would have been an unfavourable condition for the
formation of the plain by marine erosion, and would tell in favour of

1 Physical Geography,’’ by William Morris Davis, 1899. The plains in
question the author terms ‘‘ peneplains,”’ p. 152.

84 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

the sub-aérial hypothesis. The chief objection to this hypothesis
seems to be the length of time since the Miocene epoch—comparable,
say, to 15,000,000 years—which would have to be added to that
already calculated for the differential lowering of the surface. A
diagram of the Irish mountain groups, and the plain passing through
the chief summits, is shown to illustrate the remarkable conditions just
explained (Plate IV., fig. 3).

On referring to the diagram it will be noticed that the general
level of the hill-tops stands somewhat higher in the south of Ireland
than in the north, which would be all the more remarkable if the
hypothetical plane were originally approximately parallel to the
present datum plane; for the mountain summits of the south are
chiefly Old Red Sandstone, and probably more easily denuded than
the granites and quartzites of the northern summits. It is likely,
therefore, that a slight tilting upward has occurred in the south, since
the flow of the Shannon commenced—a tilting which, in an angular
measurement, might be reckoned in minutes rather than degrees. It
could not, for any prolonged period, have been greater than 1 in
2,500,1 else the waters of Lough Allen and Lough Ree would
permanently flow off by the Erne valley. An uptilt in the east of
300 feet in 70 miles would have sent those waters into Galway Bay,
and one in the west of 261 feet in 60 miles would have sent them into
the Barrow basin; while an almost imperceptible sag in the Shannon
basin itself would convert it into an arm of the sea. The existing con-
ditions, therefore, seem remarkably stable, and probably entitle us to
infer a high degree of rigidity for the crust in this western part of
the British region, throughout later Tertiary and recent times—
though it be fully recognised that oscllations of level in regard to the
whole island have occurred.

The conditions above described, as well as the regularity of
geological boundaries at the entrances to the Shannon gorge, north
of Killaloe, afford disproof of any local crust-movements, such as
convulsive rents, &c., which might be supposed to have formed
the gorge; and the stability and prolongedcontinuance of those
conditions warrant our reference to the drainage systems of Wales,
the neighbouring portion of the British region. These are discussed
in an elaborate paper read before the Geological Society by Mr. Aubrey
Strahan, M.A., F.R.S., in May, 1902,? the facts and conclusions off

1202 feet, in say 90 miles, is the present slope from the Woodford River to
the north coast-line.
* Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc., vol. lviii., part ii., p. 213.

Kitroe—Zhe Shannon: its Course and Geological History. 85

which may be briefly summarised as follows, in so far as they aid
us in the present inquiry :—

1. The surface of the region affords proof of a prolonged Con-
tinental epoch—following ‘‘a movement characterized by folding and
overthrusting ’’? with east and west axes,! “ essentially of an elevatory
type,’”’ which “ was the direct cause of enormous denudation between
Carboniferous and Triassic times.” So far as Mr. Strahan could
recognize, no valleys eroded by the drainage of this period can now be
pointed to. This was followed by—

2. A period of submergence, with the piling up of Upper Creta-
ceous strata to such a thickness as would, if at present existing, cover
all Wales, except a small area about Snowdon. “All the features in
the Paleozoic strata were blanketed over’; and the elevation into
land of the Secondary (and possibly early Tertiary) strata became the
occasion of the new river-systems which adjusted themselves with
complete disregard to the older valleys and ridges.

8. The direction of these Tertiary river-systems was determined by
a north-east and south-west bulge in the region of Cardiganshire—
that is, an anticlinal axis in the direction of the ancient Caledonian
foldings, and of post-Oligocene and pre-Plocene date.

In the case of Ireland much could be said regarding the surface upon
which Upper Old Red Sandstone and Carboniferous rocks were laid
down, that is regarding denudation in Devonian times; and it is
remarkable how little we know concerning the results of denudation
during the ‘“‘ great Continental epoch”’ of post-Carboniferous, pre-
Triassic period. We know that the Carboniferous strata had been almost
entirely cleared away from part of the area in the north-east of Ireland,
where New Red Sandstone and New Red Marl now exist; and as the
part referred to falls within lines roughly drawn from the Head of
Strangford Lough and from Cushendall, to Kingscourt as apex of a
triangle, this area may, perhaps, be suggestive of a shallow pre-Triassic
bay—a hollow resulting from river-denudation. The clearing away of
Carboniferous rocks from parts still further west may be due to later
denudation.

The existence of Triassic rocks clothing denuded Silurian and
Carboniferous strata alike, their uniformity in character, the apparent
sequence of strata upward through Lias to Cretaceous, and the

‘The Hercynian of Bertrand (Bulletin, Soc. Géol. de France, series 3, tome
Xvi., p. 570), the Armorican of Lapworth.

86 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

aggregate thickness of these rocks may imply a great extension west-

ward of the Secondary formations. If we bear in mind the conditions
which are believed to have existed in Wales, all this western part of
the British area may have borne a garment of Secondary rocks, ifnot
also some of Tertiary date. The gaps in our Irish records, however—
the absence of great groups, Oolitic and Lower Cretaceous, for
example—-suggests the necessity for caution, in conjecturing a general
extension and substantial thickness of these rocks over Ireland; indeed
whether the Secondary formations were ever represented in force in
the Shannon area may always remain an open question. No trace of
them has been reported, even in the glacial drifts of this region. If
they did exist, they may have been cleared away while the plain of
denudation was being formed, prior to the initiation of the Shannon
basin. The depth at which Wales must have lain to admit of the
country being almost covered with Cretaceous strata, as Mr. Strahan
states, and the proximity of Wales to present Irish land, may imply
that Cretaceous strata also covered a large part of our area. We
cannot say that any of it was covered with ocean water in the
Eocene period ; but the existence of land during that period in the
present north-east corner can scarcely be used as an argument to
the contrary, for this tract may have been exceptional, and have
subsided subsequently to the volcanic activity which, for the time,
prevailed in the region.

The ground, then, upon which the present drainage originated was
probably formed for the most part of Paleozoic strata, including con-
siderable areas of the Upper Carboniferous strata, partly of Secondary,
and possibly in part of Tertiary. The crust-movements later than
the Eocene epoch have not affected the directions of any of the Irish
rivers, those at least in the middle of the country. The direction of
the Erne was probably determined by a N. N. W. line of weakness, of
Charnian direction and date—to use Professor Lapworth’s term for
the system of dislocations and fissures of Tertiary age. The N.N. W.
trend of the valley is that of a great Tertiary basalt dyke, some 100
yards in width, which I traced in 1883 along the eastern side of Upper
Lough Erne.? An instance of pre-Carboniferous erosion with the
formation of a gap filled, subsequently, with limestone occurs in

1 A chalk-flint pebble which I picked up from the Shannon alluvial deposits,
south of Castleconnell, may testify to the wide distribution of northern drifts
rather than to the recent existence of chalk in stu in the Shannon basin.

* Explanation of Sheet 57 of the Geological Survey Maps, p. 16.

Kintrore—Zhe Shannon: its Course and Geological History. 87

the Shannon basin, where the river-course happened by chance to
find its way through an ancient valley at Rooskey.

The Killaloe gorge presents no indication of having been formed
to any extent in pre-Carboniferous times, though valleys on both
sides of the group pierced by the gorge seem to have been eroded
at that early date; and the continuance of the Shannon course
across the group, irrespective of the previously-formed and re-filled
valley on either side, shows that the obliteration or possible blanketing
over of prominences in pre-Tertiary times must have been perfect.
The deflection of the river to the west, however, before it reached
the intensely-folded region of Cork and south Limerick, proves that
those Hercynian disturbances probably occasioned the existence of
somewhat higher or less easily eroded ground, there, than that which
lay northward, along the infant Shannon basin. It is when we look
closely into the form of the river-bed in the vicinity of Killaloe that
the most difficult and interesting questions arise.

Until the last twelve months I had strenuously maintained that
the river-bed has been formed entirely by ordinary current-action, and
solution. When studying the Lough Derg soundings, however, J]
perceived that ordinary river-erosion could not produce a bed of
the shape indicated : reference to sections is here invited (Plate IV.,
fig. 2, already noticed, and Plate V.).

It will be perceived that instead of the river being shallow over
the unyielding Silurian slate-rock, set almost vertically, and striking
across the river-course, it is deeper than over the limestone of Lough
Derg, and much deeper than over the comparatively easily eroded
Old Red Sandstone at Killaloe. The river-bed actually drops below
the datum line above the town, while at the town it is 100 feet
above datum. Old Red Sandstone strata are here to be seen in
the river-bank, and Silurian rocks im stu in its bed. A barrier is
thus formed, partly of Silurian, and partly of Old Red Sandstone
rocks, which without the artificial impounding weir would retain
the waters of Lough Derg to a depth of some 104 feet opposite
Derrycastle—two miles above Killaloe. One might have expected
to find a fairly level shallow bed from Killaloe northward, a sudden
drop from slate-rock to the sandstone floor, and a pronounced wide,
well-formed valley in the limestone district southward to Limerick.
None of these elements exist ; instead, we have the formidable barrier
at Killaloe, naturally damming up a considerable depth of water
in Lough Derg, and the river falling away southward by a series
of rapids which correspond with drops in the canal, south of

88 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

O’Briensbridge! (Plate V.), along an alternative course, possibly one
used by a branch of the Shannon.” There is no evidence of back-
cutting upward from Limerick, such as might be expected along this
important water-way ; and the points and directions in which the
tributaries from the high grounds on each side here join it are not in
harmony with the circumstances which might be looked for in a long-
established river-system. Thus, under existing conditions the Newport
and Annagh Rivers form a system with a pronounced valley, indepen-
dently of the Shannon, instead of being directly tributary. They
turn sharply southward a few miles to the east of the main stream,
and are tributary only after joining the Mulkear, which empties into
the Shannon somewhat against its current. Again, the latest glacia-
tion was effected by an ice-sheet which moved over the Cratloe
hills, probably from the high grounds in west Clare, and fanned
out eastward at Castleconnell to south-eastward at Limerick
without being in the least affected in direction by the Shannon
valley. In consideration of these unwonted circumstances, and
having discovered what seems to me a reasonable meaus of account-
ing for an intermission of the Shannon erosion in this locality, I
cannot hesitate to see in the new appearance of its course a strong
suggestion of the river not having occupied it for a time at least ;
that, in fact, the river is, in a sense, a recent visitant there—a
monarch returned, after a long absence, to a part of his dominions
which by force of circumstances he had abandoned.

There is little doubt that the gorge above Killaloe owed its origin
to river-erosion, until a late stage in its history. This is the view
maintained throughout the present paper. With regard, however, to
the latest stages, I would here submit :—

1st. That, prior to these latest stages, the river-erosion of the gap
at length failed to keep pace with the comparatively rapid lowering
of the ground to the north, where solution of the limestone allowed
of the outspreading of Lough Derg, until the water found an easier
alternative line of discharge through the Scarriff valley, by which it
again reached the estuary, and kept the Kilrush gap open.

1 And not very different from the general southerly slope of the ground.

* Mr. Geo. W. Lamplugh, F.r.s., &c., who first noted the singularly new
appearance of the Shannon course below Killaloe, considered that it might
originally have taken the line indicated above, that is by Clonlara, rather than
by Castleconnell.

3 Notwithstanding comparisons with valley-formation by ice-erosion referred
to later on.

Kitror—The Shannon: tts Course and Geological History. 89

2nd. That the all but latest stage of erosion in the gorge was
effected by glacial action, which alone could have caused the abnormal
deepening of the bed, as at present.

3rd. That upon the melting of the glacier which filled the gap,
the river was slightly deflected from its original course by moraine
matter at Killaloe; and, south of Birdhill, it encountered the moraines
formed during earlier melting of the glacier, which diverted its flow
opposite O’ Briensbridge into its present channel. Had the moraines
not existed, the river would probably have flowed directly southward
and entered the flat tract now filled with peat and alluvium, where it
would have been joined directly and normally by the Newport and
Annagh rivers.

First, with regard to the comparative heights of the valley of
probable discharge by Scarriff at the lowest point, and of the bed at
Killaloe, the water-level in Loughanillon near the watershed, and of
the sluggish Cloghan river! which drains it, is 183 feet. The water-
shed line passes over a low drift parting between that lakelet and
Lough Bridget, which has a surface-level of 115 feet. The rock-floor
beneath the ridge, and forming the river and lake bottoms, would
no doubt be considerably nearer to the 100-feet level, that of the
present natural point of escape at Killaloe ; and, as we shall have to
take account of great ice-erosion in the gorge, which must have con-
siderably lowered this point of discharge below the level at which it
probably stood in pre-glacial times, there can be little question that
the Scarriff valley formed the presumed alternative course for Lough
Derg water prior to that erosion. In the section referred to on
page 92, the heavy dash-dot line might possibly be supposed to be
the bottom of a U valley formed by a certain late stage of glaciation
—from 160 to 230 feet above present datum. The rates of lowering
of valleys by glaciation have been estimated at 2 c.m. to 3 c.m. per
year in the Alps, and the time taken for the formation of some of the
principal valleys has been calculated at 50,000 to 70,000, years, or
12,500 years for the latest stage of glaciation.” If we take half the
lesser rate, and suppose the erosion to have continued 12,500 years,
the river bottom at Killaloe might have been lowered even more than
to its present level in this time.

* With a fall of four feet in three miles, towards Scarriff, emptying into

Lough Derg. The water south-west of Loughanillon flows towards,‘the Shannon
estuary.

* Die Gletscher, by Dr. Hans Hess, pp. 187, 376-7.
R.I.A. PROC,, VOL. XXVI., SEC. B. | M

90 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

The passage of a glacier through the gap is a factor in this inter-
esting problem which cannot be omitted, to which in fact much
importance attaches. The abnormal deepening of the channel just
within the embouchure is almost absolute proof of its operation. For
corroboration and illustration we may refer to a standard instance
treated of by Dr. Hans Hess'—that of Lake Iseo, in Lombardy. This
lake, about 123 miles in length, by 23 miles in width, and 172 miles
from the sea, is a rock-basin, with surface-level 185 metres above sea-
level, and more than 235 m. in depth: that is, its bottom lies more
than 50 m. below the present sea-level. Dr. Hess has been good
enough to send me a traced map of thisinteresting lake, with figures
indicating surface-level and soundings as given above. He has no hesi-
tation in attributing its formation to glacial erosion; in fact, he
regards the present valley-bottom as but a result of the latest stage
of the gouging action of glaciers, which successively occupied and
formed the entire valley. To this point it will be necessary to return,
noting here the two principal points for which this illustrative
instance is brought forward :—Ist, that a glacier has power to
produce, near the embouchure of a valley, a remarkable deepening of
the river draining it, which could scarcely under the circumstances
of the Shannon gorge be attributed to water-erosion; 2ndly, that
deepest water hugs the concave side of the lake, where the ice-stream
turns westward in its course.

The internal structure of glaciers, as described by Agassiz, Forbes,
‘I'yndall, and more recently by Hess, Chamberlin, Salisbury, and others,
especially the spoon-shaped curving of planes of deposition frequently
assumed at glacier-ends, is strongly suggestive of scooping action,
such as would account for the hollowing of valley-bottoms near their
embouchures. A view of the Brenva glacier of the Mont Blane group
is given by Hess, and an ideal section through the centre of a glacier®
along its course, in both of which the upturning of the layers of
deposition at the glacier end is clearly shown. Chamberlin and
Salisbury‘ also refer to this feature, and give instances: for example,
the glacier on the south side of Orliks Bay, and that of Bowdoin in
North Greenland. They, moreover, write as follows :—‘‘ It is merely
necessary to assume that the gravity of the accumulated mass is
sufficient to produce minute temporary liquefaction at the points of

1 Op. cit., p. 356, and plates.

2\Op. cit., p. 169.

3 Op, cit., p. 336.

4 Geology, vol. i., Physical Processes, pp. 281, 300, and 303.

Kitrozr—TZhe Shannon: its Course and Geological History. (91

greatest stresses”? to bring about bending and even crumpling and
shearing such as they illustrate.

Perhaps it is not necessary to suppose liquefaction; the fracture
and re-arrangement of ice-crystals under different degrees of pressure
in the mass would seem quite capable of accounting for the bending.
Hess appeals to Tresca’s experiments regarding the effects of intense
pressure upon metals at ordinary temperatures; and it would appear
we may take the molecular (or crystalline) re-arrangement of metals,
when flowing under pressure, to illustrate the readjustment of ice-
crystals under corresponding conditions. This being so, we should

C A B

{| precipitetit
eae
———

Fre. 1.

expect conditions such as the following in glacier-flow. Take B (fig. 1)
to represent an ice surface-plain, inclining shghtly upwards towards B.
A C another, rapidly declining towards C, where the opening from a
valley admits of rapid expansion of the mass, and a corresponding rapid
lowering of the surface. Let If be a very small ice-mass, a certain
distance h below the surface, and let hd WM be a function of H
expressing its tendency to spread under the pressure of the column
ofice, hk. Take I’ and i’ to represent, say, the adjoiing mass and
its depth: the corresponding function in this case is 2’¢ WM’. Thus
hod M-h' $ UM’ represents a tendency in WM to move (which is not
counterbalanced by that of IZ’) in addition to the general movement of

92 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

the mass. Part of the tendency thus expressed acts upward (as if the
mass were a fluid) chiefly along the shortest line to the surface, as
shown by thick arrows in the figure; and this compounded with the
general onward movement of the mass, in a direction roughly indicated
by the chain-line, must exercise a scooping action upon the ground
beneath, which may account for the special deepening of valleys within
their openings, as in the cases of the hollows now eccupied by Lake
Iseo and Lough Derg.

Dr. Hess, with other writers on Alpine glaciation, maintains that
the V-shaped cross-sections of valleys are attributable, not to water
erosion, but to the gouging action of successive glaciers, each producing
a U-shaped valley. Four such stages of erosion have been noticed by
Penck and Brickner,' and designated by them as follows :—

1. Ginz-Hiszert, because the fluvio-glacial deposits, the older
boulder-clays from the glaciers of this period, are especially well
developed on the Iller-Lichplatte in the district of Giinz.

2. Mindel-Eiszeit, because the deposits of the period, corresponding
to the later boulder-clay, are spread out chiefly in the province of
Mindel.

3. Less-Hiszeit, of which the deposits form terraces in the Riss
valley on the north border of the Rhine.

4. Wiirm-Eiszeit, represented in the later terminal moraines and
terraces in the region through which the Wirm stream flows in the
plains of Munich. They are briefly designated by the letters
G, MU, R, W; or g, m, r, w, for the deposits belonging to each
system.

Hess’ gives the accompanying section (fig. 1)* to illustrate the —
formation of valleys according to this view, and writes as follows
regarding them :—‘‘ In the Stubaital, in the Brenner-furche, in the
district of the Zillertal Alps, and in the Ferwall, everywhere I found
the profile of the valleys the same as in the figure (Venter Tal and
Gurglar Tal); everywhere there are four trough-forms lying one
within another ; and the edges of the troughs, for individual valleys,
retain courses almost parallel to the valley bottoms.”

Comparing this view, and the section given, with a cross-section
(fig. 2)° of the gorge above Killaloe, there is a strong temptation to
regard its features as due chiefly to three stages of glaciation.

1 Die Alpen im Eiszeitalter, by Dr. A. Penck and Dr. E. Brickner. Lieferung I.,
p. 110.
2 Op. cit., p. 364. 3 See Plate VI.

Kitrore—The Shannon: its Course and Geological History. 98

Without attempting so bold an assumption—for we lack anything
that could be admitted as sound evidence—we need not have much
hesitation in claiming that a glacier marking the latest stage of ice-
action in our region did pass through the gap. It may have been of
insignificant dimensions, as compared with Alpine giant glaciers, yet
that which formed Lake Iseo seems to have been insignificant as
compared to its predecessors.

Just as the glaciers deposited moraines at different stages of
melting and recession in front of the Oglio Valley, so we find moraine
mounds at four points in front of the Killaloe gorge :—some of an
Esker type, south-east of Castleconnell; others at O’Brien’s Bridge,
representing, perhaps, a second stage of melting; a third at Birdhill,
representing a third stage, and a mound at Killaloe, consisting chiefly
of sand, and probably moraine, which deflected the course of the river
slightly to the east.

We must not lose sight of the fact that, however well established
the views Hess maintains would seem to be, there is a strong con-
sensus of opinion against the great erosive power with which glaciers
are credited, and in favour of river-erosion, even in the formation of
the Alpine valleys. M. E. A. Martel brings together a formidable
array of facts and authorities in support of his own judgment to this
effect.! Thus he notes that MM. Fabre, Boule, Schardt, D. Martin,
Mazauric, &c., have demonstrated that many of our present valleys
existed prior to the Quaternary epoch. H. Schardt, writing of the
geological structure of the neighbourhood of Montreux, says :—‘‘ The
valleys have been dug out before the glacial epoch.’ Warren Upham,
too, writes upon pre-glacial erosion in the course of the Niagara gorge,
and so forth. It would be out of place here to attempt even a
moderate discussion of this interesting physico-geological question ;
but if we may venture to query the views of such eminent masters of
glacial geology as Penck, Briickner, Hess, &c., we may ask whether,
if the Venter-Tal, Gurgler-Tal, and other such valleys had existed in
pre-glacial times, they might not have received their remarkable
structure with parallel rims from ice-action, continued for consi-
derable periods at different stages of glacier-decline? It seems
unquestionable that many of the steep-sided gorges—some dry, others
occupied by small lakes, as that near Wesen, on the Zurich-Chur
railway-line—and ravines now being formed, owe their origin to
waters rushing from melting glaciers, rather than directly to glaciers

1“ Spelunca,’’ tome vi., pp. 511 e¢ seg.

94 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

themselves. It is also shown that sub-glacial rivers are very effective
erosive agents; and M. J. Vallot, from observations beneath the
Mont Blane glaciers, denies the great erosive power attributed to the
ice. Tourists may remember the wall or bank of solid strata which
crosses the Rhone Valley between the Dent du Midi and the Dent de
Morele, near St. Maurice ; this, and a corresponding wall of lime-
stone, across the Aar Valley, near Meiringen, are referred to by
Brunhes and Martel, as considerable difficulties in the way of
unquestioned acceptance of valley-formation by glaciers.

The facts above recorded impose upon us a measure of reserve in
admitting all that we are asked to believe concerning the exclusive
efficacy of glacier-erosion. While we have abundant proof that this
agency has operated in Ireland, there are reasons for regarding the
operations as limited, if not of comparatively small amount.

Of the fact that a glacier passed through the Killaloe gorge, and
considerably affected the river-bed, there can, I think, be no doubt;
the hollowing of the gorge and the moraines at its opening are
sufficient evidence of it.

The question, however, presents itself: Why did ice, moving from
the north, flow through the gorge, and not through the Scarriff and
Nenagh valleys? No doubt, at an early stage of Irish glaciation, the
overwhelming southerly ice-flow sent lobes through these valleys,
where we now find drifts; but the Clare accumulation, which sent an
ice-sheet across the Cratloe hills, as before mentioned—the latest of
which we have indications of, in the form of strize--would have
blocked the way for an ice-flow by the Scarriff valley; and the ice
descending from the Devil’s Bit, and Keeper Hill range, and from
Slieve Arra, would, similarly, have blocked the way along the Nenagh
valley. The ice from the north, therefore, moving along the Shannon
basin, and swelled by accessions from the neighbouring groups, forced
itself through the gorge with great erosive power, especially where it
worked its way around the corner of Sheve Arra towards the south,
the deepest part of the present lake. The way in which the deepest
part of Lake Iseo correspondingly hugs the prominence around
which it turns westward has above been noted.

No geologist can contemplate the prodigious effects attributed by
masters of this branch of the subject on the Continent to ice-action,
without realising that in this agency exists a doughty rival to the
combination of forces productive of sub-aérial denudation. Without
insisting upon any special operations of glaciers in moulding, for
example, the features already pointed out in Killaloe gorge, it seems

Kitror— Zhe Shannon: its Course and Geological History. 95

evident that we must take into account a considerable amount of
glacial erosion throughout the country as a whole, in the lowering of
the central plain to its present level. Evidences for a great thickness
of ice are to be met with in many places, perhaps as great as 2,000 to
3,000 feet, if not more; and when we consider the work done,
according to Hess, by glaciers of 300 or 500 metres in thickness,
operating for 50,000 to 70,000 years, we might be tempted to
dispense altogether with the agencies of sub-aérial denudation in
carrying off 2,500 feet of solid strata from the surface of Ireland.
The true estimate of time, probably, lies between 50,000 years—if
thick ice could be supposed to have accomplished such work—and
30,000,000, or the still less estimate of 15,000,000 years, for reduction
by sub-aérial forces alone.

The differential lowering of the surface, resulting in the present
surface features, seems more consistent with the mild reduction due
to sub-aérial waste than with the drastic mechanical force of an over-
whelming moving ice-sheet. Thus, in the south of Ireland, the most
soluble rock, limestone, invariably occupies the lowest ground; the
calcareous Silurian slate, and fine grits, occupy the next level; and
the coarse non-calcareous Old Red Sandstone and conglomerates
form the highest ground—excluding the mid-Ireland granites of
Dublin and Wicklow. The conditions are well exhibited in the
Slieve-na-man, Galtymore, and Comeragh tracts.

Another circumstance may be mentioned which also tells strongly
against the predominance of glacial over sub-aérial waste, including
river-erosion, namely, the nature of the boulder-clays. They are, to
a large extent, practically impervious to water ; yet in the very region
with which we are at present chiefly concerned—amongst the valleys
of the Keeper Hill group—lI noticed, some years ago, that while it
was almost impossible to find, in some of those deposits, a scrap of
limestone, small pieces of chert could be picked up in abundance.
These indicate that the boulder-clays had been carried from off the
limestone tract; but that being no longer, when found, surrounded
by or attached to fragments of their original limestone matrix, the
latter must have been completely dissolved away before the clay
containing the cherts was picked up and borne along by the ice to be
deposited where such are now to be seen, This would seem to have
been the case with much of the boulder-clay of Ireland. Instances,
however, frequently occur—for example, the very gravelly so-called
boulder-clays—in which fragments of limestone are quite plentiful—
constituting, in fact, a large percentage of the mass—and angular. In

96 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

such cases, intense crushing of the original rock mass is plainly
suggested: crushing, that is to say, by a thick mantle of moving ice.

We may, therefore, infer from these considerations that, prior to the
ice-period, the ground was probably honeycombed by streams, rivulets,
and underground waters, particularly in limestone areas; that much
clayey residue lay upon the surface after rock-solution by atmospheric
moisture, gases, and rain—the results of sub-aérial waste throughout
a prolonged period, possibly millions of years; and that ice-erosion
operated upon rock strata affected as described, so that the features
still indicate differential effects of sub-aérial waste, while the action
of ice considerably diminished the total time apparently necessary for
a general lowering of the island’s surface.

ConcLusION.

The various elements of this interesting subject, especially those
not previously considered in detail, may be summarized as follows,
Viz. :—

1. A post-Eocene plain of denudation probably existed in this
region, because the highest summits of the chief Irish mountain groups
he upon an ideal plane, though formed of different kinds of rock, and
belong to five different formations and masses, including granite of,
possibly, Miocene age.

2. This plain was some 2500 feet above present limestone plain,
and was that upon which the Shannon originally commenced to flow.

3. At the present rate of surface-waste, differential lowering may
have occupied 15,000,000 to 30,000,000 years.

4, This period may have been greatly curtailed by glacial erosion
of the surface.

5. The gouging action of a glacier accounts—apparently alone
can account—for the present form of the Shannon-bed above
Killaloe.

6. Prior to the Glacial Period, the river was probably forced to
abandon the Killaloe gorge for a time, and flowed along the Scarriff
valley towards its estuary.

7. Upon the melting of the glacier the bottom of the gorge had
become so modified that the river could resume its course there, and
southward as far as O’Briensbridge, though thereafter it became
deflected by moraine accumulations from its origina! course.

Proc. R. I. Acad., Vol. XXVI., Section B.

see eee

=— Lunestone .

Lower Carboniferous Sandstone. fa\
enh, S

Olen Sahalstone.

A :
' Gy Silurian
WT Lgneous Rocks.

6 -~we \
e a Ss ory
we} ; Pes?
eel 4 (RoMOY joes
ee = 5
3 NED 3 \
o pee , i as ”
: ‘&
RA, CORRIB 30523
We Ne

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“YR.NORE |

-
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Sete erga ee
Rae—sce Ss) R BLACKWATER
. es g

era V7

“&
mee r%]

Kinror—The River Shannon.

Te
&
7 Seiey Se | x

AAGO2 R. |

: LV:

(

/
(

\
/
)
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_—

Proc. R. I. Acad., Vol. XXVI., Section B. Plate IV.

between Slieve-na-Galliagh Curlew Hills DrumkeeranHills
Tullamore & Philipstown Glennamaddy (994) (693) (640) (800) _p. (1227) Cuilcagh (2288)
Slieve Bloom _ (261) (438) © Mullingar | ' Oldcastle Farnaght Hill | poo tondiRiven,
(1602) Kilconnell : ! read oyu Hill (7) *(202) dt
Roscrea | | !

i
|
Hi wet

1 f '

_ Limestone PLAIN | ,

Lee A — Carrick- Leitrim. | cay Wai

Lough Ree (/25) ene
Laneshorough forédes on- Shannon. Drurishaniee
(128)
Fie. 1.
Slievefelim. KezperMt. Devils Bit.
(2278) (1583)
Knockanimpana Ballylanders(z1s) ‘Slieve flernagh 740) | Slieve Aughty
| 1189 Kilfenora ; Limerick 1 uted) i (989) Roscrea
a ' Junction | Bt NGS st
Af” |} | (444) EA BY
NG ig we a SS EP eae ——> |

LZSTUARY OF THE

ERG (108)
Loop Hea r cae ee
oop Head Carrigaholt Tarbert — Glin Foynes Limerick Killaloe Portumna
Fic. 2
S) N
(339 2251 2756, 3015 2478 2278 1660 3039 2364 2473 2688 2510 2646 2796 2240 2466 2197
#000 Feet ' ts Al i eee ' had - — 2000 Feet
? 1 ~
3000 ee ST ee Don udatron a Hlaten 2 OF _ _ Gini gimat Shannon, Drain age : 3000 .,
2000 . uN Nw7,S oe iS N / 2 ‘ae Doe 2 2000 »
1000 - WAS aS se —1000
Sealevel ~ ov 2 we Sauk Vii A, == a1 Sea Level.
Cape Che Clear CORK KERRY LIMERICK WATERFORD TIPPERARY QUEENS C2 WICKLOW & DUBLIN S.MAYO NORTH MAYO DOWN LONDONDERRY DONEGAL fair eee
ea
Mt Gabriel (i339) Mangerton(2756) Keeper (2278) Slieve Bloom(i660) Lugnaquilla (3039) Mweelrea(z6ss) Nephin (2646) Mourne Mountains Sawel (2240) Muckish(2197) (636)
Miskish(2251) Purple Mountain(2730) Duff Hill(2364) | Croagh Patrick(2sio) Slieve Donard (2796) Errigal(z466)
Caltymire(sois) Comeragh(2478) Kippure(2473)
Fic. 3.

Kitroze—The River Shannon.

Plate VW

Proc. R. I. Acad., Vol. XXVI., Section B.

rs
“Sarpy ot s/ a ° SINS

ar eae — —— /ULIV?) DCT PUWPUPI@ \ 1
| Y¥ NONNVPHS AHL AO AU PALS 7 '
| | ‘
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rest - = =" Seen ees : ane 4. 2a =——
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2220Y OZ/' : | ;
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MOTRIN Ssruoo(] MOI HAY

| BUN 410g

Proc. R. I. Acad., Vol. XXVI., Section B. Plate VI.

A Schwarze Schneide Neder Kog| Scherner Spitze.
5267.1, 3166-m. SIE m.
3000 m Te __if 3000 m

Wh, ]
2500m ! LO 2500 m
2000m | 2000 m,
500m pees /S0OM
Gurgler Tal
Fie. 1.
174-6 1735 /268 10/0 200 238 640 550 978 1317 /486
6001 \\\W\\\ho ! | ; |
ais \\\\ Th: } : 3 ; TWN Vn 4.00 Feet
js eee | : 7 \ 1200 .
1000, UO Wie: 2ssvgiy (oe
goo. SLIEVE BERNAGH MY ME ein SLIEVE 800
600. YN ARRA | 600
400, \ poe
ae 200
200. nt ee ae 60-70
——$—— z \ r
Crag Hill \ \\\* fe . .
Glennagalliagh Craglea Derrycastle Hill Killary Hill
Horizontal Sca/e.
a IMile.
Fie. 2.

Kitror—The River Shannon.

bv ntl

IX.
THE LOWER PALAOZOIC ROCKS OF POMEROY.

By WILLIAM G. FEARNSIDES, M.A., F.G.S., Fellow of Sidney
Sussex College, Cambridge ; GERTRUDE L. ELLES, D.Sc.,
late Geoffrey Fellow of Newnham College, Cambridge ; and
BERNARD SMITH, M.A., F.G.S., Sidney Sussex College.
Cambridge.

Poarres VIL. VILL.

Read Fepruary 28. Ordered for Publication Marcu 20.
Published Juny 16, 1907.

ArtracreD by the magnificent fossils of this remote district, and
realizing that there was some divergence of opinion as to the age of
the beds containing them, some Cambridge geologists in 1905 agreed
to attempt the working out of the structure of the area, and the
correlation of the beds there represented.

The field-party consisted of the present authors, together with
Miss I. L. Slater, of Newnham College, and Mr. A. McDougall, of
Christ’s College; and its work was done during the pleasant and
unusually dry summer season of June and July, 1905. We desire to
express our gratitude to Prof. G. A. J. Cole, for his kindness in
facilitating our work in every way.

During the field-work, Miss Elles, as paleontologist, made
approximate determinations of the all-important Graptolites, while
Mr. Fearnsides plotted localities, sections, and structural details upon
the six-inch map. In the collecting all took an equal share. The
material so obtained was taken to Cambridge, and has since been
worked over by the authors of the present communication. The
Graptolites have been studied by Miss Elles; the Trilobites and other
fossils have been, as far as possible, identified by Mr. Smith, who is
also responsible for the drawing and reduction of the field-map to its
present form. All notes, tables, &c., so prepared were then given
N

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. B.

98 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

over to Mr. Fearnsides, who, from this and all other available
information, together with his field-notes, has written the present
paper.

The Pomeroy district of Central Tyrone hes on the south-east
border of the Derry and Donegal Highlands, and adjoins the lowest
pass between the waters of the Bann and the Foyle, Blackwater, or
Shrule, over which the railway from Portadown to Omagh passes.

As a district of geological interest, the Pomeroy or Desertcreat
district, as it was then called, was first recognized by Patrick Doran
and other official collectors sent out during the Ordnance Survey of
1838, and as a district of known Silurian rocks remains uncoloured
on Griffith’s geological map of Ireland of 1839. In 1845 Desertcreat
was made known to geologists by the publication of Portlock’s
‘*“Geology of the County of Londonderry, and parts of Tyrone and
Fermanagh.” In that great work, Portlock shows that, from his
examination of the fossils, he is able to identify the Caradoc sandstone
division of Murchison’s ‘Silurian System,’ and appends an accurate
monograph and description of some 216 species of fossils obtained
therefrom.

The Report also includes a description of the lithology of the rocks
discussed, and a map upon which all available localities are carefully
plotted.

For the purposes of the new one-inch Geological Survey map, the
district was re-mapped by Joseph Nolan in 1877, and the sheet memoir
published in 1878; the dips and exposures of strata indicated by
Portlock were more accurately replotted on this map, and the memoir
contains a comprehensive list of the fossils of the district, compiled by
W. H. Bailey.

The Graptolites originally described by Portlock are referred to in
several papers on Irish Graptolites by Lapworth;' but although
this author then pointed out that those Graptolites cannot belong to
Bala or Caradocian rocks, it was not until the appearance in 1895 of
the brief note in Watts and McHenry’s ‘‘ Catalogue of the Rocks
and Fossils in the collection of the Geological Survey of Ireland,”
which refers them to the Llandovery or Tarannon, that they came to
be regarded as belonging to a series other than that which contains
the Desertcreat Trilobites.

In 1885 Marr and Roberts, for the purposes of the identification of

1 Proc. Belfast Nat. Field Club, 1877, Appendix. Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist. (4),
vol. ili., 1879-1880.

Frarnsipes, ELies, SmirH—Palwozoic Rocks of Pomeroy. | 99

their Haverfordwest fossils, made a re-examination of Portlock’s type
specimens, and, in so doing, were able to refer the Trilobites of the
district to the upper division of their Bala rocks, and thereby to
correlate Portlock’s Caradoc sandstone with what has now become the
Ashgillian series.

In 1896 the officers of the Irish Geological Survey returned
to the area, and, as represented by McHenry and Egan, collected
such considerable suites of fossils that the Survey paleontologists
were able definitely to identify several zones of Birkhill or Llandovery
rocks, as well as to confirm the Ashgillian age of the great bulk of
the Trilobite-bearing sandy beds. The fossils collected at this time
are now preserved in the collections of the Irish Survey; but the
results of these researches have not been published.

The actual Lower Paleozoic area is more or less triangular in
shape, with sides varying between three and four miles in length.
The base faces to the north, and is rather irregular. Along it the
lowest members of the fossiliferous series adjoin a very variable mass
of ancient hornblendic or granitic rocks, while along the southern,
south-eastern, and south-western sides, the various members of the
series are unconformably overlain by the characteristic green and red
sandstones and conglomerates of the local Old Red Sandstone.

Unfortunately the district is much drift-covered ; and its scenery is
dependent upon the irregular distribution and variable character of its
esker-like mounds of drift. These consist of porous semi-stratified
sands and gravels; and only where the usually over-full streams have
deepened their valleys down to the solid rock below are the
interesting lower Paleozoic rocks exposed. No large amount of stiff
boulder-clay or till was met with; but the gravel contains many
travelled boulders of large size which, if of sedimentary origin, often
contain good fossils.

These gravel-ridges are] occasionally from 100 to 150 feet high,
and in places are so steep-sided that they fail to support more than a
very scanty covering of vegetation. Under these conditions, all
evidence as to structure or succession of the rock-series must be based
upon scattered exposures, or upon paleontology, and a detailed
comparison of the faunas of the various rock-beds with those observed
in other and more openly exposed districts. The exposed areas and
the detailed succession afforded by each are indicated upon the map,
and in the absence of a sufficiency of place-names will only be
alluded to incidentally in the body of the paper.

The following sub-divisions of the sedimentary series have been

N 2

100 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

found most useful by the authors of the present paper. They are
founded essentially upon paleontological evidence, but, after a little
experience, are readily recognizable on purely hthological grounds,
and by this means are traceable unchanged through all available
exposures.

Corrycroar Group = Tarannon.

Undivided.
Little River Group = Llandovery.
Lime Hill beds. Slate Quarry beds.
Mullaghnabuoyah beds. Crocknagargan beds.

Edenvale beds.

Desertereat Group = Ashgillian.

Upper Tirnaskea beds. Killey Bridge beds.
Lower Tirnaskea beds. Bardahessiagh beds.

These local names are taken directly from the six-inch Ordnance
map of 1856, and are here introduced only for the purpose of reference,
and for the avoidance of circumlocution in description.

We may now consider these various sub-divisions in order, begin-
ning with the oldest, and, in so doing, will leave all questions of
structure and correlation of the beds to a later stage.

The Bardahessiagh Beds.

As indicated in the table, the Bardahessiagh beds form the basal
member of the Paleozoic series. They occur all along the northern
edge of the district, where they adjoin the hornblendic and granitic
series of the Ulster Highlands, and are brought up again by a sharp
fold in the neighbourhood of Killey Bridge. According to the
view of the present authors, they must rest with notable discordance
and unconformity upon the Highland metamorphic rocks; but the
actual base of the series has never been very well seen, and is not
now exposed. The lowest members of the Bardahessiagh beds now
observable are the rocks exposed along the Slate Quarry road, just
south of Craig Bardahessiagh, and are the coarsest of the series. They
consist of almost unweathered felspars and micas, with abundant
angular quartz chips, which are embedded in a sort of serpentinous
paste such as might well be directly derived from the denudation of the
hornblendic series, or of the mica schist country a little further north.
Conglomeratic beds—such as are mentioned by Portlock—are now

Frarnsipes, KLLes, SmitrH—Paleozoie Rocks of Pomeroy. 101

only visible in walls and stone heaps along the line which we have
taken as our northern boundary, and, though not now exposed, would
seem to belong to the series under review. The general mass of the
Bardahessiagh beds consists of coarse to fine grained grits, with well
bedded calcareous flagstones at the top, and is notably micaceous
throughout. The lower members are always loosely consolidated, but
the higher ones, being well provided with Brachiopods and other fossils,
are rendered more compact by a calcareous cement. We were informed
that at one time they were much quarried for building purposes, and
also for the manufacture of flags, hearthstones, and even grindstones.
In general the series is thick-bedded, but, among the flaggy beds at
the top, quite finely laminated micaceous shales are often interstratified.

The flagstone quarries are now closed and overgrown ; the richly
fossiliferous collecting grounds which they provided to the early col-
lectors are therefore most unfortunately no longer available. Walls,
however, and heaps of stone remain; and along the high grouni
flanking the southern slopes of Craig Bardahessiagh the process of
agriculture frequently brings to light richly fossiliferous blocks which,
if not prolific enough to enable us to add to the long lists of Portlock’s
collections, are more than sufficient to identify the horizon.

The commonest fossils in the lower unconsolidated sandy beds are
rude casts of an Orthis like O. calligramma. Higher up the large
Strophomena grandis appears 1n surprising abundance, and makes up a
very considerable proportion of the rock-forming material. It is
associated with Strophomena siluriana, a true Ashgillan form, and in
the softer beds which are interbedded with it, Ilenus, Bellerophon,
and various ill-preserved Gastropods are present in some abundance.
In the most calcareous beds, which are practically limestones, a Harpes
and some pieces of the huge JLichas hibernicus and glabellas of
Staurocephalus were occasionally observed.

Under the microscope, various examples of the gritty and flaggy
beds show an unusual amount of fresh felspar, both orthoclase and
andesine ; with this is also a good deal of partly chloritized mica, a
serpentinous paste, and numerous detached grains of epidotic or horn-
blendic minerals, giving high colours between crossed nicols. A
crushed specimen of a less consolidated grit, when separated by means
of a heavy liquid (s.g. = 2°7), yielded abundant and rather large
tourmaline needles along with rounded red garnets, staurolite, epidote,
and leucoxene. When weathered, the characteristic light-blue or
grey colour of both flags and grits gives place to a rather dull
gingerbread brown, which, at first affecting only the surface of the

102 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

rock, soon forms a sort of ever-thickening porous crust, which gradually
encroaches upon the sharply defined hard kernel of blue unweathered
rock. Concretionary structures are not common in the Bardahessiagh
beds; but the so-called worm-tracks and worm-casts, which affect so
many of the flaggy bedding planes, are probably due to some obscure
form of concretionary action.

The Killey Bridge Beds.

By the further diminution in the proportion of coarse material, the
Bardahessiagh beds pass up into the Killey Bridge beds. Like the
older series, the Killey Bridge beds are thought to occupy a belt of
country more or less parallel to the boundary of the metamorphic rocks
along the southern flanks of Craig Bardahessiagh ; but, unlike them,
they are known to outcrop at many widely separated points within
the watershed of the main Pomeroy river; andas we know them to be
the thickest of the sedimentary divisions, it may well be that, beneath
the drift, they occupy the greater proportion of the Lower Paleozoic
Pomeroy inlier. The best exposures are—(1) the fine section which
adjoins the overlap of the Old Red Sandstone in the Little River just
south of the Slate Quarry ; (2) the unnamed brook-section between the
Pomeroy-Bardahessiagh road and the Slate Quarry; (3) the road-side
exposures south of the railway at Killey Bridge; but characteristic
Trinuclei may be obtained at many other localities, and from almost
any of the banks where boulder-bearing drift can be observed.

As we have said, the basal members of the Killey Bridge beds are
practically inseparable from the Bardahessiagh beds below. Higher
beds, however, are much finer and softer than any, except shaley
partings among the flags of the lower group; and the Killey Bridge beds,
as a whole, are best described as a series of calcareous or ferruginous:
mudstones. They, too, weather with a thick, porous, almost velvety
crust, and, like the highest Bardahessiagh beds, are very fossiliferous.
The lowest beds, as seen near Killey Bridge, or in the brook south
of Bardahessiagh, have alternations of coarser materials like the flags
below; but upwards the bedding planes become much less evident ;
and the greasy character of the serpentinous paste of the older
beds remains to indicate the close relationship between the two.
The lowest partly flaggy beds abound in innumerable fragments of
Lamellibranchs, Gastropods, Crinoids, and Cystids. With these, also,
occur Phacops Brongniarti and a Calymene ; but, at the time of our
visit, these beds were not well exposed.

Frarnsives, Evies, Smira—Paleozoie Rocks of Pomeroy. 103

The next division, however, was better seen, especially in an up-
standing cliff partly undercut by the Little River, just south of the Slate
Quarry, and, together with various varieties of Zrinucleus concentricus,
yielded abundant examples of Ampyx rostratus. These beds when
weathered take on a bright ochreous yellow or brown colour, and
break up characteristically into little lenticular flakes or chips of
shivery shale before they pass into the final dark brown marly clay of
the soil above. In many respects this division is exceedingly like the
Dindymene shale of Austwick, Yorkshire, and certain beds among
the Slade series of Wales.

Upward, these ochreous mudstones, with their swarms of Trinucleus
and Ampyx, pass into the sombre leaden grey micaceous mudstones,
which on the north side of the Little River, east of the Slate Quarry,
have yielded a few examples of Remopleurides, with fragments of
other T'rilobites and a few Lamellibranchs. Whether Remopleurides
invariably occurs at a higher horizon than Trinucleus we could not
decide, for our only exposure with Remopleurides 7m situ occurred
in the immediate neighbourhood of a large structural fault; and hence
Phacops beds and Trinucleus beds, with leaden shales and a probably
higher flaggy bed containing Diplograpti, are here grouped together as
Killey Bridge beds. In the higher part of the leaden shales the
bedding planes become quite prominent; and gradually the mud-
stones pass up into flags. Here the flaggy beds, as seen at the
bottom of the old Slate Quarry mill-sluice, are distinguished from
the basal Killey Bridge beds only by the absence of mica. With the
incoming flaggy conditions, Lamellibranchs, Gastropods, Cystids, and
Crinoids seem completely to oust the Trinuclei, while Harpes and
a Lichas again become conspicuous, and with them a few fragments
of Diplograptus truncatus can usually be found.

With the exception of a single Graptolite-bearing exposure at
Lime Hill, the top of the Killey Bridge beds seems to represent the
highest fossil-bearing horizon which was known to Portlock; and
hence, considering the date, his estimate that the rocks belong to
Caradoc Sandstone must be regarded as a very wonderfully close
approximation to the truth,

The Lower Tirnaskea Reds.

The Tirnaskea beds form the highest member of the Ordovician
System, and are exceedingly interesting in that they contain both
Graptolites and Trilobites. They have been observed only in two

104 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

exposures in tributary streams which join the Little River in the
neighbourhood of the Slate Quarry; and in neither of them is the
actual passage upward or downward very clearly shown.

The Lower Tirnaskea beds seem to be a direct continuation of
the highest flaggy member of the Killey Bridge beds; but the little
anticlines which cause them to be exposed in the Tirnaskea stream
are only sufficiently dissected to allow a very little of these to be
seen; while in the brook south of Bardahessiagh this portion of the
section is completely covered by rain-wash and drift. The lowest
Tirnaskea beds of the Tirnaskea stream are more gritty than any of
the Killey Bridge beds, and from the fact that they occur in beds
with good cuboidal jointing, often about a foot thick, they are readily
recognizable. They are always tough and very ‘ blocky,’ and though
they probably contain many fossils, these fossils are extremely difficult
to extract. The cementing material is some rhombohedral carbonate,
which is far from brittle, and the rock, whether weathered or fresh,
seems always to crush, rather than to break, under the hammer.

Under the microscope, the rock is remarkable for the large propor-
tion of perfectly fresh oligoclase and andesine which it contains. Its
quartz grains, like those of the Bardahessiagh beds, are sharp and
angular, while, unlike the beds of the lower series, the mica, if
present, is only in the pasty ground-mass. A few grains of tolerably
fresh hornblende and a little brightly polarizing epidote are also
present among the well-sutured grains of the calcareous cementing
ground-mass. The well-known Ashgillian Trilobite Phacops
mucronatus is represented by five large specimens with well-developed
eyes ; and a few specimens of the Hartfell Graptolites Dicellograptus
complanatus var., with Diplograptus truncatus, were obtained in
certain of the lenticular streaks of shale occurring within the
massive grit.

The Upper Tirnaskea Beds.

There is a very sudden transition from the Lower Tirnaskea grits
to the smooth-banded mudstones and shales of the Upper Tirnaskea
beds. These are only exposed for a very few feet, but the highest
zone fossil of the Hartfell Shales, Decellograptus anceps, was found in
the lamine of black or purple shale which form partings in the
green or grey mudstones at intervals of an inch or two. With it
also occurs Aglina rediviva, that much-discussed recurrent Trilobite
of Barrande’s Bohemian ‘‘ colonies,’ which is here recognized for
the first time in Ireland.

Frarnsipes, ELLEs, SmirH—Paleozoic Rocks of Pomeroy. 105

These Tirnaskea beds occupy the central part of a denuded
syncline in the Tirnaskea Stream, and have not yet been found in
immediate association with the overlying Llandovery, or Little River
eroup ; but from the fact that the lowest beds of these closely resemble
the highest unfossiliferous member of the Tirnaskea beds, both being,
moreover, of graptolitic and presumably slowly deposited type of
sediment, we are of opinion that the gap between them is of small
importance, and that the succession is continuous. The further
evidence that in the beck, south of Bardahessiagh, the grits, with
Phacops mucronatus, come within ten feet of an exposure of shales,
with Llandovery Climacograpti in an undisturbed, though ill-exposed,
section, is suggestive, and tends to the same conclusion.

The Crocknagargan Beds.

To the lowest of the Llandovery (Little River group) sediments
we have given the name Crocknagargan beds. ‘hese are a thin series
of greenish-grey pyritous shales, containing few fossils, but in which
afew Graptolites were obtained at a locality about 100 yards east
of the Pomeroy-Bardahessiagh road bridge over the Little River, and
on the south bank of the stream. The species identified include
Cephalograptus acuminatus and Climacograptus normalis, and though
no clear section either upward or downward can be made out, both
lithology and paleontological evidence enable us to recognize close
similarities between this and the Cephalograptus acuminatus zone at
Moffat. The smooth character of the mudstone, and a certain purple
streakiness seen only when freshly broken rock is moistened,
indicate lithological affinities to the Upper Tirnaskea beds (Dzcello-
gruptus anceps zone) below, while the close approximation of the
micaceous shales of the Diplograptus modestus beds above, both at this
and at the locality of Crocknagargan itself, indicate a continuous
passage to the beds above. The Crocknagargan stream (south of
Craig Bardahessiagh) probably affords the best section of these beds,
but was not workable at the time of our visit. There the 10 to 15
feet of greenish beds which intervene between the hard grits with
Phacops mucronatus and the equally resistant micaceous beds with
Diplograptus modestus enable us to infer that the total thickness of
the Crocknagargan beds is not more than 10 to 12 feet.

The Slate Quarry Beds.

The Slate Quarry beds are much more satisfactory, and are well
exposed in several places along the Little River, especially in its

106 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

largest tributary, the Slate Quarry stream. They also appear again
in the bed of one of the tributaries of Corrycroar river, in the extreme
south of the Pomeroy inlier, where they are directly overlain by the
conglomerates of the Old Red Sandstone. The lowest beds of the
series include a few bands of smooth grey shales, not unlike the
fossiliferous Crocknagargan beds; but the greater part of the Slate
Quarry beds consist of soft, easily bruised blue-grey micaceous
flagstones, with a texture rather like cardboard and splitting with
difficulty. Fossils, when found, are in general fairly well preserved,
and in low relief; but they are not abundant. Some of the beds
contain a good deal of rather coarsely distributed pyrites, and, in the
early stages of weathering, become coated with a thick rust, but in
later stage are more or less completely bleached. This bleaching is
particularly prone to occur in places which have been long exposed to
chemical weathering—as, for example, near faults and in upstanding
cliffs. A curious lemon-yellow stain on the surfaces is also charac-
teristic of certain of the members of this series. Deplograptus
modestus is the commonest and most widely distributed fossil, but
Diplograptus vesiculosus is also found in certain of the finer-grained
beds, especially in the southern exposures, and with these are
associated the usual Climacograpti, Cl. normalis, and Cl. medius, &c. ;
the whole assemblage is strongly reminiscent of the fauna described
by Herbert Lapworth from the Lower Dyffryn, or modestus-Flags of
Wales. The Slate Quarry beds are always recognizable by the large
proportion of micaceous material they contain, and, hike the members
of Desertcreat group, seem to have been formed by the denudation of
some ancient series of crystalline schists. Though not the hardest,
they seem to resist denudation more than any other member of the
Little River group, and, where exposed, almost always confine the
streams to quite narrow gorges.

The Edenvale Beds.

The Edenvale beds follow directly upon the Slate Quarry beds, and
in their exposures along the Little River, the Edenvale mill-sluice, and
the Slate Quarry stream, occur as narrow synclines folded in among
the broader anticlines. Their lowest bed is very characteristic ; it
shows a marked tendency to break into cuboidal blocks, and is a hard,
dark, fine-grained, and very calcareous rock, and, unlike even the highest
member of the Slate Quarry beds, contains but a very small proportion
of mica. Dimorphograptus is its characteristic Graptolite genus: we

Frarnsipes, Evies, Smira—Paleozoic Rocks of Pomeroy. 107

may therefore term it the Dimorphograptus band; and from the fact
that almost all the other species of Graptolites it contains range
upward rather than downward, we have here decided to group it with
those higher beds as the lowest member of the Edenvale beds. It is
about three feet thick, and to us has proved most prolific at its
most southerly exposure in the Slate Quarry stream, immediately
opposite the road entrance to Edenvale House. The most usual
fossils are Dimorphograptus confertus, D. longissimus, and Monograptus
tenuis.

The rest of the Edenvale beds possess equally distinctive lithological
characters, and are the most readily traceable of all the members
of the Little River group. They are a series of dark to light grey
shales, mainly unfossiliferous, but with numerous conspicuous darker
partings, streaks, and thin bands of Graptolite shale, yielding Climaco-
grapti and various narrow forms of Monograptus. They contain
much finely divided pyrites, and, unlike the Slate Quarry beds below,
are always covered with an ochreous rust or slime during the early
stages of weathering, and disintegrating rapidly, pass to a dark
ochreous clay paste before they bleach. The total thickness of this
division may be about 15 to 20 feet. The most obvious of the
Graptolite species are Ionograptus tenwis, I. cyphus, and Climaco-
graptus rectangularis.

The Mullaghnabuoyah Beds.

The Mullaghnabuoyah beds are also well exposed, and are repeated
by folding again and again along the bed and banks of the Little River,
above the Slate Quarry, and inits northward-flowing tributary, within
the Pomeroy demesne. They too, are a series of banded mudstones,
and, with the belt of grey flaggy shales in their midst, are
probably the thickest of the divisions within the Little River group.
A close study of them would probably lead to the adoption of a three-
fold division of the series into a lower member, whose lithology is not
unlike the upper beds of the Edenvale beds below ; a middle member,
unfossiliferous on the whole, consisting of papery shales and thin
bedded fissile, gritty flags; and an upper banded series of blue, almost
black, shale. Owing, however, to the difficulty of indicating the
excessive folding noticeable at each of the available exposures, such
separation has not been attempted upon the map.

The lowest mudstones, with blacker shale bands, contain a fauna
which, except for the presence of Donograptus triangulatus, 1s

‘

108 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

practicaliy identical with that of the Edenvale beds; but with the
gradual diminution of the proportion of these dark bands, we pass to
the middle division: Jf. triangulatus becomes a conspicuous fossil,
and Climacograptus Tornquistt gradually replaces the Cl. rectangularis
of the lower beds. The grey, flaggy beds maintain the same
characteristics ; but the fossils are more sparsely distributed. Some,
however, of their paler grey bands now contain fossils, and are par-
ticularly characterized by the abundance of Donograptus acinaces with
M. triangulatus. In this series, also, near the head of the Edenvale
mill-sluice, there occur a few unusually fine examples of Rastrites
peregrinus. Another feature of the grey papery flags of this horizon is
the development of a sort of peppery sprinkling of small granular
concretions of pyrites. These range from about ‘2 mm. to 2 mm. in
diameter, and have a radial fibrous structure. Their occurrence in an
otherwise non-pyritous rock is curious, but is not uncommon in other
contemporaneous deposits, such as the Gigrin mudstones of Rhayader,
the Skelgill shales of the Lake District, and the Rastrites beds of
Sweden. The upper blue-grey to black banded beds again yield many
Graptolites, Ionograptus triangulatus being particularly abundant.
A few Petalograpti were also observed with Climacograptus Tornquisti
in the less prolific beds; and though the present authors are not
able to recommend the application of the three Lake District sub-
divisions of the IZ. gregarius zone of South Scotland to the Mullagh-
nabuoyah beds, the existence of these three sub-zones is distinctly
indicated. The thickness of the Mullaghnabuoyah beds is not easy
to estimate; but the middle flaggy division cannot be much less than
50 feet in thickness, while the rest may vary between 20 and 30 feet.
The upper division, as seen at Mullaghnabuoyah, passes almost im-
perceptibly into the Petalograptus band of the succeeding Lime Hill
beds.

The Lime Hili Beds.

The Lime Hill beds are so called from the one Graptolite locality
known to Portlock, whence he obtained his Graptolithus Sedgwickii.
This locality is far distant from all those hitherto alluded to, but
can fortunately be correlated with them, since the lowest bed seen in
the Lime Hill section appears to occur also in the centre of a much
compressed syncline at Mullaghnabuoyah. This lowest bed is quite
like the topmost beds of the Mullaghnabuoyah series, but is even darker,
and isa banded mudstone rather than a shale; seen at Mullaghna-
buoyah, it is blue-black, and perhaps three feet thick, and is

Fearnsipes, Buies, SMitrH—Pa/e@osoie Rocks of Pomeroy. 109

characterized by the presence of IL. Sedgwichit var. distans and by
numerous Petalograpti. The thin tenwis-like Monograptus discretus
is also seen, butis not so abundant at Mullaghnabuoyah as at the Lime
Hill exposure. At Lime Hill, the lowest bed exposed is again a blue-
black mudstone, but is only faintly banded. A foot or two higher
this gives place to a somewhat calcareous dark-coloured rock, which
contains well-preserved examples of the various Petalograpti, with
what appear to be fragments of Lamellibranchs. These, with inter-
bedded softer black mudstones, continue for some six feet; but their
higher bands contain no obvious Petalograpti, and, becoming suddenly
paler upward, pass into rocks similar in texture to the harder beds
discussed, but of variegated green and yellow colours. <A break in the
section possibly cuts out a foot or two of rock ; the next rock seen has
regained its intense black colour, and appears as a black micaceous
mudstone with sooty black shale partings. These highest somewhat
micaceous beds appear to be the Graptolithus Sedgwickit horizon
of Portlock, and their calcareous beds also yielded him certain Lamelli-
branchs. They also contain well-preserved examples of JL. involutus,
M. discretus, and many obscure fragments of Orthis and other Brachio-
pods. The total thickness exposed at Lime Hill is something less
than 20 feet ; and owing to the superabundance of drift, no passage to
the next higher Corrycroar or Tarannon group can be seen. The
occurrence of the pale green and yellow bands among these Sedgwickii
beds is exactly paralleled by the similar occurrence at the same
horizon at Dobbs Linn and Lockerbie, in the Moffat district of South
Scotland, and by the variation in colour shown by the Sedgwickii
beds of Skelgill.

The Corrycroar Group.

Of this, the highest Silurian series exposed within the Pomeroy
area, little could be ascertained during the time at our disposal.
The only exposure we could find is in the gorge of the Corrycroar
stream, where, along the river bed, beautifully even-bedded flags of the
Gala type are laid bare for nearly half a mile. Unfortunately, not-
withstanding their beautiful lamination, it proved impossible to
obtain fossils from these beds ; and, as a result of two days’ work, only
two fragmentary Graptolites with cells of the type of JL vomerinus
were discovered. The rocks are green, flaggy, and very monotonous ;
they are hard, somewhat brittle, and very well jointed, and, indeed,
are very like the fine-grained members of the Gala grit series of South
Scotland, but, in the 100 or 150 feet exposed, include no beds coarse

|i Proceedings of the Royat Irish Academy.

enough to be termed grits. They are very evenly bedded; and in
the Corrycroar section, where they adjoin the Old Red Sandstone,
have escaped or resisted folding to a remarkable extent. In other
localities, the Corrycroar beds were only observed in the drift.
Boulders probably referable to them, and not far travelled, are
abundant in the Lime Hill district adjoiming the exposure yielding
M. Sedgwickii, and have the good chocolate-red and green colour so
often found in recks of the age of the Tarannon shale. Some of the
blocks at this locality show darker, almost black, bandings among the
red; and these contain undeterminable fragments of Monograpti.
These beds are smoother and more like a mudstone than the flags of
the Corrycroar section, and hence there possibly exists a lower
division of red Corrycroar mudstones continuous with the black
mudstones of the Lime Hill beds; but in the absence of further
evidence, we can only affirm the probable extension of a Gala type of
Tarannon sediment over the whole Pomeroy region.

Summary of Succession.

The Lower Paleozoic rocks of Pomeroy may be tabulated as
follows :—
Corrycroar Group (= Tarannon).
Green and purple mudstones, shales, flags, and grits of Gala type,
unfossiliferous and undivided.

Lrrtte River Grover (= Llandovery).

Dark or blue graptolitic shales of Birkhill type with some grey
flags.
Zone of Monograptus Sedgwicki = Lime Hill beds.
(8) Black shales with calcareous bands. J. Sedgwichii. IL. dis-
cretus. DT. involutus. Cl. sealaris.
(7) Black mudstones (‘‘ Petalograptus band’”’). I. Sedgwiekii and
var. distans. I. yaculum. M discretus, and Petalograpti, &c.

Zone of Monograptus triangulatus = Mullaghnabuoyah beds.

(64) Dark shales and mudstones. J. triangulatus abundant.

(6) Grey shaly flags with pyritous spots. JL gregarius. i.
acinaces. MM. triangulatus, &c.

(5) Blue grey shales with black bands. J. triangulatus.
Rastrites peregrinus. Cl. Tornquisti, and Cl. Hughesiv.

Frarnsipes, Eiirs, Smrrua—Paleozoie Rocks of Pomeroy. 111

Zone of Monograptus tenuis = Edenvale beds.

(4) Smooth blue-grey shales with black bands. JM. tenwis.
M. cyphus. Cl. rectangularis.

(3) Black ‘‘blocky” mudstone (Dimorphograptus band),
Dimorphograptus confertus. D. longissimus. I. tenuis, &e.

Zone of Diplograptus modestus = Slate Quarry beds.

(2) Micaceous grits and flags. Diplograptus vesiculosus. D. modes-
tus. Cl. normalis. Cl. medius, &c.

Zone of Cephalograptus acuminatus = Crocknagargan beds.

(1) Micaceous flagstones and shales. Cephalograptus acuminatus.
Cl. normalis, &e.

Drsertcreat Group (= Ashgillian).

Calecareous micaceous mudstones, flags, and grits of Girvan or
shelly type, with some graptolitic shales towards the top.

Tirnaskea Beds.

(5) Smooth banded mudstones. Hylina rediviva, and Dicello-
graptus anceps.

(4) Tough blocky calcareous grits. Phacops mucronatus, and
Dicellograptus complanatus. Diplograptus truncatus.

Killey Bridge Beds.

(3) Soft calcareous blue or grey chloritic mudstones, thick, and
containing a very rich fauna.

(d) Remopleurides Colbii, and R. dorsispinifer.

(¢) Trinucleus seticornis, and T. Portlockii. Ampysx rostratus.

(6) Phacops Brongniartt.

(a) Calymene Blumenbachii, var.

Bardahessiagh Beds.

(2) Hard and calcareous flags and fine grits. Strophomena grandis
and S. siluriana. Lichas hibernicus, and Harpes Doran.

(1) Unconsolidated sands and conglomerates, Orthis and Stropho-
mena, spp.

112 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

The Old Red Sandstone.

The Old Red Sandstone or ‘‘ Dingle beds”’ of the Pomeroy district
were not examined in any detail; but during the attempt to discover
the boundary of the Lower Paleozoic rocks, sufficient was seen to
render it evident that the two series are separated by a strong
unconformity, and that the Dingle beds overlap the Silurian on to
the ancient hornblendic rocks. The basal Dingle beds do not follow
the line of the colour-change marked upon the old one-inch Survey
map of 1877, but instead come on at the various exposures indicated
upon that map as conglomeratic Bala beds; and accordingly the
failure of later visitors to the district to find evidence of unconformity
along the line mapped is not to be wondered at. The basal Dingle
beds of our mapping are usually massive or flaggy sandstones; but
they include many beds of coarse, rubbly grits, and conglomerate or
other resistant rocks, and contain many pebbles of quartz. Among
these pebbles we were struck by the abundance of subangular or
even angular cherts and lydian stones, such as might come from the
Arenig or Llandeilo cherts of South Scotland. We also noticed
several decomposed fragments of a hornblende granite, which we think
may be the Bardahessiagh rock, and with it many more or less decayed
pieces of Ordovician and Silurian sediments with obscure fossils.

The basement beds of conglomerate were never seen; and no
section giving a full view of the unconformity conld be found. The
boundary of the series as indicated upon the map is really a line
drawn to pass between certain localities; and if the smooth-flowing
outlines indicated are a trifle artificial, we can only say that they are
not claimed as more than a diagrammatic representation of the truth.
The dip of the Dingle beds is less constant in direction than that of
the Lower Paleozoic rocks; but it does not differ greatly from the
latter in magnitude; and it would seem that, though less yielding in
their behaviour, the Dingle beds have been involved in nearly all the
earth-movements which have contorted the lower series. Since,
however, about Slevebane, the red and green sandstones of the Dingle
beds rest upon the Hornblendic Series, while at Little River, they
transgress from the Killey Bridge beds on to the Tirnaskea beds, and
at Corrycroar rest upon the Corrycroar group and Slate Quarry beds
of the Little River group, there appears to be sufficient proof of the
strong and irregular folding, accompanying a marked unconformity in
pre-Dingle times. 7

Frearnsipes, Exuus, Smira—Paleozoic Rocks of Pomeroy. 113

Structure of the District.

Though our work on the Pomeroy district is in some respects
only an amplification and extension of the work begun by Portlock,
the views expressed in this section are at variance with those put
forward by all previous writers. According to our interpretation
of the evidence, the structure of the Pomeroy area resembles that
of the Moffat district of South Scotland, and the thickness of beds
involved is correspondingly small. Portlock supposed it to be
3500 feet; but the present authors can arrive at no higher figure
than 500, or at the most 600 feet. Of this they allow about
100 feet to the basal Bardahessiagh beds, and another 100 feet to
the fossiliferous flagstones above. The Killey Bridge beds probably
include nearly another 100 feet; and the Corrycroar group is exposed
to the extent of perhaps 150 feet, leaving 150 feet to include the
whole of the Little River group and Tirnaskea beds. If this be so,
and the dip be fairly constant at 30° to 50° to the south or south-east,

Fig. 1.
Diagrammatic Section across the Pomeroy District.

the three to four miles of outcrop in a direction tranverse to the
general strike demands explanation. Our explanation is that the beds
are strongly folded in innumerable shallow isoclinal folds, which are
more or less turned over towards the north, and in some of which the
middle limb has been replaced by a fault. We may represent our views
of the structure diagrammatically (fig. 1), and we may compare this
diagram with the somewhat idealized section which we have been able
to draw to show the actual relations of the rocks as seen along a line
from Craig Bardahessiagh on the north, to the hill of Tirnaskea on the
south, crossing the best-exposed portions of the district (fig. 2).

The best evidence, however, is furnished by the distribution of the
various beds brought out by the mapping. The most accessible and
convincing section is that afforded by the bed of the Little River
between the Pomeroy-Bardahessiagh bridge and the Slate Quarry,
where, in the space of somewhat less than a mile, some thirty or forty
anticlinal cusps with quaquaversal dips appear in the stream. The

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. B. 0

114 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

also between the Slate Quarry farm-house and its
junction with the Little River, shows some three cores cut transversely ;
and despite a fairly constant dip of 35° to 40°, the same Graptolite bed
appears at the top, opposite the Catholic church, and at the mill-
sluice in the alluvial flat at the base of the hill, as well as in the
centre of alittle fold which occurs half-way between the last two
localities. ‘he wave-length of the folds in this section is about
50 to 70 yards, the corresponding amplitude some 30 to 40 feet; and
these dimensions seem to be fairly characteristic of the folding of the
whole district. Of other evidence, we may quote the fact that, at Mul-
laghnabuoyah, the Jf. triangulatus beds dip south at 75°, but reappear
immediately on the other side of the river. At Lime Hill, also, the
stream has exposed two very well-marked anticlinal cusps, one of

Slate Quarry stream,

N
CRAIG BROOK FROM SLATE LITTLE TIRNASKEA TIRNASAM
BARDAHESSIAGH CROCKNAGARGAN QUARRY RIVER BROOK HILLE
‘ '

+t eet SL oMePE SRS yon

+ cs]
ee Seaweuditet sere oe

5000 $280 FEET

1000 500 Oo /000 2000 3000 4000
4 V. ee aS
ft) Ya Mo 3/4 1 MiLé
[_Jjorvrr es ET SLATE QUARRY & CROCKNAGARGA
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Fig. 2. |

which passes into, or is broken by, a fault. In the Tirnaskea stream,
two similar anticlinals bring up the Phacops mucronatus erits, while
the Aiglina beds, above, as already mentioned, are pinched in, in the
syncline between them. At Killey Bridge the exposures are not so
clear, but at least three anticlinals are in evidence within the small
roadside area available for study, and one of these causes the basal
Bardahessiagh beds to be seen in this rather isolated southern exposure.
In each of our diagrams the relationship of the Lower Paleozoic
rocks to the granite and hornblendic series below is left somewhat
vague owing to lack of evidence. As discussed in the stratigraphi-
cal portion of the paper, we believe that originally the Bardahessiagh
beds rested unconformably upon the older series; but whether this

Frarnsipes, ELies, Smiru—Paleozoic Rocks of Pomeroy. 115

relation now remains undisturbed is a matter open to doubt. In the
district south-east of Craig Bardahessiagh, we believe that it is main-
tained ; but in the western areas it would seem that the Bardahessiagh
beds were involved with the rest, were faulted in addition to being
folded, and have been driven forward along the depression deter-
mined by the Pre-Silurian outcrop of hornblendic rocks. In this
western district, also, as about Lough Bracken, and perhaps further to
the north, small areas of Graptolite-bearing shaly drift seem to indicate
_the former existence of detached patches of true Silurian rocks, which,
in the absence of any representative of the Desertcreat rocks once
underlying them, must have been thrust forward in advance of’ the
latter, and so have rested directly on the hornblendic rocks. In this
connexion it is interesting to note that such faulted shale patches
occur only upon the Hornblende schist areas, which, from their
nature, determined the existence of hollows in the surface topography
in Ashgillian times, as well as at the present day ; it may therefore be
inferred that a topography, somewhat resembling that at present
characterizing the crystalline schist area to the north, dates back to
Pre-Silurian times.

Of faulting unassociated with folding we have little evidence ; all
the faults observed seem only to occupy the place of the middle limb
of an unusually sharp isoclinal fold. The most striking example of this
is the overthrust fault, which follows, and to some extent determines,
the course of the Little River from our most easterly exposures, up
to and beyond the Mullagnabuoyah farm. This fault seems to be
the result of the breaking-away of a fold somewhat larger than the
others, and hading almost horizontally with a slight southern dip,
brings up older beds, and allows them to transgress over two or
possibly three of the northern synclines. The beds over which
the older beds have been pushed are crumpled up into little folds a
foot or two in amplitude. Quite near the fault the secondary folds
become overturned ; and some of the beds take on the appearance of a
slate, showing false cleavage or pseudo-stromatism, as viewed under the
microscope, Other small faults similar in character are comparatively
unimportant, and need not be further discussed here.

As to the age of the folding we have little evidence; but such as
we have points to the conclusion that it is at least to some extent
Post-Devonian. The Dingle beds appear to share the folding of the
older beds, though so brittle that faults often replace folds of the latter;
and it is possible that all the folding, as now seen, belongs to the same
period, though the existence of an unconformity at the base of the

116 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Dingle series points to orogenic movements of an earlier date; these
appear to have been obliterated almost wholly by the movement of
later times.

Of the igneous rocks associated with the sedimentary series, we
ean say very little. Four small masses are indicated on the map; but
none of these was found fresh enough to merit a petrographical
description. Three of them behave as sills, and are more or less
altered sub-acid felsites or acid andesites, and seem at one time to
have contained small porphyritic crystals of brown biotite. One of
these, occurring at the edge of one of the synclines, behaves as one
might expect arock to do if intruded at or about the time of the
folding ; but, on the whole, we are inclined to regard all these sills as
being connected with the hypersthene andesites of the Old Red Sand-
stone of Sentry-box Hill, four miles to the south. The relations of
the fourth intrusion, a dyke cutting the isoclinal folds transversely in
the Little River, west of Mullaghnabuoyah—are more obvious; and
this is probably the newest rock in the district. It is altered beyond
all hope of recognition, and now consists only of the three minerals—
quartz, calcite, and shining cubes of pyrites. The great bulk
of the rock consists of granular secondary quartz, with sutured
junctions. The calcite occurs in granular pseudomorphs, which have
the shapes and habit of short prisms of hornblende, though some may
also represent crystals of porphyritic felspar. The distribution of
the pyrites is sporadic; and the displacement of the other materials
around its crystals is obvious.

Comparison with the Lower Paleozoic Rocks of other Areas.

As might be expected, the Ordovician and Silurian rocks of
Pomeroy find their closest parallels in the contemporaneously-formed
rocks of South Scotland; but whereas the Desertcreat group finds its
nearest allies in the rocks of Girvan, the beds of the Little River group
are more closely related to their equivalents at Moffat.

Taken as a whole, the Desertcreat group seems to be the equivalent
of the Drummuck group at Girvan; and it would appear quite possible
to trace even minor divisions through the two areas. The pebbly
flagstones of Quarrel Hill at the latter place, with their abundant
Strophomenas, are the Bardahessiagh beds, but, though conglomeratie,
are never seen to rest upon other than Ordovician rocks. The Trinucleus
mudstones which succeed are exceedingly like the Killey Bridge beds,

Frearnsives, Enies, Smrru—Paleozoie Rocks of Pomeroy. 117

with their rich Trinucleus fauna, while the highest sub-division, the
Thraive beds, presents many analogies with the Tirnaskea beds.

With other British areas of Ashgillian rocks, we might institute
similar comparisons ; but the lithological characters are so different
that, until more is known of the faunas, such comparisons are of little
value ; and beyond noting that the classification of the Lake District
Ashgillian into a lower division characterized by Strophomena siluriana
and the Keisley type of fauna, and an upper characterized by Phacops
mucronatus, appears to hold good, we content ourselves with referring
to Dr. Marr’s paper on the Ashgillian series in the ‘ Geological
Magazine” for February, 1907. Our main fossil-bearing horizon, the
Killey Bridge beds, is intermediate between these two divisions; and
as it is therefore somewhat newer than either the Keisley or its
equivalents, the Rhiwlas, the Robeston Wathen, or the Chair of
Kildare limestones, it is not surprising that its faunistic assemblage is
more like that of the Brachiopod (Ashgillian) shales of Sweden than
of any yet described British Caradocian bed. The general relations of
the faunas of our sub-divisions are best seen by reference to the
following Table I. The species indicated by a star are peculiar to
Pomeroy.

[TABLE I,

Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

118

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— | + — | + — + —|— | + +

+ + — | — —|— + — | — | + —

ir + = a 6 d é ar a = é

+ + —}|— + + — + —|};— +

te es _ — = = ce Hs = = — rs "+ §£o0, I ‘vyvor0d
+ —{/—j|j— — |— |= —|;—|- — "Tg SHUG “KvypeS
+ + —|-- + + + — | 4+ — + “mye “epnzuvsayo
+ 1 a + + + + + + + “mye ‘vurumerst[[vo
+ —;/;—}];— —}—]— i + o - ue "+ SMOG “BTU STYIIO
ae — — = == oo a. = eS de “= a “avd ‘euvriinyis

a _— =a — _ a it as ft — = “au “e[[oyesn1100

4+ — — — — — — —_ + + — “1U0D ‘v}{evU19}]B

+ —-)/—-—|;— -- — | — — | — | — +
oo ae heath Soe S 8. = Sr 4 5 J 8, ‘NVIOIAOGUYO

is {oe y 9

“AOUUNOG “SHTVM 'S “LOIALSIC, ANV’T NVAUI*)

‘| WIAV I,

119

Frarnsipes, Evites, Smirs—Paleozoie Rocks of Pomeroy.

‘vary AorowOog 0} pouyuog ,

°* Gmdery ‘snyvouns snydvasopdrq
“advry ‘snyvurpduos
ee “yon ‘sdoouv snydvaso][aorq

°° y “AOU SNYVT “IVA

“TlOg » ‘SNjvsuoye “vA

**Jovg _y “ITYPOOT}MOG ‘AVA SNdI1}U9IUOD * J,

*' fqaeg ‘tpurppong ‘vA
ak “stpy ‘STULOOTJOS SNOPONULLT,
Lb '* “ryog ‘suosfIyey BUISAYY
** “nog ‘sdoorqo[s snteydeooine)g
- 10g. ge Snsnigo
‘110g ‘snjvJSOOLs UO]

“TOG = y ‘cozrurds-110}?T
“T40q ‘oytuids-18.10p
"' Clog» “MTOD sopHnepdomoy

“WOg =, ‘sujepnvo-ozvoundy

‘* “areg ‘snyepneo-Isn}qo

a ‘-Suoig ‘snjvuoronur

ae ‘10g ‘Havtusuorg sdoovyg
or “110g ‘snormioqry svqor'y
rs “HUQ THOT WOT

‘47eg ‘TuUvULMOg SnUdv][]T

—_—_—

120 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

In the Little River group the various zones are directly correlatable
with the zones of the Birkhill shales of Moffat, and with those of the
Skelgill beds of the Stockdale shales of Lakeland.

The CrockNaGARGAN BEDS, characterized by the presence of Cephalo-
graptus acuminatus and Climacograptus normalis, are almost certainly
equivalent to the C. acuminatus zone of both areas ; in the succeeding
Stare Quarry BEDS, Diplograptus modestus is, as usual, the predomi-
nant form, accompanied by the more striking, though less uniformly
distributed, Diplograptus vesiculosus and Cl. medius.

In the EprnvaLe BEDs above, Monograpti make their first appear-
ance, represented by J/. tenuis and IL. cyphus. ‘These are accompanied
by Cl. rectangularis, and a band at the base contains many Dimorpho-
grapti. These Slate Quarry and Edenvale beds taken together
probably represent the whole of the zone of D. veszeulosus in the Moffat
area; but it seems likely that the Dimorphograptus confertus zone of
the Lake District corresponds more accurately with the Edenvale beds
alone. In the overlying MuritacHnasvoyanH BEDS, the predominant
Monograptus is Jl. triangulatus, though I. gregarius is present, and,
with Cl. Tornguisti, seems to indicate that these beds represent the zone
MW. gregarius of Moffat, and the greater part of the beds included in
the zones JL. fimbriatus to IL. convolutus of the Lake District. The
LimeHILL Beps, characterized by the distinctive Jlonograptus Sedg-
wickit, accompanied by IL. discretus and Cl. scalaris, are the equivalents
of the JL. Sedgwickit zone in both areas, while the Petalograptus
band at the base may possibly represent the Cephalograptus cometa
zone.

An interesting point to notice is the succession of species belonging
to the Climacograpti.

In the Crocknagargan beds, Cl. sealaris var. normalis is very
abundant ; and though this form does range up into the overlying beds,
it is nowhere found in such numbers as in the lowest beds. To this
succeeds Cl. medius, characteristic of the Slate Quarry beds, giving
way in time to Cl. rectangularis, the predominant Climacograptus
of the Edenvale beds. In the Mullaghnabuoyah beds above the
characteristic form is Cl. Zérnquisti; and in the Limehill beds
Cl. scalaris appears.

It will thus be seen that the division of the beds based upon purely
lithological grounds is confirmed by the paleontological evidence, and
that each hthological division has a distinct and characteristic assemblage
of Graptolte forms.

This is well brought out in Table II., on pp. 124, 125.

Ferarnsines, Eites, Suira— Paleozoic Rocks of Pomeroy. 121

PALAONTOLOGICAL APPENDIX.
Graptolites.

Some of the Graptolites whose names appear in our lists have not
hitherto been recorded from any localities in Great Britain or Ireland
(IL. acinaces, WZ. nobilis, Ke.) ; they have, however, been so recently
described and figured by Professor Tornquist, of Sweden, that fuller
notes upon them would be superfluous.

Others, again (Climacograpti), have been recently described in
Part v. of the Monograph of British Graptolites (Paleontographical
Society), while a few appear to be new to science. These will be
described in the forthcoming parts of the same publication.

Trilobites.

There are several points of interest in the Trilobites of the
Desertcreat group, especially as regards the specimens found in the
Killey Bridge beds. Many of these, it is true, are well-known forms ;
but these are accompanied by others whose occurrence appears to be
unique ; and though many of them were noticed by Portlock in his
Report, a few notes may serve to bring his descriptions up to date.

These notes are based, not only upon specimens found by ourselves,
but also upon the specimens in the collections of the Geological
Survey ; and our thanks are due to Dr. Teall, Director of the Survey,
for permitting us to examine them.

Trinucleus concentricus Eaton.

The true 7. concentricus does not seem to be present at Pomeroy.
It is, however, represented by several varieties which differ from it in
that the glabella in each case encroaches upon the punctate margin of
the head-shield, and shows signs of incipient furrows at the base.
In each variety the pygidium is alike, and similar to that of the
typical form. |

Var. Portlockii Salt.

Glabella pyriform, prominent, encroaching slightly upon the border
of the head-shield ; furrows indistinct or absent.

Cheeks about as along as broad.

Border, punctate, not folded as in 7. concentricus, but lying in
one plane.

Three rows of punctures in all in front of elabella, tending to
become confluent in a radial direction.

It is noteworthy that the appearance of the punctate border varies

122 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

with the preservation. If the upper portion has been stripped off,
two rows are to be seen separated from the remainder by a groove.
Horizon and Localities—Killey Bridge beds. Little River,
Tirnaskea, Killey Bridge.
Var. elongatus (= Zr. elongatus Portl.’.

Closely allied to var. Portlockwi, but having the glabella more pyri-

form and the cheeks longer than broad.
Horizon and Localities. —Kalley Bridge beds. Little River, Tirnaskea.

Var. arcuatus.

Glabella.—Ovoid, encroaching upon the border of the head-shield ;
furrows absent or imperfect.

Cheeks.—Broader than long.

Border.—Rows of punctures fewer in number than in var. Portlockir;
two to three rows in front of glabella; while near genal angles, which
are rounded or somewhat pointed, there are four rows of punctures,
with an inner row of slit-like furrows encroaching upon the outer
margins of the cheeks. Posteriorly the margin of the head-shield is
not straight, but curves forward at the extremities; hence the genal
angles are in advance of the rest of the margin.

This form appears to be the same as one mentioned by Portlock as
being intermediate in character between his 77. latus and Zr. fimbriatus ;
but these two forms appear to be identical.

Horizon and Locality.—Killey Bridge beds. Little River, Tirnaskea.

Trinucleus seticornis His.

Head.—Shield semicircular, with punctate border, broad and folded
ventrally at right angles to plane of the thorax ; two anterior rows of
tubercles, separated from the rest by a pronounced groove. Genal
angles with long spines.

Glabella.—Globose, separated anteriorly from cheeks by deep
furrow; glabella furrows, three in number, including neck furrow.

Cheeks.—Prominent, each with tubercle at the summit.

This description agrees on the whole with that of Portlock ; but
his figure shows neither the folding of the border nor the groove,
which is, however, only visible where the upper surface is stripped off.

Horizon and Localities.—Killey Bridge beds. Little River, Tirnaskea.

Dionide cir. euglyptus Ang.

Head.—Semicircular to triangular in outline ; genal angles spined.
Glabella.—Circular, inflated with two furrows, starting from the
neck furrow, and running forwards and sideways so as to cut off

- 4

Frarnsipes, Eiies, SmirH—Paleozoic Rocks of Pomeroy. 123:

two basal lobes. A single glabella furrow connects the two. At the
summit of the glabella there is a tubercle. Neck furrow clearly
defined.

Cheeks.—Triangular and covered with pits, arranged in anasto-
mosing grooves.

Eyes.—Absent.

This species is represented in our collection by an almost perfect
head.

Horizon and Locality.—Killey Bridge beds (?). Little River,
Tirnaskea.

fEglina rediviva Barr.

Head-shield.—Circular, with rounded genal angles.

Glabella.—Smooth, and but faintly defined by two shallow axal
furrows at the posterior margin.

Cheeks.—Lateral margins flattened where eyes attached.

Eyes.—N ot preserved.

Thorax.—Axis occupying more than one-third the entire breadth
of the body ; segments five in number; pleura grooved and rounded
at extremities.

Pygidium.—Semicircular ; slightly inflated ; about as large as head
(excluding eyes).

Axis short, truncated, with one or two furrows; tail-segments
faintly indicated by two shallow grooves; margin flat.

This Trilobite is represented in our collection by narrow scattered
head-shields and pygidia, with or without thoracic segments. One
complete specimen was found 4°5 mm. in length, but some of the
larger specimens must have measured fully 10 mm. when perfect.

In some of the specimens the axis of the tail appeared to be
somewhat larger than in others, and to be more tapering. This may
be due to age.

Horizon and locality.—Upper Tirnaskea beds. Tirnaskea.

Of the other Trilobites collected from Pomeroy upon this occasion
little need be said; they have mostly been described by Portlock in his
Londonderry Report.

Remopleurides Colbti and R. dorsispinifer were both identified ;
cephalicshields and pygidia of Phacops(Dalmanites) mucronatus (Brong.)
were abundant in the Tirnaskea beds.

Phacops truncato-caudatus (Portl.) was represented by portions of
head and pygidium, and seems to differ slightly from Portlock’s descrip-
tion in haying a slightly narrower glabella. Our specimens agree in
every respect with those previously collected from Pomeroy, now
preserved in the Sedgwick Museum, Cambridge.

TABLE II.

124

Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Climacograptus Hughesi, Nich.,

Diplograptus modestus, Lapw.,

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: *sniiesol ;
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Aa oP Ret BS Sp

Cephalograptus acuminatus, Nich.,

Petalograptus palmeus, Barr.,

125

Frarnsives, Exies, Smiru—Paleozoic Rocks of Pomeroy.

+ + + + +

+ +

+ + + + +

s6 “uueg ‘snutser1ed s9711}s¥y]

GwwpL ‘snyepnsuvny
os 170g “SIUO}
“110g ‘suv}STp “IVA
TIO T “HPTASpag
“bury, ‘st[iIqou
“mde ‘cunqnoel

*mdvy ‘snyn[oAut

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“dur ‘sniedar3
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“adver ‘snyqdfo

“madery ‘snuutouo0o
“madery ‘stunulut09
‘adury ‘snzentte}}e

‘bury, ‘soovutov snjdvisouo jy

“o “Wy ‘sol[y ‘snj00.10

‘yomny ‘SnUIISsIs UOT

Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

126

"90}SOUVT
yooysaoyg

"spoq [TYPO f
‘spoq epryg |

“SHIVAA “9

‘quojsoury Aa]stoyy

"Soqe[g [[ISYSV

“snyeurmmnoe ‘¢ “* SS

d snjtoyuoo *gq ‘SS = &

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“ITPOIMSPIG "J JO oU0T
|
“POHOW FT “URAIID) “77

“ANYTLOOS °S

( ‘spoq o[vAuopAT
( Bpeq

‘spoq ySvissoyepivg
‘spoq esprg Aoq[ty
*Spoq VoysvUALy,
‘spoq uvsivseuyoo019

‘spoq Arreng 24v19

yqedonqvuysey]nyy

PAM N I (UM MENT

"SOUANOT

—! SMOT[OF sv

postivumns oq AvuL YOIyM ‘spoq oY} JO WOr4vpoII0d [BloMNs BV YV OATLIV sny} 9A,

Frarnsipes, Eiries, Smiru— Paleozoic Rocks of Pomeroy. 127

EXPLANATION OF PLATE VIII.

Trinucleus concentricus var. Portlockii Salt. Figs. 1, 2.

1. Cephalic shield, not quite complete.

Quarry close to Little River, Tirnaskea.
2. Do. Do.

Var. elongatus Portl. Figs. 3, 4.

3. Cephalic shield, nearly perfect.
Quarry close to Little River, Tirnaskea.
4. Portion of cephalic shield showing characteristic glabella.

Quarry close to Little River, Tirnaskea.

Var, arcuatus var. nov. Figs. 5, 6.

5. Cephalic shield, nearly perfect,
Quarry close to Little River, Tirnaskea.
6. Cephalic shield, fragment. Do.

Trinucleus seticornis His. Figs. 7, 8.

7. Side view of cephalic shield, showing fold over.
Quarry close to Little River, Tirnaskea.
8. Cephalic shield, nearly perfect, showing tubercles on cheeks.
Quarry close to Little River, Tirnaskea.

Dionide cfr, euglyptus Ang. Fig. 9.

9. Cephalic shield, nearly perfect, Little River, Tirnaskea.

128

10.

it.

12.

Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Phacops mucronatus Brong. Figs. 10-18.

Cephalic shield, showing glabella and free cheeks.
Tirnaskea River.
Less perfect specimen, showing glabella and free cheeks.
Tirnaskea River.

Fragment of large cephalic shield, showing portion of glabella
and eye. Tirnaskea River.

. Pygidium. Tirnaskea River.

Aiglina rediwiva Barr. Figs. 14-16.

. Pygidium of small individual. Tirnaskea River.
. Pygidium of large individual. Tirnaskea River.

. Nearly perfect small individual, somewhat contorted.

Tirnaskea River.

Ree ess ee eee er, Se “ess
Proc. R. I. Acap., Vor. XXVI. Sect. B. Puate VII.

a
GaRAGRIM MounTAIN

Craic BARDAHESSIAGH
T2I
Ge IR! AlN
b a

D
Ve DEMESNE
oy

ee
ov
0 ae

~ PomeroyrHo.

TIRNASKEA BEDS
| MLLEY BRIDGE BEDS

BARDAHESSIAGH BEDS

SNOWI FVIUULAFSIO §=—oAM0AD HINA FILL

MINOR INTRUSIONS

| GRANITE AND
— J HORNBLENDIC SERIES

°F SNOIND

; FEARNSIDES, &.—GEOLOGICAL MAP OF POMEROY DISTRICT.

PLate VIII.

SeEcTION B.

moc. R.!. AcCAD., VoL. XXVI.

, Derby

'» A. Brock, del.

‘TRILOBITES FROM POMEROY.

FEARNSIDES, &c.

cr 129 ]

THE SILURIAN AND METAMORPHIC ROCKS OF MAYO
AND NORTH GALWAY.

By J. R. KILROE.

| COMMUNICATED WITH THE PERMISSION OF THE DIRECTOR OF THE
GEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF IRELAND. |

Pirates 1X, X.

Read June 24. Ordered for Publication June 26.
Published Serremper 28, 1907.

Ir is usually gratifying to consider the way-marks which line the
path of geological progress, but not always a pleasing experience
to read past conclusions in the light of present knowledge.
Hypotheses which temporarily serve useful ends are apt to become
stereotyped in the hands of a few, and in this form tend to hinder
rather than aid inquiry. Geological maps, which can only aim at
presenting summaries of facts, necessarily display a colouring of
the views according to which the facts were grouped; and for this
reason they are liable to share the fate of superseded hypotheses.
In so far, however, as they afford guidance to points of geological
evidence, they are always valuable.

The area here described extends from the north coast of Mayo to
the Maamturk range in Galway, and comprises the areas repre-
sented on the published 1-inch sheets of the Geological Survey
of Ireland, numbers 39, 40, 51, 52, 62, 63, 73, 74, 75, 83, 84,
85, 93, 94, 95, issued in the years 1869 to 1879; with accompany-
ing Memoirs, the last of which was issued in 1881. It would be
odd indeed if a quarter of a century’s geological research at home
and abroad did not beget such increase of light, and changes in
point of view, as demand a revision alike of the evidence and
conclusions upon the strength of which the mapping was originally
planned. This will best be understood when the nature and bearing
of some factors in the case are here stated; and first as regards the
Silurian strata, thus :—

1. Fossils occurring usually in, and by some even at the time
believed to be fairly determinative of, Caradoc rocks, had been

R.1.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. B. £

130 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

collected on the flanks of Mweelrea (Meoulrea), This mountain,
ascending from the north shores of Killary Harbour, is nevertheless
shown on the published maps as consisting of Wenlock strata. Only
the topmost beds seem to hold so high a place in the Silurian group
as Llandovery.

2. Strata south of Leenane considered to be Llandovery were
represented as passing directly up into the Ludlow division, the
Wenlock series being entirely omitted; though this was believed to
exist in force as we have just seen in Mweelrea, that is, in the
immediate vicinity.

3. A well-marked series containing Brachiopods and turbinated
corals, and in a few places Pentamerus Knightii, was relegated in
parts to the Wenlock and in parts to the Llandovery group.

4. A volcanic zone with fossil-bearing ash of Caradoc or Bala Age,
and grits also containing fossils of this age, was represented as having
been faulted up near Toormakeady amongst Llandovery strata ;
although the succession seems obvious and unbroken.!

Such instances are sufficient to indicate the necessity for a revision
of the published work; and a rapid re-survey of the ground was
planned by the late Director-General, Sir Archibald Geikie, and
allotted to me. The re-examination, though limited in time for
so large a tract, brought to light several new points of evidence,
the chief of which may here be summarized, following those previously
mentioned, in numerical order :—

5. The coral-zone mentioned above occurs in the ground represented
as mica-schist—‘‘ Metamorphosed Lower Silurian ’’—23 miles south-
west of Croagh Patrick summit.’?

6. Beds of the same zone, very slightly altered, which yielded to
me specimens of a turbinated coral, now in the Museum Survey
collection, appear half a mile west of Croagh Patrick summit,
brought up between two limbs of the associated quartzite (see p. 158)

7. This zone, known to exist near Lough Mask, was traced west-
ward by Maam to the coast near Kylemore; and, occurring
as it does near the base of a great grit series, justifies the change of

1 From Llandeilo or Arenig grit and coarse, massive conglomerate, through
associated block slate, into overlying felsite, calcareous ashes with Bala fossils and
limestone beds. The felsite may perhaps lie unconformably upon the black slate.

* At Boheh. During a recent visit to this locality with the present Director

of the Survey, Professor Cole, some newly quarried fiags yielded Pentamerus and
other forms.

Kitroe—Silurian and Metamorphic Rocks. 131

name of this series from Llandovery, as on the published map, to
Wenlock. This series duly passes by uninterrupted sequence upward
into the Ludlow beds south and south-west of Leenane.

8. The zone, which is of paramount worth in the interpretation
of the region, became recognizable in three bands in consequence of
anticlinal and synclinal plications and other dislocations (a) at Croagh
Patrick, (6) at Kmockfadda and Cregganbaun, and (ec) near
Toormakeady, Maam, and Kylemore.

9. The recognition of the Wenlock rocks of Croagh Patrick in
Clare Island between two faults, brought up thus amongst beds
similar to the red ‘‘Salrock Slate’’ of Ludlow Age, south-west of
Leenane, seems by inference to show that beds of this age exist
in Clare Island and along the coast west of Louisburgh, where
corresponding red slate and fine grits appear. I failed to find
fossils of any kind in this series.

10. The series of coarse grits and conglomerates immediately
south-west of Leenane Hotel, represented as Wenlock strata on
the published map, contains black and dark grey slate, and chert
bands, which yielded Graptolites of Arenig or Lower Llandeilo Age.
This discovery obviously necessitated a radical change in the
representation.

11. A series of highly cleaved lavas near Glenawough Lough—an
extension of the volcanic zone already known near the western
shores of Lough Mask—may also be mentioned as an interesting
element of the geology of the region not previously recorded. The
rocks are highly cleaved, and, equally with much of the sedimentary
group, were shown as ordinary metamorphic strata.

By means of the foregoing fresh points of evidence the geology of
the region is reducible to a form more in accord with the natural
stratigraphical arrangements and sequences recognizable elsewhere,
and even with most of the originally observed facts. The chief results
of the work have been mentioned in the Summaries of Progress of the
Survey’s operations for the years 18938 and 1894. Hitherto the other
claims made on the time of the Survey have not permitted such
detailed examination of the Mayo area as would justify the issue
of maps containing considerable revisions. The Drift Map accompany-
ing the Department of Agriculture’s book! on the Soil Geology of
Ireland represents a revised view of the geology of the region; and a
map is here shown giving this in somewhat greater detail. Before

1 By the present Author.
P2

132 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

referring to it, the metamorphic series lying to the north and south of
the Silurian basin must be described, so that the elements of the
geology of the entire region may appear in duly ascending order.

The complexity of the stratigraphy of the Silurian tract may well
account for incomplete appreciation of its geological structure at the
outset; and a similar reflection a fortiori applies in the much more
intricate case of the dislocated, over-folded, and highly altered rocks—
chiefly crystalline schists, quartzites, and igneous masses, most of them
deformed—which form the crust in North Mayo and Connemara.
Since the publication of the Government maps and memoirs of these
regions, a few papers referring to their geology have appeared, as well
as references in the yearly Summary of Progress, according as increase
of light seemed to justify different views of the structure. It has
been generally recognized by the Survey staff that deficient light
upon structural geology and metamorphism had tended to render the
original mapping considerably obscure. Thus, since the year 1881,
the application of Professor Heim’s Alpine observations to North-
West Scotland, by Professor Lapworth and the officers of the Scottish
Survey, under the direction of Sir A. Geikie, resulting in the discovery
of transformations effected in North-West Scotland, by movements
along a series of successively out-cropping thrust-planes, had thrown
a flood of light upon the geology of the Irish metamorphic regions.
This was availed of in the interpretation of West Donegal, which was
mapped in the years 1885-90, and in the revision of the correspond-
ing metamorphic regions of Mayo and Galway.

Another factor which has especially contributed to differences
between recent and older views of our rocks is the effect of dyna-
mical metamorphism ; this was not at all realized when Mayo and
Galway were originally surveyed: I refer to the mylonization or
shearing of igneous and sedimentary rocks ahke, attended with the
formation of mica at the expense of the felspars, and the consequent
production of gneiss and mica-schist from granite masses.

Until the close of the seventies in last century some of the granites
were regarded, in Ireland at least, as the extreme hmit or climax of
metamorphism of sedimentary strata ;' and when dynamical metamor-

1 That gneisses are, in some instances, due to the metamorphism of sedimen-
tary strata is now claimed. Van Hise writes (Monograph on Metamorphism,
p- 783) :—‘* I propose to confine the term ‘gneiss’ strictly to its structural sense,
including all finely-banded crystalline rocks, whether of igneous or agueous origin.”
And as regards granite, he has the term gueiss-granite, as well as granite-qneiss ;

Kitrozr—Silurian and Metamorphic Rocks. 133

phism was admitted as a factor in alterations of the rocks, a disposition
was apparent to swing to the opposite extreme in regarding schists
included in the granite as the extreme deformation of portions of the
igneous rock, in many more cases than the circrmstances justified,
rather than as included masses and tongues of altered sedimentary
strata, containing perhaps a proportion of infiltered granitic material
from the surrounding magmas.

To understand how these changes of view affected the reading of
our intricate and puzzling metamorphic areas, and ultimately led
to settled and, as I venture to maintain, satisfactory conclusions,
it is necessary to refer to the history of the opinions and contro-
versies which have obtained since the publication of the Government
maps and memoirs.

At Erris Head, the northern extremity of the Mullet peninsula in
Mayo, and near the town of Belmullet, occur coarse gneisses, which
long had been supposed to be of Archean Age. In the Survey Memoir
of this region (Sheets 39, 40, 51, 52, 62), Professor K. Hull mentioned
the ‘‘possible presence at Belmullet of gneiss belonging to the
Laurentian formation” (see preface) ; and on p. 14 of the same he
compared the rocks west of Belmullet with those around the village
of Rhiconich, and along the shores of Loch Laxford in North-West
Scotland. Dr. Hull also described the gneiss somewhat in detail in
a paper, ‘‘On the Laurentian Rocks of Donegal and other parts of
Ireland ’’; and mentioned its occurrence in Sheve Gamph and the
Ox Mountains, and in South-West Galway.

Work oF REVISION.

In the year 1890 the Geological Survey entered upon a revision of
areas already mapped; and the Director-General, accompanied by
Messrs. Peach and McHenry and the late Dr, Hyland, made traverses
in the west, with a view to deciding as to the age of the supposed
Archean rocks in the regions of Belmullet, Achill, and Galway. The
traverses resulted in the confirmation, at the time, of Professor Hull’s
views as regards the similarity of the Galway rocks to the Scottish
Archean—both lithologically and in their present surface features; and

and uses the descriptive term mica-quartz-felspar-schist-granite for Aurola granite,
which implies his recognition of.its derivation from aqueous rocks.

1 This change of view amongst some geologists is referred to by Prof. G. A. J.
Cole, M.R.1.A., F.G.S., Director of the Survey, in his paper, ‘‘On a Hillside in
Donegal,”’ Science Progress No. 2, October, 1906, pp. 16, 17.

134 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

the striking similarity of the rocks at Erris Head to those at Cape
Wrath in Sutherland was also recognized.!. A group of rocks in the
extreme west of Achill Island, consisting of micaceous and graphitic
schists, limestone, &c.. was then also taken to be of Archean Age, and
to have formed the ancient floor of the younger or Dalradian meta-
morphie series, commencing with the conglomerates and quartzite of
Croaghaun Hill? This hill rises steeply upward from,the hollow near
Achill Head, where the schists, &c., are seen, and is sharply truncated
by imposing cliffs of remarkable grandeur overlooking the Atlantic
westward.

The Director-General further made traverses in 1892 of the Ox
Mountain chain with Messrs. McHenry and Watts, I, too, accompany-
ing them, by Foxford and Lough Talt to Ballina. The traverses
issued in decisions upon two important points, viz. :—

(a) That the range north-eastward from Castlebar to Manor-
hamilton consisted of Archean granites and granulites.

(6) That a line observed on previous traverses running northward
from near Castlebar, and apparently an unconformable boundary,
should be taken as a base-line of the Dalradian series.*

Mr. McHenry had previously noted that the rocks of the Ox Moun-
tain range near Collooney were of igneous origin, though now trans-
formed into gneisses,* which are usually much gnarled and contorted ;
and the observations proved to be of valuable aid in the interpretation of
the geology of this ancient ridge. Limestones and epidiorites are
included in the gneisses and granites near Lough Talt;-and these
appeared to me, during the traverse, to correspond to similar inclusions
in the Donegal granites, which in 1884° were decided to be more recent
than the Dalradian schists.

1 Transactions of the Roy. Dub. Society, vol. i1., 1877-1883, pp. 252, 243,
by Ed. Hull, ru.p., r.rx.s., Director of the Geological Survey of Ireland. He also
published his views about the same time in ‘“ Nature,’’ 1881, pp. 81, 82; and
at the British Association meeting of 1881. Mr. G. H. Kinahan, too, in 1881
(Geolog.. Magazine, Sept.) referred to the occurrence of these in the above-
mentioned areas; and later, in a paper read January 15, 1891, before the Edin-
Geo. Soc. he made reference to the discussion on these rocks.

* See ‘‘ Recent Researches into the Origin and Age of the Highlands of Scot-
land and West of Ireland,’’ by Sir A. Geikie, Lu.p., F.r.s., Proc. Roy. Institution
of Great Britain, vol. xii., Part 1II., No. 82, pp. 528, e¢ seq.

3 Annual Report of the Geological Survey and Museum of Practical Geology for
year ending December 31st, 1892, Appendix E, p. 267.

* Described in some detail in a Paper read before the Royal Irish Academy.
Proceedings, vol. xxiv., sec. B., Part 4, p. 371.

> Explanatory Memoir of Sheets 3, 4, 5, 9, &c., p. 54.

Kinroe—Silurian and Metamorphic Rocks. 135

The revision of the Castlebar and Ballina district on the lines
decided upon by the Director-General was completed by Mr. McHenry
in 1893,! at which stage of the survey work it was believed that in
the area now under description :

Ist. Archean rocks existed in Belmullet Peninsula, at Achill
Head, in the Ox Mountains, and south-east of Clifden in Galway, as
well as probably at Kylemore, near Leenane.

2nd. The younger schist series extended away from these tracts
of Archean, and had a visible base at two points at least, viz.: near
Achill Head, and north-west of Castlebar.’

My connexion with the problems involved dates back to 1892,
when I was instructed to gather what information I could, for future
use in mapping, first, in the region of Belmullet. Going northward
to Erris Head, I was somewhat puzzled to find that the coarsely-
crystalline gneiss alternated with thin bands of dark-gray mica-schist
in such a manner as to suggest the invasion of an originally sedi-
mentary series, by massive bands of coarse pegmatitic granites. I was
further perplexed to discover roundish-flattened pebbles (or fragments
which looked extremely like pebbles) in fine-grained gneissose rocks
near Erris Head, which had been taken for mylonized igneous masses,
originally like the coarse pegmatites. I then concurred, and do now,
in the original reading of these fine-grained gneissose rocks, in which
they were described and mapped in 1876 as quartzites; and the same
remark applies to the continuation of this series across Broad Haven,
where it forms the cliffs at Benwee Head, and eastward to Belderg.

Coarse pegmatitic gneiss forms the middle portion of the Mullet,
west and south of the town; and there, during my examination of the
ground in 1892, I also found the gneiss to contain lenticular masses
of black slate.

It appeared to me then, and there is now no doubt regarding
the conclusion, that the supposed Archean gneisses of this region had
been intruded as pegmatitic granites into the Dalradian series; that

1 Summaries of Progress, 1892 and 1893. Annual Report of the Geo. Surv. and
Museum of Prac. Geology, Appendix E, 1892, p. 267; 1893, p. 270.

>It may be noted that the debatable point whether Archean rocks occur
amongst the Dalradian, or whether the latter should be regarded as Archean, is
not here discussed, or even touched upon. The senses in which the terms are used
throughout the Paper are those accepted by the Geological Survey (say) in 1890.
The Archean rocks were then regarded as probably Azoic, possibly the original
crust ; the Dalradian as consisting of an entirely newer series of sedimentary origin,
probably once fossil-bearing, though now for the most part highly metamorphosed.

see r+
x » re Ln
t
: (Si ¢ ig ;
, : BL
Qe ee ahs
LP GK) .

136 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

the member invaded was chiefly the black and dark-gray slate or schist
underlying the quartzite; and that the pebbly or conglomeratic beds
that I noticed near Erris Head represent the boulder-deposit which
forms so distinct a zone between dark-gray schist below and
quartzite above, throughout Donegal.

Early in 1893, I undertook the examination of the metamorphic
region north of Castlebar; and here, it seemed to me, upon exami-
uation of the supposed base of the Dalradian series, that it was in
reality the sole of a thrust plane, which leaves the rocks on each side
practically of the same age; and that the rounded pieces of rock,
taken for water-worn pebbles embedded in younger strata, are but
detached lumps rounded by movement beneath the over-thrust mass.
I could not distinguish the rocks, described as Archean (sheared)
granulites north of Castlebar, from ordinary mica-schist and sheared
grits, and found in these rocks, in proximity to the Lough Conn granite,
the following section, which proves the granite to be distinctively
intrusive, rather than an unsheared band of Archean rock from which
the adjoining supposed granulites had been formed by intense
shearing :—

/
s/f b., 7)
1 13 [a ||
/ ay)! W, '
, ] tT
) Ww : i 7 / {/ ff
i K t}} / | | i /|
LEH es =
bie RAL: Sq &*
Bt iL SS é

SSS
= oS

man ;
y SEES
bie:
Fic. 1.—Sectiona! View, nearly two miles N. of Castlebar, showing micaceous

and felspathic quartzite (Q) and epi-diorite (cross-hatched), invaded by
granite (G).

ee a fae

—
yy
4,
«

(Cr Ph
eee on.

I also found in this series an unquestionable quartzite band, indicative
of the existence in the series of undoubted sedimentary strata.

These observations, therefore, in the Castlebar as in the Belmullet
tracts, convinced myself that Archean rocks, according to the original
acceptation of the term, do not exist there. The coarse, pegmatitic
eneisses of the Mullet have invaded the Dalradian series; and the
metamorphosed sedimentary rocks north of Castlebar, invaded by the
granites and gneisses of the Ox Mountains, equally belong to the

Kitroze—Silurian and Metamorphic Rocks. 137

Dalradian system. As previously stated, I do not discuss whether
this latter should be termed Archean; neither do I attempt here to
fix the position of the Dalradian with reference to the Cambrian or
Ordivician system.

The Director-General, in his summary of the work done in 1894,
mentions that Mr. McHenry also came to the conclusion that the
supposed Archean rocks of Connemara penetrate the mica-schists,
limestones, and quartzites of that region. He had ‘‘ collected a body
of evidence which disproves the existence of any Archean rocks, at
least within the area examined.’”?

From the foregoing it will be seen that we cannot now deal with
the Dalradian rocks as a series built up from a recognizable base ; it
has, however, been possible to reduce the congeries of strata repre-
sented on the published maps to such order as justifies my speaking
of it as a system, consisting of well-established members. These, in
broad outline, are mica-schist with fine and coarse cleaved grits below,
and a quartzite group above, with an intermediate zone containing
black schist, limestone, and pebbly (or conglomeratic) beds, which
thickens generally westward to an important deposit. The system
is identical with that established in Western Donegal, even to the fact
that the conglomeratic or boulder-deposit assumes large proportions
westward, as on the coast to the west of Slieve League; and the
system is traceable throughout North-West Mayo and West Galway,
often with reversal of dips, attendant upon remarkable over-foldings
and dislocations. The three members of the intermediate series, or
zone, are not always recognizable together; the limestone is fairly
persistent, and, having been noticed at several new points, it has
supplied an important means of locating the zone, where the quartzite
and schist series are not to be seen in close proximity in the generally
obscure ground of North Mayo. The pebbles in the boulder-deposit
may be in places few and small; sometimes they are of very large

1 Ann. Report of the Geo. Sur. and Museum of Pract. Geo., for year ending
December 31st, 1904, Appendix E, p. 290. The conclusions thus reached
by Mr. McHenry in Galway, and-by me in Mayo (1892-93), possess considerable
Significance, in view of the universally-conceded lithological similarity and
geographical resemblances of our rocks to those in Sutherland. Nor is the
Significance at all diminished by the fact that recognized Archean gneiss seems to
penetrate mica-schist, graphite, dolomite, and quartzite at ough Carron
and Gairloch (Ancient Volcanoes of Great Britain, vol. i., p. 115). Is there any
good reason for supposing that these clastic rocks are not of Dalradian Age, and
that the gneisses which penetrate them are not, like our own, of subsequent date =

138 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

size, and well-rounded—for the most part consisting of coarse granite
and sometimes they are crushed beyond recognition, as in the
peninsula between Cleggan Bay and Ballynaskill Harbour, in North
Galway. The black slate is also fairly persistent, usually below,
sometimes above the limestone, and occasionally containing pebbly
seams and boulders, as at Keem and Doogort, in Achill, respectively.

Accounts of the views to which I have been led during the
revision-work, embodied in two papers,! were submitted to the
British Association at its Glasgow meeting in 1901, in which
references were made to the order and mode of occurrence of the
different formations represented in Mayo and Galway; but the
accounts were necessarily very brief. Mr. McHenry has set forth
his views regarding the Ox Mountains in a paper read before the
Academy, already alluded to in this description. The present account
is intended to supply important details met with in the course of my
own work, and not previously published in connected form. They may
furnish some aid in the formation of a future set of maps of this
exceedingly interesting and instructive region. The value and
bearing of the details may be judged from the following connected
account :—

Meramorpuic Series. Worth Mayo.

The coarse gneisses of Erris Head, as we have seen, are not the
most ancient metamorphic rocks; on the contrary, they are but
crushed, coarse-grained granites, or pegmatites which have been

(213) (an) (Roo) (yo)

Fic. 2.—View of Erris Head (N) and section southward, showing coarse pegma-
titic gneiss (G), mica-schist (m), pebbly deposit (4), and quartzite (q).

intruded into mica-schists, immediately underlying the great quartzite
group, well represented in North Mayo. Thus if a section be taken
three quarters of a mile west of Erris Head, running south-south-west,

1 Report for 1901: ‘* Onthe Relation of the Silurian and Ordivician Rocks of
the North-West of Ireland to the great Metamorphic Series,’’ by J. R. Kilroe and
A. McHenry, p. 636; and ‘On the Relations of the Old Red Sandstone of North-
West Ireland to the adjacent Metamorphic Rocks, and the Torridon Rocks of
Scotland,’’ by A. McHenry and J. R. Kilroe, p. 636.

y=
rs
Le FL 6 PM AS Lf eT

Kitro0oEe— Silurian and Metamorphic Rocks. 139

it traverses alternating mica-schist and coarse gneiss-bands or
lenticular masses, passes close to the point where I found the
rounded pebbles in the fine-grained gneissose rock, and shows also
the stratigraphically overlying quartzite. The northern part of the
section indicates the circumstances just explained.

I concur in giving to the rock the name of quartzite, under
which it was represented when the ground was originally surveyed
in 1876, by Mr. McHenry, although it contains a considerable
proportion of mica, and some felspar; and in going eastward the
proportion of felspar grains increases, while that of the mica
diminishes, in beds which, though stratigraphically higher, are
obviously of the same quartzite group. These beds are well to be
seen along the low, jagged cliffs near Cone Island. Crossing Broad
Haven, the entire section along the cliffs from Benwee Head, east-
ward. to the Carboniferous boundary near Belderg, shows similar
variations from the purest type of quartzite; only at a point about
half way between the two points named, does purely silicious quartzite
occur, but as part of the series.

Passing across the vast peat-covered tract where the rock is rarely
to be seen even in stream courses, we reach the indistinct escarp-
ment of Glencalry, formed of the same gneissose-looking rock seen
near Erris Head, and here and there throughout the tract just
mentioned east of Broad Haven. This rock is here, also, correctly
described on the published map as micaceous quartzite ; and it is seen
to pass under a series of beds consisting chiefly of mica-schist and
limestone, with some quartzite bands, or single band overfolded and
repeated. The mica-schist—which here becomes obscured by the
supervention of Carboniferous strata—spreads out westward so as to
cover a wide area, and appears to form an important member of the
metamorphic series, forming Barnacuillew (875), Knocknalower (612),
and Aghoos (348) hills. A limestone zone marks the boundary of the
mica-schist near Aghoos, as well as at Glencalry ; it is to be seen at
Kilecommon Rectory, in the small stream draining Carnhill. This
boundary-line between the mica-schist and quartzite passes around
the north shoulder of this hill, to the shore of Broad Haven, which it
crosses, is taken up again at Portnacally, and traced south-westward,
to become lost in the obscure ground north of Belmullet. North-west
of Belmullet, however, the circumstances observable near Erris Head
are repeated; for on the coast near Scotchport Rock the coarse,
pegmatitic gneiss is again to be seen invading the passage beds from
the mica-schist group—portions of which are included in the coarse

140 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

gneiss—and the micaceous quartzite which dips away northward, to
form a synclinal basin with the Erris Head quartzites, as shown in
the section above given (p. 138).

Limestone does not appear in the neighbourhood of the junction
here, just as it does not appear near the junction at Erris Head ; but
in following the boundary of the two groups eastward by Portnacally,
it is marked by the presence of limestone beds which reappear on
the same line on the eastern shore of Broad Haven, as well as at
Kilcommon and Glencalry, as before mentioned. Were the ground
not almost entirely obscured by peat, drift, and local surface coverings,
there is little doubt it would be found that the occurrence of lime-
stone characterizes the boundary zone between the mica-schist and
quartzite throughout, except in the western part of the Erris Head
peninsula, known as the Mullet.

Now, the mica-schist at present overlies the quartzite series east of
Broad Haven, while at the west coast of the Mullet it occupies its
normal stratigraphical position, that is beneath the quartzite; so that
we are obviously dealing only with two main series instead of three,
as might at first sight appear. A good section exhibiting the inverted
conditions of the groups is to be seen in Glencalry. Here the mica-
ceous quartzite may be followed bed after bed, dipping at 20° to 25°
towards a cascade, where the stream tumbles over a rugged bed
formed of mica-schist and limestone. The section here given repre-
sents the relations thus described and, diagramativally, that of the
quartzite group to the mica-schist and gneiss at Erris Head 21 miles
to the west.

(213)

Brond Haven

Fic. 3.--General Section from Erris Head hill (212) across Broad Haven eastward
to Glencalry hill (562) showing gneiss (G), quartzite (q), limestone
(/st), and mica-schist (m), faulted beyond overfold.

I need only refer to the overfoldings to be seen in the corre-
sponding quartzite group in Donegal, and described in the Memoir
of Sheets, 1, 8, 9, &c., to indicate how fully we should expect to
find such inversions of the metamorphic strata as that above shown;
and further, to expect minor puckerings of the strata, which would
account for repetitions of one limestone band, instead of several,
as might at first sight appear to be the case at Glencalry. A more
detailed section of the glen and river-bed is shown on next page.

Ki.roe—Silurian and Metamorphie Rocks. 141

The boulder-deposit which, equally with limestone, marks the
Junction-zone of the two great groups in parts of Donegal, is not
represented at Glencalry, while it is represented, as we have seen,
though without limestone, at Erris Head.

NW 1562) SE,

ZA Oe ‘roa : —
PEIN
Sete TENS ee

Fic. 4.—Detailed section at Glencalry, showing quartzite (7) invaded by epidiorite,
over-ridden by mica-schist (m) and limestone (/s.), along reversed fault.

East of Belmullet the quartzite occupies a large area spreading
out so as to surround Carrowmore Lough, and form Glencastle Hill
(760), Knocknascollop (788), and Carrafull Hill (890), which is
separated by Bangor Gap from Knocklettercuss (1208), the north-west
spur of the Corslieve range (2369): all the hills named consist of
quartzite. The divisional zone between the quartzite and mica-schist
below it is marked as usual by a limestone band, which runs east by
south from Belmullet to Bangor; and at the western end of
Carrowmore Lough, where the stream draining it issues, the quartzite
is denuded to such an extent as to reveal the limestone accompanied
by a conglomeratic band, and the mica-schist beneath. This is shown
in the following section.

WS. W.

(760)

Fic. 5.—Section across Glencastle Hill and Carrowmore Lough (Wr. 30),
showing mica-schist (m), limestone (7st), and pebbly deposit (4), under
quartzite (g).

It is of interest to note that a garnetiferous zone occurs in the
coarse gneiss, a short distance north of Binghamstown, near Belmullet.
Its existence there, on a line with the limestone-zone east by south of
Belmullet, on the shore, seems to indicate that the garnets are due to
the absorption of the limestone in this locality by the great intrusive
mass, which here strikes across Blacksod Bay. his coarse, pegmatitic
gneiss is to be well seen in the vicinity of Binghamstown; and in

142 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

following it westward to the sea, and northward along the coast
between Portnafrankanagh and Scotch Port Rock, its massive character
is well observed, as well as the manner in which remnants of the
dark-gray mica-schist—here almost absorbed—lie between thick
bands, and are moulded over great lenticular hummocks of the
intruded mass. Southward of the area of gneiss, the peninsula, as far
as the newer gray granite of Termon Hill at Blacksod Point, is formed
of knotted, silvery mica-schist, which seems to be the lowest portion
of the metamorphic series, stratigraphically speaking, here to be seen.

Opposite this on the mainland, another important projection of
quartzite from the Corslieve range occurs, at the outskirt of which,
and separating it from the mica-schist area, runs the boundary in a
zig-zag course, marked as usual with a band of limestone, which
appears here and there through the almost continuous peat-covering.
So continuous is the covering on the north side of the projection that
the position of the boundary line can only be conjectured.

Passing another such, but smaller, projection from the range, we
may cross to Achill Island, where the divisional zone between the
two great groups is to be seen at four points.

A band of mica-schist strikes south-westward through Corraun-
Achill, leaving high quartzite hills on the east in this peninsula, and
a quartzite area on the north-west, fringed by limestone. It crosses
Achill Sound, to be followed in a narrow valley to Ashleam Bay,
near the southern extremity of the island. The mica-schist, which is
dark-gray, and contains a graphitic seam and coarse sheared grit, dips
south-eastward under quartzite, a pebbly band intervening; and on
the north-west side of the bay the schist dips away from quartzite
which forms the hill on that side, a pebble-bed here also intervening.
There can be little question that the schist is the summit of an
anticlinal fold, as shown in the accompanying section.

@ I < SES Ze UE Tr

Besa =

SSS.
+ SSS, SS Zz
BSS. GSS NOIR ZZ

Fic, 6.—Section across valley near Ashleam Bay, showing quartzite (g) with
pebbly grits on either side, micaceous and graphitic schists, and coarse
dark-gray grit beds between: also mica-schist (m) faulted up against
corresponding rocks south of the central hill.

The quartzite on the south-east side forms a ridge, to the south of
which the mica-schists again appear, much dislocated and doubly

Katroe—Stlurian and Metamorphic Rocks. 143

foliated, brought up probably by a vertical thrust which leaves on its
north side, with the,quartzite, dark-gray and black mica-schist, pebbly
grit, and calcareous beds.

The quartzite group stretches away north-westward from Ashlem
Bay, shown in section, to form almost the entire island. It becomes
here and there distinctly micaceous and felspatic, and contains thin
seams of mica-schist. It forms Dooega Hill (1580), and cliffs
overlooking Keel Bay ; Finsheen Hill (698), and Slievemore (2204)
on each side of Doogort; and Croaghaun Hill (2192) rising up from
the ocean, and overlooking Achill Head at the extreme west.

The mica-schist underlying the quartzite is to be seen in the
Doogort Valley, the uppermost beds being here rendered visible by
denudation. Limestone here also marks the divisional zone, and on
the east side of Doogort Bay, which occupies the extremity of the
valley, the dark-gray, almost black schist contains large, round blocks
of granite, forming an excellent representative of the boulder-bed of
Donegal, occurring, it will be remembered, as here, below the
quartzite group.

Fig. 7.—Section across Doogort Bay, showing mica-schist (m) over-riding
Slievemore quartzite (q), and overlain by limestone (Js.), boulder-
deposit (>), and quartzite (q’).

The quartzite of Slievemore strikes obliquely toward Doogort Bay
on the west side, with nearly vertical dip; but half a mile south
of the village the quartzite joins that on the east side, a fault only,
with probably a reverse throw intervening. Here, therefore, we
have laid bare, by denudation, another instance of an anticlinal fold,
though pushed westward along the thrust plane; for on the west side
of the valley or bay neither the black schist, boulder-deposit, nor
limestone band appears. ‘The conditions seem to be as represented
in the section here given. The boulder-deposit is represented in
conglomeratic beds in Inishgaloon Island, opposite Keel, which are
traceable along the coast east and west of Dooagh Bay towards Keem,
where we again find the base of the great quartzite group.

144 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

One of the most interesting sections in the great metamorphic
series is to be seen on the south-west side of Croaghaun Hill, near
Achill Head. The promontory, known as the Head, is formed of gray,
silvery, knotted mica-schist, similar to that already described as form-
ing the Mullet, south of Binghamstown. This is followed in upward,
direct, stratigraphical succession by one or two limestone bands
which follow zig-zag courses, to be seen in the hollow striking
north-westward from Keem to the steep-sided inlet known as
Ooghnagerillen.

Over the limestone and gray, silvery mica-schist associated there-
with are black, gray, and dark-greenish micaceous and chloritic
schists and a thick bed of coarse, pebbly grit. Following this thin
group is a fine conglomerate with rounded pebbles of quartz, felspar
pegmatite, and quartzite, introducing a great series of alternating
grits and conglomerates which forms the hill-side near the cliff-ed ge,
between the 1000 and 2000 feet levels, and cannot be much less than
1500 feet in thickness. The lowest grit beds of this series contain
amethystine quartz, which is much sought after locally. Notwith-
standing the great thickness of the conglomerate-grit series, the
conglomerate thins out eastward to such an extent that at 23 miles
distant it is represented by a single thin band of boulder-
deposit, containing large, round blocks of light-gray, vitreous quartzite
embedded in a matrix of very similar quartzite. The blocks range
in size up to two feet by one foot three inches in sectional dimensions ;
and the deposit, which runs parallel to the road to Keem, and some
100 to 150 yards to the north of the road, is sufficiently peculiar to
warrant this notice. If it were not on the strike of, and in proximity
to, the great conglomerate series of the hill-side, it might be taken for
a broken-up condition of the local quartzite, resulting from intense
crushing, as in the case of the Howth quartzites, noticed by Professor
Sollas. Three miles east of the cliff-edge, on the west side of Dooagh
Bay, near its entrance, conglomerate occurs at the base of
the quartzite group, associated with cloritic and magnitite-bearing
mica-schist, which also contains irregular masses of conglomerate ;
and around these latter the schist moulds itself, as the result
of extreme pressure. These rocks correspond with those seen at
Keem Bay, below the great grit-conglomerate series of Croaghaun Hill.
The rapidity with which the series just mentioned thins out east-
ward is suggestive of the existence of ancient land to the west of
Achill; but we cannot lose sight of the fact that prior to the deposi-
tion of the conglomerates was laid down a considerable thickness of

Kitroze—Silurian and Metamorphic Rocks. 145

mudstones and limestones, which, at Achill Head at least, show no
indications of a steep, shelving littoral. It may be that the boulder-
deposit at the base of the quartzite group, though probably the result
of glaciation in those far-off times,1 marked the introduction of a
great change of natural conditions resulting generally in the deposition
of arenaceous materials throughout the north-west British area, and
marked here in Achill by the grit-conglomerate deposit.

We seem to get further indications of not very distant land of the
Dalradian epoch, in the massive bands of fine conglomerate which, in
large part, form the small island Achill Beg, where, moreover, are to
be seen gray and black mica-schist, some graphitic; and dolomite
and steatite after limestone. The conglomerates contain pebbles of
quartz, quartzite, and pegmatite ; and both they and the mica-schist
show evidence of contortion and over-folding, as well as of intense
cleavage and shearing. This may be judged from the accompanying
sketch, taken near the southern extremity of the island.

Yf YE: »< Y A : “ )

Fic. 8.—Contorted conglomerate bands in mica-schist.

Still another area of mica-schist, exposed in a hollow between
quartzite hills, and fringed as usual by a limestone-bearing zone, is
to be seen around Feeagh Lough, north-west of Newport. It is
traversed by important basic igneous intrusions which do not here
call for special notice. Here, again, we find interesting evidence for
the succession of the groups—viz., mica-schist, an intermediate zone
with limestone, and quartzite above, though at one point, west of
the lake, the regular order of succession is reversed, as shown in
the section, fig. 9, on p. 146.

We have thus seen that the persistence of a fairly well-defined
zone throughout this tangled metamorphic series is the key to its
true interpretation, preventing us attaching much weight to the
present local dip and strike of the rocks, and enabling us to judge of

1 As suggested by Mr. McHenry: Explan. Mem. of Sheets 3, 4, 5, 9, &c.,
pp. 17-50.

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. B. Q

146 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

the modification which the original structure of the ground has under-
gone, through overwhelming earth-stresses operating laterally from
the east and south-east of the area under review.

——————— SS
OSES

Fic. 9.—Section across Lough Feeagh (W'11) showing quartzite (¢), pebbly beds
(2), limestone (/s), and mica-schist (m)—natural order of succession
inverted.

The structures described as manifest in North Mayo are but
reproduced in North Galway. The quartzite of Maamturk Range
and the Twelve Pins is the most striking feature of the area, and in
general it dips northward, and under the mica-schist, cleaved grits, and
limestone of the comparatively low ground skirting the range on the
north. From our knowledge of the succession in Mayo, as well as
judging from overfoldings which are to be observed in the valley
slopes of the quartzite range, I have no hesitation in maintaining that
the apparent order of the strata on the north side of the Twelve Pins
is the converse of the original order of succession. This conclusion is
confirmed by finding that the mica-schist and limestone series which .
underlies the quartzite, east and west of Letterfrack, is continuous
with the series around Kylemore, to the north of and overlying the
Twelve Pins quartzite.

The boulder-deposit is strikingly developed at Cleggan Hill, 7
miles west of Letterfrack, where it takes up a zig-zag course in the
greenish-gray mica-schist beneath the quartzite which here forms the
hill (481). The pebbles range up to 12 inches by 8 inches in section,
and consist of quartz, quartzite, and afelspathic rock. In attempting
to trace this deposit to the eastward it was found to be represented in
a peculiar much-crushed band, half a mile north of the western end of
Ballynakill Lough, where the pebbies are drawn out into long lath-
shaped lenticles, embedded in a greenish-gray mica-schist. The con-
dition of the deposit here may suggest a reason for its non-appearance
further east for several miles; it may have been crushed out of
recognition, as previously mentioned.

Below the boulder-deposit at Cleggan, limestone beds occupy a

KirroE—Silurian and Metamorphic Rocks. 147

well-defined hollow, partly filled by the waters of Cleggan Bay, and
partly by Ballynakill Lough. The limestone crosses Barnabeg Pay,
where it is seen to be identical with that forming bands, or one bad
repeated, which underlies the quartzite of Bengooria (1460) and
Knockbrack (1460), the western spur of the Twelve Pins group.
Following the limestone bands with their associated mica-schists
north-westward, they are seen to pass beneath the important outlier of
quartzite which rests in a synclinal hollow north of the large inlet,
Ballynakill Harbour; and the mica-schist reappears on its north side,
Passing from here, near Rinvyle, eastward toward Kylemore, we
travel over the same series uninterruptedly ; but south of Kylemore
the earth-strains seem to have been much more violent than in the
region last mentioned, producing overfolding on a great scale with
the inversion already mentioned. In view of such effects, it is easy
to surmise that in the frequently occurring outcrops of limestone to
be seen on the ground eastward of Kylemore Lough one sees but
repetitions of a few bands, possibly only one or two bands, by minor
puckerings of the strata, as represented in section thus :—

fae SEM,
04-60)
i G
TY Ld, big
oa I et AO RE irs 2
i iver eee?

Fie. 10.—Section across Knockbrack (1460) and Kylemore Lough (92) showing
micaceous grit (mg) penetrated by epidiorite (4) limestone bands (Js),
and mica-schist (m) over-riding and underlying overfolded quartzite

(9).

A similar section might be drawn near Maam, representing the
relations of the two great groups of strata, with a limestone and
schist series, near the quartzite, the present order of superposition
being here also inverted ; and particular attention is directed to beds
of pebbly grit, perhaps represented, though meagrely, north of Kyle-
more Lake (see section), but which are to be well seen and traced
through the region eastward toward Maam Bay, where they in part
form the ridge bounding the Glenglosh valley on the north. They
are again met with on the north side of the bay—a branch of Lough
Corrib—and attain striking development about three miles east by

148 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

south of Maam Hotel, near the public road. These coarse, pebbly, or
conglomeratic bands correspond in character and zonal place in the
metamorphic series with the coarse, highly-altered grits and conglo-
merates at Westport and to the north of Castlebar.

The remarkable way in which the rocks of this area have been
affected by earth-stresses is well illustrated by the manner in which a
band of mica-schist, which does not appear to have been originally an
igneous intrusion, has been thrust up into the quartzite ridge trans-
versely to the prevailing strike, one and a half mile south of Pollna-
cappul Lough at Kylemore: the present foliation is parallel to the
walls of quartzite on either side; and a further illustration is found
in a peculiar occurrence of the boulder-deposit in Maam Gap. Here
large, roundish boulders of reddish granite are enclosed in a greenish-
gray highly micaceous grit, forming a mass resembling the boulder-
deposit near Recess;' and it is here bounded east and west by the
quartzite of the range, on the south by a granite which invades it
and the quartzite, and on the north by gray mica-schist, which,
though stratigraphically lower in the series, i.e., older, seems to have
been pushed southward over it and over the quartzite. The boulder-
deposit being here over-ridden by the mica-schist and limestone group,
may suggest the reason for the non-appearance of the former where it
might be expected along the north side of the range between the
quartzite and mica-schist.

It may be noted that the overfolding ‘‘creep,” attended with
shearing and foliation of the rocks, was from the N.N.E. in this
region—repeated, as we shall see later on, in post-Silurian times ;
while the creep was from the 8.E. north of Clew Bay, and from the
E.S.E. and south at Glencalry and Kilcommon.

In concluding this account of the Dalradian series of North Galway,
reference should be made to important outcrops of igneous rocks which
form in great part the rugged platform overlooking Kylemore on the
north. Attention was called in the original Survey Memoirs and
maps to the great mass of hornblende rock on the summit of the
escarpment which terminates the platform; but invading this is a
granite-gneiss, in parts quite coarsely crystalline, which is repre-
sented on the published maps as metamorphosed Lower Silurian strata,
though on the 6-inch working maps it is justly described as fine and
coarse gneiss, At the time this ground was being mapped the hypo-
thesis prevailed that granitic gneisses mark the last stage but one

1 Described in Appendix to 43rd Rep. Dept. Sci. and Art (1896), p. 36.

Kitror—Silurian and Metamorphic Rocks. 149

of transformation of sedimentary strata which culminated in granite.
Hence the indication used for these metamorphic rocks upon the map.
A section which I observed in Leckvarna, south of Lough Fee, and
west of the main road from Leenane to Kylemore, proves, as do other
such sections north of Kylemore Castle, where the two igneous rocks
adjoin, that the granite intrusion is the later.

O
RIK
eetee

SO yy -

QL LLL Es

LEER ROLLER EEL Sri
} ORLA oP ALLIS
ho) O =
OI
é a

aw
(ZAG ve
£ oo" e
Boe Ss
' ES ee
/ fae Src Seo
n~o — ae se or SEE

=; pe
ae ea
a

Fie. 11.—View in Leckvarna, of Hornblende Rock (cross-hatched), invaded by
granitic mass chiefly gneiss, containing unsheared eyes of granite (G).

The granitic rock dovetails into mica-schist westward in Letter-
gesh, contains masses of serpentine (probably) after partially absorbed
areas of basic rock, and is itself in places highly sheared, so as to be
indistinguishable from mica-schist of sedimentary origin; and where
it invades the great basic outcrop north of Kylemore, it takes up a
foliated arrangement of its constituents—probably fluxion-structure—
around the prominences of the older rock. This is well to be seen
in the small gap between Lough Acreragh and Lough Touther, and
the granitic rock occupies a considerable area from this locality north-
ward to the Silurian boundary, where it margins the newer formation
for 33 miles.

Another interesting igneous tract adjacent to the Silurian strata,
of older date and probably of the same age as that just described, is
to be seen on the north side of the inlet of Lough Mask, west of
Clonbur, and forming one or two islets near the western end of the
inlet. It contains detached pieces of hornblendic and metamorphic
rocks, as in the case of the granitic rock near Kylemore. These
igneous intrusions mark a zone of irruption, with probable dis-
turbance, margining the ancient sea in which the Silurian strata were
deposited. The existence of such a zone accounts for an important
interruption in the succession, in Llandovery times, seen on the south

150 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

side of the basin, with deposition of Wenlock strata against a denuded
shelving shore of sinking land, while a conformable sequence from the
Lower to the Upper Silurian series exists, in the centre of the basin,
near Doolough.

SrzvRIAN Rocks.

It has lony been known that, as just stated, a conformable passage
is traceable from Lower Silurian grits and slates, with double
graptolites at Doolough, to Upper Silurian beds 3 miles north-
west of this lake. At Cregganbaun here, that is, about 5 miles
south of Louisburgh, occurs an earthy arenaceous limestone, but
slightly cleaved, which contains a wealthy Upper Silurian fauna.
Amongst the fossils occur Pentamerus Knightii and P. oblongus; and
although the beds are represented as Llandovery on the published map,
it is stated in the Geological Survey Memoir! that the rocks ‘are
highly charged with fossils of an Upper Silurian, probably Wenlock,
character, consisting mostly of corals and Brachiopod shells.’? They
are taken here to be of Wenlock Age. About a mile and a half west
by north of this locality monoprionid graptolites have been found in
Derrygarve Slate Quarry, where the rock is probably of Tarannan
Age.

Above the earthy limestones at Cregganbaun follows a series of
green argillaceous grits, which spreads out through the wide area
extending northward to Louisburgh ; and below the limestone zone
ocvurs a thin band of quartzite, at the base of which is found a
notable quartzose conglomerate, with large, rounded blocks and pebbles
of quartzite, whieh overlies the J/onograptus slate.

The thin quartzite band and associated conglomerate are traceable
north-eastward by Corvockbrack (1287), and Knockaskeheen (1288),
and thence eastward by Knockfadda (957). That here we have the
Cregganbaun group is rendered the more certain by the occurrence of
earthy limestone and calcareous grit with identical fossils, adjacent to
the quartzite at Boheh, south of Croaghpatrick. The limestone passes
into a sericite schist at Knocktfadda, the fossils being obliterated, and
it retains this deformed character eastward while traceable in its
usual place above the quartzite and conglomerate zone towards
Oughty hill (1104). Here the quartzite becomes a gray grit, and
further east it ceases to be recognizable, though its place is indicated

1 Explanation of Sheets 83 and 84, p. 32.

Kitror—Stlurian and Metamorphic Rocks. 151

as associated with the conglomerate, which may be followed much
further east.

Before passing from this locality it may here be stated that on the
original 6-inch maps it has been noted that the ‘‘ conglomerate
containing large, rounded pebbles of quartzite [is] similar to that at
Croaghpatrick.”” The significance of this observation will appear later
on. It may also here be stated that in a small area at Knockfadda
the beds, some of which are highly calcareous, are transformed into
nuica-schist ; with this exception, and that of some margining the
Corvockbrack granite, the slates and grits of the area have not reached
the degree of transformation which justifies other naming than
sericite-schists, or phyllites, though in few places have the rocks
escaped considerable cleavage.

Passing eastward to the borders of Lough Mask, the Cregganbaun
group is represented by calcareous beds, with a corresponding fauna
south of Toormakeady. The fossils may be collected at several points
in the Kilbride peninsula, and west of Cong, in calcareous strata
overlying gray grit mottled with red, and containing annelid bur-
rows (pipe-rock), which may be traced southward, across an arm
of Lough Mask, through Kilbride and along the top of Bencorragh,
south of Lough Nafooey. Here the fossil-bearing greenish calcareous
grit is also found overlying the annelid grit, which on being traced still
westward passes into purple grit and red slate. There is, therefore,
little doubt that here we have still represented the Cregganbaun
group, but under circumstances entirely different from those at this
latter point, as I now proceed to show.

It will be noticed on the 1-inch published maps, which are
summarized upon the one accompanying this paper, that the pipe-rock
and overlying fossil-bearing calcareous beds dip eastward and south-
ward from conglomerates, grits, and felsites of (?) Bala Age. Indeed,
the felsites at Toormakeady follow directly upon black slate, in
which I collected graptolites of Lower Llandeilo or Arenig Age,
about a mile north of the hamlet ;? so that volcanic activity may have
commenced earlier than Bala times in this district, though doubtless
continued while limestones of this age were being formed.* ‘This view

' Explanatory Memoirs of Sheets 85 and 94, p. 15.

2 Ancient Volcanoes of Great Britain, by Sir A. Geikie, p.c.L., LL.D., F.R.S.,
vol. i., p. 49.

3 In the Toormakeady complex I noticed some felsites and ash-like igneous
breccias which, as intrusions into rocks adjoining them probably carried the

Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.

152

‘ZT OTT

—~ a

= —
~
—— — °

ALU IV Jooytar Oru ppg
Qu22IuL goau2t VP 127K
02

pees

oe Se rg othe ms
tM 20d -20/2¢h, QUADS)IU OS - 77722 2L 2129 a
‘ =
Gg P77 Ore pun rapa ‘PvuLy ~ = cece
CLO

Kxinr0oz—Silurian and Metamorphic Rocks. 153

is consistent with the fact that the Curraghrevagh lava and associated
conglomerate seem to dip under the limestone band which occurs at
the west end of Lough Nafooey. The lavas of the hill just mentioned
and of Bencorragh may therefore represent lower horizons than Bala ;
and the same may be said of some of the associated conglomerates
here, as at Leenane, which will hereafter be described. That they
are not of later date is fairly certain; yet the representatives of
the Cregganbaun group south of Tourmakeady in Kilbride and at
Bencorragh, rest against the lavas mentioned and their associated
conglomerates. The geology of this locality is so important that a
reduced view of the working 6-inch map is here given. It will be
noticed that the newer rocks are here in places set vertically, which
may be borne in mind in view of overfoldings which must be referred
to later.

That a strong unconformability occurred, probably in Llandovery
times, which involved the denudation of strata belonging to this age,
and much of the Lower Silurian series, where Wenlock strata now
exist, cannot therefore be questioned. In consequence of the
denudation, the floor of this group seems to consist for the most
part of metamorphic rocks of Dalradian age rather than of Lower
Silurian strata. Thus, representatives of the Cregganbaun group are
to be met with along the southern margin, resting directly upon
metamorphic grits and mica-schist; and, towards Maam, the fossil-
bearing zone appears at several points, accompanied in the valley
south-east of Leenane by conglomerate, which is distinguished, as
at Cregganbaun, Knockfadda, and several other points, by being made
up chiefly if not entirely of well-rounded pebbles and blocks of
quartzite. This conglomerate is traceable across the rugged tract
westward, growing in importance towards the sea-coast in its course
by Lough Fee and Garraun Hill. .

A section drawn northward a short distance west of Leenane
traverses an ascending series of Wenlock and Ludlow strata in
regular sequence, not Llandovery, followed by Ludlow, as was for-
merly supposed; and beyond the Ludlow outcrop of some 1,200
yards in width is encountered one of the greatest dislocations, if
not quite the greatest, in this much-faulted area. It is probably

volcanic activity to a somewhat later date. The same may be said with regard to
some agglomerate-like breccias which I noticed in the Kilbride igneous tract. See
Paper on similar masses in S.-E. Ireland, by A. McHenry, m.r.1.a., and J. ht.
Kilroe, Jour. Geo. Soc., vol. lvii., p. 479; and the recently issued Memoir of the
Limerick District, pp. 33 et seq.

154 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

an upthrust from the north, bringing Llandeilo and Arenig strata
to a level with—indeed slightly higher than—the highest beds of
the Ludlow which are to be observed in the region.1 On the
north side of this break, about half a mile west of Bencraff (1822),
a stream lays open a section through fine gray conglomerate and
sandstone, black slate and chert, and a sill or dyke of felsite, where it
tumbles from the older rocks over the Ludlow band southward. The
black slate and chert here yielded me graptolites, by means of which’
the beds were proved to be of Lower Llandeilo or Arenig Age. The
series, including the sandstones and conglomerates above, presents an
unbroken sequence; and no reason can be adduced, so far as our
knowledge extends, against considering the rocks around Derryna-
sliggan and eastward towards Leenane on the south side of Killary
Harbour, older than Bala. That they are of Llandeilo ageis rendered
the more probable by the circumstances of rocks which occupy a similar
position relatively to the Ludlow, at Salrock.

The great line of break is traceable westward to this latter place,
dipping into the Harbour, so as to leave Ludlow strata forming the
shore between Derrynasliggan and Salrock ‘ pass.’’ Here, massive
sandstone beds dip away from the line of break ; and with fine and very
coarse conglomerates, form the peninsula between the Harbour and
Little Killary. Llandeilo fossils have been found on the north and
south sides of this promontory.* Those on the north side have been
described as determinative of Lower Llandeilo ;* and, the dip of the
beds being northward, the fossils on the south side must belong to a
much lower zone, unless the beds be inverted (see foot-note). That they
are inverted would seem to be probable from the fact that portions of
a limestone band and calcareous breccia (such as elsewhere is met
with in association with the igneous series) are to be seen at each
end of Salrock ‘ pass,” that is, near the line of break. These cir-

1 It should be noted, in view of the vast denudation preceding the deposition of
Wenlock beds, as explained on p. 153, which exposed Llandeilo and Arenig strata
in the floor upon which the Wenlock beds were subsequently laid down, that the
Salreck-Bencraff fault may be of no greater throw than just sufficient to cut out
the Wenlock group and portion of the Ludlow. ‘This, however, would still leave
the break of considerable magnitude.

* As determined in 1894 at the Geological Survey Office in London.

3 Mr. McHenry informs me that the fossils (graptolites) on the south side are
indicative of Upper Llandeilo, while those on the north side are Lower. This
being the case, the order of the beds is inverted, as they dip northerly.

4 Explanation of Sheets 83-84, p. 28.

Kirr0oE—Silurian and Metamorphic Rocks. 155

cumstances suggest either the inversion mentioned, or that the lime-
stone is much older than Bala, or yet again that the limestone has
been caught in the break between two plains which sever it from
the Llandeilo grits on the north, as well as from the Ludlow rocks on
the south. In any case it is obvious that on the south side of Killary
Harbour occur considerable areas of Llandeilo strata.

On the north side of the harbour, an ascending series of coarse grits
and conglomerates, with intercalated bands of green shales forms the
imposing hill Mweelrea, upon the south flank of which, at a short
distance above Bunnaglass, were collected fossils believed, even when
the ground was mapped, to be indicative of Caradoc strata.1 At some
five points at the foot of the hill, on its west side in Oggool, was
found a somewhat abundant fauna, also indicative of Caradoc rocks; and
on the north side below the summit, west and north of Lough Bellawaum,
Caradoc forms? were also collected, while on the east side of the
same small lake fossils were found believed to be determinative of
Llandovery strata.? Here, therefore, a boundary was drawn between

1 Explanatory Memoir of Sheets 83 and 84, p. 28. The fossils reported trom
near Bunnaglass were :—
Leptena sericea. O. testudinaria.
Orthis calligramma. Bellerophon trilobatus.
Those given from the west foot of Mweelrea included the above-mentioned,
together with—

Lingula ovata. Ecculiomphalus Bucklandi.
Murchisonia trochiformis. Theca revessa.

M. sp. indet. T. triangularis.
Platyschisma helicites. Orthoceras ibex.
Raphistoma elliptica. O. subundulatum.’

R. sp. indet. Asaphus radiatus.
Bellerophon bilobatus. A. sp. indet.

B. trilobatus.
2 Those namedin the Memoir are: —

Leptoena sericea. Ctenodonta transversa.
Lingula ovata. Belierophon bilobatus.
Orthis biforata. B. trilobatus.

O. testudinaria. Orthoceras ibex.

O. (?) vespertili. Asaphus radiatus.

Porambonites intercedens.

3 Explan. Mem. Sheets 83 and 84, pp. 28-30. Some of the above species were
obtained at the point east of Lough Bellawaum. ‘Those not reported from the
other localities were :—

Orthis elegantula. Orthoceras tenuicinctum.
Pentamerus galeatus. Phacops sp. indet.
Holopella cancellata. Proetus latifrons.

156 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

the two members—really between the Upper and Lower Silurian,
here quite conformable. The stratification in the region to the
eastward is so regular and well shown that an approximate conti-
nuation of the boundary was drawn as represented on the present
map.

Age and Structure of Croagh Patrick.

Perhaps the most interesting result of revision-work in the West
of Ireland was the establishment of the age of Croagh Patrick range
to be Wenlock, though consisting of rocks which present a high
degree of metamorphism, so much so that they were originally
classed with the quartzite and associated schists of Nephin and
Connemara. Generally speaking, the crest of the ridge, including the
conical peak, and a large proportion of the northern slope, consists of
quartzite; while the south flank shows crumpled schists dipping
northward znto the hill and beneath the quartzite. These schists are
for the most part sericitic, but near the foot of the escarpment are
distinctly micaceous, the result of processes in which dynamical
agency operated strongly. It has already been mentioned that
evidences of contact metamorphism are apparent in the schists
bordering the granite intrusion of Corvockbrack; and it is interest-
ing to find illustrations of two types of metamorphism in such close
proximity.! With the exception of these cases, mineralization is not
manifest throughout the Silurian area, though cleavage prevails in
the region northward of Killary Harbour and the Erriff valley.*

The intense dynamical metamorphism manifest along the south
flank and foot of Croagh Patrick has accompanied overfolding on a
vast scale, which has supplied the key to the structure of the range.
It is also, indeed, traversed by oblique cross-faults, which, however,
are of comparatively minor importance. The conclusions as to over-
folding, and as to its post-Wenlock age, find confirmation in the
sharply-folded condition of the unaltered Wenlock rocks, containing
recognizable fossils south of Lough Nafooey, represented in the
sketch map on p. 152. Weare not, however, dependent upon inference
for conclusions regarding Croagh Patrick; for, happily, the overfolding
of the rocks which form the range leaves their original order of
sequence intact, though inverted, as I now proceed to show.

Along the north flank of the range for 7 miles, from Kilgeever

1 As mentioned in the Summary of Progress of Work in Ireland for 1898.
* The micaceous schist above mentioned may conceal a not deeply buried core
of granite.

Kitroe—Silurian and Metamorphic Rocks. 157

Hill, near Louisburgh, to Belclare, south-west of Westport, may be
seen at intervals, always in the same position relatively to the
quartzite, massive conglomerates containing almost exclusively
pebbles of banded quartzite, of all sizes up to 3 feet in length by 15
to 18 inches across, crushed, compacted together, and elongated by
compression in a very remarkable way, and set in a highly-silicified
matrix. On a previous page a note was cited from the 6-inch
working field-map (made by the original surveyor, who was quite
unaware of conclusions such as the present with regard to the range)
to the effect that the conglomerate here described resembles that at
Knockfadda ; which, it will be remembered, underlies quartzite, as is
the case with stratigraphically corresponding beds at Cregganbaun.

If a section be taken along the stream which drains the hill, and
flows north by Leckanvy R.C. chapel, the conglomerate, about 70 feet in
thickness, appears with the commencement of the steeper slope above
the drift-covering ; and it rests upon quartzite which forms a down-
ward series, while the stream flows northward. The series dips at a
high angle, must be of considerable thickness, and, striking south-
eastward, it is seen to form the peak of Croagh Patrick.

The stream before turning northward flowed north-westerly upon
a band of calcareous slate and sandstone, which are considerably
cleaved, generally in accordance with the bedding, but not mineralized.
The original characters of the beds are so well preserved, notwith-
standing cleavage, that little difficulty is experienced in recognizing
in them, on hthological grounds, the counterparts of those already
described which yielded fossils at Boheh similar to those at Creggan-
baun. This conclusion was verified by the discovery in 1893 of a
turbinated coral, of a type plentiful at Cregganbaun. ‘Two recent
visits to the ground, the second in company with the present Director
of the Survey, have resulted in further unquestionable confirmation,
when seams of calcareous argillaceous sandstone came to ight, bearing
arich fauna of corals ( Petrata, Favosites, &c.), graptolites, and trilobites.
The forms of the latter two groups are just recognizable, but scarcely
sufficiently so to warrant naming.

The beds containing these fossils dip beneath the quartzite of
Croagh Patrick peak, just as the continuation of this, in the Lecanvy
stream, dips beneath the conglomerate ; and from what has been
explained above, there is no longer any room for question that this
important portion of the range is made up of the three members of the
Cregganbaun group, though in inverse order of occurrence.

The fossil-bearing beds, shown as mica-schist on the published map,
are there represented as faulted against quartzite on the south side,

158 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

which forms the important mass of Leckanvy Hill, rising to 1849 feet.
Judging from the form of the ground, a dislocation along the direction
of strike has probably occurred. The conditions accountable for the
structure of the range would seem to point to an upthrust from the
north along this line ; but other considerations rather favour the view
of direct faulting with downthrow on that side. In any case there
seems to be a repetition of the peak quartzite in Leckanvy Hill,
otherwise there would be an excessive thickness of this rock inter-
vening between the sericite schist of the south flank here and the
conglomerate on the north side, compared to the narrow outcrop and
small thickness of the same member which separates the sericite schist
and conglomerate, only two miles to the west in Kilgeever Hill. As
before explained, the sericite schist along the south flank of the range
is identical in character with that at Knockfadda ; in both places it is
highly sheared, is calcareous, and shows pittings on the weathered
surfaces of its thinly laminated, often puckered, and in places mica-
cised folia; and its relations to the quartzite, below it at Knockfadda,
though above it by inversion at Croagh Patrick, show conclusively
that we are dealing with the same member of the Wenlock group. In
Croagh Patrick on the north, and in Knockfadda, Boheh, and Creggan-
baun on the south, we therefore have opposite limbs of a synclinal
trough, filled in the intermediate ground with argillaceous, green,
fine-grained grit of remarkable uniformity in character, which hitherto
has not yielded any fossils. The accompanying section across the range
through the fossil locality may be taken to represent the structure of
the range.’

N S

(2510) (500)

; (rrd6}
(957) (400) eT
(360) iff Ape.

Ge, ang * *
7 @ OE 7 tae
: wees OTTO a CG ERR TED LEU pd ee. FS

h Sec

Fic. 13.—Section, from Clew Bay southward, across Leckanvy Hull (1500),
Knockfadda (957), and Knockaskeheen (1288), showing Croagh
Patrick (2510) to the east; Drift upon Carboniferous limestone (d),
and metamorphosed grits (g)—-the latter thrust over mica-schist and
quartzose conglomerate (d); also quartzite (¢), pebble-beds (y), and
fossil-bearing calcareous arenaceous mudstone (c) faulted down against
quartzite (g’) ; metamorphosed calcareous beds (c’), green grits (WV.g),
quartzose conglomerate (4’), greenish gray grits (Z.g), and granite (@).

1 Tf, as there is good reason to think, the rocks at Old Head be Old Red Sandstone,

Kirr0oE—Silurian and Metamorphic Rocks. 159

While the rocks of Croagh Patrick were believed to be of the same
group and general age as those at Westport and north of the Clew Bay,
it was easy to dismiss the question of differences in lithological
characters between the highly metamorphosed grits and black slate,
seen south-east of the town—the counterparts of those north-west
of Castlebar—and the rocks forming the range. The question, how-
ever, towards the close of the somewhat hurried revision, was perceived
to be of so important a nature, involving the age of the great
metamorphic series, that it was allowed to lie outstanding until it
could be satisfactorily decided. It presents the following features,
V1Z. :—

1. The great conglomerate of Croagh Patrick is not traceable
further eastward than Belclare, three miles from Westport, on the
south-west, where it appears in striking developement.

2. The quartzite of the range may be followed eastward almost to
the Carboniferous boundary, a mile and a half south-east of the town,
where it vanishes.

8. The sericite schist on the south of the range seems continuous
around the end, with the similiar silky phyllites which skirt the
quartzite on its south side here, as far perhaps as Belclare, where
much broken ground suggests a transverse dislocation of the strata.

4. The green argillaceous grits at Belclare have the aspect of
Weniock strata rather than that of the greenish-gray grits associated
with the coarse conglomeratic grits and black slate at Westport, and
along the shore by Leckanvy beyond Murrisk.

5. A distinct hne may be approximately traced upon the ground
between the silky phyllites and green grits, above mentioned, and the
coarse grits and black slate near Westport; and this line seems
continuable westward to separate the rocks of the ridge from those
nearer to the sea at its foot, though the persistent band of serpentine
which invades the two sets of rocks greatly obscures the geological

following in apparently unbroken succession upward those along the coast north-
west of Louisburgh, which, in my opinion, are of Ludlow Age, then it is probable
that the overfolding and metamorphism of the rocks at Croagh Patrick took place
in Old Red Sandstone times. A provisional boundary is drawn on the map
between the Old Head rocks, which are largely conglomeratic, and those south-
westward of that point, which consist of red shale and shaley sandstone.

160 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

details by means of which such a line could be established or disproved
south of Murrisk.

6. While recognizing that the existence of the Croagh Patrick
conglomerate, considerably more important here than at Cregganbaun,
and containing larger blocks, suggests littoral or approximately basal
conditions, just as the corresponding deposit does at Lough Fee, near

_Kylemore, yet the strike of the Wenlock beds at Leckanvy and certain

other points in the region, suggests that during the overfolding, best
seen in the newer rocks, a slip or overthrust took place, generally
speaking, where the two sets of rocks adjoin. Such a break,
whether stratigraphical or mechanical, would greatly obscure the
relations between the Dalradian and the Silurian rocks, as well as
the evidence for the age of the former in this region.

7. What rocks formed that ancient sea-floor, and the adjoining
land which furnished the quartzite conglomerate, is, perhaps, one of
the most debated points in the geology of the British Isles. The
discovery that the Wenlock beds were deposited upon upturned
Llandeilo strata at Lough Nafooey, in virtue of an interruption in the
Silurian succession, of Llandovery date, leaves inquirers still free to
surmise the existence of Lower Silurian strata in the great meta-
morphic series of North Mayo, Galway, and Donegal. The corre-
spondence in character between the Westport grits and black slate and
the rocks along the Leckanvy shore, in which the collector may indulge
the most sanguine hopes of finding graptolites, and those of the
northern part of Clare Island, which, on the published map, are
represented as unaltered Lower Silurian strata, may well be supposed
corroborative of the surmise. It is further encouraged by the
succession from black slate, through limestone and a boulder deposit,
to quartzite, as seen, say, at Achill and Donegal, which well corresponds
to the Lower Silurian succession from Llandeilo through Bala to
overlying conglomerate, or boulder-beds and grits, seen in the south-
east of Ireland. Even the apparent inversion of Llandeilo rocks at
Rossroe, which would be indicative of a region of overfolding and
overthrust, saving the rocks above from the metamorphism which
affected so strongly those below the thrust-plane—possibly of corre-
sponding age—might also be supposed to lend colour to the supposition.
What is looked for, however, is definite fossil evidence; and until this
is forthcoming the age of the great metamorphic series cannot be
regarded as a settled question.

Proc. R.I. Acap., VoL. XXVI., Sect. B.

PLATE IX.

RN
e
7)
G =
9 (/ {B15
eas finite
A YY i
© 7 KERRIER,
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A
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Ne x as bse Bath Me ;
N ying A i as
A ao Wy 44, Sy oS a) =)
sy % hs be c Furnoughty
ga Lip af
Mie Leiie

Paceny’ unl.

8LacKsoo

Ls HRS . aN .
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1256." - ©) ¢.-
pear ihe

/NDEX

d2 | lower Carboniferous Limestone. Quartzite.
|) toll! Lower Carboniferous Sendstone and Shale .

Basal beds of Carboniferous Sandstone
(or Upper Old Red Sandstone).

B8oulder-deposit, Limestone, Graphitic & Mica-Schist.

Mica-Schist, with beds of fine SUG
ZGEL, Granite, foliated,
MetaMorphic Serses .

Scale _ 9 sz 12 MiLes.

KILROE.—Rocks OF Mayo AND NortTH GALWay.

Proc. R.I. AcapD., VoL. XXVI., Sxrcr. B. PLATE X.

See =
oY Te
) ‘a inst 84 mil
nea iT | hi ic
© | all oon La Wrate Mw Mi:
ras CAHER 1° si ugh) ‘ aire,
A
EL Se:
Int URK
os
N
A
>
=
ff OuF IN
poe Soe i,
huge Y, vA mother
se Cu GGAN fc iN y f
s WRT TW) “i
wee 5 Uf Fatima tee
> ae ya’ Re Ke ] j} Uf: Werace ok
ORAS ae
oe

i e i ae
iB ve - raid 084//B it
as LY

Ludlow beds, at Leenane,& probably fers] Quartzite.

CLIFDEN
| d2 | Lower Carboniferous Limestone. He West of Loulsburgh.

Wenlock beds, Gréen grit, quartzite & Boulder deposit, Limestone, Graphitic &

Mica-Schist.

Lower —__ do —__. Sandstone & Shale. lb Basal conglomerate.
Basal beds is rer iferous Sandstone, il Llandovery beds, hj Mica-Schist,with beds of fine conglomerate.

or Upper Old Red Sandstone
fonune ). Uf Yi, Bala tases (COE ES Grits and

Limesto: -
Vee) Lionel hee with Apenig blac slate, Granite, non-Ffoliated.

SPL UNO R EE CHAYED CLEN S se Serpentine, after diorite of post Wenlock age.

Lower Old Red Sandstone, apparently
orreh mable,at Old Head, to the Silurian
eries

Lower Bala & (probably) Llandeilo Felsites. TSA, Granite, fosiated, in Metamorphic Series,
Ar Hornblende—rock and Epidrorite.

Scale. 5 a 6 9 R is fe Miles

KILROF,—Rocks OF MAyo AND NortH GALWAY.

PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

ROYAL TRISH ACADEMY

VOLUME XXVI

SECTION C—ARCHAOLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND
LITERATURE

DUBLIN
HODGES, FIGGIS, & CO., Lr.
LONDON: WILLIAMS & NORGATE
1906-1907

THE AcADEMY desire it to be understood that they are not
answerable for any opinion, representation of facts, or train of
reasoning that may appear in any of the following Papers. The
Authors of the several Essays are alone responsible for their

contents.

CONTENTS

SECTION 0.—ARCH OLOGY, LINGUISTIC, AND

LITERATURE

ArmstronG, (EpMuND CLARENCE Ricuarp), M.R.I.A. :—
Stone Chalices, so called. (Plate XXI.),

Atkinson (Rozert), LL.D., M.R.LA. :—-
On the Function of an Academy, in especial of the
Royal Irish Academy,
Correy (Grorce), M.R.I.A. :—

HKarly Iron Sword found in Ireland,

Craigywarren Crannog, excavated by W. J. Knowles
and George Coffey. (Plates V.-X.),

Two Finds of Late Bronze Age Objects. (Plates
Die, Xx LE); .

Cooxe (Joun), M.A., M.R.LA. :-—
Antiquarian Remains in the Beaufort District, County
Kerry. (Plates I.-IV.),
Esposito (Marto) :—
An Unpublished Astronomical Treatise by the Irish
Monk Dicuil. (Plate XXII.),

Favxiner (Cmsar Litton), M.A., M.R.I.A. :—

Barnaby Rich’s ‘‘ Remembrances of the State of
Ireland, 1612,’ with notices of other Manuscript
Reports, by the same writer, on Ireland under
James the First,

The Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem in Ireland,

PAGE
318

109

378

125

275

lV Contents

Gwynn (Epwarp), M.A., F.T.C.D., M.R.LA. :—

The Manuscript known as the Liber Flavus Fergu-
slorum, .

Knox (Hvuperr T.) :—
Notes on Gig-mills and Drying-kilns near Ballyhaunis,

County Mayo. (Plates XIX., XX.),

Westropp (THomas Jonnson), M.A., M.R.I.A. :—
The Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick (North-
Eastern Baronies), :

The Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick

(Central and South-Eastern Baronies). (Pilates
XITI.-XV.),

The Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick
(Western Baronies). (Plates XVI.-XVIIL),

The Cists, Dolmens, and Pillars of the Western half
of the County of Clare. (Plates XXIII.-XXV.),

Woop (Hersert), M.A., M.R.LA. :—
The Templars in Ireland,

PAGE

265

148

201

447

327

ERRATA.

Section C.

Page 16, line 16, for ‘*1485”’ read ‘14377’.

”?

Olas ko, por °° L440"? read *©1446"".

18, last line, for ‘* Consattin Pol’’ read ‘* Consattinphol ’’.
19, line 4, for ‘‘an nathur’’ read ‘‘ann athur’’.

19, ,, 6 from bottom, dele ‘‘ and appears to be incomplete. Ends’’.
21, ,, 17, for **the second’’ read ‘‘one’’.

24, ,, 9, for **fedarum ’’ read “ fed a ruin’’.

27, 4, 20, for ‘‘Tudhisdin’’ read ‘* Uidhisdin”’ (i.e. Augustine).
28, ,, 6 from bottom, for ‘‘ certain’’ read ‘the penitential ”’.
29, ,, 4 from bottom, for ‘‘1440” read **1446”’.

go,) 55- 10, for “SIS he’ read “Isu’’.

36, ,, 18, for ‘‘neimte”’ read ‘‘neimhe’”’.

36, last line, for ‘“‘he”’ read ‘‘he[cailse]’’.

69, ,, 14, for **son of Prince Teige ’’

had abdicated in favour of Teige na Glemore 0’Brien”’.

So also on p. 144, No. 106.

148 (section 119), for ‘‘ Lesnernamadda’”’ xvead ‘* Lesuanermadda’’, 1.e.

Lisdermot mervol.
190, note 2, for ‘‘ Clapat Street’ read ‘* Blapat (Blossoms) Street’.
220, note, for ‘* Hollypark”’ read ‘‘ Hollywood ’’.

369, Under Clonaul, Manor of, for ** Kilmacloy (? Kilmoyler) ’’ read ‘‘ Kil-

macloy (Coolemundry) ’’.

382, line 17, for ‘‘lunari!”’ read ‘‘lunari(1)’’.

450, 4 lines from end, for ‘‘ Berneens”’ vead ‘‘ Baur’’.

455, 7 lines from end, for ‘‘ tongue”’ read ** thumb ”’.

462, section 45, for ‘‘ 3 feet’? read ‘*83 feet’; for ‘* vol. xxx’ read

<-V6l. XXXV

read ‘*son of Prince Conor, who

: oF - S
4 mE sk vid ‘

PROCEEDINGS

THE ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

PAPERS READ BEFORE THE ACADEMY.

ANTIQUARIAN REMAINS IN THE BEAUFORT DISTRICT,
COUNTY KERRY.

By JOHN COOKE, M.A.
[ Prates I.-IV. |

Read Decemper 11. Ordered for Publication DecremMBer 13, 1905.
Published Frspruary 8, 1906.

In the country lying immediately beyond the Reeks to the north and
west, little or no archeological research has hitherto been made. The
eave of Dunloe, the Kilcoolaght and Kilbonane ogams have long been
known ; but no one has, I believe, investigated the raths and rath-
chambers that lie dotted over a very extensive area in this portion of
the kingdom of Kerry. Through the kindness of Dr. Cecil Digby, of
Beaufort, and under his able guidance, and with his very ready help,
I was enabled to make some examination of these and other remains
in the summer of this year. Owing to Dr. Digby’s thorough knowledge
of the district and its people, my investigations were made without any
difficulty ; and every opportunity was given me by the occupiers of the
land to traverse and explore where I pleased. To him and them my
especial thanks are due for the help and facilities afforded me.

The ridge of high ground on the north side of the Laune river
beyond Beaufort, and the extensive plain, dotted with hills extending

R. I. A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SECT. C. (1)

%
2 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

southward to the foot of the Reeks, are studded with raths, asa glance
at the Ordnance maps will show. The existence of the Dunloe cave,
well known to archeologists through its ogams, was an indication to
me that underground chambers probably existed elsewhere in the
district.

Tuxie (O. 8. 65').—Hearing of a collapsed chamber, into which a
horse fell at Tullig, on the farm of a man named Shea, about half a
mile beyond Churchtown, on the right of the road to Killorglin, I
paid a visit to the spot, and had the chamber cleared out at consider-
able labour for examination. The field is on a gentle elevation, and
probably once possessed a rath; but there is no sign of it now, and it
was probably levelled during tillage operations, and the division of the
land into fields. The chamber and passages were cut in the native
earth, the strata being of a close and compact clayey nature, and no stones
whatever were used in their formation (Plate I.). The main chamber,
which had completely fallen in, being cleared out, showed that it
measured 7 feet by 4 feet 10 inches wide, it was about 5 feet high, the
roof being about 7 feet from the surface of the ground. It lay nearly
north-west by south-east; and from near the south end a narrow pass-
age, 18 inches high and over 2 feet long, led with a wide sweep on the
right into another chamber 12 feet long, 53 feet wide, and 5 feet high.
From this chamber another passage—5 feet long, 19 inches wide, and
the same height—led into another chamber, with a wide curve on the
right and running nearly east and west; it measured about 4 feet
wide and sloped upwards, but was quite choked at a distance of 6 feet.
This was no doubt the passage from the original entrance from above,
but I did not get it cleared further. I was doubtful how far the passage
ran, nor did I like the look of the damp, moist roof; and as much
labour had already been expended, and other matters pressing on my
attention, I abandoned further search along the passage.

Focarry’s Rat anp Cuamsers, Curtenacu Upper (0. 8. 65).—This
is a fine rath, lying south-west of Cullenagh national school, in the land
of a farmer named Fogarty. It is in fairly perfect preservation, and
circular, with an interior diameter of 76 feet. It is surrounded by
a stone and earthen rampart 11 feet thick, and 8 feet high in places,
on which furze and thorn bushes grow luxuriantly. I was told that
an opening to a chamber had been discovered some years ago, and this,
on experimenting, was found near the centre of the rath (Plate II.). The
removal of earth and stones to a depth of a few feet disclosed a passage,

1 The references are to the Six-inch Ordnance Map of Co. Kerry.

Cooke—Antiquarian Remains in Beaufort District, Kerry. 3

with an entrance 1 foot 10 inches wide at top, and 2 feet 10 inches at
bottom, and 2 feet 8 inches high. Within this the structure formed
a passage-chamber 16 feet long, and 3 feet wide at entrance, which
increases at 12 feet to a width of 4 feet. The walls are built of
ordinary flat field stones, slightly curving and supporting a roof formed
of eight covering stones, several of which overlap. The floor is strewn
with a large quantity of loose stones, and it slopes downwards to the
west end, where it is 84 feet high. Here a narrow passage exists,
which is completely blocked up; if is but 22 inches wide, and lies at
the north-west corner. The entrance also showed another passage to
the south, also choked, and which it was not possible for us, under the
then circumstances, to explore further. Various legends are told of
the rath, one of a boy servant who, bringing the cows home one even-
ing at dusk, found his way into the souterrain. Here he saw the
usual assembly, and describing them afterwards to the farmer whom
he served, the man admitted that one of them was his own father, the
boy’s particulars being so graphic that the old man with several
children were easily recognised as among the fairy residents of the
rath-chamber.

Arpraw Rata (0.8. 57).—This rath hes about four miles from
Beaufort, on the right of the main road to Killorglin, in the farm of
William Joy. It is in a commanding situation, with a magnificent
view of the Reeks. The rath is finely planted with trees, and is a
very conspicuous object from the surrounding country. It has double
ramparts, separated by a deep trench. The space within the inner
rampart is 80 feet in diameter, and is, practically, a perfect circle.
The thickness ofjthe sloping, inner rampart is about 20 feet, and its
height, from the bottom of the trench, varies from 12 feet to 17 feet.
The breadth of the trench, from the top of the outer to the top of the
inner rampart, is 42 feet. The ramparts are built of clay and loose
shale. From its elevated position, and the strength of the ramparts,
the rath must have been an important one, and easy of defence.
The inner rampart is slightly defaced, on the south side, by a searcher
for an underground passage, some twenty years ago. Last year a
portion of the inner rampart collapsed, at the west side, the roof
having evidently been loosened by the roots of a tree. The fall
disclosed a great opening, partly filled with loose earth; from this
opening two passages run westward, separated by a couple of feet,
and ending ingthe rampart wall. The true passage ran, no doubt, to
the east, to the real opening within the rath; but the search I made
within the fallen chamber, rendered diffieult from the condition and

[1*]

a Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

nature of the material, did not reveal it. The depth, from the surface
to the roof of the chamber, is 53 feet. The width of the exposed
entrance is 5 feet, and, at 5 feet inwards, it increases to 6 feet, and
gradually narrows to a couple of feet at the extreme end. The floor
of the fallen-in portion is covered with several tons of earth, but at
5 feet inwards it is 5 feet high, and the roof gradually lowers to
23 feet at 1 foot from the extreme end. The total length is 12 feet.
The other passage is 4 feet wide and 4 feet long, and is also full
of fallen earth. The larger opening lies in a north-west and south-
east direction, and the smaller chamber trends more to the north.
That two passage chambers should le so close together, ending in
the rampart wall, is curious, and I cannot recall another like it.
Lisyacattaun (0.8. 65).—In the townland of Shanacloon Upper,
about half a mile south-east of the village of Kilgobnet, on Sullivan’s
farm, is the fine rath named Lisnagallaun on the Ordnance map. It
has triple ramparts, the inner and outer, however, being very much
defaced. The diameter of the rath is 100 feet, and, from the top of
the inner to the top of the second rampart, is 24 feet, the thickness
of the ramparts being 1383 feet and 15 feet, respectively, and the
depth of the trench between is 11 feet. From the centre of the
second rampart to that of the third is 20 feet, and the depth of the
fosse between is 9 feet. The whole structure must have formed,
originally, a fine work of defence. In the south-west side of the
rampart a breach, made in hunting after rabbits, disclosed an
entrance to a souterrain, which we examined (Plate I.). The
entrance from within the rath was sought for, and, after a couple of
hours search and digging, it was found, at a depth of several feet, and
cleared out. ‘The structure consists of a triple chamber, and small
connecting passages. Entering, from within the rath, is a chamber
143 feet long, and 2 feet 5 inches wide at the opening, but which
gradually widens to 3 feet. The side walls slope inwards, measuring
2 feet 4 inches apart beneath the roof, which consists of four great
slabs. The chamber has a nearly uniform height of 5 feet, and
is well built of ordinary field stones. The walls round off at the end
to a low, well-laid passage, 2 feet high, 1 foot 4 inches broad, and
2 feet long, formed by two single side stones and one top slab. This
opens into another passage, at right angles to the first, measuring
10 feet long, 33 feet wide, and 53 feet high. The walls slope
inwards, and it is roofed by four slabs. Two feet from the north
end is another passage, running to the west, similar to the first,
measuring 2 feet long, 13 feet wide, and 2 feet high, formed also by

CookE—Antiquarian Remains in Beaufort District, Kerry. 5

single jamb-stones and a single roof-slab. This opens into the third
chamber, which is 11 feet long, with an average breadth of 8 feet
9 inches, and a height of 53 feet. It has three roof-slabs, with walls
curving inwards, in the same manner as the other chamber. The
floor is covered with stones and rubbish, the end of the chamber
opening into the rampart having been pulled about in rabbit-hunting.
Sullivan’s rath seems to have been a central one to others, as there
are four in the immediate neighbourhood, lying to the north, south,
east, and west of it. There is another at Cooleanig, with a double
rampart and deep ditch; in the centre is a choked entrance to a
souterrain, but this I did not explore.

Lispatrickmore (0.8. 65).—In the townland of Ballyledder, lying
under the slopes of Cloughfaunaglibbaun mountain, and commanding
a fine prospect of country, is the rath marked Lispatrickmore on the
Ordnance maps. It has double ramparts, but they are much defaced.
The diameter of the rath is 100 feet, and the inner rampart is 7 feet
high on the inside in places, and 18 feet on the outside; it is im-
perfect for about one-third of the circumference. From the centre of
the inner to the centre of the outer rampart is 38 feet, the latter
being about 5 feet high in places, from the outside. In the very
centre of the rath is an opening to a series of chambers, making a long
line, somewhat exceptional in formation (Plate 1.). A quantity of
loose stones lie about the entrance, and the narrow passage is blocked,
making it a little difficult to enter. Within is the first of a series of
four chambers, connected by small passages of the usual kind, running
in the same direction, and almost in a straight line for a distance of
07 feet. The floors, throughout, are practically on the same level,
and the chambers and passages are particularly clean, and fairly dry.
They are the largest of the series of chambers I had explored, and
to find so perfect an example of the class, was no less pleasing than it
was unexpected. The first chamber is a small one, measuring 6 feet
long by 4 feet wide, and 5 feet high; the floor is covered with a
quantity of loose stones. It is well and strongly built, with the
walls slightly curved inwards. From this chamber a passage, 3 feet
4 inches long, 1 foot 4 inches wide, and 1 foot 6 inches high, and
roofed by flagstones, leads into a second chamber. This is 14 feet
3 inches long, 5 feet 6 inches high, with an average breadth of 4 feet.
The walls slope slightly upwards, and the roof consists of six slabs.
Continuous with the north wall is another passage, 3 feet long,
1 foot 3 inches broad, and 1 foot 8 inches high, leading into a third
chamber, of a similar character to the others. ‘Lhis measures 13 feet

6 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

6 inches long, 3 feet 6 inches broad, and 5 feet 6 inches high, also
roofed with six slabs. From this a third passage leads to the fourth
and last chamber; the entrance is 1 foot 7 inches wide, and 1 foot
8 inches at exit, is 3 feet long, and 1 foot 8 inches high. The
chamber is 8 feet 6 inches long, and 4 feet 3 inches wide, and 5 feet
6 inches high, with sloping walls, slightly rounded off at the ends,
and thin projecting cornice stones, on which rest six roof slabs.

Lismarnatn (O. 8.57).—About one mile north of Beaufort Bridge,
off the road to Faha, to the right, is Lismarnaun, known locally as the
rath of Rossnacarthan, on Clifford’s farm. It stands on a good eleva-
tion, and commands a magnificent view of the surrounding country.
It has triple ramparts and double trench, and is a particularly fine
example of an earthen fort. The inner rampart is partly defaced,
particularly on the east side. The enclosed area measures 108 feet in
diameter from north to south, and the height from the bottom of the
trench to the top of the rampart is 15 feet. From the centre of the
inner to the centre of the second rampart is 28 feet, and that between
the second and third rampart is 35 feet. The third rampart is greatly
defaced on the north and south sides. We heard no reports of a
chamber, nor were there any obvious signs of one; but it is very
likely that one so important, from its character and position, also con-
tains passages and chambers similar to others so situated.

Lisavan Ratu anp Cuamsers (O. 8. 57).—About one mile north of
Faha School, and a few fields to the north-west of where the road
fords the Gweestin River, is Lisavan rath, on the farm of Mrs. Leary.
It stands at the end of a high ridge that rises rapidly above the little
river valley. The view, like that from many of the raths, is a very
extensive one, and the spot was chosen for obvious reasons. The
rath is oval in shape, and measures 147 feet from north to south, and
100 feet from east to west. The inner rampart is nearly defaced, and
the outer is much cut into in places. The depth to the bottom of the
trench from within the rath is now about 6 feet, and the width is
15 feet. The thickness of the outer rampart is 12 feet in places, and
height varies from a few feet to 12 feet.

At a distance of 35 feet from the west end is an entrance to a
souterrain formed by a fallen slab (Plate II.). The roof is 11 feet long,
and is formed by four large slabs. The width of the narrow entrance at
east end is 13 inches, and the floor slopes down rapidly to a height of
4 feet 8 inches. It rises again to a break in the west end, where
there are signs of a further extension of the chamber, but it is choked
by fallen rubbish. The walls are built of loose, flat stones, and the

CooxEe—Antiquarian Remains in Beaufort District, Kerry. 7

width varies from 2 feet at the east end to 3 feet 2 inches at the
west end. Another chamber runs from north to south at right
angles to this. ‘I'he entrance near the south end has been made
by a removed slab, and the full length of the chamber is 12 feet
5 inches; it measures 1 foot 6 inches wide at the north end, and
3 feet 2 inches in the middle. It is 2 feet high, and roofed by
four immense slabs. The whole has been much injured in the
course of time, and the east end of the first chamber is choked, and
the connection could not be shown without clearing. The trouble
would hardly be repaid, as there are no indications of any special
feature to be discovered.

PoutnaRaHA, Mitirown (O.S. 47).—About half a mile from Mill-
town, on the left of the road to Kilburn House, is the fine rath named
Poulnaraha. It is splendidly situated, and has a good double rampart;
the outer has been much cut into in places; it is 8 feet high on the
outside, 16 feet on the inside, and 14 feet wide in some places. From
its centre across the fosse to the centre of the inner rampart is 32 feet,
and the height of the latter is 12 feet. The breadth of the rath is
130 feet. It is planted with trees, and disfigured by a small, modern
house, built within the enclosure, by the owner of the soil, as a summer
pleasure house ; but this is now abandoned and in disrepair. On the
north-east side is a great hollow, descending in a low but precipitous
cliff of rock from the inner rampart to a depth of 35 feet. The outer
rampart ran to the edge of this, so that the hollow formed a natural
protection on this side. Over a ledge of the cliff the inner rampart is
broken, and an entrance formed into a chamber 103 feet long and
5 feet high ; it varies in width from 4 feet to 33 feet (Plate II.). The
walls are of large, field stones, built inthe usual fashion ; and the roof
is formed of four great slabs completely covering the chamber. From
this a passage opens to the west, measuring 2 feet 9 inches long, 2 feet
2 inches wide, and 23 feet high. This enters a second chamber, now
unroofed, measuring 144 feet long; the walls curve inwards in the
usual fashion, the breadth at the bottom being 3 feet 4 inches, and at
the top 2 feet 2 inches. The floor is covered with the fallen slabs
and loose stones, but the walls are fairly periect. A slab in the ground
near the surface indicates that a passage opened off the west end of
the open chamber, but this is now closed, and we had no opportunity
of getting permission to explore it further. The whole forms a very
good example of an inland cliff fort, and, considering its position, by
the roadside, the road actually cutting into the outer rampart, it is
in a very good state of preservation.

8 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

KNOCKAGARRANE SovureRRAIN (0.5. 57).—A few fields to the south,
on the farm of Pat Clifford, are traces of a small rath, in which is a
small but fine souterrain (Plate Il.). It is open, very dry, and par-
ticularly well built, and the floor covered with loose stones. It is
entered from the field by a low, square opening, measuring 1 foot
6 inches broad, and 2 feet 6 inches high. The chamber is 11 feet
6 inches long, running in a north-west and south-east direction, with
an average width of 3 feet at the floor. The walls are evenly and
regularly built, the stones being set with small spawls—an exceptional
feature among the chambers we examined ; the walls curve gradually
inwards, and the width at the top is 2 feet 6 inches. The chamber is
5 feet high, and roofed by six large slabs in the usual manner. At
5 feet from the entrance a passage runs to the north-east ; it is 1 foot
8 inches wide, 2 feet 2 inches high, and roofed by two large slabs.
At a distance of 33 feet it is defended by two jambs set on edge,
standing each a couple of inches in, on which is a sill fixed upright
on edge, and closing the passage to a height of 1 foot 2 inches, and a
width of 1 foot 4 inches. This forms an excellent defence to further
progress of the passage, which is now closed at a distance of 5 feet
beyond by a fallen stone.

I located other souterrains in the district ; and at Glencar I dis-
covered many more, four of which I explored. In County Mayo I
explored six more, making a total of eighteen, planned and measured
this year. I think, however, those that I present are more than
sufficient for one paper, and sufficiently typical, too, of the rath-
chambers in this district of Kerry. As will be seen, they are simple
enough in plan, and those built of stone are all alike in general
structure. They are well and carefully built; and in a country where
dry-stone walls are plentiful, none of the latter can be said to
equal, much less excel, the admirable manner of stone-laying which
characterises the walls of the rath-chambers. None of the souterrains
that I examined had any means of ventilation, except from the entrance;
nor was there any case of a difference of elevation in the narrow
passages between the chambers for the purpose of defence, which has
been found in some of the more complicated chambers elsewhere. Some
of the passages were sufficiently narrow to make it a little unpleasant
to get through ; but I found none too narrow for a person of moderate
dimensions to squeeze through. But I do not think the chambers
were built by a race of big men, but rather by a race of men of
moderate size, if indeed not small. The chambers and passages clearly
showed their original intention as places of temporary retreat or

Cooke— Antiquarian Remains in Beaufort District, Kerry. 9

refuge, or for storage, and little else. In none did I find any traces
of ashes or cinders; nor could I hear from any of the peasantry that
they had ever heard of their being used by men ‘‘ out on their keeping,”’
to use a well-known phrase of bygone days ; although I have no doubt
they were used as hiding-places in modern times, by men who had
reason to fear the strong arm of the law. In one case I was told that
cinders and ashes had been found at the entrance to a set of chambers
within a rath which had been cut up into potato plots. This was on
the farm of a man named Scully, of Nuntinane. But as there was
much difference of opinion locally as to where the opening lay, and as
the entrance had been filled in, I did not make any exploration.

Tue Gortzpoy Stone (0.8. 65).—On the north side of the slopes
of Knocknafreeghaun, a low ridge of the Reeks, and three miles to the
south-west of Beaufort, and due north of the Hag’s Glen, is Gortboy
(Ordnance), ‘the yellow field’; and to Dr. Digby is due the credit of
having discovered this stone some few years ago. It is reached by
a road on the left, half a mile short of Gaddagh Br., and up a bohreen
crossing the Owenacullin river. It is a wild, wind-swept district,
and much of the land is rocky and bare. In one of the fields is a huge
boulder, or rather earth-fast rock, somewhat rectangular in shape, of
the purple grit of this district, and lying north and south. It measures
7 feet 8 inches long, 5 feet 8 inches broad atthe south end, and 4 feet
6 inches at north end, the heights respectively being 2 feet 6 inches,
and 2 feet 3 inches. A section from north to south would show a
slight curve, as the rock is a few inches higher in the middle than at
either end. The greater portion of this massive rock is covered with
an extraordinary number of cup-markings, and cups with concentric
circles. There are connecting channels everywhere, and the whole,
though apparently intricate and unmeaning at first, yet shows, on
examination, evidence of intention and design. It is much worn and
weathered, and the north end has no markings. It is difficult to take
a good rubbing of it, and still more difficult to sketch the markings,
as the more it is examined, the more work does it show (Plate III.,
fig.1), As far as our experience goes, it is one of the finest examples
of this particular class we have yet seen in Ireland, and the wonder
is that it has remained so long unknown to Irish archeologists. It is
not my intention to enter on the vexed question of the origin and
meaning of the cup and circle-markings upon which so much has already
been written, or upon their distribution in so many lands, even to dis-
tant Australia. I have little doubt that had the stone been known to
Dr. Graves he would have used the markings in support of his theory,

10 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

for the number of raths in the surrounding county is very great, and
the number of souterrains somewhat exceptional. But I do not think
from an examination of the rubbing, and the Ordnance map, that the
stone supports the Bishop’s theory.

A peculiar feature of the ornament consists in the groups on the
top left-hand corner, not unlike the tentacles and cupules of a cuttle-
fish. The dumb-bell-shaped ornament is found on other stones, but
the truncheon-shaped figures on the right below are, I think, excep-
tional. The circles and cup-markings bear a strong resemblance to
those on the Mevagh inscribed stones, County Donegal, illustrated by
Mr. Kinahan in vol. xviil. of the ‘‘ Royal Society of Antiquaries
Journal.” In considering the various theories and suggestions made
in connexion with these rude cuttings, it is much more easy to say
what the Gortboy stone is not, than to say what itis. <A glance will
prove that it shows a certain amount of intention and design; but it
cannot be said to fit any particular theory. It will have its place,
however, in the already well-filled list of stones that Ireland possesses,
containing the many varied forms of rude prehistoric ornament. It
is well to mention in connexion with the stone that about a quarter
of a mile immediately to the north is a fine rath, with double rampart
built of stone and earth. The inside measurement is 120 feet from
north to south, and the inner rampart is 10 feet thick in places. The
width of the trench is about 16 feet, and the outer rampart varies in
height from 8 feet to 6 feet. In the centre is a small circular
enclosure of stone much defaced, 20 feet in diameter, from which a
low rampart runs to the east nearly across the rath. Time did not
permit me to test if a souterrain existed.

KitcLocHerane BurrAns (0.8. 58).—At Kailclogherane, up an
old by-road, off the main road from Aghadoe to Milltown, two miles
from the latter, is a spot still frequented as a place of pilgrimage.
On the left-hand side, about a quarter of a mile up, is a bullan stone
set in a hole in the ditch, about breast-high, an unusual place in my
experience. A number of bottles, a dozen or so, small and medium
size, lay about the stone. Immediately, and off the left side of the
bohreen, is an old hawthorn-tree, surrounded by bushes, brambles, and
ferns, growing in wild and luxuriant confusion, and through which a
tangled pathway runs. There is no trace of any building or ruin of
any old church here or in the immediate vicinity; but here the
pilgrims say their rounds, and tie bits of rags on the hawthorn-tree and
bushes. It is a curious, old-world, out-of-the-way spot, and I could
find no cause why it was frequented. Another bullan stone, the

Cookxe—Antiquarian Remains in Beaufort District, Kerry. 11

water of which cures, hes some yards further on in the bottom of the
ditch, on the right-hand side, with rags hung about, where prayers
are also said. Notwithstanding the long spell of dry weather pre-
ceding my visit, both the stones had water in them, received from the
droppings off the bank and bushes above, and to which due supersti-
tion is attached. That the stones are never without water is due to
the fact of their being set well into the banks and practically covered,
so that there is very little evaporation from them.

InscrIBED Stones NEAR GriENcaR (O.S. 72).—In Shanacashel
townland, about 200 yards from the cross-roads, on the right of the
road from Glencar to Killorglin, within the fields at a spot called
Knocknamorriy (‘the hill of the dead’), are three inscribed stones.
As far as I know they had not been noticed up to the time of my
visit, and the peasantry generally were not aware of their existence.
They le at the back of a ditch in one of the fields, and consist of the
purple grit common in the district. Stone A (Plate III., fig. 2) is
rudely rectangular, and measures 19 inches by 15 inches. ‘The special
feature is the radiating lines from the concentric circles on the top
corner ; and the scribing as a whole resembles a rough map or plan of
a district. The rectangular figures are a familiar pattern on other
inscribed stones.

Stone B (Plate III., fig. 3) is a coffin-shaped block with a nice
example of the dumb-bell circular ornament; the stone measures 51
inches by 21 inches. Stone C (Plate IV., fig. 1) is more elaborately
carved, but the face of it has much weathered ; it measures 48 inches
by 16 inches. The ornament combines the concentric circles and the
rectangular patterns of the other stones. I have examined most of
the illustrations already published of the Irish inscribed stones, and
made some comparisons; but anything I vould now say would only
be in the nature of speculation, and I must content myself with sub-
mitting the rubbings and drawings of the Gortboy and the other stones
with the concise description here given.

I could get no explanation locally of the origin of the name of the
spot ; the ground about is barren, and very poor, and plenty of loose
Stones lie on the surface; but in the examination I gave of it—not a
thorough one—I could not see any signs of battle burials. I found
cashels, clochauns, souterrains, and standing stones in the immediate
neighbourhood; so that the existence of these inscribed stones is easily
explained from the evidence of a people dwelling here in primitive
times. I shall not touch upon these remains, as I have not completed
my investigations in regard to them.

12 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

PRAYER-STONE AT AHANE (O.S8. 64).—In Ahane townland, on the
side of a high ridge overlooking the old mountain road to Killorglin
from Glencar, and about three-quarters of a mile from the cross-roads,
is a small killeen with a number of rude, plain grave-stones. It has
one large slate slab, measuring 48 inches from the ground, 14 inches
wide, and 33 inches thick. On it are a cross and a circle embracing
the horizontal line as a diameter, and cutting the perpendicular line.
(Plate IV., fig, 2). All the lines have heen made by simply scratching
the surface with a small stone held lightly in the hand. This has
been done by the peasantry, who say rounds here, and who rub the
stone on the pattern indicated after each recital of their prayers. Set
in a heap of stones marking the site of a holy well at Kilgobnet old
ruined church, near Beaufort, is a small stone with what may be
called a cross-series scratched on the surface, and which has been
formed in a similar manner (Plate IV., fig. 3). I have visited a large
number of places throughout Ireland sacred to the peasantry, and
have found this practice sufficiently uncommon to mention it here and
give an illustration of the Ahane and Kilgobnet stones.

Crosses at Croon Loven (O. 8. 82).—Hearing of some stones with
marks on them beyond Cloon Lough, Glencar, I visited the place by
boat, and after a heavy tramp across the bog at the head of the lake
found two crosses. Knowing how thoroughly the late Bishop Graves
had ransacked Kerry for ogam and rude stone monuments, I had a
lingering impression that these crosses could hardly have escaped him
or Mr. Hitchcock. On searching the Academy’s Transactions, I found
that he had visited the place in 1870, and described the stone in
volume xxvil. The crosses are, I believe, unique, and of sufficient
importance to my mind to justify me in bringing them again before
the notice of the Academy after such a lapse of time. No one in the
neighbourhood, or at Glencar, remembered Dr. Graves’s visit ; nor had
any stranger, as far as I couid gather, seen them for the purpose of
any examination. ‘This, as the Academy’s Transactions show, was not
the case; and it only exemplifies the thoroughness with which
Dr. Graves pursued his investigations.

The stones Le about a quarter of a mile beyond the south-east
corner of the lake. Further south is a small sheet of water. Lough
Reagh, at the foot of a steep amphitheatre of mountains, and the bog
lying between the loughs is of recent formation, as the waters were,
no doubt, at one time united. The spot where the crosses stand
seemed to me to have been a crannog. It is small and circular,
being 88 feet in diameter. The circumference is indicated by a low,

CookE—Antiquarian Remains in Beaufort District, Kerry. 13

thin ridge about 18 inches high. The grass on it, and in the enclosure,
differs from the coarse, sedgy grass without. The crosses stand within,
close to the edge on the east and west sides. They are of thin slabs
of grit, and rest in two coarse, flat sockets, pierced through by circular
holes just wide enough to hold the crosses upright. The lines of the
designs were well and clearly cut originally, but the stones have
weathered considerably. Untortunately, one of the crosses was
broken a few years ago by boys into six pieces; but as the fractures
are clean, it could easily be put together with cement. Close to the
foot of the east cross is a fine bullan stone, and beside it a rude heap of
stones which may mark a burial. Dr. Graves calls the spot a killeen,
and it is no doubt a good name to give it; but there is no other sign
of burial within the enclosure, nor anywhere near it. The place is
very remote, and the Cloon valley very thinly populated, as the district
is very mountainous, and the land of the poorest. On the side of the
mountain, about half a mile away to the east, is a holy well, with the
usual story of a sacred trout attached to it; and the well and the
crosses have been occasionally visited by pilgrims to say rounds; but
no one has visited it for some years now for this purpose.

Not having proper material for complete rubbings, I was obliged to
visit the spot again some weeks later. Heavy rain had fallen for a
eouple of days, and the bog was wet, and walking difficult. I found
the ring enclosure practically covered with water, which confirmed
my original impression that the spot was a cramnog site. The aquatic
and bog-plants covering the area between the loughs are very luxuriant,
and rapid bog growth is apparent to any observant eye. Itis probable
that the spot was selected as something uncommon, and the fairy ring
Christianised by the erection of the crosses and the placing of the
bullan. The stones form so rude a heap, it is impossible to judge
what they mark. A small clochaun may have stood here, as the
ground is higher and drier on the east side than on the west ; orit may
be the site of a burial. The bullén may have been used for baptismal
purposes, as we know that, though their original purpose was for
pounding grain and roots, many on church sites show that they were
used as fonts, just as a domestic bowl at the present day may be
used in cases of emergency.

As Dr. Graves has described the designs on the crosses very
effectually, I need not enter on a description—it would be but
repeating inadequately what he has said. His drawings, however,
illustrating his paper are quite small, and it is a pleasure to me to
submit the rubbings, which give a better impression of the unique

14 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

character of their design. The stones have suffered somewhat since
1870, and the cuttings on the side of the broken one are not now so
evident as they were, and his drawings are, therefore, all the more
valuable. One of the curvilinear swastikas has also much scaled
since, but the other is quite distinct in the rubbing. The crosses, as
is apparent, are not of the earliest type of design, and may probably
be assigned to the later half of the ninth or early tenth century.
The curvilinear swastika is so rare, no other case of it, so far as I
know, having been found in Ireland, that it is to be hoped that
these crosses will be permanently preserved.

Proc. R. I. Acap., Vot. XXVI., SEcTION C.] PATE. Te

OPENING
IN RAMPART

LISNAGALLAUN
SOUTERRAIN

RATH
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‘TT.

THE MANUSCRIPT KNOWN AS THE LIBER FLAVUS
FERGUSIORUM.

Ber EDWARD -GWYNN,. MA., F.T.C.D.

Read 11 December, 1905. Ordered for Publication 13 DecemBeEr, 1905.
Published Marcu 7, 1906.

Tae Liber Flavus Fergusiorum at present consists of 92 vellum
folios, bound in two volumes. The first of these contains 37 folios,
the second 55. The ms., though written at various times, seems to
be the work of one scribe. His name was perhaps Aed, as is sug-
gested by the note on vol. i., 15 verso, b. But this note may be a later
addition, and anyhow there is nothing to show who Aed may have
been. Some inferences as to the provenance of the codex may,
however, be drawn from a note which occurs in vol. i., folio 23
recto, col. a: ‘‘Sean Ua Conchobair put these small matters into
Gaelic, and Donnchad ua Maelchonaire wrote them at Lios Aedain
in Ciarraighe Airde, in the house of Ruaidri ua hUiginn, in great
haste : and I implore mercy of Christ.” This note comes in the
middle of a column, and therefore was probably in the ms. from which
the scribe of our Ms. was copying: had Donough O’Mulconry been
the writer of the Liber Flavus, he would probably have inserted a
note of this sort at the bottom of a column, after the usual practice
of scribes.

The O’Mulconrys were hereditary ‘ollaves’ of the Sil Muireadh-
aig: see Four Masters, an. 1232, 1270, 1384, 1404, 1468. Of the Sil
Muireadhaig, the O’Conors of Roscommon were an important branch.
It is quite likely that the first two persons named in the note just
cited were the Sedn ua Conchobair whose death is recorded by the
Four Masters under the year 1391, and the Donnchadh Ban ua
Maelchonaire who died in 1404. It is also possible that their host
was the Ruaidri Ruadh ua Huiginn, saoz fir dhdna, whose death is
mentioned in 1425.*

*Lis Aedain is placed by Hennessy (Index to Annals of Loch Cé) in the
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXV., SEC. C.] [2]

16 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

The Magnus mac Mathgamhna, to whom the discourse in vol. 1.,
14 v’ b, is addressed, probably belonged to the same family as Sean
ua Conchobair: Manus and Mahon were both names very common
among these O’Conors, as a glance at the Index to the Four Masters
will show.

As to the Augustine mac Raighin mentioned as a translator at
vol. i., 32, v° a, see Plummer in ZCP. vy. 453. He was a canon of
Oilén na Naomh, that is, Saints’ Island in Lough Ree. As Lough
Ree separates County Roscommon from County Longford, this item
of information agrees with the indications of locality already ob-
tained. And perhaps this Mac Raighin, who died in 1405,
belonged to the same family as the Piaras mac Craidin mentioned by
the Four Masters (an. 1512), as Dean of the Clann Aodh ; this clan,
according to O’ Donovan, belonged to the barony of Longford.

These assumptions are in accordance with two dates which occur
in the ms. In vol. i., 29 recto, cola, the year 1430 is mentioned ;
and, in the first folio of vol. ii., though much defaced, the figures
1440 are still legible.

Of the subsequent history of the codex not much is known. In
the eighteenth century, it was in the possession of a Dr. John Fergus,
a collector of books and mss. (Irish Quarterly Review for 1853,
p. 608, note. This article is by the late Sir J. T. Gilbert). This
Dr. Fergus practised in Dublin, where he died in 1761; but it seems
likely that he came from the West. Enquiries made at the Record
Office show that a Hugh Fergus, of Galway, who made his will in
1758, was a Doctor of Medicine. William Fergus, of Tuam, who
made his will in 1798, was also a:Doctor of Medicine. Medicine, like
the other liberal arts, was often hereditary among the native Trish
families, and members of such families frequently became regular
practitioners. (See Joyce, Social History of Ancient Ireland,
1019601.)* It ‘18 probable, then, that John, Hugh, and William
Fergus belonged to such a family, belonging to some part of
Connaught.

The title which the ms. now bears indicates that it had been an
heirloom of the Fergus family. 1 have found no internal evidence in

Le AGO ROBUORo| OS ea ae

parish of Tibohine, Co. Roscommon. Ciarraige Airde will, therefore, be a mis-
writing of Ciarraige Airtich, a district which (according to O’ Donovan, Leabhar
na gCeart, p. 108, note) comprises the parishes of Tibohine and Kilnamanagh.
Dr. Hogan, to whom I owe these references, suggests that the name Lis Aedain
survives in Lissian, now a townland in the barony of Frenchpark.

Gwynn—The Liber Flavus Fergusiorum. 17

favour of this supposition; but Dr. Fergus himself must have been
satisfied of the fact; for, at his death, while the rest of his collection
of mss. was sold to the Library of Trinity College, the Liber Flavus
was bequeathed to his daughter. This lady married a Kennedy,
member of a distinguished Irish family, whose history is related in a
note to Gilbert’s History of Dublin Streets (Irish Quarterly Review
for 1853, p. 608). From this note the facts just stated have been
taken. There is inserted into the second volume of the ms. a table of
contents written by James Marinus Kennedy, which concludes with
this note :—‘‘ Copied from the Index of the two ms. volumes or parts,
called Liber Flavus Fergusiorum, made by Mr. E. Curry, and dated
the 11th of June, 1841. The late Mr. James Hardiman (the historian
of Galway) had the care of them at that period, being lent to him
many years prior by my father, the late Macarius John Kennedy.”
Dr. Whitley Stokes points out to me that the quotation from the Life
of S. Moling, at p. 348 of Petrie’s Leclesiastical Architecture (2nd
edition), is taken from the Liber Flavus. The note just quoted
explains why Petrie described the ms. as belonging to Hardiman.
The ms. had descended to Mr. James Marinus Kennedy, when
— O’Curry made use of it for his Lectures on the Manuscript Materials
of Irish History. In this book (p. 532) will be found the table of
contents above mentioned, which, however, is far from being com-
plete. In 1875 Mr. Kennedy, at Sir John Gilbert’s request, deposited
the codex in the Royal Irish Academy.

Most of the folios are numbered on the verso, in a hand seem-
ingly of the sixteenth century; but the numbering differs alto-
gether from the actual order of sequence, and would, if followed,
give an entirely wrong arrangement. This older pagination begins
with what is now volume ii., and runs continuously for 29 folios,
except that fol. 1 is lost, fol. 13 (?) is misplaced, and fol. 26 has been
omitted from the numbering. ‘he present first folio of vol. ii. is so
defaced as to be almost illegible, whereas the first folio of vol. i. has
suffered much less. These facts make it probable that the ms.
originally began with (present) fol. 1 of vol. i.: so that this, being
the outside leaf, suffered to some extent. Ata relatively early date,
however, the us. fell into confusion ; and the original fol. 1 found its
way into the body of the book, and thus escaped further defacement.
In this condition of things, while the folio now lost from the
beginning of vol. ii. stood first in order, the old pagination was added ;
and the volume must have long retained this arrangement in order
that the outside leaves should have suffered as they have done.

[2*]

18 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

The ms. may have been first rescued from its state of disorder at
the time when it received its present binding. To judge from the
lettering, this must have happened between 1800 and 1850, so that it
was very probably O’Curry who restored the proper sequence. The
present order is correct, except that fol. 25 of vol. ii. should be
fol. 13 (?).

Several folios have been lost: 92 remain, but fol. 52 of vol. ii. is
numbered 105 in the old pagination, so that 13 folios at least are
missing. There are gaps before ff. 25 and 32 of vol.i., and before
ff. 1, 15, 38, 43, and 51 of vol. 11. In the description which follows,
the first number denotes the present order; the numbers in brackets
are those of the old pagination, where it is decipherable.

The contents are almost entirely ecclesiastical or hagiological ;
the few profane legends which are included are almost all connected
with some saint. The text, though incorrect, is usually sufficiently
intelligible, except in the few comparatively early compositions which
the ms. comprises. The script is not difficult, except for some pages.
which have been more or less completely obliterated.

Votume I.
f. 1 [55] 7°.
This page is in great part illegible. It begins the legend of the
Invention of the True Cross, corresponding generally to that given in

L. Breac 231°-232°; it is, however, an independent version. The
piece ends—

7 cebe neach cuimneochus an croch nemh do geobha se Coaitiom (comlainius ?
ef. L. Br. 2324 30) fa re mathav Crist don lo deidenach 7 rl.

f. 2 [56] 7? b—[A ]pud sanctum Dionisium et setera.

A copy of the story edited under the name of Stair Fortibrais by
Wh. Stokes in Rev. Celt., xix. 14 sg. Ends—

cotairnic sdair Serluis Moir ag leanmhuin Coroini Crist 7 taisi na nemh annsin..

f. 10 [63] 7° b—Rig rogab an doman feacht naill .i. Consantin mac Elena.

Story of the healing of Constantine. Another copy from Harl.
5.°9 has been printed by K. Meyer in ZCP, iii. 227. Ends—

rocumdaigh sean Consattin Pol do cathraidh righa.

Gwynn—TZhe Liber Flavus Fergusiorum. 19

i.) tp [63] ve a—Sedrus 7 cipresus 7 palma 7 oliua.

On the four kinds of wood out of which the Cross was made.
Another copy in T.C.D. 1285, p. 140. Ends—

Issu Crist mac de bi 7 con mac an nathur neamha.

f. 10 [63] v° a—Feartar dano enach Tailltin la Diarmuid mac Cearbuill.

The story of the decapitation of Habakkuk: edited by O’Grady,
Silva Gadelica, i. 416. Ends— |

conadh ingnadh d’ingintuibh aonaidh Tailltin sin.

f. 10 [63] v? b—Teora hurgartha righ Laigin.

Of the restrictions and privileges (buada) of the Kings of Leinster
Munster, and Tara. Cf. L. na gCeart, p 2. Ends—

’
maisi in bliadhuin i toimela sin uili ni rada in airim szghuil dho.

f. 10 [63] 7° b—Bai righ amhra for Erind.

The story of Niall Frosach, which is also found in LL. 273°.
Ends (f. 11 7° a)—

Flann frosach nominatur 7 Niall frosach.

f. 11 [64] +? a—Araile feallsumh arabai da fiarfaidh da mac cia lin do cardib
dorinnuis cose duitt.

How a philosopher asked his son how many friends he had?
A hundred, says the son. I never found but one real friend, says the
philosopher ; and he recommends his son to test his friends. The
test is this: he is to take each apart and inform him that he has
killed a man, and then observe the friend’s behaviour. They fail
under the test. Then the father sends him to visit a friend of his
own; to him the son pretends that his father has fallen into poverty,
in spite of which he is treated with all possible kindness, and in the
end the host sacrifices even his wife to friendship. The story ends
abruptly and appears to be incomplete. Ends—

Dorrinni amlaid sin. Ro seol fo thuaidh.

f. 11 [64] r° b—Triar foghlainntigh.
This piece is printed in O’Curry’s MS. Materials, p. 529.

f. 11 [64] v° b—Sleoigheadh la Donncadh mac Floind.
This story has been edited by K. Meyer, Gaclic Journal, iv. 106,

20 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

f. 11 [64] 7° b—Se hinganta deg dobadar oithchi geinidh Crist.

Of the wonders at the birth of Christ. Cf. L. Breac 132°-133°
(a fuller account). A poetical version has been printed by K. Meyer
in ZCP. v. 24. Ends—

trena teangthuibh fein in oidhchi sin.

Folio 12 is a slip of vellum, less than half size.

f. 12 [—] 7° a—Cuice comurdha dec bratha annso.
Fifteen signs of the Day of Judgment. Ends—
bertar breath doibh amlaidh sin.

f. 12 7° b—Fott fabaill.

A note, in four lines, on the distance from the Garden of Eden to
the ‘‘ House of the Trinity.”

f. 12 7° b—Iw toibreochan doni tu.

Some unconnected aphorisms. Ends—

do cruinnidh se do laideochadh. (?)

f. 12 » a—Dena urnaithi no sduider no sgribadh.

Of the classes of men who are unworthy to receive the Host.
Ends—

daine ataid a n-adaltras follus.

f, 12 v? a—Eidersgeoil mor mac Cuair rogheoghuin Nuada Neacht.

Of the eric which Ederscel Mor paid for killing Nuada Necht.
Ends—

in Conuire rosceanguil.

f. 12 v’ b—Ceithre primchana Erenn.

A note, in four lines, on the Law of Daire, Law of Patrick, and
Law of Sunday, and the Law of Adamnan.

f. 12 » b—Martan dano ise tuc bearradh manaidh ar Padruic. |

A note, in five lines, on the honour appointed by St. Patrick to
be paid to St. Martin.

f. 12 v? b—Manaidh Padraic.

Some of St. Patrick’s monks were threshing corn on St. Martin’s
Eve, when a sechnap came up driving oxen to the church (as an
offering in honour of “t. Martin): among them a vicious bull
(tarb mear). ‘*You are giving the ground a good threshing,” says

Gwynn— The Liber Flavus Fergusiorum. 2k

the sechnap. ‘‘ What if we threshed your bull?” they ask. ‘‘ You
may,”’ says he: so they threshed the bull with their flails till they
killed him: hence the saying ‘‘ Martin’s bull.”” Ends—

conadh(d)e sin aderur tarb Martan osin a leith.

f. 13 [65] r¢ a—Bai briughaidh cetach amra irdraicc.

A Life of St. Moling. Feelan finn, son of Feradach, fell in love
with his sister-in-law, Emnait: being with child, she escaped home-
ward to the Cenel Setnai; on the way she was caught in a snowstorm,
and, in her misery, gave birth to a son, whom she wished to kill, but
a dove from heaven protected him. Brendan mac Finnlogha finds
her, and takes the child under his protection. He is baptised by
Collanach, a priest of Brendan’s household, by the name of
Tairchell. He is brought up by Collanach; and when seven years
old asks to be allowed to go forth as a mendicant—tiag for a druim 7
tiadh for a ucht....gran 7 aran isin dara teigh, 7 methla 7 im 7 saill isin
teigh ale, 7 ballan dornn ina laimh cli‘ one wallet on his back
and another on his breast . . . grain and bread in the second wallet, and
biestings, butter, and bacon in the other wallet, and a smal! (?) cup in
his left hand.”’ After sixteen years of this life, he meets one day, in
Luachair, a fuath angeda with his wife, his gillie, his dog, and nine
of his household. The fuath threatens Tairchell with his spear, and
Tairchell promises to lay his staff across his head. Then Tairchell |

asks a boon: to be allowed to take three strides. This is granted :
and at his first leap—nirbo mo leo he na fiach for beinn enutce: an leim
tanaise roling ni facadar etir he: an treas leim vero voling ts ann dorala
he, for caiseal na cilli.—‘*he seemed to them no bigger than a
raven on a hill-top—at the second leap he took, they lost sight
of him altogether: but at the third leap he lit right on the
church-wall.’’ The spectral crew give chase, but the scolaide takes
refuge in the church where Collanach is finishing Mass. On
Tairchell’s telling his adventures, the priest declares that his three
leaps are the fulfilment of a prophecy, and that from them he shall
be called Moling of Luachair. The story goes back to tell how
Brendan had wished to settle on the Berba [Barrow |, but had been
warned by the angel Victor that the site was reserved for Moling.
Moling’s mother now reveals to him the story of his birth. He
receives tonsure, and is conducted by Collanach to Moedoc of Ferns,
with whom he leaves a blessing, and goes on to Cashel, to visit
Fingin mac Aeda: he wishes to settle here, but is warned by an
angel to go to Ross Bruic on the Barrow.

22 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

What follows is partly summarised by O’Curry, Manners and
Customs, 11. 84: the legend tells how Moling’s eye was put out by
a chip, and miraculously healed, how he succoured a leper who
turned out to be Christ in disguise: how Christ appeared in the
form of a boy of seven: how he caught a salmon, with a lump of
gold (tevnne ov) inside it.

Then comes the story of Gobban and his wife: see M.C. iii. 35-6.
After this we have a story of a dispute between the sons of Aed
Slaine and the Leinstermen. The latter insist on having St. Moling’s
arbitration on a frontier question: in spite of the treacherous in-
tention of the sons of Aed Slaine, the saint comes: he is entertained
at a place called Tnuthel by a woman and her husband, and the poor
fare they offer him is miraculously altered. Next comes a condensed
version of the story of Moling’s diplomacy, and the trick by which he
got Finnachta to remit the Borama: cf. LL. 305-307. Adamnan’s
visit to Finnachta is barely referred to. Alasan, Finnachta’s trenfer,
and his men, pursue Moling; but when they overtake him, he causes
them to slay each other.

The Life ends with the tale of the gnat, the wren, the fox, and
the dogs, which is told also in the Life in Codex Kilkennensis. See
‘“« Ancient Life of St. Molyng,” by P. O’L{ eary ], Dublin: 1887, p. 22.

I learn from Dr. Whitley Stokes that there is another, and appa-
rently a better, text of this Life in the Brussels collection. Ends—

isin dara bliadain ochtmoghad a aisse.

f. 15 [67] 7° b—Da bron flatha neime.

The Two Sorrows of the Kingdom of Heaven. Edited by G.
Dottin, Rev. Celt., xxi. 349. Ends—

cunid he gebus cloidhem do a oiti Crist.

f. 15 [67] v° b—Tainic dano dearbairdi inguntach chucu 7 ni ro creidsid do.

Of signs that appeared in the Temple of Jerusalem: a great light
which shone out, and lasted an hour and a half: and a cow which,
when brought to the altar, dropped a woolly lamb. Ends—

7 ni rocreidsid foss dosin.

f. 15 [67] v? b—As imadh ugla ar m’anmuin.
Two stanzas on the fear of death and hell.
The column ends with the words (written in darker ink)—

As ole an gles so et an dubh leis beth st 7 te(?) cum fir an leabair seo 0 Aedh.

Gwynn—TZhe Liber Flacus Fergusiorum. 23

f. 16 [68] 7° a—Bai ingreim for Cristaidaib a n-aimsir Deicin.
The passion of St. Christopher : cf. Leabhar Breac, 278°. Ends—

> ni dearnaidh irchoid iarsin in sruth don cathraig.

f. 17 [69] v? b—Maghnus dominus noster.

A copy of the Fis Adamnain: ed. Windisch, Irische Texte, 1.
Ends—

in secula seculorum amen.

f. 20 [72] ve a—Lethareigreimunn (?) ina shuim fein co ndlidhid na sagaird 7
na cleiridh na se neithi so do comhed.

Six points of behaviour to be observed by ecclesiastics at meal-
time. The first two or three words are obscure, and seem corrupt:
they probably conceal a quotation from some author. Ends—

a tosach 7 a ndeireadh na codach.

f. 20 [72] v? a—Fleadh mor doroinneadh a mac do Diarmuid mac Cerbaill.

Edited by Stokes (Lives of the Saints from the Book of Lismore :
Pref. xxvii). Ends—

isin linn Breasal.

f. 20 [72] v? b—Insipitt de crabadh scoili Sinilli.
On the religious practices of the School of Sinell (or Sinchell) of
Cell Achaid.

The piece ends with two stanzas attributed to Colum Cille,
beginning—
Ceall gin abbaid, olc an bes,
inunn ocus cruit cen ceis.

f. 20 [72] ve b—Araile manach robai oc procept.
An anecdote telling how a sinner was brought out of his Brave by
the power of holy water. Ends—

is aire sin nach anuim astigh.

f. 20 [72] ~ b—Bannscala maith dobi na hoigh sa domun toir.

Of a woman who was chaste, but a scold; and how after death
her body was cut in two, and the lower half only was buried in
consecrated ground. Ends—

is follus gu nach cora do duine ball de seacha a ceile da ballaib do cengul
te crabhadh acht iad leath ar leath 7 ri.

24 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

f. 21 [73] 7° a—[A] athuir 7 a oidi inmhain.

A form of confession arranged under the several vices. Ends
abruptly with 21 v° a. In the lower margin there is a note—

Acso sa duilleoig an cuid eile don raed so tshuas an duilleog beg aderim :

but the ‘small folio’ referred to seems to have been lost.

f. 21 [73] v° b—Is iad so na se cuingill dec dlighis an faidhsi [sic] do beith innti.

A treatise on Confession, of which there are other copies in the
Rennes ms. (see Rey. Celt., xv. 83), and T.C.D. 1699. Ends —

muna fedarum do beith agad.

f. 22 [74] ve a—IS se in teg crich beatha gacha aenduine.

A form of service for the dying, with questions and responses
between priest and sick man, Ends—

dobidh 7 ata 7 bias tre bithubh sir.
f. 23 [—] r¢ b.
Here follows a note :—

Seaan ua Concubair docuir na becan sa a nGeedhilg 7 Donnchadh ua Melconuiri
dosgribh a Lis Aedhain a Ciarraighe Airdi a tigh Ruaighrighi ui Uiginn le deifir
moir 7 ailim trocuire o Crist.

f. 23 [—] 7° b—Da airtical deg in creidme.

Twelve articles of faith are enumerated. Ends—

do maith no d’ule amail tuillfead siad fodeoidh.
f. 23 [—] 7? a—Ar n-eiseirgi Crist.

Of Christ’s Resurrection ; of the glory of Heaven; of the sojourn
in Hell. Ends—

gurub e rig-ruathur rig na run 7 na reltann ar n-eiridh a heg 7 a hadlucad
conuigi sin.
f. 24 [75] +? b—Feachtus do Moling oc ernaidhti ina eaclais.

This story of St. M ling has been edited by Stokes, Goidelica,
p. 179. Ends with a nove by the scribe—

Finid a[men] don sgelsin 7 is ole in meamram 7 ataim si toirsech.

In a vacant space below is written, apparently in a later hand—

Fechuin glesa pind and so o Chairbre chorrach (07 Choirce ‘).

The second column of 24 2 is occupied with Latin prayers,
written in a later hand, with many contractions.

Gwynn—Tihe Liber Flavus Fergusiorum. 25:

f. 25 [76] +° a—Bai Eocha Muimbedain i ndunad a crich Connacht.
How the Kingdom of Ireland was promised to Niall Noigiallach.
The story is more fully told in the Book of Ballymote, 265°. Ends—

is se Niall acalladh reimibh ar is do darad dia. finit.

f. 25 [76] 7° a—IS [coir] a fhis tra conid foichlidhi do cach cen in dal derb.

A certain monk was led by a beast to a city whose ruler lay
dying, while Satan (with an @ trefiaclach) waited at his bedside for
his soul. As a contrast to this, the monk is afterwards shown the
happy end of a virtuous man. Ends—

ar is 0 gnimaibh thogus Dia neoch.

f. 25 [76] v? a—Dorinne Dia talumh do Adhumh 7 do Eua.

How Adam and Eve, after their expulsion from Paradise, agree
to do penance, Adam standing in the river Orthanan, Eve in the
Tiber. There is another copy of this piece in YBL. 158* 84 (faces. 3):
cf. Saltair na Rann, 1585 sg. It has been translated by A. A. Ander-
son, Rev. Celt., 24, 243. Ends abruptly with f. 25.

f. 26 (77] 7° a—Boi Flidais bean Oilella find i crich Ciaraidhi.

This text of the Tain Bo Flidaise agrees with the Egerton text,
edited in Irische Texte, 11. 2, 208.

f. 26 [77] 7° b—Doluigh Colum Cille feacht naill 7 Baithin do Ard Macha.

Baithin asks Colum Cille one day how St. Patrick’s fame will stand
in the future. Colum Cille, in reply, tells him how on the Day of
Judgment Patrick will march with all those who have paid him due
honour to Mount Olivet, and will insist on bringing them all into
Heaven after him. The tense changes to the present, and the
situation is dramatically treated. First Ailbe goes to parley
with Christ, who is unwilling to admit Patrick’s claim, and wishes
to compromise by admitting two-thirds only of his following. But
Patrick holds firm. Colum Cille, Ciaran, and Cainnech go on a
second embassy, and finally by dint of appeals to old promises Christ
is obliged to give way. The language of this piece is comparatively
early Middle-Irish, though considerably corrupted. Ends—

oir is do nimh dosroirbead in sgel no innisim dib.

f. 26 [77] »° b—Iacob 7 Iasau da mac Abraham.

Of the sojourn of the Israelites in Egypt; of the Exodus; of
Balaam. Ends—

7 Iasau mac Niuin fa toisech a ndiaidh a ndiaidh Maise.

26 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

f. 27 [78] 7?a—Boand ben Neachtain mic Labrada dodeachaid do coimed
in topuir.

How Boand was drowned: cf. Rev. Celt., xv. 315. Ends—

Diata Bound Broga Breg
brises cach fal co findler,

ar ba Boand ainm fri 1a

mna Nechtain mic Labradha.

f. 27 [78] 7° a—Feachtus do Colum Cille ina regles.

How Colum Cille spent the three years preceding his death.
Ends—

ar in lar lom vero no codlad Colum Cille 7 cercaill cloichi fono cinn.

f. 27 [78] r° b—Bve Fingen mac Luchta aidche Samna i Druim Fingin.

For an analysis of this piece, see O’Curry’s Manners and Customs,
ii. 201. Ends—

in faicgebsa in fogne foglas sin cen reacht rig fair for cond.

te 26 [197° a—Boi ri amra for Eirind .i. Eochaid Mugmeadon.
Of the birth of Eochaid ; of his desertion by his mother, Cairend ;
how he was reared by Torna, &c.: cf. BB. 265; YBL. 188. Ends—

fosgam amassail don nainech dabaill 7 fergal folt garb.

f. 28 [79] ve a—Dies ergo solempnis.

A homily on Christmas Day, and the various events that have
happened and will happen thereon. Ends—

cun aitreabam and oentaig in secula seculorum amen.

f. 29 [80] 7? a—Sgel lem duib.

A copy of the poem edited by K. Meyer, Songs of Summer and
Winter. Here follows this note—

IS e so dobu slan don tigerna an bliadhain doscribadh an cairt so. 1435.

O’Curry, Lect. 531, seems to have read this date 1437; at Lect. 76
(note) it is given as 1434.

f. 29 [80] +° a—Patraicc didiu mac Calpruind.

A Life of St. Patrick, of which there is another copy at LBr. 24°
53. Ends—

athair 7 mac 7 spirut noem alem trocairi mic De.

Gwynn—The Liber Flavus Fergusiorum. 27

f. 30 [81] v° a—Bai ingreim mor.
Martyrdom of St. Andrew. Another version of the same text will
be found at LBr. 178°. Ends—

co aichnius na firinne hi patras [parrtus].

f. 31 [82] 7° b—Pais Pilip annso.
The martyrdom of St. Philip. Another version of the same text
at LBr. 179°. Ends—

conidhi sin pais Pilip espul conuigi sin.

f. 31 [82] v? a—Pais Parrtholoin apstail so sis.

The martyrdom of St. Bartholomew. Another version of the same
text at LBr. 175°. Ends abruptly with fol. 31.

Here four folios seem to be missing, as the old numeration passes
from 82 to 87,

f. 32 [87] v¢ a—craidhi trocar cumachtmor.
A Life of St. John the Divine (Héin Bruinne), of which the
beginning is lost. Ends 32 v’? a (13 lines from bottom)—

curubi sin beatha Edin bruinne gonuigi sin 7 gach cn sgribhus 7 leigfis hi,
maitheamh a peccadh o diadh dho 7 bas maith da tharthail gan tubaisde7 a
sheradh ar imdergadh seghulta do thoil Eoin anti qui uibit ag reghnas [ac
regnat ’| deus per omnia secula seculorum amen. Et ise Iudhisdin mag Raighin
cananach o Oilen na Nemh dotharraing o laidin gu geghilg an beatha sa Edin
bruinni 7 tabradh gach neach leighfeas hi beannacht for a anmain an cananaidh
sin.

f. 32 [87] v? a—Foirsium misi a duileamhain.
Extracts (?) from another Life of St. John: tells how he drank a
cup of poison, and was none the worse, &e. Ends—

Geinimhuin annti Crist 7 beatha Eoin bruinne conuigi sin.

f. 33 [88] 7° b—Bai rig ainghi edtrochair.
Of the death of John the Baptist: cf. LBr. 187°. Ends—

diceannadh Eoin baisdi conuigi sin.

f. 34 [89] ve a—Betha Elexius so sis.
The Life of St. Alexius. There is a copy of this Life in Trin. Coll.,.
Dub., 13825, p. 607. Ends—

gurubi sin beatha Elexius 7 rl.

28 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

f. 35 [90] »° b—Gluais na paidre so sis.
A homily on the Lord’s Prayer. Ends—

ar pecthaibh 7 ar pheannuid noch ata anois ac teacht.

f. 36 [91] 7° b—Ac so na seacht paidrecha tuc Feargal angcaire do nimh.
The seven prayers of Fergal. Ends—

an aigid ficha 7 feirgi an tigerna 7 rl.

f. 36 [91] ve a—Dia na na cuc osnadha so.
Of the ‘‘ five sighs”? we ought to vent over our sins. Ends—

co fadann se maithimh na peacadh.

f. 36 [91] v? a—Amuil adeir Senica.
Several saws from Seneca. Ends—
biaidh lomnacht ach mar dobi an feannog 7 11.

‘<he shall be as bare as the scaldcrow.’’

f. 36 [91] ve a—Adeir Augusdin nemh gebe neach eisdfeas aitfrinn o tosach
co deireth.

Of the fourteen benefits of the Mass. Ends—
maith fithar duitt iad 7 rl.

f. 36 [91] v? b—Cia ceana roforan aithrighi do denumh.
Short discourse on Penitence. Ends with folio 37—

aithrighi leasg no mall .i. gan a denumh 7 rl.

f. 37 [92] 7° a—B[r]iath annso a Thomas de Quino.
Quotations from St. Thomas Aquinas. Ends—

co rabar faritsa a Isa a tigerna amen.

f. 37 [92] *?—Domine ne in fur[or]e.

Notes on certain psalms (five lines).

f. 37 [92] 7° a—Cleirech do muinntir Fernai.

How St. Brigid told a mac celeirig, while he was at table, of
the death of his confessor, and made him leave his food and find
another before he ate or drank again. Ends—

ante bias amlaid 7 rl.

Gwynn— The Liber Flavus Fergusiorum. 29

f. 37 [92] 7° a—Dunchadh ua Briain .i. camharba Ciarain.

Two stories about Dunchad ua Briain (vecfe ua Brain): another
copy has been printed by K. Meyer, ZCP. i. 35. Ends—

mar duncadh.h. mbriain 7 relica.

f. 37 [92] 7° b—Laa dia ndechaid Diarmuid mac Cearbuill.
How a man at the fair of Tailtiu lost his head for swearing
falsely through the might of St. Ciaran, Ends—

corub d’ingantaib oenaigh 7 do mirbuilib laimhe Ciarain do tabairt aneithech
dosgribadh an scel sin.

f. 37 [92] v? a—Laa naen robai mac Coisi for bru Lacha Lebind.

How Mac Coisi found a woman of vast size weeping for her first
love; how King Cormac dug a grave to bury a monk, and came upon
the body of the woman’s giant lover. Ends—

tochailter an fert dorissi 7 ni frith ann an corp 7 ni fes a sgela iarum.

f. 37 [92] v? a—Feacht nann do luid Aedh Oirdnidhi.

How Aed Ordnide lost his drinking-horn near Assaroe, and would
drink out of no other cup, until Angal, King of Corcatri, supplied
its place with one of the ‘three best horns in Erin.”’ See Eriu ii.
186. Ends—

co tuc side do Dia 7 do Ciaran a coitcinne co brath.

f. 37 [92] «¢ b—Righ rogabh an domhan feacht naill .i. Consantin.

Of the healing of Constantine: cf. ZCP. iii. 227.

VotumeE II.

The old pagination indicates that a folio has been lost from the
beginning of this volume. That which now stands first is almost
entirely illegible on the recto.

ely, ¢? a.
At line 138 occurs in red ink the date anno domini 1440; line 30
begins an cfrinn, so the subject is religious.

Line 82,

Seirg.

30 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Line 39,

IN aimsir .. . . Slaine .i. Blathmac 7 Diarmaid.

Line 50,
Cairigh.

In column 0 4 the words docum arovle cleirid are distinguishable,
so the subject is religious.

Of the next three paragraphs little more than the red initials can
be deciphered.

i? bs
Line 35,

Tri leigis.
f.17°b,40—M...

The verso of fol. 1 begins with the words con(?)gleas na heaglais?,
so the subject of this piece is religious.

tole a, 20—Trn hadbene.) a)

A note in four lines, illegible.

f. 1 v° a, 25—Is e Michel.

In praise of the Archangel Michael. The piece is repeated at
f. 34 v’ b.

f. 1 ve b—Aon do lethib daulacha. ....

This appears to be a story about Cuchulainn and Emer. At line 24
can be read le coinculaind Kt tue se leis emer aris arachula da tigh
7 asbert na rainn beca soand sin. Here follows a poem beginning—

A Emir nirsam runa.

and ending—
Tang[am Jar durus tar lear
o dun monaid na milead
do marb[sa]mar tfear annsin
ac seo a Ceann a emir.

‘We came on a journey over the sea from Dun Monaid of the soldiers: we
slew thy husband there: here is his head, O Emer!’

Py
f. 1 v° b, 34—Pater noster.
A. copy of the Lord’s Prayer interspersed with Irish sentences.

Gwynn—The Liber Flavus Fergusiorum. 31

In the lower margin of the page,
cobsaidecht iar nudmaille aene iar craes deidinntinn iar formad, &e.,

‘ steadfastness after wavering, fasting after gluttony, goodwill after envy,’ &c.

f. 2 [3] rv? a—Iacob mac Ioseb gabar na oileamain.

A long account of the birth and upbringing of the Virgin, of the
Annunciation, and so forth to the birth of Christ, ending with an
account of the birth of Christ as told by the Virgin to Simeon. Ends—

Et creidim uile gach ni aderid bar Simeon.

f. 6 [7] 1° a—Pais Sansalmus ata annso.

A holy man called Sansalmus! prays to the Virgin to relate to
him the Passion of her Son: at last she appears to him and tells him
she cannot do so because she is not allowed to weep. However,
Sansalmus gets the story from her by question and answer: the
betrayal by Judas (6 v° b), the trial (7 r° b), the robe and crown of
thorns (8 7° a). Here is added a commentary which indicates the
French origin of the piece: E¢ ata in coroin seo ag righ Frange 7
ni do crann spine he acht do sibhnibh mara Shasus ar dumhehaib gainimh
bis laimh re muir 7 ataitt ranna 7 puinge gera acu ts geiri na spine,
‘And this crown is in possession of the King of the Franks, and it is
not made of a thorn-tree, but of sea-reeds [sea-holly ?] that grow
on the sandhills by the sea-side, that have spikes (leg. reanna) and
sharp points, sharper than thorns.’ Then follows the descent into
hell (9 7’ a), the burial (9 ° b), and the punishment that overtook
the Jews. Ends—

cu teann toirrseach ara phais ceana.

f. 9 »° a—Betha Tuliana.

The Life of St. Juliana of Nicomedia as in the Acta Sanctorum,
Feb. 16, tom. ii., 873. Ends—

7 aduadar aiteagha 7 enlaithi 7 piasda a corp iarna chur do thuinn forsin tracht
tre breithir na hoigi .i, iuliana,

_ ‘and swine (?) and birds and beasts devoured his body when the waves washed
it ashore, according to the word of the maiden.’

= ee

‘As the Rey. Dr. E. Hogan points out to me, St. Anselm, Archbishop of
Canterbury, is no doubt meant. He was noted for his devotion to the Virgin,
See Alban Butler, Lives of the Fathers, &c., i. 497 (Dublin, 1833): cf. Anselmi
Opera, ed. Gerberon, 278, col. Lei.

R.I-A. PROC., VOL. XXV., SEC. C.] [3]

32 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Is acteagha here the plural of aithech, ‘a sow’ (v. Meyer, Contribu-
tions)? Or is it put for ectechda, ‘winged things’? The Latin has
merely ab auibus et feris (Act. SS., Feb. tom. i1., p. 877b).

f. 10 v° a—La noen dar fiarfaidh [ | clahe ineach doberadh uisce dom ceann
7 broen dom suilib,

‘One day when —— asked, Who shall give me water for my head, and tears
for my eyes?’

A holy man (unnamed) urges the Virgin to describe her Son’s
Passion: she answers, as in the Pavs Sansalmus above, that she is not
allowed to lament, but proceeds nevertheless to narrate to him the
incidents of the Passion and Crucifixion. Compare the legend in
LBr. 2804. The end of the piece will be found at fol. 25, which is
misplaced. The last words are (25 7° b)—

7 on failti ainglighidhi dobhi ag tathaighi chucum.

f. 25 [14] 7° b—Dobaidh muinter uasul feacht naill annsan Almainde.

There lived in Germany nine brothers, the youngest of whom was
St. Albertus. While offering Mass one day, he demands to be told
what he can do to earn the gratitude of God, declaring that he will
neither raise the Host nor set it down until he gets an answer.
Whereupon he is told of the eight things most profitable to all that
desire eternal life; and is also exhorted to say fifteen pardreacha
every day. A homily in fifteen heads is cut short by the loss of the
next folio.

f. 13 [15] 7° a—Quoniam ut ait beatus Augusdinus in libro de fide.

A dialogue between a Priest and a Voice, which describes to him
the life to come. Ends—

ni fuil a fis agum cadh aderuinn rit d’ ordochadh flaitheamnuis De.

f. 14 [16] v° b—Grasa abus 7 gloir thall o Dia trocaireach cunn Magnuis
mic Mathamhna,

‘Grace in this world, and glory in the next, from the merciful God to Manus
son of Mahon.’

After apologies for his defects, the writer discourses on the duties
and responsibilities of the priesthood. Knds—

madh ail lib trocairi 7 beatha suthain da fagbail o Dia cui laus 7 onar 7 gloria
per infinita seculorum amen, &c. ‘

Gwynn—The Liber Flavus Fergusiorum. 33

f. 17 [19] 7 b—Betha Ceallaigh neimh so sis.
A copy of the Life of St. Cellach, edited by O’Grady, Silva
Gadelica, i. 49. Ends, 20 v? a [22] =SG. i. 64, 20)—

Adconnare aislingid ole.

muc[a] mic Colmain domolt [dom lot] :

bidh ole duinne anni bias de

da fir tra an aislingi.
f. 20 [22] v b—[N Juimhir na seacht neimhe ataid guruigi in rightheadh annso.
Of the seven heavens and their seven doors. Ends with f. 20--

as na se srothuib fuil anifirn 7 asiadso a n-anmanna sin. aceron coticus
asericus stix flegiton mannog.

f. 21 7° a—[IS] ann dorighnidh dia an t-oibriugad se laithi.

Of Lucifer’s refusal to pay honour to Adam = LBr. 109°50 to
111°34. Ends—

Dimus an aingil 7 innarbadh Adhaimh as Pardus conuigi seo.

f. 21 [23] v a—IS he Crist mac de bi.
On the eight unprofitable kinds of fasting. Also in LBr. 258* 10;
ef Rev. Celt. xx. 22. Ends—

IS iad so tratha buadha na haine 7 is imdha buadha na n-egmuis so mugenur
doni co coir hi amlaidh sin.

f. 22 [24] 72 a—IS e ni ata annso .i. forus 7 dlige anmceardeasa fear nKirenn.

Of the evils coming on Ireland for neglect of Confession. Also in
LBr. 258°18. Ends—

7 itcidh Padraig forsan duileamaix 7 athnumh creidmhe do beith ac na dainibh
annsin.

f, 22 [24] ve a—Beati qui perce cutionem ponuntur [patiuntur].
Ends—
tria impighi Poil 7 Petuir co sisam 7 co soithim neamh.

Ed. Atkinson PH. 86-95.

f. 24 [26] » b—Do bun-genelachaibh na napstal 7 da naigheadhaibh.

Ed. Stokes, RC. vili. 362? Ends with f. 24—
Tadetus do treib Dan do.

34 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
f. 25—See above, before f. 13.

f. 26 7° a—IS a nemhadh bliadhan deg.

This account of the Passion, Crucifixion, &c., is found also in
YBL., facs. 141-154. Ends——

gurubi sdair nicomett ara pais conuigi sin.

f. 32 [42] v¢ a—Dia luain laithi in measraidhthi.

Eight quatrains on Day of Judgment, followed by a description
in prose of the punishment of the different classes of evil-doers.
Ends—

as dogh as losgadh as ard as iseall is rofuar as rotheigh is cumaing.

f. 33 [43] 7° b—Na cuig paidreacha so sis ar son na cuig ndubalta fuair Muire.

On the Five Sorrows of Mary, and the powers given to her in
compensation therefor. Ends—

condearna tusa trocuire air do reir (?) do thoile fein.

f. 33 [43] v? a—Cuice tsoblais fuair Muire a talumh.
On the Five Joys of Mary. Ends

do gobail le gach soblais dibsin.

f. 33 [43|—Sagart maith uasal onorach.

See Kriu ii. 82.

Dr. Whitley Stokes informs me that there 1s a somewhat similar
story entitled De apibus que basilicam corport Dominico fabricaverunt,
printed in the Dialogus Miraeulorum of Cvesarius Heisterbacensis,
ed. Strange, Colonize, 1851, vol. ii., p. 172.

EKnds—

docrididar moran dona dainib do annsin.

f. 83 [43] 7° a—Baithin mac Breanainn mic Feargusa.

A story of St. Baethin, edited by K. Meyer in Gaelic Journal,
vol. iv. 229, from two mss. Ends—

ba heagnaidh amhra he gu demhin.

f. 33 [43] ve b—Cadde in tadbhar fa dug Dia easbaid do Maisi mac Amra.
Why Moses was dumb? To save him from Satan’s sin of pride.

Gwynn—The Liber Flavus Fergusiorum. 35

How the Children of Israel met Nel and Gaedel Glas at Paciroth, and
how Gaedel Glas was cured by Moses and Aaron of a serpent’s bite:
ef. LBr. 119 @ 24. Ends—

7 is do mirbuilibh Aron 7 Maisi [do] ronnadhsin co deimhin.

f£. 33 [43] 0° bx—Tri cuisi ara ndliginn neach deimbrigh (?) in tseghuil .1.
ar med as sethair aga iarraidh 7 ar met a deithide aga coimeth 7 ar met a
toirsidh (?) fa na dul uadha.

‘Three reasons why men should contemn wealth, viz. for the amount of
labour in getting, of care in keeping, and of grief at losing it.’

f. 34 [45] r° a—Ceasc[cJaidi cet costadh ecailse De iar peatarlaich.

Of the beginnings of the Church in the Old Testament. How
Christ took on himself the nine ecclesiastical degrees :—liatreow é on
uair do leigh se leobur Maeist, &e. So he became successively aistreoir,
exorcista, subdeochain, deochain, sagart, eascop. Knds—

7 do beannaidh se iad annsin.

f. 34 [45] 7° b—IS e seo trath uidi beiris an t-anum as péin, ‘This is the
journey (?) that brings the soul out of torture.’

Of the Beats (Psalm cxix.). Ends—

7 ata an aipiteir eabhraighi co comhslan furri, ‘and it comprises the Hebrew
alphabet in full.’

f{. 34 [45] r° b-—Biaid do gobail co minicc.
Poem on Ps. cxix. in seventeen stanzas. Ends—

ba do caingnibh biaide.

f. 34 [45] re b—Feacht noen dia mbai mac Taidhg mic Toirrdhealbhaidh ui
Briain a mbraidinus.

The first part of the story is partly obliterated ; but it seems that
Mac Taidg was made prisoner by the King of Munster with Turchaill
righ Gall and Nenne, Archbishop of Ireland. In captivity Mac Taidg
appeals for help to the Devil, who is anxious to assist; but Colum
'Cille interferes. ‘‘He is my especial monk and nobody else’s:
for he has by heart my Amra and its interpretation.” The Devil
comes to Mac Taidg, and explains that under these circumstances he
can do nothing to help him, ‘‘ because the Amra of Colum Cille is

36 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

between us”; thereupon the Devil breathes on Mac 'l'aidg—conder-
naidse lobur maelderg clamh de—whereupon Mac Taidg is let out of
prison, and is known as the Leper of Lismore. Ends—

Ni he an diabul fodearasin d’ faghbhail do acht guidhi Colum Cille 7¢¢.

f. 34 [45] ve a—ITe annso imorro suighiughad sunnrudhach tighi Solaim
mic Dauid.

On the ordering of Solomon’s House.
Copies in LBr. 130°; YBL. 419*: printed Todd Lect. 8, 73.
Ends—

da xx mile each for nach ceimnighidis carbaid.

f. 34 [45] v° a—INcipit epistola Dei.
Another copy in LBr. 202. Ends on slip to right :

flaithemnus neimte cin foirchinn 7 do hordaiged (?) a beth for gach altoir
7 in secula seculorum.

f. 34 [45] v° b (slip to right)—IS e Michel.
Praise of the Archangel Michael: cf. fol. 1 »? @ 25. Ends at
bottom of fol.—

abcolipsi.

f. 35 [44] 7° a—Airdri in domhuin is treisi na gach ri.
A copy of the Tenga Bithnua. See Stokes, Eriu ii. 96. Ends—

1. tir na soillsigh suthuine.

f. 37 [46] 7° b—Agallaib an cuirp 7 na hanma.

Dialogue between the Body and the Soul: cf. LBr. 251 6 38,
ed. Atkinson, PH. p. 266. Ends—

cu subach sobronach annsa flaithus ar nach fuil crich na foircinn.
f. 38 [47] »° b—Aisling poil do phianaibh iffirn.
Vissio Pauli de penis inferni.
Of Paul’s visit to Hell in company with the Archangel Michael, »

and of the sights he saw. Imperfect.
Here one or more folios are missing.

f. 39 |—] 7° a—IN umbhla is da hingheanuibh annso.
A homily on the virtues of humility, patience, truth, &c. Ends—

7 freitach re fiaitheamhnus na nem he.

Gwynn—The Liber Flavus Fergusiorum. 37

f. 39 re b—Nuimhir beg do sgelaibh cuirp Crist annso sis.
A homily on the Sacrament of the Mass. Ends—

7 cuir locherand ar lasadh annsa croidhi mar aithrighidh.

f. 40 [51] 7° b—Deich mirbuile 7 .x. cumachta cuirp Crist annso.
Homily on the power of the Sacrament. Ends—

gingu faicear ina cosmailius fein iad cudighluis.

f. 40 [51] v a—Do suighduighadh cathrach Tarusalem.
A description of the New Jerusalem: another copy in YBL,
facs. 169°. Ends—

Isann lo cetna dosgail mac De na heasbuil fon eruinne.

f. 40 [51] » b—IS cubhaidh an t-ord forceaduil 10 ordaigh an primh phaidh
toghaidhe .i. Daniel MacOdhbha.

Of the angelic orders: another copy in YBL. facs. 169°.
Ends—

is tritsin do leighis se cach osin aleigh.

f.41[ ]+° b—Cease cia lasa a tugadh na hilldatha examla ut docither isin
cochall aifrinn.

On the meaning of the colours in the Mass-vestments. Ed.
Stokes, V. Trip. clxxxvii. from LBr. 1082. Ends—

gan crich gan foirceann air.

f. 41 [ ]v° a—Araile aimser da roibe cele De ann.

How a little boy was carrying firewood on a Sunday, and how the
wood caught fire and burnt him to death, This and the two following
stories are printed by K. Meyer in ZCP. iii. 228. Ends—

is baidh an macamh gan anmain.

f.41[ ] a—Buidh sruith ele feacht naill dano inarreiggeil.

How a recluse was fed daily by an angel until he broke the
Sabbath by clearing a chip[?] out of his path : whereupon the angelic
visits ceased. Ends—

nirbo dreamhna do in t-athbreath.

f.41[ ] 0° a—Bui dano feacht nail! popbul a timcheall railgi dia domnaidh.

How an Irish pilgrim drove cows out of a vineyard on a Sunday,
and how three waves came and made an end of him. Ends—

comdar loma a cnamha de.

38 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

f.41[ ]? a—Eustasius nemh dar ainm ar tus Plasidus.

A Life of St. Eustathius. See Act. SS., September, vol. vi.,
p. 128. There is another copy in the Academy’s collection,
93 0. 4, p. 16. The legend tells how Placidus (this was Eustathius’
original name) went hunting and followed a deer which had
a cross between its horns. Christ speaks to him from the beast’s
mouth. He believes, and is baptised as Eustathius, his wite as
Theospita. Christ again appears to him in the same form, and asks
whether he would rather face his trials now or later. He chooses the
present. His servants and stock die: his house is robbed. He goes
off with his family to the sea, and embarks on a ship. The captain
tries to kill him in order to take his wife; but he escapes with two
children. They are carried off by wild beasts, but rescued by the
natives. He is reunited to his wife and family, but is finally martyred
for refusing to offer sacrifice to idols. Ends—

12 kalaind do mi Occtober.

f.43[ ]7° a—Muire eidheipteach noch dobi na bainpeccaidh ar tus.

A Life of St. Mary of Egypt. For the legend see Act. SS. Boll.,
Apr. 2, vol. i., 76). Here the story begins with Zosimas meeting
Mary by the Jordan, stark naked: he clothes her, and she tells her
story. He then administers the last Sacrament to her and she dics.
There is another Irish version in the Library of Trinity College, H. 1.
17, p.35. KEnds—

docuaid an seanoir cum a mainisdreach fein 7 tuc gloir do Diadh.
The verso of fol. 43 is partly obliterated.

f.43[ ]° a—Caste viventes apostolus esse.

Apparently a dialogue between St. Jerome and a monk in praise ot
chastity. Imperfect.

Here one or more folios are probably lost.

f.44 [| ]7¢a—Feacht nen dar gab Dacianus [im |pir flaitheamhnus.
A Life of St. George. Edited by Atkinson, Passions and Homilies, ~
p./i 1.) Bade—

dogab baistead 7 breitheamnus a n-ainm an Athur 7 in Mic 7 in Spirud Neimh
Tui est hora (sic) et gloria [in secula] seeculorum. Amen.

Gwynn—The Liber Flavus Fergusiorum. 39

f. 48 [99]? a—Timna Muire so sis, [A]roile la 7 amsir dia roibi nem Muiri
mathair an Coimdheadh ac sirgabail a salm.

The Testament of the Virgin. How Christ appears to her to tell
her that her death is near, and gives her a palm (failm) to which trees
bow, etc. He tells her the legend of the palm. On his departure the
Virgin summons her friends (48 va), and asks John to protect her
body from the Jews (48 v’b). The other apostles assemble: Peter
and Paul (49 ra) lead in prayer. John the Beloved comes and tells
how he had been miraculously conducted to the Virgin’s house.
While Paul and the other Apostles are discussing the true doctrine,
Christ appears amid clouds, and promises a revelation to Paul: but
first he and Peter must fight the Devil, for, says Christ, I promised I
would bring no man to Heaven except he should have won a battle
against the Devil. The two Apostles are victorious. The Virgin dies
(497°b), and Peter and Paul are allowed to see the angels carrying off
her soul. The attempts of the Jews on her body are miraculously
thwarted (50 r’ a). The two Apostles are taken to sce Hell ; and the
Virgin, in her new state, accompanies them. In her honour, the
damned are allowed three hours’ grace every Sunday. Ends—

do sgaileadh breithre De tar eis Muiri dfagfail ag Issu.

f.50v°a[ J—eir Brenuinn Birre ata so.

Batur tra da easbul deg na Heirinn i Cluain Idhaird aga fogluim ac Finnen.

Finnen of Cluain Irard made a feast for the Apostle and Saints
of Erin. They see im sgoith ndiera ndimor coming to them as a
sign of the Land of Promise. They draw lots to determine which of
them shall go to find where it comes from; and the lot falis on
Brendan of Birr. But as he is the oldest of all, Brendan, son of
Finnlug, takes his place, being the youngest present. He sets out
across the sea: the passage that follows answers to that in the Life
of Brendan, published by Stokes from the Book of Lismore, p. 107,
Seolais, down to line 3665. At this point Brendan hears a ery and
sees, on a rock surrounded by waves of fire, Judas Iscariot, who
recites a poem beginning

Hiudas Sgario me aniumh.

With this the piece ends.

f, 51 [102] 7° b—Bai Aillelt 7 Meadb aidce samna cona teglach uile.
Part of Echtra Nerai, ed. K. Meyer, RC. x. 212. Incomplete,
breaking off with the words—
cinnus berudsa an fis sin don muintir ol Nera eirigh.
R. I. A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SECT. C. [4]

40 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

f. 51 [102] 0° a—T.. . tina nDeisi do Moidh Breadh.

An incomplete copy of the tract on the Expulsion of the Dessi,
contained in Laud 610. See K. Meyer in Y Cymmrodor xiv.,
pp. 104-112. Ends—

IS si iarum dobert Cormac ua Cuinn breic in dunad cenguill in righ .i. granne
7 meenne diata meenrighi de.

f. 51 [102] ve b—Ceithri primhcana Eirenn .i. caine Daire 7 cain Padruice
7 cain Odonan 7 cain in domhnaidh.

A note on the Four Canons of Erin: cf. vol. i., 12 vb.

f. 52 [105] 7° 1.

The folio begins with the title e¢r crochudh Crist ata so. Just
below is written [ f ]uair bas // finid //. These are evidently the last
words of a piece occupying one or more folios now lost. The title
refers to the following tale.

f. 52 [105] re a—[B]aidh dail mor la hUlltu a muigh Muirrthuini.

How Conchobar mac Nessa heard the story of the Crucifixion.
A composite version of the legend. See O’Curry, Lect. 277.
Ends—

co tue Crist anim Concaba[ir] . . . docum neimhi.

f. 52 [105] r° b—Ceithri hairdi an domuin.
Of Fintan mac Laimfiach, Feren mac Sistian, Foris mac Elechtra
and Andoit mac Ethoir. Ends—

is iadsin trath nceathrur rocoimed seanchus an beatha a coidcinni (?)

f. 52 [105] 7° b—Dosmuain in diabul da faghadh se.

How the Devil married an ecoir (‘ Wrong’), and of their nine
daughters, Simony, Hypocrisy, Violence, Usury, Fraud, Sacrilege
(goid ar in eaglais), False Humility, Pride, Lust : these marry respec-
tively the Clergy, Friars, Knights, Burgesses, Merchants, Farmers,
Servants, Lords—and Lust, Everyman. Ends—

acht dona huilibh.

f. 52 [105] 7° b—Na deith naithneamhadso sis.

Homily on the Ten Commandments: edited by Atkinson, Passions
and Homilies, p. 245. Partly illegible.

Gwynn—The Liber Flavus Fergusiorum. 4]

f.55[ ] 7° b—Bai Brenainn mac Finnlogha i nDub[daire].

Nearly illegible; but the beginning shows it to be the story of
St. Brendan and Dobarchu edited by O’Grady, Mélusine, iv., col. 298
(see Stokes’ Lives of the Saints from the Book of Lismore, p. xvii).
Ends—

ceill eirid is creid .. .

f.55[ j 7° b—Feachtus do Moling ’c earnaidti.

This tale, which is nearly obliterated, is apparently the same as
that contained in H. 2. 17, p. 398 (T.C.D.). |
The verso of this folio is quite obliterated.

vuln ain Pas he ’
Poalesyutta tady fark ae ¥!. 1 red . ths i

— + ae
he ws oe a

¢ oy Oe OR ae a0 nee od ag wtyoldiate aoa a
Wee ea “i i Aghibae ithe: and Se: Brant 7
c ff ototieh to ya ‘ ont esirts 4 Bil} in: aavit te NF sony

a | oe ee
Pre bits ig!

eine von ite fst ee
iq tt & dims t bam inttee
etry: ioe j wile Pail to avi > oh y

Gwynn—The Liber Flavus Fergusiorum. 4]

f.55[ ] 7? b—Bai Brenainn mac Finnlogha i nDub[daire].

ceill eirid is creid ...

f.55[ | 7? b—Feachtus do Moling ’c earnaidti.

This tale, which is nearly obliterated, is apparently the same as
that contained in H. 2.17, p. 398 (T.C.D.).
The verso of this folio is quite obliterated.

pgeid

Iil.

EARLY IRON SWORD FOUND IN IRELAND.
By GEORGE COFFEY.

Read Frsruary 12. Ordered for Publication Feprvuary 15.
Published Fepruary 24, 1906.

Amonest the objects of iron found during the Shannon Navigation
Works, 1843-48, and presented by the Shannon Com-
missioners to the Academy, an iron sword (figure 1) is
of much interest. It is of the Halstatt class, and is, L
believe, the only iron example of that class which has been
found in Ireland. A label attached to the sword states
that it was ‘taken up in the buckets of the ‘C’ dredger”’
out of the bed of the Shannon above the new bridge of
Athlone, August, 1847. It is incomplete, and has lost
much of its substance from rust, especially along the
edges. The form, however, can be distinguished. It is
made on the pattern of the leaf-shaped bronze sword.
The width of the blade increases towards the point, and
the handle-plate was of the flat form of the bronze swords.
This latter feature is certain, and is the most definite in
the specimen. The edge of the handle-plate is intact for
a short length at the right side; and the remains of a
rivet-hole can be seen on the expanded portion at the hilt.
The curve in the blade does not appear to be intentional,
but to be due to a bend it has received about one-third
up; the line of the ridge is straight to and beyond the
pend. This ridge along the centre of the blade is not
a very usual feature ; but it occurs occasionally on the
bronze swords, and on an iron Halstatt sword found in
Poitou, figured by the Abbé H. Breuil (Revue Archéolo-
gique, 1903, 11., p. 57).

This latter sword was found at Mignaloux-Beauvoir,
near Poitiers, in 1836, but had remained unnoticed in the
Museum at Poitiers until the paper mentioned. It measures
in its present state 45 cm. The Irish fragment is 183
inches long (47 em.); so the two swords were much of
the same length.

A fairly large number of the bronze swords of the
Halstatt type have been found in Ireland. There are er
twenty in the collection, and six of the winged chaps or the Shannon.
scabbard ends of that period.

ey Pia ae ee
. 2 cs . ys i =
Ba ap ri =i ane E — ° a
ene eee x C See ea: } ve Spee Nee
eaten tern <a Ft eainticer S > = =~ s 4 fe c gn Stare ;
ay : a = ~ 4° SETS se9 Fr = ee = Oe aS tia ee hanre :
re ee ae Bea 5 Z a Sato eee Wd raat = epee wn owe
: Lees es ntr A aye ee < os Were we Piet can ae: ow 4
ce eS > = . tes ahi Me a5 ie =

=
=
Jp SZ

Pa. a Ls ag ~S
Nec a eeoe eae?
we ™ ee

A Mee
2A eae

\ ASNT AEs
Vv in
= ad

Correy—Early Iron Sword found in Ireland. 43

The occurrence in Ireland of the type in iron is therefore of con-
siderable interest. The somewhat slender look of the sword and the
ridge disposes me to regard it as late in the series ; it must, however,
rank as probably the earliest type of the iron sword which has been
found in this country.

The early iron sword with flat handle-plate had been found in
considerable numbers east and south of Poitou in Berry, Bourgogne,
andin Lot. But its extension to the west had not been known till
the example figured by the Abbé Breuil. It should be noted that
Poitiers is close to the old line of communication between Ireland
and the Continent by way of the Loire valley.

Illness has prevented me from placing before the Academy the
archeological evidence I have collected bearing on the question of
early intercourse between Gaul and Ireland ; but I should like to
state as a preliminary note, that certain forms of bronze caldrons
and types of pottery at the close of the Bronze Age, also of types
of iron spear-heads and other objects of the La Téne period, may be
advanced in support of the historical tradition in our tales of a settle-
ment of Gauls in Leinster under Labraidh Loinngsech, at a date
placed perhaps too early by the Four Masters (s.c. 541), and from
whose “broad blue spears” the name of the province of Leinster
(Laighen) is derived.

—

+ ; us *, ‘
a Lie a) +8 ia we hs ,

vor? te fe Alek ALS ds

4 - 7 7

Corrry —Early Tron Sword found in Ireland. 43

The occurrence in Ireland of the type in iron is therefore of con-
siderable interest. The somewhat slender look of the sword and the
ridge disposes me to regard it as late in the series; it must, however,
rank as probably the earliest type of the iron sword which has been
found in this country.

IlIness has prevented me from placing before the Academy the
archeological evidence I have collected bearing on the question of
early intercourse between Gaul and Ireland; but I should like to
state as a preliminary note, that certain forms of bronze caldrons
and types of pottery at the close of the Bronze Age, also of types
of iron spear-heads and other objects of the La Téne period, may be
advanced in support of the historical tradition in our tales of a settle-
ment of Gauls in Leinster under Labraidh Loinngsech, at a date
placed perhaps too early by the Four Masters (x.c. 541), and from
whose ‘‘ broad blue spears”? the name of the province of Leinster
(Laighen) is derived.

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. C. | [5]

|, ets i

pee 1

LV:

ON THE FUNCTION OF AN ACADEMY, IN ESPECIAL OF
THE ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY.

An ADDRESS DELIVERED TO THE AcADEMY, FEBRUARY 28, 1906.
By ROBERT ATKINSON, LL.D., President.

Published Marcu 26, 1906.

Ir has been the custom for the President to deliver an address to
the Academy during his term of office, the subject being naturally
some topic relevant to the Academy and its work, its theory and its
practice. It is a custom reasonable in itself, and not to be lightly
set aside by any man whom the Academy has honoured with this
special mark of its confidence.

The history of the early labours of the Academy has been set forth
on previous occasions by men much more competent than myself to
estimate and illustrate the many sides of the Academy’s activity, so
that though, no doubt, each different President must look at the
subject from a different point of view, and estimate it with a
different standard, and from a continuously increasing amount of
productivity, I have not felt at liberty to re-handle this theme; and
in searching for a subject on which I might hope to interest our
members, I have thought that the time is not unsuitable for some
general considerations as to the office subserved by an Academy, and
in especial by the Royal Irish Academy. I propose, therefore, to
lay before you certain thoughts which have solicited my attention
for some time past, and which have finally crystallized into the
following shape. It is in no spirit of dogmatism that I put them
forward, but in the hope that they may prove suggestive, in however
slight a degree, and in the belief that you will listen to them
sympathetically, as the utterances of a man who has spent most of his
life in close connexion with the Academy.

AtTKINSON—On the Function of an Academy. 45

The foundation of a new Body, called the British Academy,
shows that the notion expressed by the term ‘ Academy ’ is familiar to
men’s minds; but I am not sure that any satisfactory definition
could be given of the term. It certainly is understood to mean
something more than merely Learned Society; but so many different
significations have been connected with the word in its familiar use,
that, like other common terms, it has almost become indefinable.

In some cases, the etymology of a word may be found of service in
throwing light upon its original and essential meaning; but this resource
is not available here, for while the final syllable may be connected
with dos, the remaining portion of the word resists analysis,
and is not explicable as a Greek element. Indeed, there is found
another way of writing it, viz. with éxa instead of axa [’Axadnpera }, so
that probably the prefix, whatever be its nature, was unknown to the
Greeks themselves. But the application of the word to denote a
garden or grove where discussions were held on philosophic subjects,
has fully justified its use to signify a place for the re-union of scholars
and scientific men aiming at the promotion of the interests of learning
in the widest sense. It is, perhaps, best known in its connexion
with France, where it has become a household word with brilliant
associations and a definite connotation.

Very different judgments have been expressed from time to time
with reference to the institution of such a body as an Academy. It
has even been held that our modern ways of thought, and the progress
of science, have given an appearance of unreality to the notion of
Academy ; and it has been gravely doubted whether it be not a mere
form of titular distinction, an institution with no very precise
function, and but little directive or stimulative efficacy. I do not
Share these doubts. I believe that an important service is or can be
rendered by an Academy, using the term in its application to a
certain definite form of Learned Society. In the case of our own
Academy, the purpose and scope are briefly laid down and prescribed
in the first page of its Charter, viz. to give encouragement to all
studies that tend to the increase of useful knowledge, to persons who
have met together for their mutual improvement in the studies of
Science, Polite Literature, and Antiquities. It was not intended as
any merely or mainly literary tribunal. It was not charged, directly
or indirectly, with any duties of the nature of purifying or improving
the language. Its aim was not Aesthetics, but Philosophy in the
widest sense. It was to advance general knowledge, and to aid

individual improvement.
*

46 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

But it is clear that it is by the medium of literature that this
desirable result was to be brought about, that, as the Charter quaintly
puts it, ‘‘ useful, curious, and polite literature should continue to
flourish and increase.” This improvement was to be aided by the
reading and publication of papers. This is, no doubt, the method
the Academy has always pursued ; but what is not quite so certain,
is the best means of fulfilling the clearly expressed purposes held in
view by the Charter.

The Academy seems the natural continuation of the University.
After the studies of discipline and training come the studies of
progress and discovery; but the University is not primarily con-
structed with a view to advance these latter departments. In
a University there can be little room for independence of thought ;
it seeks rather for conformity ; it cultivates memory, not creation. It
requires that a student shall know what others have said, and it
is not asked (at least not mainly) of him what he has discovered.
The University tests whether the student knows what has been
said and thought. The Academy investigates what the man asserts
himself to have found out. The University enforces the mastery
of the known; the Academy deals with the conquest of the
unknown.

That is one of the purposes of its foundation ; and the manner in
which it has endeavoured to fulfil this purpose can be gathered from
the study of its publications. But the other purpose is not so easily
tested, and, perhaps, may be regarded as of relatively smaller impor-
tance. But if experience and tradition are to be trusted in anything, it
is surely a truism that a people of Celtic descent will not be averse to
speech. The Celtic philosopher, explaining the representation of the
God "Oyp.os, as Lucian tells, put it thus: ‘‘ We Kelts do not regard
speech, tov Adyov, as Hermes, as you Greeks do; but we liken him to
Heracles, as being far stronger than Hermes; the strongest, the wisest,
the most persuasive, drawing all men bound by the ears with bonds of
gold and amber”’ ;—a strongly characteristic and instructive symbolism.
Of course, in the case of all papers read before the Academy the
subject-matter will be estimated after the perusal at leisure of the paper
when printed. But, to ensure this end, there would be no need of any
meeting at all, nor of any machinery for bringing about oral discussion.
Yet no reasonable person would be inclined to deny the serviceable
side of Parliaments. One of the most effective means of stimulus,
and the surest guarantee of knowledge, is that it should have been

AtTKtnson—On the Function of an Academy. 47

submitted to discussion at the hands of competent and independent
critics. The Academy was to be a Parliament; its papers were to
carry the weight of the approval of the Academy, for otherwise the
papers might just as well have appeared anywhere else. And as dis-
cussion tends to furnish a guarantee of value, so it tends to arouse
interest in the body of the members; and perhaps this particular
function of the Academy has not always been fully acknowledged and
exercised. I have felt at times during my term of office that I should
have been glad to hear a little more discussion; not certainly for the
pleasure of listening to pungent criticisms, but for the purpose of enab-
ling me to comprehend‘more fully the bearing and relations of the paper
read. It is one of the clauses of the declaration made by members on
entering the Academy ‘‘ that we will be present at the meeting of said
Academy as often as we conveniently can’’; and probably there is
ground for holding that ifthere were more discussion there would be felt
a greater interest in the meetings, and an impetus and motive furnished
for attendance in these busy times.

Save in papers on pure mathematics, where there can be very
little discussion, it may be in general maintained that when a paper
is read, it can be discussed: there is logic involved, inferences are
made ; there is a method adopted; there are references to other
branches of knowledge in which other authorities may have a word to
say; and thus there are many openings for relevant questions and
suggestions.

In discussion among a large number of persons skilled in various
branches of knowledge there may be expected from time to time to
emerge from the clash of intellects, new modes of looking at compli-
cated problems of general interest: attack and defence are often
productive of results tending to progress. At the very least they may
be held to furnish opportunities of developing the subject even to the
writer of the paper, by suggesting points of view, by calling attention
to possible difficulties of statement or interpretation which may have
escaped the notice of the writer. But I need not labour the point, as the
advantages of discussion are probably admitted, just as, on the other
hand, its dangers are appreciated. The general result to be obtained by
fuller discussion would be not only the arousing of a wider interest,
but also the formation of appropriate links between the different
branches of the Academy’s work. One might be inclined almost to
formulate as a maxim that every paper should inyolve some appeal to
the general interest of human beings. In our modern life, in Science,
in which such progress has been made that specialization has become

48 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

an absolute necessity, the danger is apparent that these special
papers are addressed to those only who are specially trained in some very
exclusive or narrow branch of knowledge, so that other students are
practically left uninterested or indifferent. But this tends to split up
the Academy into several distinct branches without any but the
most external bond; and here the division entitled Polite Literature
may naturally point to the mediating element. The section Polite
Literature opens up a wide field for discussion. It deals with all art,
arts of the eye and of the ear, of sculpture, of music, of painting, of
poetry ; it embraces a treatise on the sublime or a criticism on the style
of anauthor. These each and all furnish abundant scope for the compo-
sition of papers with a view to interest andimprovement. They attract
and they instruct. One can hardly doubt that this field furnishes
endless material for study ; but I am disposed to fear that it is in danger
of being too much lost sight of in the interests of the papers that are
looked on as being in some respects the more legitimate objects of the
Academy’s labours. But surely the literary side is just as valuable
and efficient for human improvement as the scientific, and it certainly
promises to be more interesting.

And in this section one of the sides seems to me altogether
ignored, viz. :—that of Polite Literature in the narrower sense—I mean
the study of the works of literary art. I cannot recollect any case of
a paper being read here on a poet or prose writer of: English or any
other language. But if the humanities belong to the Academy’s sphere
of action, then it can scarcely be right to ignore; or undervalue the
study or interpretation of the works of literature. It is not a slight
merit to understand and reveal the thought and the aim of great minds
of the past or the present. It may be granted that the greater part of
the world’s literature has been examined and appraised, that there
are very few countries whose written thoughts have not been
submitted to criticism; but, then, with each epoch the criticism has to
be reconsidered from a different point of view, with further light,
with different sympathies and modes of thought. As a distinguished
poetess* has said :—

‘¢ What the poet writes,
He writes: mankind accepts it, if it suits,
And that’s success: if not, the poem’s passed
From hand to hand, and yet from hand to hand,
Until the unborn snatch it, crying out
In pity on their fathers’ being so dull,—
And that’s success too.”’

* E. B. Browning, Aurora}Leigh, p. 190.

AtTKinson—On the Function of an Academy. 49

Our age is one of criticism rather than of creation, so that any paper
of a critical purpose is in the spirit of the time and on the lines of the
Academy’s modern work. And here, assuredly, there is no want of
material for new and instructive essays. It is an age of education, and
all education at the present time must be critical to begin with, for all
teaching is concerned about the work of others; the first stages are
necessarily analytical; the creation, if it comes at all, must come last.
The analysis of psychology is the stock-in-trade of all writers, and
this psychology is based on abundant and careful investigation. The
art of writing has been elaborated by practice into a discipline that can
be taught like any other manual labour, but the genius which gives
life and power to a work based on this analysis and this training, is
just as mysterious as ever, and as full of problems of criticism as before ;
and it is just this problem of genius that opens ever fresh ground for
reconsideration and discussion. The one never-exhausted topic is to
place a writer in harmony with his age and surroundings, to fit him
into his locus, to account for his productivity under his circumstances.
These are the ever-recurrent questions: What are the relations of
genius and circumstance? What are the reactions of society on the
individual? And to us of the Irish Academy what could be more
interesting, more absorbing, than the investigation of the causes
of the success of certain works of art in the past, and of the
prospects of the success of certain others in the future? What were
the peculiar elements that made such a success of MacPherson’s
Ossian? What makes Celtic poetry so attractive? What is Celtic
glamour? What is the place and sphere of criticism in Celtic ?
The Academy would, I think, welcome any exhaustive exposition of
the claims of Celtic as a contribution to knowledge in its department
of Polite Literature.

The discussion of papers on these and kindred topics would
naturally lead to the discovery and formulation of principles to be
attended to in the estimation of any given literary product. And
in particular the habit would be acquired of applying tests, the
normal tests of modern critical judgment. A mere plebiscite is no
criterion; neither is simple assertion sufficient, however loud, nor
individual sympathy, however intense. There must be valid reasons,
critical grounds alleged for the judgment ; and these reasons can be
only found in the institution of comparisons with the great masters
of the art of writing. Not by comparison of individual passages,
for the conditions of life differ too widely to admit of any narrow
method; not by the elaboration of mechanical rules, but by the

50 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

judicious application of admitted principles. And the discovery and
formulation of such principles would be pre-eminently work for the
Academy to undertake.

The Academy gives complete independence to its members for
the expression of their differing opinions on matters that admit of
difference of opinion; but it ought not to be forgotten that independence
should involve independence of dzas as well as of authority, and that
any hypothesis that can be found to explain the inner motives that
led to the performance of admitted actions, or the critical principles
that guided the composition of extant works of art, has a fair claim to
be heard before being rejected or denounced, and that such rejection
or denunciation must be based on grounds of reason aud not of
authority.

In studies of history, Irish topics will naturally claim attention
from members of this Academy. Psychological analysis has shown
the solidarity of Literature and circumstance. The best work of
a writer is the portion which is spontaneous and inevitable in his
writing; and as it discloses the writer himself in his real essence, so
it also reveals the character and temperament, the mood and aims of
his time. The study of any work of literature cannot fail to be a
revelation of much that is characteristic of the period. Much
knowledge can be gained from this study of the interactions of
literature and life. Patrick, Columbanus, Adamnan, Swift, and
Burke, these names are pregnant with interest and emotion; their
epochs, each with its ideals and its action, seem to live again in the
study of their personality.

But it is the early period that stands in need of special illumina-
tion. At present only dim ghosts flit across the stage of the mythic
period. Cuchullin, Finn, Ossian, are but the phantoms of the poet’s
dreams.

Even of a later epoch, of which historic records are extant, there
is as yet but little clear historic vision. It has been too often
handled by writers in a prose-poetic style, that permitted itself the
licenses supposed to be tolerable in the treatment of a legendary
record: the setting was altered and the incidents idealized. But this
is not the right use of legendary record. The legend may not be
true, but its details are significant of the life and conduct of the
period; and they can be correlated with the other circumstances of
which knowledge is to hand.

But further, great service can be rendered to historic science by
the limitation of subject to a definite period, and to a particular

ATKINson—On the Function of an Academy. 51

group of incidents, for much of the unsatisfactory handling of early
Irish history arises from the attempt to occupy too wide a field.
Vague traditions are heaped together unsifted, and acquire a
colouring from the unconscious action of the writer’s personality, so
that the history becomes little better than a kaleidoscope, and fails to
command or deserve general acceptance, or to overcome antecedent
prejudices. No doubt, history must always remain liable to this
colouring, to the personal equation ; but still it is certain that men
will always turn with eagerness to the charms of narrative and
incident provided in the abundant fields of history, whereas the dry
light of science is often a cold, chill glare, distasteful or even hurtful
to unfamiliar eyes.

I need scarcely add that the treatment of these records should
be dispassionate. Mr. Bury’s recent book, ‘‘ Life of St. Patrick,’’
is an excellent example of this kind of special study, combining
the accurate sifting and weighing of the evidence with the courageous
judgment of the historian. Critical work on the famous saints of Ireland
would furnish many a fruitful theme for historic study : and the heroes
of Irish Saga want their place in history determined by competent in-
vestigation. The early migrations to Ireland remain still a subject of
rhetoric mainly, and have not yet yielded their quota of trustworthy
information. The early tales are full of incident, and seem to involve
matters of fact which await their identification at the hands of patient
and skilled labour.

An inexhaustible field of study les open in the early history of
Ireland, through the investigation of the old Sagas of Viking age.
But here there is need of very special training to enable the different
sources to be readily and rightly utilised, for this training involves an
accurate and extensive knowledge alike of the Celtic and of the
Scandinavian languages and literatures. This would furnish an
admirable field for those of our members who have leisure to bestow on
antiquarian studies of this order; the Professorial body are naturally
so absorbed at present in grammatical and lexicological studies that
they have but little leisure available for such wider and more compre-
hensive investigations. One can hardly imagine a {more promising
theme than the relations of the Norseman and the Celt, as set forth in
or deducible from extant historic records; nothing more subtly in-
structive than to find in their respective literatures also traces of the
commingling of the bloods, as in the old Scandinavian custom of the

Vikings.

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. C.] [6]

52 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Next to that of History, perhaps, is the power of Antiquarian re-
search, which strongly attracts all men, and which should be guided
by the same conditions, viz. that it be permeated with humanity,
that it have a high aim, and be based on wide, accurate, and critical
judgment.

And here it may be well to point out the importance of an exten-
sive acquaintance with the foreign literature of antiquarian subjects.
There are not many topics of real antiquarian interest that have not
received some handling in foreign journals or treatises. Many of these
have not been translated, so that an antiquarian student, to be fully
furnished for his task, would require to be master of half a dozen
languages, at least as far as their antiquarian vocabulary extends,
including Latin, French, German, and the Scandinavian languages,
without which knowledge, antiquarian study is almost necessarily
limited to the sphere of merely local records.

There is a danger to which antiquarian study is lable, viz.—
of looking upon its objects as of value in themselves perhaps
even as much as in their relations to man, of contentedly regarding
the external notice of the object as constituting an end in itself.
The long and continuous handling of antiquarian record is necessary
to make the antiquarian; but care should be taken that the process
shall not also result in causing him to ignore the humanities of his
art. No doubt the recoil from the looser speculation of an earlier period
has produced this aversion from hypothetic reconstruction ; but the
absence of ideal treatment is never long in avenging itself. For if
scientific essays are denuded of imagination, there must be a loss, in
that the sympathy of the public is no longer with the writer, and the
stimulative element is lost sight of. The analysis of urns and monu-
ments and inscriptions may be as accurate as it pleases and can be;
but unless the dry bones are revivified by a presentation in an imagina-
tive sketch of the incidents or times or persons commemorated in them,
the humanity in us is not stirred, and the study falls into the shade of
depreciation stigmatized under the epithet Dryasdust.

The human interest is not to be ignored in the treatment of the
most competently written papers. In all treatises of this order on the
relics of the past, one wants to find out their relation with man, the
when and how of their creation and use. I listened with great
pleasure to the careful studies on the caves delivered last session,
yet with a latent feeling of regret that a more definite turn could not
have been given to the conclusions by a preciser view of the relation
of man to the caves and their history. Of course I admitted the force

Arkinson—On the Function of an Academy. 53

of the argument that definite knowledge on that point was not to
hand, and that the reports were rather of the nature of materials for
future inference; but the process of accumulating facts is in itself
liable to be rather discouraging unless there is something of the
shaping spirit of the imagination about them, issuing in some attempt
at even hypothetic colligation. It is admitted that it is easier to
assemble facts than to reason rightly from them, less troublesome to
gather particulars than to draw the proper conclusions from them.
So that it is perhaps not astonishing that the accumulative branch
of science shows a far greater development than the ratiocinative.
Consider the enormous accumulation of facts, social, economical,
political ; then turn to the uncertainty of the inferences that are
made from these. Consider the conflicting opinions about burning
practical questions, such as, ¢.g., tariffreform. Does it not seem that
from the abundant data obtainable about this matter, some rational
conclusion would have been drawn that must be accepted by all
reasonable men? The rational theory of education, whether primary
or advanced, is perpetually being spoken of, but mainly from the point
of view of prejudice or interest; the disquisitions as to the relative
claims of ancient and modern languages have not ceased to excite heat
and display of temper; while the methods and subjects of school and
University teaching are so far from being universally agreed upon, as
to have occasioned the unreasonable growl of the philosopher* that
‘the vital knowledge—that by which we have grown, as a nation, to
what we are, and which now underlies our whole existence—is a
knowledge that has got itself taught in nooks and corners; while the
ordained agencies for teaching have been mumbling little else but
dead formulas.”

As one may seek more humanity in the scientific parts of its work,
so we may hail the dry light of academic reason on the sides that
are dangerous because of the emotions they excite. We sometimes
hear the phrase, that such-and-such a discussion is merely academic,
meaning too removed from the play of feeling and emotion ; that is
precisely what one could wish to see more of, as a proof and sign that
the world is growing more reasonable, more open to intellectual
guidance in the affairs of daily life.

The discovery of illuminative principles is usually the result of
accident, as is shown by the application of the term cnvention to such
discovery. But if the body of facts is not being continually restirred

* H. Spencer, Education, p. 25.

54 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

and rehandled, the chances of invention are diminished. Hence it seems
to me that it appertains to the special function and theory of the
Academy, to take up the material furnished by its own researches
and the researches of other societies of the same special nature, and
to colligate the results of these researches into a temporary hypothesis
with a view to invention. Here probably the best expedient would
be the preparation of digests, not of the results of one society, but of
one branch of study derived from the work of all societies throughout
all lands.

Learned associations with special aims, and minor societies, can be
safely entrusted with the duty of accumulating masses of fact; but
the Academy should keep in view the not less imperative necessity of
correlation and theory. ‘This should be the real aim of the Academy,
which should not look upon itself as merely another society of the
accumulative order. Its function should be largely to arouse interest,
to stimulate thought, to originate and disseminate ideas. It is by
acting towards these ends that it can best or perhaps only subserve
the purpose intended by the charter and by the idea of an Academy.
From this point of view it may rightly be urged that greater attention
should be paid to the human aspect of learning, and that Literature
should have assigned to it a higher place in its work. But not to
any great extent from the formal side. Questions of phonetics or
morphology in linguistics—of dates and editions in belles-lettres—of
incident and marvel in history—these are not the staple for an Academy
to mainly handle, but the origin, growth, and interaction of ideas.

This is the need of our age. It was said of old: ‘‘ There be many
that say, Who will show us any good?’’ So now men are every-
where looking for more light, fresh ideas, If the {study of the things
of the past, its persons, its events, its relics, be looked on as an end in
itself, and not as a means of enlightenment and stimulus, such study
will, in the press and rush of modern life, lose its meaning and deserve
its neglect. I cannot doubt that in this effort to lay before the world
right knowledge of the history of the past, fresh insight into the
problems of the present, and sagacious prevision of the needs of the
future, the Royal Irish Academy has no ignoble role to fill, and that,
towards this end, every member will realize that he is a citizen of no
mean city, wherein the great traditions of the past stand as landmarks
for guidance and as models for imitation. The Academy has for its
device a phrase of excellent omen, which I may set down here in
conclusion, ‘‘ WE WILL ENDEAVOUR.”

(isl
Or
Or

THE ANCIENT CASTLES OF THE COUNTY OF LIMERICK
(NORTH-EASTERN BARONIES).

By THOMAS JOHNSON WESTROPP, M.A.
Read Aprit 9. Ordered for Publication Aprin11. Published May 31, 1906.

Tue study of castellated architecture in Ireland is as yet in its
infancy. Few antiquaries have taken up the matter seriously in the
case even of single buildings, and there is no authoritative book on
the subject in its broader aspect. Stranger still, and unlke other
branches of archeology, the literature even of the history and still
more of the evolution of these buildings hardly exists—few indeed
are the monographs even on individual examples. The paper now
laid before the Academy is an attempt to trace the rise of the castles
in a single county, from the days when the ring forts were in use to
the building of the mansions of the Tudor and Stuart times, Each
section of the Survey is intended to give workers an outline of the
records and a brief description of the ruins of each castle; and it is
hoped that the increasing band of local antiquaries may be encouraged
to attempt fuller notes on the more important buildings.

Our material has accumulated for some twenty-eight years; and
the reception of the recently published Survey of the churches’ in
the same district encourages us to attempt a similar work for the
lay history and topography of this important county. When the
Desmond wars are exhaustively studied, the identification of the
localities and persons connected with them will become a pressing
necessity. Our ambition is to clear part of this ground for the
coming historians of that great disaster. We also hope to render more
available the almost unworked documents of our Irish Record Office.
Peyton, the Inquisitions, the Plea, Pipe, Desmond, and Memoranda
Rolls, and the great Surveys of 1655, besides such documents as the
Black Book of Limerick, and the rentals of Bishop de Rupefort, 1336,

YProc. K.I.A., xxv. (¢.),‘p. 327,

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. C.] [7]

56 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

O’Conyll, 1452, and the Burkes, 1410 and 1520. In these and the
nearly unknown Account Rolls and Books of the Cromwellian
Government lies the key to the identity and history of the castles.
The history (though often broken by the scarcity of documents from
1420 to 1530)! is more satisfactory than that of the churches; but we
have not been able to visit so many of the remains of the lesser
towers, or to get so much help from the kind friends* who helped us
with their field notes on the former occasion.

I. TorocrapHicaL Nores.

The County of Limerick in its present form represents no very
definite early divisions of the country, and (where not fenced by the
Shannon and the great masses of hills) it has at times undergone no
little modification. The parishes of Kilmurrily, Tullylease, Cullen,
and Kilcolman, have all been removed ; of the encroachments of Clare
we have written in former papers. Its partition between the ancient
sees of Iniscatha, Limerick, Killaloe, and Emly, shows its composite
character; Owney and Coonagh extend into Tipperary, and also
mark how conventional was its applotment. It may perhaps be
defined as oldest ‘‘ Thomond” or North Munster; but, by about 380,
Thomond had been extended far to the north of the Shannon by the
conquests of the warlike kings of Munster, Lugad Meann, and his
son, Conall Eachluath. As the centuries passed, the term Thomond
got more and more identified with the present Clare. Let us there-
fore rather note the constituent parts of the present county called
after the city of Limerick. The four western baronies—Shanid,
Glenquin, and Upper and Lower Connello—formed only the two
Connelloes in 1800,* and the single barony of Connello in 1655.
They represent the tribal group of Ui Chonghaile Gabhra, and Ui
Fidgeinti, with the Corcoithe (Gortcoyth), Corcomuicheat (Corcomo-
hide), Ui Baithin (O’ Meehan), and other lesser tribes.* Kenry includes

1 The number of places held over that period by the same families marks it as
of little ‘‘history’’ and less change. The place-names, also, have hardly ever
altered.

*I must specially thank Mr. J. Grene Barry, Dr. George Fogerty, Dr. Henry
Molony, and Mr. John Wardell for help at the castles, and Mr. M. J. McEnery no
less for his topographical knowledge than for his constant help and advice as to
the records, he being the first to appraise the archeological importance of the
Desmond Surveys.

3 Jt is even so shown in Lewis’s Map, 1836.

4 F.g. Cliu mail mic ugaine, as in the ‘‘ Mesca Ulad’’; but this evidently ran
into Cosmagh.

,’

Westroprp—Aneient Castles of the County of Limerick. 57

the old Caenraighe and Uibh Rosa (Iveruss). Owney and Coonagh
are parts of the ancient Uaithne and Ui Cuanach. Small County is
approximately Deisbeg ; Coshlea corresponds in part to Atharlach or
Aharloe; while the Maigue Valley, or, as we call it, Coshmagh,
represents to a certain degree Ui Cairbre Aobhdha.’ Clanwilliam and
Pubblebrian, on the other hand, have no single historical predecessor.
A part of them along the Shannon formed the tribe land of the Tuath
Luimneach. This again split, about 1200, into the vague Escluana
and Estermoy ; the Irish equivalent of the latter, Aos tri muighe, lay
round Crecora in 1420, but that territory was known as Ocholchur’?
in the previous centuries. The Tuath Luimneach territory was held
about the time of the first Norman settlement by the Ui Chonaing
or O’Gunnings, who left their name to the castellated rocks of
Carrigogunnell and Castleconnell; while Kinelmekin lay round
Monasteranenagh.*

In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries the Norman divisions
may be briefly given as the cantreds of—1, Any, Adare, Crumech or
Ocarbry—in later years ‘‘the Lordship of the Earl of Kildare” ;
2, Bruree; 3, Esclon, near Carrigogunnell; 4, Fontemel or Fontymchil,
near Hakmys and Tankardstown; 5, Iniskefty or Askeaton; 6, loregar
or Uregare,* sometimes Grene, Aesgrene or Estgrene; 7, Oconyll or
Connello; and 8, Wony, Wethney or Owney. The cantreds were, for
administrative purposes, subdivided into ‘‘ chapters’? (or parish
groups) and coroners’ districts.°

The long predominance of the Earls of Desmond was hardly
affected by the existence of the corporate towns, the manors of the
Earls of Kildare, and the de Burgos, and the Irish tribes in
Pubblebrian (which seems to have sprung up in the later fourteenth
century, after the fall of Bunratty), Owney, Coonagh, and Aherloe.

When, at the cost of a deadly and desolating war, the Geraldines
were first reduced to submission, their vast territory was broken
up (1583-1586), and we first see clearly the later divisions. The

1Tn its greatest extension it reached to Kilmallock (Calendar of Qengus), or even
to Ardpatrick on the south, and to Kenry on the north. Dromin was in it in
1088 (A.F.M.), and Athlacca in 1296 (Plea R. 31 and 34).

*The variants Othotocor, Ocholchur, and Ortholothor in the Black Book of
Limerick (44, 96, 100-130) resolve into this form, ¢ and ¢ being frequently
confused by the copyist and in the first / and ¢.

’ Charter of Prince John to Monasteranenagh (de Magio), 1185.

* Uregare was Pubblebuskagh in 1586 (Peyton, p. 206).

°Proc. R.I.A., xxv. (c.), pp. 328-331.

58 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

‘« Patrix,’? or baronies, were Small County, Kenry, Cossetlereo at
Kilmallock, Cosmagh, Pubblebrian, Connello, Clanwilliam, Coonagh,
O Brien Ara, and Wony O Mulrian, to which we must add Aherloe.
These baronies were divided into Toghes, ‘‘ tuaths,”’ or cantreds. Of
these we have a full survey for Connello alone.' They were—
1, Clonhennery, the lands of the MacKnerys (or Corcomohide) at
Newcastle, Kilmeedy,? and Ardagh; 2, Tawnagh (or Mahoonagh,
once Fir Tamnaige) with its ‘‘Trians”’ or ‘‘manors,”’ Falltach* (at
Aglish and Aghwulke), Tawnagh (at Mahoonagh), and Meane (at
Mayne); 3, Gortcolligan, from Ballingarry and Knockfierna, to
Temple Glantan; 4, Olybane, at Kilcolman and Rathkeale. The
‘“Church Toghes’’? were Croghe, Nantinan, Iniskefty or Askeaton,
Lismakeery, and Killeedy, corresponding to those parishes. The other
Toghes were :—10, Dunmoylin, at that parish, Kilcolman, and parts
of Robertstown and Shanagolden, up to Foynes; 11, Shanid, from
that castle to Killeany; 12, Glancorbry, at Glin and Kilfergus;
13, Farrensesseragh, at Rathkeale, Clonagh, and Kilscannell; 14,
Meaghan Yeaghtragh (the older Ui Baithin),* in Rathronan; 15,
Meaghan Woughtragh, at Grange, Ardagh, and Athea; 16, Gortcoyth,
the older Corcoithe® at Newcastle, Monaghadare (Monagay), Temple-
glantan, and Glenquin; 17, Killilagh, that place with Clenlish, into
the pathless wilds of Slieve Luachra; 18, Ogallawhore at Evegallahoo,
Grange, and Newcastle; and 19, Pubbleneskagh.° The manors and
Signories which afterwards sprang up are better considered with
the castles of that barony. The general topography during the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries varies (save in minor matters)
very little from that still in use.

2. Hisroricat Notes.

Ancient Forts.—As the forts preceded the castles and often
determined the selection of their sites, it may repay us briefly to note
the position of the earliest recorded and most interesting examples.

1 A few others are noted as Twoh oreyn in Cheryvahelly (Ing. Exch. 54).

* Pubblemunterquyllan lay round Kilmeedy.

3’ Named after the Wall family.

4The sergeantry of ‘‘Obathan’’ appears in the Manor of Newcastle, 1299
(C.S.P.1., p. 256), and the Rental of Oconyll, 1452.

5 QO Huidhrin calls it, ‘‘Corca Oiche, of beautiful wood, fair surfaced territory
of fresh inbhers,’’ in 1420. It was ruled by O’ Macasa. |

6A Toghe named Brohill was then in dispute between Cork and Limerick.
Pubbleneskagh seems to have included Finneterstown, 1586.

Westropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 59

Limerick is (with Clare and Sligo) one of the Irish counties richest in
early forts. It has at least 2,150 recorded. Unfortunately these,
unlike the remains in Clare and Kerry, include no fairly perfect ring-
walls; little but foundations remain of the cahers, and the remains of
small lime-kilns show to us that their blocks were burned to lime for
use in the tillage-fields around.’ The earth forts are of moderate
height (8 feet to 16 feet), ringed with a low mound and one or more
fosses and rings. The high motes are few, but include the fine earth-
works of Shanid and Kilfinnane, the last being the Treada na riogh
of the ‘‘ Book of Rights.”’ Shanid, besides its mote, has a large rath
with curious cross mounds on the summit; another remarkable fort is
Kilbane, on the hill beside Kilbradran church. It has a central ring-
wall and two great entrenched side-courts.? Square or oblong forts
are not of infrequent occurrence. We may note Cloghoonaowney, near
Drombanny Castle, and Kells, near Cloncrew (54),? which measures
250 feet by 200 feet. None are very large.

The average of the ring forts rarely exceeds 150 feet in diameter.
‘Three in Coolrus are somewhat larger. Knockegan, in Tomdeely, near
the mouth of the Deel, has a row of four pillar-stones, in line from its
southern edge, which recall the pillars at the fort of Tara Luachra.
Badger’s fort, near Kilpeacon, has a dolmen within its outer ring.
There remain at least thirteen forts‘ of more than 300 feet diameter.
We can only give their names and dimensions here. Ballinscula (40),
300 feet across, 380 feet to 400 feet over all, with a small fort
adjoining. Knockowra (19), near Shanid, and Reerasta (28), near
Ardagh, each about 800 feet across. In the latter were found the
broock and beautiful chalice of Ardagh. Croaghane, near Knock-
patrick (10), is from 350 feet to 450 feet over all; Greenish Island
fort (10) is 350 feet over all. Rathcannon fort, near Athlacca,
utilises a craggy ridge to form part of its ring, which is 380 feet
across. Dromin, in Grange (36), is 400 feet in diameter; Drombanny
(13), is an irregular double earth-work with fosses, about 400 feet
long and 200 feet wide. The following forts exceed 400 feet in

So perished the walls of Emania. See ‘‘ Ancient Forts of Ireland,’’ Trans.
R.1.A., xxxi., section.71.

* Sbanid, R.S.A.1., xxxiy., pp. 320, 338 ; Kilfinnane, p. 335, and R.I.A. Trans.,
XXXVi., section 347. Kilbane fort, Proc. R.I.A., xxiv. (c.), p. 275.

* Ordnance Survey Map, No. 54, of Limerick.

* This does not fall in with the theory that the small fort is Norman and feudal
and the large fort alone tribal—as recently advanced in the English Historical
Review. The general teaching of all the Irish counties is the same.

60 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

diameter: Killeen, near Springfield (54), and Dunganville (28), a
fine fort on the Daar river,' are each about 420 feet across. Doonglare
(49), the ancient fort of Claire, in the ‘‘ Book of Rights,” is a few
feet wider; it rests on a furzy hill near Ballingarry in Coshlea.
The Kyle of Lisheenasheela (45), in Kilmeedy, is oval, 300 feet to
500 feet over all; while the great ring-mound of Dromin (37), in the
centre of which stands Cloncagh church, is, we believe, the largest.
earth-work in the county, being from 750 feet to 770 feet across.

Tue Forts 1x History.—As the districts of which we treat come
slowly within the feeble light of our early records we see, standing
out as one of the principal centres, the fort of Brugh righ, or Bruree,
a residence of the earliest known kings of North Munster. The
reputed founder, Oilioll Olum, is (as handed down to us) a somewhat
mythic personage; but, even after dismissing all the obviously mythic
and even marking as doubtful the details of his warlike acts, we have
probably left to us a shadow of an actual prince of renown in the
third century. He is accredited with having established the alternate
succession at Cashel; and so important a fact as this might well have
been handed down at least as far as the legends of the Armada and of
the civil war of 1650, which are rife in our time. Ethicus found
‘‘volumes”’ and students in Ireland in the fourth century ;* founders
(as Hamlet says of those of churches) are kept longest in popular
memory, and Oilioll’s great raths may have kept his remembrance
green down to the Christian writers of the fifth century. Bruree is
a ring fort in the fields near the Maigue, the central portion 60 feet
across and 18 feet high, with two ramparts 40 feet wide and 12 feet
high, and a fosse. Near it is another fort of closely similar design.
The castle we hope to describe hereafter.

- Duntrileague fort, named from the pillars round its well, figures.
in the strange legend about king Cormac Cass, in the ‘‘ Book of
Lismore.’’®

When St. Patrick visited the district, circa 440, the following
forts stood among the Dalcais, if we can place any reliance on the
early ‘‘ Lives’?:—Prince Carthan dwelt in the fort of Sangal or
Singland, beside the open fields and island where Limerick was to lft

1 “ Astaregh,”’ in Peyton’s Survey.

2 Stated by Ethicus of Istria, a writer of the fourth century. See Dr. Joyce’s:
‘¢ Social History of Ancient Ireland,’’ vol. i., pp. 19, 403. Ethicus ‘‘ hastened to
Hibernia and remained there for some time examining their volwmes’’; and he
called the Irish sages ‘‘ unskilled toilers and uncultivated teachers.”

5 Silva Gadelica, II., p. 129.

Westropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 61

its spires; Rathbroccan and Rathcoirbre, near Cella-rath, and Dun
nOacfene, near Donaghmore, are also named.' Many early forts are
recorded in undoubtedly ancient works. Grian was of importance
about 450. The ancient fort of Dun Bleisc, or Doon, in Coonagh, is
named about 580,? Rath ui druaid in 596,° Cathair chinn chonn (in
Rockbarton) and Aine were scenes of battle in 637 and 666.* The
latter figures as Sid Eoghabhaile in ‘‘ The Colloquy,” and as ‘‘ Drom
Collchailli’”’ in the ‘‘ Mesca Ulad.”? Shanid must have been of hoar
antiquity even in 834, for its name means ‘‘ancient residence.” The
numerous records of ‘hi Ui Chonaill and Ui Fid geinti do not mention
their forts in the earlier centuries. If the ‘‘ Book of Rights’’’ dates
substantially from the very end of the ninth century, we have a long
list of the forts claimed by the king of Cashel, 870 to 900. We find
among them Dun-Eochair-Maige, at Bruree® (Brughrigh); Dun Gair,
at Lough Gur;' Geibthine, at Askeaton; Aine, at Knockaine; Rath
arda Suird or Rath suird, at Rathurd ;> Muilchead, on the Mulkearne
river; Cathair-chinn-chonn; Cathair meathais; Aenach Cairpre, at
Monasteranenagh®; Drumchaein, perhaps Drumkeen; Asal or Magh
n Asail, at Dromassell or Tory Hill; Cuilleann or Cullen; Claire, or
Dunglare; Drum Finghin and Treada na riogh, at Kilfinnane; a
second Drumchaein, apparently on the border of Tipperary ; Seanchua
Chaein and Rathfaelad.'°

An unknown fort of the Ui Fidgeinte called Cathair-cuan was

1 Tripartite Life (ed. Whitley Stokes), pp. 201-207.

2 Cal. Oenghus, Jan. 3.

3 Annals of Inisfallen.

* Maelduin, king of Munster, defeated at Cathair cinn con, 637; see also notes
on ‘‘The Battle of Dun na Gedh”’ (ed. O’ Donovan).

5 (Ed. O’Donoyan), pp. 87-91.

® Dun Gaifi, the house of O’Donovan, where king Mahon was betrayed, is
usually taken to be Bruree.

‘For these crannogs and forts, see Rev. James Dowd, ‘‘ Round about Co.
Limerick,’’ pp. 65-75.

8 The Four Masters attribute it to one of Heber’s chieftains and the respectable
antiquity of a.m. 3501.

* Mr. Goddard Orpen has a most suggestive note, R.S.A.I., xxxvi., p. 34, in
which he identifies Aenach beag, or Aenach Cairpre, at Monasteranenagh, with
the ancient Aenach Culi—Enach Ouli, in Corbaly, in prince John’s charter to
Magio, 1185—and suggests that the fort of the Book of Rights is Rathmore, near
that Abbey.

10 Identified, though improbably, with Rathkeale, which place is Rathguala and
Rathkel in the earliest records, whether Irish or Norman, known to us.

62 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

plundered by Brian in 978.’ It may be connected with Cuan, son
of Conall, chief of the same tribe in 642, who fell at Carnchonaill.
Our records also tell how the same Brian, now High King, repaired or
made (in about 1002) the forts of Lough Gur; Lough Ceann, near the
last ; and Lough Saiglend ; with Dun-eochair-maige, Cenn Abrat;
Inis an Ghaill duibh; Duncrot, now Dungrot, in Aherloe; Duncliath,
probably Aine cliach;* and the unknown Dun Aiched, in north-
eastern Limerick. The last was ravaged by the Connaught army in
1084 along with Brurigh and the Lough Gur forts : O’ Donovan fancies
it to be Dunkip near Croom, but gives no reason for this decision,
though he may be possibly right.

In the twelfth century, the only notable additions to our list are
the forts of Cromadh or Croom, burned in 1149, and Caslen ui chonaing,
or Castleconnell, where certain O’Briens suffered blinding in 1175 by
the graceless King Donaldmore, their relative.

In 1171 the Norman invasion had reached Limerick, and the
building of castles had commenced ere the last two years of the
century ran to their close.

Tara Luacora.—We cannot pass in entire silence over the
question whether a fort, much noted in legend, lay in the county of
Limerick. Temair, or Tara, Luachra was a chief residence of the
mythic chieftain Curoi mac Daire, who held Chu-mail-mic-ugaine
and Luachra in south-western Limerick. It stood in eastern
Luachra, and is said to have been destroyed by the Ultonian King
Conor mac Nessa, with Cuchullin, Celtchair, and others of the
heroes of Eman. It has been identified, evidently from the name
alone,* with Ballahantowragh near Castle Island in Kerry. Now
the Four Masters state positively that it was the place where Pelham
encamped on his way to Tralee in the spring of 1580. If so, Pelham’s
letter all but settles the question, and narrows the place in which
Tara stood to one of two hills. He writes that, marching from
Glin southward, he came through ‘‘ Sleulogher,” and camped east of
‘“Duwau” (Duach, Kerry) ‘“ by the river Viall (Feale), near a place of

1 Wars G. and G., p. 103.

* Cliach must have spread over north-eastern Limerick and into Tipperary, as
shown by the names Uaithne Cliach and Aine Cliach, Aradha Cliach and Airthir
Cliach.

3 Wars G. and G., pp. 108, 141.

* A very common fault of Irish topographers even in cases where material
for identification is more abundant.

Westropp—Anecient Castles of the County of Limerick. 638

the Earl’s called Fort Renard ’’—Portrinard near Abbeyfeale.1 The
spot here indicated suits very well the definite account of the fort and
its site in the ‘‘Mesca Ulad.” If that legend be as reliable in
its description of the fort as of the route across Ireland? and the
places pointed out to Laeg by the ‘“‘ Hound of Ulad” from Knockaney
Hill, the spot is well defined. It lay to the south-east of Aine, in
eastern Luachair,® on the eastern slope of a mountain overlooking a
glen noisy with wildfowl, beyond which, on another ridge, covered
with oak-trees, lay several lesser forts. The rath itself had a ‘“‘ mur”
or rampart,‘ high, both within and without, a souterrain in its garth
and several pillar-stones outside its rings; in short, the typical fort
of that district. We are told that the Ultonians forded the Boyne,
Brosna, and Maigue, but not that that they forded the Feale.

The name seems to have perished at Portrinard, unless it be
Tooradoo on the north of Knocknasnaa, which overhangs the valley.’
Turagh, near Tower Hill, in eastern Limerick, was ‘‘ Teauragh”’® in
1655, so the change of name is possible. There are, however, two sites
which (apart from the question of fording the Feale) have nearly equal
claims.’ Both overhang Portrinard and the river, the one in
Knocknasna * (a hill some 600 feet high in Limerick), the other at
Ballynemuddagh Hill, above the road to Duach (Kerry O.S., 17,18).

1 A.F.M. 1580 and note, Carew Papers, p. 237 ; Mesca Ulad (ed. Hennessy), pp.
15, 17, 19, 21, 27, 338, 53. Peyton, in his abundant notes on “ Slelogye,’’ 1586, does
not give any Tara in Portrinard Manor, pp. 170, 171 b, as his Tworyn may be a
*‘ Tooreen”’? name in Tulligoline, the legendary site of a battle. The confiscated
lands in the Kerry Book of Distribution, p. 126, cover Duach, but do not extend to
Ballynemuddagh.

* However mythical their events may be, the topography of Irish Legends
is generally above suspicion.

° This would dispose altogether of PSEC RSD which is not even in
Luachra, but far to the west of it.

4 There were two stone forts, now entirely eee called Cahergal (the
southern being of considerable size) to the west of Duach, but not in eastern
Luachair.

° Was it ‘‘dubh”’ because it lay on the shady side, to distinguish it from a
“«Toora’’ on the sunny slope over Portrinard, like the forts Cahernagrian and
Caherduff near Crumlin in Clare ?

Tooradoo is on Knocknalaght, a hill 746 feet high.

® See O.S., 15, and compare Down Survey, A. 30; Civil Survey, xxx., p. 8,
Book of Distribution, p. 115, and Act of Settlement, 1666.

7 Pelham camped at Dowau (parish), but the ‘‘ at Temair Luachra”’ and ‘‘ at
Portrinard ”’ equally leave the question open.

* «¢Knocknashaunagh,’’ near Portrinard. Book of Distribution, p. 6. Possibly
Cnoknesanathe, 1452, Rental of O’Conyll.

64 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Each has a ring fort, the latter an unusually large rath 300 feet
in diameter, overlooking the glen eastward and having lesser forts
on the opposite ridge. Glenagragarach' in these hills (but too far
northward to claim a place in the legend) shows by its name how the
ery and cackling of wildfowl in these valleys impressed itself on the
people. Doubtless, the valleys at Portrinard were equally full of
‘“sturdy geese, rapid swans, starlings, ducks, and cranes,” with
the glen in the legend; and its oak-clad eastern ridge has an
analogy in the name Glendarragh, to the east of Tooradoo.

Finally we may note that the Cladhruadh, the ancient road of
Cleeroe, ran over Knockanure Hill almost to Athea, and, perhaps, led to
Knocknasnaa in the neighbourhood of that village.

3. Tue Earzrest Castres (1192-1290).

The ‘‘encastling’’ of Munster was a deliberate and slow process.’

The appointment of a Governor of Limerick City by Henry IIT.
followed (and was as real as) Donald O’Brien’s submission—a mere
nominal assertion of Norman power. Even the capture of the town
in 1176 gave but a short foothold to the foreigners. Reymond and
Meyler had forced their way over the river and ‘‘the Danish walls of
the Island City” in vain. Donald blockaded them all the winter,
and, despite his severe defeat near Cashel, waylaid them at every
turn. On the death of Strongbow, Reymond was anxious to go to
Dublin to look after his own interests. None of his men would
accept so undesirable a command, and so he took the incredible step
of ‘“‘ swearing in’’ Donald O’Brien. As soon asthe Normans filed
out of the town the inevitable result of their foolish act ensued.
Donald saw the last man over the bridge, which he then broke
down and burned the town before their eyes. They watched the
fire in helpless disgust and retired to Dublin. In 1194, however,
the fierce old Dalcassian had died in peace and been buried within the
new Cathedral under his lion-guarded slab. John Earl of Mortain
appears to have secured Limerick to the English by building a castle
with a bridge into Thomond. He incorporated the place by charter
before 1197. The Irish seem to have taken itagain. That year and
in 1200 Cathal O’Conor ravaged its market-place, which probably lay

1 See Dr. Joyce, ‘‘ Names of Places,’’ Series IT., p. 318.
2 For views on the early Norman Castles refer toa paper R.S.A.I., xxxiv., p. 337,
and a list of the earliest recorded Castles, pp. 344, 345.

Westropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 65

in what we know as the Irish town; but it affected very little the
rising city and the Norman power.'

Meanwhile the Normans were spreading a net on three sides of
the city. They had fortified the ancient mote of Knockgraffan, with
Kilfeakle? and (probably) Dunohil, in Tipperary. They had made
four bretasches*® or wooden castles at Emly, which were burned in
1195. At last, in 1199, they built a castle within the limits of the
county, on the rock of ‘‘ Karakitel,” near Kilteely. This was granted
to William of Naas. The old fort of ‘‘ Karkinles,” Cahirconlish,
eight miles nearer to Limerick, was next fortified ; and they built a
castle on the Island at Eas Gephthine on the Deel, and one at Ard-
patrick, near Foynes. About the same time, though it first appears
as an established place in later records, they built a castle at Escloun
(or, as some crusader probably rendered it, ‘Askelon’), perhaps at New-
town de Esclon, near the mouth of the Maigue. Some have supposed
that it was a predecessor of that great fortress that ‘‘ lifts to heaven
its diadem of towers”’ on the rock of Carrigogunnell; but, though both
names are contemporaneous, they are never equated. Limerick pos-
sessed a ‘‘bawn’’ in 1200, which with the repairs needed there in
1217 implies the earlier rather than the later date for its castle. The
following year the second ‘ Rock of the O’Gunnings”’ was granted
to William de Burgo by King John, with the stipulation that ‘if he
fortify the same and we desire to have it, we will give him a reasonable
exchange.’ There was built that castle known to us as Castro I
Coning, Caslan Ui Chonaing, and Castleconnell.

A castle stood in the important town of Kilmallock in 1206, when
the limits of the districts of Limerick and Cork were first determined.
Another had been built at the old fort of Cromadh or Croom, on the
river Maigue by about 1216, and was given to Maurice FitzGerald. Its

' The authorities used in this section are the Annals of Loch Cé, Inisfallen, and
Four Masters; the Calendars of Documents relating to Ireland ; Patent, Close, and
Plea Rolls; Inquisitions, &c. They are cited fully under each castle in the
subsequent survey.

* The castle of Kilfeakle stands at some distance from the mote.

* For such structures, see R.S.A.I., vol. xxiv., pp. 332, 337. ‘Castles of
wood’’ were taken by Sussex, in County Clare, after the capture of Bunratty in
1558 (Carew i., p. 276), and the palisaded mote of Ballysonan in Kildare, was taken
by the Parliamentary forces in 1648, R.S.A.I. (1856-7), iv., consecutive, p. 111.

* The Annals of Clonmacnoise, in telling how Meyler de Bermingham and Cathal
Crovderg O’Conor expelled William de Burgo from Limerick in ‘‘1202,’’ states
that they ‘refused to give him one castle there.”’

66 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

rent in later years was threepence and a hawk tothe Earls of Kildare.
About this time the connected records of Limerick Castle commence,
and it is very probable that the low fort on the marshy bank of the
Maigue, near the old “ ford of the oaks,” at Adare, was walled and
formed the germ of the miscalled ‘‘ Desmond’s Castle.” At any rate,
the manor and market town of the de Verdons flourished there ten
years later. Of even earlier date, to judge from its style and masonry,
was that strong tower which, from the summit of the high mote of
Shanid, looked across all northern Limerick and central Clare, and
guarded the passes towards Kerry. Its first appearance in our existing
records is merely to locate a smith’s house in a deed of 1298.

Bruree Castle, a singular round fortress, suggestive of Castle Hag
in Lough Mask and other ‘‘mortar-built cahers’’ of acknowledged
early date, was probably built by the O’Donovans before this time.
Towers were subsequently added.t Two Normans named Robert,
distinguished as ‘‘ of Dundonill”’ and ‘‘ of Guer,” founded two castles
bearing their names, at Cloghnarold near Rathkeale and on the tidal
creek near Foynes. The third Castle Robert, near Adare, only
appears about 1280.

Besides these important strongholds, several lesser castles are
named: Blathac (not the Blathac at Drogheda, but one of the
castles given to the City of Limerick by John) was perhaps at Castle
Blake or Castle Blauke near the Thomond Bridge. Caslan Uilchin,
sacked by O’Conor in 1201, lay apparently between Limerick and
Castleconnell; it is named down to 1281 and then vanishes. Coon-
agh had a castle and tower,” built before 1246, which needed repair
in 1278. Castle Agi or Agni is named with Cahernarry, and was
probably Aine; the latter has undoubted records from 1287. A
Castle Amery, subject to the dower of Almerica de Bellofago, appears
in 1296.

Of manors on which no castles are mentioned a list may suffice:
Mungret, 1225; Corcomoith, 1230; Ardagh, 1238; Rathkeale, 1252;
Iniskefty ; Reyns; Moy Tauenach; Newcastle Oconyll; Corcoithe ;
Any (with Lough Gur, Kilfrush, Knocklong, &c.) in 1287. Maurice
Fitz Gerald and his wife Agnes de Valence held Adare; Castle Robert;

2 Probably by the de Lacey family.

> Identified by Sweetman as Old Connaught near Bray, but evidently on the
border of Limerick or Tipperary in Coonagh—perhaps Castletown or Cullen. It
is stated in C.8.P.1. (3108) to have been the castle given by King John in 1215;
but in the original document the Cantred of Occonach and Tibrary alone appear.
(Ib., 621).

Westrroprp—Anecient Castles of the County of Limerick. 67

Cromyth; Wrgidy (part of Uregare); and Grene in 1292, while
Thomas Fitzmaurice held Glenogra (with Cathirgilmore and Athlecath).
Reginald Russell and his wife, widow of Thomas Fitzmaurice, held
Shanid (with Kilcosgrave), Rathronan, and Newgrange, in 12938.
The other manors of Fitzmaurice were Newcastle, Corkoigh, Moy-
taunagh, Kilnehyhyn,' Ardagh, Kilbradran, Newgrange, and Moycro
or Croagh.?

The castles alleged to have been built by the Templars, find no
support for their origin in extant records. That hapless Order seems
to have possessed only a small plot of land in Limerick in 1308.*

Tue FourTEENTH CENTURY.

The story of this century is that of the collapse of the Norman
power. At first the strong organization of Edward I. held its own.
We hear for the first time of the Manors of Meane or Mayne, 1307,
and Garth or Ballingarry, in Oconyll; but records of castle-building
become rarer. A late ‘‘authority”’ states that Rathmore Castle was
built in 13806. Limerick Castle was repaired in 1813, and other works
followed, probably from fear of the Scotch invasion. As the Bruces
advanced, the long quiescent Irish tenants rose in revolt. Most
dangerous were those of Maurice Fitz Thomas, who rose at Rathkeale
and destroyed Newcastle Oconyll in 1315; but the Scotch princes fell
back, and, instead of a second Bannockburn, Edward Bruce found a
Faughart Field, and fell, exulted over by the Irish he had helped no
less than by the Normans he had ravaged.+

After the danger had passed the English found everything out of
joint. The de Clares and their colony in Thomond were ‘“ wiped
out”’ by the battle of Dysert, though Bunratty was reoccupied. That
same year (1318) Therly or Durlas near Garth is named. In 1320
the castles of Corcomoyth belonged to Robert de Welle and his wife,

‘ Perhaps ‘‘ Killanohwne,”’ which surrendered to the English, 1569, and is
evidently Glenquin or ‘‘ Glannohwyn,” Kilnehylin Inq. 1299.

* Doubts as to the identity of these names are removed by Inq. Chancery,
Car. I., 240, ‘‘ Maner cas. vil. et ter de Crowagh als de Moycrowagh.”’? The
heading in Black Book of Limerick (see Proc. R.I.A. xxv. (c.), p. 374) seemed of
too slight authority to overbear other notices, as the headings belong to the
copyists, not to the grantors.

® See R.S.A.I., vol. xii, pp. 331, 333, the original document being in Brit.
Mus. Plut. c. lxxix., D., p. 375.

* See exultation of the ‘‘ Annalist of Clonmacnoise.”’

68 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

the sister of Richard de Clare.! The Patent Rolls contain grants for
the general repair of castles throughout the county in 1334, and for
the repair of the walls and bridge of Limerick the following year.

These years from 1332 to 1334 were disastrous to the English.
The unending hate of the O’Briens and Macnamaras watched its
opportunity, captured and destroyed Bunratty Castle, the outpost of
Limerick and key of the river on Thomond side. In the same year
the hostages in the castles of Nenagh and Limerick overpowered their
keepers and took the castles. At Limerick the Governor himself fell
into their hands, and the castle had to be stormed by the mayor and
citizens, the hostages being put to the sword. The prisoners of
Nenagh facilitated their own ruin by burning its gate, and the strong
round keep, with its occupants, was soon in the hands of the Govern-
ment. Disaster spread, ‘‘ the castle of Totomay”’ was levelled, and
even the distant Newcastle Castle in the far east of Leinster was
taken by the O’Tooles. More trouble arose near Limerick ; and Ufford,
the Lord Justice, had to invade the Earl of Desmond’s lands and
captured two of his castles in Connello and Kerry, the last being
Castlemaine.

After three disastrous years, quiet was restored. John Darcy
repaired the castle of Adare in 1384, and there is a grant for the
repair of castles in Estgrene the same year. Cahirconlish, which had
been utterly destroyed by Prince Torlough O’Brien about 1286, was
fortified with a stone wall in November, 1338, being on the marches of
the Irish, who menaced the town. Doubtless the expulsion of the
Clan Brian, O’ Kennedys, and others from Clare into Ara after 1318 led
to corresponding pressure on the English border. Other repairs of the
walls and bridge of Limerick and of various unnamed castles in the
county belong to this decade.

Maurice de Rupefort, Bishop of Limerick, had a careful survey
made of the see lands in 1834. His manors were Mongareta; Kailloc’,
or Kilmallock; Clonshire; Drochetarsna; Ardacha and Lamkaill, or
Loghill, with lands at Dromdyle and Dissert Marrgeoin (Tomdeely
and Morgans). The only castles named are ‘‘the Lord’s (Bishop’s)
in Mongaret”’ and Cregganein Kenry. Of places where castles stood
in later days, he names Leakdon (Lickadoon), Creweymaille (Balliclogh,
near Knocknegall); Ballycathan, Villakeating (Cloughkeating), Baly-
nacloghy (Stoneville); Rathnaseer, Downmoylan, and Cnocpatrick.?

1 Grossi Fines, 14.
* A copy made in the Black Book of Limerick is partly legible. Of this, when

Westrroprp—Anecient Castles of the County of Limerick. 69

All this work, however, represents but little improvement in English
affairs. King Edward’s heart was set on his French wars. Crecy
spread his fame over Europe, but a victory in Tradree might have
re-established his power in western Ireland on a permanent basis. By
the time of Poitiers the only power to be reckoned with in Limerick
was evidently the Earl of Desmond. A new force was, however, at
work. If the Exchequer Inquisition, No. 2, is reliable as to past
history, the O’Briens built Carrigogunnell’ castle two centuries before
its date, 7.e. in 1836. This squares well with the buildings and the

- weakness of the English power at that time. The O’Briens had now a

way into the heart of Limerick, and cut off the waterways to the
city and to Adare and Croom, as the de Clares had secured the heart
of Thomond in 1275. The history is, however, very obscure, and
the later chiefs deduced their descent from Brian Duff, son of Prince
Teige Glenore O’Brien, who died in 1426. There seems some belief
that the MacNamaras once held it; perhaps this preceded the settle-
ment of Brian Duff.

No other great blow fell for a generation. Then a disaster more
alarming, though less permanent in its effects, than the battle of
Dysert overtook the Geraldines and the city itself. Garrett, Earl of
Desmond, gave shelter in 1369 to an exiled prince of Thomond; |
Brian, the nephew of the latter, followed his uncle and reached
Monasteranenagh, where Desmond, probably without his full levy,
met him. O’Brien was victor in a fierce battle, dragged Desmond
from the shelter of the neighbouring abbey, and appeared before
Limerick, which, in fear or by treachery, opened its gates to the
victors and was plundered, even to its churches. The castle evidently
held out, but Sioda MacNamara was left ‘‘ Governor of the city.”
When O’Brien had left, the English took heart and rose against the
Irish, whom they expelled, killing Sioda, and, with the aid of Sir
William de Wyndsore, compelled the MacNamaras to restore the
books and plate of the cathedral. The fortifications of the city were
repaired in 1376, and ‘‘Tom Corr,” Balbeyne, built a castle in the
middle of the Irish town and called it after his name, dying in 1402.

entire, a copy is now in possession of the Protestant Bishop of Limerick, and
was made about 1619.

‘ Carraic ui chonaing (or ‘‘conning’’ in one copy), Annals of Inisfallen, 1209-
1226, Carrig Gunning, 1590, map. <A similar change takes place in the name
Castro I Coning, now Castleconnell. In 1535, Parry in a letter to Cromwell
mentions ‘‘ the Castell named Carygoguyllen,”’ C.S.P.I., p. 285; and we even get
the form ‘‘ Carraco Cainnell” in the following year.

70 Proceedings of the Royul Irish Academy.

The legend of the defence of Ball’s Bridge,’ by John de Gallwey, in
1361, may be noticed, and is very probable, as the family owned
house property at that bridge in a later generation ; but the exploit
of this Horatius of Limerick has not been celebrated in the Annals
known to us. The bridge does not appear in the escutcheons on the
monument of 1405-1420, but only on Elizabethan tablets.

THE LATER CENTURIES.

Little is recorded about the building of the castles, and nearly as
little of their history for about a century and a half. The walls
and towers of Limerick were repaired in 1407, and Ballingarry in
Oconyll walled, and perhaps the castle rebuilt, in the following year.
Tradition asserts, with the greatest support from probability and the
architecture, that Askeaton Castle was enlarged and the great hall
built by the seventh Earl of Desmond, from 1420 to 1460.2 In
1452 was compiled the invaluable rental of Oconyll. It covers the
Desmond’s manors of Shened, Kyllyde, Corcoith, Bathn (Ui Baithin
or O Meehan), Ardagh, Neweastle, Robertstown, Rathgalwey,°
Moytawenagh, Iniskefty, and Offargus (Kilscannell and Clonagh). It
only mentions four castles, Iniskefty, Castle Robert of Doondonnell,
Robertstown, and Newcastle.

The city seems to have prospered, and extensive additions and
costly monuments adorned its cathedral. In the county the beautiful
monasteries of the Franciscans at Adare, and additions to the other
convents of Adare, Kilmallock, and Askeaton, show that leisure and.
money were available for art and peaceable pursuits.

To this century, too, and especially to its latter half,* we must
attribute the majority of the peel towers raised in the county, the
greater works at Cappagh and Askeaton, and some additions to the
castle of Adare. Not only in this county, but all over Ireland, broke
out this passion for building and repair. In the case of Limerick we

} Chancery Inquisition, No. 8. John Galwey of Kinsale held ‘‘ the house of
the cross . . . in 1576, and the Tye Bridge, alias Droghedmoyle.’’ The name was
evidently ‘‘ Bald Bridge.”” It is also called the ‘‘ Tide Bridge’’ in Hardiman’s
map 638, about 1590.

* This is borne out by the old documents used by Teige Ui Neachtuin in 1723,
in his curious “ Abhallghori,’’ now in possession of Mr. M. J. M‘Enery, P.R.O.I,
who showed me the passage.

3 At Galway and Ballycullen near Askeaton.

4 An Act of the Irish Parliament, 1453 (xxxii Hen. VI.), offered to him “that
shall build a castle upon a border,’’ a sum of £10 (Carew MSS., vol. i.).

|
|
|

Wesrropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 71

may avail ourselves, through its close connexion with Clare, of the
light thrown on the peel towers by the ‘‘ List of Founders ’”! of the
castles in the latter county. The question is closely connected
with that of the repair of the churches, and gets corroborated and
checked by recorded facts of ecclesiastical buildings. Following the
analogy of the ‘‘ Founders’ List,” we may conclude that some of the
peel towers date back to about 1380, still more from 1400 to 1450,
and a great majority from that to 1500, with a few at intervals
down to 1540, when a later and more commodious type of residence
came into being. The long comparative peace in Ireland during
the reigns so warlike and perturbed in England, and the successful
trade of the seaports and even of the little inland towns, helped the
movement; and the Irish chiefs claimed and were paid customs which
paid better than pillage.» The towers were not castles, but strong
houses, intended to resist petty plunderers rather than even the
feeblest siege operations. This gives them merely the interest of
being the residence of those who ‘‘ made history’’; they rarely played
any part in war,’ and are devoid of those thrilling memories which

cling like the ivy round the walls of the castles of England, France,

and the Rhine land.
They also recall the fact that down to nearly 1470 the English
dwelt under the mainly fair Government of the Crown. ‘‘ The lords

and gentlemen wore English habit, kept good English order, and the

laws were well obeyed. The king derived 2000 marks a year, and

the Earl of Desmond’s income was about £500. Thomas and James,

Earls of Desmond, changed all this; the latter put coigne and livery
on the king’s subjects for the first time, when he was appointed
Governor (1472); and in his grandson’s time, in 1515, the Geraldines

are said to have derived the incredible sum of £10,000 a year off

the irestates, while the Crown revenue in Limerick had almost

dwindled to nothing.’’

1See Catalogue of Irish MSS. in the British Museum (S. H. O’Grady), and
Proc. R.I.A., Series iii., vol. v., p. 451.

* Limerick paid O’Brien of Thomond and O’Brien Arra £40 each and dues
(Carew MSS.i.). In the Inquisition of 1542, Mahon O’Brien of Carrigogunnell
took 1d. for each barrel of wine, and 2d. for each other barrel. O’Kahane of
Keilrush, Clare, took 6d. on each ship ; the Macnamaras, 2d. on each barrel, cow,
and horse, and 6s. 8d. on every man wearing acap. O’Brien of Thomond took
the same imposts except the last. Donough OBrien took 20d. a pack, and 5d.
a horse-load, from Limerick to Waterford.

* And accordingly are hardly ever mentioned in the Irish Records.

* Carew Calendar, vol. i., p. 6. Lodge (citing Davies) asserts that Thomas an

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. C.] [8]

72 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Little more need be said in this preface. We hope at some future
time to eollect into a general historic review the later story of the
castles. We have here led up from the days of the forts to those in
which nearly all the castles now extant stood completed. In 1536,
Lord Gray took (and, by an imprudent act, had to retake) the castles
of Carrigogunnell and Derryknockane. Little else of change occurred
till Desmond’s rebellion laid waste the province, and his estates and
castles were given to strangers. The fine surveys of 1583-6, the
Desmond Roll, Peyton’s Survey, and the Inquisitions give us very
full information about the castles and their owners, from that time to
1641. Then the Depositions tell their sorrowful story, which is
closed by the second great confiscation, told by the Down and Civil
Surveys, the valuable Account Rolls, and endless public and private
records. The Act of Settlement grants tell, with abundant other
documents, of the restoration and settlement of the country under
Charles IT. ; the Rolls and Surveys of 1688 to 1703 of the disturbance
of that period of promise by the imprudent James, and the ruin
which fell on him and his too loyal adherents.! Thence there is
little to tell of the history of the castles of Limerick.

Crosinc Noress.

As to our method, a few words of explanation are necessary.
No castle is included save where unequivocal trace of the building
remains, or a specific statement of its existence is found in a reliable
record. We use much caution where there is only a single record,
such as a casual mention of ‘‘ castle and land,”’ at any place, and still

appagh extorted coigne and livery, and rejected English Government before 1298.
This is opposed by the Rentals, Plea Rolls, and other documents down to the
Rental of Oconyll in 1452. Much more probable is the allegation that the dues
were claimed by that later Thomas, Earl of Desmond, who lived in 1465 (see
Carew MSS., vol i. and ii.), or by James, Earl of Desmond. In June, 1588
(C.S.P.1., p. 548), the rents, moneys, and victuals of the late Earl of Desmond
include these imposts :—Shraughe, Marte, Chiefry, Coiny, Livery, Kernety, Sorren,
Galloglas, Kerne, Bonnaught-beg and -bor, Musteroon, Tax, and Tallage (or
Southe refection), Coshery, Cuddy, Gillicree and Gillycon. Peyton notes numerous
lands subject to the ‘‘bonnybur,’’ ‘‘ Sorrohen,’”’ ‘‘Sessy-malone,’’ ‘‘ chiefry,””
&c. Musteroon was for the repair of castles. In 1552 the Anglysh family complain
that they had once been free of all cess (save the ‘‘ cynduff’’ for Galloglass, and
1 mark to the chief Lord Burke) from Cashel to Greane. Decree of James, Earl
of Desmond, and Sir G. Aylmer (Pat. R.).

1Land worth £61,500 was confiscated in County Limerick alone, being:
14,882 acres.

)

Westropp—Anecient Castles of the County of Limerick. 73

more where only a view of a castle is found on an ancient map
without any written statement. In such cases error may have arisen
or a house been named a ‘“ castle.’”’ Where there is more than one
definite record, the non-occurrence of remains at the place disproves
nothing. On the other hand, an alleged site, even with foundations
or a fragment of wall, without records, as in the case of Nicker, we
regard as most doubtful.

We cannot guard against the giving separately of two groups of
records, or the records and a site, which may belong to the same
castle. As a pioneer, such mistakes are more than possible in our
work: The cases of Esclon and Newtown, or of Caslenuilchin and
Castleurkine, may prove to fall under this head. The opposite may
be found to be true of Castle Blake, which we have been led to
identify with Castle Blathac; and we would rest content if we dared
hope that no other errors might be found. Despite every care, it
may also happen that a record may have got transferred from the
actual castle to one of similar name; but we have usually withheld
all equivocal documents, and where doubtful of the identity, we give
the records under different sections. We collect under the barony,
the parish (so far as lying in the barony), and the townland, and give
after the name the number of the map in the Ordnance Survey of
‘*6 inches to the mile.”’

The number of castles was really amazing. In the north liberties
of Limerick, round Oola and in parts of Connello, castles appear in
every third or fourth townland. Tradition in Limerick seems less
reliable than in Clare; but local workers may be able to correct this
impression, though more critical inquiry is necessary in collecting
legends now that history is more accessible. Still the influx of
English families absolutely uninterested in the past story of their
lands must have sorely affected tradition in this county.

As in the Church Survey, we condense the records of the more
important structures, but give them as much as possible to throw
light on the more obscure buildings. We also adopt the Ordnance
Survey name for the section, but give the variant forms in the
records. We must deprecate the disappointment of readers un-
acquainted with the limitations of material and space which beset
our work. Some who have spoken to us appear to expect family
history, and even personal biographies, and connected pedigrees of

1 We sometimes use a ‘‘ typical’? date, e.g., ‘1590,’ for Hardiman maps of
1582-1600; 1655 for Civil Surveys, &c., 1653-1657; and 1583 for Desmond
Surveys, 1582-1587.

[8*]

74 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

their families, to be given along with the account of their old homes.
Others have expressed hopes of finding ‘‘ thrilling accounts”’ of the
‘heroic last stand of the Desmonds,”’ and ‘‘ the undescribed deeds of
war round our ancient towers.’’ Others, more reasonably, expect
‘full histories of the native Irish,” among whom they often appear
to confuse the old Englishry. None of these can we fully satisfy in
a survey such as this.

The needs of the antiquarian student and topographer must be
first considered and supplied. Field lists are a most pressing want to
Irish antiquaries; these we strive to give, while many will find new
facts relating to their families and to the old buildings of their
neighbourhood, which may form in their hands the basis of fuller and
more interesting papers possible in a study of a single castle and its
owners, but impossible in a general survey.

For the rest, we leave our work to the charitable opinion and the
practical criticism, correction, and addition of all who may use it as a
stepping-stone to better things.

ABBREVIATIONS AND CHIEF AUTHORITIES.

Acct. R.,. Account Rolls, P.R.O.1., Limerick district, 1650-58.

Ann. . Annals, viz., Ult.,. Ulster; E.M., Four : Masters;
Inisf., Inisfallen; Clon, Clonmacnoise; L. Cé,
Loch Cé.

B.B.L. . Black Book of Limerick—Maynooth.

ib.D: . Book of Distribution and Survey, P.R.O.I.

C. . Castle.

C.S. . Civil Survey of 1657—P.R.O.I.

Des: . Down Survey—‘‘ A,’”’ unburned ; and ‘‘ B,” burned

maps. ‘‘ Petty” refers to the Vallancey copies of
the maps taken to Paris.

Dep. . Depositions, County Limerick and Clare, T.C.D.

Des. R. . Desmond Roll, 1583—P.R,0.I.

Dub. Reg. Registry of Deeds, Dublin.

1300 . Fiants. The date shows the reign ; the numbers refer
to the Appendices to the Report of the Deputy
Keeper of the Records, Ireland, Nos. 11 and suc-
cessive.

FzG. . Fitzgerald and Macgregor’s History of Limerick.

1The Irish Annals are practically blank, so far as the’ history of the lesser
Limerick castles is concerned.

Westroprp—Anecient Castles of the County of Limerick. 75

Inq. . Inquisitions, ¢.¢., Exch., Exchequer; Chan., Chancery ;
the two series temp. James I. are lettered A and
B.

Len. . Lenihan. History of Limerick.

0.8. . Ordnance Survey Maps.

O.S.L. . Ordnance Letters, R.I. Acad.

P.R.O.I. Public Record Office, Ireland.

KR. . Rolls, 2.¢., Pat., Patent; Close; Mem., Memoranda of
Exchequer ; Plea; and Acct., Account Rolls.

R.I.A. . Royal Irish Academy.

R.S.A.I. Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, under its
various names.

S. Survey, 7.¢., C.8. Civil; D., Down; O., Ordnance.

Beetdes these we may note—

WarsG.G. Wars of the Gaidhil with the Gaill (ed. Todd).

Wars Torl. Cathreim Thoirdhealbhaigh. ;

Rentals. 1336, of De Rupefort. 1452, of Oconyll. 1540, of
the Burkes.

A SURVEY OF THE CASTLES IN COUNTY LIMERICK.
Limerick Crry.

Little need be said on this subject. ‘‘ Luimneach,’’ an ancient
name for the Shannon Estuary, and a tribe along its southern
bank from the Maigue eastward, suggested to the Norsemen of the
ninth century the name Hlimrek for their most western town. The
Daleassians held it more or less in subjection from the late tenth
century for 200 years. It was then taken by the Normans, lost,
retaken, and incorporated about 1195. Its subsequent history, its
capture by the Irish in 1197, 1200, and 1369, and by the English in
1649 and 1691, is well known, and may be learned in the Histories
by W. Ferrar, 1767; Rev. P. Fitzgerald and J. J. Macgregor, 1827 ;
Maurice Lenihan, 1867 ; and the Rev. James Dowd, 1896, ‘‘ Limerick
and its Sieges.”

1. Kine’s Casttr (Ordnance Survey Map 5). Stanihurst says
that King John built an ‘“‘ egregium castellum’’ and a bridge there.
The north-west or ‘‘ Bridge ” Tower is believed to be the oldest part.

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Westrroprp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 77

The bawn of Limerick is named in 1200 (Ann. Loch Cé). There was
a ‘‘castle there” in “1202” (Ann. Clon.) The fortress needed
repair, 1216. In 1226 all the castles save Limerick were held
against the king; but its custodian, Ric. de Burgo, was always
willing to help the Government (C.S.P.I., No. 1443). It had been
neglected, and the king’s goods in it in 1224 were found to be
scarcely worth 18 pence, ‘‘such as broken dishes’ (Jb., No.
1258), In 1227 the Justiciary was ordered to send a trusty person
to spend 50 marks on its repair (Jb., No. 1514). 1250 G. de Mareys,
Justiciary, granted the presentation to its chapel to Bishop Hubert
de Burgh (B.B.L., p. 29). 1272 John de Musegros accounts for
cost of repairs of the bridge and C. (Pipe R. 1272). Money was
granted for the food of the hostages in the C., also for building a new
chamber, and paying two men to watch from the tower of the bridge
towards Thomond, and archers on the tower at the head of the bridge
(Pipe R. 4). 1297 A wall built in the C. (Jd. 25). 1318 The
constable carelessly allowed fourteen prisoners (svc) to escape; but
J. de Wogan recaptured sixteen, slew two, and permitted eight to
abjure the realm (Plea R., No. 124, m. 87). 1310 Murage allowed
for the city, and in 1322 for the C., and the repair of the walls and
bridge (Pat. R.). 13826 T. de Winchester got a patent for the C.,
in bad repair, and grants of £20 and £80 for its buildings (Jd.).
1832 The hostages slew the constable, and held the C. till the Mayor
and citizens recaptured it and put them to the sword (Ann. 8. Mary’s,
Dublin, vol. ii., p. 378, and Book of Howth, p. 159). 13869 The city
surrendered to the O’Briens and MacNamaras after the battle of
Monasternenagh. Sioda MacNamara, who was left as Governor, was
slain, and the Irish expelled (A.F.M.). 1417 Henry IV. granted
murage (Pat. R.). The fees were “‘for the most part annihilated,
and the C. ruinous,” so £10 was granted from the city, and 40 marks
from the Lexweir for the repairs (Pat. R.). 1427 The mayor
and citizens petitioned that the C. might be given to their care, as it
commanded the city, and had often been nearly lost by carelessness or
treachery. This was granted conditionally on keeping it in repair
(English Pat. R.). 1476 James, Earl of Desmond, made constable,
and first took coigne and livery from the English (Carew i., p. 6).
1542 The possessions of the C. were found to be two gardens and the
pasture of the King’s Island, saving right of the citizens to enter
for pastime there. It also took 10s. rent from the ‘‘Ile wear at
Corbally,” and dues from ships—1 measure of salt, 1 of wheat,
100 herrings or oysters, according to the cargo (Inq., Feb. 18, Len.,

78 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

p- 39). ©. 1580 Maps and views of C. and town occur (Hardiman
Collection, 1209, No. 57, T.C.D.).'| 1600 Sir Geffry Galwey, the
mayor, was fined £400, spent on repairs of C. (Pac. Hib. i., p. 198).
1611 Sir Josias Bodley reported that some of the towers were so
undercut by the beating of the river, that a horse and cart could pass
under them. He repaired these and the half towers at the gate, and
made the south-east bastion’ towards the city (Carew 11., pp. 214, 216).
1624 The C. ordered to be speedily repaired and fortified. 1626 The
garrison consisted of the Governor, a porter at 9 pence, a cannoneer
at 16 pence, and twenty warders at 8 pence each per diem (C.S.P.I.).

——

THOMOND BRIDEE

RIVER
SHANNON
BASTION
MADE I6ll.
TW eee 100 200 FEET
1906 \

Limerick CASTLE,

1641 The English retired to the C., and after a severe siege sur-
rendered to the Confederates on terms (Paper by M. J. M‘Enery,
R.8.A.1. xxxiv., p. 163), 1651 Surrendered with the city to Ireton-
1650-54 The C. underwent many repairs. Payments to the masons
and assistant labourers ‘that wrought at Twomonth Bridge,”’ and
‘‘ worked at the greate C.” appear; £9, for repair of the gates; Ant.
Clogher and Edm. Dungan, Masons, ‘repaired the C. wall,’’ and
worked ‘‘on the old C.” About £836 was spent on the fortifications:
(Acct. R. 12b-13b). 1672 Alleged plot of Capt. T. Walcott to

1 Partly published, R.S.A.I., vol. xxxiv., p. 176 2 Ibid., p. 171.

Westropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 79

capture C. by a mine from St. Nicholas’ graveyard (C.S.P.I., 1672-3).
1691 In the siege a battery, ten guns and seven mortars, played on the
bridge and C. It was surrendered with the city to Ginckell, and has
since been continuously used as a garrison,

Fabric.—It was designed for defence towards Thomond and the
bridge, and was poorly fortified towards the city, till the strained
relations with the citizens compelled the Government in 1611 to make a
bastion next the town. It has strong and lofty round towers to each
of the north angles. The north-east tower is well preserved ; but
the ‘“‘ Bridge Tower” is scarred by cannon shot, and the upper part
is removed. In the centre of the north curtain wall between two
“half towers” is a fine gateway. There is a low round tower at the
south-west angle next the river. The other buildings (save the
curtain walls next the last-named tower) are modern. No detailed
plan or description of this most interesting fortress is as yet accessible.
For a striking sketch plan, see Pacata Hibernia.

2. THom Corz. It stood in the Irish Town at the junction of
Mungret-street and John-street, and appears in the 1580 map
(Hardiman 57). 1402 T. Balbeyn, called ‘‘ Cor,” leaves in his will,
dated March 28th, ‘‘my castle which I built in the suburbs of
Limerick,” leaving it to the Corporation, if his brother Henry, of
Bristol, should not care to live in Limerick (Arthur MSS., Len.,
p. 286). 1650-54 Capt. T. Holmes repaired Core castle at a cost of
£70. Also paid J. Tomson ‘‘for repair of Tom Core C.”’ (Acct. R.
12b 13). 1657 It was held by Dr. T. Arthur, and was then a
‘“‘cytadle” (C.S8.,xxviii., p.6). 1659 The C. and the three citadels were
garrisoned by 200 men (C.S.P.I., p. 687). 1668 Lord Orrery was
granted the front stone house adjoining Tho: Core’s C. (Act. Sett.).
1696 A market house ordered to be built on the site of Thom Core C.,
which is to be demolished (White MSS., Len., p. 295). This was
done at a cost of £210.

3. Sr. Jonn’sGare. 1657 ‘‘ Thecytadle about St. John’s Gate...
a great stone house with a cross-house; the great castle on the gate,
and a lardge waste plot’ (C.S., xxviii., p. 10). It is also shown in
some detail in the 1580 map as a tower two stories high, with two
stepped gables, the gateway being underneath.

4. Sr. Mary’s House. 1630 ‘‘ The little C. pertaining to the house
§ of the B.V.M.” was granted by Edm. Sexten to Rev. N. Lillies for
# forty-one years (Inq. Chan. 219), along with a little close, and 40 feet
of the body of a ruinous church (St. Mary and St. Edward of the Holy-

pp. 37, 44, 121.

80 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

cross).!. It was probably the Abbey steeple as shown in Pacata Hibernia
and Hardiman, map 57.

5. Tue Casrie ‘‘ CALLED THE SHAMBLES,
into a cythadell, 1657” (C.S., xxvill., p. 1).

6. Mr. rrivgkins Casrie ‘‘ near St. Marie’s Church in High-street ”’
(1b., pada).

7. Srrircne’s Castte. 1657 ‘‘ The stone C. or house of Alderman
James Stritch, and a cross stone-house, now made a cythadell or
garrison’ in St. Munchion’s Parish (Jd., p. 77),

8. GaLwey’s Caste, near the Cathedral. The family was a branch
of the Burkes. ‘‘ John de Burgo, of Galway, was knighted by Lionel
Duke of Clarence, for his brave defence of Balls Bridge, Limerick,
against the O’Briens, 1361.’ The fine monument in the Cathedral
dates 1414. Sir Geoffrey Galwey was Mayor in 1600, and strongly
asserted the independence of the Corporation, being, in consequence,
fined by Carew. He probably built the C., and died 1636. His
grandson, Sir Geoffrey, was excepted from terms at the surrender of
Limerick to Ireton, 1651. In 1650-54, Thomas White paid for work
done in preserving Jeoffrey Gallowaye’s House, £20” (Acct. R. 15).
The ‘Castle’? has been illustrated in Journals R.S.A.I., xxiv.,
pp. 386-9, and Limerick Field Club, vol. i. It was demolished in
1894, being an object of prejudice from its name, “‘ Ireton’s House,”’
and the Corporation refused to preserve it.

The City Gates may be here noted. They were—(1) Thomond
Gate, (2) Island Gate, (3) Sallyport, (4) Little Island Gate, (5) Abbey
Gate North, (6) Fish Gate, (7) Ball’s Bridge, (8) East Water Gate,
(9) St. John’s Gate (see above), (10) Mungret Gate, (11) West
Watergate, (12) Creagh Gate, (13) Quay Lane Gate, (14) New Gate,
(15) Gate at Castlebarrack. Of these only one now exists, incorporated

Pr]

in High-street, ‘‘ made

' Twas misled by the “ Histories”’ into separating, in my ‘“‘ Survey of the Churches
of County Limerick,’’ the ‘‘ House of SS. Mary and Edmond’’ from that of ‘St.
Mary and the Holycross.’’ Different sites have been assigned by older antiquaries.
See Proc. R.I.A., xxv. (c.), pp. 860, 361. They are identified as the same house
in Inq. Chancery Car. I., No. 217.

2 I cannot find any contemporary authority for this, but it is not impossible;
and the tradition is at least as old as the later part of Elizabeth’s reign. Them
fact that the bridge was held by Galwey’s connexion, R. Bultingfort, about 1400,
and by John Galwe, about 1564, tells in its favour. The date may be 1369.

3 In 1392 the north gate, with a small tower annexed, ‘‘ empty, uninhabited, |
and uncovered,” was granted to Ric. Bultingfort for life on condition of repai
it (Pat. R.). For the grantee’s biography and monument, see R.S.A.I., vol. xxv

Wesrroprp—Anecient Castles of the County of Limerick. 81

with a wing of St. John’s Hospital. It has an outer and inner arch,
and a guard-room. One side of a gate remains to the north of
Athlunkard-street, probably part of the castellated house shown there
in Hardiman’s map, 57. We omit the later citadel, batteries, and
forts of the city and its besiegers in 1690-91.

9. CurracowER. The weir of Coradoguir is named in 1201 in the
Ing. M. f. Henry (B.B.L., p. 15), 1577 The mills of Cordower
granted to Hercules Rainsford (Fi. 3027). 1627 W.Creaghf. Martin
held the C. and two mills of Carrowdarrower in the parish of St.
Nicholas (Ing. Chan. 50). 1657 Curragowr stone house and C.
(C.8., xxviil., p. 64).

»
Susurss—To tHe Norra oF THE SHANNON.

10. Battyerenan, or Castte Park (5). Site marked. 1610 David
McCanney owned the C. of Parck (Inq. Chan., Car. I., 29). 16381
Pardon to Simon Fanning for alienation of the C. of Park in the
County of the City (Pat. R.). 1655 Ballygrenane C. (Petty 63).

11. FarransHone, or Castte Brake (5). Not marked.’ It is
possible that this may be one of the early castles called Blathac, the
second being at Drogheda. 1218 Walter de Lacy held the C. of
Drogheda, the land of Armail, and the C. of Blathac, near Limerick
eity (C.S.P.I., No. 835). The grants are equivocal, some giving
Drogheda, Armail,? near Limerick, and C. Blathac (Jd., 952, 953).
The citizens of Limerick granted to Henry de Londres, Archbishop of
Dublin, 1213-1228, and the Church of the Holy Trinity, Dublin, a
-earucate at C. Blathac, with the C., being one of the forty castles
-granted by King John to Limerick (Crede Mihi, lix. Lib. Nig. Alani,
579). Before 1248 the Archbishop granted it to Matilda, wife of
W. de Mareys (C.8.P.I., vol. i., 2759). In 1624, Sir W. Parsons was
confirmed in Castleblake or Castleblagh in the County of the City of
Limerick (Pat. R.). 1633 Nic. Arthur held Castleblake or Farrenshone
(Ing. Chan. 112) ; also in 1655 (C.S., xxviii., p. 83). It isnot marked
in Petty’s map 63). 1666 Confirmed to Sir W. Petty (Act Sett.).
| 11. Knock (5). Not marked. 1614 Ardnegallagh and other
lands held from the Corporation by T. Comyn (Ing. Exch.). 1655

} The phrase means that no site is marked in the townland in the Ordnance
Survey maps. “Site marked”? means that it is described as ‘‘ site’; ‘ marked,”’
that a “‘ Castle’ is named ; *unknown,”’ that the very place is not identified.

* Armail in County Tipperary.

82 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Two peel towers marked at Knockardnegal (Petty 63). Cnockardne-
galliagh held by Bart. Stacpole and Jas. White (C.S., xxviii., p. 81).

13-18. Canerpavin and other castles adjoining (5). Not marked.
1614 Cahirdavy held by T. Comyn (Ing. Exch.). 1655 Petty’s map
63 shows the following C.s—(13) CanErpAvInE, a peel tower with
tall battlements, and a house attached ; (14) CLonprinaen, a large
tower; (15) Cronecanane, a large tower, with side turret; (16)
‘SHANABOLIE, a small gabled tower; (17) CronemMaxinmorE, a battle-
mented tower, with a flagstaff; (18) Cronmackrysee, a battlemented
house, with a tower to each side. None of these exist.

19. CorEEN orn CoonacH (5). Site marked. 1655 Counnagh, a
gabled peel tower, marked (Petty 63). It was held by Barnaby Earl
of Thomond (C.S.,éxxviil., p. 79). Fabric—A fragment of the west
wall, 18 feet high, 23 feet thick, stood in 1840.

20. BattynantymoreE (5). Site marked. 1665 It is probably the
peel-tower of ‘‘ Mollish’’ at Ballineaghtenmore (Petty 63); probably
Mealish, held by Sir James White (C.8., xviii., p. 79).

21. Casunavn-na-Corran (5). Marked. The Castle on the
Laxweir, though assigned to County Clare, isin the middle of the
Shannon, and historically belongs to Limerick. It is the lower
part of an old building, retaining a sort of corbelled bartizan and
some of the original window-slits, but evidently defaced and
modernised. The Laxweir fisheries evidently date from Norse
times. They were granted to W. de Braosa in 1215. Records are very
numerous, but make no allusion to the tower.!

Soutrn Susurss oF LImMeERIcK.

Two peel towers are so closely connected with Limerick that,
though respectively to be assigned to Clanwilliam and Pubblebrian
baronies, we may give them here.

Sr. Parricx’s.,

22. Resoce, or Kine’s Istanp (5). Not marked. 1590 T. Arthur
at his death owned the C. of Rebogge or Reibieg (Inq. Exch. 14). 1638
Nic Arthur held Rebucke C. Jé., Car. I., 112). 1657 T. Arthur held
a ruinous C. there (C.S. xxix., p. 32, and D.S.A., 18).

1 T hope eventually to deal with these fisheries, for which there is much material.
Several have yet to be located: where, for instance, were Sownycockogyogeese
and Sownygockogybegshone, used down to 1624?

Westroprp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 88

St. MiIcHAEL’s.

23. CourtBrack (5). Not marked. It is usually given with
Corbally. 1877 Corbally granted for the repair of the Dominican
House in Limerick (Close R., m. 20). 1583 ‘ Veter Castell spect.,
voc. Courtebrack, Juxt. Civit. Lim.’’ (Des. R., 7). 1586 Courte Brake,
the parcell of land belonging to Monaster Donnogh Carbry or
Monasterio Woghtro, was granted to the Earl of Desmond (Peyton,
p- 182). 1586 Corbally was granted to Rob. Anstoe with Bealus, alias
Courtbrack (Fi. 5837. Ing. Chan. 12 3). 1600 Jas. Gould held it with
the Abbeys in the city. 1622 T. Gould enfeoffed Edm. England in
same (Ing. Chan., 13 a). 1655 Courtebracke on the Shannon held
by Barnaby Earl of Thomond (C.S. xxix., p. 23). Corbally is not -
to be confused with another Corbally to the north-east of the city.’

CLANWILLIAM.

This barony lies along the Shannon eastward from the city of
Limerick and apparently corresponds roughly to part of Ui Chonaing
and the ancient Aes tri muige, Estermoy or Nestermoy. ‘‘ Smoothest
of plains in the grassy territory of Ui g conaing, a bright watered plain
of the noblest aspect, by the meadowy side of Craobh-Cumhraidhe ”’
{Crecora), as O’Huidhrin describes it in 1420, Robert de Ufford in
1284 paid £40 for the rent of Estermoy. (C.S.P.I., p. 550). It is
called Clanwilliam, after the Burkes, in 1466. They held it from
1201.

STRADBALLY.

24. CasTLECONNELL (1). Marked. There was a residence (or fort)
¢alled Caslaun Ui Chonaing in 1174, where Dermot and Mahon O’Brien
were blinded by their relative King Donald. In 1200 Cathal
Crovderg O’Conor and the Connaughtmen burned the bawn (Ann.
F.M.). The next year W. de Burgo was granted Castle Canick.
“If he fortify the castle,” adds King John, ‘‘and we desire to
have it, we will give him an exchange”? (Ware). 1242 R. de Burgo
held the manor of Castro Conign, worth £57 10s. 113d. (C.S.P.I.).
1245 Phil de Inteberg, Constable of Limerick, is ordered to deliver up

* Several early notices relate to Corbally, County Lym. : e,g. Claricia, widow
of Reymund Roch, claimed it 1296 (Plea R. 34, m. 64, where it is named between
Kenry and Caheravally) ; but I am not sure of identity in all these cases,

* See under Pubblebrian for Corbally.

84 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Castle Coning (C.S8.P.I.). 1261 It was destroyed by the Irish under
King Conor na Siudaine O’Brien. 1272 and 1274 The manor of
Castro Konyng, with C. Amory, Tristellaueran, &c., held by Walter
de Burgo (Pipe R.). 1274 The King granted the C. to Theo le Butler.
1275 to T. deClare. 1279 Butler was paid £100 for its loss (Close R.).
1285-7 de Burgo, the Earl of Ulster, and the men of Castroconyng
harboured Terdeluath O’Brien (Prince of Thomond) before his raid
on de Clare’s lands at Cahirconlish and Grean (Plea R., and see
Wars of Torlough). Walter de Burgo enlarged and strengthened it
before 1299. In 1815 Castrum Congher wasted by the Bruces.
(Wars of Torlough). 13817 Orders to Ric., Earl of Ulster, as to
Castroconyn, &c. (R. Mem., m. 14). 13855 Ric. Bourke of Castro
Conning licensed to treat with the Irish. From the Book of the
Ui Mhaoilchonaires we learn its owners during the usually blank
period of the later fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries. Walter Duff,
son of Richard, made a partition of his lands (about 1400-1410); to his
eldest son Richard, he gave Tiobraid Aronn (Tipperary), Caislean Ui
Chonaing, and Cathair-Cinnleis; William, son of this Richard, held
it circa 1450; his son Edm., circa 1490, and grandson William. The
latter was knighted 1535. Pardon was granted to him in 1558; and,
with his son Tybott, 1564 (Fiants Mary 274, Eliz, 902), he is described
as W. Bourke mac Edm. of Kislaneyconnell, and created Baron Bourke
of Castelconyll for his services against James of Desmond, 1580. Of
his sons, Theobald fell in battle, 1578 ; three others were Barons in
succession. In 1583 he held the ‘‘Castel et vill de Castleconell
and fishing quarters” (Inq. Exch. Eliz. 9), called ‘‘ Castel et vill de
Ekonnell in Peroch. de Nestermoy”’ (Des. R., 37). The Lords of
Castleconnell play a large part in the local history thenceforward.
William fought in the civil war, sat in the Parliament of Kilkenny,
and went over sea to Charles II. in the Netherlands, ‘‘ trailing a pike
in the Duke of York’s Regiment.” The C. surrendered to the
Commonwealth, 1651; for it and the weir and courts see C.S. xxi. §j
p. 4, & B. D., 107. In 1690 it was surrendered by Captain Barnwell

1 Jt is cited in a valuable, but scarcely known, Rental of the Burkes (‘T.C.D. @
H. I. 18), to which Mr. Standish Hayes O’Grady, and at a later date Mr. Hubert @
Knox, called my attention. The Rental deals with persons living about 1540. @
It has a quatrain in honour of Richard Saxonagh, apparently before his succession
to the Earldom of Clanrickardin 1544. The present copy was made and possibly §
recast about 1617, as alluding to Tibot, son of Tibot, and Baron of Caislean, ang
I chonaing, i.e. to the first Baron of Brittas. It seems to have been compile
by David O’Bruadar from ‘‘ Maoilchonaire’s sons’ Book.”

Westrropep—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 85:

to King William. On the retreat of the latter, the Irish occupied it
till August 29th, 1691, when, after two days’ siege, the garrison
capitulated to the Prince of Hesse. Ginckell had the C. blown up
soon afterward. William, the eighth Baron, fought for King James at
Aughrim, and retired to France (Paper by James Grene Barry, R.S.A.I.,
vol. xix., p. 192, and numerous other works). 1725 Transferred by
W. Ford to Ralph Westrop of Carduggan, County Cork (Dub. Reg.).

Fabric.—It stands on a steep flat-topped rock beside the Shannon.
It is said to have had towers at each angle; traces remain to the
south-west and north-west, with fragments of certain walls and well-
built arches. The court measures 160 feet by 100 feet. Local tradi-
tion attributes it to the O’Briens and its destruction to Cromwell.!

25. Battyvottane (6). Not marked. In Mountshannon demesne.
1540 The sliocht Edmond mac William Burke held Béal atha an
mhuillin (Rental). 1586 C. Ballenvollin, by W. Bourke (Des. R.
37); 1623, by T. Arthur (Ing. Chan. 174). 1627 The daughters
of Pierce Creagh held in fee the C. of Biallaghmvolin (Jd.). 1655
Ballyweylan C., in Stradbally, Orchard, &c., by W. Lord Castle-
connell (C.S. xxix. 3) Clehduph or Ballyvillan, Stradbally (D.S8.A. 3).
Ballywillin Clondenyagh, with C. (D.8.A. 1).

KILNEGARRIFF.

26. CurracH (6). Not marked. 1657 Curragh-Elltine C. held by
S. Molyneux (C.S. xxi. 4; B.D. 108).

27. Knooxsentry or Carricxsec (6). Not marked. 1540 Sliocht
Shane mac William held the seisreach of Carraigbeag (Rental). 1583
W. Bourke, Knocknesomerta C. (Des. R., 37). 1621 Hubert Bourke
C. of Cnockyuxputy and Carrigbegg and enfeoffed D. Mac Clanghie,
a priest, in trust (Inq. Chan. 278). 1624 Theo. Lord Brittas, C. of
Cnock Iursinty. (Jb.) Livery to Hubert f. John Bourke license to
B alienate C. of Cnockyursinti for use of W., second son of Lord Brittas
§ (Pat. R.). 1655 Leased by W. Bourke to W. Pope; the D.S. shows a
peel tower on a rock (B.D. 108, D.S.A. 16 Petty, 65. 1666 Con-
fi firmed to W. Pope and partly to S. Molyneux (Act Sett.).
| 28. Battyvarra (6). Not marked. 1540 The man of Baile I

Bharra was Seafruin (Geffry), son of Ulick (Rental). 1582 David,
bis grandson, of Ballyvarry ©., was slain in Desmond’s rebellion in
BAherloe. 1583 W. Bourke held it (Des. R. 37). 1597 Pardon to

* The Down Survey sketch is given, Proc. R.I.A. (c.), vol. xxv., plate xii.

86 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Gef. f. Ulick Bourke of Ballibarrie (F. 6170). 1608 The mear of
the liberties of Limerick included this C. (Ing. Exch.). 1655 Ric.
Bourke sold the C. to Capt. T. Walcott; he also held the mill (CS.
xxix., 6 B.D. 108). 1667 Walcott confirmed in it (Act Sett.).

KILMURRY.

29. Kittonan (14). Not marked. 1540 Clan Daug Bourke held
‘Cil Lonain (Rental). 1583 W. Bourke, C. of Killonnan (Des. R., 37).
1589 Ric. f. Tho. Bourke, the two C.s of the Killonans (Inq. Chan..,
Car. 1.19). 1657 Two C.s named (D.S.A., 4 exp.). 1666 Granted
to James Duke of York (Act Sett.). 1688 Shown as two towers
three stories high, battlemented, and flanking a wing (Trustees’
Map, 22). 1703 Sold to Hollow Blades Company.

30. CasttE Troy (6). Marked. In 1197 H. Troy was first provost
of Limerick ; the family is often named. T. Troy, bailiff of Limerick,
witnessed Edm. Wyndebald’s will, 1361 (Arthur MSS., Len. 62).
1583 W. Bourke held Vill of Castlellane Trylane, C. of Callatroo
(Des. R., 37, Peyton 257). 1610 Held by Mac Keough of Clonkeen,
and 1655 the ruined C., eel weir, &c., of Callahintroy, by Lord Brittas
(C.S. xxix., p. 8). 1666 Granted to Duke of York. 1688 Shown
as standing in the Shannon (Trustees’ Map, 22). 1703 Sold to
Hollow Blades Company.

Fabric.—A peel tower on the bank of the Shannon. The north
and east walls remain. It is 313 feet by 213 feet inside; the walls
71 feet thick, and about 70 feet high. It has five stories and
numerous window-slits, and seems to date from later fifteenth century
(see O.8.L., 9, p. 14).

31. SHREELANE or Dromroz (5). Not marked. 1620 Edm. Bourke f.
Ric. confirmed in Shrylane C. (Pat. R.). 1655 Sryelane and
Dromruo with a broken C., held by T. Arthur (D.8.A., 4, exp. C.8.
xxix., 10 B.D., 104). 1688 C., shown as a turreted peel tower in
‘‘ Shrillane,”’ on the Shannon bank (Trustees’ Map, 22).

32. Battyctoven (6). Not marked. 1620 Edm. f. Ric. Bourke
confirmed in half the C. and mill of Ballinclohie (Pat. R.). 1630
Livery of Ballinaclohy to Turlough mac Kennedy O’Brien (Chan.
R.). 1655 Edm. Bourke, &c., unroffed C. (C.8., xxix., p. 10; D.S.A.
4 exp.). 1680 It belonged to James Whitro; the ‘‘etimology” is
‘Stone town”’ (Dyneley R.S.A.I. viii., p. 282). 1688 Confiscated as
estate of King James (Trustees’ Map, 30).

Westropp—Anecient Castles of the County of Limerick. 87

33. NewcastLe-Cranwitiiam (5). Marked. 1583 Castelenoo C.,
held by W. Bourke, also called ‘‘ Castellano Trylan”’ and ‘‘ Nester-
moy” (Des. R., 387; Peyton, 257). 1607 Dom. Roche owned
Newcastle-Clanwilliam, meared with the water called Griodane on the
west, and the Shannon on the north (Ing. Chan., 2a). 1619 H.
Holcroft was granted the C. and bawn of Newcastle (Pat. R.). 1623-
1655 Jordan Roche held it, with fifteen acres of orchard (Inq. Chan.
IL., O.S. xxix., p. 9), granted to Duke of York, and sold, 1703, to
Hollow Blades Company.

Fabric.—A late peel tower; the west wall and a side turret had
fallen before 1840; the latter, itis said, in 1800. It is about 50 feet
high, and measures 273 feet by 21 feet 8 inches, with large windows
and high gables and chimneys. An improbable tradition makes it the
residence of King William during the siege of Limerick (see O.8.L., 9,
p. 24).

DERRYGALVAN.

34, Battysrmon (13). Not marked; perhaps the last. 1540 Baile
Simoinn was the land of Clann Daug; Beal Atha Siomuinn was land
of Sliocht Riockard (Rental). 1583 W. Bourke held C. of Bellashemon
(Des. R., 37), and in 1598, John Bourke. 1620-1623 Bealasymon
held by his grandson Edm., son of Ric. Bourke (Pat. R. and Inq.
@han., 184), who held it in 1655 (D.S.A., 4, C.S., xxix., p. 9,
B.D., p. 104). Confirmed to Duke of York, and sold in 1703 to
John Vincent.

35. CootyHENAN (13, 14). Not marked. 1540 The man of Cuil
I. Sheighinéin was Geffry, son of Rickard of the Shocht Riockard
(Rental). 1583 W. Bourke, Collehynon (Des. R., 37). 1595 Ullick
Bourke died in possession of it and Kilpatrick. His son Ric. succeeded,
and held it in 1637 and in 1655, with W. Bourke (Inq. Chan. Car. L.,
2, 186, C.S., xxix., p. 11). 1663 Part was granted to Col. Randall
@ Clayton, and the ‘Seven Stangs”’ to the Duke of York. The latter
§ portion and Kilpatrick were held by N. Haly (Inq. Chan. Car. II., 4x.
Band Act Sett.). 1703 Kilkevane alias Cullyhenan, called the Seven
§ Stangs, sold to T. Carter.

36. Kizparrick. Unknown, but in Derrygalvan, near the east
border of Donaghmore. See iast section. 1655 N. Haly held the old
C. somewhat in reparation (C.S., xxix., p. 13).

37. Battynprownr. Unknown. 1583 W. Bourke held its C.

Des. R., 37). 1621 H. Holcroft was granted the ‘ruined house of

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. C.] [9]

88 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Brownstown” (Pat. R.). 1655 there was a ‘‘stone house’’ there
(D.S:A8,°7 texp:),

CAHERNARRY.

88. CanernaRRY (13). Not marked. 1207 Keyrnedyn, alias
Carnarthy, is named in Prince John’s Charter (B.B.L., p. 89). 1320

-Suit as to Ric. Bagot’s rights under charter of Ric., father of

J. le Moyne, at Wallygard' in Carnarthy (Plea R.). 1540 Carran
Fhearadhaigh in Burke estates (Rental). 1619 The C. and fort of
Carnary granted to Holcroft, being late estate of George Bourke f. Tho.
1655 The lands with a C. and a beaune held by John Bourke, &c.
Gok. 7 exp., CS.) xxx, p. We).

39. BattyNneety (14). 1619 Edm. Comyn held Whitestown C. At
his death his son W. succeeded. 1655 Whitestown, alias Ballyneety, C.
in Luidenbeg held by Lau. Comyn (D.S8.A., 14, 26, C.S., xxi., p. 37).
1666 To Duke of York. 1702 To Alderman Rob. Twigg.

Sr. NicHonas.

40, Battysueepy (13). Not marked. 1607 Jas. Fox, C. of Bally-
sheeda (Ing. Chan., 378), also in 1655 (C.8., xxix., p. 35).

DoNAGHMORE.

41. Rarnurp (13). Marked. The ancient Rathsuird, or Rath-
ardasuird (Book of Rights). Rathsyward was a parish 1253 to 1418
(‘‘Churches,”’ No. 82). In 1583 J. Browne, C. of Rathwerde, well
repaired, with an iron door, balne, pigeon-house, and other buildings
(Des. R., 678. See Peyton, p. 233). 1589 C. granted to Rob. Anstey
(Fi., 5863). 1600 Held by N. Stritch (Inq. Ex., 11, Chan., 9a),
1606 N. Bourke and Ph. Field held in fee the entire C. of Rathuird,
fishery, &c. (Ing. Chan. Car. I., 231). 1655 The lands held by N. and
Jas. Bourke and Barth. Stacpoll (C.S., xxix., p. 36). 1666 Grant to
Capt. J. Friend (Act Sett.) and N. Rathurd to Capt. Winckworth.

Fabric.—A round C., square inside, 203 feet internally, with
four stories, the third floor being vaulted. It is about 35 feet high,
the walls 13 feet thick at greatest mass. A nearly levelled rath
lies 80 yards to north-west (O.8.L., 8, p. 160).

' Perhaps in Ballinagarde, now in Caheravally.

Westropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 89

42. Drompanny (13). Two C.s marked, one in Donaghmore and
one in Caheravally to south. 1584 Donnell Mac Canna, the lands
(Fi., 4615), and in 1587 the C., which he entailed on his sons (Inq,
Cha. Car. I., 90). 1621 H. Holcroft granted the ruined C., late
estate of Edm. M°Cany (Pat. R.). Yet in 1629 livery on Drombanny
was granted to Edm. M°Canny on death of Donough, his father.
(Jb.). 1655 Piers Creagh, f. Andrew, held the broken C. (C.S., xxix.,
p. 21, D.S.A., 7, 9). 1669 Granted to Duke of York (Act Sett.).

CAHERAVALLY,

43. Drompanyy (13). See last for history.

Fabric.—The northern C. stands in a large, irregular double earth-
work. The O,S. Letters describe Drombanny as a mere fragment of
the south wall, 10 feet high on rising ground.

41. Lickapoon (13). Marked. 1836 Leakdon vill and ‘fossa’!
held by Bishop Maur. de Rupefort (B.B.L., p. 138). 1351 W. de
Bermingham held Nathirlagh, Athnedesche, and Lekedon (Pipe R.).
1581 W. duff Hurley, of Lickadowne, pardoned (Fi., 3768). 1585
Dermod O’Hurly, ‘‘ Titular ’’ Archbishop of Cashel, who had been born
at ‘‘Lycadoon,”’ was executed in Dublin (O’ Reilly ‘‘ Memorials,” p. 55).
1600 garrisoned by Carew (Pac. Hib. I., p. 86). 1607 Dom Roche,
C. of Lyckadowne, alias Kiltourge (Inq. Chan., 24). 1655 The C.,
bawne, and twelve cabins held by Jordan Roche (C.S., xxix., p. 19)
granted to Duke of York, and in 17038 sold to Dr. T. Smith, Bishop
of Limerick.

Fabric.—A peel tower, 70 feet high, 153 feet by 73 feet inside ;
walls, 8 feet 10 inches thick; the spiral stair in the eastern section,
with the usual large gables and slit windows (0.S.L., 8, p. 151).

45. CanERvaLLy or Raween (13). Marked. 1336 Rathendessy
(de Rupefort’s Rental). 1583 W ne Boyle, C. of Rahen, and J.
O’Kahisse, the site of an ‘‘ old very ruinous C. called Rahin (Des. R.,
37, 71). 1586 John Bradagh O’Kahysse held Raphin or Rathyn
(Peyton, 214). 1623 Cahervahilly, by W. Roche (Inq. Chan. Car. L.,
14). 1655 C. shown (D.S.A., 8). James II. created Dom. Roche, f.
Jordan (Mayor of Limerick, 1691), Viscount of Cahiravahalla, and
restored him the family estates. From Roche descended Sir Boyle
Roche, of oratorical fame.

Fabrie.—-Foundations in a fort behind the church.

* ** Fossa ’’ means an entrenched earth fort or mote, and may be the ‘‘dun”’
which gives the name to the place.
[9*]

90 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

46. BaiinacarDE (22). Not marked. 1320 Probably Wallygard
in Carnarthy (see 39, supra). 1540 Baile na cceard, estate of Maoilre
Burke (Rental). 1567 Held by Ulig Bourke (Fi., 1050). 1583
Ballynogerd C., by W. Bourke (Des. R., 27). In 1587, his son
Edmond entailed it on his sons Walter and John (Inq. Chan., Car. L.,
53b). 1632 This Walter settled it on his sons Walter, Theo., and
Edm., and died 1633 (16.111). Theo. was transplanted, 1653. He
had married Marg. Lysaght, and owned the C., 1655 (C.S., xxi,
p- 35). 1653 Capt. Faithful Chapman held C. (Acct. Bk.). 1680
Dyneley (loc. cit.) sketched it, and shows a peel tower four stories
high. He tells how a daughter of the Bourkes sprang from a
window 16 yards high to escape a forced marriage. ‘‘She afterwards
married the man she so avoyded, and lived happily.” It belonged
1680 to John Croker, J.P., in whose family it since continued. We
leave to students of folklore the curious legends of Satan’s visit to it.

FEDAMORE.

47. Wiiiamsrown (22). Marked. Perhaps Ballywillin' C., 1583
(Des. R., 37). 1625 Theo. or Tibbott Bourke, Williamstown C.,
except the ‘‘Geist Hall” (Inq. Chan., Car. I., 11). 1636 John, his
son, held a room in it, with the bawn and a stone house in the
north part of the C. (Zd., Car. II., 180). 1655 Lord Brittas, Dr. T.
Arthur, and others claimed the C. and bawen (C.S., xxi., p. 35).
1666 Granted to Col. Clayton and W. Matthews, except the middle
story, confirmed to Dr. Arthur’s daughters (Act Sett.).

Fabric.—Fitzgerald describes it as a tower without outworks (I.,
p. 297). It was repaired and modernised by the Crokers, so
O’Donovan failed to find it in 1840 (O.S.L. 8, pp. 151, 366).

RocHESTOWN.

48. Rocnxstown (22-23). Not marked. 1540 Baile an Rois-
se estate of Clann Daug (Rental), 1583 W. Bourke, Castel Roche
C. (Des. R., 37). In 1655 itis called Longford (D.S.A., 14). 1666 Con-_
firmed to Col. Clayton, and 1678 to Dr. Arthur’s Nene eee: (Act Sett.).
49. Rocxstown? (22). Marked. 1583 Ballynecarrig C. held by
W. Bourke (Des. R., 37). 1600 Jas. Gould held C. of Ballynecarrygie

1Jts identity with Ballywillin is uncertain, as ‘ Ballinwilly’’ was an alias
for Carrigparson (see section 58, infra).
2 Rockstown Church was omitted in the Survey—Proc. R.I.A., xxv. (C.)
No. 8. It has since been described and illustrated by Mr. J. Grene Barry in the
Journal of the Limerick Field Club, vol. iii., p. 38. |

Wesrropp—Aucient Castles of the County of Limerick. 91

or Rockstowne (Ing. Chan., 408), 1655 Capt. G. Ingoldesbye held
C. and bawn of Ballinacarriggie (C.8., xxi., p. 35), Ballinecarrig
(DSA, 24).

Fabrie.—A tower standing on rocks, with a wide outlook. It is
50 feet high, measures 26 feet by 24 feet inside, and has four stories
well preserved (0.8.L., 8, p. 366). Views in Du Noyer’s sketches,
R.S.A.I. collection (iii. 414, iv. 62).

CAHERELLY,

50. CAHERELLY, West CasttE (23), Two castles marked. 1283
Suit of J. de Norragh about Catherelny (Plea R.). 1323 And of
_Almeric de Bellofago and T. f. Rhys, about Milltown watermill there
(Jb. 139, m. 23). 1583 ‘ Carelii duo castell,” by W. Bourke (Des.
R., 37). 1599 Tadeus O’Heyne died, seized of the C. of Caherely-
en-temple. 1622 His son Conor died, whose son Donat entailed the
C., hall, bawn, and vill of Le Caherelly (Inq. Chan., 698). 1629 He
was pardoned for alienation of Caherelly West (Pat. R.). 1655 Dan
Heyne held it (C.S., xxi., p. 28). 1667 The C, of West Caherelly
confirmed to Sir W. King (Act Sett.). The connexion of the
O’Heynes, however, subsisted to at least 1748, when it is noted that
Hynes of Cahirelly and Clanchy of Ballyvorneen were the only
gentry between Ballinaguard and O’Brien’s Bridge who were not
Burkes (FitzG., vol. i., p. 284).

Fabric.—A peel tower, 60 feet high and 20 feet wide (0.8.L., 8,
p. 346).

51. THe Easr Castre (23). Usually called the ‘‘ Black Castle.”
This was the O’Heynes’ residence; it was repaired by Mr. Hannan
before 1826, and was levelled before 1840.

52. Batiypricken, Sourn, ‘“‘ The Court” (23). Marked. 1540
Baile Ibricin, held by Ric,, brother of Maoilre Burk of Ballinagard
(Rental). 1584 Donnell O’Heine held it at his death; his sons
David and Edm. divided the land, but not the C. (Inq. Chan., Car. I.,
96). 1655 Held by Con Clanchy. Shown as a broad tower gabled
and battlemented, with a house attached (D.S.A., 22, C.S., xxi.,
p. 29). Granted to Sir G. Ingoldesbye; his wife was a daughter of
James Gould, and his wife, heiress of Sir T. Browne of Hospital, and
widow of Alex. Fitton. R. Ingoldesbye of Ballybricken C. was
attainted by the Parliament at Dublin, 1689 (see Act Sett., &c.).

Fabric.—The ‘Old Court’? was 50 feet high and 16 feet wide,
the walls 74 feet thick. It had four stories, the lowest being vaulted
(O.8.L., 8, p. 348).

92 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Inca Sr. LawreEnce.

53. Ines Sr. Lawrence (14). Marked. 1242 Named as the
manor of Tristellaueran (C.S,P.L.). 1272-74 Walter de Burgo held
it with Castr’ konyng (Pipe R., 1 and 8). 1309 Fine of Ric. de
Burgo, Earl of Ulster, on manors of Esclon and Tristellauerans. 1327
W. Burke, his cousin and heir, got living of same. 1410 Emon,
second son of Walter Duff Burk, was, by his father’s disposition,
given the four seisreachs of Disert Labrais, and the four of Garran
ui chiabaigh in Aes-tri-muighe (Rental). 1558 Tho. mac Ric. Bourke
held Dysardelowrowe in Clynelyum (Fi. 274). 1583 Perhaps C. and —
vill of Imshe (Des. R., 8). 1641 Theo. Lord Brittas settled it on
his mother, Margaret, widow of John Baron of Brittas, the C. of
Grenanbeg with Knockruo and Enishenlawrence, Knocktanacastlane
C., Dunemona C., Rathjordan and Castle Troy (C.S.P.I., 1660-62).
1655 Inshenlawrence held by Cormock Heyne (D.8.A., 13; C.S., xxi.,

p- 30). 1703 Sold as estate of Lord Brittas to the Hollow Blades —

Company.
54. Kyocxror Mason, “Court”? (23). Not marked. Perhaps.
Castellknocke, 1588 (Des. R., 37), but doubtful. ;

Fabric.—In 1840 a mound of fallen stonework was called
“Shancuirt” (O.8.L., 8, p. 361). We find no certain records.

LUDDEN.

55. Kinevnrrne (14). Not marked. 1583 Kyllkollen C. held by
W. Bourke (Des. R., 57). 1623 Pardon to Jasper White for alienat-
ing C. to J. Roch (Pat. R.). 1624 Stephen Roch held it (Ing. Chan.
244). 1655 C. and bawen held by Ingoldsbye. Kilcowlin is show
as a tall tower, with high gables and chimneys (D.S.A. 26, C.S., xxi,
p. 38) ; not to be confused with Kilcullane in Small County. .

56. Bartymacrerse (14). Not marked. 1621 H. Holcroft was
granted C. and bawn of Ballym‘rice in Clanwilliam (Pat. R.,
No. xxxiy.). 1668 Granted to Duke of York. 1703 Sold to Abraham
Greene.
57. LuppEnmore (23). Not marked. 1540 Maoilre Burk of
Baile na cceard held Lodan mér (Rental). 1583 W. Burke held
the C. (Des. R., 37). 1600 James Gould! died in possession of it

? He also held the Dominican Convent in Limerick, and Corbally Castle.

W usrrorpe—Aucient Castles of the County of Limerick. 92

(Ing. Chan. 408). 1652 John Burke owned it and was transplanted
1655 Held by Ingoldesbyé. Fitzgerald names it as a « strong
1826 (vol i1., p. 289).

58. Caznicrarson (14). Not marked. 1583 Ballywillin ©. held
by W. Burke (Des. B., 37). 1619 Holcroft was granted C. of Carrig

parson or Ballenwily (Pat. B.). 1624 Pardon to Anselm O’Brien
for alienating C. of Carrigparson or Ballenwyly to W. Creagh in
1618 (/b.). He and his wife held the C. and bawn in 1624 (Inc
Chan. 234). 1655 A ruined C. (D.8.A. 6 ex

59. Toonzzw (14). Marked. 1540 Tuairin held by Shocht
Biockard (Rental). 1586 By Gefiry beg. ;
(Peyton, 256). 1622 The ruinous C. of r r
W. Parsons as part of late estate of Jas. Riordan (Pat. B.). 1655
Held by N. Haly (C.S., xxix. p- 14 (D.S.A.1, 6). 1666 Confirmed
to Clayton (Act. Sett.).

Fabrice.—The north wall 25 fect high, 21 feet wide, and four feet

thick (0.8.L., 8, p. 154).

60. Cronxznw (14). Not marked. 1539 Edm. Sexten served at
14355 Tt ome

Cluonkeny C., County Limerick (Arthur MSS., Len.
stand a church at Clonkeene and aC. (D§

CamERcoNLisH.

61. Canrrcomusn (14). Site marked. 1199 Kakinles C. was
commenced. It was held by Theo. Walter le Botiller in 121
(CS PL). 1285-7 Cathair-cindlioss « rampart guarded,
Stone,” with vaulted towers and drawbridge, stormed an
by Torlough O’Brien, Prince of Thomond (Wars o - .)-
1338 Murage allowed the provost and bailiffs of Catherkenlyshe tc
build a stone wall round the town, which was on the marches. with
Irish rebels on every side (Close B.). 1358 Edward IIL. gave it 2
charter (Pat. B.). 1583 W. Bourke held C. Des. B. 37). 1605
Tt was leased by Lord Caher to Theo. Borke ‘cited C.8., xxi,
P-17). 1641 Monument to latter and his wife, Slany Brien, erected
in church. 1680 Dyneley sketched the church and peel tower

bats
|
«
4
t
fy
a
tt
a
bel

94 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

(R.S.A.I. ix., p. 197). 1690 It was occupied by King William, and
in 1691 by Ginckell, when advancing to besiege Limerick.+

Fabric.—Fitzgerald mentions four C.s in 1827, and a fortified gate
(vol. ii., p. 285); little is now extant. Dyneley’s view shows a peel
tower, four stories high, with a bartizan at one corner. See a paper
on the place in Cork Hist. and Arch. Journal, vol. ii., 1896, by Rev.
Mr. Lynch.

62. KnockKsHANECASHLANE (14). Marked. 1540 The man of Cnoc
an t sean chaisléan was Shane (m. Ric., m. Tiboid, m. William,
m. Ric., m. Water, who owned it, in 1410, greatgrandson of Ric.,
1349), Burk (Rental). 1583 W. Burke, Knockesanna C. (Des. R. 37), or
| i Cnockentanycaslane with a C. and water-mill (Inq. Exch., 23). The
itl ‘ C. in 1608 was granted to Theo. Lord Castleconnell (Pat. R.), con-

| firmed 1633 to Lord Brittas. 1655 Cnocke Senechullane (C.S.P.I.
Mail and C.8., xxi., p. 10; also see D.S.A., 14-18), and confirmed 1666 to
| Capt. Friend (Act Sett.).
HII Fabric—Fitzgerald calls it ‘‘a fine old fortress near the residence
TAGE of B. Frend,” 1827 (vol. ii., p. 286). The O. 8. Letters say that no
ruins stood in 1840; but ‘dic maps show a large enclosure, with a
small round turret at the north-east angle.

63 and 64. Knocxepanna C. anp CAsTELLKNOCKE C., given, as held by
W. Bourke, with the last-named C., in Cahrynlisshy 1583 (Des. R. 37),
| but are otherwise unknown to me.

1 | 65. Grenan (14). Two castles marked. 1540 Shane Burke gave
| the half seisreach of da Grianan to MacClanchy of Urlann, County Clare
(Rental). 1557 F. f. Donnell f. Glangie, of Grenan, got English
Haine Liberty for 6s. 8d. (Fi. 1903). 1583 W. Burke held Grenane ‘ duo
Hil castell”’? (Des. R. 37). 1604 Theo. Baron Bourgh of Castleconnell
! was granted half the C. of Grenan Ieghtragh, estate of Don. mac
Clanchie (Pat. R.). 1608 He was confirmed in C. of Griananbeg (J0.).
1624 Sir W. Parsons was granted Grenan Oughteragh, estate of Owen
and Don. Clansy (d.). Livery granted to Tho. Clancy, and pardon
for alienation of C., and bawn of last (Jd.). 1651-4 There was a
Cromwellian garrison at Greenane (Acct. R.,7 8). 1655 Lord Brittas
held both C.s of Grenane—Ighteragh and Huaghtragh (C.S., xxi.,
pp. 11, 12; D.S.A., 14-18; B.D., p. 129), and Owen, John, Charles,
and Simon Clanchy joined him in conveying same to A. Ingram (B.D.,

1 The Wilson family of Caherconlish came from Elton, Yorkshire. Col. Ralph
| Wilson obtained Caherconlish with Kishiquirk, Tervoe, &c., and built a fine house
| at the first, now long a rnin. The “‘irresponsible forms’’ of the name require
care, unintelligible forms reaching their nadir in ‘‘ Rare Kenlex”’ in 1575.

|
4k ‘
Li} - } 4

' Westrropp—<Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 95

p. 129). 1666 Confirmed to last (Act. Sett.). 1669 Granted to Duke
of York. 1703 Sold to Hollow Blades Company.

Fabrie.—It stood on a small hill, and was levelled before 1840.

66. Grenanpece (14), See above. It is Grenan Ightragh, and in
1608 John O’Hea enfeoffed N. Lyly in it (Ing, Exch. 28).

67. Knocxanka (14). Not marked. 1583 W. Bourke, Knockeneft
C. (Des. R. 87). 1607. Lord Castleconnell was granted C. of Knock-
-anneagh (Pat. R.). 1655 Knockneneagh held by Lord Brittas, a large
tower with a side wing shown (D.S.A., 14, 18, exp.; C.S., xxi.,
p- 10). See znfra under ‘ Brittas.”” 1663 John Freind to Lord
Brittas, saving rights decreed (Act Sett.).

68. BattyvoRNEENE (23). Not marked in 1840, but appears at
the modern house on the new maps. 1651-54 Ric. Kirle paid for
“hey”? for the horses of the garrison of Ballvorneene (Acct. R. 73).
1655 Held by Conor Clancie. Shown as a strong tower, with large
gabled wing attached, ‘‘a very fair C., in good repair” (C.S., xx1i., p. 16;
D.S.A., 14, 18, exp.). 1667 Confirmed to J. Maunsell (Act Sett.).
See fra, under Caherconreiffy. Consider Peyton’s mention of
Ballyvorheen C. in Owney (O.8., 15), section 85, znfra.

69. Srawane (14). Not marked. 1583 W. Bourke holds Srahan
C. (Des. R., 37). 1620 Sir Jas. Craige confirmed in C. of Shrohane
(Pat. R.). 1624 Pardon to Anselm O’Brien for its alienation to
W. Creagh in 1618 (Pat. R.). 1655 A low tower and side wing
shown. Srughane C. held by Lau. White and Dom. Creagh (C.S.,
xxi., p. 15; D.S.A., 14, 18). 1666 Confirmed to Capt. Friend and
Dr. R. Boyle, Bishop of Ferns (Act Sett.).

70. Castir Erxin (14). Not marked. 1237 A Scotch merchant,
Erkin, got license to trade in Ireland (C.8.P.1., 2424). Castlelurkan
‘appears in several Elizabethan Fiants (4935 and 6513). 1604J. Burke
held C. at his death (Inq. Chan., 298); 1630 Livery on death of said
J. Bourke to his son Walter (Pat. R.). 1638 Edm. Lord Castleconnell
at his death held C. (Ing. Chan., 216). 1655 W. Borke held it (C.S.,
xxi, p. 14; D.S.A., 14,18). 1662 Capt. Alex. Downing and his
wife Una, dau. of late owner, T. Bourke, claimed it (C.S.P.1., 1660-2).
Part of it was confirmed to Ulysses Burgh.

71. Castte Urrcnry. Unknown. O’Donovan identifies it with
fj last, but gives no authority (A.F.M.). 1200 Cathal Crovdearg
| ‘O’Conor invaded Munster and plundered Castleconnell, the market-

place of Limerick, and Caslan Uilchin. He carried off Uilchin! and

+ In 1212 a certain Wilekin, messenger of Geoffry Luterell in Ireland, was
-Siven four shillings, by King John, as a present (C.S.P.I., No. 431).

96 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Acadeny.

his wife, and slew thirteen knights and others (A.F.M.). 1242-3 Ric.
de Burgh held the manors of Castle Wilekin, Balihodan, and Tristel-
laueran (C.S.P.I.). 1281 J. de Saundford accounts for rents of
Esclon and Castle Wyleken; the latter was let to farm to Ric. f.
Walter de Burgo (Pipe R., 8).

72, CARRIGAREELY (14). Marked. Fitzgerald calls it Carrigi-
farrioyla, ‘‘ the O’Farrellys’ rock,” and says it was built by the Bourkes
and occupied by the O’Dalys (vol. i1., p. 286); O’Donovan denies
this, and says it was Carraig Fearghaill, Farrell’s Rock (0.8.L., 8,
p. 408). 1558 Sussex on his progress was entertained with drink by
W. Burke as he passed the C. of Carrec Kerellois (Carew, i., p. 274).
1567 Pardon to Theo. Bourke of Carrygkyrily (Fi., 1050). 1576
Theo. died in possession of Karriarilie or Karrigkyrely (Inq. Exch., 9).
1655 Carrigiriell held by Lord Brittas. C. shown (D.S.A., 14, 18 ;.
Us, XX1., p./10):

Fabric.—It stood on a rock 20 feet high, and was fairly perfect,
being about 70 feet high, with five stories, the fourth floor over
a vault. It measured 19 feet 8 inches, by 1434 feet inside. Walls
6% feet thick (O.8.L., 8, p. 408).

73. Brirras (14). Marked. It was a chief seat of the Bourkes,
Barons of Brittas. In about 1410 Walter Duff Burk assigned to his.
third son, Tiboit, the seisreachs of Brités, Rath Siurtain, Carraig
Ciotal and Baile Loisgche. Tibbot had two sons, Riocaird and Daibhi,.
who gave their names to families (Rental). Ric. Bourke, brother
of Lord Castleconnell, left by his wife (a daughter of O’Mulryan, of
Owny) a son, Sir John, who, in 1600, at the approach of Carew, offered
to surrender. He, however, ‘‘ considered it sinful and damnable per-
sonally to submit”’ to the Queen; so Carew forced him into an igno-
minious surrender. In 1603 he was imprisoned for refusing the oath
of supremacy, and on his release, held the C. against the Government.
After a brave defence of fifteen days he fled to Waterford, and was
taken, tried, and hanged. His kinsman, Theo. Burke, was given
Bryttas and Knockeneagh (Inq. Exch. 28, and paper by J. Grene
Barry, R.S.A.I., vol. xix., p. 192). 1609 Theo. ‘‘ Lord Castlecon=
nell” was granted the C. (Pat. R.). In the following year he gave
much trouble by ‘‘ his perverse carriage’’ in trying to seize the lands
and title of Lord Castleconnell. It was only by seven months’ impri-
sonment that the Government persuaded him to renounce his claims
(C.S.P.I., 480). He was created Baron of Brittas, and in 1633 was
confirmed in it and other lands, Knocketencaslean, Grenanbeg, &e.
(Zbcd.).. 1653 Brittas was a garrison: Henry Hayward was paid

Wesrroprp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 97

£5 4s. for its repair (Acc. R., 188). 1657 Two towers shown
(D.S.A., 14-18). Theo., the third Baron, was transplanted and his
estates granted to Sir Charles Coote. Charles II. reversed the
attainder before 1662. 1673 Elton and Brittas were vested in R.
Reading, for use of Countess of Mountrath, under her husband’s will,
1658: reversion to R. Coote (Act Sett.). 1691 Lord Brittas fled
to France, his estates being forfeited. He succeeded to the titular
honours as Lord Castleconnell, and served in Irish Brigade ; his son
John succeeded, and was a captain in the French army, the younger
son Thomas being a general in Sardinia, a ‘“‘noble-hearted and gene-
rous friend to all Irish exiles,’ and died 1788. His son was a Knight
of St. Louis and a captain, and died unmarried about 1796.
Fabric.—The C. stands on the west bank of the Mulkear. There
are round turrets to the south-west and north-west angles. Each is
about 40 feet high, 16 feet inside, and the walls 5 feet thick. The
-curtain wall between them is 84 feet long and 25 feet high (O.8.L.,
8, p. 409. Paper by Mr. J. Grene Barry, R.S.A.L., vol. xix., p. 192).

RATHJORDAN.

74, Ratusorpan (23). Not marked. It was probably named after
a Jordan Roche. 1287 W. Roch, of Rathjordan, fined (C.S8.P.L,
155). 1412 Rath Siurtain (Burke’s Rental). 1583 N. Bourke held
the C. (Inq. Exch., 18); James McGerrott duff Marshall held, at
Rathjordan, a hamlet, ruinous C., and lands; he joined the revolt of
the Earl of Desmond, and was hanged by Lord Ormond (Ing. Exch.
32). 1603 Sir Ric. Boyle was granted the old ruinous C., late estate
of James Marescall (Pat. R.). 1655 Lord Brittas held it (C.S. xx1.,
p. 27).

AGLISHCORMICK.

75, Canerconretry (23). Not marked. 1297 Catherconrewy held
by Mariota, wife of Phil. Kemys (Plea R., xxv Ed. I., 31 m. 16).
1583 W. Bourke, C. of Karconroeiffie (Des. R., 37). 1619 It was
granted to Holcroft (Pat. R.). 1655 W. Bourke held C. (D.S8.A., 20,
C.S. xxi., p. 22). 1667 Granted to J. Maunsell (Act Sett.). 1693
G. Maunsell, of Ballyvoreneen, conveyed it to S, Edmondson, in lieu
of a legacy from his father, J. Maunsell, to latter’s daughter Mary
Edmondson ; see Deed, 1715 (Dub. Reg., B. 20, p. 410).

98 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

DROMKEEN.

76. DromKeEeEn (24). Not marked. 1250 John Pincerna (Butler)
granted Dronchyn to augment a prebend (B.B.L., p. 105). 1280
The sheriff ordered to hold a sworn enquiry about land of Dromken,
held by Silvester Architedekne (Mem. R. Exch., No. 438). 13822
Suit of J. Harold and Paul de Hynterberg, about Drumkeyne, of
of which John, Paul’s father, had disseised Harold (Plea R., 142).
1399-1400 The custody of estates of Ric. Harold, in Drumkyn,
disturbed by Katherine, his widow (Mem. R., No. 26). It is alleged
that the de Burghs, descendants of John Bourke of Shrule, son of
Walter, cerca 1410, and Sabia, his wife, daughter of Conor O’Brien,
Prince of Thomond, settled there in first half of fifteenth century and
held it to recent times. 1583 W. Bourke held Dromekyn C. (Des.
R., 37). 1585 His son Ric. held it. 1619 C. and bawn granted to
Holcroft. 1633 W. Bourke still owner (Inq. Chan. 93). 1655
C. shown (D.S.A., 14; Petty, 65). 1691 Right Rev. Ulysses Burgh,
Bishop of Ardagh, died—buried at Drumkeen. 1717 Church and
monument repaired by Rey. Richard Burg. He calls it ‘“‘ the burial-
place of his family from time immemorial.”

ABINGDON.

77. Lismortane (14). Not marked. 1540 Sliocht Edmond Mac Wil-
liam held Lios Mothlain with Lodain be4g. Maoilre Burk held Lios
Mothlan beag (Rental). 1583 It was held by W. Bourke, Lysmollan
C. (Des. R. 37), and in 1623 by Ric. fitz Tho. Bourke (Inq. Chan,
508). 1655 Lismollane or Lismulhane C., shown as a low, battle-
mented tower on the Mulkeare (C.S. xxi., p. 41; D.S.A., 1, 3).

78. KisniqurrkE (14). Not marked. 1597 Held by Ulick Bourke
(Fi. 6170). 1655 Kishiquirke and Cloughnadrumone ‘each a C.”
It is shown as a tall peel tower, and named twice in explanation
(C.S. xxi., p. 42; D.S.A., 3, 27, exp.). 1718 Ralph Wilson held it
(Dub. Reg., B. 48, p. 100).

79. CroucunapRomin (14). Not marked. 1641 John Burgett held
Cloghenn Drummin (Dep. 134). 1655 The C. and mill of Clogh-
drumon, Cloghnadromin, and Cloghidrumon (D.S.A., 14, 27, and exp. ;
Petty, 65).

OWNEYBEG.

This barony, with its complement Owney and Arra in County
Tipperary, forms the great tribal district of Uaithne or Uaithne Clach. §

Westropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 99

The Normans in the latest twelfth century called it by various
approximations to the native name—some unaspirated like Huerthern,
Wetheney, and Wodeny—others from the aspirated form, as Yonach,
Huheney, Honey, Woney, and Owney. 1201 W. de Braosa grants
to Theobald Walter, Kildelo (terra de Munester), Eurmun, Areth,
and Wetheni, with Owethenihokathelan and Owethenihoiffernan, as
granted to his uncle Philip de Braosa.'' At the foundation of the great
Cistercian House of Owney, probably before 1200, the district appears
as Wodeny O Cathelan, Wodeny Oiffian, and Wodeny Fidenurde. The
Manor of Wethenicire was worth £8 3s. 33d. per annum in 1242
(C.S.P.1.). It is ‘‘ Uaithne-tire of fruit, under Makeough” in the
Topography of O’Huidhrin in 1420. The Ui Cathalain and Ui
hiffernan tribes and the Aradha were gradually displaced, though the
nominal English power hardly reached past Caherconlish.

By 1420 the Ui Maolrians or Ryans were supreme in the Limerick
portion of Uaithne, and gave it their name of Woney Mulryan down
to the seventeenth century.

ABINGDON.

80. AcuacorE or Bornacu (14). Not marked. There seems
to be some doubt whether the Boyanagh ‘‘in Natherlach,” 1291
(Papal Taxation), was really in Wetheny, or whether it was the
Kilboygnan church near Ballingarry in Coshlea (Plea R., No. 22 and
No. 26), named in 1297 and 1306, as we believe it to be. If not, the
records of Boynagh, and certainly those of its castle, only commence
in 1552 (to our present knowledge); the Abbey of Woney, Caslane-
boenagh, &c., being granted to Walter Ap. Howell or Powell (Fi. 1020).
They also appear immediately after the Abbey in the following
grants :—1562 to Peter Walshe, of Grange, Kilkenny; 1592 Confirmed
(J6., 463 and Ing. Exch., 36). Livery to Edmond, son of Peter.
1620 On death of said Sir Edmond Walshe, the C., vill, and lands of
Castleneboenagh, alias Aghcore, are named (Inq. Chan., 151 and 22n).
ohn Walsh was pardoned for alienation of Castlenebony, alias Aghory,
pend Carpincullen, &c. (Pat. R.). The name is not found in the great

81. Castrzcomrort (14). Marked. This is very probably the last-
amed. In 1840 the house was said to stand on the site of an old
astle (O.S.L., 8. 444). It adjoins Aghacore, and ‘“‘ core” may have

} National MSS., Ireland, II., No. Ixvii.

100 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

been taken for ‘ cobhair,” assistance, relief, or [in the old sense]
‘‘ comfort.”?

82, CappacuLLEN and Cappanovxk (15). Not marked. The last
townland includes the deerpark of Glenstal. 1553 The townland of
Keapenock (Inq. Exch., 1 of Mary). They are named with Castle
Boenagh in the grants of 1552, 1562, and 1592. 1569 Pardon to
Henry Mac Lysagh Omulrian, of Keapeycullen (Fi., 1342). 1604
Grant to Theo. Baron Bourgh, of Castleconnell, the C. of Cappencullen,
part of estate of Conogher, mac Edmund, mac Lysagh, O’Mulrian
(Pat. R.). 1625 Cormac Mac Gorman held it (Inq. Chan., 26). 1655
The C. is shown in ‘‘ Capullen” (D.S.A., 28, Petty, 66). The town-
lands of Skartt, Keapanewke, Keapacullin, and Laghane, with a C. of
Col. Piers Welsh (C.8., xxx., p.3; B.D., p. 113), The castle stood
in the north-east end of Cappacullen, near Moroe. 1666 Rob.
Wilkinson and Simon White confirmed in Glanstall and the moiety
of the C. of Cappercullen. 1667 George Evans was granted Capper-
cullin (Act Sett.).

83. AnnaeH (6). Not marked. 1592 Held by Peter Walsh. See
also grants 1552-1592. In 1619 Conor Mulrian held the C. at his
death (Inq. Chan., 368). 1655 John Ryan held C. (C.8., xxx.,
p. 5, and D.S.A., 28). Col. Piers Walsh is stated to have owned it
(B.D., p. 118). It is shown in the D.S. as having two turrets.

84. KnockyeéurTEENY (6). Not marked. See 1552, 1562, 1592
grants. C. named in Ing. Exch., 36. Townland only in Surveys
(C.S., xxx., p. 2). A doubtful site.

85. BALLYVORHEEN (15). Not marked. 1586 Beale Ruffyn C. in
Monasterio Wony (Peyton, p. 2538). As no other mention occurs,
this may refer to Ballyvorneene C. in Clanwilliam [¢. v., section 68].

86. Toucu, TeavracH, TowEr Hitt (15). Notmarked. It appears
in many curious forms in Tudor documents—Zoghesgren, Xoghtesgrene,
Johenishesgrene, attempts to transliterate ‘‘Tuath Aesgreine.”? 1544
The Manor C. or fort of Toghexgrene was recovered from a gang of
robbers, called the ‘‘ Oolde children,” in Ogonagh, and granted to
Thady Mac Brian and his heirs of Grenegounaghe (Fi., 153, Pat.
R., 59). 1587 Teige O’Brien held Tooghesgrey. 1591 Morhirtagh,
dominus de Patria Twahaosagrene, obiit (Inq. Exch., 5). 1606

1 As suggested by Mr. M. J. M‘Enery..

21539 An indenture between the king and Chonnour O’Brien, of Touyesgren,
chief of his nation, as to dues to be paid, viz.: 12 pence for every carwe of land
(Carew, i., p. 151).

Westroprp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 101

Livery of Manor of Tuoghesigreene to Murtagh, son of Tirlagh
Mac Ibrien Arra! (Pat. R.). 1653 W. Collins allowed £3 4s, 2d, for
repair of Tough Garrison (Acct. R., 14), 1655 Teauragh, Tough,
and Tometerriff shown with two towers (D.S.A., 30). Tough and
Pallisbeg C. in repair, bawen, orchards, and two mill seats on the
river Glydagh held by Teige O’Brien (C.S., xxx., p. 8, B.D., p. 115).
1666 Roger, Earl of Orrery, confirmed in Manor of Twagh, with
Tometarriff and Tearaffe or Teauragh (Act Sett.). It was in later
‘days the residence of the Lloyd family.

COONAGH.

The ancient tribe of Ui Cuanach gave their name to the district
which appears under their name in our earliest records. The Hui
Cuanach were visited by St. Patrick, about 437, according to the
Tripartite Life. The district plays no prominent part in the Danish
wars or in the history of the Norman settlement. It was in later
times in the almost exclusive possession of a branch of the O’Briens.
‘The present barony includes much of the more historic Aes Grian with
its interesting centre, Pallas. Esgrene was during the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries an important Norman manor, usually held with
the manors of Adare andCroom. It was owned successively by the de
‘Clares, de Cogans, and the Earls of Kildare.

87. Coonacu. Site unknown,’ possibly Cullen or Castletown.
Sweetman, without any known authority, identifies Occonagh as Old
Connaught, near Bray, in County Wicklow. In 1215 King John
granted to Henry de Londres, Archbishop of Dublin, the cantred of
O’Conath with the vill of Tibrary. 1227 circa, W. de Mariscis
held it, in right of his wife Matilda, to whom it had been granted
before her marriage by the Archbishop. In 1236 de Mariscis killed
Henry Clement, and the Crown seized his lands ; but finding in 1245
that Okonach could not be taken, being Matilda’s portion, they
gave her seizin. In 1250 The chapters of Holy Trinity and St.
Patrick’s, Dublin, prayed to be indemnified about the grant; but
the King, “knowing that the lands and Castle were wrongly
alienated,” retained them, granting instead 30 librates, and Baliscadan
instead of the cantred and C. granted by King John. 1260 Granted

’ Tirlagh was created a baronet, xxi Jas. I., Pat. R., xxiii., 1623.
*Ithas been suggested that it is Carriguonagh; but in frequent mention of
that place there is no mention of a C. known to me.

102 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

by Prince Edward to Simon le Minur. 1290 The Bishop of Emly
surrendered it and the King granted it, Tipperary, Kilfeacle, and
Estremoy, to Otho de Grandison. The latter granted it to his
nephew Peter de Wypeyns, in failure to his nephew Gerarde de
Crous. Peter is called de Estane in other deeds, with reversion to
Jo de Estane, called Russelet. 1299 Grant of weekly market and
free warren at Occonagh or Actonagh, with Estremoy and Honey
to de Grandison. 1278 Edward I. learned that the tower and house
of the C. of Occonagh wanted roofing, and commanded Rob. de
Ufford to deliver to the constable out of the King’s mines enough
for the repairs! In 1284 the rent was 9 marks and 8 shillings.
C.S.P.1., vol. i., 621, 2805, 3053, 3108; vol. ii., 1516, and p. 549.

CASTLETOWN.

88. Casrtetown-CoonacuH (25). Marked in Coolbaun. 1578
Moriertagh O’Brien held the C. and orchard in Conagh, namely,
Ballycaslane or Castletown (Inq. Exch., 7). 1572 Tirrelagh, his
son, died seized of the C.s of Castletown, &c. (Inq. Exch., 7, 10).
1604 Livery granted to his son Murtagh mac Brien Ogonagh of
Castletown C. (Pat. R.). 1611 Conoghor O’Brien held Cuonagh C.
(Inq. Chan., 88). 1625 Pardon to W. Longe, Tho. Lahiff, and
various Bourkes, for alienations of Castletown. (Pat. R.). 1651-54
A Cromwellian garrison was kept at Castletown and Tough C.s.
Cornet J. Andrews paid £18 for hay for the horses at both C.s. (Acct.
R., m. 8). 1655 The C. and mill in repair held by Mort. MacBryne
(O.5.,-XXii1., p. 285 BID. 45).

fabric.—A. tower, 80 feet high, measuring 19 feet by 103 feet
outside, the walls 8 feet 4 inches thick, the western having fallen.
The main wing is 133 feet long inside, with a spiral stair to the
top, and an outer round-headed door (0.8.L., 9., p. 431).

Oona.

89. Pottarpstown or Moananima (25). Not marked. 1857
Moriertagh O’Brien held Cloghfollard C. (Inq. Exch. 7, 10). 15838
Cloghplallordy or Cloghenflordy C. held by Kynedy and Conor
MacBrien (Des. R., 74). 1610 T. Pollard of Brampton, Devon, a

1 Vol. i., 646, The silver mines in Coonagh in 1612 yielded 3 Ib. silver per
ton, worth 5s. 2d. an ounce; lead £11 to £12 the ton. The Crown had % of
silver, 76 of lead (Ir. Arch. Soc., i., p. 6).

Westroprp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 103

tailor, enfeoffed James, Baron of Dunboyne, in Cloghpollardy, alias
Pollardestowne (Ing. Chan., 9, 20). 1640 The latter held C. in fee
(Ing. Chan., 178). 1655 Pollardstown, broken C., James Butler; the
townland meared on the north with Longford and corresponds to
Moanahila. (C.S., xxiii., p. 3). His widow Mary held it (B.D.,
p. 35). 1668 Pollardstown confirmed to J. Harding and T. Henry
(Act Sett.).

90. Crovenpatton or CastLtE Lroyp (24). Not marked. Clough-
dalton Rock is in Castle Lloyd, and the townland adjoins last. 1578
Tirlagh mac Brien held Cloghdallatowne, “ one C.”’ (Ing. Exch. 7, 10).
1583-1586 Conor mac Brien, Coonagh, held Cloghtallon, C. (Des. R.,
74; Peyton, p. 24). 1655 Clogdalton held by Connor mac Brien
on. Xx. p. 3d; B.D, p. 36; Petty, 67). 1668 Granted to
Harding and Henry (Act Sett.). 1688 Coldalton in Ulloe (Trustees’
Map, 24).

91. Lonerorp (25). Marked. 1572 Tuirrelagh O’Brien held
Longhurt C. (Ing. Exch., 7, 10). 1621 Moriert Mac Brien of Castle-
town held Longortt (Ing. Chan., 258). 1625 Pardon for alienation
of C.s of Longgort and Williamstown (Pat. R.). 1655 Longford C.
held by Mortagh Mac Bryne and Jas. Butler (C.S., xxiil., p. 3).
1668 Confirmed to Duke of York. 1688 Confiscated (Trustees’ Map,
24). 1703 Sold to John White, of Cappagh, County Tipperary.

Fabric.—A fragment 20 feet high (0.8.L., 9, 428), fairly well
preserved.

92. Oota on SwanactocH (25). Marked. 1282 Welese (Ullish)
granted by citizens of Limerick to J. fitzThomas (C.8.P.1., p. 429).
1285-7 Uladh or Uibhla named in some copies of ‘* Wars of Torlough,”’
as on line of Torlough O’Brien’s raid. 1306 Wlys (Oolys). 1542
BOwleys. 1544 See under Tough (87, supra) for the ‘‘Oolde children ”
Brobbers. The name is Ullay, Ullish, Oolde, and Oola, from its orchards.
81551, &. In 1572 Tirrelagh mac Brien held one castle at
§ Knockowlow (Ing. Exch. 7, 10), of which the C. townland, ‘Oola
Hills,” is a translation. 1586 Knockowleye, held by Knonogher
Bohowan mac Brian Ogonanoght (Peyton, p. 247). 1655 See Parish
Mmaps (C.S., xxiii., pp. 3-11, and Petty, 67).

§ abric.—A shapely tower, with four gables and lofty chimneys,
battlements, and projecting bartizans. The larger windows have
feullions, and it is probably little, if at all, older than 1500. It is
Bbout 60 feet high and 20 feet square in under room (0.8.L., p. 428).
§ 93. Arrysreaca (33). Not marked. It adjoins Ballyneety.
578 Tirrelagh O’Brien of Castletown held one ©. at Marevrege

R. I. A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. C. [10]

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104 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

(Inq. Exch., 7, 10). 1586 Conogher McBryan Ogonacht held
Uryverygy or Arybregy (Peyton, 248; Des. R., 74).

TovGHCLUGGIN.

94. SHanpanean (24). Not marked. 1655 Sandangyn forms one
a

of a group of townlands in which a C. is shown in Petty’s Map
(C.S., xm., p. 9; B.D., p. 38; Petty, 67; D.S.B., 15), granted to

A. Brandon. 1688 Confiscated, Shandangine in Cloghine (Trustees’
Maps 5, 33). 1703 Purchased by J. White.

95. Casrirctusern (24). Site marked. 1302 Tohtcloggin. 1655
Cloggin marked, but no C. shown (Petty, 67). It may, perhaps, be
Ballyvalode, as the townlands adjoin [see next section, but seems to
be a very uncertain site }.

Doon.!

96. Battyvatops (24). Not marked. 1578 Tirrelagh mac Brien
holds one C. in Ballyvoylode (Inq. Exch., 7, 10). 1586 Ballyvylode —
held by Knogher ohowan mac Bryan (Peyton, p. 247). 1655 Held
by Therlagh mac Bryne (C.8., xxili., p. 4), granted to Duke of York. |
1688 Ballyvelode confiscated (Trustees Maps, 44, 24, 33). 1703 |
Purchased by Hollow Blades Company. ;

97. CastitRGaRDE (15). Marked. 1586 Castlegarde C. in Cuonagh |
(C.S.P.1., p. 311). 1587 Called Castlenegarde (Fi. 5282). 16557
Castletown and Killanegard, in Doone, held by H. Earl of Bath
(C.S., xxiii., p. 26); Castleanegard (B.D., p. 45); Kasslanegard in
Doone (Petty, 67).

98. Dromtara (24). Not marked. 1606 Morris Hurley of
Knocklong held C. of Dromlara with the C. of Kyleduffe (Ing:
Chan., 29). Described as C. of Dromlare or Kilduff (7d. 189). Se
Kilduff [ m/ra, section 99].

Fabrie—lIt is incorporated in the modern house.

BaLiyNacLovueH.

99. Kizpurr (24). Marked. 1583 Moriert Mergagh when slain ing,
the rebellion of Gerald, Earl of Desmond, held Kyllduff C. (Des. R., 74

1 The ancient ‘* Din Blése ” (ante 580). ‘* Blese, the name of a swineherd &
the King of Hui Cuanach, is he who dwelt in that fort at first.” Calendar @
Oenghus, Jan. 3. It is called Downegonnagh, or Downleisky in 1624 (&
Chan., 3, 68).

Westrrorpr—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 105

Peyton, 2414, in Kylduff Parish in the Toghe of Asgrenan). 1617
Maur. Hurley of Knocklong C. held Dromlare or Kilduff (Inq.
Chan., 189). 1655 C, in repair, with a mill held by Sir Maur.
Hurley (B.D., 49; C.S., xxiii., p. 36) ; confirmed to Edm. Harrison,
and in 1667 to Erasmus Smith’s trustees (Act Sett.).

Kabric.—A late peel house, near New Pallas. The east and north
sides are down. It is 37 feet long to west, 47 to south; walls 63 feet
thick. It has four stories, and a lofty gable and chimney (0.8.L., 9,
426).

GREAN.

100. PAtias Grean (24). Site marked. Grian was a place of
note in early historic times, having even then a legendary fame going
back to the semi-historic or mythical periods. Legends remain of the
princess Grian, now recognized as a banshee, and of the early Prince
Oilioll Olum, of the battle fought by the High King, Cormac mac
Airt, in 241, and of St. Patrick’s visit to Grian in Aradha, circa 437.
The place was also named in early times ‘‘Cnoc na geuradh,”’ or
*‘Champion’s Hill.” It appears in the Annals, 918. In Norman
times, 1216, it was formed into a manor and granted to the Bishop of
Emly. 1233 Granted to Maurice Fitz Gerald, and a fair was established
the following year. A large mass of material may be found in the
C.8.P.1. (1233-1807), Plea Rolls, &. It was wasted by Turlough
O’Brien, 1285-7—“ Blue-streamed Grian ” (Wars of Torlough)—and
forms one of the group of manors with Adare, Croom, and Wrgidy, held
in varying amounts by Fitz Gerald, de Clare, de Valence, de Cogan, and
he Karls of Kildare. In 1884 a grant was made for the repairs of
he C.s.in Estgrene. In later days, 1544, Greneogoanagh was held
y Thady mac Brien (Pat. R.), and in 1586 Toghe Asgrenan was in
he patria of O’Brien-Arrey, including Kilduff (Peyton, 2416).
611 Sir Ed. Fisher was granted part of the ruinous C. of Pallace,
he estate of Tirlagh mac Morough Brien (Pat. R.). 1629 Conor
ac Murtagh Mac Brien held two parts in the C. of Pallesgreny
nq. Chan., 9, 76). 1655 C. shown near Pallice which was held by
wrragh oge Mac Bryne and Sir Morris Hurley (B.D., 50; Petty, 67).
seems to have been demolished before 1680, as Dyneley notes that
there was anciently a Castle on a neat mound at Pallice” (R.S.A.L.
ii., p. 283),

Fabric.—The site was unknown to the O.S.L. (8, p. 111) in 1840,
tis given on the maps; the mote lay about 40 yards to the east of
e foundations ; there had been traces of strong walls there in 1800.

106 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

101. Bannyrrasna (24). Marked. 1185 Balitarsini was granted
to the monks of St. Mary de Magio by Prince John (C.8.P.1., 136).
1251 Rob., Bishop of Limerick, made an agreement before Robert de
Chardelawe, at Waterford, about land in Clonbalitarsene (B.B.L., p. 8).
1298 Suit of Jo f Pagan de Interberg and Rob. Dunmyng as toa
claim of dower by Agnes Blound off Balitarsne (Plea R., 36 & 40, of
xxvi Ed. I.). In 1577 Pardon granted to Morogho buy O’Kee of
Ballitarsne, and 1582 to Teige O’Hanan of same (Fi. 3149-3820).
1586 One of the chief C.s in Cuonogh (C.8.P.1., p. 236). 1600 Carew
marched against a C. of Morough Kewghe (MacBrian) at Ballitarsny
to open the road from Limerick to Cashel, but the garrison fled on his
approach (Fac. Hib. i., p. 85). 1624 Teige mac Murrogh mac Brien
held the C. and mill (Ing. Chan., 9,50). 1655 held by Murrogh mac
Brien, junior (b.D., p. 48). 1667 Dyneley notes the monument of
the Mac Brians of Ballytarsney, in Grean Church (R.S,A.L., viii.,
p. 283).

Fabric.—The foundations, 55 feet by 24 feet over all, were
attributed to the O’ Briens in 1840.

102. Nicker ox Conicur (24). Marked. A very doubtful site;
foundations said to be a C. in 1840, but without any support from the
maps, Surveys, or Records, so full in other cases.?

'TEMPLEBREDON.

103. Battyneery (33). Marked. It is stated in the pedigree in
Ulster’s Office, that the Whites came to Ballyneety from England,
and built the C. there in 1418. ‘This may be mythical, as the family
name occurs from before 1200 in the city, and soon afterwards in
various parts of the county. 1578 One C. at Whytstown in Coonagh,
held by Tirrelagh O’Brien (Ing. Exch., 7, 10). 1583 Kynedy
mac Bryan of Ballinitye and Conoghor macBryan of Cwonaghe held
C. of Ballanity in Templebredon (Des. R., 74). 1586 Kuonogher
mac Bryan Ogononaght owned Ballynity, in Grean Ogonacht
(Peyton, 247). 1587 The C. of Balleneightie, otherwise Whytes
‘own, late of Kennnedie mac Brien, granted to Kdward IFytton
(Carew, p. 447). 1621 Moriert mac Brian held Whitestown C. at his
death (Ing. Chan., 258), 1655 Ballin Itie and Cloghniean, held by
Mort. Mac Brien and Meiler Mac Grath (C.8., xxiii., pp. 11, 18, and

1 Mr. Grene Barry thinks it is a caher site only, and that the surveyors called it
a castle without authority.

Wesrroprp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 107

Petty, 67). 1690 Sarsfield surprised and blew up the artillery of
William III., when on its way to the siege of Limerick. The C. was
then a ruin. 1703 Edw. Cosgrave, of Dublin, bought Ballyneety,
the estate of Ed. Rice.

Fabric.—There are only slight traces of the foundations on the
north side of the rock which, since 1840, has been named Sarsfield’s
Rock.!

CuLLEN IN County TIPPERARY.

104. Cutten, in Coonagh (58 Tipperary). Marked. It is called
*‘Cuillenn ua cuanach to the westward, where, at Finn’s hands,
Cuillenn mac Morna perished,”’ in the ‘‘ Colloquy of the Ancients,” in ~
the Book of Lismore (Silva Gadelica u1., p. 118). In 902 Cuillean
is given with Asal, EKibhleo, Cua, and Claire? as a residence of the
King of Cashel (Book of Rights, p. 93). It formed part of County
Limerick, till late in the seventeenth century, and is less than half a
mile from ‘its border. 1199 Cullene, a knight’s fee in Huhene,
granted by Lambekin fitzWilliam (C.S.P.1., No. 96). 1258 Ric. f.
William appointed as his bailiffs Ric. and W. fitzGriffin to give
seisin of Cullyn to Rob., Bishop of Limerick (B.B.L., pp. 34-93).
1540 Cullen. 1583 A small, low, broken C., Cullenoghwonagh,
lying near the County Tipperary (Des. R., 8). 1586 Cullenough-
wonagh, or Cullenagh in Coonagh, estate of late Earl of Desmond
(Ing. Exch.), granted to Sir E. Fyton (Fi. 5032), described as ‘“ the
broken C.” of Collenoghwonagh (Carew, 15387, p. 447). 1607 The
C. granted to D., Karl of Thomond (Pat. R.). 1608 Confirmed with
Castle quarter and other portions (Jd.). 1655 Cullinagh, in Towgh
Parish, held by Mahon mac Kennedie (Mac Brien), and shown as in
County Limerick (C.8., xxx., p. 12; Petty, 67).

Kitcornan 1n County TIPPERARY.

105. Castner Loacuny, now in Tipperary (58). Site marked in
Longstone. The mearings are given in Trustees’ maps, 1688 (Nos. 29
and 31); Castleloghna, then in Templebreedon. 1655 Kilcornane
parish, given as in County Limerick; Cloghniean, held by M.
MacGrath (C.8., xxii., p. 12).

‘ There is a view in Dr. Joyce’s ‘‘ Child’s History of Ireland.”
2 Tory Hill, Slievefelim, and Dunglare.

108 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

ADDENDA.

3 and 21. We should perhaps have noted the admission of
English to the tower of John’s Gate by Captain Fennell.
decided the surrender of the city to Ireton. Also that the first att
on the outworks of Limerick by the latter was on a fort at the Sal
Weir.

65. Sir EK. Fisher in 1611 was granted the C. and towr
Ballyvarnyne (Pat. R.).

fy hOOs G3

a.
CRAIGYWARREN CRANNOG.

Excavatep By W. J. Knownes anp Grorce Corrry.

Report py GEORGE COFFEY.
[Prates V-X. |

Read Aprit 9 1906. Ordered for publication Aprin 11.
Published June 6, 1906.

Tue crannog of Craigywarren is situated at the southern end of the
bog of that name, four miles to the north-north-east of Ballymena,
Co. Antrim. Towards the north, the bog extends into the townland
of Lisnacrogher. On the boundary, at a point where the townland
of Carncoagh meets the townlands of Craigywarren and Lisnacrogher,
remains can still be traced of the crannog of Lisnacrogher, notable for
the objects of La Téne style found there.'| This latter crannog is
about half a mile distant from that of Craigywarren, and the sites can
be seen from each other.

Craigywarren crannog has been known for some time. It is
included in Col. Wood-Martin’s list for the Co. Antrim. He figures
a bronze pin of the hand-type, decorated with derived Late Celtic
pattern, found near this crannog.* Some years ago a canoe was found
in the bog, which was secured by a farmer named Thomas Crawford,
but no excavations were made on the site previous to the present.

The crannog lies about eighty yards out from what appears to
have been the western shore of the original lake, before the bog filled
it up. From the lie of the land and bog, it is evident that the
crannog has been covered by a considerable depth of peat, probably
not less than 6 feet. This has all been cut away down to the
surface of the crannog. An old inhabitant informed us that this had

‘ In the published accounts of this crannog, the name is given as Lisnacroghera.
There is no authority for the final ‘a.’ The people of the locality call the town-
land Lisnacrogher, and it is so spelt on the Ordnance Maps.

* «Lake Dwellings of Ireland,’’ p. 110.

R.I.A, PROC, VOL. XXYI., SEC. C. fit}

110 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

been done a long time ago, and that the present surface had not been
disturbed in his recollection for thirty years. When visited, for a
preliminary inspection of the site, the stakes of the crannog could be
seen sticking up through the surface of the ground, and the circle of
the site could be traced by following the outer stakes. A deep drain
had lately been cut by the tenant of the farm through the centre of
the crannog, exposing the horizontal timbers. Nothing of note
appears to have been found when cutting the drain. The upper
stone of a quern was found about that time somewhere on the
crannog, and is now in possession of the tenant of the farm. — It is of
the usual form, without special features.

Permission to excavate the site having been obtained from the
landlord, Sir Hugh Adair, and an agreement made with the tenant,
an application was made to the Academy for a grant in aid of the
work. The Academy at once acceded to our request on the under-
standing that the finds should be placed in the Academy’s collection in
the National Museum. ;

Excavations were begun on the 28th August, 1901, and carried on
continuously, Sundays excepted, to the 10th September. We were
assisted by Mrs. Knowles, Miss Knowles, and Miss M. Knowles,
the late Rev. G. R. Buick, t1.p., u.z.z.a., and Dr. D’Evelyn, of
Ballymena. To their skilled assistance not a little of our success is
due. Four labourers were employed.

Digging was first started on the south side about 15 feet out-
side the crannog. A wide trench was pushed in until the outer line
of stakes was reached at A on plan. The stakes were then followed
up for about one-fourth of the circumference of the crannog on the
east side. The surface of the crannog was then laid bare over the
south-eastern quadrant. Digging was then resumed at the south side,
to the west of the drain, and followed round and inwards, until about
one third of the whole area.of the site was uncovered. Nothing was
found outside the crannog at the south side. Digging was then com-
menced at the north side. A trench was dug well out from the piles,
from east to west, and worked in sideways till the piles were reached.
Here the kitchen-midden was found. ‘The digging was then carried
across the crannog, and practically the whole site uncovered.

The construction of the crannog may now be described. The
bottom on which the structure is built consists of a black tenacious
mud, greasy in feel. This was reached from 2 to 3 feet below
the surface of the site, and rendered digging to any great depth im-
possible, water coming in at about 5 feet down. This mud was

CorrEy—Craigywarren Crannog. 111

probed round the margin of the site to depths of 6 to 8 feet
without finding bottom.

The plan of the crannog is approximately circular—é62 feet
by 52 feet (see plan, Plate VI.). A layer of heather and
small branches was first laid down. On this were laid tree trunks
and heavy branches, chiefly ash, hazel, birch, and staked down with
oak and ash piles. Round the edge of the structure the branches
(chiefly birch and hazel) were laid lengthwise, with evidence of care,
and piles driven in on the outside in a fairly regular manner, also here
and there through the branches, so as to prevent them from spreading
outwards (see plan). The piles are of oak and ash. The oak piles,
in nearly all cases, were square or rectangular in section; the ash, -
round. They were pointed with clean cuts, evidently by an iron tool.

Over the horizontal timbers a layer of heather was laid, making
a clean, even surface (see section, Plate VI.). At the north side the
foundation was consolidated with large quantities of stones, and here
timbers and piles were iessnumerous. Throughout the crannog boards,
or small adze-planed planks of oak, were constantly turned up. They
ran from 3 to d feet in length, by 6 to 10 inches wide, by 1 to 2 inches
thick. In a few instances they reached 6 or 7 feet in length.
Whatever structures were left above ground when the crannog was
originally destroyed or abandoned, must have been levelled, and their
planks scattered when the peat was cut down to the floor-surface. It
is possible, therefore, that some of these boards are the scattered
remains of structures, but from the fact that they were often found
below one or two layers of foundation timbers, it was apparent that
they were, for the most part, used to strengthen weak places in the
foundation. We did not, however, find any examples of planks laid
down as footings for stakes (the stake fixed in a mortised hole in
the plank) as in the case of the crannog at Moylarg, excavated by
the Rev. Dr. Buick (‘‘ Journ. R.S.A.1.,”’ vol. xxiv., p. 316, 1894).

At B on plan a large board was found, 6 feet 10 inches long by
103 inches wide, and from 2 to 2} inches thick (Plate VIIL., fig. 1). At
each end there appear to have been large mortised holes to carry stout
posts, and between these are six smaller holes. At C was found the
largest board on the site, measuring 7 feet 94 inches by 1 foot 3 inches
by from 3 to 4 inches thick. Three square mortised holes are
cut in it, and near one of the end large holes are two small holes, one
of which is divided by a septem on one face, so that on one side of the

board it appears as a single hole, but on the other as a double hole
(Plate VILI., fig. 2).

112 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

In addition to these planks, a broken piece (2 feet) of a thick
plank or a framing beam, with large rectangular mortise holes, had
been thrown out, probably when digging the drain, and lay exposed
on the crannog (Plate VII., fig. 3). it measured 7} inches wide and
23 inches thick. The mortised holes were about 72 inches by
3 inches.

The scattered remains of a hut were found at the north-east of the
site (D on plan) adjoining the kitchen-midden; and a few yards to
west, a hearth, the stones of which were still in place (EK on plan).
The hut, judging from the boards as they lay, appeared to have
been square in plan, and about 8 feet by 8 feet. A few of the
boards found at the hut-site were pierced with many small holes
in some of which the fragments of the wooden pegs which had
held them in place still remained. The pegs were about 1 inch in
diameter, and had rounded heads. ‘Two of the boards are figured
(Plate VII., figs. 4 and 5). It is difficult to understand why so many
pegs were wanted to fix these boards, or what exactly was their
purpose. This remark also applies to a board found at the west side
(F on plan).

Two shaped pieces of oak were also found at the hut (Plate VILI.,
figs. 6 and 7), the purpose of which is not quite clear. Fig. 6 may
have been a footing-piece. The most advanced piece of carpentry
work is shown in Plate VIL., fig. 8, and was probably one of the corner
posts of the hut. The large plank forming the footing was 8 feet
3 inches by 1 foot, and about 2 inches thick ; the upright was imperfect
at the upper end ; the lower portion, which was shaped like a stake, and
passed through a mortise-hole in the first plank, was 3 feet in length,
and was, no doubt, staked down into the floor of the crannog to that
extent.

The hearth consisted of a single flat stone, 1 foot in diameter,
surrounded by smaller stones, as shown on plan. A large quantity of
white ashes covered and underlay the stones.

Finps,

Woop.—In addition to the pieces of shaped wood mentioned in
the general description of the crannog, a few objects of wood were @
found. re

Plate VIL., fig. 9.—A thin circular disc of oak, with a hole in the ff
centre, 4 inches in diameter, and 4 thick. It is like the bottom of aff

CorFrEY—Craigywarren Crannog. 113

small wooden pail, but the hole at the centre (2) shows that its use
was different.

A thick circular piece, with a hole in the centre. It is now greatly
shrunk, but was circular when found, 33 inches in diameter, and
1 inch thick, size of hole 3 inch diameter.

A wooden collar-piece of oak (Plate VII., fig. 10), outer diameter
6 inches, inner diameter 3} inches.

The fragments of a long shaft, or handle, 25 inches by 1 inch
in diameter. The end was reduced, and bore a leather collar or
washer.

Frint.—Chips, flakes, and worked pieces of flint were found in
considerable numbers throughout the crannog. In all, fifty flakes
and worked pieces were collected; but many chips and worthless
fragments were passed over. They include three scrapers, a well-
formed concave scraper or saw, a fragment of another, a large, flat,
rude piece with a concave scraping edge at one side, a kite-shaped
arrow-head, and several flakes showing secondary work and battering
in places. ;

The largest of the scrapers was found in the south-eastern
quadrant. . The three polishing stones mentioned in the next section
were found at intervals within a range of a few yards from this
scraper. The concave scraper was found at the hearth-site; it
has not suffered from fire. The arrow-head lay immediately on the
plank B. Here the ground had been disturbed by tillage, which
came up to the margin of the site at this side. No cores were found,
nor any evidence, in the shape of an accumulation of flakes, that the
flint had been worked on the crannog. Antrim is the chief flint
county of Ireland. In the fields round Ballymena, broken fiints
and flakes may be picked up anywhere, and worked flints, especially
scrapers, are numerous. It is possible that the scrapers found in the
crannog were used by its inhabitants, and the pieces with battered
edges suggest that these latter may have been used for striking fire ;
but the small number of characteristic scrapers which were found
(3), and absence of hammer-stones (only one good example was found)
and other stone implements, indicate that the examples found cannot
be regarded as a survival of the Stone Age. Some, if not all, may
have been brought into the crannog with the clay and stones used for
flooring the site. It has been desirable to go into this question in a
little detail, as the presence of worked flints and stone implements in
crannogs has been sometimes advanced as evidence of the antiquity
of such crannogs, or as an argument against the antiquity of stone

114 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

implements. In the case of Craigywarren, the evidence does not
point to either of these conclusions.

Stone.—(a@) Three polishing stones, found as mentioned in
previous section ; they are slender pebbles 3% to 5 inches in length.
One of them has been rubbed down a good deal at the ends(Plate VIII.,
fig. 1). Another is slightly abraded at the ends by hammering, and
is rubbed down in places along one side. The third has been slightly
rubbed down at the ends. They also show the polish of rubbing on
the surfaces.

(6) A small polishing stone of the same class rubbed on one
surface. .

(ec) A good hammer-stone, and a quartzite pebble; the latter
shows some slight battering, in a diagonal direction, on the faces,
after the manner of some ‘tracked stones.’? Some other smooth
pebbles and fragments were found, which may have been used as
polishing-stones.

(d) A quartzite pebble, with diagonal battermg on both of the
flatter surfaces. Tracked stones frequently show irregular battering,
more or less parallel to the line of the track. This stone has been
used in the same way, but no definite track has been made.

(e) Four pieces of fine pink sandstone, sharpening or polishing-
stones. The largest (24 inches) is remarkable for a rude sketch of
trumpet ornament engraved on one surface (Plate VIII., fig. 2); the
other surface has been used as a hone, and is worn hollow. . Another
piece is worn into hollows all round the margin, evidently from
rubbing or burnishing-down some object of round section. These
pieces were found in the kitchen-midden.

(f) A fragment (about a quarter) of a large stone celt. On one
surface it is much pitted from being used as an anvil-stone, and to
this use may be attributed its fracture. This specimen is interesting,
as showing how stone implements have been brought into crannogs
and put to secondary uses.

(g) A small spindle-whorl, 12 inch (Plate VIII., fig. 3).

(h) A rough piece of stone artificially bored; a weight or sinker.

(2) Two stone discs and a fragment of a third (Plate VILL. #
fig. 4) about 3 inches in diameter.

Bronzz.—A few ornaments of bronze were found, consisting of the ff
following :—A ring brooch, 3} inches in length of pin, and 2+*¢ across
circular head (Plate VIIL., fig. 5). It is silvered, and is plain, with |
the exception of the dots shown round the edges of the expanded flat

surfaces of the ring; the pin is flat. This class of plain plated |

CorrEy—Craigywarren Crannogq. 11d

brooch is pretty common, and it can hardly be dated earlier than
about 900 a.p. The flat pin of a second brooch was also found. It
is very well made, and the raised rims of the eye show more than
usual finish, A small dise of bronze, 1 inch in diameter, was no
doubt the centre-cut out of the disc of a plain ring-pin. A. bronze
ring, originally plated with silver, the size of a finger-ring, with
cross-hatched pattern on the band (Plate VIII, fig. 6). Lastly, a
bronze ring-bracelet, 22 inches in diameter. It is ornamented with
a guilloche or interlocking S and dot pattern (Plate VIIT., fig. 7),
These objects were found about the hut and hearth.

Tron.—The sword (Plate VIIL., fig. 8) found below the timbers
of the hut. It is in unusually good condition. Length of blade
1 foot 8 inches, of tang 44 inches. A similar sword was found in
Dunshoughlin crannog. The pointed butt-end of a& spear, 6 inches
long, 1 inch outside, and s Inch inside diameter of socket (Plate IX.,
fig. 1), was found in the stuff thrown out near the hut-site. An
auger (Plate VIIL., fig. 9) was found sticking dowr in the flooring
branches at the centre of the crannog. It is at present 17 inches in
length. Two bill-hooks were found at the western edge of the
crannog, near the spot marked B on plan. They measure 82 by
2 inches, and 82 inches by 12 inch, respectively. Some of the
wood still remains in the sockets (Plate IX., fig. 2). The chisel
(Plate IX., fig. 3) was found in the stuff thrown out near the hut-
site. It measures 7 inches in length, and is 2 inch in width of
blade. It is similar in form to a chisel figured by Sir John Evans
among remains of British toolg.! The small iron pan (Plate IX.,
fig. 4) is somewhat like a scale-pan; but it has no holes for
attachment, nor any indication that it ever had a handle of any sort;
diameter 34 inches, and £ inch deep. It was found in the kitchen-
midden, as was also the uncertain object (Plate IX., fig. 5). This
latter consists of a square iron rod of 3 inch diameter, bent twice at
right angles in opposite planes, one end of which passes through a
Square piece of wood, apparently a handle. The measurements are :
length of first bend 2> inches, between bends 101 inches, second
bend 52 inches, length of wooden piece 3} inches. The wood has
how flattened somewhat from shrinking ; it was originally 1 inch

square. This object is in some respects not unlike a key, but its use
eems uncertain.

' *< Archeeologia,’’ vol, liy., p. 139,

116 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.

Porrery.—Few fragments of pottery were found. With the
exception of some crucibles, the absence of pottery presented a marked
contrast to most other crannogs, especially some of the Fermanagh
crannogs, in which pottery was abundant. The half of a straight-
sided, flat-bottomed vessel (Plate IX., fig. 6) was found at the
hut-site. It measures, height 2} inches, diameter of mouth 5 inches,
and of base 48 inches. A fragment of a similar vessel, but of slightly
rounded side, was found in the same place; also three small pieces of
the same class of pottery. ‘Two crucibles were found. The most
perfect one (Plate IX., fig. 7) measures 13 inch high by 1% inch
across mouth. The other one was somewhat larger, 24 inches high.
A quantity of red vitreous matter adhered to the outside, showing
the use of red enamel.

Lratner.—The pieces of leather-work were all found in the mud
of the kitchen-midden. With one or two exceptions, they were
fragments of shoes. ‘Two were tastefully decorated (Plate IX.,
figs. 8 and 9). The end of the tongue-piece (Plate IX., fig. 8) is
finished with a skilfully-cut-out trumpet ornament, the effect of which
is very good, and the whole shoe, of which the upper only remains,
74 inches long, was evidently very well made. ‘Trumpet pattern was
also applied in blind tooling to the tongue and heel of the shoe
(Plate IX., fig. 9). The leather of this shoe is much stouter than
that of the former. The shoe is nearly complete, 82 inches long;
a large piece of the under leather remains as shown in the figure.
It was eased by cuts at the sides of the tongue, and the upper part of
the latter, which was no doubt ornamented, has been cut off. The
other fragments of shoes found were in bad condition, and had no
special features of interest. |

A thin leather bag or pocket of leather should be noticed. The
leather is very thin and fine, like kid, and in bad condition ; a straight
binding strip runs along the sides, which are straight, with square |
angles.

Conciustons..—The crannog does not appear to have been destroyed | |
by violence, or we may suppose the serviceable things found would
have been taken away by the victors—the brooch, the good sword, &e. |
These also indicate that it was not peaceably alanionatl or they would
not have been left behind.

The crucibles, with adhering traces of red vitreous enamel, and
the good work of one of the brooch-pins, as also the decorated shoes,
point to a richer state of industry and of inhabitants than the
scantiness of the remains would at first indicate. |

JoFFEY—Craigywarren Crannog. ti?

The absence of interlaced ornament and presence of Late Celtic or
trumpet ornament would, taken alone, point to an early date; but the
brooch (Plate VIIL., fig. 5) is not an early type. This form of
brooch, with large, flat, expanded ends of ring, resembles the silver
brooches found in Ireland, with interlaced ornament of a Scandinavian
flavour; and the silvering of the surface was much in vogue in
what is called the Danish period. This silvering of bronze, giving
it a silver-plated look, is more common than would be supposed at
a cursory glance. Many of the buckles and ornaments in the large
find of Danish objects found at Kilmainham, near Dublin, are
silvered in this way. Silver goes black, and the coating, being very
thin, easily wears off ; but many plain bronze pins and brooches will be
found on close examination to bear traces of having been so treated.
It does not, therefore, seem possible to place the brooch and pins
before the tenth century. Mr. Knowles is inclined to regard some of
the objects as earlier, and: as indicating a somewhat long occupation
of the site. But there did not seem to be any sufficient difference in
levels of the finds to separate them; clear evidence was not therefore
to be obtained on this point. In any case, the occupation of the
crannog may be placed certainly as late as that century.

AntmaL Rematns.—A large number of bones were found in the
mud of the kitchen-midden, and a few around the margin of the
erannog. ‘I'hey were of the usual species found in crannogs: Deer,
Horse, Ox, Sheep, Goat, and Pig. A selection of them has been given
to the Natural History Department of the Museum, and may prove of
some interest in working out the early fauna of Ireland—a subject
on which Dr. Scharff has been engaged for some time. The most
important find was, however, three very fine Horse skulls, two in
exceptionally good condition. Dr. Scharff regards them as perhaps
the finest heads of ancient Horse preserved in any museum, The
Museum possessed only a few fragments hitherto; and these skulls
more than repay the work of the Academy in excavating this
crannog.

Professor Ridgeway, in his recent work, ‘‘ The Origin and Influence
of the Thoroughbred Horse,” regards these skulls as of the highest
interest, as proving that Horses of the North African type were
used in Ireland as early as the tenth century. The importance of
these skulls, as well as the rarity of the remains of the ancient Irish
Horse in our collections, adds a special interest to the photographs
reproduced on Plate X. Dr. Scharff has kindly supplied the

R. I. A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SECT. C. | [12]

“i

118 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

following measurements for comparison ; but it is to be hoped that
he will publish a more detailed memoir.

Only the best skull, viz., that of a full-grown stallion, is
reproduced on Plate X. The following are the measurements of this
and of a mare, which will be of advantage for comparison with those
of the horses from La Téne and other localities in continental
museums :—

Mane. FEMALR.
Length of base of skull from foramen magnum
to angle between inner incisors, : 442 mm. 464 mm.
Greatest width between the post- anita pro-
cesses of the frontal bones, : » Pol SOs oot aah le ore
Greatest width between the two leat sur-
faces, 3 3 opie elaut 6 oid yeah ease te

ics Hees een aie amen magnum Ay eect
line of junction of the palatines, sey Ol 55 HORN hay

PROC IEEAGAD.. VOL. XxX V1. SECT: 'C- IRic/Ninis Wi

Fic. 2.—View of south-west side.

CRAIGYWARREN CRANNOG. G. Coffey, Photo.

ee - i 7 ——
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Plan and Section of Craigywarren Crannog

, Ce

PROG. Re I, ACAD:, VoL. XXVI., SEctr. C.

PLATE: Vil

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Sa

Wiss

Remains from Craigywarren Crannog.

Proc. kK. I) Acan,. Vor. XVI: SEct. C

PEATE Vic

Remains from Craigywarren Crannog.

(3 linear except figs 8, 9.)

SS —<—

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ERoc, RT ACAp., Vor DeVille SECT. GC.

PrAtTEe 1d.

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Remains from Craigywarren Crannog.

PROCWIK. I ACAD: VOL, KXVIi., SEcr. ©. Pie aris: D<

Stallion’s Skull from Craigywarren Crannog.

oh Tost

Wire
TWO FINDS OF LATE BRONZE AGE OBJECTS.

By GEORGE COFFEY.
(Pirates XJ.—-XII.)

Read May 28, 1906. Ordered for Publication May 30.
Published Junr 25, 1906.

In the year 1904 the Academy secured an important find of Late
Bronze Age objects. They consist of a socketed celt, a gouge, a
pin, a razor (the last in a simple leather case), a portion of a woollen
garment, an ornament of horsehair, like a tassel, and some pieces of
wood. Miss J. 8. O’Connor, of Ballycastle, who took a great interest in
the find, was instrumental in enabling the Academy to purchase the
objects from the finder.

Unfortunately, Miss O’Connor did not hear of the find until about
a fortnight after it took place. In aletter of the 27th June, 1904, she
has put in the following connected form such information of the finding
as she and her sister were able to get, the leading circumstances of
which she had already acquainted the Academy with on first notifying
the discovery :—

‘These objects were found in a bog in the townland of Cromaghs,
parish of Armoy, County Antrim, on Tuesday, 12th May, 1904, when
Mr. Robert Black, with an assistant, was cutting turf. He was
digging the fourth row from the top, which was only a few inches
above the gravel bottom of the bog, when something appeared which
seemed at first sight to be a kind of mossy accumulation which some-
times appears in bogs, and which in this district is called ‘Peat Cat’—
so it sounds; next they thought it to be a piece of old sack, and the
assistant dragged some of it upwards, thus, Mr. Black believes, dis-
placing the position of the objects, which had been most likely
wrapped inside the cloth; then, what made him think he had come on
something unusual, he saw the ornament, or bow, lying upon the top
of the remaining cloth: it was in this form »f«; but then in using
the spade three of the pieces composing it were injured, and the piece

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. C.] [12)

120 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

forwarded to the Academy was the only perfect oneremaining. Then
the spade struck the pin, which was sticking in pieces of the cloth ;
then the rest of the objects were found all close together. The little
leather case (with the object which it enclosed) escaped Mr. Black’s
attention on that day; but when looking carefully in exactly the same
spot on the following Monday, he found it also. We think that,
perhaps, if the objects had [not] been wrapped in the cloth, the
heavier ones would have sunk in wet weather quite down to the gravel.
Mr. Black removed the pieces of cloth to his house, after they had
remained on the surface of the bog for some days. |

‘There were also remains of leather straps, some about one inch and
a quarter in width, some narrower, and some round the objects like
beads or buttons; but these all crumbled away at once. Mr. Black
has since dug back into the bog for some distance—more than five feet
backwards—but nothing further has turned up.”

Mr. Black called at the Museum last February, but could add
nothing to the account given by Miss O’Connor.

The objects may now be described. The socketed celt (Plate XLI.,
fig. 1) is well made, with expanded edge and flat sides, boldly curved,
32 inches long by 23 inches across the cutting-edge and 1 inch internal
diameter of socket. The gouge (Plate XI., fig. 2) is 22 inches long
by 2 inch across cutting-edge, and +4 inch in diameter of socket. It
has some peculiarities: the edge is expanded fan-wise ; occasionally
an example shows a tendency towards edge-expansion, but it is more
decided in this specimen than is usual, forming an ear at each side ;
then the edge is not on the prolongation of the back line of the
socket ; it is sloped from the back to the front, making a distinct elbow,
as seen in the side view. ‘Thus, it does not require the handle to be
so much depressed when using as if this were not so. This feature
is not found in any of the other of the numerous examples in the
Academy’s collection, at least to so marked an extent; and it does —
not occur in the illustrations of English gouges in Sir John Evans’
‘* Bronze Implements of Great Britain.’’ In Scotland, it may be men-
tioned, gouges are of extreme rarity.

The pin (Plate XI., fig. 3) is of a form fairly common in Ireland.
The disk-shaped head is ornamented with concentric circles surrounding
a raised conical centre. The head is bent over, so that the disk is parallel _
to the pin, as is generally the case with the Irish examples of this |
class of pin. It is unusually long; they are mostly about 6 or 8 inches.
This pin is, however, 122 inches, including the head. [

Plate XI., fig. 4. A thin, double-bladed, tanged knife of the form

| |

ioe,

CorrEy—TZwo Finds of Late Bronze Age Objects. 121

generally called a razor, 42 inches long; these blades usually have a
small hole at the top, just below the bifurcation of the blade (in a few
specimens it is absent), the use of which is not known, but this example
is exceptional in having the hole in the centre between the two raised
ribs which divide the blade. What gives, however, a unique interest
to this razor is the leather case in which it was found (Plate XLI.,
fig. 5). It consists of a simple fold of leather, with the hair left on
and turned inside. There is no trace of stitching along the sides;
but, from the way the ends are trimmed to a curve, its purpose as a
case was evidently intentional.
The woollen garment (fig. 1) has suffered much, and is now in -

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fragments. It was left lying on the surface of the bog for some days,
and pulled to pieces by the people, who, no doubt, took bits of it
away. It is made of two widths of plain, woven cloth. Portions of
the finish of the edges remain at both sides, and down the centre where
the two pieces were joined ; a fragment at the bottom is still so joined,
and retains the stitching of woollen thread, but for the greater length
of the seam it is separated. The width of the cloth appears to have
been 18}inches. The bottom is completed by a similar edging. How

122 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

the upper end was finished, we cannot say ; itis not complete, and no
fragment that would afford an indication remains. Some small frag-
ments, which do not fit in to the larger piece, seem like a turn over, or
thickening piece, but it is quite uncertain. We may, however, con-
clude that it had no sleeves, as they would have been noticed when
found; but Mr. Black consistently speaks of it as simply cloth. A
piece is illustrated full size to show the weaving (fig. 2), and a drawing
of the garment, as far as it can be put together, is given (fig. 1). It
seems probable that this garment consisted merely of a square, or rather

A ube pet 1 hares
See een Muppet
pp apatite te
ee area Tr barcoetbel b
salad pe Tete bee —
gp ge gt ge a pe
SS eur era mene neces Eos
SE ee tl beth ab at ape ete edt Tal
aa PTE oh a eee Se the be
Seay i a neal din el lintel ter
BS etree reeaet ce rtec Perit eater ran gua ore ee
Tyler ie lil lbw —
fesse ibe cea lee ery eatecate ey ee eee Tne
Sa re eae a iO aig
Se eg er tlneeec B e gp ecrenpe —
be Sear Mar teagahsalerticaegiey ee Ae sql abrir ai icine S
= If} ¥ ANY rk h I ay =
“fen Ae Re) LL NS)

Fig. 2.—Portion or GARMENT (natural size).

an oblong, cloth, which was wrapped round the body below the arms.
Mr. Black said that there were some remains of leather-straps, and
some round objects ‘like beads or buttons, but these all crumbled
away at once.’’ What these can have been, we cannot say. Beads are
likely to have been more durable; and there is no trace of a buttonhole
on any of the fragments. Buttons made of pieces of the cloth, such as
occur in the case of much later garments in the Academy’s collection,
would not have crumbled away as described. It may, perhaps, be
noticed that this garment bears some general resemblance to the
woollen, unshaped garments, held in place by a narrow band or belt,
which were found in coffins made of the hollowed trunks of cak-trees
at Vamdrup and at Borum in Jutland, figured in Worsaa’s ‘“ Industrial
Arts of Denmark” (figs. 44 and 65). They are ascribed to anearly period
of the Bronze Age. In any case, this is, I believe, the first instance
of woollen cloth found in Ireland which can be definitely ascribed to
the pre-Christian period.

The most remarkable object in the find is the horsehair, tassel-lk

CorrEy— Two Finds of Late Bronze Age Objects. 123

ornament (Plate XII.). There seemed to be no doubt that it was
horsehair ; but to remove any possible uncertainty, Dr. Scharff, Keeper
of the Natural History Department of the National Museum, kindly
made a microscopical examination of a fragment of it, and had no
hesitation in pronouncing it to be horsehair. It may be added that
it is uniformly black in colour, like ordinary black horsehair, so that
black appears to have been the original colour, and not due to the
staining of the bog. I mention this, as it may have some bearing on the
species of the horse. The information given Miss O’Connor left her
under the impression that, when found, this object lay on the cloth in
the form of a Maltese cross. There is, I think, reason to doubt that
this was so, or, at least, that it was intentional. The two fringe-end
pieces (Plate XII., figs. 1, 2) are single, but the remaining fragment
(fig. 3) is double. The fringe-pieces appear to have been the two
ends of this double piece. The stuff is somewhat contracted and
creased just above the fringe, which gave me at first the impression
that they were the ends of a scarf; but, on consideration, the creases
seem due to the pieces having been pinched between the finger and
thumb when taken out of the bog, and the pasty nature of the bog-
stuff, of which the creases were full, had glued them together when
dry. But, in the case of the third fragment (Plate XII., fig. 3),
the gathering at the top was evidently made for fastening or fitting it
in place, and the two pieces of which it is made probably hung partly
behind each other, and could not have been separated in the form of
the arms of across. Thus, either a large portion of the object has been
lost, or there has been a mistake in supposing it to have lain with four
arms like a cross. From the account of how the objects were found,
it is plain that the finders could have had only a hasty look at them
in the bog, and that they were then partly disturbed. Miss O’Connor
says that in using the spade three of the pieces composing the horse-
hair ornament were injured. In a previous letter she states that one
man showed something in Ballycastle ‘‘ which from the description
must have been portion of this ornament.” If the fragment shown in
Ballycastle was not quite a different piece, it may well have been a
portion of the fringe of the fragment (fig. 1) which has lost the
greater part of its fringe.

The skill with which this horsehair ornament is made is beyond
| praise, and throws an interesting light on the textile arts of the

period. The weaving of the horsehair is very even, and worked in a
chevron pattern. The fringe is formed of bunches of horsehair, closely
wound round for a short distance, then separated into lesser bunches

124 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

also wound, which are again separated into branches, wound as before,
about 13 inch long, and terminating in neatly-made pellets. The
fringe is attached to the web of single stuff by a horizontal horsehair-
band which goes round it, and between which the ends of the bunches
of the fringe are inserted. (See Plate XII., figs. 1, 2.)

The fragments of wood need little more than mention. They are
too few and incomplete to afford any clue as to what they belonged
to. The wood is about -°; inch thick, and has been shaped ; one piece
has a small hole.

I take this opportunity to figure another ‘‘ find” of the same
period, from the opposite end of the country, which has been in the
National collection since 1861, but has not been published before.
The circumstances under which the objects were found are not stated.
The only record is that of the register, which states that they were
found in the parish of Tulla, County Clare,'on the 25th May, 1861,
in the bog in the townland of Lahardown, at a depth of 7 feet, and
were bought from James Moroney, the finder.

The objects consist of :—Two small, socketed celts, 2 inches by
1£ inch, and 2 inches by 17 inch; a disk-headed pin, similar to that
in the last find, but shorter; length, 72 inches; a plain, bronze ring
32 inches in diameter, and ? inch thick; and a bronze fibula, an
unclosed ring with expanded ends, 23 inches in diameter. (See
Plate XI., figs. 6 to 10.)

The only object that calls for special notice is the fibula. These
fibula are common in gold in Ireland, but rare in bronze. The
expanded ends are often cupped, but several are known with plain,
flat ends, such as this bronze example. ‘The occurrence of one wit
the socketed celts and the pin shows that, although this unclosed-rin
form of fibula may extend back in time to an earlier period, it wa
still in use towards the close of the Bronze Age.

The bronze objects, socketed celts, &c., in both finds are well
known Late Bronze Age types; and the form of the pins, with conica
centre and concentric circles, serves to approximately date both finds
The use of pointed rivets, and of centres with concentric circles, ig
common at the end of the Bronze Age; and we may provisionally plac]
these finds in the period between 400 to 800B.c. The cloth and horsegy
hair ornament are evidently of the same date as the other objectfl
found with them.

PROG. ik. I ACAD... Vor, DOCVI Sect.

Two Late Bronze Age Finds (4 linear)

groc. R.1. Acap.. Vot.. SEXO

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Late Bronze Age

Horse-hair Fabrics. from Armoy, Co.

lead Moe SOUL.

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Antrim (# linear).

he 25g]

VER.

BARNABY RICH’S ‘““REMEMBRANCES OF THE STATE OF
IRELAND, 1612,” WITH NOTICES OF OTHER MANU-
SCRIPT REPORTS, BY THE SAME WRITER, ON
IRELAND UNDER JAMES THE FIRST.

By C. LITTON FALKINER.

Read May 28. Ordered for publication May 30.
Published Jury 28, 1906.

Tue author of the ensuing ‘‘ Remembrances,” Captain Barnaby Rich,
is well known to students of the early seventeenth-century history ot
Ireland as a prolific and withal somewhat polemical contributor to
the history of Irish affairs at that period. He is also, and perhaps
better, known to a wider circle as an author not without some signi-
ficance in the history of English literature. Born before the close of
Henry the Eighth’s reign, and surviving to the middle of James the
First’s, Rich passed a long life in active employment as a soldier, at
first in the Low Countries, and later, from about the year 1577, in
Ireland. Rich was a characteristic, though scarcely an eminent,
illustration of the facility with which the soidiers of Elizabeth could
exchange the sword for the pen. He forms one of that notable
group of Elizabethan men of letters closely connected with Ireland, in
which Spenser’s and Raleigh’s are the most illustrious figures, but
which includes such lesser lights of literature as Sir Geoffrey Fenton,
the translator of Bandello’s novels; Ludovic Bryskett, the friend ot
Spenser, and one of the lyrists of ‘ Astrophel’; Barnaby Googe the
poet; and Sir John Davies, who first won with his poem of ‘ Nosce
Teipsum’ the literary fame which his book on Ireland enlarged and
preserved. The list of Rich’s printed works, which are twenty-four in
number, occupies, even after a rigorous abbreviation of their inordi-
nately lengthy titles, as many as four columns of the careful memoir
which Mr. Sidney Lee has devoted to their author in the ‘‘ Dictionary
of National Biography.” But although he is not without merit as a

1 Besides the notice in the “Dictionary of National Biography,’’ a careful
account of Rich will be found in the Introduction to an edition of his ‘‘ Honestie
of this Age,’’ prepared by Peter Cunningham for the Percy Society in 1844.

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. C. ] [13]

126 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

writer of English ‘prose at a period when English prose, still in the
making, was struggling to free itself from the shackles of the pedantry
of Lyly and his school, it is probable that Rich’s chief interest
for posterity has hitherto lain in the fact that it was to his version
of one of Bandello’s novels, printed in “Rich, his Farewell to
Military Profession,” that Shakespeare was directly indebted for his
plot of ‘‘ Twelfth Night.’”!

Like those of most of his class and period, the opinions of Rich upon
Irish affairs were those of an ardent combatant, in the field of letters as
well as in that of arms, on the English and Protestant side in the great
European struggle in which Philip of Spain and Elizabeth of England
were the protagonists. At the period when the ‘‘ Remembrances ”’
here printed were written, the Plantation of Ulster had been completed ;
and the statesmen of James the First were seeking, for the moment
at least, to administer Irish affairs with something more of con-
sideration for the vanquished party than had been evinced for more
than a generation. It is necessary, in reading Rich’s observations,
to remember that they were written in old age by an ultra-Protestant
survivor of the Armada period, to whom all symptoms of toleration
were profoundly distasteful. No one, accordingly, need go to his
writings for an impartial view of the contentions of the time, or for
an example of tolerance in the theological sphere. Rich’s merits
lie in other directions. Of all Elizabethan or Jacobean writers on
Treland Rich’s acquaintance with the country was the closest and
most continuous. His first visit was paid during the government of
Sir Henry Sidney, in 1577; and he died in Dublin exactly forty
years later. His second publication, the ‘‘ Allarme to England,”’
printed as early as 1578, was written in Ireland, and is largely
occupied with Irish affairs; and some half dozen other works,
concluding with “The Irish Hubbub,’ published in 1617, are
principally conversant with the same topic. Thus, not only did
Rich enjoy ample opportunities during a residence of forty years in
treland of exercising the faculty of observation which he undoubtedly
possessed, but his mind was occupied throughout that long period
with the problems of Irish government as they presented themselves
to a man of action who had seen much of the world and was intimately
involved in Irish affairs. While, therefore, many deductions have to ff
be made from the value of his reports and descriptions on the score ff

1 This work, published in 1581, was reprinted for the Shakespeare Society ing
1846.

FaLkinER—“ Remembrances of the State of Ireland, 1612.’ 127

of prepossessions and aversions which he took not the slightest pains
to conceal, Rich’s knowledge of the Ireland of his day cannot be
disputed ; and as he could put his impressions on paper with clearness
and point, he is undoubtedly an eye-witness whose testimony is worth
attention. ‘‘ The New Description of Ireland,’ first published in
1610, and dedicated to Robert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury, is perhaps
the best-known of his works to students of Irish history; some
passages of it, relating to the social condition of our metropolis under
James the First, having been printed by Sir John Gilbert in his
‘History of Dublin.” It is a good example of Rich’s style, and was
written primarily to arouse the interest of the merchants of London
in the Plantation of Ulster then in progress. Rich had long been
stationed in Ulster on military service, and the ‘ Preliminary
Epistle”? to his book, addressed to one William Cokyne, a London
alderman, gives a capital account of the physical capacities of the
province and the conditions under which the Plantation was effected.

The ‘‘Remembrances”’ to which attention is here directed form
one of a series of papers addressed by Rich in his latter days, between
the years 1606 and 1616, to Sir Julius Caesar, at that time Chancellor
and Under-Treasurer of the Exchequer in England. All of these,
but particularly one entitled ‘‘ The Anothomy of Ireland in the maner
of a Dialogue, truly discovering the State of the Country, for Hys
Ma** Especyall Service,”’ afford fresh and valuable information. The
“ Anothomy,”’ which is written in dialogue after the style adopted by
Spenser in his ‘‘ View of the State of Ireland,” contains much that
is entirely new about persons and things in the Ireland of James
the First, and expands many of the statements made in the
““Remembrances.”’ It is a document much too lengthy for inclusion
in the ‘‘ Proceedings ” of the Academy ; but considerable use has been
made of the information contained in it in the annotations to the
“‘ Remembrances.”

The historical value of the latter document consists chiefly in the
particulars it contains concerning the administrative system existing
in Ireland in the writer’s time, and in the light it throws upon the
conduct and character of sundry eminent official personages of that
day. It is to be regretted that Rich has left us no appreciation of the
great Attorney-General, Sir John Davies; but with this exception,
all the more important officers of the Irish Executive in 1612, from
the Lord Deputy, Sir Arthur Chichester, down to the Clerks in the
Court of Chancery, are noticed by him. The ‘‘ Remembrances,”’
being in the nature of a confidential report for the information of the

[13*]

128 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

British Treasury, contain frank and sometimes far from complimentary
criticisms of men and measures in Ireland; and the writer is parti-
cularly severe upon the defects or abuses which he notes in the legal
tribunals of the country. Altogether the document serves as a useful
commentary on the well-known work with which it is so closely
contemporary, Sir John Davies’ ‘‘ Discovery,’’ and forms an interest-
ing addition to the available sources of information concerning the
administration of this country in the reign of James the First.

I have endeavoured in the notes to explain such allusions and
resolve such obscurities as seem to require observation. The text has
been accurately transcribed from the original manuscript, which is
among the Lansdowne Papers at the British Museum.

REMEMBRANCES, BY CAPTAIN BARNABY RICH,
CONCERNING THE STATE OF IRELAND, 14 Ave. 1612:
LanspowneE Ms. 156, No. 6.

CarsaR PApERs.

TREASURY.

To THE RYGHT HONORABLE S®
JULIUS CEASER KNYGHT ETC.

I have psumed to psent you) ho’ wyth thos intelygences for hy
Mt'ss servyce in Ireland wythowt any respect eyther of love o
hatred borne to any man, the whych to set downe accordynge t
a trwth would aske a large and a longe dyscourse but knowys
that an Item to you) ho’ is as much as a volume may it pleas
you to understand as foloweth:

OF SOME IMPEDYMENTES THAT HATH
iS

EU) MORE BYNE HYNDERYNGE TO THE

PRYNCES SERVYCE IN IRELANDE.

The combynation between the Englyshe & the Iryshe by foster
& marryeinge contrary to the statutes of that realme! hath eu) mo
S). . S)

byne so piudicyall to the servyce of the prynce as psydentes W
infynit here to be inferred when murther treason Rebellyon and
man) of contemptyous demeananances towards the prynce shall
boulstered & borne owt by the Englyshe & when hys Mat a

1 The Act for Marieing with Irishmen, 28 Hen. VIII., cap. 28.

FAaLKINER—“ Remembrances of the State of Ireland, 1612.’ 129

ho’ counsayll her in England shall rather receyve letters of excuse
then trwe informatyons of any mysdemeanances of the Irysh towards
hys Mat Thys combynatyon is the mayn poynt that Ireland wyll
styll remayne as it hath done, not only repugnant to hys Mas lawes,
but also a charge to his Mats purse

Or PDONS & PROTECTYONS . HOW HURTFULL
TO THE SERVYCE OF THE PRYNCE.

For thes 40 yeares togyther that I have knowne Irelande, thys
onely portseale of pdons is it that hath set so many rebellyons on
foote, & it not yet all owt two yeares agoe synce I sawe 1020 sevall
mens names conteyned in one pdon. I knowe not how benefyciall it
is to hys Mat! thys lyberall grantinge of pdons, but I am sure it is
made a matter of great profyt to thos that be hys officers, for he that
hath mony to gyve can new) want a pdon, thys maketh the Iryshe so
hardy to enter into ungracyous actyons. And then ther be a nmbre
of poore needy knyghtes & many other favouretes that doth nothynge
else but hunte after sutes, that are styll redy to begge pdons, to begge
felons goodes, traytors goodes, forfytures of recognyscances, warde-
shypes, intrusyons, & ali mazi) of -casualtyes. And thes matters are
styll gyven away to thos unworthy psons of small or no deserte, that
other wyse myght be converted to hys Mats great benefit.

but it is no great wondre though a theef a murtherer or a
traytor shuld helpe themselves by compassynge of a pdon, but
that a Lorde Chanceler, a Justyce, an Ati)ny, a solycyter, a kynges
surveyor getjall, or any such other offycer that is in especyall trust
for hys Matis servyce, & that any of thes should seeke to purchace
pdons for fraud, for deceypt, for brybery, for forgery & for such
other misdemaunces towards the prynce as some of them have done
(& whereof I have some copyes to showe) it seemeth strange.
Amongst the rest Parsons that is his Matis surveyor geti)all hath had
§ two sevall pdons, and that very lately. but yf thys prohybytyon
@ wer imposed that whosoet) of hys Mat!’ offycers that shuld but offer
| to make sute for any such pdon myght psently uppon the facte make
piorfeyture of hys offyce his mati would be much better served in
§ lrelande than now he is.?

| * In a later report to Sir Julius Caesar, written in 1612, under the title of
lhe Anothomy of Ireland,’ Rich has the following further observations on
iy Pardons :—<‘ And it is truth that as these pardons have been the only encourage-
ij ments to give daring to traitors to attempt against their prince, so they have been
again the very cause of dismay, whereby to terrify a subject from the serving of

130 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Or THE L. pepury oF [RELANDE
THAT NOW IS.”

It is well knowne that the L deputy of hymself is a most worthy
gentyllman, no lesse zealous in relygyon, then eu)y way inclynynge
to the servyce of his Mati, but as Irelande was yet new) free from
coruptions, so ther wanteth not at thys present houre thos that be of
the takynge humoure wherof some no inferyor psons besydes needy
knyghtes & others that be folowers & in favoure wyth the deputy,
that for gyftes and rewardes doth sometymes obtayne thos sutes &
induce thos courses that are but lyttell for hys Matis profyt.

here agayne it is to be consydered that the L deputy knowynge
that uppon the deliu\y of hys Mat* sword havynge but a meane
estate of lyvynge in Englande hys place of habytatyon must be to
rest in Irelande to make hym self therefore to be the more gratyous.
amongst the Iryshe is the more safely wrought te tolerat wyth
many abuses amongst the Iryshe.

Or THE L CHANCELER OF IRELANDE.*

The L. chanceler of Ireland that is lykwyse Bysshope of Dublyne,
I must confesse I net) hard any great matter objected agaynst hym
for any misdemeannce in the courte of Chancery, but as he is Bysshope
of Dublyne it cannot be hydden hys toleratyng wyth popery when
Dublyne itselfe (where he is dayly resydent) doth swarme wyth
popysh prystes and when it is well knowne that throughowt the
wholl yeare ther be more masses in Dublyne then ther be sermons.

OF THE WORTHY TREASURER OF IRELAND
S' THomas RypGEway KNYGHT & BaRronet.®

Greater comendacyons then hys owne desertes hath meryted I

his sovereign, for where a traitor is out in rebellion, those that are bordering upon
him, that have the best knowledge in the fastness and strength of his country,
dare not serve against him, for they know well enough that, in the winding up, a
pardon will be obtained; and then those that have given any manner of assistance
to the service of the prince shall be sure to smart for it.’? Lansdowne ms. 186,
No.7:

3 Sir Arthur Chichester, Lord Deputy of Ireland, 1604-1614.—Vide “‘ Dictionary
of National Biography,’’ vol. x., for an excellent notice by Dr. S. R. Gardiner.

4 Thomas Jones, Lord Chancellor of Ireland and Archbishop of Dublin,
1605-1619.—See ‘‘ Dictionary of National Biography,”’ vol. xxx.

5 Afterwards Earl of Londonderry, Vice-Treasurer of Ireland, Master of them)
Hawks and Game, 1608-1631.—Vide Jdid., vol. xlviil.

FaLKkiner—‘“‘ Remembrances of the State of Ireland, 1612.” 131

knowe not how to give hym, I may therefore conclude that for a
deputy and a Treasurer Ireland was never better sped than now
it is.
Or tHE L cuerr Justyce oF [RELANDE.®
I myght speake the lyke of that worthy gentylman, that is now
the Lorde cheefe Justyce of Irelande, by whom that courte of hys
Ma** Benche is now the thyrd tyme | ? term] made happy.

Or tHE L CHEEF JUSTYCE OF THE
Comon PLEAS IN IRELANDE.’

A man of lyttell hurte, that lyves wythout offence to any, yet
suspected to be a papyst and a secret frend to assyst popery. And
allthough hym selfe in the tearme tyme doth use to follow the
L deputy to church, yet his wyf could neuer be brought to Church
And an offyce belongynge to the courte of comon pleas that is in hys
gyit namely the keapinge of the sealle, he hath bestowed of a most
obstynat knowne papist and such a one as allmost eu’ry sunday
through the yeare hath a mass sayd in hys house.

9
OF UNWORTHY PERSONS PFERRED
TO OFFYCE IN IRELAND.

before I speake of inferyor offycers in any pticular mail. wyth

all humblnes I crave pdon fyrst to set downe what form experyence
hathe taught, whereby it doth apeare, that ther is nothynge more

@ hurtfull to the servyce of a souraygne, than when unworthy psons
have byne advanced to offyces of trust, whos bare and needy estate
B® hath byne a spure to prycke them forward to brybery & to all mat
| of other corupt dealynge : i me here yet once agayne besech a pdon
j@ but to set downe thys one psydent, how in the late raygne of our
| most gracyous Quene duringe the tyme of Tyrones rebellyon one

6 Sir John Denham, Lord Chief Justice of Ireland, 1612-1617. He had pre-
viously held the office of Chief Baron of the Irish Court of Exchequer, and
subsequently became a Baron of the English Exchequer. Denham was a lawyer
| of considerable distinction, and was one of the Judges in Hampden’s case. He
| was the father of the poet Denham.—Vide Jdid., vol. xiv.
| 7Sir Nicholas Walsh, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, 1597-1615. In
Perrott’s Parliament, Walsh had been Speaker of the House of Commons. Seea
| notice of him in ‘‘ The Parliament of Ireland under the Tudor Sovereigns,’’ in
“* Proceedings,” vol. xxy., sect. c., pp. 541, 542.

132 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Acadeny.

Newcome® that cam into Irelande a poore servynge man (neyther of
reputation nor any great acounte) yet atteyning to be vytualer to the
Army, he sodaynely begane to buyld, to purchace, & so to florysh,
that eu’ry man could say it could not be but by abusynge the Quene
but thus it contynued tyll the L Borough® was sent over deputy, who
callyng Newcome to a streyght acount & examynynge hys servyces
what courses he had houlden, found so many colusyons, how he had
deceyved both prynce and souldyor, that for the example of all other,
he protested to hange hym, whych he thought to have pformed
indeed, but that he was hastely to set forwardes a jorny, in the
whych he dyed before he retu’ned backe. Newcome that had well
fethered hys neast found meanes to gratyfy hys form crymes, & was
ry. shortly after made knyght, and it is well knowne that at thys
psent houre Syr Roberde Newcome is one of the rychest Englyshe
knyghtes that is in all Irelande:

yf it pleased hys ma* to folowe thys psydent used by the
L Borough he myghte fynde the mystery from whence it is that hys
offycers do wax so rych & hym selfe so poore :

Or uys Ma"’ soLycITER THAT
IS NOW IN IRELANDE!”

To speake of some feew offycers that be now of the tyme psent,
it is well knowne, that he that is now hys Ma*: solyciter, wythyn

* Sir Robert Newcomen, appointed Victualler-general to the Army, 1591 ;
received a fresh Patent as General Purveyor and Issuer of Victuals, 1604. See as
to his extravagant profits Cal. 8.P. (Ireland), 1597-1598, p. 495.

* Thomas, fifth Lord Burgh or Borough de Gaynesboro, x.c., Lord Deputy,
1596-7. He died at Newry, October 14th, 1597, while on an expedition against
Tyrone, aged forty-two. Cal.S.P. (Ireland), 1596-1597, p. 415.— Vide ‘‘ Complete
Peerage,’’ vol. ii., p. 77.

10 It is noticeable that Rich omits all mention of so eminent and important
an official as Sir John Davies. Probably he both disliked and feared the Attorney-
General, whose credit in England stood too high to be shaken. In another of his
reports, written a year later, Rich pointedly censures Davies’ ‘‘ Discovery,’’ which
had appeared in 1612, as unduly optimistic in its account of the security of the
country, and the obedience rendered to the law throughout the country :—

‘« There is nothing that hath more deceived our late Queen and her honourable
Council here in England than those informations that were many times given out
of Ireland; and I might speak of a book that was but lately presented to the
King’s Majesty wherein was expressed how Ireland was never conquered till
now, and how his Majesty may only vaunt himself to be the Conqueror of that
realm ; for that now the country is brought into that quiet subjection that the

FaLtkiner—“Remembrances of the State of Ireland, 1612.” 138

thes feew yeares, then called by the name of Robert Jacobe! maryed
a sailers wydowe of southampton called by the name of Mall Target,
as famous of reporte in the towne of southampton as Mall Neubery in
the cytty of London: thys Jacobe ae into Irelande in a poore
& needy estat, & lykwyse in debt to dytise cytyzens of London,
found meanes (by the helpe of frendes) to becom hys Ma‘ solycyter,
And shortly after (for hys wyves sake that before she cam into
Trelande had bydden defyance to modesty) he got to be made knyght
when he had neuer a foote of lande, neu a house, nor so much as a
bedde of hys owne to lye uppon.

And allthough it be conceyved by many that it is not Syr Robert
Jacob’s purse that hath sythence borne owt hys wyves excessyve
bravery, hyr pompe, hyr pryde, hyr prodygalyte, hyr roystynge,
hyr rampynge, hyr revelynge, hyr feastynge, hyr gamynge and
other hyr idell & inordynat expendynge, yet it is agayne as
credybly beleved that hys Ma‘* revenue doth somethynge fare the
worse for it, and that now in thys late busy tyme of thys passyng of
lands by the comyssyon for defectyve tytelless, that Syr Robert Jacob’s
hand hath passed to many bookes that were but lyttell to hys Ma"
advantage.

It is well yenough knowne that when Syr Roger Wylbrowne'
supplyed the place of the Quen’s solycytor in Irelande the wholl
parquysytes of hys offyce amounted not so much in one wholl yeare,
as Syr Robert Jacob’s lusty wyf wyll play at a payre of cardes in a
peece of a nyght.

laws had their recourse through all the parts of Ireland, so that all was quiet and
in a peaceable security: when in truth his Majesty’s laws were disobeyed
throughout the whole realm of Ireland, and Dublin itself could not be reformed,
but there was every day masses and massing priests walking openly in the streets
without controlment ; and when it is very well known that “the Irish were never
more maliciously bent against the prince, and that they do but watch their
opportunities when his Majesty should be molested either with foreign war or
civil dissensions, for these be the times when the Irish doth ever more take their
advantages.’’ Report of Barnaby Rich to Sir Julius Caesar for his Majesty’s
especial service in Ireland, 12th June, 1663. Lansdowne ms. 156, No. 62.

1! Sir Robert Jacob, Solicitor-General, 1606-1618. Sir John Davies, whom Rich
omits to notice in these ‘‘ Remembrances,” was Attorney-General throughout Jacob’s
tenure of office ; and the latter died before Davies vacated the higher position.

Sir Roger Wilbraham, Solicitor-General, 1586-1603. See as to the emolu-
ments of his office the Queen’s Letter of 19th April, 1586, and the letter of the Lords

_of the Council of 13th February, 1585, printed in Smyth’s ‘‘ Law Officers of

Ireland,”’ p. 175.

landes
rec’ed at
4li 10s
nowe sur-
veyed &
passed in
fee farme
at xvilid P
ann.

154 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Or Hys MA" SURVEYOR THAT IS
NOWE IN IRELANDE.”

The surveyor that now is, who was sometymes Syr Jefery Fenton’s*
man from whom he got the offyce, although he had newer byne
trayned uppe in the knowleadge belongynge to a surveyor, yet he hath
so well surveyed for hymselfe, that wythin thes feew yeares that he
cam to hys offyce he hath gotten a greater cyrquet of landes (& that
wythin one dayes jorny of Dublyne) then all the surveyors that hath
byne in Irelande for thes 40 yeares before hym. As he hath used
dylygence in gatheryng of landes, so he hath byne as industryous to
provide for afterclapes; for he hath gotten two sew’all pdons, and.
amongst other crymes that thes pdons must serve to sheltre I am
sure he hath not forgotten for brybery and deceypt. but amongst
such offycers as thes, ther is neu’er a xli that is taken for a brybe
but is tenne tymes twenty owt of hys ma" cofers. Of hys mai of
surveyenge I shall haue after ocasyon to speake of a lyttell, whereby
it may apeare what the more hath byne.

How uys ma"*® REVENUES HAVE
BYNE LATELY IMPAYRED IN [RELANDE.

And allthough for example’s sake I shall here but infere a
p’sydent or two how hys ma* hath byne wronged, yet uppon a farther
search, ther myght some other matter fall owt that myght gyve lyght
for hys Ma"s profyt :

I wyll fyrst begyne wyth a mylne scytuat undre the Castell of
Dublyne that at thys p’sent houre & duringe the tyme of a lease for
5 yeares yet to com, doth yeld hys Mat ivi xs. str of a small rent,
the rew’cyon of whych mylne Syr Rychard Boylle® hath now lately
passed in fee fearme surveyed at 18d per an. Such madi of surveying
ther would much more be found owt yf good search wer made.
Ther is yet agayne the man) of Monohan sometymes farmed by

13 Sir William Parsons, 1570-1650, afterwards the well-known Lord Justice
of Ireland during the Rebellion, heid the office of Suryeyor-General from 1602 to
his death in 1650. See “‘ Dictionary of National Biography,”’ vol. xliii.

14 Sir Jeffrey Fenton, 1539-1608, the well-known statesman and author, was
Surveyor-General from 1591 to 1602. Vide ibid., vol. xviii.

15 Sir Richard Boyle, 1566-1643, afterwards the well-known first Earl of Cork.
Vide ibid., vol. vi.

FarkineEr—“‘ Remembrances of the State of Ireland, 1612.” 135

Captain henshoe, payenge to the quen’s Ma" that late was 401i rent lands
p an. str., besydes other servyces that he was tyed unto, amountynge Bi si,

: li nowe
well neare to 40li more, whych rent Captain henshoe (so long as he guryeyed &
lyved) very duly dyscharged, as it apeareth by the rowles of hys passed in
Ma** revenue. It was but lately farmed by Syr Edward Blaney" for ie:
a tearme of yeares at the yearely rent of fyfty fyve shellyngs but now lings.

Syr Edward Blaney surrenderynge hys lease, under coloure of that
comyssyon for defectyve tyteles, hath passed it in fee fearme, at the
said rent of 55s wythowt any other duty reserved to the kynge.

I myght speake here of certeyne composytyon mony that hath in Con-
byne demynyshed in many places, but namely that in Conaught ang On
amountynge to the sume of 3500l, but the Colectors of late yeares co’positior
hath used to pay the 500li & do keape backe the other 3000 to them mony
selves. Thys was the costom very lately, how it is reformed I knowe banat

not.

OF some RoYALTYES BELONGYNGE TO Hys Ma's
ESTATE IN [RELANDE THAT ARE PASSED AWAY

Leavynge to speake of some Royaltyes that haue eu’more belonged to

the upp houldinge of hys ma“ estat in Irelande, namely of 1000
Irysh peckes of corne that was passed away to one, and now latly
hys Ma‘: house of Kylmayname™® past away to an other, I wyll
brefly set downe how hys Mat hath byne defeated, not onely of an
anuall rent, but lykwyse of such a royalty as yf after ocasyon of
warre shuld fall owt in Ireland myght very yll be spared: It pleased
hys ma" uppon a specyall sute made unto hym by the Earle of Tomonde
to make a change of so much lande amountynge to the yearely value
of one 100li rent p an. Nowhere is to be noted that one 100li landes
p an. as it is surveyed for hys ma*' is at all tymes worth so much
more. The Earle togyther wyth the lande mad choyce of the castell of
cartholough” whych castell beynge a royalty belongynge to the kynge

‘© Captain Thomas Henshaw, appointed seneschal of Monaghan for his long
services in Ulster in 1591. See ‘“ Fiants of Elizabeth,’’? No. 5690, 16th Report of
Deputy Keeper of Records in Ireland. See also Shirley’s ‘‘ History of Monaghan.”’

“ Sir Edward Blayney, created, in 1621, Baron Blayney of Monaghan. See
Lodge’s “‘ Peerage,” vol. vi., p. 307.

8 The Priory of Kilmainham, known since its resumption by the Crown under
Stat. 2 Eliz., cap. 7, as hisor her Majesty’s house at Kilmainham, had been
granted to Sir Richard Sutton, Auditor of Imprests in 1609, and by him
assigned to Sir Edward Fisher in 1611. See a paper on the Phenix Park in
“ Proceedings,’’ third Series, vol. vi., p. 470.

19 On 14th July, 1604, a grant was made to Donogh, 4th Earl of Thomond, in

serch for
that bond.

136 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

& a specyall place for garysone in the tyme of warre, ther is flat
prohybytion by acte of pliament not onely of that castell by name but
lyke wyse of dyu’se others, that no man whosoeu’ he be that is of
Iryshe byrthe, shuld eyther haue costody or any mati) of comand over
them: the Earle havynge passed thys Castell, togyther wyth the
lande made back agayne to the kynge the Abby of Golbery & entered
into bond hymself & Syr Rychard Boylle that it shuld rendre hys
ma” an anuall rent of one 100" p an. but now very lately the rente
was behynd unpayd for dyt)se yeares togyther, and allthough ther
were processe issued owt it could not be levyed, and for the bond that
was gyven in by the Earle & Sir Richard Boylle it could not be founde.

I myght yet speake of some other Casteles & houses that contrary
to the statutes of Irelande are houlden by such men as are not
capable of them by lawe

HOW HYS MA“ HATH BYNE DEFEATED UNDRE
THE COLOUR OF THAT COMYSSYON FOR DEFECTYVE TYTELES

Thys comyssyon for defectyve tyteles whych it pleased hys Ma"
gratyously to grante in releefe of the subiecte was converted onely to -
hys mas dysadvantage, when the greatest numbre that undre the
p°tence of mendynge ther tyteles have altered ther tenures to hys
ma"* p°iudyce, not onely dymynyshynge some pte of his ma** rente
but haue lykewyse defrauded hym of some pte of hys ryght & haue
freed ther landes from wardshippes & from many other servyces &
duties belongynge to the kynge. As Syr Edwarde Blane for one, who
fyrst havynge but a lease of Monohan for tearme of yeares, hath now
chopped it to a fee fearme therby wypynge away more then a
hundred markes p an from hys mati & hys heyers for eu’. Syr
Edward Fytz Garrat?” in lyke man? that by hys Ma** leters shuld
haue passed Balla Boggyn in fee fearme, hath converted it to a fee
symple, therby defeatynge hys Ma" of all the rente and all other

consideration of his surrender of lands in Limerick and Tipperary. This grant
included ‘‘ The manor of Catherlogh or Catherlagh, the old castle with four turrets
on the east of the Barrow, with the precincts and buildings thereto belonging
excepted —the custom of a salmon yearly out of every net used in taking salmon in
the Barrow, running by the bounds of the said castle—and the demesne lands
within the site and circuit of said manor in Carlow and Queen’s County.’? Ryan’s &
‘* History of Carlow,’’ p. 120.

20 Sir Edward FitzGerald, of Tecroghan, received in 1599 a grant of the
reversion of the Priory of Ballybogan, Co. Meath. See ‘‘ Fiants of Elizabeth,” @
No. 6327, doc. cit. |

FaLKINER—“‘ Remembrances of the State of Ireland, 1612.” 187

dutyes. The Earle of ormonde hath lately passed landes to one Walter
lawly wherin (as it is sayd) ther hath byne great colusyon used
wherby to defraud hys ma". I myght speake of the Earle of Tomond,
& syr Richard Boylle between whom ther was some covert dealynge
(& as some do thynke counterfeyt dealyng); but I my self sawe a
rowle of pticulers to be passed that was above vi yardes longe brought
undre the Earle of Tomonde’s name, but a great pte of the landes well
yenough knowne to be syr Richard Boyle’s.

Howsomeew’ thys passynge & repassyng of landes hath byne
handeled for hys ma‘ benefyt, it hath byne a good mylch cowe to
some of hys learned counsayll & no lesse avayllable to hys ma‘*
surveyor gen’all.

How HYS MAti IS OVERBURTHENED WYTH
SOME EXPENCES MORE THAN NEDETH.,

Hys mati myght be well eased of one charge of 40" p an that is
payed out of the revenue to the Clarke of the casualtyes,** an offyce
that was yet never put into exccutyon nor new dyd the kyng one
peny worth of profyt.

Ther are two other offyces namely the colector of the Impost &
the Controuler of the same that haue between them 15” per an for
doynge of just nothynge, hys ma‘* imposts of that realme beyng
farmed owt, the composytyon is payd to hys ma‘* Treasurer, thos
offycers neyther to make nor medle in the matter.

Ther be yet other offycers as well as some pencyon’s that wyll
not com to church & therfore I thynk unworthy of ther payes. but
amongst other unnecessary expences wherwyth hys mati is most over
burthyned is thys genJralyte of concordatums when it is a matter
of ordynary amongst thos that haue great payes and stypendes
belongynge to ther places, yet yf they ryde but one daye Jorny to do

*1 The office of Clerk of the Casualties, or collector of the casual profits of the
Crown in Ireland, was created in 1579, in favour of Sir Edward Waterhouse, an
eminent official of his day. Waterhouse was succeeded in 1594 by Ludovic
Bryskett, the poet. In 1603, ‘“‘ Mr. Bryskett being proved by inquisition not to have
duly exercised this office either by himself or his deputy,’’ one Thomas Hibbotts
was appointed at a fee of £40 English, ‘‘ until the King should think fit by reason
of his care and pains to increase his salary.’’ Hibbotts was succeeded in 16138 by
one Christopher Conway, who appears to have been the last occupant of this
Sinecure. Vide ‘‘ Liber Munerum,”’ vol. i., part ii., p. 143.

2 In the ‘‘Anothomy’”’ this sum is stated at £90. I can find no record of
these offices.

not any of thes but is a papyst that on suneday mornynges wyll fyrst

138 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

the kynge a lyttell servyce they wyll have a concordatum for
extraordynary expences.

OF THE INSUFFYCYENCY OF SOME CLARKES
BELONGYNGE TO SOME OF HYS MA*® COURTES.

It hath pleased hys mat to dygnyfy the cheef Judges of thos courtes
wyth honourable tyteles as they be in Englande*. but the courtes
themselves are undygnyfyed agayne by the insuffycyency of inferyor
Clarkes ther unto belongynge. In the courte of comon pleas ther is
one man™ that hathe ingrosed the wholl offyces apteynynge to vi
set all psons & houldeth them all in hys owne handes no lesse hurtful
to the kynge then inconvenyent to the subject that is a suter.

The lyke agayne in hys ma‘ hygh courte of Castell chambre
called here the court of stare chambre wher an ygnorant man
posesseth five or syx set)all offyces,> that is not able to execute any
one of them acordyng unto a due course & forme of lawe, but
comyteth many errours as it comonly faleth owt allmost etl) ry court
day. The lawyers that be pleaders at the barre for the greatest
numbre of them are Iryshe, arrogant papystes that wyll neyther com
to church, nor take the oathe of obedyence; & that a company so
malytyous & repugnant to hys ma‘* lawes shuld be suffered to make a
benyfyt of hys ma‘* lawes I leave to you’ ho’ consyderatyon.

OF OFFYCERS BELONGYND To CyTtrrrEs &
TOWNES CORPORATE IN IRELANDE.

Ther is not a Cytty in Irelande (no not Dublyne itself) that is able
yeare after yeare, for two yeares togyther to make choyce of a mayore
& two sheryves that wyll take the oathe of obedyence to hys ma"; but
to speake of inferyor offycers as notaryes, sargantes, cunstables, jaylers
& such other lyke in Dublyne wher they are most conformed, I knowe

*3 Under Elizabeth the heads of the three Common Law Courts were sometimes,
but not usually, knighted. Under James the First, they were invariably so
honoured.

*4 Apparently one William Crowe, who held at this period the offices of Protho-
notary, Autographer, and Custos Brevium in the Court of Common Pleas.

*5 Perhaps Anthony Stoughton, Clerk of the Court of Castle Chamber
1586-1626. ;

FaLxiner—“‘ Remembrances of the Stale of Ireland, 1612.” 139

heare a masse then after that they wyll brynge the mayor to Christ-
church & havyng put hym into hys pew they convey themselves to a
taverne tyl the sermon be done, that they brynge the mayor back
agayne to hys house®., If I be here a lyttell tedyous I besech you)
h’ to pdon me, for now I do speake for the glory of god & yet no lesse
for the servyce of the kynge, for it is strange that in Dublyne wher
the worde of god hath byne so plentyfully preached, that they shuld
make no better choyce but of such offycers for the servyce of hys ma",
but such as wyll impugne hys ma" lawes, but they will say a
papyst may be a good subiecte, yet I would knowe but what they
do thynke whyther at Rome or at Remes or wher some et) other
wyse wher popery beareth sway, whyther they would put a knowne
protestant in comyssyon or in any mai) of authority for the servyce
of the pope.

May it now please you ho’ to undrestand the frutes of ther servyce
that do not onely execut ther offyces to the great detryment of hys
ma“, but also when any of hys best affected subiectes that haue con-
formed them selves to hys ma" proceadinges, yf he shall lyght into
the laps eyther of a sargant, a cunstable or a jaylor that is a papist
he shall be afflycted & exacted on wyth more rygore & crewelty,
then yf he wer amonge Turkes or Jewes.

Wher contrary yf a papyst be brought in questyon (allthoughe
some tymes for hys dysobedyence towardes hys prynce) ther is scarce
an offycer that wyll do hys duty to ap’hend hym, nor a jayler that
wyll scantell hym wyth that short alowance belongynge to an
offendre but wyll rayther enterteyne hym as a frend and the more
repugnant he sheweth hym self agaynst hys ma’ procedyngs so much
the more favours the jayler wyll showe hym.

leavyng to speake of infynit p’sydentes that myght be inferred
concernyng thes matters let me besech but one example how hys
ma" hymself was handeled now very lately about certeyne landes in
the county of Waxford that had byne long deteyned from hym, And
beynge now brought to a tryall of lawe in the county itself the
jury would in no wyse fynd for hys ma** ryght, allthough the
evydence gyven them was most pregnant & aparant, Wher uppon
the jury was brought to Dublyne, wher as well by the testy[ mony |
of recordes as by such other evydence as was ther gyven in the
Lh. ot

*6 On this point the writer of these ‘* Remembrances ’’ has dwelt at large in his
“New Description of Ireland,’’ chapter xvi.

se nn — eee

140 Proceedings of the. Royal Irish Academy.

matter made playne & owt of all questyon the jury notwithstandynge
in no wyse would be brought to fynd for the kynge, wher uppon the
L deputy was dryven to impanell a new jury of the most choycest
men that wer in the shyre, who uppon ther booke & othes gave the
kynge hys ryght.

Into WHAT Psumpryon THE PAPYSTES
In IRELAND ARE NOW GROWNE UNTO.

That it myght please you ho’ to undrestand a trwth into what
p-sumptyon the papystes of Trelande are now lately growne unto, I
besech you to pdon me the settynge downe of two or thre p°sydentes
concernynge that matter.

not longe sythens wythin two myles of Dublyne « dead corps
beynge brought to be buryed, the mynyster of the parysh p°sentynge
hym self todo hys duty acordyng to the p°seryptyon of hys matis lawes
was not onely wythstode but was lykwyse so beaten & brused that it
had lyke to haue cost hym hys lyfe, and a popysh pryst brought in
that buryed the corps acordyng to the popysh manl. The very lyke
was offered in the towne of Waxforde wher the mynyster was beaten
that he kept hys bed many monethes after. And now very lately a
mynyster at Waterford comynge to churche to haue p)ched was ther
assaulted & so beaten that he kept hys bed a long tyme after, very
hardly recoverynge hys lyfe.

I myght speake of many other lyke pranckes that haue byne
played in ditlse ptes of Irelande, but lettynge them passe, I wyll com
to Dublyne it self, wher not long sythens a dead corps was caryed
to the buryall wyth a crosse borne openly through the streates before
it, and where it is well knowne they haue masses eury sunday through
owte the wholl yeare, wher they wyll threaten hym that doth but@
offer to fynd fault at yt, and wher notwythstandynge the lateg|
proclamatyon set forth by hys mati for the avoydance of prystes
they are styll reteyned & the proclamatyon scoffed at

WHOo0 THEY BE THAT DOTH UPP HOULD PRYSTES
AND DOTH SO COUNTENANCE POPERY IN IRELANDE.

The pryncypall pyllers that doth enterteyne prystes & gyvet
7

support & countenance to popery in Ireland are thos whos names d
after folowe :

FaLKiInER—“ Remembrances of the State of Ireland, 1612.” 141

The baron of delvyne* Syr Chrystofer Plunket*°
The baron of gornistowne Syr Thomas fytz wyllyams*!
Syr Patrycke Barnewell* Syr Garratt Elmer”

Thes six are they that do not onely countenance popery by all ther
indevours, but most especyally by ther yll example, and thes sixe
are they who yf it would please hys ma“ to drawe over into Englande
and here to confyne them, he shuld so weaken the popysh factyon,
that the rest would becom to be more tractable. But for matters of
relygyon hys ma" shall neu reform Irelande yf he do not fyrst
reform thes or at the least restrayne them.

THE OpTUNYTE OF TYME AS IT IS
NOW OFFORED To HYS ma“

Now is the tyme for hys ma" eyther to reduce the Ivishe to be
conformable to hys lawes & proceadynges or to benyfyt hymself of
many thowsandes by the yeare by ther dysobedyence.

OF THE CARYENGE AWAY OF CORNE LETHER
AND OTHER VYTUALL & IRYSH COMODYTYES

Amongst other of our Irysh comodytyes that are raysed to a

27 Sir Richard Nugent, 15th Baron Delvin, afterwards (1621) Ist Earl of
Westmeath. See ‘ Dictionary of National Biography,’’ vol. xli.

*8 James, 5th Viscount Gormanston. His mother was Catherine Fitzwilliam,
a daughter of Sir Thomas Fitzwilliam, mentioned in this list, whose second
husband was Christopher, 4th Viscount Gormanston. See Lodge’s ‘‘ Peerage,”’
vol. vi., pp. 194, 195.

*9 Sir Patrick Barnewall, d. 1621, father of the 1st Viscount Kingsland. See
** Dictionary of National Biography,’’ vol. iii.

30 Probably Sir Christopher Plunkett of Dunsoghly, an eminent lawyer, and
a member of the Dunray family of Plunketts. He also was a son of Catherine,
daughter of Sir Thomas Fitzwilliam, whose first husband was James, eldest son
of Sir John Plunkett of Dunsoghly, Chief Justice of the Queen’s Bench from 1563
to 1582.

31 Sir Thomas Fitzwilliam, or Fitzwilliams, created (1629) 1st Baron Fitzwilliam
of Thorncastle, and Viscount Fitzwilliam of Meryon. See Cokayne’s ‘‘ Peerage,”’
vol. iii., p. 383.

** Sir Gerald Aylmer, Knight, afterwards (1621) created a baronet. He was a
brother-in-law of the Lord Delvin mentioned in this list.

The noblemen and gentlemen named in this list were all of them members of
the ancient territorial aristocracy of the Pale, whose several families were closely,
and sometimes curiously, related and connected. It will be noted that the Viscount
Gormanston and the Sir Christopher Plunkett here mentioned were uterine brothers,
and grandsons of Sir Thomas Fitzwilliam.

R.I.A. PROC. VOL. XXVI., SEC. C. [14]

142 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

dearthe by thys transportation into spayne® & other countryes, it is
pytty ther shuld not be a restreynt of corne durynge the tyme tyll
the plantatyon be throughly setteled.

OF THE SPOYLL OF TYMBRE IN ]RELANDE

The woodes & tymbre in England beynge thus spent & consumed
yf hys ma" shuld haue any ocasyon to bwyld shyppynge (whych wer
some tymes estemed for the walles of Englande) he could not be
better fytted wyth tymbre then in Irelande the whych is now made
spoyll of and cut into pype staves, & so carryed into spayne, and,
especially in thos places whych are nearest to the seasyd, the
whych of all other is most necessary & behovefull for hys mat, but
yf thys spoyll be contynued as it is begune yf hys Ma shuld haue
any after ocasyon about hys navy he shuld fynd the want of yt.

CoNnCLUSYON.

I haue hitherto p°sumed (wyth all humblness & duty to psent your
ho’ wyth thos informatyons whych I have indevoured as well for hys
ma‘* servyce as in respect of that dutyfull zeal I do bear to you, who .
beynge now a pryncypall pyller of the comon wealth I haue therfore
p-sumed to inform you wyth thos matters that doth so hyghly concerne
the especyall good of our Irysh comon wealth. And wyll eu” rest
to do you farther servyce durynge lyf.

(vght3 924]

THE ANCIENT CASTLES OF THE COUNTY OF LIMERICK!
(CENTRAL AND SOUTH-EASTERN BARONIES),.

By THOMAS JOHNSON WESTROPP, M.A.
[Prates XITI.-XYV. |
Read Junz 25. Ordered for Publication Junz 27. Published Sxupr. 4, 1906.

Tur second portion of a survey of the castles and peel towers of
Limerick? is intended to cover the Maigue valley and the adjoining
baronies down to the Galtees. The Connelloes are reserved, because
their natural and historical unity marks them off from the rest of the
county. We, therefore, now examine Kenry and Pubblebrian, on the
Shannon, Coshmagh, which completes the Maigue valley, Small
County, and Coshlea, the latter leading us up into the beautiful glens
of Aherloe and Cloghnodfoy, under the great peaks of the Bailyhoura
Mountains and the Galtees. Several places of especial interest are
included—the towered rock of Carrigogunnell, the Desmonds’ Castles
at the ford of Adare, and at Lough Gur, and the venerable Kilmallock:
We also are brought to such notable early sites as Knockaney, Knock-
long, and Duntrileague. We have made one slight alteration in treat-
ment by putting into their proper topographical positions notices of
certain traditional or badly attested sites of castles ; but we are careful
to mark them as ‘ doubtful.”’

1 Continued from p. 108, supra.

* A full table of contractions is given, p. 74, supra. For ease of reference we
repeat the principal :—A.F.M., Annals of the Four Masters ; B.B.L., Black Book
of Limerick; B.D., Book of Distribution ; C., Castle; Dep., Deposition; Des. R.,
Desmond Roll, 1583; Fi., Fiants; Inq., Inquisition (Chan., Chancery ; Exch.,
Exchequer) ; Len., Lenihan’s ‘‘ Limerick’?; P.R.O.I., Public Record Office,
Treland; R., Rolls; R.I.A., Royal Irish Academy; R.S.A.I., Royal Society of
Antiquaries, Ireland; 8., Survey (D., Down; O., Ordnance).

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. C.] [15]

144 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

PUBBLEBRIAN.

The present name (so far as we can ascertain) appears to have
come into use in the fifteenth century under the rule of the O’Briens
of Carrigogunnell. The upper part formed, with part of Clanwilliam,
the lands of the Tuath Luimneach and O’Gunning family. It appears
after the Norman settlement as Aescluana, Esclon, and Askelon, and
covered most of the parishes of Kilkeedy, Mungret, and Knocknegall,
or Crewmalley. The latter was the land of the Ui Mhaille tribe,
while the Ocholchur lay round Crecora; though O’Huidhrin regarded
this place as Aes-tri-muige in 1420, the Norman Estermoy certainly
lay much farther northward. Corcamore covered southern Kilkeedy
from the brooke Gyle and Carrigogunnell to Faha and Barnakyle.
The O’Briens held the greater part of this district, perhaps from the
middle of the fourteenth century, under some almost nominal recogni-
tion of the Earls of Desmond. Their lands are so carefully specified
in Elizabethan documents that we can see that Pubblebrian (save for
a portion of Knocknegall added before 1655, and a portion of Mungret
added since that date) in 1583 differs very little in extent from the
present barony.

KILKEEDY.

106. CarricoGUNNELL (4). Marked. 1209 “‘ Carrac Ui Conaing,””?
granted by Charter to Donchad Cairbreach O’Brien, Prince of Thomond
(Ann. Inisf.). The C. is said to have been occupied by the O’Briens
in 1336 (Ing. Exchequer, 1, 1586). It has been supposed to be the
C. of Esclon,” but is nowhere identified as such. 1426 Teige O’Brien,
‘‘na glenore,” ancestor of the O’Briens of Carrigogunnell, died
(A.F.M.). 1502 Donough O’Brien, Lord of Pubblebrian and Aherloe,
died (A.F.M.). This ‘‘strong Rock and House of Defence” of the
O’Briens only appears in history in 1536. When the Parliament
adjourned that year to Limerick, Edward Lord Grey, the Deputy,

1 Tt is not marked in the map of 1567, but appears as Carrig Gunning in
Hardiman Map, No. 63. The name is given as Carykgonyn by Mercator,
ed. Hondii, 1606 and 1636, ‘‘ Hibernie pars australis.’’

* Archdall says that Carrigogunnell was a Templary. No authority discoverable
for this statement. The ‘‘ Candle’’ name appears in 1536. The legend is given
by Hall and Crofton Croker. Nearly all the ‘‘history’’ of the former is mythical.
Hall’s ‘‘Ireland,’’ vol. i.

Westrropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 145

marched to a very strong C. called ‘‘ Carekogunyel,” ‘in English,
Candell Rock,” which was surrendered next day by Mat. (Mahon)
O’Bryne, on condition that the Government should hold it themselves.
‘Tt stands on a high rock, and. . . is the key of all the County,”
with the manor, ‘‘ which belongs to the King as part of Lord Clerres
lands.”' Grey, despite his pledge, was about to entrust it to Donoth
O’Brien, but ‘‘ by crafty policy and a former letter of my Lord’” it
was given back to Matthew. On August 22 the Lord Deputy besieged
it. The ordnance was ‘‘ bent” on the gate of the base court, which
was soon taken. The guns were then ‘‘ bent on the dungeon of the
great Castle.”? That night a tower inthe upper ward was taken, and
at dawn the keep surrendered. As the Deputy had first summoned it
on pain of death, he hanged Edm. Cahill and all its defenders
after trial in Limerick (Carew MS.,1., pp. 104-5; C.8.P.1., 56, 65 ;
Ing. Exch., 1). 1539 It was taken from Donough O’Brien for extor-
tion (C.S.P.I.). 1541 Mahon O’Brien used to claim a penny for each
barrel of wine, and two pence on other barrels imported to Limerick
(Ing. Exch.). 1580 Called ‘‘Carrig Gunning”’ C. (Hardiman Map, 63).
1584 It was held by Donough’s son, Brian Duff, who was confirmed
In nearly all Pubblebrian (Fi. 4486, 4615). 1615 He died, leaving a
son Donat (Inq. Chan., 158). 1638 Daniel O’Brien held the manor
and C. with other lands. This Donough, or Daniel, was ‘‘ of Downe,”
and third cousin of Brien, whose son Donough he succeeded, 1632.
(Inq. Chan., 215). He married Margaret, daughter of Ric. Stephenson
and his wife, Margaret, daughter of said Brien Duff. The C. does
not seem to have played any part in the wars. In 1651 Capt. Wilson
paid Morris King £7 for building a stable there (Hartwell’s Accounts,
P.R.O.I.). 1655 It had been sold by Donough to Michael Boyle,
Archbishop of Dublin (B.D., p. 63), and had a C., bawn, a few
thatched huts, and a salmon fishery (C.S., xxxii., p. 29). 1666 Con-
firmed to Boyle (Act. Sett.). 1691 Held by garrison of 150 men,

If this be Richard de Clare, we can only suppose that the English Govern-
ment regarded all the O’Briens as holding their lands under him, for neither Esclon
nor any other place in that part of County Limerick is named among the records of
the de Clares: see Trans. R.I.A., xxxii. (c.), p. 191.

* The Inq. Exch., No. 1, lays the blame of this transaction on E. Sexten and
his wife ; but the Government seems to have attached little weight to the finding
of the jury, who were possibly jealous of the large grants of Church lands and
other favours heaped on Sexten. The Inquisition is unusually vivid, and full
of information.

[15*]

i 146 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

who surrendered to Sgravenmore. It was blown up in September.

1698 Held by Boyle, then Archbishop of Armagh (Terrier,
| PRO, )2
| Fabric.—It stands on a lofty plateau of igneous rock; but the
| buildings are of limestone, and well dressed. The keep is to the
| north-west, with five stories, and over 50 feet high ; its north side was.
circular, but is now levelled. The south wing has a perfect staircase
of sixty-five steps. To the west is a fragment of a later house three
stories high, with cross-barred window, fireplace, and high end-
gable. A range of buildings over 100 feet long ran from the keep along
the cliff to the south-west. It has four rooms with a garderobe and
cell called the ‘‘ Dane’s prison.” East of this wing is a paved upper:
court, with turrets; one to the south, with a stair, has been blown
nearly off its base. The lower court is rough and craggy, the cliff
being walled all around. There is a gateway to the south-east, a
corner turret to the south, and an oblong house, two stories high, to.
the north-east. The walls enclose a little more than an acre. No.
| reliable views have, to our knowledge, been hitherto published.? The
| main buildings seem earlier than 1400. There are poor views in Grose,
| Bartlett, and Hall.5

CoRCAMORE GROUP.

i |i 107. Battyecurracs (12). Unknown. In 1583 Guille duffe mae
Ae Donnell Gauco mac Brian Boye O’Brien held eleven Castles in
Hh Corcamore, including Ballyeghtragh C.* (Des. R., 353). The great
an || changes in Kilkeedy prevent us identifying the sites; but the high
iit authority of the Desmond Roll carries assurance, though, except
Wy perhaps for Clarina, we find no other record. The land of Bally#
| eghtragh adjoined Millick, and lay on the Maigue with the Goyle brook
| to the north, 7.¢., on the northern edge of Corcamore townland (D.S.B.m
tH 26; C.S., xxu., p. 27). 1615 Ballyeghtrach was held by Brian Duf

(Ing. Chan., 158). 1655 It had been mortgaged by Conor ma@
Dermodie mac Mahon (O’Brien) to W. Roche, who held it with ‘%

He 1 Dyneley, R.S.A.I., ix., p. 89, calls it ‘A fair Castle called Carrigogunnell
Ha situate upon a hill, belonging to his Royal Highness (James, Duke of York), rental
‘by the present primate,’’ 1680.

2'View, Plates XIII., XIV. Plan, Plate XV.

3 T have more fully described and illustrated this castle in a paper submitt
to the R.S.A.I. in June, 1906.

4 Mahown Merigath O’Brien held it under him (Zé., p. 38).

Wesrroprp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 147

chimnie house, a few thatched cabins,’ an orchard and weir (C.S.,

E27).
; a BaRNIARDE (12). Unknown. 1588 Castle Barnard in Coyr-
camore (Des. R.). 1655 Geo. Creagh held Barniard, or Barneard.
It, with Ballibegg and Cahermore, lay in Corcamore, between southern
*< upper”? Millick and Carrigogunnell, ¢.¢., it adjoined Doon Townland,
and lay east of Carrig View House (€.8., p. 25; D.S.B., 26).

109. Battypee (12). Unknown. 1583 C. named. 1655. It lay,
with Barniard, north of Doon, between Carrig View and Vermont, in
Corcamore, and was held by Creagh (l0.).

110. Kitwacarty, or Elm Park (12). Not marked. 1201 Kellna-
challichi belonged to the church of Limerick (B.B.L., No. xxi.).
1410 Keilnacailly, near Claireene Bridge (‘‘ Torn Rolls,’’ White MS.).
1583 Kylnecally C., Corcamore (Des. R., 358), Mahon Merigath
(O’Brien) held it (Zd., 388). 1655 Don mac Mahon (O’Brien) of
Cragbege held it. It corresponds to the western and middle part of
Elm Park (C.8., p. 19). It was purchased by Hugh Massy of Dun-
trileague, ‘‘ Elm or Kilnekelly,’’ 1757 (will in Dublin Reg., B. 187,
No. 127227), and is the residence of a branch of that family, the
Barons of Clarina.’

111. Crartna (12). Not marked; perhaps the last, or Cnock-
rounye, or Ballybrown. 1215 Clarani in Esclon. 1410 Bridge of
Claireene (White MS.). 1621 Clareny, with one C., in Poblebrien,
late estate of Jas. Sexton, granted to H. Holcroft (Pat. R.,
No. xxxiv.).

112. BattygeacHera (12). Unknown; probably in Ballycarney.
1583 C. named. 1640 Lease to J. Dowglass of Ballyvolloge and
Ballycherna. 1655 He claimed the interest on behalf of his wife
(daughter and heir of F. Sexton) and their daughter, against H.,
Earl of Bath (C.S., p. 21).

113. Merrick, in Corcamore (12). Not marked. 1583 Myellig
C. 1655 Meelick and Balytragh (D.S.B., 26), Millicke and Bally
Ightragh, held by W. Roche and Marg. Bryne, with one Chimnie
House and orchard. It paid chiefry, four shillings and four white
groats, to the Earl of Kildare (C.8., pp. 27, 28). The C. was probably
at Meelick House, the old ‘‘ Meelick upper.”

— —

‘The Masseys were an ancient Cheshire family, deduced from Hamon de
Masci, governor of Windsor about 1100. General Hugh Massy settled at Duntri-
league after the war, 1651. His great-grandsons were Hugh, first Baron Massy,
and General Eyre Massy, first Baron of Clarina.

148 Proceedings of the Royal Ivish Academy.

114. Kwocxrunyn (12). The eastern part of Elm Park. Not
marked. 1583 Knockrunyn C. 1655 It adjoined Kilnakally on the
east. Stephen Roche held Clarine and Knockrinia in fee-simple.
(€.8., p. 22). Cnockrynine with Clare Iny held by Marg. Byrne,
alias Stephenson! (D.S.B., 26).

115. Frencre, in Corcamore. Unknown. 1588 C. named. We
find no other mention of the place.

116. Canerpurr, in Corcamore (12). Unknown. 1583 Carduff
C. (Des. R.). Brien Roo O’Brien, of Lackyn, held it (Peyton, 215n).
1615 Tha: O’Brien of Attyflin held it (Inq. Chan., 15). Possibly
the Cahermore at Barniard and Ballybeg (C.S., p. 25). Not Caherduff,.
near Monasteranenagh.

117. BriskacH MoRE AND BEG (12). Not marked. 1583 Briskagh
C. 1615 Broskeagh held by Brian Duff (Ing. Chan., 15; Ing. Chan.,
1638, No. 94). 1636 Dan. O’Brien of Ballynoe C. held Broskeagh-
begenkeough. 1655 or Broskeaghbrenikeagh. Donough was then
deceased, and Marg. Bryne held it and Broskeagh more and beg (Inq.
Chan., Car. I., 169, 170; C.S., pp. 16, 20, 23). TT. Hallie held
Broskeaghbecanikeagh (D.8.B., 26). It was perhaps in Briskaghbeg,.
where a ruined house stands in Faha Garden with a legend of a.
headless ghost.

118. Battyprown (12). Not marked. 1583 C. named. 1655
Held by Marg. Bryne and G. Comyn (C.S., p. 23; D,S.B., 26). All
these castles were probably small peel towers and stone houses.

(End of Corcamore group.)

119. Escroy. Unknown. 1201 Certain lands in Eschluona were
held by St. Mary’s Cathedral (B.B:L., p. 103). 1207 W. de Burgo
granted Lesnernamadda in it to Bishop Donat O’Brien. Esclon
extended from Newtown and Clarani, or Clarina, to Rathen. 121
It was held by Almeric de Beaufo, to whom the king ordered R. d
Burgo to give an exchange for the C. of Askelon. Walter de Lascyg
was disseised of it. In 1242 the manor was worth £37 11s. 630%
yearly. Extent given, Ing. xxvii., Hen. III. (Cal. Ing. post mort.)
1280 Ric., son of Walter, late Earl of Ulster, to have seisin 0 |
Esclone, as held by Emelina, the late Countess. 1809-1329 Thiff
Ric., Earl of Ulster, makes various claims on the manor and cantre@
(C.S.P.I., Pipe R., Plea R.). The Serle family held under de Burg™

For the Stephenson family and this lady, see Journal R.S.A.I., vol. xxxiv
pp. 129, 130. |

i | | ~

Westropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 149

1290 onward. The cantred is named down to 1377 (Pat. R.).
Eschluana Parish, alias Kilkeedy till 1419 (Taxa. Proc., B.B.L.).?

120. Newrown (4). Not marked. 1283-1321. A series of law-
suits of Simon Wallys and others holding ‘‘ Neweton in Esclon,”’ or
‘de Esclon” (Pipe R., No. 14; Plea R., No.131, &c.). 1502 Donough
O’Brien was Lord from Adare to Limerick, and from Baile nuadh to
Monasteranenagh, died (A.F.M.). 1636 Galfrid Galwey? died seised
of Ballinoe more and begg, alias Newtown, which he had settled on
D. Nihell (Ing. Chan., 181). 1657 Balinoe, an old C., demolished,
with a fish-weir, late property of D. O’Brien (C.8., xxxii., p. 30).
1666 Confirmed with the C. ploughland to Michael Boyle (Act Sett.).

121. CLrovewatacka (13). Site marked near the Ferrybridge on
the Maigue. 1583 Cloughytackie C. in Corcamore, Conor Moyle
O’Brien held Cloughitackye (Des. R., 8,408). 1588 Granted to Ric.
and Alex. Phitton (Fi. 5175). 1611 Sir E. Fitten granted the C. to
T. Butler (Ing. Chan., 68). 1657 The lands and stump of a C. held
by Marg. Bryne, alias Stephenson, of Carrigoguinnell (C.8., xxxii.,
p- 18). 1669 Confirmed to W. Barker (D.S.B., 16; and Act Sett.).

122. Corpatty (5). Not marked. Circa 1215 Patents of John
and Hen. III. refer to ten ploughlands and a hospital for ‘‘ Leapers ”’
at Corbally (Inq. Chan,, 128, Jas. I.). 1377 Tenements called Minster
in Corbally granted for repair of the House of the Friars Preachers,
Limerick (Close R., No. 20). 1583 C. at Courtbrack? and an old C.
which belonged to the said (Black) Abbey, and adjoins a hamlet
called Corbally. It was ‘‘ ruinous and badly situated on the lower
part of a certain moor,” and held by G., Earl of Desmond (Des. R., 7 ;
Ing. Exch., 11). C. granted, 1586, to Earl of Thomond (C.S.P.I.,
p. 811). 1589 To Rob. Anstey (Fi. 5847). 1600 By Jas. Gould, at
his death T. Gould and Phil. Field enfeoffed Edm. England in it
(Ing. Chan., 13a). 1618 A. mac Dermod O’Brien and M. Bourk, his
wife, enfeoffed W. Creagh f. Martin in hamlets of Caherkeilgeneragh
and Corbally (Ing. Chan., Car. I., 23). 1621 Sir W. Parsons got it
(Pat. R.). Not to be confused with the north-eastern Corbally, near
Limerick.

1See notes by J. Grene Barry and T. J. Westropp, Journal R.S.A.1., vol.
XXXili., pp. 197-9.

*See section 8, supra. Also Journal R.S.A.I., vol. xxviii., p. 42, for this
family.

* Courtbrack, see No. 23, supra.

150 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

MUNGRET.

128. Castres Muyerer (13). Marked. 1201 Mungaret belonged
to the church of Limerick (B.B.L., p. 14), having been granted by
Donald O’Brien, King of Limerick, ante, 1194, ‘‘ Imungram ab arcu
usque ad terram Imailin (Ballyclough) et a vado cenii usq’ ad
fluminem sinanum”’ (B.B.L., No. xxix.). 1216 Ten carucates of
land in Mungareth, and ten in Omayll, with the natives, which the
citizens of Limerick held, were assigned by G. de Marisco to the
Bishop (Zd., 46, 119). 1225 A market was established on the manor
of Mountgarret by Bishop Hubert de Burgh (C.8.P.I.). 1336 A full
survey of the manor made for Bishop M. de Rupefort. The tenants
were Coke, Rhys, Lewe, White, Butler, Lofte, Ogealvayn,
Odowayn, Ocrynan, Ocarthany, Ocoggan, Ohibyle, Oconnyn (Gunn-
ing), Omoleassill. ‘‘ Villa y molcassill, a castro domini usque ad
Bilycomide”’ (Rental, B.B.L., p. 188). It was lost to the see, and
was eventually confiscated. 1583 C. and vill of Monrenett (Des. R.,
7B). There were two towers there (Peyton, p. 25). Castle Mungaratt
was recovered before 1621 by Bishop Bernard Adams (B.B.L., p. 148).
1653 Capt. Jos. Cuffe held Castle Mongret (Hartwell Acct. Book,
P.R.O.1.). 1655 Castle Mungret and Temple Mungret, respectively,
held by David Roche and H. Bindon! (C.S., xxix., p. 30). The latter
family long held the lands with Clooney, Co. Clare. The Bishop’s
lands were C. Mongrett, Knockane, Twordell, Ballykee, and Temple-
mungrett (B.D., p. 106).

fabric.—Only the vaulted basement remained in 1840 (0.S.L., 9,
p- 33).

124. Crovenxeatine (13). Not marked. 13836 Ric. Keating
(Rental). 1586 Clogh Akeatyn C., lands of Murrogh mac Moriertagh
O’Brien, tanist of Poblebryan (Peyton, p. 2548). 1587 Grant to
Sir E. Fyton, of Tirvowe, the C. and lands of Cloghkettin, Rahan, &c.
(Fi. 5032; Ing. Exch., 47). 1611 Sir W. Agard held the C. of
Cloghketting transferred under W. Carter’s Patent (Ing. Chan., 68). ff
1657 Marg., Lady Dowager of Castleconnell, held Cloghenkeaten and §
Illen Ivowana with the broken C. (C.8., =xix., p. 29; D.S.Ajaam
1669 Confirmed to David and H. Bindon (Act Sett.). 1757 Sam.
Bindon, of Templemungret, settled Cloughkoka and Cloughkeating,
alias Ballynoe (Dub. Reg., B., 185, p. 600). |

For the Bindon family, see Journal R,S.A.I., xxi., p. 78.
* Lenihan, p. 538, gives a circumstantial tradition, making the Castle a House
of Templars, who ‘ occasionally did garrison duty at Carrigogunnell,”’

Westroprp—Anecient Castles of the County of Limerick. 151

125. Creeeane (4). Not marked in Skehacreggaun. 1336
J. Scoler held lands near the old C. of Creggane, given after
Cloghkeating and Island duane (Rental). 1656 Lands held by

mM. ptritch (C.S., xxxi., p. 26).

St. MicHAkELs.

126. Barrinacurra (13). Not marked. 1590 T. Arthur died,
seised of the Castles of Reibogg, Delishe, and Ballywiline (Inq.
Chan., 17). 1634-1633 Nic. Arthur held Dwylsh, Rathmichell,
and Crewe Iwally (Jd¢d., 12, 112). 1624 Sir W. Parsons held
Dewlishe or Beallancor C. (Pat. R.). 1657 Beallnacorrie, a broken
C. and mill-seat on the brook Corkanrye, late estate of T. Arthur
d., XXIX., p. 22: and D.S.A., 1-10).

KNOCKNAGALL.

127. DeErryKNockaNnE (13). Not marked. 1536 Lord Grey
captured Deryknockan C. from ‘ Claudus, alias Teig baccagh’”’ and
other O’Briens, ‘‘mere rebels, public robbers, and malefactors,’’ but
was restored (it is alleged by a plot of E. Sexten, who was bribed by
Teige, itis said, with a grant of the park and a chamber in the C.),
and had to be retaken (Ing. Exch., 2). 1594 Stephen Sexten held
the lower ‘‘ Bedd Chamber”? in it (Jd., 50). 1607 Dom. Roche held
C. (Inq. Chan., 24). 1634 Dan. O’Brien of Carrigogonnell held C.
at his death, and devised it to David Bourke of Kilpeacon (Jd.,
wer t., 211). 1657 The broken C. (C.S:, xxix., p. 27).

128. CrEwaLty or BattyctocH (13). Not marked. Before 1194
King Donald granted Imalin to the Cathedral (B.B.L., p. 21). The
lands often named as Omaill, Creuagh-Omaill, &c. 1230 Bishop
Edmond granted them to J. de St. John (C.S.P.1.). 1336 Crew
Ymaille held by T. de Valle (Rupefort’s Rental). The C. is given
separately from Derryknockane in the Perambulation Deed, Kc.
1615 Crewe Iwally, alias Ballyniclogh, held by Chris. Arthur’ (Inq.
Exch., Jas. I., 29; and Chan. 128; see also C.S., xxix., p. 28).

Fabrie.—A fragment 8 feet thick to north of the house stood
1840 (0.8.L., 8, p. 395).

KILPEACON.
129, Battyswane (22). Not marked. 1625 Donat O’Brien, of

EE ee

* For the Arthur family, see Journal R.S.A.I., vol. xxviii., pp. 41-45.

152 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Ballymoroghoe (Ballymurphy), held Ballyshane C. (Inq. Chan., 94).
1657 Ballishane, in Kilpichane, stump of C. held by M. Bryne
(D.S.B., 21-28).

BALLYCAHANE.

130. Battycanane (22). Marked. 1281 Henry de Berkeley
(Mem. R. Exch.). 1295 Pardon at instance of H. Berkeley to Edm.
de Berkley for death of T. f. Ralph (Justic. R. Cal., p. 70). 1321
Suit of Anastas, widow of H. de Berkeley, and Roger, her son,
as to dower on same and Dromassill (/d., 133, m. 8). 13836 H.
Berkeley held it. The family continued in possession. Their ances-
tors held it from And. Le Yungles. Brian duff or Barnaby O’Brien
had ravaged their land (Inq. Exch., 28). Among the mayors and
sheriffs of Limerick we find several members of this family. 1378
Thomas Barkly was bailiff. 1402 Laurenee Barkly was mayor of
Limerick. 1524 The Earl of Kildare gave Edm. Byrkley a bay
horse (App. 9 Rep., p. 285). 1578 Henry Brickelie died seised of
Balleichan, Dromassell, &c.; his widow, Elizabeth Brickelie, alvas
Bonfield, and their son Edmund are named (Inq. Exch., 4). 1589
Edm, ‘‘ Bricklea’’ died, seised of the C. of Ballykahan, Cnockdro-
masseli, and Corbutt; his son Henry, aged 21 (Inq. Exch., 22, 281).
1620 Henry Barkly was chosen mayor and deposed the same day.
1655 Held by Fra. Barkly, sold to Geo. Peacock (B.D., pp. 55, 56;
C.S. xxxil., p. 7; D.S.B., 22-26), 1667 Ballycahan N. confirmed to
latter (Act Sett.). Lenihan, giving no authority, says that the ©.
was built by an O’Grady in 1400 (p. 59).

Fabric.—It lies tothe west of the church; is 40 feet high, with
walls 4 feet thick, and had three stories, the lowest, vaulted, 27 feet
by 18 feet. At the north-west angle is a turret 52 feet high (0.8.L.,
Sip. 237).

131. Battyrecan (22). Not marked. 1186 Baliiriagain con-
firmed to Abbey of Magio (C.S.P.I.). 1583 C. held by T. Burgat
in Ballechahen parish (Des. R., 73; Peyton, 28; see also D.S.B.,
22),

132. Kitponnett (22). Not marked. 1655 C. shown (D.S.B.,
22). 1667 Confirmed to Sir A. Ingram (Act Sett.), a doubtful site.

MoNASTERANENAGH.

133. Kizperry (22). Not marked. 1584 J. O’Cahisse (Casey),
slain in rebellion, held the ©., very ruinous (Des. R., 71; Peyton 2148).

Westropr— Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 158

KILLONAGHAN.

134. Arryrtin (22). Not marked. A residence and alleged C.
of Flan O’Brien, c. 1500 (see legend, Lenihan, p. 307). 1583 Teig
mac Gilladuff O’Brien held Attefloyne and Kahirduff (Des. R., 40).
Brian Duff held Atiflewin or Artiflony (Fi. 4486-4615), and died 1615
(Ing. Chan., 15). 1601 Aweone O’Brien of Athiefloyn pardoned (Fi.
6487). 1638 It was held by Conor Keown and Donat or Daniel
O’Brien (Ing. Chan., 94, 215). 1655 By Marg. Stephenson, alias
Bryne (C.S8., xxxi., p. 15; B.D., p.59; D.S.B., 25). 1666 Granted
to Duke of York, 1703, sold to Mountiford Westropp' of Kalkerin,
County Clare (Trustee Maps, 1688, No. 44). There was then a
house, but no C. (R.I.A., Sale Books). The old house lay to the
west of the modern one. There was a tradition of a battle near a
burial-mound (see Proc. R.I.A., xxv. (c.), p. 3880x), and of a castle
near Annagh. A doubtful site.

CRECORA.

135. Tonpaun or Bearnane (21). Notmarked. 1584 Bryan Duff
held Byrrynegyhie (Fi. 4486). 1633 It was held by Daniel O’Brien,
and in 1655 by Marg. Brien. The C. shown near the north-west
Sele of Ballinvealla (C.8., xxxu., p. 10; D.S.B., 23; B.D., p. 57).
1667 Ric. Swete confirmed in Carrifulla (Jockey Hall), Buringehy
and Graige (Greenmount). The name is now lost in ‘‘ Tonbaun”’ ;
mears fixed from C.S.

136. Batrinveatta (22). Marked. 1583 Brien Duff held Bally-
meilly or Ballynveylie C. (Fi. 4486; and Des. R., 7), which was
granted to Edm. Manering, but recovered by Teige O’Brien (Inq.
Exch., 25). 1622 Leased by Donat Earl of Thomond to Marg. mac
Canna (Ing. Chan., Car. I., No. 62). 1657 Ballinvealla, the stumpe
of a C. and a small orchard, Earl of Thomond (B.D., p. 57; and Act
of Sett.). 1669 Confirmed to Arthur Upton (B.D., 57; and Act
Sett.).

1 This family was founded in Munster by Mountiford, younger son of
Thomas Westropp, of Brompton and Stainsbye, Yorkshire (Will, London, 1657),
who settled, 1657, in Limerick, and was appointed Comptroller of its port, Feb.,
1660 (see Journal R.S.A.I., vol. xxi., p. 74; “Visitation of Yorkshire,’ 1586 ;
**Testamenta Eboracensia,’’ from 1346); his sons Mountiford, Ralph, and Thomas
held Attyflin, Castleconnell, and Ballysteen, g. v.

154 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Fabric.—The eastern wing of a larger peel tower stands; it is
26 feet by 14 feet, and 51 feet high, with four stories, a perfect spiral
stair, porch, and vaulted rooms under a stone roof. Bond stones of
the levelled ‘‘ Court” project from the west wall (0.S.L., 8, p. 289).
The wooden floors remained in 1874. It was traditionally an O’Brien
C., and evidently of the late fifteenth century.

137, BattymMorpuy (22). Not marked. 1300 Suits of Barth. aud
Elena Appelgard, with T. and Anastatia de Sancto Bosco and Jordan
de Dykelyston, about lands at Balymoruth (Plea R., 52, m. 7), and
1315 of J. f. Ric. f. Ector and W. Appilgard, about pasture in Baly-
morghith (Jd., 138, m.7). 1584 Ballyvorraghowe held by Bryan Duff
(Fi. 4486; and in 1615, Ing. Chan., 15); he had granted the C. and
bawn to David Bourke (1625, Inq. Exch., 94). 1655 The broken C.
and bawn, Mare. Bryne (C.8., xxxil., p..115 -B.D., 57).

138. AsHForT or ANNAGHROSTIE (13). ‘‘ Castle Field” marked.
1542 Anaroche held by Tege O’Brene (Carew, 1., p. 202) and by Brian
Duff, 1584 (Fi. 4486, 4615). 1600 N. Stritch held a moiety of the
C. and surrounding wall or bawn of Annagh Rosin (Ing. Exch., 50,
54; Chan. 104). 1609 The ford of Anagh Ivestie and brook at
Anagh Irestie (Perambulation Deed). 1657 It was then in Mungret,
and lay near the stream opposite Greenmount (C.S., p. 11; Petty
Map, 64; D.S.A., 1). 1667 Confirmed to F. Rolleston.

Croom (part).

139. DromassELL orn Tory Hitt (22). Not marked. 902%
Asail fort was reserved to the King of Cashel (Book of Rights). Asail
was said to be brother of Aenghus of Dun Aenghusin Aran. 1289
Drumassell at Crometh, held by Juliana, heiress of Maur. FitzGerald
(Plea R., 14), and by the Berkeleys from 18321 to 1657 (see supra,
section 130). Brian Duff, 1583, got head rent. 1640 Morris Brickley
joined the Confederates. Fran. Berkeley sold it to G. Peacock.
Cnock-droum Assill, with a fishing weir, by M. ffox ; Lochneguirra,
by F. Barkeli, C. shown in all the maps (D.S.B., 21, 24; C.S., xxxil.,
p. 5). 1667 Confirmed to Sir A. Ingram (Act Sett.).

140. Corrasut (30). Not marked. 1655 Marg. O’Brien held
Carabud, a broken C., sold to Sir A. Ingram and J. Newenham (C.8.,
xxxii., p.5; D.S.B., 21; B.D., p. 54). 1669 Granted to Dukejot
York. |

Wesrropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 155

KENRY.

The district of Caenraige was the patrimony of Ui Maelchallain
(Mulholland), and included that of the Ui Beagha or Uibh rosa of
Iveruss. It is of but little early note, and is not mentioned by the
Four Masters till the reign of Elizabeth. In about 1297-1300 appear
records of a few suits of Symon FitzPhilip, the Stakepols, Maghrys,
and others avout lands in Kenry and Rossagh. In the sixteenth
century much of Kenry was held by the Knights of Glyn under the
Earls of Desmond. Almost the only events of note are the raids of
the Adare Garrison, 1581, and the capture of Castletown from Sir
Hardress Waller by the Confederates in 1642.!

IVERUss.

141. Beacu or Iveruss (3). Marked. 1237 Oros was an early
manor of the Bishops (Proc. R.I.A., xxv. (c.), p. 888). 1295 Gerald
and Anastas Stacpole held Rossagh in Kenry. 1297 Suit of Ric.
and Lucia Stakepol and T. de Maghry about lands in Rossagh,
Rossaghrote, or Oros, with which the late John, son of T. de Maghry,
had endowed histhen wife, Lucia (Plea. R., 39, &c.). 1817 Suit of
Phil. de Londres and Julian, his wife, against Walter Mauncel for
dower on Oros (Mem. R., m. 42p). 1420 Ui Rosa or Ui Beagha
(O’Huidhrin). In 1573 it was held by the Knight of the Glin
(Valley), confiscated and granted in 1578 to Sir W. Drury (Fi. 3277),
1583 The C. and vill of Beahagh, Enbeough or Yearosse (Des. R.,
748; Peyton, 225). It was granted, 1587, to J. Stroude, and then to
G. Beston and Lau. Bostock as ‘‘ Cloveagh”’ or Beaugh, and in 1592
to W. Carter (Carew, 1., p. 449, 450; Fi. 5444-5717). 1619 The
chief Ferry from Beagh to Ringannon in Clare, granted to Jas.
Ware and W. Plunkett (Pat. R.). 1629 C. conveyed by Edm.
Southwell to Ric., Earl of Cork (Zb.). 1657 C. of Beaby or Ballyna-
hagulshy, Sir H. Waller? (C.S., xxvi., p. 25).

* I must record my special indebtedness to Dr. Geo. Fogerty for help as to
notes and views of the Castles of Beagh, Shanpallas, Carriganea, Bolane, and
Court. The Wallers have a view of the first, taken some seventy years ago; it has
Since been altered considerably. Miss Ellen Westropp, of Ballysteen, also took
kind pains to procure me other information on Beagh, &c.

* Sir Hardress Waller, scion of an ancient family at Groombridge, Kent, a
member of which (his lineal ancestor) took the Duke of Orleans prisoner at
Agincourt. Sir Hardress married a daughter of Sir J. Dowdall of Kilfiny; their
Second daughter married Sir W. Petty.

I OPI ILA AL EG LAL LLG “ SS See eee bate ——
~~ ~ > — at ——- —<— = : = =, — ai ——
= re = —— =o = —— — = — ar —— =
= =———SSasasSSSSSE = = == ——— = SSS

® ee

156 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Fabrie.—A conspicuous tower on the bank of the Shannon. It
consists of a peel tower (on a low ridge of horizontally stratified
rock) with an outwork or large bawn having three vaulted rooms,
loopholed towards the Shannon. It measures 23 feet by 17 feet
inside, and has three stories, the lowest being vaulted. The staircase
is in the south-east angle; the steps are perfect to the first floor; the
west windows are broken out or modernised, except one small trefoil- —
headed slit. The tower is badly split to the east side, and has a later
little enclosure onthe river face and a natural cleft vaulted overhead
with masonry (O0.8.L., 8, p. 4).

142. Batiinvoner (11). Not marked. 1583 Ballynboher C. in
Egalusorisse, Terellagh Mantagh (Des. R., 368). 1655 W. Roche
held it (C.8., xxvi., p. 26).

143. Batiysteen (11). Not marked. 1573 It paid headrent to
the Knight of Glin (Carew, 1., p. 485). 1578 Ballyvistine, or Balli-
stine, granted to Drury. 1583 J., son of Andrew, Dondon held the C.
(Des. R., 832; Ing. Exch., 54, 55). 1591 The old C. granted to W.
Carter, the Dondons still tenants. 1612 Terlagh Reagh, of Bally-
wokoge, settled lands on Joane (dau. of J. Dondon of Ballysteen), who
married his son Donnell (Inq. Chan., 9, 6). 1623 Reserved from W.
Aston’s grant. 1629 Granted to Earl of Cork. 1642 T. Dondon of
Ballyasteen plundered Maunsell of Court Browne (Dep. 303). 1655
Confiscated from Dondon; the C. was ruinous (C.8., xxvy., p. 28;
B.D., p. 31).’ 1666 Granted to Duke of York? (Act Sett., Trustee
Map, 6). 1703 Sold to T. Westropp of Bunratty, Clare, whose
descendants hold it still.

KILCORNAN.

144. Castnerown Water (3). Not marked. 1573 T. Knight
of the Valley employed Jas. Dore, mason, ‘‘ at the head of all the car-
penters and masons of the country, to raze Castleton in Kenry and the
Glan” (C.8.P.I.; see also Carew, 1., p. 435); the place granted to Drury,
Ballincastellane in Kyllkurnan. 1587 Granted to Beston and Bostock,
and 1592 to Carter. The C. walls of a ruined hall, three messuages,
six cottages, a garden, and mill (Fi. 5717; Des. R., 7438, 75 ; Peyton,
p. 220). 1628 Grant to Edm. Aston, with similar recital (Inq. Chan.,
15a). 1629 to Earl of Cork, conveyed to Sir J. Dowdall and others inf

1 Plate XIII.
2 There seems no authority for the alias name ‘‘ Ballystephen” in the 1666%%
grant, settlements, and deeds, 1708, 1729, &c., &e.

Westropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 157

trust (Pat. R., Deeds P.R.O.I.). 1642 Sir Hardress Waller was
besieged for six weeks by Gen. P. Purcell, and surrendered for want
of water. He describes the place as having a fair large stable, one
story high, built of stone with fair timber-work ; the repair of the C.
and barbican cost £300. He gives a long and very interesting list of
goods, furniture, stock, &c., including 20 musquets, fowling-pieces,
eallivers, and a harquebush (Dep., 287, 290). 1657 The D.S. gives a
view of the C. (D.S., B., 17)... It was forfeited by Waller as one of
the judges of Charles I., having signed his death-warrant. Granted
to Sir H. Ingoldesbye, but remained still in possession of Waller’s
descendants. The modern house is on the C. site.

145. Battyetescuan, Hollypark, in Curragh Chase north (20).
Marked. Identified by the mearings given in the Civil Survey.? 1569
The C. of Pelleglohane surrendered to the English (C.8.P.I.). In
that year Edm. f. David of Balligillighan was pardoned, and his fine
remitted for good service under Sir Humphrey Gilbart (Fi. 1463,
see Inq. Exch., 11). 1580 After the fall of Carrigfoile C., the followers
of Desmond fell back before Pelham, burning Askeaton C. and Baile
Ui Geileachain C.2 It was burned in April (A.F.M., Carew, ii.,
pp. 240-2438). Carew calls it Ballogellohan C.; it was held by Ger.
mac Thomas and Edm. mac David (Fi. 3767 ; Ing. Exch., 11). 1583
Ed. mac David mac Ruddery held, under the Knight of Glin, the C. and
villof Ballygollyghan, Ballygleaghan, or Ballygyilyghan, in Kyllkurnan
in Kenry (Des. R., 358). Edward’s son Thomas succeeded him in
1588 (Inq. Exch., 21, 25). 1591 Grant to Beston and Bostock as part
of Seignorie of Castletown (Fi. 5444). 1604 Tho. f. John Geraldine
(Knight) of Glin held Bally Ilighane (Inq. Exch., 8). 1655 Gen.
FitzGerald held Ballygleaghane (D.8.B., 17; C.S., xxvi., p. 20). 1668
Granted to Duke of York, 1708, sold to W. Taylor,‘ of Burton and

1 Plate XIIT.

* As so many place-names have been altered in this parish, I may note
others identified by C.S. Ballyhetrick is Crokers’ Park ; Ardloman covers Boher-
boy, Blossom Hill, and Stonehall ; and Ballygleaghan is Curragh Chase, north.

* O'Donovan is satisfied, ‘‘ by Camden and Cox,” that this is Ballyloghane in
Ardagh (Index, A.F.M.); but Cox cites Camden, and has no independent authority ;
and Camden and Hollinshead are not borne out by C.S.P.1., Carew, or the Surveys.
It is also inconceivable that the Irish returned to Ardagh after retreating, with the
English in close pursuit, to Askeaton.

* For this family and their connexion with the Berkeleys, see Journal R.S.A.I.,
vol. xxxiy., pp. 131, 132.

158 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Ballinort, who settled it on his younger son Richard,! of Ballygleaghan
or Hollypark.

Fabric.—The Down Survey and Trustee Map (17) show it as a
strong peel tower in a square court, with turrets at each corner.? The
1703 Estate Book of Jas. I1., p. 91, describes it as Ballyglahan, a very
strong castle in good repair with a bawn of lime and stone about it,
near 30 feet high, with four strong turrets, an orchard and a garden.

146. Kirwirry C., unknown; but in Kenry, held with the last by
Ed. mac David, 1583 (Des. R., 35).

147. Dromiowan (11). Not marked. Probably on Prospect Hill.
1583 Lystrumloghan C. in Kylkurnan (Peyton, p. 224; Des. R., 748).
1657 Dromeloghane, Ger. FitzGerald (C.8., xxvi., p. 21). Granted
to the Duke of York, and sold to W. Taylor, 1703.

148. Battynoweoote C., in Kyleurnan. 1583 Knight of Glin
(Des. R., 748). Unknown.

149. GARRENBALLAGHONOO C., given with last (Des. R., 743),
perhaps Shanballymore, granted to Beston, 1590; held by J. FitzGerald.
1655 Granted to Duke of York, and sold (1703) to W. Taylor
(Fi. 5444; C.8., xxvi., p. 20; O.S., 11).

150. Battycanan (11). Not marked. 1583 C. given (Des. R.,
748) and in Beston grant.

151. Castte Beniz. 1573-1583 Among Knight of Glin’s lands,
separately from Beagh (Carew, 1., p. 435; Des. R., 743).

152. Casrre Grey (11). Not marked. Perhaps one of last,
possibly Ballynikerrigly, ‘‘Townland of the Grey Rock,” in Beston
Grant.

153. Derreen (11). Marked. Perhaps one of last-named sites.
We tind no records under the name.

Fabric.—A tower 50 feet by 20 feet; the sides down, but the ends
remain (O.8.L., 9, p. 67): |

154, Carricanza, in Ballyshonickbane (11). Marked. 1578 C.@
held by Knight of Glin (Des. R., 748; Peyton, 223). Grants to Drury
and Beston; Cowleshonikyne,* with Arloman (undated Inq. Exch., 54)
as held by Tho. Came, a rebel. 1655 T. FitzGerald and N. Fanning}

1 Ballygleaghan was the name used down to the death of Ric. Taylor, 174
(Prerogative Wills, Dublin). |

? Plate XIII.

3 It is called ‘* Cowleshonikyne ” in Ing. Exch., 54. This prefix ‘‘ Cul’’ is ni
uncommon, as ¢.g. Culballysiward for Ballysiward, and Cullkilltily for Kiltell
(C.8;, aaa a: 2);

Westropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 159

held the lands (D.S.B., 17; C.S., xxvi., p. 18). Called Carraig an
fhiagh in 1840.

Fabric.—It stands on a rocky knoll, about 30 feet high, in marshy
ground. The unusual feature of a wide fosse occurs to the
north, round the base of the rock. There are two buildings much
defaced, a mere broken fragment, thickly ivied, remains of the peel
tower; itis 18 feet high, and 16 feet wide.

155. IstanpmorEg, in Castletown (3). 1583 Yland or Illan-more-
Ruddery C., Knight of Glin (Des. R., 748). 1655 A ruinous C., of
Sir H. Waller, meared on east with Ballymartin, and with Kilcornan
on west (C.8., xxvi., p. 16). 1703 The part of Castletown called
the Island, property of King James. It is the eastern part of Castle-
town.

156. Mornane (11). Not marked. 1583 C. of Mournan in
Kileurnan, Knight of Glin (Des. R., 748; Peyton, 2228). 1655 Held
by T. Fitzgerald (C.S., xxvi., p. 22).

157. CurracH (11). Not marked. It gave its name to the
division Kenry hurragh, 1583, Teige ne Donnogho mac Teige ne
Currough,' of the C. of Hurrough (Des. R., 368; Peyton, 2248). 1655
Edm. Purcell held Curry, sold to H. Widenham. 1666 To Duke of
York. 1703 To John Hunt,? of Glangoole, County Tipperary. It
probably stood at Curragh Chase House.

ADARE (part).

158. Toven (21). Not marked. 1583 Tohoride C. held by Teige
ne Dermodo ne Tohogh in Kylleurnan (Des. R., 3638). Probably
named after the O’Reidy family.

CHaPeLt RUSSELL.

159, SHanpattas or Kenry (12). Marked. O’Donovan regards
this as the C. of Caenraige of the Annalists. If so, and Castletown

1 It has been supposed to have given its name to Bishop Peter de Curragh
(miscalled Creagh) ; but he took his name from the Curragh of Kildare, where he
succeeded to land from his brother Godfrey de Curragh (Mem. R., xix., xx., Ric. II.,
No. 58. This gives a pedigree of the Curragh family). In 1401 Matilda de
Curragh was found to be the Bishop’s heir.

* The Hunt family was founded in Limerick by Vere Hunt, 1660, son of Capt. J.
Hunt, of Talbotstown, Wicklow (one of the ’49 officers), probably son of H. Hunt,
of Gosfield, Essex, High Sheriff of that Shire. From them sprang the Hunts of
Lickadoon, Friarstown, and the De Veres, baronets of Curragh. See under
these place-names.

R. I. A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SECT. C. | [16]

160 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

be not intended—1573 Gerald, Earl of Desmond, on his removal from
the Tower of London to Dublin, escaped on St. Patrick’s Day, and in
three days reached his own lands, expelled the English from the C. of
Caenraige, and next year made terms with the Government and
surrendered the C. (A.F.M.). 1583 Gerald mac Thomas held the C.
of Pallace in Kenryherrowe (Des. R., 383). 1638 Garrett Fitzgerald
held it at his death from G., Earl of Kildare, as part of Adare Manor.
1650 Sir H. Waller took and dismantled PallasC. It was eventually
granted to the Duke of York. ‘‘Castlepallace, alias Knocktershane,
or Shanpalse (‘Trustee Maps, 6, 38). 1703 Sold to John Bury, ancestor
of the Lords Charleville.”

Fabric.—A lofty tower on a rock, 20 feet high. Tradition connects
it with the Earls of Desmond. The south wall, and about half of the
sides, have fallen; the rest is fairly perfect, 164 feet by 14 feet
inside ; the walls 6 feet thick and 60 feet high. It has five stories;
the two lowest are under a vault. Near it is a ‘‘ Court,” the walls
30 feet high and 53 feet thick. Near the main tower is a round
turret, with spiral stairs, leading to a sallyport near a pool. The
outer wall encloses a bawn about 60 yards square (0.8.L., 8, p. 7).

KILpIMo.

160. BartycuLHane (12). Marked. 1299 Sir Hugh Purcell! held
Moycro (Croagh), Ballycathelan and Clanech (Justic. R., Cal., p. 246).
1518 Gerald, Earl of Kildare, held Ballycathelan in Kyenry, Oo.
Lim., and the advowson of the free chapel of Russell (Rental).
1581 Pelham reported that Brian Duff O’Brien, of Carrigogunnell, got
aid from Adare in Feb., 1581, and raided Kenry, taking 200 cows;
Desmond and his men pursued, but could not recover the cattle, and
lost, ‘‘a son of old John of Desmond” (Carew ii., p. 225). The
Garrison of Adare sent soldiers to raid Kenry; but they were defeated
and nearly exterminated by David oge Purcell, of Baile ui Chathlain,
near his C. The Captain of Adare got aid from Kilmallock, and
stormed Baile ui Chathlain C., slaying 150 women and children
(A.F.M.). 1583 Peirce Purcell held Ballycullen C. in Kyldyma

1 Hugh Purcell appears in the Black Book of Limerick as granting wood and
turf, at Moychro, to the Bishop of Limerick. The Purcells appear in the Plea
Rolls from 1818. The charter of Hugh to his son Robert Purcell, as to Baly-
cathlan, is cited ; the place was entailed on the younger sons, Walter, Thomas, and
Philip (No. 116, m. 42). There is also a suit (m. 47) of T. Purcell against Maurice,
Prior of St. Mary’s, Rathgell, for wrong done at Moychro.

Westrropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 161

(Des. R., 333). 1612 Edm. Purcell, of Croagh, was granted Bally-
calhane C. (Pat. R.). 1640 Held by Gen. Patrick Purcell, as heir of
his son James, under the Earl of Kildare, as part of Kildare Manor
(Inq. Chan., 8, 241). 1657 The C. bawn, three great houses, a mill
seat and weirs, late of Major P. Purcell, deceased (C.S., xxvi., p. 7;
D.S.B., 16%; B.D. 26).

Fabric.—The Down Survey and Trustee Map (35) show it as a
large court with towers at the angles, a house inside, and a neat
garden surrounded by rows of trees.’ There is a view in the ‘ Limerick
Field Club Journal,’ vol. i. The C. consists of a court 195 feet across,
the walls being 30 feet high. It had towers at the angles, and an
oblong ‘‘Castle’’ stood detached to the north. The fosse could be
flooded from the Maigue. The ‘‘ Estate Book’’ of 1703 describes it as
a large castle, strong walled, with a good garden and orchard, and a
stable.

161. ArpLaHANn (4-12). Not marked. The name is a warning to
those who would arrive at old names through modern forms. 1583
Garrett MacGibbon held Ederrireloghan in Kyldima (Des. R., 34).
Ederreloghan C., held by T. mac Ruddery, Knight of Glan (Peyton,
22738). 1619 Walter Coppinger surrendered the C. of Eleur leolaghan
(Pat. R.). 1657 Ardloghan or Ardiaghan, Sheehy Purcell (C.S., xxvi.,
p. 8). The place lies at the head of ‘ Bleach Lough,” and probably
covered Kilmacat ‘‘ between the two lakes’’—of Dromore and Bleach
Lough—as the older name implies. 7

162. Courr (12). Marked. 1583 Garrett mac Gibbon mac Reynode
held Court mac Reynode (Des. R., 384).. The name may imply that
the C. was built by Gibbon. (See also Peyton, 2173.) 1655 It was
held by Gerott mac Tibbott and others (C.S., xxvi., p. 10). 1702
H. Widenham held it.

Fabric.—A low, well-preserved peel tower, with slight projecting
turrets to the east and west, between which the southern face is
curved. In the north-east angle is a ruined staircase. The north
wall has a batter to each side of the plain-pointed door. The windows
are rude and plain; and the lower story vaulted.

168. Botanz (12). Marked, 1583 W. Shane, mac Ric. mac W.,
held Beolane C. in Ardchanhe (Des. R., 338). 1591 Grant to
W. Carter. 1624 To Sir W. Parsons (Pat. R.). 1625 Edm. FitzGerald
died seised of it; his son William succeeded (Inq. Chan., 10), and
held the C. in 1655 (C.S., p. 13).

1 Plate XIII.
| [16*]

162 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Fabric.—A tall peel tower, one side in good preservation for its.
full height ; the opposite side with the doorway, having a staircase to.
the left, is levelled. It has two vaults and an upper room; the
masonry and features are good, of well-cut limestone, and date from
the later fifteenth century. The usual ambreys and angle-slits occur ;
also a slight turret at the battlement. It stands on a low rock over-
looking the Maigue valley and northward into Clare. It is tradi-
tionally a FitzGerald tower.

164. Curnam (12). Marked. 1201 Kildacolum held by Limerick
Cathedral (B.B.L., p. 14). 1651 It was defended by Capt. Thady
Burke, who surrendered to Sir H. Waller after a few shots had been
fired with sakers. Some men on the tower, being unaware of the
capitulation, fired, killed two of the} English, and wounded Waller,
who, convinced of the mistake, insisted that his men should spare
the Irish. 1655 Healy held Killacollum ruinous C. (C.8., p. 11;
D8:B., 16).

fabric.—The northern wall stands near the Maigue; but all its
features are defaced. The lower story was vaulted. It had a bawn.

ARDCANNY.

165. Rinexirxy in Metron (4). Not marked. 1569 Rynekirkey
C. in Kenry surrendered to the English (C.S.P.I.). 1583 The Knight
of Glan, Roynkyrkey in Ardecanghe (Des. R., 743; Peyton, 215;
Hardiman Map, 1590, No, 63). 1637 Reinkirky and Mollane held
by Garrett FitzGerald (Ing. Chan., 227, 249); Mullane with a good
house and six small cottages, Gerrott oge and Morrish FitzGerald
(C.S., pp. 6, 7). 1703 Sold to Phineas Bury, who granted it to
T. Westropp, of Ballysteen, who in 1744-5 left it to his second son
Mountiford, whose descendants hold it. It is at the mouth of the
Maigue.

COSHMAGH.

This long and straggling barony is practically the valley of the
Maigue, as its name implies. The name ‘Foot of the Plain,” or
‘‘ Bank of the Maigue,”” is evidently purposely contrasted with the

1 Plate XIII.

2 <«Magh’”’ is perhaps the plain rather than the Maigue, as we find the compound
in the river Commogue, and also used for the Abbey ‘‘ de Magio,”’ two miles from
the Maigue.

Westrropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 163

adjoining barony ‘‘ Coshlea,” ‘‘ Foot of the Hills.” It mainly coin-
cides with the ancient Ui Cairbre Aobhdha, and contains Bruree, the
oldest ‘‘royal centre ’’ of the Dalcassians. O’Huidhrin, about 1420,
thus alludes to it :—

‘¢ Hereditary to O’Donovan of Dun Cuire
Is this country as a land of entrenchment :
He owned without tribute the lands
Along the slow-flowing Maigue,
And the plains down to the Shannon.’’

In Norman times it included the cantred of Adare (or Cromoth),
Ocarbry, loregar, and Fontemel. The present name seems to have got
established in the two centuries between 1377 and 1586; but we fail
to find its early usage. The portion at Monasteranenagh was known as
Kenelmekin in 1186. In 1655 a large union of parishes named
Ballingaddy covered all Coshmagh from Drehidtarsna to Tankards-
town, except Effin and Hackmys, which then belonged to Coshlea.
166, ApaRE (21). ‘“‘ Desmond Castle.” Marked. In 1226 G. de
Marisco was granted the manor and fairs. Agnes de Valence enfeoffed
J.de Verdon, who was confirmed in the manors of Crommeth, Adar,
Castro Roberti, Atletageth, Grene, or Estgrene, and Wrigedy by
Hen. III. and Prince Edward, 1266. This group often recurs.’ 1302
Held by T. f. Thomas, and 1317 by the Earl of Kildare. His son
Richard had livery, 1328. In 1331 is named the ‘‘ C. in which there
is a hall; a C. with stone walls, covered with thatch; a tower,
covered with planks; a kitchen, covered with slates, and a chamber
near the stone part covered with thatch,” the manor being ‘“ waste
from the war.” 1334 J. Darcy got a grant for repairing C. 1478
T. Earl of Kildare died there. 1536 Forfeited on the attainder of
Silken Thomas. 1541 It was granted with Crome to James, son of
Sir John, Earl of Desmond. 1559 Described as ‘‘an old broken C.”’
1570 Leverous, Dean of St. Patrick’s, found refuge here. 1578
Taken after a siege of eleven days; Stanley, with Peter and Geo. Carew,
repelled all attempts of John of Desmond to retake it. 1579 Lord
Ormond held it. 1582 Taken by the Irish; recovered by Zouche and
Dowdall. 1599 Essex seems to have neglected it, and garrisoned

"See Hist. MSS. Com. App. Ninth Report, Dep. Keeper Records (MSS. of Duke
of Leinster). Grant of Ed. I.to J. fitz Thomas, p. 266a, and other deeds, pp. 266,
2678, 268, with the manors of Carnekittel (extant in 1331), Corkmoyght, and
‘Tobornea, and also Ballycathelan in Kyenry.

164 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

the abbey at the opposite end of the bridge on his way to relieve
Fra. Berkeley, then besieged in Askeaton. 1600 The C. was ruined by
Piers Lacy ; it was held for the Sugan Karl, retaken by Carew, and
vainly blockaded by the Irish. In 1641 it was garrisoned by the
Confederates and taken by Lord Castlehaven. 1653 A garrison was
kept there; it was eventually dismantled. 1657 Athdare Manor, C.,
bawn, castle-ploughland, and bridge owned by G., Earl of Kildare.
1684 Leased by the Earl to Thady Quin' with the ‘old bawn.” 1711
Purchased by Quin (under an Act of Parliament for the sale of Kildare’s
lands) ; his descendants, the Earls of Dunraven, still hold it. (See
C.S.P.1.; B.B.L.; Carew MSS.; Rolls; Accounts; Civil Survey,
xxiv., p. 32; Down Survey, A, 49; Memorials of Adare, &c.)

fabrice.—The Desmonds’ Castle, as it is inappropriately called, con-
sists of a keep, girt by an inner and an outer court, each protected by
afosse, and the outer washed by the Maigue tothe south. The inner
court (no less by its plan than by the objects found in it) was an early
ring-fort. The keep is about 40 feet square, with slight projections
at the angles; the north wall is entire. The inner court is complete,
with battlemented walls and a strong gate-house for a drawbridge ;
the garth is about 110 feet across. The outer court has walls with a
round tower to the north-west, and a garderobe tower on the river to
the south-west ; between them is a large gateway. Along the river
runs a range of buildings of various ages, from the early thirteenth to
the fifteenth century. A strong gateway looks to the north, where
lay the church and old town of Adare. The whole building covers
about 300 feet east and west by 200 feet north and south.? (See
‘‘Memorials of Adare,” well illustrated, and a valuable paper by
the late Mr. G. Hewson in the ‘‘ Limerick Field Club Journal,” vol. 1.)

167. Fanntnestown (21). Marked. Not to be confused with
Fanningstown in Fedamore (infra, No. 208). It may be the Bally-
atheney or Ballyatneny (7.c. Bally-anhiny) held with Adare in 1285.
by Maur., father of Ger. f. Maur. (C.S.P.I.). 1567 Tithes of Bally-
fenninge granted to Sir Warham St. Leger (Fi. 1148), and in 1592.
granted to Sir H. Wallop (Fi. 5964). 1655 Fanningstown C. and
bawne held by Edm. Fanning? (C.S., xxiv., p. 34).

1 Thady Quin, in an extant paper, describes himself as born 1645, son of
Donogh Quin, grandson of Donogh, son of James Quin, of Kilmallock, and
nephew of Dr. John Coyn or Quin, Bishop of Limerick, who resigned 1581.

* View, Plate XIV. Plan, Plate XV.

> The Fannings appear as living in Limerick County from 1297, when H. Fanym

Wesrropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 165

Fabric.—The peel tower is fairly perfect, but embodied in modern
buildings.

168. Bovrapatty (21). Not marked. 1591 Ger. f. Morris FitzGerald
alienated Bollybally C.toJas. Leo. It was redeemed by his grandson,
Thomas FitzGerald, in 1601. Maur. FitzGerald, of Thomastown, held
Buolibally in 1636 with Cahirassa (Inq. Chan., 184). 1655 Ballybolly
in Crome, ruinous C. and bawn; a part of Adare Burgess Lands (C.S.,
XXlv., p. 38).

169. Casrteropert (21). Not marked. A manor, often named
with Adare, from 1290 onwards. Its survey in 1331 is copied into
the “Red Book” of the Earl of Kildare. 1559 The minister of
Trynety Abbey had in Castle Robert a C. ‘‘ which was lawles lands.”
1595 The ruinous C. granted to Wallop. 1617 It was held as a
possession of the Trinitarian or White Abbey, with salmon and eel
weirs, by Sir J. Jephson (Inq. Chan., 5). 1638 C. and land of
Robertstown or Castle Robert granted to N. Lylles!; he died before
1657. (See C.S., xxiv., p. 40.) 1666 Confirmed to Sir E. Ormsby,
1669, and to Geo. Evans, of Ballyphilip, County Cork, in 1669 (Act
Sett.). The church and C. were demolished for material for the
bridge.

170. Rowerr (21). Not marked. 1567 The tithes of Roer were
granted to Warham St. Leger, and in 1595 to Sir H. Wallop
(Fi. 1143, 4757, 5964). 1599 Scene of an ambuscade and a fierce
attack on the advanced guard of Essex by Desmond’s soldiers
(A.F.M.; C.S8.P.1.). 1657 Rewrmore C., N. Lillies (D.S.A., 49;
C.8., xxiv., p. 41). 1669 C. granted to G. Evans (Act Sett.).

KILLoNAGHAN (part).

171. Garranrok (21). Not marked. 1655 Garran Roo, ruinous
C. in Crome, late Major-Gen. P. Purcell (C.S., xxiv., p. 30).

Croom.

172. Dounxie (31). Not marked. 1291 Dunkepchy (Papal Tax).
It has been supposed to be Dunaiched fort 1002, 1090, but there is

and H. Fox appear in Pleas of Record (Justic. R. Cal., p. 104), and in the city,
from 1459, when Ric. Fanning was bailiff. From 1511 the name is of frequent
occurrence on the lists of mayors and bailiffs. Clement of Faningstown had a son
Clement, Mayor of Limerick. A funeral entry of his son Simon, 1636, is extant
(Ulster’s Office, Book vii). He married Joane Arthur, and had four children.

1 The Lilis family was settled in Limerick before 1503, when John Lilis was
elected bailiff.

LGGy 3 Proceedings of the Royal Ivish Academy.

no identification apparent from these entries. 1576 Walter Leo held
Donkipp (Fi. 2784). 1582 He held the ruinous C., garden, croft,
and water-mill (Des. R., 71). 1587 Granted to E. Mainwaring (Pat.
R.; Ing. Exch., 25; Peyton, p.233b). 1611 It had been granted by
Elizabeth to Rob. Cullome, who sold it to E. Browne (Inq. Chan., 63).
1619 Granted to D., Earl of Thomond (Pat. R., xxvi.). 1641 Ric.
Harte held it (Dep., 155), and James Bourke, 1655 (C.S., xxiv., p. 27;
D.S.A., 49). 1667 Confirmed to Col. H. St. Leger (Act Sett.).

173. Croom (30). Marked. 1144 Cromadh, burned by Torlough
O’Conor (A.F.M.). 1215 Crumeth C. granted to Maur. Fitz Gerald
of Offally (C.8.P.1.). 1293 His dau. Juliana de Cogan held it for a
sparrow-hawk and three pence (Red Book of Kildare). 1295 Itis
alleged that the burgesses of Cromyt paid 10s. to the sheriff Rog. de
Lesse that their corn should not be taken for the King’s use (Justic.
R. Cal., p. 52). 1810 The Earl of Kildare licensed to wall the town
of Cromoth. 13823 Held by Basilia Thursteyn (Plea R.). 1334 C.
repaired by J. Darcy (Pat. R.). It remained a chief C. of the Earls of
Kildare, who took from it their war-cry, ‘‘Cromaboo!’’ 1524 Gerald,
Earl of Kildare, gave a sorell horse to Phil. mac David, constable of
Croom (App. 9 Rep. D.K.R., p. 281). Confiscated from Silken
Thomas, and granted, 1547, to Earl of Desmond (Pat. R.). 1600
Held by Pierce Lacey, who fled on the approach of Carew (Pac. Hib.
I., p. 108). 1610 Restored to Earl of Kildare. 1641 Edm. Perry’
besieged there by W. Leo of Tullyvin (Deps. 374, 383). 1657 A
Manor, C., bawne, orchard, mill, two eel-weirs, and a broken bridge
(C.S., xxiv., p. 23). 1721 Purchased by J. Croker,” of Ballinagarde.

Fabric.—Part of a peel tower remains near the modern house.
(See ‘‘ Round about County Limerick,’’ Rev. Jas. Dowd, p. 181.)

174. CastrexipPpeN. Unknown, probably at Croom. 1597 Castle-
kippen, in Crome, late estate of Maur. (Mac Ric.) O’Riordan,
attainted, granted to G. Sherlock (Fi. 6175). 1604 The C. of Castle-
kippen, in the towne of Crome as above, granted to R. Leycester

1 Edmond was nephew of W. Pery, buried in St. Mary’s, Limerick, Oct., 1633,
_ the son of W. Pery, of Exeter (Funeral Entry, Book VI., Ulster’s Office, Dublin),
and was ancestor of the Viscounts Limerick. His wife was daughter of Edm.
Sexten, of St. Mary’s Abbey, Limerick, and heiress to her nephew, who died, 1671.
* Edward Croker, of Raleighstown, Limerick (slain in the rising of 1641), is
believed to have been the third son of T, Croker, of Trevillas, Cornwall. His son,
John, married an heiress of Sir T. Browne, whose grandson, John, settled at
Ballinagarde. y

Westrroprp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 167

(Pat. R.). 1653 Col. W. Piggott,! Castlekeepine and Gortmore
Coshmagh (Hartwell’s Account), not named in Civil Survey.

175. Dunnaman or Trostany (30). Marked. 1297 Geff. f. Ric.
held Villa Yursteyn (Justiciary R. Cal., p.98). 1298 Drastenagh, held
by J. Maunsell (Plea R.). 1418 Villa Trostany (Tax. Proc.), Rustainy
or Dunnemeaunn (Torn Roll, White MS.), named from the Thursteyn
family (see under Croom, 1323); Lady Dunraven asserts that it is the
C. of Dunnambeann, in Cairbre, named as built in 1506 (A.F.M.),
where O’Donovan, with more probability, identifies this with Dun-
manway, in Carbury (Mem. Adare, p. 198). 1571 Pardon to W.
Lacye, of Thurstanstown, Co. Lim. (Fi. 1694). 1587 Ballyrustan,
or Downemeane and Uregare, granted to G. Thornton (Carew 1.,
p. 449; Fi. 5052); he died 1605. A later G. Thornton held it, 1635
(C.S., xxiv., p.42; D.S.A., 49; B.D., p. 73). 1666 Confirmed to
E. Ormsby.

Fabric.—A low peel tower, probably later than 1500. It is 46 feet
by 33 feet, and 31 feet high; the walls 8 feet thick, with the usual
guard-room, porch, ‘‘ murder-hole,’’? and stairs. Figure of a
sheelanagig (Description, plans, and views, ‘‘ Memorials of Adare,”’
‘p. 198).

176, Cauerass (21), Notmarked. 1150 Eass Maige Fort (Book
of Leinster) as being on the rapids of the Maigue. 1251 Cathyrass,
held by J. Flandrens (B.B.L., xlvii. and Ixi.). It belonged to the
Earls of Kildare. 1599 Ger. FitzGerald died, seised of Caherasse C.
(Ing. Chan., 9, 61). 1636 Mau. FitzGerald held Cahirassa C. and
vill., in the Manor of Croom, from the Earl of Kildare (Jd., 184).
1657 C., bawn, orchard, and eel-weir on the Maigue, late held by
Garret FitzGerald (C.S., xxiv., p. 31; D.S.A., 42). 1666 Granted to
Sir Edm. Ormsby. 1703 To Geo. Evans, jun. Now held by Sir
David Roche, Bart.

177. Toorren or IstanpMore (30). Not marked. 1641 Edm.
Hickie, of Tourine, and W. Leo, of Tullyvin, hanged some of the
inmates of Croom C. (Dep., 383). 1655 Tworin, in Croom, stump of a
C., Edm. Hickie (C.S., xxiv., p. 30). There was some tradition of
a C. there down to 1874.

1 Sir Robert Pigott, of Dysert, Queen’s County (son of John, who was granted
that place, 1562), had a fourth son, William Pigott, who married Anne, daughter
of Sir J. Dowdall and his wife Elizabeth, daughter of Sir T. Southwell, of Castle-
mattress. Anne defended Kilfenny (vide infra) against the Confederates, 1642,

which place was held by their greatgrandson, who died, s. p., in 1718.

a ay A

}

168 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

178. PurracH (30). Not marked. 1657 “C. on Polagh”
(D.S.A., 42). No ‘other mention, a doubtful site. .

179. Tutnovin (31). Marked. 1586 Tuloven C., in Cosmaye
(C.S.P.1., p. 238). 1587 Pardon of Ric. Leas of Toolaobhin. 1600
Pardon of Edm. Leos, of Tullevine, and J. Leos, of Dollagh (Fi. 5006
and 6452). 1606 The same Edm. died, succeeded in C. by his son
Jas., aged 30, in 1686 (Ing. Chan., 161). 1621 Sir W. Parsons was
granted Tullavin C., late estate of Jas. Leo (Pat.). 1637 KE. Leo held
Tullaghfin (Inq. Chan., 190). 1655 Tullovyne C., bawn, stone-house,
orchard, and two mills, late estate of Jas. Leo (C.S., xxiv., p. 29;
B.D., p. 72). 1666 Granted to Cha. Ormsby (Act Sett.).

Fabric.—A typical peel tower, with the usual window-slits,
probably of late fifteenth century. Carving of a sheelanagig on the
outer wall.

ATHLACCA.

180. TuLterBoy or CastLE Ivers (31). Not marked; but tradi-
tionally at the present house. 1319-20 Tylahorwy, Co. Lym., held
by Jo. de Kerredyn ; the King granted it to W., Bishop of Ossory, and
his heirs for ever (Writ, Pipe R., No. 43). 15838 Edm. Leo held
Tollereboye and Ross Temple ; W. Ryurdane had held the C., when he
was slain in Desmond’s rebellion (Ing. Exch., Jas. I., No.8; Des. R.,
389b; C.S.P.1.). 1655 Walter and Morras Lee held the C. and bawn
(C8: xxiv.) p10; D.S.A;, 49; BUDEi72):

181. ArHtacca (39). Not marked. 1285 Athleketh, a manor of
Maur. FitzGerald, frequently appears with Adare, as a manor of the
Earls of Kildare. 1818 J.Gowerheldit. There is little independent
mention of it. 1655 David Lacy held Aghleakagh C., mill, and
orchard (C.S., xxiv., p.9; D.S.A., 42). 1666 Granted to C. Ormsby
(Act Sett.). The C. was standing in 1827 (FitzGerald, i., p. 328),
destroyed before 1840. :

182 BattincurracH (31). Not marked. 1655 Ballycoragh C. in
Athlacca (D.8.A., 45); no other mention. Doubtful site.

183. Ratucannon (89). Marked. A manor of the Earl of
Kildare; after the attainder of Silken Thomas, the Manors of Adare,
Crome, Rachanan, and Tobernea were in the King’s hands, 1540
(C.S. P. I., p. 254). 1583 J. and Moriert Buy mac Kynery had been
slain at Rehan. in rebellion of Gerald, Earl of Desmond (Inq, Exch.,
88). 1622 Jas. Casey settled his C. of Toe heen (Ing. Exch., 198).
1624 Sir W. Parson held C., late estate of J. Casey (Inq. Chan., 44,
190). Sir Drury Wray, i his marriage with the eldest dou

Westropep—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 169

T. Casey (who died 1637), and his wife, Bridget, dau. of Sir J.
Dowdall, of Kilfenny, succeeded to Rathcannon! (see Trustee Map, 16).

Fabric.—The C. is on a bold, rocky ridge, and consists of a walled
court, with a square tower to the north-west, and a residence to the
west. The tower is broken; the north wall, 333 feet long, and parts
of the sides remain; it is 30 feet high, with walls 43 feet thick. The
east face of the court is 105 feet long, the north 120 feet. At the
north-east angle are two flights of steps to the top of the wall; no
ornamental features remain (O.8.L., 9, p. 371).

TULLABRACKY.

184. Turrasracky (31). Site marked. 1185 Tullabraci granted
to Abbey of Magio (charter). 1302 The corn seized for the King,
given to W. le White of Tylaghbrek and others (Justic. R. Cal., p. 466).
1308 Tullachbrek Manor, on the death of Bishop Robert Dundonyll,
was taken into the King’s hands (Pipe R.). 1655 Tullabreacoke or
Tullabracky (C.S., xxiv., p. 14).

Fabric.—It was nearly levelled in 1810 by J. Molony; parts
remain embedded in the stables of the modern house.

BrRvREE (part).

185. Howarpstown or Battystwarp (39). Not marked. At an
early period, after 1200, Hamo de Valoignes, Lord of Iniskefty, had
enfeoffed the Archbishops of Dublin in Culballysyward,? in perpetual
alms (Plea R.); Alex. de Anud granted to Archbishop J. de Saunford
the homage of his nephew, John, on the same (Antiquissimus Roll,
P.R.O.I., 1285; and Liber Niger Alani, No. 1061). It then was
granted to the Dondon family, who held it from at least 1284 to 1655.

1 The Wrays, a Durham family, got lands in Yorkshire. Sir Chris. was Lord
Chief Justice of Queen’s Bench. 1573 His son, W. Wray, married a daughter of
the Lord Deputy, Sir W. Drury, and was created a baronet 1612; their son,
Sir Christopher, had a third son, Sir Drury (6th Baronet}, born in Lincolnshire,
1633, and married Anne Casey, of Rathcannon. He died 1710; his son, Sir
Christopher, died ten days later, succeeded by his brother, Sir Cecil Wray.
Sir Drury was a captain in the army of King James, and was attainted; but his
son stood high in favour of King William, for whom he fought in Flanders, Spain,
and Portugal, and so protected his family (see Complete Baronetage, G.E.C., vol. i.,
p- 95): j

* Culballysyward and Ballysyward are used as practical equivalents : see, ¢/.,
tithe case, 1295, of T. de Cocis, Dean of Limerick, and the Sheriff Roger de Lesse
(Justic. R. Cal., p. 38).

170 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

In 1284, Maur. FitzGerald unjustly disseised J. Dondon, of Culbaly-
syward in Ocarbry (Plea R.,14). 1289 Suit of J. Dondon and Adam
Le Hunt about same (Jd., m.16). 1295 For John, son of Hugh
Dondon, see Justic. R. Cal., pp. 40, 68. 1308 Peter Daundonnd held
part under Archbishop (Pipe R.). 1317 N. de Lees held part with
Kilmor, near Garth (Mem. R.). 1318 Lees’ lands held by Crown
(Plea R., 119, m. 31). 13818 Jo. f. Peter Daundoun broke into and
robbed Balysiward Church (Plea R., 124, m.48). 1319 The King put
W.de Hampton in charge of lands of late Peter Daundon under see of
Dublin (Grossi Fines). 1322 Suit of N. and Juliana de Lees with
J. Goer about lands at same (Zb.). 1410 Ballisheward, or Bally-
haward, named in ‘Torn Rolls” (White MS., Len.). 1583 C. held
by G., Earl of Desmond (Inq. Ex., Jas. I., No.8). 1587 Sir E. Fitton
was granted the head-rent of Ric. Dondon, in Ballyhyward (Fi. 50382).
1597 The Chapter of Limerick granted the Dean’s C. at Ballihaward
to Jas. Cromwell (Ing. Exch., 198). 1600 Pardons of Ric. and Peter
Dondon, of Ballyhyward (Fi. 6446). Grant of the head-rent bemg
£4 in ‘‘haulface money,” 7.¢., £5 6s. 8d. sterling, to N. Haward
(Pat. R.). 1653 Lease of C., bawne, and mill of Hywardstown to
Cornet J. Tilly (Hartwell Account). 1655 Ric. and Mary Dondon
lately held the decayed C. (C.S., xxx., 1., p. 28).

BRrvrFF.

186 Brurr (32). C. and ‘‘Court” marked. 1420 Brugh na
nDeisi (O’Huidhrin). The C. is said to have been built in 1220 by
de Lacy. It was an appanage of the Hospital of Aney. 1583 Near
Awney C. ‘is the place where Burg, alias A Burrough town, was
formerly, which was altogether laid waste, long before the rebellion
of the Earl (of Desmond), except a house or peel tower of Maughan
mac Teige” (Des. R., 4b). Piers Lacy, of Broffe, was in Desmond’s
rebellion (Fi. 4369). 1600 He held the C., was defeated by Capt.
Slingsby, and Brough C. garrisoned. Carew describes Lacy and the
Knight of Glin as ‘children of perdition, not to be admitted to
terms.” Lacy was executed, 1617, and his lands given to Sir 7. §
Standish (Ing. Exch., 1; Pacat. Hib., I., p. 55; C.S.P.1.). 1641 |
J. Lacy, of Bruff, ‘‘a person of eminent power,” took the C. from
E. Standish,' and from it harassed the English at Lough Gur. |

1The monument to Sir T. Standish, put up. by his grandson Standish |
Hartstonge, Recorder of Limerick, 1675, remains in Bruff Church. The latter
was son of Francis Hartstonge, of Southreps, Norfolk.

Wesrropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 171

A rumour spread that the latter intended to burn Bruff; and this,
with the fact of their burning Ballynegalliagh village, led Lacy
to advance against them. He drew up his men on the hill; but
the English did not venture to attack him, and he returned to Bruff.
Unfortunately, while he was absent from home (against his explicit
orders and his wife’s entreaties), his followers hanged two English
prisoners, in revenge for Ballynegalliagh (Deps., 359, 371, 457).
1655 Broffe C., bawn, orchard, and tucking-mill belonged to the
daughters of Sir T. Standish (C.8., xxiv., p.11). It was the chief
residence of the Hartstonges, Baronets, in later days. |

Fabric.—The C.was on the ‘‘ Morning Star’! river to the west of
the bridge. It measured 35 feet by 184 feet, and had a square door
with inclined jambs. It was 24 feet high, with a vaulted understory,
the rest nearly gone. The defaced ‘‘ Court ”’ lay to the north-east, and
was 27 feet long ; both have been levelled since 1840(0.8.L., 8, p. 102).

Dromin.

187. Marpstown or Battyvenoce (39). Marked. 1655 Bally-
benoge or Ballyvenoge C., a good C. and bawn, and an indifferent
house, John Fox (C.8., xxiv., p.4; B.D., p. 68; D.S.A., 42). 1666
Confirmed to Captain A. Ormsby ; then passed to the Gubbins family.
It was locally called Baile ui Bendg in 1840.

Fabric.—It measures 35 feet by 32 feet externally, the walls
being 34 feet thick, and 50 feet high. The main wing has three, the
turret five, stories, with a spiral stair in the latter (0.8.L., 8, p. 81).

UREGARE.

188. Battyerennane (40). Marked. 1583 Part of the C. of
Ballegrynan was held by W. ffoxe; it lay in Pubblebuskagh (Inq.
Exch., 14; Peyton, p. 206). Gerald, Earl of Kildare, and his ancestors
had held it (Ing. Exch. 13). Jas. Fox held Castellynam,
Ballygrynan C., and other lands (Des. R., 3 B). 1621 It was granted
to Dr. J. Metcalf and G. Jones (Pat. R.). 1657 Jas. Fox held
Ballygrenan C., orchard, and fishing-weir out of repair. It was sold

toG. Evans? (C.S., xxiv., p. 20; D.S.A., 42; B.D., p. 71). Confirmed
to Evans, 1667.

’ FitzGerald (vol. i., p. 320) mentions the very handsome house built by

the Hartstonge family on the site of the Lacy’s Castle, near Bruff, on the
bank of the River ‘ Dawn.”

* John Evans, father of this George, settledin Limerick, 1628. George had ason

172 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Fabric.—It is a late sixteenth-century house. The main wing is
16 feet by 253 feet inside, with a circular staircase turret to the south-
west and small apartments tothe north. Thesecond floor is broken, the
third vaulted, the next broken. The stairs are gone above the second
floor. The windows are rectangular and mullioned; the walls 3 feet
thick, 50 feet high and embattled; extensive outbuildings and a court
with anouter gate remain. The main wing has bartizans at the opposite
angles; and, like the other buildings, has tall chimneys (0.8.L., 8,
p. 105). There is a view in ‘‘ Limerick Field Journal,” vol. 1.
Fitzgerald, in 1827, describes it as ‘‘a very fine and noble building,
surrounded with ramparts”? (vol. ill, p. 322).

Haxkmys.

189. Creeeane or Haxmuys (47). Marked. 1297 and 1309 Phil
de Prendergast had a suit with H. de Capella about Acmys or
Akynnys (Plea. R.). 1583 Castle Creggan, in Cosmaye or Craigin
(Des. R., 68; Ing. Exch., Jac. I., No. 17). 1657 Cragan C.is shown
as a turreted peel tower, and a bawn (D.S.A., 46). Craggane and
Ballyngaule, or Glinhare, on border of Cork, a C. and bawn out of
repair, J. Supple (C.S., xxiv., p. 14).

Fabrie.—It had recently been lowered and roofed in 1840. It was
34 feet by 26 feet outside; walls, 5 feet thick, with three stories, the
lowest vaulted (O.8.L., 8, p. 86). |

190. Batrincorry (47). Not marked. 1583 ffoxes land, Ballin-
Cowly-Rwo, ahas Ballincollin (Des. R., 3). Ballyncollyroo C. in
Knockesawno (Peyton, p.13). 1590 Phil. Nash held C. (Ing. Exch.,
54). 1655 Lord Broghill held Ballincolloruo in Effin; sold to Karl of
Orrery (B.D., p. 69; D.S.A., 42). 1666 Confirmed to Capt. AG
Ormsby (Act Sett.).

TANKARDSTOWN.

191. Tankarpstown, Nortn (47). Site marked. 1280 Anne,@
widow of J. de Cogan, claimed dower off Tancardstown from J. de |
Penrys (Mem. R.). 1291 Balliitankard held by de Lees, dem

J. de Cogan had unjustly disseised John, grandfather of Tho. Russell #
of it (Plea R.). There was a Tancardus Russell, of Kilbreedy#

George, who, after 1691, settled at Bulgadin, and his son George, in 1715, wag
created Baron Carbery.
1 Plate XIV. :

Wesrropep—Ancient. Castles of the County of Limerick. 173

1325 (Jb.). 1583 Jas. Fox held Ballytanckarde (Des. R., 333). The
C. is not'given in the surveys of 1655. It was granted, 1666, to Capt.
C. Ormsby. The site was called Caisléan Baile an Airighte, in 1840
(O.S.L., 8, p. 85).

192. Kwocxsouna (47). Not marked. The hill of Cnoc Samhna
was the legendary scene of a battle of the High King Cormac mac Airt,
in a.p. 241. ‘‘ Kochy the red hand,” King of Ulster, camped there in the
time of St. Fionnchu of Brigown. The place is of little other note.
1583 T. Lacy held Cnocsawny (Fi. 2784). 1655 J. Gould held
Knockesawny, with the stump of aC. (C.S., xxiv., p. 286), granted
to C. Ormsby (Act Sett.). It is perhaps Tankardstown C.

193. Battyeusea, Sour (47). Not marked. 1569 Garrett mac
Thomas, of Balligibin, gave evidence as to John Desmond, and
Doneskeagh C. (Carew i., p. 389). Pardon to same, 1572 (Fi. 2158).
1588 It and Cloghtacka C. granted to R. and Alex. Phitton, under
name of ‘‘ Phitton’s Fortune” (Fi. 5175; Ing. Chan., 68). 1608
Edm. mac Gibbon, the White Knight, died, seised of Ballygibbon
C. (Inq. Chan.,178). 1657 Held by N. de Lacy, alas Fitzgibbon,
and sold to C. Ormsby (D.8.A., 42, 43; C.S., xxiv., p.2; B.D., p. 67).

KitpreeDy, Mrnor.

194. THomastown (47). Not marked. 1558 Ger. f. Tho., of
Thomastown, was Sheriff of County Limerick (Fi. 42). 1599 Ger. f.
Morris FitzGerald died seised of the C., mortgaged in 1591 to (David
Miagh). Thomas his grandson redeemed it, 1601, with Bollybally
and Tobornea (Inq. Chan., 9,61). 1655 Gerrott FitzGerald, of Caherass,
held it (C.S. xxiv., p. 3). It lay in the manor of Tobornea, 1721
(Mem. of Adare, p. 280).

195. Leacane or Topornzea (47). Site marked. 1537 Jas. f.
Desmond took the profits of the manor of ‘‘Tibernius,” estate of late
Tho., Earl of Kildare (Carew i., p. 132). 1629 W. Creagh, of
Miltown, was appointed seneschal of Tuberneagh and other manors of
G., Earl of Kildare, as formerly held by Peircy Smith (App. 9 Rep.,
p. 292). A heap of stones was called Tobornea C., 1840 (0.S.L., 8,
p- 344). <A doubtful site.

_ In County Cork.

196. RatucocHan (Cork 2 and 3). In 1583 this C. was included
in County Limerick, and formed part of the estate of Gerald, Earl of
Desmond (Ing. Exch., 10). Its relief by Lord Inchiquin and Col.

174 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Jephson in 1642, and the effect on the blockade of Cork city, which
was then beset by the Confederates, are well known.

SMALL COUNTY.

Tradition states that in the middle of the third century a branch
of the Deisi settled in this district after their expulsion by Cormac
mac Airt. From it was derived the name ‘“‘ Deisbéag,” in contrast to
the Decies in Waterford, hence the Norman ‘‘ Desbeg,’” and the
strange term ‘‘ Small County,’”’ which dates at least from Tudor times.
The barony contains the important early centres of Aine and Lough
Gur. The former was the centre of a group of tribes, believed to be
of Firbolg origin, and branches of the Martini of Emly, the Dilraighe,
Margraighe, Sibenraighe, and Calraighe. Their territory met in the
hill of the Banshee (possibly their goddess) Aine (Egerton MS., 92,
f. 378). It is probable that the river Commoge formed the ancient
northern limit of Deisbeg, and the Saimer or Morning Star River the
southern,' thus excluding the ragged fragments of Kilpeacon, —
Fedamore, and Croom, now in the barony, and including those of
Bruff and Tullabracky. The portion between the Maigue and
Commoge is probably the old tribal land. The great early “fair” of
Enach-clochair, -beag or -cuilin, was held on the Commoge near
Monasteranenagh Abbey.

KILPEACON.

197. Kitpzacon (22). Not marked. It lay betweenthe church
and the modern house. 1300 Suit whether J. de Burgo disseised J. le
Notour of the freehold of Kilpeghan (Justic. R. Cal., p. 341). The
place does not appear as a parish till 1302. In an undated inquisi-
tion of about 13830, J. Lysnekylle held Kylpychan, then waste §
(B.L.L., 1); he also appears in Rupefort’s Rental, 1336. The church ff
is often mentioned during the next two centuries. 1592 Alderman
Oliver Boorcke, at his death, owned Kilpeacon (Inq. Exch., Jac. iy
No. 24). 1652 Sir David Bourke was transplanted. The ruinous

1 Even in 1655 (C.S., xxxi., p. 1) the rivers Camoge and “‘ Cavoyer” are
meares. The Saimer is named in the charter of Magio, 1186. For its English
rendering, ‘‘ Morning Star,’’ see Dr Joyce’s “Irish Names of Places,’’ vol. i.
(ed. 1893), p. 486. ‘‘Samhair’’ he equates with the ancient river-names Samara
and Shamar. ‘‘Cavoyer”’ shows that the later ‘‘Camhair’’ has at least an
antiquity of several centuries.

Westropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 175

C. was sold to R. Swete (C.S., xxi., p. 21; D.S.A., 31, 36; BD, S57:
1669 Granted to Sir W. King (Act Sett.). 1706 His son George
succeeded, and the place eventually passed to his relative, J oseph
Cripps, who took the name of Villiers. The C. and house, with a
fine library, were burned, and the ruins demolished.

FEDAMORE.

198. Fepamore (22). Site marked in ‘‘ Castlequarter.” 1186
Ifedomair granted to Magio Abbey (Charter). It was a manor, 1237
(C.S.P.I.). 13817 W. de Camville held Fedmer; Geffry was his son
and heir; he had a suit with Sir T. de Clare about the lands (Plea R.,
119). 1347 Matilda de ‘‘ Vernon,” Isab. de Bermingham, and others
got livery (Pipe R.). 1351 Ric. de Stafford married Marg. de
“‘Verdon,” heiress of Matilda, and held Fedemer (lbid.). 1583
J. mac Dairegeloch had held the old C. of ffedamore (Des. R., 5n).
1588 This was granted to Edm. Manering (Inq. Exch., 25), and to
Donat, Earl of Thomond, as Feadamore old C., late estate of Earl of
Desmond (Pat. R.). 1657 Bart., Earl of Thomond, held it, the
manor, Courts, &c. (C.S., xxxi., p. 18).

199. Coatrick C. 1583 Named with the last (Des. R., 58). 1586
Held by J. Morrice; it was in ffedamore, and is given with Fannings-
town and Shanaclogh (Peyton, 98).

200. CrocHapootarty (22). Not marked. The rock of Clogha-
doolarty and fort of Cashelmongan remain. In 1402 a Rob. Dullard
and others are given the lands of Leticia Ride at Kilmallock, in trust
(Pat. R.). 1583 Cloghdullardy C., T. Burgat, of Kilmallock
(Des. R., 8; Peyton, p. 15; Ing. Exch., 10). 1600 Jas. Gould
held it at his death (Inq. Chan., 288). 1657 Held by G. Ingoldesbye.
It was then in Glynogrey (C.S., xxxi., p. 19),

201. GARRYELLAN (22). Site marked near Cashelmongan. Probably
last-named C. 1655 The land held by J. Lysaght (C.S., p. 19).
1667 Granted to Lord Kingston.

202. Bautyza (22-31). Not marked. 1583 Balliea C. and vill.
in ffedamore (Des. R., 58). 1588 Balliea C. and Killfedamore, to
E. Manering (Ing. Exch., Jas. I., No. 25). Don. O’Grady, of Kill-
feadamore, complains that Mainwaring took a parcel of the lands in
which Jas., Earl of Desmond, had enfeoffed J. O’Grady, his father.
Clement Fanning, Pierce Creagh, and N. Fox also complain of
assessments in ‘‘halface” money made by Mainwaring (C.S.P.I.).
1618 Surrender and regrant to D., Earl of Thomond (Pat. R.). 1620

R.1I. A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SECT. C.] [17]

176 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Sir T. Browne, Ed. FitzHarris, and R. Delahoyd surrender Castle,
&c., as granted to Mainwaring, xxx. Eliz., and by him to Browne for
use of Earl of Thomond (Zd.). 1655 Held by B., Earl of Thomond
(C5; p. 18).

208. Fanninestown (22). Marked. 1410 Ballyanhiny or Fan-
ningstown in Fedamore (Torn Rolls, White MS.). 1583 ffanyngstown
or Ballynanyng C. (Des. R. 53). 1592 Granted to Mainwaring
(Ing. Exch., 25). 1618 By him to D., Earl of Thomond. 1657
ffaningestowne, a ruinous C., B., Earl of Thomond (C.S., p. 18).

Fabric.—The C. had fallen into utter ruin in 1840. It was
56 feet by 26 feet, but only fragments 6 feet high remained (0.8.L., 8,
p. 378): not to be confused with Fanningstown in Croom.

204. Sxoot (31). Marked. Alleged by Dyneley to have been
built by King John (R.S.A.1.,ix., p. 197). 1583 The Earl of Desmond
held Awney Manor ‘ duobus lez Sculles in p’orhia de hospital”
(Des. R., 3n). 1612 J. Stritch’ held the C., bawn, water-mill, and
two weirs at ‘‘ ambo skules,”’ in fee ; his son W. succeeded (Inq. Chan.,
Car. I., No. 89). 1624 Sir W. Parsons held the two Skulls, late
estate of Alderman W. Stritch (Pat. R.). 1639 James held the C.,
bawn, and mills, ‘‘in duobus Skules’”’ (Ing. Chan., 234). 1657 C. held
by W. Hurley. 1666 Scuill and Ballyneety confirmed to Capt.
A. Ormsby. 1680 Capt. Ingoldesbye held it.

Fabrie.—Almost levelled; only parts of the north and south walls,
10 feet and 22 feet high, stood in 1840 (0.8.L., 8, p. 378).

MonaSTERANENAGH.

205. RatuMmore (31). Marked. Supposed to be the fort (and fair-
green) of Aenagh beag (Aenagh Cloghair, or Enagh culi) claimed by
King of Cashell, 902 (‘‘ Book of Rights’’). 1148-51 Turlough O’Brien
defeated the Norse, and built Monasteranenagh Abbey near it. Lewis
says that the C. was built in 1306 by the Earl of Desmond, but it
seems later. 1579 It was held by the Irish and Spaniards, and
taken by Malbie after the third battle of Monasteranenagh. The
Earl complains that it and the ‘‘town”’ were spoiled, and certain of

1 The family of Stritch is claimed to be of Italian origin, and named Strocchi.
1295 G. de Rupe was charged with the death of Henry Stritch, who had wounded &
his brother, Walter de Rupe (Justic. R. Cal., p. 11). 1424 Nic. Stritch was
bailiff of the city. 1461 Ric. Stritch was bailiff, and in 1440 was elected Mayor, @
after which the name often occurs in the lists. |

WesrropPp—Anecient Castles of the County of Limerick. 177

his evidences and writings taken (C.S.P.I.). 1583 ‘‘Rathmore, a
large C., in parts ruinous, with a barbican, ruined on the north,
and a courtyard, enclosed with a stone wall in great decay.
There are in the same C. divers necessary places, or bedrooms,
strongly built for defence,’ with an iron door. Granted by
the Earl, and Elinor, his wife, to Maur. Sheighan for 99 years,
at a peppercorn rent (Des. R., 6 ; Peyton, p.14). 1600 Surrendered
to Carew by the followers of the Sugan Earl (Pacat. Hib.). 1615
Jas. Casey settled it on T. Casey, who, in 1637, bequeathed it
to his daughters. They held it and a mill-seat in 1655 (Ing. Chan..,
198; C.S., xxxi., p. 15). Sir Drury Wray next owned it. It was
forfeited, and was sold 1703 (Trustees’ Map, ‘‘ 21’’).

Fabric.—Tradition, in 1840, said that it was built by the Danes, and
levelled by Cromwell. A fairly perfect peel tower, 30 feet by 34 feet ;
the walls, 6 feet 9 inches; features of the late fifteenth-century type
(0.8.L., 9, p. 386).

206. Camas (31). Not marked. 1185 Camas from early times
belonged to Monasteranenagh Abbey, being a Grange of same. 1583
T. and J. Browne held Camas C., in Grean, at the time of their
joining the rebellion of Ger., Earl of Desmond (Des. R., p. 67;
Ing. Exch., 11). 1613 Sir J. Jephson held, among the possessions
of the dissolved religious houses, Camus cell, chapel, and glebe, in
right of his wife (Inq. Chan., 5a). In 1655, shown as in Glenogra
(D.S.A., 35). Afterwards held by the Bevans.

GLENOGRA.

207. Guenocra (31). Marked. 1239 Suit of Maur. de Londres
as to two knight’s fees in Glenogra (Close R.). 1280 The “‘ theodum”’
held from M. FitzGerald by J. f. Thomas (service at Allecath), 1298
The latter died seised of the manor. A full account is given from the
Manor Courts down to handmills, and ‘‘a grove from which the Lord
can obtain nought but brambles and rods for carts” (C.S.P.I.).
Geffry Mutteley held it in right of his wife, Alice, dau. of Ad Claragh
(Pipe R.). 1323 The Crown took 8 acres as dower for Sibil Fareman
(Plea R.). 1400-1420 The C. was built by the unlucky Tho., Earl
of Desmond. The Earls held it till 1583. C. much ruined, without
a roof (? ** tect, voc. le stories ” elsewhere), or floor. A circular area
or yard, called a balne, of which the wall is in great decay, so that
the C. is not defensible. Near it is an empty house, containing a
cellar, or “‘ story,”? which is habitable ; there is a water-mill within

(17"]

178 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

the fortifications (Des. R., 5). 1598 Ed. Fitton, Sheriff of Limerick,
fled, leaving Glinogra to the rebels (C.S.P.I., p. 825). 1600
Glanogre, a town of Sir G. Bouchier, was wasted by Piers Lacy
from Kilquig (Pac, Hib. u1., p. 182). 1655 The Karl of Bath held
Glynogrey and Cahirgillam(ore), where stand two C.s and a kearne.'
Glynogrey, a C. with a bawn; 380 houses, cabbins, and a mill, courts
leet and baron, &c. (C.8., xxxi., p. 17).

Glenogra Castle.

Fabric.—lt consists of a court, 150 feet at the east side, and 180
feet to the south. The wall is of squared stones, and is 25 feet high
and 5 feet thick. To the north-east is an octagonal keep, 19 feet
across inside; 4 stories high, the second being vaulted. It has a
turret on the south-west face ; the stairs from left to right, an unusual
feature. At the opposite side is a tall, triple chimney, its shaft closing
an older window. ‘There are neat, round-headed doors from the
rampart. The bases of four vaulted turrets remain along the north
wall; the main gateway is a pointed arch 84 feet high to the south
(O:8-L.,, 9, p. 379).

208. CanercuiIttaMorE (31). Not marked. Called ‘‘ Rockbarton
C” in the ‘‘Name Book.” 1289 Cathyrgilmore (Plea R. Cal., vol. ii.,
p. 77). 1298 Held by T. f. Maurice (C.S.P.I.). 1564 Dom. White,
of Limerick, to hold Cahiringullimore, redeemed from late Earl of

1 The occasional allusions to prehistoric and other remains in the Civil and
Down Survey form by no means their smallest interest to antiquaries (see infra,
also under Bulgaden-Fox and Kilfinnane). Some very interesting mention is
found in the very full mearings of the C.S. of Tipperary.

Wesrropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 179

Desmond, and purchased from its rightful owner. 1583 C. and vill.
of Cahir a Gillimo (Des. R., 68). Kaheragyllymoore in Any (Peyton,
p. 148). 1639 Jas. Stritch held it, as his grandfather, J. Stritch, had
done (Inq. Chan., 234; see Scool). 1655 C. held by W. and E. Stritch
(B.D., 121; D.S.A., 35). 1667 Granted to Capt. Rob. Morgan and to
A. Reymon (Act Sett.).

Fabric.—A rectangular foundation, 150 feet to east of a stone ring,
said to have been built with the ruins in 1835 (0O.8.L., 9).

TULLABRACKY.

209. GrancE (31). Marked. 1186 It is one of the “‘ Granges ”
of Magio (Nahava, Coracoimgillain, Naglochmib, Cathercornii, Zoc ~
Geir, which belongs to the village of Loc Geir, Camuis and Imlevi), and
is probably that of Loc Geir (charter). 1348-9 The Abbot of Magio
accounts for issues of lands in Grangehawe (Gransha) in the king’s
hands by attainder of Maur., Earl of Desmond (Pipe R., 13). 1588
Graunsha de Lough (Gur), or Castleanedroyde (Peyton, p. 10).
1655 Grangew, Lord Bath (C.S., xxxi., p. 15).

Fabric.—Foundations 40 feet by 30 feet over all, and fragments
10 feet high and 63 feet thick; on Carriganilea Rock (0.8.L., 8,
p. 96).

KNocKANEY.

210. Loven Gur (32). Bourchier’s C. Marked. 902 The fort of
Gair was claimed by the King of Cashel (‘‘ Book of Rights’). 1002
King Brian fortified Dun Gair and the Island in Loch Gair (Wars
G. and G.). 1178 Dun Gair plundered by O’Collins of Cleanglas.
1186 Loc Geir, with the Island and Grange, given to Magio Abbey
(charter). 1287 T. de Clare held, at his death, ‘‘Le Dun” at Loych
Gir (C.S.P.I.). The castles were built in the fifteenth century, and
held by the Earls of Desmond as one of their chief seats. 1536 Lord
Grey went to Lokkere, a strong C. of James of Desmond, and found
it deserted and open; the roof, doors, and windows burned or removed.
“It standeth very pleasantly upon the foot of an Iland, containing
80 acres, environed with a great water and mountains, and rocks
without the same; munited and warded more by nature than by
man’s hand” (Carew i., p. 103). 1583 ‘* The Manor of Lough Gur,
a large and excellent C., in a good state of repair; a chief house of the
late Earl of Desmond, with an iron door at the entrance, strongly
situated at the foot of a round, rocky hill to the east. A fishery is
included, called a ‘ Logh,’ replete with river fish. The C. in itself

I! 180 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

| | includes nine separate rooms .. . and a barbican, built of stone, at an
angle of which is a little round turret for defence. There are two
entrances, that at the east by a narrow ‘ causea’ and two doors;
the other to the south-west, where is another small C. or peel. An
island, an orchard, a garden, and divers other edifices or cottages,
WH with gardens adjoining (where dwell divers tenants” (Des. R., 5).
Wi It was granted to Sir G. Bourchier, who let it to R. Rowley; the
Hi] latter gave it in charge to Ulick Browne, who, in 1598, gave it to the
| | followers of the Sugan Earl (C.S.P.1., p. 325). 1600 Carew, when
| a | clearing the way from Kilmallock to Limerick, came to Lough Gur,
|
|

| - and the C. was surrendered by Oliver Groome, while (J. £. Thomas
ml was absent with the Earl (Pac. Hib.). The {Bourchiers,’ Earls of
Bath, continued to reside there in 1641. The C. was held for them
by W. Weekes; but the garrison was ‘‘ watched and waited on” by
a Dr. Higgins and the Irish, till it surrendered to Lord Castleconnell.
The latter “annexed” the household stuff left by Dame Barbery
Browne, when she fled to Castletown in Kenry; two of Weekes’
aa servants were (as we noted) hanged in the absence of Lacey of
Hit Bruree, and against his orders (Deps. 180, 314, 320). 1653
HH Capt. Jas. Synnocke got 100s. ‘‘ for the garrison at Logighur,”
and as much ‘‘for corne taken from Edm. Rawley” by the garrison
(Acct. R., 8). 1655 Loghguir C. and six houses, H., Earl of Bath
(C.S., xxxi., p. 10). 1680 Dyneley found it, an island, and C. of
iW great strength held by J. Bailey, and belonging to Countess of Bath.
il He gives a sketch of the C., lough, gate, and, in the distance, the
‘* New Church ”’ in ruins, and the towers of Dromin and Racanon
CRESeACT., wili.; p. 287).?

Fabrie.—Castledoon or Bourchier’s Castle.? A peel tower, 49 feet
| by 333 feet outside, 75 feet high, and well preserved. There are five
| stories in the usual two sections, the narrower with stairs and porch:
each of the lower stories is vaulted; the third and fourth have
rectangular, shafted windows. The causeway was 144 yards long

1 The family of Boursier, Bousser, or Bourchier appears first in 1316, John de
Bourser being warranted to hold assizes in Kent, Surrey, and Sussex, and after-
wards was Lord Chancellor of England till 1841. The founder in Ireland was Sir
George Bourchier ; got a command 1567. Commanded the garrison of Kilmallock
in 1571.

2 Plate XIII.

* The O.8.L., 9, p. 235, agree with FitzGerald’s History in attributing the
Castle to Sir G. Bourchier, temp. James I. It at least dates a century earlier; and
the two castles appear in Hardiman Map, 59, and Des R.

Westropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 181

across the boggy shallows of the lake. (See R.S.A.L, vol. x., p. 415,
and xxxli., p. 196, by J. Grene Barry, and notes on the Bourchiers by
Richard Langrishe, vol. xxxiv., p. 365, and xxxv., p. 21).

211. Kitiatoven or Brack Castre.—fabric—It is 25 feet by
133 feet inside. The lower story is vaulted; the sides 35 feet high
to south, 12 feet high elsewhere, and 73 feet thick. The gateway is
beside it to the east (O.S.L., 9, p. 234).

212. Gaxrop’s Istanp, in the lake, traces of a building, said to be
a C. of Earl Garrod, whose ghost is doomed to ride over the lake once
in seyen years, till the silver horseshoes are worn away.' Doubtful
site.

213. Kyocxrennett (32). A strongly-fortified hill (FitzGerald i.,
p. 313) in 1827. It had to the west a stone fort built of blocks 3 feet
square, with small ones inserted, the wall 10 feet thick and high, and
120 feet across the ring, with long walls, 60 yards apart, down the
north slope, and at the east end was a lesser fort and similar long
walls. Even in 1840 it was only a ring and heap of stones. Now
only a slight mound remains. It is a reputed C., so we give it to
complete the strongholds of Lough Gur. Doubtful site.

214. Erron (40). Not marked. 1585 Elltown C. granted to
Sir E. Fitton (Fi. 5032), and held by him 1606 (Inq. Exch., 9).
1607 Grant to N. Haward (Pat. R.). 1621 Held by W. Haly with
Ballinlyng or Lillingstown (Ing. Chan., 8, 240, 244). 1653 Leased
to Quartermaster J. Chinnery (Hartwell Acct. Book) Ruinous C., late
of N. Haly (C.S., xxxi., p. 9). .

215. Knockaney or Arne (32). Two C.s marked. The place
Was famous in early legend. ‘‘ Two” legendary battles, ‘‘ a.m. 8772
and 4422,” in ‘‘each of which” a high king, Eochy, fell, are placed
here (one legend, two chronologists) ; Cuchullin, from its hill, points
out the surrounding lands and hill to Laeg, on the raid to Tara
Luachra; and Aine’s father was there slain by King Oilioll Olum.
Circa 440, St. Patrick visited Drom Collchoill, or Aine Cliach.
(‘‘Colloquy,” Silva Gadelica, ii., p. 576). It formed the centre of
the Martini Tribes (Egerton MS., 92). To come to history. In
666 a fierce battle was fought at Aine between the Aradha and
Ui Fidgeinte (A. F.M.). 1002 King Brian repaired the fort of Dun
Cliach at Aine (Jb., Wars G. and G.). 1199 C. d’Any was granted
to J. de Gray. 1226 The fair at the manor was granted to G. de
Marisco. 1253 Any reserved as dower for Queen Eleanor. 1262

' Lenihan, p. 725, Revue Celtique, iv., pp. 185-191.

182 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Granted to W. Bassingburn in exchange for the manor of Bliburgh.
He mortgaged it 1284 to the Ricardi bankers. 1278 It was granted
to T. de Clare, and was surrendered by Edm. de Bassingburn, 1294
Granted to Geff. de Lezingnan by mistake (C.S.P.I., under dates).
1295 The fair of Ainey is named (Justic. R. Cal., p. 39). 1800 Geof.
f. Payn and H. f. J. f. Ralph Burgess of Any fought ‘‘for an old
anger.” Geffry struck Henry on the head with an axe, struck him
down, and hit again, when the handle broke, giving Henry a large
wound to the damage of 40 shillings (2)., 343). 1325 Held in trust
for T., son of Ric. de Clare, a minor, as recently held by J. f£. Adam of
Owaynestown, the rents to be paid to Rob. de Welle and his wife,
Matilda de Clare (Pipe R., 50). 1381 Sir Jas. Delahyde, sheriff of
Limerick, was slain by M‘Gynouse. Petition of Sir T. Clifford and
his wife Johanna, as to the fine of Delahyde’s estates at the manor of
TAD Any with Dromyn and Corkmoych (Mem. R., 1539). 1406 The
Tah Wi custody given to T. f. Morice (Exch. Rec., Hen. IV.). 1418 Lord
Hi. Clifford was baron of Any; the place was held by Lord T. le Botiller,

aH Prior of St. John of Jerusalem (Zd., Ing., Hen. V.). 1515 Jas., Earl
Ta of Desmond, took Any C., but was repulsed from Lough Gur (Ann.
TBT ME Ult.). 1541 The preceptory and manor were granted to N. Fanning,
THE &e. (Fi. 216). 1568 To W. Pers and J. Cockerham (Fi. 1258).
ti 1578 To Sir E. Fyton and W. Apsley (Pat. R.). 1583 Awney Manor,
| the C. there entirely ruined, except the stone wall, with a great

enclosure called the balne, a water-mill, ‘“‘ upon the rivulet of
Comocke,” &c. (Des. R., 4). 1589 Confirmed to Edw. and the other
children of late Capt. W. Apsley (Fi. 5347). 1627 Held in fee by
F. Fitton, ‘“‘the C..and walls”. (Ing. Chan., 42, 191). 1641-2
Capt. H. Grady, of Knockaney, took part in the siege of Ballyalla C.,
| County Clare (Cuffe’s Diary). 1655 Fawancasland, near the hill of
| Aney, held by Thady Grady, sold to Ric. Coote (B.D., p. 119) with
Burgess Lands. ‘‘The other C.”’ and mills held by Jas. and Dermod
Grady (C.S., xxxi., p. 6). The ‘Black C.”’ shown to the east, the
| “White C.” to the west, of Aney (D.S.A., 31, 38). 1688 J. Baggot, of
Vy Aney (Trustee Map, ‘‘21”’). 1703 The hill of Aney, late estate of
| Jas. FitzGerald, purchased by Alderman B. Burton."

' The Burtons were an ancient Shropshire family deriving from Sir Edward of
Longner, who was made a Knight banneret in 1460. They were established in
Co. Clare by Samuel Burton, son of T. Burton, of Estwick, Shropshire (whose
brother got a grant of Buncraggy in 1611). Benjamin was his younger son. See
R.S. A. Ty yolomxe: p74.

Westrroprp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 183

Fabrie.—The ‘‘ Desmonds,” or ‘‘ Black Castle,” or ‘‘ East Court,”
now levelled. FitzGerald calls it the noble ruins of a castle on the
river, erected by the Earls of Desmond (vol. 1., p. 307).

216. Tur Waite Casttz, or Knocxaney C.—It had three stories,
the lowest vaulted, 22 feet by 133 feet inside, 40 feet high, with walls
7 feet thick. 300 yards to the east was the ‘‘ Court” of the Earls
lying to the south of the river. Tradition says it was built by the
Earl’s steward, Matthew O’Grady, while Desmond was abroad. (See
Rev. J. Dowd, ‘‘ Round about County Limerick,” p. 88; O.8.L., 9,
p. 269; and FitzGerald, vol. i., p. 307.)

217. Baccorstrown, West (40). Marked. The Baggot family was
established in Limerick before 1290. In 1587 the head-rent of
Edm. Boggott, of Boggotstown, was granted to Sir E. Fyton
(Fi. 5032). 1609 The C., mill, and weir granted to Baggot and
Don. O’Grady (Pat. R., Ing. Chan., 8a). 1642 J. Baggot, of Baggots-
town, was a member of the Kilkenny Parliament. 1651 Maur. Baggot
exempted from terms in the surrender of Limerick to Ireton, which
was signed by his father. 1653 C. held by Cap. W. Hartwell (Acct.
Book). 1655 Ballinvogodock, or Baggotstown C., ‘‘ Ballingoody ould
C. and ould bawn,”’ held by T. Browne and Derby Grady (C.S8., xxx1.,
p. 24; and D.8.A., 33). 1690-1 Cap. Hugh Massy garrisoned it
between the sieges of Limerick to protect it from the Irish (History
of Massy Family, Ed. 1890, pp. 238-9). 1703 Baggotstowne, estate
of late J. Bagot,’ as granted to H. Lord Sidney, sold to B. Burton.

Fabric.—The east and south walls of the main wing are perfect.
It is 33 feet by 23 feet inside, with three stories, the lowest vaulted.
At the north-east corner is a tower 143 feet by 133 feet, with arched
spiral-stairs, having five stories, the lowest also vaulted. The walls are
6 feet 8 inches thick, and the mullions, frames, and hoods of well-cut
stone. Two oak beams remained across the building in 1840. The
tall, clustered chimneys are of pleasing design ; a stone fell from one
of them with the date ‘‘ 1019,” evidently 1619. There are bartizans
to the outer angles of the wing and turret (0.S.L., 9, p. 271; with
views, Len., p. 736).

KILFRUSH.

218. Kitrrusn (40). Not marked. 1287 J. de Carreu held a
knight’s fee in Kilfroys in Aney Manor under T. de Clare (C.S.P.1.).

‘ John Baggot, 1693, late of Baggotstown, in May, 1689, at Dublin, committed
and perpetrated treason against the King and Queen, and died at Limerick in
manifest rebellion (Inquis. Wm. III., vol. xviii.).

184 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

1289 Matilda Anevil claimed dower off Kilfrush (Plea R.). 1583
Kylifrushe C. held by Earl of Desmond (Des. R., 38; Peyton, p. 14).
1587 The head-rent of W. Nugent, of Kilfrush, granted to Sir E.
Fyton. 1604 Confirmed to Morice Hurley, of Knocklong (Pat. R.).
1655 Held by Sir Morrish Hurley (C.S., xxxi., p. 5). 1657 Sold to
J. Bullingbroke, &c. (B.D., 118). x.

219. Gormanstown Granby (40). Marked. 1574 Pardon to Edm.
Fox, alias Boskagh, of Gormanstown (Fi. 2472). 1583 Ballygorman,
alias Gormanstown, in Poblebuskagh, alias Foxe’s country, Jas.
ffoxe (Des. R., 38; Peyton, p. 11). It was held by the same family
till 1655; Gormanstown, decayed C., Edm. ffox. (C.S8., xxxi., p. 18).

Fabric.—It stands beside the Morning Star River; and measures
173 feet by 8 feet inside; walls, 3 feet 9 inches thick. Two doors to
the east and west, the latter carved with crosses and circles. It is
24 feet high, and has the lower room vaulted (O.8.L., 8, p. 275).

220. GarryscuLIBINE (40). Not marked. The C.S. (xxxi., p. 13)
shows it as adjoining Bulgadin Eady on the south, Ballystony-
beg and Ballyvulhane on the north, Ballycolloo on the east, and
Cosmagh Barony on the west, as vol. xxiv., pp. 17 and 19, and the
D.S.A. Map, 34, show that Tankardstown' and Ballybeg are included
by mistake. We get Ballinamona as corresponding to Garrysculibine,
not to be confused with two other C.s in the other Ballynamonas
(see infra, 222, 223). 1588 Garriskowleben C. (Des. R., 32, 333;
Peyton, 1138). 1655 Ballyvulligidin and Garrisculibine ruinous C.,
Hdm. fiox (C.S:, xxxi., p. 13; D.S.A,384);

221. ApDaMsrown or BattyHywarp (32). Not marked. 15838
Ballyhyward, between Gormanstown and Bagotstown (Peyton, 11).
Ballyadam with Ballytanckards and Garriskullibine (Des. R., 338).
1655 Adamstown decayed C., Edm. Fox, of Bulgiden Fox (C.8., xxx1.,
Dw).

BaLLYNAMONA.

222. Battynamonasec (82). Not marked. 1287 Vill de Mora
(C.S.P.I.). 1583 Two C.s in Ballynemonybeg J. Browne (Des. R.,
678; Peyton, 128; Ing. Exch., 11). 1607 N. Haward held 1%
(Pat. R.), in 1637, F. Fitton of Anny (Inq. Chan., 191), and in 1655,
Morris Baggott (C.S., xxxi., p. 24).

Fabric.—It stood near the west wall of the graveyard, but was
levelled before 1840.

1 Not to be confused with the other Tankardstown. See section 190, supra.

Westroprp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerich. 185

223. BaLtLyNAMONAMORE (32). Not marked. 1583 Jas. ffoxe held
the land (Des. R., 338); the C. was held by J. Browne; the next
year by Sir E. Fitton (Ing. Exch., 19); by N. Haward, 1607 ; by Edm.
Baggott and D. O’Grady in 1609-10 ; the latter held one third of the
C. with the loft and half the cellar (Pat. R., and Inq. Chan., 191).
1655 It was held by Ed., Ric., and Maur. Rawly (C.S8., xxxi., p. 22).

224. Casttr Farm (32). Not marked. Named perhaps from
Hospital C.

Hosprrat.!

225. Hosprran (82). Marked. The preceptory was founded by
G. de Mariscis, 1215 (see Proc. R.I.A., xxiv. (c.), p. 449). It (ora
C. near it) was used as a residence after the dissolution. 1578 C.
granted to W. Apsley. 1655 Hospital held by T. Browne (C.S.,
Xxxl., p. 5). The C. stood, according to tradition, not far from the
preceptory to the east of the bridge, and on the north bank of the
river. No trace remains.

226. KwnockmonrEe C. in Hospital Aney. 1582 J. Browne, slain
in rebellion at Aherloe, owned a broken C., built square, on top of
a little mount called Knockmunihy (Des. R., 678), Knockmonye
C., Knockmonihy, 1584, or Cloghmonohy. Knockmono lay near
Ballemonebeg (Ing. Exch., 29 Eliz., and 11; Hardiman Map, 50;
Peyton, p. 18), granted to Fyton, 1587, and to N. Haward
(Knockmonine C.) in 1607 (Pat. R.).

227. Battycanitt (32-40). Not marked. Ballykahell C. in
Greankoeragh, 1586 (Peyton, p. 80).

KILCULLANE.

228. Bartinscoota (32). Not marked. 1583 Ballinscowley,
Earl of Desmond (Des. R., 3), two towers marked (Peyton, p. 80).
1609 Don O’Grady, of Kilballyowen, held Ballynskeulye in Kilkillane
(Ing. Chan., 3a), and Ballineskooly C., bawn, and town (Pat. R.).
Not to be confused with Ballinscaula.

229. Kincutnane (32). Marked. 1186 Grant to Magio Abbey
of Magnahengi, from the ford of the Scivil, with the whole marsh to

*The hospital with the adjoining lands was granted by Elizabeth to Sir
Valentine Browne, who is said to have built the C. His son, Sir T. Browne,
married a daughter and heiress of W. Apsley, by his wife, Annabella, daughter
of J. Browne, Master of Aine.

186 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Kilkellin and Kilkellin itself (charter). 1244 Adam de Anno held
Kilcallan at rent of a soar hawk and 3 mark of silver. Godfrey de
Anno was heir (C.8.P.I.). 1287 J. Daundon held it from Sir T. de
Clare, as of Any manor, at rent of one pair of furred gloves and six
pence (Jd.). Ralph Brun, of,Kilkelen, fined (Zd., 155). The Browne
family appear to have held it thenceforward. 1583 T. Browne held
Kylkyllane C. and Camas (Des. R., 678; Peyton, p. 13; Inq. Exch., 11).
1607 Grant of these to Walter and E. Browne (Pat. R.). 1610
Edm. Baggott and D. O’Grady were granted Kilkillane. 1655 The
decayed C. held by Teige O’Grady (C.8S., xxxi., p. 22; D.S.A., 38).

CAHERCORNEY.

230. Rawreystown Court (23). Marked. The Rawleys or de
Raleics are one of the oldest Anglo-Norman families in Co. Limerick,
having settled there before 1222. In later days they have been
confused with supposed descendants of Sir Walter Raleigh. (See
FitzGerald’s assertions, vol. i., p. 805). 1587 Sir E. Fytton was
granted the head-rent of Jas. Rowley, of Ballinrowley (Fi. 5082).
1600 Pardon of Ric. Rowlie, or Raleigh, of Raleighstown, pardoned
after the Sugan Earl’s rising (Fi. 6452). 1607 The head-rent of
Jas. Rawley, of Ballinrowely, granted to Nic. Haward (Pat. R.).
1609 C. held by D. O’Grady, of Kilballyowen (Ing. Chan., 2a), to
whom with Jas. Rawley it was granted, 1610 (Pat. R.), 1655
Rawlighstown C. ruinous, Redmond Rawley.' It was then part o
Kilpeacon Parish. A tower, with a garth and turrets at the angle
shown (D.8.A., 31-387; C.S., xxxi, p. 21). 1667 Lord Kingsto
confirmed in it (Act Sett.). 1709 KE. Croker held it.

Fabric.—It probably dates from the reign of James I.; traditio
attributes it to Rawleys, and says that it had been sold to the Crokers
The enclosure is about 180 feet by 120 feet; it has a square turre
with loopholes at each corner, and walls 12 feet high and 4 feet thick
Within is a strong house, 80 feet by 30 feet, of three stories. Th
two Down Survey maps show it as a battlemented peel tower im
square court, with turrets at each angle.?

1 Lenihan, p. 746, gives the epitaph (in the Church of the Recollects, Paris)
‘* Messire Michel Raleigh de la famille de Raleighstown,’’ Knight of the Order
St. Louis, died 1732, aged 76. The family still flourishes in Co. Limerick.
2 Plate XIII.

Westrropp— Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 187

BaALLiInaRD.

231. Battrnarp or CanEeruussok (32). Marked. 1251 Cather-
ussoc (Plea. R.). 1287 T. de Clare leased it to H. f. John (C.8.P.1.).
13802 Adam f. Philip held it (Pipe R.). 1325 Ric. and Avelina de
Midia to reply to him about Cathyryssok (Plea R., 127). 1583
Maur. Mac Shane held Ballynahard C. and vill (Des. R., 373). 1657
Capt. Garrott FitzGerald held Ballynahard (C.S8., xxxi., p. 26). This
family held it till late in the following century.

Fabric.—The C. was standing in 1827, but was levelled before
1840. It stood to the north of the church.

232. CLo@HAVILLER (23-32). Not marked. FitzGerald renders
it “Clogh a Fiolar,” or Eaglestown, in 1827. 1583 Cloughviller,
alias Cloughbuddinyiller (Des. R., 3). 1587 The head-rent of W.
Marshall, of Cloughvillen, granted to Sir E. Fyton. 1657 Clogh
Tvillin, decayed castle, W. Marshall (C.S., xxxi., p. 26). 1666
Clogheviller, Clogher or Cloghermillagh, confirmed to A. Ormsby,
and 1670 to Rob. Reading under trusts of Earl of Mountrath (Act
Sett.). 1703 Ric. Powell, of Cloughviller, purchased estate of King
James at Gallbuoly.

233. Herpertstown (382). Not marked. 1583 Ballyhibbert or
Ballyhubberde C., next Kylkyllane, held by Earl of Desmond (Des. R.,
3; Peyton, 128). 1587 Head-rent of W. Ridiford on Ballyhubbard
granted to Fitton. 1657 Hobertstown in Kilkellan, Tha. O’Grady
and others (C.S., xxxi., p. 22). 1667-8 Haywardstown granted to
Lord Kingston. 1670 Hubbertstown under Mountrath trusts. 1673
Granted to Rob. Reading. There seem to have been three Ballyhy-
wards, Adamstown, Howardstown, and Hubertstown or Herbertstown.
A Sywardstown, in the service of O’Conyll, 1452, was evidently near
Rathkeale (see Rental O’Conyll; also C.S., xxxi., pp. 23, 15, 28; also
sections 185, 221, supra).

BALLINLOUGH.

234. Cromwett (33). Not marked. The Cromwells are an early
English family in County Limerick!; they possibly took their name
from this place ‘‘Cromchoill,” Cromellston, in County Limerick,
named in 1299 (Plea R.). 1325 Isolde Cromwell had dower on

1 The Gromewells appear among the magistrates of Limerick. We find bailiffs
of the name in 1426, 1475, and 1486.

188 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Ballygodan (26., 144). 1399 The custody of the estate of Ric. Harold
in Ballylogh, disturbed by his widow (Mem. R.). 1578 Pardon to
J. Mac Morris O’Rahelly, of Cromal (Fi. 3364). 1583 Knockgromell,
a poor, low C. or peel tower (Des. R., p. 6). It is called ‘‘ Cromwell-
oknowing”’ C. (Peyton, 15); Cromyglaon (Zb., p. 228), and Gromewell
(Carew). 1591 C. transferred by W. Agar to W. Carter (Ing. Chan.,
6B). 1597 Jas. Cromwell got a lease of Corcomohead from the
Cathedral Chapter (Exch. Records, p. 6). 1607 Cromwell or Crom-
awall C. to N. Haward (Pat. R.). 1637 Fra. Fitton, of Anny, married
J. Lacy, and held, with other lands, Cromwell or Cnocknegromwille; he
was ‘a distracted lunatic and non compos mentis” (Inq. Chan., 191).
1655 Cromwell, W. Fitton, and Annabel Browne (C.S., xxxi., p. 3;
Petty Map, 6&; B.D., 118). 1688 Jas. FitzGerald, of Cromwell,
attainted (Trustee Map, ‘‘21”). 1703 Sold to B. Burton.

KILTEELY.

235. CARRIGKITILE or CARNKETTLE (33). Not marked on rock of
Carrickittle ; but foundations remain. One of the oldest castles in
County Limerick. 1199 J. de Gray was granted the lands between it
and C. d@’Any. King John granted to W. de Naish the C.s of
Karakitel, and the theudum of Lirickmadh, and cantred of Huheny
(C.8.P.1.), Karrakytyl C. and Kyldrumon as in copy in Gormanstown
Reg., p. 210. 1291 The rector of Athissel had a portion at Carne-
ketilin Grene. 1297 Suit of W. Whitfot, father of Matilda, wife of
Ric. le Mouner, who held Carrigkitel of which Ric. and Marg. de
Londres were tenants (Plea R.). 1307 Karnekytele and Killtyle
were granted to Sir Phil. Wolfe (Gorm. Reg., p. 211). 1809 Held
by Sir Walter L’Enfaunt in capite at £14 10s. 6d. before their
delivery to Alex. de London, cousin and heir of Johan, wife of said
Walter (Pipe R.). 13818 The Crown took up Kyltil; Nic. an
Juliana de Lees} held Carnkityl, Clothurolethan and Clothursyne
(Plea R., 121, m. 2). 1873 W. de Londres alienated Carryketil to
E. Bagot without §license (Pipe R.). 1410 ecrea Walter Bourke
assigned to his third son Tiboit the seisreachs of Britas, Rathsiurtain,
Carraigciotal, and Baileloisge (Burke Rental). 1510 Garret, Earl of
Kildare, and the’ English built a C. on Carraigcital (A.F.M.). 1587
The profits of this Manor, forfeited by Silken Thomas, taken by Jas.
f. John of Desmond (Carew i., p. 131). 1583 Ger., Earl of Desmond,
traitor, held, on his} entry into rebellion, the little C. of Carrigkittle,
a small C. or peel situated on the top of a mount in Kiltyly (Ing.

Westroprp—Anecient Castles of the County of Limerick. 189

Exch., 10; Des. R., 6; Carew u., p. 450). 1605 Sir E. Fitton
owned it. 1655 Sir Maur. Hurley held it (B.D., p.118; Petty Map,
68; C.S., xxxi., p. 4); sold to Oliver Ormsby and confirmed 1666
(Act Sett.).

KILMALLOCK.

There are unusual masses of material for the civil and ecclesiastical
history of this place. As our object is rather to record the Castles,
we merely refer to the charters of J. f. Elie Juvenis, of Phil. f. John f.
Tho., W. Puff, T. Stoke, and Ade f. John f. Geffry, 1287-90, in
B.B.L. ; and to the elaborate surveys of 1655, in the Down and Civil
Surveys, Book of Distribution, Cromwellian Account Books and Rolls,
and the trusts of the ’49 officers. In 1574 the place was plundered
for three days by Jas. Mac Maurice, the Sweenys, and Sheehys, then
“the houses both of stone and wood were broken and burned,” and
the town ‘‘ became a receptacle and abode of wolves.”

236. Kine’s Castte (47). Marked. 1206 King John ordered
Meyler f. Henry to inquire whether the C. of Kilmallock belonged to
Cork or Limerick (C.S.P.I.). 1802 The citizens were fined £14 for
murage (Pipe R.). 1375 Edward III. granted the Provost and
Commons certain tolls and customs for ten years to fortify the town;
and Henry IV., in 1408, made a similar grant for twenty years (Pat.
R.). The C. seems later than these grants. 1583 The Earl of
Desmond held a tenement named Lauery near the C. (Des. R., 6z).
1588 The C. granted to H. Billingsly, and 1604 to T. Browne of
Aney. 1645 Used as a chief arsenal by the Irish under Lord Castle-
haven. 1651 Used for a hospital and depot by the Parliamentary
Army. 1655 The King’s C. south of St. John’s Street named (C.S.,
XXvil., p. 15). 1667 Col. Randall Clayton confirmed in a plott
near it.

Fabric.—It is a peel tower, with 70 stone steps and a large arch
to one side; used in later days asa forge. It is about 60 feet high
and battlemented (Dowd, ‘‘Co. Limerick,’”? p. 11). For its rescue
from demolition, see Journal R.S.A.1., vol. xxviii, p. 175. There
is a view in FitzGerald’s History, vol. ii.

237. Parosry or Dorosry. 1607 Jas. Fox held the stone house
called Parostie (Ing. Chan., 273). 1655 The C. was held by J. Fox
with a waste plot, and had one room in each of its three stories (C.8.,
XXVli., p. 28),

238, 239. Tue Miacus’ Castxz, John’s Street. There were two C.s

190 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

in 1657. [2388] That of Laur Miagh' to the west of the street, with
the town wall to its west (C.S., p. 10); and [239] a second of David
Miagh, with two lower, two middle, and one upper room, its garden
meared on the east by the town wall (Jd., p. 5).

240-243. Hien Srreer Castries. [240] Geo. Miagh’s C. on east
side, meared by Friar’s lande to north (Zd., p. 15). [241] Francis
Creagh’s C. with the churchyard to the east (Zb., p. 17). [242] Jas.
Bluett’s C., and [243] Gerrot Miagh f. Dominick had a C. to the
west of the street (é., p. 26). Col. Randall Clayton was confirmed in
a C. fronting the street on the west side, with a ruined backhouse
and a yard (Act Sett.), evidently the last-named C.

244. Vicar’s Castir. 1653 G. Talbott held it (Hartwell Acct.).
1667 Col. Clayton confirmed in the Vicar’s C. in Limerick Street,
with the garden behind it (Act Sett.).

245-250. OrnER Castries. [245] 1607 Jas. Fox helda C., orchard,
and garden in Blee street (Inq. Chan., 378). 1653 [246] Jas. Lewis
held an ould C. backward, &c. [247] Lau. Wall an ould C. [248]
Capt. R. Stannard, a large stone house, an ould C. and backhouse
(Hartwell Acct.). 1667 [249] A front ruined C. in Vicar’s lane, and
[250] a large C. at the corner near the cross? (Act Sett.).

251. Water Gate Casriz. 1655 A C. and garden to the north
of the Water Gate (6., p. 20).

Tue Town GatEs were:—1. John’s Gate, to the west. 2. The
Friar’s Gate, to the north, opposite the monastery. 8. The Water
Porte, to the east, near the bridge. 4. The Ivy Porte, to the east;
and 5. The Bla-Porte, or Blossoms Gate, to the south-east. The last
is in excellent preservation, with an arched gateway, and a room over
it. See Hardiman Map, No. 62.

252. Proprincr. 1655. Where stands a small butt of an ol
C. north of the river Glen (C.8., p. 68).

253. CourtNEervUDDERY. 1579 The White Knight’s C., mano
and C. of Courteroddery, near Kilmallock, granted to T. Burgeate

' The family of Myagh appears as settled in County Limerick from 129@
(Plea R.). |

2 The deed of J. f. Elie Juvenis, circa 1270-90, in B.B.L., p. 63, mentio
‘* Flemyn stret opposite the cross.’’ This deed names as in Kilmallock ‘‘ the grea
water to the north,’’ the Main Street, Church of SS. Peter and Paul, Clapat Street
Via Regalis leading towards Imelach, Water Street, Botherbalmekeyne to east
Fontislac to south, Martynylake to north, and Kokytlach (? Hokyt or Cokyt). Tw@
undated charters, p. 68, name Fotisland, the tenement of Sandyr the Harper
Aroldishyl on the Via Regalis, p. 70; St. John’s Street, p. 71.

Westrropp—Anecient Castles of the County of Limerick. 191

with a mill, property of John oge FitzGibbon, the White Knight.
1586 C. named by Peyton (p. 28). 1587 Granted to G. Beston and
Lau. Bostock (Carew, i., p. 450). 1590 Grant to Edm. FitzGibbon,
the White Knight, of the site of the C. of Court Rudderye, near
Kilmallock, ‘‘ surrounded with a stone wall, the Court being ruinous,”
and the water-mill (Fi. 5517). 1617 Maur. Hurley, of Knocklong,
settled the ruined C. of Court Inruddery, water-mill, little garden
called Garrenruddery, &c. (Inq. Chan., Car. I., 189). 1655 Court-
neruddery, an old ruinous C., and waste mill on river Gleane outside
the town walls, having the river to the west and the (Dominican)
Abbey land to south (C.S., p. 52).
254. Castine Coorr (47). Site marked near Ashill Towers.

COSHLEA.

The district along the ‘‘ foot of the hills,” Cois sleibhe, or Coshlea,
is called in the Dindshenchas Mag Findabrach, perhaps from Knock
fenora, near Bruree.*” Much of it was included in Aherloe, Eatharlach,
which the Normans called Natharlach, and Atharlach. The early
legends and forts of Kilfinane, Dunglare, Knocklong, and Duntrileague
attest its early importance. It is the most picturesque portion of
County Limerick, being overhung by the Galtees and Ballyhoura
Mountains, and rich in most lovely glens and streams.

URnGARE (now in Small County).

255. BurcapEn Fox (40). Not marked. See next. 1577 J. Fox,* of
Bulgedine, was pardoned (Fi. 3040). Peyton gives Bulgedden Buske
C., ‘‘ Boskagh”’ being the Fox family (p. 118). 1587 Sir E. Fitton

! For the history of the White Knights, see Journal R.S.A.I., vol. xii. (1871),
p. 591, by Rey. Jas. Graves; also in vol. xiv. (1877), Appendix, p. 299, by Miss
Hickson.

* Dindshenchas, ed. W. Stokes, No. 118 (Revue Celtique, 1895, p. 69). Knock-
fenora (0.S., 39) suggests a possible claim for it as Cathair Fhionnabhrach (see
- Book of Rights) as against Ballykinvarga. I incline to the older view from
the closeness of Knockfenora to the fort of Bruree telling against a second fort
being claimed at that place, while Ballykinvarga, Cennathrach, and, probably,
Caechan Boirne and Tuam na heidhin lay round the edge of the territory of the
Corca Modruad tribes, to hold them in fealty to Cashel at least in theory.

’ This was an old city family said to have been Irish. ‘T. Fox was bailiff
of Limerick, 1445.

R. I, A. PROC,, VOL. XXVI., SEC. C, [18]

192 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

was granted the head-rent of Jas. Fox in Ballygidden; it was £6 in
‘‘half-face” (Fi. 5082). 1655 Ballyvullygiden, ruinous C. of Edm.
ffox (C.S., xxxi., p. 13). Bulligiden Fox, “‘in it stands a C.
and arath” (D.S.A., 34). 1666-7 Granted to Capt. Rob. Morgan

(Act Sett.).

Karerrepy Masor.

256. ButcapEn Eapy (40). Marked. There wasa legendary Battle
of Belgaden between Fiacha-Labhrain and Eochy, King of Munster,
a. 3751. 1583 Edy. Lacy held Bulligidinea(dy), evidently called
from his name (Inq. Exch., 11 ; and Des. R., 32). 1612 Odo, or Kady,
Lacy, of Bruree, was eranted the C. and manor of Boullygidinebeg or
Ballygidineady (Pat. R.). 1655 See D.S.A., 50, 56. It was confirmed
to Capt. Hugh Massy, 1666-7.

Fabric.—It measures 223 feet by 18 feet, with walls 7} feet
thick, and has two doors to the south, the western leading to a spiral
stair; the lower story 1s vaulted.

257. Fantstown (48). Marked. 1583 Jas. ffant held ffantestown
or Farren Inanta (Inq. Exch., 13). T. Burgat then held the C. of
Fantistowne, alias Ballinantie, alas Ysbardstown; his son John
succeeded; the lands were in Athenessa Manor, under Earl of Kildare
(Inq. Chan., 150). 1630 J. Burgat, of Fantstown, was trustee to
Jas. Casey, of Rathmore (0., 198). 1657 J. and Ellen Burgat held it
(C.S., xxv., p. 14; D.S.A., 50,56). 1666 Fanstown confirmed to Capt.
Hf. Ponsonby and Lord Colloony (Act Sett.). The Fants resided near
it till at least 1709, when N. Fant, of Kilmallock, made his will
(Limerick Registry).

Fabrice-—The C. is 34 feet by 16 feet 9 inches; walls, 5 feet
9 inches thick. The east door is pointed inside, and round outside; —
there are three stories; the second is vaulted. The fire-places and
spiral-stair are perfect, the latter 50 fect high. There are bartizans
to the north-west and south, all well preserved (0.8.L., 8, pp- 258-261
and view).

958. Mount Braxenry (47). Marked. The south wall of the C. is
down.

959. Batnycuutane (39, 40). Not marked. 1820 Ric. and Pat.
L’Enfaunt held Ballycollen from Sir T. de Lue as part of the manor
of Andesse, County Limerick (Mem. R., No. 34). 1657 The bawne
of Ballycullane in Athenessie held by Patrick Kearney (C.5., XXV.,
pollo doubtful site.

Wesrropre— Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 193

ATHENEASY AND KiInBREEDY Mayor.

260. Gisponstown (40-48). Not marked. 1572-4 Pardons of Ger.
mac Thomas of Ballygibbon (Fi. 2158, 2472; Hardiman, No. 56).
1655 Gibinstowne ould ruynous C., by N. Haly; also the seats of two
grist-mills in Kilbreedy (C.S., xxv., p. 11; and D.S.A., 56).

KFFIN.

261. Bricxrretp or Kitpietny (55). Marked. Ardskeagh C. in
Kyllbyggeley (Peyton, p. 238).
Labrie.—The W. wall, 50 feet high, 53 feet thick (0.8.L., 8,
p. 338).
BALLINGADDY.

262. Mittrown (48). Not marked, perhaps Millmount. 1583 W.
f. Ric. f. Edm. David MacGibbon, alias MacDavid Nynnagh, held the
C. and mill of Milltown near Kilmallock, when slain at Cloghdalton
in the rebellion of Sir John of Desmond (Ing. Chan., 498). 1655 Old
ruinous C. and seats of two grist-mills, and a tucking-mill by
my. Creagh (C.S., xxv., p. 15).

263. Mittmounr (48). Site marked in Gotoon and Castlefield.
The railway now crosses its foundations.

KILQuANE.

264. BattymacsHanEBoy (55). Marked. 1590 Shaneboye and
Knockshandeboye (Hardiman, No. 56). In 1655 it formed part of
County Limerick, Ballyshondeby C. (C.8., xxv., p. 19; D.S.A., 58).
There seems some confusion between it and Ballyshanedehey.

~ Labrie.—Only an arch remained in 1840 (0.8.L., 8, pp. 317-8389).

KILFINNANE.

265. Kinrinann (48). ‘‘ Castle Field.” Marked. 902 The great
fort of ‘'reada na riogh (Book of Rights) stands near this village.
1850 Walter Purcell held Kilfinnan from J. f. Peter le Poer, Baron
of Donvyll; his heirs were minors (Pipe R.). 1588 Garrett mac
Thomas held Kylfynen; granted to Billingsley (Carew, i., p. 450 ;
Fi. 5171). 1590 Edm. FitzGibbon, the White Knight, was granted
the head-rent of Kilfynan in tenure of Ger. mac Richard, and
W. Teige (Fi. 5517). 1598 Mr. Aylmer, who held Kilfinien, left

194 Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy.

it without men or victual (C.S.P.L, p. 325). 1607 The manor
eranted to KE. Fitz Harris (Pat. R.), 1657. Kilfinane, ‘‘ where
there is a good C., the walls of a church, and an Irish Downe.”
1666 The C. was granted to Rob. Oliver (see also D.S.A., 50, 59 ;
C.S., xxv., p- 25).

966. GarryNniEasE (48). Not marked. 1655 Garrileasy C. andiron
cate, Sir K. Fitz Harys (C.8., XXV., D- 25). Perhaps same as last.

267. Baurenpromire C. held with Kilfynan, 1590, by W. Teige
under the White Knight (Fi. 5517). It was in County Limerick
in 1590, in Aherloe. Now in County Tipperary.

PARTICLES.

968. CiogHNoproy or CASTLE OLIVER (56). ** Castle Hall.” Marked.
1576 Edm. Fitz Gerald (f. Jo. oge Gibbon) was granted the chief
rent of Cloghnodfoyle held by J. Langan (Fi. 2878). 1657
Cloghnotfoy C., old ruined stone house and bawn' held by Sir Kd.
Fitz Harys (B.D., p. 96; C.S., xxv., p- 28). 1666 eranted to Rob.
Oliver.’

Emiy GRENNAN.

269. Darranstown (48). Not marked. 1590 Ballydorant (Hardi-

man, No. 56). 1657 Dorrenstown, old ruyned C. in Athenessie
(Cs, =xv., p- 11), confirmed to Lord Collooney (Act Sett.).

DARRAGH.

970. Batiinacourty (56). Site marked. It is the ancient court

and manor of Dermocht, or Darragh-Mochua, 1189. Darachmuchua and
the court of the monks of Limerick to Magio Abbey (charter). 1317
Isabella de Cogan and Garrett Roche, Lord of Fernagen, claim rents on
Glenanlara and Dermeho (Mem. R.,m. 62 f.). 1800 Dermochii town
assessed two marks for the Scotch wars (Pipe R.). 1588 The broken
G. of Ballynacortie in Arlo, held by Pierce Grace (Des. R., 8). 1607
Ballynecourty C., with Darragh, &c., granted to Ed. Fitz Harys, along
with Ballinagreanagh claimed as belonging to Downe Trish, a chapel
of ease of the College of Kilmallock (Ing. Chan, 14; Pat. R.; also

1 Plate XIII.

2 Capt. Robert Oliver, of Cloghnodfoy, registered his arms at Dublin, 1653;
the senior branch of his descendants took the name Gascoigne. Another branch
bears the old name at Tigroney, County Wicklow.

Wesrropp— Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 195

Proc. R.I.A., xxv. (c.), p. 425, Nos. 250, 254). 1655 A butt of an old
e vir EK, Fitz Harys (C.8., xxv., p. 23).

Fabric.—Only a heap of stones remained in 1840 (O.5.L., 8,
p. 88).

KNOCKLONG.

271. Knocxtone (40). Marked. The ancient Drom-damhghaire.
Here were foughttwo battles: one legendary, cerca 250, against Cormac
mac Airt; one of some historic importance, circa 615, when Dioma,
King of Thomond, gave a crushing defeat to the Connaughtmen
who endeavoured to recover County Clare; this finally secured its
possession to the Dalcais. The C. is of very late date, 1570-74.
Pardons to T. Hurley, of Knocklongie (Fi. 1765, 2472). 1583 TheC.
held by Garret mac Thomas in Ballyneashe (Atheneasy) parish, in

- Cossherleroo (Des. R., 888; Peyton, 2378). 1606-1635 Maur, son of
T. Hurley, held it (Inq. Chan., 1s, 146). 1655 The ruined C., mills,
two fairs, courts leet and baron, &c., Sir M. Hurley (C.S., xxv., p. 9;
B.D., p. 29; D.S.A., 55). 1669 Confirmed to Cornet E. Cooper, of
Markree! (Act Sett.).

Fabric.—Though attributed to the fourteenth century, it is two
centuries later. Itis21 feet north and south, 18 feet wide, and 30 feet
high ; the walls, 63 feet thick, with three stories, two large defaced
windows in each ofthe south and east walls. There were four gables;
one still has aplain chimney. The under vault has collapsed ; and the
stairs and cut-stones are removed (0.8.L., 8, p. 279; ‘* Round about
County Limerick,” p. 32. For the Hurleys, see ‘‘Cork Journal of
Archeology,’’ 1905, vols. x.—xii.).

272. Bauuinauincu, CLouzen, or Dunmoon (48). Site marked
in first. 1300 Suit of T. de Molton and Matilda Botiller, his wife,
about the free tenants in Dunmoun (Plea R., 42). 1540 The three
seisreachs of Baile-na-hinnsi (Burke rental). 1576 Edm. FitzGibbon,
the White Knight, is granted J. MacShehie’s head-rent on Downemoane
(Fi. 2873). 1590 The regrant of same (Fi. 5517). 1625 Maur. f.
David Gibbon held Ballynehensy (Ing. Chan., 7). 1655 Dunmoone
C., Gibon f. Gibon (C.S., xxv., p. 10), sold to Rob. Oliver (B.D., 92)
as Doonmoon, alias Ballynahency, confirmed 1666 (Act Sett.).

Fabric.—A tower, 42 feet by 223 feet; wall, 6 feet thick, 28 feet
high. It has a spiral stair to the north gables, with chimneys to north

‘A cousin of Lord Collooney ; will, 1680; the family still continues.

196 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

and south, asquare door of cut-stone to the west, and round-headed
windows (0.8.L., 8, p. 281).

BALLINGARRY.

273. Battincarry (49). Not marked. 1291 Garthegriffin
(probably after Griffin de Rupe). 13802 Garthe in Natherlagh. 1291
suit of Alicia, widow of Griffin de Rupe, a mill, lands and turf
there. 1655 Ballingarry C. in Coshlea (D.S.A., 53). A doubtful
site. Strange to say, this place and its namesake in Connello
have yielded the only two ogham stones hitherto found in County
Limerick.

BALLYScADDANE.

274, Batiyscappane, Ryves Casrie, or Castir Jane (41). Marked.
The name probably from the Tipperary family of Scadan or Hareng.
Beal atha na sgad4n (O’Donovan). 1229 R. de Burgo gave seisin of
Baliscadan to W. de Marisco (C.8.P.1.). 1657 Bealenescadane
(D.S.A., 54, exp.). 1667 Confirmed to Jo. Ryves (Act Sett.).
Ryves C. on “site of C. Jane” in new maps.! A most doubtful.
site.

BALLYLANDERS.

275. GuennaHaGLisH (49). ‘Castle Field” and site marked.
1581 Ger. f. Edmund held Glanehaggylshoen C. (Ing. Exch., 11).
1608 Edm. MacGibbon, the White Knight, died seised of it (Inq.
Chan., 178). 1655 Glanehagilshy, a small stump of a C., N. Hall
or Haly, of Tooreen, sold to J. and W. Reeves (C.8., xxv., p. 7%
B.D., p. 92). 1667 Confirmed to J. Reeves (Act Sett.).

276. Battypurr (57). Site marked. The D.S.A., 50, shows an
unnamed C. in this parish; but no C. is mentioned in Ballinlondry
Manor as held by Sir W. Fenton (C.8., xxv., p. 7).

GALBALLY.

277. GatBatty or AneRLoE (49), Site marked. 1285 Conor
mac Dermot was fined £4 for burning the vill of Natherlach

1 The Franks family was founded at this place by Capt. J. Franks, of Campsall,
Yorkshire, in 1650; he had fought at Edgehill and Naseby. The Ryves family
have a monument in the graveyard, put up in 1779 by W. Ryves, of Castle Jane,
in memory of his grandfather, William (d. 1705), and his father Nicholas (d. 1714),
‘* descendants of an antient family in Dorcetshire.”’

Wesrropp— Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 197

(C.S.P.1, p. 84). 1289 The King’s grant to the Bishop of Emly of
the manor of Natherlach. He recognises the custom on it that a
convicted thief should pay 5 marks or be hanged, yet the Escheator
only took 5s. (Jb., p. 264). 1471 Gallbhaile Katharlaigh or ‘‘ Enelish-
town of Aherloe” (A.F.M.). 1569 Through Lord Ormonde’s slack-
ness Jas. f. Maurice preyed Arlagh, and burned the C., but forty of
his men were slain (C.8.P.1., p. 82). 1577-1587 Pardons to Don.
mac Crah, of Galbally, gent. (Fi. 3097, 5006), with his labourers and
footmen. 1597 He was attainted, and the place granted to G. Sherlock
(Fi. 6175). 1601 It was the muster-place of Carew’s Irish contingent
of 1300 foot and 120 horse from Cork in the war with the Sugan
Karl. 1604 The Abbey and C. of Aherloe granted to Miles Roche
and J. Burgat, of Fontstown (Pat. R.). 1653 Arth. Helsham paid for
the house at Galbally £5 12s. Od. Capt. M. Cusacke for repairing
the ‘ garrison,” £26 12s. 0d. (Acct. R., 8, 138). The walls of a very
fine house or C. lately well fortified (D.S.A., 52).

Fabric.—The foundations, too much defaced to be measured,
alone remained in 1840 (0.S.L., 9, p. 221).

278. Duneror (50). Site marked. The Galtees were originally
known as Crotta cliach or Sliabh Crot (see notes on O’Huidhrin, ed.
O'Donovan, 753). 1002 King Brian repaired Dungcroit fort (Wars
G.and G.). 1578 Donegrot and Ardlaghe, possessions of Morrough
O’Brien, of Cloughkeating, to G. Moore (Fi. 3317). 1587 Granted to
Sir K. Fyton (Fi. 5032). 1604 The Manors and C.s of Galbally and
Dungrott to Don., Earl of Thomond, as demised to M. Roche and
J. Burgett (Pat. R.). 1611 Dungrott, a fair and a court of piepowder,
to T. Cantwell (Jd.). 1655 J. Cantwell, Dungrot manor, C., grist-
mill, tucking-mill, and courts leet and baron (C.S., xxv., p. 4;
D.S.A., 50).

279. DunrriveacuE (49). Not marked. Cormac Cass, King of
Munster in the second century, says an early legend, was wounded
in the head at the Battle of Knocksouna (see section 191, supra),
Where he defeated and slew Eochu Abhradruadh, King of Ulster.
gvormac was brought to Duntrliag, where ‘‘a good dun” was con-
Btructed round a spring, with three pillars round his bed (whence the
game “dun triliag’’); and, despite skilled medical attendance, he died,
and was buried in a ‘‘cave”’ in the fort (Book of Lismore, ‘‘Colloquy’’).
1002 King Brian strengthened Duntriliag (Wars G. and G.). 1346
PYundirleke (Gormanstown Register, p. 145d). 1540 Burke of Castle-
| onnell claimed a mark from ‘‘the small quarter of Duntriliag,
@vhereon Baile na mona, Garrdha an langaigh (Garryenlanga), Baile

198 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

an bhighigh, Caislean Criaidh (Burke Rental). 1655 Downeter- —
league, the estate of Jo. Cantwell, sold to Hugh Massy (B.D., p. 90),
confirmed 1666. His son, Hugh Massy, junior, describes its partial
burning by the Irish; but he saved the outbuildings and several
turrets (History of the Massy Family, 1890, p. 288). 1701 Hugh
Massy made his will ‘being in danger of death, occasioned by a
wound received from Edw. Moore, of Knockhorden” (Prerog., Dublin)."

980. CasriecrEacH (49). Site marked. 1540 Caislean criaidh
in Duntriliag (Burke Rental). 1655 Castle creh, J. Cantwell, sold
to Hugh Massy (B.D., p. 89). 1667 Confirmed to latter, then to
W. Barraby, then the next year to J. Cantwell. It was afterwards a
residence of the Bennetts, and had fallen into ruin by 1827 (Fitz-

Gerald, i., p. 385).
KILBEHENEY.

981. Kirpruenry (58). Marked in ‘Castle quarter.” 1502
Donchad O’Brien died; he was lord of Pubblebrian and Aherloe to
Coill beithne (A.F.M.). 1584 Mahowne mac Murrogho O’Brien
owned Killinevehyne (Inq. Exch., 15). It then passed to Edm.
mac Gibbon the White Knight, who, 1601, captured the Sugan Earl
and brought him to his C. of Kilvenny (Pat. Hib., 1, p- 242),
1603 Sir Ric. Boyle was granted Kilvehoine or Kilvehenny ruinous
C. with its pastures and mountains, late estate of Mahowin mae
Muriegh O’Brien, attainted (Pat. R.). 1608 The White Knight held
the C., mill, watercourse, and village at his death ; his grandson died
unmarried, 1611, when it passed to his sister, Lady Margaret
Fenton (Ing. Chan., 173). 1650 Oliver Cromwell took the C.:
“«T possessed a C. called Kilbenny, upon the edge of the County
of Limerick, where I left 30 foot” (Letter to Lenthal: Carlyle,
ed. 1846, vol. ii., p. 142). 1655 Held by Sir W. Fenton (C.8.,
XXV., p- 4):

Fabric.—The tower is 24 feet by 18 feet outside, five stories high;
the lowest is vaulted; and the walls, 42 feet thick. It is near the
river Funshion and the border of Cork (O.8.L., p. 228; there is an
account, with a view, in Tournal B.S.A.L., vol. xy. (L880); 2 698).

=. ee

1 For the family of Massy, see note on section 110.

Wesrropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 199

UNPLACED CASTLES.

282. CasrettynaM. Held by Jas. Fox, 1583, and named with
Ballygrennane, Bulgadin, and Baggotstown (Des. R., 3b).

283. Kwocxroockan C., with Cloghie, and Thurihie in Ula and
Cluggin, 1655 (Petty Map, 67). Perhaps intended for Baliyneety
(No. 1038, supra, p. 106).

284. DoneskracH C. 1569 Near Galbally or Kilteely (Carew, 1.,
p- 389).

285. CasteLtacHIE, County Limerick. Held by Theo. Bourke
mac William, 1587 (Fi. 5069).

286. Casrremurs. County Limerick. Perhaps near Ballinity,
held by W. F. Nicholas (Fi. 5950, 6461).

287. Castte Carricky. County Limerick (Ing. Exch., Eliz.,
No. 54, date lost).

288. Castre Amery. 1272 The Manor of Castle Amory rents of
-betaghs and free tenants of Grannoth and Ballymelany, the rents of
Kilinerath and the monks of Ohetheney (Owney), serjeantry-fees,
ferry, and fishery (Pipe R.). 1277 Same, including Crannock, Bally-
molan, and Kylneragh, late held by Walter de Burgo (Jd., 8). 1296
Named with Kilary, Balicorran, Donaghmore, Rathkeale, and various
lands in County Limerick. Suit of Almerica de Bellofago and H.
f. Philip f. Daniel about 100 acres in dower at Castle Amery in
County Limerick, &c. (Plea R., xxv., Ed. I., m. 48).

289. CrousoncE In Eserenz. 1289 J. f. Galf has suit with
Agnes de Valence about land and woods at Clouboyng in Esgren ; and,
later, it is found that the cause of the death of T. de Lesse was
“that he fell from the wall of the C. of Clouboyn through a gust of
mand’ (Plea R.; P.R.O.I.).!

290. Patraspee (15). Not marked. [Accidentally omitted from
its place after Tovucu, No. 86, supra, p.100.] Cirea 1590 Pallisnetough
(Pallesnetowghe) C., marked near Toghsegrene C. (Hardiman Map, 36
and 56). 1655 Pallisbeg C., Teig O’Bryne (C.S., xxx., p. 8). The
place, but not the C., marked (D.S.A., 30).

‘ T owe this entry to Rev. St. John Seymour. The chapel of Cloubong, 1302,
Cloughboyne, 1615, Cloghboen, 1607, or Cluanbong, 1437 (?) usually appears in
the Visitations of the see of Emly. It is neither Clonbeg nor Ballynaclough, but
is given with the Church of Gren, being in Esgrene; it is not Castleboynagh
Wetheney, nor Kilboygnan in Aherloe.

R. I. A. PROC,, VOL. XXVI., SEC. C. [19]

200 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

CORRIGENDA TO PART I.

Page 65, line 16—/for ‘‘ Henry III.”, read ‘‘ Henry II.”

Section 50(p.91). Caherelly. Mr. Grene Barry suggests that the
very involved (and in places nearly unintelligible) note in Fitz Gerald’s)
History, vol.i., p. 2 (cited above), really refers to the time of the con-
fiscation, 1651, and not to 1748, which should be in parentheses.
Members of the Hynes family are still found at Caherelly.

Section 86 (p. 100). Tough is in Tove parish.

Section 102(p.106). 1590 Connigere, with a large house, shown
(Hardiman, No. 56). !

Page 108—/for ‘‘ 65”, read ‘* 68”’.

PLATES.

XIII. Old views of the castles.—H., Hardiman maps, 1590. D.S.,.
| The Down Survey, 1655. T.D., Tho. Dyneley, 1680,

T., Trustee maps, 1688-1703. ‘‘a” in Ballinagarde isi

ee by Dyneley to show the window from which the

girl sprang.

XIV. Adare, Ballygrennan, and Carrigogunnell Castles.
XY. Plans of Adare and Carrigogunnell.

Proc. R.I. AcAD., Vot. XXVI., Srer: C. PLATE XIII.

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BALLY BRICKEEN BALLYVORNEEN. NEWCASTLE CLOGHNODFOY
(Near Limerick)

KILLACOLLUM BALLYCULHANE BALLYGLEAGHANE CAHERELLY

GLIN. ~~
H. 60 — 1600

RALEIGHSTOWN,

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CARRICOGUNNELL LOUGHGUR

WESTROPP—CASTLES OF LIMERICK.

eroc. RI. ACAn., Vot. SCA VI. Shen. C,

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Carrigogunnell Castle,

WESTROPP—CASTLES OF LIMERICK.

PLATE XIV.

fea. In. I. AcCApD., Vor. XXVI., SEcr. (Ge

ae YM {ty = = &P_MILL RACE
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Plan of Adare Castle.

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- J = Va as Sy

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Plan of Carrigogunnell Castle.

WESTROPP—CASTLES OF LIMERICK.

Por2OL.\y

THE ANCIENT CASTLES OF THE COUNTY OF LIMERICK
(WESTERN BARONIES).

By THOMAS JOHNSON WESTROPP, M.A.
(Prates XVI.-XYVIII.).

Read Decemser 3, 1906. Ordered for publication DecemsBer 5.
Published January 30, 1907.

Tne present portion of the Survey of the Ancient Castles of the
County of Limerick! both concludes that paper and covers that part of
the district most noted in later Irish history, the four parts of
Connello,? the Desmonds’ country. They still formed one barony in
1657, at the time of the great Surveys, and two, at least on the maps,
till 1835. They are now divided, the western portions of Upper and
Lower Connello being named Glenquin and Shanid after their chief
castles, as the Irish divisions were named after the chief tribe, the
Ui Chonaill Gabhra. Of the older sub-tribes, the Corcamuicheat
are still commemorated in Corcamohide and the Fir Tamnaige in
Mahoonagh, Magh Tamnaige or Tawnagh. Other old tribal divisions
may still be accurately laid down from the Desmond Surveys of
1583-6. Pubblemynterquyllen, in Kilmeedy ; Obaithin or O Mechan,
in Rathronan, t6 the west of Ardagh; Olybane, in Clonagh; Drynan in

1 Principal contractions used (see also supra, p. 74):—Ann., Annals; b.B.L.,
Black Book of Limerick ; B.D., Book of Distribution; C., Castle; C.S.P.I., Calendars,
Documents, and State Papers, Ireland; C.S., Civil Survey ; D.S., Down Survey ;
Dep., Depositions ; Des. R., Desmond Roll, 1583; Dub. Reg., Registry of Deeds ;
Fi., Fiants; Ing., Inquisitions (Chan., Chancery ; Exch., Exchequer); Len.,
Lenihan’s History ; 0.S., Ordnance Survey ; P.R.O.I., Public Record Office of
Treland ; R., Rolls; R.I.A., Royal Irish Academy ; R.S.A.I., Royal Society of
Antiquaries of Ireland, under successive names ; 8., Survey.

- 2 As the Civil Survey of Connello, in all its divisions, is contained in vol. xxii.,
we only refer to the page in this section. ‘The Exchequer Court in 1607 expected
a new Survey of Munster (Equity Exch. Orders).

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. C.] [20]

202 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Kilbradran, and the districts named after the natural features of
Cleanglas, or Clenlish, to the south, Slieve Luachra, to the west, and
Glencorbraige, or Glin, to the north-west. We have already (p. 58)
given the ‘‘ Toghes”’ of Connello in 1583. We must, however, give a
short-lived, but once important, set of divisions, the ‘‘ Seignories,”
which prevailed from 1590 to 1610, and gradually fell into disuse.
These were (1) Rock Barkeley,' the seignory and manor of Askeaton,
under Sir Francis Berkeley, from Kenry to Lismakeery and Tomdeely.
(2) Policastro, held by Sir W. Courtenay at Newcastle, Mayne,
Ballyvoghan, Ballyegny, and Kilgulban. (3) Beawlie,? sold by Robert
Stroude to Sir H. Oughtred ; it reached from Cappagh to Clonshire.
In the 36th Hardiman map (cerca 1590) Ughtred is also shown as
holding Glin, Monemoyhill, Gortnetubbred, Mayne, and Mahoonagh.
(4) Mount Trenshard, held by W. Trenchard, from Corgrig and
Foynes to Loghill and Rathnaseer. In 1590 itis shown as extending
to Lisnacullia and Shanid. (5) Cullome’s valley, which Robert
Cullom held, round Ardagh, in 1611. (6) Anunnamed Seignory of
Sir W. Agar on the lower Maigue, but ill defined, 1611. (7) Knock-
billingsley by Kilfinny to Drehidtarsna, Ballingarry, Amogan,
Rathkeale, and Cloghanarold, held by H. Billingsley, 1588. The 1590
map includes in it Finnitterstown, Croagh, Kilfinny, Kilmacow,
Lissamota, Garranboy, and Callow. This map also gives a Seignory —
held by (Laurence) Bostock, at Ballyglantan, Ballyhollan, and
Kilcolan.

The ancient manors have in many cases been enumerated already
(p. 66); but we may recall them as Askeaton or Iniskefty, 1199;
Castellno or Newcastle, 1290; Ballingarry or Garthbiboys, 1318 ; Dun-
moylan, 1299; Offargus, 1289; Aghneness or Aughinish, 1580; Shanid,
1230; Corgraige, near Foynes, 1542; Portrynard, representative of
Tara Luachra; and Glin or Glancorbry, 1222; Corcomoith, 1230;
Ardagh, 1238 ; Rathkeale, 1252; and in 1287 Reyns, Moy Tawnagh or
Mahoonagh, and Corcoithe (Gortcoygh, near Newcastle, 1586); Ardagh,
1293; Mayne, 1307; and Moychro or Croagh, 1297.

The great Geraldine house, the Lords of Desmond, held Connello
from about 1230, ever growing in influence and insolence, over-

1 Probably its latest survival is that in Grose’s ‘‘ Antiquities of Ireland,”’ vol. ii.,
Plate xxxix., and p. 71, where the ‘‘ Rockbarton Castle,” under a view of Askeaton,
1793, is corrected to ‘‘ Rockbarkley ’’ in the text.

* It is shown near Castletown in Kenry, Hardiman Map 2. The only contem-
porary map of the Seignories, as such, known to meis No. 36 of same series,
dating circa 1590.

Westropr—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 208

whelming the old gentry and levying imposts on the Englishry, till
(owing to the ill-conceived, ill-fought, ill-fated rebellion of the weak
Earl, Gerald) it was broken up and given to strangers. Some of the
‘““submerged ” Irish and old English families re-appear and attain
some local importance after the ruin of the Fitzgeralds; but, in the
main, the ‘‘two very rich counties of Connello and Kenry’’ were
divided and colonised by the new Englishry.

CONNELLO LOWER.
ASKEATON.

291. AskEaton. Desmond’s Castle (11). Marked. 902 The
ancient Fort of Geibthine, which probably was named from the
Gebtini, an ancient tribe in western Limerick, was claimed by the
King of Cashel (Book of Rights). 1199 The C. of Easgepthine built
(Ann. Inisfallen), It was an important C. and manor from the thirteenth
to the sixteenth century. 1203 W.de Burgo was paid for the livery
of Hinniskefty C. given to Hamo de Valoignes. 13818-1321 Ric. de
Clare and his son and sister Matilda de Welle heldit. In 1346 a list
of the inhabitants is preserved. 1348 It was held by Maur. Earl of
Desmond. 1367-1383 J. Maultravers granted it to his son, through
whose death it lapsed tothe Crown. 1383 The Earls of Desmond
held it for two centuries. 1440-59 James Earl of Desmond built the
great Hall of ‘‘ Ardsceitin.”! 1452 The rental of Oconyll gives a
detailed account ofgIniskefty Manor and names the C. 1558 James
Earl of Desmond buried in Askeaton Abbey. 1569 The Government
negotiated to get the C. 1578 Malbie blockaded Gerald Earl of
Desmond in the C., and burned the town and abbey. The Earl of
Desmond rebelled. 1580 Pelham appeared before the C.; the garrison
led the following night, trying to blow it up, but doing little injury.
1589 The C. granted to Fra. Berkeley,” who, in 1598, was besieged in
t for 247 days by the followers of the Sugan Earl; the siege was
raised by Essex. 1615 Sir Fra. Berkeley died; his son Maurice
succeeded, and died 1622, when his brother Henry and sisters Elizabeth

rofton and Gertrude Taylor eventually succeeded to the estates.

1 See the ‘‘ Abhallgort’’ of T. M. Neachtain, 1728, citing old records, ‘‘ The
fpoullamore built.” See supra, p. 70.

* See R.S.A.I., xxxiii., xxxiv.; and ‘‘ Journal of Limerick Field Club,”’ 1902.
He was a scion of the Bruton Branch of the Barons of Berkeley.

[20]

204 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

1642 The C. was besieged and surrendered to the Confederates under
P. Pureell. 1652 It was dismantled.1 1719 The Earl of Orrery
endeavoured to get a grant so as to repair it fora garrison. (See
paper R.S.A.L., xxxiii., pp. 25-153, 239 ; xxxiv., pp. 117-125.) The
Desmond Roll (9) describes the C. in 1583 as ‘‘an excellent C., formerly
a chief house of the late Earl of Desmond, in good repair, on a little
island, on a rock, and surrounded on all sides by a rivulet. It contains
two separate ‘coorts’ and one ‘balne,’ with divers strong buildings,
. . alarge hall, a great vaulted room, with three cellars, .
atriangular garden in which isa fish-pond,”’ &c. (See also Peyton, 80s ;
C.S., p. 65; Deps. T.C.D., 387; Hist. of the Confederates, ii.,
pp. 51,52. Paper T.J. Westropp, R.S.A.I., xxxiv., p. 118, for text
of Desmond Roll, illustrations, and description.)

Labric.—The C. stands on a low island in the Deel, with a rocky
plateau rising in the centre. At the north end of the latteris a lofty
keep, 90 feet high, with two vaulted stories and an upper room. Its
east side is down: ahigher turret projects from its west face, with
small vaulted rooms. A large wing of three stories with under vault
adjoins to the south. A tower with an under vault and much broken
stands at the south edge of the plateau; near it is the inner gateway.
The gate of the outer ward is gone, it opened on the middle of the
bridge ; a battlemented wall runs round the north-west and west faces.
At the latter is a handsome hall with several vaults underneath and
a chapel to the south. Most of the outer walls are gone, but the
‘‘ triangular garden” is traceable. (See 0O.8.L., 9, p. 454; R.S.A.L,
vol =xxiv., p-, 111.)

292. THe SHort Casttr. Unknown. It is named in 1580 as such.
Perhaps the “ castello curtato,” held, with lands at Askeaton, by the
White Knight, 1596 (Inq. Exch., 32). 1588 ‘‘ There is a little island
near Asketton, now held by Jas. Nash. It is a parcell of the land of
Asketton in which is a certain C. on the part lying to the west near
the manor of A.”” mortgaged by the Earl to Nash. (Ing. Exch., 11;
Cal., p. 245).

293. CourTBRownE (11). Marked. 1581-3 Moriertagh mac

1 The line of Castles retained for garrisons were—Galbally, Kilmallock, Lough
Gur, Greenane, Ballyvoreneen, Brittas, and Tough along the east of the county,
Castletown-Kenry, Ballingarry, Gortnatobrett, and Doonmoylen in the west
(Account R., 6 E. 1-5).

2 See Plates XVI., XVII., and XVIII.
3 See unpublished Geraldine Documents, R.S.A.I., vol. i., ser. ili. (1868), by-
Rey. Jas. Hayman, p. 356; and Rev. Jas. Graves, p. 459, et seqq. ;

Westrropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 295

Mortagh O’Sheehy held Brownescourt or Brownestown (Des. R..,
23; Ing. Exch., 11, 54; Fi. 3842); part of estate of dissolved
Abbey of Keynsham.' It is shown as Courtbrowne ©. (Peyton,
p- 86; Hardiman Map 2). 1615 Maur. Berkeley let the C. to
T. Martin, of Ballynash (Inq. Chan., 728). 1642-52 Peter Maunsell’
held Courte Browne, Athskeaton (Dep. T.C.D., p. 302). 1655
Owned by Mrs. Crofton and Lord Broghill (C.8., p. 65).
fabric.—Some fragments of the ‘‘ Court”’ remain.

294. BattynasH (10-11). Not marked. The Nash family is
probably correct in deriving its descent from W. de Naas (1199), the
grantee of Carnkital C. It was settled near Askeaton from at least
1346. In 1582, Ric. Nashe held Ballynashigg C. (Des. R., 23).
1590 C. Nash is marked (Hardiman 2). 1620 M. Berkeley settled it
on his wife (Ing. Chan., 728; and Deed P.R.O.I.). 1655 Held by
Lord Brohill and Mrs. Crofton (C.8., p. 65).

295. Barirnorr (11). Not marked. 1590 Ballynorty granted
to Fra. Barckley (Fi. 5469). He held it till his death. It had
a ‘sufficient dwellinghouse on it”? in 1611 (Inq. Chan., 63). It
passed to his sons Maurice, 1615, and Henry, 1623, and his daughter
Gertrude Taylor. It was held by the Taylors till about 1760,
when Catherine, sister of W. Taylor, and her husband, Hugh,
second Baron Massy, succeeded to it. 1655 The map shows a
castellated house and tower: Ballonort, Jo. Tailour (D.S.B., 11;
C.S., p.68).4 A doubtful site.

296. BattyEenetanp or CastLE Hewson (11). Marked. An
appanage of Keynsham Abbey. 1581 T. England, held Englands-

1 Keynsham tithed Courtbrown, Ballingarry, Ballestyen, Balleenglande or
Englystowne, Balleneclohy, Ballean, Lissemotte, Kylmakho, Lysmykyre, Ballen-
-mullen, Asketne, and Mackrevo, all in Conelagh, with rectories of Ballingarry,
Askeaton, Kylmakho, Lysmakyre, and"Egglys O Rossye. The tithes were granted
to G. Baatman, a butcher, in 1570 (Fi. 1716).

* The early Maunsells were founded in Munster before 1250 by Walter, the fourth
son of John Maunsell, Provost of Beverley. Walter was Governor of Occonath
(Coonagh), and died 1318; his son Robert was sheriff of Tipperary, 1304. They
appear in numerous thirteenth-century records, but the present Maunsells claim to
have been established in it by T., grandson of T. Maunsell, of Chicheley, Bucks,
1609. See ‘‘ History of Maunsell or Mansel,’’ by Robert G. Maunsell (1903),
pp. 11,.95.

3 Pat. R. The following held office in Limerick City. Bailiffs:—John, 1272;
John, 1327, 1337, 1342; Richard, 1365. John was Mayor 1354, by which time
they had settled at Askeaton (1846). See infra, Ballycullen.

* For the Taylors, see R.S.A.I., vol. xxxiv., p. 1381.

206 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

town, or Bally Inglanna, withaC. He was pardoned 1581 and 1590,
and the place granted to him. His son Philip was hanged and at-
tainted for rebellion. Philip had left a son Oliver, and Una Ny
Donell Clancie was widow of T. England (Des. R., 23; Inq. Exch.,
11, 49; Fi. 8842, 6464 ; Hardiman Map 36). 1612 It was
mortgaged by Dowell mac Meale Murry (Inq. Chan., 9B). 1655
Lower Englandstown, Ald". N. Fanning'; Upper, J. M*Rory and
Brooke Bridges (C.S., p. 68; B.D., 22h). 1669 Granted to Ol. Lambert
(Act Sett.) Bridges, about 1700, let the C. to the Hewsons.?

Fabric.—The C. stands on a crag 20 feet high. The remains con-
sist of a peel tower, with outworks to the south, which are embodied
in the modern house. The tower is 42 feet to 46 feet high, and
measures 38 feet by 28 feet outside. The walls are 63 feet thick, and
have a batter for 11 feet above the ground and a footing course. The
pointed south door leads to a staircase rising up the south and east
walls. It is stone-roofed, 7 feet to 9 feet high, and 23 feet wide, lit
by three slits. The tower has another pointed door to the east, and three
stories, under a vault, turned over wicker; they had wooden floors;
the joist-holes remain. The rooms are 25 feet by 15 feet, and are
lit by plain slits. The story over the vault was removed about 1750;
it had a flower garden on top. Locally Ballynaglountha, ‘‘ Town of
the Glen”; recte Ballyinglanna.

TOMDEELY.

297. Tomprrty (10). Marked. 1201 Tonndaily, held by the
Church of Limerick (B.B.L., p. 14) 1223, and by H. Minetar, who
regranted it with Ballymakett and Balidonelin to the Bishop (Z0.,
p. 28). 1253 Agreement of the Bishop with Marg., widow of
Tyrry de Kardyff, about Drumdel (Zé., p. 12). 1289 Drimdel manor
(Pipe R.); it was surveyed, 1336, for Bishop de Rupefort (Rental), and

* From 1252 a number of records relate to the Limerick Fanyns. Ric. and
his wife Rose disseised Sibil Long of her pasture in Glenussin. An Inquis. as
to Eva, widow of Ade Fanyn, and lands of Achdun, Bothele, &c. (Plea R., m. 3).

* For this family see ‘‘ Memoirs of the House of Hewetson or Hewson,’’ 1901,
p.11. George Hewson held, 1662, Castle Hewson from Brooke Bridge. (He was
grandson of George, one of the °49 officers who had settled near Castlecomer.)
George got a grant in fee, and married Catherine Peacock of Barntick, Clare; her
sister, Agnes Southwell, of Eniscouch, had a daughter, who, on her marriage with
Lord Wandesford, granted the Rathkeale property to Robert, son of George Hewson.

° T have to thank Mr. J. B. Hewson for an admirable elevation and section of
this castle, from which and his notes I derive the description.

Westropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 207

was, with other lands, lost to the see, probably by the Desmonds’
encroachments. 1580 T. fitzJ. Caume Fitzgerald held Tomgyly,
as part of the lordship of Cleanlish, and the sons of Jas. Fitgerald
occupied the C. of Tom Whilley, or Tongwyll, with a fishery on the
Shannon (Des. R., 32 ; Inq. Exch., 50, 53 ; Peyton, p. 234). 1590
Granted to F. Barckeley (Fi. 5969). 1601 Inhabitants pardoned
for supporting the Sugan Earl; Keaghan, O Synene, Dowlagh, and
Gankagh named (Fi. 6566). 1615 Drumdely, an auntient mannor of
the bishops, held by Morris f. Tho., at a rent of 5 marks, or
£2 13s. 4d. It had been so long leased and neglected that the rent
was only payable at pleasure (Visitatio Regalis, 1615, for Limerick
Diocese). 1655 Lord Brohill held Tomdily (C.S., p. 71).

Fabric.—A large, low tower, 72 feet long and 40 feet wide. No
features of interest (O.S.L., 9, p. 446).

MorGans.

298. Moreans (10). Notmarked. A doubtful site; perhaps really
Dysert (see 384, mmfra). 1201 Disuirt Murdewar (B.B.L., p. 14).
1410 Disert Muirdeabhair or Morgans (Vis. O’Dea). 1587 Sir J. of
Desmond held Morgans in fee with a ruinousC. (Ing. Exch., 32).
1603 Grant to Ric. Boyle, of the town of Morgans, or Morergans' with
an old stone C. and bawne, late of J. Fitzgerald, Knight, attainted
(Pat. R.) Boyle’s son, Lord Brohill, held Morganes, on the river
Shannon (C.S8., p. 72).

LIsMAKEERY.

299. lLismaxerry” (19). Marked. An appanage of Keynsham.
1302 Lismaceyre. 1582 Pardon to W. Lacye, of Lysmakire (Fi.
3842). Jas. Reough Lacy held the C. (Des. R., 72; Peyton, p. 89).
Granted to F. Berkeley, who leased it to Edm. Drew* (Fi. 5242).
Called Lisvikerry, Lismackerry, Lismacdyrrye (1591 Valor and Inq.
Chan., ix., 74). 1615 Maur. Berkeley settled it on his wife with re-
version to his brother Henry and their sisters (Deeds, P.R.O.I., p. 58).

1 Perhaps Barrigone, near Dysert Castle.

2 Compare name with Ballymakeery (Fi. 5242), held 1588, by R. Stephenson.
There was a family named Machery in Iverros, 1298, which disseised Lucia
Vincent of a messuage there (Plea R., 13 m. 20).

3 First Provost of Askeaton, 1612. The Drogo or Drew family, represented in
Clare and Limerick by the lines of Drewsborough and Drewscourt, claim descent
from the Drews, of Drewscliffe, Hayne, and Sharpham, Devon, through Francis
Drew, a captain in army of Elizabeth.

208 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

1629 Edm. Fitzgerald, of Lissakaire C., alias Tryenlassamacdirry, or
Garrinp’son; he had enfeoffed Edm. Lacy in 1609 (Inq. Chan., ix., 74).
1655 The ruinated C. held by Lord Brohill' (C.8., xxii., p. 71).
It was traditionally regarded as a de Lacy C. in 1840.

Fabric.—It is quite defaced; the south and west walls 20 feet high,
and barely 12 feet of the other sides (O.8.L., 9, p. 451).

800. Battycutten (19). Not marked. 1289 John and Roger f.
David Belcoe held parts of Balycollan ; Ad. Flemeng unjustly dis-
seised the lands (Plea R., 14.,m. 11). Maur. and Eva de Lees were
warranted in the vill. of Ballyculan (Plea R., 18, m. 19). 1583 Jas.
Oge Nashe held the C. (Des. R., 208, 21). David f. J. “‘roa”? Nash held
it and Ballylynan in fee when he joined Desmond’s rebellion ; he was
slain, 1581; his son John (or Jas.) held it 1584 (Peyton, p. 90 ; Inq.
Exch., Jas. I., 28). 1610 James held it at his death, and his son
John succeeded. It paid head rent to the Berkeleys (Inq. Chan. Car. I.
103). 1655 Lord Brohill held Balliculline C. and a ruined house
and bawn near it (C.S., p.69). The Nash family still own it.

Fabric.—The lower part, a wall,with battered base, is embodied in
the house, which was built out of the C. in about 1740. Iam told
that there is a curious cellar with wooden pillars.

301. BattycrocH (19). Not marked. 1836 Ballynaclochy, in
Cluaincheur manor, held by Bishop de Rupefort. 1583 E. oge Lacy, of
Knockpatrick, held C. and fee of Ballynecloghy in Toghe Lismakery.
C. broken and ruinous, with a waste croft or garden (Des. R., 713;
Peyton, p. 89b; Ing. Exch., 11). 1587 It was granted to F.
Trenchard (Fi. 5078 ; Ing. Chan., 53); 1655 N. Lylies held it
(C.S., p. 69).

302. Mitirown (20). Marked. A doubtful site ; perhaps Ballen-
mollen, near Asketne, tithes held by late Abbey of Keynsham
(Fi. 1716). 1655 Sir F. Slingsby held the south and T. Lacie the
north part of Milltown (C.8., p. 70). No C. mentioned.

Fabric.—A fragment of an old house, with a tall chimney, stands
in a large ring wall near the Deel.

NANTINAN.

303. Cattow (20). Not marked. 1452 Calouu, in Innyskefty
(Rental). 1584 Ric. London held Callowghe C., Doghillmore and beg
(Doheil), Ballyvorrishin, and Ballyngarran, in Tough Nantinan, in fee

1 His father, Sir R. Boyle, had been granted it by patent 1603, but it was held
by the Berkeleys at same time.

Wesrropp—Anecient Castles of the County of Limerick. 209

(Peyton, p. 76; Inq. Exch., 14, 16,54). 1588 On his attainder it was
granted to H. Billingsley (Fi.5171). 1600 J. FitzGarrett, of Cal-
lough, pardoned (Fi. 6452). 1611-23 Held by SirJ. Dowdall. The C.
was a sufficient residence ; it had been granted by Billingsley to W.
Wadding (Inq. Chan., 154, 6B). 1641 Callow C. (Dep., 437). 1655
It and Ballymurrisheen held by Fra. Borstye (C.S., p 62).

304. ArnpGowLEMorRE (20 and 29). Not marked. 1289 Various
suits of the tenants of Ardgouel. Laur. and T. Fleming (Plea R., 18,
m.9), Adam Naish, and Steph. Kyvernoc (m.14). 1296-7 Plea of Ric.
and Johan le Joefne against Ric. and Alice Motyng! about Ardgouhil
(Plea R., 34, m. 63). 1586 The C. and mill on the Dylebegg River
held by Maur. Lee, the Earl’s doctor (Peyton, 78, 179) ; he had
pardon, 1577 (Fi. 3086), and still held the hamlet of Argoole, with
Argoolebeg and Boolliglass, at his death, 1588. His son Edm. married,
and aged 28, succeeded (Ing. Exch., 21). 1609, Feb. A case was
tried in the Exchequer between Edm. Ley, of Ardgowley, and Geo.
Courtney, the late sheriff, demurring to an Inquisition of 1590 find-
ing for Crown on death of Morrice Ley. Order that no process be
taken against Edmund (Equity Exchr., 1608-9). 1655 His descendant
Maur. Legy held both Ardgowles, which were granted to W. Godol-
phin and Brook Bridges (B.D., p. 22£; C.8., p. 63). It was probably
near the present bridge and mill.

305. ARDGOWLEBEGG (20). Not marked. 1586 Ardgowlabegg C.
See last section. 1614 The estate of Edm. Lacy, attainted, granted to
N. Weston (Pat. R.). 1655 See above.

306. Sronevitte (20). ‘‘Tower” marked on new maps. It
seems to correspond to ffarrenrye (C.S., p. 62). It may be the C. of
Ardgowlebegg, or that of Cloghatrida, which townlands adjoin
(see 316, enfra).

Fabric.—The C. is a featureless and modernised building noted in
1840 (O.8.L., 8, p. 11), but not on old map.

307. RatunasaErR (29). Marked. 1201 Rathnaseir, an ancient
parish, now surrounded by Rathkeale, but joined to Nantinan.
1220 Held by Roger Waspayl (B.B.L., pp. 14, 105). It was held by
the Fitzgeralds ; their pedigree is extant (R.S.A.L., vol. xv., p. 436).
It runs—Shanemore, of Rath na Saor, Gerald, Henry, James, Henry-
an-forso, and Philip. 1580 Ger. f. Tho., of Rathneseir, joined
Desmond’s rebellion (Ing. Exch., 54). 1588 Ratnuseer or Farrentegin
C., late of Earl of Desmond, granted to Billingsley (Fi. 5171). 1611

1 Whence, perhaps, the Keppathlynmotyng of 1452 in Innyskefty (Rental).

210 Proceedings of the Royal Ivrish Academy.

T. macGerralde, evicted from the C. by Rob. Cullum, assignee of
W. Trenchard. 1615 The manor of Rathnusire claimed by Bishop
Bernard Adams from Sir H. Outrad (Vis. Reg.). 1637 Jas. Purcell,
of Croagh, died seized of it (Ing. Chan., vili., p. 241). 1657 T.
Fitzgerald held it (C.S., p. 77; B.D., 22r). ‘Traditionally a
Desmond C.

Fabric.—It has a vaulted under story 14 feet by 11 feet inside ;
the walls, 63 feet thick, and 35 feet high.

CAPPAGH.

308. Cappacu (20). Marked. 1201 Kylimacluana held by the
Church ot Limerick (B.B.L., p. 14). 1802 Wasted by war. 1336
Keappach-Kylm‘cluana held by Bishop de Rupefort (Rental), and by
‘¢John Tho. Philip,” ! Knight of Glin, before 1541 under the Bishops
(B.B.L., p. 144). 1578 His C., or manor, of Keppaugh granted to
the Lord President, Sir W. Drurye (Fi. 3277). 1583 Kyppagh, or
Cappagh, the C. and vill. of Kylne-Cappagh, or Carrenbegg, late of
T. macRuddery, Knight of the Valley ; Walter Boorke, who held the
C. was attainted; Ullig Browne next held it (Des. R., 41, 713;
Peyton, 2318 ; Inq. Exch., 10, 11; Carew i., 435). 1587 The lands,
‘long waste and unpeopled,” granted to Gilbert Gerrard, and then to
J. Stroude (Carew i., 449). 1591 Grant to W. Carter of the ‘‘ ancient
C., with a barbican ruined on the S.,”? and 320 acres (Fi. 5717).
1615 The Bishop claimed Knightes Kepagh, held by Oliver
Stephenson (Vis. Reg.). 1629 Edm. Southwell conveyed it to Ric.
Earl of Cork (Pat. R.). 1642 The C. blockaded by the Confederates,
and surrendered by F. Morton. 1655 Cappagh with a great bawn, a
ruined C., and a quarry, held by N. Dowdall (C.8., p. 58).

Fabrie.2—The north side of a strong tower, with an inner and outer
enclosure ; the last with turrets at the eastern angles, and fenced by
low crags to the west. The keep is about 70 feet high, and is 41 feet
by 30 feet over all. It is five stories high; the third and fourth
resting on vaults. The windows very neat, and dating from about
1460-80. The eastern end contained the stairs, to the south-east,
the porch, and small vaulted rooms. Their vaults on a level with
those of the main wing. The inner court is 57 feet square, the outer
115 feet north and south; 78 feet east and west; the west walls

' Perhaps a mistake for Tho. f. Philip f. John, 1496, Knight of Glin. The
page is much defaced.
* See views, details, and plan, Plates XVI. and XVIII.

Westroprp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 211

abutting on the rocks. The north-east bastion is round, the walls
near it about 50 feet high; the south-east turret had a gate; the
walls rarely exceed 33 feet thick. Legend in 1827 said that
Fitzgerald, of Ballyglehane C., gave the use of Cappagh to his brother;
but, urged by his wife, reclaimed it. The brother blew up the latter
C. the day before its surrender.’

DoonDONNELL.

309. CrocHNnaroLD or DoonponneE.t (29). Not marked. 1220-37
The C. of Robert of Doondonnell,? (B.B.L., p. 75). 1275 Held by
Emmeline de Lacy (Pipe R.). 1389 The custody of Drumkyn,
Robert’s C., Dundawenyll, and Ballylogh, estates of Ric. Harold,*
disturbed by Katherine, his widow (Mem. R.). 1452 Castro Robti
Dondownyll, vocat Harolt Castel (Rental Oconyll), and held under
the Earls of Desmond. 1583 Rory mac Shehie of Ballynrogie held
Ballyalenan, Ballyminteryroerke,* the C. of Robert | Downedwnill,
called Clogh an Arulta, when he was slain in Desmond’s rebellion
(Des. R., 20; Peyton, 83; Inq. Chan., 68). 1588 Clohonoralte C.,
late of David Encorry (Fitz gibbon),® granted to Billingsly (Fi. 5171;
Inq. Exch. James I., 7, 8). 1612 Granted to Capt. G. Blundell
(Pat. R.). 1623 Held by Sir J. Dowdall (Ing. Chan., 15a.). 1642
Besieged by Ol. Stephenson, Morris Harbert, and others for six
months, and surrendered to the Confederates (Dep., 344). 1655 Held
by L‘.-Col. Piggott (C.S., p. 60).

Fabric.—Fragments of walls, called the ‘‘ Dun” or ‘‘ C.,’’ stood
near the church in 1840 (0.8.L., 8, p. 168).

1 Fitzgerald, i., p. 359; he makes the inner garth 105 feet by 72 feet; my
measurements are as in text.

* Many suits of this family appear in the Plea Rolls of 1252. John, W.,
Regin, and Robert de Dundonenold, appear in one suit ; W. and J. in another,
about Clennomer, Killeneran, Coleskilling, and Cowaby, which Lau. de D. held.
Robert de D. gives 20 shillings to the King for an agreement. In another, 1289,
T. Dondonald is found to have been slain by Donechad Mchoy, who fled to
Thomond (Plea R., 18, m. 29).

° A family of reputed Ostman origin. J. Harold was sheriff of Co. Limerick,
1296, and the Harolds often appear in the lists of city officers—bailiffs from 1428,
and mayors from 1498.

* A settlement evidently of a ‘‘ muinter,” or family of O’ Rourke.

° David Gibbon, Encorry, Lord of the great wood (Kilmore), held extensive
lands in Cork and Castlenikyllagh, in Toghe de Kylmore, on the borders of
Limerick ; he was attainted of high treason (Des. R., 88).

212 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Cronacu.!

310. Liswacutiia (28). Marked. 1289 Lysnekylle. Liosnacoille
‘C. was built by the Mac Sheehies, who were settled there by Jas.
Earl of Desmond after 1420 (Fitzgerald, 1., p. 357). 1580 It was
held by T. Caune, f. John, Geraldine at Desmond’s rebellion ; the C.
was part of the manor of Cleanlish; and by his son Maurice, in 1596
(Des. R., 738; Peyton, p. 108; Fi. 5998; Ing. Exch., 11, 12, 20,
53, 54), granted to W. Trenchard; his heirs had a lawsuit with
Maur. f. Tho. and Jas. Miagh, about Lishenekilly C. 1593 (Fi.
5078; Ing. Exch., 41). 1620 T. Gerald enfeoffed D. O’Brien in the
C. (Ing. Chan., 553). 1655 Sir E. Fitzgerald held it (B.D., 22k;
C.S., p. 76). 1668 Confirmed to N. Browne (Act Sett.). It was
called ‘‘ Woodfort ” in 1840 (0.8.L., 9, p. 164).

Fabric.—A peel tower; the main wing is three stories high, two
under a vault, and is 35 feet by 20 feet 9 inches inside; the walls
5 feet thick. A square turret, with a spiral stair to the south-east,
and vaulted rooms, 11 feet 3 inches by 7 feet 3 inches. It is four
stories high, standing at the north-eastcorner. The top room is large
and well built, with a cross-passage under its floor. It is reached by
a detached stair, over a skew-arch, from the main building. A
court lies to the south-east, with a turret two stories high, the lower
vaulted at the south-east. The windows date about 1460-80. A
stream flows near it.’

311. BattyrenyseG (28). Marked. 1452 Ballyeghn’, a Desmond
property (Rental). 1583 Peter Wall held Ballyegnybegg in
Farrensesseragh, or Ballyegna; he was executed for joining Desmond
in rebellion (Des. R., 698; Peyton, 251; Ing. Exch., 11). 1587 It
was granted to Ol. Stephenson as the late estate of Ulick Wall, ‘‘The
Falltach”? (Fi. 5242). 1598 F. Trenchard held Ballyeaghybegg,
and Ballyeghane C., on his death (Inq. Chan., 5a., 358). 1612 Sir
F. Berkeley held it (Vis. Reg., p. 368). 1655 Balleogun, held by J.
Hurley (B.D., 22n, Hurllie, of Ballioginn, a small C. (C.8., p. 77).
1665 Granted to Duke of York.

Fabric.—A low tower, fairly perfect, 25 feet high, with spiral
stair to top (O.S.L., 9, p. 166).

1 The ancient Offargus. The manor is given in the Rental of Oconyl, in 1452.
It lay in Kilscannell and Clonagh. Plea R., 14, m. 1, gives in 1289, in the suits
of Jas. Keating and W. de Dundonenold, Duplys Kyldunyld, Kylkeran, and
Lysnekylle, as in Offergus.

*See Plates XVI. and XVII. for views.

Westropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerici:. 218

312. Reyns or Kinscannett (28). Not marked. An early manor.
1282 Suit whether Peter f. Hen. de Lexynton dowered Leticia, his
wife, with Kilskannuyl and Balilathnan (Mem. R., 41). 1287
Reyns manor held by T. de Clare at his death (C.S.P.I.). 1583 The
manor and ruinous C. of Clonaguillen or Kyllskannell (Des. R., 27).
1655 Kiiscannell C. shown (D.S.B., 4).

RATHKEALE.

313. RarHxeatE (29). Marked. 902 Rathguala fort (Book of
Rights). 1223 Rathgeyl held by H. Waspayl; 1240 by Roger
Waspayl (B.B.L., p. 74) till after 1251, as the demesne of Radguel,
which had been granted by him to J. Mautravers (C.S.P.1., No.
1778). 1308 The escheator answers nothing for Rathcayl, for it was
delivered to Pat., son and heir of T. Smythe (Pipe R.). 1878 Sir J.
Mautravers devised it to J. Mautravers, ‘‘ le Cosyn,’’ at whose decease
it reverted to former (Mem. R., 43). When claimed by the Crown, it
was stated that Rob. and Alienor Rorts were cousins to Méautravers,
who, it was pleaded, held it from the Countess of Desmond, as of the
manor of Iniskyfty, but in 1480 it was seized for the Crown from J.
Arundel, heir of Mautravers (Mem. R., 28, &c.). It was held by the
Desmonds. 1487 The Earl of Desmond was treacherously slain by his
own people in Rathgaela (Ann. F.M.). The C. is said to have been built
by the Earls; it was, in 1579, burned by Malbie in his advance on
Askeaton after the Battle of Monasteranenagh (C.S.P.1.), March, 1580.
Pelham, in his march on Glin, met Ormonde near the bridge of
Rathkell, as the river was impassable in winter. Malbie has
garrisoned the C. near the bridge, but Desmond had broken the latter
on a dark night the week before. Pelham repaired it, burned the C.,
and marched to Newcastle, driving its inhabitants to Sliulogher, and
camped near C. Shanet (Carew MSS. ii., p. 286). 1583 Desmond had
held Rathkeale in Olybane, with “ courts-baron, pipowdere, profits on
amercements, bloodshed, affrays, abuses, and misdemeanours”’ (Des.
R., 28). 1586 Maur. mac Edm. Hubbert' held the C. (Peyton,

1 Tf, as the Inquisitions suggest, the Hubberts or Herberts, of Rathkeale, and
those of Ballyhybard, are the same family (Inq., 1584, Exchr., 10, p. 219), then
they are old Englishry. Henry V. appointed H. Hubberd to inquire into seditions
in Co. Limerick, 1415 (Close R.). Others, however, allege that the Rathkeale
family derives from Edm., of Cahermehill, fourth son of Sir Edm., of Pooleastle,
son of the Earlof Pembroke. See Lenihan (‘‘ Limerick,” p. 334), with inaccurate
dates ; he also confuses them with the Southwells.

214 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

79s). Gerald and Ulig, his sons, had been pardoned in 1581 (Fi.
3842). It continued in the hands of the Herberts. 1605 Edm.
Hubbert pleads that his father, Morris f. Edm., left Rathkeale Abbey
and Cahirmehill to his younger son Garrett, so he (Edm.) is not liable
for arrears (Rev. Exch. Orders, vol. i., p. 57). Sir J. Dowdall was
granted a Thursday market at the high cross of Rathkeale, in the
manor of Knockbillingsley (Pat. R.). Edmund Hubbert had a son,
Morish, who married M. Bourke, of Ballinagard, widow of Don.
Canny, of Drombanny, and had issue Garrett, m. to Ellen Fitzgerald,
of Caherassa, with Morris, James, and several daughters (Fun. Ent.,
1638, p.615). 1642 A number of the English fled to the Chancellor’s
C. of Rathkeale about Candlemas, and were besieged by M. Harbert,
who ‘‘raised a fort or sconce,’’! and ‘‘ offended the besieged.’ He
kept another C. half a mile away till the English surrendered (Deps.
264, 845, 346). 1655 Morrish Harbert held the C., bridge, millseats,
and tenements (C.S., p. 54). 1669 Granted to Ol. Lambert.

Fabric.—The low, broken, vaulted basement, and the north wall,
two stories higher, with a spiral stair, remain.

314. Castte Marrress (29). Marked. 1487 James ninth Earl
of Desmond, murdered byfhis servants in Caslan Mattras (Len., p. 68),
called Courtmattress, 1488. 1580 N. f. William held Matrascourte
(Matrackscourt) C. on the Deel, on Nekraghe, in Rathkealy (Peyton,
164; Ing. Exch., 10,11). 1588 Granted to Billingsley (Fi. 5171,
Carew i., p. 450); and 1608 to Sir J. Dowdall, of Pilltown, with the
Courts-Barron, and the Abbey (Pat. R. and Ing. Chan., 154). 1616
Held by Edm. Southwell (Exchr. Lease, 32). 1642 Besieged by M.
Herbert, and surrendered (Dep., 1903). 1655 C. Matrix, or Court
Matrix, with Inishgousee, the C., orchard, and grist mill on the Deel.
Edm. Southwell’3(C.S., p. 58). Traditionally a Desmond C.

Fabrie.—It was repaired by J. Browne before 1840. The tower
is 44 feet by 353 feet outside, 60 feet high, with walls 7 feet thick.
It is battlemented, and has four stories (0.8.L., 8, p. 186).

+An old term notable from its use in the renaming of Dun Ceithirn as ‘‘ The
Giant’s Sconce.”’

* The family was formerly of Suell, or Suthwell, Nottingham, lords of its
manor from,1260. Rob. Suthwell, Serjeant-of-Law, died 1514 ; his grandson, J.
Suthwell, of Barham, migrated to Ireland, and two of his sons, Ric., of Singland,
and Edmund, of Castlematrix, settled in Limerick. John, fifth son of the latter,
was sheriff, 1654, and baronet, 1662. His monument at Rathkeale callsthim ‘‘ of
Barham Hall,’’ Suffolk. His descendants were created Barons, 1717; and
Viscounts Southwell, of Castlemattress, 1766.

Westroprp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 215

315. Tue Griese Casrie, Castlematrix (29). Marked. A tower
21 feet by 18 feet inside, 40 feet high, walls 6 feet thick. It has
four stories without vaults (O.8.L., 8., p. 186).

316. CioeHatripa (20). Not marked. 1577 Edm. Wale, of
Clogcadredamickeoris, died ; his son Ric. succeeded, being of full age,
and married (Inq. Exch., 24). 1583 Ric. Wale, Cloughtread, or
Cloghkatred, in Nantinan (Des. R., 23; Peyton, p. 79; Ing. Exch.,
54). He got pardon (Fi. 4623). 1588 His estate granted to
Billingsley (Fi. 5171). 1641 Ric. Southwell held the bawn and C.
of Cloghtreada (Ing. Chan. vili., 258). Next year M. Herbert, of
Racele, plundered Kloughkottred and reaped T. Southwell’s crops
(Dep. 268). 1655 Cloghtreday, in Rathkeale, Capt. T. Southwell
(C.S., p. 58), 1672 Rob. Peacock,’ of Cloghatrady, gave evidence as
to Capt. T. Walcott’s alleged attempt to seize Limerick C. The place
must not be confused. with Clogh, or Cloghatredboy, in Croagh
(infra, 324).

317. Kyteraun (2029). Not marked. 1376 On the death of
Sir J. Lamplo, Norragh, Co. Lym, lapsed to the Crown (Mem. R., 68).
1621 Keiltanes, or Castlemacmorris, or Norroes, C., stone house,
messuage, &c., enfeoffed to Morrish Herbert, of Rathkeile (Inq.
Chan., 204).

318. Dromarp or MountBrowne (29). Marked. 1583 The
ancient C. of Dromarde or Droomearde, in Toghe Olybane, forfeited
by Ric. f. Wilham. 1588 Granted to Billingsley (Des. R., 29;
Peyton, 708; Fi. 5171; Carew i., p. 450). 1608-28 Granted to
Sir J. Dowdall (Ing. Chan., 15a). 1655 Held by N. Dowdall
(C.S.; p. 58).

319. Battyattinan (29). Marked. It is said to have been
built on the Deel by the O’Hallinans* (Fitz Gerald, i., p. 357).
1282 Suit whether Peter de Lexynton dowered his wife with land at
Ballilathnan. 1569 Balleallenay C. surrendered to English (C.S.P.I.).
1580 Eugene mac Edm. oge Shehie held it when slain in rebellion;

1 The Peacocks, baronets, were descendants of a George Peacock, 1700, who died
at Kilpeacon, being third son of Marmaduke Peacock, of York. Simon Peacock,
of York, 1657, had married a sister of Mountifort Westropp, who setiled in
Limerick. George appears to have been nephew of George Peacock, of Graige
(Greenmount), Limerick, who, in 1688, by a nuncupative will (Limerick Registry),
left his estates to his nephews, George and James; he adds, ‘‘ If it shall please
God that the times continue peaceable.’’ His forebodings were verified before the
year ended. See also will of Ric. Peacock (Prerog.), 1693.

2A mere guess from the name.

216 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Rorie mac Shihy was pardoned ; and J. Wolf enfeoffed him in Bally-
winterywork, Shehy’s wite, Johanna Bourke, is named, and their
son Morgho, who succeeded in 1591 (Inq. Exch., 16, p. 285; Ing.
Chan., Car. I., 66; Fi. 3842; Des. R., 308). 1600 Dermond
Q’Conor went to Rory Mac Shihy, at Ballyallinan, after his capture of
the Sugan Earl; the latter’s followers besieged O’Connor, and forced
him to surrender (Pac. Hib. i., pp. 99-103). 1604 Granted to Sir
H. Brounker (Inq. Chan., 66). 1655 Held by Elen Butler (C.S.,
p- 59). 1675 Part confirmed to Roger Dawges (Act Sett.).

Fabric.—A tower 35 feet by 163 feet, 55 feet high, walls 7 feet
thick. It has five stories; the second and third vaulted. The top
ruined (0.8.L., 8, p. 189).

320. GortneGworra C. 1586, Unknown, perhaps Matrascourte,
as in that townland (Peyton, 1648).

821. Battywittiam (29). Not marked. 1584 J. Wolfe, of
Williamstown, enfeoffed Reirin mac Shehie, of Ballyallynan, in Bally-
winteryework, in mortgage for fifty-three milch cows (Inq. Exch., 16).
Pat. f. J. Woolphe held Ballywillin C., in Rathekealy (Peyton, 70 ;
Inq. Exch.,. 16). 1663 Sir T. Southwell rented it (Rey. Exch.
Orders, p. 92). |

Fabric.—In 1840 a heap of fallen stones remained (0.8.L., 8,
pAtI I)

CROAGH.

322. Croacu (20). Not marked. 1289 Hugh Purcell granted
woods and turf out of Moychro, or Maynchro, or Croagh, to Ger. the
Bishop (B.B.L., xv.), and was in 1297 granted free warren there
(C.S.P.I.). 1805 The manor of Croch taken by Crown (Plea R.,
191). 13817 Suit of Jordan Coterel, or Cotel, and Rob. and Isolda
Lovelynch, about Crogh (Plea R., 122; Mem. R., m. 14). 1318
T. f. Hugh Purcell had suit with Maur., Prior of St. Mary’s, Rathgell,
for violence done by latter at Moycro (Jb., m. 47). It remained in
possession of the Purcells (see 160, supra). 1850 Walter Purcell also
held Kilfinnane (Pipe R.). The descent is fully preserved from 1480 ;
Thomas Purcell; Patrick ; Pierce; 1530 ;! Edmond, 1567; Piers, 1568—-
1618; James, m. Jane Blayney, dau. of Sir F. Berkeley, and his
brothers General Patrick, the Confederate leader, Edm., Tho., and Ric.
(‘‘ Anglo-Irish families,’’ Ulster’s Office, p. 51; Fun. Ent. 1630,

1 Piers had a second son, Patrick, father of Ric., of Bailynacarriggie, who
married More Mac Namara, of Knappoge, Clare. His son, Pat., married Cath.,
dau. of M. Herbert, of Rakele (Fun. Ent., 1630, pp. 185, 240).

Westropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 217

pp. 185, 240). 1567 Edm. and, 1576, Peter got pardon (Fi. 1050, 2783).
1591 T. f. J. Mac Ruddery, Knight of Glin, held the hamlet and
lands (save those of Peter Purcell) at Croaghneburgage, the C. called
Castell fferson (Ing. Exch., 32; Peyton, 2068). 1611 Grant to
Edm. Purcell to form a manor at Croagh, with courts Leet and Baron,
free warren, &c. (Pat. R., Ing. Chan., 168). He died 1618. 1637
James died seized of C. of Crowagh, or Moycrowagh; his father,
Patrick, succeeded, and held of the heirs of Hugh Purcell, as part of
the manor of Corck Iheny, granted by Jas. I. in 1617 to Edm.;
dower claimed, 1640, by Cecilia, or Shihy ni Shihy, widow of Pierce,
and Frances Barckly, widow of James (Inq. Chan., viii., 241).
1641 Lieut. Pat. Purcell took leading part in civil war, and was a
brave and humane officer. 1655 Croaghstown burgess and Spittle Land
held by T. Browne, of Hospital, Croagh neburgess on river Grivagh ;
the manor subject to Mrs. Francess Purcell’s (Barkley’s) jointure ;
Croaghstown with C., courts Leet and Baron, a highway, a small brook,
a great church, &c. (C.S., pp. 48-51; B.D., 21). 1669 Confirmed to
Lord Kingston; Capt. T. W. Walcott’ held land there (Act Sett.).
1692 Rob. Purcell died leaving Croagh to his wife, Mary, for life,
entailed on his cousin, J. Purcell, of Ballinvirry (Prerog.). 1726 J.
Walcott settled it on Edm. Browne, of Ballyslattery, Clare, on the
latter marrying Walcott’s cousin, Jane Westropp, of Attyflin (Dub.
Reg., 54, p. 399).

323. Batiincurra (20). <A doubtful site. It may be the C. of
Ballyncurry, late property of J. f. W. Lacy, granted to G. Thornton,
1587 (Ing. Exch., 13), and confirmed with Downemane to T.
Thornton, 1625 (Pat. R.). If not, the records may refer to Ballina-
curra C., near Limerick ; but the latter was held in 1624 by Sir W.
Parsons.

824. CrogH, Hast (20). Marked. 1583 T. Mac Rudderye owned
Clohokotredboy, in Toghe Croghe. 1586 It and Kiltennan were held
by Maur. mac Edm. Sarsfield? (Des. R., 218 ; Peyton, 207). Peyton

1T. Walcott, born in Warwickshire, and one of Ludlow’s generals, married a
dau. of T. Blaney, of Tregonan, and his wife, dau. of F. Berkeley, of Askeaton,
and had eight children. He says he ‘‘ was always clapt up on all occasions [of
disturbance], but came off clearly.’’ He was arrested for an alleged plot to take
Limerick Castle by a mine, and bring in the Dutch; but the Government
discredited the charge (C.S.P. Domest., 1673; full descent, MS., T.C.D., F.
3, 23, p. 113).

* The Sarsfields were of old standing in Limerick, and claimed descent from T.
Sarsfield, circa 1170. From 1295 records are fairly numerous. Bodin de

R.I. A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SECT. C.] [21]

218 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

distinguishes it from Cloghatred (supra, pp. 72, 79). The C. was
granted to J. Stroude, 1587 (Carew i., p. 449), and in 1593 to Rob.
Stroude, with Ballycottred, Cappagh, &c. (Fi. 5781). 1655 Held by
Major-Gen. Hardress Waller (C.S., p. 50) ; not to be confused with
Cloghatred, in Nantinan (supra, 316).

Fabric.—A tower 22 feet wide, the east side nearly perfect, with
a side wing 20 feet by 12 feet, and chimney (0.8.L., 9, p. 438).

3825. Orv Courr or SHanacourt (29). Not marked. 1583 Peter
Purcell, of Croagh, held the C. of Oldecourte magna, or Shanecourt,
in Croagh (Des. R., 22; Peyton, 51, 78). 1655 Held by Mrs. F.
Purcell, alias Berkeley (C.S., p. 51).

326. Baruinvira (20). Not marked. <A doubtful site. 1583
Edus. mac Morris Hubbert held Ballingroirig, or Ballinuryg, C.,!
Crough (Des. R., 243 ; Peyton, 75). Distinguished from Ballinvearyck,
Nantinan, and Ballinarooge, Cloncagh (/0., 648, 77), but named with
Amogan.

327. BatrynacooLe (20). Not marked, near Hollywood. 1586
Ballingowle C., Croghe (Peyton, 718); 1655 (C.S., 49).

328. AmoGANMORE or Knockan (29). Marked. 1583 John Crone
Sarsfield or Morris mac Edm. Sarsell or Sarsfield, in rebellion, held
Amogon and the C. of Lackarewny Knockan (Fi. 4694; Ing. Exch.,
Jas. I., 6), or Omagan C. and Omaganmoore (Des. R. 22; Peyton, 72).
1588 Grant to Billingsley of estate of Edm. mac Morys (Fi. 5171).
1606 Ric. Hunt, of Ballymecre, held Knockans, a parcel of -

Sarresfield recovered Ballyladen (? Ballylathnan or Ballyallinan) in 1295. Roger
de Lesse, the sheriff, accused of taking cows from Walter de Sarsfield and Donald
O’ Regan, &c. (Justic. R.). In Tudor times they flourished as a leading family in
Kilmallock. Sir Dom. Sarsfield, of that place, was created baronet, 1619, and,
eventually, viscount. The descent is given from Henry (whose great-grandson,
Henry, was admiral temp. Hen. VI.), who was, it is alleged, common ancestor
of the Limerick family and of Patrick Sarsfield, Earl of Lucan. Another branch
settled in France, 1640.

‘Not to be confused with Ballinarooge, in Cloncagh (Peyton, 648), or with
Ballywryg, or Ballyhourigan, near Croom, adjoining Caherass. This latter place
takes its name from the Hourigans, a family still existing in the neighbourhood.
In 1263 a quit claim of T. Origan appears (B.B.L., 43). See also Plea R.,
xxxvi Hen. III. Elena, wife of David Urgan, has a suit with Agnes, widow
of Walt. Landrey; and (Jbid., m., 5), W. Brun with T. Oregan, in Clonchere
(called elsewhere Horachan), who held land at Kather ? kenlys (Cal., pp. 78-9),
and was killed in Turlough O’Brien’s raid. In 1362 the lands and mills of Bally-
horegna, in the manor of Cloncheur, are granted (Jd., 133); 1580, Cnogher oge
O’Horegan held Ballyshearhown, joined in Desmond’s rebellion, and was attainted
(Inq. Exchr., 16).

Wesrropp—Anecient Castles of the County of Limerick. 219

Amogan (Equity Exch., Order I., May, 1606). 1611 A portion of
the C. of Omoggane was reserved for Emory Lee (Ing. Chan., 6).
1613 F. Drew fixed its mears (Inq. Chan., 108). 1655 Awangon,
late estate of R. Hunt, granted to Ol. Lambert and Brook Bridges
(B.D., p. 21; C.8., p. 50). 1668 Avongan or Amogan confirmed to
Lambert (Act Sett.). 1719 W. Blunt, of Amogan, died (will,
Limerick).

Fabric.—A tower 27 feet by 21 feet, walls 5 feet to 7 feet thick.
It is 36 feet high, with a spiral stairs to north-east. Tradition says
that James II. slept a night there (O.8.L., 9, p. 438).

CLONSHIRE.

329. CronsHirE (20). Marked. 1201 Cluonsiebra held by the
Church of Limerick (B.B.L., p. 14). Reg. de S. Jacobo granted a
mark off Clonshire to said cathedral (Zd., I., xi.). 1252 Suit of
Adam f. Rob. Rufi Capell and T. Oregan, or Orachan, as to five burgages
in Clonchere (Plea R., m. 5d). 1336 The manor of Cluaincheur held
by Bishop de Rupefort (Rental). 1586 Cloneshere encastellan
(Peyton, 197). 1608 Leased by the Bishop to W. Clarke (Vis. Reg.,
1615). 1641 Jas. Crowe held it (Dep., 268). 1655 Clonshirebegg and
Bohirbradagh, with two orchards, held by Captain W. Piggott in right
of his wife (C.S8., 52). 1659 Clonshiremore held by Captain T. Wal-
cott with a mill and Loughill (Rev. Exch. Orders, p. 51).

Fabrie.—A tower 24 feet by 153 feet, 40 feet high, with three stories,
the second vaulted, with neat ogee-headed windows to the west. There
is a staircase turret with five stories to the north (0.8.L., 8, p. 240).
The late Mr. George Hewson noted that there were two enlargements
of the original tower.!

330. BonEerprapacH (21). Not marked. 1579 Redm. Wale, of
Kyltennan, held Boherbravaghe and part of Clonshere (Inq. Exch., 16,
p. 286); the son and heir of T. Wale slain in rebellion (Des. R., 73 ;
Ing. Exch., 16, p. 286 and 54). 1517 Pierce de Wales held Bally-
egany, Boherbradagh, and Kylboherbradagh,? in Clonshere (Peyton,
2518; and Fi. 5171). Jas. Wale held it (Ing. Exch., 32, p. 30).
1625 Bobradagh C. put in settlement by Sir J. Dowdall (Deeds,
P.R.O.1., p. 32). 1655 Held by Piggott, with Clonshire.*

1 See view, Plate XVI.

* Kylboherbradagh may represent ‘‘ Bohernakeilly,’’ a local name still used for
Clonshire. Luke Speirin, of Cappagh, in 1726 desires in his will (Limerick, 1728)
to be buried in the Church of Bohernakeilly.

3 See view, Plate XVI.

[21°]

220 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

231. Garraunpoy (21). Marked. Garranbuidhe (O’Donovan,
O.8.L., 8, p. 250), ‘* The yellow wood” (Fitzgerald, i., p. 253) ; locally
the ‘ Yellow garden.” 1583 Hugh Wall, or Falltagh, of Dunmoylin,
when he joined the rebellion, owned Garrenboye C. (Des. R., 69).
1615 Held by Ol. Stephenson, of Dunmoylin, and confirmed to Ric. his
son (Ing. Chan., 153 and 248; Pat. R.). Confiscated from his represen-
tatives, 1655 (C.8., p. 52).

(WY

S$hot-hole, Door

’ CLONSHIRE
Diagram
2nd & 34 floors GARRAUNBOY. SCALE
Ground Plan lagiaue 0 29 FE
GARRAUNBOY
1906

Fabrie.—The O.8.L. only note it as ‘‘a ruin onaplain.” Itis an
oblong peel tower 30 feet by 46 feet, outside. The main wing had
four wooden floors covered by a stone vault ; there is a skew-loop on
the second floor opening at the north-west angle, and another on the
third floor at the north-east. There are numerous ambries and ogee-
headed window-slits. The end wing has the usual spiral stair with
doors to each story to the south-west, and five stories with small rooms
to the south-east. The lower rooms and top story are under vaults.
All the southern face and most of the side walls of this part are gone.
The peel stands in a bawn 638 feet east and west, 82 feet north and south.
The walls 3 feet at top, and battered out to 6 feet below. The south
wall and south-west turret are levelled. Turrets with vaulted roofs
and 12 feet diameter, inside, remain at the three other angles. The
peel tower dates from about the middle of the fifteenth century.!

1] owe this plan and description (with a good photograph) to the kindness of
Mr. James G. Hewson, of Hollypark.

Wrsrropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 221

CONNELLO UPPER.

The chief divisions were Gortculligon, at Knockfierna, Pubble-
muinterquyllan, in Kilmeedy, Corcamuicheat, or Corcomohide, and
Pubbleneskagh. The barony once included Kilbolane and Brittas in
Cork. In 1420 O’Huidhrin gives the principal families of Ui Chonall
as those of Collins, Mulholland, MacEniry, Macassa, O’Bilraidhe, and
O’ Bearga.

KILFINNY.

332. Kirrinny (30). Marked. 1201 Kellnafidnaigi (B.B.L., p. 14).
1289 T. Bretnach deprived of Kylnafytheny, but reinstated (Plea
R., 18); 1836 Kylfynygy ; 1418 Kylnafynygy. In 1569 Kilfenny ©.
surrendered (C.S.P.1.). 1583 Ger. f. Tho., when he rebelled with.
Desmond, held C., “ gardin;' hort; pomar; edif; et molend,”’ in parish of
Ballynekylley, much wasted and ruined (Des. R., 708; Peyton, 2408 ;
Inq. Exch.,11). 1588 Granted to Billingsley (F.5171). 1604 Put in
settlement by Sir J. Dowdall to secure jointure to his wife Eliz.,
daughter of Sir T. Southwell (Exch. Deeds, P.R.O.I., 15, p. 22).
1615 The Bishop claimed it, but it was retained by Billingsley.
1623 Will of Sir J. Dowdall (Exch. Deeds, p. 46), Jan., 1642. The
C. was besieged by the Confederates under Edy Lacy, of Bruree, who
laid an ambuscade, but was driven off by ten ‘‘mosceters” on a wind-
mill. Gen. Purcell next arrived, who took the mill and barns, whence
he was driven, and the buildings were burned ina sally, 8th and 9th.
Ric. Stephenson, the sheriff, next assailed the C., and was shot. An
attempt was made to capture it by ‘‘sows,”’ but they were pierced
through. It was then so loosely blockaded that Lady Dowdall re-
lieved Croom five times from it. The surrender of Limerick C. gave
heavy guns to the Confederates, so that Purcell, with a great force,
assailed Kilfinny. After three shots Lady Dowdall surrendered, and
was brought off safely by Lord Inchiquin (Hist. Irish Confeds. ii., p. 69,
Deps. 1388, 376). 1655 Killfinie C., orchard, and mill seat held
by Gerott FitzGarrold (C.5., p. 46). 1688 Gertrude, wife of J.
Piggott and dau. of Sir T. Southwell, was buried at Kilfinny, and
a monument erected in 1718 (FitzGerald i., p. 383).

Fabrie.—A court and two towers, the southern 20 feet by 8 feet
inside; walls 83 feet thick anda 45 feet high, with two vaulted and
gS Sy ae

i The local usage of “ garden” in two senses of ‘* croft ”’ and ‘‘ garden ”” is
evidently of old standing.

222 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

two upper stories. The court is 32 feet by 20 feet, with three stories ;
the lower vaulted. The north tower has pointed windows and loops.
It is traditionally a McEniry Castle (O.S.L., 8, p. 180).

333. BaLtyFotrEn (30). Not marked. A doubtful site. 1615
Claimed by the See of Limerick, but only paid rent at pleasure (Vis.
Reg.). 1631 Grant of livery to T. oge FitzGerald, of Ballyfoline, and
W. and Edm., hissons (Pat R.). 1632 Edm. FitzGerald had held Fin-
nitterstown and Ballyfoline, and died about 60 years ago. His son
John held it (Ing. Chan., 102). 1655 J. Fitzgerald heldit. The C. is
marked (D.8.A., 6; C.8., p. 46).

DREHIDTARSNA.

334, Finnirrerstown (30). Marked. The Minutor! family settled
in Limerick before 1214, when Siward Minutor was Mayor (see
B.B.L., pp. 40,95). Maur. and Isabella held Catherybahely, 1295
(Plea. R., 22,m. 4), and lands at Ardagh, where ‘‘ Minitersland”’ (as
till 1669) is now ‘‘ Ministersland.”’? The branch bearing the name
Vineter appears in the Justiciary Rolls from 1295.

The Limerick family was named Feleteragh and Finiter in Tudor,
times (¢.9., Fi. 2482), and the place was locally Baile an Fhirteara
or Fliteara in 1840. Compare its name Phliterstown (Fi. 6566).
1567 Balefynter was granted to Sir Warham St. Leger (Fi. 1143,
6566). 1572 Edm. Fitzgerald held Fyniterstown C. from the Earl
of Kildare as part of Adare manor; his son John succeeded (Inq.
Chan., 1632, Nos. 91, 102). 1586 Ballifyneter or Fyneter’s C.
in Ballynekyllye parish and Pubbleneskagh held by J. Cullen (Peyton,
1908). 1590 ‘‘ B. ne fedetor”’ in Hardiman Map (86). 1595 Granted
to Sir H. Wallop (Fi. 5964). 1599 Kssex, after raising the siege of
Askeaton, was attacked by the Geraldines near Baile an Eleteraigh or
Finnitterstown (Ann.F.M.). 1601 J. f. Edm. Fitzgerald, of Bal-
lifynter, pardoned; also W. mac Morris Gankagh, of Phliterstown
(Fi. 6452-6566, p. 32). 1655 J. Fitzgerald held ruined C. and bawn
(€.51, p: 47),

Fabrie.—It is much defaced; the east and south walls remain,
showing that it had four stories; the lower and second were vaulted.
The west wall is barely 6 feet high (0.8.L., 8, p. 239).

* There was a place named Monychard or Minetyr, near Bally Cahane, 1336
(Rental).

Wesrroprp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 223

335. Batrinearry, Knightstreet (29). Marked. Ballingarry C.
is areputed Templary. The place is called Le Garth in 1291. In
1319 Garthbyboys was held by T. de Lees, and given in charge to
W. Hampton (Grossi Fines). It had evidently belonged to the Byboys
family. W. Byboys witnesses charters in 1228 (B.B.L., pp. 34, 74).
In 1252 H. Byboys witnessed that T. f. Rob had enfeoffed H. Aunsell,
and had not been disseised by him! (Plea R.,m. 4d). 1289 Rad.
Biboys and Ric. del Esse. (See Plea R., 14. m. 2.) 1290 Alice, mother
of Robert Byboys, was unjustly disseised of her lands in Cortynath
(2b., 16, m. 24). 1295 Eliz. Byboysis summoned to the King’s Bench in
a suit of the Abbot of Keynsham; and Tho. Byboys also appears in the
suit against Roger de Lees (Justic. R., pp. 27,48). 1836 Dandree,
alias Villa Rectoris, held by Bishop de Rupefort (Rental). 1408 The
town was walled (Pat. R.). 1411 Tho. Saleys, alzas Cristour, held
Garthbiboys in Limerick Diocese (Cal. Papal Letters, p. 281).
1569 Capt. J. Warde reported that Lieut. Creeves was wounded
before Garrystown C. The place was then stormed and the garrison of
forty men put to the sword (C.S.P.I., xxix., No. 68). 1578 Ger., Earl of
Desmond, owned a ‘‘platea”’ called ‘‘strat. militis ” in Ballingarry,
and Lacy held the C. (Ing. Exch., 10,11, 54). 1586 Shradenruddery,
or Knightstreet, granted to Billingsley (Fi. 5171; Carewi., p. 450)
Shanaclone C. at Knightstreet (Peyton, 56, 63). 1612 The manor, C.,
and town of Garestown granted to W. ‘‘ Casie’’ (Lacey) (Pat. R.).
1641 J. Mason held the C., mill, and fair of Ballingarry. 1653 The
Agents of Connolough pay £30 for hay for the garrison of Ballingar
(Account R., 8); Ballingarrie or Dadrienarrylane (C.S., 38). 1667
Confirmed to J. Odell (Act Sett.). 1691 Burned by the Irish garrison
of Newcastle.

Fabric.—A picturesque tower, but greatly modernised. It was
repaired in 1821 for the Rey. T. Gibbings, and was called Parson’s C.,
1827, being used as a barrack during the Rockite troubles (Fitz-
gerald i., p. 381). The tower is 38 feet by 263 feet outside, and
consists of a main wing and turret, the former 55 feet high, with
walls 3 feet 9 inches thick, of regular masonry. The turret is 683
feet high, and adjoins to the north-west. It has a spiral stair and
narrow opes, and a skew-arch across the angles. The main wing has
three stories; the second has a vault; in the third is an old chimneypiece
with ‘“‘S.H. 16 (I.H.S.) 38. E.H.” Removed from Kilmallock by

1 Several Irish inhabitants are mnamed—MacGrath, MacKathal, O’Colyn
(Collins), O’Ryuerdon (Riordan), Ohaskeran, and others.

224 Proceedings of the Royal Ivish Academy.

Mr. Gibbings. The south-east window has three trefoil heads (O.8.L.,
8,p. 64). See R.S.A.I1., vol. xxxv., p. 262, paper by Dr. H. Molony.'

336. Castte Curricky. 1583 The Earl of Desmond held Beolight,
Castlecurricky, Knocknegornagh, Knightstreet, Mean, &c. (Inq.
Exch., 54). Perhaps Castle McGurry, near Ballingarry, 1660, which
Lt. Charles Odell held (Pat. R.).

837. Castte Rac. It stood near Ballingarry Church; a house
had replaced it in 1840 (0.8.L., p. 66). 1653 J. Ragge was paid
for the repair of the citadels; Ballingarry being a garrison (Acct.
R., 1388). Lt. H. Moncton held ‘‘ the short castle” in the town of
Ballingarry (Hartwell’s Acct. Book, P.R.O.I.).

338. Battycotto Castite. 1583 In Ballingarry (Des. R., 68).
Jas. and Phil. Nash held the C. of Ballycolla (Inq. Exch., 54).

339. Rytaans, Ballingarry ; site of a bastion called ‘‘ the Turrett”
and ‘‘de Lacy’s C.”’ It is not marked on the 1840 maps, but was
reputed to be a house of Templars. 1683 T. Odell? repaired it; that
date and his arms appear on a tablet (R.S.A.I., vol. xxxv., p. 258).

340. Woopstock (29). Marked. 1583 J. Roe Lacye held Bod-
destocke C. (Peyton, p. 59); or Ric. Mac Tho. Reylie, who held
Bodestoick C. and mill when he joined Desmond’s rebellion. He
had mortgaged it for forty milch cows and their calves to J. Creagh
(Inq. Exch., 11, 16). 1611 Rob. Cullum granted Bostocke C.* to
H. Billingsley, Alderman, of London, and the latter to Jas. Golde
(Ing. Chan., 68). 1641 W. Cullum, of Bodestow, ‘‘ with souldyrres,”’
is stated by T. Southwell to have half-hanged and thrown into the
Deel KE. Harding (Dep., 268). 1655 Woodstocke and Cahyreenossa,
W. Cullum (C.8., p. 41) granted, and, in 1668, confirmed to J. Odell
(Act Sett.). |

Fabric.—It was locally ‘‘ Bunastoigh,’”’ and lies in a valley of
Ballingarry. Only the lower part, 22 feet by 15 feet 9 inches, vaulted,
35 feet high, and walls 5 feet 10 inches thick remain (0.L.S., 8,
M2209.)

841. Lissamora (29). Marked. 1296 Suit of Ger. Bishop of
Limerick and J. de Penrys about Lisnemotie (Plea R., 22, p. 3p).
1583 Ric. mac T. Reylie, of Lissenvotye, held the C. (Des. R., 198;

1 See view, Plate XVI.

* Edm. Odell held Pallas, in Kilmeedy, 1611. A pedigree is given in O.S.L., 8,
Dp. f2:

° By a strange coincidence a Launcelot Bostock was commissioner to inquire as
to lands of the Knight of Glin in 1587, and, with Beston, got an extensive grant of
lands.

Westrropr—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 225

Peyton, 59; Inq. Exch., 16). 1588 Granted to Billingsley (Fi. 5171 ;
Carew i., p. 450). 1599 It was taken from J. Roe Lacie by Carew’s
forces. 1606 Capt. Cullum’s rents not to be distrained for his
Seignory off Lysmote and Calloe (Rev. Exch. Order I., P.R.O.1.).
Suit concerning Jas. Listin! (father of Ric. and grandfather of Garrett
Listin) and Ellinor, widow of his son Ric. f. Rob. Cullum, of Lissin-
votty, as to Liskannitt (Eq. Exch. Order, Feb., 1606). 1611 *‘ Cullen”
had granted it to Billingsley, who granted it to Jas. Goulde, whose
son Thomas held it (Inq. Chan., 68). 1623 Sir J. Dowdall owned it
and Kilshane Abbey (Inq. Chan., 15). 1641 W. Collum, of Lissa-
mota, joined the Confederates (Dep., 134), and it was confiscated, 1655
(C.S., p. 41). 1653 Quartermaster H. Lee held the C. (Hartwell
Acct.). 1665 Liosamhota granted to Sir Allen Broderick, ancestor of
Lord Middleton. It was inhabited till the end of the eighteenth
century, when a Mr. George Cornwall lived in it, whence its good
repair.

Fabrie.—It is 143 feet by 12 feet inside the walls, 53 feet thick,
and 60 feet high. The first two stories vaulted, and three others.
It is a conspicuous landmark ; the ring of the mote had, in 1840, been
recently removed for top-dressing (O.8.L., 8, p. 36).

342. Kitmacow (30). Not marked.? An appanage of Keynsham
Abbey. 1819 Sybilla de la Chapelle claimed one-third off Kilmecho
(Plea R.). 1569 Supple’s C., of Gillemakuo, surrendered (C.S.P.1.).
1583 It was held from Earl of Desmond by J. Supple (Peyton, 573;
Ing., Exch., 11, 54). ‘‘ The large square C. of Killmackwoo, with nine
separate rooms, ruinous in parts. It is surrounded by a strong wall,
built strongly for defence.’ Adjoining were gardens, a rather
ruinous water-mill, orchard, &c. (Des. R., 68). Granted before 1588
by Supple to Billingsley ; 1590 by him to Rob. Graves; 1593 to Ric.
Whittaker; 1598 by him to W. Butler; the C. being a sufficient
residence (Inq. Chan., 68; Carew i., p. 450); 1623 by Sir J.

’ Ric. Liston paid Sorrohen on Kilscannell, 418, Des. R. The Listons subsisted
as landed gentry to 1766 (Dub. Reg. Deeds).

* An error may here be corrected as to the churches near Kilmacow, in ‘‘ Ancient
Churches of Co. Limerick,’’? Proc. R.I.A., vol. xxv. (¢.), pps 410,411. The
“Abbey ’’ of Kilmacow had been levelled about 1880; the ruin had a pointed
window. My informant was misdirected to Morenane instead of Kilmacanearla
Church (p. 411); so instead of the description given of the latter we give the
following :—Kilmacanearla Church is nearly levelled. There remain foundations
50 feet by 18 feet, apparently divided into nave and chancel at 20 feet from east.
At 100 feet from it is a wall 8 feet long. (See R.S.A.I., xxxv., p. 261.)

226 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Dowdall (Inq. Chan., 154). 1655 W. Butler owned Killm*eow
(C.S., p. 48). The Peppard family resided there early in the next
century.

Fabric.—A large bawn, in which is anearly levelled tower, which,
in human memory, had fine mantelpieces. A farmhouse occupies
part of the site. It is on the north slope of Knockfeerina.!

348 BaLtyevi~LEATAGGLe (38). Marked. 1569 Ballegeltegoul
C. surrendered (C.8.P.I.). 1583 J. O’Lacy held it at Desmond’s
rebellion (Peyton, 60; Des. R., 198). 1612 Granted to W. Lasie
(Pat. R.), who held it in 1641 and 1655 (C.S., p. 51). 1667
Confirmed to J. Odell, as Ballyteigmill, or Ballygelitaglee (Act
Sett.).

Fabric.—A. truncated tower partly covered by farm buildings.

344. Franxrort (37). Not marked. 1583 David Encorrig
(Gibbon), Lord of the Great Wood, owned Ballynranky,? in Toghe
Gortculligon (Des. R., 208). W.oge Hurley held Ballenevranncke
and Lickadoon (Ing. Exch., 12, p. 273). 1607 Ballynefranky C.,
estate of Piers Lacye, of Bruff, who was slain in rebellion. Granted
to Sir Jas. Fullerton (Pat. R.). 1655 Held by Ed. Stands
iC:5., p- 22).

345. Durractoen (387). Not marked. 1584 Pat. Lacie held
Dorochlo C. and Broffe C. (Inq. Exch., 11). It was in ruins
(Peyton, 6383n; Fi. 5171). 1601 Piers Lacy, of Derryclogh and
Bruffe C.s, slain in rebellion. He had mortgaged the first in 1589
(Inq. Exch., James I., 3).. 1607 Grant to Fullerton. 1655 Held by
Stands—as in last.

346. Lispvane (38). Marked in new maps as an ancient ‘‘turret,”’
‘‘Jackson’s Turret,’’ in 1827 (Fitzgerald 1, p. 381). 1655 Miles
Jackson held Lisduane (C.8., p. 41). Doubtful site.

347. Doortus (38). Not marked. 1296 Several suits are
recorded. J. and Joan Grym v. Roger de Lees, about lands, and a
mill, at Thurlys, near Garthe (Plea R., 22). 1299 Ric. Myath
disseised of it (Zb., 18). Suit of And. Miath and Roger del Esse,
about same (Jb., 14, m. 17). 1318 N. and Juliana de Les v. Roger
de Les, about land there (Mem. R., m. 6). 13800 Ric. Miath v. David
and Matilda de Barry, about same (Plea R., 52, m., 12); and Stephen
Lewa v. J. Grymban, about a deed of feoffment, of Thurlys, in the

1 Knockfearyny, 1583 (Des. R., 268). Knockferanagonell (Hardiman Map, 56).
For its antiquities, see paper by Dr. H. Molony, R.S.A.I., vol. xxxy., p. 255. The
name is, perhaps, akin to Ballyfirinne in same county.

* Perhaps named after the family of Franceys, French, or Franks.

Wesrropep—Anecient Castles of the County of Limerick. 227

tenement of Garth, formerly made by Sir Roger de Les (Plea R.,
117, m. 9). 1452 Royal service of Belathdurlye to Earls of
Desmond (Rental of Oconyl). 1583 T. mac Phil, in Gortculligon,
held Ballingarry, Ballyne, and Durlus (Des. R., 198). 1655 Durlas
held by N. Haly (C.S.,. p. 39).

CLONCAGH.

348, Battrnarooca (37). Site marked. 1583 Rorie mac Shihie
held Ballinrogo C. (Peyton, 64). He, in 1591, enfeoffed his son,
Murrough (Ing. Chan., ix., 66), but was slain in rebellion, 1600
(Ing. Exch., Jas. I., 5). 1604 It was granted to Sir H. Bronker
(Ing. Chan., ix., 66). 1632 Murrough mac Shihy settled Bally-
allinan, Ballinarogie, &c., on his wife, Ellen Butler, and son Eddie
(Ing. Chan., 110). 1655 Held by latter (C.8., p. 44; D.S.B., 13).

Fabric.—It has been levelled since 1840.

349. CastLecRoME (37). Unknown. It adjoined the last on the
west ; soit was either Ballykennedy or Ballybeggan. 1655 Castle-
erome Cloncagh, Edm. Shehie (B.D., 19; C.S., p. 44). 167 Nic.
Haly, of Tworin, owned Castlecrowyne, Woodstock, and Caher-
hennessy (Ing. Chan., 6a). There was a family of Croyne settled
in Limerick from at least 1860, when H. Croyne was bailiff of the
city.

KOnMEEDyY.

350, Patntas (45). Not marked. It stood near Kilmeedy Church.
1582 Ger. f. Tho. pardoned (Fi. 3842). Ric. and Ger. mac Tho.
held Palice (Inq. Exch., 4, 11). Rob. oge Cushen, slain in rebellion,
seized of C. and vill. of Le Pallace, with buildings, orchard, garden,
and water-mill; waste, and very ruinous ; Ric. mac Tho. (Des. R., 70).
He held the patronage of Rathronan Church (Ing. Ex., 54). ‘ Et
Ayeria, vocat, an eyrie of gosshauks”’ (Peyton, 240; and see p. 42).
1587 Grant of C. to H. Ughtred (Carew, Inq. Exch., Jas. I., 54). 1611
Kim. Odell held C. and dwelling-house on a sixty years’ lease (Inq.
Chan., 68). 1642 The C. was besieged in January by the Confe-
derates under Edm. Fitzgerald, of Gortnetubrid and Clenlis, he
‘‘murthered”’ certain of its inmates at ‘‘ Mayne, near the said C.”
(Deps., 194, 227, 245, 483).

DRoMCOLLIHER.

351. GARDENFIELD West or Muskrynoonan (45). Site marked
on new maps. It preserved the name of the old tribal territory of
the Onoonans. The family, though connected more with County Cork

228 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

than with Limerick, were of old standing in the latter; Anlaue
Onoyne, or Oneonan, being bailiff of Limerick in 1279, 1280, and 1295.
In 1591 W. Power, of Kilmeadan, Waterford, was granted lands near
those of O’Nownan, including the chief rents of Kilbullen (Kilbolane)
and Mouscrinownan, belonging to last (Fi. 5585). 1593 Grant to
~ Robert Stroude, of Muskereye-nownan, the land of Donogh Onownan,
attainted (Fi. 5791). The latter was slain in Desmond’s rebellion,
and died unpardoned, holding said lands in County Limerick, except 30
acres now in Cork (Ing. Exch., 29). 1594 O’Hynownane, late of
Castlelishen, held 20 acres near it, called Muskry O’Honownan, in
County Limerick (Inq. Exch., 51). The free tenants had also been
in rebellion (Ing. Exch., 54). In 1655 Col. Cortnaye held it with
the ruins of a mill and church (probably Ahshankill, on the Deel,
O.S., 45). It was meared by Modallihy, on the west, and Mullaghard,
now Highmount, on the east (C.S., p. 27).

Fabrie-—It had been levelled, and a barn built on its site by
1840 (0.8.L., 8, p. 59).

352. MaryviILLe, BALLINRUANE, or BALLYMURELY (45). Not marked.
1583 Ballynwrely, or Ballymurely, a C. in Pubblemynterquyrrine,’
Kilmeedy, held by Phil. Okahill (Des. R., 19; Peyton, 47). 1655
Ballinwrillie, held by Col. Courtenay ; the mears given(C.S., p. 28).
Ballinruane has absorbed it, Ballycahill, and Ballyindigannig.
The name Maryville is an evident mistranslation of Ballymurely.
The C. may have been at the large rectangular earth-work called
Knockaunacappeen.

CoRCOMOHIDE.

353. CastLtETowN-MacEnriry, or -ConyErs, CoRcoMoHIDE® (38).
Marked. Before 1276 Corkemoyd manor had been granted by Maur.
f. Maurice to his son-in-law, Sir T. de Clare (C.8.P.1., No. 240).
1284 A market was established there. 1291 Amabilia, co-heiress
with Juliana de Clare of said Maur., gave seizin of the manor to J.
f. Tho. (Jé., 940). 1295 The Vicar of Corkemoyt complains that
Douenald O’Bren and other felons took his horse, worth 4 marks of
goods, Roger de Lesse, the sheriff, accused of having given the King’s
peace to Malothlin mac Phil. M*Kyniery, who slew two Englishmen

' Recte, Muinterquuyllyn. Mahon O’Quillane appears as holding land, 1583
(Des. R., 19). Tho. MacHewe next held it.

2The ancient tribe of Corcamuicheat derived their chiefs from Sedna, son of
Cairbre Aobhdha (ancestor of the O’Donovans, Fir Tamnaige, &c.), grandson of
Fiacha Fidhgeinte, circa a.p. 380, eponymous of the Ui Fidgeinti.

————————————

Westrropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 229

in Corkemoy town; this the sheriff denies (Justic. R.). 1302 It was
destroyed by war (Taxat.). 1315 Bishop Eustace to prove his claim
to it (Mem. R., 224). 1322 Rob. de Welle and Matilda de Clare, his
wife, held the C. of Corcomoyth (Grossi Fines). 13844 Rob. de
Clifford held it (Close R.); then R. de Salkeld and J. Dammartin
held it for the Crown. 1847 Sir Maur. f. Philip held Corkmothyde,
with Carnarthy, Grangenekeryl, Dyrgalvan, &c. (Pipe R.). 13889
Pardon to Sir T. and Joan de Clifford for having acquired the manor
(Chance. R.). Legend says that MacEnery built the C., 1849, but the
dates do not agree. 1420 ‘‘ Mac Innerigh, hero of gems, over mellow
Corca muicheat ” (O’Huidhrin). 1583 J. Mac Kenry, of Bally-
castellane C., in the Toght of Clonehennery (Des. R., 188; Peyton,
p. 41); Teige mac Morihertigg de People Clanyhyerye, in Conolaugh
(Ing. Exch., 12, p. 280); and Jo. m*Morirtagh BY’ Mac Kynery,
late of Clonye, rebelled with Ger., Earl of Desmond ; the latter was
slain at Racanan (Ing. Exch., 38). 1588 J. M°*Kenry complained
that he was dispossessed by H. Ughtred. 1605 He was confirmed in
the ‘‘old C.,” of Castletown (Inq. Exch., 54). 1610 Called the C. of
Corkymohid-Oughtragh, in Tample Lisnemabyn, in Connelagh.
1625 J. M*Enery still held it (Inq. Chan., 12). 1655 It was out of
repair, and held by Symon M°Enery. It was granted to A. Brandon
(B.D., 9; C.S., p. 27). 1688 Confiscated from Sir J. Fitzgerald,
being his chief seat, with a C. and large orchard (Book of Postings,
R.I.A.). 1703 Purchased by Cap. G. Conyers, and since held by, and
named after, that family.

Fabric.—A small portion alone remained in 1840 (0.8.L., 9,
p. 188).

BrureEkE.

354. Brurex, Lotreracu (39). Marked. Tradition alleges that
Oilioll Olum, King of Munster in the second century, made a fort at
Brurigh, called also Dun Chuire, or Dun Eochair Maige, on the river
Maigue. It is mentioned as a seat of the Dalcassian princes, and as
claimed by the King of Cashel. In 976 Donovan inveigled King Mahon
to a conference there and betrayed him to death. King Brian avenged
his brother and eventually repaired the fort in 1002 (Annals, Wars
G. and G., Book of Rights). 1178 The O’Donovans were expelled

1A deed cited, 1623 (m. Ing. Chan. 15, giving the property of Sir John
Dowdall), mentions ‘‘ vill. and manor of Castletowne, viz., the vill. with a ruinous
castle there, and the walls of its ruinous hall lying near it, three messuages,
six cottages, a garden, and water-mill.

230 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

and driven into Kerry by Donald More O’Brien (Ann. Inisf.). They are
said to have built the C., and de Lacy strengthened it. It was, how-
ever, granted soon after 1200 by Hamo de Valoygnes to J. de Mareys
and Mabel his wife (Plea. R., No. 12, of xix’ Ed. I.). It: was
held in 1290 by R. and Alesia de Mareys, and partly by Maur. de
Esse with Culbalysyward, and Joh le Penry held Lisrede, Lisnemotie,
and Brurys in 1296 ; next year, May, wife of Rob. f. John, held a mill
and land at Browry. 1848 Pat. de Lees held Browwry from his father
(Plea. R., 14, 22d, 36). 1420 O’Huidhrin names Dun Chuire. It
was then long held by de Lacy. 1583 Kd. Lacy de Bruerie held
Brewery C. and vill. (Des. R., 18), and Ballynaughte C. (Ballynoe), in
Browrie (Peyton, 37). 1641 Ed. Lacy took a prominent part in the
civil war. 1653 Capt. Rob. Stannard held Brury C. on lease (Hart-
well’s Acct.). The Lady Eddy Lacye’s estate with Brury C. and
manor, and Tworin granted to Sir Cha. Lloyd and Lord Kingstown
(B.D., 12). There were three small unrepaired C.s and abawn, grist and
tucking mills, and an eel-weir on the Maigue, with the manor and C.
ploughland (C.8., p. 34). 1666 Confirmed to Sir Cha. Lloyd (Act
Sett.). 1691 Burned by the Irish garrison of Newcastle.

Fabrie.—The “ Lower ” and chief C. lies on the west bank. It
has a circular garth 150 feet across, with battlemented walls of gnit-
stone 53 feet thick and 20 to 24 feet high. (Fitzgeraldi., pp. 371-38,
gives its circuit as 120 yards.) There were three towers (as in C.S.,
p. 384); one was levelled between 1827 and 1840. Of the others, the
eastern is perfect, 60 feet high, 19 feet by 21 feet, of five stories, with
two vaults called O’ Donovan’s prison, 1827. The stairis perfect. The
north tower is 243 feet by 163 feet, now broken. The gateway of the
court is pointed, 7 feet 10 inches high, 5 feet wide ; inside it is a lofty
arch with corbels for a floor overhead, and facing the river (0.S.L., 9,
p- 290). Tradition remembers the O’Lacys as ‘‘ expelling the
O’Donovans, and being themselves expelled by Cromwell.” (See also
‘‘Round about Co. Limerick,’ Rev. Jas. Dowd, p. 61.)

355. Bruree, Bariynor (39). Marked. The ‘‘Upper’’ C. stands
at Bruree, near the church. It is traditionally a Templary. A peel
tower about 70 feet high; the walls are 53 feet thick. It has five
stories, the third vaulted, and aspiral stair. The north-west angle has
fallen (O.8.L., 9, p. 290).

356. GarryFINe (38-46). Not marked. 1583 Garrefoine paid

1 Also (Plea R., xviii Ed. I., m. 10) a tenement in Browry given in free
alms to See of Dublin, c. 1200.

Wesrropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 231

dues to Ric. mac Tho., of the Pallace, Peyton; names its C. (Des.
R., 708; Peyton, 388). It was granted to Sir W. Courtenay, from
whom G. Meade held the C. and dwelling-house (Inq. Chan., 6x).
1655 Gerrett Miagh held it (C.S., p. 86) ; andin 1688 Hugh Fleming.
It was then a broken-topped peel tower with an attached dwelling-
house haying a high roof and chimneys, and standing among trees.
(Trustees’ Maps).
Now rn Co. Cork.

357. Brouirt (Cork 2). Not marked. The C. stood near Charle-
ville, and was in 1586 in Clonekoghrea (Cloncoura or Colmanswell)
Parish and Co. Limerick, being in the Toghe of Brohill,and held
by Redmond mac Gerald (Peyton, 191).1 Sir Ger. FitzGerald held
Lwoh de Brohill in Com. Lim. (Inq. Exch., 11, p. 246). It gives a
title to the Boyle family.

358. Kirpotange (Cork 1). Marked. 1587. The C. was then in
Co. Limerick, and granted to H. Ughtrede as part of the estate of
David Gybbin or Encorrig, Lord of the Great Wood (Carew MS.).
1613 The C. of Kilbolane or Kilbullen in Co. Limerick, granted to
Sir W. Power (Pat. R.). See Gardenfield, 351, supra.

359. CastLeLisHen (Cork 6). Marked. Six furlongs from the
border. It is often assigned to Limerick, and those who do so have
been accused of inaccuracy. The Pacata Hibernia locates it in
Connello. O’Hownownane held it in 1580; it was then in Co.
Limerick (Ing. Exch.,11). Forits owners, the Fitzgeralds, see under
Glenquin (372, infra). 1600 See the Pacata for the capture of the
Sugan Earl, his imprisonment in Castlelishen, and his rescue by John
of Desmond, Pierce Lacy, and 4000 men. It will be noted that
the Limerick border has been much encroached upon. Cullen and
Kilcolman, in Tipperary (supra, 104, 105), Tullylease Parish, Brohill,
Kilbolane, Rathgogan, and probably Castlelishen, in Cork, and Kil-
murrily, in Kerry, all once belonged to Co. Limerick.

GLENQUIN.

Though the name is old, the Barony is first separated from Con-
nello Upper in the maps of 1840; even on those of 1836 it had no
separate existence.

1The question was even then raised as to its assignment to Cork. Peyton,
p. 194.

232 Fyoceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

NEWCASTLE.

360. Newcastte West (36). Marked. It is said to have been
a Templary, founded in 1184, but no records appear. 1269 Tho.,
grandson of John, was thirteen years in his lordship until he died in
Caislen Nua O’Chonaill, and was buried at Tralee (A.F.M.). 1296 Tho.,
‘an appagh,”’ died in Caislen Nua (O’Clery Pedigree). This Tho. f.
Maur. held from the King in Capite, with the issues of the Grange of
Kilbrodan, mills, serjeantcy, pannage, perquisites of Court, ale and
meat from Newcastle, Kyllyde, and Ardauch, to value of £49 8s. 03d.,
besides Senede and Glenogra (Pipe R., 26,27). 1298 The manor,
C., mills, and edifices at Newcastle, inside the wall as well as with-
out, require more expenditure than their profits (C.S.PI.). 13806
Eliseus, of Lucca, and J. de Barry to have custody (Plea R.). 1815
When the “ Irish felons rose on the coming of Bruce, they destroyed
the C. of O’Conyll, and carried off the provisions ” (Plea R., xi Ed. IL.,
124, m.44). The O’Donegans and other tenants of Maur, f. Tho.
destroyed Rathkeale and the new C. of O’Conyll. 1858 Maur. f. held
it, worth 60s. (Inq.). It is said to have been a corporate town,
but no records are found. 1899 Garrett, 4th Earl, died at Newcastle.
1420 It lay in Corcoithe or Gorcoythe, ‘‘ Corca Oiche of the beautiful
wood, a fair surfaced land of fresh creeks under the vigorous hero.
O’Macasa’”’? (O’Huidhrin). 1452 The lord’s rents in the manor of
Nova Castm, and the vill. of Nova Castri, mill, meadow, and worth
28s.11d. (Rental O’Conyll). 1462 Jas., the 8th Earl, died in Caislen-nua-
O’Conaill, and was buried in Tralee (O’Clery). 1569 The C. surrendered
to the English (C.8.P.I). 1583 “‘ Newe Castle Maner, Castellnoa, a
great square C., the chief house of the said Earl (of Desmond) in
Connelo, having at each angle a round turret, with divers rooms and
chambers. At the south-west angle are a square C., a high tower
or peel, built for defence. Within the walls of the C. are many
buildings, a great-hall, a large vault, an excellent chamber, a
garden, and in the same a fish-pond, all ruined and waste; outside
are various orchards and a garden of 3 acres”? (Des. R., 33), 1591
Granted to G. Courtnay, of Powderham, Devon (Fi. 5586). David
oge Hubberd was the last Constable of the Earl’s there (Peyton, 154).
1598 Sir W. Courtenay neglected his seignory and its defence; so it
fell into the hands of the Sugan Earl, and had to be retaken, 1599
(C.S.P.1., 5, 27). 1611 Newcastle, with a fair C. and divers houses,

1 Perhaps the Makisse (of Ballyfrayley, 1583) and Macassy family.

Westropp—Anecient Castles of the County of Limerick. 233

had belonged to Sir W., and was the chief place of his Seignory of
Policastro. 1624 G. Ughtred Courtenay had a grant of fairs there
and at Kilmeedy, with a court of pie powder (Pat. R.). 1641, Dec.
The Confederates besieged it till Easter Monday, April 14th, 1642,
when it surrendered, and was burned (Deps. 252, 317, 327, 337,
347). 1655 “The ploughlands of Newcastle, with C., bawn, and
other houses, and worrckes, a weekly markett and an orchard, with a
river running by the C., held by Col. Fra. Courtenay (C.S., p. 3).
1691 The Irish held it and Gortnetubbrid to keep the passes to Kerry,
and from it burned Ballingarry and Bruree.

Fabrice.—A tower attributed to the thirteenth century, but with
later ornaments. The walls are 8 feet to 10 feet thick, the lower
story vaulted. It has been greatly modernised. There are in the
outworks a square and a round turret; the ruins of a chapel lie
opposite, and some vaults and walls remain between it and the river ;
also the Desmonds’ Hall or Banqueting Hall (see Rev. Jas. Dowd,
‘County Limerick,” p. 212).

GRANGE.

361. GraneE (86). Not marked. 1298 Nova Grangia, in New-
castle Manor, held by the heirs of T. de Clare under T. f. Maur.
(C.S.P.I.). 1452 The Earls of Desmond held it (Rental). 1583
A ruinous C., called Granshagh, in Toughe Ogallyhowre (Des. R., 27).
Morrogh mac Bryan of Granagh, alzas Mac Tirrelagh, held the fee,
C., &c., of Granogh, in Castelnoa (Jd., p. 758). 1587-93 Sir H.
Ughtred got Graunshaugh C., late of Earl of Desmond (Fi. 5782; and
Carew MS.). 1642, April, Capt. J. Southwell, of Rathkeale, with
40 horse and 100 foot, chased the Confederates from Newcastle,
which they had burned, to Grange (Dep. 337). 1655 Grangie, given
with Granshj Ightaragh, held by Courtnay (C.S., pp. 8, 9).

3862 Batiyprerce (36). Not marked. A doubtful site. 1569
‘‘Penston’’ C. (perhaps Pierston or Ballypierce), in Connello, sur-
rendered (C.8.P.I.). 1593 Gibon Roe mac Shane oge, of Kyllmore,
held the vill. and fee of Ballipierse. He rebelled with Desmond, and
it is pledged to Rorie mac Shee(hy). In later years, J. Suppel, of
Kalmocaa, held Ballypeare (Inq. Kxch., 44, 54).

363. BattyrraLey (36). Not marked. The Ui Fairchealla,
Farrelly, or Frawley, family was widespread in Limerick, and
gave its name to Ballyarella or Mount Ievers in Co. Clare. 1583
Donygalyn or Ballyfarewell, in Newcastle Manor, J. Omakisse (Des.
R., 138). 1593 Ballynwryly, in Ballincastelane, granted to Ughtred

R. I. A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SECT. C. ] [22]

234 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

(Fi. 5782). 1611 J. Tankard held Ballinwreyley or Ballinarely
C. from Courteney (Inq. Chan., 68), 1655 J. Shihie held Bally Earalla,
in Grangie (C.S., 10); not to be confused with Ballymureley in
Kilmeedy.

364. BaLLyMoRRISHEEN (28). Not marked. ‘‘ Castlemorrisheen”’
on the Deel. 1583 J., Ed., and Ric. London held Ballywerishen or
Ballymoryshen (Des. R., 19; Peyton, 76 and 1458). 1584 Maur. f.
Edm. Hubard, of Castellmorshin; he had joined Desmond’s rebellion
(Ing. Exch., 10, p. 218). 1586 Rob. oge Cusshyn held Ballen-
coryshyn and Igallouyhoure (Ing. Exch., 16; Fi. 5782). 1653 Cap.
T. Southwell held C. of Morishine (C.S., p. 9; Hartwell’s Account).

CLONELTY.

365. Battywortane. Unknown. 1583 Ballyvollane C., in
Clonelty. Nic. FitzWilliam (Des. R., 698), W. mac Edm. oge mac
Shihie, galloglass, of Ballinwollin or Miltown, took part in Desmond’s
rebellion (Inq. Exch., 54).

366. Battyno— (37). Marked near Clonelty Church. 1583
Eugenius or Owen mac Edm. oge MacSheehy, alvas Owinus Bryan, was
slain in rebellion holding the fee and C. of Ballynoa, alias the New-
towne C., garden, croft, and mill (Des. R., 71; Peyton, 2418; Inq.
Exch., 10, 54; Carew MSS.). 1587 C. granted to Sir H. Oughtred
(Carew MS.); and 1607 to Sir J. Fullerton (Pat. R.); 1657 Ballynoe,
an old ruinous C., two orchards, and a mill (C.S., p. 8); not to be
confused with Ballynoe, at Bruree, 355, or Newtown, 120, supra.

Fabric.—A fragment ‘‘much destroyed”? even before 1840
(Or. 1,95 p. 170).

3867. Knockaperry (36-37). Not marked. 1586 Knockadyrre
C. in Clonelty (Peyton, p. 81).

MaAnoonaGH.

368. CasrremaHon or ManoonacH (36). Marked. The ancient
Cluainclaidmech, 1201, held by the Church of Limerick (B.B.L.,
p. 14). It appears, 1237, as Maytaueny in a suit of W. Lacy. 1278
W. de Prendergast and Geff de Mariscis exchanged Fernan, a
theodum, for another called Maccaueni in O’Connill (C.S.P.). Held
by Tho., Gilbert, and Ric. de Clare (1280-1318). It derives its name
from the Fir Tawnagh Tribe, whence Tawnagh, not Magh Gamhnach
nor Medhonach.! 1418 Moytawenagh (Taxat. Proc.). 1580 Phil.

1 See R.S.A.I., vol. xii. (1871), p. 629.

Wesrroprp—Anecient Castles of the County of Limerick. 235

macGibbon ‘‘ Oor”’ held Mahawnagh (Inq. Exch., 11, 16). Mohonagh,
in Tawnagh (Peyton, 36,50,51). The Bishop still took dues on its
parsonage and street (d., p. 204). 1587 Mohannogh C., late estate
of McGibbon to Sir H. Ughtred (Carew). 1606 Sir H. Ughtred held
the manor, C., and lands of Maghawnaghe (Inq. Exch., 15). 1611
Mahownagh C. and lands, with a sufficient dwelling, leased to
J. Aylmer (Ing. Chan., 6B). 1641 Mr. Escott held the C.; he was
expelled, and some of the English hanged at Mayne (Dep. 161).
1655 Held by Courtenay; C. in good reparacon and mill seat (C.S.,
11-12).

Fabric.—The tower is 35 feet by 243 feet, inside ; the walls, 63 feet
thick and about 35 feet high ; it has no remains of vaults. There
are pointed windows of cut limestone (0.8.L., 8, p. 48).

369. Mayne (45). Not marked. It was remembered recently,
the modern house being on its site, and was a reputed templary. An
appanage of Keynsham Abbey, surrendered 1227 (B.B.L., p. 75).
1255 Walter Wansell, the sheriff, accounts for ward of the C. of
Mayn (Carew MSS.; Book of Howth, p. 428). Thomas an Appagh
granted Meine to Gibbon, son of J., of Callan, whence the MacGibbons,
White Knights. 1307 Suit of the Prior of Rathkeale and Hugh
Purcell as to dues off the manor of Mayen (Plea R., Cal., p. 205).
1309 Sybil, widow of H. de la Chapelle, claims one-third of Mayne
(Repert. Plea R., p.32). 1551 J., the White Knight, was compelled
to transfer Meine to the Earl of Desmond. 1583 The Manor of Bean.
late perquisite of the White Knight from the Earl of Desmond,
“Cone C., which was an excellent and ample residence before the
rebellion, in which it was totally wasted, so that at present (1583)
nothing but the stone walls remain” (Des. R., 15B; Peyton, 50;
Ing. Exch., 54). 1592 Grant to H. Ughtred of the C. of Meine
alias Mahownagh and Treanmeane, and the house of Mahownagh
(Fi. 6533). 1598 The C., of Meane, Pallice, and Ballinwylly
belonged to Sir H. Ughtred; he fled with his wife to Limerick,
leaving sixteen men in the house, who fled after two days, and
the Irish took it (C.8.P.I.). 1600 Garrett Fitz Nicholas, the
nearest rebel to Askeaton, was ‘‘ haunted and hunted” by Sir F.
Berkeley, who took the C. of Mayne and all the rebels’ corn
(Pacata Hib. 1., chap. xii.). 1611 The Manor of Meane and 400
acres held by Paul Arrondell from Sir W. Courtenay for thirty-one
years, whereupon was a fair house, erected by Sir H. Oughtred,
but defaced in the late rebellion. There is now a sufficient dwel-
ling on it (Inq. Chan., 68). 1624 Pardon to T. Fitzgerald for

[22* |

236 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

alienation of Gortnetubbrid, Mayne, &c. (Pat. R.). 1655 Meane C..
out of reparacion, held by Col. E. Courtenay (C.S., p. 12).

Fabric.—The remains of the old C. fortifications at the Manor
of Mayne were turned into a barrack before 1827 (Fitzgerald i.,
P.t0.d ).

KItLAGHOLEGHAN.

370 GortNETUBBRID or SprineFreLD (54). 1569 Cortenaytowbryte
C. surrendered (C.S.P.I.). 1579 A fierce battle fought near it, in which
Jas. f. Maur., who had recently returned from Spain, defeated the
English under Drury and Malbie (A.F.M.). 1581 T. Caune f. J.
de Geraldinis! held it with Killeedy and Clenlish; his son Maur.
succeeded (Des. R., 733; Fi. 5998; Peyton, 2448; Ing. Exch.,
11, 12, 20, 58, 54). 1607 Suit of Maur. f. Tho., of Gortentubert, and
G. Oughtred Courtney (Equity Exch. Order, June). 1624 Pardon to
T. Fitzgerald, of Cleanlishe, for alienation of Gortintubbrid C. by
trust deed, 1614, to Theo. Lord Castleconnell and Tirlogh oge O’Brien
for use of Slany Fitzgerald, alias O’Brien, his wife (Pat. R.).
O’Sullivan Beare calls it ‘‘ Ager fontis.” 1653 M. Bromley, for
horse soldiers quartered there, £35 7s. Od. (Acct. R., 7B). 1655
The C. held by Sir E. Fitzgerald (C.S., p. 25). 1670 Sir E. Fitz-
gerald, Baronet, of Clanlish, confirmed in the C. (Act Sett.). 1703
Hon. W. Fitzgerald purchased Gortnetubbred C. and lands, the late
estate of Sir J. Fitzgerald, attainted (Pat. R.). 1708 The latter fell
at Oudenarde ; his widow had a jointure on Gortnetubbrid.

Fabric.—A very perfect square tower adjoining Lord Muskerry’s
house. It is 34 feet by 213 feet, the walls 5 feet thick and 45 feet
high, with four stories; the second vaulted. The windows are of
well cut stone (0.8.L., 8, p. 52).

KI“LEEpDY.

371. Kirurrpy (44). Marked. Near the famous convent of
St. Ita of Cil Ite. 1299 Tho. an Appagh and his descendants, the
Earls of Desmond, owned the Manor of Killyde (C.8.P.I. ; Pipe Roll,
1452, Rental). 1581 C. and vill. held by T. Chane. 1587 Granted
to A. Hungerford (Carew i., p. 448). 1596 T. Cawne and his son
Maur. got livery, and were granted Desmond’s C.s Kyledie, Gortnetu-
bred, and Lisnekilly (Pat. R.). It was held, like Gortnetubbrid

1 He was included in an Act of Attainder, but was covered by a general pardon,
which the Munster Council enforced in his favour. Thornton, the sheriff, was
ordered to seize back his lands, which had been granted to Trenchard.

Wesrropp—Auncient Castles of the County of Limerick. 237

(which see), by the Fitzgeralds (C.8., p. 15). 1663 T. Walcott, of
Croagh, mortgaged Killeedy, Clonagh, &c., to W. Shipply (Act Sett.).

Fabric.—It is on a mound near a bend of a stream, and, though
lofty, is utterly defaced. Tradition attributes its foundation to King
John. A view is given in Canon O’Hanlon’s ‘Lives of the Irish
Saints,’’ vol 1., p. 200.

372. Guenauin (44). Marked. 1298 The lands of T. f. Maur.
(Thomas an Appagh), in his Manor of Newcastle, include Kilnehyhyn
(compare later Killanohwyn for Glenquin), and perquisites of English
and Irish in Corkoygh at the courts of Newcastle and Killyde (C.S.P.1.).
1299 W. Dundonenald held Glyngowan (/d.). 1452 Glencoyne, in
the Manor of Killeedy, dues at Easter to the Earl (Rental Oconyll).
1569 Killanohwyn (or Glynquin) C. surrendered (C.8.P.I.). Glanno-
whyni C. (Peyton, p. 129) or Glanekynie, held by Maur. f. David
(Ing. Exch., 54). 1587 Granted to Hungerford (Carew MS.), and
in 1595 to Capt. R. Colium, Glengoune (Fi. 5947). | Tradition said
that Glenquin was built by O’Hallinan, who, with his family
(save one son) and followers, was put to the sword by O’Brien, of
Glynistare ; the rescued boy (like him in the old ballad) eventually
recovers the C., and avenges his family (Fitzgerald 1., p. 378).

Fabric.—A tall peel, 30 feet by 40 feet, with seven stories ; it was
carefully repaired in 1840 by Mr. Furlong, the Duke of Devonshire’s
agent (O.8.L., 9, p. 79).

ABBEYFEALE.

373 Porrrinarp (42). Marked. It is on the Feale and near
Tara Luachra. Tradition states that from it Thomas, son of the
Earl of Desmond, started on the hunt, which led to his marriage with
MacCormac’s daughter and the loss of his inheritance. This tale
suggested Moore’s song ‘‘ By the Feale’s Wave Benighted.” 1577
Portrenard C., ‘‘the fort of the three enemies,” recte ‘‘ heights,”
given to J., of Desmond (Carew i., p. 113; Peyton, p. 170). AC. built
ofa round form on the Mount of Slewlogher (Des. R., 16). 1950
Pelham camped near it on his march to Tralee (Carew MS.). 1587
Granted to Hungerford with the cell of Nephelaugh or Abbeyteale
(d., p. 448), and, 1591, to Sir W. Courtenay. In 1613 Portrynard,
part of the lands of the Abbey of Feal held by Sir J. Jephson (Inq.
Chan., 5a), and, 1655, by Jas. Borke (C.8., p. 23). 1669 Confirmed to
N. Bourke (Act Sett.).

Fabric.—It is described by the Desmond R. as a round C, in 1583.
It has evidently been rebuilt, being a very low, rude, and late square

238 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

tower, 40 feet by 13 feet, outside, and 20 feet high ; the walls are 6 feet
thick; the lower story vaulted, and 15 feet high. Curious sloping
depressions run down the walls, all the features are defaced, and the
end at the doorway broken down. It stands on low ground (0.8.L., 9,
p- 144).

SHANID.

The last of the modern divisions of Connello. In the usual
English fashion, it is named after its earliest chief castle, instead of
after a tribe, or natural feature. The smaller divisions are Glan-
corrobry, round Glin, Toghe Meahan, or O’Baithin,! in Rathronan.
Most of it consists of low, green hills, once thickly wooded, so that its
eastles lie to the east of the White River, or on the Shannon.

KILFERGUS.

374. Guin or Grencorsry (17). Marked. Circa 940 Ceallachan
Caisil, King of Munster, fought against the Kerrymen and Norse, at
Glenn Corbraighe, and other pitched battles, at Senguala-Cladard, of
Ui Conaill (Shanagolden), and Cromad, or Croom (Cathreim Ceal-
lachain Caisil, pp. 71, 87). 1222-80 Ric. de Londres held Glancorbry
(B.B.L., No. xxxix.). Sir J. Fitzgerald, son of T. f. Maur. (an
appagh), was killed. 1261 His three sons were—the White Knight,
the Knight of Glin, and the Knight of Kerry. Sir John, the Knight
of Glin, was given Glyncorbry and Beagh (later accounts say ‘‘ with
their C.s’’) about 1260. This J. fitz John, 1289, disseised J. Brecnach
(Welsh), in Glicorbry (Plea R. 13, m. 15), and in 1289, held half
a teodum in Glancorbry from the heirs of T. f. Maur. (C.S.P.1.).
The successive Knights of Glin who held this C. were John, son of
J. f. J., Sir “T. f. Jo. del Glyn, custod-pacis.”” 1346 He gave
hostages for his fealty to the King, and was sheriff of Tipperary.
John, his son, one of the hostages, was living 1351; his son, T. del
Glyn, died without issue, his heir being T., son of his brother, Phil. f.
J., whose son Edm., Knight of the Glynn, was pardoned, 1496, as
Dom. Edmo milite de Wayl (Pat. R. Engl.), living 1502. In his time,
1452, the Rental of OQ’Conyll gives the Manor of Glancorbry,
subject to Earl of Desmond. Tho. f. Edm. attainted 1526 and 1567
(Records, Ulster’s Office, &c.). 1562 The Earl of Thomond made a
raid to Gleann Corbraighe, where O’Loughlin was slain by a shot

11252 Rahenilda, widow of H. f. Hubert, claims a third of the theodum of
Obethan (Plea R., m. 5).

Westropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 239

from Clogh Gleanna! C. (A.F.M.; O’Sullivan Beare renders the name
Vallirupa). 1573 The Earl of Desmond put his man, Jas. Dore, at
the head of all the carpenters and masons of the country to raze
the Glan (C.S.P.I.). 1578 Granted to Sir W. Drury, President of
Mounster, of the C. or manor of Glan, with mill, cottages, and fourteen
carrowes, or quarters, each of 12 acres; also Castletown (Kenry) and
Keppaugh, late possessions of Tho. f. Gerald, Knight of the Glan
(Fi. 3277). 1583 Glan Corbry, in Killfaryse, with the C. of
Cloghglan, called ffarrenyer-Ruddery (Peyton, 227). Restored to
Edm. f. T., grandson of its former owner; T. f. T. (see 1567), who
had been executed in Limerick. The C. of Glencorbry waste (Des.
R., 748, 75). 1600 The Knight of Glin played a waiting game, and
the C. was in the hands of the Sugan Earl’s adherents. The English,
under the President, besieged the C., entrenching themselves between
it andtheriver. Captain Flower then took the great hall and turret-
stair, burned the door, stormed the keep, and took the roof, whence the
surviving Irish leaped; eighty Irish and eleven English were slain
(Pac. Hib.i., p.118). 1603 Edm., Knight of the Valley, got pardon
on condition of his resignation of the C. to Jas. I. The C. has
since been held by the Knights of Glin. In 1655 Lt.-Col. Widnham
rented it (Hartwell Acct.). It was called Ballygallyhannan, in
Kilfergus (Ballygillen adjoins it still), with manor, Courts Leet and
Baron, old C., a ruined bawn, two mill seats, and a brook running by
the C. side (C.8., p. 100).

Fabrie.—The tower is 21 feet 8 inches by 19 feet inside, and
40 feet high. Old people, in 1840, remembered it about 30 feet
higher. The walls are 8 feet thick ; there are four stories, two with
broken vaults. A plain structure of thin flags; all features defaced
(O.8.L., 9, p.149). The Hardiman View (No. 60, reproduced ante,
Plate xiii.), and that in ‘‘ Pacata Hibernia,” show it as in 1600, during
the siege. The bawn was 102 feet by 92 feet; it had a main gate to
the north, a turret at each eastern angle, the great hall to the north-
west, and the keep to the south-west. All, save the stump of the
keep, is now levelled.

375. Court (17). Not marked. 1583 Meanes and Tannacourt,
Kilfergus (Peyton, p. 106). 1590 ‘‘ The Meanes,”’ a castellated
building, with a side wing (Jobson’s Map, Hardiman, No. 60). 1605
Courte and East Meanes, held by T. Fitzgerald, of Glin (C.S., p. 97).

1 This usage of ‘‘cloch ” for a stone building, whether residential or monastic,
is not infrequent in the county.

240 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

LoGHILL.

376. Loeuirt (39). Not marked. 1201 Lemchaell (Leamhcoill)
held by the Cathedral. 1274 Held by J. de Penry. 1280 By
Roger Waspayl, who granted Lochkyl Manor to J. Mautravers. 1289
By Steph. f. Reymund (Plea R., 15, m. 15), named Lamkyll. Matilda,
his wife, claimed dower from heirs of her late husband, W. Myagh
(1b., 14,"m. 27). 1299 The Irish cotters and gavillars, with Drumdele
and Lauwyl (held by the Crown during vacancy of the See), granted
to the Bishop-eleet, Rob. Dundonyll (Pipe R.). 1802 Wasted in the
war. 138386 Manerium de Leamkaill (Rentals of de Rupefort and
O’Dea, &c., 1836 to 1459). 1590 The C. of Laugill (Hardiman,
No. 2).*’ Ric.’ White held it (Ing. Exch., 54). 1610 Recovered by
Bishop Adams, and leased to T. Lowe (Vis. Reg., and B.B.L.). 1621
Ric., son of R. White, got livery (Pat. R.; Inq. Chan., 543). 1640
J. Holme, after writing about apparitions at Castleconnell and
Knockainey, adds :—‘‘ Upon a manor of my Lord Bishop, Loughill,
hath beenseen . . . . abundance of armed men marching. I purpose to
go to the C.{better to satisfy myself ’’ (Len., p. 147). 1655 Louveghill
(C.S., p. 96). 1670 Leased by G. Crofts to Mountiford Westropp, of
Ballyartney, Clare (Atkins Davis MS.).

RoBERTSTOWN.

377. Foynes Istanp (10). Not marked. 1452 ffoyns, held by
Earl of Desmond (Rental). 1569 Honne (7c. ffoinne) C. surrendered.
1570 Dionys Cahissie, Chancellor of Limerick, held ffoyne C. (Inq.
Exch., 11). 1582 Pardon to Morrish oge Shihy, of Foyn (Fi.
3842). 1583 Desmond held the C. and Island in Ballyrobert (Des.
R., 113). 1587 Same granted to W. Trenchard ; after his death, his
executors left it to the enemy (Fi. 5078; C.S.P.I., p. 325). 1611
Same confirmed to Trenchard (Pat. R.); Jas. Creagh held under
lease from him the broken C., &c., on the Island (Inq. Chan., 63,
358). 1637 Kd. Trenchard held same (see also C.S., p. 95).

378. Kwocxpatrick! (10). Not marked. 1199 A C. built at
Ardpatrick, along with Askeaton (Ware Ann.). 1886 Cnockpatrick
(Rental). 1569 The C. of Patterick’s Hill surrendered with
Shannet, &c. (C.S.P.I.). 1586 Held by Moriert O’Nea (Fi. 4935).
1587 The C. and church granted to W. Trenchard (Fi. 5078).

1 Probably ‘‘ Ardpatraic, in Ui Chonaill Gabhra.’’ 1114. See Proc. R. I. A.,
vol. xxv. (c.), p. a0.

Wesrropp—Anecient Castles of the County of Limerick. 241

1601 Don. Onee, of Knockpatrick, pardoned (Fi. 6566). 1612
Confirmed to F. Trenchard. 1657 Held by Col. Trenchard.

879. Carrownemona ©. Unknown. 1583 In Monasternegillagh
(Robertstown) Parish (Peyton, 1048).

380. Coreria (10). Marked. 1540 Don. Gow, Constable of the
Earl at Corrugraige, used to take 100 oysters from each boat going to
Limerick (Inq. xxxviii Hen. VIII.). 1569 C. surrendered. 1570 held
by Rev. D. O’Cahissy (Ing. Exch., 12). 1579 The Earl held
Cathergony or Corgraig (Ing. Exch., 11). 1583 The large and
excellent C. called Corgragg (Des. R.,118). 1587 C. granted to W.
Trenchard.!. The extent of the Manor of Corgraige, in 1587, was from
the river of Loughill to Ballynash, to Dysert, Ballyestine,’ Creeve,
Dunmoylan, and Monemihane (Fi. 5078). 1600 Carew camped before
Corgrage C. of the late Master Trenchard ; the Irish surrendered, and it
was given to Oliver Stephenson (Pac. Hib., i., p. 123). 1610 ¥.
Trenchard held it (and the Manor of Mount Trenchard or Corgraige),
except 15 acres belonging to Knockpatrick Church ; he gave land to Ric.
Gill for services to his father (Inq. Chan., 5z, &c.). 1655 J. Trenchard
held the ruined C. (C.S., p. 94). It was held about 1690 by a Yorkshire
family named Palmes,’ and at the close of the eighteenth century
by the Griffin family, of whom was the poet Gerald Griffin.

Fabric.—The lower part of a very well-built tower, hardly 10
feet high in parts, remains on a low rock.

881. AveninisH (10). ‘C.” and ‘Castle Farm” marked on
new maps. The owners appear to have been, 1584-1601, Tiege
O’Donogh or O’Duffie, Aghanes or Aghnes Island (Inq. Exch., 54;
Fi. 6566), and, 1604, R. Lyster, subject to dower of his mother Marg.
Bourke (Inq. Chan., viii., 237). 1613 Sir J. Jephson, Aghniss, as part
of estate of Monaster ny gillagh (Jd.,5a). 1616 Sir F. Berkeley,
at his death. 1642 besieged (Dep. 302). 1655 F. Courtney (C.5.,
pe 95).

1 Paganus Trenchard appears (1120-30) at Hordhill, in the Isle of Wight ; his
descendant, Sir T’., relieved Exeter, in 1497, when besieged by Perkin Warbeck ;
from him derived W. Trenchard, of Normington, granted the Manor of Corgraige,
or Mount Trenchard, 1587. His sons, Edward and Francis, of Rodaston,
Wilts, confirmed in Corgraige, and died 1621. The published pedigrees seem
inaccurate.

2 Not the Kenry Ballysteen (143, swpra), but an old property of the O’Dowd
family, held by Andrew and his son, John, 1594 (Ing. Chan, 45); their lands not
affected by the attainder of the Knight of Glin.

3 See Loftus Pedigree, MSS., T.C.D., F. 2-28, p. 95.

242 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Fabric.—A long building about 65 feet by 28 feet wide, with three
rooms and the remains of a fourth and western.

382. Ropertstown (10). Marked. 1222-30 The C. of Robert Guher
or Gore (C.S.P.1.). It is often named in church lists and rentals,
1302, 1410, 1452. In 1289 Jo. Guer held Kyldrumyn (Plea R., 13).
In 1298 Margery Gore held a half townland of Robertstown (C.S.P.1.).
In 1452 Castro Robti. Gore held by Earls of Desmond. 1569
Surrendered. 1571 J. Mac Clanchy held it (Fi. 3842; Ing. Exch.) ;
1587 W. Trenchard (Fi. 5078; Inq. Exch., 41). 1608 Ballyrobert
C. conveyed by Jas. Wakeman to Sir Ric. Wingfield, of Smithstown,
with a water mill, Carricke O’Ruderi, Ardenere,! and part of estate of
Teige mac Clansie, slain in rebellion (Rev. Exch., 1613-18, p. 1; 1623,
p-17; Ing. Chan., 68), who held it with Cragg, 1638 (Inq. Chan., C.S.,
p. 94, &e.). 1655 C. of Robertstown, Carrigenrudderi, mill, &c.

Fabric.—The north-east fragments of a peel tower, featureless, save
for ambreys, on a projection in a tidal creek. Fragments of a
strong wall across the neck of the peninsula.

383. Craces (10). Not marked. Doubtful. 1298 Cragin Shanid
Manor paid 10 m. yearly (C.8.P.I.); very possibly the present Dysert
C., which see.

384. Dyserr (10). Marked. Probably included Morgans and
Crages at one time. Diseart Murdebrair in Ui Chonaill Gabrai
(Cal. Oenghus), Disuirt Murdewar, 1201; Dissert Marrgeoin, 1336.
1584 Morris mac Tirrelagh Mac Moryertagh (O’Brien) held the Isles
of Arin, near Galway; Crag mac teigh, near Dissert, in Conyllagh
(Inq. Exch., 12, p. 270; Peyton, 187). 1600 Jas. Gould held at
his death Craige and Disertbargeon from the Bishop (Inq. Exch.,
Vis. Reg.). 1608 J. Wakeman held them, as estate of Teige Clansie,
attainted (Pat. R., Rev. Exch., 1613-18, &c.). 1638-1655 Wingfield
held Craige and Dissert C. (C.8., 95): see Morgans, supra, 298.

Fabric.—A tower 19 feet by 18 feet, inside; walls, 43 feet thick.
Itis four stories high, with a barrel stair of sixty-eight steps north-west
beside the door, the latter protected by a ‘‘ murder-hole.”” The lower
and third story are vaulted, with a closet in the wall on the second
floor. The details are of the later fifteenth century. There are
slight traces of a side wing and bawn, all much injured (0.8.L., 8,
p- 17).

1 The ‘‘ Churchfield,’’ in Ardiniere, commemorates the old Church of Ardinuir,.
1200. See Proc. R.I.A., vol. xxv. (c.), p. 396.

Westropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 248

KInMoyrANn.

885. Suanactovs. Unknown. Perhaps Sheniclou, 1452 (Rental).
1588 Currickye or Shancloue C., in Kilmoylan (Des. R., 11), given
with Ballyhahell and Knocknegornagh.

386. CarrownEcLoucHy C. Unknown. In Toghe Shanid, near
Shanid (Peyton, 99n). Perhaps same as last, and Carrowclogh, near
Old Abbey, or Quarterclogh, in the same.

3887. SHanip (19). Marked. 839 Senati, the scene of a fierce
battle and defeat of the Norse by the Ui Chonaill and Ui Fidgeinti
(Wars of G. and G.). 12380 Senode granted to T. f. Maur. 1282
J. f. F. at his death held a cantred in Cunyl called Shenede.
1296 The free tenants figure in a suit of Maur. de Carreu and Ric. de
Burgo (Plea. R., 27-32). 1298 The Inquisition on the death of T. f.
Maur. gives Senede, and mentions “‘ five acres held by the Smith near
the C.”’ Also rents, a warren, a mill, and the Bishop’s rent for lands
held by the nuns of (St. Catherine’s, or Old Abbey) O’Conyll. 1300
The Manor, worth £36 14s. 2d. (also see C.S.P.1.). During the
next three centuries it was the ‘‘ chief house” of the Desmonds,
whence the battle-cry, “‘Shanid Aboo.” 1569 The C. surrendered.
1580 Pelham camped near ‘‘ Desmond’s first and most ancient house of
C. Shenet,” and from it ravaged the hills, burning houses, and slaying
400 persons (Carew MS.). 1583 Manor of Shanet, two old ruinous
C.s, of which one is situated on the top of a high mount, and is
girded by a barbican, which, with the C., lately fell (Des. R., 11).
1587 Granted to W. Trenchard, both Higher and Lower Shanyd (F'1.
5078 ; Ing. Exch., 41). 1598 Left to the Irish. 1611 Confirmed
to F. Trenchard, under whom Jasper Loe held both C.s, being
sufficient dwelling (Ing. Chan., 68). 1615 Claimed by the Bishop,
but set to Mr. Trinche(ard) (Vis. Regal). 1641 Mortaugh Cavanagh
and Col. Morris Harbart, both of Ballingarry, pillaged Shanatt (held
by Donnell Whitlo) and Shanagolden (Dep., 226). 1655 J. Trenchard
held the Manor in right of his brother Edward.

Fabric.—The C. stands on a fine mote 35 feet high, with a fosse
12 feet wide. On this stands a strong tower 35 feet high, 22 feet
inside, walls, 11 feet thick, polygonal outside, circular inside, battle-
mented, windows turned over planks, and no vaults. The eastern half
levelled. It is at the west side of the platform, and is nearly touched
by the outer wall; of this only a few fragments totter on the edge
of the mound. It was battlemented and loopholed, 16 feet high and

244 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

5 feet thick. The area is 63 feet across; the mote 170 yards round
the base. To the east is a bawn down the slope and girt with fosse
and mounds. A large early rath lies on the south ridge of the hill.’

388. SHanm Lower (19). Site marked. 1583 Another C. is
situated near the foot of the hill to the north-west. It is square, 50
feet wide outside the walls, and 30 feet wide. ‘‘ In which C. or peel
were five separate rooms or chambers and two ‘stories’; all the roofs
entirely gone ” (Des. R., 11). Fitzgerald gives a legend, similar to
that of Dido and the hide, as to how MacSheehy lost it (i., p. 365).
It is nearly levelled.

DUNMOYLIN.

389. Dunmoyrin (19). Not marked. 1299 Dunmolyn held by
Raymond de Valle (Wali) (C.S.P.I.). 1568 Wall, or Falltach,? of Dun-
maoilin, fellin a raid in Kerry (A.F.M.). 1569 It surrendered to the
Crown. 1580 After the fall of Askeaton, Pelham slew Ulick, son of
Ulick Falltach, of Dunmaolin, who had been blind from his youth
(A.F.M.). 1581-8 Hugo Falltach, or Wall, held the “‘ great C. ina great
enclosure or balne”’ built for defence, with a stone wall, very ruinous,
a garden, water mill, and a little close in decay (Des. R., 688). 1588
Ol. Stephenson’ was granted Don Melline, part of estate of Ullick de
Wall, alias the Falltach (Fi. 5242). 1600 The Falltachs were given
as hostages for the Sugan Earl to MacCarthy (Pac. Hib., 1., p. 103;
Peyton, 938 ; Ing. Exch., 11). 16174 Ol. Stephenson died at Dun
Moylin (Ing. Chan., 148, 2038, 248); confirmed to his son Ric.
(Pat. R., Ing. Chan., Car. I., 206, &c.). 1653 G. Aylmer paid £46
for hay for horses of the garrison at Doonmoylen (Acct. R., 8). 1655
The late estate of R. 8. granted to S. F. Chamberlain (B.D. 22 ; ©.S.,
p. 85; D.8.B., 3). 1661 The loyalty of Marg. Stephenson, widow, of
Dromoylin,’ attested by her son Lt.-Gen. J. Barry (C.8.P.1., 1660-2).
1670 Confirmed to Sir T. Chamberlain (Act Sett.).

390. Monymornitt or Gortaproma (18). Marked in the Castle
quarter of Gortadroma, on the White River. Sometimes called
‘‘Moyreen” C. 1289 Ad. Fleming gave Crosdere and Moyreyne

1 See plan of Castle, Plate XVIII, and R.S.A.I., vol. xxxiv., pp. 320-338.

* Only for the Irish form “‘Faltach,’’? one would suspect the ‘‘ Walls”’ of being
Ui Mhailles, for in 1336 Tho. de Valle held Crew Ymaille under Bishop Rupefort.

3 For the Stephensons, see R.S.A.I., vol. xxxiv., p. 129.

* The Inquisitions, however, give divergent dates for his death.

° The editor wrongly identified it with Dromoland in Clare, despite the words
‘*Co. Limerick.’’

Wesrropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 245

(except Lysgesy, Lysnefant, and Clotherbarwan) to Rob. Maunsel
while T. Underwood by charter granted Rathbrile, in Moyrene,
in offergus to H. Capella (Plea R., 18, m. 8 and 14, m. 11).
1583 Moneymoyhell, ruinous C. (Des. R.). 1615 Held by Ol.
and, 1623,. by Ric. Stephenson (Ing. Exch., Car. I., 91:
Ing. Chan., 158, 20B, 248, ix., 86). 1655 Granted to Brook Bridges
sudera. ebourke (h.D. 5) D:S.B., 3; €.8., p. 85).° 1665. To Ol.
Lambert. 1688 Forfeited by N. Burke.! 1726 Rob. Morgan,’ of
Connegarr, mortgaged part of J. Burke’s lands of Munnymoehill
(Dub. Reg., 51, p. 217).

Fabric.—The walls stood in 1840; and Mr. G. Morgan found vaults
under it. A fragment with traces of a side turret remain.

391. Dooncana (19). Not marked. 1657 The C. shown.
(D.S.B., 3). 1655 Ric. Stephenson had held Down Cahie (C.S.,
p- 85). A doubtful site.

SHANAGOLDEN (PART).

392. Kitcose¢rave (19). Marked. 1299 The heirs of W. Roth-
dean under T. f. Gerald held Kilcosgrau; the rabbits in its warren
were destroyed by foxes (C.S.P.I.). 1452 Kilcosgrau held by the
Earls of Desmond (Rental). 1588 Kilcosgrave vill. and C., Ed. og
London (Des. R., 198; Peyton, 1928; Ing. Exch., 54). 1587 Grant
to W. Trenchard (Fi. 5078), and 1611 to his son F. Trenchard, who
had leased it to Ric. Gyll. The C. was a sufficient dwelling (Inq.
Chan., 68). Francis held it. 1657, his daughter married Cap. J. Coplen,
and their son J. married, 1677, Susanna Langford, and left the place
by will, 1719, to her nephew, whose descendants hold it.

fabric.—In 1840 the O.8. writers say that the house was on
the site of the C. which no one remembered as standing. In fact,
the foundations remain near the house.

393. Craccarp (19). Not marked. <A small peel tower on the
Fox Covert Hill ; its site is remembered. Itis shown on a map of
1750.

1 Jas. and J. Morgan, of Moyreen, by deed 1731 (Dub. Reg.) granted part of
J. Burke’s part of Moneymoehill which they held from Lord Carberry, assignee of
N. Burke, of Cahir Meahell, deceased, otherwise under J., son and heir of Nic.
Bourke.

* The family of Morgan, now of Old Abbey, see R.S.A.I., vol. xxxiv., p. 50.
They claim descent from Sir Ed. Morgan, of Llantarnam, Wales.

246 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

RaTHRONAN.

394. CanEermoyLe (28). Not marked. 1299 Rathronan held by
Robert Purcell under T. f. Gerald (C.8.P.I.). 13817 Cahiryomuyly
held, with the hamlets of Ballymonyn, by Gilb.de Burgo (Mem. R.,
m.44). Edm. Hubert held it about 1550. 1588 His son Morris gave it
to his younger son Gerrot (Rev. Exch. Ord., Cal.i., p.57). C. held by
a Garret Harbert in 1609 and 1637 (Inq. Chan., 51B; and Car. L,,
199). 1655 Cahir mo Eaghill, or Cahermeghill, in Rathronan, Jas.
mac Shane (C.S., p. 83; D.S.B., 3). Cahirmeaghill, estate of Sir
Dan. O’Brien, confirmed to him and Sir T. Southwell (B.D., 22d).
Dr. Joyce derives name from Cathair Meathail, ‘ fort of the soft land’
(‘Trish Names,” 11, p. 465).

395. BattyvoeHan (28). Marked. 1582 Edm. f. Morrice Hubert,
of Balivochan, pardoned (Fi. 3842). Ger. Hurbert rebelled with Des-
mond (Inq. Exch., 54; Peyton, 113s). 1611 Held by Ol. Stephenson,
who enfeoffed Jas. Walsh and others in trust (Ing. Chan., 55, ix., 62).
1633 T. Stephenson, of Ballywoghan, died! (Funeral Ent., v., p. 38).
1655 Late estate of Ric. Stephenson (C.8., p. 84). 1736 Rob.
Morgan, of Callow, leased land to Ric. Stephenson, of Ballywogan
(Reg. Dub.).

Fabric.—A tower 24 feet by 193 feet, walls 5 feet 8 inches thick,
with an under-vault, and 25 feet high. It was locally Baile ui Buad-
achan in 1840 (O.8.L., 9, p. 74), suggesting the ancient name Buadh-
achan? occurring among the Eoghanachts. The older form, however,
suggests the ‘‘ Vaughan” family. Morrish Moghan or Vaughan was
of Kilbradran, 1619 (Inq. Chan., ix., 67). A family named Boohen
recently lived in Kilmeedy.

396. Battyecan. Unknown. Given as in this parish with last in
0.8.L. (9, p. 74), and separately from Ballyegny (Jb., p. 166). It
closely resembled Ballyvoghan in size and remains.

ARDAGH.

397. ArpacH®? (28). Marked on the key map only. A doubtful
site. 1201 Ardachad claimed by the See of Limerick (B.B.L., p. 14).

1R.S.A.1., vol. xxxiv., p. 130, variant dates for his death, but probably March,
1633. He left a son Ric., aged nine.

2 For example, the father of King Ceallachain Caisil.

3 See Proc. R. I. A., xxv. (c.), p. 401.

Westrropp—Anecient Castles of the County of Limerick. 247

1252 Vis. Capt. concerning a manslaughter near Ardach (Plea R.,
m.3d), T.de Mid. claims a burgage in Ardach from Petronil, dau. of
David Bale (Zd., m. 5). 1289 Rad. f. Andrew agrees with the Bishop
as to lands in Ardach (Jb., 13, m. 21). 1295 Roger de Lesse, the
Sheriff, broke the chamber of J. le Whyte, of Ardach, and took ale and
paid nothing for it (Just. R. Cal., p. 52). It was a manor of the
Bishops, held in 1836 with Kyllachtyn (Rental). 1452 The villat of
Ardagh, with Ballyduffgyn and the tenement of Rob. Lowell, worth
36s. 4d., of which 26s. 8d. was payable to the Bishop (Rental). 1583
Nearly the whole Toghe of Ardagh was held by the Crown (Peyton, p.
1808). 1583 Ardagh paid Sorrohen for 24 galloglas for 8 days yearly
- to Desmond, worth £3 and 9 cows (Des. R., 41). 1615 It was claimed
by the Bishop, but was held by Capt. Eyne Cullam (Vis. Reg.).

UnpPLAceD CasTLES IN CONNELLO.

398. CracHan C., named by Capt. J. Ward among the C.s in
Connello, surrendered to the Government in the war of 1569 (C.8.P.1.,
vol. xxix., No. 68). 15883 Craggan C., Co. Limerick, held by Philip
Supple, given after Kilmacoa and before Ballincolly and Ballyegny
(Ing. Exch., 10, 11). See also 49.

399-400. The Ratrr (? Rarw) and Batpoy. Other C.s in Connello
surrendered in 1569.

401. Battyenmaine C., near Finnitterstown, in Kilfinny parish,
1583 (Peyton, p. 190).

402. ‘*C. Laomar,” in Connello C., 1590 (Hardiman Map, 2).

403. KnocxnrcounacH C. only named in Inq. Exch., 54. Temp.
Elizabeth.

404, Lackarewny-Kwnockan C., 1583 (Fiant 4694). See 328.

405. Casrtekeoueu. 1611 Sir E. Fisher was granted the C.s of
Rathmore, Castlekeough, and Knocker (probably Nicker), Lisdonan,
and Ballincourtye, estate of Conor O’Brien (Pat. R.).

[Ts BLE

248 Proceedings of the Royal Inish Academy.

Part 1.
: Same | c. Sites or

jBarny rm |e | os oa Ee ca
| Limerick City, 23 1 1 — —— _ 3 18 ee

| Clanwilliam, . 56 2 8 _ 1 1 8 36 24

| Owneybeg, . 7 _- — _ — _ = 7 80

| Coonagh, : 17 — 4 — — — 6 7 87

| Parahecasy ae nee meen Weer: (hone Paro eo ee

| Parr 2.

Coshmagh, . | 31 2 rie Te ce ape Wale ots

| Partsnowin Cork, 1 — 2 Agee — — — 1 196

| Small County, | 39 2 4 2 ~ 10 21a 497

| Kilmallock, . 19 1 — — — = i 17 | 236

Coshlea, , 27 il #f a= — — 8 127°) 2b

| Unplaced, : 9 ~- — -- — -— — 9 | 282
Parr 3. |
| ae |
| Connello Lower, | Al] et 9 6 —. i 18 | 291 |
| ,, Upper, | 25 | — 7 1 ie ee 4 | 12 | 332 |

Partsnowin Cork, | 3 — 2 — —_ — 1 = 357

| Glenquin, . | 14 1 Ae | Se y ¢ | 360
| Shanid, 24 2 3 = = = 8 11 | 374 |

| Unplaced, . | 4 = _ == == = = 7 | 398
Total, . | 405 | 13 er fue | 4 | 1 | 66 | 54g | 406

Westropp—Anecient Castles of the County of Limerick. 249

ConcitupiIng Remarks.

This survey having run to such alength, it seems best to hold back
the fuller architectural notes and the history of the Castles from 1530
-to 1690. Another intended appendix on the early families has been
embodied more briefly as notes and additional matter in the two
later portions of the paper. The substitution of an index of family
names will more than supply its place. The occurrence of the oldest
Norman names among the present peasantry is very interesting. In
the treatment of the material, a few points arise. The too common
gap in the records of the Castles between 1390 and 1560 is probably
a less serious loss than any other period of equal length. All our
existing material' shows that time to have been one of comparative
quiet and prosperity in County Limerick ; and the fact of so many
families, which appear as holding the lands and castles in 1390,
holding the same lands in the time of Elizabeth, renders it certain
that the loss is rather to the genealogist than to the historian.
The period is comparable to that between the sales of 1703 and
those of the Encumbered Estates in 1858.

That there is no ‘‘ Castle Founders’ List ” for County Limerick, is
a great loss; but that list for Clare enables us to date the style
and ornament of the peel towers of both counties: with fair accuracy.

The length of time over which the collection of these notes extends
renders it hard to verify them in all cases, though the original
notes are minute. It is, I fear, too possible that misconceptions and
mistakes may be found in so large a mass of facts dealing with
over 400 sites. In giving the references to the Castles in the
Ordnance Survey Letters, I do so for reference to those valuable
sources, but have tacitly added to and corrected their material.
The authors of these letters are wonderfully accurate, despite their
manifest (and often confessed) ignorance of architecture ; much to
their credit, it rarely vitiates anything save a theory as to date.
’ The description of complex castles (like Adare and Carrigogunnell)
was entirely beyond their power, and not attempted by them on
that account. ‘Their conclusions as to the names were largely based

1 We may still hope that some day the lost documents of the Desmonds may be
recovered. A number were taken by the English after the capture of Rathmore,
and the Revenue Exchequer Orders (1613-18, p. 24) show that in 1615 litigants
were able to search in the ‘* Writings and Evidents of Gerald Earl of Desmond”’
for material relating to estates in Co. Limerick.

R. I. A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC C. [23]

250 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

on the modern Irish, sometimes on the few local names preserved
in the Annals, never on the most important medieval records; so
it evidently is no slur even on the great name of O’Donovan if
modern workers do not let themselves be overborne in all cases by
the decisions (sometimes very hasty, and even subsequently con-
tradicted by the authors themselves) as given in the ‘‘ Letters.”

It may also be pleaded how very little has been done by
previous workers in the district to throw light on the Castles. Grose,
Fitzgerald,’ and Lenihan’ rarely give more than brief, general, sporadic
notes. The Rev. James Dowd was the first to give us fuller
material* for the general study of the Castles. In ‘‘ Memorials of
Adare,” Lady Dunraven gave an excellent description of Adare,
of which Castle Mr. George Hewson gave another? more critical
account. Add to these Lady Dunraven’s notes on Dunnaman,
Fitzgerald’s on Shanid, and our own on Askeaton and Carrigogunnell,®
and the bibliography is practically exhausted.’ May I hope that
I may be forgiven the faults of a pioneer in this survey, and that it
may lead to a series of fuller descriptions by local workers, at least
for the more important castles and better preserved peels? All who
have worked on such subjects and know their difficulty will forgive
errors in the present writer; but I hope they may publish the
corrections whenever a material error is detected.

It remains to thank the same kind friends whose help I.acknow-
ledged in the Survey of the Churches—especially Mr. M. J. MacEnery

Grose, ‘‘ Antiquities of Ireland’? (1795), vol. i, Adare, p. 26; vol. i1.,
Carrigogunnell, p. 28; Cullum, p. 70; Askeaton (called Rockbarkeley), 71.

* Fitzgerald and Magregor, ‘‘ History of Limerick ’’ (1827), especially
vol. i., pp. 227-391; vol. ii., p. 592.

’ Lenihan, ‘‘ Limerick : its History and Antiquities’’ (1866), especially pp. 722—
736.

4«* Round about the County of Limerick.’”? The fuller descriptions include
Kilmallock, p. 11; Bruree, p. 61; Lough Gur, p. 70; Rathkeale, p. 166; Pallas,
p- 171; Askeaton, p. 182; Glin, p. 198; Shanid, p. 200; Newcastle, p. 211.

5 Journal, Limerick Field Club, vol. i., part i., p. 32; part ii., p. 19.

6 Askeaton, R.S.A.I. Journal, vols. xxxili., xxxiv. (1903-4) ; Carrigogunnell,
‘‘ Principal Castles of Limerick,’’ 1906-7.

7 We may add the account of Desmond’s Castle, Adare, and of Carrigogunnell,
by Miss Adams (with views by Very Rev. L. O’Brien, Dean of Limerick), in
‘*Castles of Ireland,’’ and some notes on details of Askeaton Castleinthe Gentleman’s
Magazine, vol. xvii. (2), 1864, p. 544. <A fine view of Carrigogunnell has recently
been published by Rev. J. Begley in ‘‘The Diocese of Limerick, Ancient and
Medieval,’’ which has reached me too Jate for more than this reference.

Wesrropep—Aneient Castles of the County of Limerick. 251

and Dr. George Fogerty. Professor John Wardell, Mr. J. G. Hewson,
Mr. James Hewson, and Dr. Henry Molony have helped me in the
Connello Castles, and Mr. Grene Barry in those of Clanwilliam and
Coonagh, and with many lesser notes. Sir Arthur Vicars, in giving
me access to the records of the Ulster’s Office ; Mr. George Dames
Burtchaell, for his valuable help and suggestions as to families ;
Mr. James Mills, the Deputy-keeper of the Records; and Mr. Henry
Berry, have laid me under a renewed debt of gratitude by their help
in work necessary for supplementing and revising these notes on the
Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick.

CORRIGENDA AND ADDENDA, PART III.

No. 23. For ‘“‘Anstoe,’ read ‘‘ Ansloe.”’

No. 128. Ballyclough: one wall of the castle was embodied in the
modern house.

No. 106. For ‘‘Teige na Glenore,”’ read ‘‘Conor Prince of Thomond
who abdicated in favour of Teige na Glemore, 1426,” and add ‘* His
son Brian Duff was settled in the wasted ‘ Fossagh Lymerey’ by
James, Earl of Desmond, and given Carrigogunnell in 1449” (Peyton,
33B; and Mulchonaire’s Book).

No. 122. For ‘“‘ Anstey (Fi. 5347),” read ‘‘ Ansley (Fi. 5363).”

No. 122. Corbally : Mr. Grene Barry considers that these entries
(save 1618) refer to another Corbally, and that the latter is merged in
Ballinacurra (126), once Curraghbally. However, the castles of
Corbally and of Dwylish or Beallancor seem to be distinguished. The
entry in the Desmond Roll (m. 7) is so equivocal as to leave it doubtful
whether the castle was near the city walls to the north-east or the
city to the north-east of it. On going over all the authorities, I incline
to the belief that Mr. Barry is right as to its position near Courtbrack,
but that it is not Ballinacurra Castle, and that there may also have
been a castle at the north-eastern Corbally, Corbally Castle being placed
in Clanwilliam by Peyton, p. 24, and the Desmond Roll at least per-
mitting this view.

No. 131. Ballyregan. Add ‘‘1289 Suit of R. de la Louwe and H
de Lexton as to dower in Ballyregan (Plea R., 13, m. 9).”

No. 210. For ‘“‘Bruree” read ‘Bruff.”

252 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

PLATES.

XVI. Castles of Cappagh (308); Ballingarry (335); Lisnacullia (310);
Clonshire (329); and Askeaton (291).

XVII. Details of Castles: Windows—Adare (thirteenth century),
Lisnacullia and Askeaton (fifteenth century), and Dunnaman
(probably early sixteenth century). Mouldings—Adare.
Staircase—Lisnacullia.

XVIII. Plans—Askeaton Castle (1199-1460); Shanid (thirteenth
century); and Cappagh, peel tower (c. 1440, 1460), and
Bawn (ce. 1580).

Wesrropp— Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 253

INDEX OF PLACES.

‘«Jnt.,’’ Introductory sections (after III., they precede the section number here
given); ‘‘n.,’’ note; ‘‘Add.,’’ refers to addenda and corrigenda at ends

of Parts II. and III.

(Part I. contains 1 to 205; II., 206 to 290; III., 291 to 404.)

Adamstown, 221.
Adare, 166. |
Amery Castle, 288.

Aghacore: see Boynogh. |
Aherloe : see Galbally.

Amogan, 328.

Annagh, 83.

Annaghrosty, 138.

Aney: see Knockaney.

Aqi: see Knockaney.
Arabreaga, 93.

Ardagh, 397.

Ardgowle more and begg, 304-3.
Ardlahan, 161.

Ardpatrick : see Knockpatrick.
Ardskeagh: see Brickfield.
Arrybreaga: see Arabreaga.
Askeaton, 291-2.

Askelon: see Esclon.

Ashfort : see Annaghrosty.
Ashill Towers : see Castlecvote.
Athlacca, 181.

Attyflin, 134.

Aughinish, 381.

Baile Ui Ghealachan: see Hollypark.

Bagyotstown, 217.

Baldon, 400.

Ballinacourty, 270.

Ballinacurra, 126.

Ballinacurra (Croagh), 323.

Ballinagarde, 46.

Ballinagoole, 148.

Ballinahinch, 272.

Ballinamonabeg and more, 222-23.

Ballinard, 231.

Ballinarooga, 348.

Ballincollo (-ruo), 190; (Ballingarry), |
338, |

Ballincurra, 182.

Ballindrowite, 267.

Ballinfrankey : see Frankfort.

Ballingarry (Connello), 335-8 ; (Cosh-
lea), 273.

Ballingoody : see Baggotstown.

Ballingowle: see Ballinagoole.

Ballinlough, 234.

Ballinoe: see Bruree and Newtown;
(Clonelty), 366.

Ballinort, 298.

Ballinscoola (Ballinskowligg), 228.

Ballinvealla, 136.

Ballinvira, 326.

Ballinvogodock: see Baggotstown.

Ballinvoher, 142.

Ballinwily : see Carrigparson.

Ballinwryg, 326.

Ballyatheney : see Fanningstown
(Croom).

Ballyallinan, 319.

Ballybenoge: see Maidstown.

Ballybooly: see Boulabally.

Ballybeg, 109.

Ballybricken, 52.

Ballybrowne, 37; (Clarina), 115.

Ballycahane, 130; (Kenry), 150.

Ballycahill, 227.

Ballyclogh (Clanwilliam) ,32; (Connello),
301; (Pubblebrian), 128.

Ballyculhane (Kildimo), 160.

Ballycullane (Coshlea), 259.

Ballycullen (Askeaton), 300.

Ballyduff, 276.

Ballyea, 202.

Ballyeaghera, 112.

Ballyegan, 396.

Ballyeghtra, 107.

Ballyegny, 311.

254

Ballyengland, 296.

Ballyenmaing, 401.

Ballyfoleen, 333.

Ballyfraley, 363. |

Ballyfrankey: see Frankfort.

Ballygallyhannan (Ballygellighan) : see
Glin.

Ballygleaghan, 145.

Ballygrennan, 10; (Small County), 188. |

Ballygubba, 193.

Ballyguilleataggle, 333.

Ballyhyward: see Adamstown
Howardstown.

Ballyloske : see Garranroe.

Ballymacreese, 56.

Balymacshaneboy, 264.

Ballymorrisheen: see Callow ; (Grange),
064.

Ballymurely : see Maryville.

Ballymurphy (Murchada), 137.

Ballynagoole, 327.

Ballynacourty (Darragh), 270.

Ballynanty, 20.

Ballynash, 294.

Ballynaughte: see Bruree.

Ballynecarrigy : see Rockstown.

Ballyneety (Cahernarry), 39; (Coonagh),
1035.

Ballynogert : see Ballinagarde.

Ballypierce, 362.

Ballyregan, 131; Add. IIT.

Ballyscadden, 274.

Ballyshane, 129.

Ballyshida, 40.

Ballyshonickbane : see Carriganea.

Ballysimon, 34.

Ballysiward : see Howardstown.

Ballysteen, 148.

Ballytrasna, 101.

Ballyvalode, 96.

Ballyvarra, 28.

Ballyvenoge: see Maidstown.

Ballyvoghan, 395.

Ballyvollane, 25.

Ballyvorheen, 85.

Ballyvorneen, 68.

Bally william, 321.

Ballywillen: see Milltown; (Clan-
william), 47; (Connello), 365. °

and

Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Ballywollen : see last.

Barniard, 108.

Beagh (Iveruss), 141.

Bealeruffyn: see Ballyvorheen.

Bean: see Mayne.

Bearnan (aguihy) :

Behiz, 151.

Black Castle (Gur), 211; (Caherelly),
51.

Blathac, 11.

Bodestock : see Woodstock.

Boherbradagh, 3380.

Bolane, 163.

Boulabally, 168.

Bourchier’s Castle: see Lough Gur.

Boynogh, 80.

Brickfield, 261.

Briskaghbeg, 117.

Brittas, 73.

Brohill, 357.

Broskeagh : see Briskeagh.

Brownstown: see Court Browne.

Bruff, 186.

Bruree, 334-5.

Bulgaden (Eady), 256 ; (Fox), 255.

see Tonbawn.

Caherass, 176.
Caheravally, 45.
Caherconlish, 61, 62.
Caherconreiffy, 75.
Caherdavin, 13.
Caherduff, 116.
Caherelly, 50, 51.
Caherguillamore, 208.

_ Caherhussok: see Ballinard.

Cahermoyle, 394.

Callahintroy : see Castle Troy.
Callow, 303.

Camas, 206.

Carnkittle: see Carrigkittle.
Cappaculleen, 82.

Cappagh, 308.

Carriganea, 154.

Carrigareely, 72.

Carrigbeg: see Knocksentry.
Carrigkittle, 235.
Carrigogunnell, 106 ; Add. III.
Carrigparson, 58.
Carrownecloghy, 386.

W esrropr— Ancient Castles

Carrownemona, 379.

Cashlaun-na-Corran, 21.

Caslen Uilchin: see Castle Wilkin.

Castle Amery, Aqi, Behiz, &c.: see
Amery, &c.

Castleblake: see Farrenshone; —clug-

gin, 95; —comfort: see Farnane; |
—connell, 24 ; -—coote, 244 ;
—creagh, 280 ; —crome, 349 ;
—croyne, 349; --curricky, 336;

—currin, 349 ; —erkin, 70; —farm,
225; —field: see Ashfort; —garde,
97: Grey, 152 ; Hewson: see
Ballyengland; Ievers: see Tuller-
boy ;

Lloyd, 90 ; --lishen, 359 ; —loaghny,

105; —lynum, 282; —maemorris: —

see Kyletaun; —mahon: see Ma-
hoonagh ; —matrix, 314, 315;

—morrisheen : see Ballymorrisheen ; |

—mues, 286; —Mungret, 122;
—oliver: see Cloghnodfoy; Park:
see Ballygrennan; —yrag:
lingarry, 337 ; —robert (Adare), 169 :
see also Cloghnarold and Robertstown ;
—town (Coonagh), 88; —town
(Conyers), 353: —town (Kenry),
144 ; —troy, 30; Uilchin or Wilkin,
fae

Clarina, 111.

Cleur Jeolaghan : see Ardloghan.

Charabud: see Corrabul.

Clogh (Croagh), 324; —aderreen:
see Pallas Grean ; —adoularty, 200 ;
—atacka, 121; -atrida, 316;
—aviller, 232; —dalton: see Castle
Lloyd ; —keating, 124; —kotred:
see 324; —monohy, 226; nadro-
—min, 79; —narold, 309 ; —nodfoy,
268; —pollard or —flordy: see
Pollardstown; —tacka (not Clogh-
atacka), 286.

Clondrinagh, 14.

Clonecanane, 15.

Clonkeen, 60.

Clonmackenmore and beg, 17, 18.

Clonoguillen: see Kilscannell.

—jane: see Ballyscaddane: |
—kippen (Croom), 174; —keough, |
405; —knock, 64; —laghie, 285; |

see Bal- |

of the County of Limerick. 255

Clonshire, 329.

Cloubonge, 289

Coalick, 199.

Cnoc-ivr-finty : see Knocksentry.

Coolyhenon, 3d.

Coonagh (Limerick), 19.

Coonagh, or Occonagh, 87.

Corbally, 122; Add. III.

Corbally (Clanwilliam); Add. 111.

Corcomohide : see Castletown Conyers.

Corgrig, 380.

Corrabul, 140.

Correen : see Coonagh.

Cortenaytowbrite: see Gortnatubbrid.

Court, 162.

Courtbrack, 23; —browne,
—meanes, 375 ; neruddery, 253.

Craig: see Dysert.

Craigard, 393.

Craggs, 383.

Craghan, 398.

Creggane (Hakmys), 189 ; Pubblebrian,
128.

Crewmally: see Ballinaclogh.

Croagh, 322.

Cromwell, 234.

Croom, 173.

Cullam, 164.

Cullen (-awonagh), 104.

Curragh-chase, 157 ;
—gower, 9; —north:
gleaghan.

Currickye, Shanaclone, 385.

293 ;

Elitine, 26;
see Bally-

Dadrienarry : see Ballingarry.
Darragh, 270.

Darranstown, 269.

Deelish: see Ballinacurra.
Derreen, 1538.
Derryknockane, 127.
Doneskeagh, 284.
Donygalyn: see Ballyfraley.
Dooncaher, 391.
Doondonnell: see Cloghnarold.
Doonmoon: see Ballinahinch.
Doorlus, 347.

. Dorosty: see Parosty.

Dromard, 318.
Dromassil, 139.

256 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Drombanny, 42, 43.
Dromkeen, 76.
Dromlara, 98.
Dromloghan, 147.
Dromroe (Shreelane), 31.
Dungrot, 278.
Dunkip, 172.
Dunmoylan, 389.
Dunnaman, 179.
Duntrileague, 279.
Durraclogh, 344.
Dysertmorgan, 384.

Ederryloghan: see Ardloghan.

Effin: see Brickfield.
Ellton, 214.
Elm Park: see Kilnecally.

Englandstown: see Ballyengland.

Esclon, 119.

Fanningstown (Croom), 167;

more), 203.
Fantstown, 257.
Farnane, 81.
Farranshone, 11.

Farrantegin: see Rathnasaer.

Fedamore, 198.
Fenure, 115.
Finnitterstown, 334.
Foynes, 377.
Frankfort, 344.

Galbally, 277.
Garranballaghanoo, 149.

(Feda-

Gardenfield : see Muskrynoonan.

Garranroe, 171.
Garraunboy, 331.

Garrod’s Island (Lough Gur), 212.

Garryellan, 201.
Garryfine, 356.
Garrynlease, 266.
Garryscullibine, 220.
Gibbonstown, 260.
Glennahaglish, 275.
Glenogra, 207.
Glenquin, 372.

Glin, 374.
Gormanstown, 219.

Gortadroma : see Moneymoyhill.

Gortanea: see Carriganea.

Gortnegworra, 320.

Gortnetubbrid: see Springfield.

Grange (Rathkeale), 361; (Lough Gur),
209.

Greenan, 65.

Greenanebegg, 66.

Hakmys: see Creggane.
Herbertstown, 233.

| Hollypark : see Buallygleaghan.

Hospital, 225.
Howardstown, Bruree, 185.
Hubertstown : see Herbertstown.

Illan-Ivowanna: see Cloghkeating.
Inch St. Lawrence, 53.

Iniskefty : see Askeaton.

Islandmore, (Kenry), 155 ; (Croom), 177.
Iveruss: see Beagh.

Johenishesgrene: see Tough.
Jolegar: see Uregare.
Jyskyfty : see Askeaton.

Kenry : see Shanpallas.
Kilbeheney, 281.

Kilbigley : see Brickfield.
Kilbolane, 358.

Kilcosgrave, 392.
Kilcullane, 229.

Kileulline, 55.

Kilderry, 133.

Kildonnell, 132.

Kilduff, 99.

Kilfinnane, 265.

Kilfinny, 332.

Kilfrush, 218.

Killalough (Lough Gur), 211.
Killeedy, 371.

Killonan, 29.

Kilmacluana: see Cappagh.
Kilmacow, 342.

Kilmallock, 236-253.
Kilnecally, (Elm Park), 110.
Kilpatrick, 36.

Kilpeacon, 197.
Kilscannell, 312.

Kilwirry, 146.

Wesrroprp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 257

King’s Island, 22.
Kishiquirke, 78.
Kislaneyconnell: see Castleconnell.
Knightstreet: see Ballingarry
(Connello).
Knockardnegal, 11.
Knockaderry, 367.
Knockanea, 67.
Knockaney, 215, 216.
Knockedanna, 63.
Knockesawny : see Knocksouna.
Knockfennell, 215.
Knockfookaun, 283.
Knockgromell: see Cromwell.
Knocklong, 271.
Knockmony, 226.
Knocknegorteeny, 84.
Knocknegowna, 403.
Knocknenagh: see Knockanea.
Knockpatrick, 378.
Knockroe Mason, 54.
Knockrunyn, 114.
Knocksawno : see Knocksoon.
Knocksentry, 27.
Knockshanecashlane, 62.
Knocksouna, 192.
Knocktershane : see Shanpallas.
Kyletaun, 317.

Lackarewny Knockan, 404.

Laohar, 402.

Laxweir: see Cashlaun ne corren.

Leagane, 198.

Lickadoon, 41.

Limerick 1: castles in city,2, 9; in north
suburbs, 10, 20.

Lisduane Turret, 346.

Lismakeery, 299.

Lismollane, Abingdon, 77.

Lisnacullia, 310.

Lissamota, 341.

Lisdrumloghan: see Drumloghan.

Loughill, 376.

Longford, 91.

Longhurst : see Longford.

Lotteragh: see Bruree.

Lough Gur, 210-212.

Luddenmore, 57.

Mahoonagh, 368.

Maidstown, 187.

Marevrege: see Arabrega.

Maryville, 352.

Mattresscourt and Matrix: see Castle-
matrix.

Mayne, 369.

Meanes: see Courtmeanes.

Meelick, 118.

Mellon: see Rinekirkye.

Millmount, 2638.

Milltown (Askeaton), 302 ;
(Ballingaddy), 262 ; also Ballyvollen.

Moanahila: see Pollardstown.

Moneymoyhill, 390.

Morenane, 156.

Morgans, 298.

| Mount Blakeney, 258.

Mount Browne: see Dromard.
Mountshannon : see Ballyvollane.
Moyreen: see Moneymoyhill.
Muskrynoonan, 351.

Mungret (Castle Mungret), 123.

Newcastle, Limerick, 33 ; (west), 360.
Newtown, 120; also Ballinoe.
Nicker, 102, 405.

Norragh: see Kyletaun.

Occonagh : see Coonagh.
Offargus, Int., 291, 310 n.
Oldcourt, 325.

Omogan: see Amogan.
Oola, 92.

| Owney, 79-86, Int.

Pallas-beg, (Tough), 290 ;
also 86 ; —Grean, 100 ;
—Kenry: see Shanpallas ;
—(Kilmeedy), 350.

Parosty, 237.

Pollardstown, 89.

Portrinard, 373.

Proppinge, 252.

Pullagh, 178.

Quroclog: see Durraclough.
Qwonagh : see Castletowncoonagh.

208 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Raheen: see Caherayalley.
Ralff, 399.

Rare Kenlex: see Cahirconlish.
Ratheannon, 188.
Rathgoghan (Cork), 196.
Rathjordan, 74.

Rathkeale, 318.

Rathmore, 205.

Rathnasaer, 307.

Rathurd, 41.

Rawleystown, 230.
Reboge: see King’s Island.
Reyns: see Kilscannell.
Rinekirk, 166.
Robertstown, 382.
Rochestown, 48.
Rockstown, 49.

Rower, 170.

Roynekirkye: see Rinekirk.
Rylaans, 339.

Ryves Castle: see Ballyscaddane.

Shanaboley, 16.
Shanaclone, 385.

Shanaclough: see Ballingarry (Croagh) :
see Old Court: see also Finnitters-

town and Oola.
Shandangan, 94.
Shane Court: see Old Court.
Shanepallas, 159.
Shanid Lower, 388 ; Upper, 387.
Shreelane, 31.
Skool, 204.
Springfield, 370.
Srahane, 69.
Sreelane: see Shreelane.
Stoneville, 306.

Tannacourt : see Court Meanes.
Tankardstown, 191.
Thomastown, 194.

Thomcore, 2.

Thurles: see Doorlus.

Tinnatarriff : see Tough.

Tobornea: see Leagane.

Tohoride : see Tough (Adare).

Tomdeely, 297.

Tonbaun, 135.

Tooreen (Carrigparson), 59 ;
Islandmore, 9.

Toryhill: see Dromassil.

Tristellaueran : see Inch.

Trostany : see Dunnaman.

Troy Castle: see Castle Troy.

Tough (Aesgrene), 86; (Adare), 158.

Tower Hill: see Tough.

Tullabracky, 184.

Tullerboy, 180.

Tullovin, 179.

Ula and Ullish: see Oola.
Uryverygy: see Arabreaga.

Veelish or Ullish: see Oola.
Vicars Castle, 244.
Vinoganbeg: see Amogan.

Wallygard: see Ballinagard.
Whitestown : see Ballineety.
Williamstown, 47.
Woodstock, 340.

Xoghesgren: see Tough.

Yeaghrosse: see Beagh.
Ynyskyfty : see Askeaton.
Yrostany: see Dunnaman.
Ysbardeston: see Fantstown.
Yonach: see Owney.

Zoghesgrey: see Tough.

Wesrropp— Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 259:

INDEX OF

Only definite surnames are given ;

Adams, 123, 307, 376.
Agard, 124, 234, Int., 291.
Anevil, 218.

Ansloe, Ansley, 41, 122.
Ap Howell: see Powell.
Appelgard, 1387, 154.
Apsley, 215, 225 n.
Aradha tribe, Int., 80.
Airthusy, 2; 10, 22, 26, 31, 48, 125, 128.
Arundel, 369.

Aston, 143-144.

Aunsell, 335.

Authors—Barry, J. Grene, 49, 73, 119, |
Dowd, Rev. J., 216, 360; Dun- |
raven, Lady, 166; Fitzgerald, Rev. |
P., 62, 319, 385, 388; Hewson, G.,
166; Langrishe, R., 210; Lynch,
Rev. Mr., 61; Molony, Dr. H., 338, |
842; Westropp, I. J.,119, 120, 291. |

Aylmer, 265, 368, 389.

Baggot, 38, 215, 217, 222, 223, 229.

Bailey, 210; Bale, 397.

Balbeyn, 2.

Barker, 121.

Barraby, 280.

Barry, 347, 389.

Bassingburn, 215.

Bath, Earl of, 97,
Bourchier.

Beaufo or Bellofago, 119, 288. -

Belcoc, 300.

Bennett, 279.

Berkeley (Askeaton), 166, 291-3, 295-7,
299, 800, 311, 322, 325, 369, 381;
(Ballycahane), 130, 189.

Beston, 141, 144, 145, 149, 154, 253,
340 n.

Bevan, 206.

Billingsley, 236, 265, 303, 316, 318,
328, 332, 335, 340-342.

Bindon, 128, 124.

Blayney, 322.

Bluett, 242.

112, ; 209): » see

PERSONS.

’

‘family ’’ shows principal note.

Blundell, 309.

Blunt, 101, 328: see also White.

Borstye, 303.

Boskagh: see Fox.

Bostock : see Beston.

Bourchier, 207, 210.

Boyle, 69, 74, 106, 120, 281, 298, 358:
see also Cork.

Braosa, 21, Int., 80.

Brandon, 94, 353.

Bridges, 296, 304, 328, 390.

Brittas, Lord, 27, 30, 53, 62, 65, 67,
72; family, 73.

Broderick, 341.

Broghill, Lord, 190, 293-4
see also Orrery.

Bromley, 370.

Brouncker, 319, 348.

Browne, of Hospital, 52, 172, 202, 206,
210, 225-6, 348 ; of Kilcullane, 229,
236, 308, 310, 322, 348.

Bullingbroke, 218.

Bultingford, 8 n.

Burgate, 79, 131, 200, 253, 259, 277,
278.

297-300 :

. Burgh, 70, 76.

Burgo and Burke, 1, 24-38, 46-73,
75-78, 119, 128, 127, 164, 172, 197,
235, 279, 285, 288, 291, 308, 313,
319, 373, 381, 390.

Burton, family, 215, 217, 234.

Bury and Charleville, 159, 165.

Butler, 24, 61, 89, 91, 123, 215, 272,
319, 342, 348.

Byboys, 335.

Cahill and O’Cahill, 106, 382.

Cahiravahalla, Lords, 45.

Canny: see MacCanny.

Cantwell, 278-280.

Capella and Chapelle, 189, 329, 342,
390.

Carew, 166, 210.

Carter, 35, 124, 141, 163, 234.

260

Casey, Cathasaig, Cahisse, 45, 183,
205, 257, 377, 380.

Castleconnell, Lords, 24, 62, 67, 70,
124, 210.

Cavanagh, 387.

Ceallachan, King, 374.

Chamberlain, 389.

Charleville: see Bury.

Chapman, 46.

Chinnery, 214

Clancy, MacClancy, &c., 27, 52, 69,
68, 296, 382.

‘Clare de, 198, 210, 215, 218, 291, 312,
353, 361, 368.

Clarina, Lords, 110.

Clarke, 329.

Clayton, 35, 46, 48, 59, 236, 243.

Clifford, 215, 353.

Cogan, 173, 191, 270.

Collins, 86, 210, Int., 332, 835 n.

Collum: see Cullom.

Comyn, 11, 12, 39.

Conyers, 353.

Cooper, 271.

Coote, 72, 215.

Coppinger, 161.

Corcoith, tribe, Int., 1 (p. 58).

Corcomohide, tribe, 353, Int., 291.

Cork, Earls, 141, 144.

Cornwall, 341.

Cosgrave, 103.

Coterel, 322.

Courtenay, 304, 352, 356, 360, 361, 363,
369, 373, 381.

Craige, 69.

Creagh, 9, 25, 42, 69, 108, 109, 122, 195,
202, 241, 262, 340.

Creeves, 335.

Cripps: see Villiers.

Cristour: see Saleys.

Crofts, 376.

Crofton, 291, 293, 294.

Croker, 46, 173, 230.

Cromwell, 185; family, 234.

5 Oliver, 281.

Crowe, 329.

Croyne, 349.

Cuffe, 123.

Cullom, 172, 334, 240, 341, 372, 397.

Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Curragh family, 167.
Cusack, 277.
Cusshyn, 350, 564.

D’Ammartin, 353.

Darcy, 166, 173.

Dawges, 319.

De Braosa, &c.: see Braosa, &c.

Deisi Tribe, Int., 197.

Delahoyd, 202, 214.

Desmond, Earls, 1, 23, 24, 104, 173,
196, 202, 204, 207, 209, 210, 212,
215, 228, 233, 236, 291, 310, 313,
314, and frequently after. Gerald
and his rebellion, 28, 99, 122, 143,
159, 183, 185, 204. Papers of, 205,
206, 208, 235, 291, and often after ;
also 3382, 360, 369, 374, 377, 392,
395. James, the Sugan Earl, 166,
205, 210, 277, 281, 291, 319, 359, 589.

Drew, 299, 328.

Drury, 141, 144, 154, 308, 574.

Dondon, 143 ; family, 185, 229.

Dondonnell, 184, 309, 372, 376.

Dowd: see O’ Dowd.

Dowdall, 144, 166, 183, 308, 309, 313,
318, 330, 332, 341, 342.

Doweglass, 112.

| Downing, 70.

Dullard, 200.
Dunboyne, Lords, 89.
Dunraven, Lords, 166: see Quin.

Edmondson, 75.

Eleteraigh : see Finnitter.

Enfaunt: see Young.

England, Englys, Anglys, Yngles, 122,
130, 296, and p. 72n.

Encorrig, Fitz Gibbon, 309, 344.

Escott, 683.

Evans, 82, 169, 170, 176; family, 188.

Fanning, 10, 154; family, 167, 202,
203, 215, 296.

Fant, 257.

Falltach: see Wall.

Farrel, Farrelly : see Frawley.

Fareman, 207.

Feleteragh : see Finnitter.

Fenton, 281.

Wrstrropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick. 261

Fie)d, 41, 122.

Filkins, 6.

Finnitter, 334.

Fisher, 100 (also p. 108).

Fitton, 52, 103, 104, 121, 124,
207, 214, 215, 222, 223, 226,
932, 233, 234, 285, 255, 278.

Fitz Gerald, 100, 139, 145, 147, 149,
154, 156, 159, 163, 165, 166, 168,
173, 176, 185, 194, 207, 215, 231,
934, 265, 268, 297, 298, 299, 307,

193,
230.

310, 333, 334, 350, 353. Cork, 357, |

369, 370, 374, 375, 392, 394. See
also Desmond and Glin.
Appagh, 399, 371, 372, 374. Thomas
Caune, 310, 370, 371.

Fitz Gibbon, 253, 272. Also MacGib-
bon, Encorrig, and White Knight.

Fitz Harris, 268, 266, 270.

Flemyn, Vlemeng, Flandrens,
176, 300, 304, 356, 390.

Ford, 24.

Fox, Boskagh, &c., 40, 139, 167 n, 187,
188, 190, 191, 202, 919-221, 237,
245; family, 255, 282.

Franks, Fraunceys, &c., 344 n.

Frawley, Farelly, &e., 72, 363.

Friend, 41, 62, 67, 69.

Fullerton, 344, 345, 366.

&e.,

Galwey, 1; family, 8, 120.

Gibbings, 335.

Gibbon : see Fitz Gibbon.

Gilbart, 145.

Gill and Gyll, 392.

Glin, Knight of, 141, 148, 144, 148,
151, 154-156, 161, 165, 186, 308,
322, 374. i

Godolphin, 304.

Gould, 49, 122, 200, 340, 341, 384.

Goulys, 191.

Grace, 270.

Gray, 215, 235.

Grandison, 87.

Graves, 342.

Greene, 56.

Grey, 106, 210.

Griffin, 380.

Grymban or Grym, 347-

Groome, 210.

Thomas an |

Gubbins, 187.

Guher or Goer, 185, 382.

Gunning and Ui Chonaing, Int. ft
(p. 57), Int., 24, Int., 106.

Haly, 36, 214, 260, 347.

Hallie, 117.

Hampton, 185, 336.

Hannan, 51, 101.

Harding, 89, 90, 340.

Hareng or Scadaun, 274.

Harold, 76, 234, 309.

Harrison, 99.

Harte, 173.

Hartstonge, 186; family, 186 n.

Haward: see Howard.

Helsham, 277.

Herbert, Harbert, Hubert, &e., 309 ;
family, 313-317, 322n., 326, 387,
394, 395.

Henry, 89, 90.

Hewson, family, 296.

Hickie, 177.

Higgins, 210.

Holcroft, 33, 37, 38, 42, 56, 58, 76; 401.

Holmes, 2, 376.

Hourigan, Wrgan, Horegna, 326, 329.

Howard, 185, 214, 222, 223, 226.

Hubert or Hubbert, 360, 364: see also
Herbert and Howard.

Hungerford, 371-373.

Hunt, family, 157, 189, 328.

Hurley, 44, 98-100, 204, 218, 235, 253,
971, 311, 344.

Hynes, O' Heyne, &e., 50, 52, 53.

Hynterberg: see Interberg.

Tevers, 180.

Inchiquin, Lords, 196, 332.
Ingoldesbye, 49, 52,55, d7, 144, 200, 204.
Ingram, 65, 132, 139, 140.

Interberg, 24, 76, 101.

Jackson, 346.
Jephson, 169, 196, 206, 373, 381.
Jeune, Joefne, &c.: see Young.

Keaghan, 297.
Kearney, 299.
Keating, 124.
Keough: M‘Keough, 30; Int., 80.

262

Kildare, Earls, 112, 159, 166, 173, 176,
180, 188, 195, 257.

Kirle, 68.

King, 106, 197.

Kingston, Lord, 201, 230, 233, 354.

Kyvernoc, 304.

Lacy, 10, 119, 166, 173, 175, 186, 192,

207, 210, 234, 256, 299, 301, 305, |

309, 323, 332, 335, 340, 341, 3438,
345, 354, 368.

Lahiff, 88.

Lambert, 296, 328, 390.

Lamplo, 317.

Landers, Londres, London, &c., 10, 87, |

141, 207, 235, 303, 326 n., 364, 374,
392.

Langan, 268.

Langford, 392.

Lee, 180, 304, 341.

Lees, Lesse, &c., 173, 185, 191, 289,
300, 335, 347, 353, 354, 397.

Heavies, 172, 173, 176, 179.

Lewis, 246.

Lexington, 319.

Lezignan, 215.

‘Lillis, 4, 66, 169, 170, 301.

Liston, 341.

Lloyd, 86, 354.

Londres: see Landers.

Long, 88.

Lowell, 397.

Lovelynch, 322.

Lysaght, 46, 201.

Lysnekylle, 197.

Mac Brien, 86, 88-93, 96, 361.

Macassa, Makisse, 360, 363.

Mac Canny, 10, 42, 136, 313.

Mac Clancy : see Clancy.

Mac Enery, M‘Kynery, &c., 183, 332;
family, 353, Int., 1.

Mac Gibbon, 161, 262, 281, 368.

Mac Grath, 103, 105, 277, 335 n.

Mac Gynouse, 215.

Machery, 299 n.

Mac Hewe, 352.

Mac Hoy, 309n.

Mac Ibrien Arra, 86, 108.

Mac Mahon: see O’Brien.

Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Mac Namara, 1, 322 n.

Mac Rudderye: see Glin.

Mac Shehie: see Sheehy.

Mainwaring, 136, 172, 198, 202.

Maolrian: see Ryan.

Mareys, 1, 10,87, 128, 166, 215, 225, 368.

Marshall, 74, 232.

Martin, 293

Martini, tribe, Int., 197.

Mason, 3398.

Massy, Lord, 295; family, 110, 217,
256, 279, 280, 295.

Maunsell, 68, 79,
family, 293, 390.

Mautravers, 291, 313, 376.

Meade, 356.

Meehan: see O’ Meehan.

Metcalf, 188.

Miagh, 238, 240, 243, 310, 347, 356.

Middleton: see Broderick.

Minetur, 297, 334, and Minur, §7.

Molyneux, 27.

Moncton, 337.

Moore, 278, 279.

Morrice, 199.

Morgan, 208, 255, 390, 395.

Morton, 308.

Motying, 304.

Mulconry, 24.

Mulholland, Int., 332.

Mulrian: see Ryan.

Musegros, 1.

Muskerry, 370.

Mutteley, 207.

141, 143, 1795

Naas, Nash, &c., 190, 235, 292, 294,
300, 504, 338.

Newenham, 140.

Nihell, 120.

Noonan O’Hynoonman, &¢., 351, 359.

Nugent, 218.

©’ Baithin: see O’ Meehan.

O’Brien, 1, 8, 24, 32, 58, 61, 69, 76, 86;
of Coonagh, Int., 87, 88, 90-2; of
Pubblebrian, 106, 107, 118, 114,
116-118, 120-124, 127-130, 134-
140; others, 160, 205, 278, 279, 281,
290, 353, 354, 371, 372, 384, 394:
see also MacBrien.

Wesrropp—Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick.

O’Cahell: see Cahell.

O’Cathalan, Int., 80.

O’Carthany, 123.

O’ Coggan, 128.

O’Conor, 24, 71, 1738, 319.

O’Crynan, 123.

O'Daly, 72.

Odell, 335, 336, 339,

O’ Donegan, 360.

O’ Donovan, Int.,

Odowan, 125.

O’ Dowd, 380.

O’Gealwayn, O’Galvan, 123.

O'Grady, 130, 202, 215-217,
230, 233.

O’Gunning or Ui Chonaing, Int., 106,
123.

O’ Hallinan, 319, 372.

O’Haskeran, 335 n.

O’ Hea, 66.

O’Heyne: see Hynes.

O’Hybyle, 123.

O’ Hynownane :

O’ Kee, 101.

Oliver, 265; family, 268, 272.

Olybane, ibe land, Int., 291.

O’Mayll, 123, 128.

O’ Meehan, Obaithin, &¢., Int., 374.

O’Muleashell,

O’Mulrian: see Ryan.

O’ Nea, 378.

O’Quillen, 352.

O’ Rahelly, 234.

O’ Regan, 824 n.

O’ Riordan: see Riordan.

Ormsby, 169, 176, 179, 187,
193, 204, 235.

Ormond, Lords, 74, 277.

Orrery, Lords, 2, 86, 190, 291.

O’Synnene, 297.

Oughtred: see Ughtred.

340, 343, 350.

166, 354.

228—

see Noonan.

190, 192,

Palmes, 380.

Parsons, 10, 59, 122, 125, 168, 183,
204, 323.

Peacock, 130, 139, 296 n., 316.

Peirce, 215.

Penrys, 191, 341, 354, 376.

Peppard, 342.

Perry family, 173.

263

Phitton: see Fitton.
Piggott, family, 174, 309, 329, 330, 322.
Plunkett, 144.

Pollard, 89.
Ponsonby, 257

Powell, 80, 232.

Power or Poer, 265, 351, 358.
Prendergast, 189, 368.
Pubblemynterqyllan, Int., 332, 352.
Purcell, 157; family, 160, 161, 17
1, 307; Croagh, Hamil Spay
32, 369, 394.

Quillen: see Pubblemuinterquyllen.
Quin, 167.

Ragge, 337.

Rainsford, 9.

Raleigh, &c., 210, 223; family, 230.
Reidy, Ride, &c., 157, 200.
Reily, 340, 341.

Reymond, 208.

Rice, 103.
Ridiford, 233.
Riordan, 59, 174, 180, 335n.
Roche, Rupe, &c., 33, 44, 45, 74,
107, 123; °127..-142.: of, Caherass,
ae

176, 204 n., 270, 27% mee,

Rochford, Rupefort, 44, 12
329, 335.

Roileston, 137.

Rourke, So eaapaiae &e.,
309, 309 n., 319, 321.

Blesoll) 160, 191.

Ryan, Mulrian, &c., 72; Int., 80

Ryves, 274.

7, 308,

»
§2,8 O«

St. Leger, 166, 170,

Saleys, 335.

Salfield, 343.

Sandyr the harper, 250n.

Sarsfield, 103 ; family, 324, 328.

Scoler, 128.

Serle, 119.

Sexton, 4, 60, 111, 1

Shehie, 272, 309, 310,
348-9, 362-3, 365-7,

172, 234.

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88: Int. 3

Sheehan, 205.
Sherlock, 174, 277.
Shippley, 371.
Slingsby, 302.

264 Proceedings of the Koyal Irish Academy.

Smyth, 44, 195, 318.

Southwell, 174n., 308; family, 314,
316, 332, 340, 361.

Speirin, 329.

Stackpole, 41, 141.

Standish, family, 186.

Stands, 344.

Stannard, 258 n., 354.

Stephenson, 106, 114, 121, 134, 308, 309,
311, 331-2, 380, 389, 391, 395.
Stritche, 7, 41, 125; family, 204, 208,

Stroude, 141, 324, 351.
Supple, 189, 342, 362, 398.

** Sugan Earl’? : see Desmond.
Sweenie, Int., 236.

Talbot, 244.

Tamnaige tribe, 368.

Tankard, 363.

Taylor, 145, 147, 149; of Askeaton,
291, 295.

Thomond Earls, 19, 104, 122, 136, 198,
202, 203, 374.

Thornton, 175, 323.

Thursteyn, 173, 175.

Trenchard, 301, 311, 377, 378 ; family,
380, 387, 392.

Troy, 30.

Twigge, 39.

Ufford, 87, Int., 24.

Ughtred, 307, 350, 353, 361, 363, 366,
368, 369: see also Courtenay.

Ui: see also O.

Ui baithin : see Omeehan.

Uibhrosa, Int., 141.

Ui bilraidhe, Int., 332.

Ui Cairbre, Int., 166.

Ui Cathalain, Int., 80.

Ui Cuanach, Int., 87.

Ui Chonaill, 387, Int., 291 n.

Ui Fidgeinte, 215, 353n., 387.

Ui Hiffernan, Int., 80n.

Ulster, Earls of, 53, 119.

Underwood, 390.

Upton, 136.

Valence, 166; Valoynes, 185, 291.
Valle: see Wall.

Valley: see Glin.

Vaughan, 396.

Verdon, 166, 198.
Villiers, 197.

Vincent, 34, 299 n.
Vlemeng: see Flemyng.
Vyneter: see Finneter.

Wakeman, 382, 384.

Walcott, 1, 28; family, 322, 329, 371.

Wall, 247,311, 316, 330, 331; family, 389.

Waller family, 141, 144, 155, 159, 164,
324.

Wallop, 167, 169, 334.

Waley : see Glin.

Walsh, Welsh, de Waleis, 80, 83, 120.

Wandesford, 296 n.

~Wansell, 369.

Ware, 141.

Ward, 335, 398.

Waspayl, 307, 3138, 376.

Weekes, 210.

Welle, 215, 291, 353.

Welsh: see Walsh.

Weston, 305.

Westropp, 24; family, 134, 143, 165.
322, 376.

White, 20, 55, 69, 91, 94; family, 103,
123, 184, 208, 376, 397.

‘“‘ White Knight,’’ 198, 253, 254, 265,
267, 281, 293; family, 369, 397.

Whitfot, 235.

Whitlo, 387.

Whitro, 32.

Whittaker, 342.

Widenham, 157, 162, 374.

Wilson, family, 61 n., 78.

Winckworth, 41.

Wingfield, 382, 384.

Wogan, 1.

Wolfe, 235, 321.

Wray, family, 183, 206.

Wyndelbalde, 30.

Wypeyns, 87.

Yngles: see English.

York, Duke of, 29, 33, 34, 42, 56, 65,
91, 96, 106n., 134, 140, 143, 145,
147, 149, 155, 157, 159, 311.

Young, Lenfaunt, &c., 235, 249 n., 287,
259, 304.

Zouche, 166.

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WESTROPP—CASTLES OF Co. LIMFRICK.

XI.

NOTES ON GIG-MILLS AND DRYING KILNS NEAR
BALLYHAUNIS, COUNTY MAYO.

By HUBERT T. KNOX.
Fratns gk. kN

Read NovemBeER 30, 1906. Ordered for Publication DecEemBer 5, 1906,
Published January 30, 1907.

Mr. O’ ReILty’s article on ‘“‘ Ancient Water Mills” in the Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy, vol. xxiv., Section c., p. 55, treats of the
horizontal water-wheel as no longerin usein Ireland. In the ‘‘Social
History of Ancient Ireland,” vol. i1., p. 339, Dr. Joyce writes that they
were in full work all over Connaught fifty or sixty years ago, and that
in Connaught people called them ‘ gig-mills’ when speaking English.
A few survive around Ballyhaunis, and probably also in other regions.
As the tendency is to convert them into vertical wheel mills, and as
they are likely to be extinct soon, I have here put together informa-
tion which has been given me from County Mayo.

The origin of the name ‘ gig-mill’ is obscure. One man says it is
from the English ‘ whirligig.’ Brian Kerins, of Cullentra, says he
never heard the term ‘ gig-mill’ until he was grown up. The local
names in Gaelic give nohelp. It may be the Gaelic Geug, ‘a branch,’ -
pronounced Geeog in Munster, which would easily become ‘ gig,’ and
well describes the ladles branching from the shaft.

Such mills abounded in this region. Most of the existing small
vertical wheel mills are known to have been gig-mills, A disused
gig-mill at Kilvine has ajshaft 32 feet long.

Witiiam Frattey’s Mitt.

It is on the northern shore of the western end of Cullentra Lough.
The mill is about 20 feet long, by 10 feet wide. The water tunnel,
about 6 feet wide, is at the east end of the mill, which lies east and

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. C. | [24]

266 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

west across the stream. The wheel is modern, but on the old principle.
The ladles used to be made of sallywood, and chambered as in Gannon’s
mill; but the present owner finds it more convenient to make ladles
of inch boards, like long narrow boxes, but having no side boards
towards the water. The bottoms are horizontal, and the outer end
pieces are at right angles to the side pieces. They increase slightly
in width towards the outer ends, where they are about 4 inches wide.
A thin iron hoop goes round the outer ends, giving the appearance of
a wheel. There are no iron stays as inGannon’smill. The ladles are
thirteen in number.

The water is collected in a coffin-like cistern with the narrow end
pointing towards the wheel, from which the water is let downa chute
having an incline of 30 or 40 degrees from the vertical, which is 14
feet wide at the top and 1 foot at the bottom, and has a vertical fall
of about 13 feet.

The water aperture to this chute is 1} feet square. A head of about
5 feet above the level of the chute can be obtained.

The use of a chute is an error, as some of the ladles are beaten
downwards; to counteract this the outer ring is affixed—a late and
ineffective innovation. Gannon’s mill utilizes the velocity of the
water horizontally; and the water acts practically as a projectile,
hardly pressing downwards at all. The 14 feet wasted by the chute
should be utilized as head. The error of the slanting water discharge
is apparent on seeing Flatley’s mill working, because only a little of
the water goes partly round with the wheel. The greater part rushes —
across it in a nearly straight line, or gets between the ladles to the
ground, and does little orno work. The chute system is an innovation
here. Flatley’s grandfather died while his father was very young,
and during the youth of the latter there was a good deal of meddling
with the mill by persons not conversant with traditional milling.

The water is admitted across half of the wheel. The ladles are
sooner empty at the other side in Flatley’s mill than in Gannon’s.

The wheel-shaft, 43 feet long, goes up through a loft, penetrates
the lower stone, and articulates into the grinding face of the upper
stone by a ‘crusheerin,’ or cross of iron. The ancient stones in
Coolnaha and near Doonooir had a ‘ crusheerin’ of only two arms.

The diameter of the stones is 4 feet 4 inches. They are in the north-
east corner of the mill. When working, a circular fence of boards
composed of two parts, called ‘funsee,’ is placed on the floor to the
south, to prevent the meal from flying off centrifugally. The walls do
this duty to the north and east. To the west, abutting on the stones,

Knox—Gig-Mills and Drying Kilns near Ballyhaunis. 267

is an oblong compartment, 6 feet by 5 feet, called ‘ Lén’ (pronounced
‘Lyane,’ y obscure), fenced off from the floor by flags standing on
edge, save a portion on the outside and on the length of the floor west
and east, where a small low wall takes the place of the flags... The
meal flies into it, and has only to be combed up occasionally. The
meal which flies out centrifugally in the spaces between the stones and
the walls and the funsee is carried gradually round by the air-current
generated by the upper stone, until it is whirled through the gap into
the lén.

The hulls of oats have to be removed after drying. For this
purpose the stones are set the length of a grain apart. The theory is
that the grains go down between the stones on their ends. This
seems to be due to observation of the fact that grains of oats fall butt-
end foremost. The hulls are separated by an ordinary winnowing
machine, and are a perquisite of the miller, who takes one-twentieth,
formerly one-twenty-first, part of the cast as his fee, called ‘ dlighe’
(toll).

Over the stones is a rough wooden frame supporting the ‘ crannoge’
or hopper—a four-sided, truncated, inverted, hollow pyramid, 2 feet
by 2 feet at the mouth, 6 inches by 6 inches at the lower opening.
Under it is an oblong trough, about 15 inches long and 8 inches wide
without a fore-end board, called the ‘ommereen.’ It is loosely
attached behind, and its fore end is over the central hole of the upper
stone.

The crannoge delivers into the middle of the ommereen. To the
front of the latter, over the hole in the stone, a ‘cord’ is attached,
which is coiled over the framework overhead, and has a small weight
attached to the free end, so that by the simplest contrivance the
delivery end can be raised or lowered, decreasing or increasing the
flow of corn to the stones. Beside the ommereen a flat stick called
the ‘rocker,’ about a foot long, dangles from the framework, and its
lower end touches frequently the revolving stone, thus communicating
a tremor to the ommereen which shakes the corn into the stone.

This is the third Flatley at Cullentra; but in either the male or
female line the family has been there for ages, because when the
male line ran out a ‘Cleenishteach’ came in and married the female
representative. A mile off, at the east end of the lake, are many
traces of ancient communities, and on a ridge a mile north are Liscat,

1 See Diagram III.

268 fProceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Lisanaffrin, Lis-wheel-wirra (‘Lis of Mary’s Feast’), and a fine
fort, like a truncated mote, called dhine, i.e., daingean.

Patrick Gannon’s Mitt.

This mill, in the townland of Meeltrane Denis, in the parish of
Kiltullagh, has been worked by seven generations of Gannons. It is
practically the same as Flatley’s. The fourteen ladles are independent
spokes from the vertical shaft, inserted close together, so that there
are but small interstices to waste water. The diameter of the wheel
is 51 feet. The ladles are made of round logs flattened above and at
the front for hollowing, but left natural at the back and below, and
about a foot wide. Iron stays, shown in Plate XIX., fig. 3, help to
keep them in position. It was an ordinary incident with orthodox
ladles for one to fly out and float down the stream.

The tunnel under the mill is about 4 feet high, and 6 feet wide.
A beam runs along the centre of the tunnel floor, towards the lower
part of the wheel-shaft, which works on this beam by an iron pin
revolving on a steel plate fixed on the beam. The shaft is 9 feet long,
and 13 feet in diameter. From this beam rises the post by which
the beam is raised and lowered to set the stones.!

The whole weight on the pivot of this wheel can hardly be 3 cwt.
Hence its efficiency. Though the mill stops frequently in dry
seasons to gather water, yet it works quickly on account of the rapid
revolution of the stone. The grinding speed of both these mills is
about 150 to 180 revolutions a minute. The wheel seems to turn at
lightning speed, and the water to pursue it in a leaping torrent for
more than half way round, when it is neatly dropped. The outer
ends of the ladles are slightly recurved so as to check the centrifugal
rush of the water and gain power. The water leaps up so much that
one can hardly see the shaft; and one sees only a glimpse of the
ladles to the left, when they are empty.

The water aperture is 9 inches high, by 7 inches wide. The mill
does not work well when the height of the water is less than a foot
above the aperture. The supply arrangement differs from Flatley’s
in that the water is delivered directly to the wheel, from the lowest
part of the cistern, by an opening at the level of the upper surfaces
of the ladles.

1 See Diagrams I., II. .

Kynox—Gig-Mills and Drying Kilns near Ballyhaunis. 269

the shaft, at places under the stones, is made to give motion toa
sieve for grading the meal, and to a winnowing machine for separating
hulls of oats after the preliminary crushing.

Flatley uses an old smoothing-iron as a socket for the gudgeon of
his shaft. After a few drives of a punch the gudgeon is left to work
its way. Millers used to prize the thick pennies of old times for
placing under the gudgeon. The smoothing-iron is a modern make-
shift for the stone socket of old days.

These mills do not make a uniform size of meal, as the stones are
generally not accurately distanced. For grinding meal the bridge is
set at the point at which it is most level.

On a review of Mr. O’Reilly’s article two points come out :—
(1) The mills of Faroe Islands, the Shetlands, and the Hebrides had
wheels with boards set obliquely ; those of Ireland, the Isle of Man,
and Greece had ladles. That of Camillos differed from both, but was
more like the ladle wheels. (2) The water was delivered diagonally
or from above in the cases in which the direction is expressed, except
in the case of the mill described on p. 73, where it was delivered
horizontally.

The falling chute therefore is not a new thing. This delivery
from above seems better suited to the oblique boards, and the
horizontal delivery as near as possible to the wheel seems better
suited to the ladles.

The action of the marine turbine steam-engine seems to be in
principle that of Gannon’s mill, which directs the water on to the
blades of the turbine once only to the best advantage. The steam-
engine, by means of an outer cylinder fitted with blades, directs it
again and again on to blades on the shaft.

Stone sockets are not remembered as sockets for gig-mill water-
wheels. They were probably discarded as soon as good iron
could be got. The revolution of the water-wheel is not steady
enough. The slightest “‘jig” cracks them. Otherwise they last
for ages.

The ordinary foundry smoothing-iron will not do. The gudgeon
will bore it at once. Only a tinker’s smoothing-iron will do—that is,
one cast by our travelling tinkers—a tribe of gipsies.

The sockets examined by me were used to support the spindles
of the stones of breast wheel mills. One was given by Morgan
O’Brien of Curraun. It was in use for nearly forty years, and
was discarded twenty years ago. Another socket from a mill
at Lispatrick was in service until twenty years ago, when it was

210 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

replaced by iron. <A third socket from a mill at Brickeens, now
disused, given by M. Costello, is a symmetrically cut stone, nearly a
cube. ‘T'wo grooves are cut round it; and it has, at four corners of
lower surface, slight bosses, like rudimentary feet. The first two
have been slightly chipped.

The millers say that a good stone is better than any other socket
for a pivot, but for its liability to heat and crack. It must be care-
fully attended to with lubricant, for which tallow isused. M. O’Brien
says that a stone socket will not wear one-sixtieth inch in five years.

The iron gudgeon or pivot must be turned in a lathe to forma
slender truncated cone; if not, it will bore, and the stone will not last.
The upper gudgeon—for the upper stone is penetrated too—must be
similarly turned. It works in a bearing in a beam overhead.

Drying KItys.

Up to fifty or sixty years ago every townland in this region had a
single kiln, and every mill had adouble kiln. Each kiln was like
a huge tobacco pipe, and was generally built on a slope so that only
about 2 feet of the walls protruded above ground-level. The
‘Poorheen’! was a tunnel through the side of the bank. ‘The fire
was placed at its mouth.

Three ‘leeumwee’ supported the ‘sporrooghee.’ Sheaves of
straw were laid heads inward over the sperrooghee. These sheaves
were of scutched straw. Scutching is done by taking the sheaf in
both hands by the butt, and striking it against a block, asa preliminary
to threshing with a flail. The straw is thus in regular order for the
‘sgriv.’ Very little corn goes through.

A little door was in the sloping beehive roof of the kiln on the
inner side over the ‘poorheen.’ ‘The door was of wattle covered
with straw like the roof, having straw or hay ropes for hinges, and
was made to lie flat on the roof. If wind blew on it, the door was
covered with a sack to prevent draught from entering. ‘There was
no opening to let out smoke, which filtered through the roof.

Very little smoke is created in these kilns. The hot gases which
pass through the corn produce a culinary effect and improve its
flavour. People in the habit of using meal so treated think other
meal insipid. Stirabout and fresh oat-bread made from meal under
the old system are delicious.

Drying took about twenty-four hours. In the new kilns it

1 For this and other words see Glossary at end.

Knox—Gig-Mills and Drying Kilns near Ballyhaunis. 271

takes an hour for every hundredweight of corn. The corn must be
turned frequently. The old kiln conserved heat and economised
fuel; but the new kiln does more work.

This new type of kiln came into use about fifty-five years ago.
Rough plans are given of those now used by Flatley and Gannon.

Another kiln, which had been dismantled, was in the extension
of the house to the left, with a space between the two kilns like
the hall of a house.

Gannon has a double kiln a little larger, arranged a little
differently. It has two leeumwee of stone, each fourteen feet
long, made of flag sandstone of Slieve Dart. The Gannons make
their own millstones.

The poorheen, seven feet long, ends in a round, perforated
structure capped by a round flag three feet in diameter.

The old kiln is made of the commonest material in such a way that
the miller and his family can do the whole work themselves. The
new kiln is in principle the same, but is larger, more expensive, more
permanent, and capable of doing more work.

The owner of the cast dries the corn himself and supplies the turf.
In the time of the old kilns, the corn was sometimes dried at the
townland kiln.

In this country up to sixty or seventy years ago, the first few
sheaves of oats cut by the reapers used to be scutched and winnowed,
and the corn putin a pot over the fire, and dried. It was then ground
in a quern, and stirabout made from it for the breakfast of the reapers
and the family. The same was done in the case of any other meal at
which stirabout was used during reaping time. This shows the speed
with which food could be dressed by means of a quern.

‘Pririn.’ In Munster up to forty years ago, and perhaps yet in
remote parts of the province, the gleaning of the wheat crop was made
into stuff called ‘ prapin.’ The grain was shed by rustling the ears in
the hands. The husks were removed by blowing, or by the wind. The
wheat was then put in a pot, or on a griddle, and dried over a fire.
When dried it was ground in a quern, mixed with new milk or cream,
and eaten without more ado. ‘ Praupeen’ was a great favourite with
children, and was their standard of comparison. Any nice cereal food
was said to be nearly as nice as praupeen.

To prepare food with a quern is easier than most people imagine,
and the system is marvellously economical, besides getting the best
out of cereals. Everyone knows the difference between freshly-
eround and old-ground coffee.

272 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

GLOSSARY OF LOCAL MILLING TERMS.

CAmmanpin, . . alittle trough.

Chic, : . akiln.

bpno, . : . amillstone.

Clabainpe, . . babler. The stone fixed to the rocker.

Comla, ; . sluice or floodgate.

Chnannos, . . hopper.

Cnoipianamn, . crossofiron. Pin with branched top which con-
nects the shaft with the upper stone.

Cub, . . . a small hollow truncated cone of wood on the

crusheerin pin to prevent the corn from falling
down the aperture in the lower stone.
Onoiéead, . . bridge. The horizontal beam which carries the
weight of the water-wheel, &c., and is raised
or lowered at one end by the shole. The
mweela is sunk in the bridge. Also the beam

which supports the spindle in a vertical wheel
mill.

Peappaio, . ‘a spindle. The bottom iron or gudgeon of the mol
| or shaft, revolving on the mweela. Pro-
nounced farsudh.
Fonnpa, } ;
pl. Ponnpaide, Bao eee
*Léun or Léin, . (Pronounced lyane, y obscure.) The enclosure
into which the meal is thrown by the stones.

*Liamdn, pl. Liam- the rafter of a kiln.

ai or Liamaide,

lidn, . . the ladle of a horizontal wheel. O’Reilly gives
liad, aladle. ULiaddn? ©

*Maola, . . pronounced mweela. ‘The iron or stone socket
sunk in the bridge, on which the farsudh
revolves.

Mol, . : . mill-shaft.

Muillionn coin le mill with bottom on the middle. Name for a
Lain, ‘ gi¢-mill,’

Knox—Gig- Mills and Drying Kilns near Ballyhaunis. 272

Muntlionn coin le ) mill with bottom on the ground. Chief name

calam, ) for a ‘ gig-mill.’
*Dupoin, ~- . flue of a kiln.
Rocaine, . rocker of the omereen. Pronounced ruckerra;

probably the English ‘ rocker.’

Salbainead, . pronounced sollwunnoo. According to Gannon
the machinery for varying the distance between
thestones. He translates it ‘lever.’ Flatley
says the Gaelic for ‘loom’ would be the
proper term. See Sedl.

Seét, - . loom. According to Flatley and John Scully of
Aghataharn the vertical rod which penetrates
the loft from the water tunnel, by which the
adjusting power is applied to the outer end of
the Onoiéean.

Ssiatdn,... . ladle of water-wheel according to Costello. <A
wing, afan. Means also an umbrella.

*S5mib or Ssprob, The straw in a kiln on which corn is laid.

“Spapuc’ . One of the short sticks supporting the straw in
a kiln.

* Asterisk prefixed to cases where spelling is uncertain.

Nore—No special name for the vertical mill-wheel is used.

R.1.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. C. | 2a]

——

274

Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

DESCRIPTION OF PLATES.

Prate XIX. 1. Flatley’s Mill, upper works. 2 and 38. Mill wheels.

4. ‘Ladle’ spoke (usually,of sally, willow, or poplar
wood). 5. Diagrammatic plan of kilns. 6. Stone

_,. sockets for the gudgeon of the mill-shaft to work in.
. The stone to left is of unknown use; the central

hole goes through.

Prare XX. 1. Flatley’s mill, apparatus for raising the shaft and upper

millstone. 2. Similar device in Gannon’s Mill.
3. Flatley’s Mill, plan of upper part. 4. Flatley’s
kiln. Its raised three feet above floor on thin
walls with small opes to let off the heat—(a) stone
joists, 103 feet by 6 inches by 4 inches ; (4) ‘ Leeum-
wee’ of wood; (¢) is a rectangular flag. over termina-
tion of ‘poorheen’; (d) ventilator. 5, Gannon’s
kiln. 6. A section of an old-fashioned kiln.
7. ‘Crusherin’; in centre is an iron pin running
through the shaft. 8. ‘ Rocaire’ and ‘ Clabaire ’—
(a) a small stone was sometimes placed here and
showed when anything was wrong by clicking
against the shaft; (b) tongue fitting into the
aperture of the stone.

PLATE AIAN

ROC. NK. 1. ACAD., VOL. AAVI., SECT. C

gees

‘ae
\\ Ve

nae =|
So SSS

Bei
Wen yee ee 223 Naga
\ lh —_—— — = qs SS
yi Ly ~~ = 2 i= oa —
ae a
= i = ASS
Ss
WHEEL OF GANNON’S MILt a
Fed emma rin ‘
KILN POORHEEN POORHEEN Kivt
: ! Z
Fi 4
am ios — ail
~ n
LADLE-SPOKE OF WHEEL KILNS - DIACRAM.

‘

J
Vom OD

STONE SOCKETS
\906

IKKNOX—GIG-MILLS AND DRYING KILNS.

PROG. Rel, ACAD,,-VOls, << VI. SECT? C,

PATH oxo
Y),
Tae a {STONE Ri: Y) FRONT
LOWE FLOOR mal Y WALL
= He oo ame meAa Ea,
===
Ge
PEG
a
| HANDLE
HANDLE FOR LIFTING
DETAILS | LEVER
PLAN

WATER WHEEL
LEVER FOR RAISING SHAFT

SSS wate way =

——__—

FLATLEY’S MILL.
SHAFT

FULCRUM

FLATLEY'S KILN

Pad

< 100

GANNON’S

KILNS.
FLATLEY'S MILL “ONS¢e

UPPER WORKS

econ

WATER

= &- STRAW.

=Sx __b. SPORROOGHEE- 3267
aan] 7 C. LEEAMAUNEE-
————

CRUSHERIN.
Set A

ROCAIRE
8 |] ano

\y CLABAIRE

1906

KNoOx—GIG-MILLS AND DryING KILNS.

fo,
ae? “

2 te

XIT.

THE HOSPITAL OF ST. JOHN OF JERUSALEM IN
IRELAND.

By C. LITTON FALKINER, M.A.

[Read Decemper 10, 1906. Ordered for Publication January 16. Published
Marcu 15, 1907.]

Some few years since, in discussing before the Academy the origin of
the Pheenix Park, I had occasion to refer to the earlier history of the
portion of the lands at first comprised in the celebrated enclosure
which had formerly been attached to the once famous Priory of
Kilmainham. It was not germane to my then purpose to dwell at
any length on the story of that ancient and splendid mediaeval
establishment which once occupied the site of the Royal Hospital,
and which has been described by Ware as ‘‘the most noble Priory of
St. John of Jerusalem in Ireland.” It was enough on that occasion to
note the fact, well known to students of local history, but not then
generally familiar, that the Phoenix Park had originally included
the lands on the south bank of the Liffey, which for two centuries
have been appropriated to the Royal Hospital. But the history of
Kilmainham in those earlier centuries when it was the headquarters
in Ireland of the Knights of St. John, associated as it is with remark-
able personages and with interesting events, is not one to be ignored
by anyone who cares for historical associations, or feels the attraction
that les in the recovery of lost traditions and in the identification of
the scenes of memorable episodes. In the present paper, accordingly.
I propose to recount the Irish annals of the Knights Hospitallers, in
so far as they can be connected with the seat of the principal house
of that order in Ireland. The topics which such an endeavour will
naturally embrace are, in the first place, the early associations of the
locality in which the Priory stood, and the origin of its occupation
by the Order of St. John; in the second, the extent and distribution
of the very considerable possessions of the Hospitallers in Ireland,

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. C. [26]

276 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

of which Kilmainham was the administrative centre; and lastly, a
consideration of the part played by the Priors of Kilmainham in
the history of Ireland and its capital. It will be found, I think,
that the rdle sustained by those important personages was not
unworthy of the famous Order to which they belonged, that militant
brotherhood which, from its institution in the twelfth century to
its suppression at the close of the eighteenth, bore so brilliant a part
on many a mediaeval battlefield, and exercised through its leading
members no mean influence on the evolution of modern Europe.

Of all three branches of the subject much is to be found in works
dealing with the ecclesiastical antiquities and local history of the
country, more particularly in Archdall’s ‘‘ Monasticon Hibernicum ”*
and D’Alton’s ‘‘ History of the County Dublin.” But the progress of
antiquarian research, and the publication of documentary materials
of every sort, formerly accessible only with difficulty to the most
industrious student, have so substantially enlarged the sources of
information available that not a little can now be added to what was
known on the subject thirty or forty years ago. Careful exploration
of the State Paper Calendars and other official publications, as well as
of some manuscript sources not hitherto utilised, has enabled me to
add some facts of interest and-importance to the story of Kilmainham,
and perhaps to form a clearer conception of what has already been
ascertained. For even writers as authoritative as those I have named
seem to have entertained some very erroneous impressions regard-
ing Kilmainham and its owners. Of these a striking example is
afforded by the mistake which is common to every existing account
of the antiquities of Kilmainham, and, I am inclined to think,
to every writer who has hitherto treated of the subject, with the
exception of the elder Ware. I mean the frequent error, which, by a
natural but not quite excusable confusion of one great military Order
with another, has ascribed the first ownership of the Priory of
Kilmainham to the Knights of the Temple rather than to those of St.
John. Even in such works as Archdall’s ‘‘ Monasticon Hibernicum,”’
and D’Alton’s ‘‘ History of the County of Dublin,” the mistake is
continually made; and Harris, in his edition of Ware, actually
states that 1t was not until the suppression of the Knights Templars
under Edward II that the rival Order was established in
Kilmainham. Harris, if no one else, should have known better.
For the true origin of the Priory cannot be better or more succinctly
stated than in the language of Sir James Ware, who, in his ‘‘ Antiqui-
ties of Ireland,” tells us that it was ‘‘founded for Knights of the

FatkinEr—The Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. 277

Order of St. John Baptist of Jerusalem, commonly called Knights
Hospitallers, by Richard, surnamed Strongbow, Earl of Pembroke, or
Strigul, about the year 1174, and Henry II confirmed the endow-
ments. It was afterwards mightily enriched by the donations of
others, and especially under Edward IJ, when the revenues of the
Templars, then newly suppressed, were granted to this Order, Walter
del Ewe being then Prior of the Hospital.’”}

I trust I shall have the pardon of the Academy for the inevitable
incompleteness of a paper which contains the results of a sufficiently
recondite inquiry. Yet I hope that I shall at least succeed in
indicating some of the sources of interest which combine to render the
story of the ancient Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem one of the
most useful starting-points which could be selected by any writer
for an endeavour to realise something of the aspect of life and affairs
in Ireland in the dim period of remote Plantagenet history. No
foundation in Ireland not strictly ecclesiastical, whose fabric survived
to so late a period as the Priory of Kilmainham (which served for many
years after the suppression of the monasteries as the Viceregal resi-
dence), has a history which can be traced further back than that of the
chief house of the Knights Hospitallers in this country. Nor would
it be easy, with the exception of Dublin Castle, to name another
site in Ireland which (save for a comparatively brief space in
the seventeenth century) has been continuously associated with the
administrative history of this island from the coming of Strongbow
to the present day. In a country, the circumstances of whose
chequered history have left it sadly deficient in those intimate and
obvious associations with recorded history which are the pride of
other European countries, it is a fortunate chance which enables us
to find in the Royal Hospital of Kilmainham a direct link with the
stirring story of the past. We are all here familiar with the
announcement which Zhe Dublin Gazette is wont to contain, in the
occasional absence of the Viceroy, of the appointment of Lords
Justices for the government of Ireland. Among these, when he
happens to be in Dublin, the Commander of the Forces and Master
of Kilmainham has hitherto been almost invariably included. The
citizen of Dublin who is attracted by such memories will dwell with
pleasure on the fact that the twentieth-century Master of the Royal
Hospital is the direct successor to the ancient tenants of its site—

1 Ware’s ‘* Antiquities of Ireland,’’ ch. xvi., p. 78 (Edition of 1705).

[26*]

2718 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

those warrior monks, the Priors of the Hospital of Kilmainham, into
whose hands the sovereigns of mediaeval Ireland not infrequently
committed the sword by which they governed.

Tue Priory oF KILMAINHAM.

The earliest associations of Kilmainham are those which are
connected with the seventh-century saint from whom it derives its
name. The place, as Ware states, ‘‘ took its name from S. Maignan,

. . who lived about the beginning of the seventh century.” Of this
saint not much is known; but Ware’s statement as to his date is
confirmed by the record in the ‘‘ Leabhar Breac,”’ that St. Fursa, who
is known to have preached through Ireland from 627 to 637, ‘“‘ once
happened to visit Maignenn at Kilmaignend.’’ His name occurs
in the Martyrology of Aengus at December 18; and the same
authority gives his mother’s name as ‘‘ Sinell, daughter of Cennanan,
and sister of the old 8. Sinchell.”” Ware calls him a bishop, but
Colgan, in his ‘‘ Acta Sanctorum,’ describes his ecclesiastical rank as
that of Abbot of Kilmainham, near Dublin; and gives his descent as
‘*Son of Aeth, son of Colgan, of the race of Colla Dachriach.” In
the Martyrology of Garman, the saint is, however, styled bishop and
abbot. ‘A Life of St. Magnenn of Kilmainham,’’ which has been
printed, from an Irish manuscript in the British Museum, in “Silva
Gadelica,” prefixes to a graphic narrative of the miracles imputed to
the saint the following account of his parentage and character:
‘‘Magnenn, and Toa, and Libren, and Cobthach, were the four sons
of Aeth, son of Colga, son of Tuathal, son of Felim, son of ‘‘ Colla fo
chrich. Which bishop (Magnenn) was from Shannon to benn Edair
[the Hill of Howth] a tower of piety, and in his own time a vessel
of selection and of sanctity: one that from his seven years completed
had never uttered a falsehood, and (for fear lest he should see
the guardian devil of her) had never looked a woman in the face.’”*
St. Maignenn, as appears from his pedigree, belonged to Uriel, and

1 Louvain Edition, 1645, p. 584.
2S. H. O’Grady’s ‘‘ Silva Gadelica,’’ p. 35; and see the note at p. 509,
where the facts as to St. Maignenn’s origin are collected.

FaLKinER—The Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. 279

it is noticeable that of the nine Kilmainhams which occur in the
Townland Index, all but two are within that territory.

None of the traditions which have been preserved respecting
St. Maignenn have any special relation to the seat of his Abbey, and,
except for the mention by the Four Masters under the year 782 of
‘‘Learghus Ua Fidchain, a wise man of Cill Maignenn,”’ and (in the
Book of Lecan), of Eochaid, Magister of Kilmainham (which seems to
indicate that a school existed there), history is practically silent
about Kilmainham from its foundation almost to the eve of the
Battle of Clontarf.2 It has, however, as Professor Kuno Meyer has
lately made us aware, a place in the proverbial philosophy of the
Irish Triads, where it is bracketed with Derry and Taghmon as
among ‘‘the three places of Ireland to alight at’’; whence we
may infer that the Abbey of Kilmainham possessed from the earliest
times a reputation for generous hospitality. In the struggle to
dislodge the Danes with which the eleventh century opened, the
importance of its position, in close proximity to the Scandinavian
stronghold in Dublin, made Kilmainham the scene of more than one
encounter between the Gaedhill and the Gaill. In 1012, according
to the Annalists, ‘‘ Murchadh, son of Brian, plundered the country as
far as Glen-da-locha and Cell Maigneann, burning the whole country,
and carrying off innumerable prisoners.’’? A little later the chieftain
was to find his own grave near the field of his foray. For it was to
the ancient cross of Kilmainham that, according to tradition, the
bodies both of Murchadh and his son Turlough were brought for
burial after the Battle of Clontarf; a tradition which, perhaps, derives
some authority from the discovery, at the end of the eighteenth
century, of the sword still shown at the Royal Hospital as O’ Brien’s.

From the triumph of Brian Borumha to the coming of the English,

1 The variations of this place-name, alike in its Anglicised form of Kilmainham,
and in its Gaelic original of Cell-Maignenn, are very numerous. I am indebted
to the courtesy of Father Edmund Hogan, 8.J., for permission to enumerate the
examples he has collected in his notes to the ‘‘ Onomasticon Gédidelicum,”’
under the article on “‘ Cell-Maignenn,’’ viz.:—Cill-Magnenn, Cill-Magnend,
Cill-Meinan, Cill-Menin, Kil-Maignan, Kilmaynan, Kilmenan, Kilmenania, and
Kylmaynan. Other forms will be found in the Irish State Paper Calendars,
where, however, the spelling varies with the whim of the writers.

2 Mo-Galbéc of Kilmainham is mentioned in the Book of Leinster, pp. 364, 368 ;
in the Book of Ballymote, 1256; and in the Book of Lecan, p. 109. And there
is mention in the Martyrology of Tallaght, under October 26, of ‘‘ Dairinill,
Dairbellin, Cael, and Comgell, virgins in Kilmainham.”’

3 Annals of the Four Masters, i. 769.

280 Provecdings of the Royal Irish Academy.

the story of Kilmainham again becomes a blank. But as connected
with the Anglo-Norman invaders, it re-opens at the earliest possible
moment. The charter by which the Knights of St. John originally
derived their title to the lands of Kilmainham has long been lost.
But its existence was conclusively established so far back as the year
1261, ina suit heard in the Court of Prince Edward (Edward I) as
Lord of Ireland, between the Mayor and Commonalty of Dublin
on the one hand, and the Prior and Brethren of the Hospital of
St. John of Jerusalem on the other. The citizens having ejected the
Hospitallers from a piece of land on the banks of the Liffey, which
they claimed under their city charter as part of the liberty of Dublin,
the knights were put to the proof of their title. The latter then
averred that the Hospital of Kilmainham had been enfeoffed of the
disputed lands before the citizens of Dublin had themselves become
enfranchised, by a Charter given them by Henry II, which they put
in evidence. The jurors found in favour of the Hospital, and they
set out in their finding with remarkable precision a complete abstract
of the Hospital’s title. For they found that Richard Strongbow
formerly enfeoffed the Prior and Hospital of Kilmainham of all the
land of Kilmainham with its appurtenances; that subsequently
Henry II. enfeoffed Hugh Tyrel the Elder of Kylmehanok and its
appurtenances, witb half the water of the Liffey, ‘‘as far as the
watercourse near the gibbet’’; that Hugh Tyrel' in turn enfeoffed
the Prior and Hospital, with Kylmehanok? and the fishery rights
annexed to it; and, finally, that King Henry confirmed the grants of
Strongbow and Tyrel, excepting these grants from those to the
citizens of Dublin, which latter the jurors expressly found to have
been made subsequent to those in favour of the Knights of St. John.’

1 Hugh Tyrel had been granted Castle Knock by Hugh de Lacy :
** Castle Knock in the first place he gave to Hugh Tyrel
Whom he loved so much.’’

See ‘‘ The Song of Dermot and the Earl,’’ translated and edited by Goddard
Orpen, 1. 3132, p. 229.

* Kilmehanok is so spelled in most of the authorities. The correct form
appears to be Kilmehauok; in Sweetman’s Calendar, i., p. 22, it is given as
Kilmehafoch.

3 «*Que jurata dicit quod predicti maior et communa disseisiverunt predictum
priorem, sicut breve dicit, quare dicit quod Ricardus Strangbowe quondam
feoffavit ~riorem et domum de Kylmaynan de tota terra de Kylmaynan cum
pertinenciis. Postea venit hic Henricus, rex, avus domini regis nunc, et feoffavit
Hugonem Tyrel, seniorem, de Kylmehanok cum pertinenciis, cum medietate aque de

FaLKkinErR— The Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. 281

Tyrel’s gift of Kylmehanok added to the original grant of
Strongbow the lands on the north side of the Liffey which imme-
diately face Kilmainham—an area now connected with the latter by
Sarah Bridge, more familiarly known as Island Bridge, but in those
early days by the fords known originally as the Fords of Kylmehanok
and Tyrel’s Ford. The place was one already interesting for its
historical associations. For here, on Wednesday morning, Sept. 15th,
919, Niall Glun-dub, or Black-knee, marching to capture Dublin,
was defeated by the Danes and mortally wounded in the “ Battle of
Dublin.”? The ford of Cell-mo-saméce, to give the spot its Irish
name,” has long been one of the most important of Dublin landmarks,
helping to mark the boundaries of the liberties of Dublin. In the
account of the riding of the franchises, in 1488, the record recites
how in that year the Mayor of Dublin, and his civic brethren, having

Auenelif, usque ad ductum aque juxta gybbettum. Et postea venit idem Hugo,
et feoffavit predictum priorem et domum de Kylmaynan de Kylmehanok, cum
omnibus pertinenciis predictis. Et postea venit predictus Henricus, rex, et
confirmavit donum predicti Ricardi Strangbowe de Kylmaynan et donum predicti
Hugonis Tyrel de Kylmehanok, cum omnibus pertinenciis predictis, unacum
feoffamento omnium illorum qui predictum priorem et predictam domum teoffa-
verunt. Postea venit dominus, rex, nunc et feoffavit civitatem Dublin ad
feodifirmam de civitate Dublin, cum aqua de Auenelif et omnibus pertinenciis,
exceptis illis qui prius fuerint feoffati. Dicumnt eciamquod predictus prior et domus
de Kylmaynan longo tempore feoffati fuerunt antequam predicti maior et com-
muna fuissent feoffati.”,—Dublin White Book, fol. 107. See Gilbert’s ‘‘ Historic
and Municipal Documents,’’ p. 495, and ‘‘ Calendar of Dublin Records,”’ i., 161.

1 The scene ofthis battle is wrongly placed by O’ Donovan, Haliday, Todd, and
other writers, of whom the latest is my friend Mr. Stephen Gwynn, at Kilma-
shogue Mountain, some seven or eight miles away, a distance which hardly
squares with the Four Masters’ description of ‘‘ the battle of Ath-Cliath, that is
of Cil-Mosamhog, by the side of Ath-cliath.’’? Yor this identification of the site
of the battle with Cill-mo-samocc, I am indebted to Father Hogan and his friend
Mr. Charles M‘Neill. The date of the battle given above is based on the follow-
ing note from Father Hogan: —‘‘ Date of the battle—‘ Wednesday, the 17th of
October, 917. In that year Easter fell on April 25 and Low Sunday fell in
summer.’—Four Masters, O’Donovan’s Notes. ‘The criteria here indicate the year
919. Dr. M‘Carthy (Codex Palatino-Vaticanus, p. 871) says:—‘ October 17 in
917 was Friday’ ; the Easter incidence shows that the year was 919; the true
reading is given in the Annals of Ulster:—‘17th of the Kalends of October ;
September 15 fell on Wednesday in 919.’ Dr. M‘Carthy omits the date 919 in
the Annals of Ulster Index.”’

2 Mo-samoc, as I learn from Father Hogan, means‘ my sorrel.’ Father Hogan
also points out that the name Kilmehauog occurs in the Red Book of Ossory as
the name ofa church in that diocese. See Rev. W. Carrigan’s ‘‘ History of the
Giocese of Ossory.’’

282 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

passed by Kilmainham, ‘‘ridd northward in and throw the water of
Amplyffy to the west end of Elyn Hor hir medue, for that is calld
the ford of Kylmahenoke, for the hyll that is now called the hyll of
Isold’s Fonte of old tyme was called Kylmahenoke hyll.”’ In the
yet earlier perambulation of the boundaries of Dublin, in 1326-1327,
the Ford is called Kylmehanok, an adjacent ford being called Tireles-
ford. And again, in the riding of the franchises of 1603, the tradition
is still preserved, mention being made of “ the hill called Kilmahen-
nock’s hill, and nowe the hill of Isold’s font, which is a bow-shot of
the west side of Isold’s font and west of Ellen Hoare’s meddowe, over
which font is a great hathorne tree.””?

1 Dublin Records, i., 494, 157, 196.

By the kindness of Father Hogan, to whose learning all students of Lrish
topography owe a large debt, Iam permitted to quote the following note from his
as yet unpublished ‘‘ Onomasticon Gdidelicum’’ :—‘‘ The Charter of John, Lord
of Ireland, of the year 1192, states the metas or boundaries of Dublin :—‘ in occi-
dentali parte de Dublin ab Ecclesia 8. Patricii per vallem [the modern Coombe, cf.
Trish and Welsh Cm] usque ad Karnanclonegunethe (Carnan Clono Ui Dunchada),
now corrupted to Dolphin’s Barn, at which is a remarkable heap or mound
(Carnan)] et deinde usque ad divisam terrae de Kylemenan, et ultra aquam de
Kylmeinan juxta Avenelith (the Liffey) usque ad vada de Kilmehauoc, et ultra
aquam de Avenelith versus Boream per Ennocnagauhoc.’ Gilbert’s National
MSS. of Ireland, Part II., LXV. In a copy of this Charter, an. 1200, in
Sweetman’s ‘Calendar of State Papers,’ p. 22, it is written Cellmohafoch: the
citizens of Dublin in 1236 grant to Randulf le Hore a meadow extending from the
old quarry of the Oustmans to Kilmehauok : the lands of Kylmanan so far as the
water of Avenlyf, thence near that water so far as the ford of Kylmehauoc, and
beyond the water of Avenlyf, towards the north by Ennocnegannoc towards Cobragh
of Dublin (now Cabragh). Gilbert’s ‘ Ancient Records of Dublin,’ i., 81, 157, at
p- 190, of which we have the Ryding of the Frauncheses and Liberties of the City
of Dublin according to ancient custome perambulated in 1603 :—‘ We passed over
the water at Cammok betwixt the arrable land called now the Leis of Kilmayneham,
and so directly westward to that parte of the meddowe that lyeth opposite uppon
that parte of the hill called Kiimahennoockes hill and now the hill of Isold’s
font which is a bow-shot of the west syde of Isold’s font and west of Ellen
Hoare’s meddowe over which font is a great hathorne tree and in that part of the
meddowe of Kilmaineham the Maior Swoordbearer and others tooke boate and
passed upp the water of Aunlyffe neer Kilmainehame Bridg wher was said was a
foorde called Kilmahenocks foord and then tooke horse and rode eastward over and
by north Isold’s font and to the font itselfe and then rode to the slade by north-
west the west end of Ellen Hore’s meddowe and in and throughethat slade north-
ward where was saide of oulde time was a buyshe of hathorne and so to the top of
the hill,’ &c. So Cill-Mosmamoce al. Kilmehanoc (leg. Kilmehauoc), now
spanned by Sarah Bridge, a little on the north of which are rudera, which to Ch.
M ‘Neill seem to mark the site of the Cell. half-way on a straight line between the
Wellington Monument and the Magazine Fort, Phoenix Park.”’

FaLKInER—TZhe Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. 283

There is no distinct evidence to connect Strongbow in any especial
manner with the Order of the Knights of St. John, though it is on
record that his father before him had endowed the Hospitallers with
lands in Suffolk. It is probable, however, that the first grant, which
the Dublin jury found to have been made prior to Henry the Second’s
Charter of 1172, was made even before his coming into Ireland. We
know from the language of the old French poem, ‘‘The Song of
Dermot and the Earl,” as well as from more dryasdust sources, that
subsequent to his agreement with Dermot M‘Murrough, and before the
actual invasion of Ireland, Strongbow had bought the assistance of
several among his confederates by provisional allotments of territory
in the scene of his enterprise :—

*‘'T’o Maurice de Prendergast
The valiant Earl Richard
Had already given Fernegenal,'
And in his Council confirmed it
Before the renowned Earl
Had landed in Ireland :
Ten fiefs he gave him on this condition
For the service of ten Knights.’

The poem contains no record of a like gift to the Hospitallers. But
the Knights Hospitallers of Jerusalem were already famous when
Strongbow was organizing his memorable enterprise, and nothing
seems more probable than that the leader of the adventurers should
have conciliated their powerful support by the grant of a site for a
priory near the capital. Ifthe old Monastery of St. Maignenn still
survived the havoc wrought by the early Danes, no more appropriate
spot could have been assigned to an Order of militant monks than an
ecclesiastical establishment which occupied a site of considerable
strategic importance. However that may be, it is certain that to
Strongbow and his comrade in arms, Tyrel, the Knights of St. John
owed the first endowment of their Order in Ireland, and the nucleus
of the great possessions which they gradually acquired in this island—
possessions which in time became sufficiently extensive and important
to give to the Prior of Kilmainham a high place alike in the councils
of his Order and in those of the Plantagenet Lords of Ireland.

1 A territory in Shelmalier East, County Wexford.
* The Song of Dermot and the Earl, ll. 8072-79.

284 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Il.

Tue Possessions oF THE HospPIrTat.

Our notion of the importance of the Hospital of Kilmainham would
be extremely inadequate were we to conceive of its authority as
limited to the lands directly annexed to the Priory, extensive though
these rapidly became through the grants of successive monarchs, and
the bounty of generations of pious donors. The immediate possessions
of the Priory (which included a great part of the modern Chapelizod,
as well as the mills and weirs of Kilmainham) had probably assumed
the aspect which they presented as late as Tudor times even before the
assignment of the property of the despoiled Templars, early in the
fourteenth century, had powerfully increased the wealth of the
Knights of St. John. But besides what they owed to royal liberality,
the Priors of Kilmainham were continually receiving accessions of
property in the form of gifts of houses and small parcels of land
scattered through the City and County of Dublin. The bare recital of
these occupies many closely written pages in the Inquisition ordered
in the 33rd of Henry VIII, after the dissolution of the monasteries,
to ascertain the extent of the possessions of the Priory. That docu-
ment begins by reciting the immediate belongings of the Priory in the
following terms :—

‘‘ Inquisition, this Wednesday next after the Feast of Corpus
Christi, 83rd Henry VIII, finds that the last prior was seized of the
said Priory with all its buildings, and three gardens, and an orchard
walled with stone, four towers erected on the said walls; one tower on
the north hangs over the bridge crossing the river Lyffe, which
gardens and orchard were reserved for the use of the Hospital, 260
acres of arable land, the demesne, annual value £13; 12 acres of
meadow, a large wood containing 42 acres on the north of the river,
another wood of 10 acres of underwood and 5 of pasture, which were
reserved for the use of the Hospital, and 260 acres of pasture and
briars.”’

The Inquisition goes on to enumerate in a long list of additional
possessions a mill on the river Lyffey, a fulling mill on the river
Cammoke, a salmon weir with boat and nets on the Liffey, the

1 The substance of this Inquisition has been printed in D’Alton’s ‘‘ History of
the County of Dublin,’’ pp. 624-6.

FaLKkinER—Zhe Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. 285

rectories of Kilmainham, Chapelizod, Ballyfermot, and Palmerston,
with the altarages of these parishes, besides scores of lesser endow-
ments. But these valuable appanages of the Priory, though they
doubtless served to maintain the prestige of Kilmainham as the
wealthiest individual house of the Knights of St. John, formed but a
small part of the aggregate opulence of the Order in Ireland. For
affiliated to Kilmainham were numerous houses of lesser consequence,
but, withal, of considerable importance, which were spread through not
less than eight Irish counties, and which represented in every instance
the beneficence of Anglo-Norman patrons exercised in the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries, and in most cases within a few years of
Strongbow’s coming. The list of the foundations of the Knights
Hospitallers given in Ware’s ‘‘ Antiquities’’’ specifies no fewer than
twelve of these, viz.:—

In County Kildare, the Preceptories of Kilbegs, Kilheel, and
Tully.

In County Wexford, the Preceptory of St. John and St. Brigid at
Wexford, founded by William Mareschall, Earl of Pembroke ;
and the Preceptory of Ballyheuk.

In County Meath, the Preceptories of Kilmainham-beg and
Kilmainham Wood.

In County Down, the Preceptory of St. John Baptist in the Ards,
founded by Hugh Lacy.

In County Waterford, the Preceptory of Kilbarry.?

In County Cork, the Preceptory of Mourne.

In County Limerick, the Preceptory of Any.

In County Galway, the Preceptory of Kinelekin.

These were houses numerous enough, with the endowments attached
to each, to give the Knights of St. John, even from the earliest
moment of their connexion with Ireland, a hold upon the country
such as must have enabled them to sustain on at least equal terms with
their rivals the Templars the authoritative position which the two
great military Orders asserted, almost from the moment of their origin,
in every country of mediaeval Europe. But the wealth and con-
sequence of the Hospitallers received an immense extension when,
shortly after the suppression of the Templars (whose overthrow
in England, Scotland, and Ireland, under Edward II, followed

Y Hara a Wore, t., 272.
* This, however, appears to have been originally a Templars’ foundation. See
Appendix I., p. 314, infra,

286 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

quickly on their destruction in France by that monarch’s brother-in-
law, Philip the Fair), the possessions of their ancient rivals were
assigned to the Order of St. John. This brought within the authority
of the Prior of Kilmainham the wealthy Commandery of the Templars
at Clontarf; and in other parts of Ireland the following houses, as
enumerated by Ware :—

1. In County Wexford, the Commandery of Kilclogan.

In County Carlow, the Commandery of Killergy.'

In County Louth, the Commandery of Kilsaran.

In County Waterford, the Commanderies of Kilbarry, Killure,'
and Crook.

5. In County Tipperary, the Commandery of Clonaul.

6. In County Shgo, the Commandery of Teach-temple.

Of these great additions to the endowments of the Knights of St.
John, the Commandery of Clontarf was by far the largest, having been
to the Templars, by virtue of its close proximity to the capital, what
Kilmainham was to their rivals, the most important seat of their Order
in Ireland, though not, perhaps, the richest in point of endowments.
After its annexation by the Hospitallers its consequence may, perhaps,
have declined through its too near neighbourhood to Kilmainham.
Nevertheless, at the suppression of the Order it was valuable enough
to be accepted, with the title of Viscount Clontarf, as sufficient com-
pensation to Sir John Rawson, the last Prior of Kilmainham, for the
loss of his dignity, precedence, and emoluments.?

Though I have no intention of adding to the intricacies of the story
of the Knights Hospitallers in Ireland the even more embarrassing
perplexities of the history of their rivals in this country, it is

A oo bo

1 Killergy and Killure appear, however, to have been original foundations of
the Hospital, and not to have belonged to the Templars. See Appendix I.,
pp- 807, 314, wfra.

*The Charter of Henry II to the Knights Templars, in respect of his Irish
grants to that Order, was put in evidence in the year 1287, in proceedings taken by
the Abbot of Dunbrody against the Master of the Templars in Ireland, when its
contents were recorded in the following terms :—

“Henry, King of England, Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and Earl of
Anjou, to Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Earls, Barons, Justices, Sheriffs, and
the King’s ministers and lieges, Frank, English, and Irish, of all this land. Grant
to the Brothers of the Temple to defend the Holy Land of Jerusalem, of mills on
the water near Waterford, which water is called Polwaterfoure, mills on the
water near Waterford, which water is called Innermictam; a vill near Dublin
called Clenmthorp, with its appurtenances; Crook with 10 carucates of land; the
vill near Waterford whose church is dedicated to St. Barry; a small marsh

FautKiner—TZhe Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. 287

impossible to give an accurate impression of the former without a
brief notice, for which this is perhaps the least inappropriate point of
digression, of the history of the Irish Templars. The Order of
Knights Templars or “ Poor Fellow-Soldiers of Jesus Christ and of the
Temple of Solomon,’’ which had been constituted under the Rule of
St. Bernard early in the twelfth century, had, like the rival Order of
St. John, emerged from the misfortunes of the Second Crusade in the
blaze of martial glory created by the exploits with which their valour
before Damascus had redeemed the honour of the arms of Christendom.
At the moment of Strongbow’s enterprise, France and England were
filled with returned warriors whose swords were idle. In the interval
between the Second and Third Crusades these monks militant busied
themselves mainly in developing the splendid foundations which
admiration for the prowess they had exhibited in the cause of Christ
had led the sovereigns of Europe, and their nobles, to bestow upon the
Order. But many among them were able to spare time from their
more monastic functions to an adventure which promised a rich reward
for the services they were so well qualified torender. Though it does
not appear that the Templars were associated in the same degree as
their rivals, the Hospitallers, with Strongbow and the earlier Norman
invaders, it is clear that they were not unrepresented in the train of
Henry II, when that monarch came over to assume the direction of
the enterprise his vassal had begun. Nor was the King slow to
recompense the zeal of these knights in his behalf. At the very spot!
where Henry landed, some seven miles from Waterford, the Templars
received a grant of land which became the foundation of the Precep-
tory of Crook, and to this were added other grants in the south-east
corner of Ireland. In Dublin, where any claim they might have laid
to Kilmainham was forestalled by Strongbow’s grant to the Hospi-
tallers, the Templars received a valuable prize in the grant of Clontarf;

between the King’s houses and the sea near Waterford ; the Church of St. Aloch
near Wexford, with the land belonging thereto, and Agdmile, a burgess of Water-
ford with all his chattels.’’ (Record and process of a plaint between the Abbot
of the Port of St. Mary (Dunbrody), plaintiff, and the Master of the Templars in
Ireland, before the King’s Justices of the Common Pleas, Dublin.—Sweetman’s
** Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland,’’ 1285-1292, p. 329.)

A Charter by Henry III, dated 1253, with an inspeximus and confirmation by
Edward I, dated 1280, was produced at the same trial. In a confirmation by
Henry III in 1227, Agdmile is described as a burgess of Wexford.

1 As to the identification of Henry II’s landing-place with Crook, see an article
by Rev. James Graves, in Journal of R.S.A.I., vol. iv., pp. 385-8.

288 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

and their possessions were greatly increased by the gifts with which
several of the grantees of Henry and of Strongbow endowed the Order.
It is unquestionable that in the century and a-half or so which elapsed
between the arrival of the Templars in Ireland and their suppression
in 1812, they had become an extremely wealthy corporation. But it
is extremely difficult at this distance of time to form a just notion of
the extent of their wealth. For it is to be observed that the period of
their suppression is precisely the period of which the fewest records
survive. The thread of Irish history as supplied by official records of
the English Government is practically lost during the latter half of the
reign of Edward II, when the disorders following the wars of the
Bruces submerged the authority of the English Crown through three-
fourths of Ireland. We know, indeed, that proceedings against the
Templars took much the same course in Ireland as elsewhere, and that
after the Order in England had been put upon its trial, under circum-
stances of harshness and indignity, which were only partially mitigated
by the humanity shown by Edward II, the Knights in Iveland shared
the fate of their brethren in England and on the Continent. They
were arrested and thrown into prison, according to the entry in Grace’s
Annals, on the day of the Purification of the Virgin, Feb. 3, 1307-8,
and were then summoned before the Pope’s Commissary, sitting in
St. Patrick’s Cathedral. Though it is not recorded that any of the
graver offences alleged against their brethren abroad were imputed
to them, they were unable to escape the fate of their fellows
elsewhere.1 Whether guilty or innocent, the Irish Templars were
inevitably involved in the general suppression of their Order by the
Bull of Pope Clement V in 1312, and that suppression was followed
by the dispersal of a great part of their property among various
grantees of the Crown. The principal commanderies and actual

1 “ Between the 11th of February and the 23rd of May (1310), thirty Templars
were examined in St. Patrick’s Church, Dublin, by Master John de Mareschall, the
Pope’s Commissary, but no evidence of their guilt was obtained. Forty-one wit-
nesses were then heard, nearly ail of whom were monks. They spoke merely from
hearsay and suspicion, and the gravest charges brought by them against the
fraternity appear to be that the Templars had been observed to be inattentive to the
reading of the Holy Gospels at church, and to have cast their eyes on the ground
at the period of the elevation of the Host.’’ Thus Addison in his ‘‘ History of the
Templars,’’ p. 234; but his dates do not appear to be quite accurate. The trial of
the Templars, as distinguished from the preliminary investigation before John de
Mareschall (who was Commissary of the Bishop of Kildare, not, as Addison says of
the Pope), was held before a tribunal of Dominicans, the accusers being members of

FaLKInER—The Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. 289

foundations of the Templars undoubtedly passed to the Hospitallers,
but a substantial proportion of the endowments formerly allotted to
them was in all probability irrecoverably alienated. True it is
that under a further Bull of the same pontiff, the Knights of St.
John, in reward of their recent display of prowess against the
Moslem infidels in the capture of Rhodes,! were declared the
inheritors of the possessions of their despoiled rivals throughout
Europe. But it by no means followed that this Papal title was
everywhere recognized. Of what happened in Ireland we have
no record. But if events in this country followed the course
pursued abroad, it is unquestionable that much of the property
of the fallen brotherhood passed into lay hands, and never reached
the new grantees. For the European monarchs, who had seconded
the Papal denunciations of the Templars largely in hopes of
benefiting by the spoliation of so wealthy a community, saw no direet
advantage in the aggrandisement of the Hospitallers. Abroad, it has
been computed, ‘‘ the Hospitallers never obtained a twentieth part of
the ancient possessions of the Templars.”* In England, Edward II
declined to recognize the Pope’s title to dispose of property without
the consent of the Crown, and pending the grant which he ultimately
made at the end of 1313 confirming the Hospitallers in the ownership
of the Templars’ lands, he made numerous assignments of their pos-
sessions to other hands, resulting in an irrevocable alienation of
much of the confiscated property to lay purposes. In spite of our lack
of any records of the course of the proceedings in Ireland, we may
assume with considerable confidence that what Edward II did in
England his ministers in this country were not slow to imitate; and
that, although the Knights of St. John undoubtedly became the legal
successors in title to the Templars, and in 1314 were formally
instituted into the possession of all the lands and possessions of the
latter,> they were far from realizing the whole of the splendid
heritage assigned to them.*

the Franciscan and Augustinian Orders in Dublin. Much of the evidence taken
against the Templars in Ireland will be found in Wilkins’s ‘‘ Concilia,’’ vol. ii.,
pp. 373-380.

oS eh

* Addison’s ‘‘ History of the Knights Templars,’’ p. 211.

3 Dowling’s Annals.

4 The late Dr. Richard Caulfeild printed in the Journal of the Royal Historical
and Archeological Association of Ireland, 4th series, vol. ii., pp. 331-334, from a
manuscript in the British Museum entitled Monastic Records, Ireland (6165 Plut.,

290 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

If it be difficult to trace the record of the Hospitallers in the
service of the State otherwise than in the merest outline, or to
identify with exactitude the extent of their numerous and widely
extended property, it is assuredly a no less perplexing task to attempt
to ascertain the form of their social system, or to arrive at a notion of
their mode of living. It would add much to the reality of our
conception of mediaeval Dublin could we attain to something like a
just view of the daily life of these Knights, and of the character
of their intercourse with the citizens of Dublin. But we possess
no sufficient materials for such a picture. No such admirable
illustration of life in a fourteenth-century Priory as is supplied by
the ‘‘ Account Roll of the Priory of the Holy Trinity, 1337-1346,”
has been preserved to inform us how the Hospitallers of Kilmainham,
lived, moved, and had their being. We must, therefore, content
ourselves with such occasional and unsatisfactory glimpses as the
State papers give us of the life of the Hospitallers generally, and
more particularly of those of Kilmainham.

The Irish Hospitallers appear to have enjoyed, in common with
the Templars, the special immunities which were granted in England
to both Orders by Henry II, and confirmed by his successor. A
Charter in the first year of King John extended to the Knights
Hospitallers in Ireland the liberties granted in the previous year to
their English brethren. These included ‘‘ freedom from actions, the
King’s toll, passage, pontage, vinage, wayte, carriage, sumage, works
regarding castles, parks, bridges, and vivaries (¢.¢. preserves), army and
cavalry summonses, aids and tallage, wastes, regards of the forests and
assarts, amerciaments ; besides freedom from forfeitures of property
by their retainers, and from being impleaded before the King’s
Justiciary in civil matters.”* From the nature or their property,
as indicated by the records of sundry civil actions to which the

clxxi. D), an account of the property of the Knights Templars in Ireland in
the year 1307, on the suppression of the Order. This contains a list of all
the Manors and Churches then in their possession. It is curious that this list doesnot
enumerate a single possession in Ulster or Connaught, notwithstanding a licence
given to the Templars by Henry III in 1234, to have ‘‘a free guest in every
County and Borough in Ireland’’; and in point of fact the establishments of the
Templars, unlike those of the Hospitallers, appear to have been confined, with the
sole exception of the Preceptory of Teach-Temple in Sligo, to the provinces of
Munster and Leinster, and more particularly to the south-eastern parts of these
provinces.
1 Sweetman’s ‘‘ Calendar of Documents’”’ (1171-2611), p. 19.

FaLtkiner—The Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. 291

Hospitallers were parties at various periods, and from the inventories
of their goods taken from time to time, we may gather that each
Preceptory was possessed of very large agricultural interests, with a
large home farm adjacent to the Priory. Mills were in many cases,
and particularly in that of Kilmainham, which had large mills on the
Cammoge stream, an important feature in the domestic economy of
the Preceptories. There can be little doubt that the Hospitallers
were in general the overseers of the milling industry, and the owners
of the granaries of the districts in which they were established ;
though the existence of the King’s mills at Dublin Castle in close
proximity to Kilmainham, must have prevented the Hospitallers of
Kilmainham from enjoying anything lke a monopoly of the milling
industry in Dublin. The Templars, in their day, seem to have been very
extensive wheat-growers, doubtless in consequence of their proximity
at Clontarf to the celebrated wheat-growing lands of Fingal and
of the north portion of the County Dublin. In the thirteenth century,
indeed, both Orders appear to have been extensively concerned in the
corn trade, and to have been the principal distributors of flour
through the country. In 1225, for example, the master of the
Templars in Ireland was licensed for five years by the King, “to
convey his wheat whither he will throughout all Ireland for
trading purposes,’ without being impeded; and in 1243 a royal
mandate enjoined upon the Justiciary that no mill should be built in
Waterford to the damage of the Templars’ mills there, and that he
should cause any mill already erected to their injury to be razed.

The owners of the Preceptories, lke those of most monastic
establishments in the Middle Ages, were also much interested in the
fishing industry. The once valuable salmon fisheries of the Liffey
were closely looked after by the Hospitallers of Kilmainham, who in
consequence sometimes came sharply in conflict with the citizens of
Dublin. The thirteenth-century suit between the Hospital and the
City has already been mentioned. ‘hat dispute does not seem to
have been the first in which the same parties found themselves at
issue. A mandate issued to the Justiciary as early as the year 1220
recites how ‘‘the good men of the King’s City of Dublin” claimed
that the City was entitled to have the water-way of the Liffey so kept
open, that provisions could be sent up and down the river in boats,
and further that they had always had a fishery on that river; and
also how they complained that ‘‘ the Prior and Friars of the Hospital

1 Sweetman’s ‘‘ Calendar of Documents ’’ (1171-1251), pp. 193 and 396.

RA.A. PROC.) VOU, XXVI., SEC. C. | [27]

292 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

of Kilmainham have lately made a pool there, whereby the city and
citizens are much damnified, their fishery is totally destroyed,
because the pool prevents the fish from ascending, and their boats can
no longer pass up and down as they used to do.’? The Justiciary was
directed to rectify this abuse by enlarging the river; but the feud
between the City and Hospital—in the course of which the
Hospitallers broke the citizens’ nets, while the citizens retaliated by
destroying the Hospitallers’ mill—does not appear to have been
composed until after the Hospitallers had successfully vindicated their
title in the courts, when, as already mentioned, an amicable arrange-
ment was made as to the future exercise of the fishing nights. At
the period of the litigation in the thirteenth century between the
Hospital and the City, the interest of the Knights of St. John in the
Liffey Salmon fisheries was confined to the waters of the river above
the city. But a century later, when the annexation of Clontarf had
brought them whatever rights the Templars had been wont to exercise
at its mouth, the Hospitallers were careful to vindicate their title to
the tithe of salmon there taken. Among the Christ Church Deeds is
an agreement with reference to the tithes of salmon taken at Poolbeg,
in settlement of a suit brought by the Hospitallers against four takers
of salmon there, under which the title of the Hospital to such tithes
was acknowledged, notwithstanding that Sir Robert Dowdall, the
Lord Chief Justice of the day, had held a lease for several years of the
farm of the manor of Clontarf.?

A further glimpse into the domestic economy of the Knights of
St. John in Ireland is afforded by the institution of guest-houses or
hostelries attached to the various Preceptories in the more important
towns. The Hospitallers, pursuant to the Charters in that behalf
granted to both the military Orders, had establishments in Dublin and
the principal towns, to which the Knights could resort for accommo-
dation in their journeys. In Limerick, Trim, and Ardee, among other
places, these guest-houses existed. The agreement of the Prior and
Brethren of Kilmainham with Henry Marshal, the custodian of their
Liber Hospes, or guest-house, in Dublin, gives us some insight into the
nature of the arrangement between the brethren and their inn-
keepers, besides indicating the kind of accommodation provided in an
inn of the better sort at the close of the thirteenth century. This

1 Sweetman’s ‘‘ Calendar of Documents”’ (1171-1251), p. 149.
2 Appendix to the 20th Report of Deputy Keeper of Public Records in

Ireland, p. 91.

Fatxiner—The Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. 298

guest-house stood in Winetavern street, then a very important
thoroughfare, the seat of the Guildhall, and the fashionable quarter
for visitors. It appears from the record of the agreement in the
State papers that the Prior and Brethren at Kilmainham, having
acquired the interest of Henry de la Felde and Petronilla, his wife,
in ‘‘ astone-house, near the Church of the Holy Trinity, Dublin, on
the north side,” which one ‘‘ Henry, called Marshal, Citizen of
Dublin,”’ held at the yearly rent of one penny, did let the house to
Henry Marshal and his heirs, ‘‘ with all liberties and free customs
thereto belonging, at a rent of two silver shillings and one penny
a year.” The Prior and Brethren had just previously received by
letter, under the seal of Walter Vured, the Mayor, and the Com-
monalty of the City of Dublin, ‘‘a grant that the house aforesaid
should be their free hospital, and should be for ever quit from
all exactions, tollages, demands, or collections of money.”’ They
accordingly granted to Henry Marshal that he should be ‘their
free guest in the stone-house aforesaid,”’ and as such that he should
enjoy all liberties granted to their other free guests in Ireland. In
requital whereof Marshal undertook that he and his heirs should
‘‘find for the Prior and Brothers and their successors whenever they
shall go to Dublin and shall wish to remain, decent entertainment and
stable, white cloth, white salt, white candle, fire, litter, and cooking
utensils’ ; and he further obliged himself to leave to the Hospital at
his death ‘‘ forty shillings of silver in the name of one-third of all
his chattels.”” As this instrument was witnessed by the Masters of
several of the country Preceptories, we may fairly conclude that the
Winetavern street hostelry was the common place of resort for all
Hospitallers coming from the provinces to sojourn temporarily in the
capital. This Liber Hospes was maintained for the MHospitallers
down to the dissolution, being mentioned in the Inquisition of 33rd
Henry VIII. as ‘‘a house called the Frank House, in Winetavern
street, Dublin, near the Church of the Holy Trinity.’”

More appropriate to their spiritual than to their secular character
was the exercise by the Hospitallers of parochial jurisdiction over
certain parishes, in possession of which they were placed by the
diocesan authorities. A grant preserved among the Christ Church
deeds supplies an example of what appears to have been a not

1 Sweetman’s “‘ Calendar of Documents ’’ (1285-1292), p. 361; and see Gilbert’s
‘‘Calendar of Dublin Records,’ vol. i., pp. 104, 198; and ‘‘ Historical and
Municipal Documents,”’ p. 501.

294 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

uncommon practice. By this indenture Alexander, Archbishop of
Dublin, granted to the Prior and Brethren of Kilmainham, in the
year 1319, ‘the Parish Church of Rathmore (in the County Kildare),
with its chapels, tithes, and obventions, for the sustenance of
pilgrims and the necessities of the poor,’ and instituted the Prior in
the name of his house in the corporal possession thereof.! The Hos-
pitallers, who, on their part, appear to have been bound to give ten
pounds of wax yearly for the use of the Church to the Chapter of
Christ Church, retained their rights in the Rectory of Rathmore
down to the dissolution of the religious houses.?

a:
Tur Priors oF KILMAINHAM.

The attempt to follow the fortunes of the Hospital of Kilmainham,
in its relations to the general history of Ireland during the Planta-
genet era, and to form a just conception of the part played by the
Hospitallers in the government of the country, is rendered extremely
difficult by the almost total absence of any Irish records directly
referring to the Order. It unfortunately happens that the archives of
the Knights of St. John (which, despite the many vicissitudes of their

1 Calendar of Christ Church Deeds, Nos. 207, 208.

* Monck Mason, in his MS. additions to his account of Kilmainham Priory
in Archdall’s ‘‘ Monasticon,’’ has the following note :—

“There was at this time a dispute with the Archbishop of Dublin with regard
to his right of visiting those churches of his diocese which belonged to this Priory,
and appropriated in proprios usus—viz., Rathmore, Ballyogary, Chapelizolde,
Crevaghe, Ballythermot, Rathenanys, Calveston, Davystowne, Stafythnane,
Rathsilly, Fountstown, Leyston, and Ballycolian, with their appendant chapels ;
and the Archbishop cited them to exhibit their titles to exemption, if any they had,
as likewise in respect of the churches of Kilmainham, Kilhale, and Clontarf, which
the Prior and Brethren asserted they possessed pleno fare. The Prior pleaded that
the three latter had been, time out of mind, subject to him in every way, both in
temporals and spirituals; that they were exempted specially by the Apostolic See
from all ordinary authority, and subjected immediately to the Holy See; that the
other churches above-named were theirs im proprios usus, and subject immediately
to the Holy See, saving to the Archbishop and his successors their procurations on
visiting the same; and reserving to the Archbishops their jurisdiction in matters
concerning the cure of souls: all which was admitted and certified by the Court
in capella Sti. Sepulchre, Tmo. Sept., 13860.—Al. Reg.* T.C.D., f. 301.’’—
Wm. Monck Mason’s MS. Notes to Archdall’s ‘‘ Monasticon Hibernicum.’’ Brit,
Mus., Eg., 1774,

FatKiner—The Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. 295

fortunes and the successive migrations of the Grand Preceptory from
Jerusalem to Acre, from Acre to Cyprus, from Cyprus to Rhodes, from
Rhodes to Crete, and from Crete to its latest seat in Malta, remain,
in many respects, extraordinarily perfect) are sadly inadequate in
relation to the annals of the Order in Great Britain and Ireland.
While the succession of the Grand Masters of the Hospitallers, and
that of the Grand Priors of the several Languages—the name given to
the various provincial organizations throughout Europe—have been
preserved with tolerable completeness in the Library at Malta, the
official records contain only the most fragmentary references to the
Priors and Preceptories of the Three Kingdoms.! Nor is this
deficiency made good by any extant records elsewhere. Yor the
statistics published in Larking’s ‘‘ Knights Hospitallers of England
in 1338’? deal solely with the property held by the Order in that
country, and the book takes no note of the general history of the
English and Irish Knights. Such information as can be gleaned
regarding the doings of the Order in Ireland is, therefore, inevitably
scrappy and unsatisfactory. Even when all the items have been
laboriously pieced together, they fall very far short of supplying the
materials for a consecutive chronicle; and the task of reconstructing
the organization of the Irish branch of the Language of England from
the few scattered and inconsiderable bones of knowledge that survive,
is one that must baffle the most skilful and ingenious of historical
anatomists. It is possible indeed to make a very fair approximation
towards the succession of the Priors of Kilmainham,? and a list of the
Priors of Ireland—who are not necessarily identical with the Priors
of Kilmainham—from the year 1330 to the dissolution of the Order,
will be found in Porter’s ‘‘ History of the Knights of Malta.’* But
except that a comparison of these lists with those of the Grand
Priors, Turcopoliers, and other officers of the English Language,
proves that the Irish branch had no independent existence, the heads
of its Preceptories being in many cases appointed from among the
Knights resident in England, these records throw no real light on the
history of the Hospitallers in Ireland. Yet, though the amount of
our positive knowledge is small, there are, nevertheless, indirect

1 See ‘Les Archives de la Bibliothéque et le Trésor de L’Ordre de Saint Jean
de Jérusalem & Malte.’? Par J. Delavalle le Roulx. Paris, 1883.

* Camden Series (old series) vol. Ixy.

3 See Appendix II, p. 316, infra.

£ Vol. ii, pe 206:

296 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

sources from which we may infer that the status enjoyed by the
Knights Hospitallers in Ireland was not inferior to that universally
accorded to their brethren throughout Europe in the hey-day of their
prosperity. Thus, from the earliest period for which such records
are available, the Prior of Kilmainhem or his locum tenens appears to
have been summoned among the barons as a spiritual peer of Parlia-
ment,' while the rolls of the great officers of State, and of the heads
of the judiciary, show that the Lords Priors of the Hospital were
closely associated with the work of government, and were often
entrusted with the highest administrative functions. As many as
four among them held the great office of Lord Deputy, and at
least two of them appear to have held Parliaments in the great
hall of Kilmainham; while the names of no fewer than seven of
the Priors are to be found upon the distinguished roll of the Lords
Chancellors of Ireland. The Hospitallers also appear to have
exercised in early times, in conjunction with the Templars, some of
the functions of treasurers or bankers, the Lords Justices in Henry
the Third’s reign being instructed to lodge at Kilmainham the aid
collected for the King, for transmission to England by the Knights.’

But great as was the part played by the Priors of Kilmainham
in the business of government, and in the administration of the
law, it was, as befitted their important position in the great
military Order of Knights MHospitallers, less as statesmen or as
judges than as soldiers that their most eminent services were ren-
dered. Military service to the Crown was manifestly the principal
consideration for those extensive grants which were made by the
early Plantagenet Sovereigns both to the Templars and to the Hos-
pitallers. It is clear that the two Orders performed between them
many of the duties ofa garrison, and that the Preceptories and Com-
manderies, with the fortified castles which everywhere adjoined them
(and which in most cases were built on sites strategetically advanta-
geous), served as so many citadels of Anglo-Norman authority in the
provinces. As the wealth and authority of the Hospital at Kilmainham
grew, the military importance of its rulers steadily increased. Those
Priors who took an active part in public affairs appear to have joined

1 See Lynch’s ‘* Feudal Dignities.”’

2 Vide Lascelles’ ‘‘ Liber Munerum Publicorum Hiberniae.’’

3 Sweetman’s ‘‘ Calendar of Documents”’ (1171-1251), p. 147. It appears from
a letter printed in the ‘‘ Carew Calendar’’ (1515-1574), p.42, that the Prior of
Kilmainham held the office of Under Treasurer in 1434.

FantKiner—Zhe Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. 297

to their administrative functions the position of generalissimo of the
forces of the Crown, and the Knights grew to be considered the
flower of the Royal army. Normans and strangers to a man, and
owning fealty to the English rulers of the country, neither Hospi-
tallers nor Templars seem to have had the smallest sympathy with
the native Irish. Their military record in Ireland is mainly the story
of expeditions, by no means invariably successful, undertaken to quell
the revolts of insurgent chiefs. Thus, in 1274, Prior William Fitz-
Roger commanded a contingent of the army led by Thomas de Clare
into the fastnesses of Wicklow, and, after losing many of his Knights
in battle, was taken prisoner by the Irish in Glenmalure. The Prior
does not seem to have been in any hurry to undertake this enterprise,
for when commanded by Edward I to return to Ireland for the de-
fence of that kingdom, he pretended to have received a summons
from his Superior to the Holy Land. But the King would stand no
nonsense, and being ordered to Ireland ‘‘ on pains of the loss of all the
lands of his house in that country,” the Prior obeyed the mandate and
returned to Kilmainham. But, though captured at Glenmalure, Fitz-
Roger survived to fight another day ; and a few years later he is found
at the house of his Order at Randon, in Roscommon, preparing “‘ to
lead an army against the King’s enemies in Connaught.””!

But the military activity of the Prior of Kilmainham and his
Knights was by no means confined to Ireland. They were also liable
to be called on by the Crown for service abroad, and on such occasions
they bore a highly honourable place in the armies of the English
Kings. Of what services, if any, they rendered on the stricken fields
of Crecy and Poictiers, we have no record; but that their prowess was
fully appreciated by so martial a sovereign as Henry V we know
from the story of the siege of Rouen. Doubtless, the most chivalrous
figure in the dim procession of these vanished representatives of the
religious chivalry of the Crusades is that of ‘Thomas le Botiller,
Prior of Kilmainham and Chancellor of Ireland, the doughty warrior
monk who led the Irish troops across the seas in the service of Henry V,
in the year 1418. his Prior was an illegitimate scion of the house of
Butler, a son of James, third Earl of Ormond, and a man of equal ability
as soldier and as statesman, who twice filled the office of Lord Justice of
Ireland. ‘The Prior’s exploits at Rouen are picturesquely recounted in
the quaint verses of John Page, who was himself present at the siege.

1 Sweetman’s ‘‘ Calendar of Documents ’’ (1252-1284), p. 200; and (1235-1292),
p- 369.

298 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

The poem tells how the Prior of Kilmainham, arriving at Harfleur at
the head of a contingent of fifteen hundred men, was allotted the
post of honour and of danger by King Henry, who directed him to
repel the attack which the French Monarch, assisted by the Bur-
gundians, was expected to deliver with the object of raising the
siege :—
‘And then the Pryor of Kilmaynan

Was come wyth yn the mowthe of Sayn.

At Harflete he londed evyn,

With XV. Hundryd fyughtyng men,

Well a-rayde of warre wyse, ©

As the cuntraye hathe the gysse.

Faste he hyed unto the sege,

And was well-come unto our lege.

Then was sayde the Fraynysche Kynge

And the Burgaynys caste hyr entrynge

In the northe syde of our oste,

For the cause there was playne moste.

The priour with his XV. hundred men

Our kyng assygnyd a yenne,

To logge hym in that syde

For to kepe the wayes wyde

By the Foreste of Lyones stoute

To kepe the Fraynysche men owte,

He loggyd hym with owte that woode,

And made wacche and ordynaunce goode

Withowte our oste 1ij legys large,

So for to logge hyt was hys charge.

The knyght thenne there-to sent,

And manfully thedyr wente.

Yf the Fraynysche men ofte wolde there that way

The fryste frunt he thought to fray.

Moche worschyppe wanne he there,

And soo he hadde done ellyswhere.

And moche worschyppe there he wan

I wolde you telle but alle I ne can.’

Prior Butler had a martial successor in the next reign in the
person of Prior Thomas FitzGerald, a grandson of the Earl of Kal-

1 ¢¢ Historical Collections of a Citizen of London in the Fifteenth Century”’:
Camden Society’s Publications, Third Series, pp. 12, 13.

FatkinER— The Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. 299

dare, and consequently a member of the rival house of FitzGerald.
The ‘‘ Chronicle of William Gregory, Skinner,” tells how in the year
1446 this Prior of Kilmainham exhibited his knightly prowess after
the most approved fashion of mediaeval chivalry by appearing fully
armed in the English capital, ready to bid defiance to his hereditary
foe :—

‘¢ And that same yere there was a pechyng i-made uppon the
Erle of Ormounde by the pryour of Kylmayn for certaine poyntys of
treson, the whyche was takyn into the Kyngys grace, where uppon
hyt lykyd oure soverayne lorde to graunte a generalle pardon unto
the sayde Erle. But nevyrtheles the sayde pryour appayryde in
Smethefylde the iij day of the monythe of October, as hyt was
apoyntyde, fulle clenly harnyssyd, redy whythe alle hys fetys and
whythe alle hys wepyns, kepynge the fylde tylle hyghe none.””!

But, as Professor Richey has observed,’ if the Knights of St. John
were generally useful auxiliaries to the Government, they could
sometimes prove dangerous from their turbulence. ‘The development
of this undesirable side of their activity was in part due, no doubt, to
the enfeeblement of English authority consequent on the dynastic
contentions in England. Butit was also in part due to the introduction
of anew and different vein of political sentiment into the leaders of the
Order in Ireland. The Priors of the latter half of the fifteenth cen-
tury reflect, in their altered attitude towards the English Crown, the
change which during the same epoch had transformed a great part of the
Anglo-Norman nobility of Ireland into a semi-independent baronage,
largely imbued with an Irish spirit. It has been observed by D’ Alton
‘“‘that a singular circumstance may be remarked in reference to the
succession of the Priors of this house, many of whom held the highest
office of the State, that the name of one person of the ancient Milesian
stock does not appear in the whole series, and perhaps this remark
would apply to all the Preceptories belonging to this Priory throughout
Ireland.’ In view alike of the constitution of the Hospitallers’ Order
and of the circumstances under which it was introduced into this
country, this is a feature in the history of the Priory which
can scarcely surprise us. The Order was essentially cosmopolitan.
Its establishments in Ireland were directly subject to the authority
of the Grand Master, which, though exercised for the greater part
of the period with which we are concerned from an island so remote

1Camden Society’s Publications, Third Series, pp. 186, 187.
2 “«Short History of the Irish People,’’ p. 289.

300 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

as Rhodes, was no phantom jurisdiction. A statute of Henry VI
passed by the Irish Parliament in 1447 indicates the mode in which
that authority was enforced. <A Visitor-General apvointed for the
purpose by the Grand Master, and invested with plenary powers of
deprivation, was despatched to Ireland, and was licensed by Letters
Patent from the King, to put the Bulls of the Grand Master into
execution. The Act recites how the Visitor ‘‘in a general chapter
held before him at Drogheda, by the advice of the brethren and
the council of the said Hospital for the contumacy, contempt, rebellion,
and dilapidation of the goods of the said hospital, and the non-
payment of the annual pension to the said Lord Master of the Rhodes,
deprived Thomas FitzGerald of his ‘ prioralty,’ and appointed Thomas
Talbot in his stead.’’ Thus the Order could make its power felt from
the far east to the far west of Europe, and the Grand Master’s
authority could reach from the Levant to the Irish Sea. Further-
more, the Irish establishment of the Order was apparently regarded
as a branch of the English Language, as the province was called, and
the appointments to the office of Prior of Ireland, which were made
at Rhodes, were usually filled from the Preceptories of the flourish-
ing English Hospitallers, whose principal house is commemorated in
St. John’s Gate at Clerkenwell, and in the name still attached to one
of its principal possessions, the important district of modern London
known as St. John’s Wood. ‘Thus, in the earlier half of the history
of the Order in Ireland, the Priors of Kilmainham were almost
exclusively Anglo-Normans; and it is not until the fifteenth century
that we find the names of such great Anglo- or Norman-Irish families
as those of Butler, FitzGerald, and Talbot on the roll. Thencefor-
ward, however, the Priors appear in a character political rather than
military or monastic ; and in place of manning the Government of
Ireland, as their predecessors had done, they seem rather to have
become permanent chiefs of an anti-English opposition. Neverthe-
less, despite some vague traditions of the grandeur and importance of
some of the earlier heads of the Hospital, as Roger Utlaugh and
Ralph de Ufford, it is the names of those later Priors who flourished
under the Lancastrian sovereigns, together with that of James Keating,
whose stormy priorate belonged to the reign of Edward LV, Richard III,
and Henry VII, and embraced the unfortunate adoption of the cause
of Lambert Simnel, that must occupy, in the absence of any personal
record of their predecessors, the most conspicuous place in the roll
of the Priors of Kilmainham.

The great period of the Hospitallers in Great Britain may be said

Farxiner— The Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. 301

to have passed with the second monarch of the House of Lancaster. The
Order had by this time long outlived the circumstances of its origin.
The Crusades were. already a tradition, and the knights who had been
dubbed as soldiers of the Cross had become at best the militia of the
English king. The era of the French wars had provided them, indeed,
with a field which, however mundane, was not inappropriate to the
display of their more chivalrous qualities. But the smaller stage pro-
vided by the Wars of the Roses gave scope only for their less excellent
aptitudes, and the brotherhood quickly degenerated from a spirited
soldiery to what was little better than a noxious banditti. A change
appears to have taken place, too, in the characteristic qualities previously
required of the Priors, if not of the knights generally. They were no
longer selected from the English houses of the Order, but were chosen
from within the ranks of the Ivish brethren. They thus came to have
local and personal interests as distinguished from those of their Order,
and to subordinate their official functions to their personal concerns.
The knightly Prior Butler had for his immediate successors a
trio of turbulent Superiors, who took full advantage of the civil
disorders of the realm to lord it over their neighbours, and who were so
far from paying regard to their religious vows that they did not scruple
to squander the revenues of the Hospital on the aggrandisement of their
personal fortunes, and to misappropriate its treasures. It is evident
from the proceedings of Priors FitzGerald, Talbot, and Keating
that in the latter half of the fifteenth century the Priory of Kilmainham
had lost much of its ancient consideration, and that it had degenerated,
through the rapacity of its temporary chiefs, into a selfish corporation,
powerful only for mischief, and scarcely giving even a nominal homage
to the great and sacred purposes for which the Knights of St. John
had originally been constituted. Two further Statutes of the Inish
Parliament in the reign of Henry VII indicate plainly the extent
and gravity of the disorders which arose. The first of these, passed
in 1494, ‘‘at the supplication of Sir John Kendall, Prior of St. John’s,
Jerusalem, Within his realm of England, in the name of the Lord
Great Master of the Rodys,’’ sets forth that although the Order in
Ireland was ‘‘founded and endowed honourably with many and divers
great lordships and possessions,” yet ‘‘forasmuch as by the course of
the great debates and dissentions which have been betwixt lords
spiritual and temporal and others of the said land,” the rents and
revenues thereof had greatly decayed. Asecond Statute passed in
the same year is more precise in defining the causes of this impover-
ishment of the Order. It recites that ‘‘ Sir James Ketyng, pretended

302 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

and intruded prior, . . . and other his predecessors, late priors of
the same priorate, by their mysgovernance and mysgidyng have greatly
impoverished the said priorate; and over that . . . ev’ry of theym in
the tyme they were priours ther have sold and laid to pledge almoste
all the reliques, juells and ornamentys, and yn especiall a p’cious
relyque or pece of the holy crosse belonging to the said priorate,
against all due order of ther religion.’”!

The misdeeds of Prior Keating were not confined to offences
against the interests of his Order; and we may suspect that the
Parliament of Henry VII would scarcely have shown so much
zeal for the good government of the Hospitallers had the latter
extended to the new Tudor dynasty the active support which had
been traditionally rendered by the Priors of Kilmainham to the reign-
ing sovereign. Prior Keating, however, had been very far from
following the examples of his predecessors in this respect. His
twenty years’ tenure of the priorate was one long scene of storm and
violence. His hand seems to have been against everyman. ‘The king
and his subjects, the clergy and the laity, and even his Superiors and
the brethren of his own Order, seem to have been equally the objects
of his impartial hostility. In 1478, he held Dublin Castle, of which
he had been appointed Constable, against the Deputy of Edward IV,
and destroyed the drawbridge. In 1482, having been deprived of the
priorate by the Master of the Rhodes for the crimes specified in the
Statute already cited, he bid open defiance to his Superior, imprison-
ing Sir Marmaduke Lomley, the knight appointed to succeed him.
Keating’s performances on this occasion are set out in another of the
many Statutes which his excesses provoked. Chapter xvi of the 10th
Henry VII recites how collation being made by the Grand Master of
‘“ a gentleman of the same religion, born within the realm of England,
named Sir Marmaduke Lomley, late deceased, which Sir Marmaduke
going into Ireland for to attain the same priorate according to the
collation and gift of the said Great Master was there taken by force
by the said Sir James Keating and his retinue, and the bulls and
writings of the said Great Master taken away from him, and so
cast into prison by the said Sir James, by the oecasion whereof the
said Sir Marmaduke died.’”’? Lastly, to complete the catalogue of

1 Unpublished Statutes of Ireland at the Public Record Office.

* Lomley addressed a letter of complaint to Henry VII, in the following terms :—
ManrMavdvkE Lomtey’s Letter to Henny VII, ex Registro Octayv. de Palatio, f.115.

‘Most high and mighty Prince, and my most redoubted sovereign liege Lord,
in my most lowly wise 1 recommend me unto your most Royal Majesty—Please it

FaLtxineEr—The Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. 303

his offences, this lawless prior was one of the foremost to promote,
in the language of yet another Statute, ‘‘ the great and damnable
abusion and error that was of late had in the crowning of the
lad,’”? Lambert Simnel. It is scarcely to be wondered at that
Sir Richard Edgecomb, who was sent to Ireland by Henry VII, armed
with full powers to deal with the disorderly factions by which the
country, or more correctly the Pale, was then torn, should have
turned a deaf ear to the persuasions of the Earl of Kildare and
others who sought to procure a pardon for Keating. So far was he

your most Excellent Grace to have the knowledge how that after it liked the Lord
Master of Rhodes to have proceeded according with the staplements of the Order of the
Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem against one Frere James Ketynge, late Prior of the
same Hospital, in this the land of Ireland for his demerits, rebellions and inobedience
done unto the aforesaid Lord Master in order to his utter deprivation of the said
Priory, and all other offices and commanderies which the said Frere James Ketyng
have occupied until that time within the said land of Ireland, and upon the same
deprivation so once to have graunted and given unto my right simpleness, not
worthy thereto, the aforesaid Priory, and to have provided me of the same by
his Letters Patent, and so have pleased our most Holy Father the Pope to have
confirmed the aforesaid deprivation, graunt, leave and permission like as is above
rehearsed ; as may more plainly appear by our said most Holy Father his bulls
thereupon directed: and inasmuch as I by special commandment of the said
Lord Master taking on me the charge of the foresaid Priory with letters
evidences and writings as well of the said Master as of our foresaid most Holy
Father necessary in that behalf, when I arrived at a village called Clontarfe
two miles asunder from the City of Dublin, there the said Frere James set on
me with a number of people, a horseback and a foote, and there violently
putting hand upon me took me thither as pleased him and kept me like a
prisoner, until the time that by compulsion of dread of my life I must have
delivered there as it pleased him all manner evidences, writings, bulls and
letters, which I brought with me in that behalf into Ireland ; saying and protest-
ing openly that notwithstanding that I suffer the said Frere James by compulsion
before rehearsed to occupy foresaid Priory, mine intent is in no manner of wise to
renounce my title in the foresaid Priory ; and so from thence I being in a strange
country was so adread of my bodily death by the strength and inordinate dis-
position of the said Frere James, durst not certify our said Holy Father, your
Highness, neither the foresaid Lord Master of the premises until this time that I
have obtained the favour of gentyles and certain port towns within your said
land of Ireland. Wherefore I most humbly beseech your most affluent Grace to
provide of a due remedy in that behalf according to the pleasure of your most
noble Majesty. And most High and Mighty Prince, and my most redoubted
Sovereign Liege Lord, The Blessed Trinity preserve always your most Royal
Estate in continual prosperity, and grant you the victory of your enemies bodily
and ghostly.’’—Harris’s Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicis, vol. xiv., pp. 230, 231.

304 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

from doing so that, as the historian of Edgecomb’s mission tells the
tale, he ‘‘ gave with a manful spirit unto the said prior fearful and
terrible words,” and, refusing to extend the Royal clemency, forthwith
removed him from the Constableship of Dublin Castle.! It was not until
three years later, however, that the prior was with difficulty removed
from Kilmainham. It is not surprising that Keating’s sustained and
almost successful treason should have thoroughly alarmed the
Government, which showed its sense of the power for good or ill
of a Prior of Kilmainham by procuring the passing of a Statute
confining that dignity for the future to persons of English birth.?
With the disappearance of Prior Keating the history of Kilmainham
Hospital as a great factor in the social and political life of
Ireland comes to an end. The Priory had dwindled to the shadow
of its former self forty or fifty years before the dissolution of
the monasteries formally completed its destruction. The four
Priors who succeeded Keating were Englishmen and law-abiding
subjects of the Crown. But they do not appear to have had
the slightest influence in public affairs, or indeed to have sought to

1 Voyage of Sir Richard Edgecomb in Ireland; printed in Harris’s ‘ Hiber-
nica.”’

? This Statute, passed in the tenth year of Henry VII, runs thus :—

“‘Ttem at the supplication of the Commons of the Land of Ireland, that
whereas, the hed-house and priorate of St. John’s Jerusalem within the same
land, hath been above all other houses and places of religion the most honourably
and nobly founded and endowed with possessions spiritual and temporal, of which
possessions great part thereof hath desolated for lack of good order, rule and
governance, and also much thereof is granted and aliened under the convent seal of
that place, by means of such evil-disposed persons which have been late priors
there taking no regard to their conscience nor to the honour and weal of that
noble Order whereunto they were professed, which is among other great causes of
misgovernance and evil order of the said land; for such a gentleman being prior
there putting that livelihood in good approvement to the use and behoof of the said
priorate was able to have the rule and governance of a great part of that land.
Therefore it be ordained, enacted and established by the authority of the present
Parliament, by the assent of the lords spiritual and temporal here assembled, that
from henceforth he that shall be made prior of the said priorate of St. John’s
Jerusalem in Ireland, by the Lord Master of the Rhodes, or by his Deputy, by the
King’s assent, having sufficient power and authority in that behalf, shall be a man
of the English blood, sad, wise and discreet, one as shall have livelihood by the
religion within the realm of England, whereby the King’s grace shall be more
faithfully and better served in these parts of Ireland and the yearly responsion
which ought to be paid to the Rhodes by the prior of the said priorate for the main-
tenance of the Christian faith well contented and satisfied hereafter.”’

FatKinER—TZhe Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. 3065

exercise it. The facility with which the last Prior surrendered his
great ecclesiastical dignities in exchange for a viscounty and a grant
of the manor of Clontarf is evidence in itself of the decadence
which had taken place in the tone and spirit of the Hospitallers.
Nowhere among the many preceptories does there appear to have been
any serious resistance to the Royal will, when the decree for their
suppression was pronounced. For the rank and file of the brethren pro-
vision appears to have been made, and its leading members were treated
with consideration. The head of the Preceptory of Any, for example,
was appointed to the bishopric of Emly, and others among the knights
received considerable ecclesiastical preferment, while some were
placated like their chief by substantial grants of Hospitaller property.

It is a curious circumstance that at the accession of Mary the
Hospital of Kilmainham was made the sole exception to the policy of
her advisers, which forbore to attempt the restoration of the suppressed
monasteries. By the Act of the Papal Legate Cardinal Pole, one
Oswald Massingberd was designated Prior in 1557, and the Order was
restored to its possessions. The peculiar favour thus shown was
doubtless due to the importance of the position still occupied through-
out Catholic Europe by the Knights of St. John. But its effects were
of course only shortlived. On the accession of Elizabeth, Massingberd
fled over sea, and the Hospital was finally annexed by Statute to the
Crown.!

1 For some notes on the subsequent vicissitudes of the Priory, see the present
writer’s ‘‘ Illustrations of Irish History and Topography,’’ pp. 45-48; and see
also the paper on ‘‘ The Phoenix Park,’’? in R.I.A. Proceedings, Third Series,
vol. vi., p. 465.

306 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

APPEND Rew

A List or THE PRECEPTORIES OF THE MHospirat or St. Joun or
JERUSALEM IN IRELAND, CONNECTED WITH THE PRINCIPAL HOUSE OF
THE ORDER aT KILMAINHAM, WITH NOTES ON THEIR ORIGIN, AND
ON THEIR DESTINATION AFTER THE DISSOLUTION OF THE MONASTERIES.

Preceptories of Templar origin are marked with the letter T.

I. Country Dustin.

T. Clontarf—Granted to the Templars by Charter of Henry II,
given at Avanches in Normandy, probably in 1172. In that

1 This List is confined to those houses of the Hospitallers which may properly
be described as ‘‘ preceptories,’’ or ‘‘ commanderies,’’ i.e., residential seats of the
Order in direct connexion through their principals or ‘‘ preceptors’’ with the
administrative organization of the Knights of St. John. Besides these, both
Hospitallers and Templars held important and valuable possessions, which were
administered by the preceptories or commanderies to which they respectively
belonged or were adjacent. Such possessions usually comprised manors, lands, and
houses, besides ecclesiastical property, as rectories, tithes, advowsons, Kc. ;
and sometimes extended through several counties. ‘The possessions of the
Commandery of Any, or Knockany (now Hospital), County Limerick, as enumerated
in the Lease thereof to William Apsley, in 1578, offers a good example of the nature
and extent of the endowments of a preceptory of the Knights Hospitallers, as
enjoyed about the period of the dissolution :

“‘ Lease to William Apsley, Esquire, of the Commandery or Manor of Anee,
County Limerick, and all its appurtenances in Anee, Ballenacloige,
Lymrick, Kilmallock, Adare, Croghe, Askeinie, Rathkille, Ardagh,
Casshell, Carrick, Ardartie, aud Dengen; also the rectories of Anee,
Lomge, Kilfrusse, Kayrecorney, Kairefussock, Kaillcallane, Moreton,
Owlys, Browe, Carnowsie, Rochiston, Ardare, Gary-Uskan, Kilbaren,
Meynarde, Kilwille, Killene, Killino, Killane, Kiltome, Rathronane,
Aressynane, alias Ardfynan, Mortelleston, Cnockgraffin, and Carrin-
tobber, in Counties Limerick, Kerry, Tipperary, and Clare, and all other
possessions of the Commandery, parcel of the late Hospital of St. John
of Jerusalem in Ireland.”’

(Fiant Elizabeth, No. 3250. Appendix to Thirteenth Report of the Deputy
Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 68, 69. This Fiant has been printed
by Miss Hickson in her admirable notice of ‘‘ The Knights of St. John in Kerry
and Limerick,”’ published in the Journal of the Royal Historical and Archeological
Association of Ireland, 4th series, vol. ix., p. 184, e¢ seq.)

FaLtKInER—The Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. 807

document Clontarf is described as ‘‘a vill near Dublin called Clenm-
thorp.” This Charter, under which Crook, Kilbarry, and other
possessions of the Templars were also held, was cited in the proceedings
between the Abbot of Dunbrody and the Templars referred to at p. 287,
supra, and is set out in Sweetman’s ‘“‘Calendar of Documents”
(1285-1292), p. 8329. The Charter of Henry II was confirmed by a
grant in Frankalmoigne, and Charter of Confirmation from Henry III,
dated February 11, 1226-7 (Cal. S. P. Ireland, 1172-1251, p. 225).
The Charter of Henry III was in turn confirmed by Charter of
Edward I, dated November 22, 1280 (Cal. 8S. P. Ireland, 1252-1284,
p- 368). On the suppression of the Templars, the Manor of Clontarf,
appurtenant to the foundation, was granted in 1311 to Richard de
Burgh, Earl of Ulster, but the Preceptory itself was transferred to
the Hospitallers. It was sequestered in 1440, in consequence of
the disloyalty of Thomas FitzGerald, then Prior of Kilmainham. It
was probably restored to the Order, but if so it appears to have been
resumed and to have remained in the Crown down to the dissolution of
the monasteries, for an Inquisition of the year 1527 speaks of it as
then suppressed. In 1541, as narrated above, it was granted to Sir
John Rawson, the last Prior of Kilmainham. After the rebellion of
1641, the lands were confiscated, and granted to John Blackwell,
through whom they passed to the Vernon family.

II. County CaRtLow.

Kiullergy is situate on the river Slaney, some five miles from
Carlow, and some remains still exist at Friarstown. Of this house,
Ware states that it was founded for Knights Hospitallers by Gilbert
de Borard in the reign of King John. Its name is preserved in that
of the parish of Killerig, in the barony of Carlow. The precise date of
the original grant is unknown; and I am unable to find any authority
for the statement that it was a Templar foundation—an assertion
which, perhaps, had its origin in a grant by Nicholas Taaffe to the
Master of the Templars in 1284, of his lands near Killergy. It is not
included in the list of Templar possessions in 1807. Archdall gives
the names of several of its Preceptors. At the dissolution it was
leased to Christopher Dowdall and others for twenty-one years at a
rent of £4, subject to the payment of a pension of £24 5s. 7d. to
the late Preceptor (Fiant Henry VIII, 222). Subsequently it
was granted by Elizabeth to ‘Mary Travers, now wife of Gerald

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308 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Aylmer, Esq., and commonly called Viscountess of Baltinglass” in
1589 (Fiant Elizabeth 5386).’

III. County Corx,

Mourne is situate three miles south of Mallow in the Barony of
Barretts. According to Ware, ‘‘ Alexander de Sancta Helena was
either founder or first benefactor in the reign of King John.”
It was also known as Mora, or Ballynamona. Charles Smith, in his
‘History of Cork,” incorrectly and without authority calls it a
Commandery of the Templars. The castle, of which considerable
remains still exist, appears to date from about 1335, as in that
year the Prior of Kilmainham committed ‘‘the whole government
and custody of our house at Mora”’ to Friar John Fitz-Richard, in
consideration of his erecting a castle there within ten years. (King
MS.) Mourne was leased at the dissolution to Dermot MacCormack-oge,
its last Preceptor, at a rent of £9 (Fiant Henry VIII, 461). It was
subsequently granted in 1577 to Cormac MacTeig MacCarthy (Fiant
Elizabeth 3121); but his descendants forfeited it after the rebellion
of 1641.?

LV. County Down.

Ards.—Now known.as Castleboy, or Johnstown, situate in the
Barony of Ards, three miles north of Portaferry. According to Ware
this house was founded for the Knights Hospitallers by Hugh de Lacy.
The names of some of the early Preceptors are given by Archdall
In the agreement about the ‘‘ Liber Hospes’’ in Winetavern Street,

1 Ballymoon, near Bagenalstown, is another reputed Templar foundation in the
County Carlow, as to which there is no direct evidence to authenticate the
traditional account. It is notincluded in Ware’s list.

2 Rhincrew. A persistent tradition, for which, however, I can find no reliable
documentary authority, ascribes the remains of a monastic foundation which
occupy the summit of the promontory at the mouth of the Blackwater overlooking
the town of Youghal, to a Templar origin. ‘hat excellent antiquary, the late
Canon Hayman, in his “ Annals of Youghal,’’ adopts the tradition, to which
Charles Smith, in his ‘‘ History of Cork,’’ and Crofton Croker, in ‘‘ Researches in
the South of Ireland,’ have given wide currency. Canon Hayman surmises
that Rhincrew was founded by Raymond le Gros in 11838, but without assigning
any authority. It is not included in any of the extant lists of Templar foundations.
Rhincrew became part of Sir Walter Raleigh’s large estates, and passed from him
to the Earl of Cork.

FaLKInER— The Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. 309

Thomas de Stanwell, described as ‘‘ Master of Ulster,” probably
represented this Preceptory. After the dissolution, the Preceptory of
Ards was leased, in 1584, with the Manor of Johnstown and other
lands, to George Alexander (Fiant Elizabeth, 4420).

V. County Gatwar.

Kinalekin is situate in the parish of Ballynakill, and Barony of
Leitrim, about three and a-half miles from Woodford. Of this
house Ware merely observes that it was a Preceptory of the Order
of Knights Hospitallers; and he mentions a Friary of Minorites
at the same place. Archdall says, on the authority of Alemand,
that ‘‘a Commandery for Knights Hospitallers was founded here
in the thirteenth century ..... by O’Flaherty,”’ and gives the
names of three fourteenth-century Priors. Archdall, misled by the
O’Flaherty origin, supposes Kinalekin to be in Iar-Connaught. But
O’Donovan has shown its real situation to be in the Clanricarde
country (Four Masters, p. 2230). His detailed description of the
remains of the Preceptory will be found in the Ordnance Survey
Papers for Co. Galway at the Royal Irish Academy, vol. ui. p, 504.
In a power of attorney given by the last Prior of Kilmainhan, printed
in ‘‘ Blake Family Records,” first series, p. 67, mention is made of
“the tithes of Kenaleghen, in the Diocese of Clonfert.’? At the
dissolution Kinalekin was leased to Walter Hope (Fiant Elizabeth,
1639), and in 1578, ‘‘ the rectory of Kynnaleighane, Co. Galway,
with the tithes of Kynnaleighane and Barneboye, possessions of
the late Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem in Ireland,” were granted,
enter alva, to the provost and burgesses of Athenry (Fiant Eliza-
beth, 3419).

VI. County KiInpAReE.

Ware enumerates Kilbegs, Kilheel, and Tully as ‘‘ three Precep-
tories of Knights Hospitallers, whereof Kilheel was the donation of
Maurice FitzGerald.”

1. KAilbegs is situated in the Barony of Clane, four miles north-
west of Naas. Its nameis preserved in that of the parish of Killybegs,
in the Diocese of Kildare. Archdall says: ‘*‘ The Knights Hospitallers
had a Commandery here, of which we have no further account.”

1 For a note on the extent of the preceptory of Ards, see Bishop , Reeves’s
‘‘ Ecclesiastical Antiquities of Down, Connor, and Dromore,”’ p. 164.

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310 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

2. Kilheel, now Kilteel, is situate in the parish of Kill, and
barony of Salt, about six miles from Naas, and close to the border of
County Wicklow. Beyond the tradition of its foundation by Maurice
FitzGerald in the thirteenth century, little is to be gleaned regarding
it until close to the date of the dissolution of the monasteries. A patent
of Henry VIII, cited in Cardinal Moran’s edition of Archdall, gives
the reason for this silence of the records. The Prior and brethren
of Kilmainham, ‘‘in consideration that the Preceptory, lordship
or manor of Kilheale, in Kildare county, is situated in the marches
thereof, near the Irish enemies, the Tholes (O’Tooles), where
resistance and defence are required, grant to Thomas Alan and
Mary his wife, the said lordship.” After the dissolution this grant
was confirmed by Henry VIII by patent dated 12th June, 1543; and
the same was further sanctioned by Elizabeth in 1566 (Morrin’s
Calendar of Patent Rolls).

3. Tully.—This house was situate one mile south of Kildare.
There is no record of the date of the original grant to the Hospitallers.
It is evident, however, that the foundation was an important one, since
numerous chapters of the Hospitallers were held here between the
years 1326 and 1849. The names of many of the Preceptors of this
house have been preserved, and are given by Archdall. After the
dissolution Tully was leased in 1569 to Sir William Sarsfield, and
was subsequently granted, 1584, to Sir Henry Harrington (Fiants
Elizabeth, 1407 and 38710). It afterwards became the property of
the Sarsfield family, and the famous Patrick Sarsfield is said to have
lived there. Ultimately Tully was held im commendam with the
bishopric of Kildare.

VII. County Limerick.

Any is situate in the barony of Small County, about two miles
from Emly, and fourfrom Bruff. According to Ware it was ‘‘ founded
for Knights of the Hospital in the reign of King John by Geoffrey de
Marisco.’ After the dissolution it was leased with its appurte-
nances, which were chiefly in Kerry, to William Apsley. On the
suicide of Apsley’s son and heir, Edward, his estate was granted ‘‘ to
Thomas Brown, gent., and Mary his wife, sister of Edward Apsley;
and Richard Boyle, gent., and Joan his wife, the other sister of the
said Edward Apsley” (Fiant Elizabeth, 6002). The interests of these
co-heiresses were united on the marriage of the heir of Sir Thomas
Brown with Barbara, niece of Richard Boyle, the great Earl of Cork,

FaLKInER—TZhe Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. 311

and the Hospital or Commandery of Any has since remained in
the Kenmare family. (See the ‘‘ Lismore Papers,” first series,
FOL. ais; pe 236).*

VILL. Country Lovrn.

T. Avlsaran is situate in the barony of Ardee, close to Castle-
bellingham. According to Ware, ‘‘ this seat first belonged to the
Knights Templars, by donation of Maud de Lacy, but was afterwards
given to the Knights of the Hospital in the reign of Edward II.”
Maud de Lacy seems also to have presented the Order with the
advowson of the Church of Carlingford. In 1438, Marmaduke Lomley,
whose misfortunes have been mentioned above, was appointed its
Preceptor. Prior to the dissolution it appears to have been leased
by the Priors of Kilmainham to Sir Oliver Plunkett, and in 1570
a lease was given to Sir Thomas Plunkett, Lord of Louth (Fiant
Elizabeth, 1483), from whom Kilsaran appears to have passed to
the Bellew family.’

IX. County Meara.

1. Kilmainham-beg is situate in the barony of Lower Kells,
twelve miles from Navan. According to Ware, it was ‘founded by
Walter de Lacy, Lord of Meath, in the reign of Richard I, for the
Knights Hospitallers.’”? This house appears to have been leased before
the dissolution to John Barnewall, Lord Trimleston, and another, for
sixty years; and in 1585 Sir Patrick Barnewall, on surrendering this
lease, received a new one from the Crown for sixty-one years. An
Inquisition of 21st James I.shows that Sir Patrick had subsequently
acquired the fee. !

2. Kilmainham Wood, also situate in the barony of Lower Kells,
some three miles from Nobber, is described by Ware simply as

1 Most of the Plantagenet and Tudor grants relating to their preceptory and
its possessions have been referred to by Mr. T. J. Westropp, M.R.1.A., in his
‘*¢ Ancient Castles of the County Limerick,” at p. 182 of this volume.

2 The Templars were also possessed of the Manor of Cooley, or Cowley, now
Templetown, situate some five miles from Carlingford, in the barony of Lower
Dundalk. The place was of considerable importance, and in a Certificate dated
lst Edward I, it appears to have ranked as the wealthiest manor of the Templars,
to whom it was granted by Matilda de Lacy. ‘That the manor passed to the
Hospitallers appears both by the Inquisition taken in Elizabeth’s time, which
recites a demise by Prior Rawson to Oliver Plunket of the ‘‘ Lordship of
Templetown in Cowley,”’ and by the Inquisition of 34 Hen. VIII, which mentions
**an ancient castle and 120 acres of arable land in Templeton.” But, though
evidently an important station, there is no reason for believing that it ever held
the rank of a commandery or preceptory under either Order.

312 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

*‘a preceptory of Knights of the Hospital.’’ After the dissolution it
was leased for ever, in 1575, to Callough O’More (Fiant Elizabeth,
2606), in consideration of the good service of Rory O’More and his
son, Callough, to Edward VI.

X. County Roscommon.

Randon or Teacon.—St. John’s, Randon, situate on a promontory
on the western shores of Lough Ree, about half-way between Athlone
and Lanesborough, was founded, according to Ware, ‘‘for the
Knights of the Hospital, in the reign of King John, and, as some
say, by hiscommand.”’ In the reign of Henry III this house received
important benefactions from Philip Nangle. The Castle at Randon,
which appears to have been built in 1275,' was long an important
fortress in the west of Ireland, and after the dissolution was main-
tained as such until 1600, when it was granted to the Povey family.
The Preceptory of Randon was leased in 1569 to Christopher Davers
(Fiant Elizabeth, 1483). In ‘Ireland and the Anglo-Norman
Church”’ will be found an account of the remains at Randon, which
Dr. Stokes considered ‘‘ well worth investigation, as showing more
completely than any others in Ireland the plan of a Preceptory
of the Hospitallers’’ (p. 246).

XI. County Stieo.

T. Zeach-Temple, now Templehouse, is situate in the barony of
Legny, about three miles from Ballymote. According to Ware, ‘the
Knights Templars seated themselves here in the reign of Henry IIT.”
Archdall gives the date of the foundation as between 1216 and
1271, when the Castle was taken and destroyed by Hugh O’Connor.
It is not mentioned in the list of possessions in 13807, printed by
Dr. Caulfeild ; but it is included in the certificate of 1826, cited by
Mr. Hore,? under the name of ‘“ Laghnehely in Connaught,”’ and is

1 Sweetman’s ‘‘Calendar’’ (1252-1284), p. 235.

2 «©1326. Certificate of this date, with letter from the King to the Barons,
dated 5th December, 19th year, respecting the value of the possessions of the
Knights Templars in Ireland, viz.:—

Goods and Chattels at
Manor of Kylsarran, £53 6s. 11d.; Le Coly, £39 3s. 8d.; Loghnehely in Con-
naught, 73s. 8d.; Kylclogan, £140 18s. 03d.; Le Crook, £32 8s. 4d.; Kylbarry,
£56 6s. Od.: Clontarf, £8 5s. 2d.; Clonnaul, £161 17s. 9d.; Rathronan and
Akyltan, £35 1s. 7d.; Balgaveran, £25 16s. 1éd.; Kylcorke and Rathbride,

i i in a

FaLKineER— The Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. 318

mentioned in the “Annals of Lough Cé.” According to Col. Wood-
Martin, in his “ History of Sligo,” p. 286, no mention is made of
Templehouse between 1271 and 1559, when it was plundered by
Roderick MacDermot, of Moylurg. But it had certainly been held
during the greater part of this long interval by the Hospitallers.
After the dissolution Teach-Temple was leased first, 1569, to
Christopher Davers and Charles Egingham; later, in 1578, to
Thomas Chester and Charles Goodman; and again, in 1596, to
William Taaffe (Fiants Elizabeth, 1483, 3241, and 6016),

XII. Counry Tipperary.

T. Clonaul, now Clonoulty, situated in the barony of Kilnamanagh,
about midway between Tipperary and Thurles, and some six miles
from Cashel, is simply described by Ware as “first the seat of the
Templars, afterward of the Hospitallers.” It is not mentioned in
the list of the Templars’ possessions in 1307, already referred to.
But in the certificate of their goods and chattels, cited above, it
is enumerated among other Templar foundations. After the dissolu-
tion ‘‘the Commandery of Clonhall, alias Clonnell, in the Diocese of
Casshel,’”’ was leased for forty years from 1575 to Jasper Horsey.
But in 1596, a fresh lease was made of the Preceptory to Richard
Harding (Fiants Elizabeth, 2406 and 5988).

XIII, Counry WarerFrorp.

T. 1. Crook is situate in the Barony of Gaultier, about six miles from
Waterford, a little below Passage. It was granted by the Charter of
Henry II, cited under Clontarf, and confirmed by the other Charters
there referred to, ‘‘ with ten carucates of land.’’ The Preceptory of
Crook was leased with that of Killure, in 1578, to Robert Woodford,
and in 1584, to Anthony Power (Fiants Elizabeth 3227 and 4529).

£327’ (Mag. Rot. Scac. Hib., 19 Edwd. II, No. 541-7, P.R.O.L.). Hore’s
‘* History of Wexford,”’ iv., p. 281.

Of the places above enumerated, Le Coly, in Louth, Rathronan and Akyltan,
in Tipperary ; Ballygaveran (the modern Gowran, in Co. Kilkenny) ; Kylcorke
and Kilbride, in Kildare, do not appear to have been preceptories or commanderies
even in Templar times. If they were such, they belong to the class of
possessions which were diverted to lay ownership after the suppression of the
Orders, as only the rectories of these parishes seem to have become the property of
the Hospitallers.

314 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Later the Castle and demesnes were granted to Sir John Davis, by
whom they were assigned to Richard Aylworth (Smith’s ‘ History of
Waterford,” p. 103).

T. 2. Ailbarry was granted to the Templars by the Charter of
Henry II already cited, where it is described as ‘the vill near
Waterford whose church is dedicated to St. Barry.” Kilbarry is
situate about one mile from Waterford, and within the ancient
Liberties of the City, on the road to Tramore. Possibly the marsh
which adjoins it is the ‘‘small marsh between the King’s houses
and the sea, near Waterford,’ mentioned in Henry II’s Charter.
According to Archdall, the manors of Kilbarry, Crook, and Kilclogan
were assigned in 1311 to the support of the destitute dispossessed
Templars throughout Ireland; but they ultimately passed to the
Hospitallers (‘‘ Monasticon Hibernicum,” p. 228). Kilbarry was
granted at the dissolution to Thomas, tenth Earl of Ormond, in fee-
farm, and by him assigned to Thomas Wadding (Smith’s ‘History
of Waterford,” pp. 99,100; and see Fiant Elizabeth, 2592).

3. Killure is situate in the Barony of Gualtier, three miles from
Waterford. According to Ware, it belonged, like Crook and Kilbarry,
‘‘ first to the Templars and after to the Hospitallers.”” But Ican find
no evidence of any Templar foundation. CKillure is certainly not
included in the Grant of Henry II to which that Order owed the two
latter commanderies ; nor is it mentioned either in the list of Templar
possessions in 1307, or in the certificate of 1326. But even more
conclusive than this negative evidence is the record of a suit heard
at Waterford, in the year 1300, in which ‘‘ Brother Hughes, Precep-
tor of the House of Killeur, Attorney of the Priory of St. John of
Jerusalem in Ireland, was plaintiff’? (Calendar of Justiciary Rolls
of Ireland, p. 300). After the dissolution it was leased in 1578 with
Crook to Robert Woodford, and in 1583 to Nicholas Aylmer (Fiants
Elizabeth, 3227 and 4159). According to Charles Smith (‘‘ History
of Waterford,” p. 104), it was subsequently granted to Francis Felton,
by whom it was assigned to Laurence, Lord Esmonde.

XIV. County WeExrForpD.

T 1. Ailelogan, now known as Templetown, is situate in the Barony
of Shelburne, about two miles from Fethard, and two miles from
the outer entrance to Waterford Harbour. The precise origin of
this foundation cannot be traced. The grants to the Templars in
Henry II’s Charter, which speaks of ‘‘ the Church of St. Alloch

FaLKiner— The Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. 315

(or Walloch), near Wexford, and Adgmile, a Burgess of Wexford with
all his Chattels,”’ cannot be supposed to refer to Kilclogan. The grant
of Kilclogan to the Templars, who were unquestionably in possession
of it at the date of their suppression, has been generally ascribed
to Conogher O’Morras (sze), of Leix, a twelfth-century chief. If
this be so, it is the only Templar foundation derived from Irish
as distinguished from Anglo-Norman patronage. Ware merely
states that Kilclogan was ‘‘ the habitation of the Knights Templars in
the reign of King John.”’ Mr. Hore in his ‘“‘ History of the Town
and County of Wexford,” vol. iv., where many facts concerning the
Templars in Ireland are collected, discusses the probabilities as to this
grant, but without adducing any conclusive evidence (pp. 262-4).
At the dissolution, Kilclogan was leased, with the Hospitallers’ house
in Wexford, to James Sherlock of Waterford, ata rent of £26 138s. 4d.
(Fiant Henry VIII). It was subsequently leased to Sir Thomas
Radcliff, afterwards Kari of Sussex, and after being held by Sir Henry
Harrington was ultimately acquired by Sir Dudley Loftus, in whose
family it has since remained (Fiants Elizabeth, 2697 and 5080).!

2. Wexford.—The Priory of St. Jobn and St. Bridget, in the town
of Wexford, was founded, as stated by Ware, “by William
Mareschall, Earl of Pembroke, for Knights of the Hospital.”
Archdall states that previous to the abolition of the Templars this was
the principal house of the Hospitallers in Ireland. There is no
authority for this statement, though it is probable enough that a
house founded by the Earl of Pembroke was always one of considerable
consequence. This priory was leased in 1575, with Kilclogan and
other possessions of the Hospitallers, to Sir Thomas Radcliff, afterwards
Earl of Sussex, and subsequently, in 1557, to Sir Henry Harrington
(Fiants Elizabeth, 2697 and 5080). Later it became with Kilclogan
the property of Sir Dudley Loftus (Hore’s ‘‘ History of Wexford,”
vol. iv., p. 294).

1 Ballyhack, also in the Barony of Shelburne, and one mile from Duncannon,
appears to have been dependent on Kilclogan, and hence it has been deemed by
some writers to have been a Templar establishment. There is, however, no
sufficient warrant for this assumption. There is no record of its founder, or the
date of its foundation, and the appearance of the name of the “‘ Master of Bally-
canok,”’ in alist of witnesses to a 13th-century Charter, in company with the heads
of several unquestionably Hospitallers’ houses, seems to show that it was originally
associated with the Hospital of St. John. Very possibly on the acquisition of
Kilclogan by the latter, it was thought convenient to affiliate the smaller
foundation of Ballyhack to the more important house of Kilclogan.

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. C. [29]

316 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

APPENDIX TP

A Succession oF THE Priors or Kitmarnnan.!

1180 Hugh Clahul or Cloghall. 1848 John Tylloch.

1194 David. 1350 John FitzRichard.

1201 Maurice de Prendergast. 1356 John le Frowyk.

1220 William de Evoyaes. *1359 Thomas de Burley.

1231 John de Callan. 1371 William Tany.

1248 Nicholas de St. Edward. *1379 Peter Holt.

1260 Henry Kyrieli. 1386 Richard White.

1270 Philip. 1400 Robert White.

1274 Wilham de Burles. *1403 Thomas le Botiller.

1274 Willham FitzRoger. *1415 William FitzThomas

1292 Thomas de Hackwell. (probably locum tenens

1293 David de Castel. for Prior Butler).

1296 Willham de Rosse. 1418 Thomas le Botiller.

1298 Gilbert de Hagham. 1419 John FitzHenry.

1301 Walter de Euias. 1438 Thomas FitzGerald.

1302 William de Rosse (locum *1446 Thomas Talbot, deprived
tenens). for maladministration,

1303 Richard de Kerbi. 1449; but restored by

13807 Walter del Ewe, or de bull of the Grand Master,
Kuias. in 1454. Again deprived

1311 Roger Utlaugh. for maladministration, in

1840 John Marischal. 1459.

#1341 John le Archer. *1450 Thomas FitzGerald.

1 The succession of the Priors here presented, which is of course necessarily
imperfect, is based primarily upon the King MSS. in the Harris Collection at the
National Library. This is the source chiefly relied on by Archdall and D’Alton in
their enumeration of the Priors; and it may be added that as often as they depart
from it these writers fall into error, for the authority of Robert Ware is not high.
The authority for the names and dates in the King MSS. is not in all cases forth-
coming, many of the sources cited having been destroyed, subsequent to the
compilation of the list, in the great fire at Dublin Castle in 1711. But arguing
from the accuracy of the statements in the MSS. still capable of verification, they
may be taken as correct. The names in this succession not given by King have
been derived from records since made available: e.g., the Chartulary of St. Mary’s
Abbey, the Calendar of Christ Church Deeds; the Dignitas Decani of St. Patrick’s,
and the State Paper Calendars. Those names to which an asterisk is prefixed
were also Priors of Ireland.

FatxineEr—The Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. 317

1456 Thomas Talbot. *1511 John Rawson. Resigned
*1461 James Keating, deprived his Priory of Ireland,
for disobedience, by bull 1527, on being appointed
of the Grand Master of Turcopolier. Again ap-
the Rhodes, 1482. pointed, 1527.
1482 Marmaduke Lomley. 1541 Prior Rawson surrendered.
1495 John Vale. 1557 Oswald Massingberd, on
1496 R. Talbot. the restoration of the
*1500 Robert Evers or Ewre, Hospital under Mary.

deprived in 1511.

[The authorities on which this paper is based are, for the most
part, indicated either in the foot-notes or in the body of the text.
But I have derived much assistance from some unpublished sources, |
notably from the MSS. collections of the well-known antiquary
William Monck Mason, the author of the ‘‘ History of St. Patrick’s,”’
which are preserved among the Egerton MSS. in the British Museum,
and which include a very valuable annotated copy of Archdall’s
‘*Monasticon Hibernicum.”’ Considerable use has also been made of
the unpublished Irish Statutes at the Irish Record Office, and of
the Ordnance Survey Papers in the Academy’s possession. My
manifold obligations to Rey. Edmund Hogan, s.J., F.R.U.1., are
apparent from the notes to the first section of this paper. In my
references to the Templars, and in dealing with that part of the
Hospitallers’ possessions which was derived from the Templars, I have
been very greatly assisted by my friend Mr. Herbert Wood of the
Trish Record Office. I am glad to know that the results of
Mr. Wood’s close investigation of the obscure story of the Templars in
Ireland are likely to be shortly available.—C. L. F. ]

FaLkinER—The Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. 317

1456 Thomas Talbot. *1511 John Rawson. Resigned
*1461 James Keating, deprived his Priory of Ireland,
for disobedience, by bull 1527, on being appointed
of the Grand Master of Turcopoher. Again ap-
the Rhodes, 1482. pointed, 1527.
1482 Marmaduke Lomley. 1541 Prior Rawson surrendered.
1495 John Vale. 1557 Oswald Massingberd, on
1946 R. Talbot. the restoration of the
*1500 Robert Evers or Ewre, Hospital under Mary.

deprived in 1511.

[The authorities on which this paper is based are, for the most
part, indicated either in the foot-notes or in the body of the text.
But I have derived much assistance from some unpublished sources,
notably from the MSS. collections of the well-known antiquary
William Monck Mason, the author of the ‘‘ History of St. Patrick’s,”’
which are preserved among the Egerton MSS. in the British Museum,
and which include a very valuable annotated copy of Archdall’s
‘*Monasticon Hibernicum.’’ Considerable use has also been made of
the unpublished Irish Statutes at the Irish Record Office, and of
the Ordnance Survey Papers in the Academy’s possession. My
manifold obligations to Rev. Edmund Hogan, s.J., F.R.U.1., are
apparent from the notes to the first section of this paper. In my
references to the Templars, and in dealing with that part of the
Hospitallers’ possessions which was derived from the Templars, I have
been very greatly assisted by my friend Mr. Herbert Wood of the
Irish Record Office. I am glad to know that the results of
Mr. Wood’s close investigation of the obscure story of the Templars in
Ireland are likely to be shortly available.—C. L. F. ]

R. I. A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC, C. [30]

[, Sis aa

XU.

STONE CHALICES, SO CALLED.

By E. C. R. ARMSTRONG.
Pratt XXI,.

Read Fepruary 11. Ordered for Publication Frrruary 13.

Published Marcu 30, 1907.

On page 132 of Sir William Wilde’s catalogue of the Stone Antiquities
in the Museum of the Royal Irish Academy is found the following
statement :—-‘‘ Among the stone ecclesiastical antiquities may be
classed a vessel, supposed to be a chalice.” An illustration of this
vessel is given on the same page.

This statement is also made in W. F. Wakeman’s ‘‘ Handbook of
Irish Antiquities,” both in the early 1848 edition, and in the third
edition edited by Mr. John Cooke, where it will be found on page 356.
Again, Miss M. Stokes describes this same vessel as a chalice in her
‘¢ Karly Christian Art in Ireland,”’ page 69. The first doubt raised as
to this statement is in a paper printed in the Journal of the Waterford
Archeological Society for the third quarter of 1906, written by the
Rey. P. Power, on ‘‘ Four or Five Stone Chalices from Early Church
Sites in the Decies.” |

Father Power mentions in his paper a conversation he had with
Mr. Coffey, of the National Museum, in which the latter gave as his
opinion that stone vessels of this kind, generally called chalices, were
not in fact chalices at all, but lamps, and, when found on church sites,
probably used for ecclesiastical purposes.

Father Power, arguing from the weight of one of the objects he
was describing in his paper, has come to the conclusion that these
objects are not chalices.

Being interested in the matter, I spoke to Mr. Coffey about Father
Power’s paper; and he told me he thought the subject was capable of

Armsrronc—Stone Chalices, so called. 319

elaboration, and that there was room for a paper dealing more fully
with the matter.

In this paper I attempt, by bringing together such materials as I
can collect concerning the chalices used by the early Church, to show
the extreme unlikelihood of these stone vessels having been originally
intended for chalices, and at the same time, by comparing them with
stone lamps used in other countries, both in former times and to-day,
to point out the similarities between them and the probability that
our Irish stone vessels were intended for the same purpose. ‘There
are five of these stone vessels in the collection of the Royal Irish
Academy in the National Museum, which Mr. Coffey has kindly
allowed me to have drawn and to make use of for the purposes of my
paper. To deal first with the materials from which chalices were
made in the early days of the Church, there is the legend in the
‘‘ Tripartite Life of St. Patrick ” that the saint gave his servant four
glass chalices.

Chalces of glass were in common use on the Continent up to the
ninth century, though after that period they gradually fell into
disuse! There is a fine glass chalice preserved in the Vatican
Museum, supposed to be of the third or fourth century ; it is figured
by le Chanoine Reusens in his ‘‘ Manuel d’Archéologie Chrétienne,”’
p. 105; on the same page he also figures two other glass chalices
which he describes as ‘‘ deux calices anciens, également de verre,
et remontant a la méme époque.”’

In England there is a glass cup preserved by the Musgraves at
Edenhall, Cumberland, which is known as the ‘‘ Luck of Edenhall,”
and has been called a chalice.

There are some ecclesiastical decrees on the subject of the materials
from which chalices were to be made. Gratian, in his ‘ Collection of
Decrees,”’? quotes two decrees. The first is that of the Concilium
Triburiense, held in Germany in the year 895. The object of this
decree was to condemn the use of wooden chalices; and at the same
time it seems to object to the use of vessels other than gold or silver,
since it quotes an alleged decree of Urban II., ordering all vessels
to be of either gold or silver. The decree runs as follows :—
‘Vasa, quibus sacrosancta conficiuntur misteria, calices sunt et

1 Tertullian : Cyprianus Gallus: Addis and Arnold, Catholic Dictionary, 1593,
p. 153.

2 Corpus Juris Canonici, Editio Lipsiensis secunda Decretum Magistri
Gratiani. Pars Prior, p. 1306. Decreti Tertia Pars de Consecratione Dist.
I. c. XLIV.

320 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

patenae, de quibus Bonifatius martir et episcopus interrogatus, si
liceret in uasculis ligneis sacramenta conficere, respondit: Quondam
sacerdotes non aureis sed ligneis calicibus utebantur. Zepherinus, xvi.
Romanus episcopus, patenis uitreis missas celebrare constituit. Deinde
Urbanus x Papa omnia misteria sacra fecit argentea. In hoc enim,
sicut et in reliquis cultibus, magis et magis per incrementum tem-
porum decus succreuit ecclesiarum. Nostris enim diebus, qui serui
patrisfamilias sumus, ne decus matris ecelesiae minuatur, sed magis
cumuletur et amplificetur, statuimus, ut deinceps nullus sacerdos
sacrum misterium corporis et sanguinis Domini nostri Iesu Christi in
ligneis uasculis ullo modo conficere presumat, ne, unde placari debet,
inde irascatur Deus.”

The 1582 edition, Rome, has a gloss:—‘ Quaesitum fuit in
Concilio Triburien utrum in ligneis vasis deberet confici Corpus
Christi et dictum fuit in Concilio quod Bonifacius Papa de hoc
interrogatus respondet quod non. Cum enim ita factum fuerit in
primitiva Ecclesia, Zephirinus constituit ut fieret consecratio in vitreis.
Urbanus postea vasa sacra argentea fecit : et concilium statuit ut nullus
conficiat in ligneis vasis de cetero, ne honor Keclesiae suo tempore
minuatur.”’

The gloss seems to say Zephirinus ordered the vessels to be of
glass, though the decree only mentions patens.

The second decree quoted by Gratian is that of a Council of
Rheims.

The part referring to chalices is given thus :—

‘Ut calix Domini cum patena, si non ex auro omnino ex argento
fiat. 1. Si quis autem tam pauper est, saltim uel stagneum calicem
habeat. 2. De ere autem aut ex auricalco non fiat, quia ob uini
uirtutem eruginem pariterque uomitum prouocat. 38. Nullus autem
in ligneo aut in uitreo calice presumat missam cantare.”’

A gloss in the edition cited above gives the reason why certain
materials in the sacred vessels were condemned :—

Wooden chalices were condemned—‘‘ Quia lignum porosum est,”’
and hence might absorb part of the precious blood.

Glass were condemned—‘ Quia vitrum fragile est et immineret
periculum effusionis.”” Because glass is fragile, and there is always
danger of spilling.

Bronze and copper were condemned—‘‘De aere autem vel
aurichaleco nullo modo fiant; quia solent acruginem colligere et
vomitum provocare.”’? Because they are wont to collect rust and
provoke vomiting.

Armstrone—Stone Chalices, so called. 321

There was a British Council, called the Council of Chaleuth, in the
reign of Egbert, 785 a.p., which forbade chalices of horn—‘‘ Quod de
sanguine sunt.’

As a rule, chalices might not be made of materials containing
blood, such as horn, absorbent materials like stone or wood, or metals
which might affect the wine. Crystal seems to have been allowed.

The only stone chalice of which there is any record is the chalice
of St. Edward the Confessor, used at the coronation of the English
Kings. The cup of this chalice appears, however, to have been of
agate, which is akin to crystal, and non-absorbent. Even in this
case it is not clear that this chalice was used for the consecration
of the Eucharist; for in a marginal note to one of the coronation
orders of the fifteenth century, it is said that the Archbishop did not
celebrate Mass with it, but with a chalice of gold.2 Communion in
two kinds was not abolished until the thirteenth century ; and before
the abolition two chalices were commonly used: one, called the
ordinary chalice, was small; the other, called a minstral chalice, was
larger, generally with two handles, and was used in giving the cup
to the laity. Therefore, in the times we are speaking of, the weight
of achalice would be of some importance.

Now to turn to the objects themselves. Plate XXI., fig. 1, is the
vessel described by Sir William Wilde as a chalice, and referred to at
the commencement of this paper. It is made of sandstone, and is
7: inches high, 42 inches in diameter at the top, stands on a base
3¢ inches long, and weighs 3 lb. 123 oz. It was found on the lands
of Humphreystown, Talbotstown, Co. Wicklow. The shaft is carved
with a Romanesque rope-like ornament.

The architecture and mouldings of this vessel are of a Romanesque
type, which cannot have been in Ireland before, say, the tenth
century ; that is, considerably later than the decree forbidding chalices
to be made of wood—sandstone being, like wood, a very absorbent
material. I would also point out that the advanced architectural
character of the vessel presumes that more precious materials were in
use, and that stone would not have been carved for such purposes at
that time. Moreover, this vessel was not found in a primitive part of
the country, but in the east of the country, on the borders of Kildare,
where the organization of the Church was well established at the
time indicated by the ornament. Compare fig. 1 with fig. 2, plate.

' Wilkins, Ancient Laws and Institutions, vol. i., p. 147.
* Wickham Legg, Coronation Records.
5 Le Chanoine Reusens, Manuel d’Archéologie Chrétienne, pp. 105 and 106.

322 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Fig. 2 is taken from ‘“‘The Mycenean Age,” by Messrs. Tsountas &
Manatt, who, on pages 79 and 80 of their book, describe it as a stone
lamp. They say :—‘‘ We are now in a position [1895 ] to maintain that
the Mycenzans were not strangers to lamp-light, and that we have
actually found lamps in their chamber-tombs. Then follows a
description of a flat, ornamented stone lamp, with a note that other
like vessels have been found, all very shallow, and three of them
are mounted on a standard some 20 inches high. One of these last is
fig. 2 of our plate.

The argument is then summed up :—‘‘ The general form, the
shallowness of the bowl, the number of mouths, the height of the
standard, and the peculiar handles, go to show they were neither
ordinary receptacles nor torch-holders. We take them for lamps, in
which oil or fat, more probably the latter, was burnt, thus affording a
steadier and safer light than the fitful fire or the flickering torch.”

The number of mouths must refer to the other lamps mentioned,
as there are no mouths shown in the illustration of the lamp mounted
on the standard.

Again, in Plate XXI., compare fig. 1 with fig. 3. Fig. 3 represents
an altar candlestick of stone, figured in the ‘‘ Ulster Journal of Arch-
eology,” vol. vii., p. 72. It was discovered inside the ancient Cathedral
of Armagh ; the date of this object is supposed to be the twelfth or
thirteenth century, from the style of ornament.

Its height is 84 inches, and diameter at top 3; inches.

Surely, the same idea is present here; andthe maker of this stone
candlestick had the stone lamp, formerly used, in his mind.

The next illustration on the plate, fig. 4, is 63 inches high, 4 inches
in diameter at the top, and has a small cavity, not quite an inch deep,
at the top end. It has a small cover, which has been called a paten,
fig.4z. This vessel comes from the Blasket Islands. Miss M. Stokes
mentions it in her ‘ Karly Christian Art in Ireland,” p. 69, as
follows:—‘‘One example [of a chalice], now preserved in the
Museum of the Royal Irish Academy, is as rude and archaic as the
primitive cell in the monastery on the Blasket Islands, from which it
was taken.”’ In this connexion, I would point out that the fact of
this vessel being taken from the Blasket Island monastery cell does
not help towards the chalice theory; for though every hermit was not
of necessity a priest, and therefore able to use a chalice, probably
most hermits would have a lamp. It must also be remembered that
on the rude open-air altars erected on the west coast for stations, it is
the custom to place any remarkable stone found in the locality, and

Armstrone—Stone Chalices, so called. 320

attach some virtue to it. Thename of chalice might easily be given to
a vessel of this shape, and so a tradition would be created, such as
happened in the case of the stone vessel called St. Columba’s chalice,
on Tory Island, and described by Father Power in his paper, page 144.

An examination of this object, fig. 4, reveals two points to be
noticed—(1) the bottom of the vessel is so uneven, that it will hardly
stand by itself, leaning much on one side when it does; (2) that one
side asshown in fig. 4a is flattened, no doubt for the purpose of fixing
it against the wall.

The so-called paten, if originally belonging to this vessel, is
evidently a cover used as an extinguisher, and as a_ protection
to husband the oil or fat when the lamp was not in use. It is
made of very hard stone, and may have been used as a lamp itself,
as it fits, if reversed, into the top of the large vessel, and could have
been used as the actual receptacle for the oil or fat. Compare the large
vessel, fig. 4, with fig. 1 in the text, which is a drawing of a stone
lamp brought back from the Hawaiian Islands by Sir Thomas Grattan
Esmonde. Observe that in this lamp, which is 33 inches high, and
31 inches in diameter, there is the same kind of shape, and the same
concave cavity, in this case about 1$ inch deep. ‘The similarity is
very striking.

My next illustration, Plate XXLI., fig. 6, is also in the Academy
collection in the Museum (Petrie Collection). It is 7 inches high,
52 inches in diameter at one end, and 43 inches at the other. It is
hollowed out at each end, and is shaped like a dice-box. It has a
slight ornamentation at each end and in the centre. It weighs 7 lb.
31 ounces. It was found in 1848 in sinking the foundation of a well
adjoining the ancient church of Ardmulchon, Co. Meath. The weight
of this vessel, though excellent from the point of view of the steadiness
necessary in a lamp, must have been, to say the least of it, very
inconvenient in a chalice. It should be compared with fig. 2 in the
text, which is a drawing of a similar vessel, dug up some years ago
on Sir Thomas Grattan Esmonde’s demesne at Ballynastragh, Gorey,
County Wexford.

This vessel, which Sir Thomas Esmonde kindly lent me for exami-
nation, is similar in shape, and has the same concave cavity at each
end. It is 63 inches high, with a diameter at each end of 53 inches.
The cavity at one end is j of an inch, and 2 of an inch at the other.
Sir Thomas calls his stone vessel an Irish stone lamp; and I almost
think, without being too rash, we may consider fig. 6 as having been.
originally intended for a stone lamp.

324 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

The next object (Plate XXL, fig. 8) is the vessel discovered by
Mr. R. J. Ussher, in the Newhall cave, County Clare, which is
mentioned by Father Power in his paper as somewhat resembling the
St. Columba chalice of Tory Island. This vessel is 22 inches high,
52 inches in diameter at the top, and has a cavity at the top 13 inch
deep, while on the under side, as shown in fig. 84, there is a small
cavity about 1 inch deep. ‘This vessel still retains the deposit of
soot within the cup which it had upon it when Mr. Ussher discovered
it. It has a plain ornament of a band round its centre. The in-
ference of the charcoal is obvious, and the small cavity on the under
side may have been used to fix the lamp on a stick to raise the light.

Fig. 9 of the plate, also in the Museum, is quite plain; it is
34 inches high, 32 inches in diameter, and has only one cavity at
the top, 1 inch in depth. It weighs 3 lb. 33 oz., and was found
at Dowth, in the late passage and chambers of which pins of the
Danish period were found; so that it probably had no connexion
with the original use of the tumulus.

Therefore, no very early date or extraordinary use can be assumed
for our stone vessel on account of its ‘‘ provenance.’? Compare it with
Plate XXI., fig. 10, which is an illustration of a worked stone lamp
from the Kadiak Island, figured in the ‘‘ Lamp of the Eskimo,” by
Walter P. Hough, plate xx, fig. 1. This paper is printed in the
Journal of the Smithsonian Institution of 1898.

The general similarity between the two objects may, perhaps, help
us to the idea that both vessels were intended for the same purpose.

As anote, by way of conclusion, I would like to point out that
the worked stone lamp has played an important part in the history
of artificial hghting, as the vessel of transition between the torch and
the lamp of the inventive and modern type.

After the stone lamp comes the terra-cotta saucer, and the closed-in
Roman pottery or bronze lamps. Then comes the old-fashioned brass
lamp or cruse, mounted on a standard, with a kind of protruding
spout and drip-dish; and after it other forms of metal lamps from
which the modern lamp is directly derived.

Moreover, at the present time a great part of mankind still use
the stone or pottery saucer-lamp. And I may also mention the
scallop-shells used as lamps in the Aran Islands; the stone lamp
among the Eskimos, South Sea Islanders, and the Indians of the
North-west of Canada; while the pottery saucer-lamp is used in
China and India,

Armstrone—Stone Chalices, so called. 320

Nore ADDED IN PRrzss.

Aiter my paper was finished, and while going to press, I had the
advantage of handling Sir Thomas Grattan Esmonde’s two lamps,
and having proper drawings made of them.

I take the opportunity afforded by this note of adding an illustra-
tion, fig. 3 below, of another stone vessel, also in the collection of the
Royal Irish Academy, which I found after my paper had been read.
It is hollowed out at each end, like fig. 6, in Plate XXI., and is
important, as it shows the continuation of the same type of vessel
as figs. 4 and 6, plate. Its measurements are 22 inches high,
5 inches in diameter at one end and 33 at the other. The cavity at
the larger end is 1,3; inch deep, and at the narrower end is 48 inch.

Fig. 2. Fig. 1. Fig 3.

This vessel displays distinct traces of burning and blackening.
I would also like to meet a possible objection that the other vessels
described, with the exception of fig. 8 of the plate, do not retain
traces of soot. Most of these vessels have been buried in the earth
for over a thousand years, and exposed to weather. Even, however,
allowing for this, and the cleaning and neglect they have met with

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI. SEC. C. [31]

326 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

in private collections and the Museum, most of those objects will, I
believe, on examination be admitted to show some traces of blackening
and burning on the edge of the cup.

Although the marks of use are not so strong as on the two figs.
referred to above, they are quite as distinct as those on Sir Thomas
Grattan Esmonde’s lamp from the Hawaiian Islands, which vessel, he
told me, he himself saw in use there.

Proc. R. I. Acad., Vol. XX VI., Section C. Plate XXI.

eRe.

se fo Sees ME at :

8 8A 10

ARMSTRONG—So-called Stone Chalices.

uae o 4]

XIV.
THE TEMPLARS IN IRELAND.

By HERBERT WOOD, B.A. Oxon.

Read Arrit & and 22. Ordered for Publication Aprin 24. Published
JuLY 38, 1907.

Tue history of the Crusaders, and more especially of the chivalry of
the Knights of the Temple, has for hundreds of years formed an
attractive study to the historian and romance-writer, while the recent
issue of several works on the latter subject has not only brought new
facts to light, but has proved that the matter is still one of absorbing
interest. When investigating the subject lately, I was struck with the
very meagre details which are to be found, in the bibliography of the
Templars, about the history of the Order in Ireland. There are a few
references in the Irish histories and annals, though even these often
depend for their authority on mere tradition. But such printed
information as is to be found on the subject is so chaotic, conflicting,
and unreliable, that I soon found it would be necessary to go back to
contemporary authorities if any clear account of the possessions of the
Order were to be obtained. That so little should be definitely known
on the subject is not to be wondered at when we remember that, soon
after the suppression of the Templars, the absence of orderly govern-
ment and the long-continued civil strife destroyed in a great degree
that historical continuity which we find in more favoured countries.
Then, too, the fact that most of the Templars’ possessions were handed
over to the Hospitallers produced such confusion in people’s minds
that lands seem to have been attributed to one or the other Order as
fancy prompted. It would almost appear as if a castle or ruin
which really belonged to the Hospitallers received an added dignity
by being attributed to the Templars. Tradition, too, though often
‘lying tradition,’’ has been a further important factor in the case.
But the ignorance of the difference between the two Orders, and the
difficulty of getting at authoritative records, have been quite sufficient
alone to produce the confusion. The same state of affairs is also to
be found in Scotland. England, however, has been more fortunate,
as the preservation of inquisitions and inventories of the Templars’
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. C.] [32]

328 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

lands and goods, together with the report of the Prior of the Hospi-
tallers in England in 1327 (Camden Series), in which he sets out the
lands of the late Order which had come into his possession, will render
the historian’s task comparatively easy whenever an exhaustive
account of the Templars’ lands there comes to be written.

The late Bishop Reeves, as early as 1857, had formed the inten-
tion of investigating the subject, but he left it incomplete. It was
probably with this idea that he copied out, or obtained a copy of, the
Certificate and Receipts sent by the Irish Exchequer to England,
1 Edward III, at the King’s desire to be carefully informed of what
goods and possessions the Templars had in Ireland on their suppression.
This copy will be found amongst the Trinity College Manuscripts
(No. 1061). However, the Certificate and Receipts do not give a full
account of the lands, as the Treasurer and Barons of the Irish
Exchequer acknowledged that the state of the country prevented an
accurate list being made. I have accordingly been obliged to try
to supplement these facts from other sources, such as the Patent and
Plea Rolls, and the Pipe and Memoranda Rolls of the Irish Exchequer,
which contain valuable information as to the history of the Order,
though the satisfaction afforded by such material is somewhat marred
by the conviction that the loss of many of these rolls has prevented
us from obtaining a more full and perfect knowledge on the subject.

In order to introduce my subject, it will be necessary to give a
slight sketch of the events in the history of the Order which preceded
the arrival of the Templars in Ireland.

The capture of Jerusalem by the Turcomans in 1065 a.p., and
their harsh treatment of pilgrims to the Holy Sepulchre, outraged the
religious feelings of Christendom to such a degree that, at the preach-
ing of Peter the Hermit, everyone from prince to peasant was fired
with an extraordinary enthusiasm, which culminated in the First
Crusade, and the recapture of Jerusalem by the Crusaders in 1099.
The flow of pilgrims recommenced with fresh ardour, but though the
infidels had been driven out of Jerusalem, they still infested the
country round about, and lost no opportunity of pillaging and slaying
the unfortunate travellers. To remedy this state of things, nine
noble knights, under Hugh de Payens and Geoffrey de St. Aldemar,
formed themselves into a company for the protection of the pilgrims
on their way from the coast to the Holy City. They styled them-
selves Pauperes Commilitones Christi, and bound themselves together
under the rules of the Augustinian canons, with vows of chastity,
poverty, and obedience.

Woov— The Templars in Ireland. 329

At first they had no church or fixed place of abode, but in 1118,
Baldwin, King of Jerusalem, gave them the church (which had since
been turned into a mosque) erected by Justinian on Mount Moriah, on
the south side of the so-called Temple of Solomon. This church, with
the adjacent buildings and the large court between it and the Temple,
became their headquarters until the Christians were finally driven out
of Jerusalem. On account of their new habitation, they called them-
selves Militia templi Solomonis, and they also added to their original
purpose the defence of the Christian kingdom of Jerusalem and all the
sacred buildings. Baldwin induced St. Bernard, the Abbot of Clair-
vaux, to interest himself and the Pope in the new Order, and at the
Council of Troyes, in 1128, St. Bernard undertook to revise their
rules, and draw up a code of statutes for the government of the
religious and military Order of the Temple.

By these rules, the Order was to be formed of Knights, who must
be of noble birth, and fratres servientes, fréres sergents, part of whom
bore arms, while the rest were engaged in industrial occupations.
The former were called fratres servientes armigerz, and were of the rank
of gentlemen. They were allotted one horse each, and assumed the
cross of the Order on their breast, when the like privilege was granted
to the Knights. The Knights were to wear a white mantle (as
emblematic of a white and pure life), but the esquires and retainers
were to be clothed in black or brown. They were to live simply, two
and two at common tables, while their meals were to be accompanied
by spiritual reading. They were to cut their hair close, and each
Knight might not have more than three horses. Tale-bearing and
scandal were expressly denounced; and intercourse with women was
to be strictly avoided. These rules were confirmed by a Papal Bull.
Their original seal bore an engraving of two men riding on one horse,
which, according to Matthew of Paris, was emblematic of their poverty,
but Stow and others consider that it was symbolic of the charity of
the Templars in taking up a wounded knight on their horse. The
explanation of Matthew of Paris is hardly convincing when we know
that each Knight might have three horses. This seal was after-
wards changed to the Agnus Dei, with nimbus and banner. The
Templars’ original banner was the Beaucéant, half black and half
white.

Hugh de Payens, soon after the Council of Troyes, came to
England and Scotland, according to Hoveden, where he was extremely

well received, and took away with him much treasure and many
men.

[32*]

330 Proceedings of the Royal Lnrish Academy.

The Order spread with remarkable rapidity, and gifts of land,
money, and privileges flowed in upon the Templars. Pope Euge-
nius III (1146) gave the Order the right to wear a red cross on
their white mantle, as a symbol of their readiness to shed their blood
for the Cross. He also remitted one-seventh part of the Church fines.
to those who gave money to or entered the brotherhood. Hadrian IV
gave them further exemptions from tenths, &c., but it was left to
Pope Alexander III to confer on them the most convincing proof of the
esteem in which they were held. In 1173 he gave formal permission
to the Order to enroll priests as chaplains, and exempted them from
episcopal authority. The brethren were exhorted to confess to their
chaplains exclusively, ‘‘ car ils ont greignor pooer de l’apostoile, d’eaus
assoudre, que un arceuesque.” In the general enthusiasm, even
princes hastened to enter their ranks, and bequeathed their domains.
to the Master and brethren of the Temple. Even as late as 12438, the
Dominicans, by a statute of the General Chapter of the Order,
engaged to solicit from each dying person whom they confessed a
legacy for the Templars.’

Meanwhile, the Templars were constantly recruiting their forces.
in the East from their preceptories in the West, and carrying on a stub-
born and deadly contest against the Mohammedans. Unfortunately
for the cause, they were continually at strife with the Order of the
Hospitallers. This body had originated in the efforts of some
Italian merchants to care for the sick at Jerusalem, but they gradually
extended their sphere of action to protecting the pilgrims on their
way to the Holy Sepulchre. They styled themselves Knights of the
Hospital of S. John of Jerusalem, from 8. John the Eleemosynary, a
canonised patriarch of Alexandria, to whom the chapel of one of their
hospitals had been dedicated; and finally became a military and
monastic Order of Knights, like the Templars, for the protection of
Christendom. These two Orders were continually at variance, and one
of the charges afterwards brought against the Templars was that by
their frequent quarrels they had injured the cause of Christ in the
wars against the infidels.

There does not appear to have been any settlement of the Templars
in Ireland before Henry II landed on these shores, as far as can be
gathered from the Irish Annals. But the King of England, soon after
his conquest of this country, granted by charter certain lands to the
Order. Wemust remember that Henry II, to appease the indignation

1 Michelet, “ Histoire de France,” vol. iii., p. 120.

Woopn—The Templars in Ireland. 33h

of the Pope at the murder of Becket, had vowed to make a pilgrimage
to the Holy Land in person, at the head of a powerful army, and to
provide for the support of 200 Templars. It may have been in part-
performance of this vow that he granted lands in this country for the
maintenance of the Knights, whom it is likely he brought in his train.
The date of the grant is not accurately known, but it was confirmed
by Kings Richard, John, Henry III, and Edward I, and the original
charter was produced in evidence by the Master of the Templars in
Ireland, in the famous case between him and the Abbot of Dunbrody
about Crook, in County Waterford. In fixing the date of the original
deed of Henry II, we find an important factor in a deed chronicled in
the Chartulary of S. Mary’s Abbey, 1185, in which two of the signa-
tories were Giraldus Cambrensis and Walter, Templar of Clontarf.’
This proves that already, at that date, the preceptory of Clontarf, one
of the lands granted by the King, had been founded. That the
Templars, however, were in Ireland before this date is shown by a
Christ Church Deed (No. 468), where two of the witnesses were
Archbishop O’Toole and Matthew the Templar. Now, the Arch-
bishop diedjin 1180, while the internal evidence shows that the deed
was made circa 1177. Accordingly, we may conclude that Henry
issued his charter to the Templars between 1172 and 1177.

This deed of Henry II was a grant in frankalmoign—1.e., on
condition that the grantees prayed for the soul of the grantor and his
ancestors. The lands, &c., comprised in this grant were the vill of
Clumtorf (Clontarf), Crocum (Crook), with ten carucates of land, the
vill near Waterford whose church is dedicated to S. Barry, a small
marsh between the King’s houses and the sea near Waterford, mills
near Waterford, mills in Wexford, the church of 8. Alloch,
with the land belonging thereto, and Agnile, burgess of Wexford,
with all his chattels This is the only royal grant to the
Templars in Ireland on record, but the nobles and feudal lords
followed the royal example, and gave grants to the Order for
the good {of their souls. I have given in Appendix A a list of
such Templars’ lands as I have been able to trace, with the autho-
rities in each case. It will be sufficient to enumerate here thei
manors, so as not to interfere with the narrative by considering all
the small portions of land, chapels, &c., of which they were at one

1 Cal. Irish Documents, 1285-1292, No. 622.
2 Chartulary of S. Mary’s Abbey, vol. i., p. 173.
3 Cal. Irish Documents, 1171-1251, No. 85; 1285-92, p. 329.

332 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

time or another possessed. In County Carlow they held Rathronan
and Athkiltan; in County Dublin, Clontarf; in County Kildare,
Kilcork and Rathbride ; in County Louth, Coly (Cowley) and Kilsaran ;
in County Kilkenny, Ballygaveran (Gowran) ; in County Sligo, Teach-
temple or Templehouse; in County Tipperary, Clonaul (Clonoulty) ;
in County Waterford, Crook and Kilbarry ; and in County Wexford,
Kailelogan.

The designations of the different classes of the Order were very
confused. The head of the whole Order in Christendom was called
the Grand Master, but the titles of the various heads in the countries
where they had settlements differed considerably. The head of the
Order in England went by the names, at different times, of Grand
Prior, Grand Preceptor, and Master. Next under him came the Priors
over the large estates, the several portions of which were governed by
Preceptors, so called from the first words of the mandates issued
by the Master to them—viz., ‘‘precepimus tibi.’”? They, in turn,
governed the servientes. In Ireland, the chief was usually styled
‘*‘ Master of the Knighthood of the Temple in Ireland,” but some-
times he was called ‘‘Grand Preceptor’”’; under him we find Preceptors
and servientes, but in no case in the existing authorities do we find the
existence of Priors. The head of the Hospitallers, on the contrary,
was always called ‘‘ Prior” in Ireland, and the governors of the
various estates went by the title of Master or Preceptor. A certain
amount of confusion has been caused by the fact that Preceptors and
preceptories existed in both Orders. The term ‘‘Commandery”’ did
not come into use with the Hospitallers till some time subsequent to
the dissolution of the Templars. Consequently, when we find, at
the time of the suppression of the Knights of 8. John, in the
reign of Henry VIII, that some lands were called preceptories, it
is not to be inferred that they had originally belonged to the other
Order.

The Masters of the Templars do not appear to have had any
settled abode in this country, and no preceptory was marked out as
their headquarters, as Kilmainham was with the Hospitallers. Their
whole time was probably taken up with their visitations to the
several preceptories, and their journeys to London. At such
visitations members were admitted into the Order; lands bought,
sold, and exchanged, and presentations made to the vacant bene-
fices.

The following is a list of the Masters of the Templars in Ireland
as far as I have been able to ascertain. The dates given are not

Woon—The Templars in Ireland. 333

those of their appointment, but only those within which I have found
references to the several Masters.

ce. 1186, Walter the Templar.
— Brother Guarnerus.
c. 1200-1210, Hugh the Templar.
e. 1210, Henry Foliot.

1234, Ralph de Southwark.
1235-1250, Roger le Waleis.
1257-1278, Herbert de Mancester.
1278-1279, Ralph or Robert de Glastonbury.

1288, Thomas de Thoulouse.
1295-1301, Walter le Bachelor.

1300, Peter de Malvern.'
1302-13806, William de Warenne.’

1307, Henry de Anet or Tanet.

The date of Hugh’s tenure of the Mastership is very difficult to
determine. There are several entries of his name as a witness to deeds
in the Chartulary of Saint Mary’s Abbey, but these have no date,
and it is only by internal evidence that even an approximate date can
be arrived at.

Of the above Masters we know little, except that Ralph de
Southwark abandoned his habit, and that the Justiciar was ordered
to arrest him in 1235 if he went to Ireland.* Walter le Bachelor
was excommunicated for making away with the property of the Order,
and was confined for eight weeks in the penitential cell in the Temple
Church in London. On his death, he was not allowed to be buried in
the cemetery. His death and burial were the subjects of certain
interrogatories by the inquisitors at the inquiry held in London in
1809-1310.* (See Appendix.)

The position of the head of the Order was one of extreme im-
portance. On many occasions the Master of the Templars in Ireland,
together with the Justiciar, and sometimes the Prior of the Hospitallers,
was appointed by the Crown to audit the accounts of the country.

1$So in Plea Roll 28 Ed. I. Possibly he was only a deputy for Walter le
Bachelor.

2 In the suit between the Prior of Athassel and the Master of the Templars,
the former alleged that William de Warenne was a ‘‘ consanguineus’’ of Edmond
le Botiller.

3 Cal. Irish Documents, 1171-1251. No. 2264.

* Wilkins’ ‘‘ Concilia,”’ vol. ii., p. 346.

334 Proceedings of the Royal Inish Acadenvy.

Money received in aid, Peter’s pence, &c., were often lodged with
them to be transmitted to the proper quarters. Asan instance of
this, we find in the Receipt Roll, Michaelmas, 1301, Walter le Bachelor
paying into the Treasury by brother W. de Triminham, 73s. 4d.,
which he had received from the collectors of the new custom of
Waterford.'. On one occasion the Master in Ireland was paid 120
marks for expediting some arduous affairs of the King, though what
the business was we are not told.’

Besides the privileges mentioned above, the Templars enjoyed,
under the authority of Papal bulls, freedom from paying tithes, and
from excommunication of themselves or interdict on their churches
by bishop or priest. They were allowed to visit the churches in the
country once a year to make a collection for the Holy Land, and even
if such churches were laid under an interdict, they were to be thrown
open on their coming, and divine service was to be performed.? Their
dwellings, too, were to be considered as sanctuaries, and any felon
flying there was safe from arrest. We have an instance of this on
Plea Roll No. 13, m. 45d. (Edward I), where the mayor and
citizens of Limerick were summoned for allowing the escape of a felon
who had fled to the Templars’ house there.

Our own and the English records are also full of mandates from
the king granting them protection, and freeing them from being
impleaded except before the king or his justiciar, and from common
summonses before the justices itinerant, as well as regards common
pleas as pleas of the forest; from paying tenths for the Crusades out
of their parish churches and other possessions; and prohibiting any
mills being erected to their detriment.

Their extensive rights were, however, limited in cities, for they
were strictly forbidden to have more than one guest-house in a
city free from the common customs, as we see in the charters of
Dublin and Limerick.t Nor, free as they were from interference by
the archbishops, were they absolved from paying procurations to
them, as we learn from a command to Master William de Hothum
and others (who, after the dissolution, were appointed farmers of
churches belonging to the manor of Kilsaran) to pay the Archbishop
of Armagh his procurations ‘‘prout temporibus retroactis hujusmodi

1 Cal. Irish Documents, 1298-1301. No. 826.
2 Thid., 1252-1284. No. 891.

3 Rymer’s * Federa,”’ vol. 1., p. 334.

4 Cal. Irish Documents, 1171-1251. No. 2101.

Woop—The Templars in Ireland. 330

procurationes solvi consueverunt per manus dictorum Templariorum
ibidem.””?

But perhaps their extreme immunity from the ordinary customs is
best seen in the grant of Henry III, in which, after confirming all
previous or future grants of lands, he declared they were to be free
from all amercements and aids, and from all works of castles, parks,
bridges, and enclosures, and the providing carriage for such works;
that neither their woods nor their corn should be seized for such a
purpose; that they might take from their woods to supply their
houses, without forfeiture for waste or being amerced, and might
clear any of their land of wood, or recover it from the forest, without
being subject to waste regard and view of foresters, or requiring
licence of bailiffs. They were to be free of all tolls in every market,
fair, bridge, way, and sea, and their own markets and fairs were to be
free of tolls. If any of their men were condemned to lose life or
limb for a crime and fled, the criminal’s goods should revert to the
knights instead of the king; similarly, if any tenant of theirs
forfeited his fee, they might put themselves in seizen, and if any
tenant was amerced for any cause, the amercement was to be col-
lected and handed to the Templars. Unclaimed waifs found in
their fees were to belong to them, neither should they forfeit by
lapse of time any of the liberties contained in this charter. Even
these privileges were added to by Edward I, who gave them com-
plete criminal and civil jurisdiction over their tenants and vassals,
and power of punishing any found guilty of acting criminally
towards them. He also gave them the power of trying criminals
by ordeal, the tremendous privilege of pit and gallows, and, finally,
freed them from all military services and ordinary feudal customs.

It will easily be supposed that men endowed with such powers
were wont sometimes rather to extend their scope than otherwise.
The Pope had, on one occasion, to forbid them extending their
exemptions, and from using them to the detriment of the power
of the bishops. The Synods, too, frequeutly complained about their
misuse of their privileges. One of the chapters of the Statute of
Westminster, II (chap. 48), was expressly framed to prevent the
conservators or keepers of the privileges of the Templars and Hos-
pitallers from bringing men before them in matters which belonged
to the cognizance of the king’s court, and from using general citations,
without expressing the matter upon which the citation was made.

1 Mem. Roll, Exchequer, 7 Ed. II, m. 15.

336 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Although the Templars were only allowed one guest-house in each
city to be free of tolls, some of their other tenants, e.g., in Waterford,
tried to escape paying the usual services to the citizens on the
ground of their belonging to the Order.!

But the Templars found their privileges frequently attacked. In
1254-5, the collectors in Ireland of the aid granted to the King by
the Pope in fayour of the Holy Land attempted to levy it on the
Templars, who were exempt under papal authority. A letter from
the King, in 1256, was necessary to stop such a proceeding.” They
were several times assessed to supply armed men, but, on bringing
the matter before the Justiciar, they proved their right of exemption,
and won their cases. The right they possessed of making a collec-
tion in the churches once a year was often nullified by the clergy
insisting on making their own collections first before they would
allow the Templars to exercise their privilege.

When we consider the freedom which the Order possessed from
the usual services, it is not to be wondered at that others tried
to avail themselves of it too. Henry III had to forbid expressly
any tenant of the King in Waterford, if he wished to retain his
tenement, transferring himself to the land of the Templars. The
latter, too, were in the habit of erecting crosses on their houses to
signify their immunity, and this practice was imitated by the tenants
of other lords, in the hope of also escaping their proper services.°

In trying to gain some idea of the administration of the Templars
in this country, it is regrettable that there is so little evidence to go
upon; but by putting together the few scattered data which are known,
it will be possible in some slight degree to picture their life. The
Master was the head of the Order in Ireland; but he and all the
brethren here in Ireland were subject to the Master of the Templars
in England. It is probable that he was elected by the latter, or by
the General Chapter held by him, for though, in 1235, the King sent
his mandate to the Justiciar to admit Brother Roger le Waleis as
Master,‘ this was merely an order to the former to recognize the
authority of the latter, and does not mean that the King had any part
in the election of a Master. It was apparently his duty to visit each
preceptory and admit recruits. We find that Robert de Pourbriggs

1 Cal. Irish Documents, 1171-1251. No. 1916.

2 Ibid., 1252-1284, No. 516.

3 Statute of Westminster, ii, c. 33. Coke’s “‘ Institutes,’’ ii., pp. 482, 460.
* Cal. Irish Documents, 1171-1251, No. 2264.

Woov—TZhe Templars in LIreland. 337

was admitted into the Order by the Master at Clontarf, John Romayn,
at Kilbride, Diocese of Ferns, and Adam de Langeport, at Ciwerk
(? Kilcork), Diocese of Kildare. It is extremely likely that the
important business was transacted at his visitations, such as the
appointment of clerks to advowsons, arranging transfers of property,
&e. It does not appear that his tenure was for life, for we find
Peter de Malvern as Master in 1300, but in 1308 he was only Pre-
ceptor of Kilclogan. Also William de Warenne was Master in the
years 1302-1306, but at the date of the dissolution he was only
preceptor of Clonaul. Under the Master came the Preceptors, who
managed the several manors and estates belonging to the Order.
Both the Master and Preceptors regularly went over every year to
London to assist at the General Chapter. The Preceptors had their
chaplains. Next came the fratres servientes (armigert), or esquires,
men-at-arms, originally intended to defend the possessions of the Order
from aggression, and to accompany the Templars to Palestine. In
later times, however, the defence of the preceptories was their only
duty. The Templars were several times assessed to provide men-
at-arms for the protection of the country, and probably for the
Scottish wars as well, but they always successfully resisted such a
claim, on the ground that they were free from such service by royal
grant. These servientes were not always esquires, for, according to
the French text of the rules of the Order, which was of later date
than the original Latin text, they might be of the citizen class.
Next in order to this class came the fratres servientes ( famulv), or
servientes officit, who performed menial occupations, such as farming,
household work, &c. The Order farmed some of their land them-
selves, but portions they let out to tenants. They also possessed or
leased small portions of land which were not large enough for a pre-
ceptory, and these were managed by stewards. Besides their free
tenants, they had firmarii and betagii on their lands,! who had to give
certain days’ assistance in the year. The Templars, in their precep-
tories, held manor courts, and also ecclesiastical courts, in which a
canonist, the conservator privilegiorum suorum, sat and dispensed justice.”

A privilege which they shared with the feudal lords of the time,
and which was much prized, was that of having mills, to which not
only their tenants, but neighbours also, came to have their corn ground.
By the law of ‘milling soke,’? tenants were bound to support the

1 Memoranda Roll, Exchequer, 4 Ed. II, m. 23.
* Addison’s ‘‘ Knights Templars,”’ p. 59.

338 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

mills set up by their lords, who thus drew large revenues. In the
charter of Henry II to the Templars, we find grants of mills; and
Henry III expressly forbade any mills to be erected in Waterford to
the detriment of the Knights. There is an interesting entry in refer-
ence to the mill of the manor of Coly. Soon after the seizure of the
Templars’ lands, John de Kent, farmer of the manor of Coly, reported
that two stones of the manor mill were missing, and that consequently
tenants ‘‘qui ad dictum molendinum sectam facere tenentur,’’ as
well as others of those parts, went elsewhere to get their corn
ground, to the loss of the manor. The King ordered the farmer of
Clontarf manor, who had two suitable stones which he did not want,
to forward them immediately to Coly.1. The value of these mills is
shown by the fact that the water-mill alone of Kilsaran manor, late
of the Templars, was the subject of a special grant to Master Philip
de Erdeley.?

Another source of income lay in the churches which they pos-
sessed. The Templars took the tithes themselves, and put a chaplain
in to perform the services at a small salary, by which they made a
considerable profit. For instance, the church of Kilclogan was of the
yearly value of 20 marks, but the chaplain was only paid four marks
a year.

The corn and produce grown on the estates were evidently more
than enough to feed the Knights and their retainers, for we find, in
1225, the King granting a licence for five years to the Master to
convey his wheat whither he would throughout all Jreland for
trading purposes.? In 1213, the King also permitted the Templars
to export their own wool for sale. The Knights’ purchases, too, were
sometimes on a large scale. In 1294, King Edward ordered the
Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer in Dublin to cause the goods
of merchants and other subjects of the King of France found in Ire-
land to be seized and sold. The Templars bought these goods in great
quantities, as we learn from the Receipt Roll of 1295, that Walter
le Bachelor paid into the Treasury £280 18s. 4d., for goods so bought
by him.*

An interesting point arises as to the nationality of the Templars
and their followers in this country. The Knights were originally

1 Memoranda Roll, Excheq., 3 Ed. II, m. 51.
* Ibid., Excheq., 4-5 Ed, II, m. 9.

3 Cal. Irish Documents, 1171-1251, No. 1276.
4 Tbid., 1293-1301, pp. 109, 110.

Woonv—The Templars in Ireland. o039

always of noble blood; but it is not clear if this condition was insisted
on in later times. In Ireland, they were apparently Anglo-Normans.
Many came over from England, while in the case of those received
into the Order here, their names, such as Adam de Langeport and
Robert de Pourbriggs, show an Anglo-Norman origin. But with
regard to the servientes no such certainty exists. As mentioned
above, the French text of the rules of the Order allowed this body
to be recruited from the citizen class. Is it possible that the native
Irish were enrolled in their ranks? In Plea Roll No. 76 (33 & 34
Ed. I, m. 27) we find an entry of the payment of £10 by the
Master of the Templars for himself and all his men of Clonaul for
all trespasses. Fortunately, the scribe has set out their names, which
are as follow :—loghlyn o dufgyr, Tathug o dufgyr, Gillicrist Palmer
o Kynagh, Donghoth o Kynagh, William Boy o molryan, Tathug car-
rach o molryan, Dermod leche o molryan, maloghelyn o molryan,
Auulyf o Kynagh, Kenedy o Kynagh, makyn mol K [ | ogher o bolan,
John o Kynagh, Simon Bouelk, James Pannebecer, Rysyn fil’ John,
Gill’ God o molreny, [ | moy rayne, [ |. Who were these men?
Probably not free tenants, as they were usually Anglo-Normans. It
does not seem improbable that these were servientes attached to the
preceptory. If this theory is correct, and the Templars did fill up
the ranks of their followers in Ireland from the native Irish, it is
likely that these attendants followed them to the Crusades. We
know that drafts of the Order left this country for Palestine, for the
Pope issued a mandate to the Archbishop of Dublin (on complaints
from the Templars) not to extort money from those going to the
Holy Land, as they were free from the Constantinople subvention.
Perhaps those drafts included the Irish referred to by Tasso :—

Sono gl’ Inglese sagittari, ed hanno

Gente con lor ch’e piu vicina al polo:

Questi dall’ alte selve irsuti manda

La divisa dal mondo ultima Irlanda.

Tasso, Ger. Lib., canto i.

It would be only reasonable to expect that men placed in such a
high position as the Templars, endowed with such liberality, and
favoured with such immunities, should have left a considerable mark
on the history of their times. But the only reference to them in
the Irish Annals states the fact that in 1183 the Orders of the
Templars and the Hospitallers were confirmed.! | This, however, is a

1 Annals of Ulster; Grace’s Annals; Clyn’s Annals; and Chartulary of
S. Mary’s Abbey, vol. ii., p. 305.

340 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

mistake, as the Order of the Templars was confirmed in 1128, and
that of the Hospitallers in 1113. Probably what the Annalists
intended to convey was that in 1183 Pope Lucius confirmed them in
the privileges granted by Pope Alexander. As far as Ireland is
concerned, one single incident, narrated by Matthew of Paris, is the
only evidence we have of their mixing themselves up in the national
struggles, and in this case they only acted as mediators. He tells us
that Earl Richard, on being informed of the hostility which the
Anglo-Norman nobles were manifesting towards him, came over in
person, in 1234, to meet his enemies. The Templars, who acted as
negotiators in the matter, were instructed, on the part of the nobles,
to inform the earl that they (the nobles) had taken up arms against
him on account of his treacherous behaviour towards the King, and
that they desired to learn from the King how he wished them to act,
as he had committed the defence of the country to them. Both
parties met at the Curragh of Kildare to hold a conference, which
resulted in a combat, when the earl was mortally wounded.! Sir John
Gilbert, indeed, in his History of the Viceroys, tells us that, in 1274,
Guillaume fitzRoger, Master of the Knights of the Temple in Ireland,
was taken prisoner in an engagement at Glenmalure with the Irish,
who slew numbers of his companions in arms.? This, however, is an
error, as Guillaume fitzRoger was Prior of the Hospitallers, and it was
those Knights who suffered such a reverse.

If the Templars left little record of themselves in the national
struggles which distracted Ireland at that time, the same cannot be
said of them in the legal contests of the period. The records are full
of entries of cases to which the Knights were parties, in connexion
with the right of presentation to churches, pleas of land, and other
matters. The entries on the records are most tantalizing, as they are
often mere notes of appointment of attorneys by either party to the
suit. Doubtless, if all the plea rolls had been preserved, we should
have been able to obtain a fairly extensive knowledge of the pro-
ceedings, as in some cases which we possess there is a full account of
the pleadings. In 1253 they had a dispute about the advowson of
the chapel of Ballygaveran.* They also contested the right of pre-
sentation to the chapel of Balliscarva with the Archbishop of Cashel.

1 Mat. Paris, Chronica Mag., vol. iii., p..274.
2 Gilbert’s History of the Viceroys of Ireland, p. 123.
3 Close Roll (Eng.), 38 Henry III, m. 13d.

Woov—The Templars in Ireland. 341

The latter was non-suited, and amerced in a fine of £100; but the
King pardoned him the half of it in 1274-5.)

The most famous case they had was that in which the Abbot of
Dunbrody Abbey prosecuted against them a plea of entry of novel
disseisin of five carucates of land in Crook, County Waterford.
The case commenced in 1278, before the Justices of the Common
Pleas. The Master of the Templars pleaded privilege of his Order,
in consequence of! which the case came before the King and his
Justices assigned to hold pleasin England. The Abbot claimed that
his predecessor had been enfeoffed by Gilbert of Essex, and that King
John had confirmed the grant. The Master, in defence, put in the
charter of King Henry II, by which the lands of Crook had been
granted to the Templars. The cause dragged its slow length along,
and even when it was brought by the King’s order from Ireland to
the King’s Bench in England, it was delayed by the absence of the
King in Gascony. At last, in despair, in 1290, the Abbot presented a
petition to the King, setting forth that he felt himself grievously
oppressed, and his house reduced to the greatest poverty by the pro-
erastination of this plea in various lands, and accordingly supplicated
His Majesty to direct his Justices to proceed as quickly as they could
regarding it, until it should be judicially determined. He said that
he could not keep hospitality or rule his convent if he were to further
prosecute the plea against such powerful adversaries as the Templars.
The result was that a compromise was effected by the Abbot giving
up all claim to the lands of Crook, in consideration of the payment of
100 marks by the Master. A full account of the proceedings will be
found in Calendar Irish Documents, 1285-92, No. 622.

Whilst this cause was going on, a plaint was held in the Court of
the Liberty of Wexford, in 1280, between the Master of the Templars
and the same Abbot, about seven carucates of land in Kilbride which
the Master averred he held im capite from Sir W. de Valence.?
Although seisin was restored to the Abbot, the matter did not end
here, though we find, in 1285, the Master refusing to proceed further in
the case against the Abbot. The latter held it for some time, till, in
1332, the King ejected them on the ground that Kilbride, having
belonged to the Templars, lawfully came into his hands on the disso-
lution of the Order. It was finally allowed to revert to the Abbot in
1334, in which year the Hospitallers quitted claim to him of all

1 Cal. Irish Documents, 1252-1284, No. 1086.
2 Ibid., 1252-1284, No. 1647.

342 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

the right they had, or might have, in the lands as heirs of the
Templars.}

In 1298, the jurors of County Kildare presented the Master for
having no horses ready at Kilcork, ‘‘ sicut assessi fuerunt.’”? There
is no record of further proceedings, but he was probably acquitted, as
the Order was not liable for such service. In the same year and
place the preceptor of Kilcork was presented for having killed a cow
belonging to Alice, daughter of Thomas flecher.®

Another important case arose upon an action of quare impedit
brought by Matilda la Botillere against the Master of the Templars, in
1302, for preventing her presenting a fit person to the vicarage
of Carlingford. The Master produced a deed by which Matilda de
Lacy had granted to the Order the lands of Coly and the right of
presentation to the Church of Carlingford. Matilda replied that
there was a rectory as well as a vicarage attached to the church, and
that the deed of Matilda de Lacy had only given the Master the right
to the rectory ; but the Master showed to the satisfaction of the Judge
that the vicarage was an appurtenance of the church. Accordingly
the custodian of the spiritualities of the Archbishop of Armagh was
ordered to admit a fit person presented by the Master. Matilda was
fined six marks, of which forty shillings were to be given to the clerks,
and the rest to the Templars.4

In 1302, the Master complained against John Wodelok, Sheriff of
Dublin, Roger Prude, and John Halfheued, not only for seizing and
selling 16 cows, 6 heifers, and 279 sheep, but for doing so at a lower
valuation than was right. Their defence was that they had been
ordered by the Exchequer to levy 20 marks on the said Master. The
Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer, being called, pleaded that
the Master had been fined in that sum before brother William de Ros,
prior of the Hospital of 8S. John of Jerusalem, and leutenant of the
Justiciar, for not supplying horses and men-at-arms. Thereupon
William de Ros was called, and he said it was true that he had sum-
moned all the religious to appear for the assessment of horses and men
for the defence of the country, and that the Preceptor of Clontarf had
appeared for the Master, and shown that he and his predecessors had
always been free from such service by royal charter, and that conse-

1 Chartulary of 8S. Mary’s Abbey (Gilbert), vol. ii., p. lxxxvii.
2 Plea Roll, 26 Ed. I, Roll 30, m. 9.

3 [hid.

+ Tbid., 30 Ed. I, Roll 64, m. 19.

Woov—The Templars in Ireland. 343

quently he had allowed him to go free. Accordingly judgment was
given in the Master’s favour; John Wodelok and John Halfheued
were fined 46s. 6d. for unjustly seizing and badly keeping the cattle
of the Templars, and the valuers were fined 98s. for false appraise-
ment.*

In the same year, the Master of the Templars’ goods (to the
amount of forty acres of wheat and oats) were distrained, on account
of his having taken 46 cows, value five shillings each, of the goods of
Walter le Bret, which had come into the King’s hands.?_ In 1304, the
Master had to proceed against John de Kilsaran to render an account
of the Templars’ tithes received by him in County Louth. In
1305-6, the Master was obliged to appear in court and pay a fine of
£10 for all trespasses of himself and his men at Clonaul.t At the
time of the suppression of the Templars, the Master and the Prior of
Athassel were at law about the advowson of the chapel of Ardmail,
County Tipperary. At the court held before the Justiciar, in the
octave of the Purification, 1308, the Master failed to appear. The
sheriff was ordered to serve a writ of sevre facias upon him, but made
return that the Templars had been seized and their goods had come
into the hands of the Crown. The Prior was told to proceed against
the Crown if he so desired.®

Of the other cases in which the Master of the Templars was
involved, the record is too slight to afford any useful information.

Meanwhile, affairs had been going badly with them in the Kast.
Jerusalem had fallen, and gradually the Christians were driven out of
Palestine. The Templars had performed prodigies of valour, but the
quarrels between them and the Hospitallers had neutralized their
efforts. Indeed, the fall of Ptolemais in 1291 was attributed to their
feuds. Pope Nicholas desired to unite the two Orders; but the
Templars were completely hostile to such an idea. Their pride had
made them many enemies, and had become proverbial. King Richard
is reported, on his deathbed, to have bequeathed his pride to the
Templars, as being the most fitting recipients. Their privileges, too,
were not such as to endear them to the ecclesiastics, who viewed their
exemptions with great jealousy. They were now, at the end of the

1 Plea Roll, 30 Ed. I, Roll 65, m. 31d.
* Ibid., 80 Ed. I, Roll 65,m. 31.
* Ibid., 32 Ed. I, Roll 68, m. 29d.
4 [bid., 33 & 34 Ed. I, Roll 76, m. 27.
> Justiciary Roll, 35 Ed. I, m. 52.

R.I.A. PROC.) VOL. XXVI., SEC. Co [33]

344 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

thirteenth century, a strong, rich corporation of men who had fallen
from the high ideal with which they had started their Order, and
whose original purpose had been rendered useless. A body of 15,000
knights, many of the fine flower of the nobility of the land, subject
only to their Grand Master and the Popes, constituted a formidable
body of men, and their riches could not now be excused on the ground
that they were for the defence of the Holy Land. Founded, as they
had been, for the protection of the Christian pilgrims, they had
degenerated into the bankers of the Popes and Kings. The con-
stables of the Cross had become the cashiers of Christendom.
Rumours also were current of their infidelity, idolatry, and bestiality.
Some curious verses are to be found about them in the Book of Howth,
and I quote two verses, depicting their fall from their high estate.

While they lived in wilful poverty
These crossed Knights in mantles clad in white,
Their names spread in many far country,
For in their perfection was set all their delight.
Folk of devotion caught an appetite ;
Therefore to increase gave them great almes,
By which they gen increase in great riches.

By process within a few yeares,
The number great of their religion,
And the fame of the said Templers,
Gan spread wide in many region,
With towers, castles, they gave them to delices,
Appelled in virtue, which brought in many vices.!

The Order might yet have continued to exist for many years, had
not Philip le Bel, King of France, determined on their downfall, for
it must be remembered that the Hospitallers also enjoyed large
exemptions, and considerable property, yet they continued for cen-
turies before their existence was terminated in different lands. But
Philip was a poor as well as a masterful man, and his necessities had
not been satisfied by his recent pillage of the Jews. The powerful
Order of the/Templars had, on several occasions, come into conflict with
him. It is clear that he had some time before come to the deter-
mination*to destroy this ‘‘ imperium in imperio,” and, while getting
rid of this obstacle, also refill his impoverished exchequer; but this
could not be done without the consent of the Pope. Accordingly,
on the death of Benedict XI, he used his influence to obtain the

1 Book of Howth, p. 235

Woov—Zhe Templars in Ireland. 345

election of Bertrand de Got, Archbishop of Bordeaux (Clement V),
to the Apostolic See; and the rumour was current that one of the
terms upon which Philip made his assistance conditional was the
destruction of the Templars.

The charges against the Templars of heresy and impiety, which
Philip brought to the Pope’s notice, left the latter no option but
to summon de Molay, the Grand Master, before him. This he did in
1307, ostensibly on the ground of discussing matters concerning the
Holy Land, but he also informed him of the grave imputations which
had been brought against the Order, and urged upon him the neces-
sity of union with the Hospitallers. To this proposal de Molay
strenuously objected, and asked for an inquiry into these terrible
charges. The Pope wrote to Philip, on the 24th August of the
same year, that he had at first considered the charges as incredible,
and that the Grand Master desired an inquiry. The King of
France, finding that the Pope was temporising, decided to act for
himself. On the 14th September he sent out a lettre de cachet to
the governors and crown officers throughout France, commanding
the arrest of the Templars, and the detention of their goods. But
such secrecy was observed in the preparations that de Molay was
entirely ignorant of them even a month later, for we find him, on
the 26th October, assisting with Philip at the funeral of Catherine
Courtenay, wife of Philip’s brother. The next day the bolt fell,
and de Molay and 140 of the brethren were arrested. Such an
assumption of the Papal authority aroused Clement, who wrote, on
the 27th of the same month, to Philip, upbraiding him with his
action.

Meanwhile Philip had been bringing his influence, both by letter and
by his ambassador, to bear upon King Edward II. But this monarch,
as will frequently be seen, was by no means willing to follow in the
course marked out for him by Philip, and exhibited a restiveness
under the spur which at times seemed to bode ill for the chances of
the King of France. Still, after a show of resistance, he always
ended by yielding to the pressure. It would seem that at first he
contemplated taking a decided stand, for instead of instantly submit-
ting to Philip’s will, he wrote, on the 30th October, acknowledging a
letter he had received from him about the detestable heresies of the
Templars, and informing him that he had communicated it to his
nobles and prelates, to whom, as to him, the contents seemed incredible,
but that he would make inquiries himself. But the Pope soon came
to Philip’s assistance, for, quickly recovering from his fit of indignation

[33*]

346 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

at the King’s precipitate action in arresting the Templars, he
issued, on the 22nd November, his bull to Edward to imprison the
Knights! In this bull he set forth that at the beginning of his
pontificate rumours of the heretical depravity of the Templars had
reached his ears, but that he had been unwilling to listen to such
suggestions on account of their noble behaviour in the past. Since
then, however, stories of their heresy and immorality had been told to
the King of France, who, at the request of the Inquisitor of heretical
depravity in his kingdom, had caused the chief persons of the Order
to be imprisoned, and their goods conveyed to safe custody, in order
that an inquiry might be made. He also set forth that the Grand
Master had confessed to the heretical practices; and that he had
personally examined one Knight, who acknowledged having denied
Christ on entering the Order. Accordingly, he exhorted the King to
imprison the Templars, and keep their goods safely till he heard
further from him.

But Edward still remained obdurate. By letters to the Kings
of Portugal, Castile, Sicily, and Aragon, on the 4th December, he
urged them not to believe the accusations against the Templars, in
view of their good deeds; and on the 10th he wrote to the Pope
that he was unable to credit the terrible charges brought against
the Order, and desired to take no steps till their guilt had been more:
clearly manifested. After such efforts on behalf of the Knights, we
are more than surprised to find him, ten days later—viz., on the
20th December—issuing his writ to various officials to arrest the
Templars in his dominions, and on the 26th of the same month
informing the Pope that he would carry out his orders. The argu-
ments of Philip were evidently of sufficient force to override the
scruples of his future son-in-law. The writ for Ireland was directed
to John Wogan, Justiciar, and the Treasurer; and a copy of the
ordinance sent to English officials was enclosed for their guidance.
By this writ they were instructed to cause a day to be appointed for
the execution of the ordinance without delay, so that it might be
executed before the news of the lke event in England could reach
these shores. The English ordinance ran as follows :—

‘For certain sure reasons it is ordained by the lord the King and
his Council, that, on Wednesday next after the feast of the Epiphany
next coming, all the brethren of the Knighthood of the Temple in

tor]

every county of England be attached by their bodies by the sheriffs

1 Rymer’s ‘‘ Federa,”’ vol. ii., p. 18.

Woov— The Templars in Ireland. 347

‘

thereof, and by some lawful men of the same counties; and that all
their lands, tenements, goods, and chattels, as well ecclesiastical as
temporal, be seized and taken into the hands of the said King,
together with the charters, writings, and muniments of all kinds
belonging to the said brethren, and that of those goods and chattels
and of the value thereof be made a lawful inventory and indenture
(in presence of the keeper of every of the places of the said brethren,
whoever he be, a brother, namely, of that Order or another person,
and in presence of two lawful men neighbouring and nearest to the
said place who can conveniently be present), one part whereof shall
remain with the said keeper and the other with the sheriff, under the
seal of him who shall have caused those goods and chattels to be
so seized, and that those goods and chattels be placed in safe and
secure custody, and that the cattle and beasts of the said brethren
be well kept and maintained out of the goods aforesaid, as shall
seem most convenient to be done, and that their lands be cultivated
and sowed out of the issues thereof, to the best advantage and profit
which can be done, and that the bodies of the said Templars
be kept safely, securely, and faithfully, in a suitable place,
elsewhere than in their own dwellings, so that their keepers
may be sure of the bodies of the said brethren, provided, however,
that they be not in a cruel and loathsome prison, until the King
shall think fit to make other order thereon, and that reasonable
sustenance be found for the said brethren, as becomes their
rank, out of the things and goods so to be seized by the commands
of the said King, in competent manner. Which things being per-
formed, let the Sheriffs make known by their letters to the Treasurer
and Barons of the Exchequer at Westminster, how many brethren
and whom they shall have caused to be arrested, and their names,
and where and under what custody they shall have placed them, and
let them send transcripts of the indentures which shall be made
thereof to the said Treasurer and Barons, and let them make known
to the same distinctly and plainly what lands and what tenements
of the said brethren shall have been so seized, together with their
whole proceedings in this behalf, so that the said Treasurer and
Barons on the morrow of the Purification of the Blessed Mary next
coming may be fully certified thereof by the said Sheriffs.”

Then follows a description of the manner in which the ordinance
was executed in England. The King first sent down writs to the
sheriffs to warn ten or twelve lawful men of their bailiwick to be
in a certain place in the county on a certain date, and to be present

348 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

there themselves ; and then the King sent down sworn clerks with the
writ against the Templars and the ordinance, which were delivered to
the sheriffs after they and the lawful men had been sworn not
to divulge the matter to anyone before the writ had been executed.!

On reading the above ordinance, one is struck not only by the
extreme care which was taken to surprise the Templars, but also with
the anxiety displayed that their lands and goods should be taken great
care of, and that they themselves should be treated with due
consideration.

The writ and ordinance did not reach the Justiciar till the 25th
January, 1308; but no time was lost, for the day fixed for carrying
out the ordinance in Ireland was the morrow of the feast of the
Purification (3rd February). On this day the lands of the Templars.
were seized by the sheriffs. The Knights were conveyed to Dublin,
while careful inventories of their effects were drawn up.

These inventories, together with an account of the proceedings in
each case, will be found in the certificate of the Barons of the
Exchequer sent to the English Exchequer (1 Edward III).? Accord-
ing to these returns, the goods of the various preceptories and estates
were valued at £716 16s. 63d. The Inventories give a very precise
list of household goods in the guardians’ chamber, in the hall, cellar,
kitchen, granary, bakehouse, stable, and smithy of each preceptory ;
of farming implements and stock, with ecclesiastical ornaments,
garments, and books. The details are interesting. In the Kilclogan
preceptory, the bed of Walter de Joneby was valued at one mark, that
of the chaplain at ten shillings, while the bed of Adam de Langport
was only worth half a mark. The servientes probably had no beds at
all. The minute detail of the inventories is shown by the fact that
the items range froma fork, value 1d., one cruet of pewter, value 1d.,
and six rakes, each 13d., toa missal worth 40s. Of books, except those
for ecclesiastical purposes, we find but little mention, the most interest-
ing being ‘‘ un’ lib’ galic’ script’? de Evangelicis,” which was found
in the preceptory of Clontarf. But it is extremely surprising to find
the abodes of a military order so poorly equipped with arms. Thus.
in Clontarf we only find three swords, price 3s.; in Kilsaran, a
military cloak; in Kilclogan, two lances, each worth 6d., one iron
helmet, worth 12d., a balister and two baudreys, price 3s., and a bow,
worth 1d. Instead of the luxury we should have expected, the

1 Memoranda Roil, Excheq., 1 Ed. II, m. 19.
2 Accounts, &c. (Excheq. Q. R.), Bundle 239, No. 18, Pub. Rec. Office, London.

Woen-—-The Templars in Ireland. 349

furniture and goods appear to have been of the most humble descrip-
tion. We find some mention of the current coin—e.g., the preceptory
of Kilclogan possessed 36s. 6d.; that of Clonaul, £7 10s. ‘‘argenti’’;
while Clontarf only had 3s, ‘‘in pecunia numerata.’”? The Templars’
greatest wealth was in corn, oats, and cattle. Altogether these
inventories throw considerable light on the prices of goods at that
time. I have given a copy of the inventory of the manor of Clonaul
in Appendix B; but the fullest list will be found in the inventory
of Kilclogan, a translation of which has been printed in Hore’s
History of the County of Wexford, under that head.

No mention is made in these inventories of deeds and manu-
scripts which were ordered to be taken. We may feel quite sure that
the Treasury were sufficiently awake to their own interests to secure
any title-deeds which the Templars possessed. That they did so we
have proof in the case when John de Haddesore and others, who had
been under agreement with the Knights to farm the tithes of some
churches in the manor of Kilsaran, were attached to answer the King
(1812) for the rent due to the Knights at the time of their sup-
pression.' The deed or contract made between them was produced in
court to prove the right of the Crown as heirs of the Templars.

According to the ordinance, returns should have been immediately
made to the English Exchequer certifying the number and names of
the brethren, where they were imprisoned, and the lands seized, with
all the proceedings in the matter. This apparently was not done,
probably owing to the fact that Alexander de Bickenor, the Treasurer
in Ireland, was appropriating to himself some of the Templars’ goods.
The certificate mentioned above was that returned to the English
Exchequer by the Barons in Dublin, to enable the former to discover
the amount of defalcations of the late Treasurer.

Guardians of the lands of the Templars were now appointed to
manage the estates and exact the usual rents and services from the
tenants. At the time of the suppression there were rents due from
these tenants, and collectors were appointed, with the injunction that
they be paid in haste. Evidently the King was in want of money.
At this time he was conducting his Scotch expedition, and had
frequent occasion to order the authorities in Ireland to forward
provisions to Scotland for his troops. He was not likely to neglect
such a windfall as the goods of the Templars. Accordingly we find
that, on the 19th June, 1308, the Justiciar and Treasurer were

1 Memoranda Roll, Excheq., 5-6 Ed. II, m. 50.

390 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

ordered to provide for the expedition to Scotland, in addition to the
supplies elsewhere ordered to be provided in Ireland, 1000 quarters
of wheat, 1000 quarters of oats, 200 quarters of beans and peas, 300
tons of wine, 3 tons of honey, 200 quarters of salt, 1000 stock fish,
out of the goods in Ireland of the Knights Templars in the King’s
hands, so far as the same would suffice.!

The Templars were now prisoners in Dublin Castle, but, as they
had been deprived of all their goods, it became a question as to how they
were to be supported. So Piers Gaveston, who arrived as the King’s
deputy in July, 1308, allowed them to retain the issues of the manors
of Kilclogan, Crook, and Kilbarry, to provide them with sustenance
during their captivity.’

In France matters were advancing with a haste which showed
Philip’s determination to settle the business once for all. The Pope
employed all kinds of procrastination, only to be forced to yield to the
King’s masterful disposition in the end. The former was induced to
appoint inquisitors to hold the inquiry in France, reserving to himself
the personal examination of the chief officers; but these suspiciously
fell ill on the way to Poictiers, and so they had to be examined by the
inquisitors. The story of the treatment of the Templars in France by
Philip forms one of the most heartrending narratives to be found in
history. Under the influence of the most cruel tortures, they con-
fessed to crimes which they afterwards recanted, often without avail.
An excellent account will be found of these proceedings in Michelet’s
‘“Procés des Templiers’’; but as itis outside the scope of the present
paper, I will not touch further on this portion of the subject.

On the 12th August, 1308, the Pope issued four bulls.* In the
first, ‘‘Faciens Mlisericordiam,’”’ he appointed Commissions in
different lands to examine the Templars, to be composed of the
diocesan bishop, two canons, with two Dominicans and Franciscans, for
each diocese, and sixteen questions were to be put. In the second,
‘¢ Regnans in ceelis,”” he detailed the history of the events leading up
to the present crisis, and ordered the bishops, &c., to appear, two years
hence, on Ist October, 1310, to decide the fate of the Order. The
third bull, ‘‘Deus ultionum Dominus,” appointed the prelates as
curators and administrators of the Templars’ goods ; while the fourth,
‘¢Ad omnium fere notitiam,”’ ordered that all the Templars’ goods

1 Patent Roll (England), 1 Ed. II, part 2, m. 3.
* Memoranda Roll, Excheq., 5-6 Hd. II, m. 12.
3 Von Hefele’s ‘‘ Conciliengeschichte,” vol. vi., pp. 436-8.

Woon— The Templars in Ireland. 351

already seized should be returned, under penalty of excommunication.
The third of these bulls was inoperative in Ireland, as the King had
already appointed as curators over the lands and goods men whocertainly
were not prelates. With respect to the fourth bull, the King took care
that any goods taken should be restored to him, for we find frequent
mandates to that effect in the Memoranda Rolls; but, as we have seen
above, this store was drawn upon not only by the King to provision
his army in Scotland, but by Alexander de Bickenor, the Treasurer,
for his own pocket. Some rumours of these and similar transactions
in England may have come to the Pope’s ears, for, on the 4th October,
he wrote to the King about the matter, to which Edward boldly
repled, on the 4th December, that he had done nothing up to the
present about the goods of the Templars, nor would, in future,
otherwise than he ought.

Clement now appears to have lost all pity for the Templars, for,
on the 30th December, he issued his bull, ‘‘ Calide Serpentis,’ pro-
scribing the Order, and refusing to allow any to help or counsel
them.}

It is difficult to say whether diocesan inquiries were held as
ordered by the bull, ‘‘ Faciens Misericordiam,” in Ireland; but
inquisitors were sent over by the Pope for the general manage-
ment of the Provincial Councils of Inquiry in these countries.
On the 29th September, 1309, the King wrote to all bailiffs and
faithful people that Thomas de Chaddesworth, Dean of Dublin, Bindus
de Bandmellis, Canon of 8. Paul, diocese of Florence, and John Balla,
Canon of Clonfert, had been assigned to make inquiries in Ireland by
the chief inquisitors sent to England by the Pope, and ordered them
to assist them.” He also ordered the Archbishop to be present when-
ever the inquisitors held the inquiries. To make the investigation as
complete as possible, he bade Wogan to take any Templars not yet
in custody, and guard them in Dublin Castle, ‘‘repraesentandos
coram venerabili patre electo Dublin’ vel ejus vicario, ac praefatis
inquisitoribus deputatis,’? whenever required.* An additional deputy
was sent in the person of Master John de Solercio.*

The public interest in the fate of the Order at this time must have
been stirred up to an extraordinary extent. There is a curious entry

vol. vie, p. 439.

1 Von Hefele’s ‘* Conciliengeschichte,
* Rymer.s ‘‘ Federa,” vol. ii., p. 938.
3 Tbid.

* Patent Roll (England), 3 Ed. II, m. 32.

B02 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

in the Book of Howth, which would seem to show that it was the
absorbing topic of the time. It reads as follows :—‘‘ Also on the mor-
row of Saint Luce the Virgin, the three year of the reign of Edward,
there was six moons, which was marvelled much of. They were of
divers colours, whereby it was judged (‘‘jugent’’? in MSS.) and
thought that the Order of the Templars should be suppressed and
done away for ever.’ In the Annals of the Chartulary of S. Mary’s.
Abbey the date is given as the sixth year of Edward I1;? but as this.
would have been after the suppression of the Order by the Pope, it is
probable that the third year of that reign was the time of this
singular occurrence.

The inquisitors were apparently only sent over to arrange for
the inquiry, for, in the account of the investigation which took place
for the province of Dublin, which is preserved in the Bodleian
Library at Oxford, and is the only account for Ireland extant, their
names do not occur. The inquiry was held in Saint Patrick’s
Cathedral ; and Mason is wrong in asserting that it took place in
Dublin Castle. It was commenced in the month of January, 13810,
though it is impossible to give the exact date, as the account we have
of the proceedings is imperfect. The earliest date mentioned is the
6th February; but there is evidence in the document that the pro-
ceedings commenced some days before this. Henry Tanet, the late
Master, declared, in his examination before this tribunal, that he
would have spent three years in Ireland on the vigil of the Purifica-
tion next, which would be the lst February. As he was Master in
1307, the inference is that he was giving his evidence on some day
prior to Ist February, 1310. The inquisitors consisted of brothers
Richard Balybyn, ex-minister of the Dominican Order in Ireland,
Philip de Slane, reader of the same Order, Hugh de St. Leger, of the
same Order, Roger de Heton, guardian of the Franciscan Order,
Dublin, and Walter Prendergast, rector of the same. They were not
all present at each sitting, their numbers varying at different times.
Master John de Mareschal, Canon of Kildare, was also present as
commissary of the Bishop of Kildare, on one occasion; also Masters
Philip de Hendelee, officer of the court of the archdeaconry, Matthew
de Wella, and Philip de Wylabi, rector of the church of Balisgressim
(Balgriffin), dio. Dublin. To each of the Templars examined a series

1 Book of Howth, p. 129, f. 68.
2 Chartulary 8. Mary’s Abbey, vol. ii., p. 341.
3 Wilkins’ ‘‘ Concilia,’’ vol. ii., p. 373.

Woov— The Templars in Ireland. 303:

of eighty-seven interrogatories was administered, which may be briefly
summarised as follows :—

They were accused of denying Christ at their reception ; of being
told by those receiving them that Christ was not the true God, and did
not suffer for our redemption ; that the receiver made them spit on
the Cross, or offer it some other mark of indignity; that they adored a
certain catum ; that they did not believe in the sacrament of the altar ;
that tke priests of the Order did not use the words by which the body
of Christ is made in the canon of the Mass; that the Grand Master,
or Visitor, or Preceptor, could absolve them from all sin; that, on
reception, the receiver and received indulged in unclean kissing ; that
the reception of the Order was clandestine; that they made and
adored idols; that they touched these idols with cords, with which
they girt themselves; that those unwilling to conform to such prac-
tices were killed or put in prison; that they were enjoined on oath
not to reveal such practices; that they were ordered to confess to
none but brethren of the Order; and that the brethren swore to
advance the interests of the Order by any means in their power.
Such were the accusations brought against them, to which they were
compelled to reply.

The following Templars were examined :—Henry de Anet (or
Tanet), the Master; Richard de Bistelesham, Ralph de Bradeley,
Hugh de Broughton, Richard de Burchesham, Walter de Choneby,
John de Faversham, Henry de la Forde, Henry de Haselakeby, Adam
de Langeport, Henry Mautravers, Robert de Pourbriggs, John Romayn,
Richard de Upladen, and William de Kilros, chaplain. They were
unanimous in denying most of the charges, but on the question
whether the Grand Master could absolve them from sin, there was
some diversity of opinion, as three of the Knights admitted that he
could, though two of them afterwards denied it. William de Kilros,
the chaplain, admitted that when the Grand Master heard a con-
fession, he ordered the chaplain to absolve the penitent, even though
the chaplain had not himself heard the confession. He also men-
tioned one case of unnatural crime which had occurred in the Order.
He attributed the suspicion under which the Templars had long lain
to their being so suddenly exalted, and to their great friendship and
converse with the Saracens. Several of the Templars were examined
two or three times.

The witnesses for the prosecution were now examined, and it
certainly throws a suspicious light on the proceedings that three of
the inquisitors are to be found amongst the number. The witnesses

354 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

were as follow:—Brothers Roger de Heton, guardian of the Fran-
ciscan Order, Dublin; Hugh de Lummour, of the same; Walter de
Prendergast, reader of the same; Nicolas de Kilmay, and Walter
Wasphayl, of the same Order ; Simon de Dachemound, Richard Kissok,
Gilbert de Sutton, and Richard de Balybyn; Thomas de Racho, of the
same; Nicholas Bakun, Richard de Boclonde, John de Balmadoun,
Robert de Lusk, Lucas Chyn, Thomas Cadel; Thomas, Abbot of
S. Thomas the Martyr; Simon, Prior, and Marestellus, Canon, of the
same; Richard de Gromekyn, Nicholas Byterel, Adam Barun, Roger
Kilmaynan, Henry de Pembroke, Ralph Kilmaynan, William le
Botiller, Henry de Stone, Gilbert de Rene, John Gay, Philip de
Kenefeke, Roger, Prior of the Order of 8. Augustine; Henry
Wallens, David Longus, John de Waterford, Hugh le Marescall,
John le Palmer, and John de Suerde. These were all religious, the
laymen being only four in number, viz.: Adam le Latymer, Thomas
de Broughton, an ex-serviens of the Templars; Robert de Hereford ;
and William de Bras.

On examination, the majority of the witnesses had nothing but
rumours and gossip to relate; while Roger de Heton said he believed
the charges because the Templars themselves had acknowledged them
to the Pope, and because the Order was a secret one. The only two
witnesses who had anything definite to depose to were brothers Hugh
de Lummour and William le Botiller. The former declared that he
was often at Clontarf, and had seen a Templar, named William de
Warecome, turn his face to the ground at the elevation of the sacra-
ment, not caring to look at the Host. William le Botiller testified
that one day he assisted his brother, who was celebrating Mass
at Clontarf, and that, at the elevation of the Host, the Templars kept
their gaze fixed on the ground, and paid no attention to the reading
of the Gospel. Also, after the Agnus Dev, he wished to make the
brethren the kiss of peace, whereupon one of their own clergy told
him that the Templars did not care for peace.}

Such, in brief, is the evidence which was extracted by a prolonged
inquiry, which lasted from January till the 6th June, 1310, with
numerous sittings between those dates. It is impossible to say
whether torture was applied to the prisoners, as no information is
forthcoming on the point. We know that it was extensively employed
in France, and that Edward II was induced, unwillingly, to follow in

1 Wilkins’ ‘‘ Concilia,” vol. ii., p. 373.

Woov— The Templars in Ireland. 355:

Philip’s footsteps in this respect, though in a very much less degree.
German authorities admit that, in many cases in England, the threat
was quite sufficient to obtain the desired effect. Von Dollinger
states that only two Templars in England succumbed to the torture,?
while Michelet goes so far as to deny that torture was applied to the
English Knights at all.* The absence of any evidence of the use of
such means of extorting confessions on this side of the Channel may
induce the hope that a more humane treatment was practised here.

On the drd April, 1810, the Pope wrote to the Archbishop of
Dublin and others, putting off the meeting of the Synod at Vienne
till the 1st October, 1311, on the ground that the inquiries had not
yet been finished.? In France they were still incomplete, while, as we
have seen, the inquiry in Dublin was only then being held, and in
London further examinations had yet to take place. During these
latter, the Grand Preceptor of England, Ireland, and Scotland died in
prison, refusing to confess to heretical doctrines.

What the result of the inquiry in Ireland was, and whether the
inquisitors reported favourably or not on the conduct of the Order
in this country, we do not know. In England and France the result
was unfavourable to the Templars; but in Aragon, Castile, Portugal, and
the archbishopric of Mayence the inquiries resulted in an acquittal.’

The Synod at Vienne opened on the 16th October, 1311, the
objects for which it was held being (1) the recovery of the Holy Land;
(2) the reform of the Church; and (3) to advise about the process of
the Templars; but we may feel certain that the last issue was the
most absorbing one, and overshadowed all the rest. More than three
hundred bishops and prelates were assembled ; the representatives of
Ireland consisting of the Archbishop of Cashel, and the Bishops of
Emly, Killaloe, and Cloyne.‘ After a lengthy consideration of the
case, the majority of the Synod declared that they had not sufficient
evidence before them to condemn the Order. As soon as Philip
heard that his plans were likely to fail, through the opposition
of the Council, he immediately set out for Vienne (February, 1312) to
use his personal influence with the Pope to urge him to dissolve the

1 Rymer’s ‘‘ Federa,” vol. ii., p. 119.

2 Von Hefele, ‘‘ Conciliengeschicte,” vol. vi., p. 469.

3 Von Dollinger, ‘‘ Akademische Vortrage,” vol. ii1., p. 248.

+ Michelet, ‘‘ Histoire de France,’ vol. iii., p. 115.

5 Papal Registers, vol. ii.

6 Dublin Review, vol. cxvii., p. 343. ‘‘The Fall of the Knights of the Temple.”’
7 Labbé- Mansi, xy., 12.

356 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Order, and give their goods to another Order of Knights. As usual,
the hesitation manifested by Clement when at a distance from Philip
vanished under the influence of a personal interview ; and the Pope,
by his bull of the 22nd March, beginning ‘‘ Vox clamantis,” dissolved
the Order. This bull has only recently been discovered in Barcelona
by Gams, the German Benedictine. Clement gave six reasons for his
action: viz., that the Order had become of evil notoriety through
heresy ; that the Grand Master and many other Companions of the
Order had made confessions of heresy, and of the other charges brought
against them ; that the Order was much hated by prelates and kings ;
that no righteous person was willing to defend them; that they had
become useless for the Holy Land, for the defence of which they had
been established ; and, finally, that through putting off the sentence
the goods of the Templars might be lost.?

By a further bull of the 2nd May, ‘‘ad providam,”’ he handed over
all the possessions of the Templars to the Hospitallers.? In this
document he expressly stated that he had dissolved the Order ‘‘non
per modum definitivae sententiae, cum eam super hoc secundum
inquisitiones et processus super his habitos non possemus ferre de jure,
sed per viam provisionis seu ordinationis apostolicae,”’ thus showing
that the dissolution of the Order was grounded not on justice but on
motives of expediency. By letters, also, of the same date, he ordered
commissioners for carrying out this decree in England, Ireland, &c.
The persons of the Templars were to be handed over to the provincial
Synods, except the Grand Masters and three others, whom he reserved
to himself. Philip, however, induced him to hand them over to a
Commission of three Cardinals and the Archbishop of Sens, with the
result that, on the Grand Master (De Molay) and the Grand Preceptor
of Normandy declaring themselves innocent, they were condemned to
be burnt ; while the other two, who confessed, were condemned to
prison for life.

It will be well now to consider how the Templars, imprisoned in
Ireland, had been getting on. As we have seen, soon after their
imprisonment the Earl of Cornwall had allowed them to retain their
manors of Kilclogan, Crook, and Kilbarry for their sustenance. But
it was one thing to manage their lands when they were free agents
and in possession of enormous power, and quite another to obtain the

1 Von Hefele, ‘‘Conciliengeschicte,’’ vol. vi., p. 524.
2 Ibid., p. 5238 ; Rymer’s ‘‘ Federa,’’ vol. ii., p. 167.

Woov—Zhe Templars in Ireland. 357

profits of their property when they were confined in Dublin Castle.
Robert Aylward, who had been put over the manors to manage them
on behalf of the Knights, had frequently to be called upon to answer
to them for the rents of their lands and tenants in Crook and Kilbarry.!
The Crown was forced to call upon the tenants of the three manors to
be intendant and respondent to the Master. The difficulty of obtaining
the issues of their lands became so great that on the 4th December, 1311,
the Master, Henry de Anet, and brothers John de Faversham, and Ralph
de Bradelee petitioned the King that either they might be allowed out
on bail and put back into the same position as they held at the time of
their arrest, or that Wogan, the Justiciar, might hold the aforesaid
manors for them, and provide them with sustenance. The King’s
Council agreed that the Templars could not be liberated without a special
mandate from the King; but, at their request, the Justiciar consented
to hold the manors for them, and give them the issues for their means
of support. This was approved of by the King.2, The Knights soon
experienced the benefit of this change, for on the 3rd February, 1312,
they acknowledged to have received £24 9s. 13d. from the Justiciar.

We shall probably be justified in supposing that after the Papal
Bull, handing over the persons of the Templars to the provincial synods,
those incarcerated in the Castle were liberated. In Michaelmas term,
1312, we find it on record that the Master, Henry de Anet, was let out
on bail, Master William de Hothum and others being his pledges;* and
it is likely that the rest were liberated at the same time. As, soon
after this date, viz., May, 1313, the lands of Kilclogan, which had
been assigned to them for sustenance, were granted to Nicholas de
Balscote,® we may conclude that it was about this time that the regular
pay of 2d. per diem was commenced to be paid to the Knights.

Since 1308, when the Templars were seized, their lands had been
mostly managed by the Crown, who had appointed commissioners to
supervise the estates, receive tithes and obventions of the churches,
appoint bailiffs and servientes, collect the rents, &c., paying a certain
rent to the Exchequer for such privileges. The manors and churches
of Kilclogan, Crook, and Kilbarry, however, were excepted, as these
were given temporarily to the Knights for their support. The only

1 Memoranda Roll, Excheq., 4-5 Ed. IJ, m. 66.
2 Tbid., 5-6 Ed. II, m. 12.

3 Ibid., 5-6 Ed. II, m. 24.

4 1bid., 6 Ed. Il, m. 2.

5 Jbid., 6-7 Ed. II., m. 47d.

308 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

instance we have of the Crown granting any of the Templars’ lands in
fee-simple was in the case of the manors of Clontarf and Kilsaran,
which Edward granted (26th December, 1310) to Richard de Burgh,
Earl of Ulster, the father-in-law of the Earl of Cornwall,! though they
apparently soon reverted to the Crown. All the lands which had
formerly been in possession of the Order the Pope desired should be
handed over to the Hospitallers. On the 2nd May, 1812, he had
written to the Archbishops of Armagh, Dublin, Tuam, and Cashel,
and others, to defend the Knights of St. John, who had been placed
in possession of the Templars’ property in their respective dioceses.?
But the former, however eager they were to enter into their new
inheritance, were forbidden by the King (1st August, 1312) to meddle
with the lands and goods of the Templars before the next parliament.*
In the meantime he continued to let out their property in Ireland, for
on 12th May, 1313, a commission was issued to Nicholas de Balscote,
Baron of the Exchequer, to hold the lands of Kilclogan and the church
of Ballygavern at a yearly rent.‘ But the Hospitallers were evidently
becoming anxious about the transfer, for on 25th November of the same
year, Brother Albert de Nigro Castro, Grand Preceptor of the Hospital
of 8. John of Jerusalem, and the loewm tenens beyond the Mediterra-
nean Sea of the Grand Master of the Hospitallers, and Leonard de
Tybertis, Prior of the Venetians, Procurator-General of the said
Hospital, petitioned the King that he would see fit to hand over to
them the Templars’ goods.° This had the desired effect, for on the 28th
November the King ordered the guardians of the Templars’ lands in
England, and in Ireland the Justiciar, Chancellor, and Treasurer of
Dublin, to put the above-named brethren or their deputies in posses-
sion of the lands and goods, with all the rights belonging thereto, of
the late Order. Edward alleged the necessity of conforming with the
Pope’s bull as the reason for his Order, but took care to protest that
his and his subjects’ rights were to be preserved.®

As a necessary consequence of this order, the Prior of the
Hospitallers was bidden (8th February, 1314) to continue to the
Templars the allowance of 2d. per diem hitherto allowed them.’

1 Memoranda Roll, Excheq., 4-5 Ed. II, m. 21.
2 Papal Registers, vol. ii.

3 Rymer’s “* Federa,’’ vol. ii., p. 174.

4Mem. Roll, Excheq., 6-7 Ed. II, m. 47.

5 Rymer’s ‘‘ Federa,”’ vol. ii., pe 235,

6 Ibid., p. 236.

7 Ibid., p. 248.

Woov—The Templars in Ireland. 359

Shortly after this, the King issued his writ (18th March, 1314) to
Nicholas de Balscote to hand over the Templars’ lands in Wexford,
which he held, to Roger Utlawe, Proctor of the brethren of the
Hospital, Brother Walter del Ewe, Prior of the Hospital, and
Brother William de Ross. In this writ it is interesting to note
that the ‘‘ornaments of churches”’ are expressly mentioned to be
handed over to the Hospitallers.?

Although in England some of the Templars were sent to
monasteries to complete their penance, we have no record of their being
so treated here. Twopence a day was allowed them for their main-
tenance, but it would appear either that this was not sufficient, or
that the Hospitallers were relieved of this charge, and that it was
thrown on the clergy, for we read that, on 1st December, 1318, the
Pope ordered the Deans of York, London, Dublin, and Canterbury, the
Priors of the Friars Preachers, and the guardians of the Friars
Minors, to examine the taxation of stipends made by the archbishops
and prelates, and bring it to the amount necessary for the support
of the brethren of the late Order of the Templars, with this pro-
viso that the latter were not to be allowed to lay up money or
live delicately out of the sums provided by the said taxation.
Also sentences issued by the archbishops and prelates against the
Master and brethren were to be revoked.? From this, I think, we
may gather that the Templars were still tenaciously clinging to
their ancient rights in some parts of the country.

Notwithstanding Papal bulls and Royal mandates, the Hospitallers
found great difficulty in entering into their heritage. Feudal lords
were unwilling to allow the lands granted by their ancestors to
escheat to any but themselves. Accordingly, a great conference
was held in 1324, at which the King, his prelates and nobles, and
other great men of the realm were present; and the matter was laid
before them for decision. They agreed that the lords of the fee had
a perfect right to retain the Templars’ lands as their escheats, but it
was decided by the King and his nobles, ‘‘ for the health of their souls
and discharge of their consciences,” that, as the Order of Templars
was instituted for the defence of Christians and subversion of the
enemies of Christ, their lands, &c., should be delivered to other men of
most holy religion. It was accordingly enacted that neither the King
nor any other lord of the fee had any right or title in such lands, and

1Mem. Roll, Exch. 7-8 Ed. II, m. 41.
* Papal Registers, vol. ii.

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. C.] [34]

360 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

that all the lands, &c., of the Templars should be assigned to the Order
of the Knights of 8. John of Jerusalem.!

Yet even this Act does not seem to have produced the desired
effect, as in 1329 we find the Pope still writing to the King
exhorting him to cause restitution to be made to the Hospitallers
of the property of the Templars.’

As far as Ireland was concerned, most of the property of the
latter Order was inherited by the Knights of 8. John, for we find
them in possession at the time of the dissolution of the Monasteries.
But in a few cases, the efforts of Pope and King seem alike to
have been ineffectual in bringing about a transfer to the Hospitallers.

In England, those who had received allowances (corrodaria)
from the Templars for their lives, on account of services performed
or lands granted, on the dissolution of the Order, petitioned the
Crown, and received compensation, but no record has been found of
such a procedure in Ireland, though it is not unlikely that it
took place.

We have now reached the conclusion of the story of the Knights
of the Temple in Ireland ; but there are one or two matters connected
with them which it may be more suitable to mention here than to
interpolate in the foregoing narrative.

As has often been the case, the Exchequer of Ireland was
drawn upon to assist the needs of the English Exchequer. In
1247, the King commanded the Justiciar to pay 100 marks to the
Master of the Temple in England, on account of the 50 marks
which he was wont annually to have at the Exchequer of England.*
This annual payment of 50 marks would appear to have been for
maintaining a Knightin the Holy Land. In 1252, the Irish Exchequer
was again called upon to pay 200 marks, viz., four years’ arrears due
to the Master of the Temple in England for that purpose.t A
more interesting demand, and one of which the results are still
remaining, was that of the King in 1243, when he ordered that
500 marks should be paid out of his treasure in Ireland to the Master
of the Templars in England, to acquit debts he had incurred in
constructing a chapel at the New Temple, London.’ This building

1 Statutes (England), 17 Ed. II, statute 2.

2 Papal Registers, vol. ii.

3Cal. Irish Documents, 1171-1251, No. 2915.
4 Ibid., 1252-1284, No. 48.

5 Tbid., 1171-1251, No. 2610.

Woov—Zhe Templars in Ireland. 361

has a particular interest for us, not only because Irish money went
to pay for its construction, but because the Irish Master, Walter
le Bachelor, was confined there. There is a penitential cell (four
feet six inches by two feet six inches) opening upon the stairs
leading to the triforium, with slits towards the church, through
which the prisoner, unable to lie down, could still hear Mass.
In this cell Walter le Bachelor, Master or Grand Preceptor of
Ireland, was starved to death for disobedience of the rules of his
Order.

I have appended to this paper a schedule of all the lands for
which I could find any authority for believing that they at any time
belonged to the Templars. But there are many other places in
Ireland which tradition or careless historians have attributed to that
Order. Of some of these it is impossible, with our limited sources of
information, to say whether tradition is right or wrong. It is possible
that in some cases lands formerly belonging to the Templars were by
them exchanged or assigned to others, and that, whilst any trace of
such a proceeding has disappeared, the tradition of their having once
possessed them has lingered on. But in other cases, the error has
undoubtedly arisen through the confusion in many people’s minds
between the two Orders of Templars and Hospitallers—a confusion
which has been assisted by the fact of many of the lands of the former
passing, on their dissolution, to the latter. Of these cases, Kilmain-
ham is a striking example. It is difficult to take up any work dealing
with that place without finding the statement that it belonged to the
Templars. Archdall is, perhaps, the cause of this error, for in his
account of this Priory in his Monasticon, he has not only stated that
it was given to the Templars by Strongbow, but has mixed up the
two Orders in such inextricable confusion, that one can hardly blame
others for being unable to disentangle it. The curious point is that
he quotes, as his authority, Archbishop King’s mss., but on consulting
these, I do not find anything to support Archdall’s statement. Sir
John Gilbert, too, has followed Archdall in his History of the
Viceroys; but in his Historical and Municipal Documents of Ireland,'
he quotes from the White Book the contention between the mayor
and citizens of Dublin and the Prior of the Hospitallers at Kilmain-
ham in 1261, respecting ground at Kilmainham. From this we learn
that the Prior pleaded a charter of Henry II, and at an inquest held
by order of the Justices, it was returned that Richard Strongbow in

1 Page 495.

[34*]

362 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

former times enfeeoffed the Prior and his house with all the lands of
Kalmainham.

Killergy, County Carlow, is another place which has been
associated with the Templars. Ware, in his Antiquities (vol. ii,
p. 271), says that this preceptory belonged first to the Templars, and
then to the Hospitallers. The Abbé MacGeoghegan in his ‘“ Histoire
de l’Irlande,”’ also states that it belonged to the former Order, and
passed, on its dissolution, to the latter. That both these authors
were wrong, we have a proof in an entry on the Plea Roll 32 Ed. J,
where, in the account for County Kildare, we find that Friar
Bernard, brother of the Hospital of Kylergi, and Friar Robert,
Master of the Hospital of Toly, were fined. A few years before
this, viz., in 1290, in the confirmation of a charter from the Prior
of the Hospitallers to Henry Marshal, citizen of Dublin, we find
the Master of Killergy as a witness.’ It is extremely unlikely that
this preceptory could have belonged once to the Templars and been
afterwards transferred by them to the Hospitallers, as the friction
between the two Orders was so great as to render such a transaction
almost an impossibility.

Kallure, County Waterford, is another preceptory which, by
various authorities, has been considered as part of the Templars’
property. But in Plea Roll 28 Ed. I, m. 8, we find that, in a
certain action, Friar Hugh, Preceptor of the house of Killeur, was
acting as attorney for the Prior of the Hospital of S. John, which
he would not have done if he had been a Templar.

Ballyhook (Balicanok or Ballycaok), County Wexford, is also
attributed by some to the Templars, but, I think, without any
grounds. In Plea Roll 6 Ed. I (m. 7), Richard de Kalmondesdon,
Master of the house of Ballycaok, is associated with the Prior of the
Hospital of S. John of Jerusalem in an action against Philip, son
of Benedict, and he is also a witness to the confirmation of the
charter of the Prior of the Hospitallers in 1290 mentioned above.
If any further proof is needed, it may be pointed out that the head
of a subsidiary house of the Hospitallers was often called ‘‘ Master,”
a term which amongst the Templars in Ireland was only given to the
head of the Order, and then not as master of any particular place,
but as Master of the Order.

Smith in his ‘‘ History of the County and City of Cork,” 1750,
states that the preceptory of Mourne (Ballynamony or Monaster de

! Cal. Irish Documents, 1285-92. No. 787.

Woov—The Templars in Ireland. 863

Mona) belonged first to the Knights Templars. However, the Master
of Mora, as it was called, was a witness to the above-mentioned deed
of the Prior of the Hospitallers; and in the taxation of 1302, the
church is entered as belonging to that Order.

It would take a considerable space to enumerate all the places
which have been dignified with the appellation of Templars’ lands.
In some cases, as those mentioned above, the tradition or legend can
be proved to be wrong. But in other cases where neither proof
nor disproof is forthcoming, we need not contemptuously reject the
tradition. Besides the possibilities I have mentioned above of land
formerly held by the ''emplars being exchanged or granted away,
there must be many cases where the knights were allowed to hold
land free of rent to the lords of the soil, to whom, on the suppression
of the Order, the land would naturally revert. As an instance of this,
I may cite the lands of Coulmacsaury in County Waterford. Here
the Templars held 16 acres of demesne lands from the Bruys family.
On account of the minority of the heir, the lands were for some
years administered by the Crown; and so we come to have a record of
the Templars being settled there, of which otherwise we should have
been in complete ignorance.

I have endeavoured in this paper to set out carefully all the
known facts about the history of this remarkable Order in Ireland,
and by the investigation of hitherto unpublished material to make
some addition to our knowledge of Ireland, and especially to the effect
in Ireland of one of the greatest, if not the greatest, tragedy of the
Middle Ages. Of the published matter which dealt with my subject,
I have had to reject much which appeared to me to rest upon no
authoritative basis, to say nothing of those statements which I found,
on inquiry, to be absolutely devoid of truth. I desire here to express
my deep obligations to many friends who have either indicated fresh
sources of information or enabled me, by their knowledge, to avoid
those numerous pitfalls which are so apt to engulf the unwary
historian.

APPENDLX A.
PossEssions oF THE TEMPLARS IN ]RELAND.
County CARLOW.

Fotherd, Grange of (Forth).\—After the dissolution this land was
farmed out, at the request of Maud de Clare, Countess of Gloucester

1 Memoranda Roll, Excheq., 4-5, Ed. II, m. 48 //.

364 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

and Hertford, to David de Pembroke.! He was killed soon after in
the Scottish wars, and the rent due was remitted to his widow by
order of the King. In this order the land was called Templeton.?

Rathronan in Fothered (Forth).—Goods worth £37 18s. 2d. ; yearly
rent of lands, £10 19s. 8d.8

Athkiltan, or Takyltan.—Goods worth £10 8s. 8d.; yearly rent of
land, £4 5s. 9d. The oak-trees from the Templars’ woods here were
given to Edmund le Botiller to repair the houses at Ballygaveran
(Gowran).®

County DvuBLin.

Ballymacorus.—The ‘Templars had some land here, but it is
probable that they were only tenants. The Sheriffs accounted for
some corn sold and other issues of the Knights to the amount of
£4 5s. 2d.°

Balyrothery (Balrothery).—Adam Meurwyk paid them a rent
lrere:’

Bray.—In the year 1284 we find the following entry amongst the
King’s rents :—‘‘ Rents of Bray—From the Master of the Templars
for $ carucate of land, which he claims to hold by charter, 1 mark;
from the same, for a tenement which John Lissebon held, 1 mark ;
from the same, for the tenement of J. de Howth, 11s. 8d.’* In the
‘“‘Liber Niger”? of Archbishop Alan occurs the following deed :—
‘‘Williemus filius Johannis Lisbone dedit Deo et Beate Marie et
Fratribus Militie templi Salomonis Jerusalimitani in Hibernia totam
terram de Clonmore fermoffyn Maghrenlyn et Termagarran et villam
de Carriklydan cum omnibus suis pertinentiis et sex acras propin-
quiores lande de Tirferagh et quandam carrucatam terre juxta terram
Domini Archiepiscopi de Shenkyll que vocatur Le Dalgin cum omnibus
suis pertinentiis Habendum et tenendum,” etc.°

1 Memoranda Roll, Exch., 4-5 Ed. II, m. 2.
2 Patent Roll, England, 8 Ed. II, pt. 1, m. 26.
3 Certificate 1 Ed. III (Accounts, etc., Excheq., Q.R. 239 Pub. Rec. Off.,

London).
4 Ibid. 5 Memoranda Roll, 4-5 Ed. II, m. 48.
® Recepta (Accounts, etc., Excheq., Q.R. 232 Pub. Rec. Off., London).
7 [bid. 8 Cal. Irish Documents, 1252-1284, p. 560.

9 Liber Niger, mss.-Trin. €oll., No. 1061, vol ii., p. 767.

Woov—The Templars in Ireland. 365

Clontarf, Manor of.—Goods worth £125 17s. 7d.; yearly value
lands, £32 10s. These lands were granted to the Templars by
Henry II.2 Walter, Templar of Clontarf, was a witness to a deed
with Giraldus Cambrensis.2 There was a church attached. This
manor was granted to Richard de Burgo, Earl of Ulster, 1310,‘ but
was evidently surrendered by him, as it is not to be found in the
Inquisition on his estates at his death, and is found amongst the
possessions of the Hospitallers at their dissolution.

Dublin.—The Templars possessed some tenements here, perhaps a
guest house or houses, as we find arrears of rent due to them from
Henry de Waleton, in Dublin, being paid by the nuns of Hogges.®

Glenmunder, or Ballyman.—They possessed here ‘‘1 castrum,
3 messuagia, 4 cottagia, 100 (acre) arabiles, 60 pasture, 2 prati,
12 subbosci,”’ valued at £2 Os. 0d.°

Killerger (Killegar).—They held lands here for a short time. See
under County Louth (Balibragan). Now in County Wicklow.

Villa Reginald: (Reynoldstown, Parish of Naul).— When held by the
Templars, this land was in County Meath.’

County Kinpare.

Kuleork, Manor of.—Goods worth £24 4s.; yearly value of lands,
£25 0s. 4d.8 This was afterwards included in the manor of Tully,
when it came into the hands of the Hospitallers. See Rathbride.

Monumenoke (Monmohennock, Dunmanogue Parish).—One messuage
with the curtilage, five acres of land arable, and one acre of meadow
with the appurtenances, up to the water of Gris (river Greese).
Passed to the Hospitallers.°

Naas.—Some goods of the Templars were found here at the time
of their suppression.”

Rathbride, Manor of.—Now in the parish of Tully. Goods worth

1 Certificate 1 Ed. III (Accounts, etc., Excheq., Q.R. 23.2 Pub. Rec. Office,
London).

* Cal. Irish Documents, 1285-1292, No. 329.

’ Chartulary of S. Mary’s Abbey (Gilbert), vol. i., p. 173.

* Memoranda Roll. Excheq., 4-5 Ed. II, m. 21.

> Recepta (Accounts, etc., Excheq., Q.R. 2,32 Pub. Rec. Office, London).

7 Certificate 1 Ed. III, &e. 8 Ibid.

9 King’s mss., vol. xiii., p. 85.
0 Recepta (Accounts, etc., Excheq., Q.R. 23.2 Pub. Rec. Office, London).

366 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

£52 5s. 8d,; yearly value of lands, £31 14s. 4d.1_ Lewis says, in his
‘‘Topographical Dictionary,’”’ that there are some remains of the
ancient religious house, and its chapel still exists. Both the manors
of Rathbride and Kilcork were in the hands of the Hospitallers in
11 Ed. II, as in this year the prior was allowed to exchange the
manors of Rathbride and Kilcork (excepting the advowsons) for lands
in Rathmore.’?

County KILKENNY.

Ballygaveran (Gowran).—Goods worth £23 16s. 10d.; yearly
value of lands, 12s. 2d.; church, 50 marks.* As will be seen by this
valuation, the value of the lands was very small, the chief revenue
being derived from the church. In 1253 the Templars had a dispute
about the advowson of this church.‘ As recently as 1710 there was a
house in Gowran called ‘‘the Templars’ house.’’®> See County Carlow
(Athkiltan).

Kilkenny, Liberties of.—The Knights had some tenants here. In
1328 the lands of Hugh Daudeley, which had been sequestered, were
returned to him, except those which had belonged to the Templars.°
By Pipe Roll 3 Ed. III, we find that these lands were in the liberties
of Kilkenny. I have not been able to trace these lands any further.

Ratheden.—The Templars received some rents from these lands.’

County LIMERICK.

Limerick City.—The Templars had a house here, probably a.
‘* frank ’’ house. See also charter of Limerick.

County Louru.

Balibragan (Braganstown).—This land belonged to the Templars,
but they gave it to Nicholas Taafe in exchange for Kuillerger
(Killegar, County Dublin) in 1284. On the Prior of Holy Trinity,

1 Certificate, 1 Ed. III (Accounts, etc., Excheq., Q.R. 23,9 Pub. Rec. Office,
London).

2 Patent Roll, 11 Ed. II, m. 115 (Ireland).

3 Certificate 1 Ed. III, &c.

4 Cal. Irish Documents, 1252-1284, No. 317.

> Transactions of Kilkenny Archeological Society, vol. iv., p. 92.

6 Close Roll, 1828, p. 266 (England).

7 Certificate 1 Ed. III, &ce.

8 Plea Roll, No. 18, m. 45d (18 Ed. I): see also Recepta.

Woov—The Templars in Ireland. 367

Dublin, claiming Killerger, the Court decided that they were to get
back two parts of Balibragan.'

Coly, Manor of ( Cowley).— Goods worth £39 3s. 8d. ; yearly value
of lands, £40 15s.; and of church at Carlingford, 12 marks.* This
manor, containing 40 acres, and the advowson of the church of
Carlingford, were granted by Matilda de Lacy to the Master of the
Templars. (See Appendix C.) The lands had formerly belonged
to O’henrethy, king of that country.

Drogheda.—Some tenements at the yearly value of 3s. 3d., pro-
bably their “‘ frank ’’ house.*

Kilsaran, Manor of.—Goods worth £42 14s. 84d.; yearly value of
lands, £11 15s. 6d. MacGeoghegan says it was founded by Matilda
de Lacy.’ Ware says that it was founded in the twelfth century.°®
There were also the following churches attached, viz. :—Kilsaran, 16
marks yearly value; Molaury (Mullary), 14 marks; Portlyneran (Port),
100 shillings ; Keppoc (Cappoge), 10 marks; villa Gernon (Gernons-
town), 5 marks; Kilmedymok (Kildemoch), 10 pounds; Talonneston
(Tallanstown), 6 marks; Kiltanelagh (Kiltallaght), 20 shillings;
Cresmartyn (Crowmartin in Clonkeen), 1 mark; Kilpatrick in
Kildemoch, 2 marks ; Droghestroll (Philipstown); Moymok (not valued
because ‘‘inter Hibernicos’’); and the tithes of the following
churches’:—Rocheston (Roche), Atherde (Ardee), Archerstown
(Arthurstown), Larblester, Dofnany (Dunany), Maynbraddath and
Maynath (Mayne), and Drogheda. It is interesting to read a letter
from Capt. R. Perkins, writing from Newry to Col. E. Mathew as late
as 14th September, 1645, in which he says:—‘‘ According unto your
directions I went to Kilsaran, and I find seventeen parishes belonging
to that preceptory.”* This manor was granted to Richard de Burgo,
Karl of Ulster,® 1310, but was evidently surrendered by him, as it is
not to be found in the Inquisition on his estates at his death, and is
found amongst the Hospitallers’ possessions at their dissolution.

' Plea Roll No. 16, m. 14 (19 Ed. I).

* Certificate 1 Ed. III (Accounts, etc., Excheq., Q.R. 2,22 Pub. Rec. Office,
London).

3 Thid.

4 Thid.

> MacGeoghegan: ‘ Histoire de l’Irlande,”’ vol. ii., p. 60.

6 Ware’s “ Antiquities,’’ vol. ii., p. 271.

7 Plea Roli No. 68, m. 29d (32 Ed. I).

8 Ormond mss., new series, vol. i., p. 96.

® Memoranda Roll, Excheq., 4-5 Ed. II, m. 21.

368 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

County Mrartn.

Haukyneston (Hawkinstown, par. Prercetown).—The Templars re-
ceived some rents here.’

Hogge Bretteston (Hodgestown, in Stamullen).—Here they had 4
acres of land, for which, at the time of their suppression, they were
recelving half a mark yearly from Walter de Bret, of Tolok.’

Hylleton juata Lekno (Hilltown, near Piercetownlandy).—They had
some tenements here, let to Thomas Page, of Drogheda, from whom
they received 5 marks rent. This land was formerly in the County
of Trim.

County S1iGo.

Teachtemple, or Templehouse.—Goods worth 73s. 8d. ; yearly value of
lands, 40s.; one church, 40s. This preceptory was called Loghnehely in
the certificate of 1 Ed. III. It obtained this name from the lake
Lough Awnally (Ath-angaile). In the Annals of Loch Cé the castle of
Tech Temple is mentioned (1270), and Templehouse is its modern
name. In the taxation of 1302-6 the vicarage was called Kellecath,
and corresponded to the modern parish of Kilvarnet. On the sup-
pression of the Templars, it passed to the priory of 8. John of
Randown, which is stated to have held 16 quarters of land here, and
the rectory and tithes. Archdeacon O’ Rorke contends that the castle
was built by MacWilliam Burke in 1262; but he is certainly wrong
in stating that the Templars had no possessions here.°

County TIPPERARY.

Ballyscarva, or Ballystarna (? Scornan, now Graystown).—David,
Archbishop of Cashel, was defeated by the Master of the Templars in
a claim to the advowson of this chapel, and fined £100, which was,
in 1274-5, reduced to £50.°

1 Recepta (Accounts, &c., Excheq., Q.R. 2,32 Pub. Rec. Office, London).

* Certificate, 1 Ed. III (Accounts, Excheq., Q.R. 232 Pub. Rec. Office,
London).

3 Tbid.

4 Knox, ‘‘ Notes on the Diocese of Tuam, &c.,’’ p. 301.

5 Archdeacon O’Rorke’s ‘‘ History of Sligo,’’- vol. ii., pp. 73-80.

6 Cal. Irish Documents, 1252-1284, No. 1086.

Woov—The Templars in Ireland. 369

Clonaul, Manor of ( Clonoulty).—Goods worth £161 6s. 9d. ; yearly
value of lands, £47 1s. 11d.; also the following churches: Ardmayle(Ard-
mail), £20; Ballyshechan (Ballyschean), £10; Kilmacloy (?Kilmoyler),
4marks; and Clonaul, 20s... The Prior of Athassel and the Master
of the Templars were at law about the right to the advowson of
Ardmail at the time of the suppression of the Order.? This church
(and Ballyshean) escheated to the Crown, in right of the Templars.
They also possessed property at Villa Petri and Rathconewy.°

County WATERFORD.

Athmethan (Affane).—They possessed here one messuage, with
buildings, lands, and tenements.*

Crook, Manor of.—Goods worth £32 10s. ; yearly value of lands,
£20 18s. 4d.; and church, 40s.° This manor was granted to the
Templars by Henry II, and confirmed by three successive kings.°
This is where Henry II landed on his arrival in Ireland, 1172. It
was about 5 carucates of land in this manor that the famous case
with the Abbot of Dunbrody occurred.

Coulmaksawery ( Coul m*saury).—They appear to have been tenants
here of the Bruys family. They occupied 16 acres of demesne land,
value 2s. per an.’

Dunmore.—They had some rents here.®

Kilbarry, Manor of.—Goods worth £56 6s. ; yearly value of lands,
£38 5s. 5d., and a church, 13s, 4¢.9 These lands are situate one mile
south of Waterford, and there are still ruins existing. They were
granted by charter of Henry II.° The Templars were afterwards
granted a lease by John de Monfichet of Kareggenard (Carriganard) and

1 Certificate 1 Ed. III (Accounts, &c., Excheq., Q.R. 23,2 Pub. Record Office,
London).

* Justiciary Roll, 35 Ed. I, m. 52. The Master said it had been given to the
Order in the time of Herbert of Manchester.

3 Certificate 1 Ed. III, &c.

4 Memoranda Roll, Excheq., 6-7 Ed. II, m. 52.

5 Certificate 1 Ed. III, &c.

6 Cal. Irish Documents, 1285-1292, No. 329.

7 Pipe Roll. Excheq., 12 Ed. II (No. 45).

8 Certificate 1 Ed. III, &c. 9 Tbid.

10 Cal. Irish Documents, 1285-1292, No. 329.

370 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Karengnor (? Carrigroe), on payment of 5 marks yearly to him, and a
pair of furred gloves or 2 shillings to the Crown.! All these lands passed
to the Hospitallers, probably in 1320, as we find the Templars debited
with this payment of gloves up to about this period, and in 1322 we
find the Hospitallers owing 2 years’ rent of gloves.”

Ky{ _|th.—On the roll of Irish Exchequer Accounts for 1298-9
it is mentioned that these lands belonged to the Templars, for which
they paid 12d. yearly to the Crown. They are referred to in an
extent of the lands of Thomas fitzMaurice. Unfortunately, portion
of the name is illegible.®

Rathmarorkain.—These lands were granted by Reginald de
Crobisbie to the Templars, and by them afterwards to S. Mary’s.
Abbey (1273).4

Waterford.—Mills on the waters near Waterford, called Polwater-
foure and Innermictam, and a small marsh near Waterford, between
the King’s houses and the sea, were granted to the Templars by
Henry I1.° They also possessed the island close to the city, worth
one mark a year,® and probably a house in Waterford.

County WEXFORD.

Lilbride.—The Templars laid claim to these lands against the
Abbot of Dunbrody, but withdrew their claim. The matter, however,
continued in doubt for some time, as, after the suppression of the
Order, the Crown entered into possession as their heirs. Ultimately
the Crown retired, and the Hospitallers gave the Abbot a quit-claim
from any demand by them.’ We know that the Templars did at some
time possess these lands, as John Romayn was admitted into the Order
here by the Master.

Kilclogan, Manor of.—Goods worth £140 3s. 6d.; yearly value of
lands, £45 11s. They also possessed the church of Mythelnagh (Meel-
nagh), value 24s., and a moiety of tithes of 3 carucates of land belonging

1 Chartularies (Wood), 10 fol. 8%. Bodleian, Oxford. ‘These lands had for-
merly belonged to Ballyman Cutel, who was probably a Dane.

? Pipe Roll, Excheq., 16 Ed. II, m. 5.

3 Cal. Irish Documents, 1293-1301, p. 263.

4 Chartulary of S. Mary’s Abbey (Gilbert), vol. ii., p. 7.

° Cal. Irish Documents, 1285-1292, No. 329.

° Recepta (Accounts, &c., Excheq.,Q.R. 43,2 Pub. Rec. Office, London).

7 See Chartulary of S. Mary’s Abbey, vol. ii., pp. Ixxxv-vii.

Woopnv— The Templars in Ireland. O71

to the church of Killiwryn (Killurin), worth 20s.'| This preceptory
is said by MacGeoghegan to have been founded for the Templars by
the O’Morras.?, The church of Kilclogan (value 20 marks) is probably
Templetown, as this was included in the manor, and the tower of
Templetown church, in the Early English style, about half a mile
from the castle of Kilclogan, still exists. This manor was retained
for some years for the support of the Templars when imprisoned in
Dublin Castle.

Wexford.—Henry II granted to the Templars mills in Wexford,
also the church of 8. Alloch (or 8. Waloch) near Wexford, with the land
belonging thereto, and Agnile (or Agmile), burgess of Wexford, with
all his chattels.*| Mr. McEnery considers that the church of S. Alloch
is the church of 8. Michael, Wexford.

Villa Monachi.—A commission was granted to David de Borard
to farm these lands, when they came into the King’s hands, in
1313. I have been unable to identify them.’

County WIckKLow.

Kilpool.On the south side of Wicklow, near the sea. At the
time when this church was held by the Templars, it was in the
County of Dublin.

APPENDIX B.

INVENTORY OF THE Goons, LanpDs, AND CHURCHES BELONGING TO THE
PRECEPTORY OF CLonauL, County TIpPERary.’

Certificacio Thesaurarii et Baronum de Scaccario Dublin’, pretextu

brevis domini Regis sibi directi huic consuti.

Clonaul.—Scrutatis eciam Rotulis et memorandis supradictis Com-
pertum est quod predicto tercio die Februarii inuenta fuerunt in

1 Certificate 1 Ed. III (Accounts, &c., Excheq., Q.R. “44%3* Pub. Rec. Office,
London),

* MacGeoghegan, ‘‘ L’ Histoire de l’Irlande,” vol. u., p, 60.

3 See Hore’s ‘‘ History of County Wexford,” s.v. Kilclogan.

4 Cal. Irish Documents, 1285-1292, No. 329.

® Memoranda Roli, Excheq., 6-7 Ed. II, m. 37.

6 Crede Mihi, p. 148.

7 Certificate 1 Ed. III (Accounts, &c., Excheq., Q.R. *:°3> Pub. Ree.
Office, London).

o¢2 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

manerio predictorum Templariorum apud Clonaul in Comitatu Typeray’
bona et catalla infra scripta videlicet vnus Palefridus albus precii
x marcarum Item alius Palefridus fauus precii xls. Item vnus
equus bar’ cum oculis et superciliis albis precii vy marcarum Item
quartus equus vetus stalonus ad equituram cum quodam pede albo
precii xls. Item vnus equus somerius niger precii v marcarum.
Item alius somerius doyng’ precii xiijs. ilijd. Item Preceptor
ibidem habuit vnum equum Rubeum precii i marce. Item xx affri’
debiles precii cuiuslibet ij s. Item tres pulli sequentes affros illos
precii euiuslibet xxd. Item in equicio xvj Juuenta’ precii
cuiuslibet dimidii marce. Item vnus pullus‘ masculus de
etate vnius anni precii culuslibet xld. Item duo pull masculi et duo
femelli yvnius anni precii cuiuslibet ijs. Item lviij boues precii
cuiuslibet iiij s. Item viginti vacce et vnus Taurus precii cuiushibet
iiijs. Item duo bouiculi duorum annorum precii cuiuslibet ij s.
Item quinque Juuente® duorum annorum precii cuiuslibet ijs. Item
octo bouetti de uno anno precii cuiuslibet xx d. Item xij vituli vnius
anni precii cuiuslibet xvj d. Item xxix porci precii cuiuslibet viij d.
Item xiiij** et x multones precii cuiuslibet vj d. Item xiiij* et
ij. oves matrices precii cuiuslibet vjd. Item viginti quarteria de
carnibus bouinis precii cuiuslibet viijd. Item xij bacones precii
cuiuslibet ijs. Item quatuor multones precii cuiuslibet vj d. Item
in Grangia ibidem xxxyj crannoci® auenarum per estimacionem in
garbis precii crannoci vs. Item vnus Tassus decime in Hagardo de
diverso blado precii ilij marcarum. Item apud villam Petri in
Grangia xxvj crannoci auenarum p estimacionem in garbis precil
cuiuslibet crannoci vs. Item vnus tassus auenarum continens xvj
crannocos de montana’ per estimacionem precii cuiuslibet crannoci
xld. Item vnus Tassus frumenti et alius auenarum ibidem de
decimis de Ardmayl precii cuiuslibet tassi v marcarum. Item apud
Balyshean in grangia per estimacionem x crannoci frumenti precii

1 Dun-coloured. * Afers, plough-horses.

3 This should be Jumenta = brood-mares. #4 Colts.

> This should be Juvence = heifers.

6 A measure of corn prevalent in Ireland to the end of the fourteenth century.
Its value varied, according to different. authorities, from half a quarter to two
quarters.

7 This may have been a special measure, used up in the hills, and of a smaller
size than that used in the plains, as may be inferred from the difference in price.

Woon—TZhe Templars in Ireland. 373:

cuiuslibet crannoci vs. Item xviij crannoci auenarum precii
‘cuiuslibet crannoci vs. Item apud Rathconewy vnus tassus de
diuerso blado decime precii i11j marcarum. Etin granario de instauro!
domus predicte iii1j* crannoci de maceto” auenarum precii cuiuslibet
crannoci vs. Item fuerunt ibidem v** acre frumenti seminate
precii cuiuslibet acre xld. Item xv acre auenarum precii cuiuslibet
acre iij s. Item apud villam Petri iij* et x acre frumenti precii
cuiuslibet acre xld. Item ibidem x acre auenarum precii cuiuslibet
acre iijs. Item vnum lauatorium® precii viijd. Item tres olle
enee debiles precii xs. Item due patelle enee precii vnius ij s.
precii alterius ijs. Item vna craticula* precii iijd. Item ynum
micatorium® precii ij d. Item vnus cultellus de coquina precii ij d.
Item duo cacabi® precii unius dimidil marce precii alterius xls.
Item duo possineti orrei’ precii vnius ij s. et precii alterius xij d.
Item in fabrica vna cudis® precii xld. Item in pistrina v cupe precii
vs. Item due trendelle® precii xvj d. Item 11j modelli” precii xviij d.
Item vnus magnus modellus precii 1ij s. Item duo dolei precii ij s.
Item sex pipe precii cuiuslibet vj d. Item vnus modellus in lardatorio
precii xij d. Item in aula tres mense. Item in Camera tres veteres
cofres precii xxd. Item vna Crowe de ferro ad frangendum lapides
que appreciatur ad ijs. Item vij libri et xs. argenti. Item
quinque Ciphi argentei pondus cuiuslibet j] marca. Item vnus
Ciphus argentei cum yno coopertorio vnde pondus Ciphi j marca ij d.
et pondus coopertorii vjs. jd. Item vnum lauatorium argenteum
ponderis xix s. vijd@. Item duodecim coclearia argentea ponderis x s.
vd. Item vnus mazerus!! precii iijs. Item duo peria coopertorio-
rum!? de telo precii vnius cum cerico coopertij marca et precil
alterius viijs. Item lectus magistri cum robis suis et cofris et lecti
et robe duorum fratrum que non appreciabantur set tradebantur in
custodia sui camerarli. Item septem caruce cum ferramentis et alio
apparatu precii cuiuslibetijs. Item tria peria rotarum pro bigis precil
1ijs. Item duo peria rotarum pro carectis precil 1js.

Que quidem bona et catella in presencia fratris Willielmi de
Wareyne custodis domus predicte coram Nigello le Bruyn tune
Escaetore Hibernie per sacramentum fidedignorum appreciata in forma

1 The stock. 2 Malt. 3 A ewer.

4 Gridiron. 5 A grinder or grater. 6 Caldrons.

7 Barn-skillet ; saucepan used in the barn, 8 Anvil.

9 Trundles or trucks. 10 Large vessels.

‘ll A cup made of a wood of mottled grain.
12 Coverings of some woven material, one being lined with silk.

374 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

predicta predicto tercio die Februarii per eundem Escaetorem capta
fuerunt in manum,prefati domini Edwardi Regis patris, &c., et tradita
Ricardo Blaunchard et Johanni Cod custodienda preter blada apud
Balyschean que tradebantur Radulpho Clerico custodienda. Et
preter vnum tassum bladi apud Rathconwy qui tradebatur Johanni
Barec custodienda et postea per prefatum Thesaurarium commissa
fuerunt xxviij die Junii anno regis prefati patris primo Edmundo le
Botiller.

Summa bonorum appreciatorum . . . clxj/d vjs. ixd.

Postea per Johannem Wogan tunc Justiciarium et prefatum
Thesaurarium Hiberniae liberata fuerunt Edmundo le Botiller ad opus
prefati Fratris Willielmi Wareyne de bonis predictis vnum lauatorium
argenteum ponderis xix. vilj d. duo ciphi argenti ponderis ij marcarum
vnum coopertorium argenti ponderis vjs. 1ijd. et duodecim coclearia
argenti ponderis xs. vd.

Terrae ibidem.—Compertum est eciam quod terre redditus et
tenementa que fuerunt dictorum Templariorum in manerio predicto
que extendebantur per annum ad xlvij 7. xx1ij d. coram prefato Nigello
le Bruyn Escaetorem Hiberniae capta fuerunt in manum prefati
domini Edwardi Regis patris, &c., per eundem Escaetorem et tradita
Galfrido de Burgo et Henrico Hakett custodienda in forma predicta
Et postea per prefatum Thesaurarium commissa fuerunt xxviij° die
Junii anno regis prefati patris primo Edmundo le Botiller per extentam
eorundem.

Summa extente terrarum ibidem per annum—xlvij lz. xxiij d.

Ecclesie wbidem.—Compertum est eciam quod predicti Templarii
habuerunt ibidem in proprios usus Ecclesias subscriptas videlicet,

Ecclesiam de Ardmayl que extenditur per annum ad xx/v.

Item Ecclesiam de Balyschean que extenditur per annum ad x/.

Item Ecclesiam de Kylmacloy que extenditur per annum ad
llij marcas.

Item Ecclesiam de Clonaul que extenditur per annum ad xxs.

Summa valoris ecclesiarum per annum xxxiij/z. x1ijs. i1ij d.

Que quidem Ecclesie per ipsum Thesaurarium per commissionem
domini Regis sub sigillo scacearii predicti v® die Junii anno regni
prefati Regis patris secundo tradita fuerunt Ricardo de Wodehous per
extentam earundem. Qui eas tenuit vsque x™ diem Augusti anno
regni elusdem Regis sexto quo die consimili modo eadem ecclesie
tradite fuerunt Thomae le Botiller tenende in forma predicta sic com-
pertum estjper rotulos maneriorum scaccarii supradicti.

* yx

Woov— The Templars in Ireland. 37

Compertum est eciam quod debebantur predicto die prefatis Tem-
plariis ibidem debita subscripta videlicet—
Johannes Cod pro yno tasso auene sibi vendito apud Ardmayl
—vlij marce.
Summa debitorum patet.

APPENDIX $C,

Grant oF THE Manor oF Coty anp ADVoWSON OF THE CHURCH OF
CartincrorD, By Matitpa bE Lacy to tae TEemprars mn [Retanp.}

Omnibus Christi fidelibus presentes litteras visuris uel audituris
Matillda de lacy salutem in domino eternam. Noverit vniversitas
vestra me in pura et libera viduitate mea pro salute anime mee et
animarum patris et matris mee et omnium antecessorum et success-
orum meorum necnon et anime Dayidi baronis de Naas quondam vir
mei dedisse concessisse et hac presenti carta mea confirmasse deo et
beate Marie et fratribus milicie templi Jerosolimitani in hibernia
quadraginta acras terre cum pertinenciis in Coly quas Ohenrethy Rex
patrie illius quondam tenuit vna cum advocacione tocius ecclesie de
Carlingford et tocius tenementi mei de Coly tenendas et habendas
predictis fratribus milicie templi et eorum successoribus in liberam
puram et perpetuam elemosinam cum omnibus pertinenciis suis
libertatibus et liberis consuetudinibus ad predictas quadraginta acras
et aduocacionem ecclesie predicte pertinentibus adeo libere quiete
sicut altera elemosina alicui domui religionis melius plenius et liberius
conferi poterit libere quiete et solute ab omni seculari servicio
exaccione et demanda. Et ego predicta Matillda et heredes mei
predictas quadraginta acras terre vyna cum aduocacione tocius ecclesie
predicte cum omnibus pertinenciis suis predictis fratribus milicie
templi et eorum successoribus vt meam liberam puram et perpetuam
elemosinam contra omnes homines et feminas Warantizabimus defende-
mus et acquietabimus imperpetuum vt autem hec mea donacio concessio
et presentis carte mee confirmacio rata et stabilis imperpetuum perma-
neat presenti scripto sigillum meum duxi apponendum hiis testibus
Domino Henrico de Hadeleye, domino Gilberto de Repenteney, domino
Ricardo de Heddesovere, domino Ade de Stanle, domino Willielmo
Talun, domino Simone de Clynton, domino Johanni Malet, Henrico de
Saule, Ricardo ffulstawe, Rogero Gernu miles fil’oun, Roberto
fil’miles Johanni de Coly et aliis.

1 Plea Roll No. 64 (30 Ed. I, m. 19).
R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. C. | [35]

376 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

APPENDLX. D:
DeatH AND BuRIAL OF WALTER LE BACHELER.!

Fr’ Johannes de Stoke de ordine Templi capellanus :
Interrogatus super modum mortis seu occasionis fratris Walteri
Bacheler, militis Templi, et super modo sepulturae, et super recep-
tione confessionis, et aliorum sacramentorum et infirmitate de qua
decessit ; respondit, quod fuit sepultus sicut alius christianus, excepto
quodnon fuit sepultus in coemeterio, sed in platea domus London’, et
quod fuit confessus fratri Richardo de Grafton, presbytero, qui est
in Cypro, et credit quod receperit corpus Christi licet nesciat ; et dicit,
quod ipse et frater Radulphus de Barton, qui est in turri London’,
portarunt ipsum ad sepeliendum in aurora, et fuit in carcere, ut credit,
per octo septimanas. Interrogatus, an fuit sepultus in habitu,
respondit, quod non. Interrogatus, quare fuit sepultus extra
coemeterium ; respondit, quia reputabatur excommunicatus. Inter-
rogatus, a quo fuit excommunicatus; respondit, quod credit quod ex
statuto vel ordinatione communi, quae erat enter eos, quod quicumque
furtive surriperet bona domus, et non recognosceret, reputabatur
excommunicatus.

APPENDIX E.

Memoranpa OF SomE IncompLETE ENTRIES AND UNIDENTIFIED PLACES
IN CONNEXION WITH. THE TEMPLARS.

(No date.) Brother Henry Foliot, Master of the Knighthood of the
Temple in Ireland, and the brethren of Clontarf. (Cal. 8. Mary’s
Abbey, vol. ii, p. 12.)

1238. Geoffrey de Marisco attorns Nicholas le Clere against
Brother Roger, Master of the Templars in Ireland, touching a warranty
of charter of tenements in Meawy. (Cal. Irish Documents, 1171-
1251, No. 2462.)

1241. Mandate to the Justiciar of Ireland regarding the record
of a plaint summoned before him by the King’s writ, between Roger
Walensis, Master of the Templars in Ireland, plaintiff, and Matilda de
Marisco, deforcient, of 4 carucates of land in Stachnach. (Cal. Irish
Documents, 1171-1251. No.2528.)

1 Wilkins’ ‘‘Concilia,’’ vol. 11., p. 346.

Woov—The Templars in Ireland. 377

In the Guildhall of the City of Dublin. Brother Herbert, Master
of the Templars in Ireland, puts in his place Roger de Cumbre or
William fitzNicholas, against Roger de Frarendun, and Alice, his
wife, of a plea of warranty of a deed. (Plea Roll, 45 Henry III.)

Waterford, before Justices itinerant. The Master of the Templars
against Reginald Lunel, ofa plea of land. (Plea Roll, 45 Henry III.)

The Abbot of Dunbrody charges Brother Robert of Glastonbury,
Master of the Templars in Ireland, of unjustly disseising him of his
free tenement in Baligone, Baligurthath, Kilmacluyth, Rothclon,
Gurtynlathelyn, Lachelyneswode, Collamigsy, and Colanesboly, viz.,
4% carucates of land. A jury of men of the cross of Ossory and
Leighlin ordered to be impanelled. No further proceedings known.
(Plea Roll, 6 Ed. I, m. 10.)

Louth. A day is given to the Master of the Templars in Ireland,
and to the Archbishop of Armagh, John Gernoun, and other attorneys,
of a plea of trespass. (Plea Roll No. 29, 25 Hd. I, m. 14 d.)

Brother Henry de Aslabeby, general attorney of Walter Bacheler,
Master of the Templars in Ireland, puts in the place of the said Walter,
William Makepays or John de Coventre, against the Abbot of Saint
Mary, near Dublin, ‘‘de audiendo recordo,” etc, (Plea Roll No. 29,
25 Ed. I, m. 34.)

Brother Peter de Malvern, Master of the Templars in Ireland
puts in his place Richard the Clerk of Croke, against Brother Philip
de T'roye, Abbot of Saint Mary, near Dublin, of a plea of land. (Plea
Roll, 28 Ed. I.)

Brother William de Warren, Master of the Templars in Ireland,
against the King, of a plea of guo warranto by John de Appelby.
(Plea Roll, 35 Ed. I, m. 13.)

~ +E ye ihe! fy) ft ft f j 7 r fates ort to

axa &

Woov—TZhe Templars in Ireland. 377

Waterford, before Justices itinerant. The Master of the Templars
against Reginald Lunel, ofa plea of land. (Plea Roll, 45 Henry IIT.)

The Abbot of Dunbrody charges Brother Robert of Glastonbury,
Master of the Templars in Ireland, of unjustly disseising him of his
free tenement in Baligone, Baligurthath, Kilmacluyth, Rothclon,
Gurtynlathelyn, Lachelyneswode, Collamigsy, and Colanesboly, viz.,
43 carucates of land. A jury of men of the cross of Ossory and
Leighlin ordered to be impanelled. No further proceedings known.
(Plea Roll, 6 Ed. I, m. 10.)

Louth. A day is given to the Master of the Templars in Ireland,
and to the Archbishop of Armagh, John Gernoun, and other attorneys,
of a plea of trespass. (Plea Roll No. 29, 25 Hd. I, m. 14 d.)

Brother Peter de Malvern, Master of the Templars in Ireland.
puts in his place Richard the Clerk of Croke, against Brother Philip
de Troye, Abbot of Saint Mary, near Dublin, of a plea of land. (Plea
Roll, 28 Ed. I.)

Brother William de Warren, Master of the Templars in Ireland,
against the King, of a plea of guo warranto by John de Appelby,
(Plea Roll, 35 Ed. I, m. 13.)

Rata, PROCS, VOL. XXVI.; SBC. Cy [36 ]

[B78]

AN UNPUBLISHED ASTRONOMICAL. TREATISE BY THE
IRISH MONK DICUIL.

Epirep, witH aN Intropuction, By MARIO ESPOSITO.
Pratt XXIT.
Read Aprit 22. Ordered for Publication Apri 24. Published Aveusr 6, 1907.

Nore.

Very little is known about the Trish monk Dicuil. He wrote a short
geographical tract in the year 825 a.p., which has been published
twice in France and once in Germany, and is of considerable
importance, as it contains a record of the discovery of Iceland by
Irish monks at least sixty-five years before the arrival of the
Scandinavians in that island. The existence of an unpublished
astronomical work by the same author was pointed out for the first
time in 1879 by a German scholar, Ernest Diimmler, who discovered
it in a ninth-century ms., in the public library of Valenciennes in
France. The ms. is a beautifully written one, with illuminations, and
was obtained from the ancient abbey of St. Amand in Flanders. It
was brought to the Valenciennes library at the time of the French
Revolution. This treatise, of which I have prepared a text-edition,
was incorrectly attributed to Alcuin by the authors of the catalogue
of the Valenciennes library; but the author has given us his own name
in several passages. It is divided into four books, and was written, as
Dicuil himself tells us, in the years 814-816 a.p., when he was
teaching in one of the schools of the King of the Franks, Louis le
Débonnaire, to whom the work is dedicated.

The four books are written in Latin in a peculiar mixture of prose
and verse, and treat in the main of astronomical matters. Incidentally
grammatical and metrical questions are touched upon.

The only authors quoted by name are Pythagoras and the
grammarian Donatus. Among other things, the treatise contains
rules for finding what month it is, counting from April, and what
day of the month, what the moon’s age is, and what days Easter
and the beginning of Lent fall upon. The great cycles of the

Espos1ro—Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 379

sun and moon, the lunar cycle of nineteen years, the cycles of the
stars, and also the length of the solar and lunar years, are discussed.
At the beginning of the second book there is an account of the distances
between heaven and earth, and between the seven planets, where
some curious figures are given, though we are not told how these
numbers were arrived at.

At the end of the last book there are some curious speculations
about the existence of a south polar star, and about the revolutions of
the planets. Here Dicuil shows that critical spirit, so rare in the
ninth century, which has excited the surprise and admiration of the
commentators of his geographical tract. Thus in explaining the
apparent motion of the sun and stars according to the theory then
adopted, he notices its unsatisfactory nature, and remarks that if
anyone would give him a better solution of the problem, he would
gladly adopt it. In another place he unfortunately omits to discuss
the influence of the moon on the tides, because, as he remarks, he
was then living far away from the sea, and would leave that matter
to those dwelling on the coast.

Among the most remarkable things in the treatise are the sets
of sixteen-syllable rhyming couplets at the end of the first book, which
attracted the special attention of the German scholar Diimmler, the
discoverer of the work. Students of medieval Latinity—a subject
now-a-days of such importance that chairs of it have been established
at several German Universities, notably at Berlin, Gottingen, and
Munich—will find these verses, and also the discussion on metre and
how to write certain kinds of poetry, highly interesting. ‘To the
historian of astronomy the treatise is all the more valuable from the
fact that we have very few medieval works on astronomy, written in
western Europe, and because it gives a succinct account of practically
all that was known on the subject in the ninth century. Most of
Dicuil’s information seems to be derived from his own personal
knowledge of the calculations employed by the Churches of Ireland,
England, and France in regulating the Calendar for the observance of
the various religious festivals. It is possible that he also got some
information from such works as the ‘‘Cursus Paschalis” of Victorius of
Aquitaine, recently published by Mommsen in his Chronica Mizora.

In conclusion, I may say that the whole work is full of interesting
and curious information, and it is certainly surprising that it has
never yet been published. It is important not only to the historian
of medieval science and to the student of medieval Latinity, but also
as a monument of Irish learning in the ninth century.

380 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

PRAEFATIO.

Liser ineditus de astronomia, a Dicuilo monacho Hibernico annis
post Chr. n. 814-816 conscriptus, Hludowico Pio dedicatus, primum
in codice No. 386 bibliothecae Valentianensis ab Ernesto Duemmlero
repertus est, qui brevem eius notitiam dedit in commentatione de
reliquiis manuscriptis poetarum aevi Carolini.'

Auctor catalogi bibliothecae Valentianensis, Mangeartus,? cum
Sandero® atque editoribus historiae litterariae Galliae* Alcuino librum
attribuerunt, sed versus sequentes,

“Wicml haec eso'quaciecl arguments"... =

‘¢ Dicuil haec ego‘quae feci 10ca”*®.. 2.2...
satis Dicuilum auctorem fuisse demonstrant. Hibernicum fuisse
quoque haec verba docent, ‘‘mea gens in Hibernia.””

Praeter librum de astronomia composuit libellum de mensura orbis
terrae anno 825, epistolam versusque de arte grammatica,® de quibus
omnibus in noya libri cosmographici editione disseram.

Codex Valentianensis, N. 4. 43 (No. 386 catalogi Mangearti), olim
antiquae bibliothecae coenobii S. Amandi, N. 247,° membranaceus,
litteris minusculis, saeculo nono exeunte, scriptus, 118 foliis constat.

ff. 1-26: Liber Ysidori de Rethorica et Dialectica.

ff. 27-56: Disputatio de Rethorica et de Virtutibus Regis Karoli
et Magistri Albini.

fo. 57r°: Sententiae Septem Sapientium.

ff. 57-62: Philosophia Theorica, Practica, et Logica, cum prologo
Origenis de Cantico Canticorum.

ff. 62-65 r°: Dicta seu Prophetia Sybillae Magae.

fo. 65 v°: Versus Sybillae de die judicii.

ff. 66-118: Dicuili Liber de Astronomia. In hae editione fere

1 Neues Archiy der Gesellschaft fiir altere Deutsche Geschichtskunde, 1879,
Band iv, pp. 256 sqq.

* Catalogue des mss. de la Bibliothéque de Valenciennes, Paris, 1860, pp. 375 sqq.

3 Bibliotheca Belgica mss., Insulis 1641, Pars 1, p. 44.

4 Histoire Littéraire de la France, tome vi, 1742, pp. ix, x.

5 De Astronomia I, cap. vi, 5, huius editionis.

6 Loc. cit., cap, vill, 5. 7 Loe. cit., cap. v, 2.

8 Vide Letronne, Recherches sur Dicuil, etc., 1814; Ebert, Literatur des
Mittelalters, Band ii, 1880, pp. 392-4; Diimmler, Poetae Latini Aevi Carolini,
tom. ii, 1884, pp. 666-668.

® Sanderus, loc. cit., p. 54.

Espostro—Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 381

semper codicis orthographiam secutus sum, quare conservanda putavi
pasca et pascha, decennovennalis et decennovenalis, ymnus, ciclus,
Aprelis, ete.

In libro astronomico citantur modo a Dicuilo? Donatus, Pytha-
goras et *‘ philosophi.”’ Praeter Dicuilum complures fuerunt Hibernici,
qui de astronomia scripserunt, inter quos memorabo Columbanum,
Virgilium Salisburgensem, Dungalum, Marianum Scottum.*

DICUILI
LIBER DE ASTRONOMIA
Capitula primi libelli incipiunt.
I. Quotus mensis sit ab Apreli.
11. De contrariis regulis quae possunt non esse.
m1. De contrariis regulis quae non possunt abesse.
Tu. Quotus sit dies mensis.
vy. De contrariis regulis semper manentibus.
vi. De crescenti numero et per semet multiplicato.
vil. De duobus ciclis decennovenalibus.
vit. De ludificis versibus.
vitt1. De ymno per rythmum facto.

Capitula secundi libelli.

I. Quantum dicunt philosophi spatium inter terram et caelum, et
quanta intervalla inter errantia sidera septem.
11. Quotus mensis lunaris sit a pascali luna.
u1. De contrariis regulis.
tm. Quotus mensis lunaris sit aliter exploratus.
v. Quota sit aetas lunae.
vi. Quota sit aetas lunae aliter explorata.
viz. Ymnus per rythmum factus.
vu. Versus docentes pascales regulas ac regulas initii quadragesimae.

1 Vide Letronne, Recherches sur Dicuil, pp. i-ii.

ot, cap. vill, 6; 1, éap. i, 1, 45 rv, cap. vi,.2; 3; cap, vil, 5,‘etc.

3 Vide Houzeau et Lancaster, Bibliographie de l’Astronomie, tome i*", 1887-89,
pp. 502, 1401, 1448. De astronomica scientia aevi Carolini vide Cantor, Vor-
lesungen iiber Geschichte der Mathematik, 1894, Band i, pp. 781-790; Sickel,
Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akademie, Philosoph.-Histor. Klasse 1875, 38, p. 133 ;
Mommsen, Chronica Minora, 1892 sqq., passim; Annals of Ulster, vol. iv, 1901,
pp. xiv—clxxxi.

5382

VIIII.

Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

De bissexto et saltu aliquando turbantibus, aliquando non tur-
bantibus communes regulas inter initium quadragesimae et
pasca.

. De locis bissexti ac saltus.

De annis solaribus atque lunaribus.

. De ciclis qui sunt et qui non sunt, et si fuissent quanta longi-

tudine fuissent.
De ludificis versibus.

. De ymno per rythmum facto.

Capitula tertii libelli.

De ciclis stellarum.

. De ciclo decennovenalium.
. De ciclo magno solis ac lunae capitula xiii.

De primo die naturaliter anni. °

Capitula quarti libelli.

. De bissexto solari.
. De saltu lunari.!
. De saltu lunari.

De bissexto lunari verissime.

. De tarditate lunae post celerem solem.
. De tarditate solis post stellas veloces.
. De diebus et momentis ac partibus momentorum, in quibus sol

transit in hereditatem sideream tantum spatii quantum luna
in uno die intrat.

Menstrua si cupias hic argumenta videbis.

LIBELLUS PRIMUS.
CARY ale

Nune genitum Carolo volo dilectare loquendo,
Perludum faciens illi argumenta canendo.

Ecce quotus mensis si vis haec scire memento,
Prorsus ab Apreli incipiens ita iura probare.

De quibus ulla prius nunquam argumenta fuere.

Dr menseE APRELI.

Si quotus mensis estab Apreli, argumentando intellegere volueris,

a Kalendis eiusdem Aprelis, lunari saltu completo, denas epactas lunae

Kspostro— Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 383

habentibus, principium cicli huius rationis semper incipe, ac epactas
vigesimi quinti diei praecedentis mensis Martii. Sed ita e contrario
retrorsum conversas, ut fiunt primae novissimae et novissimae pri-
maeque, sic infra hoc ordine scribuntur praevide: xxi, x, xxviiii,
evil, Vil, KKVi, XV, illl, XXUl, -XMy 1, Rhy Rly REVI, Xvii, vi, xxv,
Xllii, iii.

Cum nunc in septimo decimo simus incipiente certe anno, epactas
septimum decimum locum possidentes in ordine retrogrado, quae
etiam xxv sunt, ac naturales ordinaliter epactas, quot fuerint in
Kalendis praesentis cuiuscumque mensis, ut puta nunc vi, mente
diligenter conspiciente pariter congrega. Quae porro xxxi fiunt; de
his xxx expulsis, unus remanet. Sic primus mensis huius rationis,
hoc est Aprelis esse videtur.

3. Sic in omnibus diebus mensis Aprelis hanc rationem indubitanter
considerabis, verbi gratia, praedictas retrogradas epactas cum lunae
aetate cuiuscumque diei Aprelis simul iunge, ut puta in tertio decimo
die modo ipsius, octava decima luna fieri videtur. Si cum retro-
gradis epactis, quae xxv sunt in hoc anno, xviii coniunxeris, xliii
erunt ; de his si expellas xxx, remanent xiii. Ab istis quot reman-
serunt postquam xxx abstuleris, quotcunque fuerunt dies a principio
mensis ante praesentem quemque diem, in quo computabis epactas,
quas coniunges cum retrogradis, ut puta nunc xu, subtrahe, remanet
unus. Ita primus mensis, hoc est Aprelis, argumentans fore pro-
babitur.

4. Si post consumptam lunam in eadem mense, eandem rationem
speculari volueris, retrogradas epactas quotcumque fuerint, ut puta
xxv, atque integram lunam in isto mense finitam, ac aetatem lunae
in quocumque die eiusdem mensis, verbi causa, in vigesimo septimo
die, tertiam lunam, quae pariter, lvii cumulabunt, in unum congrega;
ablatis xxx, remanent xxvii. Ex his quot fuerunt praecedentes
omnes dies a principio mensis, ut puta xxvi, ante diem in quo con-
sideravimus epactas, proice, remanet unus. Ita primus mensis, id est
Aprelis, praesens esse cognoscitur.

De Mato.

5. Si praedictas epactas retrogradi ordinis, id est xxv, et epactas
naturales, quae in Kalendis mensis sequentis erunt, id est vil, simul
lungas, XXXli constabunt ; subtractis xxx, non amplius quam 11 re-
manent. Ita secundus mensis esse monstrabitur.

6. Sic in cunctis diebus mensis Maii idem ius praevideto, hoc
est epactas cuiuscumque diei illius, verbi gratia, quinti decimi <liei,

384 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

quae in isto anno xxi sunt, epactasque xxv retrogradi ordinis simul
compone ; quae xlvi.fiunt. Ab his aufer xxx; remanent xvi. Ex
istis 1iterum universos ab initio mensis dies, antecedentes diem, in quo
epactas numerayimus, subtrahe ; remanent duae. Ita secundus mensis
ab Apreli praesens fore intellegitur.

7. Si post finitam lunam epactas cuiuscumque diei in eodem mense,
ut puta vigesimi septimi, quae tres sunt et lunam prius integram, ac
retrogradas epactas, quae pariter lviii erunt, coniungas ; expulsis xxx,
remanent xxviii. Ex his si proicias eiusdem mensis dies quotcumque
fuerint, ut puta xxvi, praecedentes diem, in quo epactas numeravimus,
remanent duae. Sic secundus mensis indubitanter fieri cernitur.

De Ivnio.

8. Si cumulaueris iterum praenunciatas epactas xxv cum epactis
Kalendarum tertil mensis, quae sunt vill, xxxill fore manifestantur.
Sic xxx proiectis, 11 remanentes, tertius mensis id est Iunius esse
videbitur.

9. Sic in universis diebus eiusdem Iunii eadem ratio consistit. Si
epactas culuscumque diei in eo, verbi causa, tertii decimi, quae in hoe
anno xx sunt atque retrogradas epactas, quae videlicet una xlv fiunt,
copulaveris ; ab his xxx sublecti, remanent xv. $i rursum ab isdem
dies quotcumque fuerint, ut puta xii antecedentes diem epactarum,
quas computando praevidimus, abstuleris, remanent il. Ita tertius
mensis esse manifesta videtur.

10. Si post terminatam lunam eadem iura scire volueris, epactas
lunares culuscumque diel eius mensis, verbi gratia vigesimi quinti,
quae ii sunt ac totam praecedentem lunam retrogradasque epactas
congrega, quae copulatae omnino lvii cumulant; subtractis xxx, re-
manent xxvii. Ex his iterum si auferas xxii dies antecedentes
diem epactarum, remanent ili. Sic tertius mensis ab Apreli fieri non
ignoratur.

11. Eodem modo in aliis cunctis sequentibus mensibus usque ad
finem Martii facito. Retrogradi ordinis per singulos annos epactis,
quae primum Apreli deputantur, omnibus mensibus aequaliter iunctis.
Sed quando congregatio epactarum retrogradi ordinis et epactarum
pariter, quae fiunt in Kalendis cuiuscumque mensis, minor quam xxx
contigerit, ab illo die usque ad finem Martii non abstrahito xxx. Nam
postquam numerum dierum a principio mensis praecedentium prae-
sentem diem, de numero praedictarum epactarum abstuleris, ostendet
tibl remanens numerus quotus mensis est ab Apreli. Alia quae in his
contraria esse contemplantur, in sequentibus dicam.

Esposiro—Astronomical Treatise by the Trish Monk Dicutl. 885

Cxp, TI.

1. Si postquam xxx subtraxeris vel cum nihil abstuleris, vii in
Kalendis remanserunt, primo tempore unum expellito, secundo nihil
proicito. Ita cum villi esse videris primo unum auferto, secundo
nullum. Pene sic dum xi fore conspexeris, primo unum separato,
secundo non solum nullum proicito sed etiam unum addere debes, et
dum xxx subtraxeris, cum nihil ante abstuleris, quando xii remanere
contemplaberis, unum semper auferto.

2. Sic in omnibus diebus illorum mensium facito. Sed si mensem
Augustum, trigesimo illus die terminans, finicris, et remanentem
illius diem sequenti Septembri coniunxeris, ut ita xxx dies atque
unum habeat, eodemque modo novissimum Octobris diem Novembri
addideris, at postremum Decembris Ianuario auxeris, ast non solum
ultimum Ianuarii, sed primum Martii diem Februario supplens cumu-
laveris, ut Martius non amplius habeat in ista ratione quam xxx dies,
sicut Augustus, October, ac December, omnes hic istae praedictae
contrariae regulae evanescentes nunquam erunt.

Cap, ITT.
De contraris regulis.

1. Si rursum alias contrarietates, quae in aliquibus locis, nisi
eaveantur, hance possunt turbare regulam, praevidere volueris, ut non
variare istam valeant, horum quidem curiose memor esto.

Ut in prima parte semper octavi anni, hoc est in Maio inveniendo,
unum regularem augeas, et in Lulio, si non trigesimam sed vigesimam
nonam in Kalendis illus verius lunam observare volueris. Ac in
Maio etiam, semper in nono decimo anno similiter facias. Atque si
in Kalendis Februarii in decimo tantum primam lunam invenias,
lunam eiusdem Februarii in fine Januarii consumptam pariter cum
prima praedicta luna iungas. Sed, si trigesimam embolismi lunam
verius quam primam in Kalendis Februari, servare volueris in Martio,
non unum, sed duos regulares augeto.

2. Si autem in novissimo anno lunarem saltum, more Anglorum,
in vigesimo quarto die mensis Novembris observaveris, ubi conse-
quenter x videas, unarium expellito, ubi xii primo vel xiii, binarium
proicito, ubi xii novissime, regulariter. Idcirco hance rationem ab
Apreli incipio, quia mensis (2) pascalis, qui secundum diurnum prae-
ceptum principium lunarium mensi tenet, aut in Apreli finitur, aut

386 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

incipit, aut omnis in illo conducitur, et quin hic vere primus est
mensis post lunarem saltum.

In Christo domino felix sine fine valete.

Gloria morte carens iam sit tibi summa perennis.

Cap. IIIT.

1. Quippe quotum lumen, si vis cognoscere, mensis,
Quotque dies sunt illius reliqui, ista videto.

De APRELI.

Si quotus dies est mensis argumentari concupiscas, a Kalendis
Aprelis, ut prius dictum est, incipe, et praedictas epactas vigesimi
quinti diei mensis Martii retro conversim praescriptas, quae sequntur
observa :

XXi, X; XXVilll, XVII, xii (3), RXVl, XV, Ill, XXII, Wily ip dems
Vill, HXVUUL, XVily Vi, KEV, RIN, ae

Cum in mense modo Apreli iniamus, in septimo decimo, ut prae-
dictum est, anno, epactas septimum decimum locum in ordine
retrogrado habentes, quae etiam xxv sunt, ac naturales epactas
praesentis cuiuscumque diei, quot fuerint, ut puta nune xxiii, simul
iunge, quae porro xlviu fiunt; de his xxx semper expulsis, xvill
remanent. Sic octavus decimus dies mensis Aprelis hodie esse videtur.

2. Si rursum quot forte dies praesentis mensis usque ad Kalendas
alterlus sequentis restant, cognoscere volueris, lunae aetates, quae
post xxx supra fuerant, verbi gratia nune xviii, de isdem xxx prius
expulsis, iterum subtrahe, remanentibus xii. Sic palam xii tantum
dies usque ad Kalendas succedentis mensis restant. Ita in Februario
sed cum duobus regularibus additis semper fac. 3. Si iterum primam
rationem plene contemplari desideraveris per nuntiatas epactas retro-
gradas, id est xxv, atque integram lunam in hoc mense omnino
finitam, succedentesque iterum in eodem mense epactas quot volueris,
ut puta i, cumula, quae simul lvii penitus fiunt. Post haec xxx
subtrahe ; sic xxvii remanent. Nec non vigesimus septimus dies ita
esse huius mensis deprehenditur. 4. Si quoque, quot dies eius mensis
usque ad Kalendas subsequentes restant, requiras, numeros, qui post
XXX expulsos remanserunt, ut sunt modo xxvii, sicut prius lucide
ostensum est, de eodem calculo primitus subtracto eice. Cum ili nune
supra fuerint, nec minus lili supra esse dies ante Kalendas sequentes
certum est. Quod si nihil supra fuerit de xxx, ita nihil remanere de
hoc tali mense videbis, sed Kalendas mensis sequentis crastino die
proyenire cognosces.

Espositro—Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 387

De Maro.

5. Si quotus quidem dies est mensis Maii non dubitare cupias,
epactas vigesimi quarti diei mensis Martii ficto ordine retrorsum ita
conversas, XX, Viili, xXvill, xvii, vi, XXV, Xilli, lll, xxl, xl, xxx,
XViili, viii, XXvVil, XVl, V, XXill1, Xili, 11, atque epactas praesentis diel,
quot fuerint, ut puta xxiii, pariter compone, quae penitus xlvii fiunt ;
Xxx repulsis, xvil solum modo remanent. Sic septimus decimus
mensis Maii dies adesse videtur. Si rursus easdem epactas xyll, quae
post xxx remanserunt, sed uno prius ab illis subtracto, ut xvi tantum
sint, de xxx dempseris, nec minus nec maius quam xlili superabunt.
Sic xiii dies usque ad Kalendas succedentes consistunt. Si post
unum expulsum nihil habeas quod de xxx repellas, xxx dies usque
ad finem mensis remanere videbis. Sic in Iulio, Augusto, Octobri,
Decembri, Januario, Martioque eadem regula procul dubio permanet,
eo quod unum amplius diem quam i111 alii menses habent.

6. Si rursum primam regulam diligenter discutias, fictas retro
epactas integramque lunam in tempore huius mensis consumptam, et
praesentes epactas, quot fuerint, verbi gratia ii, iunge. Quae simul
lyii fiunt; sic xxx relictis, xxvii supra sunt. Nihilo minus vigesimus
septimus mensis Maii dies adfore conspicitur.

Si eandem computationem epactarum post xxx expulsos remanen-
tium, sed sicut nuper praedictum est, una minus aetate, ut nunc xxvi
sunt, de hisdem xxx iterum disiungas, 1111 tantum modo superant. Ita
lili dies usque ad Kalendas subsequentes supra esse cernuntur. Sic
in aliis mensibus qui plus quam xxx dies habent, ceu praenunciatum
est, haec regula manebit.

7. Sic rursum vigesimi tertii diei mensis Martii conversas retro
epactas, quae sequuntur [unio deputa :

mm, yi, XXVi, XVI, V, XXIill, Xill, 11, XX1, X, XXVIll, Xvlu, VU,
XXV1, XV, lili, xXxXlil, xli,i. Sic vigesimi secundi diei Martii conversim
Salo: XXilil, Vil, XXVi, XV, lili, xxiii, Xii, 1, XX, Villi, xxviill, xvii,
Vi, XXV, Xiili, iii, xxii, xi, xxx. Sic vigesimi primi diei Marti
Mmeusto; Xvil, Vi, XXV, Xilii, ili, xxii, Xl, xxx, XVlili, Vili, XXVHl,
XVl, V, XXiiil, ii, xxi, x, xxvilli. Ita sunt novissimae epactae huius
praedicti retrogradi ordinis, quae primae naturaliter constant, quasi
prius lunaris saltus fuisset. Sicut in aliis epactis retrorsum versis
sequentibus erit. Sic noni decimi diei Martii, Septembri, Octobrique:
HY, lili, XXiii, xii, i, xx, Viili, xxviii, xvii, Vi, XXV, Xlill, iil, xxi, x1,
XXX, XVilli, xvii, vi, xxv. Sic septimi decimi Martii, Novembri, ac
Decembri: xiii, ii, xxi, x, xxviili, xviii, vii, xxvi, xv, lili, xxii, xi,

388 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

1, XX, Vllll, XXVili, XVli, vi, xxv. Sic quinti decimi diei Martii prae-
cedentis in Ianuario atque Martio sequenti: xi, xxx, xviii, viii,
XXViy XV1;-V, KRUG, Xill, Ny KIX, KKVIN, Xvid, vu, xxvii xy ae
xxii. Sic quarti decimi diei mensis Martii positas conversim epactas |
soli Februario coniunge: xX, XXVilll, XVlll, Vil, XXV1, XV, llll, xxiii,
X15, 2 WA KV, KV, Vy Koy. MINIT), oem,

Car. V.

1. Sed in octavo videlicet istius rationis anno, in mense semper
Maio, et in Iulio si non trigesimam nonam lunam in Kalendis illius
esse dicas, ac in nono decimo in Maio, atque in decimo anno in Martio,
sl non primam sed trigesimam embolismi lunam in Kalendis Februarii
fore adfirmare cupieris, unum regularem addito. Nam si primam
utique lunam in Februarii Kalendis magis esse volueris, praedicti
elusdem Februarii lunam in novissimo die mensis [anuarii finitam,
cum epactis unius cuiusque diei in omni Februario simul cumulato.
Verum etiam in Martio nihil communem regulam turbabit. Etsi
lunarem saltum in vigesimo quarto die mensis Novembris, secundum
Anglos, complere volueris ab illo etiam die usque ad ultimum mensis
Martii diem, epactis naturalibus unius cuiusque praesentis diei, atque
epactis positi retrorsum ordinis, pariter iunctis, unum subtrahito ante
quam xxx repellas.

2. Sed si secundum Grecorum ac Latinorum regulam, quam mea
gens in Hibernia in hac ratione semper custodit, praedictum saltum in
vigesimo secundo die mensis Martii sequentis, iuxta primum tempus
creationis lunae rationabiliter observaveris. Unum, quem praediximus

expelli nisi in decem tantum modo novissimis diebus mensis Marti,
tamen non proicito.

3. Praeterita aut praesens sic non fallet me futura ;

In cunctis quota sit semper lux mensibus anni.

‘Te summus dominus semper custodiat almus,

Ut fugias geminum peccantum rite periclum.

Car. V1.

1. Kn iterum poteris bina argumenta videre,

Si placet auriculis nova iura haec sumere vestris ;

Id crescens numerus per sese ac multiplicatus,

Ut per se semper monstrentur utrique vicissim.
2. Si vis numerum, quem geometrico trigonum iure philosophi
hominant, quem saepe dicimus crescentem numerum, apte per

Kspostro— Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 389

argumentum magis facile cognoscere, e contra quam per simplicem
communis rationem sermonis quemcumque volueris numerum per
sequentem continuatim, et eundem sequentem eodem modo per prac-
cedentem debes multiplicare. fPraedictis binis numeris alternatim
per se multiplicatis, relicta altera, dimidiam solam partem teneto,
quam semper triangulum numeri prioris habebis. Nam in crescentis
numeri ratione semper quantum dicis, tantum addere servabis supra
omnes praecedentes ab unario congregatos pariter numeros. Si enim
v sexies multiplicaveris, xxx habebis, expulsa dimidia eiusdem numeri
parte, xv remanere videntur, Quos iure crescentis numeri quinarius
possidet. Quando dico unarium, unum solum hahebo. Quando bina-
rium, iunctu cum unario simul, ii. Quando ternarium cum binis
antecedentibus summulis, vi. Quando quaternarium, x. Quando
quinarium, xv plene esse videbo. Sic semper in aliis cunctis haec
regula immobiliter stabit.

3. Si rursum per trigonum vicissim scire multiplicatum per semet
ipsum numerum desideres, trigono per binarium semper crescente, de
illa dupliciter multiplicatione numerum, quo novissime suppletus fuerit
ille triangulus, subtrahe, post haec per se ipsum multiplicatus totus
tantum remanebit numerus. Nam si ex triangulo senarii, qui per
binarium ductus xli efficit, senarium expellas, factos per senarium
numeros solum modo hoc est xxxvi remanere non dubitabis. Qui
compotus per senarium multiplcatum per se ipsum procreatur, Cum
sine hac regula trigonus in multitudine nimis crescens difficulter
agnoscitur. Per hance igitur rationem ingeniosus quisque eum sine
labore reperiet. Ita inter utrumque numerum per haec duo argu-
menta alter alterum monstrabit.

4. Si cupias, breviter hoc ius per metra profabor,

Quod prius historicae narravi famine prosae.
Namque iuvat merito mutatio saepe ciborum,
Praesertim regum mensis dum multa parantur.
Propter ea regi pauper convivia feci.

Ut vidua Heliae dans caenam aliena parabat.
Postremum ecce prior si multiplicaverit in se
Dimidia numerus crescens in parte locatur.
Quinque quater facti viginti rite creabunt,
Dimidiam partem, denos qui semper habebunt,
Crescenti in numero retinent quos quattuor ili,
Cernitur en numerus crescens per multiplicatum.
Si post, consumpto primo, vis scire secundum
Hic argumentum, quae contemplare sequuntur.

390

Proceedings of the Royai Lrish Academy.

Crescentem numerum si iam duplicaveris, ille,
Qui per se crescit pulsa genitrice manebit.
Crescentem numerum retinet quinarius omnem.
Quinque ter educti bis qui triginta locabunt,

Ex quis si fuerint disiuncte quinque relicti,

In iurum norma viginti quinque manebunt.
Quem numerum penitus per semet quinque creabunt.
Sic inter numeros praedictos famine binos,

Alter et alterius quod monstrat iura videtur.
Proditor alterius, velut alter uterque vicissim
Esset, cum nec hic illius vult damna videre.
Successor Caroli, felix Hloduice, valeto,

Dicuil haec ego quae feci argumenta videto,
Post octingentos post septennosque bis annos.
Conceptu domini haec in mense sequente peregri.
Namque cito adventum speravi cernere vestrum,
Dum mensis Maius septem bis lumina sumit,
Cum vobis tribuant dites iam munera digna.
Tradere tum volui quamvis mea iulea dona.
Nam vidua attribuens templo sua bina minuta,
Jam maiora dedit quam plurima dona potentum.
Sic ego quod potui vobis donare cupivi.

Ecce fere stabulis armenta crescesque feruntur.
Corpora tarda boum dissolvens fessus arator.

Esposito — Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 391

Car. VII.
1. Tempora per lunae cursum tyrania cerne,
Ut quotus est mensis vel lux mensis quota noscas,

Epactae in Kalendis omnium mensium secundum tempus praece-
dentium argumentorum :

Mai. | Iun. | Iul. | Aug. | Sep. | Oct. | Nov. | Dec. | Ian. ; Feb. | Mar.
|
x1 SUG ys IE, |e KUTT XV] xXvVi]. XVili| xviii 2.8.4 XXl aXe
| |
Xxil | Xxili| Xxilll XXV} XXV1l1| XXVIi |XXVilli |XxViili 1 ii | i
| | |
TT UT Vv v1 Vill Vili xl x Xt} xiii xii
| |
mini |. Xilli xV RV KVL | eV acviltl Sxl XX1| XXill} xxilli]. xxiii
Emb.
ee | ° oe eee | ee oe eevee Seco
Xxiili KXV | XXvi| xxvii| xxviii] xxx| xxx il ii lili V lili
|
Vv vi vil Vili | villi xl X1 Xill X1ll XV xvi XV
|
XVi xvii | xXVili| XViiii XxX| Xxil| XXilL| Xxilii| xxilli| xxvii] xxvii| xxvi
XXVii | XXVii |XxViiii} xxx i re) icemes 01 v Vv vii} viii vii
Vili| viiil 5 mal SUL | oe RD | Xvi Xvi | XV} xvilll| xviii
|
XViill xXx Xxi] xxii} xxiii]. xxv| xxv| xxvii| xxvii |xxviili| i |Xxviili
Emb. | = ot 3 it ne
KX 1 | il ill lili vi Vi vill Vili x xi x
xi Sr te oe XV|.xXvill| xvll| xviii} xvViiil XX1| xxi Xxl
| ~
E mb.
xii) Xxlil| Xxlli| xxv). XXVi1|xXxvVill|xXxvill| xxx| xxx il lil il
lil liil al vi Vli| . viili|. Vilii | xi xi Xlii| xilii Xili
Xilii XV Xvi| xvil| xVil xx Sx fp. KIL) + RX | XX xxv | Xxilii
|
Xxv| XXV1| XXVii | XXViil |xXxvilil i | i ili iii v | Vi | Vv
|
vi | Vil Vill | Vlili >. xii Xil| xiii} xi XVi| xvii xvi
|
XVll| xXViii | Xvilli xx xxi| xxiii] xxiii] xxv| xxv! xxvil| xxvili| xxvii
E-mb. Emb.
XXVill |KXViill| Xxx i li lili lili vi vi Vill} viii Vill

| __ ! E Ae. Penge a SS = ae

392 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

2. Praescriptae secundum quosdam in aliquibus aliter rursum
scriptae :

| | | | |
Apl, -| Mai.) fumes) Tul. | Aug. | Sep. | Oct.-| Nov. | Dec. |) Tanz) Web-a| sia
x xi| xii| xiii| xiii] © xvi XV1 || XvVili | Xvill | “xx xxi xm
XX1| XXii| XxXili| xxiiii| xxv] XXVil| XXVil |KXVUU |xxvull i li i
il ii} iil v | Vi | Vili x x De xi xiii xii
Xlii| Xlili| XV XVi1| Xvil| xVilli| Xviill Od XxXi| Xxiil| xxilli| xxiii
| Emb.
RM oy KVL | XX VI VA) eK | ke 11 ll lili Vv lili
Vv v1 Vii} viii| viiii x Xi) xi Xili XV xvi XV
| |
Xvi] xvii| xviii] xvilii}] xx] Xxil| xxii| xxiii] xxili| xxvi| xxvil| xxvE
Emb. | |
XXVIi | XXVIi |XXVi111 XXv1i11 | 1 lll lll Vv Vv Vil vill Vil
viii | viiii | 5K x1 phi (ammo abbok | | G-ebbkt Xvl XV1| Xviil| xvilli| xvili
eese | . o. eee oe | ee oe eeee «sla
XVI xx| xxi! xxii] xxiii| xxii] xxv] XXVIl| XXVil|xxvilll| xxx |xxviuil
SOX i il ill 1111 | vil vi vill vill x xi | x
|
xa xii! xili| xiiii xv[ xXvli| xvii| XViiil| XvVilil XX1) xxii xxi
Emb.
RX) XR | KIT | KV |) PRT key ey eK Ke 11 lil li
ill lili Vv Vi | vil| villi| villi el Xl Xili| xiii xiii
Xilli xv| xvil| xvii| xviii 5.8 KXx| Xxil| xxii| xxilii] xxv| xxilil
xxv | xxvi| xxvii | XXVili |xxvilii i i iii lil Vv vi Vv
v1 vil Vili | viii | x Xi | Xi!) i) | ev xa Xvi
XVl1| Xvili| xVilli XG XxXi| xxili! xxiii] xxv] xxv|/ xxvil|xxviil| xxvil
Emb. Salt. :
XK VT |X XVI || ORK i il lili lili vi Vii| viili x} vil
| A

Quisquis vult facile hace scripta argumenta videre,
Hos binos ciclos studeat sic scribere certe.

Cir vel:

1. In his versiculis ludens enigmata canto.
Plurima decrescunt per quae crescuntque minora.
Quatuor en tantum versus retinere videbis.
Porro pedes quadringentos triginta duosque,
Unusquisque tenens centum semel ac semel octo,
Mille octoque simul iam quorum syllabae habentur.

Esrosrro—Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil, 398

Tu quartum partem quartam discernere nosces,

Quae nec longior una manet quam pagina parva,

Ad dextram partem gradiens a parte sinistra.

Nec non viginti quingentas milia bina.

Litterulas idem versus bini bis habebunt.

Unus versiculus quot congregat haud dubitabis.

Quod minus est auxi, quod maius de me recuro.
2. Versiculos novies plene meditabimur octo,

Qui tenuere pedes viginti quattuor in se.

Tamquam pes unus posset tres condere versus,

In quis syllabae erunt sex quinquagintaque tantum

In numero versus, quae non aequare valebunt.

Per sex atque decem nam stant his quippe (4) minores,

In quis litterulae centum triginta decemque.

Litterulae sedem unius dyptongus habendo,

Quae duplicem numerum nec habebunt versiculorum.

Sex triginta quater duplum horum namque videmus.

Has binas vere rationes esse probabis.

Quae loquor haec quoniam confestim iura sequuntur.
3. Quattuor incipiunt multos qui rite creabunt,

Tempora ferventis velocis cernite solis

Roscida servantes tardantis lumina lunae

Menstrua metimur longos per sidera ciclos

Lucida mutatis miscentes famina verbis.

Quattuor aspectis praescriptis versibus istis,

Sex duodenos versiculos iam cerne futuros.

Quicquid habent multi paucorum iure videtur,

Nec plus multi aliud quam quod pauci ante prehendunt.
4. Quattuor incipiunt L sex triginta bis odae.

Tempora ferventis velocis cernite solis

Roscida servantes tardantis lumina lunae

Menstrua metimur longos per sidera ciclos

Lucida mutatis miscentes famina verbis

Cernite velocis ferventis tempora solis

Lumina tardantis servantes rosvida lunae

Sidera per longos metimur menstrua ciclos

Famina miscentes mutatis lucida verbis

Tempora miscentes per longos cernite solis

Roscida ferventis servantes lumina lunae

Menstrua mutatis tardantis sidera ciclos

Lucida velocis metimur famina verbis

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. C. [37]

394

Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Cernite per longos miscentes tempora solis
Lumina servantes ferventis roscida lunae
Sidera tardantis mutatis menstrua ciclos
Famina metimur velocis lumina verbis
Lucida servantes miscentes famina solis.
Menstrua per longos ferventis sidera lunae
Roscida mutatis velocis lumina ciclos
Tempora metimur tardantis cernite verbis
Famina miscentes servantes lucida solis
Sidera ferventis per longos menstrua lunae
Lumina velocis mutatis roscida ciclos
Cernite tardantis metimur tempora verbis
Cernite tardantis velocis tempora solis
Lumina metimur servantes roscida lunae
Sidera per longos ferventis menstrua ciclos
Famina mutatis miscentes lucida verbis
Tempora velocis tardantis cernite solis
Roscida servantes metimur lumina lunae
Menstrua ferventis per longos sidera ciclos
Lucida miscentes mutatis famina verbis
Famina mutatis metimur lucida solis
Sidera tardantis velocis tempora lunae
Lumina servantes miscentes menstrua ciclos
Cernite ferventis per longos roscida verbis
Lucida metimur mutatis famina solis
Tempora velocis tardantis sidera lunae
Menstrua miscentes servantes lumina ciclos
Roscida per longos ferventis cernite verbis
Roscida per longos miscentes lumina solis
Lucida servantes ferventis famina lunae
Tempora tardantis mutatis cernite ciclos
Menstrua metimur servantes sidera verbis
Sidera servantes metimur menstrua solis
Cernite mutatis tardantis tempora lunae
Famina ferventis servantes lucida ciclos
Lumina miscentes per longos tempora verbis
Menstrua velocis tardantis sidera solis
Tempora servantes metimur cernite lunae
Lucida ferventis per longos famina ciclos
Roscida miscentes mutatis lumina verbis
Lumina mutatis miscentes roscida solis

Espostro— Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil.

Famina per longos ferventis lucida lunae
Cernite metimur servantes tempora ciclos
Sidera tardantis velocis menstrua verbis
Lumina ferventis servantes roscida solis

Famina miscentes per longos lucida lunae
Cernite velocis mutatis tempora ciclos

Sidera metimur tardantis menstrua verbis
Menstrua tardantis metimur sidera solis
Tempora mutatis velocis cernite lunae

Famina miscentes servantes lucida ciclos
Roscida servantes ferventis lumina verbis

Sidera metimur mutatis menstrua solis

Cernite velocis tardantis tempora lunae

Famina miscentes servantes lucida ciclos
Lumina per longos ferventis roscida verbis
Roscida ferventis per longos lumina solis
Lucida servantes miscentes famina lunae
Tempora tardantis velocis cernite ciclos
Menstrua mutatis metimur sidera verbis.
Longaevus victor Caesar Hloduice valeto,

Dicuil haec ego quae feci ioca visa teneto.

Bis novies moti versus hac arte quaterni,
Linguarum numero ludo sic ecce fruuntur.
Unusquisque movet versus hic ordine partes,
Bis binas statuens aliis in sedibus ipsas

Praeter particulam, quae sede priore meretur,
Nomen habendo locum primas haec ante sorores.
Namque manet habitans prior ipsa prioribus (5) ipsa,
In his carminibus tantum quae quinta movetur,
In quoquo manet versu per iura movendi.
Quanquam ora- tantum partes velut esse -tionis.
Bis binae semper mutatae quippe valebunt

In his versiculis praedictis iure movendi,

Rite sub accentu cum pars velut una videtur.
Haec pars et casus iam cui coniungitur apte,
Donato atque aliis vere testantibus illud.

Tura loquens forsan haec verba superflua dico,
Semper versificis in his dum narro loquelis,
Dum per eum canimus non curat carmina nostra.
Quanquam solam ipsam coniunxi in carmine regi,
Ex illo fieret quasi dux in honore secundo.

395

396 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Quamvis sit praesens ego cum sibi carmina canto.
Non aurem mihi, non verbum, non munera reddit,
Non oculis cernit, mente haud me cogitat umquam.
Sed tamquam muto et surdo sensu absque canebam.
Sic stolide cecini insensato carmina vana,

Vel sicut duro domino tumidoque potenti.

Ob hoe linquentes haec cetera iura canamus,

Huic ludo quae convenient ratione iocandi.

Tam, si spondet is, finem variaverit odae
Postremus constans versus, qui terminat istos ;
Hoc est ter rursum praeter hoc quod stat in arte.
Augebunt numerum bis centum atque bis octo,

Si simul hi numeri iuncti essent prorsum in unum,
Bis centum octo undecies utrique manerent.

Idem spondeus loca nam si prima teneret,

Bina bis in versu, et si dactilus ultimus esset,

Ut non versiculos ex iuris lege moveret,

Ceu valet in quinta versus regione manere.
Possent praedictis nec non certe addere summus,
Centum et mille semel denos quater atque bis hic sex,
Ut cuncti pariter versus numeri ordine certo

Mille semel centum quater ac deni quater essent.
Non solum binos versus bis novimus istos.

Tu sese ut quisquis tot dicta movere videtur,

Si coniungatur parti per porro sequenti,

Sed totidem partes mutant cuncti ecce loquelae.
Id nomen verbum trahit et quae nomen ab illis,
Et quae nomen habet qui preponitur ipsis
Litterulae primis binis in versibus ipsis

Sunt septem decies, totidem tenuere sequentes
Octonos, senos, trinos, binosque quaternos,

Sex cum trigenis, viginti cumque quaternis,

Cum denis octo, duodenos quippe novemque

Per numeros cernes hic multiplicando vicissim,
Denariis binis bis crescentes solidi sex.

Usuram parvi hance lucri volo reddere magnam,

Ut non inveniar servus malus ac piger esse,
Concupiens terram fodere abscondendo talentum.
Liber enim neque sum, cogar ne reddere censum,
Praesertim Franco portent dum munera regi.
Idcirco augusto censum portare parabo,

Espostro— Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 397

More volens illi famuli servire fidelis.
Conspice ludificum munus hoc vile peractum.
Hoe tibi si placeat paria addam munera rursum.
Splendidus occasu sol ignea lumina celans,
Sidera conducunt nigras nocturna tenebras.
7. Si moveretur spondeus in quinto loco in praedictis versibus, sic

mutaretur:
Solis verbis ciclos lunae

Lunae ciclos verbis solis
Ciclos lunae solis verbis
Verbis solis lunae ciclos.

Ita in primo et secundo ac tertio atque quarto loco eorundem
versuum.

Post (6) quatuor versus multiplicandos septuagies et bis, praedicti
numeri in aliquibus post ciclos prioribus versibus, cvili, cclii, dcxxx,
dexxx, dexlviii, dcxii. In aliis posterioribus versibus, cexvi, cclxxxviil.
In aliis continuo sequentibus, iclii, icccexl.

Caps VEE.

1. Quisquis videns voluerit hos versus reprehendere,
Cernat prius legitime modos communis syllabae,
Breves ac longas syllabas, pedes, tonos, communiter,
M et aplasmos et scemata, tropos, punctos, memoriter.
Ac duodena vitia, quae sunt in prosa turpia,

In metro cum peritia absque ulla stultitia,

Sed cum vere invenerit quod debet reprehendere,
More fraterno corrigat, ut me possit defendere.
Nam tumidae superbiae loquor verba audatia,
Sed tantum corde simplici narro vera veracia.
Quisquis es tu, fratercule, ora pro me saepissime,
Ut usum vitae sobriae consumam felicissime.
Gloria patri domino spiritui ac filio,

Hic et semper perpetuo sit in futuro saeculo.

398 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

LIBELLUS SECUNDUS.

Cap. I.

1. Quantum inter terram legimus culmenque polorum
Esse, hic argumenta videns lunaria, cernes.
Postquam iam cecini tantum de sole superno,
Pauca canam varie de lunae cursibus imae.

Multi adfirmantes semper currentis, ut aiant,
Aeris imi inter fines atque aetheris alti (7),

Ut subtus habeat quingentos milia dena
Leuearum numeros inter se et gramina terrae.
Rursum solis adusque vias a tramite lunae
Dupla ferunt fieri per calles aetheris alti.

Sic a sole iterum secerni sidera fixa

Tripliciter quantum a luna solem esse loquuntur.
Pythagoras primo docuit haec mente sagaci.
Ecce decem novies sic milia mille quaterque
Milleque dimidium iam leucarum unius una
Inter terrae orbem convexaque summa polorum.

2. Cum binae leucae non sint nisi milia trina,

Quas leucas dixi quot sunt per milia cerne.
Interea, ut lapidis consummunt milia signa,

Sic illa in vacuis spaciis volo fingere celsis,
Planior ut numerus sit quam milia dicam.

Milia quot fuerint signa enumerabo tot esse ;
Quot quisquis videat discernens omnia signa,

Ut facile agnoscens spectet tot milia multa,
Milibus in leucis, spectis per milia signis,
Praedicto in spacio cernes quod tramite longo,
Centum et quadraginta unum exstant milia signa.
Cum virgis supra ut noscas fore milia cuncta,
Iam centum quater ac ter quinquaginta semelque
Simpliciter debes iterum discernere signa.

Sic finis numeri culmen tum tangit Olympi.
Quisquis vult iterum in stadiis magis ista videre,
Tum videat versus subtili mente sequentes,

Qui monstrant plene vere quod, iure probato,
Milium erunt mille et centum trigintaque signa

Espositro—Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 399

Quattuor atque iterum virgis cum prae memoratis,
Ut noscat numeros quisquis per milia dici.
Sic vacuum spacium lustrant sol lunaque summum
Nona levans lunam subiens pars tertia solem.
Sic multi spacium longum metantur inane.

3. Tu stadia enumerans tandem cognosce quod ipsa
Mille unum fiunt etiam semper stadia octo,
Per quae omnes veteres numerantur tantum haec sapientes.
Ecce monent alii stadiis ita mille repulsis,
Praedicto numero a terra ut sit semitae lunae
Quinqueque viginti centum similia serves,
Si leucas numeres bis quadraginta trahuntur
Ac trinae leucae rursum et pars tertia leucae.

4. Jam quanto dicunt lunam discedere terra,
Sic tanto Venerem spacio transcendere lunam.
Inter quas medium fieri aiunt Mercurium aeque.
Mercurius terra longe ceu fugit in alta.
Sol quoque Venerem firmant transcendere pulchram.
Et quantum terris iam luna putatur abesse,
Sanguineus tantum Mars sole docetur haberi.
Mars sicut vadit Phoebo sublimior ipso,
Saturnus Marte egrediens ita scandit acerbo.
Iupiter in medio discernens inter utrosque,
Iupiter ut sole ascendens excelsior intrat.
In caelo elongant Saturno sidera fixa.
Sic longum vacuum mensurant ordine celsum
Famine, qui cupiunt metiri ima atque superna.
A terra lunam, luna iam Mercurium atque
Mercurio Venerem, Venere alto tramite solem,
Sole vident Martem, iam Marte lovemque videbunt,
Ac love Saturnum, Saturno sidera cael,
Quot stadia ac lucae quot sunt hic milia nosces.
Quantum alii lunam terra distare docebant,
Bis novies solem luna elongare putabant.
Cuncta monent veteres paganorum haec sapientes.
Idcirco audacter sensu contraria dicunt ;
In his namque putare magis quam scire videntur.
Pythagoras (§) Grecus magnus licet auctor habetur.
Sic vobis volui quid in his ostendere certant.
Quod tales causas scrutans te ludere scribam.
Linquentes dicta haec nune quod nunc instat agamus.

400 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Postrema argumenta vide simul,

Ut solis cursus et lunae cernere possis.

Cum solem adfirment alii lunamque habitare
In firmamento summo inter sidera fixa.

Cape tbr

1. Alter in alterius iure ut monstratur uterque
Mensis in his argumentis quotus esse videbis
Lunaris iunctos per soles atque per annos.

Si quotus est lunaris mensis cognoscere volueris, annos quot
fuerint post lunarem saltum a mense semper Apreli incipiens, ut
puta nune xviii, undecies multiplice qui cxcvili omnino fiunt; ex
his si 1 subtrahas tantum excv remanent; post expulsos trigenos
numeros solum modo xv supersunt. His remanentibus dies praedicti
mensis, Non Minus quam usque ad quintum diem, sive usque ad quem-
cumque diem post illum (9) ....... .. eiusdem mensis volueris
coniunge. Si quinque tantum dies, remanentibus xv, praedictis xv
coniunxeris, xx erunt.

2. Post haec aetatem lunae non ante quintum praedictum etiam
diem, sed illius quinti diei aut cuiuscumque diei eiusdem mensis
Aprelis quot fuerit considera, ut puta nunc xxi. In quot unitatibus
istae lunares aetates maiores sunt quam congregatus numerus annorum
remanentium, post trigenos numeros subtractos ac dierum mensis
usque ad diem in quo aetatem lunae cernere vis, id est modo quinti
diei Aprelis, conspice. Cum coniuncto annorum remanentium dierum-
praedictorum numero, qui nunc xx esse videtur, numerus aetatum
lunae praenuntiati diei, qui modo xxi esse, unario tantum maior
constet. Primus mensis fieri lunaris, hoc est paschalis sic equidem
ostenditur.

3. Cur dixi non minus quam usque ad quintum diem, quem cum
omnes dies praecedentes illum vel in Martio in quibus pascha fore
contingit, seu in Apreli, sive cuncti sequentes usque ad postremum
diem in quo eadem solemnitas regalis erit, esse evenit, carere paschali
luna, quae semper est vere luna Aprelis, possint. Praedictus quintus
dies numquam luna paschali caret. Sicut sextus et septimus mensis
Martii dies nequaquam luna initii quadragesimae praecedentis temporis
carere valent. Quae utraque quidem iura post conscripta argumenta
in versifico ludo, si dominus permiserit, rursum diligentius ostendere
cogito. Sed quando luna quae fit in Aprelis Kalendis non finit suum
lunarem mensem ante quintum eiusdem diem Aprelis, sicut in omnibus,

Espostro—Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 401

praeter tantum modo iti, facere solet, non solum in diebus mensis,
yerum etiam in lunaribus aetatibus quaerendis a Kalendis eiusdem
mensis has rationes inchoare poteris. Sic semper in priori parte huius
mensis facito. Priorem partem dico quantos dies eiusdem mensis
habet luna quae fit in quinto die ipsius. Quomodo posteriorem
dico omnes dies illam sequentes lunam usque ad finem ipsius mensis.

4. Si in posteriori mensis parte eandem rationem inyestigare
volueris, annis quot fuerint a principio praedicti cicli, ut puta nune x
et viii, undecies multiplicatis ut prius probavimus, non iii tantum, sed
ilii expellito, postquam trigenos numeros proicias xllil remanent.
Quot dies ab exordio mensis usque ad quemlibet diem in posteriori
parte illius volueris, verbi gratia usque ad vigesimum diem cognosce,
quos si coniungas cum xiill, videlicet xxxiii fiunt. Epactas illius
novissimi diei quo libet contingerint, ut sunt in hoc anno Vii, consumptae
lunae in priori parte mensis coniunge. Quae omnino xxxvi constare
videntur. Cum lunarem numerum qui nunc est xxxvi ad numerum
annorum atque dierum simul cumulatorum qui modo xxxiiii consistit
inter sese comparaveris, videns lunarem numerum duabus unitatibus
vincere alterum secundum, lunaris mensis, id est luna quae sequitur
paschalem lunam fieri cognoscitur.

5. Si quoque in priori parte mensis Maii quotus lunaris mensis
sit intellegere ita volueris, ex multiplicatis undecies praememoratis
annis, cum iii expellas, ac deinde trigenis iterum numeris quot
fuerint proiectis, xy remanere in isto anno cognosces et quot dies
ab initio eiusdem fuerint, ut puta Kalendae, praescriptis xv reman-
entibus coniunge, qui simul xvi fiunt a Kalendis eius incipiens in
qualibet die aetates lunae, verbi causa in Kalendis illius x et vil
contemplare. Item si numero annorum atque dierum qui modo
xvi est, aetatum lunae in praedictis Kalendis numerum quem x et
Vill esse cognoscitur, comparaveris, luna vincens binario annorum
numerum ac dierum, secundum mensem lunarem praesentem fore non
dubitabis. 6. Sic in priore parte omnium subsequentium mensium
usque ad novissimum mensis tertii diem indubitanter intelleges. Si
rursum in posteriori parte istius mensis postquam ex multiplicatis
undecies annis non iii, sed quattuor auferuntur, ac demum trigeni
numeri subtrahuntur, remanentibus xiii, in hoc anno quotcumque in
Kalendis huius mensis dies fuerint sociaveris, verbi gratia xx, qui
pariter xxxiili fiunt, quotus sit lunaris mensis veraciter monstrabunt.
Namque epactas vigesimi praedicti diei quae sunt in hoc anno Vii, si
finitae in isto mense lunae coniunxeris, xxxvii erunt, quas si ad
XXXllll compares vincens lunaris numerus ternario alterum, tertius

402 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

lunaris mensis praesens fierl certe spectatur. Sic in posteriori
parte cunctorum sequentium mensium usque ad postremum mensis.
Martii diem has regulas manere spectaberis.

Cap, ILL.

1. Quando autem undecies annorum multiplicatio minus quam
xxx cumulaverit, nihil in priori parte mensium nisi iii, in posteriori
nisi tantum ii, expellito, quod in duobus primis solum modo annis
huius cicli naturaliter perseverat. 2. Post haec scire debes sicut in
argumentis in praeterito anno factis praedixi, mensem Augustum in
trigesimo die finire ac sequentem illius diem Septembri, tantundem
ultimum Octobris diem Novembri, postremum aequaliter Decembris
Tanuario, Januariique non solum novissimum iterum etiam Martii
primum diem Februario coniungere, ut ita alternatim ab Apreli usque
ad Februarium menses xxx dierum atque xxxi has rationes recte fit
moverint, post illum mensem terminatum in priori parte omnium
succedentium mensium non iii, sed iii, ex multiplicatis undecies annis
subtrahito, et in posteriori eorum parte usque ad finem Martii non iii,
sed v, auferto. Coniungens in illis lunam embolismi non solum lunae
prioris partis in unoquque eorundem mensium, sed etiam lunae
posterioris pariter ac prioris usque ad finem Martii. In tertio quoque
huius cicli anno post ili ab undecies solite multiplicatis sublatos non
aufer remanentes xxx, sed coniunge cunctis diebus omnium mensium
illius anni. Similiter lunam embolismi in die antecedente Januarii
Kalendas praecedentis consumptam in eodem tertio anno omnino
omnibus aetatibus lunae coniunge. Ita in quartodecimo anno ex
undecies multiplicatis annis postquam iii subtraxeris et in trigenos.
numeros remanentes diviseris, ab illis xxxi accipiens totis diebus.

universorum mensium iunge, ac embolismi lunam in Kalendis.

praecedentis Decembris finitam omnibus lunae aetatibus praedictorum
mensium sociare memento.

3. Sed haec non secundum regulam iunctae embolismi lunae,
sed secundum communem regulam fiunt. Regulam embolismi dico,.
id est iil in priori parte mensis subtrahere et v in posteriori. Com-
munem regulam iii in priori atque iii in posteriori auferre, quae est
hic in decimo vero anno cum luna embolismi in Kalendis Februarii
finitatur in succedenti Martio regulam embolismi servato dum embo-
lismi luna in illo tune non iungatur. E contrario videlicet in sequenti
statim undecimo anno eandem embolismi lunam a Kalendis Maii usque
ad finem Martii coniungere debes ac embolismi regulam praeterire.

Esposiro— Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 403

Sic in octavo quidem anno a Kalendis Augusti et in nonodecimo
a Kalendis Iulii facito. Quorum prior praedictam lunam in quarto
Aprelis die, alter in tertio terminat.
Sed in his duobus annis in priori parte mensis [unii non iii, sed ii,
ab annis undecies multiplicatis, neque iii in dara sed tantum
modo iii, subtrahere custodito.

CAP FELT,

1. Ibic sensus finit rursum nunc incipit idem.
Item sensus erit, sed non per idem referetur.

Si eandem rationem aliter intellegere volueris, istum ciclum decem
et novem annorum per ternarios singulariter annuos partire. Terna-
rium hic dico iii annos. Sed primus huius cicli ternarius, sicut prius
constitutus est, sic iterum in ista ratione manebit, si primum finitum
expellens ternarium suscipias secundum, hoc est quartum quintum et
sextum istius cicli annum undecies multiplicatis ipsius annis in priori
parte mensium nihil abstrahe, in posteriori unum expelle. Sed hoc
in primis duobus etiam ternarii annis, sicut in aliis ternariis, con-
stabit. Nam in tertio anno in priori parte mensium xxx, in posteriori
mxxi stibtrahere (10); 2 « .

In quinto anno post lunarem sequentem saltum hoc est in secundo
secundi ternarii anno, unum ostendemus exemplum: relicto primo
ternario ex multiplicatis undecies duobus annis xxii fieri efficiuntur,
quodlibet cuiuscumque mensis dies augere coniungens ipsis volueris,
verbi causa Kalendas Aprelis adde, ita xxiii fiunt. Cum epactae
illius diei quae tune xxiiii erunt praedictum numerum unario vicerint,
primum lunarem mensem fore manifestabunt. 2. Si autem tertium
ternarium, id est septimum octavum nonumque istius cicli annum
investigare volueris, non solum in primo illius undecies multiplicato
anno, sed in primo simul atque secundo ac primo et secundo tertioque
pariter multiplicandis iii regulares augeto, sublatis xxx in tertio anno
in priori mensis parte illos qui remanserint diebus cuiuscumque
mensis adiunge. Si illos iterum ad lunae aetatem ipsius novissimi
diei, cui praedictum numerum sociasti, comparaveris quotus lunaris
mensis fuerit indubitanter monstrabunt. Sic et in quarto annorum
ternario, ili alios regulares super illos quos tertius ternarius habuit in
sex fiant adiecta, in quinto ternario alios iii ac totidem in sexto,
aliosque tantumdem ut xv sint in anno eos postremo sequente augeto.
Hoc est relictis huius cicli vi prioribus annis, quibus non sunt regu-
lares iuncti necessarii, ut quot annorum ternarios habueris, tot

404 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

regularium ternarios isdem superponas. Sic per eosdem menses,
quos in antecendente ratione praedixi, elus luris argumenta intellegi
valebunt. 3. Sed in quocumque mense luna embolismi terminata
fuerit, a principio sequentis mensis usque ad finem Martii, ab annis
undecies multiplicatis in priori parte mensium unarium, in posteriori
binarium expellito, ac, sicut in tertio primi ternarii anno tribus
repulsis post multiplicatos undecies annos xxx in priori parte
mensium, in posteriori lil proiectis xxvilll mensium diebus, atque
embolismi praecedentis anni lunam omnibus cotidie aetatibus lunae
iungere debes. Ita in secundo quinti ternarii anno xxxi in priori
parte mensium, in posteriori xxx tantum modo diebus mensium ac
embolismi lunam aetatibus lunae coniungere ne praetereas, et in
primo quarti ternarii anno in mense Martio, quanquam lunam
embolismi servare, lunae in illo non coniungas. Regulam tanem
embolismi servare, id est in priori parte unarium ceu praedixi, et in
posteriori binarium auferre memor esto. E contrario in succedenti
secundo videlicet anno eiusdem ternarii, quamvis regulam embolisme
non serves, lunam tamen embolismi a Kalendis Maii usque ad finem
sequentis Martii cunctis aetatibus coniungere memento. 4. Sic in
secundo quidem tertii ternarii anno a Kalendis Augusti, et in eo
qui est post sex ternarios a Kalendis Juli facere non praeterito.
Atque in ipsis duobus annis unum alium regularem praeter illos
praedictos multiplicatis undecies annis in priori parte mensis Juni
augeto, cum in posteriori illius parte nihil nisi multiplicatos undecies
annos cum solitis regularibus addere debeas. Ac in secundo equidem
anno sexti ternarii multiplicatis undecies annis regularibusque cum
illis pariter coniunctis in solito more xxx subtrahe, quod sicut
numque in primo anno. Ita nec in secundo ternario necesse erit
tibi facere.
Regnator, salue, felix haec iura videto ;
De quibus ulla prius numquam argumenta fuere.

Cap. iV.

1. Argumenta mea atque meos, rex accipe, soles,
in quibus inyenies aetates ordine lunae,
Rite dies cernens atque annos mente sagaci.

Si quota sit item lunae cotidie aetas facile argumentari desider-
averis, aetates lunae quotcumque fuerint in praecedenti die ante
quorum mensium Kalendas, quotlibet diebus cuiuscumque mensis
cuius Kalendis praedictis coniunge. Ita si minus quam xxx esse

Esrositro—Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 405

videas, quot illi dies et epactae praecedentis cicli Kalendas pariter fiant
in illo die tune praesenti tot lunae aetates fore spectabis. 2. Si
vel si maius quam xxx in aliis mensibus numerus inveniatur, illis sive
illis praedictis numeris expulsis, tot lunae aetates ipsivs tunc prae-
sentis cuiuslibet diei, quot remanserint, erunt. Sed lunae embolismi
quando inter hos vicissim currentes numeros, hoc est xxviili atque
xxx intervenire contingit, ne te fallat observa. Ac ne te fallerit
istius sive illius mensis luna quando in solito more in alterum
intraverit.

Cap. V1.

1. En hoc ius finit hic, en et idem incipit hoe ius,
Nune narrari aliter non ut narravimus ante.

Si eandem item rationem aliter scire videris, aetates lunae quot-
quot fuerint, in antecedenti die Kalendas Aprelis, quotcumque
diebus aut a Kalendis praedictis, sive nominatione solis mensium
coniunge, illos omnes numeros cumulatos per lviili divide, si
alii minus quotlibet quam xxx remanserint, tot lunae aetates in illo
die erunt. Quod si magis quam xxviili esse videris numerum quem
quaeres dum pepuleris xxvilli. Si saltum sic monui caveas congrue
lam semper invenies.

Cav. VEL.

1. Hoc opus hic tridui modo sic finire cupivi.
Prosa modo finit rithmus nunc incipit esse.
Gaudeo transiisse latos in campos prosae,
Viam perlustrans plene loquelae spaciosae,
Ut vitulus solutus vinculis obligatus,
Metro relicto sanus vagus sum liberatus.
Introibo sed rursum liberum post excessum
Metri quidem conclusum quamvis angustum gressum.

Car. VIII.

1. Consumptus rithmos metrum nunc incipit inde.
Iam nunc inveniens nosces, errore repulso,
Aetates lunae, lunae per tempora trina,

Non solum aetates lunae seu lumina mensis
Per haec, sed breviter divinum pascha videbis,
Si servare velis Aprelis lumina quinta,

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Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Paschali luna numquam quae rite carebunt,

Ceu non praetereunt Aprelis lumina lunae,

Namque eadem pascae semperque Aprelis habetur,
Cum vere semper primum sit perpera luna

Pasca id quam veniat quod pellit perpera longe,
Quae causae adventum pascae iam sola futuri
Expellens tardat postrema in tempora veris,
Martisque in spatio post quintum lumina bina
Semper habent lunam dantem ieiunia prima.

Si vis serva unum, si vis servabis utrumque,

Ambo haec praedictam lunam quia semper habebunt,
Prima diem primum tenet, ultima luna secundum,
Ultima nec primumque tenet, nec prima secundum.
Sic quando incipient pasca et lelunia nosces ;

Non alias umquam brevius haec scire valebis.

Quid brevius quam pasca diem explorare per unum?
Inter quinque ter et septem ter lumina pascae,
Inter tres semel ac tres ter lelunia sume

Aetates lunae, discernens omnia iura.

Si minus aetates quam quinque ter esse futurum,
Maius quam septem ter si sint ante peractum

Pasca dies, breviter semper hic enim ordo manebit.
Si minus adfuerint una ter scito futura.

Si plus quam trinas ter prisco lumine cernas,

Esse prius semper nosces ieiunia coepta.

In his praedictis aetatibus ordine septem

Quaere diem domini primum quem mundum habebat,
Ut facias in eo domino iam pasca sacratum.

Una dies binos praedictos regula vincit

Teiunii spatii ante dies quot primus habebit,

Post bis sex lunae aetates tot pasca tenebit.

Caps. VIMIT:

Bissextum et saltum memorans in utrisque caveto.
Demit hic, ille auget medii positi inter utrumque
Intrantem aetatem lunae ielunia prima.

Nunc paschae minuunt nune addunt lumen utrique.
Tune saltus minuit cum ter sint lumina quinque.
Bissextusque addit dum ter sint lumina septem.
Bissextus demit praeter haec, saltus et auget,

Esposrro—Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 407

Dumtaxat lunae pascalis lumina noctis.

Si medii fuerint ambo in parte unius anni,
Praedicta haud turbant recte communia iura.
Sed cum bissextus solus praecedere possit,
Iam tantum saltum sectans ieiunia prima,
Tus commune perit inter sollemnia bina.

Si prior adfuerit bissextus enim sine saltu,
Nil contra invenies inter sollemnia clara.

Cap. X.

1. Mensis quando diem octavum ter videris Orci,
Tunc bissextus erit, completis quattuor annis,
Quinque bis atque tribus ter factis, saltus habetur,
Postquam consumas septem ter lumina Martis,
Aut praecedentis sexta in quater luce Novembris.

Cap. XI.

1, Vigintique dies nonies bis quinque semelque
Annus cum quadrante tenet solaris in orbe.
Annus enim lunae plus aut minus esse videtur,
Denis atque novem est plus sex et quinque minusque.

Car. XII.

1. Ciclus habet lunae quinos ter et quater unum.
Ciclus habet solis senos quater et quater unum.
Sol et luna simul dumtaxat longius annos
Iam triginta duos quingentos ordine complent.
Si saltus penitus, si bissextusque periret,
Centenos quinos idem bis ciclus haberet,

Nam sol septem annos luna ac triginta teneret.
Si saltus fieret, si nec bissextus adesset,

Tres in ciclo anni centum triginta manerent.
Si bissextus item sine saltu stare valeret,
Octingentos atque decem quater esse pararet.
Si pariter faciant sol ciclum indictio luna,

Si mille et centum si quadraginta prehendens,
Per septem rursum quis multiplicaverit istic,
Inveniet numerum cicli per cuncta locandum.

408 Proceedings of the Loyal Irish Academy.

2. Vera canam linquens qui non sunt fingere ciclos,
Sicut ab Apreli prima argumenta canebam,
Incipiens luna eiusdem sic sum ista praefatus,
Ut lunam Martis hic per ieiunia cernes,

Sic lunam Aprelis semper pasca videbis,
Sic mensem atque diem lunam ieiunia pasca
In his ac primis doctrinis porro videbis.

Car, XUIT.

1. En idem versus iterum ludi arte moventur,
In semet bini ac bini velut ante quaterni,
Iam voscum facerem hos ignorans ante tacebam
Esse valere quidem tot multos agmine parvo.
Propter hoc ponam distincte utrosque seorsum,
Ut breviter monui novies bis carmina prima,
Ter decies atque undecies semel ista movebo,
Bis quater ut sint viginti bis bina iterumque
Si varians fieret tantum finis bis in istis
Ter centum et septem quater octos esse pararent.
Spondeus si est et motus bis per loca quina
Mille et sexcentos denos quater esse pararet.
In qui versiculi starent, quot praememoravi,
Per metri leges, alii per 1ura movendi
Prosae seu rithmi metri qui lege soluti
Mille ac trecenti duodeni rite manerent.
Communis prosae quamvis non ordine tantum,
Aut rithmi starent quoniam sic famine vere
Non solum numerum servant sed tempora certa.
2. Francorum rector multorum, inclyte cantu,
Si avus et proavus regni praecepta gubernans,
Alti inclinato montes nune sole rubescunt,
Atque imae nigris valles replentur ab umbris.
Quattuor incipiunt praescripti m famine primo.
Tempora ferventis velocis cernite solis
Roscida servantes tardantis lumina lunae
Menstrua metimur longos per sidera ciclos
Lucida mutatis miscentes famina verbis.
Quadraginta unum quater aut bis carmina bina
Distincta incipiunt per bina ac binae seorsum,
Quae scriptus numerus si linguarum ante nec esset

Espostro— Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 409

Viginti novies fierent equidem et semel octo,
Nec licet hi vellem versus plus esse valerent,
Linguarum in numero tantum quia sex quater extent,
Hic qui debuerant inter hos esse manentes,
Inter eos primo fierent nisi connumerati.
8. Roscida velocis servantes ]umina solis
Tempora tardantis ferventis cernite lunae
Roscida tardantis ferventis cernite solis
Tempora velocis servantes lumina lunae
Roscida servantes velocis cernite solis
Tempora ferventis tardantis lumina lunae
Roscida velocis servantes cernite solis
Tempora tardantis ferventis lumina lunae
Roscida ferventis velocis cernite solis
Tempora servantes tardautis lumina lunae
Roscida velocis ferventis cernite solis
Tempora tardantis servantes lumina lunae
Roscida tardantis servantes lumina solis
Tempora velocis ferventis cernite lunae
Roscida ferventis tardantis lumina solis
Tempora servantes velocis cernite lunae
Roscida tardantis ferventis lumina solis
Tempora velocis servantes cernite lunae
Roscida servantes velocis lumina solis
Tempora ferventis tardantis cernite lunae
Roscida ferventis tardantis cernite solis
Tempora servantes velocis lumina lunae
Roscida ferventis velocis lumina solis
Tempora servantes tardantis cernite lunae
Roscida velocis ferventis lumina solis
Tempora tardantis servantes cernite lunae
Roscida servantes tardantis cernite solis
Tempora ferventis velocis lumina lunae
Roscida tardantis servantes cernite solis
Tempora velocis ferventis lumina lunae
Roscida velocis tardantis cernite solis
Tempora servantes ferventis lumina lunae
Roscida tardantis velocis cernite solis
Tempora ferventis servantes lumina lunae
Roscida servantes ferventis cernite solis
Tempora velocis tardantis lumina lunae

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. C. [38]

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Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Roscida ferventis servantes cernite solis
Tempora tardantis velocis lumina lunae
Roscida velocis tardantis lumina solis
Tempora servantes ferventis cernite lunae
Roscida tardantes velocis lumina solis
Tempora ferventis servantes cernite lunae
Cernite velocis servantes tempora solis
Lumina tardantes ferventis roscida lunae
Cernite tardantis ferventis roscida solis
Lumina velocis servantes tempora lunae
Cernite servantes velocis roscida solis
Lumina ferventis tardantis tempora lunae
Cernite velocis servantes roscida solis
Lumina tardantis ferventis tempora lunae
Cernite ferventis velocis roscida solis
Lumina servantes tardantis tempora lunae
Cernite velocis ferventis roscida solis
Lumina tardantis servantes tempora lunae
Cernite tardantis servantes tempora solis
Lumina velocis ferventis roscida lunae
Cernite ferventis tardantis tempora solis
Lumina servantes velocis roscida lunae
Cernite tardantis ferventis tempora solis
Lumina velocis servantes roscida lunae
Cernite servantes velocis tempora solis
Lumina ferventis tardantis roscida lunae
Cernite ferventis tardantis roscida solis
Lumina servantes velocis tempora lunae
Cernite ferventis velocis tempora solis
Lumina servantes tardantis roscida lunae
Cernite servantes tardantis roscida solis
Lumina ferventis velocis tempora lunae
Cernite tardantis servantes roscida solis
Lumina velocis ferventis tempora lunae
Cernite servantes ferventis tempora solis
Lumina velocis tardantis roscida lunae
Cernite ferventis servantes tempora solis
Lumina tardantis velocis roscida lunae
Cernite velocis tardantis roscida solis
Lumina servantes ferventis tempora lunae
Cernite tardantis velocis roscida solis
Lumina ferventis servantes tempora lunae

Espositro—Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 411

Cernite servantes ferventis roscida solis
Lumina velocis tardantis tempora lunae
Cernite ferventis servantes roscida solis
Lumina tardantis velocis tempora lunae
Lucida per longos mutatis famina verbis
Menstrua miscentes metimur sidera verbis
Lucida miscentes metimur sidera ciclos
Menstrua per longos mutatis famina verbis
Lucida mutatis per longos sidera ciclos
Menstrua metimur miscentes famina verbis
Lucida per longos mutatis sidera ciclos
Menstrua miscentes metimur famina verbis
Lucida metimur per longos sidera ciclos
Menstrua mutatis miscentes famina verbis
Lucida per longos metimur sidera ciclos
Menstrua miscentes mutatis famina verbis
Lucida metimur miscentes famina ciclos
Menstrua mutatis per longos sidera verbis
Lucida miscentes metimur famina ciclos
Menstrua per longos mutatis sidera verbis
Lucida mutatis per longos famina ciclos
Menstrua metimur miscentes sidera verbis
Lucida metimur miscentes sidera ciclos
Menstrua mutatis per longos famina verbis
Lucida metimur per longos famina ciclos
Menstrua mutatis miscentes sidera verbis
Lucida per longos metimur famina ciclos
Menstrua miscentes mutatis sidera verbis
Lucida mutatis miscentes sidera ciclos
Menstrua metimur per longos famina verbis
Lucida miscentes mutatis sidera ciclos
Menstrua per longos metimur famina verbis
Lucida mutatis metimur famina ciclos
Menstrua per longos miscentes sidera verbis
Lucida per longos miscentes sidera ciclos
Menstrua mutatis metimur famina verbis
Lucida miscentes per longos sidera ciclos
Menstrua metimur mutatis famina verbis
Lucida mutatis metimur sidera ciclos
Menstrua per longos miscentes famina verbis
Lucida mutatis mutatis sidera ciclos
Menstrua miscentes per longos famina verbis

(38*]

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Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Lucida miscentes per longos famina ciclos
Menstrua metimur mutatis sidera verbis
Menstrua per longos metimur sidera verbis
Menstrua miscentes per longos sidera verbis
Sidera per longos mutatis menstrua ciclos
Famina miscentes metimur lucida verbis
Sidera miscentes metimur lucida ciclos
Famina per longos mutatis menstrua verbis
Sidera mutatis per longos lucida ciclos
Famina metimur miscentes menstrua verbis
Sidera per longos mutatis lucida ciclos
Famina miscentes metimur menstrua verbis
Sidera metimur per longos lucida ciclos
Famina mutatis miscentes menstrua verbis
Sidera per longos metimur lucida ciclos
Famina miscentes mutatis menstrua verbis
Sidera miscentes mutatis menstrua ciclos
Famina per longos metimur lucida verbis
Sidera metimur miscentes menstrua ciclos
Famina mutatis per longos lucida verbis
Sidera miscentes metimur menstrua ciclos
Famina per longos mutatis lucida verbis
Sidera mutatis per longos menstrua ciclos
Famina metimur miscentes lucida verbis
Sidera metimur miscentes lucida ciclos
Famina mutatis per longos menstrua verbis
Sidera mutatis miscentes lucida ciclos
Famina metimur per longos menstrua verbis
Sidera miscentes mutatis lucida ciclos
Famina per longos metimur menstrua verbis
Sidera mutatis metimur menstrua ciclos
Famina per longos metimur menstrua verbis
Sidera mutatis metimur menstrua ciclos
Famina per longos miscentes lucida verbis
Sidera per longos miscentes lucida ciclos
Famina mutatis metimur menstrua verbis
Sidera miscentes per longos lucida ciclos
Famina metimur mutatis menstrua verbis
Sidera mutatis metimur lucida ciclos
Famina per longos miscentes menstrua verbis
Sidera metimur mutatis lucida ciclos
Famina miscentes per longos menstrua verbis

Esposiro—Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 413

Sidera miscentes per longos menstrua ciclos
Famina metimur mutatis lucida verbis
Sidera metimur per longos menstrua ciclos
Sidera per longos miscentes menstrua ciclos.
Hic ludus finit, felix Auguste, valeto.
Rusticane scribant has membra caveto loquelas.
4. Quattuor hos versus iterum si multiplicarem,
Hoe est coniuncti simili si more manerent
Tertius et primus, si tertius atque secundus,
Quartus cum primo mixtus foret atque secundo,
Dupliciter tantos possent contexere versus,
Quantos texuerant primus pariterque secundus,
Tertius et quartus commixti rursus in unum,
Id centum ter viginti semel et semel octo
Praescripto numero versus sic addere possent.
Sed melius facimus brevius quod possit haberi
Monstrantes fieri maius quo iure valerent.
Dulce sonat parum, confert fastidia magnum.
Sit satis idcirco quod feci, Auguste, valeto.
Ni mihi praedictos iubeas hos scribere versus,
Ut quingenti viginti ter et quater unus
Postremi et medii ac primi simul agmine starent,
Factiex praescriptis binis bis versibus istis,
In quis non plus mutantur quam parabis octo
Vel septem atque decem partes hoc more loqueluae.
5. Si per constiterit per se ceu diximus ante
Primos linguarum numeri lam nomino versus
Hos medios facti, qui sunt hic ac numerati,
Cum primi haud solum possent non esse minores,
Sed nimis in numero maiores esse valerent.
Quam constant isti versus per cuncta movendi
Linguarum in numero volui finire laborem.
Quattuor omnino, quae sunt in partibus orbis,
Nam facti starent, si iura per omnia moti
Paene idem versus et in illis unus ac alter
Quisque legat sicut hoc saepe videbit in istis,
Quod magis haud distant uno quam nomine tantum,
Qualibet aut alia una distant parte loquelae ;
Quod ius in primis cernes contingere raro,
Quattuor una quod maius quam bina seorsum
Bina iterumque valent variari posta seorsum,
In metri pedibus simile huius iuris habetur,

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In binas partes postquam disiunxeris aequas
Quattuor ipse pedes, et si diviseris octo,
Multiplicans illas partes utrasque seorsum,

Octo ex quattuor, ex octo triginta duosque,
Primis bis cum octo ex postremis bis quater octo.
Si pariter fuerint, facies per cuncta movendi
Primos bis binos postremos dicimus octo.
Quattuor ob hoc non volui variare per omne
Multiplicans partim diversa per omnia iura,
Nam, si plus facerem, fastidia magna pararem.
Cuncta modis aliis potuissent ista moveri,

Si interdum primus, si interdum nempe secundus,
Si interdum quartus, si interdum tertius aeque
Iam demptus fieret, facerent tres carmina multa,
Ut starent pariter dumtaxat milia multa,

In quis plene idem non essent unus et alter.
Sed haec sufficiunt, tantum quae scribo videto.
Si plus scire velis, praeter haec scire valebis
Haec scrutans eadem simili iam more videnda,
Aut obscurum aliquid vobis si forte putetur,
Cum praesens illud fuero narrare valebo.
Augusti fili, Lhudoice Auguste, valeto.

Si Augustorum pater utrique ante manebat ;
Multorum genitor David per tempora longa.
Post octingentos domini et post quinque ter annos,,
Anno in praeterito promissum suscipe donum,
Hoc tibi si placeat, rursim addam munera pulchra.
Lumina tardantis rorantis cernite lunae,
Tempora velocis servantes fervida solis,

Ter triginta duosque bis hi contexere bini,
Possunt hos, si quisque velit, variare per omne.
Altera ab undecima fugiens nunc luminis hora,
En tenebrae veniunt, animalia multa quiescunt.

Cap: XRT.

Ceu tesserae in pyrgis mutantur ludificis,
Sic hae partes in istis moventur versiculis.
Pulcherrimam auream non habeo aleam ;
Aleas quas habeo tibi donare volo,

Domino caeli gloria atque terrae perpetua.

Esposrro—Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 415

LIBELLUS TERTIUS.
Gea B

1, Tertius incipiet tandem nunc nempe libellus
Stellarum ciclos lunae solisque revelans,

Atque diem primum iam naturaliter anni.

2. Diversos ciclos solis lunaeque canebam,
Stellarum errantium ciclos volo dicere quinque,
Quas aiunt alii esse deos alii esse deorum
Pagani atque deae signantes nomine stellas,
Mercurii Martis Veneris ovis et patris eius,
Quem Caelo genitum Saturnum nomine fingunt.
Per binos annos Mavortis stella vagatur ;

Stella Iovis cursum duodenis finit in annis ;

Ter denis annis Saturni volvitur astrum ;
Mercurii sidus ciclum implet porro diebus
Centenis tantum ter denis ter semel octo ;
Viginti septem subtractis solis ab anno

Stella valet Veneris cursum finire diebus ;

Ter centenis ac denis quater et semel octo
Sublatis anno denis septemque diebus,

In firmamento caeli cum sidera fixa

Cuncta simul complent cursus, iam solis in anno,
Orbis terreni circum volventia rura,

Ter centum ter viginti vicibus semel et sex,
Cum caelo simul, ut veteres aiunt sapientes,
Plus una vice quam circum sol volvit in anno,
Orbis rura eadem terrae ortu solis in ortum
Viginti novies bis quinque semelque diebus
Annalem cursum implens, et, quadrante sequente,
Sic septempliciter iam quinquaginta per orbes
Luna duosque semel circumdat cursibus orbem.

Capac h

1. Post haec plene orbem circum haud luna peragrat, luce in
postrema solaris totius anni.
De luna dicam, de stellis ante locutus.
Per denos annos cursum complente novemque,
Iam praeter succedentum titulos rationum.
Nunc metrum linquens, per prosam porro profabor.
Planius ut fiant discenti quaeque sequentur.

416 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

2. Scire volueris cur in octo et undecim annis, ac non potius in
novem atque decem propius ad aequalitatem annis, ciclus decenno-
venalis distingitur. Tribus causis hance licet magis disparem fore
divisionem intellegere debes.

3. Prima causa, eo quod veteres errando octo annos solares totidem
lunaribus annis, et undecim solares similiter lunaribus undecim annis
aequari putabant. Quod numquam fieri posse manifeste videtur.
Quasi luna semel in octo annis suum vere ciclum terminasset,
nequaquam alterum ciclum in aequalem habere quivisset, tantumdem
siin undecim annis ciclum veraciter umquam consumpsisset, numquam
alterum dissimilem possidere valeret.

4. Secunda causa, quod ogdoas ac endecas ante novissimum
embolismum, non duos communes anno, sed insolito more unum tantum
habeant.

5. Tertia, quod quarta decima luna paschalis in quocumque die
mensis in ogdoade fuerit, in sequenti duodecimo anno in praecedenti
die continente semper inveniatur. Sicut, consumptis tribus annis
endecatis, quartadecima luna pascalis in quocumque die mensis
elusdem endecadis inveniatur, consequenti die in nono anno insequenti
die continente semper reperitur. Nam, in quocumque die in tribus
solum modo primis endecadis annis, quartam decimam lunam paschalem
habueris transiliens sequentem continentem diem in nono sequenti
anno eandem lunam quartam decimam absque dubio reperies. Sie,
transactis undecim annis, in duodecimo anno si retrorsum unum
transilias diem, praedictam lunam sine errore palam fore videbis.

6. De lunae cursu in ciclo ante minore loquebar.

De cursu eiusdem ciclo in maiore profabor.

Postquam de cursu lunari in decennovenali ciclo manifeste digessi,
de cursu quoque rursus lunari per ciclum dxxxii annorum, quantum
brevissime palamque potuero, narrabo. 7. Primum hic nuntiabo,
quod magnus ciclus praedictus, in quo omnia sidera legimus cursus
omnino suos complere, in quattuor divisiones custodientes, solis etiam
quodam modo et lunae concordiam dividitur, hoc est, in nonaginta
quinque annos tribus vicibus, ac in ccexlvii semel quidem semper annos.
Qualiscumque etenim dies mensis atque aetas lunae in dominico die
pascali fuerit. Si primum pasca post bissextum evenerit, completis
iterum ducentis xlvii solis ac lunae plene annis, tandem mensis diem
lunaeque aetatem in pasca eandem fiecri absque errore quisque pro-
babit. Sic item quamcumque mensis diem ac lunae aetatem secundum
vel tertium aut quartum pasca post bissextum habuerit, easdem certe
rursum xcy solis atque lunae simul annis finitis semper habebit.

Espostro—Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 417

Car. PUL.

1. 1. De quattuor ciclis in ciclo solis et lunae.

m1. De magno ciclo post bissextum.

11. De magno ciclo per quattuor loca mutato.

mi. De versibus et ciclo.
v. Quomodo vigies octies in septimana xiii luna.

vi. Post quintum ciclum ordo lunae sextae ac septimae.

vir. Recapitulatio communiter.
vir. Inter duos decennovennales quot transilias annos.

vi. Quod quintus decennovenalis semper a bissexto incipit.

x. Quod inter duos decennovenales unum diem duorum de
concurrentibus transileas.

xx. In quoto die sit pasca communis anni ante adventum diei
mensis, in quo fuit pasca praecedentis anni, et in quoto
die fit pasca embolismi anni post transitum diei mensis,
in quo fuit pasca praecedentis anni.

xm. In quot annis in uno quoque ciclo decennovennali eadem
aetas lunaris iterate in pasca invenitur.

xu. In quali ordine unaquaeque pascalis aetas reperitur.

xm. Quo ordine annorum solanus ciclus principium sumens ab
omnibus annis decennovennalis in magno circulo com-
muni solis omnino ac lunae incipit, et quo similiter ordine
decennovenalis circulus ab omnibus annis solaris cicli in
eodem ciclo magno praedicto incipit.

2. 1. Secundum ius narrabo. Quodsi pasca primum, ut est nunc,
pet bissextum fuerit, completis iterum ccxlyii annis, id est xiii
ciclis decennovenalibus, transiliens quasi duos annos, hoc est secundum
tertiumque post bissextum in quarto bissexti praeparationis anno
pasca semper aderit. Quin cum pasca in secundo sive tertio seu
quarto quidem anno post bissextum adsit, consumptis xcv annis, id est
quinque ciclis lunaribus, transiliendo similiter quasi duos annos
elusdem cursus bissextilis, in eadem mensis die eandem aetatem
lunae habente, idem pasca adesse spectabitur. Hoc est, si in quarto
praeparationis bissextilis anno factum pasca advenerit, praeteriens
primum ac secundum, in tertio praeparationis bissexti anno post prae-
dictos etiam ciclos pasca eiusdem rationis adfore videbitur. 3. Si
autem in tertio bissexti pasca adfuerit anno, quasi transactis quarto ast
primo bissexti, in secundo, finitis ciclis praememoratis, idem aequaliter
celebrabitur. Dum in secundo bissexti anno constiterit, quinque

418 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

lunaribus ciclis postea terminatis, quasi tantum duos praetereundo
annos in primo bissexti anno sine dubio reperitur.

4. 11. Tertia quidem ratio hic fieri videtur, quod maior ciclus his
quattuor praedictis, id est qui ccxlvii annos habet, certum locum
possidendi inter eos ordinaliter servat. Quia quando prima pascha
post bissextum fuerit, ab illo statim iste ciclus incipiet. Cum secun-
dum pasca post bissextum occurrerit, post unum de_ praedictis
ciclum, hoc est post xcv annos, initium sumet dum tertium a bissexto
advenerit, tertio loco erit. Quando quarto loco bissextum pasca
sequitur, quarto, id est novissimo ordine adveniet.

5. ur. In quarto loco versus et ciclus, illos hic sequens, scribendo
continuo succedunt.

Prosa tacens istic monstrabit cetera metrum.

Arte nova parvum ciclum conscribo gregatum,
Rite revertentem semper sic vis in id ipsum,
Qui poterit lunae et solis servare recursus,
Amborum cicli retinens paene omnia lura,

Luna diesque eadem mensis feriaeque manebunt.
Idem omnis saltus bissexti non erit idem.
Tantum cum veniat pascae bis septima luna,
Transactis semper ciclis, quos diximus ante,

In ciclo lunae et solis cum quinque manent haec,
Plene his ex bis unum tantum modo derit in istis,
Hoe est, quod fuerit bissexti cursibus annus,
Luna dies feriae saltus hic ordine tantum
Concurrent pariter, stabili ratione vigente,
Quattuor ut maneant, uno istic iure relicto,

Cum decies noviesque manebit linia sueta,
Transversa undecies descendet linia cicli.

Hic tinit metrum, hic exordia ciclus habebit.

6. Concurrentes septimanae dies in prima videlicet linia transversa
erunt. Numerus transiliendorum ciclorum in duabus porro liniis
transversis novissimis erunt.

}
,
|

Esposi1ro—Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 419
ae |
XII =e {in pri- |In IT |In TIT? InIlIIT*/In V°| In VI° In X° quot quot
. lunae ey de- decen-| decen- decen- decen-| et VII° atque decenno-|decenno-
| | | |
-| pas- _cenno- |/noven- noven- noven- noven- VIII° que | XI° ac | vennales vennales
| Ca | yenna- |nali nali nali jnali | et VIIII° | XII° tran- _itran-
| | |
| les i haec|haec | haec haec haec | decennove-| ast XIII°| si- \si-
| liniain- linia | linia | linia \tinia | nali haec | decen- lis lis
|
|cipit /ineipit | incipit | incipit incipit | linia novena-
| incipit li haec
| | linia
incipit
|
mon Apl.| xx | xviii | xv | xviii xvi | XX1 XXVll1 iii
|
vui Ki. Apl.| xvi xx | xvill XV | Xviili | XXxi XVli i ili
idem Apl.) xvii xxi | xviii xyl xx | xviii xv | il iii
iiiinon Apl. 5 RVI |), XR | XVI xvi| xviii XV iil iii
xiKl. Apl.| xv | xx] xvii | xxi] xvii! xvi | xviiii iii
| |
iiiliidemApl.| = xvi ; Xx | xvi xV | xviili XXx1 xvii | 1 lil
iii Kl. Apl.| xviiii | xvi xx | xviii XV xxi xVii ii iii
|
xilli Kl. Mai. XY |. (Na Xxi | Xviii xvi xvliil xv ill lil
VuiidemApl.| xv | xx Ky | XXL Kvili xvi Xviili ili
viKl. Apl.| xviii] xv | xx | xvii | xxi egg iggeein iii
xvii Kl. Mai.| XVlili xvi xx | Xvill XV | xxi XVli i ili
iinon Apl. xv | xvlli| xvi xx | xvili | xxi xvii ill ili
| |villi KI. Apl.| xvii xx | XViiii xvi xx. XxVlil x= | iii
ii idem Apl.| XVili XV XxX xvil xxi xvi xvilli i lil
Kl. Apl.| xxi | xviii! xv xx | xvii xvi xviii ii iii
xii Kl. Apl.| xVli xxi | xvili XV xx xvi XVili iii ili
videmApl.| xvii XV | XViili xvl <x xviii XXl iil
iii K]. Ap). xx | xvii xv | xviiii xvl xviii xxl iii
| xvKL Mai.) xxi | xviii} xv | xx | xvii} xvi | xviiii ie iii

420 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

7. Sed in ciclo isto aliquid inditum contra cunctorum naturam
ciclorum pascalium reperitur; quod, cum in uno quoque ciclo decenno-
vennali septem semper aetates pascales inveniantur, in sexta linia
pascalium aetatum huius cicli non amplius diverse quam quattuor
aetates lunares veraciter habebuntur, ac aequaliter totidem aetates in
elusdem linia septima.

8. v. Quinta ratio primo post ciclum necessario succedit, ut
quomodo decennovalis ciclus dxxxii annorum ciclo vigies octies
iteratur lucide cognoscatur. Cum fit pasca quater ab unaquaque
quarta decima luna, in unaquaque die de septem illam sequentibus,
vigies octies in unaquaque septimana ab unaquaque xiili luna idem
fore deprehenditur ; ut facile intelligatur quo modo fit hoc, quod nune
dico, exemplum ostendam.

9. Prima luna quarta decima primi cicli decennovenalis in solis
lunaeque pariter ciclo, qui, completis dxxxi1 semper annis, omnino
terminatur in die, verbi gratia, lunae quater praedictis equidem
intercedentibus spaciis, occurrit.

Prima luna xiii secundi cicli decennovenalis quater similiter
Mercurii die invenitur. Prima xii tertii cicli quater aequaliter
Saturni die. Prima xiiii quinti quater tantumdem in die Veneris.
Prima xiii sexti, ut alius prope cich succedentis, quando non a primo
post bissexti pasca haec septimanae ratio incipit, quater eadem iure in
Dominico die reperitur. Prima xiii alius prope semper cicli sequentis
quater eadem ratione in Jovis die. Sic etiam unaquaeque luna xiii in
septem sequentibus illam diebus ; quamquam non eodem ordine dierum
septimanae, quem dixi pasca in praedicto vigies octies ciclo ocurrere,
facit.

10. vr. Sextum hic invenies, quod in unaquaque linia praecedentis
huius cich a nobis investigantibus diligenter congregati primum
numerum in primo decennovenali post bissextum habente, sextus
numerus si necesse fuerit, ut corrigatur, nullum transiliens post quintum
decennovenalem in sexto ciclo reperietur. Quia in secunda post
bissextum linea in hoe congregato ciclo a quinto numero ad quae-
rendum sextum, unum decennovalem, quisque scire voluerit, transiliat,
ut in septimo illum decennovenali inveniat.

11. In tertia post bissextum linea duos praetermittat, ut in octavo.
numerum quem quaerat, inveniat. In quarta post bissextum linea 1
praetereat, ut in nono decennovenali sextum numerum lineae numeri
congregati cicli certa fieri videat. Quin a ciclis sexti numeri 111
decennovenales necesse est transilitur, ut septimum numerum primae
post bissextum liniae congregati cicili in decimo decennovenali.

Esposrro— Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 421

Secundae post bissextum liniae in undecimo. Tertiae post bissextum
liniae in duodecimo. Quartae post bissextum liniae in tertio decimo
decennovenali semper inveniat.

12. viz. Hoc magis in omnibus quae praedixi de hoc congregato
ciclo communiter memorato. Quod etiam quot numerus liniarum
fuerit a principio decennovenalis primi cuiuscumque ex praedictis
rationis ante liniam quaecumque habet numerum de quo inquiras,
tot numerum liniarum reperies ante liniam, in qua idem numerus
in quocumque decennoyenali secundum intercedentem spaciorum
regulam in magno ciclo praedictam sine dubio manet.

138. vir. Hoc itidem in ciclo solis et lunae generaliter fieri scire
memento, ut inter duos decennovales semper, sicut de altera videlicet
ratione praediximus, quasi duos bissextilis cursus annos transilias.
Nam, si primus culuscumque decennovenalis annus continuo post
bissextum fuerit, praetermissis secundo ac tertio ab anno bissextilis
iuris, quarto sequens alter decennovenalis incipiet.

14. vi. Et cum decennovenalis a bissexto primordium suscipiat,
transactis tribus decennovenalibus mediis, semper quintus a bissexto
initium sumet.

15. x. Si in primo quoque anno post bissextum in exord iodecenno-
venalis concurrentes septimanae dies, verbi gratia in die Mercurii
fuerint, transiliens unum diem in primordio sequentis decennovenalis,
in die Veneris erunt. In aliis enim tribus semper annis duos
transilire dies in omnibus decennovenalibus conserva.

16. xr. Undecimam rationem hic equidem expediam, quod sicut
indubitabiliter in communibus semper annis praeter primum
decennovenalis, ut scitis, annum quarta decima luna paschalis in
undecimo die ante adventum diel mensis, in quo quarta decima
luna paschalis fuit, anni praecedentis invenitur. Ac veluti in
omnibus embolismis annis in nono decimo die post transitum diei
mensis, in quo xiili luna paschalis in anno praecedente fuerat, eadem
repperitur.

17. Ita canonica anchora, contemptis errorum fluctibus, ante
et post certum dierum numerum dominicum pascha retinet. Quin
si pascha cuiuscumque praesentis anni communis lunam xvi habucrit,
non praecedente bissexto, in quinta decima die ante adventum diem
mensis, in quo pascha praeteriti anni praecerat, sine dubio esse
videbitur. Quia, quando bissextus praecesserit, non in xy, sed in xvi
die ante praedictum diem pascha illud fieri probabitur. Sin autem
XVlilimam, seu xx lunam, sive quidem xxi in anno communi habeat,
sine praecedente bissexto in octavo die ante adventum diei mensis

422 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

paschae praeteriti. 18. Si autem bissextus praecesserit, non in octavo,
sed in xviili die pascha illius cuiuscumque communis anni fore cog-
noscitur. Quando etenim xvma luna in pascha communis anni fuerit,
praedictorum numerus dierum diverse videlicet accidit. Namque si
bissextus nec praecesserit, in quinta decima semper die ante diem
mensis, in quo fuit praeteritum pascha, habebitur. Nam, cum
bissextus praeierit in nono etiam die antequam praedictus dies mensis
adveniat, absque dubio erit, nisi tantum quando in primo decen-
novenalis anno post bissextum xvii luna in pascha fuerit, tune enim in
xvi dies ante adventum diei, in quo praecedens erat pascha, sollemnis
dies Anastasseos praesentabitur; quod semel in ciclo dxxii apnorum,
hoc est in xxv decennovenali, id est anno deccelxxxviii ab incarnatione
dominica completo evenit.

19. Cum vero xviii luna in pascha communis anni fiat, bissexto
antecedente, semper in nono die. Quando autem sine bissexto, in
octavo saepe die. Raro videlicet in quinto decimo priusquam veniat
dies mensis paschae praeeuntis anni sollemnitas sollemnitatum
reperietur. Sed pasca tale in nono et octavo die tantum fit, cum
praecedens pasca non habuerit nisi quintam decimam lunam. Namque
in quinto decimo die praedictum hoc pasca in primo solum modo decen-
novennalis anno aderit. Quando praeteritum pasca non sequente
bissexto vigesimam primam lunam possiderit, hoc est in primo anno
secundi decennovennalis et septimi ac duodecimi tantum modo cicli.

20. Regula communium diligenter annorum investigata, ad
embolismorum discutiendam rationem transeamus.

Pasca certe embolismi anni si non praecedat illud, bissextus post
transitum diei mensis, in quo fuit praecedens pasca, in vigesimo die
invenitur. Namque quando ante pasca embolismi bissextus fuerit,
post transcensum diei mensis, in quo fuerat praecedens pasca, non in
vigesimo sed in nono decimo die ipsum reperietur. Sed cum pasca
praecedentis communis xxi lunam habuerit, non subsequens bissextus
post transgressum diei mensis, in quo illud erat xii° die, succedens
embolismi pasca xv lunam habens fieri videbitur. Quin si inter
utrumque pasca praedictum bissextus adfuerit post transitum diei
mensis pasca praecedentis, non in xiii, sed in nono decimo semper die,
habens lunam non xv sed xxi embolismi anni pasca subsequens
inventum erit.

21. xu. Duodecimum ius praememorati cicl nunc narrare conabor.
Cum decem novemque sint anni in unoquoque ciclo lunae, in quo
lunaris aetas non magis quam septies in dominico die pascali variatur,
quomodo in omnibus decennovenalibus per ciclum dxxxii annorum

Espostto—Astronomical Treatise by the Lrish Monk Dicuil. 428

septem lunae equidem aetates inconfuse ordinantur in pasca, quem ad
modum solis ciclus per septem quadriennia secundum bissextilem
rationem dividitur. Ita solis ciclus ac lunae pariter in septem partes
convenienter partiri potest, quarum unaquaeque pars quattuor decenno-
venales possidet, et primus annus primi decennoyenalis uniuscuiusque
partis bissextum semper incipit. Ita quintus decennovenalis, ut
praedixi, cum bissexto simul semper incipit.

22. Dum dispar sit annorum numerus in decennovenali ciclo
numerusque lunarium aetatum in dominicis diebus pascalibus, quo
videlicet ordine lunaris aetates septem tantum in decem ac novem
annis in vice mutantur, iterate hic verbis nunciabo. Cum septem
aetates in unoquoque decennoyenali fiant in pasca, aliae ex eisdem
aetatibus semel, aliae bis, aliae ter, aliae quater, nec plus in pasca
fiunt. In primo etenim decennovenali uniuscuiusque partis una
quidem aetas ter ac aetates quae quater, et ex quattuor ceteris-
unaquaeque bis. In secundo decennovenali quae quater, totidemque
ter, ac duae bis, at una semel. In tertio tres solum modo quater, ac
tres bis, unaque semel. In quarto tres aetates ter, et una quater aetas.
Ast tribus reliquis unaquaeque bis in pasca invenitur. Sicut aetates
singulae, quas esse diximus in secundo atque tertio decennovenali,
unmiusculusque partis in fine duodecimi anni decennovenalis semper,
hoc est in fine quarti tantum endecadis fiunt in pasca. Sic fere eodem
ordine inter se in secundo tertioque ciclo cuiusque partis eaedem
aetates unicae velut binae titulatae liniae subsequentes ostendent. In
dominico die pascali concurrunt, quas nunc ordinaliter subsequenter
hic scribo :

Xvilil. Ve Royias.)' * sety.!* aya! EX. Xv.
VIL ECV. my. Sovarh scr!) SV. EX

Septem numeri primae huius liniae ad secundos ciclos septem omnium
partium pertinent, septemque aequaliter secundae linae ad totidem
tertios.

23. Post haec scire debemus quod aetates, quae certe bis vel ter
in quocumque decennovenali fore in pasca praediximus, non in annis
pariter coniunctis, sed sparsim separatis semper in eo fiunt. Nam
aetates etiam, quae quater in secundo seu tertio sive quarto culusque
partis ciclo inveniuntur, in duobus annis iunctis et in alus duobus
disiunctis in pasca fiunt. Sic una quidem aetas in primo semper ciclo
cuiusque partis in praememorata sollemnitate reperitur, quoniam altera
aetas in secretis sparsim annis quattuor in eodem die occurrit. Sed
cum aetas eadem in duobus pariter annis esse in pasca conspiciatur,

424 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

memento quod primus annus communis sit, et sequens embolismus,
intercedente inter eosdem bissexto; quia, si bissextus non intervenerit,
maior una aetate in pasca embolismi quam communis aderit. Nisi
tantum quando pasca communis anni xxi lunam habuerit. Tunc enim
sequentis embolismi pasca, non praeveniente bissexto, quintam,
decimam lunam possidebit.

24. xim. Tertiam decimam rationem hic cognoscere debemus, quod
in quot locis emendatae paginae primi cicli decennovenalis iterata
fuerit pascalis aetas lunae, utrum bis an ter aut quater. In eisdem tot
locis primi cicli cuiusque aetas semper alia lunae pascalis diei inventa
erit. Verbi gratia, ut in prima quarta octava et octava decima
linia primi cicli quem doni suis exiguis optime primum scripserat,
xx luna consistit. Sic in eisdem locis earundem liniarum in
cunctis primis ciclis omnium partium, id est in quinto et nono ac
tertio decimo ac septimo decimo atque vigesimo primo ast vigesimo
quinto. Alia semper aetas una lunae in unoquoque ex praedictis
ciclo in pasca eodem modo reperta videbitur. Ita cunctae aetates
pascales, quae fiunt in primo ciclo qualicumque modo in illo fuerint,
eodem tali modo locorum mutatae aetates in sex aliis praememoratis
ciclis elusdem ordinis erunt.

25. Sic nempe in quibuscumque liniis aetates in secundo ciclo
primae partis manserient in eisdem liniis in secundo ciclo cuius-
cumque partis, hoc est in sexto ast decimo, quarto decimo, octavo
decimo, xxii et xxvito 1mmutabiliter. Aliae aetates eodem ordine
constabunt. Aequaliter in quocumque ordine in tertio ciclo primae
partis illasinvenias. In eodem ordine in tertiis ciclis partium, id est
in septimo, ast undecimo, ac xv, ac Xvlili, ac Xxill, XXvli que reperies.
Et sicut in quarto ciclo primae partis videas, ita in octavo, xi, Xvi, xx,
et xxiiii, atque xxvili cernere semper poteris.

26. Exinde facere volumus ut cognoscas quod cum sint quatuor
aetates pascales, quae numquam nisi bis fiunt in pasca, in decen-
novenali primo cuiusque partis postquam fuerit unaquaeque semel ex
eis in pasca, hoc est in secundo, et septimo, ac x, atque xv decen-
novenalis anno, transiliens 111 annos in fine quarti rursus eam semper
invenies. Una aetas, quae ter in unoquoque ex eisdem septem ciclis
praedictis in pasca fit, dum semel in pasca fuerit, id est in quinto
decennovenalis anno, transiliendo tres annos in fine quarti anni, et
rursus transiliens 11 in fine tertii in pasca reperietur. Cum duae
aetates fiant quater in praedicto spacio in eodem die, una in annis
separatim sparsis, altera in duobus disiunctis et in duobus aliis
conglutinatis, illa quae fit sparsim in primo anno cicli clarescens,

Esrostro— Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 425

consumptis duobus in fine tertii, rursusque terminatis tribus in fine
quarti, et iterum finitis novem in postrema parte decimi anni in pasca
reperitur. Altera in tertio incipiens anno cicli, transactis novem ac
rursum terminatis duobus, in tertio simul et quarto in pasca anno
manifestatur. 27. In secundo ciclo cunctarum partium duae bis fiunt
aetates, ac duae ter, totidemque quater in pasca. Ex illis, quae bis
fiunt una quae primum in septimo fulget anno, consumptis annis tribus,
in quarto novissimo occurrit. Nam illa, quae in tertio anno primo
manifestatur, duodecim transactis annis, in tertio decimo rursus
ostenditur. Ex binis, quae ter apparent, una in quarto perseverans
anno transiliens primo tres atque iterum novem in pasca ter invenitur.
Quoniam altera, quae in primo reperitur anno, consumatis xiii, in
quarto decimo fieri monstratur, transiliendo tres iterum illa refulgens
in quarto fore videtur. Ex duabus, quae fiunt quater, unam in
secundo incipiente anno, alteram in decimo consumens duos annos in
tertio simul et quarto et iterum duos alios transiens in tertio lucentes
aequaliter esse speculaberis, utramque inter octo annos aetatem con-
clusam inspiciens.

28. In tertio quoque ciclo per omnes partes tres aetates in pasca
bis splendentes manifestantur. Quarum prima in quarto, secunda in
quinto, tertia in tertio decimo primitus inventa anno. Finitis annis
tribus iterum in eodem die in fine quarti reperiuntur anni. Aliae
ternae, quae quater in eodem ciclo permanent, diversa intercedentium
spacia prorsus habent annorum, una etenim in seeundo cicl anno
tertioque pariter occurrens, relictis duobus, in tertio, rursusque
transcensis novem annis, invenitur in decimo. Alia in primo possidens
anno pasca, transactis xili, in xiiii°, ac iterum duobus terminatis in
tertio quartoque simul fore manifestatur. Item alia aetas in septimo
primum consistens anno cum consumpti fuerint bini anni in tertio una
et quarto fieri monstratur, atque relictis iterum duobus, in tertio
reperta inter octo coartatur annis.

29. In universarum partium quarto ciclo tres aetates bis totidemque
ter et unam quater fieri in pasca cognoscimus, ex quibus quae fiunt bis,
una in quinto anno, altera in decimo primitus permanens, praetereundo
tres utraque invenitur in quarto. Quoniam quae in primo decenno-
vennalis anno perseverat, si xvi transcendas annos illam rursus in xvil
reperies. Certe tribus aetatibus quae ter iterantur una, quae in
secundo cicli anno apparere incipit, consumptis primo tribus annis,
in quarto fulgescens, ac iterum villi transactis, in xmo resplendet.
Aetas quae in tertio incipit anno, terminatis e contrario viii, reperta
in xmo, et rursus tribus relictis in quarto esse conspicitur. Ea quae

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SECT..C. | [39]

426 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

in duodecimo primum perseverat anno, finitis iterum duobus ostensa in
tertio. Sirursum tres transileas in quarto clarescit anno. Illa quae
in quarto incipit anno quater in praedicto cum permanet ciclo,
transcensis duobus, in tertio atque quarto invenitur anno, consumatis
iterum aliis duobus, in tertio monstrata in ter octo annos arcetur.

30. Ita ut brevissime recolligam eviscerans memorando haec
omnia renunciabo. Id est quod quotamcumque aetatem lunarem in
quocumque anno primi decennovenalis cuiusque partis in pasca
reperies. Transiliens duas aetates ordinaliter sequentes in rotali
circuitu, quaeque tertia sequetur in anno eiusdem ordinis in primo
ciclo succedentis partis invenietur. Verbi gratia, in primo anno
primi cicli primae partis vigesima luna in pasca fieri cognoscitur.

Exin praeteriens xxi lunam atque xvmam in primo videlicet anno
primi cicli secundae partis, sextam decimam fore videbis. Deinde
transcendendo xvii et xvill in eodem anno tertiae partis, nonam
decimam esse deprehendes. Dehine praetermittens vigesimam ac
vigesimam primam in anno praedicti ordinis quartae partis, quintam
decimam constare speculaberis. Inde xvimam ast xviimam si tran-
silias in eodem quintae partis loco xviimam contemplari poteris ;
eX Xviili ac xxmam transeundo in principio sextae partis, vigesimam
primam habere non dubitabis. Deinceps xv, xvimamque scilicet
omittens in exordio septimae partis, xvii in pasca lunam consistere
spectabis.

31. Sed sin versa vice in circulari ambitu easdem aetates retrorsum
transileas, quot ciclos praeterieris, hoc est tres totidem semper aetates
praetermittens, quartam congruam eidem rationi aetatem reperies.
Verbi gratia, xx lunam in isto vel in illo quocumque habens anno
Xviili, et Xvlll, xviimamque praeteriens, sextam decimam congruenter
invenies. Ita si rursus xv ac xxi atque vigesimam omiseris, nona
decima quarto loco convenienter occurret. Ita in septem ciclis
primis decennovennalibus universarum partium praedictarum, in his
cunctis per omnes eiusdem ordinis annos sibimet invicem responden-
tibus, pascales aetates vii certissima regula praescripta sine caliginosi
titubatione dubii scrupulosa commoventur.

Sic aequaliter in vii ciclis omnium partium secundis inter sese
convenientibus universalis eadem regula semper apparet. Nec non
tantundem in tertiis aliis vii, nec minus aeque in totidem quartis eodem
modo sic semper sollemnes aetates observare valebimus. 32. Quarum
exemplum sequens, ut facilius praescripta intelligantur, in gyro
rotae pariter ostendetur. Et in altera rotella omnes secundum
naturalis numeri ordinem pacales aetates conglomerabunt. Ut aetates

Espostro— Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 427

naturalis numeri, quae transiliuntur inter duas quasque in priori
rotula absque ingenii labore palam monstrentur, in secunda quae
nunc hic statim sequuntur, et aetates quoque quae ter et quae quater
in praedictis ciclis fiunt, post istas rotas binas confestim titulatae
succedent. Ita ut quae ter fiunt per T, et quae quater per Q, tantum
modo praescriptis earum numeris brevi significentur. Per quos quot
lunares aetates in unoquoque decennovenali bis fiunt facile semper
cognosces. Nam T in una et Q in altera linia scripta praememoratas
aetates, quae fiunt in primo decennovenali cuiusque partis, demon-
strabunt. Et rursus e contrario Q ac T secundi cicli aetates
ostendent, quia prius aetas, quae quater fit, quamque ter in secundo
ciclo invenitur. Item T sola littera tertium ciclum manifestat.
Quoniam motas ter aetates non habet. T quoque et Q, sicut primum,
ita quartum ciclum significabunt.

Sic haec omnia planissime quisquis intellectualis in rotis binis ac
totidem litteris titulatis, quae continuo succedunt, intellegere ac
recordari poterit.

1 Ty.
a tp se - D ats

4 n il Q.
A by A. ii
= < bd a
ee ll
a by ey
3 by % ¥ i
ae Y “oO re boars
ce Te mu

4x “ 111 h*

Sic aleam, inter solis et lunae cursum creatoris omnium mirabili
dispensatione factam, scribendo quantum potui enucleans diligenter
narravl.

33. xr. Quarto decimo loco, hoc est novissimo in ratione, magni
cicli non omittere scribere animadverto, quali ordine ab omnibus
decennovenalis cicli annis solanus ciclus decies novies incipit. Et
quali similiter ordine in universis cicli solaris annis decennovenalis
ciclus vigies octies primordium semper accipit; tali ordine solis ciclus
in decennovenali ciclo semper incipit. Post primum ciclum solis,
qui in uno simul anno, et primus lunae ciclus initium recipit, secundes
utriusque sideris ciclos propter concordiam convenientis regulae primos
istic ita figurate dicemus. Sic iste solis ciclus, quem primum ficte
fieri dixi, in decimo quasi primi cicli lunae anno semper incipit.
Secundus ciclus solis in nono decimo secundi anno cicli lunae princi-
pium sumit. Tertius solis in anno nono quarti cicli lunae. Quartus
in Xvill anno quinti cicli lunae exordium habet. 34. Quoniam tertius

[39*]

428 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

secundum istum ordinem ciclus lunae numquam cicli solaris in se
possidet initium, sed sic istam regulam inter binos ciclos solanos
semper servare valebimus, ut quotus ab unario fuerit annus in ciclo
lunari, ex quo primum solaris ciclus initiatur, minus uno sit "post
denarium in ciclo lunae annus quo alter solis ciclus sequens incipit.
Et quot fuit post denarium annus in principio secundi cicli praecedentis
binarii, hoc est secundi cicliduorum praecedentium, uno decennovenali
praetermisso, eodem semper anno in ciclo lunae ab unario primus
binarii sequentis ciclus incipiet. Ita rursus ab anno, cui contigerit
fieri post decem minus uno, sicut in primo ciclorum binario monuimus,
alter ciclus succedens inchoabit. Sic in aliis ciclis omnibus sequentibus
haec eadem regula, primus solis et secundus ciclus in semet custodiri
poterunt. Quia sicut non ab alio post unarium anno in principio magni
cicli nisi in primo decennovennalis solanus ciclus incipit, sic secundus
solaris non ab alio post denarium anno, sed a decimo cicli lunae suscipit
exordium. Sic post istos solares duos ciclos, alios binos regulariter
semper iunxeris qualicumque anno incipiet post denarium primus
eodem suscipit exordium, ab unario inchoabit secundus, ut primus
ciclus, in anno nono decimo. Ac secundus in nono et quocumque
ordinis anno ex unario posterior ciclus duobus primordium sumpserit
minus uno post decem prior duobus subsequentibus ministrabitur. Sed
ciclus decennovennalis, quinumquam principium cicli solis in se habet
inter duos ciclos unius semper binarii, in hac regula transilitur cum
in prima regula inter duos binarios praetermittatur. 85. Si quoque
hane eandem rationem facilius cognoscere desideres, postquam con-
sideraveris quotus annus est decennovennalis, a quo quisquis ciclus
solis incipit, si minus aut si plus quam decimus fuerit, adde illis viiii
semper et sic absque ullo errore quotus annus erit decennovennalis,
ex quo incipiet sequens ciclus solaris, manifeste intelleges. Verbi
gratia, illi primo primi decennovennalis anno, a quo prius ciclus solis
incipit, auge vill. Fiunt decem. Sic decimus annus, quo praedictus
ciclus secundus incipit, fore dubitare non potest. Cum non plus quam
decimus sit annus, quo ciclus incipiebat, addit viii denario, decem
novemque pariter cumulatis, in nono decimo inceptus esse anno tertius
eiclus ostenditur. Dum plus quam decimus annus consistat, non
solum vilil non augebis, verum etiam x semper subtrahere memento,
remanentibus villi, nonus annus cicli lunae, quo quartus ciclus solis
incipit, fieri declaratur. Sed ista posterior regula non tantum per
omnem ciclum magnum, sed inter finem illius et principium alterius
eiusdem cicli magni nulla contrarietate dissolvitur. Sed indissolubilis
circulari ambitu semper sine fine permanet.

Esposiro—Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 429

36. Vel si aliter hoc idem ius explorare volueris, ut plane istum
ordinem sine ulla difficultate scias, novem ciclis, qui sunt in locis
paribus, id est secundus quartus sextus ct alii ab omnibus annis
decennovennalis a decimo retrorsum usque ad secundum incipiunt.
Nam totidem sequentes alii, qui in locis imparibus fiunt, hoc est
tertius quintus septimus aliique cunctis decennovennalis annis retro
a nono decimo usque ad undecimum initium capiunt. Ita palam
tripliciter ostenditur quali videlicet ordine ex universis decennoven-
nalis annis ciclus solis semper incipit. 37. Finita nuntiatione de incep-
tione solis ciclorum in lunae ciclis, quali ordine decennovennales cicli in
solaribus ciclis semper incipiunt, profabor. Relicto primo lunae ciclo,
cunctos alios in ternariis, id est tres pariter ciclos in una regula,
ponam. Quorum primi ternarii primus decennovennalis in vigesimo
primi cicli solis anno incipit. Secundus in undecimo, Tertius in
secundo. Sic in secundo ternario primus ciclus in vigesimo primo.
Secundus in duodecimo. Tertius in tertio cicli solaris anno primor-
dium suscipit. Ita toti cicli eiusdem ordinis uniuscuiusque ternarii,
per unarium semper crescentes usque ad finem magni solis et lunae
cicli, exordium sumunt.

388. Aut si alias idem ius cognoscere volueris, haec facile recordare ;
quantum transcendit annum nonum decimum annus, in quo incipit
primus ciclus cuiusque praememorati ternarii, tantum denarium
transit annus, quo medius eiusdem ciclus initiatur; quantumque
transilit annus, quo medius ciclus accipit exordium, tantum discedit
ab unario ille, quo tertius coepit; et quotcumque fuerint anni ex
unario usque ad annum, quod incipit tertius ciclus lunaris cuiusque
ternarii, si addideris xviii illis, totidem annos semper invenies a
principio cicli solaris usque ad annum, quo primus ciclus sequentis
iam ternarii incipit. Sic a primo ciclo decennovennalis usque ad
vigesimum octavum hanc rationem non nescire.

39. Sin per alium modum eandem rationem non nescire concu-
piscas, sublatis villi de numero annorum, in quorum novissimo primus
ciclus cuiusque ternarii incipit, numerum ordinis anni, quo secundus
elusdem ternarii ciclus initium recipit, invenies. Verbi gratia, sub-
tractis novem de xx remanent xi, sic annus undecimus esse ostenditur,
quo primi ternarii secundus ciclus incipit. Si ex undecim rursus
auferas villi, remanentes ii secundum annum cicli solis fore prin-
cipium tertii cicli decennovennalis primi ternarii demonstrant. Ita
quando primo et secundo repulsis viili, remaneant x, si ex decem
iterum abstuleris viiii, unus qui superest non solum primi cicli
annum sed etiam magni cicli, quo primus decennovennalis incipit,

430 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

fieri manifestat. Sic haec ratio in rotali esse gyro sine fine decla-
ratur.

40. Si hane eandem rationem facillime intellegere volueris, ciclos
decennovennales in tres partes divide. Id est, ut prima pars incipiens
a primo decennovennali, duos transiliendo semper decennovennales,
tertium sumat, et sic illos decem ciclos in decem primis annis cicli
solaris secundum naturalis ordinem numeri spectabis incipere.
Secunda pars a secundo decennovennali primordium suscipiens,
omittens similiter duos, tertius novies omnes annos cicli solaris a
vigesimo usque ad vigesimum octavum incipiens tenet. Tertia pars
a tertio decennovennali videlicet initians, praetermittens tantundem
duos ciclos, tertius novies omnibus cicli solaris annis ab undecimo
usque ad nonum decimum annum inchoat. Ita decennovennalis acci-
piens exordium, totos cicli solaris annos lucide numerat, quod in isto
praedicto quadrivio certum fieri probare poteris.

41. In quali ordine numeri solaris annus in anno lunari semper
incohat, hic subsequenter in titulis breviter ostenditur :

x
XV1111
Vllll i
XVll XVlll1 x
Vili XV1ll villi
XVll XVll Vill
Vil Xvi vil
XV KV al
v1 xiii Vv
XV xi liil
v Xai 11
X11 x1 ul
lili
Xili
lil
Xl

Esposito—Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 481

42. In quali ordine numeri lunaris annus in anno solari incipit,
hic titulate ostenditur :
1 1
xXx ll xx xl
po lil XX1 Xll
ll lili XXil Xili
XxX1 Vv XXili Xlill
xii v1 XXilll XV
111 vil XXV Xvl
XXil Vlll XXV1 XVll
Xi vill XXVll Xvylll
1111 x XXVlll XVlill

XXiili
XV

XXvl
Xvll
vill
XXVli
Xvlll
villi
XXVlll
XVilll

Cap, IIIT.

1. Sed nullus mirari debet quod annum solanum in principio
decennovenalis anni semper inchoare dixi. Dum solaris annus in
vernali aequinoctio hoc in vigesimo primo die mensis Marti
naturaliter incipit. Ac decennovenalis annus in quinta decima
postea luna pascali primordium iuxta naturam capit. Sicut quamvis
longius post duodecimas Kalendas Aprelis indictionum anni ab octavis
Kalendis Octobris et anni lunaris circuli a luna mensis Lanuarii ordiri

432 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

leguntur, concurrentibus septimanae diebus ac pascha complexis
protinus in paschalibus ciclis una semper initiantur. Annus etiam
dominicae incarnationis, si in die illius incarnationis inceperit, in
vigesimo quinto semper die mensis Martii inchoabit. Sed tamen idem
tantumdem praedicta solemnitate finita sentiturincipere. Numerus
etenim annorum incarnationis, qui in paschali cireulo scribitur,
non ad anni futuri primordium, sed ad finem praeteriti pertinet.

2. Cur primus dies anni solis in duodecimis Kalendis Aprelis
naturaliter fieri a Graecis et Aegyptiis, caculationis vere peritissimis,
adfirmatur. Nisi eo quod certum aequinoctium omnia sidera de prima
luce specialiter format in illo die quarto fuisse demonstrat.

Quare lunaris annus non in alia aetate, sed in quinta decima luna
paschal exordium iuxta naturam capit. Non solum quia luna in
nocte primae apparitionis sui supra terram eandem aetatem habuit,
sicut perfecte cetera cuncta creator universorum condidit. Sed
scilicet, quoniam Mosaicum pascha semper a vespere quartae decimae
lunae primi mensis, hoc est ab illius fine, quod est initium quintae
decimae lunae secundum nostrum inchoat Imperium. Ita, septem
diebus completis, in vespere, id est in fine trigesimi primi diei eiusdem
primi mensis terminabatur. Idcirco Aegyptii atque Graeci illius diei,
in cuius praecedenti nocte luna primitus supra terra apparuit, epactas
per quas totus annus lunaris regulatur scripserant.

3. Ideo Nicenum spiritale concilium non tam sensu constituentis
nova, quam sensu adfirmantis vetera, pasca in eo die, hoc est in
vigesimo secundo mensis Martii die, si luna dominicusque dies
congruenter conyenerint, faciendum arbitratum est. Quam ob rem
Hebraeis pascha praecipiebatur a vespere inchoare, quia sicut menses
et annos illi secundum lunam custodiebant. Ita totas sollemnitates
ab initio lunaris aetatis, id est a vespertina hora, eo quod in illa
primitus luna super terram apparuit, incipiebant, propter illae
religiosae mulieres evangelicae non in nocte post diem sabbati
naturaliter habet, sed in nocte post parasceven siluerunt secundum
mandatum.

Pro qua causa non per concurrentes alius diei, sed vigesimi quinti
tantum diei mensis Martii totius anni dies septimanae regulantur.
Non tantum quod ipse dies mensis novissimus primae septimanae
creationis mundi fuisse cognoscitur, hoe est primum sabbatum, in quo
requievit dominus ab universo opere suo, atque ultimus anni dies
dominicae incarnationis. Si spiritalis in die conceptionis inchoaret
ille verum etiam, quod in eo mensis die angelus Gabrihel ad Mariam
virginem videlicet venisse creditur.

Ksposrro—Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 488

LIBELLUS QUARTUS.
Car. 1.

1. Prosa silet, rursus dictabit cetera metrum.
Tertius hic finit, quartus liber incipit, atque
Bissextum et saltum qui investigando notabit,
Tardantem lunam solem cita sidera cuncta.
Tura loqui magni cupiens consumere cicli,
Nunc de bissexto, de sidere dicere vera,

Id quantum crescit per singula lumina solis,
Quid facit, ut semper fiat per quattuor annos
Plena dies plenis viginti quattuor horis,
Anno postremo consistens addita quarto,
Cursus utrum velox an tardus solis in orbe,
Cum celsa ascendat vel cum descendat in ima.
Metra tacens iterum monstrabit cetera prosa.

2. De incremento bissexti diligenter animadvertentes nunc
‘scribere necessario incipiunt; quomodo, autem, per singulos totius
anni dies bissextus crescit, et quae causa illum fore efficit, utrum
celeritas an verius tarditas solis, enuntiare intendimus. Annum
primo in quattuor partes aequales partimur, cum totus habeat annus
solaris ccclxv dies, unaquaeque quarta pars illius nonaginta ac
unum diem sexque horas, id est xc dies ac xxx possidere potest.
Dum sex horae de bissexti praeparatione per unum semper annum
crescant. Horam atque dimidiam, hoc est lx momenta deputare
parti separatim unicuique debemus. Tribus partibus relictis, unam
tantum partem, id est xci dies ac vi horae cum 1x momentis de
bissexti praeparatione retinere studemus. Si ex his duos menses,
cum aliis horis quas habent, proiciamus, unus quidem xxx dierum
atque decem horae, ac de praeparatione bissexti xx momenta
penitus remaneant. Si de mense et horis. > ne
unaquaeque pars diem ac dimidium et horae dimidiam partem ie
ebit, cum totidem hoc est xx momenta de bissexti adhuc praepara-
tione habeamus, unum etiam momentum super unamquamque
partem ponemus. Decem et novem partibus expulsis, una pars, id
est dies ac dimidius et unius dimidium horae cum _ bissextili
momento remanet, dimidium porro diem tertiamque dimidiae horae
partem cum tertia parte bissextilis momenti reicere debemus. Sic
unus dies ac duae tertiae partes dimidiae horae habere duas partes
tertias unius bissextilis momenti intelliguntur.

434 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

3. Post haec ut cognoscamus quantam partem de praeparatione
bissexti unus tantum dies habet, quae videlicet Ixxii ac partes
numerari valebunt ac duas partes dimidiae horae tertias, quas cum
die simul prius coniunximus, septuagesimam partem congrue
constituemus. Ita nempe duas partes tertias momenti praeparationis
bissexti. Inter illos Ixxiii partes aequaliter dividere debemus. Sic
sine dubio tarditas ascendentis ac descendentis solis efficit ut de
vestigiis ascensionis ac descensionis debitae cotidie illius desinit
duae partes tertiae momenti, nisi tantum modo lxxiiia pars, quam
sol omnino consumens in omni die penetrat.

4, Eiusdem quidem bissexti incrementa aliter verissime expediri
potest. Ab undecimis Kalendis Januarii mensis usque ad xii
Kalendas Iulii mensis cum bis xc atque semel unus dies ascendentis
habeantur, solis unum diem inter clxxx dies dividere debemus.
Dum vi menses in praedicto tempore consistant, unus quisque xxx
possidens dies, unum diem de praememorato numero remanentem inter
sex menses nobis partiri convenit. Hoc est unicuique mensi Iulio
horas deputare ut quindecim diebus duae solum modo augeantur.
Quae fiunt octuaginta momenta, id est quinque sedecies, e quibus
quinque quindecies super quindecim diebus, hoc est quinque simpliciter
momenta super singulis ex quindecim diebus componi congruit. Post
haec quinque tantum momenta remanserunt, quae super xv diebus
praenunciatis, id est unum quodque momentum in tres dies constituere
convenienter debemus. Dum per sex menses et unum diem ascensionis
solis de bissexti praeparatione tres semper horae crescant, per unum
mensem et quattuor horas xx momenta bissextilis rationis facta integre
inveniuntur.

5. Sic dividendo mensem secundum priorem narrationem per dies
ac dimidios singulos dies, in uno die et quinque momentis atque tertia
parte complexa momenti ostentum, id est duas partes tertias unius
momenti de bissexti ratione reperies. Ut quantum in uno tantum die
integre crescit de bissexti incremento non aestimantes dubitemus, sed
certi sine dubio sciamus, diem in centum octuaginta partes etiam
dividemus, dum in unaquaque parte quinque momenta et pars unius
tertia momenti, partem, quae cum die pariter ante congregata sunt,
centesimam octuagesimam primam partem constituemus.

_Ita duas tertias partes bissextilis momenti inter istas omnes partes
aeque partiuntur. Sic vere ascendentis tarditas solis praestat, ut de
itinere ascensionis debitae cotidie duae partes tertiae momenti supra
habitae absque centesima octuagesima prima illarum parte, quam sol
finit transcendens, defuerint. Sic ab undecimis Kalendis Juli usque

Esprostro—Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 435

ad duodecimas Kalendas Ianuarii mensis contemplari poteris, si xc bis
dies menses fieri faciamus, de quattuor diebus remanentibus xe atque
sex horas habentibus, unicuique mensi sedecim horas, unicuique diei
dimidiam horae partem unumque momentum ac tertiam partem
momenti debere coniungere videmus.

6. Post haec unum diem in xly partes partimur. In quibus
unaquaeque pars dimidium horae et unum momentum tertiamque
momenti partem retinere valebit; atque quadragesimam sextam
partem dimidium horae et momentumque ac tertiam momenti partem,
quam prius uni diei generaliter consociavimus, una convenienter
ponimus. Si descendens sol etiam in unaquaque die duas partes
tertias momenti, quas nominari ostentum legimus, subtus habens
de itinere unius cuiusque diei debito vis xl quadringentesima lx
pars diei bissextilis cotidie inde si ineunt per totidem, id est per
icceclx dies crescit. Eo quod sol non ascendit ac non descendit,
ut praediximus, per diurna nocturnague spatia tantum quantum
debet, idcirco breviorl semper temporis intervallo ab ortu usque ad
ortum transcurrit, ut de integro die, hoc est de deccclx momentis
illud quantum veraciter praememoravimus defuerit.

7. Post haee quisquis ingeniose vixerit, intellegito quod incre-
mentum bissextile cotidianum non tantum plene spatii habet, quantum
dixi sed paulisper minus est. Namque millesima quadringentesima
sextagesima pars illius cotidie desit. Sin enim fuisset integre quantum
praedixi, fuisset etiam die ille quadrantilis longior quam universi dies
anni, id est deccc et lx plene momentorum. Quod non potest in natura
fierl cursuum solis, sed aequaliter in longitudine cuncti dies ab occasu
usque ad occasum et ab ortu usque ad ortum solarem semper fiunt.
Quamvis breviter versificans praedixerim plena dies plenis viginti
quattuor horis, quis quoque per inaequalem numerum dierum ignorans
dubitat, quod velocior fit ascensio solis in tempore crescentis diel quam
descensio illius in tempore crescentis noctis, sicut reuma certe maris
citius efficitur, hoc est ad issa ipsius quam recessa.

Cap. I.

1. Bissextum cecini tardanti sole paratum.
In celeri fieri luna spectabis eundem.

Est itidem etiam in luna simili ratione bissextus, quin nisi in luna
bissextus fieret, a die bissexti per octo sequentes annos, qui
complevissent finiendo semper si saltus non esset lunarem ciclum,
concordia lunae, quae habetur cum diebus mensium, turbaretur.

436 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Non solum post xxviiii dies ac xii horas, in quibus lunaris mensis
consummari dicitur, velocitas lunae solem antecedentis praestare
videlicet potest, ut bissexti aetas post praememoratum spatium
crescat. Verum etiam supplendam aetatem septem embolismorum
praeparare valet. 2. Nam, si tardius lunaris cursus fuisset quam
sit, prius nempe luna, sole intra illam et coelum recte interveniente
suum cursum menstrualem consumpsisset, cum lunaris mensis a
studiosis huius rationis, complexis xxviili diebus ac dimidio die
Xxxlii momenta dimidiumque momenti et quintam momenti partem,
atque quintae partis dimidii momenti quadragesimam partem habere
aestimetur. In ducentis xxxv luminis, quae decennovennalem
implent, omnino ciclum congregantes una illa cumulabimus lunas,
cogente necessitate, pluraliter, appello. Ab unaquaque luna xxx
momenta accipiam, lx a duabus, a quattuor horas iii, ab viii horas
Xxx, ex octaginta horas lx, ex cxx horas xc, ex cc horas cl, ex
ecxxxv lunis horas clxxvi et momenta x, hoc est vii dies et horas
vill decemque momenta. Ex unaquaque rursum luna tria momenta
suscipiam, vi a duabus, xxx ex decem, lx ex xx, tres horas ex xl,
XV ex cc, x ac vil horas atque xxv momenta ex ccxxxv lunis. Ex
unaquaque luna iterum dimidium momenti ex cctis ¢ momenta, ex
ccxxxv lunis duas horas atque momenta xxxvii dimidiumque momenti.
Ex unaquaque itidem luna quintam partem momenti, id est ex v
momentum unum, ex xx lunis i111 momenta, ex c lunis xx momenta,
ex cctis lunis unam horam, ex ccxxxy hora una atque septem
momenta. Ex unaquaque item luna quadragesimam septimam par-
tem quintae partis dimidii momenti. 3. Quod facilius intellegi quibit
si totas lunas praenuntiatas in v partes diviserimus. Ut unaquaeque
pars xlvii lunas habeat, ut ex unaquaque parte quintam dimidii
momenti partem recipiamus.

Recapitulantes quoque haec universa praedicta colligere volumus ;
hoc est vii dies et vili horas xque momenta, similiter x ac vii horas
atque xxv momenta. Sic duas horas atque momenta xxxvii dimi-
diumque momenti; ita horam unam atque vii momenta. Kodem
lure quadragesimam septimam quintae partis dimidii momenti colligere
volumus. Sic ista cuncta praedicta diebus quattuor ac tribus quad-
rantibus bissextilis praeparationis, atque embolismorum tribus diebus
ac xil horis nec minus nec amplius sed aequaliter convenire putantur.

Haec de bissexto cecini, saltum memorabo,
Qui tarda luna effectus generatur in annis.

Espros1ro— Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 487

Cap. III,

1. De lunaris quidem saltus praeparatione, quantum breviter
possimus, dicere curamus. Primum, quod si post xxviii dies ac xii
horas tot momenta, quot praefati sumus, integre fuissent, numquam
saltus esse valeret. Sed, eo quod desunt aliqua de illis quae diximus,
quae nune nuntiantes saltum quanta sint dicemus, idcirco sit saltus.
Quod momenta brevitate mensis lunae tardantis desunt de illis, quae
post xxvilli dies atque xii horas in lunari mense fieri nuntiavimus
in sequentibus dicemus. 2. Quattuor momenta ex unaquaque luna
abstrahamus, villi ex duabus, horam ex x, v horas ex | lunis, x e
centum, xx ex cc, xxiii horas ac dimidiam horam ex cctis xxxv lunis.
Unam dimidiam horam de plenitudine diei desse videntes, duodecimam
momenti partem, hoc est unum integre momentum ex xii lunis
expellamus, quinque momenta ex lunis lx, decem momenta ex cxx,
quindecim momenta ex centum, Ixxx, x et villi momenta ex cctis
xx et vill. Ex unaquaque luna de vii remanentibus duodecimam
aequaliter momenti partem. Ex unaquaque luna de ccxxxv lunis
quadragesimam septimam partem duodecimae partis momenti, hoc est
ex quadraginta septem lunis duodecimam momenti partem.

3. Sic ex aetatibus lunae deputatis ante bissextilibus diebus una
lunaris aetas plene deesse manifeste cernitur. Quae sola causa
quidem lunarem fieri saltum praeparat, de quo facile fingentes
exemplum monstrabimus. Post xx primum diem mensis Marti,
xxvill lunam habentem bissexti diem fieri fingemus. Cum praedicto
die bissexti quasi xxviiii luna fore videatur, sequenti continuo diei
eadem aetas lunae, si saltus in ipso non esset anno, verius deputaretur.
Sed, eo quod saltus sit non praedicta aetas lunae, sed xxx esse veraciter
brevitate lunaris cursus menstrui citius ascensione praeveniente in
illo die erit.

Cap, TIT,

1. Defectum saltum lunari lumine dixi.
Bissextus lunae dicam quo iure creatur,
Inventis nuper veris, errore repulso.

Nunc iterum diligentius et veratius de lunari bissexto ac embolismis
considerabimus. Postquam momenta, quae ad saltum pertinent de
momentis quae bissexto atque embolismo deputari diximus, primitus
expullimus. Omnia quot remanserunt omnino monstrabimus. Hoc
est ex unaquaque luna accipere debemus xxviill momenta dimidiumque
momenti ac decimam partem momenti et sexagesimam partem

438 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

momenti atque quadragesimam septimam partem sexagesimae partis
momenti, quae nune sic investigare penitus incipimus. Ex unaquaque
luna xx momenta habere primo valebimus; ex duabus horam; ex xx
horas x; ex | lunis horas xxv; ex c horas 1; excc horas c; ex cexxxv
lunis dies 1111 horas xx et unam dimidiamque horam.

2. Sic iterum ex wunaquaque luna villi momenta; ex x lunis
xc momenta, id est duas horas x que momenta; ex xx lunis iili horas
ac dimidiam ; ex xl lunis viii horas; ex ce tis lunis xlv horas; ex
ecxxxv lunis dies duos horas ii1 momenta xxxv. Ita rursus ex
unaquaque luna dimidium momenti; ex cctis lunis 1 momenta, hoc
est horas i1 dimidiamque; ex ccxxxv lunis duas horas momenta xxx
septemque cum dimidio momenti. Tantumdem ex unaquaque luna
momenti decimam partem, id est ex x lunis unum momentum; ex
1 lunis momenta vy, ex cctis lunis momenta xx; ex ccxxxv lunis
momenta xxii dimidiumque momenti. Similiter ab unaquaque luna
sexagesimam partem momenti, hoc est ab lx lunis unum momentum,
ex clxxx lunis tria momenta, ex ccxxxv lunis momenta iii. Nisi
defuisset sexagesima pars momenti, quinquies propterea ex unaquaque
luna xlviimam partem sexagesimae partis momenti sumere debemus.

3. Quod facilius intellegi poterit si praedictas universas lunas,
ut prius fecimus, in v partes dividamus, ut unaquaeque pars xivii
lunaris habet, ut ex unaquaque parte Ixmam partem momenti
suscipiamus, ut quattuor momenta praedicta plena fiant. Sic ad
praeparationem bissexti et embolismi plusquam nongentesima
sexagesima prima pars lunaris mensis aut unius cuiusque aetatis
lunae constituitur. Nam quot sunt dies vere in lunari mense, id est
XxXvilli atque dimidius dies, totidem momenta post illos dies superflua
esse diximus.

Quia dum in una semper aetate lunae verbi causa ab occasu usque
ad occasum, et ab ortu usque ad ortum solis deccclx non plene
momenta ob solarem bissextum fiant. Nongentesimam sexagesimam
primam partem momentum bissextile unicuique diei, ac dimidium
momenti dimidio diel coniungimus. Post haec duodecima ac sexa-
gesima pars momenti, atque quadragesima septima pars sexagesimae
partis momenti superflue remanet. Quae omnia in triginta partes
partiri quibimus, ut unaquaeque pars cum bissextili momento unicul-
que diei atque uni dimidioque diei consocietur. Sed trigesima pars,
quae diei dimidio deputatur minus quam dimidiam partem suam
relinguere debet, ut inter xxvii dies dividatur.

4. Praescriptos numeros hic infra congregatim scribere volumus,
ut facilius praedicta intellegantur.

Esposiro—Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicutl, 439

Inter cexxxv lunas xx momenta ab unaquaque luna faciunt dies,
vii, horas viii, momenta x. Momenta viiii faciunt horas xvii,
momenta xxv. Dimidium momenti facit horas ii, momenta xxxvii
ac dimidium. Quintum momenti facit horam i, momenta vii. Quad-
ragesima septima pars quintae partis dimidii momenti facit dimidium
momentum. Omnino dies vili et horae sex fiunt.

Inter cexxxv lunas quattuor momenta abstracta ab unaquaque luna
faciunt horas xxiii ac dimidiam duodecimam momenti, et xlvii pars
momenti dimidiam horam faciunt. Dies una fit.

Inter ecxxxv lunas xx momenta ab unaquaque luna faciunt dies
lili, horas xxi ac dimidiam. Novem momenta faciunt dies ii, horas
lili, momenta xxxv. Dimidium momenti facit horas ii, momenta
XXXVil ac dimidium momenti. Decima pars momenti facit xxiii
momenta ac dimidium momenti. Lxma pars momenti et xlviima pars

sexagesimae partis momenti 1111 momenta faciunt. Omnino dies vii et
horae vi fiunt.

5. Ex his quae praedixi, O bone rex, cognoscere valebis quod si
sol tempore ascensionis suae cotidie quantum debuit ascenderet, ortum
occasumque suum ad septemtrionalem plagam magis quam sit exten-
disset. Atque in tempore descensionis suae ortum et occasum maius
quam sit ad austrum propinquare fecisset.

Vel si facile cognovissemus quando sol deecctos lx semper momenta
complet, et quando luna menstrualem cursum suum omnino vere finit.
Nec saltus nec bissextus fuisset. Nec lunaris aetas dimidia embolismi
lunae augeretur. Sic mirabili dispensatione divina factam ciclorum
concordiam utrorumque siderum plene bene intellegens sapere poteris.

Cap. V.

1. Tardior en quantum remanet retro, sole citato,
Luna hodierna loquar hesterna sorte locorum.

Post quot momenta in spacio xxiiii horarum luna tardior sole
cotidie remanet. A prima lunari aetate usque ad novissimam post
triginta duoque momenta dimidiumque momenti, ac paulo minus
quam vigesimam nonam illius partem, hoc est paulo pilus quam
trigesimam septuagesimae tertiae partis ostenti partem completo
die tardior semper lunare reperitur. Ostentum est, ut de quadran-
tili iure disputans praedixi, remanentes duae partes momenti post-
quam tertia illius segregata expellitur.

Omnia praescripta per omnes lunaris mensis dies hic pariter
congregabimus, xxx momenta in uno die, 1x in duobus, centum

440 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

xx, hoe est tres horae, in quattuor diebus, vi horae in octo,
xii horae in xvi, xxi horae in xxvill, xvii horae et v momenta
in XXvilii diebus, ac xii sequentibus horis cumulate efficiuntur.
Duo momenta rursus in wnoquoque die, iii in duobus, una hora
in xx diebus, x et villi momenta in novem diebus, ac suc-
cedentibus horis xii, quae coniuncta cum praescriptis momentis
faciunt xxiii horas atque xxilli momenta. Ac iterum dimidium
momenti in unoquoque die post praescriptos numeros accipitur.
Quae simul congregata xiilli momenta dimidiumque momenti et
quartam partem momenti complent. Quae pariter cum praedictis
numeris horae xxiii et momenta xxxvill ac dimidia quartaque pars
momenti videlicet fiunt.

2. In singulis iterum diebus universis praedictis inter solem
lunamque fier solet, ut intersit paulo plus quam trigesima pars
ternae partis momenti, et paulo plus quam trigesima pars quartae
partis momenti, ac paulo plus quam xxxma pars septuagesimae
tertiae partis unius ostenti. Quoniam septuaginta duae partes aliae
ipsius ostenti ad bissextilem quadrantem pertinent. Quid est, quod
dixi paulo plus quam trigesima pars, nisi eo quod dixi duodecim
horae noyissimi diei mensis lunaris habeant paulisper amplius quam
dimidiam partem trigesimae partis praedictae. Atque inter xviili
dies praecedentes altera pars totius numeri, cuius fiunt numeri, partes
ipsa tertia et quarta quas dixi.

3. Idcirco non aliter est tertia et quarta pars quam dimidia ac
duodecima semper, ut in omnibus horis diel quisquis illud, exempli
causa probare voluerit, facile reperiet. Sic in cunctis aliis numeris,
qui tertiam et quartam duodecimamque partem habent, certissime
inveniet. Ideo dixi tarda cotidie lunam a principio lunaris mensis
usque ad plenilunium elongari a celeri sole. Atque a plenilunio
usque ad lunaris mensis paene finem aeque rursus soli yeloci propin-
quare per xXxxli momenta dimidiumque momenti ac paulo plus
quam trigesimam partem dimidii momenti atque duodecimae partis
momenti et septuagesimae tertiae partis ostenti. Propterea haec in
XxXvilli diebus ac xii horis vigies octies dimidiaque semel tantum parte
tardans luna circumlustrat orbem terrarum. 4. Quamvis de con-
cordia immutabiliter stabili maris et lunae convenienter in hoe loco
narrari debuit, tamen quoniam sum procul separatus a mari, ingeni-
osis habitantibus iuxta mare eam nuatiare relinquo.

Esprostro— Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 441

Car. VI,

1, En quantum est citior quam sol conversio cael,
Ut dicunt veteres cum fixis omnibus astris.

Completo die uno et sexagesima secunda parte alterius diei
sequentis, id est xili momentis ac tertia plene parte momenti, sol
semper tardior sideribus in firmamento positis, illo velocioribus, post
duo momenta postque unum plene ostentum cotidie remanet. Ter-
minatis diebus tribus et una hora alius diei, post octo momenta
remanere videtur. Finitis diebus xv atque v horis, post horam fieri
reperitur. Consumpto mense, hoc est xxx diebus ast x horis, post
duas horas fieri invenitur. Consummatis duobus mensibus et xx horis,
post quattuor horas esse conspicitur. Completis lxxxiii diebus, post
quattuor horas et post xxxii momenta tardior semper sol stellis prae-
dictis adesse deprehenditur.

2. Sic in alus lxxiii diebus, quater usque ad finem anni, per
eadem spacia cotidiana, tardior sol celestibus astris remanet. Haec
iam causa praestat, ut sol in toto videlicet anno, hoc est in ccclxv
diebus et bissextili quadrante, xii omnino semper signa peragret. Ita
quidem omnes stellae in firmamento constitutae in solari penitus anno
ecelxvies circumeunt orbem terrae, praeter illas, quae circum eum
eunt, duas chias stellas, id est duos caeli cardines, hoc est septem-
trionalem, quem videmus, et, ut philosophi testantur, subterraneum
australem, quem numquam cernere possumus. Quae stellae totiens
caeli cardines circumcingunt, quotiens aliae universae praedictae cir-
cumlustrant orbem terrarum. 38. Sed illum cursum rotalem stell-
arum, uti primum disticon titulans hance quaestionem declarat, circum
firmamento cotidie simul fieri philosophi adfirmant. Licet alii dicunt
stabile fieri firmamentum ac sidera currere tantum. lam si velocitas
solis in aethere vel in firmamento semper immobiliter stante, ceu
scriptum est, volantis in annuo spatio, ut ille peragret xii sidera,
efficeret non ex priore signo in posterius retrorsum intrasset. Verbi
eratia, ex Ariete in Taurum, ex Tauro in Geminos, et cetera; sed ex
subsequente in praecedens signum intravisset, ut ex Ariete in Pisces,
at ex Piscibus in Aquarium, ac reliqua. Sed si sol atque luna et
stellae, quae planetae nominantur, in firmamento sine ulla cessatione
cessente positi sunt, ut multi existimant, non tarditas eorum quidem
facit, ut ex anterioribus signis in succedentia transmigrent. Sed eo
quod contra impetum totius caeli propriis semper cursibus feruntur.

R.I,A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. C.] [40]

442 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Et, si sic est, nihil aliud mihi videtur efficere, ut cotidie tardior luna
remaneat sole, nisi eo quod luna fortius quam sol adversum in
cessabile firmamentum vehitur.

Cap, VUE.

1. Prosa vacans istic, tum metrica verba sequuntur,
In quanto spatio sol intrat siderea arva.
Quantum luna intrat viginti et quattuor horis,
Quantum hodie signum praecessit in ordine lunam,
Tantum ante te solem in septem sex atque diebus
Viginti et sex momentis iam parteque nona
Momenti unius paulisper eo amplius atque
Praecedet solem signum, in quo longius adhuc
In spatio dicto lunam interque illud habendo
In fine unius consumpto rite diel.

En quod praedixi numeratis plus remanere
Momenti id sextae partis septem ordine nonae.
Hos binos numeros inter partimur in aequa,
Viginti ac septem cum octo horis lumina solis
Luna in quis signa integre duodena peragrat,
Tarda retro remanens, fugiant cum sidera fixa.
Metra silent, ac idem demum ius prosa loquetur.

2. Cum luna perlustret unumquodque signum per duos dies et per
vi horas ac per bis se unius horae. Et xii omnino signa in viginti
septem diebus et octo horis semel transcurrat. Ac decies atque ter in
trecentis quinquaginta quinque diebus octoque horis eadem xii signa
peragrat. Remanent xvi horae viilique dies usque ad finem solaris
anni, in quibus quarta decima vice transit linia quattuor sidera atque
paulisper minus quam quartam partem quinti signi. Hoc est xiii
horas ac tertiam partem quartae decimae horae illius. 38. Quoniam
luna in unoquoque signo habeat li horas et bis se, id est duas partes
tertias unius horae, ut cognoscamus in quot diebus et momentis ac
partibus momentorum sol in signum retro tantum spatii transit,
quantum luna in xxii horarum die tardans retrorsum intrat, post
etiam xiii discursus lunae in zodiaco circulo finitos xvi horas et viili
praedictos dies, qui restant usque ad finem solaris anni, in xiii partes
aequales dividere animadverto, dum praememorati dies cum xvi horis
cexxxii horas habeant. Sic ccxx unamque horam in xiii partes aeque
dividam. Unaquaeque pars x, vii que horas habebit.

Sin de undecim remanentibus horis punctos fecero, xlii erunt,

Esposito — Astronomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 448

Ex quibus si Xxxvilii in xiii partes divisero, unaquaeque pars iii
punctos possidebit. In quinque punctis restantibus momenta 1
fiunt. A quibus xxxvilli momenta faciunt xiii partes, una-
quaeque pars tria momenta retinens. Undecim momenta remanentia
complent xvi ostenta atque dimidiam partem ostenti. Ex illis
xiii ostenta aequaliter in totidem partes dividenda, remanent tria
ostenta ac dimidia pars ostenti, hoc est duo momenta tertiaque pars
momenti. Quae si partita fuerunt in xiii partes, unaquaeque pars
sextam momenti partem palam videtur habere. Si istae tum xiii
partes dividantur singulae omnino sextam partem momenti atque
tertiam partem decimam partem sextae partis momenti, hoc est
septuagesimam octavam partem momenti habebunt. Ita quidem tarda
luna semel transiens per signiferum circulum et rursus minus quam
tertiam partem primi signi in tertia decima parte praedictarum xvi
horarum atque viili dierum, hoc est in xviique horis ac tribus punctis
totidemque momentis et uno ostento. At sexta momenti parte ast
septuagesima octava, ceu praedictum est, parte momenti sol tardans
tertiam decimam partem signorum horoscopi peragrat.

4. Post haec, ut cognoscatur in quanta parte quarti decimi dici
post iam xiii dies completos intrat sol in signum tantum spatii,
quantum introit luna in die xxiii horarum. Horas et punctos ac
momenta partesque momentorum praedictas inter xxvii dies et viii
horas, in quibus luna penitus zodiacum pertransit, partiri volo. Si
decim septemque praememoratae horae in dimidias partes dividantur,
Xxxilii erunt habentes singulae xx momenta. Ex quibus, si xxvil
diebus totidem partes iungantur, remanebunt vil partes, quae cxi
momenta habent. A quibus cxx momenta inter xx dies dividi debent,
id est vi momenta pertinentia ad unumquemque diem, remanserunt xx
momenta. Quibus si ii puncti augeantur, simul 1 momenta fiunt.
E quibus xl momenta dividenda inter vii dies, unusquisque dies
possidebit vi momenta; remanent vill momenta et unum ostentum.
Coniungi vili horis post xxvii dies remanentibus debent. Remanent
tria momenta, quae si dividantur intra xxvli dies, unusquisque dies
nonam partem momenti habebit. Remansit sexta pars momenti. Illa
quidem si partiatur in partes novem, duae partes ipsarum nonam partem
tertiae partis momenti complebunt. Quae viii horis post xxvii dies
remanentibus iungi videlicet debent. Remanent novissime vii partes
nonae sextae partis momenti. Hoc est, postquam sexta momenti pars
in novem partes dividitur, septem ex illis remanent ac tertia decima
pars sextae partis momenti, id est septuagesima octava pars, ut prae-
dixi, momenti. Quas inter xxvii dies et vii horas partir debemus.

[40*]

414 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Ita, dum tardans quantum luna transit in hereditatem sideream in
xxilii horis, ostenditur sol aequaliter idem spatium peragrare in xiii
diebus et xxvi momentis nonaque parte momenti atque paulisper minus
quam vigesima septima parte praescriptarum partium minimarum.

5. Sie dum philosophi narrant stellas in firmamento positas maiorem
circuitum solis circuitu habere, tamen illa sidera sole velociora semper
esse certe videntur.

Quoniam, si aequaliter cucurrissent, in uno eodemque signo semper
sol fuisset ; ita sol perspicue celerior quam luna fieri cernitur. Cum
idem philosophi lunam breviorem sui cursus circulum pertransire con-
firment, sin alicui istius obscurae quaestionis haec difficilis displicuerit
solutio, nuntiato ille facilius et ego hac neglecta, narrationem ipsius
voluntarie sequar. Idcirco hance quaestionem novissimam eius libri
primo breviter per metrum, et iterum eandem per prosam narravi, ut
videatur, veluti in prima parte tertii voluminis huius codicis dixi,
quantum difficiliores essent isti codiculi, si per metrum scripti fuissent,
quam si per prosam. Quod in primo circulo istorum quattuor libel-
lorum, ubi duo argumenta de numero crescenti invento de numeroque
per semet multiplicato scripta sunt, videri manifeste potest, quia prius
illa per prosam, deinde per metrum nuntiavi.

6. Prosa tacet, claudens dicet restantia metrum.
Quisquis in his videas incertum corrige recte,
Impediit me etenim forsan doctrina scolarum.
Mens ad multa minor divisa ad singula, namque
Praesertim humanas raro dum vidimus artes
Profecte fierl iam posse per omnia plene.

Haec dum quisque scribat debet discernere caute
Ne pereat metrum confuso famine prosae,

Aut non discretas sese inter versibus ipsis,
Fine ac principio commixtis versiculorum,
Linia si partim simul una tenebit utrumque.
Quattuor ex notis versum quater amplificabo,
Versiculos alios ternos ita namque notabis.
Tempora ferventis velocis cernite solis
Tempora velocis ferventis cernite solis

Cernite ferventis velocis tempora solis

Cernite velocis ferventis tempora solis.

Nec plus versiculus valet unus multiplicari.
Post octingentos annos iam postque bis octo,
Conceptu domini praesens nunc annus habetur,

Esposrro—Astionomical Treatise by the Irish Monk Dicuil. 445

Perfecte ex aliis, quae sunt scripta ante relinquens,
Dixi, ut sol calidus currunt et frigida luna

Per parvos ciclos ac magnos tramite certo,
Bissextum lunae et solis, saltum ordine lunae,
Tardantem lunam solem, cita sidera cuncta,
Aethereas memorans stellas iam quinque vagantes.
Semper licet caelent se quas quoque semper videmus.
Pastores ovium et caprum tardique subulci,
Custodesque boum nec non servator equorum,
Rite domum referunt omnes armenta gregesque.
Proprietas sequitur, dicunt ut grammatici ipsam.
Non proprie scriptis de multis pauca profabor,

Ut reprehensores studeant diseernere caute,

Nam magis id cupiunt multi, quam vera probare,
Grammatici, quamvis in multis propria dicunt,
Auctores eadem saepe haud servare videntur.
Praesertim vates artant quos metrica iura,

Ut prior atque alter de multis noscitur esse,

De binis alius primusque existere contra,

Luces et paces pluraliter esse videmus.

Si alia elusdem paria rationis habentur,

De binis alius de multis alter habetur,

De binis primus de multis et prior extat.

Si sic discutias artes, aliquando videbis

Propter missis multis fero pauca relatum,

Nam paria eiusdem iuris si dixero cuncta,

Ante diem clauso componet vesper Olympo.

446

Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

BREVIS ADNOTATIO CRITICA.

Se ae SU

. De saltu lunari] In margine additur: bissexto.

. mensis ] men convenient sis cod.

. xii] Correctio supra scripta: vii.

. quippe| Correctio supra scripta: num.

. prioribus| Correctio supra scripta: precedentibus.

6. Post quatuor—posterioribus versibus] Haec verba in codicis

margine superiore scripta sunt.

7. Alti] In margine superiore haec verba adduntur: aera non
tangit haec sed tantum aetherissima.

8. Pythagoras—sidera fixa] Hi versus in codicis margine inferiore

scripti sunt.
9) illum. .

10. subtrahere. .
nuntio.

. .| Locus mutilus ; forte excidit, diem.
. .| Locus corruptus: mentio cod.; forte pro

INDEX NOMINUM PROPRIORUM.

Alcuinus (Albinus) Praef.; Note.

Augustus IT, cap. xiii, 3, 4, 7.

Caesar I, cap. viii, 5.

Cantor Praef.

Carolus T; yva,.5> 451, 1,

Christus I, cap. ili, 2.

Columbanus Praef.

David II, cap. xiii, 7.

Dicuilus Praef.; I, cap. vi, 5;
1, cap. vil, 6.

Donatus Praef.; I, cap. vii, 5.

Diimmler Praef.; Note.

Dungalus Praef.

Ebert Praef.

Gabrihel ITI, cap. iii, 3.

Helias I, cap. vi, 4.

Hloduicus I, cap. vi, 5;
vill, Oo; Ll, cap: xii, Vv.

cap.

Houzeau Praef.

Lancaster Praef.

Letronne Praef.

Louis Note.

Maga Praef.

Mangeart Praef.

Maria III, cap. iu, 3.
Marianus Scottus Praef.
Mommsen Praef.

Origenes Praef.

Pythagoras Praef.; IT, cap. i, 1, 4.
Sanderus Praef.

Sickel Praef.

Sybilla Praef.

Victorius Note.

Virgilius Salisburgensis Praef.
Ysidorus Praef.

ME DLISs LLA FRIAS 2

| QUO TUSMENSIS ISTABAPRELL
‘ ot qumeranicls inrelleqere uoluemf A

Halencdh(euiden aplf lunar Abnicspl ao

: demnafepens lure haber: principitt ected:
haul rmomt femp incipe Ac epeny aigetion quant dt
Ot is vdennfnentif mara: fed mA eoorrtrarto r&ror{a
miverta urfiutr prince nounfimre ALnourffimae

ke qupfic inf hoc ordine fertburre practice .

"thy

ven CRIME SAGE ROGET LATTE ~ << ae

EAA SS ai

” 4 " mney. ty H% g 4% % ae Beye |
%, ee Til: ow YEE 0%". 417)

% 1 m4 1?

249% Visage in feprmodecimo firm incipteriyTe

PTR AMO epacaf fepr er ecwna locu pofid 671

en rma ane retroqrado qc Atar % fisvre-

3% leford nalreer- epicraf quot fuemnr in ket

TH emycug: menfis “MT pUTA Nunc NT. meres. f;

Arner confpicienre arr CONTT ES? - Qin e oil
pet 9 et. frurrr . Dehif x4 expulfir uunuf remanma”
voraa menfif enuf cmon hoe &ipreliy e& wschecgr

‘
Pn a ne Sea of
eA ah ood rosea ee _~

Pe Nati

Esposito : DICUILI DE ASTRONOMIA.

Codex Valentianensis, No. 386 (N. 4. 43), fo. 67 v°.

aes? ol

AVE

THE CISTS, DOLMENS, AND PILLARS OF THE WESTERN
HALF OF THE COUNTY OF CLARE.

By THOMAS JOHNSON WESTROPP, M.A.

Prates X XIIIT.-XXYV.

Read June 10. Ordered for Publication Junz 12. Published Jury 31, 1907.

Tur dolmens of Eastern Clare having been treated with considerable
detailin the Proceedings of this Academy, we are led to bring forward
briefer notes on the more numerous monuments of the western half of
the county, in order to complete as far as possible the list of its early
remains before the close of the older series of our publications.
Though we do this somewhat earlier than we intended, it is in the
belef that longer and more systematic work in the past may have
put the field-work of this more difficult district on at least a par with
the notes on the eastern monuments. We also believe that, though
individual examples of various forms of dolmen may yet be discovered,
the survey is too far advanced for these to affect the broad facts of
distribution and type. Beyond these questions we hardly venture to
advance at present.

There are, it may be remembered, three preceding papers,’ which
may be taken withthe present one as covering the known dolmens, cists,
and pillars of Clare. The first, in 1897, aimed at giving a fuller lst
than was then in print. It gave, besides the list, detailed accounts of
the monuments of Ballyganner Hill, Addroon, Corbehagh, Tyredagh,
and Caherloghan. The other two papers cover Eastern Clare, being
devoted to the baronies respectively of Upper and Lower Bunratty
and Upper and Lower Tulla. There is also a detached account of
the remains at Ballycroum.’

1 Proc., Ser, iii., Vol; iy., p..542, xxiv. (C), pp..85,'107:
2 Ibid., Ser. ii., vol..vi., p. 8d.

R.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SECT. C; [41]

448 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Previous SURVEYS.

The surveys earlier than 1897 were extremely defective. In
1808 Hely Dutton noted, briefly enough, but with some curious
notes, eight dolmens—Deerpark ; Cotteen, or Commons; Tully-
naglashin, or Slevenaglasha ; Ballykisshen, or Ballycasheen ; Mount
Callan; and three at Ballyganner.'

The Ordnance Survey Letters of 1839 mention (and usually only
mention) the monuments of Cooleamore, Cragballyconoal, Ballyganner
(two), Deerpark, Slevenaglasha, Reabachan, and Cotteen in Burren
and Inchiquin; Kiltumper, in Ibrickan; and, in the eastern half,
Cappaghbaun, Drummin, Ballykelly, and two at Miltown, with
what the authors consider the ‘‘ well”’ of Tobergrania. The maps
of that period give 34 in the west, 42 in the east—some 76. Miss
Stokes next published lists, one* ‘‘drawn up by the ladies of the
Alexandra College Archeological Class, who kave commenced
by using the Ordnance Survey Letters,” in 1874. This only gave
14 dolmens (11 named). The second* is less accurate, and gives only
13 names; and neither of these lists gives a single monument to
the east of the Fergus. We published a tentative list of 83
dolmens in 1884,* and another, with 116 names, in these pages in
1897 (as noted) ; while it was in the press, there appeared the great
work of William Copeland Borlase, on ‘‘ The Dolmens of Ireland,”
ceiving 96 of the Clare dolmens.® The present paper raises the
number to over 170 for all Clare. It is too probably incomplete,
like its predecessors; many cists may lie concealed in the crags and
the hazels of Burren and Inchiquin, or the deep heather and furze
of the eastern hills, or may be buried in cairns or built into
fences. The deadliest delusion that can seize an Irish antiquary
is that his work is complete, even after many years of unsparing
labour. Let us leave that fallacious, pleasing belief to those who
have touched the edge of Irish Archeology, and believe that they
have secured ‘‘the spoils of the conquered ocean”’ thereof. The
joy of beginning and furthering the work is ours; let us not
erudge the joy of harvesting to those who come after—‘‘ Quo non
possum corpore, corde sequor.”’

1 Statistical Survey of Co. Clare, p. 317.

2 «« Karly Christian Architecture of Ireland,”’ p. 146.
3 «* Revue Archéologique,” vol. xliv., 1882, pp. 19-21.
4R.8. A. I. Journal, vol. xxiv., p. 287.

5 Loc. cit., pp. 66-102.

Wesrropr—Cists, Dolmens, and Pillars of Co. Clare. 449

Earty Drvisrons.

As we intend to deal mainly with the monuments, we only touch
briefly on the earhest tribal arrangements, none of which may be old
enough to overlap even the latest dolmens. In the first century
Ptolemy places the Ganganoi, the Irish Siol Gengain (the Gan,
Genann, and Sengan tribes) at the mouth of the Shannon. According
to the Dindshenchas, Shab Collain, or Mount Callan, was in Sengann’s
heritage.!| The Corcomroes (including Burren) and the land in the
south-west angle of Clare were held Dy the Corcamodruad and Corca-
bhaiscoinn tribes, with ‘‘ non-Milesian”’ names ;? but the chiefs of the
first claimed descent from Fergus and Queen aac e. The Martini
Firbolgs were settled about Kilrush. Some shadow of a settlement
of the still earlier Ua Cathba and Ua Corra tribes in Western Clare
falls on the earliest historic tales of Thomond. History, however, can
claim but little behind the first fierce spring of the Dalgcais tribes from
their centre in Eastern County Limerick across the Shannon. The
Munster Kings Lugad Meann and Connall Eachluath had reduced
central Clare up to Lughid Hill, its present central bound towards
Galway, by a.p. 880 ; but even in the dawning of Christianity, in
the middle of the following century, the hilly districts of Aughty and
Elva were still unsubdued; and the race of Cashel rested content
with cattle-tribute from Corcomroe and Corcovaskin. The legend of
the ‘‘Glas”’ cow has an echo of the contests along the fords of
the Fergus ;? the ‘‘ Book of Rights’ claims forts along that border
at what are most probably Ballykinvarga, Inchiquin Hill, Tully-
commaun, and perhaps Torlough Hill, and (a lasting trace of the
terrible final battle) forbade the King of Connaught to go to
‘‘Luchid”’ heath in a speckled cloak. The only later disturbances
of the tribes were the intrusion of the Dalcassian MacMahons into
Corcovaskin, and the settlement of the Ui Breacain (after their
expulsion from their Leinster home by Walter de Ridelesford,
about 1180) on the coast, ‘‘ between the two znvers”’ (the ee
of Dough and Dunbeg), to which they gave their name Ibrickan.

1 «« Revue Celtique,’’ 1894, pp. 317, 318.

2 See the interesting articles by Mr. J. MacNeill in ‘‘ The New Ireland Review,
1906.

3 R. S.A. 1., Vol. EXV.5, Deal

[41]

450 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

DISTRIBUTION.

As formerly noted, the majority of the Clare dolmens run in a
broad band from the Burren, south-eastward to Slieve Bernagh ; few are
found on either side of the line. Unlike those of Spain and Portugal,
the monuments lie rather inland than on the coast. They most
abound where the plank-like slabs of the Burren and the gritstone
blocks of Eastern Clare lay ready for their construction. It is true that
suitable slabs also lie loose on the cliffs in Moyarta, where only one
dolmen is known to exist; but the monuments mainly observe geological
conditions. From Kilkee to Calluragh, Carncreagh, and Kiltumper,
for over 30 miles, none remain. More strange is the scarcity between
Corofin and Crusheen; those of Tradree were possibly ‘‘ improved
off the land” by agriculture ; but probable traces of one have been
noted below.

TYPEs.

The predominant form is that of a stone box, usually tapering
and sloping eastward, and made of four or more slabs and a cover.
Ballycashen, however, widens, and Poulnabrone slopes westward.
The southern dolmen of Baur has an inner cist at the east end.

The typical ‘‘ box’ occurs in a circle of slabs set on edge, as
at Parknabinnia (iv.) and Rylane, in a tapering or irregular fence of
slabs, as at Iskancullin, and the levelled giant’s grave at Miltown,
or in a kerbing of low blocks, as at the pillared dolmen of Ballyganner
and several others. It is also found within dry-stone ring-walls, as
at Creevagh, where it occupies the place of honour in the garth, a
rock-cut avenue leading into the fort to it; or built into the wall
with a ‘‘creep”’ passage opening into it, evidently merely adapted to
some use in the later fort. A rock-cut avenue also runs from the fort
of Caheraneden to a fallen cist in Ballyganner North.

The very small ‘‘ boxes’’ occur in cairns, as at Berneens,
Poulaphuca, and Leanna, recalling that in which the Leabhar na
hUidhre says King Fothach Airgtheach was buried about a.p. 285.
They are rarely over 6 feet long, and some so short as to be mere
‘‘bone-boxes.’ Double-walled cists occur, as at Berneens, Tully-
commaun, Derrymore, and Cappaghbaun.

The true ‘‘long grave” is badly represented in Clare (as at
Ballyogan,! Killokennedy, SBallykelly, Formoyle, and perhaps

1 Proce. xxivy.(C), p.-92.

Wesrropp—Cists, Dolmens, and Pillars of Co. Clare. 451

Ardnataggle,! in the eastern baronies). Its nearest congener in the
west is the pillared dolmen of Ballyganner, with at least three
compartments, haying pillars rising above the roof-slabs at the two
divisions. One pair may have had the lintel now at their feet set
on them as a trilithon. <A few irregular or circular enclosures,
such as the two at Clooney, and others at Ballycahill, Rylane, Bally-
ganner, Ballybeg, Fortanne, and Dooneen, form a class by themselves
and retain no cists inside.

ORIENTATION.

We almost hesitate to use this word where the higher and wider
frontage is almost invariably towards the setting sun, ‘‘ the region of
the dead.” We also more than question whether any minute accuracy
was involved in the laying out of either dolmens or early churches.
Save a few striking examples of very ‘‘ northerly” direction, as at
Creevagh, Leanna, the pillared dolmen, and at Poulnabrone (N.N.E.
and §.8.W.), the majority ‘‘face’’ more or less to the east or north-
east. We have rarely noted any extreme “ southward ’’ direction ;
Deerpark, the axis fully E.S.E., is the most striking.

SrRUCTURAL FEATURES.

Raised Blocks.—The only facts bearing on the making of dolmens
which we have observed are the cases of carefully raised slabs
near them, notably at Parknabinnia. This, with the adjoining
Leanna and Cotteen, forms an extensive cemetery, with fifteen dolmens
besides cairns and enclosures. Near the third and fourth dolmens, to
the west, is a small field, the surface-crags of which have been levered
up and propped at one side on rounded blocks of sandstone. The
slabs are of exactly the same sizes as those in the dolmens, but have
not been dressed on the edges. They have broken into fairly rect-
angular blocks along the natural lines of cleavage. Owing to the
comparative lowness of the sides (rarely shoulder-high, usually three
or four feet), there need have been little difficulty (especially where
embedded in a cairn or mound) in using the sides as ‘‘ rails,’’ up
which the covers could slide with sufficient leverage. The objection
raised as to scarcity of trees does not hold good, as the place-names
and the countless stumps in the bogs show that timber was once
plentiful along the coast; and several place-names show that the
valleys (at least) were wooded in the Burren. Such names as

' Proc. xxiv. (C), pp. 124-128.

452 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Feenagh, Creevagh, Gleninshen, Derreen, Iskancullin tell the tale
clearly enough. The great free-standing dolmen does not occur ; and,
as we pointed out, the massive cover of the Derrymore monument
very probably lay on a drift-bank, and the sides were inserted by
excavation. Borlase advances a theory that, in Irish monuments of
several compartments lowering eastward, as at Ballinphunta and
Caheraphuca, the covers were got into position by moving them over
the lower structures; he then suggests that, in the course of time,
the smaller and lighter compartments were removed, leaving the
massive western chamber standing by itself. With all deference to
his authority, we see little reason for this view—at least in the case of
the Clare dolmens.

Dressed Edges and Opes.—In a number of cases the tops of the
sides have been chipped so as to give a fairly straight sloping line on
which the cover rests evenly. This is noticeable in the dolmens
of Berneens (western); Baur (both); Creevagh; Cooleamore; Deer-
park; Rannagh (northern); Gortlecka (southern); Cragballyconoal
(southern); Parknabinnia; Ballyganner; Caherblonick; Cappagh-
kennedy, and others. We found no example outside the north-west
district. Other traces of ‘‘mason-work”’ are found in the chipped
‘* scoops ”’ in the end-slabs, in the holes and slits in other slabs, and the
picking of at least one inner surface. The opes have been regarded
as ‘‘ ghost-doors,”’ being usually in the ends or partitions of the cists ;
we have found at Deerpark and Creevagh a scoop and a removed
corner in the eastern slab. The exactly similar arrangement of
these opes (the scoop in the middle of the north edge, the removed
corner to the south) can hardly be accidental; we also note a
natural scoop to the north in the east end-slab of Iskancullin dolmen,
while at Poulaphuca both top corners are cut away.

The holes in the slabs are probably altogether or partly natural ;
we find examples in the west end of the south-west cist of Leanna,
which was once covered by a cairn, and in the south side at Caher-
blonick (this last is evidently ‘‘ worked”), and that of the north cist
of Commons.

Akin to these are the long natural slits so carefully selected and
arranged opposite to each other in the eastern dolmen of Ballyganner,
and the fallen one at Rannagh; one also occurs at Iskancullin.
Whatever be the nature of the ‘ ghost-doors,” it is most impro-
bable that they were made after the erection of the dolmen, while
the dressed edges, of course, were made before the cover was put
upon them. Though the sides seem to have been selected for their

Westrope— Cists, Dolmens, and Pillars of Co. Clare. 458

regularity, the covers often seem to have been chosen for the opposite
reason, namely, for grotesque outline, curious channels, ‘‘ footprints,”
and other strange markings.

We can barely notice the curious slabs, like rude figures, or the
very early crosses on Skellig Rock and other early monasteries.
That at Coolnatullagh is very small, and stands inside the cist. We
cannot learn how that at Ballymihil formerly stood, but it has been
set in a rude pier upon the cover of the dolmen since its collapse.

Basins are also found : small ones in the cover of the great ‘‘ Labba’”’
of Ballyganner Hill and a slab within the annexe of that at Cappagh-
kennedy ; other and larger basins in sandstone blocks at the dolmens
of Newgrove and Kaitanon.

Ante and Doors.—‘‘ Ante,” as Borlase calls them, are formed by
setting back the end-siabs, and leaving the ends of the sides projecting.
They seem to have ‘descendants’? in the true ante of the early
oratories and even of the later churches down to the tenth century.
They are well marked in the dolmens of Ballyganner Hill, Berneens
(W.), the White Labba of Cragballyconoal, Poulaphuca, Commons,
Parknabinnia (111. and vii.),and Gleninshen, and give a peculiar interest
to these tombs, which, with the overhanging ‘‘ beetle-browed covers,”’
are strikingly lke the dolmens of Portugal, Spain, and Corsica. In
the first country they are called ‘“‘antas,” it is believed from this
feature. <A sort of doorway also occurs in the Clare ‘‘labbas,”’ as at
Gleninshin, Parknabinnia (vi.), and Ballyganner, where the west end-
slab does not fill the whole space, but leaves an ope, once closed by a
slab which remains in the first-named cist, merely forced outward.
Borlase regards the ante as intended to give the appearance of shrines
to the tombs; but we must bear in mind that Parknabinnia (vi.) was,
from the first, buried deeply in a cairn which was only removed since
1839, and the ‘‘ White Labba”’ was probably buried in a mound.

Modern Examples.—It is interesting to note, if only for a single
district, how remarkably the later forms of monument reproduce the
earliest types. The simple cist passes without a break from the rude
slab-kerbed graves (sometimes covered), such as we find at Kilcameen,*

1 He produces from the works of Cartailhac and Merimée several striking
equivalents in Portugal and Corsica (‘‘ Dolmens,”? vol. ii., pp. 637, 657-665).

2 Near Caherminaun fort. It has two cists of slabs set on edge—the northern
7 ft. 3 ins. by 4 ft. 7 ins.; the southern adjoining is 3 ft. 6 ins. by 8 ft., with a
western extension 7 ft. long (side, 53 ft.). ‘The whole in a kerbed mound 14 ft.
square, with small pillars to the east. For plan, see p. 469, infra.

454 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

and in more advanced forms at Aranmore and Iniscaltra. ‘With these
we must compare the curious ‘‘ bone-boxes”’ of two slabs leaning
together with end stones, such as we find at Termon Cronain in
Clare; one Kerry example has even the hole or ‘‘ ghost-door.’* The
oblong form passes (as altar-tombs and free standing box-tombs)
through the Middle Ages on to the seventeenth century, where, in
many cases (as at Kilfenora? and many monuments outside of Clare),
the body actually lay 2m, and not, as in later days was more usual,
beneath, the stone box. In other examples, where the slab rested on
rude blocks or on cut-stone pillars, we recognize the type of the
free-standing dolmen. We noticed in Kerry, in the Corcaguiny
peninsula, tombs of identical design to the ‘“ giants’ graves,” the
latest and feeblest offspring of the mighty line of the ‘‘allées
couvertes’’ of the Continent ; they were formed of several thin slabs at
each side, and slabs at the end, with several covers; they tapered east-
ward, and were usually covered with a heap of stones. Cairn-burial
has never passed out of use. We recall the early British epitaph
‘* Carausius hic jacet in hoc congeries lapidum.’® The tenth-century
‘Tripartite Life of St. Patrick’’ mentions a person who ‘ congre-
gavit lapides ergo sepulchrum.” Dr. Whitley Stokes cites the
canons of 8. Gall (Lib. xiv., cap. ii.) as to cremation and cairn-burial:
‘‘Nam ceteri homines sive igni, sive acervo lapidum conditi sunt.”
Miniature cairns abound in our western graveyards; and we have
been warmly thanked for bringing stones when such a heap was being
made. ‘The unhewn pillars are of every period; the cist, slab, and
pillar or headstone are treated with every degree of elaboration down
the later ages; nevertheless they have every claim to be considered
the lineal representatives of the prehistoric monuments.

FoLkK-LORE.

The local traditions in County Clare are of but little special interest.
The names ‘‘ Labba,” or beds, and Labba’iermid, 7.e., Leaba Dhiarmadha
agus Graine, are most common. The popular opinions mostly favour
either the Dermot and Grania legend or the sepulchral origin of the
monument. Only two or ‘three have ever been called ‘‘ Druids’

1 See a paper by Mr. P. J. Lynch in Journal R.S.A.I1., vol. xxxii., p. 47.

2 The MacEncharig Tomb has now been opened, and is used as a bone-box. In
1887 it was closed, and one saw the skeleton through a small ope in the end.

3 «« Inscrip. Brit. Christiane ’’ (Hiibner), No. 136.

4 Ed. Whitley Stokes, pp. 160 and 322.

Westrropr—Cists, Dolmens, and Pillars of Oo. Clare. 455

altars,’ probably derived from the pseudo-learning of the gentry or
surveyors. ‘These cases are the ‘‘ Druids’ altar’? at Carnelly, the
‘‘cromlech ”’ of Maryfort, where a (doubtful) druid-idea attached some
thirty years since, and the ‘‘ Druids’ Altar” at Poulaphuca, a name
unrecognized by the people of the neighbourhood, and probably a
‘‘sapper-name.’’ The curious malicious sacrifices at or near the two
other places have been noted, so far as could be told without
giving local offence, earlier in these pages... The name ‘‘ Altoir na
greine ’”’ at Callan is traceable only to Comyn’s romance about 1750,
and may have arisen from a mistake in the name Grania, read by the
‘‘light’’ of the druidical theories. In all cases where the name
‘‘altar ’’ was a genuine peasant name, it was used in a Christian sense,
and understood, as at Altoir Ultach and Knockshanvo, asa place where
the Mass was celebrated in penal times. The Ulster priest who gave
his name to the former was (it 1s stated) of the eighteenth century. —
The people of Burren, in their remote and hardly accessible uplands,
were less molested; and such names are not found; but about Feakle
and Broadford there were many traditions; and several Protestant
families (especially the Patersons, and in a lesser degree the Westropps
and others) enjoyed the repute of having protected the worship and
property of their neighbours. We recall vaguely only a few of these
legends, though we heard many about 1877. The cist of Tobergrania
is supposed to have been ‘‘ built by the Saints”? from Feakle. It is
an altar and reputed holy well to this day. So that not paganism, but
Christianity, ‘‘ worshipping in deserts, mountains, and caves,”’ gave
these names. On the other hand, probably from the indecent legends
told of the flight of Dermot and Grania, a sense of impropriety attached
to (at least) the Ballyganner dolmens in 1808, when Dutton was
refused by a girl whom he asked to guide him to them. We rarely
found any clear ideas about the early lovers; but it was told how
Dermot put seaweed on the cover of the labba when he and Grania
slept under its shelter ; and Finn, learning this by biting his prophetic
tongue, imagined that they were drowned, and abandoned their
pursuit. The ‘‘phuca,’? a demon goat (or horse), seems connected
with Caheraphuca and Poulaphuca, as well as with certain Cork
dolmens. Of other offerings than the black cock at Carnelly, we have
never heard. ‘The basins at Ballyganner and elsewhere suggest that
here, as in Sweden and France, offerings of milk and butter may have
once been made. The ‘‘ Hados” or elves are thus ‘‘ worshipped ”’

1 Proc. xxiv. (C), p. 130.

456 Proceedings of the Loyal Irish Academy.

near the Pyrenees to secure flocks from the wolves. With us the
‘‘sidhe”’ are rather dwellers in the earth-mounds than in dolmens ;
but certain May! and August sports at the “‘labbas” suggest a
possible connexion.

May Eve and the morning of May Day have many milk-and-butter
superstitions in Ireland and elsewhere. The Basques carry a “ Sitsa”’
(? Sidhe) figure on May Day, and fasten it to aholy tree. Can the
rude figures at Ballymihil and Coolnatullagh be of this nature? As
for August, we understand that both in Ireland and in the Pyrenean
districts some observance during that month attaches to certain
dolmens. The August games at St. Bertrand de Comminges are con-
nected by Borlase with the Sun-God Lug, and the ancient name of
the place, Lugdunum, with which he equates the ‘‘ Lugnasad”’
festival. In Belgium there are found traces of indecent names and
usage attached to dolmens. There also seem to have been malignant
rites, to judge from such names as the ‘‘ Devil’s Church’ and
‘« Devil’s Chair’? dolmens; and many of the peasantry stigmatized
the Clare offerings as gifts to the evil principle, though this was
indignantly repudiated by the families involved. Their connexion
with giants is marked not only by the name ‘ Giants’ Graves,’’ but
by direct legends at Ballynahown and Kiltumper. At the first, a
giant, who dwelt in the inland promontory fort of Doonaunmore,
‘lost his druid’s staff,’ and so was defeated and slain. The belief
that he lay with his sword beside him under the giant’s grave in
the townland led to the overthrow of the monument. The Kiltumper
tradition made it the place where a giant or Dane, chased from
Cahermurphy fort by the Dalcassians, was slain and buried.

Foreign ANALOGIES.

We cannot altogether pass away from the dolmens of the Continent
without noting, though very briefly, the similarity (though usually
on a larger scale) of these monuments, both in types and names, to
our ‘‘labbas.’”? We find in Sweden cists with an outer kerbing of
slabs, cists in circles and tumuli, passage graves, with round enclosures
at the end, like the Irish monuments at Annacloghmullin, Achill,
Shgo, and, tosome degree, Creevaghin Clare. The Swedish, French,
and German dolmens have basins in the covers called ‘ elf-querns”’ in

1 Theophilus O’Flanagan cites Comyn (1750) for a statement that such sports
were held at Altoir na greine on Mount Callan.

Westrropr— Cists, Dolmens, and Pillars of Co. Clare. 457

far more elaborate than ours. At times they resemble some which we
have seen in Scottish brochs, formed by ‘‘ scoops” out of the edges
of two slabs, put together to leave an oval opening.

In Germany we find similar monuments. The mounds in many
cases rise just to the level of the roof-slab, as in several Clare cists
(e.g., Baur South). The dolmen, tapering and sloping eastward, is
common. In Brandenburg we have Giants’, Huns’, Heathen, or
Heroes’ graves, bridges, beds, or gates. The latter term recalls the
‘Gates of Glory” pillars in Kerry. In Iveland, as in Scandinavia
and many other regions, the monuments seem to belong to the
Neolithic and Early Bronze Ages, though probably, as usual in Ireland,
surviving to unusually late times here. The ‘‘ beetle-browed”’ cover-
slabs are not uncommon in Portugal and Germany.

The French dolmens are too well known to require us to give
many details; but they are closely similar to our ‘‘labbas” in design ~
and folk-lore. In Holland the popular legends give not only to the
giants, but to the strong and gifted dwarfs, a share in the erection of
the dolmens. The legends of persons changed into stones, as at
Classagh in Clare, show that our ‘‘ fearbreags’’ have analogies across
Western Europe from the Baltic to the Pyrenees. It would carry us
too far from our necessarily brief treatment of the subject to trace the
structures and traditions farther afield. Instead, then, of carrying our
thoughts through the monuments of Northern Africa, Syria, and
Central Asia, past India, out to the dolmens and giants’ graves of
Japan,’ we return to the limited field of half an Irish county.

Finns.

Still more scanty than traditions are the finds in the Clare dolmens.
Pottery has often been found in these in the older days of the last
century ; but it is long since an undisturbed cist has been noted. In
our time only one find has been made, that of the gold fibula, near the
‘“‘labba”’ of Knocknalappa ; but it was not in the chamber: so its
connexion is disputable.?, At Roughan two skeletons were found in a

' For the last group there is a most interesting paper by Mr. W. Gowland, read
before the Society of Antiquaries, 1899. He examined 406, some true ‘‘ giants’
graves,’’ some cists in tumuli, others with passages. Their ages varied from the
Bronze Age even into the Iron Age.

2 It was, amazing to state, buried with its iast owner; but Mr. George Scott
fortunately has a photograph published in the Limerick Field Club Journal,
vol. ili., pp. 27-32. The cover has partly fallen since the date of our former paper,
Proc., vol. xxiv. (C), p. 103.

458 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

cist with their heads towards the west. They were supposed to be
Christians and reburied. The bones of two others were found in the
chamber of Shallee cairn. The larger skull in this case was most
fortunately preserved. We do not recall any dolmen in Clare, other
than apparently that at Croaghane church in Ballinphunta, that
has not been opened and searched for treasure.

NuMBER oF DotmEns 1n County CLARE.

We may now bring together the approximate results of the several
sections of our papers on the Dolmens of Clare, the barony of

Ibrickan being, so far as we know, devoid of these monuments.

Burren, : a ht a) OM Be lays — 3 45

Corcomroe, . De | 7 — | 1 sate i 10

| Tulla Upper, + a7, 2 | — Brian! mapl | 33
ol so wers? (HEME ail adhe iad | a ae 15 |
Totaly.” peddle 4s Sale 84 16 | ibe 6. | oo |iyo:

There must be added to our list of 1897—

Burren—Gleninshen, Baur, Berneens, Ballyganner North and
Ballyganner South (add two for each). Also Craggagh, Glensleade,
Poulbaun, Iskancullin, Creevagh, Rannagh, Termon, Coolnatullagh,
and Poulaphuca.

Corcomro—E—Caherminane, Calluragh, two, one in and one ‘‘near”’
Ballyvoe, and Ballynahown (? 2).

Incuiquin—Teeskagh (2), Parknabinnia (3), Commons, Leanna (2),
Tullycommaun, Callan (2), Roughaun, Toormore, Caherblonick,
Ballyneillan, Kilcurrish (2).

Westropp—Cists, Dol/mens, and Pillars of Co. Clare. 459

Istanps—Ballybeg, Carncreagh.

Moyarta— Kilkee.

Bunratty Lower—Ballysallagh (?).

Tutta Uprrrr—Bohatey (3), Fortanne, Kiltanon, Ballycroum,
Derrymore, Miltown, Fomerla (2).

Torta Lowrr—Elmhill, Violet Hill.

BurRREN.

Mostly simple cists. The largest slabs are at the dolmen of Bally-
ganner, 174 feet and 18} feet long (not 42 feet, as in Hely Dutton’s
Survey). The dimensions of the cists are given as inside. Sheet of
Survey Map in brackets. The t+ after the name marks a plan in this
paper.'

1. Craggagh (4). Leaba Dhiarmadha. A rock resting on small
stones: doubtful. Borlase, 1., p. 65.

2. Cooleamore + (5). Defaced; sides made of several blocks; covers
gone; 17 feet 9 inches long, 6 feet 8 inches to 5 feet 2 inches wide.
RSA cl voli. xxxi., p.* 14

3. Faunaroosca} (5). Complex; a cist 74 feet long, with a slab
enclosure 18 feet or 20 feet long, up to 43 feet high; much defaced;
inacairn. Jbid., p. 277.

4. Ballyvaughan (5). Site, a small cist of four slabs, 1839; now
gone.

5. Ballycahil (5). Site, near Caher; now gone.

6. Ballycahil (5). A boat-shaped enclosure near Caherahooan.
Tbid., p. 288.

7. Berneens + (5). Western. Cist ; side, 124 feet; east end, 4 feet
2inches. For these three, see zbid., p. 286.

8. Berneens (5). Ends of small cist in cairn.

9. Berneens} (5). Eastern. Cist, nearly perfect; 123 feet long;
7 feet to 34 feet wide; cover, 133 feet by 44 feet by 16 inches.

10. Gleninshint (5), Northern. Cist, near last; side, 133 feet;
ends, 5 feet 2 inches to 4 feet 4 inches wide. Jd¢d. xxix., p. 381.

11. Gleninshint (5), Southern. Perfect; 113 feet long, 4 feet
5 inches to 8 feet 2 inches. Borlase,.i., p. 66; called there
‘¢ Berneens,”’ also in our old lists.

12. Glensleade (5). Very small cist of two cells, in cairn, inside

1 In the plans herewith given the covers and leaning slabs are dotted, prostrate
slabs in outline, fixed slabs hatched. The numbers under the baronies refer to this
list.

460 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Caheranardurrish, part of west, 3 feet by 36 inches, with another
chamber to east 6 feet long. R.S.A.I1., vol. xxxi., page 380.

13. Poulnabronet (5). Fine example, sides partly fallen, 92 feet
by 44 feet to 32 feet wide, cover 13 feet by 6 feet by 10 feet. dzd.,
VOL. XXiK, Pp od, o/8.:

14. Baur, North} (9). Defaced, 164 feet long, 9 feet to 53 feet
wide.

15. Baur, Southt (9). Double-lined cist, outer 72 feet by 43 feet,
inner 3 feet deep; its cover forms a shelf; it is 3 feet 8 inches wide
inside. Jbid., p. 369.

16. Poulbaun (5). Collapsed, near a caher; cover, 12 feet by
7 feet. Jbid., vol. xxix., p. 373.

17. Ballymihil(5). Collapsed ; curious slab on it ; cover, 114 feet
by 73 feet to 6 feet. Lbid., p. 373.

18. Cragballyconoalt (5), Northern. In mound; sides and cover
thin, 10 feet 4 inches long, 4 feet 10 inches to 3 feet 10 inches wide.
Tbid., p. 372.

19. Cragballyconoalt (5), Southern. The ‘‘ White Labba’’; sides
and ends only, 11 feet 10 inches long, 5? feet wide. Jdzd., p. 372.

20. Poulaphucat (6). Perfect, 7 feet 2 inches long, 43 feet to
4 feet wide; cover, 93 feet. JLbed., p. 374.

21. Poulaphuca (6). Remains of small cist in mound.

22. Moheramoylan (9). Collapsed, and nearly buried ; cover, 143
feet by 93 feet by 10 inches. Jbzd., vol. xxxvili., p. 366.

23. Carran (9). A cist of four slabs in cairn, 1839; now covered.

24. Iskancullint (9). Complex; cist, 83 feet by 54 feet to
43 feet in a slab-enclosure of eighteen stones; straight to ends; and
north curved to south 23 feet long by 12 feet. See cbed., xxxi.,
p. 285.

25. Noughaval (9). Cist, to west of Cahercuttine. This is a
very doubtful monument; an enclosure of rugged little slabs and
pillars, about 74 feet square, with a division. To the west of it there
is a set slab like the end of a cist.

26. Noughaval (9). Near last; defaced cist, 12 feet long, 7 feet
wide. Jbzd., vol. xxvil., p. 117. Two covers and several blocks now
thrown about, and dug up.

1Dr. Mac Namara tells me that he heard from Mr. Patrick Davoren that his
uncle, nearly eighty years ago, to show his strength, tried to tilt up the cover of
this dolmen from below, when, to his horror, the west end-slabs fell out, leaving
the great cover balanced as now on the sides.

Wesrroeprp—Cists, Dolmens, and Pillars of Co. Clare. 461

27. Ballyganner, North (9). Doubtful, slab enclosure in ring-
wall.

28. Ballyganner, North+(9). ‘‘ Pillared dolmen,” three compart-
ments, 8 feet 2 inches, 3 feet 8 inches, and 138 feet long, with pillars
between, kerbed line to north. See R.S.A.I. Guide, v., p. 56; Journal
XXX1., p. 288; and supra, vol. ii1., ser. vi., p. 544. Plate X.

29. Ballyganner, North. Fallen sides, 9 feet 7 inches and 9 feet
9 inches long. Rock-cut road to it from Caheraneden. R.S.A.I.,
vol. xxx1, p. 288.

30. Ballyganner, North} (9). Nearly perfect, in ring-wall, with
souterrain running into it, 16 feet long, 7 feet 6 inches to 2 feet wide.
Ibid., p. 288, and Trans. R. I. Acad., vol. xxx1., p. 653.

31. Ballyganner, North (9). Remains of small cist in cairn.

32. Ballyganner, North (9). A doubtful slab enclosure, near
Caheraneden. R.S.A.I., vol. xxvii., p. 120.

33. Ballyganner, South+(9). Slab enclosure, near Caher gate,
buried in mossy stones, 11 feet by 10 feet ; a doubtful monument, but
not residential.

34. Ballyganner, South+(9). Perfect,in mound, 12 feet 7 inches
long, 6 feet to 4 feet 6 inches wide. Jdzd., vol. xxxi., p. 288.

35. Ballyganner, South} (9). On Hill. Dolmen, 14 feet long, 9
feet to 7 feet wide; sides, 173 feet and 184 feet long; cover was
18 feet by 13 feet, with basins. Borlase,i., p.67;R.S.A.I., vol. xxxi.,
p. 288.

36. Deerpark, Poulquillacat (9). Complex; 18 feet long; 7 feet
to 5 feet wide, with two chambers and fence of slabs 18 feet long in
all. See Borlase, i., p. 70.

37-39. Fanygalvan}t (9). Complex; three cists, three pillars, and
mound. The largest, 21 feet long, with two cells, 12 feet and 53 feet
long, from 61 to 44 feet wide. The second, a collapsed cist to west,
and 10 feet long. The third to west of last, defaced, 6 feet long, and
in line. R.S.A.IL., vol. xxxviil., p. 360.

40. Rannaght (6). Defaced, 15} feet long, 83 feet to 73 feet
wide. Jbid., vol. xxxv., p. 224.

41, Rannagh}(6). Fallen; about 62 feet long, 43 feet to 3} feet
wide; sides, 8+ feet long. Jd¢d., vol. xxix., p. 381; vol. xxxv.,
p. 224.

42. Termont (10). Perfect; 92 feet long, 3} feet to 21 feet wide.
Ibid., vol. xxix., 381, called ‘‘ Rannagh,”’ and vol. xxxv., p. 244.

43. Coolnatullaght (6). Perfect; 73 feet to 62 feet long, 3 feet
7 inches wide. Jbrd., vol. xxix., p. 382.

462 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

44, Cappaghkennedy { (10). Complex, 8 feet by 62 feet to 5 feet,
and 18 feet long over all, having two chambers and fence of slabs,
with basins, &c., near a caher.’ Jdid., vol. xxxv., p. 233, Borlase, 1.,
prt.

45. Creevaght (10). In a ring-wall, 12 feet thick and 34 feet
across garth, with rock-cut road, 110 feet long, 12 feet to 16 feet wide
to north-east. Itis complex. A cist, 14 feet long, from 42 feet to
3 feet 10 inches wide. A small chamber to east, and little slab en-
closures to sides. At west end is an irregular enclosure 7 feet across,
with pillar slabs from 5 feet to 7 feet high.? R.S.A.L, vol. xxviii.,
pp. 357-9, and xxx., p. 217.

CoRCOMROE.

1. Ballynahown (4). Areputed “‘labba” near Caherdoon. We
only found slabs. Zdrd., vol. xxxv., p. 351.

2. Ballynahown (4). ‘‘The giant’s grave,’”’ in a walled hollow,
rows of large stones, and entrance. did.

3. Cahermaccrusheen (8). Collapsed; 93 feet long, 5 feet to 4
feet wide; cover, 93 feet by 7 to 8 feet, and 6 inches by 10 inches
thick ; ina cairn, near Caher. Borlase, 1., p. 80.

4. Ballyvoe (8). A doubtful, but dolmen-like enclosure, close to
a ring-wall.

5. ** Near Ballyvoe.’” A small cist in a cairn, removed; could
not get site fixed.

6. Ballykinvarga (9). Collapsed; large cover, with sides under-
neath; near the great caher and abattis.

7. Caherminane}(9). 12 feet 8 inches long, 54 feet wide; covers
gone. Borlase,i., p. 72; called “ Kiltennan.”’

8. Caherminane t (9). Three cists in Kilcameen, ring-wall; the

1 The traditional Mohernacartan, the residence of the three-armed smith Lon
mac Liomhtha (R.S.A.I., vol. xxv., p. 277). This dolmen and the larger ones at
Commons and Gortlecka, and probably Slievenaglasha, were inhabited far down
the last century. Borlase omits the partition in his plan of Cappaghkennedy.

2 This is suggestive of the more regular structures at Clontigora and Annagh-
cloghhmullen, in Ulster ; Achill and Deerpark (Sligo), in Connaught; and various
dolmens in Spain, Portugal, Sardinia, and Brandenburg. Borlase equates such
pillars with the ‘‘ custodes’’ at dolmens in the latter place (‘‘ Dolmens,’’ ii.,
p. 30). Colonel Wood-Martin gives a plan of a monument at Streedagh, in Sligo,
a tapering cist, with an outer enclosure of slabs, 35 feet across, in acashel, about
100 feet in diameter, which seems closely similar to Creevagh. (‘‘ Rude Stone
Monuments,’’ pp. 146, 140.)

Wesrroprp— Cists, Dolmens, and Pillars of Co. Clare. 463

north, 74 feet long, the west 7 feet, the east 8 feet, and 3} feet wide,
in a kerbed mound, 144 feet square. R.S.A.I., vol. xxvii., p. 125.
9. Clooneen ¢ (9). On edge of Ballyganner, South. Perfect; 14
feet long, 5} feet to 31 feet wide; cover, 153 feet to 84 feet; south
side, 153 feet long. LBorlase, 1., p. 80.
10. Calluragh (25). Near Lehinch; cisthalfremoved. R.S.A.L.,
vol. KXxI., p: 437.

INCHIQUIN.

1. Knocknalassa, Mount Callan} (31). Perfect; sides, 102 feet
and 7 feet long, 53 feet to 5 feet wide; cover, 10 feet by 73} feet by
10inches. ‘‘ Altoir na Greina,” Borlase,i., p. 79; Knott's ‘ Kilkee ”
(1836), p. 161. J. Windele’s ms. ‘‘ Topography” (R.I.A., 12 C 3,
pp. 746-7).

2. Knocknalassa, Mount Callan (31). Removed. A cist, with
pillarsat corners, I.E x. Eroe., ‘ser, 1.; vol. 2., pp." 66, 269, 315.
‘¢ Limerick Field Club Journal,”’ vol. 11., p. 252.

3. Knocknalassa, Mount Callan (31.) <A third, stated by Lewis to
exist ; perhaps only the ogham slab; doubtful.

4. Tullycommaun'} (10). Cist noted by Bortase,i., p. 73. We
failed to find it. It is not that at Knockauns Fort, as stated. Sides,
93 feet and 8 feet 8 inches long, 4 feet to 24 feet wide.

5. Tullycommaun + (10). At Knockauns Fort, double-walled
cist, half removed, 10 feet long; cover, 11 feet by 6 feet. R.S.A.L.,
vol. xxxv.,.p. 218.

6. Tullycommaun (10). Giant’s Grave, slabs in a pear-shaped
mound, 33 feet by 14 feet. Jdrd., p. 219.

7. Slievenaglasha?{ (10). Defaced cist; sides, north, 15 feet ;
south, 11 feet long, aud 54 feet to 4 feet apart. Borlase, i., p. 74.

8. Teeskagh*?{ (10). Cist, ina cairn, 64 feet by 22 inches to 26
inches wide. ~ R:S.AcI., vol. xxxv., p. 214.

9. Cotteen, orCommons{(17). Perfect cist, 93 feet long, 43 feet

1 Kither this dolmen or that of Cappaghkennedy was called Leabanaleagh or
Leacnaleagh, according to Borlase (‘* Dolmens,”’ i., p. 73). See also Leabaleaha, in
Kerry, a paper by Mr. P. J. Lynch, R.S.A.I., vol. xxxii., p. 338; also Dr. Joyce’s
‘¢ Trish Names of Places,”’ ser. ii., chap. iv., p. 107; and Leabanalaeich, Co. Cavan.
The Knockauns Fort dolmen seems to have been called ‘‘ Carrickaglasha’’ to
Borlase; but I heard neither name on the ground.

* Probably the Tullynaglashin of Dutton, and Knownaglaise of Miss Stokes.

3 Not the dolmen of that name given by Miss Stokes.

R.I,A, PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. C, [42]

464 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

to 3} wide; cover, 123 feet by 84 feet; south side, 13 feet 10 inches
long. Borlase, i., p. 76.

10. Cotteen, or Commonsf (17). Defaced cist, hole in side; sides.
83 feet and 10 feet long, 6 feet apart. Borlase, 1., p. 75; called
‘¢ Leanna.”

11. Leanna (17). ‘‘ Dermot and Grania’s bed,’’ marked 1839.
Only an old house-enclosure on site. Perhaps a mistake for No. 12.

12. Leanna (17). Collapsed. Slabs: cover, 9 feet 8 inches by
6 feet 4inches; south, 9 feet 8 inches; and north, 10 feet by 63 feet
7 inches.

13-15. Leanna} (17). Three cists, north-east, 6 feet 9 inches by
24 inches to 22 inches; next removed ; third, south-east, 5 feet long,
27 inches wide; in cairns.

16. Leanna} (17). Western cairn; cist, 12 feet by 5 feet to
23 feet wide; holed stone and slab enclosure. See Borlase, 1., p. 75.
The whole group is described, R.S.A.I., vol. xxx., p. 214.

17. Parknabinnia, or Reabachan Hill (16), 1. Defaced, south
side, 15 feet 10 inches long, 5 feet 9 inches high to west, 24 feet to
east, 9 inches thick.

18. Parknabinnia, or Reabachan Hill (16), um. Defaced cist of
three rude blocks, west and south, 6 feet long, 2 to north, 100 feet
to west of last.

19. Parknabinnia, or Reabachan Hill}t (16), mr. Perfect,
10 feet by 61 feet to 53 feet wide; sides, 143 feet and 143 feet long.

20. Parknabinnia, or Reabachan Hilly} (16), 1v. Small cist,
7 feet by 4 feet to 1 foot wide in low mound, with circle of seven slabs,
12 feet by 8 feet, and about 3 feet high.

21. Parknabinnia, or Reabachan Hill f (16), v. On hill. Perfect,
101 feet to 13 feet long, 54 feet to 23 feet wide, with a northern side
enclosure, and ring of six slabs.

22. Parknabinnia, or Reabachan Hill j (16), vi. Perfect; once
covered by cairn, 9} feet long, and 53: feet to 43 feet wide; sides,
north, 15 feet; south, 12 feet long.

23. Parknabinnia, or Reabachan Hull + (16), vir. Cist in cairn,
72 feet long, 26 inches wide; cover removed.

24. Roughan (16). Cist: cover, 53 feet long by 33 feet; two
skeletons found in it, about 1885, by Mr. G. Fitzgerald.

[The groups of Commons, Leanna, Parknabinnia, and Roughan
may be called the Reabachan group. For Parknabinnia dolmens see
R.S.A.1., vol. xxvil., p. 359; xxxv,, p. 214; for No. vi. see Borlase,
rhe oper eae

Wesrroprp—Cists, Dolmens, and Pillars of Co. Clare. 465

25. Ballycasheen | (16). Complex. It has two chambers, wider
to the east, and traces of a third to the west, and, perhaps, a separate
one to the south. It is 134 feet long, 6 feet to 9 feet wide, and
22 feet over all, in a low mound, with a slab kerb. !See Borlase, 1.,
3s, RepeAe LS vol. Xxxv., Pp, 222.

26. Caherblonick + (16). Collapsed. Hole in side; 20 feet long,
10 feet wide, near caher, R.S.A.I., vol. xxxv., p. 210.

27. Gortlecka (17). Northern. Defaced cist. West end in
cairn.

28. Gortlecka ¢ (17). Perfect; 12 feet by 43 feet to 3} feet wide
in cairn. Jbid., p. 218.

29. Toormore ¢ (25). Defaced; 7 feet long, about 5 feet wide.
Lbid., pp. 212-214.

30. Dromore (25). A cist, with its cover, is stated to exist in the
woods.

31. Moyree Commons, or Addroont} (18). Curious cist, 63 feet
by 5 feet, divided into a triangular and a ‘“ lozenge’”’-shaped cell in
cairn; the pillar-slabs are—north, 9 feet 8 inches; south, 6} feet and
5 feet. See R.1.A. Proc., vol. iv., ser. mi., p. 545.. Plate 1x.

32. Kilcurrisht (25). Cist of several blocks, 8 feet 9 inches by
3 feet 6 inches; cover, 6 feet 8 inches by 53 feet. Described below,
p. 467.

33. Kileurrish (25). Fallen cist ; cover, 6 feet 3 inches by 5 feet ;
sides, 74 feet and 63 feet ; near a caher.

34, Ballyneillan ¢ (33). Near Shallee, chambered cairn. R.S.A.L.,
vol. xiil., consec., p. 160; vol. xiv., p. 12. Described below, p. 467.

IsLANDs;

1. Carnelly (42). Pillar-slabs beside a ring-mound. Described
below, p. 467.

2. Ballybeg } (41). Circular enclosure near a caher. Described
below, p. 468.

3. Carncreagh{ (39). Cist, 13 feet long, 63 feet to 23 feet wide,
of eight thin slabs, 17 feet 2 inches long in all; one cover remains,
and a side line of slabs to north. See ‘‘ Limerick Field Club Journal,”
vol. ., pp. 253-5.

‘It was overthrown before 1808 by a Protestant clergyman looking for
treasure.—Hely Dutton.

466 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

CLONDERLAW.

1. Kiltumper} (48). Cairn, 11 feet by 15 feet across, with kerb
of small blocks, only 33 feet to 3 fect long. ‘‘ Limerick Field Club
Journal,” vol. 11., 253-5.

Moyarra.

1. Kilkee (56). Fallen cist; cover, 6 feet 7 inches by 5 feet
3 inches by 12 inches; under slab, 53 feet by 53 feet by 1 foot. Behind
Moore’s Hotel.!

In addition to these, we may name the following cairns which have
not been explored, and may contain chambers or cists :—

Burren.—1. Turlough Hill, near the great fort; 2. Slieve Carran ;
3. Poulawack, kerbed at base; 5. Cappaghkennedy ; 6 and 7. Bally-
ganner North, near Caheraneden.

Corcomror.—1. Cairnconnaughtagh, supposed to be the inaugura-
tion-place of the chiefs of Corcomroe, Cairnmactail ; 2. Cloneen, earth.

Incurauin.—1. Leanna; 2. several along the Glasgeivnagh Hill;
3. Kilcurrish ; and 4. Carran near Ennis, near Ballyneillan, yielded
fragmentary bones.

‘In this list lam indebted to Dr. G. U. MacNamara for directing me to the
following :—Baur (2), Coolnatullagh, Parknabinnia (4), Teeskagh, Roughan,
Toormore, Caherminaun, Addroon, Kilcurrish, and (I believe) the south dolmen of
Gleninshen. Mr. James Frost told me of Iskancullin; Mrs. Tufnell Oakes, of the
fallen dolmen at Kilkee ; Miss G. C. Stacpoole, of Ballybeg ; Miss D. Parkinson, of
Calluragh. The surveyors of the later maps added (besides several to which we
called their attention) those of Berneens (West), Noughaval (2), the pillared dolmen,
Ballyganner South (West), Termon, Carncreagh. We found the following when
going over the district: —Ballycahil enclosure, enclosure and slab structure at
Caheraneden, Rannagh and Poulbaun (fallen), Ballyganner North, Cahercuttine,
Berneens, and Glensleade, Poulaphuca cist, Parknabinia (vii), Leanna, and others,
Creevagh and Kilcurrish. Mr. Borlase seems to have first recorded Craggagh,
Tullycommaun (not yet verified), and Commons, North. Of the others, thirty-
three, in Western Clare, were on the maps of 1839.

Wesrropp-—Cists, Dolmens, and Pillars of Co. Clare. 467

APPENDIX A.
SomE UnbEscrRIBED MonuMENTs.

Kiocurrish (25). Two cists, not marked on the Survey. One
on the ridge to the north of Kilcurrish Church has fallen ; the shapely
sides, 7 feet 2 inches, and over 6 feet long, are under a cover, 6 feet
3 inches by 5 feet. A curious rock les to the west, and beyond it a
dilapidated ring-wall, 130 feet from the cist. The caher is 111 feet
in diameter east and west, 102 feet north and south inside ; to the west,
on a hill, is a cairn of large slabs, 57 feet across, and 8 feet high. The
second cist lies in the valley north from the ridge. The sides consist
each of two large, coarse slabs, with end-slabs and one cover (formerly
two). The chamber is 9 feet 10 inches by 4 feet over all; the
cover, 6 feet 8 inches by 5 feet, and, like the sides, from 10 inches
to 14 inches thick.!

BaALiyNEILLAN.—This chambered cairn lies over three miles from
Ennis, near Shallee Castle, upon a bushy crag. It is shown on the
new Survey map, near ‘‘Poulee,”’ lying due north from the
conspicuous cairn on Carran Hill. It is a heap of moderate-sized
stones, about 74 feet across, and was entire till 1874, when, in
removing the stones for road-metal (with permission of Mr. W.
Kelly, of Craglea), some workman broke into its chamber, nearly in
the middle of the heap. The Rey. Patrick White, c.c., of Ennis,
hearing of this, visited the spot and secured a skull, which had been
broken im two, but otherwise well preserved. Dr. Charles James
examined the bones, which proved to be of two persons, the smaller
probably a woman. ‘The late Mr. John Hill, c.e., and others
described the find to the Archeological Association at Kilkenny, but
no plans were published. The chamber had a clay floor; and we
found small fragments of bones very friable and white. The structure
is regularly hexagonal in plan, lined with upright slabs from 33 feet
to 4 feet high over the debris; above these projects a corbelling, the
contracted space overhead being covered with larger slabs. The cell
is rarely over 5 feet long in any direction. It is in Kilnamona parish
in Inchiquin.

_ Carnetty.—A megalithic monument entirely overthrown. It lies
beside an earthen ring, with a central garth; the ring is 12 feet to
15 feet wide; the garth, 96 feet across; there is a slight trace of a

‘The first was mentioned to Dr. MacNamara; when searching for it, we found
the second in a clearing among the hazels.

468 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

fosse to the south-west, and within the ring, all being much defaced
by a plantation. Three pillars remain, two together, 103 feet by
15 inches to 18 inches wide and thick, and 6 feet 7 inches by
26 inches square at the ends, and 32 inches in the middle. The
third rests at its east end upon these; it is 9 feet long, 20 inches
wide, and 13 inches thick. Another small pillar, 53 feet long, lies a
little distance away. They were probably a group of rude stone
pillars removed from the ring. It is much as we first remember it
in 1875. The curious story of the sacrifice upon it is given in our
preceding paper dealing with Clare cists.'. An imaginative poetical ver-
sion’ tells of a sacrifice by ‘‘a maiden on a coal-black steed ” circling the
grove thrice, and sprinkling ‘‘ with human gore” the ‘‘ stone unhewn
by human hands, stone hither brought from distant lands’’; but the
legend is re-cast, combined with the authentic legends of the Stamers
and Quin Abbey, put back some fifty years before the Stamers
obtained the place, and absolutely valueless. The place lies in Clare
Abbey Parish, and once belonged to that monastery.

Battysec.—On the opposite side of the Fergus, but in the same
parish, on a ridge not far from the Newhall cave, recently excavated
by Mr. Richard Ussher,* is a monument. It isan octagonal enclosure
of some eight stones of irregular height (up to 4 feet high, and 3 feet
wide), and is about 18 feet across. The stones have the flat faces
inward, and the tops and faces have evidently been a long time exposed
to the weather. ‘There are traces of a cairn round them. ‘They lie
near a stone ring-wall, which, with three others and an earthen
rath, hes on the ridge between the ancient ‘‘ Pilgrim’s Way” to
Killone Convent and Ballybeg Lake.

BatiysaLttacH West.—This lies in the Barony of Bunratty Lower,
not far from the west of Kilnasoola church, and to the east of ‘ Bally-
sallagh East”! In a tilled field, near the road, we find a large block
of coarse sandstone lying over certain prostrate stones, one a limestone
slab of some size: it is very probably a fallen dolmen. If so, the
cover is 11 feet long by 6 feet to 7 feet wide, and 31 inches thick.

Fomrerta.—In the Barony of Upper Bunratty. I have recently
examined the spot, and find the evident remains of two very small
cists. The better preserved, 3 feet wide and 4 feet long; the south
side, 18 inches thick ; north side out of place. To the west is an end

tVol.axay."(C:)) p. 160:
* By the Duchess de Rovigo, 1838.
3 Trans..R. I. Acad., xxx. (B.), pp. 18-16;

Westropp—Oists, Dolmens, and Pillars of Oo. Clare. 469

block of a second cist, 4 feet 7 inches long, 3 feet 3 inches high, and
13 inches thick. The supposed remains of a third seem to be a natural
rock.

Mritrown.—I found the sides of the blown-up cist (‘‘f,” supra,
vol. xxiv., p. 112) in a low mound, 15 feet long north and south,
9 feet east and west. It was a small cist, 3 feet 6 inches wide and
long to 2 feet 6 inches wide.

Fortanne.—It is in the barony of Tulla Upper, and near the cist
of Maryfort. It is the remnant of a slab enclosure on a low mound,
partly of small stones. Five slabs are visible; but some are partly
buried or overgrown. The enclosure was somewhat oval, and varies
from 25 feet to 29 feet across. The larger slabs are 7 feet by 3 feet
by 1 foot; 6 feet by 24 feet by 8 inches, and 43 feet by 15 inches by
18 inches, the rest being much covered. It is of the class found at
Clooney and Ballyganner monuments, of doubtful purport to our
present ‘‘ knowledge.”

Bonarry.—This townland belongs to that part of Iniscaltra
recently restored to Clare from Galway. The monuments lie not very
far from Cappaghbaun dolmen, and command even a finer view lying

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on the heathery hills to the north of Lough Derg, and looking over it
out to the Devil’s Bit, the Galtees, and even to Mount Brandon in
Kerry, nearly 100 miles away. From,.the summit behind the dolmens,
I am told that the Connemara mountains are visible across Galway
Bay, some 70 miles to the north-west.

The chief dolmen was first noticed by Captain Hibbert in the
Journal of the Limerick Field Club when describing a bronze spear,
with a curious looped shank,! which was found in the bog below.

1 Journal Limerick Field Club, vol. i., No. 2, p. 47.

470 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

The chief dolmen faces much towards the north of east ; but let us
describe it for simplicity as truly orientated. The north side is an situ
a strong slab of pink-grey conglomerate, 6 feet 7 inches long and 4 feet
high, and 12 inches to 19 inches thick. Evidently the opposite side
fell while the ends were standing, and some one placed a large block
upon it; the ends then collapsed, and the cover rests with curious
effect on the block. The ends are 5 feet 6 inches to 5 feet 9 inches
long, and 30 inches to 42 inches wide. The cover is about 5 feet
7 inches square and 1 foot thick. Round the chamber are several
other blocks and a low pillar as at Altoir Ultach and Cappabaun.

About 300 yards to the north-east is the ‘“‘ giant’s grave,’ a
narrow cist of thin slabs, 2 feet to 5 feet 3 inches long. It is of two
compartments, 6 feet 5 inches and 5 feet 3 inches long, and 8 feet
wide. It is nearly hidden in heather and filled with water; the
covers are removed.

The third ‘‘ giant’s grave ”’ lies about as far to the north-west of
the first ; it is embedded in a mass of furze, a bright speck on the
brown hillside. We could not plan it, but located the blocks, and
between them a hollow, 7 feet by 4 feet wide. It lies close to a knoll
near the mearing trench of Glenwanish. Higher up the hill of
Ardeevin is a pile of naturally-loosened slabs of exactly the shape
and size of those used in the dolmens.

APPENDIX B.:
Pintars AND Basrn-STones.

The pillar-stones included in this paper (save Creevagh) are more
Probably terminal than monumental.

Fanyeatvan.——Burren (9) near the three cists, and about 80 feet
to the north near alow burial-mound. They le in line from north-north-
east to south-south-west. The central pillar is over 7 feet high, the
side ones about 4 feet. Several cahers and souterrains lie on the
slope above.

CreevacH.—Burren (10). The pillar is actually part of the
dolmen. It is 6 feet high, 4 feet 7 inches wide, and 10 inches
thick.

Coap, Inchiquin (17), near Corofin. A large rather palmate slab,
74 feet high, 1 foot 5 inches wide at the foot, and 12 inches thick ;
2 feet 4 inches wide at the top and 8 inches thick. 24 feet of the
length was set in the ground when, on October 13th, 1894, it was
re-erected by Dr. George U. MacNamara and his brother, Major

Westrropr—Cists, Dolmens, and Pillars of Co. Clare. 471

William MacNamara. They found no traces of burial at its foot. It
may mark the limit of the lands of Coad church, lying in line with
that building to the east. The name of the townland, Comfhod
(‘equal length’), usually means ‘‘tombstone.’’ It had been over-
thrown by a Kilnaboy treasure-seeker in 1854, and is locally called
“ Clochaliagaun.”’

Trrmonrok, Clonderalaw (48), near Kilmihil. Two pillars, each
7 feet 4 inches high, stand on a rising ground near a fort called
Kilbride. They are probably ‘‘termons,” either of a lost church
of St. Brigid or of Kilmihil church. The defaced ring-wall of
Cahercanavaun lies to the north-west near a stream.

KNocKNAFEARBREAGA, Bunratty Upper (26). At Classagh. These
pillars are described before (vol. xxiv. (C.), p. 97). Since this was
published, Mr. R. Twigge, r.s.a., called my attention to a fragment of
the Life of St. Mochulla in ‘‘ Analecta Bollandiniana,” xvii, p. 135.
This Life was vainly sought by Colgan 270 years ago; and it is
interesting to find the saint’s tame bull that could repel thieves and
wolves, which figures in the local legend of the pillars. This shows
well the persistence of accurate tradition in Clare. Had we the whole
book-legend, we might even find the robbers’ ‘‘ petrifaction,”’ as in the
Life of St. Declan, &c.

Basrn-Srones or Buttauns.—So far as we have noted, the following
exist in Clare, but there may be very many others. Of these twelve
are in burial-places ; seven (including groups of five and more) at
dolmens. Most are in sandstone blocks.?

Burren.—Cappaghkennedy (five at dolmen); Ballyganner (in dol
men cover).

Incuiquiy.—Tullycommaun (near fort); Correen (natural rock, a
holy well); Leanna (several near oratory and cell); Kinallia (near
oratory).

Istanps.— Kilquane (in a killeen); Clare Abbey (in abbey) ;
Kallone Lake at south-east corner.

Bounrarry Uprrr.—Magh Adhair (near mote); Kyléane (called
Doughnambraher, in a killeen) ; Kilvoydan, Ballyvergin, Fomerla
(in a killeen), Fiaghmore (two); Rathclooney (two).

1 Notes on the Clare bullauns may be found—Leanna (Dr. G. U. MacNamara),
R.S.A.I., vol. xxvii., p. 77; Kyléaan (Killian on map) (Miss G. C. Stacpoole),
ibid., xxxiv., p. 190, and (a list by us) p. 191. There is a flattish shore-stone
hollowed into a shallow saucer in the Saint’s church near Ross in Moyarta, hardly
a true bullaun.

R.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXVI., SEC. C. ] [43]

472 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

Bunratty Lower.—Caherscooby (in fort); Tomfinlough (near
church, a holy well) ; Crossagh, Rossroe Castle.

Turia Upprr.——T'yredagh (near a killeen) ; Newgrove and Kiltanon
(at dolmens) ; Bodvke Hill, Rannagh (two) ; Moynoe (near church).

Turta Lower.—Kiltinanlea (near church)!

CORRIGENDA AND ADDENDA TO PREVIOUS PAPERS.

Castnes AND Pret Towers oF County Criare.—(Proc., Ser. iii.,
vol. v., p. 862.) Add to Corcomrok, Knockfin, on edge of Ballyvoe,
1654, probably at AranView. Incureurn, Doonmulvihil. CronpERataw,
Donogrogue. Bunratry Uprer : Dyneley, in 1680, sketched a ‘* Clown-
herne,” probably Deerpark Castle, next Clownherna. Bunratry
Lower, Ballysallagh f., Ballycullen, and Rathfolandf. Correct, p. 363,
‘¢Elmhill ov Doonass”’ to ‘‘ Elmhill and Doonass”’, the latter castle
being shown as at the ‘ Turret’ rock, on the Shannon, in the map of
1655.

Cuurcues or County Crare.—(Jbid., vol. vi., p. 109) ‘* Inghean
Baoith ”’: add ‘‘ Her name was Findclu, and her date the seventh cen-
tury’; p. 112, ‘‘ Iniskefty”’ 1s, of course, Askeaton ; p. 188, Killagleach
and Uetforaich correspond to the rectory of Glae in 1419 (Cal. Papal
Registers, vii), Uetforaich being the ‘‘ Wafferig”’ of 1302, the modern
Oughtdarra ; p. 148, Kilmacreehy is called Kyllmeichchrichenatraga
‘‘of the strand”; and Collebonoum, 1802, is Colleboum or Kilmurry
Ibrickan church at ‘‘ Oxmount” (de colle bovum) in the Papal
Registers.

Ancient Forrs.—(Jbid., xxiv. (C), pp. 238, 268), for ‘‘ Killare ”’
read ‘* Kildare”.

CasrLes oF County Livericx.——(/bed., xxvi. (C), p. 283), section
3861, Grange. The sentence ‘‘ Morrogh mac Brien . . . 758”, to be
put to next section under Ballypierce; p. 235, Mahoonagh. After
‘“M‘Escott held the castle ’’, add ‘‘ which was betrayed by a servant

~ and the occupants taken in their sleep ”.

*T must thank Dr. MacNamara, Mr. James Frost, Miss G. C. Stacpoole,
Miss D. Parkinson, and Mrs. Tufnell Oakes for help and information about the
western remains; and Rev. J. B. Greer, Mrs. O’Callaghan, Colonel O’ Callaghan
Westropp, Mr. James Going, Mrs. Gore, and Captain Hibbert about those of the
‘“ eastern half.”’

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WESTROPP—CISTtTS AND DOLMENS OF

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July, 1906 AWSCVOY ee N 1

PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

VOLUME XXVIL, SECTION A, No. 1

FELIX E. HACKETT

THE IONIC THEORIES OF MAGNETO-
OPTIC ROTATION

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In the year 1902 it was resolved to number in consecutive
order the Volumes of the PROCEEDINGS of the Academy, and
consequently attention is requested to the following Table :—

CONSECUTIVE SERIES, ORIGINAL NUMERATION. ,
Votume I. (1886-1840) is Vorume I. 1stSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqa.
Pie TT .(1940-1044) ,; eae eee ‘
4 IIT. (1845-1847) ,, uae ¢ -
AS IV. (1847-1850) ,, ages B.'8 ‘5
, V. (1850-18583) ,, inte Ne ee 3
,, VI. (1853-1857) ,, . orev, 3 A
of VEL (1837 -186L 3 4c, F
WIL. (1861-1664) 55. ypc VEIES e,, :
x IX. (1864-1866) ,, oo eas - Ke
. Ky (1S66L1GE9 ey se B
4 XI. (1870-1874) ,, * I. 2nd Ser. Science.
ONL, (1875-1877),,; Prhaeed i ae i
RAGE. | (A883) *.,, Pepe eb e 3 K
3 om LV..(1884-1688) .,, ee hs * a
», &V. (1870-1879) ,, zt E e Pol. Lit. & Antiqg.
> VI. (1879 -1888),.; ee 2 © fe -
- OVAL, (1888=1892)5,-9 23 I. 8rd Ser. Sei., Pol. Lit. & Antiqg.
», XVIII. (1891-1893) ,, se mae 3 a
¥. XTX 0 (18991096) :, — eee goes r
EXK: (1696-1898). — vom :
,, NAXI. (1898-1900) ,, 55 NS 4 2
»» XXII. (1900-1902) ,, i ee = 3
PRM 4 (190) > = 3 VaR: By i

XXIV. (1902-1904) : —

Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical,and Physical Science. ;

5, X&XYV. (1904-1905) :
,, XXVIL. (Current Volume) n three Sections like Vol. XXIV.

NW. FP. AVAVemMe
Septenber, 1906 aoe 2
OF OGIENCEDS

PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

VOLUME XXVI., SECTION A, No. 2

FREDERICK PURSER

SOME APPLICATIONS OF BESSEL’S
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CONSECUTIVE SERIES, ORIGINAL NUMERATION.
Votume I. (1886-1840) is Votume I. 1IstSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqa.
“ II. (1840-1844) ,, iS a ea, a D
» III. (1845-1847) ,, eae e His is 3
eo erTY.-(1847 21850) 5; eee :
4S V. (1850-1853) ,, sat oes * *
4 MA. (485851857) -4, ~ oy pacer © * z
» VII. (1857-1861 ,, 2 VIL a a
,, VIII. (1861-1864) ,, Rm Us é “f
7 IX. (1864-1866) ,, RoE 0% 53 if
; X. (1866-1869} ,, gs 3 _ .
Ms XI. (1870-1874) ,, > J. 2nd Ser. Science. ;

ee OX TE 875-4677) eed Se
Se KELL, 1008) >. po Aneel
£5 MTV (LQO4-1 S88) eye Coe vg ee ;

ec RY ARTO ASIN Pere ee Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
= XVI. (1879-1686)4 eg

99 3) .
XVIL (1888-1891),, ,, TL. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. &Antiqgg.
RVI. (1891 1898) ce oe Ade 5 3
= SIX.(1898-1996)s.. Mee eleeene: - 2
Ge RRC (189651998) 4 yy, IVa ‘ K:
uO XI, (1698-19D0}er ee Sy ee ae x 4

»» MXIT. (1900-1902) ,, pf el s
Bam. (190 es ign c N oe
jy -XXLY-+(1902-1904) 7 = ae
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical,and Physical Science.
» 5B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
,, ©. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.

- ROX W- (1904-1905) In tt ; s
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ADENEY (W. E.): The Composition of a Nitrogen Mineral Water at
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Atomic Weights: Geometrical Illustrations of Newlands’ and Mendele-
jeff's Periodic Law of Atomic Weights. By S. HAUGHTON. 1889.-
PPx 207%. 4tO.): 23>

Bessel’s Functions : Some Applications of Bessel’s Functions to Physits.
Eye URSER: mI900. ppe 4s .oVod- Ou.

CAMERON (C. A.) and E. W. Davy: Undescribed Compounds of
Selenaunis HOGI s. Pp. 22, A4tOs> 1S.

Chemical Equilibrium. By F. A. TARLETON. 1880. pp. 12. 4to. Is.

Creeping of Liquids, and Surface-tension of Mixtures.. By F. T.
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Davy (E. W.) and C, A. CAMERON: Undescribed Compounds of
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Glycosides: some derivatives of Arabinose. By H. RYAN and G. EBRILL.
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1889. pp. 207. 4to. 2s.

Latent Heat of Evaporation of Steam from Saturated Salt Solutions.
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Melting Points of Minerals. By R. CUSACK. 1896. pp. 15. 8vo. 2s.

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RYAN (H.), and G. EBRILL: Note on the Action of Emulsine on
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Salt Solutions: Latent Heat of Evaporation of Steam from Saturated
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Selenium : Undescribed Compounds of Selenium. By C. A. CAMERON

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Surface Energy of Mixtures of certain Liquids. By SrR W. RAMSAY.
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Atomic Weights: Geometrical Illustrations of Newlands’ and Mendele-
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CAMERON (C. A.) and E. W. Davy: Undescribed Compounds of
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Chemical Equilibrium. By F. A. TARLETON. 1880. pp. 12. 4to. Is.

Creeping of Liquids, and Surface-tension of Mixtures. By F. 7.
TROUTON.- 1902.5. pp. 5. Svo: IS.

CUSACK (R.): Melting Points of Minerals. 1896. pp. 15. 8vo. 2s.

Davy (E. W.): Nitroprussides of the Bases of Opium. 1885. pp. 18.
ALGs 1S;

Davy (E. W.) and C. A. CAMERON: Undescribed Compounds of
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EBRILL (G.) and H. RYAN: Synthesis of Glycosides: some derivatives
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Glycosides: some derivatives of Arabinose. By H. RYANand G. EBRILL.
1903." Pp. 6. SVOs-- 1s/6d.

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ROBERT FRANCIS SCHARFF

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III.
IV.
V.
VI.
VIL.
VIII.
x:
x:
KL
x
XII.
. (1884-1888) ,,
(1870-1879) ,,
. (1879-1888) ,,
. (1888-1891) ,,
. (1891-18938) ,,
. (1893-1896) ,,
. (1896-1898) ,,
. (1898-1900) ,,
. (1900-1902) ,,

XIV

XV.

XVI

XVII
XVIII

XIX
XX
XXI

XXIT
XXIII.
XXIV. (1902-1904) :— ‘
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical,and Physical Science. © 4
B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
C. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.
XXV. 3
XXVI. (Current Volum

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ROYADL [TRISH ACADEMY:

Ba ANTS ess.)

ORIGINAL NUMERATION,

I. (1836-1840) is Vorume I. 1stSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqg.

(1840-1844) ,,
(1845-1847) ,,
(1847-1850) ,,
(1850-1853) ,,
(1853-1857) ,,
(1857-1861 ,,
(1861-1864) ,,
(1864-1866) ,,
(1866-1869) ,,
(1870-1874) ,,
(1875-1877) ,,

«fin three Sections like Vol. XXIV.

Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.

99 9?
. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.

a Ae Neh

ve | March, 1906 | Eo
nm)
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ROBERT LLOYD PRAEGER

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In the year 1902 it was resolved to number in consecutive &
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consequently attention is requested to the following Table:—

CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION. 4
Votume I. (1886-1840) is Votume I. IstSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqgq. 4

AI (1840-1844) 0°. ek ea ee aos
P11 (1845-1847) 3,55) ea, eae haat
TM: (1847-1850). ;, 6° gs ENV ;
W... (1650-1858) 3.2.) Vo Need | i
Ey OMT. (1858-1857) 301) SNe ae ae ai
VIE: (1657-1861) 5) a WEES oo; ; 3
VIII. (1861-1864) ,, ,, VIII. __,, -
TX) (1664-1866)5) ).) een ee a
oes C1BGG6-1869) 9.) tei Ge kaw are .
XI. (1870-1874) ,, » I. 2nd Ser. Science.
RAL (1875-1877) 4, fos eg ee aK
SOLU es (ABBR) 5550 tay de ee ‘
XIV: (188421868) oy at We ee ‘5
KV. (1870-1879) Syeray ee oa Pol. Lit. & Autiqaq.
XVI. (1879-1888) ,, Hse easy IEC ah 9 oe)
XVII. (1888-1891), ,, -I. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit.&Antiqg. |
VILL. (189121808) 7. ee es ae
XIX. (1898-1896) 43) ae imo ui ih,
XX. (1896-1898) 7,2 3p Eee 28 ‘s x
X XI. (1898-1900) 4.0. "Se Mes ce Bi
RAL. (19001902) yc0 hays) ee . |
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ROBERT SYDNEY MARSDEN

RELATION BETWEEN TEMPERATURE
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In the year 1902 it was resolved to number in consecutive 4
order the Volumes of the PROCEEDINGS of the Academy, and q
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CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION. a
Vorume I. (1886-1840) is Vorume I. 1stSer. Sci., Pol. Lit.&Antiqg. 7
a £1, (1640-1644) 5. cy) es ‘ a
» IIL. (1845-1847) ,, yy aa ue a
rat IV. (1847-1850) ,, LN aes ;
u V. (1850-1858) oe es A
Moet eM. ALSHB21BB7) Gil. yey hae a ek
ur WAL. (1867-1861 98° Oa Bee
,, VIII. (1861-1864) ,, VE if ie
3 IX. (1864-1866) ,, mere 4 ‘ ms
s X. (1866-1869) ,, BE wiy 2 ip al
i XI. (1870-1874) ,, us I. 2nd Ser. Science.
Bor REC UISTS-18T7) eh, a
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i RIV, (IS64-L8B8) eh EG ee nen 4
9 XV. (1870-1879) TE a3 I. 33 Pol. Lit. & Antiqq. a
» XVI. (1879-1888) ,, arte 8 ( if m
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», XVIII. (1891-1893) ,, AID, RUHR A ee a
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,, XXIV. (1902-1904) :— ;
Section A. Mathematical, Apinanouieny and Physical Scignual 7
, B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
» CC. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.

XXYV. (1904-1905 i a
i Mt Hn three Sections like Vol. XXIV.*

», SSVI. (Current Volume)

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VOLUME XXVI., SECTION B, No. 4

WALTER ERNEST ADENEY

COMPOSITION OF A NITROGEN MINERAL
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XVII. (1888-1891),, ,, I. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit.&Antiqq. 9
XVIII. (1891-1893) ,,,,__‘I. a

KX. (1896-1698) aye = x
RK. (1898-1900)',. 4, Way, oy
MXIL, (1900-1902) oa ae i:
MXIT. 1909) 4 eee i

XXIV. (1902-1904) :—

XXVI. (Current Volum =)}i three Sections like Vol. XXIV. ‘ ‘ 4

consequently attention is requested to the following Table :—

CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION.
Vorume I. (1836-1840) is Vorumu I. 1stSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqg.

- Ti. (1840-1844) 5, oe Se :

POM ANES (EB4D-184 7) 54 ies hh a ki

Ree AW. (1847-1850) |. Sas AE es ;

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XIX. (1893-1896) ,, Mane 2 e &

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Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical, and Ph ysical Science. a
,, B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science. ~ ! q
5, C. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.

XXV. (1904-1905)

ae Ls ; 4 Bite votes
inal le LOWES Sig) BES yen ie Pe eee oe ee vet CLA Oe toe eth Gs

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Votume _ [. (1886-1840) is Vorume [. IstSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq. a
i‘ II. (1840-1844) ,, ere 6 y : | |
», AIL. (1845-1847) ,, ae i
. TV. (1847-1850) ,, yt Ml * | : Lis
. V. (1850-1853) ,, hee oh ks ys
a VI. (1858-1857) ,, Ons a
3» MEE. (1857-1861 -,, i VEE 4
», VIII. (1861-1864) ,, Pet gM :
Pd (2864-1860) \,°, 0, Tk
- X. (1866-1869) ,, ay 3.58
Oe XI. (1870-1874) ,, A I. 2nd Ser. Science.
Syst, (2670-18771) ,, mg 0
SAL LBBB) es sy Lube
» ALY. (1884-1888) ,, ee BAR
iin Ns (EB TO-1879 yay owing I.
», &VI. (1879-1888) ,, oe ae ss “fl
3 VEL (1888-1891) om, I. 8rd Ser. Scei., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
VILE! (1891-1698) wai Tes |
5 XIX. (1898-1896) ,,
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2) 39

a a 3)

rp Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.

RUE, (1898-1000) yo ei) ea Winn ue i
~ XX. (1900-1902),, ., VE ,, »
: 73 XXII. (1901) 45 3? Vil. 79 3%

,, XXIV. (1902-1904) :—
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical, and Physical Science.
> 6. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
;; ©. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.
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fe . Albumose, and Rochelle Salt. 1905. pp. 19. 2 plates. 8vo. Is.
. ADENEY (W. E.): The Composition of a Nitrogen Mineral Water at
St. Edmundsbury, Lucan. 1906. pp. 3. 8vo. 6d. ’
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ae rene ih 207. 4to. 2s,

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=
I

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XXIV. (1902-1904) :— a
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical, and Physical Science, ” Be

SREP SEES

ORIGINAL NUMERATION.

Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.

Science.
59

39
Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.

» 5B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.

5, OC. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.

XXV. (1904-1905)

XXVI. (Current Volume)

In three Sections like Vol. XXIV. ~

. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit.&Antiqg.

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PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

VOLUME XXVI., SECTION B, No. 8

a JAMES R. KILROE

THE RIVER SHANNON: ITS PRESENT
COURSE AND GEOLOGICAL HISTORY

DUBLIN
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_ Price One Shilling

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‘Ne Dy " Nr, ee wr vee rey ay te Sf,

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PROCEEDINGS

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fl ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

a /n the year 1902 it was resolved to number in conseoutive |

i order the Volumes of the PROCEEDINGS of the Academy, and

* i consequently attention is requested to the following Table:—
Hal. CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION. —
: , Voutume I. (1886-1840) is Vorume I. 1stSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqg.
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5» SXLV. (1902-1904) :— pvt
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical, and Physical Science. —
> B. Biological, Geological, and Ohemical Science. ahs
5, OC. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.
ae ,» XXV. (1904-1908) | psa
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_ PROCEEDINGS
_ ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
>VOLUME XXVI., SECTION B, No. 9
WILLIAM G. FEARNSIDES,

GERTRUDE L. ELLES,
BERNARD SMITH

THE LOWER PALAOZOIO ROCKS OF
| POMEROY

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fe”

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ie 4 “y e
= OF THE i Ce i
ROYAL TRISH: ACAD MY:
: |
In the year 1902 It was resolved to number in consecutive
order the Volumes of the PROCEEDINGS of the Academy, anc
consequently attention is requested to the following Table :—
CONSECUTIVE SERIES, ORIGINAL NUMERATION.
Votume I. (1886-1840) is Vorumm I. IstSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqa.
ty TL (1840-1844). 6 Sh +»
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"| Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical,and Physical Science. |

, B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
5 C. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.
, XXYV. (1904-1905)

Sie. @.@.'6 i
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Be ath Nee aia haya =k

Be Gaiomsir, 1007 Wy 10
PROCEEDINGS
| OF THE

ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

VOLUME XXVI., SECTION B, No. 10

J. R. KILROE

THE SILURIAN AND METAMORPHIC
ROCKS OF MAYO AND NORTH GALWAY

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OF THE

ROYAL TRISH ACADEMY

: In the year 1902 it was resolved to number in consecutive
4 order the Volumes of the PROCEEDINGS of the Academy, and
consequently attention is requested to the following Table :—-

: CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION.
-- Vorume —_I. (1886-1840) is Vorume I. 1stSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
; Oe Ads (1810-16443 1,5 6 pe ‘a
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55 SALV. (1902-1904) :—
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical,and Physical Science.
;, 3B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
» ©. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.
5» XV, (1904-1905)

PO. 4 4B In three Sections like Vol. XXIV. —
, XXVIL. (Current Volumes)

ROYAL IRI SH ACADEMY,
‘SOME RECENT PUBLICATIONS.

GEOLOGY.

[Lists of Papers on other subjects—scientific, literary, and
archzological—may be obtained on application. |

Carlingford and Slieve Gallion Volcanic District. By W. J. SOLLAS.
1894. pp. 36. 2plates. 4to. 2s, 6d.

CorFEy (G.) and R. Lt. PRAEGER: The Larne Raised Beach. 1904.
pp. 58. 5plates. 8vo. 2s.

COLE (G. A. J.): Metamorphic Rocks in Eastern Tyrone and Southern
Donegal. 1900. pp. 42. 2plates. 4io. 2s.

CoLE (G, A. J.): Composite Gneisses in Boylagh, West Donegal.
1902. pp. 28. splates. 8vo. 3s.

CoLE (G. A. J.), A.C. HaDpon, and W. J. SOLLAS: Geology of Torres
Straits. 1894. pp. 58. 4plates. 4to. 4s.

CoLE (G. A. J.): Intrusive Gneiss of Tirerrill and Drumahair, Ireland.
1903. pp. 10. 8vo. ts. 6d.

COLE (G. A, J.): On Contact-Phenomena at the Junction of Lias laa
Dolerite at Portrush. 1906. pp.11. r1plate. 8vo. 6d.

CUSACK (R.): Melting Points of Minerals. 1896. pp.15. 8vo. 2s.

Denudation: Solvent Denudation in Fresh and Salt Water. By J. JOLY.
1902, pp.14. 8vo. Is.

Denudation: The Waste of the Coast of Ireland. By J. P. O’REILLY.
1902. pp. 108, 8vo. 3s.

Earthquakes: Catalogue of Earthquakes in Great Britain and Ireland.
By J. P. O'REILLY. 1884. pp. 32. trplate. 4to. 2s.

Earthquakes: Catalogue of the Earthquakes recorded as having occurred
in Europe and adjacent Countries, By J. P. O’REILLY. 1885.
pp. 220. 4to. 4s. 6d. :

ELLES (G. L.), W. G. FEARNSIDES, and B. SMITH: The Lower
Paleozoic Rocks of Pomeroy. 1907. pp. 30. 8vo. Is.

FEARNSIDES (W. G.), G. L, ELLES, and B. SmitH: The Lower
Paleozoic Rocks of Pomeroy. 1907. pp. 30. 8vo. Is.

Geological Climates: Sun-heat, Terrestrial Radiation, and Geological
Climates. By S. HAUGHTON. 1881. pp. 52. 4to. 2s.

Geology of Torres Straits. By A. C. HADDON, W. J. SOLLAS, and
G. A. J. COLE. 1894. pp. 58. 4plates. 4to. 4s.

Gneiss: Intrusive Gneiss of Tirerrill and Drumahair, Ireland. By
G. A.J. COLE. 1903. pp.10. 8vo. ts. 6d.

Gneisses : Composite Gneisses in Boylagh, West Donegal. By G. A.
J. COLE. 1902. pp. 28. 5 plates. 8vo. 3s.

Granites of Leinster. By W. J. SOLLAS, 1891. pp. 88. 4to. 3s. 6d.

HADDON (A. C.), W. J. SOLLAS, and G. A. J. COLE: Geology of Torres
Straits. 1894. pp. 58. 4 plates. 4to. 4s.

JoLy (J.): Solvent Denudation in Fresh and Salt Water. 1902. pp. 14.
8vo._ Is.

KILROE (J. R.): The River Shannon: its present Course and Geolngiey |
History. 1907, pp.23. 4 plates. 8vo. Is.

KILROE (J. R.): The Silurian and Metamorphic Rocks of Mayo and
North Galway. 1907. pp.32. 2plates. 8vo. ts.

OO ae

M‘HEnry (A.) and W. J. SoLLAS: Volcanic Neck of Tertiary Age in

the County of Galway, Ireland. 1896. pp. 14. 1plate. 4to. 2s. 6d.
alana (A.): Ihe Ox Mountain Rocks, Ireland. 1903. pp. 8. 8vo.
Is. 6d. .
Metamorphic Rocks in Eastern Tyrone and Southern Donegal. By
G. A. J. COLE. 1900. pp. 42. 2 plates. q4to. 2s.
Metamorphic Rocks: The Ox Mountain Rocks, Ireland. By A.
M‘HENRY. 1903. pp.8. 8vo. Is. 6d.
Melting Points of Minerals. By R. CUSACK. 1896. pp. 15. 8vo.
2s.

O’REILLY (J. P.): Catalogue of Earthquakes in Great Britain and
Ireland. 1884. pp. 32. I plate. 4to. 2s.

O’REILLY (J. P.): Catalogue of Earthquakes recorded as having

occurred in Europe and adjacent countries. 1885. pp. 220. 4to.
4s. 6d. :
O’REILLY (J. P.): Dates of Volcanic Eruptions and their concordance
with the Sun-spot Period. 1899. pp.41. 8vo. 3s. 6d.
O’ REILLY (J. P.): Waste of the Coast of Ireland. 1902. pp. 108.
' 8vo. 3s.
PRAEGER (R. LL.): Raised Beaches of the North-East of Ireland
1896. pp. 25. 1plate. 8vo. 3s.
PRAEGER (R. LL.) and G. CorFEy: The Larne Raised Beach. 1904.
pp. 58. 5plates. 8vo. 2s.

Raised Beaches: The Larne Raised Beach. By G. COFFEY and
R. LL. PRAEGER. 1904. pp. 58. 5 plates. 8vo. as.

Raised Beaches of the North-East of Ireland. By R. LL. PRAEGER.
1896. pp. 25. 1 plate. 8vo. 3s.

SMITH (B.), G. L. ELLES, and W. G. FEARNSIDES: The Lower
Palzeozoic Rocks of Pomeroy. 1907. “pp. 30. 8vo, Is.

SOLLAS (W. J.): Granites of Leinster. 1891. pp. 88. 4to. 3s. 6d.

SOLLAS (W, J.): Volcanic District of Carlingford and Slieve Gallion.
1894. pp. 36. 2plates. q4to. 2s. 6d.

SOLLAS (W. J.) and A. M‘HENRY: Volcanic Neck of Tertiary Age in
the County of Galway, Ireland. 1896. pp. 14. 1 plate. ato. 2s. 6d.

SOLLAS (W. J.), A. C. HADDON, and G.A. J. COLE: Geology of Torres
Straits. 1894. pp. 58. 4plates. 4qto. 4s.

Sun-spot Periods: their concordance with Volcanic Eruptions. By
J. P. O'REILLY. 1899. pp. 41. 8vo. 4s. 6d.

Torres Straits: Geology of Torres Straits. By A.C. HADDON, W. J.
SOLLAS, and G. A. J. COLE. 1894. pp.58. 4to. 4s.

Volcanic District of Carlingford and Slieve Gullion. By W. J. SOLLAS.
1894. pp. 36. 2plates. 4to. 2s. 6d.

Volcanic Eruptions and concordance with Sun-spot Periods. By J. P.
O’REILLY. 1899. pp. 41. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

Volcanic Neck of Tertiary Age in the County of Galway, Ireland. By
W. J. SOLLAS and A. M‘HENRY. 1896. pp.14. I plate. 4to.
2s. 6d.

Sold by
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SE Sie Lael eee fT SS a ee

ee AS eS
a ee

a ES

2 <<,

sa =

nists

ROYAL. I RI SH ACADEMY.
SOME RECENT PUBLICATIONS.

_-« GEOLOGY.

7 [Lists of Papers on other subjects—scientific, literary, and
itl archzological—may be obtained on application. |

| Carlingford and Slieve Gallion Volcanic District. By W. J. SOLLAS.
a! 1894. pp.36. 2plates. 4to. 2s. 6d.
| CorFeEy (G.) and R. LL. PRAEGER: The Larne Raised Beach. 1904.
‘f pp. 58. s5plates. 8vo. 2s.
— CoLEe(G. A. J.): Metamorphic Rocks in Eastern Tyrone and Southern
Donegal. igoo. pp. 42. 2plates. 4io. 2s.
COLE (G. A. J.): Composite Gneisses in Rae: West Donegal.
1902. pp. 28. 5plates. 8vo. 3s.
CoLE(G. A. J.), A.C. HADDON, and W. J. aareas: Geology of Torres
i Straits. 1894. pp. 58. 4 plates. ato... 4s.
| Cove (G. A. J.): Intrusive Gneiss of Tirerrill and Drumahair, Ireland.
it 1903. pp.10. 8vo. is. 6d. ~
- COLE (G. A. J.): On Contact-Phenomena at the Junction of Lias and
bi Dolerite at Portrush. 1906. pp.11. r1plate. 8vo. 6d.
» Cusack (R.): Melting Points of Minerals. 1896. pp.15. 8vo. 2s.
-_ Denudation: Solvent Denudation in Fresh and Salt Water. By J. JoLy.
ar 1902. pp.14. 8vo. Is.
_ Denudation: The Waste of the Coast of Ireland. By J. P. O’REILLY.
xi 1902. pp. 108. 8vo. 3s.
_ Earthquakes: Catalogue of Earthquakes in Great Britain and Ireland.
Pi By J. P. O'REILLY. 1884. pp. 32. 1Iplate. 4to. 2s.
_ Earthquakes: Catalogue of the Earthquakes recorded as having occurred
- - in Europe and adjacent Countries, By J. P. O’REILLY. 1885.
Fie Pp. 220. 4to. 4s. 6d.
_ ELLEs (G. L.), W. G. FEARNSIDES, and B. SMirH: The Lower
Palzozoic Rocks of Pomeroy. 1907. pp. 30. 8vo. Is.
_FEARNSIDES (W. G.), G. L. ELLES, and B. SMITH: The Lower
Paleozoic Rocks of Pomeroy. 1907. pp. 30. 8vo. Is.
Geological Climates: Sun-heat, Terrestrial Radiation, and Geological
Hf Climates. By S. HAUGHTON. 1881. pp. 52. 4to. 2s.
|. Geology of Torres Straits. By A. C. HADDON, W. J. SOLLAS, and
G. A. J. COLE. 1894. pp. 58. 4plates. 4to. 4s.
Gneiss: Intrusive Gneiss of Tirerrill and Drumahair, Ireland. By
G. A. J. COLE. 1903. pp.10. 8vo. Is. 6d. ng
Gneisses : Composite Gneisses in Boylagh, West Donegal. By G. A. .
J. COLE. 1902. pp. 28. 5 plates. 8vo. 3s.
Granites of Leinster. By W. J. SOLLAS. 1891. pp. 88- 4to. 3s. 6d.
HADDON (A. C.), W. J. SOLLAS, and G. A. J. COLE: Geology of Torres
Straits. 1894. pp.58. 4 plates. 4to. 4s.
JoLy (J.): Solvent Denudation in Fresh and Salt Water. 1902. pp. 14.
8vo. Is. ;
KILROE (J. R.): The River Shannon: its present Course and Geological ©
a History. 1907. pp. 23. 4 plates. 8vo. Is.
M‘HEnry (A.) and W. J. SOLLAS: Volcanic Neck of Tertiary Age in
Bit the oe of aay, Treland. 1896. pp. 14. 1 plate. 4to. 2s. 6d.

1s. 6d.

Metamorphic Rocks in Eastern Tyrone and Southern Doheean By

G. A. J. COLE. 1900. pp. 42. 2 plates. 4to. 2s.
Metamorphic Rocks: The Ox Mountain Rocks, Ireland. By A.
M‘HENRY. 1903. pp. 8. 8vo. ts. 6d.

Melting Points of Minerals. By R. CUSACK. 1896. pp. 15. 8vo.
2s.

O’REILLY (J. P.): Catalogue of Earthquakes in Great Britain and
Ireland. 1884. pp. 32. I plate. 4to. 2s. -

O'REILLY (J. P.): Catalogue of Earthquakes recorded as having
occurred in Europe and adjacent countries. 1885. pp. 220. 4to.
4s. 6d.

O’REILLY (J. P.): Dates of Volcanic Eruptions and their concordance
with the Sun-spot Period. 1899. pp.41. 8vyo. 3s.6d. —

O’ REILLY (J. P.): Waste of the Coast of Ireland. 1902. pp. 108.

| 8vo. 35.

PRAEGER (R. LL.): Raised Beaches of the North East of Ireland
1896. pp. 25. 1plate. $vo. 3s.

PRAEGER (R. LL.) and G. CoFFEY: The Larne Raised Beach. 1904.
pp. 58. 5 plates. 8vo. as.

Raised Beaches: The Larne Raised Beach. By G. COFFEY and

- R. LiL. PRAEGER. 1904. pp. 58. 5 plates. 8vo. 2s.

Raised Beaches of the North-East of Ireland.. By R. LL, PRAEGER.

1896. pp. 25. 1 plate. 8vo.. 3s.
SMITH (B.), G. L. ELLEs, and W. G. FEARNSIDES: The Lower
Paleozoic Rocks of Pomeroy. 1907. pp. 30. 8vo, Is.
SOLLAS (W. J.): Granites of Leinster. 1891. pp. 88. 4to. 3s. 6d.
SOLLAS (W, J.): Volcanic District of Carlingford and Slieve Gallion.
1894. pp. 36. 2 plates. 4to. 2s. 6d.
SOLLAS (W. J.) and A. M‘HENRY: Volcanic Neck of Tertiary Age in
the County of Galway, Ireland, 1896. pp. 14. 1 plate. gto. 2s. 6d.
SoLLas (W. J.), A. C. Happon, and G. A. J. CoLe: Geology of Torres
Straits. 1894. pp. 58. 4 plates. gto. 4s.
Sun-spot Periods: their concordance with Volcanic Eruptions. By
) J. P.O REILLY. 1809: ; pps 48. /ByO.; 3S. Od:

Torres Straits : Geology of Torres Straits. By A.C. HADDON, W. J.
SOLLAS, and G. A. J. COLE. 1894. pp.58. 4to. 4s.

Volcanic District of Carlingford and Slieve Gullion. BY W. J. SOLLAS. —

1894. pp. 36. 2plates. ato. 2s. 6d.

Volcanic Eruptions and concordance with Sun-spot Periods. By J. P.
O’REILLY. 1899. pp. 41. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

Volcanic Neck of Tertiary Age in the County of Galway, Ireland. By —
W. J. SOLLAS and A. M‘HENRY. 1896. pp. 14. I plate. 4to.

2s. 6d.

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M‘HENRY ie i r he Ox Motintain Rocks, Ireland. Baa pp. 8. BroL ; by

—

;
ne Pgh e-5 é aS. ~
Sg Se eS

ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY.
SOME RECENT PUBLICATIONS.

GEOLOGY.

[Lists of Papers on other subjects—scientific, literary, and
archzological—may be obtained on application.)

Carlingford and Slieve Gallion Volcanic District. By W. J. SoLtAs.
1894. pp.36. 2plates. 4qto. 2s. 6d.

CorFrey (G.) and R. LL. PRAEGER: The Larne Raised Beach. 1904.
pp. 58. 5plates. 8vo. 2s.

CoLE(G. A. J.): Metamorphic Rocks in Eastern Tyrone and Southern
Donegal. 1900. pp.42. 2plates. gio. 2s.

COLE (G. A. J.): Composite Gneisses in Boylagh, West Donegal.
1902. pp. 28. splates. 8vo. 3s: ‘

CoLE (G. A. J.), A.C. HADDON, and W. J. SOLLAS: Geology f Lforres
Straits. 1894. pp.58. 4plates. gto. 4s.

COLE (G. A. J.): Intrusive Gneiss of Tirerrill and Drumahair, [reland.
1903. pp.10. 8vo. Is. 6d.

Cote (G. A. J.): On Contact-Phenomena at the Junction of Lias and
Dolerite at Portrush. 1906. pp.11. 1plate. 8vo. 6d.

CUSACK (R.): Melting Points of Minerals. 1896. pp.15. 8vo. 2s.

Denudation : Solvent Denudation in Fresh and Salt Water. By J. Joy.
1902. pp.14. 8vo. Is.

Denudation: The Waste of the Coast of Ireland. By J. P. O’REILLY.
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VOLUME XXVIL, SECTION C, No. 11

HUBERT T. KNOX

_ NOTES ON GIG-MILLS AND DRYING KILNS
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Votume I, (1886-1840) is Votume I. Ist Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.

oe AL (1840-4844) 2 ae ss

: yo ATL, (1845-1847). :

3 AV. (1947-1800) |, ae i

Er V. (1850-1858) 3-7 ee :,

: eco NL, (1888-1887), oo ee a

E ps WEL (1067-1861 :

pees AX, (1864-1666), 22 ee a :

7 X. (1866-1869), 4,2 ‘3

“XI. (1870-1874) ;, 5, 36 ander. Science. ;

yy CEL, (1878-1877) 55° Be 4

oa XTIT, (1888) go ee i 4

: 5 RIV, (1884-1888), a i :

50 RV, (1870-1899) 5° 2a Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.

: i RVI (1879-1688) > 3 3 ae

; ,, XVII. (1888-1891), ,, I. 8rdSer. Sci., Pol. Lit.&Antiqq.

XVIIL, (1891-1898) ">, ta, i a

; MIX. (1898-1996);, 5 2a o ie

o> KK: (1896-1698) 5° ae :
7 RRL (BOB 1900) 5s a ees | “3 Bi
ip MRID (1900-1902) 5; ee Bag i

| 99 XXIII. (1901) 9 9 VII. 9 39

,, XXIV. (1902-1904) :— c

Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical,and Physical Science. —

4 , .B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science. 3

ce]

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XXV. (1904-1905)

XXYVI. (Current Volume)

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Be ATA BIRT IRAY.
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CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION.

Votume I. (1886-1840) is Vorume, I. 1stSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
3 II. (1840-1844) ,, 7 eke a:
* ITI. (1845-1847) ,,. Seg EF ys
», IV. (1847-1850) ,, ye LY: 3
Y V. (1850-1853) ,, ee 3
mi VI. (1853-1857) ,, ies 3 ge
» VII. (1857-1861 ,, en SV +9
», VIII. (1861-1864) ,, mE EEE :.
i IX. (1864-1866) ,, Pe tive B. a
. X. (1866-1869) ,, el 4 ti
- XI. (1870-1874) ,, 7 I, 2nd Ser. Science.
», AII. (1875-1877) ,, fre ha {.
ane 32100) 2 ce, >. aL. re
» ALY. (1884-1888) ,, Seng be = :
ee XY. (1870-1879) ,, = | eater Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
» XVI. (1879-1888) ,, pees ~ s
» XVII. (1888-1891) ,, .,, I. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqgq.
53 vv LET, (1891-1898) 55% al, 5
», AIX. (18938-1896) ,, x LA rs
> XX. (1896-1898) ,, mee Bf :; ~
52. ed, (1898-1900) 45 Se :
55 XXIT. (1900-1902) ,, ie a hs i
are. 0S 8 Pees GUS Ree vane re
55 SALTY. (1902-1904) <— é

Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical, and Physical Science.
» 5B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
5, ©. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.

,, XXV. (1904-1905) | Meee
|, XXVL (Current Volume) | three Sections like Vol. XXIV.

a4? IE: te x

99 a

SS s . ; 5 ee

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ay = ~
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ss PROCEEDINGS

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i. C. R. ARMSTRONG

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/n the year 1902 it was resolved to number ii) consecutive

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XVII. (1888-1891) ,,

, XVIII. (1891-1893) ,,°,

XXVIL

order the Volumes of the PROCEEDINGS of the Academy, anc
consequently attention is requested to the following Table: —

ORIGINAL NUMERATION.

Votume I. (1886-1840) is Vonumm I. 1stSer. Sei., Pol. Lit. & Antiqa.
$y II. (1840-1844) ,, tae & = ‘
. ITI. (1845-1847) ,, ee a 3 ae
% IV. (1847-1850) ,, #) AN ¢ ;
fe V. (1850-18538) ,, oe * ”
coos VE ASSB-A8bT) 4. oa oe i
» WII. (1857- 1861) ,, Peeeh fk 5 ieee
., VIII. (1861-1864) ,, RAL S SE e
“ IX. (1864-1866) ,, tide 6.2 = =
“i X. (1866-1869) ,, Ponte. # 3
ns XI. (1870-1874) ,, a I. 2nd Ser. Science.
»» XII. (1875-1877) ,, aes? § ir ‘ x
poems. EB Baa, Sho 52 eer yeaa % rs
» &LY. (1884-1888) ,, Sitese 3 f) S 7
) XY. (1870-1879) 6-55 hee Pol. Lit. & Autiqa.
» VI. (1879-1888) ,, irda 2%

a ees 53
I. 3rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqa.

XIX. (1898-1896) 245, lle * 4

XK. (189621898) 22s Vg z
XXI. (1898-1900),, fo ae :
XXII (1900-1902) ee :

SEE ae eee
XXIV. (1902-1904) :—

SER EES i »

Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical, and Physical Seienaee

XXVI.
‘| (Current Volumes)

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y, Linguistic, and Literature.

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In the year 1902 it was resolved to number in consecutive ;
order the Volumes of the PROCEEDINGS of the Academy, and
= ‘consequently attention is requested to the following Fable: —

- CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION.

ee erase I. (1886-1840) is Votume I. 1st Ser. Sei., Pol. Lit. & Antiqg.
Pore I 11840-1644) 5) <5, Se ps
eee P11, (1845-1847) 5. - 5, Ute ass ai
oy 1¥. (11847-1850)... Se I a :
Wee 6 °V (1650-1858) ,, 5, Wee Sn San
ay WI, (1858-1857) a ce ‘
| 9, VIL (1857-1861) ° SS UN aa ‘
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oe, KL: (1870-1874) ,,, ds Qnd Ser Science.
fo ey XA, (1875-1977), 4) 2 os :
eee HI, (1888) 4, ee i | :
XIV. (1864-1898) 450 yy IV ay | ; :

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order the Volumes of the PROCEEDINGS of the Academy, ane
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CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION.
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THE CISTS, DOLMENS, AND PILLARS OF
THE WESTERN HALF OF THE
COUNTY OF CLARE

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ARMSTRONG (E. C. R.): Stone Chalices, so called. 1907. pp. 10.
I plate. 8vo. 6d.
Castles of County Limerick. By T. J. WESTROPP: N.-E. Baronies.
7 1906. pp. 54. 8vo. 1s. Central and South-Eastern Baronies.
. 1906. pp. 58. 3 plates. 8vo. is.6d. Western Baronies. 1907.
pp. 64. 3 plates. 8vo. Is. 6d.
Cemetery, Prehistoric, of Loughcrew. By G. COFFEY. 1897. pp. 16.
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1905. pp.154. .8vo. 4s. -
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CoFFEY (G.): Monuments of La Téne Period in Ireland. 1904. pp. Io.

ry 5 plates. 8vo. ts. 6d.

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pp. 7. 8vo. :

COFFEY (G.): Craigywarren Crannog. 1906. pp.10. 6plates. 8vo.

IS.

COFFEY (G.): Two Finds of Late Bronze Age Objects. 1906. pp. 6.
2 plates. 8vo. 6d.

CoFFEY (G.) and R. LL. PRAEGER: The Antrim Raised Beach, a
contribution to the Neolithic history of the North of Ireland. 1904.
pp. 58. O6plates. 8vo. 2s.

COOKE (JOHN): Antiquarian Remains in the Beaufort District, County
Kerry. 1906. pp.34. 4plates. 8vo. Is.

Crosses: The High Crosses of Castledermot and Durrow. ByM. STOKES.

e 1898. pp. 26. 12 plates. Folio. £1 Is. net.

a Crosses: The High Crosses of Moone, Drumcliff, Termonfechin, and

bs Killamery. By M. STOKES. 1902. pp. 38. 34plates. 4to. 1os. 6d.

ie FERGUSON (Sir S.): Fasciculus of Prints from photographs of casts

De of Ogham Inscriptions. 1880. pp. 10. 5 plates. 4to. as.

= Gold and Silver Ornaments, Ancient Irish, Composition of. By E. A.

=. - SMITH. 1895. pp. 14. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

a GRAVES (C.): Ogham Inscription in the Killeen of Aglish, Co. Kerry,

a - Treland. 1878. pp. 10. 1plate. 4to. Is.

: GRAVES (C.): Croix Gammée or Swastika. 1879. pp.6. 4to. Is.

GRAVES (C.): Ogham Monument at Kilcolman, Co. Kerry, Ireland.

1887. pp. 8. 4to. Is.

GRAVES (C.): Ogham Inscription supposed to bear an Anglo-Saxon
Name. 1892. pp.12. 4to. Is

- Happon(A.C.): Neolithic Cist Burial at Oldbridge, Co. Meath, Ireland.

Bese ENoweas (W. J.}: Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of Ireland.

= (3rd Report.) 1895. pp. 14. 3 plates. 8vo. 3s.

KNOWLES (W. J.): Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of Ireland.

(4th Report.) 1901. pp. 59. 1plate. 8vo. 5s.

ee Sure (R. = nei) Paneer: Saiiewent in Perla ttiey On,
Bee Kerry, Ireland. 1899. pp. 137. 9 plates. qto. 6s. eee A
| * Milesian Colonization of Treland in relation to Gold-mining. 1900. |
pp. 43. 8vo. 4s. 9
. Neolithic Cist Burial at Oldbridge, Co Meath, Ireland. ByA. C.
: HADDON. 1897. pp. 79. 8vo. 2s.
- Ogham Inscription in the Killeen of Aglish, Co. Kerry, Ireland: By
C. GRAVES. -1878. pp. 10. 1Iplate. 4to. Is.
Ogham Inscription supposed to bear an Anglo-Saxon Name. By
C. GRAVES. 1892. pp.12. 4to. ts.
Ogham Inscriptions: Fasciculus of Prints from photographs of casts
of Ogham Inscriptions. By SIR S. FERGUSON. 1880. pp. Io.
5 plates. 4to. 2s.
Ogham Monument at Kilcolman, Co. Kerry, Ireland. By C. GRAVES.
a Looy. pp. 6. <4t0... Is.
O’REILLY (J. P.): The Milesian Colonization of Ireland in relation to
Gold-mining. 1900. pp. 43. 8vo. 4s.
OVREILLY (J. P.):-:Old Chagcies of Kill-o’-the-Grange, Killiney, and :
St. Nessan, Howth. 1904. pp.1o. i1plate. 8vo. 6d. ~¥
Riis PRAEGER (R. LL.) and G. COFFEY: The Antrim Raised Beach, a 4
tae contribution to the Neolithic history of the North of Ireland. 1904.
i pp. 58. 6plates. 8vo. 2s.
ae Prehistoric Cemetery of Loughcrew. By G. COFFEY. 1897. pp. 16.
6 plates. 4to. 2s. 6d.
Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of the Coast of Ireland. By
W.J. KNOWLES. (3rd Report.) 1895. pp.14. 3 plates. 8vo. 3s.
‘Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of Ireland. (4th Report.) By
gs ‘. W..J. KNOWLES. -1901. . pp. 59... 1 plate: 8vo.~— 5s:
o REEVES (W.): Bell of St. Patrick, called the Clog an Edachta. 1863.
RD. 80. >> 4to. Sis.
ae CE. A.): Composition of Ancient Irish Gold and Silver Orna-
Sree ments. 1895. pp.14. 8vo. 2s. 6d.
ee, STOKES (M.): High Crosses of Castledermot and Durrow. 1808.
saa pp. 26. 12plates. Folio. £1 Is. net.
STOKES (M.): High Crosses of Moone, Drumcliff, Termonfechin, and e
-Killamery. 1902. pp. 38. 34 plates. 4to. tos. 6d. a
WESTROPP (T. J.): Lesser Castles or ‘‘ Peel Towers’’ of the County” =
of Clare. 1899. pp. 18. 8vo. 3s. 6d.
WESTROPP (T. J.): Churches of County Clare, and Origin of the
Ecclesiastical Divisions in that County. 1900. pp. 81. 8vo. 4s.
WESTROPP (T. J.): Dolmens and Pillar-stones in Bunratty and Tulla,
Co. Clare, Ireland. ro902. pp. 48. 4plates. 8vo. 3s.
WESTROPP er: J.): Ancient Forts of Ireland. 1902. pp. 151. 8 plates.
4to. 7s. 6d.
WESTROPP(T. J.): The Ancient Forts of Ireland. 1904. pp. 10. 8vo. 6d.
WESTROPP (T. J.): A Survey of the Ancient Churches in the County
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WESTROPP (T. J.): The Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick:
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Re Western Baronies. 1907. pp. 64. 3 plates. 8vo. Is. 6d.
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fe enna Half of the County of Clare. 1907. pp. 26. 3 plates. 8vo. Is,

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BIRMINGHAM (J.): The Red Stars—Observations and Catalogue. New
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DREYER (J. L. E.): Micrometric Observations of Nebule made at
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HAUGHTON (S.) : Tides of the Arctic Seas: IX. North-western Entrance
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Perseus: Relative Positions of 223 Stars in the Cluster x Persei as
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-Radiation: Sun-heat, Terrestrial Radiation, and Geological Climates.
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e Radiation: Sinner Terresteal Radia ation,
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Red Stars: Observations and Catalogue. By J. BIRMINGHAM. New
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Pato ME Tes of the Arctic Seas: VIII. Lady Franklin Sound. By S. HAUGHTON.
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ARMSTRONG (E. C. R.): Stone Chalices, so called. 1907. pp. to.
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Castles of County Limerick. By T. J. WeEstTRoppP: N.-E. Baronies.
1906. pp. 54. 8vo. 1s. Central and South-Eastern Baronies.
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Cemetery, Prehistoric, of Loughcrew. By G. COFFEY. 1897. pp. 16.
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Churches, are in the County of Limerick. By T. J. WESTROPP,
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COFFEY (G.): Prehistoric Cemetery of Loughcrew. 1897. pp. 16.

6 plates. 4to. 2s. 6d.

COFFEY (G.): Monuments of La Téne Period in Ireland. 1904. pp. to.
5 plates. 8vo. ts. 6d.

COFFEY (G.): Excavation of a Tumulus near Loughtea, Ireland. 1904.
DD? 74+. OVO:)> Od:

CoFFEY (G.): Craigywarren Crannog. 1906. pp.10. O6plates. 8vo.

IS.

COFFEY (G.): Two Finds of Late Bronze Age Objects. 1906. pp. 6.
2 plates. 8vo. 6d.

CoFFEY (G.) and R. LL. PRAEGER: The Antrim Raised Beach, a
contribution to the Neolithic history of the North of Ireland. 1904.
pp. 58. 6plates. 8vo. 2s.

COOKE (JOHN): Antiquarian Remains in the Beaufort District, County
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Crosses: The High Crosses of Castledermot and Durrow. ByM. STOKES.
1898. pp. 26. 12 plates. Folio. £1 1s. net.

Crosses: The High Crosses of Moone, Drumcliff, Termonfechin, and
Killamery. By M. STOKES. 1902. pp. 38. 34plates. 4to. tos. 6d.

FERGUSON (SIR S.): Fasciculus of Prints from photographs of casts
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Forts: The Ancient Forts of Ireland. By T. J. WESTROPP. 1902.
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Gold and Silver Ornaments, Ancient Irish, Composition of. By E. A,
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. GRAVES (C.): Ogham Inscription in the Killeen of Aglish, Co. Rene is

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GRAVES (C.): Croix Gammée or Swastika. 1879. pp. 6. 4to. Is.

GRAVES (C.): Ogham Monument at Kilcolman, Co. Kerry, Ireland.
1887. pp. 8. 4to. Is.

| GRAVES” (C.): Ogham Inscription supposed to bear an Anglo- eaven *

Name. 1892. pp. 12. 4to. Is.

Happon(A.C.): Neolithic Cist Burial at Oldbridge, Co. Meath, Ireland.

1897. pp. 9: 8vo. 2s.

- KNOWLES (W. J.}: Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of Ireland.

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oir ee 3

KNOWLES (W. J.): Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of Ireland.
(4th Report.) ges pp. 59. rplate. 8vo. §s.

MACALISTER (R. A. S.): “Ancient Settlement in Corkaguiney, Co.
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Milesian Colonization of Ireland in relation to Gold-mining. goo.
pp- 43. 8vo. 4s.

Neolithic Cist Burial at Oldbridge, Co Meath, Ireland. By A. C.
HADDON. 1897. pp. 79. 8vo. 2s.

Ogham Inscription in the Killeen of Aglish, Co. Kerry, Ireland. By
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Ogham Inscription supposed to bear an Anglo-Saxon Name. By
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Ogham Inscriptions: Fasciculus of Prints from photographs of casts
of Ogham Inscriptions. By SIR S. FERGUSON. 1880. pp. Io.
5) plates. 4to.- <2s.

Ogham Monument at Kilcolman, Co. Kerry, Ireland. By C. GRAVES.
Toe p.7O- . Ato. > TS.

O’REILLY (J. P.): The Milesian Colonization of Ireland in relation to
Gold-mining. 1900. pp. 43. 8vo. 4s.

O’ REILLY (J. P.): Old Churches of Kill-o’-the-Grange, Killiney, and
St. Nessan, Howth. 1904. pp.i1o. tplate. 8vo. 6d.

PRAEGER (R. LL.) and G. CorFEY: The Antrim Raised Beach, a
contribution to the Neolithic history of the North of Ireland. 1904.
pp. 58. Oplates. 8vo.° 2s.

Prehistoric Cemetery of Loughcrew. By G. COFFEY. 1897. pp. 16.
6 plates. 4to. 2s. 6d.

Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of the Coast of Ireland. By
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Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of Ireland.* (4th Report.) By
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REEVES (W.): Bell of St. Patrick, called the Clog an Edachta. 1863.
DP 30. -4t0, iTS.

SMITH (E. A.): Composition of Ancient Irish Gold and Silver Orna-
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STOKES (M.): High Crosses of Castledermot and Durrow. 1808.
pp. 26.: 12 plates. Folio... £1 15, net. ,
STOKES (M.): High Crosses of Moone, Drumcliff, Termonfechin, and

Killamery. 1902. pp. 38. 34plates. 4to. Ios. 6d.

WESTROPP (T. J.): Lesser Castles or ‘‘ Peel Towers’’ of the County
of Glare 1809. :“pp.*18..”.8vo,-3s.64:

WESTROPP (T. J.): Churches of County Clare, and Origin of the
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WESTROPP (T. J.): Dolmens and Pillar-stones in Bunratty and Tulla,
Co. Clare, Ireland. 1902. pp. 48. 4 plates. 8vo. 3s.

WESTROPP (T. ].): Ancient Forts of Ireland. 1902. pp. 151. 8 plates.
4to. 7s. 6d.

WESTROPP(T. J.): The Ancient Forts of Ireland. 1904. pp. 10. 8vo. 6d.

WESTROPP (T. J.): A Survey of the Ancient Churches in the County
of Limerick. 1905. pp. 154. 9 plates. 8vo.: 4s.

WESTROPP (T. J.): The Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick:
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oes oes PUBLICATIONS
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ARMSTRONG (E. C. R.): Stone Chalices, so called. 1907. pp. 10.
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Castles of County Limerick. By T. J. WESTROPP: N.-E. Baronies,
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CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION. é
Votume I. (1886-1840) is Vorume I. IstSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqaq.
5 11.°(1840.-1844).,° 62 TR a Ase ase
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. ,, XXIV. (1902-1904) :— =
| Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical, and Physical Science. : 3
,, B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science. ;
,, ©. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.
, XXV. (1904-1905)

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Votume _I. (1836-1840) is Votume I. 1stSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.

ee Als (1840-1844), x, Ee See

» III. (1845-1847) ,, hp 8 ke i 5a

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feo + KX (1RGG ASCO sy :
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“= XIV. (1864-1988) .,.o 23 Ve, ,; és
» &V. (1870-1879) ,, 53 I, ‘; Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.
» XVI. (1879-1888) ,, se bk.

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GME. (19001908)4, eee ae
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, XXIV. (1902-1904) :—

Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical, and Physical Science. = :

3 XXVL. (Current Volume) } 2 three Sections like Vol. ae

qe iii i :
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», OC. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.

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XXV. (1904-1905)

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AIPA RU GIA

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ia ey ae eR OF THE

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IV.

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III.
IV.

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= he

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Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.

SD) he

OVAL IRESH ACADEMY
SOME RECENT PUBLICATIONS

ARCHEOLOGY.

Castles of County Limerick. By T.-J. WESTROPP: N.-E. Baronies,
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1906. pp. 58. 3 plates. 8vo. 1s.6d. Western Baronies. 1907.
pp. 64.° 3 plates. 8vo. rs. 6d.

Cemetery, Prehistoric, of Loughcrew. By G. COFFEY. 1897. pp. 16.

SE Pe ere CS eae gl Se eae
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24 6 plates. 4to. 2s. 6d.
a Churches, gi in the County of Limerick. By T. J. WESTROPP.
3 154.

- 8vo S.

Chie oF of Teale. potierranice. Killiney, and oe Nessan. By J. P.
O’REILLY. 1904. pp. 10. 1 plate. 8vo. a
COFFEY (G.): Prehistoric Cemetery of Se 1897. pp. 16.

6 plates. 4to. 2s. 6d.
CoFFEY (G.): Monuments of La Téne Period in Ireland. 1904. fp. to.
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PROS

CorrEy (G.): Two Lees of Late Bronze Age Objects. 1906. pp. 6.
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COFFEY (G.) and R: Tr. PRAEGER: The Antrim Raised Beach, a
contribution to the Neolithic history of the North of Ireland. 1904.
pp. 58. Oplates, 8vo. 2s.
COOKE (JOHN): Antiquarian Remains in the Beaufort District, County
Kerry. 1906. pp.34. 4plates. 8vo. Is.
Crosses: The High Crosses of Castledermot and Durrow. By M. STOKES,
1898. pp. 26. 12 plates. Folio. £1 1s. net.
Crosses: The High Crosses of Moone, Drumcliff, Termonfechin, and
Killamery, By M. STOKES. 1902. pp. 38. 34 plates. 4to. tos. 6d.
FERGUSON (SiR S.): Fasciculus of Prints from photographs of casts
of Ogham Inscriptions. 1880. pp. 10. 5 plates. 4to. 2s.
Forts: The Ancient Forts of Ireland. By T. J. WESTROPP. 1902.
pp. 151. 8 plates. 4to. 7s. 6d.
3 Gold and Silver Ornaments, Ancient Irish, Composition of. By E. A.
a _ SMITH. 1895. pp.14. 8vo. 2s. 6d.
= _GRAVES (C.): Ogham Inscription in the Killeen of Aglish, Co. Kerry,
Ireland. 1878. pp. 10. 1 plate. gto. Is.
GRAVES (C.): Croix Gammée or Swastika. 1879. pp.6. 4to. Is.
GRAVES (C.): Ogham Monument at Kilcolman, Co. Kerry, Ireland.
| 1887. pp.8. 4to. Is.
Gears (Cc): Ogham ey, supposed to bear an Anglo-Saxon .
Name. 1892. pp. 12. 4to.
HADDON(A.C.): Neolithic Cist Burial at Oldbridge, Co. Meath, Ireland.
es 1897. pp. 9. 8vo. 2s.
KNOWLES (W. J.}: Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of Ireland.
(3rd Report.) ‘1895. pp. 14. 3 plates. 8vo. 3s.
nd KNOWLES (W. J.): Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of Ireland.
(4th Report.) 1901, pp.59. 1plate. 8vo. 5s.

SE lalK" ~ ‘ 4 ~*~" a 7" “tt cer Sab Tae” “
canta, ole ed Bd - ~ ae ~ iu
Be Nae tn ee ee aa ee ee eRe Re Re ey Ro Eee,

ae aa

MACALISTER (R. A. S.): Ancient Settlement in Corkaguiney, Co.
Kerry, Ireland. 1899. pp. 137+ 9 plates. 4to. 6s. eS

Milesian Colonization of Ireland in relation to Gold-mining. goo.

Pp 43- 8vo. 4s.

Neolithic Cist Burial at Oldbridge, Co Meath, Ireland. ByA. C.
HADDON. 1897. pp. 79. 8vo. 2s.

Ogham Inscription in the Killeen of Aglish, Co. Kerry, Ireland. By
C. GRAVES. 1878. pp.10. 1 plate. 4to. Is.

Ogham Inscription supposed to bear an Anglo-Saxon Name. By
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Ogham Inscriptions: Fasciculus of Prints from photographs of casts
of Ogham Inscriptions. By SIR S. FERGUSON. 1880. pp. Io.
5S plates. 4to. 2s.

Ogham Monument at Kilcolman, Co. Kerry, Ireland. By C. GRAVEs.

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O’REILLY (J. P.): The Milesian Colonization of Ireland in relation to
Gold-mining. 1900. pp. 43. 8vo. 4s.

O’ REILLY (J. P.): Old Churches of Kill-o’-the-Grange, Killiney, and
St. Nessan, Howth. 1904. pp.i1o. iplate. 8vo. 6d.

PRAEGER (R. LL.) and G. COFFEY: The Antrim Raised Beach, a
contribution to the Neolithic history of the North of Ireland. 1904.
pp. 58. O6plates. 8vo. 25. -

Prehistoric Cemetery of Loughcrew. By G. COFFEY. 1897. pp-1603.2- :
6 plates. 4to. 2s. 6d.

Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of the Coast of Ireland. By

3 W.J. KNOWLES. (3rd Report.) 1895. pp.14. 3 plates. 8vo. 3s.

Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of Ireland. (4th Report.) By
W. J. KNOWLES. 1901. pp.59. iIplate. 8vo. 5s.

REEVES (W.): Bell of St. Patrick, called the Clog an Edachta. 1863.
pp. 30. 4to. Is.

SMITH (E. A.): Composition of Ancient Irish Gold and Silver Orna-
ments. 1895. pp.14. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

STOKES (M.): High Crosses of Castledermot and Durrow. 1808.
pp. 26. 12 plates. Folio. £1 Is. net.

STOKES (M.): High’Crosses of Moone, Drumcliff, eT mnanehtachie and
Killamery. 1902. pp. 38. 34 plates. 4to. ios. 6d.

WESTROPP (T. J.): Lesser Castles or ‘‘ Peel Towers”’ of the County
of Clare. 1899. pp.18. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

WESTROPP (T. J.): Churches of County Clare, and Origin of the
Ecclesiastical Divisions in that County. Igoo. pp. 81. 8vo. 4s.

WESTROPP (T. J.): Dolmens and Pillar-stones in Bunratty and Tulla,
Co. Clare, Ireland. 1902. pp. 48. 4plates. 8vo. 3s.

WESTROPP Sr J.): Ancient Forts of Ireland. 1902. pp.151. 8 plates.
4to. 7s. 6d. :

WESTROPP (T. J.): The Ancient Forts of Ireland. 1904. pp. 10. 8vo. 6d.

WESTROPP (T. J.): A Survey of the Ancient Churches in the County
of Limerick. 1905. pp. 154. gplates. 8vo. 4s.

WestTROPP (T. J.): The Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick :
North- sk Baronies. 1906. pp. 54. 8vo. 1s. Central and
South-Eastern Baronies. 1906. pp. 58. 3 plates. 8vo. ts. 6d.
Western Baronies. 1907. pp. 64. 3 plates. 8vo. ts, 6d.

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1906. pp. 58. 3plates. 8vo. ts. 6d.

Cemetery, Prehistoric, of Loughcrew. By G. COFFEY. 1897. pp. 16.
. 6 plates. qto. 2s. 6d.

Churches, Ancient, in the County of Limerick. By T. J. WESTROPP.
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2 Churches of Kill-o’-the-Grange, Killiney, and St. Nessan. By J. P.

O’REILLY. 1904. pp.io. rplate. 8vo. 6d.

CoFFEY (G.): Prehistoric Cemetery of Loughcrew. 1897. pp. 106.
5 6plates. 4to. 2s.6d. - 5
= -CorFEy (G.): Monuments of La Téne Period in Ireland. 1904. pp. ro.
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CoFFEY (G.): Excavation of a Tumulus near Loughrea, Ireland. 1904.

: pp. 7. 8vo. 6d. ;

a: COFFEY (G.): Craigywarren Crannog. 1906. pp.10. 6plates. 8vo.

_. COoFFEry (G.): Two Finds of Late Bronze Age Objects. 1906. pp. 6.

* 2 plates. 8vo. 6d.

Bac: CoFFEY (G.) and R. LL. PRAEGER: The Antrim Raised Beach, a
s contribution to the Neolithic history of the North of Ireland. 1904.

pp. 58. 6plates. 8vo. 2s.

COOKE (JOHN): Antiquarian Remains in the Beaufort District, County

/ Kerry. 1906. pp.14. 4plates. 8vo. Is.

-. ~ Crosses: The High Crosses of Castledermot and Durrow. ByM. STOKES.

= 1898. pp. 26. 12 plates. Folio. £1 Is. net.

=. Crosses: The High Crosses of Moone, Drumcliff, Termonfechin, and

= Killamery. By M. STOKES. 1902. pp. 38. 34plates. 4to. tos. 6d.

FERGUSON (SIR S.): Fasciculus of Prints from photographs of casts

as of Ogham Inscriptions. 1880. pp.10. 5 plates. 4to. 2s.

Forts: The Ancient Forts of Ireland. By T. J. WESTROPP. 1902.

Bee pp. 151. 8plates. 4to. 7s. 6d.

___. Gold and Silver Ornaments, Ancient Irish, Composition of. By E. A.

a SMITH. 1895. pp. 14. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

GRAVES (C.): Ogham Inscription i in the Killeen of Aglish, Co, Kerry,

| Ireland. 1878. pp. 10. 1 plate. qto. Is.

GRAVES (C.): Croix Gammée or Swastika. 1879. pp. 6. 4to. Is.
GRAVES (C.): Ogham Monument at Kilcolman, Co. Kerry, Ireland.

fees =~ 4° 1857. pp. 8. 4to. “1s.

__. GRAVEs (C.): Ogham Inscription supposed to bear an Anglo-Saxon

ce “Name, 1892.. pp. 12. 4to. 1S:

_- Happon(A.C.): Neolithic Cist Burial at Oldbridge, Co. Meath, Ireland. —

a Hosa 7 +: DP> 79. SV0., 2S. ~~

_ KNow tes (W. J.): Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of Ireland.

— (3rd Report.) 1895. pp. 14. 3 plates. 8vo. 3s.

a KNOWLES (W. J.): ‘Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of Ireland.

: =<(4th sera 1901. PP+ 59: 1 a 8vo. 5s.

(4)

MACALISTER (R. A. S.): Ancient Settlement in Corkaguiney, Co.
Kerry, Ireland. 1899. pp. 137. g plates. 4to. 6s.

Milesian Colonization of Ireland in relation to Gold-mining. 1900.
PP: 43.) “OVOno-8S.

Neolithic Cist Burial at Oldbridge, Co Meath, Ireland. ByA. C.
HADDON. 1897. pp. 79: 8vo. 2s.

Ogham Inscription in the Killeen of Aglish, Co. Kerry, Ireland. By
C, GRAVES. a878—, pp. 49.) 1 platec: qtoy 11s.

Ogham Inscription supposed to bear an Anglo-Saxon Name. By
CY GRAVES. rbo es pp 12.4) Aton 18:

Ogham Inscriptions: Fasciculus of Prints from photographs of casts
of Ogham Inscriptions. By SIR S. FERGUSON. 1880. pp. 10.
5 plates. 4to. 2s.

Ogham Monument at Kilcolman, Co. Kerry, Ireland. By C. GRAVES.
Leo Are Ops 10. S240. 01S.

O’ REILLY (J. P.): The Milesian Colonization of Ireland in relation to
Gold-mining. 1900. pp. 43. 8vo. 4s.

O’REILLY (J. P.): Old Churches of Kill-o’-the-Grange, Killiney, and
St. Nessan, Howth. 1904. pp.10. iplate. 8vo. 6d.

PRAEGER (R. LL.) and G. COFFEY: The Antrim Raised Beach, a
contribution to the Neolithic history of the North of Ireland. 1904.
pp. 58. 6plates. 8vo. 2s,

Prehistoric Cemetery of Loughcrew. By G. COFFEY. 1897. pp. 16.
6 plates. 4to. 2s. 6d.

Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of the Coast of Ireland. By
W.J. KNOWLES. (3rd Report.) 1895. pp.14. 3 plates. 8vo. 3s.

Prehistoric Remains from the ee of Ireland. (4th Report.) By
W. J. KNOWLES. 1901. . 59:. 1 plate. “8vo. 9 5s:

REEVES (W.): Bell of St. Patrick, called the Clog an Edachta. 1863.
GON ALO TS.

SMITH (E. A.) : Composition of Ancient Irish Gold and Silver Orna-
MENS. 7005. NPIL’ Povo, se eeds

STOKES (M.): High Crosses of Castledermot and Durrow. . 1898.
pp. 26. 12 plates. Folio. £1 Is. nét.

STOKES (M.): High Crosses of Moone, Drumcliff, Termonfechin, and
Killamery. 1902. pp. 38. 34 plates. 4to. 10s. 6d.

WESTROPP (T. J.): Lesser Castles or ‘‘ Peel Towers’’ of the County
of Clare. 1899.. pp. 18. 8vo. ‘3s. 6d.

WESTROPP (T. J.): Churches of County Clare, and Origin of the
Ecclesiastical Divisions in that County. 1900. pp. 81. $8vo. 4s.

WESTROPP (T. J.): Dolmens and Pillar-stones in Bunratty and Tulla,
Co. Clare, Ireland. 1902: pp.48. 4 plates. 8vo. 3s.

WESTROPP (T. J.): Ancient Forts of Ireland. 1902. pp. 151. 8 plates.
4to. 7s. 6d. ;

WESTROPP(T. J.): The Ancient Forts of Ireland. 1904. PP. 10. 8vo. 6d.

WESTROPP (T. J.): A Survey of the Ancient Churches in the County

of Limerick. 1905. pp.154. gplates. 8vo.° 4s.

WESTROPP (T. J.): The Ancient Castles of the County of Limerick :
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Royal Irish Academy. 1906. pp.1r. 8vo. 6d.
- BERNARD (J. H.): Uncial MS. of S. Cyril of Alexandria, written on
Papyrus. 1892. pp. 20. 4plates. 4to. 6s.

BERNARD (J. H.): Calendar of Documents in the Dignitas Decani in
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BERRY (H. F.): An unpublished MS. Inquisition (A.D. 1258), relating
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Killamery. 1902. pp. 38. 34 plates. 4to. ros. 6d. ae
WeEsTROPP (T. ].): Lesser Castles or ‘‘ Peel Towers”’ of the County — =
of Clare. 1899. pp. 18- 8vo. 3s. 6d. ery
WESTROPP (T. J.): Churches of County Clare, and Origin. of the ‘
Ecclesiastical Divisions in that County. 1g00. pp. 81. 8vo. 45s. ee
WEStROPP (T. J.): Dolmens and Pillar-stones in Bunratty and Tulla, eke.
Co. Clare, Treland. 1902. pp. 48. 4plates. 8vo. 3s. gy
WESTROPP (T.].): Ancient Forts of Ireland. 1902. pp. 151. 8plates. —
Ato. 7s. 6d

WESTROPP a J.): A Survey of the Ancient Churches in the County a
_of Limerick. 1905. pp. 154. 9 plates. 8vo. 4s. ves:
WESTROPP (T. J.): The Ancient Castles of tle County of Limerick

(North-Eastern Baronies). 1906. pp: 54. 8v0. Is.
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Sf ae cs
Ww ‘-

VOLUME XXVI., SECTION C, No. 1

JOHN COOKE

ANTIQUARIAN REMAINS IN THE
. BEAUFORT DISTRICT, COUNTY KERRY

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order the Volumes of the PROCEEDINGS of the Academy, and
consequently attention is requested to the following Table:— ©

Vouume i.

re)

CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION.
(1836-1840) is Votume I. istSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqg.
II. (1840-1844) ,, NG oet 8 he ”
III. (1845-1847) ,, sy cea st : ‘e
IV. (1847-1850) ,, Mun Bg 3 ;
We (GB50-2G RB) yb ais Mona ean)
VI. (1853-1857) ,, 7h e Nae ‘3 ,,
VII. (1857-1861 ,, a Tee te s 3,
VIII. (1861-1864) ,, Ua BE Ee alg "fi
PR O1SAATGHEN SO oye bs
X. (1866-1869) ,, PH EE CAE GE ¥
XI. (1870-1874) ,, yi oe een Bers Science.
XII. (1875-1877) ,, uN i ”
oO STEN cots d Maan Atenas E&P Hs °3
XIV, (166421688) j,k TV as

NOs

ROYAL TRISH ACADEMY

XV.
XVI. (1879-1888) ,, Rep hie © ot ie
XVII. (1888-1891) ,, Me I. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqgq.
XVIII. (1891-1893) ,, a ea nf “ cat
XIX. (1893-1896) ,, Bits 8 Oat a ay
XX. (1896-1898) ,, aaa 3)"3 Bi if
CPR MLS (1898-1900). an ‘3
XXII. (1900-1902) ,, ait Wee xi , f:
LV OO a ney uy by

XXIV. (1902-1904) :—

XXV.
», XXVI. (Current Volume)

, nw Ait) Re i tye
‘PROCEEDING as Ohana
VUB EU MAO: AMS | i nk PCat na Sie

{| OR/, (ERE. (/

—~——

(1870-1879),, . IL. 5, Pol. Lit, & Antiqa.

Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical, and Physical Science.
» 3B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science.
» ©. Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature.

| Im three Sections like Vol. RXV

fs RAPE NTE vals) RE (DAT EM PANLANY fyi 3 ! |
} nk : ‘ Ms is } c ih Weis tA . iy Onde
UO BA Ady ¥ PTR PER WAST A

- PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

wht]

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ey Lai Bitty WTA Rea Sa RUC | $ aes FS RS PD Ee Sextak toh de
pe Bp aes APA ae ee UP ae eee VA aa Le A ORM Res EPO TRB paket Teli Ghar Win ee NPL a rhe RAW

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| BR OF KIO ek eb: 3.)
MIVA Mth, viet Sea
PROCEEDIN¢ as” 1 oe
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

/n the year 1902 it was resolved to number in consecutive _
order the Volumes of the PROCEEDINGS of the Academy, and —
consequently attention is requested to the following Table:—- —

CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION. es
Votume I. (1886-1840) is Votume I. 1stSer. Sci., Pol. Lit.&Antiqq.

‘TE ISL AGIA) Sol Ae I Meera ‘ ae

fia OEE: (AGABABA7): oo Sa Nie

REE N60 get Lr diln 7s: 5) emma UM ge

V. (1850-1858) 5507 pe ANC has 70

Br WL ASPB ODT) p00 ton NN Shika i

je MEE ESOT ALOOL: toy watiey bE Ee eae

oe TTL (1861-1664) 3218 CN RL yao, Ne

BUNGE Re (2664-1 OGG) ale uy A eae A)

is Xi, ((TBGS L089) .) Shien one | :

BAAS LAC ZO-T8 TA) gy why Es ere res Science.

iat ORITS(IBIS“1877), \5 2:1. panes “aca: <!

Sut REV. (186421888) 0) CoV, z
spl ee (LOO AB TO) 35 ii aye pees hae Pol. Lit. & Autigq.
MSW TIS TOTSBR) ain Cea Rs as Ua
.. XVII. (1888-1891),, ,, -L. 8rdSer. Sci., Pol. Lit.& Antiqq.

SORVITIS (1891-1803) 35) 07 3, pe eee: ‘:
4, XIX. (1898-1896) ,, ot i EW re pe
hie) SR A ABOG—1808) ig; 4) ay LN noes Ci
OK RD. (1898-1000) ay aaa ev eg, As
OR KITT (190GS NO) ee cL aaa na PAS:
Si URE, 708. BOOED hp ace tas CON area | 8

,, XXIV. (1902-1904) :— a
Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical, and Physical Solas a

: 5, 3B. Biological, Geological, and Chemical Science. = 4
;, ©, Archeology, Linguistic, and Literature. — ae
Be ROW sean
», XXVI. (Current Volume)} 7 # three Sections like Vol. ah ms

“ a LS pis ©

vy EASES of Z ; i
r thy Ps \ K v e f
. ll { \t 4;

TOE Fi Rs 3

PROCEEDINGS |

OF THE

ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

VOLUME XXVI., SECTION C, No. 3

GEORGE COFFEY

EARLY IRON SWORD FOUND

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| :

In the year 1902 it was resolved to number in consecutive — a
order the Volumes of the PROCEEDINGS of the Academy, and
consequently attention is requested to the [uote Table :—

CONSECUTIVE SERIES. ORIGINAL NUMERATION. i
Votume — I. (1836-1840) is Vorume I. IstSer. Sci., Pol. Lit.&Antigg.
MET A GLO-1648) act Oe ei | i

PW AEE, (GA IBA TY 5. Oe, a ie ai: ee

peat EVM ISAT ABBO)",, (so hey pave eat

PANE ST SBO -EBBB) oie saute ne :

tN ERB B TRB 7). 0 ea ss

OO Ne (PORT ABEL yi 2 Ke ate has bs

MILE, (B61-1 864) s,s ua LLRs is

caved EX {1864 1866) %,// ities ae eine fs

- Xu (TSBC-LBGOY sk ee ae ‘

‘s XI. (1870-1874) ,, » I. 2nd Ser. Science.

PAAR AG TLBTR-ISUT 4s akc aie as ea

DTS OOCATE.) 1:5 A LOGS), “chy st Aetna ALS wey ‘

aU CLV, (ESB BBS) 5 Ca ace ah ies is

KOU MLS TOM BIO) By pete beens ines, Pol. Lit. & Antiqq.

bd MA (LOO OSB) ia! Baie rane as Hotands i
(XVII. (1888-1891),, ,, ‘I. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit.&Antiqg.

SWAT: (1891 180B) a cco aly een ” a

RAR: (1898 -180BVG ae ne a.

hn OR, (1S9G6-L18UBR) re PN a aes zt

LOT. (898-100) ie ARAN ale ak

SV RXTT. (1900-1908). 4) te Laie (

OREM, (1 (AS0U ete Eee en Q

) MALY, (1902-1904) 7 —

Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical, and Pusaaal Science

eth In these Gobtions HES Volu miye a

UR, Ge A ip (Current olanes| Mbroppeantinc intr ain Meee vaste (ta)

BSE al ca A pi tree MOMENT VP Meee Stet tent UCU NUR AAR FING 0) OG 1h Mr ea.

Mach 1906 | aan) if 4.
PROCEEDINGS

ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

ROBERT ATKINSON

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PROCEEDINGS
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

/n the year 1902 it was resolved to number in consecutive 4
order the Volumes of the PROCEEDINGS of the Academy, and
consequently attention is requested to the following Table pibcbie

CONSECUTIVE SERIES, — ORIGINAL NUMERATION.
Votume I. (1836-1840) is Vorume I. 1stSer. Sci., Pol. Lit. & Antiqa.
ey TE, (1B A0 1844). ), ch Ac | Ie
» AIT. (1845-1847) ,, area ‘ | _
td IV. (1847-1850) ,, sy Re ss ‘
<' V. (1850-1858) ,, spray we ‘3 i
yA MES(IBBS-ABBT) i557, cane WAR Chee G
a) WIL XISBTLESGL oo. ahd 2
ei MALT: (ABGE-18G4 ing So ay VA A nee . i
i, IX. (1864-1866) ,, Pabea! F. 3 i
Ls X. (1866-1869) ,, Be ei. © a .
* XI. (1870-1874) ,, aR I. 2nd Ser. Science.
»» XII. (1875-1877) ,, aaron! 7 8 3 ei
SPREE. AI BOB) Ui 255 jeer WF fs 3 if

cd MTV. (1GR4-I8BB)\,, Fis, ced Metts. 4: : a
» XV. (1870-1879),, 5 LT 4, Pol. Lit. & Antiqa, 4
oro VL, (1879-1888 aan ngs cae cores ate i
., XVID. (1888-1891), ,,. ‘1. 8rd Ser. Sci., Pol. Lit.&Antiqq.

~ VILL. (1891-1898). ek ees Ge :

», XIX. (1893-1896) ,, a AG ‘ s

sy ee (1896-1898), ho ee 2
“RX (1898-1900) 5.1 epee aoa

»» MALI. (1900-1902) ,, Pavia § 65 is "h

RAS (EON) aii ie BI <a is

> XAILV. (1902-1904) :—

‘ Section A. Mathematical, Astronomical,and Physical Science.

” SVE (Current Volume) } three Sections like Vol. XXIV.

f ACE Ka
SOR a Pe See ce?
hee ae ay oe ahs ICA. Ss

ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

SOME RECENT PUBLICATIONS

HISTORY.

ATKINSON (R.): On the Function of an Academy, in especial of the
Royal Irish Academy. 1906. pp.11. 8vo. 6d.

BERNARD (J. H.): Uncial MS. of S. Cyril of Alexandria, written on
Papyrus. 1892. pp. 20. 4plates. 4to. 6s.

BERNARD (J. H.): Calendar of Documents in the Dignitas Decani in
St. Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin. 1905. pp.27. 8vo. 6d.

BERRY (H. F.): An unpublished MS. Inquisition (A.D. 1258), relating
to the Dublin City Watercourse. 1902. pp. 8. 8vo. Is.

BERRY (H. F.): Gild of S, Anne, S. Audoen’s Church, Dublin. 1904.
pp. 86. 1 plate. 8vo. ts. 6d.

Bibliography, Irish. By Sir J.T. GILBERT. Edited by E. R. M‘C, Dix.
1904. pp. 26. Plate and illustrations. 8vo. is.

_ Bury (J. B.): A Life of S. Patrick (Colgan’s Zertia Vita). 1903.

pp. 64. 4to. 2s.

Bury (J. B.): Itinerary of Patrick in Connaught according to Tirechan,
1903. pp.16. 8vo. 6d.

Dix (E. R. M‘C.), editor of GILBERT: Irish Bibliography. 1904. pp. 26.
1 plate. Illustrations. 8vo. Is.

Dublin: Commercial History of Dublin in the Eighteenth Century. By
C. L. FALKINER. 1903. pp. 30. 4 plates. 8vo. 6d.

Dublin: Gild of S. Anne, S. Audoen’s Church, Dublin. By H. F. BERRY,
1904. pp. 86. 1 plate. 8vo. Is. 6d.

Dublin City Watercourse: An unpublished MS. Inquisition (A.D. 1258).
By H. F. BERRY. 1902. pp. 8. 8vo. Is.

FALKINER (C. L.): Phoenix Park, Dublin: its Origin and History.
Ig0l. pp. 24. 8vo. 5s.

FALKINER (C. L.): The Irish Guards, 1661-1798. 1902. pp. 23,
8vo. Is.

FALKINER (C. L.): Commercial History of Dublin in the Eighteenth
Century. 1903. pp. 30. 4 plates. 8vo. 6d.

FALKINER (C. L.): The Counties of Ireland: their Origin, Constitution,
and Delimitation. 1903. pp. 26. 8vo. 2s. 10d.

FALKINER (C. L.): The Parliament of Ireland under the Tudor
Sovereigns. 1905. pp. 34. 8vo. 6d.

FERGUSON (SIR S.): The Patrician Documents, 1885. pp. 68. 4to.

AR: GALT ATT a a Che ey PARA WA Gnentect ery ie eas OR eg Vipk a
pa i ; Ae: NE Bi, aan ie

aH "its e ys GN ey ents y ae ee
. ’ + 4 * fon ie
% = { » 4 of} , a} Le Aer
2 =" ! } ° . Mi Ray, i a “ts
4% » oe , ¢ eh 4
i we bony " Bi h8 A ipates

- GILBERT (Sir J. T): Irish Bibliography. Edited by E. R. MC. Dix.
1904, pp. 26. Plate and illustrations. $8vo. Is.

Ireland, The Counties of: their Origin, Constitution, and Delimita-
tion. By C.L. FALKINER. 1903. pp. 26. 8vo. 2s. 104d.

Trish Guards, 1661-1798. By C. L. FALKINER. 1902. pp. 23. 8vo. Is.

LANE-POOLE (S.): First Mohammedan Treaties with Christians. 1904.
pp. 30. 8vo. ts. 6d. , .

LAWLOR (H. J.): Primate Ussher’s Library before 1641. Igo01. pp. 49.

OVO. | 26.00. .

Marsh’s Library, Dublin. By G. T. STOKES. 1897. pp. 13. 8vo. 2s.

Mohammedan, Treaties with Christians. By S. LANE-POOLE. ae
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Parliament of Ireland under the Tudor Sovereigns. By C. L. HyNteee )
1905. pp. 34. 8vo. 6d.

Patrick : Itinerary of Patrick in Connaught according to Tirechan.
By J. B. BURY. 1903. pp.17. 8vo. 6d.

Patrick: A Life of St. Patrick (Colgan’s Zertza Vita). Edited by
ij.) BURY. 149037. pp. 04, Aho pes:

Patrick: The Patrician Documents. By SIR S. FERGUSON. 1885.
pp. 68. 4to. 3s. |
Patrick: The Paris Manuscript of St. Patrick’s Latin noes 1905.

pp. 11.’ 8vo. 6d.
Patrick: Libri Sancti Patricii. By N. J. D. WHITE. 10905. pp. 126.
8vo. 2s.

Phenix Park, Dublin: Its Origin and History. By C. L. FALKINER.

IQOI. pp. 24. 8vo. 5s.

STOKES (G.T.): Marsh’s Library, Dublin, and an Original Indulgence
from Cardinal Wolsey. 1897. pp. 13. 8vo. 2s.

Trinity College, Dublin: Ussher’s Books in Library. By H. J. LAWLOR.
Ig0Il. pp. 49. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Ussher’s Books in Trinity College, Dublin. By H. J. LAWLOR. 1901.
pp. 49. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

‘Wars of Turlough’’: External Evidences bearing on the historic char- |
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By T. J. WESTROPP. 1903. pp. 60. 5 plates. 4to. 2s. 10d.

WESTROPP (T. J.): External Evidences bearing on the historic
character of the ‘‘Wars of Turlough’’ by John, son of Rory
MacGrath. 1903. pp. 60. 5 plates. 4to. 2s. 1od.

WHITE (N. J. D.): Libri Sancti Patricil. 1905. pp.126. 8vo. 2s.)

WHITE (N. J. D.): The Paris Manuscript of St. Patrick’s Latin
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Wolsey, Cardinal, Indulgence from. By G. T. STOKES. 1897. pp. 13.
8vo. 2s.

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SOME RECENT PUBLICATIONS

ARCH HOLOGY.

(Lists of papers on other subjects, literary, scientific, and archeological,
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Cemetery, Prehistoric, of Loughcrew. By G. COFFEY. 1897. pp. 16.

6 plates. 4to. 2s. 6d.

Churches, Ancient, in the County of Limerick. By T. J. WESTROPP.
1905. pp. 154. 8vo. 4s.

Churches of Kill-o’-the-Grange, Killiney, and St. Nessan. By J. P.
O’REILLY. 1904. pp.10. i1plate. 8vo. 6d.

Clare, County, Ireland: Churches and Ecclesiastical Divisions. By
ete W HSTROPP.) T9002) (pp. Siz. 8Vo.) 4s.

CoFFEY (G.): Prehistoric Cemetery of Loughcrew. 1897. pp. 16.
6 plates. 4to. 2s. 6d.

~ COFFEY (G.): Monuments of La Téne Period in Ireland. 1904. pp. Io.

5 plates. 8vo. ts. 6d.

\ COFFEY (G.): Excavation of a Tumulus near Loughrea, Ireland. 1904.

Pie pegs OVO. "Od.

CoFFEY (G.) and R. LL. PRAEGER: The Antrim Raised Beach, a —
contribution to the Neolithic history of the North of Ireland. 1904.
pp- 58. O6plates. 8vo. 2s.

COOKE (JOHN): Antiquarian Remains in the Beaufort District, County
Kerry. 1906. pp.14. 4plates. 8vo. Is.

Crosses: The High Crosses of Castledermot and Durrow. ByM. STOKES.
1898. pp. 26. 12 plates. Folio. £1 Is. net.

Crosses: The High Crosses of Moone, Drumceliff, Termonfechin, and

Killamery. By M. STOKES. 1902. pp.38. 34plates. 4to. 10s. 6d.

FERGUSON (Sr S.): Fasciculus of Prints from photographs of casts
of Ogham Inscriptions. 1880. pp.10. 5 plates. 4to. 2s.

Forts: The Ancient Forts of Ireland. By T. J. WESTROPP. 1902.
pp. 151. 8plates. 4to. 7s. 6d.

Gold and Silver Ornaments, Ancient Irish, Composition of. By E. A.
SMITH. 1895. pp. 14. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

GRAVES (C.): Ogham Inscription in the Killeen of Aglish, Co. Kerry,
Ireland. 1878. pp. 10. 1 plate. 4to. Is.

GRAVES\(C.): Croix Gammée or Swastika. 1879. pp. 6. 4to. Is.

GRAVES (C.): Ogham Monument at Kilcolman, Co. Kerry, Ireland.
1887. pp. 8. 4to. Is.

GRAVES (C.): Ogham Inscription supposed to bear an Anglo-Saxon
Name. 1892. pp. 12. 4to. Is.

_ Happon(A.C.): Neolithic Cist Burial at Oldbridge, Co. Meath, Ireland.
Neti tOO7., Pp. 79.) 8vo. as:
KNOWLES (W. J.}: Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of Ireland.
(3rd Report. 4 "1895. pp- 14. 3 plates. 8vo. 3s.
KNowL_es (W. J.): Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of Ireland.
| pease Report.) 1901. pp. 59. 1plate. 8vo. §s.

ee pulp hiince ek i yet “iy rae a A ele NYE PREBLE) ARCO Ane i pts iN ‘ j Bi me
i Weer cue Ra Gaus Phu Min é Or py rebaly
ie . si ag OAR aE

7 aA ie aN . tie Fy at} aes

a Gere ect ts
a La Téne Monuments in Ireland. By G. CoFFEy. 1904. pp. 10

‘ ales 5 plates. 8vo. ts. 6d.
MACALISTER (R. A. S.): Ancient Settlement in Corkaguiney, Co.

Kerry, Ireland. 1899. pp. 137. g plates. 4to. 6s.
Milesian Colonization of Ireland in relation to Gold- “mining. 1900.

pp: 43- 8vo. 4s.
Neolithic Cist Burial at Oldbridge, Co Meath, Ireland. By A. eo
HADDON. 1897. pp. 79. 8vo. 2s. ,

eg RS 7S ee

i Ogham Inscription in the Killeen of Aglish, Co. Kerry, Ireland. By
‘ C. GRAVES. 1878...) pp. 10.\":1 plate. s4to.ers:

; Ogham Inscription supposed to bear an Anglo-Saxon Name. By
f C.: GRAVES. 1892. pp.'12..-4te:) 4s;

4 Ogham Inscriptions: Fasciculus of Prints from photographs of casts
€ of Ogham Inscriptions. By SIR S. FERGUSON. 1880. pp. 10.
ts 5 plates. 4to. 2s. a
4 Ogham Monument at Kilcolman, Co. Kerry, Ireland. By e GRAVES.
aM 1887. pp. 8. 4to. Is.

a , O'REILLY (J. P.): The Milesian Colonization of Ireland in relation to
Me Gold-mining. 1900. pp. 43. 8vo. 4s.

O’ REILLY (J. P.): Old Churches of Kill-o’-the-Grange, Killiney, and
bs St. Nessan, Howth. 1904. pp.10. 1plate. 8vo, 6d.
& PRAEGER {R. LL.) and G. CorFEY: The Antrim Raised Beach, a
ae contribution to the Neolithic history of the North of Ireland. 1904.
Bi pp- 58. 6plates. 8vo. 2s.

BF Prehistoric Cemetery of Loughcrew. By G. COFFEY. 1897. pp. 16.
. 6 plates. 4to. 2s. 6d.

i" Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of the Coast of Ireland. By.
) W. J. KNOWLES. (3rd Report.) 1895. pp.14. 3 plates. $vo.
a ae )

‘e Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of Ireland. (4th Report.) By
i W.J. KNOWLES. 1901. pp.59- plate. 8vo. 5s.

REEVES (W.): Bell of St. Patrick, called the Clog an Edachta. 1863.
pp- 30.) 4to., 1s.
SmITH (E. A.): Composition of Ancient Irish Gold and Silver Orna-
ments. 1895. pp.14. 8vo, 2s. 6d.
STOKES (M.): High Crosses of Castledermot and Darrow: pci
pp. 26. 12 plates. Folio. ; £1 ws. net.
STOKES (M.): High Crosses of Moone, Drumcliff, Tecioniwelee: ae
Killamery. 1902. pp. 38. 34 plates. 4to. ios. 6d.
WESTROPP (T. J.): Lesser Castles or ‘‘ Peel Towers”’ of the County
of Clare. 1899. pp.18. 8vo. 3s. 6d.
WESTROPP (T. J.): Churches of County Clare, and Origin of the’
Ecclesiastical Divisions in that County. 1900. pp. 81.. 8vo. 4s.
WESTROPP (T. J.): Dolmens.and Pillar-stones in Bunratty and Tulla,
Co. Clare, Ireland. 1902. pp. 48. 4plates. 8vo. 3s. ee
WESTROPP (T. J.): Ancient Forts of Ireland. 1902. pp. 151. 8 plates. ive te
4to. 7s. 6d. Hse beara
WESTROPP (T. J.): The Ancient Forts of Ireland. 1904. pp. 10. 8vo. 6d.
WESTROPP (T. J.): A Survey of the Ancient Churches in the County | is
of Limerick. 1905. pp. 154. gplates. $8vo. 4s.

Fae

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Ot
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‘
Ye
a
f
EY
hi
a

zi
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ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

SOME RECENT PUBLICATIONS

LITERATURE AND LEINGUISTIC.

. Arabic Inscription from Rhodesia. By STANLEY LANE-POOLE. 1904.

pp. 21. 8vo. ~1s. 6d.

BALL (V.): Spinel Rubies with Persian Characters engraved upon
them. 1894. pp.21. 1plate. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

BERNARD (J. H.): Domnach Airgid MS. 1893. pp. 10. 1 plate.
4to. 2s. 6d. ‘

. \
BERNARD (J. H.): The Stowe St. John; and the Citations from Scripture

in Leabhar Breac. 1893. pp.12. 4to. 2s. 6d.

‘Columbanus: The MSS. of the Vita S. Columbant. By H. J. Lawtor.

1903. pp. 132. 4to. 18 plates. 7s. 6d.

Domnach Airgid MS. By J. H. BERNARD. 1893. pp.io. 1 plate.

4to. 2s. 6d.

Flinders Petrie Papyri: Part II. By J. P. MAHAFFY. 1893. pp. 252.
18 autotypes. 4to. £2 2s.

Flinders Petrie Papyri. By J.P. MAHAFFyY and J. G. SMYLY. 1905.
pp- 407. 7 autotypes. qto. £2 2s. net.

GWYNN (JOHN): Syriac MS, belonging to the daliseticd of Archbishop
Ussher. 1886. pp. 48. 4to. 2s.

GWYNN (JOHN): Syriac MS. of the New Teatiinant belonging to the
_ Earl of Crawford, and aninedited Version of the Apocalypse. 1893.
PDs feo) t plate. ato. 3s, 6d.

- -Happon (A.C.) and S. H. Ray: Languages of Torres Straits. Part II.

1896. pp. 255. 8vo. 5s.
Kilcormick Missal. By H. J. LAWLOR. 1890. pp. 38. 4to. Is. 6d.

LANE- POOLE (STANLEY): An early Arabic Inscription from Rhodesia. |
1904. pp. 21. 8vo. Is. 6d.

Languages of Torres Straits: Part I]. ByS. H. Ravand A.C. Happon.
1896. pp. 255. 8vo. 5s.

LAWLOR (H. J.): The Kilcormick Missal. 1890. pp. 38. 4to. 1s, 6d.

~LAWLorR (H.J.): The MSS. of the Vita S. Columdanz. 1903. pp. 132.
18 plates. 4to. 7s.

a Leabhar Breac: The Stowe St. John, and Citations from Scripture in

‘Leabhar Breac. By J. H. BERNARD. 1893. pp. 12. 4to. 2s. 6d.

- MacCartHy (B.): The Stowe Missal. 1885. pp. 135. 1plate. 4to. 4s.

- My atay Ts eRe Tes ma hs SF athe ee a f 5 a any ¥, ut
ia #8 ONE BPEL. SESE oe, SA Ch tS
SRY a5 4 cy ¥
E . ( . ) ‘ - ‘ea, Ri $ Bae Ee a
at .
» -MacCartTHy (B.): Tripartite Life of St. Patrick: ‘New Teataal Studies.
bon 1889. pp. 24. 4to. Is. " bai
5: ~ MACNEILL (J.): Three Poems in Middle Irish, ee to the Battle de Me :
i Mucrama. 1894. pp. 35. 8vo. 35. ‘
_. Mauarry (J. P.): The Flinders Petrie Papyri: Part II, 1893. pp- 252.
~ . 18 autotypes. 4to. £2 2s. net.
Bs Manarry (J. P.) and J. G. Smyty: On the Flinders Petrie Papyri.
; 1905. pp. 407. 7 autotypes. 4to. £2 25. net.
+ Mauarry (J. P.): Papyrus Fragments from the Ashmolean Museum,
3 Oxford. 1898 pp.13. 2plates. 4to. 3s.
3 Mucrama, Battle of: Three Poems in Middle Irish. By J. MACNEILL.
& 1894. pp.35. 8vo. 35.
‘ Papyrus Fragments from the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. By J. P.
a - MAHAFFY. 1898. pp.13. 2plates. 4to. 3s.

Patrick: Tripartite Life of St. Patrick: New Textual Studies. By B.
MACCARTHY. 1889. pp. 24. 4to. Is.

- Patrick: Libri Sancti Patricii: The Latin Writings of St. Patrick. By

N. J.D. WHITE. 1905. pp.126. 8vo. 25.

Patrick: The Paris Manuscript of St. Patrick’s Latin Writings. 1905.
pp. 11. 8vo. 6d.

Ray (S. H.)and A. C. Happon: Languages of Torres Straits: Part oe
1896. pp. 255. 8vo. 55. -

Rubies with Persian Inscriptions. By V. BALL. 1894. pp. 21. 1 plate.
8vo. 2s. 6d. . ;

SMyLy (J. G.) and J. P. MAHAFFY: On the Flinders Petrie Papyri.
1905. pp. 407. 7 autotypes. 4to. £2 25. net.

Stowe Missal. By B. MACCARTHY. pp. 135. Iplate. 4to. 4s.

Stowe St. John; and Citations from Scripture in Leabhar Breac. By
J. H. BERNARD. 1893. pp.12. 4to. 2s, 6d.

Syriac MS. belonging to the Collection of Archbishop Ussher. By
JOHN GWYNN. 1886. pp. 48. 4to. 2s.

Syriac MS. of the New Testament belonging to the Earl of Crawford,
and an inedited Version of the Apocalypse. By JOHN GWYNN.
1893. pp. 72. 1 plate. 4to. 3s. 6d.

Torres Straits, Languages of: Part II]. ByS.H. Ravand A. C. HADDON.
1896. pp. 255. 8vo. 5s.

WHITE (N. J. D.): Libri Sancti Patricii= The Latin Writings of
St. Patrick. 1905. pp. 126. 8vo. 25. | om

WuiteE (N. J. D.): The Paris Manuscript of St. Patrick’s Latin
Writings. 1905. pp.11. 8vo. 6d. ieee

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SOME RECENT PUBLICATIONS

ARCH ZOLOGY.

Bell of St. Patrick, called the Clog an Edachta. By W. REEVES.
(woo se. PP." 30..) 4t0.! IS:

Cemetery, Prehistoric, of Loughcrew. By G. COFFEY. 1897. pp. 16.
6 plates. 4to. 2s. 6d

Churches, Ancient, in the County of Limerick. By T. J. WESTROPP.
1905. Pp-154. 8vo. 4s.

Churches of Kill-o’-the-Grange, Killiney, and Nessan. By J. P.
O’REILLY. 1904. pp.i1o0. t1plate. 8vo.

Clare, County, Ireland: Churches and oleae eh Divisions. By
T. J. WESTROPP. 1900. pp. 81. 8vo. 4s.

CoFFEy (G.): Prehistoric Cemetery of Loughcrew. 1897. pp. 16.

6 plates. 4to. 2s. 6d

_ COFFEY (G.): Monuments of La Téne Period in Ireland. 1904. pp. Io.

5 plates. 8vo. Is. 6d.

CoFFEY (G.): Excavation of a Tumulus near Loughrea, Ireland. 1904.
pp. 7. 8vo. 6d.

-Corrry (G.) and R. Lu. PRAEGER: The Antrim Raised Beach, a

contribution to the Neolithic history of the North of Ireland. 1904.
pp. 58. 6plates. 8vo. 2s.
Crosses: The High Crosses of Castledermot and Durrow. By M. STOKES.
1898. pp. 26. 12plates. Folio. £1 Is. net.
Crosses: The High Crosses of Moone, Drumcliff, Termonfechin, and
Killamery. By M. STOKES. 1902. pp. 38. 34plates. 4to. Ios. 6d.
FERGUSON (SIR S.): Fasciculus of Prints from photographs of casts
' of Ogham Inscriptions. 1880. pp.10. 5 plates. 4to. 2s.

Forts: The Ancient Forts of Ireland. By T. J. WESTROPP. 1902.

pp. 151. 8plates. 4to. 7s. 6d.

Gold and Silver Ornaments, Ancient Irish, Composition of. By E. A.

SMITH. 1895. pp. 14. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Graves (C.): Ogham Inscription in the Killeen of Aglish, Co. Kerry,

Ireland. 1878. pp. 10. 1plate. 4to. Is.

GRAVES (C.): Croix Gammée or Swastika. 1879. pp. 6. 4to. Is.

GRAVES (C.): Ogham Monument at Kilcolman, Co. Limerick, Ireland.
1887, pp. 8. 4to. Is.

GRAVES (C.): Ogham Inscription supposed to bear an Anglo-Saxon
Name. 1892. pp. 12. 4to. Is.

, HapDpon (A.C.): Neolithic Cist Burial at Oldbridge, Co. Meath, Ireland.

1897. pp. 79. 8vo. 2s.

> KNOWLES (W. J.}: Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of Ireland.

(3rd Report.) 1895. pp. 14. 3 plates. 8vo. 3s.

_ KNOWLES (W. J.): Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of Ireland.

(4th Report.) 1901. pp. 59. i1plate. 8vo. 5s.

me La Téne Monuments in Ireland. By G. COFFEY. 1904. pp. 10

5 plates. 8vo. Is. 6d.

MACALISTER (R. A. S.): Ancient Settlement in Tesh ney Co.
_ Kerry, Ireland. 1899. pp. 137- 9 plates. 4to. 6s.

Milesian Colonization of Ireland in relation to Gold-mining. 1goo.

pp. 43. 8vo. 4s.

Neolithic Cist Burial at Oldbridge, Co Meath, Ireland. By A. C.
HADDON. 1897. pp. 79. 8vo. 2s.

Ogham Inscription in the Killeen of Aglish, Co. Kerry, Ireland. By
C. GRAVES. 1878. pp. 10. trplate. 4to. Is.

Ogham Inscription supposed to bear an Anglo-Saxon Name. By
C. GRAVES. 1892. pp. 12. 4to. Is.

Ogham Inscriptions: Fasciculus of Prints from photographs of casts
of Ogham Inscriptions. By SIR S. FERGUSON. 1880. pp. Io.’
5 plates. 4to. 2s.

Ogham Monument at Kilcolman, Co. Limerick, Ireland. By C.
GRAVES. 1887. pp. 8. 4to. Is.

O’REILLY (J. P.): The Milesian Colonization of Ireland in relation to
Gold-mining. 1900. pp. 43. 8vo. 4s.

O’ REILLY (J. P.): Old Churches of Kill-o’-the-Grange, Killiney, and
St. Nessan, Howth. 1904. pp.10. tplate. 8vo. 6d.

PRAEGER (R. LL.) and G. COFFEY: The Antrim Raised Beach, a
contribution to the Neolithic history of the North of Ireland. 1904.

pp. 58. 6plates. 8vo. 2s.

Prehistoric Cemetery of Loughcrew. By G. COFFEY. 1897. pp. 16.
6 plates. 4to. 2s. 6d.

Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of the Coast of Ireland. By
W. J. KNOWLES. (3rd Report.) 1895. pp.14. 3 plates. 8vo.

| 3S.

Prehistoric Remains from the Sandhills of Ireland. (4th Report.) By
W.J. KNOWLES. Igol. pp.59. Iplate. 8vo. 5s.

REEVES (W.): Bell of St. Patrick, called the Clog an Edachta. 1863.
pp. 30. 4to. Is.

SMITH (E. A.): Composition of Ancient Irish Gold and Silver Orna-
ments. 1895. pp.14. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

STOKES (M.): High Crosses of Castledermot and Durrow. 18098.
pp. 26. 12plates. Folio. £1 Is. net.

STOKES (M.): High Crosses of Moone, Drumcliff, Termonfechin, and
Killamery. 1902. pp. 38. 34 plates. 4to. tos. 6d.

WESTROPP (T. J.): Lesser Castles or ‘‘ Peel Towers’’ of the County |

of Clare. 1899. pp. 18. 8vo. 3s. 6d.
WESTROPP (T. J.): Churches of County Clare, and Origin of the
Ecclesiastical Divisions in that County. 1900. Pp. 81. 8vo. 4s.

WESTROPP (T. J.): Dolmens and Pillar-stones in Bunratty and Tulla, | .

Co. Clare, Ireland. 1902. pp. 48. 4plates. 8vo. 3s.

WESTROPP (T. J.): Ancient Forts of Ireland. 1902. pp. 151. 8 plates.

| 4to. 7s. 6d.
WESTROPP(T. J.): The Ancient Forts of Ireland. 1904. PP. 10. 8vo. 6d.
WESTROPP (T. J.): A Survey of the Ancient Churches in the County
of Limerick. 1905. pp. 154. 9g plates. 8vo. 4s.

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